Full text of "Lancaster county Indians: annals of the Susquehannocks and other Indian tribes of the Susquehanna territory from about the year 1500 to 1763, the date of their extinction. An exhaustive and interesting series of historical papers descriptive of Lancaster county's Indians prior to and during the advent of the paleface"

LANCASTER COUNTY INDIANS

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND OTHER INDIAN
TRIBES OF THE SUSQUEHANNA TERRITORY FROM
ABOUT THE YEAR 1 500 TO 1 763, THE DATE
OF THEIR EXTINCTION

AM EXHAUSTIVE AND INTERESTING SERIES OF HISTORICAL PAPERS DESCRIPTIVE

OF LANCASTER COUNTY S INDIANS PRIOR TO AND DURING

THE ADVENT OF THE PALEFACE

H. FRANK JfSHLEMAN, B.E, M.E..LL.B.

MEMBER OF THE LANCASTER BAR; MEMBER OF LANCASTER COUNTY HISTORICAL SOCIETY

MEMBER OF PENNSYLVANIA HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PHILADELPHIA; MEMBER

OF PENNSYLVANIA HISTORY CLUB OF PHILADELPHIA

1908

LANCASTER, PENNA

"PfES

By H. Frank Eshleman, Esq.,

Lancaster, Penna.

550 Copies Issued

PRINTED BY THE

EXPRESS PRINTING CO.

LITITZ. PA.

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND OTHER
LANCASTER COUNTY INDIANS.

PART I.

Earliest Established Appearance of

Indians on Susquehanna Where

They Came From.

Gordon in his history of Pennsyl
vania page 44 says, "After many ages,
the enterprising hunters of the Le-
nape crossed the Allegheny moun
tains, and discovered the great rivers,
Susquehanna and Delaware, and their
bays." They came from the west.
Nearly all writers agree that all the
Indians between Canada and Virginia
came from the Lenape and the Menqui
or Mengwe. Heckwelder says in his
"History, Manners and Customs of
the Indian nations," page 50: "For a
long period of time, some say hun
dreds of years, the two Indian nations
Lenape and Mengwe resided peace
ably about the great Lakes and Alle
gheny, and they came down and
discovered first the Susquehanna and
then the Delaware." Gordon, page
43 says, (giving credit to Heckeweld-
er) that the Indians themselves, "re
late that many centuries past, their
ancestors dwelt in the far western
wilds of the American continent"
that after many years they arrived at
the Mississippi, where they fell in
with the Mengwe, who were also on
this river nearer its source. The
spies of the Lenape, reported the
country on the east of the Mississippi

to be inhabited by a powerful nation
living in towns on the great rivers."
This people, tall and stout, some of
gigantic mould, were called Allegewi,
and their own towns were defended
by fortifications. The Lenape asked
permission to settle among them. This
was refused but they were allowed to
pass and go farther east. But while
I they were passing there being so
many of them, the Allegewi stopped
I them. Then the Lenape and the Men-
! gwe went together and whipped the
Allegewi and took all the country
east of the Mississippi and north of
Virginia, after a war of many years.
The Mengwe then took the northern
part of the conquered country and the
Lenape the southern. This is the
story the Lenape tell as related by
| Gordon and Heckewelder. &gt;

These Lenape, according to their
j own story then say after they be-
I came established in the east they di-
| vided themselves into three tribes
the Turtle the Turkey Tribe and the
Wolf Tribe. The first settled on the
I coast from Hudson to Potomac Rivers.
j The other, the Wolf tribe settled in-
; land on the Susquehanna, because
they were warlike and formed a bar
rier between the coast tribes of the
Lenape and the Mengwe on the west
who had become enemies of all Le
nape by this time. Gordon says, page

M119816

AXXALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

45, that the Wolf tribe of the Lenape
called by the English Minsi or Moncey |
Indians, extended as far vest as the
hills known as the, Lchigh ano Cone-
wago Hills in Pennsylvania, (p. 45).
This migration according to the au- \
thorities and the Indians own story
extended over many centuries, so that i
they reached and discovered the Sus- ;
quehanna likely before the discovery j
of America. The Susquehannocks,
Nanticokes, the Shackamaxons, the |
Shawnese, and several other tribes,
Gordon says, came from this Wolf
tribe of the Lenape. (p. 56.)

The committee of archaeology of
the Dauphin Historical Society in a
pamphlet on the Lower Susquehanna
called "Contributions to Indian His- j
tory of the Lower Susquehanna Val- i
ley," in 1898 made a report to that |
Society full of interesting matter on
the origin of our Indians, and in it, i
page 39, they say, "Prior to 1600 but !
how long before is not known, the
Susquehannocks were seated upon ;
that river, from which they have de- j
rived their name." The pamphlet al- I
so sets forth that before the Susque- !
hannocks settled on the river, "they ,
came into collision with the Mohawks :
the most easterly of the Iroquois, and i
in a war lasting ten years nearly ex
terminated them." The same pamphlet
says that John Smith found them in
war with the Mohawks when he met
them in 1608 (p. 39.) The Jesuit
Fathers, the minutes and records of
whose discoveries In America are
now collected and compiled into a
work of seventy-two volumes, called
the "Jesuit Relations," also give ac
counts of the wars these, now Sus- !
quehannocks, went through before
they settled on Susquehanna River !
in the dim past. The Dauphin County
pamphlet also speaks of this (page
39,) but the exact quotations them
selves from the Jesuits will be given
later.

These earliest Susquehannock In
dians were cannibals to some extent.
Heckewelder tells us, page 55, "At
one time they did eat human flesh.
And at one time they ate up a whole
body of the French King s soldiers;
and they said human flesh tastes like
bear s meat." They say the human
hand is bitter meat and not good to
eat, like the other parts of a person.
The Susquehannocks remained more
or less cannibal up to 1666, when Geo.
Alsop writes that at that date he
knew of them eating their enemies
whom they took in war.

Thus much for the earliest ac
counts of our Susquehanna country
Indians. This description is more or
less vague, from the misty knowledge
of them at this date; but all follow
ing discussions will be supported by-
definite citation.

1600 Ancient Indian Rock Pictures.

Very early in the history of the In
dians on the Susquehanna, perhaps
before the year 1600, or may be be
fore the discovery of America, the In
dians living on that river, cut a lot
of strange and grotesque pictures up
on the rocks in the river, near Safe
Harbor and also near Washington
borough. They seem to have been
cut, during the same age or epoch;
and all of them seem to represent the
same system of ideas. Some of them
are much deeper than others, but that
seems to be because they have been
less exposed to wasting forces. The
lines of some are nearly a quarter of
an inch deep, while others are scarce
ly visible. The main rocks in the
river so decorated are "Big Indian
Rock" and "Little Indian Rock," both
a few hundred yards below Safe
Harbor. There are many rocks so
carved however. The pictures chis-
seled in these rocks are birds with
elaborate wings, called the thunder
bird. quadruped animals, sinuous

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

snakes, rude outlines of trees, coiled | erally. Powhatan s Indians we shall
and star shaped representations, and ; see were Algonquins, in Virginia;
also individual men, some seated, j and Capt. Smith, as we shall notice
some standing, some thin and one or | i n later discussions says, they were
two very fat. The thin and the fat men mortally afraid of the Susquehan-
are seated, but there are no masses or | nocks, who were of the Iroquois
groups of men, in military array, or j stock, and also received the white
representations of battle that I re- i men in entirely different fashion. The
member. Those pictures were there | best authority on these rock pictures
before Penn s time, and the Indians ! of Susquehanna whom I know, is Mr.
of Penn s time, seem not to have D. H. Landis, of Manor township, who
any knowledge of their origin. All has given much study to the subject,
antiquarians seem to be at a loss to 1600 Earliest Known Trading of the
interpret these pictures, while those Susquehanmi Indians.

on rocks in the central and western
states are to a great extent decipher-

In a phamphlet, called "Early In
dian History of Susquehanna," by

ed. However it has been supposed A. L. Guss, found in the library of
that the jolly looking, fat and content- j the Historical Society at Philadelphia
ed Indian, pictured sitting on the end : the author says at page 12, "The
of the Indian rock nearest Lancaster j Susquehan nocks were one of the
side, pointing up the valley pf Jthe Minqua tribes, and they had treated
Conestoga, is meant to represent that with the F renc h about New York
up that valley is a land of great | Bay A gale of stpten island to the
plenty, while the thin, starved and Dlltc h contains the signature of one
bony savage pictured sitting on the
end of the rock nearest York
county toward which this Indian is
pointing, is meant to represent that

t he Minqua Sachemachs (or chief-

a very scant living is to be found

igog Susquehannock Trade on St.
Lawrence.

About 1603 the French were active

there. This of course is not fair to j in the fur trade about St. Lawrence.
York county today, with her hustling j Further proving this early intercourse
city fast taking her place next to j and trade between the French and
Pittsburg. Thus it is supposed the | Susquehannocks, Mr. Guss says on the
purpose of the pictures was to be i same page, "The iron hatchets which
guides and a system of information Smith (in 1608) found in the posses-
to allied tribes, rather than the per- sion of the Tockwocks (that is Nan-

petuation of history.

ticokes) they informed him they had

The United States reports on Eth- received from the Susquehannocks;
nology for the year 1882 to 1883, page : and they in turn, Smith says, inform-
47, tell us that these Lancaster county ! ed him that from the French they
Indian rock-pictures are of Algon- had their hatchets. Thus some yea
quin origin, and not Iroquois, and : before 1608 the Susquehannocks were
therefore they may have been made in commercial intercourse with the
by Indians from the south, who per- French." And again this same author

haps were in this region and fled out
of it, when these hardy ancestors of
the Susquehannocks, of whom we
spoke in the preceding pages, came
pouring down from the Mississippi

at the same page says, "The Sus
quehannocks were a ruling tribe and
forced trade privileges from other In
dian tribes. Powhatan gave this
fierce and mighty nation the name cf

and Lake Region and Northwest gen- i the Pocoughtronack Indians.

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Therefore it seems clear from the
evidences now found that these
mighty Susquehannocks, were seated
or roaming about and between the
Susquehanna and Hudson rivers, and
indeed up to the St. Lawrence, sev
eral scores of years before the first
settlement at Jamestown; that they
some years before that settle
ment, were in trade relations with
the discoverers and- explorers, the
French and others who were navigat
ing along these northern Atlantic
Coasts. These Susquehannocks also
mention the early Dutch and it is not
unlikely that they met and dealt with
those Dutch navigators, who as we
are told, page 1, of Hazard s Annals,
"first frequented the coast of New
Netherlands, situate in America, be
tween Virginia and New England, in
the year 1598." This will suffice to
show, upon definite historical proofs,
that over 300 years ago, the mighty
Susquehannocks dominated the coast
lands and inlands, from the Susque
hanna at least to the Hudson river;
that they were numerous and power
ful; and exerted both military and
commercial supremacy.
1607 Captain John Smith s Histori
cal Works Touching Susquehauna.

John Smith wrote several histori
cal works, covering several parts of
America. The first was "A True Re
lation" (Narration) then a "Map of
Virginia" then a "Description of
New England" then the "General
History of Virginia" then " New
England Trials" then "True Trav
els" and later several others. The
three which concern our Susque
hanna country are the True Rela
tion the Map of Virginia and the
General History of Virginia.
"The True Relation of Occurrences."

The complete title of this book is
"A True Relation of such occurrences
and Accidents of Note as has Hap

pened in Virginia since the first
Planting of the Colony which is now
Resident in the South part Thereof."
A. L. Guss whom I have mentioned
before, in discussing this book says,
page 4, "The True Relation was
written and sent to England the very
day Smith set sail up the Chesapeake
on his trip. It contains no informa
tion of what was learned during the
two Chesapeake voyages; yet it con
tains passages of great interest re
lating to Susquehanna Indian affairs
as given by Powhatan the year pre
vious." Also page 9, he says the
same. Mr. Guss also says page 9,
"What Smith wrote in the True Re
lation was never incorporated into
Smith s later writings, though it is
the most reliable of all the historical
matter published over the name of
Smith."

In this book the "True Relation"

Smith tells of a conference he had

with King Powhatan, and the King

asked Smith why he went so far with

his boats; (Smith had gone up the

Potomac River without consent) and

Smith said those Monocan Indians,

i had killed a relation of his (Smith s)

! and he knew they were Powhatan s

| enemies, and he was after them.

This he did to induce Powhatan to

tell him more about the various

tribes (True Relation p. 35).

This brought the result Smith de
sired, and in the same book he says,
"After great deliberation he began to
discourse and describe to me the
country beyond the Falls with many
i of the rest not only what another In-
! dian before had told me but of a
country which he said some called it
| five days, some six and some eight
i where the waters dashed among many
j stones and rocks which caused oft-
times ye head of ye river to be brack
ish. He also described upon the
same sea or river a mighty nation

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY IDNIAN TRIBES

called Pacoughtronack (Susquehan- | of the bay where it is isx or seven
nocks, see p. 5), a fierce nation which

did eat men and warred with the
people of Moyaoncer and Patero-
merke nations upon the top or the
head of the bay under his territories
where the year before they had slain
an hundred. He signified ther crowns
were shaven, long hair in the neck,
tied in a knoe, (knot), with swords
like poll axes.

Guss page 11 of his pamphlet says
(and he is undoubtedly right) "this
last tribe was the Susquehannocks,
whom Smith at this time had not yet
met." Mr.Guss also says they were re
ported to be cannibals, which charge
is often made against them in com
mon with the Iroquois tribes. This
is about all there is in the True Re-

miles in width it divides itself into
four branches, the best cometh north
west, from among the mountains; but
though canoes may go a day or two
journey up it we could not get up it
two myles with our boat for rocks.
Upon it is seated the Susquehannocks
near it the north and by west run
neth a creek a mile and a half wide
at the head whereof the ebbe (ebb)
left us on shore where we found
many trees cut with hatchets. The
next tyde, keeping the shore to seek
for some savages (for within 30
leagues sayling we saw not any
being a barren country) we went up
another small river like a creek six
or seven myles. From thence return
ing we met 6 or 7 canoes of Massa-

lation, touching on the Susquehan- I wokes (Mohawks) with whom we had

nocks. What Smith learned from
Powhatan was of more value to him
than to historians of our day.
1608 The General Historic of

Virginia.

I have copied from tMs work of
Smith all that in any way bears upon
our Susquehanna Indians. And that
in the whole is only a few pages.
Therefore, I shall give it in full and

signs. The next day we discovered the
small river and people of Tockwock
trending eastward."

Concerning this Tockwock country
page 120 he says, "On the east side
of the bay is the river Tockwock and
upon it a people that can make one
hundred men seated some seven my
les within the river where they have
a fort very well palisaded and man-

verbatim in these annals. Smith j telled with bark of trees."

made two journeys up the Chesa
peake and about Lower Susque
hanna to learn of this country and
its wild inhabitants. The general
history consists of two volumes.

Vol. 1, page 114 he says of this
Chesapeake and Susquehanna coun
try. "It has prerogative over the
most pleasant places known, for
large and pleasant navigable rivers

Also page 121 concernig his Mappe
of Virginia, of which we shall speak
later he says, "Observe that as far
as you see little crosses on the rivers,
mountains or other places have beeD
discovered; the rest was had by in
formation of the savages and are set
down according to their instruc
tions."
1608 Smith Stranded in the Susque-

and heaven and earth never better | hanna.

agreed to frame a place for man s j captain Smith, page 119 of Vol. 1,

habitation.

From the head of the

bay to the Northwest the land is
mountainous; at the head of the bay
the rocks are of a composition like
mill stones some of marble," etc.
Then page 118 he says, "At the end

General History, says, "Having lost
our grapnell among the rocks of Sus
quehanna, we were then two hundred
miles from home and our barge about
two tons, had in it about 12 men to
perform this discovery where in we

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

lay about 12 weeks upon those great
waters. What I did with these small
means I leave to the reader to judge
and the map I made of the country,
which is but a small matter in re
gard of the magnitude thereof.

"But to proceed, sixty of those
Susquehannocks came to visit us,
with bows, arrows, targets, beads,
swords and tobacco pipes for pre
sents. Such great and well propor
tioned men are seldom seen; they
seemed like giants to the English,
yea and to the neighbors; yet seem
ed of an honest and simple disposi
tion, with much adieu restrained from
adoring us as gods. Those are the
strangest peoples of all those coun
tries, both in language and attire; for
their language may well beseem their
proportions, it sounding from them as
a voice in a vault. Their attire is the
skins of bears and wolves, some have
cassocks made of bear s head and
skin that a man s head goes through,
the skin s neck and ears of the bear
fastened to his shoulders and the
nose and teeth hanging down his
breast; another bear s face split be
hind him and at the end of the nose
hung a paw.

"The half sleeves coming to the el
bows, were the necks of bears; and
the arms through the mouth, with
paws hanging at their noses. One
had the head of a wolf hanging in
a chain for a jewel; his tobacco pipe
three-quarters of a yard long prettily
carved with a bird, a deer or some
such device, at a great end, sufficient
enough to beat out one s brains;
with bows, arrows and clubs suit
able to their greatness. These are
scarce known to Powhatan."

Page 120 he says, "They can make
neare 600 able men and are pallisaded
in their towns to defend them from
the Massawomekes, their mortal
enemies. Five of their chief wero-

wances came aboard us and crossed
the bay in our barge. The picture
of the greatness of them is signified
on the map; the calves of whose legs
were three-quarters yard round and
all the rest of his limbs so ansewer-
able to that proportion that he seem
ed the goodliest man we ever beheld.
His hair on the one side was long,
the other shore close, with a ridge
over his crown like a cock s comb.
His arrows were five quarters yard
long headed with splinters of a white
crystal-like stone in form of a heart
an inch broad and an inch and a
half or more long. These he wore
in wolves skins at his back for his
quiver, his bow in one hand and his
club in the other as described in
the picture." (In G. Hills and Co. s
book "Events in Indian History,"
i published in Lancaster in 1841, page
i 82 tells us that "Werowance" is a
j Powhatan term of the same signifi-
cance as Sachem or Chief of the
j northern tribes)."

Page 129 Smith says of the Indian
| tribes in this neighborhood, "The
I land is not populous, for the men are
few. Within sixty miles of James
town, there are some 5,000 people,
| but of able men fit for their warre
scarce 1,500. The people differ very
much in stature, some very great as
the Susquehannocks, others very lit
tle as the Wichcocomocoes. The In
dians are of a brown color when
they are of any age; but they are
born white. Their hair generally is
black; but very few have any beards.
The men wear half their heads
shaven, the other half long. For bar
bers they use their women, who with
i two shells will grate away the hair
I of any fashion they please. The
women s are cut in any fashion agree-
! able to them but ever some part re-
| maineth long. In each ear they
commonly have three great holes
whereat they hang chains, bracelets

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

or copper. Some of the men wear in
these holes a small green and yellow
colored snake, near half a yard in
length, which crawling and lapping
herself about his neck ofttimes would
familiarly kiss his lips. Others wear
a dead rat tied by the tail. Some
wear in their heads, the wings of a
bird, or the tail of a rattlesnake.
Some wear the hands of their enem
ies, dried. Their heads and should
ers are painted with roots mixed with
oil. (Page 130)."

As to those Massawomekes, who
were the dreaded enemies of the Sus-
hannocks, Smith gives us the best in
formation as to why they were and
where they lived. Page 134 he says,
"Beyond the mountains from where
is the head of the Potowmock, the
savages report, inhabit their most
mortal enemies the Massawomekes,
upon a great salt water which by
likelihood is either some part of
Canada, some great lake of some
inlet of some sea, that falleth into
the South Sea ("South Sea" means
Pacific Ocean, which was its ancient
name. It must be remembered that
all people thought America only a
few hundred miles wide). These
Massawomekes are a great nation
and very populous, for the heads of
the rivers are all held by them, of
whose cruelty the Susquehannocks
and the Tockwocks generally corn-

very importunate they
me and my company

plain ; and
were with
to free them from those tormentors;
to this purpose they offered food,
conduct and continual subjection,
which I concluded to effect. But
then the council would not think
fit to hazard 40 men in these un
known regions. So the opportuni
ty was lost. Seven boats full of
these Massawomekes we encountered

they much exceeded them of our
parts. Against all these enemies the
Powahatans too are sometimes con
strained to fight." In Vol., 1, page
183, Smith says the "Susquehannocks
made us many descriptions of the
Massawomekes, and said they live on
a great water beyond the mountains,
which we understood to be Canada."
Thus it seems clear that the Mas
sawomekes were an Iroquois tribe
the Mohawks. The Jesuit Relations
are full of descriptions of the Iro
quois incursions down the Susque-
hanna River from its source. This
will be discussed later. Thus it
seems that the Evans and Ellis His
tory is mistaken in saying page 10
and 12, the Massawomekes lived on
Bush River.
1608 Smith s Second Vovage Up to

Susqueliaiina.

At page 181, Vol. 1 of Smith s His.
torie of Virginia, Smith tells "What
happened on the second voyage in
discovering the Bay." The 24th of
July 1608, Capt. Smith set forward
to finish the discovery with 12 men,
He says he went "purposely" so he
informed King Powhatan to be re
venged of the Massawomekes; the
King feasted us. We went to see the
bay divided into two heads, but arriv
ing we found it divided into four all
which were searched as far as we
could saile them. Two of them we
found inhabited but in crossing the
bay we encountered 7 or 8 canoes full
of Massawomekes; we seeing them
prepared to assult us left our canoes
and made way with our sayle (sail)
to encounter them. Yet were we but
5 that could stand. The rest were
sick. We put our hats upon sticks
at the barge s side and betwixt two
hats a man to make us seem many.
They fled. We landed: then two of

at the head of the bay, whose targets, them came to us. We thought to
baskets, swords, tobacco pipes, plat- ! meet them next morning, but
ters, bows and everything showed, \ had left."

ANXALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AXD

Page 182 he says. "Entering the
river Tockwock (This is a little
s f ream flowing into the east side of
the Bay), the savages all armed, in
a fleet of boats, around invironed us;
so it chanced one of them could
speak Powhatan, and soon all were
friendly. But when they saw us fur
nished with Massawomeke weapons,
and we faining we took them by
force, they conducted us to their pal
isaded town mantelled with bark of
trees. Their men, women and
children with dances and song wel
comed us. Many hatchets of iron,
knives and pieces of brass we saw
amongst them, which they reported
to have from the Susquehannocks, a
mighty people and the mortal ene
mies of the Massawomekes. The Sus
quehannocks inhabit upon the chief
springs of these four branches of the
bay s head, two days journey higher
than our barge could pass for rocks.
Yet we prevailed with the interpreter
to take with him another interpreter
to persuade the Susquehannocks to
come and visit us for their language
is different. Three or four days we
expected their return then sixty of j
those gyant people came down with
presents of venison, tobacco pipes
three-foot in length, baskets, targets,
bows and arrows. Five of their
chief werowances came boldly abroad
us to cross the bay for Tockwock,
leaving their men and canoes. The j
wind being so high, they durst not
passe."

Further on about the same page he j
says, these "Susquehannocks held up
their hands to the sunne with a most
fearful song then embracing our cap
tain they began to adore him in like
manner though he rebuked them; yet
they proceeded till their song was
finished: which done with a most
strange furious action and a hellish

voyce, began an oration of their
loves. That ended, with a great
painted bear s skinne, they covered
him; then one ready with a great
chaine of white beads weighing at
least six or seven pounds hung it
about his neck; the others had 18
mantels made of divers sort of skin-
nes sewed together. All these with
many other toyes they laid at his
feet, stroking their ceremonious
hands about his neck for his creation
to be their governor and protector,
promising their aid, victuals or what
they had to be his if he would stay
with them to defend and revenge
them of the Massawomekes. Many
descriptions they made us of the Mas-
sowomekes, and said the Massawome
kes got heir hatchets from the French
and also other commodities of trade.
The highest mountains we saw north
ward we called Perigrines mount, and
a rocky river where the Massawome
kes went up, Willowby s river in
honor of the town our captain was
born in. The Susquehannock s river
we called Smith s Falles." (See page
183)."

This River Tockwock, is what is
now called Sassafras River, and it
forms the boundary between Cecil
and Kent counties in Maryland,

Page 183 Smith further says "Hav
ing thus sought all the rivers and
inlets worth noting, we returned to
discover the River Patuxuent."

Page 218 he says, "In the way be
tween, Werewoccamo and the Fort
near Jamestown, we met four or five
Dutchmen, confederates going to Pow
hatan the which to excuse these
gentlemen s suspicions of their run
ning to the savages returned to the
fort and remained there." And again
p. 223 he says "At this time the
Dutchmen remaining with Powhatan
(who kindly entertaining them to
instruct the savages in the use of

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

our arms) and their consorts not fol
lowing them as they expected to know
the cause, they took Francis, their
companion, disguised like a savage
to the glasse house, a place in the
woods a mile from Jamestown.
Forty men they procured to lie in
ambush for Capt. Smith who no soon
er heard of this Dutchman than he
sent to apprehend him; but he es
caped."

This last item I append (and only
parts of it are direct quotation) for
the purpose of showing that there
were Hollanders, at this time, in this
neghborhood, bearing out the truth
of the alleged Dutch document, in
Holland setting forth that in 1698
Dutch discoverers were about these
parts. It also shows that . they were
actively in communication with the
Indians. We are to notice also that
here we have direct evidence of these
Indians having iron and copper im
plements long before Penn s time,
and indeed long before the Swede s
time.

And this is all there is to be found
in Smith s History of Virginia touch
ing on our Susquehanna country In
dians. There is nothing on the sub
ject at all in Vol. 2.

In our next item we shall take up
and discuss, Smith s Mappe and fix
the location of the different Indian
towns which he found here, some by
actual observation, and the others by
information given by the Indians.
Fixing the location of the earliest
known homes of these mighty first
inhabitants of what is now our
county, should be full of genuine his-
torcal and patriotic interest.
1608 Early Susqiiehannock Indian
Towns

The only authority, upon the lo
cation of the Indian towns, on the
Susquehanna River as early as 1608,
is Capt. John Smith. Their dwelling

places at later dates are known by
many writers; but Smith is the only
person who at the beginning of the
century, says anything about their
location. Smith has not in the form
of descriptions told us particularly
anything about these towns, and all
that he has said we have already dis
cussed. But in his mappe as he
calls it, he has given us while imit-
ed, very definite information. He is
moreover fair in his statements. Of
the map he says that as far as one
sees the line of little crosses placed
on mountains, houses, rivers and so
forth, he has actually discovered;
but all north of that he has set down
in the map from information given
him by the Indians. The point fur
thest north so marked by him is on the
Susquehanna River, on the west side,
and on the south slope of a hill. It
is about three-fourths the way from
the mouth of the river to the first
great branch of the river flowing into
it from the west. That branch flow
ing into it from the west is likely
Muddy Creek, York County, and it en
ters the river opposite Fite s Eddy,
which on the P. R. R. Map is (Fites
Eddy) 21 miles from the Bay
(Perry ville). The spot marked by
Smith is thus about 15 miles from
the Bay, or less, and thus is just
about the Pennsylvania line, because
Haines station, the last station
in Pennsylvania is 15 miles by
railroad from Perryvile. Passing
eastward the farthest point north,
which Smith says he discovered per
sonally is marked by him on North
east River, the second branch of the
Bay. This is a few miles below the
Pennsylvania line. A little southeast
of this he marks Peregrin Mount,
which we spoke of in a former item.
This Mount, page 185, he says is "the
highest mountain we saw northward."
| This point is north of the Elk River;
! but in Maryland. West of the Sus-

ANXALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

quehanna the highest point as shown | boro., a mile or two below, which are

by the map which Smith saw is a
point about five miles from the mouth
of Gunpowder River about 20 or 25
miles south of the Pennsylvania line
a river forming the boundary be
tween Hartford and Baltimore coun
ties. Smith called it the Willoby. This
is the river which in a former item
Smith said he saw the "Massowome-
kes go up," on their departure. West
of this mark there are four other
crosses in an irregular southwest
line in the direction of the Shenan-
doah Valley.

Now as to the towns, the A. L. Guss
work before referred to, page 4, says
"The principal town, Susquehannock,
is laid down 22 miles from the Bay
but the book speaks of them being
two days journey higher than our
barge could pass for the rocks. Two
days journey was more than 22 miles
and they waited 3 or 4 days for re-

strong marks of a village or town.
On the railroad maps Washington
boro., is marked 40 and Vz miles from
the Bay. It must be remembered
this location is fixed by Smith from
what the Indians told him; and that
he did not see Susquehannough him
self. It is by the map about 10 miles
farther up the river than the marks,
he personally explored.

Mr. Guss also says page 5. "There
was a Susquehanna New Town
where some falls below hindered the
navigation about 1648; and that the
Susquehanna Fort of 1670 was on the
south side below the greatest Falls
now known as Conewago." He also
says same page that "they also had
a fort at the mouth of Octoraro as
early as 1662, as it is impossible to
locate the town of Smith s descrip
tion.

Smith learned of five other towns

turn of interpreters they probably I from the Indians, located on the map,
went 30 or 40 miles. It is claimed

the chief town was near the mouth
of Conestoga." This town Smith in
his map calls Susquehannough; and
places it on the east side of the
River, about 5 miles above the mouth
of Muddy Creek which creek mouth we
have said is opposite Fite s Eddy.
Fite s Eddy is marked 21 miles from
the Bay, and three miles above that
point would be McCall s Ferry which
is marked 25 miles from the Bay or
ten miles above the Pennsylvania

These are:

ATTAOCK; and Guss tells us page
5. "It is at the head of a stream
emptying into Susquehanna on the
west side below the chief town." It
is really about the same latitude as
the chief town. This may be in the
neighborhood of York.
About 20 miles above the chief town
on the east side is QUODROQUE. This
is just below the river fork. Guss
says Quodroque is near Middletown.
According to the map it seems to be

line. There are no marked indica- j on the Conewago.

tions, such as arrow heads in great | TISINICH is another town on a

quantity or blackened earth at the branch from the northwest; and says

McCall s or Fite s Eddy points on the

river indicating a town there as there

are in Manor township. It is likely

that Mr. Guss is right in saying the

chief town or the one on the east

side is marked " Susquehannough " by

Smith was higher up, and 40 miles as

he says, likely

would bring it

Guss, it is about Lebanon.

UCHOWIG is a town on the other
branch coming from the west. Both
this town and Tisinich are about 60
miles from the Bay." (Guss p. 5.,)
It is opposite Harrisburg.

ATQUANACHUKE is a town mark-
was the distance | ed on the map as high up the river
about Washington ! as the last two named and seems by

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

location to be off in northeastern
Berks County.

CEPOWIG is away off to the west
at the head of Willowby s River and
is a town likely in Maryland, but it
may be barely over the line in Penn
sylvania; it is among the hills.

Thus it is not true, and so says
Guss also, that Smith s towns were
in Lancaster County as some writers
state. Not more than Susquehannough
and may be Quadroque were in our
county, at it now is limited. But the
new late town at the Falls perhaps
was in the county.

1608 Early War Customs of the
Susqueliannocks.

We must notice here a few other
minor notes before going on with
the thread of the series. Mombert
tells us that the early ancestors of
our Indians left their club before any
one they killed so that any one who
discovered the dead might know what
tribe did it. (Page 11). This mighty
tribe therefore did not try to hide
their murders, but instead left their
name and token to warn inferior
tribes.

1608 Early Wanderers Among the
Susquehannocks.

Jenkins, in his history of Pennsy
lvania, page 30, says "At the height
of the summer of 1608 the Susquehan
nocks, at their town within Lancaster
county, received a message that two
strangers had come in their boats to
see them." This was the Captain
Smith visit. He also says, page 47,
that about the same time "three white
men reached the head-waters of the
Susquehanna, fell into the hands of
the Susquehannocks and were after
wards found by Hendrickson on the
Delaware and ransomed, at or near
the place Wilmington now stands."
1608 Dr. Shea on Susquehannock
Origin.

A note is found p. 117 of Alsop s

history of Maryland, and in it among
other things Dr. Shea says:

"From the Dutch, Virginians,
Swedes and French we can thus give
their history When the region now
called Canada from Lake Superior
and the Mississippi to the mouth of
St. Lawrence and Chesapeake Bay was
discovered by Europeans, it was
found occupied by two tribes, Algon-
quins and Huron Iroquois. The Al-
gonquins included all the new Eng
land tribes, and many more; also
those south of the lakes and the An-
dastagoes or Susquehannocks.

"The Iroquois at first inferior to

the Algonquins were driven out of

the valleys of the St. Lawrence into

the Lake Region of New York where

I by greater cultivation, valor and

| union they became superior to the

! Algonquins of Canada and New York

as the Susquehannocks who settled

j on the Susquehanna did over the

tribes in New Jersey, Maryland and

Virginia "And on this he cites Du-

Ponceau s Translation of Campanius

p. 158.

He proceeds, "Prior to 1600 the
Susquehannocks and the Mohawks,
the most eastern Iroquois tribe, came
into collision and the Susquehan
nocks nearly exterminated the Mo
hawks in a war which lasted ten
years." This he bases on the Jesuit
Relations of 1659 and 60 p. 28. We
have noticed this before. However
it may not have been made clear that
this war began prior to 1600.

He then tells of Captain Smith s
meeting sixty of these Susquehan
nocks and that they were at war with
the Massawomekes, which he calls
Mohawks and cites on this De Laet s
Novis Orbis p. 73. This we have fully
discussed.
1608 Susqnehannocks War with the

Mohawks*

Here is a subject which is very of
ten referred to, but there is very lit-

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

tie history to be found about it. Cap
tain Smith refers to it many times
about years 1608 and later, and states
that the Susquehannocks were in
mortal dread of them. Dr. Shea, in
his "Identity of Andastes, Cones-
togas, Minquas and Susquehannocks"
found in Vol. 2 of Historical Maga
zine, pp. 294 to 297, says the Mohawk
war was in 1608; but Vol. 45, Jesuit
Relations, pp. 203 to 5, puts it as late
as 1629. This we have partly dis
cussed on page 6. But the Jesuit Re
lations are not very clear as to the
date, saying also, in page and book
just indicated, that the Mohawks have
within sixty years been both at the
top and the bottom of the wheel.
Truly warlike they had to fight with
all their neighbors, with tribes on the
east and on the south with the An-
daste (Susquehannocks). Toward
the end of the last century they were
reduced so low that scarcely any of
them were left; nevertheless, like a
noble germ they increasd in a few
yars and reduced the Algonquins in
turn; but this condition did not last
long, for the Andaste (Susquehan
nocks) waged such energetic war on
them during ten years that they were
overthrown for the second time and
their nation rendered almost extinct,
or at least so humiliated that the
name Algonquin made them tremble."
This account was written in 1659,
and referring to "the last century"
of course means before 1600; and the
"few years after" would bring the
Mohawk Susquehannock contest
about the first decade of the next
century or about 1608 or 1610; and
this conincides with Captain John
Smith. It is a pity that no history
is extant of the campaigns of this
war, or any knowledge of the size of
the savage armies, etc.; for the fact
of its lasting ten years, and the Sus
quehannocks being in those days so

mighty, point out that it was a royal
and strenuous warfre. It is notice
able that in after years whenever the
Susquehannocks wished to awe the
Mohawks they simply threatened to
j resume the war against them. And
I yet these Mohawks, fifty or more
I years later, were the father nation of
j the Five Nations, and the moving
tribe to effect the confederacy of the
Five Nations.
1608 Susfiueliaiinocks at War With

All Tribes.

Campanius (who wrote in 1693 a
: history of New Sweden, now Pennsy-
I Ivania, whom we have before quoted)
5 who says that much that he wrote
I about, his grandfather told him, says
j p. 137 of his book, that the Indians
of the province were often at war
with the Minquas (Susquehannocks)
and that these Minquas and others
"have skirmished with the English,
; as Samuel Purchase s relates in his
I 9th Book, Chap. 6th." As Samuel
j Purchase s book was published in
I 1626, the time referred to by Cani-
panius was prior to that date.
1009 Samuel Argoll Takes Possess
ion and Atturnment for Susque-

liannock Kings.

At least one historian says that
contemporaneous with Smith certain
other Englishmen were interested in
the trade and lands of the Susque
hannock Indians. This historian,
whoever he was, wrote about 1648, a
work called a "Descrption of New
Albion" which may be found in the
Historical Society Library at Phila-
! delphia, and also an extract of it in
Proud s History of Pennsylvania.page
| 111. This author says, tracing the
I history of the Chesapeak country
j back to the Cabots.that they (Cabots)
! took possession o f the Chesapeak;
and that from him it afterward fell
j to Baron Delaware, then governor of
! Virginia, who through Sir Thomas

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

Dale and Samuel Argoll, 40 years
since, took possession and atturn-
ment of tne Indian kings. That is,
an arrangement was made between
these Susquehannock and Chesapeak
Indians on the one hand and the Eng
lish on the other about 1608.
1013 Susquehannock Indian Trade to
Be Opened Into Delaware Bay

By a Canal.

At this date the Susquehannocks
were of some commercial importance
to the English and for the purpose
of getting their furs and other com
modities more easily to the lower
Delaware settlement where some of
the Dutch lived, Samuel Argoll con
templated cutting a canal to connect
the Chesapeak and Delaware. Nicho
las Biddle in 1830 in an address at
the opening of the Chesapeak and
Delaware canal said, "More than two j
centuries have passed since this work j
was contemplated by the earliest ad- I
venturers to. the Chesapeak, one of
whom Sir James (Samuel) Argoll
wrote to England in 1613 that he
hoped to make a cut between Chesa
peak Bay and the Delaware." (4 Haz.
Reg. 270 and Acrelius History of New
Sweden p. 19).

1615 Trading Posts.
Clayborn is usually given credit for
establishing the first trading posts
about 1625 below the mouth of the
Susquehanna, but Johnson in his
History of Maryland, page 7, gives
John Pory several years priority as
follows: "Kent Island, before Clay-
borne established there may have
been the seat of a trading post. The
letters of John Pory, secretary of the
Virginia Company extant in London,
are dated anterior to Clayborne s
time and inform the company of a
discovery made by him and others
into the Great Bay northward where
we left settled very happily near a
hundred Englishmen with the hope of
good trade in furs."

1615 Earliest Known White Man On
Susquehanna.

1615 to 1618: In a note page 291
of Vol. 5 of the Jesuit Relations, it
is set forth that Eitienne Brule, a na
tive of Champigny, Prance, came to
Quebec with Champlain in 1607 or 8;
that he was an Interpreter for the
Hurons during many years and lived
with the tribe.

In 1615 he went with Champlain to
the Huron country and was sent by
his commander to the Carantounais,
allies of the Hurons and probably to
the Andastae (Susquehannocks) liv
ing on the Susquehanna to hasten
the coming of warriors on the expe
dition against the Iroquois. Cham-
plain saw no more of him till three
years later when he came down to
Quebec with the Hurons, trading. He
told Champlain that he had been ob
liged to remain among the Caran
tounais and had explored the coun
try southward to the sea (Slafter
says to Chesapeak Bay) and had been
captured, by the Iroquois and nar
rowly escaped death by torture, but
succeeded in making his way back
to the Hurons.

In this there is indeed a strong
likelihood that this Frenchman, Brule,
traversed the western parts of Lan
caster County between 1615 and 1618,
j if Capt Smith was not here before.
I This is so because of his story of
| going southward from the Upper Sus-
| quehannocks to the sea, and also
from the fact that the Hurons and
I Susquehannocks were allies.

l(U7_Delawares Become Women.
As the Delawares moved from the
Delaware and the Brandywine to the
Susquehanna (Sec. 3, Col. Rec. 45),
we must treat them to some extent
as Indians of the Susquehanna Coun
try. In the year 1617 they were
made the peace makers by collusion,
they charge, on the part of the

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Dutch. Mombert tells us, page 12
after reciting that the women had
been the peacemakers and had not
been successful, or that a powerful
nation would be more effective in
this office, that the Mengui urged up
on the Delawares that as they were
a powerful tribe they should be the
peacemakers. Their pride was

touched says Mombert, "In a moment
of blind confidence in the sincerity
of the Jroquois they acceded to the
proposition and assumed the petti
coat. The ceremony of metamorpho
sis was performed with great rejoic
ing at Albany in 1G17 in the pres-
cence of the Dutch whom the Lenape
(Delawares) charged with having
conspired with the Mengui (The Iro-
quois) for their destruction." Then
Mombert goes on to tell us that hav
ing disarmed the Delawares they led
them into war with the Cherokees
arid then suddenly deserted them un
armed to their destruction.
1621 Indian Trade Becomes More

Proiitable.

Samuel Argoll, not satisfied with the
profits he was making out of the
Susquehanna Indians in their own
country, now began making expedi
tions further up the coast where we
have seen the Susquehannocks also
had trade privileges. One of these
expeditions was intended for Hud
son river. Captain Mason, complain
ing to Secretary Cooke of this in 1632
says, "Sir Samuel Argoll, Knight,
with many English planters were pre
paring to go and sit down in a lot
of land on Monahata river at the
same when the Dutch intruders which
caused a demur ir their proceedings
until King James and the said Samuel
Argoll and Captain Mason of ye
Dutch in an act of 1621 had ques
tioned the states of the low counties
of this matter." (See Sec. Pa. Arch.
Vol. 5, p. 27). And this year he says

that they have returned 15,000 beaver

skins besides other commodities. (P.

28).

1623 The Dutch Furnish Fire Arms

to Susquehannocks.
We have before shown that as early
as 1608 Captain Smith found the Sus
quehannocks to have fire arms from
the Dutch. Smith in his history of
New Jersey, however says, "The
Dutch are reported about the year
1623 to have furnished the Indians
with fire arms and to have taught
them to use them, that by their as
sistance they might expel the English
when they began to settle around
I them." See same cited in Proud Vol.
1 1, p. 110.

There s plenty of evidence to this

day that these Susquehannocks d!d

have metal weapons. John M. Wit-

mer, formerly of Manor township, has

two iron axes, three copper darts,

i one flat and two hollow cones and

several yards of beads, found upon

| the localities they inhabited in

i southwestern Manor township.

1625 The Attack of Clayborne and

Kent Island.

While we have seen in former pages
the Kent island was occupied by
English earlier than 1625 according
to Proud (115 note) it was about that
year that the occupancy began to be
felt by the Indians. He after speak
ing of the Maryland Patent about
1634, says, "Now Kent Island with
many households of English by Capt.
C. Clayborne was seated." And John
son in his history of Maryland says
page 15, "Clayborne had not only
possession of Kent Island but estab
lished a trading post at Palmer s Is
land at the mouth of the Susquehan
na. This was several years before
1637 when Clayborne was attainted
for high treason on the part of Lord
Baltimore." And page 116 in Proud
citing the Description of New Albion

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

it is stated in Clayborne s words, "I
hold Kent Island, having lately but
20 men in it and the mill and fort
pulled down, and in war with all the
Indians near it, is not worth keep
ing." This seems to be about 1625,
and is the first mention of wars with
the Whites in which the Susquehan-
nocks were interested.

1629 and Later: Susquehannock s
Wars With Other Indians.

The Jesuit Relations as we have
before stated, are a set of histories
(72 volumes in all) containing the
Narrations or relations of the Jesuit
fathers of what they found and saw
in early America. In Vol. 55, pp.
203-5 they say that the Mohawks
fought with the Andastas (their name
for the Susquehanna) a people in
habiting the shores of Virginia and
that the Andastas waged such ener
getic war against them during ten
years that they were overthrown the
second time and their nation render
ed almost extinct. This was at the
time when the Dutch took possession
of the regions and conceived a fond
ness for the beavers of the natives,
some thirty years ago, and in order
to secure them in greater numbers
they furnished these people with fire
arms with which it was easy to con
quer their conquerors and that is
what has rendered them formidable
everywhere so that at the sound of
their guns they flee in terror." As
this narrative was written in 1659,
thirty years ago would make the
date 1629. These are the same war
like operations Lyle s history refers
to on page 18.

During this time, too, Clayborne
was trading with the Susquehannocks
as Mombert tells us page 22 and as
do other authors.

1630 Petty Wars.

About this time a body of English
men called Pilgrims bought Kent Is

land from the Yoacomacoes Indians
who were constantly annoyed by the
Susquehannocks, who ravaged their
country; and Clayborne then instigat
ed the Susquehannocks to make war
on the settlers of the Island. But
Clayborne was not successful as the
owners of the island drove him away
and he was arrested for treason. But
in 1642 he again captured the island,
Lyle 18. From this date (1630) until
1647 the Susquehannas appear not to
be in any considerable war. There
fore, we must now, to keep the
chronological order of these Annals
set forth several matters concerning
these Indians which are not warlike.

About 1633 the Susquehannocks
seemed to have an undisputed super
iority over all other tribes. This
was through them having had fire
arms from Dutch Swedes and
French at different times from 1608
to 1635. Johnson in the History of
Maryland page 15, says "In 1634, the
j Pilgrims found the Indians from whom
they purchased the land for their
town (on Kent Island) in great dread
of the Susquehannocks." In the same
year Mombert, pp. 22, says the Sus
quehannocks sold to Maryland all
their lands up the Patuxent River,
But the Colonial Records (4 C. R.
704) would make the date 1654.

We must not forget to note that
from this date 1633 to 1644 the Sus
quehannocks did wage small but con
tinual war with the Yaowacoes, the
Piscataways and Patuxent Indians
and were so troublesome toward the
end of this period that Lord Calvert
declared them public enemies. See
Indian History Lower Susquehanna
a small volume issued by the Dauph
in County Historical Society, page 40.
This is the first evidence of the Sus
quehannocks, turning against the
whites, for whom up to this date they
had shown marked friendship. About

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

a dozen years later they became very I
great enemies of the whites.

Various accounts have been given
of the furnishing arms to the Susque- I
hannocks as we have just said, but
Proud in Hist, of Pa. (notes) p. 110
says, in 1623 the Dutch furnished the
Indians fire-arms and taught them to
use them so they might help the
Dutch to expel the English when they
began to settle around them, and
page 111, (notes) he says apparently
about year 1637, the Swedes hired
out three of their soldiers to the Sus-
quehannocks who taught them the
use of our arms and fights."

1633 DeVries Contact With the
Snsquehauuocks.

DeVries in his history of his trav
els in America, published in 1655,
tells of the doings of the Minquas
(Susquehannas) which he learned of
in his first voyage as follows: "The
llth of Feb. fully fifty Indians came
over the river from the fort (Nas
sau, now New Castle, Delaware), up
on the ice with canoes directly to
our yacht so that they could step in
it from the shore and speak to us.
They were Minquas, who dwell
among the English. They came on a
warlike expedition and were 600
strong. They were friendly to us;
but it would not do to trust them
too far. 1 determined as the flood
tide began, that we should haul into
the mouth of the kill (river) so that
they could not come upon us in force
and master us." See Murphy s Trans
lation of DeVries p. 41.

1633 DeVries Learns of Siisquehan-
nook Barbarities.

The same author, p. 43, says "Feb
ruary 13th, three Indians came, who
were of the tribe pursued by the Sus-
quehannocks. They told us they
were fugitives; that the Minquas
(Susquehaimccks) had killed some

of their people and they had escaped.
They had been plundered of all their
corn; their houses had been burnt
and they had escaped in great want
and had to flee and be content with
what they could find in the woods
and came to spy out in what way the
Minquas had gone away. They told
us also that the Minquas had killed
ninety men of the Loukiekens; that
they would come to us the next day
when the sun was in the southeast
as they were suffering great hunger;
and that the Minquas had left and
gone from us, back to their own
country."

"DeVries in his voyages found the
Susquehannocks in 1633 at war with
the Armewamen and Sankiekans, Al-
gonquins and other tribes on the
Delaware maintaing their supremacy
by butchery but they were friendly to
the Dutch." Murphy s Translation of
DeVries Voyages on p. 413.

In 1637 the Susquehanuocks Conspire

with the Rebellious Inhabitants

of Kent Isle to Defy

the Power of

Maryland.

Vol. 3, page 64, of the Maryland
Archives sets forth, Feb. 12, 1637,
by the Governor and Council The
Governor and Council taking into
consideration the many piracies, mu
tinies, insolencies and contempts of
this government by divers inhabitants
of Kent Isle, formerly committed and
warrants sent lately into the island
under the great seal of this province
for apprehension of malefactors, were
destroyed and the prisoners rescued
out of the officers hands by force and
arms, and divers of them to protect
themselves in an unlawful rebellion,
did practice and conspire with the
Susquehannock and other Indians
against the inhabitants of this coun
ty, we have thought fit that the Gov-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

ernor should sail in this province to
the said island with sufficient soldiers
and establish, martial law and for his
assistance have under order a captain
or commander to wit that Capt. Thos.
Cornwaleys should go with him to
aid and ass st; and it is so com
manded." Kent Isle is a few miles
from the mouth of the Susquehanna
River, and the turbulent inhabitants
found the great Susquehannocks a
powerful allay, in their defiance of
Maryland.

1637 The Susquehannocks Accused

of Spreading Smallpox to

Other Peoples,

In Vol. 14 of Jesuit Relations, p. 9,
the following occurs: "On the 20th
we learned a new opinion concerning
the malady, smallpox, that a report
was current that it had come from
the Andastes (Susquehannocks). This
tribe it is said had been infected
therewith by Alaentsic, whom they
hold to be the mother of him who
made the earth that she had passed
through all the cabins of two valleys
and that at the second they asked her,
Now after all why is it thou makest
us to die, 5 and that she answered,
Because my grandson Souskeha is
angry at men, for they do nothing
but make war and kill one another
and he is resolved to punish them."

Here we see something of the Sus-
quehannock supersitition, and the su-
perstitition of other Indian tribes.
These mighty mysterious Susquehan
nocks were the frightful enemies of
other tribes, and the very commonly
attributed evils, misfortunes and
calamities to them, believing that
the Susquehannocks had some occult
association with the devil and super
natural powers of many kinds.

1637 Sale of the Whole Susquehan
na Riyer Valley to Clay borne.

I now set forth a very interesting

Indian sale of the lands forming a
great part of what is now Lancaster
county, and much other lands besides.
In Vol. 3 of Maryland Archives, p.
66, we find, "The petition of Capt.
Wm. Clayborne in behalf of himself
and his partners," addressed to the
King.

This petition sets forth, "That by
a commission under your Majesty s
signature he "Clayborne" did discover
and plant an island in the Bay of
Chesapeake, called Kent Island/which
the petitioners bought of the Kings
of the country, where the same is
and transplanted people on it, etc..
etc. and your petitioner desires a
way by which the Crown may enjoy
an annual benefit and they offer your
Majesty 100 pounds per annum, viz.:
50 pounds for Isle of Kent, and 50
pounds for the plantations in the
Susquehannocks country, in consid-
! eration they to have there twelve -
| leagues of land, from the mouth of
| said river on each side thereof down
to the Bay southeast to seaward and
so to the head of said river to the
great Lake of Canada, to be held in
fee from the Crown of England to
be paid yearly to his Majesty s Ex
chequer, and he has at the Indians
desire on Susquehanna purchased
the same from them, and hopes to
draw the trade of beavers and furs
which the French now wholly have
and enjoy in the great lakes of Can
ada, to England."

As the English league is three stat
ute miles we readily see what a large
strip of Territory the enterprising
Claybo.rne bought from the Susque
hannocks about 40 miles on each
side of the Susquehanna and from
the source to the mouth. This in
cluded all of Lancaster county ex
cept the northeast corner, besides
much other lands. It extended fully
to Gap, Christiana, Churchtown and

AXXALS OF THE SUSQUEHAXXOCKS AXD

Adamstown. It is historically impor
tant, too, to notice that the fur trade
of the Susquehanna Valley was going
northward instead of southward at
this time north to the French. Yet
there is much history to show that
the Susquehannocks were trading
with the Swedes, or beginning to do
so just about this time. Prior to this
too, they traded with the Dutch. As
the Swedes came only in 1637, that
trade with the Susquehannocks which
Campanius talks about was just be
ginning. But it would seem natural
that the Susquehannocks traded with
the Marylanders on the south more
than with the French on the north.
This was likely one of Clayborne s
fabrications (to say the trade was
going all to the French) in order to
induce King Charles I to grant his
request. Clayborne was a great law
breaker and government defier, as we
shall see later.

1637 Claj borne Offers Witnesses to
Make Out His Case of Purchase.
In Vol. 5 of Maryland Archives, p.
231, Clayborne s evidence of his
title appears in the deposition of
Rob t Evelyn, whom we have hereto
fore seen, is quoted by Proud in Vol.
1, as the author of a description of
Pennsylvania written about 1646.
This deposition is as follows: "This
deponent having long lived with a na
tion of Indians called the Susquehan
nocks as an interpreter for Capt.
Clayborne, doth rememebr that the
people and King of the aforesaid na
tion of Indians did often invite said
Clayborne to come to them, which
Clayborne and his people did, and
plant upon Palmer s Island. In April
1637, the King of the Susquehannocks
did come with a great number of his
Great Men and with all their con
trives did give to Clayborne Palmer s
Island, with a great deal more land
each side of the river Susquehanna

and the bay, as is specified in a writ
ing then made and truly interpreted
by this deponent verbatim to the
King of the Susquehannocks, and he
in turn signed, and in token and con
firmation of said gift the King did
cut some trees on said land and did
cause his people to clear the ground
for said Clayborne to put corn in
that year, after which Clayborne did
build houses on Palmer s Island."
(More of this transaction and sale
of Susquehanna Valley will be dis
cussed later).

1638 Swedes Buy Land to Susque
hanna River from Indians.

When the Swedes in 1638 settled
1 on the Delaware, the.v renewed
| the friendly intercouse begun by
j the Dutch and purchased lands from
I the ruling tribes. This we have al-
j ready noticed citing from Campanius
j and Acrelius. But Dr. Shea cites Ha-
! zard s Annals p. 48. Turning to Ha-
I zard we find he says the Swedes pur-
i chased all the lands from Cape Hen-
; lopen to Trenton Falls and set up
I stakes and marks; that the original
deeds for these lands with the In
dian marks were sent to Sweden and
are preserved at Stockholm where
they as well as a map were seen by
Israel Helm and copy made of the
map and brought over in 1697. He
says the Indians previously had sold
these lands to the Dutch. (In the
next item we will show that the lands
extended to the Susquehanna).

j 1638 Swedes Contract with Susque-
hannocks.

About this time the Swedes came in
to contact with our Indians. We
| have just shown how they-encouraged
j them in use of guns, etc. In Acrelius
j History of New Sweden, (which was
j the Swedish name of Pennsylvania)
I we are told p. 33 that Menewe s colony
I reached Delaware River in 1638 and

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

that land ,was bought from the In
dians from the mouth to the falls of
the rivei Delaware and inland as
far as their lands extended and that
posts were driven into the ground to
mark the lines; and page 47 it is
said that this land bought in Mene-
we s time extended westward to the
great falls in the river Susquehanna
near the mouth of the Conewago
Creek and that it was bought among
others from the Minquas or Minqua
Indians, whom the Jesuit Relations
Vol. 8 p. 301 tells us were called by
the Jesuits Andastas, by the Dutch
Minquas and by the English Susque-
hannas, or Conestogas. And page 48
in Acrelius it is stated that the land
bought in Menewe s time 1638 extend
ed 93 miles in the interior, on the
Conestoga and Susquehanna. This
therefore will give a fair idea of
when the Swedes met our Indians.
1638 Clayfoorne s Claims to Susque
hanna Valley and Kent Island
Held Null and Void by

England.
In Vol. 3 of Maryland Archives, p.

Clayborne s power and grant is only
to trade under the signet of Scot
land and it appearing this same con
troversy was up before this Board in
1633 and Lord Baltimore left to en
joy his patent rights, therefore it is
decided that the said Clayborne has
no title to the same and cannot be
redressed against the proceedings of
said Lord Baltimore." Therefore his
purchase from the Susquehannock
King and Great Man could not avail
him anything.

1638 A Susquehannock Baptized.

The next item is of a far different
nature. Under the date of 1646, it is
set out in Vol. 30, p. 85, of the Jesuit
Relations, that "Eight years ago
(1638) we had here baptized an An-
daste (Susquehannock), one of the
Huron language,who were in Virginia
where the English have their trade.
After that time this man having re
turned to his own country it was
supposed his faith was stifled in the
midst of the impiety which prevails
there. This year we learned from a
Huron who returned from that coun-

71, we find it recorded, "Before the try that the faith of the man

Lords Commissioners of Plantations
atWhitehall,Eng.,"Whereas a petition
was presented by William Clayborne
on behalf of himself and his partners,
setting forth that he discovered cer
tain islands on Kent and Palmer and
bought certain lands from the Sus
quehannock Indians, and the petition
alleging great charges and expenses,
and they likewise having settled the
other lands, aforesaid, upon the
mouth of a River at the bottom head
of the Bay in the Susquehaimough
country and that said Lord Baltimore
agents sought to dispossess them and
him and did great injury to his.Clay-
borne s trade and all parties attend
ing this day with counsel and it ap
pearing the same was partly in said

strong as ever, that he makes public
confession and continues in his duty
as much as if he lived among Chris
tian people."

This speaks well for the tenacity
of the Susquehannock to the religious
principles when they are taught to
him. Little items like these give us
an insight into the other side of the
character of these savage people of
our great River 270 years ago.

1638 Indian Paths from Susque
hanna to Delaware.

I put this item under the date of
1638 because the subject of it likely
became a fact during the first years
that the Swedes entered into Pennsy

lvania, which was about 1338.

Lord Baltimore s patent and that | Vol. 3 of Memoirs of Historical Society

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

part 2, page 131, found in the His
torical Society Library, Philadelphia,
under the head of "Indian Treaties
for Lands now the Site of Philadel
phia," by Watson, of Watson s An
nals, it is said that in 1638 a line and
diagram were made of an Indian
treaty, and that the line surveyed
"goes in a direct line from Philadel
phia to a spot on the Susquehanna
about three miles above the mouth of
the Conestoga Creek, near a spot
marked Fort Demolished The line
crosses two Indian paths running
each northwest, the first at 15 miles
from Philadelphia at Rocky Run, the
other 38 miles distant near a rivu
let two miles beyond Doe Run."

I quote this because it is the earli
est mention of the location of any
road or path in Pennsylvania; and
the path leads towards Susquehanna.
It also confirms the existence and the
location of the "Fort" on the Susque
hanna, which is somewhat mooted. I
shall have occasion to insert a part
of this article again under a later
date for another purpose. I cite it un
der this date for the purpose of call
ing attention to the location of the
two Indian roads and likely of the
Fort at this date viz.: 1638. If
the fort and the paths were facts at
that, date, then too certain facts of
Susquehannock trade and war are al
so evidenced.

1638 Map of New Sweden at
This Time.

In the Maryland Building at the
Jamestown Exposition I saw a map
of "New Sweden 1638 to 1655." This
map shows the line marking the
northern line of the lands purchased
by the Swedes from the Susquehan-
nocks and other Indians in 1638,
which line runs through the latitude
of the Philadelphia, or as it is mark
ed, through the mouth of the Schuyl-
kill; then the line of the purchase of

] 1642 is also marked many, miles far-
jther north, but also running east and
west, about the latitude of Easton.
This gives additional light upon the
claims and pretensions of the Susque-
hannocks at this time. Both lines
extend to and over the Susquehanna,
from the Delaware.

1638 Susquehannock Customs
About This Time.

I now jot down an item as to cer
tain Susquehannock customs found by
the Swedes when they came among
them in 1638. Campanius tells us of
this in his history of New Sweden, p.
121, and while what he relates there
of itself does not prove that he is
speaking of the Susquehannocks dis
tinguished from other Indians other
parts of the text read with it show
it to be so. A little portion of this
I have written before but I set it
down more fully now. He says/They
make bread out of the maize or In
dian corn which they prepare in a
manner peculiar to themselves; they
crush the grain between two stones
or on a large piece of wood; they
moisten it with water and make it in
to small cakes which they wrap up
in corn leaves and bake them in the
ashes. They can fast for many days
when necessity compels them. When
the are traveling or lying in wait for
their enemies they take with them a
kind of bread made of Indian corn
and tobacco juice which is very good
to allay hunger and quench thirst
in case they have nothing else at
hand. When the Swedes first arrived
the Indians were in the habit of cat-
ing human flesh and they generally
ate that of their enemies after boil
ing it, which can easily be proved.
My father related to me that Indians
once invited a Swede to go with him
to their habitation in the woods;
when they arrived they treated him
to the best in the house and pressed

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

him to eat, which he did. Their en
tertainment was sumptuous. There
was broiled and boiled and even hash
ed meat; but it seems it did not
agree with his stomach. Afterwards
they left him know that he had eat
en of the flesh of an Indian of a
neighboring tribe with whom they
were at war. Their drink before the
Christians came was only fresh
water; but now they are fond of
strong liquors. Both men and women
smoke tobacco, which grows in great
abundance in their country."

1638 Trouble With the Indians-
More Light Upon Clay-
borne s Proceed
ings.

1638 9 Act to put Maryland in
state of defense against the Susque-
hannocks and other northern Indians.
(Act for Military discipline).
Be it enacted, etc., that every house
keeper within this province shall
have ready continually upon all oc
casions within his, her or their
houses for him or themselves and
for every person within his or their
house able to bear arms one service
able fixed gunne, of bastard musket
k ore one pair bandaleers or shott
bag, one pound of good powder four
pounds of pistol or musket shott and
a sufficient quantity of match for
matchlocks and of flint for firelocks
and before Christmas next shall also
find a sword and belt for every such
person aforesaid; that it shall be
for the Captain of St. Mary s of the
Isle of Kent once in every month to
demand of every dwelling house a
sight or view of said arms and ammu
nition and to certify default to the
commander who shall amerce the
parties in such paine as the default
deserves not to exceed 30 pounds of
tobacco for one default; and the cap
tain shall forthwith supply the part-

and ammunition as aforesaid ap
pointed.

And upon any alarm every house
holder having three or more in the
house able to bear arms shall send
one man armed for every such three;
and two men for every five to such
place as shall be appointed; and all
householders delaying to send the
men aforesaid shall be fined, etc.
Here we see in what terror those
Susquehannocks were held. Vol. 1,
Maryland Archives pp. 77 and 78.

1639 Susquehaimocks Angered at
Maryland.

Bozman in his history of Maryland
page 161, says "The Susquehannocks
who have been represented as the
boldest and most warlike of all the
Indians now engaged in hostilities
against our colonies. This warfare
with them was brought on our colon
ists by their endeavors to stay the
incursions of the Susquehannocks
against the peaceful and friendly
tribes of Piscataway and Patuxent
and others with whom the Susque
hannocks never ceased to wage unin
terrupted war ever since the first
settlement of Maryland."

1639 Maryland Sends Armed

Force Against the Sus-

quehannocks.

It now became necessary for Mary
land to send the first armed force
against the Susquehannocks. This
effort is set forth in Bozman s Mary
land, pp. 162 and 3 as follows: "By
the Lieutenant Governor and Council
May 28, 1639 Whereas it is necessary
forthwith to make an expedition, up
on the Indians of the East shore, at
the public charge of the Province, it
is thought fit to send a shallop, and
to provide twenty corslets or suits
of light armor a barrel of powder
four roundlets of shot per man a

ies deficient with all necessary arms | barrel of oatmeal three firkins of

I l

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

butter four cases of hot waters
(whiskey) and necessary provisions
to be made for the men and a pinnacle j
be pressed to go to Kent victualled
and manned and it be provided with
four hogsheads of meal; and a pin
nacle be sent against the Susquehan-
nocks, sufficiently victualled and
manned, and thirty or more good
shott (marksmen) with gunn or pis
tols, with necessary officers be press
ed out of the Province and that each
of the shott (marksmen) be allowed
at the rate of 100 pounds of tobacco
per month or another man in his
room at home to attend to his plan
tation ; and two sergeants double said
rate and that victuals and other nec
essary accomodations for said soldiers
and all others which shall go as vol
unteers be made and provided and
two pinnacles and a skiff be pressed
and fitted for transporting and land
ing of said companies and that good
laboring hands be pressed to supply
the place of planters, gone on the
expedition."

At the same time a law was passed
to put Maryland in a state of de
fense, see laws of 1638, Chap. 2, Sec.
8, where the same may be found. Al
so refer to first and second para
graph above.

Evans in his history of Lancaster
County, page 11, says of this expe
dition: "The Susquehannocks having
continued to give the Pilgrim settlers
of St. Mary s a great deal of trouble
the Council resolved to invade that
country in 1639. namely the east
ern shore of the Bay. An expedition
was planned against them but was
abandoned upon receipt of intelli
gence that the Susquehannocks were
supplied with firearms. The Indians
of that tribe continued to harass the
settlers and we are not aware a suc
cessful resistance was made against
them or their country along the

Susquchanna by the Marylanders;
but the fire in the rear from the Iro-
quois became so hot that the Susque
hannocks concluded to form an al
liance with the whites."

1640 Another Witness for Clay
borne s Title.

The records of this year give us
more light upon Clayborne s proceed
ings in the Susquehanna Valley and
at the mouth of the river. In Vol. 5,
Maryland Archives, p. 188, something
is told us about the trial of Clay
borne s title to these lands. A wit
ness soon after Clayborne s departure
for England, persuaded the governor
of Maryland to go to Susquehanna,
and that there the said Evelyn did
lend or give out of the fort at the
Isle of Kent to the governor a small
piece of ordinance to go against the
Island of Palmer where Clayborne
had planted and the governor going
there did displant the houses at Pal
mer s Island and carry away all the
men, cattle and hogs into Maryland
and that thereby by Clayborne has
lost 1000 pounds sterling." And in
the same book, p. 184, it is set out
that "said Evelyn delivered to the
j governor of Maryland two pieces of
Dutch cloth and other stuffe and
powder and beavers with which the
governor went up to the Susquehan
nocks and bought corn therewith,
but would not deliver to Evelyn any
of the corn, the planters standing in
great need thereof." And also, page
234, under the same year (in same
book) we find a witness says, "In the
summer of 1637 this deponent, a ser
vant of Clayborne, was appointed by
Clayborne with other men to plant
Palmer s Island in the territory of
the Susquehannocks, which island
with other lands adjacent thereto the
Kings of the Susquehannocks had
granted to Clayborne, and that the
governor of Maryland sent men and

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

took it and the cattle, hogs and men."
The force of all this is, that the
governor of Maryland, found it expe
dient to try to disaffect the Susque-
hannock Indians from Clayborne be-
for trying to disposses him from the
Susquehanna River mouth and its is
lands. They were friends of Clay-
borne, and the governor felt that the
infant province was not strong
enough to overthrow the combina
tion. So he even used some of Clay-
borne s goods to take to the Susque-
hannocks and buy then off he bought
corn from them which they were
used to sell to Clayborne s planters,
and in need of which they sorely
stood so that he might weaken them
by cutting off their source of prov
isions. This Palmer s island is a very
interesting point today, from its his
torical associations the seat of one
of the earliest English settlements
in this part of America, nearly as
early as Plymouth and but little
over a score of years later than
Jamestown, and only about fifteen
miles from the southern boundary of
Lancaster county.

1640 And Later The Susquehaimock

Rights and Possessions at

This Time.

We have seen on the authority of
Acrelius and Campanius that about
1638 the Swedes brought the lands
stretching from Delaware River to
Susquehanna up to Conewago falls.
Lewis Evans, who wrote in 1755 and
earlier in his "Analysis of General
Map of the Middle British Colonies in
America" (printed by Franklin), also
tells us about this purchase. Page
11 and 12 he says, "All from the sea
to the falls at Trenton they had con
veyed to Peter Men e vet, Commandant
under Christina, Queen of Sweden.
The boundary extended thence west
ward to the Great Falls of Susque
hanna, near the mouth of Conewago

Creek." Evans also gives a more de
finite description of the bounds of
the Susquehannocks country than
others. He says, at same page "The
Susquehannocks had abandoned the
Western Shore of Maryland before
their conquest, and the English found
it mostly derelict; the Confederates
(Five Nations) confine their claim to
the northward of a line drawn from
Conewago Falls to the North Moun
tain where it crosses Potomac and
thence by that chain of mountains to
the James River " This explains
why Smith found them pretty well
up the Susquehanna River and a va
cant territory between them and the
Powhatan Indians. But they (Susque
hannocks) did sally down into Mary
land and give them much trouble so
that in May 1639 the Maryland gov
ernment resolved to invade their
j country (Johnson s History of Cecil
[Co., p. 16). The Confederates (Five
| Nations) claimed all the country
| east of the Susquehanna north of a
line drawn from Trenton on the Dela
ware to mouth of Conewago Creek on
Susquehanna they having whipped the
the Lenape and such of the Susque
hannocks as were in that country
and driven them south of that line
Evans Analysis, p. 12. That is why
the Swedes never succeeded in buy
ing lands farther north than that line,
from these Indians. The purchase did
not extend farther west than Susque
hanna because that was derelict. In
later days of course the Five Nations
conquered all the Susquehanna lands
and we shall .see thut Penn was com
pelled to deal with these savages of
| the north, for this section of Pennsyl
vania, for &lt;hat reason. Thus at the
period of which we are writing, about
1640, the Susquehanna country In
dians had the Swedes to the east on
the lower Delaware, from New Castle
and Wilmington sites to the latitudes
I of Philadelphia, and between them

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

some scattered Delawares on the
south the Marylanders and Powhatan
Indians on the west open country
(neutral) and on the north the Five
Nations. They (the Susquehannocks)
at this time traded with both the
English on the south and the Swedes
on the east. Clayborne had cheated
and defrauded them most shamefully
at the head of
turned to their

the Bay; and they
new neighbors, the

Swedes, on the east, for trade quite
gladly, and were great friends with
them.

1040 Swedish Trade With Susque-
haimocks at This Time.

Campanius gives us the clearest ac
count of the trade between the Sus
quehannocks and the Swedes at this
time. In his description of New
Sweden, page 157, he says, "These
Indians live a distance of 93 Eng
lish miles from New Sweden where
they daily come to trade with us. The
way to their lands is very bad, being
stony, full of sharp gray stones with
hills and morasses so that the Swedes
when they went to them, which hap
pened once or twice a year, had to

walk
pits.

in the water up to their arm-
Thither they went with cloth,

kettles, axes, hatchets, knives and
mirrors and coral beads which they
sold to them for beaver and other
valuable skins and also for black
foxes and fisher s skins, which is a
kind of skin that looks like sable, but
with longer and silvery hair, like
some of the best sables, with beaver,

velvet-black squirrel skins, etc. These
precious furs are the principal ar
ticles which they have for sale. They
live on a high mountain, very steep,
and difficult to climb; but they
have a fort or square building sur-

themselves with when they go to
war." Acrelius, page 47, tells us al
so of this trade with the Swedes says
these Indians that they live and ex
tend miles from New Sweden on the
Susquehanna and ( onestoga. And
he also says that the roughness of
the "road" by which they traded can
still be seen by those who travel be
tween New Castle and Lancaster.
Thus there is no mistake that this
Swedish trade was with our Susque-
hanna River Indians.

Some of the commodities playing a
part in the trade Campanius forgets
to mention. In a note page 148, Vol.
1, of Proud s History, quoting from
Smith s History, who gives Thos.
Budd as his authority, a speech of
one of the Indian kings is given as
follows, "The strong liquor was first
sold to us by the Dutch; and they
are blind; they had no eyes; they did
not see that it was for our hurt. The
next people that came among us were
he Swedes, who continued the sale
of these strong liquors to us; they
were also blind; they had no eyes,
they did not see it to be hurtful to
give us drink; although we know it
to be hurtful to us to drink it; but if
people will sell it to us we are so in
love with it that we cannot forbear
it. When we drink it, it makes us
mad; we do not know what we do; we
then abuse one another; we throw
each ether into the fire. Seven score
of our people have been killed by rea
son of the drinking," etc. This is a
sad commentary on the beginning of
American civilization, and a shame

rounded with palisades which
reside in, as shown on page

they
12

There they have guns and small iron
cannon which they shoot and defend

that the first pitiable protest should
come from the savages. Acrelius
mention of the road is the earliest
notice of a road in Pennsylvania of
which I have any knowledge. It likely
lay through the northern Delaware
swamps and then up along the east
side of the Susquehanna River
That this boom in the Swedish trade

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

began about this time is shown also
in Vol. 5, Sec. 2, Pa. Arch., p. 78,
where it is said, "The population did
not experience any special impulse
until the year 1639 when the fur
trade with the Indians which had pre
viously been reserved to the company
was thrown free to everybody; at
which time the colonists spread them
selves far and wide," also "they sep
arated themselves from one another
and settled far into the interior of
the country the better to trade with
the Indians." Do. p. 78. The Com
pany here referred to was Dutch.

1642 The Susquehannocks Numeri
cal Strength Their Progress
in the Arts of War.

Scharf in his history of Maryland
p. 140 gives the incident of Susque-
hanna cruelty, which he fixes as hap
pening in 1642. He says, "A certain
man, a Christian, while he was mak
ing his way with others through the
woods, fell behind his companions a
little when the savages of the tribe
of Susquehannocks atacked him sud
denly from an ambuscade, and with
a strong and light spear of locust
wood from which they make their
bows, with an iron point oblong at
the sides pierced him through the
right side to the left at a hand s
breath below the arm pit near the
heart itself with a wound of two fin
gers broad at each side. From the ef
fects of this when the man had fallen
his enemies fled with the utmost pre
cipitation; but his friends who had
gone before recalled by the sudden
noise and shout returned and carried
the man from the land to the boat
which was not far distant and thence
to his home in Piscataway and left
him speechless out of his sense." This
is the verbatim description of this
cruelty which Scharf gives, he himself
quoting from Father White, a Jesuit
who knows of it personally.

Susquehannocks Declared Public
Enemies.

1642. "These are to declare and
publish that the Susquehannocks,
Wicomeses and Nantocokes Indians
are enemies of this province and as
such are to be treated and proceeded
against by all persons Given at St.
Mary s Sept., 13, 1642." Vol. 3 Md.
Arch. p. 116.

Accordingly the same year Mary
land made up another expedition to
go against the Susquehannocks. This
is detailed as follows: "It shall be
lawful for the Lieutenant General or
Captain by him to make an expedition
against the Susquehannocks or other
Indians having committeed the late
outrages against English, at such
time and manner as he thinks fit and
to take out of every county or hun
dred within the province the third
man able to bear arms, such as he
thinks fit and to go on the exepdi-
tion, and every of which men shall be
at the charge of the county, furnish
ed and provided with one fixed gunne,
2 Ibs. powder, 8 Ibs. pistol or bullet
shott, 1 sword and 2 months provi
sions of victuals and shall be trans
ported to and from the expedition
with vessels and all necessarys at
like charge. And the expenses of the
same shall be raised by a levy on the
province for the charge of the men,
vessels, ammunition and provisions
and all perquisites arising from the
levy shall be for the benefit of the
province." Vol. 1, Maryland Archives
p. 196.

1642 Extent of Swedish Land Pur
chased from the Susquehannocks.

The Swedes in a representation
dated 1642 page 767 Vol. 5 of 2nd
series Penna. Arch, set forth "This
district may be in length about 30
German miles (which is over 100
English miles) but as to the width
in the interior of the country it has

L S

AXXALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

been stipulated and decreed in the
contracts that the subjects of her ma
jesty may take as much as they
wish;" and on page 781 that all sub
jects of Sweden shall have "Liberty
of Trading upon the river of the
South (Delaware) and the interior cf
the country as well with the savages
as with the Christians, without any
condition, etc."

Thus it is plain from the above
that the Swedes had by far the lion s
share of the trade with the Minquas

they came among them over 100 years
before to trade. 4 Col. Rec. 704.
1642 Second Expedition Against the
Siisquehannocks Proclamation

by the Lieutenant General.
"Whereas the English were author
ized to kill any Indians about Patux-
ent that should be met on etiher
land or water, and certain expeditions
were therein mentioned, I, now by
reason of some accidents since hap
pening, wholly repeal and reverse the
proclamation and prohibit upon pain

or Susquehanna country Indians and o f death that no English in the coun-
as well with the various other tribes ty of st Mary s or any other part
on the Delaware. I have thought , of the province do kill or shoot any
this necessary to give a true history j Indians&gt; ot her than such as shall be
of the relations of these Minquas with known to the Siisquehannocks or
the Europeans on the Delaware, lest | W icomeses, unless first assaulted or
it might be inferred that because of j put in bodi]y fear of life by the In _
their distance inland they did not | diang l algo revoke the proclamation
come nto constant contact with the making Naulacogues enemies and de-

civilization on Delaware, which of
of course they did constantly. It
will be noticed that as above describ
ed the Minqua Creek was so named
not because the Minquas lived on it,
but beyond it, as stated it extends up
towards their lands. Along the Min
qua was their chief highway to go
to the Delaware. They lived about
the Susquehanna 20 miles or more
from the head waters of the little

clare a treaty of peace with them."
This is found in Vol. 3, Maryland
Archives p. 129, and it amply illus
trates the feeling in Maryland at this
time against the Siisquehannocks.

1642 Some Projected Expedition
Against the Siisquehan
nocks Abandoned.

In Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, p.
130, this further proclamation by the

Minqua or as Acrelius puts it 93 ] Lieutenant General is set forth:
miles from the Delaware. It is plain | "Whereas by a proclamation dated
also that besides this route to the January 31, on certain hopes then

Delaware these Susquehannas some

presumed upon of means to go on a

time went by way of Schuylkill, 10 march upon the Susquehannocks, I
to 20 miles from the mouth of the j did declare to the province there
same they had a trading station with I would be an expedition set forth at
the Swedes. It is also plain that they I his lordship s charge, which means
were beaver trappers along the ; being not yet found to answer my

Schuylkill and the other streams of
that locality. The amount of com
plaining of the Dutch too shows the

hopes, I think fit to advise further of
the said expedition and therefore do
annul the said proclamation and ob-

trade was very profitable. Accord- ! ligations undertaken and all powers
ing to the speech of Cannassetego in i concerning the expedition, this 8th
Lancaster Court House, June 25th, j day of April."

1744, the Indians of whom he spoke, i We see by this item that while the
cordially welcomed the Dutch when I government of the province of Mary-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

land were determined to war on the
Susquehannocks, the people gener
ally did not relish at all the idea of
measuring arms with them.

1642 Serious Charge Against Lieu
tenant General Brent for Giving
up the Expedition Against
the Susquehannocks.

In Vol. 4, Maryland Archives, p.
128, under date of October 17, we
have the following information against
Giles Brent: "John Lewger, attorney
for Lord Baltimore, informs the
Court against Giles Brent that he hav
ing moved and propounded an enter
prise upon the Susquehannocks, the
said Lieutenant General together with
him, Mr. Brent, did resolve and con
clude upon the manner and means
of it and that Brent should have
a commission and raise men at Kent
and all other necessaries for service
and that it should be done at the
county s charge, all of which Brent
seems to think approve and accord
ingly undertook the moving of the
men upon Kent and leading them
out upon the service and he knew
well what charge it would be
and how important the honor and
safety of the province was con
cerned in the managing and suc
cess of it and what a notable oppor
tunity was presented to the disadvan
tage of the enemy and disabling him
to ever assault again, not to be hoped
for at any other time, he, Brent, on
arriving at Kent, under authority of
a commission granted to Mr. Brenth-
wait for command of that Island and
taking disgust thereat or for disaffec
tion did not use or execute the mis
sion, but devising how to make the
commission and design ineffectual
with impunity and to give people oc
casion for refusing and disobeying
it, did leave it to their consideration
whether they were willing to be
pressed or not and used words to

signify that they would not be urged
and pretending there were illegalities
in his commission, yet later issued
warrants for 20 soldiers, who came
with arms and were ready, but re
ceiving some impression and expres
sion of their unwillingness he admit
ted thereof and of his own head dis
missed them and so let the whole en
terprise fail and fall to the ground,
to the ill example and great damage
and danger of all and it is prayed he
may be compelled to answer for it"
Divested of all the legal verbiage
in which this complaint is couched
it means that Giles Brent, who was
sent on the expedition against the
Susquehannocks, when he reached
Kent Island encouraged people
to oppose it instead of trying to get
them to join his forces and enlist, so
that it cost the province much money
and was a flat failure. The people it
seems were afraid of the Susquehan-
nock and would not hazard a fight
with them.

1642 Failures of the Expedition

Against the Susquehannocks

Witnesses Against Brent

and His Action.

In Vol. 4 Md. Arch. p. 138, we find
the following: "Wm. Sudd says that
in March he was appointed by Mr.
Pulton to go in his pinnacle as skip
per and trader to the Susquehannas
| and by him appointed to have men at
| the lead of Kent for a voyage, and
that he would write to Mr. Brent to
assist him in it, and that at his com
ing to Kent with the knowledge and
consent of Brent he hired John Petti-
man to go upon the voyage and hired
him for 200 pounds of tobacco a
month, and accordingly Pettiman was
out on the voyage two months and by
that means and that by his means
and pinnacle and the presence of the
men, they were saved from destruc
tion by the Susquehannocks, which

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

destruction Brent would have al
lowed."

Against the Susquehannocks.

On Nov. 25, Giles Brent made an
swer to the information against him
that it was not sufficient in law and
also that he is not guilty of the
charge laid against him therein;
and the same time the Attorney Gen
eral files a criminal bill against him
shirking his duty in not going upon
the Susquehannocks and destroying
them according to the command in
his commission. See Vol. 4, Md. Arch.
151. In the end nothing came of the
suit in court and council; and the
net result of it all was the unexplain
ed failure to take the Susquehan
nocks.

Third Expedition Planned
Against the Susquehannocks.
Another expedition planned against
Susquehannocks, Capt. Cornwaleys to
lead. In Vol. 3 Md. Arch. 131, we
find the following commission; "Re
lying on your experience in martial
affairs I appoint and authorize you
to make an expidition against the
Susquehannocks or other Indians who
committed the outrages and took
the three men, and you are au
thorized to take every third man fit
to bear arms in the province and re
quire the counties to furnish them

Cornwaleys under punishment. April
17, 1643, per Giles Brent, Lieut. Gen."
1643 Expedition Against the Susque
hannocks Powers Gii en
to Captain Cornwaleys.
In this year the following
powers were granted by Maryland to
Cornwaleys Vol. 3, Maryland Arch
ives, p. 133. "Charles Cecelius Rex,
greeting, to Thomas Cornwaleys, Esq.
Whereas we are informed of your
proposition and propenseness to go
on a march upon the Susquehannocks
and that several to a considerable
number are willing and desirous to
be led out by you, on such a march,
upon certain conditions treated and
agreed between you and them, we ap
prove very well of such your and
their forwardness for the vindica
tion of the honor of God and the
Christians, and the English name, up
on those barbarians and inhuman pa
gansdo hereby authorize you to
levy such men as shall be willing to
go, upon said march and to lead and
conduct them against the Susquehan
nocks or other Indian enemies of this
province in such time and manner as
you think fit and to do all things
for the training of the soldiers, fur
nishing of sustenance and other sup
plies, and to demand obedience and
order the affairs, and provide officers

and to have them ready at such ren- , ag against mart i a l enemies and dis-
dezous as you shall appoint and every poging Qf the gpoyle and all Qther
such volunteer to command with cap- | things aud matters wha tsoever to the
tains and with them a warre to make said expe dition appurtaining in the
upon the Indians aforesaid (Susque- j manner and power as t he captain

hannocks) in such manner and with
such power and authority whatso
ever for the doing, commanding, ap
point of anything toward the expedi
tion or for vanquishing or spoiling
the enemy or anything touching the
said warre to have use and exercise
the same in as ample a manner and
effect as may be vested in a captain
general in time of warre, and we re
quire all soldiers to obey you, Thomas

general of any army can or may do
in the time of warre."

Thus here we have another evi
dence of the continued trouble which
the Susquehannocks were inflicting
on the Marylanders. All this we have
seen originated, because the whites
of Maryland took sides with a few
small tribes of Indians who were
hereditary enemies of the Susquehan-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

nocks. Whether this expedition was
taken or not history dos not inform
us. If it was there was evidently not
any great punishment inflicted upon
the Susquehannocks; and it is likely
that the project was affected in a
manner similar to the expedition of
1639, as Mr. Samuel Evans tells us
in his History of Lancaster County,
that is, that the Marylanders were
faint of heart in the project. At any
rate the following year an opportun
ity for concluding a possible peace
presenting itself, the Marylanders
very gladly tried to avail themselves
of it. We shall now speak of it.

1044 Effort to Make Peace with the
Susquehannocks.

Bozman, p. 275, introduces this sub
ject as follows: "Some proceedings
now took place relative to a treaty
expected to be held with the Susque
hannocks at the English fort or gar
rison at Piscataway. It seems they
were begun in the absence of the
governor. The Susquehannocks

were expected at Piscataway either
with serious intentions to enter into
a cessation of hostilities, or sinister
designs to inveigle the friendly Pisca-
taways, and a commission was grant
ed to Henry Fleete." This action, in
the absence of the governor, we shall
see, aftrwards led to disputes in
Maryland and the revocation of pow
ers granted, etc.

This commission to Fleete was as
follows: "Cecelius, etc., to Captain
Henry Fleete, greeting. Whereas by
certain intelligence from the Pisca-
taways I understand that there was
some number of our enemies, the
Susquehannock Indians, expected
about this time at Piscataway under
color to treat and conclude a peace
with them and us, but perhaps to
confederate and unite all the Indians
of these parts in some general league
or plot for cutting off the English

in Maryland, as they have most sav
agely attempted in Virginia (this
must refer to the massacre planned
and partly executed by Opechanca-
nough in 1639. See Bozman, p. 275) ;
and because it concerns the honor and
safety of the colony to have some
English there to be present at the
treaty and other proceedings, to direct
and overrule it if need be, to counsel
and strengthen our friendship, and
friends that yet remain and terrify
the others and to proceed with the
Susquehannock agents either in hos-
tiliy or peace as there shall be most
cause and reason for I relying upon
your skill in the language, and long
conversation and experience in Indian
affairs and your prudent and provi
dent circumspection otherwise, have
made choice of you and do hereby
will and require you to taKe with you
a convenient strength of English well
armed and provided to the number of
twenty at least and with them repair
to Piscataway and there proceed with
the Indians, both friends and enemies,
to such instructions as shall be de
livered to you by my secretary bear
ing date herewith, and to lead, order
and command in chief all the said
company as shall go with you, yea
even to the inflicting of death upon
mutinous persons, as a captain gen
eral may do by martial law. St.
Mary s, June 18, 1644, per Giles Brent
Esq." Sec. 3, Maryland Archives, p.
148, and Bozman, p. 275.

At the same time the following in
structions were given by John Lew-
ger. Brent s secretary to Fleete: "You
i are to go with your company to Pisca
taway and there confer and consider
by the best means yau may, what
hope there is of a real and firm
peace or truce with the Susquehan
nocks, whether it will be more to
I the honor and safety of the English
to have a warre or a truce with them
at present.

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

2. If you find the best reasons to
persuade them to peace you may en
ter into a treaty of peace with them
and undertake to them in our names
a truce or cessation of all acts of
hostility on our part until such time
as you shall agree upon, for expecta
tion of performance of conditions on
their part, and of the governor s as
sent to peace, and give hostages or
exchanges as you shall be willing.
John Lewger, Secretary." This may
be found in Vol. 3, Maryland Arch
ives, p. 149, and Bozman, p. 277.

At the same time passports to the
Susquehannocks were given, to in
duce them freely to come and treat
as follows: "Cecelius, etc., greeting
To all the inhabitants of the province
known that I have promised and un
dertaken to the Indian bearer or
bearers hereof of the Susquehannock
Nation not exceding three, to repair
in a good manner from the Susque
hannocks forte and to my lieutenant
general or some of my council at
Kent or St. Mary s upon any public
treaty message, safe and free passage
to and fro through my province with
out any harm or molestation of any
of the English, and therefore I re
quire all of every one of you upon
sight hereof not to do anything to
the violating of the public faith given
unto them, upon the utmost peril of
such punishment as by martial law
may be inflicted upon the contemners
or violators hereof. Given St. Mary s
June 18, 1644." (See the same in Vol.
3, Maryland Archives, p. 150, and
Bozman, p. 279.)

The token which was given these
Susquehannock Indians, as safe con
duct, was a medal of copper, with a
black and yellow ribbon attached.
And we shall see later that the Mary
land troops, in a dastardly way,
thirty years later, broke the faith
signified by the medals, and shot
down five defenseless Susquehannock

chiefs, who came to treat with the
medals in their hands.

1644 Robert Evelyn s Estimates of

of the Susquehannocks at

This Time.

During four years, (about 1642 to
1646) Robert Evelyn lived among the
Swedes and Dutch about Delaware,
and with the English in Maryland
and Virginia. About the latter year
he wrote a letter, supposed to be to
the Queen of Sweden, describing the
Susquhannocks at this time and their
country and ways. The letter is in
corporated into the "Description of
New Albion" written about 1646,which
we have referred to before. In this
letter he says "On the Delaware I
have resided several years. I do ac
count all the Indians to be about 800,
and are in several factions and war
against the Susquehannocks, and are
all extreme fearful of a gun and are
naked and unarmed against our shot,
swords and pikes, and since my re
turn 18 Swedes are settled there and
46 Dutchmen in a boat trade without
fear of them. From the Indians you
may have two thousand bushels of
corn at 12 pence a bushel. This let
ter may be seen in first Vol. Proud,
p. 112. The description of New Albion,
found in same place in Proud, then
goes on and supplements what Eve
lyn said. The author says besides
the 800 Indians mentioned by Evelyn
there are 23 Kings in that section.
Then it says, "The Susquehannas are
not now of the naturals left above
one hundred and ten, though with
their forced auxiliaries the Ihon-a-
Does and the Wycomeses they can
make two hundred and fifty. These
j together are counted valiant and ter-
I rible to other cowardly dull Indians,
I which they beat with the fight of
guns only. These last named tribes
I the Susquehannas recently conquer-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

ed, which fact we have noted in prior
articles. It seems that the Susque-
hannocks had their New Town about
Conewaga on Susquehanna River be
fore 1648 (which by some writers is
said to have been built later), for the
last named authority says, "The Sus-
quehannocks new town is also a
rare, healthy and rich place, with it
a crystal broad river; but some falls
below, hinder navigation."

Evidently the strength of the Sus
quehannocks varied exceedingly
rapidly because Indian authorities
(notably the Committee on Archaeol
ogy of the Dauphin Historical Society
in their pamphlet Ind. Hist, of Low
er Susquehanna) say that about this
time or in 1647, the Susquehannocks
had 1300 able bodied men. See last
named work p. 40. Smallpox had
made disastrous ravages upon them
about this time. That may explain
it. The above refernece to their wars
recalls to our minds what says Cam-
panius of them when going to and
in war, that they make bread made
of Indian corn and tobacco juice,
which is very good to allay hunger
and quench thirst in case they have
nothing else at hand p. 122 and p.
137 he says "These Indians are of
ten at war and they are fearless of
their enemies."

I omitted to mention above that
Robert Evelyn mentions in his letter
that, "I went to Chicocoen the north
ern part of Virginia on the Potomac
and I found the heathen of Virginia
were at war with the Susquehan
nocks and all the eastern bay Indians.
We found 14 canoes and 140 Susque
hannocks reduced by three Swedes in
to a half moon with intent to en
compass the first sail boat before the
second could reach the former; and
at the first volley of 10 shots and the
loss of one Indian, they all ran
away."

Appropo of the mischief and de

predations of these Indians we have
an early description of them by the
Dutch deputies about this time. In Vol.
5 2nd Series of the Penna. Archives
p. 130 it is stated, "The natives are
generally well limbed, slender around
the waist and broad shouldered; all
having black hair and brown eyes,
they are swift and nimble, dirty and
slovenly and make light of all sorts
of hardships. The men have very
little beard and pluck out what they
do have. As soldiers they are not
honorable; but accomplish their
success by perfidy and treachery.
They make little of death when it is
inevitable, despise torture at the
stake, generally singing until they
are dead. They use duffels, deer
skin leather, skins of raccoons, wild
cats, wolves, dogs, fishers, squirrels
and beavers for garments Some have
shoes of corn husks and head gear
of turkey feathers. Since Christians
are among them some now wear bon
nets or caps. They wear wampum
in ther ears and around their necks.
They have long deer s hair dyed red
of which they make ringlets to en
circle their heads. All of them can
swim. Their marriages are without
ceremony, and men and women fre
quently trade spouses. They know
little of God. They are in dread of the
devils, but their devils they say will
have nothing to do with the Dutch."

! 1644 Susqiiehannock Annex Their
Lands to New York s Government.

About this time also (1644) there
were important changes in the rela
tions of the Susquehannocks to the
lands of this section. Page 755 of
the book last mentioned (Pa. Arch.)
there is a report of Gov. Dongan, of
New York, dated 1684, and in it he
says, "Those Indians about 40 years
ago did annex their land to this gov
ernment and have ever since con
stantly renewed the same. Endeavors

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

have been used but to no purpose to
persuade our traders to go and live
on the Susquehanna River." This
annexation to New York however was
done by the Five Nations, and not

goes on, "In regards to this Schuyl-
kill, these are lands purchased by the
Company (the Dutch). The company s
carpenter constructed a fort there.
This fort cannot in any manner ob-

but it

by the Susquehannocks, as the Five tain control over the river;
Nations even at this time began to has command over the whole creek,

claim authority over the Susquehan
nocks. The true date was about 1648
when this occurred; but as we shall
see in next paper, the Five Nations
were very much mistaken in think
ing the Susquehannocks would sub
mit to them.
1644 Rivalry

Between the Swedes

and the Dutch to Secure the
Susquehanna and Sur
rounding Indian
Trade.

So that we shall keep in mind that further in the ^woc Is ^ Printz
when the Dutch and the Swedes
speak of the Minquas, they mean the
Susquehannas I again refer to Vol.
8 p. 301 of the Jesuit Relations where
it is stated that the Andastes are
"called Minquas by the Dutch and
Susquehannas or Conestogas by the
English."

In tracing up this contest by the
Swedes and the Dutch to get the best
of the Susquehanna trade each from
the other, we must not forget that
the Swedes were more tactful than
the Dutch in the affair, and also were

more
dians.

friendly
They

received by the In-
were the favorites.

They were never hostile to the In
dians and they dealt more fairly with

while this creek is the only remain
ing avenue for trade with the Min
quas, and without this trade the
river is of little value. A little dis
tance from this fort was a creek to
the farthest distant wood, which
place is named Kinsessing by the
savages, which was before a certain
and invariable resort for trade with
the Minquas, but which is now op
posed by the Swedes having there
built a strong house. Half a mile

con
structed a mill of a creek which runs
into the sea and on this creek a strong
building just by the path which leads
to the Minquas; so that no access to
the Menqueas is left open; and he too
controls nearly all the trade of the
savages on the river, as the greatest
part of them go hunting in the neigh
borhood which they are not able to
do without passing by his residence.
I therefore gave orders to go to the
Schuylkill and wait there for the
Minquas." In another remonstrance
dated about 1649 the Dutch say, page
139 of the same book, "As relates to
the trade with the Indians on the
South River the English and Swedes
are making great efforts to secure it

them.
The

Dutch complained

against the Swedes,
trance by Andreas

In a
Fudde,

as we shall show." This is the trade
sorely | that came down from the Susque
hanna country, as Campanius des-

remons-
for the

Dutch dated Nov. 1, 1645 p. 103 of
5 Vol. 5 of 2nd Series Pa. Arch., he
states, "Further up the river (Dela
ware) on the west shore on a creek
called Minquas Creek, so named as
it runs pretty near the Minquas land
is a fort named Christiana the

cribed it 93 miles from New Sweden
on to Conestoga. The Dutch also
complain that the Indians themselves
are not fair with them for they say
they (the Dutch) bought lands from
them, and thus expect their favor. P.
235. And especially as to the Sus-
quehannock trading center on the

first fort built by the Swedes." He Schuylkill where as already mention-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

ed Fort Beversrede stands was pur
chased from the right owners and
principal Indians in 1633 by the
Company s servant which conveyance
the Indian chiefs in 1648 did renew.
Notwithstanding the Swedes have
erected a fort on these grounds and
built a house in front of the gate at
the Company s fortress for trading
where our people are wholly shut out
from the sight of the road to deprive
the Company (Dutch) of the beaver
trade and they have ruined the
trade." On page 333 the Dutch fur
ther set forth their title to all the
province from the South (Delaware)
river westward "into the west as far
and much farther than our line of
limits are yet extended and seated,
having legally bought them from the
Indians the native proprietors." And
as to the extent of the trade the
Dutch say page 235, "Thousands of
beavers can be bought here and
around the Schuylkill or Beaver s
Rede which was brought down in
great abundance by the southern In
dians called Minquas and the Black
Indians so that this river has always
been held in great repute on account
of its fitness and great convenience
for both trade and agriculture." As
to the Black Indians, Clarke in his
Early Cayuga History page 36, in a
note says, "The Black Minquas were
considered an offshot of the Mo
hawks."

1645 Maryland s Governor Disowns

Certain Interference With the

Susqiiehannocks, Which

His Council Set

On Foot.

In a former item we saw that John
Lewger, a member of Council and an
attorney for the Government, and al
so secretary to the Lieutenant Gen
eral, gave certain instructions to Col
onel Fleet, how to proceed with the
Susquehannocks, and make war or

peace with them as he saw fit. This
was done in the absence of the Gov
ernor and the result was what now
follows: "Now whereas John Lewger,
Esq., one of his Lordship s Council
of this Province, without orders or
authority from the Proprietor or
Lieutenant General, pursuant to his
own head, to counterfeit and deliver
unto Henry Fleete a commission for
a treaty of peace with the enemies
of the Province, the Susquehannocks
and likewise for the making said
Fleste a captain or general to make
war against them or against other
Indians and to bear authority over
his company and the inhabitants of
this Province, and to do acts accord
ing to the tenor of the said commis
sion, he has presumed to affix and
count his Lordship s seal and his
Lieutenant General s hand, which acts
being a high misdeameanor and of
fense and as such requires serious
animadversion. These are therefore
to suspend the said John Lewger from
the office or dignity of Council, from
all other offices and dignities depend
ing thereon, and I do further revoke
all other commissions at any time
granted unto him, said John Lewger,
by me as Lieutenant General. Sign
ed Giles Brent." See Vol. 3, Maryland
Archives, p. 151.

It is evident that the government
of Maryland at this time thought
dealing with the Susquehannocks was
too serious a matter for subordinates
to take upon themselves, without
consulting with ther superiors. Boz-
man in his history speaking of this
date, 1644, says the Susquehannocks
were now the most formidable In
dians the Marylanders had to en
counter, and they were in the habit
of using firearms, having secured
them from the Dutch and the Swedes
and the Governor made a proclama
tion prohibiting any one from carry
ing powder or selling guns or shot

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

without a license, which assistance
some of the colonists were in the
habit of giving them. See Bozman,
Vol. 2, p. 273.

1646 Susquehaiinocks Cruelty and
Customs Progress in the Art

of War.

Campanius Holm in his History of
New Sweden (Pennsylvania) says p.
137: "In 1646 the Indians had taken
one of the Mingoes (Susquehannocks)
in war and bound him to a tree; then

they made a large fire around
and when he was as well as

him
half

roasted they let him loose, giving
him a fire brand in each hand and
taking one in each hand themselves
then challenging him to fight; and
when at last he could no longer
stand and fell down one of them
sprang upon him and with his nails
cut the skin of his forehead open and
tore off his scalp, which they carried
with them as a trophy of war." This
was simply retaliation upon the
Susquehannocks, because that was
the exact form of cruelty the Sus
quehannocks practiced on their vic-

tims regularly,
at same page:

Campanius also says
The Indians were of-

ten at war with the surrounding
tribes, especially the Mingoes; but
they dare not engage with the Chris
tians, since they have discovered
they are superior to them in the mil
itary art; they were mightly afraid
of our guns; when they first heard a

would not
continued.

report of a firearm they
remain while the firing

They wear on their heads a red tur
key feather as a sign they are going
to shed blood; and on one of their
arms they have a shield of bark or
skin of an elk. After they have car
ried their wives and children to an
island or place of safety they proceed

think thy have a great battle when
ten or twelve are dead on the field."

1646 Location and Trade of the Sus-

quehaunocks When Found by

the Swedes.

Campanius says, p. 157: "There
were found when the Swedes came to
this country, within 93 miles, ten or
twelve other tribes. Among these
were the Mingoes or Minikus (Sus
quehannocks), the principal tribe,
and renowned for their warlike char
acter. They live at a distance of
twelve Swedish miles from New Swe
den (93 English miles), where they
daily came to trade with us. The
way to their land is very bad, being
stony and full of sharp gray stones."
What this trade consisted of we
have shown in a former item. He
also tells us the Indian fort of the
Susquehannocks "had small cannon
placed upon it." He also says of
them: "They are vigorous, young
and old, are a tall people but not
frightful. When they are fighting
they do not attempt to fly but all
stand like a wall as long as there is
one remaining. They force the other
Indians to be afraid of them and
make them pay tribute, so that they
dare not stir, much less go to wai
against them. But their numbers
are diminished by war and sickness."
In later items we will deal with the
Susquehannocks relations with the
Five Nations, showing a most mar
velous intercourse with the New York
Confederacy.

1646 Fort IJuilt or Improved on the
Susquehanna by the Christians.

The forts on the Susquehanna are
a very interesting subject of histori
cal investigation. There was an In
dian fort (may be several of them)

on their way in a certain order, and on lower Susquehanna, when in 1608
when they meet their enemy they at- I Captain John Smith was near the
tack them with great outcries. They I Pennsylvania line, because p. 120, of

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

Vol. 1, of his History of Virginia,
which we have cited at another place,
he says, "They make near 600 men
and are palisaded in their towns to
defend them," in speaking of the Sus-
quehannocks. But John Watson says
the earliest whites built a fort there
too. In a paper on Indian lands in
Vol. 3, Memoirs of the Historical
Society at Philadelphia, part 2, p.
131, "It will be observed that before
Penn s day there had been a fort con
structed by some Christian people
upon the shores of that (Susquehanna)
river." And to prove there was such
a fort he says in a large folio in the
land office at Harrisburg, in book 14,
entitled "Old Surveys and Registry
of Land Warrants," there is a dia
gram showing the walking purchase
back to the Susquehanna, one line of
which goes to a point on the Susque
hanna, 3 miles above the mouth of
the Conestoga, marked fort demol
ished. This then he concluded was
a fort built by the Christians. Clay-
borne may have had a hand in it ; but
we do not know. He was in that
neighborhood in 1637 and later. The
Swedes were there trading in 1640 to
1646; the Dutch were there also. In
1664 the Iroquois, who came down
upon the Susquehannocks, found not
only iron muskets in the hands of
the Susquehannocks, but iron cannon
mounted on the fort. So whether the
Christians originally built the fort
that Watson refers to, or whether
they simply improved a fort first
built by the Susquehannocks (as
found by Smith), we cannot tell, and
we leave the matter in the plight in
which Watson placed it viz., that the
Christians had something to do with
it. I make the date 1646 because
that is about the time that the Chris
tians had some voice and directions
in the doings of the Susquehannocks
at that place.

1646 Approach of War Between Iro
quois and Hurons Susquehan
nocks Offer to Help the
Hurons.

The overture of the Susquehan
nocks to the Hurons to help the Hu
rons in their struggle with the Iro
quois, we have before touched on
where we cited the Dauphin County
Indian History Pamphlet as authority ;
but as that is not first hand informa
tion I prefer now to cite an original
j authority, viz.: Vol. 30, Jesuit Rela-
I tions, p. 253, where the Jesuits write
in 1646 from Onondago and say: "Our
fathers with the Hurons say that the
savages of Andaste (Susquehan
nocks) whom we believe to be neigh
bors to Virginia and who had former
ly close alliance with the Hurons in
somuch that there are still found in
the Huron country people from their
dialects, have conveyed these
few words to the Hurons, viz:
We have learned that you have
enemies, and you have only to say to
us "Lift the axe" and we assure you
either they will make peace or we
shall make war on them. The Hu
rons were very joyful at these fine
offers and have sent an embassy to
those people. The chief of the em
bassy was a worthy Christian, accom
panied by eight persons, four of
whom have embraced the faith of
Jesus Christ." We shall later cite
Vol. 33, Jesuit Relations, p. 129,
showing that under date of 1647 an
other offer was made to help the
Hurons by the Susquehannocks and
that the Hurons sent a representa
tive on to confer with the Susque
hannocks. All this goes to show the
position and strength of the Susque
hannocks at this time, who at this
time had 1300 warriors. This is the
greatest number of warriors they had
in all their known history. Never
afterwards did they have so many
and never before. Captain Smith
said in his time, 1608, they had 600.

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Thus about 1650 they were in the
greatest power. This is also evi
denced by the manner in which the

not the remedy for the wars and
evils; but that their misfortunes must
be arrested as soon as possible. Af
ter a number of councils, they de
puted ambassadors to the enemies of
our Hurons to beg them to lay down
their arms to think of lasting peace
which would not hinder the trade of
all these countries with one another.
The ambassadors went and had not
returned by the 15th of August. The
Andastes insisted on peace and de
terminated to renew the war which
they waged a few years ago with the
Agnieronnous (that is the Mohawks),
who are brethren of the Iroquois, if
they refused to enter into peace.
Whea Charles Andasiondrout was at
Andaste, he went to see the Euro
peans, their allies who were at a dis
tance of three days journey from

that place,
kindness.

They received him with
Charles did not fail to

government of Maryland regarded
them at this date.

1647 Susqiioli;) n nooks Attempt to
Intervene in Iroquois-Huron War.

The description of the attempt to
intervene by the Susquehannocks, in
the Huron-Iroquois war in 1647 is
given in Vol. 33 p. 127 of the Jesuit
Relations as follows: "The Andaste
is a country beyond the neutral na
tion, distant from the Huron coun
try, about 150 leagues (450 miles) in
a straight line to the southeast, a
quarter south, from the Huron coun
try, that is southeast a little toward
the east, but the distance because of
the detours in the route is 200 leagues.
They are very warlike , and in
a single village they count 1300 men
capable of bearing arms. They speak
the Huron language, and have always
been allies of the Hurons.

"At the beginning of the year 1647
two men of that nation came here,
deputed by their captains, to tell our
Hurons that if they lost courage and
felt too weak to contend against our
enemies, they should inform them
(the two Andaste delegates) and send
an embassy to Andaste for that ob
ject. The Hurons did not miss the
opportunity. Charles Andasiondrout
an excellent Christian of long stand
ing, was deputed as the head of the
embassy and he was accompanied by
four other Christians and four In
fields. They left here (Canada) on
the 13th of April and reached An
daste only at the beginning of June.
The harrangue delivered by Charles on
his arrival was not long. He told of
the wars and that the land was cov
ered with blood and the cabins with
corpses. The reply of the Andaste

was to deplore the calamaties, and happened. This accurate account
added that tears and regrets were I differs from the account given

on the
towards

tell them that he was a Christian and
requested them to take him to their
church, that he might perform his
devotions, for he thought it was like
those in our French settlements.
They replied that they had no place
set apart for prayers, and the good
Charles observed some acts of levity
that were not very modest
part of some young men,
two of their Savage women who had
come from Andaste. The captain of
the settlement apologized for it and
said he was not obeyed by his people
for purity of morals. We think the
people of that European settlement
are mostly Dutch and English, who
for some special reason have placed
themselves under the protection of
the King of Sweden, and have call
ed the country New Sweden. We
had formerly thought it a part of
Virginia." This account was written
only a few years after the events

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

by the Dauphin County pamphlet, in
that it puts the interview of the Sus-
quehannocks with the Hurons first,
whereas the Dauphin County pam
phlet puts the embassy of the Sus-
quehannocks to the Iroquois first,
and with the Hurons, second. We
notice here, too, that the Susque-
hannas had wars with the Mohawks
(Agnieronnous) some years before
this time, and we will speak of it
again. The settlement "three days
distant" from Andaste (Susquehanna)
was the Swedish settlement on the
Delaware, near where Wilmington
and New Castle now stand.

The Five Nations (or Iroquois) and
the Susquehannocks by this time
both had won military glory; both
had gotten guns and had learned to
use them. The Susquehannocks from
1634 to 1644 reduced the Piscataways,
Patuxents and the Waocacoes tribes,
in a ten years war and the Iroquois
had reduced the Hurons, as we have
seen before. The Susquehannocks
had finished their conflicts with the
smaller tribes, which not only includ
ed the reduction of the three tribes
just named but also the twelve small
tribes which Robert Evelyn says in
his letter (hereafter to be cited) lived
on the Delaware and were whipped
by the Susquhannocks. The Iroquois
had not destroyed the Hurons, but
simply weakened them. They were,
now, however, bent upon exterminat
ing them. The Susquehannocks de
termined to stop hostilities.

The Dauphin County pamphlet, be
fore mentioned gives this account
of this effort on the part of the Sus
quehannocks see page 40. "When
the Hurons in Upper Canada in 1647
began to sink under the fearful blows
dealt them by the Five Nations, the
Susquehannocks sent an embassy to
Onondago (the headquarters of the
Five Nations) to urge the cantons to
peace. The Iroquois refused. The

Susquehannocks then sent an em
bassy to the Hurons, to offer them
aid against the common enemy. Nor
was this offer of little value. The
Susquehannocks could put in the
field 1300 warriors trained to the use
of fire-arms and European methods
of warfare, having been instructed by
three Swedish soldiers; but the Hu
rons sank into apathy and took no
active steps to secure the aid of the
friendly Susquehannocks."

This interesting offer to interpose
is graphically told in the Jesuit Re
lations by narrators who got the in
formation first hand from those in
terested in the affair. In this work
as we have often said the Susque
hannocks are called the Andaste.
The Jesuit Fathers in Vol. 8, p. 301
call them (Susquehannocks) "allies
of our Hurons and who talk like
them," and in Clark s Early Cayuga
History, found in a note p. 36 of the
same volume (i. e. 8) he says, "An
daste is a term used generally by the
French and applied to several dis
tinct Indian Tribes located south of
the Five Nations in the present ter
ritory and Pennsylvania. One of the
most southerly tribes was located at
the great falls between Columbia and
Harrisburg in the vicinity of the lat
ter place occupying five towns and
by Smith were called the Susquehan-
i nocks."

1647 Cost of Watching the Susque
hannocks.

In Vol. 4, Maryland Archives, p.
231, it is stated under this date that
the following charge was preferred
before the Assembly and allowed: "To
Walter Watertson for bringing intelli
gence touching the Susquehannocks,
eighty pounds." From this it is evi
dent that the Maryland government
was compelled to keep scouts and
runners employed to give the whites
news at all times concerning the

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

movements and supposed plans of the
Susquehannocks. This is in line with
what we have noticed in former
items namely, that the government
of Maryland compelled all the inha
bitants to be ready with powder and
shot and firearms at all times, either
to defend against the Susquehannocks
or to march against them. The pow
er and prominent place of this tribe
among the savage nations of America
at this time are well established.
1648 Susquehannocks Influence on

the Onondagoes.

Under this date in Vol. 33, Jesuit
Relations, p. 123, it is stated; "The
Andaste tribes (Susquehannocks) al
lied to the Hurons contribute in a
great measure, it is said, toward the
matter of peace, either because the
Onondagoes fear to have them as
enemies or because they desire their
alliance." This is to be sure only a
brief note; but it is a statement writ
ten at the time the situation existed
and is worth more than a page of
historical speculation written from
inferences formed a hundred years
later. It is in short another asser
tion of the pre-eminence of the
mighty Susquehannocks. It will be
noticed nothing like this is ever said
of the other tribes of Maryland or
of the Delaware, nor of the tribes
of Powhatan.

1648 More Particulars of the Huron
Embassy to Susquehauua.

In Vol. 33, p. 73, of the Jesuit Re
lations under date of 1648, there is
the following statement concerning
the Huron embassy to the Susque-
hanna the year prior: "Our Hurons
have sent an embassy to Andaste
( Susquehanna) , people of New Sweden
their former allies, to solicit them to
enter into a full peace with them or
resume the war they waged but a
few years ago against the Annierou-

nons (Mohawk-Iroquois.) Consider
able assistance is expected from
this as well as a great relief for the
country. The Annierounons - Iro-
quois are near Quebec." To those
not acquainted with Indian history of
these times, it may be explained that
this statement means, the Hurons
sent an agent to the Susquehannocks
to ask them to help them, or to re
new their (the Susquehannocks )
war with the Mohawks, called the
Annierounons. This Susquehannock-
Mohawk war we remember raged
about 1607 to 1620 at least, and so
demoralized were the Mohawks and
their allies by the onslaughts of the
Susquehannocks that the very name
of Andaste made them tremble; and
this fear continued up to 1640 at
least. So says the Jesuit Relations,
Vol. 45, pp. 203 and 205. In a prior
item we have discussed the fear
which the Susquehannocks threw
over the Mohawks during and after
the Mohawk war. The journey and
speech of the agent the Hurons sent
to the Susquehannocks we have fully
set forth also earlier. As to the lo
cation of this wonderful Andaste, p.
135, of Vol. 33, Jesuit Relations, says
Andaste is seven days journey from
the Iroquois.

1650 and Onward Iroquois Retalia
tion Upon the Susquehannas--0pen-
ing of the Conflict Minor Move
ments and Doings of the Susque-
hannas First Campaigns of the
Iroquois Susquehanna War.
We are now briefly to notice a
various series of events, simply for
the sake of the chronolgy (chronolo
gical arrangement being the only
rule or system of these annals).

The Dauphin County Committee on
Archaeology in their pamphlet before
cited, p. 40, says that "Four years
later (1651) the Iroquois, grown in
solent by their successes in almost

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

annihilating their kindred tribes
north and south of Lake Erie, provok
ed a war with the Susquehannas."
This is all we shall note of this war
at present. It will be discussed un
der a later date.

Other events as above stated must
now claim attention, some of which
are as follows: "During the year 1650
the terrible scourge of small-pox
broke out among the Susquehannas.
(Do. p. 40).

1650 Susquehannock Hunters Roam
About Lake Ontario.

About this time (as likely perhaps
many years before^ the Susquehan
nock hunters in their hunting wan
dered as far as Lake Ontario, where
they came into contact with the Iro-
quois and were plundered. This
shows the great width and extent
over which these Susquehannocks
were accustomed to roam. (Do. p.
40).

1651 The Great Susquehannock-Iro-

quois War of Several Tears

Begins.

We have quoted above an author
who says the war between the Sus
quehannocks and Iroquois began in
1651. While this may be so, it seems
that the War was simply desultory
several years.

I find that Proud says nothing
about this war. In his History of
Pennsylvania he omits to mention any
events from 1632 to 1654 (See pp. 117
and 118) ; and when he does resume
the discussion it is about Swedes af
fairs. He mentions a Swedish Treaty
with the Indians in 1655; but makes
no other Indian references until 1664,
when mention is made of Albany In
dian affairs. Mombert s History, p.
23, quoting from Col. Rec (no doubt)
admits the war was in progress in
1654, but that the Susquehannocks
were still superior at that time. The
Dauphin County archaeologists, in

their pamphlet before quoted, pp. 40
and 41, say of the period, about 1655,
I suppose: "War had now begun in
earnest with the Five Nations (Iro
quois) and though the Susquehan
nocks had some of their people killed
near their towns they in turn pressed
the Cayugas so hard that some of
them retired across the lakes into
Canada. They also kept the Senecas
in check that they no longer ventur
ed to carry their peltry to New York
except under heavy guarding. Smart
ing under constant defeat the Five
Nations solicited French aid." Lyle s.
History of Lancaster County would
lead us to infer that this war was
declared or begun only about 1660
(P. 19) but it was earlier; because
in Vol. 48 of the Jesuit Relations, p.
76, a communication written in 1662
says that the war "broke out some
years ago." And finally the speech
of the Indian orator in the Lancaster
Court House June 26, 1744, 4 Col. Rec.
708, shows that the serious conse
quences of the war occurred some
time after 1654. From all the evi
dences we gather it that the real
brunt of the war came on about 1660.
This we will treat fully later.

1651 The Mohawks and Other Iro
quois Xow Combine Against
the Siisquehannocks.

From 1646 or 1647 to 1651 the Iro
quois Confederacy were warring on
the weaker Hurons, during which time
we have seen the Hurons sent to the
Susquehannocks for help and the
Susquehannocks freely offered to
give aid. But strange to say the help
never was given. The cause of this
I cannot find; nor can I find the true
cause of the war by the Iroquois up
on the Hurons, except while they
were neighbors of the Iroquois, they
were cousins of the Susquehannocks
or at least former allies, and the Iro
quois Confederacy were jealous and

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

fearful of a confederacy between the
Susquehannocks and Hurons. The
rich Susquehanna valley also was in
some measure the prize at stake; and
this stake was about 1675 won by the
Iroquois from the Susquehannocks,
they being forced into Maryland.
Thus by 1651, no help coming to them
from the Susquehannocks, the Hu- j
rons were almost annihilated by the
Iroquois. And now the Iroquois,and
especially the Mohawk tribe of them,
having grown insolent because of
their victories over the Hurons, re
membered their old insults from the
wars with the Susquehannocks, and
led a renewal of hostilities against
them, thus starting the Iroquois-Sus-
quehannock war of many years, in
1651. The very beginning of this \
war is told in Vol. 37, p. 97, Jesuit j
Relations, in 1651, as follows: "Dur- j
ing this winter the Annierounons i
(Mohawks) went to war toward the
Andaste (Susquehannocks), the re- j
suit of which is not yet known." Thus j
in 1651 the war began.

1651 First Stages of the Susque-
luiimock-Iroquois War

In our last item we cited the first
going out of the Iroquois against the
Susquehannocks. The Jesuits called
them Mohawks; but Senecas, Cayu-
gas, Mohawks and other tribes are
by these writers all called indiffer
ently, Iroquois. Later in this year,
1651, further accounts of the war are
told us, viz.: "A fugitive brought
back news that the Iroquois having
gone during the winter in full force
against the Andaste (Susquehann-
nocks) had the worst of it." Vol.
37, Jesuit Relations, p. 105. And lat
er the same year these Jesuits write
"As for news of the enemy the cap
tain of the Atia kewae (the Andaste
or Susquehannocks Vol. 36, Jesuit
Relations, pp. 247-8), who was cap
tured by the Iroquois nation, says

that 1,000 of the Andaste have been
captured; or at least they carried off
500 or 600 Andaste, chiefly men. And
the Mohawks lost in this expedition
only eleven men." See Jesuit Rela
tions, Vol. 37, p. 111. This great
boast of the Iroquois all turned out
untrue, as we shall show later.

A good deal of what I write now
has been discussed but as it was at
that time taken second hand from
other phamphleteers, I do not consid
er it first hand, and for that reason
I now set it down from the original
sources.

As to this Susquehannock-Iroquois
war I beg to stop long enough here
to remark that the war lasted in a de
sultory fashion about twenty-four
years, reaching its height about 1665.
The combined Iroquois subdued the
Susquehannocks and gradually forc
ed them from the Susquehanna into
Maryland along the Potomac. The
backbone of the Susquehannock pow
er was broken by 1670, and the con
tempt in which the Iroquois held the
Susquehannocks is testified to by the
Jesuits as follows: "Since the Son-
nonhourais (the Huron name for
[ Iroquois) have utterly defeated the
j Andaste (Susquehannocks), their an-
| cient and most redoubtable foe, their
insolence knows no bounds; they talk
: of nothing but renewing the war
1 against our allies and even against
i the French, and of beginning by the
, destruction of fort Colorokoui." Vol.
59, Jesuit Relations, p. 251. The ef
fect of the success over the Susque-
I bannocks by the Iroquois was much
j like the effect of the victory over Na-
I polean upon the Duke of Wellington.
The Iroquois felt they could now con-
i quer the worthiest foe in all the
; world, and that now they could over-
I come the French themselves. Chrono
logically this last paragraph is out
of order; but I use U here simply

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

again to illustrate the prowess of the
Susquehannocks, which is plainly
shown in that the Iroquois consid
ered their subjugation an event of
first magnitude.
1652 The Haughty Susquehannocks

Now Beg An Alliance with the

Government of Maryland A

Treaty Formed.

In the very opening stages of the
combined Iroquois onslaught upon
them the eyes of the Susquehannocks
were opened; and their haughty pride
was humbled. They had found a foe-
man worthy of their arms. While it
was not true that 1000 of them were
taken as the item under 1651 sets
forth; it was true that many of them
were killed by the barbarians of the
north in these first encounters. The
Susquehannocks knew they could
not single-handed contend with the
combined Iroquois forces, and so
they proposed alliance with Mary
land.

Therefore they entered into the fol
lowing treaty with Maryland: "Ar
ticles of Peace and Friendship Treat
ed and Agreed upon this 5th day of
July, 1652, between the English of
Maryland of one part and the Susque-
hannock Indian Nation on the other
part followeth:

1. That the English nation shall
hold and occupy to them and their
heirs and assigns forever all the
lands lying north of Patuxent river
to Palmer s Island and to the west
ern side of the Bay of Chesapeake
and from Choptank river to the North
East Branch to the northeast of Elk
river on the northeast with all is
lands, creeks, fish, fouls, deer, elk,
and whatsoever else belongs except
the islands of Kent and Palmer s
which belong to Clayborne, but it
shall be lawful for both the English
and the Indians to build houses or
forts for trade on Palmer s sland.

2. "If there is any damage done

j on either side at any time hereafter
I by the English or the Indians afore
said or any other confederated tribe
or servants of them, that report be
made and satisfaction be given from
each other from time to time as the
case requires and as in reason
should be done between those that
are friends and desire to continue so.

3. "That if any people or servants
that belong to the English or to the
Indians shall go away or run away
from either side they shall not be
concealed or kept away from each
other; but with all constant speed be
returned and brought home and sat
isfaction to be made in reasonable
way for transport of them by land or
by water.

4. "That on any occasion of busi
ness to the English or any message,
or the like, the Indians, shall come
by water and not by land that there
shall not be above eight or ten at
any one time, and that they bring
with them the tokens given them by
the English for that purpose by
which they may be known and enter
tained. And also the English on their
parts when they send to the Indians
any message shall carry the token
which we have received from them.

5. "And lastly that these articles
and every particular of them, shall
be really and inviolably observed,
kept and performed by the two na
tions before named and by the people
to them or that are in amity with
them forever, to the end of the
world; and that all former injuries
being buried and forgotten, from
henceforth they do promise and
agree to walk together and carry one
towards another in all things as
friends, and to assist one another ac
cordingly. But if it so hereafter at
any time happen that either party is
weary of peace and intends war, then
the same shall be signified and made

1 known each to the other by sending

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

and delivering up this writing, before
any act of hostility or enmity be
done or attempted and that 20 days
warning thereof be given before
hand.

"These several articles were sol
emnly and mutually declared and
concluded at the river Severn, in
Province of Maryland by Richard
Benett et al, for the Governor and
Council and by Savahegah, Aieroh-
toregh, Scarluhadigh, Ruthchoque
and Natheldrruh, War Captains and
Counsellors of the Susquehannoughs
Commissioners appointed and sent by
said province and the Susquehan
noughs and were fully interpreted,
done and confirmed by several pres
ents, gifts and tokens of friendship,
mutually given and received" See
this treaty Vol. 3, Md. Arch. p. 276-
7 and Bozman s Md. p. 682. (We shall
see at a later date how treacherously
the Marylanders \iolated the sancity
of the tokens or medals spoken of
here, and slaughtered the holders of
them.)

Speaking on this same treaty Scharf
and Johnson both say in 1652 the
differences between the Susquehan
nocks and Maryland were again com
posed, and a treaty was made be
tween them. The Susquehannocks
began to see the unwisdom of war
with the whites and with the Iro-
quois at the same time. Scharf s
History of Maryland, p. 212, Geo.
Johnson, in his History of Cecil
County, has the following to say upon
that treaty of 1652: "A treaty was
made between Maryland and the
Susquehannocks, being the first
treaty of which any record is pro-
served. This was done where Annap
olis now stands, (p. 17). The treaty
provided inter alia, "That the English
shall have all the land from Patuxent
River to Palmer s Island on the west
side of Chesapeake and from Chop-

tank to northeast Branch or Creek
lying to the northward of Elk River
on the east side." (p. 17) This
treaty was asserted by the Governor
of Maryland, in our first Court House
in Centre Square in Lancaster City,
then a Borough, June 25, 1744, when
and where the said Governor, speak
ing to the representatives of the Five
Nations then assembled at the Treaty
of 1744 said: "The Susquehanna In
dians by a treaty above ninety years
since, which is on the table and will
be interpreted to you, gave to the
English Nation and their heirs and
assigns forever, the lands we possess
from Patuxent River," etc. (4 Col.
Rec. 704). And the Indian orator
replying the next day said: "We ac
knowledge that the Conestoga or
Susquehanna Indians had a right to
sell those lands unto you for they
were theirs, but since then we have
conquered them." (Do. p. 708). This
would also make this treaty about
1652, and it also asserts the fact of
its existence, and its import.
1652 H u ron s Sot Able to Help the
Susquehaimocks in the War.

As we have stated in the last paper
the combined Iroquois were too pow
erful for the Susquehannocks, and
they looked to Maryland in treaty
to help them. That they made the
overtures to the whites is evident
from the introduction to the treaty,
viz.: "Whereas this court is inform
ed that the Susquehannocks have a
long time desired and much pressed
for peace with this province, etc."
Bozman, pp. 450 and 451.

Neither could the Huron cousins of
the Susquehannocks help them; be
cause beside, subjugated five years be
fore, their geographical position was
not favorable to co-operation. In Vol.
38, Jesuit Relations, p. 235, it is said
"The country of the Hurons is apart
of New France. Southward a little

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

to the west comes the neutral nation,
whose first villages were not more
than 100 miles distant from the Hu-
rons, the territory of this nation ex
tending 150 miles; thence moving
from the neutrals a little toward the
east one reaches New Sweden, where
dwell the Andaste (Susquehannocks),
who are allied to our Hurons and
speak a language not very different
from them. They are distant from
us about 500 miles."

1654 Indians Except Susquehan
nocks to be Deprived of their Guns.

Amity with the Susquehannocks
seems now to have been firmly estab
lished by the Maryland government;
Maryland passed the following act
for their benefit; "It shall be lawful
for any person to take away from
any Indian that shall come within
the liberties and bounds of St. Mary s
and Potomac, their guns, powder and
shott; and that none shall entertain
Indians in their houses except they
come on public treaty ,which is meant
only of the Susquehannocks and the
Emperor of the Piscataways; and
that as far as possble the Indians
have notice of this Act." Vol. 1,
Maryland Archives p. 348.
1654 An Extensive Beaver Trade
Carried on by Susquehannocks.

We now turn for a moment again
to the situation, environments and
trade of the Susquehannocks at
this time before going into their
war with the Iroquois.

In Gerrett Van Sweeringen s Ac
count of the Settling of the Dutch
and Swedes at Delaware found p.
746, in Vol. 5 of Ser. Pa. Arch. (p.
748) he says: "In the year 1654 the
head of the Chesapeake Bay in Mary
land was not at that time seated and
so the Marylanders did not take much
notice of the Dutch or Swedes. The
Swedes sailed up hiding themselves
in a creek called the Schuylkill in

English "Hiding Creek." (Do.) And
in the same volume p. 235 it is said
"Thousands of beavers can be bought
around the Schuylkill or Bever s
Rede, which are brought down in
great abundance by the Minquas and
the Black Indians." Wm. Penn also
in a paper dated 1690 mentions that
the Indians of the Susquehanna came
to Philadelphia by way of the Schuyl
kill and its branches their old and
unusual course. (I Haz. Reg. 400).
Thus from all this we see that while
the Susquehannocks wars were in
progress their trade was going on
also.

1656 The Susquehannocks Still Hunt
About Lake Ontario.

Some fathers of the Jesuits this
year with other Frenchmen journey
to the Upper Iroquois and tell of one
of the experiences as follows: "To
wards evening some hunters perceiv
ed us (at the end of Lake Ontario) ;
Vol. 43, Jesuit Relations, p. 141 and
on seeing so many canoes in our
company they fled, leaving behind
them some booty for our people, who
seized their weapons and beaver
skins and all their baggage; but cap
turing one of those hunters we found
that he belonged to the tribe of An-
dastogue (Susquehannocks), with
whom we are not at war. Our French
therefore gave back to them that
which they had plundered; this how
ever did not induce our savages to
display the same courtesy." Vol. 43,
Jesuit Relations, p. 143.

Two historical facts are worthy of
notice here: (1) that the Susquehan
nocks continued to make hunting par
ties to the northward the same as
in the days when they were not at
war with the Iroquois, and (2) that
though the French were the friends
of the Iroquois, the fathers say they
are not at war with the Susquehan
nocks.

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1660 The Piscataways Complain of
the Effects of War.

In Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, pp.
402 and 403, it is reported that the
Emperor of the Piscataways came to
the English and complained as fol
lows: "A long time ago there came
a king from the eastern shore who
commanded over all the Indians now
inhabiting within the bounds of this
province of Maryland (naming every
town severally), and also over the
Powtomacks and Susquehannocks,
whom, because he di^ embrace and
cover all of them, he called Wafoin-
gassenew. This man dying without
issue made his brother, Quakon-as-
siam king after him; after whom
succeeded his other brothers. After
his brothers they took a sister s son,
and so from brother to brother. Af
ter this they were in danger of the
Senecas, who are a potent nation,
and had lately killed five of their
men and threatened their fort for
being friends with us and the Sus
quehannocks, who are at war with
the said Senecas. Therefore they
(the Piscataways) desire for pay
they might have four English to help
them make their fort." To this the
authorities of Maryland explained the
council would be called together and
come to the Potomac and give them
(the Piscataways) an answer." See
Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, pp. 402
403.

Thus this old Piscataway Emper
or, after tracing the line of powerful
kings who at one time held a con
federacy of Indian nations about the
Potomac, similar to the Five Nations,
now in New York, ends by saying
that the Piscataway friendship for the
whites and Susquehannocks has
brought about a hereditary hatred to
the Piscataways on the part of the
descendants of the original powers of
the confederacy.

1661 Maryland Again Declares War
Against the Susquehannocks.

Just about the time the Susque
hannocks were in the midst of the
war with the ifoquois, their bad faith
toward Maryland an-1 their outrages
upon the whites, caused Maryland to
i declare war upon them too. John
son in his History of Cecil County,
page 51, says that in 1661 the "Coun
cil of Maryland met at Susquehanna
Point, just below Perryville, and de
clared war on the Susquehannocks.
But two years later, viz. 1663, says the
same author, page 61, "Notice was
sent to the Susquehannocks to come
to Maryland to treat with the Com
missioners of Baltimore County; and
that at this time the Senecas had
begun to intimidate the Susquehan
nocks." This treaty is also noticed
by Scharff in his History of Maryland
page 290. We remember also" that
Maryland and the Susquehannocks
made a treaty in 1652, mainly for
land; but partly also of amity. This
presupposes a state of hostility pre
cedent. Both of which treaties of
1652 and 1663, between Maryland and
the Susquehannocks point out that
they were warring on the whites and
the Iroquois at the same time. Later
we will show how the Iroquois fear
ed the Susquehannas after the fatal
expedition; and .also enter upon the
Seneca-Susquehannock War.
1661 Fortunes of War Hard Against
the Susquehannocks.

The Susquehannock-Iroquois war
has now been going on about ten
years, and the Susquehannocks are
losing ground rapidly. Maryland
passed a law to assist them, the ver
batim transcript of which may be
seen in a prior item. To carry out
the benefits intended by the Act a
commission was issued by Maryland
to John Odber as follows:

"We, Cecelius to John Odber, greet-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

ing: Appoint you Captain of 50
soldiers to be raised in the province
of Maryland, and them to have use
and command with provisions, vic
tuals and ammunition and to set
forth with them in a march to the
Susquehanna fort to the resistance
of all enemies declared and to be de
clared and to defend the said fort
against all attempts from any ene
mies of the Susquehannocks or of the
province according- to such instruc
tions as you shall receive from us,
or our lieutenant general from time
to time, and them to vanquish and
put to death, and all or any other
things, acts and powers to use and
do concerning said expedition, till
the return of the soldiers into this
province again, as to the captain of
an army or governor of a fort by the
laws and use of warre doth or may
belong. Given under our lesser seal
of said province 18th May, 1661.
Philip Calvert." Vol. 1, Maryland
Archives, p. 417.

Thus the Susquehannock fort was
evidently again in danger. In fact
the Senecas were pressing on from
the northward that the Susquehan-
nocks were about being driven out
of the fort on toward the Potomac,
to which point about ten years later
the Senecas did drive them, and at
which latter place they made their
famous last stand, as we shall see
later.

Evans and Ellis history calls at
tention, page 11, to the fact that at
this same time there was a fort on
the Susquehanna near the mouth of
the Octorara; and that it was pro
tected by a small stockade to har
bor hunting parties. But as the main
fort, as we have shown, was farther
up the river, three miles above the
mouth of Conestoga Creek."

According to Hazard s Annals, p.
346, at this time the Susquehannocks

I were greatly reduced, as well by
smallpox as by war.

The character and progress of the
war will claim our attention later.

Act or Law Passed by Maryland in
1661 to Help the Susquehannas.

Through the goodness of that most
competent archivest, Hon. L. R. Kel-
ker at Harrisburg; and the able and
obliging Assistant Librarian of the
Pennsylvania Historical Society
at Philadelphia, Mr. Ernst Spofford,
two of my especially valued friends
and co-workers, I am able to send
forth the context of the Act of Assem
bly of Maryland passed May 1, 1661,
in that Colony to help our Susque
hannocks. Both these gentlemen
sent me copies of the Act.

The Act, which is found in Acts of
Assembly 1637 to 1664 Vol. 1 (Balti
more) Maryland Historical Society,
1883, p. 406 and 7; also Archives of
Maryland, is as follows:

Thursday, second of May, 1661,
present as before. Then was reade
the Act concerning the Burgesses
tyme and charge which was voted by
the whole house to passe. Acts
made at a General Assembly held at
St. Johns in St. Mary s country, begin
ning April the seventeenth, 1661."

"An Acte impowering the Gover
nor and Council to rayse forces and
mayntayne a warre without the pro
vince and to ayde the Susquehan-
nough Indians.

"Whereas it doth appeare to this
present General Assembly that this
Province is in imminent danger by a
warre begun in itt by some foreign
Indians as it hath been made to ap
peare by credible information given
of a person lately killed and of others
that are probably cut off by these
foreign Indians, and that in humane
probability our neighbor Indians, the

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Susquehannocks are a bullwarke and
Security of the Northern parts of the
Province and that by former treaties
with that nation they have very
much assured us of their affections
and friendship. And that they ex
pected the like from us. And by their
treaties it was agreed Assistance j
should be granted to each other in
tyme of danger, And upon their sev
eral late applications to us to that
purpose Ayde hath been promis(ed)
them accordingly.

"It is enacted and be it enacted
(by) the Lord Proprietary of this
Province by and with the advice and
consent of the Upper and Lower
House of this present General As
sembly that the governor with the
advice and consent of the council
have power to leavy and rayse by
presse or otherwise fifty able men
with armes and Provisions and all
things necessary for them to be sent
to the Susquehannough Forte for the
ends aforesaid. And the proportion
of the said soldiers to be raysed out
of the several countyes followeth
vizt: Out of the County of St. Mary s
11; out of Calvert county, 15; out of
Charles county, 7; out of Anne Arun-
del, 11; out of Kent, 3, with one in
terpreter, a Captaine and Chirurgeon,
and for the paye of the officers and
souldiers aforesaid to be proportioned
as followeth until the souldiers re-
turne to the Commander in Chief
600 pounds of tobacco in caske per
month; to the interpreter 600 pounds
per month; to the lieutenant 400
pounds per month, to the sergeant,
300 pounds per month and to the
Chirurgeon foure hundred per month
and to every private souldier 250
pounds per month.

"And be it further enacted by the
authority aforesaid for the defray
ing of the charges of said warre and
all charges incident to with; That

the Governor and Council are hereby
impowered to leavy by way of as
sessment per pole according to the
usual custome of this Province.

"And in the interval of Assemblys
to rayse what forces they in their
discretion shall think necessary
against the Seneca nation of Indians
or any other Indians that shall be
found to have killed any of the in
habitants of this Province or that
have or shall disturb the peace there
of. And the charges to be defrayed
as aforesaid.

"This Acte to continue and be in
force for two years or the next Gen-
erall Assembly which shall first hap
pen."

"The Upper House Have Assented
Will Bretton, clerk.

"The Lower House Have Assented
John Gittings, clerk.

I cite this Act not alone for the
provision it makes for support of the
Susquehannocks; but also for the
many facts of history it sets out in
the first paragraphs explaining the
cause of the Act, viz.: the repeated
applications made by them for help,
showing the trouble they had with
the northern tribes the setting forth
of the reciprocal arrangement the
Whites and the Susquehannocks had
the fact that the treaties made
with the savages were not merely
playthings, and gala day meetings,
but were of sufficient solemnity to
require statutes to be passed to
carry them out, and finally the hon
orable way in which the whites look
ed upon these Susquehannocks.

1661 Instructions to Captain Ofoder.

Prior we gave a copy of the com
mission to Obder, constituting him
an officer to assist the Susquehan
nocks, in resisting the Five Nations.

We now give their instructions
which the government of Maryland

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

gave to him, directing him how to
proceed, copied from Vol. 4, Mary
land Archives, pp. 417 and 418. They
are as follows:

"1. You are to choose some fit
place either within or without the
Forte (Susquehanna Fort^ which you
are to fortify for your own se
curity and to demand the assistance
of the Susquehannocks to fetch tim
ber and other necessaries for the
fortifications according to the article
now concluded between us and fur
ther to cause some spurs or flankers
to be laid out for the defense of the
Indian fort, whom you are upon all
occasions to assist against the as
saults of their enemies.

"2. On arrival at the fort imme
diately press them to appoint some
one or more of their great men to
whom you shall make your applica
tions on all occasions, that is, either
of demanding assistance to help for
tify or for provisions or upon any or
der received from us.

"3. Procure that certain persons
be appointed who are to be messen
gers between you and us according
to the articles and be sure to advise
us of every accident of importance
that shall befall you or the Susque
hannocks and of the proceedings of
the affairs.

"4. You are carefully to inform
yourself of the progress of the warre
between the Susquehannock and
Seneca Indians and if you find them
lacking in it to press them discreet
ly to a vigorous prosecution of it.

5. "You are to avoid quarrels with
the Susquehannocks and not to allow
soldiers to sit or drink with them.

"6. Make diligent inquiries touch
ing the numbers of the women in Pat-
apsco River, and of the motion of
the companies of them.

"7. You are to have a very wary
eye on all the Dutch that come to
the Forte (Susquehannock Fort) ob

serving their actions and treaties
with the Indians but show not any
animosity against them; if you find
any close contrivances to our pre
judice give it notice."

Thus from this we see that Mary
land was suspicious of the Dutch who
were now the owners of a good deal
of southeastern Pennsylvania, till
1644, when the English divested them
of title. It is also noticeable that
great care was always observed by
Maryland that the Susquehannocks
should not become suspicious of the
help of the White Brethren of Mary
land.

1661 Various Fortunes of War Now
Occupy Both Nations.

The Jesuit Fathers speaking of the
scouting parties of the Susquehan
nocks say Vol. 47, Jesuit Relations,
p. 71: "On Lake Ontario (The Great
Lake of the Iroquois) we met three
canoes from Onneirout, on their way
to fight against the Nez Pierce In
dians. They told us that the Susque
hannocks (dwelling near New Swe
den) had recently killed on their
fields three of the Orocouenhonnous
(a tribe of the Five Nations)."

1661 The Jesuits are Pleased That

Susquehanuocks Hold Iroquois

in Check.

The Jesuits appreciate very much
the vigor of the Susquehannocks, as
it is taking the pride out of the Iro
quois, who about this time because
they had grown haughty over their
victory over the Hurons and other
tribes, had designs to fall upon the
French themselves. The Jesuits in
Vol. 47, Jesuit Relations, p. 107, say:
"We doubt not it is a stroke of Hea
ven that has very seasonable caused
a division of forces and aroused up
in our behalf the Andaste (Susque
hannocks) savages of warlike spirit
and ever held in dread by the Upper
Iroquois, against whom war is kind-

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

ling in such strength that we have

now against us only the Agnieron-

nous (Mohawks) and Onneirounhon-

nos, who form but a small part of
the Iroquois."

We can find much original histori- |
cal matter in this last paragraph. It j
tells us that the Susquehannocks |
were regarded "of warlike spirit" by I
the Indians and the whites of the j
north that the Upper Iroquois "ever |
held them in dread" that they were |
pressing the war with such vigor that
they made the whole Five Nations
unable to attend to any other affairs,
or to give attention to any other
enemies than the Susquehannocks;
and caused a division of the Iroquois
forces.

1661 Susquehanuocks Have Broken

Up Seneca Fur Trade With

New York.

The Susquehannocks single handed
so harassed the Iroquois and so
planted themselves between them and
New York that the peltry trade of
the Sencas, one of the Five Nation
or Iroquois tribes, was nearly cut
off at the same time they were pro
secuting the war. The French work
entitled "Relations de la Neuville
France" for 1661, p. 40, says: "The
Susquehannocks also kept the Sene-
cas in such alarm that they no longer
ventured to carry their peltry to
New York except in caravans escort
ed by 600 men who even took a cir
cuitous route." This is anothe^
proof of what the Susquehanriock
were made of. About this time it
seems the Iroquois had the worst of
the contest, as the Relations de la
Neuville France for 1662 p. 11 say,
"Smarting under constant defeat the
Five Nations now solicited French
aid." The same work for the year
1661 p. 39 says "In 1661 small pox
broke out sweeping off many. War
had now begun in earnest with

the Five Nations: and though the
Susquehannocks had some of their
people killed near their town (on
Susquehanna) they in turn pressed
the Cayugas so hard that some of
them retreated across Lake Ontario
to Canada."

1661 Susquehannocks Ungrateful
to Maryland.

In spite of the fact that Maryland
tried to befriend the Susquehannocks
it would seem they did not greatly
appreciate it. In the midst of their
war, they found time to harass and
kill whites surreptitiously. Vol. 3
Md. Arch. 413 gives us this account
of this. "An information touching
the death of four Englishmen killed
in passage between Delaware Bay and
Chesapeake by Indians John Taylor
says, one Easter Eve two Indians
came to his house but he did not un
derstand their language, told them to
go, he knowing of a murder commit
ted on Robt. Gorsuch s wife. So they
left Next day they came with seven
more and one woman who coming
near his landing shot off a gun to give
notice. They asked him for tobacco
and he gave it to them and on sight
of another canoe of Indians he told
them to be gone. The Indians shot
another man and plundered his house
and tobacco house of 1000 pounds to
bacco. They also killed eleven head
of cattle and twenty hogs. Meeting
certain other Indans he asked who
the others were and they said they
were all Susquehannocks.

Nevertheless the heaviest cam
paigns of the Susquehannock Iro
quois War were yet to come, and for
mutual help the Maryland and the
Susquehannocks entered into a new
treaty of peace.

1661 A New Treaty of Amity Be-

tween the Susuueliannocks and

Maryland.

The rough surgery which the Five

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

Nations were practicing on the Sus-
quehannocks made them again turn
to Maryland, though single handed
up to this time they held their own
against the confederated savages of
the north. A treaty was made ac
cordingly May 16, 1661, by the Sus-
quehannocks with Maryland as fol
lows:

1. It is mutually agreed that we
shall according to our former agree
ments mutually assist one the other
against the enemies of either nation
upon timely notice given to each by
the other.

2. That such Indian men who are
prisoners and shall happen to be ta
ken in war shall be delivered to the
English, as well such as have been
killed as others.

3. That the English shall send up
to Susquehanna Fort fifty men to help
defend the fort.

4. That the Susquehannocks shall
permit the captain of the English sol
diers to choose a place either within
or without the fort to fortify himself
in, and that the Susquehannocks
shall help him to fetch logs or other
materials or timber for the fortifica
tion.

5. That the Susquehannocks shall
find the English soldiers with suffi
cient fish and flesh and bread ready
beaten.

6. That there shall be six Indians
appointed by the Susquehannocks to
be ready to carry letters between the
captain of the English at the Fort
and Colonel Utyes house, and from
thence to the Fort, to which end two
of them shall always be upon Pal
mer s Island.

7. That to prevent mischiefs and
misunderstandings and not distin
guishing the Susquehannock Indians
the Susquehannocks shall not come
ordinarily to any other house but to
the house of Captain Thomas Stockett

or Jacob Clauson, from whence they
shall have tickets if they have occa
sion to come freely among the Eng
lish plantations; and if by enemies
they be driven among the English
they shall be found to halloo before
they come near r.ny English house,
and upon the appearance of the Eng
lish they shall immedately lay down
their arms, to be in the English pos
session till they depart.

8. That the Susquehannocks shall
send all runaways of the English
down to Captain Thomas Stockett im
mediately after arrival at the Fort.

9. That the English having now
declared that they will demand satis
faction of the Possegouke (northern)
Indians for the death of John Nordon
and his companions slayn (slain) by
the aforesaid Indians, and upon de
cision to prosecute a war with them
the Susquehannocks shall upon fur
ther notice given be ready to assist
in the said war with necessary force,
which the said English will prose
cute upon the said northern Indians."

This treaty may be found in Vol.
3, Maryland Archives, p. 420, and is
signed by the English emissaries,
and by the following Susquehannock
Indian chiefs: Dahadaghesa, Sara-
wgarora, Andra-Souque, Waskanec-
qua, Saraquendelt, Karagarago and
Wadonbago, dated May 21, 1661, the
day it was concluded, the conference
having lasted five days.

This treaty was made pursuant to
the Act of Assembly May 2, 1661, to
which we have called attention as
well as have set out a verbatim copy
thereof; and under and by virtue of
both Colonel Obder was given the
commission and instructions we have
noted before. But while they were
in sore need of help from the Whites
the Susquehannocks seemed not" to
appreciate it; or at least were too
haughty to do the menial work the
English soldiers required of them in

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

helping to build the fortifications to
strengthen the Susquehanna Fort.

1601 The Susqiiehannocks do not
Appreciate English Help in War.

Captain Obder gives this account of
his attempt to help the Susquehan
nocks under the provisions of the
above Act of Assembly and Treaty.

"November 27 Captain Obder came
to give account of this expedition to
the Susquehannock Fort and was
asked why he came down from the
Fort without order from the Gover
nor. He said that the Susquehan
nocks came to him and told him that
they could not compel their men to
furnish the soldiers with provisions !
according to the article ; and there- j
fore bid them provide themselves and i
be gone tomorrow in the canoes that j
were provided to carry the ammuni- j
tion to them. He said he had left all j
the arms with Mr. Lloyd except one j
gun at Jacob s, and the arms of every j
soldier were carried home to be de- |
livered to the owners thereof from j
whom they received them. This an
swer not having satisfied the informa
tion of the Lieutenant Governor, he
was ordered to give account in writ
ing of his proceedings with the Sus
quehannocks by next council. See
Maryland Archives, Vol. 3, p. 434.

Nov. 28 Captain Obder was called
to give account in writing according
to the former order but he appeared
not. Then was called John Everett
to answer his contempt in running
away from his colors when pressed
to go to the Susquehanna Fort, and
he pleads that he cannot bear arms
for his conscience sake; and it is or
dered that he be tried at the next
court. Vol. 3, Maryland Archives,
p. 441.

The reasons for the drawing the
Act to aid the Susquehannocks and
who drew it and the necessity for a
treaty are set forth in Vol. 1. Mary
land Archives, p. 400, as follows:

"Ordered that Messrs.Ed. Lloyd, John
Bateman, Col. Wm. Evans et al draw
up an Act empowering the Governor
and Council in the interval between
this and next Assembly to raise forces
they find necessary to ayde the Sus
quehannocks against the Senecas,
that have lately killed some English
men in Patapsco River, and that the
expense be raised by an assessment,
and in Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, p.
411, it is said that on consideration
of the Act passed to ayde the Sus
quehannocks it was decided to send
John Obder with an army of fifty
men."

Thus this expedition and design to
help the Susquehannocks in their
great war, though they desired a
treaty on the subject, was the same
as several former efforts by the
Whites to help them, and to deal
with them, a failure. In following
items we shall notice further efforts
and also take up the weary progress
of the war.

1062 Susquehannocks Blockaded in
Their Fort.

Page 347, Hazard Annals, is set forth
one of Alricks papers, "When I arrived
on May 31st at New Amstel (1662)
I perceived there a great change; ali
were jointly engaged to repair the
Fort as the Minquas were blocked in
their Fort by the Senecas being about
800 strong. When rhe Senecas ap
proached three or four men were dis
patched to the Fort with the offer of
peace while their force remained at
a distance; but a Minqua returning
from hunting discovered the Senecas
so that next day, they from the Fort
concluded to meet them with 20 or
30 men when the Minquas at the
same time with their force made an
attack drove the Senecas to flight
and pursued them for two days re-
j taking 10 persons and 10 men killed
! if we can depend on two Minquas

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

who arrived at New Amstel on the
2nd, inst." This is verbatim from the
Alrick papers dated June 2, 1663.

1662 The Great Susquehaimock-Iro-
quois War Iroquois Expedition
Down Susquchanna River.

Formerly we showed how this war
began in 1652, and progressed in a
desultory way on toward 1660

The principal campaign of the War
was in 1662; and indeed it is the only
campaign of which historians tell us
anything definitely. The best ac
count of its chief event, and to my
mind the most reliable one, is that
set forth in Vol. 48 of the Jesuit Re
lations p. 75 written practically con
temporaneous with the event. The
description is dated 1662 and is set
forth as follows: "Last year two

whole village and return home at the
earliest moment loaded with glory
and with captives.

But they saw that this village was
defended on one side by the stream
on whose banks it was situated, and
on the opposite by a double curtain
of large trees flanked by bastions,
erected on the European manner, and
being supplied with some pieces of ar
tillery. Surprised at finding defenses
so well planned the Iroquois abandon
ed the projected assult, and after
some light skirmishing resorted to
their customary subtility, in order to
gain by trickery what they could not
accomplish by force. Making thin
overtures for a, parley they offered to
enter the besieged town to the num
ber twenty-five, partly to treat for

tribes of the Iroquois formed an ex- peace, as they declared, and partly to

pedition to go and lie in ambush for
the upper Algonquins. For this pur
pose they set out early in 1662. But
the Iroquois, who had never learned
to run away, would have been glad
to do so at any time, for shafts were
leveled upon them in every direction.
The other Iroquois nations had no
better success in an expedition un
dertaken by them against the Andaste
(Susquehannas) savages of New Swe
den, with whom War broke out some
years ago (p. 77). Raising accordingly
an army of 890 men they embarked
on Lake Ontario toward the begin-

buy provisions for their return jour
ney. The gates were opened for
them and they went in; but were im
mediately seized, and without further
delay made to mount a scaffold or
scaffolds, where in sight of their own
army they were burned alive. The
Andaste by this declaring war more
hotly than ever gave the Iroquois to
understand that this was merely the
prelude to what they were going to
do in the latter s country, and that
the Iroquos had only to go back
home as speedily as possible and
prepare for siege or at least make

ning of April last, and directed their I rea dy to see their fields laid waste,
course toward the extremity of the | The Iroquois, more humiliated by

beautiful lake to a great river very
much like our St. Lawrence, leading
without rapids and without falls to
the very gates of the village of An
daste or Andastogue. There our
warriors arrived after journeying
more than one hundred leagues on
that beautiful river. Camping in the
most advantageous position they pre
pared to make a general assault plan
ning, as is their wont, to sack the

this insult than can be imagined, dis
banded and prepared to adopt the de
fensive. They had hitherto borne
their arms in victory through all
these regions. But what are they to
do now? And besides small pox an
American pest had wrought sad ha
voc in their villages."

The Dauphin County Archaelogo-
ists, in their pamphlet cited before,
tell of this expedition, which they

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

mistakenly fix as 1663, instead of the
correct year, 1662, page 41, as fol
lows: "In April, 1663, the western
cantons raised an army of 800 men
to invest and storm the Susquehanna
fort. This fort was erected about 20
miles from the mouth of the River,
the enemy embarking on Lake On
tario, according to the French ac
count, and then went overland to the
Susquehannocks. On reaching the
fort however they found it well de
fended on the river side and on the
land side with two bastions in Euro
pean style, with cannon mounted,
connected by a double guard of large
trees. After some skirmishing the
Iroqucis resorted to strategy. They
sent a party in to ask for peace and
the Susquehannocks burned them be
fore their eyes. The force of the Iro-
quois was about 1600 while the Sus
quehannocks had in their fort only
100 men. On the retreat of the Iro-
quois the Susquehannocks pursued
them with considerable slaughter."
1662 The Susquehannocks Now Con-

tend Against War and Small Pox.

On the 20th Feb., 1662, Beekman
writes: "The Senecas and Minquas
are still at war. The savages on the
river too are in, this winter as they
did not go on hunting as usual which
causes nearly a stagnation in trade."
(Haz. Annals, p. 330). A month or
two before the last writing the same
writer wrote: "Many of the Minquas
(Susquehannocks) died lately by the
small pox. They are nearly besieged
by the Senecas, which caused a de
cline in our trade with them. I was
informed that the Senecas killed an
other savage not far from that place
but a little above it where the Swe
dish concentration is made". Haz.
Annals, p. 329. Nov. 27, 1662, Beek
man writes to Governor Stuyvesant:
"On the 3rd arrived three Susque-
hannock chiefs with their suite. Sup

posing that they had something to
communicate respecting the late
murders, we requested the presence of
the Swedish commissary. The chiefs
bitterly complained that on our in
formation and complaints they dis
covered the murders were committed
by a young Seneca residing among
them. And these Susquehannock
chiefs further say that as long as
the Christians have resided here it
can never be proved that any of the
Susquehannocks have in any manner
injured or offended them; on the con
trary they have showed them every
mark of friendship and were always
willing and cheerfully employed in
reconciling differences between them
and the other savages. They said
about three years ago one of their
nation was murdered by the Chris
tians near New Amstel (now New
Castle; see p. 206), which they did
not resent. These Susquehannock
chiefs also expected ere long to their
assistance about 800 Swedish Min-
I quas (Pennsylvania Susquehannocks)
I of whom about 200 had arrived, so
I that next spring they were resolved
| to make war with the Senecas and
go and visit the forest, whereof they
| solicited the Christians to provide
them with ammunition of war when
ever they paid for it." (Haz. Annals,
pp. 341 and 342). This last state
ment about the Susquehannocks go
ing to make war on the Senecas
simply means that the Susquehan
nocks had now determined to take
the offensive, so heretofore they were
mainly on the defensive.

1662 Maryland Again Favors an Act

of Assembly Helping Susque-

haunocks.

In Vol. 1 of Maryland Archives, p.
428, it is set out that in 1662, "Up
on reading the Act empowering the
Government to aid the Susquehan
nocks to maintain a war, now expir-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

ed it was put to question whether it
was fit to move the lower house ta
consent to a new Act empowering
the Governor and Council to raise
forces to maintain a war without the
province for some determinate time,
and it was resolved that the lower
house do agree with the upper house
in such an Act and that an Act be
passed to encourage soldiers by pen
sion who shall volunteer and adven
ture in defense of their country."

1663 The Tide of War is Now Fayor-
able to the Susquehannocks.

The campaign of 1662 in the Sus-
quehannock-Iroquois war was on the
whole favorable to the Susquehan
nocks. Especially were the Iroquois
disheartened by the fate of their ex
pedition down the Susquehanna of
800 warriors, of whom 25 were burn
ed alive in the Susquehannocks fort.
Thus one large "branch of the Iro
quois (the Sonnadauchonnoas) the
farthest nation from the east, ask for
peace with the French in order to
make head against the Susquehan
nocks, those savages of New Sweden
who are very warlike and better
than any other to exterminate the
Iroquois. In order to secure them
selves against so remarkable an
enemy they ask the French to come
in large numbers and settle among j
them, the Iroquois. They also ask
for black gowns, so as to appear
peaceful, etc." See Vol. 49, Jesuit
Relations, p. 141.

1663 Jesuits Have No Faith in Iro-

quois Plea for Peace with Them

and the Susquehannocks.

These overtures for peace made by
the Iroquois to the French and Jes
uits were looked upon by the latter
with suspicion as is set forth in Vol. 49,
Jesuit Relations, p. 147, as follows:
" Some small Iroquois tribes, and in
deed the great body of them do not
love us (the Jesuits) and they have
a deadly hatred for the Algonquins.
Thus when we see them so unmis

takably urgent for peace we doubt
their sincerity. And so seeing them
selves within two fingers breadths
of total destruction famine and dis
ease having begun it, the Susquehan
nocks, Algonquins and other savages
having advanced it, the French inter
ested in completing it they pretend
to wish for peace."
1663 The Iroquois Tribes Make New

Expeditions on Susquehannocks.

In Vol. 49, Jesuit Relations, p. 153,
as shown from a letter written at
Quebec Sept. 22 "the northern tribes
repeat their southern marches." It
is stated that the "Anniehoronnous (a
tribe of Mohawks), the Sonnontoueh-
uonnores (the Huron name for the
Iroquois), are now all situated along
the Great Lake of the Iroquois, call
ed Ontario, from 20 to 30 leagues in
land. They are in villages and till
the soil, raising Turkish and Indian
corn and wheat. Beyond them far
ther southward they have savage ene
mies for some time past have been
making vigorous war on them the
nation of the wolves, the aborigines
allied with New England and the An-
daste (Susquehannocks) with New
Sweden." In to this latter nation
they have been sending war parties
for ten years and more. These ex
peditions are further explained in the
extracts which now follow from Haz.
Annals, pp. 346 and 347.
1663 Attack of Susquehannock Fort.

"Hazard sets forth the attack on
Susquehannock Fort in 1663 by the
Iroquois from the writings of A.
Hudde as follows (Haz. Ann. 346) :

"Inforriiation was received by one
Harman Reiders residing in the col
ony of New Amstel, of the English,
which he received with request to
communicate to us that the Sencas
being 1600 strong with wives and
children were on the march to the
Minquas; that they were yet two

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

days journey from the Forte of the
Minquas. The Minquas have about
30 men, who were not yet in besides
a hundred of the savages from the
River who are in the Forte. The
English requested some of the Min
quas which they declined, and now
the English seem to favor the Senecas
so that it is said they had resolved
to send some of the men to meet the
Senecas and conclude with them a
treaty of peace and as the savages on
the river will not always remain at
the fort this may occasion disturb
ance on the river during the summer.
This was intended for Wm. Beekman
to communicate with him news of
these parts. "A. Hudde."

1063 Maryland Again Helps the Sus-

quehannocks with Powder and

Supplies.

In Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, p.
486, under date July 28, it is set out:
These are in the name of the Hon.
Proprietary of Maryland to will and
require you to go to the house of
Jacob Clawson and Symon Carpenter,
and there see delivered to Capt. Civ
ility and the rest of the Susquehan-
nock Indians 2 barrels of powder 2
hundred weight lead; and after you
are to go to the house of Nathaniel
Ufley along with said Indians and
there press any one of the three guns
and let it be delivered to said Indians
of which guns said Indians are to have
the choice all which particular
being for public use, and this your
authority." In Vol. 1, p. 505, Mary
land Archives, it is said: "The assess
ment to pay diet for the expedition
to Susquehannocks was 6,380 pounds
tobacco." And in Vol. 1, Maryland
Archives, pp. 471 and 472, five Sus-
quehannock chiefs being asked say
their enemies in all the forts are
about 1,460 men; and that they, the
Susquehannocks, are now about 700
fighting men.

1663 Mar) land Shows Further Inter
est in the Susqueliamiocks.

Finally Maryland shows iurther her
alliance with the Susquehannocks
by sending for them to treat again
which is set forth in Vol. 3 Md. Arch.
487 as follows: "At a council held at
Gold-smith s for pursuing any foreign
enemy. Instructions, etc: You are
forthwith to send to the Susquehan-
nock Indians, to give them notice that
they immediately come down to treat
with you and the rest of the commis
sioners about the articles of peace
lately confirmed by the Governor to
gether with their consent and ex
pectation strictly to insist upon the
article namely that they shall not
approach any English plantation but
according to the tenor of the said
Article of Peace, by stopping a cer
tain distance away and helloeing."

Later we will notice certain small
victories by the Susquehannocks
against the Mohawks and the Sen
ecas, etc.

1663 Fatal Susquehannock Fort Ex
pedition Humbles the Iroquois.

The result of the Susquehannocks

slaughter of the Iroquois in 1662 had

a very pacifying effect on them for

a time. This is told in Vol. 49 of

the Jesuit Relations p. 137 as follows:

"This year a great embassy of Iro-

j quois met the Jesuit fathers, the

Algonquins and Hurons, the greatest

ever known especially since the War

which was now in progress between

the Iroquois, the Hurons, etc. The

Iroquois proclaimed that they wished

| to unite all the nations of the earth

I and hurl the hatchet so far into the

j depth of the earth that it will never

again be seen in the future. They

wished to place an entirely new sun

in the heavens, level all the mountains

and remove all the falls in the rivers

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

and wished peace. They declared
they are coining, men women and
children to deliver themselves into
the hands of the French. But the Iro-
quois as we know from 5 years ex
perience are haughty and crafty and
they never ask peace unless they
have a scheme.

It seems that they ask this so that
the French will live among them (p.
141) and surround their villages with
palisades as they fear the Andastes or
Susquehannocks, the savages of New
Sweden who are better able than any
other to exterminate the Iroquois and
they (the Iroquois dare not longer
go and ask munitions of war from the
Dutch. They even begged for black
gowns to go and convert the Hurons.
Then they came with a white flag la
ter, but we were not deceived."
1664 The Seneca - Susquehannock
War Opens.

The Iroquois. having been badly
frightened by the Susquehannocks,
as we have already shown, in the ex
pedition of 1662,. the Senecas now
sallied forth to retaliate upon theSus-
quehannocks. The Senecas were al
lied with the Iroquois. They prac
ticed a guerilla warfare. It began
about 1664 and continued until 1675.
We shall here treat only of the be
ginning of it. Its later stages ten
years onward brought on Col. Ninian
Baell s expedition against them from
Maryland in 1675. In Johnson s His.
of Cecil Co., p. 61, under date of 1664
he says, "Notice was sent to the Sus
quehannocks to come and treat with
the commissioners of Baltimore
County, because at this time the Sus
quehannocks were greatly intimidat
ed by the Senecas." This was Mary
land s first offer to help the Susque
hannocks against the Senecas. In
Lyle s History of Lancaster County,
it is stated p. 19, that the Senecas
crossed the Susquehanna many miles

above the fort of the Susquehannocks
and robbed and killed some of the
whites. In June, 1664 one of the
Senecas was captured and 40 of the
Susquehannocks who were present at
his trial wanted him burned as a
punishment for his cruelty. In the
same year 100 Seneca warriors came
to the Chesapeake and killed several
Maryland settlers and some Susque
hannocks they caught hunting. And
in the summer of that year Maryland
declared war on the Senecas; and the
Senecas the next year went out on the
warpath in full force against the
Susquehannocks. This was in 1665,
Lyle p. 19. About this time the
Marylanders and Susquehannocks
combined and made several expedi
tions against the Senecas; as the Sen
ecas now determined to eterminate
both the Susquehannocks and the
Marylanders. At this point we will
leave the Seneca War for the present
and take it up again at its crucial
stage several years later, in chrono
logical order. Before leaving the
subject of the Seneca s invasion into
the Susquehanna country we must
note two more matters. The first is
Robert Carr s account dated October
13, 1664 in a letter to Col. Nichols, on
the subject of the Senecas coming
down to southeastern Pennsylvania
in Vol. 5 sec. ser. of Pa. Arch., p.
549. He says p. 550, among other
things, "The cause of my not send
ing all this time to give notice of
our success (He is writing from the
Delaware) was the falling off of ye In
dians from their former civility, they
abusing messengers that travel by
land since our travel here though no
ways incensed by us, but exasperated
by the Dutch and their own inclina
tions that 80- of them came from the
other side (near Susquehanna) where
they inhabit and are so strong that
no Christian yet dare venture to
plant on that side which belongs to

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

the Duke of York. They stayed 3
nights and pretended they came to set
tle. We beg your endeavors to assist
us in reconciling the Senecas, they
coming and doing violence to ye hea
then and Christians and leave these
Indians to be blamed for it. In less
than 6 weeks several murders have
been committed and one by these
people (Senecas) upon ye Dutch and
Swedes. This shows the incursions
of the Senecas.

Mombert says p. 123 that in 1664
New Netherlands fell under the Duke
of York and the English now having
authority over the Dutch a firm al
liance was formed between the In
dians and the English. And now
freely supplied with ammunition by

surpasses everything grown

Europe and especially says that furs
of all sorts may be had of the natives
very reasonably and great profit to
be derived from traffic with them who
are naturally a mild people and cap
able of being drawn out of blind
ignorance to the saving light of
Jesus Christ. Alsop s description of
Susquehannocks we will take up in a
future item.

1664 Progress of the Seneca-Susque-
hannock War.

Lyle s History p. 9 says, "The Sus
quehannocks were now at War with
the Senecas, one of the Six Nations,
who opposed the Susquehannas and
robbed and killed some of the white

the English in New York, the five settlers. In June, 1664, one of the

nations make vigorous war against
the Susquehannocks and the tribes on

Senecas was captured; and forty Sus
quehannocks who were present at his
trial wanted him burned as a punish-

men for his cruelty. In June, 1664,

the south generally.

1664 The Susquehannocks Other

! about 100 Senecas came to the Chesa-

araro * j peak and killed several Marylanders

Minor Matters. About this time \ and some Susquehannocks whom they
says A. L. Guss in his work on In- j caught hunting. In June of that
dian History of the lower Susque- year the Maryland colony declared
hanna, the Susquehannocks had a war on the Sen ecas, who went on the
fort at the mouth of the Octararo as j war path aga i ns t the Susquehannocks
some of the towns located by Smith , the nex t year. The Marylanders as
on his map cannot be located where allies of the Susquehannocks sent

he places them (p. 5). Mr. Guss also
states that they (Susquehannocks)
had a town on the Bolus river which

several expeditions against the Sen
ecas, who threatened to exterminate

both the Susquehannocks
is now the Patapsco entering the Bay j Marylanders "

at Baltimore. Also p.

He also

says page H. that the Susquehannock
tribes warred on the Delawares too.
Scharf in his History of Maryland,

and the

&lt;* &gt;&lt; Su^uehannock
Iroquois ar.

June 1664, a Seneca was cap-

page 94 tells of the fierceness of the | tured by the Susquehannocks and
Susquehannocks at this time, but the whites, and on the 7th he was

examined before Council. The same

most of it we have had from other
writers more nearly first hand.

Under practically this same date, a
glowing description of southeastern
Pennsylvania is set forth in Vol. 5,
Second series of Pa. Arch., p. 447. It

is reported as follows in Vol. 3,
Maryland Archives, p. 498: "Exami
nation of an Indian prisoner, a
Seneca. Yesterday when the prison
er was here there were forty of the

sets forth how every growing crop j Susquehannocks and two of Civility s

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

uncles (Civility was a chief of the
Susquehannocks) who made show of
much joy at his being taken, for they
very well knew him and were sen-

gave the sign and word and left their
guns behind in the field." See Vol.
3, Maryland Archives, p. 499.

Evans and Ellis history tells about

sible of his warlike exploits and would ; this same incident and other related

have persuaded us to have burnt him
but we certified it was not our man
ner to torture prisoners; but that
happily he might be sent home to his
country for the good of us all. But
we cannot find that the prisoner al
leged anything in his behalf and we
suggest he take a present to his own
country. Verily too if such a thing
were done Civility, in the behalf of
the Susquehannocks, would also go
and that thereby a peace might be
procured. And if Civility go with Claw-
son to the Seneca country the Sus
quehannocks, we know, would will
ingly embrace the opportunity of a
treaty." This is from a letter signed
by Theo. Stockett, Sam l Goldsmith
and Franc Wright.

This Seneca gave the following nar
ration, viz.: "That he came to the
house of Mr. G. M. Ball, not with in
tent to kill any Christians, but had
brought a present for the Christians
of forty beavers and several belts of
peace for the Susquehannocks; that
they desire peace and friendship (the
Senecas) and that the boy taken and
the men killed at the mill it was the
Cinneka Indians, that did both. He
says if he had been taken by the
Susquehannocks he should not have
been put to death by them, and that
all the joints of his body and bones
are belts of peace. He was asked
how many troop the Senecas had
coming out and he said 200; and ask
ed why so many were come if for
peace, and he said nothing but that
their fort did not desire war with the
Christians, and the troops were come
for revenge of the death of his son
and five Indians more that were
burnt by the Susquehannocks. When
they came to Ball s plantation they

matter, p. 12, as follows: "At this
period the Susquehannocks were at
war with the Senecas, who crossed
the river many miles above the Fort
and penetrated to the head of the
Bay, where they robbed settlers.
Several inhabitants were killed and
in June, 1664, one of the Senecas was
captured and at his trial forty of the
Susquehannocks were present, among
whom were two of Captain Civility s
uncles. They wanted the Seneca
burned as they kenw his bloodthirsty
character."

1664 A Report that the Susquehan
nocks Have Defeated the Mohawks.

I find it set forth in Vol. 50, Jesuit
Relations, p. 205, that "The Mohawks
took flight on hearing the noise of
guns and drums. They learned from
some old men who had remained be
hind that quite recently news had
come that the army of the Annieronta
(Indian Governor) had been defeated
by the Andastae (Susquehannocks).
Thus we see that the Susquehannocks
though they had many reverses up to
this time (1664) were yet a terror
to other tribes. Both their terrible
name and reputation of yore and
their exquisite cruelty to their cap
tives helped them to continue to be
dreaded.
1664 Maryland Again Co-Operates

with the Susquehannocks.
In Vol. 1, Maryland Archives, p.
511, we find, "The Upper House show-
eth to the Lieutenant General that
Francis White is by ye order of ye
House gone on special service for
the province to the Susquehannock
Fort, that your honors may hear the
more true and certain intelligence of
the enemies, whereon upon considera-

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

tion had of the results of the defense
of the Province against the incursion
of the Indians, it is ordered that the
original articles of treaty with the
Susquehannocks be brought into the
House and considered tomorrow."
From this we see that not only the
Susquehannocks but also the whites
were in immediate fear of the incur
sion of the Five Nations into Mary
land and southern Pennsylvania. The !
Susquehannocks were considered the j
barrier between the whites and the
savages from the north. In spite of
all, a few years later the hordes of
the north did come down and force
the Susquehannocks into Maryland
even to the Potomac; and Penn found
when he came that the Susquehan
nocks were tenants only, and that he
had to deal for land with the Five
nations of New York who by that
time owned all the Susquehanna
country. Evans and Ellis in their
history of Lancaster county, p. 12,
tell of the movements which made it
necessary for Maryland to act as
above as follows: "In 1664 the Sen-
ecas again came to Chesapeake and
killed several settlers and some Sus
quehannocks whom they caught
hunting. There were 100 warriors in
this raid. In June of the same year
the Marylanders declared war against
the Senecas and put Colonel Lewis
Stockett in command.

1664. In September of this year the
Assembly of Maryland took into con
sideration the Articles of Peace with
the Susquehannock Indians of July
5, 1652, and also the Articles of May
24, 1661, and both were ordered to
be communicated to the other branch
es of the government for renewal,
etc." Vol. 1, Maryland Archives, p.
522.

1664 Maryland Makes a New Treaty
of Peace with the Susquehannocks
and Formally Declares War with the
Senecas of the Five Nations.

"Act to perpetuate certain articles
made with the Susquehannocks To
the end that peace and amity with the
Susquehannock Indians according to
certain articles made with that nation
may be kept and continued be it
enacted by his Lordship proprietor
and the assent of the General Assem
bly, that the Governor and the Coun
cil of the province have full power
to lay a tax not exceeding 6,000
pounds of tobacco per month to be
employed for hyring (hiring) such
and so many volunteers as can be
got upon any emerging occasion as
the Governor and Council should
think fit toward the ayding (aiding)
and assisting the Susquehannock In
dians when desired by them, for con
tinuing the said articles and preserv
ing peace and amity with them afore
said. And further that 6,000 pounds
per month of tobacco shall be levied
or raysed when the volunteers be up
on the service.

And further be it enacted by the au
thority aforesaid that the Lieutenant
Governor of the province be empow
ered by virtue of this Act to purchase
so many good fixed muskets, ammu
nition, swords and belts for the use
of the public as soon as he can pro
cure them, for which he shall be al
lowed this present year out of the
general levy by public assessment
4,000 pounds of tobacco and caske.

And further be it enacted by the
authority aforesaid that in the inter
imthat is to say till the swords and
muskets be purchased and bought, if
necessity require the Lieutenant
General shall have power to press so
many muskets and swords as shall
j be necessary in any part of the prov
ince for the intents, uses and pur
poses of Act; and that those musk
ets, swords and belts first mentioned
be kept as part of the magazine of
this province. This Act to continue

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

for three years or to the end of the
next General Assembly." See Mary
land Archives, Vol. 1, p. 539.

1664 Maryland Again Stands by the

Susquehannocks Against the

Senecas.

About the same time Maryland
passed the following Act: "At a
council held June 27th, 1664, the
Council taking into consideration the
protection of the province against the
Senecas who lately killed some Eng
lish in Ann Arundel county and en
tered St. Mary s and ordered war
there. Now war is to be proclaimed
against the Senecas and a reward of
a hundred arm s length of Roan Oke
to be given to any one who kills a
Seneca. That all the Kings of Friend
Indians be sent word and all to get
ready to go against the Senecas that
all officers are to send intelligence
from time to time to the Governor
and Council that they keep in corres
pondence; and whereas there is a
Seneca prisoner in Patapsco who al-
Iges he came to seek peace and
brought a present intended for us
and the Susquehannocks It is or
dered that the Indian be sent down
to St. Mary s and kept in irons and
a letter be written to Stuyvesant to
give notice to the Senecas trading at
Fort Orange that we have such a
prisoner, whom we shall keep alive
till we see if they want peace or war
and if they do not desire peace we
will put him to death; and that Col
Clawson gave notice to the Susque
hannocks of our intentions and to
ask them if they will join us or not."
Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, p. 502.
Stuyvesant was Governor of New
York at this time.

1664 Oneidas Co-Operate with the
Senecas.

Maryland Archives, Vol. 3, p. 501,
says: "It was claimed sixty Oneidas
were come for war on the north side

of the Potomac to kill the English
and Indians. There were 100 more
gone to the head of Chesapeake bay
to kill the English and Susquehan
nocks, and so they tortured two of
those Susquehannocks."
1666 Susquehannocks Kill Iroquois

and Carry Grief to Their Nation.

The tears and grief caused by Sus-
quehannock prowess is told in Vol. 51,
Jesuit Relations, p. 243, to this pur
port. Presents were given by the
ambassador from the Iroquois of On-
nontae, accompanied by the following
speech: "I boast of having ransomed
twenty-six captives for the French
from those who would have burned
them. But you have done more for
us. I hope in the clemency of the
French. I hope also to wipe from
your faces the tears that Father Gar
ner told us had been shed by you in
consequence of the death of our
people who were killed by the An-
daste (Susquhannocks)."

To understand this speech you
must remember that the Five Nations
(called by that name sometimes, and
sometimes called the Iroquois, be
cause the Iroquois were the strongest
of the five constituent nations) were
composed of five different tribes or
nations of which the great head was
the Iroquois tribe proper, and the
great chief of the Iroquois was the
Emperor of the whole and from him
the ambassador who made the above
speech came to console the subordi
nate tribes who had suffered loss of
men from the ravages of the Susque
hannocks in the great war. DePon-
ceau in his translation of Campan-
ius gives this interesting statement
of the rise of the two leading forces
of the Susquehannock-Iroquois War,
that is, the Iroquois and the Susque
hannocks "The Iroquois, at first in
ferior to the Algonquins, were driven
out of the valley of the St. Lawrence

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

into the lake region of New York,
where by greater cultivation, valor
and union they became superior to
the Algonquins of Canada and New
York as the Susquehannocks did over
the tribes in New Jersey, Maryland
and Virginia." See DePenceau s
Camp., p. 158.
1666 Susquehannocks Presented to

the King of France.
In Vol. 51, Jesuit Relations, p. 173,
one of the Jesuit Fathers writes:
"Monsieur De Salieres, colonel of a
French regiment, who after growing
gray in the armies of France, where
he made himself very well known,
came over here to take part in the
glory of subjecting the Iroquois. Of
those savages he has taken with him
five of each different tribe and even
from that of the Andastae (Susque
hannocks) to present them to the
King."
George Alsop s Account of the Sus-

quehannocks, about 1666.
Scharf, in Vol. 1, p. 86, of his His
tory of Maryland, quotes Alsop as
saying: "Those Indians that I have
conversed with, here in this province
of Maryland and Pennsylvania, are
called Susquehannocks being a people
looked upon by the Christian inhabi
tants as the most noble and heroic
nation of Indians that dwell upon the
continent of America; also are so al
lowed and looked upon by the rest
of the Indians, by a submissive and
tributary acknowledgment; being a
people cast into a mold of a most
large and warlike deportment, the
men being for the most part seven
feet in latitude and in magnitude and
bulk suitable to so high a pitch their
voyce large and hollow as ascending
out of a cave their gait and behavior
straight, stately and majestic, tread
ing on the earth with as much pride,
contempt and disdain to so sordid a
center as can be imagined from a

centure drawn from the same mould
of earth.

These Susquehannock Indians are
for the most part great warriors and
seldom sleep one summer in the quiet
arms of a peaceable rest, but will
keep, by their present power, as well
as by their former conquests, the
several nations of Indians around
them in a peaceable obedience and
subjection.

"When they desire to go on a de
sign that will and does require con
sideration some six of them get into
a corner and sit in Juncto; and if
thought fit, their business is made
popular and immediately put into ac
tion; if not, they make a full stop
to it and are silently reserved.

"The warlike equipage they put
themselves in when they prepare for
Belona s march is with their faces,
arms and breasts confusedly paint
ed, their hair greased with bear s
oyl, and stuck thick with swan fea
thers, with a wreath or diadem of
black and white beads a small hat
chet instead of a scimiter stuck in
their girt behind them, and either
with a gun or bow and arrows. In
this posture and dress they march
out from their fort or dwelling to
the number of forty in a troop, sing
ing or rather howling out the decades
or warlike exploits of their ances
tors ranging the wide woods, until
their fury has met with an enemy
worthy of their revenge. What pris
oners fall into their hands by the des
tiny of war they treat very civilly
while they remain with them abroad;
but when the once return homewards
they then begin to dress them in the
habit of death, putting on their heads
and arms wreaths of beads, grasp
ing their hair with fat some going
before and the rest behind, at equal
distance from the prisoner, bellowing
in a strange and confused manner,
which is a true presage of destruc-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

tion to their then conquered enemy.

"In this manner they continued until
they have brought them to their Ber-
ken city where they deliver them to
their tormentors, who in cruelty will
execute them without judgment of
law or benefit of clergy. The com
mon and usual death of their pris
oners is to bind them to stakes, mak
ing a fire some distance from them
then one with a sharp knife or flint
cuts the cutus or outside skin of the
brow so deep until their nails or tal
ons can fasten themselves firm and
secure, and then with a rigid jerk
disrobe the head of skin and hair at
one pull, leaving the skull bare, and
immediately apply hot embers on the
skull.

"While they are at this several
others are preparing pieces of iron
and barrels of old guns which they
make red hot to sear each part and
lineament of their bodies which they
perform and act in a most cruel
manner. And others will cut off
flesh of the victim and eat it raw be
fore his eyes. And yet this never
makes them bring the victim to re
pent.

"Now after this cruelty has brought
the life to an end they immediately
fall to butchering them into many
parts and distribute it among the
sons of war to entomb their de
ceased victims in no other sepulchre
than their bodies.

When any depart this life they set
him upright upon his breech, in a
hole dug 5 feet long and 3^ feet deep
and cover it with the bark of trees
archwise, his face due west, leaving
a hole a half foot square open. They
dress him as a warrior, and give
him some bows and arrows and tar
gets, a kettle of broth and corn be
fore him. His relations follow him
to the grave clad in bear skins with
the tail on the ground. They bury
all within the wall or pallisado. Their

houses are low and long, built with
bark.

They are situated at and above the
head of Chesapeak on a river called
by their own name Susquehannock.
where they remain most of the sum
mer. About November they go to
remote places in the woods to kill
deer, bear and elk. There they build
cottages they call wigwams and stay
three months to get food.

"The women are the butchers, the
cooks and the tillers of soil. The men
think this below their honor. The men
kill the beasts and the women are
the pack horses to fetch it on their
backs; and they dress the kids and
get them ready for market.

"I have never observed the women
to taunt or boss the men. The wives
and men b.oth are constant to their
marriage. Their marriages are short
and authentic. W T hen resolved upon
the women send the intended husband
a kettle of boiled venison or bear
meat; and he returns in lieu beaver
or otter skins and the nuptial is con
cluded without other ceremony."

"They paint upon their faces one
stroke of red, another of green, an
other of white and another of black
so that when they have accomplished
the equippage of their countenance
in this trim, they are the only hiero
glyphics and representatives of fur
ies. Their skins are naturally white
but altered from their original by
the several dyeings of roots and
barks they prepare to metamorphise
their hides into a dark cinnamon
brown. Their hair is long black and
harsh, but they pull it up by the
root. Several of them wear divers
impressions on their breasts and
arms, as the picture of the devil,
bears, tigers and panthers which are
imprinted on their several lineaments
with much difficulty and pain, with
an irrevocable purpose of its abiding
there. And this they count a badge

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

of heroic valor and the only orna
ment due to their heroes.

"All that I could ever observe in
them as to their government is that
he that is most cruelly valorous is
accounted the most noble. There is
very seldom any creeping into court
ly gallantry. He that fights best car
ries it here.

"As for their religion, together with
their rights and ceremonies, they are
so absurd and ridiculous, that it is
almost a sin to name them. They
own not other Deity than the Devil
(solid or profound) but with a kind |
of wild imagery and imaginary con
jecture, they suppose from their j
groundless conceits that the world
had a Maker, but where he is that
made it, or whether he be living to [
this day they know not. The Devil,
is all the God they own or worship;
and that more out of a slavish fear
than any real reverence to his in- |
fernal or diabolical greatness, he j
forcing them to their obedience by
his rough and rigid dealing with
them often appearng visibly among
them to their terror, bastinadoeing
them, with cruel menaces even unto
death and burning their fields of corn
and houses that the relation there
of makes them tremble themselves
when they tell of it.

"Once in four years they sacrifice
a child to him in an acknowledgment
of their firm obedience to all his de
vilish powers and his hellish com
mands. The priests to whom they
apply themselves in matters of im
portance and greatest distress are
like those that attend upon the Or
acle at Delphos who by their magic
spells could command a pro or con
from the Devil when they pleased.
These Indians oftimes raise great
tempests when they have any
weighty matter or design in hand
and by blustering storms inquire of
their infernal God the Devil how

matters shall go with them either
in public or private.

"They are situated a hundred miles
and odd from the Christian planta
tions of Maryland, at the head of the
river that runs into the Bay of
Chesapeake called -by their own
name (Susquehannock) where they
inhabit most of the summer time,
and seldom remove far from it un
less it be to subdue any foreign re
bellion. The skins they catch are
brought down to the English (in
Maryland) several times in the year,
to truck and dispose of them for
coarse blankets, guns, powder, and
lead, beads, small looking glasses,
knives and razors. The women never
by look or action predominate over
the men. Did they not alter their
bodies by their dyeings, paintings
and cutting theselves, marring those
excellencies that nature bestowed up
on them, there would be as amiable
beauties amongst them as any Alex
andria could afford when Mark An
tony and Cleopatra dwelt there to
gether.

"Their bodies are clothed with no
armor to defend them from the nip-
| ping frost of a benumbing winter or
the penetrating and scorching in
fluence of the sun in a hot summer
than what nature gave them, when
they were born. They go, men, wo
men and children all naked, except
occasionally." This is the history
given by Alsop.

In Dr. Shea s notes to the treatise
p. 117 to p. 124 inclusive he gives
much valuable history (aside from
the text) relative to the Susquehan-
nocks.

In note 46 he speaks of the names
I by which the Susquehannocks are

known and says, "The French in

i Canada Champlain and the Jesuit
Relations, Gendron s Particularites
du Pays des Hurons p. 7 makes fre
quent allusions to the Gandastogues

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

(more briefly Andastes) a tribe
friendly to their allies, the Hurons,
and sturdy enemies to the Iroquois.
My researches led me to identify the
Susquehannocks, Minquas, Andastes
or Gandastogues and Conestogoes as
being all the same tribe the first
name being given them by Virginia
the second by the Algonquins on De
laware; while Gandastogues as the
French or Conestoga as the English
wrote it meaning it was their own
tribal name meaning cabin-pole (na-
tio perticarum) from Andaste, a
cabin-pole."

Dr. Shea also says in note 53, page
123 that Alsop s view of the religion
of the Susquehannocks is wrong
that they believed in a good Deity.

The above is a new derivation of
Conestoga" to me, and the method of
tracing it makes it a very early one.
It seems a very probable one. We all
know, however, of a quite different
meaning being attached to our River
Conestoga. Which is the parent de
rivation others must decide.

Alsop was in Maryland from about
1659 to 1655, and he wrote the his
tory as soon as he went back to Eng
land.

1666 Susquehannocks Make Over
turesPeace with Susquehannocks.

In Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, p.
549, we find the following: "At a
Council held at St. John s on the 29th
June, 1666, came Wastahanda, Hari-
gnera and Gosweing-Werackqua, the
warre captains of the Susquehannock
Indians and desired continuance of
their league with the right honorable
proprietor and protesting that they
were always ready to have delivered
Wanahodena up to the justice of his
lordship for murdering the men at
the mill in Baltimore county and de
siring that the villiany of one man
may not be imputed to the whole
nation and requesting assistance of

the government, now at this time
having lost considerable number of
men in ranging at the head of Pat-
apsco and the other rivers so to
secure the English plantations from
the Senecas; and remonstrating that
the Senecas are resolved to storm
the Susquehannocks Fort in August
next; and that afterwards the Sene
cas intend to fall upon the English
in the province.

Whereupon was begun a further
treaty of peace with the Susquehan
nocks, which was concluded as fol-
loweth :

Articles of peace and amity con
cluded upon by the Hon. Charles
Calvert, Esq., governor of the pro
vince of Maryland, on behalf of the
honorable proprietor of said province
on one part, and Wastahanda, Hari-
gnera and Gosweing - Werakqua,
war Captains of the Susquehan
nock nations, this 29th day of June,
1666, of the other party:

That the Susquehanna Indians
shall deliver Wanahodena, that kill
ed the Englishman at the mill if
ever he return out of captivity from
the Senecas, and for the future that
they shall apprehend, secure and de
liver up to the governor of this pro
vince for the time being any Indian
whatsoever that shall kill any
Englishman, and that as soon as
they shall come to know of it, and
be it within their power to appre
hend and that without demand made
by the English.

Secondly: That every Indian that
shall hereafter kill any hogg and
cattle of the English, and shall there
of be convicted shall pay for every
hog 50 fathoms of peake and for
every head of any other cattle 100
fathoms of peake for satisfaction to
the owners of every such beast.

Thirdly: That all former crimes
committed by any Indians of the Su-

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHNNOCKS AND

quehannock nation shall be forgot
and buried in oblivion, except mur
der of any English not yet discov
ered.

Fourthly: That the King of Poto
mac and his two sons be by some of
the Susquehannock Indians deliver
ed up prisoners to Major Samuel
Goldsmith with all convenient speed.

In witness whereof the hands and
seals are set 29th June, 1666."

No comment need be offered upon
this except to say that the Senecas
are now pressing so hard upon the
Susquehannocks that they turn to
Maryland for help. They report to
the government the impending fate to
the old Susquehannock Fort. The
treaty is the result.
1067 The Susqiiehanuocks Beg Fur
ther Help from Maryland.

At a council at St. Mary s August
24, 1667, of Baltimore County, being
sent by the Susquehannocks to the
governor and council was called in,
who declared that the said Indians
did request assistance and ammuni
tion from the council sufficient to
go against any Indian enemies and
likewise declared enemies of the in
habitants of this province according
to one of the Articles of Agreement
made between the Susquehannock
Indians and the English of Mary
land:

It was ordered that so many men
be pressed as the Susquehannocks
shall require to their aide and assist
ance and that they be sent up forth
with. Also that a quantity of powder
be delivered unto Mr. Francis
Wright and the said Indians to be
supplied out of the same as the
said Wright shall see requisite and
convenient.

The governor and council both fur
ther determined to go up into Balti
more County and there to give the
Susquehaunocks a meeting about the

15th of September next to wit, with
the said Indians about the peace and
safety of this province how to pro
ceed with the Susquehannock assist
ance against any Indians now held
and declared enemies to this pro
vince.

Commission issued to captain Lieu
tenant Smith dated Sept. 7, 1667 and
to Daniel Jenifer. See Vol. 5, Mary
land Archives, p. 13.

1667 Method of Raisin* Men to
Help Susquehannocks.

In Vol. 5, Maryland Archives, p.
21, we find, "At a council February
6, at Matapenny, was taken into con
sideration the speedy rising of a
certain and considerable number of
men to make a march against the
Indian enemies with all expedition
possible, for which end it is order
ed, that every tenth person in every
respective county be raised to go
on the present march namely, in all
410 men out of which number of
men particular warrants issue to Col.
William Evans to raise out of his
company twenty-three men; Col. John
Zarboe to raise out of his company
twenty-three men; Daniel Jenifer to
raise out of his company twenty-
three men; Major Thomas Brook to
raise out of Patuxent River province
forty-nine men and from the Cliffs
forty men; Capt. Wm. Boreman to
raise out of his company fifty-three
men; Wm. Burges to raise 62 men;
Maj. Thomas Ingram out of Kent
14 men; in all 287 men specially
raised. Evans & Ellis History, p.
12, tells about this same project and
concludes by saying, "When Mary
land agreed to send some troops up
to assist the Susquehannocks as
usual they did not go but left the
Susquehannocks to carry on the war
single handed. Matters grew worse
and worse until the Marylanders be
came greatly alarmed for their own
safety and they renewed the effort

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

to raise troops and go and help the
Susquehannocks."

1667 The Susquehannocks Keep the
French and Iroquois in Alarm.

In Vol. 52, Jesuit Relations, p. 155,
under date of 1667, we read from
the writings of the Jesuit Fathers of
Canada: "We are in the midst of
continual alarm that the Loups and
the Andaste (Susquehannocks)
cause." This again attests the fact
that the Susquehannocks carried
with them an unusual amount of
fear-producing quality.
1667 The Onondagoes Also Fear the
Mighty Susquehannocks.

In Vol. 52, Jesuit Relations, p. 155,
it is said: "In the country of Onon-
dago, or nation of mainland, one day
there was held a notable council on
the dream of a sick old man. He had
seen in his sleep in dream a man
only one cubit in height and that
this being showed him some drops of
blood, falling fom the sky and some
fell from men who had fingers and
noses cut. Finally he said the little
man told him that the people were
treated that way in heaven and that
all those who should go there would
fall into the hands of the Andastae
(Susquehannocks). In this they evi
dently unintentionally pay one com
pliment to the Susquehannocks they
did not intend to that is, they seem
ed to think they were all in heaven,
which is a much better opinion than
we usually have of our dead enemies.
The main thing about the strange
superstition that the Onondagoes
seem to think the Susquehannocks
will be as warlike and predominat
ing in the next world as in the pre
sent one.

1667 The Iroquois Pray to Their
Gods to Help Them in \Tar
Against the Susquehannocks.

From Vol. 52 of Jesuit Relations p.

197, I quote the following: "A
branch of the Iroquois nation most
remote from the French, called the
Upper Iroquois, live here. They
pray to their Gods and also to the
real God on the subject of war, but
the French missionaries are preach
ing peace to them; and peace will
be strengthened betwen the Iroquois
and Outaoucs; the more so at this
time, when the Iroquois have the na
tion of the Loups and that of the
Susquehannocks on their hands and
fear more than ever the arms of
France. These Loups are the Wolf
tribe of the Algonquins." So it
seems by this that these savages
counted prayers to their gods all-
sufficient, except on the great Iro-
quois-Susquehannock war. for which
they prayed for help from the Great
Spirit alone.

1667 -- The Iroquois-Susquehannock

War Makes an Opening to Bring

the Gospel to the Iroquois.

In Vol. 52, Jesuit Relations, p. 203,
is stated: "Never did the Gospel have
a more auspicious opening in this
country, and the only thing lacking
is workers. The Iroquois will be de
lighted to continue peace with the
Outaoucs, having on their hands the
war with the Loups and that with
the Susquehannocks."
1668 Some Susquehannocks Go to

the Jesuit Fathers for Religious
Instruction.

The Jesuit Fathers say in Vol. 63
of Jesuit Fathers, p. 153, under date
of 1668: The wars of the French and
Iroquois having passed we now see
fulfilled the prophecies of Isaiah. The
savages are becoming Christians. A
mission was erected a shed of
boards. They come every year to
worship, like what happened at Jeru
salem when the church was formed.
In the companies of savages there
were men of different languages one

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

of the Chat nation, one of the Hu-
rons, some were Iroquois, and some
of the Andastogoe (Susquehannocks)
even from their far country." There
were likely not many of the Susque
hannocks, however, as that nation
was still at war with the Iroquois.
1669 Cruel Torture of Two Susque-
liannocks bv Onondaproes and

and Others.

The following cruelty is set forth
as having been committed the year
1669: "Nov. 27th two elders from
Onnontago bring news of the return
of the warriors with nine Andasto-
gue (Susquehannock) captives that
were surprised while hunting. Two
of them were given to Onnierout (the
Indian Governor) a young man of 20
and a woman. This woman was bap
tized at Onnondague by Father Millet. !
The 30th they began to burn her
over a slow fire and prolonged her
torture for the space of two days and
two nights because he for whom she
was given in exchange was burned
at Andastogue (Susquehanna) for
that length of time. Feb. 1st the
priest instructed the young man who
was taken prisoner, and he listen
ed willingly as he was condemned
to be burned. He baptized him. On
the following morning says the
priest, I went back and found him
very well prepared for God. They
finished burning him and I saw him
render up his soul to God. I was
told that he called for me the pre
vious evening in the midst of the
flames; but he was refused the con
solation I might have given him."
See Vol. 53, Jesuit Relations, pp. 253
and 255. These tales of cruelty seem
incredible at this time. Another
striking thing is that the civilized
people the Jesuits who were among
the Iroquois and Onondagoes
should have allowed this torture to
be inflicted.

1669 The Susquehannocks Still the
Terror of the Iroquois Tribes.

To show what a specter the Sus
quehannocks were to other tribes
and how the supersition of the other
tribes was centered upon real and
imaginary horrors connected with
the Susquehannocks I cite the follow
ing under date of 1669: "A girl of
sixteen (Indian girl of the northern
tribes, Iroquois, etc.) having gone in
to the woods and spent two nights
there, her relations were in anxiety.
The jugglers were called to learn
from them what had become of her.
They put sorcery into operation to
learn news of her. The first thing
they did was to leap and dance and
shake their limbs and get full of
perspiration. Then they beat with
sticks a tortoise drum, they sing and
shout and consult and question their
demon who never answers. Then
they boldly declare that she had been
killed by three Susquehannocks who
had scalped her, cutting the scalp the
size of a small circle, which they
traced with their fingers on a piece
of bark, and that she had died pre
cisely at sunrise. Her relations and
all the village became filled with
weeping. But scarcely had the jug
glers left the cabin when the girl
came in well and alive." This is
taken from Vol. 53, of the Jesuit Re
lations, pp. 291 and 293, and shows
well how the Susquehannocks were
regarded by the savages of the north.
1669 Susquehannocks Borrow Eng
lish Boats.

In Vol. 2, Maryland Archives, pp.
196, and 197, it is stated that "The
Kings of the Eastern shore ask per
mission and a boat to go up to the
Susquehannocks, because canoes are
so dangerous and the same is allow
ed by council."

1670 Piscataway Emperor Visits the
Susquehannocks.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

In Vol. 5, Maryland Archives, p.
65, it is stated, "The Piscataways by
petition desire to revive the peace
between the Piscataways and the Eng
lish and they state that their emperor
is now with the Susquehannocks
making advancements toward peace
also."

1670 More Sorcery Involving the
Susquehannocks.

From the Mission at St. Francis
Xavier at Onnierout, which is the
second nation of Iroquois as you go
toward their great lake, Ontario. Jan.
10, 1670, the Fathers write: "The
Devil, seeing the fruits of our ins
tructions and spiritual teachings, has
incited a woman of this village (Iro
quois) to interrupt them. It ap
pears that she has seen the great
god of the Iroquois, who has reveal
ed to her, she says, that the Susque
hannocks will come to beseige this
village in the spring and that one
of their most powerful enemies, Hoch-
itagete (The Susquehannock Great
Chief), will be captured and burned
by the Oniedas (allied with the Iro
quois). She asserts that the voice
of that Susquehannock was heard;
that from the bottom of a kettle he
uttered wailing cries, like the cries
of those who are being burned. This
woman, mad or possessed, is believ
ed in all she says. Every day there
is a gathering at her house, where
there is nothing but dancing, singing
and feasting." See this in Vol. 53,
Jesuit Relations, p. 253.
1670 Susquehannocks Go to the Jes
uits for Religious Instruction.

In Vol. 55, of the Jesuit Relations,
p. 33, may be found the following:
"Xavier des Praiz had a residence
sixty leagues from Quebec, and near
Montreal. This is a resting place for
missionaries both from the Iroquois
and the Upper Algonquins. The
savages resort hither from all sec

tions for the sacraments. I notice
an admirable respect for the pas
tors; and among these savages a
charity and union exceeding all for
mer conception, especially in view of
the fact that they are all people gath
ered from different countries Hu-
rons, members from the neutral na
tion, Iroquois, people from the Andas-
togue (Susquehannocks), from New
Sweden, etc., and all of the different
Iroquois nations, either natives of
that country or dwellers there as
prisoners of war" The activity of
the Jesuits thus is amply attested,
and their influence widespread, since
it was able to reach our Indians on
the Susquehanna river.
1670 Susquehanna Fort and Its
Locality at This Date Mary-

land Map.

A map dated 1670 in the Maryland
Building at the Jamestown Exposi
tion gives the following: "The great
Susquehanna runs up northerly 200
miles to the Senecas with divers
branches on both sides to the east
and to the west full of falls and
isles until about ten or twelve miles
i above the Susquehanna Fort, and
i then it runs clear. Downwards it is
I not navigable but with great danger.
But it is navigable with Indian
canoes. The present Indian Fort is
on the west side opposite the mouth
of a creek called Oustego, (which is
now the Conestoga) ; the next creek
below that on the east is named
Oquandry (Pequea), the next Ork-
tara, and the next Northeast creek.
1671 Treaty Between the English
and Indians of Southeastern

Pennsylvania.

Pages 390 to 392 of Hazard s An
nals of Pennsylvania, will be found
a treaty between Deputy Governor
Lovelace and the southeastern In
dians of Pennsylvania in which it is
set out concerning the Susquehan-

7(1

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCK AND

nocks at p. 392 as follows: "That the
officers and magistrates at Delaware
be hereby empowered and authorized
to treat with the neighbor Indians
of the Susquehanna or others to join
together against the murderers of
this section and such as shall harbor
them or take their part if occasion
shall require and to promise such
reward as they shall think fit pro
vided it be done with great privacy
and caution so that no sudden jea
lousies be given to the persons in
tended to be presented to their con
federates."

1671 Map of Pennsylvania and the
Susqnehaimocks at This Date.

In the History Building at the Ex
position under date of 1671 there was
a map of southeastern Pennsylvania
including Chesapeake bay and Sus
quehanna river, and on it Smith s
Falls are marked about ten miles
from the mouth of the river; and
next above it on the east side a
short distance above the mouth of
Conestoga creek "Susquehannough"
town, and on the west the town of
Attock; and about fifty miles up the
river the town marked "Minquas,"
and 200 miles farther the Senecas.
1671 The Susqueliannock Boys
Fisht and Defeat a Party of
Cayngas.

In Vol. 56. Jesuit Relations, p. 57,
this account is given: "On Ascension
Day this year twenty Tsonnontouans
(Senecas) and forty of the haughtiest
of the Cayuga young men set out
from this (Cayuga) village to go and
strike a blow in the fields of the An-
dastogue (Susquehannocks), 4 days
journey from hence. They were attack
ed by sixty Andastogue (Susquehan-
nock) boys, 15 or 16 years old, and
put to flight with the loss of two of
their number. These young victors,
learning that the band had gone by
canoe, promptly took canoes and

! pursued them with such speed that
they overtook and routed them, eight
of our men being killed in their
canoes, while 15 or 16 returned bad
ly wounded by arrows and knives or
half killed by hachet strokes. The
battle field remained in possession of
the Andastogue (Susquehannock) boys
with a loss, it is said, of 15 or 16 of
them. God preserves the Andastogue
| (Susquehannocks), who count but
300 warriors; and favors their arms
in order to humble the Iroquois and
j maintain the peace of our mission."
j A similar account of this is also
found in "Relations de la Neuville
| France" for the year 1672, p. 24, a
I French work which account says
1 that the forty Cayugas went by water
j and the twenty Senecas by land to
j attack the Susquehannocks; and that
the oldest of the sixty Susquehannock
| boys who met and defeated them was
| not over sixteen years.

This interesting note throws much
i light upon the warlike nature of the
Susquehannocks, and shows how
J early their boys were proficient with
| all the weapons of war. The first
j attack must have occurred in Manor
| township, and the second attack on
the river itself in canoes perhaps
near Harrisburg. There can be no
doubt of who won the victory, be
cause the Jesuit Fathers believed in
the prowess of the Iroquois tribes.
An interesting fact is that the Sus
quehannock men were not about
their grounds. They were likely off
fighting the Iroquois in the general
war.

1671 A Tax to Furnish the Susqne-
hannoeks Powder.

In Vol. 2, Maryland Archives, p.
339, it is stated that, "Five Thousand
pounds of tobacco be levied for the
purpose of furnishing and providing
powder for the use of the Susquehan
nocks for their defense.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

All these items show that at this
time the Marylanders and the Sus-
quehannocks were firm friends, and
were mutually interested in resisting
the Senecas. How sadly the situation
changed in three years we shall soon
see.

1672 The Iroquois Try to Gain Al
lies to Help Fight Susquehannocks.
In Vol. 57, Jesuit Relations, pp. 23
and 25, it is stated from a letter from
Father Brugas to the Governor from
the largest Mohawk village that "The
Seneca Iroquois have brought twenty
peace presents to the savages of that
neighborhood. The Iroquois obey
the Governor as their common father
and they say they have only gifts of
peace. There is no doubt that they
are only using the bait either for the
sake of their commerce at the solici
tation of the Dutch or to beguile the
Ottawas into a renewal of war if they
succeed with the Susquehannocks,
who are the only enemy that the Iro
quois now have on hand." Thus it
is evident the Iroquois-Susquehan-
iiock war was still going on as this
account says it was.
1672 Three Susquehannocks Captur
ed in War and Burned to Death.
From Vol. 58, Jesuit Relations, p. j
227, it is stated: "Three Andastae j
(Susquehannocks) were captured in j
war. The Jesuit Father instructed
them before they were burned. Sev- J
eral from the same country escaped
after some months of captivity; and
they told of the great charity that
those who wore the black gowns had
for them as well as for the Iroquois
and for all the people." The great
Iroquois-Susquehannock war is now
nearing its close, having been waged
since about 1652. Three years more
will see the Susquehannocks entire
ly defeated and driven to their new
home on the Potomac, more than a
hundred miles from their old one on

Susquehanna river. What we have al
ready written shows the amount of
cruelty, butchery, slaughter and hor
rid retaliation which characterized
the warfare of these savages, a great
deal of which occurred right here in
what is now our county.
1672 More Susquehannocks Tortured

Cruelty of Indian Torture.
The Jesuit Fathers tell us, "Two
Andastogues (Susquehannocks) were
captured by the Iroquois. They re
ceived baptism immediately before
the red hot irons were applied to
them. One of them who was burned
during the night in the cabin from
his feet to his knees prayed again to
God with me on the following day-
while tied to the stake. The patience
of these poor victims is admirable ;
but one cannot contemplate without
a feeling of horror the sight of their
roasting flesh and of men who de
vour it like famished dogs. One day
when I was passing near the spot
where the body of one of these roast
ed victims was being cut to pieces I
could not help drawing near and in
veighing against such brutality. I saw
one of these cannibals who asked for
knife wherewith to cut off an arm.
I opposed him and threatened him
that God would punish him. He re
lated as his reason for doing so that
he was invited to a feast commanded
j by a dream at which they were to
I eat nothing but human flesh to be
| brought by those who wanted to eat
| it. Two days afterwards God per-
| mitted that his wife should fall into
| the hands of the Andastogue (Sus
quehannocks) who revenged them
selves upon her person for the cruel
ty of her husband. See Vol. 57, Jes.
Rel. pp. 169 and 171.

1672 Iroquois Fear a Susqueliannock
Invasion and Invoke Their Jugglers.

One of the Jesuit Fathers gives us
this relation: "I had the affliction to

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

see a noted juggler die in his in
fidelity; but his presumption and
pride rendered him unworthy of
grace and baptism. He was held in
unusual veneration among the Iro-
quois and so his shade still seems
baleful to Christianity. An elder re
cently convoked the tribe and an
nounced to it that this juggler had
appeared to him in a dream and re
garding him with a terrible expres
sion had bidden him to bear word to
the elders that they were irredeem
ably lost; and that the Susquehan-
nocks would come the next spring
without fail to beseige the village
and burn and slay all who resisted
them. If however they wished to
avoid these disasters they must be-
move the dead juggler s body from
the spot where it was buried and
carry it out along the road leading
to the Susquehannock country. He
said that then there would be no fur
ther cause for alarm, since as he
(the dead juggler) had overcome the
common enemy of the nations during
his lifetime, he was still pursuing
him after death, and his body on
being transferred to the place desig
nated would not fail to inspire terror
in the hearts of all who should ven
ture to approach the village.

Though the ground was covered
with snow they failed not to execute
to the letter the order they had re
ceived, bearing the dead body out
along the road to Gandastogue (Sus
quehannock country) and there erect
ing to it the finest mausoleum to be
seen among these barbarians. After
all as this knave was found out to be
a liar while alive, he proved no less
untrustworthy after his death, two
women having recently been brained
by those very Susquehannocks with
in fifty paces of the palisades
surrounding the village." See Jes.
Rel., Vol. 56, p. 35. The same story

is told though somewhat briefer in
Relations de la Neuville France for

1672 p. 20, as follows, "A famous me
dicine man of Oneida appeared after
death to order his body to be taken
up and to be interred on the trail to
the Susquehannocks as the only
means of saving that canton from
ruin." See also .Dr. Shea s note No.
46 to Alsop s Maryland.

1672 The Great SusquehannockChief

Planned to be Captured.
In Relations de la Neuville France,
1672, p. 47, says that at this time
the great Susquehannock War Chief
Hotchitagete or Barefoot was much
feared by the Iroquois and a raving
woman and a crafty medicine man
deluded the Iroquois with promises
to capture him and execute him at
the stake." See also year 1670, p.
47.

1673 The Susquehannocks Giving
Way Before the Blows of the

Iroquois.

In Vol. 59, of the Jes. Rel. p. 251
we find, "Since the Sonnonlouaies
(Huron name for Iroquois) have ut
terly defeated the Andaste (Susque
hannocks) their ancient and most re
doubtable foe their insolence knows
no bounds, and they talk of nothing
but renewing the War against our
allies and even against the French
and of beginning by the destruction of
Fort Colarokoui." I do not know what
place is meant by the name last given.
From this item it seems pretty cer
tain that the Iroquois completed the
subjugation of the Susquehannocks
about the year 1672. However not
content with defeating them, one of
the tribes of the Iroquois confeder
acy, namely, the Senecas, kept on
driving the Susquehannocks south
ward until about 1674 or 1675 they
had driven them entirely off the Sus-
quehanna River, down to the Poto-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

mac where they were located when
the deplorable and unjustifiable
slaughter of five of their chiefs took
place in an expedition led by Col.
John Washington, grandfather of
George Washington, and Major Tru
man, which we shall notice at large
in its turn.

1673 The Final Stages of Conquest
Near Susquehanna River.

Lewis Evans in his "Analysis" in
his historical and political essays
printed by Ben. Branklin 1755 page
14, says "the Susquehannocks after a
great defeat by the Marylanders were
easily exterminated by the Confeder
ates (Iroquois confederacy). So those
nations which are now on Sus-
quehana are only such as the con
federates allotted that river, for, viz.
the Nanticokes from the eastern
Shore of Maryland, Tuteloes from
the Meherin River in Virginia, and
the Delawares under which we in
clude the Minnesinks and the Mandes
or Salem Indians." Thus the In
dians who came to the Susquehanna
River after the ancient Susquehan
nocks were driven out were of sev
eral tribes and have been called beg
gar Indians. Many of the Senecas
and indeed several Indians of two or
three more of the Five Nations tribes
came to the Susquehanna and the
general mixture became the Cones-
togas later. However quite a few of
the Susquehannocks got back too,
later.

Lewis Evans, p. 12, also tells us
that "though they (the Five Nations)
gave the finishing stroke to the ex
termination of the Susquehannocks,
Bell in the service of Maryland at the
Fort whose remains are still stand
ing on the east side of the Susque
hanna about three miles below
Wright s Ferry, by the defeat of
many hundreds .gave them a blow
they (The Five Nations) never re-

] covered of." It is strange the Mary-
j land Archives make no notice of this
i great feat by Col. Bell. I believe it
| was exaggerated.

1674 Maryland Acknowledges the
Fire Nations (Senecas) Have Sus-
| jugated the Susquehannocks Makes
Peace with the Senecas and Fears
as a Result War with the Susque
hannocks.

In Vol. 2, of Maryland Archives, p.
378, under the date of 1674, it is set
out: "In pursuance of a vote for
peace with the Cynicas (Senecas)
i passed at a conference of both
j Houses which this government made
i with said Senecas ; and for as much
as the said peace may bring on a war
I with the Susquehannocks, this
1 House, for the security of the pro
vince, do vote that an Act of Assem
bly be drawn up to empower the gov
ernor and council to make a war (up
on the Susquehannocks if necessary)
by an equal assessment upon the
! persons and estate of the said pro-
| vince."

We shall see that a desultory war
between Maryland and Susquehan
nocks did soon begin, and was kept
up three or four years, as the Sus
quehannocks felt very bitter toward
i Maryland for recognizing the Senecas
i as victors. The friendship of the
j Susquehannocks was now turned to
hatred, and they retaliated by way
of murders and depredations.
1675 Attitude of Susquehannocks

and Iroquois Now.
Something of the situation at this
time is shown in a letter dated Oct.
21, 1675, by Gov. Ed. Andros to the
Governor of Maryland found in Vol.
5, second series, Pennsylvania Arch.
p. 676, in which he says among other
things: "I now give you an account
of my engaging the Macques and Se
necas not anyways to injure any of
the Christians to the eastward, and

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCK AND

particularly in parts southward, your
parts, in their warres with the Sus-
quehannocks; but others apprehend it
will be difficult to restrain especially
the young men. I endeavored to be
informed relating to that war, and
found the Susquehannocks being re
ported by the Macques.that they might
be brought to some peace again,
though, I still find the Senecas to be
wholly averse to it, desiring their
extermination. But hearing now of
Indian troubles which has occasion
ed raising forces in your parts I send
you an express; and if the trouble
be by the Macques or Senecas, I of
fer you my services. If you think
good I would desire some from the
Susquehannocks to come to me so
that I may order matters accord
ingly."

According to this the Susquehan
nocks, now being beaten in war, the
Senecas wish to exterminate them.
The trouble the New York Governor
refers to is that of the depredations
now going on about the Susquehanna
river, done no doubt by both the Sen
ecas who now hold the country, and
also by the Susquehannocks, who
now live further south, but maraude |
into their old country (many murders
being committed, and each of these
two Indian tribes blaming all the
murders on the other).

To this letter the governor of
Maryland replied; and Dec. 10 of the
same year the New York governor
wrote another letter to the Maryland
governor, among other things saying:
"I am sorry the Susquehannocks
were concerned (in the depredations)
having always had the repute of
being perfect friends to the Chris
tians, particularly Maryland, and
being offspring of the Macques,though
by the Senecas engaged in war, and
the Indians to the eastward. All In
dians are now enemies of us. There

only remains firm the Macques, and
by them the Senecas." Vol. 5, sec
ond series, Penna. Archives, p. 678.

This letter sets out the reputation
of the Susquehannocks of being
friends of the Christians. While
they were warlike and revengful,
their honor, it seems, was to be de
pended on. A new thought as to them
is thrown out in the statment that
they are offsprings of the Macques.
This brings to our minds for compari
son what we said in the opening
chapter of these "Annals," quoting
from Gordon, that the Susquehan
nocks came from the Wolf tribe of
the Lenape.

1675 Siisq uHian nocks Driven From
the Susquehanna River.

This subject I have noticed above
and simply set it down again for the
sake of making it prominent, as it
ushers in the final stand of the Sus
quehannocks. See Scharf s History
of Maryland, p. 189, and Lyle s His
tory of Lancaster County, p. 19. At
this disastrous period also the Sus
quehannocks joined themselves to
the Piscataways, a weak tribe which
twenty years before they looked up
on with contempt. See Indian His
tory of Lower Susquehanna by Dau
phin County Historical Society, p. 42.
1675 The Effect of the Fall of the
Susquehannocks.

In Vol. 60, Jesuit Relations, p. 173,
the following is given as the result
of the defeat of the Susquehannocks,
upon the Iroquois: "Since the Iro-
quois have at last succeeded in ex
terminating the Andaste (Susquehan
nocks), who had held out against
them for over twenty years, they
have become so insolent that they,
talk only of breakng the missionaries
heads by way of beginning hostilities.
Drunkenness, which prevails amongst
them to a horrible extent, adds to it

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

and makes them brazen enough to
attempt anything."

1675 The Susquehaimocks New
Home on the Potomac.

The Iroquois, assisted by the other
tribes of the Five Nations, having
about 1652 begun the great war on
the Susquehannocks and carried it
along about fifteen years or less, un
til about 1664 they were dishearten
ed by their unsuccessful attempts on
Susquehannock Fort, with the disas
trous results before noticed; and
they about that date being supersed
ed in command by the Senecas as
leaders of the Five Nations, which
Senecas, carrying on the war, assist
ed by the other tribes of the Five
Nations until 1675, utterly defeated
them (the Susquehannocks) ; they
were now driven from the Susque-
hanna river to a deserted fort on the
Potomac, gradually having been press
ed and driven southward, and their
numbers having dwindled down to
300 by war and small-pox. This fate
was sad enough, but as we shall show
in later items a worse fate awaited
the remnant that were left. So much
murdering of whites now occurred in
Maryland and the victorious Senecas
so well succeeded in making the
people believe the Susquehannocks
were doing all of it (while in truth it
was done by the crafty Senecas, and
blamed on the Susquehannocks for
political effect), that Maryland decreed
the Susquehannocks must move
up to the head of the Potomac, about
100 miles farther back into the coun
try; and before the poor savages had
time to do that Maryland and Vir
ginia combined and made a cowardly
attack upon them, precipitating a
campaign of war and siege which
ended in about two years in dissipat
ing them so that those who were not
killed were divided into small parties
and were absorbed in other tribes.

We shall now proceed to this sad
chapter.

1675 The Susquehannocks Seek
Peace and Protection in Their New
Home Action of the Government
of Maryland.

The Susquehannocks, being over
come by the Senecas and their north
ern allies, are now further torment
ed and harassed by marauding part
ies of their enemies, and in their des
peration they turn to Maryland for
a place to live under the protection
of that government. Their old home
and lands are infested with the vic
tors. Volume 2 of Maryland Archives
p. 428 sets out: "Some of the great
men of Susqufchannough were this
day admitted (Feb. 19) to the Upper
House and asked what part of the
province should be allotted for them
to live upon; but before this House
answers, they desire to know the
opinion of the Lower House."

In the Lower House, "The opinion
of this House is that should the Sus
quehannock Indians be permitted to
live among the respective tribes of
friendly Indians this year it may
be of dangerous consequence to the
province :

(1) That their being among them
may corrupt our Indians and mould
them so to their own future designs,
as will prove detrimental to this pro
vince.

(2) This House hath reason to
suspect that the design of the Sus
quehannocks coming among the Eng
lish and claiming protection may be
out of a design purposely to discover
the strength of the province and the
advantage they may take for the fut
ure and will be dangerous.

(3) We have reason to suspect
that the Susquehannocks and Senecas
have private correspondence together
notwithstanding the seeming war be-

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

tween them which may be dangerous | bly, page 462, of the same volume of
to the province should they be per- | Maryland Archives. "An act for rays-
mitted among our neighbor Indians, ing a supply for the governor and
(4) If they are absolute enemies j captain general to defray the charges
of the Senecas yet it will so exaspe- j of making peace with the Senecas
rate the Senecas for us to entertain ; and war with the Susquehannocks."
them that should a war this ensuing Truly the Susquehannocks were
year happen between the Senecas and now in a pitiable plight. They were
them, the whole province must in j whipped by the Senecas and other
general suffer, and therefore this ] northern confederates of the Five

Nations; they were harassed and
driven by them on toward the Poto
mac; they were suspected by the
Marylanders, and not allowed to in
habit among other tribes of friendly
Indians, for fear of stirring them up
against the government; they were
blamed for all the murders commit
ted by the Senecas and finally they
were ordered by the government to
go up the Potomac, away from the
English.

1675 The Act of Assembly Declaring
War on the Susquehannocks.
The above cited Act is as follows:
"An acte for Raysing a Supply to
defray Charges of Making Peace with
the Cynegoes (Senecas) and Making
War with the Susquehannocks and
Their Confederates if Occasion Re
quires."

"The two Houses of Assembly hav
ing received certain credible in
formation of the many outrages and
murders committed upon the persons
and states of divers good people of
this province in Baltimore county by
the Susquehannock Indians and other
their confederates by them counte
nanced and protected contrary to
the articles of peace of your Lord
ship s council have agreed and con-

House is of the opinion it will not be
safe for the government to appoint a
place for them above the falls of
Potomac there being time enough to
clean ground enough to plant corn
this year, which is the only thing
they seem to desire to live among
the neighbor Indians for."

And page 429 it is stated "The
same day the Upper House ordered
that Harignera, the Great Man of
the Susquehannocks, should be in
formed that when he was at Mata-
paine with the governor he told him
he would be content if the English
would let him and the Susquehan
nocks live at the falls of the Poto
mac that the governor has moved
the Assembly to let them live above
the falls, and the governor was wil
ling they should move above the falls,
but not to plant corn any nearer the
English as they and the English
might fall out and fight. In answer
after some tedious debate the Sus
quehannocks signify to the governor
that they would be willing to condes
cend to move to the head of the Po
tomac."

This serves to show in what an
attitude the Marylanders, especially
the Assembly held themselves toward

the Susquehannocks. All these steps c i ude d upon certain measures, upon
tended toward one goal that is to- j which a war is likely to ensue and
ward war on the Susquehannocks by j it being also concluded that it may
Maryland.This soon was the ripe fruit j be of great benefit and advantage to
that the condition bore, as is shown I the interests of the province to make
by the following extract from the j peace with the Cynegoes (Senecas)
proceedings of the Maryland Assem- \ for the defraying of the expenses of

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

such warre or peace if it shall seem
necessary to the captain general and
council to make such warre or peace
do pray it may be enacted:

And be it enacted, etc., that there
be levied and raysed this present
year the sum of fifty thousand pounds
of tobacco by an equal assessment
upon the persons and estates of the
inhabitants of the province to be
paid to his excellency, Charles Cal-
vert, Esq., captain general of this
province to be by him disposed of as
he and his council think meet, for
and towards . the defraying of all
such charges and expenses as shall
be laid out and expended in and
about the carrying on or making any
warre or peace with the SusQuehan-
nocks or any of their confederates
or with the Senecas if the council
and governor think expedient to
make such warre or peace this pre
sent year." See same, 2 Md. Arch,
pp. 462 and 463.

1675 The Maryland Government
Opens Hostilities Upon the Susque-
kannocks.

In Vol. 15, p. 48 of the Maryland
Archives, it is set out, "It is ordered
that a regiment of horse consisting
offive troops of fifty men in troop be
forthwith raysed and fitted with suf
ficient horse and arms and ammuni-
tition for the expeditions march
against the barbarous enemy and to
assist the Virginia forces now pre
paring to pursue their enemies the
Susquehannock Indians, and demand
ing delivery of those Indians which
lately committed the murders on his
Majesty s subjects in Virginia; and
it is further ordered that the said
Susquehannock Indians be forthwith
forced off from the place where they
now are to remove themselves to
the place they assured the last as
sembly they would go and seat them
selves.

Accordingly Thos. Dent is dispatch
ed away to Colonel Washington and
Major Allerton with the following
letter:

"You are to march to the north side
of Piscataway Creek, where you shall
advise upon the ways and means to
prosecute the war against the Doegs
and the Susquehannock Indians till
the murderers are delivered and all
passible satisfaction obtained for
damages done." (At this time there
were 6,610 taxables in Maryland).
See same book and page.

About the same time an additional
force was raised to go against the
Susquehannocks, which is set forth
p. 56 of the same book. "It is or
dered that a party of 30 men be rais
ed 15 out of St. Mary s and 15 out
of St. Charles under Capt. Douglass
and Sly to range the woods about
Piscataway and the Susquehannock
Fort to take up all such horses as
they shall find were lost by the sol
diers in the late expedition against
the Susquehannock Indians." And
page 58 it is stated: "The governor
and council have taken into consid
eration the disbursements for pro
visions and other charges relating
to the late Indian war with the Sus
quehannocks that the same be levied
this year and be taken into considera
tion."

Thus from these items we see there
was an expedition against the Sus
quehannocks by Maryland, and that
in it many horses were lost of the
250 that set out and the expense of
the late war was now a subject of
governmental concern for Maryland.

The particulars of this expedition
and the disreputable action of the
whites in the same against the de
fenseless chiefs of the Susquehan
nocks, and the impeachment proceed
ings against the leaders of the expe
dition by the Maryland authorities

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

we will next take up and in doing so
reveal a disgraceful page in colonial
Indian policy.

1675 Virginia Asks Maryland to Join

Her in An Expedition Against

the Suscjuehaimocks.

On Sept. 6, 1675 Col. John Washing
ton, a great grandfather of George
Washington,together with Isaac Aller-
ton sends a letter to Maryland stating,
that on Sunday the 5th inst. orders
were received from the governor of
Virginia to summon the militia on
the north side of the Rappahannock
and south of the Potomac, to make
an inquisition into the murders and
spoyl done by the Indians and ascer
tain by what nations done and to de
mand satisfaction and proceed to war
if needed.

Wherefore the regiment of 5 troops
of 50 men each as stated in the last
item, were ordered raised. See 15
Md. Arch. 48.

1675 Maryland Sends Instructions
to Co-Operate With Washington

Accordingly Thos. Dent was sent to
Col. Washington with these instruct
ions: "Gent. According to the promise
made Capt. Lee and Maj. Youell we
have this day taken your letter into
consideration and for answer return
you that we have ordered 250 horses
and dragoon to rendezvous upon
Thursday which will be the 23rd in
stant at the head of the Choptico Bay
from whence they shall continue their
march to the north side of the mouth
of the Piscataway where they shall
await your arrival and join with you
where your commanders shall advise
with you upon the ways and means
to prosecute the war against the
Doages and the Susquehannock In
dians till the murderers are delivered
and all possible satisfaction obtain
ed from them for damages done his

majesty s subjects. Ordered that Maj.
Thomas Truman be commander of
the expedition." See 15 Md. Arch. 49.

1675 The Mattawomen Indians Join

the Expedition and Help Maryland

and Virginia Against Sus-

quehannocks.

This is set forth in 15 Md. Arch. 57
as follows, "The Council, taking into
consideration the merits of the King
of the Mattawomen, namely that he
came first unto Major Truman volun
tarily and offered all his men to
serve us against the Susquehannocks
and his women and children as
hostages and that he continued all
the time of the War with the Eng
lish and in pursuit of the enemy, do
humbly desire the government con
currence to an order that the said
King may be presented with 12 match
I coats as a mark of gratitude and
j have of value 100 arms length Roan-
| oke namely four match coats for
I every prisoner of the Susquehannocks
that they have taken and delivered
the said match coats to be paid to
the Indian that took the prisoner."

From this we see that this tribe
of Indians through their King first of
fered his warriors to assist the Mary-
landers and Virginians in whipping
the Susquehannocks, and to give as
surance that he would not dessert in
battle and go over to the Susquehan-
I nocks, he gave the women and chil-
| dren of his tribe as hostages into the
charge of the English, who could
have been enslaved or even slaugh
tered if the soldiers proved recre
ant. The above also states that he
did remain loyal.

1675 The Great, Shameful Expediton
of Slaughter and Dishonor.

The expedition against the Susque
hannocks, who were huddled in a
fort on the Potomac, about 200 strong

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

including women and children, began
about the middle of September, and
continued n a siege of about 6 weeks
ending the beginning of November. In
addition to the march on the Fort,
as we have above seen the whites
hired other Indians to sally through
the woods and capture Susquehan-
nocks. The white soldiers also rang
ed the woods for the same purpose.
At any rate about the beginning of
November the Indians left their fort
one night and struck southwestwardly
into Virginia and were the leading
instigators of the Bacon Rebellion
all of which we shall show later.

None of the government archives
of Maryland state anything of the
general result of the expedition, per
haps because there was so much dis
graceful about it. Neither do any other
public records tell the particulars of
the struggle. However inferentially
several things are plain. First that
the war was of considerable expense
to Maryland, and that her people con
tributed of their private means to its
maintenance. In Vol. 15 Md. Arch.
56 under date of Oct. 13 it is "Ordered
that proclamation be made by the
several sheriffs of each respective
county that all persons that have
been at any charge or expense
for provisions or ammunition
about the late expedition against
the Susquehannocks shall come to the
next provincial court and deliver their
claims to the sheriffs." This is his
torical testimony that the expedition
was taken, and that it was ended by
Oct 13 or nearly so. Secondly in the
same book p. 58 it is set out "Where
as the King of the Mattawomen de
sires to inform himself for the securi
ty of himself and his people against
the Susquehannocks, who are now his
enemies only because he hath es
poused our quarrel against them, the
council do request that it be ordered

that he have liberty to infort him
self and his people upon any place
the governor shall see fit." Thus,
though the Susquehannocks as we
shall see were driven out of their
fort on the Potomac, and voluntarily
went into Virginia, they still feared,
because from their Virginia base
they continually sent parties into
their old country. This request of
the Mattawomen king is dated 1675.
Thirdly in the same year as shown
in 15 Md. Arch. 59, something of the
cost of the expedition is given us. It
is stated "The governor and Council
having taken into consideration that
the disbursements for provisions and

! other charges relating to the late war
with the Susquehannocks and that
the same may be levied this year and
having seen several papers and ac
counts thereto relating, but not the
whole accounts, do appoint to meet
Monday; and it is ordered that on
Monday all the people exhibit their
accounts or be debarred. It is also
ordered that 85 pounds of tobacco per
poll be levied as tax and be added
to the former levy so that this year

| there be levied in the whole 165

i pounds of tobacco per poll." We
have seen in a former item that
there were 6610 taxables in Mary-

i land at this time and a tax of 165
pounds of tobacco per head would be
about 1090650 pounds, of if it were
worth 10 cents per pound it was equi
valent to $109,065.00. So the six
weeks war was very costly, even if
the whites did win.

Elaborate particulars of the war
are however, told by a master hand,
whose graphic description of it, we
shall tell in the following several
items, under the general title of "The
Fall of the Susquehannocks."

1675 The Fall of the Susquehaimocks
Chapter I (First Attack).

What I shall now give is verbatim
S. F. Streeter, Esqr s account of the

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

last days of the Susquehannocks as
an independent and powerful tribe.
The account was given in 1857 and
may be found in Vol. 1, of the his
torical Magazine, p. 65, found in the
Historical Society, at Philadelphia.
As I have said in an earlier item, the
public records of the Maryland Arch
ives give only the making up of the
expedition which resulted so fatal
ly for the Susquehannocks, and the
march, and then are silent as to the
character of the battle. But that
there was a battle is evident from
the discussions in Council and As
sembly concerning the cost, the loss
of horses, and the impeachment of
Col. Truman, for despicable conduct
in the flight.

Streeter says, "The brave but un
fortunate Susquehannocks, driven
from their original seat (on Susque-
hanna) by the conquering Senecas in
the attempt to find a place of refuge
became unwillingly embroiled by a
series of untoward circumstances
with the people of Maryland and of
Virginia, and in the extremity of
their despair rushed into a conflict
which though brief, gave the finish
ing blow to their power and com
pelled the few survivors of this for
merly dreaded tribe to seek a resting
place in the wilds of the west or to
incorporate themselves with the por
tions of the Powhatan Confederacy.

"The events connected with this
struggle between the two races pos
sess for us a double interest. First,
they relate to a trying period in our
own colonial history; and secondly,
as they were closely connected with
the occurrences in Virginia.which ar
rayed Nathaniel Bacon against the
established government and aroused
a spirit of resistance to Sir William
Berkley, that ceased only with the
death of the unfortunate leader and
the expatriation or execution of many
of his supporters, some of whom

were among the most talented and
influential men of the province.

"On a Sabbath morning in the
summer of the year 1675 as the
people of Stafford, at that time the
most northerly county in Virginia, on
the Potomac, were on their way to
church they found a herdsman nam
ed Robert Henn lying across the
threshold of his house and an Indian
without the door, both terribly gash
ed and mutilated. The Indian was
quite dead; but Henn lived long
enough to declare that the Doegs
were the murderers. A boy was also
discovered hidden under a bed from
whom it was gathered that the In
dians had made their attack and
committed the murder about day
break.

"Col. Mason and Capt. Brent, com
manders of the militia of that county,
on hearing of the bloody dead im
mediately collected a force of about
30 men and followed on trail of the
retreating Indians. After a pursuit
of about 20 miles up the Potomac
they crossed the river into Maryland.
Landing at daybreak they discovered
two narrow paths, one of which was
followed by Mason with a part of
the men; and the other by Brent with
the remainder. After advancing a
short distance each party discovered
in its front an Indian wigwam, which
was silently surrounded.

"Having stationed his men Capt.
Brent advanced to the wigwam and
in a loud voice, in the Indian tongue,
demanded a council with the occu
pants. A chief came forward appar
ently much alarmed, and would have
fled, but Brent, seizing him by the
scalp, told him he had come for the
murderers of Henn. The chief plead
ed ignorance of the whole matter, and
managed to escape from the grasp of
his captor; but as he turned to flee
fell dead by a pistol shot from the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

hand of Brent. This was the signal
for action on both sides. The In
dians within delivered their fire from
the hut, and under its frail cover
stood for a short time the volleys of
the Virginians, but finally attempted
to save themselves by flight from
their murderous effects. As they
thronged out of the door in a body,
however, the unerring rifle did
prompt execution and ten of their
number were slain. A lad of eight
years of age, the son of the chief
killed by Capt. Brent, was the only
one taken prisoner. The Indians so
severely handled in this encounter
belonged to the tribe of Doages or
Doegs. Meanwhile Col. Mason s
party had also been actively engaged.
Scarcely had his men been arranged
when they were startled by the din
of the other assault, while the sud
denly awakened and panic stricken
occupants of the wigwam, in their
extremity, without waiting for sum
mons or attack, rushed to the door
to make their escape. As they pour
ed out they were met by the deadly
fire of the Virginians, who supposed
from the noise and the firing that
Brent s men were warmly engaged
with a hostile party, and fourteen of
the Indians had already fallen, when
one of them rushed up to Col. Mason
through the heavif-st of the fire and
seized his arm and exclaimed "Sus-
quehannocks netoughs" that is, "Sus-
quehannocks friends," and imme
diately fled. Col. Mason at once
caused his men to cease firing, since
those who were the objects of their
attack proved to belong to a tribe
recognized as friends of Virginia.

"This tribe which had formerly oc
cupied a considerable territory on
the Susquehanna and at the head of
Chesapeake Bay, and which_ was
spreading terror among the tribes of
the Patuxent and the eastern shore

of the Potomac at the time of the ar
rival of the Maryland Pilgrims, had
in its turn been made to feel the hand

! of the conqueror. The Seneca In
dians, one of the most numerous and
powerful of the Confederacy of the
Five Nations, through whose terri
tory in western New York the upper
waters of the Susquehannocks flow
ed (as the governor and council of
New York in an address to his Ma
jesty, Aug. 6, 1691, say: the Susque
hanna river, is situate in the middle
of the Seneca country) had pushed
their war parties down that river
(Susquehanna), reducing the tribes
on its borders to submission, or
compelling them to seek new places
of abode in more defensible positions
with other tribes or within the
sweep of the strong and protecting
arms of the white men.

"The Susquehannocks, too proud, it
would seem, to yield to those with
whom they had long been contested
as equals, and by holding the land
of their fathers by suffrage, to ac
knowledge themselves reduced; yet
too weak to withstand the victorious
and domineering Senecas, had been
compelled to forsake the river bear
ing their name and the head of the
Bay; and had taken up a position
near the western borders of Mary
land below the territory of the Pis-
cataway Indians."

(This is the end of Chapter I. The
next item will take up Chapt- II a nd
will be devoted to the new location
of the Susquehannock Indians and of
their weak neighboring and confed
erated tribes.

1675 Fall of the Susquehannocks.
Chapter II (The New Fort).

"This tribe (Susquehannocks) orig
inally occupied lands lower down the
river (Potomac) about the Piscata-
way; but the year 1673 a tract at
the head of the Potomac was assign-

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHAXNOCKS AND

ed them by the Assembly, somewhat i in the mere fact that parties from

both tribes were found occupying

above the former location, and every
possible effort was made to establish
themselves permanently at that

wigwams a short distance below the
river and near to each other, as was

place. Implements of husbandry the case with those attacked by

were presented to them and a supply
of provisions for three years guaran
teed to free them from all apprehen
sion on the care of subsistence and

Mason and Brent.

But murders had been committed
in Virginia; the pursuers had as
they believed tracked the murderers

afford them full time to make these \ un til they had suddenly lallen upon
lands sufficiently productive for their j these parties. Had they found In-
own support. This spot was near ! di a n families in the wigwams it
where Washington now stands (An- j would have been different but they
nals of Annapolis, p. 64). From this found armed warriors; and this in
legislation it is evident that the i connection with the recent startling
policy of the province was to remove raids and evils were surely enough

the Indians toward the western
borders of its territory and thus at
the same time to preserve for them
a home. to make room for the
pioneers of civilization already press
ing upon that quarter and to dimin
ish as far as possible the chances of

to excite suspicion. According to
the dying testimony of one of the vic
tims the murderers were Doeg, and
therefore of the same tribe with
those which Capt. Brent s party sur
prised on the Maryland side of the
river; and this fact in their appre-

collision between the two races. The j hensions afforded a good reason for
Piscataways however.were an unwar- j the assau it. There is no evidence
like inoffensive people and were re- [ tnat tne Susquehannocks were the

yarded as firm friends to both Mary
land and Virginia.

"The Doegs" as they are styled in
the Maryland records, occupied a
portion of the territory between the
Piscataway river on the north and
the great bend on the Potomac on the
south now forming the western part
of Charles and perhaps a small por
tion of Prince George county. The
tongue of land formed by Mattawo-
men Run as it flows into the Poto-
mas still retains the name Indian
Point and may have been the spot on
which the bloody scene which has
been described was enacted. The
lands of the Doegs extended to the
Piscataway.

"The Susquehannocks had lately
established themselves on the north
side of that (Piscataway) river.
There would seem therefore to have

abbettors or ever the associates of
the Doegs, or chargeable with any
other fact or fault than that of un
fortunately occupying quarters in
the neighborhood.

"That Capt. Brent s party knew
whom they were assaulting is likely
from his parley with the chief before
firing began; but that the attack of
Mason s men thus precipitated by the
noise of the other engagement, and
that they were not aware of whom
they assailed is evident from the fact
that Col. Mason the moment he as
certained they were Susquehannocks,
recognized them as friends and ceas
ed hostilities.

"The truth is the Virginians were
hot with passion and eager of pur
suit. Their friends had been mur
dered and by Indians; they knew
the perpetrators and started in pur-

been no ground of suspicion either, I suit; they came up with two bands

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

in junctos with the very tribe charg
ed with the crime and in the direct
line of their retreat; and concluding at
once that these were the assassins,
without pausing to deliberate, hasten
ed to avenge the slaughter of their
friends. In one of these cases at
least the assailants were sadly pre
cipitated.

"The murderous assault of Mason s
party was entirely unprovoked, if
we accept the assertion of the Sus-
quehannocks, who charged the mur
ders upon the marauding parties of
the Senecas (and this is by no means
improbable.) "The Senecas war par
ties might at that time have penetrat
ed Maryland and Virginia as they are
known to have done within a very
few years after, when they committed
various murders, might naturally be
expected to arouse their savage pas
sions, and stimulate them to seek
revenge, particularly as no attempt
was made by the Virginians to ex
plain the cause of the attack or to
make preparation for the grievous in
jury inflicted. It may be the savage
retribution and subsequent conflicts
followed too closely upon this en
counter to allow an opportunity for
explanation. Several murders were
soon afterwards committed in Mary
land, and though guard boats were
equipped to prevent interruptions
and invasions across the Potomac one
or two persons were also murdered
in Stafford county, Virginia. The
perpetrators of these cruel acts were
not certainly known; but under the
circumstances suspicion naturally
fell upon the Susquehannocks.

"The presence of this tribe
on their western borders had al
ready exacted dissatisfaction among
the people of Maryland, especially
those whose plantations were situat
ed near the Piscataway; and efforts
had been made (the Indians being re

solutely bent not to forsake their
Fort (Ann Cotton s Account 1676, p. 1)
| to induce them to leave the position
! they had taken. This was on the
I north side of the Piscataway, in a
I strong Fort which had either origin
ally belonged to the Piscataways or
was built by the province years pre
vious (In 1644 an act was passed to
enable the Governor to establish and
support a garrison at Piscataway (see
Bacon s Laws) for the protection of
the frontier settlements, and perhaps
Maryland has left it unoccupied dur
ing the time of peace, which had
{ preceded these occurrences. From
its strength and construction the
latter supposition seems most pro
bable.

The walls of the fort were high
banks of earth having flankers well
provided with loop holes and encom
passed by a ditch. Without this was
a row of tall trees from 5 to 8 inches
in diameter set three feet in the earth
and six inches apart and wattled in
such a manner as at the same time
to protect those within and afford
holes for shooting through. These
defenses were ingenious and strong
and enabled the occupants to set at
| defiance any ordinary beseiging party
unless provided with cannon or pre
pared to starve its defenders into a
surrender. Here the Susquehannocks
to the number of 100 with their old
men, women and children established
themselves, here they were deter
mined to remain.

"Remembering not only the deeds
of violence that had been borne and
taking counsel of their apprehensions
forgetful as it would seem, of the
outrages which had stung the sav
ages into revengeful mood, the Mary-
landers determined to organize an
expedition against them, and drive
them from the province." All this
is from Streeter s account as first
stated.

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1C7.&gt; Fall of the Susquehannocks I in Maryland and in Virginia, and that
(Chapt. III. The March). he had come to ascertain who had

" Doubting, however, the ability to committed them. They replied it
carry out promptly and effectively j was the Senecas. The Major then in-
their designs, and aware that the Vir- quired if they would furnish some
ginians, like themselves, had of late | of their young men as guides in pur-
suffered from midnight attacks and suit, as several of the other tribes

murders which from their share in
the recent unfortunate assault on
the Susquehannocks they were dis-

had already done; but they replied
the Sencas had come four days and
by that time must be near the head

posed to distribute to them as acts of the Tataysco. To this it was an-
of revenge there was proposed to the swered that the horses of the white
Virginian s a union of forces and a

joint expedition for the purpose of
subduing their common enemy.

"The proposition was readily ac
cepted and the two provinces raised
a force of a thousand men to march
against the Susquehannocks. The
Virginia troops were under command

men were flee: and the Indian runners
swift and boUi ought easily to over
take the Senecas. They then consent
ed to furnish the guides. During the
conference Col. Washington, Col. Ma
son and Maj. Adderton came over
from the Virginia encampement and
charged the chiefs with the murders

of Col. John Washington, the great- that had been committed on the south
grandfather of General George Wash- i side f the Potomac ; but they positive-
ington ; those of Maryland under ly denied that any of their tribe were
Major Thon-as Truman. On the | guilty. The Virginians, however far
morning of Sunday the 26th l from being convinced by this denial,
of September the Maryland forces j insisted that three of the Susquehan-
appeared before the Fort, and ; nocks had been positively identified

the Virginians probably a little
later. In the obedience to instruc-

as participants in the outrages
which had taken place.

tions from the government to settle "The chiefs then presented to Ma-
matters with the Susquehannocks by jor Truman a paper and a silver
negotiations if feasible, Major Tru- medal with a black and yellow rib-
man sent to the Fort two messengers i bon attached,which they said had been
one of whom was well acquainted j given to them by former governors
with the English language, to in- i of Maryland; this medal is exceedingly
vite Harignera, one of the municipal rare now; it is of silver, about the
chiefs, to a conference. Having as- j size and half the thickness of a
ertained that Haiignera was dead, | crown piece, with a knob on the end
they requested that the other chiefs j for the insertion of a cord, so it may
might be sent in his stead, where- ! De hanged about the neck) as a
upon six of Their leaders came forth pledge of protection and friendship
and met the commander of Maryland in i as long as the sun and moon shall
the presence of his principal officers i endure. These tokens were received
and several Indians belonging to | by Major Truman with assurances
neighboring tribes,. Upon their de- i that he was satisfied the Senecas had
manding the reason of all that hostile i been the aggressors in the late out-
array Major Truman informed them j rages and that they need have no
through the interpreters, that grave ! apprehension for the safety of them-
outrages had been committed both i selves or their wives and children.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

The officers, as it was near evening,
then retired to their respective en
campments and the Indians went
back to the Fort."

"Early the next morning Capt. John
Allen, a well known leader of rang
ers in Maryland service, was ordered
to proceed with a file of men to the
house of Randolph Hansom, one of
the victims of the recent outrages, to
ascertain if it had been plundered
by the Indians and to bring any am
munition that may have been left on
the premises. Capt. Allen promptly
discharged this duty and returned
with him the bodies of those murder
ed at Hansom s house."

"During his absence the Susquehan-
nock chiefs had come out of the Fort
probably by appointment on the pre-
ceeding evening for the purpose of
renewing their conference with the
Maryland and Virginia officers. They
were again charged by the latter more
vehemently than before with having
been concerned in the outrages in
Virginia; but the allegation was
again met with an absolute and in
dignant denial. Upon this the chiefs
were placed in custody of the Mary
land and Virginia troops, and the of
ficers retired to another part of the
field to deliberate and decide what
course to pursue."

"Unfortunately for the prisoners,
in the midst of the deliberations,
Captain Allen and his detachment
made their appearance bringing with
them the slaughtered bodies the
bloody evidence of savage barbarity
and hate. The whole camp was arous
ed; Maryland and Virginia alike burn
ed with indignation and thirsted for
revenge. The council of officers
was broken v.p and the feelings which
had been stirred up by sight of their
murdered countrymen found vent in
an almost unanimous demand for the
death of those now in their hands

who were strongly suspected of being

j the guilty parties in this case and

i who had been so strenuously de-

nounced by the Virginians as the

known murderers of their people."

"Before, they might have listened
to the voice of reason and justice;
but now they thought only of the in
juries that had been inflicted by sav
age hands and loudly called for ven
geance on those unfortunate repre
sentatives of the race whose confi
dence in the efficiency of our tokens
of the past and the sanctity of their
present pledges had placed in their
power. They forgot that those men
had responded to 2 professedly peace
ful summons. They had come out
with the emblems of friendship in
their hands; that they had received
assurance of confidence and prom
ises of protection; and hurried away
by the fury of the moment, commit
ted a deed, which as it violated the
laws of God and of man brought up
on them the condemnation of their
own contemporaries as it must have
done of their own consciences in af
ter moments of coolness and reflec
tion."

"Major Truman struggled against
the excitement and pleaded for delay
but in vain. The Virginia officers,
confident of getting immediate pos
session of the Fort and professing to
others that they were only a few
hours anticipating, the fate of the
prisoners and perhaps depending in
part on the effect of so terrible a
blow insisted on the immediate execu
tion of the chiefs. Only one of them,
for what reason we do not know, was
spared; the remainder, five in num
ber were bound, led forth from the
place of their detention and, to use
the plain phrase of our authority
were knocked on the head. So died
the chiefs of the Susquehannocks.
not with arms, but with the pledges

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

of the white man s protection in their
hands; not in open field and with a
fair fight, but entrapped by treachery,
and encompassed by their enemies;
not the death of warriors, but of
dumb cattle. They died an ignomin
ious death, yet their executioners, by
their act covered themselves with a
thousand fold deeper disgrace and
shame.

"It is but just to the rank and file
of the Maryland troops, to say that
though one authority speaks of the
unanimous consent of the Virginians
and the eager impetuosity of the
whole field as well Maryland as Vir
ginia, upon the sight of the Chris
tians murdered at Hanson; another,
alluding to the uphappy act, states
that Truman s first command for the
killing of those Indians was not
obeyed and he had some difficulty to
get any men to obey him therein. And
after they were put to death no man
would own to have had a hand in it;
but rather seemed to abhor the act."

"If the Virginians were moved to
take the lives of these chiefs by the
expectation that they would surren
der the fort, or hasten it, they greatly
miscalculated. When those who had
remained behind learned of what had
been done ; hate and desperation con
tended for the mastery in their hearts.
The blood of their slaughtered leaders
called for vengeance. The proved
faithlessness of those who threaten
ed their slaughter, forbade them to
hope. They shut themselves up with
in the palisades, strengthened their
defenses, and prepared for a desper
ate resistance. Whenever and wher
ever the besiegers prepared or at
tempted an assault, they were ready
to meet them. Whenever a proposal
was made for a conference or a sur
render their reply was, "Where are
our chiefs?"

1675 Fall of the Susquehannocks
Chap. IV. (The Seige).

"The Susquehannocks had been too
suddenly attacked to allow them to
lay in supplies to stand a long siege,
even if their mode of warfare had en
couraged or their resources had al
lowed such a proceeding; and as the
besieging forces cut them off from
the surrounding country, they soon
suffered for want of provisions. Not
daunted by the prospect of starvation
they made frequent and fierce sallies
to the severe annoyance and loss of
the besiegers, and at last in their
extremity resorted to the expedient
of capturing and feeding upon the
horses which belonged to their assail-
! ants. These do not appear to have
i been opposed with much vigor either
because the first rash step had so
damped the ardor of the men or be
cause it was the policy of the com
mander to starve rather than force
the Indians to surrender. The fort
also was too strong to be stormed.
Its situation on low ground precluded
the possbility of undermining the
foundations and palisades even if
the watchfulness of the dependers had
permitted their approach; and they
had no cannon with them to batter it
down. So that they were compelled
in fact to wait the time when famine
would have weakened the enemy so
as to render them an easy prey.

"But the Susquehannocks had no
idea of such a termination of the
struggle. After six weeks of heroic
defense during which time they had
inflicted much injury on their ene
mies, but with litle loss to them
selves, they yielded, not to the prow
ess of the besiegers, but to the want
of food, and prepared not to surrend
er but to evacuate the fort.

1675 Fall of the Susquehannocks
Chap. V. (Evacuation).

It certainly gives a strong color of
probability to the charge of neglect

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

of duty, on the part of the investing
troops, that the Susquehannocks af
ter destroying everything within the
fort that could be of use to the as
sailants, and leaving behind only a
few decrepit old men, marched out
under cover of the night 75 strong,
with their women and children, pass
ed through the lines of the besieging
forces undiscovered and on their way
killed ten of the guards whom they
found asleep.

"The next morning the united
forces discovered that the prey had
escaped and followed in pursuit; but
either could not or would not over
take these desperate fighters, and
fugitives for fear of ambuscade. Both
detachments it would seem were
heartily tired of the enterprise from
which neither officers nor men were
likely to receive honor or profit. We
may therefore infer both parties
readily relinquished pursuit; and
after detailing sufficient force to oc
cupy the fort and range through the
adjoining country returned to their
respective provinces, not merely will
ing but desirous that their exploits
during the expedition should pass in
to oblivion.

1675 Fall of Susquehannocks
Chap. VI. (Retreat).

"Not so the Susquehannocks. They
left the last place of refuge on the
soil of Maryland with a stinging sense
of injury, a recollection of solemn ob
ligation slighted and of murder yet
unavenged. The voices of their
slaughtered chiefs called upon them
for the sacrifice of blood and as they
took the leave of the territory
of their enemies and crossing the Po
tomac directed their route over the
head of the Rappahannock. York and
James rivers, the tomahawk fell upon
settler after settler. Sixty victims
were sacrificed to atone for the
slaughter of the heads of their tribe.

One of the sufferers at the head of
the James river was a valued over
seer on a plantation of Nathaniel
Bacon; and it was the murder of this
man, in connection with the distract
ed state of the country which caused
Bacon s application for a commission
to go against the Indians, a part of
whom were Susquehannocks. His
subsequent difficulty with Gov. Berk
ley, his rebellion, and his untimely
death are familiar to all readers of
the colonial history of Virginia.

The Susquehannocks believing
they have now sacrificed victims
enough to redeem their own honor
and to appease the angry spirits of
their murdered chiefs are willing to
enter into negotiations with Virginia.
They sent to the governor a remon
strance drawn up by an English in
terpreter of the following purport:

(1) They ask why he (Virginia s
governor) a professed friend, has
taken up arms in behalf of Maryland,
their avowed enemies?

(2) They express their regret to
find that the Virginians from friends
have become such violent enemies as
to pursue them even into another
province.

(3) They complain that their chiefs
sent out to treat for peace were not
only murdered but the act was coun
tenanced by the governor.

(4) They declare that seeing no
other way of satisfaction they have
killed ten of the common English for
each one of their chiefs to make up
for the disrotation arising out of
the difference of rank.

(5) They propose if the Virginians
will make them compensation for the
damages they have sustained by the
attack upon them and withdraw all
aid from Maryland to renew the an
cient league of friendship; otherwise
they and those in league with them
will continue the war so unfairly be
gun and fight it out till the last man
has fallen.

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

"This message to Governor Berkley
notwithstanding its lofty tone made
no impression and elicited no reply,
and the Susquehannocks were left
to fulfill their terrible threat, which
they did to the letter. They succeed
ed in enlisting in their cause several
tribes before friendly to the Virgin
ians and their allies, and then address
ed themselves with savage earnest
ness to their bloody work. So sud
den were their attacks and so awful
the inhumanities of which they were
guilty that the frontier plantations
were deserted; and it would seem
that even Jamestown itself was not
safe from their attack. (It will be
remembered that Jamestown was
burnt during Bacon s rebellion).

"A line of forts was established
along the frontier to prevent their
incursions; but like most similar in-
tempts of the colonists, owing to their
distance from each other, the want of
sufficient garrison they failed entirely

reassured the desponding colonists.
He swept the country of the tribe
with whom the Susquehannocks had
leagued themselves, burned their
towns, put a large number to the
sword and dispersed the remainder
The Indians fled before him, several
tribes perished and those who sur
vived were so reduced as to never
again be able to make a stand.
Ann Cotton s Account, Written 1676.
A very plain an apparently Illit
erate outline account of the end of
the Susquehannocks as a tribe, is
that known as Ann Cotton s account,
written the year after the happen
ings. It is in the form of a letter
and appears in Force s Facts, Vol. 1,
No. 9. It is brief and as follows:
The Susquehannocks & Marylanders
of friends being ingaged enimyes, &
that the Indians being resolutely
bent not to forsake there forts; it
came to this pointe, yet the Maryland
ers were obliged (finding themselves

to afford protection. Bands of sav- I too weak to do the worke themselves)

age marauders watched their oppor
tunity, passed between the forts, ef
fected their murderous objects, re-
passed the lines and were beyond
pursuit before the garrison could be
alarmed and despatched to the point
of assault.

"Yet these were
desperate efforts

after all the last
of a despairing

people. Few in numbers themselves,
and leagued with feeble tribes they
could only hope to inflict the utmost
injury upon their adversaries with
the certainty of finally perishing as
individuals and as a people in the
contest. Had not Virginia herself
been crippled by a civil controversary
they would have been crushed at
once; but even as it was
midst of all its distraction

in
and

the

its

differences with the government,
Bacon found time to avenge those of

aide of ye Virginians put under the
conduct of one Colonell Washington
(him whom you have sometimes seen
at your house) who being joined by
the Marylanders invests the Indians
in the forts with a negligent siege,
upon which the enemy made small sal-
leys with as many loss to the beseig-
ers, and at last gave them the oppor
tunity to desert the forte, after that
the English had (contrary to ye law
of arms) beat out the brains of 6
grate men sent out to treat a peace;
an action of ill consequence, as it
proved after. For the Indians having
in the darke slipped through the lea-
gure and in their passage knocked 10
of the beseigers on the head, which
they found fast asleep leaving the
rest to prosecute the siege (as Scorg-
ing s wife brooding the eggs which
the fox has sucked) they resolved to

his friends and of the province who imploy their liberty in avenging their
had fallen beneath the assaults, and commissioners blood which they

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

speedly effected in the death of 60 !
inniscent soules, and then send in
their remonstrance to the governor in ;
justification of the fact with this ex-
postulation annext, demanding what
it was moved the Virginian governor
to take up arms against them, his
professed friends, in the behalfe of
Marylanders, their avowed enimyes."

1675 Fall of the Susquehannocks.
Chap. VII. (Slaughter in Virginia).

"Among those who were made to
feel the avenging arm of Bacon was
the homeless remnant of the Susque
hannocks. His residence was on
the James river at a point called
Curies in Henrico county; and as has
been mentioned his favorite overseer
had been murdered by those savages.
The confidence the frontier settlers
had in his courage and ability made
them anxious to obtain him as leader
against their enemies. He was will
ing to take command of an expedition
but he had no commission from the
Governor, for raising military forces.
After many difficulties a commission
was promised him and he commenced
his preparations but in the midst of
them ascertained the Governor had
acted the part of a hypocrite and did
not intend to fulfill his promise."

"Roused by the discourteous and
distrustful procedure, Bacon at once
armed his servants and called togeth
er the frontier settlers nnd placing
himself in command went into the
forest to pursue and punish the Sus
quehannocks. Advancing to a village
occupied by a tribe of the Occonegies
he was received by them in a friendly
manner and informed in regard to
the place where the Susquehannocks
had fortified themselves and perpared
for a desperate resistance in case of
an attack. He pushed forward with
out delay and found them strongly
posted in a rude fort; but this did
not deter him. He led his men to
the assault and after a fierce struggle

succeeded in forcing his way into the
fort and put 70 of the defendants to
the sword. See ("Strange News from
Virginia, London, 1677," a report of
the affair in a London paper). A
few of the original tribe may have
survived but the information we
possess relative to the diminished
number of the tribe at that period
justifies the conclusion that this
severe blow completed their extinc
tion."

1675 Fall of the Susquehannocks

Chap. VIII, (Extinction as

a Tribe).

So disappeared the stout Susque
hannocks from the page of aborigi
nal history. They met the first white
man who set foot on their soil with
firm and unyielding front. They re
sisted for years the attempted nego
tiations and encroachments on their
territory; yet pressed, hard pressed,
at least by powerful enemies of their
own race, they yielded to necessity
and accepted his proffered friendship ;
for a quarter of a century they held
the sacred pledges of Lord Baltimore,
and kept the peace; during which
time, driven by the Senecas from
their homes they were forced into a
position which brought upon them the
hostility of the people of Maryland;
they accepted proposals for negotia
tions, only to find their leaders en
trapped and put to death; they de
fended themselves bravely in their
strongholds and rather than surrend
er they retreated to another terri
tory, and thereafter sending to the
authorities with a proud and unshak
en spirit the choice between the hand
of friendship and the tomahawk, ac
cepted the latter alternative as that
alone was left to them. Then came
the deadly struggle in the crisis of
which though individuals survived
and were incorporated into other
tribes, as a distinct people they per
ished in a manner most glorious to
their vengeance, in the blaze of the

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

burning mansions, the ruin of culti
vated estates, with the shriek and the
supplication of the murdered white
man ringing in their ears and their
hands red wth human blood."

"Yet the act which in the com
mencement of their difficulties drove
them to extremities and which was in
fact the cause of thei^ destruction,
was not allowed to pass unrebuked."

On May 16, 1676 Major Truman
was arrested by order of the Legisla
ture then in session to answer the

charge of
against him

176 Fall of the Susqueliaimocks

Chap. IX. (Attainder of

Major Truman).

"After the return of his detachment
to Virginia, Colonel Washington on
the 5th day of January, 1676 took his
seat as a member of the Assembly. In
his opening address on that occasion,
Governor Berkley alluded to the late
Indian disturbances and in reference
to the chiefs who had been put to
death at Piscataway, used the follow
ing emphatic language: "If they had
killed my grand-father and my grand
mother, my father and mother and all
my friends, yet if they had come to
treat in peace, they should have gone
in peace." His opinion of the deed
therefore is sufficiently evident; but
whether the mass of the people, im-
bittered as their feelings were by the
recollections of recent Indian out
rages, would have joined him in the

pressure of events, however and the
necessity for self-protection within
and without soon absorbed the atten
tion of the Governor and Legislature
and the people; and the life or the

impeachment brought
by the lower House,

charging him with having broken his
commission and instructions, in that
he received as friends six Indians
sent out by the Susquehannocks as

Ambassadors to treat with him and
after giving them asurance that there
was no intention of using force
against them and that no damage
should be done to them, their wives
or their children, did without calling
a Council of Mary land officers, in a
barbarous and cruel manner cause
five of the said Indians to be killed
and murdered contrary to the law of
God and of Nations."

Depositions having been taken and
witnesses examined for and against
the accused, he declared through Mr.
BenjaminCrozier his counsel assigned
him that, "He confessed his fault and
did in no way intend to stand upon
his justification," but humbly prayed
permission to read a paper which he
hoped would somewhat extenuate the
force of the charge brought against
him so that they should not appear
so grievous as in the said impeach
ment they were set forth to be." This
petition was granted. What was

condemnation may be doubted. The | the nature of the justification the

record does not show; but that it
was enough to vindicate him appears
from the fact that after a full hear
ing he was found guilty by unani
mous decision of the Upper House of
having "commanded five of the Sus-
quehannock Indians that came out to
treat with them to be put to death,
contrary to the law of Nations and
in violation of the second Article of
his instructions by which he was or
dered to entertain any treaty with the

death of a few savages
minor consideration."

became a

"In Maryland the case was differ
ent. The detachment of Major Tru
man having returned with the excep
tion of one company under Captain
John Allen to guard the frontier,
the murder of the Susquehannock
chiefs became the subject of public
discussion and legal inquiry.

said Susquehannocks."

"The duty now devolved upon the
Lower House of drawing a bill of At-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

tainder against Major Truman,but al
though it was upon its (the Lower
House) own impeachment that he had
been tried and found guilty, influenced
as it appears by attenuating circum
stances afterwards brought forward,
that body prepared a bill which
while entitled an Act of attainder, only
proposed a fine instead of the penalty
of death. The Upper House return
ed the bill, remonstrating that it
corresponded neither to the impeach
ment nor to the crime of which the
accused had been found guilty and
insisting that it was due to the Gov
ernment to vindicate it from the
shame and wickedness of countenanc
ing such a deed and urging that
if crimes so heinous deserve no severer
punishment than they inflicted by the
Act, offenses of a lower nature would
not require any. Not only would no
satisfaction be given to the heathens
with, whom the public faith had bro
ken but no confidence would be
placed on any treaty which in that
dangerous juncture of affairs might
be offered to the Indians unless such
offense were not only publicly dis
owned but also punished without sev
erity which it deserved.

The Lower House in reply after re
capitulating the extenuating circum
stances in the case stating its opin-
on thst tha offense was not premed
itated or out cf design to prejudice
the Province but merely out of ignor
ance and to prevent a mutiny of the
whole army refused to modify its
former bill, whereupon the Upper
House admitting that the crime was
not maliciously perpetrated, denied
that the facts charged as true were
any extenuation; and declaring
anew its abhorrence of the Act re
minded the Lower House that by its
refusal to draw up a bill of Attaind
er in full, it must make itself re
sponsible for the consequences that

might ensue to the people of the Pro
vince. The Lower House did not hesi
tate to take the responsibilty. Un
fortunately the journals for this per
iod are lost and we are left in ignor
ance of w^hat the conclusion of the
controversy was. A petition to his
Lordship in behalf of Truman is
mentioned in the records of the
Lower House for Tune 12, 1676. Per
haps this was for his pardon and for
this reason, (it may be) the subject is
no more alluded to in the journals
which remain."

"Whatever may have been the "tle-
cision of his Lordship, Charles Cal-
vert, or of the Legislature and the
people of that day, there can be little
hesitation at the present in deciding
that the execution of men who came
out as agents to treat for peace with
pledges of peace in their hands, un
armed and trusting to repeated as
surances of safety, was a violation of
the laws of God, of Nations and of
man a cruel unjustifiable murder."
This is a detailed history of the
battle, retreat and execution of the
Susquehannocks in the Fall and
Winters of 1675 and 3676 given by
Mr. Streeter in his Admiral Paper,
entitled, "The Fall of the Susquehan
nocks" which may be found in the
Historical Society at Philadelphia as
I have stated above.
1676 Proceedings Against Major
Truman for Slaughterng the

Susquehannock Chiefs.
In Vol. 2 of Md. Archs., page 475,
under the date of May 16, the fol
lowing proceedings in the Lower
House were had: "Ordered that Cap
tain John Alden and Dr. Charles
Gregory do with all expedition make
their appearance before the right
honorable, the Proprietary and his
Honorable Council, sitting in As
sembly to testify the truth of their
knowledge, touching the late barbar-

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

cms and inhuman murder of five Sus-
quehannock Indians; and that the
said Captain Allen give strict com
mand to his Lieutenant to continue
ranging the woods, in his absence."

1676 Ninian Baell Called as a
Witness.

In the same Volume of the Md.
Archives, page 476 it was "ordered
Ninan Biell do with all expedition
make his appearance before the right
Honorable, the Lord Proprietary and
his Council now sitting, to testify the
truth of his knowledge, touching the
barberous and inhuman murder of
five Susquehanna Indians."

1676 Questions Decided on to Pro
pound Against Major Truman.

In the same book and at the same
page it is recorded under the date of
May 16, that the following interroga
tories, concerning the late expedition
against the Susquehannock Indians
should be propounded to John
Shankes and other witnesses to be
examined:

"(2) Whether the said Major Tru
man with the forces at his command
was at the North side of the Pisca-
taway Creek and did these expect and
meet the Virginians?"

"(2) Whether the said Major Tru
man consulted with his officers and
those of Virginia or held any dis
course or treaty with those Susque
hannock Indans which came out of
the Forte: also whether it was with
the knowledge of any of his officers
that he treated and endeavored to
make the Susquehannocks believe he
mtended no harm or disturbance to
them, and what officers or others he
knows were present when orders
were given by the Major for putting
those great men to death?"

"(3) Whether he knows at any
time the officers of Virginia did de
sire or put Major Truman upon any

design, pressing him to employ his
soldiers about or upon any service
during the siege; and if Major Tru
man did any time execute anything
at their request by reciving instruc
tions and directions from them?"

"(4) Whether did Major Truman
bid the Susquehannocks not to fear
him or tell them that he came only
to seek the Senecas and that he
would lodge that night hard by them,
ther wives and children not to be
afraid; or that any other expression
to- that effect was made by him?"

"(5) What former articles of Peace
or amity did the Susquehannocks
ever produce to Major Truman?"

"(6) Did the Susquehannocks ever
show a medall (medal) of silver,
with a black and yellow ribbon?"

"(4) Did they show said ribbon

and medal as a pledge of amity

given them by the former - Governor

of this Province and was the said

medal given to Major Truman or to

I any other Englishmen, or was it

I carried back again into the Forte?

(Note: When they gave it up war

was meant).

"(8) Did Major Truman stay on
I the North side of the Piscataway
Creek till the Virginians came thith
er or did he there treat with them,
concerning the management of the
war against the Susuesannocks? "

"(9) Did the Susuehannocks ever

offer any treaty of Peace or desire to

continue friendship; and whether did

Major Truman ever demand satisfac-

| tion from them for any injustice done

I or tell them they were the persons

| which we suspected had injured us?"

At the same time it was "ordered

that for the more expeditious return

I of the examinations of John Shankes

to the several interrogatories on the

murder of the Susquehannocks, that

j Mr. Russell is hereby empowered to

! presse boat and hands and other

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

necessaries to the said expedition." j said Indians replied that they would.

This
some

shows that Shankes was at
distance, and, at this time

This deponent further saith that in
the morning following, the Susque-

and these interrogatories for him to hannock great men being at the
answer were being sent to him: place of meeting be f O re the Mary-
See this in Vol. 2 of Md. Archives, p. j landers and Virginians more highly

477.

1676 Answer of the Witness Against
Major Truman for Killing
the Susquehannock
Chiefs.

than before taxed tliem of the in
juries done by them in Maryland and
Virginia; and they utterly denied the
same. Thereupon this deponent was
commanded to declare to them that

Under the date of May 19 in Vol. | they should be bound; and this de
ponent saith further that there was

2 of the Md. Archives at Page 481,
the answer to these interrogatories

an old paper and medal showed by

are set forth as follows: "The an- these Indians and they did say in the

very first day, in the evening thereof,
that the same was a pledge of peace

swer of John Shankes to said inter
rogatories: This deponent saith
that he was with the Maryland forces
being at the fort of the Susquehan-
nocks on the Sabbath day. He was

given and left with them by the for
mer Governor as a token of amity
and friendship as long as the Sun and

sent up to the Fort to desire one of j Moon should last. And this deponent
the great men by name, Harignera, to saith that to the best of his remem-
come and speak with Major Truman, brance all the Virginian officers were
and the said Harignera being dead present when the Indians were

this deponent desired some other
great men to come and speak with
the said Major: upon which message
of his, there came out 3 or 4 of them
and this deponent was commanded by
the said Major Truman to tell them
of the great injuries that had been
done to the country and that he
came to know who they were that
had done it. And the great men re
plied that it was the Senecas; and
this deponent saith that there being

bound; and this deponent saith that
the first night of meeting with the
said Susquehannocks, he was ordered
to declare to them that Major Tru
man did believe the Senecas had done
the mischief, and not they and that
he was well satisfied therein.
1676 Testimony of Captain Allen,
Another Witness Against

Trnman.
This testimony is reported also in

present other Indians from other j Vol. 2 of the Md. Archives, Page 482
towns, the Major desired some of and it is as follows: Touching the
their young men to assist as pilots j murder of the Susquehannock In-
as well as the neighboring Indians ; dians Captain John Allen being
had done to join in the pursuit sworn and affirmed and examined
against the Senecas. And the said j saith, that about the 25th or 26th of
Indians replied that the Senecas had September on Sunday morning, the
been gone four days at this time they Maryland forces appeared before the
might be at the head of the Patapsco j Forte under command of Major Tru-
River; to which Major Truman re- I man, who sending Hugh French and
turned that he had good horses and I another to the Forte, there came out
as they were good footmen and they I two or three of the Indians and more
they should go with him, and the I afterwards to the number of 30 or 40

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

and the Major examined them con
cerning the mischief that was done to
Mr. Hanson and others and if
they knew what Indians they were
that did it, and they told him it was
the Senecas, during which discourse
with the Major there came over
Colonel Washington, Colonel Mason
and Major Alderton ; and they likewise
taxed them with the murders done on
their side (in Virginia) by them; but
they made tbe same reply as to
Major Truman that it was none of
them. So when they found that they
could get nothing out of them, then
they made it appear that three of the
said Susquehannocks were those that
did the murder on the other side.

On Monday morning early the
Major commanded Mr. Good and two
or three ranks of men, whereof him
self was one, to go to the house of
Mr. Randolph Hanson to see if the
Indians had plundered it, and if they
found any ammunition to bring it
away,which accordingly they did and
after the return to the forte, the de
ponent saw six Indians guarded with
the Marylanders and Virginians and
the Major with the Virginia officers,
sitting upon a tree some distance
from them and after some while they
all arose and came toward the In-
ians and caused them to be bound;
and after some time they talked again
and the Virginia officers would have
knocked them on the head in the
place presently; and particularly
Colonel Washington said/Why should
we keep them any longer; let us
knock them on the head. We shall
get the Forte today. But the depon
ent saith that Major Truman did not
admit of it but was overswayed by
the Virginia officers; and after fur
ther discourse the Indians were car
ried out from the place where they
were bound and they knocked them
on the head."

! 1676 The Articles of Impeachment
Against Major Truman.

The witnesses having given the
above testimony, the Lower House
now considered they had sufficient
j reason to prefer Articles of Impeach-
j ment against Major Truman. These
i articles are found in Vol. 2 of Md.
Archives, Page 485.
| "May 20th, Articles of Impeachment
in the Lower House: We, your
Lordship s most humble, true, faith
ful and obedient people, the Burgess
es and Delegates in your Lower
House in Assembly being constrained
by necessity for our fidelity and con
science in vindication of the Honor
of God, of the Honor and welfare of
I your Lordship and this Province, do
i complain and shew that the said
| Major Thomas Truman, late Com
mander-in-chief upon an expedition
against the Indians at the Susque-
hanna Forte, hath by many and sun
dry ways and means committed
divers and sundry enormous crimes
and offenses to the dishonor of Al
mighty God, against the laws of
Nations, contrary to your Lordship s
commission and instructions and to
the great endangering of our Lord
ship s peace and the good and safety
of your Lordship s Province, accord
ing to the Articles hereafter men
tioned, that is to say:

We find upon the reading your
Lordship s commission and instruc
tions and affidavits, which we herein
send to your Lordship and to the Up
per House of Assembly and which we
humbly submit to your Lordship s

examinations and serious considera
tion.

"(1) That the said Major Truman
hath broken his commission and in
structions in this that the said Ma
jor Thomas Truman having received
6 Indians sent out by the Susque
hannocks as ambassadors to treat

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

with him; on Sunday, after the ar
rival of the Maryland forces; and
received their paper and medal by
which we find they were received as
friends and in amity with us and had
liberty of going back to the fort and
were assured that no intention of
force was to be used against them;
and that no damage should be done
to them, their wives or children; and
that they did that night go into the
Forte; and the next morning did re
turn again with the like number, only
an Indian changed; and supposed to
come on purpose to treat and not in
any hostile manner; yet the said Ma
jor Thomas Truman, without calling
any Council of Warre of your Lord
ship s officers under his command as
he ought to have done, did in a bar
barous and cruel manner cause five
of the said Indians to be killed and
murdered, contrary to the laws of
God and Nations and contrary to
your Lordship s commission and in
structions":

"(2) That the said Major Truman
ought, according to your Lordship s
instructions, to have acquainted your
Lordship before he caused the said
Indians to be executed, for our Lord
ship s advice and directions, in the
case which we do not find he did":

"(3) That he hath broken your
Lordship s instructions in this alsoe,
that if the Virginia officers did advise
and consent to the killing of said In
dians, that he did not in an open
Council of Warre cause the same
judicially to be entered, in writing by
his clerk or Secretary and such the
desire and consent of the Virginians
for the doing thereof, to be signed
under their hands and to be kept for
justification of himself and the people
of this Province."

"Therefore for that by the said Ar
ticle it appears that the said Major
Thomas Truman hath broken his
commission and instructions in mur

dering the said Indians, to the dis
honor of God and of your Lordship
and this Province. They humbly
pray that your Lordship and the Up-
| per House of Assembly will take such
action with the said Major Thomas
Truman as may be just and reason
able in terror of others to beware in
the future; and your Lordship s most
j humble and obedient servants as in
I duty bound shall daily pray for your
j Lordship s long and happy dominion
1 over us, etc."

1676 Appearance and Answer of Ma
jor Thomas Truman.

In Vol. 2 of the Maryland Archives
at Page 494, Truman s answer to his
impeachment appears as follows :
"Saturday, May 27th, the Upper
| House met in the afternoon. Major
Thomas Truman having on notice
given him on Thursday last to pre
pare for his trial this afternoon,
being called did make his appearance
and the Articles of Impeachment
against the said Thomas Truman
| being and after this the several de-
| positions annexed thereto, which al-
I so were sworn to by the deponents in
j the presence and the hearing of Ma-
I jor Thomas Truman, Mr. Keneline
| Chisledyne, his Lordship s Attorney-
i General, Colonel William Berages,
| Mr, Robert Cailvile and Mr. W.
Stephens, according to a preceding
I order of the Lower House did man-
i age the said Impeachment and urge
the several evidences against the
I said Major Truman. And the said
Major by Mr. Benjamin Crozier, his
counsel assigned to him, did confess
and declare that the said Major did
no way intend to stand upon his jus
tification. After the confession and
I declarations the said Major by his
I said cousel did humbly pray that
this House would admit the reading
of a certain paper which the said Ma-

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

jor hoped would somewhat extenuate
and mitigate the crimes before by
him confessed, so that they .should
not appear so grievous and enor
mous as in the said impeachment
they were held forth to be. And the
said Major Thomas Truman by his
said counsel was permitted to make
a defense, whereupon and upon full
hearing on both sides and after read
ing of the said Major s commission
and instructions from his Lordship
and counsel, it was put to the ques
tion whether Major Truman be
guilty of impeachment exhibited
against him, which the Lower House
voted nemine contradicione (unani
mously) that the said Major Thomas
Truman is guilty of the first Article
of Impeachment for commanding five
of the said Susquehannocks that came
out of the Forte to treat with him to
be put to death, contrary to the law
of Nations; and the second Article
of his Instructions by which he was
ordered to entertain any treaty with
the said Susquehannocks."

"Upon which vote it was ordered
that a messenger be sent from this
House to the Lower House to desire
them to draw up a Bill of Attainder
against Major Thomas Truman."

1676 Bill of Attainder Against Ma
jor Thomas Truman.

In the second Vol. of the Md. Arch,
page 500 it is set forth, "May 31st, the
Lower House sent up a Bill of At
tainder against Truman," which did
not please the Upper House as the
following items now show.

The Act of Assembly formulating
the Bill of Attainder is lost. It does
not appear in any of the Archives
and therefore, the contents of it, we
can not give, however it will be
gathered from what now follows that
the penalty prescribed in it was that
Truman should be fined simply there

in but not be put to death.
1676 The Upper House Now Con
sider the Bill of Attainder and
the Punishment of Tm
man.

In the same book and page last
cited, the action by the Upper House
upon the punishment of Truman is
set out as follows:

"Then was taken into consideration
the Bill of Attainder against Major
Thomas Truman sent up from the
Lower House yesterday; and upon
serious consideration and debate
thereupon this House do judge that
the Act drawn up against Major Tru
man does in no way answer or justify
the said impeachment upon which it
was grounded, for that in said im
peachment the said Truman stands
charged of crimes committed against
the laws of God and of Nations, this
Province as also against the commis
sion and instructions given him, viz.:
for the barbarous cruelty in causing
! to be put to death and murdered the
| five Indians of which he being
! found guilty, the punishment per-
I scrdibed in the said Act of Attainder
| does no way agree nor answer the
i nature of the offense. It being
greatly dishonorable as well as un
safe and dangerous to lay any fine
in such cases and where such horrid
crimes have been committed."

That the Lower House of Assembly
having laid the Impeachment so high
and no higher than the nature of the
crime well deserved it will be much
wondered at by those who shall hear
and view our proceedings with so
slender and slight a punishment
being no more than what crimes of
a more inferior nature might have
deserved; that by the Act of Attainder
the Government will not sufficiently
be cleared nor have it made appear
to the world how much the wicked-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

ness of that action is detested and ! should either suffer death or a long
dishonored by us, nor in any sort | term of inprisonment and did not
will the Lower House of Assembly [ agree to join in the bill passed by the
make out that great sense which in | Lower House in order that it might
their Impeachment they have ex- become law; so the proceedings were
pressed to have of that action, and i broken.

which may much concern the inter- ; 1676 . The Lower House Further Con .
est and safety of the Government. It

will not give any satisfaction to the
heathen with whom the public faith
hath been broken; and until such ac
tions are not in a more public man
ner dishonored that the Indians may
take notice thereof, it is not to be
expected that any faith or credit will
be given to any treaties, we shall
have with them in this dangerous
juncture of affairs; and the country

tend in Truman s Favor.

The Lower House s answer may be
found in Vol. 2 of the Maryland Ar
chives, page 501, dated June 2nd, as
follows: "This paper being read in
the Lower House and the debate re
sumed in this House touching the
said Bill of Attainder, it was voted
nem. con. (unanimously) that the said
Major Truman for his crime does not
deserve death in regard that several
circumstances that appeared at his
hearing or trial do extenuate his
crime very much as the unanimous

will stand in need of, and on which

seems in some measure depend, as

the Lower House of Assembly were

of the opinion when they sent the

paper in answer to captain Allen s | consen ? f the V.rg.mans^ and ^ the

longer ranging.

"And so all authority will become
ridiculous and contemptible. In fine

by this Act the Lower House of As-

general impetuosity of the whole
field, as well Marylanders as Vir
ginians upon the sight of Christians
murdered at Mr. Hanson s, and the
very Indians that were there, (Susque-

sembly will have owned the actions j nannocks) killed bein g proved to be

of the said Truman more than (as
they ought to have done) detested
and abhorred them, and so render
the Government odious to all people
that shall become acquainted with
the prceedings."

Prom all this it is evident that
what the Lower House did was to
attaint Truman so that his property

the murderers both of them and
several other Christians and in re
gard also that it apears to this
House that the said crime was not
maliciously perpetrated or out of any
design to prejudice the Province but
merely out of ignorance and in pre
vent a mutiny of the whole army, as
well Virginia as Maryland. Where
fore this House do not think fit to

should be forfeited and that his

blood should be corrupted, that any j rec ede from their former vote.

future property that he acquires

could not pass to his children at his
death but go to the Province of
Maryland. This they considered a
grievous punishment and they added
to it simply a fine. The Upper House
felt that the offense was too greivous
and of too dangerous a character to
the Province to let Truman off so
easily, and they demanded that he

1676-Final Reply of the Upper House,

Insisting on Severe Punishment

for Major Truman.

The Upper House adhered to its de
mand that Truman should be severe
ly punished and in Vol. 2 of the Md.
Archives, Page 503, under the date of
June 3rd, it is set forth in answer
by the Upper House to the Lower
House, read on June 2nd, touching the

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANXOCKS AXD

Bill entitled An Act of Attainder, etc., j
"His Lordship and this House do cpn- \
ceive it not safe for them to vote the
killing of the five Indian or Susque- |
hannock Ambassadors not. murder;
for to them and all the world it does |
and will certainly appear the great
est murder that hath ever been com
mitted. The unanimous consent of
the Virginians, if true does in no way \
alter the nature of the crime; nor
since the said Truman had instruc
tions plain enough to have made him
abominated and abhorred so black
an action can as little serve for an
extenuation thereof. And whereas,
in the said paper for a further exten
uation it is signified that the Major
to prevent a mutiny pf the whole
army was compelled and drawn to
that action, this House are of an
other opinion, for at the said Tru
man s trial it did so plainly appear
that his first commands for killing
those Indians were not obeyed and
that he had some difficulty to get
his men to obey him therein. And
that after they were put to death not
a man owned to have had a hand in
it but seemed rather to abhor the act
and until now hath been termed by
all persons (those that were in its
execution only excepted) the most
execrable of murders.

"That the crime was not malicious
ly perpetrated as to authority, this
House doth believe; but that it was
done treacherously and that in it a
great and unheard of wickedness was
committed, can not be denied by the
Lower House; and whether by that
action the province will not be pre
judiced and many English be murder
ed, his Lordship -and this House leave
to the future consideration of the
Lower House, no way pressing them
to recede from their so positive vote,
only desiring them that they will take
notice that what is now undone lies

at their doors and not with us, who
are positive of this, that his Lord
ship s Upper House dare not and
therefore resolve not to proceed up
on an act which only bears the title
of an Act of Attainder."

In this the Upper House plainly

! say to the Lower House that if the
Lower House insist on so light a
punishment for so grievous a crime
that the Upper House absolutely re-

| fuse to join in the Act or allow it to
become a law and that the Lower
House may do as they choose and the

! Upper House will throw all the re
sponsibility for its effect on the Pro-

| vince at the doors of the Lower

j House.

The result of all this was that Ma
jor Truman remained some time in

I jail and as no law was passed to fix

j his punishment, eventually he was let

| go; and that was the end of it.

j 1676 A. L. Guss s View of the Sus-
quehaimocks and Their Position
During This Struggle.

Among the effects of the late Sam-
j uel Evans of Columbia, was found a
letter dated March 16, 1883, written
to him by Prof. A. L. Guss whom I
have before mentioned and in it he
says, "The Susquehannocks that
visited Smith in 1608 were beyond
Iroquois. I do not mean of the Five
Nations but of that stock, and spoke
a dialect of that language they bore
J the same relation to the River
I Indians on the Delaware that the Mo-
j hawks did to the Hudson River In
dians. I have no doubt that prior
to Smith s days and afterwards they
were confederated with other tribes
j on the Upper Susquehanna River
and branches in manner similar to
the Five Nations. The Minquas who
captured the three Dutchmen in 1616
| lived on the Susquehanna River about
| Tioga and there were brought down
i by them by the river to the mouth of

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

J)9

the Schuylkill where Hendrickson
ransomed them Vol. 2, Pa. Archives
Page 11. When Champlain in 1614
made his expedition on the Ononda-
goes Fort these Minquas were called
Carantowns and were a powerful foe
just at the gates of the confederates.
When in 1640 the Dutch began to
arm The Five Mohawk Nations with
guns and furnish them ammunition,
they soon wrought a great change in
the several tribes of the valleys of
the Upper Susquehanna. The Five
Nations had two wars with the Min
quas, first 1662-3 and second in
1675-6 The second time we were
at war with them we carried them
all off See Treaty at Lancaster,
1744. The assertion of writers that
prior to 1600 in a ten years war the
Susquehannocks nearly obliterated
the Mohawks is a great mistake. The
Jesuit writers said the "Andastes" and
the word then was not identical with
Smith s Susquehannocks. The fact
is the Susquehannocks were des
cended most nearly from the Mo
hawks, and the Mohawks took no
part in their subjugation in 1676, nor
did they even attend the Treaty in
Lancaster in 1744., when payment
was demanded for the Conquest
Lands. It was the Senecas and
Cayugas who "passionately desired
it," that is, their subjugation. This
throws great light on the Susque
hanna land question. When the arm :
ed Five Nations people came to war
with the Susquehannocks, alias Min-
quays, alias Conestoga, they found
them partly armed by the Swedes
and the Marylanders and able to hold
their own; and in fact in 1662-1663
they gave the Western confederates
by far the worst of the conflict. But
decimated by small pox and de
serted by Maryland, they at last
had to succumb. The English had
to adopt the Dutch tactics. (See
Second Series of Pa. Arch., Vol. 5,

pp. 538 to 541). They pledged them
selves not to hate the Ondiakes (An
dastes) with whom they were then
still at war and the Five Nations af
terwards made the English promise
accomodation, that is protection in
case they got worsted in their fight
with the Three Nations above men
tioned. This proves how tremend
ously they feared even this remnant
of the Andastes, for they proposed
these articles and the English felt
friendly to the Minquas but dared to
promise them nothing, it not being
proper as not in our power , (See
Sec. Series of Pa. Arch., Vol. 5, pp.
676-678-681-682-686 and 687. The
remnant became a tributary out
post."

I cite this letter from Mr. Guss be
cause of his acknowledged learning
and because it gives an additional
view of. this discussion of the tribal
power of the Susquehannocks in
1676.

167ft Maryland Gives Presents to
the Indians, who Helped to De
feat the Susquehannocks.

In the Second Maryland Archives,
p. 489, it is set down that the House
"voted that corn, powder, shot and
match-coats be purchased and forth
with be delivered to the friendly In
dians by way of gratification for the
services done by the said Indians in
the late war against the Susquehan
nocks and that the match-coats dis
tributed to the number and in the
manner following, viz.: to the Pisca-
taways, 80 to the Chopticos, 30 to
the Mattawoman, 30 to the Man-
gern, 10 in all 150. The powder, 45
-pounds the shot 150 pounds and the
corn 100 barrels."

Susquehannocks Desire Peace Again
With Maryland.

In the 15th Maryland Archives, p.
120, we find the following overtures

100

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

made by the Susquehannocks and I it is stated in a letter that "word was
suspiciously received by Maryland. | received ,from the head of the bay.that
This was toward the end of July or the Susquehannock Indians have gone
the beginning of August and on that back to their old Fort about 60 miles
subject the following appears, as j above Palmer s Island and have been
showing the Views of Council. "At j there so long that they have corn fit
a Council held Sunday, August 6: to roast." In the same letter it is

Letters from Nathaniel Stiles and
Jonathan Sibly which bring intelli
gence of some Susquehannock In

stated that "a peace was made last
summer between the Susquehannocks

and the Senecas so that they are
dians being at the head of the bay | now at ease and out o f our reach."
(Chesapeake) and more upon their Thig apparen tiy fixes the time when
march thither and of their desires the Susquehannocks again got back

and designs of peace with us and their

on the River and when they began

intentions for (to go to) St. Mary s ! to be friendly with the Senecas again,
for the purpose of protection (were
read) from which news we believe it
is probable from their conditon in

Virginia, fom whence it is supposed j

1676 New Light Upon the Location
of the Susquehannock Fort.

In Vol. 15 of the Md. Archives, p.

they come (that) they wthout doubt 122, it is stated that the Susquehan

were in the incendaries of the mis
chief which makes them desperate by

nock Indians have returned to their
old fort "about 60 miles above Pal-

either the neighbornig Indians being mer s Island." Palmer s Island is
likely to do them no good by war. This | practically a few miles below the
occasioned these Susquehannocks to | mouth of the Susquehanna River,
leave them and return to their own | According to the Pennsylvania rail-
fields and habitations; and like- j road map Columbia is 43 1 / 2 miles
wise that they have made peace with ! f rom p er ryville. Now if Palmer s
their old enemyes (the Senecas), their island is 15 miles below the mouth
prentensions for peace is a matter
of weighty consideration.

It is probable that these Susque
hannocks have not only blown the
coals but made the fire and the flame
of troubles that now burns in
breast and in the bowels of our
neighbors, the Virginians, to our great
sorrow and grief. To make peace
with these Susquehannocks is a mat
ter dubious and worthy of good
consultation and requires correspon
dence with Virginia. But it may be
in no ways inconsistent to treat with

of the Susquehanna River, this would
bring a point of 60 miles above Pal
mer s Island in the neighborhood of
Columbia, a couple of miles below
the i which has generally been accepted
as the location of the old Fort. How-:
ever, it depends on how near 60
miles mentioned in the letter is the
accurate number of miles.

1676 Edmund Andros Encourages
the Susquehannocks to Reurn
to Pennsylvania.

In 1674 James, Duke of York re-

these Susquehannocks and to send ceived from his brother) the King of
them and Jacob Young as protection: | England , among other land a t

And for a meeting at Mr. Mertyes s j O f
is ordered."

1676 Susquehannocks Make Partial
Peace Again With the Senecas.

In Vol. 15 of the Md. Arch., p. 122,

territory from the Connecti
cut River to the Delaware River; and
on July 1, 1674 he gave a commission
to Edmund Andros to be Governor
over it, (Second Ser. Pa. Arch., Vol.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

101

o, p. 639). And November 5, 1675
Edmund Andros began to buy from
the Indians lands west of the Dela
ware River, (Do. p. 673), and con
tinued buying until he owned a great
deal of land extending from Dela
ware River westward toward the Sus-
quehanna River. Then hearing of
the hard fate of the Susquehannocks,
by a letter from Captain Cantwell on
the Delaware, and hearing about
them coming northward again to
ward Susquehanna, at a Council held
July 28, 1676 it was resolved (Do. p.
681), "to write to Captain Cantwell
still to encourage the coming of those
Indians, till when not to promise
anything to them, but if they desire
it, the Governor will endeavor a
composure of all things in Maryland
and a perfect peace with the Maques
an Sinnekes (Senecas), after which
the said Indians (Susquehannocks)
may return to their lands as they
shall think good.

"If the said Indians do comply, that
Captain Cantwell to give notice of it
to the Governr here, and to the Gov
ernor of Maryland ,and let them
know that the Governor hath given
him the said order, thinking it the
greatest service, he could do them, so
to take in the said Indians, lest go-
Ing to the Maques and Senekes, they
might induce them to make inroads,
upon the Christians, which none of
us could remedy.

If the said Indians will come in,
that he give notice (ask) where they
are most inclinable to go, for the pre
sent, being either at the Falls, or the
middle of the River at Delaware."

So the Susquehannocks now find
new friends the Governor of New
York and his people, owners of all
the land from Connecticut River al
most to the Susquehanna. The ruler
of these new friends now asks the
Susquehannocks to come under his
protection on the west side of Dela

ware River either at Trenton Falls
or higher or lower until he shall
compel the Maques and Senecas to
make peace with them, when he pro
mises they may go back to their old
lands on Susquehanna. This invita
tion was. given by Edmund Andros
July 28, 1676.

1676 The Susquehanuocks Again

Back to Their Old Place on the

Susquelianna, Hirer.

In a communication found in the
5 Md. Archives, pp. 134-135, in a com
plaint dated Aug., 1676 by prominent
citizens of Virginia, it is stated am6ng
other thngs that "the Susquehannock
j Indians returned meanwhile to the
| Susquehanna Hiver again, and cut off
i several families at the head of the
| Bay and thus all the Indians are en-
| couraged, who call the Christians
i cowards and children to fight with,
j But the Governor of Baltimore to
j cloak his policy with an Assembly,
condemned his Major Truman unto a
fine of 10,000 pounds oi tobacco and
imprisonment during pleasure for
having suffered the five Susquehan-
ntDck Indians to be killed, notwith-
j standing the Assembly cleared Tru-
I man, upon the producing of Lord
Baltimore s order, yet to keep the
people from complaining to England
he keeps this all a secret."

1676 Word Sent to Virginia that

Maryland Will Make Peace with

the Susquehannocks.

On the 6th of August, 1676 it was
ordered by Maryland that a letter be
sent to the Governor of Virginia to
give him notice that the Deputy Gov
ernors and Council of Maryland are
"upon making terms of peace with
the Susquehannocks which may be
for the safety as well of that Govern
ment as of the Province, which is as
followeth from said letter: We have
lately received intelligence from the

102

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

head of the Bay that the Susquehan-
nock Indians have resided at their
old Fort about 60 miles above Pal
mer s Island for so many months that
they now have corn fit to roast; that
they shortly expect the remainder of
their troops and as many of the
western Indians near or beyond the
mountains as they have been able to
pursue to come and live with them.
We are further informed that by the
means of Colonel Andrews with the
Governor of New York a peace was
made last summer between them and
their old enemies, the Senecas so that
they are now at ease and out of our
reach. Notwithstanding this they
have applied themselves to Captain
Edward Cantwell the Deputy Gover
nor of New Castle and requesting a
peace and trade as formerly with the
English and in order to come down
with Captain Cantwell and Jacob
Young, our interpreter, to the house
of Mrs. Margaret Penroy at the head
of the Bay near Palmer s Island and
from thence sent a pass to come
down to St. Mary s. We have there
fore sent them safe conduct to come
down and treat with us. " (See
15th Maryland Archives, p. 122).

1676 Maryland Council Send a

letter to Lord Baltimore About

Peace With the Susque-

hannocks.

On page 123 of Vol. 15 of the Md.
Archives there is set forth a letter by
the Council of Maryland to Lord
Baltimore to let him know of their
intentions of a treaty with the Sus-
quehannocks and advising him of af
fairs in Virginia. It is as follows:
"May "it please your Lordship: At a
council held this day (Aug. 6, 1676)
at Manakowick s Neck, we have con
sidered the overtures of the Susque-
hannocks for a peace deeming it a
blessing for God unhoped for, we
thought it not to be slighted; and

1 therefore sent a passport to them

| and Jacob Young the interperter to

I come and to and return safe from the

! treaty to be held at Murtyes, at any

I time within one month and we have

written to Berkley and a Council of

Virginia to give hm notice. So stand

your affairs now with the Indians but

| as to the English under Colonel

Bacon, they stand not so fair; for we

j have cause to suspect he intends to

embroil the Province in a warre; and

that he will make pursuit of the Pis-

cataways his pretense to enter here

and use young Guiles Brent and his

vain title to his mother s crown and

sceptre of the Piscataways, as his

father used the phrase it and other

desperate persons in those parts, to

bring on disquiet here." This needs

no comment except to notice that

while everything was going in the

direction of peace in Maryland, it was

I quite otherwise in Virginia.

1676 Maryland Advises the Other

Tribes to Make Peace With

the Susquehannocks

In Vol. 15 of the Md. Archives, p.
126, the following complaint is set
forth. The Emperor of Piscataway
and the King of the Mattawoman In
dians came to council and it was or-
| dered to tell them "that the Susque-
| hannocks have sent to us to make
j peace and if we think it fit to make
Peace with them, we will certainly
include the Piscataways and Matta
woman Indians in it. And since they
are unwilling to have us make peace
with the Susquehannocks though we
include them in it, let them be asked
whether they will march with the
English to the New Fort they have
built and likewise pursue the Susque
hannocks and be obedient to the Eng
lish commanders with whom they
have been ordered to march. They
observed by Schotickeko, their speak
er, that they are ready to go.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

103

Here we see that the English in
Maryland did not have exactly the
smoothest sailing in getting the gen
eral peace established.
1676 Maryland Citizens Loudly Com
plain of the Treatment of the
Susquehannocks,

In a communication dated the eighth
day of August, this year there is a
complaint to Lord Baltimore against
the action in both Virginia and Mary
land concerning the Susquehannocks
and in the course of the complaint the
authors say, "Old Governor Berkley,
altered by marrying a young wife
from a wonted public good to a cove
tous fool s age, relishes Indian pre
sents so well that the Indian blood is
pukketted up with other mischiefs in
so much that his lady would have it,
though it would overthrow the coun
try. Now there is an opportunity to
give Virginia a good blow by Maryland
Indians on account of the Piscata-
ways have gone over to the Virginia
to do mischief. The Piscataways
have united the Susquehannocks to
their assistance, whereby a greater
incursion being feared and unforseen,
Gov. Berkley was persuaded to send
Colonel Washington and Allerton to
cut them. off. At least they raised a
force above 1000 men to protect the
Province and so burdened Virginia to
destroy them and therefore ordered
Major Truman to besiege the fort
which might have easily been taken,
being not quite finished and not 100
fighting men in it besides women and
children. And thus the soldiers
were misled and intrentched and the
Susquehannocks sent out five men
whom the soldiers knowing to be
some of the murderers, would not let

come to the treaty but killed them.

And thus were 5 or 6 weeks spent
to consume the King s subjects and

put both Provinces to an increased

charge and a general alarm for the

Indians often sallied out killing
many and took their spades and
arms and made themselves stronger
and stronger. They "kroak" that
shameful siege ( Susquehannock
Fort) up with the loss of above 200
soldiers and thirteen hundred thous
and Ibs. of tobacco to the country be
sides Virginia charge; the Indians
but losing now and then one by
chance, and in Virginia afterwards
they (Susquehannocks and others)
destroyed 500 or 600 men, women and
children without resistance, until
Squire Bacon moved by the people s
and his own loss repulsed the Indians
which hath taken full effect, if not
hindered by some ill-wishers, who
have brought the country into the
present confusion." This is quoted
simply to show that issatisfaction had
arisen by reason of the treatment of
the Susquehannocks as above set
forth. (See 5 Md. Archives, pp. 134-
135),

1676 Edmund Andros Criticizes the
Raising of False Alarms About

the Susquehannocks.
Under the date of August 11, 1676
at one of the Council meetings held
under Andros, having received a let
ter from the Delaware of the alarm
given by Mr. Herman s letter, "re
solve to send a check or rebuke to
Captain Cantwell for making so rash
an alarm but to advise that he be
not careless, and that he send forth
with to the Susquehannocks to know
their intent about their coming in
(joning in a friendly way with the
English) which if they do not, then
to be careful to promise them noth
ing; it not being proper as not in our
power, and if they do come in, it
be to live peaceable, as the rest of
the Government doth." (See Second
Ser. Pa. Archives, Vol. 5, p. 682). In
this we ohserve efforts are still being
made by the English, who are now
owners of the Delaware and of much

104

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

land which they bought from the In- I feeling which Edmund Andros had

dians, almost to the Susquehanna,
looking toward bringing the Susque
hannocks into complete friendship
with them. Edmund Andros seemed
to be
dians.

for the Susquehannocks.

Further steps in this matter ap
pear by the following extracts from
a letter sent by Endmund Andros r
Governor of Maryland, dated the 25th

1676-Andros s Instrnctfons to Cap- ot September, 1676 and found in t

last named book, p. 687. "If some

tain Collyer on the Delaware
and Susquehanna.

In the last quoted book, p. 686, un
der the date of September 23 of this
year there is set forth several in
structions from Andros to Captain
Collier from the management of In
dian affairs in eastern Pennsylvania,
and among them is this instruction
that he (Collier) is to acquaint the

course be not speedily taken they
( The Susquehannocks ) must all
necessarily submit to the Min-
ques and Senecas who passionately
desire it; but it would prove of a
bad consequence. I have therefore
dispatched Captain Collyer to you to
let you know if I may be service
able to you therein to employ me and
whether you judge the late peace

Governor of Maryland "with the j with Susquehannocks sufficient, their
great inconvenience that hath been | continuing where they now are or
bound Eastward by the several na- 1 being removed from these parts best,
tions of Indians joining, whereby the j i have some interest with the Maques
late mischiefs have happened; and | and Senecas and I can best deal with
that the Christians have received a j them; but some speedy resolution is
greater service from the Maques and | necessary as it will concern the
other Indians above Albany; they peace of all his Majesty s subjects
therefore desire their resolves about in these parts." (Signed) Edmund

the Suspuehannocks and to acquaint j Andros." This shows that con-
them that he wishes to admit them \ stant watchfulness was required to
within the Government, rather than prevent the now beaten Susquehan-

hazard their being obliged to refuge nocks from being utterly exterminat-

with a grudge in their hearts, fur- j ed by or assimilated with other In-

ther away and out of our reach." The dians of powerful tribes.

instruction further goes on and says: I

"but the Susquehannocks having had 1 1676 A Small Encounter Between

warr with Maryland, though now in

peace, I have delayed making this

conclusion, though it will be of ad
vantage to all" The instructions
them further state, "the Susquehan-

tlie Senecas and Susfjueliannocks.

In a letter found in the 5th Md.

Archives, pp. 152-153 reference is
made to "a small encounter" in the
beginning of last December (1676)

nocks are to be used friendly and as j between the Senecas and Susquehan-

many as will are to come to me at
this place (New York), for which all
freedom and furtherance is extended
to them; and let them know it is
their good hearts and not riches that
I value, therefore they need not
trouble themselves about presents"
I cite this merely to show the good

nocks in which the writer says that
"the most considerable affair that I
am about to acquaint you with is
about the Seneca and Susquehan-
nock Indians who have had at the be
ginning of December, last a small en
counter at Jacob Young s house,
which intelligence came to me by

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

105

Tuesday night last, (Jan., 1677) ; up
on which I have taken the most ef
fectual care I could at present for |
the security of Baltimore and Cecil |
counties, and I send you herewith
original letters I have received from
the head of the Bay relating to it. I
have inquired how we shall treat with
the Indians as soon as the Spring
approaches, for if we be not timely

in adjusting all matters with them

in the Spring, we shall be surprised
by them and your Lordship s pro
vince will receive much damage before
we are sensible where our mischief
proceeds. Therefore I shall take all
care to be peaceable with the Senecas
and the Suspuehannocks,. especially
care to be peaceful with the Senecas
(if it be obtained) they being the
greatest and most considerable Na
tion, and our league wth them will
occasion our security from the Dela-
wares or Macquas; and if the Senecas
war with them they can not make
incursions as they usually do and in
vade us. Otherwise it is probable
they say, especially if they and the
Susquehannocks confederate they
will invade us; they being both Na
tions of the bloodiest people in all
these parts of America." This letter
is dated Jan. 22, 1677, and therefore
the affair referred to was in 1876.
1676 The War With the Susquehau-

nocks Makes the Taxes High.
In the Md. Archives, pp. 137 to
140, under the date of December 9,
of this year there is remonstrance by
the Governor and council directed to
Lord Baltimore, setting forth the true
state of Maryland and of the rea
sons of the high taxes and among
other things it states, " it is now so
that the people are likely to run into
rebellion against this Government
and we may be involved in intestine
war as it is in Virginia. The great
clamor is against the greatness of

taxes; and the debarring of some
freeman from voting. As to the taxes
we appeal to the whole world wheth
er our Lord Proprietary was not
forced into the expensive war against
the Susquehannocks last year; and
whether he sought not all means of
pacification that could stand his
honor and safety of the people be
fore he engaged in it. If the taxes
continue this year, and it is the same
necessity of protecting the people,
much trouble will, ensue." The re
sult of the Susquehannock expedi
tion is now very plain in this item.

1676 Maryland Now Takes Hands

Off the Senecas and Off of the

Susquehannocks.

In the Second Md. Archives, p. 545
it is said that the end of the Ses
sions of 1676, the Assembly repealed
the Act for the preservation of cer
tain articles of Peace made with the
Susquehannocks in 1674. This was
done so as not to give any offense to
the Senecas. And also at p. 547 of
the same book it is set out that the
Act for raising a supply to pay the
charge of making pea:e with the
Senecas and war with the Susque
hannocks and their confederates,
which passed in 1674, was also
repealed. This was done so that the
Susquehannocks should not be of
fended with Maryland for showing
an undue favoritism to the Senecas
and for allowing to let stand up-re
pealed the declaration of war against
the Susquehannocks.

1677 Upland Court Acts on the
Threat of the Senecas to Kid-
Nap the Susquehannocks.

In the record of the Court at Up
land "at a meeting held by ye Com
manders and Justices att uppland
uppon the news of the Sineco Indians
oomming downe to fetch the Susque-

106

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

hannos, that were amongst these
River Indians, etc., March 13th., an-
noq. Dom., 1677. It was concluded
upon the motion of Rinowehan the
Indian Sachomore that Captain Coll-
yer and Justice Israeli Helm goe upp
to Sachamexin where att present a
great number of Sineco and other
Indians were, and that they endeavor
to pursuade the Sineco and Sasque-
hannos on these Rivers to send each
a Deputy to the Governor of New
York and that Israeli Helm goe with j
them. ( See records of Upland |
Court, p. 49; also see the same re
ferred to in Vol. 2 of Watson s An
nals of Philadelphia, p. 237).

The meaning of all this is that the
Senecas of New York, who had al
ready forced one branch of the Sus-
quehannocks to come and live with
them, were now determined on swal
lowing up the rest of the tribe who
are scattered along the Lower Sus-
quehanna, near the Old Fort.

1677 Maryland Appoints a Commis
sioner to Make New Peace With
the Susqnehannocks.

In Vol. 5 of the Md. Archives, p.
243 the following interesting com
mission is to be found entitled in the
said book, Copy of a Commission
Granted by the Governor and Coun
cil to Henry Coursey, Esq., for mak
ing peace with the Indians; "To
Thomas Nally, Esquire, Greeting:
Whereas the Susquehaanocks, Sene
cas and divers other nations of In
dians, inhabitants to the Northward
of this Province have formerly com
mitted divers murders and outrages
within the Province upon which there
hath ensued a war between his Ma
jesty s subjects, residing in this
Province and Government as well as
those residing in Virginia, and the
Susquehannocks; and whereas the
said Susquehannocks have since and

lately desired to come to a treaty
of peace with his Lordship and have
submitted themselves and put them
selves under the protection of the
Senecas, etc.: Know ye that I have
constituted, ordained and authoriz
ed Henry Coursey, Esq., one of his
Lordship s Council for this Province
as ambassador or envoy to treat with
and conclude a firm peace with the
said Susquehannocks, Senecas and
any other Indians unknown to us, in
habiting and residing to the North
ward of us within or without the
territory of his Royal Highness and
from whom we have already receiv
ed injury by the confederacy between
them and the Susquehannocks, upon
such reasonable terms as to him
shall seem meet and convenient ac
cording to his instructions. And for
as much as the said Indians do now
reside for the most part within the
territory of his said Royal Highness s
(viz.: the Duke of York s domain
North of Maryland and including
Pennsylvania and New York, the Sus
quehannocks having gone back to
the Susquehanna River), and can be
treated with only by a journey to be
had through his Royal Highness s
territory, I do hereby ordain and
appoint said Henry Coursey to treat
with Edmund Andros, Governor Gen
eral under his Royal Highness, the
Duke of York, and desire him leave
to pass through said territory to
treat with the Indians and I do re
quest that the said Henry be receiv
ed according to the law of Nations.
Given at St. Mary s April 30, 1677."

1677 Instructions Given by Mary
land to Henry Coursey How to
Treat with the Susque-
hannnocks.

In Vol. 5 of the Md. Archives, pp.
244-245 the further directions in
making a treaty are set out as fol-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

107

lows, "You are with all convenient
speed to begin your journey toward
New York by way of New Castle on
the Delaware in order to your going
into Albany to treat with the Sus-
quehannocks; and on arrival at New
Castle to signify to the Deputy-Gov
ernor there in general terms that you
are sent to Colonel Andros by his
to come to a treaty with the Sene-
cas at Fort Albany or elsewhere;
and you are to inform yourself from
Captain Collyer and others of the
true state of the Susquehannnocks
what numbers there are, upon what
terms they are received by the Sene-
cas, and if any such be under whose
protection they live and how they
may be treated with all in order to
the settling and universal peace be
tween us, and the Susquehannocks
and the Senecas and the rest of the
Indians to the Northward as also be
tween the Indians and all the low
land Indians in league and amity
with us.

You are to .apply yourself to the
Governor of New York and render
him to assist in procuring a treaty
for you both with the said Senecas
and Susquehannocks if there be such
a nation left.

When you are come to a treaty
with the Senecas you are to let them
know that we had no knowledge of
them but by the Susquehannocks re
port; that they from time to time
told us that the injuries we had re
ceived in our Government and the
murders of our people were all pre-
petrated by the Senecas, that we af
terwards found out that these very
murders which the Susquehannocks
fathered upon the Senecas were com
mitted by the Susquehannocks them
selves and that that was the real
cause of the war between us ; and the
injury to us was the greater because
the Susquehannocks by the articles

of peace between us were obliged to
give us 20 days warning of inten
tions to war if at any time they grow
weary of peace with us, which not
withstanding they, in an open, hor
rible manner, with the major part of
their forces, and some if not all of
their great men present, assaulted
the house of Randel Hanson standing
within three miles of their fort and
there continued to fight one whole
day after all which they had confi
dence to endeavor to persuade us
it was the Senecas that committed
the outrage."

We readily see in this that though
Maryland very atrociously mistreat
ed the Susquehannocks yet they still
contiued to blame the Susquehan
nocks for the murders which the
Senecas committed; and used that
protection as an excuse for making
the war on the Susquehannocks in
stead of the Senecas though it is
pretty certain that the Senecas were
the real aggressors. The whites evi
dently took this course because the
Senecas were now supreme and the
Susquehannocks were almost annihi
lated by them and completely under
their control.

1677 Henry Coursey s First Steps in
Making Peace With the Sus
quehannocks.

In the 5th Vol. of the Md. Arch,
pp. 246-247 the next step in effecting
peace with the Susquehannocks is
shown. This is set forth in a letter
from Colonel Coursey to P. Nolley s
on the Delaware River dated May 22,
1677, which is as follows: Right
Worthy Sir: On the 19th inst. I wrote
you from New Castle. On the 20th
came Jacob Young from Maryland
which gives me a better account than
I received before, which is as fol
lows, Them that killed Richard
Milton s family were eight Susque
hannocks, and that upon doing the

108

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

killing they immediately fled to the
Senecas and that all the mischief
that hath been done hath by their
(Susquehannocks) several troops as
they came out of Virginia (They are
now retaliating for the killing of
their five chiefs) and the two per
sons this year shott were by two
Susquehannocks that came with the
trops of Senecas, that carried the
Susquehannocks from the place since
which the same troops took the chief
warriors into Susquehanna River,
being 30 in number who had then
been hunting to make a present to
you for peace (the Susquehannocks
were hunting for furs to make a
present) among which was the young
Indian I had talked with at Jacob
Young s. Old Collyer was coming
himself but was by the rest pursuad-
ed to desist for the want of a pre
sent? I have now sent for him and
one other great man to come to me,
where I now stop for them. There
are about 26 of them (Susquehan
nocks) left here; still I propose to
persuade them to go with me to
New York, it being Governor An-
dros s ordered to Captain Collyer to
send them. The Senecas intend to
be at Palmer s Island when the corn
is half a leg high.I likewise find it
necessary to carry Jacob Young with
me without whom I can do nothing;
and that truth is from him and
none else. He tells me that the
Senecas having marched 10 days
then fell at some difference among
temselves how to divide those Sus
quehannocks they had with them,
they being of two several forts and
upon the division the Susquehan
nocks were much displeased, and
some of them got away, the rest they
bound and carried with them, but it
is judged not to hurt them, for every
one of the forts strive what they can
to get them to themselves, and Gov-

I vernor Andros to get them to the
| Masaques (Maques), for it was told
me by Captain DeLavall that if they
had them they would make war im
mediately with the French.

This 23rd. instant came to me
four Susquehannocks and with them
the Emperor of the Delaware Bay In
dians and upon discourse, I find
them all inclined to peace. It seems
a custom to give a present by any
one that speaks a treaty. I am ready
to take horse again for New York
where I hope to be by Saturday
night, Signed, Henry Coursey." This
is how the Susquehannock Indian
history after the year 1776 became
linked in with the Seneca history,
who were their merciless masters.

! 1677 Further Steps in Making
Peace Arrangements.

In Vol. 5 of the Md. Archives, p.
1 248 is Thomas Notley s reply to
Coursey s letter and it is as follows:
"I am heartily glad that you have
made so great a discovery in so
short a time as to the state of the
Indians, especially the Susquehan
nocks. I am glad Jacob Young goes
with you ; and that you have so good
an intelligence from him. One
thing I must add that if upon the
whole consideration you shall think
it more necessary to let the Susque
hannocks live in this Province
(Maryland) than elsewhere, then en
deavor so to order it. If not how
ever, leave no gap but make a thor
ough conclusion with all the Indians.
In this I depend upon your discre
tion."

1677 Henry Coursey s Proposal to
the People and the Indians.

Under the date of June 22, this
year, in 5th Maryland Archives, p.
251 further steps of the arrangement
for peace are set out by Henry Cour
sey in a message to the Senecas as

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

109

follows, "We formerly had peace \
with the Sasquehannocks which they j
perfidiously broke, not only killing \
single persons "but at last with the
greatest part o f their forces assault- |
ing a whole family in a house and
to amuse us tlrey told us that those
outrages were committed by the
Senecas thereby to engage us in a
quarrel with you. We found their per-
fidiousness and breach of faith fell
upon them and have now so near
destroyed them that they are forced
to seek shelter under you who were
before their enemies. Now so there
shall be no cause of quarrel between
us and you and that we may now live
in peace as brethren granted by the
same God, though not known to one
another, we desire that all of the
Susquehannock Nation as shall come
under your protection, may be by
you obliged not to do any violence
&lt;or wrong to any Christian inhabit
ing either in Maryland or Virgnia. In |
case any injury shall hereafter be j
done by any of the Susquehannocks
living under the protection of you
Senecas, or by any of your own na
tion, you shall deliver him to us or
to the Governor of New York to be
proceeded against according to his
demerits." This shows again the
great earnest desire of the Maryland
people to establish good will with
the Senecas in order that the Sene
cas keep the Susquehannocks from
renewing their slaughter of the
whites as they had done after they
left the fort on Potomac, vowing
vengeance until they had killed ten
white men for every one of their
number which they lost.
1677 Answer of the Onondagoes to

the Proposal for Peace.

In Vol 5 of the Maryland Archives

p. 255 is set forth the views of the

Onondagoes on the question of the

terms of peace with the Susquehan- |

nocks, which were proposed by the
whites of Maryland and New York;
the answer is as follows, "A belt was
sent to us by Colonel Henry Coursey
authorized by Maryland that we
might make greater haste to come
down which we have done and he
saith that none of UB shall, for the
future injure any persons in Mary
land. We thank the gentlemen that
they do exhort for peace, we are so
minded ourselves but we acknow
ledge that we have killed of your
Christians and Indians formerly
whereof Jacob Young, (who helped
the Susquehannocks and lived with
them) my friend, was a great occa
sion; but we desire now that all be
past and buried in oblivion. A belt
of 13 rows deep we now give you.
We say again that Jacob Young was
a great captain and leader against
them whereby the wars have been
continued but now we desire peace
and that the Almighty God who
dwells in Heaven may give his bless
ings thereunto.

We let you know that there are of
ours, four castles of the Senecas out
ngnting against the Senecas you
may therefore warn your Indians that
there may be no injuries or damages
done hereafter, and so to contine the
peace we do give two beavers." The
Onondagoes here seem to show a very
honorable disposition and a fervent
spirit towards peace.

Their referring to the "Almighty
God who lives in Heaven" seems to
indicate that the Jesuits had effected
quite a good work among them in
matters of Christianity.

1677 Answer of the Maqnes to the

Proposition for Peace With

the Susqnehannocks.

The view taken by the Maques on
the question of Peace may be found
in Vol. 5 of the Maryland Archives,

110

ANNALS OF THE SITSQUEHANNOCKS AND

pp. 257-258 1 , and it is as follows: | fell upon the Susquehannocks who

"We are glad the King s Government were in league with Maryland, kill-

of Maryland and Virginia have sent ed four of their number, took six

you to speak of peace and that this prisoners, five of them fell into the

place, Albany is fixed for all na- 1 share of the Senecas, were in con-

tions to make peace. We return
hearty thanks and will speak with
one heart and one head. The Sene-

forrnity with the treaty, sent back,
but the sixth was detained by the

Oneidas.

Overtures and remon-

cas were on their journey with 600 j strances on the part of Maryland
men to come here but for fear turn- | and Virginia proved unavailing and

ed back; but we were not afraid.
We return you hearty thanks for re
leasing the two sons of Conondon-
dans and likewise that you beheaded
the Sachem of the Susquehannocks
named Achnaetsachawey.who was the

after a few years of hostilities broke
out with increased violence and only
ceased with the final overthrow of
the Susquehannocks by the Five
Nations. It appears from a minute
examination of imperfect and some-

cause of their being taken prisoners; what contradictory data, exhibited at

and we do present five beavers." i length by Foulke, that the Lancas-

At the conclusion of this treaty j ter lands fell into the power of the

these Indians sang a song after their Five Nations some time between 1677

manner by their method which they

and 1684." This shows the difficul-

do undertake to hold firm and they , ties tnat were constantly encountered
give a beaver and a dressed Elk skin. I in perfecting permanent peace with

And then they sang another song, the
meaning of which is that their people

different tribes of Indians, some
of whom were honest and others

may now forget what is past between j treacherous, and all of them being
them and the Colonists but might al
ways be mindful of what has now
happened in this house and if the
Senecas appoint any other place, it
will not be accepted but this place
to be the only appointed and perfix-
ed place now dedicated to this great
treaty with all our tribes."

These Maques also show a very
honorable and equitable spirit which

shows both their honest and their
simple nature.

1677 The Oneidas, Senecas and
Some of the Onondagoes Re
fuse to Obey the Peace
Above Refered to.

In Mombert s History of Lancaster
County, p. 23 he says, "Notwith
standing a treaty of amity concluded
between Maryland and the Five Na
tions in 1677, some of the Oneidas,
Onondagoes and Senecas who were
not present at the time of the treaty,

more or less under political obliga
tions to various contemporary tribes.
It appears that when a treaty was
made, another tribe would claim that
it was made without their advice and
presence and they would repudiate
| it, so that the Susquehannocks may
j be said to have been between the up
per and lower mill stones a great
deal of the time.

1677 Governor Dungan s View of the
Might of the Fire Nations and
The Fate of the Susque
hannocks.

In Vol. 5 of the Second Series of
the Pennsylvania Archives, p. 755
Governor Dungan makes a report
dated 1684 in which he refers to
some things which happened in 1677
and among other things he says, "I
have sent herewith what the Nations
that conquered the Susquehannocks

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDAN TRIBES

111

desired of the King in my Lord Ef-
fingham s presence and I believe it
to be of dangerous consequence if

Indians" (p. 14). At pp. 11 and 12
he also says, that "they (Five Na
tions) gave the finishing stroke to

denied." This demand on the part of the extermination of the Susque-
the Five Nations was that the whites I hannas."

To show further that the Senecas

should not interfere with the relation
between the Five Nations and the
Susquehannocks for tlie Five Nations
had conquered them and thought this
interference was meddling.

As to the Five Nations at this time
"Governor Dungan says: "The Five
Indian Nations are the most warlike
people in Amerca, and a bulwark be
tween us and the French and all
other Indians. They go as far as the
South Sea the Northwest Passage and
Florida to War. New England in
the last war with the Indians would
have been ruined, if Edmund Andros
had not sent the Five Nations to their
assistance. All the Indians in these
parts of America are tributary to
them." By the South Sea is meant

the Pacific Ocean and the Northwest
Passage is at the Arctic Ocean. So
these great Indians that whipped the
Susquehannocks had a reputation for
war all over North America with the
exception of the South West section
toward Mexico.

or the Five Nations as a whole did
overthrow the Susquehannocks about
1676-77, we quote from the 4th Col
onial Records, p. 712 in which is set
forth the speech of Tachanoontia.one
of the orators of the Five Nations at
the treaty held June 27, 1744 in the
Lancaster Court House, where in
speaking of the lands on Susque-
hanna, he says, "All the world
knows we concurred the s-everal Na
tions living on Susquehanna, Cohon-
goronta, and on the back of the great
mountains in Virginia." We see from
all this that there is no doubt about
the defeat of the Susquehannocks by
the Five Nations.

1678 The Shawanese Now Come to

the Susquehannock Country.

In this year the Shawanese came
to Conestoga. They were a small
tribe and from North Carolina. They
settled on the Pequea Creek. It is
generally said that they came in

,1698. See Vol. 4 of the Votes ofAs-
1677-Oth^r Authorises on the Over- | gembly p 51?&gt; where it . g gtated ^

throw of the Susquehannocks. they were Southern Indians and came

Lewis Evans in his Analysis, "print
ed by Benjamin Franklin and publish-

to Conestoga in 1698 to the number
of 60 families. Gordon also says in

ed in London in 1755 on the fall of j his history, p. 514 that they came in
the Susquehannocks says, "The Sus- j 1698. But Redmond Conyngham, Esq.,
quehanriocks after a great defeat by i i n lo Haz. Reg., p. 117 says that the
the Marylanders, were easily exter- ; original manuscript from which the
minated by the Confederates (Five j notes were prnited states that they
Nations). So that those Nations who \ came n 1678. This error he says is
are now on the Susquehanna, are | plain because these Shawnese were
only such as the confederates have | here before William Penn came,which
allotted that River for; as the Nan- was in 1682. The Dauphin County
ticokes, from the Eastern Shore of j Pamphlet on Indian History, p. 43 also
Maryland, Tuteloes from the Mehe- j says that the Shawnese were at the
.nin River in Virginia and the Dela- j William Penn Treaty in 1683. A
wares, under which we include the ; very famous descendant of these
Minnesinks and the Mandes, or Salem j Shawanese called Red Pole is ouried

112

ANNALS OF THE STJSQUEHANNOCKS AND

tn Trinity Church Yard at Pittsburg
he having died there in 1797 and his

at this time, (2) that the great men
of the Senecas or some of them were

monument says tn-at he died at that | living among the Susquehannocks in

date, "Lamented by the United
States/ (See 12 Haz. Reg., 63-64).

the neighborhood of the old Susque-
hannock Fort on tiie Susquehanna

1678-Knmor that the Susquehan- Hlver. (3) that

making tools of the Susquehannocks,
which later was to result in a dis-
! agreement between them and the
Susquehannocks and bring on an
other fight, and (4) that the Senecas
would not rest until they had sub-

nocks, After Conspiring with the

Senecas, Incite the Senecas

to Invade Maryland

and Fall on the

Piscataways..

In Vol. 15 of the Md. Archives, p. I Justed the other Pennsylvania
175 under the date of June 13, 1677 tribes, to do which they did not
at a council held at the old Court scru P le to violate any treaties whlch

House the following appears: "The

they formerly made.

common rumor that the Seneca In- 1 1678 Maryland Helps the Piscata-
dians by instigation of the remaining! A ingt tue Susaiiehail .

part of the Susquehannocks, now liv
ing among them, are designed to | nocks and the Senecas.
come down to make war upon the j In 15 Md. Archives, p. 183, at a
Piscataways toward the latter end of j Council held August 19, 1678 it ap-
the Summer (which the Piscataways j pears as follows, "Then Council met,
do generally believe) was taken into i according to appointment by previous
consideration; and it was ordered ! order of Cuncil, the Great men of the
that. Jacob Young be impowered to Piscataways and it is ordered that

go to the old Fort on the Susquehan
na and treat with the great men of

the said great men be given to un
derstand that the Governor and Coun-

the Seneca Nation, touching the said j c il understand that a few of the Pis-
rumor according to such orders and j cataway Indians have been killed by
instructions as he should receive | some of the Senecas and Susquehan-
from the Governor. | nocks as they believe; and told them,

In pursuance whereof the Honor- j Maryland would send to Albany to
able Thomas Notley, Esq., did em- converse with the Governor of the
power the said Jacob Young upon his Senecas about this matter."
instructions under hand seal, to go
accordingly to the old Susquehanna
Fort and address himself to the great

men of the Seneca Nation and by
presents or otherwise according to
their custom to remind them of the
League of Peace which they had

An Encounter Between the
Susquehannocks and Piscataways.

In 15 Md. Archives, p. 213, we are
advised instead of the Senecas coming
themselves, they sent the Susquehan
nocks to fight the Piscataways. This
is set forth as follows, "then was ta-

ken into consideration the state of the

lately entered into with the Pisca
taways."

In this we have some important I Indian affairs and the matters which
Historical facts, (1) that the Senecas i lately passed between the Governor
and Susquehannocks or some of the and Council the Piscataway Indians,
Susquehannocks were in strong touching the murders committed and
league and friendship with each other it is advised to send for the Emperor

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

113

dians and remind them of the League
of Peace and that we are desirous to
speak with them in relation to a late
encounter between them (The Pisca-
taways) and the Susquehannocks and
that the said Council had something
to propound to his Lordship for their
security against the Foreign Indians."
In this it is hinted that Maryland is
about to raise a force to secure the
Province against these Senecas, who
were mis-leading the Susquehan
nocks and we shall see that this
finally brought on the Ninan Beall
expedition.

1679 The Susquehannocks Divided
Into Two Divisions by the Five Na
tions; One Kept in New York and
the Other Established at the Old
Susquehannock Fort; Further De
luded by the Senecas Against the
English.

Under the date of March 19,1679 in
Vol. 15 of the Maryland Archives, pp.
238-240 the following may be found,
"Present at a Council, the Speaker
and the great men of the Piscataway:
The interpreter was ordered to tell
them that we are lately informed that
there was one among them that lately
came from the Senecas and that his
Lordship had a great desire to speak
to him. The said Indian that came
from the Senecas being made ac
quainted with his Lordship s desire to
hear him gave the following account.
He begins by laying on the table five
single acorns some small distance
from each other and four together at
one place which he signifies the four
towns of the Senecas, from which he
came the four next single acorns he
likewise declared to be four other
towns of the Senecas, with the two
middle most whereof the Susquehan
nocks had divided themselves
amongst; and lived there, to say, -one-
half at one town and one-half at the
other. The fifth and outermost of

! the five single acorns he declared to
| be a place inhabited by the English
| where the Senecas used to treat and
| whither he was sent from the four
j first towns with a present which he
delivered; but by the description of
the said place, to be a place of great
resort and trade for the said Indians
for powder and shott. It appeared
to be Port Albany and they were
Dutch to whom he had delivered the
present."

He said the towns were all peace
able and quiet excepting only the two
I towns among which the Susquehan-
I nocks had divided themselves. He
j declared that in every fort there were
; some English. He further said that
| the Senecas allowed him to go to see
his friends freely; and so he is here;
and that he would weight his mind
I and the English and tell them who
i it was that had done the English all
! the mischief; viz.: those two nations
amongst whom the Susquehannocks
I now live and that they would do more
mischief yet, both to the Piscataways
and the English. They told him he
must return in ten days.

He was asked whether those two
j nations with whom the Susquehan-
j nocks lived were at war or peace
i with the other four nations, and he
j answered that they were all together
in peace and amity with one another;
and that the Susquehannocks go from
town to town peaceably as friends and
j netophs (netoughs) that is children
j or cousins, but that the four nations
now seem to blame the English very
much for letting so many of the Sus
quehannocks escape as they did for
they are of such a bloody and turbu
lent mind that they will never cease
doing mischief both to the English
| and Piscataways so long as one re-
I mains alive.

He was asked whether those two
forts with whom the Susquehannocks

114

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

lived be of the same bloody mind as
the Susquehannocks themselves, to
which he replied at first, that "they
were not, but by instigations of the
Susquehannocks he does believe they
are now become as one. He also
says the Susquehannocks laugh and
jeer at the English, saying they can
do what mischief they please for the
English can not see them. He said
those forts were three moons from
Piscataway as he was three moons in
coming. He was asked whether the
Susquehannocks did intend to come
down against the Piscataways and the
English and in Virginia, and he said
that a great man of the Susquehan
nocks made a speech saying, he was
pretty well satisfied with the revenge
he had taken of the Virginians by
the help and assistance of those In
dians and now intended to fall on the
Piscataways and English in Maryland
for they (the Susquehannocks), had
done little or nothing there yet and
that a considerable party had gone
forth 20 days ago. This he said he
had heard from an Indian that had
escaped from the towns in which
the Susquehannocks lodged. He
said the forces of those two towns or
forts were so strong that he could not
express it, and that the great men of
the Susquehannocks said that they
would never have any peace with the
English of Maryland or the Piscata
ways or the Chopticos or any other
Indians on the south side of the Pata-
psco."

In this we see that the revenge
which the Susquehannocks swore on
the whites of Maryland and the
friendly Indians with Maryland for
slaughtering their great men at the
Potomac Fort was still in their
hearts and that they were determin
ed to carry it out. We can not
suppose that this story was a series
of falsehoods against the Susquehan

nocks because it was given by a
friendly Indian who was captured by
the Secenas and had leave of absence;
and because it seems exactly in line
with what the Susquehannocks de
clared to do. However, there may
have been intrigue in it and a well
formed plot to get the Susquehan
nocks in trouble with Maryland
again for it must be remenbered that
a year before the Susquehannocks

were begging Maryland for peace.

I However, it seems that it was only
that small branch of the Susquehan
nocks who were living at the old

i Susquehannock Fort that were ask
ing for peace; and it is likely that
the other and greater branch of the
Susquehannocks who were living in
these two Senecas forts in New York
were very revengful against Mary
land as this messenger said. We
also see here that it is proved beyond

I doubt that a great body of Susque
hannocks did go and live with the

I Senecas of New York. Another thing

i is noticeable and that is the wisdom
of the Five Nations in statecraft/they

j very wisely determined to establish
some of their tribes with some of the
conquered Susquehannocks in the old
Susquehannock Country to preserve

i their rights and look after their con
quered lands in Pennsylvania; as
well as to take the remainder of the
Susquehannocks with them to New
York for the double purpose of keep
ing the Susquehannocks weak by di
viding them and of keeping them
among themselves in a friendly way
to consolidate the Susquehannocks
with themselves for the purpose of
further enlarging the great confeder
acy of the Five Nations.

1680 The Piscataways Much Frigh
tened by These Movements of
the Susquehannocks and
the Senecas.

In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 277 we now see the result of the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

115

revengful heart of the Susquehan- j
nocks. At a Council held on the I
31st. of March this year at Notley
Hall, the following is set forth, "At
this time and place the Emperor and
great men of the Piscataways came
to acquaint his Lordship that they
had a great desire to make peace
with all the Northern Indians, both
the Senecas and Susquehannocks and
to that end had prepared several pre
sents wherewith they had desired to
send some agents of theirs to the
Mattawomans to desire their assist
ance."

And in the same book, p. 279 under
the date of April 1st., the following
letter was given by the Council of
Maryland: "To Our Civil and Mili
tary Officers in the Province and
other Good People: Whereas the Em-
pereor and great men of the Pisca
taways in behalf of himself and the
Indians under his subjection are de
sirous to conclude a general peace
with the Northern Indians, including
the Senecas and Susquehannocks and
have sought of us liberty so to do
and ask a letter of consent, granting
free pass to their agents: This is to
allow their agents, two men and a
woman quietly to pass, etc., which
we hereby grant unto them."

1680 The Senecas and Susquehan-
nocks Building New Forts from
Which to Fight the Pis
cataways.

Under the date of May 12, 1680, it
is set forth in 15 Maryland Archives,
p. 280. "On Monday the 10th In
stant, in the evening came down from
Piscataway Port an Indian to inform
me that the Senecas and Susquehan
nocks Indians had built them a fort
within sight of -the Piscataway fort.
They judge it to be about 500 yards
distant and that there are about 300
of them. When our Indians dis

couraged them they immediately en
gaged with them which had been the
best part of two days when the In
dians came down to us. I under
stand their desire is that they might
have some English to assist them;
therefore I thought fit to acquaint
you. In their engagement I under
stood from this Indian that they sev
eral times discoursed with each other
and that they likely scattered about
and killed several horses for their
provisions." This is all of a letter
of William Chandler, High Sheriff of
Charles County on the River that the
Senecas and Susquehannocks have
come down to the Piscataway Fort.
On the same day that this letter
was read it was concluded, "that
Captain Randolph Brandt be com
manded with one squadron of his
troop, consisting of 20 men whom he
shall deem fit forthwith to march to
Piscataway Fort and there fully to
inform himself of the truth; and that
John Stone be commanded to accom
pany him to the Fort and assist the
gentlemen of Charles County, and
also to take report by Monday next,"
(See 15 Md. Arch. p. 281).

1680 Captain Brandt s Report About

the Susquehannocks and the

Senecas.

Under the date of May 17, this year
this report was made and is as fol
lows: "In obedience to your Lord
ship s command we have been with
the Piscataway Indians, who seemed
much concerned that we came not
sooner; but have given them satis
faction in that particular. What
they say in touching the Senecas and
Susquehannocks is that they came
upon the Forte on Sunday last, their
number was supposed to be about
200, and several times firing upon the
Fort, and at last they came to a
treaty. The Piscataways would have
bought their peace, proffering a pre-

116

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

sent; but the Susquehannocks told | men, women and children until such
them they would have revenge for time as they have heard what peace
the great men killed in the late war, ! their ambassador lately sent to the
and that they expected to have their Senecas and Susquehannocks can
Indians who were taken by the Eng- procure and in the interim powder
lish restored. They several times | and shott be sent them for better de-

asked about this when the English
men were at the Piscataway side, and

fense against the Susquehannocks, if
a war come on."

in a skirmish one man was wounded And a few days later May 22, it was
in the foot, being then in the Em- I ordered "that the Emperor of the

peror s Cabin. Sundry shott were
made at the Fort and many horses
killed by them. The Senecas left
them Wednesday and went very much

Piscataways be given to understand
that the Susquehannocks say if all
the Chopticos and the Mattawomans
were at Piscatav/ay with the Em-

dissatisfied. They expect them back j peror they would not then even be
daily in great numbers. A boy of Mr. able to fight the Senecas and Susque-
Liues being sent from his quarters hannocks who are over 1000 men;
to look for a horse lot himself in the and that the Virginians do not be-

woods and by chance came on the
Fort, and confirms this also. The
Piscataways ask for more powder
having spent much of their store;

lieve that the Senecas murdered
these people and say all the murders
now committed are by the Piscata
ways. And the Council think better

and they ask to be allowed to move j for the Piscataways and Mattawoman
down to the Mattawomans." (See 15 | to remove with their wives and chil
dren to the Nanticokes for some time
till the Virginians do say that the
Ser.ecas and Susquehannocks murd-

Md. Archives, p. 283).
1680 Council Decide to Help the
Piscataways Against the Sus-
queliaimocks.

In 15 Md. Archives, p. 284, under
the date of May 17, it is set forth,
"The proprietor and Council take in
to consideration the present condi
tion of the Emperor of the Piscata
ways and the Indians under his com
mand oppressed by the Senecas and
Susquehannocks. And the Emperor
of the Piscataways having declared

dered the people and that we may
have time to procure them a firm
peace with the Senecas and Susque
hannocks."

At the same place it is set forth
that the Emperor of the Piscataways
was lately at the Susquehannock
Fort, conferring with the Susquehan
nocks before he confers with the
English again.

that he will not stay at the place of 1680 The Piscataways and Matta-

his wasted habitation, but for security
remove himself and his men and their
wives and children to the Matta
womans or other places of safety.

His Lordship commanded the several

womans Blame the English for

Making Them Enemies of

the Susquehannocks.

In 15 Md. Archives, pp. 299 and 300
articles of peace with the said Em- j under the date of June 1, Captain
peror and nations under him to be ; Randolph Brandt gave this report,
read of 1666-1670. He also, with the j "In obedience to your command of
advise of his Council doth hereby ap- I the 23rd. ult, I have communicated
point Nanticoke River for the place ! with the Piscataways and Matta-
for the said Emperor to receive his | womans and Mr. John Stone who

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

117

conferred with them and they say
they will not remove but will use
their power to defend and when they !
can not hold out any longer, they will |
thrust themselves amongst the Eng- ;
lish; and they also say they are be- j
come enemies of the Susquehan-
nock Indians and all other Indians
through the means of the English j
and for that reason they will not !
leave us. And the King of the Mat- j
tawomans allegeth that the Eastern ;
shore Indians are as much their ene
mies as the Susquehannocks, occa
sioned by their going with us against
the Nanticokes about two years ago."

1680 Susqueliaunocks and Seiiecas
Moving Foul on the Piscataways.

In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 302 under date of June 5, 1680 is
set forth a note from John Munn s
relating to the Piscataways and it
says: "I suppose the great men had
been down before this, but I hear the
Susquehannocks and Senecas have
been foul of them on Friday last,
they having killed 7 of the Picata-
\vay men. This information I have
of James Jefferson, who came from
the fort and brought a horse from
there lately shot with an arrow."

1680 Susquehannocks Desert From
tlie Seneca s Armies and Tribes.

In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 305 under the date of June 16, 1680
It is set out in a communication to
Lord Baltimore as follows: "I have
endeavored to inform myself by all
ways and means what Indians did
the late murders but they are still
unknown. But I am of the opinion
it was some of those Susquehan
nocks fled from the Seneca army and
happily it may be those that did the
mischief, for the several foregoing
years along the same river. It does
not appear to be the Senecas as J.
feared at first."

We begin to see now that the Sus-
quehannock Indians among the Sene
cas are held among them by force
and that they are trying to escape
from them. We shall see shortly tnat
the Senecas quickly resented this
and determined to butcher a lot of
them which brought on the appeal
by the Susquehannocks to Maryland
for help and Ninan Beall then led the
expedition to their aid.

1680 Tire Beginning of Conestoga,
Etc.

Mombert in his History of Lancas
ter County, p. 25 says that about this
year "a settlement was planted by
the conquerors at Conestoga which
became the chief and place of Coun
cil seated on the Susqrehanna below
its fork. The residence were of the
Five Nations, chiefly the Seneca
Tribe but comprising some times
Oneidas, Cayugas and Tuscaroras."
By the Conquerors here he means the
Senecas and others of the Five Na
tions whom we have been talking
about.

This is further attested to by the
Dauphin County History Pamphlet,
where the author says that "the In
dians whom Penn found in this lo
cality were beggar Iroquois (and
that in 1682 there was not one of the
Susquehannocks dwelling on his an
cient seats) and were representing
themselves as Conestogas, not m
blood but in occupation." Facts seen
to prove him not entirely correct in
this statement.

1680 Mattawomans Fear tlie Senecas
and Their Snsquehaimock-Slaves.

In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 313, under the date of July 6, it is
set forth that "the King of the Mat
tawomans shows a medal in token of
your Lordship s friendship to him
and begins now to be in fear of the
Susquehannocks and Senecas and

A.VNALS OF THE STJSQITEHAN NOCKS AND

pretends a want of arms and am
munition and intends speedily to
make his address to you and thePis-
eataways and sending scouts out
daily have discovered the enemy (the
Susquehannocks) and are in some
doubt they will be foul of them before
the Fort is Finished."

1681 More Light on the Location of
the Susqueliaimocks Fort.

In a communication found in VoL
5 of the Maryland Archives, p. 272,
dated January 25, 1681 it is stated
that "the petition of Mr. Penn is read
concerning a tract of land to be
granted to him in America, but that
it appeared by John Verden s letter !
the part of. territory desired by him ;
is already possessed by the Duke of j
York. He must apply to his Royal !
Highness for adjusting this respec- 1
tive pretention; and Mr. Penn being
acquainted with the matter from the
letter of Lord Baltimore s Agents, he
does agree that the Susquehannock
Fort shall be the boundary of the
said Lord Baltimore s Province; and
as to furnishing arms and ammuni
tion to the Indians Mr. Penn declares
himself ready to submit to any re
straint his Lordship may propose."

This item seems to refer to some
thing that passed between Penn and
authorities representing Lord Balti
more at home in England because
the date is before his arrival here.
He seems to have had knowledge of
the location of the Susquehannock
Fort before coming to Pennsylvania.
For our purposes it is interesting to
some extent as fixing the location of
this famous old Fort. This is a pro
ceeding which took place in England
as is very evident from Hazard s
Annals, pp. 475 and 476 and what the
Maryland Archives quote as simply
a report of it which was made from
England to Maryland.

1681 The Piscataways Much Frigh-
teued

In Vol 15 of the Md, Archives, p,
336 it is set down that "the Pisca
taways and Mattawomans are very
much frightened at the approach of
the Susquehannocks and that they
are now in the Piscataway Fort for
safety and dare not stir out of it.
They claim that the help which they
gave the English as against the Sus
quehannocks caused them this
trouble."

1681 The Susquehannocks Turn Out
to Be Thieves.

In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 372 it is stated that "a certain In
dian woman being examined for
being accused of stealing a certain
apron says that one of her children
found them upon the ground and that
she bought them from the Susque
hannocks at their Fort; and that they
stole them. Being further examined
she says that she thinks it was not
the Susquehannocks but the Senecas
that killed the English."

1681 Maryland Determines to Rid
the Province of the Susque
hannocks.

In Vol 7 of the Maryland Arch., p.
Ill, under the date of 1681 is set
forth a speech of the Governor of
Maryland to the Assembly, in the
course of which he says, "You have
not been called together for a long

time , and had there not been

some Indian murders by some In
dians not yet discovered, I should
not have called you until October
next; but being duly alarmed by the
i approach of a considerable party of
Indians that have been discovered
and discoursed with by Captain
Brandt and very much apprehending
a sudden attempt by them on our in
habitants, it is absolutely necessary
you should meet to renew speedily

OTHER LANCASTER -COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

those Articles of Peace made some corn fields down. I am apt to be-
years ago with the Senecas. We lieve these Indians are not Senecas
ought to cherish their friendship for i hut Susquehannocks separated in-
ILt must be by their means and as- | to several parties; and the Sus-
sistance that we are able to hope to | quehannocks are not now as friend-
rid the Province of these Susquehan- j ly as tire rest of us. 1 "
nocks and other mixed Indians that j 1681 A Mattawoman Prisoner Who
vcome early down and infest both
Maryland and Virginia. Therefore I
earnestly desire you to take this
great and weighty affair into serious

consideration and by some early

Escaped from the Senecas, Tells

of the Condition of the Sns-

quehannocks.

In V-ol 15 of the Maryland Arch.,
course secure the Senecas to be our j p. 390, Jackanapes an Indian belong-
friends that they may be gained to | ing to the Mattawomans declares that
aid and assist us in cutting off these j on New Years day he was taken a
enemies of ours (the Susquehan- j prisoner by the Senecas froni the
nocks) that certainly design our des- j Mattawoman Fort, that when they
truction as soon as they have taken | came now lately before Zachaiah
from us our friends and neighbor In- ] Fort, he came with them; that about
dians." j a (j a y or ^ wo Before they came to the

In this we see again how deter- | p O rt they sent out two canoes, in one
mined the Susquehannocks were to j 10 Senecas and in the other 10 Sus-
revenge themselves for the killing of | quehannocks and a Piscataway pris-
their five chiefs in 1676. They seem- | O ner whom they had taken as guide,
ed never to forget the slaughter. An- j w ith orders to go down the Potomac
other thing is noticeable here and i River and so to Patuxent to hunt for
that is that the extracts stating that Indians who might be among the
Ninian Beali slaughtered the Senecas English.

in order to assist the Susquehan- i And on page 3.83 of the same book,
nocks are wrong as we shall show j under the date of June 30, Jacka-
later. That slaughter if there was i napes describes the location of the
such was simply to rid the Province | Susquehannocks and others at that
of Maryland of both Senecas and date. He says that the Senecas live

Susquehannocks alike.

1681 Susqu ehannocks Again Become

Fearful of the Mischievous
Seneeas.

in four towns at the head of a great
River that comes to the Bay (The

Susquehanna), that East of them live
the Quiaquas supposed to be friends
and eight Susquehannocks with them
In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch., j and t hat E ast of them the Ononda-
p. 374 it is set out under the date of j goes an( j 14 Susquehannocks with
June 25, 1681 that a Council held them, farther East on a hranch of
a letter of Colonel Brandt was receiv- the River and its source 17 Susque-
ed saying, "I give you an account of hannocks, and further four towns of

my being at Zachariah Fort where I
found the Indians much troubled for

Senecas and that where the river
and its hrancb.es come together is a

the loss of 13 of them being stolen j place of rendezvous of all these Na-
away by the Senecas and in daily

fear of being destroyed. Yesterday
they say they discovered a Seneca

tions.

This shows the southern boundary
of New York along its whole length

near the Fort. The Senecas laid their to have been the location indicated.

120

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUSHANNOCKS AND

1681 Maryland Orders No Quarter \
to be Given to the Susquehan-
iiocks.

In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch., j
p. 384 under the date of June 30, 1681 j
instructions are given by Maryland !
to Captain Brandt as follows: "Since i
we have certain intelligence that
there have been 10 Susquehannocks
and 10 Senecas dispatched from this
great party down the Potomac, with ]
a prisoner for their guide to try what
Indians they can surprise, and since \
we have certain intelligence that ;
when the Susquehannocks meet
either Indians or English they give no j
quarter, it is appointed that the
Northern Indians refuse to treat with
Captain Brandt at Zachaiah Fort is
out of a design to do him mischief, to
prevent this you are to demand:

(1) Ten Piscataway Indians as j
guides to find those Northern Indians \
to treat with them;

(2) Secure those Piscataway In- |
dians from all violence;

(3) If foreigners assault you, to
defend against it ;

(4) Make no peace unless it in
clude the Piscataways and the Matta-
womans;

(5) Let the foreign Indians know
that we had several murders com
mitted of late, that we know there
are 10 Susquehannocks and 10 Sene
cas sent down to fall upon the Eng
lish."

All this shows that the Senecas and
with them the Susquehannocks are
still murdering the English and as
we shall soon see are fast drifting
into a war with Maryland which
turned out very disastrous to the In
dians.

1(581 The Senecas and Susquehan
nocks Make Overtures for a New
Fort on the Susquehanna
River.

In Vol. 17 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 4, there is an item dated August

22, 1681 in which the Senecas make
it appear that the Susquehannocks
show a redress to trust their for
tunes again to Maryland. They seem
now to be in fear of their old con
querors the Senecas. The item is as
follows: Jacob Young who was a
friend of the Susquehannocks and it
seems had married a Susquehannock
squaw now came (with several
Northern Indians, and in behalf of
them all), and says: "They desire
they may have a house built at the
Falls of the Susquehanna River and
that they may have the liberty of
trading with the English when they
come down and if any English desire
to go to their country they will be
safely conducted."

This request is made by 10 Sene-
; cas on behalf of their troop of 300
I warriors. This is really a trick on
i the part of the Senecas to mislead
: the Marylanders and also the Sus-
j quehannocks.

1G81 State of the Susquehannocks
Among the Five Nations.

In Vol. 17 of the Maryland Arch.,
I p. 5 appears the following informa-
j tion given by the Onondagoes, Sene-
| cas and Oneidas who appear before
Council and are asked how many Sus
quehannocks are there among them.
They say "There are in all four
forts Onondagoes, 300 men Onei
das, 180 men Quiagoes (Cayugas),
300 men Mohawks, 300 and among
these four Nations are some Susque
hannocks but how many they can
not tell. Some are among the real
Senecas and they believe were the
Susquehannocks, all together they
would make about 100 fighting men.
There are 14 Susquehannocks with
i the Oneidas, 7 with the Onondagoes
1 but the chief of them are with the
Mingoes joined to the Sennondoni-
anes, but the chief of them are with

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

121

the Cayugas." They also say there ;
is another small nation called the j
Black Mingoes joined to the Sennon- j
donianes, who are to the right of the
Senecas. This shows the scattered
condition of the Susquehannocks at
this time; part of them were down
the river and part of them amongst
the various tribes of the Five Na
tions.
1081 The Iroquois Now Are Very

Bold, Etc., And Threaten to Des
troy the Susquehannocks.

In Vol. 62 of tha Jesuit Relation, p.
169 it is reported as follows: "that
the utmost efforts must be used to
prevent the Iroquois ruining the
European Nations as they heretofore
ruined the Algonquins, Susquehan
nocks (Andastes), Loups, Abenaques,
and others," as these successers have
made them very bold and haughty.

1682 The Senecas Now Make Bold
Preparations to Invade Mary
land.

In Vol. 7 of the Maryland Arch., I
p. 270 under the date of May 4,
1682 is an article showing how Mary- i
land tries to defend against the
Northern invasions. It is there set
forth as follows: "We hope, both |
houses will consider:

(1) That the Piscataways became j
enemies to the Susquehannocks
merely upon the score of Articles of
Peace made with Honorable Leonard
Calvert, Esq., at first and afterwards
by assisting us against the Susque
hannocks in the year of 1676. That
it is the remnant of these Susque-
hannock Indians that engage those
Northern Indians with whom they are
now incorporating to revenge.
Thereupon the Piscataways remind
ing them that they (the Piscataways)
formerly killed some Northern In
dians at St. Mary s because those
Northern Indians had murdered Eng

lish in Patapsco and other places and
rendered the Piscataways suspected
of being our friends.

(2) -That if we abandon the Pisca
taways they must incorporate them
selves with the Northern Indians and
in that case become another engaged
enemy with the Susquehannocks
against them.

(3) That then no Nation (not even
the Northern Indians themselves)
will ever trust us more; and the
Nanticokes and the Eastern Shore In
dians must follow their example and
leave us friendless and utterly un
able to deal with the skulking enemy
who war only by surprise."

Efforts were now being made by
the Senecas to bring this about so
that a seperate invasion might be
made into Maryland.

1682 The Susquehannocks Incite the
Senecas to Fall Upon Maryland.

In Vol. 17 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 100, the following is set forth as
instructions to Colonel Coursey.
"There hath been some discourse as
if those Northern Indians would be
hired to cut off the remnant of the
Susquehannocks. If you find any
truth in that fail not pursue that
point and purchase the peace of this
Province from the Senecas by extin
guishing that viper s (Susquehan
nocks) brood that never fails to kill
all English whenever they are the
greater number in any party and
make us feel the effects of war
though they. live under the shelter of
Nations that pretend a peace with
us; and be sure to inculcate into the
Northern tribes upon all treaties for
the Piscataways, showing the north
ern Indians that we are doing no
more in protecting the Piscataways
than they do in protecting the Sus
quehannocks and that they ought in
reason to allow us the same liberty
that they take to themselves."

122

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

It is now evident that the relations
between the Five Nations and the
English of Maryland were very much
strained and liable to produce the
flame of war at any time. And this
we shall see did shortly happen by
Maryland protecting herself.

1682 Colonel Ninan Beall Made
Ranger.

In Vol. 17 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 72 it was "ordered that six men in
arms under the command of Colonel
Ninian Beall be commanded out to
continue ranging between the head of
the Patuxent River and the branches
there about, up to the Susquehannock
Fort for the discovery of any In
dian enemy that may appear."

1682 Ninian BeaH s Expedition and

Slaughter of Indians at Snsque-

liannock Fort.

From all we can gather is seems
that it was about this year that Nin
ian Beall got into a bloody conflict
with the Senecas and Susquehan-
nocks under the Senecas. The
writers of Maryland History all take
the ground the Beall had this fight
with the Senecas to help the Susque-
hannocks. I do not believe that the
real history sustains that. I believe
that the Susquehannocks were in
enmity at this time as intensely as
the Senecas, and all which we have
just been citing undoubtedly shows
that. There is, however, only small
proof that there was a great slaugh
ter and the historical writers take it
for granted. They further show
their unreliable information by not
being able to fix the date. Lewis
Evans in his "Analysis" which I have
cited before at pp. 11 and 12 says the
Five Nations "gave the finishing
stroke to the extermination to the
Susquehannocks. But Beall in the
service of Maryland at the Fort

whose remains are still standing on
the East side of the Susquehanna
about three miles below Wright s
Ferry by the defeat of many hun
dreds had given them a blow which
they never recovered of and for this
reason the confederates (The Five
Nations) never claimed back to the
Conewago Falls."

Evans and Ellis in their history of
Lancaster County say, "the Govern
ment selected Ninian Beall to com
mand the troops (to help the Sus
quehannocks). At last a commander
was chosen who was no coward. He
marched with his forces up the left
bank of the Susquehanna River to
the town and fort which stood on
what is now Witmer s farm. Colonel
Beall took several small cannon with
him. The exact date of the march
and the time when the sanguinary
battle was fought are not given but it
[ must have been in the year 1675 or
! 1676. Mr. Johnson in his history of
j Cecil county placed the period in the
year of 1682."

In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Records,
p. 387 in the 22nd of July, 1707 one of
i the spokesmen of the Conestogas was
j asked by Governor Evans how long
: the Indians of that neighborhood
j were at peace with the Five Nations
I and the Indian replied 27 years. That
j would make the date of peace in 1680
! and of course the expedition if it was
to help the Susquehannocks would
; have been before the Susquehan-
! nocks were at peace with the Five
Nations. I believe however, that the
answer of the Indian was wrong and
, that peace was not established before
! the year 1682.

The best authority we have on both
i whether there was an expedition
against the Five Nations and when it
; occured is to be found in Vol. 5,
j Second Series of the Pennsylvania
! Archives, pp. 731 to 734. It is there

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

123

set forth that a treaty of peace in
that year was being made between
the Five Nations and the Governor
of Maryland and the proceedings of
the treaty are there set out at large.
At page 734, the Agent for Maryland,
Colonel Henry Coursey says, to the
different tribes of the Five Nations
who were present, "You have killed
our horses, cattle and hogs and rob
bed our houses and killed some of
our subjects, whereby we were justly
provoked to have made a war upon
you, and dispatched away our
troops to your country to have re
venge for the several mischiefs done
to us." He then goes on to tell them
at the same time the soldiers went
to make the war, he now comes to
make peace. This happened the 4th
of August, 1682. I would not know
what else he could mean by saying
that "we dispatched away our troops
into your country to have revenge"
unless he meant to refer to Colonel
Beall s expedition. We have noticed
in a former item that Beall was
made Ranger at the beginning of the
year 1682. I have no authentic
proof that Beall had cannon with
him or that he slaughtered many
Senecas. I do not believe that there
was an extensive slaughter and the
authorities which I have just quoted
would seem to show that Beall was
only sent to frighten the Senecas and
that before he did much killing peace
was arranged. There is only one
thing more to add and that is that
this was the last warfare between the
whites and the Indians on Pennsy
lvania soil in these early days until
the French and Indian war broke out
in 1755. This expedition of Beall
thus happened a few months before
William Penn arrived in his Pro
vince.
1682 The Impeachment of Jacob

Young.

In Vol. 7 of the Maryland Archives,
p. 370 an impeachment against Jacob

Young is set forth charging:

(1) That Jacob Young not regard
ing due obedience which he as one of
the people of this Province ought to
his Lordship hath endeavored to

j alienate his affection from the Pro-
| prietary and the better to do it did
contract marriage and take to wife an
Indian woman of the Susquehannock
Nation; by whom he had several
children one or more of which is now
among the Indians and he the said
Jacob Young is more concerned for
them than is this province:

(2) That the said Jacob Young has
| so far espoused the interest of the
I Susquehannocks and other Northern
j Indians that in 1675 and several
j years since at Cecil county, even

when the said Indians were enemies,
did succor aid and assisted the Sus
quehannocks against the Piscata-
ways:

(3) That the said Jacob Young to
show his affection and kindness to
those Susquehannocks has often in
years and places aforesaid, given out
in speeches and declared that the
Susquehannocks are an innocent and
harmless people and has palliated
their rapine and justified their mur
ders:

(4) That while, employed by the
Province to help bring about peace

i between the Province and the North
ern Indians, causing great outlays of
tobacco, Jacob did secretly instigate
hostilities to be continued and pre
vented peace:

(5) That Jacob further declared
i his adherence to the said Susquehan-
| nocks and other Northern Indians by
I carrying on an oppressive war

against the Piscataways on no other
account than that the Piscataways
i did not assist the Susquehannocks in
| the late war by them made against
i the Proprietor and did make it his
I business to move and stir up the

124

AXXALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Susquehannocks to make war on the
Piscataways; and did take upon him
to travel to several parties, to the
Susquehannocks then scattered in
several parts of Maryland and Vir
ginia and rallying them did encour
age them in hostile manner to invade
this Province:

(6) And since his imprisonment he
gives out that he has so much in
fluence over the Susquehannocks
that he can make them do what he
pleases; and when he was put in
irons he now declares he will have
revenge on those who put him in
irons."

No comment is needed on this im
peachment as it explains itself. One
or two points are worthy of notice,
to wit: that the Susquehannocks
were yet a source of annoyance and
terror to Maryland and they evidently
had influential friends such as this
man Jacob Young and others of a
similar standing.

1682 Jacob Young s Answer.

Jacob Young filed his answer to
the above impeachment saying:

(1) "That he denies he is an enemy
of the Government.

(2) He denies that he married a
Susquehannock Indian woman and
never had any children by such wife;
and never was concerned for the Sus
quehannock Nation against Mary
land:

(3) That in 1675 he did not live in
Maryland but in Delaware and was
sent for to come to Maryland to in
terpret for Maryland the Susquehan
nock language and that he several
times at the risk of his life induced
the Susquehannocks to be loyal
to this Government and to stay with
in its bounds; and that he persuaded
the Susquehannocks that were gone
over the Delaware to come back, at
great hazzard he sought out the said
Susquehannocks and found them."
(See 7 Md. Archives, pp. 386 to 391).

1682 Susquehannocks Still Among
the Senecas.

In Vol. 17 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 110 under date of May 30, 1682

i is set forth that "an express from
New York brings advise that some
hosts of Northern Indians are set out
for these parts; and those that al-

, ready set forth were headed chiefly
by the Susquehannocks and other
war captains and are ill effected to-

i ward the Governor of Maryland.
Therefore, to prevent blood-shed and
surprise all the military commanders
are to have timely notice."

On the same subject there is a let
ter to Captain Blockhouse found in
17 Maryland Archives, p. 203 which
states, "Our humble request is that
you will by the first opportunity that
comes this way send a power from
your hand to us to dispatch away

| from hence persons that we may em
ploy for our. money to present the
Northern Indians ; which are com
manded by the Susquehannocks of

j whom we have too great cause to

i fear for their designs against the

! Christians."

From this we see that the Susque
hannocks living among the Senecas
were great agitators of strife and

j kept the Colonists in mortal dread.

| They had military power and were

I natural leaders; and are now found

; commanding and leading forth to

I pillage bands of other Northern In-

j dians.

1682 Peace Between Maryland and

the Five Nations, (Including the

Susquehannocks Under Their

Control.)

In Vol. 5 of the Second Series of
the Pennsylvania Archives, pp. 731
j to 739 is set forth an extensive
I treaty between Maryland and the
j Five Nations; it is a long treaty and
i is as follows:

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

125

(1) That the parties will keep per
fect faith with each other:

(2) That they will not join to
gether so as to overcome the other
provides :

(3) That if any Indian among any
Christians or any of the Christians
living among the Indians commit
murder upon the other party that
those so committing the murder
shall be punished:

(4) That the friendship with the
Piscataways shall be kept and that
all these provisions will be kept.

This treaty also provides that if
either parties have prisoners among
them that they will give them up;
this includes the Susquehannocks.
1682 The Susquehannocks Indians
Meet William Penn.

Rupp in his History of Lancaster
County, p. 24, says, that when the
first grand treaty with the Indians"
was held that Indians were present
"from the shores of the Susquehan-
na." The same is set forth in Lyle s
History of Lancaster County, p. 3.

Mombert in his History of Lancas
ter County, p. 49 says, "There were
at least three Indian tribes present
at the great treaty the Lenni Le-
napes living near the Delaware; the
Mingoes from Conestoga and the
Shawanese from the Susquehanna.
Penn was accompanied by a few
of his friends." Mombert also quotes
Janney in saying, "It was near the
close of November, 1682, the loftiers
on the banks of the Delaware had
shed their summer attire, the ground
was strewn with leaves, and the
Council fire burned brightly fanned by
the breeze." He then goes on to tell
how the Indians sat at the treaty and
of their peculiar dress; that the
chiefs were in front of the aged men
in the form of a half moon; the
young men and aged women and fur
ther back the youth of both sexes.
He says that Penn was dressed like

the rest of his comrades, except he
had a sky-blue sash of silk net-work
around his waist.

Gordon in his History at page 603
in a note says that the Indians at
Conestoga in 1722 showed Governor
Keith a roll of parchment containing
a treaty which Penn made with them
and he says it was the great treaty.
He also quotes Mr. R. Cunningham
saying that he, Cunningham, discov
ered an envelope in a bundle of pap
ers relating to the Shawnese Indians
with the following endorsement,
"Minutes of the Indian Conference in
Relation to the Great Treaty made
with William Penn at the Big Tree,
Shackamaxon on the 14th of the 10th
month, 1682." The papers are not to
be found. As further proof that the
Conestogas were at Penn s treaty or
met Penn at one of the early treaties
at Philadelphia, this note sets out
that Tawenna a Conestoga chief at
a treaty held under Governor Gor
don, May 26, 1729 made reply to a
speech which he the Indian Chief
said Penn had made to them under
the Elm tree. Mombert also says at
p. 48, citing Watson s Annals that
William Penn in 1682 endeared him
self to the Indians, and that "he
walked with them, sat with them on
the ground and ate with them their
roasted acorns and hominy. At this
they expressed delight and soon be
gan to show how they could hop and
jump, at which exhibition to cap the
climax, William Penn sprang up and
beat them all." This is given for
what it is worth.

Hockwelder in his narrative on the
Indians, p. 77, in commenting upon
the Paxtung murder of the Cones-
togas that "they were the descen
dants of those ancient Conestoga In
dians who welcomed him upon this
first arrival and presented him with
venison, etc." He would therefore

126

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

have us believe that when the In
dians of the Susquehanna Territory
went to the great treaty and welcom
ed William Penn that they took veni
son and meat along as presents.

1682 The Susquehannocks Mo\e to |
Turkey Hill.

Lyle in her history states that in !
this year the Susquehannocks moved |
to Turkey Hill on the Susquehanna. !
Turkey Hill is in Manor Township
three miles below Columbia (See j
Lyle s History, p. 20). At the same!
page this history says that this time |
Penn visited the Susquehannocks. |
I am inclined to think it was a year
or two later; and this history also
states that Penn gave them their In
dian town of 500 acres in Manor
Township about this same time
(See same page Lyle s History).

There is no doubt that there was
always a good feeling and amity be-
eween Pennsylvania and the Susque
hanna Indian tribes and without a
ripple. On p. 15 of Vol. 2 of the Col
onial Records is set forth the treaty
with the Susquehannock Indians con
cerning lands in 1701, and the second
paragraph states, "Hitherto there has
always been a good understanding
and neighborhood between the said
William Penn and his Lieutenants
since his first arrival in this Prov
ince and the several nations of In
dians inhabiting in and about the
same." This all shows that there
was very early friendly communica
tion and general good understanding
between the tribes of Indians on the
Susquehanna River and the Govern
ment of William Penn.

1683 Consultation on Jacob Young s

Alleged Conspiracy With the

Susquehannocks.

In Vol. 7 of the Maryland Archives
pp. 475 and 476 it is stated that the
following proceeding took place be

fore the Maryland Council relative to
Jacob Young. I quote it as follows:
"The House find against Jacob Young
that in 1677 when Colonel Henry
Coursey was empowered by commis
sion from Thomas Notley to go to
Albany to negotiate he took Jacob
Young as an interpreter, and when
Coursey after coming to Albany told
Jacob Young that his commission was
to conclude a peace Jacob answered
that if he had known so much before
he came thither that the Susquehan
nocks were not to be included in the
peace he had rather given 20,000
pounds of tobacco than to come
along and that in 1682 when the
Northern Indians came and besieged
the Piscataway Fort, Colonel Coursey
and Colonel Stevens sent as agents
and Young as interpreter, Young in
quired why the Northern Indians
came down to war with the Piscata-
ways contrary to treaties which
Young was to ask them, the said
Young said nothing for some time but
afterwards answered that if he had
thought he was to have spoken of
any such thing he would rather have
given 20,000 pounds of tobacco than
have come. Since his imprisonment
he has said the Susquehannocks are
an innocent people and that he can
make them do what he will."

The two Houses took this matter
up but they finally disagreed about
Jacob Young s punishment and, af
ter being imprisoned for some time
i he was discharged.

j 1683 The First of Penn s Purchases
From the Indians of the Sus
quehanna River.

The first purchase by Penn of

| land on the Susquehanna River which

! I can find is shown by a deed from

Kepelappan found in Vol. 1 of the

Penna. Archives, p. 67. It is as fol-

i lows: "I, Kekelappan, of Opaiskunk,

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

127

for me, my heirs and Assigns, do
hereby give and grant unto William
Penn, Proprietary and Governor of
ye Province of Pennsylvania, etc., his
Heirs and Assignes, that half of all
my lands betwixt Susquehanna and
Delaware, which lyeth on the Sus
quehanna side; and do hereby fur
ther promise to sell unto him at ye
next Spring, at my return from hunt-
ting, ye other half of my land, at as
reasonable rates as other Indians
have been used to sell in this River.
In witness whereof I have hereunto
sett my hand and seal at Philadel
phia ye 10th of November, 1683."

Just to what point the land ex
tends we can not now ascertain but
we will notice that the deed recited
that it is land between the Delaware
and Susquehanna Rivers, lying on the
Susquehanna side, therefore, it is a
part of our county now.

It seems that almost as soon as this
purchase was made Penn s troubles
began with the Five Nations, who as
we have seen before were the owners
of all this land by conquest, having
subjugated the Susquehannocks. They
made their dissatisfaction known to
Governor Dungan of New York whc
sent a letter dated the 18th of Sept
ember, 1683 to the Indian commis
sioners of New York which may be
found in Vol. 1 of the Penna. Arch.,
p. 74 and is as follows: "Gentlemen:
I have this day advised with the
Councill, and after a serious con
sideration as a cause of so great Im
portance require, it is for good and
weighty reasons thought very conven
ient and necessary to putt a stopp to
all proceedings in Mr. Penn s affairs
with the Indyns until his bounds &
limits be adjusted, att ye determin
ing of which I think either to be per
sonally present or else send some
person. You are, therefore, to suf
fer no manner of proceedings in that
business, until you shall have posi-

I tive orders from mee about itt, and
j Mr. Haige, Esqr., Penn s Agent, is
| to be acquainted with the contents
I of this Letter. Gentlemen, I am, as-
! su redly, Your Faithful Servant,

THOMAS DUNGAN.
As this letter plainly shows Dun
gan says it was necessary to put a
j stop to all Penn s proceedings with
| the Indians on the Susquehanna at
I present. The Susquehannock In-
i dians who sold Penn land here plain-
| ly were imposing a fraud upon him,
| they knew that the Five Nations
| owned the land and that they had no
right to sell it.

1683 Another of Penn s First Pur
chases From the Indians on the
Susquehanna Riyer.

In Vol. 5 of the Maryland Archives
p. 402 there is a letter written by
William Penn, dated at New Castle,
Oct. 16, 1683, which is as follows:
"I do hereby declare that I have
bought of Machaloha all his land and
rights by the Delaware River and the
River of Susquehanna and Bay of
Chesapeake. And I do warn all per
sons that they presume not to settle
thereon without my leave and that
those that actually are or hereafter
shall settle upon any part of the
same do behave themselves justly
and lawfully towards him and his fel
low Indians."

Machaloha was one of the inferior
chiefs of the Susquehannocks but I
am not able to say whether he was
a pure Susquehannock or a represen
tative of some of the Northern con
federates. But further particulars of
this purchase may be found in Vol.
1 of the Penna. Archives, p. 67
where this Machaloha under the date
of October 18, 1683, in a deed says
that he is the owner of all the lands
from the Delaware River to the
Chesapeake Bay and up to the Falls

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

of Susquehanna and that he d6es sell !
the same unto William Penn and ac- 1
knowledging that he has received |
part of the purchase money and that |
the remainder is to be paid in the!
Spring. This is delivered in the pre- |
sence of Edward Cantwell, Lasse j
, Cock and several others.

1683 The Next Step Taken by the j

Susquehanna Indians About

Their Lands.

Something of Penn s manner of
dealing with the Indians is told us
by Mombert in his- History, p. 51,
where he says that on one occasion
Penn unrolled a parchment and ex
plained the articles of a treaty of
purchase and said by these that they
would be protected in their lawful
pursuits even in the lands which they
had given away. Then, says Mom
bert, Penn laid the roll of parchment
on the ground and told them to ob
serve it as a sign that the land should
belong to both. That then he took
the parchment again and handed it
to the Chief and told them that they
should keep it safely for three gen
erations so that their children might
know what had taken place.

These Indians after having sold
Penn two tracts of land above men
tioned now sell it all to Governor
Dungan of New York. We can not tell
whether they did this because they
were afraid of the Five Nations or
because they wanted to give Penn
more trouble. We shall see a little
later that the Iroquois demanded that
Penn should not settle any white
people on the Susquehanna River.
Governor Dungan himself tells about
his getting possession of the lands on
Susquehanna and speaking about the
Indians who lived on that river he
says, "They have all of them agreed
to give Susquehanna River to me and
I have it under their hands to show

for it. All that I desire of you for ray
own security is that you will engage
in case his Royal Highness be fond of
their gift, that you will save me
harmless," (See Vol. 1 of Penna,
Archives, p. 77).

And under the date of October 22,
1683, Dungan writes another letter
to Penn and says, "All business goes
here to great satisfaction; the Sus
quehanna River is given me by the
Indians by a second gift about which
you and I shall not fall out. I de
sire we may join heartily together
to advance the interest of my master
and your good friend." (See Vol. 1
of Penna. Archives, p. 80). Penn had
a good deal of reason to be suspi
cious of these New York transactions.
One erf his friends John West in a let
ter dated October 16, 1683, which
; may be found in Vol. 1 of the Penna.
Archives, p. 79, writing from New
York says," "Your affairs about the
Susquehanna land are well effected,
though the people of Albany, jealous
of their trade much oppose you inter-
j est therein ; for the particulars of
I which I refer you to the Commis
sioners."

A few months later as may be seen

i by Thomas Dungan s letter to Wil-

j liam Penn in Vol. 1 of the Penna.

1 Archives, p. 84 relations were quite

strained between him and Penn; and

| he wrote under the date of March 17,

I 1684 from New York to Penn and

i among other things he says, "I fear

i you coveting your neighbors lands

would do much prejudice, and this I

say out of a concern and sense of

kindness for you."

We may observe here that Penn
1 did have a great deal of difficulty in
I getting these lands back and it was
not until 12 years later, in 1696; that
I he succeeded in having them deeded
\ back by Governor Dungan. But this we
i will notice later.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

129

There can be no doubt that they
were conveyed by Dungan from
what I have said above but there is
an additional evidence in Vol. 4 of the
Colonial Records, p. 708 where Can-
assate^o, an orator of one of the Five
Nations making a speech in the Lan
caster Court House on June 26, 1744
said to the Governor of Maryland,
"We are now straitened and sometimes
in want of deer and liable to many
other inconveniences since the Eng
lish came among us, and particularly
from the pen and ink work which is
going on at the table (pointing to the
secretaries), and we will give you
an instance of this. Our brother
Onas a great while ago came to Al
bany to buy the Susquehanna lands
of us, but our brother the Governor
of New York, who as we suppose had
not a good understanding with our
brother Onas advised us not to sell
him any for he would make ill use
of it; and pretending to be our friend,
he advised us, in order to prevent
Onas s or any other persons impos
ing on us and that we might always
have our land to put it in his hands
and told us he would keep it for our
use, and never opened his hands and
let it get out. We trusted him, we
put our lands into his hands, and
charged him to keep it safe for us
but he went away to England and
carried our land with him and then
sold it to our brother Onas for a
large sum of money; and when, at
the instance of our brother Onas we
were minded to sell him some land,
he told us that we had sold it al
ready to the Governor of New York
and that he bought it from the Gover
nor of New York, and that he had
bought it from him in England;
though when be came to understand
how the Governor of New York had
deceived us, he generously paid us
for our lands over again."

All this goes to show that about
1G83 either through deception or
otherwise these Susquehanna lands
were put into the hands of the Gov
ernor of New York as we have above
stated.

Further reference as to the Susque
hanna Indians making their title
over to the Governor of New York
may be found in Vol. 3 of the Col.
Records, p. 97, where James Logan
while at Conestoga told the Indians
that they knew "the Five Nations had
long since made over all their rights
to the Susquehanna to the Governor
of New York." And likewise at p.
101 of the same book he says that the
Five Nations had frequently acknow
ledged that they had sold the Sus
quehanna lands to Governor Dungan.
Therefore whether this was done
j for the benefit of Dungan. because the
I Iroquois were angry on account of
| the petty Susquehanna chieftains
having sold a couple small tracts to
Penn and thus determined to put it
out of their power to do so we can
not tell; but at any rate it caused
Penn a great deal of trouble to get
the title back again.

1683 or 1684 Penn s First Visit to
the Indians on and About the

Susquehanua River.

By some historians it is taken as
proved that William Penn was among
the Indians of the Susquehanna
River twice, once in 1683 or in the
early summer of 1684 just before he
departed for England in the Fall of

1684 and once in 1701 immediately
before leaving for England the sec
ond time. Other historians doubt
that the first visit was made. There is
no absolute proof that it was made
but there is a considerable amount
of evidence at hand; and I will now
give from the books those facts which
are considered proof that Penn visit-

130

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

ed these Indians of the Susquehanna j
River in 1683 or 1684. There is no j
doubt, whatever about his second :
visit and that we will take up in its j
order.

Penn perhaps about 1683 or
1684 sent parties to view the Susque
hanna River. In Vol. 19 of the Sec
ond Series of the Penna. Archives,
p. 13 there is a letter written by
William Penn to his cousin William
Markham and others, dated 1686, in
which speaking of the Susquehanna
and land there he shows much fam- I
iliarity with that river saying, "I i
hereby order you to take up the most j
convenient place, that is to say the
canoable branch of the West side of
Schuylkill about 30 miles from the
town (Philadelphia) 10,000 acres for
my daughter Gulielma Maria Penn;
Tis that which goes towards the Sus
quehanna by which they rode when
Ralph Frewell went to view the
river."

I quote this simply to show that
before Penn left Pennsylvania for
England in the Fall of 1684 he sent
Fretwell to view the Susquehanna. I
shall now adduce some facts which
tend to show that Penn hmself fol
lowed and investigated the Susque
hanna Country for himself.

(1) In Vol. 1 of the Colonial Re
cords, p. 114, under the date of June
11, 1684 it was reported to Council
thst "Samuel Land s letter was read
informing the Governor and Council
that Jonas Askins heard Colonel Tal-
bot say that if Governor Penn should
come into Maryland he would sie-e
him and his retaine (retinue) in their
journey to the Susquehanna Fort." It
was also the same day ordered that
William Welch shall take, under oath,
the statement of Jonas Askins con
cerning what Talbott said.

In this it will be plainly seen that
Talbot speaks as if it was the cus

tom of William Penn to go to the
Susquehanna Fort and it to my mind
is a strong proof that Penn prior to
this date, 1684 was personally on the
Susquehanna River conferring with
the Susquehannock Indians.

(2) When Penn put out the pro
spectuses of his town which he in
tended to build on the Susquehanna
found in Vol. 1 of Hazard s Reg. p.
400 under the date of 1690, he said
in the prospectus "that which recom
mends this settlement is the known
goodness of the soil and situation of
the land which is high and salu
brious, also the pleasantness and
largness of the River being clear and
not rapid and broader than the
Thames at London Bridge many
miles above the place intended for
this settlement." He also then tells
of the timber growing there saying
that it is oak, ash, chestnut, walnut,
etc.; he speaks of the native fruits
which were grapes, pawpaws, chest
nuts and others, of the fish and wild
animals of the place.

In this he shows such a familiarity
of the Susquehanna River as would
lead one to think that he actually
saw it up to the place where this set
tlement was to be located, viz.: from
the mouth of the Conestoga Creek 15
miles northward. If he did see it be-
| fore 1690, it must have been before
1684, since as we have stated before
he left Pennsylvania for England in
the Fall of 1684.

(3) About 1685 William Penn wrote
what is called "A Further Account

; of the Province of Pennsylvania."
| This he wrote while he was in Eng-
1 land. It was a very rare pamphlet
and would sell at an enormous price.
; It is dated Worminghurst Place, the
! 12th of the 10th month, 1685. In
this account he says speaking upon
I the seasons, etc., "I have made a dis-
! covery of about 100 miles West and

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

131

find those black lands richer in soil,
woods and fountains than those by
the Delaware, especially upon the
Susquehanna River."

In this he almost in as many
words says that he personally made
this discovery and if that is so then
he visited this Susquehanna River
and the Indians living upon it be
fore 1683.

(4) In a letter which Penn wrote
dated the 14th of August, 1683 to
the Lords of Trade and Plantations
found in Vol 1 of Proud s History,
p. 267, speaking of the difficulties
which Penn had with Lord Balti
more, he says at page 271, "I sent
an express to pray the time and
place where I should meet him (Lord
Baltimore). I followed close upon
the messenger that no time might be
lost I sent three gentlemen to let
me know if he would meet me at the
head of the Bay of Chesapeake; I
was then in a treaty with the Kings
of the natives for land; but three
days after we met 10 miles from New
Castle which is 30 miles from the
Bay."

In this it may be said that the
treaty he spoke of with the natives
for land in this neighborhood about
the head of the Chesapeake Bay

1
J

(5) In Vol. 2 of Watson s Annals,
p. 209, Mr. Watson speaks of Nebo-
waway an Indian chief of the Dela-
wares. Watson says that this chief s
name appears among the signers of
the treaty at Conestoga in 1718 and
in his childhood he is said to have
seen William Penn on his second
visit in 1701 (to Conestoga). If Wat
son considers this visit of Penn in
1701 as the second visit of Penn to
Conestoga, he himself believes there
was a first visit, which of course was
prior to 1701, and as Penn was in
England from 1684 to 1700 it likely
refers to a visit in 1684.
i (6) In Vol. 1 of Proud s History,
p. 214 one of the old Conestoga
chiefs in 1721 is quoted as saying in
the conference held at Conestoga that,
they never should forget the Counsel
that William Penn gave them and
that they would always keep it in
mind. This may have reference to
his early visit up into this Country.
(7) Oldmixon in his history of
Pennsylvania in 1706 speaking of
Penn s visit says that some time
prior to the year of 1685 Penn made
a journey into the interior of the
I Province (See Oldmixon s History
| in Vol. 5 of Haz. Reg., p. 164). What
| Oldmixon savs is.._"Mj^-.P-fiHD.-

132

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

William J. Buck in his book called
"William Perm in America," p. 132
commenting upon this says that the I
journey was made on horse-back and
it may possibly be one of those to
which Thomas Fairman alludes as
having accompanied him. The par
ticular object was says Buck to be
come more acquainted with the Pro
vince and its natural produce as well
as the Indians living therein. From
actual observation Buck also says, p.
132 that it is to this journey that |
William Penn refers when in 1685 he |
states that he has made a discovery I
of the fertile lands on the Susque- i
hanna River. This seems to be an- j
other proof that Penn visited the
Susquehanna River in 1684.

(8) In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Re
cords, p. 553, under the date of 1712
it is stated that several Indians from
Conestoga came to Philadelphia and
the war-captain of the Conestogas in j
his speech said that the Proprietor,!
Governor Penn "had at his first com- |
ing among them made an agreement I
with them that they should always !
live as friends and brothers." It
may be seen that in the words "com
ing amongst them" this Indian refers
to Penn coming up to the Conestoga
and Susquehanna and not simply to
his coming to Pennsylvania, and as
it refers to his "first" it may refer
to a visit of 1683 or 1684.

(9) In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Re
cords, p. 154 it is stated under the
date of 1721 quoting a speech again
of Captain Civility that "William
Penn made a firm peace and league
with the Indians in those parts
(Conestoga) nearly 40 years ago
which has often been renewed and
never been broken." And again at
page 11 of the same book under the
date of 1722, Governor Keith at Con
estoga said "the last time that I was
with you at Conestoga you showed

me a parchment you Lad received
from William Penn," which may
again refer to this early visit.

(10) In the American Weekly Mer
cury of May 30, 1728 where there is
an account contained of the journey
made by Governor Keith to the Con
estoga Indians on a treaty, the re
port after giving a growing charac
ter of the treaty states that the In
dians said they "never had such a
satisfactory speech made to them
since the great William Penn spoke
to them hence." This seems to refer
to William Penn coming to see these
Indians when he first came to his
Province likely some time in 1683.
An account of this same visit is
found in the Colonial Records, and
also in Rupp s History, pp. 198-199.

(11) A thing which may be con
sidered somewhat confirmatory of
Penn having been about the Susque
hanna in 1683 is found in Vol. 1 of
Watson s Annals, p. 143. at which
place he says that a treaty was made
on the 30th of July, 1685 for land to
extend two days journey or as far as
a man can go in two days back into
the country, which was back to the
Susquehanna River, and it is likely
that Penn examined this land and
knew what it was.

(12) Penn may be referring to the
land along the Susquehanna River in
his letter to the Free Society cf
Traders written in 1683, found in Vol.
1 of Proud s History where he says
at page 247, "the back lands are gen
erally three to one richer than those
that lie by the navigable rivers."

He speaks here as if he saw the
back land personally and it is well
know that the Susquehanna was not
navigable, therefore we give this as
one of the items of proof with the
others which may show that Penn
was among the Susquehanna Indians
as early as 1683.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

133

These we consider the chief reasons
which prove or tend to prove that
William Penn paid the Susquehanna
River and its natives the compliment
of a personal visit some time in 1683
or 1G84. We do not contend that it
is absolutely proven but there is
much in what we have just quoted
to conclude that he was here. He
also shows at another place consider
able familiarity with this country
where he says in the same letter in
Vol. 1. cf Proud s History, concerning
the Indians that, "I have had occa
sion to be in Council with them upon
treaties for land and to adjust the
terms of trade." And in the same
book, p. 262 as a part of the same
letter, he says concerning the loca
tion of the Susquehanna that "the
Susquehanna tends to the heart of
the Province and on both our own
land." This may further indicate
that he saw the Susquehanna River.

1684 The Snsquehanna Indian
Tribes Debauched by the Mary
land Rum Sellers.

In Vol. 1 of Proud s History, p. 284
he says that it was about this time
(1684) that the laws to prevent liquor
being sold to the Indians did not an
swer the purpose for the English of
Maryland in a clandestine manner
still procured rum. All that William
Penn could do did not help matters
very much and much blood-shed oc
curred because of the drunkenness
about the Susquehanna River.

1684 Governor Dnngan Oil es Penn
Advice About Susquehanna In-
dian Trade.

In Vol. 5 of the Sec. Series of the
Pennsylvania Archives, p. 754 is
found a report of Governor Dungan
dated 1684 in which he says page 755
in reference to the Smjquehannocks
that "those Indians about 40 years

ago annexed their lands to this Gov
ernment and have renewed the same
with every Governor uince but I can
not get out traders to live upon the
Susquehanna River." As to this an
nexation see p. 33 ante.

Dungan also says, in speaking of
the Susquehannocks land union with
New York Indians and Penn s desire
to buy the Susquehanna lands, "I
can not believe that it was the King s
intention to grant away so much of
this Government. .. .if therefore his
| Majesty were pleased to have a line
run from 41 40 in Delaware River
to the Falls upon the Susquehanna
and let Mr. Penn keep all below that
it would be sufficient for him the
bounds below it would contain more
than all England besides the lower
Counties which is near upon 100
miles from the Cape to the River and
breadth more than 30 miles."

The New York Governor here
thinks it a great mistake that Penn s
Province should extend so far as its
present boundary and that Indian
difficulties arise from this cause.

1684 Dungan Proposes a Fort on the

Susquehanna River to Command

Indian Trade.

Governor Dungan in Vol. 5 of the
Sec. Series of the Penna. Archives,
p. 756 says, "to preserve the Beaver
and Peltry Trade for Albany and to
encourage our beaver hunters, I de
sire to erect a campagne Fort upon
Delaware River in latitude 41 and
! 40 1 ; another upon the Susquehanna
where his Majesty shall think fit that
Penn s boundary should terminate;
and another at Oneigra near the
Great Lake the way where our people
go beaver-hunting, it being very nec
essary for the support of trade and
maintaining a correspondence with
the Indians."

In this we see that the Governor

134

ANNALS OF THE SUSQITEHANNOCKS AND

of New York was determined on con-
trolling the trade of the Susquehanna
Indians for which purpose he wanted
the Port at the Falls of the Susque-
hanna, and by which means he want
ed to take about half of the Province
of Pennsylvania.

IG84 The Five Nations Oppose Wil
liam Penn Settling the Susque-
luiiifin Kiver, Instigated by
Groyernor Dungan.

In the same book last quoted, p.
753 we are given a glance of what |
the Onondagoes, Cayugas and others
think of Penn s Susquehanna activi
ties. It is there set forth by these
two tribes of the Five Nations thatv
they have put themselves and their
lands under the protection of the
King and have given the Susque
hanna River to the Governor of New
York; they propose that "Penn s
people must not settle under the Sus
quehanna River." The writer then
goes on to say, "my Lord Effingham
is desired to take notice that Penn s
agents would have bought the Sus
quehanna river of them, but they
would not, but fastened it to the
Government of New York; they being
a free people uniting themselves to
the English,it may forever be in their
(Susquehannocks) power to give
their lands to what Sachem they
please."

It is not difficult to see here how
much influence the Five Nations act
ing with the Governor of New York
had in seducing the Susquehannocks
away from Penn s interests, thus giv
ing Penn very serious problems to
deal with.

As further evidence of the diffi
culty that William Penn had in buy
ing the Susquehanna lands from the
Indians I quote what one of the Five
Chiefs said at Philadelphia on July
3, 1727, concerning these purchases

in 1683 and 1684. This chief was at
Philadelphia with several others and:
he said that when Penn was at Al
bany trying- to buy the Susquehanna
land, he (Penn) said to the Five Na
tions, Well, my brethren you have
gained the victory. You have over
come the people and the land is
yours. We shall buy them of you.
How many commanders are there
among you? And being told there
were 40, he said: "If you will come
down to me I will give each of these
commanders a suit of clothes such as
I wear," (See 3 C. R., 372). From
this we see that Penn had to go to
New York to deal.

1685 Penn Succeeds in Making An-

other Land Purchase, Stretching

Back to the Susquehanua

River.

In Vol. 1 of Watson s Annals, pp.
| 142 and 143 is set forth a land treaty
I under the date of the 30th of July,
1685 between Penn on the one part
j and Shackoppoh, Secane, Malibore
; and Tangoras, Indian Shackamakers
and owners of the land between
Chester Creek and Dublin Creek be
ginning at Conshohookin (Matson s
Fort) on the River Schuylkill then
to go northwestwardly to the woods
to make up two full days journey, as
far as a man can travel in two days,
which Watson says extends back to
the Susquehanna River and no fur
ther at that time in that treaty, the
consideration is 200 fathoms of wam-
j pum, 30 guns, 60 fathoms of strawd-
i waters, 30 kettles, 30 shirts, 20 gun
j belts, 12 pairs of stockings, 30 pairs
of scissors, 30 combs, 30 axes, 30
knives, 20 tobacco tongs, 30 bars of
i lead, 30 pounds of powder, 30 awls,
I 30 glasses, 30 tobacco boxes, 3 papers
j of beads, 44 pounds of red lead, 30
1 pairs of hawks bells, 6 drawing

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

135

knives, 6 caps, and 12 hoes. We can
not tell much about the boundaries
of this strange sale of lands, but the
deed for the same may be seen in
Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p. 92.
There is, however a letter by Thomas
Holmes to the Indians above named
briefly describing this land dated the
7th of July, 1688 which may be found
in Vol. 3 of the Memoirs of the His
torical Society, Part 2, p. 131. As it is
connected with this purchase but at
the same time contains items falling
under 1688, I will notice it at large
under the latter date of 1688 to which
date the reader is referred for the
full particulars under an item en
titled, "The Boundaries *of the Walk
ing Purchases of 1685 and 1686 ex
tending to Susquehanna River, and
the Fixing of the Boundary lines
Thereof."

1685 Another Tract Purchased by

Penn Which May Extend to the

Susquehanna River.

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 95, there is set forth a deed from
Petkhoy Kekelappan, Feomus Mack-
aloha and Packenah and several
other Indians for all the land be
tween Duck Creek and Chester Creek
along the West side of the Delaware
and between the two creeks back
ward as far as a man can ride in tw
days with a horse for the considera
tion of 20 guns, 20 fathoms of Mate
coats, 20 fathoms of strawdwater, 20
blankets, 20 kettles, 20 pounds of
powder, 100 bars lead, 40 tomahawks
100 knives, 40 pairs of stockings, 1
barrel of beer, 20 pounds of red lead,
100 fathoms of wampum, 30 glass
bottles, 30 pewter spoons, 100 awl
blades, 300 tobacco pipes, 100 hands
of tobacco, 20 tobacco tongues, 20
steels, 300 flints, 30 pairs of scissors,
SO combs, 60 looking-glasses, 200
needles, 1 skiple of salt, 30 pounds of

shugar, 5 gallons of mollasses, 20 to
bacco boxes, 100 juice harps, 20 hows
30 gimlets, 30 wooden borers, and 100
strings of beads.

Two days of horse-back riding
would bring one to the Susquehanna
River but at what part of the river
this land joins it, we cannot tell
either to what extent the Susque
hanna Indians joined in the deed but
we to recognize in it the names of
Mackaloha and Kepelappan, who by
prior deeds each sold small pieces of
land towards the Susquehanna River
as the deeds themselves show, for
which see ante.

This tract is also similar to the one
preceding and therefore Thomas
Holmes letter likely refers to it as
well as to the preceding tract for
these are both "walking purchases."
See under the date of 1688 the letter
of Holmes and the other explanations
under the title "The Boundaries of
the Walking Purchases of 1685 and

1686 Extending to the Susquehanna
River, and the Fixing of the Bound
ary Lines Thereof."

1687 Council Orders that No Offense

be Given the Susauehanna

Indians.

The first few years of Penn s Gov
ernment gives as very little on the
subject of the Indians of the Susque
hanna Country. It is said that they
were present at the great treaty at
Philadelphia and frequeDtly went to
Philadelphia., but there is very little
official record of it. However, at the
Council meeting on the 10th of May,

1687 it was ordered that "as to the
Susquehanua and Schuylkill Indians,
we hope s-ich care and diligence will
be taken as will give no just occasion
for offense." This order was called
forth because a letter from the Gov
ernor of New York stated there was
likely to be difficulty between the

136

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Susquehanna Indians and the New 1 1688 The Boundaries of the Walking:

York subjects.

1687 Indian Koad or Trail from the
Susciuehanna River to the Dela
ware Kiver.

William Penn writing in 16 90 says
that "three years ago" a road was
definitely cut and laid out between
Philadelphia and the Susquehanna
country which he says is the course
the Indians on the Susquehanna took

Purchases of 1685 and 1686 Ex-

tending 1 to Susquehanna River,

and the Fixing of the

Boundary Lines

Thereof.

Under the date of the 7th of July,
1688 Thomas Holmes wrote a letter
to the Indian Chiefs who sold to
Penn in 1683 and 1686 the land
stretching from the Susquehanna
River to the Delaware River, which

when trading in Philadelphia. He j letter may be f(mnd in Vol 3 Qf
says they also had a way by water Memoirs of tne Historical Society,

going up a branch or tributary of the
Susquehanna (which I believe is the
Conestoga), thence down a branch
which flows into the Schuylkill 30
miles from Philadelphia (wtiich I be-

part 2, p. 131 and is entitled "A letter
as to Indian Lands at Susquehanna
and the article in which it occurs is
called "Indian Treaties for Lands

Now the Site of Philadelphia" by
lieve is French Creek). The sources I John Watson&gt; TMs letter is as fol .
of the Conestoga and French Creek | lowg . (&lt;To My yery Loying Friends:
are only a few miles apart and this j Shakahoppah&gt; Secane) Malibor and

a Tangoras, Indian Kings, and to Mack-

ecarbo, Wawoan, Tenoughan, Tericha

Neson, Haiken, Indian Shackamak-

ers: Whereas I have purchased and

I bought of you, the Indian Kings and

Penn says of the trail may be found
in Vol. 1 of Hazard s Reg., p. 400. I
cite this to show that there were
Susquehanna Indian trade activities

at this time with the Philadelphia shackamakers~ fo7thruse of William

Penn all your lands from Pamapeck

1687 Ralph Fretwell s Visit to the i Creek to Upland Creek and so back ~

I ward to Chesapeake Bay and Susque-
Susquehanna Indians.

In Vol. 19 of the Second Series of
the Penna. Archives, p. 13 there is
a letter from William Penn referring
to the Susquehanna Country dated

1687 and in it he speaks of Ralph

hanna two days journey that is to
say as far as a man can go in two
days as under the hands and seals of
you the said Kings may appear; and

to the end I may have a certain
knowledge of the lands backwards
Fretwell having ridden out to view j and that I may be enabled and be
that river, the Susquehanna. What i provided against the time for running
Fretwell s mission was I can not tell ! the said two days journey I appoint
except it may have been connected \ and authorize my loving friend Ben-
with the Susquehanna project and it ! jamin Chambers, of Philadelphia.with
may have been taken before 1687 but | a convenient number of men to as-
we can not tell anything about that. ! sist him to make out a westerly line
It is quite certain, however, that he from Philadelphia to Susquehanna,
had a conference with the Indians that so the said line may be prepared
in that section for the benefit of the ! and made ready for said two days
Province of Pennsylvania. j journey backward hereafter when no-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIANS

137

tice is given you, the said Kings....
....Witness my hand & seal the 7th
of the fifth month called July, being
the fourth year of the reign of the
Great King of England and the eighth
of our Proprietor William Penn s
Government."

(Signed) THOMAS HOLMES.

In the same book and on the same
page John Watson says, "The fore
going is recorded in a large folio in
the Land Office at Harrisburg in
Book 14, Old Surveys and Registry
of Land Warrants. With the same
paper is a diagram of the ground plot
of the survey. It goes in a direct line
from Philadelphia to a spot on the
Susquehanna River about three miles
above the mouth of the Conestoga
Creek near a spot marked Fort De
molished. The lines cross two In
dians paths, running each Northwest
by North, the first at 15 miles from
Philadelphia, at Rocky Run and the
other 38 miles distant near a rivulet
two miles beyond Doe Run. "

It might be a matter of curiosity
at this day to observe and ascertain
the precise locality of those primitive
roads and passes used from time im
memorial by the aborigines probably
the only ones so specificially marked
in our country.

It will be observed that even be
fore Penn s day there had been a
Fort constructed by some Christian
people upon the shores of that (Sus
quehanna) river.

This throws some light on both of
the walking purchases and shows that
they both extended back to the Sus
quehanna River. As to these pur
chases see the Articles under the
date of 1685, setting forth these two
purchases the one as far back as a
man could walk in two days the
other as far back as a man could
ride in two days, both reached the
Susquehanna.

There is a tradition that the In
dians were much dissatisfied with
a purchase that Penn had made from
them to be measured by walking and
the objecton that the Indians made
was that while it was to be measured
in that manner the young English
men walked farther and faster than
they expected, in fact they complain
ed that they ran or as they put it,
"young brother make a big walk."
This as we have said before is also
another authority on the location of
the Susquehanna Fort, to wit: three
miles above the mouth of the Cones-
toga Creek which would place it on
the rocky cliffs between Highville
and Creswell, a place absolutely in
accessible from the Susquehanna
River and being that great rocky
bluff over 200 feet high, extending
perpendicularly to the edge of the
river through which the low grade
branch of the Pennsylvania Railroad
has recently constructed at the cost
at that place of nearly $1,000,000 a
mile. When this Fort was demolish
ed can not be ascertained but under
the date of 1664 it is stated that
"Francis White is by an order of the
House gone on a special service for
the Province of Maryland to the Sus-
quehannock Fort, etc." See Vol. 1 of
the Maryland Archives, p. 511.

This would indicate that the Fort
was standing at this time but Holmes
says in 1688 it was demolished and
it is so marked on his draft. The
location of the old Susquehannock
Fort has given rise to a great deal of
speculation.

That a definite line in 1688 should
be run from Philadelphia to the Sus
quehanna River, to a point 3 miles
above the mouth of the Conestoga
Creek, to a specific spot "Demolish
ed Fort" is very remarkable and
noteworthy. This was only six years
after Penn s arrival and before even

138 ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Indian Traders from Philadelphia j it shows the continual fear to which
were here. It shows that at j Conestoga was subject. A subsequent
that time there were occasional &gt; article will also show that the Sen-
searchings into the woods and that j ecas had not drifted from the Eng-
not only the Susquehanna, but also | lish to the French but were the
the Forts were well known. Our In- i friends of the English and our In
dians no doubt journeying to Phila- dians on the Susquehanna and that
delphia as we see by the Colonial - the only foundation for this rumor
Records they did during and before ; was that a company of Senecas had
this year, give accounts of the Glor- j a misunderstanding with the French
ies of the Susquehanna River. I and intended to come to the Susque-

, ; hanna to live.
lt&gt;89 Humor that the French and

Senecas are Coming to Destroy i 1689 The First French Traders L T p
the Conestoeri and Sur- Among the Indians of

rounding Settlements. Susquehanna,

By the year 1689 it would appear | At p . 2 99 of the book cited in the
a great change had come over the ; last item we have a reference to
Five Nations as to their attitude to- j "Captain Letort, a Frenchman living
ward the Indians of the Susquehanna j up the country." This was the fain-
country. It seems that the French by ous James Letort who with his wife
this time had won them over from Ann were Indians traders along the
the English. At any rate under this J Susquehanna River. I do not know
date in Vol. 1 of the Colonial Rec., j just where he lived at this time but it
p. 299 it is set forth that the Gov- i s likely that he was among the In-
ernor acquainted the Council that he dians of this neighborhood because a
called the Council together for the few years later he was known as an
particular reason that it was rumored j old resident about Conestoga. It is
that 8000 French and Indians in con- ! likely too that he had associate

traders as early as 1689 because in
Vol. 2 of the Colonial Records, p.
131 under the date of 1704 it is stated
that Martin Charter "has lived a long

junction with the Papists were com
ing toward Conestoga and Maryland
and that neighborhood for the pur
pose of ruining the Protestants in

Maryland and Delaware, and that the j time among the Shawnese " Indians
Sheriffs and Justices of the Counties | and upon the Susquehanna." And
of Delaware are coming themselves | 1698 is not even a long time before
for defense. He further stated that : i 70 4. So that we deem it safe to say
he had received a letter from "Cap- here that these two were the earliest
tain Letort, a Frenchman living up ; traders among the Susquehanna In-
the country, agreeing therewith." dians. Rupp also says in his history
This rumor first arose in April of of Lancaster County, p. 53 that Mar-
1689 and grew out of two letters sent tin Charter had a trading station
to the Council by the Justices and among the Shawnese at Pequea near
Sheriffs of Sussex County, stating Conestoga. As to this man James
there was an intended invasion on Letort, while he was a Frenchman it
Maryland "by Sennekers (Senecas) is stated at p. 100 of Vol. 2 of the
and French." This latter reference Colonial Records that he was "bred
is found at page 277 of the same book. in It (Pennsylvania) from his in-
It turned out to be unfounded but fancy," so it appears that he was a

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

139

long time in some part of Pennsy
lvania.

1690 A Commissioner Seat Up to the

Schuylldll and Susquehanna

Country Indians.

In Vol. 10 of the Colonial Records,
p. 334, under the date of 1690 it is
stated that Lassie Cock intends to
go up the Schuylkill among our In
dians and he was instructed to make
particular inquiry concerning the am
munition which the few French fam
ilies had, who lived up on that river.
Here again we see the fear of French
invasion and the danger of the French
weaning our Indians to them at this
time. We must also notice that the
French were actually living on the
Upper Schuylkill and our Indians
were very much afraid because of it.

1680 Susqueliamia Indians Trading
With Philadelphia.

It will be remembered that William
Penn in the year 1690 in his prospec
tus concerning the settlement and a
new County on the Susquehanna,
which is set out in Vol. 1 of Haz.
Reg., p. 400, speaks of the Susque
hanna Indians trading with Phila
delphia at this time and prior by
means of a branch of the Susque
hanna River which lies near a branch
of the Schuylkill. We have spoken
of this before but I quote it now
merely for the purpose of calling at
tention to the fact that there was In
dian trade at this time west to the
Susquehanna River; its common
course by water was up the Cones-
toga to its source then three or four
miles over-land to the source of
French creek then down French
creek to the Schuylkill and down the
Schuylkill. William Penn speaks of
it as follows, saying that this was
the "common course of the Indians
with their skins and furs into our
parts and to the Province and East

and West Jersey from the Western
parts of the continent, where they
bring them." He also says that they
had a more direct course "laid out
between the two rivers very exactly
and conveniently at least three years
ago." All this goes to show that the
Susquehanna tribes of Indians were
trading at this date with Philadelphia.

1690 Campanius on the Minquas and
Other Indians of the Susquehanna.

We have spoken before under a
much earlier date (as early as 1640
to 1650) of the trade which Old Cam
panius says existed between the Sus-
quehannocks and the Swedish settle
ments. He wrote however, about the
year 1690, and from his writings we
infer that what he said existed earl
ier continued at this latter date and
for a particular description of it the
reader is referred to ante, p. 26.

1690 A Branch of the Senecas At

Enmity With the French Design

to Come to Susquehanna

and Lire.

In Vol. 8 of the Maryland Archives,
p. 181, there is a letter from Jacob
Young to Hanns John Good, Com-
mander-in-Chief of Maryland, near
the Potomac in which he says: "Sir
I have no great matter further than
this at this time. There are at my
house 14 Chinockes (Senecas), and
they tell me they have cut off the
principal place of Canada, except the
place where the Government doth
reside. They likewise tell me they
have at the fort they belong to Unan-
dake (Onondago) above 100 prison
ers of the French and the rest of the
posts have rather more. These Sen
ecas came from their own country
about the last of April and their in
tent is to settle among the Susque
hanna Indians here upon the Susque
hanna River for there are some of

140

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

every fort of the Senecas coming
down to them and they tell me that
their great men will be down very
shortly. I do desire your Honor s
instructions what I may do with
them as soon as possible you can.
Nothing else at present but my ser
vices to your honor, I am yours to
command," (Signed) Jacob Young.

I believe from this it will be plain
to see the Sheriffs and Justices of
the counties of Delaware were en
tirely mistaken in their report that
9000 French and Senecas were com
ing down to destroy the settlements
at Conestoga, on the Susquehanna
and through Maryland. I believe
that this article explains it fully that
t was nothing more or less than
these Senecas coming down among
our Susquehanna Indians; and also
that it is not true that the French
were with them but these Senecas
plainly show they had severed friend
ly relations with the French and be
cause of the enmity between them
and the French large numbers of
them intended to settle on the Sus
quehanna among the English. We
also see here how exaggerated the
reports of Indians invasions were
likely to become, the actual coming
of a couple of dozen was rumored to
be 9000. It shows to us very clearly
the nervous and fearful life the early
Colonists lived.

1690 The Senecas and Susquehanna

Indians Want to Confirm Peace

With Maryland

In Vol. 8 of the Maryland Archives
P. 207 there is a letter from Mr. Neal
Blakiston to the Governor of Mary
land in which he says that the Pis-
cataway Indians complain that their
men are being killed in Maryland and
they think that the Susquehannocks
are doing it. The letter then pro
ceeds to say, "The Indian Convention

for this Province is to meet at St.
Mary s the 29th. When there we ex
pect to see some of the Senecas and
Susquehannocks who have sent to the
Governor expressing their desire to
treat with us and to confirm the for
mer league of friendship to which the
Committee return them a very ami
cable answer signifying our readiness
to embrace and ratify the same; and
in case they could not afford us an

^ interpreter, then a time is to be fixed
and a place is to be appointed for

j that purpose, and we will furnish an

I interpreter."

This amicable spirit of the Susque
hannocks shows itself quite plainly
here.

1692 An Indian Expedition Up the
Susquehanna.

In Vol. 8 of the Maryland Archives,
P. 343, there is a letter dated July
18, 1692 which is written by John
Thomas to Mr. George Ashman and
t is as follows: "I have been up at
Captain Richardson s this very day
I with 16 horse and we were going
| up to Mr. Thurston s hut, I was very
j well informed that the Indians were
gone away up the Susquehanna, and
they were peaceable and did nobody
any harm and very friendly they
were. But later the Indians did fire
off several guns at the hogs and kill
ed some of them." From this it ap
pears that Maryland Indians were
journeying back and forth in business
intercourse with the Susquehannocks.
1692 Testimony Concerning the
Drench Among the Susque-

hannocks.

In Vol. 8 of the Maryland Archives
PP. 517 and 518 there appear cer
tain depositions taken before the
Council of Maryland on the subject of
improper friendliness between the
French and the Susquehannock In
dians. It is there stated that Captain

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

141

Herman and Jacob Young were call
ed and examined and they say that
the Susquehannock Indians now
brought down declared that they know
those other Indians at the head ofjthe
Bay to come from the Southward and
are called the Stabbernowle; and that
generally all the Indians in their
parts know them to be the same;
then the Frenchmen and Indians were
called in, viz: one Susquehannock and
another a King of the Southern In
dians. Demand was made of the Sus
quehannock Indians how long the
.Frenchmen have been among them.
The Susquehannock Indians said,
"When those strange Indians went
Northward then the Frenchmen came
to them nearly two years and have
since been traveling toward the
Southward before they found a con
venient place of setting down and
there they lived three years. The
Seneca woman told him, the said In
dian, that a Frenchman about five
years ago ran away from the North
ern Indians to the Southern Indians
being reduced to a small number and
as it were newly grown up, they de
sire the power of the Governor and
Council that they may have liberty
to come and settle upon their own
lands and the Susquehannock Fort
and to be taken and treated as
friends and have liberty to come
among the English without molestta-
tion."

It was answered that their fort, as
they called it falling within the limits
of another government, viz: Penn
sylvania, this government can take no
notice thereof and if as they pretend
they are in league with the Mohawks,
our friends, we shall not disturb
them as long as they live peacebly.

It was then decided as far as the
Susquehannock Indians were con
cerned that they may continue at
their fort and as they are inclined

j to enter into a league with us there,
I may be some of their great men may
| come down to confirm the same, and
i if they do they shall be kindly treat-
j ed, and then also must make choice
I of some great man to preside over
j them as Captain Civility formerly
did and as they now desire. Then
the interpreter asked the Susque-
hann Indians, since the Government
| have declared their opinion concern
ing the strange Indians what nation
| they were of; and the Susquehanna
j Indians replied that there are two
| parties of them, one going to the
! Northward, designing to join the
j Senecas in their war, and those here
j who have desired to settle among us
and be at peace and are called the
Stabbernowle Indians."

The whole tenor of this interview
I shows that there is a pretty sound
I peace now established between the
Susquehanna Indians and Maryland
and also between them and the In
habitants of Pennsylvania. It must
be remembered however, at this time
there were no Pennsylvania in
habitants in and about Conestoga ex
cept the one or two traders of whom
we have already spoken.

1693 The Letorts Suspected of Dis
affection Against the English

In Vol. 1 of the Colonial Records,
p. 396 under the date of 1693 is set
for an information against Ann Le-
tort who several weeks before the
date of the complaint had some con
versation with an Indian King who
resented the unkindness of the Eng-
I lish and said that the English would
soon all be driven out and that the
French were making overtures to
the Pennsylvania Indians again for
the land and will take it from the
English. This Indian King said that

142

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Peter Bassillion and Madam Letort
told him this and that they were in
terested in helping the French.

The information further sets forth
that about a year before strange In
dians came to Letort s plantation and
would not tell anything about their
business; at another time Anna Le
tort said that there was no path for
the Swedes and English rogues
through the country near her house
and she also ran and got a horse
whip and lashed one of the men and
called for others to help her. This
complaint also states that about a
year ago Bassallion and Mrs. Le
tort sent a lot of letters to certain
strange Indians.

As a result of the complaint Mrs.
Ann Letort was brought before Coun
cil to make an answer and it appear
ed that she and her husband and
some other Frenchmen were rather
dangerous.At any rate the next month
a warrant was issued out against her
and Bassillion and several others to
come and stand trial. At the hearing
she denied everything and she was
left off rather easy. See (C. R., p.
435.)

I cite this in connection with Lan
caster County Indian affairs because
Ann Letort and her husband lived
mostly at Conestoga; and Peter Bas
sallion did part of the time. As to
Bassallion see 2 C. R., p. 186. The
purpose of the article is to show
simply how much care was required
to prevent the French from weaning
away our Indians in this neighbor
hood.

1694 The Delaware Indians Visit
Philadelphia.

I speak of the Delaware Indians as
a tribe of the Susquehanna Country
because as we shall show later (2
Col. Rec., p. 469) they moved from the
Schuylkill River to the Susquehanna
River in 1709. They were the Indians

who after Braddock s defeat did the
murdering and scalping about Carlisle
and Shippensburg and other central
points of Pennsylvania.

In 1 C. R., p. 447 under the date of
1694 eight of the Delaware chiefs
visited the Council at Philadelphia
and represented to the Council that
the Five Nations especially the Sene-
cas had sent them, the Delawares, a
belt of wampum, stating that " you
Delaware Indians do nothing but
stay at home and boil your pots and
j are like women, while we, the Onon-
| dagoes and Senecas go abroad and
| fight against the enemy." They fur-
! ther complain that the Senecas want
I them to be partners to go and fight
against the French, but they say that
they, the Delawares are peaceful In
dians and do not intend to go, and
are going to the Indians of the Sus
quehanna river which River they af
terwards made their home.

1694 Two Susq ueha nnock Indian
Chiefs Visit the Council.

In Vol. 1 of the Colonial Records,
p. 448, it is stated that at three
| o clock on the 6th day of July, 1694
I it was decided to send the belt back.
This is sufficient to show the re-
j lation of these Delaware Indians with
| Lieutenant Governor Markham ; and
i his Council were acquainted that
| Kyanharro and Oriteo two Susque-
i hanna Indians present and had some
thing to say and in replying could
not be understood, and desire Menan-
j zes to speak for them.

Their message to Council was that
a certain Indian come from the Cay-
ugas to the Susquehanna s (Kyan-
! harro s) house to see him, and that
on the way they had to fight the Tit-
was or naked Indians. And the Sus-
j quehanna King desired that the Gov
ernment would allow these visiting
Indians to live with at Susquehanna

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

143

under protection.

1694 The Five Nations Desert the
English ; and Join the French, and
Want to Compel the Susquehanna
Indians and Other Pennsylvania
Indians to Desert Also.
Under the date of the 23rd of May
1694, in Vol. 1 of the Colonial Re
cords, p. 459 is set forth a statement
of Governor Benjamin Fletcher, who
at this time was Governor of Pennsyl
vania as well as New York, the King
of England having taken the Govern
ment out of Penn s hands) to the
effect that "the Five Nations were
now debauched to the French inter
ests and are entering into a league
with the Governor of Canada."
Fletcher then says, "I must assure
you that our Indians here will be
compelled to join in this fatal con
federacy."

Nothing need be added to this ex
cept that consequences of a very ser
ious nature are about to befall the
Indians of the Susquehanna River;
and that they are now evidently be
tween the Devil and the deep sea.

1696 Susquehannocks, Senecas and
Shawnese Now All at Peace with
Maryland.

It would seem that the defection of
the Five Nations to the French did
not last very long because at this
date only two years later it is stat
ed in 19th Maryland Archives, p.
319 at a Council held in Maryland,
that "Colonel Herman acquaints the
House that the Senecas, Susquehan-
nas and Shawnese Indians have de
sired peace with this Province and
also that they might be in league
and trade with us."

So here it appears that at least the
Senecas, if not all of the Five Na
tions want both peace and trade ar
rangements with the English in

Maryland.

The same facts are noticed in the
I proceedings of the Assembly of Mary-
| land, in Vol. 19, of the Maryland
| Archives, p. 363 where it was "re
solved that his Excellency the Gover
nor be acquainted that this house
have discoursed with Colonel Her
man, who acquaints them that the
Relique of the Senecas and Susque-
hannas with the Shawnese had de
sired peace with this Province, and
that they might be in league and
trade here; and that the House de
sires of his Excellency, if he think"
it may be beneficial to this Province
to enter into peace with them."
1696 Letort and Bazallion, the Sus
quehanna River Indian Traders,

Also Operate in Maryland.
In Vol. 20 of the Maryland Arch
ives, p. 470 is set forth a part of a
letter from William Markham, Gov-
j ernor of Pennsylvania to the Gover
nor of Maryland as follows: Sir:
Upon a copy of what Colonel Herman
gave unto your Excellency and Coun-
| cil, I shall require security for Bas-
; sallion and Letort, though I know
will still be uneasy until he gets all
the Indian trade himself. I have
j known Colonel Herman a long time
and that he trades for himself in the
, Susquehanna is better known than
I trusted. I enclose to your Excellency
I what I found among cast away
i papers. Bassallion was in equal par-
1 tnership with Petit and Sallway,
though it went in only their own
I names, Bassallion coming in after
! the other had forwarded for the voy-
i age and after the cargo was over-
j thrown, I demanded the left cargo
and Bassalion had one-third. As
to Letort, he is a Protestant, was
sent over in the year 1686 with a
considerable cargo and several
French Protestants to settle 30,000

144

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

acres of land up the Schuylkill that | direction he first leases them to Penn
they had bought from William Penn for 1000 years and then sells them to
and that is the place he lives at. ! him absolutely. This lease is found
Other houses were built and families j at page 121 of Vol. 1 of the Penna.
settledthem that he brought with j Archives, and is as follows:
him, but being so far up in the coun- j THIg INDENTURE, made the
try they deserted him. This Letort j twelfth day of January ,Anno Dom.,

ship I 1696, and in the Eighth Yeare of the

reigne Qf Qur Sovereigll) Lord Wil _
the Third&gt; Ring of England;

was going for England in the
with Governor Hamilton but he was
taken. Letort was carried to Tholoun &gt;

and narrowly escaped the galleys but | between Thomas Dongan, late Gover-
after a long and hard usage got into | nor Qf New York and now of Lo ndon,
England, where he became acquaint- | Egq ^ Qf the Qne part&gt; and William
edwith theWest Jersey Company and j penn Governor of the Province of
they understanding that his house Pensilvania in America, of the other
stood upon the Schuylkill upon a con- part witnes seth that the said
venient place for trade with the In- Thom as Dongan) for and in consid-
dians contracted with him to trade | eratioll) of the sum of one hundre d
for them there; and wrote to their j pmmds Qf Uwful money Qf England
agent to supply him with goods. It j t() him Jn hand paid; by the gaid
is not many days since that he went I Wllllam Penn&gt; the right wher eof is
to Burlington to make up his account | hereby acknowledged&gt; H ATH demis-

with the agent, intending to soon as
conveniently can for England. Gov
ernor Hamilton will give a very good
account of him."

This letter by Markham makes
clear where this famous James Le
tort lived before he moved to Cones-
toga, and it also shows that his trade
as well as Bassallion s extended over
a wide territory all the way from the
Schuylkill to the Susquehanna and j
even to the Potomac.

1696 Governor Dungan Leases Back

to Penn the Land to Dungan

by the Susqueliannock

Indians.

In Vol. 2 of Smith s laws, p. Ill it
is stated that the deed from the In
dians to Governor is not known to
exist. We have, however, shown that
all this Susquehanna land was sold
by our Indians to Dungan about 1684.
Now during a lapse of 12 years Dun
gan as we have shown in the former
article held the lands only in trust
for the Indians; and now at their

sed and granted, and by these pre
sents doth demise and grant unto the
said William Penn, ALL that Tract
of Land lyeing upon, on both sides of
the River commonly called or known
by the name of the Susquehanna
River and the Lakes adjacent, in our
near the Province of Pennsylvania,
in America, Beginning at the moun
tains or head of the said river, and
running as far as and into the Bay
of Chesapeake, with all Isles, Is
lands, Mines, Minerals, Woods, Fish
ings, Hawkings, huntings, Fowlings,
and all other Royalties, profits, com-
odityes and hereditaments unto the
same belonging which the said
Thomas Dungan lately purchased of
or had given him by Sinneca Susque
hanna Indians and also all the lands,
hereditaments, Isles, Islands, Rivers,
Royalties, mines, minerals, lakes,
waters, profitts, priviledges, and ap-
putenances, whatsoever lyeing on
both sides of the Susquehanna River,
and near adjoining thereto, which he
the said Thomas Dungan did, at, any

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

145

time purchase, or which were at any
time given unto them by the said In- I
dians, or any of them. TO HAVE j
AND TO HOLD, unto the said Wil- j
Ham Penn, his Executors, Adminis
trators and Assigns, from the day of
date hereof, for and unto the end and
Term of One Thousand years, PAY
ING unto the said Thomas Dongan,
his Executors and Administrators,
yearly, and every year on the First
day of St. Mitchell, the Arch Angell,
the rent of a pepper Corn, if the same
shall be lawfully demanded to the
intent and purpose that by force and
virtue of these presents and of the
Statute for transferring of uses into
possession, the said William Penn
may be in the actuall possession of
the premisses, and may thereby be
the better enabled to attempt and
take a grant, release or other Con
veyance, of the revercion and inheri
tance thereof, to the use of Himself,
his heirs and Assigns forever. IN
WITNESSE whereof the said parties
as Duplicates to the other Indentures
of the same contents and are here
with sett their hands. Scales Dated
the day and year first above written.
THOMAS DUNGAN, (L. S.)

Sealed and delivered, being first
Stampt according to Act of Parliiant
in ye presence of

SAM. VAUS,
FR*. HARDING,
WM. SPRINGETT."
1696 Governor Dungan Now Deeds

Back to Penn Absolutely, the
Lands Sold to Him in Trust
by the Susquehan-
nocks.

The reason that the Governor first
leased these .same lands to Penn was
to meet an old law, which required
that in order that a perfect estate
might be taken by a purchaser
should first have a lease hold in the

same. At least it is so stated in the
lease and deed which we are now
considering. The deed of this Sus-
quehanna Country may be found in
Vol. 1 of the Pennsylvania Archives,
p. 122, as follows:

"THIS INDENTURE made the
Thirteenth day of January, Anno
Dom., 1696, and in the eighth year of
the reign of our Soverign Lord, Wil
liam, the Third, King of England,
etc., BETWEEN, Thomas Dongan late
Governor of New Yorke, and now of
London, Esq., of the one part, and
William Penn, Governor of the Pro
vince of Pennsilvania, in America, of
the other part, W T ITNESSETH that
the said Thomas Dongan, for, and in
consideration of the sum of One Hun
dred Pounds of lawfull money of
England, to him in hand paid, by the
said William Penn,the receipt where
of is hereby acknowledged, HATH
j granted, Enfeffoed, released, and
confirmed, and by these presents doth
grant, enfeoffe, release and confirm
| unto the said William Penn, and his
heirs, ALL that Tract of land, lye-
ing upon, on both sides of the river
commonly or known, by the name of
! Susquehanna River, and the Lakes
| adjacent in or neare the Province of
Pennsylvania in America, beginning
at the Mountains or head of the said
i river, and running as far as and into
1 the Bay of Chesapeake, with all Isles,
; Islands, Mines, Minerals, Woods,
; Fishings, Hawkings, Huntings, Fowl-
! ings, and all ther Royalties, profitts,
i comodities, and hereditaments, unto
I the same belonging, which the said
! Thomas Dongan lately purchased of,
I or had given him by the Sennica Sus-
! quehanna Indians, and, also all the
: lands, hereditaments, Isles, Islands,
Rivers, Royalties, Mines, Minerals,
also Lakes, Waters, profits, privi-
ledges and appertences, whatsoever
belonging on both sides of the Sus-

146

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

quehanna River, and near and adja
cent thereto, which he the said
Thomas Dongan, did at any time pur
chase, or which were at any time
given unto him by the said Indians
or any of them which said islands and
premises are in the possession of the
said William Penn, by virtue of a
lease thereof, for One Thousand
years, bearing the date of the next
day next before the date hereof, TO
HAVE AND TO HOLD, to the said
William Penn, his heirs and assignes
to the only use and hehooffe of the
the said William Penn, his heirs and
assigns, AND the said Thomas Don
gan for himself, his heirs, Executors,
and Administrators, doth Covenant,
promise, grant and agree to and with
said William Penn, his heirs and
assignes by these presents, that he
the said Thomas Dongan, and his
heirs, all and singular, the said Lands
and Premises, with the appurtes un
to the said William Penn and his
heirs, against the said Thomas Don
gan, his heirs and Assigns and all
other person and persons, having or
claiming to have or claim from by
or under him, them or any of them,
and also against all and every the
Senneca, Sasquehanna Indians, shall
and will Warrant and forever defend.
IN WITNESS whereof the said part
ies have to these present Indentures,
oy Certificates to the other Indent
ures of the same intents and date
herewith interchangeably sett their
hands and seals, dated the day and
year first above written.

THOMAS DONGAN,
Sealed and delivered, being first
Stampt according to Act of Parlia
ment, in ye presence of
SAM. VAUS,
WM. SPRINGETT,
FR. HARDING."

! 1697 Erroneous Belief that the
Shawnese Indians Came to
Pequea in this Year.

It is generally stated that the
Shawnese came to Pequea in 1697
from the South but as we have shown
before this is the wrong date.
They came here in 1678, See on this

| same subject Vol. 1 of the Penna.

| Archives, p. 312 and Vol. 3 of the

j Colonial Records, p. 441.

! 1697 Steelman Goes as Spy to Su-
quehanna River: Only 40 Origi
nal Susquehanuocks Left.

j In Vol. 19 of the Maryland Archives
p. 519 it is set forth as part of the
proceedings of the Maryland Assem-
! bly that "the Speaker attended by
i the whole House came and Captain
Hans Steelman being called into con-
i ference was required to give an ac-
: count of what he has done pursuant
j to the order of the Council given him
in charge; and he says that accord
ing to the order he went to the Sus-
quehannocks and other Indians at
the head of the Bay; that the Dela
ware King and the Chanhannan
King would have come along with
him, but that their great men were
gone abroad a hunting and because
he understood that the rest were
willing to come down about a month
hence, he did not bring them with
him.

He reports that at Carristauga
(Conestoga) the Susquehanna and
Seneca Indians have about 40 young
lusty men besides women and chil
dren; that the Sheavana (Sawnese)
Indians being about 30 men besides
their women and children, are living
within four miles of Carristauga
lower down and submit themselves
and pay tribute to the Susquehanna
Indians and the Senesas.

He says that the Delaware Indians
live at Ninguannan about nine miles

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

147

from the head of the Elk River and
15 miles from Christiana and 30
miles from Susquehanna River, and
are about 300 men and are tributary
to the Senecas and Susquehannocks,
50 of them being at Nuiguahannan \
and the rest upon Brandywine and
Upland Creeks.

He says that the Susquehannocks,
Delawares, and Shawnese do take
themselves to be and are inclinable
to be under this Province because of
their hunting within the same be
twixt the Susquehanna and the Poto-
macs; and finally he says that too
many people trade with these In
dians," See also pp. 565 and 566.

1698 The Ganawese Indians Ask
Permission to Settle In Penn
sylvania.

In Lyle s History of Lancaster
County, p. 11 it is stated that this
year the G anawese Indians went to
Philadelphia to obtain permission to
settle in Pennsylvania. This date
seems to be a year or two earlier
than the correct date. In Vol. 2 of
the Colonial Records, p. 191 under the
date of 1705 it is stated that "five
years ago the Ganawese or Piscata-
ways settled in this Province near the
head of the Potomac. Here they just
had settled with the consent of the
Proprietary and that the Conestoga
Indians at that time became a guaran
tee for the good behavior of the Gana
wese but later in the year of 1705
these Ganawese asked to move to an
other part of Pennsylvania."

Miss Lyle in her History also says
that the Ganawese settlement was
about Washington Borough, See p.
12.
1698 Chalkley s Visit to the Indians

in These Parts

Thomas Chalkley, the Quaker
preacher in his collection of works
printed by James & Johnson in Phila

delphia in 1790. p. 16 says that he
went about the head of the Chesa
peake Bay and from there to George
Fruit s house; and that with this
friend he went to an Indian town not
far from his friend s house because
he had a desire to see these people,
having never seen any of them be
fore. I do not undertake to say, how
ever, that it was the Susquehanna
Indians that he visited, there being
several tribes along the Bay. Chalk-
ley in the same year made another
trip of which he tells us at page 23
of his works, saying that he travelled
from Philadelphia to Maryland and
visited friends on the western shore.
Therefore he likely came through the
Susquehanna Country and most cer
tainly did* if he reached the Western
shore by going around the head of
Chesapeake Bay instead of crossing
it.

1698 The Location of the Susque
hanna Remnant Determined.

In Vol. 22 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 50 a proceeding is set forth as
follows: "It is proposed that the As
sembly advise whether the Susque-
hannock Indians where they now live
be within the bounds of the Province
of Maryland or not, (Md. Archives,
14). And it was decided that as to
the Susquehannock Indians it is con
cluded they are not within this
(Maryland) Government; and as to the
method of holding an Assembly, the
House do not think fit to draw up a
method," (Do. p. 39). It was also
proposed "that the house should give
some answer whether they think it
necessary that the Government of
New York should be sent to about
the Indians and if they are of opin
ion that the Susquehannock Indians
do not live within the bounds of the
Province of Maryland, his Excel
lency will have nothing to do with

148

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

them since the House are not willing
that an ordinance should be passed
against such persons as entice people
out of the Province. Therefore this
Board do quit themselves of incon
venience and danger that may ap-
pear."

Here we see that the Susquehan-
nock Indians or the remnant of the
tribe are again on the Susquehanna
River north of the Maryland line.

1698-Maryland Again Makes a Treaty
With the Susquehanuocks.

In Vol. 22 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 168 the following note of a treaty
is set forth, being a proceeding in the
Assembly: "This House have read
the treaty made with the Indians at
the head of the Bay by Colonel
Thompson and others and do con
ceive that the Shawnese came from
the Southward and not in any ways
belonging to the Government of New
York; and the Susquehannock In
dians are at their old habitation
supposed to be without the limits of
this Province and that this House
has no assurance of any nation of
Indians at the head of the Potomac."

The treaty referred to as made by
Colonel Thompson included the Sus-
quehannocks.

1699 An Embassy Sent to Susque
hanna.

In Vol. 2 of the Maryland Arch.,
pp. 422 and 423 a report is given of
a session of the Assembly of Mary
land wherein it is stated, "The Com
missioners think it necessary that
James Frisby, Esq., or one of his
Majesty s council should be called
and also the members of the Bur
gesses of Baltimore County with what
other persons shall be thought fit to
be dispatched with all convenient
speed to the Susquehanna Indians to
see if they will ratify and confirm the
league already made with them to

enter into such further articles as
may be proposed to them: and as to
the Piscataway Indians which are
daily expected to come and settle
amongst us, if they should not come
in before the return of the messeng
ers to the Susquehanna Indians, that
the Governor shall use such measures
as he thinks fit."

In this we see it is true that
the Piscataways or Ganawese In
dians were moving their home about
this time; and this corresponds with
what we have quoted from the Colon
ial Records and other sources.

1699 An Act Proposed to Secure the

Frontier of Maryland from the

Invasion of the Susque-

hannocks.

In Vol. 22 of the Maryland Arch.,
pp. 509 and 510 under this date is
set forth an Act of Assembly to pre-
tect the frontiers of Maryland and it
is as follows:

"Whereas there has been a murder
committed by Indians on the frontier
plantations of Potomac River within
this Province; for the prevention of
the like for the future:

Be it enacted, etc., that Colonel
Ninian Beall and Captain Richard
Ownes with twelve troopers and six
foot soldiers do range in and about
the frontier plantations for the se
curity thereof, so long as his Excel
lency, the Lieutenant-Governor and
Council; and the committee herein-
j after appointed shall see convenient
j to continue the said rangers and that
| the said rangers shall be allowed the
! sum of 2 Shillings and 6 Pence for
each trooper per day, they finding
themselves horses, arms and provis
ions; and that the two commanders
be paid in money proportionate the
same rate; and that Thomas French
I provide for the rangers the quantity
! of 600 weight of pork and 1000 weight

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

149

of bisket to be deducted out of the
pa&gt; , and the said rangers and foot
soldiers to be levy-free during ser
vice, and they shall duly range and
in case any be found to straggle and
not perform their duty they shall lose
three days pay:

And finally, James Finley, Colonel
Adderson Thompson and John Hale
and what other persons they think
fit be dispatched with all convenient
speed to the Susquehanna Indians to
ratify and confirm the league former
ly made with them and to enter to
such further articles as by his Excel
lency, the Governor and Council and
the committee hereinafter appointed
shall propose to them that a present
be given to the said Susquehanna In
dians and the said committee join
with his Excellency, the Governor
and Council in advising such meas
ures as will suppress any violence
as may be offered this province by the
Indians, after the breaking up of the
present Assembly."

1700 An Objection Made to the Bill
for Defending Maryland.

In Vol. 24 of the Maryland Archives,
p. 24 under this date the bill for the
security of Maryland being read. Ob
jection was made against the whole
bill, that his Excellency had lately
made a peace with the Indians "wheth
er it was not more reasonable upon
the renewing of the peace, instantly
to withdraw the rangers and let the
Indians have the assurance that we
design firmly to observe our promise
and expect the same observance from
them; and to give no occasion to
diffidence and to leave the disposal
of the fort to them ; to do them all the
right they can by letting them quiet
ly enjoy their land; to secure the
friendship of the Susquehannocks
and the Eastern Shore Indians and
it was carried by a majority of

j voices against the bill."

Here we see that one party believ
ed that the Susquehannock friendship
would be more securely obtained by
withdrawing all troops and not al
lowing the rangers in the disputed
territory at all; so the bill was de-

| feated.

j 1700 An Act for Quieting the Dif
ferences Between Maryland and
the Indians.

j In Vol. 24 of the Maryland Archives,
I pp. 102 and 103 is set forth an Act
| of Assembly by Maryland as follows:
"Whereas, differences have and
may arise and grow between the Eng
lish and the Indians which for the
want of a speedy way of delivery the
same may make great changes and ill
conveniences, have and may happen
therefrom by controversey being
brought from the remotest parts of
the Province to be heard and testi-
i fied before the Governor and Coun-
j cil, the great trouble of the persons
I concerned.

Be it enacted that the persons in
the Act hereinafter mentioned and
| appointed be and hereby authorized
! and empowered to hear and deter-
j mine all matters of controverseywhaf
1 soever that may arise or happen be-
, tween the English and the Indians in
i private or personal controversey
j not exceeding the value of twenty

Shillings, that is to say for

the Susquehannock, Shawnese and
Delaware Indians and others on those
frontiers Col. John Thompson and
Edward Blay be and hereby authoriz
ed to hear and determine any such
matters and when judgment thereon
is given, either party refusing to per
form the same the other party by
way of distress take into his custody
the goods and chattels of the offend
ed and out of the same make full
satisfaction to the party which was

150

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

wronged, at the discretion so author
ized and the over-plus returned to
the owner."
1700 An Order to Treat the Susque-

liannock Indians With Respect.

In Vol. 25 of the Maryland Arch.,
pp. 104 and 106 there is set forth the
following: "Pursuant to an order of
his Excellency, dated May 9th, re- |
quiring these persons at the head of
the Bay to treat with the Susque-
hannocks, Shawnese and Delawares
as soon as possible and to proceed;
thereupon notice was given by one
of the persons appointed to John
Hans to acquaint the said natives, the I
Susquehannocks, Shawnese and Dela- j
wares, that on some certain time as
soon as possible to meet us at John j
Hans s house, then there as well to j
communicate what by this Govern- j
ment was given us in charge as to
receive what by their Kings and
Great men they had to communicate
to us; at the day and place, to wit:
the 28th of August 1700, we the said
persons and one of the interpreters
between five and six o clock in the
evening, it being late we first re
freshed ourselves, and acquainted
those Indians that were then present,
the Shawnese and Delawares Kings
together with their Great men, that
tomorrow morning we should pro
ceed on our said treaty; they seemed
very willing so we gave them some
drams and they shook us by the
hand; and we went to our repose.

August 29, it being eight of the
clock we, the persons nominated ac
quainted the said Indians that we
would proceed upon the treaty and
accordingly we took our places, when
were present Ocahale, King of the
Delaware Indians and his Great men
with his interpreter, Captain Hagrup;
and Ophesaw (Opessa), King of the
Shawnese Indians with Boschaccus
his interpreter, together with his

Great men; whereupon our interpre
ters, John Hans and Christian Mounts
being sworn both to receive and truly
deliver and honestly to interpret. The
Susquehannocks King not being per
sonally present but only his great
men, we showed ourselves much dis
appointed by reason of his absence,
acquainting them that we expected
him to be present as well as the other
Kings; but one of the great men
named Cassawetoway allias "In
dian Harry has the English tongue
very fluently, begging his excuses, ac
quainted us that two other Kings,
Kindowagahaw and Sawwaydoggo-
hay (Seneca Kings) were come to
give him a visit and that for these
reasons he could not possibly at
tend but ordered him with the rest
of the great men to give their at
tendance to hear what we had to
communicate to them and what they
enacted in that behalf should be con
firmed by himself.

Then we acquainted them that we
were very glad to see them here and
that if the King together with the
other Kings had come to us, we
would have kindly received and en
tertained them, which they took
kindly.

We proceeded to acquaint them
that our coming and calling of them
was to ratify and confirm the treaty
of friendship they had already enter
ed into with us and several other
articles herewith sent which being
consented to and signed by the sev
eral nations. We gave them nine
match coats and 40 yards of printed
dimity equally distributed among
them, the more firmly to oblige them
to th\e stricter performance of these
articles, now made, ratified and con
firmed.

We further inquired of them wheth
er any neighboring Indians were de-
1 sirous of entering into friendship
and amity with us and the said In-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

151

dians. answered that at present there
were not any they knew of; and so
we concluded with the Indians and
drank the King s health. Dated at
John Hans this 29th day of August,
1700. The Indians in token of their
affection presented the Government
with 15 undressed deer skins."
"Signed by us:

JAMES FRISBY,
JOHN THOMPSON,
EDWARD BLAY."
"On the same day we proposed to
the Susquehannocks, Shawnese and
Delawares the following questions:

(1) Whether they are willing still
to confirm that former peace and
amity made with us; to which they
answered that they were all very
willing and we entered into a gen
eral amity and peace with them for
this Province that shall stand firm
and good forever.

(2) Whether they are willing if any
other Indians should commit any in
juries upon the inhabitants of this
Province that they should be answ
erable for them and to this they re
plied that it is just and reasonable;
and that they would be accountable.

(3) Whether they are willing up
on any hurt or damage committed or
acted by any neighboring Indians to
any persons of this Government to
assist and help us. To this they an
swered they were not only willing
but would also pursue and take if
possible them or any of them and
bring them to be dealt with all as the
Government shall think fit. Where
upon they shook hands with us in a
token of sincerity of their affection
and they have set their hands and
seals to this instrument this 29th of
August, 1700.

JTHE DELAWARE KING, His Mark X

IKING OF SHAWNESE, His Mark, n.

IMARK OF SUSQUEHANNOCKS, -1-.

1700 The Above Mentioned Treaty
Confirmed in the Maryland
Assembly.

In Vol. 24 of the Maryland Arch.,
i p. 151 it was ordered that the treaty
I made with the Susquehannock, Dela
ware and Shawnese Indians by James
Fiisby, Esq., Colonel John Thompson
and Captain Edward Blay should be
laid before the House which was
done ; and the same was confirmed by
the said House.

1700 The Susquehanna Chiefs Make
Another Deed to William Penn.

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 133 is set forth the following deed
from the Susquehannock Chief to
William Penn:

"We Widdaagh, alias Orytyagh,
and Andaggy-junkquagh, Kings or
Sachemas of the Susquehannagh In
dians, and of the River under that
name, and lands lying on both sides
thereof, do declare that for and in
consideration of a parcel of English
I goods, unto us given, by our Friend
| and Brother, William Penn, proprie
tary and Governour of Pensilvania,
and also in consideration of the for
mer much greater costs and charges
the said Wiliam Penn, hath been at
in treating about and purchasing the
same. We do hereby Give, Grant and
Confirm unto the Said William Penn
i all the Said River Susquehannagh,
I and all other Islands therein, and all
j the lands situate lying, and being
upon both sides of the said River,
and next adjoining to ye same, to the
utmost confines of the lands, which
are of formerly were the Right of the
People or Nation called the Susque
hannagh Indians, or by what name
soever they were called or known

152

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

thereof, and also all Lakes, Rivers,
Rivulets, Mountains, Streams, Trees,
Woods, Underwoods, Mines, Royal
ties, and other Mines, Minerals,
Quarries, Hawkings, Huntings, fish
ings, fowl ings and other Royalties,
Privileges, and Powers, whatsoever
to them or any of them belonging, or
by them enjoyed as fully, and amply
in all respects, as we or any of our
ancestors have, could, might, or
ought to have, had, held, or enjoyed.
And also, all the Right, Title Inter
est, Possession, Claim and Demand,
which we or any of us may claim, to
have in the same. And we do here
by ratifie and confirm unto the said
William Penn ye bargain and Sale of
said Lands, made unto Coll. Thomas
Dongan, now Earl of Limerick, and
formerly Governor of New York,
whose deed of sale to the said Gover
nor Penn we have seen. To have
and to hold, the said Rivers, Lands,
and premises, hereby granted, and
confirmed with their and every of
their rights, Members and Appurte
nances, unto ye sd Will. Penn, his
heirs and assigns, to the only proper
Use, and behoof of the said Will.
Penn, his Heirs and Assigns forever.
In witness whereof the said Will.
Penn, his Heirs and Assigns forever.
In witness whereof we have, for our
selves and Nation, hereunto set our
Hands & Seals, the thirteenth day of
September, 1700.

His
WIDAAGH X

Mark.
Alias ORYTYAGH.

His
ANDAGGY X

Mark.

Alias JUNQUAH.

Sealed and Delivered In the pres
ence of

EDW. ANTITT,

HEN. TREGENC, Esq.

EDWARD SINGLETON,
DAVID POWELL,

JAMES LOGAN.

Recorded page 73, &c.

N. B. BOILEAU, Secy.

The second day of August, in ye
Year of our Lord, One Thousand,
Seven Hundred and thirty-five James
of the Northern Liberties, of the City
of Philadelphia, Esq. Upon his
solemn affirmation, according toLaw,
Doth declare and depose, That he was
present and did see the within men
tioned Kings, or Sachemas, named
Widaagh, its Orytyah, al s Andaggy-
junkquahSeal and as their deed de
liver the Writing or Conveyance,
within contained, and that the name
of this Affirmant thereon indorsed, as
a Witness of the same, is of his own
handwriting. JAMES LOGAN.

Affirmed.

At Philadelphia, the Day and Year,
above said, before me, Thomas Grif-
fits, One of the Justices of Peace &c.,
WITNESS my hand & Seal.

THOMAS GRIFFITHS...

Entered in the office for recording
of Deeds, for the City and county of
Philadelphia. In Book F. Vol. viii.,
page 242, &c.. the 26th day of August,
A. D., 1735. Witness my hand and
Seals of my office, the day and year
above. C. BROCKDEN, Recd r."

This deed is endorsed, "Susque-
hanna River and Islands therein, and
Lands on both sides, granted by Wid
aagh, and Andaggy-junkquagh. Con
firming Governor Dongan s old Deed
to Governor Penn."

This deed needs very little com
ment as it explains itself fully. It
was meant to be another confirma
tion of the main purchase by William
Penn from the Indians on the Sus-
quehanna River. In this sale the
Susquehannocks as a Nation practi
cally ended their existence. They
now confirm to Penn completely this
large tract of land. A large number

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

153

of the Susquehannocks are in New
York State living with the Five Na
tions, another portion of them are
about the old original Susquehan-
noc*k Fort Country, along the West
ern edge of what is now Manor
township. The whole of them are
completely under the Five Nations
and now they finally sell out their
Susquehanna Lands and become one
remnant of the conglomerated tribe
of Lancaster County Indians, the cen
tral factor of which were called the
Conestogas. It is true that on the
Second of April. 1701, together with

the Shawnese,Ganawese and Potomac
Tribes and representatives of the
Five Nations they joined in a treaty
confirming this deed of the 13th of
September, 1700. Among other things
their joining in was more a matter of
I form than substance. When we
j speak of the Conestoga hereafter it
j will be understood that some of that
I mixed tribe of Conestogas were the
decendants of these ancient Susque
hannocks but as a Nation of dignity
and strength the Susquehannock
tribe is now ended. We will, however,
occasionally speak of individual Sus
quehannocks as we proceed.

END OF PART FIRST.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES 154

PART II.

THE CONFEDERATED INDIAN
TRIBES OF LOWER SUSQUE
HANNA VALLEY CONESTOGAS
SHAWNESE - CONOYS DE-
LA WARES GANAWESE AND
IROQUOIS. (THE FIVE NA
TIONS).

1700 The Conestoga Indians and

Others Petition Against the

Abuses Upon Them.

In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, p. 1 there is a peti
tion from Conondahto, King of the
Susquehanna or Conestoga Indians
and of Mecallona, King of the Shaw-
nese against Garland, Askin and
Reed, setting forth that lately four
strange Indians came from the
Northward among them which they
supposed from their clothing to have
been servants of the Christians and
Mecallona talking with them found a
squaw and her son nearly related to
your naked Indians; 1 who were a
powerful tribe and often molested
these petitioners both in their towns
at Susquehanna and their hunting
grounds; and these petitioners are
now the frontier inhabitants of the
Province of Pennsylvania. These pe
titioners also complain that last win
ter Garland and Askin produced a
paper with a large seal and said it
was a warrant from the Governor to
deliver these Conestogas and Shaw-
nese but they did not go. Then ten
days later Garland and Askin came
again with James Reed and had an
other paper with a large seal ; and
Reed said he was the next man to the
Governor and to show that he was,
he pulled off his wig and said, "You
see. I have two heads."

The Susquehannock King also says

that Garland also threatened that he

would carry them all away and make

them servants and that Garland also

laid threatening hands on them and

| did them other mischief. This peti-

I tion is dated at Brandywine, the first

j of May, 1700.

A note found on page 1 says that
Garland lived at New Castle in 1701.
And that he was arrested on a com
plaint of the Shawnese Indians for
having brought to the Shawnese set
tlement several anchors of rum; and
made the Indians believe that Penn
sent it.

1700 The French Back of Pennsyl
vania Trade with Our Indians.

In Vol. 1 of the Peun and Logan
Correspondence, p. 39 above referred
to it is stated that the French are
settling back of Pennsylvania, four
days from New Castle and that Lewis
Lenoivin, who lived many years in
Eastern Pennsylvania and traded
with the Indians is run away to
them, the French, as a spy.

1700 Ganawese Indians More Into
Pennsylvania.

In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Records,
p. 191, under the date of 1705 it is
stated that "about five years ago the
Piscataway or G anawese Indians set
tled in this Province near the head of
the Potomac, and that they were now
reduced by sickness to a small num
ber and desired to quit their present
habitation which they occupied since
1700, at which time the Conestoga In
dians had become their guarantees of
friendship made between them. And
now the Schuylkill Indians desire
them to settle near them."

Here we have a statement of the
time when the first of the tribes

155

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

forming the new conglomeration of
Indians came into Pennsylvania and
also the statement that at the time
that they came the Conestogas agreed
to guarantee their good behavior. At
page 245 of the same book it is stat
ed that "when in 1700 the Piscata-
ways settled in this Government they
also went to Philadelphia in company
with Indians of Conestoga and the
Shawnese and made a treaty, where
by these last named Indians engaged
to the Government for the peaceable
behavior of the Ganawese"; and they
behaved in a peaceable manner for
many years after they made their
promise.

1700 Doings About Conestoga.

This year says Miss Lyle in her
history of Lancaster County, p. 6
Chartier set up a trading post about
a mile below the Susquehannock
Fort; and also at p. 28 that he began
his trading about Conestoga this
year, and that this year Colonel
James Wright was appointed to look
after the Indians of this section.

Rupp says at page 54, that Bizal-
ion was licensed to trade with the
Indians of this section this same
year; and Rupp also says at Page 28
that this year the Shawnese had their
Fort on the Upper Octoraro near the
line of where a road afterwards laid
out to August Sessions, 1719 of the
Chester County Court, passed.

1700 Penn Desires Religious Schools
for the Indians.

In the first volume of Proud s
History, p. 423 Penn sets forth his
great concern that religious instruc
tions should be given to the Indians,
but what was done in this regard I
can not find.

1700 Cliulkley Journeys Among the
Chesapeake Indians.

In Chalkley s Works called "Chal-
kley s Autobiography of Travel," he

says, p. 34 in speaking of the year
1700, that he journeyed through the
Indian Country and tells of his con
tact with them, the things he learn
ed from them and what some of their
strange ways and customs were.

1700 Peter Bizalion s Trading
House.

In Vol. 19 of the Sec. Series of the
Penna. Archives, p. 317 we are
shown the central station of Peter
Bizalion s trading operations. It is
there stated that his main trading
post was established this year at
Mahanatawny.

1700 The Pennsylvania Inhabitants

Settle as Far South as the

Mouth of Octoraro Creek.

In Vol. 1 of the Pennsylvania
I Archives, p. 432 we are shown that
the first intention was that Pennsyl-
i vania should extend South to the
! junction of the Octoraro with the
Susquehanifa. In this book under the
date of 1734 in the instructions to
j Hamilton & Georges it is stated,
[ "Pennsylvania has been possessed of
[ and maintained its Government for
j more than thirty years past as far
South as the Mouth of Octoraro or
j near it; nor has Maryland ever ex-
! ercised jurisdiction over the inhabi
tants or Indians north of that limit
until two or three years ago."

I cite this merely to show what
| line determined the Indians belong
ing to Pennsylvania and those be
longing to Maryland.

1700 Conestoga Now the Great Capi
tal of all the Susquehanna
Indian Tribes.

In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Records,
jp. 604 at a treaty at Philadelphia in
1735 at which Thomas Penn was pre
sent the old deed of 1700 and the
treaty of a few months later ratify
ing it were brought out and read to

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

156

the Indians and in commenting upon
them the Governor says, "These
articles you see here were made prin
cipally with the Susquehannock In
dians who then lived mostly at
Conestogoe; and the Shawenese also
as their friends came under our
Fathers protection and entered into
the same league."

I quote this simply for the purpose
of showing that the head-quarters of
the Indians of Eastern Pennsylvania
at this time were Conestoga. That
while there were yet some Indians
near the Delaware there were not
many of them because of the advanc
ed civilization on that river and
those that lived on the Schuylkill
were also few in number but the
greater bulk of Pennsylvania In
dians were centered around Cones-
toga or the Susquehanna at this
time, viz.: the Conestogas or frag
ment of the old Susquehannocks to
gether with different branches of the
Iroquois and with them the Shaw-
nese, Ganawese, the Conoys; and the
Delawares, who while they still liv
ed in the Schuylkill River were also
few in number and in 1709 moved to
the Susquehanna River also (See 2
Col. Rec., p. 469.).

1700 A Line Surveyed from Philadel
phia Direct to Conestoga

In Vol. 2 of Watson s Annals, p. 175
Mr. Watson says, "In July, 1700,
there was a survey of a line from
Philadelphia direct to Susquehanna,
coming nigh the mouth of Cone
stoga creek, a little more north,
(about four miles), near to an old
fort demolished. This was in conse
quence of surveyor-general Holmes
purchase of all the lands from Up
land creek to Pemapeck creek, and
so backward to Susquehanna, two
days journey. The land is said to
have been bought of the Indian
Kings and sakamackers, for the use

of William Penn bought of Shak-
hoppah, Secaming, Malebore, Tan-
goras, Indian kings; and Maskecasho,
Wawarrin, Tenoughan, Tarrecka,
Nesonhaikin, Indian sackamackers. I
notice that in the way of the line of
survey, two Indian paths traverse it
obliquely, northwest by north the
first from Philadelphia, is at Rocky
Run, (fifteen miles), between the
head waters of Ridley and Chester
creeks, the second at thirty-eight
miles, two miles beyond Doe Run.
These facts I found recorded in a
survey book, No. 14, in the land
office, and the above extracts are
from the warrant of survey of Holme.
Below follow other facts on the same
subject, all tending to show the treaty
by which the lands of Philadelphia
city and county are held."

Watson then sets out the letter
which Thomas Holme wrote to
Shachoppah and other Indians but
we have already given that in full
in an article under the date of 1688,
entitled, "The Boundaries of the
Walking Purchases, etc." We will
not repeat it because we have cited
it before for other purposes and we
cite it now only to make prominent
the fact of a survey of a direct line
to Conestoga for this line is an im
portant one in our Colonial history.
It will be observed that it lies almost
on what afterwards was The Great
Conestoga Road; and indeed, the
eastern end of the Great Conestoga
Road, at least to Haverford was in
existence at the time of this survey.
We have no doubt that the western
end was a well defined Indian path
which began as early as the found
ing of Philadelphia and was well de
fined by the year of 1700, for while
the Susquehanna Indians first traded
down the river, when Penn s enter
prises began they began trading with
Philadelphia and in so doing made
and followed a well defined road.

137

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1701 Shawaiiese at Pequea Complain

of the Uurii Trade
At a council held on the third of
September, 1701, it is stated that,
"Shemekenwhoa, one of the chiefs
of the Shawana Indians solemnly de
clared and complained to the
Governor that Sylvester Garland had
brought to the Indian settlement of
their nation several anchors of rum
to the quantity of about 140 gallons
and that to induce them to receive
it and to trade with him he pretend
ed he was sent by the Governor and
gave one cask as a present from
him, upon which being entreated to
drink they were afterwards very
much abused." The Council ordered
this matter to be further inquired
into. (See 2 Col. Rec., p. 33.)

This same complaint is referred to
in the Penn & Logan Correspond
ence in Vol. 1 at the foot of page 1
in a note, where it is stated by the
editor that Garland lived at New
Castel and in September, 1701, he
was arrested and brought before the
Council for bringing this rum.

The rum trade with the Indians was a
great trouble to the early Govern
ment; and another character who
violated the law was John Hans
Steelman who lived in Maryland and
without a license dealt in liquors
with our Conestoga Indians. (See 2
Col. Rec., p. 21) ; and also the viola
tions of law by Louis and Peter
Bezalion trading also in liquor about
the Susquehanna were grievous. (See
2 Coll. Rec., p. 18.)

In 2 Col. Rec., p. 45, at a Council
held on the 6th of October it was
ordered that a warrant be sent out
against Sylvester Garland for selling
rum to the Indians, whereby he was
arrested and brought before the
Governor and Council to defend him
self or make answer. It seems, how
ever that while the rum trade was

grievous among the Indians of the
Susquehanna yet the Government
could do little to prevent it; and on
the 6th of October 1701, a petition
was presented to the Assembly by
| the inhabitants of Chester County
I to have rum selling among the In-
| dians stopped. The Assembly ap
proved the petition by a majority
! and ordered a statute to be drawn
! against the rum trade with the In-
i dians, (See Vol. 1 of the Votes of
| Assembly, pp. 151-153). The act
I against giving liquor to the Indians
! was passed October 28, 1701, and is
! found in Vol. 2 of Statutes at Large,
p. 168. It provides among other
| things that liquor carried to the
! Indians shall be forfeited and go
I one-third to the Governor and two-
I thirds to the party that seizes the
same;^ and that the Indians were em
powered to seize it the same as any
one else; and that also no per
son shall receive in pawn any cloth
ing or goods belonging to the In-
} dians for liquor, and those who
violate the act shall suffer penalty
of 10 pounds and the pawn might
be .seized by warrant by the near
est Justice of the Peace and be re-
delivered.

This act to restrain the selling of
liquor to our Indians had some dif
ficulty in passing. Exceptions and
amendments were proposed to it by
the Governor and the Assembly con
sidering the exceptions voted them
down. There were two exceptions
and both were defeated in the As
sembly. From this we see what
difficulty our forefathers experienc
ed in keeping the liquor traffic from
| ruining the Indians of the Susque-
| hanna.

As additional evidence of what a
field the Indians of the Susquehanna
and other sections were for liquor
traffic, Proud in his history of Penn-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

IBS

sylvania says at page 433, that a j Indian Harry of Conestoga should
.Joint company was organized to ; be sent for to be consulted about
control the liquor business and be passing a law for prohibiting all
responsible for the consequences Indians from using rum. Action

but it met with no favor.

1701 Letort Leaves C onestoga for
Canada

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 100,
it is stated under the date of 1703
that, "James Letort who about two
years ago went out of this Province
to Canada returned and was ex
amined before Council and magis
trates and no great occasion was

was latter taken on the subject and
we will speak of it in its order.

1701 The Potomac Indians Allowed
to Settle in Pennsylvania

In Vol. 2 of Col. Hec., p. 17, it is
set forth as one of the stipulations
of the big treaty by the Conestogas,
(which treaty we will set forth in
full in a later item) that the PotO"
mac Indians with their Colony shall
have free leave of the said William

found to suspect him of evil designs pe]m tQ seMe upQn part ^ fte

against the Government he having ; potoma( , River wlthln {he bounds ^

been bred in it from his infancy
and behaved himself hitherto well.
He was seduced to depart in 1701
in time of peace by the instigation

tte Provmce of

they

of some others, nevertheless as he
is now come back it was thought
wise to bring him before Council to
explain his action."

This James Letort was a very

observing and practicing all and
singular the other articles of this

treaty. By settling on the Potomac
River is meant any part of the val
ley of the Potomac River. These
Potomac Indians had become afraid
of savage tribes of the South and

wanted to move towards our Sus-
picturesque character about Cone- | hanna coimtry to be near the

stoga and we find that he very | Conestogas.

frequently was summoned before the 1701 _ Peim Diseases Kavigating the

Council.

1701 Indian Harry of Conestoga

We now introduce another remark
able character in the early annals !
of Conestoga Indian History in the |
person of an Indian familiary
known as Indian Harry of Cone
stoga but his technical Indian name
was Cassawetoway as we have shown
in a former item.

It is stated in 2 Col. Rec., p. 26,
that in this year of 1701 the
Council and Governor had entered
into considering the many abuses
arising from the Indians being ad
mitted to drink rum and it was or
dered by the next sitting of Assem
bly, that four of the prominent

Indians on the Upper Delaware and

Susquehanna Kiver to Carry In
dian Trade Cheaper

In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, p. 73, in a letter
beginning page 69, written by
William Penn to James Logan, Penn
says, "I hope thy eye is upon the
means to retrench expenses; and,

hour of poor Marsh s project of
navigating flats up Schuylkill and
Susquehanna Rivers, above Palls; he
assuring me that he could make the
experiment for 40 shillings. Be it
50 shillings or 3 pounds it were a
mighty advantage." In this I be
lieve there is evidence of Penn s de
sire to develop this Susquehanna
country and get an out-let for In*
dian trade.

150

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS- AND

1701 The Proofs of Penn s Second

Visit te the Susqnehanna Kiver

and Its Indians

We have before given the evidences
tending to prove a visit by Penn
about 1684 to what is now the Lan
caster County region and we will
now proceed to the proofs of a sec
ond visit made in 1701, The chief
proofs are as follows:

1. Rupp in his history of Lancaster
County, p. 35, says that Penn at a
former treaty promised the Shawa-
nese chiefs protection. To enable
him to keep or fulfill this promise
he visited them in person at Cone
stoga, attended by many gentlemen
of distinction. This he says in a
note at the bottom of the page 35
and speaking of the same in context
he says, "His not succeeding in hav
ing legislative co-operation, to pre
vent liquor being sold to the Indians
and debaucheries being practiced on
them, to prevent their temporal
rxiin, he paid the sons of the fore-
est a visit, participated in all their
innocent amusements and in return
received their visits in his own house
at Perlnsbury." According to Rupp
the purpose of Penn s visit at Cone
stoga was to protect these poor In
dians. He cites Vol. 2 of the
Colonial Records, p. 253. This is the
page found in the old or first edition
of the Colonial Records, which is
now probably very rare. The page
in the Colonial Records most com
monly at hand is p. 244 of Vol. 2
and at that place is set forth what
James Logan told the Indians at
Conestoga when he visited them in
the spring of 1706. And speaking of
William Penn, Logan said to these
Indians that when he (Penn) was
last in this country he visited those
Indians of Conestoga and is soon to
do the same on his arrival in order

to cultivate the ancient friendship."

2. In Vol. 2 of Watson s Annals, p\.
209, Mr. Watson speaks of Neboway r
an Indian chief of the Delawares r
and says that this chief s name
appears among- the signers of the
treaty at Conestoga in 1718, and that
the chief said that he remembers
that he saw William Penn on his
second visit to Conestoga m 1701.

3. In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, p. 43, there is set
forth a letter from Isaac Norris to
Daniel Zachary, dated the 21st. of
June, 1701, in which he says, "I am
just come home from Susquehanna.
where I have been to meet the Gov
ernor. We had a round about journey
and pretty well traversed the wilder
ness. We lived nobly at the King s
Palace in Conestoga and from thence
crossed to the Schuylkili where we
fell in (reached it) about 30 miles
up from hence (Philadelphia)." Here
we have a plain statement that
William Penn was at Susquehanna
at the Palace of the King of the
Conestogas in June, 1701.

4. To make doubly sure that the
Governor spoken of was William
Penn, I cite Vol. 1 of the Penn &
Logan Correspondence, p. 122, where
James Logan writes to William Penn
from Philadelphia on the 9th of
July, 1702, and he says on speaking
about lands on the Susquehanna and
about the Octoraro that, "Griffith
Owen and E. Shippen knew some
thing of the place having been with
thee at Susquehanna which I did not."
In this again there is the more ex
plicit statement that William Penn
was on the Susquehanna.

5. In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec. p. 272,
when Patrick G ordon held a council
with some of the Five Nations and
was discussing the affairs between
them and the Conestogas, who were

tributary to and slaves of the Five

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

160

Nations. They said the first Gov
ernor of this place, Onash, (That is
Governor Penn) when he first
arrived here sent to them to sell
land and that when the Governor
was at Conestoga he desired the
chiefs to speak about the purchases
of the land. This is another refer- j
&lt;ence to Penn being at Conestoga.

6. In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, p. 41, in a letter
from Isaac Norris to Samuel Chew the
15th of April, 1701, and he says, "Our
Governor has gone out of town to
-meet with the chieftains of the
Indians." This may refer to Penn s
visit to Susquehanna, however, it
seems to be nearly a month earlier
than Penn s Susquehanna visit.

7. In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 181,
Governor Keith in the year of 1722
held a treaty at Conestoga and when
there he said to the Indians, "The
last time I was with you at Cone
stoga you showed me a parchment
which you had received from William
Penn containing articles of friend
ship between you and him." This
again may be a reference to Penn s
visit in 1701 but it may likely refer
to the great treaty of September
1700 with the Conestogaes at Phila
delphia. Penn left for England about
November, 1701, because Andrew
Hamilton presides over the Assembly
from that date onward. See 2 Col.
Rec., p. 62.

At a Council held July 7, 1739,
William Penn s intercourse with the
Indians on the Susquehanna is again
referred to seeming to indicate his
being there about the year of 1701.
(See 4 Col. Re., p. 337.)

8. In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 101,
in a discussion between the Governor
of New York and the authorities of
Pennsylvania there is a letter dated
1720 and in it occurs this passage,
"Upon Governor Penn s last arrival

here about 20 years ago he held a
treaty with the Mingoes or Cone-
stogas settled on Susquehanna,"
which is either a reference to his
meeting them at Susquehanna or of
the great treaty made at Philadelphia
in September, 1700. Also in the same
book, p. 149 Governor Keith in 1721
speaks to the Indians and says,
"William Penn our and your father
when he first settled this country
with English subjects made a firm,
league of friendship with all the
Indians in these parts (that is Cone-
stoga) ; " and on page 54 I find refer
ences to the same effect.

9. In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 92,
James Logan speaking to the Cone-
stogas in 1720, speaks of William
Penn as their old friend and refers
to his treaty 20 years ago; and on
p. 93 he further refers to Penn s first
Councils with the Indians, and on
page 97 he refers to the same sub
ject.

10. It is to be noticed that histori
ans including Watson refer to a visit
made by William Penn to the Sus
quehanna as a second visit, which is
generally supposed to refer to this
visit of 1701.

11. In the first walking purchase
this land extended back to the Sus
quehanna and Penn seems to have
been familiar with it.

12. Another fact seeming to point
out Penn s familiarity with the Sus
quehanna River and its Indians and

| the country generally is found in Vol
1 of the Penn & Logan Correspond
ence, p. 170 where he says that if

| his enemies do not begin to treat
him differently they will "drive me up
to Pennsbury or Susquehanna for
good and all." This shows that the
Susquehanna was familiar to him at
the time he stated this which was in
1702.

13. In Buck s history of Pennsyl
vania in an article entitled, "Will-

ANNALS OF THE StTSQCTBHANNOCKS ANTf

iam Penn in America" at p. 317, he
says in a topic entitled Penn s
Journey to the Susquehanna in 1701,
and in it lie says, "June 1 was Penn s
favorite month of travel. He set off
about this time on a journey into
the interior of the Province, (Isaac
Norris s letter). On this occasion as
tradition relates that Penn got lost
in the woods on the hill on the
Northern or Chester County side near
present Valley Forge; and that he
did not know where he was, until he
got on the hill this side of Valley
Creak when by a glimpse of the
Schuylkill and the country to tb&gt;e
southward he regained his way and
in consequence of the same named
the former hill Mounty Misery and
the latter Mounty Joy."

Buck further says, "It is probable
the Proprietor s principal object was
to win over the Indians to the Eng
lish interest on account of the ap
proaching 1 trouble with France. He
may allude to this in a letter to the
Board of Trade & Plantations, the
2nd. of the 5th month, where he says,
I have had divers meetings with the
several nations of Indians of these
parts as the Shawrio, Susquehanna,
Schuylkill and Delaware Indians by
arguments and presents to persuade
their submission to this government."

Buck further says, "This journey
of Penn s to the Susquehanna we ob
serve has led to some error. Janney
mentions it (2nd Edition, p. 435) as
having taken place in the Spring,
An article appeared in the Lancas
ter Inquirer on February 24, 1872, in
which mention is made of a monu
ment having been erected and dedi
cated the previous 22nd of February
at Gap in Salisbury township, Lan
caster county, on the roof of a frame
building over a fine spring of water
where it is said, Penn met the In
dians and had a council with them.

It is composed of a square wooden
shaft neatly painted and lettered. On
the west side is inscribed In Memory
of William Penn, Who Visited This
Place in the Year 1700. Mention is
made that it was chiefly erected
through the exertions of Isaac Walker,,
owner of the said spring- building,,
who was led to it by his researches
on the subject. It is probable that
Penn may have met the Indians in
council here but this visit must have
been in June, 1701. The mistake
consists in setting the time as that
of one of the deeds from the Indians"
for land which were nearly always
executed in Philadelphia."

This article as it appears in the In
quirer, I meant to insert here in full or
in part ; but a fire has destroyed the
office file copy.

The Indians whom Penn met here,
if he did so met them here were the

| Shawanes, as the old Shawana town
of that section was very near this
place. Its location may be found on
any early map of Lancaster county
near the head of Octoraro creek, as
the Shawanese lived all along Pequea
Creek and from the mouth to the

! source of the Octoraro. In the
Chester County records of August
Sessions, 1719 of the Quarter Sessions

| Court can be found the courses and

| distances of an old road laid out in
1719, one course of which is stated
to lie near old Shawana town near
Octoraro.

These are the known proofs of
William Penn s visit of 1701 to his
brethren on the Susquehanna, Cone-
stoga and other adjoining streams
and of that visit there can be no
doubt. It would seem that he came
by the Southern route and returned
by the Northern route, viz: along
Conestoga and French creeks, reach
ing the Schuylkill River near the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

162

mouth of French creek, which Isaac
Norris describes as being thirty miles
up the Schuylkill River from Phila
delphia.

1701 The Great Treaty With Cone-
stogas and Others

We have noticed in a former item
that in September, 1700, the Susque-
hannas and other Indians of this
neighborhood made a deed of a large
tract of land on our River to William
Penn. To confirm this sale a treaty
was made later which is found in
Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 15. It was
enacted on the 23rd day of April,
1701, by and between the Indians of
the Susquehanna Territory and Wil
liam Penn at a Council on the after
noon of the said day; and it is as
follows:

"PRESENT: The Proprietary and
Governor, with some members of
Council and divers others, with the
Sasquehannaugh Indians.

Connodaghtoh, King of the Sasque-
hannah Minquays or Conestogo In
dians, Wopatha (alias Opessah), King
of the Shawnese, Weewhinjough,
Chief of the Ganawese, inhabiting at
the head of Patowmeck; Also, Aho-
aksonagh, brother to the Emperor or
great King of the Onondagoes of the
five nations, having arrived in town
two days, with several others of
their great men, and Indian Harry
for their interpreter, with some of
their young people, women and chil
dren, to the number of about forty
in the whole. After a treaty and sev
eral speeches, the following Articles
were solemnly agreed on.
ARTICLES

Articles of Agreement Indented,
made, Concluded & Agreed upon at
Philadia the 23rd day of ye month,
Called April, In the Year 1701, Be
tween Wm. Penn, Proprietary and
Governor of the Province of Pennsy-
Ivaniafe Territories thereunto be

longing, on ye one part, and Conno-
odagtoh, King of the Indians inhabit
ing upon and about the river Susque-
hannah in the said Province, And
Widaaph, (alias Oretyaghr) Koque-
eash & Andaggy-Inhekquah, Chiefs of
the said nations, & Wopaththa, King
& Lemonytungh & Pemoyajooagh,
Chiefs of the nations of the Shawon-
nah Indians, And Ahookassongh,
brother to the Emperor, for and in
behalf of the Emperor, (& Weewhin-
jongh, Takyewsan & Woapaskoa,
Chiefs,) of the nations of the Indians
inhabiting in and about the Northern
part of the River Powtowmeck, in
| the said province, for & in behalf of
themselves & successors, & and their
several nations, and the People on
the other part, as followeth:

That as hitherto there hath always
been a good understanding & Neigh
bourhood between the sd. Wm. Penn
& his Lts, since his first arrival in
the peace Continued between Wm.
Penn his Heirs & successors, and
all the English & other Christian In
habitants of the said Province, and
the Said Kings and Chiefs, and their
successors, & all the Several People
of the Nations of Indians aforesaid;
So there shall be forever hereafter
a firm and lasting peace. And that
they shall hereafter be as one Head
& One Heart, and live in true friend
ship & Amity as one People.

(ITEM) That the said Kings and
Chiefs, (each for himself & his
People Engaging,) shall at no time
Hurt, injure or Defraud, or suffer to
be Hurt, Injured or defrauded by any
of their Indians; and inhabitant or
Inhabitants of the said Province,
either in their Persons or Estates,
And that the said Wm. Penn, his
Heirs & Successors, shall not suffer
to be done or Committed by any of
the subjects of England within the
said Province, Any Act of Hostil-

163

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

ity or Violence wrong or Injury, to
or against any of the Said Indians,
but shall on both sides at all times
readily do Justice, and perform all
Acts & Offices of friendship & Good
will to oblige each other, to a lasting
peace, as aforesaid.

(ITEM) That all and every of the
said Kings & Chiefs, and all and
every particular of the Nations under
them, shall at all times behave them- j
selves regularly and soberly, accord
ing to the laws of this Government
while they live near or amongst ye I
Christian Inhabitants thereof, And j
that the said Indians shall have the j
full & free privileges and immunities
of all the said Laws as any other in
habitants, they Duly Owing and Ac
knowledging the Authority of the
Crown of England and Government
of this Province.

(ITEM) That none of the said In
dians shall at any time be aiding,
Assisting or Abetting any other na
tion, whether of Indians or Others,
that shall not at such time be in
amity with the Crown of England and
with this Government.

(ITEM) That if at any time any of
the said Indians, by means of evil
minded persons -and sowers of sedi
tion, should hear any Unkind or dis
advantageous reports of the English,
As if they had Evil designs against
any of the said Indians, In such Case
such Indians shall send notice there
of to the said Wm. Penn, his Heirs
or successors, and their Lieutenants,
shall at all times in such cases do
the like by the them.

(ITEM) That the said Kings and
Chiefs & their successors, shall not
Suffer any Strange Nations of In
dians to settle or Plant on the fur
ther side of Sasquehannagh, or about
Potowmeck River, but such as are
there already Seated, nor bring any
other Indians into any part of this

Province without the Special appro
bation & permission of the said Wil
liam Penn, his Heirs and Successors.

(ITEM) That for the preventation
of abuses that are too frequently
putt upon the said Indians in Trade,
that the said William Penn, his
Heirs and Successors, shall not Suf
fer or Permit any Person to trade or
Commerce with any of the said In
dians, but such as shall be first al
lowed and approved of by an instru
ment under the Hand and Seal of
him, the said William Penn, or his
Heirs or successors, or their
Lieut s: And that the said Indians
shall suffer no person whatsoever to
buy or sell, or have Commerce with
any of the said Indians, but such
shall first be approved as aforesaid.

(ITEM) That the said Indians
shall not sell or dispose of any of
their Skins, Peltry, or furr, or any
other effects of their hunting, to any
Person or Persons whatsoever out of
the said Province, nor to any other
person but such as shall be Author
ized to Trade with them as afore
said; And that for their Encourage
ment, the said William Penn, his
heirs and successors, shall take Care
to have them, the said Indians, duly
furnished with all sorts of necessary
goods for their use, at reasonable
rates.

(ITEM) That the Potowmeck In
dians aforesaid, with their Collony,
shall have free leave of the said Wm.
Penn to Settle upon any part of Pat-
owmeck River within the bounds of
this Province, they strictly observing
and practising all and Singular the
Articles aforesaid to them relating.

(ITEM) The Indians of Conestogo,
& upon & about the River Susque-
hannah, And more Especially the
Said Connaodaghtah, their King,
doth fully agree to, and by these pre
sents, Absolutely Ratify the Bargain

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

164

& Sale of the Lands lying near and
about the said River, formerly made
to the said William Penn, his heirs
and Successors, And since by Orety-
agh, & Anadaggy-Junkquegh, parties
to these Presents, Confirmed to the
said Wm. Penn, his heirs and Suc
cessors, by a Deed bearing Date ye
13th day of ye 7br last, under their
hands and seals, duly Executed. And
the said Connoodaghtah doth, for
himself and his Nation, Covenant and
Agree that he will at all times be
ready further to Confirm & make
good the said Sale, according to the
Tenor of the same, and that the said
Indians of the Susquehannagh shall
answer to the said William Penn, his
heirs and Successors, for the good
Behavior and Conduct of the said In
dians, and for their performing of
the several articles here Expresed.

(ITEM) The said William Penn
doth hereby, for himself, his heirs and
Successors agree, yet he and they will
at all times shew themselves true
friends and Brothers to all & every
of ye said Indians, by assisting them
with the best of their Advices, Dir
ections & Counsels, and will in all
things Just and Reasonable befriend
them, they behaving themselves as
aforesaid, and Submitting to the
Laws of this Province in all things,
as the English and other Christians
therein do. To which they, ye said
Indians, hereby agree and oblige
themselves and their Posterity for
ever.

In witness whereof, the Said Par
ties have as a Confirmation made
mutual presents to each Other: The
Indians in five parcels of Skins, and
the said William Penn in Several
English Goods & Merchandizes, as a
binding pledge of the promise, never
to be broken or violated. And as
a further testimony thereof, have al

so to these presents Sett their hands
and Seals, the day and Year above
written.

Signed, Sealed & Delivered in the
Presence of

Edw. Shippen,
Nathan Stanbury,
Alexr. Paxton,
Caleb Pussey,
James Streater,
J. Le Tort,
John Hans Steelman,
James Logan,
John Sanders,
Indian, alias Harry
Shawydoohungh,

his (H I) mark
Pemoqueriaehghan,

his (Z) mark
Passaqussay, his [) ]

mark."

This was one of the great treaties
and is nearly always referred to in
subsequent matters by the Deputy
Governors with the Indians of Con-
estoga and Susquehanna River. The
same treaty may be found in Vol. 1
of The Pennsylvania Archives, p. 144
and this same treaty is again referred
to in Vol 1 of the Penn & Logan Cor
respondence, p. 39 and it is stated
there to have been the most notable
event of the year.

Watson in Vol. 1 of his Annals, p.
24 also speaks of Penn meeting the
different Indians in 1701 and says that
"Penn attended in Philadelphia in
1701 a great Indan treaty with 40
chiefs who came from many nations
to settle the friendship. The same
year he also had a great Indian
Councill at Pennsbury Mansion to
take leave of them and to renew the
convenants." Among these 40 chiefs
were the Susquehannas above men
tioned. Watson also in Vol. 2 of his
Annals, p. 156 again refers to this
treaty.

Hazard in his Register in Vol. 5,
p. 130 also refers to the deed and
treaty of 1701, confirming the lands

165

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

on Susquehanna to Penn by those
Indians and states there that this
confirmation was renewed in 1726,
and especially in the great treaty of
Lancaster in 1744.

The Susquehannas, Conestogas and
Other Neighboring Indians Go to
Philadelphia to Give Fenn Good-
Bye, On His Leaving for England.

In 2 Col. Rec., p. 46 under the date
of the 7th of October, 1701, at a
Council held the afternoon of that
date, at which William Penn and six
members of Council were present
it is recorded, that "the Sachems of
the Susquehanna and Shawanah In
dians with some of their people hav
ing come to take leave of the Pro
prietary before his departure for
England ,he informed them that this
now was likely to be his last inter
view with him, at least before his
return, that he had ever loved them
and been kind to them and ever
should contiue so to be, not through
any Politick Design or for interest,
but one of a most real affection, and
Desired them in his absence to Cul
tivate friendship with those he would
leave behind in authority, as they
would always, in some degree con
tinue to be to them as himself had
ever been. The G overnor also in
formed them that the Assembly was
now enacting a Law, according to
their desire, to prevent their being
abused by the Selling of Rum, with
which Orettyagh, one of the Sachems
in the name of the rest, Exprest a
great Satisfaction and Desired that
that law might effectually be put in
Execution and not only discoursed of
as formerly it had been; they had
long suffered by the Practice but now
hoped for a redress, and that they
should have reason to complain no
more.

And for the more effectually an
swering so good a design, the Gov
ernor Desired that whenever any
transgressed the said Law, and Came
Contrary amongst them, to agree
ment they would forthwith take care
to give information thereof to the
I Government, that the offenders they
! might duly be prosecuted; which
j they promised to observe, and that if
any Rum were brought they would
not buy it but send the person who
brought it back with it again.

Then the Governor informed them
that he had charged the members of
Council, and then also renewed the
same charge, that they should in all
respects be kind to them, and enter
tain them with Courtesy and Demon
strations of Goodwill as he himself
had ever done, which the said mem
bers promised faithfully to observe;
j and making them some presents they
withdrew."

It is difficult to imagine a more

beautiful meeting and leave-taking

i than this must have been the sav-

I ages in their simplicity and honesty

i on one hand and the goodly William

| Penn and his Council equally sincere

and honest on the other hand. This

leave-taking is also noticed in Vol.

6 of Hazard s Register, p. 72 but as

: is exactly the same copy from the

Colonial Records, we will not repeat

it. Penn left for England a few

weeks after this incident.

According to the Colonial Records
this leave-taking occured in Phila
delphia. It seems that a little later
Penn made a great leave-taking
event for in Vol. 2 of Watson s An
nals, p. 156, Mr. Watson says that in
1701 Penn held a great Indian Coun
cil at Pennsbury to take leave of
them.

1701 Difficulties Growing Ont of the

Use of Rum at Conestoga

Continue.

In 6 Hazard s Register, p. 11 it is
set forth that the "Proprietary in
formed the Council of the great
abuses committed in Indian trade and

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

166

the great dangers that might arise
from thence, and the advantages that
might accure to the province in gen
eral from it. Proposed that some
measures miglit lore concerted for the
regulation thereof, and redressing
.the grievences that we generally la
boured under upon the score and
especially by means of two French
men, Louis and P. Beasalion, who
.have been suspected to be very dan
gerous persons in their traffique with
the Indians in this troublesome con
juncture of affairs.

Resolved that it was absolutely
necessary the said two Frenchmen
should be confined and restrained
from inhabiting or trading amongst
the Indians, and that some way |
should be agreed to carry on the
trade by a certain number or Com
pany who should take all measures
to induce the Indians to a true va
lue and esteem of the Christian reli
gion by setting before them a good
example of probity and candour "both
in commerce and behaviour and that
care should be taken to have them
duly instructed in the fundamentals
of Christianity, And the further
consideration hereof is referred to
next meeting of the Board.

The Governor also acquainted the
Board, That reports were brought
that some of the five nations of In
dians had sent an embassy to our
Indians on Delaware requiring their
aid and concurrence and that it was
suspected the French of Canada had
heen endeavoring to debauch the
said Indians from their fidelity to the
Crown of England,

Resolved, That care should be
taken to inquire into the grounds of
the said reports and then adjourn
ed."

The same is found in Vol. 2 of the
Colonial Records, p. 18. I mention
this because Peter Bezalion s name

is used and that at once connects
these irregularities with the Susque-
hanna Country.

The Shawnese also complain against
Garland for selling rum to the In
dians on Susquehanna. This, how
ever, we have spoken of before. Their
complaint was made by Shemeken-
woa one of the Chiefs of the Shaw
nese, ahout him bring 140 gallons of
rum and making them very drunk,
see 2 Col. Rec., p. 33, This same com
plaint is noticed in a somewhat dif
ferent form in Vol 6 of Hazard s Re
gister, p. 34 and it was there decid
ed that Indian Harry of Conestoga
should be sent for to overcome the
eviL

An aditional difficulty that Penn
had to deal with about Conestoga and
the trade there of rum, was in the
fact that John Hans frequently pro
mised Penn to meet him and help
him to carry out the laws as to
liquor fully, but refused to do so.
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p.
143, Penn writes a letter to John
Hans and says, "Thou hast often
promised to visit this place in order
to treat with me about the Indian
Trade, but hast as often disapointed
me. Thy present management there
of amongst us is directly contrary to
our Laws. I have therefore Stopt thy
Goods intended for Lechay, until
thou come thyself and give further
satisfaction." This is under the date
of 1701.

1701 A False Story Arises About
the Coining of the Piscataways.

In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, p. 43 William Penn
in a letter from Pennsbury to James
Logan dated the 30th day of June,
says "I forgot, a material point the
last Indian instrument from the Con
estoga Indians which I must have,
or a copy, before I can answer Col.

I6T

ANNALS OF THE gTOBQUBHA-NNOCKS AND 1

Blackinston s letter, a false story fir
ing two or three of their foolish
people of our inciting the Piscata-
ways from Maryland, instead of their
seeking to us: but Governor Blackis-
ton woufd not believe it. Fail not,.
therefore to send it to me with all
speed.

f OI Niix&lt;|iirh;miiji Indians IVow Co-
Gperate- Strongly with Fenn-

Proud in Ms History of Pennsy
lvania, in Vol. 1, p. 43G says that this
year the Susquehannas made a- pro
mise with Pennsylvania that they
would not allow any strange Indians
to settle on the west side of the
Susquehanna River but would inform
the people and help to put them off
the further side of the Susquehanna
River.

The Five Nations also now show
very strong: love for Pennsylvania and
Penn in a message to Council on the
15th of September, 1701 says, "1
must tell you the good news of the
Governor of New York s happy issue
of his Conferences with the five na
tions of Indians, that he hath not
only made peace with them for the
King s subjects of that Colony, but,
as I had by some letters before de
sired him, for those of all other gov
ernments under the Crowns of Eng
land, and also the nations of Indians
with those respective Colonies/which
certainly merits our acknowledg
ments."

1701 Evidences of the Great Sus-

qaehannas Living Within the

Bounds of our County.

In Vol. 7 of Hazard s Register, p.
395 it is stated that great Indian re
lics and remains were found near the
neighborhood of Columbia and that
they were probably buried there 200
years. The Article is as follows:
"COLUMBIA, (Penn.) June 2. IN

DIAN RELICS: A gentleman visit
ing this place from Philadelphia, had!
his attention attracted a few days;
since, while near the canal basin, by
the singular appearance of the earth,
which resembled an Indian mound or
tumulus, such as he had before seen.
On digging down a short distance-
his suspicions were confirmed; the
skeletons of three Indians were
found 1 , supposed to be those of a male
female and a young child. On being-
exposed to the air, the bones, with
the exception of the teeth, and a few
of the large bones of the male, crum
bled to dust. They were buried in
a sitting- posture and had on their
I heads an earthen vessel, at the spout
I of which was carved the figure of a
human face. Between the feet of the
one taken to be the male, were
j found an Iron hatchet, several arrow
I heads, and seven smooth stones
I nearly round; the smallest weighing:
about a quarter of a pound, the
! others varying in regular gradation
! to the seventh, which weighed two
pounds and a quarter. These stones
were supposed to indicate the num
ber of children which the deceased
had. Between the feet of the female
were found two stones of a medium
size with those found by the male.
How long these remains had been de
posited there it is impossible to tell;
probably not less than 200 years. It
is supposed that a great many In
dians lie buried along the banks of
the river, but it is not often their
bones are discovered. SPY."

And in Vol. 8 of Hazard s Regis
ter, p. 48 similar remains were found
about the neighborhood of Bain-
bridgeand that article is as follows:
"A few weeks since we took occa
sion to speak of some Indian Relics
that were discovered north the Canal
Basin in this place. Since then the
workmen in Section No. 18 of the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

163

Canal, about two miles this side of
Bainbridge came upon one end of an
&lt;old Indian burial ground. The bones
had so completely gone to dust that
they could only be distinguished
from the natural soil by a difference
in color. A great many articles of
use and ornament were found; ther
-were crocks, hatchets, tomahawks,
arrow heads, bullets, buck-snot, thim-
foles, beads, pipes, etc, Tlie pipes
are made of clay, and are spoken of
as being very perfect and beautiful,
with the head of a fox engraved on
the bowl; so highly is one of them
valued by the finder, thai he has re
fused to take less than five dollars
for it; together with ornaments; the
beads were of different kinds, and
unlike any we had seen before. It
is thought that a short distance
from where the excavation was made
towards the river, the earth would
be found to be filled with these cur
iosities. COLUMBIA SPY."

1701 Some of the Shawnese Located
at the Head of Pequea Creek.

We have before called attention to
the location of the Old Shawana
fort near the head of Octararo some
what towards Pequea Creek; and for
it see previous articles.

That there was a Shawana town
there as early as 1701 is additionaly
proved by the following statements
found in the Second Series of the
Penna. Archives, Vol. 19, p. 625 where
it is stated, "That the Commission
ers being informed that MathiasVan-
hebber from Maryland, taking with
him Henry Rollings worth, hath late
ly surveyed a considerable tract of
land near the head of Pequea Creek
in this Province, including within
the same The Old Shawannah Town,
etc.; "and again it is stated" that
500 acres being granted to Col. John
French in or near the Shawannah

old fields, on Pequea Creek, as a con
sideration of his services to the Pro
prietor."

From this we -see that while these
proceedings are dated 1718, the
lands are referred to as the Old
Shawannah Fields where the Shaw-
nese lived as early as 1701 and be
fore.

At the same place it is stated that
300 acres should be surveyed to
Peter Chartier where his father Mar*
tin is settled on Susquehanna River;
a warrant was also directed to Moses
Comb at the request of his brother-
in-law Peter Bazilion for 200 acres
among the other surveys about Con
estoga,

I quote this simply to show that in
1701 that these Indian operations
were going on about Oonestoga and
Pequea.

1701 Christian Inhabitants are Lo
cated Near Conestog-a*

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 16 in
one of the items of the great treaty
of the affairs on the Susquehanna
river it is stipulated, "That all and
every of the Kings and Chiefs, and all
and every particular under them,
shall at all times behave themselves
regularly and soberly according to
the laws of this Government, while
they live near or amongst the Chris
tian inhabitants thereof/

Now as the only Indians concerned
in this treaty were the Conestogas
(Susquehanna- Minquays), the Shaw-
nese and the Ganawese, and this re
fers to them. In warning the Chris-
| tian inhabitants it seems to indicate
I that there were some whites then at
j this date of 1701 in the neighborhood
of Conestoga. They were, however,
only trades and not regular settlers,
We shall notice that in a year or two
later that there will be references to
Christian inhabitants living at and
near Conestoga,

169

ANNALS OF THE SCTSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1701 The Earliest Lands Taken Up
by the Whites Among the Con-
estogas and the Other Sus
quehanna Indians.

In Vol. 19 of the Second Series of
the Penna. Archives, p. 245 it is set
forth that the land commissioners of
Pennsylvania granted to Cornelius
Empson and twenty others 20,000
acres of land on Octoraro Creek at
one bushel of wheat rent per hun
dred acres. Then warrants were made
out for 15,000 acres as may be seen
page 280, to the following persons
for the following amounts, being a
part of the above named tract:
Cornelius Empson, John Richards,
James Brown, Henry Reynolds, John
Bales, Edward Beeson, James Cooper,
Randall Janney, Andrew Job, John
Churchman, Ebenezer Empson, John
Guest, Joel Baily for 1000 acres each
and to Robert Button, Samuel Set
tler and Jeser Brown each for 500

1 1702 Earliest Preaching to the In
dians at Conestoga.

We have heretofore stated that
i William Penn visited the Indians on
the Susquehanna twice and from his
nature one can not doubt that he
i gave them religious instruction be-
| cause this was constantly on his
mind. But the earliest preaching of
which we have any proofs was in
1 17(12 by Rev, Jonas Airens who
i preached that year to the Conestoga
Indians at Conestoga. Record of this
| may be found in Vol. 30 of Penna.
Magazine of History and Biography
| in a note at the bottom of page 291.
There is not much to be said about
it and it is likely that there were
I only a few sermons preached; and
I that it was not a missionary move-
jment extending over any length of
l time. A little later Thomas Chalk-
ley preached to the Conestogas, and
considerably later Count Zinzendorf,
the last named about the year 1742.

described as all in one tract, begin
ning at the Northern Barrens be
tween the main branch of Northeast
River and Octoraro Creek, and
bounding it to the Southwards with
an East and West line parallel to the
line of the Province, and Northward
to the barrens.

In the same book under the same
date, 1701, page 278 it is stated that
a warrant should be made to William
Clayton for 1000 acres of land at
Susquehanna, "with the rest there."
whoever they were.

These grants of land on the Sus-
vc, are me very

earliest that were made to indivi
duals by the authorities of Pennsyl
vania in the neighborhood of and
among the Indians of these two
Rivers.

quehanna Road.

In Vol. 19 of the Second Series of
the Penna. Archives, p. 303 under
the date of 1702 it is stated that
Joseph Fisher and several other
land owners of Dublin Township,
| "remonstrated that the Sasquehan-
| nah road laid out through the said
Township is run too much to the
Northward by which means the set
tlements on that side are too short
and those on the South too long."
This shows that at the early date of
1702 the Indian affairs on Susque
hanna were of sufficient importance
to agitate constructing a road to
their locality. The first road which
finally did reach the Susquehanna
was begun in 1683 and reached the
river in 1714, but it was in use
before the latter date. In Nicholas
Scull s map of 1759 connected with

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

170

the Penna. Archives. Dublin Town
ship is situated immediately North of
Philadelphia county, as it then was.

1702 James Logan s Earliest Visit to
the Conestogas.

In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan Cor
respondence, p. 179 James Logan
says in a letter of this year written
to William Penn, "I design next
month for Conestoga, God willing, to
treat with the Indians there and con
firm them, for we have many re
ports about the attempts of the
French to debauch all; and Indian
Harry has never since he went to the
Onondagoes last year been here, but
he solemnly promised to return this
way." However, in turning to p.
179 of the same book, Logan again
says in 1703 in a letter to William
Penn, that though he had designed
to go to Conestoga that he put off the
journey, waiting for Indian Harry to
come back from Canada.

I cite this item to show the efforts
that were constantly made by the
French to get the Pennsylvania In
dians over to them. We remember
that in the early years, the Jesuit
Father had very many meetings with
our Susquehannocks, and as Queen
Ann s War was now approaching it
was considered a great point to get
these Pennsylvania Indians disaffect
ed from the English.

1702 Indian Harry at Philadelphia.

This year as is told us in Vol. 1 of
the Penn & Logan Correspondence,
p. 125, Indian Harry was in Philadel
phia about the end of July but that
he went on to the Onondagoes to
bring advice from them how matters
stood concerning the Conestoga In
dian affairs. We, of course remem
ber that the Conestogas and all the
Indians along the Susquehanna were
tenants,and in a manner slaves of the
Five Nations and whenever anything

of importance was to be done by the
Conestogas, advice from the Five Na
tions was always necessary before
anyone dared to make any move.

1702 The Conestogas on a War-like
Expedition to the South.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 70 at
a meeting of the Council held on the
17th of September, it was stated that,
"information having been given to
| this board by Sylvester Garland, an
Indian trader of New Castle that half
a dozen Indians called Tackwheetap
& Posackaselt, two of them of Dela-
I ware and the rest of Conestogoe, on
| Susquehannah, who had lately re
turned from the Southwards from
hunting, were seen at the said Cones
togoe with several parts of women s
I attire, viz. : a Petticoat, White Silk
j hood, Lace, etc., about them, and
j that upon a certain occasion Expres-
j sed themselves as if they murdered
| the persons from whom they had
I taken them. It was consulted what
method of Inquiry or process should
| be taken with ye said Indians, see-
! ing they were by their Several Treat-
j ies obliged to be answerable to the
. English for what injuries or out-
1 rages they should commit against
them, and it was Resolved, that a
Message with an Interpreter was
i necessary in the first place to be
i sent, but there being no interpreter of
I that language to be found who could
| be depended on for such a service
j till Harry, the Indian should return,
| who was gone to the Onondagoes,
and every day expected back again,
j It was further resolved, the whole
! should be deferred until the said
j Harry s return, upon which a full in
quiry should be made, and ye treaty
with the ye Conestogoe Indians re-
| newed and strengthened. In ye
i meantime it is expected that ye Gov-
i ernor of Maryland, who seems ear-
I lier concerned and has earlier infor-

171

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

mation, will make inquiry also."
This article sufficiently explains it
self and I need add nothing of an
explanatory character to it.
1702 The French Make Peace With

the Iroquois.

In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, p. 88 it is stated in
a letter from James Logan to Wil
liam Penn, that "in the Monthly Mer
cury for January there is under the
head of "France" a passage, which if
true would be of bad consequence to
us, viz.: that the Government of
Canada has made a peace with the
Iroquois, which will oblige the great
er care in what has been said. Al
bany, by it, seems ruined; and we
shall be greatly exposed when that

barrier of the Five Nations is remov
ed."

I cite this because whatever the
Iroquois did affected the Conestogas
and as the Iroquois broke their alle
giance with the English and made a
treaty of peace with the French of
Canada, then the Conestogas were
compelled to choose whether they
would obey their masters the Iro
quois, or defy them and keep their
peace with the English. We may add
here that they never broke their
agreements with the English.

1702 Penn Wants Settlements on
the Susquehanna and Chesapeake.

In a letter written by James Logan
to William Penn in 1702, it is stated in
Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan Corres
pondence, p. 122, that a settlement
on the navigable part of the North
east river is to be made and that it
was to be located half way between
New Castle and Conestoga, and the
letter sets forth that another point in
favor of the settlement is, that it is
a convenient stage from the lower
parts to Susquehanna which would
much encourage a settlement of that

I also. The letter goes on to say that
! Griffith Owen who was with Penn at
I Susquehanna know the place. The
| letter then says that Logan approves
of Penn s inclination to have settle-
j ments on Chesapeake to trade be-
| tween Pennsylvania.

This I cite simply to show the im
portance of our Indians living up in
! this country because they had a cer-
1 tain bearing upon the settlements in
! that locality.

1702 Conestoga Indians Have Ceas
ed Their Visits to Philadelphia,

In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
j Correspondence, pp. 148 and 149, un-
j der the date of 1702 it is stated that
Indian Harry is still with the Onon-
dagoes but promises to stop on his
return, he did not do so. This
caused fear on the part of the whites
and they found that he was return
ed home to Conestoga two months
ago but that the Conestoga Indians
are quiet, however, that they " for
this last year have seldom come near
us ; some of them are uneasy and
! threaten to disturb the remote set-
! tiers of land: such as the New Ger-
j man tract, which they clamor is not
i purchased."

The importance of this topic lies
in the fact that here under the date
of 1702 is a "New German Tract"
| spoken of somewhere near the neigh-
I borhood of the Conestoga Indians.
This is fully five years and may be
seven years before the settlements
began either in the Pequea or Cones-
toga Valleys, and the "New German
Tract" likely refers to bargains
which Penn was .making in England
j with German People indicating to
them in a gneral way where their
, land s would be. Another noticeable
i thing in this item is the apparent
I doubt which the Conestogas enter
tained as to what they should do.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

172

Indian Harry had no doubt brought
home from Canada the news that the
Five Nations were thinking of joining
the French, and his suspicious ac
tion in not stopping on his way back
but going directly to Conestoga
would confirm that there was some
treachery on foot between the Five
Nations and the Conestogas toward
the English and the Conestogas seem
to be on the verge of breaking faith.
However, we will see later that all
turned out well.

As to this German tract, it may be
that the 20000 acres granted in 1701
to Cornelius Empsom near Octoraro
is what is referred to. See a former
item on this.

1702 Thomas Chalkley Journeys
Through the Susquelianna In
dian Country.

In Thomas Chalkley s works, a
book which we have referred to her-
tofore, pp. 38-39 he tells of his jour
ney in this neighborhood and among
the Indians thereof ; but I am not able
to say positively that he did com
municate with the Conestogas on this
trip. We will find definite informa
tion about his later missionary
journeys among the Susquehannas
and Conestogas.

1703 Louis Mitchell or Michelle,

Martin Chartier and Others Live

at Conestoga With the In-

dians.

In Rupp s history of Lancaster
County, p. 53 he says that in the
year of 1703 the Canton of Bern in
Switzerland sent Louis Mitchell to
look for vacant lands in Pennsyl
vania. Martin Chartier is also de
scribed as carrying messages from
Philadelphia to the Shawnas at Pe-
quea near Conestoga, where he had
a trading station. On p. 54 Rupp
says, though Mitchell was the person
who first lead the rest there to Con

estoga, yet others had come in
since; and these were the pioneer
whites in Conestoga. Rupp also says
at p. 45, quoting the Colonial Rec.,
which we have also quoted in a for
mer item, that Martin Chartier had
long lived among the Shawana In
dians.

1703 The French Again Trying to-

Wean the Conestoga Indians

From the English.

In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan

Correspondence p. 227 James Logan

Jon the 2nd of September of that year

! writes a letter to William Penn in

| which he says, "Indian Harry of Con-

; estoga is now here and acquaints us

with the great endeavors of the

French, but I have not fully dis-

! coursed with him." The letter also

! states that French are settling

\ among the Five Nations and are at

i peace with them; and have emissar-

| ies all about us. This is sufficient to

: show that the French were trying to

get the good-will of the Five Nations

and of course the Five Nations abso-

i lutely controlled the Conestoga In-

i dians.

1 1703 Letort and Bezalion Again
Held in Bonds.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 100
| the following report is made of a
Council held at Philadelphia the 17th
of August this year, as follows:

"James Letort who about two
years agoe went out of this Province
to Canada, and returned last spring,
having been upon his return exam
ined before several of the Council
and magistrates, and no great occa
sion found to support him of any
evil designs against this Government,
he having been bred in it since his
infancy, had hitherto behaved himself
inoffensively and was seduced to de
part in time of peace by the Instiga
tion of some others, without any evil

173

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

intentions that could be made appear
in himself and being now in town,
together with Peter Bezalion another
Frenchman and Indian Trader, it
was Judged necessary to call them
both before the Council, and for fur
ther satisfaction to take security of
them for their behavior towards the
Government, accordingly they were
sent for and obliged each to give Se
curity in five hundred pounds Ster
ling, that they should behave them
selves as good subjects of the Queen
and of this Government, and hold no
correspondence whatsoever with ye
enemy, but at all times during ye
Warr make best discoveries they
could do all designs that should come
to their knowledge against this Gov
ernment, or any others of the Queens
Subjects." In this article we plain
ly see how constantly the efforts
were going on about Conestoga to
get our Indians turned against the
English.

1703 James Logan s Intended Trip
to the Conestoga Indians.

In a letter to William Penn dated
the 13th of March, 1703, and found
in Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan Cor
respondence, p. 79, James Logan
says, "I design next month for Con
estoga, God willing, to treat with the
Indians there and confirm them for
we have many flying reports about
the attempts of the French to de
bauch all; and Indian Harry has
never been here since he went to the
Onondagoes last year, though he
solemnly promised to return this
way." But it appears in the same
book, pp. 197-198 that Logan never
made this trip.

1703 Bazilion Again Suspected.
In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan Cor
respondence, p. 224 in a letter from
James Logan to William Penn, Logan
states that it is not safe to let Baza-

lion to be at large, as he is a dan
gerous man against the English.

1703 Randall Janney to be Sent to
Susquelianna.

In Vol. 1 of the book last above
quoted, p. 214, William Penn writes
a letter to Logan which begins at
page 211, saying that he recommends
Janney about the Susquehanna pur-
, chase; and that Logan shall use him
! kindly. His purpose there was to
I look after the intended New County
j and also to keep tally on Indian do-
I ings.

1 1703 Penn Desires Tobacco and In
dian Products to be Shipped

Down the Chesapeake.
In the same Vol. last cited, p. 180
it is stated that a ship to carry 7 or
800 hogsheads of tobacco down the
! Chesapeake is about being built and
that the costs of it may not exceed
3000 pounds, if built at best hand;
land the cables and rigging may be
had from England.
1703 The Settlement at Octoraro

Trades With the Indians.
In the same Vol. last quoted, p. 203
in a letter by Isaac Norris to Jona-
jthan Dickinson, he speakes of the
| fact that the settlement of lands at
the head of the Northeast river or
Octoraro gives value to our Susque
hanna lands, and that our Susque
hanna country, considering the time
of the year is very healthy. It may
be collected from the letter as a
whole that some trading is being
conducted by the Indians with these
parts.
1703 A Number of Indians KemOYe

from Conestoga.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 131 in
the proceedings of a Council held the
beginning of the year of 1704 there
is an item which indicates that a
number of Indians about the end of

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

the year 1703 left at Conestoga. The
article states that Martin Chartier
who long lived upon the Susque-
hannna was examined in relation to
himself, the Indians, "and tkose that
had lately left Conestoga. And there
not being sufficient occasion to put
Mm any further trouble, he was dis
missed."

This is the only thing that I can
find on the subject. I can not tell
who or what tribe of Indians are re
ferred to or whether a large or small
.number left Conestoga. It does not
refer to the Shawnese because they
did not leave until quite some time
later than 1703. But this is enough
to indicate to us that certain bodies
of these Indians were in the habit of
shifting their homes.

1703 Whites Among the Indians at
Conestoga.

It seems as early as 1703 there
were some whites among the Con
estoga and other Indians about Sus-
quehanna, not to settle there but to
trade with them. Rupp at p. 39 has
briefly stated the history on this
point and he says as follows:
"Though no actual, settlements had
been made prior to 1708, or 1709, in
Lancaster County, a few whites had
their abodes among the Indians on
the Susquehanna. These were In
dian Traders, viz.: Joseph Jessop,
James LeTort, Peter Bezalion, Mar
tin Chartier, all Indians, and upon
the Susquehanna; and one Mitchel, a
Swiss. Nicole Godin, an active
young fellow, but rather a sneak, and
one Francois. These, however, had
no license to trade among and with
the Indians.

It appears from a French letter
from Madame Letort, the French
woman at Conestoga, directed to Ed
mund Farmer, bearing date 15th of
March, 1703-4, that the Towittois In

dians had come down and cut off
the two families of neighbor Indians
at Conestoga, and that they were all
there under great apprehensions of
further mischief from them, and were
preparing to demand succor of the
government in case the disorders
should be continued.

The subject mentioned in the let
ter, was considered in council,
March 22; and it was resolved that
messengers be forthwith despatched
to Conestogoe, by way of New Castle,
to know the truth of the information,
the relation, as it appeared, being
somewhat suspicious," This item,
needs no further explanation.

1704 Bumors of a Plot to Carry Off

the Shaw iM-sr,

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p, 145,
the Council heard that the Shawnese
were about to be carried away by
some strange Indians and they sent
for Peter Bezalion to be informed of
the fact. The minutes of Council on
this subject are as follows: "Peter
Bezalion ye French Trader, coming
to town and being sent for informed
ye Board That he had heard that
those of the five nations who intend
ed shortly down this way, had a de
sign of carrying off the Shawnese In
dians, both settled near Conestogoe,
and those near Lechay, (now Eas
tern), were their enemies; which
being fully considered, it was resol
ved that it would be necessary to
send an Embassy as well in behalf
of our friends and allies, as the
Shawnese are as of ourselves, and
that all the belts of wampum be
procured and sent up that were col
lected among the Indians three years
agoe for that purpose." No parti
cular comment is necessary on this
item as it explains itself.

1704 Indian Harry s Brother Be-

ports the Doings of the Five

Nations.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 155,
at a Council held on the 9th of Aug.

175

ANNALS OF THE STJSQUEHANNOCKS AND

this year it is reported that, " In
dian Harry s brother, late of Cones-
togoe, being arrived in town from the
five nations, was examined with
James Le Tort and Peter Bizaillion,
concerning those of the said five na
tions, that have been so long expect-
here; and Peter Bizaillion was or-
ordered to attend again, about five
o clock in the afternoon."

In this there is exhibited the further
movements and difficulties which the
English had at all times to keep the
Five Nations faithful.

1704 The Chiefs of the Five Nations

Came to Philadelphia to Mate

a Treaty,

In the same book just cited, p. 158
it appears at a Council held on the
28th of August this year that, "Kag-
undanoyagh one of the Chiefs of the
Onondagoes, with 7 or 8 others of ye
chiefs of ye Five Nations, being come
down to Philadelphia in order to hold
a treaty to settle a correspondence
with this Government. They were
called before the Council, the Lieu
tenant Governor being by reason of
sickness unable to attend."
1704 Nicole Godiii Above Conestoga
Reports Indian Depredations
in that Neighborhood.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 138
we have the following information,
which concerns not only the Senecas
but the Indians from Potomac and
Conestoga. The report of the pro
ceedings is as follows: "Edward Far
mer, acquainted ye Governor that
according to this order, he had in
formed ye Assembly of what he had
heard from the Trader Nicole Godin,
viz.: That upon ye return of ye Caro-
olina Indians, who was taken (as we
said) by some of ye five nations last
year, and after escape went home
wards through this province, some of
ye Carolina Indians, to ye number of

1 40, in revenge, were lately come and
I had set upon some of those Potow-
; mock, but they taking to their fast-
! ness and being secured, ye others de
clared to them that they (of Caro
lina), had been for many years at
tacked and Injured by some Indians
| from* ye Northwest, whom they had
always hitherto taken to be those of
j Canada, but now found who they
I were, viz: ye Senecars and those of
Potomock and Conestogoe, and that
they were resolved to be revenged,,
and that the three nations had join
ed and would shortly come up and
I either destroy or be destroyed by
j them.

That upon this information, ye as-
i sembly thanked the Governor for his
j care in sending them an account of ft
| and upon hearing there were two In
dians sent from some of ye five na
tions to this Government, on a mes
sage, requested that ye Governor
| would be pleased to examine ye said
| Indians to night, by Ja. Le Tort for
an Interpreter, and that the said
Nicole should be for to night, and ye
said Indians be examined with him
tomorrow."

1704 Suspicious Actions of Nicholas
Gateau.

At a council held the 15th of May,
1704 the following report was made
concerning Gateau who was an In
dian trader and operated among the
Conestogas and other Indians living
on Susquehanna. The report is found
in Vol. 2 of Col. Rec., p. 131 and is as
follows: "A petition from Nicholas
Gateau, the French cook, of this town
was read, shewing that when the ad
ministration of the Government was
in the Council, he had preferred a
petition praying that according to
the Laws of this Government he
might be naturalized in this Pro
vince and Territories; that his said
Petition had been granted and an in
strument prepared, but that by the
Governor s happy arrival the Execu-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

176

tion of it was prevented, and there
fore humbly prays that the Governor
would continue the same unto him,
and that he might be naturalized.

Ordered, that the said Nicholas, Ga
teau, upon his taking the requi
site oaths, (viz.:) fidelity to the
Queen, the abjuration of th e Pope s
Supremacy, and fidelity to the Pro
prietary, be naturalized, and an In
strument prepared for it according to
Law."

1704 Suffering of the Conestoga In-
dians in the Winter of 1704.

In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan Cor
respondence, p. 359, it is set forth in
a letter from Isaac Norris to Daniel
Zachary that the winter was very se
vere. The letter is as follows: "As
the longest English liver has never
known such a winter as this for the
abundance of snow so we have never
had such a vacation. All avenues
were stopped and traveling wholly
impeded till just now. The post has
not been here these six weeks, which
makes the time pass on very melan
choly, and the more particularly for
the want of hearing from you as us
ual. This makes me assured it will
be as welcome to thee to hear thy
little boy is well, and our family, with
friends generally. Our river has been
fast these six weeks, and people go
and come with carts, sleds, horses,
etc., as on land. Dutch sleds are
mightily in fashion here this winter."

On the following page of the same
book, Isaac Norris writes a letter to
John Askew on the same subject,
which is as follows: "We have had
the deepest snow this winter that has
been known, (by the longest English
liver here;) no traveling, all avenues
shut; the post has not gone these
six weeks. The river still fast;
people bring loads over it, as they
did seven years ago when thou wast
here; many creatures like to perish."

I have thought these two items
might be of interest in this connec
tion as that would show the condition
in the bleak winter around Conesto-
ga at the time when the only houses
in it were Indian huts or wigwams.

! 1704 Strange Indians Kill Several
Families of Coiiestogas.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 121
j there is set forth a report made be
fore Council of information which
Madame Ann Letort, the French
woman at Conestoga gave concern
ing the slaughter of Indians there;
and it is as follows: "A French let
ter from Ann Letort, the French
woman at Conestogoe, directed to
Edward Farmer, bearing date of the
15th Instant, being brought to the
Governor, informing that ye Towit-
tois Indians had come down and cut
off two families of neighbor Indians
at Conestogoe, and that they were all
there under great apprehensions of
further mischief from them, and
were preparing to demand succor of
| this Government in case the disor-
j ders should continue. The Governor
| laid the said letter before the Board
tp be considered how far the said in
formation ought to be regarded, and
would be judged necessary to he done
therein.

Resolved that some messenger or

messengers be forthwith despatched

away to Conestogoe, by way of New

Castle, to know ye true grounds of

the said Information, ye Relation as

it now appears being somewhat sus-

| picious. This is the same incident

j quoted from Rupp in a prior item it

I is repeated here because the records

j of Council are here in full.

1704 Gateau Complains Against
Godyn at Susquehanna.

In a minute of Council, p. 181 of
Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., it is set forth
that Nicholas Gateau exhibited a

ANNALS OF THE STFSQUEHANNOCKB AND

complaint that sundry goods were
Caken from him, some by Nich. Godyn
at Sasquehannah ; and others were in
possession of William Slooby and he
begs that justice be done him.

1704-A Keport that Charter & Two

Other French Indian Traders are

About to Leave Su-

In the Vol. last cited, p. 182 it was
reported to Council that Chartier and
other French traders were acting
suspiciously about Susquehanna and
on this information that they were
about to depart out of the Govern
ment. It was ordered that the Sher
iff of New Castle, being nearest to
their abode take it into charge and
be diligent to observe the motions
and designs, and if he finds any
grounds, he shall arrest and secure
Chartier and his accomplices. This
item is important in connection with
Our Indian on Susquehanna because
it locates the group of these French
traders definitely at this time that are
said in the item to live on Susque-
hanna, and it is further pointed out
that the Sheriff of New Castle is clos
est to them. This shows that they
were living on the lower Susquehanna
perhaps below Columbia at this time.
Their dealings with our Indians were
extensive and intimate.

1704 The Old Indian and Swedish

Road Still in Use to Sus-

qnehanna.

In an item found page 122 of Vol.
2 of the Col. Rec., which we have
heretofore quoted it is stated that
Council resolved to send messengers
to Conestoga by way of New Castle.
I here simply recall our attention to
the fact that as early as 1646 there
was evidence which we found in Cam-

I panius Holm and Acrelius that the

route taken by tfte ancient Susque-

hannocks and the Swedes who were-

settled in the neighborhood of what is

I now Wilmington, led across the

I country by the way of New Castle to&gt;

I Susquehanna river and then up the

river to the Indian Town. The item

| this road by the way of New Castle

we now quote seems to indicate that

was still a favorite one between the

Lower Delaware Settlements and the

Susquehanna Country.

1704 The Great Rum Trade with the
Conestoga Indians Continues.

At a Council which was held the

9th day of May, 1704, a member of the

Board informed that body of the

great abuses committed by carrying

rum from New Castle to Conestoga.

j In this item we see that the rum

trade still continues there in great

I force.

In addition to what we have just
i said it is set forth in the same Book,
i p. 141 that Ortyiagh, the Chief of the
| Conestoga Indians made a complaint
through Edward Farmer that he
should "complain to the Governor of
the great quantity of rum continually
brought to their town insomuch
that they are ruined by it and having
nothing left but have laid out all,
even their clothes for rum; and may
now, when threatened with war be
surprised by their enemies when be
sides themselves with drink and
thereby be utterly destroyed."

1704 Letort, the Indian Trader of
Conestoga, in Jail.

On page 163 of Vol. 2 of the Col.
Rec., "A petition from James Letort
a prisoner in the Common Gaol of
Philadelphia, was read setting forth
that he had always been faithful and
bore true allegiance to the Crown of

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

178

England, and was ready to give such
further security as should be thought
reasonable, yet was abridged of his
Liberty and detained a prisoner, and
praying for relief therein; it is order
ed to be further considered, and then
adjourned."

On the 31st of October this petition
of James Letort was considered, and
as it is set forth on page 170 of the
last named book, "it was ordered that
unless the said Letort can give suf
ficient security for his good behavior
in the sum of 1000 Pounds, to be pro
duced at the next setting of the
Council, he still be detained as a
prisoner."

1705 The Ganawese Come to the
Susquehaima Country.

At a Council held the llth of May,
1705 as is reported in Vol. 2 of the
Col. Rec., p. 191, "Manangy, the In
dian Chief of Schuylkill came to wait
on the Governor in behalf of the
Ganawese or Piscataway Indians,
settled in this Province near the
head of Polomock, being now reduc
ed by sickness to a small number,
and desirous to quitt their present
habitation, (where they settled five
years ago), with the Proprietor s
consent the Conestogoe Indians then
becoming Guarantees of a Treaty of
Friendship made between them, and
shewing a belt of Wampum, they
had sent to the Schuylkill Indians to
engage their friendship and Consent,
that they may be permitted to settle
in the said place, which if he pleased
to agree to, they will come and wait
on him themselves with a suitable
present.

The Governor gave them a kind in
vitation, by the said Menangy, to
come and settle as near us as they
should think fitt, provided they would
take care and live peaceably, and
that the said Manangy , and ye In-

| dians of that place with him would
appear and engage they should be
have themselves well and dutyfull to
this Government."

It will be observed here that these
I Indians came into Pennsylvania
! from the South in the year of 1700,
| but they settled on the extreme low
er boundary about the head branches
of the Potomac; and they now mov
ed to Conestoga. I can not find
whether they entered into the Cones-
toga tribe and became a new element
in its already conglomerated consti
tution or kept their separate tribal
| manners and lived separate. They
I were reduced to a very small number
i and may have formed a little group
| by themselves.

1705 The Coiiestogas Fear that the
Marylanders are Going to Ex
terminate Them.

In the book and at the page last

| mentioned it is stated, "Two Indians

j from Conestogae also waited on the

Governor, informing him that they

| had been alarmed by the people of

| Maryland, and were told that they

had design to come and take or cut

them off, upon account of an injury

done to some of that Province by

| some of the five nations, of which

| they were wholly innocent, and

| therefore desired this Government s

protection, that as they have behaved

themselves well and peacably, they

might still continue to live in quiet-

! ness and unmolested.

The Governor assured them, that if
they were clear of the violences done
lately upon the family of the English
in Maryland, and would not Espouse
the Cause of or shelter any who
should ccmmitt any injuries against
the Queen s subjects, they should al
ways be protected."

This item discloses to us that
| these small tribes about the Susque-
ihanna were again undergoing the

179

ANXALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

dangerous experiences which their
ancestors the old Susquehannocks
had undergone two generations be
fore: that is, the five nations com
mitted depredations in Maryland and
blamed it upon the Conestogas. We
remember that 1675 before the Five
Nations had conquered the Susque
hannocks those Indians of the Five
Nations used to commit murders in
Maryland and blame it on the Sus
quehannocks and it was this sad cir
cumstance that brought Major Tru
man and Colonel Washington to
slaughter the five Susquehannock
chiefs and take the first steps in the
extermination of the Susquehannock
Nation.

1705 James Logan Holds tlie First

Treaty at Conestoga Since

Penn s Last Tisit.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 244
under the date of the 6th of June,
1706 James gave an account of the
treaty which he had held at Cones-
toga in October, 1705. The reason
that he did not report it before was
that he wanted to make the report in
the presence of the Indians with
whom he had held the treaty; and
on this day the Chiefs of the Cones-
togas, Shawnese and Ganawese on
Susquehanna had come to town
(Philadelphia) to confer about pub
lic affairs and had brought Indian
Harry with them as interpreter, and
were now present in the council
chamber. This report to Council of
the treaty he made with them in 1705
was made in their presence so that
they could object if he reported any
part of it wrongly, and it served the
further purpose of fully informing
them that the treaty which had been
made in the far away woods along
the Conestoga would reach the
authorities at Philadelphia in fact
and in truth. The report which
Logan gave on what happened at
Conestoga is set forth as follows:

"The Secretary not having done it
in Council before, gave the Board an
account of the message to the said
Indians, in October last, undertaken
by order of Council, upon the re
peated reports we had of great un
easiness among the Indians, by rea
son of the Ganawese, who had fled
from Maryland, as follows, viz:

That in Company of some persons
from Chester, viz.: the Sheriff and
Clark of that County, and the Sher
iff of New Castle, Hercules Coutts,
Hermannus Alricks, with Edward
Shippen, Junr., and others being ten
in number, he carried thither some
English goods for a present and at
Conestoga as the Chief place he first
treated with them, telling them, (ac
cording to the minutes then taken),
that he was come from the Governor
of Pennsylvania, who had always
been a friend to all the Indians
within the bounds of it. That Gov
ernor William Penn, since he first
came into this countrey, with all
those under him, had always inviol
ably maintained a perfect friendship
with all the natives of the Countrey,
that he possessed of it at his first ar
rival.

That when he was last in the
Countrey he visited those of that
place and his son upon his arrival
did the same, in order to cultivate the
ancient friendship between them,
that he and his posterity might, after
his father s example maintain peace
and a good understanding with them
and their heirs.

That the Governor, who now is at
Philadelphia, is sent over to them by
Governor Penn in his stead, would
have come also and seen them, but
other business obstructed, he intend
ed it however as soon as possible he
could with conveniency.

That he, (the Secretary) with that
Company were now come, not to

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

180

make any new treaty with them, for
that he hoped would be needless,
those that have been already made
being in full force and sufficiently
strong, but to enquire of them, as our
brethren, how matters stood with
them, whether anything had happen
ed among them, and whether all
things were well with them in this
time of open war, of which we de
sired a full account of them.

That Governor Penn had often em
ployed his thoughts how to prevent
any affronts or injuries of any kind
being put upon them, and how they
might the most advantageously be
furnished with what they wanted
from the English.

That notwithstanding all his care
things had not been so well managed
as desired, but that now we were re
solved to fall upon measures, more
effectually to put in practice what
had been so much wished for in vain.

That the Assembly of Pennsylvania
which is the great Council, was now
about to sit at Philadelphia to make
necessary laws for the good of the
publicist, that in order to have some
good law made, also for their advan
tage, they were desired three or four
of their Chiefs and wisest men to
Philadelphia, to agree on such
things as would be most proper to be
past into laws for that purpose.

That he was not willing to insist
on any further particulars at this
time, upon the various reports that
had been spread in the Countrey con
cerning them, which principally oc
casioned their visit, referring till
they should meet at Philadelphia,only
he would mention two things of great
importance at the present time, and
which he must lay before them:
First, that they should take great
care of giving ear to Malicious Re
ports spread and carried by ill men,
for that we heard they had been al
armed at the Christians putting

! themselves in arms in all these

j parts and mustering. The reason of

! this was the war with the French,

and was designed rather to help

than to hurt them, but as they and

; we are brethren each must be assis-

| tant to the other, and therefore the

j English took up arms to defend

themselves, and the Indians also

against both their enemies.

That notwithstanding they ought
all as far as possible to avoid war,
for peace was most desirable, and
war must be only for defence.

That we were also informed some

of the Maryland Indians then among

them had differed with the English

there, and were afraid to return or

come among the English of that

Government. If so they might then

continue among us till matters were

| fully settled, that our Governor

would treat with the Governor of

| Maryland in their favour, but they

i must not quarrel with any of the

subjects of England, for we are all

under one Crown and are as one

I people.

That these Indians then called the
\ Piscataway Indians about five years
I ago when they came to settle within
: this Government came to Philadel-
! phia in company with those of Con-
estoga and the Shawanois, who en
gaged to our government for their
peaceable deportment and behavior
amongst us that hitherto they had
behaved accordingly, and we hoped
that the: 7 would continue so to do.
After which he summoned up his
discourses and desired them to re
member well what he had said and
give him an answer at next meeting
to-morrow. The Secretary further
informed the Board that the next day
sitting again in Council with their
Chiefs at Conestogoe, they made an
swer:

That in Consideration of our Visit,
though they were very poor, they

181

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

presented us with some skins. That !
they could not possibly come to ;
Philadelphia so soon as desired, j
being now late in the year, but in the j
Spring they will all come in a body. \
That they did not understand what i
we meant by ill reports, which being
further explained to them, they an- ;
swered, (Viz. the Ganawese), that i
some of the Virginians had much dis- |
turbed them, killed one of their men I
and abused several others, that being
uneasie they thought it not safe to j
continue there, and were now come i
hither where they hoped they might !
live peaceably, that on their sides i
whatever was reported they meant
nothing but peace and friendship. To j
which he answered that they should
be safe here, and desired them not
to go further from us till matters be
fully settled with Virginia and Mary
land, that in the mean time we would
be kind to them and they should not
want. They proceeded to answer
that they knew not of any ill reports
at present, that when they heard any
they should wholly disregard them.

That he further added that he un
derstood John Hans was building a
log house for trade amongst them,
which made uneasie, and desired to
know whether they encouraged it. To
which they answered that they did
not, and were desired not to suffer
any Christians to settle amongst
them without the Governor s leave.
They added that they desired us to
trade with them and for the present
to trust them, for it was very low
with them. The Secretary further
added that among the Shawanis, with
whom their chief abode was, he had
also held a treaty to the same pur
pose with that at Conestogae, and
received very near the same answers;
that he had made them presents of
Stroudwater and Indian Jewels to the
value of nearly 20 Pounds and had
received some skins in return.which

being sold to the best advantage
amounted to 6 Pounds and no more.
Then he left them all in a very good
temper, very well pleased and oblig
ed with the message, and exceeding
ly disposed. That he with the Com
pany had made a journey among the
Ganawese, settled some miles above
Conestogoe at a place called Conne-
jahera, above the fort,and had confer
ences with them, which seemed
wholly to compose all their appre
hensions, and that he had reason to
believe he left these three nations in
a perfect good understanding with
us, of which he thought it necessary
more particularly to acquaint the
Board at this time, because the pre
sent conference would in some mea
sure be grounded upon that message.
The said account being ended the
Governor ordered the Interpreter to
acquaint the said Indians that he
fully designed to have seen them at
, their own town before this time, but
; unexpected business falling in pre-
| vented him, notwithstanding he still
\ continued his resolution by the first
! convenient opportunity, in the mean
i time he was glad to see them all
! here, and desired they would pro-
! ceed to inform him of what they had
I new or what had occurred to their
j notice.

Upon which Andaggyjunguagh, the
! Chief of Conestogoe, laid before the
Governor, a very large Wampum belt
i of 21 rows, with three hands
i wrought in it in black, (the rest
white) which belt, he said.was pledge
of peace formerly delivered by the
Onondagoe Indians, one of the Five
1 Nations to the Nantikokes, when
they made the said Nantikokes trib
utaries; that the Nantikokes being
I lately under some apprehensions of
i danger from the Five Nations, some
| of them had this spring come up to
| Conestogoe and brought this belt

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

182

with them, and that they had another
of the same also at Conestogoe, to
show to those of the Five Nations
that were expected shortly to come
clown to receive the Nantikokes tri
bute; that they brought this belt
thither, that we might also shew it
to those of the Five Nations who
might come down this way, that they
might see they had made peace, and
that we are at peace with our
neghboring Indians. Much time was
spent in discoursing this, as also in
conferring which the Shawonois,who
owned themselves under some misap
prehensions from the Five Nations,
and then adjourned till morning."
The report of this treaty is so full
that we need add nothing to it by
way of comment

This last item again shows us the
location of Susquehanna Fort at this
time.

1705 Location of Susquehanna Fort

at This Time. Bazaliou and Two

Conestoga Indians Attend

Council.

In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Records,
p. 186 it was ordered on the 23rd of
May, 1705 that notice shall be given
to the two Indians from Conestoga
and to Peter Bezalion to attend to
morrow morning at 9 o clock. It was
at this meeting that the Conestogas
gave the news to Council that they!
were afraid of the Maryland authori
ties; and what they said and did has
already been stated so that it need
not be repeated.

As to Peter Bezalion it might be
important here to state that he is
buried in the church yard of the St.
John s Episcopal church at Compass,
just over the Lancaster County line
from Waterloo in Salisbury town
ship on the head branches of the
Pequea Creek. The inscription on
his tombstone is as follows:

"In Memory of

Peter Bezellion
i who departed this life

July 18th, 1742

Aged 80 years.

Whoe er thou art with tender Heart

Stop, Read and Think on me
1 1 once was well as now thou art,
As now I am so shalt thou be."

1705 A Law to Further Protect the

Indians from Frauds and

Insults,

In Vol. 2 of the Col Rec. p. 213 it
| is set forth that the Assembly have
forwarded to the Council a bill en-
i titled, "An Act for Better Improving
Good Correspondence With the In
dians." One object of the Act was to
| limit the amount they could spend
for Indian treaties. At page 216 it is
set forth that the Governor and
| Council thought the sum of 50
| pounds was too small for Indian
| treaties for one year, but the As-
| sembly would not agree to a larger
j amount. The act was finally passed
jthe 12 of January, 1706 and may be
i found in Vol 2 of the Statutes at
; large p. 279. The assembly won its
| point in this Act because it provides
I that no more than 50 pounds may be
I spent yearly.

1705 James Logan s Letter to Penn
on His Conestoga Trip.

In Vol. 2 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, p. 83 is to be found
a letter written by Logan to William
Penn the 9th of October, 1705, in
which he says in part, "I have for
several weeks past upon various
business been obliged to be from
home, a journey to Conestogoe, in
order to compose some misunder
standings apprehended to arise
among there and some other neigh
boring Indians, as the Shawanois
and Ganawois lately settled near
them, being fled from Maryland, took
me up about 10 days." This is about
all he says to William Penn on the
subject but the proceedings in full
are found in the Colonial Records, as
we have above stated.

ANNALS OF THE STJSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1706 Conestogas, Shawnese and

Ganawese go to Philadelphia

On Business.

If one had been in the Council
Chamber on the 6th of June, 1706
they would have found there a large
company of Indians from the Sus-
quehanna, who came down to confer
on public business. We have refer
red to this before showing that James
Logan took advantage of their pre
sence to explain to the Council in the
presence of the Indians the treaty he
had made at Conestoga in October,
1705. But this visit by these Indians
was made by them for other pur
poses. We remember that the Con
estoga Chiefs laid before the Gover
nor a very large belt of wampum with
21 rows with 3 black bands wrought
in it and the rest white and gave the
explanations which we have above set
forth. The next day the Board took
up the question of what this belt
meant and why the Indians left it
there to be shown to the Five Na
tions. The Council were very much
puzzled and somewhat frightened by
this account of the Conestogas, es
pecially as the Nantikokes desired it
to be brought to the attention of the
Five Nations when those chiefs
should come through Philadelphia on
their way to Conestoga. The decis
ion of Council is set forth at page
247 of the book last cited, where it
is stated that the subject being de
bated for some time, and the Indians
more particularly examined about it,
it was resolved at length upon their
declaring that they had another of
the same at Conestoga to be shown
to the Five Nations that the belt
should be kept here according to
their proposal."

1706 The Governor Explains Our
Laws to the Conestoga Indians.

1 this 7th cf June, 1706 the Governor
I caused the late law for improving at
| better Correspondence with the In
dians to be read and explained to-
those that had come down from Con
estoga. "They were acquainted upon
it, that this Government took all
possible care to have all matters re
lating to them regulated to the best
j advantage, that now they had made a
I law to prevent any injuries to them
from the Christians, and laying great-
| er punishments on those that should
; commit them, than if they were done
to the English themselves. That we
! had also enacted in that law, that no
! person should trade with them, but
I such as should first have a license
! from the Governor, under his hand
j and seal, upon making out of which
j license, the persons licensed were
| obliged to observe certain orders and
jrgulations, that the Indians should
be in no wise abused by them. That
it now concerned them to take care
i among themselves, that this law
I should be kept in force, for the trad
ers coming among them could not be
| discovered but by the Indians, and
i therefore they were desired to see
I that it be duly observed. They then
; desired that only two persons should
! be allowed to trade with them, for
that number would be sufficient, but
it was answered that they would be
the more subject to be imposed on,
I the fewer should trade with them,
and it would be to their advantage,
! provided that all traders were sub-
i ject to a regulation.

They further desired that none
might be suffered to go up into the
Countrey beyon.d their towns, to
i meet the Indians returning from
| hunting, for they sustain great dam
ages by that practice, by being made
j drunk at their return before they

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

184

Under this they were desired to
take care among themselves that
none of their people should sell any
thing to the traders till they canie
home to their own town and in the
licenses that should be given in the
future, the Governor would take care
to oblige them not to go higher into
the Countrey than the noted Indian
Towns and to trade nowhere else.

Then they presented a parcel of
Deer, Fox and Racoon skins, of about
14 Pounds in value, (according to
the prices they now bear), which
they offered for a confirmation of
the Chain of Friendship between us,
and desired that we might all still
Continue Friends and Brothers as
we have always hitherto been, which
being kindly accepted and orders
given to provide goods to return
them for their present, the Council
adjourned."

In this we again see what a var
iety of matters it was necessary to
take up and settle between our In
dians on Susquehanna and the Gov
ernment; and what a sensible view
the Indians took of all these mea
sures for their benefit.

1706 The Costs of Logan s Treaty
With the Conestoga Indians.

On the 25th of June, 1706, as shown
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 248 the |
Secretary, James Logan, "laid before
the Board an account of the charge
of the last treaty had with the In
dians of Conestogoe, at Philadelphia,
amounting on the debtor side to 36
pounds, 2s and 5d; on the Creditor
13 pounds, 17s which makes the
balance 22 pounds, 5s and 5d, which
account being approved and approved
of by the Board, it is ordered that
the Treasurer forthwith pay the bal
ance of it of that 50 Pounds per
Annum, allowed by the Assembly
for that purpose."

1706 Governor Evans Gtoes to Con
estoga to Make a Treaty.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 251 at
a Council held the 31st of August,
this year, Governor Evans represent
ed to the Council that it being of
great importance during this war
time to maintain a good understand
ing with the Indians and secure
them to the Queen s Interest against
the effeorts of the enemy to de
bauch them, he had proposed to
make a visit very hastily to those of
Conestoga and the adjoining settle
ments and he asked that it be made
a public charge; and the Board if the
Governor did undertake the trouble
of the journey, that his visit to them
since they expect to see him at their
own town, might be of great public
service.

On this encouragement Governor
Evans made the visit and the treaty
and on the 19th of September he re
ported it to Council (p. 252), saying
that he had further "a necessity of
going to Conestoga lately for which
he found when he arrived there that
there had been very great occasion
and he hoped it would prove of
great service." This seems to be the
only report of the treaty and what
questions he took up and disposed of
is now shown. But in Vol. 2 of the
Penn & Logan correspondence, p. 159
James Logan writing to Wm. Penn
says in a letter dated August 1706 in
speaking of John Evans, " There
are perhaps some articles that per
haps may shock thee, particularly
that of the Conestogoe journey but it
is exactly as everything is as they
have charged. The ill flavor of that
treaty made by Governor Evans is
they accused him of making gain out
of it. In a letter found in the
hook last mentioned, p. 267 in
Logan says concerning John Evans
that the Assembly have long since

185

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHAISTNOCKS AND

accused him of making out of this I
treaty a lewd voyage to Susque- j
hanna with the violest character of
his and his retinue s practices with
the wives and daughters of the In
dian people of Conestoga."

The scandal of this treaty at Con- j
estoga was taken note of by the As- j
sembly and on the 28th of Decem- j
ber, these staid old Quakers in an J
address to Governor Evans say in :
Vol. 1 of the Votes of Assembly, Part
2, p. 131, "If men employed or con- ;
cerned in Indian treaties or trade
will take these opportunities to
exact upon or defraud the Indians
and commit such vile abominations i
with them, as we are informed some
have -done to the great scandal of
Christianity, the poor heathen will j
have too much cause to conclude
that it is better to remain in their
natural state, than to advance to
wards the Christian religion, espec-
fally as they conclude that the prac-
ticers thereof will give them no
better examples, than we understand
some have done lately and formerly,
in their Indian visits."

Rupp says at p. 44, in speaking of
this treaty that, "It appears that the
Indians, at Conestoga were quite an
object of attention. Fearful they might
be alienated, Governor Evans con
ceived it of the utmost importance
under these existing circumstances
to maintain as far as possible, a per
fect good understanding with the In
dians, and to labor to keep them se
cure in the Queen s interest against
the machinations used by the enemy
to debauch them from the people of
the province. To effect this, he pro
posed, in August, 1706, the year after
Chalkley s errand to them as a mes-
senger of Peace, to visit very speed- \
ily the Indians of Conestoga, and the ,
adjacent settlement. He went, and |
had a personal interview with them
at Conestoga; and it proved, as he !

hoped of great service.

It was then, perhaps, he was so
eloquently addressed by an Indian
Orator, who, as the Poet says spake:
Father we love quiet; we suffer
the mouse to play, .when the leaves
are rustled by the wind we fear not;
when the leaves are disturbed in am
bush, we are uneasy; when a cloud
obscures your brilliant sun, our eyes
feel dim; but when the rays appear,
they give great heat to the body, and
joy to the heart. Treachery darkens
the chain of friendship, but truth
makes it brighter than ever. This
is the peace we desire."

I quote this just as Rupp gives it
and if the Governor was capable of
the abominable acts he is charged
with having committeed (and his re
tinue) after the beautiful addresses
the Indians made to him, he must
have been a character entirely un
worthy of his place and could not
find any excuse whatever except that
which malefactors frequently use
that he was drunk and did not know
what he was doing.

This action of Evans illustrates
how completely vile acts are kept
alive through the long ages of his
tory ; for the good old schoolmaster,
Robert Proud, p. 481 of his History
of Pennsylvania, also calls attention
to what he styles Governor Evans
abominable acts at Conestoga. And
he further says that the Assembly in
1707 drew up a remonstrance against
Evans and made this conduct at Con
estoga one of the main points
against him. This remonstrance is
found in Vol. 1 of the Votes of As
sembly, Part 2, p. 180 and in it they
say p. 181 that a complaint was made
to the House that some who lately
went with Governor Evans to Cones-
toga to visit the Indians committed
vile abominations with them, and in
remonstrance they conclude by say-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

186

ing that the Lieutenant Governor j
being in Penn s absence in chief j
command of the province, ought to be
virtuous, but that he has by his ex- j
cess and misdemeanors dishonored j
God and the Queen and brought the j
Government of Pennsylvania to great
public scandal.

1706 Thomas Chalkley s Yisit to the j
Coiiestoga Indians.

Rupp in his History of Lancaster j
County, p. 41 says that in the year !
1705 Thomas Chalkley was visiting !
some of his brethren at Nottingham j
in Maryland and that Chalkley said at j
that same time that he had it on his i
mind to visit the Indians living at j
Conestoga. Rupp then quotes it as j
being in 1705 but Chalkley fixes it in
his Journal as in 1706. Rupp then
gives the following description of j
what took place: "We got an inter- !
preter, and thirteen or fourteen of us
travelled through the woods about
fifty miles carrying our provisions
with us, and on the journey set !
down by a river, and spread our |
food on the grass and refreshed our- j
selves and horses, and then went on j
cheerfully and with good will, and |
much love to the poor Indians and |
when we came they received us kind- j
ly, treating civilly in their way. We
treated about having a meeting with
them in a religious way; upon j
which they were very grave, and
spoke one after another, without any
heat or jarring and some of the :
most esteemed of the women speak
in their councils. I asked our in- j
terpreter, why they suffered or per- ]
mited the women to speak in their
Councils? His answer was, that
some women were wiser than some
men. Our interpreter told me that
they had not done anything for
many years without the councils of j
an ancient grave woman ; who, I
observed spoke much in their Coun- !

cils; for as I was permitted to be
present at it, and I asked, what it
was the woman said? He told me
she was an empress; and they gave
much heed to what she said amongst
them; and that she then said because
we did not come to buy or sell or
get gain, but come in love and respect
to them and desire their well doing
both here and hereafter; and fur
ther continued that our meetings
among them might be very beneficial
to their young people and related a
dream which she had three days be
fore, and interpreted it, viz.: That
she was in London, and that London
was the finest place she had ever saw
it was like to Philadelphia; but
much bigger and she went across
six streets, and in the seventh she
saw William Penn preaching to the
people, which was a great multitude,
but she and William Penn rejoiced
to see each other; and after meeting
she went to him, and he told her that
in a little time he would come over
and preach to them also, of which
she was very glad. And now she
said her dream was fulfilled, for one
of his friends was come to preach
to them.

She advised them to hear us, and
entertain us kindly; and according
ly they did. There were two nations
of them, the Senecas and Shawnese.

We had first a meeting with the
Senecas, with which they were much
affected; and they called the other
nation, viz. : the Shawnese, and in
terpreted to them what we spoke in
their meeting, and the poor Indians,
and particularly some of the young
men and women, were under a solid
exercise and concern. We had also
a meeting with the other nation, and
they were all very kind to us, and de
sired more such opportunities; the
which, I hope, Divine Providence will
order them if they are worthy there
of.

187

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

The Gospel of Jesus Christ was
preached freely to them, and faith
in Christ, who was put to death at
Jerusalem, by the unbelieving Jews;
and that this same Jesus came to
save people from their sins and by
his grace and light in the soul, shows
to man his sins, and convinceth him
thereof; delivering him out of them,
and giving inward peace and comfort
to the soul for well-doing; and sor
row and trouble for evil-doing; to
all which as their manner is, gave
public assent; and to that of the light
of the soul, they gave a double as
sent, and seemed much affected with
the doctrine of truth, also the benefit
of the holy scriptures was largely
opened to them.

After this we returned to our res
pective habitations, thankful in our
hearts to the God and Father of our
Lord Jesus Christ. Several of the
friends that went with me expressed
their satisfaction in this visit, and of
fered themselves freely to go again
to the like service."

I find the same in Chalkley s Jour
nal, p. 49 where he says he had
meetings as he travelled on the road
at Nottingham river, Northeast
River, Bush River, Gunpowder River
and Susquehanna River but he seems
to fix the date at 1706, and the same
thing which is set forth in Rupp is
found pp. 49,50, 51, 52 in Chalkley s
Journal.

1706 More Germans Buy Land
Among the Conestoga Indians.

In Vol. 2 of the Penn & Logan Cor
respondence, p. 110, William Penn
writes to Logan from England and
says that "The German persons
press me not for the 30,000 acres of
land in New Castle County but the
Conestoga land." We here see that
the Germans are now preparing to
make their home among these Con
estoga Indians as early as this, where

j they obtained rights from Penn but of
i course they did not settle until a
j year or more later. It seems that
the Conestoga Indians were satisfied
i to receive these new neighbors for
i in the same letter Penn writes and
j says, " I am glad that the business
: of the Conestogas and other Indians
I came off so easily.

1706 Relation of the Minquays and
the Five Nations.

In 15 Hazard s Register, p. 181
Conyingham says that the Minquays
or their nation was part of the Five
Nations and settled at Conestoga and
were thence called Conestoga In
dians. They sent messengers to
Penn s Commissioners at Sackam-
axan in 1682; some of their chiefs
attended the conference or treaty of
William Penn in December of the
same year when certain lands were
assigned them as residences forever,
the right of the soil having been pur
chased of the Indians by Penn. He
also says that these Conestoga In
dians were remarkable for their love
of peace and fidelity of their promis
es. He says that it is recorded that
once every year they send a delega
tion to the Governor with presents,
assuring him of their fidelity of the
first treaty or treaties.

1707 Governor Evans Second Treaty
at Conestoga,

Some time during the late Spring
of 1707 word came from Conestoga
that Nicole Godyn and another
Frenchman named Francois were en
deavoring to get the Indians on Sus
quehanna and Conestoga to desert
the English and join the French. This
required immediate attention and
Council decided that the Governor
should make another journey to Con
estoga, which he did in June of that
year. He returned about the middle
of July and gave a full account of

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

188

this treaty which is found in Vol.
2 of the Col. Rec., pp. 386 to 390, and
it is as follows:

" The Governor with Messrs. John
French, William Tonge, Mitchell Be-

zalion, Grey, and four

other servants, set out from New
Castle the 27th of June and the next
morning arrived at Otteraroe where
the Governor was presented with
some skins from the Indians, and the
same night we arrived at Pequehan,
being received by Martines by
Opessah and some Indian Chiefs,who
conducted us to the town, at our en
trance into which place we were sa
luted by the Indians with a volley
of small arms. On Monday we went
to Denkanoagah, upon the river Sas-
quehanna, being about nine miles
distance from Pequehan. Sometime
after our coming here a meeting was
held of the Shawanois, Senequois and
Canoise Indians and the Nantikoke
Indians from the seven following
towns, viz: Matcheattochousie, Match-
couchtin, Witichoquoam, Natahquois,
Techquois, Byengeahtein, and Pohe-
commdati. An Indian presented to the
Governor and his Company, and all
ye Indians there present, a large pipe
with tobacco, out of which every one
smoakt, and then the Governor ac
quainted the Indians that he had re
ceived a message from the Senequois
Indians of Conestogoe and those of
Pequehan, how that several strange
Indians were amongst them, and
desired his presence there; that al
though he had the charge and care of
many thousands of the Great Queen
of England s subjects, yet he has now
come to this place to know their de
sires, and was willing to serve them
in whatsoever lay in his power; to
which a Nantikoke Indian replied,
that they were extremely glad the
Governor was with them and that
they had waited ten days to see him.
Adjunke, one of the Sachemaes of

Conestogoe said, he was well satis
fied with the Relation the Nantikoke
Indians had given him of their af
fairs. Yet notwithstanding he was
very desirous they should make it
known to the Governour that he
might also be satisfied with it, a Nan
tikoke Indian took into his hands a
Belt of Wampum from a line where
on there was hung nineteen others,
and several strings of beads, and
said they had been given to under
stand the Queen had sent orders, that
the Indians should live in peace with
one another and that they were sent
to give some of those belts in behalf
of the Governor of Maryland, and
themselves, to the Five Nations as
our Indians also to do for others and
Pennsylvania and themselves, if the
Governor thought fit, in order to re
new their league with the Five Na
tions.

Govr. How long have you been at
peace with those nations? Nant. In
dian. 27 years.

Governor. What is the reason then
of so many belts of Wampum and
Strings of Beads?

Nant. Indian. We send them as a
tribute.

Governor. I am very well satis
fied with what has been told me, and
with what the Governr of Maryland
has done, and had I been acquainted
with this business at Philadelphia, I
would have sent a belt of Wampum
as a token of friendship, to the five
nations; but some of those five na
tions were with me not long since,
by whom I sent a belt; and then Ad
junke took a belt in his hands, say
ing he meant to send it to the Five
Nations for Penn and themselves.

Indian Harry, by order of the Con-
estoga . Sachemaes, spoke in English
to the Nantikoke, who all understood
that language as follows, viz: You
are going to the Onondagoes; be sure
keep on your way; many may tell

189

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

you several things to fright you, and
that they are great men, and you will
be killed. You keep on your way and
believe them not, for you will find
the King of the Five Nations a very
good one, and as good a king as any
amongst the Indians.

Governor. I am very glad to see
you altogether at this time, and it is
my desire and shall be my endeavor,
that you all live in peace. Your
enemies are ours, and whosoever
shall pretend to injure you, I will en
deavor that you shall have satisfac
tion made for it. Then the confer
ence ended, and the Governor treated
ye Indians at Dinner, and at night re
turned to Penquehan.
Pequehan, 30th June Present:

Shawnoise Indians and some of the

Five Nations.

Opessah spoke in behalf of the youth
of his Town, as follows, viz:

We thank the Governor for his
kindness in supporting our people.
We are happy to live in a Countrey
at Peace, and not in these parts,
where we formerly lived; for then
upon our return from hunting, we
found our town surprised and our
women and children taken prisoners
by our enemies.

Governor. The Indians may be as
sured of my protection, for we are
one people. If in your absence any
of your enemies endeavor to hurt any
of your wives or children, they shall
redress; for I esteem an injury done
to you as to myself.

Opessah. It was the Nantikoke
and Canoise Indians who sent for
our Father the Governor, and not we
therefore we are very sorry they er
tertained him no better, but since they
have not been so kind as they ought
we hope the Governor will accept r
our small present which we now
make him; for we are sensible the
ways are bad, and that the bushes
wear out your clothes for which

reason we give these skins to make
Gloves, Stockings and Breeches, in
place of those wore out.

Governor. I am well pleased with
my journey, and shall be always
ready to do the like to preserve peace
amongst you at home; and maintain

| your alliances abroad. I have now
(to let you see what confidence I
have in you) trusted myself in the
midst of you, with a very few of our
great Queen s subjects, although I
could have easily brought with me
very great numbers. I have been
told that some ill designing persons
have frequently raised reports of my
intention to destroy you; Pray, let
me know the authors of these re
ports, and they shall be punished ac
cording to their Deserts. I am and
always have been ready to do you all

; manner of good offices and will con
tinue in the same mind toward you,
therefore if any person insinuates
the contrary to you, it is my mind

j that you secure their persons, and
give me immediate notice of it. There
has been formerly several alliances
made with you, which you well
know we on our parts have observ
ed punctually; and so shall continue
to do so, and wish you may do the
same.

Then an Indian spoke in behalf of
the women. We are concluded in
the alliances before spoken of as well
as our men; so we ask the Gover
nor s protection, and desire that the
Governor will kindly accept this pre
sent of skins, which freely we make
him, as a Testimony of our kindness.

Governor. I do accept your present
very kindly, and thank you for the
same; and you shall always find me
ready to protect and defend you and
will continue to trust you as friends
and sisters. After which the Gover
nor spoke to the messenger from the
Five Nations as follows, viz:

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

190

You must be sure you remember to
acquaint your chiefs that you have
seen me here, and at the Shawnoise
Town; and of the friendship and al
liance that is betwixt us and the In
dians.

Opessah, I hope the Governor will
give us his hand in token of his
friendship.

Governor. I will give not only my
hand, but my heart.

During our abode at Pequehan
several of the Shannois Indians, from
ye Southward came to settle here
and were admitted so to do by
Opessah, * with the Governor s con
sent; at the same time an Indian
from Shaonois Town, near Carolina,
came in and gave an account that
450 of the flat-headed Indians had be-
seiged them; and that in all probab
ility, the same was taken. Bezalion
informed the Governor that the Sha
onois of Carolina (he was told), had
killed several Christians; where
upon the Government of that pro
vince raised the said flat-headed In
dians, and joined some Christians to
them, beseiged, and have taken as it
is thought, the said Shaonois town.

On Tuesday, 1st of July, we went
to Conestogoe, and lay there that
night, and the next morning proceed
ed on our journey, and arrived in the
evening within 3 miles of an Indian
village, called Peixtan. The Gover
nor had received information at Pe
quehan, that one Nicole, a French
Indian trader was at that place
against whom great complaints had
been made to the Governor of which
he acquainted the chief Indian of
Peixtan, as also of his design to
seize him; who willingly agreed to
it, but advised the Governor to be
very cautious in the manner: their
being only young people at home,
who perhaps might make some resis
tance, if it were done without their
first being told of it; for this reason

we lay short of the village that
night; but early in the morning we
went within half a mile of the town,
and leaving our horses, marched a
foot near the same; from whence the
Governor sent Martine to the village ;
| Ordering him to tell Nicole that he
| had brought two Caggs of rum with
him, which he had left in the woods,
for fear any Christians were there ;
and withal to perswade Nicole to go
with him to taste the rum.Martine re-
| turned with James Letort and Joseph
Hessop, two Indian traders, but
could not prevail with Nicole; upon
this Martine was sent back with or
ders to bring down some of the In
dians, and Nicole with them; then
I we drew nearer to the town, and
laid ourselves in the bushes andMar-
I tine returned with two Indians,whom
the Governor acquainted with his in-
I tent of taking Nicole, telling at the
1 same time, he had spoken with to
| the Uncle of one of them upon that
! head, who ordered the Indians to
submit to the Governor s commands,
with which they were contented,
though we preceived too well the
contrary, by their inquiring how
many we were, and how armed; and
; by the concern they seemed to be in,
I when they found we were more men
than they in number: but still Nicole
was wanting; it was therefore resol
ved to try once more if he could be
got into the woods, accordingly Mar-
tine went again, and brought Nicole
to that place where we lay conceal
ed, and asking him to drink a dram,
he seized him; but Nicole started
from him and run for it, when im
mediately we started out and took
him, and presently carried him to
the village, (through which we were
obliged to pass), and there we found
some Indians with guns in their
hands, who looked much displeased
at what we had done, but we being

191

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

in readiness against any surprise, 1
they thought it not fitt to attempt
anything; here we stayed about half j
an hour, and then started for Turpy- j
hocken; having mounted Nicole up- ;
on a horse and tied his legs under
the belly; we got within a mile of
Turpyhocken about two of ye clock
on Friday morning, and about 7 the j
Governor went to the town, from i
thence we went to Manatawny that j
night, and the next day to Philadel- [
phia."

Upon the Governor having made
this report it was "Ordered that a j
message be sent by Martin Chartiere, |
an inhabitant among the said Shaw-
anois, at Peckquea, near Conestogoe,
and now in Philadelphia, desiring the
Chief of said Shawonois, himself, or
two or three of the Council, together
with some of the principal of those
strangers, to come to Philadelphia as
speedily as they conveniently can,
and give the Governor an account, of
the said strangers, and their reasons
of leaving their native Country, to
transport themselves hither." (390).

The difficulties which required this
treaty and journey are set forth in
the last named book, p. 385, as fol
lows:

"The Governor informed the Board
that having lately, upon an extraor
dinary occasion, made a journey
among the Indians upon Sasquehan-
nah, he had caused a journal of his
transactions with them to be drawn
up, which he thought fit to lay be
fore the board, but finding it to be
somewhat deficient he should defer
it until the next meeting.

But that what he had now more
immediately to consult the Board up
on is, that he had before his said
journey received information, and
had taken the depositions of two evi
dences, that one Nicole Godin, a
French man, a bold active young fel

low who had not long kept aboard in
the woods amongst the Indians, and
was with them in Philadelphia about
three years ago, and had been using
endeavors to incense these people
against the English, to stir them up
to enmity against the subjects of the
Crown, and to join with our public
enemy the French to our destruct
ion; upon which information, he re
solved before his return to have him
apprehended, which after a tedious
journey and considerable difficulties
he had accordingly performed, and
brought him a prisoner to Philadel
phia, in the Common Gaol of which
he now lies.

Also, that another native of France
or its Domainions, Francois by
name, having for some time contin
ued among our Indians on Sasque-
hannagh, without any license, had
principally concerned himself in a
barbarious murder, committed by
the Shawanois upon one of their
captive enemies, for which act, be
cause it would be accounted to be
done by a Christian and therefore
might be of very ill consequence;
the Governor had caused him also to
be apprehended and brought to
Philadelphia, where he likewise is
now in Gaol."

No further comment need be add
ed to this as what is set forth ex
plains it in full. It is interesting to
observe, however, that all the excit
ing proceedings took place along the
old Sasquehanna from the mouth of
the Pequea Creek to a point beyond
Chickies. It is also observed that
the Governor and his party came by
the Southern route by the way of
New Castle and Octoraro and went
home by way of the Northern route
up the Conestoga Creek and by
French Creek to the Schuylkill. Both
of these routes as we remember were
ancient roads or paths, the Southern

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

192

the Old Swedish Road in their trade
with the Susquehannocks, and the
Northern the path which William
Penn speaks of in Vol. 1 of Hazard s
Register, p. 400 as being the com
mon course the Indians used when
he first met them, in trade with his
people on the East.

1707 The French Traders Want the

Conestoga Indians to Help

Them to Dig Ore.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 403,
under the date of February 24, this
year it is set forth that, "upon a mes
sage from the Indians of Conestoga,
by Harry, the interpreter, they met
accordingly; and the said messenger
laying upon the board six loose
strings of white Wampum for his
Credentials, declared that he was
sent by the Queen and Principal men
of Conestoga aforesaid, to the Gov
ernor and Council here, to acquaint
that divers Europeans, viz: Mitchell
(a Swiss), Peter Bezalion, James Le-
tort, Martin Chartier, the French
Glover of Philadelphia, Frank a
young man of Canada, who was late
ly taken up here, being all French
men, and one from Virginia, who al
so spoke French, had seated them
selves and built houses upon the
branches of the Potomac, within this
Government, and pretended that
they were in search of some Mineral
or ore, that in the Governor s name
they had required the Indians of
Conestoga to send some of their
people with them to assist them and
be serviceable to them, for which the
Governor would pay them; That
those of Conestoga, not thinking
these proceedings to be consistent
with their past treaties and leagues
of friendship, desired to know wheth
er the said persons were really sent
by the Governmnt, and had thus
seated themselves by their approba
tion, and whether they had any or-

i ders to desire the assistance of the
i said Indians, if not that they then
j might be called home. The said In-
j terpreter further added, that al
though Mitchell was the person who
had first led them thither, yet he had
left them many weeks past, and pre
tended that he wanted one Clark, of
Maryland, (who is said to be now un-
! der an Attainder, by an act of As-
sembly of that Government), to as
sist him in the discovery; and the
said messenger being asked divers
i other questions relating hereunto he
S was ordered to withdraw.

The Council takes the Premises
j into consideration, first inquired
j whether any of the above mentioned
persons had a license to trade, in
pursuance of the Act of Assembly,
! lately passed in this Province, for
maintaining a better correspondence
with the Indians, and thereupon the
form of the license was read, and an
account of all those who were lic
ensed in pursuance of the said law,
was produced by which it appeared
that none of those before mentioned
is licensed, saving Peter Bezalion,
and that if they had all been so, yet
| that would not justify them for seat-
I ing themselves in such a manner as
i has been before expressed. Where-
j upon it was resolved that an answer
should be prepared to be sent to the
said Queen, in which her care in ac-
I quainting this Government with what
j the messenger had related, should be
| acknowledged, and that the afore-
I mentioned persons should be forth
with required to repair to Philadel
phia, to give an account of the rea-
I sons of their seating themselves in
1 the aforesaid pl^ce, and the Secre-
i tary is ordered to the said answer
against four of the clock in the after
noon, to which time the Council is
adjourned."
No comment need be added to this

193 ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

item more than to say that the whites ! Nantikoke Indians were being de-
in this neighborhood of Conestoga i tained at Conestoga by the Conestoga
were very ready to use these Con- Indians to await the Governor s ar-
estoga Indians for any purpose which rival, which would have been a fur-
would be of advantage to them. | ther expense if he had not gone, and

! that he went at great fatigue, that
1707 Governor Evans Explains the

his expenses of going, being for the
Cause of His Making the Second | public good&gt; snould be paid

Treaty Without the Per- 1707 Nicole Godyn Captured at

mission of Council. Conestoga.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 393, | i n Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 385,
it is stated that the Council came to ! a s we have already set forth, it is
this resolution concerning the Gov- stated that Nicole Godyn was cap-
ernor s last treaty at Conestoga, viz: | tured by Governor Evans and his
"That the Governor s last expedition j party in the neighborhood of Bain-
among the Indians, occasioned by a j bridge. I set this out in a separate
message to him from those of Cones- I item simply to give it prominence, as
togoe and the adjacent places, upon it was an important event,
the Nantikokes designed journey to | i 7 07_Martin Chartier the Indian
the Five Nations, was necessary for !

the good and for the service of the [ es

Public, and that the Governor shew- Miss Lyle in her histoi T of Lan ~
ed his care of it therein; that there- I caster County, p. 6 says that about
fore all the necessary charges of the this time Martin Chartier the Indian
said journey ought to be defrayed by Trader died. She says of him, that
the public. But inasmuch as the several y ears before his deatn which
circumstances of time would not al- occurred in 1708, he removed his
low the Governor, being then at New ] trading post to a point about a mile
Castle to communicate the said | above the Indians fort in Manor
journey to and advise the Council j township. His son Peter Chartier,
concerning ye same, and seeing the married a Shawnese squaw and in-
law for defraying such charges to duced the most warlike portion of
provide, that all messages and the tribe to join the French against
treaties that are to be allowed by the English, during the French and
the Public, are first to be ordered by Indian Wars, of 1754-63. This Peter
the Governor and Council. The Chartier was undoubtedly a very
Board, therefore, is doubtful that dangerous character as we have seen
there allowing of the said accounts in former items. He was called, a man
will scarce be sufficiently warranted witn a viper s blood running through
by the said law, and the considera- nis veins, meaning the blood of the
tion of the former journey is referred Shawnese, who were always treach-
to the next sitting." erous and warlike.

The Governor had some difficulty j 1708 Peter Bjizilion Takes Up Land
in having the expense of this treaty Above Conestoga.

paid but on the 25th of August, 1707

In Vol. 19 of the 2nd. Series of the

-ounci 1 again considered the mat- Penna Arch 49g

er and finding that ,t was impossible the Board of Property&gt; held the nth

(or the Governor to consult the ot October&gt; mg lt ig get forth that

Council before going and that the (there was "granted unto Peter Biz-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

194

allon, Indian Trader, upon his hum-
hie request, free liberty to build to
himself a house and plant necessary
fields for his own use on any of the
lands above Conestoga, not possess
ed or made use of by the Indians, to
be held by him during the Proprie
tary s and Governor s pleasure or
his Lieutenant s or Comm rs, and no
longer, he paying one deer skin
yearly for the privilege."

I quote this because it is commonly
thought that Bazallon passed most of
his life in the central and eastern
part of what is now Lancaster
County, but there is no doubt that
much of the time was spent on the
Susquehanna.

1708 The Conestoga Indians Com
plain That the French are Build
ing Houses There.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 403,
in an item which we have already
stated, I notice the following which
the Conestoga Indians complain
against, that the "French had set
themselves and built houses upon the
branches of the Potomac within
Pennsylvania." I merely cite this
to make prominent the French op
erations and especially the building of
houses, North of the Branches of the
Potomac, over the Pennsylvania line.

1708 Swedish Lutheran Missionary
at Conestoga.

In Rupp s History of Lancaster
County, p. 456 he sets forth that, "In
1708 or 1709 a Swedish-Lutheran in
the capacity of a missionary resided
among the Conestoga Indians to in
struct them in the Christian reli
gion." On page 455 he says, that
at an earlier period "missionaries of
the Swedish church visited the In
dians within the present limits of
Lancaster County and the French
also paid some attention to the In
dians." It is likely also that as

early as this date some of the Men-
nonite preachers reached the Cones-
toga Country, though actual settle
ment seems not to have begun until
1709.

1709 Governor Gookin Invites the

Conestoga Indians to Join With

the English in a War Against

the French in Canada

Charles Gookin, the new Governor
of Pennsylvania, now appears on the
scene, having succeeded the wicked
Governor Evans. He first appeared
before Council on the 2nd of Feb
ruary, 1709, (2 Col. Rec., p. 427). HP
desired to visit the Conestoga In
dians as early as he could but not
j having done so, at a Council held thp
8th day of June, it was ordered that
"The Secretary forthwith dispatch
a messenger to the Indians of Cones-
I togoe, etc., with instructions in writ-
| to excuse the Governor s not coming
j because the Assembly is now sitting
! on an affair of great importance, and
for a credential to take a good belt
1 of wampum with him ; to inform
them that if they design to pay a
visit to the Five Nations they are
now busy in engaging with the Eng
lish in a war against Canada, for
| which vast preparations are made
from England; that if those of Con-
estogoe, the Shawnois, etc., can en
gage, and will prepare themselves to
join immediately in this expedition,
their young men should all provide
themselves for it without delay, and
they shall receive by the Queen s or
der, sent for that purpose, a good
I reward, every man a gun, etc., and
j that their answer to this by some of
I their old men, and a good interpreter
i is immeditely desired.

That whether they can engage or
not we shall be glad to see some of
them here, and the Governor will
shortly make them a visit, etc. And

195

ANNALS OF THE SU3QUEHANNOCKS AND

then adjourned." See 2 Col. Rec., p. Harry for the first, Sam, son of Es-
461. | sepenawick, for the second, and John

1709- The Conestogas Willing to Montague, a Ganawese Indian for the

last, being all arrived here with sev-
Joiu the Expedition, But the

Same is Postponed.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 467,
it is reported that Captain

eral attendants, three days ago upon
apprehension that by the Governor s
last message to them they were ex-

that Captain John pressly sent for about some earnest
French had gone to the Conestogas business; they now met the Gover-
for their reply to the above proposi- nor in Council, who ordered the Sec
tion, which they agreed to. The same j retary to tell them through their in-

is set forth as follows:

terpreter, and Peter Bizaillon, to

"Captain John French having gone this effect; That upon the first mes-
in a message to Conestogo, brought sage the Governor had received from
for answer from the Indians there, them about six weeks ago, desiring
that they would forthwith call in all his company at Conestoga, he had re-
their young men, and with all their j turned an answer by Lieutenant Col-
force come to Philadelphia in order | O nel French of New Castle that he
to proceed to Albany, and join in the cou ld not then possibly come to them
expedition against Canada; but the because of the affairs of Government
Assembly having positively voted here, from which he could not be
against joining with that Expedition, spa red. That he had sent them no-
or raising any money for that pur- tice that the visit which they pro
pose ; it is resolved, that a message pos ed to the Five Nations with their
be again sent to these Indians, de- tribute, might be unseasonable at this
siring them to defer their coming to time, because those nations were en-
Philadelphia, for that the Governor gaging in a great expedition with the
will speedily make them a visit." As English against Canada, of which
far as these records state the In- they would probably hear from them
dians were very willing to join this in a little time, that it would be well
expedition. if they would prepare themselves to

join in it, and that he had invited
some of their chiefs to call on him
at Philadelphia; that he received an

1709 The Conestogas Come to Phila-
delphia to Inquire About the Ex
pedition and to Make Fur
ther Treaty.

i answer to this from the Mingoes, or
| those of Conestoga especially, that
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 469, they would call in all their young
under the date of July 25, 1709, it is ; men, and march immediately with
set forth that, "The chiefs of several j their whole force to Philadelphia;
nations of Indians living on Susque- but that this appearing inconvenient
hanna, viz: Andaggy-junquagh,Wash- and not likely to answer the end
tachary, Chiefs of the \ proposed, the Governor had imme-

Mingoes, Owechela, Passakassy, Sas- diately dispatched away another mes-
soonan and Skalitchy, Chiefs of the ; senger to them, to prevent their
Delaware Indians, settled at Pesh- j coming, and inform them that him-
tang above Conestogoe and other ad- \ self having now more leisure, in-
jacent places, Peter and Pipskoe, tended in a few days to see them in
Chiefs of the Ganawese, with their ; their own places. That accordingly
several interpreters, viz: Indian ; he with Colonel Evans and several

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

196

ethers, had sent out and proceeded
beyond New Castle in the way, but
there found himself so indisposed by
reason of a great Cold he had taken,
that he could not contniue hs Jour
ney and therefore sent another mes
sage to them by Jonas Askew, the
Interpreter, to inform them of the
matter to tell them he was sorry he
was so far disappointed as that he
could not see them at that time, but
that if some of their chiefs should
think fit any time this fall at Phila
delphia he should be glad to see
them there and if it would suit their
affairs to be here within two months,
it might be the more convenient be
cause in that time the late Gover
nor and Secretary intended both for
England, to see the Indians old
friend, the Proprietor William Penn,
to whom they might by them send
any message and that the Governor
then further desired them to consider
what he could do for their service,
and he would answer them in it. That
this was the substance of what had
passed, and therefore that he had not
expressly called them in, as they had
been given to understand. However,
that he was now very glad to see
them, and that they should be heart
ily welcome to him. The Governor
then told them himself that though
he had not expressly sent for them,
yet he was glad to see them come so
cheerfully in; that he was lately
come from England, and was sent to
them by their friend and brother
William Penn, the chief Governor and
father of this country, who had giv
en him at his coming away a spec
ial charge to be very kind to the In
dians and to treat them as his
friends and brothers, which he ac
cordingly would observe, and now
thought fit to tell them so; that as
there had been a strong chain of
friendship between all those of this

country since, under this Goverment

and the Indians; so he desired it

might be continued and made every

day firmer, that it might never be

broken, that if they had anything to

ask of him that he desired them to

consider of it, and he would hear

, them speak tomorrow. They all

| expressd their satisfaction in what

the Governor had said and after some

time spent in conversation, etc., they

| departed.

At a Council at Philadelphia, the

j 26th of July, 1709.

j The Honorable Chas. Gookin, Esq.,

Lieutenant Governor.

The Mingoe Indians having been

! invited over the river this morning,

; without the Governor s knowledge,

| could not be ready to meet; there-

\ fore those of Peshtang, etc., and the

Ganawese attending, they were desir-

I ed to speak and deliver what they

had to say: Whereupon, by order of
I Owechela and Passokassy, rising,

laid on the Board a belt of Wampum

as a token to confirm what he had to

i speak, and then said: That this

i summer they had intended to wait

; uDon the Five Nations and had pro-

vided for their journey twenty-four

i belts of wampum, to be presented to

| them as their tribute, of which they

i thought themselves obliged to ac^

quaint the Governor and for that
j purpose had sent him the message
j that has been mentioned; but that
| about the same time they had receiv
ed a message from these Indians, ac-

i quainting them that they had ap-
| pointed all the Indians of these parts
| as also of Maryland who are all tri-
j butary to the said Five Nations, to
! meet some of their chiefs who were
coming down for that purpose at
i Conestogae, but that they had de
clined their journey, being not yet
I arrived; Upon this they were again
I informed by the Governor s order of

197

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

the expedition against Canada, in
which those nations had lately en
gaged, and therefore were in all pro
bability prevented in their intended
visit.

The said speaker added, that it
would now be too late for them to
proceed in their journey Northwards,
because they would not be able o
return before the cold weather set
in, and therefore must defer it until
another year.

Passakassy added, that they had
heard of the French being upon our
coasts, and that we were in danger of
being invaded by them; that for this
reason not now willing to take a
journey so far from home, lest their
wives and children, and we of this
place should want their assistance in
their absence, and therefore they
thought fit to stay.

The Governor thanked them for
their care in this, but they were cau
tioned hereupon against giving ear
to flying reports, they were told that
the French had no forces in these
parts, yet could injure us, and that
what they had heard of this kind was
occasioned only by some robberies,
that some of their small vessels fit
ted out only for this purpose to
plunder and way lay honest traders
had committed: the method of pri
vateering at sea was explained to
them, by which they were made
sensible that what had happened was
not the effect of superior force in
war, but such robberies as were
common at sea, when a few private
lurchers, with arms, set upon ves
sels provided only for trade, and
carrying off merchandise, and so
were made prize of.

They were earnestly exhorted not
to suffer stories to be spread amongst
them, but to take notice of those
that uttered them, to apprehend
them, and bring them to the Gov-

! ernor.

Passakassy complained that som&lt;?

\ of the traders, especially James Le-
tort, wronged them in their measure
of matchcoats, which he sold them,
in which he desired redress, and up
on it they were advised to a method
I that would scare them.

They expressed a great satisfac
tion in what had been told them and
being acquainted that they must all
meet again in Council, they for this
time dismissed."

The next day, July 27, (page 472),
it appears that further steps were
taken to show the Indians the im
portance of continuing in good rela
tion with the English. This is set
forth as follows:

"The chiefs of several nations of
our Indians being now come in,
there is an immediate necessity also
i for a supply to make them a reason-
j able present. I need not inform you
of how great importance it is to keep
a good correspondence with these
people upon the easy terms it has
hitherto been done in this Govern
ment; half on what you allowed for
that purpose has been expended in
messages, and the other half, at
least, in provisions, so that nothing
remains thereof for a present; I am
sensible money can not just now be
raised to answer this end, but you
may find means to procure credit, so
that they may not go away empty."
It seems these chiefs made a long
visit, and that on the 29th of July,
there were further steps taken in
| treaty making, (See p. 473). At the
i Council held at Joseph Growdon s
| house, in which it is stated that all
the chiefs now in town, with their in-
terpreters were met, and the Secre-
jtary spoke to them as follows:

"That notwithstanding they had
not been expressly sent for, (as they
had been told before), yet they were

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

198

very welcome, the Governor being a
stranger amongst them, was now
very glad to see them.

That the chain of friendship had
been so often confirmed between
them and us, that there remained
very little now to say on that head.
We had always considered them as
brothers in all proceedings with them
and should always desire to do the
same, there was nothing but love and
peace between them and us and as
often as ever we met we should still
renew the expressions of it, desiring
that it might extend to all posterity,
and that the aged fathers should in
form their children of the friendship
that has always been maintained
amongst us, so that in every genera
tion it may continually grow stronger

That since as our friends and
brothers they had come to see us,we
could not suffer them to depart
without some token of our friend
ship, and therefore desired them to
accept of the present that was there
laid before them, which was:

1 Cwt. of Powder in four small
casks.

2 Cwt. of Lead.

4 Stroudwater matchcoats.

1 Dozen good Linnen Shirts.

1% Dozen of Stockins.

100 Flints, and a large quantity of
Biskitt and Loaves.

These they were told were for their
journey, and the powder and lead to
furnish them with provisions and
skins, they were promised such liq
uors and other necessities as they
should want, and then were desired
to receive the whole as a further
token of love, and to distribute it
amongst themselves as they should
see convenient; (p. 474).

They were also instructed about
the war between England and France
and that they should watch carefully
for any stories the French among

! them should start. They were told

I of the English success in the war;

j and the Governor said that he hoped
they had all been treated kindly by
the people that lived among them,
and with this closed the treaty; and

I the Indians departed.

i 1709 The Delawares Now Lire On
Susquehanna.

While it is shown in tne above item
that the Delawares now live on the
Susquehanna River, in order to make
their change or residence more pro
minent I direct attention to Vol. 2 of
I the Col. Rec., 469, where it is set out
i that, "The Delaware Indians settled
i at Peshtang (Paxtang), now near
Harrisburg), above Conestoga an.d
other adjacent places, were arrived
in Philadelphia with several other
tribes of Indians and their atten
dants."

1709 The Iroquois Indians Demand

the Conestogas to Come and

Pay Tribute.

In Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly,
; p. 35 on the 27th of June, this year,
two members of the Council brought
a message to the Assembly from the
| Governor, "That the Indians of Con-
! estoga had sent a message to the
I Governor, acquainting him that they
I were ready to go up to the Five Na-
| tions in order to pay their tribute,
but expected that the Governor or
Secretary would come to Conestoga
| that they might have conference with
j one of them before they went up/
I The Assembly as shown p. 36 was
asked for immediate answer upon
what should be done about the word
from Conestoga by another delega
tion from Council the next day, stat
ing that it was absolutely necessary
that money to defray the charge of
going to treat with the Conestoga In
dians this week should be voted be-

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

199

cause those Conestogas are bound to
go to the Five Nations as they are
tributary to the Five Nations. Upon
this urgent demand the Assembly de
cided they would vote 15 Pounds of
the new currency to make presents
to the Indians and also to pay the
expenses of the trip to Conestoga.
This subject is also discussed in Vol.
5 of Haz. Reg., p. 113, and in Rupp s
History of Lancaster Counfy, p. 57.
1709 The Shawnese Indians Inter
ested in Digging for Ore About
Conestoga.

In Vol. 2 of the Penn & Logan Cor
respondence, p. 321 dated the 3rd of
March there is a letter from William
Penn to James Logan in which he
sets forth (p. 323), that he under
stands that Ex-Governor Evans is
making 100 Pounds, if not twice that
each week out of a mine somewhere
back of Conestoga. Penn says that
he understands, "The Indians chiefly
discovered the mine and worked it on
the spot. And it is the King of the j
Shawnoe Indians and some few of ,
his subjects that perform this busi- j
ness for Col. Evans." Penn then says i
to Logan that scrutinize the matter
well and let him hear all he can
about it for if there is a mine, that
Penn is entitled to royalties out of it.
James Logan in the same book in
a letter to Penn found p 316 says at
p. 319, that he hopes Colonel Evans
is acting honorably about the mines
and that he believes that there is no
real discovery of any value made yet,
though it is expected that there will
be most any day. He further adds
that Louis Mitchell, the Swiss is gone
over to treat with the Crown of Eng
land for a tract for his countrymen,
and that settlement is the pretense
but that miners are the real thing
Mitchell is interested in, and that it
must be guarded against until this is

better understood. Logan thinks
that minerals will be found near
where Mitchell has pitched. In a
note at the bottom of the book last
named, Logan in a letter to Penn
says, "There is yet nothing certain
ly discovered about the mines. Col
onel Evans has been very free with
me on that head. There has been
none opened and I heartily wish I
may be able to tell thee more of the
matter hereafter, for I believe that
Mitchell Bazillion has tricked us
all."He says that this tract supposed
to have minerals lies in the neigh
borhood of the Potomac, but that
they must keep their eyes open.

I cite this merely to show that agi
tations about minerals being found
in the neighbohood of the Conestoga
and Shawnese Indian country, and
off to the Southwest were frequent
I sources of excitement at this time ;
and that the spirit of securing valu
able minerals had gotten among the
Indians of this neighborhood as well
as among the white people.
1709 The Whites Begin Settlement
Among the Indians of Lancaster

County.

Rupp in His History of Lancaster
County, p. 74, says that several fam
ilies from the Palatinate decendants
of the distressed Swiss immigrated
to America and settled in Lancaster
County in the year 1709 and he cites
i Benjamin Eby s Geschichten der
i Mennoniten, p. 151 as his authority.
He further says that from public
documents and private papers in the
possession of Abram Meylin and
others residing in W. Lampeter town
ship, we may confidentially state
that the Mennonites commenced a
settlement in 1709-10 at the place
where the Herrs and Meylins now
reside near Willow Street. On p. 456
Rupp says, in 1709 several families
[from the Palatines settled on Pequea

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

200

Creek. He then mentions a list of
preachers that these Palatines
brought forth and said that they all
preached German.

However, the most authentic docu
ment I can find is a letter dated the
20th of July, 1711 by Jacob Taylor
among the Taylor papers in the His
torical Society, No. 2769, in which
he says, "six or seven families of
Palatines are settled at Pequea and
more desire to go there next win
ter."

This letter was written the mid
dle of 1711 and it may be taken for
granted that the six or seven fami
lies were at Pequea some time and
likely arrived about 1709. But of
course white people were in this
country among these Indians sever
al years before the settlements be
gan. This, then is the year which
announced the fate of the Indians of
this section by reason of the coming
of the whites. It is interesting to
know that next year will be the two
hundreth anniversary of this event.

1710 The Queen of the Conestogas
Goes to Philadelphia,

In the 2nd Vol. of Watson s Ann
als, p. 178, he states that, "On the
21st of September, 17th the Queen of
the Conestoga Indians, Ojuncho, and
two chiefs and some of the Conoys
visited Philadelphia and laid down
before the Council five bundles of
skins and furs, making at the gift of
each a speech." He says also that
"the belt- from the Conestoga Indians
prayed thus, sent from the children
born and those yet in the womb,
that room might be allowed them to
sport and play, without danger of
slavery. " It would seem that Wat
son is wrong about this as we shall
see later, in that Colonel French was
at Conestoga and received the belt
above referred to instead of the old

queen having come to Philadelphia,
but we will show this later.
1710 The Governor Asks a Larger
Present for the Conestogas Than

the Assembly Proposed.
In Vol 2 of the Votes of Assembly,
p. 42 it is set forth that "James Lo
gan came again to the House in a
message from the Governor, and ac
quainted the Assembly, That the
Governor ordered him to give a re
lation of the several messages sent to
the Indians at Sasquehanna; which
he did; and further informed the
House, that the Governor s Indisposi-
I tion obstructed his going up to Con-
! estoga, to visit the Indians, as he in
tended; therefore prest that the
I House will consider of a present for
them; to the value of Twentyfive
Pounds.

Which relation being debated and

j considered, Resolved that although

| the account given by the said James

Logan concerning the said messages,

is not satisfactory to this House, yet

in regard the chief of these Indians

are come to town, if any will credit

the public with goods that will suit

the Indians, to the value of twenty-

I five pounds, (being the sum proposed

i by the said James Logan, as sufficient

I for presents for them at this time),

\ the same shall be repaid out of the

; public money that shall be raised."

j At page 43 of the same book it ap-

i pears that the question of giving 25

Pounds in Presents to these Indians

i was very warmly discused.

1 1710 The Conestogas Received My
sterious Belt of Wampum.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 509,
at the bottom of the page it is set
forth that, "The Governor laid be
fore the board a letter he had receiv
ed from the Colonel Ingolsby,
wherein was enclosed a paper in
these words William Dalbo, one of

201

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

the Justices of the Peace, in ye
County of Glocester, saith: that an
Indian of his particular acquaintance
who hath been very intimate with
him, the said Dalbo, from his child
hood, acquainted him that there is a
belt of Wampum come to Conesto
goe, from Mahquahotonoi; that there
was a tomahawk in red in the belt
and that the French with five nations
of Indians were designed for war,
and to fall on some of these planta
tions; the Governor also laid before
the board a letter he had received
from Mr. Yeates, Caleb Pusey and
Thomas Powel, dated this day, pur
porting that tomorrow there was to
be a great concourse of Indians those
of Conestogoe and those of Jersey;
that they were of opinion that it
might be a seasonable opportunity for
the Governor to visit them altogeth
er the meeting being the greatest
that has ever been known these 20
years, and it is to be about, two miles
from John Warraw s, at Edgmond. It
is the opinion of the Board that the
Governor with some of the Council,
and as many others as can be got,
should go tomorrow to meet the said
Indians, to inquire further of them
about the said belt of wampum and
what else may be thought neces
sary."

1710 Bizalion, the Indian Trader
About Conestoga, Acts Sus
piciously.

In the book and at the page last
mentioned it is stated that, "The
Governor acquainted the Board that
he has been informed one Peter Biz
alion, a French man and Roman
Catholic, a trader amongst the In
dians at Conestogoe has lately spok
en some suspicious words, and com
mitted some misdemeanors, where
upon he has caused his effects to be
seized, the better to oblige him to

appear and answer unto what should
be laid to his Charge, and Craved
the advice of the Board in the pre
mises, who came to this resolve, that
ye said Bizalion should enter into
recognizance to the Queen, in five
hundred pounds, with two sufficient
sureties, in two hundred and fifty
pounds apiece for the said Bizalion s
personal appearance at the next
sessions of the peace, to be held at
Philadelphia for the said County, and
his good behavior himself in the
meantime, which being done his ef
fects to be restored to him, paying
ye cost of seizure."

The suspicious and disturbable
matters sets forth in these last two
items made the visit to Conestoga by
the Governor a necessity; and he
made such visits as we shall see in
the next item.

1710 Governor Gookin s Visit to the
Conestogas and Sliawanese.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 510
it is set forth that "The Governor
acquainted the Board that upon his
arrival at New Castle last week, he
was informed that Opessa, one of
the Shawannah chiefs, had been there
four days; that he went away in the
night, nor could he hear what he
came about, that he had been with
some of the Delaware Indians, who
resolve, (as it is said) not to plant
corn this year; That Mr. Garland has
lately shown a belt of wampum, sent
by the Five Nations by Indian Harry,
with this further message, that as
soon as the bark ran, they would be
with them at Conestogoe, with sixty
men and make a speech; that he was
informed at Brandywine, that an old
Indian woman said, (as it was inter
preted) that their great men had
ugly talk among them, and that they
had left none but her and her hus
band to plant corn. The Board tak-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES 202

ing the premises into consideration, [ that in addition to the Governor s
are of the opinion (be the report visit about the beginning of May,this
true or false) that it may be conven- year, the two messengers French
ient for the Governor to make a and Worley were sent to Conestoga
journey to Conestoga (he not having where they arrived on June 8th, 1710,
been among the Indians since his ar- and entered into proceedings with
rival), to inform himself of the truth these Indians, of which the follow-
of these reports, and for the keeping ing is a verbatim report made by
up of a good understanding and Cor- Worley found at p. 511, as I have
respondence twixt us and the In- just said:

dians, and that some of the Council "At Conestoga June 8, 1710.
wait upon him thither." Present: Henry Worley and

And at the top of p. 511 of the John French.

same book it is set forth that "The \ iwaagenst Terrutawanaren, and
Governor acquainted the Board that j Teonnottein, chiefs of the Tuscaror-
upon his arrival at Conestoga, he | ces , Vivility, the Seneques kings, and
found the Indians very well inclined j f ou r chiefs more of that nation, with
to the English, and to the Proprie- Qpessa ye Shawanois King,
tary and this Government in parti- The Indians were told that ac _
cular; but that had complained to ; CO rding to their requests we were
him that several persons make it | C0 me from the Governor and Govern-
their business to waylay their | ment&gt; to hear what prO posals they
young men returning from hunting, j had to make anent a peace&gt; accord _
making them drunk with rum, and ! ing to the -purpose of their embassy
then cheat them of their skins, and | f r(&gt;m their own people
that if some method be not taken to j They signified to us by a belt of
prevent it they must be forced to j Wampum, which was sent from their
remove themselves or starve, their j o ld women, that those implored their
dependence being entirely upon their I friendship of the Christians and In-
peltry; whereupon it is thought ; dians of this Government, that with-

proper that such Indian traders as
are foreigners being admitted and
licensed by the Governor, shall come
under such regulations as the Gov
ernor and Council from time to time

out danger they might fetch wood
and water.

The second belt was sent from
their children born, and those yet in
the womb, requesting that room to

shall direct and appoint." sport and play without danger of

In this we are told of the Governor j slavery might be allowed them.
visiting the Conestogas and Shaw- | The third belt was sent by their
nese and we can readily see the im- | young men fit to hunt, that privilege
portance of what transpired. I to leave their towns, and seek pro-

1710-Coloiiel French and Henry vision for their aged might be S rant -

i ed to them without fear of death or
Worley Carry a Message to | slavery.

the Conestogas. The fourtn was gent from tne

In the book and at the page last ; of age, requesting that the word by
mentioned we are given further in- j a happy peace was sent from the
formation of the unsettled condition ! men of age requesting that the
of the Indians on the Susquehanna, | wood by a happy peace, might be as
Conestoga and Pequea from the fact \ safe from them as their forts.

203

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

The fifth was sent from the whole to this, of their good behavior, and
nation requesting peace, that there- j then they might be assured of a
by they might have liberty to visit favorable reception.

The Seneques return their hearty
thanks to this Government for their
trouble in sending to them, and ac-

their neighbors.
The sixth was

sent from their

Kings and chiefs, desiring a lasting

peace with the Christians and In- ! quainted us by advice of a Council

diains of this Government that there- | amongst them it was determined to

by they might be secured against ; send these Belts, brought by the Tus-

those fearful apprehensions they caroroes, to the Five Nations.

have these several years felt. May it please your Honor.

The seventh was sent in order to | p ursuan t of your Honors, and
intreat a cessation from reducing j Counc ii s orders, we went to Cones-
and taking them, that by the allow- j togoe where the forewritten con-
ance thereof, they may not be afraid tentg were by the chiefs of the Tus _
of a mouse, or anything that ruffles j caroroes to us delivered; the sincer-
the leaves.

The eighth was sent to declare,

ity of their intentions we can not any-

that as being hitherto strangers to
this place, they are blind, no path
or communication being betwixt us
and them; but now they hope that we

wise doubt, since they are of the
same race and language with our
Seneques, who have always proved
trusty and have also for these many
years been neighbors to a Govern-

heads in the woods without danger j
or fear.

These belts (they say) are only j
sent as an introduction, and in or
der to break of hostilities till next
Spring, for then their Kinga, will
come and sue for the peace they so
much desire.

We acquainted them as most of

will take them by the hand ar,d lead , mgnt us Qf Iniians and yet not

lB P lea8ed with them; Wishing your
Honor all happiness, we remain.
Your Honor s. Most humble and
Obliged Servants,

JOHN FRENCH,
HENRY WORLEY."

"Journey to Conestogo.

To bread.
To meat,

this continent were the subjects of | To Rum

the Crown of England, though divi
ded into several Governments; so it
is expected that their intentions are
not only peaceable towards us, but
also to all the subjects of the Crown
and that if they intend to settle and

To Sugar.
To two Men s hire
For Baggage,
To John,

Pds.

4
1

DR.

12
10
15

8 5 2"
In this item is set forth the belt

live amiably here, they need not | that the old woman of the Conestogas
doubt the protection of this Govern- gave to French on which Watson
ment in such things as were honest j see ms to be somewhat confused.This
and good but that to confirm the sin- j item is of importance because
cerity of their past carriage towards i the business that was done at Cones-

the English, and to raise in us a
good opinion of them, it would be

toga by these messengers was really

confirmation of many forms of
very necessary to procure a certifi- treaties. It also serves to show the
cate from the Government they leave, exact state of the relations existing

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

204

between these Indians and the whites
at this time, and the questions which
were agitating them.
1710 The Conestoga Indians Reply
to a Swedish Sermon.

In Mombert s History of Lancaster
County p. 16, in a note the following
appears :

" In or about the year of our Lord,
1710, a Swedish Missionary preached
a sermon at an Indian treaty held at
Conestoga in Pennsylvania; in which
sermon is set forth original sin, the
necessity of a mediator; and endea
vored by certain arguments to in
duce the Indians to embrace the
Christian religion. After he had end
ed his discourse, one of the Indian
chiefs made a speech in reply to the
sermon; and the discourses on both
sides were made known by interpre
ters. The Missionary upon his re
turn to Sweden, published his ser
mon, and the Indian s answer. Hav
ing written them in Latin he dedi
cated them to the University of Up-
sala, and requested them to furnish
him with arguments, to confute such
strong reasonings of the Indians. The
Indian speech translated from the
Latin is as follows:

A speech delivered by an Indian
Chief, in reply to a sermon, preach
ed by a Swedish Missionary, in order
to convert the Indians to the Chris
tian religion:

Since the subject of his (the Mis
sionary s) errand is to pursuade us
to embrace a new doctrine perhaps
it may not be amiss, before we offer
him the reasons why we can not
comply with his request, to acquaint
him with the grounds and principles
of that religion, which he would
have us abandon.

Our forefathers were under a
strong persuasion, as we are, that
those who act well, in this life, shall
be rewarded in the next, according

| to the degree of their virtue: and on
! the other hand that those who be-
| have wicketly here, will undergo such
i punishment hereafter as are propor-
! tinate to the crimes they were guilty
1 of. This hath been contstantly and
j invariably received and acknowledg-
| ed for a truth, through every succes-
j sive generation of our ancestors. It
i could not have taken its rise from
| fables for human fictions however
artfully and plausibly contrived can
never again gain credit long, among
any people, where free equity is al
lowed: which was never denied by
our ancestors; who, on the contrary,
thought it the sacred inviolable, na-
! tural right of every man to examine
j and judge for himself. Therefore we
think it evident that our notion,
concerning future rewards and pun-
! ishments, was either revealed imme-
| diately from heaven to some of our
i forefathers, and from them descended
! to us, or, that it was implanted in
I each of us, at our creation, by the
Creator of all things. Whatever the
methods might have been, whereby
God hath been pleased to make
known to us his will, and give us a
knowledge of our duty, it is still in
| our sense, a divine revelation.

"Now we desire to propose to him
| some few questions: Does he believe
I that our forefathers, men eminent for
i their piety, constant and warm in
I the pursuit of virtue, hoping thereby
i to merit everlasting happiness, were
j all damned? Does he think that we,
i who are their zealous imitators, in
good works, and influenced by the
! same Motives as they were, earnest-
| ly endeavoring, with the greatest cir-
| cumspection, to tread the paths of in-
| tegrity, are in a state of damnation?
\ If these be his sentiments, they are
I surely as impious as they are bold
and daring.

In the next place we beg, that he
would explain himself more parti- 1

205

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

cularly concerning the revelation he
talks of. If he admits no other than
what is contained in his written
book, the contrary is evident from !
what has shewn before: but, if he j
says God has revealed himself unto j
us, but not sufficient for our salva- j
tion; then we ask, to what purpose ;
should he have revealed himself to
us in anywise? It is clear that a re- |
relation insufficient to save, can not |
put us in a better condition than we j
should be in without any revelation i
at all. We can not conceive that
God should point out to us the end ;
we ought to aim at, without opening
to us the way to arrive at the end. |
But, supposing our understandings !
to be so far illuminated as to know
it to be our duty to please God, who
yet hath left us under an incapacity
of doing it, will this Missionary, j
therefore, conclude that we shall be i
eternally damned? Will he take up- ;
on him to pronounce damnation up- j
on or against us, for not doing those i
things which he himself acknowl
edges were impossible by us to be
done. It is our opinion that every
man is possessed of sufficient knowl
edge for his salvation. The Al
mighty for anything we know, may
have communicated the knowledge of
himself to a different race of people, j
in a different manner.

Some say they have the will of
God in writing; be it so; their revel
ation has no advantage above ours \
since both must be equally sufficient
to save; otherwise the end of the re
velation would be frustrated. Be
sides if they be both true they must
be the same in substance; and the
difference can only lie in the mode
of communication. He tells us there
are many precepts, in his written re- !
relation which we are entirely ignor- j
ant of. But these written demands
can only be designed for those who i

have the writings; they can not pos
sibly regard us. Had the Almighty
thought so much knowledge neces
sary to our salvation his goodness
would not long have deferred the
communication of it to us, and to say
that it is a matter so necessary, he
could not, at one and the same time,
equally reveal himself to all man
kind, in nothing less than an absolute
denial of his omnipotence. Without
doubt, he can make his will manifest
without the help of any book or the
assistance of any bookish man what
ever.

We shall, in the next place, con
sider the arguments which arise
from a consideration of Providence.
If we were the work of God (which
I presume will not be denied), it fol
lows from thence that we are under
the protection and care of God, for it
can not be supposed that the Deity
should abandon his own creatures
and be utterly regardless of their
welfare. Then, to say that the Al
mighty has permitted us to remain
in a fatal error through so many
ages, is to represent him as a tyrant.
How is it consistent with his justice
to force life upon a race of mortals,
without their consent, and then dam
them eternally, without ever opening
to them a door of salvation? Our
conceptions of the gracious God are
more noble; and we think that those
who teach otherwise do little less
than blaspheme. Again, it is through
the care and goodness of the Al
mighty, that from the beginning of
time, through many generations to
this day, our name has been preser
ved, unblotted out by enemies, un
reduced to nothing. By the same
care we now enjoy our lives; are
furnished with the necessary means
of preserving our lives. But all these
things are trifling, compared with
our salvation.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

206

Therefore, since God hath been so
careful with us, in matters of little
consequence, it would be absurd to
affirm that he has neglected us, in
cases of the greatest importance. Ad
mit that he hath forsaken us, yet it
could not have been without a just
cause. Let us suppose that an hei
nous crime was committed by one of
our ancestors, like to that which
we are told happened among another
race of people; in such case, God
would certainly punish the criminal,
but would never involve us, who are
innocent, in his guilt. Those who
think otherwise must make the Al
mighty a very whimsical illmatured
being. Once more are the Christians
more virtuous, or rather are not
they more vicious than we are? If
so, how came it to pass that they are
the objects of God s beneficence,
while we are neglected? Does the
Diety confer his favors without rea
son, and with so much partiality?
In a word, we find the Christians
much more depraved, in their morals
than ourselves; and we judge of
doctrine by the badness of our lives."

1710 Most of the Indian Chiefs of

the Continent Expected to

Meet at Conestoga.

In Vol. 2 of the Col, Rec., p. 513
at a Council held the 2nd of July,
this year, "The Governor laid be
fore the Board an Express he had
received last night from Colonel
French, purporting that in three
days the Chiefs of the Seneques would
be at Conestoga, and with them the
Chiefs of the Indians of most part of
the Continent and also some of the
Gentlemen of the Maryland, and
that the Governor s presence there
was expected; what the design of the
Congress might be was not certain,
but was told it was of great conse
quence to the Crown, and would

tend much to the preservation of
the subject. The board having taken
the premises into consideration are
of the opinion, that it is absolutely
necessary that the Governor, with as
many as can be got to attend him
go to Conestoga to meet the Indians,
and inform himself of the cause of
their meeting."

In this item we see that Conestoga
was now to be the scene of a great
meeting of Chiefs. The heads of all
the Indian tribes were about to gath
er there; and this was to be the
great Indian Council of the year. I
am unable to find whether the Coun
cil as- intended met and perhaps we
shall see later on, what became of
the action. The importance of Con
estoga is however shown in this.
1710 The Queen of the Conestogas
and Some of the Conoys at
Philadelphia,

At a Council meeting held on the
21 of September, 1710, as it is re
corded in 2 Col. Rec., p. 516, and
stated, "The Queen of the Conestoga
Indians, Ojuncho, and two chiefs
more, and some of the Conois In
dians, laid down before the Council
four bundles of skins and furs, and
at the delivery of the first bundle,
the said, (as was interpreted) that
they had given the Governor notice
of their intentions of coming hither
the last time he was at Conestogo.
that they were now come, and do
present him with that bundle to
make him a cover for his table to be
used in the same manner as the Car
pet, then spread upon the Council s
table.

Upon their presenting the second
bundle, they said it was in remem
brance, and as an acknowledgment
for the gunpowder and lead present
ed to them here the last year, for
which they were very thankful.

Upon their presenting the third

207

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

bundle, they said it was as a token
of their good will and friendship,
and that they shall ever remember
and observe the Governor s advice to
them last year, to live peaceably
with one another, which they will al
ways endeavor.

Upon their presenting the fourth,
they said it was in remembrance of
the advice that was heretofore, given
them not to be too credulous of re
ports, they being generally false and
spread abroad by ill men, that for
their parts they would believe no re
ports against us, and hoped we
would believe no ill reports of them.

Whereupon the Governor replied
that he was glad to see them and
thanked them for their kind pre
sent and cautioned them not to be
lieve lies and stories that now too
commonly spread abroad for mis
chief by ill men, and that if any
thing happened extraordinary they
should have notice by a messenger
on purpose, and desired the like
from them as their brothers, and
being ordered to attend tomorrow in
the afternoon they withdrew.

Ordered that Mr. Hill, Mr. Norris,
and Mr. Preston, dispose of the said
presents to the best advantage, and
provide a suitable return against to
morrow." More of the prominent
position of Conestoga is shown in this
item.

1711 Expenses of the Conestoga In
dian Treaties.

In Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly,
p. 92, it is set forth that John French
accounts of his several journeys to
Conestoga and the expenses therein
at the intance of the late Governor,
amounting to 119 Pounds, 19s and
lOd, was read, and some of the 60
Pounds of new currency was allow
ed to the said John French.

Several other items of expense

connected with the Conestoga In
dian Treaties are set forth in the
same book and page as follows: An
account of Thomas Masters for wine
furnished the Governor on his jour
ney to Conestoga to the value of 25s,
was allowed and also a note from
Henry Worley requesting pay for
his services of going to Conestoga
on a message to the Indians last.
June, was read and he was allowed
three pounds.

1711 More Palatines Now Settle
Among the Conestoga Indians.

In Vol. 19 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 572 it is set forth that Thomas
Story having a right from the Pro
prietor for 1000 acres of land in the
manner of Highlands has instead
taken up the same quantity near the
settlement of the Palatines near Con
estoga, for which the Commissioners
granted a patent. But it appears
that he re-conveyed them and took
up some land in lieu of it, which he
proposed to purchase, and he agrees
to give the same price that the Pal
atines did at the same time the
tract was taken up by the Palatines
which is accordingly granted
1711 Sixty Conestoga Indians Come
to Philadelphia.

In Vol 2 of the Votes of Assembly,
p. 104, it is stated that "The Speaker
informed the House that during the
Governor s absence and since his
last return from New York he had
received and entertained upwards of
60 Constoga Indians who came to
treat with the Governor about the
intended expedition against the
French and the Northern Indians of
Canada by which he had disbursed
at least twenty Pounds, and been at
much trouble; therefore desired that
the same might be reimbursed him
out of the Provincial stock.
Resolved, N. C. D. That if the Gov-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

208

ernor concurs with this House here- |
in, the sum of twenty Pounds shall i
be paid him by the Public Treasurer j
out of the Provincial stock, after
all payments, ordered by the three re
solves of Assembly, made of the fifth
month, 1710, are discharged, and that
the clerk draw an order on Samuel j
Carpenter, public Treasurer, for pay
ment thereof accordingly ; which was
done, and signed by the speaker, to
be presented to the Governor for
his concurrence, and then the House
adjourned until seven o clock tomor
row morning."

No comment need be made on this
item particularly except to call the
reader s attention to the fact that the
Conestoga Indians were frequently
at Philadelphia.

1711 GUner nor Gokin Makes An
other Treaty with the Cones-
toga Indians and Others.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 532,
at the top of the page it is stated
that, "At a council held the 4th of
June, the Governor desired the
opinion of the Council as to his go
ing to Conestoga, because Colonel
French knew nothing of the new
matters on which a treaty was to be
made and the Council desired that
the Governor and some of his Coun
cil should go; and on the llth of
June the Governor acquainted the
Council that he is now ready to
start to Conestoga, if they still
think that Bezalion s message is of
such importance as to require him
to go, it being so very hot now. And
the board decided that as the In
dians expected him, he should go.
The Governor accordingly went to
Conestoga and held a Council with
the Indians at Conestoga on the 18th
of June, which he reported to Phila
delphia on the 23rd of June, as fol
lows, (p. 533):

"At Conestoga, Jun 18, 1711.

PRESENT:
The Honorable CHAS. GOOKIN v Esq.

Ltt. Govr.

Joseph Growdon,
Richard Hill,
Griffith Owen,
Caleb Pusey, Esqrs.

A present of 50 Ibs. of powder, 1
piece of Stroudwater, 1 piece of Duf-
fils, 100 pounds of shott; being laid
upon the floor, the Governor (by In
dian Harry the Interpreter), thus
spoke:

Governor Penn upon all occasions
is willing to show how great a re
gard he bears to you therefore has
sent this small present (a forerun
ner of a greater to come next
Spring), to you and hath required me
to acquaint you that he is about to
settle some people upon the branch
es of Potowmac, and doubts not but
the same mutual friendship which
has all along as brothers, past be
twixt the inhabitants of the Govern
ment and you, will also continue be
twixt you and those he is about to
settle; he intends to present five
belts of wampum to the five nations,
and one to you at Conestoga, and re
quires your friendship to the Pal
atines settled near Pequea.

To which they answer:

That they are extremely well
pleased with the Governor s speech,
but as they are at present at war
with the Tuscaroroes and other In
dians they think that place not safe
for Christians, and are afraid that if
any damage should happen to these
the blame will be laid upon them,
that settlement being situated betwixt
them and those at War with them.
As to the Palatines they are in their
opinion safely seated, but earnestly
desire that the death of Letore may
now be adjusted, for they shall not
think themselves safe until it is.
18th, Tuesday about twelve

209

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

The Senequois and the Shawanois
met the Governor and Council, Ope-
ssah, Chief of the Shawnois, by Mar
tin Chartier, interpreter, thus spoke:

Were it impossible for us, by pre
sents or any other way, to atone for
the lives of those young men our
people unadvisedly slew we would
be partly willing to make satisfac
tion, and such a condescension would
be forever greatly remembered
and more nearly engage us and for
the future render us more careful.
The uneasiness we had on that ac
count was such, that we could not
sleep until the last time the Gover
nor and his people were up here, at
which time we had some hopes given
us of adjusting that matter, since the
murderers are all dead except one,
who is gone to Messasippi.

To which the Governor answered:

That the Laws of England were
such, that whosoever killed a man
must run the same fate, yet consid
ering the previous circumstances to
that murder, the length of time
since the accon., the distance of
place were acted from the Govern
ment, and before coming here, and
the persons all save one, (who is
absconded) since his deed, I am
willing to forbear further prosecu
tion on enquiry into it, but withal
caution you that if any such thing
hereafter fall out, you may be assur
ed I shall as well know how to do
Justice as I have now shewed mercy
for which they return the Governor
their hearty thanks, and Opessah
assures that if hereafter if any such
thing happen, he himself will be
executioner and burn them that
should dare to do it.

The Senequois acquaint:
That Opessa being therefor solicit
ed by John Hans Steelman, had sent

i out some of his people, either to
i bring back or kill Francis^ de le Tore
and his Company. Opessa, he af
firms he was entirely innocent, for
| that John Hans came to his cabin
when he and his young people (who
were then going hunting) were in
Council, told them that some of his
slaves and dogs (meaning La Tore
and Company) were fled, therefore
desired him forthwith to send some
of his people to bring them back or
kill them, and take goods for their
trouble, a t which motion Opessa
surprised, told him that he ought by
no means discourse, after that man
ner before young people who were
gone to the woods, and might by ac
cident meet these people and there
fore ordered him to desist, utterly
denying his request.

The Senequois also acquainted the
G overnor that Le Tort had taken a
boy from them and sold him at New
York and requested that the Gover
nor would enquire after him, that
they might have him again."

Penn in England having learned of
the stealing of this boy wrote to the
Susquehanna Indians the following
letter, which may be found in Vol. 12
of the Pennsylvania Archives, p.
280:
My Good Friends:

The people of New York have
again wrote earnestly to me about
those Indian prisoners taken by
you, especially the woman and boy
saying that they bought them fairly
of the Governor of Carolina who sold
them for slaves and they being my
good friends and neighbors, and all
under the same king, I must there
fore desire you to deliver the said
woman and boy to the bearer hereof
Silvester, who will carefully carry
them to New Castle and there put
them on board a vessel from thence
directly to New York, and by so do-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

210

ing you will geatly oblige.

Your very good friend and brother,
WM. PENN."

This treaty of 1711 is referred to i
by Governor Keith, who himself !
made a treaty with the Conestogas I
in 1720; and he says, "About nine or |
ten years ago a considerable num
ber of the Five Nations, not less
than fifty came to Conestoga and a
meeting with Gbvernor Gookin late
of this Province and several of his
Council, Colonel Dongan s purchase
was mentioned to them and they
were fully satisfied," (3 Col. Rec., p.
101).

All this goes to throw light upon
this great treaty of 1711 and shows
us that confirmation of the land pur
chase on Susquehanna was one of
its objects. All the purposes of the i
treaty however, are plainly set forth !
in the treaty itself.

1711 More Palatines. (Mennonites)
Settle Among the Conestogas.

In the item which we have just |
stated it will be observed that the |
following sentence, which the In- ;
dians say in regard to the Palatines,
occurs, "As to the Palatines, they |
are in their opinion safely seated."
I merely make this a separate item
to show that the whites were now
mixing and settling among the In- !
dians and in their neighborhood. As j
the question came up whether the !
whites would be safe there if the In- i
dians got into war with other tribes, i
It is here stated by the Indians that |
these whites would be safe.

Mombert in his History, p. 26 tells
us, "That as early as 1711 there
were Palatines settled near Pequea, j
who were prominently admitted into j
the friendship of the neighboring
tribes." We have no doubt that this
is directly quoted from the Colonial
Records as we have just cited it.

1711 Colonel French Sends in His
Expense Account of the Con
estoga Treaty.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 529,
in February, 1711, Colonel French
gives in the following account of the
expenses of his treaty:

Coll. French s account of his
Journey to Conestoga, etc., were read
and considered, and 147 Pounds, 6s.,
lOd, allowed to him, saving the de
ductions following: viz: for horse
hire and baggage men in July 1707,
charged in Governor Evans account
and paid him 5 Pounds; for six
Pounds paid by the present Gover
nor to the baggage men in July,
1710, charged in Coll. French s ac
count, in all deducted 27 Pounds, 7s;
so there remains due to Coll. French,
and which is allowed by the board,
119, 19, 10.

The Governor s account of dis
bursements and charges on his
Journey to Conestoga, in July, 1710,
to treat with the Five Nations,
amounts to 8 Pounds, and 10s,
which is allowed by the Council.

The supply bill was now again
read and sent to ye house with
amendments affixed to it."

This shows us something of the
kind of equipment that was neces
sary to be taken into the Conestoga
treaties to perfect a treaty.

1711 The Governor Orders the Con-

estoga Chiefs to Come to

Council.

In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Records,
p. 537 on the first of August, this
year, "The Governor sent for Indian
Harry, and ordered him to fetch
some of ye chiefs of the Indians, who
were come down with a design to go
to Canada. He brought six of them,
and the Governor asked them by
Harry the Interpreter, how many
there were intended for Canada.

211 ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEH ANNOCK8 AND

They answered about 5 or 6 and that they thought it would be pro-
Twenty. It was askt them why they ! per to stop at Philadelphia and show
did not make the bent of their way | the Governor these belts, together
to the Five Nations, pursuant to | with their Indian pipe or calamet
Coll. Hunter s letter to them. ! w ith a stone head, wooden cane or
They replied that Coll. French would shaft and feathers fixt to it like
have had them come by way of New wings, with other ornaments. They
Castle, and promised to go along I gaid that the Five Nations had given
with them, but New Castle being out them this pipe&gt; that they were com _
of their way, they came to Philadel- | pelled to show it when they came
phia and expected him there. It was among the Five Nations to be known
asked them whether they apprehend- | as frien ds. They then proceeded to
ed they were come here at the Gov- ; explain each of the thirty-two belts
ernor s request, or upon Coll. Hunt- of W ampum, and tell who made it
er s letter to them, as being under : and for what it was for Besides
covenants, with the five nations to j these 32 beltg they showed two more&gt;
go to war, when they required them; ; one that had been giyen by Penn
they answered they came in obedi- | when he wag here and the Qther
ence to Coll. Hunters letter, but wag gince gent by Colonel

they expected Coll. French to go Conegto which th are algQ
with them They were told that

Coll. French might have such a de- .

. , ! know from the Governor, now, what
sign, but he was off of it, and asked

them whether they would go to Bur- ! w " ed ^ The Governor
lington by land or water, where asked f then ! "** *&lt;* 1 w " ted w 11
they would have company enough of ! ; ears to ^ about this belt that Wm.
the forces raised there to go along P * gave them and thev said that
with them, to which they said they the man that was to carry !t died
would further consider amongst soon after thev % ot !t and that that
themselves " ! was the reason - Further it appears

The importance of Conestoga is ! in this treat ^ that they had several
here again plainly shown. bundles and skins and that they

made presents to the Council and al-
1712-The Delaware* Show a Belt of so held a treaty and at this treaty

Wampum Sent to Conestoga. it is stated that they received pre-

In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Rec., p. j sents from the whites and "these
546 there is an account of Council ! presents being kindly accepted, fill-
of a treaty held at Edward Farmer s j in S their calamet or long winged
House with the Delaware Indians. l }i P e with tobacco and lighting it,
It will be remembered that the Dela- the y presented it so lighted to the
wares moved to the Susquehanna as Governor and each of the Council,
we have shown before. These Dela- etc.. to smoak a few blasts of it as
ware Indians had thirty-two belts of a token of the greatest friendship
wampum and they were on their that could be shown.
way to pay tribute to the Five Na- i

tions of New York. In making their l 12 ~ Another Body of Conestoga
speech to the Governor they declared Indians Come to the Council.

that many years ago they were made In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 553 it
tributary to the Five Nations and it stated that at a Council held on
were now about to visit them; and \ the 23rd of July of that year, "sev-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

212

eral Indians being arrived some
days ago from Conestogo, on busi
ness of importance, (as they said),
and having waited eight days for
their Interpreter, they at length met
the Council this day; Tagodrancy or
Civility, a War Captain and Chief,
with Tanyahtickahungh, the old
Speaker, Knawonhunt, and Soach-
koat, two Brothers, and some others
being sate, they first presented a
bundle of deer skins, and by Indian
Harry their Interpreter, said: That
the Proprietor. Governor Penn had
at his first coming amongst them
made an agreement with them that
they should always live as friends
and Brothers, and be as one body,
one heart, one mind, and as one eye
and ear; that what the one saw the
other should see, and what the one
heard the other should hear and
that there should be nothing but love
and friendship between them and us
forever.

They presented a small bundle of
furs, and said that on their part
they had always kept up this agree
ment and should constantly observe
it in all respects, that if anything
came to their knowledge relating to
us they would always like brothers
and friends acquaint us with it, and
if at any time any foreigners or
strangers came among them they
would, (as they had always done)
give notice of it immediately to
Philadelphia, and in all things would
acquit themselves accordingly to
what they had promised and engag
ed. They presented two bundles of
skins together, and said that on our
part we had promised them to regu
late the trade that was carried on
with them at Conestoga, and had
spoke of licenses to be given to the
traders, by which means all abuses
were to be rectified. But that since
Licenses were granted they found

| themselves worse dealt by than

ever, they received less for the

goods that they sold to the traders,

i were worse treated and suffered

| more injuries, which they desired

the Council would inquire into, and

i know why it was so, and cause it to

i be redressed.

They presented a fifth bundle, and
said, that the Cattle the traders kept
hurt and destroyed their corn; Civil-
| ity gave an account of his coming
with divers of their people, in a
friendly visit to the old French
! women. M. L. Tort s house; that with-
i out any provocation she turned them
i out of doors, and that upon their
| expostulating upon it, she told them
| that the house was her own, that the
| land was hers, for she had bought it
! of Governor Penn, and proceeded to
I insult them very rudely; they there
fore desired to know whether this
was so or not, and whether she had
any authority to act in such a man
ner.

They were told by the board that
the Council were much troubled to
find they had occasion to complain,
but they were desired to use such a
freedom with us as became brothers,
and not receive anything, but lay all
their grievances before us, whoever
the persons offending might be, and
it should all be considered and an
swered together.

They proceeded to complain of M.
Letort, and particularly the old
Queen Conguegoes representing that
the said M. Letort did them great dam
ages by keeping of hogs, and that at
twice she turned them into the
Queen s corn in her own sight.

They said that they had often
taken horses out of their fields and
taken them to the owners; that some
times they would not acknowledge
them to be theirs, but that when
damages were done by any, all the
traders would deny that those

213

AXN ALS OF THE 8U SQUBHANNOCKS AND

horses did belong to any of them that
did it; upon which one of them they
said resolved to take a method to
find to whom one particular horse
belonged, for having taken him out
of his corn three several times, he at
last shott him, that the owner meet
ing with the loss might be discover
ed by his complaints.

They added that one Sheerwill had
lived amongst them for two years
without planting any corn; that not
withstanding he had still enough,
furnishing himself by stealth; and
that he had sometimes been taken in
the fact but that he had now left the
place.

They are told that all these mat
ters should be inquired into, consid
ered and answered altogether in the
morning.

They desired that they might be
acquainted with what news we had
either from New York relating to the
Indians, or from other places; and
some time being spent on these sev
eral subjects, they are told they
might withdraw which they did ac
cordingly, and the Council entering
into the consideration of what had
been delivered. It was resolved,
that these injuries requiring an im
mediate redress, care should be
taken to procure satisfaction to the
Indians for the losses they had al
ready sustained, and that they should
be prevented for the future by oblig
ing these traders to remove from so
near a neighborhood to them without
any delay, and that none of them
should be suffered to sitt down
among these people; all which was
referred to be further considered to
morrow.

The account of their presents
being taken, they were found to be,
30 Deer skins, valued at about 3 6d

each, 5 Pds. 5 6

2 half bears, 7

3 foxes at 18d each, 6-
Racoons, at 6s each

3 beavers at 5s and one
Dressed Doe at3 6-

10 6

18 6

, The whole amounting at
the highest computa
tion to 7 Pds. 01

And it is ordered that another
should be provided to return to
them, viz:

6 Stroudwater Matchcoats.
6 Duffils.
6 White Shirts.
50 Ibs. of powder.
1 cwt. of Lead, besides a stroud-
| water and a shirt to Harry the In-
| dian Interpreter, and two small
1 shirts to two of his children, and
then adjourned until tomorrow at 3
i in the afternoon."

This again shows the difficulties
; under which the Conestoga Indians
labored and the questions of import
ance that were constantly rising
1 from that section.

On p. 555 of the same book it is
! stated the next day, "The Board tak-
i ing into consideration the com
plaints made by the Indians, they
I thought fit to order, that the traders
I whose cattle had done damage to the
1 Indians should be forthwith obliged
to make compensation to the satis-
| faction of the sufferers they left the
| town; and as had been before resol
ved, that none of them should be suf
fered to live any longer amongst
that people, but should at this fall at
fartherest remove to greater dis-
; tance, and not allowed on any terms
; to keep cattle and other horses than
I what are for their immediate ser-
I vice, unless they should live on pur-
| chased land.

The several other heads spoke to
by the Indians being also consider
ed, the Secretary was directed to an-
i swer them from the Board, accord-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

214

ing to the instructions now agreed
on and giving him, and accordingly
the presents yesterday ordered to be
returned to them being mostly gott
ready, and they themselves called in
the Secretary spoke to fully to every
particular, the heads of which are as
follows:

That the Bond of friendship and
Brotherhood made by the Proprietor
William Penn, with their nation, was
so strong, that we doubted not that
it would never be broken; that both
we and they had hitherto inviolably
kept it, and we were glad to see
them on their parts desirous to I
strengthen it and therefore took
their presents very kindly.

That we, on our parts thought this I
Bond so strong that it could not be j
made firmer by any presents; yet to
shew how acceptable any tokens of j
their friendship were to us, and that j
they might be supplied with some j
things necessary, in consideration of j
their long journey to visit us ; we de
sired them to accept what we had j
provided for a return to them, re- !
peating what those presents were |
and delivering them all but the j
shirts which were not yet ready, j
and the provisions to be given them
in the morning. That in relation to
their complaints of trade, they must
consider that all traders had in view
by buying and selling, was to gain
something to it themselves. That
unless they could buy at such a rate j
as that, they could sell the same
goods for somewhat more, so as to
live by the profit, they would lose
their labour and none would follow
it. That all commodities sometimes
rose in price and at other times fell,
and that the traders must buy at
such rates as their buyers could af
ford. That most of all the skins and
furs bought of the Indians were
sent to England, where the people

| were numerous like the leaves on the
I trees, and received all the goods on
| the main from Carolina, Virginia,
| etc., and so to Hudson Bay, that
these goods happened now by their
plenty to be low in England, and
English goods high by reason of the
war. That it was owing to these
causes and not to the traders being
obliged to take licenses; that their
, trade was now so low, (as some ill
| people who would not subject them-
! selves to any orders might suggest
| to them), that the reason of grant
ing licenses was that none should
be allowed to trade with them, but
such as should give security here to
deal honestly by them, and not in
jure them in any of these points
they had formerly complained of;
that by these means we could at all
times, by the security they gave
here, punish them whether present
or absent for any disorders they com
mitted, and therefore that these li
censes were of the greatest benefit to
the Indians, and that if they were
any way injured in trade they ought
to complain to us. That from the
security the traders had given, we
might oblige to make reparation;
that we were heartily sorry they had
such occasion of complaint on other
accounts than those of trade; and
that the traders proved such bad
neighbors that none had ever been
allowed by us to settle amongst them
but Peter Bizalion and that not only
he but the rest that had done them
damage should forthwith make them
satisfaction. They were therefore
ordered to settle the account of their
damages with the persons who had
done them by tomorrow morning,
and were promised that they should
be made good to them."

This item shows the firmness with
which the Government of Pennsyl
vania dealt with these Conestoga In-

215 ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

dians as well as all the other In- very day, the chief murderers, with
It is noticeable here also as j the greatest part of that nation

near

dians.

shown p 556 that Peter Bezalion is ! seated under their protection
at this time settled among the Con- j Susquehanna River, whitner they re-
estoga Indians; and also that the j moved them, when they found they
Delaware Indians are now constant- could no longer support them

their i against the force which the English

ly with the Conestogas at
treaties.

1712 Letort Granted a New License
to Trade With the Conestogas

and Other Indians.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 562 i i nd ians with a caravan
it is stated that the petition of : eighty horses loaded,
James Letort was read, praying that | killing one of our people and shot

brought upon them in these parts.

During the Tuscourouro war,
about two hundred of your Indians
set upon our Virginia Indian Traders
as they were going to the Southern
of at least
and after

he may have a license granted to
him to trade with the Indians, etc.,
which being considered, he is ap
proved on and may have
Governor s license accordingly.

the

most of their horses they made booty
of all the goods, declaring their
reason for so doing was because they

did not carry their ammunition to
the Tuscourroroes, and this plunder
According to Vol. 2 of Watson s j was so pll blickly vended to the
Annals, p. 122 Letort Creek in the | northward that it was no secret to

neighborhod of Carlisle was named
from James Letort. Letort seems to
have had this location as a frontier
home about 1712. The creek was noted

your people at Albany what a vil-
iianous part they had been acting
here with the English; and whether
such an action be not at this day an

for its many beaver dams. This is | incontestible truth.

a very notable thing because beavers
as a rule did not live in Pennsylva
nia but farther northward, except on

to you yourself,

I dare appeal
notwithstanding

your Commrs. may be willing out of
some publick views, to conceal this

this part of the Schuylkill where the | p j ece o f your Indian Treachery."
beaver towns or dams were quite | From this we see that these Cone-
numerous. ! stogas, who of course, were led by
1712 The Five Nations and the the Five Nations occasionally made
Conestogas at War With the I expeditions southward to fight the
Tuscaroroes.

Indians in Virginia. In a later item
we will see that the Conestogas very

if they did not go, the Five Nations,
their masters, treated them very

In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Records, , much lamented this and claimed that
p. 84 the Governor, Spotswood of
Virginia sent a letter to Governor

Keith, complaining of the action of . cruelly and called them cowards&gt;
our Indians about Conestoga, and he , ~

accuses them as follows: 1-12-The Shawnese at Peqnea Cap-

"In the year 1712 and 1713, they ! ture a Catawba Boy.

were actually in these parts assisting I in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 23,
the Tuscarouroes, who had massacr- at a treaty held at Conestoga about
ed in cold blood some hundreds of the 1717, we are given information that
English and then were warring I some years ago the Shawnese had
against us, and they have at this | captured a Catawba boy. The date

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

216

is not given but I give it as 1712.
The information we have of this cap
ture is as follows:

"The Shawanoise and all the other
Indians present were further asked
whether they had any prisoners of
the Catawba Nation, or of any Othbr
nation in friendship with Virginia.
The Shawanoise answered that they
had one prisoner, a young man taken
some years agoe, whom they pro
duced; but all the others answered
they had none.

It was demanded of the Shawanois
that this prisoner should be return
ed to the Catawbas, from whence he
was taken. Their King or Chief
answered that they had taken him
several years agoe, when he was but
a little lad; that he had now forgot
his native language, and spoke
theirs, and that they did not think
themselves obliged to return him at
this time.

Being further prest to it, the
chief answered that if the King of
the Catawbas, whom he now under
stood were in league with Virginia,
would come hither and make peace
with him, if it was desired; but that
the Catawbas were a people of great
extent, and there were many nations
under that name.

The young man was asked whether
he was willing to return, but would
not answer."

1713 T li o m a s Clialkley Again

Preaches in the Susquehanna

Country.

In Chalkley s work before referred
to, under the date of 1713, at p. 82
he says: "After I had been some
time in Virginia, I got passage up
the Bay Chesapeake and had
several meetings in Maryland,
friends being glad to see me; and
we were comforted in Christ our

Lord. I made some little stay at a
place I had in that province, called
I Longbridge, and then returned to
Philadelphia, where I lodged at the
house of my very kind friends,
Richard and Hannah Hill, and was
often times at divers neighbouring
meetings, and sometimes had good
service therein."

It would seem rather certain from
his having previously visited the
Susquehannas that he sailed entirely
I up to the head of the Bay and went
! into the Susquehanna Country on
i this trip. He was very much con
cerning about the Christianity of
these Indians.
1 1713 Captain Civility on a Special

Message to the Council.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 565 it
I is reported at a Council held June 8,
1713, "The Young Indian called
! Civility, one of the chiefs of Cone-
j stogo, with Harry the Interpreter,
j having arrived here two days ago,
j and desired to deliver a mesage from
| the Nation, the Governor called a
Council thereupon, and being mett,
I he presented to the Governor two
1 small parcells or strings of wam-
i pum, which they said were delivered
I them by certain messengers from
the Cayogoes and Onoyootoes, two
of ye Five Nations ,who had been
lately at Conestogo, and desired to
know what was the message that
j those who came from ye said Nations
! had delivered here last fall; for that
they were apprehensive that some of
the Tsanondowans had some ill
design against us, proposal having
made that several hundreds were to
come down in a body, under a pre
tense of trading which might be at
tended with ill consequence.

The substance of the minutes
then taken we told them, and that
as they came on a message of

217

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

friendship, we had made them a"
suitable answer; that we always had
been friends with them, and desired
so to continue; that being such, they
were free to trade with us, as all
others were, and that we hoped we
should have no cause to apprehend
anything further from them. They
were particularly acquainted that
our Queen had now made peace with
the French, and we were all to live
amicably together; that the French
durst now not injure an English-*
man, nor an English man none of
the French, any more than one of
their own nation; but that upon the
whole we took their whole care
shewn by this information very kind
ly, and desired them always to con
tinue the same disposition towards
us, as we should shew ourselves
friends to them.

Ordered that care be taken of them
whilst in Town, and that the Treas
urer (Civility being now one of the
Chiefs of their nation) provide for
him a good Stroud, a Shirt, a hatt,
and a pair of Stockins and a match
coat for Harry, with some small
tokens for their children, with some
rum, Tobacco and bread."

Here we have another illustration
of the frequent intercourses between
the Conestoga Indians and the Gov
ernor at Philadelphia; and it was now
almost a daily occurence that the
savages of the Susquehanna River
and the people on the Delaware met
face to face.

1714 Several Conestoga Indians
Ylsit the Council at Philadelphia
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 574,
it is stated that a Council held Oct.
I, of that year, that, "Several In
dians being come to town from
Conestogo, and the Governor being
very much indisposed, the Council
mett to receive what they had to

1 offer; and Togodhessah, Sotayyoght,
Tokunnyataawogha, with some others
I presenting a Bundle of Drest Skins,
I represented to the Board :
j That they had always hitherto made
| it their practice to inform this
| Government of all things of mint,
that past amongst them; that living
in a near neighbourhood and friend
ship with the Shawanois, they
thought it convenient to acquaint us
that Opessah, the late King of ye said
Shawanoise, having absented him
self from his people for about three
years, and upon divers messages
sent to him still refused to return
to them, they at length have thought
it necesasry to appoint another in
j his stead, and presented the person
! chosen by name Cakundawanna, to
I the board, as the new elected King of
| the Shawanoise, desiring the appro-
| bation of this Government of this
j their proceeding.

The Board answered that what

measures they thought fitt to take

for their own peace and safety

i amongst themselves, should be ap-

| proved by this Government as far as

lust, and it hoped that what they

have done was a necessity, and that

I they are satisfied in it.

They then presented a second
bundle of drest skins, and said:

That they had informed us their
old Queen was dead, as also are all
their old men who formerly appear
ed for their nation, that they are
now succeeded by a younger genera
tion; that our methods are to keep
record of what is transacted in writ-
I ing, but that they have also sure
ways of transmitting from one
; generation to another what is neces-
| sary to remember, that these now
living well know the leagues and
bonds of friendship that have been
I between the English and their fathers
! and that they, their Posterity, are

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

218

resolved inviolably to observe the
same.

In answer they were told their
present with what they said upon it,
was kindly accepted, and they were
desired to continue the same meth
ods their fathers had done, and to
train up their children in the same
friendship towards the English that
they themselves had been, that we
and they may live in a firm peace
togther in all time to come.

The skins presetned are 9 bucks,
and 15 does, drest with one raw
back, value about 3 pounds and 15s
in ye whole. Ordered, that a return
be made to ye value of about ten
pounds, with a persent also to
Harry, the Interpreter, besides their
charges; and that the Treasurer see
it performed, entering the account
into these minutes."

In this article we again see the
faithful report made by the Cone-
stogas of the suspicious action of the
King of the Shawanese. They also
related to the Governor faithfully the
experiences their tribe was having.

1714 Conrad Wilser s View of the
Indian Religion

In Mombert s History of Lancaster
County, p. 19, he sets forth a letter
which Conrad Weiser wrote on this
subject, as follows:

"ESTEEMED FRIEND: I write
this in compliance with thy request,
to give thee an account of what I
have observed among the Indians, in
relation to their belief and confi
dence in a Divine Being, according
to the obsravtions I have made, from
1714, in the time of my youth, to this
day (about the year 1746).

If by the word religion people
mean an asesnt to certain creeds, or
the observance of a set of religious
duties; as, appointed prayers, sing-

; ings, preaching, baptism, etc., or

I even Heathenish worship, then it

! may be said the Five Nations, and

j their neighbors have no religion. But

if by religion we man an attraction

of the soul to God, whence proceeds

| a confidence in, and hunger after,

! the knowledge of him, then this

j people must be allowed to have some

! religion among them notwithstanding

their sometimes savage deportment.

For we find among them some tracts

of a confidence, in God alone; and

even, sometimes, though but seldom,

a vocal calling upon him. I have had

! one or two instances of this under

| my own observation."

Weiser in this letter speaks of
I Indian religion much later than 1714
but I will give that later.

1714 Beginning of the Conestoga
Road in Lancaster County

In the Quarter Sessions Docket, of
| Lane. Co., No. 1, pp. 89 and 121 may
! be found the petition dated &gt; 1734 to
improve the Conestoga Road which
lead into the Indian Country and
| which is now the road known as the
"Long Lane." The petition states
that the people hnve been using this
road for twenty years. Therefore it
began to be used about 1714. Many
papers . in the Chester County Quar
ter Sessions records also throw light
on this subject.

1715 The Goods Bought by Logan
for the Conestoga Treaty

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 597.
it is stated that, "Mr. Logan exhibit
ed an account of several things he
bought for the Conestogoe Indians,
by order of Council, the 1st of Oct.
last, the balance of which amounts
to 15 Pounds, 3s and 9d, which
account is allowed, and the Treas
urer ordered to pay the same."

219 ANNALS OF THE SU3QUEHANNOCKS AND

1715_0pessah, the Late Shawanese i Opessah said that he did not know

! of any. We see in this item that
Kln B Comes to Pli.ladelphia j ^^ ^ quite a treacherous

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p 599, ; character and made trouble very
it is stated that on the 14th of June, j f requ ently.

this year, that Opessah the late | ^ ^ ^

Shawanese King, with his compan- j

ions attending him, came with the | Concsto^as Have Moyed Their
Chiefs of the Delaware and Schyulkill \ Town Twenty Miles Away

[ndians to visit the Governor; and i n vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p 603
that they met in the Court House in on tne 21st of June, at a Council,
Philadelphia, where they had a great j ]yj r Logan acquainted the Board,
ceremony, in which they opend up | that he had information by Thomas
the calamet with a great ado with ; Chalkley, who lately came from
their rattles and songs. The calamet ! Maryland, that the Conestogoe In-
was offered by the Delaware King j dians had left their town and re-
to the Governor and Council and all j moved twenty miles distant, and it
the people and then by the Governor j being thought that soemthing extra-
it was offered to the Indians ; and j ordinary had happened, that they
after great cermony it was put should leave their corn growing on
away. The Indians explained that j the ground. It was ordered that a
they had carried this calamet as a j message should be sent up to them
bond of peace to all the Nations | by some cf the Chiefs, cf the Indians
around and that it was a sure bond j now in Town, and a small present,
among them. The Indians further j to v/it: a matchcoat for the two

desired by holding up their hands j Chiefs, Civility and , and

that the God of the Heavens might i tell them we would be glad to see
be witness to it. These Indians were ! then, and that they should inform
referring to the treaty which Penn | them that they, together with the
made with them "at his first coming ! Delaware Indians, have already been
among them." The speaker for the \ here and renewed their League of
Indians then said that he delivers j friendship, and were kindly re-
n behalf of all the Indians on ihis ceied."

side of the Susquehanna River The j in this item we see some new
&gt;elts of wampum which he had wkh j disturbances about Conestoga,
him. As to Opessah who formerly which we shall explain later.

lived on Peqnea Creek as King of *.,..

171o Another Council held With

the Shawanese, the speaker says j

that he has now abdicated and lives Opessah and His Associates

at a great distance from his former : On the 22nd of June, 1715, we are
home. The Governor said that i told in Vcl. 2 of the Col. Rec., p 603,
Opessah had long been under a | that "The Indian chiefs, viz: Sasoo-
league of Friendship with them, and j nan and Matasjeechay, with Opessah.
even though he has moved we will j being called according to the order of
treat him as kindly as ever; but we j yesterday, the Governor acquainted
ask that he will tell the foreign In- them, that he, with the Council, were
dians that he lives with that they j extremely well pleased to see them,
should be kind towards the English | and with the treaty that we had with
and tell them of any danger; and them, but could have wished they

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

220

had more effectually taken the ad
vice that was given them to forbear
excessive drinking, and especially to
avoid rum, which since it disorders
them so very much and ruins their
health, they ought to shun it as
poison; for though valuable men
when sober, yet when overcome
with that unhappy Liquor they are
quite lost and become beasts, that
had the Governor thought they
would not take more care of them
selves he would have prevented their
buying it, and must do so the next
time they are so kind to visit us, that
so we may be able all the time of
the stay to converse together.

That now, however, he is glad to
see them sober again at their de
parture, and was willing to speak
with them before they went to fur
nish them with some provisions for
their journey.

That we have now had with them
a very friendly treaty, which with all
others heretofore they are constatnly
to remember.

That as they spoke in behalf of all
the Indians on this side of Sasque-
hananh, excepting those of Cone-
stoga, the Governor wishes that
they had also come with them, but
since they have not, Sasoonan and
Metasheekay are desired to inform
the chiefs of Conestoga, vsiz : Soteer-
yole and Tagultaleese or Civility, that
they have been here renewing their
League, yet we were sorry that we
saw not all our friends together,
that to the end they might be par
takers of the same League, we had
sent each of them a matchcoat, and
should be glad to see them with the
first good conveniency.

That hearing they design to leave
Conestogo, we should desire an op
portunity of discoursing them before
they quit that ancient settlement,
and that they should say that same

j thing to those that are removed;
I that the better to cover them from
! the night dews in their travels, we
! give each of them a stroud match-
coat.

That as they had particularly re
commended Opessah, we were very
well pleased with their regard to
him, and as a token of our taking
him into the same friendship with
them, now gave him also a Stroud.
All wihch being interpreted to
them and provisions delivered for
their Journey, viz: some loaves and
| one hundred weight of Biscuitts,
I with 12 Pounds of tobacco and pipes,
they returned their hearty thanks
with expresisons of great satisfac-
j tion.

But Sasoonan complained that they

! were much abused by the quantities

j of rum brought amongst them, and

requested the Governor to cause a

stop to be put to the pratcice.

Upon which they were told of the
very strict laws made against it, but
I that it was impossible for us to
i know who came thither into the
| woods amongst them without their
| information, that it would be in their
j power effectually to prevent it that
j if they would stave all the rum that
i came amongst them, which they were
directed by the Governor to do with
out fail as oft as any came.

They thereupon desired the Gov
ernor s written order for it, and
acordingly the following order was
i issued.

By the Honorable Charles Gookin,
I Esqr., etc.

Wheras, notwithstanding the
j several penalties laid by the laws of
I this province, upon those who sell
j rum to the Indians, complaints are
[made by them, that great quantities
| are still carried into the woods to
their great loss and damage. For
the more speedy prevention of which,

221 ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

it is ordered by the Governor and [ That they be informed that the In-
Council, that all Indians who shall j dians of Delaware with Opessah in
at any time see any rum brought j behalf of the Shawanois coming
amongst them for sale, either by the j hither of themselves last 4th month,
English or others, do forthwith j did in a solemn manner renew the
stave . the casks and destroy the | treaty and confirm the bond of friend-
liquor, with suffering any of it to be ( ship between us, which they did in
sold or drank, in which practice they ! the name and behalf (they said) of
shall be idernuified and protected by | all Indians on this side of Sasque-
the Government against all persons j hannah, those of Conestoga excepted,
whatsoever. Dated at Philadelphia, j when they left to speak for them-
ye 22nd of June, 1715." selves, and therefore that we desired

We observe here that their is some
thing like a break in the pleasant
relations between the other Indians

that these Indians would also come
to visit us as the others had done,
that we might at the same time re-

of the Susquehanna and Delaware | new our Leagues of friendship with

rivers and the Conestogas. Just ! all our friends and brethren, that

what caused the Conestogas to leave ! that they had always been such to us,

and move 20 miles away is not very ! and that our conduct to each other

clear. ! had always been so friendly, and the

17ir, The Conestogas Now Come and ! leagues of his frien dship had been so

Explain their Removal and ! often re P eated and confirmed that we

Other 1 t* were desirous to see them as our

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p 606 frndS * nd brethren as often as anv

it is stated that on the 13th of Sept. f UF IndmnS f r Which Tea ~

-Sotyriote, Chief of ye Conestoga In- ! S n We had Sent them that messa S e -
dians, with divers others of his na- \ The IndianS DOt being met the C n -
tion and of the Ganawoise, being in i feren e and treaty with them was de -
town last night, on the message sent ! ferred and the Council adjourned for
them from this Board by Sassooan ! that pur P se tiu in the morning at
and Metashichay, two of ye Delaware I seven " This sets forth the discus-
chiefs ye 22nd of June last, the Coun- S1 nS f the first day
cil met to consider of the treaty to i At Pa6 6 7 We are told what hap "
be held with them i pened the next day as follows:

And as they are come at the re- : " The af re mentioned to
quest of this Government, it is there- i ^ inte ^ reter &gt; mett and the
fore agreed and ordered that accord- ! T ?T " i ^ G Vern r r
ing to ye custom of ye Indians a L? em tO be mf rmed that he with tte
present should be made to them viz- ; Coun f were * lad to see them, and
six Stroudwater matchcoats x i T ^ "^ ^^ if ^ ^

Duffel matchcoats, six blankets, half ! ? f n * er That Sasoonan in be-
a barrel cf Powder, and hundred 1^ f ^ Wn and aU Ur ther ^
pounds of lead ,with some tobacco j * n tbl8 Side f Sasc uehannah -
and pipes, and that care be taken of i ^ f Conest g a excepted, had in
their entertainment, as also that some I * m ost friendly manner renewed
Present should be made to Harry the ; ^f T^ Tt COnfirmed tbe bond
interpreter, to ye value of three! fnendshl between us - That we
pounds or thereabout were upon desirous to see them also,

thereabouts. ; that we might have at the same time

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

222

the satisfaction of conferring with
and entertaining all the nations of
our friends around us, and by that
means have an opportunity to know
how it was with them.

That we had heard that they had a
design for moving the Conestoga, to
leave room for the English to settle
there; but that we desired they
.should not make themselves uneasy,
and if they thought it might be more
for their conveniency to be a greater
distance, we should expect first to be
acquainted with it.

They were also particularly inform-
ed of what passed between our Dela
ware Indians and us, at the last
treaty and the minutes then taken
were interpreted to them, with all
which they appeared very well satis
fied.

The presents as yesterday ordered
were delivered to them, amounting to
about 20 Pounds in value, besides the
three pounds ordered to Harry, the
interpreter, and the charges of their
entertainment.

Upon their receiving of these they
were particularly desired to be care-
.t ul from time to time, to inform us
of any strangers coming amongst
them, and of everything new that
should happen amongst them, for as
we were friends and brethren, we
must be concerned for their safety
and welfare, as well as our own.

They all appeared extremely pleas
ed, and the Council adjourned.

On the next day, September 15, the
Governor left town but authorized the
Council to hear the answer of these
Indians, whereupon the chief of the
Coriestogas by his interpreter said,
"That they were well pleased to find
that the Indians who were here in
summer, had shown themselves so
mindful of former treaties and agree
ments that were made with William

Penn, at his first arrival ; that their
old men were generally gone off the
| stage, and that a younger generation
j had come into their place; that they
on their parts should ever desire to
live in the same peace and friendship
with us, that their fathers had done,
and that not only they but that their
| and our posterity might do the same,
| from generation to generation. That
! all -things were well amongst them,
| and they had nothing In relation to
this Government to blame or in any
wise find fault with.

They then laid down four strings of
| white wampum, and said, that Opes-
I sah, who was formerly a King of the
! Shawanois, near Conestoga, but had
! now for some years been abroad in
! the woods (as he said) a hunting, had
I just as their comimg away from Con-
| estoga, sent them a message with
I that wampum, to tell them he was
| now going a hunting again, that they
I thought it convenient to acquaint this
Government with it, and that if they
I hear anything further of his proceed-
| ings, they will not fail from time to
I time to give us an account of it, and
i as they had always lived in peace,

and we and they had been as Breth-
; ren and friends, so they desired
: we might ever continue the same,

that they had nothing to complain of,
I but desired we would for their great -
; er ease in trading with our people,

asquaint them with the certain prices

of our goods.

They then presented to the Board
seventeen deer skins in ye Hair, and
eighteen foxes skins. They were told
in answer to this, the same things
that had been said to Sasoonan and
the Indians with them; that it was
impossible to set any prices, for
goods were sometimes cheaper,
sometimes dearer, and the
traders would sell their goods dearer

223 ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

at Sasquehannah, after they had been ; 1716-The Minutes of the Conestoga
at the pains to carry them some days j Treaty Lost.

horseback, thither, and

journey on
that we could advise them to no
other method than what we took our
selves, which is that every man
should bargain as well as he could
for himself, but in the meantime as

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 613
a visit of the Conestogas and Dela-
wares to the Council is set forth but
it seems that the minutes of the pro
ceedings were not taken and we can
not tell just what purpose took them

we had passed a law, that none call- | ^ o Philadelphia. The Colonial Rec-
ed Christians should offer them any I or( j s gj ve the following account of it:

injury, is if they received any they
were desired to acquaint us with it
and they should be redressed.

"Sotayriote, the Chief of the Con
estoga Indians, Tagotelessah or Civ
il^ their Captain, Sheekokonickan.

It was further pressed on them to j a c hi e f of the Delaware Indians being;
be very careful on their parts that no j come to town, attended the Governor

difference arise between any of their
and our people and if there should be

in Council; but ye clerk having neg
lected to enter ye minutes of what

they would acquaint us with it im- | pas t as he did all other relating to
mediately, that we might duly inquire | these people, which J. Logan himself
into it, and justice should be done j took not with his own hand&gt; t hey are
them if they were anywise wronged. witn others irrecovably lost."

Then provisions being ordered to
be provided for them by the Treas
urer for their return home, and all
the accounts to be discharged by
him.

They were dismissed and the Coun
cil adjourned."

From all this we see that the mat
ter which was likely to be difficult
was finaly settled with the Conestoga
Indians.

1717 John Cartledge Sends Word of
Disturbances Among the Con
estogas.

In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Rec., p.
15 it is set forth under the date of
June 19, this year, as follows: "The
Secretary by the Governor s order
laid before the Board a letter he had
received this afternoon from John
Cartledge of Conestogoe, giving him

1715 Our Couestoga Indians Make a an account of some disturbances

Treaty With Virginia. am ngst the Indians there; as also

one enclosed from Lahya, Civility,
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 87, j and some others o the chie(s , the

Governor Spottswood of Virginia,

writes to Governor Keith, referring
the treaty which the Conestogas

Indians on the Susquehanna, wherein
they desired him to come to them

without delay, to consult with them
and others had made with his Prov- about affairs of great importance:

nice, and says that they have not kept They having no notice (it is pro-
their engagements made on the last | bable) of the Governor s arrival. The

day of August, 1715, but that in vio
lation of those engagements they
made war upon the Catawbas and
upon the white settlments of Virginia
in all which the Governor of Virginia

Governor hereupon thought it incum
bent on himself to give them a
visit and to the end they might have
time as they desired, to call their

puts the blame upon our Conestoga I People together, he was pleased to
Indians. This ends all we have to appoint the seventeenth day of July

say under the year of 1715.

next, to be the time he would see

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

224

them at Conestogoe; and in the
meantime the Secretary was ordered
to write a letter to them to that pur
port, and to send a belt of wampum
as a token of friendship and confir
mation of this message."

We can at this date understand the
extreme importance of the urgent
visit which the Conestogas asked the
whites to make to them, but we may
rest assured that matters of impor-
taince were to be adjpusted, espec
ially does this show, what caused
Governor Keith to go to the Indians
as soon as possible,
1717 The Delaware Indians are Now
at Conestoga,

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 19, it
is stated that at a Council held at
Conestoga the Chief of the Delawares
was present. I do not believe that
they were simply as visitors attend
ing this treaty but that they now
lived on the Susquehanna River
which may be seen under this same
date in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 45,
where we are told that the Chiefs of
the Delawares, formerly on Brandy-
wine but now inhabitants on the
Susquehanna River" were come to
Philadelphia, therefore, I make this
bit of history a separate item so that
the fact of the Delawares moving
from the Schuylkill river to the Sus
quehanna River may be made promi
nent. We shall see later that these
Delawares caused us much grief be
cause it was they who in 1755 helped
to slaughter Braddock s men at Fort
DuQuense and later, who in and
about Carlisle and Cumberland
stealthily butchered many of the
white pioneers of these sections.

1717 A Great Treaty at Conestoga.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec.. pp, 21
and 22 it is set forth that the follow
ing proceedings took place, " at a

Council held at Conestoga, the 9tfe
day of July, 1717." Then follows a
list of the members of Council who
journeyed with Governor Keith to
Conestoga, and took part in this
treaty. They were Richard Hill,
Isaac Norris, James Logan, Anthony
Palmer, Robert Ashton and John
French, The importance of this
treaty is attested by the fact that
these six men were perhaps the most
prominent sextette in Pennsylvania
at this time. The report of the treaty
is as follows:

" Present the Chiefs, and others of

the Conestogoe or Mingo Indians, the

Delawares, the Shawanoise and Gun-

awoise, all inhabiting upon or near

I the banks of the River Susquehan-

I nah.

A memorial from Captain Christo
pher Smith, of Virginia, having been
! presented to the Governor, was read
! at the Board in ye words following,
i viz:

To the Honorable William Keith,
| Esq., Lieutenant Governor of the
[ Province of Pennsylvania and Coun
ties of New Castle, Kent and Sussex,
upon Delaware; and the Honorable
Council at Conestogoe, Capt. Christo
pher Smith humbly Sheweth,

That he being commissioned and
instructed by the Honorable Alex
ander Spotswood, Esq., Governor of
Virginia, to go to New York, and with
the lycense and permission of the
Governor of these said province of
New York, to discourse with the In
dians or elsewhere concerning the
murdering of some Catawba Indians
at Fort Christianna in the Colony of
Virginia, who are in amity with the
said Government of Virginia, which
i said insult was then supposed to be
i committed by the Senequa Indians,
i and also to demand the Delivery up
of the prisoners taken at the place
! aforesaid, with reparation for the in-

225 ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

suits done upon the said Catawba In- | cerned in this cruelty, that then he
rtians. I may be assisted in making such

And whereas, the said Christopher terras of Friendship with the said
Smith, by the assistance of his Ex- Indians, which by his commission he-
cellency Brigader Hunter, Governor is fully, empowered to do, as for the
of New York hath procured the con- ! future may do for the safety and
fession of the said Senequa Indians, j quiet of his Majesty s subjects, and
wherein they acknowledge that some j the Indians in amity with the Gov-
of their men were concerned in the | eminent of Virginia and Pennsyl-
killing, of some of the said Catawba j vania. CHRISTOPHER SMITH,

fndians near Fort Christanna afore- The said Capt. Smith (being desir-

said, but do say that they did not
know the said Catawba Indians Were
fn amity or upon a treaty with the
Government of Virginia and have now

ed so to do), produced his commis
sion from the Governor of Virginia.,
under the seal of that Government,
together with his instructions refer-

ingaged for themselves, that all acts ! red to in his said commission both of
of hostility against the said Catabaw | which were also read 1 .
Indians or any others in amity with | And because the subject of the said
the said Government of Virginia shall | memorial principally concerned the
leave, and if the woman Prisoner ; said Shawanoise Indians, Martin
lately taken in Virginia by some of Chartiere who understood and spoke
their men, who (at present is escap- j their language well, was sworn as
ed out of their hands) be taken up an interpreter on this occasion,
by any of their people, that she shall j The insult lately made on the
be safely delivered up to the Gover- I Government of Virginia, at the Fort
nor of New York, in order to be sent ! Christianna, as it is mentioned in
back to Virginia; and the said Chris- j the said memorial was then fully
topher Smith, being lately informed j related to those Indians, and they re-
that some of the Shawanois Indians j quired to inform the Governor
in the Province of Pennsylvania, and I whether any of their nation were
in amity with this Government, were | concerned in that fact, or know any-
present and concerned in the murder | thing of it.

and insult aforesaid, committed at They answered that six of their
Fort Christianna aforesaid, Humbly men had accompanied that party of
Request Your Honors assistance and ! the Five Nations who had committed
Countenance in obtaining an inter- j the fact, but that none of those six
view with the said Shawanois Indians j were here present, their settlement
and an interpreter to assist him in j being much higher up the Susque-
scoursing with the said Indians; hannah River, and being asked such
and if it appears that any of the In- j further questions as Captain Smith
dians in friendship with your Gover- | requested might be proposed to them
nment have been concerned in the ! in this affair, they answered to them
committing the aforesaid fact, that ! severally as follows viz-
the said Christopher Smith may have \ That according to the information
Conor s assistance and counte- j they had received from the six per-
nance in procuring reparation for the I sons aforementioned of their Nation.
\vrong done, but if it appear that ! after their return home, there was
the Indians in Covenant or I only eighteen persons of the whole
friendship with you have been con- | company Imployed in that attack

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

226

near the said Fort at Christianna,
and that the above mentioned six of
their nations were with the rest, at
some considerable distance by the
side of a creek or brook, and were no
way concerned in it, neither did they
know anything of it until the return
of the said party of eighteen who had
killed six men on the spot, took one
prisoner who soon made his escape,
and a woman whom they carried
along with them, and that this was
all they knew of that matter.

Being further asked whether any
of their Indians knew anything of
killing Major Joshua Wynne, in Vir
ginia, about five years agoe, they
said they did not know anything of
it

Whether they knew anything of the
Indians killing a negro man in Vir
ginia, belonging to Captain Robert
Flicks, about four years agoe, they
answer they knew nothing of it.

Being asked what they knew of
some Indians of the Five Nations
having about four years agoe
plundered a company of Virginia In
dians, trading at Enoe River.

They answer that they had often
heard talk about such a thing, but
that none of them were concerned in
it, cr could give any account of it.

The Shawanoise and all the other
Indians present were further asked
whether they had any prisoners of
the Catawba Indians, or of any other
Nation in friendship with Virginia.
The Shawanoise answered that they
had one prisoner a young man taken
some years ago, whom they produc
ed; but all the others answered they
had none.

It was demanded of the Shawa-
nois that this prisoner should be re
turned to the Catawbas, from whence
he was taken. Their King or Chief
answered that they had taken him

, several years ago, when he was but
| a little lad % ; that he had now forgot
| his native language and spoke theirs
| and that they did did not think them-
| selves obliged to return him at this
i time.

Being further prest to it, the Chief

answered that if the King of the

Catawbas, whom he now understood

were in league with Virginia, would

come hither and make peace with

him and his people (the Shawanois),

I he might have the young man back

| wifti him, if it was desired; but that

I that Catawbas were a people of great

extent, and there were many nations

| under that name.

The young man was asked whether
jhe was willing to return, but would
| give no answer.

Captain Smith proposed that he
\ might have liberty to treat with those
Indians in order to make a league
| with them in behalf of the Govern-
jment of Virginia, to which he was
j authorized by Colonel Spotswood
i commission and instructions.

The Governor answered that he did
j not conceive it to be necessary or
| useful that any person whatsoever
; should be permitted to treat with the
; Indians, except the Government of
| that Colony, to which the Indians
! respecively belonged; but if Colonel
| Spotswood (for whom the Governor
had a very great regard) desired to
j make any treaty with the Indians who
| lived under the protection of this
: Government, for establishing a peace
and good understanding between
| them and the Indians under the pro
jection of Virginia the Governor
I himself, with advice of his Council,
would heartily endeavor to accom-
: plish a treaty upon such reasonable
! terms as Colonel Spotswood might
propose in behalf of Virginia; and
that in the meantime the G overnor
now would at this juncture (as it

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUBHANNOCK8 AND

has been usual in this province) in
sist upon our Indians friendship too,
and a good correspondence with, all
the English Colony s, with their de
pendent Indians, and Virginia in par
ticular.

The Governor then spoke to the
Indians by the Interpreters, in the
words and manner following.

That they must carefully remem
ber that all the several Government,
(which the interpreters particularly
inumerated), from New England to
South Carolina inclusive; thought
they have different Governors, yet
they are all subjects to the great
King and Emperor of the English;
so that when any Government makes
a treaty of friendship with the In
dians, they must also treat and make
the same bond of friendship for all
other English people, as well as
themselves, by which means all the
Indian nations who are in League
and friendship with any English Gov
ernment, must also be friends to each
other.

If, therefore, any of you shall hurt
or molest the Indians, who are at
this time in friendship with any
English Government, you hereby
break the league of friendship made
with this Government, which, as it
has been most inviolably observed on
our part, we do positively expect the
same to be done on yours; and if
any of you receive damage or are in
jured by the Indians who are in
peace with any English Government,
if you can discover what Indians
they were that did it, this Govern
ment, on your complaint, will en
deavor to procure satisfaction from
that English Government, to which
such Indians belong.

The Governor further told them by
the same interpreters, that he having
given himself the trouble to come
hither at this time, upon their re

quest he had not provided, himself
with any presents for them, being
they knew that Philadelphia has al
ways been the place of treaty with
this Government, where they ought
first to come and offer theirs.

But nevertheless, it being the first
time the Governor had seen them he
would take this opportunity to put
them in mind of several parts of
their duty, which they might more
punctually observe, he had purchas
ed a few things from the traders, as
a small testimony of his good will to
them.

Then the presents being laid upon
the ground before the Indians the
Governor proceeded to tell them.

1st That he expected their
strict observance of all former con
tracts or friendship made between
them and this Government of Penn
sylvania.

2dly. That they must never mo
lest or disturb any of the English
Governments, nor make warr upon
any Indians whatsoever who are in
friendship and under the protection
of the English.

Sdly. That in all cases of suspic
ion or danger, they must advise and
consult with this Government before
they undertook or determined any
thing.

4thly. That if through accident
any mischief of any sort should
happen to be done by the Indians
to the English, or by the English to
them, then both parties should meet
with, hearty intention of good will to
obtain an acknowledgement of the
mistake as well as to give or receive
reasonable satisfaction.

Sthly. That upon these terms and
conditions the Governor did in the
name of their Great and Good
friend William Penn, take them and
their people under the same protec
tion and in the same friendship with

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

228

this Government, as William Penn
himself had formerly done, or could
do now if he were here present.

And the Governor hereupon did
promise on his part to encourage
them in peace, and to nourish and
support them like a true friend and
brother.

To all which the several chiefs
and their Great Men presently as
sented, it being agreed, that in testi
mony thereof they should rise up
and take the G overnor by the hand,
which accordingly they did with all
possible marks of friendship in theii
countenance and behavior."

In addition to the fact of the treaty
it seems important here to notice
that the Conestoga Indians desired
to know what Christians were settled
back of them in the woods and to
what nation they belonged, which at
tests the fact that a good many
whites were now coming into this
section. It is also worthy of notice
here that this item would seem to in
dicate that Peter Bezalion at this
time lived at or near Conestoga.
1717 Governor Spots wood Again
Complains Against the Cones-
toga Indians.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 84, in
a letter to Governor Keith, Governor
Spotswood says that while he was
holding a treaty on the Virginia
frontier with the chiefs of the Cataw-
bas, a party of Conestoga Indians
(and likely some of the Five Nations
from New York) learned from the
Tuscaroras that the Catawbas were
unarmed, making a treaty and then
came among them, killed some and
carried others away.
1717 Five Hundred Young Five Na
tion Warriors at Susquehanna.

In the same book last cited, p. 85,
Governor Spotswood further com
plains that there was a march in

! August and September of five hun
dred young warriors of the Five Na-
I tions and that they advanced as far
j as Susquehanna River; and declared
| that they were going on down to the
Maryland settlements.

I cite this simply to show that the
I Conestoga country was a famous
place of resort at this time for the
tribes of the Five Nations and other
Indians, and to show the prominence
of this section. It is further shown
that at the same time there was a
great deal of Indian butchering and
massacreing going on about Cones-
toga and Susquehanna.

Governor Spotswood also com-

| plains in this letter that they fell on

a company of men. women and chil-

! dren, and that they killed many of

| them, and that one woman eccaped

after much cruelty and went to

Virginia famished with cold and

hunger.

1717 A Line Thrown Around the
Cones toga Indian Camp for

Protection.

In Vol. 3 of the. Col. Rec., p. 48,
there is set forth a statement of Gov
ernor Keith to the Conestoga Indians
j some of which were in Phiadelphia
! at that time that "We have had a
| line thrown around them (the Con-
! estogas) that none" might come near
them; and had their corn fields fenc
ed in by John Cartiledge s care,whose
house alone was placed in those
lines so that he could look after the
tract and also the bounds of it." This
shows the care that the authorities
were now taking of the Indians at
Philadelphia."

1717 Notes on the Conestoga Treaty.
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 168, appears the following:

" Extracts from Council-Book E.,
18th July, 1717.
I Fo. 12. Governor Keith s treaty with

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

the Chiefs of ye Conestogoe or Min-
goe Indians, ye Delawares, ye Shaw-
anoise and Ganawoise, wherein are
no complaints about land.

16th June, 1718.

At a treaty with ye Chiefs of .the
Coiiestogoe Indians, a Chief of ye
Shawanois, a Chief of ye Delawares,
and one from the Ganawais, they
were pressed by ye Governor to be
free, and if they had anything to
complain of that want to be redres
sed, they should without reserve
communicate it. Had nothing to
complain of, but that some bad
straggling people brought too much
rum amongst them and debauched
their young men. And after pre
senting a new King of ye Conesto-
goes, and ye delivery of presents on
both sides, departed, expressing
themselves very happy in the friend
ship, and under the protection of this
Government."

I quote this principally to show
that there were no land disputes at
this time about Conestoga with the
Indians; but we -shall see that later
than this there were some few dis
putes.

1717 Lands Surveys at Conestoga
Disturb the Indians.

It is set forth in Vol. 3 of the Col.
Rec., p. 37 that "The Governor ac-
quainted the Board that the Proprie
tor s Commissioners of Property had
lately represented to him in writing,
that certain persons from Maryland
had under color of rights from that
Province, lately surveyed out lands
not far from Conestoga, and near the
thickest of our settlements to the
great disturbance of the inhabitants
there, and that for preventing the dis
orders which might arise from such
incroachments, they desired that
magistrates and proper officers
should be appointed in those parts in

I order to prevent the like for the fu-
| ture."

i 1717 An Indian Town in Conestoga
Manor Laid Out.

In Vol. 9 of the Pennsylvania Arch.
; p. 49, appears the following:

"1, Feb y, 1717. The Commission
ers of Property by their warrant dir
ected to Jacob Taylor, Surveyor
General of Pennsylvania, order him
to survey a tract of land lying be
tween Susquehanria River and Cones
togoe Creek from the mouth of the
said Creek as far up the river as the
j lands granted to Peter Chartier and
they by a line running from the said
j river to Conestogoe Creek and make
| return thereof to the Secretary s of-
i flee for the proper use and behoof of
I William Penn, Esq., proprietary and
Governor in chief of the Province of
Pennsylvania, his Heirs and Assigns
forever.

The said tract was surveyed pur
suant to the above warrants and re
turned into the Secretary s Office and
called 16000 acres in which is includ
ed the tract of land called the In
dian Town. \

It is suggested that the said Wil
liam Penn by some instrument of
writing gave permission for an old
Indian named Johass and his In
dians to live upon the said Tract of
land called the Indian Town contain
ing about five hundred acres and the
same was alloted to them as a place
of residence by the said William
Penn. In or about the year 1763.
some of the descendants of the said
Johass then residing on the said
tract of land were there killed and
the remainder (except one or two
that escaped) were sent for by the
Magistrates of Lancaster and put in
to the work house for protection and
safety but were there all killed.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

230

Upon the decease of the above In- I
dians the Proprietary s Agents im- j
mediately took possession of the
said tract called Indian Town and
"his tenants have quietly -occupied it
and paid the rent to the proprietary s
till his grant in September last."

Several things are to "be noticed in
connection with this item (1) that as j
the months were formerly reckoned ;
January and February instead of i
"being the first months of the year j
were the last two months of the ;
year, and this February, 1717 was ;
likely really Febraury, 1718; (2) j
That the old Indian Johass seemed to |
"be the principal resident in that i
part; and the Indians that were kil- j
led by the "Paxton Boys" are here
stated to have been his descendants
so that the tribal government was &gt;,
maintained at that time. The docu- ;
ment or certified copy and plans re- j
ferred to in this item by a foot note
at the bottom of p. 50 are said to |
have been found with the papers. As
further evidence of the survey of !
Conestoga Manor, Paper No. 3349 of .
the Taylor Papers contains this
Hem, "The proprietor, Dr. October
21, 1717, to the survey of Conestoga ;
Manor, being with the allowances of j
15 per cent.., 16,500 acres; and to j
chaining, marking and calculating, 1
Pound, 14 s. 8 & V 2 d." And under j
the date of May 19, in the same paper j
appears, "a survey of 2100 acres at j
Shickasolongo, chaining, marking j
and accounting, 8 Pounds; so here !
we find a provision made by this big i
survey of Manor township for the |
whites, and within it an Indian Town j
for the Conestoga Indians.
1718 Conestoga and Shawiiese Chiefs
on a March to Philadelphia.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 45 j
occurs the following, under the date !
of June 16, 1718, " Tagotolessa or j

Civility, the preent chief or Captain
of the Conestoga Indians with Wee-
aywais, Soohywais, Cannatellan and
Calhaheherot of the same Nation,
George, an Indian sent to represent
the Ganawais and Sheeckokonichan,
a Chief of the Delawares, formerly
on Brandywine, all at present inha
bitants on Sasquehannah, being late
ly come from their respective habi
tations to pay a visit to this Govern
ment they now waited on the Gover
nor ami Council, and John Cartledge
and James Hendricks being inter
preters, both skilled in the Delaware
tongue.

The Governor ordered John Cart-
ledge to acquaint them, that upon
their visit he had at their desire now
called Council, in order to hear
what the Indians had to lay before
them,

Togotelessa, Captain of the Cones-
togas, said that they were come only
on a friendly visit to see us, and to
renew the old League of Friendship
that had hitherto been between us
and them, that most of their old men
were indisposed and could not under
take the journey, but they had
brought some of their young men to
see us, and learn how they of them
selves ought when they come to
more advanced years treat with their
parents and friends.

The Governor told them that their
visit was very acceptable, and he
hoped all was well with them, but
desired them now to be free, and if
they had anything to complain of
that wanted to be redressed, they
should without reserve communicate
it. They then presented a small
bundle of skins, and said that they
had some time before the Governor s
arrival lost their King in war, but
there were those left amongst them
who have the same respect and
friendship for this Government, that

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

he had in his life time. That now
he is gone they are more sensible
Cor their loss of so good a man to
Govern them, and they heartily la
ment him, for they hope that his
place will be supplied and the same
friendly disposition will always be
continued among them. And now
they desire that the Governor is to
take notice, that though their last
good King is taken from them, they
have one left who is very nearly re
lated to him, who has an English
heart and a great love for the Chris
tians. Him they have now chosen
for their King in the others stead,
and as such present him to the Gov
ernor by the name of Oneshanayan.

Then when laid down a second
small bundle of skins, and proceeded
to say. that their king being present
with the chief of the Shawanois and
Ganawase, what he, viz: Tagotelassa
or Civility says is what will all agree
in with one voice and mind; tbat
they are glad to find themselves in
good and happy circumstances, for
that they have not for some years
past had a Governor who took such
notice of them, but, now the present
Governor gives them the same satis
faction as if they thought that Wil
liam Penn himself was amongst
them; that they had brought a few
skins not by way of present, for
they were not worthy to be account
ed such, but only to lay them under
the Governor s feet to keep them
and his House clean; that they came
not to make any new treaty or Lea
gue of Friendship, but only to renew
or confirm those which had been
made, and were hitherto invincibly
kept on both sides.

They threw down a third parcel
of skins, and Civility said, that he
with some of the young men hadthis
last Spring some inclination to go
out to war towards the Southward,

but being put in mind that it would
not be agreeable to this Government
and after receiving the Governor s
letter forbidding them to proceed,,
they desisted; that they in-tended to
go out this next winter a hunting.,
that way, and think it proper to ac
quaint this Government therewith,
for that tbey bear such a respect to.
the Government, and know that we-
have always been so ready to pro
tect and assist them, that they are
agreed not to do anything which will
be disagreeable to us, but that they
look upon themselves but like chil
dren rather to be directed by this
Governor than fit to offer any
thing more on this head.

But they must crave leave to add
one thing further, viz: that they
have reason to think the authority of
this Government is not duly observ
ed for that notwithstanding all our
former agreements, that rum should
not be brought amongst them, it is
still carried in great quantities, they
had been doubtful with themselves
whether they should mention this,
because if they were supplied with
none from hence, they would he
from Maryland which would be a
means of carrying off their peltry
thither, but there have been such
quantities of that liquor carried of
late amongst them, by loose settlers
who have no fixed settlements, that
they are apprehensive mischief may
I arise from it. that though they are
! perfectly well inclined when sober,
yet they can not answer for their
people when drunk, and least any
| inconveniences may ensue from
thence to this Government whom
Ithey so much respect, as well as to
| their own people, they desire this
, may be taken into consideration, in
I order to be prevented and redressed
| by all proper measures."

Shecokkeneen added, that the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

young men about Pexton had been ! That we were all much affected
lately so generally debauched with j with the loss of their last Good
rum, carried amongst them by King, and the Governor would have

strangers, that they now want all
manner of clothing and necessarys
to go hunting, wherefore, they wish

been pleased to see more of their old
men, and however, he now took the
young men that came on this visit

it would be so ordered that no rum j by the hand, as those that were com-

sould be brought amongst them by j ing up in the places of the ancients,

any except the traders, who furnish- j and were to continue the same friend-

them with all their necessarys, and j ship with our younger people, that

who have been used to trust them j their parents, the elders on both

and encourage them, in their hunt- j sides had done before them.

ing. That we kindly received the per-

Having thus delivered themselves, JEon they had appointed their King

they withdrew, and the treasurer or Chief, in the place of our good de-

.and the secretary were ordered to \ ceased friend, if it be by a general

take an account of the real value of j approbation. The Governor hoped

their small presents, and to provide I he would always have the same

:some English goods, exceeding that | Tieart and friendly disposition

value by about one-fourth or a third | towards the English that his pre-

at most, and then Council adjourned j decessor was well known to have

until four in the afternoon. | in his lifetime, and would unite him-

Present: The Honorable William I self and all his people with his G ov-

Keith, Esqr. ; Lt. Gover., William j ernment as one heart and one body;

Trent; Jonathan Dickinson, Isaac j that for the future we should apply

Norris, James Logan, Samuel j to him as their chief in all publick

Preston, Robert Assheton. j business, and doubted not but the old

The same Indians attending again, j men would assist him with their ad-

the Governor ordered the Interpre- | vice in the best manner for theirad-

ers to deliver to them what follows, vantage and preserving a strict tie

being first drawn up in writing, viz: of friendship with us.

That their friendly visit on a de- | That the Governor could not take
sign to brighten and strengthen the j in good part their motions towards
chain which had for so many years I going to war last Spring, consider-
bound and united them and this Gov- | ing that they had engaged themselves
ernment together as one people, was j to their contrary in the last treaty
very acceptable. They were sensible i with him at Conestogae. The Gover-
that William Penn, the Lord of this j nor expects that they will not make

Country, had been as a Common

the last advance that way for the fu-

Father to them; that he had given ture, without the approbation and
it in charge to all those who govern- j leave of this Government, for they
ed in his stead, to treat them in the I are now but weak in themselves,
same friendly manner he had done and may be rash attempts draw won-
himself that the present Governor, derful enemies upon them, and not
for his part always be as ready as | only entirely ruin themselves, but
a father to embrace and support ! engage us as their friends into their
them, while they continue the -. *fL ^^^
fidelity to this Government they had ! ernment, who can judge better of
hitherto done. these affairs than they are capable.

ANNALS OF THE SDSQUBHANNOCKS AND

The Governor is sensible they may
have too just cause to complain of
loose idle fellows bringing quantities
of rum amongst them to their great
injury, that this has not for some
time past been sufficiently looked af-
Cer, but the Governor would speedily
take care to have it in a great mea
sure prevented. That they of their
parts must endeavor to prevent their
women and young people coming to
Philadelphia to purchase and carry
up rum from hence, which too
many were ready to deliver them
privately for their skins, and that
they meet with any brought amongst
them, they should stave it as they
had formerly been ordered and un
dertook to do. That in reference of
the surveys of land, they can not but
be sensible of the care that has been
laken of them, they had expressed a
willingness to retire from Conesto-
goe; yet the Government here had
persuaded them to continue near u&;
we had run a line around them that
none might come near them, and had
fenced their corn fields by John Car-
tledge s care, who alone being placed
within those lines, may be the more
capable of looking after the tract and
the bounds of it. It is also further
thought fit, that lines should be run
around the other Indian towns, as
soon as conveniently may be to se
cure them the more effectually from
incroachments. But while such care
is taken of them, it is expected they I
shall in all cases on their parts j
shew a due regard to this Govern- j
ment, that they be aiding to all its
officers in what may lie in their j
Power, that they suffer no idle per- i
sons to spread rumors amongst them
or if they hear any such that they \
give no credit to them, that if they
can discover any evil minded persons
to have ill designs against this Gov
ernment, or any part of it, they must

without delay disclose it to the Gov-
i ernor or some person in authority
under him. In fine they ought ever
to consider us as their best and
nearest friends, who have always
been and ever will continue ready
to relieve and protect them. while
they on their parts remain faithful
as their ancestors or fathers have
hitherto done before them.

That as they offered the Governor
a small token, so now for the con-
veniency of their return, there are
a few garments provided for them,
with some powder and shott to kill,
venison, some tobacco and pipes, and.
when they go some bread and a dram
will be provided for them, and the
Governor expects they will be care
ful hereafter to provide likewise for
himself and his attendants, or those
who shall be sent at any time for
their services at Conestogoe.

These things being delivered to
them they appeared very well pleas
ed, and to that part in which the in
closing by surveys the lands where,
they are seated, which would not be,
broke in upon; they further desired,
that the lands on which the Shaw-
neis and Ganawese are settled on
Susquehannah, should likewise be
encompassed with lines at the dis
tance of four miles from the river,
that they might not be disturbed by
the cattle of any persons settling;
near them.

The skins they delivered in the
morning having been numbered and
weighed as ordered, they were found
to be,

28 sumer deer skins in the

hair, many of them ordi- Pds. s. d.

nary weight 681. at 18d. 520
10 small Brest Skins, wt.

181. at 3-6d 2 2

1 Good Winter Buck in the

hair 6

2 Bear Skins at 8 ps 16

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES 234

What is prepared and was 1 1718 The "Old Sawaimah Town."

delivered them are Pds. s. d. j y j 19 th 2nd Serieg f ^

8 Stroud Water Coats of

the best sort at 17-6d.., 7 . Penna. Archives, p. 625, under the

10 Ib. of Powder, at 20d... 16

20 Ib. lead, at 3d 5

6 pr. Stockings, pt. Blew

and pt. Red, at 2-9d 16 6

1 Doz. Tobacco Boxes at.. 70

1 Doz. Tobacco Tongs, at. 56

12 Ib. Tobacco, at 4d 4.0

3 Doz. Pipes 1

date of the second of the llth month,
1717-18, which is the second of Jan
uary, 1718, at a meeting of the Coun
cil board it is stated that, "The Com
missioners being informed that Mat
thias Vanbebber, from Maryland,
taking with him Henry Hollins-

1 Red Stroud to the Queen 17 6 j worth&gt; had 1&tely surveyed a con .

10 12 2 | siderable tract of land near the head

These being delivered the Gover- j of Pequea Creek in this Province,
nor gave them an entertainment, and | including within the same the Old
the secretary was ordered to provide Sawannah Town, by virtue of war-
for them as from the first all neces- rants from Maryland, and offering
saries, during their stay and for j the people settled under this Gov-
their journey on their return home." i ernment to sell lands to them in
This was a prominent treaty and right of Maryland and make them
much that had heretofore disturbed S od titles for the same."
these people was now put at rest This item I quote not so much for
and settled. i its disclosure of the claims of Mary

land but for the purpose of estab-
1718-Additional Steps Taken To- lishing the O]d Sawannah Town ."

wards the Conestoga Road. it is here set forth as being near the

It is perhaps appurtenant to this head of Pequea Creek; and in the
Indian subject to notice the steps ^ Quarter Sessions Records of Chester
taken to further open communica- | County of the year 1719, August Ses-
tion to this Conestoga settlement; \ sions, a road is described crossing
and the proceedings to do so are set | the Octoraro Creek near the "Old
forth in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. j Sawannah Town," so that it would
43 as follows: i appear that the Shawnese Indians

"A petition of several inhabitants j had their towns all along the Pequea
of and near Conestogae, setting forth j Creek and also all along the Octor-
nie great necessity of a road to be j aro Creek.

laid out from Conestogoe to Thomas 1 1718 _ An Indian s , of the C(m _

Moore s and Brandywine, was read estoga Tre||tv of th|g year

and the Board having taken the said | Tn Vol 2 Qf ^atson s Annals, p.
petition into consideration, appoint- | 209&gt; he giyes ^ following culogy of
eded Isaac Taylor, John Cartledge, j Nedowaway and says: - Ned owawav
Ezekiel Harland, Thomas Moore, | wag an Indian Chief of the Delfl _
Joseph Cloud and William Marsh, to wareg&gt; of more than common charac .
lay out the said Road and make re- t who had become a Christian,
port thereof at this Board, in order i _,__.

to be confirmed." ; and died m Oni m 1776, at ninety

I cite this to show that the neces- | - vears o f a S e - His name appears
sities of both the Indians and the ; among the signers of the treaty at
whites made this road a very much Conestoga in 1718; and in his child-
desired thing." jhood he is said to have seen Wil-

235 AXXALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

liam Penn on his second visit in | Therefore, we desire that the
1701-2. As a trusty and discreet I Governor would be pleased to favor
chief, he had been trusted with the I us with his sentiments in the prem-
preservation of all the verbal speech- j ises and either appoint a committee
es, bead vouchers, and wampum, and ! o f the Council to join a commission
with such writings and instruments | o f this House, or otherwise, as the
as had come from William Penn and | Governor shall think fitt, to concert
his early Governors, etc. | proper methods to remove the jeal-

He was grieved with the encroach- Qus[es already ralsed in the minds of

ments of the white men, westward,

the inhabitants concerning these

on the Indian Lands; and early for- j forelgner8 ; as also to prevent the in-
seeing that wars must ensue, and convenienc ie S which may attend
that his people must be sufferers, he tneh , settlment in one place , or pro _
resolved with his people to get far miscously a the Indians/ ,

off m the west By the advice of the , fear Qf difficulUes arlfil

Wyandot chief, he settled on the

, i between the Foreigners and the In-
Cayahage river, where he was visited t

and seen by Heckewelder in 1772. I dians 1S nere set foruh

See in his picture in this work, , 1719 Colonel French s Treaty with
dow pensive he sits alone, and pon- j the Conestoga Indians.

ders in the mute eloquence of grief, i Qn the 28th cf Junej Colonel

i;pon his former well known scenes, i ,

i French reached Conestoga in com-
ulong the mountain range traversing

the Susquehanna, near Harrisburg I 1)hance Wlth a dlr6Ctl n tr m the
The picture seems to speak his in _ I Government that he should go there

ward emotions and distress at being j to make a further treaty wlth those
obliged to leave the regions of his; Indians and having done so he gives
former home." i the following report of the treaty

This strikes me as an interesting i which is found in Vol. 3 of the Col.
episode revealing the side of Indian j Rec., p. 78; and in which report he
character that we do not always ! sta tes that he addressed the Indians
* 1Ve Credit for jas follows:

1718-Jealowy Against the Pl- ! Frle nds and Brethren:

tines Amongst the Conestoga B y the seal to this paper affix-

Indians, j eel, and by my old acquaintance and

In Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly | friendship with you, you will bA-
p. 220 the Assembly in a speech to lieve that l am a true man &gt; and sent
the Governor says, in referring to from your good friend and Brother,
the Palatines settling among the the Governor of Pennsylvania, to let
Conestoga Indians, "That the coming j you kn w that we will be pleased
in of so many foreigners rests upon and satisfied with the letter he re-
ns with great concern and the more j ceived &gt; b &gt; r the care of our good
for that they have no license from fl tend John Cartledge, in the begin-
the King to transport themselves ning of this month, signed in behalt 7
here; and the royal charter seems O f you four nations here met, in
to be against them, unless they were u- u i *

denizis d or at least come under the Which letter you declare severally
]&gt;roper tests that should largely dis- ^ our intentions of keeping his words,
tinguish them from his Majesty s and if any among you have done
enemies. amiss, and departed from what was

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES 236

right and good in keeping your pro- j This is plain mark that he and we
mises, to observe strictly with all the ; are your true friends, for if we were
Indians in Friendship and League not then we should encourage you
with the English, you have therein to destroy one another. For frienric
acknowledged your errors and mis- ; save people from ruin and destruc-
takes, and engaged to offend no | tion but enemies destroy them, and
more in that nature or case. j this win serve as a mark to know all

The Governor takes these assur- | people by who are your enemies,
ances of your good behavior very j either amongst you or elsewhere, it-
kindly, and now he and his Council j they want, or study to throw strife
have sent me on purpose to visit you | am } dissention amongst you. These

that I might further treat with you,
and receive from you in the same
manner and as fully as if he and his
Council (of which I am one) were all

are a base and bad people, and ought
to be rooted out from amongst you ;
for love and friendship makes
people multiply, but malice and

here, and present with you a renewal | strife ruins and destroys. Such
of these good promises and engage- j should therefore be shut out, both
ments with you, so well and largely from you and us, as disturbers of

give him an account of your affairs
and how matters go with you. I
must therefore acquaint you from
my Governor, that as you in your
treaty call yourselves his children,

our peace and Friendship which hath
always continued.

I am also to acquaint you, that
you have in a grave and solemn
manner renewed your last treaty

he will always treat you as his sons, j with me, on which message I now
and he has, ever since your good come, that our Governor will write
friend William Penn, (who is now ! to all the Governors of the English,

dead) send amongst you endeavored

that the Indians within the Govern-

by all means to keep you in peace, j m ^nt are resolved to live peaceable
and give you other tokens of his ! an ^ quietly, and for that reason that
friendship that you might flourish ! the y should give notice to all their
and increase, that your old men i Indians thereof, and that all the
might see their children grow to j friends to the English should be ac-
their comfort and pleasure, and that j counted as one people, and the Gov-
the young men might bury their old \ ernor desires that you will let him
parents when they die, which is | kn ow of what nation these Indians
much better than to see your old I were who S ave y 11 the late disturb-

people mourn for their young sons,

ance, that they may especialy be or
dered to do so no more.

who rashly and without cause go to ,
war and are killed in the prime of am als tO acquamt you that itis
their years; and he now hopes that ^Governor s pleasure, that if any
you are fully convinced that Peace th * lv Natl ns come

is better than war, which destroys

you and will bring you to nothing; ceive them as friends and Brothers;

your strong young men being first
killed, the old women and children

you to trade or hunt, that you re

but if they come amongst you either
to persuade you to go to war or to

are left defenseless, who soon wm | themselves or in their return
become a prey. And so all the na- \ from lt: tnat then you have nothing
tion perishes without leaving a to do with them nor entertain them;
name to Posterity. | for he expects that none of his

237 ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

friends will know any people but \ by torture here, for whoever does it
such as are peaceable, lest theyj mus t answer to the Governor and
bring you into a snare, and you suf- ; Government at their peril. It is in
fer hurt for their faults. : consistent with the ways of Nations:
The Governor expects and requires | it is a vio i e nt affront to our Govern-
that if any Prisoners by any means ; ment and it ig contrary to the Laws
whatever fall into any of your hands : o f the Great King an d will not suf-
that he be quickly acquainted with [ fer it.

it, and that no person offer or take ; As our natural and good friend-
upon him to kill any stranger pris- \ ship has long continued, sc the Gov-
oner for it will not be suffered here. | ernor hopes, and the Government al-
He has been much displeased at | so, that it will last from one gen-
\vhat happened, and was done by | eration to another, as long as the
^ome amongst you last year in these sun endures, and that we shall all
parts, but he is now again a friend be of one mind, one heart, one in-
upon their promise and engagement clination, ready to help one another
to do so no more, and will take no ; in all just and good ways, by Charity
more notice of it if they observe and ! Compassion and mercy, sticking
fulfill their words. It is indeed a close and invio~bly to all treaties
shameful and a base thing to treat heretofore made, and most exactly
; creature of their own shape and to this now concluded, which he
kind worse and more barbarously j hopes will forever last and remain
than they would a Bear or Wolf, or j t o your good and prosperity, which
the most wicked creature upon i he and his Government heartily
earth. It is not man-like to see a wish. And as it is expected that
hundred or more people singing every article of this treaty be from
songs of joy for the taking of a pris- | the whole hearts of all of you, so if
oner, but it is much worse to see i amongst yourselves you know of any
them use all their contrivance of | who have from your last treaty or
torture and pain to put tha: unfor- will dissent from this, let them be
tunate creature to death after such known either by their own words or
a manner and war as other Nations, your knewledge of them, for what I
especially the English, never heard ; do is done with the whole consent of
of it; for if they in a just war kill our G overnor, Council and People."
their enemies it is not like men in j The Council at Conestoga in addi-
the battle, and if they take them tion to Colonel French consisted of
prisoners they use them well nad Capt. James Gould, Joseph Piegeon.
kindly, until their King gives them John Cartledge, James Hendricks-
orders to return them to their own son; and Canatowa, Queen of the
Country. They take no pleasure to Mingoes, Sevana, King of the Shaw-
meanly burn, pinch or slash a poor anese, Wightomina, King of the
man who can not defend himself, it Delawares, Waninchack, King of the
s;hows mean spirits and want of true Canawages, and Capt. Civility of
,. Conestogoa: and before that Council

Courage so to do. I&lt;or men of true the Indians the next day , June 29,

Courage are always full of mercy. I 1719, gave the following report:
am commanded to tell you, and I "Civility Interpreter in behalf of
would have you remember it well, the four nations, who all agreed to
ihat no person whatever offer after -return one answer, acquainted John
this time to put any man to death Cartledge, Interpreter for the Eng-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

238

lish, tha* this day the Indians were
met to return an answer to the Gov
ernor s speech by Colonel French,
and on no other account. Looking
upon everything said to Colonel
French to be said as if the Governor
and his Council were there present,
and well knowing Colonel to be a
true man to this Government and to
the Indians. They return with one
heart and mind their thanks to the
Governor for his kind message. They
meet him and take him by the hand,
and are forever determined that his
will shall be theirs, and that on all
occasions they will be ruled by the
same..

They desire that the Governor
may be acquainted that they are
much pleased that his message came
whilst their young people were at
home, for whom they had lately been
in pain and trouble as being absent
and abroad, that they might hear his
good words and Council which both
old and young of the Mingoes, Shaw-
anese, Delawares and Conawages
are resolved to hearken to; for
though hitherto they have taken
Night for Day, yet now by his good
counsel they can see the light and
what is good for them. They are
glad that none of their young people
miscarried in their late Journey, and
that being now present, they have an
opportunity of hearing the Gover
nor s message by Colonel French, for
most of them were absent when the
other letters from the Governor
came, as also that they have an op
portunity to ask their opinions and
designs. Their young people all
agree to obey the Governor s words
and message, and as Colonel French
yeterday told them that what he
said was with the whole heart of
Governor and Council; so they de
clare that what they say is not from
their mouth only but from their

whole hearts, and the heart of every
one. They desire the Governor to
believe, and be assurred that they
will be obedient to his words, and
that they ever have and ever willl
advise their young people to be
mindful of his good advice. They ac
knowledged themselves so much ob
liged to the Governor for his care
j and concern for them, that they in-
j tended in two months time to wait
| upon the Governor personally, to re-
I turn their heart thanks for such love
from him and his Government.

Colonel French also produces an

i account of his Expenses, viz. : eight

| Pounds five Shillings expended in

money and for the trouble of his

Tourney and negotiation he refers it

to the Board, who allow him ten

! Pounds.

John Cartledge s Acct. of his sev
eral Disbursements and payments to
I the Indian, and his charges in en-
I tertaining and treating them on sev-
; eral occasions, by order of the Gov-
I eminent, was also laid before the
| Board, viz: nine Pounds, ten Shil-
I ling supplied in Goods for a present
to the Indians at Colonel French s
: aforementioned treaty, and three
| pounds for other presents, and ten
j Pounds sixteen Shillings and four
! pence for his several other expenses
and trouble, amounting in all to
twenty-three Pound, six Shillings
and four pence due to John Cart-
ledge; which account being duly ex
amined is allowed, and order to be
! recommended to the Asesmbly to
| order the payment thereof, together
wi% Colonel French s account the
whole being forty-one Pounds, eleven
Shillings and four Pence, arid is the
whole charge of Indians treaties for
the present year."

What this treaty contained and
the report of it needs no comment, as
| it is sufficiently set forth in the ce-
corda.

239

ANNALS OF THE STJSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1719 The Indians on the Susque-

hanna Accused of Outrages in

the S outh.

In Vol. 3 of the CoL Rec. p. 86, Gov
ernor Spotswood of Virginia com
plains against our Indians as fol
lows:

After your Indians found them
selves not strong enough to attempt
anything upon our Christianna In
dians in their new situation, they
inarched home in May, 1719, openly
threatening to return again with a
greater force to try the strength of
our Fort, and having taken their
route through our inhabitants, they
marched as through an enemy s
Country, living on free quarters, and
committing several robberies and
outrages on their way, and that we
might understand they intended to
continue their course. They in their
way home, stopt on the 20th of May
at the Conoy Town, under the Gov
ernment of Pennsylvania, there sent
for one of his Majesty s Justices of
the Peace for the County of Chester,
and upon his (Mr. John Cartlidge s)
arrival they sit down before him in
a grand Council of War, produce fif
teen prisoners, bid him discourse
with two of them that spoke English.
He finds them Virginians born, and
intercedes for their lives and liber
ties; they refuse his request and in
fine tell him they have made a path
to pass and repass to and from the
Southward, having removed all ob-
tacles out of the way, and that they
expected to have free recourse for
their people amongst the English
plantations, whilst they were makin-
war.

Soon after they returned in sev
eral parties carrying themselves very
rudely to our outward inhabitants,
and in the month of July last, they

! approached Christianna and ravaged
i our corn fields close to the Fort
there, upon which our Indians sal
lied out and a skirmish ensued,
wherein were two of ours and four of
i yours killed. In September follow-
| ing they came in the Night and lay
! in ambush before the gate at the
I Fort, and at the opening thereof they
jshott the first person that came out,
and kept firing upon the Fort until
the English got to the great Guns,
and so scared them away without any
further mischief done at that time.

At length I found means to per-
suade one of their War Captains,
I (who calling himself Connaughtoora)
| to come in with ten more to a Coun-
jcil held here at Williamsburg, on the
| ninth of December last, where I
i with abundance of civil treatment,
i endeavored to engage him to carry a
(Belt of Peace to their Five Nations
Jin behalf of our Christianna Indians,
(but he hautily refused the same, and
j answered that they would not be at
I peace with them upon any terms,
| however I prevailed upon him to
| carry it with this proposal: That the
Five Nations should observe their
ancient treaty with this Government
so far as not to come among the
English Plantations, and particularly
that none of their Warriors should
approach within twenty miles of our
j Fort at Christiana."

From this complaint of Spots-
j wood s we are almost forced to ad-
I mit that the Conestogas and other In-
jdians of this neighborhood being
i i forced by the Senecas and other
j tribes of the Five Nations, who were
; their masters were forced to make
war parties into Maryland and Vir
ginia, much against their will as we
I shall see very clearly in the remon-
jstrance which the Conestogas made
j about these proceedings the next
I year.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

24ft

1719 The Conestoga Indians Com
plain that the Southern Indians
are Attacking- Them,

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 66, at
a Council held it was set forth by
Governor Keith that he received a
letter from Conestoga and his com
ment upon it as follows:

"I have received a letter from the
Indian Chiefs at Conestogoe by a
letter to Mr. Secretary Logan, which
inform us, that our Indian Hunters
have been atacked near the head of
Potownaack River by a considerable
body of Southern Indians come out
to war against the Five Nations, and
the Indian settlements OR Susque-
hanna

They have killed several of our
people, and alarmed them all, so that
the careful attention and vigilance
of the Government was never more
called upon than at this Juncture,
and much will depend upon your un
animous and steady resolutions to
support the administration in all its
Parts."

From this it will appear that the
above complaint of Spotswood may
he unfair because our Indians now
complain that the Southern Indians
were making war upon them.

1719 Indian Wigwams Along- the
Octoraro Creek.

Rupp in his History of Lancaster
County at the bottom of page 42, in
a note says, "The Shawnese had wig-
Avams along the bank of the Octoraro
creek, near the present boundary of
Chester and Lancaster county. When
the road, in 1719 to Christiana bridge,
etc., was laid, its course was defined
to the fording place at Octoraro,
at old Shaw ana town, thence over
Octoraro, along the Indian path, etc.
Court Records, at Chester, August
Term, 1719."

1719 An Attack Made Upon the In-
dian Traders.

In Vol. 1 of Watson s Annals, p. 97.,
! he says that in the year of 1719 the
j Indian Traders at the head of Poto
mac were attacked by some Indians
and defeated, with the toss of many
I lives.

1 1719. A Lot of the Fire Nations
Now Live at Cenestoga,

It appears from Vol. 3 of the Col,
Rec., p .66, that some of the Five Na
tions are living on the Susquehanna
at this time, because in the book and
at the page mentioned, a letter from
the Chiefs at Conestoga states that
the Southern Indians came out to
war with the Five Nations and
against them and against other In
dian settlements on the Susque-
haiina River, and that several of our
people were killed. And on p. 67
of the same book additional views
are given of the same event and it is
there stated that peace is likely to
ensue.

1720 The Governor of Virginia says

that Our Indians Caused Bacon s

Rebellion.

In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Rec., p,
89, Governor Spotswood of Virginia
in a long letter to Governor Keith,
which "begins at p. 82, sets forth in
regular order the different war ex
peditions which he claims our In
dians made to the South among his
Indians; and among other things be
says that in 1712-13 they came to his
country and assisted the Tuscaroras
to slaughter people of the South; and
that a little later, during the Tus-
carora, war, two hundred of our In
dians went south and fell upon the
Virginia traders; and that in 1717,
while he was with the Chiefs of the
Catawbas making peace, our Indians
joined with the Tuscaroras and fell
on the 28th of August and the 15th

241

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

of September of the same year five
hundred of our young warriors be
gan a slaughter on some of his In
dians about the Susquehanna river;
and on the unarmed Catawbas; and
that in 1718 our Indians were
hovering around the white settle
ments in the South, looking for a
chance to kill their people; and that
in 1719 our Indians started back but
threatened to come again with force,
and that on their way home they
stopped on the 20th of May at Conoy
Town and sent for John Cartledge,
one of the Justices and complained
to him; and finally he accuses them
that a good long time ago they lead
the famous insurrection into Virginia
called "Bacon s rebellion."

1720 The Main Body of the Tus-

caroras are Kow on the Sus-

qnehanna River.

Governor Spotswood in the letter
just quoted in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec.
says that these Tuscaroras massa
cred some hundreds of English and
that they have at this day the chief
murderers, and the greater part of
their Nation seated under their pro
tection near Sasquehanna river
where they removed when they
found that they could no longer sup
port them against the forces which
the English brought on.

1720 James Logan Again at Cones-
toga in a Treaty.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 92,
.fames Logan makes a report of an
other treaty he held at Conestoga,
and he sets forth the report, as fol
lows: "James Logan, Secretary, re
ported to the Board, that having
lately acquainted the Governor that
he had occasion to go towards the
farther end of the Great Valley, on
the road to Conestogoe, the Governor

! had desired him not to fail to proceed
!to Susquehannah and there discourse
! the Indians concerning their late
message to him, excusing their not
coming to town had been proposed
by reason of some trouble they were
under, the loss of some of their men
slain by the Southern Indians ; and
thereupon desiring the Governor to
come up to them; That acordingly
he went, and finding the Indians de
sirous to speak with him, he appoint
ed the 27th of last month, that the
Chiefs of the Mingoes or Conestogoe
Indians, the Sachem or Chief of the
Shawanese, the Chief of the Gana-
wese, with several of their people,
! and some of the Delawares, met him
! on the said day at John Cartledge s.
and being all sate, Peter Bizallion
and John Cartledge, Interpreters,
j James Logan first spoke to the In-
! dians telling them, that as they had
been long expected at Philadelphia,
i in pursuance of their own messages
I for that purpose, but instead of com-
! ing had lately sent to the Governor,
j desiring for some reasons that he
would come up to them ; He, their
old friend, with whom they had been
acquainted in their treaties for
twenty years past, being now come
upon business in these parts are will
ing to hear from themelves, now
only how it was with them, but the
occasion of their delaying their jour
ney to Philadelphia so long, and at
length sending the message to the
Governor. They hereupon sat silent
for some time without appearing
ready to speak to anything, and
make no returns, the Secretary
pressed them to answer him, telling
them that he asked these questions
iin behalf of the Governor and the
Government, that they themselves
had appeared desirous to speak to
him, and that as they now had an

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES 242

opportunity they ought to proceed ; preting that into English. They spoke
and speak their minds freely. To as follows, viz:

which at length they answered, that ! That the last year Colonel French
there had been lately killed by the came to them on a message from the
Southern Indians twelve men, ten of i Governor to inquire into their health,
the Mingoes or Five Nations and two I and how it was with them, their
Shawanese, about one hundred and \ children and their grandchildren,
sixty miles from that place, which ! That they were now ready to give
was the occasion of their sending ! an answer to all that he had said to
that message. James Logan asked ! them, but that now they would speak
them whether these two Shawanese \ freely from the bottom of their
had been abroad hunting, they an- j hearts, and their friend might de-
swered, No! They had gone out to | pend on not having words only but
war. He then demanded the reason their truest inward sentiments with-
why they would offer to go to war out reserve; and then they laid down
after their solemn promise to our i a bundle of undrest deer skins.

Government to the contrary. The
Chief of the Shawnese replied that a

That Colonel French and those with
him told from the Governour, that

dispute arising among some of their j the message that the Governor sent
young men, who was the best man, j them and the advice he gave them
to end it they resolved to make the | was for his heart and for their good,

tryal by going out to war, that they
could not be restrained, but took the

and that they would as freely speak
from their hearts. The Governor ad-

opportunity of accompanying some of j vised thme to go out no more to war,
the Five Nations that were going out i nO r to join with any of the Five Na-
and took their road that way. : tions or others, that when out for that

The Secretary told them that he j purpose, but to live at peace with all
should have a great deal to say to \ people, and if any prisoners were
them on these heads, and that the brought to their towns, they should
day being now far advanced, he must j not suffer them to be burnt or tor-
desire them to meet him the same!tured; that though some of their
place in the morning, and then treat- people were killed once or again, yet
ing them to some drink they with- they should not go out but bear it,

drew ibut the third time they might all go

Next morning the same persons at- | Qut ag one man together; that this

tended, bringing some bundles ^ th^ fhmi^t ww/iwnwirtirt too" Jiard

skins with them, from whence it | llpon them&gt; if they must be confined

being conjectured that the Indians de- , , ,

... ias prisoners at home, and could not

signed to begin a discourse. All i go to meet their enemies that came
being seated after some time being against them.

spent in silence, the Mingoes or Con- j That when Governor Penn first
estogoe Indians began. A Ganawese i he i d councils with them, he promised
Indian, who called him Captain | them so much love and friendship
Smith, and is said knows all the that he would call them brothers, be-
several languages, viz: his own or cause brothers might differ, nor chil-
the Ganawese, the Mingoe, the ; dren because these might offend and
Shawnese and Delaware, to perfec- | require correction,but he would reck-
tion, being appointed interpreter in- on them as one body, one blood, one
to the Delaware Tongue, and Peter heart and one hand; That they al-
Bizallion and John Cartledge inter- ways remembered this, and should

243

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

on their parts act accordingly; that
few of the old men who were at
those councils were living; these
were removed and those were then
very young men are now grown up
to succeed, but they transmitted it to
their children, and they and all theirs
should remember it forever; that
they regarded not reports or what
was said abroad, their head was at
Philadelphia, and they were one
with him, on him they depended that
they should know everything that
concerned them.

The Ganawese in behalf of their
people say, they are glad that they
never hear anything from the Gov
ernment, at Philadelphia, but good
advice and what is for their advan
tage; that their present chief was
once at a Council with William Penn
before they removed into this Prov
ince, and that since they came into
it, they have always lived quiet and
in Peace which they acknowledge,
and are thankful for it; that the ad
vice that is send them is always so
much for their good that they can
not but gladly receive it, When the
sun sets they sleep in Peace and in
Peace they rise with him, and so
continue while he continues his
course, and think themselves happy
in their Friendship, which they shall
take care to have contniued from
Generaton to Generation. And that
as it shall thus forever continue on
their side; so they desire that the
same continue on the Governor s
part, and that if any reports should
l&gt;e heard concerning them, they de
sire it may not be believed to their
disadvantage, for they will still be
true and the same they at first pro
fessed themselves and then lay down
a bundle of Deer Skins. To Cones-
togoes say, that William Penn made
a league with them to last for three
or four generations: that he is now

| dead, and most of their ancients are
| also dead but the league still remains
! and they now take this opportunity
: to renew and strengthen it with their
; friend, who has always represented
i William Penn to them since he left
j them ; one generation may die and
! another may die but the League of
! friendship continues strong and shall
I forever continue so on their part.
And this is not said in behalf of
themselves, the Mingoes only, but of
all the Indians on the river, and
i they give another Bundle of Deer
i skins. Captain Civility throws down
| a small bundle of furs and says, that
i they all join and send that as a pre-
| sent to the Governor to make him a
| Beaver Hatt. They say in behalf of
the Ganawese, that they have no
| writing to show their league of
i friendship as the others have and
j therefore desire that they may be fa
vored with one at least if they should
i transgress by reason of rum, which
is brought to them in large quanti
ties, they must be cast off and for-
i gotten that ever they were in friend-
I ship with us.

The Indians being met again after
| some refreshments, the Secretary
spoke to them as follows:

It must be a great satisfaction to
| all honest and good men, to find that
i the measures that great man, Wil-
i liam Penn, took to establish a firm
j friendship with you has had such an
excellent success. Your predecessors
i and you have always found him sin-
| cere in what he professed. He al-
j ways ordered those in power during
i his absence to shew you all the like
friendship and affection. Every Gov
ernor that came has been the same to
you, and the present Governour, Col
onel Keith, shewed the same disposi
tion immediately upon his arrival, by
hastening up to you with his cotm-
i cil and many of his freinds as soon

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

244

as he heard that you were in trouble.

You on your parts have been faith
ful and true to us, whatever reports
might have spread, yet the chain was
still preserved strong and bright. You
never violated it. We have lived in
perfect peace and Unity above any
other Government in America, and
you renewing the chain at this time
upon the Decease of your great
Friend, with us who remain alive, is
so affectionate and kind that I shall
not fail to represent it duly to the
Governor and your good friends in
Philadelphia. This chain has been
made nearly forty years agoe; it is
at this time strong and bright as ever,
and I hope will continue so between
our Children and your Children, and
their Children s children to all Gen
erations, while the water flows or the
sun shines in the Heavens; and may
the Great Spirit who rules the Hea
vens and the Earth, and who made
and supported us all, who is a friend
to all good men who love Justice and
Peace, continue the same blessings
upon it forever.

But my friends and brothers, as we
are obliged to take care of each
other, and as the English have op
portunities of seeing farther than
you, I find myself obliged in behalf
of our Governor and Government, to
offer you some advice that may be
of great importance to you, and
which at this time is absolutely nec
essary.

You acquainted me yesterday with
a loss that you had sustained, viz:
that twelve men, ten of the Five Na
tions and two Shawanese, had been
lately cut off by the Southern In
dians, not two hundred miles from
this place, which grieves me exceed
ingly.

I am scarcely willing to mention
the Cause of it lest I should trouble

! you, but I must do it for your good ;
I should not be a true friend should
I forbear it.

You know then, my Brothers, that
the cause is, that some of your young
men had unadvisedly gone out to
war in company with others of the
Five Nations against these Southern
Indians. Young men love to go
sometimes to war to shew their man
hood, but they have unhappily gone
against Indians that are in Friend
ship with the English. You know,
that as of the Five Nations some are
called Isawandowaes, some Cayoo-
I gooes, some Onondogoes, some Oney-
! ookes, and some Connyingoes, yet
1 they are all one people, so the Eng-
! lish though they have different Gov
ernments, are divided into New Eng
land, New York, New Jersey, Penn
sylvania, Maryland, Virginia and
Carolina, yet they are all under one
| great king who had twenty times as
| many subjects as all these, and has
j in one city as many subjects as all
| the Indian that we know in North
j America. To him we are all subject
and are all governed by the same
laws; Therefore, those Indians who
are in League with one Government
are in League with all; your friend
ship with us recommends you to the
j Friendship of all other English Gov
ernments, and their friends are our
friends. You must not therefore,
hunt or annoy any of the English or
any of their friends whatsoever.

These Southern Indians, especially
the Tootelese. formerly made friend
ship with you, and I believe that it
was they who lately sent you the
nine belta of Wampum, to continue
the League; They Desired Peace, yet
j the Five Nations and some of your
rash young men have set upon them ;
pray remember, they are men as well
as you, consider therefore, I request

245 AXXALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

you, what you would think of your- now owing to those who desire noth-
selves should you suffer these or any ing more than to see all the Indians
other people to come year after year cut off, as well to the Northward as
and cut off your towns, your wives the Southward, that is the French
and children, and those that escape of Canada, for they would have the
should sit still and net go out against Five Nations destroy the Southern
them, you would not then deserve Indians, and the Southern Indians
to be accounted men; and as they, destroy you and the Five Nations,
you find are men it is no wonder if the destruction, being their Desire,
they come out to meet these young The Governor told you, by Colonel
fellows and endeavor to destroy French, that they were your enemies
them and their families. who put you upon war, and they are

I must further, as your friend, lay your truest friends who would pre-
hefore you the consequence of your serve you in Peace, Hearken to the
.suffering any of your young men to advice of your friends and you will
join with those of the Five Nations be preserved. You see how your
They come through your towns and numbers yearly lessen; I have
bring back their prisoners through known about three score men be-
your settlements, thus they open a longing to the Town, and now I see
clear path from these Southern In- not five of tne old men remaining,
dians to your Towns, and they who what the Governor has said to you
may have been wrong may follow bv himself, and by Colonel French.
that open path, and first come direct- : and what : now sav to vou is for y m
ly as the path leads to you. Thus own a dvantage, and if you are your
vou, who have done but little and by own friends v u wil1 pursue the
the instigation and advice of others advice that is S iven y 11 - If an &gt; r of
may be the first that are fallen up- the Five Nations %&lt;&gt; this wa &gt;" in theil&gt;
on, while those of the Five Nations soing out to war, and call on any of
are safe at home at a great Distance ^ ou to accompany them, you must in-
with their Wives and Children, and form tnem as vou are in League
you may be the only sufferers. witn us, and are as one people, you

They have hitherto come out to cant not break your promises, and it
meet their ^enemies, who were going can not be pleasing to them to see
to attack them, and like men they &gt; r u living in such friendship with
fight them ; but as I am your friend us. I have said enough on these
I must further inform you that these heads, and you I hope will lay it up
people would come quite up to your in your hearts and duly observe it;
towns to do the same to you that they let it sink into your minds, for it is
have suffered, but your being settled of great weight.

among the English has hitherto pre- The Ganawese having hebaved

served you, for the Governor of Vir- themselves well since they came

sinia and Carolina can no longer amongst us and they shall have

hinder them from defending them- what they desire. Your people of

selves; and desired peace and would Conestogoe about twenty years agoe

t might be granted brought the Shawanese with them to

Philadelphia to see and treat with

I must further inform you as a Governor Penn, and then promised
friend that this whole business of the Governor that they would answer
making War in the manner you do, is , for the Shawanese that they should

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES 246

live peaceably with us and in j him of their resolution to live in
friendship with us, but we find their | Peace, and to desire him to acquaint
ears are thick, they do not hear what j all his Indians with the same. They
we say to them, nor regard our ad- j readily agreed to send the belts with-
vice - I out delay and promised the following

The Chiefs of the Shawanese an- we efc to bring them to Philadelphia,
swered to this with a deep concern, Dut tney seemed apprehensive of dan-
that this was occasioned by the | ger to their People in going to Vir-
young men who lived under no Gov- j ginia, where they were all strangers,
eminent; that when their king who j unless the Governors would send
was then living, Opessah, took the j some English in Company with them
Government upon him, but the people j to Protect thenx

differed with him ; he left them, they I M ter this conference was ended,
had then no Chief, therefore some of j Civilty desired to speak with the
them applied to him to take that j Secretary in private, and an oppor-
charge upon him, but that he had ! tunity being given, he acquainted the
only the name without any authority,

Secretary that some of the Five Na-

and could do nothing. He counselled tions especially the Cayoogoes, had
them, but they would not obey, there- at divers times expressed a dissatis-
iore he can not answer for them, and j faction at the large settlements made
divers that were present, both Eng- j bv the English on Sasquehannah and
lish and Indians, confirmed the truth | that tnev seemed to claim a property
of this. I or right to those lands. The Seere-

The Secretary hereupon admonish- ! tai T answered, that he (viz: Civil-
ed him and the rest to take a further j itv ) and a11 t* 16 Indians were sensi-
Care, that what had been said should ! ble of the Contrary, and that the
be pressed upon the young people \ Five Nations had long since made
and duly observed, and then calling ; over a11 *eir right to Sasquehannah
for Liquor and drinking with them | to the Government of New York, and
dismissed them. j that Governor Penn had purchased

But the Indians, before they would j that right with which they had been
depart, earnestly pressed, that on ac- fully acquainted. Civility acknowl-
count of this treaty should with all edged the Truth of this but proceeded
possible speed be dispatched to the to say that he thought it his duty to
Governours to the Southward, and to j inform us of it, that we might the
their Indians that further mischief ; better prevent all misunderstanding,
might be prevented, for they were ap- j The Secretary having made an end
prehensive that the Southern Indians | of his report, the Governor observed,
might come out to met the Five Na- that from the last particular year if
tions, and then they, as had been there was ground to apprehend that
said to them lying in the road might j the Five Nations, especially the Cay-
be the sufferers, but they truly de- j oogoes, did entertain some secret
sired peace, and were always against grudges against the advancing of
molesting any Indians that were un- our advancig settlements upon Sas-
der the protection or lived in friend- j quehannah river, and that it was very
ship with the English. I much to be suspected that the Five

The Secretary then proposed to j Nations were spirited up by the
them that they should send some of ; French agents from Canada or Mis-
their people with Belts of Wampum sissippi, to make these new and
to the Governor of Virginia, to assure groundless claims upon us whom

247

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCS AND

they believed to be a mild defenceless
people, and therefore liable to be
with less hazard and more easily in
sulted than any of the neighboring
colonies; that though the Governor
was not under any immediate appre
hension of Danger from the Indians
of the Five Nations, yet our present
security semed to depend upon the
strength and authority of New York,
and not upon the peaceable disposi
tion of faith of these barbarians; That
if the French (as it was but too pro
bable at this juncture), should pur
sue their usual policy in not only de
bauching the Indians everywhere
from the English interest, but also to
provoke and encourage them to make
war upon one another, and thereby
to embroil all the English settlements
upon this continent every Colony
would in that case find themselves
sufficiently employed in their own
proper defence. And these things
had made such a deep impression up
on the Governour s mind, but he
could not but think of the Public
safety, as well as his honor and
character, to be particularly con
cerned in making such timely pro
vision for the defence of this colony,
as the nature of the Constitution and
the good inclinations of the people
would permit, unto which end the
Governors believed that a voluntary
militia might be raised and put un
der such good regulations by an
Ordinance as could give no offence
to any, but be of a general advantage
and security to the Trade and People
of this province.

The members present being all
Quakers, some of them desired to be
excused from giving their sentiments
upon a subject of that nature but all
seemed to acquiesce that leave that
matter wholly to the Governour s
prudence and good conduct. The
Secretary was in the mean time dir
ected to examine whether there was

any ground for the Five Nations to
claim a right to any lands upon the
Sasquehannah ; and also it was mov
ed and agreed upon, that the Gover-
| nor should write to the President of
| New York representing the ill treat
ment of our people lately received
from those of the Five Nations in
their last return from the Southward
and the ill consequence which may
I possibly ensue from their opening a
path to war through our settlement
upon Sasqquehannah."

Governour Keith considered this
I treaty at Conestoga a matter of great
I importance and he wrote to the Gov-
j ernor of New York about the affair.
| the main points of which letter were,
| that we have a great reason to be
j apprehensive of the growth of the
I French settlements and the power of
| the Jesuits over our Indians on the
Susquehanna, and that the Jesuits
are very active in trading to get our
Indians over to the French and that
the Southern Indians are very much
provoked and come out to fight the
Five Nations and pursued to the Sus
quehanna river. He further says
that when Governor Penn settled
this country, when he came to treat
with the Indians settled on Susque
hanna River, he began to deal with
New York concerning it, and that
Governor Penn on his last visit about
I twenty years ago held a treaty with
! the Conestogas settled on Susquehan-
I na River and that the question about
! the land was taken up.

So here we see in this letter that
| difficulties about the land around
j Conestogoe were again arising, and
we also see what seems to be a clear
admission that Penn made the two
trips to Susquehanna, of which we
have spoken of before. All this may
be seen in Vol. 3 of the Colonial Re
cords, pp. 99 to 102. One of the
chief questions that Logan was try
ing to settle was the dissatisfaction
of these lands around Suquehanna.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

248

1720 The Conestoga Indians Com
plain that the Five Nations
Compel Them to Go South
to Fight.

There is no doubt that the subjec
tion to the Five Nations which the
Conestogas were compelled to under
go was very galling to them and
frequently brought them into dan
gerous situations and compelled
them to go on expeditions in the
South against their friends. The Con
estogas, Conoys. the Ganawese, the
Delawares and the Tuscaroras, all
of which tribes lived around about
Conestoga and Susquehanna, were
under the Five Nations at this time
and if they refused to obey the Five
Nations, they were in great danger
of being butchered themselves. Their
condition was pitiable and in a
paper sent to the Council at Phila
delphia they set forth their sad con
dition. This paper and the proceed
ings connected with it are as fol
lows: At a Council held at Philadel
phia, July 20, 1720, besides the Coun
cil and the Governor there were pre
sent also "Conestogce Indians Tago-
leless or Civility, Oyanowhachso,
Sohais Connedechto s son, Tayuch-
einjeh.

Ganawese: Ousewayteichks or
Captain Smith, Sahpechtah, Meemee-
ivoonnook, Winjock s son, George
Waaspessum, and John Prince.

Shawanese: Kenneope.

Edwad Farmer, Sworn Interp r.

The Secretary acquainted the
Board, that the Indians present were
sent by their chiefs from Conestoga,
in pursuance of the resolution they
had taken at the conference he had
lately held with them there, of send
ing a message to the Goernor of Vir
ginia.

The Interpreter, by the Governor s
order, told the Indians that their
Governor was glad to see them and

to hear of the welfare of their people.
The Indians delivered two Belts of
Wampum with a written paper,
which they say contains the whole of
what they were ordered to deliver to
the Governor and Council at the
time.

The said paper was read, and is as
follows:

July 16th, 1720.

To our Friends and Brothers, the
Governour and James Logan, at
Philadelphia. These as to what hath
I been proposed by our Friend and
j Brother James Logan, when here, of
i our sending to the Southward Gov-
! ernments to confirm a peace ; We
j are very willing to have and keep
! Peace, and therefore send a belt of
i Wampum to confirm it, but we must
I leave it wholly to you to perfect the
I same. As to any of our People cm
| this river going to the Southern parts
! about the same, it will doubtless oc-
| casion the death of us, while the Five
| Nations still follow the practice of
going there to war, of whom at thTs
time there is a great number going
: that way; therefore, we plainly tell
you. we know not what measures to
take, but leave all to you, resolving
to follow your council, but sure we
j are to suffer for what we have al
ready yielded to do in the affair
j aforesaid as soon as the Sinnekaes
j come to know thereof, if not protect-
] ed by you, for they will be enraged
against us when they know that we
are willing to be at Peace with those
Nations, that they resolve to maintain
war against, and will certainly cut
us off as well as the Back Christian
Inhabitants; for they we are sure,
do not bear true affection to your
i Government, and some of them are
already very bold and impudent to
j the Christian inhabitants and us also
for their sakes, whom we are unwil
ling should have any damage done by
them if we can prevnt it, and in real

249

ANNALS OF THE SIT SQUEH ANN OCRS AND

good will do certify the Government
that we believe they will shortly have
gome trouble with them if not pre
vented. Our Captain Tagoteless, and
some other of our people comes with
our words to you, and this present
letter taken by his interpretation, by
our good friend John Cartiledge,
whom we could have been glad if he
would have come himself and given
an account of matters. We are your
true friend and Brothers at Conesto-
goe." See 3 Col, Rec., . 102. B.

This needs no further comment as
everything is set forth fully in the
paper.

The next day the Council being
met again the Governor spoke as fol
lows to them concerning their
troubles:

"That nothing can be more accept
able to this Government than that
the Indians should live in Peace with
all the Nations around them, but
above all with those who are friendly
with the English Governments. The
Governor has often seriously exhorted
them to it. and they had engaged to
go out no more to war, with which
engagements he had acquainted the
Governours to the Southward, and
more specially the Governor of Vir
ginia, by Captain Smith, who came
from that Governour to the N orth-
ward, on purpose to engage the
Northern Indians to live in Peace
with all his people and friends. And
the said Gentleman, Captain Smith,
they may well remember, was pres
ent with the Governour at his first
conference with them at Conestogoe
soon after his arrival, when they
promised in that treaty to go out to
war no more.

That it was a very great satisfac
tion to all parties to find them thus
engage themselves, though what was
proposed to them was wholly for
their own benefit and advantage.
Captain Smith carried this news with

I gladness, and the Governour of Vir-
| ginia and his people received it with
ijoy, and everybody believing that
! they might surely depend on these
: assurances.

Yet notwithstanding all these, some
of their young men had been unhap
pily prevailed on to go out against
the same people. The Governor is
very well pleased to hear by the Sec
retary s respect on what they lately
said on that head at Conestoga, that
they condemn these proceedings, and
excused themselves by the influence
the Five Nations have over their peo
ple, and that the young men caried
on by the Heat and Blood to martial
| exploits, and to shew their manhood
I are difficulty restrained by the more
sage advice of their elders. But it is
I now hoped that these young men,
some of them having forfeited their
lives by their disobedience to their
j Elders, are also as fully resolved
! most strictly to observe these present
j engagements; and though the Gover-
j our realty lies under some disadvan-
! tages in the representation he is
j now to make to the Governours of
j Virginia and Carolina, by reason of
! their having failed in their former,
| yet he will without delay acquaint
! these Governours with their renewed
i resolutions, and give them all pos-
I sible assurances from our Indians,
that nothing in their power shall di
vert them from a strict observance of
! what they have promised for the f u-
! ture, and as a binding proof of it
according to the custom of their Na-
:tions, shall convey these two belts
! of Wampum as firm and inviolable
| seals to all that they have said.
These the Governour will convey to
the Governour of Virginia with let
ters in their favour who sent them,
and a particular account of their
! country and habitations, with all
! which the Governor of Virginia will
undoubtedly take care to acquaint

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

250

all his Indians and people, and en
gage them for the future to consider
our friends as his friends, and the
Governour will endeavor to make
them all as one People.

But as this will require some time, j
and all the Indians in those South
ern Parts, can not be immediately ac
quainted with these messages,
though the Governor intends to use
all possible dispatch. They must in
the mean time take care of them
selves and keep out of the way of
the Warrior s path, till a good and
perfect peace and good understand
ing can be settled.

But after the Governor has thus
preceded in their behalves, and in
some measure pledges his honor for
them, they must not fail on any terms
whatsoever, most strictly to make
good their present engagements
against the Perswasions of all Peo
ple whatsoever.

We are all friends to the Five Na
tions and have a great respect for
them, and these can not but be
pleased to find out that our Indians j
live in such Friendship with their j
English Neighbors, as to resolve also j
to live in Peace with all their friends.
Whenever any of these Minquays
come amongst them, they must not
fail to inform them that they and we
are one people and not to be sepa
rated in interest, and we desire that
the Minquays also may be the same,
and live with us as brotters."

This being interpreted, it was or
dered that they should be supplied
with a Quarter Cask of powder, fifty
pounds of lead, five gallons of rum,
with Bisket, Pipes, Tobacco, etc.. for
their Journey ; in the mean time
that the Treasurer or Secretary
should see them duly accomodated.
This is set forth in Vol. 3 of the Col
onial Records, pp. 103 to 105.

1720 The Cost of the Second Treaty
Made at Conestoga.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p 107
the cost of James Logan s second

treaty at Conestoga is set out as fol
lows: "The Secretary laid before
the Board an Account of the charg
es of a Treaty held with the Indians
at Conestogoe, the 27th day of June
last, being Eight Pounds Four shil
lings and Eight Pence; as also an ac
count of goods and provisions sup
plied the Indians at Philadelphia, by
order of this Board the 20th of July
last, amounting to Eight Pounds,
Thirteen Shillings and Five Pence,
the whole charge being sixteen
Pounds, eighteen Shillings and one
penny, from which deducting the
presents received from the Indians -to
the value of ten Pounds, four Shil
lings, there remains due to the Sec
retary the sum of six Pounds, thir
teen Shillings and one penny, which
accounts being examined were allow
ed by the Board, and the Treasurer
is ordered to pay the said Ballance to
the Secretary fortwith."

1720 The Southern Indians Retal
iate on the Coiiestogas.

The above account of the Five Na
tions forcing the Conestogas to go
southward and fight their friends is
also taken notice of in Vol. 2 of tit
Votes of Assembly, p. 258, where it is
shown that the expeditions to the
South have caused an attack upon
our Indians near the head of the
Potomac River, by the Southern In
dians who are on their way to Sus-
quehanna to fight our people, by rea
son of the fact that the Five Na
tions compel our Indians to go to
war against those of the South.

1720 The Shawanese, Ganawese and
the Deluwares Present at Logan s
Treaty with the Con
estogas.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 92,
in which we have discussed the
treaty made by James Lgoan with

251

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

the Conestogas and others, he sets
forth that the Sachem or Chief of the
Shawanese, the Chief of the Gana-
wese and the people of the Delaware
Indians met him at John Cartledge s
house the same as the chiefs of the
Conestogas. I merely quote this
item to show that these various other
tribes were still living in this neigh
borhood at this time.

1721 A Message Sent to the Cones-
toga Indians, Because of the
Dissatisfaction of the Vir
ginian Government.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 116,
it is set forth that a complaint of
Governor Spotswood of Virginia
caused the Governor and Council in
Pennsylvania to send a message to
the Conestoga Indians, in which he
asked them to be very careful to obey
all the laws and not to offend the In
dians of the South nor the Governor
in any way.

Keith says in this message that he
has had many conferences with the
Government of Virginia about our
Conestoga Indians. As the result of
this the Conestoga Indians and other
Indians at Susquehanna river promis
ed that they would not cross the
Potomac river to go South, if the
Southern Indians will not cross the
Potomac River to come north. And
the Governor further says that our
Indians never do go down across the
Potomac River.

1721 The Conestoga Indians Go
the Ohio and Wabash Rivers
to Fish.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p.

116,

1721 The Conestoga Indians Send a
Peaceful Message to the South
ern Indians.

In the book and at the page last
mentioned it is set forth that he Con
estoga and allied Indians sent by
Governor Keith to Virginia several
belts of wampum as pledges of Peace
with all the Indians from the South.
On the next page we find that Keith
begs the Governor of Virginia that I
shall mention and include the Indians
of the Susquehanna Country with his
Cherokees and other Southern In
dians.

1721 The Five Nations Come to Con
estoga to Make a Treaty.

In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Records,
p. 118, it is set forth that the depu
ties of the Five Nations are on their
way to Conestoga to treat with this
Province; and word is sent -to Phila
delphia that the Five Nationas are
coming to treat. (120).

This statement is given by the Gov
ernor to the Board or Council in
which he says that he had yesterday
received an express from the Cones-
toga, intimating that they were cer
tainly informed of some deputies of
the Five Nations being on their way
to Conestoga in order to treat with
this Government. The Council de
cided, however, not to do anything
until they heard of the arrival of the
Five Nations at Conestoga, but in the
meantime the Government will send
a message to the Conestoga Indians
to inform them about his negotia
tions for peace in Virginia.

As is shown on p. 120 of the same

Governor Keith in a speech, states i book &gt; John Cartledge sent an express
that the Conestogas and other allied I to Philadelphia, announcing that the
Indians go hunting and fishing on the de P uties had arrived at Conestoga,

branches of the Wabash and Ohio
Rivers in the Fall of the year and do
not return until the following May.

that he entertained them at his house
and desired them to come to Phila
delphia and treat with the Governor.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

252

That they were very reserved in tell
ing their business and insisted that
they must meet the Governor himself
at Conestoga, where they wished him
to come. . Cartledge also states that
a considerable number of the Chiefs
and others of the Indians of the Five
Nations now actually at Conestoga,
positively refused to go any nearer
to Philadelphia than Conestoga and
he urges the Governor to come at
once and treat with them; and the
Governor accordingly made the trip.

1721 Governor Keith s First Great
Treaty at Conestoga,

Pressed by the above urgent de
mands that he should come to Con
estoga to meet the Five Nations and
other Indians the Council decided
that the Governor should go on the
journey; and the Governor named
Richard Hill, Janothan Dickinson,
Colonel French and the Secretary,
James Logan to accompany him in
his journey. It was decided that they
would leave on Monday, the third of
July. (See Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec.,
pp. 120-121).

This treaty of Governor Keith also
attracted the attention of the people
generally and a notice of it may be
found in the American Weekly Mer
cury, the only newspaper at that
time which began publication in 1719
and ran until 1746, under the editor
ship of Andrew Bradford. The
newspaper account is found in the
issue of July 6, 1721, in which the
paper states, "His Excellency, Sir
William eKith, our Governor, with
some of his Council and thirty other
gentlemen set out Monday last for
Conestoga in order to meet our In
dians there and some of the Five Na
tion to settle a peace with them as
usual."

It is to be noticed that the news
paper report states that thirty of the

citizens went along. The return
from Conestoga is also set forth in
the same newspaper in the issue of
July 13, 1721, where it is stated that,
"On Tuesday night last, his Excel
lency, Sir William Keith, Baronett,
our Governor, and the gentlemen
who attended him arrived here
(Philadelphia) from Conestoga. He
went thither to meet the heads of the
Five Nations who awaited his com
ing to renew the treaties of peace
and friendship with them, and ac-
comodated some irregularities com
mitted by the young men of those na
tions of war Indians. The Governor
and all the Company were handsomely
entertained and treated at the house
of John Cartledge, Esq., during their
stay at Conestoga."

In the issue of July 27, 1721, the
particulars of this treaty are adver
tised as being for sale, having been
published by Andrew Bradford, but
I can not find that the pamphlet was
ever seen. Dr. Jordan of the Phila
delphia Historical Society says that
this pamphlet has never been seen in
print It is, however, quoted in Hil-
deburn s issue of the Pennsylvania
press, p. 58. There is a Dublin re
print of it dated 1723, in the Ridge-
way Branch of the Library Company
of Philadelphia, which I have seen,
and excepting the introduction, it is
a literal copy of the Colonial Records.

This Irish reprint of 1723 (which is
found in Vol. 797 in the Ridgeway
branch, etc.,) sets forth on the title
page that Andrew Bradford printed
the original and published it at the
request of the gentlemen whow were
present at the treaty, and who went
on the journey. It is said that it was
reprinted by Eliz. Saddler and Sam.
Fuller at the Globe & Scales in
Meath street, Dublin, in 1723. The
following glowing introduction ap
pears in the book.which is not found
in the Colonial Records;

253

ANNALS OF TH ESU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

"The Publisher to the Reader, Phila
delphia, July 26, 1721.

Courteous reader: We here pres
ent you with an exact copy of the
proceedings of the Governor in the
late treaty with several nations of
Indians at Conestoga, taken from the
minutes of the respective councils,
which were held on the occasion.
And we hope this will be more
agreeably acceptable to our corres
pondents than any abstracts that
could be published in our Weekly
Mercury.

The Indian village of Conestoga
lies about seventy English miles dis
tant, almost directly West of the
city, and the land thereabout being
exceedingly rich, it is now surround
ed by divers fine plantations or
farms, where they raise quantities of
wheat, barley, flax and hemp, with
out help of any dung.

The company who attended the
Governor consisted of between 70
and 80 horsemen, most of them well
armed, and the directions that had
ben given were so well observed that
great plenty of all sorts of provis
ions were everywhere provided bet
for man and horse.

His Excellency the Governor s
care for the public safety of this
colony plainly discovers itself in his
management of affairs with the In
dians in general as well as by his
late toilsome journey to and fror
Virginia and Conestoga. The good
people of. this city and province from
a just sense of happiness they enjoy
the present administration embrace
all opportunities of expressing their
love and esteem for the Governor,
who at his return from Conestoga
was waited upon at the upper ferry
of the Schuylkill River by the Mayor
and Aldermen of the City with about
two hundred horse. After a refresh-

Iment of wine and other good liquors,
upon the eleventh inst., about sunset
his Excellency arrived in good health
at his own house to the universal
joy of all the inhabitants."

The official report of this treaty is
found in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p.
121, as follows:

"Conestogoe, July the 5th, 1721.

"The Governor arrived here this
day at .Noon, and in the evening went
I to Capt. Civility s cabin, where four
Deputies of the Five Nations, and
some few more of their people came
to see the Governour, who spake to
them by an interpreter to this pur
pose, viz:

That this being the first time that

the Five Nations had thought fit to

i send any of their Chiefs to visit him ;

he had come a great way from home

to bid them welcome, that he hoped

j to be better acquainted and hold a

I further discourse with them before

I he left the Place.

| They answered that they were come
i a long way on purpose to see the
Governor and speak with him; that
they had heard much of him and
j would have come here before now,
but that the faults and mistakes com
mitted by some of their young men
had made them ashamed to show
their faces, but now that they had
seen the Governor s face, they were
well satisfied with their journey
whether anything else was done or
not.

The Governour told them that to
morrow morning he designed to
speak a few words to his Brothers
and Children, the Indians of Cones
togoe and their friends upon Susque-
hanna, and desired that the Deputies
of the Five Nations might be presen,
in Council to hear what is said \
them.

At a Council held at Conestogoe,
July the 6th, 1721.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

254

PRESENT:

The, Honorable Sir William Keith
Bart., Govr., Richard Hill, Colonel
John French, Caleb Pusey, James
Logan, Secretary, Jonathan Dickin
son.
The Governor spoke to the Conesto-

goe Indians as follows:
My Brothers and Children,

So soon as you sent me word that
your near friends and relatives, the
Chiefs of the Five Nations, were come
to visit you, I made haste and am
come up to see both you and them,
and to assure all the Indians of the
Continuance of my love to them.

Your old acquaintance and true
friend, the Great William Penn, was
a wise man, and therefore he did not
approve of war among the Indians
whom he loved, because it wasted and
destroyed their people, but always
rocommended peace to the Indians as
the surest way to make them rich
and strong by increasing their num
bers.

Some of you can remember since
William Penn and his friends came
first to settle amongst you in this
country; it is but a few years and
like as yesterday to an old man,
nevertheless by following that great
Man s peaceable councils this Gov
ernment is now become wealthy and
powerful in great numbers of people,
and though many of our inhabitants
are not accustomed to war and dislike
the practice of man killing one an
other, yet you can not but know that
I am able to bring several thousand
into the field, well armed, to defend
both your people and ours from being
hurt by any enemy that durst at
tempt to invade us; however, we do
not forget what William Penn often
told us, that the experiences of old
age, which is true wsdom, advises
peace, and I say to you, that the wis

est man is always the bravest man,
for he safely depends on his wisdom,
and there is no true courage without
it. I have so great a love for you;
my dear Brothers, who live under the
protection of this Government that I
can not suffer you to be hurt no moTe
than I would my own children; lam
but just now returned from Virginia
where I wearied myself in a long
journey both by land and water, only
to make peace for you my children,
that you may safely hunt in the
woods without danger from Virginia
and the many Indian nations that are
at peace with this Government. But
the Governour of Virginia expects
that you will not hunt within the
Great Mountains on the other side of
Patowmeck River, being it is a small
tract of land which he keeps for the
Virginia Indians to hunt in, and he
promises that his Indians shall not
any more come on this side of
Potawmeck, or behind the great
mountain this way to disturb your
hunting; and this is the condition I
have made for you, which I expect
you will firmly keep, and not break
it on any consideration whatsoever.

I desire that what I have now said
to you may be interpreted to the
Chiefs of the Five Nations present,
for as- you are a part of them, and
are in like manner one with us as
you yourselves are, and Therefore
our Councils must agree and be made
known to one another, for our hearts
should be open that we may perfectly
see into one another s breasts. And
that your friends may speak to me
freely, tell them I am willing to for
get the mistakes which some of their
young men were guilty of amongst
our people; I hope they will grow
wiser with age, and hearken to the
grave Counsels of their old men whose
valour we esteen because they are

255

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

wise; but the rashnes of their young
men is althogether folly.

At a Council held at Conestogoe,
July the 7th, 1721.

PRESENT:

The Honourable Sir William Keith,
Bart., Governour; Richard Hill, Col
onel John French, Caleb Pusey, Jas.
Logan, Secretary; Jonathan Dickin
son, with divers gentlemen.

PRESENT ALSO:

The Chiefs of Deputies sent by the
Five Nations to treat with this Gov
ernment, viz.;

Sinnekass Nation, Onondagoes Na
tion, Cayoogas Nation; Ghesaont,
Tannawree, Sahoode, Awennool.Skee-
towas, Tchehuque.

Smith, the Ganawese Indian inter
preter from the Mingoe Language to
the Delaware; John Cartledge and
James Le Tort, Interpreters from the
Delaware into the English.

Ghesaont, in the name and on the
behalf of all the Nations, delivered
himself in speaking to the Gover
nour, as follows:

They were glad to see the Gover
nour and his Council at this place,
from home, and now they find it to
be what they had heard of him, viz:
their friend and brother, and the
same as if William Penn were still
amongst them.

They assure the Governour and
Council that they had not forgot
William Penn s treaties with them,
and that his advice to them was still
fresh in their, memories.

Though they can not write, yet
they retain everything said in their
Councils with all the Nations they
treat with, and preserve it as care
fully in their memories as if it was
committed in our method to writing.

They complain that our Traders
carrying goods and Liquors up Sas-
quehanna River some times meet

| with their young men going out to
war, and treat them unkindly, not
only refusing them a dram of their
liquor, but use them with ill lan
guage and call them dogs, etc.

They take this unkindly, because
dogs have no sense of understand
ing; whereas they are men, and
think that their brothers should not
compare them to such creatures.

That some of our Traders calling
their young men by those Names, the
young men answered, if they were
dogs then they might act as such;
Whereupon they seized a keg of
their Liquor and ran away with it.

N. B. This seems to be told in
their usual way to excuse some
small robberies that had been com
mitted by their young people.

Then laying down a belt of Wam
pum upon the table, he proceeded
and said,

That all their Disorders arose from
the use of rum and strong spirits
which took away their sense and
memory ; that they had no such liquors
amongst themselves, but were hurt
with what we furnished to them and
therefore desired that no more of
that sort might be sent amongst
them.

He presented a bundle of drest
skins and said,

That the Five Nations faithfully
remember all their ancient treaties,
and now desire that the chain of
friendship between them and us may
be made so strong as that none of
the links can ever be broken.

Presents another bundle of raw
skins and observes,

That a chain may contact rust
with lying and become weaker;
Wherefore he desires it may now be
so well cleaned as to remain bright
er and stronger than ever it was be
fore.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

256

Presents another parcel of skins
and says,

That as in the Firmament all
clouds and darkness are removed
from the face of the sun, so they de
sire that all misunderstandings may
be fully done away, so that when
they who are now here shall be
dead and gone, their while people
with their children and posterity may
enjoy thf clear sunshine and friend
ship forever, without anything to
interpose and obscure it.

Presents another bundle of skins
and says,

That looking upon the G overnour
as if William Penn was present they
desire, that in case any disorders
should hereafter happen between
their young people and ours, we
would not be too hasty in resenting
any such accident, until their Col
onel and ours can have some oppor
tunity to treat amicably upon it,
and so to adjust all matters as that
the friendship between us may still
be inviolably presrved.

Presents a small parcel of deer
skins and desires,

That we may now be together as
one people, treating one another s
children kindly and affectionately on
all occasions.
He proceeds and says:

That they consider themselves in
this treaty as the full plenipoten
tiaries and Repesentatives of the
Five Nations and they look upon the
Governour as the Great Kins of Eng
land s representative, and therefore
they expect that everything now stip
ulated will be made absolutely firm
and good on both sides.

Presents a bundle of bear skins
and says,

That having now made a firm
league with us as becomes our

brothers, they complain that they got
too little for their skins and furs, so
as they can not live by hunting, they
desire us therefore to take compassion
on them and contrive some way to
help them in that particular.

Presenting a few furs, he speaks
only as from himself to acquaint the
Governour, that the Five Nations
have heard that the Governour of
Virginia wanted to speak with the.ni.
He himself with some of his Com
pany intended to proceed to Virginia,
but do not know the way to get
safe thither."

At a council held at the House of
John Cartledge, Esq., near Conesto-
goe.

PRESENT:

The Honorable Sir William Keith,
Bart, Governor, Richard Hill, Col.
John French, Jonathan Disksinson,
James Logan, Secretary.

The Governour desired that the
Board would advise him as to the
quantity and kind of the presents
that must be made to the Indians in
return to their and In confirmation
of this speech to them; Whereupon
it was agreed that twenty-five Stroud
Match coats of two yards each, One
Hundred wt. of Gunpodwer, two hun
dred of lead, with some Bisket, To
bacco and Pipes, should be delivered
as the Governor s present to the Five
Nations. And the same being pre
pared accordingly, the Council was
adjourned to Conestogoe, the Place
of Treaty.

At a Council held at Conestogoe,
July the 8th, 1721. Post Meridiem.
PRESENT:

The Honourable Sir William Keith
Bart., Governour.

The same members as before with
divers gentlemen attending the Gov
ernour and the Chiefs of the Five
Nations being all seated in Council,
and the presents laid down before the
Indians.

257

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

The Governour spoke to them by
the Interpreters in these words.
My Friends and Brothers:

It is a great satisfaction to me that
I have, this opportunity of speaking
to the Valiant and wise Five Nations
whom you tell me you are fully em
powered to represent. I treat with
you therefore as if all these Nations
were here present, and you are to
understand what I now say to be
agreeable to the mind of our Great
Monarch George the King of Eng
land, who bends his care to estab
lish peace amongst the mighty na
tions of Europe and unto whom all
the People in these parts as it were
but like one drop out of a Bucket, so

that what is now transacted between
us must be laid up as the words of
the whole Body of your People and
our People, to be kept in perpetual
Remembrance. I am so glad to
find that you remember what Wil
liam Penn formerly said to you; he
was a great and a good man, his
own people loved him; he loved the
Indians, and they also loved him.

He was as their father, he would nev
er suffer them to be wronged, neith
er would he let his people enter up
on any lands until he had first pur
chased them of the Indians; He was
just, and therefore the Indians lov
ed him.

Though he is new removed from us
yet his children and people follow
his example and will always take
the same measures, so that his and
our posterity will be as a long chain
of which he was the first link, and
when one link ends another succeeds
and then another, being all firmly
bound together in one strong chain
to endure forever.

He formerly knit the chain of
friendship with you as the Chief of
all the Indians in these parts, and
lest this chain should grow rusty

you now desire it to be scoured and
made strong to bind us as one people
together; We do assure it is and al
ways has been bright on our side,
and so we will ever keep it.

As to your complaint of our Trad
ers, that they have treated some of
your young men unkindly I take that
to be said by way of excuse only for
the follies of your people, thereby
endeavoring to persuade me that
they were provoked to do what you
very well know they did, but as
told your Indians two days ago,
am willing to pass by all those
things. You may therefore be as
sured that our people shall not suf
fer any injury to yours; or if I
know that they do, they shall be sev
erely punished for it; so you must
in like manner strictly command
your young men that they do not of
fer any injury to ours; for when
they pass through the utmost skirts
of our inhabitants, where there are
no people yet settled but traders,
they should be more careful of them
as having separated themselves from
the body of their friends, purely to
serve the Indians more commodious-
ly with what they want.

Nevertheless if any little disorders
should at any time hereafter arise,
we will endeavor that it shall not
break or weaken the chain of friend
ship between us; to which end if any
of your people take offence, you
must in that case apply to me or to
our chiefs; and when we have any
cause to complain, we shall as you
desire apply to your chiefs by our
| friends the Conestogoe Indians, but
j on both sides we must labor to pre-
| vent everything of this kind as
much as we can.

You complain that our traders
come into the path of your young
men going out to war, and thereby
occasion disorders amongst them, I
will therefore my friends and broth
ers speak very plainly to you on this
Head.

OTHER LANCASTER CO OUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

258

Your young men come down Sus-
quehanna river and take their road
through our Indian towns and settle
ments and make a path between us
and the people against whom they go
out to war; Now you must know,
that the path this way leads them
only to the Indians who are in al
liance with the English, and first to
those who are in a strict League of
Friendship with the great Governor
of Virginia, just as these our friends
and children who are settled amongst
us are in league with me and our
people.

You can not therefore make war
upon the Indians in League with
Virginia without weakening the
chain with the English; for as we
would not suffer these our friends
and brothers of Conestogoe, and up
on this River to be hurt by any per
son without considering it was done
to ourselves; so the Governour of
Virginia looks upon the injuries
done to his Indian brothers and
friends as if they were done to him
self; and you very well know that
though you are five different nations
yet you are but one people; so as that
any wrong done to one Nation is re
ceived as an injury done to you all.

In. the same manner and much
more so it is with the English, who
are all united under one great King,
who has more people in that one
town where he lives, than all the In
dians in North America put together.

You are in League with New York
as your ancient Friends and nearest
Neighbors, and you are in League
with by treaties often repeated, and
by a chain which you have not
brightened. As therefore all the
English are but one People you are
actually in League with all the Eng
lish governments and must equally
preserve the Peace with all as with
one Government.

You pleased me very much when
you told me that you were going to
treat with the Governour of Virginia.
Your nations formerly entered into
a very firm League with the Govern
ment, and if you have suffered that
chain to grow rusty it is time to se
cure it, and the Five Nations have
done very wisely to send you there
for that purpose .

I do assure you, the Governour of
Virginia is a great and good man;
he loves the Indians as his children
and so protects and defends them,
for he is very strong, having many
thousand Christian warriors under
his command, whereby he is able to
assist all those who are in any
League of Friendship with him. Has
ten therefore, my friends, to brigh
ten and strengthen the claim with
that great man, for he desires it, and
will receive you kindly. He is my
great friend, I have been lately with
him, and since you say you are
strangers, I will give you a letter to
him to inform him what ye have
done, and of the good design of your
visit to im and ti his Country.

My Friends and Brothers: I told
you two days agoe that we must
open our Breasts to each other, I
shall therefore, like your true Friend
open mine yet further to you for
your good.

You see that the English, from a
very small People at first in these
parts, are by peace amongst them
selves become a very great people
amongst you, far exceeding the num
ber of all the Indians that we know
of.

But, while we are at peace the In
dians continue to make war upon
one another, and destroy each other,
as if they intended that none of their
people should be left alive, by which
means you are from a great people
become a very small people and yet
you will go on to destroy yourselves.

259

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

The Indians of the South although
they speak a different language, yet
they are the same people and inhabit
the same land with those of the
North, we therefore can not but won
der how you that are a wise people
should take delight in putting an end
to your race. The English being
your true friends labor to prevent it.
We would have you strong as a part
of ourselves, for as our strength is
your strength, so we would yours to
be as our own.

I have persuaded all our Brethren
in these parts to consider what is for
their good, and not to go out any
more to war, but your young men as
they come this way endeavor to force
them, and because they incline to
follow the Counsels of Peace and the
advice of their friends, your people
use them ill and often prevail with
them to go out to their destruction.
Thus it was that this town of Cones-
togoe lost their good king, not long
ago, and thus many have been lost,
their young children are left without
parents, their wives without hus
bands, the old men, contrary to the
course of nature mourn te death of
their young, the people decay and
grow weak, we lose our dear friends
and are afflicted, and this is chiefly
owing to your young men.

Surely you can purpose to get
other riches or possessions by going
thus out to war; for when you kill
a deer you have the flesh to eat and
the skin to sell, but when you return
from war you bring nothing home but
the scalp of a dead man who perhaps
was husband to a kind wife, and
father to tender children who never*
wronged you, though by losing him
you have robbed them of his help
and protection, and at the same time
get nothing by it.

If I were not your true friend I
would not take the trouble of saying

all these things to you, which I de
sire may be fully related to all your
people when you r.eturn home, that
they may consider in time what is
for their own good; and after this if
any will be so madly deaf and blind
as neither to hear or see the danger
before them, but will still go out to
destroy and be destroyed for noth
ing, I must desire that such foolish
young men will take another path
and not pass this way amongst our
people, whose eyes have opened, and
they have wisely hearkened to my
advice. So that I must tell you
plainly, as I am their best friend,
and this Government is their Protec
tor and as a father to them. We
will not suffer them any more to go
out as they have done to their des
truction. I say again, that we will
not suffer it, for we have the Coun
sel of wisdom amongst us and know
what is for their good, for though
they are weak yet they are our Breth
ren, we will therefore take care of
them that they are not misled with
ill Council; you mourn when you lose
a brother, we mourn when when any
of them are lost, to prevent which
they shall not be suffered to go out
as they have done to be destroyed by
war.

My Good Friends and Brothers: I
give you the same Counsel and earn
estly desire that you will follow it,
since it will make you a happy
people, I give you this advice be
cause I am your true friend, but I
much fear you hearken to others who
never were or never will be your
Friends. You know very well that
the French have been enemies from
the Beginning, and though they made
peace with you about two and twenty
years ago, yet by subtle practices
they still endeavor to ensnare you.
They use arts and tricks and tell you

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

lies, to deceive you, and if you would
make use of your own eyes and not
be deluded by their Jesuits and In
terpreters; you would see this your
selves, for you know they have had
no goods of any value these several
years past, except what has been
sent to them from the English of
New York, and that is now all over.
They give fair speeches instead of
real services, and as for many years
they attempted to destroy you in
war, so they now endeavor to do it
in Peace; for when they perswade
you to go out to war against others,
it is only that you may be destroyed
yourselves, which we as your true
friends labor to prevent, because we
would have your numbers increased
that you may grow strong and that
we may be all strengthened in
Friendship and Peace together.

As to what you have said of Trade,
I suppose the great distance at
which you live from us has prevented
all comerce between us and your
people; we believe, those who go in
to the woods and spend all their
time upon it endeavor to make the
best bargains they can for them
selves; so on your part you must take
care to make the best bargain you can
with them, but we hope that our
traders do not cheat, for we think
that a Stroud Coat or a pound of
powder is now sold for more Buck
skins than formerly; beaver indeed is
not of late so much used in Europe,
and therefore does not give a price,
and we deal but very little in that
commodity. But deer skins sell very
well amongst us, and I shall always
take care that the Indians be not
wronged, but except other measures
be taken to regulate the Indian
trade everywhere, the common
methods used in Trade will still be
followed, and every man must take

care of himself, for thus I must do
myself, when I buy anything from
our own people, if I do not give them
their price ,they will keep it for we
are a free people. But if you have
any further proposals to make about
these affairs I am willing to hear
and consider them, for it is my desire
that the trade be well regulated to
your content.

I am sensible rum is very hurtful
to the Indians; we have made laws
that none should be carried amongst
them, or if any were, that it should
be staved and thrown upon the
ground, and the Indians have been
ordered to destroy all the rum that
comes in their way, but they will not
do it, they will have rum, and when
we refuse it they will travel to the
neighboring provinces and fetch it;
their own women go to purchase it,
and then sell it amongst their own
people at excessive rates. I would
gladly make any laws to prevent
this that could be effectual, but the
country is so wide and the woods
are so dark and private, and so far
out of my sight, that if the Indians
themselves do not prohibit their own
people there is no other way to pre
vent it; for my part, I shall readily
join in any measures that can be
proposed for so good a purpose.

I have now my friends and broth
ers, said all that I think can be of
any service at this time, and I give
you these things here laid before you
to confirm my words, viz: five Stroud
coats, twenty pounds of powder, and
forty pounds of lead for each of the
Five Nations ; that is twenty-five
coats, one hundred weight of powder
and two hundred of lead in the
whole, which I desire may be deliv
ered to them, with these my words
in my name and on behalf of this
province.

261

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

"I shall be glad frequently to see
some of your chief men sent in the
name of the rest, but desire you will
be so kind as to come to us to Phila
delphia to visit our families and chil
dren born there, where we can pro
vide better for you and make you
more welcome, for people always re
ceive their friends best at their own
houses. I heartily wish you well on
your journey and good success in it,
and when you return home I desire
you will give my very kind love and
the love of all our people to your
kings and to all their people.

Then the Governor rose up from
his chair, and when he had called
Ghesont the speaker to him, he took
a Coronation Medal of the Kings out
of his pocket and presented it to the
Indian in these words.

That our children when we are
dead may not forget these things, but
keep this treaty between us in per
petual remembrance. I here deliver
to you a picture in gold, bearing the
image of my great master the King
of all the English; and when you re
turn home I charge you to deliver
this piece into the hands of the first
man or greatest Chief of all the Five
Nations whom you call Kannygoodk,
to be laid up and kept as a token to
our childrens children, that an en
tire and lasting Friendship is now
established forever between the Eng
lish in this country and the Great
Five Nations.

1721 James Logan Continues the
Conestoga Treaty After the
Governor Left for Phila
delphia

T n Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 130,
"James Logan, Secretary, further
reports, that having continued at
Conestogoe, after the departure of
the Governor and the rest of the
Company, he had the next day by the
continued treaty held by James Logan
Governour s approbation and direc

tion held a discourse with Ghesaont,
the Chief of those Indians and their
Speaker Civility, the Captain of
Conestogoe, and John Cartlidge,
being the Interpreter.

That he had first put Ghesaont in
mind of the great satisfaction the
Governour had expressed to him in
the Council upon their kind visit,
and the freedom and openness that
had been used to them on our parts,
and therefore advised him if he had
anything in his thoughts further re
lating to the Friendship established
between us and the matters treated
in Council he would open his Breast
in his free Conversation, and speak
it without reserve, and whatever he
said on those heads should be re
ported faithfully to the Governour.

Ghesaont then, said that he was
very well pleased with what had been
spoken. He saw the Governour and
the English were true friends to the
Five Nations, but as to their people
going out to war, which head we
chiefly insisisted on, the principal
reason was that their young men had
become very poor, they could get no
goods nor clothing from the English,
and therefore they went abroad to
gain them from their Enemies.

"They had at once a clear Sky and
Sunshine at Albany, but now all was
over cast, and they could no longer
trade and get goods as they had
done, of which he could not know
the reason, and therefore they had
resolved to try whether it was the
same among the other English Gov
ernments."

"To this the Secretary answered,
that they had from the first settle
ment of New York and Albany been
in strict League and Friendship with
that Government, and had always
had a trade with and been supplied
by them, with Goods they wanted

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

262

That it was true, three or four years
past the French had come from
Canada to Albany in New York, and
purchased and carried a great part
of the goods, Strowd waters especi
ally, sometimes three or four
hundred pieces in a year, which the
Five Nations ought to have had; but
that now, another Governor being
lately sent thither from the Great
King of England, he had made a law
that the French should not have any
more goods from the English; that
this had been the reason of the
Clouds and dark weather they com
plained of, but that now a clear Sun
shine as they desired would be re
stored to them; That he knew very
well this Gentleman the new Gov-
ernour, that he had not long since
been at Philadelphia, and at his (the
Secretary s) house, and that he had
heard him (the Corlear) say he
would take care of his Indians should
be well supplied for the future, and
accordingly they might depend on it.

Ghesaont being hereupon asked
whether they did not know that the
French had for some years past had
the Cloths from the English, an
swered, that they knew very well
that these English goods went now
in a new path, different from what
they had formerly gone in, that they
knew not where they went, but they
went besides them and they could not
get hold of them, though they much
wanted them.

"The Secretary proceeded to say,
that as New York and Albany had
been their ancient friends, so they
could best supply them, and they
would certainly do it if they con
tinued in their Duty on their part;
that they were sensible the Great
King of England had a regard for
them, by the Notice he took of them
almost every year; that all the Eng

lish everywhere were their Friends.
We were now very gald to see them,
but wished for the future they would
come to Philadelphia, as they former
ly used to do; that he himself had
seen their Chiefs twice at Philadel
phia, the two years that William
Penn was last here, and that when
his son came over about three years
after, now about seventeen years
agoe, a considerable number of them
came down and held a great Council
with us, and therefore he hoped they
would visit us there again, which
would be much more convenient than
so far back in the woods where it
was difficult to accomodate them and
ourselves, that however we were glad
to see them there. This they knew
was a Government but lately settled,
but that they were now going into
two Governments that had been much
longer seated and were very rich, and
would make them exceeding wel
come; that we saw them in the
woods only, at a great distance from
home, but they would see the Govern-
ours of Maryland and Virginia at
their own towns and houses where
they could entertain them much bet
ter; that they would be very kindly
received, for we were all of one
heart and mind, and should always
entertain them as Brothers.

"Ghesaont took an opportunity of
himself to enter again on the subject
of their people making Peace with the
other Indians on the Main. He said
that he had in his own person
laboured it to the utmost; that he had
taken more pains to have it establish
ed than all the French had done;
that their people had lately made
peace with the Tweuchtwese; that
they had also sent some of their men
to the Flat Heads for the same pur
pose, that they had now a universal
Peace with all the Indians, excepting

263

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

three small Nations to the Southward
with whom he hoped to have one
concluded upon his present journey
by means of the Governour of Vir
ginia, that his own desires were very
strong for Peace as his Endeavors
had shewn, and he doubted not to
see it established everywhere. He
said the Governous had spoken very
well in the Council against their
young men going to war, yet he had
not done it fully enough for he should
have told them positively that they
should not on any acount be suffered
to go out to war, and he would have
reported it accordingly, and this
would have been a more effectual
way to prevent them.

"The Secretary then proceeded to
treat with them about the road they
were to take, and it was agreed that
the Chief of the Nantikokes, a sensi
ble man, who was then present,
should conduct them from Conestogoe
to their own town on Wye Rver, that
they should be furnished for their
journey with provisions sufficient to
carry them among the inhabitants,
after which they were directed, as
the Governour had before ordered,
that they should produce his pass
port to the Gentlemen of the Country,
where they travelled by whom they
would be provided for; and the Nan-
tikoke chief was further desired,
upon their leaving the Nantikoke
Towns to direct them to some of the
Chief of Gentlemen and officers of
those parts who would undoubtedly
take care of them on sight of their
passports and thereby knowng their
business have them transported over
the Bay of Annapolis. Being further
asked how they would get an inter
preter in Virginia where the Indians
knew nothing of their language, and
some proposals being made to furnish
them they answered there would be

no occasion for any care of that kind,
for they very well knew the Govern
our of Virginia had an interpreter
for their language always with him.

"Provisions being orderd for their
journey and also at their desire, some
for those of their Company, who with
their women and children were to re
turn directly home by water, up the
river Sasquehanna, viz: a Bagg of
Biskett, some pieces of Bacon and
dried venison; these matters were
concluded with great expressions of
thankfulness for the Governours
great care of them and their families,
which kindness they said they never
should forget.

"The Discourse being continued
they were told it was now very near,
viz: within one Moon of thirty-seven
years since a great man of England,
Governour of Virginia, called the
Lord Effingham together with Colonel
Dungan, Governour of New York,held
a great treaty with them at Albany,
of which we had the writings to this
day.

"Ghsaont answered, they knew it
well and the subject of that treaty,
it was said about settling of lands.
Being further told that in that treaty
the Five Nations had given up all
their rights to all the lands on Sas-
quehannah to the Duke of York, then
brother to the King of England. He
acknowledeged this to be so, and
that William Penn since had the right
to these lands, to which Civility, a
descendant of the ancient Susque-
hannah Indians the old Settlers of
these parts, but now reputed as of
an Iroquois descent added that he
had been informed by their old men,
that they were troubled when they
heard that their Lands had been given
up to a place so far distant as New
York, and that they were overjoyed
when they understood William Penn
had brought them back again, and
that they had confirmed all their
rights to him.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

264

"Divers Questions were further
asked him, especially concerning the
French of Canada, their trade and
fortifications, on which he said, that
the French had three forts on this
side of the River St Lawrence, and
between their Towns and Mentual
furnished with great numbers of
Great Guns, that the French drove
a great trade with them, had people
constantly in or going to and coming
from their Towns, that the French
kept young People in their towns on
purpose to learn the Indian Language,
which many of them now spoke as
well as themselves; that they had a
great Intercourse with them, that
about three hundred of their men,
(viz: of the Five Nations) were seat
ed on the other side of the Great
River, that the French had this last
Spring begun to build or to provide
for building a Fort at Niagara Falls,
but they had since declined it; he
knew not for what reason, and they,
(the French) had sent to his town
(the Isanondonas) this last winter
a great deal of powder to be dis
tributed among them, but nothing
was done upon it. Being particular
ly asked whether the French had-ever
treated them about any of their Land,
or whether the Indians had ever
granted the French any, he answered
No! that his People knew the French
too well to treat with them about
Lands; they had never done it, nor
either granted them any upon any
account whatsoever, and of this, he
said, we might assure ourselves. Thus
the day was spent in such Discourses,
with a Pipe and some small mixt
liquors, and the next morning
Ghesaont, with the rest of his Com
pany, returning from the Indian
town, to John Cartilidge s, took their
leaves very affectionately with great
expression of thankfulness to the
Governour and this Government for
their kind reception."

1721 The Conestogas King Killed
in a Southern War.

In Vol.3 of the Col. Rec., p. 128, it
is set forth that the Conestoga In
dians lost their King not long ago,
because the Five Nations compelled
him to go along to the South to make
war against the Southern Indians.

1721 Civility, A Descendant of the
Ancient Susqnehan nocks.

In Vol.3 of the Col. Rec., p. 133, it
is set forth that Captain Civility of
the Conestogas was "a descendant of
the ancient Susquehannocks; and it
is also stated that the old Susquehan
nocks were reputed as being of the
Iroquois stock, and that so was Civili
ty reputed.

1721 John Grist Takes Conestogas
Lands without Consent

In Vol.3 of the Col. Rec., p. 137, it
is set forth that John Grist was in
prison at Philadelphia and that he
was arrested because with other per
sons he settled himself and family
and took up lands on the Susquehan-
na River, without any warrant from
the Commissioners of Property or
temptuously defied any one to put him
off, and that the complaint having
been made to the Governor by the
Indians of Conestoga in July last of
the many abuses that they had
received from John Grist; the Gover-
xiour with the advice of some of the
Commissioners, who were then with
him at Conestoga, thought it was
necessary to have John Cartlidge one
of the Justices of the Peace, to go to
Conestoga and warn Grist to get off
the land, which he refused and was
now thrown in jail, and he petitions
that he may be given his liberty.
And the board in Compassion to his
poor famiy, is pleased to order that

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

he be given leave to carry off his
corn, provided he will enter into a
bond to move off the land and be of
good behavior for one year, and pay
his fees.

1721 The Nantikokes Move to Co-
calico.

In Lyle s History of Lacaster Coun
ty, p. 14 it is stated that the Nanti-
kokes who first lived on Chesapeake
Bay were allowed to move to Tulpe-
hocken Valley and moved there until
1721, when the large settlement of
Germans which came to Tulpehocken
from New York made them restless
and they moved to Cocalico Town
ship in Lancaster County, settling
along "Indian River" at the place
known as "Indiantown": as late as
1758 there were still several scatter
ed tribes along the little streams of
this viciity. The town covered 500
acres and came into the possession of
John Wistar and Henry Carpenter.
Another branch of the Nantikokes
had a town on land owned by Levi S.
Reist, called "Lehoy . This land was
also bought from Pennsylvania
families by John Wistar. The Nanti
kokes understood the English lan
guage and were frequently with the
whites; and afterwards moved up the
West branch of the Susquehanna
River.

1722 Conestoga Indians Killed By
John and Edmnnd Cartlidge.

Richard Landgon, a butcher of
Conestoga, took a message to Phila
delphia of the death of an Indian at
one of their towns above Conestoga,
caused by blows by John or Edmond
Cartlidge or both. Langdon got the
news from several persons of respon
sibility near Conestoga. The Govern
or found it advisable to call the Coun
cil together and inquire of this mat
ter; and they decided that it would be

necessary to get further information.
It was ordered that Langdon and
David Robinson, a blacksmith near
Perquayomen, should meet the board
and give full information. This may
be seen in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p.
146.

As the result of these investiga
tions Colonel French was sent to Con
estoga to investigate the affair. He
did so and James Logan went with
him. Upon their return they made a
report, which may be found in the
same book, p. 148.

1722 James Logan and Colonel

French s Keport of the Conestoga

Indian.

In the last mentioned book,pp 148
and 149, Logan and French gave the
following report:

"To the Honourable Sir William
Keith, Bart., Goernour of the pro
vince of Pennsylvania and Counties
of New Castle, Kent and Sussex upon
Deleware, and the Council of the
same.

The Report of James Logan and
Colonel French, of their execution of
a particular commission to them
directed.

May it please the Governour and
Council: 4iflj

Pursuant to the instructions given
to us by the Governour we set out
from Philadelphia for Conestoga on
the 7th Instant, as soon as our com
mission was delivered to us, and the
next day meeting with the High
Sheriff of the County of Chester,
according to an appointment made
with him. We sent herewith a proper
warrant before us for a greater Dis
patch, to apprehend the two brothers
John and Edmund Cartlidge, who
were reported to have committed the
fact which occasioned our Journey.
On the 9th, in the afternoon, we
came to John Cartiidge s house where

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

26(5

we found himself in the Sheriff s cus
tody, Edmond Cartlidge was then in
formed, for his brother to join him to
proceed on their business of trade
towards the Patowmeck; but on our
informing John of the necessity there
was of seeing his brother, he was pre
vailed upon to send for him the next
day, and accordingly he came. The
same morning, we dispatched a
messenger to summon Peter Bizail-
lion, who lives about 3P miles higher
up Susquehanna, to attend us as In-
terpeter between us and the Indians,
but he having no horses at home, and
being far from neighbors, he could
not get down till the fourth day after
the messenger set out, viz: till the
13th in the afternoon.

Soon after our first arrival at Con-
estogoe we gave the Chiefs of the
Indians Notice of our Business, and
upon Peter Bizallion s coming, we
appointed a meeting with them the
next morning; accordingly, we met,
with the Chiefs of the Mingoe or Con-
estogoe Indians, of the Shawanese
and Ganawese, and some of the Dela-
wares in Council, in which we spoke
to them in the following words, inter
preted in sentences, first from our
language into Delaware Indian by
Peter Bizaillion, who took an oath
faithfully to interpret between us and
the Indians, and afterwards was
interpreted into the three other lan
guages by Captain Civility of Cones-
togoe and Smith the Ganawese, who
excels in the skill of those lan
guages.

At a Council held at Conestogoe,
the 14th day of March, 1721-2, be
tween James Logan, Secretary, and
Colonel John French, in behalf of the
Governour of Pennsylvania, thereun
to authorized by virtue thereof a
commission to them from the Govern
our, under the Great seal, bearing

date the 7th inst. ; and also came

Civility, Tannacharoe, Gunnehator-
;ooja, Toweena, and other old men of
the Conestoga Indians, and

Savannah, Chief of the Shawanese;
jWinjack, Chief of the Ganawese;
Tekaachroon, a Cayoogoe; Oweeye-
I kanowa, Nostarghkamen, Delawares.
Present divers English and Indians.
The Secretary laying down a belt
; of Wampum on the Board before
I them, which he had taken with him
j for that purpose, spoke to the In
dians, as follows:

Friends and Brethren:
William Penn, our an! your
I Father, when he first settled this
j country with English subjects, made
a firm League of Friendship and
| Brotherhood with all the Indians
\ then in these parts, and agreed that
iboth you and his people should be all
as one Flesh and Blood. The same
League has often been renewed by
himself and other Governours under
| him, with their Council held as well
; in this place where we now are as
! at Philadelphia, and other places.
! Both his People and yours have
hitherto inviolably observed these
Leagues so that scarce any one In
jury has been done, nor anyone Com-
I plaint made on either side, except
one for the Death if La Tour and
| his company for near forty years
I past, and of this you are fully
| sensible.

Yet as all human affairs are liable
I to accidents which sometimes fall out
; even between Brethren of the same
| Family though issuing from the same
I Parents, so now your good Friend,
our Governour and his Council hav
ing heard by report only, that one of
\ our Brethren had lost his Life by
| some Act of violence, alleged to be
I done by some of our People, without
receiving any notice of it or Com
plaint from you, but moved with great

267

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

Concern for the loss and unhappi-
ness of the accidents, like true
friends and Brothers, the very next
Day sent us two, Colonel French and
me, first to condole with you, which
we now do very heartily, and next by
the full Power with which we are
invested to inquire how the matter
came to pass, that Justice may be
done and satisfaction be made ac
cording to the firm Leagues that
have from time to time been made
between us and you, for We will
suffer no injury to be done to any of
you without punishing the offenders
according to our Laws; nor must we
receive without just satisfaction made
ot us, for so the Laws of Friendship
and the Leaques between us require.

We therefore now desire you, that
according to the notice we gave you
three days agoe, to have ail those
persons ready here who know any
thing of this matter. You would
fully inform us of every particular,
for we are now here to take their
Examinations, which we expect you
will take care shall be given with
Truth and exactness, and without
any partiality from resentment or
favour; that when our Governour
and Council are assured of the
Truth they may proceed more safely
in doing of Justice.

This being interpreted, as has been
said, into the four several Languages
of those People, we judged it neces
sary that our Commission should be
publicly read in the hearing and for
the satisfaction of the English who
were there, and then we proceeded
and put the following Questions, and
to examine Indian Evidence.

Quest. When did Civiliity and the
other Indians of Conestogoe first
hear of the death of the man, and
by whom?

Answer. They heard of it by sev-

I eral Indians much about the same
! time.

Quest. Where was it done?

Answer. At Manakassy, a branch
of Potomac river.

Quest. Wliat was the man s name,
Shis Nation, and rank among his own
; people?

Answer. His name was Sanataeny
of the Tsanondowaroonas or Sinne-
: kaes, a Warrior, a civil man of very
i few words.

Quest. What was his business
: there?

Answer. He was hunting, he being
(used to hunt in that place.

Quest. Who do you understand,
I was present besides the English at
;the Commission of the fact?

Answer. The Man had been hunting
i there alone, with a Squaw that kept
| his Cabin, till John Cartlidge and

his people came thither to trade with
i him for his skins. John Cartlidge
{had an Indian guide with him of the

G anawese Nation, named Aqua-

ichan, who is here present; also two

! Indian Shawana Lads came thither

about the same time, whose names

are Acquittanachke and Metheegue-

|yt; also, his Squaw, a Shawnese

woman, named Weyneprecueyta.Cou-

sin to Savannah, Chief of that Na-

! tion who are all here present.

Then Winjack and Savannah,

i Chiefs of the Ganawese and Shaw-

jnese, were required to charge those

; four witnesses of the fact of their

respective nations to speak the im-

I partially, without malice .or Hatred,

, Favour or affection on any account

whatsoever. The three Shawanna

Witnesses being desired to witdraw

i Ayaquachan, the Ganawese, aged ac-

; cording to appearance, about thirty

years was called uon to give an ac-

count of what he knew, and accord-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES 268

ingly he said, that he came in the j Acqueannacke, the Shawana, aged
evening to the Indian Cabin in which j in appearance about twenty-two
Indian is dead, with John Cartlidge i years, says, that he came to the same
and Edmund Cartlidge, who had ! P lace with Jonn Cartlidge ?nd his
with them William Wilkins and one i Company, that the Sinneka had 11-
Jonathan, both servants to John quor overni S nt and was drunk with
Cartlidge with an intent to trade ! ltj that h e a nd th G an sat

with the said Indians, for his skins, | up a11 Nlght but thlS Examinant
they having hired him to be their i Went to sleep The next day the Sin-

i neka asked for more rum of John
guide; that John Cartlidge gave the

Cartlidge who refused to give him
benmkae some small quantities of j that John threw the pot

Punch and rum three times that upon the Indian gtm presging

evening, as he remembers, as a free more liquor drew Wm down ac .
gift, and then sold him some rum; ! rogs a Tree that the Indian rising
That both the Sinnekae and this Ex- | went up to his Cabin; that william
aminant were drunk that night; that | wilkins followed him and met him
in the morning the Sinnekae said he j com ing out of the Cabin with his
must have more rum, for that he had I Gun, that Wilkins laid hold of him
not received all he had bought; that j and the gun and they both struggled,
accordingly he went to John Cartlidge I but not much ; That Edmund Cart-
and demanded it, but that John de- ! M dge came up and forcing the gun
nied to give him any, and taking the from the Indian struck him three
pot out of the Indians hands threw blows on the head with it, with
it away; that the Sinnekae told him [which it broke. He struck him also
he need not be angry with him for | on the Collar bone; that John Cart-
asking more for he owed it to him, lidge being at the fire there stript
and he still pressed him to give it; off his clothes and coming up kicked
that John then pushed the Indian the Indian on the side and broke
down who fell with his neck across j two of his ribs; that the man then
a fallen tree, where he lay for some j bled at the mouth and nose and was
time, and then rising walked up to ! unable to speak, but rattled in the
his Cabin; That this Examinant was j Throat; That John Cartlidge with his
then by the fire which he thinks was | Company went to the fire, made uy
about thirty or forty, others say a j his goods and came away; that the
hundred paces from the Cabin; that Sinneka in the mean time came into
he saw John Cartlidge strip off his jhis cabin where these Shawana lads
clothing near the fire; That then j left him, and followed John Cart
this Examinant went up towards the | lidge to trade with him; that this
Cabin and saw the Sinneka sitting on (happened about nine in the morning,

the ground with the blood running
down his neck, and that when John
Cartlidge came up he kicked him on
the Forehead with his foot; that this

and John Cartlidge himself says, he
left the place at ten by his watch.

Metheequeyta, the other Shawanna
lad, aged about seventeen or eigL

Deponent was in liquor at the time l teen years, confirms what the other

and knows no more. Being asked if
he saw any gun, he says he saw
none.

young man, his companion has said,
and declares he can say nothing fur
ther.

269

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

Hereupon, great pains were taken | of the same place coming thither by
and Endeavors used to perswade [ accident and finding the man dead
these evidences, to declare of them- ; buried him in the cabin, and were
pelves all that they particularly j gone from thence before she return-
knew without considering what the : ed, but she met them in the way and
others had said, or were supposed by | understood by them, that they had
them to say, for they were kept j lain him in the ground,
apart during the examination, but the Passalty s wife and the Hermaph-
Indians could not be prevailed with, j rodite being called declared that
alleging it was to no purpose to re- Kannannowach, a Cayoogoe Indian
peat what others had already de- j was the first one who found the man
clared, and it was by many leading j dead, and that he hired them to go
question that Acquanachke was in- | bury him lest the beasts or fowls
duced to mention any part of what j should eat him; that it was about

the Ganawese had said before.
Weenepeeweytah, the Sqna\v,

was

seven days after his death that they
went thither, and the body then

then examined and said, that she was stunk; they found three wounds in
in the cabin when her husband came | his head and they washed away the
in for the Gun, that she shrieked out i blood and the brains appeared; that
and endeavored to hinder him from ! two of his ribs were broke, and his
carrying it out, but could not; that j side on that part was very black.
she followed him and Wilkins being j These, may it please the Cover-
then by came up and laid hold of . nour are the examinations of the In-
the Gun, but could not take it from | dian evidences which we have taken,
him; that Edmund forced it out of with all the exactness that was in
his hand and struck him first on the jour power and with the utmost im-
Shoulder, and then thrice upon the ! partiality. We confess that we had
head, and broke the gun with the j no reason to be full satisfied with the
blows; that John Cartlidge stript off j management of the three Shawanese
his clothes and coming up to them j Indians vix: the two lads and the
found the Indian sitting and he then j Sqnaw, especially the two first, for
gave him one kick on the side with they seemed to have agreed on their
his foot, and struck him with his i story before hand, esepecially on the
fist, that the man never spake after j particular of the man s ribs being-
lie received the blows, save that af- broke of which we conceive these
ter he got into the Cabin he said his ! two youths could not possibly know
friends had killed him; that a great ! anything before they left the place,
quantity of blood came from his i because they came from it much
wounds, which clotted on the bear about the same time with the Cart-
skin on which he lay; that his mouth j lidge s and therefore we judge they
and nose were full of blood; that he ! could hear of it in no other way
died the next day about the same | than by the woman afterwards, yet
time he was wounded the day be- j they were positive in affirming; And
fore; that she was alone with the j we have here given the whole, with-
corpse and went to seek some help to ; out retrenching anything in favor of
bury him; that in the mean time an j any person whatsoever.
Indian woman, wife of Passalty of The belt of wampum was then
Conestogoe, with the Hermaphrodite ! taken up and shewed the Indians.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

27ft

and they were told it was sent from
the Gbvernour by us, to be forwarded
with a message to the Sinneka In
dians upon this unhappy accident
They were therefore desired to think
by the morning of a proper person to
carry it, that the day being now far
spent and the Company tired, (for
we sate on the business near eight
hours) we should leave what we had
further to say for the next day, and
accordingly desired them to meet us
early in the same place. We then
ordered two gallons of rum made in
fo Punch, with the above, a hundred
weight of meat and bread brought
from John Cartlidge s, to be distri
buted among the Company which was
large and provisions being exceed
ingly scarce at present among them.

The next day, viz. the 15th of
March, we met the same Chiefs with
out other company to consult about
sending the message before mention
ed and Colonel by the same interpre
ters spoke to them as follows,
Friends and Brethren:

We informed you yesterday that
we were sent by the Gbvernour in
very great haste from Philadelphia
upon the news of this unhappy acci
dent, which we have been enquiring
into. We therefore, had not any time
to bring with us any presents to
make you, nor could we indeed be
lieve they would be expected on this
occasion. We thought, however,
that if any should be wanted they
might be easily had at Conestogoe,
but find them very scarce. We have
however procured two Stroud Coats
to be sent to our Brethren, .the
Sinnekas to cover our dead friend,
and this belt of Wampum, (Which
was taken up), is to wipe away the
tears. We yesterday recommended
to you to think of a fit person to
carry the message, which we hope

you have done, and pitched upon one
accordingly.

The Indians answered: They had
deferred the choice of a person till
this meeting and then they named
some one of them to which we much
desired to be the person, but he ex
cused himself. At length one Skatclu
eetchoo, a Cayoogoe of the Five Na
tions, and of that next in situation to
the Sinnekaes, who had for divers
years resided among our Indians,
was chosen and he undertook the
journey, but said he could not leave
his family, who then wanted bread,
unless they were provided for. We
assured him that the next day six
bushels of Corn should be brought to
him for his Family s support in his
absence, and for his journey he
should have a Stroud Coat, a new
Gun, with three pounds of powder
and six pounds of lead, which he
seemed cheerfully to accept of; some
Palatines, undertook on the Secre
tary s promise to pay to bring the
Corn the next day; a Gun and the
lead we had from John Cartlidge,
but he having no good powder or
Strouds at home, Peter Bizallion,
promised to deliver these to the
mesenger as he passed his house
near Pexton. Soon after the two
Stroud Coats were presented, one of
the Conestogoe old men proposed to
Civility, that John Cartlidge having
before given them a Stroud, with a
String of Wampum for the same pur
pose, these should also be sent with
the others, which being approved of
by the other Indians, the said Stroud
and Wampum was brought and added
to those we had delivered.

The messenger being fully con
cluded on, we desired Civility and
him to be with us in the evening, at
John Cartlidge s house, to receive the
words of our message; but first we
proposed to the Indians to send a

271

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

message for themselves in Conjunc
tion with ours to shew their satis
faction in our proceedings, but they
gave us to understand that they
eould not join any words of theirs to
our present, for no such thing was
ever practiced by the Indians, and
they had no belt of their own ready,
otherwise they would send it. Civili
ty was then privately informed that
we had a belt also for them (the
Secretary having carried up two),
which they might take as their own
and send it accordingly He seemed
much pi-eased with this, and we pre
pared for that time to take our leaves
but before we did this we judged
it necessary to caution them, that
from the example we had given them
of our great care and tenderness
over them, and our regard to our
League made with them. They
should be very careful on their
parts not to give offense to the
Christians who were settled near
them, or by any means to injure
their cattle or anything belonging to
them; for as we would suffer none of
our people to injure them without
punishing the offenders, so we could
not receive injuries without requir
ing satisfaction; and this we en
deavored to impress upon them, af
ter which we took leave of them all,
excepting Civility and the Messeng
er, and came to our lodging at John
Cartlidge s whither also about two
hours after came the said two last
mentioned Indians; and to the mes
senger we delivered the following
words as the signification of the
Belt, we sent with him, viz:

Deliver this Belt from the Gover-
nour and Government of Pennsyl
vania to the King of chief of the
Sinnegaes, and say the words it
brings are these:

Wiliam Penn made a firm peace
and league with the Indians in these

S parts nearly forty years agoe, which-
League has often been renewed, and.
never broken, but an unhappy acci-
: dent has lately befallen us. One of
our Brethren and your people has
; lost his life by some of our People ;
| Rum was the first cause of it; he
i was warm and brought his gun in
| anger against them. They were
afraid of his gun took it from him,
wounded him and he died. Our Gov-
! ernour, on the first news of it sent
us two of his Council to inquire in
to it. We have done it and we are
| now taking the offenders to Phila-
delphia to answer for their fault,
we send these Strowds to cover our
I dead brother, and this belt to wipe
away the tears; and when we know
your mind you shall have all fur-
ither reasonable satisfaction for
j your loss. Civility also received the
! other belt privately, promised they
! would hold a Council the next day
! among themselves, as they had be
fore engaged to us, and sending that
belt in their own name would give
| an account of it of our Governour s
1 great care over them, and of all our
i proceedings in this matter.

Being the same time credibly in-
| formed that the Five Nations had sent
down a large Belt of Wampum, with a
figure of a Rundlet and an Hatchet on
| it to the Indians settled upwards on
I Sasquehanna, with orders to stave
j all the rum they met with we judged
i it necessary to send by the same
messenger a public order, under our
Hands and Seals, to all our traders
whom we should met with, to ac
quaint them, as their carrying of rum
to the Indians was against the Law,
so the Indians staving it was no more
than what from time to time they had
i been encouraged to do, and therefore
jthey must take care not to cause any
! riot or Breach of the Peace, by

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

272

making any resistance, a copy of
which order is here presented.

All this .time from the first day of
our arrival at Conestogoe John Cart
lidge, and from the second day Ed
mund Cartlidge, had by virtue of our
warrant, been in the custody of the
High Sheriff of Chester, who accom
panied us, or in that of persons de
puted hy him.

The next morning. Civility the
Messenger, and divers of the old men
came over to John Cartlidge s to see
us at our departure. The Messenger
assured us he would set out the next
morning, viz: the 17th, that he hoped
to be with the Sinnekaes in eight
days, and to return in thirty; that
he and Civility, upon his return,
would come directly to Philadelphia
to give an account here of the Dis
charge of his message.

We then very much pressed John
Cartlidge, (Edmd.being gone before
with an officer to his own house al
most in our way) to hasten and go
along with us. His wife grieved al
most to distraction, and would force
herself and her child with him, but
was at length prevailed with to stay;
this caused us some loss of time. The
woman s sorrows being loud the In
dians went in to comfort her, and so
we departed.

We have brought both John Cart
lidge and Edmund .Cartlidge Prison
ers to town with the lad Jonathan
who was present at the fact, and
have committed them to the custody
of the High Sheriff of Philadelphia,
where they now are. William Wilkins
was one hundred and fifty miles up
Sasquehanna trading for his master,
and therefore too far out of our
reach.

This, may it please the Governor,
is in pursuance of our Instructions,
the report we have humbly to offer

of our executing the Commission
with which we were intrusted.
JAMES LOGAN,
JOHN FRENCH,

An important thing to notice in
this investigation is as shown OR
p. 270, that a lot of the English had
collected around about Conestoga,
where this inquest was held.

j 1722 Action of the Government on
the Killing at Conesto#a*

James Logan and John French no*
I only acted as Commissioners but
| they brought the two Cartlidges
! along with them and put them in the
[custody of the Sheriff. It seems that
jthe Indian had been killed and bur-
jied before they got to Coivestoga; he
I was buried three days journey from
jConestoga. They had a very hard
I task to get a legal jury. This is
| found on p. 155 of Vol. 3 of the CoL
JRec,

| The next day on the 22nd of March,
! at Philadelphia the investigation was
! continued and John Cartlidge s ser-
| vant was sworn After this the two
I Cartlidge s sent a petition to the
| Government from the jail, saying
j that they were sorry, that they did
I not intend to hurt the Indian and that
they acted in self defense. They
prayed a speedy trial and the Coun
cil admitted them to bail. They en
tered into the bail in the Court
House before the Governor; and in
a very public manner it was at once
moved that John Cartlidge s name be
dropped as a Justice of the Peace
and that he be struck out. (See p,
156.) Both men succeeded in giving
bail as we are shown on p. 157.

1722 The Feeling of the Indians at
Conestoga About the Killing.

In Vol. 3 Col. Rec., p. 152, we are
told that the Indians at Conestoga
selected a Cayuga Indian to Lake the

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEH A KNOCKS AND

news to the Five Nations and also
the news of the proceedings, but the
fndian said that he could not leave
his family without provisions. The
white people around Conestoga,there-
fore sent his wife a lot of corn and
some of the Mennonites about Con
estoga said that they would pay for
more corn and take it there.

In the last mentioned book, p. 155,
we are told that John Cartlidge s
wife was very much distracted about
this killing and that the Indians
around there went to her and tried
to comfort her and make her feel
that Cartlidge would come out all
right.

The messenger also returned from
the Five Nations and made a favor
able report.

1722 The Fire Nation s Attitude
About This Conestoara Killing 1 ,

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec,, it is
stated at p. 163, that a number of the
Conestoga Indians and the messen
ger sent to the Five Nations, the
Delawares and others being present
in Council the Governor asked the
messenger for a report and he said
among other things, that when
Logan came up to Conestoga because
of those news that their cousin had
been killed, that all felt a great sor
row and he delivered a belt of wam
pum to wipe the tears away. He
also says that the Five Nations are
well pleased with what has been
done and that they hope we will
keep the bones of the dead more in
memory. He presented other belts
and desired that the Governor
would be strong friends with them.

On the report being made the
Council decided that John and Ed
mund Cartliedge must be prosecuted
according to law. And because the
Five Nations think that they ought
to be tried these two men were

again arrested. Some of the Five
Nations being present and the Con-
toga Indians also, the Governor said
to them "Friends and Brothers of
Conestoga, it makes our hearts glad
to see how you brighten the chain
and make it strong. The chief law
among the English is that when any
man has done another an injury, he
must be punished, and these men
who killed your cousin must be tried
according to law."

Finally the Indians themselves
asked that they would let John and
Edmund Cartiledge go free and they
were left go.

1722 The Conestoga Indians Much

Excited About the Taking of

Land at Conestoga.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec. p. 178,
it is stated that the Governor sent
a letter by express to Conestoga on
the land question and received news
of the excitement in Conestoga. He
said he found the Indians we 1 e much
alarmed about a survey of land on
the bank of the Susquehanna, that
he held a Council with the Indians
of Conestoga on Friday and Satur
day and proposed that he would sur
vey for them a tract on the West
side of the Susquehanna river, be
ginning on the upper line of the new
settlement and running back six
miles into what is now York County,
and down that line to a point oppo
site the mouth of the Conestoga
Creek and then by a line into the
river. This pleased them very much
This land excitement became so great
that the Governor ordered a company
of the militia to set out from New
Castle up to Octoraro to prevent the
Marylanders from disturbing our In
dians.

OTHER LANCASTER CO UNTY INDIAN TRIBES

274

1722 6! over nor Keith Holds Another

Council with the Indians at

Conestoga.

On the 15th of June, 1722, Gover
nor Keith was at Conestoga holding
a Council to take up several ques
tions, and among others was this
question of surveying a tract of 70,-
000 acres of land across the Susque-
hanna, so as to keep people out and
away from the Indians. This tract
was known as Springetsburg Manor.
The minutes of the Council are set
forth in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p.
181, as folloks:

At a Council with the Indians at
Conestoga, June loth, 1722.

PRESENT:
Sir William Keith, Bart., Govr.

Col. John French and Francis
Worley, Esqs.,

The Chiefs of the Conestogoe, Sha-
wana and Ganaway Indians; Smith,
the Ganaway Indian, and James Le
Tort, Interpreters.
The Governor spoke as follows:

Friends and Brothers: The belts
which I lately received from the Five
Nations signify, that they are one
people with the English, and are
very kind neighbors and friends. They
invite me to come to them at Albany,
and make the chain between us as
bright as the Sun. When they see
me they will remember their great
friend William Penn, and then our
hearts will be filled with love and our
Councils with peace.

You say you love me because I
came from your father, William
Penn, to follow his peaceable ways,
and to fulfill all his kind promises to
the Indians, you call me William
Penn and I am very proud of the
name you give me; but if we have a
true love for the memory of William
Penn, we must now shew it to his

famiy and to his children, that are
grown up to be men in England, and
will soon come over to represent him
here. Last time I was with you at
Conestogoe, you showed me a parch
ment which you had received from
William Penn containing many arti
cles of friendship between him and
you and between his children and
your children; you then told me he
desired you to remember it well for
three generations, but I hope you and
your children will never forget it.
That parchment fully declared your
consent to William Penn s purchase
and right to the lands on both sides
Sasquehanna; but I find both you and
we are like to be disturbed by idle
people from Maryland, and also by
others who have presumed to survey
I lands on the banks of Sasquehanna,
I without any powers from William
j Penn or his children to whom they
I belong, and without so much as ask-
j ing your consent.

I am therefore come to hold a

| Council and consult with you how to

prevent such injust practices for the

! future, and hereby we will shew our

| great love and respect for William

Penn s children who inherit their

father s estate in this country, and

have a just hight to the hearty love

and friendship of all the Indians

promised to them in many treaties,

I have fully considered this thing.

and if you approve my thoughts, I

will immediately cause to take up a

| large tract of land on the other side

| of Sasquehanna for the Grandson of

Wiliam Penn, who is now a man as

tall as I am; for when the land is

marked with his name upon the trees

it will keep off the Marylanders and

every other Person whatsoever from

coming to settle near you to disturb

you, and he bearing the same kind

heart to the Indians which his Grand-

275

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

father did, will be glad to give you
any part of his land for your own
use and convenience; but if other
people take it up they will make set
tlements upon it, then it will not be
in his power to give it to you as you
want it.
My Dear Friends and Brothers:

Those who have any wisdom
amongst you must see and be coji-
vinced that what I now say is entire
ly for your good, for this will effec
tually hinder and prevent any person
from settling lands on the other side
of Sasquehannah, according to your
own desire, and consequently you
will be secure from being disturbed
by ill neighbors, and have all that
land in the same time in your own
power to make use of. This will al
so beget a true hearty love and
friendship between you, .your chil
dren, and the great William Penn s
grandson, who is now Lord of all
this country in the room of his
grandfather. It is therefore fit and
necessary for you to begin as soon as
you can to express your respect and
love to him; he expects it from you
according to your promises in many
treaties, and he will take it very
kindly.

Consider them my brothers, that I
am now giving you an opportunity to
speak your thoughts lovingly and
freely unto this brave young man,
Mr. Penn s grandson; and I, whom
you know to be your true friend
will take care to write down your
words and to send them to England
to the gentlemen, who will return
you a kind answer, and ;~o your
hearts will be glad that the great
William Penn still lives in his chil
dren to love and serve the Indians.

At a Council held with the Indians
at Conestogoe. June 16th, 1722.

PRESENT:

Sir William Keith, Bart, Govr.
Colo. John French and Francis
Worley, Esqs.

The Chiefs of the Conestogoe,
Shawana and Ganaway Indians:

Smith and James LeTort, Interpre
ters.

The Indians spoke in answer by
Tawenea, as follows:

They have considered of what the
Governor proposed to them yesterday
and think it is matter of very great
importance to them to hinder the
Marylanders from settling or taking
up lands so near them upon Sasque-
hanna. They very much approve
what the Governour spoke and like his
Council to them very much, but they
are not willing to discourse partic
ularly on the business of land lest
the Five Nations may reproach or
blame them.

They declare again their satisfac-
t on with all that the Governour said
yesterday to them in Council and
, although they know that the Five Na-
|tions have not any right to these
lands, and that four of the towns do
not pretend to any, yet the fifth town
viz: the Cayugoes; are always claim
ing the same right to lands on Sas
quehannah, even where they them
selves now live; wherefore, they
think it will be a very proper time
when the Governour goes to Albany
to settle that matter with the Cay
ugoes, and then all paties will be
satisfied.

They asked the Governour where-
! abouts and what quantity of land does
he propose to survey for Mr. Penn.
it answered from over against the
mouth of Conestogoe Creek up to the
Governour s new settlement, and so
far back from the river as no person
o.an come to annoy or disturb them
in their towns on this side.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

276

They proceeded and say that they
are at this time very apprehensive
that the people will come when the
Governour has gone to Albany and
survey his land; wherefore they
earnestly desire that the Governour
will immediately cause the surveyor
to come and lay out the land for Mr.
Penn s grandson to secure them, and
they doubt not but the Governour s
appearance and conduct afterwards at
Albany will make all things easy
there.

Copy of the Governour of Pennsyl-
^-ania s letter to this Governour of
Maryland, dated from Newberry, on
Sasquehannah, June 23d, 1722.

SIR: After I had been here some
days I set out on Sunday morning
last from Conestogoe towards New
Castle by way of Nottingham, not
without some hopes of having the
happiness to meet you about the
head of the Bay, from whence I
daily expected to hear from you. But
after I had proceeded twenty miles
on my journey, I received an express
on the road from two Magistrates of
Pennsylvania, informing me that
they, with some others, had been
taken prisoners by a party of men
in arms from Cecil county, and car
ried before the Justices of that
Court, who detained them in custody
two days, and afterwards dismissed
them upon a verbal promise to ap-
peer the next court. They also ac
quainted me of their being certain
ly informed by the Cecil Magistrates,
that a warrant was issued by Mr.
Lloyd fo surveying a Mannor to my
Lord Baltimore, upon the banks of
the Susquehanna above Conestogoe,
including this settlement from
whence I now write, and that an or
der has been issued by yourself in
Council to press Men and Horses for
that service, and that they were to
set out from Baltimore on Monday,

viz: next clay, under the command of
one Captain Dursey . Now, Sir.
though I did not by any means give
credit to all this relation, yet know-
jing the weaknesses and former at
tempts of some of your people of
i whom I have formerly complained to
j yourself, who justly bear the char-
I acter of land Pirates, I was resolved
; to put it cut of their power on this
| occasion to embroil us by their ridic-
julous projects, and returning im
mediately to Conestogoe,where I in
deed had left the Indians !&gt;ut two
days before, much alarmed with gen
ieral reports, that the Marylanders
i were coming to survey the lands
; which no reasonable man could then
| believe. I now did, at the earnest
request of the Indians, order a sur
vey to be forthwith made upon the
banks of the Sasquehannah, right
! against our Indian towns, and you
will find the reasons I had for it
more fully set forth in a copy of the
warrant of the survey herein enclos
ed. As I found this absolutely neces
sary to be done for quieting the In
dians, as well as to prevent the mis
chief which might happen upon any
of your people presuming to en
croach upon what these Heathens
call their property; so likewise, it
appeared to me to be the only method
I could take at this juncture
from preventing our own people
from taking up or settling lands on
this side to disturb or hamper the
Indians unto whom this Province is
bound by old Treaty to give them a
full scope and Liberty in their set-
tlemnts from the Christian inhabi
tants .

But that all things of this nature
may be carried on with that open
ness of heart and perfect good under
standing which I am sure we both de
sire, and that your own prudent mild
conduct may be strengthened by all

277

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHAXXOCKS AND

the arguments I can furnish you for I ened out so no trouble will occur.

putting a just restraint upon that
Covetous and most licentious Humor,
with which you see we are contin
ually plagued, I thought it my duty
without delay to acquaint you by
express with all that has been done
here with the reasons at large.
Perhaps some ignorant, or I should

1722 Location of the Conestoga In-
diantown and Fort.

By reverting to the survey of
Springetsbury Manor which extended
15 miles Nortward from the mouth of
the Conestoga creek, we are given
another view of the location of the

rather say designing people, will en- j Conestoga Indiantown, for in Vol. 3

of the Col. Rec., p. 183, it is stated
that the Indiantowns are right oppo
site this tract of land, to be surveyed

deavor to perswade you that this
place is upon the Border of Mary
land; Whereas in truth, there can
not be a clearer demonstration in \ across the Susquehanna river,
anything of that nature, that it is ! 1722 A Delegation of Conestogas

Go to Philadelphia.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 189, it

about twelve miles to the North
ward of Philadelphia, and I am sure
I need not say any more to convince

you that at least I have good reasons

is set forth that the Indians of Cone-

to insist upon it being within the i :

stoga go to Philadelphia to attend to

all

limits of this province, without
manner of dispute.
My fatigue in the woods has brought
a small fever upon me which an
ounce of bark has pretty much abat-

important business. The language is

as follows:

"Satseechoe, the Messenger, who in
I the beginning of last May was sent
| the second time to the Five Nations,

ed, so that tomorrow I shall return ! being retm&gt;ned fr m thence, and ac-
home by slow journey directlv to "^Panied to town from Conestogoe
Philadelphia, where I should rejoice i Wlth Captain Civility, Tehanoote and

Diohanse, the Governour appointed

to see you once more but in all , .
Places and at all times I shall be, i hmi a publlc audie e, wherein by the
while living most faithfully, etc. ! te n&gt;retatio n of Civility from the

i-&gt;o rn n : Mingoe into the Delaware Indian

1,-22-The Cayagu Clam, Land at tongue , and o( AHce K1 ,. k (wh&lt;&gt;

Conestoga, Formerly Sold to
William Penn.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec , p. 182,
as shown in the above item, the
Cayuga Indias had told the Con-

first sworn to interpret truly,) from
that into the English. He reported
as follows:

That the people of the Five Nations
wanted provisions so much, and were

stogas that certain lands round about ! S buslly em ! 3l y ed in looking out for
Suspuehanna belonged to them and j f d that the Chiefs had not time to
that Penn had not bought it; that ! meet and P en the Presents sent them
the Conestogas say that they know I by the Gov em.our; that he carried
the Five Nations have no right to I them alt g ether to the house of the
those lands and that four of the Five King n the river where the Messeng-
Nations are satisfied but the Cayugas 3F Was born (viz: the Cayoogoes),

claim rights to lands and even to

where he left them, and when they
have leisure from providing them-

those where the Conestogas now live;

and the Conestogas now ask t 1 - ? i selves with victuals they will meet

Governor to got this matter straight- | together and open them; that these

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

27S

presents are all put together with
those sent by the Governour of Vir
ginia, and the Golden Medal sent by
the Governour until our Governour
and the Governour of Virginia come
to Albany, to which place they desire
the Governour and James Logan to
come."

1722 The Conestoga Indians and the

Fhe Nations Want the Cart-

lidges Pardoned.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 189, it
Is stated that the Indian delegation
from Conestoga including some of the
Five Nations reported to Council,
&lt;4 that they were glad the Governour
sent them a Letter for that was like
two tongue, and confirmed what the
Messenger said to them. The great
King of the Five Nations is sorry for
the Death of the Indian that was
killed, for he was his own flesh and
blood he believes that the Governour
is also sorry, but now that it is done
there is no help for it and he desires
that John Cartlidge may not be put
to death for it nor that the Governour
should be angry and spare him for
some ime and put him to death after
wards; one life is enough to be lost,
there should not two die. The King s
heart is good to the Governour and all
the English. One stuck a gentleman
with a knife at Albany and they were
sorry for it, but it was made up and
nobody put to death for it. So they
desire John Cartlidge may not die for
this, they would not have him killed.
John Cartlidge has been a long time
bound, and they desire that he may
be bound no longer. When the Gov
ernour conies to Albany, they will
take him by the hand and their hearts
shall be joined as their hands to
gether. The Governours of New York,
of Virginia and New England are to
be here. The Indians will all meet

and all will be made up when the
Governour comes to Albany, The
Governour ot New England has sent
them great presents of Match Coat,
thirty bundles of goods all tyed up,
and they are not yet opened. When
the Governours corne altogether to
Albany, they will open and divide
them. The Five Nations will be glad
to see the Governours, they have been
busy getting victuals as fish out of
the River and some vension from
the woods, but now Squashes and
Pompions are come they will be able
to travel. Their King is an old man
and could not come thither; he can
not travel as a young man, but he will
come to Albany to see the Governour
there, who he hopes will come in ten
days. They desire that Satcheechoe
may come hither with the Governour."
1722 The Five Nations Surrender All

the Conestoga Land,

At a treaty held at Albany in 1722,

I the Five Nations said, "Brother Onas :

i those lands about Conestogoe which

| we now freely surrender to you a!5

i the Five Nations have claimed, and it

is our desire that the same may be

settled with Christians, in token

j whereof we give you this string of

I wampum," (See 3 Col. Rec., p. 201).

To this Governour Keith replied.
| (p. 202) "Brethren: You know very
I well that the lands about Conestogoe
: upon the River Sasquehanna, belong
i to your old friend and Kind Brother
| William Penn, nevertheless, I do
I here, in his name, kindly accept of
| the offer and surrender, which you
lhave now made to me because it will
put an end to all other claims and
disputes if any should be made here
after."

1 1722 Governor Spotswood of Virginia

Intends Holding a Treaty at

Conestoga,

In Vol.3 of the Col. Rec., p. 202, it.
I is stated that, "The Secretary com-

279

ANNALS OF TRE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

municated to the Board a Letter he
had received from the Governour of
this Province, dated Albany the -
instant, informing him that Colonel
Spotswood, Governour of Virginia,
then with him at Albany, had resloved
on his return homeward to hold a
treaty with our Indians at Conesto-
goe, whither our Governour designed
to accompany him, and therefore de
sires the Secretary to give notice by
James Le Tort and Smith, the Gana-
wese Indian, to the Chiefs of the
Four Nations of Indians settled upon
Sasquehanna River, viz: The Mingoes
or Conestogoe Indians; the Shawa-
nese, the Ganawese and the Delawares
to be ready to meet Colonel Spots-
wood and him at Conestogoe in the
beginning of October; but James Le
Tort and Smith, the Indian not being
returned from Albany as the Govern
our expected, the said direction of the
G overnour s is at present imprac
ticable. And further this Board is of
opinion, that they can not concur in
directing our Indians to meet the
Governour of Virginia at Conestogoe,
until this Government is acquainted
with the end and Design of the said
meeting."

This desire of Colonel Spotswood
to hold a treaty at Conestogoe was
not received well by the Council of
Pennsylvania (3 Col. Rec., p. 206.)
The members in Council differed very
much on this matter and they decided
to put the decision off for a while,
and finally after the Council broke up
the G overnour found most of the
members to be of a different opinion
from him on the subject of Spots-
wood s intended treaty with our In
dians. The result was that the Gov
ernor sent Spotswood a communica
tion saying that he himself approved
of the treaty and wanted the intimacy
between the Five Nations and the

Susquehannas made stronger but that

the Council opposed. The Governor

then suggested that the best thing to

be done would be that Governor

| Keith would either wait on Governor

j Spotswood at Conestoga, where Gov-

| ernor had appointed the Chiefs of the

I Indians to meet Spotswood, or that

j he, Governor Keith, would communi-

l cate to the Indians whatever Spots-

| wood wished to have done, (See 3

| Col. Rec., p. 207).

Spotswood replied that he was very
much surprised at the decision of the
Council and from the tone of the
letter he was very much disappointed,
(See 3 Col. Rec., p. 208).
1722 A Message to the Conestogas,
Delawares, Shawanese and

Ganawese.

The Governor and the Council after
the Albany treaty sent to the above
named Indians a message and told
them that a more firm League of
Peace was now made. Keith also
told them that he hoped that he and
I Spotswood would meet them ; and that
at the Albany treaty the Five Nations
agreed the Conestogas, Shawanese
and the other eight tribes under them
would be kept from harm; and the
Five Nations also agreed that neither
they or the Conestogas shall harbor
any negroes and that all negro slaves
found in the woods would be returned
to the owners.

1722 The Conestoga and Shawanese
Indians Send an Answer to

Council.

Ill Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 215,
the reply of the Conestogas and
Shawanese is given as follows:
"The Governor not having sufficient
time, at the last meeting of the
Council to lay before the Board the
answer he had received from the In
dians at Conestogoe, by James Le

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

280

Tort, to the message sent them from
himself and the Board, the llth of
October last, now orders the same to
be read, and is in these words.

Conestogoe, Oct. 18th. 1722.

The Indian Speech to his Excel
lency Sir William Keith, Bart., Gov-
ernour of the Province of Pennsylva
nia, and his Honorable Council at
Philadelphia.
Brethren :

We have heard a relation of the
Governour s proceedings at Albany,
Interpreted by James Le Tort, and
are very glad for his safe return, as
also of the Governour of Virginia and
his proceedings, from which we have
a small dread upon us, but we being
here had not the opportunity to know
Avhat was acted.

The last time the Governour was
here, we were in hopes he would
clear all misunderstanding.

We are very thankful for the
Governour s care in letting us know
the law with respect to Virginia,
and will take care to acquaint the
others and take care to observe as
directed by the Treaty, which is en
gaged on our parts.

We are thankful for the Belt of
Wampum sent by the Governour in
confirming the law, and acquainting
us of the strictness of its ties.

We are troubled in mind of being
stopped for fear of some evil conse
quences to happen thereby. Notwith
standing, we say, as the three Gov-
ernours agreeing with the Five
Nations on it, we are satisfied.

We were in hopes there should
have been free liberty to pass and
repass, but as it is agreed otherwise,
we will observe.

We likewise, the Chiefs of the
Conestogoes, Connays, Delawares and
Shawannoes, sent this belt of Wam
pum to the Governour and Council to

! Confirm our speech, consent and ap~

probation, and thankfully acknowl-
i edging the Governour s care for and

on our behalf at the Treaty at
| Albany, and in the Spring our chiefs
I will pay a visit to your Excellency
I and Honorable Council at Philadel-
| phia.

An answer also from the Shawana

| King in answer to that part of the

message relating to the fugitive

Negroes from Virginia, were read in

these words:

Conestogoe, Oct. 18th, 1722.
From the Shawanna King to his
; Excellency Sir William Keith, Bart,
i Governour of the Province of Penn
sylvania,

These are to acquaint your brother
! concerning these Negro Slaves be
longing to Virginia, now at or
| amongst the Shawannoes at Opper-
! tus. I will go myself and take as
sistance where they are not exceed-
I ing the number 10 as directed. And
as soon in the Spring as the Bark
will run, we will lose no time to per-
j form the taking of them according
to direction, for now they are abroad
j a hunting, so it can be done no
i sooner; besides, there will be Hazard
I in Seizing them for they are well
I armed, but we must take them by
i guile.

I am your Excellency s most
humble Servant,

THE SHAWANNA KING,

1722 Chester County Complains

Against the Rum Selling at

Conestoga.

In Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly,
p. 312, it is set forth that Chester
County filed a petition, asking that
rum selling among the whites and
Conestoga Indians shall be stopped.

2S1

ANNALS OF THE SU SQtTEHANNOCKS AND

1722 The Assembly Take a Great j phia treaty. This time seemed to be

Interest f.. the Cartlfdge Murder. | a season of ^rdships much of which

is made apparently by Governor

In Vol. 2 of the Votes of the As- i Keith s treaty at Conestoga of June
sembly, p. 310, the Assembly asked | 15tft flnd mh 1722; (gee Co| Rec p
the Governor to find out all the facts
concerning this killing near Cone
stoga, and on p. 213 the Assembly
ordered an address to be drawn up
and sent to the Governor on that [
same affair. This address is found, |
p. 314, and is very strong, setting i

1S1).

1722 The Shawanese and Connoys

Go to Philadelphia to Fay

Tribute to the Five

Nations.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 187,

forth the necessity of condemning to | is set fort i, t h at t he Connoys and the
condign punishment those who killed

the Indian back of Conestoga. This

Shawanese are going from Connoy to
the Five Nations to pay tribute and

petition is signed by a great number j f ur ther that they have captured some
of inhabitants. The Assembly also | ne g ro slaves from Virginia and now

demands the re-arrest of the Cart-
lidges for the killing the Seneca In
dian near Conestoga, (See p. 318) ;

keep them prisoners among them
selves, (See 3 Col. Rec., p. 206). At
this time they were living on the Po-

and they also vote 50 Pounds to in- j comac and had negro slaves living
vestigate the killing, (See p. : ; | among them, (See 3 Col. Rec., p. 211).

1722 Governor Keith Holds a Coun
cil With the Gauawese.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 181.

and further they grant 100 Pounds to

Governor Keith to go to Albany

treaty to help to straighten out the

affair with the Five Nations, (See p.

327); so that the whole cost of the it is set forth that in addition to the

Governor s party going to Albany and j other tribes of Indians, the Ganawese

all the costs growing out of the j were living about Susquehanna and

murder at Conestoga reached up- Conestoga and that they made a

wards of 300 Pounds, a very large j treaty with the rest of the Indians

sum, which shows the great import- an d Governor Kieth.

ance that the Governor attached to

the unfortunate killing. We must

remember that the sum of 300 Pounds

is the same that was voted to Lan
caster County afterwards to build a stated that the warrant for
Court House and from this we can Manor of Springetsburg, which
judge what it meant to vote 300
Pounds to investigate an Indian mur
der.
1722 Great Hardships Among the

Shawana Indians.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 164,
we are told that there was a great
deal of hardship and suffering among
the Shawanese Indians, so much so

1772 The Warranfc for Springets-
bury 3Ianor Signed at Conestoga.

In Vol. 4 of Haz. Reg., p254, it is

the
we

have before spoken of was signed
and dated at Conestoga.
1722 The Old Parchment Treaty, of
1682 Shown by the Conestoga
Indians to Geoveror Keith.
Gordon in his History of Pennsyl
vania, p. 603 says that in 1722 at the
Treaty held at Conestoga by Gover
nor Keith, that the Indians there

that they cannot go to the Philadel- j showed him the original parchment

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

282

and treaty which William Penn had
signed and delivered to them forty
years before, that is the Great Treaty
of 1682.

1723 The Conestogas Say They Will
Neyer Forget William Penn.

In one of the articles last cited we
observed that the Conestogas and
Shawanese sent messages to the Gov
ernment, and in them they made the
statement that they will not forget
William Penn, since he held the great
treaty with them. I cite this simply
because it seems to prove that they
were present at the great traty.

1723 The Siiquehanua Indian Tribes

Send a Message to Philadelphia

by Delegates

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec . p. 216,
the Governor makes known to the
Council certain communications he
has had from the Indians on the
Susquehanna and Conestoga. The
account is set forth as follows:

"Then he communicated to the
Board the speech of Whiwhinjac,
King of the Ganawese Indians deliv
ered to the Governor (When there
was not a sufficient number of coun
sellors to make a Quol um) by Civil
ity, in the name of the said Whiwhin
jac, and of his and all the other three
nations of Indians upon Susquehan
na, viz: the Conestogoes, Delawares
and Shawanese, at the Court House,
May the 18th, and rendered English
by Ezekiel Harlan, Interpreter/which
was read and is as follows:

They rejoice that there is a Gov
ernor here from England that loves
the Indians as William Penn did.

They remembered that William
Penn did not approve of the methods
of treating the Indians as Children,
or Brethren by joining Hands, for in
all these cases, accidents may happen
to break or weaken the tyes of
Friendship. But William Penn said,

I we must all be one half Indian and
j the other half English, being as one
flesh and one blood under one Head.
William Penn often spoke to them
and desired the Indians might heark
to what he said, and after three gen
erations were passed, and the People
gone who heard these words, he de
sired that the writing which he left
with them might be read to the
fourth generation that they might
know it was the sense of th j words
of their grandfathers.

William Penn knew the Indians to
be a discerning people, that had
eyes to see afar off, and ears to
hearken unto and discover any ap
proaching danger, and he ever looked
upon them as his brethren.

William Penn told them that he
perceived that the Indians delighted
coo much in going to war, but he ad
vised them to peace, for if they went
abroad to war they thereby provoke
other Nations to come and destroy
them.

We would not in that case give

them countenance or any assistance,

but if they lived at home in peace

and minded their hunting he would

i not only take care of their goods and

| families to protect them but would

! also furnish them with powder and

! lead to defend themselves against

those who might come to war upon

mem.

It was agreed both by William

Penn and the Indians, that if \t should

happen at any time that either of

them did forget the strict League of

Friendship then made between them,

the party who faithfully kept and

remembered the Covenant chain

should take the other, who had for-

I got, gently as it were by the shoul-

! der and put him in mind of it again.

As the Governor went last year to

Albany to make a firm peace with the

Five Nations, and to bury the blood

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

of an Indian that had been spilt by
the English, Whiwhinjac, the Gana-
wese King, here present, is coming in
the name of all the four Nations of
Indians, upon Sasquehanna, viz: The |
Ganawese, Shawannoes, Conestogoes
and Delawares, to desire that the
same blood may not be buried but
washed away as it were by a swift
running stream of water never more
to be seen or heard of again, and
they further desire the Governor to
believe that as they are one flesh
with the English, they look upon
themselves to be equally concerned
with them in accidents of that Na
ture.

They desire the Government may
keep this treaty in remembrance, so
as that no clouds of any kind may a-
rise to obscure it, but that it may re
main bright and lasting as the Sun,
and they desire that the Settlers and
young men near Conestogoe pud their |
other towns, may be directed to treat \
them with kindness and respect like
Brethren.

They also .desire that the English I
may not be suffered to straiten or I
pinch the Ganawese or Shawannoes i
to make them remove further off, but
to consider them as Brethren, for
they have heard some words to this
purpose which they do not care to
mention.

They are glad to find the English
continue to send their young men
with Goods amongst them, and they
acknowledge that the Traders are
now very civil and kind to them,
whereby they eat their victuals with
out fear and have a true relish of
them.

The Shawannoes, Ganawese, Con
estogoes and Delawares shall never
forget the words of William Penn,
but that since that treaty was made
between them and him, they do not
find that we have been so careful to
come as often to renew it with the
Conestogoe, as they have been to
come to us at Philadelphia.

They then said Indians both old
and young do return the Governour
their hearty thanks for his care last
year in sending Corn and Biscuit to
their families when they wanted it
very much.

Haying finished what they had to
say, Whiwhinjac, in the name and on
behalf of all the Indians makes a
present to the Gbvernour of 200
Skins.

The young men of the Ganaway
town, in behalf, of all their people
say by way of complaint, that they
have suffered many grievances.

Then the Governour s answer to
the Indians, which he was about to
deliver, was read and approved.

It was then considered by the
Board what presents should be re
turned to the Indians, and agreed
to be as follows: A Barrel of Pow
der, twelve gallons of rum, 300 Ib. of
Biscuit, one groce of pipes, 20 Ib of
Tobacco, 15 Stroud Match Coats, 15
Blankets, 5 pair of shoes and buck
les, 5 pair of stockings, 150 Ib of
lead and meat to the value of twenty
shillings."

1723 Upper Shawanese Send An
other Message to Fhialdelphia

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 219,
there is mentioned a letter from Jas.
Mitchell, Justice of the Peaco, direct
ed to the Governor, dated Donegal,
April 25th, 1723, containing an ad
dress from Ocowellos King of the
j Upper Shawanese, to which the
Board agreed to make the following
answer:

"In answer to the Message from

the Upper Shawanese on Sasquehan-

nah, mentioning their past visits.and

! another shortly intended to the Gov-

| ernor of Canada, whom they think

i fitt to call their father. The Gover-

j nour and Council say, that William

I Penn s people in this country, are by

1 treaties united to all the Indians as

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

284

in one body; but the French and Eng
lish are two distinct people, as the
long wars that have been between
the English and them fully show.
Now no Indians that are united with
us can be joined to them, because
that would divide the same body into
two parts and utterly destroy it.

The Governour and Council there
fore, can not agree that any of our
Brethren should be joined in League
to any other Nation or People than to
the subjects of our great King George
who is the head of all the English
and their Brethren. If these Indians
are united to us, we shall desire their
company and that they may live
with us as Brethren in peace and
love as all our other Brethren have
hitherto done and ever must do with
us.

The Governour at request send
them Five Gallons of Rum to clear
their hearts at hearing of these his
words, and one Strowd Match Coat
to confirm them.

The Board agreed to meet the In
dians at the Court Hause the same
afternoon and accordingly,
P. M. PRESENT:

The Honourable the Governour and
same members as in the afternoon,
sundry gentlemen and many other
people.

Whiwhinjac, Civility, sundry chiefs
and other Indians.

Ezekiel Harlan and Indian Smith,
Interpreters.

The G overnour answered Whihin-
jac s speech of the 18th instant, as
follows:

Brethren: You know that I came
from William Penn to fulfill his kind
words to the Indians, and to be as a
father to them now, since he is gone.

It is also the orders and Command
of the Great King George my Mas
ter, that the English and the Indians
should live together as Brethren in
one family.

If any of us therefore happen to

be sick or in want of food the other

should help him, and when any loss

I or misfortune befalls either the Eng-

I lish or the Indians, the other is sorry

I and in grief for it.

You say William Penn knew you
I to be a discerning people that
I could hear and see afar off, and I
j say you know the English to be a
i faithful good people who always
! keep their treaties and Leagues pun-
I ctually with the Indians and you also
j know that our laws make no distinc-
I tion between our people and yours.

We being thus linked together in

one Family ,we ought always but to

have one Council and so be of one

mind, and therefore we can not suf-

I fer one half to go to War while the

! other remains at home in Peace.

When any people are divided in
I their Councils and opinions, they
| grow weak and soon become a prey
to their enemies.

In such cases you know it is the
constant practice amongst your
people to consult together in Coun
cil until the old and wise men over
come and convince the weaker heads
of the young and foolish.

Just so ought you to do with us,
because we are altogether one people ;
and then the family become strong
in love, Peace and Friendship to each
other.

Remember that this is the bright
chain of Love and Friendship where
with William Penn bound your
people and his together, nevermore
to be separated. By this Chain
Philadelphia is joined to Conestogoe.
and all the Indian towns upon Sus-
quehannah.

By laying our hands as it were on

this chain, we can safely travel by

night or by day through all your

towns, and into the woods, and in

like manner your people are hereby

conducted safely through all our

j settlements back again to us at

i Philadelphia,

285

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND 1

You must know and remember that
it is my proper office and business
as Governour of the whole countrey
to keep this chain perfectly clean
and free from the least speck of rust.

You therefore Whiwhinjac, King of
the Ganawese who have now spoke
to me in the name and on behalf of
the four Nations of Indians upon
Susquehannah must remember that
I am now going to say and tell the
other chiefs of these nations that I
expect you and they being frequently
in Council together with your old
and wise men will be exceedingly
careful to keep the End of the Chain
towards your own settlements al-
woys bright and clean, and you may
assure all your people that as often
as any of them have occasion to
come down to visit their Brethren
the English here, they shall not find
the least spot on this end of the
chain fastened here, which is always
in my view and shall be my particu
lar care.

The dead body of our Indian broth
er whom you mention was covered
by me at Albany in the sight of all
the Chiefs of the Five Nations and
to the satisfaction of the kindred;
nevertheless I take it very kindly
that you now desire the blood may be
washed away under the ground never
more to be seen or heard of. This
shows that you are truly onr Breth
ren, and hereupon I embrace and as
it were take into my arms you and
all your people.

I will take care that no English
Settlements shall hereafter be made
too near your towns to disturb you,
so that the Shawanoes and Ganawese,
may remain in peace where they now
are, for we are well pleased with
them as neighbors and do not desire
to see them remove further from us.
But as I have always been ready to
hear your complaints and take care

of you as my own children, so I must
also do by the English; wherefore I
desire you will be mindful to treat
them like Brethren of the same
Family and do not suffer your young
people with their dogs and arrows to
hunt and kill their Creatures.

I give you these things here before
you to confirm what I have said, viz:
the presents before mentioned.

I have also ordered some provisions
and gallons of rum to help you back
to your families, and I heartily wish
you a good journey home to Cone-
stoga, which was done:

Civility, the Intrepreter, told the
Governour he had something to say,
which was,

The Indians well approve of all the
Governour has said except where he
told them that the English Law made
no difference between the English
and the Indians, for they should not
like upon an Indian committing a
fault, that he should be imprisoned,
as they had seen some Englishmen
were.

To which the Governour answered.

That they misapprehended the
meaning, which was, that if any Eng
lishman did injury to an Indian he
should suffer the same punishment as
if he had done it to an Englishman.
But if an Indian committed robbery
or such like crime against the Eng
lish, he would acquaint their chief
with it and from him expect ratisfac-
tion.

Then Civility told the Governour
that* they looked upon it as a great
hardship for them to be confined
from hunting on the other side of
Potowmick, for that in their neigh
boring woods was. but little game.
To which the Governour answered:
That the Five Nations by their
treaty with the Governour of Virgin
ia, had agreed not only to forbear
themselves but also to restrain the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

286

Susquehanna Indians from hunting
there, for that he (Civility) knew that
some of the Five Nations under pre
tence of hunting had gone there for
merly and murdered and plundered
some of the English, which was the
cause of making that severe article
in the treaty.

Then Civility said, that Whihinjac
and the rest proposed to proceed to
Annapolis, to renew their League of
Friendship with the G overnour there
as he has done here, arid they
thought proper to acquaint him there
of.

To which the Governour answered:
That the people of Maryland and
Pennsylvania were very good friends
and he was contented they should go,
but that the Indians should consider
that as they were inhabitants of
Pennsylvania, they were immediately
subjects of the Governour and none
other."

1723 First Cause Inducing the

Shawanese to Move to Ohio.
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p.
329 there is a message dated 1732
from the Shawanese to our Gover
nor. In it they say that "about nine
years ago (which would be 1723) the
Five Nations told us that we do not
well to settle there (at Pequea) for
there was a Great noise in the Great
House and in three years we should
know what they had to say." This
message further says that the Five
Nations threatened the Shawanese
that if they would not obey they
would put petticoats upon them. So
it would appear from this lhat the
Five Nations first frightened the
Shawanese to move away from Lan
caster County.

1723 The Indians On the Susque-

hauna Agree Not to Hurt the

Indians in the South.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec. p. 221, it
is set forth that Captain Civility told
the Governor that he would do what

he could to restrain the Five Nations
from going South under the pre
tenses of hunting, for they really go
South to murder.

1723 The Indian Nations Now Living
on Susqnehanita River.

in Mombert s History of Lancaster
county, p. 24, he refers to this confer
ence held in 1723, in which Whiwhin-
jac, the Ganawese chief made the
speech and he calls our attention to
the fact that this Ganawese chief
mentions the four Nations living on
the Susquehanna, viz: the Cones-
togas, Shawanese, Ganawese and
Delawares.

1726 The Walking Purchase Again
Causes Trouble.

In Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly,
p. 481, under the date of 1726, it is
stated the Indians claim they bought
back out of the walking purchases
all the land extending one mile on
each side of the West Branch of the
Brandywine creek, from the said
branch to the source of the said
creek. I put this in under Lancaster
County Indian matter because the
West Branch of the Brandywine
practically touches Lancaster county.

1727 The Conestoga Chiefs Coine to
Philadelphia.

In Vol. 3 of the ol. Rec., p. 271,
a very interesting visit of the Chiefs
of the Five Nations and also Indians
from Conestoga to the Government is
given. It is set forth as follows:

"At a Council held at Philadelphia,
July 3d, 1727.

PRESENT:

The Honourable PATRICK GOR
DON, Esqr., Lieut. Governor.
James Logan, Richard Hill, Isaac
Norris, William Fishbourn, Evan
Owen, Clement Plumstead, Esqrs.

Present also, several Chiefs of the
Five Nations, but most of them of the
Nation of the Cayoogoes, viz:

287

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

Connosoora, Cagongsaniyong, Cant- i have gained the victory; you have
araghengrat, Tannewhannegah. Can- i overcome the People and their lands
nawtoe, Seelowacks, Achyiawanra, ! are yours. We shall buy them of
Onaquadeghoa, etc., with Civility and j you. How many commanders are
Satcheetchoe of Conestogoe and div- i there amongst you, and being told

ers of the Ganawese, etc.

These, with divers other Indians,
arriving from the Five Nations and

there were forty he said then if you
come down to me I will give each of
these Comanders a suit of Cloaths

Sasquehannah four days agoe, desir- | such as I wear. They say that a for-
ed a meeting with the Governour as ! mer Governour proposed to some of
on this day. The Governour, to give \ their Nation, as they were passing

them an opportunity summoned the
Council for that purpose, who being
mett, and these Indians seated.
The Governour told them bv Mrs.

by Conestogoe, to go to War against
their enemies, that he would buy
that land at Tsanaridowa, for that he
had a mind to settle some of his

M. Montour, a French woman, who I people there, (as being in his road),
had lived long among these People, j who would supply them with neces-
and is now interpretess, that he was \ saries in their Journey; that they an-
glad to see them all well after so swered they were then going to war
long a journey, and was now ready ! and could not attend affairs of land,
with his council to receive what they but at their return they would lay

have to say.

Tannewhannegah

the matter before their chiefs, who
spoke, and by would give their answer, and now
Montour the Interpretess said, that j they are come to hear what the Gov-
the Chiefs of all their Five Nations | ernour has to offer,
being mett together in one of their I They add that the said Governour.

towns they held a great Council, and
that these who are now present came

when he was at Conestogoe. desired
those warriors to speak to the chiefs

in the behalf and by the advice of all about the Purchase of that land; that
the rest, that they understood the having no Wampum to send by them
Governour of this province had div- ! as a token of the Message, he gave
ers times sent for them to come I the Warriors a cask of powder with
hither, and that they were now ac- some shott, a piece of red Strowds

cordingly come by the advice of all
their Brethren to know the Gover-
nour s pleasure.

That the first Governour of this

and some duffels, that the Warriors
delivered their message to the Chiefs.
who have now sent to lett the Gover
nour know they are willing to pro
ceed to a sale; and with this Speech

place, Onash. (that is Goverour

Penn.) when he first arrived here, I they present two very small bundles
sent to them to desire them to sell | of Deer Skins for a confirmation,
land to him, that they answered they The Governour told them that he

would not sell

them, but they

might do it in time to come, that be
ing several times

would answer them in the morning to
all they had said, and they departed.

sent for, they | JULY 4TH.

were now come to hear what the The Council and the Indians being
Governour had to offer. i mett according to Appointment, the

That when the Governour was at i Goverilour b J the same Interpretess.
Albany he had spoke to them to this ; m . an * wer to what the Indians said
Purpose. well/ my B?eXen fou i vi zf ^ ^ tO ^ ** f n WS

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

288

The Governours of the Province,
who have all acted here in the Place
of William Penn, the first and Great
Governour of the same, have always
been pleased with every opportunity
of cultivating and improving a
friendship with the Five Nations,
and the present Governour and his
Council take their visit very kindly
at this time, but they have been mis
informed when they supposed the
Governour had sent for them; the
Journey is very long and he would
not have putt them to so much troub
le, or if he had seen occasion for it,
he would according to custom have
sent some Messenger with a token,
by which the Five Nations might
have been assured of the truth of
the Message.

Governour Penn, (that is Onash,)
when he first came into this Province
took all the Indians of it by the
hand; he embraced them as his
friends and Brethren, and made a
firm League of Friendship with them,
he bound it as with a chain that was.
never to be broken; he took none of
their lands without purchasing and
paying for them, and knowing the
Five Nations claimed the lands on
Sasquehannah, he engaged Colonell
Dungan, Governour of New York,
about forty years since to purchase
their right in his behalf, which Col
onell Dungan did, and we have deeds
from him for all those Lands.

The Five Nations were so sensible
of this that they never since claimed
these Lands, though we have many
visits from them hither for brighten-
the chain of Friendship. And Five
years since, when Sir William Keith
and four gentlemen of the Council
were at Albany, at a general meeting
of all the Five Nations their Chiefs
of themselves confirmed the former
grant, and absolutely released all
pretentions to these Lands; our rec
ords shew this, ancj these people
who are now here cannot but be
sensible of it.

When a former Governour of this
I place, with his Council, made a pres-
I ent at Conestogoe to some of the
Five Nations then passing that way,
it was net with any view to purchase
the lands at Tsanandowa. The Gov
ernour thanks them very heartily
for this offer to sell these lands, if
they are not yet purchased, but he
can not treat about them at present.
William Penn s son, who was born in
this countrey is expected over here,
and then he may treat with them if
he think it proper. In the mean time,
as these lands lie next to our settle
ments, though at present at a great
distance, we shall take this offer as
a proof of their resolution to keep
them for him.

This is what the Governour has to

say about the lands, but as they are

come a long journey to visit us, he

gives them as our Friends and Breth-

| ren these goods now laid before them

desiring that of the five guns one

may be given to the chief of each of

| the Five Nations, with three pounds

] of powder and as much lead and the

I rest may be divided as they shall

! think proper. And we have also pro-

jvided Bread, Cheese, Rum, Pipes arid

I Tobacco, for their support in their

return.

The Governour doubis not but that
they are fully convinced of our
Friendship and regard to them, and
that they will consider their recep
tion here as - a proof of it. The Gov
ernour recommends to them to notify
the Chiefs of the Five Nations what
passes between us, that it may be
kept in perpetual remembrance.

The Goods which were last night
ordered for them are,

5 fine Guns,

15 Strowd Match Coats,

10 Blankets,

10 Duffel Matchcoats,

12 Shirts,

50 Ibs. of Powder,

289

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANXOCKS AND

100 Ibs. of Lead,

2 dozen Knives.
Ordered further:

To the Intrepretess 1 Stroud, 1
Shirt, 1 Matchcoat.

To her husband, Carondawana, 1
Strowd and another to her Niece.

To Civility, 1 Strowd, 1 fine Shirt
and 1 pair of Stockings.

Also, 1 cwt. of Bisket, 10 Gallons
of Rum, with Cheese, Tobacco and
Pipes, for their journey.

After the said Indians had receiv
ed their presents and were parted,
they again applied desiring an oppor
tunity of offering something further
and the Governour appointing the
same afternoon, they mett and pre
senting six very small bundles of
Deer Skins, proceeded to say:

That they are come hither to see
the Governour in his Government,
and are very well pleased with the
opportunity given them, and with the
Governour s discourse this morning,
concerning the covenant chain and the
Friendship that has long subsisted
between them, and it is this they de
sire may be kept bright and shining
to the Sun, and that neither rain nor
damps nor any rust may effect it to
deprive it of its lustre; and that the
Governour and his people and they
and their people, their children and
our children may ever continue as
they have hitherto been, one Body,
one Heart and one Blood to all gen
erations.

They are, (they say) but of one
Nation, but they speak in behalf of
all the Five Nations and by authority
from them all. All humane things
are uncertain, and they know not
what may befall them, or into what
misfortunes they may be involved, if
they hear any news relating to us
like Brethren they will inform us of
it: and if we hear any ill news relat
ing to them they desire also to be
informed of it, for when they meet

with any misfortune and troubles
they will apply to us and acquaint
us with them, as their Friends and
Brethren.

They say that there are come many
sorts of traders among them, both In
dians and English, who all cheat
them, and though they get their
skins they give them very little in
pay. They have so little for them,
they cannot live, and can scarce
procure Powder and Shott to hunt
with and gett more. Those traders
bring but little of these, but instead
jof them they bring rum, which they
jsell very dear, at least three or four
| times what it is worth, and of this
they complain.

They take notice that both the

| French and English are raising for-

j tifications in their country and in

their neighborhood, and that great

numbers of people are sent thither,

I the meaning of which they do not

j very well conceive; but they fear

i some ill consequences from it, and

I make it now known to us as their

Brethren.

They desire there may be no set-
| tlements made upon Sasquehannah
i higher than Pextan, and that none of
the settlers thereabouts be suffered
jto sell or keep any rum there, for
that being the road which their
people go out to war, they are ap
prehensive of mischief if they meet
| with liquor in these parts. They de-
j sire also for the same reasons, that
none of the traders be allowed to
carry any rum to the remoter parts
I where James LeTort trades, (that is
| Allegheny on the branches of Ohio).
1 And this they desire may be taken
! notice of, as the mind of the Chiefs
of all the Five Nations for it is all
those Nations that now spek by them
to all our People.

The Governour received their pres
ent kindly thanked them for that they
had said, and that they might have

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

290

something in return for their last
present, it was ordered that the
Quantity of Powder should be in
creased to a hundred pounds, and
instead of 100 Ibs. they should have
a hundred Barrs of Lead.

The G overnour told them he would
answer what they had last said in
the morning, upon which after a
Friendly entertainment by the Gov-
erour and Council they parted."

This answer which the Governor
promised to give them he gave on
the 5th of July and among other
things he told them that everything
is peaceful and harmonious now and
that there is no bad news and no
danger, but that there will likely be
war in England; that the Indian
traders must be watched because
they try to sell high and buy cheap;
that we are trying to do all we can
to stop the rum trade and that
we are not allowing any settlements
to be made above Paxton, (now
Hains ) and he says the Indians
ought to be very careful not to go
past Susquehanna above the moun
tains. He then told them as they
are preparing to go the Govern
ment had provided them powder and
lead for hunting and some rum and
provisions.

1727 The Chiefs of the Five Nations

Coming from Philadelphia to

Conestoga Commit Depre-

ditions.

In Vol. 1 of the Pennsylvania Ar
chives, p. 205 the following letter is
given :

CALX, ye 3d of ye 9ber, 1727.
May it Please ye Governour,

These may certify that on the 16th
day of July last, 1727, Richard
Thomas of the Township of White-
land, came before me and did declare
on his sollem affirmation, that ye
King of ye Five Nations of Indians

j having been at Philadelphia to treat
with the Governour, and did on their
return with his Company take up
their lodging near to his house
where they resided about four days
and nights together, the nearest
neighbors contributing to their nec-
essitys what they could ye neigh
bors being few and poor could not
j supply them to ye full, at which
place they killed one of his cows,
which he valued at four pounds, and
desired of me a warrant to appre
hend ye said Indians, but I being
informed that they had a letter of
credit from ye Governour to all per
sons to supply them with what they
wanted, (and they being gone from
the said Richard Thomas two days),
I thought it most proper not to send
| a hue and cry after them ; but to
j write to John Wright and Tobias
| Hendricks to treat with them about
| it in an amicable way, and to get
] satisfaction for the party injured;
I but they having passed down Suske-
hanna before my letters came to
hand, they missed of the opportunity.
However about 3 days since ye said
Richard Thomas came again to me
and informed me that he had been
with the Governour to lay his case
before him, in order to meet with re
lief, but (as he says) ye Governour
would give no orders about it until
he had received some information
from me to set ye case in a true
light, in order to which he on ye
second day of this instant, November,
1727, brought two of his near neigh
bors, namely John Straightfellow and
Henry Atherton, who according to ye
laws and customs of this province,
did attest, and solemnly declare by ye
said cow killed, as above to be well
worth four pounds; and I being sen
sible of the truth of ye above narra
tion, shall conclude, who am ye
Governour s most hearty friend and
servant. To Command,

GEORGE \STON."

291

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

T 727 The Killing of Thomas Wright
Near Coiiestoga.

As we have said above Wright was
killed during the year 1727 and the
correct report of it is found in Vol.
3 of the Col. Rec. p. 285, where it is
stated, "That Mr. Logan acquainted
the Board, that last night he receiv
ed a letter from John Wright, Esqr., |
one of the Justices of the Peace of
Chester Co., giving an account that
one Thomas Wright was killed by
some Indians at S.naketown, forty
miles above Conestogoe, which letter
together with the depositions of
John Wilkins, Esther Burt and Mary
Wright, and an inquisition taken up
on the dead body were all laid before
the Board.

The said Depositions being read,
sett forth, that on Monday, the Elev
enth of this Instant, September, sev
eral Indians, together with one John
an Indian Trader, and the said
Thomas Wright, were drinking near
the house of the said Burt, who was j
singing and dancing with the Indians |
after their manner, that some dispute
arising between one of the Indians,
and the said Wright, Burt bid
Wright knock down the Indian,
whereupon Wright laid hold of the
Indian but did not beat him, that af
terwards Burt struck the Indian sev
eral blows with his first, that the
said Wright and Burt afterwards
retired into the house where the In
dians followed them and broke open
the door, that while Wright was en
deavoring to pacify them Burt call
ed out for his Gun and continued to
provoke them more and more, that i
hereupon the said Wright fled to the !
henhouse to hide himself whither !
the Indians pursued him and the
next morning he was foun l there
dead. The Inquisition on the body
setts forth, that the said Wright
came to his death by several blows
on his head, neck and temples,which
the Jurors say, they believe, were
given by the Indians.

Jonas Davenport, who brought
this account, and was one of the In
quest, being called in and examined
says, that he was informed by credi
ble people living near the place
where the murder was committed,
that John Burt sent for rum to the
Indians which they drank, and that
he afterwards sent for more, that a
dispute arising between Burt and the
Indians, the said Burt filled his fists
with his own Dung and threw it
among the Indians; that it is gener
ally believed that if Burt had not
provoked and abused them to so high
a degree the matter might be made
up amicably, and that though it is
very certain the Indians killed Thom
as Wright yet that the said Burt was
the principal occasion of it. Being
likewise examined of what Nation
these Indians are, says that they are
of the Munscoes Indians, who live on
an eastern branch of the Susque-
hannah.

The members of the Board observ
ed that this was the first accident of
the kind they had ever heard of in
this Province since its first settle
ment; and that though the Indians,
who committed the fact, had receiv
ed very provocations, yet as a sub
ject had lost its life, it is absolutely
necessary the Government should
take Notice of and move in it for
notwithstanding it will be difficult, as
the fact was circumstanced to call
these Indians regularly to an ac
count, yet some proper measures
ought to be taken to make the In
dians in general sensible of the Out-
rageousness of the action, and to
oblige them to make satisfaction as the
nature of the case will admit of. It
was hereupon further observed that
this Government had been formerly
happy above most of our neighbors,
in preserving a good understanding
and an uninterrupted Friendship with

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

292

all our Indians, which was affected
by the just and obliging measures
our late proprietor first took with
them, by which he had greatly en-
cleared them to himeslf and to this
Government, and the same methods
had been for years constantly con
tinued by treaties with them, held at
a small expense, for that the whole
charge, one year with another had
not exceeded the allowance of Fifty
Pounds per annum, which the As
semblies from time to time had for
merly granted, but that now for six
years past, viz: the five last years of
the late administration, and one year
since the present Governour s arrival
we have had no manner of treaty
with our own Indians, upon which
they think themselves slighted and
have complained of it on divers oc
casions; that the late Assembly al
so, being sensible of this, by their
Speaker accompanied by the whole
House, when the last bills were pass
ed, had signified to the Governour
that the House was desirous a visit
should be paid to the Indians as us
ual, and it was hoped when the sea
son of the year would admit of it,
care would be taken to do it, for
which the ensuing House would un
doubtedly make a suitable provision,
since the late one of their own mo
tion thought fit to make such an ap
plication."

1727 A Treaty With the Couestogas

to Be Held; No Treaty Durum

Six Years.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 286,
it will be noticed that the account of
the death of Thomas Wright sets
forth that there has been no treaty
with the Indians for over six years
and that such a treaty ought now to
be had, because the troubles would
not occur so frequently if there were
such Treaties.

1728 A Report that the Delaware*
are Ordered to Fight the English.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., pp. 295
and 296, an account is given, in
which it is stated that James Letort
came to inform the Governor that
he was lately come from a town on
the upper parts of the Susquehanna
River and that he heard while there
that the Five Nations had ordered
the Delaware Indians, who used to
live in what is now Lancaster Co.,
but who moved west, to fall upon the
English. This report afterwards
turned out to be untrue.

1728 A Council Held with the Dela
ware Indians.

The King of the Delwares and
some Shawanese visited the Council
on the 4th day of June 1728, which
may be seen in Vol. 3 of the Col.
Rec., p. 316. The Governor told
them that he was glad to see them
and that he had proposed to meet
them all at Conestoga, last Spring,
but he heard that Civility and some
other Indians had gone away and
then he postponed the visit. He told
them that ten days ago he did meet
some tribes at Conestoga. He put
them in mind of the fact that they
had likely heard that some Shawan
ese about twenty days ago came into
these parts of the State and fell on
some of our inhabitants, and that the
matter must be attended to.

j 1728 The Delaware Indians Say the

Whites Are Settled on Lands

They Neier Paid For

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec , p. 319,
the old Delaware King Allummapees
made a speech to James Logan, in
which he said, He was grown old
and was troubled to see the Chris
tians settle on lands that the Indians
had never been paid for, tliey had
settled on his land, for which he had
never received anything.

293

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

That he is now an old man and
must soon die, that his children may
wonder to see all their father s lands
gone from them, without his receiv
ing anything for them that the
Christians now make their settle
ments very near them, and they shall
have no place of their own left to
live on.

That this may occasion a difference
between their children and us here
after, and he would willingly prevent
any misunderstanding that may hap
pen.

1728 James Logan Shows the In
dians That We Do Own the
Snsquehanua Lands

In the same book last cited, at p.
,320, James Logan made the follow
ing reply about the land question on
the Susquehanna:

"That he had not otherwise been
concerned to the lands of this Prov
ince, than as he was intrusted with
other Commissioners by the Pro
prietor to manage his affairs of prop
erty in his absence. That their great
Friend, William Penn, had made it
his constant rule never to suffer any
lands to be settled by any of his
people, until they were first duly
purchased by the Indians, and his
Commissioners, who acted for him in
his absence, has as carefully used
the same method, they never agreed
to the settlement of any lands till the
Indians were duly satisfied for them.
But he said, he judged it proper in
his audience to take notice of our
great imhappiness, in having too
many amongst us who take a delight
in disturbing the Peace of the Pub-
lick by any means in their power,
and amongst other methods they had
endeavored even to beget an uneasi
ness in the Indians, but how little
reason there was for any complaint
against him, or the Commissioners,
he should make appear.

He said, that Sassoonan now pres
ent, with divers others of the Indian
Chiefs, about ten years since, having
a notion that they had not been fully
paid for their Lands, came to Phila
delphia to demand what was due to
them, that the business was heard in
Council, and he then produced to
those Indians a great number of
deeds, by which their ancestors had
fully conveyed, and were as fully
paid for all their lands from Duck
Creek to near the Forks of the Dela
ware, and that the Indians were then
entirely satisfied with what had been
shewn to them and the Commisioners
to put an end to all further claims,
or demands of that kind, in consider
ation of their Journey and trouble,
made them a present in the Proprie
tor s name and behalf, upon which
they agreed to sign an absolute re
lease for all those Lands, and of all
demands whatsoever upon account of
! the said purchase, and exhibiting the
said instrument of release, desired it
might be read, which was done."

He then shows the Indians the

! very deeds they had signed for these

; lands, viz: all the land between the

i Delaware and Susquehanna Rivers,

| dated the 17th of September, 1718.

This tract included the tracts North

of Lancaster County or what is now

| Lancaster County.

j 1728 The Indians Complain of the
Germans Settling Among Them.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 322,

one of the Indian Chiefs said that he

could not believe that the Christians

| had settled on those lands until he

isaw it with his own eyes. The lands

referrred to here are about Tulpy-

hocken in Montgomery County, which

lands were taken up by a Colony of

Mennonites who came over from New

| York ; and James Logan gave them

the following explanation:

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

294

"That he was sensible the Palatines
were settled there, but as he had
observed before, it was without the
consent or knowledge of any of the
Commissioners, and how they came
hither he should now make this audi
ence sensible. He said, that when he
left his house this morning he did not
expect this affair would be now men
tioned, but hearing after he came
abroad that it was intended, being
unable himself to walk, he had sent
for one paper, which he couid easily
direct to, that if he could have gone
himself among his papers, he could
have produced some letters und affi
davits that would more fully explain
the matter, but he hoped that what
he had there would be sufficient to
make it clearly understood. It was
a petition from those Palatines them
selves, directed to the late Governour
Sir William Keith and the Council,
all wrote in the hand of Patrick
Baird, who was then the Secretary
to the Governour and Clerk of the
Council, and who it was that drew
it would appear by its stile."

1728 Captain Civility of Conestoga
Sends a Letter to Council.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec , p. 333,
after the minutes of Council were
read it is stated that, "The Governor
laid before the Board a letter he had
received from Captain Civility, ac
quainting him that several of the
Delaware, Shawanese and Ganawese
Indians, were come to Conestogoe
and had brought many skins with
them for a present to the Governour;
that they proposed to fulfiU their
promise of coming to Philadelphia
this Fall, but the death of his, Civ
ility s child had so much afflicted
him that he could not come with
them, and therefore they had all re
solved to defer their visit til next
Spring, at which time they would
surely come to the Governour at
Philadelphia.

1728 The Shawanese Kill Two Con-
estogas Near Conestoga.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec , p. 302,
"The Governour acquainted the
Board that a letter from Mr. Wright
at Conestogoe was lately communica
ted to him, giving an account of a
differences, which might in end af
fect the peace of the Province. His
Honour likewise said he had received
a petition, signed by a great many
of the inhabitants in the back parts of
quarrel that was like to ensue be
tween the Indians of these parts and
the Shawanese, these last having
killed two of the Conestogoe Indians,
that they seemed prepared for war,
and that therefore his presence was
desired as necessary to settle those
difference, which might in end affect
the peace of the Province. His Hon
our likewise said he had received a
petition signed by a great many of
the inhabitants in the back parts of
this country, setting forth that they
are under some apprehensions of
being attacked by the Indians, that
many families have left their habita
tions through fear of them, and pray
ing that proper measures might be
taken for their safety.

And therefore the Governour now
moved to the Board that since it is
of great importance to compose those
differences speedily, which would
oblige him to take a journey to Con
estogoe, it would be requisite that
the Assembly should meet as soon as
possible, which the Board from the
consideration of what the Governour
had said readily agreed to, and the
14th Currt. being proposed for the
time of their meeting was approved,
it is therefore ORDERED thVt writts
be forthwith issued for that purpose."

1728 The Shawanese Have Now
Started to More.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec , p. 309,
it is stated that the Shawa/iese are

295

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

now near Durham s Iron Works at
Pechoquealin. This place is in Bucks
county, (See 3 Col. Rec., p. 329) and
from this place the Shawanese came
armed and painted for war, but not
in a large number and through their
foolishness 400 people gathered to
gether and two were killed, (See 3
Col. Rec., p. 317).

1728 The Conestogas Now Want to

Go to War Against the Shawa-

nese.

The Conestogas and Shawanese
now are growing to be enemies of
each other and this is one of the
causes which induced the Shawanese
to leave for the West, as we shall see
they did about this time. The situa
tion is set forth by John Wright of
Hempfield now Columbia, in a letter
to James Logan, found in Vol. 1 of
the Penna. Archives, p. 213. The let
ter is as follows:

"Hempfield 2, 3 mo , 1728.
My fd. James Logan:

About three weeks I gave thee a
few lines with an account of the In
dians returned from Warr, since
which time there has happened (as
we are informed) a murder to be
committeed by two of the Shawny In
dians, upon a man and a woman of !
the Conestogoe Indians and they de
manding two murderers to be giv
en up; the Shawanys sent them with
some of their own people, who called !
at Per Shurtaes, and he giving them
rum, eather by persuasion or their
own inclination let the murderers
make their escape, which tho Cones
togoe Indians resent so highly, that
(as it is reported) they threaten to
cut off the whole nation of the Shaw-
nys. s Yesterday there came 17 or 18
of the young men commanded by Til-
ehausey. all Conestogoe Indians,
painted for the Warr, all armed; we
enquired which way they ware going

they would not tell us, but said, they
or some of them were going out to
Warr, and that there was some Can-
i oys to go with them. But we hearing
the above report are apt to think that
they are going against the Shawnys.
It is all our opinions that the Gov-
ernour s presence pretty speedily is
absolutely necessary at Conestogoe,
! to settle affairs among the Indians,
they seeming at present to be in a
| distracted manner or condition, and
! the hardness of the winter "weeping
away their corne, they will be oblig
ed to go a summer hunting sooner
than usual, that if the Governour
come not soon he will miss of them.
If you please acquaint the Governour
with the above contents, with my
hearty sarviss to him and kind love
to theyself and family from thy real
friend JNO. WRIGHT."

1728 The Shawanese Now Begin to
Annoy the Other Indian Tribes.

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p.
216, there is a letter set forth from
James Le Tort, stating the action of
the Shawanese as follows:

Catawasse, May ye 12, 1728.

We always thought that the Gbver-
nour knew nothing of the fight be
tween the Shawaynos and the White
People. We desire the Governour to
warn the back inhabitants not to be
so ready to attack the Indians, as we
are doubtful they were in that un
happy accident and we will use all
endeavors to hinder any such like
proceeding on the part of the Indians.
We remember very well the League
between William Penn and the In
dians, which was, that the Indians and
white people were one, and hopes
that his brother, the present Gover
nour, is of the same mind, and that
the Friendship was to continue for
three Generations; and if the Indians
hurt the English it is the same as if
they hurt themselves; as to the Gov-
ernour s desire of meeting him, we

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

296

intend as soon as the Chiefs of the
Five Nations come to meet the Gov-
ernour, we will come with them, but
if they come not before hereafter, we
will go to Philadelphia to wait on the
Governour. We have heard that Wil
liam Penn s son has come to Phila
delphia, which we are very glad of.
JAMES LE TORT."

1728 A New Proof That the Shawa-
nese Reached Pennsylvania Af
ter the Coining of
Penn.

It will be remembered that in prior
items we adopted the view of Conyng-
ham, who says the Shawanese came
to Pennsylvania in 1678 and in 1698,
but in Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 223 in a message from the Council
the Shawanese are reminded that.
"William Penn made a firm peace and
league of Friendship with all the In
dians, and the chain from time to
time has been brightened. The
Shawanese were not then in this
Country; they came long afterwards
and desired leave of the Conestogoe
Indians and William Penn to settle in
this Country. Leave was granted
them and they promised to live
peaceably." The letter then sets forth
that the Gbvernour is now about to
set out for a treaty. One page 224
the Shawanese admit that they were
very foolish and if they had not been,
the killing which is above referred to
would not have happened.

It is further stated at p. 228 of the
same book that the Shawane&e came
to us as strangers about thirty years
ago.

1728 Governour Gordon Places
Guardians Over the Shawanese.

In Vol. 1 of th Penna. Archives, p.
228 it is found necessary to give
Henry Smith and John Petty powder
to hold the Indians somewhat in
check about the Susquehanna River.
The Governour gives them their in

structions as follows:

Messrs. HENRY SMITH, JOHN

| PETTY.

As business now calls you towards
Susquehannah, I desire you, without

| fail, if you can, to see my friends,
Allummapees, Opekassed, Shachalaw-
lin, and Shakellamy, give my kind
love to them, as to my Brethren, and
let them know that I designed about

| this time to make a visit to some of
our neighboring Governours, if ac
cording to their promise they had
come down hither last month. Lett
them know I wait for them and am
concerned I hear nothing of them.

j I hope, however, I shall now see
them in a few days.

Inquire also after the Sliawanah
Indians, and if you can see Kahowa-

j tchy, know of him, why his friends
left Pechoquelin, after they had pro
mised to meet me at Durham Iron-

i works.

Tell all those four first named In-

j dians that I know they have clean
hearts without spott, and I expect
from them, when they come, such an
account of all their affairs as one
brother gives another, they see we
treat them as we do one amongst our
selves, without any difference, we
are one people, and they must in all
respects treat us with the Friend
ship, Truth and Justice that we use
to them. We all expect this of them
as our Brethren.

Tell Shalkallamy particularly, that
as he is set over the Shawanah In
dians, he can give a good account of
them, they came to us only as
strangers, about 30 years agoe, they
desired leave of this Government to
settle amongst us as strangers, and
the Conestogoe Indians became se
curity for their behavior. They are

j also under the protection of the Five
Nations, who have sett Shakallamy
over them. He is a good man, and I
hope will give a good account of
them.

297

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Give my kind love also to Carun-
downa and his Wife, and speak to
them to the same purpose. Lett him
know I expect of him, that as he is
a great Captain, he will take care
that all the people about him shall
shew themselves good men and true
hearted, as he is himself, and that I
hope to see him at the Treaty. Tell
him Jonah Davenport never com
plained of him, and therefore there
was no occasion for his letter on that
head.

If there be any mischief done in
those parts, I expect they will seize
the persons who are guilty of it, that
they may be punished and Justice
may be done on every side, for our
people are very numerous and they
will not be abused. I wil not suffer
any injury to be done to the Indians
without punishing the offenders, and
they must do the same Justice on
their parts, for then we shall truly
be as one People.

These are my words, which I send
thus written, sealed with a Publick
seal and signed under my hand, to
which my friends will give full cre
dit. Dated at Philadelphia, the first
day of September, Anno Dom, 1728."

1728 The Governor Sends Word to
Captain Civility at Cones* oga.

Gordon after his Conestoga
arrangement left certain work to be
performed by Captain Civility, to
whom he sends a letter dated Sept.
2, 1728, found in Vol. 1 of the Penna.
Archives, p 329, which is as follows:

"My very good friend Captain Civil
ity:

When I left Conesstoga I was in
hopes of seeing you before this time,
Init I suppose you waited for the
chiefs of tfoe Five Nations.

I hear some of these have been at
Conestoga since I was there, and that
they were gone down to Maryland.

If you can by any means meet with
them, whether at Conestoga or else
where, I desire you to present them
with this Belt of Wampum from me,
and tell them that I desire earnestly
to speak with them about some busi
ness that may concern them.

Therefore, if they will come to me
at Philadelphia, they shall be satis
fied, and I hope will be pleased with
their Journey.

This being a matter of importance
at this time, 1 request your Friend
ship herein, and desire that you
would come along with them, as you
are our brother on whom we very
much depend."

1728 The Governor Sends Instruct
ions to Wright and Bliinston., At
Conestoga

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p 229, the following instructions were
sent by Governor Gordon to John
Wright and Samuel Blumston, two
Justices of the Peace on the Susque-
hanna River:

"Philadelphia, 2nd September, 1728.
John Wright & Samuel Blunston,
RESPECTED FRIENDS
Much contrary to our expectations,
we find there are still some Commo
tions amongst the Indians, that re
quire to be looked into, and we are
j now apprehensive that the Story we
i first had in the Spring of the Tweek-
twese or naked Indians or Miamis
(for they go by all these names , who
live to the Southwest of Lake Erie
j being invited to attack this Country,
i is not altogether without a foundation,
| very few of our Indians have been
I privy of it, if there be anything in it,
j one Manawkyhickon, a near relation
of Oquaala s who was hanged last
year in Jersey with one Collapnyone
: of the Five Nations, but French by
birth, who both live near Shamokin
or Susquehannah, are the Chiefs who

OTHER. LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

298

have been laboring mischief. Our
Lennappys or Delaware Indians
knew nothing of it. The Shawanese
we know are ready for any Mischief.
How far the Five Nations are privy
to it we can not judge. But the Gov-
ernour and Council who met yester
day upon it, are of opinion that it is
of very great importance to us to
have an opportunity of speaking with
those Chiefs that were lately at Con-
estogoe, if. they are not yet returned,
for which purpose this with the en
closed is now sent Exrpress that if
possible they may be prevailed on to
step hither.

You are therefore requested (if I
Wright can travel so far) to give
Civility the enclosed letter to him, ex
plaining it in the best manner it can
be done, delivering him also the Belt
of Wampum for the Chiefs, though it
is desired, when he speaks to them,
if they are to be mett with that you
or some of you could be present. It
were to be wished he were more to
be depended on, he can not but think
himself but under some obligations
since the last treaty, but these work
not on some dispositions. He is the
best however that at present is to be
mett with to undertake it, and we
must endeavor to make the best of
him.

If those Chiefs are not come back
to Conestogoe, they should be care
fully waited on and enquired after.
Or if they are anywhere on the Riv
er, and not far above Pextan, they
should be brought back if possible.
And if they can not be prevailed on
to come to Philadelphia, the-v may it
is possible be perswaded to stay at
Conestogoe a few days, for to wait
for one who may come up to them
from hence. If they should not even
agree to this as we know they ac
count themselves great men and are

j stiff, then it is desired that they may
I be told as follows.

That from the first settlement of
! this Country, especially of late years,
there has been always a firm friend
ship between us and the Five Nations.
They may remember a firm League
was made with their Chiefs at Cones
togoe 18 years agoe, and again with
Ghesaont 7 years agoe at the same
| place, and again at Albany the next
lyear or 1722, between all their Chiefs
! and our Governour with divers of our
Council, who went thither to meet
them, and that at all these times, es
pecially the last, the Chain or League
of Friendship that had formerly
| been made with them was brightened
and made as strong as it was pos
sible to be made by Man. The same
also was done in some measures last
year with some of the Cayoogoes
[ though that is not the nation we
i have generally treated with. The On-
ondagoes having commonly been the
people that have been sent to us,
and therefore we wondered that but
nine of the Cayoogoes came at that
time to visit us. That if they have
anything to say to us on any account
whatsoever, we should be glad to
hear it from some of their Chiefs,
and they may be assured they shall
meet with their true Friends and
Brethren in us.

But on the subject of the Cayoo
goes, Caution should be used that
these* people who are come thither
are principally of that Nation, and
therefore their Nation should be first
enquired into, and no distinctions be
used that can give any offence. They
account the Onondagoes their best
Gentlemen, though not numerous.

Then if there be room for it, they
might be asked, whether ever they
heard that any of the French Indians
were encouraged to attack this Coun-

299

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

try, upon which they may be told, I Indians, and they must if possible be
that this has ever been a peaceable ! talked over with these Chiefs. Phila-
country, and that by being perfectly j delphia would be the best place, but if
just to the Indians and all men, by | not here, then there, by such as may
making them as one People with us, j go from hence, or by any others that
and doing them all the Justice in

can do it.

if I. Wright s health will not suf-

them all the Justice
every case that we deal to one an-
other, we laid a firm foundation for j f e r him to travel so far, for which I
Peace, that we would have Peace with j should on other accounts be extreme-
all men, but if any shall be so un- | ly troubled, it is hoped I Bluns-
reasonable as without any provoca- ton with Adam Cornish may manage
tion to attack us, we are now a very this affair, and it might be advisable
great people and very numerous, and that Eliz r Cornish, who speaks the
do not want means to defend our- language should privately between
selves by force, but like good men we themselves enter into as close a dis-
would choose to be defended .rath- ; course as possible with Civility
er by our Justice and Upright deal- ! about what news he hears or what
ings than by arms, for we believe | he knows.

mankind was made to serve God and j This affair will give you some
for a much nobler end than to be trouble, but it is equally every man s
knocked on the Head. concern in the Government who has

They may be told also, that they anything in it that he values. If any
know very well the French are al- charge accrue it must be born by the
ways contriving mischief against the Publick. We hear by an Indian that at
English to trouble them, and spare no Shamokin they have hanged cue Tim-
lies, no false stories and endeavors , othy Higgins, a servant to Henry
to seduce and deceive the Indians. Smith, an Indian trader, but we hope
But were it in the power of the j it is not true. Said Smith and John
French and Indians that join them as | Petty are gone up today to know how
it is not at all in their power to de- | matters are in those parts.

The substance of this you will easi
ly see is to be managed with as little

story the English, then the Five Na
tions having none else to depend on
but the French would be entirely j noise as possible, that no alarm may

ruined, they can not supply goods as
the English can, and when they get

be given without a real occasion. We
hope there will be none, for on Indian

the Upperhand and have nothing to j Stories there is very little dependence,
fear they are proud and cruel mas- i but prudence will advise to precau-

ters. The Indians would then be
slaves, they have therefore the strong
est reasons in policy and on their
own account, to be hearty friends

tion wherever it can be used.

Pray dispatch the Messenger as
soon as possible with a letter to ye

Governour, from

have come, but
well allow it".

whom this
time would

should
not so

and adhere closely to the English in
terest. It is their own interest and
that will not deceive them.
These things ought on all occasions Ji 72 &_ Captain Civility s Message To

to be inculcated in the way of conver
sation, but with a seeming careless
ness, as it were ridiculing the follies
of those who have any favorable opin
ion of the French as Friends to the

The Governor

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p
233, Captain Civility sends the follow
ing letter to Governor Gordon:

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

300

Honarable Gouvner: |uncapable att this time to answer ye

When you was hear in the spring ! wor ds of my old good friend Wm.
had a Counsell together and wee Perm. This

Wee had a Counsell together and wee
did conclude to Come doune to Phila
delphia in about two months after
that time, but wee of Conastogoe hav
ing sent so sevarell of the Indians
that live a great way of, who are now
on thear rode coming to see and
speak with the Gouvner, and the
Shawnays, Conoys, and Delawares
have brought a greatt maney skins to
Conastogoe in order to present the
Gouverner, but Captain Civil lity hath
his own child dyed lately and he is so
mutch troubled that he can not come,
therefore the ConestoToes, Delawares,
Shawnays and Conoys, designes to
stay till next Spring, and then they
will come to see and treat with the
Gouvner att Philadelphia.

CAPTIN SIVILITY, X his mark.
Conestogoe, October 1st, 1728. To
William Chetwode at Wm. Murrays,
To the Honorable Patrick Gordon,
Esqr., Governour of Pennsylvania.

172g Captain Civility Sends Another
Message to the Government.

In the same book and page last
mentioned Captain Civility, who is

Penn. This I send to you of my selfe
without consulttation of any, for my
Eyes are full of tears for ye sake of
my child. Here are severall Shawa-
ners and Conoys come, ye rest wee
expect every hour, so that wee have
had no Councell as yett, and whether
they will come to Philadelphia or not
I can nott tell as yett:

My trouble is so greatt at this time
thatt itt so putts all other thoughtts
outt of my mind thatt I do nothing
butt crye every day, and con not bear
to come intto the sight of my friends,
otherwise would have come down with
my friend Edmund Cartlidge:

When my grieff and sorrow is a
! little over and we have had our Coun
cell here, you shall hear fron ; us if I
doe not come myselfe. In the mean
time I am your good Friend,

CIVILITY."

1728 Shawanese Leave Lancaster
Connty

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p
329 as we have noticed before the
Shawanese in 1723 were told to leave
Lancaster County and about three

now very much trusted and relied up- j years later they were frightened by
on as a leading figure at Conestoga j the Five Nations about their lands and

among the Conestoga Indians and
who has the ancient Susquehannock

about a year after that the Delawares
commenced to trouble them. And

blood in him, send this letter to Gov- j about the same time 172 7 as we have
ernor G ordon and the Council. | alrea dy seen they got into a foolish

| fight with the Conestogas and others
and the result of it was that Ihey left
Lancaster County. T hey were asked
in 1732 why they left and the message
which the Chiefs gave and the rea
sons for leaving are set forth in the

"My Brethren:

The late death of my Child Causes
so much Trouble and sorrow thatt att
this time It putts all other thoughts
outt of my mind. Nevertheless, I still
remember and retain the Governour s
late good speeches to us here att
Conestogoe, and am very glad thatt I
once more heard the words of Will
iam Penn; but as I said before, my
srieffe and sorrow so overpowers mee

book and at the page last mentioned,
as follows:

"The Cheiffs of the Shawinese to
The Honourable Governour of Penn-

thatt I am sorry thatt itt makes mee | sylvania.

301

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Wee receive your message by our
friend Edmund Cartlidge, and take
itt very kindly and return you thanks
for ye dram given us, and wee hereby
acquaintt the Govern r of tho reason
thatt wee are come to settle here att
Ohioh.

About nine years agoe the 5 Nations
told us att Shallyschohking, wee did
not doe well to setle there, for there
was a greatt Noise in th) greatt
house and thatt in three years time,
all should know whatt they had to
say, as far as there was any settle
ments or the Sun Sett

About ye Expiration of three years
affore S d, the 5 nations came and
said our land is going to be taken
from us. Come brothers assist us lett
fall upon and fight with the English,
wee answered them no, wee came
here for peace and have leave to set
tle here, and we are in League with
them and can not break itt.

About a year after they, ye 5 na
tions, Told the Delawares and us,
since you have nott harkenc-d to us
nor regarded whatt we have said, now
wee will put pettycoatts on you, and
look upon you as women for the fu
ture and nott as men. Therefore, you
Shawanese Look back towards Ohioh,
the place from whence you came, and
return thitherward, for now wee shall
take pity on the English and lett
them have all this Land.

And further Said now since you are
become women He take Peahohque-
lloman, and put itt on Meheahoam-
ing and He Take Meheahoaming and
putt itt on Ohioh, and Ohioh He putt
on Woabach, and thatt shall bee the
Warriours road for the future.

One reason of our leaving our for
mer settlements and comeing here is
severall negro slaves used to run
away and come amongst us and wee
thought the English would blame us
for itt.

The Delaware Indians some time
agoe bid us departt for they was dry
and wanted to drink ye land away,
whereupon we told them since some
| of you are gone to Ohioh, we will go
there also, we hope you will not
drink that away too.

And Whereas the Governour de
sires to see some of us at Philadel
phia we shall answer his requesttfor
some of our Chieffs, will come this
Summer and pay him a visitt, but
how many of us and exactt the time
wee know nott as yett, butt when wee
are gott so far as Peter Charteries,
wee shall send word how many of us
there is and when wee shall bee there
and bring our friends ye Contstogoes
allong with us in the mean time, we
remain your friends and Brethren.
Presentt: NOOCHICKONER,

James Letort. his X mark.

Interpreter. PAWQUAWISE.

i Peter Chartire. his X mark.

his X mark UPPOCKEATY,

his X mark.

QUEEQUEEPTOO,

his X mark

Taken down by mee,

EDM D. CARTLIDGE

To The Honourable Governour of
Pensilvania, These with Care and
Speed.

June ye 7th, 1732 or there abouts."

This leaving of the Shawanese is
also referred to and explained in
Vol. 15 of Haz. Reg., p. 82.

1728 Gordon Prepares For the Con-
estoga Treaty

In Vol. 3 of the Votes of the As
sembly, p. 50 Gordon tells the As
sembly that he has arranged to meet
the Conestoga Indians in May and al
so all the other Indians in that sec-
i tion. Upon his return the Assembly
| want a copy of the treaty and they
I are not satisfied with the Governour

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

302

simply returning the treaty but they
want to examine it themselves, (See
3 Votes of the Assembly, p. 52). This
request of the Assembly grew out of
the fact that the presents the Gov
ernor made at the treaty amounted
to 147 pounds and this sum was very
large, and for that reason the As
sembly want to inspect the Treaty
carefully.

1728 Letort Sends Word That the

Fire Nations are About to Join

the French

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 295 it
is set forth that James Letort from
the Susquehanna, came to Philadel
phia and reported that the Five Na
tions and all the Indians under them
were about to leave the English and
join the French.

1728 The Conestoga Indians Off on
Their Hunt.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 297,
at a Council held the 18th of April,
1728, the habit of the Conestoga In
dians in going away to hunt is stat
ed. It is set forth by the Governor
that he would be ready to undertake
a journey to Conestoga whenever he
can be informed by John Wright that
the Indians have retured from hunt
ing; and that he understood that
there were scarcely any Indians at
present about Conestoga, and as soon
as it was practicable nothing would
be wanting to establish a good under
standing with them.

1728 A Message Sent to the Cones-
togas To Get Ready for a
Treaty.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 305,
James Logan reports to the Council
on May 15, that pursuant to their or
der a message was sent to Cones-

toga to convene the Indians to the
ensuing treaty and that the Messeng
er was now returned and brought
word that the Indians were meeting
at Conestoga and expected the Gover
nor in nine or ten days

1728 The Goods For the Presents

at the Conestoga Treaty

are Ordered.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 308,
the Council entered upon considera
tion of the proper presents to be
made to the Indians and ordered that
the provincial Treasurer should pro
vide and send up to Conestoga at
the first opportunity 25 Strowd
Matchcoats, twenty blankets, twenty
duffels, twenty-five shirts, one hun-
j dred wt. gunpowder, two hundred
j wt. of lead, five hundred flints and
fifty knives, with rum, bread, pipes,
and tobacco, together with such pro
visions as may be necessary for the
Governor and His Company.

1728 Governor Gordon Goes to the
Great Treaty at Conestoga.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec.., p. 309,
it is stated in a memorandum that,
"Pursuant to an appointment with
the Indians at Conestogoe, the Gov-
ernour attended with some members
of Council, and divers other gentle
men, to the number of aboui thirty,
who voluntarily offered their comapny
thither, sett out from Philadelphia
on the 22nd of May, and on the 23rd
in the evening came to the House of
Mr. Andrew Cornish, about a mile
distant from the Indian Town. The
24th ad 25th days were spent in
waiting for some other persons ex
pected at the treaty and in mutual
civilities, and on the 26th the Treaty
began as follows:

At a Council held at the Indian
Town on Conestogoe, May 26th, 1728,

303

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

PRESENT:
The Honorable PATRICK GORDON,

Esqr., Lieut. Govr.

Some members of Council and divers

other Gentlemen.

PRESENT ALSO:

Ganytataronga, Tawenna, Tamiatch-
iaro, Taquatarensaly, alias Capt.
Civility Chiefs of the Conestogoe
Indians.

Oholykon, Peyeashickon, Wikimiky-
ona chiefs of some of the Dela
ware Indians on Brandywine.

Howickyoma, Skayanannego, Onney-
gheat, Nanamakamen, Peyhiohinas,
Chiefs of the Shawanese Indians.

Shawanese.

Shakawtawlin or Sam, Interpreter
from the English into the Delaware.

Captain Civility, Interpreter from
the Delaware into the Shawanese
and Mingoe (alias Conestogoe).

his children, and continued in this
kind love for them until his death.

His sons have now sent me over in
their stead, and they gave me strict
charge to love all the Indians as their
Brethren, and as their father William
Penn loved you. I would have seen
you before this time, but I fell sick
soon after I came over, and con
tinued so till next Spring. I then
waited to receive some of the Five
Nations who came to see me at
Philadelphia, and last fall I heard
you were all gone ou