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Full text of "Lancaster county Indians: annals of the Susquehannocks and other Indian tribes of the Susquehanna territory from about the year 1500 to 1763, the date of their extinction. An exhaustive and interesting series of historical papers descriptive of Lancaster county's Indians prior to and during the advent of the paleface"

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Lancaster County Indians 













Copyright 1909 

By H. Frank Eshleman, Esq., 

Lancaster, Penna. 

550 Copies Issued 






Earliest Established Appearance of 

Indians on Susquehanna — Where 

They Came From. 

Gordon in his history of Pennsyl- 
vania page 44 says, "After many ages, 
the enterprising hunters of the Le- 
nape crossed the Allegheny moun- 
tains, and discovered the great rivers, 
Susquehanna and Delaware, and their 
bays." They came from the west. 
Nearly all writers agree that all the 
Indians between Canada and Virginia 
came from the Lenape and the Menqui 
or Mengwe. Heckwelder says in his 
"History, Manners and Customs of 
the Indian nations," page 50: "For a 
long period of time, some say hun- 
dreds of years, the two Indian nations 
Lenape and Mengwe resided peace- 
ably about the great Lakes and Alle- 
gheny, and they came down and 
discovered first the Susquehanna and 
then the Delaware." Gordon, page 
43 says, (giving credit to Heckeweld- 
er) that the Indians themselves, "re- 
late that many centuries past, their 
ancestors dwelt in the far western 
wilds of the American continent" — 
that after many years they arrived at 
the Mississippi, where they fell in 
with the Mengwe, who were also on 
this river nearer its source. The 
spies of the Lenape, reported the 
country on the east of the Mississippi 

to be inhabited by a powerful nation 
living in towns on the great rivers." 
This people, tall and stout, some of 
gigantic mould, were called Allegewi, 
and their own towns were defended 
by fortifications. The Lenape asked 
permission to settle among them. This 
was refused but they were allowed to 
pass and go farther east. But while 
I they were passing there being so 

many of them, the Allegewi stopped 

them. Then the Lenape and the Men- 
gwe went together and whipped the 
Allegewi and took all the country 
east of the Mississippi and north of 
Virginia, after a war of many years. 
The Mengwe then took the northern 
part of the conquered country and the 
Lenape the southern. This is the 
story the Lenape tell as related by 
Gordon and Heckewelder. i 

These Lenape, according to their 
j own story then say after they be- 
I came established in the east they di- 
vided themselves into three tribes — 
the Turtle— the Turkey Tribe and the 
Wolf Tribe. The first settled on the 
coast from Hudson to Potomac Rivers. 
The other, the Wolf tribe settled in- 
land on the Susquehanna, because 
they were warlike and formed a bar- 
rier between the coast tribes of the 
Lenape and the Mengwe on the west 
who had become enemies of all Le- 
nape by this time. Gordon says, page 



45, that the Wolf tribe of the Lenape I 
called by the English Minsi or Moncey j 
Indians, extended as far vest as the \ 
hills known as the Lehigh and Cone- 
wago Hills in Pennsylvania, (p. 45). | 
This migration according to the au- I 
thorities and the Indians' own story 
extended over many centuries, so that j 
they reached and discovered the Sus- : 
quehanna likely before the discovery 
of America. The Susquehannocks, 
Xanticokes, the Shackamaxons, the | 
Shawnese, and several other tribes, 
Gordon says, came from this Wolf 
tribe of the Lenape. (p. 56.) 

The committee of archaeology of 
the Dauphin Historical Society in a 
pamphlet on the Lower Susquehanna 
called "Contributions to Indian His- I 
tory of the Lower Susquehanna Val- 
ley," in 1898 made a report to that \ 
Society full of interesting matter on '' 
the origin of our Indians, and in it, 
page 39, they say, "Prior to 1600 but I 
how long before is not known, the 
Susquehannocks were seated upon ! 
that river, from which they have de- j 
rived their name." The pamphlet al- I 
so sets forth that before the Susque- j 
hannocks settled on the river, "they 
came into collision with the Mohawks 
the most easterly of the Iroquois, and j 
in a war lasting ten years nearly ex- 
terminated them." The same pamphlet | 
says that John Smith found them in | 
war with the Mohawks when he met | 
them in 1608 (p. 39.) The Jesuit 
Fathers, the minutes and records of 
whose discoveries in America are 
now collected and compiled into a 
work of seventy-two volumes, called j 
the "Jesuit Relations," also give ac- i 
counts of the wars these, now Sus- 
quehannocks, went through before 
they settled on Susquehanna River 
in the dim past. The Dauphin County 
pamphlet also speaks of this (page 
39,) but the exact quotations them- 
selves from the Jesuits will be given 

These earliest Susquehannock In- 
dians were cannibals to some extent. 
Heckewelder tells us, page 55, "At 
one time they did eat human flesh. 
And at one time they ate up a whole 
body of the French King's soldiers; 
and they said human flesh tastes like 
bear's meat." They say the human 
hand is bitter meat and not good to 
eat, like the other parts of a person. 
The Susquehannocks remained more 
or less cannibal up to 1666, when Geo. 
Alsop writes that at that date he 
knew of them eating their enemies 
whom they took in war. 

Thus much for the earliest ac- 
counts of our Susquehanna country 
Indians. This description is more or 
less vague, from the misty knowledge 
of them at this date; but all follow- 
ing discussions will be supported by 
definite citation. 

1600— Ancient Indian Rock Pictures. 

Very early in the history of the In- 
dians on the Susquehanna, perhaps 
before the year 1600, or may be be- 
fore the discovery of America, the In- 
dians living on that river, cut a lot 
of strange and grotesque pictures up- 
on the rocks in the river, near Safe 
Harbor and also near Washington 
borough. They seem to have been 
cut, during the same age or epoch; 
and all of them seem to represent the 
same system of ideas. Some of them 
are much deeper than others, but that 
seems to be because they have been 
less exposed to wasting forces. The 
lines of some are nearly a quarter of 
an inch deep, while others are scarce- 
ly visible. The main rocks in the 
river so decorated are "Big Indian 
Rock" and "Little Indian Rock," both 
a few hundred yards below Safe 
Harbor. There are many rocks so 
carved however. The pictures chis- 
seled in these rocks are birds with 
elaborate wings, called the 'thunder 
bird,' quadruped — animals, sinuous 


snakes, rude outlines of trees, coiled I 
and star shaped representations, and j 
also individual men, some seated, ; 
some standing, some thin and one or j 
two very fat. The thin and the fat men 
are seated, but there are no masses or 
groups of men, in military array, or 
representations of battle that I re- 
member. Those pictures were there 
before Penn's time, and the Indians 
of Penn's time, seem not to have 
any knowledge of their origin. All 
antiquarians seem to be at a loss to 
interpret these pictures, while those 
on rocks in the central and western 
states are to a great extent decipher- 
ed. However it has been supposed ! 
that the jolly looking, fat and content- 
ed Indian, pictured sitting on the end 
of the Indian rock nearest Lancaster 
side, pointing up the valley of Jthe 
Conestoga, is meant to represent that 
up that valley is a land of great 
plenty, while the thin, starved and 
bony savage pictured sitting on the 
end of the rock nearest York 
county toward which this Indian is 
pointing, is meant to represent that 
a very scant living is to be found 
there. This of course is not fair to 
York county today, with her hustling 
citv fast taking her place next to 
Pittsburg. Thus it is supposed the 
purpose of the pictures was to be 
guides and a system of information 
to allied tribes, rather than the per- 
petuation of history. 

The United States reports on Eth- 
nology for the year 1882 to 1883, page 
47, tell us that these Lancaster county 
Indian rock-pictures are of Algon- 
quin origin, and not Iroquois, and 
therefore they may have been made 
by Indians from the south, who per- 
haps were in this region and fled out 
of it, when these hardy ancestors of 
the Susquehannocks, of whom we 
spoke in the preceding pages, came 
pouring down from the Mississippi 
and Lake Region and Northwest gen- 

erally. Powhatan's Indians we shall 
see were Algonquins, in Virginia; 
and Capt. Smith, as we shall notice 
in later discussions says, they were 
mortally afraid of the Susquehan- 
nocks, who were of the Iroquois 
stock, and also received the white 
men in entirely different fashion. The 
best authority on these rock pictures 
of Susquehanna whom I know, is Mr. 
D. H. Landis, of Manor township, who 
has given much study to the subject. 
1600— Earliest Known Trading of the 
Susquehanna Indians. 
In a phamphlet, called "Early In- 
dian History of Susquehanna," by 
| A. L. Guss, found in the library of 
the Historical Society at Philadelphia 
, the author says at page 12, "The 
! Susquehannocks were one of the 
Minqua tribes, and they had treated 
with the French about New York 
I Bay. A sale of St? ten Island to the 
; Dutch contains the signature of one 
! of the Minqua Sachemachs (or chief- 
1603— Susquehannock Trade on St. 
About 1603 the French were active 
; in the fur trade about St. Lawrence. 
I Further proving this early intercourse 
! and trade between the French and 
! Susquehannocks, Mr. Guss says on the 
! same page, "The iron hatchets which 
Smith (in 1608) found in the posses- 
sion of the Tockwocks (that is Nan- 
jticokes) they informed him they had 
received from the Susquehannocks; 
■ and they in turn, Smith says, inform- 
I ed him that 'from the French they 
had their hatchets.' Thus some years 
before 1608 the Susquehannocks were 
in commercial intercourse with the 
| French." And again this same author 
! at the same page says, "The Sus- 
I quehannocks were a ruling tribe and 
j forced trade privileges from other In- 
i dian tribes. Powhatan gave this 
| fierce and mighty nation the name cf 
j the Pocoughtronack Indians. 


Therefore it seems clear from the 
evidences now found that these 
mighty Susquehannocks, were seated 
or roaming about and between the 
Susquehanna and Hudson rivers, and 
indeed up to the St. Lawrence, sev- 
eral scores of years before the first 
settlement at Jamestown; that they 
some years before that settle- 
ment, were in trade relations with 
the discoverers and - explorers, the 
French and others who were navigat- 
ing along these northern Atlantic 
Coasts. These Susquehannocks also 
mention the early Dutch and it is not 
unlikely that they met and dealt with 
those Dutch navigators, who as we 
are told, page 1, of Hazard's Annals, 
'•first frequented the coast of New 
Netherlands, situate in America, be- 
tween Virginia and New England, in 
the year 1598." This will suffice to 
show, upon definite historical proofs, 
that over 300 years ago, the mighty 
Susquehannocks dominated the coast 
lands and inlands, from the Susque- 
hanna at least to the Hudson river; 
that they were numerous and power- 
ful; and exerted both military and 
commercial supremacy. 
1607 — Captain John Smith's Histori- 
cal Works Touching Susquehanna. 

John Smith wrote several histori- 
cal works, covering several parts of 
America. The first was "A True Re- 
lation" (Narration) — then a "Map of 
Virginia" — then a "Description of 
New England" — then the "General 
History of Virginia" — then " New 
England Trials" — then "True Trav- 
els" and later several others. The 
three which concern our Susque- 
hanna country are the True Rela- 
tion — the Map of Virginia and the 
General History of Virginia. 
"The True Relation of Occurrences." 

The complete title of this book is 
"A True Relation of such occurrences 
and Accidents of Note as has Hap- 

pened in Virginia since the first 
Planting of the Colony which is now 
Resident in the South part Thereof." 
A. L. Guss whom I have mentioned 
before, in discussing this book says, 
page 4, "The True Relation was 
written and sent to England the very 
day Smith set sail up the Chesapeake 
on his trip. It contains no informa- 
tion of what was learned during the 
two Chesapeake voyages; yet it con- 
tains passages of great interest re- 
lating to Susquehanna Indian affairs 
as given by Powhatan the year pre- 
vious." Also page 9, he says the 
same. Mr. Guss also says page 9, 
"What Smith wrote in the True Re- 
lation was never incorporated into 
Smith's later writings, though it is 
the most reliable of all the historical 
matter published over the name of 

In this book the "True Relation" 
Smith tells of a conference he had 
with King Powhatan, and the King 
asked Smith why he went so far with 
his boats; (Smith had gone up the 
Potomac River without consent) and 
Smith said those Monocan Indians, 
had killed a relation of his (Smith's) 
and he knew they were Powhatan's 
enemies, and he was after them. 
This he did to induce Powhatan to 
tell him more about the various 
tribes (True Relation p. 35). 

This brought the result Smith de- 
sired, and in the same book he says, 
"After great deliberation he began to 
discourse and describe to me the 
country beyond the Falls with many 
j of the rest not only what another In- 
! dian before had told me but of a 
! country which he said some called it 
| five days, some six and some eight 
i where the waters dashed among many 
I stones and rocks which caused oft- 
j times ye head of ye river to be brack- 
| ish. He also described upon the 
i same sea or river a mighty nation 


called Pacoughtronack (Susquehan- 
nocks, see p. 5), a fierce nation which 
did eat men and warred with the 
people of Moyaoncer and Patero- 
merke nations upon the top or the 
head of the bay under his territories 
where the year before they had slain 
an hundred. He signified ther crowns 
were shaven, long hair in the neck, 
tied in a knoe, (knot), with swords 
like poll axes. 

Guss page 11 of his pamphlet says 
(and he is undoubtedly right) "this 
last tribe was the Susquehannocks, 
whom Smith at this time had not yet 
met." Mr.Guss also says they were re- 
ported to be cannibals, which charge 
is often made against them in com- 
mon with the Iroquois tribes. This 
is about all there is in the True Re- 
lation, touching on the Susquehan- 
nocks. What Smith learned from 
Powhatan was of more value to him 
than to historians of our day. 
1608— The General Historie of 

I have copied from this work of 
Smith all that in any way bears upon 
our Susquehanna Indians. And that 
in the whole is only a few pages. 
Therefore, I shall give it in full and 
verbatim in these annals. Smith 
made two journeys up the Chesa- 
peake and about Lower Susque- 
hanna to learn of this country and 
its wild inhabitants. The general 
history consists of two volumes. 

Vol. 1, page 114 he says of this 
Chesapeake and Susquehanna coun- 
try. "It has prerogative over the 
most pleasant places known, for 
large and pleasant navigable rivers 
and heaven and earth never better 
agreed to frame a place for man's 
habitation. From the bead of the 
bay to the Northwest the land is 
mountainous; at the head of the bay 
the rocks are of a composition like 
mill stones— some of marble," etc. 
Then page 118 he says, "At the end 

of the bay where it is isx or seven 
miles in width it divides itself into 
four branches, the best cometh north- 
west, from among the mountains; but 
though canoes may go a day or two 
journey up it we could not get up it 
two myles with our boat for rocks. 
Upon it is seated the Susquehannocks 
— near it the north and by west run- 
neth a creek a mile and a half wide 
— at the head whereof the ebbe (ebb) 
left us on shore where we found 
many trees cut with hatchets. The 
next tyde, keeping the shore to seek 
for some savages (for within 30 
leagues sayling we saw not any 
being a barren country) we went up 
another small river — like a creek six 
or seven myles. From thence return- 
ing we met 6 or 7 canoes of Massa- 
wokes (Mohawks) with whom we had 
signs. The next day we discovered the 
small river and people of Tockwock 
trending eastward." 

Concerning this Tockwock country 
page 120 he says, "On the east side 
of the bay is the river Tockwock and 
upon it a people that can make one 
hundred men seated some seven my- 
les within the river where they have 
a fort very well palisaded and man- 
telled with bark of trees." 

Also page 121 concernig his Mappe 
of Virginia, of which we shall speak 
later he says, "Observe that as far 
as you see little crosses on the rivers, 
mountains or other places have been 
discovered; the rest was had by in- 
formation of the savages and are set 
down according to their instruc- 

1608— Smith Stranded in the Susque- 
Captain Smith, page 119 of Vol. 1, 
General History, says, "Having lost 
our grapnell among the rocks of Sus- 
quehanna, we were then two hundred 
miles from home and our barge about 
two tons, had in it about 12 men to 
perform this discovery where in we 


lay about 12 weeks upon those great 
waters. What I did with these small 
means I leave to the reader to judge 
and the map I made of the country, 
which is but a small matter in re- 
gard of the magnitude thereof. 

"But to proceed, sixty of those 
Susquehannocks came to visit us, 
with bows, arrows, targets, beads, 
swords and tobacco pipes for pre- 
sents. Such great and well propor- 
tioned men are seldom seen; they 
seemed like giants to the English, 
yea and to the neighbors; yet seem- 
ed of an honest and simple disposi- 
tion, with much adieu restrained from 
adoring us as gods. Those are the 
strangest peoples of all those coun- 
tries, both in language and attire; for 
their language may well beseem their 
proportions, it sounding from them as 
a voice in a vault. Their attire is the 
skins of bears and wolves, some have 
cassocks made of bear's head and 
skin that a man's head goes through, 
the skin's neck and ears of the bear 
fastened to his shoulders and the 
nose and teeth hanging down his 
breast; another bear's face split be- 
hind him and at the end of the nose 
hung a paw. 

"The half sleeves coming to the el- 
bows, were the necks of bears; and 
the arms through the mouth, with 
paws hanging at their noses. One 
had the head of a wolf hanging in 
a chain for a jewel; his tobacco pipe 
three-quarters of a yard long prettily 
carved with a bird, a deer or some 
such device, at a great end, sufficient 
enough to beat out one's brains; 
with bows, arrows and clubs suit- 
able to their greatness. These are 
scarce known to Powhatan." 

Page 120 he says, "They can make 
neare 600 able men and are pallisaded 
in their towns to defend them from 
the Massawomekes, their mortal 
enemies. Five of their chief wero- 

wances came aboard us and crossed 
the bay in our barge. The picture 
of the greatness of them is signified 
on the map; the calves of whose legs 
were three-quarters yard round and 
all the rest of his limbs so ansewer- 
able to that proportion that he seem- 
ed the goodliest man we ever beheld. 
His hair on the one side was long, 
the other shore close, with a ridge 
over his crown like a cock's comb. 
His arrows were five quarters yard 
long headed with splinters of a white 
crystal-like stone in form of a heart 
an inch broad and an inch and a 
half or more long. These he wore 
in wolves' skins at his back for his 
quiver, his bow in one hand and his 
club in the other as described in 
the picture." (In G. Hills and Co.'s 
book "Events in Indian History," 
published in Lancaster in 1841, page 
82 tells us that "Werowance" is a 
i Powhatan term of the same signifi- 
| cance as 'Sachem' or 'Chief of the 
i northern tribes)." 

Page 129 Smith says of the Indian 
| tribes in this neighborhood, "The 
| land is not populous, for the men are 
i few. Within sixty miles of James- 
j town, there are some 5,000 people, 
; but of able men fit for their warre 
scarce 1,500. The people differ very 
much in stature, some very great as 
the Susquehannocks, others very lit- 
tle as the Wichcocomocoes. The In- 
dians are of a brown color when 
they are of any age; but they are 
born white. Their hair generally is 
black; but very few have any beards. 
The men wear half their heads 
I shaven, the other half long. For bar- 
I bers they use their women, who with 
two shells will grate away the hair 
of any fashion they please. The 
women's are cut in any fashion agree- 
able to them but ever some part re- 
maineth long. In each ear they 
commonly have three great holes 
whereat they hang chains, bracelets 


or copper. Some of the men wear in 
these holes a small green and yellow 
colored snake, near half a yard in 
length, which crawling and lapping 
herself about his neck ofttimes would 
familiarly kiss his lips. Others wear 
a dead rat tied by the tail. Some 
wear in their heads, the wings of a 
bird, or the tail of a rattlesnake. 
Some wear the hands of their enem- 
ies, dried. Their heads and should- 
ers are painted with roots mixed with 
oil. (Page 130)." 

As to those Massawomekes, who 
were the dreaded enemies of the Sus- 
hannocks, Smith gives us the best in- 
formation as to why they were and 
where they lived. Page 134 he says, 
"Beyond the mountains from where 
is the head of the Potowmock, the 
savages report, inhabit their most 
mortal enemies the Massawomekes, 
upon a great salt water which by 
likelihood is either some part of 
Canada, — some great lake of some 
inlet of some sea, that falleth into 
the South Sea ("South Sea" means 
Pacific Ocean, which was its ancient 
name. It must be remembered that 
all people thought America only a 
few hundred miles wide). These 
Massawomekes are a great nation 
and very populous, for the heads of 
the rivers are all held by them, of 
whose cruelty the Susquehannocks 
and the Tockwocks generally com- 
plain; and very importunate they 
were with me and my company 
to free them from those tormentors; 
to this purpose they offered food, 
conduct and continual subjection, 
which I concluded to effect. But 
then the council would not think 
fit to hazard 40 men in these un- 
known regions. So the opportuni- 
ty was lost. Seven boats full of 
these Massawomekes we encountered 
at the head of the bay, whose targets, 
baskets, swords, tobacco pipes, plat- 
ters, bows and everything showed, 

they much exceeded them of our 
parts. Against all these enemies the 
Powahatans too are sometimes con- 
strained to fight." In Vol., 1, page 
183, Smith says the "Susquehannocks 
made us many descriptions of the 
Massawomekes, and said they live on 
a great water beyond the mountains, 
which we understood to be Canada." 
Thus it seems clear that the Mas- 
sawomekes were an Iroquois tribe — 
the Mohawks. The Jesuit Relations 
are full of descriptions of the Iro- 
quois incursions down the Susque- 
hanna River from its source. This 
will be discussed later. Thus it 
seems that the Evans and Ellis His- 
tory is mistaken in saying page 10 
and 12, the Massawomekes lived on 
Bush River. 

1608 — Smith's Second Vovage Up to 
At page 181, Vol. 1 of Smith's His. 
torie of Virginia, Smith tells "What 
happened on the second voyage in 
discovering the Bay." The 24th of 
July 1608, Capt. Smith set forward 
to finish the discovery with 12 men, 
He says he went "purposely" so he 
informed King Powhatan to be re- 
venged of the Massawomekes; the 
King feasted us. We went to see the 
bay divided into two heads, but arriv- 
ing we found it divided into four all 
which were searched as far as we 
could saile them. Two of them we 
found inhabited but in crossing the 
bay we encountered 7 or 8 canoes full 
of Massawomekes; we seeing them 
prepared to assult us left our canoes 
and made way with our sayle (sail) 
to encounter them. Yet were we but 
5 that could stand. The rest were 
sick. We put our hats upon sticks 
at the barge's side and betwixt two 
j hats a man to make us seem many. 
j They fled. We landed; then two of 
j them came to us. We thought to 
! meet them next morning, but they 
ihad left." 



Page 182 he says. "Entering the I 
river Tockwock (This is a little 
stream flowing into the east side of ! 
the Bay), the savages all armed, in 
a fleet of boats, around invironed us;' i 
so it chanced one of them could 
speak Powhatan, and soon all were 
friendly. But when they saw us fur- 
nished with Massawomeke weapons, 
and we faining we took them by 
force, they conducted us to their pal- 
isaded town mantelled with bark of 
trees. Their men, women and 

children with dances and song wel- 
comed us. Many hatchets of iron, 
knives and pieces of brass we saw 
amongst them, which they reported 
to have from the Susquehannocks, a 
mighty people and the mortal ene- 
mies of the Massawomekes. The Sus- 
quehannocks inhabit upon the chief 
springs of these four branches of the 
bay's head, two days' journey higher 
than our barge could pass for rocks. 
Yet we prevailed with the interpreter 
to take with him another interpreter 
to persuade the Susquehannocks to 
come and visit us for their language 
is different. Three or four days we 
expected their return then sixty of j 
those gyant people came down with 
presents of venison, tobacco pipes 
three-foot in length, baskets, targets, 
bows and arrows. Five of their 
chief werowances came boldly abroad 
us to cross the bay for Tockwock, 
leaving their men and canoes. The 
wind being so high, they durst not 

Further on about the same page he 
says, these "Susquehannocks held up 
their hands to the sunne with a most 
fearful song then embracing our cap- 
tain they began to adore him in like 
manner though he rebuked them; yet 
they proceeded till their song was 
finished; which done with a most 
strange furious action and a hellish 

voyce, began an oration of their 
loves. That ended, with a great 
painted bear's skinne, they covered 
him; then one ready with a great 
chaine of white beads weighing at 
least six or seven pounds hung it 
about his neck; the others had 18 
mantels made of divers sort of skin- 
nes sewed together. All these with 
many other toyes they laid at his 
feet, stroking their ceremonious 
hands about his neck for his creation 
to be their governor and protector, 
promising their aid, victuals or what 
they had to be his if he would stay 
with them to defend and revenge 
them of the Massawomekes. Many 
descriptions they made us of the Mas- 
sowomekes, and said the Massawome- 
kes got heir hatchets from the French 
and also other commodities of trade. 
The highest mountains we saw north- 
ward we called Perigrines mount, and 
a rocky river where the Massawome- 
kes went up, Willowby's river in 
honor of the town our captain was 
born in. The Susquehannock's river 
we called Smith's Falles." (See page 

This River Tockwock, is what is 
now called Sassafras River, and it 
forms the boundary between Cecil 
and Kent counties in Maryland, 

Page 183 Smith further says "Hav- 
ing thus sought all the rivers and 
inlets worth noting, we returned to 
discover the River Patuxuent." 

Page 218 he says, "In the way be- 
tween, Werewoccamo and the Fort 
near Jamestown, we met four or five 
Dutchmen, confederates going to Pow- 
hatan the which to excuse these 
gentlemen's suspicions of their run- 
ning to the savages returned to the 
fort and remained there." And again 
p. 223 he says "At this time the 
Dutchmen remaining with Powhatan 
(who kindly entertaining them to 
instruct the savages in the use of 



our arms) and their consorts not fol- 
lowing them as they expected to know 
the cause, they took Francis, their 
companion, disguised like a savage 
to the glasse house, a place in the 
woods a mile from Jamestown. 
Forty men they procured to lie in 
ambush for Capt. Smith who no soon- 
er heard of this Dutchman than he 
sent to apprehend him; but he es- 

This last item I append (and only 
parts of it are direct quotation) for 
the purpose of showing that there 
were Hollanders, at this time, in this 
neghborhood, bearing out the truth 
of the alleged Dutch document, in 
Holland setting forth that in 1698 
Dutch discoverers were about these 
parts. It also shows that . they were 
actively in communication with the 
Indians. We are to notice also that 
here we have direct evidence of these 
Indians having iron and copper im- 
plements long before Penn's time, 
and indeed long before the Swede's 

And this is all there is to be found 
in Smith's History of Virginia touch- 
ing on our Susquehanna country In- 
dians. There is nothing on the sub- 
ject at all in Vol. 2. 

In our next item we shall take up 
and discuss, Smith's Mappe and fix 
the location of the different Indian 
towns which he found here, some by 
actual observation, and the others by 
information given by the Indians. 
Fixing the location of the earliest 
known homes of these mighty first 
inhabitants of what is now our 
county, should be full of genuine his- 
torcal and patriotic interest. 
1608— Early Susquehamiock Indian 

The only authority, upon the lo- 
cation of the Indian towns, on the 
Susquehanna River as early as 1608, 
is Capt. John Smith. Their dwelling 

places at later dates are known by 
many writers; but Smith is the only 
person who at the beginning of the 
century, says anything about their 
location. Smith has not in the form 
of descriptions told us particularly 
anything about these towns, and all 
that he has said we have already dis- 
cussed. But in his 'mappe' as he 
calls it, he has given us while imit- 
ed, very definite information. He is 
moreover fair in his statements. Of 
the map he says that as far as one 
sees the line of little crosses placed 
on mountains, houses, rivers and so 
forth, he has actually discovered; 
but all north of that he has set down 
in the map from information given 
him by the Indians. The point fur- 
thest north so marked by him is on the 
Susquehanna River, on the west side, 
and on the south slope of a hill. It 
is about three-fourths the way from 
the mouth of the river to the first 
great branch of the river flowing into 
it from the west. That branch flow- 
ing into it from the west is likely 
Muddy Creek, York County, and it en- 
ters the river opposite Fite's Eddy, 
which on the P. R. R. Map is (Fites 
Eddy) 21 miles from the Bay 
(Perry ville). The spot marked by 
Smith is thus about 15 miles from 
the Bay, or less, and thus is just 
about the Pennsylvania line, because 
Haines station, the last station 
in Pennsylvania is 15 miles by 
railroad from Perryvile. Passing 
eastward the farthest point north, 
which Smith says he discovered per- 
sonally is marked by him on North- 
east River, the second branch of the 
Bay. This is a few miles below the 
Pennsylvania line. A little southeast 
of this he marks Peregrin Mount, 
which we spoke of in a former item. 
This Mount, page 185, he says is "the 
highest mountain we saw northward." 
This point is north of the Elk River; 
but in Maryland. West of the Sus- 



quehanna the highest point as shown ] boro., a mile or two below, which are 

strong marks of a village or town. 
On the railroad maps Washington 
boro., is marked 40 and x k miles from 
the Bay. It must be remembered 
this location is fixed by Smith from 
what the Indians told him; and that 
he did not see Susquehannough him- 

is the river which in a former item ! self. It is by the map about 10 miles 

by the map which Smith saw is a 
point about five miles from the mouth 
of Gunpowder River about 20 or 25 
miles south of the Pennsylvania line 
a river forming the boundary be- 
tween Hartford and Baltimore coun- 
ties. Smith called it the Willoby. This 

Smith said he saw the "Massowome- 
kes go up," on their departure. West 
of this mark there are four other 
crosses in an irregular southwest 
line in the direction of the Shenan- 
doah Valley. 

Now as to the towns, the A. L. Guss 
work before referred to, page 4, says 
"The principal town, Susquehannock, 
is laid down 22 miles from the Bay 
but the book speaks of them being 
two days' journey higher than our 
barge could pass for the rocks. Two 
days' journey was more than 22 miles 
and they waited 3 or 4 days for re- 

farther up the river than the marks, 
he personally explored. 

Mr. Guss also says page 5. "There 
was a Susquehanna 'New Town' 
where some falls below hindered the 
navigation about 1648; and that the 
Susquehanna Fort of 1670 was on the 
south side below 'the greatest Falls' 
now known as Conewago." He also 
says same page that "they also had 
a fort at the mouth of Octoraro as 
early as 1662, as it is impossible to 
locate the town of Smith's descrip- 

Smith learned of five other towns 

turn of interpreters — they probably i from the Indians, located on the map 

went 30 or 40 miles. It is claimed 
the chief town was near the mouth 
of Conestoga." This town Smith in 
his map calls Susquehannough; and 
places it on the east side of the 
River, about 5 miles above the mouth 
of Muddy Creek which creek mouth we 
have said is opposite Fife's Eddy. 
Fife's Eddy is marked 21 miles from 
the Bay, and three miles above that 
point would be McCall's Ferry which 
is marked 25 miles from the Bay — or 
ten miles above the Pennsylvania 
line. There are no marked indica- 
tions, such as arrow heads in great j 
quantity or blackened earth at the ' 
McCall's or Fife's Eddy points on the 
river indicating a town there as there 
are in Manor township. It is likely 
that Mr. Guss is right in saying the 
chief town or the one on the east 
side is marked " Susquehannough " by 
Smith was higher up, and 40 miles as 
he says, likely was the distance 
would bring it about Washington 

These are: 

ATTAOCK; and Guss tells us page 
5. "It is at the head of a stream 
emptying into Susquehanna on the 
west side below the chief town." It 
is really about the same latitude as 
the chief town. This may be in the 
neighborhood of York. 
About 20 miles above the chief town 
on the east side is QUODROQUE. This 
is just below the river fork. Guss 
says Quodroque is near Middletown. 
According to the map it seems to be 
on the Conewago. 

TISINICH is another town on a 
branch from the northwest; and says 
Guss, it is about Lebanon. 

UCHOWIG is a town on the other 
branch coming from the west. Both 
this town and Tisinich are about 60 
miles from the Bay." (Guss p. 5.,) 
It is opposite Harrisburg. 

ATQUANACHUKE is a town mark- 
ed on the map as high up the river 
as the last two named and seems by 



location to be off in northeastern 
Berks County. 

CEPOWIG is away off to the west 
at the head of Willowby's River and 
is a town likely in Maryland, but it 
may be barely over the line in Penn- 
sylvania; it is among the hills. 

Thus it is not true, and so says 
Guss also, that Smith's towns were 
in Lancaster County as some writers 
state. Not more than Susquehannough 
and may be Quadroque were in our 
county, at it now is limited. But the 
new late town at the 'Falls' perhaps 
was in the county. 

1608— Early War Customs of the 

We must notice here a few other 
minor notes before going on with 
the thread of the series. Mombert 
tells us that the early ancestors of 
our Indians left their club before any 
one they killed so that any one who 
discovered the dead might know what 
tribe did it. (Page 11). This mighty 
tribe therefore did not try to hide 
their murders, but instead left their 
name and token to warn inferior 
1608 — Early Wanderers Among the 

Jenkins, in his history of Pennsy- 
lvania, page 30, says "At the height 
of the summer of 1608 the Susquelian- 
nocks, at their town within Lancaster 
county, received a message that two 
strangers had come in their boats to 
see them." This was the Captain 
Smith visit. He also says, page 47, 
that about the same time "three white 
men reached the head-waters of the 
Susquehanna, fell into the hands of 
the Susquehannocks and were after- 
wards found by Hendrickson on the 
Delaware and ransomed, at or near 
the place Wilmington now stands." 
1608— Dr. Shea on Susquehannock 

A note is found p. 117 of Alsop's 

history of Maryland, and in it among 
other things Dr. Shea says: 

"From the Dutch, Virginians. 
Swedes and French we can thus give 
their history — When the region now 
called Canada from Lake Superior 
and the Mississippi to the mouth of 
St. Lawrence and Chesapeake Bay was 
discovered by Europeans, it was 
found occupied by two tribes, Algon- 
quins and Huron Iroquois. The Al- 
gonquins included all the new Eng- 
land tribes, and many more; also 
those south of the lakes and the An- 
dastagoes or Susquehannocks. 

"The Iroquois at first inferior to 

the Algonquins were driven out of 

the valleys of the St. Lawrence into 

the Lake Region of New York where 

| by greater cultivation, valor and 

I union they became superior to the 

Algonquins of Canada and New York 

— as the Susquehannocks who settled 

J on the Susquehanna did over the 

tribes in New Jersey, Maryland and 

Virginia "And on this he cites Du- 

Ponceau's Translation of Campanius 

p. 158. 

He proceeds, "Prior to 1600 the 
Susquehannocks and the Mohawks, 
the most eastern Iroquois tribe, came 
into collision and the Susquehan- 
nocks nearly exterminated the Mo- 
hawks in a war which lasted ten 
years." This he bases on the Jesuit 
Relations of 1659 and '60 p. 28. We 
have noticed this before. However 
it may not have been made clear that 
this war began prior to 1600. 

He then tells of Captain Smith's 
meeting sixty of these Susquehan- 
nocks and that they were at war with 
the Massawomekes, which he calls 
Mohawks and cites on this De Laet's 
xNovis Orbis p. 73. This we have fully 

1608— Susquehannocks' War with the 

Here is a subject which is very of- 
ten referred to, but there is very lit- 



tie history to be found about it. Cap- 
tain Smith refers to it many times 
about years 1608 and later, and states 
that the Susquehannocks were in 
mortal dread of them. Dr. Shea, in 
his "Identity of Andastes, Cones- 
togas, Minquas and Susquehannocks" 
found in Vol. 2 of Historical Maga- 
zine, pp. 294 to 297, says the Mohawk 
war was in 1608; but Vol. 45, Jesuit 
Relations, pp. 203 to 5, puts it as late 
as 1629. This we have partly dis- 
cussed on page 6. But the Jesuit Re- 
lations are not very clear as to the 
date, saying also, in page and book 
just indicated, that the Mohawks have 
within sixty years been both at the 
top and the bottom of the wheel. 
Truly warlike they had to fight with 
all their neighbors, with tribes on the 
east and on the south with the An- 
daste (Susquehannocks). Toward 

the end of the last century they were 
reduced so low that scarcely any of 
them were left; nevertheless, like a 
noble germ they increasd in a few 
yars and reduced the Algonquins in 
turn; but this condition did not last 
long, for the Andaste (Susquehan- 
nocks) waged such energetic war on 
them during ten years that they were 
overthrown for the second time and 
their nation rendered almost extinct, 
or at least so humiliated that the 
name Algonquin made them tremble." 
This account was written in 1659, 
and referring to "the last century" 
of course means before 1600; and the 
"few years after" would bring the 
Mohawk - Susquehannock contest 
about the first decade of the next 
century or about 1608 or 1610; and 
this conincides with Captain John 
Smith. It is a pity that no history 
is extant of the campaigns of this 
war, or any knowledge of the size of 
the savage armies, etc.; for the fact 
of its lasting ten years, and the Sus- 
quehannocks being in those days so 

mighty, point out that it was a royal 
and strenuous warfre. It is notice- 
able that in after years whenever the 
Susquehannocks wished to awe the 
Mohawks they simply threatened to 
resume the war against them. And 
yet these Mohawks, fifty or more 
years later, were the father nation of 
the Five Nations, and the moving 
tribe to effect the confederacy of the 
Five Nations. 

1608— Susqueliannocks at War With 
AH Tribes. 
Campanius (who wrote in 1693 a 
I history of New Sweden, now Pennsy- 
\ lvania, whom we have before quoted) 
j who says that much that he wrote 
I about, his grandfather told him, says 
i p. 137 of his book, that the Indians 
\ of the province were often at war 
| with the Minquas (Susquehannocks) 
i and that these Minquas and others 
j "have skirmished with the English, 
| as Samuel Purchase's relates in his 
; 9th Book, Chap. 6th." As Samuel 
Purchase's book was published in 
1626, the time referred to by Cam- 
panius was prior to that date. 
1609 — Samuel Argoll Takes Possess- 
ion and Attainment for Susque- 
hannock Kings. 
At least one historian says that 
contemporaneous with Smith certain 
other Englishmen were interested in 
the trade and lands of the Susque- 
hannock Indians. This historian, 
whoever he was, wrote about 1648, a 
work called a "Descrption of New 
Albion" which may be found in the 
Historical Society Library at Phila- 
delphia, and also an extract of it in 
Proud's History of Pennsylvania,page 
111. This author says, tracing the 
history of the Chesapeak country 
back to the CabotsJhat they (Cabots) 
took possession o f the Chesapeak; 
and that from him it afterward fell 
to Baron Delaware, then governor of 
Virginia, who through Sir Thomas 



Dale and Samuel Argoll, 40 years 
since, took possession and attorn- 
ment of tne Indian kings. That is, 
an arrangement was made between 
these Susquehannock and Chesapeak 
Indians on the one hand and the Eng- 
lish on the other about 1608. 
1013 — Susquehannock Indian Trade to 
Be Opened Into Delaware Bay 
By a Canal. 
At this date the Susquehannocks 
were of some commercial importance 
to the English and for the purpose 
of getting their furs and other com- 
modities more easily to the lower 
Delaware settlement where some of 
the Dutch lived, Samuel Argoll con- 
templated cutting a canal to connect 
the Chesapeak and Delaware. Nicho- 
las Biddle in 1830 in an address at 
the opening of the Chesapeak and 
Delaware canal said, "More than two 
centuries have passed since this work 
was contemplated by the earliest ad- 
venturers to. the Chesapeak, one of 
whom Sir James (Samuel) Argoll 
wrote to England in 1613 that he 
hoped to make a cut between Chesa- 
peak Bay and the Delaware." (4 Haz. 
Reg. 270 and Acrelius History of New 
Sweden p. 19). 

1615— Trading Posts. 
Clayborn is usually given credit for 
establishing the first trading posts 
about 1625 below the mouth of the 
Susquehanna, but Johnson in his 
History of Maryland, page 7, gives 
John Pory several years priority as 
follows: "Kent Island, before Clay- 
borne established there may have 
been the seat of a trading post. The 
letters of John Pory, secretary of the 
Virginia Company extant in London, 
are dated' anterior to Clayborne's 
time and inform the company of a 
discovery made by him and others 
into the Great Bay northward where 
we left settled very happily near a 
hundred Englishmen with the hope of 
good trade in furs." 

1615 — Earliest Known IVliite Man On 

1615 to 1618: In a note page 291 
of Vol. 5 of the Jesuit Relations, it 
is set forth that Eitienne Brule, a na- 
tive of Champigny, France, came to 
Quebec with Champlain in 1607 or 8; 
that he was an Interpreter for the 
Hurons during many years and lived 
with the tribe. 

In 1615 he went with Champlain to 
the Huron country and was sent by 
his commander to the Carantounais, 
allies of the Hurons and probably to 
the Andastae (Susquehannocks) liv- 
ing on the Susquehanna to hasten 
the coming of warriors on the expe- 
dition against the Iroquois. Cham- 
plain saw no more of him till three 
years later when he came down to 
Quebec with the Hurons, trading. He 
told Champlain that he had been ob- 
liged to remain among the Caran- 
tounais and had explored the coun- 
try southward to the sea (Slafter 
says to Chesapeak Bay) and had been 
captured, by the Iroquois and nar- 
i rowly escaped death by torture, but 
I succeeded in making his way back 
to the Hurons. 

In this there is indeed a strong 
; likelihood that this Frenchman, Brule, 
! traversed the western parts of Lan- 
| caster County between 1615 and 1618, 
j if Capt. Smith was not here before. 
i This is so because of his story of 
; going southward from the Upper Sus- 
| quehannocks to the sea, and also 
from the fact that the Hurons and 
| Susquehannocks were allies. 

1(>17 — Delawares Become Women. 
As the Delawares moved from the 
Delaware and the Brandywine to the 
Susquehanna (Sec. 3, Col. Rec. 45), 
we must treat them to some extent 
as Indians of the Susquehanna Coun- 
try. In the year 1617 they were 
made the peace makers by collusion, 
they charge, on the part of the 



Dutch. Mombert tells us, page 12 
after reciting that the women had 
been the peacemakers and had not 
been successful, or that a powerful 
nation would be more effective in 
this office, that the Mengui urged up- 
on the Delawares that as they were 
a powerful tribe they should be the 
peacemakers. Their pride was 

touched says Mombert, "In a moment 
of blind confidence in the sincerity 
of the Iroquois they acceded to the 
proposition and assumed the petti- 
coat. The ceremony of metamorpho- 
sis was performed with great rejoic- 
ing at Albany in 1G17 in the pres- 
cence of the Dutch whom the Lenape 
(Delawares) charged with having 
conspired with the Mengui (The Iro- 
quois) for their destruction." Then 
Mombert goes on to tell us that hav- 
ing disarmed the Delawares they led 
them into war with the Cherokees 
and then suddenly deserted them un- 
armed to their destruction. 
1621 — Indian Trade Becomes More 

Samuel Argoll, not satisfied with the 
profits he was making out of the 
Susquehanna Indians in their own 
country, now began making expedi- 
tions further up the coast where we 
have seen the Susquehannocks also 
had trade privileges. One of these 
expeditions was intended for Hud- 
son river. Captain Mason, complain- 
ing to Secretary Cooke of this in 1632 
says, "Sir Samuel Argoll, Knight, 
with many English planters were pre- 
paring to go and sit down in a lot 
of land on Monahata river at the 
same when the Dutch intruders which 
caused a demur ir their proceedings 
until King James and the said Samuel 
Argoll and Captain Mason of ye 
Dutch in an act of 1621 had ques- 
tioned the states of the low counties 
of this matter." (See Sec. Pa. Arch. 
Vol. 5, p. 27). And this year he says 

that they have returned 15,000 beaver 
skins besides other commodities. (P. 

1623— The Dutch Furnish Fire Arms 
to Susquehannocks. 
We have before shown that as early 
as 1608 Captain Smith found the Sus- 
quehannocks to have fire arms from 
the Dutch. Smith in his history of 
New Jersey, however says, "The 
Dutch are reported about the year 
1623 to have furnished the Indians 
with fire arms and to have taught 
them to use them, that by their as- 
sistance they might expel the English 

, when they began to settle around 

] them." See same cited in Proud Vol. 

11, p. 110. 

There s plenty of evidence to this 
day that these Susquehannocks did 

j have metal weapons. John M. Wit- 

| mer, formerly of Manor township, has 
two iron axes, three copper darts, 

i one flat and two hollow cones and 
several yards of beads found upon 
the localities they inhabited in 

j southwestern Manor township. 
1625— The Attack of Clayborne and 

Kent Island. 
While we have seen in former pages 
the Kent island was occupied by 
English earlier than 1625 according 
to Proud (115 note) it was about that 
year that the occupancy began to be 
felt by the Indians. He after speak- 
ing of the Maryland Patent about 
1634, says, "Now Kent Island with 
many households of English by Capt. 
C. Clayborne was seated." And John- 
son in his history of Maryland says 
page 15, "Clayborne had not only 
possession of Kent Island but estab- 
lished a trading post at Palmer's Is- 
land at the mouth of the Susquehan- 
na. This was several years before 
1637 when Clayborne was attainted 
for high treason on the part of Lord 
Baltimore." And page 116 in Proud 
citing the Description of New Albion 



it is stated in Clayborne's words, "I 
hold Kent Island, having lately but 
20 men in it and the mill and fort 
pulled down, and in war with all the 
Indians near it, is not worth keep- 
ing." This seems to be about 1625, 
and is the first mention of wars with 
the Whites in which the Susquehan- 
nocks were interested. 

1629 and Later: Susquehannock's 
Wars With Other Indians. 

The Jesuit Relations as we have 
before stated, are a set of histories 
(72 volumes in all) containing the 
Narrations or relations of the Jesuit 
fathers of what they found and saw 
in early America. In Vol. 55, pp. 
203-5 they say that the Mohawks 
fought with the Andastas (their name 
for the Susquehanna) a people in- 
habiting the shores of Virginia and 
that the Andastas waged such ener- 
getic war against them during ten 
years that they were overthrown the 
second time and their nation render- 
ed almost extinct. This was at the 
time when the Dutch took possession 
of the regions and conceived a fond- 
ness for the beavers of the natives, 
some thirty years ago, and in order 
to secure them in greater numbers 
they furnished these people with fire 
arms with which it was easy to con- 
quer their conquerors and that is 
what has rendered them formidable 
everywhere so that at the sound of 
their guns they flee in terror." As 
this narrative was written in 1659, 
'thirty years' ago would make the 
date 1629. These are the same war- 
like operations Lyle's history refers 
to on page 18. 

During this time, too, Clayborne 
was trading with the Susquehannocks 
as Mombert tells us page 22 and as 
do other authors. 

1630— Petty Wars. 

About this time a body of English- 
men called Pilgrims bought Kent Is- 

land from the Yoacomacoes Indians 
who were constantly annoyed by the 
Susquehannocks, who ravaged their 
country; and Clayborne then instigat- 
ed the Susquehannocks to make war 
on the settlers of the Island. But 
Clayborne was not successful as the 
owners of the island drove him away 
and he was arrested for treason. But 
in 1642 he again captured the island, 
Lyle 18. Prom this date (1630) until 
1647 the Susquehannas appear not to 
be in any considerable war. There- 
fore, we must now, to keep the 
chronological order of these 'Annals' 
set forth several matters concerning 
these Indians which are not warlike. 

About 1633 the Susquehannocks 
seemed to have an undisputed super- 
iority over all other tribes. This 
was through them having had fire- 
arms from Dutch — Swedes and 
French at different times from 1608 
to 1635. Johnson in the History of 
Maryland page 15, says 'Tn 1634, the 
Pilgrims found the Indians from whom 
they purchased the land for their 
town (on Kent Island) in great dread 
of the Susquehannocks." In the same 
year Mombert, pp. 22, says the Sus- 
quehannocks sold to Maryland all 
their lands up the Patuxent River, 
But the Colonial Records (4 C. R. 
704) would make the date 1654. 

We must not forget to note that 
from this date 1633 to 1644 the Sus- 
quehannocks did wage small but con- 
tinual war with the Yaowacoes, the 
Piscataways and Patuxent Indians 
and were so troublesome toward the 
end of this period that Lord Calvert 
declared them public enemies. See 
'Indian History Lower Susquehanna' 
a small volume issued by the Dauph- 
in County Historical Society, page 40. 
This is the first evidence of the Sus- 
quehannocks, turning against the 
whites, for whom up to this date they 
had shown marked friendship. About 



a dozen years later they became very 
great enemies of the whites. 

Various accounts have been given 
of the furnishing arms to the Susque- 
hannocks as we have just said, but 
Proud in Hist, of Pa. (notes) p. 110 
says, in 1623 the Dutch furnished the 
Indians fire-arms and taught them to 
use them so they might help the 
Dutch to expel the English when they 
began to settle around them, and 
page 111, (notes) he says apparently 
about year 1637, 'the Swedes hired 
out three of their soldiers to the Sus- 
quehannocks who taught them the 
use of our arms and fights." 

1633— DeVries Contact With the 

DeVries in his history of his trav- 
els in America, published in 1655, 
tells of the doings of the Minquas 
(Susquehannas) which he learned of 
in his first voyage as follows: "The 
11th of Feb. fully fifty Indians came 
over the river from the fort (Nas- 
sau, now New Castle, Delaware), up- 
on the ice with canoes directly to 
our yacht so that they could step in 
it from the shore and speak to us. 
They were Minquas, who dwell 
among the English. They came on a 
warlike expedition and were 600 
strong. They were friendly to us; 
but it would not do to trust them 
too far. 1 determined as the flood 
tide began, that we should haul into 
the mouth of the kill (river) so that 
they could not come upon us in force 
and master us." See Murphy's Trans- 
lation of DeVries p. 41. 

1633 — DeVries Learns of Susquchan- 
noek Barbarities. 

The same author, p. 43, says "Feb- 
ruary 13th, three Indians came, who 
were of the tribe pursued by the Sus- 
quehannocks. They told us they 
were fugitives; that the Minquas 
(Susquehannccks) had killed some 

of their people and they had escaped. 
They had been plundered of all their 
corn; their houses had been burnt 
and they had escaped in great want 
and had to flee and be content with 
what they could find in the woods 
and came to spy out in what way the 
Minquas had gone away. They told 
us also that the Minquas had killed 
ninety men of the Loukiekens; that 
they would come to us the next day 
when the sun was in the southeast 
as they were suffering great hunger; 
and that the Minquas had left and 
gone from us, back to their own 

"DeVries in his voyages found the 
Susquehannocks in 1633 at war with 
the Armewamen and Sankiekans, Al- 
gonquins and other tribes on the 
Delaware maintaing their supremacy 
by butchery but they were friendly to 
the Dutch." Murphy's Translation of 
DeVries Voyages on p. 413. 

In 1637 the Susquehannocks Conspire 
with the Rebellious Inhabitants 
of Kent Isle to Defy 
the Power of 
Vol. 3, page 64, of the Maryland 
Archives sets forth, 'Feb. 12, 1637, 
by the Governor and Council — The 
Governor and Council taking into 
consideration the many piracies, mu- 
tinies, insolencies and contempts of 
this government by divers inhabitants 
of Kent Isle, formerly committed and 
warrants sent lately into the island 
under the great seal of this province 
for apprehension of malefactors, were 
destroyed and the prisoners rescued 
out of the officers' hands by force and 
arms, and divers of them to protect 
themselves in an unlawful rebellion, 
did practice and conspire with the 
Susquehannock and other Indians 
against the inhabitants of this coun- 
ty, we have thought fit that the Gov- 



ernor should sail in this province to 
the said island with sufficient soldiers 
and establish martial law and for his 
assistance have under order a captain 
or commander to wit that Capt. Thos. 
Cornwaleys should go with him to 
aid and ass"st; and it is so com- 
manded." Kent Isle is a few miles 
from the mouth of the Susquehanna 
River, and the turbulent inhabitants 
found the great Susquehannocks a 
powerful allay, in their defiance of 

1637— The Susquehannocks Accused 

of Spreading Smallpox to 

Other Peoples, 

In Vol. 14 of Jesuit Relations, p. 9, 
the following occurs: "On the 20th 
we learned a new opinion concerning 
the malady, smallpox, that a report 
was current that it had come from 
the Andastes (Susquehannocks). This 
tribe it is said had been infected 
therewith by Alaentsic, whom they 
hold to be the mother of him who 
made the earth — that she had passed 
through all the cabins of two valleys 
and that at the second they asked her, 
'Now after all why is it thou makest 
us to die,' and that she answered, 
'Because my grandson Souskeha is 
angry at men, for they do nothing 
but make war and kill one another 
and he is resolved to punish them." 

Here we see something of the Sus- 
quehannock supersitition, and the su- 
perstitition of other Indian tribes. 
These mighty mysterious Susquehan- 
nocks were the frightful enemies of 
other tribes, and the very commonly 
attributed evils, misfortunes and 
calamities to them, believing that 
the Susquehannocks had some occult 
association with the devil and super- 
natural powers of many kinds. 

1637— Sale of the Whole Susquehan- 
na River Yalley to Clay borne. 

I now set forth a very interesting 

Indian sale of the lands forming a 
great part of what is now Lancaster 
county, and much other lands besides. 
In Vol. 3 of Maryland Archives, p. 
66, we find, "The petition of Capt. 
Wm, Clayborne in behalf of himself 
and his partners," addressed to the 

This petition sets forth, "That by 
a commission under your Majesty's 
signature he "Clayborne" did discover 
and plant an island in the Bay of 
Chesapeake, called Kent Island/which 
the petitioners bought of the Kings 
of the country, where the same is 
and transplanted people on it, etc., 
etc. — and your petitioner desires a 
way by which the Crown may enjoy 
an annual benefit and they offer your 
Majesty 100 pounds per annum, viz.: 
50 pounds for Isle of Kent, and 50 
pounds for the plantations in the 
Susquehannocks' country, in consid- 
i eration they to have there twelve- 
I leagues of land, from the mouth of 
said river on each side thereof down 
to the Bay southeast to seaward and 
so to the head of said river to the 
great Lake of Canada, to be held in 
fee from the Crown of England to 
be paid yearly to his Majesty's Ex- 
chequer, and he has at the Indians' 
desire on Susquehanna purchased 
the same from them, and hopes to 
draw the trade of beavers and furs 
which the French now wholly have 
and enjoy in the great lakes of Can- 
ada, to England." 

As the English league is three stat- 
ute miles we readily see what a large 
strip of Territory the enterprising 
Clayborne bought from the Susque- 
hannocks — about 40 miles on each 
side of the Susquehanna and from 
the source to the mouth. This in- 
cluded all of Lancaster county ex- 
cept the northeast corner, besides 
much other lands. It extended fully 
to Gap, Christiana, Churchtown and 


Adamstown. It is historically impor- ' and the bay, as is specified in a writ- 
tant, too, to notice that the fur trade j ing then made and truly interpreted 
of the Susquehanna Valley was going | by this deponent verbatim to the 
northward instead of southward at j King of the Susquehannocks, and he 
this time — north to the French. Yet j i n turn signed, and in token and con- 
there is much history to show that j firmation of said gift the King did 
the Susquehannocks were trading j cut some trees on said land and did 
with the Swedes, or beginning to do j cause his people to clear the ground 
so just about this time. Prior to this for said Clayborne to put corn in 
too, they traded with the Dutch. As j that year, after which Clayborne did 
the Swedes came only in 1637, that | build houses on Palmer's Island." 
trade with the Susquehannocks which j (More of this transaction and sale 
Campanius talks about was just be- of Susquehanna Valley will be dis- 
ginning. But it would seem natural i cussed later), 
that the Susquehannocks traded with j 1688 _ Swedes Buv Laild to Sus(llie . 

the Marylanders on the south more i _ _. 

,, ... .. „ . ., .. haniia River from Indians. 

than with the French on the north. 

This was likely one of Clayborne's j When the Swedes in 1638 settled 
fabrications (to say the trade was \ on the Delaware, they renewed 
going all to the French) in order to ! the friendly intercouse begun by 
induce King Charles I to grant his j the Dutch and purchased lands from 
request. Clayborne was a great law- I tne ruling tribes. This we have al- 
breaker and government defier, as we ! read y noticed citing from Campanius 
shall see later. ! and Acrelius. But Dr. Shea cites Ha- 

1637— Clayborne Offers Witnesses to ! zard ' s Annals p. 48. Turning to Ha- 
Make Out His Case of Purchase, i zard we find he sa >' s the Swedes pur- 
En Vol. 5 of Maryland Archives, p. l chased a11 the lands from Ca l )e Hen " 
231, Clayborne's evidence of his ! lo l )en to Trenton Falls and set up 
title appears in the deposition of j stakes and mar ks; that the original 

deeds for these lands with the In- 
dian marks were sent to Sweden and 
are preserved at Stockholm where 
they as well as a map were seen by 
Israel Helm and copy made of the 
map and brought over in 1697. He 
says the Indians previously had sold 
these lands to the Dutch. (In the 
next item we will show that the lands 
extended to the Susquehanna). 

Rob't Evelyn, whom we have hereto- 
fore seen, is quoted by Proud in Vol. 
1, as the author of a description of 
Pennsylvania written about 1646. 
This deposition is as follows: "This 
deponent having long lived with a na- 
tion of Indians called the Susquehan- 
nocks as an interpreter for Capt. 
Clayborne, doth rememebr that the 
people and King of the aforesaid na- 
tion of Indians did often invite said 1 1638 — Swedes Contract with Susque- 
Clsyborne to come to them, which i hanuocks. 

Clayborne and his people did, and I About this time the Swedes came in- 
plant upon Palmer's Island. In April j to contact with our Indians. We 
1637, the King of the Susquehannocks ! have just shown how they-encouraged 
did come with a great number of his , them in use of guns, etc. In Acrelius' 
Great Men and with all their con- , History of Xew Sweden, (which was 
trives did give to Clayborne Palmer's the Swedish name of Pennsylvania) 
Island, with a great deal more land I we are told p. 33 that Menewe's colony 
each side of the river Susquehanna , reached Delaware River in 1638 and 



that land ,was bought from the In- 
dians from the mouth to the falls of 
the rivei Delaware and inland as 
far as their lands extended and that 
posts were driven into the ground to 
mark the lines; and page 47 it is 
said that this land 'bought in Mene- 
we's time' extended westward to the 
great falls in the river Susquehanna 
near the mouth of the Conewago 
Creek and that it was bought among 
others from the Minquas or Minqua 
Indians, whom the Jesuit Relations 
Vol. 8 p. 301 tells us were called by 
the Jesuits Andastas, by the Dutch 
Minquas and by the English Susque- 
hannas, or Conestogas. And page 48 
in Acrelius it is stated that the land 
bought in Menewe's time 1638 extend- 
ed 93 miles in the interior, on the 
Conestoga and Susquehanna. This 
therefore will give a fair idea of 
when the Swedes met our Indians. 
1638— Clayborne's Claims to Susque- 
hanna Valley and Kent Island 
Held Null and Void by 
In Vol. 3 of Maryland Archives, p. 
71, we find it recorded, "Before the 
Lords Commissioners of Plantations 
atWhitehall,Eng.,"Whereas a petition 
was presented by William Clayborne 
on behalf of himself and his partners, 
setting forth that he discovered cer- 
tain islands on Kent and Palmer and 
bought certain lands from the Sus- 
quehannock Indians, and the petition 
alleging great charges and expenses, 
and they likewise having settled the 
other lands, aforesaid, upon the 
mouth of a River at the bottom head 
of the Bay in the Susquehannough 
country and that said Lord Baltimore 
agents sought to dispossess them and 
him and did great injury to his.Clay- 
borne's trade — and all parties attend- 
ing this day with counsel and it ap- 
pearing the same was partly in said 
Lord Baltimore's patent and that 

Clayborne's power and grant is only 
to trade under the signet of Scot- 
land and it appearing this same con- 
troversy was up before this Board in 
1633 and Lord Baltimore left to en- 
joy his patent rights, therefore it is 
decided that the said Clayborne has 
no title to the same and cannot be 
redressed against the proceedings of 
said Lord Baltimore." Therefore his 
purchase from the Susquehannock 
King and Great Man could not avail 
him anything. 

1638 — A Susquehannock Baptized. 

The next item is of a far different 
natura. Under the date of 1646, it is 
set out in Vol. 30, p. 85, of the Jesuit 
Relations, that "Eight years ago 
(1638) we had here baptized an An- 
daste (Susquehannock), one of the 
Huron language,who were in Virginia 
where the English have their trade. 
After that time this man having re- 
turned to his own country it was 
supposed his faith was stifled in the 
midst of the impiety which prevails 
there. This year we learned from a 
Huron who returned from that coun- 
try that the faith of the man is as 
strong as ever, that he makes public 
confession and continues in his duty 
as much as if he lived among Chris- 
tian people." 

This speaks well for the tenacity 
of the Susquehannock to the religious 
principles when they are taught to 
him. Little items like these give us 
an insight into the other side of the 
character of these savage people of 
our great River 270 years ago. 

1638— Indian Paths from Susque- 
hanna to Delaware. 

I put this item under the date of 
1638 because the subject of it likely 
became a fact during the first years 
that the Swedes entered into Pennsy- 
lvania, which was about L>38 In 
Vol. 3 of Memoirs of Historical Society 



part 2, page 131, found in the His- 
torical Society Library, Philadelphia, 
under the head of "Indian Treaties 
for Lands now the Site of Philadel- 
phia," by Watson, of Watson's An- 
nals, it is said that in 1638 a line and 
diagram were made of an Indian 
treaty, and that the line surveyed 
"goes in a direct line from Philadel- 
phia to a spot on the Susquehanna 
about three miles above the mouth of 
the Conestoga Creek, near a spot 
marked 'Fort Demolished ' The line 
crosses two Indian paths running 
each northwest, the first at 15 miles 
from Philadelphia at 'Rocky Run,' the 
other 38 miles distant near a 'rivu- 
let two miles beyond Doe Run." 

I quote this because it is the earli- 
est mention of the location of any 
road or path in Pennsylvania; and 
the path leads towards Susquehanna. 
It also confirms the existence and the 
location of the "Fort" on the Susque- 
hanna, which is somewhat mooted. I 
shall have occasion to insert a part 
of this article again under a later 
date for another purpose. I cite it un- 
der this date for the purpose of call- 
ing attention to the location of the 
two Indian roads and likely of the 
'Fort' at this date viz.: 1638. If 
the fort and the paths were facts at 
that date, then too certain facts of 
Susquehannock trade and war are al- 
so evidenced. 

1638 — Map of New Sweden at 
This Time. 

In the Maryland Building at the 
Jamestown Exposition I saw a map 
of "New Sweden 1638 to 1655." This 
map shows the line marking the 
northern line of the lands purchased 
by the Swedes from the Susquehan- 
nocks and other Indians in 1638, 
which line runs through the latitude 
of the Philadelphia, or as it is mark- 
ed, through the mouth of the Schuyl- 
kill; then the line of the purchase of 

1 1642 is also marked many, miles far- 
j ther north, but also running east and 

west, about the latitude of Easton. 
This gives additional light upon the 
claims and pretensions of the Susque- 
hannocks at this time. Both lines 
extend to and over the Susquehanna, 
from the Delaware. 

1638 — Susquehannock Customs 
About This Time. 

I now jot down an item as to cer- 
tain Susquehannock customs found by 
the Swedes when they came among 
them in 1638. Campanius tells us of 
this in his history of New Sweden, p. 
121, and while what he relates there 
of itself does not prove that he is 
speaking of the Susquehannocks dis- 
tinguished from other Indians — other 
parts of the text read with it show 
it to be so. A little portion of this 
I have written before but I set it 
down more fully now. He says,"They 
make bread out of the maize or In- 
dian corn which they prepare in a 
manner peculiar to themselves; they 
crush the grain between two stones 
or on a large piece of wood; they 
moisten it with water and make it in- 
to small cakes which they wrap up 
in corn leaves and bake them in the 
ashes. They can fast for many days 
when necessity compels them. When 
the are traveling or lying in wait for 
their enemies they take with them a 
kind of bread made of Indian corn 
and tobacco juice which is very good 
to allay hunger and quench thirst 
in case they have nothing else at 
hand. When the Swedes first arrived 
the Indians were in the habit of eat- 
ing human flesh and they generally 
ate that of their enemies after boil- 
ing it, which can easily be proved. 
My father related to me that Indians 
once invited a Swede to go with him 
to their habitation in the woods; 
when they arrived they treated him 
to the best in the house and pressed 



him to eat, which he did. Their en- 
tertainment was sumptuous. There 
was broiled and boiled and even hash- 
ed meat; but it seems it did not 
agree with his stomach. Afterwards 
they left him know that he had eat- 
en of the flesh of an Indian of a 
neighboring tribe with whom they 
were at war. Their drink before the 
Christians came was only fresh 
water; but now they are fond of 
strong liquors. Both men and women 
smoke tobacco, which grows in great 
abundance in their country." 

1638— Trouble With the Indians- 
More Light Upon Clay- 
borne's Proceed- 

1638 — 9 Act to put Maryland in 
state of defense against the Susque- 
hannocks and other northern Indians. 
(Act for Military discipline). 
Be it enacted, etc., that every house- 
keeper within this province shall 
have ready continually upon all oc- 
casions within his, her or their 
houses for him or themselves and 
for every person within his or their 
house able to bear arms one service- 
able fixed gunne, of bastard musket 
bore — one pair bandaleers or shott 
bag, one pound of good powder — four 
pounds of pistol or musket shott and 
a sufficient quantity of match for 
matchlocks and of flint for firelocks 
and before Christmas next shall also 
find a sword and belt for every such 
person aforesaid; that it shall be 
for the Captain of St. Mary's of the 
Isle of Kent once in every month to 
demand of every dwelling house a 
sight or view of said arms and ammu- 
nition and to certify default to the 
commander who shall amerce the 
parties in such paine as the default 
deserves not to exceed 30 pounds of 
tobacco for one default; and the cap- 
tain shall forthwith supply the part- 
ies deficient with all necessary arms 

and ammunition as aforesaid ap- 

And upon any alarm every house- 
holder having three or more in the 
house able to bear arms shall send 
one man armed for every such three; 
and two men for every five to such 
place as shall be appointed; and all 
householders delaying to send the 
men aforesaid shall be fined, etc. 
Here we see in what terror those 
Susquehannocks were held. Vol. 1, 
Maryland Archives pp. 77 and 78. 

1639 — Susquehannocks Angered at 

Bozman in his history of Maryland 
page 161, says "The Susquehannocks 
who have been represented as the 
boldest and most warlike of all the 
Indians now engaged in hostilities 
against our colonies. This warfare 
with them was brought on our colon- 
ists by their endeavors to stay the 
incursions of the Susquehannocks 
against the peaceful and friendly 
tribes of Piscataway and Patuxent 
and others with whom the Susque- 
hannocks never ceased to wage unin- 
terrupted war ever since the first 
settlement of Maryland." 

1639— Maryland Sends Armed 
Force Against the Sus- 

It now became necessary for Mary- 
land to send the first armed force 
against the Susquehannocks. This 
effort is set forth in Bozman's Mary- 
land, pp. 162 and 3 as follows: "By 
the Lieutenant Governor and Council 
May 28, 1639 — Whereas it is necessary 
forthwith to make an expedition, up- 
on the Indians of the East shore, at 
the public charge of the Province, it 
is thought fit to send a shallop, and 
to provide twenty corslets or suits 
of light armor — a barrel of powder — 
four roundlets of shot per man — a 
barrel of oatmeal — three firkins of 



butter — four cases of hot waters 
(whiskey) — and necessary provisions 
to be made for the men and a pinnacle 
be pressed to go to Kent victualled 
and manned and it be provided with 
four hogsheads of meal; and a pin- 
nacle be sent against the Susquehan- 
nocks, sufficiently victualled and 
manned, and thirty or more good 
shott (marksmen) with gunn or pis- 
tols, with necessary officers be press- 
ed out of the Province and that each 
of the shott (marksmen) be allowed 
at the rate of 100 pounds of tobacco 
per month or another man in his 
room at home to attend to his plan- 
tation; and two sergeants double said 
rate and that victuals and other nec- 
essary accomodations for said soldiers 
and all others which shall go as vol- 
unteers be made and provided and 
two pinnacles and a skiff be pressed 
and fitted for transporting and land- 
ing of said companies and that good 
laboring hands be pressed to supply 
the place of planters, gone on the 

At the same time a law was passed 
to put Maryland in a state of de- 
fense, see laws of 1638, Chap. 2, Sec. 
8, where the same may be found. Al- 
so refer to first and second para- 
graph above. 

Evans in his history of Lancaster 
County, page 11, says of this expe- 
dition: "The Susquehannocks having 
continued to give the Pilgrim settlers 
of St. Mary's a great deal of trouble 
the Council resolved to invade that 
country in 1639, namely the east- 
ern shore of the Bay. An expedition 
was planned against them but was 
abandoned upon receipt of intelli- 
gence that the Susquehannocks were 
supplied with firearms. The Indians 
of that tribe continued to harass the 
settlers and we are not aware a suc- 
cessful resistance was made against 
them or their country along the 

Susquehanna by the Marylanders; 
but the fire in the rear from the Iro- 
quois became so hot that the Susque- 
hannocks concluded to form an al- 
liance with the whites." 

1640— Another Witness for Clay- 
borne's Title. 

The records of this year give us 
more light upon Clayborne's proceed- 
ings in the Susquehanna Valley and 
at the mouth of the river. In Vol. 5, 
Maryland Archives, p. 188, something 
is told us about the trial of Clay- 
borne's title to these lands. A wit- 
ness soon after Clayborne's departure 
for England, persuaded the governor 
of Maryland to go to Susquehanna, 
and that there the said Evelyn did 
lend or give out of the fort at the 
Isle of Kent to the governor a small 
piece of ordinance to go against the 
Island of Palmer where Clayborne 
had planted and the governor going 
there did displant the houses at Pal- 
mer's Island and carry away all the 
men, cattle and hogs into Maryland 
and that thereby by Clayborne has 
lost 1000 pounds sterling." And in 
the same book, p. 184, it is set out 
that "said Evelyn delivered to the 
governor of Maryland two pieces of 
Dutch cloth and other stuffe and 
powder and beavers with which the 
governor went up to the Susquehan- 
nocks and bought corn therewith, 
but would not deliver to Evelyn any 
of the corn, the planters standing in 
great need thereof." And also, page 
234, under the same year (in same 
book) we find a witness says, "In the 
summer of 1637 this deponent, a ser- 
vant of Clayborne, was appointed by 
Clayborne with other men to plant 
Palmer's Island in the territory of 
the Susquehannocks, which island 
with other lands adjacent thereto the 
Kings of the Susquehannocks had 
granted to Clayborne, and that the 
governor of Maryland sent men and 



took it and the cattle, hogs and men." 
The force of all this is, that the 
governor of Maryland, found it expe- 
dient to try to disaffect the Susque- 
hannock Indians from Claytaorne be- 
for trying to disposses him from the 
Susquehanna River mouth and its is- 
lands. They were friends of Clay- 
borne, and the governor felt that the 
infant province was not strong 
enough to overthrow the combina- 
tion. So he even used some of Clay- 
borne's goods to take to the Susque- 
hannocks and buy then off — he bought 
corn from them which they were 
used to sell to Clayborne's planters, 
and in need of which they sorely 
stood so that he might weaken them 
by cutting off their source of prov- 
isions. This Palmer's island is a very 
interesting point today, from its his- 
torical associations — the seat of one 
of the earliest English settlements 
in this part of America, nearly as 
early as Plymouth — and but little 
over a score of years later than 
Jamestown, and only about fifteen 
miles from the southern boundary of 
Lancaster county. 

1640 And Later — The Susqueliannock 

Rights and Possessions at 

This Time. 

'We have seen on the authority of 
Acrelius and Campanius that about 
1638 the Swedes brought the lands 
stretching from Delaware River to 
Susquehanna up to Conewago falls. 
Lewis Evans, who wrote in 1755 and 
earlier in his "Analysis of General 
Map of the Middle British Colonies in 
America" (printed by Franklin), also 
tells us about this purchase. Page 
11 and 12 he says, "All from the sea 
to the falls at Trenton they had con- 
veyed to Peter Menevet, Commandant 
under Christina, Queen of Sweden. 
The boundary extended thence west- 
ward to the Great Falls of Susque- 
hanna, near the mouth of Conewago 

Creek." Evans also gives a more de- 
finite description of the bounds of 
the Susquehannocks' country than 
others. He says, at same page "The 
Susquehannocks had abandoned the 
Western Shore of Maryland before 
their conquest, and the English found 
it mostly derelict; the Confederates 
(Five Nations) confine their claim to 
the northward of a line drawn from 
Conewago Falls to the North Moun- 
tain where it crosses Potomac and 
thence by that chain of mountains to 
the James River " This explains 
why Smith found them pretty well 
up the Susquehanna River and a va- 
cant territory between them and the 
Powhatan Indians. But they (Susque- 
hannocks) did sally down into Mary- 
land and give them much trouble so 
that in May 1639 the Maryland gov- 
ernment resolved to invade their 
j country (Johnson's History of Cecil 
! Co., p. 16). The Confederates (Five 
j Nations) claimed all the country 
| east of the Susquehanna north of a 
line drawn from Trenton on the Dela- 
ware to mouth of Conewago Creek on 
Susquehanna they having whipped the 
the Lenape and such of the Susque- 
hannocks as were in that country 
and driven them south of that line 
— Evans' Analysis, p. 12. That is why 
the Swedes never succeeded in buy- 
ing lands farther north than that line, 
from these Indians. The purchase did 
not extend farther west than Susque- 
hanna because that was derelict. In 
later days of course the Five Nations 
conquered all the Susquehanna lands 
and we shall see that Penn was com- 
pelled to deal with these savages of 
the north, for this section of Pennsyl- 
vania, for <hat reason. Thus at the 
period of which we are writing, about 
1640, the Susquehanna country In- 
dians had the Swedes to the east on 
the lower Delaware, from New Castle 
and Wilmington sites to the latitudes 
of Philadelphia, and between them 



some scattered Delawares — on the 
south the Marylanders and Powhatan 
Indians — on the west open country 
(neutral) and on the north the Five 
Nations. They (the Susquehannocks) 
at this time traded with both the 
English on the south and the Swedes 
on the east. Clayborne had cheated 
and defrauded them most shamefully 
at the head of the Bay; and they 
turned to their new neighbors, the 
Swedes, on the east, for trade quite 
gladly, and were great friends with 

1640— Swedish Trade With Susque- 
hamiocks at This Time. 

Campanius gives us the clearest ac- 
count of the trade between the Sus- 
quehannocks and the Swedes at this j one 
time. In his description of New 
Sweden, page 157, he says, "These 
Indians live a distance of 93 Eng- 

themselves with when they go to 
war." Acrelius, page 47, tells us al- 
so of this trade with the Swedes says 
these Indians that they live and ex- 
tend miles from New Sweden on the 
Susquehanna ani flonestoga. And 
he also says that the roughness of 
the "road" by which they traded can 
still be seen by those who travel be- 
tween New Castle and Lancaster. 
Thus there is no mistake that this 
Swedish trade was with our Susque- 
hanna River Indians. 

Some of the commodities playing a 
part in the trade Campanius forgets 
to mention. In a note page 148, Vol. 
1, of Proud's History, quoting from 
Smith's History, who gives Thos. 
Budd as his authority, a speech of 
of the Indian kings is given as 
follows, "The strong liquor was first 
sold to us by the Dutch; and they 
are blind; they had no eyes; they did 

lish miles from New Sweden where j not see that it was for our hurt. The 

they daily come to trade with us. The 

way to their lands is very bad, being 

stony, full of sharp gray stones with 

hills and morasses so that the Swedes 

when they went to them, which hap- 
pened once or twice a year, had to 

walk in the water up to their arm- 
pits. Thither they went with cloth, 

kettles, axes, hatchets, knives and 

mirrors and coral beads which they 

sold to them for beaver and other 

valuable skins and also for black 

foxes and fisher's skins, which is a 

kind of skin that looks like sable, but 

with longer and silvery hair, like 

some of the best sables, with beaver, 

velvet-black squirrel skins, etc. These 
precious furs are the principal ar- 
ticles which they have for sale. They 
live on a high mountain, very steep, 
and difficult to climb; but they 
have a fort or square building sur- 
rounded with palisades which they 
reside in, as shown on page 123. 
There they have guns and small iron 
cannon which they shoot and defend 

next people that came among us were 
the Swedes, who continued the sale 
of these strong liquors to us; they 
were also blind; they had no eyes, 
they did not see it to be hurtful to 
give us drink; although we know it 
to be hurtful to us to drink it; but if 
people will sell it to us we are so in 
love with it that we cannot forbear 
it. When we drink it, it makes us 
mad; we do not know what we do; we 
then abuse one another; we throw 
each ether into the fire. Seven score 
of our people have been killed by rea- 
son of the drinking," etc. This is a 
sad commentary on the beginning of 
American civilization, and a shame 
that the first pitiable protest should 
come from the savages. Acrelius' 
mention of the road is the earliest 
notice of a 'road' in Pennsylvania of 
which I have any knowledge. It likely 
lay through the northern Delaware 
swamps and then up along the east 
side of the Susquehanna River 
That this boom in the Swedish trade 



began about this time is shown also 
in Vol. 5, Sec. 2, Pa. Arch., p. 78, 
where it is said, "The population did 
not experience any special impulse 
until the year 1639 when the fur 
trade with the Indians which had pre- 
viously been reserved to the company 
was thrown free to everybody; at 
which time the colonists spread them- 
selves far and wide," also "they sep- 
arated themselves from one another 
and settled far into the interior of 
the country the better to trade with 
the Indians." Do. p. 78. The Com- 
pany here referred to was Dutch. 

1642 — The Susquehannocks' Numeri- 
cal Strength — Their Progress 
in the Arts of War. 

Scharf in his history of Maryland 
p. 140 gives the incident of Susque- 
hanna cruelty, which he fixes as hap- 
pening in 1642. He says, "A certain 
man, a Christian, while he was mak- 
ing his way with others through the 
woods, fell behind his companions a 
little when the savages of the tribe 
of Susquehannocks atacked him sud- 
denly from an ambuscade, and with 
a strong and light spear of locust 
wood from which they make their 
bows, with an iron point oblong at 
the sides pierced him through the 
right side to the left at a hand's 
breath below the arm pit near the 
heart itself with a wound of two fin- 
gers broad at each side. From the ef- 
fects of this when the man had fallen 
his enemies fled with the utmost pre- 
cipitation; but his friends who had 
gone before recalled by the sudden 
noise and shout returned and carried 
the man from the land to the boat 
which was not far distant and thence 
to his home in Piscataway and left 
him speechless out of his sense." This 
is the verbatim description of this 
cruelty which Scharf gives, he himself 
quoting from Father White, a Jesuit 
who knows of it personally. 

Susquehannocks Declared Public 

1642. "These are to declare and 
publish that the Susquehannocks, 
Wicomeses and Nantocokes Indians 
are enemies of this province and as 
such are to be treated and proceeded 
against by all persons — Given at St. 
Mary's Sept., 13, 1642." Vol. 3 Md. 
Arch. p. 116. 

Accordingly the same year Mary- 
land made up another expedition to 
go against the Susquehannocks. This 
is detailed as follows: "It shall be 
lawful for the Lieutenant General or 
Captain by him to make an expedition 
against the Susquehannocks or other 
Indians having ccmmitteed the late 
outrages against English, at such 
time and manner as he thinks fit and 
to take out of every county or hun- 
dred within the province the third 
man able to bear arms, such as he 
thinks fit and to go on the exepdi- 
tion, and every of which men shall be 
at the charge of the county, furnish- 
ed and provided with one fixed gunne, 
2 lbs. powder, 8 lbs. pistol or bullet 
shott, 1 sword and 2 months provi- 
sions of victuals and shall be trans- 
ported to and from the expedition 
with vessels and all necessarys at 
like charge. And the expenses of the 
same shall be raised by a levy on the 
province for the charge of the men, 
vessels, ammunition and provisions 
and all perquisites arising from the 
levy shall be for the benefit of the 
province." Vol. 1, Maryland Archives 
p. 196. 

1642— Extent of Swedish Land Pur- 
chased from the Susquehannocks. 

The Swedes in a representation 
dated 1642 page 767 Vol. 5 of 2nd 
series Penna. Arch, set forth "This 
district may be in length about 30 
German miles (which is over 100 
English miles) but as to the width 
in the interior of the country it has 



been stipulated and decreed in the 

contracts that the subjects of her ma- j 
jesty may take as much as they 
wish;" and on page 781 that all sub- 
jects of Sweden shall have "Liberty 
of Trading upon the river of the 
South (Delaware) and the interior cf 
the country as well with the savages 
as with the Christians, without any 
condition, etc." 

Thus it is plain from the above 
that the Swedes had by far the lion's 
share of the trade with the Minquas 
or Susquehanna country Indians and | 
as well with the various other tribes 
on the Delaware. I have thought j 
this necessary to give a true history 
of the relations of these Minquas with 
the Europeans on the Delaware, lest 
it might be inferred that because of 
their distance inland they did not 
come nto constant contact with the | 
civilization on Delaware, which of 
of course they did constantly. It 
will be noticed that as above describ- 
ed the Minqua Creek was so named 
not because the Minquas lived on it, 
but beyond it, as stated it extends up 
towards their lands. Along the Min- 
qua was their chief highway to go 
to the Delaware. They lived about 
the Susquehanna 20 miles or more 
from the head waters of the little 
Minqua — or as Acrelius puts it 93 
miles from the Delaware. It is plain 
also that besides this route to the 
Delaware these Susquehannas some 
time went by way of Schuylkill, 10 
to 20 miles from the mouth of the 
same they had a trading station with 
the Swedes. It is also plain that they 
were beaver trappers along the 
Schuylkill and the other streams of 
that locality. The amount of com- 
plaining of the Dutch too shows the 
trade was very profitable. Accord- 
ing to the speech of Cannassetego in 
Lancaster Court House, June 25th, 
1744, the Indians of whom he spoke, 
cordially welcomed the Dutch when 

they came among them over 100 years 
before to trade. 4 Col. Rec. 704. 
1642— Second Expedition Against the 
Susquehannocks— Proclamation 
by the Lieutenant General. 
"Whereas the English were author- 
ized to kill any Indians about Patux- 
ent that should be met on etiher 
land or water, and certain expeditions 
were therein mentioned, I, now by 
reason of some accidents since hap- 
pening, wholly repeal and reverse the 
proclamation and prohibit upon pain 
of death that no English in the coun- 
ty of St. Mary's or any other part 
of the province do kill or shoot any 
Indians, other than such as shall be 
known to the Susquehannocks or 
Wicomeses, unless first assaulted or 
put in bodily fear of life by the In- 
dians. I also revoke the proclamation 
making Naulacogues enemies and de- 
clare a treaty of peace with them." 
This is found in Vol. 3, Maryland 
Archives p. 129, and it amply illus- 
trates the feeling in Maryland at this 
time against the Susquehannocks. 

1642 — Some Projected Expedition 
Against the Susquehan- 
nocks Abandoned. 

In Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, p. 

j 130, this further proclamation by the 

j Lieutenant General is set forth: 

j "Whereas by a proclamation dated 

j January 31, on certain hopes then 

presumed upon of means to go on a 

j march upon the Susquehannocks, I 

did declare to the province there 

| would be an expedition set forth at 

| his lordship's charge, which means 

' being not yet found to answer my 

hopes, I think fit to advise further of 

the said expedition and therefore do 

annul the said proclamation and ob- 

S ligations undertaken and all powers 

concerning the expedition, this 8th 

| day of April." 

We see by this item that while the 
I government of the province of Mary- 



land were determined to war on the 
Susquehannocks, the people gener- 
ally did not relish at all the idea of 
measuring arms with them. 

1642 — Serious Charge Against Lieu- 
tenant General Brent for Giving 
up the Expedition Against 
the Susquehannocks. 

In Vol. 4, Maryland Archives, p. 
128, under date of October 17, we 
have the following information against 
Giles Brent: "John Lewger, attorney 
for Lord Baltimore, informs the 
Court against Giles Brent that he hav- 
ing moved and propounded an enter- 
prise upon the Susquehannocks, the 
said Lieutenant General together with 
him, Mr. Brent, did resolve and con- 
clude upon the manner and means 
of it and that Brent should have 
a commission and raise men at Kent 
and all other necessaries for service 
and that it should be done at the 
county's charge, all of which Brent 
seems to think approve and accord- 
ingly undertook the moving of the 
men upon Kent and leading them 
out upon the service and he knew 
well what charge it would be 
and how important the honor and 
safety of the province was con- 
cerned in the managing and suc- 
cess of it and what a notable oppor- 
tunity was presented to the disadvan- 
tage of the enemy and disabling him 
to ever assault again, not to be hoped 
for at any other time, he, Brent, on 
arriving at Kent, under authority of 
a commission granted to Mr. Brenth- 
wait for command of that Island and 
taking disgust thereat or for disaffec- 
tion did not use or execute the mis- 
sion, but devising how to make the 
commission and design ineffectual 
with impunity and to give people oc- 
casion for refusing and disobeying 
it, did leave it to their consideration 
whether they were willing to be 
pressed or not and used words to 

signify that they would not be urged 
and pretending there were illegalities 
in his commission, yet later issued 
warrants for 20 soldiers, who came 
with arms and were ready, but re- 
ceiving some impression and expres- 
sion of their unwillingness he admit- 
ted thereof and of his own head dis- 
missed them and so let the whole en- 
terprise fail and fall to the ground, 
to the ill example and great damage 
and danger of all and it is prayed he 
may be compelled to answer for it" 
Divested of all the legal verbiage 
in which this complaint is couched 
it means that Giles Brent, who was 
sent on the expedition against the 
Susquehannocks, when he reached 
Kent Island encouraged people 
to oppose it instead of trying to get 
them to join his forces and enlist, so 
that it cost the province much money 
and was a flat failure. The people it 
seems were afraid of the Susquehan- 
nock and would not hazard a fight 
with them. 

1642— Failures of the Expedition 
Against the Susquehannocks — 
Witnesses Against Brent 
and His Action. 
In Vol. 4 Md. Arch. p. 138, we find 
the following: "Wm. Sudd says that 
in March he was appointed by Mr. 
Pulton to go in his pinnacle as skip- 
per and trader to the Susquehannas 
and by him appointed to have men at 
the lead of Kent for a voyage, and 
that he would write to Mr. Brent to 
assist him in it, and that at his com- 
ing to Kent with the knowledge and 
consent of Brent he hired John Petti- 
man to go upon the voyage and hired 
him for 200 pounds of tobacco a 
month, and accordingly Pettiman was 
out on the voyage two months and by 
that means and that by his means 
and pinnacle and the presence of the 
men, they were saved from destruc- 
tion by the Susquehannocks, which 



Brent would have al- 


Against the Susquehannocks. 

On Nov. 25, Giles Brent made an- 
swer to the information against him 
that it was not sufficient in law and 
also that he is not guilty of the 
charge laid against him therein; 
and the same time the Attorney Gen- 
eral files a criminal bill against him 
shirking his duty in not going upon 
the Susquehannocks and destroying 
them according to the command in 
his commission. See Vol. 4, Md. Arch. 
151. In the end nothing came of the 
suit in court and council; and the 
net result of it all was the unexplain- 
ed failure to take the Susquehan- 
1643— A Third Expedition Planned 

Against the Susquehannocks. 
Another expedition planned against 
Susquehannocks, Capt. Cornwaleys to 
lead. In Vol. 3 Md. Arch. 131, we 
find the following commission; "Re- 
lying on your experience in martial 
affairs I appoint and authorize you 
to make an expidition against the 
Susquehannocks or other Indians who 
committed the outrages and took 
the three men, and you are au- 
thorized to take every third man fit 
to bear arms in the province and re- 
quire the counties to furnish them 
and to have them ready at such ren- 
dezous as you shall appoint and every 
such volunteer to command with cap- 
tains and with them a warre to make 
upon the Indians aforesaid (Susque- 
hannocks) in such manner and with 
such power and authority whatso- 
ever for the doing, commanding, ap- 
point of anything toward the expedi- 
tion or for vanquishing or spoiling 
the enemy or anything touching the 
said warre to have use and exercise 
the same in as ample a manner and 
effect as may be vested in a captain 
general in time of warre, and we re- 
quire all soldiers to obey you, Thomas 

Cornwaleys under punishment. April 
17, 1643, per Giles Brent, Lieut. Gen." 
1643— Expedition Against the Susque- 
hannocks— Powers Given 
to Captain Cornwaleys. 
In this year the following 
powers were granted by Maryland to 
Cornwaleys— Vol. 3, Maryland Arch- 
ives, p. 133.— "Charles Cecelius Rex, 
greeting, to Thomas Cornwaleys, Esq. 
Whereas we are informed of your 
proposition and propenseness to go 
on a march upon the Susquehannocks 
and that several to a considerable 
number are willing and desirous to 
be led out by you, on such a march, 
upon certain conditions treated and 
agreed between you and them, we ap- 
prove very well of such your and 
their forwardness for the vindica- 
tion of the honor of God and the 
Christians, and the English name, up- 
on those barbarians and inhuman pa- 
gans—do hereby authorize you to 
levy such men as shall be willing to 
go, upon said march and to lead and 
conduct them against the Susquehan- 
nocks or other Indian enemies of this 
province in such time and manner as 
you think fit and to do all things 
for the training of the soldiers, fur- 
nishing of sustenance and other sup- 
plies, and to demand obedience and 
order the affairs, and provide officers 
as against martial enemies and dis- 
posing of the spoyle and all other 
things and matters whatsoever to the 
said expedition appurtaining in the 
manner and power as the captain 
general of any army can or may do 
in the time of warre." 

Thus here we have another evi- 
dence of the continued trouble which 
the Susquehannocks were inflicting 
on the Marylanders. All this we have 
seen originated, because the whites 
of Maryland took sides with a few 
small tribes of Indians who were 
hereditary enemies of the Susquehan- 



nocks. Whether this expedition was 
taken or not history dos not inform 
us. If it was there was evidently not 
any great punishment inflicted upon 
the Susquehannocks; and it is likely 
that the project was affected in a 
manner similar to the expedition of 
1639, as Mr. Samuel Evans tells us 
in his History of Lancaster County, 
that is, that the Marylanders were 
faint of heart in the project. At any 
rate the following year an opportun- 
ity for concluding a possible peace 
presenting itself, the Marylanders 
very gladly tried to avail themselves 
of it. We shall now speak of it. 

1044— Effort to Make Peace with the 

Bozman, p. 275, introduces this sub- 
ject as follows: "Some proceedings 
now took place relative to a treaty 
expected to be held with the Susque- 
hannocks at the English fort or gar- 
rison at Piscataway. It seems they 
were begun in the absence of the 
governor. The Susquehannocks 

were expected at Piscataway either 
with serious intentions to enter into 
a cessation of hostilities, or sinister 
designs to inveigle the friendly Pisca- 
taways, and a commission was grant- 
ed to Henry Fleete." This action, in 
the absence of the governor, we shall 
see, aftrwards led to disputes in 
Maryland and the revocation of pow- 
ers granted, etc. 

This commission to Fleete was as 
follows: "Cecelius, etc., to Captain 
Henry Fleete, greeting. — Whereas by 
certain intelligence from the Pisca- 
taways I understand that there was 
some number of our enemies, the 
Susquehannock Indians, expected 
about this time at Piscataway under 
color to treat and conclude a peace 
with them and us, but perhaps to 
confederate and unite all the Indians 
of these parts in some general league 
or plot for cutting off the English 

in Maryland, as they have most sav- 
agely attempted in Virginia (this 
must refer to the massacre planned 
and partly executed by Opechanca- 
nough in 1639. See Bozman, p. 275) ; 
and because it concerns the honor and 
safety of the colony to have some 
English there to be present at the 
treaty and other proceedings, to direct 
and overrule it if need be, to counsel 
and strengthen our friendship, and 
friends that yet remain and terrify 
the others and to proceed with the 
Susquehannock agents either in hos- 
tiliy or peace as there shall be most 
cause and reason for — I relying upon 
your skill in the language, and long 
conversation and experience in Indian 
affairs and your prudent and provi- 
dent circumspection otherwise, have 
made choice of you and do hereby 
will and require you to taKe with you 
a convenient strength of English well 
armed and provided to the number of 
twenty at least and with them repair 
to Piscataway and there proceed with 
the Indians, both friends and enemies, 
to such instructions as shall be de- 
livered to you by my secretary bear- 
ing date herewith, and to lead, order 
and command in chief all the said 
company as shall go with you, yea 
even to the inflicting of death upon 
mutinous persons, as a captain gen- 
eral may do by martial law. St. 
Mary's, June 18, 1644, per Giles Brent 
Esq." Sec. 3, Maryland Archives, p. 
148, and Bozman, p. 275. 

At the same time the following in- 
structions were given by John Lew- 
ger. Brent's secretary to Fleete: "You 
are to go with your company to Pisca- 
taway and there confer and consider 
by the best means yau may, what 
hope there is of a real and firm 
peace or truce with the Susquehan- 
nocks, whether it will be more to 
the honor and safety of the English 
to have a warre or a truce with them 
at present. 



2. If you find the best reasons to 
persuade them to peace you may en- 
ter into a treaty of peace with them 
and undertake to them in our names 
a truce or cessation of all acts of 
hostility on our part until such time 
as you shall agree upon, for expecta- 
tion of performance of conditions on 
their part, and of the governor's as- 
sent to peace, and give hostages or 
exchanges as you shall be willing. 
John Lewger, Secretary." This may 
be found in Vol. 3, Maryland Arch- 
ives, p. 149, and Bozman, p. 277. 

At the same time passports to the 
Susquehannocks were given, to in- 
duce them freely to come and treat 
as follows: "Cecelius, etc., greeting — 
To all the inhabitants of the province 
known that I have promised and un- 
dertaken to the Indian bearer or 
bearers hereof of the Susquehannock 
Nation not exceding three, to repair 
in a good manner from the Susque- 
hannocks' forte and to my lieutenant 
general or some of my council at 
Kent or St. Mary's upon any public 
treaty message, safe and free passage 
to and fro through my province with- 
out any harm or molestation of any 
of the English, and therefore I re- 
quire all of every one of you upon 
sight hereof not to do anything to 
the violating of the public faith given 
unto them, upon the utmost peril of 
such punishment as by martial law 
may be inflicted upon the contemners 
or violators hereof. Given St. Mary's 
June 18, 1644." (See the same in Vol. 
3, Maryland Archives, p. 150, and 
Bozman, p. 279.) 

The token which was given these 
Susquehannock Indians, as safe con- 
duct, was a medal of copper, with a 
black and yellow ribbon attached. 
And we shall see later that the Mary- 
land troops, in a dastardly way, 
thirty years later, broke the faith 
signified by the medals, and shot 
down five defenseless Susquehannock 

chiefs, who came to treat with the 
medals in their hands. 

1644— Robert Evelyn's Estimates of 

of the Susquehannocks at 

This Time. 

During four years, (about 1642 to 
1646) Robert Evelyn lived among the 
Swedes and Dutch about Delaware, 
and with the English in Maryland 
and Virginia. About the latter year 
he wrote a letter, supposed to be to 
the Queen of Sweden, describing the 
Susquhannocks at this time and their 
country and ways. The letter is in- 
corporated into the "Description of 
New Albion" written about 1646,which 
we have referred to before. In this 
letter he says "On the Delaware I 
have resided several years. I do ac- 
count all the Indians to be about 800, 
and are in several factions and war 
against the Susquehannocks, and are 
all extreme fearful of a gun and are 
naked and unarmed against our shot, 
swords and pikes, and since my re- 
turn 18 Swedes are settled there and 
46 Dutchmen in a boat trade without 
fear of them. From the Indians you 
may have two thousand bushels of 
corn at 12 pence a bushel. This let- 
ter may be seen in first Vol. Proud, 
p. 112. The description of New Albion, 
found in same place in Proud, then 
goes on and supplements what Eve- 
lyn said. The author says besides 
the 800 Indians mentioned by Evelyn 
there are 23 Kings in that section. 
Then it says, "The Susquehannas are 
not now of the naturals left above 
one hundred and ten, though with 
their forced auxiliaries the Ihon-a- 
Does and the Wycomeses they can 
make two hundred and fifty. These 
together are counted valiant and ter- 
rible to other cowardly dull Indians, 
which they beat with the fight of 
guns only. These last named tribes 
the Susquehannas recently conquer- 



ed, which fact we have noted in prior 
articles. It seems that the Susque- 
hannocks had their 'New Town' about 
Conewaga on Susquehanna River be- 
fore 1648 (which by some writers is 
said to have been built later), for the 
last named authority says, "The Sus- 
quehannocks' new town is also a 
rare, healthy and rich place, with it 
a crystal broad river; but some falls 
below, hinder navigation." 

Evidently the strength of the Sus- 
quehannocks varied exceedingly 
rapidly because Indian authorities 
(notably the Committee on Archaeol- 
ogy of the Dauphin Historical Society 
in their pamphlet 'Ind. Hist, of Low- 
er Susquehanna) say that about this 
time or in 1647, the Susquehannocks 
had 1300 able bodied men. See last 
named work p. 40. Smallpox had 
made disastrous ravages upon them 
about this time. That may explain 
it. The above refernece to their wars 
recalls to our minds what says Cam- 
panius of them when going to and 
in war, that they make bread made 
of Indian corn and tobacco juice, 
which is very good to allay hunger 
and quench thirst in case they have 
nothing else at hand p. 122 and p. 
137 he says "These Indians are of- 
ten at war and they are fearless of 
their enemies." 

I omitted to mention above that 
Robert Evelyn mentions in his letter 
that, "I went to Chicocoen the north- 
ern part of Virginia on the Potomac 
and I found the heathen of Virginia 
were at war with the Susquehan- 
nocks and all the eastern bay Indians. 
We found 14 canoes and 140 Susque- 
hannocks reduced by three Swedes in- 
to a half moon with intent to en- 
compass the first sail boat before the 
second could reach the former; and 
at the first volley of 10 shots and the 
loss of one Indian, they all ran 

Appropo of the mischief and de- 

predations of these Indians we have 
an early description of them by the 
Dutch deputies about this time. In Vol. 
5 2nd Series of the Penna. Archives 
p. 130 it is stated, "The natives are 
generally well limbed, slender around 
the waist and broad shouldered; all 
having black hair and brown eyes, 
they are swift and nimble, dirty and 
slovenly and make light of all sorts 
of hardships. The men have very 
little beard and pluck out what they 
do have. As soldiers they are not 
honorable; but accomplish their 
success by perfidy and treachery. 
They make little of death when it is 
inevitable, despise torture at the 
stake, generally singing until they 
are dead. They use duffels, deer- 
skin leather, skins of raccoons, wild 
cats, wolves, dogs, fishers, squirrels 
and beavers for garments Some have 
shoes of corn husks and head gear 
of turkey feathers. Since Christians 
are among them some now wear bon- 
nets or caps. They wear wampum 
in ther ears and around their necks. 
They have long deer's hair dyed red 
of which they make ringlets to en- 
circle their heads. All of them can 
swim. Their marriages are without 
ceremony, and men and women fre- 
quently trade spouses. They know 
little of God. They are in dread of the 
devils, but their devils they say will 
have nothing to do with the Dutch." 

1644 — Susquehaniiock Annex Their 
Lands to New York's Government. 

About this time also (1644) there 
were important changes in the rela- 
tions of the Susquehannocks to the 
lands of this section. Page 755 of 
the book last mentioned (Pa. Arch.) 
there is a report of Gov. Dongan, of 
New York, dated 1684, and in it he 
says, "Those Indians about 40 years 
ago did annex their land to this gov- 
ernment and have ever since con- 
stantly renewed the same. Endeavors 



have been used but to no purpose to 
persuade our traders to go and live 
on the Susquehanna River." This 
annexation to New York however was 
done by the Five Nations, and not 
by the Susquehannocks, as the Five 
Nations even at this time began to 
claim authority over the Susquehan- 
nocks. The true date was about 1648 
when this occurred; but as we shall 
see in next paper, the Five Nations 
were very much mistaken in think- 
ing the Susquehannocks would sub- 
mit to them. 

1644— Rivalry Between the Swedes 
and the Dutch to Secure the 
Susquehanna and Sur- 
rounding Indian 
So that we shall keep in mind that 
when the Dutch and the Swedes 
speak of the Minquas, they mean the 
Susquehannas I again refer to Vol. 
8 p. 301 of the Jesuit Relations where 
it is stated that the Andastes are 
"called Minquas by the Dutch and 
Susquehannas or Conestogas by the 

In tracing up this contest by the 
Swedes and the Dutch to get the best 
of the Susquehanna trade each from 
the other, we must not forget that 
the Swedes were more tactful than 
the Dutch in the affair, and also were 
more friendly received by the In- 
dians. They were the favorites. 
They were never hostile to the In- 
dians and they dealt more fairly with 

The Dutch complained sorely 
against the Swedes. In a remons- 
trance by Andreas Fudde, for the 
Dutch dated Nov. 1, 1645 p. 103 of 
5 Vol. 5 of 2nd Series Pa. Arch., he 
states, "Further up the river (Dela- 
ware) on the west shore on a creek 
called Minquas Creek, so named as 

goes on, "In regards to this Schuyl- 
kill, these are lands purchased by the 
Company (the Dutch). The company's 
carpenter constructed a fort there. 
This fort cannot in any manner ob- 
tain control over the river; but it 
has command over the whole creek, 
while this creek is the only remain- 
ing avenue for trade with the Min- 
quas, and without this trade the 
river is of little value. A little dis- 
tance from this fort was a creek to 
the farthest distant wood, which 
place is named Kinsessing by the 
savages, which was before a certain 
and invariable resort for trade with 
the Minquas, but which is now op- 
posed by the Swedes having there 
built a strong house. Half a mile 
further in the woods Printz con- 
structed a mill of a creek which runs 
into the sea and on this creek a strong 
building just by the path which leads 
to the Minquas; so that no access to 
the Menqueas is left open ; and he too 
controls nearly all the trade of the 
savages on the river, as the greatest 
part of them go hunting in the neigh- 
borhood which they are not able to 
do without passing by his residence. 
I therefore gave orders to go to the 
Schuylkill and wait there for the 
Minquas." In another remonstrance 
dated about 1649 the Dutch say, page 
139 of the same book, "As relates to 
the trade with the Indians on the 
South River the English and Swedes 
are making great efforts to secure it 
as we shall show." This is the trade 
that came down from the Susque- 
hanna country, as Campanius des- 
cribed it 93 miles from New Sweden 
on to Conestoga. The Dutch also 
complain that the Indians themselves 
are not fair with them for they say 
they (the Dutch) bought lands from 
them, and thus expect their favor. P. 

it runs pretty near tbe Minquas land 2 35. And especially as to the Sus- 

is a fort named Christiana the I quehannock trading center on the 

first fort built by the Swedes." He ' Schuylkill where as already mention- 



ed Port Beversrede stands was pur- 
chased from the right owners and 
principal Indians in 1633 by the 
Company's servant which conveyance 
the Indian chiefs in 1648 did renew. 
Notwithstanding the Swedes have 
erected a fort on these grounds and 
built a house in front of the gate at 
the Company's fortress for trading 
where our people are wholly shut out 
from the sight of the road to deprive 
the Company (Dutch) of the beaver 
trade and they have ruined the 
trade." On page 333 the Dutch fur- 
ther set forth their title to all the 
province from the South (Delaware) 
river westward "into the west as far 
and much farther than our line of 
limits are yet extended and seated, 
having legally bought them from the 
Indians the native proprietors." And 
as to the extent of the trade the 
Dutch say page 235, "Thousands of 
beavers can be bought here and 
around the Schuylkill or Beaver's 
Rede which was brought down in 
great abundance by the southern In- 
dians called Minquas and the Black 
Indians so that this river has always 
been held in great repute on account 
of its fitness and great convenience 
for both trade and agriculture." As 
to the Black Indians, Clarke in his 
Early Cayuga History page 36, in a 
note says, "The Black Minquas were 
considered an offshot of the Mo- 

1645— Maryland's Governor Disowns 
Certain Interference With the 
Susquehannocks, Which 
His Council Set 
On Foot 
In a former item we saw that John 
Lewger, a member of Council and an 
attorney for the Government, and al- 
so secretary to the Lieutenant Gen- 
eral, gave certain instructions to Col- 
onel Fleet, how to proceed with the 
Susquehannocks, and make war or 

peace v/ith them as he saw fit. This 
was done in the absence of the Gov- 
ernor and the result was what now 
follows: "Now whereas John Lewger, 
Esq., one of his Lordship's Council 
of this Province, without orders or 
authority from the Proprietor or 
Lieutenant General, pursuant to his 
own head, to counterfeit and deliver 
unto Henry Fleete a commission for 
a treaty of peace with the enemies 
of the Province, the Susquehannocks 
and likewise for the making said 
Fleete a captain or general to make 
war against them or against other 
Indians and to bear authority over 
his company and the inhabitants of 
this Province, and to do acts accord- 
ing to the tenor of the said commis- 
sion, he has presumed to affix and 
count his Lordship's seal and his 
Lieutenant General's hand, which acts 
being a high misdeameanor and of- 
fense and as such requires serious 
animadversion. — These are therefore 
to suspend the said John Lewger from 
the office or dignity of Council, from 
all other offices and dignities depend- 
ing thereon, and I do further revoke 
all other commissions at any time 
granted unto him, said John Lewger, 
by me as Lieutenant General. Sign- 
ed Giles Brent." See Vol. 3, Maryland 
Archives, p. 151. 

It is evident that the government 
of Maryland at this time thought 
dealing with the Susquehannocks was 
too serious a matter for subordinates 
to take upon themselves, without 
consulting with ther superiors. Boz- 
man in his history speaking of this 
date, 1644, says the Susquehannocks 
were now the most formidable In- 
dians the Marylanders had to en- 
counter, and they were in the habit 
of using firearms, having secured 
them from the Dutch and the Swedes 
and the Governor made a proclama- 
tion prohibiting any one from carry- 
ing powder or selling guns or shot 



without a license, which assistance 
some of the colonists were in the 
habit of giving them. See Bozman, 
Vol. 2, p. 273. 

1646— Susuuehannocks' Cruelty and 
Customs— Progress In the Art 
of War. 
Campanius Holm in his History of 
New Sweden (Pennsylvania) says p. 
137: "In 1646 the Indians had taken 
one of the Mingoes (Susquehannocks) 
in war and bound him to a tree; then 
they made a large fire around him 
and when he was as well as half 
roasted they let him loose, giving 
him a fire brand in each hand and 
taking one in each hand themselves 
then challenging him to fight; and 
when at last he could no longer 
stand and fell down one of them 
sprang upon him and with his nails 
cut the skin of his forehead open and 
tore off his scalp, which they carried 
with them as a trophy of war." This 
was simply retaliation upon the 
Susquehannocks, because that was 
the exact form of cruelty the Sus- 
quehannocks practiced on their vic- 
tims regularly. Campanius also says 
at same page: "The Indians were of- 
ten at war with the surrounding 
tribes, especially the Mingoes; but 
they dare not engage with the Chris- 
tians, since they have discovered 
they are superior to them in the mil- 
itary art; they were mightly afraid 
of our guns; when they first heard a 
report of a firearm they would not 
remain while the firing continued. 
They wear on their heads a red tur- 
key feather as a sign they are going 
to shed blood; and on one of their 
arms they have a shield of bark or 
skin of an elk. After they have car- 
ried their wives and children to an 
island or place of safety they proceed 
on their way in a certain order, and 

think thy have a great battle when 
ten or twelve are dead on the field." 

1646— Location and Trade of the Sus- 
quehannocks When Found by 
the Swedes. 

Campanius says, p. 157: "There 
were found when the Swedes came to 
this country, within 93 miles, ten or 
twelve other tribes. Among these 
were the Mingoes or Minikus (Sus- 
quehannocks), the principal tribe, 
and renowned for their warlike char- 
acter. They live at a distance of 
twelve Swedish miles from New Swe- 
den (93 English miles), where they 
daily came to trade with us. The 
way to their land is very bad, being 
stony and full of sharp gray stones." 
What this trade consisted of we 
have shown in a former item. He 
also tells us the Indian fort of the 
Susquehannocks "had small cannon 
placed upon it." He also says of 
them: "They are vigorous, young 
and old, are a tall people but not 
frightful. When they are fighting 
they do not attempt to fly but all 
stand like a wall as long as there is 
one remaining. They force the other 
Indians to be afraid of them and 
make them pay tribute, so that they 
dare not stir, much less go to wai 
against them. But their numbers 
are diminished by war and sickness." 
In later items we will deal with the 
Susquehannocks' relations with the 
Five Nations, showing a most mar- 
velous intercourse with the New York 

1646 — Fort Built or Improved on the 
Susquehanna by the Christians. 

The forts on the Susquehanna are 
a very interesting subject of histori- 
cal investigation. There was an In- 
dian fort (may be several of them) 
on lower Susquehanna, when in 1608 

when they meet their enemy they at- : Captain John Smith was near the 
tack them with great outcries. They | Pennsylvania line, because p. 120, of 



Vol, 1, of his History of Virginia, 
which we have cited at another place, 
he says, "They make near 600 men 
and are palisaded in their towns to 
defend them," in speaking of the Sus- 
quehannocks. But John Watson says 
the earliest whites built a fort there 
too. In a paper on Indian lands in 
Vol. 3, Memoirs of the Historical 
Society at Philadelphia, part 2, p. 
131, "It will be observed that before 
Penn's day there had been a fort con- 
structed by some Christian people 
upon the shores of that (Susquehanna) 
river." And to prove there was such 
a fort he says in a large folio in the 
land office at Harrisburg, in book 14, 
entitled "Old Surveys and Registry 
of Land Warrants," there is a dia- 
gram showing the 'walking purchase' 
back to the Susquehanna, one line of 
which goes to a point on the Susque- 
hanna, 3 miles above the mouth of 
the Conestoga, marked 'fort demol- 
ished.' This then he concluded was 
a fort built by the Christians. Clay- 
borne may have had a hand in it; but 
we do not know. He was in that 
neighborhood in 1637 and later. The 
Swedes were there trading in 1640 to 
1646; the Dutch were there also. In 
1664 the Iroquois, who came down 
upon the Susquehannocks, found not 
only iron muskets in the hands of 
the Susquehannocks, but iron cannon 
mounted on the fort. So whether the 
Christians originally built the fort 
that Watson refers to, or whether 
they simply improved a fort first 
built by the Susquehannocks (as 
found by Smith), we cannot tell, and 
we leave the matter in the plight in 
which Watson placed it — viz., that the 
Christians had something to do with 
it. I make the date 1646 because 
that is about the time that the Chris- 
tians had some voice and directions 
in the doings of the Susquehannocks 
at that place. 

1646— Approach of War Between Iro- 
quois and Hurons— Susquehan- 
nocks Offer to Help the 

The overture of the Susquehan- 
nocks to the Hurons to help the Hu- 
rons in their struggle with the Iro- 
quois, we have before touched on 
where we cited the Dauphin County 
Indian History Pamphlet as authority ; 
but as that is not first hand informa- 
tion I prefer now to cite an original 
authority, viz.: VoL 30, Jesuit Rela- 
tions, p. 253, where the Jesuits write 
in 1646 from Onondago and say: "Our 
fathers with the Hurons say that the 
savages of Andaste (Susquehan- 
nocks) whom we believe to be neigh- 
bors to Virginia and who had former- 
ly close alliance with the Hurons in- 
somuch that there are still found in 
the Huron country people from their 
dialects,' have conveyed these 
few words to the Hurons, viz: 
'We have learned that you have 
enemies, and you have only to say to 
us "Lift the axe" and we assure you 
either they will make peace or we 
shall make war on them.' The Hu- 
rons were very joyful at these fine 
offers and have sent an embassy to 
those people. The chief of the em- 
bassy was a worthy Christian, accom- 
panied by eight persons, four of 
whom have embraced the faith of 
Jesus Christ." We shall later cite 
Vol. 33, Jesuit Relations, p. 129, 
showing that under date of 1647 an- 
other offer was made to help the 
Hurons by the Susquehannocks and 
that the Hurons sent a representa- 
tive on to confer with the Susque- 
hannocks. All this goes to show the 
position and strength of the Susque- 
hannocks at this time, who at this 
time had 1300 warriors. This is the 
greatest number of warriors they had 
in all their known history. Never 
afterwards did they have so many 
and never before. Captain Smith 
said in his time. 1608, they had 600. 



Thus about 1650 they were in the 
greatest power. This is also evi- 
denced by the manner in which the 
government of Maryland regarded 
them at this date. 

1647 — Susquehnunocks Attempt to 
Intervene in Iroquois-Huron War. 

The description of the attempt to 
intervene by the Susquehannocks, in 
the Huron-Iroquois war in 1647 is 
given in Vol. 33 p. 127 of the Jesuit 
Relations as follows: "The Andaste 
is a country beyond the neutral na- 
tion, distant from the Huron coun- 
try, about 150 leagues (450 miles) in 
a straight line to the southeast, a 
quarter south, from the Huron coun- 
try, that is southeast a little toward 
the east, but the distance because of 
the detours in the route is 200 leagues. 
They are very warlike , and in 
a single village they count 1300 men 
capable of bearing arms. They speak 
the Huron language, and have always 
been allies of the Hurons. 

"At the beginning of the year 1647 
two men of that nation came here, 
deputed by their captains, to tell our 
Hurons that if they lost courage and 
felt too weak to contend against our 
enemies, they should inform them 
(the two Andaste delegates) and send 
an embassy to Andaste for that ob- 
ject. The Hurons did not miss the 
opportunity. Charles Andasiondrout 
an excellent Christian of long stand- 
ing, was deputed as the head of the 
embassy and he was accompanied by 
four other Christians and four Tn- 
fields. They left here (Canada) on 
the 13th of April and reached An- 
daste only at the beginning of June. 
The harrangue delivered by Charles on 
his arrival was not long. He told of 
the wars and that the land was cov- 
ered with blood and the cabins with 
corpses. The reply of the Andaste 
was to deplore the calamaties, and 
added that tears and regrets were 

not the remedy for the wars and 
evils; but that their misfortunes must 
be arrested as soon as possible. Af- 
ter a number of councils, they de- 
puted ambassadors to the enemies of 
our Hurons to beg them to lay down 
their arms to think of lasting peace 
which would not hinder the trade of 
all these countries with one another. 
The ambassadors went and had not 
returned by the 15th of August. The 
Andastes insisted on peace and de- 
terminated to renew the war which 
they waged a few years ago with the 
Agnieronnous (that is the Mohawks), 
who are brethren of the Iroquois, if 
they refused to enter into peace. 
When Charles Andasiondrout was at 
Andaste, he went to see the Euro- 
peans, their allies who were at a dis- 
tance of three days' journey from 
that place. They received him with 
kindness. Charles did not fail to 
tell them that he was a Christian and 
requested them to take him to their 
church, that he might perform his 
devotions, for he thought it was like 
those in our French settlements. 
They replied that they had no place 
set apart for prayers, and the good 
Charles observed some acts of levity 
that were not very modest on the 
part of some young men, towards 
two of their Savage women who had 
come from Andaste. The captain of 
the settlement apologized for it and 
said he was not obeyed by his people 
for purity of morals. We think the 
people of that European settlement 
are mostly Dutch and English, who 
for some special reason have placed 
themselves under the protection of 
the King of Sweden, and have call- 
ed the country New Sweden. We 
had formerly thought it a part of 
Virginia." This account was written 
only a few years after the events 
happened. This accurate account 
differs from the account given 



by the Dauphin County pamphlet, in 
that it puts the interview of the Sus- 
quehannocks with the Hurons first, 
whereas the Dauphin County pam- 
phlet puts the embassy of the Sus- 
quehannocks to the Iroquois first, 
and with the Hurons, second. We 
notice here, too, that the Susque- 
hannas had wars with the Mohawks 
(Agnieronnous) some years before 
this time, and we will speak of it 
again. The settlement "three days 
distant" from Andaste (Susquehanna) 
was the Swedish settlement on the 
Delaware, near where Wilmington 
and New Castle now stand. 

The Five Nations (or Iroquois) and 
the Susquehannocks by this time 
both had won military glory; both 
had gotten guns and had learned to 
use them. The Susquehannocks from 
1634 to 1644 reduced the Piscataways, 
Patuxents and the Waocacoes tribes, 
in a ten years' war and the Iroquois 
had reduced the Hurons, as we have 
seen before. The Susquehannocks 
had finished their conflicts with the 
smaller tribes, which not only includ- 
ed the reduction of the three tribes 
just named but also the twelve small 
tribes which Robert Evelyn says in 
his letter (hereafter to be cited) lived 
on the Delaware and were whipped 
by the Susquhannocks. The Iroquois 
had not destroyed the Hurons, but 
simply weakened them. They were, 
now, however, bent upon exterminat- 
ing them. The Susquehannocks de- 
termined to stop hostilities. 

The Dauphin County pamphlet, be- 
fore mentioned gives this account 
of this effort on the part of the Sus- 
quehannocks — see page 40. "When 
the Hurons in Upper Canada in 1647 
began to sink under the fearful blows 
dealt them by the Five Nations, the 
Susquehannocks sent an embassy to 
Onondago (the headquarters of the 
Five Nations) to urge the cantons to 
peace. The Iroquois refused. The 

Susquehannocks then sent an em- 
bassy to the Hurons, to offer them 
aid against the common enemy. Nor 
was this offer of little value. The 
Susquehannocks could put in the 
field 1300 warriors trained to the use 
of fire-arms and European methods 
of warfare, having been instructed by 
three Swedish soldiers; but the Hu- 
rons sank into apathy and took no 
active steps to secure the aid of the 
friendly Susquehannocks." 

This interesting offer to interpose 
is graphically told in the Jesuit Re- 
lations by narrators who got the in- 
formation first hand from those in- 
terested in the affair. In this work 
as we have often said the Susque- 
hannocks are called the Andaste. 
The Jesuit Fathers in Vol. 8, p. 301 
call them (Susquehannocks) "allies 
of our Hurons and who talk like 
them," and in Clark's Early Cayuga 
History, found in a note p. 36 of the 
same volume (i. e. 8) he says, "An- 
daste is a term used generally by the 
French and applied to several dis- 
tinct Indian Tribes located south of 
the Five Nations in the present ter- 
ritory and Pennsylvania. One of the 
most southerly tribes was located at 
the great falls between Columbia and 
Harrisburg in the vicinity of the lat- 
ter place occupying five towns and 
by Smith were called the Susquehan- 

1647— Cost of Watching the Susque- 

In Vol. 4, Maryland Archives, p. 
231, it is stated under this date that 
the following charge was preferred 
before the Assembly and allowed: "To 
Walter Watertson for bringing intelli- 
gence touching the Susquehannocks, 
eighty pounds." From this it is evi- 
dent that the Maryland government 
was compelled to keep scouts and 
runners employed to give the whites 
news at all times concerning the 



movements and supposed plans of the 
Susquehannocks. This is in line with 
what we have noticed in former 
items — namely, that the government 
of Maryland compelled all the inha- 
bitants to be ready with powder and 
shot and firearms at all times, either 
to defend against the Susquehannocks 
or to march against them. The pow- 
er and prominent place of this tribe 
among the savage nations of America 
at this time are well established. 
1648— Susquehannocks* Influence on 
the Onondagoes. 
Under this date in Vol. 33, Jesuit 
Relations, p. 123, it is stated; "The 
Andaste tribes (Susquehannocks) al- 
lied to the Hurons contribute in a 
great measure, it is said, toward the 
matter of peace, either because the 
Onondagoes fear to have them as 
enemies or because they desire their 
alliance." This is to be sure only a 
brief note; but it is a statement writ- 
ten at the time the situation existed 
and is worth more than a page of 
historical speculation written from 
inferences formed a hundred years 
later. It is in short another asser- 
tion of the pre-eminence of the 
mighty Susquehannocks. It will be 
noticed nothing like this is ever said 
of the other tribes of Maryland or 
of the Delaware, nor of the tribes 
of Powhatan. 

1648 — More Particulars of the Huron 
Embassy to Susquehanna. 

In Vol. 33, p. 73, of the Jesuit Re- 
lations under date of 1648, there is 
the following statement concerning 
the Huron embassy to the Susque- 
hanna the year prior: "Our Hurons 
have sent an embassy to Andaste 
( Susquehanna) , people of New Sweden 
their former allies, to solicit them to 
enter into a full peace with them or 
resume the war they waged but a 
few years ago against the Annierou- 

nons (Mohawk-Iroquois.) Consider- 
able assistance is expected from 
this as well as a great relief for the 
country. The Annierounons - Iro- 

quois are near Quebec." To those 
not acquainted with Indian history of 
these times, it may be explained that 
this statement means, the Hurons 
sent an agent to the Susquehannocks 
to ask them to help them, or to re- 
new their (the Susquehannocks') 
war with the Mohawks, called the 
Annierounons. This Susquehannock- 
Mohawk war we remember raged 
about 1607 to 1620 at least, and so 
demoralized were the Mohawks and 
their allies by the onslaughts of the 
Susquehannocks that the very name 
of Andaste made them tremble; and 
this fear continued up to 1640 at 
least. So says the Jesuit Relations, 
Vol. 45, pp. 203 and 205. In a prior 
item we have discussed the fear 
which the Susquehannocks threw 
over the Mohawks during and after 
the Mohawk war. The journey and 
speech of the agent the Hurons sent 
to the Susquehannocks we have fully 
set forth also earlier. As to the lo- 
cation of this wonderful Andaste, p. 
135, of Vol. 33, Jesuit Relations, says 
Andaste is seven days' journey from 
the Iroquois. 

1650 and Onward — Iroquois' Retalia- 
tion Upon the Susquehannas-Open- 
ing of the Conflict — Minor Move- 
ments and Doings of the Susque- 
hannas — First Campaigns of the 
Iroquois— Susquehanna War. 
We are now briefly to notice a 
various series of events, simply for 
the sake of the chronolgy (chronolo- 
gical arrangement being the only 
rule or system of these annals). 

The Dauphin County Committee on 
Archaeology in their pamphlet before 
cited, p. 40, says that "Four years 
later (1651) the Iroquois, grown in- 
solent by their successes in almost 



annihilating their kindred tribes 
north and south of Lake Erie, provok- 
ed a war with the Susquehannas." 
This is all we shall note of this war 
at present. It will be discussed un- 
der a later date. 

Other events as above stated must 
now claim attention, some of which 
are as follows: "During the year 1650 
the terrible scourge of small-pox 
broke out among the Susquehannas. 
(Do. p. 40). 

1650 — Susquehannock Hunters Roam 
About Lake Ontario. 

About this time (as likely perhaps 
many years before^ the Susquehan- 
nock hunters in their hunting wan- 
dered as far as Lake Ontario, where 
they came into contact with the Iro- 
quois and were plundered. This 
shows the great width and extent 
over which these Susquehannocks 
were accustomed to roam. (Do. p. 

1651— The Great Susquehannock-Iro- 

quois War of Several Tears 


We have quoted above an author 
who says the war between the Sus- 
quehannocks and Iroquois began in 
1651. While this may be so, it seems 
that the 'War' was simply desultory 
several years. 

I find that Proud says nothing 
about this war. In his History of 
Pennsylvania he omits to mention any 
events from 1632 to 1654 (See pp. 117 
and 118) ; and when he does resume 
the discussion it is about Swedes' af- 
fairs. He mentions a Swedish Treaty 
with the Indians in 1655; but makes 
no other Indian references until 1664, 
when mention is made of Albany In- 
dian affairs. Mombert's History, p. 
23, quoting from Col. Rec (no doubt) 
admits the war was in progress in 
1654, but that the Susquehannocks 
were still superior at that time. The 
Dauphin County archaeologists, in 

their pamphlet before quoted, pp. 40 
and 41, say of the period, about 1655, 
I suppose: "War had now begun in 
earnest with the Five Nations (Iro- 
quois) and though the Susquehan- 
nocks had some of their people killed 
near their towns they in turn pressed 
the Cayugas so hard that some of 
them retired across the lakes into 
Canada. They also kept the Senecas 
in check that they no longer ventur- 
ed to carry their peltry to New York 
except under heavy guarding. Smart- 
ing under constant defeat the Five 
Nations solicited French aid." Lyle's. 
History of Lancaster County would 
lead us to infer that this war was 
declared or begun only about 1660 
(P. 19) but it was earlier; because 
in Vol. 48 of the Jesuit Relations, p. 
76, a communication written in 1662 
says that the war "broke out some 
years ago." And finally the speech 
of the Indian orator in the Lancaster 
Court House June 26, 1744, 4 Col. Rec. 
708, shows that the serious conse- 
quences of the war occurred some 
time after 1654. From all the evi- 
dences we gather it that the real 
brunt of the war came on about 1660. 
This we will treat fully later. 

1651— The Mohawks and Other Iro- 
quois Now Combine Against 
the Susquehannocks. 

From 1646 or 1647 to 1651 the Iro- 
quois Confederacy were warring on 
the weaker Hurons, during which time 
we have seen the Hurons sent to the 
Susquehannocks for help and the 
Susquehannocks freely offered to 
give aid. But strange to say the help 
never was given. The cause of this 
I cannot find; nor can I find the true 
cause of the war by the Iroquois up- 
on the Hurons, except while they 
were neighbors of the Iroquois, they 
were cousins of the Susquehannocks 
or at least former allies, and the Iro- 
quois Confederacy were jealous and 



fearful of a confederacy between the 
Susquehannocks and Hurons. The 
rich Susquehanna valley also was in 
some measure the prize at stake; and 
this stake was about 1675 won by the 
Iroquois from the Susquehannocks, 
they being forced into Maryland. 
Thus by 1651, no help coming to them 
from the Susquehannocks, the Hu- 
rons were almost annihilated by the 
Iroquois. And now the Iroquois.and 
especially the Mohawk tribe of them, 
having grown insolent because of 
their victories over the Hurons, re- 
membered their old insults from the 
wars with the Susquehannocks, and 
led a renewal of hostilities against 
them, thus starting the Iroquois-Sus- 
quehannock war of many years, in 
1651. The very beginning of this 
war is told in Vol. 37, p. 97, Jesuit 
Relations, in 1651, as follows: "Dur- 
ing this winter the Annierounons 
(Mohawks) went to war toward the 
Andaste (Susquehannocks), the re- 
sult of which is not yet known." Thus 
in 1651 the war began. 

1651 — First Stages of the Susque- 
haimoek-Iroquois War 

In our last item we cited the first 
going out of the Iroquois against the 
Susquehannocks. The Jesuits called 
them Mohawks; but Senecas, Cayu- 
gas, Mohawks and other tribes are 
by these writers all called indiffer- 
ently, Iroquois. Later in this year, 
1651, further accounts of the war are 
told us, viz.: "A fugitive brought 
back news that the Iroquois having 
gone during the winter in full force 
against the Andaste (Susquehann- 
nocks) had the worst of it." Vol. 
37, Jesuit Relations, p. 105. And lat- 
er the same year these Jesuits write 
"As for news of the enemy the cap- 
tain of the Atia'kewae (the Andaste 
or Susquehannocks — Vol. 36, Jesuit 
Relations, pp. 247-8), who was cap- 
tured by the Iroquois nation, says 

that 1,000 of the Andaste have been 
captured; or at least they carried off 
500 or 600 Andaste, chiefly men. And 
the Mohawks lost in this expedition 
only eleven men." See Jesuit Rela- 
tions, Vol. 37, p. 111. This great 
I boast of the Iroquois all turned out 
J untrue, as we shall show later. 

A good deal of what I write now 
has been discussed but as it was at 
that time taken second hand from 
other phamphleteers, I do not consid- 
er it first hand, and for that reason 
I now set it down from the original 

As to this Susquehannock-Iroquois' 
war I beg to stop long enough here 
to remark that the war lasted in a de- 
sultory fashion about twenty-four 
j years, reaching its height about 1665. 
I The combined Iroquois subdued the 
j Susquehannocks and gradually forc- 
I ed them from the Susquehanna into 
j Maryland along the Potomac. The 
! backbone of the Susquehannock pow- 
i er was broken by 1670, and the con- 
| tempt in which the Iroquois held the 
j Susquehannocks is testified to by the 
! Jesuits as follows: "Since the Son- 
nonhourais (the Huron name for 
| Iroquois) have utterly defeated the 
| Andaste (Susquehannocks), their an- 
| cient and most redoubtable foe, their 
insolence knows no bounds; they talk 
I of nothing but renewing the war 
against our allies and even against 
the French, and of beginning by the 
destruction of fort Colorokoui." Vol. 
59, Jesuit Relations, p. 251. The ef- 
fect of the success over the Susque- 
I hannocks by the Iroquois was much 
j like the effect of the victory over Na- 
I polean upon the Duke of Wellington. 
I The Iroquois felt they could now con- 
; quer the worthiest foe in all the 
world, and that now they could over- 
| come the French themselves. Chrono- 
| logically this last paragraph is out 
of order; but I use U here simply 



again to illustrate the prowess of the 
Susquehannocks, which is plainly 
shown in that the Iroquois consid- 
ered their subjugation an event of 
first magnitude. 
1652 — The Haughty Susquehannocks 

Now Beg An Alliance with the 

Government of Maryland — A 

Treaty Formed. 

In the very opening stages of the 
combined Iroquois onslaught upon 
them the eyes of the Susquehannocks 
were opened; and their haughty pride 
was humbled. They had found a foe- 
man worthy of their arms. While it 
was not true that 1000 of them were 
taken as the item under 1651 sets 
forth; it was true that many of them 
were killed by the barbarians of the 
north in these first encounters. The 
Susquehannocks knew they could 
not single-handed contend with the 
combined Iroquois forces, and so 
they proposed alliance with Mary- 

Therefore they entered into the fol- 
lowing treaty with Maryland: "Ar- 
ticles of Peace and Friendship Treat- 
ed and Agreed upon this 5th day of 
July, 1652, between the English of 
Maryland of one part and the Susque- 
hannock Indian Nation on the other 
part followeth: 

1. That the English nation shall 
hold and occupy to them and their 
heirs and assigns forever all the 
lands lying north of Patuxent river 
to Palmer's Island and to the west- 
ern side of the Bay of Chesapeake 
and from Choptank river to the North 
East Branch to the northeast of Elk 
river on the northeast with all is- 
lands, creeks, fish, fouls, deer, elk, 
and whatsoever else belongs except 
the islands of Kent and Palmer's 
which belong to Clayborne, but it 
shall be lawful for both the English 
and the Indians to build houses or 
forts for trade on Palmer's sland. 

2. "If there is any damage done 

on either side at any time hereafter 
by the English or the Indians afore- 
said or any other confederated tribe 
or servants of them, that report be 
made and satisfaction be given from 
each other from time to time as the 
case requires and as in reason 
should be done between those that 
are friends and desire to continue so. 

3. "That if any people or servants 
that belong to the English or to the 
Indians shall go away or run away 
from either side they shall not be 
concealed or kept away from each 
other; but with all constant speed be 
returned and brought home and sat- 
isfaction to be made in reasonable 
way for transport of them by land or 
by water. 

4. "That on any occasion of busi- 
ness to the English or any message, 
or the like, the Indians, shall come 
by water and not by land that there 
shall not be above eight or ten at 
any one time, and that they bring 
with them the tokens given them by 
the English for that purpose by 
which they may be known and enter- 
tained. And also the English on their 
parts when they send to the Indians 
any message shall carry the token 
which we have received from them. 

5. "And lastly that these articles 
and every particular of them, shall 
be really and inviolably observed, 
kept and performed by the two na- 
tions before named and by the people 
to tham or that are in amity with 
them forever, to the end of the 
world; and that all former injuries 
being buried and forgotten, from 
henceforth they do promise and 
agree to walk together and carry one 
towards another in all things as 
friends, and to assist one another ac- 
cordingly. But if it so hereafter at 
any time happen that either party is 
weary of peace and intends war, then 
the same shall be signified and made 
known each to the other by sending 



and delivering up this writing, before 
any act of hostility or enmity be 
done or attempted and that 20 days' 
warning thereof be given before- 

"These several articles were sol- 
emnly and mutually declared and 
concluded at the river Severn, in 
Province of Maryland by Richard 
Benett et al, for the Governor and 
Council and by Savahegah, Aieroh- 
toregh, Scarluhadigh, Ruthchoque ; 
and Natheldrruh, War Captains and | 
Counsellors of the Susquehannoughs 
Commissioners appointed and sent by 
said province and the Susquehan- 
noughs and were fully interpreted, 
done and confirmed by several pres- 
ents, gifts and tokens of friendship, 
mutually given and received" See 
this treaty Vol. 3, Md. Arch. p. 276- 
7 and Bozman's Md. p. 682. (We shall 
see at a later date how treacherously 
the Marylanders \iolated the sancity 
of the tokens or medals spoken of 
here, and slaughtered the holders of 
them. ) 

Speaking on this same treaty Scharf 
and Johnson both say in 1652 the 
differences between the Susquehan- 
nocks and Maryland were again com- 
posed, and a treaty was made be- 
tween them. The Susquehannocks 
began to see the unwisdom of war 
with the whites and with the Iro- 
quois at the same time. Scharf's 
History of Maryland, p. 212, Geo. 
Johnson, in his History of Cecil 
County, has the following to say upon 
that treaty of 1652: "A treaty was 
made between Maryland and the 
Susquehannocks, being the first 
treaty of which any record is pro- 
served. This was done where Annap- 
olis now stands, (p. 17). The treaty 
provided inter alia, "That the English 
shall have all the land from Patuxent 
River to Palmer's Island on the west 
side of Chesapeake and from Chop- 

tank to northeast Branch or Creek 
lying to the northward of Elk River 
on the east side." (p. 17) This 
treaty was asserted by the Governor 
of Maryland, in our first Court House 
in Centre Square in Lancaster City, 
then a Borough, June 25, 1744, when 
and where the said Governor, speak- 
ing to the representatives of the Five 
Nations then assembled at the Treaty 
of 1744 said: "The Susquehanna In- 
dians by a treaty above ninety years 
since, which is on the table and will 
be interpreted to you, gave to the 
English Nation and their heirs and 
assigns forever, the lands we possess 
from Patuxent River," etc. (4 Col. 
Rec. 704). And the Indian orator 
replying the next day said: "We ac- 
knowledge that the Conestoga or 
Susquehanna Indians had a right to 
sell those lands unto you for they 
were theirs, but since then we have 
conquered them." (Do. p. 708). This 
would also make this treaty about 
1652, and it also asserts the fact of 
its existence, and its import. 
1652— Hurons Not Able to Help the 
Susquehannocks in the War. 

As we have stated in the last paper 
the combined Iroquois were too pow- 
erful for the Susquehannocks, and 
they looked to Maryland in treaty 
to help them. That they made the 
overtures to the whites is evident 
from the introduction to the treaty, 
viz.: "Whereas this court is inform- 
ed that the Susquehannocks have a 
long time desired and much pressed 
for peace with this province, etc." 
Bozman, pp. 450 and 451. 

Neither could the Huron cousins of 
the Susquehannocks help them; be- 
cause beside, subjugated five years be- 
fore, their geographical position was 
not favorable to co-operation. In Vol. 
38, Jesuit Relations, p. 235, it is said 
"The country of the Hurons is apart 
of New France. Southward a little 



to the west comes the neutral nation, 
whose first villages were not more 
than 100 miles distant from the Hu- 
rons, the territory of this nation ex- 
tending 150 miles; thence moving 
from the neutrals a little toward the 
east one reaches New Sweden, where 
dwell the Andaste (Susquehannocks), 
who are allied to our Hurons and 
speak a language not very different 
from them. They are distant from 
us about 500 miles." 

1654 — Indians Except Susquehan- 
nocks to be Deprived of their Guns. 

Amity with the Susquehannocks 
seems now to have been firmly estab- 
lished by the Maryland government; 
Maryland passed the following act 
for their benefit; "It shall be lawful 
for any person to take away from 
any Indian that shall come within 
the liberties and bounds of St. Mary's 
and Potomac, their guns, powder and 
shott; and that none shall entertain 
Indians in their houses except they 
come on public treaty ,which is meant 
only of the Susquehannocks and the 
Emperor of the Piscataways; and 
that as far as possble the Indians 
have notice of this Act." Vol. 1, 
Maryland Archives p. 348. 
1654 — An Extensive Beaver Trade 
Carried on by Susquehannocks. 

We now turn for a moment again 
to the situation, environments and 
trade of the Susquehannocks at 
this time before going into their 
war with the Iroquois. 

In Gerrett Van Sweeringen's Ac- 
count of the Settling of the Dutch 
and Swedes at Delaware found p. 
746, in Vol. 5 of Ser. Pa. Arch. (p. 
748) he says: "In the year 1654 the 
head of the Chesapeake Bay in Mary- 
land was not at that time seated and 
so the Marylanders did not take much 
notice of the Dutch or Swedes. The 
Swedes sailed up hiding themselves 
in a creek called the Schuylkill — in 

English "Hiding Creek." (Do.) And 
in the same volume p. 235 it is said 
"Thousands of beavers can be bought 
around the Schuylkill or Bever's 
Rede, which are brought down in 
great abundance by the Minquas and 
the Black Indians." Wm. Penn also 
in a paper dated 1690 mentions that 
the Indians of the Susquehanna came 
to Philadelphia by way of the Schuyl- 
kill and its branches — their old and 
unusual course. (I Haz. Reg. 400). 
Thus from all this we see that while 
the Susquehannocks' wars were in 
progress their trade was going on 

1656— The Susquehannocks Still Hunt 
About Lake Ontario. 

Some fathers of the Jesuits this 
year with other Frenchmen journey 
to the Upper Iroquois and tell of one 
of the experiences as follows: "To- 
wards evening some hunters perceiv- 
ed us (at the end of Lake Ontario) ; 
Vol. 43, Jesuit Relations, p. 141 — and 
on seeing so many canoes in our 
company they fled, leaving behind 
them some booty for our people, who 
seized their weapons and beaver 
skins and all their baggage; but cap- 
turing one of those hunters we found 
that he belonged to the tribe of An- 
dastogue (Susquehannocks), with 
whom we are not at war. Our French 
therefore gave back to them that 
which they had plundered; this how- 
ever did not induce our savages to 
display the same courtesy." Vol. 43, 
Jesuit Relations, p. 143. 

Two historical facts are worthy of 
notice here: (1) that the Susquehan- 
nocks continued to make hunting par- 
ties to the northward the same as 
in the days when they were not at 
war with the Iroquois, and (2) that 
though the French were the friends 
of the Iroquois, the 'fathers' say they 
are not at war with the Susquehan- 



1660— The Piscataways Complain of | 
the Effects of War. 

In Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, pp. 
402 and 403, it is reported that the 
Emperor of the Piscataways came to 
the English and complained as fol- 
lows: "A long time ago there came 
a king from the eastern shore who 
commanded over all the Indians now 
inhabiting within the bounds of this 
province of Maryland (naming every 
town severally), and also over the 
Powtomacks and Susquehannocks, 
whom, because he di' 1 embrace and 
cover all of them, he called Wafoin- 
gassenew. This man dying without 
issue made his brother, Quakon-as- 
siam king after him; after whom 
succeeded his other brothers. After 
his brothers they took a sister's son, 
and so from brother to brother. Af- 
ter this they were in danger of the 
Senecas, who are a potent nation, 
and had lately killed five of their 
men and threatened their fort for 
being friends with us and the Sus- 
quehannocks, who are at war with 
the said Senecas. Therefore they 
(the Piscataways) desire for pay 
they might have four English to help 
them make their fort." To this the 
authorities of Maryland explained the 
council would be called together and 
come to the Potomac and give them 
(the Piscataways) an answer." See 
Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, pp. 402 

Thus this old Piscataway Emper- 
or, after tracing the line of powerful 
kings who at one time held a con- 
federacy of Indian nations about the 
Potomac, similar to the Five Nations, 
now in New York, ends by saying 
that the Piscataway friendship for the 
whites and Susquehannocks has 
brought about a hereditary hatred to 
the Piscataways on the part of the 
descendants of the original powers of 
the confederacy. 

1661— Maryland Again Declares War 
Against the Susquehannocks. 

Just about the time the Susque- 
hannocks were in the midst of the 
war with the Iroquois, their bad faith 
toward Maryland and their outrages 
upon the whites, caused Maryland to 
declare war upon them too. John- 
son in his History of Cecil County, 
page 51, says that in 1661 the "Coun- 
cil of Maryland met at Susquehanna 
Point, just below Perryville, and de- 
clared war on the Susquehannocks. 
But two years later, viz. 1663, says the 
same author, page 61, "Notice was 
sent to the Susquehannocks to come 
to Maryland to treat with the Com- 
missioners of Baltimore County; and 
that at this time the Senecas had 
begun to intimidate the Susquehan- 
nocks." This treaty is also noticed 
by Scharff in his History of Maryland 
page 290. We remember also that 
Maryland and the Susquehannocks 
made a treaty in 1652, mainly for 
land; but partly also of amity. This 
presupposes a state of hostility pre- 
cedent. Both of which treaties of 
1652 and 1663, between Maryland and 
the Susquehannocks point out that 
they were warring on the whites and 
the Iroquois at the same time. Later 
we will show how the Iroquois fear- 
ed the Susquehannas after the fatal 
expedition; and .also enter upon the 
Seneca-Susquehannock War. 
1661— Fortunes of War Hard Against 
the Susquehannocks. 

The Susquehannock-Iroquois war 
has now been going on about ten 
years, and the Susquehannocks are 
losing ground rapidly. Maryland 
passed a law to assist them, the ver- 
batim transcript of which may be 
seen in a prior item. To carry out 
the benefits intended by the Act a 
commission was issued by Maryland 
to John Odber as follows: 

"We, Cecelius to John Odber, greet- 



ing: Appoint you Captain of 50 
soldiers to be raised in the province 
of Maryland, and them to have use 
and command with provisions, vic- 
tuals and ammunition and to set 
forth with them in a march to the 
Susquehanna fort to the resistance 
of all enemies declared and to be de- 
clared and to defend the said fort 
against all attempts from any ene- 
mies of the Susquehannocks or of the 
province according to such instruc- | 
tions as you shall receive from us, j 
or our lieutenant general from time 
to time, and them to vanquish and I 
put to death, and all or any other j 
things, acts and powers to use and 
do concerning said expedition, till 
the return of the soldiers into this 
province again, as to the captain of 
an army or governor of a fort by the 
laws and use of warre doth or may 
belong. Given under our lesser seal 
of said province 18th May, 1661. 
Philip Calvert." Vol. 1, Maryland 
Archives, p. 417. 

Thus the Susquehannock fort was 
evidently again in danger. In fact 
the Senecas were pressing on from 
the northward that the Susquehan- 
nocks were about being driven out 
of the fort on toward the Potomac, 
to which point about ten years later 
the Senecas did drive them, and at 
which latter place they made their 
famous last stand, as we shall see 

Evans' and Ellis' history calls at- 
tention, page 11, to the fact that at 
this same time there was a fort on 
the Susquehanna near the mouth of 
the Octorara; and that it was pro- 
tected by a small stockade to har- 
bor hunting parties. But as the main 
fort, as we have shown, was farther 
up the river, three miles above the 
mouth of Conestoga Creek." 

According to Hazard's Annals, p. 
346, at this time the Susquehannocks 

were greatly reduced, as well by 
smallpox as by war. 

The character and progress of the 
war will claim our attention later. 

Act or Law Passed by Maryland in 
1661 to Help the Susquehannas. 

Through the goodness of that most 
competent archivest, Hon. L. R. Kel- 
ker at Harrisburg; and the able and 
obliging Assistant Librarian of the 
Pennsylvania Historical Society 
at Philadelphia, Mr. Ernst Spofford, 
two of my especially valued friends 
and co-workers, I am able to send 
forth the context of the Act of Assem- 
bly of Maryland passed May 1, 1661, 
in that Colony to help our Susque- 
hannocks. Both these gentlemen 
sent me copies of the Act. 

The Act, which is found in Acts of 
Assembly 1637 to 1664 Vol. 1 (Balti- 
more) Maryland Historical Society, 
1883, p. 406 and 7; also Archives of 
Maryland, is as follows: 

"Thursday, second of May, 1661, 
present as before. Then was reade 
the Act concerning the Burgesses 
tyme and charge which was voted by 
the whole house to passe. Acts 
made at a General Assembly held at 
St. Johns in St. Mary's country, begin- 
ning April the seventeenth, 1661." 

"An Acte impowering the Gover- 
nor and Council to rayse forces and 
mayntayne a warre without the pro- 
vince and to ayde the Susquehan- 
nough Indians. 

"Whereas it doth appeare to this 
present General Assembly that this 
Province is in imminent danger by a 
warre begun in itt by some foreign 
Indians as it hath been made to ap- 
peare by credible information given 
of a person lately killed and of others 
that are probably cut off by these 
foreign Indians, and that in humane 
probability our neighbor Indians, the 



Susquehannocks are a bullwarke and 
Security of the Northern parts of the 
Province and that by former treaties 
with that nation they have very 
much assured us of their affections 
and friendship. And that they ex- 
pected the like from us. And by their 
treaties it was agreed Assistance 
should be granted to each other in 
tyme of danger, And upon their sev- 
eral late applications to us to that 
purpose Ayde hath been promis(ed) 
them accordingly. 

"It is enacted and be it enacted 
(by) the Lord Proprietary of this 
Province by and with the advice and 
consent of the Upper and Lower 
House of this present General As- 
sembly that the governor with the 
advice and consent of the council 
have power to leavy and rayse by 
presse or otherwise fifty able men 
with armes and Provisions and all 
things necessary for them to be sent 
to the Susquehannough Forte for the 
ends aforesaid. And the proportion 
of the said soldiers to be raysed out 
of the several countyes followeth — 
vizt: Out of the County of St. Mary's 
11; out of Calvert county, 15; out of 
Charles county, 7; out of Anne Arun- 
del, 11; out of Kent, 3, with one in- 
terpreter, a Captaine and Chirurgeon, 
and for the paye of the officers and 
souldiers aforesaid to be proportioned 
as followeth until the souldiers re- 
turne — to the Commander in Chief 
600 pounds of tobacco in caske per 
month; to the interpreter 600 pounds 
per month; to the lieutenant 400 
pounds per month, to the sergeant, 
300 pounds per month and to the 
Chirurgeon foure hundred per month 
and to every private souldier 250 
pounds per month. 

"And be it further enacted by the 
authority aforesaid for the defray- 
ing of the charges of said warre and 
all charges incident to with; That 

the Governor and Council are hereby 
impowered to leavy by way of as- 
sessment per pole according to the 
usual custome of this Province. 

"And in the interval of Assemblys 
to rayse what forces they in their 
discretion shall think necessary 
against the Seneca nation of Indians 
or any other Indians that shall be 
found to have killed any of the in- 
habitants of this Province or that 
have or shall disturb the peace there- 
of. And the charges to be defrayed 
as aforesaid. 

"This Acte to continue and be in 
force for two years or the next Gen- 
erall Assembly which shall first hap- 

"The Upper House Have Assented 
—Will Bretton, clerk. 

"The Lower House Have Assented 
— John Gittings, clerk. 

I cite this Act not alone for the 
provision it makes for support of the 
Susquehannocks; but also for the 
many facts of history it sets out in 
the first paragraphs explaining the 
cause of the Act, viz.: the repeated 
applications made by them for help, 
showing the trouble they had with 
the northern tribes — the setting forth 
of the reciprocal arrangement the 
Whites and the Susquehannocks had 
— the fact that the treaties made 
with the savages were not merely 
playthings, and gala day meetings, 
but were of sufficient solemnity to 
require statutes to be passed to 
carry them out, and finally the hon- 
orable way in which the whites look- 
ed upon these Susquehannocks. 
1<>(>1— Instructions to Captain Obder. 

Prior we gave a copy of the com- 
mission to Obder, constituting him 
an officer to assist the Susquehan- 
nocks, in resisting the Five Nations. 

We now give their instructions 
which the government of Maryland 



gave to him, directing him how to 
proceed, copied from Vol. 4, Mary- 
land Archives, pp. 417 and 418. They 
are as follows: 

"1. You are to choose some fit 
place either within or without the 
Forte (Susquehanna Fort^ which you 
are to fortify for your own se- 
curity and to demand the assistance 
of the Susquehannocks to fetch tim- 
ber and other necessaries for the 
fortifications according to the article 
now concluded between us and fur- 
ther to cause some spurs or flankers 
to be laid out for the defense of the 
Indian fort, whom you are upon all 
occasions to assist against the as- 
saults of their enemies. 

"2. On arrival at the fort imme- 
diately press them to appoint some 
one or more of their great men to 
whom you shall make your applica- 
tions on all occasions, that is, either 
of demanding assistance to help for- 
tify or for provisions or upon any or- 
der received from us. 

"3. Procure that certain persons 
be appointed who are to be messen- 
gers between you and us according 
to the articles and be sure to advise 
us of every accident of importance 
that shall befall you or the Susque- 
hannocks and of the proceedings of 
the affairs. 

"4. You are carefully to inform 
yourself of the progress of the warre 
between the Susquehannock and 
Seneca Indians and if you find them 
lacking in it to press them discreet- 
ly to a vigorous prosecution of it. 

5. "You are to avoid quarrels with 
the Susquehannocks and not to allow 
soldiers to sit or drink with them. 

"6. Make diligent inquiries touch- 
ing the numbers of the women in Pat- 
apsco River, and of the motion of 
the companies of them. 

"7. You are to have a very wary 
eye on all the Dutch that come to 
the Forte (Susquehannock Fort) ob- 

serving their actions and treaties 
with the Indians but show not any 
animosity against them; if you find 
any close contrivances to our pre- 
judice give it notice." 

Thus from this we see that Mary- 
land was suspicious of the Dutch who 
were now the owners of a good deal 
of southeastern Pennsylvania, till 
1644, when the English divested them 
of title. It is also noticeable that 
great care was always observed by 
Maryland that the Susquehannocks 
should not become suspicious of the 
help of the White Brethren of Mary- 

1661 — Various Fortunes of War Now 
Occupy Both Nations. 

The Jesuit Fathers speaking of the 
scouting parties of the Susquehan- 
nocks say Vol. 47, Jesuit Relations, 
p. 71: "On Lake Ontario (The Great 
Lake of the Iroquois) we met three 
canoes from Onneirout, on their way 
to fight against the Nez Pierce In- 
dians. They told us that the Susque- 
hannocks (dwelling near New Swe- 
den) had recently killed on their 
fields three of the Orocouenhonnous 
(a tribe of the Five Nations)." 

1661— The Jesuits are Pleased That 

Susquehannocks Hold Iroquois 

in Cheek. 

The Jesuits appreciate very much 
the vigor of the Susquehannocks, as 
it is taking the pride out of the Iro- 
quois, who about this time because 
they had grown haughty over their 
victory over the Hurons and other 
tribes, had designs to fall upon the 
French themselves. The Jesuits in 
Vol. 47, Jesuit Relations, p. 107, say: 
"We doubt not it is a stroke of Hea- 
ven that has very seasonable caused 
a division of forces and aroused up 
in our behalf the Andaste (Susque- 
hannocks) savages of warlike spirit 
and ever held in dread by the Upper 
Iroquois, against whom war is kind- 



ling in such strength that we have 
now against us only the Agnieron- 
nous (Mohawks) and Onneirounhon- 
nos, who form but a small part of 
the Iroquois." 

We can find much original histori- 
cal matter in this last paragraph. It 
tells us that the Susquehannocks 
were regarded "of warlike spirit" by 
the Indians and the whites of the 
north — that the Upper Iroquois "ever 
held them in dread" — that they were 
pressing the war with such vigor that 
they made the whole Five Nations 
unable to attend to any other affairs, 
or to give attention to any other 
enemies than the Susquehannocks; 
and caused a division of the Iroquois 

1661 — Susquehannocks Have Broken 

Up Seneca Fur Trade With 

New York. 

The Susquehannocks single handed 
so harassed the Iroquois and so 
planted themselves between them and 
New York that the peltry trade of 
the Sencas, one of the Five Nation 
or Iroquois tribes, was nearly cut 
off at the same time they were pro- 
secuting the war. The French work 
entitled "Relations de la Neuville 
France" for 1661, p. 40, says: "The 
Susquehannocks also kept the Sene- 
cas in such alarm that they no longer 
ventured to carry their peltry to 
New York except in caravans escort- 
ed by 600 men who even took a cir- 
cuitous route." This is another 
proof of what the Susquehannocks 
were made of. About this time it 
seems the Iroquois had the worst of 
the contest, as the Relations de la 
Neuville France for 1662 p. 11 say, 
"Smarting under constant defeat the 
Five Nations now solicited French 
aid." The same work for the year 
1661 p. 39 says "In 1661 small pox 
broke out sweeping off many. War 
had now begun in earnest with 

the Five Nations: and though the 
Susquehannocks had some of their 
people killed near their town (on 
Susquehanna) they in turn pressed 
the Cayugas so hard that some of 
them retreated across Lake Ontario 
to Canada." 
1661 — Susquehannocks Ungrateful 

to Maryland. 
In spite of the fact that Maryland 
tried to befriend the Susquehannocks 
it would seem they did not greatly 
appreciate it. In the midst of their 
war, they found time to harass and 
kill whites surreptitiously. Vol. 3 
Md. Arch. 413 gives us this account 
of this. "An information touching 
the death of four Englishmen killed 
in passage between Delaware Bay and 
Chesapeake by Indians — John Taylor 
says, one Easter Eve two Indians 
came to his house but he did not un- 
derstand their language, told them to 
go, he knowing of a murder commit- 
ted on Robt. Gorsuch's wife. So they 
left Next day they came with seven 
more and one woman who coming 
near his landing shot off a gun to give 
notice. They asked him for tobacco 
and ha gave it to them and on sight 
of another canoe of Indians he told 
them to be gone. The Indians shot 
another man and plundered his house 
and tobacco house of 1000 pounds to- 
i bacco. They also killed eleven head 
I of cattle and twenty hogs. Meeting 
! certain other Indans he asked who 
i the others were and they said they 
, were all Susquehannocks. 

Nevertheless the heaviest cam- 

| paigns of the Susquehannock— Iro- 

| quois War were yet to come, and for 

I mutual help the Maryland and the 

Susquehannocks entered into a new 

treaty of peace. 

1661— A New Treaty of Amity Be- 
tween the Susquehannocks and 

The rough surgery which the Five 


Nations were practicing on the Sus- 
quehannocks made them again turn 
to Maryland, though single handed 
up to this time they held their own 
against the confederated savages of 
the north. A treaty was made ac- 
cordingly May 16, 1661, by the Sus- 
quehannocks with Maryland as fol- 

1. It is mutually agreed that we 
shall according to our former agree- 
ments mutually assist one the other 
against the enemies of either nation 
upon timely notice given to each by 
the other. 

2. That such Indian men who are 
prisoners and shall happen to be ta- 
ken in war shall be delivered to the 
English, as well such as have been 
killed as others. 

3. That the English shall send up 
to Susquehanna Fort fifty men to help 
defend the fort. 

4. That ihe Susquehannocks shall 
permit the captain of the English sol- 
diers to choose a place either within 
or without the fort to fortify himself 
in, and that the Susquehannocks 
shall help him to fetch logs or other 
materials or timber for the fortifica- 

5. That the Susquehannocks shall 
find the English soldiers with suffi- 
cient fish and flesh and bread ready 

6. That there shall be six Indians 
appointed by the Susquehannocks to 
be ready to carry letters between the 
captain of the English at the Fort 
and Colonel Utyes' house, and from 
thence to the Fort, to which end two 
of them shall always be upon Pal- 
mer's Island. 

7. That to prevent mischiefs and 
misunderstandings and not distin- 
guishing the Susquehannock Indians 
the Susquehannocks shall not come 
ordinarily to any other house but to 
the house of Captain Thomas Stockett 

or Jacob Clauson, from whence they 
shall have tickets if they have occa- 
sion to come freely among the Eng- 
lish plantations; and if by enemies 
they be driven among the English 
they shall be found to halloo before 
they come near any English house, 
and upon the appearance of the Eng- 
lish they shall immedately lay down 
their arms, to be in the English pos- 
session till they depart. 

8. That the Susquehannocks shall 
send all runaways of the English 
down to Captain Thomas Stockett im- 
mediately after arrival at the Fort. 

9. That the English having now 
declared that they will demand satis- 
faction of the Possegouke (northern) 
Indians for the death of John Nordon 
and his companions slayn (slain) by 
the aforesaid Indians, and upon de- 
cision to prosecute a war with them 
the Susquehannocks shall upon fur- 
ther notice given be ready to assist 
in the said war with necessary force, 
which the said English will prose- 
cute upon the said northern Indians." 

This treaty may be found in Vol. 
3, Maryland Archives, p. 420, and is 
signed by the English emissaries, 
and by the following Susquehannock 
Indian chiefs: Dahadaghesa, Sara- 
wgarora, Andra-Souque, Waskanec- 
qua, Saraquendelt, Karagarago and 
Wadonbago, dated May 21, 1661, the 
day it was concluded, the conference 
having lasted five days. 

This treaty was made pursuant to 
the Act of Assembly May 2, 1661, to 
which we have called attention as 
well as have set out a verbatim copy 
thereof; and under and by virtue of 
both Colonel Obder was given the 
commission and instructions we have 
noted before. But while they were 
in sore need of help from the Whites 
the Susquehannocks seemed not" to 
appreciate it; or at least were too 
haughty to do the menial work the 
English soldiers required of them in 



helping to build the fortifications to 
strengthen the Susquehanna Fort. 

1661 — The Susquehannocks do not 
Appreciate English Help in War. 

Captain Obder gives this account of 
his attempt to help the Susquehan- 
nocks under the provisions of the 
above Act of Assembly and Treaty. 

"November 27 Captain Obder came 
to give account of this expedition to 
the Susquehannock Fort and was 
asked why he came down from the 
Fort without order from the Gover- 
nor. He said that the Susquehan- 
nocks came to him and told him that 
they could not compel their men to 
furnish the soldiers with provisions ! 
according to the article; and there- j 
fore bid them provide themselves and j 
be gone tomorrow in the cances that | 
were provided to carry the ammuni- j 
tion to them. He said he had left all 
the arms with Mr. Lloyd except one i 
gun at Jacob's, and the arms of every j 
soldier were carried home to be de- j 
livered to the owners thereof from \ 
whom they received them. This an- 
swer not having satisfied the informa- 
tion of the Lieutenant Governor, he 
was ordered to give account in writ- 
ing of his proceedings with the Sus- 
quehannocks by next council. See 
Maryland Archives, Vol. 3, p. 434. 

Nov. 28 Captain Obder was called 
to give account in writing according 
to the former order but he appeared 
not. Then was called John Everett 
to answer his contempt in running 
away from his colors when pressed 
to go to the Susquehanna Fort, and 
he pleads that he cannot bear arms 
for his conscience sake; and it is or- 
dered that he be tried at the next 
court. Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, 
p. 441. 

The reasons for the drawing the 
Act to aid the Susquehannocks and 
who drew it and the necessity for a 
treaty are set forth in Vol. 1, Mary- 
land Archives, p. 400, as follows: 

"Ordered that Messrs.Ed. Lloyd, John 
Bateman, Col. Wm. Evans el al draw 
up an Act empowering the Governor 
and Council in the interval between 
this and next Assembly to raise forces 
they find necessary to ayde the Sus- 
quehannocks against the Senecas, 
that have lately killed some English- 
men in Patapsco River, and that the 
expense be raised by an assessment, 
and in Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, p. 
411, it is said that on consideration 
of the Act passed to ayde the Sus- 
quehannocks it was decided to send 
John Obder with an army of fifty 

Thus this expedition and design to 
help the Susquehannocks in their 
great war, though they desired a 
treaty on the subject, was the same 
as several former efforts by the 
Whites to help them, and to deal 
with them, a failure. In following 
items we shall notice further efforts 
and also take up the weary progress 
of the war. 

1662 — Susquehannocks Blockaded in 
Their Fort. 

Page 347, Hazard Annals, is set forth 
one of Alricks papers, "When I arrived 
on May 31st at New Amstel (1662) 
I perceived there a great change; all 
were jointly engaged to repair the 
Fort as the Minquas were blocked in 
their Fort by the Senecas being about 
800 strong. When rhe Senecas ap- 
proached three or four men were dis- 
patched to the Fort with the offer of 
peace while their force remained at 
a distance; but a Minqua returning 
from hunting discovered the Senecas 
so that next day, they from the Fort 
concluded to meet them with 20 or 
30 men when the Minquas at the 
same time with their force made an 
attack drove the Senecas to flight 
and pursued them for two days re- 
taking 10 persons and 10 men killed 
if we can depend on two Minquas 


who arrived at New Amstel on the 
2nd, inst." This is verbatim from the 
Alrick papers dated June 2, 1663. 

1662 — The Great Susquehannock-Iro- 
quois War — Iroquois Expedition 
Down Susquehanna River. 

Formerly we showed how this war 
began in 1652, and progressed in a 
desultory way on toward 1660 

The principal campaign of the War 
was in 1662; and indeed it is the only 
campaign of which historians tell us 
anything definitely. The best ac- 
count of its chief event, and to my 
mind the most reliable one, is that 
set forth in Vol. 48 of the Jesuit Re- 
lations p. 75 written practically con- 
temporaneous with the event. The 
description is dated 1662 and is set 
forth as follows: "Last year two 
tribes of the Iroquois formed an ex- 
pedition to go and lie in ambush for 
the upper Algonquins. For this pur- 
pose they set out early in 1662. But 
the Iroquois, who had never learned 
to run away, would have been glad 
to do so at any time, for shafts were 
leveled upon them in every direction. 

The other Iroquois nations had no 
better success in an expedition un- 
dertaken by them against the Andaste 
(Susquehannas) savages of New Swe- 
den, with whom War broke out some 
years ago (p. 77). Raising accordingly 
an army of 890 men they embarked 
on Lake Ontario toward the begin- 
ning of April last, and directed their 
course toward the extremity of the 
beautiful lake to a great river very 
much like our St. Lawrence, leading 
without rapids and without falls to 
the very gates of the village of An- 
daste or Andastogue. There our 
warriors arrived after journeying 
more than one hundred leagues on 
that beautiful river. Camping in the 
most advantageous position they pre- 
pared to make a general assault plan- 
ning, as is their wont, to sack the 

whole village and return home at the 
earliest moment loaded with glory 
and with captives. 

But they saw that this village was 
defended on one side by the stream 
on whose banks it was situated, and 
on the opposite by a double curtain 
of large trees flanked by bastions, 
erected on the European manner, and 
being supplied with some pieces of ar- 
tillery. Surprised at finding defenses 
so well planned the Iroquois abandon- 
ed the projected assult, and after 
some light skirmishing resorted to 
their customary subtility, in order to 
gain by trickery what they could not 
accomplish by force. Making thin 
overtures for a parley they offered to 
enter the besieged town to the num- 
ber twenty-five, partly to treat for 
peace, as they declared, and partly to 
buy provisions for their return jour- 
ney. The gates were opened for 
them and they went in; but were im- 
mediately seized, and without further 
delay made to mount a scaffold or 
scaffolds, where in sight of their own 
army they were burned alive. The 
Andaste by this declaring war more 
hotly than ever gave the Iroquois to 
understand that this was merely the 
prelude to what they were going to 
do in the latter's country, and that 
the Iroquos had only to go back 
home as speedily as possible and 
prepare for siege or at least make 
ready to see their fields laid waste. 

The Iroquois, more humiliated by 
this insult than can be imagined, dis- 
banded and prepared to adopt the de- 
fensive. They had hitherto borne 
their arms in victory through all 
these regions. But what are they to 
do now? And besides small pox — an 
American pest — had wrought sad ha- 
voc in their villages." 

The Dauphin County Archaelogo- 
ists, in their pamphlet cited before, 
tell of this expedition, which they 



mistakenly fix as 1663, instead of the 
correct year, 1662, page 41, as fol- 
lows: "In April, 1663, the western 
cantons raised an army of 800 men 
to invest and storm the Susquehanna 
fort. This fort was erected about 20 
miles from the mouth of the River, 
the enemy embarking on Lake On- 
tario, according to the French ac- 
count, and then went overland to the 
Susquehannocks. On reaching the 
fort however they found it well de- 
fended on the river side and on the 
land side with two bastions in Euro- 
pean style, with cannon mounted, 
connected by a double guard of large 
trees. After some skirmishing the 
Iroquois resorted to strategy. They 
sent a party in to ask for peace and 
the Susquehannocks burned them be- 
fore their eyes. The force of the Iro- 
quois was about 1600 while the Sus- 
quehannocks had in their fort only 
100 men. On the retreat of the Iro- 
quois the Susquehannocks pursued 
them with considerable slaughter." 
1662 — The Susquehannocks Now Con- 
tend Against War and Small Pox. 
On the 20th Feb., 1662, Beekman 
writes: "The Senecas and Minquas 
are still at war. The savages on the 
river too are in, this winter as they 
did not go on hunting as usual which 
causes nearly a stagnation in trade." 
(Haz. Annals, p. 330). A month or 
two before the last writing the same 
writer wrote: "Many of the Minquas 
(Susquehannocks) died lately by the 
small pox. They are nearly besieged 
by the Senecas, which caused a de- 
cline in our trade with them. I was 
informed that the Senecas killed an- 
other savage not far from that place 
but a little above it where the Swe- 
dish concentration is made". Haz. 
Annals, p. 329. Nov. 27, 1662, Beek- 
man writes to Governor Stuyvesant: 
"On the 3rd arrived three Susque- 
hannock chiefs with their suite. Sup- 

posing that they had something to 
communicate respecting the late 
murders, we requested the presence of 
the Swedish commissary. The chiefs 
bitterly complained that on our in- 
formation and complaints they dis- 
covered the murders were committed 
by a young Seneca residing among 
them. And these Susquehannock 
chiefs further say that as long as 
the Christians have resided here it 
can never be proved that any of the 
Susquehannocks have in any manner 
injured or offended them; on the con- 
trary they have showed them every 
mark of friendship and were always 
willing and cheerfully employed in 
reconciling differences between them 
and the other savages. They said 
about three years ago one of their 
nation was murdered by the Chris- 
tians near New Amstel (now New 
Castle; see p. 206), which they did 
not resent. These Susquehannock 
chiefs also expected ere long to their 
assistance about 800 Swedish Min- 
quas (Pennsylvania Susquehannocks) 
of whom about 200 had arrived, so 
that next spring they were resolved 
to make war with the Senecas and 
go and visit the forest, whereof they 
solicited the Christians to provide 
them with ammunition of war when- 
ever they paid for it." (Haz. Annals, 
pp. 341 and 342). This last state- 
ment about the Susquehannocks go- 
ing to make war on the Senecas 
simply means that the Susquehan- 
nocks had now determined to take 
the offensive, so heretofore they were 
mainly on the defensive. 

1662— Maryland Again Favors an Act 
of Assembly Helping Susque- 

In Vol. 1 of Maryland Archives, p. 
428, it is set out that in 1662, "Up- 
on reading the Act empowering the 
Government to aid the Susquehan- 
nocks to maintain a war, now expir- 



ed it was put to question whether it 
was fit to move the lower house to 
consent to a new Act empowering 
the Governor and Council to raise 
forces to maintain a war without the 
province for some determinate time, 
and it was resolved that the lower 
house do agree with the upper house 
in such an Act and that an Act be 
passed to encourage soldiers by pen- 
sion who shall volunteer and adven- 
ture in defense of their country." 

1663— The Tide of War is Now Favor- 
able to the Susquehannocks. 

The campaign of 1662 in the Sus- 
quehannock-Iroquois war was on the 
whole favorable to the Susquehan- 
nocks. Especially were the Iroquois 
disheartened by the fate of their ex- 
pedition down the Susquehanna of 
800 warriors, of whom 25 were burn- 
ed alive in the Susquehannocks' fort. 
Thus one large "branch of the Iro- 
quois (the Sonnadauchonnoas) the 
farthest nation from the east, ask for 
peace with the French in order to 
make head against the Susquehan- 
nocks, those savages of New Sweden 
who are very warlike and better 
than any other to exterminate the 
Iroquois. In order to secure them- 
selves against so remarkable an 
enemy they ask the French to come 
in large numbers and settle among 
them, the Iroquois. They also ask 
for black gowns, so as to appear 
peaceful, etc." See Vol. 49, Jesuit 
Relations, p. 141. 

1663— Jesuits Have No Faith in Iro- 
quois Plea for Peace with Them 
and the Susquehannocks. 

These overtures for peace made by 
the Iroquois to the French and Jes- 
uits were looked upon by the latter 
with suspicion as is set forth in Vol. 49, 
Jesuit Relations, p. 147, as follows: 
"Some small Iroquois tribes, and in- 
deed the great body of them do not 
love us (the Jesuits) and they have 
a deadly hatred for the Algonquins. 
Thus when we see them so unmis- 

takably urgent for peace we doubt 
their sincerity. And so seeing them- 
selves within two fingers' breadths 
of total destruction — famine and dis- 
ease having begun it, the Susquehan- 
nocks, Algonquins and other savages 
having advanced it, the French inter- 
ested in completing it — they pretend 
to wish for peace." 
1663— The Iroquois Tribes Make New 

Expeditions on Susquehannocks. 

In Vol. 49, Jesuit Relations, p. 153, 
as shown from a letter written at 
Quebec Sept. 22 "the northern tribes 
repeat their southern marches." It 
is stated that the "Anniehoronnous (a 
tribe of Mohawks), the Sonnontoueh- 
uonnores (the Huron name for the 
Iroquois), are now all situated along 
the Great I^ake of the Iroquois, call- 
ed Ontario, from 20 to 30 leagues in- 
land. They are in villages and till 
the soil, raising Turkish and Indian 
corn and wheat. Beyond them far- 
ther southward they have savage ene- 
mies for some time past have been 
making vigorous war on them — the 
nation of the wolves, the aborigines 
allied with New England and the An- 
daste (Susquehannocks) with New 
Sweden." In to this latter nation 
they have been sending war parties 
for ten years and more. These ex- 
peditions are further explained in the 
extracts which now follow from Haz. 
Annals, pp. 346 and 347. 
1663 — Attack of Susquehannock Fort. 

"Hazard sets forth the attack on 
Susquehannock Fort in 1663 by the 
Iroquois from the writings of A. 
Hudde as follows (Haz. Ann. 346) : 

"Inforriiation was received by one 
Harman Reiders residing in the col- 
ony of New Amstel, of the English, 
which he received with request to 
communicate to us that the Sencas 
being 1600 strong with wives and 
i children were on the march to the 
Minquas; that they were yet two 



days' journey from the Forte of the 
Minquas. The Minquas have about 
30 men, who were not yet in besides 
a hundred of the savages from the 
River who are in the Forte. The 
English requested some of the Min- 
quas which they declined, and now 
the English seem to favor the Senecas 
so that it is said they had resolved 
to send some of the men to meet the 
Senecas and conclude with them a 
treaty of peace and as the savages on 
the river will not always remain at 
the fort this may occasion disturb- 
ance on the river during the summer. 
This was intended for Wm. Beekman 
to communicate with him news of 
these parts. "A. Hudde." 

1063 — Maryland Again Helps the Sus- 
quehannocks with Powder and 

In Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, p. 
486, under date July 28, it is set out: 
These are in the name of the Hon. 
Proprietary of Maryland to will and 
require you to go to the house of 
Jacob Clawson and Symon Carpenter, 
and there see delivered to Capt. Civ- 
ility and the rest of the Susquehan- 
nock Indians 2 barrels of powder — 2 
hundred weight lead; and after you 
are to go to the house of Nathaniel 
Ufley along with said Indians and 
there press any one of the three guns 
and let it be delivered to said Indians 
of which guns said Indians are to have 
the choice — all which particular 
being for public use, and this your 
authority." In Vol. 1, p. 505, Mary- 
land Archives, it is said: "The assess- 
ment to pay diet for the expedition 
to Susquehannocks was 6,380 pounds 
tobacco." And in Vol. 1, Maryland 
Archives, pp. 471 and 472, five Sus- 
quehannock chiefs being asked say 
their enemies in all the forts are 
about 1,460 men; and that they, the 
Susquehannocks, are now about 700 
fighting men. 

1663— Maryland Shows Further Inter- 
est in the Susquehannocks. 

Finally Maryland shows iurther her 
alliance with the Susquehannocks 
by sending for them to treat again 
which is set forth in Vol. 3 Md. Arch. 
487 as follows: "At a council held at 
Gold-smith's for pursuing any foreign 
enemy. Instructions, etc: You are 
forthwith to send to the Susquehan- 
nock Indians, to give them notice that 
they immediately come down to treat 
with you and the rest of the commis- 
sioners about the articles of peace 
lately confirmed by the Governor to- 
gether with their consent and ex- 
pectation strictly to insist upon the 
article namely that they shall not 
approach any English plantation but 
according to the tenor of the said 
Article of Peace, by stopping a cer- 
tain distance away and helloeing." 

Later we will notice certain small 
victories by the Susquehannocks 
against the Mohawks and the Sen- 
ecas, etc. 

1663— Fatal Susquehannock Fort Ex- 
pedition Humbles the Iroquois. 

The result of the Susquehannocks' 
slaughter of the Iroquois in 1662 had 
a very pacifying effect on them for 
a time. This is told in Vol. 49 of 
the Jesuit Relations p. 137 as follows: 
"This year a great embassy of Iro- 
quois met the Jesuit fathers, — the 
Algonquins and Hurons, the greatest 
ever known especially since the War 
which was now in progress between 
the Iroquois, the Hurons, etc. The 
Iroquois proclaimed that they wished 
to unite all the nations of the earth 
and hurl the hatchet so far into the 
depth of the earth that it will never 
again be seen in the future. They 
wished to place an entirely new sun 
in the heavens, level all the mountains 
and remove all the falls in the rivers 



and wished peace. They declared 
they are coming, men women and 
children to deliver themselves into 
the hands of the French. But the Iro- 
quois as we know from 5 years' ex- 
perience are haughty and crafty and 
they never ask peace unless they 
have a scheme. 

It seems that they ask this so that 
the French will live among them (p. 
141) and surround their villages with 
palisades as they fear the Andastes or 
Susquehannocks, the savages of New 
Sweden who are better able than any 
other to exterminate the Iroquois and 
they (the Iroquois dare not longer 
go and ask munitions of war from the 
Dutch. They even begged for black 
gowns to go and convert the Hurons. 
Then they came with a white flag la- 
ter, but we were not deceived." 
1664 — The Seneca - Susquehannock 
War Opens. 

The Iroquois having been badly 
frightened by the Susquehannocks, 
as we have already shown, in the ex- 
pedition of 1662, the Senecas now 
sallied forth to retaliate upon theSus- 
quehannocks. The Senecas were al- 
lied with the Iroquois. They prac- 
ticed a guerilla warfare. It began 
about 1664 and continued until 1675. 
We shall here treat only of the be- 
ginning of it. Its later stages ten 
years onward brought on Col. Ninian 
Baell's expedition against them from 
Maryland in 1675. In Johnson's His. 
of Cecil Co., p. 61, under date of 1664 
he says, "Notice was sent to the Sus- 
quehannocks to come and treat with 
the commissioners of Baltimore 
County, because at this time the Sus- 
quehannocks were greatly intimidat- 
ed by the Senecas." This was Mary- 
land's first offer to help the Susque- 
hannocks against the Senecas. In 
Lyle's History of Lancaster County, 
it is stated p. 19, that the Senecas 
crossed the Susquehanna many miles 

above the fort of the Susquehannocks 
and robbed and killed some of the 
whites. In June, 1664 one of the 
Senecas was captured and 40 of the 
Susquehannocks who were present at 
his trial wanted him burned as a 
punishment for his cruelty. In the 
same year 100 Seneca warriors came 
to the Chesapeake and killed several 
Maryland settlers and some Susque- 
hannocks they caught hunting. And 
in the summer of that year Maryland 
declared war on the Senecas; and the 
Senecas the next year went out on the 
warpath in full force against the 
Susquehannocks. This was in 1665, 
Lyle' p. 19. About this time the 
Marylanders and Susquehannocks 
combined and made several expedi- 
tions against the Senecas; as the Sen- 
ecas now determined to eterminate 
both the Susquehannocks and the 
Marylanders. At this point we will 
leave the Seneca War for the present 
and take it up again at its crucial 
stage several years later, in chrono- 
logical order. Before leaving the 
subject of the Seneca's invasion into 
the Susquehanna country we must 
note two more matters. The first is 
Robert Carr's account dated October 
13, 1664 in a letter to Col. Nichols, on 
the subject of the Senecas coming 
down to southeastern Pennsylvania 
in Vol. 5 sec. ser. of Pa. Arch., p. 
549. He says p. 550, among other 
things, "The cause of my not send- 
ing all this time to give notice of 
our success (He is writing from the 
Delaware) was the falling off of ye In- 
dians from their former civility, they 
abusing messengers that travel by 
land since our travel here though no 
ways incensed by us, but exasperated 
by the Dutch and their own inclina- 
tions that 80- of them came from the 
other side (near Susquehanna) where 
they inhabit and are so strong that 
no Christian yet dare venture to 
plant on that side which belongs to 



the Duke of York. They stayed 3 
nights and pretended they came to set- 
tle. We beg your endeavors to assist 
us in reconciling the Senecas, they 
coming and doing violence to ye hea- 
then and Christians and leave these 
Indians to be blamed for it. In less 
than 6 weeks several murders have 
been committed and one by these 
people (Senecas) upon ye Dutch and 
Swedes. This shows the incursions 
of the Senecas. 

Mombert says p. 123 that in 1664 
New Netherlands fell under the Duke 
of York and the English now having 
authority over the Dutch a firm al- 
liance was formed between the In- 
dians and the English. And now 
freely supplied with ammunition by 
the English in New York, the five 
nations make vigorous war against 
the Susquehannocks and the tribes on 
the south generally. 

1664 — The Susquehannocks' Other 
Fort at Octararo. 

surpasses everything grown in 
Europe and especially says that furs 
of all sorts may be had of the natives 
very reasonably and great profit to 
be derived from traffic with them who 
are naturally a mild people and cap- 
able of being drawn out of blind 
ignorance to the saving light of 
Jesus Christ. Alsop's description of 
Susquehannocks we will take up in a 
future item. 

1664 — Progress of the Seneca-Susque- 
hannock War. 

Lyle's History p. 9 says, "The Sus- 
quehannocks were now at War with 
the Senecas, one of the Six Nations, 
who opposed the Susquehannas and 
robbed and killed some of the white 
settlers. In June, 1664, one of the 
Senecas was captured; and forty Sus- 
quehannocks who were present at his 
trial wanted him burned as a punish- 
| men for his cruelty. In June, 1664, 
about 100 Senecas came to the Chesa- 

peak and killed several Marylanders 

s and some Susquehannocks whom they 

caught hunting. In June of that 

year the Maryland colony declared 

says A. L. Guss in his work on In 
dian History of the lower Susque 
hanna, the Susquehannocks had a war on the Sene cas, who went on the 

fort at the mouth of the Octararo as 

war path against the Susquehannocks 

some of the towns located by Smith the next year The Marvlanders as 
on his map cannot be located where allies of the Susquehannocks sent 
he places them (p. 5). Mr. Guss also 
states that they (Susquehannocks) 

had a town on the Bolus river which 
is now the Patapsco entering the Bay 
at Baltimore. Also p. 5. He also 
says page 11, that the Susquehannock 
tribes warred on the Delawares too. 
Scharf in his History of Maryland, 

several expeditions against the Sen- 
ecas, who threatened to exterminate 
both the Susquehannocks and the 

1664— Incidents of the Susquehannock 
Iroquois War. 
In June 1664, a Seneca was cap- 

page 94 tells of the fierceness of the tured by the Susquehannocks and 

Susquehannocks at this time, but 
most of it we have had from other 
writers more nearly first hand. 

Under practically this same date, a 
glowing description of southeastern 
Pennsylvania is set forth in Vol. 5, 
Second series of Pa. Arch., p. 447. It 
sets forth how every growing crop 

the whites, and on the 7th he was 
examined before Council. The same 
is reported as follows in Vol. 3, 
Maryland Archives, p. 498: "Exami- 
nation of an Indian prisoner, a 
Seneca.— Yesterday when the prison- 
er was here there were forty of the 
Susquehannocks and two of Civility's 



uncles (Civility was a chief of the 
Susquehannocks) who made show of 
much joy at his being taken, for they 
very well knew him and were sen- 
sible of his warlike exploits and would 
have persuaded us to have burnt him 
but we certified it was not our man- 
ner to torture prisoners; but that 
happily he might be sent home to his 
country for the good of us all. But 
we cannot find that the prisoner al- 
leged anything in his behalf and we 
suggest he take a present to his own 
country. Verily too if such a thing 
were done Civility, in the behalf of 
the Susquehannocks, would also go 
and that thereby a peace might be 
procured. And if Civility go with Claw- 
son to the Seneca country the Sus- 
quehannocks, we know, would will- 
ingly embrace the opportunity of a 
treaty." This is from a letter signed 
by Theo. Stockett, Sam'l Goldsmith 
and Franc Wright. 

This Seneca gave the following nar- 
ration, viz.: "That he came to the 
house of Mr. G. M. Ball, not with in- 
tent to kill any Christians, but had 
brought a present for the Christians 
of forty beavers and several belts of 
peace for the Susquehannocks; that 
they desire peace and friendship (the 
Senecas) and that the boy taken and 
the men killed at the mill it was the 
Cinneka Indians, that did both. He 
says if he had been taken by the 
Susquehannocks he should not have 
been put to death by them, and that 
all the joints of Lis body and bones 
are belts of peace. He was asked 
how many troop the Senecas had 
coming out and he said 200; and ask- 
ed why so many were come if for 
peace, and he said nothing but that 
their fort did not desire war with the 
Christians, and the troops were come 
for revenge of the death of his son 
and five Indians more that were 
burnt by the Susquehannocks. When 
they came to Ball's plantation they 

gave the sign and word and left their 
guns behind in the field." See Vol. 
3, Maryland Archives, p. 499. 

Evans and Ellis' history tells about 
this same incident and other related 
matter, p. 12, as follows: "At this 
period the Susquehannocks were at 
war with the Senecas, who crossed 
the river many miles above the Fort 
and penetrated to the head of the 
Bay, where they robbed settlers. 
Several inhabitants were killed and 
in June, 1664, one of the Senecas was 
captured and at his trial forty of the 
Susquehannocks were present, among 
whom were two of Captain Civility's 
uncles. They wanted the Seneca 
burned as they kenw his bloodthirsty 

1664 — A Report that the Susquehan- 
nocks Have Defeated the Mohawks. 

I find it set forth in Vol. 50, Jesuit 
Relations, p. 205, that "The Mohawks 
took flight on hearing the noise of 
guns and drums. They learned from 
some old men who had remained be- 
hind that quite recently news had 
come that the army of the Annieronta 
(Indian Governor) had been defeated 
by the Andastae (Susquehannocks). 
Thus we see that the Susquehannocks 
though they had many reverses up to 
this time (1664) were yet a terror 
to other tribes. Both their terrible 
name and reputation of yore and 
their exquisite cruelty to their cap- 
tives helped them to continue to be 

1664 —Maryland Again Co-Operates 
with the Susquehannocks. 
In Vol. 1, Maryland Archives, p. 
511, we find. "The Upper House show- 
eth to the Lieutenant General that 
Francis White is by ye order of ye 
House gone on special service for 
the province to the Susquehannock 
Fort, that your honors may hear the 
more true and certain intelligence of 
the enemies, whereon upon considera- 



tion had of the results of the defense 
of the Province against the incursion 
of the Indians, it is ordered that the 
original articles of treaty with the 
Susquehannocks be brought into the 
House and considered tomorrow." 
From this we see that not only the 
Susquehannocks but also the whites 
were in immediate fear of the incur- 
sion of the Five Nations into Mary- 
land and southern Pennsylvania. The 
Susquehannocks were considered the 
barrier between the whites and the 
savages from the north. In spite of 
all, a few years later the hordes of 
the north did come down and force 
the Susquehannocks into Maryland 
even to the Potomac; and Penn found 
when he came that the Susquehan- 
nocks were tenants only, and that he 
had to deal for land with the Five 
nations of New York who by that 
time owned all the Susquehanna 
country. Evans and Ellis in their 
history of Lancaster county, p. 12, 
tell of the movements which made it 
necessary for Maryland to act as 
above as follows: "In 1664 the Sen- 
ecas again came to Chesapeake and 
killed several settlers and some Sus- 
quehannocks whom they caught 
hunting. There were 100 warriors in 
this raid. In June of the same year 
the Marylanders declared war against 
the Senecas and put Colonel Lewis 
Stockett in command. 

1664. In September of this year the 
Assembly of Maryland took into con- 
sideration the Articles of Peace with 
the Susquehannock Indians of July 
5, 1652, and also the Articles of May 
24, 1661, and both were ordered to 
be communicated to the other branch- 
es of the government for renewal, 
etc." Vol. 1, Maryland Archives, p. 

1664 — Maryland Makes a New Treaty 
of Peace with the Susquehannocks 
and Formally Declares War with the 
Senecas of the Five Nations. 

"Act to perpetuate certain articles 
made with the Susquehannocks — To 
the end that peace and amity with the 
Susquehannock Indians according to 
certain articles made with that nation 
may be kept and continued — be it 
enacted by his Lordship proprietor 
and the assent of the General Assem- 
bly, that the Governor and the Coun- 
cil of the province have full power 
to lay a tax not exceeding 6,000 
| pounds of tobacco per month to be 
employed for hyring (hiring) such 
and so many volunteers as can be 
got upon any emerging occasion as 
the Governor and Council should 
think fit toward the ay ding (aiding) 
and assisting the Susquehannock In- 
dians when desired by them, for con- 
tinuing the said articles and preserv- 
ing peace and amity with them afore- 
said. And further that 6,000 pounds 
per month of tobacco shall be levied 
or raysed when the volunteers be up- 
on the service. 

And further be it enacted by the au- 
thority aforesaid that the Lieutenant 
Governor of the province be empow- 
ered by virtue of this Act to purchase 
so many good fixed muskets, ammu- 
nition, swords and belts for the use 
of the public as soon as he can pro- 
cure them, for which he shall be al- 
lowed this present year out of the 
general levy by public assessment. 
4,000 pounds of tobacco and caske. 

And further be it enacted by the 
authority aforesaid that in the inter- 
im — that is to say till the swords and 
muskets be purchased and bought, if 
necessity require — the Lieutenant 
General shall have power to press so 
many muskets and swords as shall 
be necessary in any part of the prov- 
ince for the intents, uses and pur- 
poses of Act; and that those musk- 
ets, swords and belts first mentioned 
be kept as part of the magazine of 
this province. This Act to continue 



for three years or to the end of the 
next General Assembly." See Mary- 
land Archives, Vol. 1, p. 539. 
1664 — Maryland Again Stands by the 
Susquehannocks Against the 
About the same time Maryland 
passed the following Act: "At a 
council held June 27th, 1664, the 
Council taking into consideration the 
protection of the province against the 
Senecas who lately killed some Eng- 
lish in Ann Arundel county and en- 
tered St. Mary's and ordered war 
there. Now war is to be proclaimed 
against the Senecas and a reward of 
a hundred arm's length of Roan Oke 
to be given to any one who kills a 
Seneca. That all the Kings of Friend 
Indians be sent word and all to get 
ready to go against the Senecas — that 
all officers are to send intelligence 
from time to time to the Governor 
and Council that they keep in corres- 
pondence; and whereas there is a 
Seneca prisoner in Patapsco who al- 
lges he came to seek peace and 
brought a present intended for us 
and the Susquehannocks — It is or- 
dered that the Indian be sent down ! 
to St. Mary's and kept in irons and 
a letter be written to Stuyvesant to 
give notice to the Senecas trading at 
Fort Orange that we have such a 
prisoner, whom we shall keep alive 
till we see if they want peace or war 
and if they do not desire peace we 
will put him to death; and that Col 
Clawson gave notice to the Susque- 
hannocks of our intentions and to 
ask them if they will join us or not." 
Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, p. 502. 
Stuyvesant was Governor of New 
York at this time. 

1664— Oneidas Co-Operate with the 

Maryland Archives, Vol. 3, p. 501, 
says: "It was claimed sixty Oneidas 
were come for war on the north side 

of the Potomac to kill the English 
and Indians. There were 100 more 
gone to the head of Chesapeake bay 
to kill the English and Susquehan- 
nocks, and so they tortured two of 
those Susquehannocks." 
1666 — Susquehannocks Kill Iroquois 

and Carry Grief to Their Nation. 

The tears and grief caused by Sus- 
quehannock prowess is told in Vol. 51, 
Jesuit Relations, p. 243, to this pur- 
port. Presents were given by the 
ambassador from the Iroquois of On- 
nontae, accompanied by the following 
speech: "I boast of having ransomed 
twenty-six captives for the French 
from those who would have burned 
them. But you have done more for 
us. I hope in the clemency of the 
French. I hope also to wipe from 
your faces the tears that Father Gar- 
ner told us had been shed by you in 
consequence of the death of our 
people who were killed by the An- 
daste (Susquhannocks)." 

To understand this speech you 
must remember that the Five Nations 
(called by that name sometimes, and 
sometimes called the Iroquois, be- 
cause the Iroquois were the strongest 
of the five constituent nations) were 
composed of five different tribes or 
nations of which the great head was 
the Iroquois tribe proper, and the 
great chief of the Iroquois was the 
Emperor of the whole and from him 
the ambassador who made the above 
speech came to console the subordi- 
nate tribes who had suffered loss of 
men from the ravages of the Susque- 
hannocks in the great war. DePon- 
ceau in his translation of Campan- 
ius gives this interesting statement 
of the rise of the two leading forces 
of the Susquehannock-Iroquois War, 
that is, the Iroquois and the Susque- 
hannocks — "The Iroquois, at first in- 
ferior to the Algonquins, were driven 
out of the valley of the St. Lawrence 


into the lake region of New York, 
where by greater cultivation, valor 
and union they became superior to 
the Algonquins of Canada and New 
York as the Susquehannocks did over 
the tribes in New Jersey, Maryland 
and Virginia." See DePenceau's 
Camp., p. 158. 

1666 — Susquehannocks Presented to 
the Kins of France. 
In Vol. 51, Jesuit Relations, p. 173, 
one of the Jesuit Fathers writes: 
"Monsieur De Salieres, colonel of a 
French regiment, who after growing 
gray in the armies of France, where 
he made himself very well known, 
came over here to take part in the 
glory of subjecting the Iroquois. Of 
those savages he has taken with him 
five of each different tribe and even 
from that of the Andastae (Susque- 
hannocks) to present them to the 

George AIsop's Account of the Sus- 
quehannocks, about 1666. 
Scharf, in Vol. 1, p. 86, of his His- 
tory of Maryland, quotes Alsop as 
saying: "Those Indians that I have 
conversed with, here in this province 
of Maryland and Pennsylvania, are 
called Susquehannocks being a people 
looked upon by the Christian inhabi- 
tants as the most noble and heroic 
nation of Indians that dwell upon the 
continent of America; also are so al- 
lowed and looked upon by the rest 
of the Indians, by a submissive and 
tributary acknowledgment; being a 
people cast into a mold of a most 
large and warlike deportment, the 
men being for the most part seven 
feet in latitude and in magnitude and 
bulk suitable to so high a pitch — their 
voyce large and hollow as ascending 
out of a cave — their gait and behavior 
straight, stately and majestic, tread- 
ing on the earth with as much pride, 
contempt and disdain to so sordid a 
center as can be imagined from a 

centure drawn from the same mould 
of earth. 

These Susquehannock Indians are 
for the most part great warriors and 
seldom sleep one summer in the quiet 
arms of a peaceable rest, but will 
keep, by their present power, as well 
as by their former conquests, the 
several nations of Indians around 
them in a peaceable obedience and 

"When they desire to go on a de- 
sign that will and does require con- 
sideration some six of them get into 
a corner and sit in Juncto; and if 
thought fit, their business is made 
popular and immediately put into ac- 
tion; if not, they make a full stop 
to it and are silently reserved. 

"The warlike equipage they put 
themselves in when they prepare for 
Belona's march is with their faces, 
arms and breasts confusedly paint- 
ed, their hair greased with bear's 
oyl, and stuck thick with swan fea- 
thers, with a wreath or diadem of 
black and white beads a small hat- 
chet instead of a scimiter stuck in 
their girt behind them, and either 
with a gun or bow and arrows. In 
this posture and dress they march 
out from their fort or dwelling to 
the number of forty in a troop, sing- 
ing or rather howling out the decades 
or warlike exploits of their ances- 
tors ranging the wide woods, until 
their fury has met with an enemy 
worthy of their revenge. What pris- 
oners fall into their hands by the des- 
tiny of war they treat very civilly 
while they remain with them abroad; 
but when the once return homewards 
they then begin to dress them in the 
habit of death, putting on their heads 
and arms wreaths of beads, grasp- 
ing their hair with fat — some going 
before and the rest behind, at equal 
distance from the prisoner, bellowing 
in a strange and confused manner, 
which is a true presage of destruc- 



tion to their then conquered enemy. 

"In this manner they continued until 
they have brought them to their Ber- 
ken city where they deliver them to 
their tormentors, who in cruelty will 
execute them without judgment of 
law or benefit of clergy. The com- 
mon and usual death of their pris- 
oners is to bind them to stakes, mak- 
ing a fire some distance from them — 
then one with a sharp knife or flint 
cuts the cutus or outside skin of the 
brow so deep until their nails or tal- 
ons can fasten themselves firm and 
secure, and then with a rigid jerk 
disrobe the head of skin and hair at 
one pull, leaving the skull bare, and 
immediately apply hot embers on the 

"While they are at this several 
others are preparing pieces of iron 
and barrels of old guns which they 
make red hot to sear each part and 
lineament of their bodies which they 
perform and act in a most cruel 
manner. And others will cut off 
flesh of the victim and eat it raw be- 
fore his eyes. And yet this never 
makes them bring the victim to re- 

"Now after this cruelty has brought 
the life to an end they immediately 
fall to butchering them into many 
parts and distribute it among the 
sons of war to entomb their de- 
ceased victims in no other sepulchre 
than their bodies. 

When any depart this life they set 
him upright upon his breech, in a 
hole dug 5 feet long and ZY 2 feet deep 
and cover it with the bark of trees 
archwise, his face due west, leaving 
a hole a half foot square open. They 
dress him as a warrior, and give 
him some bows and arrows and tar- 
gets, a kettle of broth and corn be- 
fore him. His relations follow him 
to the grave clad in bear skins with 
the tail on the ground. They bury 
all within the wall or pallisado. Their 

houses are low and long, built with 

They are situated at and above the 
head of Chesapeak on a river called 
by their own name Susquehannock. 
where they remain most of the sum- 
mer. About November they go to 
remote places in the woods to kill 
deer, bear and elk. There they build 
cottages they call wigwams and stay 
three months to get food. 

"The women are the butchers, the 
cooks and the tillers of soil. The men 
think this below their honor. The men 
kill the beasts and the women are 
the pack horses to fetch it on their 
backs; and they dress the kids and 
get them ready for market. 

"I have never observed the women 
to taunt or boss the men. The wives 
and men b.oth are constant to their 
marriage. Their marriages are short 
and authentic. W T hen resolved upon 
the women send the intended husband 
a kettle of boiled venison or bear 
meat; and he returns in lieu beaver 
or otter skins and the nuptial is con- 
cluded without other ceremony." 

"They paint upon their faces one 
stroke of red, another of green, an- 
other of white and another of black 
so that when they have accomplished 
the equippage of their countenance 
in this trim, they are the only hiero- 
glyphics and representatives of fur- 
ies. Their skins are naturally white 
but altered from their original by 
the several dyeings of roots and 
barks they prepare to metamorphise 
their hides into a dark cinnamon 
brown. Their hair is long black and 
harsh, but they pull it up by the 
root. Several of them wear divers 
impressions on their breasts and 
arms, as the picture of the devil, 
bears, tigers and panthers which are 
imprinted on their several lineaments 
with much difficulty and pain, with 
an irrevocable purpose of its abiding 
there. And this they count a badge 



of heroic valor and the only orna- 
ment due to their heroes. 

"All that I could ever observe in 
them as to their government is that 
he that is most cruelly valorous is 
accounted the most noble. There is 
very seldom any creeping into court- 
ly gallantry. He that fights best car- 
ries it here. 

"As for their religion, together with 
their rights and ceremonies, they are 
so absurd and ridiculous, that it is 
almost a sin to name them. They 
own not other Deity than the Devil 
(solid or profound) but with a kind 
of wild imagery and imaginary con- 
jecture, they suppose from their 
groundless conceits that the world 
had a Maker, but where he is that 
made it, or whether he be living to 
this day they know not. The Devil, 
is all the God they own or worship; 
and that more out of a slavish fear 
than any real reverence to his in- 
fernal or diabolical greatness, he 
forcing them to their obedience by 
his rough and rigid dealing with 
them often appearng visibly among 
them to their terror, bastinadoeing 
them, with cruel menaces even unto 
death and burning their fields of corn 
and houses that the relation there- 
of makes them tremble themselves 
when they tell of it. 

"Once in four years they sacrifice 
a child to him in an acknowledgment 
of their firm obedience to all his de- 
vilish powers and his hellish com- 
mands. The priests to whom they 
apply themselves in matters of im- 
portance and greatest distress are 
like those that attend upon the Or- 
acle at Delphos who by their magic 
spells could command a pro or con 
from the Devil when they pleased. 
These Indians oftimes raise great 
tempests when they have any 
weighty matter or design in hand 
and by blustering storms inquire of 
their infernal God — the Devil — how 

matters shall go with them either 
in public or private. 

"They are situated a hundred miles 
and odd from the Christian planta- 
tions of Maryland, at the head of the 
river that runs into the Bay of 
Chesapeake called by their own 
name (Susquehannock) where they 
inhabit most of the summer time, 
and seldom remove far from it un- 
less it be to subdue any foreign re- 
bellion. The skins they catch are 
brought down to the English (in 
Maryland) several times in the year, 
to truck and dispose of them for 
coarse blankets, guns, powder, and 
lead, beads, small looking glasses, 
knives and razors. The women never 
by look or action predominate over 
the men. Did they not alter their 
bodies by their dyeings, paintings 
and cutting theselves, marring those 
excellencies that nature bestowed up- 
on them, there would be as amiable 
beauties amongst them as any Alex- 
andria could afford when Mark An- 
tony and Cleopatra dwelt there to- 

"Their bodies are clothed with no 
armor to defend them from the nip- 
ping frost of a benumbing winter or 
the penetrating and scorching in- 
fluence of the sun in a hot summer 
than what nature gave them, when 
they were born. They go, men, wo- 
men and children all naked, except 
occasionally." This is the history 
given by Alsop. 

In Dr. Shea's notes to the treatise 
p. 117 to p. 124 inclusive he gives 
much valuable history (aside from 
the text) relative to the Susquehan- 

In note 46 he speaks of the names 
by which the Susquehannocks are 
known and says, "The French in 
Canada — Champlain and the Jesuit 
Relations, Gendron's Particularites 
du Pays des Hurons p. 7 makes fre- 
quent allusions to the Gandastogues 



(more briefly Andastes) a tribe 
friendly to their allies, the Hurons, 
and sturdy enemies to the Iroquois. 
My researches led me to identify the 
Susquehannocks, Minquas, Andastes 
or Gandastogues and Conestogoes as 
being all the same tribe — the first 
name being given them by Virginia — 
the second by the Algonquins on De- 
laware; while Gandastogues as the 
French or Conestoga as the English 
wrote it meaning it was their own 
tribal name meaning cabin-pole (na- 
tio perticarum) from Andaste, a 

Dr. Shea also says in note 53, page 
123 that Alsop's view of the religion 
of the Susquehannocks is wrong — 
that they believed in a good Deity. 

The above is a new derivation of 
"Conestoga" to me, and the method of 
tracing it makes it a very early one. 
It seems a very probable one. We all 
know, however, of a quite different 
meaning being attached to our River 
Conestoga. Which is the parent de- 
rivation others must decide. 

Alsop was in Maryland from about 
1659 to 1655, and he wrote the his- 
tory as soon as he went back to Eng- 

1666 — Susquehannocks Make Over- 
tures—Peace with Susquehannocks. 

In Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, p. 
549, we find the following: "At a 
Council held at St. John's on the 29th 
June, 1666, came Wastahanda, Hari- 
gnera and Gosweing-Werackqua, the 
warre captains of the Susquehannock 
Indians and desired continuance of 
their league with the right honorable 
proprietor and protesting that they 
were always ready to have delivered 
Wanahodena up to the justice of his 
lordship for murdering the men at 
the mill in Baltimore county and de- 
siring that the villiany of one man 
may not be imputed to the whole 
nation and requesting assistance of 

the government, now at this time 
having lost considerable number of 
men in ranging at the head of Pat- 
apsco and the other rivers so to 
secure the English plantations from 
the Senecas; and remonstrating that 
the Senecas are resolved to storm 
the Susquehannocks' Fort in August 
next; and that afterwards the Sene- 
cas intend to fall upon the English 
in the province. 

Whereupon was begun a further 
treaty of peace with the Susquehan- 
nocks, which was concluded as fol- 
loweth : 

Articles of peace and amity con- 
cluded upon by the Hon. Charles 
Calvert, Esq., governor of the pro- 
vince of Maryland, on behalf of the 
honorable proprietor of said province 
on one part, and Wastahanda, Hari- 
gnera and Gosweing- Werakqua, 
war Captains of the Susquehan- 
nock nations, this 29th day of June, 
1666, of the other party: 

That the Susquehanna Indians 
shall deliver Wanahodena, that kill- 
ed the Englishman at the mill if 
ever he return out of captivity from 
the Senecas, and for the future that 
they shall apprehend, secure and de- 
liver up to the governor of this pro- 
vince for the time being any Indian 
whatsoever that shall kill any 
Englishman, and that as soon as 
they shall come to know of it, and 
be it within their power to appre- 
hend and that without demand made 
by the English. 

Secondly: That every Indian that 
shall hereafter kill any hogg and 
cattle of the English, and shall there- 
of be convicted shall pay for every 
hog 50 fathoms of peake and for 
every head of any other cattle 100 
fathoms of peake for satisfaction to 
the owners of every such beast. 

Thirdly: That all former crimes 
committed by any Indians of the Su- 



quehannock nation shall be forgot 
and buried in oblivion, except mur- 
der of any English not yet discov- 

Fourthly: That the King of Poto- 
mac and his two sons be by some of 
the Susquo^annock Indians deliver- 
ed up prisoners to Major Samuel 
Goldsmith with all convenient speed. 

In witness whereof the hands and 
seals are set 29th June, 1666." 

No comment need be offered upon 
this except to say that the Senecas 
are now pressing so hard upon the 
Susquehannocks that they turn to 
Maryland for help. They report to 
the government the impending fate to 
the old Susquehannock Fort. The 
treaty is the result. 
1667 — The Susquehannocks Beg Fur- 
ther Help from Maryland. 

At a council at St. Mary's August 
24, 1667, of Baltimore County, being 
sent by the Susquehannocks to the | 
governor and council was called in, I 
who declared that the said Indians j 
did request assistance and ammuni- 
tion from the council sufficient to 
go against any Indian enemies and 
likewise declared enemies of the in- 
habitants of this province according 
to one of the Articles of Agreement 
made between the Susquehannock 
Indians and the English of Mary- 
land: — 

It was ordered that so many men 
be pressed as the Susquehannocks 
shall require to their aide and assist- 
ance and that they be sent up forth 
with. Also that a quantity of powder 
be delivered unto Mr. Francis 
Wright and the said Indians to be 
supplied out of the same as the 
said Wright shall see requisite and 

The governor and council both fur- 
ther determined to go up into Balti- 
more County and there to give the 
Susquehannocks a meeting about the 

15th of September next to wit, with 
the said Indians about the peace and 
safety of this province how to pro- 
ceed with the Susquehannock assist- 
ance against any Indians now held 
and declared enemies to this pro- 

Commission issued to captain Lieu- 
tenant Smith dated Sept. 7, 1667 and 
to Daniel Jenifer. See Vol. 5, Mary- 
land Archives, p. 13. 

1667— Method of Raising Men to 
Help Susquehannocks. 

In Vol. 5, Maryland Archives, p. 
21, we find, "At a council February 
6, at Matapenny, was taken into con- 
sideration the speedy rising of a 
certain and considerable number of 
men to make a march against the 
Indian enemies with all expedition 
possible, for which end it is order- 
ed, that every tenth person in every 
respective county be raised to go 
on the present march namely, in all 
410 men out of which number of 
men particular warrants issue to Col. 
William Evans to raise out of his 
company twenty-three men; Col. John 
Zarboe to raise out of his company 
twenty-three men; Daniel Jenifer to 
raise out of his company twenty- 
three men; Major Thomas Brook to 
raise out of Patuxent River province 
forty-nine men and from the Cliffs 
forty men; Capt. Wm. Boreman to 
raise out of his company fifty-three 
men; Wm. Burges to raise 62 men; 
Maj. Thomas Ingram out of Kent 
14 men; in all 287 men specially 
raised. Evans & Ellis History, p. 
12, tells about this same project and 
concludes by saying, "When Mary- 
land agreed to send some troops up 
to assist the Susquehannocks as 
usual they did not go but left the 
Susquehannocks to carry on the war 
single handed. Matters grew worse 
and worse until the Marylanders be- 
came greatly alarmed for their own 
safety and they renewed the effort 



to raise troops and go and help the 

1667 — The Susquehannocks Keep the 
French and Iroquois in Alarm. 

In Vol. 52, Jesuit Relations, p. 155, 
under date of 1667, we read from 
the writings of the Jesuit Fathers of 
Canada: "We are in the midst of 
continual alarm that the Loups and 
the Andaste (Susquehannocks) 

cause." This again attests the fact 
that the Susquehannocks carried 
with them an unusual amount of 
fear-producing quality. 
1667— The Onondagoes Also Fear the 
Mighty Susquehannocks. 

In Vol. 52, Jesuit Relations, p. 155, 
it is said: "In the country of Onon- 
dago, or nation of mainland, one day 
there was held a notable council on 
the dream of a sick old man. He had 
seen in his sleep in dream a man 
only one cubit in height and that 
this being showed him some drops of 
blood, falling fom the sky and some 
fell from men who had fingers and 
noses cut. Finally he said the little 
man told him that the people were 
treated that way in heaven and that 
all those who should go there would 
fall into the hands of the Andastae 
(Susquehannocks). In this they evi- 
dently unintentionally pay one com- 
pliment to the Susquehannocks they 
did not intend to— that is, they seem- 
ed to think they were all in heaven, 
which is a much better opinion than 
we usually have of our dead enemies. 
The main thing about the strange 
superstition that the Onondagoes 
seem to think the Susquehannocks 
will be as warlike and predominat- 
ing in the next world as in the pre- 
sent one. 

1667— The Iroquois Pray to Their 
Gods to Help Them in \Tar 
Against the Susquehannocks. 

From Vol. 52 of Jesuit Relations p. 

197, I quote the following: "A 
branch of the Iroquois nation most 
remote from the French, called the 
Upper Iroquois, live here. They 
pray to their Gods and also to the 
real God on the subject of war, but 
the French missionaries are preach- 
ing peace to them; and peace will 
be strengthened betwen the Iroquois 
and Outaoucs; the more so at this 
time, when the Iroquois have the na- 
tion of the Loups and that of the 
Susquehannocks on their hands and 
fear more than ever the arms of 
France. These Loups are the Wolf 
tribe of the Algonquins." So it 
seems by this that these savages 
counted prayers to their gods all- 
sufficient, except on the great Iro- 
quois-Susquehannock war. for which 
they prayed for help from the Great 
Spirit alone. 

1667 — The Iroquois-Susquehannoek 

War Makes an Opening to Bring 

the Gospel to the Iroquois. 

In Vol. 52, Jesuit Relations, p. 203, 
is stated: "Never did the Gospel have 
a more auspicious opening in this 
country, and the only thing lacking 
is workers. The Iroquois will be de- 
lighted to continue peace with the 
Outaoucs, having on their hands the 
war with the Loups and that with 
the Susquehannocks." 
1668— Some Susquehannocks Go to 

the Jesuit Fathers for Religious 

The Jesuit Fathers say in Vol. 63 
of Jesuit Fathers, p. 153, under date 
of 1668: The wars of the French and 
Iroquois having passed we now see 
fulfilled the prophecies of Isaiah. The 
savages are becoming Christians. A 
mission was erected — a shed of 
boards. They come every year to 
worship, like what happened at Jeru- 
salem when the church was formed. 
In the companies of savages there 
were men of different languages — one 



of the Chat nation, one of the Hu- 
rons, some were Iroquois, and some 
of the Andastogoe (Susquehannocks) 
even from their far country." There 
were likely not many of the Susque- 
hannocks, however, as that nation 
was still at war with the Iroquois. 
1669— Cruel Torture of Two Susque- 
hannocks bv Onoiidaproes and 
and Others. 
The following cruelty is set forth 
as having been committed the year 
1669: "Xov. 27th two elders from 
Onnontago bring news of the return 
of the warriors with nine Andasto- 
gue (Susquehannock) captives that 
were surprised while hunting. Two 
of them were given to Onnierout (the 
Indian Governor) — a young man of 20 
and a woman. This woman was bap- 
tized at Onnondague by Father Millet. 
The 30th they began to burn her 
over a slow fire and prolonged her 
torture for the space of two days and 
two nights because he for whom she 
was given in exchange was burned 
at Andastogue (Susquehanna) for 
that length of time. Feb. 1st the 
priest instructed the young man who 
was taken prisoner, and he listen- 
ed willingly as he was condemned 
to be burned. He baptized him. On 
the following morning says the 
priest, I went back and found him 
very well prepared for God. They 
finished burning him and I saw him 
render up his soul to God. I was 
told that he called for me the pre- 
vious evening in the midst of the 
flames; but he was refused the con- 
solation I might have given him." 
See Vol. 53, Jesuit Relations, pp. 253 
and 255. These tales of cruelty seem 
incredible at this time. Another 
striking thing is that the civilized 
people — the Jesuits who were among 
the Iroquois and Onondagoes— 
should have allowed this torture to 
be inflicted. 

1669— The Susquehannocks Still the 
Terror of the Iroquois Tribes. 

To show what a specter the Sus- 
quehannocks were to other tribes 
and how the supersition of the other 
tribes was centered upon real and 
imaginary horrors connected with 
the Susquehannocks I cite the follow- 
ing under date of 1669: "A girl of 
sixteen (Indian girl of the northern 
tribes, Iroquois, etc.) having gone in- 
to the woods and spent two nights 
there, her relations were in anxiety. 
The jugglers were called to learn 
from them what had become of her. 
They put sorcery into operation to 
learn news of her. The first thing 
they did was to leap and dance and 
shake their limbs and get full of 
perspiration. Then they beat with 
sticks a tortoise drum, they sing and 
shout and consult and question their 
demon who never answers. Then 
they boldly declare that she had been 
killed by three Susquehannocks who 
had scalped her, cutting the scalp the 
size of a small circle, which they 
traced with their fingers on a piece 
of bark, and that she had died pre- 
cisely at sunrise. Her relations and 
all the village became filled with 
weeping. But scarcely had the jug- 
glers left the cabin when the girl 
came in well and alive." This is 
taken from Vol. 53, of the Jesuit Re- 
lations, pp. 291 and 293, and shows 
well how the Susquehannocks were 
regarded by the savages of the north. 
1669 — Susquehannocks Borrow Eng- 
lish Boats. 

In Vol. 2, Maryland Archives, pp. 
196, and 197, it is stated that "The 
Kings of the Eastern shore ask per- 
mission and a boat to go up to the 
Susquehannocks, because canoes are 
so dangerous and the same is allow- 
ed by council." 

1670— Piscataway Emperor Visits the 



In Vol. 5, Maryland Archives, p. 
65, it is stated, "The Piscataways by 
petition desire to revive the peace 
between the Piscataways and the Eng- 
lish and they state that their emperor 
is now with the Susquehannocks 
making advancements toward peace 

1670 — More Sorcery Involving the 

From the Mission at St. Francis 
Xavier at Onnierout, which is the 
second nation of Iroquois as you go 
toward their great lake, Ontario. Jan. 
10, 1670, the Fathers write: "The 
Devil, seeing the fruits of our ins- 
tructions and spiritual teachings, has 
incited a woman of this village (Iro- 
quois) to interrupt them. It ap- 
pears that she has seen the great 
god of the Iroquois, who has reveal- 
ed to her, she says, that the Susque- 
hannocks will come to beseige this 
village in the spring and that one 
of their most powerful enemies, Hoch- 
itagete (The Susquehannock Great 
Chief), will be captured and burned 
by the Oniedas (allied with the Iro- 
quois). She asserts that the voice 
of that Susquehannock was heard; 
that from the bottom of a kettle he 
uttered wailing cries, like the cries 
of those who are being burned. This 
woman, mad or possessed, is believ- 
ed in all she says. Every day there 
is a gathering at her house, where 
there is nothing but dancing, singing 
and feasting." See this in Vol. 53, 
Jesuit Relations, p. 253. 
1070 — Susquehannocks Go to the Jes- 
uits for Religious Instruction. 

In Vol. 55, of the Jesuit Relations, 
p. 33, may be found the following: 
"Xavier des Praiz had a residence 
sixty leagues from Quebec, and near 
Montreal. This is a resting place for 
missionaries both from the Iroquois 
and the Upper Algonquins. The 
savages resort hither from all sec- 

tions for the sacraments. I notice 
an admirable respect for the pas- 
tors; and among these savages a 
charity and union exceeding all for- 
mer conception, especially in view of 
the fact that they are all people gath- 
ered from different countries — Hu- 
rons, members from the neutral na- 
tion, Iroquois, people from the Andas- 
togue (Susquehannocks), from New 
Sweden, etc., and all of the different 
Iroquois nations, either natives of 
that country or dwellers there as 
prisoners of war" The activity of 
the Jesuits thus is amply attested, 
and their influence widespread, since 
it was able to reach our Indians on 
the Susquehanna river. 
1670 — Susquehanna Fort and Its 
Locality at This Date — Mary- 
land Map. 

A map dated 1670 in the Maryland 
Building at the Jamestown Exposi- 
tion gives the following: "The great 
Susquehanna runs up northerly 200 
miles to the Senecas with divers 
branches on both sides — to the east 
and to the west — full of falls and 
isles until about ten or twelve miles 
above the Susquehanna Fort, and 
then it runs clear. Downwards it is 
not navigable but with great danger. 
But it is navigable with Indian 
canoes. The present Indian Fort is 
on the west side opposite the mouth 
of a creek called Oustego, (which is 
now the Conestoga) ; the next creek 
below that on the east is named 
Oquandry (Pequea), the next Ork- 
tara, and the next Northeast creek. 
1671— Treaty Between the English 
and Indians of Southeastern 

Pages 390 to 392 of Hazard's An- 
nals of Pennsylvania, will be found 
a treaty between Deputy Governor 
Lovelace and the southeastern In- 
dians of Pennsylvania in which it is 
set out concerning the Susquehan- 



nocks at p. 392 as follows: "That the 
officers and magistrates at Delaware 
be hereby empowered and authorized 
to treat with the neighbor Indians 
of the Susquehanna or others to join 
together against the murderers of 
this section and such as shall harbor 
them or take their part if occasion 
shall require and to promise such 
reward as they shall think fit pro- 
vided it be done with great privacy 
and caution so that no sudden jea- 
lousies be given to the persons in- 
tended to be presented to their con- 

1671 — Map of Pennsylvania and the 
Susquehannocks at This Date. 

In the History Building at the Ex- 
position under date of 1671 there was 
a map of southeastern Pennsylvania 
including Chesapeake bay and Sus- 
quehanna river, and on it Smith's 
Falls are marked about ten miles 
from the mouth of the river; and 
next above it on the east side a 
short distance above the mouth of 
Conestoga creek "Susquehannough" 
town, and on the west the town of 
Attock; and about fifty miles up the 
river the town marked "Minquas," 
and 200 miles farther the Senecas. 
1671 — The Susquehannock Boys 
Fi$ht and Defeat a Party of 
Cayuga s. 

In Vol. 56. Jesuit Relations, p. 57, 
this account is given: "On Ascension 
Day this year twenty Tsonnontouans 
(Senecas) and forty of the haughtiest 
of the Cayuga young men set out 
from this (Cayuga) village to go and 
strike a blow in the fields of the An- 
dastogue (Susquehannocks), 4 days' 
journey from hence. They were attack- 
ed by sixty Andastogue (Susquehan- 
nock) boys, 15 or 16 years old, and 
put to flight with the loss of two of 
their number. These young victors, 
learning that the band had gone by 
canoe, promptly took canoes and 

! pursued them with such speed that 
' they overtook and routed them, eight 
I of our men being killed in their 
I canoes, while 15 or 16 returned bad- 
ly wounded by arrows and knives or 
half killed by hachet strokes. The 
j battle field remained in possession of 
[the Andastogue (Susquehannock) boys 
with a loss, it is said, of 15 or 16 of 
! them. God preserves the Andastogue 
(Susquehannocks), who count but 
300 warriors; and favors their arms 
in order to humble the Iroquois and 
I maintain the peace of our mission." 
: \ A similar account of this is also 
i found in "Relations de la Neuville 
| France" for the year 1672, p. 24, a 
j French work which account says 
1 that the forty Cayugas went by water 
j and the twenty Senecas by land to 
j attack the Susquehannocks; and that 
j the oldest of the sixty Susquehannock 
! boys who met and defeated them was 
| not over sixteen years. 

This interesting note throws much 
: light upon the warlike nature of the 
I Susquehannocks, and shows how 
j early their boys were proficient with 
j all the weapons of war. The first 
I attack must have occurred in Manor 
j township, and the second attack on 
j the river itself in canoes perhaps 
near Harrisburg. There can be no 
doubt of who won the victory, be- 
cause the Jesuit Fathers believed in 
the prowess of the Iroquois tribes. 
An interesting fact is that the Sus- 
quehannock men were not about 
their grounds. They were likely off 
fighting the Iroquois in the general 

1671— A Tax to Furnish the Susque- 
hannocks Powder. 

In Vol. 2, Maryland Archives, p. 
339, it is stated that, "Five Thousand 
pounds of tobacco be levied for the 
purpose of furnishing and providing 
powder for the use of the Susquehan- 
nocks for their defense. 



All these items show that at this 
time the Marylanders and the Sus- 
quehannocks were firm friends, and 
were mutually interested in resisting 
the Senecas. How sadly the situation 
changed in three years we shall soon 

1672— The Iroquois Try to Gain Al- 
lies to Help Fight Susquehannocks. 
In Vol. 57, Jesuit Relations, pp. 23 
and 25, it is stated from a letter from 
Father Brugas to the Governor from 
the largest Mohawk village that "The 
Seneca Iroquois have brought twenty 
peace presents to the savages of that 
neighborhood. The Iroquois obey 
the Governor as their common father 
and they say they have only gifts of 
peace. There is no doubt that they 
are only using the bait either for the 
sake of their commerce at the solici- 
tation of the Dutch or to beguile the 
Ottawas into a renewal of war if they 
succeed with the Susquehannocks, 
who are the only enemy that the Iro- 
quois now have on hand." Thus it 
is evident the Iroquois-Susquehan- 
nock war was still going on as this 
account says it was. 
1072 — Three Susquehannocks Captur- 
ed in War and Burned to Death. 
From Vol. 58, Jesuit Relations, p. 
227, it is stated: "Three Andastae 
(Susquehannocks) were captured in 
war. The Jesuit Father instructed 
them before they were burned. Sev- 
eral from the same country escaped 
after some months of captivity; and 
they told of the great charity that 
those who wore the black gowns had 
for them as well as for the Iroquois 
and for all the people." The great 
Iroquois-Susquehannock war is now 
nearing its close, having been waged 
since about 1652. Three years more 
will see the Susquehannocks entire- 
ly 'defeated and driven to their new 
home on the Potomac, more than a 
hundred miles from their old one on 

Susquehanna river. What we have al- 
ready written shows the amount of 
cruelty, butchery, slaughter and hor- 
rid retaliation which characterized 
the warfare of these savages, a great 
deal of which occurred right here in 
what is now our county. 

1672— More Susquehannocks Tortured 
—Cruelty of Indian Torture. 

The Jesuit Fathers tell us, "Two 
Andastogues (Susquehannocks) were 
captured by the Iroquois. They re- 
ceived baptism immediately before 
the red hot irons were applied to 
them. One of them who was burned 
during the night in the cabin from 
his feet to his knees prayed again to 
God with me on the following day 
while tied to the stake. The patience 
of these poor victims is admirable; 
but one cannot contemplate without 
a feeling of horror the sight of their 
roasting flesh and of men who de- 
vour it like famished dogs. One day 
when I was passing near the spot 
where the body of one of these roast- 
ed victims was being cut to pieces I 
could not help drawing near and in- 
veighing against such brutality. I saw 
one of these cannibals who asked for 
knife wherewith to cut off an arm. 
I opposed him and threatened him 
that God would punish him. He re- 
lated as his reason for doing so that 
he was invited to a feast commanded 
by a dream at which they were to 
| eat nothing but human flesh to be 
I brought by those who wanted to eat 
| it. Two days afterwards God per- 
! mitted that his wife should fall into 
| the hands of the Andastogue (Sus- 
quehannocks) who revenged them- 
selves upon her person for the cruel- 
ty of her husband. See Vol. 57, Jes. 
Rel. pp. 169 and 171. 

1672— Iroquois Fear a Susquehannock 
Invasion and Invoke Their Jugglers. 

One of the Jesuit Fathers gives us 
this relation: "I had the affliction to 



see a noted juggler die in his in- 
fidelity; but his presumption and 
pride rendered him unworthy of 
grace and baptism. He was held in 
unusual veneration among the Iro- 
quois and so his shade still seems 
baleful to Christianity. An elder re- 
cently convoked the tribe and an- 
nounced to it that this juggler had 
appeared to him in a dream and re- 
garding him with a terrible expres- 
sion had bidden him to bear word to 
the elders that they were irredeem- 
ably lost; and that the Susquehan- 
nocks would come the next spring 
without fail to beseige the village 
and burn and slay all who resisted 
them. If however they wished to 
avoid these disasters they must be- 
move the dead juggler's body from 
the spot where it was buried and 
carry it out along the road leading 
to the Susquehannock country. He 
said that then there would be no fur- 
ther cause for alarm, since as he 
(the dead juggler) had overcome the 
common enemy of the nations during 
his lifetime, he was still pursuing 
him after death, and his body on 
being transferred to the place desig- 
nated would not fail to inspire terror 
in the hearts of all who should ven- 
ture to approach the village. 

Though the ground was covered 
with snow they failed not to execute 
to the letter the order they had re- 
ceived, bearing the dead body out 
along the road to Gandastogue (Sus- 
quehannock country) and there erect- 
ing to it the finest mausoleum to be 
seen among these barbarians. After 
all as this knave was found out to be 
a liar while alive, he proved no less 
untrustworthy after his death, two 
women having recently been brained 
by those very Susquehannocks with- 
in fifty paces of the palisades 
surrounding the village." See Jes. 
Rel., Vol. 56, p. 35. The same story 

is told though somewhat briefer in 
Relations de la Neuville France for 

1672 p. 20, as follows, "A famous me- 
dicine man of Oneida appeared after 
death to order his body to be taken 
up and to be interred on the trail to 
the Susquehannocks as the only 
means of saving that canton from 
ruin." See also .Dr. Shea's note No. 
46 to Alsop's Maryland. 

1672— The Great SusquehannockChief 
Planned to be Captured. 
In Relations de la Neuville France, 
1672, p. 47, says that at this time 
the great Susquehannock War Chief 
Hotchitagete or Barefoot was much 
feared by the Iroquois and a raving 
woman and a crafty medicine man 
deluded the Iroquois with promises 
to capture him and execute him at 
the stake." See also year 1670, p. 

1673 — The Susquehannocks Giving 
Way Before the Blows of the 


In Vol. 59, of the Jes. Rel. p. 251 
we find, "Since the Sonnonlouaies 
(Huron name for Iroquois) have ut- 
terly defeated the Andaste (Susque- 
hannocks) their ancient and most re- 
doubtable foe their insolence knows 
no bounds, and they talk of nothing 
but renewing the War against our 
allies and even against the French 
and of beginning by the destruction of 
Fort Colarokoui." I do not know what 
place is meant by the name last given. 
From this item it seems pretty cer- 
tain that the Iroquois completed the 
subjugation of the Susquehannocks 
about the year 1672. However not 
content with defeating them, one of 
the tribes of the Iroquois confeder- 
acy, namely, the Senecas, kept on 
driving the Susquehannocks south- 
ward until about 1674 or 1675 they 
had driven them entirely off the Sus- 
quehanna River, down to the Poto- 



mac where they were located when 
the deplorable and unjustifiable 
slaughter of five of their chiefs took 
place in an expedition led by Col. 
John Washington, grandfather of 
George Washington, and Major Tru- 
man, which we shall notice at large 
in its turn. 

1673— The Final Stages of Conquest 
Near Susquehanna River. 

Lewis Evans in his "Analysis" in 
his historical and political essays 
printed by Ben. Branklin 1755 page 
14, says "the Susquehannocks after a 
great defeat by the Marylanders were 
easily exterminated by the Confeder- 
ates (Iroquois confederacy). So those 
nations which are now on Sus- 
quehana are only such as the con- 
federates allotted that river, for, viz. 
the Nanticokes from the eastern 
Shore of Maryland, — Tuteloes from 
the Meherin River in Virginia, and 
the Delawares under which we in- 
clude the Minnesinks and the Mandes 
or Salem Indians." Thus the In- 
dians who came to the Susquehanna 
River after the ancient Susquehan- 
nocks were driven out were of sev- 
eral tribes and have been called beg- 
gar Indians. Many of the Senecas 
and indeed several Indians of two or 
three more of the Five Nations' tribes 
came to the Susquehanna — and the 
general mixture became the Cones- 
togas later. However quite a few of 
the Susquehannocks got back too, 

Lewis Evans, p. 12, also tells us 
that "though they (the Five Nations) 
gave the finishing stroke to the ex- 
termination of the Susquehannocks, 
Bell in the service of Maryland at the 
Fort whose remains are still stand- 
ing on the east side of the Susque- 
hanna about three miles below 
Wright's Ferry, by the defeat of 
many hundreds gave them a blow 
they (The Five Nations) never re- 

covered of." It is strange the Mary- 
land Archives make no notice of this 
great feat by Col. Bell. I believe it 
was exaggerated. 
1674 — Maryland Acknowledges the 

Fire Nations (Senecas) Have Sus- 
jugated the Susquehannocks — Makes 

Peace with the Senecas and Fears 

as a Result War with the S usque- 


In Vol. 2, of Maryland Archives, p. 
378, under the date of 1674, it is set 
out: "In pursuance of a vote for 
peace with the Cynicas (Senecas) 
passed at a conference of both 
Houses which this government made 
with said Senecas; and for as much 
as the said peace may bring on a war 
with the Susquehannocks, — this 
House, for the security of the pro- 
vince, do vote that an Act of Assem- 
bly be drawn up to empower the gov- 
ernor and council to make a war (up- 
on the Susquehannocks if necessary) 
by an equal assessment upon the 
persons and estate of the said pro- 

We shall see that a desultory war 
between Maryland and Susquehan- 
nocks did soon begin, and was kept 
up three or four years, as the Sus- 
quehannocks felt very bitter toward 
Maryland for recognizing the Senecas 
as victors. The friendship of the 
Susquehannocks was now turned to 
hatred, and they retaliated by way 
of murders and depredations. 

1675 — Attitude of Susquehannocks 
and Iroquois Now. 

Something of the situation at this 
time is shown in a letter dated Oct. 
21, 1675, by Gov. Ed. Andros to the 
Governor of Maryland found in Vol. 
5, second series, Pennsylvania Arch. 
p. 676, in which he says among other 
things: "I now give you an account 
of my engaging the Macques and Se- 
necas not anyways to injure any of 
the Christians to the eastward, and 



particularly in parts southward, your 
part*, in their warres with the Sus- 
quehannocks; but others apprehend it 
will be difficult to restrain especially 
the young men. I endeavored to be 
informed relating to that war, and 
found the Susquehannocks being re- 
ported by the Macques.that they might 
be brought to some peace again, 
though, I still find the Senecas to be 
wholly averse to it, desiring their 
extermination. But hearing now of 
Indian troubles which has occasion- 
ed raising forces in your parts I send 
you an express; and if the trouble 
be by the Macques or Senecas, I of- 
fer you my services. If you think 
good I would desire some from the 
Susquehannocks to come to me so 
that I may order matters accord- 

According to this the Susquehan- 
nocks, now being beaten in war, the 
Senecas wish to exterminate them. 
The trouble the New York Governor 
refers to is that of the depredations 
now going on about the Susquehanna 
river, done no doubt by both the Sen- 
ecas who now hold the country, and 
also by the Susquehannocks, who 
now live further south, but maraude 
into their old country (many murders 
being committed, and each of these 
two Indian tribes blaming all the 
murders on the other). 

To this letter the governor of 
Maryland replied; and Dec. 10 of the 
same year the New York governor 
wrote another letter to the Maryland 
governor, among other things saying: 
"I am sorry the Susquehannocks 
were concerned (in the depredations) 
having always had the repute of 
being perfect friends to the Chris- 
tians, particularly Maryland, and 
being offspring of the Macques.though 
by the Senecas engaged in war, and 
the Indians to the eastward. All In- 
dians are now enemies of us. There 

only remains firm the Macques, and 
by them the Senecas." Vol. 5, sec- 
ond series, Penna. Archives, p. 678. 

This letter sets out the reputation 
of the Susquehannocks of being 
friends of the Christians. While 
they were warlike and revengful, 
their honor, it seems, was to be de- 
pended on. A new thought as to them 
is thrown out in the statment that 
they are offsprings of the Macques. 
This brings to our minds for compari- 
son what we said in the opening 
chapter of these "Annals," quoting 
from Gordon, that the Susquehan- 
nocks came from the Wolf tribe of 
the Lenape. 

1675 — Susquehanuocks Driven From 
the Susquehanna River. 
This subject I have noticed above 
and simply set it down again for the 
sake of making it prominent, as it 
ushers in the final stand of the Sus- 
quehannocks. See Scharf's History 
of Maryland, p. 1S9, and Lyle's His- 
tory of Lancaster County, p. 19. At 
this disastrous period also the Sus- 
quehannocks joined themselves to 
the Piscataways, a weak tribe which 
I twenty years before they looked up- 
on with contempt. See Indian His- 
tory of Lower Susquehanna by Dau- 
phin County Historical Society, p. 42. 
1675— The Effect of the Fall of the 
In Vol. 60, Jesuit Relations, p. 173, 
the following is given as the result 
I of the defeat of the Susquehannocks, 
I upon the Iroquois: "Since the Iro- 
quois have at last succeeded in ex- 
terminating the Andaste (Susquehan- 
nocks), who had held out against 
them for over twenty years, they 
have become so insolent that they, 
talk only of breakng the missionaries' 
heads by way of beginning hostilities. 
Drunkenness, which prevails amongst 
them to a horrible extent, adds to it 



and makes them brazen enough to 
attempt anything." 

1675 — The Susquehannocks' New 

Home on the Potomac. 

The Iroquois, assisted by the other 
tribes of the Five Nations, having 
about 1652 begun the great war on 
the Susquehannocks and carried it 
along about fifteen years or less, un- 
til about 1664 they were dishearten- 
ed by their unsuccessful attempts on 
Susquehannock Fort, with the disas- 
trous results before noticed; and 
they about that date being supersed- 
ed in command by the Senecas as 
leaders of the Five Nations, which 
Senecas, carrying on the war, assist- 
ed by the other tribes of the Five 
Nations until 1675, utterly defeated 
them (the Susquehannocks) ; they 
were now driven from the Susque- 
hanna river to a deserted fort on the 
Potomac, gradually having been press- 
ed and driven southward, and their 
numbers having dwindled down to 
300 by war and small-pox. This fate 
was sad enough, but as we shall show 
in later items a worse fate awaited 
the remnant that were left. So much 
murdering of whites now occurred in 
Maryland and the victorious Senecas 
so well succeeded in making the 
people believe • the Susquehannocks 
were doing all of it (while in truth it 
was done by the crafty Senecas, and 
blamed on the Susquehannocks for 
political effect), that Maryland decreed 
the Susquehannocks must move 
up to the head of the Potomac, about 
100 miles farther back into the coun- 
try; and before the poor savages had 
time to do that Maryland and Vir- 
ginia combined and made a cowardly 
attack upon them, precipitating a 
campaign of war and siege which 
ended in about two years in dissipat- 
ing them so that those who were not 
killed were divided into small parties 
and were absorbed in other tribes. 

We shall now proceed to this sad 

1675 — The Susquehannocks Seek 
Peace and Protection in Their New 
Home — Action of the Government 
of Maryland. 

The Susquehannocks, being over- 
come by the Senecas and their north- 
ern allies, are now further torment- 
ed and harassed by marauding part- 
ies of their enemies, and in their des- 
peration they turn to Maryland for 
a place to live under the protection 
of that government. Their old home 
and lands are infested with the vic- 
tors. Volume 2 of Maryland Archives 
p. 428 sets out: "Some of the great 
men of Susquehannough were this 
day admitted (Feb. 19) to the Upper 
House and asked what part of the 
province should be allotted for them 
to live upon; but before this House 
answers, they desire to know the 
opinion of the Lower House." 

In the Lower House, "The opinion 
of this House is that should the Sus- 
quehannock Indians be permitted to 
live among the respective tribes of 
friendly Indians this year it may 
be of dangerous consequence to the 
province : 

(1) That their being among them 
may corrupt our Indians and mould 
them so to their own future designs, 
as will prove detrimental to this pro- 

(2) This House hath reason to 
suspect that the design of the Sus- 
quehannocks coming among the Eng- 
lish and claiming protection may be 
out of a design purposely to discover 
the strength of the province and the 
advantage they may take for the fut- 
ure and will be dangerous. 

(3) We have reason to suspect 
that the Susquehannocks and Senecas 
have private correspondence together 
notwithstanding the seeming war be- 



tween them which may be dangerous | bly, page 462, of the same volume of 
to the province should they be per- j Maryland Archives. "An act for rays- 
mitted among our neighbor Indians, ing a supply for the governor and 
(4) If they are absolute enemies j captain general to defray the charges 
of the Senecas yet it will so exaspe- | of making peace with the Senecas 
rate the Senecas for us to entertain and war with the Susquehannocks." 

Truly the Susquehannocks were 
now in a pitiable plight. They were 

them that should a war this ensuing 

year happen between the Senecas and 

them, the whole province must in whipped by the Senecas and other 

general suffer, and therefore this i northern confederates of the Five 

House is of the opinion it will not be 
safe for the government to appoint a 
place for them above the falls of 
Potomac there being time enough to 
clean ground enough to plant corn 
this year, which is the only thing 
they seem to desire to live among 
the neighbor Indians for." 

And page 429 it is stated "The 
same day the Upper House ordered 
that Harignera, the Great Man of 
the Susquehannocks, should be in- 
formed that when he was at Mata- 
paine with the governor he told him 
he would be content if the English 
would let him and the Susquehan- 
nocks live at the falls of the Poto- 
mac — that the governor has moved 
the Assembly to let them live above 
the falls, and the governor was wil- 
ling they should move above the falls, 
but not to plant corn any nearer the 
English as they and the English 
might fall out and fight. In answer 
after some tedious debate the Sus- 
quehannocks signify to the governor 
that they would be willing to condes- 
cend to move to the head of the Po- 

This serves to show in what an 
attitude the Marylanders, especially 
the Assembly held themselves toward 

Nations; they were harassed and 
driven by them on toward the Poto- 
mac; they were suspected by the 
Marylanders, and not allowed to in- 
habit among other tribes of friendly 
Indians, for fear of stirring them up 
against the government; they were 
blamed for all the murders commit- 
ted by the Senecas and finally they 
were ordered by the government to 
go up the Potomac, away from the 

1675 — The Act of Assembly Declaring 
War on the Susquehannocks. 
The above cited Act is as follows: 
"An acte for Raysing a Supply to 
defray Charges of Making Peace with 
the Cynegoes (Senecas) and Making 
War with the Susquehannocks and 
Their Confederates if Occasion Re- 

"The two Houses of Assembly hav- 
ing received certain credible in- 
formation of the many outrages and 
murders committed upon the persons 
and states of divers good people of 
this province in Baltimore county by 
the Susquehannock Indians and other 
their confederates by them counte- 
nanced and protected contrary to 
the articles of peace of your Lord- 
ship's council have agreed and con- 

the Susquehannocks. All these steps \ cluded upon cer tain measures, upon 
tended toward one goal— that is to- j which a war is likely to ensue and 
ward war on the Susquehannocks by | it being also concluded that it may 

Maryland. This soon was the ripe fruit 
that the condition bore, as is shown 

be of great benefit and advantage to 
the interests of the province to make 

by the following extract from the peace with the Cynegoes (Senecas) 
proceedings cf the Maryland Assem- 'j for the defraying of the expenses of 



such warre or peace if it shall seem 
necessary to the captain general and 
council to make such warre or peace 
do pray it may be enacted: 

And be it enacted, etc., that there 
be levied and raysed this present 
year the sum of fifty thousand pounds 
of tobacco by an equal assessment 
upon the persons and estates of the 
inhabitants of the province to be 
paid to his excellency, Charles Cal- 
vert, Esq., captain general of this 
province to be by him disposed of as 
he and his council think meet, for 
and towards . the defraying of all 
such charges and expenses as shall 
be laid out and expended in and 
about the carrying on or making any 
warre or peace with the Susquehan- 
nocks or any of their confederates 
or with the Senecas if the council 
and governor think expedient to 
make such warre or peace this pre- 
sent year." See same, 2 Md. Arch, 
pp. 462 and 463. 

1675 — The Maryland Government 
Opens Hostilities Upon the Susque- 

In Vol. 15, p. 48 of the Maryland 
Archives, it is set out, "It is ordered 
that a regiment of horse consisting 
offive troops of fifty men in troop be 
forthwith raysed and fitted with suf- 
ficient horse and arms and ammuni- 
tition for the expeditions march 
against the barbarous enemy and to 
assist the Virginia forces now pre- 
paring to pursue their enemies the 
Susquehannock Indians, and demand- 
ing delivery of those Indians which 
lately committed the murders on his 
Majesty's subjects in Virginia; and 
it is further ordered that the said 
Susquehannock Indians be forthwith 
forced off from the place where they 
now are to remove themselves to 
the place they assured the last as- 
sembly they would go and seat them- 

Accordingly Thos. Dent is dispatch- 
ed away to Colonel Washington and 
Major Allerton with the following 

"You are to march to the north side 
of Piscataway Creek, where you shall 
advise upon the ways and means to 
prosecute the war against the Doegs 
and the Susquehannock Indians till 
the murderers are delivered and all 
passible satisfaction obtained for 
damages done." (At this time there 
were 6,610 taxables in Maryland). 
See same book and page. 

About the same time an additional 
force was raised to go against the 
Susquehannocks, which is set forth 
p. 56 of the same book. "It is or- 
dered that a party of 30 men be rais- 
ed — 15 out of St. Mary's and 15 out 
of St. Charles under Capt. Douglass 
and Sly to range the woods about 
Piscataway and the Susquehannock 
Fort to take up all such horses as 
they shall find were lost by the sol- 
diers in the late expedition against 
the Susquehannock Indians." And 
page 58 it is stated: "The governor 
and council have taken into consid- 
eration the disbursements for pro- 
visions and other charges relating 
to the late Indian war with the Sus- 
quehannocks that the same be levied 
this year and be taken into considera- 

Thus from these items we see there 
was an expedition against the Sus- 
quehannocks by Maryland, and that 
in it many horses were lost of the 
250 that set out and the expense of 
the late war was now a subject of 
governmental concern for Maryland. 

The particulars of this expedition 
and the disreputable action of the 
whites in the same against the de- 
fenseless chiefs of the Susquehan- 
nocks, and the impeachment proceed- 
ings against the leaders of the expe- 
dition by the Maryland authorities 



we will next take up and in doing so 
reveal a disgraceful page in colonial 
Indian policy. 

1675 — Virginia Asks Maryland to Join 

Her in An Expedition Against 

the Susquehannocks. 

On Sept. 6, 1675 Col. John Washing- 
ton, a great grandfather of George 
Washington,together with Isaac Aller- 
ton sends a letter to Maryland stating, 
that on Sunday the 5th inst. orders 
were received from the governor of 
Virginia to summon the militia on 
the north side of the Rappahannock 
and south of the Potomac, to make 
an inquisition into the murders and 
spoyl done by the Indians and ascer- 
tain by what nations done and to de- 
mand satisfaction and proceed to war 
if needed. 

Wherefore the regiment of 5 troops 
of 50 men each as stated in the last 
item, were ordered raised. See 15 
Md. Arch. 48. 

1675 — Maryland Sends Instructions 
to Co-Operate With Washington 

Accordingly Thos. Dent was sent to 
Col. Washington with these instruct- 
ions: "Gent. According to the promise 
made Capt. Lee and Maj. Youell we 
have this day taken your letter into 
consideration and for answer return 
you that we have ordered 250 horses 
and dragoon to rendezvous upon 
Thursday which will be the 23rd in- 
stant at the head of the Choptico Bay 
from whence they shall continue their 
march to the north side of the mouth 
of the Piscataway where they shall 
await your arrival and join with you 
where your commanders shall advise 
with you upon the ways and means 
to prosecute the war against the 
Doages and the Susquehannock In- 
dians till the murderers are delivered 
and all possible satisfaction obtain- 
ed from them for damages done his 

majesty's subjects. Ordered that Maj. 
Thomas Truman be commander of 
the expedition." See 15 Md. Arch. 49. 

1675— The Mattawomen Indians Join 

the Expedition and Help Maryland 

and Virginia Against Sus- 


This is set forth in 15 Md. Arch. 57 
as follows, "The Council, taking into 
consideration the merits of the King 
of the Mattawomen, namely that he 
came first unto Major Truman volun- 
tarily and offered all his men to 
serve us against the Susquehannocks 
and his women and children as 
hostages and that he continued all 
the time of the War with the Eng- 
lish and in pursuit of the enemy, do 
humbly desire the government con- 
currence to an order that the said 
King may be presented with 12 match 
coats as a mark of gratitude and 
have of value 100 arms length Roan- 
oke namely four match coats for 
every prisoner of the Susquehannocks 
that they have taken and delivered — 
the said match coats to be paid to 
the Indian that took the prisoner." 

From this we see that this tribe 
of Indians through their King first of- 
fered his warriors to assist the Mary- 
landers and Virginians in whipping 
the Susquehannocks, and to give as- 
surance that he would not dessert in 
battle and go over to the Susquehan- 
nocks, he gave the women and chil- 
dren of his tribe as hostages into the 
charge of the English, who could 
have been enslaved or even slaugh- 
tered if the soldiers proved recre- 
ant. The above also states that he 
did remain loyal. 

1675— The Great, Shameful Expediton 
of Slaughter and Dishonor. 

The expedition against the Susque- 
hannocks, who were huddled in a 
fort on the Potomac, about 200 strong 


including women and children, began 
about the middle of September, and 
continued n a siege of about 6 weeks 
ending the beginning of November. In 
addition to the march on the Fort, 
as we have above seen the whites 
hired other Indians to sally through 
the woods and capture Susquehan- 
nocks. The white soldiers also rang- 
ed the woods for the same purpose. 
At any rate about the beginning of 
November the Indians left their fort 
one night and struck southwestwardly 
into Virginia and were the leading 
instigators of the Bacon Rebellion 
all of which we shall show later. 

None of the government archives 
of Maryland state anything of the 
general result of the expedition, per- 
haps because there was so much dis- 
graceful about it. Neither do any other 
public records tell the particulars of 
the struggle. However inferentially 
several things are plain. First that 
the war was of considerable expense 
to Maryland, and that her people con- 
tributed of their private means to its 
maintenance. In Vol. 15 Md. Arch. 
56 under date of Oct. 13 it is "Ordered 
that proclamation be made by the 
several sheriffs of each respective 
county that all persons that have 
been at any charge or expense 
for provisions or ammunition 
about the late expedition against 
the Susquehannocks shall come to the 
next provincial court and deliver their 
claims to the sheriffs." This is his- 
torical testimony that the expedition 
was taken, and that it was ended by 
Oct 13 or nearly so. Secondly in the 
same book p. 58 it is set out "Where- 
as the King of the Mattawomen de- 
sires to inform himself for the securi- 
ty of himself and his people against 
the Susquehannocks, who are now his 
enemies only because he hath es- 
poused our quarrel against them, the 
council do request that it be ordered 

that he have liberty to 'infort' him- 
self and his people upon any place 
the governor shall see fit." Thus 
though the Susquehannocks as we 
shall see were driven out of their 
fort on the Potomac, and voluntarily 
went into Virginia, they still feared, 
because from their Virginia base 
they continually sent parties into 
their old country. This request of 
the Mattawomen king is dated 1675. 
Thirdly in the same year as shown 
in 15 Md. Arch. 59, something of the 
cost of the expedition is given us. It 
is stated "The governor and Council 
having taken into consideration that 
the disbursements for provisions and 
other charges relating to the late war 
with the Susquehannocks and that 
the same may be levied this year and 
having seen several papers and ac- 
counts thereto relating, but not the 
whole accounts, do appoint to meet 
Monday; and it is ordered that on 
Monday all the people exhibit their 
accounts or be debarred. It is also 
ordered that 85 pounds of tobacco per 
poll be levied as tax and be added 
to the former levy so that this year 
there be levied in the whole 165 
pounds of tobacco per poll." We 
have seen in a former item that 
there were 6610 taxables in Mary- 
land at this time and a tax of 165 
pounds of tobacco per head would be 
about 1090650 pounds, of if it were 
worth 10 cents per pound it was equi- 
valent to $109,065.00. So the six 
weeks' war was very costly, even if 
the whites did win. 

Elaborate particulars of the war 
are however, told by a master hand, 
whose graphic description of it, we 
shall tell in the following several 
items, under the general title of "The 
Fall of the Susquehannocks." 

1675 — The Fall of the Susquehannocks 
Cliapter I (First Attack). 

What I shall now give is verbatim 
S. F. Streeter, Esqr's account of the 



last days of the Susquehannocks as 
an independent and powerful tribe. 
The account was given in 1857 and 
may be found in Vol. 1, of the his- 
torical Magazine, p. 65, found in the 
Historical Society, at Philadelphia. 
As I have said in an earlier item, the 
public records of the Maryland Arch- 
ives give only the making up of the 
expedition which resulted so fatal- 
ly for the Susquehannocks, and the 
march, and then are silent as to the 
character of the battle. But that 
there was a battle is evident from 
the discussions in Council and As- 
sembly concerning the cost, the loss 
of horses, and the impeachment of 
Col. Truman, for despicable conduct 
in the flight. 

Streeter says, "The brave but un- 
fortunate Susquehannocks, driven 
from their original seat (on Susque- 
hanna) by the conquering Senecas in 
the attempt to find a place of refuge 
became unwillingly embroiled by a 
series of untoward circumstances 
with the people of Maryland and of 
Virginia, and in the extremity of 
their despair rushed into a conflict 
which though brief, gave the finish- 
ing blow to their power and com- 
pelled the few survivors of this for- 
merly dreaded tribe to seek a resting 
place in the wilds of the west or to 
incorporate themselves with the por- 
tions of the Powhatan Confederacy. 

"The events connected with this 
struggle between the two races pos- 
sess for us a double interest. First, 
they relate to a trying period in our 
own colonial history; and secondly, 
as they were closely connected with 
the occurrences in Virginia.which ar- 
rayed Nathaniel Bacon against the 
established government and aroused 
a spirit of resistance to Sir William 
Berkley, that ceased only with the 
death of the unfortunate leader and 
the expatriation or execution of many 
of his supporters, some of whom 

were among the most talented and 
influential men of the province. 

"On a Sabbath morning in the 
summer of the year 1675 as the 
people of Stafford, at that time the 
most northerly county in Virginia, on 
the Potomac, were on their way to 
church they found a herdsman nam- 
ed Robert Henn lying across the 
threshold of his house and an Indian 
without the door, both terribly gash- 
ed and mutilated. The Indian was 
quite dead; but Henn lived long 
enough to declare that the 'Doegs' 
were the murderers. A boy was also 
discovered hidden under a bed from 
whom it was gathered that the In- 
dians had made their attack and 
committed the murder about day- 

"Col. Mason and Capt. Brent, com- 
manders of the militia of that county, 
on hearing of the bloody dead im- 
mediately collected a force of about 
30 men and followed on trail of the 
retreating Indians. After a pursuit 
of about 20 miles up the Potomac 
they crossed the river into Maryland. 
Landing at daybreak they discovered 
two narrow paths, one of which was 
followed by Mason with a part of 
the men; and the other by Brent with 
the remainder. After advancing a 
short distance each party discovered 
in its front an Indian wigwam, which 
was silently surrounded. 

"Having stationed his men Capt. 
Brent advanced to the wigwam and 
in a loud voice, in the Indian tongue, 
demanded a council with the occu- 
pants. A chief came forward appar- 
ently much alarmed, and would have 
fled, but Brent, seizing him by the 
scalp, told him he had come for the 
murderers of Henn. The chief plead- 
ed ignorance of the whole matter, and 
managed to escape from the grasp of 
his captor; but as he turned to flee 
fell dead by a pistol shot from the 



hand of Brent. This was the signal 
for action on both sides. The In- 
dians within delivered their fire from 
the hut, and under its frail cover 
stood for a short time the volleys of 
the Virginians, but finally attempted 
to save themselves by flight from 
their murderous effects. As they 
thronged out of the door in a body, 
however, the unerring rifle did 
prompt execution and ten of their 
number were slain. A lad of eight 
years of age, the son of the chief 
killed by Capt. Brent, was the only 
one taken prisoner. The Indians so 
severely handled in this encounter 
belonged to the tribe of 'Doages' or 
'Doegs.' Meanwhile Col. Mason's 
party had also been actively engaged. 
Scarcely had his men been arranged 
when they were startled by the din 
of the other assault, while the sud- 
denly awakened and panic stricken 
occupants of the wigwam, in their 
extremity, without waiting for sum- 
mons or attack, rushed to the door 
to make their escape. As they pour- 
ed out they were met by the deadly 
fire of the Virginians, who supposed 
from the noise and the firing that 
Brent's men were warmly engaged 
with a hostile party, and fourteen of 
the Indians had already fallen, when 
one of them rushed up to Col. Mason 
through the heaviest of the fire and 
seized his arm and exclaimed "Sus- I 
quehannocks netoughs" that is, "Sus- j 
quehannocks friends," and imme- 
diately fled. Col. Mason at once 
caused his men to cease firing, since 
those who were the objects of their 
attack proved to belong to a tribe 
recognized as friends of Virginia. 

"This tribe which had formerly oc- 
cupied a considerable territory on 
the Susquehanna and at the head of 
Chesapeake Bay, and which_ was 
spreading terror among the tribes of 
the Patuxent and the eastern shore 

of the Potomac at the time of the ar- 
rival of the Maryland Pilgrims, had 
in its turn been made to feel the hand 
of the conqueror. The Seneca In- 
dians, one of the most numerous and 
powerful of the Confederacy of the 
Five Nations, through whose terri- 
tory in western New York the upper 
waters of the Susquehannocks flow- 
ed (as the governor and council of 
New York in an address to his Ma- 
jesty, Aug. 6, 1691, say: the Susque- 
hanna river, is situate in the middle 
of the Seneca country) had pushed 
their war parties down that river 
(Susquehanna), reducing the tribes 
on its borders to submission, or 
compelling them to seek new places 
of abode in more defensible positions 
with other tribes or within the 
sweep of the strong and protecting 
arms of the white men. 

"The Susquehannocks, too proud, it 
would seem, to yield to those with 
whom they had long been contested 
as equals, and by holding the land 
of their fathers by suffrage, to ac- 
knowledge themselves reduced; yet 
too weak to withstand the victorious 
and domineering Senecas, had been 
compelled to forsake the river bear- 
ing their name and the head of the 
Bay; and had taken up a position 
near the western borders of Mary- 
land below the territory of the Pis- 
cataway Indians." 

(This is the end of Chapter I. The 
next item will take up Chapt- II a nd 
will be devoted to the new location 
of the Susquehannock Indians and of 
their weak neighboring and confed- 
erated tribes. 

167o— Fall of the Susquehannocks. 
Chapter II (The Xew Fort). 

"This tribe (Susquehannocks) orig- 
inally occupied lands lower down the 
river (Potomac) about the Piscata- 
way; but the year 1673 a tract at 
the head of the Potomac was assign- 



ed them by the Assembly, somewhat 
above the former location, and every 
possible effort was made to establish 
themselves permanently at that 
place. Implements of husbandry 
were presented to them and a supply 
of provisions for three years guaran- 
teed to free them from all apprehen- 
sion on the care of subsistence and 
afford them full time to make these 
lands sufficiently productive for their 
own support. This spot was near 
where Washington now stands (An- 
nals of Annapolis, p. 64). From this 
legislation it is evident that the 
policy of the province was to remove 
the Indians toward the western 
borders of its territory and thus at 
the same time to preserve for them 
a home. — to make room for the 
pioneers of civilization already press- 
ing upon that quarter and to dimin- 
ish as far as possible the chances of 
collision between the two races. The 
Piscataways however,were an unwar- 
like inoffensive people and were re- 
garded as firm friends to both Mary- 
land and Virginia. 

"The Doegs" as they are styled in 
the Maryland records, occupied a 
portion of the territory between the 
Piscataway river on the north and 
the great bend on the Potomac on the 
south now forming the western part 
of Charles and perhaps a small por- 
tion of Prince George county. The 
tongue of land formed by Mattawo- 
men Run as it flows into the Poto- 
mas still retains the name 'Indian 
Point' and may have been the spot on 
which the bloody scene which has 
been described was enacted. The 
lands of the Doegs extended to the 

"The Susquehannocks had lately 
established themselves on the north 
side of that (Piscataway) river. 
There would seem therefore to have 
been no ground of suspicion either, 

in the mere fact that parties from 
both tribes were found occupying 
wigwams a short distance below the 
river and near to each other, as was 
the case with those attacked by 
Mason and Brent. 

But murders had been committed 
in Virginia; the pursuers had as 
they believed tracked the murderers 
until they had suddenly lallen upon 
these parties. Had they found In- 
dian families in the wigwams it 
would have been different — but they 
found armed warriors; and this in 
connection with the recent startling 
raids and evils were surely enough 
to excite suspicion. According to 
the dying testimony of one of the vic- 
tims the murderers were Doeg, and 
therefore of the same tribe with 
those which Capt. Brent's party sur- 
prised on the Maryland side of the 
river; and this fact in their appre- 
hensions afforded a good reason for 
the assault. There is no evidence 
that the Susquehannocks were the 
abbettors or ever the associates of 
the Doegs, or chargeable with any 
other fact or fault than that of un- 
fortunately occupying quarters in 
the neighborhood. 

"That Capt. Brent's party knew 
whom they were assaulting is likely 
from his parley with the chief before 
firing began; but that the attack of 
Mason's men thus precipitated by the 
noise of the other engagement, and 
that they were not aware of whom 
they assailed is evident from the fact 
that Col. Mason the moment he as- 
certained they were Susquehannocks, 
recognized them as friends and ceas- 
ed hostilities. 

"The truth is the Virginians were 
hot with passion and eager of pur- 
suit. Their friends had been mur- 
dered and by Indians; they knew 
jthe perpetrators and started in pur- 
I suit; they came up with two bands 



in junctos with the very tribe charg- 
ed with the crime and in the direct 
line of their retreat; and concluding at 
once that these were the assassins, 
without pausing to deliberate, hasten- 
ed to avenge the slaughter of their 
friends. In one of these cases at 
least the assailants were sadly pre- 

"The murderous assault of Mason's 
party was entirely unprovoked, if 
we accept the assertion of the Sus- 
quehannocks, who charged the mur- 
ders upon the marauding parties of 
the Senecas (and this is by no means 
improbable.) "The Senecas' war par- 
ties might at that time have penetrat- 
ed Maryland and Virginia as they are 
known to have done within a very 
few years after, when they committed 
various murders, might naturally be 
expected to arouse their savage pas- 
sions, and stimulate them to seek 
revenge, particularly as no attempt 
was made by the Virginians to ex- 
plain the cause of the attack or to 
make preparation for the grievous in- 
jury inflicted. It may be the savage 
retribution and subsequent conflicts 
followed too closely upon this en- 
counter to allow an opportunity for 
explanation. Several murders were 
soon afterwards committed in Mary- 
land, and though guard boats were 
equipped to prevent interruptions 
and invasions across the Potomac one 
or two persons were also murdered 
in Stafford county, Virginia. The 
perpetrators of these cruel acts were 
not certainly known; but under the 
circumstances suspicion naturally 
fell upon the Susquehannocks. 

"The presence of this tribe 
on their western borders had al- 
ready exacted dissatisfaction among 
the people of Maryland, especially 
those whose plantations were situat- 
ed near the Piscataway; and efforts 
had been made (the Indians being re- 

solutely bent not to forsake their 
Fort (Ann Cotton's Account 1676, p. 1) 
| to induce them to leave the position 
| they had taken. This was on the 
J north side of the Piscataway, in a 
strong Fort which had either origin- 
ally belonged to the Piscataways or 
was built by the province years pre- 
vious (In 1644 an act was passed to 
enable the Governor to establish and 
support a garrison at Piscataway (see 
Bacon's Laws) for the protection of 
the frontier settlements, and perhaps 
Maryland has left it unoccupied dur- 
ing the time of peace, which had 
preceded these occurrences. From 
its strength and construction the 
latter supposition seems most pro- 

'The walls of the fort were high 
banks of earth having flankers well 
provided with loop holes and encom- 
passed by a ditch. Without this was 
a row of tall trees from 5 to 8 inches 
in diameter set three feet in the earth 
and six inches apart and wattled in 
such a manner as at the same time 
to protect those within and afford 
holes for shooting through. These 
defenses were ingenious and strong 
and enabled the occupants to set at 
defiance any ordinary beseiging party 
unless provided with cannon or pre- 
pared to starve its defenders into a 
surrender. Here the Susquehannocks 
to the number of 100 with their old 
men, women and children established 
themselves, — here they were deter- 
mined to remain. 

"Remembering not only the deeds 
of violence that had been borne and 
taking counsel of their apprehensions 
forgetful as it would seem, of the 
outrages which had stung the sav- 
ages into revengeful mood, the Mary- 
landers determined to organize an 
expedition against them, and drive 
them from the province." All this 
is from Streeter's account as first 


l(>'r> — Fall of the Susquehannocks — I in Maryland and in Virginia, and that 
(Chapt. III. The March). he had come to ascertain who had 

" Doubting, however, the ability to i committed them. They replied it 
carry out promptly and effectively j was the Senecas. The Major then in- 
their designs, and aware that the Vir- quired if they would furnish some 
ginians, like themselves, had of late I of their young men as guides in pur- 

suffered from midnight attacks and 
murders which from their share in 
the recent unfortunate assault on 
the Susquehannocks they were dis- 
posed to distribute to them as acts 
of revenge there was proposed to the 
Virginian's a union of forces and a 
joint expedition for the purpose of 
subduing their common enemy. 

"The proposition was readily ac- 
cepted and the two provinces raised 
a force of a thousand men to march 
against the Susquehannocks. The 

suit, as several of the other tribes 
had already done; but they replied 
the Sencas had come four days and 
by that time must be near the head 
of the Tataysco. To this it was an- 
swered that the horses of the white 
men were flee: and the Indian runners 
swift and boln ought easily to over- 
take the Senecas. They then consent- 
ed to furnish the guides. During the 
conference Col. Washington, Col. Ma- 
son and Maj. Adderton came over 
frem the Virginia encampement and 

Virginia troops were under command i charged the chiefs with the murders 
of Col. John Washington, the great- j that had been committed on the south 
grandfather of General George Wash- i side of the Potomac ; but they positive- 
ington ; those of Maryland under j ly denied that any of their tribe were 
Major Thomas Truman. On the ! guilty. The Virginians, however far 
morning of Sunday the 26th ! from being convinced by this denial, 
of September the Maryland forces j insisted that three of the Susquehan- 
appeared before the Fort, and j nocks had been positively identified 
the Virginians probably a little j as participants in the outrages 
later. In the obedience to instruc- j which had taken place, 
tions from the government to settle "The chiefs then presented to Ma- 
matters with the Susquehannocks by jor Truman a paper and a silver 
negotiations if feasible, Major Tru- medal with a black and yellow rib- 
man sent to the Fort two messengers bon attached,which they said had been 
one of whom was well acquainted j given to them by former governors 
with the English language, to in- S of Maryland; this medal is exceedingly 
vite Harignera, one of the municipal ! rare now ; it is of silver, about the 
chiefs, to a conference. Having as- ; size and half the thickness of a 
ertained that Haiignera was dead, j crown piece, with a knob on the end 
they requested that the other chiefs j for the insertion of a cord, so it may 
might be sent in his stead, where- ! De hanged about the neck) as a 
upon six of 'heir leaders came forth pledge of protection and friendship 
and met the commander of Maryland in as long as the sun and moon shall 
the presence of his principal officers endure. These tokens were received 
and several Indians belonging to j by Major Truman with assurances 
neighboring tribes. Upon their de- j that he was satisfied the Senecas had 
manding the reason of all that hostile i been the aggressors in the late out- 
array Major Truman informed them j rages and that they need have no 
through the interpreters, that grave apprehension for the safety of them- 
outrages had been committed both I selves or their wives and children. 



The officers, as it was near evening, 
then retired to their respective en- 
campments and the Indians went 
back to the Fort." 

"Early the next morning Capt. John 
Allen, a well known leader of rang- 
ers in Maryland service, was ordered 
to proceed with a file of men to the 
house of Randolph Hansom, one of 
the victims of the recent outrages, to 
ascertain if it had been plundered 
by the Indians and to bring any am- 
munition that may have been left on 
the premises. Capt. Allen promptly 
discharged this duty and returned 
with him the bodies of those murder- 
ed at Hansom's house." 

"During his absence the Susquehan- 
nock chiefs had come out of the Fort 
probably by appointment, on the pre- 
ceeding evening for the purpose of 
renewing their conference with the 
Maryland and Virginia officers. They 
were again charged by the latter more 
vehemently than before with having 
been concerned in the outrages in 
Virginia; but the allegation was 
again met with an absolute and in- 
dignant denial. Upon this the chiefs 
were placed in custody of the Mary- 
land and Virginia troops, and the of- 
ficers retired to another part of the 
field to deliberate and decide what 
course to pursue." 

"Unfortunately for the prisoners, 
in the midst of the deliberations, 
Captain Allen and his detachment 
made their appearance bringing with 
them the slaughtered bodies — the 
bloody evidence of savage barbarity 
and hate. The whole camp was arous- 
ed; Maryland and Virginia alike burn- 
ed with indignation and thirsted for 
revenge. The council of officers 
was broken v.p and the feelings which 
had been stirred up by sight of their 
murdered countrymen found vent in 
an almost unanimous demand for the 
death of those now in their hands 

who were strongly suspected of being 
the guilty parties in this case and 
who had been so strenuously de- 
nounced by the Virginians as the 
known murderers of their people." 

"Before, they might have listened 
to the voice of reason and justice; 
but now they thought only of the in- 
juries that had been inflicted by sav- 
age hands and loudly called for ven- 
geance on those unfortunate repre- 
sentatives of the race whose confi- 
dence in the efficiency of our tokens 
of the past and the sanctity of their 
present pledges had placed in their 
power. They forgot that those men 
had responded to s? professedly peace- 
ful summons. They had come out 
with the emblems of friendship in 
their hands; that they had received 
assurance of confidence and prom- 
ises of protection; and hurried away 
by the fury of the moment, commit- 
ted a deed, which as it violated the 
laws of God and of man brought up- 
on them the condemnation of their 
own contemporaries as it must have 
done of their own consciences in af- 
ter moments of coolness and reflec- 

"Major Truman struggled against 
the excitement and pleaded for delay 
but in vain. The Virginia officers, 
confident of getting immediate pos- 
session of the Fort and professing to 
others that they were only a few 
hours anticipating, the fate of the 
prisoners and perhaps depending in 
part on the effect of so terrible a 
blow insisted on the immediate execu- 
tion of the chiefs. Only one of them, 
for what reason we do not know, was 
spared; the remainder, five in num- 
ber were bound, led forth from the 
place of their detention and, to use 
the plain phrase of our authority 
were 'knocked on the head.' So died 
the chiefs of the Susquehannocks. 
not with arms, but with the pledges 



of the white man's protection in their 
hands; not in open field and with a 
fair fight, but entrapped by treachery, 
and encompassed by their enemies; 
not the death of warriors, but of 
dumb cattle. They died an ignomin- 
ious death, yet their executioners, by 
their act covered themselves with a 
thousand fold deeper disgrace and 

"It is but just to the rank and file 
of the Maryland troops, to say that 
though one authority speaks of the 
'unanimous consent' of the Virginians 
and the eager impetuosity of the 
whole field as well Maryland as Vir- 
ginia, upon the sight of the Chris- 
tians murdered at Hanson; another, 
alluding to the uphappy act, states 
that Truman's first command for the 
killing of those Indians was not 
obeyed and he had some difficulty to 
get any men to obey him therein. And 
after they were put to death no man 
would own to have had a hand in it; 
but rather seemed to abhor the act." 

"If the Virginians were moved to 
take the lives of these chiefs by the 
expectation that they would surren- 
der the fort, or hasten it, they greatly 
miscalculated. When those who had 
remained behind learned of what had 
been done; hate and desperation con- 
tended for the mastery in their hearts. 
The blood of their slaughtered leaders 
called for vengeance. The proved 
faithlessness of those who threaten- 
ed their slaughter, forbade them to 
hope. They shut themselves up with- 
in the palisades, strengthened their 
defenses, and prepared for a desper- 
ate resistance. Whenever and wher- 
ever the besiegers prepared or at- 
tempted an assault, they were ready 
to meet them. Whenever a proposal 
was made for a conference or a sur- 
render their reply was, "Where are 
our chiefs?" 

1675— Fall of the Susquehannocks 
Chap. IV. (The Seige). 

"The Susquehannocks had been too 
suddenly attacked to allow them to 
lay in supplies to stand a long siege, 
even if their mode of warfare had en- 
couraged or their resources had al- 
lowed such a proceeding; and as the 
besieging forces cut them off from 
the surrounding country, they soon 
suffered for want of provisions. Not 
daunted by the prospect of starvation 
they made frequent and fierce sallies 
to the severe annoyance and loss of 
the besiegers, and at last in their 
extremity resorted to the expedient 
of capturing and feeding upon the 
horses which belonged to their assail- 
ants. These do not appear to have 
been opposed with much vigor either 
because the first rash step had so 
damped the ardor of the men or be- 
cause it was the policy of the com- 
mander to starve rather than force 
the Indians to surrender. The fort 
also was too strong to be stormed. 
Its situation on low ground precluded 
the possbility of undermining the 
foundations and palisades even if 
the watchfulness of the dependers had 
permitted their approach; and they 
had no cannon with them to batter it 
down. So that they were compelled 
in fact to wait the time when famine 
would have weakened the enemy so 
as to render them an easy prey. 

"But the Susquehannocks had no 
idea of such a termination of the 
struggle. After six weeks of heroic 
defense during which time they had 
inflicted much injury on their ene- 
mies, but with litle loss to them- 
selves, they yielded, not to the prow- 
ess of the besiegers, but to the want 
of food, and prepared not to surrend- 
er but to evacuate the fort. 

1675 — Fall of the Susquehannocks 
Chap. V. (Evacuation). 

It certainly gives a strong color of 
probability to the charge of neglect 



of duty, on the part of the investing 
troops, that the Susquehannocks af- 
ter destroying everything within the 
fort that could be of use to the as- 
sailants, and leaving behind only a 
few decrepit old men, marched out 
under cover of the night 75 strong, 
with their women and children, pass- 
ed through the lines of the besieging 
forces undiscovered and on their way 
killed ten of the guards whom they 
found asleep. 

"The next morning the united 
forces discovered that the prey had 
escaped and followed in pursuit; but 
either could not or would not over- 
take these desperate fighters, and 
fugitives for fear of ambuscade. Both 
detachments it would seem were 
heartily tired of the enterprise from 
which neither officers nor men were 
likely to receive honor or profit. We 
may therefore infer both parties 
readily relinquished pursuit; and 
after detailing sufficient force to oc- 
cupy the fort and range through the 
adjoining country returned to their 
respective provinces, not merely will- 
ing but desirous that their exploits 
during the expedition should pass in- 
to oblivion. 

1675 — Fall of Susquehannocks 
Chap. TL (Retreat). 

"Not so the Susquehannocks. They 
left the last place of refuge on the 
soil of Maryland with a stinging sense 
of injury, a recollection of solemn ob- 
ligation slighted and of murder yet 
unavenged. The voices of their 
slaughtered chiefs called upon them 
for the sacrifice of blood and as they 
took the leave of the territory 
of their enemies and crossing the Po- 
tomac directed their route over the 
head of the Rappahannock, York and 
James rivers, the tomahawk fell upon 
settler after settler. Sixty victims 
were sacrificed to atone for the 
slaughter of the heads of their tribe. 

One of the sufferers at the head of 
the James river was a valued over- 
seer on a plantation of Nathaniel 
Bacon; and it was the murder of this 
man, in connection with the distract- 
ed state of the country which caused 
Bacon's application for a commission 
to go against the Indians, a part of 
whom were Susquehannocks. His 
subsequent difficulty with Gov. Berk- 
ley, his rebellion, and his untimely 
death are familiar to all readers of 
the colonial history of Virginia. 

" The Susquehannocks believing 
they have now sacrificed victims 
enough to redeem their own honor 
and to appease the angry spirits of 
their murdered chiefs are willing to 
enter into negotiations with Virginia. 
They sent to the governor a remon- 
strance drawn up by an English in- 
terpreter of the following purport: 

(1) They ask why he (Virginia's 
governor) a professed friend, has 
taken up arms in behalf of Maryland, 
their avowed enemies? 

(2) They express their regret to 
find that the Virginians from friends 
have become such violent enemies as 
to pursue them even into another 

(3) They complain that their chiefs 
sent out to treat for peace were not 
only murdered but the act was coun- 
tenanced by the governor. 

(4) They declare that seeing no 
other way of satisfaction they have 
killed ten of the common English for 
each one of their chiefs to make up 
for the disrotation arising out of 
the difference of rank. 

(5) They propose if the Virginians 
will make them compensation for the 
damages they have sustained by the 
attack upon them and withdraw all 
aid from Maryland to renew the an- 
cient league of friendship; otherwise 
they and those in league with them 
will continue the war so unfairly be- 
gun and fight it out till the last man 

has fallen. 



"This message to Governor Berkley j 
notwithstanding its lofty tone made 
no impression and elicited no reply, | 
and the Susquehannocks were left 
to fulfill their terrible threat, which 
they did to the letter. They succeed- 
ed in enlisting in their cause several 
tribes before friendly to the Virgin- 
ians and their allies, and then address- 
ed themselves with savage earnest- 
ness to their bloody work. So sud- 
den were their attacks and so awful 
the inhumanities of which they were 
guilty that the frontier plantations 
were deserted; and it would seem 
that even Jamestown itself was not 
safe from their attack. (It will be 
remembered that Jamestown was 
burnt during Bacon's rebellion). 

"A line of forts was established 
along the frontier to prevent their 
incursions; but like most similar in- 
tempts of the colonists, owing to their 
distance from each other, the want of 
sufficient garrison they failed entirely 
to afford protection. Bands of sav- 
age marauders watched their oppor- 
tunity, passed between the forts, ef- 
. fected their murderous objects, re- 
passed the lines and were beyond 
pursuit before the garrison could be 
alarmed and despatched to the point 
of assault. 

"Yet these were after all the last 
desperate efforts of a despairing 
people. Few in numbers themselves, 
and leagued with feeble tribes they 
could only hope to inflict the utmost 
injury upon their adversaries with 
the certainty of finally perishing as 
individuals and as a people in the 
contest. Had not Virginia herself 
been crippled by a civil controversary 
they would have been crushed at 
once; but even as it was in the 
midst of all its distraction and its 
differences with the government, 
Bacon found time to avenge those of 
his friends and of the province who 
had fallen beneath the assaults, and 

reassured the desponding colonists. 
He swept the country of the tribe 
with whom the Susquehannocks had 
leagued themselves, burned their 
towns, put a large number to the 
sword and dispersed the remainder 
The Indians fled before him, several 
tribes perished and those who sur- 
vived were so reduced as to never 
again be able to make a stand. 
Ann Cotton's Account, Written 1676. 
A very plain an apparently Illit- 
erate outline account of the end of 
the Susquehannocks as a tribe, is 
that known as Ann Cotton's account, 
written the year after the happen- 
ings. It is in the form of a letter 
and appears in Force's Facts, Vol. 1, 
No. 9. It is brief and as follows: ' 
The Susquehannocks & Marylanders 
of friends being ingaged enimyes, & 
that the Indians being resolutely 
bent not to forsake there forts; it 
came to this pointe, yet the Maryland- 
ers were obliged (finding themselves 
too weak to do the worke themselves) 
aide of ye Virginians put under the 
conduct of one Colonell Washington 
(him whom you have sometimes seen 
at your house) who being joined by 
the Marylanders invests the Indians 
in the forts with a negligent siege, 
upon which the enemy made small sal- 
leys with as many loss to the beseig- 
ers, and at last gave them the oppor- 
tunity to desert the forte, after that 
the English had (contrary to ye law 
of arms) beat out the brains of 6 
grate men sent out to treat a peace; 
an action of ill consequence, as it 
proved after. For the Indians having 
in the darke slipped through the lea- 
gure and in their passage knocked 10 
of the beseigers on the head, which 
they found fast asleep leaving the 
rest to prosecute the siege (as Scorg- 
ing's wife brooding the eggs which 
the fox has sucked) they resolved to 
lmploy their liberty in avenging their 
commissioners' blood which they 



speedly effected in the death of 60 I 
inniscent soules, and then send in 
their remonstrance to the governor in j 
justification of the fact with this ex- | 
postulation annext, demanding what 
it was moved the Virginian governor 
to take up arms against them, his 
professed friends, in the behalfe of 
Marylanders, their avowed enimyes." 

1675 — Fall of the Susquehannocks. 
Chap. VII. (Slaughter in Virginia). 

"Among those who were made to 
feel the avenging arm of Bacon was 
the homeless remnant of the Susque- 
hannocks. His residence was on 
the James river at a point called 
'Curies' in Henrico county; and as has 
been mentioned his favorite overseer 
had been murdered by those savages. 
The confidence the frontier settlers 
had in his courage and ability made 
them anxious to obtain him as leader 
against their enemies. He was will- 
ing to take command of an expedition 
but he had no commission from the 
Governor, for raising military forces. 
After many difficulties a commission 
was promised him and he commenced 
his preparations but in the midst of 
them ascertained the Governor had 
acted the part of a hypocrite and did 
not intend to fulfill his promise." 

"Roused by the discourteous and 
distrustful procedure, Bacon at once 
armed his servants and called togeth- 
er the frontier settlers nnd placing 
himself in command went into the 
forest to pursue and punish the Sus- 
quehannocks. Advancing to a village 
occupied by a tribe of the Occonegies 
he was received by them in a friendly 
manner and informed in regard to 
the place where the Susquehannocks 
had fortified themselves and perpared 
for a desperate resistance in case of 
an attack. He pushed forward with- 
out delay and found them strongly 
posted in a rude fort; but this did 
not deter him. He led his men to 
the assault and after a fierce struggle 

succeeded in forcing his way into the 
fort and put 70 of the defendants to 
the sword. See ("Strange News from 
Virginia, — London, 1677," a report of 
the affair in a London paper). A 
few of the original tribe may have 
survived but the information we 
possess relative to the diminished 
number of the tribe at that period 
justifies the conclusion that this 
severe blow completed their extinc- 

1675 — Fall of the Susquehannocks — 

Chap. VIII, (Extinction as 

a Tribe). 

So disappeared the stout Susque- 
hannocks from the page of aborigi- 
nal history. They met the first white 
man who set foot on their soil with 
firm and unyielding front. They re- 
sisted for years the attempted nego- 
tiations and encroachments on their 
territory; yet pressed, hard pressed, 
at least by powerful enemies of their 
own race, they yielded to necessity 
and accepted his proffered friendship; 
for a quarter of a century they held 
the sacred pledges of Lord Baltimore, 
and kept the peace; during which 
time, driven by the Senecas from 
their homes they were forced into a 
position which brought upon them the 
hostility of the people of Maryland; 
they accepted proposals for negotia- 
tions, only to find their leaders en- 
trapped and put to death; they de- 
fended themselves bravely in their 
strongholds and rather than surrend- 
er they retreated to another terri- 
tory, and thereafter sending to the 
authorities with a proud and unshak- 
en spirit the choice between the hand 
of friendship and the tomahawk, ac- 
cepted the latter alternative as that 
alone was left to them. Then came 
the deadly struggle in the crisis of 
which though individuals survived 
and were incorporated into other 
tribes, as a distinct people they per- 
ished in a manner most glorious to 
their vengeance, in the blaze of the 



burning mansions, the ruin of culti- 
vated estates, with the shriek and the 
supplication of the murdered white 
man ringing in their ears and their 
hands red wth human blood." 

"Yet the act which in the com- 
mencement of their difficulties drove 
them to extremities and which was in 
fact the cause of thei^ destruction, 
was not allowed to pass unrebuked." 

1(>7G — Fall of the Susquehannocks — 

Chap. IX. (Attainder of 

Major Truman). 

"After the return of his detachment 
to Virginia, Colonel Washington on 
the 5th day of January, 1676 took his 
seat as a member of the Assembly. In 
his opening address on that occasion, 
Governor Berkley alluded to the late 
Indian disturbances and in reference 
to the chiefs who had been put to 
death at Piscataway, used the follow- 
ing emphatic language: "If they had 
killed my grand-father and my grand- 
mother, my father and mother and all 
my friends, yet if they had come to 
treat in peace, they should have gone 
in peace." His opinion of the deed 
therefore is sufficiently evident; but 
whether the mass of the people, im- 
bittered as their feelings were by the 
recollections of recent Indian out- 
rages, would have joined him in the 
condemnation may be doubted. The 
pressure of events, however and the 
necessity for self-protection within 
and without soon absorbed the atten- 
tion of the Governor and Legislature 
and the people; and the life or the 
death of a few savages became a 
minor consideration." 

"In Maryland the case was differ- 
ent. The detachment of Major Tru- 
man having returned with the excep- 
tion of one company under Captain 

John Allen to guard the frontier, 
the murder of the Susquehannock 

chiefs became the subject of public 

discussion and legal inquiry. 

On May 16, 1676 Major Truman 
was arrested by order of the Legisla- 
ture then in session to answer the 
charge of impeachment brought 
against him by the lower House, 
chr.r?ing him with having broken his 
commission and instructions, in that 
he received as friends six Indians 
sent out by the Susquehannocks as 
Ambassadors to treat with him and 
after giving them asurance that there 
was no intention of using force 
against them and that no damage 
should be done to them, their wives 
or their children, did without calling 
a Council of Mary land officers, in a 
barbarous and cruel manner cause 
five of the said Indians to be killed 
and murdered contrary to the law of 
God and of Nations." 

Depositions having been taken and 
witnesses examined for and against 
the accused, he declared through Mr. 
BenjaminCrozier his counsel assigned 
him that, "He confessed his fault and 
did in no way intend to stand upon 
his justification," but humbly prayed 
permission to read a paper which he 
hoped would somewhat extenuate the 
force of the charge brought against 
him so that they should not appear 
so grievous as in the said impeach- 
ment they were set forth to be." This 
petition was granted. What was 
the nature of the justification the 
record does not show; but that it 
was enough to vindicate him appears 
from the fact that after a full hear- 
ing he was foutfd guilty by unani- 
mous decision of the Upper House of 
having "commanded five of the Sus- 
quehannock Indians that came out to 
treat with them to be put to death, 
contrary to the law of Nations and 
in violation of the second Article of 
his instructions by which he was or- 
dered to entertain any treaty with the 
said Susquehannocks." 

"The duty now devolved upon the 
Lower House of drawing a bill of At- 



tainder against Major Truman,but al- j 
though it was upon its (the Lower 
House) own impeachment that he had 
been tried and found guilty, influenced 
as it appears by attenuating circum- 
stances afterwards brought forward, 
that body prepared a bill which 
while entitled an Act of attainder, only 
proposed a fine instead of the penalty 
of death. The Upper House return- 
ed the bill, remonstrating that it 
corresponded neither to the impeach- 
ment nor to the crime of which the 
accused had been found guilty and 
insisting that it was due to the Gov- 
ernment to vindicate it from the 
shame and wickedness of countenanc- 
ing such a deed and urging that 
if crimes so heinous deserve no severer 
punishment than they inflicted by the 
Act, offenses of a lower nature would 
not require any. Not only would no 
satisfaction be given to the heathens 
with whom the public faith had bro- 
ken but no confidence would be 
placed on any treaty which in that 
dangerous juncture of affairs might 
be offered to the Indians unless such 
offense were not only publicly dis- 
owned but also punished without sev- 
erity which it deserved. 

The Lower House in reply after re- 
capitulating the extenuating circum- 
stances in the case stating its opin- 
on thst the offense was not premed- 
itated or out cf design to prejudice 
the Province but merely out of ignor- 
ance and to prevent a mutiny of the 
whole army refused to modify its 
former bill, whereupon the Upper 
House admitting that the crime was 
not maliciously perpetrated, denied 
that the facts charged as true were 
any extenuation; and declaring 
anew its abhorrence of the Act re- 
minded the Lower House that by its 
refusal to draw up a bill of Attaind- 
er in full, it must make itself re- 
sponsible for the consequences that 

might ensue to the people of the Pro- 
vince. The Lower House did not hesi- 
tate to take the responsibilty. Un- 
fortunately the journals for this per- 
iod are lost and we are left in ignor- 
ance of what the conclusion of the 
controversy was. A petition to his 
Lordship in behalf of Truman is 
mentioned in the records of the 
Lower House for Tune 12. 1676. Per- 
haps this was for his pardon and for 
this reason, (it may be) the subject is 
no more alluded to in the journals 
which remain." 

"Whatever may have been the "de- 
cision of his Lordship, Charles Cal- 
vert, or of the Legislature and the 
people of that day, there can be little 
hesitation at the present in deciding 
that the execution of men who came 
out as agents to treat for peace with 
pledges of peace in their hands, un- 
armed and trusting to repeated as- 
surances of safety, was a violation of 
the laws of God, of Nations and of 
man — a cruel unjustifiable murder." 
This is a detailed history of the 
battle, retreat and execution of the 
Susquehannocks in the Fall and 
Winters of 1675 and 3 676 given by 
Mr. Streeter in his Admiral Paper, 
entitled, "The Fall of the Susquehan- 
nocks" which may be found in the 
Historical Society at Philadelphia as 
I have stated above. 
1676 — Proceedings Against Major 
Truman for Slaughterng the 
Susquehannock Chiefs. 
In Vol. 2 of Md. Archs., page 475, 
under the date of May 16, the fol- 
lowing proceedings in the Lower 
House were had: "Ordered that Cap- 
tain John Alden and Dr. Charles 
Gregory do with all expedition make 
their appearance before the right 
honorable, the Proprietary and his 
Honorable Council, sitting in As- 
sembly to testify the truth of their 
knowledge, touching the late barbar- 



ous and inhuman murder of five Sus- 
quehannock Indians; and that the 
said Captain Allen give strict com- 
mand to his Lieutenant to continue 
ranging the woods, in his absence." 

1676 — Ninian Baell Called as a 

In the same Volume of the Md. 
Archives, page 476 it was "ordered 
Ninan Biell do with all expedition 
make his appearance before the right 
Honorable, the Lord Proprietary and 
his Council now sitting, to testify the 
truth of his knowledge, touching the 
barberous and inhuman murder of 
five Susquehanna Indians." 

1676— Questions Decided on to Pro- 
pound Against Major Truman. 

In the same book and at the same 
page it is recorded under the date of 
May 16, that the following interroga- 
tories, concerning the late expedition 
against the Susquehannock Indians 
should be propounded to John 
Shankes and other witnesses to be 

"(2) Whether the said Major Tru- 
man with the forces at his command 
was at the North side of the Pisca- 
taway Creek and did these expect and 
meet the Virginians?" 

"(2) Whether the said Major Tru- 
man consulted with his officers and 
those of Virginia or held any dis- 
course or treaty with those Susque- 
hannock Indans which came out of 
the Forte: also whether it was with 
the knowledge of any of his officers 
that he treated and endeavored to 
make the Susquehannocks believe he 
intended no harm or disturbance to 
them, and what officers or others he 
knows were present when orders 
were given by the Major for putting 
those great men to death?" 

"(3) Whether he knows at any 
time the officers of Virginia did de- 
sire or put Major Truman upon any 

design, pressing him to employ his 
soldiers about or upon any service 
during the siege; and if Major Tru- 
man did any time execute anything 
at their request by reciving instruc- 
tions and directions from them?" 

"(4) Whether did Major Truman 
bid the Susquehannocks not to fear 
him or tell them that he came only 
to seek the Senecas and that he 
would lodge that night hard by them, 
ther wives and children not to be 
afraid; or that any other expression 
to- that effect was made by him?" 

"(5) What former articles of Peace 
or amity did the Susquehannocks 
ever produce to Major Truman?" 

"(6) Did the Susquehannocks ever 
show a medall (medal) of silver, 
with a black and yellow ribbon?" 

"(4) Did they show said ribbon 
and medal as a pledge of amity 
given them by the former ■ Governor 
of this Province and was the said 
medal given to Major Truman or to 
any other Englishmen, or was it 
carried back again into the Forte? 
(Note: — When they gave it up war 
was meant). 

"(8) Did Major Truman stay on 
the North side of the Piscataway 
Creek till the Virginians came thith- 
er or did he there treat with them, 
concerning the management of the 
war against the Susuesannocks? " 

"(9) Did the Susuehannocks ever 
offer any treaty of Peace or desire to 
continue friendship ; and whether did 
Major Truman ever demand satisfac- 
tion from them for any injustice done 
or tell them they were the persons 
which we suspected had injured us?" 

At the same time it was "ordered 
that for the more expeditious return 
of the examinations of John Shankes 
to the several interrogatories on the 
murder of the Susquehannocks, that 
Mr. Russell is hereby empowered to 
presse boat and hands and other 



necessaries to the said expedition." I 
This shows that Shankes was at i 
some distance, and, at this time 
and these interrogatories for him to 
answer were being sent to him: — 
See this in Vol. 2 of Md. Archives, p. 

1676 — Answer of the Witness Against 
Major Truman for Killing 
the Susquehannock 
• Under the date of May 19 in Vol. 
2 of the Md. Archives at Page 481, 
the answer to these interrogatories 
are set forth as follows: "The an- 
swer of John Shankes to said inter- 
rogatories: — This deponent saith 
that he was with the Maryland forces 
being at the fort of the Susquehan- 
nocks on the Sabbath day. He was 
sent up to the Fort to desire one of 
the great men by name, Harignera, to 
come and speak with Major Truman, 
and the said Harignera being dead 
this deponent desired some other 
great men to come and speak with 
the said Major: upon which message 
of his, there came out 3 or 4 of them 
and this deponent was commanded by 
the said Major Truman to tell them 
of the great injuries that had been 
done to the country and that he 
came to know who they were that 
had done it. And the great men re- 
plied that it was the Senecas; and 
this deponent saith that there being 
present other Indians from other 
towns, the Major desired some of 
their young men to assist as pilots 
as well as the neighboring Indians 
had done to join in the pursuit 
against the Senecas. And the said 
Indians replied that the Senecas had 
been gone four days at this time they 
might be at the head of the Patapsco 
River; to which Major Truman re- 
turned that he had good horses and 
as they were good footmen and they 
they should go with him, and the 

said Indians replied that they would. 

This deponent further saith that in 
the morning following, the Susque- 
hannock great men being at the 
place of meeting before the Mary- 
landers and Virginians more highly 
than before taxed them of the in- 
juries done by them in Maryland and 
Virginia; and they utterly denied the 
same. Thereupon this deponent was 
commanded to declare to them that 
they should be bound; and this de- 
ponent saith further that there was 
an old paper and medal showed by 
these Indians and they did say in the 
very first day, in the evening thereof, 
that the same w r as a pledge of peace 
given and left with them by the for- 
mer Governor as a token of amity 
and friendship as long as the Sun and 
Moon should last. And this deponent 
saith that to the best of his remem- 
brance all the Virginian officers were 
present when the Indians were 
bound; and this deponent saith that 
the first night of meeting with the 
said Susquehannocks, he was ordered 
to declare to them that Major Tru- 
man did believe the Senecas had done 
the mischief, and not they and that 
he was well satisfied therein. 
1676— Testimony of Captain Allen, 
Another Witness Against 

This testimony is reported also in 
Vol. 2 of the Md. Archives, Page 482 
and it is as follows:— Touching the 
! murder of the Susquehannock In- 
; dians Captain John Allen being 
| sworn and affirmed and examined 
| saith. that about the 25th or 26th of 
j September on Sunday morning, the 
! Maryland forces appeared before the 
j Forte under command of Major Tru- 
I man, who sending Hugh French and 
I another to the Forte, there came out 
| two or three of the Indians and more 
I afterwards to the number of 30 or 40 



and the Major examined them con- 
cerning the mischief that was done to 
Mr. Hanson and others and if 
they knew what Indians they were 
that did it, and they told him it was 
the Senecas, during which discourse 
with the Major there came over 
Colonel Washington, Colonel Mason 
and Major Alderton ; and they likewise 
taxed them with the murders done on 
their side (in Virginia) by them; but 
they made the same reply as to 
Major Truman that it was none of 
them. So when they found that they 
could get nothing out of them, then 
they made it appear that three of the 
said Susquehannocks were those that 
did the murder on the other side. 

On Monday morning early the 
Major commanded Mr. Good and two 
or three ranks of men, whereof him- 
self was one, to go to the house of 
Mr, Randolph Hanson to see if the 
Indians had plundered it, and if they 
found any ammunition to bring it 
away .which accordingly they did and 
after the return to the forte, the de- 
ponent saw six Indians guarded with 
the Marylanders and Virginians and 
the Major with the Virginia officers, 
sitting upon a tree some distance 
from them and after some while they 
all arose and came toward the In- 
ians and caused them to be bound; 
and after some time they talked again 
and the Virginia officers would have 
knocked them on the head in the 
Place presently; and particularly 
Colonel Washington said.'Why should 
we keep them any longer; let us 
knock them on the head. We shall 
get the Forte today.' But the depon- 
ent saith that Major Truman did not 
admit of it but was overswayed by 
the Virginia officers; and after fur- 
ther discourse the Indians were car- 
ried out from the place where they 
were bound and they knocked them 
on the head." 

! 1676— The Articles of Impeachment 
Against Major Truman. 

The witnesses having given the 
j above testimony, the Lower House 
now considered they had sufficient 
j reason to prefer Articles of Impeach- 
I ment against Major Truman. These 
j articles are found in Vol. 2 of Md. 
Archives, Page 485. 
! "May 20th, Articles of Impeachment 
| in the Lower House: — We, your 
Lordship's most humble, true, faith- 
ful and obedient people, the Burgess- 
es and Delegates in your Lower 
House in Assembly being constrained 
by necessity for our fidelity and con- 
science in vindication of the Honor 
of God, of the Honor and welfare of 
your Lordship and this Province, do 
complain and shew that the said 
Major Thomas Truman, late Com- 
mander-in-chief upon an expedition 
against the Indians at the Susque- 
hanna Forte, hath by many and sun- 
dry ways and means committed 
divers and sundry enormous crimes 
and offenses to the dishonor of Al- 
mighty God, against the laws of 
Nations, contrary to your Lordship's 
commission and instructions and to 
the great endangering of our Lord- 
ship's peace and the good and safety 
of your Lordship's Province, accord- 
ing to the Articles hereafter men- 
tioned, that is to say: 

We find upon the reading your 
Lordship's commission and instruc- 
tions and affidavits, which we herein 
send to your Lordship and to the Up- 
per House of Assembly and which we 
humbly submit to your Lordship's 

examinations and serious considera- 

"(1) That the said Major Truman 
hath broken his commission and in- 
structions in this— that the said Ma- 
jor Thomas Truman having received 
6 Indians sent out by the Susque- 
hannocks as ambassadors to treat 



with him; on Sunday, after the ar- 
rival of the Maryland forces; and 
received their paper and medal by 
which we find they were received as 
friends and in amity with us and had 
liberty of going back to the fort and 
were assured that no intention of 
force was to be used against them; 
and that no damage should be done 
to them, their wives or children; and 
that they did that night go into the 
Forte; and the next morning did re- 
turn again with the like number, only 
an Indian changed; and supposed to 
come on purpose to treat and not in 
any hostile manner; yet the said Ma- 
jor Thomas Truman, without calling 
any Council of Warre of your Lord- 
ship's officers under his command as 
he ought to have done, did in a bar- 
barous and cruel manner cause five 
of the said Indians to be killed and 
murdered, contrary to the laws of 
God and Nations and contrary to 
your Lordship's commission and in- 

"(2) That the said Major Truman 
ought, according to your Lordship's 
instructions, to have acquainted your 
Lordship before he caused the said 
Indians to be executed, for our Lord- 
ship's advice and directions, in the 
case which we do not find he did": 

"(3) That he hath broken your 
Lordship's instructions in this alsoe, 
that if the Virginia officers did advise 
and consent to the killing of said In- 
dians, that he did not in an open 
Council of Warre cause the same 
judicially to be entered, in writing by 
his clerk or Secretary and such the 
desire and consent of the Virginians 
for the doing thereof, to be signed 
under their hands and to be kept for 
justification of himself and the people 
of this Province." 

"Therefore for that by the said Ar- 
ticle it appears that the said Major 
Thomas Truman hath broken his 
commission and instructions in mur- 

dering the said Indians, to the dis- 
honor of God and of your Lordship 
and this Province. They humbly 
pray that your Lordship and the Up- 
per House of Assembly will take such 
action with the said Major Thomas 
Truman as may be just and reason- 
able in terror of others to beware in 
the future; and your Lordship's most 
humble and obedient servants as in 
duty bound shall daily pray for your 
i Lordship's long and happy dominion 
over us, etc." 

1676 — Appearance and Answer of Ma- 
jor Thomas Truman. 

In Vol. 2 of the Maryland Archives 
at Page 494, Truman's answer to his 
impeachment appears as follows: 
"Saturday, May 27th, the Upper 
House met in the afternoon. Major 
Thomas Truman having on notice 
given him on Thursday last to pre- 
pare for his trial this afternoon, 
being called did make his appearance 
and the Articles of Impeachment 
against the said Thomas Truman 
! being and after this the several de- 
j positions annexed thereto, which al- 
; so were sworn to by the deponents in 
j the presence and the hearing of Ma- 
jor Thomas Truman, Mr. Keneline 
| Chisledyne, his Lordship's Attorney- 
! General, Colonel William Berages, 
! Mr, Robert Cailvile and Mr. W. 
j Stephens, according to a preceding 
I order of the Lower House did man- 
i age the said Impeachment and urge 
the several evidences against the 
i said Major Truman. And the said 
Major by Mr. Benjamin Crozier, his 
counsel assigned to him, did confess 
! and declare that the said Major did 
i no way intend to stand upon his jus- 
! tification. After the confession and 
I declarations the said Major by his 
| said cousel did humbly pray that 
j this House would admit the reading 
I of a certain paper which the said Ma- 



jor hoped would somewhat extenuate 
and mitigate the crimes before by 
him confessed, so that they .should 
not appear so grievous and enor- 
mous as in the said impeachment 
they were held forth to be. And the j 
said Major Thomas Truman by his I 
said counsel was permitted to make ; 
a defense, whereupon and upon full j 
hearing on both sides and after read- 
ing of the said Major's commission 
and instructions from his Lordship 
and counsel, it was put to the ques- 
tion whether Major Truman be 
guilty of impeachment exhibited 
against him, which the Lower House 
voted nemine contradicione (unani- 
mously) that the said Major Thomas 
Truman is guilty of the first Article 
of Impeachment for commanding five 
of the said Susquehannocks that came 
out of the Forte to treat with him to 
be put to death, contrary to the law 
of Nations; and the second Article 
of his Instructions by which he was 
ordered to entertain any treaty with 
the said Susquehannocks." 

"Upon which vote it was ordered 
that a messenger be sent from this 
House to the Lower House to desire 
them to draw up a Bill of Attainder 
against Major Thomas Truman." 

1076 — Bill of Attainder Against Ma- 
jor Thomas Truman. 

In the second Vol. of the Md. Arch, 
page 500 it is set forth, "May 31st, the 
Lower House sent up a Bill of At- 
tainder against Truman," which did 
not please the Upper House as the 
following items now show. 

The Act of Assembly formulating 
the Bill of Attainder is lost. It does 
not appear in any of the Archives 
and therefore, the contents of it, we 
can not give, however it will be 
gathered from what now follows that 
the penalty prescribed in it was that 
Truman should be fined simply there- 

in but not be put to death. 
1676— The Upper House Now Con- 
sider the Bill of Attainder and 
the Punishment of Tru- 

In the same book and page last 
cited, the action by the Upper House 
upon the punishment of Truman is 
set out as follows: 

"Then was taken into consideration 
the Bill of Attainder against Major 
Thomas Truman sent up from the 
Lower House yesterday; and upon 
serious consideration and debate 
thereupon this House do judge that 
the Act drawn up against Major Tru- 
man does in no way answer or justify 
| the said impeachment upon which it 
! was grounded, for that in said im- 
i peachment the said Truman stands 
I charged of crimes committed against 
i the laws of God and of Nations, this 
[ Province as also against the commis- 
| sion and instructions given him, viz. : 
for the barbarous cruelty in causing 
! to be put to death and murdered the 
| five Indians — of which he being 
! found guilty, the punishment per- 
; scrdibed in the said Act of Attainder 
I does no way agree nor answer the 
I nature of the offense. It • being 
greatly dishonorable as well as un- 
safe and dangerous to lay any fine 
in such cases and where such horrid 
crimes have been committed." 

That the Lower House of Assembly 
having laid the Impeachment so high 
and no higher than the nature of the 
crime well deserved it will be much 
wondered at by those who shall hear 
and view our proceedings with so 
slender and slight a punishment 
being no more than what crimes of 
a more inferior nature might have 
deserved; that by the Act of Attainder 
the Government will not sufficiently 
be cleared nor have it made appear 
to the world how much the wicked- 



ness of that action is detested and I 
dishonored by us, nor in any sort ; 
will the Lower House of Assembly | 
make out that great sense which in j 
their Impeachment they have ex- | 
pressed to have of that action, and j 
which may much concern the inter- | 
est and safety of the Government. It 
will not give any satisfaction to the 
heathen with whom the public faith 
hath been broken; and until such ac- 
tions are not in a more public man- 
ner dishonored that the Indians may 
take notice thereof, it is not to be 
expected that any faith or credit will 
be given to any treaties, we shall 
have with them in this dangerous 
juncture of affairs; and the country 
will stand in need of, and on which 
seems in some measure depend, as 
the Lower House of Assembly were 
of the opinion when they sent the 
paper in answer to captain Allen's 
longer ranging. 

"And so all authority will become 
ridiculous and contemptible. In fine 
by this Act the Lower House of As- 
sembly will have owned the actions 

of the said Truman more than (as 

they ought to have done) detested 

and abhorred them, and so render 

the Government odious to all people 

that shall become acquainted with 

the prceedings." 

From all this it is evident that 

what the Lower House did was to 

attaint Truman so that his property 

should be forfeited and that his 

blood should be corrupted, that any 

future property that he acquires 

could not pass to his children at his 

death but go to the Province of 

Maryland. This they considered a 

grievous punishment and they added 

to it simply a fine. The Upper House 

felt that the offense was too greivous 

and of too dangerous a character to 

the Province to let Truman off so 

easily, and they demanded that he 

should either suffer death or a long 
term of inprisonment and did not 
agree to join in the bill passed by the 
Lower House in order that it might 
become law; so the proceedings were 

1676-The Lower House Further Con- 
tend in Truman's Favor. 

The Lower House's answer may be 
found in Vol. 2 of the Maryland Ar- 
chives, page 501, dated June 2nd, as 
follows: — "This paper being read in 
the Lower House and the debate re- 
sumed in this House touching the 
said Bill of Attainder, it was voted 
nem. con. (unanimously) that the said 
Major Truman for his crime does not 
deserve death in regard that several 
circumstances that appeared at his 
hearing or trial do extenuate his 
crime very much as the unanimous 
consent of the Virginians and the 
general impetuosity of the whole 
field, as well Marylanders as Vir- 
ginians upon the sight of Christians 
murdered at Mr. Hanson's, and the 
very Indians that were there, (Susque- 
hannocks) killed being proved to be 
the murderers both of them and 
several other Christians and in re- 
gard also that it apears to this 
House that the said crime was not 
maliciously perpetrated or out of any 
design to prejudice the Province but 
merely out of ignorance and in pre- 
vent a mutiny of the whole army, as 
well Virginia as Maryland. Where- 
fore this House do not think fit to 
recede from their former vote." 

1676-Final Reply of the Upper House, 

Insisting on Severe Punishment 

for Major Truman. 

The Upper House adhered to its de- 
mand that Truman should be severe- 
ly punished and in Vol. 2 of the Md. 
Archives, Page 503, under the date of 
June 3rd, it is set forth in answer 
by the Upper House to the Lower 
House, read on June 2nd, touching the 



Bill entitled An Act of Attainder, etc., ; 
"His Lordship and this House do cpn- \ 
ceive it not safe for them to vote the 
killing of the five Indian or Susque- 
hannock Ambassadors not. murder; 
for to them and all the world it does ! 
and will certainly appear the great- 
est murder that hath ever been com- 
mitted. The unanimous consent of 
the Virginians, if true does in no way 
alter the nature of the crime; nor 
since the said Truman had instruc- 
tions plain enough to have made him 
abominated and abhorred so black 
an action can as little serve for an 
extenuation thereof. And whereas, 
in the said paper for a further exten- 
uation it is signified that the Major 
to prevent a mutiny pf the whole 
army was compelled and drawn to 
that action, this House are of an- 
other opinion, for at the said Tru- 
man's trial it did so plainly appear 
that his first commands for killing 
those Indians were not obeyed and 
that he had some difficulty to get 
his men to obey him therein. And 
that after they were put to death not 
a man owned to have had a hand in 
it but seemed rather to abhor the act 
and until now hath been termed by 
all persons (those that were in its 
execution only excepted) the most 
execrable of murders. 

"That the crime was not malicious- 
ly perpetrated as to authority, this 
House doth believe; but that it was 
done treacherously and that in it a 
great and unheard of wickedness was 
committed, can not be denied by the 
Lower House; and whether by that 
action the province will not be pre- 
judiced and many English be murder- 
ed, his Lordship and this House leave 
to the future consideration of the 
Lower House, — no way pressing them 
to recede from their so positive vote, 
only desiring them that they will take 
notice that what is now undone lies 

at their doors and not with us, who 
are positive of this, that his Lord- 
ship's Upper House dare not and 
therefore resolve not to proceed up- 
on an act which only bears the title 
of an Act of Attainder." 

In this the Upper House plainly 
say to the Lower House that if the 
Lower House insist on so light a 
punishment for so grievous a crime 
that the Upper House absolutely re- 
fuse to join in the Act or allow it to 
become a law and that the Lower 
House may do as they choose and the 
Upper House will throw all the re- 
sponsibility for its effeot on the Pro- 
vince at the doors of the Lower 

The result of all this was that Ma- 
jor Truman remained some time in 
jail and as no law was passed to fix 
his punishment, eventually he was let 
go; and that was the end of it. 

1676— A. L. Guss's View of the Sus- 

quehannocks and Their Position 

During This Struggle. 

Among the effects of the late Sam- 
uel Evans of Columbia, was found a 
| letter dated March 16, 1883, written 
| to him by Prof. A. L. Guss whom I 
I have before mentioned and in it he 
says, "The Susquehannocks that 
visited Smith in 1608 were beyond 
Iroquois. I do not mean of the Five 
I Nations but of that stock, and spoke 
I a dialect of that language they bore 
j the same relation to the 'River 
I Indians' on the Delaware that the Mo- 
I hawks did to the Hudson River In- 
dians. I have no doubt that prior 
to Smith's days and afterwards they 
were confederated with other tribes 
on the Upper Susquehanna River 
and branches in manner similar to 
| the Five Nations. The Minquas who 
I captured the three Dutchmen in 1616 
j lived on the Susquehanna River about 
J Tioga and there were brought down 
i by them by the river to the mouth of 



the Schuylkill where Hendrickson 
ransomed them — Vol. 2, Pa. Archives 
Page 11. When Champlain in 1614 
made his expedition on the Ononda- 
goes' Fort these Minquas were called 
Carantowns and were a powerful foe 
just at the gates of the confederates. 
When in 1640 the Dutch began to 
arm 'The Five Mohawk Nations' with 
guns and furnish them ammunition, 
they soon wrought a great change in 
the several tribes of -the valleys of 
the Upper Susquehanna. The Five 
Nations had two wars with the Min- 
quas, first 1662-3 and second in 
1675-6 'The second time we were 
at war with them we carried them 
all off' — See Treaty at Lancaster, 
1744. The assertion of writers that 
prior to 1600 in a ten years' war the 
Susquehannocks nearly obliterated 
the Mohawks is a great mistake. The 
Jesuit writers said the "Andastes" and 
the word then was not identical with 
Smith's Susquehannocks. The fact 
is the Susquehannocks were des- 
cended most nearly from the Mo- 
hawks, and the Mohawks took no 
part in their subjugation in 1676, nor 
did they even attend the Treaty in 
Lancaster in 1744., when payment 
was demanded for the 'Conquest 
Lands.' It was the Senecas and 
Cayugas who "passionately desired 
it," that is, their subjugation. This 
throws great light on the Susque- 
hanna land question. When the arm : 
ed Five Nations' people came to war 
with the Susquehannocks, alias Min- 
quays, alias Conestoga, they found 
them partly armed by the Swedes 
and the Marylanders and able to hold 
their own; and in fact in 1662-1663 
they gave the Western confederates 
by far the worst of the conflict. But 
decimated by small pox and de- 
serted by Maryland, they at last 
had to succumb. The English had 
to adopt the Dutch tactics. (See 
Second Series of Pa. Arch., Vol. 5, 

I pp. 538 to 541). They pledged them- 
j selves not to hate the Ondiakes (An- 
j dastes) with whom they were then 
| still at war and the Five Nations af- 
jterwards made the English promise 
accomodation, that is protection in 
case they got worsted in their fight 
with the 'Three Nations above men- 
tioned.' This proves how tremend- 
ously they feared even this remnant 
of the Andastes, for they 'proposed' 
these articles and the English felt 
friendly to the Minquas but dared 'to 
promise them nothing, it not being 
proper as not in our power', (See 
Sec. Series of Pa. Arch., Vol. 5, pp. 
676-678-681-682-686 and 687. The 
remnant became a tributary out- 

I cite this letter from Mr. Guss be- 
cause of his acknowledged learning 
and because it gives an additional 
view of. this discussion of the tribal 
power of the Susquehannocks in 

1676— Maryland Gives Presents to 
the Indians, who Helped to De- 
feat the Susquehannocks. 

In the Second Maryland Archives, 
p. 489, it is set down that the House 
"voted that corn, powder, shot and 
match-coats be purchased and forth- 
with be delivered to the friendly In- 
dians by way of gratification for the 
services done by the said Indians in 
the late war against the Susquehan- 
nocks and that the match-coats dis- 
tributed to the number and in the 
manner following, viz.: to the Pisca- 
taways, 80 — to the Chopticos, 30 — to 
the Mattawoman, 30 — to the Man- 
gern, 10 — in all 150. The powder, 45 
-pounds — the shot 150 pounds and the 
corn 100 barrels." 

Susquehannocks Desire Peace Again 

With Maryland. 

In the 15th Maryland Archives, p. 
120, we find the following overtures 



made by the Susquehannocks and I it is stated in a letter that "word was 
suspiciously received by Maryland. | received from the head of the bay,that 
This was toward the end of July or j the Susquehannock Indians have gone 
the beginning of August and on that j back to their old Fort about 60 miles 
subject the following appears, as j above Palmer's Island and have been 

showing the Views of Council. "At 
a Council held Sunday, August 6: — 
Letters from Nathaniel Stiles and 
Jonathan Sibly which bring intelli- 
gence of some Susquehannock In- 

there so long that they have corn fit 
to roast." In the same letter it is 
stated that "a peace was made last 
summer between the Susquehannocks 
and the Senecas so that they are 

dians being at the head of the bay I now at ease and out Q f our reach." 
(Chesapeake) and more upon their j This ai)par ently fixes the time when 
march thither and of their desires j the Susquehannocks again got back 
and designs of peace with us and their j on the River and when they began 
intentions for (to go to) St. Mary's j to be friendly with the Senecas again, 
for the purpose of protection (were | 
read) from which news we believe it 
is probable from their conditon in 

Virginia, fom whence it is supposed 
they come (that) they wthout doubt 
were in the incendaries of the mis- 
chief which makes them desperate by 

I 1676 — New Light Upon the Location 
of the Susquehannock Fort. 

In Vol. 15 of the Md. Archives, p. 
122, it is stated that the Susquehan- 
nock Indians have returned to their 
old fort "about 60 miles above Pal- 

either the neighbornig Indians being mer's Island 

Palmer's Island is 

likely to do them no good by war. This ] practically a few miles below the 
occasioned these Susquehannocks to j mouth of the Susquehanna River, 
leave them and return to their own j According to the Pennsylvania rail- 
fields and habitations; and 51ke- road map Columbia is 43 V 2 miles 
wise that they have made peace with ! f rom p er ryville. Now if Palmer's 
their old enemyes (the Senecas), their island is 15 miles below the mouth 

prentensions for peace is a matter 
of weighty consideration. 

It is probable that these Susque- 
hannocks have not only blown the 
coals but made the fire and the flame 
of troubles that now burns in the 
breast and in the bowels of 

of the Susquehanna River, this would 
bring a point of 60 miles above Pal- 
mer's Island in the neighborhood of 
Columbia, a couple of miles below 
which has generally been accepted 
as the location of the old Fort. How-: 

neighbors, the Virginians, to our great I ever ' !t depends on how near 60 
sorrow and grief. To make peace ' miles mentioned in the letter is the 

with these Susquehannocks is a mat- 
ter dubious and worthy of good 
consultation and requires correspon- 
dence with Virginia. But it may be 
In no ways inconsistent to treat with 

accurate number of miles. 
1676 — Edmund Andros Encourages 
the Susquehannocks to Reurn 
to Pennsylvania. 

In 1674 James, Duke of York re- 

these Susquehannocks and to send I ceived from his brother; the King of 
them and Jacob Young as protection: 
And for a meeting at Mr. Mertves's 

is ordered." 

1676— Susquehannocks Make Partial 
Peace Again With the Senecas. 

In Vol. 15 of the Md. Arch., p. 122, 

England, among other lands, a grant 
of the territory from the Connecti- 
cut River to the Delaware River; and 
on July 1, 1674 he gave a commission 
to Edmund Andros to be Governor 
over it, (Second Ser. Pa. Arch., Vol. 



5, p. 639). And November 5, 1675 
Edmund Andros began to buy from 
the Indians lands west of the Dela- 
ware River, (Do. p. 673), and con- 
tinued buying until he owned a great 
deal of land extending from Dela- 
ware River westward toward the Sus- 
quehanna River. Then hearing of 
the hard fate of the Susquehannocks, 
by a letter from Captain Cantwell on 
the Delaware, and hearing about 
them coming northward again to- 
ward Susquehanna, at a Council held 
July 28, 1676 it was resolved (Do. p. 
681), ''to write to Captain Cantwell 
still to encourage the coming of those 
Indians, till when not to promise 
anything to them, but if they desire 
it, the Governor will endeavor a 
composure of all things in Maryland 
and a perfect peace with the Maques 
an Sinnekes (Senecas), after which 
the said Indians (Susquehannocks) 
may return to their lands as they 
shall think good. 

"If the said Indians do comply, that 
Captain Cantwell to give notice of it 
to the Governr here, and to the Gov- 
ernor of Maryland ,and let them 
know that the Governor hath given 
him the said order, thinking it the 
greatest service, he could do them, so 
to take in the said Indians, — lest go- 
ing to the Maques and Senekes, they 
might induce them to make inroads, 
upon the Christians, which none of 
us could remedy. 

If the said Indians will come in, 
that he give notice (ask) where they 
are most inclinable to go, for the pre- 
sent, being either at the Falls, or the 
middle of the River at Delaware." 

So the Susquehannocks now find 
new friends — the Governor of New 
York and his people, owners of all 
the land from Connecticut River al- 
most to the Susquehanna. The ruler 
of these new friends now asks the 
Susquehannocks to come under his 
protection on the west side of Dela- 

ware River either at Trenton Falls 
or higher or lower until he shall 
compel the Maques and Senecas to 
make peace with them, when he pro- 
mises they may go back to their old 
lands on Susquehanna. This invita- 
tion was. given by Edmund Andros 
July 28, 1676. 

1876 — The Susquehannocks Again 

Buck to Their Old Place on the 

Susquehanna River. 

In a communication found in the 
5 Md. Archives, pp. 134-135, in a com- 
plaint dated Aug., 1676 by prominent 
citizens of Virginia, it is stated am6ng 
other thngs that "the Susquehannock 
Indians returned meanwhile to the 
Susquehanna River again, and cutoff 
several families at the head of the 
Bay and thus all the Indians are en- 
couraged, who call the Christians 
j cowards and children to fight with. 
But the Governor of Baltimore to 
cloak his policy with an Assembly, 
condemned his Major Truman unto a 
fine of 10,000 pounds of tobacco and 
imprisonment during pleasure for 
having suffered the five Susquehan- 
nt)ck Indians to be killed, notwith- 
standing the Assembly cleared Tru- 
man, upon the producing of Lord 
Baltimore's order, yet to keep the 
people from complaining to England 
he keeps this all a secret." 

1670— Word Sent to Virginia that 

Maryland Will Make Peace with 

the Susquehannocks. 

On the 6th of August, 1676 it was 
ordered by Maryland that a letter be 
sent to the Governor of Virginia to 
give him notice that the Deputy Gov- 
ernors and Council of Maryland are 
"upon making terms of peace with 
the Susquehannocks which may be 
for the safety as well of that Govern- 
ment as of the Province, which is as 
followeth from said letter: "We have 
lately received intelligence from the 



head of the Bay that the Susquehan- 
nock Indians have resided at their 
old Fort about 60 miles above Pal- 
mer's Island for so many months that 
they now have corn fit to roast; that 
they shortly expect the remainder of 
their troops and as many of the 
western Indians near or beyond the 
mountains as they have been able to 
pursue to come and live with them. 
We are further informed that by the 
means of Colonel Andrews with the 
Governor of New York a peace was 
made last summer between them and 
their old enemies, the Senecas so that 
they are now at ease and out of our 
reach. Notwithstanding this they 
have applied themselves to Captain 
Edward Cantwell the Deputy Gover- 
nor of New Castle and requesting a 
peace and trade as formerly with the 
English and in order to come down 
with Captain Cantwell and Jacob 
Young, our interpreter, to the house 
of Mrs. Margaret Penroy at the head 
of the Bay near Palmer's Island and 
from thence sent a pass to come 
down to St. Mary's. We have there- 
fore sent them safe conduct to come 
down and treat with us.' " (See 
15th Maryland Archives, p. 122). 

1676 — Maryland Council Send a 

Letter to Lord Baltimore About 

Peace With the Susque- 


On page 123 of Vol. 15 of the Md. 
Archives there is set forth a letter by 
the Council of Maryland to Lord 
Baltimore to let him know of their 
intentions of a treaty with the Sus- 
quehannocks and advising him of af- 
fairs in Virginia. It is as follows: — 
"May* it please your Lordship: — At a 
council held this day (Aug. 6, 1676) 
at Manakowick's Neck, we have con- 
sidered the overtures of the Susque- 
hannocks for a peace deeming it a 
blessing for God unhoped for, we 
thought it not to be slighted; and 

! therefore sent a passport to them 

and Jacob Young the interperter to 

I come and to and return safe from the 

treaty to be held at Murtyes, at any 

| time within one month and we have 

I written to Berkley and a Council of 

j Virginia to give hm notice. So stand 

i your affairs now with the Indians but 

| as to the English under Colonel 

j Bacon, they stand not so fair; for we 

have cause to suspect he intends to 

embroil the Province in a warre; and 

that he will make pursuit of the Pis- 

cataways his pretense to enter here 

and use young Guiles Brent and his 

vain title to his mother's crown and 

sceptre of the Piscataways, as his 

| father used the phrase it and other 

desperate persons in those parts, to 

bring on disquiet here." This needs 

no comment except to notice that 

while everything was going in the 

direction of peace in Maryland, it was 

quite otherwise in Virginia. 

1676 — Maryland Advises the Other 

Tribes to Make Peace With 

the Susqueliannocks 

In Vol. 15 of the Md. Archives, p. 
126, the following complaint is set 
forth. The Emperor of Piscataway 
and the King of the Mattawoman In- 
I dians came to council and it was or- 
dered to tell them "that the Susque- 
hannocks have sent to us to make 
peace and if we think it fit to make 
Peace with them, we will certainly 
include the Piscataways and Matta- 
woman Indians in it. And since they 
are unwilling to have us make peace 
with the Susquehannocks though we 
include them in it, let them be asked 
whether they will march with the 
English to the New Fort they have 
built and likewise pursue the Susque- 
hannocks and be obedient to the Eng- 
lish commanders with whom they 
have been ordered to march. They 
observed by Schotickeko, their speak- 
er, that they are ready to go. 



Here we see that the English in 
Maryland did not have exactly the 
smoothest sailing in getting the gen- 
eral peace established. 
1676— Maryland Citizens Loudly Com- 
plain of the Treatment of the 

In a communication dated the eighth 
<day of August, this year there is a 
complaint to Lord Baltimore against 
the action in both Virginia and Mary- 
land concerning the Susquehannocks 
and in the course of the complaint the 
authors say, "Old Governor Berkley, 
altered by marrying a young wife 
from a wonted public good to a cove- 
tous fool's age, relishes Indian pre- 
sents so well that the Indian blood is 
pukketted up with other mischiefs in 
so much that his lady would have it, 
though it would overthrow the coun- 
try. Now there is an opportunity to 
give Virginia a good blow by Maryland 
Indians on account of the Piscata- 
ways have gone over to the Virginia 
to do mischief. The Piscataways 
have united the Susquehannocks to 
their assistance, whereby a greater 
incursion being feared and unforseen, 
Gov. Berkley was persuaded to send 
Colonel Washington and Allerton to 
cut them. off. At least they raised a 
force above 1000 men to protect the 
Province and so burdened Virginia to 
destroy them and therefore ordered 
Major Truman to besiege the fort 
which might have easily been taken, 
being not quite finished and not 100 
fighting men in it besides women and 
children. And thus the soldiers 
were misled and intrentched and the 
Susquehannocks sent out five men 
whom the soldiers knowing to be 
some of the murderers, would not let 

come to the treaty but killed them. 

And thus were 5 or 6 weeks spent 
to consume the King's subjects and 

put both Provinces to an increased 

charge and a general alarm for the 

Indians often sallied out killing 
many and took their spades and 
arms and made themselves stronger 
and stronger. They "kroak" that 
shameful siege ( Susquehannock 
Fort) up with the loss of above 200 
soldiers and thirteen hundred thous- 
and lbs. of tobacco to the country be- 
sides Virginia charge; the Indians 
but losing now and then one by 
chance, and in Virginia afterwards 
they (Susquehannocks and others) 
destroyed 500 or 600 men, women and 
children without resistance, until 
Squire Bacon moved by the people's 
and his own loss repulsed the Indians 
which hath taken full effect, if not 
hindered by some ill-wishers, who 
have brought the country into the 
present confusion." This is quoted 
simply to show that issatisfaction had 
arisen by reason of the treatment of 
the Susquehannocks as above ' set 
forth. (See 5 Md. Archives, pp. 134- 

1676 — Edmund Andros Criticizes the 
Raising of False Alarms About 
the Susquehannocks. 
Under the date of August 11, 1676 
at one of the Council meetings held 
under Andros, having received a let- 
ter from the Delaware of the alarm 
given by Mr. Herman's letter, "re- 
solve to send a check or rebuke to 
Captain Cantwell for making so rash 
an alarm but to advise that he be 
not careless, and that he send forth- 
with to the Susquehannocks to know 
their intent about their coming in 
(joning in a friendly way with the 
English) which if they do not, — then 
to be careful to promise them noth- 
ing; it not being proper as not in our 
power, and if they do come in, it 
be to live peaceable, as the rest of 
the Government doth." (See Second 
Ser. Pa. Archives, Vol. 5, p. 682). In 
this we observe efforts are still being 
made by the English, who are now 
owners of the Delaware and of much 



land which they bought from the In- I feeling which Edmund Andros had 

for the Susquehannocks. 

Further steps in this matter ap- 
pear by the following extracts from 
a letter sent by Endmund Andros r 
I Governor of Maryland, dated the 25th 

dians, almost to the Susquehanna, 
looking toward bringing the Susque- 
hannocks into complete friendship 
with them. Edmund Andros seemed 
to be a sincere friend of these In- 

tt76-Amdwrt Instructions to Cap- 1 °' September, 1676 and tonni m the 

last named book, p. 687. If some 

tain Collyer on the Delaware 
and Susquehanna. 

In the last quoted book, p. 686, un- 
der the date of September 23 of this 
year there is set forth several in- 
structions from Andros to Captain 
Collier from the management of In- 
dian affairs in eastern Pennsylvania, 
and among them is this instruction 
that he (Collier) is to acquaint the 
Governor of Maryland "with the 

course be not speedily taken they 
( The Susquehannocks ) must all 
necessarily submit to the Min- 
ques and Senecas who passionately 
desire it; but it would prove of a 
bad consequence. I have therefore 
dispatched Captain Collyer to you to 
let you know if I may be service- 
able to you therein to employ me and 
whether you judge the late peace 
with Susquehannocks sufficient, their 

great inconvenience that hath been | continuing where they now are or 
bound Eastward by the several na- i being removed from these parts best. 
tions of Indians joining, whereby the I \ have some interest with the Maques 
late mischiefs have happened; and and Senecas and I can best deal with 
that the Christians have received a ; them ; but some speedy resolution is 
greater service from the Maques and j necessary as it will concern the 
other Indians above Albany; they j peace of all his Majesty's subjects 
therefore desire their resolves about in these parts." (Signed) Edmund 

the Suspuehannocks and to acquaint Andros." This shows that con- 
them that he wishes to admit them stant watchfulness was required to 
within the Government, rather than prevent the now beaten Susquehan- 

hazard their being obliged to refuge nocks from being utterly exterminat- 

with a grudge in their hearts, fur- j ed by or assimilated with other In- 

ther away and out of our reach." The I dians of powerful tribes. 

instruction further goes on and says: I 

"but the Susquehannocks having had 1 1676— 

warr with Maryland, though now in 

peace, I have delayed making this 

conclusion, though it will be of ad- 
vantage to all" The instructions 
then further state, "the Susquehan- 
nocks are to be used friendly and as j between the Senecas and Susquehan- 

the Senecas and Susquehannocks. 

In a letter found in the 5th Md. 
Archives, pp. 152-153 reference is 
made to "a small encounter" in the 
beginning of last December (1676) 

many as will are to come to me at 
this place (New York), for which all 
freedom and furtherance is extended 
to them; and let them know it is 
their good hearts and not riches that 
I value, therefore they need not 
trouble themselves about presents" 
I cite this merely to show the good 

nocks in which the writer says that 
"the most considerable affair that I 
am about to acquaint you with is 
about the Seneca and Susquehan- 
nock Indians who have had at the be- 
ginning of December, last a small en- 
counter at Jacob Young's house, 
which intelligence came to me by 



Tuesday night last, (Jan., 1677) ; up- 
on which I have taken the most ef- 
fectual care I could at present for 
the security of Baltimore and Cecil 
counties, and I send you herewith ! 
original letters I have received from j 
the head of the Bay relating to it. I 
have inquired how we shall treat with 
the Indians as soon as the Spring 
approaches, for if we be not timely 
in adjusting all matters with them 
in the Spring, we shall be surprised 
by them and your Lordship's pro- 
vince will receive much damage before 
we are sensible where our mischief 
proceeds. Therefore I shall take all j 
care to be peaceable with the Senecas ( 
and the Suspuehannocks, especially i 
care to be peaceful with the Senecas | 
(if it be obtained) they being the 
greatest and most considerable Na- 
tion, and our league wth them will 
occasion our security from the Dela- 
wares or Macquas; and if the Senecas 
war with them they can not make 
incursions as they usually do and in- 
vade us. Otherwise it is probable 
they say, especially if they and the 
Susquehannocks confederate they 
will invade us; they being both Na- 
tions of the bloodiest people in all 
these parts of America." This letter 
is dated Jan. 22, 1677, and therefore 
the affair referred to was in 1676. 
1676— The War With the Susquehan- 
nocks flakes the Taxes High. 
In the Md. Archives, pp. 137 to 
140, under the date of December 9, 
of this year there is remonstrance by 
the Governor and council directed to 
Lord Baltimore, setting forth the true 
state of Maryland and of the rea- 
sons of the high taxes and among 
other things it states, " it is now so 
that the people are likely to run into 
rebellion against this Government 
and we may be involved in intestine 
war as it is in Virginia. The great 
clamor is against the greatness of 

taxes; and the debarring of some 
freeman from voting. As to the taxes 
we appeal to the whole world wheth- 
er our Lord Proprietary was not 
forced into the expensive war against 
the Susquehannocks last year; and 
whether he sought not all means of 
pacification that could stand his 
honor and safety of the people be- 
fore he engaged in it. If the taxes 
continue this year, and it is the same 
necessity of protecting the people, 
much trouble will ensue." The re- 
sult of the Susquehannock expedi- 
tion is now very plain in this item. 

1676 — Maryland Now Takes Hands 

Off the Senecas and Off of the 


In the Second Md. Archives, p. 545 
it is said that the end of the Ses- 
sions of 1676, the Assembly repealed 
the Act for the preservation of cer- 
tain articles of Peace made with the 
Susquehannocks in 1674. This was 
done so as not to give any offense to 
the Senecas. And also at p. 547 of 
the same book it is set out that the 
Act for raising a supply to pay the 
charge of making pea:e with the 
Senecas and war with the Susque- 
hannocks and their confederates, 
which passed in 1674, was also 
repealed. This was done so that the 
Susquehannocks should not be of- 
fended with Maryland for showing 
an undue favoritism to the Senecas 
and for allowing to let stand up-re- 
pealed the declaration of war against 
the Susquehannocks. 

1677— Upland Court Acts on the 
Threat of the Senecas to Kid- 
Nap the Susquehannocks. 

In the record of the Court at Up- 
land "at a meeting held by ye Com- 
manders and Justices att uppland 
uppon the news of the Sineco Indians 
comming downe to fetch the Susque- 



hannos, that were amongst these 
River Indians, etc., March 13th., an- 
noq. Dom., 1677. It was concluded 
upon the motion of Rinowehan the 
Indian Sachomore that Captain Coll- 
yer and Justice Israeli Helm goe upp 
to Sachamexin where att present a 
great number of Sineco and other 
Indians were, and that they endeavor 
to pursuade the Sineco and Sasque- 
hannos on these Rivers to send each 
a Deputy to the Governor of New 
York and that Israeli Helm goe with 
them. ( See records of Upland 

Court, p. 49; also see the same re- 
ferred to in Vol. 2 of Watson's An- 
nals of Philadelphia, p. 237). 

The meaning of all this is that the 
Senecas of New York, who had al- 
ready forced one branch of the Sus- 
quehannocks to come and live with 
them, were now determined on swal- 
lowing up the rest of the tribe who 
are scattered along the Lower Sus- 
quehanna, near the Old Fort. 

1677— Maryland Appoints a Commis- 
sioner to Make New Peace With 
the Susquehannocks. 

In Vol. 5 of the Md. Archives, p. 
243 the following interesting com- 
mission is to be found entitled in the 
said book, Copy of a Commission 
Granted by the Governor and Coun- 
cil to Henry Coursey, Esq., for mak- 
ing peace with the Indians; "To 
Thomas Nally, Esquire, Greeting: — 
Whereas the Susquehaunocks, Sene- 
cas and divers other nations of In- 
dians, inhabitants to the Northward 
of this Province have formerly com- 
mitted divers murders and outrages 
within the Province upon which there 
hath ensued a war between his Ma- 
jesty's subjects, residing in this 
Province and Government as well as 
those residing in Virginia, and the 
Susquehannocks; and whereas the 
said Susquehannocks have since and 

lately desired to come to a treaty 
of peace with his Lordship and have 
submitted themselves and put them- 
selves under the protection of the 
Senecas, etc.: Know ye that I have 
constituted, ordained and authoriz- 
ed Henry Coursey, Esq., one of his 
Lordship's Council for this Province 
as ambassador or envoy to treat with 
and conclude a firm peace with the 
said Susquehannocks, Senecas and 
any other Indians unknown to us, in- 
habiting and residing to the North- 
ward of us within or without the 
territory of his Royal Highness and 
from whom we have already receiv- 
ed injury by the confederacy between 
them and the Susquehannocks, upon 
such reasonable terms as to him 
shall seem meet and convenient ac- 
cording to his instructions. And for 
as much as the said Indians do now 
reside for the most part within the 
territory of his said Royal Highness's 
(viz.: the Duke of York's domain 
North of Maryland and including 
Pennsylvania and New York, the Sus- 
j quehannocks having gone back to 
I the Susquehanna River), and can be 
I treated with only by a journey to be 
had through his Royal Highness's 
territory, I do hereby ordain and 
appoint said Henry Coursey to treat 
with Edmund Andros, Governor Gen- 
eral under his Royal Highness, the 
Duke of York, and desire him leave 
to pass through said territory to 
treat with the Indians and I do re- 
quest that the said Henry be receiv- 
ed according to the law of Nations. 
Given at St. Mary's April 30, 1677." 

1677 — Instructions Given by Mary- 
land to Henry Coursey How to 
Treat with the Susque- 

In Vol. 5 of the Md. Archives, pp. 
244-245 the further directions in 
making a treaty are set out as fol- 



lows, "You are with all convenient 
speed to begin your journey toward 
New York by way of New Castle on 
the Delaware in order to your going 
into Albany to treat with the Sus- 
quehannocks; and on arrival at New 
Castle to signify to the Deputy-Gov- 
ernor there in general terms that you 
are sent to Colonel Andros by his 
to come to a treaty with the Sene- 
cas at Fort Albany or elsewhere; 
and you are to inform yourself from 
Captain Collyer and others of the 
true state of the Susquehannnocks 
what numbers there are, upon what 
terms they are received by the Sene- 
cas, and if any such be under whose 
protection they live and how they 
may be treated with all in order to 
the settling and universal peace be- 
tween us, and the Susquehannocks 
and the Senecas and the rest of the 
Indians to the Northward as also be- 
tween the Indians and all the low 
land Indians in league and amity 
with us. 

You are to .apply yourself to the 
Governor of New York and render 
him to assist in procuring a treaty 
for you both with the said Senecas 
and Susquehannocks if there be such 
a nation left. 

When you are come to a treaty 
with the Senecas you are to let them 
know that we had no knowledge of 
them but by the Susquehannocks' re- 
port; that they from time to time 
told us that the injuries we had re- 
ceived in our Government and the 
murders of our people were all pre- 
petrated by the Senecas, that we af- 
terwards found out that these very 
murders which the Susquehannocks 
fathered upon the Senecas were com- 
mitted by the Susquehannocks them- 
selves and that that was the real 
cause of the war between us ; and the 
injury to us was the greater because 
the Susquehannocks by the articles 

of peace between us were obliged to 
give us 20 days' warning of inten- 
tions to war if at any time they grow 
weary of peace with us, which not- 
withstanding they, in an open, hor- 
rible manner, with the major part of 
their forces, and some if not all of 
their great men present, assaulted 
the house of Randel Hanson standing 
within three miles of their fort and 
there continued to fight one whole 
day after all which they had confi- 
dence to endeavor to persuade us 
it was the Senecas that committed 
the outrage." 

We readily see in this that though 
Maryland very atrociously mistreat- 
ed the Susquehannocks yet they still 
contiued to blame the Susquehan- 
nocks for the murders which the 
Senecas committed; and used that 
protection as an excuse for making 
the war on the Susquehannocks in- 
stead of the Senecas though it is 
pretty certain that the Senecas were 
the real aggressors. The whites evi- 
dently took this course because the 
Senecas were now supreme and the 
Susquehannocks were almost annihi- 
lated by them and completely under 
their control. 

1677— Henry Coursey's First Steps in 
Making Peace With the Sus- 

In the 5th Vol. of the Md. Arch, 
pp. 246-247 the next step in effecting 
peace with the Susquehannocks is 
shown. This is set forth in a letter 
from Colonel Coursey to P. Nolley's 
on the Delaware River dated May 22, 
1677, which is as follows: — Right 
Worthy Sir: On the 19th inst. I wrote 
you from New Castle. On the 20th 
came Jacob Young from Maryland 
which gives me a better account than 
I received before,, which is as fol- 
lows, 'Them that killed Richard 
Milton's family were eight Susque- 
hannocks, and that upon doing the 



killing they immediately fled to the 
Senecas and that all the mischief 
that hath been done hath by their 
(Susquehannocks) several troops as 
they came out of Virginia (They are 
now retaliating for the killing of 
their five chiefs) and the two per- 
sons this year shott were by two 
Susquehannocks that came with the 
trops of Senecas, that carried the 
Susquehannocks from the place since 
which the same troops took the chief 
warriors into Susquehanna River, 
being 30 in number who had then 
been hunting to make a present to 
you for peace (the Susquehannocks 
were hunting for furs to make a 
present) among which was the young 
Indian I had talked with at Jacob 
Young's. Old Collyer was coming I 
himself but was by the rest pursuad- j 
ed to desist for the want of a pre- | 
sent? I have now sent for him and 
one other great man to come to me, 
where I now stop for them. There 
are about 26 of them (Susquehan- 
nocks) left here; still I propose to 
persuade them to go with me to 
New York, it being Governor An- 
dros's ordered to Captain Collyer to 
send them. The Senecas intend to 
be at Palmer's Island when the corn 
is half a leg high. I likewise find it 
necessary to carry Jacob Young with 
me without whom I can do nothing; 
and that truth is from him and 
none else. He tells me that the 
Senecas having marched 10 days 
then fell at some difference among 
temselves how to divide those Sus- 
quehannocks they had with them, 
they being of two several forts and 
upon the division the Susquehan- 
nocks were much displeased, and 
some of them got away, the rest they 
bound and carried with them, but it 
is judged not to hurt them, for every 
one of the forts strive what they can 
to get them to themselves, and Gov- 

vernor Andros to get them to the 
Masaques (Maques), for it was told 
me by Captain DeLavall that if they 
had them they would make war im- 
mediately with the French. 

This 23rd. instant came to me 
four Susquehannocks and with them 
the Emperor of the Delaware Bay In- 
dians and upon discourse, I find 
them all inclined to peace. It seems 
a custom to give a present by any 
one that speaks a treaty. I am ready 
to take horse again for New York 
where I hope to be by Saturday 
night, Signed, Henry Coursey." This 
is how the Susquehannock Indian 
history after the year 1776 became 
linked in with the Seneca history, 
who were their merciless masters. 

1677— Further Steps in Making 
Peace Arrangements. 

In Vol. 5 of the Md. Archives, p. 
248 is Thomas Notley's reply to 
Coursey's letter and it is as follows: 
"I am heartily glad that you have 
made so great a discovery in so 
short a time as to the state of the 
Indians, especially the Susquehan- 
nocks. I am glad Jacob Young goes 
with you ; and that you have so good 
an intelligence from him. One 
thing I must add that if upon the 
whole consideration you shall think 
it more necessary to let the Susque- 
hannocks live in this Province 
(Maryland) than elsewhere, then en- 
deavor so to order it. If not how- 
ever, leave no gap but make a thor- 
ough conclusion with all the Indians. 
In this I depend upon your discre- 

1677— Henry Coursey's Proposal to 
the People and the Indians. 

Under the date of June 22, this 
year, in 5th Maryland Archives, p. 
251 further steps of the arrangement 
for peace are set out by Henry Cour- 
sey in a message to the Senecas as 



follows, "We formerly had peace I 
with the Susquehannocks which they j 
perfidiously broke, not only killing i 
single persons but at last with the | 
greatest part of their forces assault- 
ing a whole family in a house and 
to amuse us they told us that those 
'outrages were committed by the 
Senecas thereby to engage us in a 
'quarrel with you. We found their per- 
fidiousness and breach of faith fell 
upon them and have now so near 
destroyed them that they are forced 
to seek shelter under you who were 
before their enemies. Now so there 
shall be no cause of quarrel between 
.us and you and that we may now lire 
in peace as brethren granted by the 
same God, though not known to one 
another, we desire that all of the 
Susquehannock Nation as shall come 
under your protection, may be by 
you obliged not to do any violence 
<or wrong to any Christian inhabit- 
ing either in Maryland or Virgnia. In 
case any injury shall hereafter be 
done by any of the Susquehannocks 
living under the protection of you 
Senecas, or by any of your own na- ' 
tion, you shall deliver him to us or 
to the Governor of New York to be 
proceeded against according to his 
demerits." This shows again the 
great earnest desire of the Maryland 
people to establish good will with 
the Senecas in order that the Sene- 
cas keep the Susquehannocks from 
renewing their slaughter of the 
whites as they had done after they 
left the fort on Potomac, vowing 
vengeance until they had killed ten 
white men for every one of their 
number which they lost. 
1677 — Answer of the Onondagoes to 
the Proposal for Peace. 
In Vol 5 of the Maryland Archives 
p. 255 is set forth the views of the 
Onondagoes on the question of the 
terms of peace with the Susquehan- 

nocks, which were proposed by the 
whites of Maryland and New York; 
the answer is as follows, "A belt was 
sent to us by Colonel Henry Coursey 
authorized by Maryland that we 
might make greater haste to come 
down which we have done and he 
saith that none of us shall, for the 
future injure any persons in Mary- 
land. We thank the gentlemen that 
they do exhort for peace, we are so 
minded ourselves but we acknow- 
ledge that we have killed of your 
Christians and Indians formerly 
whereof Jacob Young, (who helped 
the Susquehannocks and lived with 
them) my friend, was a great occa- 
sion; but we desire now that all be 
past and buried in oblivion. A belt 
of 13 rows deep we now give you. 
We say again that Jacob Young was 
a great captain and leader against 
them whereby the wars have been 
continued but now we desire peace 
and that the Almighty God who 
dwells in Heaven may give his bless- 
ings thereunto. 

We let you know that there are of 
ours, four castles of the Senecas out 
fighting against the Senecas — you 
may therefore warn your Indians that 
there may be no injuries or damages 
done hereafter, and so to contine the 
peace we do give two beavers." The 
Onondagoes here seem to show a very 
honorable disposition and a fervent 
spirit towards peace. 

Their referring to the "Almighty 
God who lives in Heaven" seems to 
indicate that the Jesuits had effected 
quite a good work among them in 
matters of Christianity. 

1677 — Answer of the Maques to the 

Proposition for Peace With 

the Susqnehannocks. 

The view taken by the Maques on 
the question of Peace may be found 
in Vol. 5 of the Maryland Archives, 



pp. 257-258", and it is as follows: 
"We are glad the King's Government 
of Maryland and Virginia have sent 
you to speak of peace and that this 
place, Albany is fixed for all na- 
tions to make peace. We return 
hearty thanks and wifl speak with 
one heart and one head. The Sene- 
cas were on their journey with 600 
men to come here but for fear turn- 
ed back; but we were not afraid. 
We return you hearty thanks for re- 
leasing the two sons of Conondon- 
dans and likewise that you beheaded 
the Sachem of the Susquehannocks 
named Achnaetsachawey,who was the 
cause of their being taken prisoners; 
and we do present five beavers." 

At the conclusion of this treaty 
these Indians sang a song after their 
manner by their method which they 
do undertake to hold firm and they 
give a beaver and a dressed Elk skin. 
And then they sang another song, the 
meaning of which is that their people 
may now forget what is past between 
them and the Colonists but might al- 
ways be mindful of what has now 
happened in this house and if the 
Senecas appoint any other place, it 
will not be accepted but this place 
to be the only appointed and perfix- 
ed place now dedicated to this great 
treaty with all our tribes." 

These Maques also show a very 
honorable and equitable spirit which 
shows both their honest and their 
simple nature. 

1677 — The Oneidas, Senecas and 
Some of the Onondagoes Re- 
fuse to Obey the Peace 
Above Refered to. 

In Mombert's History of Lancaster 
County, p. 23 he says, "Notwith- 
standing a treaty of amity concluded 
between Maryland and the Five Na- 
tions in 1677, some of the Oneidas, 
Onondagoes and Senecas who were 
not present at the time of the treaty, 

fell upon the Susquehannocks who 
were in league with Maryland, kill- 
ed four of their number, took six 
prisoners, five of them fell into the 
share of the Senecas, were in con- 
formity with the treaty, sent back, 
but the sixth was detained by the 
Oneidas. Overtures and remon- 

strances on the part of Maryland 
and Virginia proved unavailing and 
after a few years of hostilities broke 
out with increased violence and only 
ceased with the final overthrow of 
the Susquehannocks by the Five 
Nations. It appears from a minute 
examination of imperfect and some- 
what contradictory data, exhibited at 
I length by Foulke, that the Lancas- 
ter lands fell into the power of the 
Five Nations some time between 1677 
and 1684." This shows the difficul- 
ties that were constantly encountered 
in perfecting permanent peace with 
different tribes of Indians, some 
of whom were honest and others 
treacherous, and all of them being 
more or less under political obliga- 
tions to various contemporary tribes. 
It appears that when a treaty was 
made, another tribe would claim that 
it was made without their advice and 
presence and they would repudiate 
it, so that the Susquehannocks may 
be said to have been between the up- 
per and lower mill stones a great 
deal of the time. 

1677 — Governor Dungan's View of the 
Might of the Five Nations and 
The Fate of the Susque- 

In Vol. 5 of the Second Series of 
the Pennsylvania Archives, p. 755 
Governor Dungan makes a report 
dated 1684 in which he refers to 
some things which happened in 1677 
and among other things he says, "I 
have sent herewith what the Nations 
that conquered the Susquehannocks 



desired of the King in my Lord Ef- 
fingham's presence and I believe it 
to be of dangerous consequence if 
denied." This demand on the part of 
the Five Nations was that the whites 
should not interfere with the relation 
between the Five Nations and the 
Susquehannocks for the Five Nations 
had conquered them and thought this 
interference was meddling. 

As to the Five Nations at this time 
"Governor Dungan says: "The Five 
Indian Nations are the most warlike 
people in Amerca, and a bulwark be- 
tween us and the French and all 
other Indians. They go as far as the 
South Sea the Northwest Passage and 
Florida to War. New England in 
the last war with the Indians would 
have been ruined, if Edmund Andros 
had not sent the Five Nations to their 
assistance. All the Indians in these 
parts of America are tributary to 
them." By- the South Sea is meant 
the Pacific Ocean and the Northwest 
Passage is at the Arctic Ocean. So 
these great Indians that whipped the 
Susquehannocks had a reputation for 
war all over North America with the 
exception of the South West section 
toward Mexico. 

1677 — Other Authorities on the Over- 
throw of the Susquehannocks. 

Lewis Evans in his "Analysis, "print- 
ed by Benjamin Franklin and publish- 
ed in London in 1755 on the fall of 
the Susquehannocks says, "'The Sus- 
quehannocks after a great defeat by 
the Marylanders, were easily exter- 
minated by the Confederates (Five 
Nations). So that those Nations who 
are now on the Susquehanna, are 
only such as the confederates have 
allotted that River for; as the Nan- 
ticokes, from the Eastern Shore of 
Maryland, Tuteloes from the Mehe- 
nin River in Virginia and the Dela- 
wares, under which we include the 
Minnesinks and the Mandes, or Salem 

Indians"— (p. 14). At pp. 11 and 12 
he also says, that "they (Five Na- 
tions) gave the finishing stroke to 
the extermination of the Susque- 

To show further that the Senecas 
or the Five Nations as a whole did 
overthrow the Susquehannocks about 
1676-77, we quote from the 4th Col- 
onial Records, p. 712 in which is set 
forth the speech of 
of the orators of the Five Nations at 
the treaty held June 27, 1744 in the 
Lancaster Court House, where in 
speaking of the lands on Susque- 
hanna, he says, "All the world 
knows we concurred the several Na- 
tions living on Susquehanna, Cohon- 
goronta, and on the back -of the great 
mountains in Virginia." We see from 
all this that there is no doubt about 
the defeat of the Susquehannocks by 
I the Five Nations. 

1 1678 — The Shawanese Now Come to 
the Susquehannock Country. 

In this year the Shawanese came 
to Conestoga. They were a small 
j tribe and from North Carolina. They 
I settled on the Pequea Creek. It is 
! generally said that they came in 
| 1698. See Vol. 4 of the Votes ofAs- 
i sembly, p. 517, where it is stated that 
I they were Southern Indians and came 
! to Conestoga in 1698 to the number 
I of 60 families. Gordon also says in 
i his history, p. 514 that they came in 
j 1698. But Redmond Conyngham, Esq., 
i in 15 Haz. Reg., p. 117 says that the 
original manuscript from which the 
I notes were prnited states that they 
came n 1678. This error he says is 
i plain because these Shawnese were 
j here before William Penn came,which 
' was in 1682. The Dauphin County 
; Pamphlet on Indian History, p. 43 also 
| says that the Shawnese were at the 
j William Penn Treaty in 1683. A 
; very famous descendant of these 
I Shawanese called Red Pole is buried 



hi Trinity Church Yard at Pittsburg I at this time, (2) that the great men 
he having died there in 1797 and his I of the Senecas or some of them were 
monument says that he died at that | living among the Susquehannocks in 

date, "Lamented by the United 
States/'— (See 12 Haz. Reg., 63-64). 

the neighborhood of the old Susque- 
hannock Fort on the Susquehanna 

1678-Bmnor that the Susauehan- River - < 3) ttat , «"» Sene f s w f e 

making tools of the Susquehannocks, 

nocks, After Conspiring with the 
Senecas, Incite the Senecas 
to Invade Maryland 
and Fall on the 
In Vol. 15 of the Md. Archives, p. 
175 under the date of June 13, 1677 
at a council held at the old Court 
House the following appears: "The 
common rumor that the Seneca In- 
dians by instigation of the remaining ! 
part of the Susquehannocks, now liv- 

which later was to result in a dis- 
agreement between them and the 
Susquehannocks and bring on an- 
other fight, and (4) that the Senecas 
would not rest until they had sub- 
jugated the" other Pennsylvania 
1 tribes, to do which they did not 
scruple to violate any treaties which 
they formerly made. 

1678— Maryland Helps the Piscata- 
ways Against the Susquehan- 
nocks and the Senecas* 

ing among them, are designed to j 
come down to make war upon the j In 15 Md. Archives, p. 183, at a 
Piscataways toward the latter end of | Council held August 19, 1678 it ap- 
the Summer (which the Piscataways ! pears as follows, "Then Council met, 
do generally believe) was taken into j according to appointment by previous 
consideration; and it was ordered ! order of Cuncil, the Great men of the 
that. Jacob Young be impowered to piscataways and it is ordered that 

go to the old Fort on the Susquehan- 
na and treat with the great men of 

the said great men be given to un- 
derstand that the Governor and Coun- 

the Seneca Nation, touching the said | c il understand that a few of the Pis- 
rumor according to such orders and j cataway Indians have been killed by 
instructions as he should receive | some of the SeneCas and Susquehan- 
from the Governor. j nocks as they believe; and told them, 

In pursuance whereof the Honor- | Maryland would send to Albany to 
able Thomas Notley, Esq., did em- converse with the Governor of the 
power the said Jacob Young upon his Senecas about this matter." 

instructions under hand seal, to go i 1/4 - ft » ^ * t> + «.. 

.. , .. ._ „ ' 16*9— An Encounter Between the 

accordingly to the old Susquehanna I 
Fort and address himself to the great j Susquehannocks and Piscataways. 

men of the Seneca Nation and by j In 15 Md. Archives, p. 213, we are 
presents or otherwise according to advised instead of the Senecas coming 
their custom to remind them of the | themselves, they sent the Susquehan- 
League of Peace which they had | nocks to fight the Piscataways. This 
lately entered into with the Pisca- J is set forth as follows,"then was ta- 
taways." | ken into consideration the state of the 

In this we have some important 1 Indian affairs and the matters which 
Historical facts, (1) that the Senecas i lately passed between the Governor 
and Susquehannocks or some of the i and Council the Piscataway Indians, 
Susquehannocks were in strong touching the murders committed and 
league and friendship with each other I it is advised to send for the Emperor 



dians and remind them of the League I 
of Peace and that we are desirous to 
speak with them in relation to a late j 
encounter between them (The Pisca- | 
taways) and the Susquehannocks and j 
that the said Council had something 
to propound to his Lordship for their 
security against the Foreign Indians." 
In this it is hinted that Maryland is 
about to raise a force to secure the 
Province against these Senecas, who 
were mis-leading the Susquehan- 
nocks and we shall see that this 
finally brought on the Ninan Beall 

1679 — The Susquehannocks Divided 
Into Two Divisions by the Five Na- 
tions; One Kept in New York and 
the Other Established at the Old 
Susquehannoek Fort; Further De- 
luded by the Senecas Against the 

Under the date of March 19, 1679 in 
Vol. 15 of the Maryland Archives, pp. 
238-240 the following may be found, 
"Present at a Council, the Speaker 
and the great men of the Piscataway: 
The interpreter was ordered to tell 
them that we are lately informed that 
there was one among them that lately 
came from the Senecas and that his 
Lordship had a great desire to speak 
to him. The said Indian that came 
from the Senecas being made ac- 
quainted with his Lordship's desire to 
hear him gave the following account. 
He begins by laying on the table five 
single acorns some small distance 
from each other and four together at 
one place which he signifies the four 
towns of the Senecas, from which he 
came — the four next single acorns he 
likewise declared to be four other 
towns of the Senecas, with the two 
middle most whereof the Susquehan- 
nocks had divided themselves 
amongst; and lived there, to say, -one- 
half at one town and one-half at the 
other. The fifth and outermost of 

the five single acorns he declared to 
be a place inhabited by the English 
where the Senecas used to treat and 
whither he was sent from the four 
first towns with a present which he 
delivered; but by the description of 
the said place, to be a place of great 
resort and trade for the said Indians 
for powder and shott. It appeared 
to be Fort Albany and they were 
Dutch to whom he had delivered the 

He said the towns were all peace- 
able and quiet excepting only the two 
towns among which the Susquehan- 
nocks had divided themselves. He 
declared that in every fort there were 
some English. He further said that 
the Senecas allowed him to go to see 
his friends freely ; and so he is here ; 
and that he would weight his mind 
and the English and tell them who 
it was that had done the English all 
the mischief; viz.: those two nations 
amongst whom the Susquehannocks 
now live and that they would do more 
mischief yet, both to the Piscataways 
and the English. They told him he 
must return in ten days. 

He was asked whether those two 
nations with whom the Susquehan- 
| nocks lived were at war or peace 
I with the other four nations, and he 
answered that they were all together 
in peace and amity with one another; 
and that the Susquehannocks go from 
town to town peaceably as friends and 
j netophs (netoughs) that is children 
S or cousins, but that the four nations 
! now seem to blame the English very 
I much for letting so many of the Sus- 
quehannocks escape as they did for 
they are of such a bloody and turbu- 
lent mind that they will never cease 
doing mischief both to the English 
and Piscataways so long as one re- 
mains alive. 

He was asked whether those two 
forts with whom the Susquehannocks 



lived be of the same bloody mind as 
the Susquehannocks themselves, to 
which he replied at first, that "they 
were not, but by instigations of the 
Susquehannocks he does believe they 
are now become as one. He also 
says the Susquehannocks laugh and 
jeer at the English, saying they can 
do what mischief they please for the 
English can not see them. He said 
those forts were three moons from 
Piscataway as he was three moons in 
coming. He was asked whether the 
Susquehannocks did intend to come 
down against the Piscataways and the 
English and in Virginia, and he said 
that a great man of the Susquehan- 
nocks made a speech saying, he was 
pretty well satisfied with the revenge 
he had taken of the Virginians by 
the help and assistance of those In- 
dians and now intended to fall on the 
Piscataways and English in Maryland 
for they (the Susquehannocks), had 
done little or nothing there yet and 
that a considerable party had gone 
forth 20 days ago. This he said he 
had heard from an Indian that had 
escaped from the towns in which 
the Susquehannocks lodged. He 
said the forces of those two towns or 
forts were so strong that he could not 
express it, and that the great men of 
the Susquehannocks said that they 
would never have any peace with the 
English of Maryland or the Piscata- 
ways or the Chopticos or any other 
Indians on the south side of the Pata- 

In this we see that the revenge 
which the Susquehannocks swore on 
the whites of Maryland and the 
friendly Indians with Maryland for 
slaughtering their great men at the 
Potomac Fort was still in their 
hearts and that they were determin- 
ed to carry it out. We can not 
suppose that this story was a series 
of falsehoods against the Susquehan- 

nocks because it was given by a 
friendly Indian who was captured by 
the Secenas and had leave of absence; 
and because it seems exactly in line 
with what the Susquehannocks de- 
clared to do. However, there may 
have been intrigue in it and a well 
formed plot to get the Susquehan- 
nocks in trouble with Maryland 
again for it must be remenbered that 
a year before the Susquehannocks 
were begging Maryland for peace. 
However, it seems that it was only 
that small branch of the Susquehan- 
nocks who were living at the old 
Susquehannock Fort that were ask- 
ing for peace; and it is likely that 
the other and greater branch of the 
Susquehannocks who were living in 
these two Senecas forts in New York 
were very revengful against Mary- 
land as this messenger said. We 
also see here that it is proved beyond 
doubt that a great body of Susque- 
hannocks did go and live with the 
Senecas of New York. Another thing- 
is noticeable and that is the wisdom 
of the Five Nations in statecraft,they 
very wisely determined to establish 
some of their tribes with some of the 
conquered Susquehannocks in the old 
Susquehannock Country to preserve 
i their rights and look after their con- 
! quered lands in Pennsylvania; as 
| well as to take the remainder of the 
| Susquehannocks with them to New 
| York — for the double purpose of keep- 
I ing the Susquehannocks weak by di- 
! viding them and of keeping them 
I among themselves in a friendly way 
| to consolidate the Susquehannocks 
! with themselves for the purpose of 
| further enlarging the great confeder- 
! acy of the Five Nations. 

1 1080— The Piscataways Much Frigh- 
tened by These Movements of 
the Susquehannocks and 
the Senecas. 

In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch., 
I p. 277 we now see the result of the 



revengful heart of the Susquehan- 
nocks. At a Council held on the 
31st. of March this year at Notley 
Hall, the following is set forth, "At 
this time and place the Emperor and 
great men of the Piscataways came 
to acquaint his Lordship that they 
had a great desire to make peace 
with all the Northern Indians, both 
the Senecas and Susquehannocks and 
to that end had prepared several pre- 
sents wherewith they had desired to 
send some agents of theirs to the 
Mattawomans to desire their assist- 

And in the same book, p. 279 under 
the date of April 1st., the following 
letter was given by the Council of 
Maryland: — "To Our Civil and Mili- 
tary Officers in the Province and 
other Good People: Whereas the Em- 
pereor and great men of the Pisca- 
taways in behalf of himself and the 
Indians under his subjection are de- 
sirous to conclude a general peace 
with the Northern Indians, including 
the Senecas and Susquehannocks and 
have sought of us liberty so to do 
and ask a letter of consent, granting 
free pass to their agents: — This is to 
allow their agents, two men and a 
woman quietly to pass, etc., which 
we hereby grant unto them." 

1680 — The Senecas and Susquehan- 
nocks Building New Forts from 
Which to Fight the Pis- 

Under the date of May 12, 1680, it 
is set forth in 15 Maryland Archives, 
p. 280. "On Monday the 10th In- 
stant, in the evening came down from 
Piscataway Fort an Indian to inform 
me that the Senecas and Susquehan- 
nocks Indians had built them a fort 
within sight of the Piscataway fort. 
They judge it to be about 500 yards 
distant and that there are about 300 
of them. When our Indians dis- 

couraged them they immediately en- 
gaged with them which had been the 
best part of two days when the In- 
dians came down to us. I under- 
stand their desire is that they might 
have some English to assist them; 
therefore I thought fit to acquaint 
you. In their engagement I under- 
stood from this Indian that they sev- 
eral times discoursed with each other 
and that they likely scattered about 
and killed several horses for their 
provisions." This is all of a letter 
of William Chandler, High Sheriff of 
Charles County on the River that the 
Senecas and Susquehannocks have 
come down to the Piscataway Fort. 
On the same day that this letter 
was read it was concluded, "that 
Captain Randolph Brandt be com- 
manded with one squadron of his 
troop, consisting of 20 men whom he 
shall deem fit forthwith to march to 
Piscataway Fort and there fully to 
inform himself of the truth; and that 
John Stone be commanded to accom- 
pany him to the Fort and assist the 
gentlemen of Charles County, and 
also to take report by Monday next," 
(See 15 Md. Arch. p. 281). 

1680 — Captain Brandt's Report About 

the Susquehannocks and the 


Under the date of May 17, this year 
this report was made and is as fol- 
lows: "In obedience to your Lord- 
ship's command we have been with 
the Piscataway Indians, who seemed 
much concerned that we came not 
sooner; but have given them satis- 
faction in that particular. What 
they say in touching the Senecas and 
Susquehannocks is that they came 
upon the Forte on Sunday last, their 
number was supposed to be about 
200, and several times firing upon the 
Fort, and at last they came to a 
treaty. The Piscataways would have 
bought their peace, proffering a pre- 



sent; but the Susquehannocks told j men, women and children until such 
them they would have revenge for time as they have heard what peace 
the great men killed in the late war, i their ambassador lately sent to the 
and that they expected to have their Senecas and Susquehannocks can 
Indians who were taken by the Eng- procure and in the interim powder 
lish restored. They several times j and shott be sent them for better de- 

asked about this when the English- 
men were at the Piscataway side, and 
in a skirmish one man was wounded 
in the foot, being then in the Em- 
peror's Cabin. Sundry shott were 
made at the Fort and many horses 
killed by them. The Senecas left 
them Wednesday and went very much 

fense against the Susquehannocks, if 
a war come on." 

And a few days later May 22, it was 
ordered "that the Emperor of the 
Piscataways be given to understand 
that the Susquehannocks say if all 
the Chopticos and the Mattawomans 
were at Piscataway with the Em- 

dissatisfied. They expect them back ! peror they would not then even be 
daily in great numbers. A boy of Mr. i able to fight the Senecas and Susque- 
Lines being sent from his quarters j hannocks who are over 1000 men; 
to look for a horse lot himself in the | and that the Virginians do not be- 

woods and by chance came on the 
Fort, and confirms this also. The 
Piscataways ask for more powder 
having spent much of their store; 

lieve that the Senecas murdered 
these people and say all the murders 
now committed are by the Piscata- 
ways. And the Council think better 

and they ask to be allowed to move for the Piscataways and Mattawoman 
down to the Mattawomans."— (See 15 , to remove with their wives and chil- 
Md. Archives, p. 283). - _, .„ .. XT ,. , „ 

* dren to the Nanticokes for some time 

1680 — Council Decide to Help the till the Virginians do say that the 

Piscataways Against the Sus- I Senecas and Susquehannocks murd- 

quehannocks. i dered the people and that we may 

In 15 Md. Archives, p. 284, under j have time to Procure them a firm 

the date of May 17, it is set forth, j P eace witn the Senecas and Susque- 

"The proprietor and Council take in- j hannocks." 

to consideration the present condi- i At tne same Place it is set forth 
tion of the Emperor of the Piscata- that the Emperor of the Piscataways 
ways and the Indians under his com- ! was lately at the Susquehannock 
mand oppressed by the Senecas and \ Fort, conferring with the Susquehan- 
Susquehannocks. And the Emperor j nocks before he confers with the 
of the Piscataways having declared | English again. 

that he will not stay at the place of \ 1680— The Piscataways and Matta- 
his wasted habitation, but for security j 
remove himself and his men and their 
wives and children to the Matta- 
womans or other places of safety. 
Hla Lordship commanded the several I 

articles of peace with the said Em- | under the date of June 1, Captain 
peror and nations under him to be j Randolph Brandt gave this report, 
read of 1666-1670. He also, with the j "In obedience to your command of 
advise of his Council doth hereby ap- the 23rd. ult., I have communicated 
point Nanticoke River for the place \ with the Piscataways and Matta- 
for the said Emperor to receive his | womans and Mr. John Stone who 

woraans Blaine the English for 

Making Them Enemies of 

the Susquehannocks. 

In 15 Md. Archives, pp. 299 and 300 



conferred with them and they say 
they will not remove but will use 
their power to defend and when they 
can not hold out any longer, they will 
thrust themselves amongst the Eng- 
lish; and they also say they are be- 
come enemies of the Susquehan- 
nock Indians and all other Indians 
through the means of the English 
and for that reason they will not 
leave us. And the King of the Mat- 
tawomans allegeth that the Eastern 
shore Indians are as much their ene- 
mies as the Susquehannocks, occa- 
sioned by their going with us against 
the Nanticokes about two years ago." 

1680 — Susqueliannocks and Senecas 
Moving Foul on the Piscataways. 

In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch., 
p. 302 under date of June 5, 1680 is 
set forth a note from John Munn's 
relating to the Piscataways and it 
says: — "I suppose the great men had 
been down before this, but I hear the 
Susquehannocks and Senecas have 
been foul of them on Friday last, 
they having killed 7 of the Picata- 
way men. This information I have 
of James Jefferson, who came from 
the fort and brought a horse from 
there lately shot with an arrow." 

1680 — Susqiieliannocks Desert From 
the Seneca's Armies and Tribes. 

In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch., 
p. 305 under the date of June 16, 1680 
it is set out in a communication to 
Lord Baltimore as follows: "I have 
endeavored to inform myself by all 
ways and means what Indians did 
the late murders but they are still 
unknown. But I am of the opinion 
it was some of those Susquehan- 
nocks fled from the Seneca army and 
happily it may be those that did the 
mischief, for the several foregoing 
years along the same river. It does 
not appear to be the Senecas as I 
feared at first." 

We begin to see now that the Sus- 
quehannock Indians among the Sene- 
cas are held among them by force 
and that they are trying to escape 
I from them. We shall see shortly tnat 
| the Senecas quickly resented this 
i and determined to butcher a lnt of 
J them which brought on the appeal 
j by the Susquehannocks to Maryland 
! for help and Ninan Beall then led the 
i expedition to their aid. 

1680— The Beginning of Conestoga, 

Mombert hi his History of Lancas- 
i ter County, p. 25 says that about this 
j year "a settlement was planted by 
j the conquerors at Conestoga which 
! became the chief and place of Coun- 
cil seated on the Susquehanna below 
its fork. The residence were of the 
Five Nations, chiefly the Seneca 
Tribe but comprising some times 
Oneidas, Cayugas and Tuscaroras." 
By the Conquerors here he means the 
Senecas and others of the Five Na- 
tions whom we have been talking 

This is further attested to by the 
Dauphin County History Pamphlet 
where the author says that ''the In- 
dians whom Penn found in this lo- 
cality were beggar Iroquois (and 
that in 1682 there was not one of the 
Susquehannocks dwelling on his an- 
cient seats) and were representing 
themselves as Conestogas, not in 
blood but in occupation." Facts seen 
to prove him not entirely correct in 
this statement. 

1680 — Mattawomans Fear the Senecas 
and Their Susqiiehannock-Slaves. 

In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch., 
p. 313, under the date of July 6, it is 
set forth that "the King of the Mat- 
tawomans shows a medal in token of 
your Lordship's friendship to him 
and begins now to be in fear of the 
Susquehannocks and Senecas and 



pretends a want of arms and am- 
munition and intends speedily to 
make his address to you and thePis- 
eataways and sending scouts out 
daily have discovered the enemy (the 
Susquehannocks) and are in some 
doubt they will be foul of them before | 
the Fort is Finished." 

1681— More Light on the Location of 
the Susquehannocks Fort. 

In a communication found in Vol. 
6 of the Maryland Archives, p. 272 r 
dated January 25, 1681 it is stated 
that "the petition of Mr. Penn is read 
concerning a tract of land to be 
granted to him in America, but that 
it appeared by John Verden's letter j 
the part of. territory desired by him | 
is already possessed by the Duke of j 
York. He must apply to his Royal I 
Highness for adjusting this respec- 1 
tive pretention; and Mr. Penn being 
acquainted with the matter from the 
letter of Lord Baltimore's Agents, he 
does agree that the Susquehannock 
Fort shall be the boundary of the 
said Lord Baltimore's Province; and 
as to furnishing arms and ammuni- 
tion to the Indians Mr. Penn declares 
himself ready to submit to any re- 
straint his Lordship may propose." 

This item seems to refer to some- 
thing that passed between Penn and 
authorities representing Lord Balti- 
more at home in England because 
the date is before his arrival here. 
He seems to have had knowledge of 
the location of the Susquehannock 
Fort before coming to Pennsylvania. 
For our purposes it is interesting to 
some extent as fixing the location of 
this famous old Fort. This is a pro- 
ceeding which took place in England 
as is very evident from Hazard's 
Annals, pp. 475 and 476 and what the 
Maryland Archives quote as simply 
a report of it which was made from 
England to Maryland. 

1681— The Piscataways Much Frigh- 

In Vol 15 of the Md. Archives, p. 
336 it is set down that "the Pisca- 
taways and Mattawomans are very 
much frightened at the approach of 
the Susquehannocks and that they 
! are now in the Piscataway Fort for 
| safety and dare not stir out of it. 
| They claim that the help which they 
| gave the English as against the Sus- 
I quehannocks caused them this 

1681— The Susquehannocks Turn Out 
to Be Thieves. 

In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch., 
p. 372 it is stated that "a certain In- 
dian woman being examined for 
being accused of stealing a certain 
apron says that one of her children 
found them upon the ground and that 
she bought them from the Susque- 
hannocks at their Fort; and that they 
stole them. Being further examined 
she says that she thinks it was not 
the Susquehannocks but the Senecas 
that killed the English." 

1681 — Maryland Determines to Rid 
the Province of the Susque- 

In Vol 7 of the Maryland Arch., p. 
Ill, under the date of 1681 is set 
forth a speech of the Governor of 
Maryland to the Assembly, in the 
course of which he says, "You have 
not been called together for a long 

time , and had there not been 

some Indian murders by some In- 
dians not yet discovered, I should 
not have called you until October 
next; but being duly alarmed by the 
approach of a considerable party of 
Indians that have been discovered 
and discoursed with by Captain 
Brandt and very much apprehending 
a sudden attempt by them on our in- 
habitants, it is absolutely necessary 
you should meet to renew speedily 



those Articles of Peace made some 
years ago with the Senecas. We 
ought to cherish their friendship for i 
it must be by their means and as- 
sistance that we are able to hope to i 
rid the Province of these Susquehan- 
nocks and other mixed Indians that 
come early down and infest both 
Maryland and Virginia. Therefore I 
earnestly desire you to take this 
great and weighty affair into serious 
consideration and by some early I 
course secure the Senecas to be our j 
friends that they may be gained to | 
aid and assist us in cutting off these • 
enemies of ours (the Susquehan- j 
nocks) that certainly design our des- j 
truction as soon as they have taken 
from us our friends and neighbor In- 'j 

In this we see again how deter- 
.mined the Susquehannocks were to ; 
revenge themselves for the killing of 
their five chiefs in 1676. They seem- 
ed never to forget the slaughter. An- j 
other thing is noticeable here and I 
that is that the extracts stating that 
Ninian Beall slaughtered the Senecas 
in order to assist the Susquehan- 
nocks are wrong as we shall show \ 
later. That slaughter if there was j 
such was simply to rid the Province 
of Maryland of both Senecas and 
Susquehannocks alike. 

1681 — Susquehannocks Again Become 

Fearful of the Mischievous 


In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch., 
p. 374 it is set out under the date of 
June 25, 1681 that a Council held 
a letter of Colonel Brandt was receiv- 
ed saying, "I give you an account of 
my being at Zachariah Fort where I 
found the Indians much troubled for 
the loss of 13 of them being stolen 
away by the Senecas and in daily 
fear of being destroyed. Yesterday 
they say they discovered a Seneca 
near the Fort. The Senecas laid their 

corn fields down. I am apt to be- 
lieve these Indians are not Senecas 
but Susquehannocks separated in- 
to several parties; and the Sus- 
quehannocks are not now as friend- 
ly as the rest of us. 1 " 

1681— A Mattawoman Prisoner Who 
Escaped from the Senecas, Tells 
of the Condition of the Sus- 

In Vol 15 of the Maryland Arch., 
p. 390, Jackanapes an Indian belong- 
ing to the Mattawomans declares that 
on New Years day he was taken a 
prisoner by the Senecas frorn the 
Mattawoman Fort, that when they 
came now lately before Zachaiah 
Fort, he came with them; that about 
a day or two before they came to the 
Fort they sent out two canoes, in one 
10 Senecas and in the other 10 Sus- 
quehannocks and a Piscataway pris- 
oner whom they had taken as guide, 
with orders to go down the Potomac 
River and so to Patuxent to hunt for 
Indians who might be among the 

And on page 383 of the same book, 
under the date of June 30, Jacka- 
napes describes the location of the 
Susquehannocks and others at that 
date. He says that the Senecas live 
in four towns at the head of a great 
River that comes to the Bay (The 
Susquehanna), that East of them live 
the Quiaquas supposed to be friends 
j and eight Susquehannocks with them 
and that East of them the Ononda- 
! goes and 14 Susquehannocks with 
j them, farther East on a branch of 
the River and its source 17 Susque- 
hannocks, and further four towns of 
| Senecas and that where the river 
I and its branches come together is a 
j place of rendezvous of all these Na- 

This shows the southern boundary 
of New York along its whole length 
to have been the location indicated. 



1681— Maryland Orders No Quarter | 
to be Given to the Susquehan- 

In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch., j 
p. 384 under the date of June 30, 1681 | 
instructions are given by Maryland ; 
to Captain Brandt as follows: "Since 
we have certain intelligence that 
there have been 10 Susquehannocks 
and 10 Senecas dispatched from this 
great party down the Potomac, with 
a prisoner for their guide to try what 
Indians they can surprise, and since 
we have certain intelligence that 
when the Susquehannocks meet \ 
either Indians or English they give no 
quarter, it is appointed that the 
Northern Indians refuse to treat with 
Captain' Brandt at Zachaiah Fort is 
out of a design to do him mischief, to 
prevent this you are to demand: 

(1) Ten Piscataway Indians as 
guides to find those Northern Indians 
to treat with them; 

(2) Secure those Piscataway In- 
dians from all violence; 

(3) If foreigners assault you, to 
defend against it ; 

(4) Make no peace unless it in- 
clude the Piscataways and the Matta- 

(5) Let the foreign Indians know 
that we had several murders com- 
mitted of late, that we know there 
are 10 Susquehannocks and 10 Sene- 
cas sent down to fall upon the Eng- 

All this shows that the Senecas and 
with them the Susquehannocks are 
still murdering the English and as 
we shall soon see are fast drifting 
into a war with Maryland which 
turned out very disastrous to the In- 

1681— The Senecas and Susquehan- 
nocks Make Overtures for a New 
Fort on the Susquehanna 

In Vol. 17 of the Maryland Arch., 
p. 4, there is an item dated August 

22, 1681 in which the Senecas make 
it appear that the Susquehannocks 
show a redress to trust their for- 
tunes again to Maryland. They seem 
now to be in fear of their old con- 
querors the Senecas. The item is as 
follows: — Jacob Young who was a 
friend of the Susquehannocks and it 
seems had married a Susquehannock 
squaw now came (with several 
Northern Indians, and in behalf of 
them all), and says: "They desire 
they may have a house built at the 
Falls of the Susquehanna River and 
: that they may have the liberty of 
trading with the English when they 
| come down and if any English desire 
; to go to their country they will be 
safely conducted." 

This request is made by 10 Sene- 
| cas on behalf of their troop of 300 
1 warriors. This is really a trick on 
] the part of the Senecas to mislead 
' the Marylanders and also the Sus- 
j quehannocks. 

1G81 — State of the Susquehannocks 
Among the Five Nations. 

In Vol. 17 of the Maryland Arch., 
I p. 5 appears the following informa- 
tion given by the Onondagoes, Sene- 
cas and Oneidas who appear before 
Council and are asked how many Sus- 
quehannocks are there among them. 
They say "There are in all four 
forts — Onondagoes, 300 men — Onei- 
das, 180 men — Quiagoes (Cayugas), 
300 men — Mohawks, 300 — and among 
these four Nations are some Susque- 
hannocks but how many they can 
not tell. Some are among the real 
Senecas and they believe were the 
Susquehannocks, all together they 
would make about 100 fighting men. 
There are 14 Susquehannocks with 
the Oneidas, 7 with the Onondagoes 
but the chief of them are with the 
Mingoes joined to the Sennondoni- 
anes, but the chief of them are with 



the Cayugas." They also say there 
is another small nation called the 
Black Mingoes joined to the Sennon- 
donianes, who are to the right of the 
Senecas. This shows the scattered 
condition of the Susquehannocks at 
this time; part of them were down 
the river and part of them amongst 
the various tribes of the Five Na- 
1681 — The Iroquois Now Are Very 

Bold, Etc., And Threaten to Des- 
troy the Susquehannocks. 

In Vol. 62 of the Jesuit Relation, p. 
169 it is reported as follows: "that 
the utmost efforts must be used to 
prevent the Iroquois ruining the 
European Nations as they heretofore 
ruined the Algonquins, Susquehan- 
nocks (Andastes), Loups, Abenaques, 
and others," as these successers have 
made them very bold and haughty. 

1682— The Senecas Now Make Bold 
Preparations to Inyade Mary- 

In Vol. 7 of the Maryland Arch., 
p. 270 under the date of May 4, 
1682 is an article showing how Mary- 
land tries to defend against the 
Northern invasions. It is there set 
forth as follows: "We hope, both 
houses will consider: 

(1) That the Piscataways became 
enemies to the Susquehannocks 
merely upon the score of Articles of 
Peace made with Honorable Leonard 
Calvert, Esq., at first and afterwards 
by assisting us against the Susque- 
hannocks in the year of 1676. That 
it is the remnant of these Susque- 
hannock Indians that engage those 
Northern Indians with whom they are 
now incorporating to revenge. 
Thereupon the Piscataways remind- 
ing them that they (the Piscataways) 
formerly killed some Northern In- 
dians at St. Mary's because those 
Northern Indians had murdered Eng- 

lish in Patapsco and other places and 
| rendered the Piscataways suspected 
of being our friends. 

(2)- That if we abandon the Pisca- 
| taways they must incorporate them- 
! selves with the Northern Indians and 
j in that case become another engaged 
I enemy with the Susquehannocks 
j against them. 

| (3) That then no Nation (not even' 
the Northern Indians themselves) 
| will ever trust us more; and the 
! Nanticokes and the Eastern Shore In- 
dians must follow their example and 
! leave us friendless and utterly un- 
I able to deal with the skulking enemy 
I who war only by surprise." 

Efforts were now being made by 
| the Senecas to bring this about so 
I that a seperate invasion might be 
made into Maryland. 

1682— The Susquehannocks Incite the 
Senecas to Fall Upon Maryland. 

In Vol. 17 of the Maryland Arch., 
j p. 100, the following is set forth as 
! instructions to Colonel Coursey. 
j "There hath been some discourse as 
if those Northern Indians would be 
; hired to cut off the remnant of the 
Susquehannocks. If you find any 
truth in that fail not pursue that 
I point and purchase the peace of this 
j Province from the Senecas by extin- 
| guishing that viper's (Susquehan- 
| nocks) brood that never fails to kill 
I all English whenever they are the 
J greater number in any party and 
i make us feel the effects of war 
! though they. live under the shelter of 
| Nations that pretend a peace with 
us; and be sure to inculcate into the 
Northern tribes upon all treaties for 
the Piscataways, showing the north- 
ern Indians that we are doing no 
more in protecting the Piscataways 
than they do in protecting the Sus- 
quehannocks and that they ought in 
reason to allow us the same liberty 
i that they take to themselves." 



It is now evident that the relations 
between the Five Nations and the 
English of Maryland were very much 
strained and liable to produce the j 
flame of war at any time. And this j 
we shall see did shortly happen by 
Maryland protecting herself. 

1682— Colonel Ninan Beall Made 

In Vol. 17 of the Maryland Arch., 
p. 72 it was "ordered that six men in 
arms under the command of Colonel 
Ninian Beall be commanded out to 
continue ranging between the head of 
the Patuxent River and the branches 
there about, up to the Susquehannock 
Fort for the discovery of any In- 
dian enemy that may appear." 

1682— Ninian Beall's Expedition and 

Slaughter of Indians at Susque- 

hannock Fort. 

From all we can gather is seems 
that it was about this year that Nin- j 
ian Beall got into a bloody conflict | 
with the Senecas and Susquehan- 
nocks under the Senecas. The 
writers of Maryland History all take j 
the ground the Beall had this fight 
with the Senecas to help the Susque- | 
hannocks. I do not believe that the j 
real history sustains that. I believe j 
that the Susquehannocks were in 
enmity at this time as intensely as ; 
the Senecas, and all which we have 
just been citing undoubtedly shows 
that. There is, however, only small 
proof that there was a ^reat slaugh- 
ter and the historical writers take it 
for granted. They further show 
their unreliable information by not 
being able to fix the date. Lewis 
Evans in his "Analysis" which I have 
cited before at pp. 11 and 12 says the 
Five Nations "gave the finishing 
stroke to the extermination to the 
Susquehannocks. But Beall in the 
service of Maryland at the Fort 

whose remains are still standing on 
the East side of the Susquehanna 
about three miles below Wright's 
Ferry by the defeat of many hun- 
dreds had given them a blow which 
they never recovered of and for this 
reason the confederates (The Five 
Nations) never claimed back to the 
Conewago Falls." 

Evans and Ellis in their history of 
Lancaster County say, "the Govern- 
ment selected Ninian Beall to com- 
mand the troops (to help the Sus- 
quehannocks). At last a commander 
was chosen who was no coward. He 
marched with his forces up the left 
bank of the Susquehanna River to 
the town and fort which stood on 
what is now Witmer's farm. Colonel 
Beall took several small cannon with 
him. The exact date of the march 
and the time when the sanguinary 
battle was fought are not given but it 
must have been in the year 1675 or 
1676. Mr. Johnson in his history of 
Cecil county placed the period in the 
year of 1682." 

In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Records, 
p. 387 in the 22nd of July, 1707 one of 
the spokesmen of the Conestogas was 
asked by Governor Evans how long 
the Indians of that neighborhood 
were at peace with the Five Nations 
and the Indian replied 27 years. That 
would make the date of peace in 1680 
and of course the expedition if it was 
to help the Susquehannocks would 
have been before the Susquehan- 
nocks were at peace with the Five 
Nations. I believe however, that the 
answer of the Indian was wrong and 
that peace was not established before 
I the year 1682. ' 

The best authority we have on both 
i whether there was an expedition 
against the Five Nations and when it 
: occured is to be found in Vol. 5, 
j Second Series of the Pennsylvania 
! Archives, pp. 731 to 734. It is there 



set forth that a treaty of peace in 
that year was being made between 
the Five Nations and the Governor 
of Maryland and the proceedings of 
the treaty are there set out at large. 
At page 734, the Agent for Maryland, 
Colonel Henry Coursey says, to the 
different tribes of the Five Nations 
who were present, "You have killed 
our horses, cattle and hogs and rob- 
bed our houses and killed some of 
our subjects, whereby we were justly 
provoked to have made a war upon 
you, and dispatched away our 
troops to your country to have re- 
venge for the several mischiefs done 
to us." He then goes on to tell them 
at the same time the soldiers went 
to make the war, he now comes to 
make peace. This happened the' 4th 
of August, 1682. I would not know 
what else he could mean by saying 
that "we dispatched away our troops 
into your country to have revenge" 
unless he meant to refer to Colonel 
Beall's expedition. We have noticed 
in a former item that Beall was 
made Ranger at the beginning of the 
year 1682. I have no authentic 
proof that Beall had cannon with 
him or that he slaughtered many 
Senecss. I do not believe that there 
was an extensive slaughter and the 
authorities which I have just quoted 
would seem to show that Beall was 
only sent to frighten the Senecas and 
that before he did much killing peace 
was arranged. There is only one 
thing more to add and that is that 
this was the last warfare between the 
whites and the Indians on Pennsy- 
lvania soil in these early days until 
the French and Indian war broke out 
in 1755. This expedition of Beall 
thus happened a few months before 
William Penn arrived in his Pro- 

1682 — The Impeachment of Jacob 
In Vol. 7 of the Maryland Archives, 
p. 370 an impeachment against Jacob 

Young is set forth charging: 

(1) That Jacob Young not regard- 
ing due obedience which he as one of 
the people of this Province ought to 
his Lordship hath endeavored to 
alienate his affection from the Pro- 
prietary and the better to do it did 
contract marriage and take to wife an 
Indian woman of the Susquehannock 
Nation; by whom he had several 
children one or more of which is now 
among the Indians and he the said 
Jacob Young is more concerned for 
them than is this province: 

(2) That the said Jacob Young has 
so far espoused the interest of the 
Susquehannocks and other Northern 
Indians that in 1675 and several 
years since at Cecil county, even 
when the said Indians were enemies, 
did succor aid and assisted the Sus- 
quehannocks against the Piscata- 

(3) That the said Jacob Young to 
show his affection and kindness to 
those Susquehannocks has often in 
years and places aforesaid, given out 
in speeches and declared that the 
Susquehannocks are an innocent and 
harmless people and has palliated 
their rapine and justified their mur- 

(4) That while, employed by the 
Province to help bring about peace 
between the Province and the North- 
ern Indians, causing great outlays of 
tobacco, Jacob did secretly instigate 
hostilities to be continued and pre- 
vented peace: 

(5) That Jacob further declared 
his adherence to the said Susquehan- 
nocks and other Northern Indians by 
carrying on an oppressive war 
against the Piscataways on no other 
account than that the Piscataways 
did not assist the Susquehannocks in 
the late war by them made against 
the Proprietor and did make it his 
business to move and stir up the 



Susquehannocks to make war on the 
Piscataways; and did take upon him 
to travel to several parties, to the 
Susquehannocks then scattered in 
several parts of Maryland and Vir- 
ginia and rallying them did encour- 
age them in hostile manner to invade 
this Province: 

(6) And since his imprisonment he 
gives out that he has so much in- 
fluence over the Susquehannocks 
that he can make them do what he 
pleases; and when he was put in 
irons he now declares he will have 
revenge on those who put him in 

No comment is needed on this im- 
peachment as it explains itself. One 
or two points are worthy of notice, 
to wit: that the Susquehannocks 
were yet a source of annoyance and 
terror to Maryland and they evidently 
had influential friends such as this 
man Jacob Young and others of a 
similar standing. 

1682— Jacob Young's Answer. 

Jacob Young filed his answer to 
the above impeachment saying: 

(1) "That he denies he is an enemy 
of the Government. 

(2) He denies that he married a 
Susquehannock Indian woman and 
never had any children by such wife; 
and never was concerned for the Sus- 
quehannock Nation against Mary- 

(3) That in 1675 he did not live in 
Maryland but in Delaware and was 
sent for to come to Maryland to in- 
terpret for Maryland the Susquehan- 
nock language and that he several 
times at the risk of his life induced 
the Susquehannocks to be loyal 
to this Government and to stay with- 
in its bounds; and that he persuaded 
the Susquehannocks that were gone 
over the Delaware to come back, at 
great hazzard he sought out the said 
Susquehannocks and found them." 
(See 7 Md. Archives, pp. 386 to 391). 

1682— Susquehannocks Still Among 
the Senecas. 

In Vol. 17 of the Maryland Arch., 
p. 110 under date of May 30, 1682 
is set forth that "an express from 
New York brings advise that some 
hosts of Northern Indians are set out 
for these parts; and those that al- 
ready set forth were headed chiefly 
by the Susquehannocks and other 
war captains and are ill effected to- 
ward the Governor of Maryland. 
Therefore, to prevent blood-shed and 
surprise all the military commanders 
are to have timely notice." 

On the same subject there is a let- 
ter to Captain Blockhouse found in 
17 Maryland Archives, p. 203 which 
states, "Our humble request is that 
you will by the first opportunity that 
comes this way send a power from 
your hand to us to dispatch away 
from hence persons that we may em- 
ploy for our. money to present the 
Northern Indians; which are com- 
manded by the Susquehannocks of 
| whom we have too great cause to 
| fear for their designs against the 
I Christians." 

From this we see that the Susque- 
| hannocks living among the Senecas 
! were great agitators of strife and 
J kept the Colonists in mortal dread. 
| They had military power and were 
I natural leaders; and are now found 
: commanding and leading forth to 
I pillage bands of other Northern In- 
I dians. 

| 1682— Peace Between Maryland and 

the Five Nations, (Including the 

Susquehannocks Under Their 


In Vol. 5 of the Second Series of 
the Pennsylvania Archives, pp. 731 
I to 739 is set forth an extensive 
; treaty between Maryland and the 
| Five Nations; it is a long treaty and 
i is as follows: 



(1) That the parties will keep per- 
fect faith with each other: 

(2) That they will not join to- 
gether so as to overcome the other 
provides : 

(3) That if any Indian among any 
Christians or any of the Christians 
living among the Indians commit 
murder upon the other party that 
those so committing the murder 
shall be punished: 

(4) That the friendship with the 
Piscataways shall be kept and that 
all these provisions will be kept. 

This treaty also provides that if 
either parties have prisoners among 
them that they will give them up; 
this includes the Susquehannocks. 
1682 — The Susquehannocks Indians 
Meet William Penn. 

Rupp in his History of Lancaster 
County, p. 24, says, "that when the 
first grand treaty with the Indians" 
was held that Indians were present 
"from the shores of the Susquehan- 
na." The same is set forth in Lyle's 
History of Lancaster County, p. 3. 

Mombert in his History of Lancas- 
ter County, p. 49 says, "There were 
at least three Indian tribes present 
at the great treaty the Lenni Le- 
napes living near the Delaware; the 
Mingoes from Conestoga and the 
Shawanese from the Susquehanna. 
Penn was accompanied by a few 
of his friends." Mombert also quotes 
Janney in saying, "It was near the 
close of November, 1682, the ioftiers 
on the banks of the Delaware had 
shed their summer attire, the ground 
was strewn with leaves, and the 
Council fire burned brightly fanned by 
the breeze." He then goes on to tell 
how the Indians sat at the treaty and 
of their peculiar dress; that the 
chiefs were in front of the aged men 
in the form of a half moon; the 
young men and aged women and fur- 
ther back the youth of both sexes. 
He says that Penn was dressed like 

I the rest of his comrades, except he 
I had a sky-blue sash of silk net-work 
around his waist. 

Gordon in his History at page 603 
| in a note says that the Indians at 
j Conestoga in 1722 showed Governor 
I Keith a roll of parchment containing 
J a treaty which Penn made with them 
| and he says it was the great treaty. 
j He also quotes Mr. R. Cunningham 
I saying that he, Cunningham, discov- 
j ered an envelope in a bundle of pap- 
ers relating to the Shawnese Indians 
with the following endorsement, 
"Minutes of the Indian Conference in 
Relation to the Great Treaty made 
with William Penn at the Big Tree, 
I Shackamaxon on the 14th of the 10th 
j month, 1682." The papers are not to 
■ be found. As further proof that the 
I Conestogas were at Penn's treaty or 
j met Penn at one of the early treaties 
I at Philadelphia, this note sets out 
I that Tawenna a Conestoga chief at 
; a treaty held under Governor Gor- 
j don, May 26, 1729 made reply to a 
I speech which he the Indian Chief 
I said Penn had made to them under 
the Elm tree. Mombert also says at 
p. 48, citing Watson's Annals that 
William Penn in 1682 endeared him- 
self to the Indians, and that "he 
walked with them, sat with them on 
the ground and ate with them their 
roasted acorns and hominy. At this 
they expressed delight and soon be- 
gan to show how they could hop and 
jump, at which exhibition to cap the 
climax, William Penn sprang up and 
beat them all." This is given for 
what it is worth. 

Hockwelder in his narrative on the 
Indians, p. 77, in commenting upon 
the Paxtung murder of the Cones- 
togas that "they were the descen- 
dants of those ancient Conestoga In- 
dians who welcomed him upon this 
first arrival and presented him with 
venison, etc." He would therefore 



have us believe that when the In- 
dians of the Susquehanna Territory 
went to the great treaty and welcom- 
ed William Penn that they took veni- 
son and meat along as presents. 

1682— The Susquehannocks Move to j 
Turkey Hill. 

Lyle in her history states that in j 
this year the Susquehannocks moved ! 
to Turkey Hill on the Susquehanna. 
Turkey Hill is in Manor Township 
three miles below Columbia — (See 
Lyle's History, p. 20). At the same! 
page this history says that this time j 
Penn visited the Susquehannocks. 
I am inclined to think it was a year 
or two later; and this history also I 
states that Penn gave them their In- 
dian town of 500 acres in Manor 
Township about this same time — 
(See same page Lyle's History). 

There is no doubt that there was 
always a good feeling and amity be- 
eween Pennsylvania and the Susque- 
hanna Indian tribes and without a 
ripple. On p. 15 of Vol. 2 of the Col- 
onial Records is set forth the treaty 
with the Susquehannock Indians con- 
cerning lands in 1701, and the second 
paragraph states, "Hitherto there has 
always been a good understanding 
and neighborhood between the said 
William Penn and his Lieutenants 
since his first arrival in this Prov- 
ince and the several nations of In- 
dians inhabiting in and about the 
same." This all shows that there 
was very early friendly communica- 
tion and general good understanding 
between the tribes of Indians on the 
Susquehanna River and the Govern- 
ment of William Penn. 

1683 — Consultation on Jacob Young's 

Alleged Conspiracy With the 


In Vol. 7 of the Maryland Archives 
pp. 475 and 476 it is stated that the 
following proceeding took place be- 

fore the Maryland Council relative to 
Jacob Young. I quote it as follows: 
"The House find against Jacob Young 
that in 1677 when Colonel Henry 
Coursey was empowered by commis- 
sion from Thomas Notley to go to 
Albany to negotiate he took Jacob 
Young as an interpreter, and when 
Coursey after coming to Albany told 
Jacob Young that his commission was 
to conclude a peace Jacob answered 
that if he had known so much before 
he came thither that the Susquehan- 
nocks were not to be included in the 
peace he had rather given 20,000 
pounds of tobacco than to come 
along and that in 1682 when the 
Northern Indians came and besieged 
the Piscataway Fort, Colonel Coursey 
and Colonel Stevens sent as agents 
and Young as interpreter, Young in- 
quired why the Northern Indians 
came down to war with the Piscata- 
ways contrary to treaties which 
Young was to ask them, the said 
Young said nothing for some time but 
afterwards answered that if he had 
thought he was to have spoken of 
any such thing he would rather have 
given 20,000 pounds of tobacco than 
have come. Since his imprisonment 
he has said the Susquehannocks are 
an innocent people and that he can 
make them do what he will." 

The two Houses took this matter 
up but they finally disagreed about 
Jacob Young's punishment and, af- 
ter being imprisoned for some time 
he was discharged. 

The First of Penn's Purchases 
From the Indians of the Sus- 
quehanna River. 

The first purchase by Penn of 
land on the Susquehanna River which 
I can find is shown by a deed from 
Kepelappan found in Vol. 1 of the 
Penna. Archives, p. 67. It is as fol- 
lows: "I, Kekelappan, of Opaiskunk, 



for me, my heirs and Assigns, do 
hereby give and grant unto William 
Penn, Proprietary and Governor of 
ye Province of Pennsylvania, etc., his 
Heirs and Assignes, that half of all 
my lands betwixt Susquehanna and 
Delaware, which lyeth on the Sus- 
quehanna side; and do hereby fur- 
ther promise to sell unto him at ye 
next Spring, at my return from hunt- 
ting, ye other half of my land, at as 
reasonable rates as other Indians 
have been used to sell in this River. 
In witness whereof I have hereunto 
sett my hand and seal at Philadel- 
phia ye 10th of November, 1683." 

Just to what point the land ex- 
tends we can not now ascertain but 
we will notice that the deed recited 
that it is land between the Delaware 
and Susquehanna Rivers, lying on the 
Susquehanna side, therefore, it is a 
part of our county now. 

It seems that almost as soon as this 
purchase was made Penn's troubles 
began with the Five Nations, who as 
we have seen before were the owners 
of all this land by conquest, having 
subjugated the Susquehannocks. They 
made their dissatisfaction known to 
Governor Dungan of New York whc 
sent a letter dated the 18th of Sept- 
ember, 1683 to the Indian commis- 
sioners of New York which may be 
found in Vol. 1 of the Penna. Arch., 
p. 74 and is as follows: "Gentlemen: 
I have this day advised with the 
Councill, and after a serious con- 
sideration as a cause of so great Im- 
portance require, it is for good and 
weighty reasons thought very conven- 
ient and necessary to putt a stopp to 
all proceedings in Mr. Penn's affairs 
with the Indyns until his bounds & 
limits be adjusted, att ye determin- 
ing of which I think either to be per- 
sonally present or else send some 
person. You are, therefore, to suf- 
fer no manner of proceedings in that 
business, until you shall have posi- 

I tive orders from mee about itt, and 
j Mr. Haige, Esqr., Penn's Agent, is 
! to be acquainted with the contents 
I of this Letter. Gentlemen, I am, as- 
| su redly, Your Faithful Servant, 

As this letter plainly shows Dun- 
I gan says it was necessary to put a 
| stop to all Penn's proceedings with 
| the Indians on the Susquehanna at 
| present. The Susquehannock In- 
i dians who sold Penn land here plain- 
| ly were imposing a fraud upon him, 
j they knew that the Five Nations 
j owned the land and that they had no 
right to sell it. 

1683— Another of Penn's First Pur- 
chases From the Indians on the 
Susquehanna River. 

In Vol. 5 of the Maryland Archives 
p. 402 there is a letter written by 
William Penn, dated at New Castle, 
Oct. 16, 1683, which is as follows: 
"I do hereby declare that I have 
bought of Machaloha all his land and 
rights by the Delaware River and the 
River of Susquehanna and Bay of 
Chesapeake. And I do warn all per- 
sons that they presume not to settle 
thereon without my leave and that 
those that actually are or hereafter 
shall settle upon any part of the 
same do behave themselves justly 
and lawfully towards him and his fel- 
low Indians." 

Machaloha was one of the inferior 
chiefs of the Susquehannocks but I 
am not able to say whether he was 
a pure Susquehannock or a represen- 
tative of some of the Northern con- 
federates. But further particulars of 
this purchase may be found in Vol. 
1 of the Penna. Archives, p. 67 
where this Machaloha under the date 
of October 18, 1683. in a deed says 
that he is the owner of all the lands 
from the Delaware River to the 
Chesapeake Bay and up to the Falls 



of Susquehanna and that he d<5es sell 
the same unto William Penn and ac- 
knowledging- that he has received 
part of the purchase money and that 
the remainder is to be paid in the 
Spring. This is delivered in the pre- 
sence of Edward Cantwell, Lasse 
Cock and several others. 

1683— The Next Step Taken by the 

Susquehanna Indians About 

Their Lands. 

Something of Penn's manner of 
dealing with the Indians is told us | 
by Mombert in his History, p. 51, j 
where he says that on one occasion 
Penn unrolled a parchment and ex- j 
plained the articles of a treaty of | 
purchase and said by these that they 
would be protected in their lawful 
pursuits even in the lands which they 
had given away. Then, says Mom- 
bert, Penn laid the roll of parchment 
on the ground and told them to ob- 
serve it as a sign that the land should 
belong to both. That then he took 
the parchment again and handed it 
to the Chief and told them that they 
should keep it safely for three gen- 
erations so that their children might 
know what had taken place. 

These Indians after having sold 
Penn two tracts of land above men- 
tioned now sell it all to Governor 
Dungan of New York. We can not tell 
whether they did this because they 
were afraid of the Five Nations or 
because they wanted to give Penn 
more trouble. We shall see a little 
later that the Iroquois demanded that 
Penn should not settle any white 
people on the Susquehanna River. 
Governor Dungan himself tells about 
his getting possession of the lands on 
Susquehanna and speaking about the 
Indians who lived on that river he 
says, "They have all of them agreed 
to give Susquehanna River to me and 
I have it under their hands to show 

for it. All that I desire of you for my 
own security is that you will engage 
in case his Royal Highness be fond of 
their gift, that you will save me 
harmless," — (See Vol. 1 of Penna. 
Archives, p. 77). 

And under the date of October 22, 
1683, Dungan writes another letter 
to Penn and says, "All business goes 
here to great satisfaction; the Sus- 
quehanna River is given me by the 
Indians by a second gift about which 
you and I shall not fall out. I de- 
sire we may join heartily together 
to advance the interest of my master 
and your good friend." — (See Vol. 1 
of Penna. Archives, p. 80). Penn had 
a good deal of reason to be suspi- 
cious of these New York transactions. 
One of his friends John West in a let- 
ter dated October 16, 1683, which 
may be found in Vol. 1 of the Penna. 
Archives, p. 79, writing from New 
York says," "Your affairs about the 
Susquehanna land are well effected, 
though the people of Albany, jealous 
of their trade much oppose you inter- 
j est therein; for the particulars of 
! which I refer you to the Commis- 
; sioners." 

A few months later as may be seen 

' by Thomas Dungan's letter to Wil- 

I liam Penn in Vol. 1 of the Penna. 

' Archives, p. 84 relations were quite 

strained between him and Penn; and 

i he wrote under the date of March 17, 

j 1684 from New York to Penn and 

i among other things he says, "I fear 

you coveting your neighbors' lands 

would do much prejudice, and this I 

say out of a concern and sense of 

kindness for you." 

We may observe here that Penn 
1 did have a great deal of difficulty in 
! getting these lands back and it was 
I not until 12 years later, in 1696; that 
j he succeeded in having them deeded 
: back by Governor Dungan. But this we 
i will notice later. 



There can be no doubt that they 
were conveyed by Dungan from 
what I have said above but there is 
an additional evidence in Vol. 4 of the 
Colonial Records, p. 708 where Can- 
assatego, an orator of one of the Five 
Nations making a speech in the Lan- 
caster Court House on June 26, 1744 
said to the Governor of Maryland, 
"We are now straitened and sometimes 
in want of deer and liable to many 
other inconveniences since the Eng- 
lish came among us, and particularly 
from the pen and ink work which is 
going on at the table (pointing to the 
secretaries), and we will give you 
an instance of this. Our brother 
Onas a great while ago came to Al- 
bany to buy the Susquehanna lands 
of us, but our brother the Governor 
of New York, who as we suppose had 
not a good understanding with our 
brother Onas advised us not to sell 
him any for he would make ill use 
of it; and pretending to be our friend, 
he advised us, in order to prevent 
Onas's or any other persons impos- 
ing on us and that we might always 
have our land to put it in his hands 
and told us he would keep it for our 
use, and never opened his hands and 
let it get out. We trusted him, we 
put our lands into his hands, and 
charged him to keep it safe for us 
but he went away to England and 
carried our land with him and then 
sold it to our brother Onas for a 
large sum of money; and when, at 
the instance of our brother Onas we 
were minded to sell him some land, 
he told us that we had sold it al- 
ready to the Governor of New York 
and that he bought it from the Gover- 
nor of New York, and that he had 
bought it from him in England; 
though when be came to understand 
how the Governor of New York had 
deceived us, he generously paid us 
for our lands over again." 

All this goes to show that about 

1683 either through deception or 

otherwise these Susquehanna lands 

were put into the hands of the Gov- 

| ernor of New York as we have above 

I stated. 

Further reference as to the Susque- 

| hanna Indians making their title 

j over to the Governor of New York 

! may be found in Vol. 3 of the Col. 

I Records, p. 97, where James Logan 

j while at Conestoga told the Indians 

| that they knew "the Five Nations had 

I long since made over all their rights 

j to the Susquehanna to the Governor 

| of New York." And likewise at p. 

j 101 of the same book he says that the 

l Five Nations had frequently acknow- 

| ledged that they had sold the Sus- 

j quehanna lands to Governor Dungan. 

Therefore whether this was done 

| for the benefit of Dungan. because the 

I Iroquois were angry on account of 

the petty Susquehanna chieftains 

having sold a couple small tracts to 

Penn and thus determined to put it 

out of their power to do so we can 

not tell; but at any rate it caused 

Penn a great deal of trouble to get 

the title back again. 

1683 or 1684— Perm's First Visit to 
tlie Indians on and About the 

Susquehanna River. 

By some historians it is taken as 
proved that William Penn was among 
the Indians of the Susquehanna 
River twice, once in 1683 or in the 
early summer of 16S4 just before he 
departed for England in the Fall of 

1684 and once in 1701 immediately 
before leaving for England the sec- 
ond time. Other historians doubt 
that the first visit was made. There is 
no absolute proof that it was made 
but there is a considerable amount 
of evidence at hand; and I will now 
give from the books those facts which 
are considered proof that Penn visit- 



ed these Indians of the Susquehanna 
River in 1683 or 1684. There is no 
doubt, whatever about his second 
visit and that we will take up in its 

Penn perhaps about 1683 or 
1684 sent parties to view the Susque- 
hanna River. In Vol. 19 of the Sec- 
ond Series of the Penna. Archives, 
p. 13 there is a letter written by 
William Penn to his cousin William 
Markham and others, dated 1686, in 
which speaking of the Susquehanna 
and land there he shows much fam- j 
iliarity with that river saying, "I 
hereby order you to take up the most j 
convenient place, that is to say the j 
canoable branch of the West side of 
Schuylkill about 30 miles from the 
town (Philadelphia) 10,000 acres for 
my daughter Gulielma Maria Penn; 
'Tis that which goes towards the Sus- 
quehanna by which they rode when 
Ralph Frewell went to view the 

I quote this simply to show that 
before Penn left Pennsylvania for 
England in the Fall of 1684 he sent 
Fretwell to view the Susquehanna. I 
shall now adduce some facts which 
tend to show that Penn hmself fol- 
lowed and investigated the Susque- 
hanna Country for himself. 

(I) In Vol. 1 of the Colonial Re- 
cords, p. 114, under the date of June 
11, 1684 it was reported to Council 
thct "Samuel Land's letter was read 
informing the Governor and Council 
that Jonas Askins heard Colonel Tal- 
bot say that if Governor Penn should 
come into Maryland he would sie~e 
him and his retaine (retinue) in their 
journey to the Susquehanna Fort." It 
was also the same day ordered that 
William Welch shall take, under oath, 
the statement of Jonas Askins con- 
cerning what Talbott said. 

In this it will be plainly seen that 
Talbot speaks as if it was the cus- 

tom of William Penn to go to the 
Susquehanna Fort and it to my mind 
is a strong proof that Penn prior to 
this date, 1684 was personally on the 
Susquehanna River conferring with 
the Susquehannock Indians. 

(2) When Penn put out the pro- 
spectuses of his town which he in- 
tended to build on the Susquehanna 
found in Vol. 1 of Hazard's Reg. p. 
400 under the date of 1690, he said 
in the prospectus "that which recom- 
mends this settlement is the known 
goodness of the soil and situation of 
the land which is high and salu- 
brious, also the pleasantness and 
largness of the River being clear and 
not rapid and broader than the 
Thames at London Bridge many 
miles above the place intended for 
this settlement." He also then tells 
of the timber growing there saying 
that it is oak, ash, chestnut, walnut, 
etc.; he speaks of the native fruits 
which were grapes, pawpaws, chest- 
nuts and others, of the fish and wild 
animals of the place. 

In this he shows such a familiarity 
of the Susquehanna River as would 
lead one to think that he actually 
saw it up to the place where this set- 
tlement was to be located, viz.: from 
the mouth of the Conestoga Creek 15 
miles northward. If he did see it be- 
fore 1690, it must have been before 
1684, since as we have stated before 
he left Pennsylvania for England in 
the Fall of 1684. 

(3) About 1685 William Penn wrote 
what is called "A Further Account 

J of the Province of Pennsylvania." 
| This he wrote while he was in Eng- 
1 land. It was a very rare pamphlet 
and would sell at an enormous price. 
; It is dated Worminghurst Place, the 
12th of the 10th month, 1685. In 
this account he says speaking upon 
the seasons, etc., "I have made a dis- 
covery of about 100 miles West and 



find those black lands richer in soil, 
woods and fountains than those by 
the Delaware, especially upon the 
Susquehanna River." 

In this he almost in as many 
words says that he personally made 
this discovery and if that is so then 
he visited this Susquehanna River 
and the Indians living upon it be- 
fore 1683. 

(4) In a letter which Penn wrote 
dated the 14th of August, 1683 to 
the Lords of Trade and Plantations 
found in Vol 1 of Proud's History, 
p. 267, speaking of the difficulties 
which Penn had with Lord Balti- 
more, he says at page 271, "I sent 
an express to pray the time and 
place where I should meet him (Lord 
Baltimore). I followed close upon 
the messenger that no time might be 
lost. I sent three gentlemen to let 
me know if he would meet me at the 
head of the Bay of Chesapeake; I 
was then in a treaty with the Kings 
of the natives for land; but three 
days after we met 10 miles from New 
Castle which is 30 miles from the 

In this it may be said that the 
treaty he spoke of with the natives 
for land in this neighborhood about 
the head of the Chesapeake Bay 

(5) In Vol. 2 of Watson's Annals, 
p. 209, Mr. Watson speaks of Nebo- 
waway an Indian chief of the Dela- 
wares. Watson says that this chief's 
name appears among the signers of 
the treaty at Conestoga in 1718 and 
in his childhood he is said to have 
seen William Penn on his second 
visit in 1701 (to Conestoga). If Wat- 
son considers this visit of Penn in 
1701 as the second visit of Penn to 
Conestoga, he himself believes there 
was a first visit, which of course was 
prior to 1701, and as Penn was in 
England from 1684 to 1700 it likely 
refers to a visit in 1684. 

(6) In Vol. 1 of Proud's History, 
p. 214 one of the old Conestoga 
chiefs in 1721 is quoted as saying in 
the conference held at Conestoga that, 
they never should forget the Counsel 
that William Penn gave them and 
that they would always keep it in 
mind. This may have reference to 
his early visit up into this Country. 

(7) Oldmixon in his history of 
Pennsylvania in 1706 speaking of 

! Penn's visit says that some time 
J prior to the year of 1685 Penn made 
I a journey into the interior of the 
| Province (See Oldmixon's History 
I in Vol. 5 of Haz. Reg., p. 164). What 
I Oldmixon savs is "Mr. Penn__in thp 


■ ilit; o Ml 

1 1 4 

i . i. 

I lljit 



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.; ■ B, 

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; ; 






' 1 







William J. Buck in his book called 
"William Penn in America," p. 132 
commenting upon this says that the 
journey was made on horse-back and 
it may possibly be one of those to 
which Thomas Fairman alludes as 
having accompanied him. The par- 
ticular object was says Buck to be- 
come more acquainted with the Pro- 
vince and its natural produce as well 
as the Indians living therein. From 
actual observation Buck also says, p. 
132 that it is to this journey that 
William Penn refers when in 1685 he 
states that he has made a discovery 
of the fertile lands on the Susque- 
hanna River. This seems to be an- 
other proof that Penn visited the 
Susquehanna River in 1684. 

(8) In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Re- 
cords, p. 553, under the date of 1712 
it is stated that several Indians from 
Conestoga came to Philadelphia and 
the war-captain of the Conestogas in 
his speech said that the Proprietor 
Governor Penn "had at his first com- 
ing among them made an agreement 
with them that they should always 
live as friends and brothers." It 
may be seen that in the words "com- 
ing amongst them" this Indian refers 
to Penn coming up to the Conestoga 
and Susquehanna and not simply to 
his coming to Pennsylvania, and as 
it refers to his "first" it may refer 
to a visit of 1683 or 1684. 

(9) In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Re- 
cords, p. 154 it is stated under the 
date of 1721 quoting a speech again 
of Captain Civility that "William 
Penn made a firm peace and league 
with the Indians in those parts 
(Conestoga) nearly 40 years ago 
which has often been renewed and 
never been broken." And again at 
page 11 of the same book under the 
date of 1722, Governor Keith at Con- 
estoga said "the last time that I was 
with you at Conestoga you showed 

me a parchment you Lad received 
from William Penn," which may 
again refer to this early visit. 

(10) In the American Weekly Mer- 
cury of May 30, 1728 where there is 
an account contained of the journey 
made by Governor Keith to the Con- 
estoga Indians on a treaty, the re- 
port after giving a growing charac- 
ter of the treaty states that the In- 
dians said they "never had such a 
satisfactory speech made to them 

| since the great William Penn spoke 

| to them hence." This seems to refer 

to William Penn coming to see these 

I Indians when he first came to his 

I Province likely some time in 1683. 

An account of this same visit is 

found in the Colonial Records, and 

also in Rupp's History, pp. 198-199. 

(11) A thing which may be con- 
sidered somewhat confirmatory of 

I Penn having been about the Susque- 

j hanna in 1683 is found in Vol. 1 of 

I Watson's Annals, p. 143. at which 

i place he says that a treaty was made 

| on the 30th of July, 1685 for land to 

j extend two days' journey or as far as 

a man can go in two days back into 

the country, which was back to the 

Susquehanna River, and it is likely 

that Penn examined this land and 

knew what it was. 

(12) Penn may be referring to the 
land along the Susquehanna River in 
his letter to the Free Society cf 
Traders written in 1683, found in Vol. 
1 of Proud's History where he says 
at page 247, "the back lands are gen- 
erally three to one richer than those 
that lie by the navigable rivers." 

He speaks here as if he saw the 
back land personally and it is well 
know that the Susquehanna was not 
navigable, therefore we give this as 
one of the items of proof with the 
others which may show that Penn 
was among the Susquehanna Indians 
as early as 1683. 



These we consider the chief reasons 
which prove or tend to prove that 
William Penn paid the Susquehanna 
River and its natives the compliment 
of a personal visit some time in 1683 
or 1G84. We do not contend that it 
is absolutely proven hut there is 
much in what we have just quoted 
to conclude that he was here. He 
also shows at another place consider- 
able familiarity with this country 
where he says in the same letter in 
Vol. 1. cf Proud's History, concerning 
the Indians that, "I have had occa- 
sion to be in Council with them upon 
treaties for land and to adjust the 
terms of trade." And in the same 
book, p. 262 as a part of the same 
letter, he says concerning the loca- 
tion of the Susquehanna that "the 
Susquehanna tends to the heart of 
the Province and on both our own 
land." This may further indicate 
that he saw the Susquehanna River. 

1684 — The Susquehanna Indian 
Tribes Debauched by the Mary- 
land Rum Sellers. 

In Vol. 1 of Proud's History, p. 284 
he says that it was about this time 
(1684) that the laws to prevent liquor 
being sold to the Indians did not an- 
swer the purpose for the English of 
Maryland in a clandestine manner 
still procured rum. All that William 
Penn could do did not help matters 
very much and much blood-shed oc- 
curred because of the drunkenness 
about the Susquehanna River. 

1684 — Governor Dungan (Jh es Penn 
Advice About Susquehanna In- 
dian Trade. 

In Vol. 5 of the Sec. Series of the 
Pennsylvania Archives, p. 754 is 
found a report of Governor Dungan 
dated 1684 in which he says page 755 
in reference to the Susquehannocks 
that "those Indians about 40 years 

ago annexed their lands to this Gov- 
ernment and have renewed the same 
with every Governor since but I can 
not get out traders to live upon the 
Susquehanna River.' As to this an- 
nexation see p. 33 ante. 

Dungan also says, in speaking of 
the Susquehannocks' land union with 
New York Indians and Penn's desire 
to buy the Susquehanna lands, "I 
can not believe that it was the King's 
intention to grant away so much of 
this Government. .. .if therefore his 
Majesty were pleased to have a line 
run from 410 40 3 in Delaware River 
to the Falls upon the Susquehanna 
and let Mr. Penn keep all below that 
it would be sufficient for him the 
bounds below it would contain more 
than all England besides the lower 
Counties which is near upon 100 
miles from the Cape to the River and 
breadth more than 30 miles." 

The New York Governor here 
thinks it a great mistake that Penn's 
Province should extend so far as its 
present boundary and that Indian 
difficulties arise from this cause. 

1684 — Dungan Proposes a Fort on the 

Susquehanna River to Command 

Indian Trade. 

Governor Dungan in Vol. 5 of the 
Sec. Series of the Penna. Archives, 
p. 756 says, "to preserve the Beaver 
and Peltry Trade for Albany and to 
encourage our beaver hunters, I de- 
sire to erect a campagne Fort upon 
Delaware River in latitude 410 and 
| 40 1 ; another upon the Susquehanna 
where his Majesty shall think fit that 
Penn's boundary should terminate; 
and another at Oneigra near the 
Great Lake the way where our people 
go beaver-hunting, it being very nec- 
essary for the support of trade and 
maintaining a correspondence with 
the Indians." 

In this we see that the Governor 



of New York was determined on con- 
trolling the trade of the Susquehanna 
Indians for which purpose he wanted 
the Fort at the Falls of the Susque- 
hanna, and by which means he want- 
ed to take about half of the Province 
of Pennsylvania. 

1684— The Five Nation* Oppose Wil- 
liam Penn Settling the Susque- 
hanna Kiver, Instigated by 

In the same book last quoted, p. 
753 we are given a glance of what 
the Onondagoes, Cayugas and others 
think of Penn's Susquehanna activi- 
ties. It is there set forth by these 
two tribes of the Five Nations thatv 
they have put themselves and their 
lands under the protection of the 
King and have given the Susque- 
hanna River to the Governor of New 
York; they propose that "Penn's 
people must not settle under the Sus- 
quehanna River." The writer then 
goes on to say, "my Lord Effingham 
is desired to take notice that Penn's 
agents would have bought the Sus- 
quehanna river of them, but they 
would not, but fastened it to the 
Government of New York; they being 
a free people uniting themselves to 
the English,it may forever be in their 
(Susquehannocks) power to give 
their lands to what Sachem they 

It is not difficult to see here how 
much influence the Five Nations act- 
ing with the Governor of New York 
had in seducing the Susquehannocks 
away from Penn's interests, thus giv- 
ing Penn very serious problems to 
deal with. 

As further evidence of the diffi- 
culty that William Penn had in buy- 
ing the Susquehanna lands from the 
Indians I quote what one of the Five 
Chiefs said at Philadelphia on July 
3, 1727, concerning these purchases 

in 1683 and 1684. This chief was at 
Philadelphia with several others and 
he said that when Penn was at Al- 
bany trying to buy the Susquehanna 
land, he (Penn) said to the Five Na- 
tions, 'Well, my brethren you have 
gained the victory. You have over- 
come the people and the land is 
yours. We shall buy them of you. 
How many commanders are there 
among you? And being told there 
were 40, he said: "If you will come 
down to me I will give each of these 
commanders a suit of clothes such as 
I wear,"— (See 3 C. R., 372). From 
this we see that Penn had to go tit) 
New York to deal. 

1685— Penn Succeeds in Making An- 
other Land Purchase, Stretching 
Back to the Susquehanna 

In Vol. 1 of Watson's Annals, pp. 
142 and 143 is set forth a land treaty 
under the date of the 30th of July, 
1685 between Penn on the one part 
and Shackoppoh, Secane, Malibore 
and Tangoras, Indian Shackamakers 
and owners of the land between 
Chester Creek and Dublin Creek be- 
ginning at Conshohookin (Matson's 
Fort) on the River Schuylkill then 
to go northwestwardly to the woods 
to make up two full days' journey, as 
far as a man can travel in two days, 
which Watson says extends back to 
the Susquehanna River and no fur- 
ther at that time in that treaty, the 
consideration is 200 fathoms of wam- 
pum, 30 guns, 60 fathoms of strawd- 
! waters, 30 kettles, 30 shirts, 20 gun 
belts, 12 pairs of stockings, 30 pairs 
I of scissors, 30 combs, 30 axes, 30 
| knives, 20 tobacco tongs, 30 bars of 
I lead, 30 pounds of powder, 30 awls, 
j 30 glasses, 30 tobacco boxes, 3 papers 
j of beads, 44 pounds of red lead, 30 
i pairs of hawks' bells, 6 drawing 



knives, 6 caps, and 12 hoes. We can 
not tell much about the boundaries 
of this strange sale of lands, but the 
deed for the same may be seen in 
Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p. 92. 
There is, however a letter by Thomas 
Holmes to the Indians above named 
briefly describing this land dated the 
7th of July, 1688 which may be found 
in Vol. 3 of the Memoirs of the His- 
torical Society, Part 2, p. 131. As it is 
connected with this purchase but at 
the same time contains items falling 
under 1688, I will notice it at large 
under the latter date of 1688 to which 
date the reader is referred for the 
full particulars under an item en- 
titled, "The Boundaries t>f the Walk- 
ing Purchases of 1685 and 1686 ex- 
tending to Susquehanna River, and 
the Fixing of the Boundary lines 

1685— Another Tract Purchased by 

Penn Which May Extend to the 

Susquehanna River. 

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, 
p. 95, there is set forth a deed from 
Petkhoy Kekelappan, Feomus Mack- 
aloha and Packenah and several 
other Indians for all the land be- 
tween Duck Creek and Chester Creek 
along the West side of the Delaware 
and between the two creeks back 
ward as far as a man can ride in tw 
days with a horse for the considera- 
tion of 20 guns, 20 fathoms of Mate: 
coats, 20 fathoms of strawdwater, 20 
blankets, 20 kettles, 20 pounds of 
powder, 100 bars lead, 40 tomahawks 
100 knives, 40 pairs of stockings, 1 
barrel of beer, 20 pounds of red lead, 
100 fathoms of wampum, 30 glass 
bottles, 30 pewter spoons, 100 awl 
blades, 300 tobacco pipes, 100 hands 
of tobacco, 20 tobacco tongues, 20 
steels, 300 flints, 30 pairs of scissors, 
30 combs, 60 looking-glasses, 200 
needles, 1 skiple of salt, 30 pounds of 

shugar, 5 gallons of mollasses, 20 to- 
bacco boxes, 100 juice harps, 20 hows 
30 gimlets, 30 wooden borers, and 100 
strings of beads. 

Two days of horse-back riding 
would bring one to the Susquehanna 
River but at what part of the river 
this land joins it, we cannot tell 
either to what extent the Susque- 
hanna Indians joined in the deed but 
we to recognize in it the names of 
Mackaloha and Kepelappan, who by 
prior deeds each sold small pieces of 
land towards the Susquehanna River 
as the deeds themselves show, for 
which see ante. 

This tract is also similar to the one 
preceding and therefore Thomas 
Holmes' letter likely refers to it as 
well as to the preceding tract for 
these are both "walking purchases." 
See under the date of 1688 the letter 
of Holmes and the other explanations 
under the title "The Boundaries of 
the Walking Purchases of 1685 and 

1686 Extending to the Susquehanna 
River, and the Fixing of the Bound- 
ary Lines Thereof." 

1687— Council Orders that No Offense 

be Given the Susquehanna 


The first few years of Penn's Gov- 
ernment gives us very little on the 
subject of the Indians of the Susque- 
hanna Country. It is said that they 
were present at the great treaty at 
Philadelphia and frequeDtly went to 
Philadelphia., but there is very little 
official record of it. However, at the 
Council meeting on the 10th of May, 

1687 it was ordered that "as to the 
Susquehanua and Schuylkill Indians, 
we hope s-ich care and diligence will 
be taken as will give no just occasion 
for offense." This order was called 
forth because a letter from the Gov- 
ernor of New York stated there was 
likely to be difficulty between the 



Susquehanna Indians and 
York subjects. 

the New 

1687— Indian Koad or Trail from the 
Susquehanna River to the Dela- 
ware River. 

William Penn writing in 1690 says 
that "three years ago" a road was 
definitely cut and laid out between 
Philadelphia and the Susquehanna 
country which he says is the course 

1688— The Boundaries of the Walking: 
Purchases of 1685 and 1686 Ex- 
tending: to Susquehanna River, 
and the Fixing of the 
Boundary Lines 
Under the date of the 7th of July, 
1688 Thomas Holmes wrote a letter 
to the Indian Chiefs who sold to 
Penn in 1685 and 1686 the land 
stretching from the Susquehanna 

the Indians on the Susquehanna took Riyer tQ the De iaware River, which 
when trading in Philadelphia. He j IeUer may be £ound ^ Vq1 3 Qf the 
says they also had a way by water , Memoirs of the Historical Society, 

; part 2, p. 131 and is entitled "A letter 
as to Indian Lands at Susquehanna 
and the article in which it occurs is 
called "Indian Treaties for Lands 
Now the Site of Philadelphia" by 
John Watson. This letter is as fol- 
lows: "To My Very Loving Friends: 
Malibor and 
Tangoras, Indian Kings, and to Mack- 

Susquehanna (which I believe is the 
Conestoga), thence down a branch 
which flows into the Schuylkill 30 
miles from Philadelphia (which I be- 
lieve is French Creek). The sources 
of the Conestoga and French Creek 

are only a few miles apart and this j Shakahoppah 7 Secan ; 
was likely the Indian course. What 

Penn says of the trail may be found | ' "~^r~ ~ m """' Z n< • u~ 

„ , 7? M ,, a . n inn r ' ecarbo, Wawoan, Tenoughan, Tericha 

in Vol. 1 of Hazard's Reg., p. 400. I j ., _ „„,,,„ TnAtn „ a^^^.v 

cite this to show that there were 
Susquehanna Indian trade activities 

Neson, Haiken, Indian Shackamak- 
ers: W T hereas I have purchased and 
bought of you, the Indian Kings and 

at this time with the Philadelphia j Shackamakers for the use of William 
settlement. Penn &n yQur landg frQm Pamapeck 

1687-RaIuh Fretwell's Visit to the | Creek to u P land Creek and so back ~ 

ward to Chesapeake Bay and Susque- 

Susquehanna Indians. 

In Vol. 19 of the Second Series of 
the Penna. Archives, p. 13 there is 
a letter from William Penn referring 
to the Susquehanna Country dated 
1687 and in it he speaks of Ralph 

hanna two days' journey — that is to 
say as far as a man can go in two 
days as under the hands and seals of 
you the said Kings may appear; and 
to the end I may have a certain 
knowledge of the lands backwards 

Fretwell having ridden out to view j and that I may be enabled and be 
that river, the Susquehanna. What [ provided against the time for running 
Fretwell's mission was I can not tell j the said two days' journey I appoint 
except it may have been connected ! and authorize my loving friend Ben- 
with the Susquehanna project and it I jamin Chambers, of Philadelphia/with 
may have been taken before 1687 but j a convenient number of men to as- 
we can not tell anything about that. ! sist him to make out a westerly line 
It is quite certain, however, that he from Philadelphia to Susquehanna, 
had a conference with the Indians i that so the said line may be prepared 
in that section for the benefit of the ! and made ready for said two days' 
Province of Pennsylvania. | journey backward hereafter when no- 



tice is given you, the said Kings.... 
....Witness my hand & seal the 7th 
of the fifth month called July, being 
the fourth year of the reign of the 
Great King of England and the eighth 
of our Proprietor William Penn's 


In the same book and on the same 
page John Watson says, "The fore- 
going is recorded in a large folio in 
the Land Office at Harrisburg in 
Book 14, 'Old Surveys and Registry 
of Land Warrants.' With the same 
paper is a diagram of the ground plot 
of the survey. It goes in a direct line 
from Philadelphia to a spot on the 
Susquehanna River about three miles 
above the mouth of the Conestoga 
Creek near a spot marked 'Fort De- 
molished.' The lines cross two In- 
dians paths, running each Northwest 
by North, the first at 15 miles from 
Philadelphia, at 'Rocky Run' and the 
other 38 miles distant near 'a rivulet' 
two miles beyond 'Doe Run.' " 

It might be a matter of curiosity 
at this day to observe and ascertain 
the precise locality of those primitive 
roads and passes used from time im- 
memorial by the aborigines probably 
the only ones so specificially marked 
in our country. 

It will be observed that even be- 
fore Penn's day there had been a 
Fort constructed by some Christian 
people upon the shores of that (Sus- 
quehanna) river. 

This throws some light on both of 
the walking purchases and shows that 
they both extended back to the Sus- 
quehanna River. As to these pur- 
chases see the Articles under the 
date of 1685, setting forth these two 
purchases the one as far back as a 
man could walk in two days the 
other as far back as a man could 
ride in two days, both reached the 

There is a tradition that the In- 
| dians were much dissatisfied with 
j a purchase that Penn had made from 
| them to be measured by walking and 
j the objecton that the Indians made 
i was that while it was to be measured 
( in that manner the young English- 
| men walked farther and faster than 
| they expected, in fact they complain- 
| ed that they ran or as they put it, 
| "young brother make a big walk." 
j This as we have said before is also 
j another authority on the location of 
j the Susquehanna Fort, to wit: three 
miles above the mouth of the Cones- 
I toga Creek which would place it on 
: the rocky cliffs between Highville 
j and Creswell, a place absolutely in- 
accessible from the Susquehanna 
River and being that great rocky 
bluff over 200 feet high, extending 
perpendicularly to the edge of the 
river through which the low grade 
branch of the Pennsylvania Railroad 
has recently constructed at the cost 
at that place of nearly $1,000,000 a 
mile. When this Fort was demolish- 
ed can not be ascertained but under 
the date of 1664 it is stated that 
"Francis White is by an order of the 
House gone on a special service for 
the Province of Maryland to the Sus- 
quehannock Fort, etc." See Vol. 1 of 
the Maryland Archives, p. 511. 

This would indicate that the Fort 
was standing at this time but Holmes 
says in 1688 it was demolished and 
it is so marked on his draft. The 
location of the old Susquehannock 
Fort has given rise to a great deal of 

That a definite line in 1688 should 
be run from Philadelphia to the Sus- 
quehanna River, to a point 3 miles 
above the mouth of the Conestoga 
Creek, to a specific spot "Demolish- 
ed Fort" is very remarkable and 
noteworthy. This was only six years 
after Penn's arrival and before even 



Indian Traders from Philadelphia 
were here. It shows that at 

that time there were occasional 
searchings into the woods and that 
not only the Susquehanna, but also 
the Forts were well known. Our In- 
dians no doubt journeying to Phila- 
delphia as we see by the Colonial 
Records they did during and before 
this year, give accounts of the Glor- 
ies of the Susquehanna River. 

1089 — Kumor that the French and 
Senecas are Coming to Destroy 
the Conestosri and Sur- 
rounding Settlements. 

By the year 1689 it would appear 
a great change had come over the 
Five Nations as to their attitude to- 
ward the Indians of the Susquehanna 
country. It seems that the French by 
this time had won them over from 
the English. At any rate under this 
date in Vol. 1 of the Colonial Rec, 
p. 299 it is set forth that the Gov- 
ernor acquainted the Council that he 
called the Council together for the 
particular reason that it was rumored 
that 8000 French and Indians in con- 
junction with the Papists v/ere com- 
ing toward Conestoga and Maryland 
and that neighborhood for the pur- 
pose of ruining the Protestants in 
Maryland and Delaware, and that the 
Sheriffs and Justices of the Counties 
of Delaware are coming themselves 
for defense. He further stated that 
he had received a letter from "Cap- 
tain Letort, a Frenchman living up 
the country, agreeing therewith." 
This rumor first arose in April of 
1689 and grew out of two letters sent 
to the Council by the Justices and 
Sheriffs of Sussex County, stating 
there was an intended invasion on 
Maryland "by Sennekers (Senecas) 
and French." This latter reference 
is found at page 277 of the same book. 
It turned out to be unfounded but 

I it shows the continual fear to which 
j Conestoga was subject. A subsequent 
article will also show that the Sen- 
i ecas had not drifted from the Eng- 
! lish to the French but were the 
1 friends of the English and our In- 
dians on the Susquehanna and that 
the only foundation for this rumor 
| was that a company of Senecas had 
, a misunderstanding with the French 
J and intended to come to the Susque- 
; hanna to live. 

1689— The First French Traders Up 

Among the Indians of 


At p. 299 of the book cited in the 
last item we have a reference to 
"Captain Letort, a Frenchman living 
I up the country." This was the fam- 
ous James Letort who with his wife 
Ann were Indians traders along the 
I Susquehanna River. I do not know 
; just where he lived at this time but it 
; is likely that he was among the In- 
dians of this neighborhood because a 
few years later he was known as an 
old resident about Conestoga. It is 
; likely too that he had associate 
| traders as early as 1689 because in 
Vol. 2 of the Colonial Records, p. 
j 131 under the date of 1704 it is stated 
that Martin Charter "has lived a long 
j time among the Shawnese Indians 
and upon the Susquehanna." And 
j 1698 is not even a long time before 
\ 1704. So that we deem it safe to say 
here that these two were the earliest 
| traders among the Susquehanna In- 
dians. Rupp also says in his history 
of Lancaster County, p. 53 that Mar- 
tin Charter had a trading station 
among the Shawnese at Pequea near 
Conestoga. As to this man James 
Letort, while he was a Frenchman it 
is stated at p. 100 of Vol. 2 of the 
Colonial Records that he was "bred 
in it (Pennsylvania) from his in- 
fancy," so it appears that he was a 



long time in some part of Pennsy- 

1690 — A Commissioner Seat Up to the 

Schuylkill and Susquehanna 

Country Indians. 

In Vol. 10 of the Colonial Records, 
p. 334, under the date of 1690 it is 
stated that Lassie Cock intends to 
go up the Schuylkill among our In- 
dians and he was instructed to make 
particular inquiry concerning the am- 
munition which the few French fam- 
ilies had, who lived up on that river. 
Here again we see the fear of French 
invasion and the danger of the French 
weaning our Indians to them at this 
time. We must also notice that the 
French were actually living on the 
Upper Schuylkill and our Indians 
were very much afraid because of it. 

1680 — Susquehanna Indians Trading 
With Philadelphia. 

It will be remembered that William 
Penn in the year 1690 in his prospec- 
tus concerning the settlement and a 
new County on the Susquehanna, 
which is set out in Vol. 1 of Haz. 
Reg., p. 400, speaks of the Susque- 
hanna Indians trading with Phila- 
delphia at this time and prior by 
means of a branch of the Susque- 
hanna River which lies near a branch 
of the Schuylkill. We have spoken 
of this before but I quote it now 
merely for the purpose of calling at- 
tention to the fact that there was In- 
dian trade at this time west to the 
Susquehanna River; its common 
course by water was up the Cones- 
toga to its source then three or four 
miles over-land to the source of 
French creek then down French 
creek to the Schuylkill and down the 
Schuylkill. William Penn speaks of 
it as follows, saying that this was 
the "common course of the Indians 
with their skins and furs into our 
parts and to the Province and East 

and West Jersey from the Western 
parts of the continent, where they 
bring them." He also says that they 
had a more direct course "laid out 
between the two rivers very exactly 
and conveniently at least three years 
ago." All this goes to show that the 
Susquehanna tribes of Indians were 
trading at this date with Philadelphia. 

1690 — Camnanius on the Minquas and 
Other Indians of the Susquehanna. 

We have spoken before under a 
much earlier date (as early as 1640 
to 1650) of the trade which Old Cam- 
panius says existed between the Sus- 
quehannocks and the Swedish settle- 
ments. He wrote however, about the 
year 1690, and from his writings we 
infer that what he said existed earl- 
ier continued at this latter date and 
for a particular description of it the 
reader is referred to ante, p. 26. 

1690— A Branch of the Senecas At 

Enmity With the French Design 

to Come to Susquehanna 

and Lire. 

In Vol. 8 of the Maryland Archives, 
p. 181, there is a letter from Jacob 
Young to Hanns John Good, Com- 
mander-in-Chief of Maryland, near 
the Potomac in which he says: — "Sir 
I have no great matter further than 
this at this time. There are at my 
house 14 Chinockes (Senecas), and 
they tell me they have cut off the 
principal place of Canada, except the 
place where the Government doth 
reside. They likewise tell me they 
have at the fort they belong to Unan- 
dake (Onondago) above 100 prison- 
ers of the French and the rest of the 
posts have rather more. These Sen- 
ecas came from their own country 
about the last of April and their in- 
tent is to settle among the Susque- 
hanna Indians here upon the Susque- 
hanna River for there are some of 



every fort of the Senecas coming 
down to them and they tell me that 
their great men will be down very 
shortly. I do desire your Honor's 
instructions what I may do with 
them as soon as possible you can. 
Nothing else at present but my ser- 
vices to your honor, I am yours to 
command," (Signed) Jacob Young. 

I believe from this it will be plain 
to see the Sheriffs and Justices of 
the counties of Delaware were en- 
tirely mistaken in their report that 
9000 French and Senecas were com-! 
ing down to destroy the settlements ' 
at Conestoga, on the Susquehanna! 
and through Maryland. I believe 
that this article explains it fully that 
it was nothing more or less than 
these Senecas coming down among 
our Susquehanna Indians; and also 
that it is not true that the French 
were with them but these Senecas 
plainly show they had severed friend- 
ly relations with the French and be- 
cause of the enmity between them 
and the French large numbers of 
them intended to settle on the Sus- 
quehanna among the English. We 
also see here how exaggerated the 
reports of Indians invasions were 
likely to become, the actual coming 
of a couple of dozen was rumored to 
be 9000. It shows to us very clearly 
the nervous and fearful life the early 
Colonists lived. 

1090— The Senecas and Susquehanna 

Indians Want to Confirm Peace 

With Maryland 

In Vol. 8 of the Maryland Archives, 
p. 207 there is a letter from Mr. Neal 
Blakiston to the Governor of Mary- 
land in which he says that the Pis- 
cataway Indians complain that their 
men are being killed in Maryland and 
they think that the Susquehannocks 
are doing it. The letter then pro- 
ceeds to say, "The Indian Convention 

for this Province is to meet at St. 
Mary's the 29th. When there we ex- 
pect to see some of the Senecas and 
Susquehannocks who have sent to the 
Governor expressing their desire to 
treat with us and to confirm the for- 
mer league of friendship to which the 
Committee return them a very ami- 
cable answer signifying our readiness 
to embrace and ratify the same; and 
in case they could not afford us an 
interpreter, then a time is to be fixed 
and a place is to be appointed for 
that purpose, and we will furnish an 

This amicable spirit of the Susque- 
hannocks shows itself quite plainlv 

1692— An Indian Expedition Up the 

In Vol. 8 of the Maryland Archives, 
| P. 343, there is a letter dated July 
j 18, 1692 which is written by John 
| Thomas to Mr. George Ashman and 
jit is as follows: "I have been up at 
j Captain Richardson's this very day 
with 16 horse and we were going 
up to Mr. Thurston's hut, I was very 
well informed that the Indians were 
gone away up the Susquehanna, and 
they were peaceable and did nobody 
any harm and very friendly they 
were. But later the Indians did fire 
off several guns at the hogs and kill- 
ed some of them." From this it ap- 
pears that Maryland Indians were 
journeying back and forth in business 
intercourse with the Susquehannocks. 
1692 — Testimony Concerning the 
French Among the Susque- 
In Vol. 8 of the Maryland Archives 
PP. 517 and 518 there appear cer- 
tain depositions taken before the 
Council of Maryland on the subject of 
improper friendliness between the 
French and the Susquehannock In- 
dians. It is there stated that Captain 



Herman and Jacob Young were call- I 
ed and examined and they say that I 
the Susquehannock Indians now 
brought down declared that they know 
those other Indians at the head of Jthe 
Bay to come from the Southward and 
are called the Stabbernowle; and that 
generally all the Indians in their 
parts know them to be the same; 
then the Frenchmen and Indians were 
called in, viz: one Susquehannock and j 
another a King of the Southern In- i 
dians. Demand was made of the Sus- | 
quehannock Indians how long the [ 
Frenchmen have been among them. I 
The Susquehannock Indians said, j 
"When those strange Indians went I 
Northward then the Frenchmen came 
to them nearly two years and have 
since been traveling toward the 
Southward before they found a con- I 
venient place of setting down and j 
there they lived three years. The 
Seneca woman told him, the said In- 
dian, that a Frenchman about five 
years ago ran away from the North- 
ern Indians to the Southern Indians 
being reduced to a small number and 
as it were newly grown up, they de- 
sire the power of the Governor and 
Council that they may have liberty 
to come and settle upon their own 
lands and the Susquehannock Fort 
and to be taken and treated as 
friends and have liberty to come 
among the English without moiestta- 

It was answered that their fort, as 
they called it falling within the limits 
of another government, viz: Penn- 
sylvania, this government can take no 
notice thereof and if as they pretend 
they are in league with the Mohawks, 
our friends, we shall not disturb 
them as long as they live peacebly. 

It was then decided as far as the 
Susquehannock Indians were con- 
cerned that they may continue at 
their fort and as they are inclined 

to enter into a league with us there, 
may be some of their great men may 
come down to confirm the same, and 
if they do they shall be kindly treat- 
ed, and then also must make choice 
of some great man to preside over 
them as Captain Civility formerly 
did and as they now desire. Then 
the interpreter asked the Susque- 
hann Indians, since the Government 
have declared their opinion concern- 
ing the strange Indians what nation 
they were of; and the Susquehanna 
Indians replied that there are two 
parties of them, one going to the 
Northward, designing to join the 
Senecas in their war, and those here 
who have desired to settle among us 
and be at peace and are called the 
Stabbernowle Indians." 

The whole tenor of this interview 
shows that there is a pretty sound 
peace now established between the 
Susquehanna Indians and Maryland 
and also between them and the In- 
habitants of Pennsylvania. It must 
be remembered however, at this time 
there were no Pennsylvania in- 
habitants in and about Conestoga ex- 
cept the one or two traders of whom 
we have already spoken. 

1693— The Letorts Suspected of Dis- 
affection Against the English 

In Vol. 1 of the Colonial Records, 
p. 396 under the date of 1693 is set 
for an information against Ann Le- 
tort who several weeks before the 
date of the complaint had some con- 
versation with an Indian King who 
resented the unkindness of the Eng- 
lish and said that the English would 
soon all be driven out and that the 
French were making overtures to 
the Pennsylvania Indians again for 
the land and will take it from the 
English. This Indian King said that 



Peter Bassillion and Madam Letort 
told him this and that they were in- 
terested in helping the French. 

The information further sets forth 
that about a year before strange In- 
dians came to Letort's plantation and 
would not tell anything about their 
business; at another time Anna Le- 
tort said that there was no path for 
the Swedes and English rogues 
through the country near her house 
and she also ran and got a horse 
whip and lashed one of the men and 
called for others to help her. This 
complaint also states that about a 
year ago Bassallion and Mrs. Le- 
tort sent a lot of letters to certain 
strange Indians. 

As a result of the complaint Mrs. 
Ann Letort was brought before Coun- 
cil to make an answer and it appear- 
ed that she and her husband and 
some other Frenchmen were rather 
dangerous.At any rate the next month 
a warrant was issued out against her 
and Bassillion and several others to 
come and stand trial. At the hearing 
she denied everything and she was 
left off rather easy. — See (C. R., p. 

I cite this in connection with Lan- 
caster County Indian affairs because 
Ann Letort and her husband lived 
mostly at Conestoga; and Peter Bas- 
sallion did part of the time. As to 
Bassallion see 2 C. R., p. 186. The 
purpose of the article is to show 
simply how much care was required 
to prevent the French from weaning 
away our Indians in this neighbor- 

1G94— The Delaware Indians Visit 

I speak of the Delaware Indians as 
a tribe of the Susquehanna Country 
because as we shall show later (2 
Col. Rec, p. 469) they moved from the 
Schuylkill River to the Susquehanna 
River in 1709. They were the Indians 

who after Braddock's defeat did the 
murdering and scalping about Carlisle 
and Shippensburg and other central 
points of Pennsylvania. 

In 1 C. R., p. 447 under the date of 
1694 eight of the Delaware chiefs 
visited the Council at Philadelphia 
and represented to the Council that 
■the Five Nations especially the Sene- 
cas had sent them, the Delawares, a 
belt of wampum, stating that " you 
Delaware Indians do nothing but 
scay at home and boil your pots and 
are like women, while we, the Onon- 
dagoes and Senecas go abroad and 
fight against the enemy." They fur- 
ther complain that the Senecas want 
them to be partners to go and fight 
against the French, but they say that 
they, the Delawares are peaceful In- 
dians and do not intend to go, and 
are going to the Indians of the Sus- 
quehanna river which River they af- 
terwards made their home. 

1694 — Two Susqueliannock Indian 
Chiefs Visit the Council. 

In Vol. 1 of the 'Colonial Records, 
p. 448, it is stated that at three 
| o'clock on the 6th day of July, 1694 
it was decided to send the belt back. 
This is sufficient to show the re- 
J lation of these Delaware Indians with 
| Lieutenant Governor Markham ; and 
ihis Council were acquainted that 
J Kyanharro and Oriteo two Susque- 
i hanna Indians present and had some- 
thing to say and in replying could 
not be understood, and desire Menan- 
izes to speak for them. 

Their message to Council was that 
a certain Indian come from the Cay- 
ugas to the Susquehanna's (Kyan- 
harro's) house to see him, and that 
I on the way they had to fight the Tit- 
jwas or naked Indians. And the Sus- 
quehanna King desired that the Gov- 
ernment would allow these visiting 
Indians to live with at Susquehanna 



under protection. 

1694— The Five Nations Desert the 
English; and Join the French, and 
Want to Compel the Susquehanna 
Indians and Other Pennsylvania 
Indians to Desert Also, 
Under the date of the 23rd of May 
1694, in Vol. 1 of the Colonial Re- 
cords, p. 459 is set forth a statement 
of Governor Benjamin Fletcher, who 
at this time was Governor of Pennsyl- 
vania as well as New York, the King 
of England having taken the Govern- 
ment out of Penn's hands) to the 
effect that "the Five Nations were 
now debauched to the French inter- 
ests and are entering into a league 
with the Governor of Canada." 
Fletcher then says, "I must assure 
you that our Indians here will be 
compelled to join in this fatal con- 

Nothing need be added to this ex- 
cept that consequences of a very ser- 
ious nature are about to befall the 
Indians of the Susquehanna River; 
and that they are now evidently be- 
tween the Devil and the deep sea. 

1696 — Susquehannocks, Senecas and 
Shawnese Now All at Peace with 

It would seem that the defection of 
the Five Nations to the French did 
not last very long because at this 
date only two years later it is stat- 
ed in 19th Maryland Archives, p. 
319 at a Council held in Maryland, 
that "Colonel Herman acquaints the 
House that the Senecas, Susquehan- 
nas and Shawnese Indians have de- 
sired peace with this Province and 
also that they might be in league 
and trade with us." 

So here it appears that at least the 
Senecas, if not all of the Five Na- 
tions want both peace and trade ar- 
rangements with the English in 

| Maryland. 

The same facts are noticed in the 
I proceedings of the Assembly of Mary- 
I land, in Vol. 19, of the Maryland 
| Archives, p. 363 where it was "re- 
j solved that his Excellency the Gover- 
| nor be acquainted that this house 
s have discoursed with Colonel Her- 
1 man, who acquaints them that the 
Relique of the Senecas and Susque- 
hannas with the Shawnese had de- 
sired peace with this Province, and 
that they might be in league and 
trade here; and that the House de- 
sires of his Excellency, if he think 
it may be beneficial to this Province 
to enter into peace with them." 
1696— Letort and Bazallion, the Sus- 
quehanna River Indian Traders, 

Also Operate in Maryland. 
In Vol. 20 of the Maryland Arch- 
ives, p. 470 is set forth a part of a 
letter from William Markham, Gov- 
ernor of Pennsylvania to the Gover- 
nor of Maryland as follows: Sir: — 
Upon a copy of what Colonel Herman 
gave unto your Excellency and Coun- 
cil, I shall require security for Bas- 
sallion and Letort, though I know 
will still be uneasy until he gets all 
the Indian trade himself. I have 
known Colonel Herman a long time 
and that he trades for himself in the 
Susquehanna is better known than 
trusted. I enclose to your Excellency 
I what I found among cast away 
I papers. Bassallion was in equal par- 
! tnership with Petit and Sallway, 
though it went in only their own 
| names, Bassallion coming in after 
i the other had forwarded for the voy- 
! age and after the cargo was over- 
s thrown, I demanded the left cargo 
and Bassalion had one-third. As 
! to Letort, he is a Protestant, was 
I sent over in the year 1686 with a 
| considerable cargo and several 
I French Protestants to settle 30,000 



acres of land up the Schuylkill that I direction he first leases them to Penn 
they had bought from William Penn | for 1000 years and then sells them to 
and that is the place he lives at. ! him absolutely. This lease is found 
Other houses were built and families j at page 121 of Vol. 1 of the Penna. 
settledthem that he brought with I Archives, and is as follows: 
him, but being so far up in the coun- | .< THIg INDENTURE, made the 
try they deserted him. This Letort j twelfth day of January ,Anno Dom., 
was going for England in the ship j 169g and in the Eighth Y eare of the 
with Governor Hamilton but he was | reigne Qf Qur Sovereign> Lor d Wil- 
taken. Letort was carried to Tholoun j ^^ the Third> Ring of England; 
and narrowly escaped the galleys but j between Thomas Dongan, late Gover- 
after a long and hard usage got into j nQr of New York and now of Lo ndon, 
England, where he became acquaint- | Egq Qf the one part> and William 
edwith theWest Jersey Company and j penn Governor of the p r0 vince of 
they understanding that his house Pensilvania in America, of the other 
stood upon the Schuylkill upon a con- part witnesS eth that the said 
venient place for trade with the In- Thomas Dongan) for and in consid- 

dians contracted with him to trade 

eration, of the sum of one hundred 

for them there; and wrote to their i poundg of lawful money of England 
agent to supply him with goods. It , tQ him [n hand paW> by the gaid 
is not many days since that he went I Willlam Penn> the right wher eof is 
to Burlington to make up his account j hereby acknowledged> HATH demis- 

with the agent, intending to soon as 
conveniently can for England. Gov- 
ernor Hamilton will give a very good 
account of him." 

This letter by Markham makes 
clear where this famous James Le- 
tort lived before he moved to Cones- 
toga, and it also shows that his trade 
as well as Bassallion's extended over 
a wide territory all the way from the 
Schuylkill to the Susquehanna and 
even to the Potomac. 

1696 — Governor Dungan Leases Back 

to Penn the Land to Dungan 

by the Susquehannock 


In Vol. 2 of Smith's laws, p. Ill it 
is stated that the deed from the In- 
dians to Governor is not known to 
exist. We have, however, shown that 
all this Susquehanna land was sold 
by our Indians to Dungan about 1684. 
Now during a lapse of 12 years Dun- 
gan as we have shown in the former 
article held the lands only in trust 
for the Indians; and now at their 

sed and granted, and by these pre- 
sents doth demise and grant unto the 
said William Penn, ALL that Tract 
of Land lyeing upon, on both sides of 
the River commonly called or known 
by the name of the Susquehanna 
River and the Lakes adjacent, in our 
near the Province of Pennsylvania, 
in America, Beginning at the moun- 
tains or head of the said river, and 
running as far as and into the Bay 
of Chesapeake, with all Isles, Is- 
lands, Mines, Minerals, Woods, Fish- 
ings, Hawkings, huntings, Fowlings, 
and all other Royalties, profits, com- 
odityes and hereditaments unto the 
same belonging which the said 
Thomas Dungan lately purchased of 
or had given him by Sinneca Susque- 
hanna Indians and also all the lands, 
hereditaments, Isles, Islands, Rivers, 
Royalties, mines, minerals, lakes, 
waters, profitts, priviledges, and ap- 
putenances, whatsoever lyeing on 
both sides of the Susquehanna River, 
and near adjoining thereto, which he 
the said Thomas Dungan did, at, any 



time purchase, or which were at any 
time given unto them by the said In- 
dians, or any of them. TO HAVE 
AND TO HOLD, unto the said Wil- 
liam Penn, his Executors, Adminis- 
trators and Assigns, from the day of 
date hereof, for and unto the end and 
Term of One Thousand years, PAY- 
ING unto the said Thomas Dongan, 
his Executors and Administrators, 
yearly, and every year on the First 
day of St. Mitchell, the Arch Angell, 
the rent of a pepper Corn, if the same 
shall be lawfully demanded to the 
intent and purpose that by force and 
virtue of these presents and of the 
Statute for transferring of uses into 
possession, the said William Penn 
may be in the actuall possession of 
the premisses, and may thereby be 
the better enabled to attempt and 
take a grant, release or other Con- 
veyance, of the revercion and inheri- 
tance thereof, to the use of Himself, | 
his heirs and Assigns forever. IN j 
WITNESSE whereof the said parties | 
as Duplicates to the other Indentures 
of the same contents and are here- j 
with sett their hands. Seales Dated 
the day and year first above written. 

Sealed and delivered, being first j 
Stampt according to Act of Parliiant 
in ye presence of 

1696 — Governor Dungan Now Deeds 

Back to Penn Absolutely, the 
Lands Sold to Him in Trust 
by the Susquehan- 

The reason that the Governor first 
leased these .same lands to Penn was 
to meet an old law, which required 
that in order that a perfect estate 
might be taken by a purchaser 
should first have a lease hold in the 

same. At least it is so stated in the 
lease and deed which we are now 
considering. The deed of this Sus- 
quehanna Country may be found in 
Vol. 1 of the Pennsylvania Archives, 
p. 122, as follows: 

" THIS INDENTURE made the 
Thirteenth day of January, Anno 
Dom., 1696, and in the eighth year of 
the reign of our Soverign Lord, Wil- 
liam, the Third, King of England, 
etc., BETWEEN, Thomas Dongan late 
Governor of New Yorke, and now of 
London, Esq., of the one part, and 
William Penn, Governor of the Pro- 
vince of Pennsilvania, in America, of 
the other part, WITNESSETH that 
the said Thomas Dongan, for, and in 
consideration of the sum of One Hun- 
dred Pounds of lawfull money of 
England, to him in hand paid, by the 
said William Penn,the receipt where- 
of is hereby acknowledged, HATH 
granted, Enfeffoed, released, and 
confirmed, and by these presents doth 
grant, enfeoffe, release and confirm 
unto the said William Penn, and his 
heirs, ALL that Tract of land, lye- 
ing upon, on both sides of the river 
commonly or known, by the name of 
Susquehanna River, and the Lakes 
adjacent in or neare the Province of 
Pennsylvania in America, beginning 
at the Mountains or head of the said 
river, and running as far as and into 
the Bay of Chesapeake, with all Isles, 
Islands, Mines, Minerals, Woods, 
Fishings, Hawkings, Huntings, Fowl- 
ings, and all ther Royalties, profitts, 
comodities, and hereditaments, unto 
the same belonging, which the said 
Thomas Dongan lately purchased of, 
or had given him by the Sennica Sus- 
quehanna Indians, and, also all the 
lands, hereditaments, Isles, Islands, 
Rivers, Royalties, Mines, Minerals, 
also Lakes, Waters, profits, privi- 
ledges and appertences, whatsoever 
belonging on both sides of the Sus- 



quehanna River, and near and adja- 
cent thereto, which he the said 
Thomas Dongan, did at any time pur- 
chase, or which were at any time 
given unto him by the said Indians 
or any of them which said islands and 
premises are in the possession of the 
said William Penn, by virtue of a 
lease thereof, for One Thousand 
years, bearing the date of the next 
day next before the date hereof, TO 
HAVE AND TO HOLD, to the said 
William Penn, his heirs and assignes 
to the only use and hehooffe of the 
the said William Penn, his heirs and 
assigns, AND the said Thomas Don- 
gan for himself, his heirs, Executors, 
and Administrators, doth Covenant, 
promise, grant and agree to and with 
said William Penn, his heirs and 
assignes by these presents, that he 
the said Thomas Dongan, and his 
heirs, all and singular, the said Lands 
and Premises, with the appurtes un- 
to the said William Penn and his 
heirs, against the said Thomas Don- 
gan, his heirs and Assigns and all 
other person and persons, having or 
claiming to have or claim from by 
or under him, them or any of them, 
and also against all and every the 
Senneca, Sasquehanna Indians, shall 
and will Warrant and forever defend. 
IN WITNESS whereof the said part- 
ies have to these present Indentures, 
oy Certificates to the other Indent- 
ures of the same intents and date 
herewith interchangeably sett their 
hands and seals, dated the day and 
year first above written. 

Sealed and delivered, being first 
Stampt according to Act of Parlia- 
ment, In ye presence of 

1697 — Erroneous Belief that the 
Shawnese Indians Came to 
Pequea in this Year. 

It is generally stated that the 
Shawnese came to Pequea in 1697 
from the South but as we have shown 
before this is the wrong date. 
They came here in 1678,— See on this 
same subject Vol. 1 of the Penna. 
Archives, p. 312 and Vol. 3 of the 
Colonial Records, p. 441. 

1697— Steelman Goes as Spy to Sug- 
quehanna River: Only 40 Origi- 
nal Susquehannocks Left. 

In Vol. 19 of the Maryland Archives 
p. 519 it is set forth as part of the 
proceedings of the Maryland Assem- 
bly that "the Speaker attended by 
the whole House came and Captain 
Hans Steelman being called into con- 
ference was required to give an ac- 
count of what he has done pursuant 
to the order of the Council given him 
in charge; and he says that accord- 
ing to the order he went to the Sus- 
quehannocks and other Indians at 
the head of the Bay; that the Dela- 
ware King and the Chanhannan 
King would have come along with 
him, but that their great men were 
gone abroad a hunting and because 
he understood that the rest were 
willing to come down about a month 
hence, he did not bring them with 

He reports that at Carristauga 
(Conestoga) the Susquehanna and 
Seneca Indians have about 40 young 
lusty men besides women and chil- 
dren; that the Sheavana (Sawnese) 
Indians being about 30 men besides 
their women and children, are living 
within four miles of Carristauga 
lower down and submit themselves 
and pay tribute to the 'Susquehanna 
Indians and the Senesas. 

He says that the Delaware Indians 
live at Ninguannan about nine miles 



from the head of the Elk River and 
15 miles from Christiana and 30 
miles from Susquehanna River, and 
are about 300 men and are tributary 
to the Senecas and Susquehannocks, 
50 of them being at Nuiguahannan 
and the rest upon Brandywine and 
Upland Creeks. 

He says that the Susquehannocks, 
Delawares, and Shawnese do take 
themselves to be and are inclinable 
to be under this Province because of 
their hunting within the same be- 
twixt the Susquehanna and the Poto- 
macs; and finally he says that too 
many people trade with these In- 
dians," — See also pp. 565 and 566. 

1698 — The Ganawese Indians Ask 
Permission to Settle In Penn- 

In Lyle's History of Lancaster 
County, p. 11 it is stated that this 
year the G'anawese Indians went to 
Philadelphia to obtain permission to 
settle in Pennsylvania. This date 
seems to be a year or two earlier 
than the correct date. In Vol. 2 of 
the Colonial Records, p. 191 under the 
date of 1705 it is stated that "five 
years ago the Ganawese or Piscata- 
ways settled in this Province near the 
head of the Potomac. Here they just 
had settled with the consent of the 
Proprietary and that the Conestoga 
Indians at that time became a guaran- 
tee for the good behavior of the Gana- 
wese but later in the year of 1705 
these Ganawese asked to move to an- 
other part of Pennsylvania." 

Miss Lyle in her History also says 
that the Ganawese settlement was 
about Washington Borough, — See p. 

1698— Chalkley's Visit to the Indians 

in These Parts 

Thomas Chalkley, the Quaker 

preacher in his collection of works 

printed by James & Johnson in Phila- 

delphia in 1790. p. 16 says that he 
went about the head of the Chesa- 
peake Bay and from there to George 
Fruit's house; and that with this 
friend he went to an Indian town not 
far from his friend's house because 
he had a desire to see these people, 
having never seen any of them be- 
fore. I do not undertake to say, how- 
ever, that it was the Susquehanna 
Indians that he visited, there being 
several tribes along the Bay. Chalk- 
ley in the same year made another 
trip of which he tells us at page 23 
of his works, saying that he travelled 
from Philadelphia to Maryland and 
visited friends on the western shore. 
Therefore he likely came through the 
Susquehanna Country and most cer- 
tainly did' if he reached the Western 
shore by going around the head of 
Chesapeake Bay instead of crossing 

1698— The Location of the Susque- 
hanna Remnant Determined. 

In Vol. 22 of the Maryland Arch., 
'p. 50 a proceeding is set forth as 
follows: "It is proposed that the As- 
sembly advise whether the Susque- 
hannock Indians where they now live 
be within the bounds of the Province 
of Maryland or not, — (Md. Archives, 
14). And it was decided that as to 
the Susquehannock Indians it is con- 
cluded they are not within this 
(Maryland) Government; and as to the 
method of holding an Assembly, the 
House do not think fit to draw up a 
method," — (Do. p. 39). It was also 
proposed "that the house should give 
some answer whether they think it 
necessary that the Government of 
New York should be sent to about 
the Indians and if they are of opin- 
ion that the Susquehannock Indians 
do not live within the bounds of the 
Province of Maryland, his Excel- 
lency will have nothing to do with 



them since the House are not willing 
that an ordinance should be passed 
against such persons as entice people 

enter into such further articles as 
may be proposed to them: and as to 
the Piscataway Indians which are 

out of the Province. Therefore this daily expected to come and settle 
Board do quit themselves of incon- amongst us, if they should not come 
venience and danger that may ap- j in before the return of the messeng- 
pear." ' ers to the Susquehanna Indians, that 

Here we see that the Susquehan- j the Governor shall use such measures 
nock Indians or the remnant of the j as he thinks fit." 

tribe are again on the Susquehanna j i n this we see it is true that 
River north of the Maryland line. I the Piscataways or Ganawese In- 

1698-Maryland Again Makes a Treaty | dians were moving their home about 

this time; and this corresponds with 

With the Susquehannocks. 

In Vol. 22 of the Maryland Arch., 
p. 168 the following note of a treaty 
is set forth, being a proceeding in the 
Assembly: "This House have read 
the treaty made with the Indians at 
the head of the Bay by Colonel 
Thompson and others and do con- 
ceive that the Shawnese came from 
the Southward and not in any ways 
belonging to the Government of New 
York; and the Susquehannock In- 
dians are at their old habitation 

what we have quoted from the Colon- 
ial Records and other sources. 

1699— An Act Proposed to Secure the 
Frontier of Maryland from the 
Invasion of the Susque- 

In Vol. 22 of the Maryland Arch., 
pp. 509 and 510 under this date is 
set forth an Act of Assembly to pre- 
fect the frontiers of Maryland and it 
is as follows: — 

"Whereas there has been a murder 

supposed to be without the limits of i 
this Province and that this House j committed by Indians on the frontier 
has no assurance of any nation of I Plantations of Potomac River within 
Indians at the head of the Potomac." this Province; for the prevention of 

The treaty referred to as made by 
Colonel Thompson included the Sus- 

1699 — An Embassy Sent to Susque- 

In Vol. 2 of the Maryland Arch., 
pp. 422 and 423 a report is given of 
a session of the Assembly of Mary- 

the like for the future: 

Be it enacted, etc., that Colonel 
Ninian Beall and Captain Richard 
Ownes with twelve troopers and six 
foot soldiers do range in and about 
the frontier plantations for the se- 
curity thereof, so long as his Excel- 
lency, the Lieutenant-Governor and 
Council; and the committee herein- 

land wherein it is stated, "The Com- ! after appointed shall see convenient 
missioners think it necessary that j to continue the said rangers and that 
James Frisby, Esq., or one of his | the said rangers shall be allowed the 
Majesty's council should be called I sum of 2 Shillings and 6 Pence for 

and also the members of the Bur- 
gesses of Baltimore County with what 
other persons shall be thought fit to 
be dispatched with all convenient 
speed to the Susquehanna Indians to 
see if they will ratify and confirm the 
league already made with them to 

each trooper per day, they finding 
themselves horses, arms and provis- 
ions; and that the two commanders 
be paid in money proportionate the 
same rate; and that Thomas French 
provide for the rangers the quantity 
of 600 weight of pork and 1000 weight 



of bisket to be deducted out of the 
pa> , and the said rangers and foot 
soldiers to be levy-free during ser- 
vice, and they shall duly range and 
in case any be found to straggle and 
not perform their duty they shall lose 
three days' pay: 

And finally, James Finley, Colonel 
Adderson Thompson and John Hale 
and what other persons they think 
fit be dispatched with all convenient 
speed to the Susquehanna Indians to 
ratify and confirm the league former- 
ly made with them and to enter to 
such further articles as by his Excel- 
lency, the Governor and Council and 
the committee hereinafter appointed 
shall propose to them that a present 
be given to the said Susquehanna In- 
dians and the said committee join 
with his Excellency, the Governor 
and Council in advising such meas- 
ures as will suppress any violence 
as may be offered this province by the 
Indians, after the breaking up of the 
present Assembly." 

1700— An Objection Made to the Bill 
for Defending Maryland. 

In Vol. 24 of the Maryland Archives, 
p. 24 under this date the bill for the 
security of Maryland being read. Ob- 
jection was made against the whole 
bill, that his Excellency had lately 
made a peace with the Indians "wheth- 
er it was not more reasonable upon 
the renewing of the peace, instantly 
to withdraw the rangers and let the 
Indians have the assurance that we 
design firmly to observe our promise 
and expect the same observance from 
them; and to give no occasion to 
diffidence and to leave the disposal 
of the fort to them; to do them all the 
right they can by letting them quiet- 
ly enjoy their land; to secure the 
friendship of the Susquehannocks 
and the Eastern Shore Indians — and 
it was carried by a majority of 

voices against the bill." 

Here we see that one party believ- 
ed that the Susquehannock friendship 
would be more securely obtained by 
withdrawing all troops and not al- 
lowing the rangers in the disputed 
territory at all; so the bill was de- 

1700 — An Act for Quieting the Dif- 
ferences Between Maryland and 
the Indians. 

In Vol. 24 of the Maryland Archives, 
pp. 102 and 103 is set forth an Act 
of Assembly by Maryland as follows: 
"Whereas, differences have and 
may arise and grow between the Eng- 
lish and the Indians which for the 
want of a speedy way of delivery the 
same may make great changes and ill 
conveniences, have and may happen 
therefrom by controversey being 
brought from the remotest parts of 
the Province to be heard and testi- 
fied before the Governor and Coun- 
cil, the great trouble of the persons 

Be it enacted that the persons in 
the Act hereinafter mentioned and 
appointed be and hereby authorized 
! and empowered to hear and deter- 
[ mine all matters of controverseywhat" 
1 soever that may arise or happen be- 
tween the English and the Indians in 
i private or personal controversey 
j not exceeding the value of twenty 

I Shillings, that is to say for 

the Susquehannock, Shawnese and 
j Delaware Indians and others on those 
I frontiers Col. John Thompson and 
Edward Blay be and hereby authoriz- 
ed to hear and determine any such 
matters and when judgment thereon 
is given, either party refusing to per- 
form the same the other party by 
way of distress take into his custody 
the goods and chattels of the offend- 
ed and out of the same make full 
i satisfaction to the party which was 



wronged, at the discretion so author- | Great men; whereupon our interpre- 
ized and the over-plus returned to ters, John Hans and Christian Mounts 

the owner." 

1700_An Order to Treat the Susque- 
hannock Indians With Respect 

In Vol. 25 of the Maryland Arch., 

being sworn both to receive and truly 
deliver and honestly to interpret. The 
Susquehannocks King not being per- 
sonally present but only his great 
men, we showed ourselves much dis- 

pp. 104 and 106 there is set forth the | appointed by reason of his absence, 
following: "Pursuant to an order of acquainting them that we expected 

his Excellency, dated May 9th, re- 
quiring these persons at the head of 
the Bay to treat with the Susque- 
hannocks, Shawnese and Delawares 
as soon as possible and to proceed; 
thereupon notice was given by one 
of the persons appointed to John 
Hans to acquaint the said natives, the 
Susquehannocks, Shawnese and Dela- 
wares, that on some certain time as 
soon as possible to meet us at John 
Hans's house, then there as well to 
communicate what by this Govern- 
ment was given us in charge as to 
receive what by their Kings and 
Great men they had to communicate 
to us; at the day and place, to wit: 
the 28th of August 1700, we the said 
persons and one of the interpreters 
between five and six o'clock in the 
evening, it being late we first re- 
freshed ourselves, and acquainted 
those Indians that were then present, 
the Shawnese' and Delawares' Kings 
together with their Great men, that 
tomorrow morning we should pro- 
ceed on our said treaty; they seemed 
very willing so we gave them some 
drams and they shook us by the 
hand; and we went to our repose. 

August 29, it being eight of the 
clock we, the persons nominated ac- 
quainted the said Indians that we 

him to be present as well as the other 
Kings; but one of the great men 
named Cassawetoway allias "In- 
dian Harry' has the English tongue 
very fluently, begging his excuses, ac- 
quainted us that two other Kings, 
Kindowagahaw and Sawwaydoggo- 
hay (Seneca Kings) were come to 
give him a visit and that for these 
reasons he could not possibly at- 
tend but ordered him with the rest 
of the great men to give their at- 
tendance to hear what we had to 
communicate to them and what they 
enacted in that behalf should be con- 
firmed by himself. 

Then we acquainted them that we 
were very glad to see them here and 
that if the King together with the 
other Kings had come to us, we 
would have kindly received and en- 
tertained them, which they took 

We proceeded to acquaint them 
that our coming and calling of them 
was to ratify and confirm the treaty 
of friendship they had already enter- 
ed into with us and several other 
articles herewith sent which being 
consented to and signed by the sev- 
eral nations. We gave them nine 
match coats and 40 yards of printed 
dimity equally distributed among 

would proceed upon the treaty and i them, the more firmly to oblige them 
accordingly we took our places, when i to tl\e stricter performance of these 
were present Ocahale, King of the i articles, now made, ratified and con- 
Delaware Indians and his Great men l firmed. 

with his interpreter, Captain Hagrup; | We further inquired of them wheth- 
and Ophesaw (Opessa), King of the | er any neighboring Indians were de- 
Shawnese Indians with Boschaccus j sirous of entering into friendship 
his interpreter, together with his ! and amity with us and the said In- 



dians. answered that at present there 
were not any they knew of; and so 
we concluded with the Indians and 
drank the King's health. Dated at 
John Hans' this 29th day of August, 
1700. The Indians in token of their 
affection presented the Government 
with 15 undressed deer skins." 
"Signed by us: — 

"On the same day we proposed to 
the Susquehannocks, Shawnese and 
Delawares the following questions: 

(1) Whether they are willing still 
to confirm that former peace and 
amity made with us; to which they 
answered that they were all very 
willing and we entered into a gen- 
eral amity and peace with them for 
this Province that shall stand firm 
and good forever. 

(2) Whether they are willing if any 
other Indians should commit any in- 
juries upon the inhabitants of this 
Province that they should be answ- 
erable for them and to this they re- 
plied that it is just and reasonable; 
and that they would be accountable. 

(3) Whether they are willing up- 
on any hurt or damage committed or 
acted by any neighboring Indians to 
any persons of this Government to 
assist and help us. To this they an- 
swered they were not only willing 
but would also pursue and take if 
possible them or any of them and 
bring them to be dealt with all as the 
Government shall think fit. Where- 
upon they shook hands with us in a 
token of sincerity of their affection 
and they have set their hands and 
seals to this instrument this 29th of 
August, 1700. 

| KING OF SHAWNESE, His Mark. 11. 

1700— The Above Mentioned Treaty 
Confirmed in the Maryland 

In Vol. 24 of the Maryland Arch., 
i p. 151 it was ordered that the treaty 
1 made with the Susquehannock, Dela- 
ware and Shawnese Indians by James 
Frisby, Esq., Colonel John Thompson 
and Captain Edward Blay should be 
laid before the House which was 
done; and the same was confirmed by 
the said House. 

1700— The Susquehanna Chiefs Make 
Another Deed to William Penn. 

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, 
p. 133 is set forth the following deed 
from the Susquehannock Chief to 
William Penn: — 

"We Widdaagh, alias Orytyagh, 
and Andaggy-junkquagh, Kings or 
Sachemas of the Susquehannagh In- 
dians, and of the River under that 
name, and lands lying on both sides 
j thereof, do declare that for and in 
consideration of a parcel of English 
, goods, unto us given, by our Friend 
I and Brother, William Penn, proprie- 
l tary and Governour of Pensilvania, 
I and also in consideration of the for- 
| mer much greater costs and charges 
j the said Wiliam Penn, hath been at 
j in treating about and purchasing the 
j same. We do hereby Give, Grant and 
! Confirm unto the Said William Penn 
j all the Said River Susquehannagh, 
j and all other Islands therein, and all 
| the lands situate lying, and being 
j upon both sides of the said River, 
I and next adjoining to ye same, to the 
| utmost confines of the lands, which 
i are of formerly were the Right of the 
i People or Nation called the Susque- 
| hannagh Indians, or by what name 
I soever they were called or known 



thereof, and also all Lakes, Rivers, 
Rivulets, Mountains, Streams, Trees, 
Woods, Underwoods, Mines, Royal- 
ties, and other Mines, Minerals, 
Quarries, Hawkings, Huntings, fish- 
ings, fowlings and other Royalties, 
Privileges, and Powers, whatsoever 
to them or any of them belonging, or 
by them enjoyed as fully, and amply 
in all respects, as we or any of our 
ancestors have, could, might, or 
ought to have, had, held, or enjoyed. 
And also, all the Right, Title Inter- 
est, Possession, Claim and Demand, 
which we or any of us may claim, to 
have in the same. And we do here- 
by ratifie and confirm unto the said 
William Penn ye bargain and Sale of 
said Lands, made unto Coll. Thomas 
Dongan, now Earl of Limerick, and 
formerly Governor of New York, 
whose deed of sale to the said Gover- 
nor Penn we have seen. To have 
and to hold, the said Rivers, Lands, 
and premises, hereby granted, and 
confirmed with their and every of 
their rights, Members and Appurte- 
nances, unto ye sd Will. Penn, his 
heirs and assigns, to the only proper 
Use, and behoof of the said W T ill. 
Penn, his Heirs and Assigns forever. 
In witness whereof the said Will. 
Penn, his Heirs and Assigns forever. 
In witness whereof we have, for our- 
selves and Nation, hereunto set our 
Hands & Seals, the thirteenth day of 
September, 1700. 



Sealed and Delivered In the pres- 
ence of 





Recorded page 73, &c. 

N. B. BOILEAU, Secy. 

The second day of August, in ye 
Year of our Lord, One Thousand, 
Seven Hundred and thirty-five James 
of the Northern Liberties, of the City 
of Philadelphia, Esq. Upon his 
solemn affirmation, according toLaw, 
Doth declare and depose, That he was 
present and did see the within men- 
tioned Kings, or Sachemas, named 
Widaagh, its Orytyah, al's Andaggy- 
junkquahSeal and as their deed de- 
liver the Writing or Conveyance, 
within contained, and that the name 
of this Affirmant thereon indorsed, as 
a Witness of the same, is of his own 
handwriting. JAMES LOGAN. 


At Philadelphia, the Day and Year, 
above said, before me, Thomas Grif- 
fith, One of the Justices of Peace &c, 
WITNESS my hand & Seal. 


Entered in the office for recording 
of Deeds, for the City and county of 
Philadelphia. In Book F. Vol. viii., 
page 242, &c, the 26th day of August, 
A. D., 1735. Witness my hand and 
Seals of my office, the day and year 
above. C. BROCKDEN, Recd'r." 

This deed is endorsed, "Susque- 
hanna River and Islands therein, and 
Lands on both sides, granted by Wid- 
aagh, and Andaggy-junkquagh. Con- 
firming Governor Dongan's old Deed 
to Governor Penn." 

This deed needs very little com- 
ment as it explains itself fully. It 
was meant to be another confirma- 
tion of the main Durchase by William 
Penn from the Indians on the Sus- 
quehanna River. In this sale the 
Susquehannocks as a Nation practi- 
cally ended their existence. They 
now confirm to Penn completely this 
large tract of land. A large number 



of the Susquehannocks are in New 
York State living with the Five Na- 
tions, another portion of them are 
about the old original Susquehan- 
noc*k Fort Country, along the West- 
ern edge of what is now Manor 
township. The whole of them are 
completely under the Five Nations 
and now they finally sell out their 
Susquehanna Lands and become one 
remnant of the conglomerated tribe 
of Lancaster County Indians, the cen- 
tral factor of which were called the 
Conestogas. It is true that on the 
Second of April. 1701, together with 

the Shawnese,Ganawese and Potomac 
Tribes and representatives of the 
Five Nations they joined in a treaty 
confirming this deed of the 13th of 
September, 1700. Among other things 
their joining in was more a matter of 
form than substance. When we 
speak of the Conestoga hereafter it 
will be understood that some of that 
mixed tribe of Conestogas were the 
decendants of these ancient Susque- 
hannocks but as a Nation of dignity 
and strength the Susquehannock 
tribe is now ended. We will, however, 
occasionally speak of individual Sus- 
quehannocks as we proceed. 






1700— The Conestoga Indians and 

Others Petition Against the 

Abuses Upon Them. 

In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan 
Correspondence, p. 1 there is a peti- 
tion from Conondahto, King of the 
Susquehanna or Conestoga Indians 
and of Mecallona, King of the Shaw- 
nese against Garland, Askin and 
Reed, setting forth that lately four 
strange Indians came from the 
Northward among them which they 
supposed from their clothing to have 
been servants of the Christians and 
Mecallona talking with them found a 
squaw and her son nearly related to 
your naked Indians;' who were a 
powerful tribe and often molested 
these petitioners both in their towns 
at Susquehanna and their hunting 
grounds; and these petitioners are 
now the frontier inhabitants of the 
Province of Pennsylvania. These pe- 
titioners also complain that last win- 
ter Garland and Askin produced a 
paper with a large seal and said it 
was a warrant from the Governor to 
deliver these Conestogas and Shaw- 
nese but they did not go. Then ten 
days later Garland and Askin came 
again with James Reed and had an- 
other paper with a large seal; and 
Reed said he was the next man to the 
Governor and to show that he was, 
he pulled off his wig and said, "You 
see. I have two heads." 

The Susquehannock King also says 

that Garland also threatened that he 
would carry them all away and make 
them servants and that Garland also 
laid threatening hands on them and 
| did them other mischief. This peti- 
| tion is dated at Brandywine, the first 
of May, 1700. 

A note found on page 1 says that 
Garland lived at New Castle in 1701. 
And that he was arrested on a com- 
plaint of the Shawnese Indians for 
having brought to the Shawnese set- 
tlement several anchors of rum; and 
made the Indians believe that Penn 
sent it. 

1700— The French Back of Pennsyl- 
vania Trade with Our Indians. 

In Vol. 1 of the Penn and Logan 
Correspondence, p. 39 above referred 
to it is stated that the French are 
settling back of Pennsylvania, four 
days from New Castle and that Lewis 
Lenoivin, who lived many years in 
Eastern Pennsylvania and traded 
with the Indians is run away to 
them, the French, as a spy. 

1700 — Ganawese Indians Move Into 

In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Records, 
p. 191, under the date of 1705 it is 
stated that "about five years ago the 
Piscataway or Ganawese Indians set- 
tled in this Province near the head of 
the Potomac, and that they were now 
reduced by sickness to a small num- 
ber and desired to quit their present 
habitation which they occupied since 
1700, at which time the Conestoga In- 
dians had become their guarantees of 
friendship made between them. And 
now the Schuylkill Indians desire 
them to settle near them." 

Here we have a statement of the 
time when the first of the tribes 



forming the new conglomeration of 
Indians came into Pennsylvania and 
also the statement that at the time 
that they came the Conestogas agreed 
to guarantee their good behavior. At 
page 245 of the same book it is stat- 
ed that "when in 1700 the Piscata- 
ways settled in this Government they 
also went to Philadelphia in company 
with Indians of Conestoga and the 
Shawnese and made a treaty, where- 
by these last named Indians engaged 
to the Government for the peaceable 
behavior of the Ganawese"; and they 
behaved in a peaceable manner for 
many years after they made their 

1700 — Doings About Conestoga. 

This year says Miss Lyle in her 
history of Lancaster County, p. 6 
Chartier set up a trading post about 
a mile below the Susquehannock 
Fort; and also at p. 28 that he began 
his trading about Conestoga this 
year, and that this year Colonel 
James Wright was appointed to look 
after the Indians of this section. 

Rupp says at page 54, that Bizal- 
ion was licensed to trade with the 
Indians of this section this same 
year; and Rupp also says at Page 28 
that this year the Shawnese had their 
Fort on the Upper Octoraro near the 
line of where a road afterwards laid 
out to August Sessions, 1719 of the 
Chester County Court, passed. 
1700— Penn Desires Religious Schools 
for the Indians. 

In the first volume of Proud's 
History, p. 423 Penn sets forth his 
great concern that religious instruc- 
tions should be given to the Indians, 
but what was done in this regard I 
can not find. 

1700 — Clialkley Journeys Among the 

Chesapeake Indians. 

In Chalkley's Works called "Chal- 
kley's Autobiography of Travel," he 

says, p. 34 in speaking of the year 
1700, that he journeyed through the 
Indian Country and tells of his con- 
tact with them, the things he learn- 
ed from them and what some of their 
strange ways and customs were. 

1700 — Peter Bizalion's Trading 

In Vol. 19 of the Sec. Series of the 
Penna. Archives, p. 317 we are 
shown the central station of Peter 
Bizalion's trading operations. It is 
there stated that his main trading 
post was established this year at 

1700 — The Pennsylvania Inhabitants 

Settle as Far South as the 

Mouth of Octoraro Creek. 

In Vol. 1 of the Pennsylvania 
| Archives, p. 432 we are shown that 
| the first intention was that Pennsyl- 
j vania should extend South to the 
! junction of the Octoraro with the 
Susquehantfa. In this book under the 
I date of 1734 in the instructions to 
i Hamilton & Georges it is stated, 
| "Pennsylvania has been possessed of 
| and maintained its Government for 
I more than thirty years past as far 
South as the Mouth of Octoraro or 
i near it; nor has Maryland ever ex- 
| ercised jurisdiction over the inhabi- 
tants or Indians north of that limit 
until two or three years ago." 

I cite this merely to show what 
line determined the Indians belong- 
ing to Pennsylvania and those be- 
longing to Maryland. 

1700— Conestoga Now the Great Capi- 
tal of all the Susquehanna 
Indian Tribes. 

In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Records, 
p. 604 at a treaty at Philadelphia in 
1735 at which Thomas Penn was pre- 
sent the old deed of 1700 and the 
treaty of a few months later ratify- 
ing it were brought out and read to 



the Indians and in commenting upon 
them the Governor says, "These 
articles you see here were made prin- 
cipally with the Susquehannock In- 
dians who then lived mostly at 
Conestogoe; and the Shawenese also 
as their friends came under our 
Fathers' protection and entered into 
the same league." 

I quote this simply for the purpose 
of showing that the head-quarters of 
the Indians of Eastern Pennsylvania 
at this time were Conestoga. That 
while there were yet some Indians 
near the Delaware there were not 
many of them because of the advanc- 
ed civilization on that river and 
those that lived on the Schuylkill 
were also few in number but the 
greater bulk of Pennsylvania In- 
dians were centered around Cones- 
toga or the Susquehanna at this 
time, viz.: the Conestogas or frag- 
ment of the old Susquehannocks to- 
gether with different branches of the 
Iroquois and with them the Shaw- 
nese, Ganawese, the Conoys; and the 
Delawares, who while they still liv- 
ed in the Schuylkill River were also 
few in number and in 1709 moved to 
the Susquehanna River also (See 2 
Col. Rec, p. 469.). 

1700— A Line Surveyed from Philadel- 
phia Direct to Conestoga 

In Vol. 2 of Watson's Annals, p. 175 
Mr. Watson says, "In July, 1700, 
there was a survey of a line from 
Philadelphia direct to Susquehanna, 
coming nigh the mouth of Cone- 
stoga creek, a little more north, 
(about four miles), near to 'an old 
fort demolished.' This was in conse- 
quence of surveyor-general Holmes' 
purchase of all the lands from Up- 
land creek to Pemapeck creek, and 
so backward to Susquehanna, two 
days' journey. The land is said to 
have been bought of the Indian 
Kings and sakamackers, for the use 

of William Penn— bought of Shak- 
hoppah, Secaming, Malebore, Tan- 
goras, Indian kings; and Maskecasho, 
Wawarrin, Tenoughan, Tarrecka, 
Nesonhaikin, Indian sackamackers. I 
notice that in the way of the line of 
survey, two Indian paths traverse it 
obliquely, northwest by north — the 
first from Philadelphia, is at Rocky 
Run, (fifteen miles), between the 
head waters of Ridley and Chester 
creeks, the second at thirty-eight 
miles, two miles beyond Doe Run. 
These facts I found recorded in a 
survey book, No. 14, in the land 
office, and the above extracts are 
from the warrant of survey of Holme. 
Below follow other facts on the same 
subject, all tending to show the treaty 
by which the lands of Philadelphia 
city and county are held." 

Watson then sets out the letter 
which Thomas Holme wrote to 
Shachoppah and other Indians but 
we have already given that in full 
in an article under the date of 1688, 
entitled, "The Boundaries of the 
Walking Purchases, etc." We will 
not repeat it because we have cited 
it before for other purposes and we 
cite it now only to make prominent 
the fact of a survey of a direct line 
to Conestoga for this line is an im- 
portant one in our Colonial history. 
It will be observed that it lies almost 
on what afterwards was The Great 
Conestoga Road; and indeed, the 
eastern end of the Great Conestoga 
Road, at least to Haverford was in 
existence at the time of this survey. 
We have no doubt that the western 
end was a well defined Indian path 
which began as early as the found- 
ing of Philadelphia and was well de- 
fined by the year of 1700, for while 
the Susquehanna Indians first traded 
down the river, when Penn's enter- 
prises began they began trading with 
Philadelphia and in so doing made 
and followed a well defined road. 



1701— Shawanese at Pequea Complain 
of the Kura Trade 

At a council held on the third of 
September, 1701, it is stated that, 
"Shemekenwhoa, one of the chiefs 
of the Shawana Indians solemnly de- 
clared and complained to the 
Governor that Sylvester Garland had 
brought to the Indian settlement of 
their nation several anchors of rum 
to the quantity of about 140 gallons 
and that to induce them to receive 
it and to trade with him he pretend- 
ed he was sent by the Governor and 
gave one cask as a present from 
him, upon which being entreated to 
drink they were afterwards very 
much abused." The Council ordered 
this matter to be further inquired 
into. (See 2 Col. Rec, p. 33.) 

This same complaint is referred to 
in the Penn & Logan Correspond- 
ence in Vol. 1 at the foot of page 1 
in a note, where it is stated by the 
editor that Garland lived at New 
Castel and in September, 1701, he 
was arrested and brought before the 
Council for bringing this rum. 

The rum trade with the Indians was a 
great trouble to the early Govern- 
ment; and another character who 
violated the law was John Hans 
Steelman who lived in Maryland and 
without a license dealt in liquors 
with our Conestoga Indians,. (See 2 
Col. Rec, p. 21) ; and also the viola- 
tions of law by Louis and Peter 
Bezalion trading also in liquor about 
the Susquehanna were grievous. (See 
2 Coll. Rec, p. 18.) 

In 2 Col. Rec, p. 45, at a Council 
held on the 6th of October it was 
ordered that a warrant be sent out 
against Sylvester Garland for selljng 
rum to the Indians, whereby he was 
arrested and brought before the 
Governor and Council to defend him- 
self or make answer. It seems, how- 
ever that while the rum trade was 

grievous among the Indians of the 
Susquehanna yet the Government 
could do little to prevent it; and on 
the 6th of October 1701, a petition 
was presented to the Assembly by 
the inhabitants of Chester County 
to have rum selling among the In- 
dians stopped. The Assembly ap- 
proved the petition by a majority 
and ordered a statute to be drawn 
against the rum trade with the In- 
dians, (See Vol. 1 of the Votes of 
Assembly, pp. 151-153). The act 
against giving liquor to the Indians 
was passed October 28, 1701, and is 
found in Vol. 2 of Statutes at Large, 
p. 168. It provides among other 
things that liquor carried to the 
Indians shall be forfeited and go 
one-third to the Governor and two- 
thirds to the party that seizes the 
same;- and that the Indians were em- 
powered to seize it the same as any- 
one else; and that also no per- 
son shall receive in pawn any cloth- 
ing or goods belonging to the In- 
dians for liquor, and those who 
violate the act shall suffer penalty 
of 10 pounds and the pawn might 
be .seized by warrant by the near- 
est Justice of the Peace and be re- 

This act to restrain the selling of 
liquor to our Indians had some dif- 
ficulty in passing. Exceptions and 
amendments were proposed to it by 
the Governor and the Assembly con- 
sidering the exceptions voted them 
down. There were two exceptions 
and both were defeated in the As- 
sembly. From this we see what 
difficulty our forefathers experienc- 
ed in keeping the liquor traffic from 
ruining the Indians of the Susque- 

As additional evidence of what a 

field the Indians of the Susquehanna 

and other sections were for liquor 

i traffic, Proud in his history of Penn- 



sylvania says at page 433, that a 
-Joint company was organized to 
^control the liquor business and be 
responsible for the consequences 
Ibut it met with no favor. 

1701 — Letort Leaves Conestoga for 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 100, 
it is stated under the date of 1703 
that, "James Letort who about two 
years ago went out of this Province 
to Canada returned and was ex- 
amined before Council and magis- 
trates and no great occasion was 
found to suspect him of evil designs 
against the Government, he having 
been bred in it from his infancy 
and behaved himself hitherto well. 
He was seduced to depart in 1701 
in time of peace by the instigation 
of some others, nevertheless as he 
is now come back it was thought 
wise to bring him before Council to 
explain his action." 

This James Letort was a very 
picturesque character about Cone- 
stoga and we find that he very 
frequently was summoned before the 

1701 — Indian Harry of Conestoga 

We now introduce another remark- 
able character in the early annals 
of Conestoga Indian History in the 
person of an Indian familiary 
known as 'Indian Harry' of Cone- 
stoga but his technical Indian name 
was Cassawetoway as we have shown 
in a former item. 

It is stated in 2 Col. Rec, p. 26, 
that in this year of 1701 the 
Council and Governor had entered 
into considering the many abuses 
arising from the Indians being ad- 
mitted to drink rum and it was or- 
dered by the next sitting of Assem- 
bly, that four of the prominent 

Indians on the Upper Delaware and 

Indian Harry of Conestoga should 
be sent for to be consulted about 
passing a law for prohibiting all 
Indians from using rum. Action 
was later taken on the subject and 
we will speak of it in its order. 

1701 — The Potomac Indians Allowed 
to Settle in Pennsylvania 

In Vol. 2 of Ool. Rec, p. 17, it is 
set forth as one of the stipulations 
of the big treaty by the Conestogas, 
(which treaty we will set forth in 
full in a later item) that the Poto- 
mac Indians with their Colony shall 
have free leave of the said William 
Penn to settle upon any part of the 
Potomac River within the bounds of 
the Province of Pennsylvania, they 
observing and practicing all and 
singular the other articles of this 
treaty. By settling on the Potomac 
River is meant any part of the val* 
j ley of the Potomac River. These 
j Potomac Indians had become afraid 
of savage tribes of the South and 
wanted to move towards our Sus- 
quehanna country to be near the 

1701— Penn Discusses Navigating the 
Susquehanna Eiver to Carry In- 
dian Trade Cheaper 

In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan 
Correspondence, p. 73, in a letter 
beginning page 69, written by 
William Penn to James Logan, Penn 
says, "I hope thy eye is upon the 
means to retrench expenses; and, 
pray, see the utmost, at a leisure 
hour of poor Marsh's project of 
navigating flats up Schuylkill and 
Susquehanna Rivers, above Falls; he 
assuring me that he could make the 
experiment for 40 shillings. Be it 
50 shillings or 3 pounds it were a 
mighty advantage." In this I be- 
lieve there is evidence of Penn's de- 
sire to develop this Susquehanna 
country and get an out-let for In- 
dian trade. 



1701— The Proofs of Penn's Second 

Visit to the Susquehanna Kiver 

and its Indians 

We have before given the evidences 
tending to prove a visit by Penn 
about 1684 to what is now the Lan- 
caster County region and we will 
now proceed to the proofs of a sec- 
ond visit made in 1701, The chief 
proofs are as follows: 

1. Rupp in his history of Lancaster 
County, p. 35, says that Penn at a 
former treaty promised the Shawa- 
nese chiefs protection. To enable 
him to keep or fulfill this promise 
he visited them in person at Cone- 
stoga, attended by many gentlemen 
of distinction. This he says in a 
note at the bottom of the page 35 
and speaking of the same in context 
he says, "His not succeeding in hav- 
ing legislative co-operation, to pre- 
vent liquor being sold to the Indians 
and debaucheries being practiced on 
them, to prevent their temporal 
ruin, he paid the sons of the fore- 
est a visit, participated in all their 
innocent amusements and in return 
received their visits in his own house 
at Pennsbury." According to Rupp 
the purpose of Penn's visit at Cone- 
stoga was to protect these poor In- 
dians. He cites Vol. 2 of the 
Colonial Records, p. 253. This is the 
page found in the old or first edition 
of the Colonial Records, which is 
now probably very rare. The page 
in the Colonial Records most com- 
monly at hand is p. 244 of Vol. 2 
and at that place is set forth what 
James Logan told the Indians at 
Conestoga when he visited them in 
the spring of 1706. And speaking of 
William Penn, Logan said to these 
Indians that when he (Penn) was 
last in this country he visited those 
Indians of Conestoga and is soon to 
do the same on his arrival in order 

to cultivate the ancient friendship." - 

2. In Vol. 2 of Watson's Annals, p. 
209, Mr. Watson speaks of Neboway r 
an Indian chief of the Delawares r 
and says that this chief's name 
appears among the signers of the 
treaty at Conestoga in 1718, and that 
the chief said that he remembers 
that he saw William Penn on his 
second visit to Conestoga in 1701. 

3. In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan 
Correspondence, p. 43, there is set 
forth a letter from Isaac Norris to 
Daniel Zachary, dated the 21st. of 
June, 1701, in which he says, "I am 
just come home from Susquehanna 
where I have been to meet the Gov- 
ernor. We had a round about journey 
and pretty well traversed the wilder- 
ness. We lived nobly at the King's 
Palace in Conestoga and from thence 
crossed to the Schuylkill where we 
fell in (reached it) about 30 miles 
up from hence (Philadelphia)." Here 
we have a plain statement that 
William Penn was at Susquehanna 
at the Palace of the King of the 
Conestogas in June, 1701. 

4. To make doubly sure that the 
Governor spoken of was William 
Penn, I cite Vol. 1 of the Penn & 
Logan Correspondence, p. 122, where 
James Logan writes to William Penn 
from Philadelphia on the 9th of 
July, 1702, and he says on speaking 
about lands on the Susquehanna and 
about the Octoraro that, "Griffith 
Owen and E. Shippen knew some- 
thing of the place having been with 
thee at Susquehanna which I did not." 
In this again there is the more ex- 
plicit statement that William Penn 
was on the Susquehanna. 

5. In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec. p. 272, 
when Patrick Gordon held a council 
with some of the Five Nations and 
was discussing the affairs between 
them and the Conestogas, who were 
tributary to and slaves of the Five 



Nations. They said the first Gov- 
ernor of this place, Onash, (That is 
Governor Penn) when he first 
arrived here sent to them to sell 
land and that when the Governor 
was at Conestoga he desired the 
■chiefs to speak about the purchases 
of the land. This is another refer- 
ence to Penn being at Conestoga. 

6. In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan 
Correspondence, p. 41, in a letter 
from Isaac Norris to Samuel Chew the 
15th of April, 1701, and he says, "Our 
Governor has gone out of town to 
meet with the chieftains of the 
Indians." This may refer to Penn's 
visit to Susquehanna, however, it 
seems to be nearly a month earlier 
than Penn's Susquehanna visit. 

7. In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 181, 
Governor Keith in the year of 1722 
held a treaty at Conestoga and when 
there he said to the Indians, "The 
last time I was with you at Cone- 
stoga you showed me a parchment 
which you had received from William 
Penn containing articles of friend- 
ship between you and him." This 
again may be a reference to Penn's 
visit in 1701 but it may likely refer 
to the great treaty of September 
1700 with the Conestogaes at Phila- 
delphia. Penn left for England about 
November, 1701, because Andrew 
Hamilton presides over the Assembly 
from that date onward. See 2 Col. 
Rec, p. 62. 

At a Council held July 7, 1739, 
William Penn's intercourse with the 
Indians on the Susquehanna is again 
referred to seeming to indicate his 
being there about the year of 1701. 
(See 4 Col. Re, p. 337.) 

8. In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 101, 
in a discussion between the Governor 
of New York and the authorities of 
Pennsylvania there is a letter dated 
1720 and in it occurs this passage, 
"Upon Governor Penn's last arrival 

here about 20 years ago he held a 
treaty with the Mingoes or Cone- 
stogas settled on Susquehanna," 
which is either a reference to his 
meeting them at Susquehanna or of 
the great treaty made at Philadelphia 
in September, 1700. Also in the same 
book, p. 149 Governor Keith in 1721 
speaks to the Indians and says, 
"William Penn our and your father 
when he first settled this country 
with English subjects made a firm 
league of friendship with all the 
Indians in these parts (that is Cone- 
stoga) ; " and on page 54 I find refer- 
ences to the same effect. 

9. In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 92, 
James Logan speaking to the Cone- 
stogas in 1720, speaks of William 
Penn as their old friend and refers 
to his treaty 20 years ago; and on 
p. 93 he further refers to Penn's first 
Councils with the Indians, and on 
page 97 he refers to the same sub- 

10. It is to be noticed that histori- 
ans including Watson refer to a visit 
made by William Penn to the Sus- 
quehanna as a second visit, which is 
generally supposed to refer to this 
visit of 1701. 

11. In the first walking purchase 
this land extended back to the Sus- 
quehanna and Penn seems to have 
been familiar with it. 

12. Another fact seeming to point 
out Penn's familiarity with the Sus- 
quehanna River and its Indians and 
the country generally is found in Vol 
1 of the Penn & Logan Correspond- 
ence, p. 170 where he says that if 
his enemies do not begin to treat 
him differently they will "drive me up 
to. Pennsbury or Susquehanna for 
good and all." This shows that the 
Susquehanna was familiar to him at 
the time he stated this which was in 

13. In Buck's history of Pennsyl- 
i vania in an article entitled, "Will- 



iam Penn in America" at p. 317, he 
says in a topic entitled Penn's 
Journey to the Susquehanna in 1701, 
and in it he says, "June was Penn's 
favorite' month of travel. He set off 
about this time 'on a Journey into 
the interior of the Province, (Isaac 
Norn's 's letter). On this occasion as 
tradition relates that Penn got lost 
in the woods on the hill on the 
Northern or Chester County side near 
present Valley Forge; and that he 
did not know where he was, until he 
got on the hill this side of Valley 
Creek when by a glimpse of the 
Schuylkill and the country to the 
southward he regained his way and 
in consequence of the same named 
the former hill Mounty Misery and 
the latter Mounty Joy." 

Buck further says, "It is probable 
the Proprietor's principal object was j 
to win over the Indians to the Eng- I 
lish interest on account of the ap- ' 
proaching 1 trouble with France, He j 
may allude to this in a letter to the j 
Board of Trade & Plantations, the j 
2nd. of the 5th month, where he says, ! 
'I have had divers meetings with the 
several nations of Indians of these i 
parts as the Shawno, Susquehanna, | 
Schuylkill and Delaware Indians by 
arguments and presents to persuade 
their submission to this government." 

Buck further says, "This journey 
of Penn's to the Susquehanna we ob- 
serve has led to some error. Janney 
mentions it (2nd Edition, p. 435) as i 
having taken place in the Spring, 
An article appeared in the Lancas- 
ter Inquirer on February 24, 1872, in 
which mention is made of a monu- 
ment having been erected and dedi- 
cated the previous 22nd of February 
at Gap in Salisbury township, Lan- 
caster county, on the roof of a frame 
building over a fine spring of water 
Where it is said, 'Penn met the In- 
dians and had a council with them.' 

It is composed of a square wooden 
shaft neatly painted and lettered. On 
the west side is inscribed 'In Memory 
of William Penn, Who Visited This. 
Place in the Year 1700.' Mention is; 
made that it was chiefly erected 
through the exertions of Isaac Walker,, 
owner of the said spring building,, 
who was led to it by his researches 
on the subject. It is probable that 
Penn may have met the Indians in 
council here but this visit must have 
been in June, 1701. The mistake 
consists in setting the time as that 
of one of the deeds from the Indians* 
for land which were nearly always 
executed in Philadelphia." 

This article as it appears in the In- 
quirer, I meant to insert here in full or 
in part; but a fire has destroyed the 
office file copy. 

The Indians whom Penn met here, 
if he did so met them here were the 
Shawanes, as the old Shawana town 
of that section was very near this 
place. Its location may be found on 
any early map of Lancaster county 
near the head of Octoraro creek, as 
the Shawanese lived all along Pequea 
Creek and from the mouth to the 
source of the Octoraro. In the 
Chester County records of August 
Sessions, 1719 of the Quarter Sessions 
Court can be found the courses and 
distances of an old road laid out in 
1719, one course of which is stated 
to lie near old Shawana town near 

These are the known proofs of 
William Penn's visit of 1701 to his 
brethren on the Susquehanna, Cone- 
stoga and other adjoining streams 
and of that visit there can be no 
doubt. It would seem that he came 
by the Southern route and returned 
by the Northern route, viz: along 
Conestoga and French creeks, reach- 
ing the Schuylkill River near the 



mouth of French creek, which Isaac 
Norris describes as being thirty miles 
up the Schuylkill River from Phila- 

1701— The Great Treaty With Cone- 
stogas and Others 

We have noticed in a former item 
that in September, 1700, the Susque- 
hannas and other Indians of this 
neighborhood made a deed of a large 
tract of land on our River to William 
Penn. To confirm this sale a treaty 
was made later which is found in 
Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 15. It was 
enacted on the 23rd day of April, 
1701, by and between the Indians of 
the Susquehanna Territory and Wil- 
liam Penn at a Council on the after- 
noon of the said day; and it is as 

"PRESENT:— The Proprietary and 
Governor, with some members of 
Council and divers others, with the 
Sasquehannaugh Indians. 

Connodaghtoh, King of the Sasque- 
hannah Minquays or Conestogo In- 
dians, Wopatha (alias Opessah), King 
of the Shawnese, Weewhinjough, 
Chief of the Ganawese, inhabiting at 
the head of Patowmeck; Also, Aho- 
aksonagh, brother to the Emperor or 
great King of the Onondagoes of the 
five nations, having arrived in town 
two days, with several others of 
their great men, and Indian Harry 
for their interpreter, with some of 
their young people, women and chil- 
dren, to the number of about forty 
in the whole. After a treaty and sev- 
eral speeches, the following Articles 
were solemnly agreed on. 

Articles of Agreement Indented, 
made, Concluded & Agreed upon at 
Philadia the 23rd day of ye month, 
Called April, In the Year 1701, Be- 
tween Wm. Penn, Proprietary and 
Governor of the Province of Pennsy- 
lvania& Territories thereunto be- 

longing, on ye one part, and Conno- 
odagtoh, King of the Indians inhabit- 
ing upon and about the river Susque- 
hannah in the said Province, And 
Widaaph, (alias Oretyaghr) Koque- 
eash & Andaggy-Inhekquah, Chiefs of 
the said nations, & Wopaththa, King 
& Lemonytungh & Pemoyajooagh, 
Chiefs of the nations of the Shawon- 
nah Indians, And Ahookassongh, 
brother to the Emperor, for and in 
behalf of the Emperor, (& Weewhin- 
jongh, Takyewsan & Woapaskoa, 
Chiefs,) of the nations of the Indians 
inhabiting in and about the Northern 
part of the River Powtowmeck, in 
the said province, for & in behalf of 
themselves & successors, & and their 
several nations, and the People on 
the other part, as followeth: 

That as hitherto there hath always 
been a good understanding & Neigh- 
bourhood between the sd. Wm. Penn 
& his Lts, since his first arrival in 
the peace Continued between Wm. 
Penn his Heirs & successors, and 
all the English & other Christian In- 
habitants of the said Province, and 
the Said Kings and Chiefs, and their 
successors, & all the Several People 
of the Nations of Indians aforesaid; 
So there shall be forever hereafter 
a firm and lasting peace. And that 
they shall hereafter be as one Head 
& One Heart, and live in true friend- 
ship & Amity as one People. 

(ITEM) That the said Kings and 
Chiefs, (each for himself & his 
People Engaging,) shall at no time 
Hurt, injur.e or Defraud, or suffer to 
be Hurt, Injured or defrauded by any 
of their Indians; and inhabitant or 
Inhabitants of the said Province, 
either in their Persons or Estates, 
And that the said Wm. Penn, his 
Heirs & Successors, shall not suffer 
to be done or Committed by any of 
the subjects of England within the 
said Province, Any Act of Hostil- 



ity or Violence wrong or Injury, to 
or against any of the Said Indians, 
but shall on both sides at all times 
readily do Justice, and perform all 
Acts & Offices of friendship & Good 
will to oblige each other, to a lasting 
peace, as aforesaid. 

(ITEM) That all and every of the 
said Kings & Chiefs, and all and 
every particular of the Nations under 
them, shall at all times behave them- 
selves regularly and soberly., accord- 
ing to the laws of this Government 
while they live near or amongst ye 
Christian Inhabitants thereof, And 
that the said Indians shall have the 
full & free privileges and immunities 
of all the said Laws as any other in- 
habitants, they Duly Owing and Ac- 
knowledging the Authority of the 
Crown of &ngiand and Government 
of this Province. 

(ITEM) That none of the said In- 
dians shall at any time be aiding, 
Assisting or Abetting any other na- 
tion, whether of Indians or Others, 
that shall not at such time be in 
amity with the Crown of England and 
with this Government. 

(ITEM) That if at any time any of 
the said Indians, by means of evil 
minded persons and sowers of sedi- 
tion, should hear any Unkind or dis- 
advantageous reports of the English, 
As if they had Evil designs against 
any of the said Indians, In such Case 
such Indians shall send notice there- 
of to the said Win. Penn, his Heirs 
or successors, and their Lieutenants, 
shall at all times in such cases do 
the like by the them. 

1 (ITEM) That the said Kings and 
Chiefs & their successors, shall not 
Suffer any Strange Nations of In- 
dians to settle or Plant on the fur- 
ther side of Sasquehannagh, or about 
Potowmeck River, but such as are 
there already Seated, nor bring any 
other Indians into any part of this 

Province without the Special appro- 
bation & permission of the said Wil- 
liam Penn, his Heirs and Successors. 

(ITEM) That for the preventation 
of abuses that are too frequently 
putt upon the said Indians in Trade, 
that the said William Penn, his 
Heirs and Successors, shall not Suf- 
fer or Permit any Person to trade or 
Commerce with any of the said In- 
dians, but such as shall be first al- 
lowed and approved of by an instru- 
ment under the Hand and Seal of 
him, the said William Penn, or his 
Heirs or successors, or their 
Lieut's: And that the said Indians 
shall suffer no person whatsoever to 
buy or sell, or have Commerce with 
any of the said Indians, but such 
shall first be approved as aforesaid. 

(ITEM) That the said Indians 
shall not sell or dispose of any of 
their Skins, Peltry, or furr, or any 
other effects of their hunting, to any 
Person or Persons whatsoever out of 
the said Province, nor to any other 
person but such as shall be Author- 
ized to Trade with them as afore- 
said; And that for their Encourage- 
ment, the said William Penn, his 
heirs and successors, shall take Care 
to have them, the said Indians, duly 
furnished with all sorts of necessary 
goods for their use, at reasonable 

(ITEM) That the Potowmeck In- 
dians aforesaid, with their Collony, 
shall have free leave of the said Wm. 
Penn to Settle upon any part of Pat- 
owmeck River within the bounds of 
this Province, they strictly observing 
and practising all and Singular the 
Articles aforesaid to them relating. 

(ITEM) The Indians of Conestogo, 
& upon & about the River Susque- 
hannah, And more Especially the 
Said Connaodaghtah, their King, 
doth fully agree to, and by these pre- 
sents, Absolutely Ratify the Bargain 



& Sale of the Lands lying near and 
about the said River, formerly made 
to the said William Penn, his heirs 
and Successors, And since by Orety- 
agh, & Anadaggy-Junkquegh, parties 
to these Presents, Confirmed to the 
said Wm. Penn, his heirs and Suc- 
cessors, by a Deed bearing Date ye 
13th day of ye 7br last, under their 
hands and seals, duly Executed. And 
the said Connoodaghtah doth, for 
himself and his Nation, Covenant and 
Agree that he will at all times be 
ready further to Confirm & make 
good the said Sale, according to the 
Tenor of the same, and that the said 
Indians of the Susquehannagh shall 
answer to the said William Penn, his 
heirs and Successors, for the good 
Behavior and Conduct of the said In- 
dians, and for their performing of 
the several articles here Expresed. 

(ITEM) The said William Penn 
doth hereby, for himself , his heirs and 
Successors agree, yet he and they will 
at all times shew themselves true 
friends and Brothers to all & every 
of ye said Indians, by assisting them 
with the best of their Advices, Dir- 
ections & Counsels, and will in all 
things Just and Reasonable befriend 
them, they behaving themselves as 
aforesaid, and Submitting to the 
Laws of this Province in all things, 
as the English and other Christians 
therein do. To which they, ye said 
Indians, hereby agree and oblige 
themselves and their Posterity for- 

In witness whereof, the Said Par- 
ties have as a Confirmation made 
mutual presents to each Other: The 
Indians in five parcels of Skins, and 
the said William Penn in Several 
English Goods & Merchandizes, as a 
binding pledge of the promise, never 
to be broken or violated. And as 
a further testimony thereof, have al- 

] so to these presents Sett their hands 
and Seals, the day and Year above 

Signed, Sealed & Delivered in the 
| Presence of 

Edw. Shippen, 
Nathan Stanbury, 
Alexr. Paxton, 
Caleb Pussey, 
James Streater, 
J. Le Tort, 
John Hans Steelman, 
James Logan, 
John Sanders, 
Indian, alias Harry 

his (H I) mark 

his (Z) mark 
Passaqussay, his [) ] 


This was one of the great treaties 
and is nearly always referred to in 
subsequent matters by the Deputy 
Governors with the Indians of Con- 
estoga and Susquehanna River. The 
same treaty may be found in Vol. 1 
of The Pennsylvania Archives, p. 144 
and this same treaty is again referred 
to in Vol 1 of the Penn & Logan Cor- 
respondence, p. 39 and it is stated 
there to have been the most notable 
event of the year. 

Watson in Vol. 1 of his Annals, p. 
24 also speaks of Penn meeting the 
different Indians in 1701 and says that 
"Penn attended in Philadelphia in 
1701 a great Indan treaty with 40 
chiefs who came from many nations 
to settle the friendship. The same 
year he also had a great Indian 
Councill at Pennsbury Mansion to 
take leave of them and to renew the 
convenants." Among these 40 chiefs 
were the Susquehannas above men- 
tioned. Watson also in Vol. 2 of his 
Annals, p. 156 again refers to this 

Hazard in his Register in Vol. 5, 
p. 130 also refers to the deed and 
treaty of 1701, confirming the lands 



on Susquehanna to Penn by those 
Indians and states there that this 
confirmation was renewed in 1726, 
and especially in the great treaty of 
Lancaster in 1744. 

The Susquehannas, Conestogas and 
Other Neighboring Indians Go to 
Philadelphia to Give Penn Good- 
Bye, On His Leaving for England. 

In 2 Col. Rec, p. 46 under the date 
of the 7th of October, 1701, at a 
Council held the afternoon of that 
date, at which William Penn and six 
members of Council were present 
it is recorded, that "the Sachems of 
the Susquehanna and Shawanah In- 
dians with some of their people hav- 
ing come to take leave of the Pro- 
prietary before his departure for 
England ,he informed them that this 
now was likely to be his last inter- 
view with him, at least before his 
return, that he had ever loved them 
and been kind to them and ever 
should contiue so to be, not through 
any Politick Design or for interest, 
but one of a most real affection, and 
Desired them in his absence to Cul- 
tivate friendship with those he would 
leave behind in authority, as they 
would always, in some degree con- 
tinue to be to them as himself had 
ever been. The Governor also in- 
formed them that the Assembly was 
now enacting a Law, according to 
their desire, to prevent their being 
abused by the Selling of Rum, with 
which Orettyagh, one of the Sachems 
in the name of the rest, Exprest a 
great Satisfaction and Desired that 
that law might effectually be put in 
Execution and not only discoursed of 
as formerly it had been; they had 
long suffered by the Practice but now 
hoped for a redress, and that they 
should have reason to complain no 

And for the more effectually an- 
swering so good a design, the Gov- 
ernor Desired that whenever any 
transgressed the said Law, and Came 
Contrary amongst them, to agree- 
ment they would forthwith take care 
to give information thereof to the 
Government, that the offenders they 
might duly be prosecuted; which 
they promised to observe, and that if 
any Rum were brought they would 
not buy it but send the person who 
brought it back with it again. 

Then the Governor informed them 

that he had charged the members of 

Council, and then also renewed the 

same charge, that they should in all 

I respects be kind to them, and enter- 

j tain them with Courtesy and Demon- 

I strations of Goodwill as he himself 

I had ever done, which the said mem- 

[ bers promised faithfully to observe; 

J and making them some presents they 

| withdrew." 

It is difficult to imagine a more 

I beautiful meeting and leave-taking 

: than this must have been — the sav- 

j ages in their simplicity and honestv 

i on one hand and the goodly William 

| Penn and his Council equally sincere 

and honest on the other hand. This 

leave-taking is also noticed in Vol. 

6 of Hazard's Register, p. 72 but as 

it is exactly the same copy from the 

Colonial Records, we will not repeat 

it. Penn left for England a few 

weeks after this incident. 

According to the Colonial Records 
this leave-taking occured in Phila- 
delphia. It seems that a little later 
Penn made a great leave-taking 
event for in Vol. 2 of Watson's An- 
nals, p. 156, Mr. Watson says that in 
1701 Penn held a great Indian Coun- 
cil at Pennsbury to take leave of 

1701— Difficulties Growing Out of the 

Use of Rum at Conestoga 


In 6 Hazard's Register, p. 11 it is 
set forth that the "Proprietary in- 
formed the Council of the great 
abuses committed in Indian trade and 



the great dangers that might arise 
from thence, and the advantages that 
might accure to the province in gen- 
eral from it. Proposed that some 
measures might be concerted for the 
regulation thereof, and redressing 
the grievances that we generally la- 
boured under upon the score and 
•especially by means of two French- 
men, Louis and P. Beasalion, who 
have been suspected to be very dan- 
gerous persons in their traffique with 
the Indians in this troublesome con- 
juncture of affairs. 

Resolved that it was absolutely 
necessary the said two Frenchmen 
should be confined and restrained 
irom inhabiting or trading amongst 
the Indians, and that some way 
should be agreed to carry on the 
trade by a certain number or Com- 
pany who should take all measures 
to induce the Indians to a true va- 
lue and esteem of the Christian reli- 
gion by setting before them a good 
example of probity and candour both 
in commerce and behaviour and that 
care should be taken to have them 
duly instructed in the fundamentals 
of Christianity. And the further 
consideration hereof is referred to 
next meeting of the Board. 

The Governor also acquainted the 
Board, That reports were brought 
that some of the five nations of In- 
dians had sent an embassy to our 
Indians on Delaware requiring their 
aid and concurrence and that it was 
suspected the French of Canada had 
been endeavoring to debauch the 
said Indians from their fidelity to the 
Crown of England. 

Resolved, That care should be 
taken to inquire into the grounds of 
the said reports — and then adjourn- 

The same is found in Vol. 2 of the 
Colonial Records, p. 18. I mention 
this because Peter Bezalion's name 

is used and that at once connects 
these irregularities with the Susque- 
hanna Country. 

The Shawnese also complain against 
Garland for selling rum to the In- 
dians on Susquehanna. This, how- 
ever, we have spoken of before. Their 
complaint was made by Shemeken- 
woa one of the Chiefs of the Shaw- 
nese, about him bring 140 gallons of 
rum and making them very drunk, 
see 2 Col. Rec, ». 33. This same com- 
plaint is noticed in a somewhat dif- 
ferent form in Vol 6 of Hazard's Re- 
gister, p. 34 and it was there decid- 
ed that Indian Harry of Conestoga 
should be sent for to overcome the 

An. aditional difficulty that Penn 
had to deal with about Conestoga and 
the trade there of rum, was in the 
fact that John Hans frequently pro- 
mised Penn to meet him and help 
him to carry out the laws as to 
liquor fully, but refused to do so. 
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p. 
143, Penn writes a letter to John 
Hans and says, "Thou hast often 
promised to visit this place in order 
to treat with me about the Indian 
Trade, but hast as often disapointed 
me. Thy present management there- 
of amongst us is directly contrary to 
our Laws. I have therefore Stopt thy 
Goods intended for Lechay, until 
thou come thyself and give further 
satisfaction." This is under the date 
of 1701. 

1701— A False Story Arises About 
the Coming of the Piscataways. 

In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan 
Correspondence, p. 43 William Penn 
in a letter from Pennsbury to James 
Logan dated the 30th day of June, 
says "I forgot a material point — the 
last Indian instrument from the Con- 
estoga Indians — which I must have, 
or a copy, before I can answer Col. 



Blackinston's letter, a false story fir- 
ing two or three of their foolish 
people of our inciting the Piscata- 
Ways from Maryland, instead of their 
seeking to us: but Governor Blackis- 
ton would not believe it Fail not, 
therefore to send it to me with all 

1701 — Susquehanna Indians 5Tow Co- 
operate Strongly with Penn- 

Proud in his History of Pennsy- 
lvania, in Vol. 1, p. 430 says that this 
year the Susquehannas made a pro- 
mise with Pennsylvania that they 
would not allow any strange Indians 
to settle on the west side of the 
Susquehanna River but would inform 
the people and help to put them off 
the further side of the Susquehanna 

The Five Nations also now show 
very strong love for Pennsylvania and 
Penn in a message to Council on the 
15th of September, 1701 says, "I 
must tell you the good news of the 
Governor of New York's happy issue 
of his Conferences with the five na- 
tions of Indians, that he hath not 
only made peace with them for the 
Ring's subjects of that Colony, but, 
as I had by some letters before de- 
sired him, for those of all other gov- 
ernments under the Crowns of Eng- 
land, and also the nations of Indians 
with those respective Colonies,which 
certainly merits our acknowledg- 

1701— Evidences of the Great Sus- 

queliannas Living Within the 

Bounds of our County. 

In Vol. 7 of Hazard's Register, p. 
395 it is stated that great Indian re- 
lics and remains were found near the 
neighborhood of Columbia and that 
they were probably buried there 200 
years. The Article is as follows: 
"COLUMBIA, (Penn.) June 2. IN- 

DIAN RELICS: A gentleman visit- 
ing this place from Philadelphia, had! 
his attention attracted a few days; 
since, while near the canal basin, by 
the singular appearance of the earth,, 
which resembled an Indian mound or 
tumulus, such as he had before seen. 
On digging down a short distance- 
his suspicions were confirmed; the 
skeletons of three Indians were 
found, supposed to be those of a male 
female and a young child. On being 
exposed to the air, the bones, with 
the exception of the teeth, and a few 
of the large bones of the male, crum- 
bled to dust. They were buried in 
a sifting posture and had on their 
heads an earthen vessel, at the spout 
of which was carved the figure of a 
human face. Between the feet of the 
one taken to be the male, were 
found an iron hatchet, several arrow 
heads, and seven smooth stones 
nearly round; the smallest weighing 
about a quarter of a pound, the 
others varying in regular gradation 
to the seventh, which weighed two 
pounds and a quarter. These stones 
were supposed to indicate the num- 
ber of children which the deceased 
had. Between the feet of the female 
were found two stones of a medium 
size with those found by the male. 
How long these remains had been de- 
posited there it is impossible to tell; 
probably not less than 200 years. It 
is supposed that a great many In- 
dians lie buried along the banks of 
the river, but it is not often their 
bones are discovered. — SPY." 

And in Vol. 8 of Hazard's Regis- 
ter, p. 48 similar remains were found 
about the neighborhood of Bain- 
bridgeand that article is as follows: 

"A few weeks since we took occa- 
sion to speak of some Indian Relics 
that were discovered north the Canal 
Basin in this place. Since then the 
workmen in Section No. 18 of the 



Canal, about two miles this side of 
Bainbridge came upon one end of an 
old Indian burial ground. The bones 
had so completely gone to dust that 
they could only be distinguished 
from the natural soil by a difference 
in color. A great many articles of 
use and ornament were found; ther 
were crocks, hatchets, tomahawks, 
arrow heads, bullets, buck-shot, thim- 
bles, beads, pipes, etc. The pipes 
are made of clay, and are spoken of 
as being very perfect and beautiful, 
with the head of a fox engraved on 
the bowl; so highly is one of them 
valued by the finder, that he has re- 
fused to take less than five dollars 
for it; together with ornaments; the 
beads were of different kinds, and 
unlike any we had seen before. It 
is thought that a short distance 
from where the excavation was made 
towards the river, the earth would 
be found to be filled with these cur- 
iosities.— COLUMBIA SPY." 

1701— Some of the Shawnese Located 
at the Head of Pequea Creek. 

We have before called attention to 
the location of the Old Shawana 
fort near the head of Octararo some- 
what towards Pequea Creek; and for 
it see previous articles. 

That there was a Shawana town 
there as early as 1701 is additionaly 
proved by the following statements 
found in the Second Series of the 
Penna. Archives, Vol. 19, p. 625 where 
it is stated, "That the Commission- 
ers being informed that MathiasVan- 
hebber from Maryland, taking with 
him Henry Hollingsworth, hath late- 
ly surveyed a considerable tract of 
land near the head of Pequea Creek 
In this Province, including within 
the same The Old Shawannah Town, 
etc.; — "and again it is stated" that 
500 acres being granted to Col. John 
French in or near the Shawannah 

old fields, on Pequea Creek, as a con- 
sideration of his services to the Pro- 

From this we -see that while these 
proceedings are dated 1718, the 
lands are referred to as the Old 
Shawannah Fields where the Shaw- 
nese lived as early as 1701 and be- 

At the same place it is stated that 
300 acres should be surveyed to 
Peter Chartier where his father Mar- 
tin is settled on Susquehanna River; 
a warrant was also directed to Moses 
Comb at the request of his brother- 
in-law Peter Bazilion for 200 acres 
among the other surveys about Con- 

I quote this simply to show that in 
1701 that these Indian operations 
were going on about Conestoga and 

1701 — Christian Inhabitants are Lo- 
cated Near Conestoga. 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 16 in 
one of the items of the great treaty 
of the affairs on the Susquehanna 
river it is stipulated, "That all and 
every of the Kings and Chiefs, and all 
and every particular under them, 
shall at all times behave themselves 
regularly and soberly according to 
the laws of this Government, while 
they live near or amongst the Chris- 
tian inhabitants thereof." 

Now as the only Indians concerned 
in this treaty were the Conestogas 
(Susquehanna- Minquays), the Shaw- 
nese and the Ganawese, and this re- 
fers to therm In warning the Chris- 
tian inhabitants it seems to indicate 
that there were some whites then at 
this date of 1701 in the neighborhood 
of Conestoga. They were, however, 
only trades and not regular settlers. 
We shall notice that in a year or two 
later that there will be references to 
Christian inhabitants living at and 
near Conestoga. 



1701— The Earliest Lands Taken Up 
by the Whites Among the Con- 
estogas and the Other Sus- 
quehanna Indian?, 

In Vol. 19 of the Second Series of 
the Penna. Archives, p. 245 it is set 
forth that the land commissioners of 
Pennsylvania granted to Cornelius 
Empson and twenty others 20,000 
acres of land on Octoraro Creek at 
one bushel of wheat rent per hun- 
dred acres. Then warrants were made 
out for 15,000 acres as may be seen 
page 280, to the following persons 
for the following amounts, being a 
part of the above named tract: — 
Cornelius Empson, John Richards, 
James Brown, Henry Reynolds, John 
Bales, Edward Beeson, James Cooper, 
Randall Janney, Andrew Job, John 
Churchman, Ebenezer Empson, John 
Guest, Joel Baily for 1000 acres each 
and to Robert Button, Samuel Set- 
tler and Jeser Brown each for 500 
acres; and surveyed off for William 
Penn's own use, 3000 acres. It is 
described as all in one tract, begin- 
ning at the Northern Barrens be- 
tween the main branch of Northeast 
River and Octoraro Creek, and 
bounding it to the Southwards with 
an East and West line parallel to the 
line of the Province, and Northward 
to the barrens. 

In the same book under the same 
date, 1701, page 27g it is stated that 
a warrant should be made to William 
Clayton for 1000 acres of land at 
Susquehanna, "with the rest there." 
whoever they were. 

These grants of land on the Sus- 
quehanna, I believe, are the very ' 
earliest that were made to indivi- 
duals by the authorities of Pennsyl- 
vania in the neighborhood of and 
among the Indians of these two 

1702— Earliest Preaching to the In- 
dians at Conestoga. 

We have heretofore stated that 
William Penn visited the Indians on 
: the Susquehanna twice and from his 
J nature one can not doubt that he 
gave them religious instruction be- 
cause this was constantly on his 
|mind. But the earliest preaching of 
; which we have any proofs was in 
j 1702 by Rev. Jonas Airens who 
| preached that year to the Conestoga 
| Indians at Conestoga. Record of this 
I may be found in Vol. 30 of Penna. 
Magazine of History and Biography 
| in a note at the bottom of page 291. 
I There is not much to be said about 
| it and it is likely that there were 
j only a few sermons preached; and 
j that it was not a missionary move- 
jment extending over any length of 
time. A little later Thomas Chalk- 
jley preached to the Conestogas, and 
| considerably later Count Zinzendorf, 
the last named about the year 1742. 

1702— The First Mention of the Sus- 
quehanna Road. 

In Vol. 19 of the Second Series of 
the Penna. Archives, p. 303 under 
the date of 1702 it is stated that 
Joseph Fisher and several other 
land owners of Dublin Township, 
"remonstrated that the Sasquehan- 
nah road laid out through the said 
Township is run too much to the 
Northward by which means the set- 
tlements on that side are too short 
and those on the South too long." 
This shows that at the early date of 
1702 the Indian affairs on Susque- 
hanna were of sufficient importance 
to agitate constructing a road to 
their locality. The first road which 
Anally did reach the Susquehanna 
was begun in 1683 and reached the 
river in 1714, but it was in use 
before the latter date. In Nicholas 
Scull's map of 1759 connected with 



the Penna. Archives. Dublin Town- 
ship is situated immediately North of 
Philadelphia county, as it then was. 

1702 — James Logan's Earliest Visit to 
the Conestogas. 

In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan Cor- 
respondence, p. 179 James Logan 
says in a letter of this year written 
to William Penn, "I design next 
month for Conestoga, God willing, to 
treat with the Indians there and con- 
firm them, for we have many re- 
ports about the attempts of the 
French to debauch all; and Indian 
Harry has never since he went to the 
Onondagoes last year been here, but 
he solemnly promised to return this 
way." However, in turning to p. 
179 of the same book, Logan again 
says in 1703 in a letter to William 
Penn, that though he had designed 
to go to Conestoga that he put off the 
journey, waiting for Indian Harry to 
come back from Canada. 

I cite this item to show the efforts 
that were constantly made by the 
French to get the Pennsylvania In- 
dians over to them. We remember 
that in the early years, the Jesuit 
Father had very many meetings with 
our Susquehannocks, and as Queen 
Ann's War was now approaching it 
was considered a great point to get 
these Pennsylvania Indians disaffect- 
ed' from the English. 

1702— Indian Harry at Philadelphia. 

This year as is told us in Vol. 1 of 
the Penn & Logan Correspondence, 
p. 125, Indian Harry was in Philadel- 
phia about the end of July but that 
he went on to the Onondagoes to 
bring advice from them how matters 
stood concerning the Conestoga In- 
dian affairs. We, of course remem- 
ber that the Conestogas and all the 
Indians along the Susquehanna were 
• tenants,and in a manner slaves of the 
Five Nations and whenever anything 

of importance was to be done by the 
Conestogas, advice from the Five Na- 
tions was always necessary before 
anyone dared to make any move. 

1702 — The Conestogas on a War-like 
Expedition to the South. 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 70 at 
a meeting of the Council held on the 
17th of September, it was stated that, 
"information having been given to 
this board by Sylvester Garland, an 
Indian trader of New Castle that half 
a dozen Indians called Tackwheetap 
& Posackaselt, two of them of Dela- 
ware and the rest of Conestogoe, on 
Susquehannah, who had lately re- 
turned from the Southwards from 
hunting, were seen at the said Cones- 
togoe with several parts of women's 
attire, viz.: a Petticoat, White Silk 
hood, Lace, etc., about them, and 
that upon a certain occasion Expres- 
sed themselves as if they murdered 
the persons from whom they had 
taken them. It was consulted what 
method of Inquiry or process should 
be taken with ye said Indians, see- 
ing they were by their Several Treat- 
ies obliged to be answerable to the 
English for what injuries or out- 
rages they should commit against 
them, and it was Resolved, that a 
Message with an Interpreter was 
necessary in the first place to be 
sent, but there being no interpreter of 
that language to be found who could 
be depended on for such a service 
till Harry, the Indian should return, 
who was gone to the Onondagoes, 
and every day expected back again, 
It was further resolved, the whole 
should be deferred until the said 
Harry's return, upon which a full in- 
quiry should be made, and ye treaty 
with the ye Conestogoe Indians re- 
newed and strengthened. In ye 
meantime it is expected that ye Gov- 
ernor of Maryland, who seems ear- 
lier concerned and has earlier infor- 



mation, will make inquiry also." — 
This article sufficiently explains it- 
self and I need add nothing of an 
explanatory character to it. 
1702— The French Make Peace With 
the Iroquois. 
In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan 
Correspondence, p. 88 it is stated in 
a letter from James Logan to Wil- 
liam Penn, that "in the Monthly Mer- 
cury for January there is under the 
head of "France" a passage, which if 
true would be of bad consequence to 
us, viz.: that the Government of 
Canada has made a peace with the 
Iroquois, which will oblige the great- 
er care in what has been said. Al- 
bany, by it, seems ruined; and we 
shall be greatly exposed when that 

barrier of the Five Nations is remov- 

I cite this because whatever the 
Iroquois did affected the Conestogas 
and as the Iroquois broke their alle- 
giance with the English and made a 
treaty of peace with the French of 
Canada, then the Conestogas were 
compelled to choose whether they 
would obey their masters the Iro- 
quois, or defy them and keep their 
peace with the English. We may add 
here that they never broke their 
agreements with the English. 

1702 — Penn Wants Settlements on 
the Susquehanna and Chesapeake. 

In a letter written by James Logan 
to William Penn in 1702, it is stated in 
Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan Corres- 
pondence, p. 122, that a settlement 
on the navigable part of the North- 
east river is to be made and that it 
was to be located half way between 
New Castle and Conestoga, and the 
letter sets forth that another point in 
favor of the settlement is, that it is 
a convenient stage from the lower 
parts to Susquehanna which would 
much encourage a settlement of that 

also. The letter goes on to say that 
Griffith Owen who was with Penn at 
Susquehanna know the place. The 
letter then says that Logan approves 
of Penn's inclination to have settle- 
ments on Chesapeake to trade be- 
tween Pennsylvania. 

This I cite simply to show the im- 
portance of our Indians living up in 
this country because they had a cer- 
tain bearing upon the settlements in 
that locality. 

1702 — Conestoga Indians Have Ceas- 
ed Their Visits to Philadelphia, 

In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan 
Correspondence, pp. 148 and 149, un- 
der the date of 1702 it is stated that 
Indian Harry is still with the Onon- 
dagoes but promises to stop on his 
return, he did not do so. This 
caused fear on the part of the whites 
and they found that he was return- 
ed home to Conestoga two months 
ago but that the Conestoga Indians 
are quiet, however, that they " for 
this last year have seldom come near 
us; some of them are uneasy and 
threaten to disturb the remote set- 
tlers of land: such as the New Ger- 
man tract, which they clamor is not 

The importance of this topic lies 
in the fact that here under the date 
of 1702 is a "New German Tract" 
spoken of somewhere near the neigh- 
borhood of the Conestoga Indians. 
This is fully five years and may be 
seven years before the settlements 
began either in the Pequea or Cones- 
toga Valleys, and the "New German 
Tract" likely refers to bargains 
which Penn was .making in England 
with German People indicating to 
them in a gneral way where their 
land's would be. Another noticeable 
thing in this item is the apparent 
doubt which the Conestogas enter- 
tained as to what they should do. 



Indian Harry had no doubt brought 
home from Canada the news that the 
Five Nations were thinking of joining 
the French, and his suspicious ac- 
tion in not stopping on his way back 
but going directly to Conestoga 
would confirm that there was some 
treachery on foot between the Five 
Nations and the Conestogas toward 
the English and the Conestogas seem 
to be on the verge of breaking faith. 
However, we will see later that all 
turned out well. 

• As to this German tract, it may be 
that the 20000 acres granted in 1701 
to Cornelius Empsom near Octoraro 
is what is referred to. See a former 
item on this. 

1702 — Thomas Chalkley Journeys 
Through the Susquehanna In- 
dian Country. 

In Thomas Chalkley's works, a 
book which we have referred to her- 
tofore, pp. 38-39 he tells of his jour- 
ney in this neighborhood and among 
the Indians thereof ; but I am not able 
to say positively that he did com- 
municate with the Conestogas on this 
trip. We will find definite informa- 
tion about his later missionary 
journeys among the Susquehannas 
and Conestogas. 

1703— Louis Mitchell or Michelle, 
Martin Chartier and Others Live 
at Conestoga With the In- 

In Rupp's history of Lancaster 
County, p. 53 he says that in the 
year of 1703 the Canton of Bern in 
Switzerland sent Louis Mitchell to 
look for vacant lands in Pennsyl- 
vania. Martin Chartier is also de- 
scribed as carrying messages from 
Philadelphia to the Shawnas at Pe- 
quea near Conestoga, where he had 
a trading station. On p. 54 Rupp 
says, though Mitchell was the person 
who first lead the rest there to Con- 

estoga, yet others had come in 
since; and these were the pioneer 
whites in Conestoga. Rupp also says 
at p. 45, quoting the Colonial Rec, 
which we have also quoted in a for- 
mer item, that Martin Chartier had 
long lived among the Shawana In- 
i dians. 

I 1703— The French Again Trying to« 

Wean the Conestoga Indians 

From the English. 

| , In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan 
I Correspondence p. 227 James Logan 
ion the 2nd of September of that year 
! writes a letter to William Penn in 
| which he says, "Indian Harry of Con- 
! estoga is now here and acquaints us 
j with the great endeavors of the 
I French, but I have not fully dis- 
| coursed with him." The letter also 
! states that French are settling 

among the Five Nations and are at 
| peace with them; and have emissar- 
| ies all about us. This is sufficient to 
i show that the French were trying to 

get the good-will of the Five Nations 
j and of course the Five Nations abso- 
! lutely controlled the Conestoga In- 
| dians. 

1 1703 — Letort and Bezalion Again 
Held in Bonds. 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 100 
| the following report is made of a 
Council held at Philadelphia the 17th 
of August this year, as follows: — 

"James Letort who about two 
years agoe went out of this Province 
to Canada, and returned last spring, 
having been upon his return exam- 
ined before several of the Council 
and magistrates, and no great occa- 
sion found to support him of any 
evil designs against this Government, 
he having been bred in it since his 
infancy, had hitherto behaved himself 
inoffensively and was seduced to de- 
part in time of peace by the Instiga- 
tion of some others, without any evil 



intentions that could be made appear | 
in himself and being now in town, 
together with Peter Bezalion another 
Frenchman and Indian Trader, it 
was Judged necessary to call them 
both before the Council, and for fur- 
ther satisfaction to take security of 
them for their behavior towards the 
Government, accordingly they were 
' sent for and obliged each to give Se- 
curity in five hundred pounds Ster- 
ling, that they should behave them- 
selves as good subjects of the Queen 
and of this Government, and hold no 
correspondence whatsoever with ye 
enemy, but at all times during ye 
Warr make best discoveries they 
could do all designs that should come 
to their knowledge against this Gov- 
ernment, or any others of the Queens 
Subjects." In this article we plain- 
ly see how constantly the efforts 
were going on about Conestoga to 
get our Indians turned against the 

1703 — James Logan's Intended Trip 
to the Conestoga Indians. 

In a letter to William Penn dated 
the 13th of March, 1703, and found 
in Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan Cor- 
respondence, p. 79, James Logan 
says, "I design next month for Con- 
estoga, God willing, to treat with the 
Indians there and confirm them for 
we have many flying reports about 
the attempts of the French to de- 
bauch all; and Indian Harry has 
never been here since he went to the 
Onondagoes last year, though he 
solemnly promised to return this 
way." But it appears in the same 
book, pp. 197-198 that Logan never 
made this trip. 
1703— Bazilion Again Suspected. 
In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan Cor- 
respondence, p. 224 in a letter from 
James Logan to William Penn, Logan 
states that it is not safe to let Baza- 

lion to be at large, as he is a dan 
gerous man against the English. 

1703— Randall Janney to be Sent to 

In Vol. 1 of the book last above 
quoted, p. 214, William Penn writes 
a letter to Logan which begins at 
page 211, saying that he recommends 
Janney about the Susquehanna pur- 
chase; and that Logan shall use him 
I kindly. His purpose there was to 
| look after the intended New County 
and also to keep tally on Indian do- 
: ings. 

j 1703— Penn Desires Tobacco and In- 
dian Products to be Shipped 

Down the Chesapeake. 
In the same Vol. last cited, p. 180 
it is stated that a ship to carry 7 or 
800 hogsheads of tobacco down the 
Chesapeake is about being built and 
that the costs of it may not exceed 
3000 pounds, if built at best hand; 
and the cables and rigging may be 
had from England. 
1703 —The Settlement at Octoraro 
Trades With the Indians. 
In the same Vol. last quoted, p. 203 
in a letter by Isaac Norris to Jona- 
| than Dickinson, he speakes of the 
I fact that the settlement of lands at 
the head of the Northeast river or 
Octoraro gives value to our Susque- 
hanna lands, and that our Susque- 
| hanna country, considering the time 
I of the year is very healthy. It may 
be collected from the letter as a 
whole that some trading is being 
conducted by the Indians with these 

1703— A Number of Indians Remove 

from Conestoga. 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 131 in 

the proceedings of a Council held the 

beginning of the year of 1704 there 

is an item which indicates that a 

| number of Indians about the end of 



the year 1703 left at Conestoga. The 
article states that Martin Chartier 
who long lived upon the Susque- 
liannna was examined in relation to 
himself, the Indians, "and those that 
liad lately left Conestoga. And there 
not being sufficient occasion to put 
him any further trouble, he was dis- 

This is the only thing that I can 
find on the subject. I can not tell 
who or what tribe of Indians are re- 
ferred to or whether a large or small 
number left Conestoga. It does not 
refer to the Shawnese because they 
did not leave until quite some time 
later than 1703. But this is enough 
to indicate to us that certain bodies 
of these Indians were in the habit of 
shifting their homes. 

1703 — Whites Among the Indians at 

It seems as early as 1703 there 
were some whites among the Con- 
estoga and other Indians about Sus- 
quehanna, not to settle there but to 
trade with them. Rupp at p. 39 has 
briefly stated the history on this 
point and he says as follows: — 
"Though no actual, settlements had 
been made prior to 1708, or 1709, in 
Lancaster County, a few whites had 
their abodes among the Indians on 
the Susquehanna. — These were In- 
dian Traders, viz.: Joseph Jessop, 
James LeTort, Peter Bezalion, Mar- 
tin Chartier, all Indians, and upon 
the Susquehanna; and one Mitchel, a 
Swiss. Nicole Godin, an active 
young fellow, but rather a sneak, and 
one Francois. These, however, had 
no license to trade among and with 
the Indians. 

It appears from a French letter 
from Madame Letort, the French 
woman at Conestoga, directed to Ed- 
mund Farmer, bearing date 15th of 
March, 1703-4, that the Towittois In- 

dians had come down and cut off 
the two families of neighbor Indians 
at Conestoga, and tihat they were all 
there under great apprehensions of 
further mischief from them, and were 
preparing to demand succor of the 
government in case the disorders 
should be continued. 

The subject mentioned in the let- 
ter, was considered in council, 
March 22; and it was resolved that 
messengers be forthwith despatched 
to Conestogoe, by way of New Castle, 
to know the truth of the information, 
the relation, as it appeared, being 
somewhat suspicious," This item 
needs no further explanation. 

1704— Rumors of a Plot to Carry Off 
tli€> Shawnese. 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 145, 
the Council heard that the Shawnese 
were about to be carried away by 
some strange Indians and they sent 
for Peter Bezalion to be informed of 
the fact. The minutes of Council on 
this subject are as follows: "' Peter 
Bezalion ye French Trader, coming 
to town and being sent for informed 
ye Board That he had heard that 
those of the five nations who intend- 
ed shortly down this way, had a de- 
sign of carrying off the Shawnese In- 
dians, both settled near Conestogoe, 
and those near Lechay, (now Eas- 
ton), were their enemies ; which 
being fully considered, it was resol- 
ved that it would be necessary to 
send an Embassy as well in behalf 
of our friends and allies, as the 
Shawnese are as of ourselves, and 
that all the belts of wampum be 
procured and sent up that were col- 
lected among the Indians three years 
agoe for that purpose." No parti- 
cular comment is necessary on this 
item as it explains itself. 

1704 — Indian Harry's Brother Re- 
ports the Doings of the Five 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 155, 
at a Council held on the 9th of Aug. 



this year it is reported that, " In- 
dian Harry's brother, late of Cones- 
togoe, being arrived in town from the 
five nations, was examined with 
James Le Tort and Peter Bizaillion, 
Concerning those of the said five na- 
tions, that have been so long expect- 
here; and Peter Bizaillion was or- 
ordered to attend again, about five 
o'clock in the afternoon." 

In this there is exhibited the further 
movements and difficulties which the 
English had at all times to keep the 
Five Nations faithful. 

1704— The Chiefs of the Fire Nations 

Came to Philadelphia to Make 

a Treaty. 

In the same book just cited, p. 158 
it appears at a Council held on the 
28th of August this year that, "Kag- 
undanoyagh one of the Chiefs of the 
Onondagoes, with 7 or 8 others of ye 
chiefs of ye Five Nations, being come 
down to Philadelphia in order to hold 
a treaty to settle a correspondence 
With this Government. They were 
called before the Council, the Lieu- 
tenant Governor being by reason of 
sickness unable to attend." 
1704— Nicole Godin Above Conestoga 
Keports Indian Depredations 
in that Neighborhood. 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 138 
we have the following information, 
which concerns not only the Senecas 
but the Indians from Potomac and 
Conestoga. The report of the pro- 
ceedings is as follows: "Edward Far- 
mer, acquainted ye Governor that 
according to this order, he had in- 
formed ye Assembly of what he had 
heard from the Trader Nicole Godin, 
viz.: That upon ye return of ye Caro- 
olina Indians, who was taken (as we 
said) by some of ye five nations last 
year, and after escape went home- 
wards through this province, some of 
ye Carolina Indians, to ye number of 

1 40, in revenge, were lately come and 
| had set upon some of those Potow- 
| mock, but they taking to their fast- 
| ness and being secured, ye others de- 
j clared to them that they (of Caro- 
jlina), had been for many years at- 
i tacked and Injured by some Indians 
| from* ye Northwest, whom they had 
always hitherto taken to be those of 
| Canada, but now found who they 
I were, viz: ye Senecars and those of 
Potomock and Conestogoe, and that 
they were resolved to be revenged,, 
and that the three nations had join- 
ed and would shortly come up and 
either destroy or be destroyed by 
That upon this information, ye as- 
I sembly thanked the Governor for his 
| care in sending them an account of it 
| and upon hearing there were two In- 
dians sent from some of ye five na- 
tions to this Government, on a mes- 
sage, requested that ye Governor 
would be pleased to examine ye said 
Indians to night, by Ja. Le Tort for 
an Interpreter, and that the said 
Nicole should be for to night, and ye 
said Indians be examined with him 

1704— Suspicious Actions of Nicholas 

At a council held the 15th of May, 
1704 the following report was made 
concerning Gateau who was an In- 
dian trader and operated among the 
Conestogas and other Indians living 
on Susquehanna. The report is found 
in Vol. 2 of Col. Rec, p. 131 and is as 
follows: "A petition from Nicholas 
Gateau, the French cook, of this town 
was read, shewing that when the ad- 
ministration of the Government was 
in the Council, he had preferred a 
petition praying that according to 
the Laws of this Government he 
might be naturalized in this Pro- 
vince and Territories; that his said 
Petition had been granted and an in- 
strument prepared, but that by the 
Governor's happy arrival the Execu- 



tion of it was prevented, and there- 
fore humbly prays that the Governor 
would continue the same unto him, 
and that he might be naturalized. 

Ordered, that the said Nicholas. Ga- 
teau, upon his taking the requi- 
site oaths, (viz.:) fidelity to the 
Queen, the abjuration of th'e Pope's 
Supremacy, and fidelity to the Pro- 
prietary, be naturalized, and an In- 
strument prepared for it according to 

1704 — Suffering of the Conestoga In- 
dians in the Winter of 1704. 

In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan Cor- 
respondence, p. 359, it is set forth in 
a letter from Isaac Norris to Daniel 
Zachary that the winter was very se- 
vere. The letter is as follows: — "As 
the longest English liver has never 
known such a winter as this for the 
abundance of snow so we have never 
had such a vacation. All avenues 
were stopped and traveling wholly 
impeded till just now. The post has 
not been here these six weeks, which 
makes the time pass on very melan- 
choly, and the more particularly for 
the want of hearing from you as us- 
ual. This makes me assured it will 
be as welcome to thee to hear thy 
little boy is well, and our family,with 
friends generally. Our river has been 
fast these six weeks, and people go 
and come with carts, sleds, horses, 
etc., as on land. Dutch sleds are 
mightily in fashion here this winter." 

On the following page of the same 
book, Isaac Norris writes a letter to 
John Askew on the same subject, 
which is as follows: "We have had 
the deepest snow this winter that has 
been known, (by the longest English 
liver here;) no traveling, all avenues 
shut; the post has not gone these 
six weeks. The river still fast; 
people bring loads over it, as they 
did seven years ago when thou wast 
here; many creatures like to perish." 

I have thought these two items 
might be of interest in this connec- 
tion as that would show the condition 
in the bleak winter around Conesto- 
ga at the time when the only houses 
I in It were Indian huts or wigwams. 

1704 — Strange Indians Kill Several 
Families of Conestogas. 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 121 
there is set forth a report made be- 
fore Council of information which 
Madame Ann Letort, the French- 
woman at Conestoga gave concern- 
ing the slaughter of Indians there; 
and it is as follows: "A French let- 
ter from Ann Letort, the French 
woman at Conestogoe, directed to 
Edward Farmer, bearing date of the 
15th Instant, being brought to the 
Governor, informing that ye Towit- 
tois Indians had come down and cut 
off two families of neighbor Indians 
at Conestogoe, and that they were all 
there under great apprehensions of 
further mischief from them, and 
were preparing to demand succor of 
this Government in case the disor- 
ders should continue. The Governor 
laid the said letter before the Board 
tp be considered how far the said in- 
formation ought to be regarded, and 
would be judged necessary to be done 

Resolved that some messenger or 
messengers be forthwith despatched 
away to Conestogoe, by way of New 
Castle, to know ye true grounds of 
the said Information, ye Relation as 
it now appears being somewhat sus- 
picious. This is the same incident 
j quoted from Rupp in a prior item it 
I is repeated here because the records 
j of Council are here in full. 

1704 — Gateau Complains Against 
G'odyn at Susquehanna. 

In a minute of Council, p. 181 of 
Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, it is set forth 
that Nicholas Gateau exhibited a 



complaint that sundry goods were 
taken from him, some by Nich. Godyn 
at Sasquehannah; and others were in 
possession of William Slooby and he 
begs that justice be done him. 

1704-1 Report that Chartier & Two* 

Other French Indian Traders are 

About to Leave Sus~ 

In the Vol. last cited, p. 182 it was 
reported to Council that Chartier and 
other French traders were acting 
suspiciously about Susquehanna and 
on this information that they were 
about to depart out of the Govern- 
ment. It was ordered that the Sher- 
iff of New Castle, being nearest to 
their abode take it into charge and 
be diligent to observe the motions 
and designs, and if he finds any 
grounds, he shall arrest and secure 
Chartier and his accomplices. This 
item is important in connection with 
Our Indian on Susquehanna because 
it locates the group of these French 
traders definitely at this time that are 
said in the item to live on Susque- 
hanna, and it is further 'pointed out 
that the Sheriff of New Castle is clos- 
est to them. This shows that they 
were living on the lower Susquehanna 
perhaps below Columbia at this time. 
Their dealings with our Indians were 
extensive and intimate. 

1704 — The Old Indian and Swedish 
Road Still in Use to Sus- 

In an item found page 122 of Vol. 
2 of the Col. Rec, which we have 
heretofore quoted it is stated that 
Council resolved to send messengers 
to Conestoga by way of New Castle. 
I here simply recall our attention to 
the fact that as early as 1646 there 
was evidence which we found in Cam- 

I panius Holm and Acrelius that the 

! route taken by the ancient Susque- 

hannocks and the Swedes who were 

settled in the neighborhood of what is 

i now Wilmington, led across the 

I country by the way of New Castle to 

J Susquehanna river and then up the 

| river to the Indian Town. The item 

j this road by the way of New Castle 

we now quote seems to indicate that 

| was still a favorite one between the 

! Lower Delaware Settlements and the 

| Susquehanna Country. 

1704— The Great Rum Trade with the 
Conestoga Indians Continues. 

At a Council which was held the 
9th day of May, 1704, a member of the 
Board informed that body of the 
great abuses committed by carrying 
rum from New Castle to Conestoga. 
In this item we see that the rum 
trade still continues there in great 

In addition to what we have just 
j said it is set forth in the same Book, 
p. 141 that Ortyiagh, the Chief of the 
Conestoga Indians made a complaint 
through Edward Farmer that he 
should "complain to the Governor of 
the great quantity of rum continually 
brought to their town insomuch 
that they are ruined by it and having 
nothing left but have laid out all, 
even their clothes for rum; and may 
now, when threatened with war be 
surprised by their enemies when be- 
sides themselves with drink and 
thereby be utterly destroyed." 

1704 — Letort, the Indian Trader of 

Conestoga, in Jail. 

On page 163 of Vol. 2 of the Col. 
Rec, "A petition from James Letort 
a prisoner in the Common Gaol of 
Philadelphia, was read setting forth 
that he had always been faithful and 
bore true allegiance to the Crown of 



England, and was ready to give such 
further security as should be thought 
reasonable, yet was abridged of his 
Liberty and detained a prisoner, and 
praying for relief therein; it is order- 
ed to be further considered, and then 

On the 31st of October this petition 
of James Letort was considered, and 
as it is set forth on page 170 of the 
last named book, "it was ordered that 
unless the said Letort can give suf- 
ficient security for his good behavior 
in the sum of 1000 Pounds, to be pro- 
duced at the next setting of the 
Council, he still be detained as a 

1705 — The Ganawese Come to the 
Susquehanna Country. 

At a Council held the 11th of May, 
1705 as is reported in Vol. 2 of the 
Col. Rec, p. 191, "Manangy, the In- 
dian Chief of Schuylkill came to wait 
on the Governor in behalf of the 
Ganawese or Piscataway Indians, 
settled in this Province near the 
head of Polomock, being now reduc- 
ed by sickness to a small number, 
and desirous to quitt their present 
habitation, (where they settled five 
years ago), with the Proprietor's 
consent the Conestogoe Indians then 
becoming Guarantees of a Treaty of 
Friendship made between them, and 
shewing a belt of Wampum, they 
had sent to the Schuylkill Indians to 
engage their friendship and Consent, 
that they may be permitted to settle 
in the said place, which if he pleased 
to agree to, they will come and wait 
on him themselves with a suitable 

The Governor gave them a kind in- 
vitation, by the said Menangy, to 
come and settle as near us as they 
should think fitt, provided they would 
take care and live peaceably, and 
that the said Manangy , and ye In- 

dians of that place with him would 
appear and engage they should be- 
have themselves well and dutyfull to 
j this Government." 

It will be observed here that these 
i Indians came into Pennsylvania 
ifrom the South in the year of 1700, 
| but they settled on the extreme low- 
er boundary about the head branches 
of the Potomac; and they now mov- 
ed to Conestoga. I can not find 
whether they entered into the Cones- 
toga tribe and became a new element 
in its already conglomerated consti- 
tution or kept their separate tribal 
manners and lived separate. They 
were reduced to a very small number 
and may have formed a little group 
by themselves. 

1705— The Conestogas Fear that the 
Marylanders are Going to Ex- 
terminate Them. 

In the book and at the page last 
mentioned it is stated, "Two Indians 
from Conestogae also waited on the 
Governor, informing him that they 
had been alarmed by the people of 
Maryland, and were told that they 
had design to come and take or cut 
them off, upon account of an injury 
done to some of that Province by 
some of the five nations, of which 
they were wholly innocent, and 
therefore desired this Government's 
protection, that as they have behaved 
themselves well and peacably, they 
might still continue to live in quiet- 
ness and unmolested. 

The Governor assured them, that if 
they were clear of the violences done 
lately upon the family of the English 
in Maryland, and would not Espouse 
the Cause of or shelter any who 
should committ any injuries against 
the Queen's subjects, they should al- 
ways be protected." 

This item discloses to us that 
these small tribes about the Susque- 
hanna were again undergoing the 



dangerous experiences which their 
ancestors the old Susquehannocks 
had undergone two generations be- 
fore: — that is, the five nations com- 
mitted depredations in Maryland and 
blamed it upon the Conestogas. We 
remember that 1675 before the Five 
Nations had conquered the Susque- 
hannocks those Indians of the Five 
Nations used to commit murders in 
Maryland and blame it on the Sus- 
quehannocks and it was this sad cir- 
cumstance that brought Major Tru- 
man and Colonel Washington to 
slaughter the five Susquehannock 
chiefs and take the first steps in the 
extermination of the Susquehannock 

1705 — James Logan Holds the First 

Treaty at Conestoga Since 

Penn's Last Tisit. 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 244 
under the date of the 6th of June, 
1706 James gave an account of the 
treaty which he had held at Cones- 
toga in October, 1705. The reason 
that he did not report it before was 
that he wanted to make the report in 
the presence of the Indians with 
whom he had held the treaty; and 
on this day the Chiefs of the Cones- 
togas, Shawnese and Ganawese on 
Susquehanna had come to town 
(Philadelphia) to confer about pub- 
lic affairs and had brought Indian 
Harry with them as interpreter, and 
were now present in the council 
chamber. This report to Council of 
the treaty he made with them in 1705 
was made in their presence so that 
they could object if he reported any 
part of it wrongly, and it served the 
further purpose of fully informing 
them that the treaty which had been 
made in the far away woods along 
the Conestoga would reach the 
authorities at Philadelphia in fact 
and in truth. The report which 
Logan gave on what happened at 
Conestoga is set forth as follows: 

"The Secretary not having done it 
' in Council before, gave the Board an 
account of the message to the said 
Indians, in October last, undertaken 
by order of Council, upon the re- 
peated reports we had of great un- 
easiness among the Indians, by rea- 
son of the Ganawese, who had fled 
from Maryland, as follows, viz: 

That in Company of some persons 
S from Chester, viz. : the Sheriff and 
Clark of that County, and the Sher- 
■ iff of New Castle, Hercules Coutts, 
Hermannus Alricks, with Edward 
Shippen, Junr., and others being ten 
in number, he carried thither some 
English goods for a present and at 
| Conestoga as the Chief place he first 
; treated with them, telling them, (ac- 
| cording to the minutes then taken), 
| that he was come from the Governor 
| of Pennsylvania, who had always 
j been a friend to all the Indians 
j within the bounds of it. That Gov- 
ernor William Penn, since he first 
came into this countrey, with all 
j those under him, had always inviol- 
j ably maintained a perfect friendship 
I with all the natives of the Countrey, 
that he possessed of it at his first ar- 
I rival. 

That when he was last in the 

Countrey he visited those of that 

place and his son upon his arrival 

did the same, in order to cultivate the 

I ancient friendship between them, 

I that he and his posterity might, after 

| his father's example maintain peace 

and a good understanding with them 

and their heirs. 

That the Governor, who now is at 
; Philadelphia, is sent over to them by 
I Governor Penn in his stead, would 
have come also and seen them, but 
other business obstructed, he intend- 
ed it however as soon as possible he 
could with conveniency. 

That he, (the Secretary) with that 
Company were now come, not to 



make any new treaty with them, for 
that he hoped would be needless, 
those that have been already made 
being in full force and sufficiently 
strong, but to enquire of them, as our 
brethren, how matters stood with 
them, whether anything had happen- 
ed among them, and whether all 
things were well with them in this 
time of open war, of which we de- 
sired a full account of them. 

That Governor Penn had often em- 
ployed his thoughts how to prevent 
any affronts or injuries of any kind 
being put upon them, and how they 
might the most advantageously be 
furnished with what they wanted 
from the English. 

That notwithstanding all his care 
things had not been so well managed 
as desired, but that now we were re- 
solved to fall upon measures, more 
effectually to put in practice what 
had been so much wished for in vain. 

That the Assembly of Pennsylvania 
which is the great Council, was now 
about to sit at Philadelphia to make 
necessary laws for the good of the 
publick, that in order to have some 
good law made, also for their advan- 
tage, they were desired three or four 
of their Chiefs and wisest men to 
Philadelphia, to agree on such 
things as would be most proper to be 
past into laws for that purpose. 

That he was not willing to insist 
on any further particulars at this 
time, upon the various reports that 
had been spread in the Countrey con- 
cerning them, which principally oc- 
casioned their visit, referring till 
they should meet at Philadelphia,only 
he would mention two things of great 
importance at the present time, and 
which he must lay before them: 
First, that they should take great 
care of giving ear to Malicious Re- 
ports spread and carried by ill men, 
for that we heard they had been al- 
armed at the Christians putting 

J themselves in arms in all these 
j parts and mustering. The reason of 
| this was the war with the French, 
and was designed rather to help 
than to hurt them, but as they and 
we are brethren each must be assis- 
tant to the other, and therefore the 
English took up arms to defend 
j themselves, and the Indians also 
1 against both their enemies. 

That notwithstanding they ought 
| all as far as possible to avoid war, 
! for peace was most desirable, and 
j war must be only for defence. 

That we were also informed some 

! of the Maryland Indians then among 

them had differed with the English 

there, and were afraid to return or 

come among the English of that 

Government. If so they might then 

| continue among us till matters were 

| fully settled, that our Governor 

would treat with the Governor of 

| Maryland in their favour, but they 

j must not quarrel with any of the 

subjects of England, for we are all 

under one Crown and are as one 

; people. 

That these Indians then called the 
I Piscataway Indians about five years 
: ago when they came to settle within 
\ this Government came to Philadel- 
•! phia in company with those of Con- 
l estoga and the Shawanois, who en- 
| gaged to our government for their 
| peaceable deportment and behavior 
amongst us that hitherto 
behaved accordingly, and 
that ther would continue so to do. 
After which he summoned up his 
discourses and desired them to re- 
member well what he had said and 
give him an answer at next meeting 
to-morrow. The Secretary further 
informed the Board that the next day 
sitting again in Council with their 
Chiefs at Conestogoe, they made an- 

That in Consideration of our Visit, 
though they were very poor, they 

they had 
we hoped 



presented us with some skins. That ! 
they could not possibly come to 
Philadelphia so soon as desired, ] 
being now late in the year, but in the | 
Spring they will all come in a body. | 
That they did not understand what j 
we meant by ill reports, which being 
further explained to them, they an- 
swered, (Viz. the Ganawese), that 
some of the Virginians had much dis- , 
turbed them, killed one of their men j 
and abused several others, that being 
uneasie they thought it not safe to j 
continue there, and were now come ! 
hither where they hoped they might 
live peaceably, that on their sides i 
whatever was reported they meant 
nothing but peace and friendship. To j 
which he answered that they should 
be safe here, and desired them not 
to go further from us till matters be 
fully settled with Virginia and Mary- 
land, that in the mean time we would 
be kind to them and they should not 
want. They proceeded to answer 
that they knew not of any ill reports 
at present, that when they heard any 
they should wholly disregard them. 

That he further added that he un- 
derstood John Hans was building a 
log house for trade amongst them, 
which made uneasie, and desired to 
know whether they encouraged it. To 
which they answered that they did 
not, and were desired not to suffer 
any Christians to settle amongst 
them without the Governor's leave. 
They added that they desired us to 
trade with them and for the present 
to trust them, for it was very low 
with them. The Secretary further 
added that among the Shawanis, with 
whom their chief abode was, he had 
also held a treaty to the same pur- 
pose with that at Conestogae, and 
received very near the same answers; 
that he had made them presents of 
Stroudwater and Indian Jewels to the 
value of nearly 20 Pounds and had 
received some skins in return.which 

being sold to the best advantage 
amounted to 6 Pounds and no more. 
Then he left them all in a very good 
temper, very well pleased and oblig- 
ed with the message, and exceeding- 
ly disposed. That he with the Com- 
pany had made a journey among the 
Ganawese, settled some miles above 
Conestogoe at a place called Conne- 
jahera, above the fort,and had confer- 
ences with them, which seemed 
wholly to compose all their appre- 
hensions, and that he had reason to 
believe he left these three nations in 
a perfect good understanding with 
us, of which he thought it necessary 
more particularly to acquaint the 
Board at this time, because the pre- 
sent conference would in some mea- 
sure be grounded upon that message. 

The said account being ended the 

Governor ordered the Interpreter to 

acquaint the said Indians that he 

fully designed to have seen them at 

their own town before this time, but 

unexpected business falling in pre- 

| vented him, notwithstanding he still 

\ continued his resolution by the first 

j convenient opportunity, in the mean 

! time he was glad to see them all 

| here, and desired they would pro- 

! ceed to inform him of what they had 

j new or what had occurred to their 

j notice. 

Upon which Andaggyjunguagh, the 
! Chief of Conestogoe, laid before the 
; Governor, a very large Wampum belt 
! of 21 rows, with three hands 
! wrought in it in black, (the rest 
j white) which belt, he said,was pledge 
of peace formerly delivered by the 
| Onondagoe Indians, one of the Five 
Nations to the Nantikokes, when 
j they made the said Nantikokes trib- 
utaries; that the Nantikokes being 
I lately under some apprehensions of 
j danger from the Five Nations, some 
J of them had this spring come up to 
| Conestogoe and brought this belt 



with tliem, and that they had another 
of the same also at Conestogoe, to 
show to those of the Five Nations 
that were expected shortly to come 
down to receive the Nantikokes tri- 
bute; that they brought this belt 
thither, that we might also shew it 
to those of the Five Nations who 
might come down this way, that they 
might see they had made peace, and 
that we are at peace with our 
neghboring Indians. Much time was 
spent in discoursing this, as also in 
conferring which the Shawonois,who 
owned themselves under some misap- 
prehensions from the Five Nations, 
and then adjourned till morning." 
The report of this treaty is so full 
that we need add nothing to it by 
way of comment 

This last item again shows us the 
location of Susquehanna Fort at this 

1705 — Location of Susquehanna Fort 

at This Time. Bazalion and Two 

Conestoga Indians Attend 


In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Records, 
p. 186 it was ordered on the 23rd of 
May, 1705 that notice shall be given 
to the two Indians from Conestoga 
and to Peter Bezalion to attend to- 
morrow morning at 9 o'clock. It was 
at this meeting that the Conestogas 
gave the news to Council that they 
were afraid of the Maryland authori- 
ties; and what they said and did has 
already been stated so that it need 
not be repeated. 

As to Peter Bezalion it might be 
important here to state that he is 
buried in the church yard of the St. 
John's Episcopal church at Compass, 
just over the Lancaster County line 
from Waterloo in Salisbury town- 
ship on the head branches of the 
Pequea Creek. The inscription on 
his tombstone is as follows: 

"In Memory of 

Peter Bezellion 
i who departed this life 

July 18th, 1742 

Aged 80 years. 

[ Whoe'er thou art with tender Heart 

Stop, Read and Think on me 
I once was well as now thou art, 
As now I am so shalt thou be." 

1 1705 — A Law to Further Protect the 

Indians from Frauds and 


In Vol. 2 of the Col Rec, p. 213 it 
is set forth that the Assembly have 
forwarded to the Council a bill en- 
l titled, "An Act for Better Improving 
Good Correspondence With the In- 
dians." One object of the Act was to 
| limit the amount they could spend 
I for Indian treaties. At page 216 it is 
set forth that the Governor and 
j Council thought the sum of 50 
j pounds was too small for Indian 
| treaties for one year, but the As- 
| sembly would not agree to a larger 
| amount. The act was finally passed 
jthe 12 of January, 1706 and may be 
| found in Vol 2 of the Statutes at 
1 large p. 279. The assembly won its 
; point in this Act because it provides 
: that no more than 50 pounds may be 
j spent yearly. 

1 1705— James Logan's Letter to Penn 
on His Conestoga Trip. 

In Vol. 2 of the Penn & Logan 
| Correspondence, p. 83 is to be found 
j a letter written by Logan to William 
] Penn the 9th of October, 1705, in 
j which he says in part, "I have for 
j several weeks past upon various 
! business been obliged to be from 
j home, a journey to Conestogoe, in 
I order to compose some misunder- 
standings apprehended to arise 
I among there and some other neigh- 
boring Indians, as the Shawanois 
and Ganawois lately settled near 
them, being fled from Maryland, took 
me up about 10 days." This is about 
all he says to William Penn on the 
j subject but the proceedings in full 
j are found in the Colonial Records, as 
i we have above stated. 



f 706 — Conestogas, Shawnese and 

Ganawese go to Philadelphia 

On Business. 

If one had been in the Council 
Chamber on the 6th of June, 1705 
they would have found there a large 
company of Indians from the Sus- 
quehanna, who came down to confer 
on public business. We have refer- 
red to this before showing that James 
Logan took advantage of their pre- 
sence to explain to the Council in the 
presence of the Indians the treaty he 
had made at Conestoga in October, 
1705. But this visit by these Indians 
was made by them for other pur- 
poses. We remember that the Con- 
estoga Chiefs laid before the Gover- 
nor a very large belt of wampum with 
21 rows with 3 black bands wrought 
in it and the rest white and gave the 
explanations which we have above set 
forth. The next day the Board took 
up the question of what this belt 
meant and why the Indians left it 
there to be shown to the Five Na- 
tions. The Council were very much 
puzzled and somewhat frightened by 
this account of the Conestogas, es- 
pecially as the Nantikokes desired it 
to be brought to the attention of the 
Five Nations when those chiefs 
should come through Philadelphia on 
their way to Conestoga. The decis- 
ion of Council is set forth at page 
247 of the book last cited, where it 
is stated that the subject being de- 
bated for some time, and the Indians 
more particularly examined about it, 
it was resolved at length upon their 
declaring that they had another of 
the same at Conestoga to be shown 
to the Five Nations that the belt 
should be kept here according to 
their proposal." 

1706 — The Governor Explains Our 
Laws to the Conestoga Indians. 

In the same work and at the page 
last mentioned is is stated that on 

this 7th cf June, 1706 the Governor 
caused the late law for improving at 
better Correspondence with the In- 
dians to be read and explained to 
those that had come down from Con- 
estoga. "They were acquainted upon 
it, that this Government took all 
possible care to have all matters re- 
lating to them regulated to the best 
advantage, that now they had made a 
law to prevent any injuries to them 
from the Christians, and laying great- 
! er punishments on those that should 
commit them, than if they were done 
to the English themselves. That we 
I had also enacted in that law, that no 
person should trade with them, but 
| such as should first have a license 
i from the Governor, under his hand 
j and seal, upon making out of which 
j license, the persons licensed were 
j obliged to observe certain orders and 
jrgulations, that the Indians should 
be in no wise abused by them. That 
I it now concerned them to take care 
i among themselves, that this law 
! should be kept in force, for the trad- 
ers coming among them could not be 
| discovered but by the Indians, and 
therefore they were desired to see 
that it be duly observed. They then 
desired that only two persons should 
be allowed to trade with them, for 
that number would be sufficient, but 
it was answered that they would be 
the more subject to be imposed on, 
i the fewer should trade with them, 
and it would be to their advantage, 
| provided that all traders were sub- 
I ject to a regulation. 

They further desired that none 
might be suffered to go up into the 
Countrey beyon.d their towns, to 
meet the Indians returning from 
; hunting, for they sustain great dam- 
ages by that practice, by being made 
I drunk at their return before they 
| get home to their wives and so 
! were imposed on and cheated by the 
i traders of all their labors. 



Under this they were desired to 
take care among themselves that 
none of their people should sell any- 
thing to the traders till they came 
home to their own town and in the 
licenses that should be given in the I 
future, the Governor would take care ' 
to oblige them not to go higher into 
the Countrey than the noted Indian 
Towns and to trade nowhere else. 

Then they presented a parcel of i 
Deer, Fox and Racoon skins, of about 
14 Pounds in value, (according to 
the prices they now bear), which 
they offered for a confirmation of 
the Chain of Friendship between us, j 
and desired that we might all still 
Continue Friends and Brothers as 
we have always hitherto been, which 
being kindly accepted and orders 
given to provide goods to return 
them for their present, the Council 

In this we again see what a var- j 
lety of matters it was necessary to j 
take up and settle between our In- j 
dians on Susquehanna and the Gov- 
ernment; and what a sensible view 
the Indians took of all these mea- 
sures for their benefit. 

1706 — The Costs of Logan's Treaty 
With the Conestoga Indians. 

On the 25th of June, 1706, as shown 
in Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 248 the 
Secretary, James Logan, "laid before 
the Board an account of the charge 
of the last treaty had with the In- 
dians of Conestogoe, at Philadelphia, 
amounting on the debtor side to 36 
pounds, 2s and 5d; on the Creditor 
13 pounds, 17s — which makes the 
balance 22 pounds, 5s and 5d, which 
account being approved and approved 
of by the Board, it is ordered that 
the Treasurer forthwith pay the bal- 
ance of it of that 50 Pounds per 
Annum, allowed by the Assembly 
for that purpose." 

1706 — Governor Evans Goes to Con« 
estoga to Make a Treaty. 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 251 at 
a Council held the 31st of August, 
this year, Governor Evans represent- 
ed to the Council that it being of 
great importance during this war 
time to maintain a good understand- 
ing with the Indians and secure 
them to the Queen's interest against 
the effeorts of the enemy to de- 
bauch them, he had proposed to 
make a visit very hastily to those of 
Conestoga and the adjoining settle- 
ments and he asked that it be made 
a public charge; and the Board if the 
Governor did undertake the trouble 
of the journey, that his visit to them 
since they expect to see him at their 
own town, might be of great public 

On this encouragement Governor 
Evans made the visit and the treaty 
and on the 19th of September he re- 
ported it to Council (p. 252), saying 
that he had further "a necessity of 
going to Conestoga lately for which 
he found when he arrived there that 
there had been very great occasion 
and he hoped it would prove of 
great service." This seems to be the 
only report of the treaty and what 
questions' he took up and disposed of 
is now shown. But in Vol. 2 of the 
Penn & Logan correspondence, p. 159 
James Logan writing to Wm. Penn 
says in a letter dated August 1706 in 
speaking of John Evans, " There 
are perhaps some articles that per- 
haps may shock thee, particularly 
that of the Conestogoe journey but it 
is exactly as everything is as they 
have charged. The ill flavor of that 
treaty made by Governor Evans is 
they accused him of making gain out 
of it. In a letter found in the 
hook last mentioned, p. 267 in 
Logan says concerning John Evans 
that the Assembly have long since 



accused him of making out of this 
treaty a lewd voyage to Susque- 
hanna with the violest character of 
his and his retinue's practices with 
the wives and daughters of the In- 
dian people of Conestoga." 

The scandal of this treaty at Con- 
estoga was taken note of by the As- 
sembly and on the 28th of Decem- 
ber, these staid old Quakers in an 
address to Governor Evans say in 
Vol. 1 of the Votes of Assembly, Part 
2, p. 131, "If men employed or con- 
cerned in Indian treaties or trade 
will take these opportunities to 
exact upon or defraud the Indians 
and commit such vile abominations 
with them, as we are informed some 
have; done to the great scandal of 
Christianity, the poor heathen will 
have too much cause to conclude 
that it is better to remain in their 
natural state, than to advance to- 
wards the Christian religion, espec- 
ially as they conclude that the prac- 
tices thereof will give them no 
better examples, than we understand 
some have done lately and formerly, 
in their Indian visits." 

Rupp says at p. 44, in speaking of 
this treaty that, "It appears that the 
Indians, at Conestoga were quite an 
object of attention. Fearful they might 
be alienated, Governor Evans con- 
ceived it of the utmost importance 
under these existing circumstances 
'to maintain as far as possible, a per- 
fect good understanding with the In- 
dians, and to labor to keep them se- 
cure in the Queen's interest against 
the machinations used by the enemy 
to debauch them from the people of 
the province.' To effect this, he pro- 
posed, in August, 1706, the year after 
Chalkley's errand to them as a mes- 
senger of Peace, to visit very speed- 
ily the Indians of Conestoga, and the 
adjacent settlement. He went, and 
had a personal interview with them 
at Conestoga; and it proved, as he 

hoped of great service. 

It was then, perhaps, he was so 
eloquently addressed by an Indian 
Orator, who, as the Poet says spake: 
'Father — we love quiet; we suffer 
i the mouse to play, .when the leaves 
j are rustled by the wind we fear not; 
when the leaves are disturbed in am- 
bush, we are uneasy; when a cloud 
i obscures your brilliant sun, our eyes 
! feel dim; but when the rays appear, 
they give great heat to the body, and 
I joy to the heart. Treachery darkens 
; the chain of friendship, but truth 
makes it brighter than ever. This 
is the peace we desire." 

I quote this just as Rupp gives it 
and if the Governor was capable of 
j the abominable acts he is charged 
! with having committeed (and his re- 
tinue) after the beautiful addresses 
the Indians made to him, he must 
have been a character entirely un- 
worthy of his place and could not 
find any excuse whatever except that 
which malefactors frequently use — 
that he was drunk and did not know 
what he was doing. 

This action of Evans illustrates 
how completely vile acts are kept 
alive through the long ages of his- 
tory; for the good old schoolmaster, 
Robert Proud, p. 481 of his History 
of Pennsylvania, also calls attention 
to what he styles Governor Evans' 
abominable acts at Conestoga. And 
he further says that the Assembly in 
1707 drew up a remonstrance against 
Evans and made this conduct at Con- 
'■ estoga one of the main points 
against him. This remonstrance is 
I found in Vol. 1 of the Votes of As- 
' sembly, Part 2, p. 180 and in it they 
I say p. 181 that a complaint was made 
I to the House that some who lately 
I went with Governor Evans to Cones- 
j toga to visit the Indians committed 
| vile abominations with them, and in 
' remonstrance they conclude by say- 



ing that the Lieutenant Governor | 
being in Penn's absence in chief 
command of the province, ought to be j 
virtuous, but that he has by his ex- | 
cess and misdemeanors dishonored | 
God and the Queen and brought the | 
Government of Pennsylvania to great ! 
public scandal. 

1706— Thomas Chalkley's Visit to the j 
Conestoga Indians. 

Rupp in his History of Lancaster I 
County, p. 41 says that in the year 
1705 Thomas Chalkley was visiting ! 
some of his brethren at Nottingham 
in Maryland and that Chalkley said at J 
that same time that he had it on his 
mind to visit the Indians living at 
Conestoga. Rupp then quotes it as i 
being in 1705 but Chalkley fixes it in j 
his Journal as in 1706. Rupp then 
gives the following description of j 
what took place: "We got an inter- ! 
preter, and thirteen or fourteen of us 
travelled through the woods about 
fifty miles carrying our provisions | 
with us, and on the journey set 1 
down by a river, and spread our j 
food on the grass and refreshed our- 
selves and horses, and then went on j 
cheerfully and with good will, and 
much love to the poor Indians and j 
when we came they received us kind- i 
ly, treating civilly in their way. We 
treated about having a meeting with 
them in a religious way; upon j 
which they were very grave, and 
spoke one after another, without any 
heat or jarring — and some of the 
most esteemed of the women speak 
in their councils. I asked our in- 
terpreter, why they suffered or per- 
mited the women to speak in their 
Councils? His answer was, 'that 
some women were wiser than some 
men.' 'Our interpreter told me that 
they had not done anything for 
many years without the councils of 
an ancient grave woman; who, I 
observed spoke much in their Coun- 

cils; for as I was permitted to be 
present at it, and I asked, what it 
was the woman said? He told me 
she was an empress; and they gave 
much heed to what she said amongst 
them; and that she then said because 
we did not come to buy or sell or 
get gain, but come in love and respect 
to them — and desire their well doing 
both here and hereafter;' and fur- 
ther continued 'that our meetings 
among them might be very beneficial 
to their young people' — and related a 
dream which she had three days be- 
fore, and interpreted it, viz.: 'That 
she was in London, and that London 
was the finest place she had ever saw 
— it was like to Philadelphia; but 
much bigger — and she went across 
six streets, and in the seventh she 
saw William Penn preaching to the 
people, which was a great multitude, 
but she and William Penn rejoiced 
to see each other; and after meeting 
she went to him, and he told her that 
in a little time he would come over 
and preach to them also, of which 
she was very glad. And now she 
said her dream was fulfilled, for one 
of his friends was come to preach 
to them.' 

She advised them to hear us, and 
entertain us kindly; and according- 
ly they did. There were two nations 
of them, the Senecas and Shawnese. 

We had first a meeting with the 
Senecas, with which they were much 
affected; and they called the other 
nation, viz.: the Shawnese, and in- 
terpreted to them what we spoke in 
their meeting, and the poor Indians, 
and particularly some of the young 
men and women, were under a solid 
exercise and coneern. We had also 
a meeting with the other nation, and 
they were all very kind to us, and de- 
sired more such opportunities; the 
which, I hope, Divine Providence will 
order them if they are worthy there- 



The Gospel of Jesus Christ was 
preached freely to them, and faith 
in Christ, who was put to death at 
Jerusalem, by the unbelieving Jews; 
and that this same Jesus came to 
save people from their sins and by 
his grace and light in the soul, shows 
to man his sins, and convinceth him 
thereof; delivering him out of them, 
and giving inward peace and comfort 
to the soul for well-doing; and sor- 
row and trouble for evil-doing; to 
all which as their manner is, gave 
public assent; and to that of the light 
of the soul, they gave a double as- 
sent, and seemed much affected with 
the doctrine of truth, also the benefit 
of the holy scriptures was largely 
opened to them. 

After this we returned to our res- 
pective habitations, thankful in our 
hearts to the God and Father of our 
Lord Jesus Christ. Several of the 
friends that went with me expressed 
their satisfaction in this visit, and of- 
fered themselves freely to go again 
to the like service." 

I find the same in Chalkley's Jour- 
nal, p. 49 where he says he had 
meetings as he travelled on the road 
at Nottingham river, Northeast 
River, Bush River, Gunpowder River 
and Susquehanna River but he seems 
to fix the date at 1706, and the same 
thing which is set forth in Rupp is 
found pp. 49,50, 51, 52 in Chalkley's 

1706 — More Germans Buy Land 
Among the Conestoga Indians. 

In Vol. 2 of the Penn & Logan Cor- 
respondence, p. 110, William Penn 
writes to Logan from England and 
says that "The German persons 
press me not for the 30,000 acres of 
land in New Castle County but the 
Conestoga land." We here see that 
the Germans are now preparing to 
make their home among these Con- 
estoga Indians as early as this, where 

I they obtained rights from Penn but of 
i course they did not settle until a 
i year or more later. It seems that 

the Conestoga Indians were satisfied 
i to receive these new neighbors for 
I in the same letter Penn writes and 
j says, " I am glad that the business 

of the Conestogas and other Indians 
i came off so easily. 

1706 — Relation of the Minquays and 
the Five Nations. 

In 15 Hazard's Register, p. 181 
Conyingham says that the Minquays 
| or their nation was part of the Five 
Nations and settled at Conestoga and 
were thence called Conestoga In- 
dians. They sent messengers to 
Penn's Commissioners at Sackam- 
axan in 1682; some of their chiefs 
attended the conference or treaty of 
William Penn in December of the 
same year when certain lands were 
I assigned them as residences forever, 
I the right of the soil having been pur- 
! chased of the Indians by Penn. He 
I also says that these Conestoga In- 
! dians were remarkable for their love 
| of peace and fidelity of their promis- 
es. He says that it is recorded that 
once every year they send a delega- 
tion to the Governor with presents, 
assuring him of their fidelity of the 
! first treaty or treaties. 

1707 — Governor Evans Second Treaty 
at Conestoga. 

Some time during the late Spring 
I of 1707 word came from Conestoga 
j that Nicole Godyn and another 
Frenchman named Francois were en- 
deavoring to get the Indians on Sus- 
quehanna and Conestoga to desert 
the English and join the French. This 
required immediate attention and 
I Council decided that the Governor 
should make another journey to Con- 
, estoga, which he did in June of that 
j year. He returned about the middle 
, of July and gave a full account of 



this treaty which is found in Vol. 
2 of the Col. Rec, pp. 386 to 390, and 
it is as follows: 

" The Governor with Messrs. John 
French, William Tonge, Mitchell Be- 

zalion, Grey, and four 

other servants, set out from New 
Castle the 27th of June and the next 
morning arrived at Otteraroe where 
the Governor was presented with 
some skins from the Indians, and the 
same night we arrived at Pequehan, 
being received by Martines by 
Opessah and some Indian Chiefs,who 
conducted us to the town, at our en- 
trance into which place we were sa- 
luted by the Indians with a volley 
of small arms. On Monday we went 
to Denkanoagah, upon the river Sas- 
quehanna, being about nine miles 
distance from Pequehan. Sometime 
after our coming here a meeting was 
held of the Shawanois, Senequois and 
Canoise Indians and the Nantikoke 
Indians from the seven following 
towns, viz: Matcheattochousie, Match- 
couchtin, Witichoquoam, Natahquois, 
Techquois, Byengeahtein, and Pohe- 
commdati. An Indian presented to the 
Governor and his Company, and all 
ye Indians there present, a large pipe 
with tobacco, out of which every one 
smoakt, and then the Governor ac- 
quainted the Indians that he had re- 
ceived a message from the Senequois 
Indians of Conestogoe and those of 
Pequehan, how that several strange 
Indians were amongst them, and 
desired his presence there; that al- 
though he had the charge and care of 
many thousands of the Great Queen 
of England's subjects, yet he has now 
come to this place to know their de- 
sires, and was willing to serve them 
in whatsoever lay in his power; to 
which a Nantikoke Indian replied, 
that they were extremely glad the 
Governor was with them and that 
they had waited ten days to see him. 
Adjunke, one of the Sachemaes of 

Conestogoe said, he was well satis- 
fied with the Relation the Nantikoke 
Indians had given him of their af- 
fairs. Yet notwithstanding he was 
very desirous they should make it 
known to the Governour that he 
might also be satisfied with it, a Nan- 
tikoke Indian took into his hands a 
Belt of Wampum from a line where- 
on there was hung nineteen others, 
and several strings of beads, and 
said they had been given to under- 
stand the Queen had sent orders, that 
the Indians should live in peace with 
one another and that they were sent 
to give some of those belts in behalf 
of the Governor of Maryland, and 
themselves, to the Five Nations as 
our Indians also to do for others and 
Pennsylvania and themselves, if the 
Governor thought fit, in order to re- 
new their league with the Five Na- 

Govr. How long have you been at 
peace with those nations? Nant. In- 
dian. 27 years. 

Governor. What is the reason then 
I of so many belts of Wampum and 
j Strings of Beads? 

Nant. Indian. We send them as a 
I tribute. 

Governor. I am very well satis- 
fied with what has been told me, and 
with what the Governr of Maryland 
has done, and had I been acquainted 
with this business at Philadelphia, I 
would have sent a belt of Wampum 
as a token of friendship, to the five 
nations; but some of those five na- 
tions were with me not long since, 
j by whom I sent a belt ; and then Ad- 
junke took a belt in his hands, say- 
! ing he meant to send it to the Five 
! Nations for Penn and themselves. 

Indian Harry, by order of the Con- 
| estoga . Sachemaes, spoke in English 
| to the Nantikoke, who all understood 
j that language as follows, viz : You 
I are going to the Onondagoes; be sure 
I keep on your way ; many may tell 



you several things to fright you, and 
that they are great men, and you will 
be killed. You keep on your way and 
believe them not, for you will find 
the King of the Five Nations a very 
good one, and as good a king as any 
amongst the Indians. 

Governor. I am very glad to see 
you altogether at this time, and it is 
my desire and shall be my endeavor, 
that you all live in peace. Your 
enemies are ours, and whosoever 
shall pretend to injure you, I will en- 
deavor that you shall have satisfac- 
tion made for it. Then the confer- 
ence ended, and the Governor treated 
ye Indians at Dinner, and at night re- 
turned to Penquehan. 
Pequehan, 30th June Present: 

Shawnoise Indians and some of the 

Five Nations. 
Opessah spoke in behalf of the youth 
of his Town, as follows, viz: 

We thank the Governor for his 
kindness in supporting our people. 
We are happy to live in a Countrey 
at Peace, and not in these parts, 
where we formerly lived; for then 
upon our return from hunting, we 
found our town surprised and our 
women and children taken prisoners 
by our enemies. 

Governor. The Indians may be as- 
sured of my protection, for we are 
one people. If in your absence any 
of your enemies endeavor to hurt any 
of your wives or children, they shall 
redress; for I esteem an injury done 
to you as to myself. 

Opessah. It was the Nantikoke 
and Canoise Indians who sent for 
our Father the Governor, and not we 
therefore we are very sorry they er 
tertained him no better, but since they 
have not been so kind as they ought 
we hope the Governor will accept r 
our small present which we now 
make him; for we are sensible the 
ways are bad, and that the bushes 
wear out your clothes for which 

reason we give these skins to make 
j Gloves, Stockings and Breeches, in 
place of those wore out. 

Governor. I am well pleased with 
j my journey, and shall be always 
i ready to do the like to preserve peace 
'amongst you at home; and maintain 
; your alliances abroad. I have now 
! (to let you see what confidence I 
1 have in you) trusted myself in the 
I midst of you, with a very few of our 
great Queen's subjects, although I 
could have easily brought with me 
very great numbers. I have been 
j told that some ill designing persons 
j have frequently raised reports of my 
I intention to destroy you ; Pray, let 
j me know the authors of these re- 
ports, and they shall be punished ac- 
i cording to their Deserts. I am and 
! always have been ready to do you all 
j manner of good offices and will con- 
tinue in the same mind toward you, 
therefore if any person insinuates 
i the contrary to you, it is my mind 
| that you secure their persons, and 
I give me immediate notice of it. There 
! has been formerly several alliances 
made with you, which you well 
know we on our parts have observ- 
ed punctually; and so shall continue 
to do so, and wish you may do the 

Then an Indian spoke in behalf of 
| the women. We are concluded in 
! the alliances before spoken of as well 
as our men ; so we ask the Gover- 
nor's protection, and desire that the 
Governor will kindly accept this pre- 
sent of skins, which freely we make 
him, as a Testimony of our kindness. 

Governor. I do accept your present 
very kindly, and thank you for the 
same; and you shall always find me 
ready to protect and defend you and 
will continue to trust you as friends 
and sisters. After which the Gover- 
nor spoke to the messenger from the 
Five Nations as follows, viz: 



You must be sure you remember to 
acquaint your chiefs that you have 
seen me here, and at the Shawnoise 
Town; and of the friendship and al- 
liance that is betwixt us and the In- 

Opessah, I hope the Governor will 
give us his hand in token of his 

Governor. I will give not only my 
hand, but my heart. 

During our abode at Pequehan 
several of the Shannois Indians, from 
ye Southward came to settle here 
and were admitted so to do by 
Opessah, * with the Governor's con- 
sent; at the same time an Indian 
from Shaonois Town, near Carolina, 
came in and gave an account that 
450 of the flat-headed Indians had be- 
seiged them; and that in all probab- 
ility, the same was taken. Bezalion 
informed the Governor that the Sha- 
onois of Carolina (he was told), had 
killed several Christians; where- 
upon the Government of that pro- 
vince raised the said flat-headed In- 
dians, and joined some Christians to 
them, beseiged, and have taken as it 
is thought, the said Shaonois town. 

On Tuesday, 1st of July, we went 
to Conestogoe, and lay there that 
night, and the next morning proceed- 
ed on our journey, and arrived in the 
evening within 3 miles of an Indian 
village, called Peixtan. The Gover- 
nor had received information at Pe- 
quehan, that one Nicole, a French 
Indian trader was at that place 
against whom great complaints had 
been made to the Governor of which 
he acquainted the chief Indian of 
Peixtan, as also of his design to 
seize him; who willingly agreed to 
it, but advised the Governor to be 
very cautious in the manner: their 
being only young people at home, 
who perhaps might make some resis- 
tance, if it were done without their 
first being told of it; for this reason 

| we lay short of the village that 
| night; but early in the morning we 
j went within half a mile of the town, 
| and leaving our horses, marched a 
| foot near the same ; from whence the 
j Governor sent Martine to the village ; 
| Ordering him to tell Nicole that he 
| had brought two Caggs of rum with 
j him, which he had left in the woods, 
for fear any Christians were there ; 
and withal to perswade Nicole to go 
with him to taste the rum.Martine re- 
turned with James Letort and Joseph 
Hessop, two Indian traders, but 
could not prevail with Nicole; upon 
this Martine was sent back with or- 
j ders to bring down some of the In- 
I dians, and Nicole with them; then 
: we drew nearer to the town, and 
j laid ourselves in the bushes and Mar- 
j tine returned with two Indians,whom 
| the Governor acquainted with his in- 
I tent of taking Nicole, telling at the 
I same time, he had spoken with to 
| the Uncle of one of them upon that 
'head, who ordered the Indians to 
j submit to the Governor's commands, 
• with which they were contented, 
though we preceived too well the 
: contrary, by their inquiring how 
| many we were, and how armed; and 
i by the concern they seemed to be in, 
| when they found we were more men 
than they in number: but still Nicole 
was wanting; it was therefore resol- 
ved to try once more if he could be 
got into the woods, accordingly Mar- 
tine went again, and brought Nicole 
to that place where we lay conceal- 
ed, and asking him to drink a dram, 
he seized him; but Nicole started 
from him and run for it, when im- 
mediately we started out and took 
him, and presently carried him to 
the village, (through which we were 
obliged to pass), and there we found 
some Indians with guns in their 
hands, who looked much displeased 
at what we had done, but we being 



in readiness against any surprise, 
they thought it not fitt to attempt 
anything; here we stayed about half 
an hour, and then started for Turpy- 
hocken; having mounted Nicole up- 
on a horse and tied his legs under 
the belly; we got within a mile of 
Turpyhocken about two of ye clock 
on Friday morning, and about 7 the 
Governor went to the town, from 
thence we went to Manatawny that 
night, and the next day to Philadel- 

Upon the Governor having made 
this report it was "Ordered that a 
message be sent by Martin Chartiere, 
an inhabitant among the said Shaw- 
anois, at Peckquea, near Conestogoe, 
and now in Philadelphia, desiring the 
Chief of said Shawonois, himself, or 
two or three of the Council, together 
with some of the principal of those 
strangers, to come to Philadelphia as 
speedily as they conveniently can, 
and give the Governor an account, of 
the said strangers, and their reasons 
of leaving their native Country, to 
transport themselves hither." (390). 

The difficulties which required this 
treaty and journey are set forth in 
the last named book, p. 385, as fol- 

"The Governor informed the Board 
that having lately, upon an extraor- 
dinary occasion, made a journey 
among the Indians upon Sasquehan- 
nah, he had caused a journal of his 
transactions with them to be drawn 
up, which he thought fit to lay be- 
fore the board, but finding it to be 
somewhat deficient he should defer 
it until the next meeting. 

But that what he had now more 
immediately to consult the Board up- 
on is, that he had before his said 
journey received information, and 
had taken the depositions of two evi- 
dences, that one Nicole Godin, a 
French man, a bold active young fel- 

I low who had not long kept aboard in 

' the woods amongst the Indians, and 

\ was with them in Philadelphia about 

three years ago, and had been using 

endeavors to incense these people 

against the English, to stir them up 

to enmity against the subjects of the 

Crown, and to join with our public 

! enemy the French to our destruct- 

I ion ; upon which information, he re- 

I solved before his return to have him 

■ apprehended, which after a tedious 

i journey and considerable difficulties 

\ he had accordingly performed, and 

brought him a prisoner to Philadel- 

' phia, in the Common Gaol of which 

he now lies. 

Also, that another native of France 
I or its Domainions, Francois by 
name, having for some time contin- 
I ued among our Indians on Sasque- 
I hannagh, without any license, had 
I principally concerned himself in a 
barbarious murder, committed by 
! the Shawanois upon one of their 
captive enemies, for which act, be- 
cause it would be accounted to be 
done by a Christian and therefore 
might be of very ill consequence; 
| the Governor had caused him also to 
be apprehended and brought to 
1 Philadelphia, where he likewise is 
now in Gaol." 

No further comment need be add- 
! ed to this as what is set forth ex- 
plains it in full. It is interesting to 
observe, however, that all the excit- 
ing proceedings took place along the 
old Sasquehanna from the mouth of 
the Pequea Creek to a point beyond 
Chickies. It is also observed that 
I the Governor and his party came by 
the Southern route by the way of 
J New Castle and Octoraro and went 
home by way of the Northern route 
up the Conestoga Creek and by 
| French Creek to the Schuylkill. Both 
of these routes as we remember were 
I ancient roads or paths, the Southern 



the Old Swedish Road in their trade 
with the Susquehannocks, and the 
Northern the path which William 
Penn speaks of in Vol. 1 of Hazard's 
Register, p. 400 as being the com- 
mon course the Indians used when 
he first met them, in trade with his 
people on the East. 

1707— The French Traders Want the 

Conestoga Indians to Help 

Them to Dig Ore. 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 403, 
under the date of February 24, this 
year it is set forth that, "upon a mes- 
sage from the Indians of Conestoga, 
by Harry, the interpreter, they met 
accordingly; and the said messenger 
laying upon the board six loose 
strings of white Wampum for his 
Credentials, declared that he was 
sent by the Queen and Principal men 
of Conestoga aforesaid, to the Gov- 
ernor and Council here, to acquaint 
that divers Europeans, viz: Mitchell 
(a Swiss), Peter Bezalion, James Le- 
tort, Martin Chartier, the French 
Glover of Philadelphia, Frank a 
young man of Canada, who was late- 
ly taken up here, being all French 
men, and one from Virginia, who al- 
so spoke French, had seated them- 
selves and built houses upon the 
branches of the Potomac, within this 
Government, and pretended that 
they were in search of some Mineral 
or ore, that in the Governor's name 
they had required the Indians of 
Conestoga to send some of their 
people with them to assist them and 
be serviceable to them, for which the 
Governor would pay them; That 
those of Conestoga, not thinking 
these proceedings to be consistent 
with their past treaties and leagues 
of friendship, desired to know wheth- 
er the said persons were really sent 
by the Governmnt, and had thus 
seated themselves by their approba- 
tion, and whether they had any or- 

ders to desire the assistance of the 
said Indians, if not that they then 
might be called home. The said In- 
terpreter further added, that al- 
though Mitchell was the person who 
had first led them thither, yet he had 
left them many weeks past, and pre- 
tended that he wanted one Clark, of 
Maryland, (who is said to be now un- 
der an Attainder, by an act of As- 
sembly of that Government), to as- 
sist him in the discovery; and the 
said messenger being asked divers 
other questions relating hereunto he 
was ordered to withdraw. 

The Council takes the Premises 
into consideration, first inquired 
whether any of the above mentioned 
persons had a license to trade, in 
pursuance of the Act of Assembly, 
lately passed in this Province, for 
maintaining a better correspondence 
with the Indians, and thereupon the 
form of the license was read, and an 
account of all those who were lic- 
ensed in pursuance of the said law, 
was produced by which it appeared 
that none of those before mentioned 
is licensed, saving Peter Bezalion, 
and that if they had all been so, yet 
that would not justify them for seat- 
ing themselves in such a manner as 
has been before expressed. Where- 
j upon it was resolved that an answer 
; should be prepared to be sent to the 
| said Queen, in which her care in ac- 
! quainting this Government with what 
I the messenger had related, should be 
j acknowledged, and that the afore- 
! mentioned persons should be forth- 
with required to repair to Philadel- 
phia, to give an account of the rea- 
sons of their seating themselves in 
the aforesaid phace, and the Secre- 
tary is ordered to the said answer 
against four of the clock in the after- 
noon, to which time the Council is 
No comment need be added to this 



item more than to say that the whites 
in this neighborhood of Conestoga 
were very ready to use these Con- 
estoga Indians for any purpose which 
would be of advantage to them. 

1707— Governor Evans Explains the 
Cause of His Making the Second 
Treaty Without the Per- 
mission of Council. 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 393, 
it is stated that the Council came to 
this resolution concerning the Gov- 
ernor's last treaty at Conestoga, viz: 
"That the Governor's last expedition 
among the Indians, occasioned by a 
message to him from those of Cones- 
togoe and the adjacent places, upon 
the Nantikokes designed journey to 
the Five Nations, was necessary for 
the good and for the service of the 
Public, and that the Governor shew- 
ed his care of it therein; that there- 
fore all the necessary charges of the 
said journey ought to be defrayed by 
the public. But inasmuch as the 
circumstances of time would not al- 
low the Governor, being then at New 
Castle to communicate the said 
journey to and advise the Council 
concerning ye same, and seeing the 
law for defraying such charges to 
provide, that all messages and 
treaties that are to be allowed by 
the Public, are first to be ordered by 
the Governor and Council. The 
Board, therefore, is doubtful that 
there allowing of the said accounts 
will scarce be sufficiently warranted 
by the said law, and the considera- 
tion of the former journey is referred 
to the next sitting." 

The Governor had some difficulty 
in having the expense of this treaty 
paid but on the 25th of August, 1707 
the Council again considered the mat- 
ter and finding that it was impossible 
for the Governor to consult the 
Council before going and that the 

! Nantikoke Indians were being de- 
tained at Conestoga by the Conestoga 
Indians to await the Governor's ar- 
rival, which would have been a fur- 
| ther expense if he had not gone, and 
\ that he went at great fatigue, that 
j his expenses of going, being for the 
j public good, should be paid. 

1707— Nicole Godyn Captured at 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 385, 
as we have already set forth, it is 
stated that Nicole Godyn was cap- 
tured by Governor Evans and his 
party in the neighborhood of Bain- 
I bridge. I set this out in a separate 
j item simply to give it prominence, as 
it was an important event. 

1707 — Martin Chartier the Indian 
Trader Dies. 

Miss Lyle in her history of Lan- 
I caster County, p. 6 says that about 
this time Martin Chartier the Indian 
Trader died. She says of him, that 
several years before his death, which 
occurred in 1708, he removed his 
trading post to a point about a mile 
| above the Indians fort in Manor 
township. His son Peter Chartier, 
married a Shawnese squaw and in- 
! duced the most warlike portion of 
j the tribe to join the French against 
j the English, during the French and 
Indian Wars, of 1754-63. This Peter 
Chartier was undoubtedly a very 
dangerous character as we have seen 
1 in former items. He was called, a man 
I with a viper's blood running through 
! his veins, meaning the blood of the 
Shawnese, who were always treach- 
erous and warlike. 

1708— Peter Bazilion Takes Up Land 

Above Conestoga. 

In Vol. 19 of the 2nd. Series of the 

| Penna. Archs., p. 496 at a meeting of 

| the Board of Property, held the 11th 

,of October, 1708, it is set forth that 

there was "granted unto Peter Biz- 



allon, Indian Trader, upon his hum- 
ble request, free liberty to build to 
himself a house and plant necessary 
fields for his own use on any of the 
lands above Conestoga, not possess- 
ed or made use of by the Indians, to 
be held by him during the Proprie- 
tary's and Governor's pleasure or 
his Lieutenant's or Comm'rs, and no 
longer, he paying one deer skin 
yearly for the privilege." 

I quote this because it is commonly 
thought that Bazallon passed most of 
his life in the central and eastern 
part of what is now Lancaster 
County, but there is no doubt that 
much of the time was spent on the 

1708— The Conestoga Indians Com- 
plain That the French are Build- 
ing Houses There. 
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 403, 
in an item which we have already 
stated, I notice the following which 
the Conestoga Indians complain 
against, that the "French had set 
themselves and built houses upon the 
branches of the Potomac within 
Pennsylvania." I merely cite this 
to make prominent the French op- 
erations and especially the building of 
houses, North of the Branches of the 
Potomac, over the Pennsylvania line. 

1708 — Swedish Lutheran Missionary 
at Conestoga. 

In Rupp's History of Lancaster 
County, p. 456 he sets forth that, "In 
1708 or 1709 a Swedish-Lutheran in 
the capacity of a missionary resided 
among the Conestoga Indians to in- 
struct them in the Christian reli- 
gion." On page 455 he says, that 
at an earlier period "missionaries of 
the Swedish church visited the In- 
dians within the present limits of 
Lancaster County and the French 
also paid some attention to the In- 
dians." It is likely also that as 

i early as this date some of the Men- 
: nonite preachers reached the Cones- 
toga Country, though actual settle- 
I ment seems not to have begun until 
i 1709. 

1709 — Governor Gookin Invites the 

Conestoga Indians to Join With 

the English in a War Against 

the French in Canada 

Charles Gookin, the new Governor 
of Pennsylvania, now appears on the 
scene, having succeeded the wicked 
Governor Evans. He first appeared 
before Council on the 2nd of Feb- 
ruary, 1709, (2 Col. Rec, p. 427). Hp 
! desired to visit the Conestoga In- 
! dians as early as he could but not 
j having done so, at a Council held thp 
I 8th day of June, it was ordered that 
I "The Secretary forthwith dispatch 
| a messenger to the Indians of Cones- 
| togoe, etc., with instructions in writ- 
j to excuse the Governor's not coming 
j because the Assembly is now sitting 
on an affair of great importance, and 
for a credential to take a good belt 
I of wampum with him ; to inform 
them that if they design to pay a 
visit to the Five Nations they are 
now busy in engaging with the Eng- 
lish in a war against Canada, for 
which vast preparations are made 
from England; that if those of Con- 
estogoe, the Shawnois, etc., can en- 
gage, and will prepare themselves to 
join immediately in this expedition, 
their young men should all provide 
themselves for it without delay, and 
they shall receive by the Queen's or- 
der, sent for that purpose, a good 
reward, every man a gun, etc., and 
that their answer to this by some of 
their old men, and a good interpreter 
is immeditely desired. 

That whether they can engage or 
not we shall be glad to see some of 
them here, and the Governor will 
shortly make them a visit, etc. And 



then adjourned." See 2 Col. Rec, p. ' 

1709— The Conestogas Willing to 

Join the Expedition, But the 

Same is Postponed. 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 467, j 
it is reported that Captain John j 
French had gone to the Conestogas 
for their reply to the above proposi- 
tion, which they agreed to. The same 
is set forth as follows: 

"Captain John French having gone 
in a message to Conestogo, brought 
for answer from the Indians there, 
that they would forthwith call in all I 
their young men, and with all their 
force come to Philadelphia in order 
to proceed to Albany, and join in the 
expedition against Canada; but the 
Assembly having positively voted 
against joining with that Expedition, 
or raising any money for that pur- 
pose; it is resolved, that a message 
be again sent to these Indians, de- 
siring them to defer their coming to 
Philadelphia, for that the Governor 
will speedily make them a visit." As 
far as these records state the In- 
dians were very willing to join this 

1709— The Conestogas Come to Phila- 
delphia to Inquire About the Ex- 
pedition and to Make Fur- 
ther Treaty. 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 469, 
under the date of July 25, 1709, it is 
set forth that, "The chiefs of several 
nations of Indians living on Susque- 
hanna, viz: Andaggy-junquagh/VVash- 
tachary, Chiefs of the 

Mingoes, Owechela, Passakassy, Sas- 
soonan and Skalitchy, Chiefs of the 
Delaware Indians, settled at Pesh- 
tang above Conestogoe and other ad- 
jacent places, Peter and Pipskoe, 
Chiefs of the Ganawese, with their 
several interpreters, viz: Indian 

Harry for the first, Sam, son of Es- 
sepenawick, for the second, and John 
Montague, a Ganawese Indian for the 
last, being all arrived here with sev- 
eral attendants, three days ago upon 
apprehension that by the Governor's 
last message to them they were ex- 
pressly sent for about some earnest 
business; they now met the Gover- 
nor in Council, who ordered the Sec- 
retary to tell them through their in- 
terpreter, and Peter Bizaillon, to 
this effect; That upon the first mes- 
sage the Governor had received from 
them about six weeks ago, desiring 
his company at Conestoga, he had re- 
| turned an answer by Lieutenant Col- 
i onel French of New Castle that he 
could not then possibly come to them 
because of the affairs of Government 
here, from which he could not be 
spared. That he had sent them no- 
tice that the visit which they pro- 
posed to the Five Nations with their 
tribute, might be unseasonable at this 
time, because those nations were en- 
gaging in a" great expedition with the 
English against Canada, of which 
they would probably hear from 'them 
in a little time, that it would be well 
if they would prepare themselves to 
join in it, and that he had invited 
some of their chiefs to call on him 
at Philadelphia; that he received an 
answer to this from the Mingoes, or 
those of Conestoga especially, that 
they would call in all their young 
i men, and march immediately with 
j their whole force to Philadelphia; 
but that this appearing inconvenient 
and not likely to answer the end 
proposed, the Governor had imme- 
diately dispatched away another mes- 
senger to them, to prevent their 
coming, and inform them that him- 
! self having now more leisure, in- 
tended in a few days to see them in 
; their own places. That accordingly 
, he with Colonel Evans and several 



ethers, had sent out and proceeded 
bej^ond New Castle in the way, but 
there found himself so indisposed by- 
reason of a great Cold he had taken, 
that he could not contniue hs Jour- 
ney and therefore sent another mes- 
sage to them by Jonas Askew, the 
Interpreter, to inform them of the 
matter — to tell them he was sorry he 
was so far disappointed as that he 
could not see them at that time, but 
that if some of their chiefs should 
think fit any time this fall at Phila- 
delphia he should be glad to see 
them there and if it would suit their 
affairs to be here within two months, 
it might be the more convenient be- 
cause in that time the late Gover- 
nor and Secretary intended both for 
England, to see the Indians old 
friend, the Proprietor William Penn, 
to whom they might by them send 
any message and that the Governor 
then further desired them to consider 
what he could do for their service, 
and he would answer them in it. That 
this was the substance of what had 
passed, and therefore that he had not 
expressly called them in, as they had 
been given to understand. However, 
that he was now very glad to see 
them, and that they should be heart- 
ily welcome to him. The Governor 
then told them himself that though 
he had not expressly sent for them, 
yet he was glad to see them come so 
cheerfully in; that he was lately 
come from England, and was sent to 
them by their friend and brother 
William Penn, the chief Governor and 
father of this country, who had giv- 
en him at his coming away a spec- 
ial charge to be very kind to the In- 
dians and to treat them as his 
friends and brothers, which he ac- 
cordingly would observe, and now 
thought fit to tell them so; that as 
there had been a strong chain of 
friendship between all those of this 

country since, under this Goverment 
and the Indians; so he desired it 
might be continued and made every 
day firmer, that it might never be 
broken, that if they had anything to 
ask of him that he desired them to 
consider of it, and he would hear 
them speak tomorrow. They all 
expressd their satisfaction in what 
the Governor had said and after some 
time spent in conversation, etc., they 

At a Council at Philadelphia, the 
26th of July, 1709. 
The Honorable Chas. Gookin, Esq., 

Lieutenant Governor. 

The Mingoe Indians having been 
invited over the river this morning, 
without the Governor's knowledge, 
could not be ready to meet; there- 
fore those of Peshtang, etc., and the 
Ganawese attending, they were desir- 
ed to speak and deliver what they 
had to say: Whereupon, by order of 
Owechela and Passokassy, rising, 
laid on the Board a belt of Wampum 
as a token to confirm what he had to 
speak, and then said: That this 
summer they had intended to wait 
unon the Five Nations and had pro- 
vided for their journey twenty-four 
belts of wampum, to be presented to 
them as their tribute, of which they 
thought themselves obliged to ac^ 
quaint the Governor and for that 
purpose had sent him the message 
that has been mentioned; but that 
about the same time they had receiv- 
ed a message from these Indians, ac- 
quainting them that they had ap- 
pointed all the Indians of these parts 
as also of Maryland who are all tri- 
butary to the said Five Nations, to 
meet some of their chiefs who were 
coming down for that purpose at 
Conestogae, but that they had de- 
clined their journey, being not yet 
arrived; Upon this they were again 
informed by the Governor's order of 



the expedition against Canada, in 
which those nations had lately en- 
gaged, and therefore were in all pro- 
bability prevented in their intended 

The said speaker added, that it 
would now be too late for them to 
proceed in their journey Northwards, 
because they would not be able to 
return before the cold weather set 
in, and therefore must defer it until 
another year. 

Passakassy added, that they had 
heard of the French being upon our 
coasts, and that we were in danger of 
being invaded by them; that for this 
reason not now willing to take a 
journey so far from home, lest their 
wives and children, and we of this 
place should want their assistance in 
their absence, and therefore they 
thought fit to stay. 

The Governor thanked them for 
their care in this, but they were cau- 
tioned hereupon against giving ear 
to flying reports, they were told that 
the French had no forces in these 
parts, yet could injure us, and that 
what they had heard of this kind was 
occasioned only by some robberies, 
that some of their small vessels fit- 
ted out only for this purpose to 
plunder and way lay honest traders 
had committed: the method of pri- 
vateering at sea was explained to 
them, by which they were made 
sensible that what had happened was 
not the effect of superior force in 
war, but such robberies as were 
common at sea, when a few private 
lurchers, with arms, set upon ves- 
sels provided only for trade, and 
carrying off merchandise, and so 
were made prize of. 

They were earnestly exhorted not 
to suffer stories to be spread amongst 
them, but to take notice of those 
that uttered them, to apprehend 
them, and bring them to the Gov- 


Passakassy complained that some 
of the traders, especially James Le- 
tort, wronged them in their measure 
of matchcoats, which he sold them, 
in which he desired redress, and up- 
on it they were advised to a method 
that would scare them. 

They expressed a great satisfac- 
tion in what had been told them and 
being acquainted that they must all 
I meet again in Council, they for this 
i time dismissed." 

The next day, July 27, (page 472), 
I it appears that further steps were 
j taken to show the Indians the im- 
; portance of continuing in good rela- 
tion with the English. This is set 
forth as follows: ' 

"The chiefs of several nations of 
our Indians being now come in, 
there is an immediate necessity also 
for a supply to make them a reason- 
able present. I need not inform you 
of how great importance it is to keep 
a good correspondence with these 
people upon the easy terms it has 
hitherto been done in this Govern- 
ment; half on what you allowed for 
that purpose has been expended in 
messages, and the other half, at 
least, in provisions, so that nothing 
remains thereof for a present; I am 
sensible money can not just now be 
raised to answer this end, but you 
may find means to procure credit, so 
that they may not go away empty." 
It seems these chiefs made a long 
i visit, and that on the 29th of July, 
I there were further steps taken in 
'treaty making, (See p. 473). At the 
i Council held at Joseph Growdon's 
J house, in which it is stated that all 
j the chiefs now in town, with their in- 
I terpreters were met, and the Secre- 
tary spoke to them as follows: 

"That notwithstanding they had 
not been expressly sent for, (as they 
had been told before), yet they were 



very welcome, the Governor being a 
stranger amongst them, was now 
very glad to see them. 

That the chain of friendship had 
been so often confirmed between 
them and us, that there remained 
very little now to say on that head. 
We had always considered them as 
brothers in all proceedings with them 
and should always desire to do the 
same, there was nothing but love and 
peace between them and us and as 
often as ever we met we should still 
renew the expressions of it, desiring 
that it might extend to all posterity, 
and that the aged fathers should in- 
form their children of the friendship 
that has always been maintained 
amongst us, so that in every genera- 
tion it may continually grow stronger 
That since as our friends and 
brothers they had come to see us,we 
could not suffer them to depart 
without some token of our friend- 
ship, and therefore desired them to 
accept of the present that was there 
laid before them, which was: 

1 Cwt. of Powder in four small 

2 Cwt. of Lead. 

4 Stroudwater matchcoats. 

1 Dozen good Linnen Shirts. 

\ x k Dozen of Stockins. 

100 Flints, and a large quantity of 
Biskitt and Loaves. 

These they were told were for their 
journey, and the powder and lead to 
furnish them with provisions and 
skins, they were promised such liq- 
uors and other necessities as they 
should want, and then were desired 
to receive the whole as a further 
token of love, and to distribute it 
amongst themselves as they should 
see convenient; (p. 474). 

They were also instructed about 
the war between England and France 
and that they should watch carefully 
for any stories the French among 

them should start. They were told 
of the English success in the war; 
and the Governor said that he hoped 
they had all been treated kindly by 
the people that lived among them, 
and with this closed the treaty; and 
the Indians departed. 

1709 — The Delawares Now Live On 


While it is shown in tne above item 

j that the Delawares now live on the 

| Susquehanna River, in order to make 

| their change or residence more pro- 

| minent I direct attention to Vol. 2 of 

J the Col. Rec, 469, where it is set out 

i that, "The Delaware Indians settled 

| at Peshtang (Paxtang), now near 

Harrisburg), above Conestoga an,d 

other adjacent places, were arrived 

in Philadelphia with several other 

I tribes of Indians and their atten- 

I dants." 

1709 — The Iroquois Indians Demand 

the Conestogas to Come and 

Pay Tribute. 

In Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly, 
; p. 35 on the 27th of June, this year, 
two members of the Council brought 
a message to the Assembly from the 
Governor, "That the Indians of Con- 
estoga had sent a message to the 
Governor, acquainting him that they 
were ready to go up to the Five Na- 
tions in order to pay their tribute, 
but expected that the Governor or 
Secretary would come to Conestoga 
that they might have conference with 
one of them before they went up." 
The Assembly as shown p. 36 was 
asked for immediate answer upon 
what should be done about the word 
from Conestoga by another delega- 
tion from Council the next day, stat- 
ing that it was absolutely necessary 
j that money to defray the charge of 
j going to treat with the Conestoga In- 
1 dians this week should be voted be- 



cause those Conestogas are bound to 
go to the Five Nations as they are 
tributary to the Five Nations. Upon 
this urgent demand the Assembly de- 
cided they would vote 15 Pounds of 
the new currency to make presents 
to the Indians and also to pay the 
expenses of the trip to Conestoga. 
This subject is also discussed in Vol. 
5 of Haz. Reg., p. 113, and in Rupp's 
History of Lancaster Counfy, p. 57. 
1709 — The Shawnese Indians Inter- 
ested in Digging for Ore About 

In Vol. 2 of the Penn & Logan Cor- 
respondence, p. 321 dated the 3rd of 
March there is a letter from William 
Penn to James Logan in which he 
sets forth (p. 323), that he under- 
stands that Ex-Governor Evans is 
making 100 Pounds, if not twice that 
each week out of a mine somewhere 
back of Conestoga. Penn says that 
he understands, "The Indians chiefly 
discovered the mine and worked it on 
the spot. And it is the King of the 
Shawnoe Indians and some few of 
his subjects that perform this busi- 
ness for Col. Evans." Penn then says 
to Logan that scrutinize the matter 
well and let him hear all he can 
about it for if there is a mine, that 
Penn is entitled to royalties out of it. 
James Logan in the same book in 
a letter to Penn found p 316 says at 
p. 319, that he hopes Colonel Evans 
is acting honorably about the mines 
and that he believes that there is no 
real discovery of any value made yet, 
though it is expected that there will 
be most any day. He further adds 
that Louis Mitchell, the Swiss is gone 
over to treat with the Crown of Eng- 
land for a tract for his countrymen, 
and that settlement is the pretense 
but that miners are the real thing 
Mitchell is interested in, and that it 
must be guarded against until this is 

I better understood. Logan thinks 
I that minerals will be found near 
i where Mitchell has pitched. In a 
I note at the bottom of the book last 
named, Logan in a letter to Penn 
j says, "There is yet nothing certain- 
! ly discovered about the mines. Col- 
1 onel Evans has been very free with 
me on that head. There has been 
| none opened and I heartily wish I 
may be able to tell thee more of the 
| matter hereafter, for I believe that 
Mitchell Bazillion has tricked us 
I all."He says that this tract supposed 
! to have minerals lies in the neigh- 
I borhood of the Potomac, but that 
they must keep their eyes open. 

I cite this merely to show that agi- 
tations about minerals being found 
in the neighbohood of the Conestoga 
and Shawnese Indian country, and 
off to the Southwest were frequent 
sources of excitement at this time; 
and that the spirit of securing valu- 
able minerals had gotten among the 
Indians of this neighborhood as well 
as among the white people. 

1709 — The Whites Begin Settlement 

Among the Indians of Lancaster 


Rupp in His History of Lancaster 

! County, p. 74, says that several fam- 

i ilies from the Palatinate decendants 

' of the distressed Swiss immigrated 

to America and settled in Lancaster 

| County in the year 1709 and he cites 

i Benjamin Eby's Geschichten der 

I Mennoniten, p. 151 as his authority. 

I He further says that from public 

| documents and private papers in the 

1 possession of Abram Meylin and 

others residing in W. Lampeter town- 

j ship, we may confidentially state 

| that the Mennonites commenced a 

! settlement in 1709-10 at the place 

I where the Herrs and Meylins now 

'., reside near Willow Street. On p. 456 

I Rupp says, in 1709 several families 

jfrom the Palatines settled on Pequea 



Creek. He then mentions a list of 
preachers that these Palatines 
brought forth and said that they all 
preached German. 

However, the most authentic docu- 
ment I can find is a letter dated the 
20th of July, 1711 by Jacob Taylor 
among the Taylor papers in the His- 
torical Society, No. 2769, in which 
he says, "six or seven families of 
Palatines are settled at Pequea and 
more desire to go there next win- 

This letter was written the mid- 
dle of 1711 and it may be taken for 
granted that the six or seven fami- 
lies were at Pequea some time and 
likely arrived about 1709. But of 
course white people were in this 
country among these Indians sever- 
al years before the settlements be- 
gan. This, then is the year which 
announced the fate of the Indians of 
this section by reason of the coming 
of the whites. It is interesting to 
know that next year will be the two 
hundreth anniversary of this event. 

1710 — The Queen of the Conestogas 
Goes to Philadelphia. 

In the 2nd Vol. of Watson's Ann- 
als, p. 178, he states that, "On the 
21st of September, 17th the Queen of 
the Conestoga Indians, Ojuncho, and 
two chiefs and some of the Conoys 
visited Philadelphia and laid down 
before the Council five bundles of 
skins and furs, making at the gift of 
each a speech." He says also that 
"the belt- from the Conestoga Indians 
prayed thus, 'sent from the children 
born and those yet in the womb, 
that room might be allowed them to 
sport and play, without danger of 
slavery.' " It would seem that Wat- 
son is wrong about this as we shall 
see later, in that Colonel French was 
at Conestoga and received the belt 
above referred to instead of the old 

queen having come to Philadelphia, 
but we will show this later. 
1710 — The Governor Asks a Larger 
Present for the Conestogas Than 

the Assembly Proposed. 
In Vol 2 of the Votes of Assembly, 
p. 42 it is set forth that "James Lo- 
gan came again to the House in a 
message from the Governor, and ac- 
quainted the Assembly, 'That the 
Governor ordered him to give a re- 
lation of the several messages sent to 
the Indians at Sasquehanna; which 
he did; and further informed the 
I House, that the Governor's Indisposi- 
; tion obstructed his going up to Con- 
1 estoga, to visit the Indians, as he in- 
tended; therefore prest that the 
i House will consider of a present for 
them ; to the value of Twentyfive 
| Pounds.' 

Which relation being debated and 

! considered, Resolved that although 

; the account given by the said James 

Logan concerning the said messages, 

; is not satisfactory to this House, yet 

in regard the chief of these Indians 

are come to town, if any will credit 

the public with goods that will suit 

the Indians, to the value of twenty- 

| five pounds, (being the sum proposed 

| by the said James Logan, as sufficient 

I for presents for them at this time), 

| the same shall be repaid out of the 

: public money that shall be raised." 

j At page 43 of the same book it ap- 

; pears that the question of giving 25 

Pounds in Presents to these Indians 

i was very warmly discused. 

! 1710 — The Conestogas Received My- 
sterious Belt of Wampum. 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 509, 
at the bottom of the page it is set 
forth that, "The Governor laid be- 
fore the board a letter he had receiv- 
ed from the Colonel Ingolsby, 
wherein was enclosed a paper in 
these words William Dalbo, one of 



the Justices of the Peace, in ye 
County of Glocester, saith: that an 
Indian of his particular acquaintance 
who hath been very intimate with 
him, the said Dalbo, from his child- 
hood, acquainted him that there is a 
belt of Wampum come to Conesto- 
goe, from Mahquahotonoi; that there 
was a tomahawk in red in the belt 
and that the French with five nations 
of Indians were designed for war, 
and to fall on some of these planta- 
tions; the Governor also laid before 
the board a letter he had received 
from Mr. Yeates, Caleb Pusey and 
Thomas Powel, dated this day, pur- 
porting that tomorrow there was to 
be a great concourse of Indians those 
of Conestogoe and those of Jersey; 
that the} r were of opinion that it 
might be a seasonable opportunity for 
the Governor to visit them altogeth- 
er the meeting being the greatest 
that has ever been known these 20 
years, and it is to be about, two miles 
from John Warraw's, at Edgmond. It 
is the opinion of the Board that the 
Governor with some of the Council, 
and as many others as can be got, 
should go tomorrow to meet the said 
Indians, to inquire further of them j 
about the said belt of wampum and j 
what else may be thought neces- I 

1710— Bizalion, the Indian Trader 
About Conestoga, Acts Sus- 

In the book and at the page last 
mentioned it is stated that, "The 
Governor acquainted the Board that 
he has been informed one Peter Biz- 
alion, a French man and Roman 
Catholic, a trader amongst the In- 
dians at Conestogoe has lately spok- 
en some suspicious words, and com- 
mitted some misdemeanors, where- ] 
upon he has caused his effects to be 
seised, the better to oblige him to 

| appear and answer unto what should 
| be laid to his Charge, and Craved 
i the advice of the Board in the pre- 
mises, who came to this resolve, that 
| ye said Bizalion should enter into 
; recognizance to the Queen, in five 
', hundred pounds, with two sufficient 
1 sureties, in two hundred and fifty 
pounds apiece for the said Bizalion's 
personal appearance at the next 
sessions of the peace, to be held at 
Philadelphia for the said Couhty, and 
his good behavior himself in the 
meantime, which being done his ef- 
fects to be restored to him, paying 
| ye cost of seizure." 

The suspicious and disturbable 
! matters sets forth in these last two 
! items made the visit to Conestoga by 
| the Governor a necessity; and he 
made such visits as we shall see in 
j the next item. 

1710— Governor < .look i it's Visit to the 
Conestogas and Shawanese. 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 510 
it is set forth that "The Governor 
acquainted the Board that upon his 
arrival at New Castle last week, he 
was informed that Opessa, one of 
the Shawannah chiefs, had been there 
four days; that he went away in the 
night, nor could he hear what he 
came about, that he had been with 
some of the Delaware Indians, who 
resolve, (as it is said) not to plant 
corn this year; That Mr. Garland has 
lately shown a belt of wampum, sent 
by the Five Nations by Indian Harry, 
with this further message, that as 
soon as the bark ran, they would be 
with them at Conestogoe, with sixty 
men and make a speech; that he was 
informed at Brandywine, that an old 
Indian woman said, (as it was inter- 
preted) that their great men had 
ugly talk among them, and that they 
had left none but her and her hus- 
hand to plant corn. The Board tak- 



ing the premises into consideration, 
are of the opinion (be the report 
true or false) that it may be conven- 
ient for the Governor to make a 
journey to Conestoga (he not having 
been among the Indians since his ar- 
rival), to inform himself of the truth 
of these reports, and for the keeping 
up of a good understanding and Cor- 
respondence twixt us and the In- 
dians, and that some of the Council 
wait upon him thither." 

And at the top of p. 511 of the 
same book it is set forth that "The 
Governor acquainted the Board that 
upon his arrival at Conestoga, he 
found the Indians very well inclined 
to the English, and to the Proprie- 
tary and this Government in parti- 
cular; but that had complained to 
him that several persons make it 
their business to waylay their 
young men returning from hunting, 
making them drunk with rum, and 
then cheat them of their skins, and 
that if some method be not taken to 
prevent it they must be forced to 
remove themselves or starve, their 
dependence being entirely upon their 
peltry; whereupon it is thought 
proper that such Indian traders as 
are foreigners being admitted and 
licensed by the Governor, shall come 
under such regulations as the Gov- 
ernor and Council from time to time 
shall direct and appoint." 

In this we are told of the Governor 
visiting the Conestogas and Shaw- 
nese and we can readily see the im- 
portance of what transpired. 

1710 — Colonel French and Henry 

Worley Carry a Message to 

the Conestogas. 

In the book and at the page last 
mentioned we are given further in- 
formation of the unsettled condition 
of the Indians on the Susquehanna, 
Conestoga and Pequea from the fact 

; that in addition to the Governor's 
| visit about the beginning of May,this 
year, the two messengers French 
and Worley were sent to Conestoga 
where they arrived on June 8th, 1710, 
and entered into proceedings with 
these Indians, of which the follow- 
ing is a verbatim report made by 
Worley found at p. 511, as I have 
just said: 
"At Conestoga June 8, 1710. 

Present: Henry Worley and 

John French. 

Iwaagenst Terrutawanaren, and 

Teonnottein, chiefs of the Tuscaror- 

ces, Vivility, the Seneques kings, and 

j four chiefs more of that nation, with 

' Opessa ye Shawanois King. 

The Indians were told that ac- 
I cording to their requests we were 
I come from the Governor and Govern- 
! ment, to hear what proposals they 
| had to make anent a peace, accord- 
| ing to the purpose of their embassy 
from their own people. 

They signified to us by a belt of 
| Wampum, which was sent from their 
| old women, that those implored their 
I friendship of the Christians and In- 
| dians of this Government, that with- 
j out danger they might fetch wood 
and water. 

The second belt was sent from 

[ their children born, and those yet in 

j the womb, requesting that room to 

I sport and play without danger of 

slavery might be allowed them. 

The third belt was sent by their 
young men fit to hunt, that privilege 
to leave their towns, and seek pro- 
vision for their aged, might be grant- 
ed to them without fear of death or 

The fourth was sent from the men 
of age, requesting that the word by 
a happy peace was sent from the 
men of age requesting that the 
wood by a happy peace, might be as 
safe from them as their forts. 



The fifth was sent from the whole I to this, of their good behavior, and 
nation requesting peace, that there- j then they might be assured of a 
by they might have liberty to visit favorable reception. 

their neighbors. 
The sixth was 

sent from their 

The Seneques return their hearty 
thanks to this Government for their 

Kings and chiefs, desiring a lasting trouble in sending to them, and ac- 
peace with the Christians and In- \ quainted us by advice of a Council 
diains of this Government that there- | amongst them it was determined to 
by they might be secured against ; send these Belts, brought by the Tus- 
those fearful apprehensions they caroroes, to the Five Nations, 
have these several years felt. May it please your Honor. 

The seventh was sent in order to pursuant of your Honors, and 
intreat a cessation from reducing j Council > s orders, we went to Cones- 
and taking them, that by the allow- ! tQgoe where the Prewritten con- 
ance thereof, they may not be afraid ; tentg were by the chiefs of the Tus _ 
of a mouse, or anything that ruffles j caroroes to us delivered; the sincer- 
the leaves. | ity f their intentions we can not any- 

The eighth was sent to declare, wige douM gince they are Qf tne 
that as being hitherto strangers to game race and language with our 

Seneques, who have always proved 
trusty and have also for these many 
years been neighbors to a Govern- 
ment jealous of Indians, and yet not 
displeased with them; Wishing your 
Honor all happiness, we remain. 
Your Honor's. Most humble and 
Obliged Servants, 


"Journey to Conestogo. 


this place, they are blind, no path 
or communication being betwixt us i 
and them ; but now they hope that we 
will take them by the hand and lead | 
them, and then they will lift up their j 
heads in the woods without danger . 
or fear. 

These belts (they say) are only j 
sent as an introduction, and in or- 
der to break of hostilities till next 
Spring, for then their Kings, will 
come and sue for the peace they so 
much desire. 

We acquainted them as most of 
this continent were the subjects of i 
the Crown of England, though divi- 
ded into several Governments; so it 
is expected that their intentions are 
not only peaceable towards us, but 

also to all the subjects of the Crown 2' 

and that if they intend to settle and Itl this item is set forth the belt 
live amiably here, they need not that the old woman of the Conestogas 
doubt the protection of this Govern- | gave to French on which Watson 
ment in such things as were honest seems to be somewhat confused.This 
and good but that to confirm the sin- j item is of importance because 
cerity of their past carriage towards | the business that was done at Cones- 
toga by these messengers was really 
a confirmation of many forms of 
treaties. It also serves to show the 
exact state of the relations existing 




To bread, 



To meat, 


To Rum, 



To Sugar. 


To two Men's 


For Baggage, 


To John, 



the English, and to raise in us a 
good opinion of them, it would be 
very necessary to procure a certifi- 
cate from the Government they leave, 



between these Indians and the whites I 
at this time, and the questions which 
were agitating them. 
1710— The Conestoga Indians Reply j 
to a Swedish Sermon. 

In Mombert's History of Lancaster I 
County p. 16, in a note the following j 
appears : 

" In or about the year of our Lord, 
1710, a Swedish Missionary preached j 
a sermon at an Indian treaty held at J 
Conestoga in Pennsylvania; in which j 
sermon is set forth original sin, the J 
necessity of a mediator; and endea- | 
vored by certain arguments to in- j 
duce the Indians to embrace the 
Christian religion. After he had end- j 
ed his discourse, one of the Indian 
chiefs made a speech in reply to the 
sermon; and the discourses on both 
sides were made known by interpre- 
ters. The Missionary upon his re- 
turn to Sweden, published his ser- 
mon, and the Indian's answer. Hav- 
ing written them in Latin he dedi- 
cated them to the University of Up- 
sala, and requested them to furnish 
him with arguments, to confute such 
strong reasonings of the Indians. The j 
Indian speech translated from the ! 
Latin is as follows: 

'A speech delivered by an Indian 
Chief, in reply to a sermon, preach- | 
ed by a Swedish Missionary, in order j 
to convert the Indians to the Chris- 
tian religion: 

Since the subject of his (the Mis- j 
sionary's) errand is to pursuade us j 
to embrace a new doctrine perhaps 
it may not be amiss, before we offer 
him the reasons why we can not 
comply with his request, to acquaint 
him with the grounds and principles ! 
of that religion, which he would 
have us abandon. 

Our forefathers were under a j 
strong persuasion, as we are, that 
those who act well, in this life, shall 
be rewarded in the next, according 

to the degree of their virtue: and on 
the other hand that those who be- 
have wicketly here, will undergo such 
punishment hereafter as are propor- 
tinate to the crimes they were guilty 
of. This hath been contstantly and 
invariably received and acknowledg- 
ed for a truth, through every succes- 
sive generation of our ancestors. It 
could not have taken its rise from 
fables for human fictions however 
artfully and plausibly contrived can 
never again gain credit long, among 
any people, where free equity is al- 
lowed: which was never denied by 
our ancestors; who, on the contrary, 
thought it the sacred inviolable, na- 
tural right of every man to examine 
and judge for himself. Therefore we 
think it evident that our notion, 
concerning future rewards and pun- 
ishments, was either revealed imme- 
diately from heaven to some of our 
forefathers, and from them descended 
to us, or, that it was implanted in 
each of us, at our creation, by the 
Creator of all things. Whatever the 
methods might have been, whereby 
God hath been pleased to make 
known to us his will, and give us a 
knowledge of our duty, it is still in 
our sense, a divine revelation. 

"Now we desire to propose to him 
some few questions: Does he believe 
that our forefathers, men eminent for 
their piety, constant and warm in 
the pursuit of virtue, hoping thereby 
to merit everlasting happiness, were 
all damned? Does he think that we, 
who are their zealous imitators, in 
good works, and influenced by the 
same Motives as they were, earnest- 
ly endeavoring, with the greatest cir- 
cumspection, to tread the paths of in- 
tegrity, are in a state of damnation? 
If these be his sentiments, they are 
surely as impious as they are bold 
and daring. 

In the next place we beg, that he 
would explain himself more parti- 



cularly concerning the revelation he 
talks of. If he admits no other than 
what is contained in his written 
book, the contrary is evident from 
what has shewn before: but, if he 
says God has revealed himself unto 
us, but not sufficient for our salva- 
tion; then we ask, to what purpose 
should he have revealed himself to 
us in anywise? It is cleai that a re- 
velation insufficient to save, can not 
put us in a better condition than we 
should be in without any revelation 
at all. We can not conceive that 
God should point out to us the end 
we ought to aim at, without opening 
to us the way to arrive at the end. 
But, supposing our understandings 
to be so far illuminated as to know 
it to be our duty to please God, who 
yet hath left us under an incapacity 
of doing it, will this Missionary, 
therefore, conclude that we shall be 
eternally damned? Will he take up- 
on him to pronounce damnation up- 
on or against us, for not doing those 
things which he himself acknowl- 
edges were impossible by us to be 
done. It is our opinion that every 
man is possessed of sufficient knowl- 
edge for his salvation. The Al- 
mightj r for anything we know, may 
have communicated the knowledge of 
himself to a different race of people, 
in a different manner. 

Some say they have the will of 
God in writing; be it so; their revel- 
ation has no advantage above ours 
since both must be equally sufficient 
to save; otherwise the end of the re- 
velation would be frustrated. Be- 
sides if they be both true they must 
be the same in substance; and the 
difference can only lie in the mode 
of communication. He tells us there 
are many precepts, in his written re- 
velation which we are entirely ignor- 
ant of. But these written demands 
can only be designed for those who 

have the writings; they can not pos- 
sibly regard us. Had the Almighty 
thought so much knowledge neces- 
sary to our salvation his goodness 
would not long have deferred the 
communication of it to us, and to say 
that it is a matter so necessary, he 
could not, at one and the same time, 
equally reveal himself to all man- 
kind, in nothing less than an absolute 
denial of his omnipotence. Without 
doubt, he can make his will manifest 
without the help of any book or the 
assistance of any bookish man what- 

We shall, in the next place, con- 
sider the arguments which arise 
from a consideration of Providence. 
If we were the work of God (which 
I presume will not be denied), it fol- 
lows from thence that we are under 
the protection and care of God, for it 
can not be supposed that the Deity 
should abandon his own creatures 
and be utterly regardless of their 
welfare. Then, to say that the Al- 
mighty has permitted us to remain 
in a fatal error through so many 
ages, is to represent him as a tyrant. 
How is it consistent with his justice 
to force life upon a race of mortals, 
without their consent, and then dam 
them eternally, without ever opening 
to them a door of salvation? Our 
conceptions of the gracious God are 
more noble; and we think that those 
who teach otherwise do little less 
than blaspheme. Again, it is through 
the care and goodness of the Al- 
mighty, that from the beginning of 
time, through many generations to 
this day, our name has been preser- 
ved, unblotted out by enemies, un- 
reduced to nothing. By the same 
care we now enjoy our lives; are 
furnished with the necessary means 
of preserving our lives. But all these 
things are trifling, compared with 
our salvation. 



Therefore, since God hath been so 
careful with us, in matters of little 
consequence, it would be absurd to 
affirm that he has neglected us, in 
cases of the greatest importance. Ad- 
mit that he hath forsaken us, yet it 
could not have been without a just 
cause. Let us suppose that an hei- 
nous crime was committed by one of 
our ancestors, like to that which 
we are told happened among another 
race of people; in such case, God 
would certainly punish the criminal, 
but would never involve us, who are 
innocent, in his guilt. Those who 
think otherwise must make the Al- 
mighty a very whimsical illmatured 
being. Once more are the Christians 
more virtuous, or rather are not 
they more vicious than we are? If 
so, how came it to pass that they are 
the objects of God's beneficence, 
while we are neglected? Does the 
Diety confer his favors without rea- 
son, and with so much partiality? 
In a word, we find the Christians 
much more depraved, in their morals 
than ourselves; and we judge of 
doctrine by the badness of our lives." 

1710— Most of the Indian Chiefs of 

the Continent Expected to 

Meet at Conestoga. 

In Vol. 2 of the Col, Rec, p. 513 
at a Council held the 2nd of July, 
this year, "The Governor laid be- 
fore the Board an Express he had 
received last night from Colonel 
French, purporting that in three 
days the Chiefs of the Seneques would 
be at Conestoga, and with them the 
Chiefs of the Indians of most part of 
the Continent and also some of the 
Gentlemen of the Maryland, and 
that the Governor's presence there 
was expected; what the design of the 
Congress might be was not certain, 
but was told it was of great conse- 
quence to the Crown, and would 

! tend much to the preservation of 
the subject. The board having taken 
the premises into consideration are 
of the opinion, that it is absolutely 
necessary that the Governor, with as 
many as can be got to attend him 
go to Conestoga to meet the Indians, 
and inform himself of the cause of 
their meeting." 

In this item we see that Conestoga 
was now to be the scene of a great 
meeting of Chiefs. The heads of all 
the Indian tribes were about to gath- 
er there; and this was to be the 
great Indian Council of the year. I 
am unable to find whether the Coun- 
cil as* intended met and perhaps we 
shall see later on, what became of 
I the action. The importance of Con- 
| estoga is however shown in this. 
j 1710— The Queen of the Conestogas 
and Some of the Conoys at 
At a Council meeting held on the 
21 of September, 1710, as it is re- 
corded in 2 Col. Rec, p. 516, and 
stated, "The Queen of the Conestoga 
| Indians, Ojuncho, and two chiefs 
| more, and some of the Conois In- 
dians, laid down before the Council 
four bundles of skins and furs, and 
at the delivery of the first bundle, 
the said, (as was interpreted) that 
they had given the Governor notice 
of their intentions of coming hither 
the last time he was at Conestogo. 
that they were now come, and do 
present him with that bundle to 
make him a cover for his table to be 
used in the same manner as the Car- 
pet, then spread upon the Council's 

Upon their presenting the second 
bundle, they said it was in remem- 
brance, and as an acknowledgment 
for the gunpowder and lead present- 
ed to them here the last year, for 
which they were very thankful. 

Upon their presenting the third 



bundle, they said it was as a token 
of their good will and friendship, 
and that they shall ever remember 
and observe the Governor's advice to 
them last year, to live peaceably 
with one another, which they will al- 
ways endeavor. 

Upon their presenting the fourth, 
they said it was in remembrance of 
the advice that was heretofore, given 
them not to be too credulous of re- 
ports, they being generally false and 
spread abroad by ill men, that for 
their parts they would believe no re- 
ports against us, and hoped we 
would believe no ill reports of them. 

Whereupon the Governor replied 
that he was glad to see them and 
thanked them for their kind pre- 
sent and cautioned them not to be- 
lieve lies and stories that now too 
commonly spread abroad for mis- 
chief by ill men, and that if any- 
thing happened extraordinary they 
should have notice by a messenger 
on purpose, and desired the like 
from them as their brothers, and 
being ordered to attend tomorrow in 
the afternoon they withdrew. 

Ordered that Mr. Hill, Mr. Norris, 
and Mr. Preston, dispose of the said 
presents to the best advantage, and 
provide a suitable return against to- 
morrow." More of the prominent 
position of Conestoga is shown in this 

1711 — Expenses of the Conestoga In- 
dian Treaties. 

In Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly, 
p. 92, it is set forth that John French 
accounts of his several journeys to 
Conestoga and the expenses therein 
at the intance of the late Governor, 
amounting to 119 Pounds, 19s and 
lOd, was read, and some of the 60 
Pounds of new currency was allow- 
ed to the said John French. 

Several other items of expense 

connected with the Conestoga In- 
dian Treaties are set forth in the 
same book and page as follows: An 
account of Thomas Masters for wine 
furnished the Governor on his jour- 
ney to Conestoga to the value of 25s, 
was allowed and also a note from 
Henry Worley requesting pay for 
his services of going to Conestoga 
on a message to the Indians last 
June, was read and he was allowed 
three pounds. 

1711 — More Palatines Now Settle 
Among the Conestoga Indians. 

In Vol. 19 of the Penna. Archives, 
p. 572 it is set forth that Thomas 
Story having a right from the Pro- 
prietor for 1000 acres of land in the 
manner of Highlands has instead 
taken up the same quantity near the 
settlement of the Palatines near Con- 
estoga, for which the Commissioners 
granted a patent. But it appears 
that he re-conveyed them and took 
up some land in lieu of it, which he 
proposed to purchase, and he agrees 
to give the same price that the Pal- 
atines did at the same time the 
tract was taken up by the Palatines 
which is accordingly granted 
1711 — Sixty Conestoga Indians Come 
to Philadelphia. 

In Vol 2 of the Votes of Assembly, 
p. 104, it is stated that "The Speaker 
informed the House that during the 
Governor's absence and since his 
last return from New York he had 
received and entertained upwards of 
60 Constoga Indians who came to 
treat with the Governor about the 
intended expedition against the 
French and the Northern Indians of 
Canada by which he had disbursed 
at least twenty Pounds, and been at 
much trouble; therefore desired that 
the same might be reimbursed him 
out of the Provincial stock. 
Resolved, N. C. D. That if the Gov- 



ernor concurs with this House here- 
in, the sum of twenty Pounds shall 
be paid him by the Public Treasurer 
out of the Provincial stock, after 
all payments, ordered by the three re- 
solves of Assembly, made of the fifth 
month, 1710, are discharged, and that 
the clerk draw an order on Samuel 
Carpenter, public Treasurer, for pay- 
ment thereof accordingly ; which was 
done, and signed by the speaker, to 
be presented to the Governor for 
his concurrence, and then the House 
adjourned until seven o'clock tomor- 
row morning." 

No comment need be made on this 
item particularly except to call the 
reader's attention to the fact that the 
Conestoga Indians were frequently 
at Philadelphia. 

1711 — Governor Gtokin Makes An- 
other Treaty with the Cones- 
toga Indians and Others. 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 532, 
at the top of the page it is stated 
that, "At a council held the 4th of 
June, the Governor desired the 
opinion of the Council as to his go- 
ing to Conestoga, because Colonel 
French knew nothing of the new 
matters on which a treaty was to be 
made and the Council desired that 
the Governor and some of his Coun- 
cil should go; and on the 11th of 
June the Governor acquainted the 
Council that he is now ready to 
start to Conestoga, if they still 
think that Bezalion's message is of 
such importance as to require him 
to go, it being so very hot now. And 
the board decided that as the In- 
dians expected him, he should go. 
The Governor accordingly went to 
Conestoga and held a Council with 
the Indians at Conestoga on the 18th 
of June, which he reported to Phila- 
delphia on the 23rd of June, as fol- 
lows, (p. 533): — 

"At Conestoga, Jun 18, 1711. 

The Honorable CHAS. GOOKIN v Esq. 

Ltt. Govr. 

Joseph Growdon, 
Richard Hill, 
Griffith Owen, 
Caleb Pusey, Esqrs. 

A present of 50 lbs. of powder, 1 
piece of Stroudwater, 1 piece of Duf- 
fils, 100 pounds of shott; being laid 
upon the floor, the Governor (by In- 
dian Harry the Interpreter), thus 

Governor Penn upon all occasions 
is willing to show how great a re- 
gard he bears to you therefore has 
sent this small present (a forerun- 
j ner of a greater to come next 
| Spring), to you and hath required me 
to acquaint you that he is about to 
settle some people upon the branch- 
es of Potowmac, and doubts not but 
the same mutual friendship which 
has all along as brothers, past be- 
twixt the inhabitants of the Govern- 
ment and you, will also continue be- 
twixt you and those he is about to 
settle; he intends to present five 
belts of wampum to the five nations, 
and one to you at Conestoga, and re- 
quires your friendship to the Pal- 
atines settled near Pequea. 

To which they answer: 

That they are extremely well 
pleased with the Governor's speech, 
but as they are at present at war 
with the Tuscaroroes and other In- 
dians they think that place not safe 
for Christians, and are afraid that if 
any damage should happen to these 
the blame will be laid upon them. 
that settlement being situated betwixt 
them and those at War with them. 
As to the Palatines they are in their 
opinion safely seated, but earnestly 
desire that the death of Letore may 
now be adjusted, for they shall not 
think themselves safe until it is. 
18th, Tuesday about twelve 



The Senequois and the Shawanois 
met the Governor and Council, Ope- 
ssah, Chief of the Shawnois, by Mar- 
tin Chartier, interpreter, thus spoke: 

Were it impossible for us, by pre- j 
sents or any other way, to atone for j 
the lives of those young men our | 
people unadvisedly slew we would | 
be partly willing to make satisfac- j 
tion, and such a condescension would 
be forever greatly remembered j 
and more nearly engage us and for j 
the future render us more careful. 
The uneasiness we had on that ac- 
count was such, that we could not , 
sleep until the last time the Gover- 
nor and his people were up here, at 
which time we had some hopes given 
us of adjusting that matter, since the 
murderers are all dead except one, 
who is gone to Messasippi. 

To which the Governor answered: j 

That the Laws of England were 
such, that whosoever killed a man j 
must run the same fate, yet consid- j 
ering the previous circumstances to ! 
that murder, the length of time 
since the accon., the distance of 
place were acted from the Govern- ! 
ment, and before coming here, and 
the persons all save one, (who is 
absconded) since his deed, I am j 
willing to forbear further prosecu- j 
tion on enquiry into it, but withal i 
caution you that if any such thing | 
hereafter fall out, you may be assur- 
ed I shall as well know how to do 
Justice as I have now shewed mercy 
for which they return the Governor 
their hearty thanks, and Opessah 
assures that if hereafter if any such 
thing happen, he himself will be 
executioner and burn them that 
should dare to do it. 

The Senequois acquaint: 
That Opessa being therefor solicit- 
ed by John Hans Steelman, had sent 

out some of his people, either to 
bring back or kill Francis^ de le Tore 
and his Company. Opessa, he af- 
firms he was entirely innocent, for 
that John Hans came to his cabin 
when he and his young people (who 
were then going hunting) were in 
Council, told them that some of his 
slaves and dogs (meaning La Tore 
and Company) were fled, therefore 
desired him forthwith to send some 
of his people to bring them back or 
kill them, and take goods for their 
trouble, a t which motion Opessa 
surprised, told him that he ought by 
no means discourse, after that man- 
ner before young people who were 
gone to the woods, and might by ac- 
cident meet these people and there- 
fore ordered him to desist, utterly 
denying his request. 

The Senequois also acquainted the 
Governor that Le Tort had taken a 
boy from them and sold him at New 
York and requested that the Gover- 
nor would enquire after him, that 
they might have him again." 

Penn in England having learned of 
the stealing of this boy wrote to the 
Susquehanna Indians the following 
letter,which may be found in Vol. 12 
of the Pennsylvania Archives, p. 
' My Good Friends : 

The people of New York have 
again wrote earnestly to me about 
those Indian prisoners taken by 
you, especially the woman and boy 
saying that they bought them fairly 
of the Governor of Carolina who sold 
them for slaves and they being my 
good friends and neighbors, and all 
under the same king, I must there- 
fore desire you to deliver the said 
woman and boy to the bearer hereof 
Silvester, who will carefully carry 
them to New Castle and there put 
them on board a vessel from thence 
directly to New York, and by so do- 



ing you will geatly oblige. 

Your very good friend and brother, 

This treaty of 1711 is referred to i 
by Governor Keith, who himself 
made a treaty with the Conestogas j 
in 1720; and he says, "About nine or 
ten years ago a considerable num- 
ber of the Five Nations, not less 
than fifty came to Conestoga and a 
meeting with Governor Gookin late 
of this Province and several of his 
Council, Colonel Dongan's purchase 
was mentioned to them and they 
were fully satisfied," (3 Col. Rec, p. 

All this goes to throw light upon 
this great treaty of 1711 and shows 
us that confirmation of the land pur- 
chase on Susquehanna was one of 
its objects. All the purposes of the 
treaty however, are plainly set forth 
in the treaty itself. 

1 711 — More Palatines . (Mennonites) 
Settle Among the Conestogas. 

In the item which we have just 
stated it will be observed that the 
following sentence, which the In- 
dians say in regard to the Palatines, 
occurs, "As to the Palatines, they 
are in their opinion safely seated." 
I merely make this a separate item 
to show that the whites were now 
mixing and settling among the In- 
dians and in their neighborhood. As j 
the question came up whether the j 
whites would be safe there if the In- j 
dians got into war with other tribes. 
It is here stated by the Indians that | 
these whites would be safe. 

Mombert in his History, p. 26 tells i 
us, "That as early as 1711 there 
were Palatines settled near Pequea, j 
who were prominently admitted into | 
the friendship of the neighboring 
tribes." We have no doubt that this 
is directly quoted from the Colonial 
Records as we have just cited it. 

1711 — Colonel French Sends in His 
Expense Account of the Con- 
estoga Treaty. 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 529, 
in February, 1711, Colonel French 
gives in the following account of the 
expenses of his treaty: 

Coll. French's account of his 
Journey to Conestoga, etc., were read 
and considered, and 147 Pounds, 6s., 
lOd, allowed to him, saving the de- 
ductions following: viz: for horse 
hire and baggage men in July 1707, 
charged in Governor Evans' account 
and paid him 5 Pounds; for six 
Pounds paid by the present Gover- 
nor to the baggage men in July, 
1710, charged in Coll. French's ac- 
count, in all deducted 27 Pounds, 7s; 
so there remains due to Coll. French, 
and which is allowed by the board, 
119, 19, 10. 

The Governor's account of dis- 
bursements and charges on his 
Journey to Conestoga, in July, 1710, 
to treat with the Five Nations, 
amounts to 8 Pounds, and 10s, 
which is allowed by the Council. 

The supply bill was now again 
read and sent to ye house with 
amendments affixed to it." 

This shows us something of the 
kind of equipment that was neces- 
sary to be taken into the Conestoga 
treaties to perfect a treaty. 

1711 — The Governor Orders the Con- 
estoga Chiefs to Come to 

In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Records, 
p. 537 on the first of August, this 
year, "The Governor sent for Indian 
Harry, and ordered him to fetch 
some of ye chiefs of the Indians, who 
were come down with a design to go 
to Canada. He brought six of them, 
and the Governor asked them by 
Harry the Interpreter, how many 
there were intended for Canada. 



They answered about 5 or 6 and 
Twenty. It was askt them why they 
did not make the bent of their way | 
to the Five Nations, pursuant to i 
Coll. Hunter's letter to them. ! 
They replied that Coll. French would 
have had them come by way of New 
Castle, and promised to go along 
with them, but New Castle being out j 
of their way, they came to Philadel- 
phia and expected him there. It was ! 
asked them whether they apprehend- 
ed they were come here at the Gov- 
ernor's request, or upon Coll. Hunt- 
er's letter to them, as being under 
covenants, with the five nations to ! 
go to war, when they required them; 
they answered they came in obedi- 
ence to Coll. Hunter's letter, but 
they expected Coll. French to go 
with them. They were told that I 
Coll. French might have such a de- j 
sign, but he was off of it, and asked 
them whether they would go to Bur- i 
lington by land or water, where 
they would have company enough of 
the forces raised there to go along 
with them, to which they said they ! 
would further consider amongst j 

The importance of Conestoga is 
here again plainly shown. 

1712— The Delawares Show a Belt of 
Wampum Sent to Conestoga. 

In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Rec, p. j 
546 there is an account of Council 
of a treaty held at Edward Farmer's 
House with the Delaware Indians. 
It will be remembered that the Dela- 
wares moved to the Susquehanna as 
we have shown before. These Dela- 
ware Indians had thirty-two belts of 
wampum and they were on their 
way to pay tribute to the Five Na- 
tions of New York. In making their 
speech to the Governor they declared 
that many years ago they were made 
tributary to the Five Nations and 
were now about to visit them; and 

that they thought it would be pro- 
per to stop at Philadelphia and show 
the Governor these belts, together 
with their Indian pipe or calamet 
with a stone head, wooden cane or 
shaft and feathers fixt to it like 
wings, with other ornaments. They 
said that the Five Nations had given 
them this pipe, that they were com- 
pelled to show it when they came 
among the Five Nations to be known 
as friends. They then proceeded to 
explain each of the thirty-two belts 
of wampum, and tell who made it 
and for what it was for. Besides 
these 32 belts they showed two more, 
one that had been given by Penn 
when he was here and the other that 
was since sent by Colonel Evans to 
Conestoga, which they are also to 
carry with them. But they desire to 
know from the Governor, now, what 
was intended by them. The Governor 
asked them why they waited 11 
years to ask about this belt that Wm. 
Penn gave them, and they said that 
the man that was to carry it died 
soon after they got it and that that 
was the reason. Further it appears 
in this treaty that they had several 
bundles and skins and that they 
made presents to the Council and al- 
so held a treaty and at this treaty 
it is stated that they received pre- 
sents from the whites and "these 
presents being kindly accepted, fill- 
ing their calamet or long winged 
pipe with tobacco and lighting it, 
they presented it so lighted to the 
Governor and each of the Council, 
etc.. to smoak a few blasts of it as 
a token of the greatest friendship 
that could be shown. 

1712 — Another Body of Conestoga 
Indians Come to the Council. 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 553 it 
it stated that at a Council held on 
the 23rd of July of that year, "sev- 



eral Indians being arrived some 
days ago from Conestogo, on busi- 
ness of importance, (as they said), 
and having waited eight days for 
their Interpreter, they at length met 
the Council this day; Tagodrancy or 
Civility, a War Captain and Chief, 
with Tanyahtickahungh, the old 
Speaker, Knawonhunt, and Soach- 
koat, two Brothers, and some others 
being sate, they first presented a 
bundle of deer skins, and by Indian 
Harry their Interpreter, said: That 
the Proprietor, Governor Penn had 
at his first coming amongst them 
made an agreement with them that 
they should always live as friends 
and Brothers, and be as one body, 
one heart, one mind, and as one eye 
and ear; that what the one saw the 
other should see, and what the one 
heard the other should hear and 
that there should be nothing but love 
and friendship between them and us 

They presented a small bundle of 
furs, and said that on their part 
they had always kept up this agree- 
ment and should constantly observe 
it in all respects, that if anything 
came to their knowledge relating to 
us they would always like brothers 
and friends acquaint us with it, and 
if at any time any foreigners or 
strangers came among them they 
would, (as they had always done) 
give notice of it immediately to 
Philadelphia, and in all things would 
acquit themselves accordingly to 
what they had promised and engag- 
ed. They presented two bundles of 
skins together, and said that on our 
part we had promised them to regu- 
late the trade that was carried on 
with them at Conestoga, and had 
spoke of licenses to be given to the 
traders, by which means all abuses 
were to be rectified. But that since 
Licenses were granted they found 

| themselves worse dealt by than 
\ ever, they received less for the 
goods that they sold to the traders, 
; were worse treated and suffered 
J more injuries, which they desired 
: the Council would inquire into, and 
| know why it was so, and cause it to 
' be redressed. 

They presented a fifth bundle, and 
! said, that the Cattle the traders kept 
hurt and destroyed their corn; Civil- 
| ity gave an account of his coming 
| with divers of their people, in a 
| friendly visit to the old French 
! women. M. L. Tort's house; that with- 
i out any provocation she turned them 
| out of doors, and that upon their 
| expostulating upon it, she told them 
that the house was her own, that the 
! land was hers, for she had bought it 
! of Governor Penn, and proceeded to 
| insult them very rudely; they there- 
fore desired to know whether this 
j was so or not, and whether she had 
any authority to act in such a man- 
S ner. 

They were told by the board that 
i the Council were much troubled to 
find they had occasion to complain, 
but they were desired to use such a 
freedom with us as became brothers, 
and not receive anything, but lay all 
their grievances before us, whoever 
the persons offending might be, and 
it should all be considered and an- 
swered together. 

They proceeded to complain of M. 
Letort, and particularly the old 
Queen Conguegoes representing that 
the said M. Letort did them great dam- 
ages by keeping of hogs, and that at 
twice she turned them into the 
Queen's corn in her own sight. 

They said that they had often 
taken horses out of their fields and 
taken them to the owners; that some- 
times they would not acknowledge 
them to be theirs, but that when 
damages were done by any, all the 
traders would deny that those 



horses did belong to any of them that 
did it; upon which one of them they 
said resolved to take a method to 
find to whom one particular horse 
belonged, for having taken him out 
of his corn three several times, he at 
last shott him, that the owner meet- 
ing with the loss might be discover- 
ed by his complaints. 

They added that one Sheerwill had 
lived amongst them for two years 
without planting any corn; that not- 
withstanding he had still enough, 
furnishing himself by stealth; and 
that he had sometimes been taken in 
the fact but that he had now left the 

They are told that all these mat- 
ters should be inquired into, consid- 
ered and answered altogether in the 

They desired that they might be 
acquainted with what news we had 
either from New York relating to the 
Indians, or from other places; and 
some time being spent on these sev- 
eral subjects, they are told they 
might withdraw which they did ac- 
cordingly, and the Council entering 
into the considerfation of what had 
been delivered. It was resolved, 
that these injuries requiring an im- 
mediate redress, care should be 
taken to procure satisfaction to the 
Indians for the losses they had al- 
ready sustained, and that they should 
be prevented for the future by oblig- 
ing these traders to remove from so 
near a neighborhood to them without 
any delay, and that none of them 
should be suffered to sitt down 
among these people; all which was 
referred to be further considered to- 

The account of their presents 
being taken, they were found to be, 
30 Deer skins, valued at about 3— 6d 

each, 5 Pds. 5 6 

2 half bears, 7 

foxes at 18d each, 6- 
Racoons, at 6s each 

beavers at 5s and one 
Dressed Doe at3 — 6* 

10 6 
18 6 

The whole amounting at 
the highest computa- 
tion to 7 Pds. 01 

And it is ordered that another 
should be provided to return to 
them, viz: 

6 Stroudwater Matchcoats. 
6 Duffils. 
6 White Shirts. 
50 lbs. of powder. 
1 cwt. of Lead, besides a stroud- 
: water and a shirt to Harry the In- 
! dian Interpreter, and two small 
I shirts to two of his children, and 
then adjourned until tomorrow at 3 
j in the afternoon." 

This again shows the difficulties 
| under which the Conestoga Indians 
labored and the questions of import- 
ance that were constantly rising 
from that section. 

On p. 555 of the same book it is 
: stated the next day, "The Board tak- 
! ing into consideration the com- 
plaints made by the Indians, they 
thought fit to order, that the traders 
i whose cattle had done damage to the 
Indians should be forthwith obliged 
to make compensation to the satis- 
! faction of the sufferers they left the 
j town; and as had been before resol- 
ved, that none of them should be suf- 
fered to live any longer amongst 
that people, but should at this fall at 
fartherest remove to greater dis- 
| tance, and not allowed on any terms 
I to keep cattle and other horses than 
| what are for their immediate ser- 
I vice, unless they should live on pur- 
j chased land. 

The several other heads spoke to 
by the Indians being also consider- 
ed, the Secretary was directed to an- 
i swer them from the Board, accord- 



ing to the instructions now agreed 
on and giving him, and accordingly 
the presents yesterday ordered to be 
returned to them being mostly gott 
ready, and they themselves called in 
the Secretary spoke to fully to every 
particular, the heads of which are as 

That the Bond of friendship and 
Brotherhood made by the Proprietor 
William Penn, with their nation, was 
so strong, that we doubted not that 
it would never be broken; that both 
we and they had hitherto inviolably 
kept it, and we were glad to see 
them on their parts desirous to 
strengthen it and therefore took 
their presents very kindly. 

That we, on our parts thought this 
Bond so strong that it could not be 
made firmer by any presents; yet to 
shew how acceptable any tokens of 
their friendship were to us, and that 
they might be supplied with some 
things necessary, in consideration of 
their long journey to visit us; we de- 
sired them to accept what we had 
provided for a return to them, re- ! 
peating what those presents were i 
and delivering them all but the 
Shirts which were not yet ready, 
and the provisions to be given them j 
in the morning. That in relation to j 
their complaints of trade, they must 
consider that all traders had in view 
by buying and selling, was to gain 
something to it themselves. That 
unless they could buy at such a rate 
as that, they could sell the same 
goods for somewhat more, so as to 
live by the profit, they would lose 
their labour and none would follow 
it. That all commodities sometimes 
rose in price and at other times fell, 
and that the traders must buy at 
such rates as their buyers could af- 
ford. That most of all the skins and 
furs bought of the Indians were , 
sent to England, where the people I 

I were numerous like the leaves on the 
! trees, and received all the goods on 
j the main from Carolina, Virginia, 
| etc., and so to Hudson Bay, that 
j these goods happened now by their 
I plenty to be low in England, and 
English goods high by reason of the 
war. That it was owing to these 
causes and not to the traders being 
obliged to take licenses; that their 
trade was now so low, (as some ill 
people who would not subject them- 
selves to any orders might suggest 
to them), that the reason of grant- 
ing licenses was that none should 
be allowed to trade with them, but 
I such as should give security here to 
j deal honestly by them, and not in- 
j jure them in any of these points 
! they had formerly complained of; 
| that by these means we could at all 
times, by the security they gave 
here, punish them whether present 
or absent for any disorders they com- 
mitted, and therefore that these li- 
censes were of the greatest benefit to 
the Indians, and that if they were 
any way injured in trade they ought 
to complain to us. That from the 
security the traders had given, we 
might oblige to make reparation; 
that we were heartily sorry they had 
such occasion of complaint on other 
accounts than those of trade; and 
that the traders proved such bad 
neighbors that none had ever been 
allowed by us to settle amongst them 
but Peter Bizalion and that not only 
he but the rest that had done them 
damage should forthwith make them 
satisfaction. They were therefore 
ordered to settle the account of their 
damages with the persons who had 
done them by tomorrow morning, 
and were promised that they should 
be made good to them." 

This item shows the firmness with 
which the Government of Pennsyl- 
vania dealt with these Conestoga In- 


dians as well as all the other In- I very day, the chief murderers, with 
dians It is noticeable here also as | the greatest part of that nation 
shown p 556 that Peter Bezalion is I seated under their protection near 
at this time settled among the Con- j Susquehanna River, whitner they re- 
estoga Indians; and also that the j moved them, when they found they 
Delaware Indians are now constant- could no longer support them 
ly with the Conestogas at their j against the force which the English 


1712— Letort Granted a New License 

to Trade With the Conestogas 

and Other Indians. 

brought upon them in these parts. 

During the Tuscourouro war, 
about two hundred of your Indians 
set upon our Virginia Indian Traders 
as they were going to the Southern 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 562 j Indians with a caravan of at least 
it is stated that the petition of , eighty horses loaded, and after 
James Letort was read, praying that i kiin n g ne of our people and shot 

he may have a license granted to 
him to trade with the Indians, etc., 
which being considered, he is ap- 
proved on and may have the 
Governor's license accordingly. 
According to Vol. 2 of Watson's 

most of their horses they made booty 
of all the goods, declaring their 
reason for so doing was because they 
did not carry their ammunition to 
the Tuscourroroes, and this plunder 
was so publickly vended to the 

Annals, p. 122 Letort Creek in the j northward that it was no secret to 

neighborhod of Carlisle was named 
from James Letort. Letort seems to 
have had this location as a frontier 
home about 1712.The creek was noted 
for its many beaver dams. This is 

your people at Albany what a vil- 
iianous part they had been acting 
here with the English; and whether 
such an action be not at this day an 
incontestible truth. I dare appeal 

a very notable thing because beavers | to you yourself, notwithstanding 
as a rule did not live in Pennsylva- j your Commrs. may be willing out of 
nia but farther northward, except on | some publick views, to conceal this 
this part of the Schuylkill where the j piece f your Indian Treachery." 
beaver towns or dams were quite \ From this we see that these Cone- 

S stogas, who of course, were led by 
Five Nations and the ! the Five Nations occasionally made 

1712— The 

Conestogas at War With the 

expeditions southward to fight the 

Indians in Virginia. In a later item 

we will see that the Conestogas very 

In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Records, j much lamen ted this and claimed that 

p. 84 the Governor, Spotswood of Lj they did not g0> tne Five Nations, 

Virginia sent a letter to Governor 
Keith, complaining of the action of 
our Indians about Conestoga, and he 
accuses them as follows: 

"In the year 1712 and 1713, they 
were actually in these parts assisting 
the Tuscarouroes, who had massacr- 
ed in cold blood some hundreds of the 
English and then were warring 
against us, and they have at this 

their masters, treated them very 
cruelly and called them cowards. 
1712 — The Shawnese at Pequea Cap- 
ture a Catawba Boy. 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 23, 
at a treaty held at Conestoga about 
1717, we are given information that 
some years ago the Shawnese had 
captured a Catawba boy. The date 



Is not given but I give it as 1712. 
The information we have of this cap- 
ture is as follows: 

"The Shawanoise and all the other 
Indians present were further asked 
whether they had any prisoners of 
the Catawba Nation, or of any oi;hbi 
nation in friendship with Virginia. 
The Shawanoise answered that ihey 
had one prisoner, a young man taken 
some years agoe, whom they pro- 
duced; but all the others answered 
they had none. » 

It was demanded of the Shawanois 
that this prisoner should be return- 
ed to the Catawbas, from whence he 
was taken. Their King or Chief 
answered that they had taken him 
several years agoe, when he was but 
a little lad; that he had now forgot 
his native language, and spoke 
theirs, and that they did not think 
themselves obliged to return him at 
this time. 

Being further prest to it, the 
chief answered that if the King of 
the Catawbas, whom he now under- 
stood were in league with Virginia, 
would come hither and make peace 
with him, if it was desired; but that 
the Catawbas were a people of great 
extent, and there were many nations 
under that name. 

The young man was asked whether 
he was willing to return, but would 
not answer." 

1713 — T fa o m a s Clialkley Again 

Preaches in the Susquehanna 


In Chalkley's work before referred 
to, under the date of 1713, at p. 82 
he says: "After I had been some 
time in Virginia, I got passage up 
the Bay Chesapeake and had 
several meetings in Maryland, 
friends being glad to see me; and 
we were comforted In Christ our 

Lord. I made some little stay at a 

place I had in that province, called 

Longbridge, and then returned to 

Philadelphia, where I lodged at the 

house of my very kind friends, 

| Richard and Hannah Hill, and was 

! often times at divers neighbouring 

| meetings, and sometimes had good 

service therein." 

It would seem rather certain from 
j his having previously visited the 
Susquehannas that he sailed entirely 
j up to the head of the Bay and went 
! into the Susquehanna Country on 
j this trip. He was very much con- 
cerning about the Christianity of 
these Indians. 

1713— Captain Civility on a Special 
Message to the Council. 
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 565 it 
I is reported at a Council held June 8, 
; 1713, "The Young Indian called 
! Civility, one of the chiefs of Cone- 
j stogo, with Harry the Interpreter, 
i having arrived here two days ago, 
and desired to deliver a mesage from 
| the Nation, the Governor called a 
Council thereupon, and being mett, 
j he presented to the Governor two 
I small parcells or strings of w-am- 
! pum, which they said were delivered 
j them by certain messengers from 
| the Cayogoes and Onoyootoes, two 
of ye Five Nations ,who had been 
lately at Conestogo, and desired to 
| know what was the message that 
! those who came from ye said Nations 
! had delivered here last fall ; for that 
j they were apprehensive that some of 
the Tsanondowans had some ill 
design against us, proposal having 
made that several hundreds were to 
come down in a body, under a pre- 
tense of trading which might be at- 
tended with ill consequence. 

The substance of the minutes 
then taken we told them, and that 
as they came on a message of 



friendship, we had made them a" 
suitable answer; that we always had 
been friends with them, and desired 
so to continue; that being such, they 
were free to trade with us, as all 
others were, and that we hoped we 
should have no cause to apprehend 
anything further from them. They 
were particularly acquainted that 
our Queen had now made peace with 
the French, and we were all to live 
amicably together; that the French 
durst now not injure an English-* 
man, nor an English man none of 
the French, any more than one of 
their own nation; but that upon the 
whole we took their whole care 
shewn by this information very kind- 
ly, and desired them always to con- 
tinue the same disposition towards 
us, as we should shew ourselves 
friends to them. 

Ordered that care be taken of them 
whilst in Town, and that the Treas- 
urer (Civility being now one of the 
Chiefs of their nation) provide for 
him a good Stroud, a Shirt, a halt, 
and a pair of Stockins and a match 
coat for Harry, with some small 
tokens for their children, with some 
rum, Tobacco and bread." 

Here we have another illustration 
of the frequent intercourses between 
the Conestoga Indians and the Gov- 
ernor at Philadelphia; and it was now 
almost a daily occurence that the 
savages of the Susquehanna River 
and the people on the Delaware met 
face to face. 

1714 — Several Conestoga Indians 
Visit the Council at Philadelphia 
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 574, 
it is stated that a Council held Oct. 
I, of that year, that, "Several In- 
dians being come to town from 
Conestogo, and the Governor being 
very much indisposed, the Council 
mett to receive what they had to 

offer; and Togodhessah, Sotayyoght, 
! Tokunnyataawogha, with some others 
I presenting a Bundle of Drest Skins, 
! represented to the Board: 
I That they had always hitherto made 
| it their practice to inform this 
| Government of all things of mmt. 
| that past amongst them; that living 
| in a near neighbourhood and friend- 
; ship with the Shawanois, they 
thought it convenient to acquaint us 
| that Opessah, the late King of ye said 
j Shawanoise, having absented him- 
I self from his people for about three 
j years, and upon divers messages 
sent to him still refused to return 
j to them, they at length have thought 
| it necesasry to appoint another in 
i his stead, and presented the person 
i chosen by name Cakundawanna, to 
the board, as the new elected King of 
j the Shawanoise, desiring the appro- 
| bation of this Government of this 
j their proceeding. 

The Board answered that what 
measures they thought fitt to take 
for their own peace and safety 
amongst themselves, should be ap- 
proved by this Government as far as 
iust, and it hoped that what they 
have done was a necessity, and that 
they are satisfied in it. 

They then presented a second 
bundle of drest skins, and said: 

That they had informed us their 
old Queen was dead, as also are all 
their old men who formerly appear- 
ed for their nation, that they are 
now succeeded by a younger genera- 
tion; that our methods are to keep 
record of what is transacted in writ- 
ing, but that they have also sure 
ways of transmitting from one 
generation to another what is neces- 
sary to remember, that these now 
living well know the leagues and 
bonds of friendship that have been 
between the English and their fathers 
and that they, their Posterity, are 



resolved inviolably to observe the 

In answer they were told their 
present with what they said upon it, 
was kindly accepted, and they were 
desired to continue the same meth- 
ods their fathers had done, and to 
train up their children in the same 
friendship towards the English that 
they themselves had been, that we 
and they may live in a firm peace 
togther in all time to come. 

The skins presetned are 9 bucks, 
and 15 does, drest with one raw 
back, value about 3 pounds and 15s 
in ye whole. Ordered, that a return 
be made to ye value of about ten 
pounds, with a persent also to 
Harry, the Interpreter, besides their 
charges; and that the Treasurer see 
it performed, entering the account 
into these minutes." 

In this article we again see the 
faithful report made by the Cone- 
stogas of the suspicious action of the 
King of the Shawanese. They also 
related to the Governor faithfully the 
experiences their tribe was having. 

1714— Conrad Wilser's View of the 
Indian Religion 

In Mombert's History of Lancaster 
County, p. 19, he sets forth a letter 
which Conrad Weiser wrote on this 
subject, as follows: 

this in compliance with thy request, 
to give thee an account of what I 
have observed among the Indians, in 
relation to their belief and confi- 
dence in a Divine Being, according 
to the obsravtions I have made, from 
1714, in the time of my youth, to this 
day (about the year 1746). 

If by the word religion people 
mean an asesnt to certain creeds, or 
the observance of a set of religious 
duties; as, appointed prayers, sing- 

; ings, preaching, baptism, etc., or 

! even Heathenish worship, then it 

may be said the Five Nations, and 

their neighbors have no religion. But 

if by religion we man an attraction 

of the soul to God, whence proceeds 

| a confidence in, and hunger after, 

i the knowledge of him, then this 

j people must be allowed to have some 

! religion among them notwithstanding 

their sometimes savage deportment. 

For we find among them some tracts 

of a confidence, in God alone; and 

j even, sometimes, though but seldom. 

| a vocal calling upon him. I have had 

! one or two instances of this under 

j my own observation." 

Weiser in this letter speaks of 
| Indian religion much later than 1714 
I but I will give that later. 

1 1714— Beginning* of the Conestoga 

Road in Lancaster County 

In the Quarter Sessions Docket, of 
Lane. Co., No. 1, pp. 89 and 121 may 
be found the petition dated 1734 to 
improve the Conestoga Road which 
lead into the Indian Country and 
which is now the road known as the 
j "Long Lane." The petition states 
that the people have been using this 
road for twenty years. Therefore it 
| began to be used about 1714. Many 
I papers, in the Chester County Quar- 
ter Sessions records also throw light 
on this subject. 

1715 — The Goods Bought by Logan 

for the Conestoga Treaty 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 597. 
it is stated that, "Mr. Logan exhibit- 

| ed an account of several things he 
bought for the Conestogoe Indians, 
by order of Council, the 1st of Oct. 
last, the balance of which amounts 
to 15 Pounds, 3s and 9d, which 

I account is allowed, and the Treas- 
urer ordered to pay the same." 



1715—Opessah, the Late Shawanese i Opessah said that he did not know 

! of any. We see in this item that 

Opessah was quite a treacherous 
character and made trouble very 

1715 — Chalkley Reports That the 

Concstoeras Have Moved Their 

Town Twenty Miles Away 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p 603 
on the 21st of June, at a Council. 

Kins Comes to Philadelphia 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p 599, 
it is stated that on the 14th of June, 
this year, that Opessah, the late 
Shawanese King, with his compan- j 
ions attending him, came with the | 
Chiefs of the Delaware and Schyulkill I 
Indians to visit the Governor; and 
that they met in the Court House in 
Philadelphia, where they had a great j « Mr. Logan acquainted the Board, 
ceremony, in which they opend up j that he had information by Thomas 
the calamet with a great ado with ; chalkley, who lately came from 
their rattles and songs. The calamet Maryland, that the Conestogoe In- 
was offered by the Delaware King j dians had left their town and re- 
to the Governor and Council and all | moved twenty miles distant, and it 
the people and then by the Governor j being thought that soemthing extra- 
it was offered to the Indians; and j ordinary had happened, that they 
after great cermony it was put j should leave their corn growing on 
away. The Indians explained that j the ground. It was ordered that a 
they had carried this calamet as a message should be sent up to them 
bond of peace to all the Nations | by some cf the Chiefs, cf the Indians 
around and that it was a sure bond \ now in Town, and a small present, 
among them. The Indians further j to wit: a matchcoat for the two 

desired by holding up their hands j Chiefs, Civility and , and 

that the God of the Heavens might i tell them we would be glad to see 
be witness to it. These Indians were j then, and that they should inform 
referring to the treaty which Penn j them that they, together with the 
made with them "at his first coming ! Delaware Indians, have already been 
among them." The speaker for the ! here and renewed their League of 
Indians then said that he delivers j friendship, and were kindly re- 
n behalf of all the Indians on ihis j ceied." 

side of the Susquehanna River the j in this item we see some new 
>elts of wampum which he had wkh | disturbances about Conestoga, 

him. As to Opessah who formerly j which we shall explain later. 

lived on Peqnea Creek as King of L F1 » . .. „ .. . ., 

. «. , 1 171o — Another Council held 

the Shawanese, the speaker says j 

that he has now abdicated and lives ! 
at a great distance from his former 
home. The Governor said that j 
Opessah had long been under a j 
league of Friendship with them, and 
even though he has moved we will 


Opessah and His Associates 

On the 22nd of June, 1715, we are 
told in Vcl. 2 of the Col. Rec, p 603, 
that "The Indian chiefs, viz: Sasoo- 
nan and Matasjeechay, with Opessah. 
being called according to the order of 

treat him as kindly as ever; but we j yesterday, the Governor acquainted 
ask that he will tell the foreign In- ! them, that he, with the Council, were 
dians that he lives with that they j extremely well pleased to see them, 
should be kind towards the Engilsh j and with the treaty that we had with 
and tell them of any danger; and ' them, but could have wished they 



had more effectually taken the ad- 
vice that was given them to forbear 
excessive drinking, and especially to 
avoid rum, which since it disorders 
them so very much and ruins their 
health, they ought to shun it as 
poison; for though valuable men 
when sober, yet when overcome 
with that unhappy Liquor they are 
quite lost and become beasts, that 
had the Governor thought they 
would not take more care of them- 
selves he would have prevented their 
buying it, and must do so the next 
time they are so kind to visit us, that 
so we may be able all the time of 
the stay to converse together. 

That now, however, he is glad to 
see them sober again at their de- 
parture, and was willing to speak 
with them before they went to fur- 
nish them with some provisions for 
their journey. 

That we have now had with them 
a very friendly treaty, which with all 
others heretofore they are constatnly 
to remember. 

That as they spoke in behalf of all 
the Indians on this side of Sasque- 
hananh, excepting those of Cone- 
stoga, the Governor wishes that 
they had also come with them, but 
since they have not, Sasoonan and 
Metasheekay are desired to inform 
the chiefs of Conestoga, vsiz : Soteer- 
yole and Tagultaleese or Civility, that 
they have been here renewing their 
League, yet we were sorry that we 
saw not all our friends together, 
that to the end they might be par- 
takers of the same League, we had 
sent each of them a matchcoat, and 
should be glad to see them with the 
first good conveniency. 

That hearing they design to leave 
Conestogo, we should desire an op- 
portunity of discoursing them before 
they quit that ancient settlement, 
and that they should say that same 

I thing to those that are removed; 
! that the better to cover them from 
! the night dews in their travels, we 
! give each of them a stroud match- 
i coat. 

That as they had particularly re- 
commended Opessah, we were very 
well pleased with their regard to 
him, and as a token of our taking 
him into the same friendship with 
them, now gave him also a Stroud. 
All wihch being interpreted to 
them and provisions delivered for 
their Journey, viz: some loaves and 
one hundred weight of Biscuitts, 
with 12 Pounds of tobacco and pipes, 
they returned their hearty thanks 
with expresisons of great satisfac- 

But Sasoonan complained that they 

J were much abused by the quantities 

of rum brought amongst them, and 

requested the Governor to cause a 

stop to be put to the pratcice. 

Upon which they were told of the 
very strict laws made against it, but 
that it was impossible for us to 
know who came thither into the 
woods amongst them without their 
information, that it would be in their 
power effectually to prevent it that 
if they would stave all the rum that 
came amongst them, which they were 
directed by the Governor to do with- 
out fail as oft as any came. 

They thereupon desired the Gov- 
ernor's written order for it, and 
acordingly the following order was 

By the Honorable Charles Gookin, 
Esqr., etc. 

Wheras, notwithstanding the 

several penalties laid by the laws of 
this province, upon those who sell 
rum to the Indians, complaints are 
made by them, that great quantities 
are still carried into the woods to 
their great loss and damage. For 
the more speedy prevention of which, 



it is ordered by the Governor and 
Council, that all Indians who shall 
at any time see any rum brought 
amongst them for sale, either by the 
English or others, do forthwith 
stave . the casks and destroy the 
liquor, with suffering any of it to be 
sold or drank, in which practice they 
shall be idemnified and protected by 
the Government against all persons 
whatsoever. Dated at Philadelphia, 
ye 22nd of June, 1715." 

We observe here that their is some- 
thing like a break in the pleasant 
relations between the other Indians 
of the Susquehanna and Delaware 
rivers and the Conestogas. Just 
what caused the Conestogas to leave 
and move 20 miles away is not very 

1715 — The Conestogas Now Come and 

Explain their Removal and 

Other Actions. 

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 606, 
it is stated that on the 13th of Sept., 
'Sotyriote, Chief of ye Conestoga In- 
dians, with divers others of his na- 
tion and of the Ganawoise, being in 
town last night, on the message sent 
them from this Board by Sassooan 
and Metashichay, two of ye Delaware 
chiefs ye 22nd of June last, the Coun- 
cil met to consider of the treaty to 
be held with them. 

And as they are come at the re- 
quest of this Government, it is there- 
fore agreed and ordered that accord- 
ing to ye custom of ye Indians, a 
present should be made to them, viz: 
six Stroudw.ater matchcoats, six 
Duffel matchcoats, six blankets, half 
a barrel of Powder, and hundred 
pounds of lead .with some tobacco 
and pipes, and that care be taken of 
their entertainment, as also that some 
present should be made to Harry the 
Interpreter, to ye value of three 
pounds or thereabouts. 

That they be informed that the In- 
| dians of Delaware with Opessah in 
; behalf of the Shawanois coming 
\ hither of themselves last 4th month, 
| did in a solemn manner renew the 
i treaty and confirm the bond of friend- 
| ship between us, which they did in 
! the name and behalf (they said) of 
! all Indians on this side of Sasque- 
hannah, those of Conestoga excepted, 
! when they left to speak for them- 
; selves, and therefore that we desired 
| that these Indians would also come 
j to visit us as the others * had done. 
| that we might at the same time re- 
new our Leagues of friendship with 
all our friends and brethren, that 
that they had always been such to us, 
and that our conduct to each other 
had always been so friendly, and the 
leagues of his friendship had been so 
j often repeated and confirmed that we 
j were desirous to see them as our 
! friends and brethren, as often as any 
: others of our Indians for which rea- 
! son we had sent them that message. 
The Indians not being met, the con- 
| ference and treaty with them was de- 
j ferred, and the Council adjourned for 
that purpose till in the morning at 
seven." This sets forth the discus- 
sions of the first day. 

At page 607 we are told what hap- 
pened the next day as follows: 

" The afore mentioned Indians/with 
! their interpreter, mett, and the pre- 
| sent provided, the Governor ordered 
| them to be informed that he, with the 
| Council, were glad to see them, and 
j would have been pleased if it had 
I been sooner. That Sasoonan, in be- 
! half of his own and all our other In- 
; dians on this side of Sasquehannah. 
j those of Conestoga excepted, had in 
| the most friendly manner renewed 
; their treaties and confirmed the bond 
; of friendship between us. That we 
1 were upon desirous to see them also, 
that we might have at the same time 



'the satisfaction of conferring with 
and entertaining all the nations of 
-our friends around us, and by that 
means have an opportunity to know 
how it was with them. 

That we had heard that they had a 
design for moving the Conestoga, to 
leave room for the English to settle 
there; but that we desired they 
■should not make themselves uneasy, 
and if they thought it might be more 
for their conveniency to be a greater 
distance, we should expect first to be 
•acquainted with it. 

They were also particularly inform- 
<ed of what passed between our Dela- 
ware Indians and us, at the last 
treaty and the minutes then taken 
were interpreted to them, with all 
which they appeared very well satis- 

The presents as yesterday ordered 
were delivered to them, amounting to 
•about 20 Pounds in value, besides the 
three pounds ordered to Harry, the 
interpreter, and the charges of their 

Upon their receiving of these they 
were particularly desired to be care- 
ful from time to time, to inform us 
of any strangers coming amongst 
them, and of everything new that 
should happen amongst them, for as 
we were friends and brethren, we 
must be concerned for their safety 
and welfare, as well as our own. 

They all appeared extremely pleas- 
ed, and the Council adjourned. 

On the next day, September 15, the 
Governor left town but authorized the 
Council to hear the answer of these 
Indians, whereupon the chief of the 
Conestogas by his interpreter said, 
"That they were well pleased to find 
that the Indians who were here in 
summer, had shown themselves so 
mindful of former treaties and agree- 
ments that were made with William 

Penn, at his first arrival; that their 

old men were generally gone off the 

stage, and that a younger generation 

jhad come into their place; that they 

on their parts should ever desire to 

I live in the same peace and friendship 

with us, that their fathers had done, 

and that not only they but that their 

J and our posterity might do the same, 

| from generation to generation. That 

! all things were well amongst them, 

| and they had nothing in relation to 

j this Government to blame or in any- 

J wise find fault with. 

j They then laid down four strings of 

I white wampum, and said, that Opes- 

j sah, who was formerly a King of the 

I Shawanois, near Conestoga, but had 

now for some years been abroad in 

the woods (as he said) a hunting, had 

just as their coming away from Con- 

I estoga, sent them a message with 

that wampum, to tell them he was 

now going a hunting again, that they 

I thought it convenient to acquaint this 

I Government with it, and that if they 

| hear anything further of his proceed- 

| ings, they will not fail from time to 

I time to give us an account of it, and 

\ as they had always lived in peace, 

! and we and they had been as Breth- 

; ren and friends, so they desired 

: we might ever continue the same, 

that they had nothing to complain of, 

, but desired we would for their great - 

er ease in trading with our people, 

asquaint them with the certain prices 

I of our goods. 

They then presented to the Board 
| seventeen deer skins in ye Hair, and 
I eighteen foxes skins. They were told 
| in answer to this, the same things 
j that had been said to Sasoonan and 
j the Indians with them ; that it was 
j impossible to set any prices, for 
| goods were sometimes cheaper. 
i sometimes dearer, and the 
traders would sell their goods dearer 


a visit of the Conestogas and Dela- 
wares to the Council is set forth but 

at Sasquehannah, after they had been 1 1716-The Minutes of the Conestoga 
at the pains to carry them some days j Treaty Lost. 

journey on horseback, thither, and In Vol 2 of the Col Rec ? p ei; 
that we could advise them to no 
other method than what we took our- 
selves, which is that every man I it see ms that the minutes of the pro- 
should bargain as well as he could ce edings were not taken and we can 
for himself, but in the meantime as | not te il j us t what purpose took them 
we had passed a law, that none call- to Philadelphia. The Colonial Rec- 
ed Christians should offer them any j or( j s g j ve the following account of it: 
injury, is if they received any they "Sotayriote, the Chief of the Con- 

estoga Indians, Tagotelessah or Civ- 
ility their Captain, Sheekokonickan, 

were desired to acquaint us with it 
and they should be redressed. 

It was further pressed on them to | a chief of the Delaware Indians being 
be very careful on their parts that no j come to town, attended the Governor 
difference arise between any of their j in Council; but ye clerk having neg- 
and our people and if there should be ( i ecte d to enter ye minutes of what 
they would acquaint us with it im- past as he did all other relating to 
mediately, that we might duly inquire j these people, which J. Logan himself 
Into it, and justice should be done took not wit h his own hand, they are 

with others irrecovably lost." 
1717— John Cartledge Sends Word of 
Disturbances Among the Con- 
In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Rec, p. 
15 it is set forth under the date of 
June 19, this year, as follows: "The 
Secretary by the Governor's order 
laid before the Board a letter he had 
received this afternoon from John 
Cartledge of Conestogoe, giving him 
an account of some distuurbances 
amongst the Indians there; as also 
one enclosed from Lahya, Civility, 
and some others of the chiefs of the 
Indians on the Susquehanna, wherein 
they desired him to come to them 
without delay, to consult with them 
about affairs of great importance: 
They having no notice (it is pro- 
bable) of the Governor's arrival. The 
Governor hereupon thought it incum- 
himself to give them a 

them if they were anywise wronged. 

Then provisions being ordered to 
be provided for them by the Treas- 
urer for their return home, and all 
the accounts to be discharged by 

They were dismissed and the Coun- 
cil adjourned." 

From all this we see that the mat- 
ter which was likely to be difficult 
was finaly settled with the Conestoga 

1715 — Our Conestoga Indians Make a 
Treaty With Virginia. 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 87, 
Governor Spottswood of Virginia, 
writes to Governor Keith, referring 
to the treaty which the Conestogas 
and others had made with his Prov- 
ince, and says that they have not kept 
their engagements made on the last 
day of August, 1715, but that in vio- 
lation of those 

engagements they j bent 

r^rir^i br and to the ena they misht have 

in all which the Governor of Virginia I as they desired > to call their 

puts the blame upon our Conestoga I People together, he was pleased to 
Indians. This ends all we have to j appoint the seventeenth day of Julv 
say under the year of 1715. i next, to be the time he would see 



them at Conestogoe; and in the 
meantime the Secretary was ordered 
to write a letter to them to that pur- 
port, and to send a belt of wampum 
as a token of friendship and confir- 
mation of this message." 

We can at this date understand the 
extreme importance of the urgent 
visit which the Conestogas asked the 
whites to make to them, but we may 
rest assured that matters of impor- 
taince were to be adjpusted, espec- 
ially does this show, what caused 
Oovernor Keith to go to the Indians 
as soon as possible. 
1717— The Delaware Indians are Now 
at Conestoga. 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 19, it 
is stated that at a Council held at 
Conestoga the Chief of the Delawares 
was present. I do not believe that 
they were simply as visitors attend- 
ing this treaty but that they now 
lived on the Susquehanna River 
which may be seen under this same 
date in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 45, 
where we are told that the Chiefs of 
the Delawares, formerly on Brandy- 
wine but now inhabitants on the 
Susquehanna River" were come to 
Philadelphia, therefore, I make this 
bit of history a separate item so that 
the fact of the Delawares moving 
from the Schuylkill river to the Sus- 
quehanna River may be made promi- 
nent. We shall see later that these 
Delawares caused us much grief be- 
cause it was they who in 1755 helped 
to slaughter Braddock's men at Fort 
DuQuense and later, who in and 
about Carlisle and Cumberland 
stealthily butchered many of the 
white pioneers of these sections. 

1717 — A Great Treaty at Conestoga. 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec. pp, 21 
and 22 it is set forth that the follow- 
ing proceedings took place, " at a 

Council held at Conestoga, the 9th 

day of July, 1717." Then follows a 

list of the members of Council who 

journeyed with Governor Keith to 

Conestoga, and took part in this 

treaty. They were Richard Hill, 

Isaac Norris, James Logan, Anthony 

Palmer, Robert Ashton and John 

I French. The importance of this 

! treaty is attested by the fact that 

! these six men were perhaps the most 

prominent sextette in Pennsylvania 

I at this time. The report of the treaty 

| is as follows : 

" Present the Chiefs, and others of 
| the Conestogoe or Mingo Indians, the 
| Delawares, the Shawanoise and Gun- 
I awoise, all inhabiting upon or near 
| the banks of the River Susquehan- 
i nah. 

A memorial from Captain Christo- 

! pher Smith, of Virginia, having been 

presented to the Governor, was read 

! at the Board in ye words following, 

I viz: 

To the Honorable William Keith, 
J Esq., Lieutenant Governor of the 
\ Province of Pennsylvania and Coun- 
| ties of New Castle, Kent and Sussex, 
i upon Delaware; and the Honorable 
l Council at Conestogoe, Capt. Christo- 
| pher Smith humbly Sheweth, 

That he being commissioned and 
| instructed by the Honorable Alex- 
! ander Spotswood, Esq., Governor of 
; Virginia, to go to New York, and with 
! the lycense and permission of the 
Governor of these said province of 
New York, to discourse with the In- 
dians or elsewhere concerning the 
murdering of some Catawba Indians 
at Fort Christianna in the Colony of 
Virginia, who are in amity with the 
said Government of Virginia, which 
said insult was then supposed to be 
| committed by the Senequa Indians, 

and also to demand the Delivery up 
of the prisoners taken at the place 
aforesaid, with reparation for the in- 



suits done upon the said Catawba In- | cerned in this cruelty, that then he 
rtians. I may be assisted in making such 

And whereas, the said Christopher j terms of Friendship with the said 
Smith, by the assistance of his Ex- | Indians, which by his commission he 
cellency Brigader Hunter, Governor | is fully, empowered to do, as for the 
of New York hath procured the con- j future may do for the safety and 
fession of the said Senequa Indians, j quiet of his Majesty's subjects, and 
wherein they acknowledge that some ; the Indians in amity with the Gov- 
of their men were concerned in the j ernment of Virginia and Pennsyl- 
killing, of some of the said Catawba j vania. CHRISTOPHER SMITH. 

Indians near Fort Christanna afore- The said Capt. Smith (being desir- 

said, but do say that they did not 
know the said Catawba Indians Were 
In amity or upon a treaty with the 
Government of Virginia and have now 
fngaged for themselves, that all acts 

ed so to do), produced his commis- 
sion from the Governor of Virginia.. 
under the seal of that Government- 
together with his instructions refer- 
red to in his said commission both of 

of hostility against the said Catabaw j which were also read. 
Indians or any others in amity with | And because the subject of the said 
the said Government of Virginia shall | memorial principally concerned the 
leave, and if the woman Prisoner | said Shawanoise Indians, Martin 
lately taken in Virginia by some of Chartiere who understood and spoke 
their men, who (at present is escap- , their language well, was sworn as 
ed out of their hands) be taken up an interpreter on this occasion, 
by any of their people, that she shall ! The insult lately made on the 
be safely delivered up to the Gover- ] Government of Virginia, at the Fort 
nor of New York, in order to be sent j Christianna, as it is mentioned in 
back to Virginia; and the said Chris- j the said memorial was then fully 
topher Smith, being lately informed j related to those Indians, and they re- 
that some of the Shawanois Indians I quired to inform the Governor 
in the Province of Pennsylvania, and i whether an} r of their nation were 
in amity with this Government, were j concerned in that fact, or know any- 
present and concerned in the murder j tnin » of it. 

and insult aforesaid, committed at \ They answered that six of their 
Fort Christianna aforesaid, Humbly j men had accompanied that party of 
Request Your Honors assistance and ! the Five Nations who had committed 
Countenance in obtaining an inter- j the fact, but that none of those six 
view with the said Shawanois Indians j were here present, their settlement 
and an interpreter to assist him in j being much higher up the Susque- 
discoursing with the said Indians; \ hannah River, and being asked such 
and if it appears that any of the In- j further questions as Captain Smith 
dians in friendship with your Gover- ! requested might be proposed to them 
nment have been concerned in the ! in this affair, they answered to them 
committing the aforesaid fact, that ! severally as follows, viz- 
the said Christopher Smith may have | That according to the information 
your Honor's assistance and counte- | they had received from the six per- 
nance in procuring reparation for the I sons aforementioned of their Nation, 
wrong done, but if it appear that ! after their return home, there was 
none of the Indians in Covenant or ! only eighteen persons of the whole 
friendship with you have been con- | company imployed in that attack 



near the said Fort at Christianna, 
and that the above mentioned six of 
their nations were with the rest, at 
some considerable distance by the 
side of a creek or brook, and were no 
way concerned in it, neither did they 
know anything of it until the return 
of the said party of eighteen who had 
killed six men on the spot, took one 
prisoner who soon made his escape, 
and a woman whom they carried 
along with them, and that this was 
all they knew of that matter. 

Being further asked whether any 
of their Indians knew anything of 
killing Major Joshua Wynne, in Vir- 
ginia, about five years agoe, they 
said they did not know anything of 

Whether they knew anything of the 
Indians killing a negro man in Vir- 
ginia, belonging to Captain Robert 
Elicks, about four years agoe, they 
answer they knew nothing of it. 

Being asked what they knew of 
some Indians of the Five Nations 
having about four years agoe 
plundered a company of Virginia In- 
dians, trading at Enoe River. 

They answer that they had often 
heard talk about such a thing, but 
that none of them were concerned in 
it, or could give any account of it. 

The Shawanoise and all the other 
Indians present were further asked 
whether they had any prisoners of 
the Catawba Indians, or of any other 
Nation in friendship with Virginia. 
The Shawanoise answered that they 
had one prisoner a young man taken 
some years ago, whom they produc- 
ed; but all the others answered they 
had none. 

It was demanded of the Shawa- 
nois that this prisoner should be re- 
turned to the Catawbas, from whence 
he was taken. Their King or Chief 
answered that they had taken him 

I several years ago, when he was but 
la little lad; that he had now forgot 
! his native language and spoke theirs 
! and that they did did not think them- 
| selves obliged to return him at this 
i time. 

Being further prest to it, the Chief 
answered that if the King of the 
Catawbas, whom he now understood 
were in league with Virginia, would 
come hither and make peace with 
him and his people. (the Shawanois), 
he might have the young man back 
wifti him, if it was desired; but that 
that Catawbas were a people of great 
| extent, and there were many nations 
I under that name. 

The young man was asked whether 
ihe was willing to return, but would 
! give no answer. 

Captain Smith proposed that he 
i might have liberty to treat with those 
Indians in order to make a league 
; with them in behalf of the Govern- 
jment of Virginia, to which he was 
J authorized by Colonel Spotswood 
| commission and instructions. 

The Governor answered that he did 
! not conceive it to be necessary or 
; useful that any person whatsoever 
should be permitted to treat with the 
Indians, except the Government of 
that Colony, to which the Indians 
respecively belonged; but if Colonel 
| Spotswood (for whom the Governor 
had a very great regard) desired to 
; make any treaty with the Indians who 
! lived under the protection of this 
'Government, for establishing a peace 
and good understanding between 
j them and the Indians under the pro- 
tection of Virginia the Governor 
I himself, with advice of his Council, 
would heartily endeavor to accom- 
| plish a treaty upon such reasonable 
| terms as Colonel Spotswood might 
propose in behalf of Virginia; and 
| that in the meantime the Governor 
I now would at this juncture (as it 


has been usual in this province) in- 
sist upon our Indians friendship too, 
and a good correspondence with, all 
the English Colony's, with their de- 
pendent Indians, and Virginia in par- 

The Governor then spoke to the 
Indians by the Interpreters, in the 
words and manner following. 

That they must carefully remem- 
ber that all the several Government, 
(which the interpreters particularly 
inumerated), from New England to 
South Carolina inclusive; thought 
they have different Governors, yet 
they are all subjects to the great 
King and Emperor of the English; 
so that when any Government makes 
a treaty of friendship with the In- 
dians, they must also treat and make 
the same bond of friendship for all 
other English people, as well as 
themselves, by which means all the 
Indian nations who are in League 
and friendship with any English Gov- 
ernment, must also be friends to each 

If, therefore, any of you shall hurt 
or molest the Indians, who are at 
this time in friendship with any 
English Government, you hereby 
break the league of friendship made 
with this Government, which, as it 
has been most inviolably observed on 
our part, we do positively expect the 
same to be done on yours; and if 
any of you receive damage or are in- 
jured by the Indians who are in 
peace with any English Government, 
if you can discover what Indians 
they were that did it, this Govern- 
ment, on your complaint, will en- 
deavor to procure satisfaction from 
that English Government, to which 
such Indians belong. 

The Governor further told them by 
the same interpreters, that he having 
given himself the trouble to come 
hither at this time, upon their re- 

' quest he had not provided v himself 
! with any presents for them, being 
I they knew that Philadelphia has al- 
\ ways been the place of treaty with 
! this Government, where they ought 
j first to come and offer theirs. 

But nevertheless, it being the first 
j time the Governor had seen them he 
j would take this opportunity to put 
I them in mind of several parts of 
| their duty, which they might more 
I punctually observe, he had purchas- 
ed a few things from the traders, as 
j a small testimony of his good will to 

Then the presents being laid upon 
the ground before the Indians the 
Governor proceeded to tell them. 

1st That he expected their 
I strict observance of all former con- 
I tracts or friendship made between 
jthem and this Government of Penn- 
| sylvania. 

2dly. That they must never mo- 
I lest or disturb any of the English 
Governments, nor make warr upon 
any Indians whatsoever who are in 
friendship and under the protection 
of the English. 

3dly. That in all cases of suspic- 
| ion or danger, they must advise and 
; consult with this Government before 
they undertook or determined any- 

4thly. That if through accident 
iany mischief of any sort should 
I happen to be done by the Indians 
j to the English, or by the English to 
| them, then both parties should meet 
j with, hearty intention of good will to 
| obtain an acknowledgement of the 
mistake as well as to give or receive 
reasonable satisfaction. 

5thly. That upon these terms and 
conditions the Governor did in the 
name of their Great and Good 
friend William Penn, take them and 
their people under the same protec- 
tion and in the same friendship with 



this Government, as William Penn 
himself had formerly done, or could 
do now if he were here present. 

And the Governor hereupon did 
promise on his part to encourage 
them in peace, and to nourish and 
support them like a true friend and 

To all which the several chiefs 
and their Great Men presently as- 
sented, it being agreed, that in testi- 
mony thereof they should rise up 
and take the Governor by the hand, 
which accordingly they did with all 
possible marks of friendship in theii 
countenance and behavior." 

In addition to the fact of the treaty 
it seems important here to notice 
that the Conestoga Indians desired 
to know what Christians were settled 
back of them in the woods and to 
what nation they belonged, which at- 
tests the fact that a good many 
whites were now coming into this 
section. It is also worthy of notice 
here that this item would seem to in- 
dicate that Peter Bezalion at this 
time lived at or near Conestoga. 
1717 — Governor Spotswood Again 
Complains Against the Cones- 
toga Indians. 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 84, in 
a letter to Governor Keith, Governor 
Spotswood says that while he was 
holding a treaty on the Virginia 
frontier with the chiefs of the Cataw- 
bas, a party of Conestoga Indians 
(and likely some of the Five Nations 
from New York) learned from the 
Tuscaroras that the Catawbas were 
unarmed, making a treaty and then 
came among them, killed some and 
carried others away. 
1717— Five Hundred Young Five Na- 
tion Warriors at Susquehanna. 

In the same book last cited, p. 85, 
Governor Spotswood further com- 
plains that there was a march in 

I August and September of five hun- 
! dred young warriors of the Five Na- 
| tions and that they advanced as far 
j as Susquehanna River; and declared 
I that they were going on down to the 
! Maryland settlements. 

I cite this simply to show that the 
; Conestoga country was a famous 
place of resort at this time for the 
tribes of the Five Nations and other 
Indians, and to show the prominence 
of this section. It is further shown 
that at the same time there was a 
great deal of Indian butchering and 
massacreing going on about Cones- 
toga and Susquehanna. 

Governor Spotswood also com- 
plains in this letter that they fell on 
a company of men. women and chil- 
dren, and that they killed many of 
them, and that one woman eccaped 
after much cruelty and went to 
Virginia famished with cold and 

1717 — A Line Thrown Around the 
Conestoga Indian Camp for 
In Vol. 3 of the. Col. Rec, p. 48, 
there is set forth a statement of Gov- 
ernor Keith to the Conestoga Indians 
some of which were in Phiadelphia 
| at that time that "We have had a 
I line thrown around them (the Con- 
! estogas) that none might come near 
them; and had their corn fields fenc- 
ed in by John Cartiledge's care,whose 
house alone was placed in those 
lines so that he could look after the 
tract and also the bounds of it." This 
shows the care that the authorities 
were now taking of the Indians at 

1717 — Notes on the Conestoga Treaty. 
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, 
p. 168, appears the following: 

" Extracts from Council-Book E., 
18th July, 1717. 
Fo. 12. Governor Keith's treaty with 



the Chiefs of ye Conestogoe or Min- 
goe Indians, ye Delawares, ye Shaw- 
anoise and Ganawoise, wherein are 
no complaints about land. 

16th June, 1718. 

At a treaty with ye Chiefs of .the 
Conestogoe Indians, a Chief of ye 
Shawanois, a Chief of ye Delawares, 
and one from the Ganawais, they 
were pressed by ye Governor to be 
free, and if they had anything to 
complain of that want to be redres- 
sed, they should without reserve 
communicate it. Had nothing to 
complain of, but that some bad 
straggling people brought too much 
rum amongst them and debauched 
their young men. And after pre- 
senting a new King of ye Conesto- 
goes, and ye delivery of presents on 
both sides, departed, expressing 
themselves very happy in the friend- 
ship, and under the protection of this 

I quote this principally to show 
that there were no land disputes at 
this time about Conestoga with the 
Indians; but we- shall see that later 
than this there were some few dis- 

1717— Lands Surveys at Conestoga 
Disturb the Indians. 

It is set forth in Vol. 3 of the Col. 
Rec, p. 37 that "The Governor ac- 
quainted the Board that the Proprie- 
tor's Commissioners of Property had 
lately represented to him in writing, 
that certain persons from Maryland 
had under color of rights from that 
Province, lately surveyed out lands 
not far from Conestoga, and near the 
thickest of our settlements to the 
great disturbance of the inhabitants 
there, and that for preventing the dis- 
orders which might arise from such 
incroachments, they desired that 
magistrates and proper officers 
should be appointed in those parts in 

order to prevent the like for the fu- 

1717 — An Indian Town in Conestoga 
Manor Laid Out 

In Vol. 9 of the Pennsylvania Arch. 
I p. 49, appears the following: 

"1, Feb'y, 1717. The Commission- 
ers of Property by their warrant dir- 
ected to Jacob Taylor, Surveyor 
General of Pennsylvania, order him 
! to survey a tract of land lying be- 
tween Susquehanna River and Cones- 
togoe Creek from the mouth of the 
• said Creek as far up the river as the 
! lands granted to Peter Chartier and 
they by a line running from the said 
; river to Conestogoe Creek and make 
| return thereof to the Secretary's of- 
; fice for the proper use and behoof of 
William Penn, Esq., proprietary and 
Governor in chief of the Province of 
Pennsylvania, his Heirs and Assigns 

The said tract was surveyed pur- 
suant to the above warrants and re- 
turned into the Secretary's Office and 
called 16000 acres in which is includ- 
ed the tract of land called the In- 
dian Town. \ 

It is suggested that the said Wil- 
liam Penn by some instrument of 
writing gave permission for an old 
Indian named Johass and his In- 
| dians to live upon the said Tract of 
| land called the Indian Town contain- 
I ing about five hundred acres and the 
| same was alloted to them as a place 
I of residence by the said William 
! Penn. In or about the year 1763. 
I some of the descendants of the said 
i Johass then residing on the said 
I tract of land were there killed and 
! the remainder (except one or two 
jthat escaped) were sent for by the 
Magistrates of Lancaster and put in- 
' to the work house for protection and 
I safety but were there all killed. 



Upon the decease of the above In- 
dians the Proprietary's Agents im- 
mediately took possession of the 
•said tract called Indian Town and 
"his tenants have quietly occupied it 
and paid the rent to the proprietary's 
till his grant in September last." 

Several things are to he noticed in 
connection with this Item (1) that as 
the months were formerly reckoned 
January and February instead of 
being the first months of the year 
were the last two months of the 
year, and this February, 1717 was 
likely really Febraury, 1718; (2) 
That the old Indian Johass seemed to 
"be the principal resident in that 
part; and the Indians that were kil- 
led by the "Paxton Boys" are here 
-stated to have been his descendants 
so that the tribal government was 
maintained at that time. The docu- 
ment or certified copy and plans re- 
ferred to in this item by a foot note 
at the bottom of p. 50 are said to 
nave been found with the papers. As 
further evidence of the survey of 
Conestoga Manor, Paper No. 3349 of 
the Taylor Papers contains this 
item, "The proprietor, Dr. October 
21, 1717, to the survey of Conestoga 
Manor, being with the allowances of 
6 per cent, 16,500 acres; and to 
chaining, marking and calculating, 1 
Pound, 14 s. 8 & V 2 d." And under 
the date of May 19, in the same paper 
appears, "a survey of 2100 acres at 
Shickasolongo, chaining, marking 
and accounting, 8 Pounds; so here 
we find a provision made by this big 
■survey of Manor township for the 
whites, and within it an Indian Town 
for the Conestoga Indians. 
1718 — Conestoga and Shawiiese Chiefs 
on a March to Philadelphia. 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 45 
occurs the following, under the date 
of June 16, 1718. '\ Tagotolessa or 

Civility, the preent chief or Captain 
of the Conestoga Indians with Wee- 
ay wais, Soohywais, Cannatellan and 
Calhaneherot of the same Nation, 
George, an Indian sent to represent 
the Ganawais and Sheeckokonichan, 
a Chief of the Delawares, formerly 
on Brandywine, all at present inha- 
! bitants on Sasquehannah, being late- 
\ ly come from their respective habi- 
! tations to pay a visit to this Gbvern- 
; ment they now waited on the Gover- 
i nor and Council, and John Cartledge 

\ and James Hendricks being inter- 
; preters, both skilled in the Delaware 
1 tongue. 

The Governor ordered John Cart- 
| ledge to acquaint them, that upon 

their visit he had at their desire now 
I called Council, In order to hear 
I what the Indians had to lay before 
: them. 

Togotelessa, Captain of the Cones- 
' togas, said that they were come only 

on a friendly visit to see us, and to 

renew the old League of Friendship 
I that had hitherto been between us 

and them, that most of their old men 
I were indisposed and could not under* 
| take the journey, but they had 

brought some of their young men to 
! see us, and learn how they of them- 
i selves ought when they come to 
i more advanced years treat with their 
' parents and friends. 

The Governor told them that their 
i visit was very acceptable, and he 
I hoped all was well with them, but 
I desired them now to be free, and if 
; they had anything to complain of 
I that wanted to be redressed, they 
\ should without reserve communicate 
| it. They then presented a small 
; bundle of skins, and said that they 
; had some time before the Governor's 
I arrival lost their King in war, but 
! there were those left amongst them 
! who have the same respect and 
j friendship for this Government, that 



lie had: in his life time. That now 
he is gone they are more sensible 
Cor their loss of so good a man to 
Govern them, and they heartily la- 
ment him, for they hope that his 
place will be supplied and the same 
friendly disposition will always be 
continued among them. And now 
they desire that the Governor is to 
take notice, that though their last 
good King is taken from them, they 
have one left who is very nearly re- 
lated to him, who has an English 
heart and a great love for the Chris- 
tians. Him they have now chosen 
for their King in the others stead, 
and as such present him to the Gov- 
ernor by the name of Oneshanayan. 

Then when laid down a second 
small bundle of skins, and proceeded 
to say. that their king being present 
with the chief of the Shawanois and 
Ganawase, what he, viz: Tagotelassa 
or Civility says is what will all agree 
in with one voice and mind; that 
they are glad to find themselves in 
good and happy circumstances, for 
that they have not for some years 
past had a Governor who took such 
notice of them, but, now the present 
Governor gives them the same satis- 
faction as if they thought that Wil- 
liam Penn himself was amongst 
them; that they had brought a few 
skins not by way of present, for 
they were not worthy to be account- 
ed such, but only to lay them under 
the Governor's feet to keep them 
and his House clean; that they came 
not to make any new treaty or Lea- 
gue of Friendship, but only to renew 
or confirm those which had been 
made, and were hitherto invincibly 
kept on both sides. 

They threw down a third parcel 
of skins, and Civility said, that he 
with some of the young men hadthis 
last Spring some inclination to go 
out to war towards the Southward, 

but being put in mind that it would 
j not be agreeable to this Government 
; and after receiving the Governor'^ 
letter forbidding tbem to proceed.. 
I they desisted; that they intended to- 
I go out this next winter a hunting. 
' that way, and think it proper to ac- 
quaint this Government therewith, 
for that they bear such a respect to 
the Government, and know that we 
have always been so ready to pro- 
tect and assist them, that they are 
agreed not to do anything which will 
be disagreeable to us, but that they 
look upon themselves but like chil- 
dren rather to be directed by this 
Governor than fit to offer any- 
thing more on this head. 

But they must crave leave to add 
one thing further, viz: that they 
have reason to think the authority of 
this Government is not duly observ- 
ed for that notwithstanding all our 
former agreements, that rum should 
not be brought amongst them, it is 
still carried in great quantities, they 
had been doubtful with themselves 
whether they should mention this, 
because if they were supplied with 
none from hence, they would be 
from Maryland which would be a 
means of carrying off their peltry 
thither, but there have been such 
quantities of that liquor carried of 
late amongst them, by loose settlers 
who have no fixed settlements, that 
they are apprehensive mischief may 
| arise from it. that though they are 
! perfectly well inclined when sober, 
yet they can not answer for their 
i people when drunk, and least any 
| inconveniences may ensue from 
thence to this Government whom 
i they so much respect, as well as to 
I their own people, they desire this 
| may be taken into consideration, in 
] order to be prevented and redressed 
| by all proper measures." 

Shecokkeneen added, that the 



young men about Pexton had been 
lately so generally debauched with 
rum, carried amongst them by 
strangers, that they now want all 
manner of clothing and necessarys 
to go hunting, wherefore, they wish 
it would be so ordered that no rum 
sould be brought amongst them by 
any except the traders, who furnish- 
them with all their necessarys, and 
who have been used to trust them 
and encourage them in their hunt- 

Having thus delivered themselves, 
they withdrew, and the treasurer 
and the secretary were ordered to 
take an account of the real value of 
their small presents, and to provide 
some English goods, exceeding that 
value by about one-fourth or a third 
at most, and then Council adjourned 
until four in the afternoon. 
Present: The Honorable William 

Keith, Esqr.; Lt. Gover., William 

Trent; Jonathan Dickinson, Isaac 

Norris, James Logan, Samuel 

Preston, Robert Assheton. 

The same Indians attending again, 
the Governor ordered the Interpre- 
ters to deliver to them what follows, 
being first drawn up in writing, viz: 

That their friendly visit on a de- 
sign to brighten and strengthen the 
-chain which had for so many years 
bound and united them and this Gov- 
ernment together as one people, was 
very acceptable. They were sensible 
that William Penn, the Lord of this 
Country, had been as a Common 
Father to them; that he had given 
it in charge to all those who govern- 
ed in his stead, to treat them in the 
same friendly manner he had done 
himself that the present Governor, 
for his part always be as ready as 
a father to embrace and support 
them, while they continue the same 
fidelity to this Government they had 
hitherto done. 

That we were all much affected 
with the loss of their last Good 
King, and the Governor would have 
been pleased to see more of their old 
men, and however, he now took the 
young men that came on this visit 
by the hand, as those that were com- 
| ing up in the places of the ancients, 
I and were to continue the same friend- 
ship with our younger people, that 
I their parents, the elders on both 
sides had done before them. 

That we kindly received the per- 
son they had appointed their King 
or Chief, in the place of our good de- 
ceased friend, if it be by a general 
approbation. The Governor hoped 
; he would always have the same 
! heart and friendly disposition 
; towards the English that his pre- 
j decessor was well known to have 
i in his lifetime, and would unite him- 
j self and all his people with his Gov- 
ernment as one heart and one body; 
| that for the future we should apply 
1 to him as their chief in all publick 
| business, and doubted not but the old 
j men would assist him with their ad- 
| vice in the best manner for theirad- 
j vantage and preserving a strict tie 
! of friendship with us. 

That the Governor could not take 
I in good part their motions towards 
i going to war last Spring, consider- 
| ing that they had engaged themselves 
to their contrary in the last treaty 
j with him at Conestogae. The Gover- 
nor expects that they will not make 
the last advance that way for the fu- 
ture, without the approbation and 
j leave of this Government, for they 
I are now but weak in themselves, 
: and may be rash attempts draw won- 
j derful enemies upon them, and not 
J only entirely ruin themselves, but 
\ engage us as their friends into their 
quarrels; they must therefore be 
Governed in this point by this Gov- 
ernment, who can judge better of 
these affairs than they are capable. 



The Governor is sensible they may 
have too just cause to complain of 
loose idle fellows bringing quantities 
of rum amongst them to their great 
injury, that this has not for some 
time past been sufficiently looked af- 
ter, but the Governor would speedily 
take care to have it in a great mea- 
sure prevented. That they of their 
parts must endeavor to prevent their 
women and young people coming to 
Philadelphia to purchase and carry 
up rum from hence, which too 
many were ready to deliver them 
privately for their skins, and that 
they meet with any brought amongst 
them, they should stave it as they 
had formerly been ordered and un- 
dertook to do. That in reference of 
the surveys of land, they can not but 
be sensible of the care that has been 
laken of them, they had expressed a 
willingness to retire from Conesto- 
goe; yet the Government here had 
persuaded them to continue near us; 
we had run a line around them that 
none might come near them, and had 
fenced their corn fields by John Car- 
tledge's care, who alone being placed 
within those lines, may be the more 
capable of looking after the tract and 
the bounds of it. It is also further 
thought fit, that lines should be run 
around the other Indian towns, as 
soon as conveniently may be to se- 
cure them the more effectually from 
incroachments. But while such care 
is taken of them, it is expected they 
shall in all cases on their parts 
shew a due regard to this Govern- 
ment, that they be aiding to all its 
officers in what may lie in their 
Power, that they suffer no idle per- 
sons to spread rumors amongst them 
or if they hear any such that they 
give no credit to them, that if they 
can discover any evil minded persons 
to have ill designs against this Gov- 
ernment, or any part of it, they must 

without delay disclose it to the Gov- 
ernor or some person in authority 
under him. In fine they ought ever 
to consider us as their best and 
nearest friends, who have always, 
been and ever will continue ready 
to relieve and protect them. while 
they on their parts remain faithful 
as their ancestors or fathers have 
hitherto done before them. 

That as they offered the Governor 

! a small token, so now for the con- 
veniency of their return, there are 
a few garments provided for them. 

j with some powder and shott to kill. 

! venison, some tobacco and pipes, and 
when they go some bread and a dram 
will be provided for them, and the 
Governor expects they will be care- 

: ful hereafter to provide likewise for 
himself and his attendants, or those 

■ who shall be sent at any time for 
their services at Conestogoe. 

These things being delivered to 

! them they appeared very well pleas- 
ed, and to that part in which the in- 
closing by surveys the lands where 

I they are seated, which would not be 
broke in upon; they further desired. 
that the lands on which the Shaw- 
neis and Ganawese are settled on 

, Susquehannah, should likewise be 

| encompassed with lines at the dis- 

] tance of four miles from the river, 

| that they might not be disturbed by 
the cattle of any persons settling 

I near them. 

The skins they delivered in the 

! morning having been numbered and 
weighed as ordered, they were found 

i to be, 

j 28 sumer deer skins in the 

hair, many of them ordi- Pds. s. d. 

nary weight 681. at 18d. 5 2 
j 10 small Drest Skins, wt. 

181. at 3-6d 2 2 

1 Good Winter Buck in the 

hair 6 

2 Bear Skins at 8 ps 16 

8 6 



What is prepared and was 

delivered them, are Pds. s. d. 
8 Stroud Water Coats of 

the best sort, at 17-6d... 7 

10 lb. of Powder, at 20d... 16 

20 lb. lead, at 3d 5 

6 pr. Stockings, pt. Blew 

and pt. Red, at 2-9d 16 6 

1 Doz. Tobacco Boxes at.. 7 

1 Doz. Tobacco Tongs, at. 5 6 

12 lb. Tobacco, at 4d 4.0 

3 Doz. Pipes 1 

1 Red Stroud to the Queen 17 6 

10 12 2 
These being delivered the Gover- 
nor gave them an entertainment, and 
the secretary was ordered to provide 
for them as from the first all neces- 
saries, during their stay and for 
their journey on their return home." 
This was a prominent treaty and 
much that had heretofore disturbed 
these people was now put at rest 
and settled. 

1718— Additional Steps Taken To- 
wards the Conestoga Road. 

It is perhaps appurtenant to this 
Indian subject to notice the steps 
taken to further open communica- 
tion to this Conestoga settlement; 
and the proceedings to do so are set 
forth in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 
43 as follows: 

"A petition of several inhabitants 
of and near Conestogae, setting forth 
me great necessity of a road to be 
laid out from Conestogoe to Thomas 
Moore's and Brandywine, was read 
and the Board having taken the said 
petition into consideration, appoint- 
eded Isaac Taylor, John Cartledge, 
Ezekiel Harland, Thomas Moore, 
Joseph Cloud and William Marsh, to 
lay out the said Road, and make re- 
port thereof at this Board, in order 
to be confirmed." 

I cite this to show that the neces- 
sities of both the Indians and the 
whites made this road a very much 
desired thing." 

! 1718— The "Old Sawannah Town.* 

In Vol. 19 of the 2nd Series of the 
Penna. Archives, p. 625, under the 
| date of the second of the 11th month, 
1 1717-18, which is the second of Jan- 
I uary, 1718, at a meeting of the Coun- 
| cil board it is stated that, "The Ccm- 
| missioners being informed that Mat- 
| thias Vanbebber, from Maryland, 
l taking with him Henry Hollins- 
worth, had lately surveyed a con- 
j siderable tract of land near the head 
i of Pequea Creek in this Province, 
including within the same the Old 
Sawannah Town, by virtue of war- 
rants from Maryland, and offering 
| the people settled under this Gov- 
ernment to sell lands to them In 
right of Maryland and make them 
good titles for the same." 

This item I quote not so much for 
its disclosure of the claims of Mary- 
land but for the purpose of estab- 
lishing the "Old Sawannah Town. - ' 
It is here set forth as being near the 
head of Pequea Creek; and in the 
, Quarter Sessions Records of Chester 
County of the year 1719, August Ses- 
: sions, a road is described crossing 
j the Octoraro Creek near the "Old 
I Sawannah Town," so that it would 
■ appear that the Shawnese Indians 
had their towns all along the Pequea 
i Creek and also all along the Octor- 
I aro Creek. 

1718— An Indian Signer of the Con- 
estoga Treaty of this Tear. 

In Vol. 2 of Watson's Annals, p. 

209, he gives the following eulogy of 
I Nedowaway and says : "Nedowaway 
| was an Indian Chief of the Dela- 
| wares, of more than common charac- 
i ter, who had become a Christian, 
: and died in Ohio in 1776, at ninety 
j years of age. His name appear? 
\ among the signers of the treaty at 

Conestoga in 1718; and in his child- 
; hood he is said to have seen Wil- 



liam Penn on his second visit in 
1701-2. As a trusty and discreet 
chief, he had been trusted with the 
preservation of all the verbal speech- 
es, bead vouchers, and wampum, and 
svith such writings and instruments 
as had come from William Penn and 
his early Governors, etc. 

He was grieved with the encroach- 
ments of the white men, westward, 
on the Indian Lands; and early for- 
seeing that wars must ensue, and 
that his people must be sufferers, he 
resolved with his people to get far 
off in the west. By the advice of the 
Wyandot chief, he settled on the 
Cayahage river, where he was visited 
and seen by Heckewelder in 1772. 

See in his picture in this work, 
how pensive he sits alone, and pon- 
ders in the mute eloquence of grief, 
upon his former well known scenes, 
along the mountain range traversing 
the Susquehanna, near Harrisburg. 
The picture seems to speak his in- 
ward emotions and distress at being 
obliged to leave the regions of his 
former home." 

This strikes me as an interesting 
episode revealing the side of Indian 
character that we do not always 
give credit for. 

1718— Jealousy Against the Pala- 
tines Amongst the Conestoga 

In Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly 
p. 220 the Assembly in a speech to 
the Governor says, in referring to 
the Palatines settling among the 
Conestoga Indians. "That the coming 
in of so many foreigners rests upon 
us with great concern and the more 
for that they have no license from 
the King to transport themselves 
here; and the royal charter seems 
to be against them, unless they were 
denizis'd or at least come under the 
proper tests that should largely dis- 
tinguish them from his Majestv's 

Therefore, we desire that the 
Governor would be pleased to favor 
us with his sentiments in the prem- 
ises and either appoint a committee 
of the Council to join a commission 
of this House, or otherwise, as the 
Governor shall think fitt, to concert 
1 proper methods to remove the jeal- 
! ousies already raised in the minds of 
! the inhabitants concerning these 
'foreigners; as also to prevent the in- 
conveniencies which may attend 
I their settlment in one place, or pro- 
i miscously among the Indians." 

The fear of difficulties arising 
I between the Foreigners and the In- 
| dians, is here set forth. 

1719 — Colonel French's Treaty with 
the Conestoga Indians. 

On the 28th of June, 1719, Colonel 
| French reached Conestoga in com- 
pliance with a direction from the 
i Government that he should go there 
l to make a further treaty with those 
Indians; and having done so he gives 
j the following report of the treaty 
| which is found in Vol. 3 of the Col. 
! Rec, p. 78; and in which report he 
| states that he addressed the Indians 
I as follows : 

i "Friends and Brethren: 

By the seal to this paper affix- 
| ed, and by my old acquaintance and 
I friendship with you, you will bA- 
; lieve that I am a true man, and sent 
I from your good friend and Brother, 
jthe Governor of Pennsylvania, to let 
'■ you know that we will be pleased 
' and satisfied with the letter he re- 
ceived, by the care of our good 
j friend John Cartledge, in the begin- 
; ning of this month, signed in behalf 
of you four nations here met, in 
which letter you declare severally 
your intentions of keeping his words, 
and if any among you have done 
amiss, and departed from what was 



right and good in keeping your pro- 
mises, to observe strictly with all the 
Indians in Friendship and League 
with the English, you have therein 
acknowledged your errors and mis- 
takes, and engaged to offend no 
more in that nature or case. 

The Governor takes these assur- 
ances of your good behavior very 
kindly, and now he and his Council 
have sent me on purpose to visit you 
that I might further treat with you, 
and receive from you in the same 
manner and as fully as if he and his 
Council (of which I am one) were all 
here, and present with you a renewal 
of these good promises and engage- 
ments with you, so well and largely 
give him an account of your affairs 
and how matters go with you. I 
must therefore acquaint you from 
my Governor, that as you in your 
treaty call yourselves his children, 
he will always treat you as his sons, 
and he has, ever since your good 
friend William Penn, (who is now 
dead) send amongst you endeavored 
by all means to keep you in peace, 
and give you other tokens of his 
friendship that you might flourish 
and increase, that your old men 
might see their children grow to 
their comfort and pleasure, and that 
the young men might bury their old 
parents when they die, which is 
much better than to see your old 
people mourn for their young sons, 
who rashly and without cause go to 
war and are killed in the prime of 
their years; and he now hopes that 
you are fully convinced that Peace 
is better than war, which destroys 
you and will bring you to nothing; 
your strong young men being first 
killed, the old women and children 
are left defenseless, who soon will 
become a prey. And so all the na- 
tion perishes without leaving a 
name to Posterity. 

This is plain mark that he and we 

; are your true friends, for if we were 

not then we should encourage you 

; to destroy one another. For frienri« 

1 save people from ruin and destruc- 

; tion but enemies destroy them, and 

! this will serve as a mark to know all 

| people by who are your enemies, 

| either amongst you or elsewhere, if 

| they want, or study to throw strife 

and dissention amongst you. These 

are a base and bad people, and ought 

to be rooted out from amongst you ; 

for love and friendship makes 

people multiply, but malice and 

strife ruins and destroys. Such 

should therefore be shut out, both 

from you and us, as disturbers of 

our peace and Friendship which hath 

always continued. 

I am also to acquaint you, that 
you have in a grave and solemn 
manner renewed your last treaty 
with me, on which message I now 
come, that our Governor will write 
to all the Governors of the English, 
that the Indians within the Govern- 
ment are resolved to live peaceable 
and quietly, and for that reason that 
they should give notice to all their 
Indians thereof, and that all the 
friends to the English should be ac- 
counted as one people, and the Gov- 
ernor desires that you will let him 
know of what nation these Indians 
were who gave you the late disturb- 
ance, that they may especialy be or- 
dered to do so no more. 

I am also to acquaint you that it is 
the Governor's pleasure, that if any 
of the Five Nations come amongst, 
you to trade or hunt, that you re- 
ceive them as friends and Brothers; 
but if they come amongst you either 
to persuade you to go to war or to 
go themselves, or in their return 
from it, that then you have nothing 
to do with them nor entertain them; 
for he expects that none of his 



friends will know any people but ; by torture here, for whoever does it 
such as are peaceable, lest they must answer to the Governor and 
bring you into a snare, and you suf- Government at their peril. It is in- 
fer hurt for their faults. consistent with the ways of Nations: 
The Governor expects and requires | it is a violent affront to our Govern- 
that if any Prisoners by any means ! ment and it . g contrary to the Laws 
whatever fall into any of your hands : f the Great King an'd will not suf- 
that he be quickly acquainted with fer it. 

it. and that no person offer or take \ As our natural and good friend- 
upon him to kill any stranger pris- \ ship has long continued, so the Gov- 
oner for it will not be suffered here. \ ernor hopes, and the Government al- 
He has been much displeased at ; so, that it will last from one gen- 
what happened, and was done by . eration to another, as long as the 
tome amongst you last year in these \ sun endures, and that we shall all 
parts, but he is now again a friend be of one mind, one heart, one in- 
upon their promise and engagement clination, ready to help one another 
to do so no more, and will take no : in all just and good ways, by Charity 
more notice of it if they observe and I Compassion and mercy, sticking 
fulfill their words. It is indeed a close and invio~bly to all treaties 
shameful and a base thing to treat heretofore made, and most exactly 
a creature of their own shape and ; to this now concluded, which he 
kind worse and more barbarously j h 0p es will forever last and remain 
than they would a Bear or Wolf, or * your good and prosperity, which 
the most wicked creature upon i he and his Government heartily 
earth. It is not man-like to see a wish. And as it is expected that 
hundred or more people singing every article of this treaty be from 
songs of joy for the taking of a pris- | the whole hearts of all of you, so if 
oner, but it is much worse to see I amongst yourselves you know of any 
them use all their contrivance of who have from your last treaty or 
torture and pain to put that unfor- will dissent from this, let them be 
tunate creature to death after such known either by their own words or 
a manner and war as other Nations, your knewledge of them, for what I 
especially the English, never heard do is done with the whole consent of 
of it; for if they in a just war kill cur Governor. Council and People." 
their enemies it is not like men in The Council at Conestoga in addi- 
ihe battle, and if they take them tion to Colonel French consisted of 
prisoners they use them well nad Capt. James Gould. Joseph Piegeon. 
Kindly, until their King gives them John Cartledge, James Hendricks- 
orders to return them to their own son; and Canatowa, Queen of the 
Country. They take no pleasure to Mingoes, Sevana, King of the Shaw- 
(ueanly burn, pinch or slash a poor anese, Wightomina, King of the 
man who can not defend himself, it Dela wares, Waninchack. King of the 

shows mean spirits and want of trm 

Canawages, and Capt. Civility of 
Conestogoa; and before that Council 

Courage so to do. For men of true the Indians the next day June 29 

Courage are always full of mercy. I 1719, gave the following report: 

am commanded to tell you, and I "Civility Interpreter in behalf of 

would have you remember it well, the four nations, who all agreed to 

that no person whatever offer after return one answer, acquainted John 

this time to put any man to death Cartledge, Interpreter for the Eng- 



lish, tha* this day the Indians were 
met to return an answer to the Gov- 
ernor's speech by Colonel French, 
and on no other account. Looking 
upon everything said to Colonel 
French to be said as if the Governor 
and his Council were there present, 
and well knowing Colonel to be a 
true man to this Government and to 
the Indians. They return with one 
heart and mind their thanks to the 
Governor for his kind message. They 
meet him and take him by the hand, 
and are forever determined that his 
will shall be theirs, and that on all 
occasions they will be ruled by the 

They desire that the Governor 
may be acquainted that they are 
much pleased that his message came 
whilst their young people were at 
home, for whom they had lately been 
in pain and trouble as being absent 
and abroad, that they might hear his 
good words and Council which both 
old and young of the Mingoes, Shaw- 
anese, Delawares and Conawages 
are resolved to hearken to; for 
though hitherto they have taken 
Night for Day, yet now by his good 
counsel they can see the light and 
what is good for them. They are 
glad that none of their young people 
miscarried in their late Journey, and 
that being now present, they have an 
opportunity of hearing the Gover- 
nor's message by Colonel French, for 
most of them were absent when the 
other letters from the Governor 
came, as also that they have an op- 
portunity to ask their opinions and 
designs. Their young people all 
agree to obey the Governor's words 
and message, and as Colonel French 
yeterday told them that what he 
said was with the whole heart of 
Governor and Council; so they de- 
clare that what they say is not from 
their mouth only but from their 

whole hearts, and the heart of every 
one. They desire the Governor to 
believe, and be assurred that they 
will be obedient to his words, and 
that they ever have and ever willl 
advise their young people to be 
mindful of his good advice. They ac- 
knowledged themselves so much ob- 
liged to the Governor for his care 
| and concern for them, that they in- 
j tended in two months time to wait 
upon the Governor personally, to re- 
turn their heart thanks for such love 
from him and his Government. 

Colonel French also produces an 
i account of his Expenses, viz. : eight 
I Pounds five Shillings expended in 
I money and for the trouble of his 
Journey and negotiation he refers it 
I to the Board, who allow him ten 
I Pounds. 

John Cartledge's Acct. of his sev- 
I eral Disbursements ana payments to 
I the Indian, and his charges in en- 
| tertaining and treating them on sev- 
■ eral occasions, by order of the Gov- 
ernment, was also laid before the 
Board, viz: nine Pounds, ten Shil- 
! ling supplied in Goods for a present 
| to the Indians at Colonel French's 
aforementioned treaty, and three 
| pounds for other presents, and ten 
! Pounds sixteen Shillings and four 
I pence for his several other expenses 
! and trouble, 

amounting in all to 
| twenty-three Pound, six Shillings 
| and four pence due to John Cart- 
I ledge; which account being duly ex- 
! amined is allowed, and order to be 
! recommended to the Asesmbly to 
| order the payment thereof, together 

with Colonel French's account the 
J whole being forty-one Pounds, eleven 

Shillings and four Pence, and is the 

whole charge of Indians treaties for 

the present year." 

What this treaty contained and 
| the report of it needs no comment, as 
! it is sufficiently set forth in the ce- 
> cords. 



1710 — The Indians on t&e Susque- 
hanna Accused of Outrages In 
the South. 

In Vol. 3 of the CoL Rec. p. 86, Gov- 
ernor Spotswood of Virginia com- 
plains against our Indians as fol- 

"After your Indians found them- 
selves not strong enough to attempt 
anything upon our Christianna In- 
dians in their new situation, they 
inarched home in May, 1719, openly 
threatening to return again with a 
greater force to try the strength of 
our Fort, and having taken their 
route through our inhabitants, they 
marched as through an enemy's 
Country, living on free quarters, and 
committing several robberies and 
outrages on their way, and that we 
might understand they intended to 
continue their course. They in their 
way home, stopt on the 20th of May 
at the Conoy Town, under the Gov- 
ernment of Pennsylvania, there sent 
for one of his Majesty's Justices of 
the Peace for the County of Chester, 
and upon his (Mr. John Cartlidge's) 
arrival they sit down before him in 
a grand Council of War, produce fif- 
teen prisoners, bid him discourse 
with two of them that spoke English. 
He finds them Virginians born, and 
intercedes for their lives and liber- 
ties; they refuse his request and in 
fine tell him they have made a path 
to pass and repass to and from the 
Southward, having removed all ob- 
tacles out of the way, and that they 
expected to have free recourse for 
their people amongst the English 
Plantations, whilst they were making- 


Soon after they returned in sev- 
eral parties carrying themselves very 
rudely to our outward inhabitants, 
and in the month of July last, they 

I approached Christianna and ravaged 
| our corn fields close to the Fort 
there, upon which our Indians sal- 
lied out and a skirmish ensued, 
wherein were two of ours and four of 
| yours killed. In September follow- 
\ ing they came in the Night and lay 
| in ambush before the gate at the 
| Fort, and at the opening thereof they 
shott the first person that came out, 
and kept firing upon the Fort until 
the English got to the great Guns, 
and so scared them away without any 
further mischief done at that time. 

At length I found means to per- 
jsuade one of their War Captains, 
j (who calling himself Connaughtoora) 
ito come in with ten more to a Coun- 
cil held here at Williamsburg, on the 
| ninth of December last, where I 
'with abundance of civil treatment, 
I endeavored to engage him to carry a 
| Belt of Peace to their Five Nations 
I in behalf of our Christianna Indians, 
but he hautily refused the same, and 
| answered that they would not be at 
| peace with them upon any terms, 
| however I prevailed upon him to 
carry it with this proposal: That the 
Five Nations should observe their 
ancient treaty with this Government 
so far as not to come among the 
English Plantations, and particularly 
that none of their Warriors should 
approach within twenty miles of our 
Fort at Christiana." 

From this complaint of Spots- 
j wood's we are almost forced to ad- 
I mit that the Conestogas and other In- 
dians of this neighborhood being 
! forced by the Senecas and other 
| tribes of the Five Nations, who were 
; their masters were forced to make 
jwar parties into Maryland and Vir- 
ginia, much against their will as we 
j shall see very clearly in the remon- 
jstrance which the Conestogas made 
| about these proceedings the next 
i year. 



1719— The Conestoga Indians Com- 
plain that the Southern Indians 
are Attacking- Them, 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 66, at 
a Council held it was set forth by 
Governor Keith that he received a 
letter from Conestoga and his com- 
ment upon it as follows: 

"I have received a letter from the 
Indian Chiefs at Conestogoe by a 
letter to Mr. Secretary Logan, which 
inform us, that our Indian Hunters 
have been atacked near the head of 
Potowmack River by a considerable 
body of Southern Indians come out 
to war against the Five Nations, and 
the Indian settlements on Susque- 

They have killed several of our 
people, and alarmed them all, so that 
the careful attention and vigilance 
of the Government was never more 
called upon than at this Juncture, 
and much will depend upon your un- 
animous and steady resolutions to 
support the administration in all its 

From this it will appear that the 
above complaint of Spotswood may 
be unfair because our Indians now 
complain that the Southern Indians 
were making war upon them. 

1719— Indian Wigwams Along the 
Octoraro Creek. 

Rupp in his History of Lancaster 
County at the bottom of page 42, in 
a note says, "The Shawnese had wig- 
wams along the bank of the Octoraro 
creek, near the present boundary of 
Chester and Lancaster county. When 
the road, in 1719 to Christiana bridge, 
etc., was laid, its course was defined 
—to the fording place at Octoraro, 
at old Shaw ana town, thence over 
Octoraro, along the Indian path, etc. 
Court Records, at Chester, August 
Term, 1719." 

[1719 — An Attack Made Upon the In- 
dian Traders. 

In Vol. 1 of Watson's Annals, p. 97, 
i he says that in the year of 1719 the 
i Indian Traders at the head ot Poto- 
mac were attacked by some Indians 
and defeated, with the loss of many 

1719.— A Lot of the Five Nations 
Now Live at Conestoga. 

It appears from Vol. 3 of the Cot 
Rec, p .66, that some of the Five Na- 
tions are living on the Susquehanna 
at this time, because in the book and 
at the page mentioned, a letter from 
the Chiefs at Conestoga states that 
i the Southern Indians came out to 
| war with the Five Nations and 
against them and against other In- 
dian settlements on the Susque- 
hanna River, and that several of our 
| people were killed. And on p. 67 
| of the same book additional views 
| are given of the same event and it is 
j there stated that peace is likely to 

1 720 — The Governor of Virginia says 

that Our Indians Caused Bacon's 


In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Rec, \k 
89, Governor Spotswood of Virginia 
in a long letter to Governor Keith, 
which begins at p. 82, sets forth in 
regular order the different war ex- 
peditions which he claims our In- 
i dians made to the South among his 
| Indians; and among other things be 
j says that in 1712-13 they came to his 
countrv and assisted the Tuscaroras 
to slaughter people of the South; and 
i that a little later, during the Tus- 
! carora, war, two hundred of our In- 
| dians went south and fell upon the 
Virginia traders; and that in 1717. 
while ne was with the Chiefs of the 
Catawbas making peace, our Indians 
joined with the Tuscaroras and fell 
on the 28th of August and the 15tb 



of September of the same year five ! 
hundred of our young warriors be- 
gan a slaughter on some of his In- 
dians about the Susquehanna river; 
and on the unarmed Catawbas; and 
that in 1718 our Indians were 
hovering around the white settle- 
ments in the South, looking for a 
chance to kill their people; and that 
in 1719 our Indians started back but 
threatened to come again with force, 
and that on their way home they 
stopped on the 20th of May a-t Conoy 
Town and sent for John Cartledge, 
one of the Justices and complained 
to him; and finally he accuses them 
that a good long time ago they lead 
the famous insurrection into Virginia 
called "Bacon's rebellion." 

1720— The Main Body of the Tus- 

caroras are Kow on the Sus- 

qnehanna River. 

Governor Spotswood in the letter 
just quoted in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec. 
says that these Tuscaroras massa- 
cred some hundreds of English and 
that they have at this day the chief 
murderers, and the greater part of 
their Nation seated under their pro- 
tection near Sasquehanna river 
where they removed when they 
found that they could no longer sup- 
port them against the forces which 
the English brought on. 

1720— James Logan Again at Cones- 
toga In a Treaty. 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 92, 
James Logan makes a report of an- 
other treaty he held at Conestoga, 
and he sets forth the report, as fol- 
lows: "James Logan, Secretary, re- 
ported to the Board, that having 
lately acquainted the Governor that 
he had occasion to go towards the 
farther end of the Great Valley, on 
the road to Conestogoe, the Governor 

had desired him not to fail to proceed 
to Susquehannah and there discourse 
the Indians concerning their late 
message to him, excusing their not 
coming to town had been proposed 
by reason of some trouble they were 
under, the loss of some of their men 
slain by the Southern Indians; and 
thereupon desiring the Governor to 
come up to them; That acordingly 
he went, and finding the Indians de- 
sirous to speak with him, he appoint- 
ed the 27th of last month, that the 
Chiefs of the Mingoes or Conestogoe 
Indians, the Sachem or Chief of the 
Shawanese, the Chief of the Gana- 
wese, with several of their people, 
and some of the Delawares, met him 
on the said day at John Cartledge's. 
and being all sate, Peter Bizallion 
and John Cartledge, Interpreters, 
James Logan first spoke to the In- 
dians telling them, that as they had 
been long expected at Philadelphia, 
in pursuance of their own messages 
for that purpose, but instead of com- 
ing had lately sent to the Governor, 
desiring for some reasons that he 
would come up to them; He, their 
old friend, with whom they had been 
acquainted in their treaties for 
twenty years past, being now come 
upon business in these parts are will- 
ing to hear from themelves, now 
only how it was with them, but the 
occasion of their delaying their jour- 
ney to Philadelphia so long, and at 
length sending the message to the 
Governor. They hereupon sat silent 
for some time without appearing 
ready to speak to anything, and 
make no returns, the Secretary 
pressed them to answer him, telling 
them that he asked these questions 
in behalf of the Governor and the 
Government, that they themselves 
had appeared desirous to speak to 
him, and that as they now had an 



opportunity they ought to proceed I 
and speak their minds freely. To 
which at length they answered, that ; 
there had been lately killed by the 
Southern Indians twelve men, ten of 
the Mingoes or Five Nations and two j 
Shawanese, about one hundred and 
sixty miles from that place, which ! 
was the occasion of their sending 
that message. James Logan asked 
them whether these two Shawanese 
had been abroad hunting, they an- 
swered, No! They had gone out to | 
war. He then demanded the reason 
why they would offer to go to war 
after their solemn promise to our 
Government to the contrary. The 
Chief of the Shawnese replied that a 
dispute arising among some of their 
young men, who was the best man, 
to end it they resolved to make the 
tryal by going out to war, that they 
could not be restrained, but took the 
opportunity of accompanying some of 
the Five Nations that were going out 
and took their road that way. 

The Secretary told them that he 
should have a great deal to say to 
them on these heads, and that the 
day being now far advanced, he must 
desire them to meet him the same 
place in the morning, and then treat- 
ing them to some drink they with- 

Next morning the same persons at- 
tended, bringing some bundles of 
skins with them, from whence it 
being conjectured that the Indians de- 
signed to begin a discourse. All 
being seated after some time being 
spent in silence, the Mingoes or Con- 
estogoe Indians began. A Ganawese 
Indian, who called him Captain 
Smith, and is said knows all the 
several languages, viz: his own or 
the Ganawese, the Mingoe, the 
Shawnese and Delaware, to perfec- 
tion, being appointed interpreter in- 
to the Delaware Tongue, and Peter 
Bizallion and John Cartledge inter- 

preting that into English. They spoke 
as follows, viz: 

That the last year Colonel French 
came to them on a message from the 
Governor to inquire into their health, 
and how it was with them, their 
children and their grandchildren. 

That they were now ready to give 
an answer to all that he had said to 
them, but that now they would speak 
freely from the bottom of their 
hearts, and their friend might de- 
pend on not having words only but 
their truest inward sentiments with- 
out reserve; and then they laid down 
a bundle of undrest deer skins. 

That Colonel French and those with 
him told from the Governour, that 
the message that the Governor sent 
them and the advice he gave them 
was for his heart and for their good, 
and that they would as freely speak 
from their hearts. The Governor ad- 
vised thme to go out no more to war. 
nor to join with any of the Five Na- 
tions or others, that when out for that 
purpose, but to live at peace with all 
people, and if any prisoners were 
brought to their towns, they should 
not suffer them to be burnt or tor- 
tured; that though some of their 
people were killed once or again, yet 
they should not go out but bear it, 
but the third time they might all go 
lout as one man together; that this 
they thought was somewhat too hard 
; upon them, if they must be confined 
as prisoners at home, and could not 
; go to meet their enemies that came 
against them. 

That when Governor Penn first 
iheld councils with them, he promised 
; them so much love and friendship 
that he would call them brothers, be- 
cause brothers might differ, nor chil- 
; dren because these might offend and 
I require correction,but he would reck- 
on them as one body, one blood, one 
heart and one hand; That they al- 
[ ways remembered this, and should 



on their parts act accordingly; that 
few of the old men who were at 
those councils were living; these 
were removed and those were then 
very young men are now grown up 
to succeed, but they transmitted it to 
their children, and they and all theirs 
should remember it forever; that 
they regarded not reports or what 
was said abroad, their head was at 
Philadelphia, and they were one 
with him, on him they depended that 
they should know everything that 
concerned them. 

The Ganawese in behalf of their 
people say, they are glad that they 
never hear anything from" the Gov- 
ernment, at Philadelphia, but good 
advice and what is for their advan- 
tage; that their present chief was 
once at a Council with William Penn 
before they removed into this Prov- 
ince, and that since they came into 
it, they have always lived quiet and 
in Peace which they acknowledge, 
and are thankful for it; that the ad- 
vice that is send them is always so 
much for their good that they can 
not but gladly receive it, When the 
sun sets they sleep in Peace and in 
Peace they rise with him, and so 
continue while he continues his 
course, and think themselves happy 
In their Friendship, which they shall 
take care to have contniued from 
Generaton to Generation. And that 
as it shall thus forever continue on 
their side; so they desire that the 
same continue on the Governor's 
part, and that if any reports should 
l>e heard concerning them, they de- 
sire it may not be believed to their 
disadvantage, for they will still be 
true and the same they at first pro- 
fessed themselves and then lay down 
a bundle of Deer Skins. To Cones- 
togoes say, that William Penn made 
a league with them to last for three 
or four generations; that he is now 

| dead, and most of their ancients are 
I also dead but the league still remains 
J and they now take this opportunity 
: to renew and strengthen it with their 
friend, who has always represented 
; William Penn to them since he left 
j them ; one generation may die and 
! another may die but the League of 
friendship continues strong and shall 
j forever continue so on their part. 
And this is not said in behalf of 
themselves, the Mingoes only, but of 
! all the Indians on the river, and 
| they give another Bundle of Deer 
j skins. Captain Civility throws down 
I a small bundle of furs and says, that 
| they all join and send that as a pre- 
| sent to the Governor to make him a 
Beaver Hatt. They say in behalf of 
the Ganawese, that they have no 
i writing to show their league of 
j friendship as the others have and 
! therefore desire that they may be fa- 
vored with one at least if they should 
transgress by reason of rum, which 
is brought to them in large quanti- 
ties, they must be cast off and for- 
: gotten that ever they were in friend- 
| ship with us. 

The Indians being met again after 
j some refreshments, the Secretary 
I spoke to them as follows: 

It must be a great satisfaction to 
all honest and good men, to find that 
the measures that great man, Wil- 
liam Penn, took to establish a firm 
friendship with you has had such an 
excellent success. Your predecessors 
and you have always found him sin- 
cere in what he professed. Pie al- 
ways ordered those in power during 
his absence to shew you all the like 
friendship and affection. Every Gov- 
ernor that came has been the same to 
you. and the present Governour, Col- 
onel Keith, shewed the same disposi- 
tion immediately upon his arrival, by 
hastening up to you with his coun- 
cil and many of his freinds as soon 



as he heard that you were in trouble. 

You on your parts have been faith- 
ful and true to us, whatever reports 
might have spread, yet the chain was 
still preserved strong and bright. You 
never violated it. We have lived in 
perfect peace and Unity above any 
other Government in America, and 
you renewing the chain at this time 
upon the Decease of your great 
Friend, with us who remain alive, is 
so affectionate and kind that I shall 
not fail to represent it duly to the 
Governor and your good friends in 
Philadelphia. This chain has been 
made nearly forty years agoe; it is 
at this time strong and bright as ever, 
and I hope will continue so between 
our Children and your Children, and 
their Children's children to all Gen- 
erations, while the water flows or the 
sun shines in the Heavens; and may 
the Great Spirit who rules the Hea- 
vens and the Earth, and who made 
and supported us all, who is a friend 
to all good men who love Justice and 
Peace, continue the same blessings 
upon it forever. 

But my friends and brothers, as we 
are obliged to take care of each 
other, and as the English have op- 
portunities of seeing farther than 
you, I find myself obliged in behalf 
of our Governor and Government, to 
offer you some advice that may be 
of great importance to you, and 
which at this time is absolutely nec- 

You acquainted me yesterday with 
a loss that you had sustained, viz: 
that twelve men, ten of the Five Na- 
tions and two Shawanese, had been 
lately cut off by the Southern In- 
dians, not two hundred miles from 
this place, which grieves me exceed- 

I am scarcely willing to mention 
the Cause of it lest I should trouble 

'you, but I must do it for your good; 
i I should not be a true friend should 
; I forbear it. 

You know then, my Brothers, that 
| the cause is, that some of your young 
! men had unadvisedly gone out to 
war in company with others of the 
| Five Nations against these Southern 
! Indians. Young men love to go 
sometimes to war to shew their man- 
i hood, but they have unhappily gone 
| against Indians that are in Friend- 
ship with the English. You know. 
! that as of the Five Nations some are 
', called Isawandowaes, some Cayoo- 
gooes, some Onondogoes, some Oney- 
! ookes, and some Connyingoes, yet 
I they are all one people, so the Eng- 
lish though they have different Gov- 
I ernments, are divided into New Eng- 
land, New York, New Jersey, Penn- 
sylvania, Maryland, Virginia and 
Carolina, yet they are all under one 
great king who had twenty times as 
jmany subjects as all these, and has 
i in one city as many subjects as all 
the Indian that we know in North 
America. To him we are all subject 
and are all governed by the same 
laws; Therefore, those Indians who 
are in League with one Government 
are in League with all; your friend- 
ship with us recommends you to the 
j Friendship of all other English Gov- 
ernments, and their friends are our 
friends. You must not therefore, 
hunt or annoy any of the English or 
any of their friends whatsoever. 

These Southern Indians, especially 
the Tootelese. formerly made friend- 
ship with you, and I believe that it 
was they who lately sent you the 
nine belts, of Wampum, to continue 
the League; They Desired Peace, yet 
j the Five Nations and some of your 
rash young men have set upon them; 
pray remember, they are men as well 
as you, consider therefore, I request 



you, what you would think of your- 
selves should you suffer these or any 
other people to come year after year 
and cut off your towns, your wives 
and children, and those that escape 
should sit still and not go out against 
them, you would not then deserve 
to be accounted men; and as they, 
you find are men it is no wonder if 
they come out to meet these young 
fellows and endeavor to destroy 
them and their families. 

I must further, as your friend, lay 
before you the consequence of your 
suffering any of your young men to 
join with those of the Five Nations 
They come through your towns and 
bring back their prisoners through 
your settlements, thus they open a 
clear path from these Southern In- 
dians to your Towns, and they who 
may have been wrong may follow 
that open path, and first come' direct- 
ly as the path leads to you. Thus 
vou, who have done but little and by 
the instigation and advice of others 
may be the first that are fallen up- 
on, while those of the Five Nations 
are safe at home at a great Distance 
with their Wives and Children, and 
you may be the only sufferers. 

They have hitherto come out to 
meet their ^enemies, who were going 
to attack them, and like men they 
fight them; but as I am your friend 
[ must further inform you that these 
people would come quite up to your 
towns to do the same to you that they 
have suffered, but your being settled 
among the English has hitherto pre- 
served you, for the Governor of Vir- 
ginia and Carolina can no longer 
hinder them from defending them- 
selves; and desired peace and would 
live in Peace if it might be granted 

I must further inform you as a 
friend that this whole business of 
making War in the manner you do, is 

now owing to those who desire noth- 
ing more than to see all the Indians 
cut off, as well to the Northward as 
the Southward, that is the French 
of Canada, for they would have the 
Five Nations destroy the Southern 
Indians, and the Southern Indians 
destroy you and the Five Nations, 
the destruction, being their Desire. 
The Governor told you, by Colonel 
French, that they were your enemies 
who put you upon war, and they are 
your truest friends who would pre- 
serve you in Peace, Hearken to the 
advice of your friends and you will 
be preserved. You see how your 
numbers yearly lessen; I have 
known about three score men be- 
longing to the Town, and now I see 
not five of the old men remaining. 

What the Governor has said to you 
by himself, and by Colonel French, 
and what I now say to you is for your 
own advantage, and if you are your 
own friends you will pursue the 
advice that is given you. If any of 
the Five Nations go this way in their 
going out to war, and call on any of 
you to accompany them, you must in- 
form them as you are in League 
with us, and are as one people, you 
cant not break your promises, and it 
can not be pleasing to them to see 
you living in such friendship with 
us. I have said enough on these 
heads, and you I hope will lay it up 
in your hearts and duly observe it; 
let it sink into your minds, for it is 
of great weight. 

The Ganawese having hebaved 
themselves well since they came 
amongst us. and they shall have 
what they desire. Your people of 
Conestogoe about twenty years agoe 
brought the Shawanese with them to 
Philadelphia to see and treat with 
Governor Penn, and then promised 
the Governor that they would answer 
for the Shawanese that they should 



Vive peaceably with us and in 
friendship with us, but we find their 
•ears are thick, they do not hear what 
we say to them, nor regard our ad- 

The Chiefs of the Shawanese an- 
swered to this with a deep concern, 
that this was occasioned by the 
young men who lived under no Gov- 
ernment; that when their king who 
was then living, Opessah, took the 
Government upon him, but the people 
differed with him; he left them, they 
had then no Chief, therefore some of 
them applied to him to take that 
charge upon him, but that he had 
only the name without any authority, 
and could do nothing. He counselled 
them, but they would not obey, there- 
fore he can not answer for them, and 
divers that were present, both Eng- 
lish and Indians, confirmed the truth 
of this. 

The Secretary hereupon admonish- 
ed him and the rest to take a further 
Care, that what had been said should 
be pressed upon the young people 
and duly observed, and then calling 
for Liquor and drinking with them 
dismissed them. 

But the Indians, before they would 
depart, earnestly pressed, that on ac- 
count of this treaty should with all 
possible speed be dispatched to the 
Governours to the Southward, and to 
their Indians that further mischief 
might be prevented, for they were ap- 
prehensive that the Southern Indians 
might come out to met the Five Na- 
tions, and then they, as had been 
said to them lying in the road might 
be the sufferers, but they truly de- 
sired peace, and were always against 
molesting any Indians that were un- 
der the protection or lived in friend- 
ship with the English. 

The Secretary then proposed to 
them that they should send some of 
their people with Belts of Wampum 
to the Governor of Virginia, to assure 

him of their resolution to live 

| Peace, and to desire him to acquaint 
| all his Indians with the same. They 
! readily agreed to send the belts with- 
I out delay and promised the following 
j week to bring them to Philadelphia, 
i but they seemed apprehensive of dan- 
| ger to their People in going to Vir- 
| ginia, where they were all strangers. 
; unless the Governors would send 
| some English in Company with them 
to protect them. 

After this conference was ended, 
! Civilty desired to speak with the 
Secretary in private, and an oppor- 
| tunity being given, he acquainted the 
| Secretary that some of the Five Na- 
tions especially the Cayoogoes, had 
! at divers times expressed a dissatis- 
i faction at the large settlements made 
! by the English on Sasquehannah and 
that they seemed to claim a property 
i or right to those lands. The Secre- 
tary answered, that he (viz: Civil- 
Jity) and all the Indians were sensi- 
I ble of the Contrary, and that the 
; Five Nations had long since made 
over all their right to Sasquehannah 
I to the Government of New York, and 
j that Governor Penn had purchased 
| that right with which they had been 
I fully acquainted. Civility acknowl- 
edged the Truth of this but proceeded 
! to say that he thought it his duty to 
inform us of it, that we might the 
; better prevent all misunderstanding. 
The Secretary having made an end 
! of his report, the Governor observed, 
j that from the last particular year if 
! there was ground to apprehend that 
the Five Nations, especially the Cay- 
oogoes, did entertain some secret 
grudges against the advancing of 
our advancig settlements upon Sas- 
quehannah river, and that it was very 
much to be suspected that the Five 
Nations were spirited up by the 
French agents from Canada or Mis- 
sissippi, to make these new and 
groundless claims upon us whom 


they believed to be a mild defenceless 
people, and therefore liable to be 
with less hazard and more easily in- 
sulted than any of the neighboring 
colonies; that though the Governor 
was not under any immediate appre- 
hension of Danger from the Indians 
of the Five Nations, yet our present 
security semed to depend upon the 
strength and authority of New York, 
and not upon the peaceable disposi- 
tion of faith of these barbarians; That 
if the French (as it was but too pro- 
bable at this juncture), should pur- 
sue their usual policy in not only de- 
bauching the Indians everywhere 
from the English interest, but also to 
provoke and encourage them to make 
war upon one another, and thereby 
to embroil all the English settlements 
upon this continent every Colony 
would in that case find themselves 
sufficiently employed in their own 
proper defence. And these things 
had made such a deep impression up- 
on the Governour's mind, but he 
could not but think of the Public 
safety, as well as his honor and 
character, to be particularly con- 
cerned in making such timely pro- 
vision for the defence of this colony, 
as the nature of the Constitution and 
the good inclinations of the people 
would permit, unto which end the 
Governors believed that a voluntary 
militia might be raised and put un- 
der such good regulations by an 
Ordinance as could give no offence 
to any, but be of a general advantage 
and security to the Trade and People 
of this province. 

The members present being all 
Quakers, some of them desired to be 
excused from giving their sentiments 
upon a subject of that nature but all 
seemed to acquiesce that leave that 
matter wholly to the Governour's 
prudence and good conduct. The 
Secretary was in the mean time dir- 
ected to examine whether there was 

I any ground for the Five Nations to 
claim a right to any lands upon the 
Sasquehannah; and also it was mov- 
ed and agreed upon, that the Gover- 
nor should write to the President of 
New York representing the ill treat- 
ment of our people lately received 
from those of the Five Nations in 
their last return from the Southward 
and the ill consequence which may 
possibly ensue from their opening a 
path to war through our settlement 
upon Sasqquehannah." 

Governour Keith considered this 
treaty at Conestoga a matter of great 
importance and he wrote to the Gov- 
ernor of New York about the affair, 
the main points of which letter were, 
that we have a great reason to be 
apprehensive of the growth of the 
French settlements and the power of 
the Jesuits over our Indians on the 
Susquehanna, and that the Jesuits 
are very active in trading to get our 
Indians over to the French and that 
the Southern Indians are very much 
I provoked and come out to fight the 
I Five Nations and pursued to the Sus- 
| quehanna river. He further says 
| that when Governor Penn settled 
j this country, when he came to treat 
I with the Indians settled on Susque- 
hanna River, he began to deal with 
New York concerning it, and that 
Governor Penn on his last visit about 
twenty years ago held a treaty with 
the Conestogas settled on Susquehan- 
na River and that the question about 
the land was taken up. 

So here we see in this letter that 
difficulties about the land around 
Conestogoe were again arising, and 
we also see what seems to be a clear 
admission that Penn made the two 
trips to Susquehanna, of which we 
have spoken of before. All this may 
be seen in Vol. 3 of the Colonial Re- 
cords, pp. 99 to 102. One of the 
chief questions that Logan was try- 
ing to settle was the dissatisfaction 
of these lands around Suquehanna. 



1720— The Conestoga Indians Com- 
plain that the Five Nations 
Compel Them to Go South 
to Fight. 

There is no doubt that the subjec- 
tion to the Five Nations which the 
Conestogas were compelled to under- 
go was very galling to them and 
frequently brought them into dan- 
gerous situations and compelled 
them to go on expeditions in the 
South against their friends. The Con- 
estogas, Conoys. the Ganawese, the 
Delawares and the Tuscaroras, all 
of which tribes lived around about 
Conestoga and Susquehanna, were 
under the Five Nations at this time 
and if they refused to obey the Five 
Nations, they were in great danger 
of being butchered themselves. Their 
condition was pitiable and in a 
paper sent to the Council at Phila- 
delphia they set forth their sad con- 
dition. This paper and the proceed- 
ings connected with it are as fol- 
lows: At a Council held at Philadel- 
phia, July 20, 1720, besides the Coun- 
cil and the Governor there were pre- 
sent also "Conestogce Indians Tago- 
leless or Civility, Oyanowhachso, 
Sohais Connedechto's son, Tayuch- 

Ganawese: Ousewayteichks or 
Captain Smith, Sahpechtah, Meemee- 
ivoonnook, Winjock's son, George 
Waaspessum, and John Prince. 

Shawanese: Kenneope. 

Edwad Farmer, Sworn Interp'r. 

The Secretary acquainted the 
Board, that the Indians present were 
sent by their chiefs from Conestoga, 
in pursuance of the resolution they 
had taken at the conference he had 
lately held with them there, of send- 
ing a message to the Goernor of Vir- 

The Interpreter, by the Governor's 
order, told the Indians that their 
Governor waft glad to see them and 

to hear of the welfare of their people. 
The Indians delivered two Belts of 
Wampum with a written paper, 
which they say contains the whole of 
what they were ordered to deliver to 
the Governor and Council at the 

The said paper was read, and is as 

July 16th, 1720. 
To our Friends and Brothers, the 
: Governour and James Logan, at 
| Philadelphia. These as to what hath 
I been proposed by our Friend and 
j Brother James Logan, when here, of 
i our sending to the Southward Gov- 
! ernments to confirm a peace ; We 
| are very willing to have and keep 
! Peace, and therefore send a belt of 
Wampum to confirm it, but we must 
; leave it wholly to you to perfect the 
' same. As to any of our People on 
J this river going to the Southern parts 
I about the same, it will doubtless oc- 
; casion the death of us, while the Five 
'Nations still follow the practice of 
: going there to war, of whom at thTs 
time there is a great number going 
that way; therefore, we plainly tell 
you. we know not what measures to 
\ take, but leave all to you, resolving 
to follow your council, but sure we 
; are to suffer for what we have al- 
; ready yielded to do in the affair 
, aforesaid as soon as the Sinnekaes 
| come to know thereof, if not protect- 
! ed by you, for they will be enraged 
against us when they know that we 
are willing to be at Peace with those 
Nations, that they resolve to maintain 
war against, and will certainly cut 
us off as well as the Back Christian 
Inhabitants; for they we are sure, 
do not bear true affection to your 
Government, and some of them are 
already very bold and impudent to 
the Christian inhabitants and us also 
for their sakes, whom we are unwil- 
ling should have any damage done by 
them if we can prevnt it, and in real 



good will do certify the Government 
that we believe they will shortly have 
gome trouble with them if not pre- 
vented. Our Captain Tagoteless, and 
some other of our people comes with 
our words to you, and this present 
letter taken by his interpretation, by 
our good friend John Cartiledge, 
whom we could have been glad if he 
would have come himself and given 
an account of matters. We are your 
true friend and Brothers at Conesto- 
goe." See 3 Col. Rec, . 102. B. 

This needs no further comment as 
everything is set forth fully in the 

The next day the Council being 
met again the Governor spoke as fol- 
lows -to them concerning their 

"That nothing can be more accept- 
able to this Government than that 
the Indians should live in Peace with 
all the Nations around them, but 
above all with those who are friendly 
with the English Governments. The 
Governor has often seriously exhorted 
them to it. and they had engaged to 
go out no more to war, with which 
engagements he had acquainted the 
Governours to the Southward, and 
more specially the Governor of Vir- 
ginia, by Captain Smith, who came 
from that Governour to the N orth- 
ward, on purpose to engage the 
Northern Indians to live in Peace 
with all his people and friends. And 
the said Gentleman, Captain Smith, 
they may well remember, was pres- 
ent with the Governour at his first 
conference with them at Conestogoe 
soon after his arrival, when they 
promised in that treaty to go out to 
war no more. 

That it was a very great satisfac- 
tion to all parties to find them thus 
engage themselves, though what was 
proposed to them was wholly for 
their own benefit and advantage. 
Captain Smith carried this news with 

gladness, and the Governour of Vir- 
ginia and his people received it with 
joy, and everybody believing that 
they might surely depend on these 

Yet notwithstanding all these, some 
of their young men had been unhap- 
pily prevailed on to go out against 
the same people. The Governor is 
very well pleased to hear by the Sec- 
retary's respect on what they lately 
said on that head at Conestoga, that 
they condemn these proceedings, and 
excused themselves by the influence 
the Five Nations have over their peo- 
ple, and that the young men carted 
on by the Heat and Blood to martial 
; exploits, and to shew their manhood 
i are difficulty restrained by the more 
I sage advice of their elders. But it is 
! now hoped that these young men, 
j some of them having forfeited their 
I lives by their disobedience to their 
| Elders, are also as fully resolved 
I most strictly to observe these present 
| engagements ; and though the Gover- 
[ our realty lies under some disadvan- 
! tages in the representation he is 
now to make to the Governours of 
[Virginia and Carolina, by reason of 
'their having failed in their former. 
| yet he will without delay acquaint 
these Governours with their renewed 
resolutions, and give them all pos- 
sible assurances from our Indians, 
that nothing in their power shall di- 
i vert them from a strict observance of 
j what they have promised for the fu- 
! ture, and as a binding proof of it 
according to the custom of their Na- 
tions, shall convey these two belts 
I of Wampum as firm and inviolable 
! seals to all that they have said. 
These the Governour will convey to 
j the Governour of Virginia with let- 
ters in their favour who sent them, 
and a particular account of their 
; country and habitations, with all 
! which the Governor of Virginia will 
i undoubtedly take care to acquaint 



all his Indians and people, and en- 
gage them for the future to consider 
our friends as his friends, and the 
Governour will endeavor to make 
them all as one People. 

But as this will require some time, 
and all the Indians in those South- 
ern Parts, can not be immediately ac- 
quainted with these messages, 
though the Governor intends to use 
all possible dispatch. They must in 
the mean time take care of them- 
selves and keep out of the way of 
the Warrior's path, till a good and 
perfect peace and good understand- 
ing can be settled. 

But after the Governor has thus 
proceded in their behalves, and in 
some measure pledges his honor for 
them, they must not fail on any terms 
whatsoever, most strictly to make 
good their present engagements 
against the Perswasions of all Peo- 
ple whatsoever. 

We are all friends to the Five Na- 
tions and have a great respect for 
them, and these can not but be 
pleased to find out that our Indians 
live in such Friendship with their 
English Neighbors, as to resolve also 
to live in Peace with all their friends. 
Whenever any of these Minquays 
come amongst them, they must not 
fail to inform them that they and we 
are one people and not to be sepa- 
rated in interest, and we desire that 
the Minquays also may be the same, 
and live with us as brotters." 

This being interpreted, it was or- 
dered that they should be supplied 
with a Quarter Cask of powder, fifty 
pounds of lead, five gallons of rum, 
with Bisket, Pipes, Tobacco, etc.. for 
their Journey; in the mean time 
that the Treasurer or Secretary 
should see them duly accomodated. 
This is set forth in Vol. 3 of the Col- 
onial Records, pp. 103 to 105. 

1720— The Cost of the Second Treaty 

Made at Conestoga. 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p 107 
the cost of James Logan's second 

treaty at Conestoga is set out as fol- 
lows: "The Secretary laid before 
the Board an Account of the charg- 
es of a Treaty held with the Indians 
at Conestogoe, the 27th day of June 
last, being Eight Pounds Four shil- 
lings and Eight Pence; as also an ac- 
count of goods and provisions sup- 
plied the Indians at Philadelphia, by 
order of this Board the 20th of July 
last, amounting to Eight Pounds, 
Thirteen Shillings and Five Pence, 
the whole charge being sixteen 
Pounds, eighteen Shillings and one 
penny, from which deducting the 
presents received from the Indians -to 
the value of ten Pounds, four Shil- 
lings, there remains due to the Sec- 
retary the sum of six Pounds, thir- 
teen Shillings and one penny, which 
accounts being examined were allow- 
ed by the Board, and the Treasurer 
is ordered to pay the said Ballance to 
the Secretary fortwith." 

1720— The Southern Indians Retal- 
iate on the Conestogas. 

The above account of the Five Na- 
tions forcing the Conestogas to go 
southward and fight their friends is 
also taken notice of in Vol. 2 of tii • 
Votes of Assembly, p. 258, where it is 
shown that the expeditions to the 
South have caused an attack upon 
our Indians near the head of the 
Potomac River, by the Southern In- 
dians who are on their way to Sus- 
quehanna to fight our people, by rea- 
son of the fact that the Five Na- 
tions compel our Indians to go to 
war against those of the South. 

1720 — The Shawanese, Ganawese and 
the Delawares Present at Logan's 
Treaty with the Con- 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 92, 
in which we have discussed the 
treaty made by James Lgoan with 



the Conestogas and others, he sets 
forth that the Sachem or Chief of the 
Shawanese, the Chief of the Gana- 
wese and the people of the Delaware 
Indians met him at John Cartledge's 
house the same as the chiefs of the 
Conestogas. I merely quote this 
item to show that these various other 
tribes were still living in this neigh- 
borhood at this time. 

1721 — A Message Sent to the Cones- 
toga Indians, Because of the 
Dissatisfaction of the Vir- 
ginian Government. 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 116, 
it is set forth that a complaint of 
Governor Spotswood of Virginia 
caused the Governor and Council in 
Pennsylvania to send a message to 
the Conestoga Indians, in which he 
asked them to be very careful to obey 
all the laws and not to offend the In- 
dians of the South nor the Governor 
in any way. 

Keith says in this message that he 
has had many conferences with the 
Government of Virginia about our 
Conestoga Indians. As the result of 
this the Conestoga Indians and other 
Indians at Susquehanna river promis- 
ed that they would not cross the 
Potomac river to go South, if the 
Southern Indians will not cross the 
Potomac River to come north. And 
the Governor further says that our i 
Indians never do go down across the 
Potomac River. 

1721— The Conestoga Indians Go to I 

the Ohio and Wabash Rivers 

to Fish. 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 116, j 
Governor Keith in a speech, states | 
that the Conestogas and other allied 
Indians go hunting and fishing on the 
branches of the Wabash and Ohio 
Rivers in the Fall of the year and do 
not return until the following May. 

1721— The Conestoga Indians Send a 
Peaceful Message to the South- 
ern Indians. 

In the book and at the page last 
mentioned it is set forth that he Con- 
estoga and allied Indians sent by 
Governor Keith to Virginia several 
belts of wampum as pledges of Peace 
with all the Indians from the South. 
On the next page we find that Keith 
begs the Governor of Virginia that I 
shall mention and include the Indians 
of the Susquehanna Country with his 
Cherokees and other Southern In- 

1721— The Five Nations Come to Con- 
estoga to Make a Treaty. 

In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Records, 
p. 118, it is set forth that the depu- 
ties of the Five Nations are on their 
way to Conestoga to treat with this 
Province; and word is sent -to Phila- 
delphia that the Five Nationas are 
coming to treat. (120). 

This statement is given by the Gov- 
ernor to the Board or Council 1l 
which he says that he had yesterday 
received an express from the Cones- 
toga, intimating that they were cer- 
tainly informed of some deputies of 
the Five Nations being on their way 
to Conestoga in order to treat with 
this Government. The Council de- 
cided, however, not to do anything 
until they heard of the arrival of the 
Five Nations at Conestoga, but in the 
meantime the Government will send 
a message to the Conestoga Indians 
to inform them about his negotia- 
tions for peace in Virginia. 

As is shown on p. 120 of the same 
book, John Cartledge sent an express 
to Philadelphia, announcing that the 
deputies had arrived at Conestoga, 
that he entertained them at his house 
and desired them to come to Phila- 
delphia and treat with the Governor. 



That they were very reserved in tell- 
ing their business and insisted that 
they must meet the Governor himself 
at Conestoga, where they wished him 
to come. . Cartledge also states that 
a considerable number of the Chiefs 
and others of the Indians of the Five 
Nations now actually at Conestoga, 
positively refused to go any nearer 
to Philadelphia than Conestoga and 
he urges the Governor to come at 
once and treat with them; and the 
Governor accordingly made the trip. 

1721— Governor Keith's First Great 
Treaty at Conestoga. 

Pressed by the above urgent de- 
mands that he should come to Con- 
estoga to meet the Five Nations and 
other Indians the Council decided 
that the Governor should go on the 
journey; and the Governor named 
Richard Hill, Janothan Dickinson, 
Colonel French and the Secretary, 
James Logan to accompany him in 
his journey. It was decided that they 
would leave on Monday, the third of 
July. (See Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, 
pp. 120-121). 

This treaty of Governor Keith also 
attracted the attention of the people 
generally and a notice of it may be 
found in the American Weekly Mer- 
cury, the only newspaper at that 
time which began publication in 1719 
and ran until 1746, under the editor- 
ship of Andrew Bradford. The 
newspaper account is found in the 
issue of July 6, 1721, in which the 
paper states, "His Excellency, Sir 
William eKith, our Governor, with 
some of his Council and thirty other 
gentlemen set out Monday last for 
Conestoga in order to meet our In- 
dians there and some of the Five Na- 
tion to settle a peace with them as 

It is to be noticed that the news- 
paper report states that thirty of the 

citizens went along. The return 
from Conestoga is also set forth in 
the same newspaper in the issue of 
July 13, 1721, where it is stated that, 
"On Tuesday night last, his Excel- 
lency, Sir William Keith, Baronett, 
our Governor, and the gentlemen 
who attended him arrived here 
(Philadelphia) from Conestoga. He 
went thither to meet the heads of the 
Five Nations who awaited his com- 
ing to renew the treaties of peace 
and friendship with them, and ac- 
comodated some irregularities com- 
mitted by the young men of those na- 
tions of war Indians. The Governor 
and all the Company were handsomely 
entertained and treated at the house 
of John Cartledge, Esq., during their 
stay at Conestoga." 

In the issue of July 27, 1721, the 
particulars of this treaty are adver- 
tised as being for sale, having been 
published by Andrew Bradford, but 
I can not find that the pamphlet was 
ever seen. Dr. Jordan of the Phila- 
delphia Historical Society says that 
this pamphlet has never been seen in 
print. It is, however, quoted in Hil- 
deburn's issue of the Pennsylvania 
press, p. 58. There is a Dublin re- 
print of it dated 1723, in the Ridge- 
way Branch of the Library Company 
of Philadelphia, which I have seen, 
and excepting the introduction, it is 
a literal copy of the Colonial Records. 

This Irish reprint of 1723 (which is 
found in Vol. 797 in the Ridgeway 
branch, etc.,) sets forth on the title 
page that Andrew Bradford printed 
the original and published it at the 
request of the gentlemen whow were 
present at the treaty, and who went 
on the journey. It is said that it was 
reprinted by Eliz. Saddler and Sam. 
Fuller at the Globe & Scales in 
Meath street, Dublin, in 1723. The 
following glowing introduction ap- 
pears in the book.which is not found 
in the Colonial Records; 



"The Publisher to the Reader, Phila- 
delphia, July 26, 1721. 

Courteous reader: We here pres- 
ent you with an exact copy of the 
proceedings of the Governor in the 
late treaty with several nations of 
Indians at Conestoga, taken from the 
minutes of the respective councils, 
which were held on the occasion. 
And we hope this will be more 
agreeably acceptable to our corres- 
pondents than any abstracts that 
could be published in our Weekly 

The Indian village of Conestoga 
lies about seventy English miles dis- 
tant, almost directly West of the 
city, and the land thereabout being 
exceedingly rich, it is now surround- 
ed by divers fine plantations or 
farms, where they raise quantities of 
wheat, barley, flax and hemp, with- 
out help of any dung. 

The company who attended the 
Governor consisted of between 70 
and 80 horsemen, most of them well 
armed, and the directions that had 
ben given were so well observed that 
great plenty of all sorts of provis- 
ions were everywhere provided bet 
for man and horse. 

His Excellency the Governor's 
care for the public safety of this 
colony plainly discovers itself in his 
management of affairs with the In- 
dians in general as well as by his 
late toilsome journey to and fror 
Virginia and Conestoga. The good 
people of this city and province from 
a just sense of happiness they enjoy 
the present administration embrace 
all opportunities of expressing their 
love and esteem for the Governor, 
who at his return from Conestoga 
was waited upon at the upper ferry 
of the Schuylkill River by the Mayor 
and Aldermen of the City with about 
two hundred horse. After a refresh- 

ment of wine and other good liquors, 
upon the eleventh inst, about sunset 
his Excellency arrived in good health 
at his own house to the universal 
joy of all the inhabitants." 

The official report of this treaty is 
found in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 
121, as follows: 

"Conestogoe, July the 5th, 1721. 

"The Governor arrived here this 
day at Noon, and in the evening went 
to Capt. Civility's cabin, where four 
Deputies of the Five Nations, and 
some few more of their people came 
to see the Governour, who spake to 
them by an interpreter to this pur- 
pose, viz: 

That this being the first time that 
the Five Nations had thought fit to 
| send any of their Chiefs to visit him; 
he had come a great way from home 
to bid them welcome, that he hoped 
to be better acquainted and hold a 
further discourse with them before 
he left the Place. 

| They answered that they were come 
j a long way on purpose to see the 
Governor and speak with him; that 
they had heard much of him and 
; would have come here before now, 
but that the faults and mistakes com- 
mitted by some of their young men 
I had made them ashamed to show 
their faces, but now that they had 
seen the Governor's face, they were 
well satisfied with their journey 
whether anything else was done or 

The Governour told them that to- 
morrow morning he designed to 
speak a few words to his Brothers 
and Children, the Indians of Cones- 
togoe and their friends upon Susque- 
hanna, and desired that the Deputies 
of the Five Nations might be presen. 
in Council to hear what is said \ 

At a Council held at Conestogoe, 
July the 6th, 1721. 



The, Honorable Sir William Keith 
Bart., Govr., Richard Hill, Colonel 
John French, Caleb Pusey, James 
Logan, Secretary, Jonathan Dickin- 
The Governor spoke to the Conesto- 

goe Indians as follows: 
My Brothers and Children, 

So soon as you sent me word that 
your near friends and relatives, the 
Chiefs of the Five Nations, were come 
to visit you, I made haste and am 
come up to see both you and them, 
and to assure all the Indians of the 
Continuance of my love to them. 

Your old acquaintance and true 
friend, the Great William Penn, was 
a wise man, and therefore he did not 
approve of war among the Indians 
whom he loved, because it wasted and 
destroyed their people, but always 
rocommended peace to the Indians as 
the surest way to make them rich 
and strong by increasing their num- 

Some of you can remember since 
William Penn and his friends came 
first to settle amongst you in this 
country; it is but a few years and 
like as yesterday to an old man, 
nevertheless by following that great 
Man's peaceable councils this Gov- 
ernment is now become wealthy and 
powerful in great numbers of people, 
and though many of our inhabitants 
are not accustomed to war and dislike 
the practice of man killing one an- 
other, yet you can not but know that 
I am able to bring several thousand 
into the field, well armed, to defend 
both your people and ours from being 
hurt by any enemy that durst at- 
tempt to invade us; however, we do 
not forget what William Penn often 
told us, that the experiences of old 
age, which is true wsdom, advises 
peace, and I say to you, that the wis- 

est man is always the bravest man, 
for he safely depends on his wisdom, 
and there is no true courage without 
it. I have so great a love for you; 
my dear Brothers, who live under the 
protection of this Government that I 
can not suffer you to be hurt no more 
than I would my own children; lam 
but just now returned from Virginia 
where I wearied myself in a long 
journey both by land and water, only 
to make peace for you my children, 
that you may safely hunt in the 
woods without danger from Virginia 
and the many Indian nations that are 
at peace with this Government. But 
the Governour of Virginia expects 
that you will not hunt within the 
Great Mountains on the other side of 
Patowmeck River, being it is a small 
tract of land which he keeps for the 
Virginia Indians to hunt in, and he 
promises that his Indians shall not 
any more come on this side of 
Potawmeck, or behind the great 
mountain this way to disturb your 
hunting; and this is the condition I 
have made for you, which I expect 
you will firmly keep, and not break 
it on any consideration whatsoever. 

I desire that what I have now said 
to you may be interpreted to the 
Chiefs of the Five Nations present, 
for as- you are a part of them, and 
are in like manner one with us as 
you yourselves are, and Therefore 
our Councils must agree and be made 
known to one another, for our hearts 
should be open that we may perfectly 
see into one another's breasts. And 
that your friends may speak to me 
freely, tell them I am willing to for- 
get the mistakes which some of their 
young men were guilty of amongst 
our people; I hope they will grow 
wiser with age, and hearken to the 
grave Counsels of their old men whose 
valour we esteen because they are 



wise; but the rashnes of their young 
men is althogether folly. 

At a Council held at Conestogoe, 
July the 7th, 1721. 

The Honourable Sir William Keith, 
Bart., Governour; Richard Hill, Col- 
onel John French, Caleb Pusey, Jas. 
Logan, Secretary; Jonathan Dickin- 
son, with divers gentlemen. 


The Chiefs of Deputies sent by the 
Five Nations to treat with this Gov- 
ernment, viz.; 

Sinnekass Nation, Onondagoes Na- 
tion, Cayoogas Nation; Ghesaont, 
Tannawree, Sahoode, Awennool.Skee- 
towas, Tchehuque. 

Smith, the Ganawese Indian inter- 
preter from the Mingoe Language to 
the Delaware; John Cartledge and 
James Le Tort, Interpreters from the 
Delaware into the English. 

Ghesaont, in the name and on the 
behalf of all the Nations, delivered 
himself in speaking to the Gover- 
nour, as follows: 

They were glad to see the Gover- 
nour and his Council at this place, 
from home, and now they find it to 
be what they had heard of him, viz: 
their friend and brother, and the 
same as if William Penn were still 
amongst them. 

They assure the Governour and 
Council that they had not forgot 
William Penn's treaties with them, 
and that his advice to them was still 
fresh in their, memories. 

Though they can not write, yet 
they retain everything said in their 
Councils with all the Nations they 
treat with, and preserve it as care- 
fully in their memories as if it was 
committed in our method to writing. 

They complain that our Traders 
carrying goods and Liquors up Sas- 
quehanna River some times meet 

with their young men going out to 
war, and treat them unkindly, not 
only refusing them a dram of their 
liquor, but use them with ill lan- 
guage and call them dogs, etc. 

They take this unkindly, because 
dogs have no sense of understand- 
ing; whereas they are men, and 
think that their brothers should not 
compare them to such creatures. 

That some of our Traders calling 
their young men by those Names, the 
young men answered, if they were 
dogs then they might act as such; 
Whereupon they seized a keg of 
their Liquor and ran away with it. 

N. B. This seems to be told in 
their usual way to excuse some 
small robberies that had been com- 
mitted by their young people. 

Then laying down a belt of Wam- 
pum upon the table, he proceeded 
and said, 

That all their Disorders arose from 
the use of rum and strong spirits 
which took away their sense and 
memory ; that they had no such liquors 
amongst themselves, but were hurt 
with what we furnished to them and 
therefore desired that no more of 
that sort might be sent amongst 

He presented a bundle of drest 
skins and said, 

That the Five Nations faithfully 
remember all their ancient treaties, 
and now desire that the chain of 
friendship between them and us may 
be made so strong as that none of 
the links can ever be broken. 

Presents another bundle of raw 
skins and observes, 

That a chain may contact rust 
with lying and become weaker; 
Wherefore he desires it may now be 
so well cleaned as to remain bright- 
er and stronger than ever it was be- 



Presents another parcel of skins 
and says, 

That as in the Firmament all 
clouds and darkness are removed 
from the face of the sun, so they de- 
sire that all misunderstandings may 
be fully done away, so that when 
they who are now here shall be 
dead and gone, their while people 
with their children and posterity may 
enjoy thf clear sunshine and friend- 
ship forever, without anything to 
interpose and obscure it. 

Presents another bundle of skins 
and says, 

That looking upon the Governour 
as if William Penn was present they 
desire, that in case any disorders 
should hereafter happen between 
their young people and ours, we 
would not be too hasty in resenting 
any such accident, until their Col- 
onel and ours can have some oppor- 
tunity to treat amicably upon it, 
and so to adjust all matters as that 
the friendship between us may still 
be inviolably presrved. 

Presents a small parcel of deer 
skins and desires, 

That we may now be together as 
one people, treating one another's 
children kindly and affectionately on 
all occasions. 
He proceeds and says: 

That they consider themselves in 
this treaty as the full plenipoten- 
tiaries and Repesentatives of the 
Five Nations and they look upon the 
Governour as the Great Kin^ of Eng- 
land's representative, and therefore 
they expect that everything now stip- 
ulated will be made absolutely firm 
and good on both sides. 

Presents a bundle of bear skins 
and says, 

That having now made a firm 
league with us as becomes our 

brothers, they complain that they got 
too little for their skins and furs, so 
as they can not live by hunting, they 
desire us therefore to take compassion 
on them and contrive some way to 
help them in that particular. 

Presenting a few furs, he speaks 
only as from himself to acquaint the 
Governour, that the Five Nations 
have heard that the Governour of 
Virginia wanted to speak with them. 
He himself with some of his Com- 
pany intended to proceed to Virginia, 
but do not know the way to get 
safe thither." 

At a council held at the House of 
John Cartledge, Esq., near Conesto- 


The Honorable Sir William Keith, 
Bart., Governor, Richard Hill, Col. 
John French, Jonathan Disksinson, 
James Logan, Secretary. 

The Governour desired that the 
Board would advise him as to the 
quantity and kind of the presents 
that must be made to the Indians in 
return to their and In confirmation 
of this speech to them; Whereupon 
it was agreed that twenty-five Stroud 
Match coats of two yards each, One 
Hundred wt. of Gunpodwer, two hun- 
dred of lead, with some Bisket, To- 
bacco and Pipes, should be delivered 
as the Governor's present to the Five 
Nations. And the same being pre- 
pared accordingly, the Council was 
adjourned to Conestogoe, the Place 
of Treaty. 

At a Council held at Conestogoe, 
July the 8th, 1721. Post Meridiem. 

The Honourable Sir William Keith 
Bart., Governour. 

The same members as before with 
divers gentlemen attending the Gov- 
ernour and the Chiefs of the Five 
Nations being all seated in Council, 
and the presents laid down before the 



The Governour spoke to them by 
the Interpreters in these words. 
My Friends and Brothers: 

It is a great satisfaction to me that 
I have, this opportunity of speaking 
to the Valiant and wise Five Nations 
whom you tell me you are fully em- 
powered to represent. I treat with 
you therefore as if all these Nations 
were here present, and you are to 
understand what I now say to be 
agreeable to the mind of our Great 
Monarch George the King of Eng- 
land, who bends his care to estab- 
lish peace amongst the mighty na- 
tions of Europe and unto whom all 
the People in these parts as it were 
but like one drop out of a Bucket, so 
that what is now transacted between 
us must be laid up as the words of 
the whole Body of your People and 
our People, to be kept in perpetual 
Remembrance. I am so glad to 
find that you remember what Wil- 
liam Penn formerly said to you; he 
was a great and a good man, his 
own people loved him; he loved the 
Indians, and they also loved him. 
He was as their father, he would nev- 
er suffer them to be wronged, neith- 
er would he let his people enter up- 
on any lands until he had first pur- 
chased them of the Indians; He was 
just, and therefore the Indians lov- 
ed him. 

Though he is new removed from us 
yet his children and people follow 
his example and will always take 
the same measures, so that his and 
our posterity will be as a long chain 
of which he was the first link, and 
when one link ends another succeeds 
and then another, being all firmly 
bound together in one strong chain 
to endure forever. 

He formerly knit the chain of 
friendship with you as the Chief of 
all the Indians in these parts, and 
lest this chain should grow rusty 

you now desire it to be scoured and 
made strong to bind us as one people 
together; We do assure it is and al- 
ways has been bright on our side, 
and so we will ever keep it. 

As to your complaint of our Trad- 
ers, that they have treated some of 
your young men unkindly I take that 
to be said by way of excuse only for 
the follies of your people, thereby 
endeavoring to persuade me that 
they were provoked to do what you 
very well know they did, but as I 
told your Indians two days ago, I 
am willing to pass by all those 
things. You may therefore be as- 
sured that our people shall not suf- 
fer any injury to yours; or if I 
know that they do, they shall be sev- 
erely punished for it; so you must 
in like manner strictly command 
your young men that they do not of- 
fer any injury to ours; for when 
they pass through the utmost skirts 
of our inhabitants, where there are 
no people yet settled but traders, 
they should be more careful of them 
as having separated themselves from 
the body of their friends, purely to 
serve the Indians more commodious- 
ly with what they want. 

Nevertheless if any little disorders 
should at any time hereafter arise, 
we will endeavor that it shall not 
break or weaken the chain of friend- 
ship between us; to which end if any 
of your people take offence, you 
must in that case apply to me or to 
our chiefs; and when we have any 
cause to complain, we shall as you 
desire apply to your chiefs by our 
friends the Conestogoe Indians, but 
on both sides we must labor to pre- 
vent everything of this kind as 
much as we can. 

You complain that our traders 
come into the path of your young 
men going out to war, and thereby 
occasion disorders amongst them, I 
will therefore my friends and broth- 
ers speak very plainly to you on this 



Your young men come down Sus- 
quehanna river and take their road 
through our Indian towns and settle- 
ments and make a path between us 
and the people against whom they go 
out to war; Now you must know, 
that the path this way leads them 
only to the Indians who are in al- 
liance with the English, and first to 
those who are in a strict League of 
Friendship with the great Governor 
of Virginia, just as these our friends 
and children who are settled amongst 
us are in league with me and our 

You can not therefore make war 
upon the Indians in League with 
Virginia without weakening the 
chain with the English; for as we 
would not suffer these our friends 
and brothers of Conestogoe, and up- 
on this River to be hurt by any per- 
son without considering it was done 
to ourselves; so the Governour of 
Virginia looks upon the injuries 
done to his Indian brothers and 
friends as if they were done to him- 
self; and you very well know that 
though you are five different nations 
yet you are but one people; so as that 
any wrong done to one Nation is re- 
ceived as an injury done to you all. 

In the same manner and much 
more so it is with the English, who 
are all united under one great King, 
who has more people in that one 
town where he lives, than all the In- 
dians in North America put together. 

You are in League with New York 
as your ancient Friends and nearest 
Neighbors, and you are in League 
with by treaties often repeated, and 
by a chain which you have not 
brightened. As therefore all the 
English are but one People you are 
actually in League with all the Eng- 
lish governments and must equally 
preserve the Peace with all as with 
one Government. 

You pleased me very much when 
you told me that you were going to 
treat with the Governour of Virginia. 
Your nations formerly entered into 
a very firm League with the Govern- 
ment, and if you have suffered that 
chain to grow rusty it is time to se- 
cure it, and the Five Nations have 
done very wisely to send you there 
for that purpose . 

I do assure you, the Governour of 
Virginia is a great and good man; 
he loves the Indians as his children 
and so protects and defends them, 
for he is very strong, having many 
thousand Christian warriors under 
his command, whereby he is able to 
assist all those who are in any 
League of Friendship with him. Has- 
ten therefore, my friends, to brigh- 
ten and strengthen the claim with 
that great man, for he desires it, and 
will receive you kindly. He is my 
great friend, I have been lately with 
him, and since you say you are 
strangers, I will give you a letter to 
him to inform him what ye have 
done, and of the good design of your 
visit to im and ti his Country. 

My Friends and Brothers: I told 
you two days agoe that we must 
open our Breasts to each other, I 
shall therefore, like your true Friend 
open mine yet further to you for 
your good. 

You see that the English, from a 
very small People at first in these 
parts, are by peace amongst them- 
selves become a very great people 
amongst you, far exceeding the num- 
ber of all the Indians that we know 

But, while we are at peace- the In- 
dians continue to make war upon 
one another, and destroy each other, 
as if they intended that none of their 
people should be left alive, by which 
means you are from a great people 
become a very small people and yet 
you will go on to destroy yourselves. 



The Indians of the South although 
they speak a different language, yet 
they are the same people and inhabit 
the same land with those of the 
North, we therefore can not but won- 
der how you that are a wise people 
should take delight in putting an end 
to your race. The English being 
your true friends labor to prevent it. 
We would have you strong as a part 
of ourselves, for as our strength is 
your strength, so we would yours to 
be as our own. 

I have persuaded all our Brethren 
in these parts to consider what is for 
their good, and not to go out any 
more to war, but your young men as 
they come this way endeavor to force 
them, and because they incline to 
follow the Counsels of Peace and the 
advice of their friends, your people 
use them ill and often prevail with 
them to go out to their destruction. 
Thus it was that this town of Cones- 
togoe lost their good king, not long 
ago, and thus many have been lost, 
their young children are left without 
parents, their wives without hus- 
bands, the old men, contrary to the 
course of nature mourn te death of 
their young, the people decay and 
grow weak, we lose our dear friends 
and are afflicted, and this is chiefly 
owing to your young men. 

Surely you can purpose to get 
other riches or possessions by going 
thus out to war; for when you kill 
a deer you have the flesh to eat and 
the skin to sell, but when you return 
from war you bring nothing home but 
the scalp of a dead man who perhaps 
was husband to a kind wife, and 
father to tender children who never* 
wronged you, though by losing him 
you have robbed them of his help 
and protection, and at the same time 
get nothing by it. 

If I were not your true friend I 
would not take the trouble of saying 

all these things to you, which I de- 
sire may be fully related to all your 
people when you r.eturn home, that 
they may consider in time what is 
for their own good; and after this if 
any will be so madly deaf and blind 
as neither to hear or see the danger 
before them, but will still go out to 
destroy and be destroyed for noth- 
ing, I must desire that such foolish 
young men will take another path 
and not pass this way amongst our 
people, whose eyes have opened, and 
they have wisely hearkened to my 
advice. So that I must tell you 
plainly, as I am their best friend, 
and this Government is their Protec- 
tor and as a father to them. We 
will not suffer them any more to go 
out as they have done to their des- 
truction. I say again, that we will 
not suffer it, for we have the Coun- 
sel of wisdom amongst us and know 
what is for their good, for though 
they are weak yet they are our Breth- 
ren, we will therefore take care of 
them that they are not misled with 
ill Council; you mourn when you lose 
a brother, we mourn when when any 
of them are lost, to prevent which 
they shall not be suffered to go out 
as they have done to be destroyed by 

My Good Friends and Brothers: I 
give you the same Counsel and earn- 
estly desire that you will follow it, 
since it will make you a happy 
people, I give you this advice be- 
cause I am your true friend, but I 
much fear you hearken to others who 
never were or never will be your 
Friends. You know very well that 
the French have been enemies from 
the Beginning, and though they made 
peace with you about two and twenty 
years ago, yet by subtle practices 
they still endeavor to ensnare you. 
They use arts and tricks and tell you 

Other Lancaster county indian tribes 

lies, to deceive you, and if you would 
make use of your own eyes and not 
be deluded by their Jesuits and In- 
terpreters; you would see this your- 
selves, for you know they have had 
no goods of any value these several 
years past, except what has been 
sent to them from the English of 
New York, and that is now all over. 
They give fair speeches instead of 
real services, and as for many years 
they attempted to destroy you in 
war, so they now endeavor to do it 
in Peace; for when they perswade 
you to go out to war against others, 
it is only that you may be destroyed 
jourselves, which we as your true 
friends labor to prevent, because we 
would have your numbers increased 
that you may grow strong and that 
we may be all strengthened in 
Friendship and Peace together. 

As to what you have said of Trade, 
I suppose the great distance at 
which you live from us has prevented 
all comerce between us and your 
people; we believe, those who go in- 
to the woods and spend all their 
time upon it endeavor to make the 
best bargains they can for them- 
selves; so on your part you must take 
care to make the best bargain you can 
with them, but we hope that our 
traders do not cheat, for we think 
that a Stroud Coat or a pound of 
powder is now sold for more Buck 
skins than formerly; beaver indeed is 
not of late so much used in Europe, 
and therefore does not give a price, 
and we deal but very little in that 
commodity. But deer skins sell very 
well amongst us, and I shall always 
take care that the Indians be not 
wronged, but except other measures 
be taken to regulate the Indian 
trade everywhere, the common 
methods used in Trade will still be 
followed, and every man must take 

care of himself, for thus I must do 
myself, when I buy anything from 
our own people, if I do not give them 
their price they will keep it for we 
are a free people. But if you have 
any further proposals to make about 
these affairs I am willing to hear 
and consider them, for it is my desire 
that the trade be well regulated to 
your content. 

I am sensible rum is very hurtful 
to the Indians; we have made laws 
that none should be carried amongst 
them, or if any were, that it should 
be staved and thrown upon the 
ground, and the Indians have been 
ordered to destroy all the rum that 
comes in their way, but they will not 
do it, they will have rum, and when 
we refuse it they will travel to the 
neighboring provinces and fetch it; 
their own women go to purchase it, 
and then sell it amongst their own 
people at excessive rates. I would 
gladly make any laws to prevent 
this that could be effectual, but the 
country is so wide and the woods 
are so dark and private, and so far 
out of my sight, that if the Indians 
themselves do not prohibit their own 
people there is no other way to pre- 
vent it; for my part, I shall readily 
join in any measures that can be 
proposed for so good a purpose. 

I have now my friends and broth- 
ers, said all that I think can be of 
any service at this time, and I give 
you these things here laid before you 
to confirm my words, viz: five Stroud 
coats, twenty pounds of powder, and 
forty pounds of lead for each of the 
Five Nations ; that is twenty-five 
coats, one hundred weight of powder 
and two hundred of lead in the 
whole, which I desire may be deliv- 
ered to them, with these my words 
in my name and on behalf of this 



"I shall be glad frequently to see 
some of your chief men sent in the 
name of the rest, but desire you will 
be so kind as to come to us to Phila- 
delphia to visit our families and chil- 
dren born there, where we can pro- 
vide better for you and make you 
more welcome, for people always re- 
ceive their friends best at their own 
houses. I heartily wish you well on 
your journey and good success in it, 
and when you return home I desire 
you will give my very kind love and 
the love of all our people to your 
kings and to all their people. 

Then the Governor rose up from 
his chair, and when he had called 
Ghesont the speaker to him, he took 
a Coronation Medal of the Kings out 
of his pocket and presented it to the 
Indian in these words. 

That our children when we are 
dead may not forget these things, but 
keep this treaty between us in per- 
petual remembrance. I here deliver 
to you a picture in gold, bearing the 
image of my great master the King 
of all the English; and when you re- 
turn home I charge you to deliver 
this piece into the hands of the first 
man or greatest Chief of all the Five 
Nations whom you call Kannygoodk, 
to be laid up and kept as a token to 
our childrens' children, that an en- 
tire and lasting Friendship is now 
established forever between the Eng- 
lish in this country and the Great 
Five Nations. 

1721— James Logan Continues the 
Conestoga Treaty After the 
Governor Left for Phila- 

T n Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 130, 
"James Logan, Secretary, further 
reports, that having continued at 
Conestogoe, after the departure of 
the Governor and the rest of the 
Company, he had the next day by the 
continued treaty held by James Logan 
Governour's approbation and direc- 

tion held a discourse with Ghesaont, 
the Chief of those Indians and their 
Speaker Civility, the Captain of 
Conestogoe, and John Cartlidge, 
being the Interpreter. 

That he had first put Ghesaont in 
mind of the great satisfaction the 
Governour had expressed to him in 
the Council upon their kind visit, 
and the freedom and openness that 
had been used to them on our parts, 
and therefore advised him if he had 
anything in his thoughts further re- 
lating to the Friendship established 
between us and the matters treated 
in Council he would open his Breast 
in his free Conversation, and speak 
it without reserve, and whatever he 
said on those heads should be re- 
ported faithfully to the Governour. 

Ghesaont then, said that he was 
very well pleased with what had been 
spoken. He saw the Governour and 
the English were true friends to the 
Five Nations, but as to their people 
going out to war, which head we 
chiefly insisisted on, the principal 
reason was that their young men had 
become very poor, they could get no 
goods nor clothing from the English, 
and therefore they went abroad to 
gain them from their Enemies. 

"They had at once a clear Sky and 
Sunshine at Albany, but now all was 
over cast, and they could no longer 
trade and get goods as they had 
done, of which he could not know 
the reason, and therefore they had 
resolved to try whether it was the 
same among the other English Gov- 

"To this the Secretary answered, 
that they had from the first settle- 
ment of New York and Albany been 
in strict League and Friendship with 
that Government, and had always 
had a trade with and been supplied 
by them, with Goods they wanted 



That it was true, three or four years 
past the French had come from 
Canada to Albany in New York, and 
purchased and carried a great part 
of the goods, Strowd waters especi- 
ally, sometimes three or four 
hundred pieces in a year, which the 
Five Nations ought to have had; but 
that now, another Governor being 
lately sent thither from the Great 
King of England, he had made a law 
that the French should not have any 
more goods from the English; that 
this had been the reason of the 
Clouds and dark weather they com- 
plained of, but that now a clear Sun- 
shine as they desired would be re- 
stored to them; That he knew very 
well this Gentleman the new Gov- 
ernour, that he had not long since 
been at Philadelphia, and at his (the 
Secretary's) house, and that he had 
heard him (the Corlear) say he 
would take care of his Indians should 
be well supplied for the future, and 
accordingly they might depend on it. 

Ghesaont being hereupon asked 
whether they did not know that the 
French had for some years past had 
the Cloths from the English, an- 
swered, that they knew very well 
that these English goods went now 
in a new path, different from what 
they had formerly gone in, that they 
knew not where they went, but they 
went besides them and they could not 
get hold of them, though they much 
wanted them. 

"The Secretary proceeded to say, 
that as New York and Albany had 
been their ancient friends, so they 
could best supply them, and they 
would certainly do it if they con- 
tinued in their Duty on their part; 
that they were sensible the Great 
King of England had a regard for 
them, by the Notice he took of them 
almost every year; that all the Eng- 

lish everywhere were their Friends. 
We were now very gald to see them, 
but wished for the future they would 
come to Philadelphia, as they former- 
ly used to do; that he himself had 
seen their Chiefs twice at Philadel- 
phia, the two years that William 
Penn was last here, and that when 
his son came over about three years 
after, now about seventeen years 
agoe, a considerable number of them 
came down and held a great Council 
with us, and therefore he hoped they 
would visit us there again, which 
would be much more convenient than 
so far back in the woods where it 
was difficult to accomodate them and 
ourselves, that however we were glad 
to see them there. This they knew 
was a Government but lately settled, 
but that they were now going into 
two Governments that had been much 
longer seated and were very rich, and 
would make them exceeding wel- 
come; that we saw them in the 
woods only, at a great distance from 
home, but they would see the Govern- 
ours of Maryland and Virginia at 
their own towns and houses where 
they could entertain them much bet- 
ter; that they would be very kindly 
received, for we were all of one 
heart and mind, and should always 
entertain them as Brothers. 

"Ghesaont took an opportunity of 
himself to enter again on the subject 
of their people making Peace with the 
other Indians on the Main. He said 
that he had in his own person 
laboured it to the utmost; that he had 
taken more pains to have it establish- 
ed than all the French had done; 
that their people had lately made 
peace with the Tweuchtwese; that 
they had also sent some of their men 
to the Flat Heads for the same pur- 
pose, that they had now a universal 
Peace with all the Indians, excepting 



three small Nations to the Southward 
with whom he hoped to have one 
concluded upon his present journey- 
by means of the Governour of Vir- 
ginia, that his own desires were very 
strong for Peace as his Endeavors 
had shewn, and he doubted not to 
see it established everywhere. He 
said the Governous had spoken very 
well in the Council against their 
young men going to war, yet he had 
not done it fully enough for he should 
have told them positively that they 
should not on any acount be suffered 
to go out to war, and he would have 
reported it accordingly, and this 
would have been a more effectual 
way to prevent them. 

"The Secretary then proceeded to 
treat with them about the road they 
were to take, and it was agreed that 
the Chief of the Nantikokes, a sensi- 
ble man, who was then present, 
should conduct them from Conestogoe 
to their own town on Wye Rver, that 
they should be furnished for their 
journey with provisions sufficient to 
carry them among the inhabitants, 
after which they were directed, as 
the Governour had before ordered, 
that they should produce his pass- 
port to the Gentlemen of the Country, 
where they travelled by whom they 
would be provided for; and the Nan- 
tikoke chief was further desired, 
upon their leaving the Nantikoke 
Towns to direct them to some of the 
Chief of Gentlemen and officers of 
those parts who would undoubtedly 
take care of them on sight of their 
passports and thereby knowng their 
business have them transported over 
the Bay of Annapolis. Being further 
asked how they would get an inter- 
preter in Virginia where the Indians 
knew nothing of their language, and 
some proposals being made to furnish 
them they answered there would be 

no occasion for any care of that kind, 
for they very well knew the Govern- 
our of Virginia had an interpreter 
for their language always with him. 

"Provisions being orderd for their 
journey and also at their desire, some 
for those of their Company, who with 
their women and children were to re- 
turn directly home by water, up the 
river Sasquehanna, viz: a Bagg of 
Biskett, some pieces of Bacon and 
dried venison; these matters were 
concluded with great expressions of 
thankfulness for the Governours 
great care of them and their families, 
which kindness they said they never 
should forget. 

"The Discourse being continued 
they were told it was now very near, 
viz: within one Moon of thirty-seven 
years since a great man of England, 
Governour of Virginia, called the 
Lord Effingham together with Colonel 
Dungan, Governour of New York,held 
a great treaty with them at Albany, 
of which we had the writings to this 

"Ghsaont answered, they knew it 
well and the subject of that treaty, 
it was said about settling of lands. 
Being further told that in that treaty 
the Five Nations had given up all 
their rights to all the lands on Sas- 
quehannah to the Duke of York, then 
brother to the King of England. He 
acknowledeged this to be so, and 
that William Penn since had the right 
to these lands, to which Civility, a 
descendant of the ancient Susque- 
hannah Indians the old Settlers of 
these parts, but now reputed as of 
an Iroquois descent added that he 
had been informed by their old men, 
that they were troubled when they 
heard that their Lands had been given 
up to a place so far distant as New 
York, and that they were overjoyed 
when they understood William Penn 
had brought them back again, and 
that they had confirmed all their 
rights to him. 



"Divers Questions were further 
asked him, especially concerning the 
French of Canada, their trade and 
fortifications, on which he said, that 
the French had three forts on this 
side of the River St Lawrence, and 
between their Towns and Mentual 
furnished with great numbers of 
Great Guns, that the French drove 
a great trade with them, had people 
constantly in or going to and coming 
from their Towns, that the French 
kept young People in their towns on 
purpose to learn the Indian Language, 
which many of them now spoke as 
well as themselves; that they had a 
great Intercourse with them, that 
about three hundred of their men, 
(viz: of the Five Nations) were seat- 
ed on the other side of the Great 
River, that the French had this last 
Spring begun to build or to provide 
for building a Fort at Niagara Falls, 
but they had since declined it; he 
knew not for what reason, and they, 
(the French) had sent to his town 
(the Isanondonas) this last winter 
a great deal of powder to be dis- 
tributed among them, but nothing 
was done upon it. Being particular- 
ly asked whether the French had-ever 
treated them about any of their Land, 
or whether the Indians had ever 
granted the French any, he answered 
No! that his People knew the French 
too well to treat with them about 
Lands; they had never done it, nor 
either granted them any upon any 
account whatsoever, and of this, he 
said, we might assure ourselves. Thus 
the day was spent in such Discourses, 
with a Pipe and some small mixt 
liquors, and the next morning 
Ghesaont, with the rest of his Com- 
pany, returning from the Indian 
town, to John Cartilidge's, took their 
leaves very affectionately with great 
expression of thankfulness to the 
Governour and this Government for 
their kind reception." 

1721— The Conestogas' King Killed 

in a Southern War. 

In Vol.3 of the Col. Rec, p. 128, it 
is set forth that the Conestoga In- 
dians lost their King not long ago, 
because the Five Nations compelled 
him to go along to the .South to make 
war against the Southern Indians. 

1721— Civility, A Descendant of the 

Ancieut Susquehan nocks. 

In Vol.3 of the Col. Rec, p. 133, it 
is set forth that Captain Civility of 
the Conestogas was "a descendant of 
the ancient Susquehannocks; ' and it 
is also stated that the old Susquehan- 
nocks were reputed as being of the 
Iroquois stock, and that so was Civili- 
ty reputed. 

1721— John Grist Takes Conestogas' 
Lands without Consent 

In Vol.3 of the Col. Rec, p. 137, it 
is set forth that John Grist was in 
prison at Philadelphia and that he 
was arrested because with other per- 
sons he settled himself and family 
and took up lands on the Susquehan- 
na River, without any warrant from 
the Commissioners of Property or 
temptuously defied any one to put him 
off, and that the complaint having 
been made to the Governor by the 
Indians of Conestoga in July last of 
the many abuses that they had 
received from John Grist; the Gover- 
Tiour with the advice of some of the 
Commissioners, who were then with 
him at Conestoga, thought it was 
necessary to have John Cartlidge one 
of the Justices of the Peace, to go to 
Conestoga and warn Grist to get off 
the land, which he refused and was 
now thrown in jail, and he petitions 
that he may be given his liberty. 
And the board in Compassion to his 
poor famiy, is pleased to order that 



he be given leave to carry off his 
corn, provided he will enter into a 
bond to move off the land and be of 
good behavior for one year, and pay 
his fees. 

1721— The Nantikokes Move to Co- 

In Lyle's History of Lacaster Coun- 
ty, p. 14 it is stated that the Nanti- 
kokes who first lived on Chesapeake 
Bay were allowed to move to Tulpe- 
hocken Valley and moved there until 
1721, when the large settlement of 
Germans which came to Tulpehocken 
from New York made them restless 
and they moved to Cocalico Town- 
ship in Lancaster County, settling 
along "Indian River" at the place 
known as "Indiantown"; as late as 
1758 there were still several scatter- 
ed tribes along the little streams of 
this viciity. The town covered 500 
acres and came into the possession of 
John Wistar and Henry Carpenter. 
Another branch of the Nantikokes 
had a town on land owned by Levi S. 
Reist, called "Lehoy' . This land was 
also bought from Pennsylvania 
families by John Wistar. The Nanti- 
kokes understood the English lan- 
guage and were frequently with the 
whites; and afterwards moved up the 
West branch of the Susquehanna 

1722— Conestoga Indians Killed By 

John and Edmund Cartlidge. 

Richard Landgon, a butcher of 
Conestoga, took a message to Phila- 
delphia of the death of an Indian at 
one of their towns above Conestoga, 
caused by blows by John or Edmond 
Cartlidge or both. Langdon got the 
news from several persons of respon- 
sibility near Conestoga. The Govern- 
or found it advisable to call the Coun- 
cil together and inquire of this mat- 
ter; and they decided that it would be 

necessary to get further information. 
It was ordered that Langdon and 
David Robinson, a blacksmith near 
Perquayomen, should meet the board 
and give full information. This may 
be seen in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 

As the result of these investiga- 
tions Colonel French was sent to Con- 
estoga to investigate the affair. He 
did so and James Logan went with 
him. Upon their return they made a 
report, which may be found in the 
same book, p. 148. 

1722 — James Logan and Colonel 

French's Report of the Conestoga 


In the last mentioned book,pp 148 
and 149, Logan and French gave the 
following report: 

"To the Honourable Sir William 
Keith, Bart., Goernour of the pro- 
vince of Pennsylvania and Counties 
of New Castle, Kent and Sussex upon 
Deleware, and the Council of the 

The Report of James Logan and 
Colonel French, of their execution of 
a particular commission to them 

May it please the Governour and 
Council: NlflB 

Pursuant to the instructions given 
to us by the Governour we set out 
from Philadelphia for Conestoga on 
the 7th Instant, as soon as our com- 
mission was delivered to us, and the 
next day meeting with the High 
Sheriff of the County of Chester, 
according to an appointment made 
with him. We sent herewith a proper 
warrant before us for a greater Dis- 
patch, to apprehend the two brothers 
John and Edmund Cartlidge, who 
were reported to have committed the 
fact which occasioned our Journey. 
On the 9th, in the afternoon, we 
came to John Cartiidge's house where 



we found himself in the Sheriff's cus- 
tody, Edmond Cartlidge was then in- 
formed, for his brother to join him to 
proceed on their business of trade 
towards the Patowmeck; but on our 
informing John of the necessity there 
was of seeing his brother, he was pre- 
vailed upon to send for him the next 
day, and accordingly he came. The 
same morning, we dispatched a 
messenger to summon Peter Bizail- 
lion, who lives about 36 miles higher 
up Susquehanna, to attend us as In- 
terpeter between us and the Indians, 
but he having no horses at home, and 
being far from neighbors, he could 
not get down till the fourth day after 
the messenger set out, viz: till the 
13th in the afternoon. 

Soon after our first arrival at Con- 
estogoe we gave the Chiefs of the 
Indians Notice of our Business, and 
upon Peter Bizallion's coming, we 
appointed a meeting with them the 
next morning; accordingly, we met, 
with the Chiefs of the Mingoe or Con- 
estogoe Indians, of the Shawanese 
and Ganawese, and some of the Dela- 
wares in Council, in which we spoke 
to them in the following words, inter- 
preted in sentences, first from our 
language into Delaware Indian by 
Peter Bizaillion, who took an oath 
faithfully to interpret between us and 
the Indians, and afterwards was 
interpreted into the three other lan- 
guages by Captain Civility of Cones- 
togoe and Smith the Ganawese, who 
excels in the skill • of those lan- 

At a Council held at Conestogoe, 
the 14th day of March, 1721-2, be- 
tween James Logan, Secretary, and 
Colonel John French, in behalf of the 
Governour of Pennsylvania, thereun- 
to authorized by virtue thereof a 
commission to them from the Govern- 
our, under the Great seal, bearing 

date the 7th inst. ; and also came 

Civility, Tannacharoe, Gunnehator- 
ooja, Toweena, and other old men of 
the Conestoga Indians, and 

Savannah, Chief of the Shawanese; 
Winjack, Chief of the Ganawese; 
Tekaachroon, a Cayoogoe; Oweeye- 
kanowa, Nostarghkamen, Delawares. 
Present divers English and Indians. 
The Secretary laying down a belt 
of Wampum on the Board before 
them, which he had taken with him 
for that purpose, spoke to the In- 
dians, as follows: 

Friends and Brethren: 
William Penn, our and your 
Father, when he first settled this 
| country with English subjects, made 
| a firm League of Friendship and 
| Brotherhood with all the Indians 
! then in these parts, and agreed that 
iboth you and his people should be all 
j as one Flesh and Blood. The same 
| League has often been renewed by 
| himself and other Governours under 
him, with their Council held as well 
j in this place where we now are as 
j at Philadelphia, and other places. 
I Both his People and yours have 
hitherto inviolably observed these 
Leagues so that scarce any one In- 
jury has been done, nor anyone Com- 
plaint made on either side, except 
I one for the Death if La Tour and 
| his company for near forty years 
I past, and of this you are fully 
| sensible. 

Yet as all human affairs are liable 

to accidents which sometimes fall out 

; even between Brethren of the same 
| Family though issuing from the same 
Parents, so now your good Friend, 
our Governour and his Council hav- 
ing heard by report only, that one of 
i our Brethren had lost his Life by 
some Act of violence, alleged to be 
done by some of our People, without 
receiving any notice of it or Com- 
plaint from you, but moved with great 



Concern for the loss and unhappi- 
ness of the accidents, like true 
friends and Brothers, the very next 
Day sent us two, Colonel French and 
me, first to condole with you, which 
we now do very heartily, and next by 
the full Power with which we are 
invested to inquire how the matter 
came to pass, that Justice may be 
done and satisfaction be made ac- 
cording to the firm Leagues that 
have from time to time been made 
between us and you, for We will 
suffer no injury to be done to any of 
you without punishing the offenders 
according to our Laws; nor must we 
receive without just satisfaction made 
ot us, for so the Laws of Friendship 
and the Leaques between us require. 

We therefore now desire you, that 
according to the notice we gave you 
three days agoe, to have all those 
persons ready here who know any- 
thing of this matter. You would 
fully inform us of every particular, 
for we are now here to take their 
Examinations, which we expect you 
will take care shall be given with 
Truth and exactness, and without 
any partiality from resentment or 
favour; that when our Governour 
and Council are assured of the 
Truth they may proceed more safely 
in doing of Justice. 

This being interpreted, as has been 
said, into the four several Languages 
of those People, we judged it neces- 
sary that our Commission should be 
publicly read in the hearing and for 
the satisfaction of the English who 
were there, and then we proceeded 
and put the following Questions, and 
to examine Indian Evidence. 

Quest. When did Civiliity and the 
other Indians of Conestogoe first 
hear of the death of the man, and 
by whom? 

Answer. They heard of it by sev- 

eral Indians much about the same 
1 time. 

Quest. Where was it done? 

Answer. At Manakassy, a branch 
of Potomac river. 

Quest. What was the man's name, 
!his Nation, and rank among his own 

Answer. His name was Sanataeny 
of the Tsanondowaroonas or Sinne- 
:kaes, a Warrior, a civil man of very 
I few words. 

Quest. What was his business 

Answer. He was hunting, he being 
I used to hunt in that place. 

Quest. Who do you understand, 
; was present besides the English at 
ithe Commission of the fact? 

Answer. The Man had been hunting 
| there alone, with a Squaw that kept 
| his Cabin, till John Cartlidge and 
his people came thither to trade with 
him for his skins. John Cartlidge 
had an Indian guide with him of the 
G'anawese Nation, named Aqua- 
chan, who is here present; also two 
Indian Shawana Lads came thither 
about the same time, whose names 
are Acquittanachke and Metheegue- 
yt; also, his Squaw, a Shawnese 
woman, named W T eyneprecueyta,Cou- 
sin to Savannah, Chief of that Na- 
tion who are all here present. 

Then Winjack and Savannah, 
Chiefs of the Ganawese and Shaw- 
' nese, were required to charge those 
i four witnesses of the fact of their 
respective nations to speak the im- 
i partially, without malice .or Hatred, 
, Favour or affection on any account 
; whatsoever. The three Shawanna 
Witnesses being desired to witdraw 
Ayaquachan, the Ganawese, aged ac- 
cording to appearance, about thirty 
years was called uon to give an ac- 
count of what he knew, and accord- 



ingly he said, that he came in the 
evening to the Indian Cabin in which 
Indian is dead, with John Cartlidge 
and Edmund Cartlidge, who had 
with them William Wilkins and one 
Jonathan, both servants to John 
Cartlidge with an intent to trade 
with the said Indians, for his skins, 
they having hired him to be their 
guide; that John Cartlidge gave the 
Sennikae some small quantities of 
Punch and rum three times that 
evening, as he remembers, as a free 
gift, and then sold him some rum; 
That both the Sinnekae and this Ex- 
aminant were drunk that night; that 
in the morning the Sinnekae said he 
must have more rum, for that he had 
not received all he had bought; that 
accordingly he went to John Cartlidge 
and demanded it, but that John de- 
nied to give him any, and taking the 
pot out of the Indians hands threw 
it away; that the Sinnekae told him 
he need not be angry with him for 
asking more for he owed it to him, 
and he still pressed him to give it; 
that John then pushed the Indian 
down who fell with his necfc across 
a fallen tree, where he lay for some 
time, and then rising walked up to 
his Cabin; That this Examinant was 
then by the fire which he thinks was 
about thirty or forty, others say a 
hundred paces from the Cabin; that 
he saw John Cartlidge strip off his 
clothing near the fire; That then 
this Examinant went up towards the 
Cabin and saw the Sinneka sitting on 
the ground with the blood running 
down his neck, and that when John 
Cartlidge came up he kicked him on 
the Forehead with his foot; that this 
Deponent was in liquor at the time 
and knows no more. Being asked if 
he saw any gun, he says he saw 

Acqueannacke, the Shawana, aged 
I in appearance about twenty-two 
; years, says, that he came to the same 
| place with John Cartlidge and his 
! Company, that the Sinneka had li- 
quor overnight, and was drunk with 
it; that he and the Ganawese sate 
up all Night, but this Examinant 
| went to sleep. The next day the Sin- 
j neka asked for more rum of John 
| Cartlidge who refused to give him 
| any ; that John threw away the Pot, 
j and upon the Indian still pressing 
| for more liquor drew him down ac- 
| ross a Tree, that the Indian rising, 
I went up to his Cabin; that William 
| Wilkins followed him and met him 
I coming out of the Cabin with his 
| Gun, that Wilkins laid hold of him 
| and the gun and they both struggled, 
i but not much ; That Edmund Cart- 
Hdge came up and forcing the gun 
i from the Indian struck him three 
blows on the head with it, with 
I which it broke. He struck him also 
Ion the Collar bone; that John Cart- 
ridge being at the fire there stript 
off his clothes and coming up kicked 
the Indian on the side and broke 
I two of his ribs; that the man then 
1 bled at the mouth and nose and was 
| unable to speak, but rattled in the 
| Throat ; That John Cartlidge with his 
: Company went to the fire, made uy 
his goods and came away; that the 
i Sinneka in the mean time came into 
j his cabin where these S"hawana lads 
ileft him, and followed John Cart 
jlidge to trade with him; that this 
! happened about nine in the morning, 
and John Cartlidge himself says, he 
left the place at ten by his watch. 

Metheequeyta, the other Shaw anna 
lad, aged about seventeen or eigL 
teen years, confirms what the other 
young man, his companion has said, 
and declares he can say nothing fur- 



Hereupon, great pains were taken 
and Endeavors used to perswade 
these evidences, to declare of them- 
selves all that they particularly 
knew without considering what the 
others had said, or were supposed by 
them to say, for they were kept 
apart during the examination, but the 
Indians could not be prevailed with, 
alleging it was to no purpose to re- 
peat what others had already de- 
clared, and it was by many leading 
question that Acquanachke was in- 
duced to mention any part of what 
the Ganawese had said before. 

Weenepeeweytah, the Sqnaw, was 
then examined and said, that she was 
in the cabin when her husband came 
in for the Gun, that she shrieked out 
and endeavored to hinder him from 
carrying it out, but could not; that 
she followed him and Wilkins being 
then by came up and laid hold of 
the Gun, but could not take it from 
him; that Edmund forced it out of 
his hand and struck him first on the 
Shoulder, and then thrice upon the 
head, and broke the gun with the 
blows; that John Cartlidge stript off 
his clothes and coming up to them 
found the Indian sitting and he then 
gave him one kick on the side with 
his foot, and struck him with his 
fist, that the man never spake after 
he received the blows, save that af- 
ter he got into the Cabin he said his 
friends had killed him; that a great 
quantity of blood came from his 
wounds, which clotted on the bear 
skin on which he lay; that his mouth 
and nose were full of blood; that he 
died the next day about the same 
time he was wounded the day be- 
fore; that she was alone with the 
corpse and went to seek some help to 
bury him; that in the mean time an 
Indian woman, wife of Passalty of 
Conestogoe, with the Hermaphrodite 

! of the same place coming thither by 
| accident and finding the man dead 
I buried him in the cabin, and were 
I gone from thence before she return- 
ed, but she met them in the way and 
| understood by them that they had 
j lain him in the ground. 

Passalty's wife and the Hermaph- 
rodite being called declared that 
j Kannannowach, a Cayoogoe Indian 
I was the first one who found the man 
| dead, and that he hired them to go 
j bury him lest the beasts or fowls 
! should eat him; that it was about 
: seven days after his death that they 
| went thither, and the body then 
{stunk; they found three wounds in 
i his head and they washed away the 
i blood and the brains appeared; that 
; two of his ribs were broke, and his 
j side on that part was very black. 

These, may it please the Gover- 
! nour are the examinations of the In- 
dian evidences which we hav° taken, 
I with all the exactness that was in 
;our power and with the utmost im- 
I partiality. We confess that we had 
;no reason to be full satisfied with the 
management of the three Shawanese 
| Indians vix: the two lads and the 
| Sqnaw, especially the two first, for 
Ithey seemed to have agreed on their 
j story before hand, esepecially on the 
j particular of the man's ribs being 
i broke of which we conceive these 
l two youths could not possibly know 
! anything before they left the place, 
j because they came from it much 
! about the same time with the Cart- 
! lidge's and therefore we judge they 
i could hear of it in no other way 
| than by the woman afterwards, yet 
| they were positive in affirming; And 
| we have here given the whole, with- 
out retrenching anything in favor of 
j any person whatsoever. 

The belt of wampum was then 
I taken up and shewed the Indians. 



and they were told it was sent from 
the Gbvernour by us, to be forwarded 
with a message to the Sinneka In- 
dians upon this unhappy accident 
They were therefore desired to think 
by the morning of a proper person to 
carry it, that the day being now far 
spent and the Company tired, (for 
we sate on the business near eight 
hours) we should leave what we had 
further to say for the next day, and 
accordingly desired them to meet us 
early in the same place. We then 
ordered two gallons of rum made in- 
to Punch, with the above, a hundred 
weight of meat and bread brought 
from John Cartlidge's, to be distri- 
buted among the Company which was 
large and provisions being exceed- 
ingly scarce at present among them. 

The next day, viz. the 15th of 
March, we met the same Chiefs with- 
out other company to consult about 
sending the message before mention- 
ed and Colonel by the same interpre- 
ters spoke to them as follows, 
Friends and Brethren: 

We informed you yesterday that 
we were sent by the Governour in 
very great haste from Philadelphia 
upon the news of this unhappy acci- 
dent, which we have been enquiring 
into. We therefore, had not anytime 
to bring with us any presents to 
make you, nor could we indeed be- 
lieve they would be expected on this 
occasion. We thought, however, 
that if any should be wanted they 
might be easily had at Conestogoe, 
but find them very scarce. We have 
however procured two Stroud Coats 
to be sent to our Brethren, .the 
Sinnekas to cover our dead friend, 
and this belt of Wampum, (Which 
was taken up), is to wipe away the 
tears. We yesterday recommended 
to you to think of a fit person to 
carry the message, which we hope 

I you have done, and pitched upon one 
i accordingly. 

The Indians answered: They had 
i deferred the choice of a person till 
I this meeting and then they named 
j some one of them to which we much 
| desired to be the person, but he ex- 
| cused himself. At length one Skatctu 
] eetchoo, a Cayoogoe of the Five Na~ 
| tions, and of that next in situation to 
| the Sinnekaes, who had for divers 
{years resided among our Indians, 
was chosen and he undertook the 
i journey, but said he could not leave 
| his family, who then wanted bread, 
i unless they were provided for. We 
assured him that the next day six 
\ bushels of Corn should be brought to 
j him for his Family's support in his 
I absence, and for his journey he 
| should have a Stroud Coat, a new 
i Gun, with three pounds of powder 
! and six pounds of lead, which he 
| seemed cheerfully to accept of; some 
■ Palatines, undertook on the Secre- 
j tary's promise to pay to bring the 
| Corn the next day; a Gun and the 
I lead we had from John Cartlidge, 
1 but he having no good powder or 
Strouds at home, Peter Bizallion, 
| promised to deliver these to the 
| mesenger as he passed his house 
I near Pexton. Soon after the two 
I Stroud Coats were presented, one of 
i the Conestogoe old men proposed to 
! Civility, that John Cartlidge having 
! before given them a Stroud, with a 
i String of Wampum for the same pur- 
pose, these should also be sent with 
the others, which being approved of 
by the other Indians, the said Stroud 
and Wampum was brought and added 
to those we had delivered. 

The messenger being fully con- 
cluded on, we desired Civility and 
him to be with us in the evening, at 
John Cartlidge's house, to receive the 
words of our message; but first we 
proposed to the Indians to send a 



message for themselves in Conjunc- 
tion with ours to shew their satis- 
faction in our proceedings, but they 
gave us to understand that they 
could not join any words of theirs to 
our present, for no such thing was 
ever practiced by the Indians, and 
they had no belt of their own ready, 
otherwise they would send it. Civili- 
ty was then privately informed that 
we had a belt also for them (the 
Secretary having carried up two), 
which they might take as their own 
and send it accordingly. He seemed 
much pleased with this, and we pre- 
pared for that time to take our leaves 
but before we did this we judged 
it necessary to caution them, that 
from the example we had given them 
of our great care and tenderness 
over them, and our regard to our 
League made with them. They 
should be very careful on their 
parts not to give offense to the 
Christians who were settled near 
them, or by any means to injure 
their cattle or anything belonging to 
them; for as we would suffer none of 
our people to injure them without 
punishing the offenders, so we could 
not receive injuries without requir- 
ing satisfaction; and this we en- 
deavored to impress upon them, af- 
ter which we took leave of them all, 
excepting Civility and the Messeng- 
er, and came to our lodging at John 
Cartlidge's whither also about two 
hours after came the said two last 
mentioned Indians; and to the mes- 
senger we delivered the following 
words as the signification of the 
Belt, we sent with him, viz: 

Deliver this Belt from the Gover- 
nour and Government of Pennsyl- 
vania to the King of chief of the 
Sinnegaes, and say the words it 
brings are these: — 

Wiliam Penn made a firm peace 
and league with the Indians in these 

I parts nearly forty years agoe, which 
League has often been renewed, and. 
never broken, but an unhappy acci- 
'; dent has lately befallen us. One of 
our Brethren and your people has 
lost his life by some of our People ; 
I Rum was the first cause of it; he 
i was warm and brought his gun in 
; anger against them. They were 
afraid of his gun took it from him, 
wounded him and he died. Our Gov- 
ernour, on the first news of it sent 
us two of his Council to inquire in- 
to it. We have done it and we are 
! now taking the offenders to Phila- 
delphia to answer for their fault. 
We send these Strowds to cover our 
dead brother, and this belt to wipe 
'away the tears; and when we know 
'your mind you shall have all fur- 
ther reasonable satisfaction for 
! your loss. Civility also received the 
; other belt privately, promised they 
would hold a Council the next day 
among themselves, as they had be- 
fore engaged to us, and sending that 
belt in their own name would give 
| an account of it of our Governour's 
j great care over them, and of all our 
| proceedings in this matter. 

Being the same time credibly in- 
formed that the Five Nations had sent 
down a large Belt of Wampum, with a 
I figure of a Rundlet and an Hatchet on 
| it to the Indians settled upwards on 
I Sasquehanna, with orders to stave 
j all the rum they met with we judged 
| it necessary to send by the same 
messenger a public order, under our 
Hands and Seals, to all our traders 
whom we should met with, to ac- 
quaint them, as their carrying of rum 
to the Indians was against the Law, 
so the Indians staving it was no more 
than what from time to time they had 
been encouraged to do, and therefore 
they must take care not to cause any 
riot or Breach of the Peace, by 



making any resistance, a copy of 
which order is here presented. 

All this time from the first day of 
our arrival at Conestogoe John Cart- 
ridge, and from the second day Ed- 
mund Cartlidge, had by virtue of our 
warrant, been in the custody of the 
High Sheriff of Chester, who accom- 
panied us, or in that of persons de- 
puted by him. 

The next morning. Civility the 
Messenger, and divers of the old men 
came over to John Cartlidge's to see 
us at our departure. The Messenger 
assured us he would set out the next 
morning, viz: the 17th, that he hoped 
to be with the Sinnekaes in eight 
days, and to return in thirty; that 
he and Civility, upon his return, 
would come directly to Philadelphia 
to give an account here of the Dis- 
charge of his message. 

We then very much pressed John 
Cartlidge, (Edmd.being gone before 
with an officer to his own house al- 
most in our way) to hasten and go 
along with us. His wife grieved al- 
most to distraction, and would force 
herself and her child with him, but 
was at length prevailed with to stay; 
this caused us some loss of time. The 
woman's sorrows being loud the In- 
dians went in to comfort her, and so 
we departed. 

We have brought both John Cart- 
lidge and Edmund .Cartlidge Prison- 
ers to town with the lad Jonathan 
who was present at the fact, and 
have committed them to the custody 
of the High Sheriff of Philadelphia, 
where they now are. William Wilkins 
was one hundred and fifty miles up 
Sasquehanna trading for his master, 
and therefore too far out of our 

This, may it please the Governor, 
is in pursuance of our Instructions, 
the report we have humbly to offer 

of our executing the Commission 
with which we were intrusted. 



An important thing to notice in 
this investigation is as shown on 
p. 270, that a lot of the English had 
collected aTound about Conestoga, 
where this inquest was held. 

1722 — Action of the Government on 
the killing at Conestoga. 

James Logan and John French no* 
only acted as Commissioners but 
they brought the two Cartlidges 
along with them and put them in the 
custody of the Sheriff. It seems that 
the Indian had been killed and bur- 
ied before they got to Conestoga; he 
was buried three days' journey from 
Conestoga. They had a very hard 
task to get a legal jury. This is 
found on p. 155 of Vol. 3 of the CoL 

The next day on the 22nd of March, 
at Philadelphia the investigation was 
continued and John Cartlidge's ser- 
vant was sworn After this the two 
Cartlidge's sent a petition to the 
Government from the jail, saying 
that they were sorry, that they did 
not Intend to hurt the Indian and that 
they acted In self defense. They 
prayed a speedy trial and the Coun- 
cil admitted them to bail. They en- 
tered into the ball in the Court 
House before the Governor; and in 
a very public manner it was at once 
moved that John Cartlidge's name be 
dropped as a Justice of the Peace 
and that he be struck out. (See p* 
156.) Both men succeeded in giving 
bail as we are shown on p. 157. 

1722— The Feeling of the Indians at 
Conestoga Aoont the Killing. 

In Vol. 3 Col. Rec, p. 152, we are 
told that the Indians at Conestoga 
selected a Cayuga Indian to :ake the 



news to the Five Nations and also 
the news of the proceedings, but the 
fndian said that he could not leave 
his family without provisions. The 
white people around Conestoga,there- 
fore sent his wife a lot of corn and 
some of the Mennonites about Con- 
estoga said that they would pay for 
more corn and take it there. 

In the last mentioned book, p. 155, 
we are told that John Cartilage's 
wife was very much distracted about 
this killing and that the Indians 
around there went to her and tried 
to comfort her and make her feel 
that Cartlidge would come out all 

The messenger also returned from 
the Five Nations and made a favor- 
able report. • 

1722— The Five Nation's Attitude 
About This Conestoga Killing-. 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, it is 
stated at p. 163, that a number of the 
Conestoga Indians and the messen- 
ger sent to the Five Nations, the 
Delawares and others being present 
In Council the Governor asked the 
messenger for a report and he said 
among other things, that when 
Logan came up to Conestoga because 
of those news that their cousin had 
been killed, that all felt a great sor- 
row and he delivered a belt of wam- 
pum to wipe the tears away. He 
also says that the Five Nations are 
well pleased with what has been 
done and that they hope we will 
keep the bones of the dead more in 
memory. He presented other belts 
and desired that the Governor 
would be strong friends with them. 

On the report being made the 
Council decided that John and Ed- 
mund Cartl ledge must be prosecuted 
according to law. And because the 
Five Nations think that they ought 
to be tried these two men were 

again arrested. Some of the Five 
Nations being present and the Con- 
toga Indians also, the Governor said 
to them "Friends and Brothers of 
j Conestoga, it makes our hearts glad 
I to see how you brighten the chain 
| and make it strong. The chief law 
j among the English is that when any 
| man has done another an injury, he 
I must be punished, and these men 
i who killed your cousin must be tried 
according to law." 

Finally the Indians themselves 
asked that they would let John and 
Edmund Cartiledge go free and they 
| were left go. 

| 1722 — The Conestoga Indians Much 

Excited About the Taking of 

Land at Conestoga, 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec. p. 178, 
it is stated that the Governor sent 
a letter by express to Conestoga on 
the land question and received news 
of the excitement in Conestoga. He 
said he found the Indians were much 
alarmed about a survey of land on 
| the bank of the Susquehanna, that 
\ he held a Council with the Indians 
I of Conestoga on Friday and Satur- 
day and proposed that he would sur- 
vey for them a tract on the West 
side of the Susquehanna river, be- 
ginning on the upper line of the new 
settlement and running back six 
miles into what is now York County, 
and down that line to a point oppo- 
site the mouth of the Conestoga 
Creek and then by a line into the 
river. This pleased them very much 
This land excitement became so great 
that the Governor ordered a company 
of the militia to set out from New 
Castle up to to prevent the 
Marylanders from disturbing our In- 



1722— Governor Keitli Holds Another 

Council with the Indians at 


On the loth of June, 1722, Gover- 
nor Keith was at Conestoga holding 
a Council to take up several ques- 
tions, and among others was this 
question of surveying a tract of 70,- 
000 acres of land across the Susque- 
hanna, so as to keep people out and 
away from the Indians. This tract 
was known as Springetsburg Manor. 
The minutes of the Council are set 
forth in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 
181, as folloks: 

At a Council with the Indians at 
Conestoga, June loth, 1722. 

Sir William Keith, Bart., Govr. 

Col. John French and Francis 
Worley, Esqs., 

The Chiefs of the Conestogoe, Sha- 
wana and Ganaway Indians; Smith, 
the Ganaway Indian, and James Le 
Tort, Interpreters. 
The Governor spoke as follows: 

Friends and Brothers: The belts 
which I lately received from the Five 
Nations signify, that they are one 
people with the English, and are 
very kind neighbors and friends. They 
invite me to come to them at Albany, 
and make the chain between us as 
bright as the Sun. When they see 
me they will remember their great 
friend William Penn, and then our 
hearts will be filled with love and our 
Councils with peace. 

You say you love me because I 
came from your father, William 
Penn, to follow his peaceable ways, 
and to fulfill all his kind promises to 
the Indians, you call me William 
Penn and I am very proud of the 
name you give me; but if we have a 
true love for the memory of William 
Penn, we must now shew it to his 

famiy and to his children, that are 
grown up to be men in England, and 
will soon come over to represent him 
here. Last time I was with you at 
Conestogoe, you showed me a parch- 
ment which you had received from 
William Penn containing many arti- 
cles of friendship between him and 
you and between his children and 
your children; you then told me he 
desired you to remember it well for 
three generations, but I hope you and 
your children will never forget it. 
That parchment fully declared your 
consent to William Penn's purchase 
and right to the lands on both sides 
Sasquehanna; but I find both you and 
we are like to be disturbed by idle 
people from Maryland, and also by 
others who have presumed to survey 
lands on the banks of Sasquehanna, 
without any powers from William 
Penn or his children to whom they 
belong, and without so much as ask- 
ing your consent. 

I am therefore come to hold a 
Council and consult with you how to 
prevent such injust practices for the 
future, and hereby we will shew our 
great love and respect for William 
Penn's children who inherit their 
father's estate in this country, and 
have a just hight to the hearty love 
and friendship of all the Indians 
promised to them in many treaties, 
I have fully considered this thing, 
and if you approve my thoughts, I 
will immediately cause to take up a 
large tract of land on the other side 
of Sasquehanna for the Grandson of 
Wiliam Penn, who is now a man as 
tall as I am; for when the land is 
marked with his name upon the trees 
it will keep off the Marylanders and 
every other Person whatsoever from 
coming to settle near you to disturb 
you, and he bearing the same kind 
heart to the Indians which his Grand- 



father did, will be glad to give you 
any part of his land for your own 
use and convenience; but if other 
people take it up they will make set- 
tlements upon it, then it will not be 
in his power to give it to you as you 
want it. 
My Dear Friends and Brothers: 

Those who have any wisdom 
amongst you must see and be coji- 
vinced that what I now say is entire- 
ly for your good, for this will effec- 
tually hinder and prevent any person 
from settling lands on the other side 
of Sasquehannah, according to your 
own desire, and consequently you 
will be secure from being disturbed 
by ill neighbors, and have all that 
land in the same time in your own 
power to make use of. This will al- 
so beget a true hearty love and 
friendship between you, .your chil- 
dren, and the great William Penn's 
grandson, who is now Lord of all 
this country in the room of his 
grandfather. It is therefore fit and 
necessary for you to begin as soon as 
you can to express your respect and 
love to him; he expects it from you 
according to your promises in many 
treaties, and he will take it very 

Consider them my brothers, that I 
am now giving you an opportunity to 
speak your thoughts lovingly and 
freely unto this brave young man, 
Mr. Penn's grandson; and I, whom 
you know to be your true friend 
will take care to write down your 
words and to send them to England 
to the gentlemen, who will return 
you a kind answer, and r.o your 
hearts will be glad that the great 
William Penn still lives in his chil- 
dren to love and serve the Indians. 

At a Council held with the Indians 
at Conestogoe. June 16th, 1722. 

Sir William Keith, Bart, Govr. 
Colo. John French and Francis 
Worley, Esqs. 

The Chiefs of the Conestogoe, 
Shawana and Ganaway Indians: 

Smith and James LeTort, Interpre- 

The Indians spoke in answer by 
Tawenea, as follows: 

They have considered of what the 
Governor proposed to them yesterday 
and think it is matter of very great 
importance to them to hinder the 
Marylanders from settling or taking 
up lands so near them upon Sasque- 
hanna. They very much approve 
what the Governour spoke and like his 
Council to them very much, but they 
are not willing to discourse partic- 
ularly on the business of land lest 
the Five Nations may reproach or 
blame them. 

They declare again their satisfac- 
tion with all that the Governour said 
yesterday to them in Council and 
although they know that the Five Na- 
tions have not any right to these 
lands, and that four of the towns do 
not pretend to any, yet the fifth town 
viz: the Cayugoes; are always claim- 
ing the same right to lands on Sas- 
quehannah, even where they them- 
selves now live; wherefore, they 
think it will be a very proper time 
when the Governour goes to Albany 
to settle that matter with the Cay- 
ugoes, and then all paties will be 

They asked the Governour where- 
! abouts and what quantity of land does 
he propose to survey for Mr. Penn. 
it answered from over against the 
mouth of Conestogoe Creek up to the 
Governour's new settlement, and so 
far back from the river as no person 
can come to annoy or disturb them 
in their towns on this side. 



They proceeded and say that they 
are at this time very apprehensive 
that the people will come when the 
Governour has gone to Albany and 
survey his land; wherefore they 
earnestly desire that the Governour 
will immediately cause the surveyor 
to come and lay out the land for Mr. 
Penn's grandson to secure them, and 
they doubt not but the Governour's 
appearance and conduct afterwards at 
Albany will make all things easy 

Copy of the Governour of Pennsyl- 
vania's letter to the Governour of 
Maryland, dated from Newberry, on 
Sasquehannah, June 23d, 1722. 

SIR: After I had been here some 
days I set out on Sunday morning 
last from Conestogoe towards New 
Castle by way of Nottingham, not 
without some hopes of having the 
happiness to meet you about the 
head of the Bay, from whence I 
daily expected to hear from you. But 
after I had proceeded twenty miles 
on my journey, I received an express 
on the road from two Magistrates of 
Pennsylvania, informing me that 
they, with some others, had been 
taken prisoners by a party of men 
in arms from Cecil county, and car- 
ried before the Justices of that 
Court, who detained them in custody 
two days, and afterwards dismissed 
them upon a verbal promise to ap- 
peer the next court. They also ac- 
quainted me of their being certain- 
ly informed by the Cecil Magistrates, 
that a warrant was issued by Mr. 
Lloyd fo surveying a Mannor to my 
Lord Baltimore, upon the banks of 
the Susquehanna above Conestogoe, 
including this settlement from 
whence I now write, and that an or- 
der has been issued by yourself in 
Council to press Men and Horses for 
that service, and that they were to 
set out from Baltimore on Monday, 

[viz: next day, under the command of 
!one Captain Dursey . Now, Sir. 
| though I did not by any means give 
| credit to all this relation, yet know- 
ing the weaknesses and former at- 
tempts of some of your people of 
i whom I have formerly complained to 
j yourself, who justly bear the char- 
acter of land Pirates, I was resolved 
;to put it out of their power on this 
| occasion to embroil us by their ridic- 
julous projects, and returning im- 
mediately to Conestogoe,where I in- 
deed had left the Indians but two 
days before, much alarmed with gen* 
eral reports, that the Marylanders 
were coming to survey the lands 
which no reasonable man could then 
believe. I now did, at the earnest 
request of the Indians, order a sur- 
vey to be forthwith made upon the 
banks of the Sasquehannah, right 
against our Indian towns, and you 
will find the reasons I had for it 
more fully set forth in a copy of the 
warrant of the survey herein enclos- 
ed. As I found this absolutely neces- 
sary to be done for quieting the In- 
dians, as well as to prevent the mis- 
chief which might happen upon any 
of your people presuming to en- 
croach upon what these Heathens 
call their property; so likewise, it 
appeared to me to be the only method 
I could take at this juncture 
from preventing our own people 
from taking up or settling lands on 
this side to disturb or hamper the 
Indians unto whom this Province is 
bound by old Treaty to give them a 
full scope and Liberty in their set- 
tlemnts from the Christian inhabi- 
tants . 

But that all things of this nature 
may be carried on with that open- 
ness of heart and perfect good under- 
standing which I am sure we both de- 
sire, and that your own prudent mild 
conduct may be strengthened bj r all 



the arguments I can furnish you for ! ened out so no trouble will occur. 

putting a just restraint upon that 
Covetous and most licentious Humor, 
with which you see we are contin- 
ually plagued, I thought it my duty 
without delay to acquaint you by 
express with all that has been done 
here with the reasons at large. 
Perhaps some ignorant, or I should 
rather say designing people, will en- 
deavor to perswade you that this 
place is upon the Border of Mary- 
land; Whereas in truth, there can- 
not be a clearer demonstration in 
anything of that nature, that it is 
about twelve miles to the North- 
ward of Philadelphia, and I am sure 
I need not say any more to convince I 
you that at least I have good reasons j 
to insist upon it being within the j 
limits of this province, without all ! 
manner of dispute. 
My fatigue in the woods has brought 
a small fever upon me which an 
ounce of bark has pretty much abat- 
ed, so that tomorrow I shall return 
home by slow journey directly to 
Philadelphia, where I should rejoice 
to see you once more but in all 
places and at all times I shall be, 
while living most faithfully, etc. 
1722— The Cayugas Claim Land at 
Conestoga, Formerly Sold to 
William Peim. 
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec , p. 182, 
as shown in the above item, the 
Cayuga Tndias had told the Con 

1722— Location of the Conestoga In- 
diantown and Fort. 

By reverting to the survey of 
Springetsbury Manor which extended 
15 miles Nortward from the mouth of 
j the Conestoga creek, we are given 
j another view of the location of the 
j Conestoga Indiantown, for in Vol. 3 
j of the Col. Rec, p. 183, it is stated 
that the Indiantowns are right oppo- 
site this tract of land, to be surveyed 
across the Susquehanna river. 
1722— A Delegation of Conestogas 
Go to Philadelphia. 
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 189, it 
is set forth that the Indians of Cone- 
stoga go to Philadelphia to attend to 
important business. The language is 
i as follows: 

"Satseechoe, the Messenger, who in 

\ the beginning of last May was sent 

the second time to the Five Nations. 

being returned from thence, and ac- 

: companied to town from Conestogoe 

; with Captain Civility, Tehanoote and 

Diohanse, the Governour appointed 

, him a public audience, wherein by the 

| interpretation of Civility from the 

| Mingoe into the Delaware Indian 

| tongue, and of Alice Kirk (who was 

first sworn to interpret truly,) from 

that into the English. He reported 

as follows: 

That the people of the Five Nations 
wanted provisions so much, and were 

stogas that certain lands round about ! S ° busily em l 3l °y ed in looking out for 
Suspuehanna belonged to them and j f °° d that the Chiefs had not time to 
that Penn had not bought it; that i meet and ° pen the P resenta sent them 
the Conestogas say that they' know ! by the Govern .our; that he carried 
the Five Nations have no right to i them alt °gether to the house of the 
those lands and that four of the Five King on the river where tne Messeng- 
Nations are satisfied but the Cayugas 3r WaS born (viz: the Cayoogoes), 

claim rights to lands and even to 
those where the Conestogas now live; 
and the Conestogas now ask t 1 ? 
Governor to get this matter straight- 

where he left them, and when they 

have leisure from providing them- 

I selves with victuals they will meet 

I together and open them; that these 



presents are all put together with 
those sent by the Governour of Vir- 
ginia, and the Golden Medal sent by 
the Governour until our Governour 
and the Governour of Virginia come 
to Albany, to which place they desire 
the Governour and James Logan to 

1722— The Conestoga Indians and the 

Five Nation? Want the Cart- 

lidges Pardoned. 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 189, it 
Is stated that the Indian delegation 
from Conestoga including some of the 
Five Nations reported to Council, 
"that they were glad the Governour 
sent them a Letter for that was like 
two tongue, and confirmed what the 
Messenger said to them. The great 
King of the Five Nations is sorry for 
the Death of the Indian that was 
killed, for he was his own flesh and 
blood he believes that the Governour 
is also sorry, but now that it is done 
there is no help for it and he desires 
that John Cartlidge may not be put 
to death for it nor that the Governour 
should be angry and spare him for 
some ime and put him to death after- 
wards; one life is enough to be lost, 
there should not two die. The King's 
heart is good to the Governour and all 
the English. One stuck a gentleman 
with a knife at Albany and they were 
sorry for it, but it was made up and 
nobody put to death for it. So they 
desire John Cartlidge may not die for 
this, they would not have him killed. 
John Cartlidge has been a long time 
bound, and they desire that he may 
be bound no longer. When the Gov- 
ernour comes to Albany, they will 
take him by the hand and their hearts 
shall be joined as their hands to- 
gether. The Governours of New York, 
of Virginia and New England are to 
be here. The Indians will all meet 

and all will be made up when the 

Governour comes to Albany. The 

Governour of New England has sent 

them great presents of Match Coat, 

thirty bundles of goods all tyed up, 

and they are not yet opened. When 

the Governours come altogether to 

Albany, they will open and divide 

them. The Five Nations will be glad 

to see the Governours, they have been 

busy getting victuals as fish out of 

the River and some vension from 

the woods, but now Squashes and 

Pompions are come they will be able 

to travel. Their King is an old man 

and could not come thither; he can 

not travel as a young man, but he will 

come to Albany to see the Governour 

] there, who he hopes will come in ten 

| days. They desire that Satcheechoe 

j may come hither with the Governour." 

j 1722— The Five Nations Surrender All 

the Conestoga Land. 

At a treaty held at Albany in 1722, 

I the Five Nations said, "Brother Onas : 

those lands about Conestogoe which 

| we now freely surrender to you ali 

I the Five Nations have claimed, and it 

: is our desire that the same may be 

| settled with Christians, in token 

! whereof we give you this string of 

| wampum," (See 3 Col. Rec, p. 201). 

To this Governour Keith replied. 
| (p. 202) "Brethren: You know very 
I well that the lands about Conestogoe 
j upon the River Sasquehanna, belong 
to your old friend and Kind Brother 
! William Penn, nevertheless, I do 
I here, in his name, kindly accept of 
j the offer and surrender, which you 
jhave now made to me because it will 
put an end to all other claims and 
disputes if any should be made here- 

1722— Governor Spotswood of Virginia 

Intends Holding a Treaty at 


In Vol.3 of the Col. Rec, p. 202, it 
is stated that, "The Secretary com- 



municated to the Board a Letter he 
had received from the Governour of 

this Province, dated Albany the 

instant, informing him that Colonel 
Spotswood, Governour of Virginia, 
then with him at Albany, had resloved 
on his return homeward to hold a 
treaty with our Indians at Conesto- 
goe, whither our Governour designed 
to accompany him, and therefore de- 
sires the Secretary to give notice by 
James Le Tort and Smith, the Gana- 
wese Indian, to the Chiefs of the 
Four Nations of Indians settled upon 
Sasquehanna River, viz: The Mingoes 
or Conestogoe Indians; the Shawa- 
nese, the Ganawese and the Delawares 
to be ready to meet Colonel Spots- 
wood and him at Conestogoe in the 
beginning of October; but James Le 
Tort and Smith, the Indian not being 
returned from Albany as the Govern- 
our expected, the said direction of the 
Governour's is at present imprac- 
ticable. And further this Board is of 
opinion, that they can not concur in 
directing our Indians to meet the 
Governour of Virginia at Conestogoe, 
until this Government is acquainted 
with the end and Design of the said 

This desire of Colonel Spotswood 
to hold a treaty at Conestogoe was 
not received well by the Council of 
Pennsylvania (3 Col. Rec, p. 206.) 
The members in Council differed very 
much on this matter and they decided 
to put the decision off for a while, 
and finally after the Council broke up 
the Governour found most of the 
members to be of a different opinion 
from him on the subject of Spots- 
wood's intended treaty with our In- 
dians. The result was that the Gov- 
ernor sent Spotswood a communica- 
tion saying that he himself approved 
of the treaty and wanted the intimacy 
between the Five Nations and the 

Susquehannas made stronger but that 

the Council opposed. The Governor 

then suggested that the best thing to 

be done would be that Governor 

Keith would either wait on Governor 

| Spotswood at Conestoga, where Gov- 

| ernor had appointed the Chiefs of the 

I Indians to meet Spotswood, or that 

j he, Governor Keith, would communi- 

l cate to the Indians whatever Spots- 

| wood wished to have done, (See 3 

| Col. Rec, p. 207). 

Spotswood replied that he was very 
much surprised at the decision of the 
Council and from the tone of the 
letter he was very much disappointed. 
(See 3 Col. Rec, p. 208). 
1722— A Message to the Conestogas, 
Delawares, Shawanese and 
The Governor and the Council after 
the Albany treaty sent to the above 
named Indians a message and told 
them that a more firm League of 
Peace was now made. Keith also 
told them that he hoped that he and 
I Spotswood would meet them ; and that 
at the Albany treaty the Five Nations 
agreed the Conestogas, Shawanese 
and the other eight tribes under them 
would be kept from harm; and the 
Five Nations also agreed that neither 
they or the Conestogas shall harbor 
any negroes and that all negro slaves 
found in the woods would be returned 
to the owners. 

1722 — The Conestoga and Shawanese 
Indians Send an Answer to 
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 215, 
the reply of the Conestogas and 
Shawanese is given as follows: 
"The Governor not having sufficient 
time, at the last meeting of the 
Council to lay before the Board the 
answer he had received from the In- 
dians at Conestogoe, by James Le 



Tort, to the message sent them from 
himself and the Board, the 11th of 
October last, now orders the same to 
be read, and is in these words. 

Conestogoe, Oct. 18th, 1722. 

The Indian Speech to his Excel- 
lency Sir William Keith, Bart., Gov- 
ernour of the Province of Pennsylva- 
nia, and his Honorable Council at 
Brethren : 

We have heard a relation of the 
Governour's proceedings at Albany, 
interpreted by James Le Tort, and 
are very glad for his safe return, as 
also of the Governour of Virginia and 
his proceedings, from which we have 
a small dread upon us, but we being 
here had not the opportunity to know 
what was acted. 

The last time the Governour was 
here, we were in hopes he would 
clear all misunderstanding. 

We are very thankful for the 
Governour's care in letting us know 
the law with respect to Virginia, 
and will take care to acquaint the 
others and take care to observe as 
directed by the Treaty, which is en- 
gaged on our parts. 

We are thankful for the Belt of 
Wampum sent by the Governour in 
confirming the law, and acquainting 
us of the strictness of its ties. 

We are troubled in mind of being 
stopped for fear of some evil conse- 
quences to happen thereby. Notwith- 
standing, we say, as the three Gov- 
ernours agreeing with the Five 
Nations on it, we are satisfied. 

We were in hopes there should 
have been free liberty to pass and 
repass, but as it is agreed otherwise, 
we will observe. 

We likewise, the Chiefs of the 
Conestogoes, Connays, Delawares and 
Shawannoes, sent this belt of Wam- 
pum to the Governour and Council to 

! Confirm our speech, consent and ap- 
| probation, and thankfully acknowl- 
; edging the Governour's care for and 
| on our behalf at the Treaty at 
I Albany, and in the Spring our chiefs 
J will pay a visit to your Excellency 
I and Honorable Council at Philadel- 
! phia. 

An answer also from the Shawana 
King in answer to that part of the 
message relating to the fugitive 
Negroes from Virginia, were read in 
these words: 

Conestogoe, Oct. 18th, 1722. 
Prom the Shawanna King to his 
! Excellency Sir William Keith, Bart, 
i Governour of the Province of Penn- 

These are to acquaint your brother 
concerning these Negro Slaves be- 
longing to Virginia, now at or 
| amongst the Shawannoes at Opper- 
I tus. I will go myself and take as- 
sistance where they are not exceed- 
ing the number 10 as directed. And 
as soon in the Spring as the Bark 
will run, we will lose no time to per- 
I form the taking of them according 
to direction, for now they are abroad 
I a hunting, so it can be done no 
i sooner; besides, there will be Hazard 
| in Seizing them for they are well 
I armed, but we must take them by 

I am your Excellency's most 
humble Servant, 


1722 — Chester County Complains 

Against the Rum Selling at 


In Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly, 
p. 312, it is set forth that Chester 
County filed a petition, asking that 
rum selling among the whites and 
Conestoga Indians shall be stopped. 



r 722— The Assembly Take 
Interest in the Cartlidge Murder. 

Great | phia treaty. This time seemed to be 

i a season of hardships much of which 

| is made apparently by Governor 

In Vol. 2 of the Votes of the As- j Keith > s treaty at Conestoga of June 

sembly, p. 310, the Assembly asked , 15th and mh 1722? (See Co| Rec p 

the Governor to find out all the facts \ isi y 

concerning this killing near Cone- 1 17ffl ^_ TlM) Shawanese an d Connoys 

stoga, and on p. 213 the Assembly 
ordered an address to be drawn up 
and sent to the Governor on that 
same affair. This address is found, 
p. 314, and is very strong, setting 
forth the necessity of condemning to 
condign punishment those who killed 
the Indian back of Conestoga. This 
petition is signed by a great number 
of inhabitants. The Assembly also 
demands the re-arrest of the Cart- 
lidges for the killing the Seneca In- 
dian near Conestoga, (See p. 318) ; 
and they also vote 50 Pounds to in- 
vestigate the killing, (See p. 321) ; 
and further they grant 100 Pounds to 
Governor Keith to go to Albany 
treaty to help to straighten out the 
affair with the Five Nations, (See p. 

Go to Philadelphia to Fay 
Tribute to the Five 
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 187, 
is set forth that the Connoys and the 
Shawanese are going from Connoy to 
the Five Nations to pay tribute and 
further that they have captured some 
negro slaves from Virginia and now 
keep them prisoners among them- 
selves, (See 3 Col. Rec, p. 206). At 
this time they were living on the Po- 
i tomac and had negro slaves living 
! among them, (See 3 Col. Rec, p. 211). 

1722 — Governor Keith Holds a Coun- 
cil With the Gauawese. 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 181. 

327); so that the whole cost of the it is set forth that in addition to the 
Governor's party going to Albany and other tribes of Indians, the Ganawese 

all the costs growing out of 
murder at Conestoga reached 

the j were living about Susquehanna and 
U P" Conestoga and that they made a 

wards of 300 Pounds, a very large j treaty with the rest of the Indians 

and Governor Kieth. 
1772 — The Warrant for Springets- 

bury 3Ianor Signed at Conestoga. 

In Vol. 4 of Haz. Reg., p254, it is 
stated that the warrant for the 
Manor of Springetsburg, which we 
have before spoken of was signed 
and dated at Conestoga. 
1722— The Old Parchment Treaty, of 
1682 Shown by the Conestoga 
Indians to Geoveror Keith. 

Gordon in his History of Pennsyl- 
vania, p. 603 says that in 1722 at the 
Treaty held at Conestoga by Gover- 
nor Keith, that the Indians there 
showed him the original parchment 

sum, which shows the great import- 
ance that the Governor attached to 
the unfortunate killing. We must 
remember that the sum of 300 Pounds 
is the same that was voted to Lan- 
caster County afterwards to build a 
Court House and from this we can 
judge what it meant to vote 300 
Pounds to investigate an Indian mur- 

1722 — Great Hardships Among the 
Shawana Indians. 
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 164, 
we are told that there was a great 
deal of hardship and suffering among 
the Shawanese Indians, so much so 
that they cannot go to the Philadel- 



and treaty which William Penn had 
signed and delivered to them forty 
years before, that is the Great Treaty 
of 1682. 

1723— The Conestogas Say They Will 
Never Forget William Penn. 

In one of the articles last cited we 
observed that the Conestogas and 
Shawanese sent messages to the Gov- 
ernment, and in them they made the 
statement that they will not forget 
William Penn, since he held the great 
treaty with them. I cite this simply 
because it seems to prove that they 
were present at the great traty. 

1723 — The Siiquehanna Indian Tribes 

Send a Message to Philadelphia 

by Delegates 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec , p. 216, 
the Governor makes known to the 
Council certain communications he 
has had from the Indians on the 
Susquehanna and Conestoga. The 
account is set forth as follows: 

"Then he communicated to the 
Board the speech of Whiwhinjac, 
King of the Ganawese Indians deliv- 
ered to the Governor (w*he:i there 
was not a sufficient number of coun- 
sellors to make a Quorum) by Civil- 
ity, in the name of the said Whiwhin- 
jac, and of his and all the other three 
nations of Indians upon Susquehan- 
na, viz: the Conestogoes, Delawares 
and Shawanese, at the Court House, 
May the 18th, and rendered English 
by Ezekiel Harlan, Interpreter,which 
was read and is as follows: 

They rejoice that there is a Gov- 
ernor here from England that loves 
the Indians as William Penn did. 

They remembered that William 
Penn did not approve of the methods 
of treating the Indians as Children, 
or Brethren by joining Hands, for in 
all these cases, accidents may happen 
to break or weaken the tyes of 
Friendship. But William Penn said, 

we must all be one half Indian and 
the other half English, being as one 
flesh and one blood under one Head. 
William Penn often spoke to them 
and desired the Indians might heark 
to what he said, and after three gen- 
erations were passed, and the People 
gone who heard these words, he de- 
sired that the writing which he left 
with them might be read to the 
fourth generation that they might 
know it was the sense of the words 
of their grandfathers. 

William Penn knew the Indians to 
be a discerning people, that had 
eyes to see afar off, and ears to 
hearken unto and discover any ap- 
proaching danger, and he ever looked 
upon them as his brethren. 

William Penn told them that he 
perceived that the Indians delighted 
coo much in going to war, but he ad- 
vised them to peace, for if they went 
abroad to war they thereby provoke 
other Nations to come and destroy 

We would not in that case give 
them countenance or any assistance, 
but if they lived at home in peace 
and minded their hunting he would 
not only take care of their goods and 
families to protect them but would 
also furnish them with powder and 
lead to defend themselves against 
those who might come to war upon 

It was agreed both by William 
Penn and the Indians, that if \t should 
happen at any time that either of 
them did forget the strict League of 
Friendship then made between them, 
the party who faithfully kept and 
remembered the Covenant chain 
should take the other, who had for- 
got, gently as it were by the shoul- 
! der and put him in mind of it again. 
As the Governor went last year to 
I Albany to make a firm peace with the 
' Five Nations, and to bury the blood 



of an Indian that had been spilt by 
the English, Whiwhinjac, the Gana- 
wese King, here present, is coming in 
the name of all the four Nations of 
Indians, upon Sasquehanna, viz: The 
Ganawese, Shawannoes, Conestogoes 
and Delawares, to desire that the 
same blood may not be buried but 
washed away as it were by a swift 
running stream of water never more 
to be seen or heard of again, and 
they further desire the Governor to 
believe that as they are one flesh 
with the English, they look upon 
themselves to be equally concerned 
with them in accidents of that Na- 

They desire the Government may 
keep this treaty in remembrance, so 
as that no clouds of any kind may a- 
rise to obscure it, but that it may re- 
main bright and lasting as the Sun, 
and they desire that the Settlers and 
young men near Conestogoe snd their 
other towns, may be directed to treat 
them with kindness and respect like 

They also .desire that the English 
may not be suffered to straiten or 
pinch the Ganawese or Shawannoes 
to make them remove further off, but 
to consider them as Brethren, for 
they have heard some words to this 
purpose which they do not care to 

They are glad to find the English 
continue to send their young men 
with Goods amongst them, and they 
acknowledge that the Traders are 
now very civil and kind to them, 
whereby they eat their victuals with- 
out fear and have a true relish of 

The Shawannoes, Ganawese, Con- 
estogoes and Delawares shall never 
forget the words of William Penn, 
but that since that treaty was made 
between them and him, they do not 
find that we have been so careful to 
come as often to renew it with the 
Conestogoe, as they have been to 
come to us at Philadelphia. 

They then said Indians both old 
and young do return the Governour 
their hearty thanks for his care last 
year in sending Corn and Biscuit to 
their families when they wanted it 
very much. 

Having finished what they had to 
say, Whiwhinjac, in the name and on 
behalf of all the Indians makes a 
present to the Governour of 200 

The young men of the Ganaway 
town, in behalf, of all their people 
say by way of complaint, that they 
have suffered many grievances. 

Then the Governour's answer to 
the Indians, which he was about to 
deliver, was read and approved. 

It was then considered by the 
Board what presents should be re- 
turned to the Indians, and agreed 
to be as follows: A Barrel of Pow- 
i der, twelve gallons of rum, 300 lb. of 
! Biscuit, one groce of pipes, 20 lb of 
Tobacco, 15 Stroud Match Coats, 15 
j Blankets, 5 pair of shoes and buck- 
I les, 5 pair of stockings, 150 lb of 
\ lead and meat to the value of twenty 

1723 — Upper Shawanese Send An- 
other Message to Phialdelphia 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 219, 
there is mentioned a letter from Jas. 
Mitchell, Justice of the Peac<3, direct- 
ed to the Governor, dated Donegal, 
April 25th, 1723, containing an ad- 
dress from Ocowellos' King of the 
| Upper Shawanese, to which the 
Board agreed to make the following 

"In answer to the Message from 

the Upper Shawanese on Sasquehan- 

nah, mentioning their past visits,and 

another shortly intended to the Gov- 

i ernor of Canada, whom they think 

fitt to call their father. The Gover- 

j nour and Council say, that William 

; Penn's people in this country, are by 

i treaties united to all the Indians as 



in one body; but the French and Eng- 
lish are two distinct people, as the 
long wars that have been between 
the English and them fully show. 
Now no Indians that are united with 
us can be joined to them, because 
that would divide the same body into 
two parts and utterly destroy it. 

The Governour and Council there- 
fore, can not agree that any of our 
Brethren should be joined in League 
to any other Nation or People than to 
the subjects of our great King George 
who is the head of all the English 
and their Brethren. If these Indians 
are united to us, we shall desire their 
company and that they may live 
with us as Brethren in peace and 
love as all our other Brethren have 
hitherto done and ever must do with 

The Governour at request send 
them Five Gallons of Rum to clear 
their hearts at hearing of these his 
words, and one Strowd Match Coat 
to confirm them. 

The Board agreed to meet the In- 
dians at the Court Hause the same 
afternoon and accordingly, 

The Honourable the Governour and 
same members as in the afternoon, 
sundry gentlemen and many other 

Whiwhinjac, Civility, sundry chiefs 
and other Indians. 

Ezekiel Harlan and Indian Smith, 

The Governour answered Whihin- 
jac's speech of the 18th instant, as 

Brethren: You know that I came 
from William Penn to fulfill his kind 
words to the Indians, and to be as a 
father to them now, since he is gone. 

It is also the orders and Command 
of the Great King George my Mas- 
ter, that the English and the Indians 
should live together as Brethren in 
one family. 

If any of us therefore happen to 

be sick or in want of food the other 

should help him, and when any loss 

or misfortune befalls either the Eng- 

j lish or the Indians, the other is sorry 

i and in grief for it. 

You say William Penn knew you 
I to be a discerning people that 
; could hear and see afar off, and I 
| say you know the English to be a 
i faithful good people who always 
I keep their treaties and Leagues pun- 
■ ctually with the Indians and you also 
j know that our laws make no distinc- 
I tion between our people and yours. 

We being thus linked together in 
one Family ,we ought always but to 
have one Council and so be of one 
mind, and therefore we can not suf- 
fer one half to go to War while the 
other remains at home in Peace. 

When any people are divided in 
their Councils and opinions, they 
grow weak and soon become a prey 
to their enemies. 

In such cases you know it is the 
constant practice amongst your 
people to consult together in Coun- 
cil until the old and wise men over- 
come and convince the weaker heads 
of the young and foolish. 

Just so ought you to do with us, 
because we are altogether one people ; 
and then the family become strong 
in love, Peace and Friendship to each 

Remember that this is the bright 
chain of Love and Friendship where- 
with William Penn bound your 
people and his together, nevermore 
to be separated. By this Chain 
Philadelphia is joined to Conestogoe. 
and all the Indian towns upon Sus- 

By laying our hands as it were on 
this chain, we can safely travel by 
night or by day through all your 
towns, and into the woods, and in 
like manner your people are hereby 
conducted safely through all our 
settlements back again to us at 



You must know and remember that 
it is my proper office and business 
as Governour of the whole countrey 
to keep this chain perfectly clean 
and free from the least speck of rust. 

You therefore Whiwhinjac, King of 
the Ganawese who have now spoke 
to me in the name and on behalf of 
the four Nations of Indians upon 
Susquehannah must remember that 
I am now going to say and tell the 
other chiefs of these nations that I 
expect you and they being frequently 
in Council together with your old 
and wise men will be exceedingly 
careful to keep the End of the Chain 
towards your own settlements al- 
woys bright and clean, and you may 
assure all your people that as often 
as any of them have occasion to 
come down to visit their Brethren 
the English here, they shall not find 
the least spot on this end of the 
chain fastened here, which is always 
in my view and shall be my particu- 
lar care. 

The dead body of our Indian broth- 
er whom you mention was covered 
by me at Albany in the sight of all 
the Chiefs of the Five Nations and 
to the satisfaction of the kindred; 
nevertheless I take it very kindly 
that you now desire the blood may be 
washed away under the ground never 
more to be seen or heard of. This 
shows that you are truly onr Breth- 
ren, and hereupon I embrace and as 
it were take into my arms you and 
all your people. 

I will take care that no English 
Settlements shall hereafter be made 
too near your towns to disturb you, 
so that the Shawanoes and Ganawese, 
may remain in peace where they now 
are, for we are well pleased with 
them as neighbors and do not desire 
to see them remove further from us. 
But as I have always been ready to 
hear your complaints and take care 

of you as my own children, so I must 
also do by the English; wherefore I 
desire you will be mindful to treat 
them like Brethren of the same 
Family and do not suffer your young 
people with their dogs and arrows to 
hunt and kill their Creatures. 

I give you these things here before 
you to confirm what I have said, viz: 
the presents before mentioned. 

I have also ordered some piovisions 
and gallons of rum to help you back 
to your families, and I heartily wish 
you a good journey home to Cone- 
stoga, which was done: — 

Civility, the Intrepreter, told the 
Governour he had something to say, 
which was, — 

The Indians well approve of all the 
Governour has said except where he 
told them that the English Law made 
no difference between the English 
and the Indians, for they should not 
like upon an Indian committing a 
fault, that he should be imprisoned, 
as they had seen some Englishmen 

To which the Governour answered. 

That they misapprehended the 
meaning, which was, that if any Eng- 
lishman did injury to an Indian he 
should suffer the same punishment as 
if he had done it to an Englishman. 
But if an Indian committed robbery 
or such like crime against the Eng- 
lish, he would acquaint their chief 
with it and from him expect ratisfac- 

Then Civility told the Governour 
that* they looked upon it as a great 
hardship for them to be confined 
from hunting on the other side of 
Potowmick, for that in their neigh- 
boring woods was. but little game. 
To which the Governour answered: 
That the Five Nations by their 
treaty with the Governour of Virgin- 
ia, had agreed not only to forbear 
themselves but also to restrain the 



Susquehanna Indians from hunting 
there, for that he (Civility) knew that 
some of the Five Nations under pre- 
tence of hunting had gone there for- 
merly and murdered and plundered 
some of the English, which was the 
cause of making that severe article 
in the treaty. 

Then Civility said, that Whihinjac 
and the rest proposed to proceed to 
Annapolis, to renew their League of 
Friendship with the G'overnour there 
as he has done here, and they 
thought proper to acquaint him there- 

To which the Governour answered: 
That the people of Maryland and 
Pennsylvania were very good friends 
and he was contented they should go, 
but that the Indians should consider 
that as they were inhabitants of 
Pennsylvania, they were immediately 
subjects of the Governour and none 

1723 — First Cause Inducing the 
Shawanese to Move to Ohio. 

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p. 
329 there is a message dated 1732 
from the Shawanese to our Gover- 
nor. In it they say that "about nine 
years ago (which would be 1723) the 
Five Nations told us that we do not 
well to settle there (at Pequea) for 
there was a Great noise in the Great 
House and in three years we should 
know what they had to say." This 
message further says that the Five 
Nations threatened the Shawanese 
that if they would not obey they 
would put petticoats upon them. So 
it would appear from this lhat the 
Five Nations first frightened the 
Shawanese to move away from Lan- 
caster County. 

1723— The Indians On the Susque- 
hanna Agree Not to Hurt the 
Indians in the South. 

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec. p. 221, it 
is set forth that Captain Civility told 
the Governor that he would do what 

he could to restrain the Five Nations 
from going South under the pre- 
tenses of hunting, for they really go 
South to murder. 

1723— The Indian Nations Now Living 
on Susquehanna River. 

in Mombert's History of Lancaster 
county, p. 24, he refers to this confer- 
ence held in 1723, in which Whiwhin- 
jac, the Ganawese chief made the 
speech and he calls our attention to 
the fact that this Ganawese chief 
mentions the four Nations living on 
the Susquehanna, viz: the Cones- 
togas, Shawanese, Ganawese and 

1726 — The Walking Purchase Again 
Causes Trouble. 

In Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly, 
p. 481, under the date of 1726, it is 
stated the Indians claim they bought 
back out of the walking purchases 
all the land extending one mile on 
each side of the West Branch of the 
Brandywine creek, from the said 
branch to the source of the said 
creek. I put this in under Lancaster 
County Indian matter because the 
West Branch of the Brandywine 
practically touches Lancaster county. 

1727— The Conestoga Chiefs Come to 

In Vol. 3 of the ol. Rec, p. 271, 
a very interesting visit of the Chiefs 
of the Five Nations and also Indians 
from Conestoga to the Government is 
given. It is set forth as follows: 

"At a Council held at Philadelphia, 
July 3d, 1727. 


The Honourable PATRICK GOR- 
DON, Esqr., Lieut. Governor. 
James Logan, Richard Hill, Isaac 
Norris, William Fishbourn, Evan 
Owen, Clement Plumstead, Esqrs. 

Present also, several Chiefs of the 
Five Nations, but most of them of the 
Nation of the Cayoogoes, viz: 



Connosoora, Cagongsaniyong, Cant- ; have gained the victory; you have 
araghengrat, Tannewhannegah. Can- j overcome the People and their lands 
nawtoe, Seelowacks, Achyiawanra, ! are yours. We shall buy them of 
Onaquadeghoa, etc., with Civility and I you. How many commanders are 
Satcheetchoe of Conestogoe and div- there amongst you, and being told 

ers of the Ganawese, etc. 

These, with divers other Indians, 
arriving from the Five Nations and 

there were forty he said then if you 
come down to me I will give each of 
these Comanders a suit of Cloaths 

Sasquehannah four days agoe, desir- | such as I wear. They say that a for- 
ed a meeting with the Governour as | mer GOvernour proposed to some of 
on this day. The Governour, to give | their Nation, as they were passing 
them an opportunity summoned the by Conestogoe, to go to War against 
Council for that purpose, who being I their enemies, that he would buy 
mett, and these Indians seated, I that land at Tsanandowa, for that he 

The Governour told them by Mrs. | had a mind to settle some of his 
M. Montour, a French woman, who ! people there, (as being in his road), 
had lived long among these People, j who would supply them with neces- 
and is now interpretess, that he was <. saries in their Journey; that they an- 
glad to see them all well after so I swered they were then going to war 
long a journey, and was now ready | and could not attend affairs of land, 
with his council to receive what they , but at their return they would lay 
have to say. the matter before their chiefs, who 

Tannewhannegah spoke, and by | would give their answer, and now 
Montour the Interpretess said, that | they are come to hear what the Gov- 
the Chiefs of all their Five Nations | ernour has to offer, 
being mett together in one of their j They add that the said Governour, 
towns they held a great Couucil, and I when he was at Conestogoe, desired 
that these who are now present came I those warriors to speak to the chiefs 

in the behalf and by the advice of all 
the rest, that they understood the 
Governour of this .province had div- 
ers times sent for them to come 
hither, and that they were now ac- 
cordingly come by the advice of all 
their Brethren to know the Gover- 
nour's pleasure. 

That the first Governour of this 
place, Onash. (that is Goverour 

about the Purchase of that land; that 
having no Wampum to send by them 
as a token of the Message, he gave 
the Warriors a cask of powder with 
some shott, a piece of red Strowds 
and some duffels, that the Warriors 
delivered their message to the Chiefs, 
who have now sent to lett the Gover- 
nour know they are willing to pro- 
ceed to a sale; and with this Speech 

Penn.) when he first arrived here, j they present two very small bundles 
sent to them to desire them to sell j of Deer Skins for a confirmation, 
land to him, that they answered they | The Governour told them that he 
would not sell it them, but they j would answer them in the morning to 
might do it in time to come, that be- [ a11 they had said, and they departed, 
ing several times sent for, they j JULY 4TH. 

were now come to hear what the ■ Tne Council and the Indians being 
Governour had to offer. I mett according to Appointment, the 

That when the Governour was at ■ Governour by the same Interpretess. 
Albany he had spoke to them to this !" . an * wer to wbat the Indians said 
Purnose Wpii ,»v V ?, ! yesterday spoke to them as follows, 

rurnose. well, my Brethren you | viz: 



The Governor! rs of the Province, 
who have all acted here in the Place 
of William Penn, the first and Great 
Governour of the same, have always 
been pleased with every opportunity 
of cultivating and improving a 
friendship with the Five Nations, 
and the present Governour and his 
Council take their visit very kindly 
at this time, but they have been mis- 
informed when they supposed the 
Governour had sent for them; the 
Journey is very long and he would 
not have putt them to so much troub- 
le, or if he had seen occasion for it, 
he would according to custom have 
sent some Messenger with a token, 
by which the Five Nations might 
have been assured of the truth of 
the Message. 

Governour Penn, (that is Onash,) 
when he first came into this Province 
took all the Indians of it by the 
hand; he embraced them as his 
friends and Brethren, and made a 
firm League of Friendship with them, 
he bound it as with a chain that was 
never to be broken; he took none of 
their lands without purchasing and 
paying for them, and knowing the 
Five Nations claimed the lands on 
Sasquehannah, he engaged Colonell 
Dungan, Governour of New York, 
about forty years since to purchase 
their right in his behalf, which Col- 
onell Dungan did, and we have deeds 
from him for all those Lands. 

The Five Nations were so sensible 
of this that they never since claimed 
these Lands, though we have many 
visits from them hither for brighten- 
the chain of Friendship. And Five 
years since, when Sir William Keith 
and four gentlemen of the Council 
were at Albany, at a general meeting 
of all the Five Nations their Chiefs 
of themselves confirmed the former 
grant, and absolutely released all 
pretentions to these Lands; our rec- 
ords shew this, and, these people 
who are now here cannot but be 
sensible of it. 

When a former Governour of this 
place, with his Council, made a pres- 
ent at Conestogoe to some of the 
Five Nations then passing that way, 
it was net with any view to purchase 
the lands at Tsanandowa. The Gov- 
ernour thanks them very heartily 
for this offer to sell these lands, if 
they are not yet purchased, but he 
can not treat about them at present. 
William Penn's son, who was born in 
this countrey is expected over here, 
and then he may treat with them if 
he think it proper. In the mean time, 
as these lands lie next to our settle- 
ments, though at present at a great 
distance, we shall take this offer as 
j a proof of their resolution to keep 
| them for him. 

This is what the Governour has to 
say about the lands, but as they are 
I come a long journey to visit us, he 
I gives them as our Friends and Breth- 
| ren these goods now laid before them 
desiring that of the five guns one 
may be given to the chief of each of 
the Five Nations, with three pounds 
] of powder and as much lead and the 
| rest may be divided as they shall 
think proper. And we have also pro- 
vided Bread, Cheese, Rum, Pipes and 
Tobacco, for their support in their 

The Governour doubts not but that 
they are fully convinced of our 
Friendship and regard to them, and 
[ that they will consider their recep- 
! tion here as a proof of it. The Gov- 
ernour recommends to them to notify 
the Chiefs of the Five Nations what 
passes between us, that it may be 
kept in perpetual remembrance. 

The Goods which were last night 
ordered for them are, 
5 fine Guns, 

15 Strowd Match Coats, 
10 Blankets, 
10 Duffel Matchcoats, 
12 Shirts, 
50 lbs. of Powder, 



100 lbs. of Lead, 

2 dozen Knives. 
Ordered further: 

To the Intrepretess 1 Stroud, 1 
Shirt, 1 Matchcoat. 

To her husband, Carondawana, 1 
Strowd and another to her Niece. 

To Civility, 1 Strowd, 1 fine Shirt 
and 1 pair of Stockings. 

Also, 1 cwt. of Bisket, 10 Gallons 
of Rum, with Cheese, Tobacco and 
Pipes, for their journey. 

After the said Indians had receiv- 
ed their presents and were parted, 
they again applied desiring an oppor- 
tunity of offering something further 
and the Governour appointing the 
same afternoon, they mett and pre- 
senting six very small bundles of 
Deer Skins, proceeded to say: 

That they are come hither to see 
the Governour in his Government, 
and are very well pleased with the 
opportunity given them, and with the 
Governour's discourse this morning, 
concerning the covenant chain and the 
Friendship that has long subsisted 
between them, and it is this they de- 
sire may be kept bright and shining 
to the Sun, and that neither rain nor 
damps nor any rust may effect it to 
deprive it of its lustre; and that the 
Governour and his people and they 
and their people, their children and 
our children may ever continue as 
they have hitherto been, one Body, 
one Heart and one Blood to all gen- 

They are, (they say) but of one 
Xation, but they speak in behalf of 
all the Five Nations and by authority 
from them all. All humane things 
are uncertain, and they know not 
what may befall them, or into what 
misfortunes they may be involved, if 
they hear any news relating to us 
like Brethren they will inform us of 
it: and if we hear any ill news relat- 
ing to them they desire also to be 
informed of it, for when thev meet 

with any misfortune and troubles 
they will apply to us and acquaint 
us with them, as their Friends and 
They say that there are come many 
sorts of traders among them, both In- 
dians and English, who all cheat 
them, and though they get their 
skins they give them very little in 
pay. They have so little for them, 
they cannot live, and can scarce 
procure Powder and Shott to hunt 
with and g«tt more. Those traders 
bring but little of these, but instead 
of them they bring rum, which they 
sell very dear, at least three or four 
I times what it is worth, and of this 
• they complain. 

They take notice that both the 
| French and English are raising for- 
tifications in their country and in 
their neighborhood, and that great 
numbers of people are sent thither, 
the meaning of which they do not 
i very well conceive; but they fear 
] some ill consequences from it, and 
! make it now known to us as their 

They desire there may be no set- 
j tlements made upon Sasquehannah 
: higher than Pextan, and that none of 
Sthe settlers thereabouts be suffered 
I to sell or keep any rum there, for 
that being the road which their 
people go out to war, they are ap- 
prehensive of mischief if they meet 
| with liquor in these parts. They de- 
I sire also for the same reasons, that 
none of the traders be allowed to 
carry any rum to the remoter parts 
where James LeTort trades, (that is 
Allegheny on the branches of Ohio). 
And this they desire may be taken 
notice of, as the mind of the Chiefs 
of all the Five Nations for it is all 
those Nations that now spek by them 
to all our People. 

The Governour received their pres- 
ent kindly thanked them for that they 
had said, and that they might have 



something in return for their last | having been at Philadelphia to treat 
present, it was ordered that the | with the Governour, and did on their 

Quantity of Powder should be in- 
creased to a hundred pounds, and 
instead of 100 lbs. they should have 
a hundred Barrs of Lead. 

The Governour told them he would 
answer what they had last said in 
the morning, upon which after a 
Friendly entertainment by the Gov- 
erour and Council they parted." 

This answer which the Governor 
promised to give them he gave on 
the 5th of July and among other 
things he told them that everything 
is peaceful and harmonious now and 
that there is no bad news and no 
danger, but that there will likely be 
war in England; that the Indian 
traders must be watched because 
they try to sell high and buy cheap; 
that we are trying to do all we can 
to stop the rum trade and that 

return with his Company take up 
their lodging near to his house 
where they resided about four days 
and nights together, the nearest 
neighbors contributing to their nec- 
essitys what they could ye neigh- 
bors being few and poor could not 
supply them to ye full, at which 
place they killed one of his cows, 
which he valued at four pounds, and 
desired of me a warrant to appre- 
hend ye said Indians, but I being 
informed that they had a letter of 
credit from ye Governour to all per- 
sons to supply them with what they 
wanted, (and they being gone from 
the said Richard Thomas' two days), 
I thought it most proper not to send 
a hue and cry after them; but to 
write to John Wright and Tobias 
Hendricks to treat with them about 

we are not allowing any settlements I u in an amicable way, and to get 

I satisfaction for the party injured; 
but they having passed down Suske- 
hanna before my letters came to 
hand, they missed of the opportunity. 
However about 3 days since ye said 
Richard Thomas came again to me 
and informed me that he had been 
with the Governour to lay his case 
before him, in order to meet with re- 
lief, but (as he says) ye Governour 
would give no orders about it until 
he had received some information 
from me to set ye case in a true 
light, in order to which he on ye 
second day of this instant, November, 
1727, brought two of his near neigh- 
bors, namely John Straightfellow and 
Henry Atherton, who according to ye 
laws and customs of this province, 
did attest, and solemnly declare by ye 

to be made above Paxton, (now 
Hains') and he says the Indians 
ought to be very careful not to go 
past Susquehanna above the moun- 
tains. He then told them as they 
are preparing to go the Govern- 
ment had provided them powder and 
lead for hunting and some rum and 

1727— The Chiefs of the Five Nations 

Coming from Philadelphia to 

Conestoga Commit Depre- 


In Vol. 1 of the Pennsylvania Ar- 
chives, p. 205 the following letter is 
given : 

CALN, ye 3d of ye 9ber, 1727. 
May it Please ye Governour, 

These may certify that on the 16th j sai <* cow killed, as above to be well 
day of July last, 1727, Richard iSi^^JLPJS?*!.^? i?®? n ?-!!? 
Thomas of the Township of White- 

land, came before me and did declare 
on his sollem affirmation, that ye 
King of ye Five Nations of Indians 

sible of the truth of ye above narra- 
tion, shall conclude, who am ye 
Governour 's most hearty friend and 
servant. To Command, 




1727— The Killing of Thomas Wright 
Near Conestoga. 

As we have said above Wright was 
killed during the year 1727 and the 
correct report of it is found in Vol. 
3 of the Col. Rec. p. 285, where it is 
stated, "That Mr. Logan acquainted 
the Board, that last night he receiv- 
ed a letter from John Wright, Esqr., 
one of the Justices of the Peace of 
Chester Co., giving an account that 
one Thomas Wright was killed by 
some Indians at §naketown, forty 
miles above Conestogoe, which letter 
together with the depositions of 
John Wilkins, Esther Burt and Mary 
Wright, and an inquisition taken up- 
on the dead body were all laid be