Lancaster county Indians: annals of the Susquehannocks and other Indian tribes of the Susquehanna territory from about the year 1500 to 1763, the date of their extinction. An exhaustive and interesting series of historical papers descriptive of Lancaster county's Indians prior to and during the advent of the paleface

Lancaster County Indians

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND OTHER INDIAN
TRIBES OF THE SUSQUEHANNA TERRITORY FROM
ABOUT THE YEAR 1500 TO 1763, THE DATE
OF THEIR EXTINCTION

AM EXHAUSTIVE AND INTERESTING SERIES OF HISTORICAL PAPERS DESCRIPTIVE

OF LANCASTER COUNTY'S INDIANS PRIOR TO AND DURING

THE ADVENT OF THE PALEFACE

BY

H. FRANK ESHLEMAN, B.E., M.E..LL.B.

MEMBER OF THE LANCASTER BAR; MEMBER OF LANCASTER COUNTY HISTORICAL SOCIETY

MEMBER OF PENNSYLVANIA HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PHILADELPHIA; MEMBER

OF PENNSYLVANIA HISTORY CLUB OF PHILADELPHIA

1908

LANCASTER, PENNA

E72
PfE8

Copyright 1909

By H. Frank Eshleman, Esq.,

Lancaster, Penna.

550 Copies Issued

PRINTED BY THE

EXPRESS PRINTING CO.

LITITZ. PA.

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND OTHER
LANCASTER COUNTY INDIANS.

PART I.

Earliest Established Appearance of

Indians on Susquehanna — Where

They Came From.

Gordon in his history of Pennsyl-
vania page 44 says, "After many ages,
the enterprising hunters of the Le-
nape crossed the Allegheny moun-
tains, and discovered the great rivers,
Susquehanna and Delaware, and their
bays." They came from the west.
Nearly all writers agree that all the
Indians between Canada and Virginia
came from the Lenape and the Menqui
or Mengwe. Heckwelder says in his
"History, Manners and Customs of
the Indian nations," page 50: "For a
long period of time, some say hun-
dreds of years, the two Indian nations
Lenape and Mengwe resided peace-
ably about the great Lakes and Alle-
gheny, and they came down and
discovered first the Susquehanna and
then the Delaware." Gordon, page
43 says, (giving credit to Heckeweld-
er) that the Indians themselves, "re-
late that many centuries past, their
ancestors dwelt in the far western
wilds of the American continent" —
that after many years they arrived at
the Mississippi, where they fell in
with the Mengwe, who were also on
this river nearer its source. The
spies of the Lenape, reported the
country on the east of the Mississippi

to be inhabited by a powerful nation
living in towns on the great rivers."
This people, tall and stout, some of
gigantic mould, were called Allegewi,
and their own towns were defended
by fortifications. The Lenape asked
permission to settle among them. This
was refused but they were allowed to
pass and go farther east. But while
I they were passing there being so

many of them, the Allegewi stopped

them. Then the Lenape and the Men-
gwe went together and whipped the
Allegewi and took all the country
east of the Mississippi and north of
Virginia, after a war of many years.
The Mengwe then took the northern
part of the conquered country and the
Lenape the southern. This is the
story the Lenape tell as related by
Gordon and Heckewelder. i

These Lenape, according to their
j own story then say after they be-
I came established in the east they di-
vided themselves into three tribes —
the Turtle— the Turkey Tribe and the
Wolf Tribe. The first settled on the
coast from Hudson to Potomac Rivers.
The other, the Wolf tribe settled in-
land on the Susquehanna, because
they were warlike and formed a bar-
rier between the coast tribes of the
Lenape and the Mengwe on the west
who had become enemies of all Le-
nape by this time. Gordon says, page

M119816

AXXALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AXD

45, that the Wolf tribe of the Lenape I
called by the English Minsi or Moncey j
Indians, extended as far vest as the \
hills known as the Lehigh and Cone-
wago Hills in Pennsylvania, (p. 45). |
This migration according to the au- I
thorities and the Indians' own story
extended over many centuries, so that j
they reached and discovered the Sus- :
quehanna likely before the discovery
of America. The Susquehannocks,
Xanticokes, the Shackamaxons, the |
Shawnese, and several other tribes,
Gordon says, came from this Wolf
tribe of the Lenape. (p. 56.)

The committee of archaeology of
the Dauphin Historical Society in a
pamphlet on the Lower Susquehanna
called "Contributions to Indian His- I
tory of the Lower Susquehanna Val-
ley," in 1898 made a report to that \
Society full of interesting matter on ''
the origin of our Indians, and in it,
page 39, they say, "Prior to 1600 but I
how long before is not known, the
Susquehannocks were seated upon !
that river, from which they have de- j
rived their name." The pamphlet al- I
so sets forth that before the Susque- j
hannocks settled on the river, "they
came into collision with the Mohawks
the most easterly of the Iroquois, and j
in a war lasting ten years nearly ex-
terminated them." The same pamphlet |
says that John Smith found them in |
war with the Mohawks when he met |
them in 1608 (p. 39.) The Jesuit
Fathers, the minutes and records of
whose discoveries in America are
now collected and compiled into a
work of seventy-two volumes, called j
the "Jesuit Relations," also give ac- i
counts of the wars these, now Sus-
quehannocks, went through before
they settled on Susquehanna River
in the dim past. The Dauphin County
pamphlet also speaks of this (page
39,) but the exact quotations them-
selves from the Jesuits will be given
later.

These earliest Susquehannock In-
dians were cannibals to some extent.
Heckewelder tells us, page 55, "At
one time they did eat human flesh.
And at one time they ate up a whole
body of the French King's soldiers;
and they said human flesh tastes like
bear's meat." They say the human
hand is bitter meat and not good to
eat, like the other parts of a person.
The Susquehannocks remained more
or less cannibal up to 1666, when Geo.
Alsop writes that at that date he
knew of them eating their enemies
whom they took in war.

Thus much for the earliest ac-
counts of our Susquehanna country
Indians. This description is more or
less vague, from the misty knowledge
of them at this date; but all follow-
ing discussions will be supported by
definite citation.

1600— Ancient Indian Rock Pictures.

Very early in the history of the In-
dians on the Susquehanna, perhaps
before the year 1600, or may be be-
fore the discovery of America, the In-
dians living on that river, cut a lot
of strange and grotesque pictures up-
on the rocks in the river, near Safe
Harbor and also near Washington
borough. They seem to have been
cut, during the same age or epoch;
and all of them seem to represent the
same system of ideas. Some of them
are much deeper than others, but that
seems to be because they have been
less exposed to wasting forces. The
lines of some are nearly a quarter of
an inch deep, while others are scarce-
ly visible. The main rocks in the
river so decorated are "Big Indian
Rock" and "Little Indian Rock," both
a few hundred yards below Safe
Harbor. There are many rocks so
carved however. The pictures chis-
seled in these rocks are birds with
elaborate wings, called the 'thunder
bird,' quadruped — animals, sinuous

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

snakes, rude outlines of trees, coiled I
and star shaped representations, and j
also individual men, some seated, ;
some standing, some thin and one or j
two very fat. The thin and the fat men
are seated, but there are no masses or
groups of men, in military array, or
representations of battle that I re-
member. Those pictures were there
before Penn's time, and the Indians
of Penn's time, seem not to have
any knowledge of their origin. All
antiquarians seem to be at a loss to
interpret these pictures, while those
on rocks in the central and western
states are to a great extent decipher-
ed. However it has been supposed !
that the jolly looking, fat and content-
ed Indian, pictured sitting on the end
of the Indian rock nearest Lancaster
side, pointing up the valley of Jthe
Conestoga, is meant to represent that
up that valley is a land of great
plenty, while the thin, starved and
bony savage pictured sitting on the
end of the rock nearest York
county toward which this Indian is
pointing, is meant to represent that
a very scant living is to be found
there. This of course is not fair to
York county today, with her hustling
citv fast taking her place next to
Pittsburg. Thus it is supposed the
purpose of the pictures was to be
guides and a system of information
to allied tribes, rather than the per-
petuation of history.

The United States reports on Eth-
nology for the year 1882 to 1883, page
47, tell us that these Lancaster county
Indian rock-pictures are of Algon-
quin origin, and not Iroquois, and
therefore they may have been made
by Indians from the south, who per-
haps were in this region and fled out
of it, when these hardy ancestors of
the Susquehannocks, of whom we
spoke in the preceding pages, came
pouring down from the Mississippi
and Lake Region and Northwest gen-

erally. Powhatan's Indians we shall
see were Algonquins, in Virginia;
and Capt. Smith, as we shall notice
in later discussions says, they were
mortally afraid of the Susquehan-
nocks, who were of the Iroquois
stock, and also received the white
men in entirely different fashion. The
best authority on these rock pictures
of Susquehanna whom I know, is Mr.
D. H. Landis, of Manor township, who
has given much study to the subject.
1600— Earliest Known Trading of the
Susquehanna Indians.
In a phamphlet, called "Early In-
dian History of Susquehanna," by
| A. L. Guss, found in the library of
the Historical Society at Philadelphia
, the author says at page 12, "The
! Susquehannocks were one of the
Minqua tribes, and they had treated
with the French about New York
I Bay. A sale of St? ten Island to the
; Dutch contains the signature of one
! of the Minqua Sachemachs (or chief-
tains).
1603— Susquehannock Trade on St.
Lawrence.
About 1603 the French were active
; in the fur trade about St. Lawrence.
I Further proving this early intercourse
! and trade between the French and
! Susquehannocks, Mr. Guss says on the
! same page, "The iron hatchets which
Smith (in 1608) found in the posses-
sion of the Tockwocks (that is Nan-
jticokes) they informed him they had
received from the Susquehannocks;
■ and they in turn, Smith says, inform-
I ed him that 'from the French they
had their hatchets.' Thus some years
before 1608 the Susquehannocks were
in commercial intercourse with the
| French." And again this same author
! at the same page says, "The Sus-
I quehannocks were a ruling tribe and
j forced trade privileges from other In-
i dian tribes. Powhatan gave this
| fierce and mighty nation the name cf
j the Pocoughtronack Indians.

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Therefore it seems clear from the
evidences now found that these
mighty Susquehannocks, were seated
or roaming about and between the
Susquehanna and Hudson rivers, and
indeed up to the St. Lawrence, sev-
eral scores of years before the first
settlement at Jamestown; that they
some years before that settle-
ment, were in trade relations with
the discoverers and - explorers, the
French and others who were navigat-
ing along these northern Atlantic
Coasts. These Susquehannocks also
mention the early Dutch and it is not
unlikely that they met and dealt with
those Dutch navigators, who as we
are told, page 1, of Hazard's Annals,
'•first frequented the coast of New
Netherlands, situate in America, be-
tween Virginia and New England, in
the year 1598." This will suffice to
show, upon definite historical proofs,
that over 300 years ago, the mighty
Susquehannocks dominated the coast
lands and inlands, from the Susque-
hanna at least to the Hudson river;
that they were numerous and power-
ful; and exerted both military and
commercial supremacy.
1607 — Captain John Smith's Histori-
cal Works Touching Susquehanna.

John Smith wrote several histori-
cal works, covering several parts of
America. The first was "A True Re-
lation" (Narration) — then a "Map of
Virginia" — then a "Description of
New England" — then the "General
History of Virginia" — then " New
England Trials" — then "True Trav-
els" and later several others. The
three which concern our Susque-
hanna country are the True Rela-
tion— the Map of Virginia and the
General History of Virginia.
"The True Relation of Occurrences."

The complete title of this book is
"A True Relation of such occurrences
and Accidents of Note as has Hap-

pened in Virginia since the first
Planting of the Colony which is now
Resident in the South part Thereof."
A. L. Guss whom I have mentioned
before, in discussing this book says,
page 4, "The True Relation was
written and sent to England the very
day Smith set sail up the Chesapeake
on his trip. It contains no informa-
tion of what was learned during the
two Chesapeake voyages; yet it con-
tains passages of great interest re-
lating to Susquehanna Indian affairs
as given by Powhatan the year pre-
vious." Also page 9, he says the
same. Mr. Guss also says page 9,
"What Smith wrote in the True Re-
lation was never incorporated into
Smith's later writings, though it is
the most reliable of all the historical
matter published over the name of
Smith."

In this book the "True Relation"
Smith tells of a conference he had
with King Powhatan, and the King
asked Smith why he went so far with
his boats; (Smith had gone up the
Potomac River without consent) and
Smith said those Monocan Indians,
had killed a relation of his (Smith's)
and he knew they were Powhatan's
enemies, and he was after them.
This he did to induce Powhatan to
tell him more about the various
tribes (True Relation p. 35).

This brought the result Smith de-
sired, and in the same book he says,
"After great deliberation he began to
discourse and describe to me the
country beyond the Falls with many
j of the rest not only what another In-
! dian before had told me but of a
! country which he said some called it
| five days, some six and some eight
i where the waters dashed among many
I stones and rocks which caused oft-
j times ye head of ye river to be brack-
| ish. He also described upon the
i same sea or river a mighty nation

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY IDNIAN TRIBES

called Pacoughtronack (Susquehan-
nocks, see p. 5), a fierce nation which
did eat men and warred with the
people of Moyaoncer and Patero-
merke nations upon the top or the
head of the bay under his territories
where the year before they had slain
an hundred. He signified ther crowns
were shaven, long hair in the neck,
tied in a knoe, (knot), with swords
like poll axes.

Guss page 11 of his pamphlet says
(and he is undoubtedly right) "this
last tribe was the Susquehannocks,
whom Smith at this time had not yet
met." Mr.Guss also says they were re-
ported to be cannibals, which charge
is often made against them in com-
mon with the Iroquois tribes. This
is about all there is in the True Re-
lation, touching on the Susquehan-
nocks. What Smith learned from
Powhatan was of more value to him
than to historians of our day.
1608— The General Historie of

Virginia.
I have copied from this work of
Smith all that in any way bears upon
our Susquehanna Indians. And that
in the whole is only a few pages.
Therefore, I shall give it in full and
verbatim in these annals. Smith
made two journeys up the Chesa-
peake and about Lower Susque-
hanna to learn of this country and
its wild inhabitants. The general
history consists of two volumes.

Vol. 1, page 114 he says of this
Chesapeake and Susquehanna coun-
try. "It has prerogative over the
most pleasant places known, for
large and pleasant navigable rivers
and heaven and earth never better
agreed to frame a place for man's
habitation. From the bead of the
bay to the Northwest the land is
mountainous; at the head of the bay
the rocks are of a composition like
mill stones— some of marble," etc.
Then page 118 he says, "At the end

of the bay where it is isx or seven
miles in width it divides itself into
four branches, the best cometh north-
west, from among the mountains; but
though canoes may go a day or two
journey up it we could not get up it
two myles with our boat for rocks.
Upon it is seated the Susquehannocks
— near it the north and by west run-
neth a creek a mile and a half wide
— at the head whereof the ebbe (ebb)
left us on shore where we found
many trees cut with hatchets. The
next tyde, keeping the shore to seek
for some savages (for within 30
leagues sayling we saw not any
being a barren country) we went up
another small river — like a creek six
or seven myles. From thence return-
ing we met 6 or 7 canoes of Massa-
wokes (Mohawks) with whom we had
signs. The next day we discovered the
small river and people of Tockwock
trending eastward."

Concerning this Tockwock country
page 120 he says, "On the east side
of the bay is the river Tockwock and
upon it a people that can make one
hundred men seated some seven my-
les within the river where they have
a fort very well palisaded and man-
telled with bark of trees."

Also page 121 concernig his Mappe
of Virginia, of which we shall speak
later he says, "Observe that as far
as you see little crosses on the rivers,
mountains or other places have been
discovered; the rest was had by in-
formation of the savages and are set
down according to their instruc-
tions."

1608— Smith Stranded in the Susque-
hanna.
Captain Smith, page 119 of Vol. 1,
General History, says, "Having lost
our grapnell among the rocks of Sus-
quehanna, we were then two hundred
miles from home and our barge about
two tons, had in it about 12 men to
perform this discovery where in we

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

lay about 12 weeks upon those great
waters. What I did with these small
means I leave to the reader to judge
and the map I made of the country,
which is but a small matter in re-
gard of the magnitude thereof.

"But to proceed, sixty of those
Susquehannocks came to visit us,
with bows, arrows, targets, beads,
swords and tobacco pipes for pre-
sents. Such great and well propor-
tioned men are seldom seen; they
seemed like giants to the English,
yea and to the neighbors; yet seem-
ed of an honest and simple disposi-
tion, with much adieu restrained from
adoring us as gods. Those are the
strangest peoples of all those coun-
tries, both in language and attire; for
their language may well beseem their
proportions, it sounding from them as
a voice in a vault. Their attire is the
skins of bears and wolves, some have
cassocks made of bear's head and
skin that a man's head goes through,
the skin's neck and ears of the bear
fastened to his shoulders and the
nose and teeth hanging down his
breast; another bear's face split be-
hind him and at the end of the nose
hung a paw.

"The half sleeves coming to the el-
bows, were the necks of bears; and
the arms through the mouth, with
paws hanging at their noses. One
had the head of a wolf hanging in
a chain for a jewel; his tobacco pipe
three-quarters of a yard long prettily
carved with a bird, a deer or some
such device, at a great end, sufficient
enough to beat out one's brains;
with bows, arrows and clubs suit-
able to their greatness. These are
scarce known to Powhatan."

Page 120 he says, "They can make
neare 600 able men and are pallisaded
in their towns to defend them from
the Massawomekes, their mortal
enemies. Five of their chief wero-

wances came aboard us and crossed
the bay in our barge. The picture
of the greatness of them is signified
on the map; the calves of whose legs
were three-quarters yard round and
all the rest of his limbs so ansewer-
able to that proportion that he seem-
ed the goodliest man we ever beheld.
His hair on the one side was long,
the other shore close, with a ridge
over his crown like a cock's comb.
His arrows were five quarters yard
long headed with splinters of a white
crystal-like stone in form of a heart
an inch broad and an inch and a
half or more long. These he wore
in wolves' skins at his back for his
quiver, his bow in one hand and his
club in the other as described in
the picture." (In G. Hills and Co.'s
book "Events in Indian History,"
published in Lancaster in 1841, page
82 tells us that "Werowance" is a
i Powhatan term of the same signifi-
| cance as 'Sachem' or 'Chief of the
i northern tribes)."

Page 129 Smith says of the Indian
| tribes in this neighborhood, "The
| land is not populous, for the men are
i few. Within sixty miles of James-
j town, there are some 5,000 people,
; but of able men fit for their warre
scarce 1,500. The people differ very
much in stature, some very great as
the Susquehannocks, others very lit-
tle as the Wichcocomocoes. The In-
dians are of a brown color when
they are of any age; but they are
born white. Their hair generally is
black; but very few have any beards.
The men wear half their heads
I shaven, the other half long. For bar-
I bers they use their women, who with
two shells will grate away the hair
of any fashion they please. The
women's are cut in any fashion agree-
able to them but ever some part re-
maineth long. In each ear they
commonly have three great holes
whereat they hang chains, bracelets

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

or copper. Some of the men wear in
these holes a small green and yellow
colored snake, near half a yard in
length, which crawling and lapping
herself about his neck ofttimes would
familiarly kiss his lips. Others wear
a dead rat tied by the tail. Some
wear in their heads, the wings of a
bird, or the tail of a rattlesnake.
Some wear the hands of their enem-
ies, dried. Their heads and should-
ers are painted with roots mixed with
oil. (Page 130)."

As to those Massawomekes, who
were the dreaded enemies of the Sus-
hannocks, Smith gives us the best in-
formation as to why they were and
where they lived. Page 134 he says,
"Beyond the mountains from where
is the head of the Potowmock, the
savages report, inhabit their most
mortal enemies the Massawomekes,
upon a great salt water which by
likelihood is either some part of
Canada, — some great lake of some
inlet of some sea, that falleth into
the South Sea ("South Sea" means
Pacific Ocean, which was its ancient
name. It must be remembered that
all people thought America only a
few hundred miles wide). These
Massawomekes are a great nation
and very populous, for the heads of
the rivers are all held by them, of
whose cruelty the Susquehannocks
and the Tockwocks generally com-
plain; and very importunate they
were with me and my company
to free them from those tormentors;
to this purpose they offered food,
conduct and continual subjection,
which I concluded to effect. But
then the council would not think
fit to hazard 40 men in these un-
known regions. So the opportuni-
ty was lost. Seven boats full of
these Massawomekes we encountered
at the head of the bay, whose targets,
baskets, swords, tobacco pipes, plat-
ters, bows and everything showed,

they much exceeded them of our
parts. Against all these enemies the
Powahatans too are sometimes con-
strained to fight." In Vol., 1, page
183, Smith says the "Susquehannocks
made us many descriptions of the
Massawomekes, and said they live on
a great water beyond the mountains,
which we understood to be Canada."
Thus it seems clear that the Mas-
sawomekes were an Iroquois tribe —
the Mohawks. The Jesuit Relations
are full of descriptions of the Iro-
quois incursions down the Susque-
hanna River from its source. This
will be discussed later. Thus it
seems that the Evans and Ellis His-
tory is mistaken in saying page 10
and 12, the Massawomekes lived on
Bush River.

1608 — Smith's Second Vovage Up to
Susquehanna.
At page 181, Vol. 1 of Smith's His.
torie of Virginia, Smith tells "What
happened on the second voyage in
discovering the Bay." The 24th of
July 1608, Capt. Smith set forward
to finish the discovery with 12 men,
He says he went "purposely" so he
informed King Powhatan to be re-
venged of the Massawomekes; the
King feasted us. We went to see the
bay divided into two heads, but arriv-
ing we found it divided into four all
which were searched as far as we
could saile them. Two of them we
found inhabited but in crossing the
bay we encountered 7 or 8 canoes full
of Massawomekes; we seeing them
prepared to assult us left our canoes
and made way with our sayle (sail)
to encounter them. Yet were we but
5 that could stand. The rest were
sick. We put our hats upon sticks
at the barge's side and betwixt two
j hats a man to make us seem many.
j They fled. We landed; then two of
j them came to us. We thought to
! meet them next morning, but they
ihad left."

10

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUE BANNOCKS AND

Page 182 he says. "Entering the I
river Tockwock (This is a little
stream flowing into the east side of !
the Bay), the savages all armed, in
a fleet of boats, around invironed us;' i
so it chanced one of them could
speak Powhatan, and soon all were
friendly. But when they saw us fur-
nished with Massawomeke weapons,
and we faining we took them by
force, they conducted us to their pal-
isaded town mantelled with bark of
trees. Their men, women and

children with dances and song wel-
comed us. Many hatchets of iron,
knives and pieces of brass we saw
amongst them, which they reported
to have from the Susquehannocks, a
mighty people and the mortal ene-
mies of the Massawomekes. The Sus-
quehannocks inhabit upon the chief
springs of these four branches of the
bay's head, two days' journey higher
than our barge could pass for rocks.
Yet we prevailed with the interpreter
to take with him another interpreter
to persuade the Susquehannocks to
come and visit us for their language
is different. Three or four days we
expected their return then sixty of j
those gyant people came down with
presents of venison, tobacco pipes
three-foot in length, baskets, targets,
bows and arrows. Five of their
chief werowances came boldly abroad
us to cross the bay for Tockwock,
leaving their men and canoes. The
wind being so high, they durst not
passe."

Further on about the same page he
says, these "Susquehannocks held up
their hands to the sunne with a most
fearful song then embracing our cap-
tain they began to adore him in like
manner though he rebuked them; yet
they proceeded till their song was
finished; which done with a most
strange furious action and a hellish

voyce, began an oration of their
loves. That ended, with a great
painted bear's skinne, they covered
him; then one ready with a great
chaine of white beads weighing at
least six or seven pounds hung it
about his neck; the others had 18
mantels made of divers sort of skin-
nes sewed together. All these with
many other toyes they laid at his
feet, stroking their ceremonious
hands about his neck for his creation
to be their governor and protector,
promising their aid, victuals or what
they had to be his if he would stay
with them to defend and revenge
them of the Massawomekes. Many
descriptions they made us of the Mas-
sowomekes, and said the Massawome-
kes got heir hatchets from the French
and also other commodities of trade.
The highest mountains we saw north-
ward we called Perigrines mount, and
a rocky river where the Massawome-
kes went up, Willowby's river in
honor of the town our captain was
born in. The Susquehannock's river
we called Smith's Falles." (See page
183)."

This River Tockwock, is what is
now called Sassafras River, and it
forms the boundary between Cecil
and Kent counties in Maryland,

Page 183 Smith further says "Hav-
ing thus sought all the rivers and
inlets worth noting, we returned to
discover the River Patuxuent."

Page 218 he says, "In the way be-
tween, Werewoccamo and the Fort
near Jamestown, we met four or five
Dutchmen, confederates going to Pow-
hatan the which to excuse these
gentlemen's suspicions of their run-
ning to the savages returned to the
fort and remained there." And again
p. 223 he says "At this time the
Dutchmen remaining with Powhatan
(who kindly entertaining them to
instruct the savages in the use of

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

11

our arms) and their consorts not fol-
lowing them as they expected to know
the cause, they took Francis, their
companion, disguised like a savage
to the glasse house, a place in the
woods a mile from Jamestown.
Forty men they procured to lie in
ambush for Capt. Smith who no soon-
er heard of this Dutchman than he
sent to apprehend him; but he es-
caped."

This last item I append (and only
parts of it are direct quotation) for
the purpose of showing that there
were Hollanders, at this time, in this
neghborhood, bearing out the truth
of the alleged Dutch document, in
Holland setting forth that in 1698
Dutch discoverers were about these
parts. It also shows that . they were
actively in communication with the
Indians. We are to notice also that
here we have direct evidence of these
Indians having iron and copper im-
plements long before Penn's time,
and indeed long before the Swede's
time.

And this is all there is to be found
in Smith's History of Virginia touch-
ing on our Susquehanna country In-
dians. There is nothing on the sub-
ject at all in Vol. 2.

In our next item we shall take up
and discuss, Smith's Mappe and fix
the location of the different Indian
towns which he found here, some by
actual observation, and the others by
information given by the Indians.
Fixing the location of the earliest
known homes of these mighty first
inhabitants of what is now our
county, should be full of genuine his-
torcal and patriotic interest.
1608— Early Susquehamiock Indian
Towns

The only authority, upon the lo-
cation of the Indian towns, on the
Susquehanna River as early as 1608,
is Capt. John Smith. Their dwelling

places at later dates are known by
many writers; but Smith is the only
person who at the beginning of the
century, says anything about their
location. Smith has not in the form
of descriptions told us particularly
anything about these towns, and all
that he has said we have already dis-
cussed. But in his 'mappe' as he
calls it, he has given us while imit-
ed, very definite information. He is
moreover fair in his statements. Of
the map he says that as far as one
sees the line of little crosses placed
on mountains, houses, rivers and so
forth, he has actually discovered;
but all north of that he has set down
in the map from information given
him by the Indians. The point fur-
thest north so marked by him is on the
Susquehanna River, on the west side,
and on the south slope of a hill. It
is about three-fourths the way from
the mouth of the river to the first
great branch of the river flowing into
it from the west. That branch flow-
ing into it from the west is likely
Muddy Creek, York County, and it en-
ters the river opposite Fite's Eddy,
which on the P. R. R. Map is (Fites
Eddy) 21 miles from the Bay
(Perry ville). The spot marked by
Smith is thus about 15 miles from
the Bay, or less, and thus is just
about the Pennsylvania line, because
Haines station, the last station
in Pennsylvania is 15 miles by
railroad from Perryvile. Passing
eastward the farthest point north,
which Smith says he discovered per-
sonally is marked by him on North-
east River, the second branch of the
Bay. This is a few miles below the
Pennsylvania line. A little southeast
of this he marks Peregrin Mount,
which we spoke of in a former item.
This Mount, page 185, he says is "the
highest mountain we saw northward."
This point is north of the Elk River;
but in Maryland. West of the Sus-

12

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

quehanna the highest point as shown ] boro., a mile or two below, which are

strong marks of a village or town.
On the railroad maps Washington
boro., is marked 40 and xk miles from
the Bay. It must be remembered
this location is fixed by Smith from
what the Indians told him; and that
he did not see Susquehannough him-

is the river which in a former item ! self. It is by the map about 10 miles

by the map which Smith saw is a
point about five miles from the mouth
of Gunpowder River about 20 or 25
miles south of the Pennsylvania line
a river forming the boundary be-
tween Hartford and Baltimore coun-
ties. Smith called it the Willoby. This

Smith said he saw the "Massowome-
kes go up," on their departure. West
of this mark there are four other
crosses in an irregular southwest
line in the direction of the Shenan-
doah Valley.

Now as to the towns, the A. L. Guss
work before referred to, page 4, says
"The principal town, Susquehannock,
is laid down 22 miles from the Bay
but the book speaks of them being
two days' journey higher than our
barge could pass for the rocks. Two
days' journey was more than 22 miles
and they waited 3 or 4 days for re-

farther up the river than the marks,
he personally explored.

Mr. Guss also says page 5. "There
was a Susquehanna 'New Town'
where some falls below hindered the
navigation about 1648; and that the
Susquehanna Fort of 1670 was on the
south side below 'the greatest Falls'
now known as Conewago." He also
says same page that "they also had
a fort at the mouth of Octoraro as
early as 1662, as it is impossible to
locate the town of Smith's descrip-
tion.

Smith learned of five other towns

turn of interpreters — they probably i from the Indians, located on the map

went 30 or 40 miles. It is claimed
the chief town was near the mouth
of Conestoga." This town Smith in
his map calls Susquehannough; and
places it on the east side of the
River, about 5 miles above the mouth
of Muddy Creek which creek mouth we
have said is opposite Fife's Eddy.
Fife's Eddy is marked 21 miles from
the Bay, and three miles above that
point would be McCall's Ferry which
is marked 25 miles from the Bay — or
ten miles above the Pennsylvania
line. There are no marked indica-
tions, such as arrow heads in great j
quantity or blackened earth at the '
McCall's or Fife's Eddy points on the
river indicating a town there as there
are in Manor township. It is likely
that Mr. Guss is right in saying the
chief town or the one on the east
side is marked " Susquehannough " by
Smith was higher up, and 40 miles as
he says, likely was the distance
would bring it about Washington

These are:

ATTAOCK; and Guss tells us page
5. "It is at the head of a stream
emptying into Susquehanna on the
west side below the chief town." It
is really about the same latitude as
the chief town. This may be in the
neighborhood of York.
About 20 miles above the chief town
on the east side is QUODROQUE. This
is just below the river fork. Guss
says Quodroque is near Middletown.
According to the map it seems to be
on the Conewago.

TISINICH is another town on a
branch from the northwest; and says
Guss, it is about Lebanon.

UCHOWIG is a town on the other
branch coming from the west. Both
this town and Tisinich are about 60
miles from the Bay." (Guss p. 5.,)
It is opposite Harrisburg.

ATQUANACHUKE is a town mark-
ed on the map as high up the river
as the last two named and seems by

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

13

location to be off in northeastern
Berks County.

CEPOWIG is away off to the west
at the head of Willowby's River and
is a town likely in Maryland, but it
may be barely over the line in Penn-
sylvania; it is among the hills.

Thus it is not true, and so says
Guss also, that Smith's towns were
in Lancaster County as some writers
state. Not more than Susquehannough
and may be Quadroque were in our
county, at it now is limited. But the
new late town at the 'Falls' perhaps
was in the county.

1608— Early War Customs of the
Susquehannocks.

We must notice here a few other
minor notes before going on with
the thread of the series. Mombert
tells us that the early ancestors of
our Indians left their club before any
one they killed so that any one who
discovered the dead might know what
tribe did it. (Page 11). This mighty
tribe therefore did not try to hide
their murders, but instead left their
name and token to warn inferior
tribes.
1608 — Early Wanderers Among the
Susquehannocks.

Jenkins, in his history of Pennsy-
lvania, page 30, says "At the height
of the summer of 1608 the Susquelian-
nocks, at their town within Lancaster
county, received a message that two
strangers had come in their boats to
see them." This was the Captain
Smith visit. He also says, page 47,
that about the same time "three white
men reached the head-waters of the
Susquehanna, fell into the hands of
the Susquehannocks and were after-
wards found by Hendrickson on the
Delaware and ransomed, at or near
the place Wilmington now stands."
1608— Dr. Shea on Susquehannock
Origin.

A note is found p. 117 of Alsop's

history of Maryland, and in it among
other things Dr. Shea says:

"From the Dutch, Virginians.
Swedes and French we can thus give
their history — When the region now
called Canada from Lake Superior
and the Mississippi to the mouth of
St. Lawrence and Chesapeake Bay was
discovered by Europeans, it was
found occupied by two tribes, Algon-
quins and Huron Iroquois. The Al-
gonquins included all the new Eng-
land tribes, and many more; also
those south of the lakes and the An-
dastagoes or Susquehannocks.

"The Iroquois at first inferior to

the Algonquins were driven out of

the valleys of the St. Lawrence into

the Lake Region of New York where

| by greater cultivation, valor and

I union they became superior to the

Algonquins of Canada and New York

— as the Susquehannocks who settled

J on the Susquehanna did over the

tribes in New Jersey, Maryland and

Virginia "And on this he cites Du-

Ponceau's Translation of Campanius

p. 158.

He proceeds, "Prior to 1600 the
Susquehannocks and the Mohawks,
the most eastern Iroquois tribe, came
into collision and the Susquehan-
nocks nearly exterminated the Mo-
hawks in a war which lasted ten
years." This he bases on the Jesuit
Relations of 1659 and '60 p. 28. We
have noticed this before. However
it may not have been made clear that
this war began prior to 1600.

He then tells of Captain Smith's
meeting sixty of these Susquehan-
nocks and that they were at war with
the Massawomekes, which he calls
Mohawks and cites on this De Laet's
xNovis Orbis p. 73. This we have fully
discussed.

1608— Susquehannocks' War with the
Mohawks.

Here is a subject which is very of-
ten referred to, but there is very lit-

11

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

tie history to be found about it. Cap-
tain Smith refers to it many times
about years 1608 and later, and states
that the Susquehannocks were in
mortal dread of them. Dr. Shea, in
his "Identity of Andastes, Cones-
togas, Minquas and Susquehannocks"
found in Vol. 2 of Historical Maga-
zine, pp. 294 to 297, says the Mohawk
war was in 1608; but Vol. 45, Jesuit
Relations, pp. 203 to 5, puts it as late
as 1629. This we have partly dis-
cussed on page 6. But the Jesuit Re-
lations are not very clear as to the
date, saying also, in page and book
just indicated, that the Mohawks have
within sixty years been both at the
top and the bottom of the wheel.
Truly warlike they had to fight with
all their neighbors, with tribes on the
east and on the south with the An-
daste (Susquehannocks). Toward

the end of the last century they were
reduced so low that scarcely any of
them were left; nevertheless, like a
noble germ they increasd in a few
yars and reduced the Algonquins in
turn; but this condition did not last
long, for the Andaste (Susquehan-
nocks) waged such energetic war on
them during ten years that they were
overthrown for the second time and
their nation rendered almost extinct,
or at least so humiliated that the
name Algonquin made them tremble."
This account was written in 1659,
and referring to "the last century"
of course means before 1600; and the
"few years after" would bring the
Mohawk - Susquehannock contest
about the first decade of the next
century or about 1608 or 1610; and
this conincides with Captain John
Smith. It is a pity that no history
is extant of the campaigns of this
war, or any knowledge of the size of
the savage armies, etc.; for the fact
of its lasting ten years, and the Sus-
quehannocks being in those days so

mighty, point out that it was a royal
and strenuous warfre. It is notice-
able that in after years whenever the
Susquehannocks wished to awe the
Mohawks they simply threatened to
resume the war against them. And
yet these Mohawks, fifty or more
years later, were the father nation of
the Five Nations, and the moving
tribe to effect the confederacy of the
Five Nations.

1608— Susqueliannocks at War With
AH Tribes.
Campanius (who wrote in 1693 a
I history of New Sweden, now Pennsy-
\ lvania, whom we have before quoted)
j who says that much that he wrote
I about, his grandfather told him, says
i p. 137 of his book, that the Indians
\ of the province were often at war
| with the Minquas (Susquehannocks)
i and that these Minquas and others
j "have skirmished with the English,
| as Samuel Purchase's relates in his
; 9th Book, Chap. 6th." As Samuel
Purchase's book was published in
1626, the time referred to by Cam-
panius was prior to that date.
1609 — Samuel Argoll Takes Possess-
ion and Attainment for Susque-
hannock Kings.
At least one historian says that
contemporaneous with Smith certain
other Englishmen were interested in
the trade and lands of the Susque-
hannock Indians. This historian,
whoever he was, wrote about 1648, a
work called a "Descrption of New
Albion" which may be found in the
Historical Society Library at Phila-
delphia, and also an extract of it in
Proud's History of Pennsylvania,page
111. This author says, tracing the
history of the Chesapeak country
back to the CabotsJhat they (Cabots)
took possession o f the Chesapeak;
and that from him it afterward fell
to Baron Delaware, then governor of
Virginia, who through Sir Thomas

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

15

Dale and Samuel Argoll, 40 years
since, took possession and attorn-
ment of tne Indian kings. That is,
an arrangement was made between
these Susquehannock and Chesapeak
Indians on the one hand and the Eng-
lish on the other about 1608.
1013 — Susquehannock Indian Trade to
Be Opened Into Delaware Bay
By a Canal.
At this date the Susquehannocks
were of some commercial importance
to the English and for the purpose
of getting their furs and other com-
modities more easily to the lower
Delaware settlement where some of
the Dutch lived, Samuel Argoll con-
templated cutting a canal to connect
the Chesapeak and Delaware. Nicho-
las Biddle in 1830 in an address at
the opening of the Chesapeak and
Delaware canal said, "More than two
centuries have passed since this work
was contemplated by the earliest ad-
venturers to. the Chesapeak, one of
whom Sir James (Samuel) Argoll
wrote to England in 1613 that he
hoped to make a cut between Chesa-
peak Bay and the Delaware." (4 Haz.
Reg. 270 and Acrelius History of New
Sweden p. 19).

1615— Trading Posts.
Clayborn is usually given credit for
establishing the first trading posts
about 1625 below the mouth of the
Susquehanna, but Johnson in his
History of Maryland, page 7, gives
John Pory several years priority as
follows: "Kent Island, before Clay-
borne established there may have
been the seat of a trading post. The
letters of John Pory, secretary of the
Virginia Company extant in London,
are dated' anterior to Clayborne's
time and inform the company of a
discovery made by him and others
into the Great Bay northward where
we left settled very happily near a
hundred Englishmen with the hope of
good trade in furs."

1615 — Earliest Known IVliite Man On
Susquehanna.

1615 to 1618: In a note page 291
of Vol. 5 of the Jesuit Relations, it
is set forth that Eitienne Brule, a na-
tive of Champigny, France, came to
Quebec with Champlain in 1607 or 8;
that he was an Interpreter for the
Hurons during many years and lived
with the tribe.

In 1615 he went with Champlain to
the Huron country and was sent by
his commander to the Carantounais,
allies of the Hurons and probably to
the Andastae (Susquehannocks) liv-
ing on the Susquehanna to hasten
the coming of warriors on the expe-
dition against the Iroquois. Cham-
plain saw no more of him till three
years later when he came down to
Quebec with the Hurons, trading. He
told Champlain that he had been ob-
liged to remain among the Caran-
tounais and had explored the coun-
try southward to the sea (Slafter
says to Chesapeak Bay) and had been
captured, by the Iroquois and nar-
i rowly escaped death by torture, but
I succeeded in making his way back
to the Hurons.

In this there is indeed a strong
; likelihood that this Frenchman, Brule,
! traversed the western parts of Lan-
| caster County between 1615 and 1618,
j if Capt. Smith was not here before.
i This is so because of his story of
; going southward from the Upper Sus-
| quehannocks to the sea, and also
from the fact that the Hurons and
| Susquehannocks were allies.

1(>17 — Delawares Become Women.
As the Delawares moved from the
Delaware and the Brandywine to the
Susquehanna (Sec. 3, Col. Rec. 45),
we must treat them to some extent
as Indians of the Susquehanna Coun-
try. In the year 1617 they were
made the peace makers by collusion,
they charge, on the part of the

16

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Dutch. Mombert tells us, page 12
after reciting that the women had
been the peacemakers and had not
been successful, or that a powerful
nation would be more effective in
this office, that the Mengui urged up-
on the Delawares that as they were
a powerful tribe they should be the
peacemakers. Their pride was

touched says Mombert, "In a moment
of blind confidence in the sincerity
of the Iroquois they acceded to the
proposition and assumed the petti-
coat. The ceremony of metamorpho-
sis was performed with great rejoic-
ing at Albany in 1G17 in the pres-
cence of the Dutch whom the Lenape
(Delawares) charged with having
conspired with the Mengui (The Iro-
quois) for their destruction." Then
Mombert goes on to tell us that hav-
ing disarmed the Delawares they led
them into war with the Cherokees
and then suddenly deserted them un-
armed to their destruction.
1621 — Indian Trade Becomes More

Proiitable.
Samuel Argoll, not satisfied with the
profits he was making out of the
Susquehanna Indians in their own
country, now began making expedi-
tions further up the coast where we
have seen the Susquehannocks also
had trade privileges. One of these
expeditions was intended for Hud-
son river. Captain Mason, complain-
ing to Secretary Cooke of this in 1632
says, "Sir Samuel Argoll, Knight,
with many English planters were pre-
paring to go and sit down in a lot
of land on Monahata river at the
same when the Dutch intruders which
caused a demur ir their proceedings
until King James and the said Samuel
Argoll and Captain Mason of ye
Dutch in an act of 1621 had ques-
tioned the states of the low counties
of this matter." (See Sec. Pa. Arch.
Vol. 5, p. 27). And this year he says

that they have returned 15,000 beaver
skins besides other commodities. (P.
28).

1623— The Dutch Furnish Fire Arms
to Susquehannocks.
We have before shown that as early
as 1608 Captain Smith found the Sus-
quehannocks to have fire arms from
the Dutch. Smith in his history of
New Jersey, however says, "The
Dutch are reported about the year
1623 to have furnished the Indians
with fire arms and to have taught
them to use them, that by their as-
sistance they might expel the English

, when they began to settle around

] them." See same cited in Proud Vol.

11, p. 110.

There s plenty of evidence to this
day that these Susquehannocks did

j have metal weapons. John M. Wit-

| mer, formerly of Manor township, has
two iron axes, three copper darts,

i one flat and two hollow cones and
several yards of beads found upon
the localities they inhabited in

j southwestern Manor township.
1625— The Attack of Clayborne and

Kent Island.
While we have seen in former pages
the Kent island was occupied by
English earlier than 1625 according
to Proud (115 note) it was about that
year that the occupancy began to be
felt by the Indians. He after speak-
ing of the Maryland Patent about
1634, says, "Now Kent Island with
many households of English by Capt.
C. Clayborne was seated." And John-
son in his history of Maryland says
page 15, "Clayborne had not only
possession of Kent Island but estab-
lished a trading post at Palmer's Is-
land at the mouth of the Susquehan-
na. This was several years before
1637 when Clayborne was attainted
for high treason on the part of Lord
Baltimore." And page 116 in Proud
citing the Description of New Albion

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

17

it is stated in Clayborne's words, "I
hold Kent Island, having lately but
20 men in it and the mill and fort
pulled down, and in war with all the
Indians near it, is not worth keep-
ing." This seems to be about 1625,
and is the first mention of wars with
the Whites in which the Susquehan-
nocks were interested.

1629 and Later: Susquehannock's
Wars With Other Indians.

The Jesuit Relations as we have
before stated, are a set of histories
(72 volumes in all) containing the
Narrations or relations of the Jesuit
fathers of what they found and saw
in early America. In Vol. 55, pp.
203-5 they say that the Mohawks
fought with the Andastas (their name
for the Susquehanna) a people in-
habiting the shores of Virginia and
that the Andastas waged such ener-
getic war against them during ten
years that they were overthrown the
second time and their nation render-
ed almost extinct. This was at the
time when the Dutch took possession
of the regions and conceived a fond-
ness for the beavers of the natives,
some thirty years ago, and in order
to secure them in greater numbers
they furnished these people with fire
arms with which it was easy to con-
quer their conquerors and that is
what has rendered them formidable
everywhere so that at the sound of
their guns they flee in terror." As
this narrative was written in 1659,
'thirty years' ago would make the
date 1629. These are the same war-
like operations Lyle's history refers
to on page 18.

During this time, too, Clayborne
was trading with the Susquehannocks
as Mombert tells us page 22 and as
do other authors.

1630— Petty Wars.

About this time a body of English-
men called Pilgrims bought Kent Is-

land from the Yoacomacoes Indians
who were constantly annoyed by the
Susquehannocks, who ravaged their
country; and Clayborne then instigat-
ed the Susquehannocks to make war
on the settlers of the Island. But
Clayborne was not successful as the
owners of the island drove him away
and he was arrested for treason. But
in 1642 he again captured the island,
Lyle 18. Prom this date (1630) until
1647 the Susquehannas appear not to
be in any considerable war. There-
fore, we must now, to keep the
chronological order of these 'Annals'
set forth several matters concerning
these Indians which are not warlike.

About 1633 the Susquehannocks
seemed to have an undisputed super-
iority over all other tribes. This
was through them having had fire-
arms from Dutch — Swedes and
French at different times from 1608
to 1635. Johnson in the History of
Maryland page 15, says 'Tn 1634, the
Pilgrims found the Indians from whom
they purchased the land for their
town (on Kent Island) in great dread
of the Susquehannocks." In the same
year Mombert, pp. 22, says the Sus-
quehannocks sold to Maryland all
their lands up the Patuxent River,
But the Colonial Records (4 C. R.
704) would make the date 1654.

We must not forget to note that
from this date 1633 to 1644 the Sus-
quehannocks did wage small but con-
tinual war with the Yaowacoes, the
Piscataways and Patuxent Indians
and were so troublesome toward the
end of this period that Lord Calvert
declared them public enemies. See
'Indian History Lower Susquehanna'
a small volume issued by the Dauph-
in County Historical Society, page 40.
This is the first evidence of the Sus-
quehannocks, turning against the
whites, for whom up to this date they
had shown marked friendship. About

IS

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

a dozen years later they became very
great enemies of the whites.

Various accounts have been given
of the furnishing arms to the Susque-
hannocks as we have just said, but
Proud in Hist, of Pa. (notes) p. 110
says, in 1623 the Dutch furnished the
Indians fire-arms and taught them to
use them so they might help the
Dutch to expel the English when they
began to settle around them, and
page 111, (notes) he says apparently
about year 1637, 'the Swedes hired
out three of their soldiers to the Sus-
quehannocks who taught them the
use of our arms and fights."

1633— DeVries Contact With the
Susquehannocks.

DeVries in his history of his trav-
els in America, published in 1655,
tells of the doings of the Minquas
(Susquehannas) which he learned of
in his first voyage as follows: "The
11th of Feb. fully fifty Indians came
over the river from the fort (Nas-
sau, now New Castle, Delaware), up-
on the ice with canoes directly to
our yacht so that they could step in
it from the shore and speak to us.
They were Minquas, who dwell
among the English. They came on a
warlike expedition and were 600
strong. They were friendly to us;
but it would not do to trust them
too far. 1 determined as the flood
tide began, that we should haul into
the mouth of the kill (river) so that
they could not come upon us in force
and master us." See Murphy's Trans-
lation of DeVries p. 41.

1633 — DeVries Learns of Susquchan-
noek Barbarities.

The same author, p. 43, says "Feb-
ruary 13th, three Indians came, who
were of the tribe pursued by the Sus-
quehannocks. They told us they
were fugitives; that the Minquas
(Susquehannccks) had killed some

of their people and they had escaped.
They had been plundered of all their
corn; their houses had been burnt
and they had escaped in great want
and had to flee and be content with
what they could find in the woods
and came to spy out in what way the
Minquas had gone away. They told
us also that the Minquas had killed
ninety men of the Loukiekens; that
they would come to us the next day
when the sun was in the southeast
as they were suffering great hunger;
and that the Minquas had left and
gone from us, back to their own
country."

"DeVries in his voyages found the
Susquehannocks in 1633 at war with
the Armewamen and Sankiekans, Al-
gonquins and other tribes on the
Delaware maintaing their supremacy
by butchery but they were friendly to
the Dutch." Murphy's Translation of
DeVries Voyages on p. 413.

In 1637 the Susquehannocks Conspire
with the Rebellious Inhabitants
of Kent Isle to Defy
the Power of
Maryland.
Vol. 3, page 64, of the Maryland
Archives sets forth, 'Feb. 12, 1637,
by the Governor and Council — The
Governor and Council taking into
consideration the many piracies, mu-
tinies, insolencies and contempts of
this government by divers inhabitants
of Kent Isle, formerly committed and
warrants sent lately into the island
under the great seal of this province
for apprehension of malefactors, were
destroyed and the prisoners rescued
out of the officers' hands by force and
arms, and divers of them to protect
themselves in an unlawful rebellion,
did practice and conspire with the
Susquehannock and other Indians
against the inhabitants of this coun-
ty, we have thought fit that the Gov-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

19

ernor should sail in this province to
the said island with sufficient soldiers
and establish martial law and for his
assistance have under order a captain
or commander to wit that Capt. Thos.
Cornwaleys should go with him to
aid and ass"st; and it is so com-
manded." Kent Isle is a few miles
from the mouth of the Susquehanna
River, and the turbulent inhabitants
found the great Susquehannocks a
powerful allay, in their defiance of
Maryland.

1637— The Susquehannocks Accused

of Spreading Smallpox to

Other Peoples,

In Vol. 14 of Jesuit Relations, p. 9,
the following occurs: "On the 20th
we learned a new opinion concerning
the malady, smallpox, that a report
was current that it had come from
the Andastes (Susquehannocks). This
tribe it is said had been infected
therewith by Alaentsic, whom they
hold to be the mother of him who
made the earth — that she had passed
through all the cabins of two valleys
and that at the second they asked her,
'Now after all why is it thou makest
us to die,' and that she answered,
'Because my grandson Souskeha is
angry at men, for they do nothing
but make war and kill one another
and he is resolved to punish them."

Here we see something of the Sus-
quehannock supersitition, and the su-
perstitition of other Indian tribes.
These mighty mysterious Susquehan-
nocks were the frightful enemies of
other tribes, and the very commonly
attributed evils, misfortunes and
calamities to them, believing that
the Susquehannocks had some occult
association with the devil and super-
natural powers of many kinds.

1637— Sale of the Whole Susquehan-
na River Yalley to Clay borne.

I now set forth a very interesting

Indian sale of the lands forming a
great part of what is now Lancaster
county, and much other lands besides.
In Vol. 3 of Maryland Archives, p.
66, we find, "The petition of Capt.
Wm, Clayborne in behalf of himself
and his partners," addressed to the
King.

This petition sets forth, "That by
a commission under your Majesty's
signature he "Clayborne" did discover
and plant an island in the Bay of
Chesapeake, called Kent Island/which
the petitioners bought of the Kings
of the country, where the same is
and transplanted people on it, etc.,
etc. — and your petitioner desires a
way by which the Crown may enjoy
an annual benefit and they offer your
Majesty 100 pounds per annum, viz.:
50 pounds for Isle of Kent, and 50
pounds for the plantations in the
Susquehannocks' country, in consid-
i eration they to have there twelve-
I leagues of land, from the mouth of
said river on each side thereof down
to the Bay southeast to seaward and
so to the head of said river to the
great Lake of Canada, to be held in
fee from the Crown of England to
be paid yearly to his Majesty's Ex-
chequer, and he has at the Indians'
desire on Susquehanna purchased
the same from them, and hopes to
draw the trade of beavers and furs
which the French now wholly have
and enjoy in the great lakes of Can-
ada, to England."

As the English league is three stat-
ute miles we readily see what a large
strip of Territory the enterprising
Clayborne bought from the Susque-
hannocks— about 40 miles on each
side of the Susquehanna and from
the source to the mouth. This in-
cluded all of Lancaster county ex-
cept the northeast corner, besides
much other lands. It extended fully
to Gap, Christiana, Churchtown and

20 AXXALS OF THE SUSQUEHAXXOCKS AXD

Adamstown. It is historically impor- ' and the bay, as is specified in a writ-
tant, too, to notice that the fur trade j ing then made and truly interpreted
of the Susquehanna Valley was going | by this deponent verbatim to the
northward instead of southward at j King of the Susquehannocks, and he
this time — north to the French. Yet j in turn signed, and in token and con-
there is much history to show that j firmation of said gift the King did
the Susquehannocks were trading j cut some trees on said land and did
with the Swedes, or beginning to do j cause his people to clear the ground
so just about this time. Prior to this for said Clayborne to put corn in
too, they traded with the Dutch. As j that year, after which Clayborne did
the Swedes came only in 1637, that | build houses on Palmer's Island."
trade with the Susquehannocks which j (More of this transaction and sale
Campanius talks about was just be- of Susquehanna Valley will be dis-
ginning. But it would seem natural i cussed later),
that the Susquehannocks traded with j 1688_Swedes Buv Laild to Sus(llie.

the Marylanders on the south more i _ _.

,, ... .. „ . ., .. haniia River from Indians.

than with the French on the north.

This was likely one of Clayborne's j When the Swedes in 1638 settled
fabrications (to say the trade was \ on the Delaware, they renewed
going all to the French) in order to ! the friendly intercouse begun by
induce King Charles I to grant his j the Dutch and purchased lands from
request. Clayborne was a great law- I tne ruling tribes. This we have al-
breaker and government defier, as we ! ready noticed citing from Campanius
shall see later. ! and Acrelius. But Dr. Shea cites Ha-

1637— Clayborne Offers Witnesses to ! zard's Annals p. 48. Turning to Ha-
Make Out His Case of Purchase, i zard we find he sa>'s the Swedes pur-
En Vol. 5 of Maryland Archives, p. l chased a11 the lands from Cal)e Hen"
231, Clayborne's evidence of his ! lol)en to Trenton Falls and set up
title appears in the deposition of j stakes and marks; that the original

deeds for these lands with the In-
dian marks were sent to Sweden and
are preserved at Stockholm where
they as well as a map were seen by
Israel Helm and copy made of the
map and brought over in 1697. He
says the Indians previously had sold
these lands to the Dutch. (In the
next item we will show that the lands
extended to the Susquehanna).

Rob't Evelyn, whom we have hereto-
fore seen, is quoted by Proud in Vol.
1, as the author of a description of
Pennsylvania written about 1646.
This deposition is as follows: "This
deponent having long lived with a na-
tion of Indians called the Susquehan-
nocks as an interpreter for Capt.
Clayborne, doth rememebr that the
people and King of the aforesaid na-
tion of Indians did often invite said 1 1638 — Swedes Contract with Susque-
Clsyborne to come to them, which i hanuocks.

Clayborne and his people did, and I About this time the Swedes came in-
plant upon Palmer's Island. In April j to contact with our Indians. We
1637, the King of the Susquehannocks ! have just shown how they-encouraged
did come with a great number of his , them in use of guns, etc. In Acrelius'
Great Men and with all their con- , History of Xew Sweden, (which was
trives did give to Clayborne Palmer's the Swedish name of Pennsylvania)
Island, with a great deal more land I we are told p. 33 that Menewe's colony
each side of the river Susquehanna , reached Delaware River in 1638 and

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

21

that land ,was bought from the In-
dians from the mouth to the falls of
the rivei Delaware and inland as
far as their lands extended and that
posts were driven into the ground to
mark the lines; and page 47 it is
said that this land 'bought in Mene-
we's time' extended westward to the
great falls in the river Susquehanna
near the mouth of the Conewago
Creek and that it was bought among
others from the Minquas or Minqua
Indians, whom the Jesuit Relations
Vol. 8 p. 301 tells us were called by
the Jesuits Andastas, by the Dutch
Minquas and by the English Susque-
hannas, or Conestogas. And page 48
in Acrelius it is stated that the land
bought in Menewe's time 1638 extend-
ed 93 miles in the interior, on the
Conestoga and Susquehanna. This
therefore will give a fair idea of
when the Swedes met our Indians.
1638— Clayborne's Claims to Susque-
hanna Valley and Kent Island
Held Null and Void by
England.
In Vol. 3 of Maryland Archives, p.
71, we find it recorded, "Before the
Lords Commissioners of Plantations
atWhitehall,Eng.,"Whereas a petition
was presented by William Clayborne
on behalf of himself and his partners,
setting forth that he discovered cer-
tain islands on Kent and Palmer and
bought certain lands from the Sus-
quehannock Indians, and the petition
alleging great charges and expenses,
and they likewise having settled the
other lands, aforesaid, upon the
mouth of a River at the bottom head
of the Bay in the Susquehannough
country and that said Lord Baltimore
agents sought to dispossess them and
him and did great injury to his.Clay-
borne's trade — and all parties attend-
ing this day with counsel and it ap-
pearing the same was partly in said
Lord Baltimore's patent and that

Clayborne's power and grant is only
to trade under the signet of Scot-
land and it appearing this same con-
troversy was up before this Board in
1633 and Lord Baltimore left to en-
joy his patent rights, therefore it is
decided that the said Clayborne has
no title to the same and cannot be
redressed against the proceedings of
said Lord Baltimore." Therefore his
purchase from the Susquehannock
King and Great Man could not avail
him anything.

1638 — A Susquehannock Baptized.

The next item is of a far different
natura. Under the date of 1646, it is
set out in Vol. 30, p. 85, of the Jesuit
Relations, that "Eight years ago
(1638) we had here baptized an An-
daste (Susquehannock), one of the
Huron language,who were in Virginia
where the English have their trade.
After that time this man having re-
turned to his own country it was
supposed his faith was stifled in the
midst of the impiety which prevails
there. This year we learned from a
Huron who returned from that coun-
try that the faith of the man is as
strong as ever, that he makes public
confession and continues in his duty
as much as if he lived among Chris-
tian people."

This speaks well for the tenacity
of the Susquehannock to the religious
principles when they are taught to
him. Little items like these give us
an insight into the other side of the
character of these savage people of
our great River 270 years ago.

1638— Indian Paths from Susque-
hanna to Delaware.

I put this item under the date of
1638 because the subject of it likely
became a fact during the first years
that the Swedes entered into Pennsy-
lvania, which was about L>38 In
Vol. 3 of Memoirs of Historical Society

22

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

part 2, page 131, found in the His-
torical Society Library, Philadelphia,
under the head of "Indian Treaties
for Lands now the Site of Philadel-
phia," by Watson, of Watson's An-
nals, it is said that in 1638 a line and
diagram were made of an Indian
treaty, and that the line surveyed
"goes in a direct line from Philadel-
phia to a spot on the Susquehanna
about three miles above the mouth of
the Conestoga Creek, near a spot
marked 'Fort Demolished ' The line
crosses two Indian paths running
each northwest, the first at 15 miles
from Philadelphia at 'Rocky Run,' the
other 38 miles distant near a 'rivu-
let two miles beyond Doe Run."

I quote this because it is the earli-
est mention of the location of any
road or path in Pennsylvania; and
the path leads towards Susquehanna.
It also confirms the existence and the
location of the "Fort" on the Susque-
hanna, which is somewhat mooted. I
shall have occasion to insert a part
of this article again under a later
date for another purpose. I cite it un-
der this date for the purpose of call-
ing attention to the location of the
two Indian roads and likely of the
'Fort' at this date viz.: 1638. If
the fort and the paths were facts at
that date, then too certain facts of
Susquehannock trade and war are al-
so evidenced.

1638 — Map of New Sweden at
This Time.

In the Maryland Building at the
Jamestown Exposition I saw a map
of "New Sweden 1638 to 1655." This
map shows the line marking the
northern line of the lands purchased
by the Swedes from the Susquehan-
nocks and other Indians in 1638,
which line runs through the latitude
of the Philadelphia, or as it is mark-
ed, through the mouth of the Schuyl-
kill; then the line of the purchase of

1 1642 is also marked many, miles far-
j ther north, but also running east and

west, about the latitude of Easton.
This gives additional light upon the
claims and pretensions of the Susque-
hannocks at this time. Both lines
extend to and over the Susquehanna,
from the Delaware.

1638 — Susquehannock Customs
About This Time.

I now jot down an item as to cer-
tain Susquehannock customs found by
the Swedes when they came among
them in 1638. Campanius tells us of
this in his history of New Sweden, p.
121, and while what he relates there
of itself does not prove that he is
speaking of the Susquehannocks dis-
tinguished from other Indians — other
parts of the text read with it show
it to be so. A little portion of this
I have written before but I set it
down more fully now. He says,"They
make bread out of the maize or In-
dian corn which they prepare in a
manner peculiar to themselves; they
crush the grain between two stones
or on a large piece of wood; they
moisten it with water and make it in-
to small cakes which they wrap up
in corn leaves and bake them in the
ashes. They can fast for many days
when necessity compels them. When
the are traveling or lying in wait for
their enemies they take with them a
kind of bread made of Indian corn
and tobacco juice which is very good
to allay hunger and quench thirst
in case they have nothing else at
hand. When the Swedes first arrived
the Indians were in the habit of eat-
ing human flesh and they generally
ate that of their enemies after boil-
ing it, which can easily be proved.
My father related to me that Indians
once invited a Swede to go with him
to their habitation in the woods;
when they arrived they treated him
to the best in the house and pressed

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

23

him to eat, which he did. Their en-
tertainment was sumptuous. There
was broiled and boiled and even hash-
ed meat; but it seems it did not
agree with his stomach. Afterwards
they left him know that he had eat-
en of the flesh of an Indian of a
neighboring tribe with whom they
were at war. Their drink before the
Christians came was only fresh
water; but now they are fond of
strong liquors. Both men and women
smoke tobacco, which grows in great
abundance in their country."

1638— Trouble With the Indians-
More Light Upon Clay-
borne's Proceed-
ings.

1638 — 9 Act to put Maryland in
state of defense against the Susque-
hannocks and other northern Indians.
(Act for Military discipline).
Be it enacted, etc., that every house-
keeper within this province shall
have ready continually upon all oc-
casions within his, her or their
houses for him or themselves and
for every person within his or their
house able to bear arms one service-
able fixed gunne, of bastard musket
bore — one pair bandaleers or shott
bag, one pound of good powder — four
pounds of pistol or musket shott and
a sufficient quantity of match for
matchlocks and of flint for firelocks
and before Christmas next shall also
find a sword and belt for every such
person aforesaid; that it shall be
for the Captain of St. Mary's of the
Isle of Kent once in every month to
demand of every dwelling house a
sight or view of said arms and ammu-
nition and to certify default to the
commander who shall amerce the
parties in such paine as the default
deserves not to exceed 30 pounds of
tobacco for one default; and the cap-
tain shall forthwith supply the part-
ies deficient with all necessary arms

and ammunition as aforesaid ap-
pointed.

And upon any alarm every house-
holder having three or more in the
house able to bear arms shall send
one man armed for every such three;
and two men for every five to such
place as shall be appointed; and all
householders delaying to send the
men aforesaid shall be fined, etc.
Here we see in what terror those
Susquehannocks were held. Vol. 1,
Maryland Archives pp. 77 and 78.

1639 — Susquehannocks Angered at
Maryland.

Bozman in his history of Maryland
page 161, says "The Susquehannocks
who have been represented as the
boldest and most warlike of all the
Indians now engaged in hostilities
against our colonies. This warfare
with them was brought on our colon-
ists by their endeavors to stay the
incursions of the Susquehannocks
against the peaceful and friendly
tribes of Piscataway and Patuxent
and others with whom the Susque-
hannocks never ceased to wage unin-
terrupted war ever since the first
settlement of Maryland."

1639— Maryland Sends Armed
Force Against the Sus-
quehannocks.

It now became necessary for Mary-
land to send the first armed force
against the Susquehannocks. This
effort is set forth in Bozman's Mary-
land, pp. 162 and 3 as follows: "By
the Lieutenant Governor and Council
May 28, 1639 — Whereas it is necessary
forthwith to make an expedition, up-
on the Indians of the East shore, at
the public charge of the Province, it
is thought fit to send a shallop, and
to provide twenty corslets or suits
of light armor — a barrel of powder —
four roundlets of shot per man — a
barrel of oatmeal — three firkins of

24

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

butter — four cases of hot waters
(whiskey) — and necessary provisions
to be made for the men and a pinnacle
be pressed to go to Kent victualled
and manned and it be provided with
four hogsheads of meal; and a pin-
nacle be sent against the Susquehan-
nocks, sufficiently victualled and
manned, and thirty or more good
shott (marksmen) with gunn or pis-
tols, with necessary officers be press-
ed out of the Province and that each
of the shott (marksmen) be allowed
at the rate of 100 pounds of tobacco
per month or another man in his
room at home to attend to his plan-
tation; and two sergeants double said
rate and that victuals and other nec-
essary accomodations for said soldiers
and all others which shall go as vol-
unteers be made and provided and
two pinnacles and a skiff be pressed
and fitted for transporting and land-
ing of said companies and that good
laboring hands be pressed to supply
the place of planters, gone on the
expedition."

At the same time a law was passed
to put Maryland in a state of de-
fense, see laws of 1638, Chap. 2, Sec.
8, where the same may be found. Al-
so refer to first and second para-
graph above.

Evans in his history of Lancaster
County, page 11, says of this expe-
dition: "The Susquehannocks having
continued to give the Pilgrim settlers
of St. Mary's a great deal of trouble
the Council resolved to invade that
country in 1639, namely the east-
ern shore of the Bay. An expedition
was planned against them but was
abandoned upon receipt of intelli-
gence that the Susquehannocks were
supplied with firearms. The Indians
of that tribe continued to harass the
settlers and we are not aware a suc-
cessful resistance was made against
them or their country along the

Susquehanna by the Marylanders;
but the fire in the rear from the Iro-
quois became so hot that the Susque-
hannocks concluded to form an al-
liance with the whites."

1640— Another Witness for Clay-
borne's Title.

The records of this year give us
more light upon Clayborne's proceed-
ings in the Susquehanna Valley and
at the mouth of the river. In Vol. 5,
Maryland Archives, p. 188, something
is told us about the trial of Clay-
borne's title to these lands. A wit-
ness soon after Clayborne's departure
for England, persuaded the governor
of Maryland to go to Susquehanna,
and that there the said Evelyn did
lend or give out of the fort at the
Isle of Kent to the governor a small
piece of ordinance to go against the
Island of Palmer where Clayborne
had planted and the governor going
there did displant the houses at Pal-
mer's Island and carry away all the
men, cattle and hogs into Maryland
and that thereby by Clayborne has
lost 1000 pounds sterling." And in
the same book, p. 184, it is set out
that "said Evelyn delivered to the
governor of Maryland two pieces of
Dutch cloth and other stuffe and
powder and beavers with which the
governor went up to the Susquehan-
nocks and bought corn therewith,
but would not deliver to Evelyn any
of the corn, the planters standing in
great need thereof." And also, page
234, under the same year (in same
book) we find a witness says, "In the
summer of 1637 this deponent, a ser-
vant of Clayborne, was appointed by
Clayborne with other men to plant
Palmer's Island in the territory of
the Susquehannocks, which island
with other lands adjacent thereto the
Kings of the Susquehannocks had
granted to Clayborne, and that the
governor of Maryland sent men and

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

25

took it and the cattle, hogs and men."
The force of all this is, that the
governor of Maryland, found it expe-
dient to try to disaffect the Susque-
hannock Indians from Claytaorne be-
for trying to disposses him from the
Susquehanna River mouth and its is-
lands. They were friends of Clay-
borne, and the governor felt that the
infant province was not strong
enough to overthrow the combina-
tion. So he even used some of Clay-
borne's goods to take to the Susque-
hannocks and buy then off — he bought
corn from them which they were
used to sell to Clayborne's planters,
and in need of which they sorely
stood so that he might weaken them
by cutting off their source of prov-
isions. This Palmer's island is a very
interesting point today, from its his-
torical associations — the seat of one
of the earliest English settlements
in this part of America, nearly as
early as Plymouth — and but little
over a score of years later than
Jamestown, and only about fifteen
miles from the southern boundary of
Lancaster county.

1640 And Later — The Susqueliannock

Rights and Possessions at

This Time.

'We have seen on the authority of
Acrelius and Campanius that about
1638 the Swedes brought the lands
stretching from Delaware River to
Susquehanna up to Conewago falls.
Lewis Evans, who wrote in 1755 and
earlier in his "Analysis of General
Map of the Middle British Colonies in
America" (printed by Franklin), also
tells us about this purchase. Page
11 and 12 he says, "All from the sea
to the falls at Trenton they had con-
veyed to Peter Menevet, Commandant
under Christina, Queen of Sweden.
The boundary extended thence west-
ward to the Great Falls of Susque-
hanna, near the mouth of Conewago

Creek." Evans also gives a more de-
finite description of the bounds of
the Susquehannocks' country than
others. He says, at same page "The
Susquehannocks had abandoned the
Western Shore of Maryland before
their conquest, and the English found
it mostly derelict; the Confederates
(Five Nations) confine their claim to
the northward of a line drawn from
Conewago Falls to the North Moun-
tain where it crosses Potomac and
thence by that chain of mountains to
the James River " This explains
why Smith found them pretty well
up the Susquehanna River and a va-
cant territory between them and the
Powhatan Indians. But they (Susque-
hannocks) did sally down into Mary-
land and give them much trouble so
that in May 1639 the Maryland gov-
ernment resolved to invade their
j country (Johnson's History of Cecil
! Co., p. 16). The Confederates (Five
j Nations) claimed all the country
| east of the Susquehanna north of a
line drawn from Trenton on the Dela-
ware to mouth of Conewago Creek on
Susquehanna they having whipped the
the Lenape and such of the Susque-
hannocks as were in that country
and driven them south of that line
— Evans' Analysis, p. 12. That is why
the Swedes never succeeded in buy-
ing lands farther north than that line,
from these Indians. The purchase did
not extend farther west than Susque-
hanna because that was derelict. In
later days of course the Five Nations
conquered all the Susquehanna lands
and we shall see that Penn was com-
pelled to deal with these savages of
the north, for this section of Pennsyl-
vania, for <hat reason. Thus at the
period of which we are writing, about
1640, the Susquehanna country In-
dians had the Swedes to the east on
the lower Delaware, from New Castle
and Wilmington sites to the latitudes
of Philadelphia, and between them

26

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

some scattered Delawares — on the
south the Marylanders and Powhatan
Indians — on the west open country
(neutral) and on the north the Five
Nations. They (the Susquehannocks)
at this time traded with both the
English on the south and the Swedes
on the east. Clayborne had cheated
and defrauded them most shamefully
at the head of the Bay; and they
turned to their new neighbors, the
Swedes, on the east, for trade quite
gladly, and were great friends with
them.

1640— Swedish Trade With Susque-
hamiocks at This Time.

Campanius gives us the clearest ac-
count of the trade between the Sus-
quehannocks and the Swedes at this j one
time. In his description of New
Sweden, page 157, he says, "These
Indians live a distance of 93 Eng-

themselves with when they go to
war." Acrelius, page 47, tells us al-
so of this trade with the Swedes says
these Indians that they live and ex-
tend miles from New Sweden on the
Susquehanna ani flonestoga. And
he also says that the roughness of
the "road" by which they traded can
still be seen by those who travel be-
tween New Castle and Lancaster.
Thus there is no mistake that this
Swedish trade was with our Susque-
hanna River Indians.

Some of the commodities playing a
part in the trade Campanius forgets
to mention. In a note page 148, Vol.
1, of Proud's History, quoting from
Smith's History, who gives Thos.
Budd as his authority, a speech of
of the Indian kings is given as
follows, "The strong liquor was first
sold to us by the Dutch; and they
are blind; they had no eyes; they did

lish miles from New Sweden where j not see that it was for our hurt. The

they daily come to trade with us. The

way to their lands is very bad, being

stony, full of sharp gray stones with

hills and morasses so that the Swedes

when they went to them, which hap-
pened once or twice a year, had to

walk in the water up to their arm-
pits. Thither they went with cloth,

kettles, axes, hatchets, knives and

mirrors and coral beads which they

sold to them for beaver and other

valuable skins and also for black

foxes and fisher's skins, which is a

kind of skin that looks like sable, but

with longer and silvery hair, like

some of the best sables, with beaver,

velvet-black squirrel skins, etc. These
precious furs are the principal ar-
ticles which they have for sale. They
live on a high mountain, very steep,
and difficult to climb; but they
have a fort or square building sur-
rounded with palisades which they
reside in, as shown on page 123.
There they have guns and small iron
cannon which they shoot and defend

next people that came among us were
the Swedes, who continued the sale
of these strong liquors to us; they
were also blind; they had no eyes,
they did not see it to be hurtful to
give us drink; although we know it
to be hurtful to us to drink it; but if
people will sell it to us we are so in
love with it that we cannot forbear
it. When we drink it, it makes us
mad; we do not know what we do; we
then abuse one another; we throw
each ether into the fire. Seven score
of our people have been killed by rea-
son of the drinking," etc. This is a
sad commentary on the beginning of
American civilization, and a shame
that the first pitiable protest should
come from the savages. Acrelius'
mention of the road is the earliest
notice of a 'road' in Pennsylvania of
which I have any knowledge. It likely
lay through the northern Delaware
swamps and then up along the east
side of the Susquehanna River
That this boom in the Swedish trade

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

27

began about this time is shown also
in Vol. 5, Sec. 2, Pa. Arch., p. 78,
where it is said, "The population did
not experience any special impulse
until the year 1639 when the fur
trade with the Indians which had pre-
viously been reserved to the company
was thrown free to everybody; at
which time the colonists spread them-
selves far and wide," also "they sep-
arated themselves from one another
and settled far into the interior of
the country the better to trade with
the Indians." Do. p. 78. The Com-
pany here referred to was Dutch.

1642 — The Susquehannocks' Numeri-
cal Strength — Their Progress
in the Arts of War.

Scharf in his history of Maryland
p. 140 gives the incident of Susque-
hanna cruelty, which he fixes as hap-
pening in 1642. He says, "A certain
man, a Christian, while he was mak-
ing his way with others through the
woods, fell behind his companions a
little when the savages of the tribe
of Susquehannocks atacked him sud-
denly from an ambuscade, and with
a strong and light spear of locust
wood from which they make their
bows, with an iron point oblong at
the sides pierced him through the
right side to the left at a hand's
breath below the arm pit near the
heart itself with a wound of two fin-
gers broad at each side. From the ef-
fects of this when the man had fallen
his enemies fled with the utmost pre-
cipitation; but his friends who had
gone before recalled by the sudden
noise and shout returned and carried
the man from the land to the boat
which was not far distant and thence
to his home in Piscataway and left
him speechless out of his sense." This
is the verbatim description of this
cruelty which Scharf gives, he himself
quoting from Father White, a Jesuit
who knows of it personally.

Susquehannocks Declared Public
Enemies.

1642. "These are to declare and
publish that the Susquehannocks,
Wicomeses and Nantocokes Indians
are enemies of this province and as
such are to be treated and proceeded
against by all persons — Given at St.
Mary's Sept., 13, 1642." Vol. 3 Md.
Arch. p. 116.

Accordingly the same year Mary-
land made up another expedition to
go against the Susquehannocks. This
is detailed as follows: "It shall be
lawful for the Lieutenant General or
Captain by him to make an expedition
against the Susquehannocks or other
Indians having ccmmitteed the late
outrages against English, at such
time and manner as he thinks fit and
to take out of every county or hun-
dred within the province the third
man able to bear arms, such as he
thinks fit and to go on the exepdi-
tion, and every of which men shall be
at the charge of the county, furnish-
ed and provided with one fixed gunne,
2 lbs. powder, 8 lbs. pistol or bullet
shott, 1 sword and 2 months provi-
sions of victuals and shall be trans-
ported to and from the expedition
with vessels and all necessarys at
like charge. And the expenses of the
same shall be raised by a levy on the
province for the charge of the men,
vessels, ammunition and provisions
and all perquisites arising from the
levy shall be for the benefit of the
province." Vol. 1, Maryland Archives
p. 196.

1642— Extent of Swedish Land Pur-
chased from the Susquehannocks.

The Swedes in a representation
dated 1642 page 767 Vol. 5 of 2nd
series Penna. Arch, set forth "This
district may be in length about 30
German miles (which is over 100
English miles) but as to the width
in the interior of the country it has

28

AXXALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

been stipulated and decreed in the

contracts that the subjects of her ma- j
jesty may take as much as they
wish;" and on page 781 that all sub-
jects of Sweden shall have "Liberty
of Trading upon the river of the
South (Delaware) and the interior cf
the country as well with the savages
as with the Christians, without any
condition, etc."

Thus it is plain from the above
that the Swedes had by far the lion's
share of the trade with the Minquas
or Susquehanna country Indians and |
as well with the various other tribes
on the Delaware. I have thought j
this necessary to give a true history
of the relations of these Minquas with
the Europeans on the Delaware, lest
it might be inferred that because of
their distance inland they did not
come nto constant contact with the |
civilization on Delaware, which of
of course they did constantly. It
will be noticed that as above describ-
ed the Minqua Creek was so named
not because the Minquas lived on it,
but beyond it, as stated it extends up
towards their lands. Along the Min-
qua was their chief highway to go
to the Delaware. They lived about
the Susquehanna 20 miles or more
from the head waters of the little
Minqua — or as Acrelius puts it 93
miles from the Delaware. It is plain
also that besides this route to the
Delaware these Susquehannas some
time went by way of Schuylkill, 10
to 20 miles from the mouth of the
same they had a trading station with
the Swedes. It is also plain that they
were beaver trappers along the
Schuylkill and the other streams of
that locality. The amount of com-
plaining of the Dutch too shows the
trade was very profitable. Accord-
ing to the speech of Cannassetego in
Lancaster Court House, June 25th,
1744, the Indians of whom he spoke,
cordially welcomed the Dutch when

they came among them over 100 years
before to trade. 4 Col. Rec. 704.
1642— Second Expedition Against the
Susquehannocks— Proclamation
by the Lieutenant General.
"Whereas the English were author-
ized to kill any Indians about Patux-
ent that should be met on etiher
land or water, and certain expeditions
were therein mentioned, I, now by
reason of some accidents since hap-
pening, wholly repeal and reverse the
proclamation and prohibit upon pain
of death that no English in the coun-
ty of St. Mary's or any other part
of the province do kill or shoot any
Indians, other than such as shall be
known to the Susquehannocks or
Wicomeses, unless first assaulted or
put in bodily fear of life by the In-
dians. I also revoke the proclamation
making Naulacogues enemies and de-
clare a treaty of peace with them."
This is found in Vol. 3, Maryland
Archives p. 129, and it amply illus-
trates the feeling in Maryland at this
time against the Susquehannocks.

1642 — Some Projected Expedition
Against the Susquehan-
nocks Abandoned.

In Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, p.

j 130, this further proclamation by the

j Lieutenant General is set forth:

j "Whereas by a proclamation dated

j January 31, on certain hopes then

presumed upon of means to go on a

j march upon the Susquehannocks, I

did declare to the province there

| would be an expedition set forth at

| his lordship's charge, which means

' being not yet found to answer my

hopes, I think fit to advise further of

the said expedition and therefore do

annul the said proclamation and ob-

S ligations undertaken and all powers

concerning the expedition, this 8th

| day of April."

We see by this item that while the
I government of the province of Mary-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

29

land were determined to war on the
Susquehannocks, the people gener-
ally did not relish at all the idea of
measuring arms with them.

1642 — Serious Charge Against Lieu-
tenant General Brent for Giving
up the Expedition Against
the Susquehannocks.

In Vol. 4, Maryland Archives, p.
128, under date of October 17, we
have the following information against
Giles Brent: "John Lewger, attorney
for Lord Baltimore, informs the
Court against Giles Brent that he hav-
ing moved and propounded an enter-
prise upon the Susquehannocks, the
said Lieutenant General together with
him, Mr. Brent, did resolve and con-
clude upon the manner and means
of it and that Brent should have
a commission and raise men at Kent
and all other necessaries for service
and that it should be done at the
county's charge, all of which Brent
seems to think approve and accord-
ingly undertook the moving of the
men upon Kent and leading them
out upon the service and he knew
well what charge it would be
and how important the honor and
safety of the province was con-
cerned in the managing and suc-
cess of it and what a notable oppor-
tunity was presented to the disadvan-
tage of the enemy and disabling him
to ever assault again, not to be hoped
for at any other time, he, Brent, on
arriving at Kent, under authority of
a commission granted to Mr. Brenth-
wait for command of that Island and
taking disgust thereat or for disaffec-
tion did not use or execute the mis-
sion, but devising how to make the
commission and design ineffectual
with impunity and to give people oc-
casion for refusing and disobeying
it, did leave it to their consideration
whether they were willing to be
pressed or not and used words to

signify that they would not be urged
and pretending there were illegalities
in his commission, yet later issued
warrants for 20 soldiers, who came
with arms and were ready, but re-
ceiving some impression and expres-
sion of their unwillingness he admit-
ted thereof and of his own head dis-
missed them and so let the whole en-
terprise fail and fall to the ground,
to the ill example and great damage
and danger of all and it is prayed he
may be compelled to answer for it"
Divested of all the legal verbiage
in which this complaint is couched
it means that Giles Brent, who was
sent on the expedition against the
Susquehannocks, when he reached
Kent Island encouraged people
to oppose it instead of trying to get
them to join his forces and enlist, so
that it cost the province much money
and was a flat failure. The people it
seems were afraid of the Susquehan-
nock and would not hazard a fight
with them.

1642— Failures of the Expedition
Against the Susquehannocks —
Witnesses Against Brent
and His Action.
In Vol. 4 Md. Arch. p. 138, we find
the following: "Wm. Sudd says that
in March he was appointed by Mr.
Pulton to go in his pinnacle as skip-
per and trader to the Susquehannas
and by him appointed to have men at
the lead of Kent for a voyage, and
that he would write to Mr. Brent to
assist him in it, and that at his com-
ing to Kent with the knowledge and
consent of Brent he hired John Petti-
man to go upon the voyage and hired
him for 200 pounds of tobacco a
month, and accordingly Pettiman was
out on the voyage two months and by
that means and that by his means
and pinnacle and the presence of the
men, they were saved from destruc-
tion by the Susquehannocks, which

30

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Brent would have al-

destruction
lowed."

Against the Susquehannocks.

On Nov. 25, Giles Brent made an-
swer to the information against him
that it was not sufficient in law and
also that he is not guilty of the
charge laid against him therein;
and the same time the Attorney Gen-
eral files a criminal bill against him
shirking his duty in not going upon
the Susquehannocks and destroying
them according to the command in
his commission. See Vol. 4, Md. Arch.
151. In the end nothing came of the
suit in court and council; and the
net result of it all was the unexplain-
ed failure to take the Susquehan-
nocks.
1643— A Third Expedition Planned

Against the Susquehannocks.
Another expedition planned against
Susquehannocks, Capt. Cornwaleys to
lead. In Vol. 3 Md. Arch. 131, we
find the following commission; "Re-
lying on your experience in martial
affairs I appoint and authorize you
to make an expidition against the
Susquehannocks or other Indians who
committed the outrages and took
the three men, and you are au-
thorized to take every third man fit
to bear arms in the province and re-
quire the counties to furnish them
and to have them ready at such ren-
dezous as you shall appoint and every
such volunteer to command with cap-
tains and with them a warre to make
upon the Indians aforesaid (Susque-
hannocks) in such manner and with
such power and authority whatso-
ever for the doing, commanding, ap-
point of anything toward the expedi-
tion or for vanquishing or spoiling
the enemy or anything touching the
said warre to have use and exercise
the same in as ample a manner and
effect as may be vested in a captain
general in time of warre, and we re-
quire all soldiers to obey you, Thomas

Cornwaleys under punishment. April
17, 1643, per Giles Brent, Lieut. Gen."
1643— Expedition Against the Susque-
hannocks—Powers Given
to Captain Cornwaleys.
In this year the following
powers were granted by Maryland to
Cornwaleys— Vol. 3, Maryland Arch-
ives, p. 133.— "Charles Cecelius Rex,
greeting, to Thomas Cornwaleys, Esq.
Whereas we are informed of your
proposition and propenseness to go
on a march upon the Susquehannocks
and that several to a considerable
number are willing and desirous to
be led out by you, on such a march,
upon certain conditions treated and
agreed between you and them, we ap-
prove very well of such your and
their forwardness for the vindica-
tion of the honor of God and the
Christians, and the English name, up-
on those barbarians and inhuman pa-
gans—do hereby authorize you to
levy such men as shall be willing to
go, upon said march and to lead and
conduct them against the Susquehan-
nocks or other Indian enemies of this
province in such time and manner as
you think fit and to do all things
for the training of the soldiers, fur-
nishing of sustenance and other sup-
plies, and to demand obedience and
order the affairs, and provide officers
as against martial enemies and dis-
posing of the spoyle and all other
things and matters whatsoever to the
said expedition appurtaining in the
manner and power as the captain
general of any army can or may do
in the time of warre."

Thus here we have another evi-
dence of the continued trouble which
the Susquehannocks were inflicting
on the Marylanders. All this we have
seen originated, because the whites
of Maryland took sides with a few
small tribes of Indians who were
hereditary enemies of the Susquehan-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

31

nocks. Whether this expedition was
taken or not history dos not inform
us. If it was there was evidently not
any great punishment inflicted upon
the Susquehannocks; and it is likely
that the project was affected in a
manner similar to the expedition of
1639, as Mr. Samuel Evans tells us
in his History of Lancaster County,
that is, that the Marylanders were
faint of heart in the project. At any
rate the following year an opportun-
ity for concluding a possible peace
presenting itself, the Marylanders
very gladly tried to avail themselves
of it. We shall now speak of it.

1044— Effort to Make Peace with the
Susquehannocks.

Bozman, p. 275, introduces this sub-
ject as follows: "Some proceedings
now took place relative to a treaty
expected to be held with the Susque-
hannocks at the English fort or gar-
rison at Piscataway. It seems they
were begun in the absence of the
governor. The Susquehannocks

were expected at Piscataway either
with serious intentions to enter into
a cessation of hostilities, or sinister
designs to inveigle the friendly Pisca-
taways, and a commission was grant-
ed to Henry Fleete." This action, in
the absence of the governor, we shall
see, aftrwards led to disputes in
Maryland and the revocation of pow-
ers granted, etc.

This commission to Fleete was as
follows: "Cecelius, etc., to Captain
Henry Fleete, greeting. — Whereas by
certain intelligence from the Pisca-
taways I understand that there was
some number of our enemies, the
Susquehannock Indians, expected
about this time at Piscataway under
color to treat and conclude a peace
with them and us, but perhaps to
confederate and unite all the Indians
of these parts in some general league
or plot for cutting off the English

in Maryland, as they have most sav-
agely attempted in Virginia (this
must refer to the massacre planned
and partly executed by Opechanca-
nough in 1639. See Bozman, p. 275) ;
and because it concerns the honor and
safety of the colony to have some
English there to be present at the
treaty and other proceedings, to direct
and overrule it if need be, to counsel
and strengthen our friendship, and
friends that yet remain and terrify
the others and to proceed with the
Susquehannock agents either in hos-
tiliy or peace as there shall be most
cause and reason for — I relying upon
your skill in the language, and long
conversation and experience in Indian
affairs and your prudent and provi-
dent circumspection otherwise, have
made choice of you and do hereby
will and require you to taKe with you
a convenient strength of English well
armed and provided to the number of
twenty at least and with them repair
to Piscataway and there proceed with
the Indians, both friends and enemies,
to such instructions as shall be de-
livered to you by my secretary bear-
ing date herewith, and to lead, order
and command in chief all the said
company as shall go with you, yea
even to the inflicting of death upon
mutinous persons, as a captain gen-
eral may do by martial law. St.
Mary's, June 18, 1644, per Giles Brent
Esq." Sec. 3, Maryland Archives, p.
148, and Bozman, p. 275.

At the same time the following in-
structions were given by John Lew-
ger. Brent's secretary to Fleete: "You
are to go with your company to Pisca-
taway and there confer and consider
by the best means yau may, what
hope there is of a real and firm
peace or truce with the Susquehan-
nocks, whether it will be more to
the honor and safety of the English
to have a warre or a truce with them
at present.

32

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

2. If you find the best reasons to
persuade them to peace you may en-
ter into a treaty of peace with them
and undertake to them in our names
a truce or cessation of all acts of
hostility on our part until such time
as you shall agree upon, for expecta-
tion of performance of conditions on
their part, and of the governor's as-
sent to peace, and give hostages or
exchanges as you shall be willing.
John Lewger, Secretary." This may
be found in Vol. 3, Maryland Arch-
ives, p. 149, and Bozman, p. 277.

At the same time passports to the
Susquehannocks were given, to in-
duce them freely to come and treat
as follows: "Cecelius, etc., greeting —
To all the inhabitants of the province
known that I have promised and un-
dertaken to the Indian bearer or
bearers hereof of the Susquehannock
Nation not exceding three, to repair
in a good manner from the Susque-
hannocks' forte and to my lieutenant
general or some of my council at
Kent or St. Mary's upon any public
treaty message, safe and free passage
to and fro through my province with-
out any harm or molestation of any
of the English, and therefore I re-
quire all of every one of you upon
sight hereof not to do anything to
the violating of the public faith given
unto them, upon the utmost peril of
such punishment as by martial law
may be inflicted upon the contemners
or violators hereof. Given St. Mary's
June 18, 1644." (See the same in Vol.
3, Maryland Archives, p. 150, and
Bozman, p. 279.)

The token which was given these
Susquehannock Indians, as safe con-
duct, was a medal of copper, with a
black and yellow ribbon attached.
And we shall see later that the Mary-
land troops, in a dastardly way,
thirty years later, broke the faith
signified by the medals, and shot
down five defenseless Susquehannock

chiefs, who came to treat with the
medals in their hands.

1644— Robert Evelyn's Estimates of

of the Susquehannocks at

This Time.

During four years, (about 1642 to
1646) Robert Evelyn lived among the
Swedes and Dutch about Delaware,
and with the English in Maryland
and Virginia. About the latter year
he wrote a letter, supposed to be to
the Queen of Sweden, describing the
Susquhannocks at this time and their
country and ways. The letter is in-
corporated into the "Description of
New Albion" written about 1646,which
we have referred to before. In this
letter he says "On the Delaware I
have resided several years. I do ac-
count all the Indians to be about 800,
and are in several factions and war
against the Susquehannocks, and are
all extreme fearful of a gun and are
naked and unarmed against our shot,
swords and pikes, and since my re-
turn 18 Swedes are settled there and
46 Dutchmen in a boat trade without
fear of them. From the Indians you
may have two thousand bushels of
corn at 12 pence a bushel. This let-
ter may be seen in first Vol. Proud,
p. 112. The description of New Albion,
found in same place in Proud, then
goes on and supplements what Eve-
lyn said. The author says besides
the 800 Indians mentioned by Evelyn
there are 23 Kings in that section.
Then it says, "The Susquehannas are
not now of the naturals left above
one hundred and ten, though with
their forced auxiliaries the Ihon-a-
Does and the Wycomeses they can
make two hundred and fifty. These
together are counted valiant and ter-
rible to other cowardly dull Indians,
which they beat with the fight of
guns only. These last named tribes
the Susquehannas recently conquer-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

33

ed, which fact we have noted in prior
articles. It seems that the Susque-
hannocks had their 'New Town' about
Conewaga on Susquehanna River be-
fore 1648 (which by some writers is
said to have been built later), for the
last named authority says, "The Sus-
quehannocks' new town is also a
rare, healthy and rich place, with it
a crystal broad river; but some falls
below, hinder navigation."

Evidently the strength of the Sus-
quehannocks varied exceedingly
rapidly because Indian authorities
(notably the Committee on Archaeol-
ogy of the Dauphin Historical Society
in their pamphlet 'Ind. Hist, of Low-
er Susquehanna) say that about this
time or in 1647, the Susquehannocks
had 1300 able bodied men. See last
named work p. 40. Smallpox had
made disastrous ravages upon them
about this time. That may explain
it. The above refernece to their wars
recalls to our minds what says Cam-
panius of them when going to and
in war, that they make bread made
of Indian corn and tobacco juice,
which is very good to allay hunger
and quench thirst in case they have
nothing else at hand p. 122 and p.
137 he says "These Indians are of-
ten at war and they are fearless of
their enemies."

I omitted to mention above that
Robert Evelyn mentions in his letter
that, "I went to Chicocoen the north-
ern part of Virginia on the Potomac
and I found the heathen of Virginia
were at war with the Susquehan-
nocks and all the eastern bay Indians.
We found 14 canoes and 140 Susque-
hannocks reduced by three Swedes in-
to a half moon with intent to en-
compass the first sail boat before the
second could reach the former; and
at the first volley of 10 shots and the
loss of one Indian, they all ran
away."

Appropo of the mischief and de-

predations of these Indians we have
an early description of them by the
Dutch deputies about this time. In Vol.
5 2nd Series of the Penna. Archives
p. 130 it is stated, "The natives are
generally well limbed, slender around
the waist and broad shouldered; all
having black hair and brown eyes,
they are swift and nimble, dirty and
slovenly and make light of all sorts
of hardships. The men have very
little beard and pluck out what they
do have. As soldiers they are not
honorable; but accomplish their
success by perfidy and treachery.
They make little of death when it is
inevitable, despise torture at the
stake, generally singing until they
are dead. They use duffels, deer-
skin leather, skins of raccoons, wild
cats, wolves, dogs, fishers, squirrels
and beavers for garments Some have
shoes of corn husks and head gear
of turkey feathers. Since Christians
are among them some now wear bon-
nets or caps. They wear wampum
in ther ears and around their necks.
They have long deer's hair dyed red
of which they make ringlets to en-
circle their heads. All of them can
swim. Their marriages are without
ceremony, and men and women fre-
quently trade spouses. They know
little of God. They are in dread of the
devils, but their devils they say will
have nothing to do with the Dutch."

1644 — Susquehaniiock Annex Their
Lands to New York's Government.

About this time also (1644) there
were important changes in the rela-
tions of the Susquehannocks to the
lands of this section. Page 755 of
the book last mentioned (Pa. Arch.)
there is a report of Gov. Dongan, of
New York, dated 1684, and in it he
says, "Those Indians about 40 years
ago did annex their land to this gov-
ernment and have ever since con-
stantly renewed the same. Endeavors

34

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

have been used but to no purpose to
persuade our traders to go and live
on the Susquehanna River." This
annexation to New York however was
done by the Five Nations, and not
by the Susquehannocks, as the Five
Nations even at this time began to
claim authority over the Susquehan-
nocks. The true date was about 1648
when this occurred; but as we shall
see in next paper, the Five Nations
were very much mistaken in think-
ing the Susquehannocks would sub-
mit to them.

1644— Rivalry Between the Swedes
and the Dutch to Secure the
Susquehanna and Sur-
rounding Indian
Trade.
So that we shall keep in mind that
when the Dutch and the Swedes
speak of the Minquas, they mean the
Susquehannas I again refer to Vol.
8 p. 301 of the Jesuit Relations where
it is stated that the Andastes are
"called Minquas by the Dutch and
Susquehannas or Conestogas by the
English."

In tracing up this contest by the
Swedes and the Dutch to get the best
of the Susquehanna trade each from
the other, we must not forget that
the Swedes were more tactful than
the Dutch in the affair, and also were
more friendly received by the In-
dians. They were the favorites.
They were never hostile to the In-
dians and they dealt more fairly with
them.

The Dutch complained sorely
against the Swedes. In a remons-
trance by Andreas Fudde, for the
Dutch dated Nov. 1, 1645 p. 103 of
5 Vol. 5 of 2nd Series Pa. Arch., he
states, "Further up the river (Dela-
ware) on the west shore on a creek
called Minquas Creek, so named as

goes on, "In regards to this Schuyl-
kill, these are lands purchased by the
Company (the Dutch). The company's
carpenter constructed a fort there.
This fort cannot in any manner ob-
tain control over the river; but it
has command over the whole creek,
while this creek is the only remain-
ing avenue for trade with the Min-
quas, and without this trade the
river is of little value. A little dis-
tance from this fort was a creek to
the farthest distant wood, which
place is named Kinsessing by the
savages, which was before a certain
and invariable resort for trade with
the Minquas, but which is now op-
posed by the Swedes having there
built a strong house. Half a mile
further in the woods Printz con-
structed a mill of a creek which runs
into the sea and on this creek a strong
building just by the path which leads
to the Minquas; so that no access to
the Menqueas is left open ; and he too
controls nearly all the trade of the
savages on the river, as the greatest
part of them go hunting in the neigh-
borhood which they are not able to
do without passing by his residence.
I therefore gave orders to go to the
Schuylkill and wait there for the
Minquas." In another remonstrance
dated about 1649 the Dutch say, page
139 of the same book, "As relates to
the trade with the Indians on the
South River the English and Swedes
are making great efforts to secure it
as we shall show." This is the trade
that came down from the Susque-
hanna country, as Campanius des-
cribed it 93 miles from New Sweden
on to Conestoga. The Dutch also
complain that the Indians themselves
are not fair with them for they say
they (the Dutch) bought lands from
them, and thus expect their favor. P.

it runs pretty near tbe Minquas land 235. And especially as to the Sus-

is a fort named Christiana the I quehannock trading center on the

first fort built by the Swedes." He ' Schuylkill where as already mention-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

35

ed Port Beversrede stands was pur-
chased from the right owners and
principal Indians in 1633 by the
Company's servant which conveyance
the Indian chiefs in 1648 did renew.
Notwithstanding the Swedes have
erected a fort on these grounds and
built a house in front of the gate at
the Company's fortress for trading
where our people are wholly shut out
from the sight of the road to deprive
the Company (Dutch) of the beaver
trade and they have ruined the
trade." On page 333 the Dutch fur-
ther set forth their title to all the
province from the South (Delaware)
river westward "into the west as far
and much farther than our line of
limits are yet extended and seated,
having legally bought them from the
Indians the native proprietors." And
as to the extent of the trade the
Dutch say page 235, "Thousands of
beavers can be bought here and
around the Schuylkill or Beaver's
Rede which was brought down in
great abundance by the southern In-
dians called Minquas and the Black
Indians so that this river has always
been held in great repute on account
of its fitness and great convenience
for both trade and agriculture." As
to the Black Indians, Clarke in his
Early Cayuga History page 36, in a
note says, "The Black Minquas were
considered an offshot of the Mo-
hawks."

1645— Maryland's Governor Disowns
Certain Interference With the
Susquehannocks, Which
His Council Set
On Foot
In a former item we saw that John
Lewger, a member of Council and an
attorney for the Government, and al-
so secretary to the Lieutenant Gen-
eral, gave certain instructions to Col-
onel Fleet, how to proceed with the
Susquehannocks, and make war or

peace v/ith them as he saw fit. This
was done in the absence of the Gov-
ernor and the result was what now
follows: "Now whereas John Lewger,
Esq., one of his Lordship's Council
of this Province, without orders or
authority from the Proprietor or
Lieutenant General, pursuant to his
own head, to counterfeit and deliver
unto Henry Fleete a commission for
a treaty of peace with the enemies
of the Province, the Susquehannocks
and likewise for the making said
Fleete a captain or general to make
war against them or against other
Indians and to bear authority over
his company and the inhabitants of
this Province, and to do acts accord-
ing to the tenor of the said commis-
sion, he has presumed to affix and
count his Lordship's seal and his
Lieutenant General's hand, which acts
being a high misdeameanor and of-
fense and as such requires serious
animadversion. — These are therefore
to suspend the said John Lewger from
the office or dignity of Council, from
all other offices and dignities depend-
ing thereon, and I do further revoke
all other commissions at any time
granted unto him, said John Lewger,
by me as Lieutenant General. Sign-
ed Giles Brent." See Vol. 3, Maryland
Archives, p. 151.

It is evident that the government
of Maryland at this time thought
dealing with the Susquehannocks was
too serious a matter for subordinates
to take upon themselves, without
consulting with ther superiors. Boz-
man in his history speaking of this
date, 1644, says the Susquehannocks
were now the most formidable In-
dians the Marylanders had to en-
counter, and they were in the habit
of using firearms, having secured
them from the Dutch and the Swedes
and the Governor made a proclama-
tion prohibiting any one from carry-
ing powder or selling guns or shot

36

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

without a license, which assistance
some of the colonists were in the
habit of giving them. See Bozman,
Vol. 2, p. 273.

1646— Susuuehannocks' Cruelty and
Customs— Progress In the Art
of War.
Campanius Holm in his History of
New Sweden (Pennsylvania) says p.
137: "In 1646 the Indians had taken
one of the Mingoes (Susquehannocks)
in war and bound him to a tree; then
they made a large fire around him
and when he was as well as half
roasted they let him loose, giving
him a fire brand in each hand and
taking one in each hand themselves
then challenging him to fight; and
when at last he could no longer
stand and fell down one of them
sprang upon him and with his nails
cut the skin of his forehead open and
tore off his scalp, which they carried
with them as a trophy of war." This
was simply retaliation upon the
Susquehannocks, because that was
the exact form of cruelty the Sus-
quehannocks practiced on their vic-
tims regularly. Campanius also says
at same page: "The Indians were of-
ten at war with the surrounding
tribes, especially the Mingoes; but
they dare not engage with the Chris-
tians, since they have discovered
they are superior to them in the mil-
itary art; they were mightly afraid
of our guns; when they first heard a
report of a firearm they would not
remain while the firing continued.
They wear on their heads a red tur-
key feather as a sign they are going
to shed blood; and on one of their
arms they have a shield of bark or
skin of an elk. After they have car-
ried their wives and children to an
island or place of safety they proceed
on their way in a certain order, and

think thy have a great battle when
ten or twelve are dead on the field."

1646— Location and Trade of the Sus-
quehannocks When Found by
the Swedes.

Campanius says, p. 157: "There
were found when the Swedes came to
this country, within 93 miles, ten or
twelve other tribes. Among these
were the Mingoes or Minikus (Sus-
quehannocks), the principal tribe,
and renowned for their warlike char-
acter. They live at a distance of
twelve Swedish miles from New Swe-
den (93 English miles), where they
daily came to trade with us. The
way to their land is very bad, being
stony and full of sharp gray stones."
What this trade consisted of we
have shown in a former item. He
also tells us the Indian fort of the
Susquehannocks "had small cannon
placed upon it." He also says of
them: "They are vigorous, young
and old, are a tall people but not
frightful. When they are fighting
they do not attempt to fly but all
stand like a wall as long as there is
one remaining. They force the other
Indians to be afraid of them and
make them pay tribute, so that they
dare not stir, much less go to wai
against them. But their numbers
are diminished by war and sickness."
In later items we will deal with the
Susquehannocks' relations with the
Five Nations, showing a most mar-
velous intercourse with the New York
Confederacy.

1646 — Fort Built or Improved on the
Susquehanna by the Christians.

The forts on the Susquehanna are
a very interesting subject of histori-
cal investigation. There was an In-
dian fort (may be several of them)
on lower Susquehanna, when in 1608

when they meet their enemy they at- : Captain John Smith was near the
tack them with great outcries. They | Pennsylvania line, because p. 120, of

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

37

Vol, 1, of his History of Virginia,
which we have cited at another place,
he says, "They make near 600 men
and are palisaded in their towns to
defend them," in speaking of the Sus-
quehannocks. But John Watson says
the earliest whites built a fort there
too. In a paper on Indian lands in
Vol. 3, Memoirs of the Historical
Society at Philadelphia, part 2, p.
131, "It will be observed that before
Penn's day there had been a fort con-
structed by some Christian people
upon the shores of that (Susquehanna)
river." And to prove there was such
a fort he says in a large folio in the
land office at Harrisburg, in book 14,
entitled "Old Surveys and Registry
of Land Warrants," there is a dia-
gram showing the 'walking purchase'
back to the Susquehanna, one line of
which goes to a point on the Susque-
hanna, 3 miles above the mouth of
the Conestoga, marked 'fort demol-
ished.' This then he concluded was
a fort built by the Christians. Clay-
borne may have had a hand in it; but
we do not know. He was in that
neighborhood in 1637 and later. The
Swedes were there trading in 1640 to
1646; the Dutch were there also. In
1664 the Iroquois, who came down
upon the Susquehannocks, found not
only iron muskets in the hands of
the Susquehannocks, but iron cannon
mounted on the fort. So whether the
Christians originally built the fort
that Watson refers to, or whether
they simply improved a fort first
built by the Susquehannocks (as
found by Smith), we cannot tell, and
we leave the matter in the plight in
which Watson placed it — viz., that the
Christians had something to do with
it. I make the date 1646 because
that is about the time that the Chris-
tians had some voice and directions
in the doings of the Susquehannocks
at that place.

1646— Approach of War Between Iro-
quois and Hurons— Susquehan-
nocks Offer to Help the
Hurons.

The overture of the Susquehan-
nocks to the Hurons to help the Hu-
rons in their struggle with the Iro-
quois, we have before touched on
where we cited the Dauphin County
Indian History Pamphlet as authority ;
but as that is not first hand informa-
tion I prefer now to cite an original
authority, viz.: VoL 30, Jesuit Rela-
tions, p. 253, where the Jesuits write
in 1646 from Onondago and say: "Our
fathers with the Hurons say that the
savages of Andaste (Susquehan-
nocks) whom we believe to be neigh-
bors to Virginia and who had former-
ly close alliance with the Hurons in-
somuch that there are still found in
the Huron country people from their
dialects,' have conveyed these
few words to the Hurons, viz:
'We have learned that you have
enemies, and you have only to say to
us "Lift the axe" and we assure you
either they will make peace or we
shall make war on them.' The Hu-
rons were very joyful at these fine
offers and have sent an embassy to
those people. The chief of the em-
bassy was a worthy Christian, accom-
panied by eight persons, four of
whom have embraced the faith of
Jesus Christ." We shall later cite
Vol. 33, Jesuit Relations, p. 129,
showing that under date of 1647 an-
other offer was made to help the
Hurons by the Susquehannocks and
that the Hurons sent a representa-
tive on to confer with the Susque-
hannocks. All this goes to show the
position and strength of the Susque-
hannocks at this time, who at this
time had 1300 warriors. This is the
greatest number of warriors they had
in all their known history. Never
afterwards did they have so many
and never before. Captain Smith
said in his time. 1608, they had 600.

Z8

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Thus about 1650 they were in the
greatest power. This is also evi-
denced by the manner in which the
government of Maryland regarded
them at this date.

1647 — Susquehnunocks Attempt to
Intervene in Iroquois-Huron War.

The description of the attempt to
intervene by the Susquehannocks, in
the Huron-Iroquois war in 1647 is
given in Vol. 33 p. 127 of the Jesuit
Relations as follows: "The Andaste
is a country beyond the neutral na-
tion, distant from the Huron coun-
try, about 150 leagues (450 miles) in
a straight line to the southeast, a
quarter south, from the Huron coun-
try, that is southeast a little toward
the east, but the distance because of
the detours in the route is 200 leagues.
They are very warlike , and in
a single village they count 1300 men
capable of bearing arms. They speak
the Huron language, and have always
been allies of the Hurons.

"At the beginning of the year 1647
two men of that nation came here,
deputed by their captains, to tell our
Hurons that if they lost courage and
felt too weak to contend against our
enemies, they should inform them
(the two Andaste delegates) and send
an embassy to Andaste for that ob-
ject. The Hurons did not miss the
opportunity. Charles Andasiondrout
an excellent Christian of long stand-
ing, was deputed as the head of the
embassy and he was accompanied by
four other Christians and four Tn-
fields. They left here (Canada) on
the 13th of April and reached An-
daste only at the beginning of June.
The harrangue delivered by Charles on
his arrival was not long. He told of
the wars and that the land was cov-
ered with blood and the cabins with
corpses. The reply of the Andaste
was to deplore the calamaties, and
added that tears and regrets were

not the remedy for the wars and
evils; but that their misfortunes must
be arrested as soon as possible. Af-
ter a number of councils, they de-
puted ambassadors to the enemies of
our Hurons to beg them to lay down
their arms to think of lasting peace
which would not hinder the trade of
all these countries with one another.
The ambassadors went and had not
returned by the 15th of August. The
Andastes insisted on peace and de-
terminated to renew the war which
they waged a few years ago with the
Agnieronnous (that is the Mohawks),
who are brethren of the Iroquois, if
they refused to enter into peace.
When Charles Andasiondrout was at
Andaste, he went to see the Euro-
peans, their allies who were at a dis-
tance of three days' journey from
that place. They received him with
kindness. Charles did not fail to
tell them that he was a Christian and
requested them to take him to their
church, that he might perform his
devotions, for he thought it was like
those in our French settlements.
They replied that they had no place
set apart for prayers, and the good
Charles observed some acts of levity
that were not very modest on the
part of some young men, towards
two of their Savage women who had
come from Andaste. The captain of
the settlement apologized for it and
said he was not obeyed by his people
for purity of morals. We think the
people of that European settlement
are mostly Dutch and English, who
for some special reason have placed
themselves under the protection of
the King of Sweden, and have call-
ed the country New Sweden. We
had formerly thought it a part of
Virginia." This account was written
only a few years after the events
happened. This accurate account
differs from the account given

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

39

by the Dauphin County pamphlet, in
that it puts the interview of the Sus-
quehannocks with the Hurons first,
whereas the Dauphin County pam-
phlet puts the embassy of the Sus-
quehannocks to the Iroquois first,
and with the Hurons, second. We
notice here, too, that the Susque-
hannas had wars with the Mohawks
(Agnieronnous) some years before
this time, and we will speak of it
again. The settlement "three days
distant" from Andaste (Susquehanna)
was the Swedish settlement on the
Delaware, near where Wilmington
and New Castle now stand.

The Five Nations (or Iroquois) and
the Susquehannocks by this time
both had won military glory; both
had gotten guns and had learned to
use them. The Susquehannocks from
1634 to 1644 reduced the Piscataways,
Patuxents and the Waocacoes tribes,
in a ten years' war and the Iroquois
had reduced the Hurons, as we have
seen before. The Susquehannocks
had finished their conflicts with the
smaller tribes, which not only includ-
ed the reduction of the three tribes
just named but also the twelve small
tribes which Robert Evelyn says in
his letter (hereafter to be cited) lived
on the Delaware and were whipped
by the Susquhannocks. The Iroquois
had not destroyed the Hurons, but
simply weakened them. They were,
now, however, bent upon exterminat-
ing them. The Susquehannocks de-
termined to stop hostilities.

The Dauphin County pamphlet, be-
fore mentioned gives this account
of this effort on the part of the Sus-
quehannocks— see page 40. "When
the Hurons in Upper Canada in 1647
began to sink under the fearful blows
dealt them by the Five Nations, the
Susquehannocks sent an embassy to
Onondago (the headquarters of the
Five Nations) to urge the cantons to
peace. The Iroquois refused. The

Susquehannocks then sent an em-
bassy to the Hurons, to offer them
aid against the common enemy. Nor
was this offer of little value. The
Susquehannocks could put in the
field 1300 warriors trained to the use
of fire-arms and European methods
of warfare, having been instructed by
three Swedish soldiers; but the Hu-
rons sank into apathy and took no
active steps to secure the aid of the
friendly Susquehannocks."

This interesting offer to interpose
is graphically told in the Jesuit Re-
lations by narrators who got the in-
formation first hand from those in-
terested in the affair. In this work
as we have often said the Susque-
hannocks are called the Andaste.
The Jesuit Fathers in Vol. 8, p. 301
call them (Susquehannocks) "allies
of our Hurons and who talk like
them," and in Clark's Early Cayuga
History, found in a note p. 36 of the
same volume (i. e. 8) he says, "An-
daste is a term used generally by the
French and applied to several dis-
tinct Indian Tribes located south of
the Five Nations in the present ter-
ritory and Pennsylvania. One of the
most southerly tribes was located at
the great falls between Columbia and
Harrisburg in the vicinity of the lat-
ter place occupying five towns and
by Smith were called the Susquehan-
nocks."

1647— Cost of Watching the Susque-
liannocks.

In Vol. 4, Maryland Archives, p.
231, it is stated under this date that
the following charge was preferred
before the Assembly and allowed: "To
Walter Watertson for bringing intelli-
gence touching the Susquehannocks,
eighty pounds." From this it is evi-
dent that the Maryland government
was compelled to keep scouts and
runners employed to give the whites
news at all times concerning the

40

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

movements and supposed plans of the
Susquehannocks. This is in line with
what we have noticed in former
items — namely, that the government
of Maryland compelled all the inha-
bitants to be ready with powder and
shot and firearms at all times, either
to defend against the Susquehannocks
or to march against them. The pow-
er and prominent place of this tribe
among the savage nations of America
at this time are well established.
1648— Susquehannocks* Influence on
the Onondagoes.
Under this date in Vol. 33, Jesuit
Relations, p. 123, it is stated; "The
Andaste tribes (Susquehannocks) al-
lied to the Hurons contribute in a
great measure, it is said, toward the
matter of peace, either because the
Onondagoes fear to have them as
enemies or because they desire their
alliance." This is to be sure only a
brief note; but it is a statement writ-
ten at the time the situation existed
and is worth more than a page of
historical speculation written from
inferences formed a hundred years
later. It is in short another asser-
tion of the pre-eminence of the
mighty Susquehannocks. It will be
noticed nothing like this is ever said
of the other tribes of Maryland or
of the Delaware, nor of the tribes
of Powhatan.

1648 — More Particulars of the Huron
Embassy to Susquehanna.

In Vol. 33, p. 73, of the Jesuit Re-
lations under date of 1648, there is
the following statement concerning
the Huron embassy to the Susque-
hanna the year prior: "Our Hurons
have sent an embassy to Andaste
( Susquehanna) , people of New Sweden
their former allies, to solicit them to
enter into a full peace with them or
resume the war they waged but a
few years ago against the Annierou-

nons (Mohawk-Iroquois.) Consider-
able assistance is expected from
this as well as a great relief for the
country. The Annierounons - Iro-

quois are near Quebec." To those
not acquainted with Indian history of
these times, it may be explained that
this statement means, the Hurons
sent an agent to the Susquehannocks
to ask them to help them, or to re-
new their (the Susquehannocks')
war with the Mohawks, called the
Annierounons. This Susquehannock-
Mohawk war we remember raged
about 1607 to 1620 at least, and so
demoralized were the Mohawks and
their allies by the onslaughts of the
Susquehannocks that the very name
of Andaste made them tremble; and
this fear continued up to 1640 at
least. So says the Jesuit Relations,
Vol. 45, pp. 203 and 205. In a prior
item we have discussed the fear
which the Susquehannocks threw
over the Mohawks during and after
the Mohawk war. The journey and
speech of the agent the Hurons sent
to the Susquehannocks we have fully
set forth also earlier. As to the lo-
cation of this wonderful Andaste, p.
135, of Vol. 33, Jesuit Relations, says
Andaste is seven days' journey from
the Iroquois.

1650 and Onward — Iroquois' Retalia-
tion Upon the Susquehannas-Open-
ing of the Conflict — Minor Move-
ments and Doings of the Susque-
hannas — First Campaigns of the
Iroquois— Susquehanna War.
We are now briefly to notice a
various series of events, simply for
the sake of the chronolgy (chronolo-
gical arrangement being the only
rule or system of these annals).

The Dauphin County Committee on
Archaeology in their pamphlet before
cited, p. 40, says that "Four years
later (1651) the Iroquois, grown in-
solent by their successes in almost

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

41

annihilating their kindred tribes
north and south of Lake Erie, provok-
ed a war with the Susquehannas."
This is all we shall note of this war
at present. It will be discussed un-
der a later date.

Other events as above stated must
now claim attention, some of which
are as follows: "During the year 1650
the terrible scourge of small-pox
broke out among the Susquehannas.
(Do. p. 40).

1650 — Susquehannock Hunters Roam
About Lake Ontario.

About this time (as likely perhaps
many years before^ the Susquehan-
nock hunters in their hunting wan-
dered as far as Lake Ontario, where
they came into contact with the Iro-
quois and were plundered. This
shows the great width and extent
over which these Susquehannocks
were accustomed to roam. (Do. p.
40).

1651— The Great Susquehannock-Iro-

quois War of Several Tears

Begins.

We have quoted above an author
who says the war between the Sus-
quehannocks and Iroquois began in
1651. While this may be so, it seems
that the 'War' was simply desultory
several years.

I find that Proud says nothing
about this war. In his History of
Pennsylvania he omits to mention any
events from 1632 to 1654 (See pp. 117
and 118) ; and when he does resume
the discussion it is about Swedes' af-
fairs. He mentions a Swedish Treaty
with the Indians in 1655; but makes
no other Indian references until 1664,
when mention is made of Albany In-
dian affairs. Mombert's History, p.
23, quoting from Col. Rec (no doubt)
admits the war was in progress in
1654, but that the Susquehannocks
were still superior at that time. The
Dauphin County archaeologists, in

their pamphlet before quoted, pp. 40
and 41, say of the period, about 1655,
I suppose: "War had now begun in
earnest with the Five Nations (Iro-
quois) and though the Susquehan-
nocks had some of their people killed
near their towns they in turn pressed
the Cayugas so hard that some of
them retired across the lakes into
Canada. They also kept the Senecas
in check that they no longer ventur-
ed to carry their peltry to New York
except under heavy guarding. Smart-
ing under constant defeat the Five
Nations solicited French aid." Lyle's.
History of Lancaster County would
lead us to infer that this war was
declared or begun only about 1660
(P. 19) but it was earlier; because
in Vol. 48 of the Jesuit Relations, p.
76, a communication written in 1662
says that the war "broke out some
years ago." And finally the speech
of the Indian orator in the Lancaster
Court House June 26, 1744, 4 Col. Rec.
708, shows that the serious conse-
quences of the war occurred some
time after 1654. From all the evi-
dences we gather it that the real
brunt of the war came on about 1660.
This we will treat fully later.

1651— The Mohawks and Other Iro-
quois Now Combine Against
the Susquehannocks.

From 1646 or 1647 to 1651 the Iro-
quois Confederacy were warring on
the weaker Hurons, during which time
we have seen the Hurons sent to the
Susquehannocks for help and the
Susquehannocks freely offered to
give aid. But strange to say the help
never was given. The cause of this
I cannot find; nor can I find the true
cause of the war by the Iroquois up-
on the Hurons, except while they
were neighbors of the Iroquois, they
were cousins of the Susquehannocks
or at least former allies, and the Iro-
quois Confederacy were jealous and

42

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

fearful of a confederacy between the
Susquehannocks and Hurons. The
rich Susquehanna valley also was in
some measure the prize at stake; and
this stake was about 1675 won by the
Iroquois from the Susquehannocks,
they being forced into Maryland.
Thus by 1651, no help coming to them
from the Susquehannocks, the Hu-
rons were almost annihilated by the
Iroquois. And now the Iroquois.and
especially the Mohawk tribe of them,
having grown insolent because of
their victories over the Hurons, re-
membered their old insults from the
wars with the Susquehannocks, and
led a renewal of hostilities against
them, thus starting the Iroquois-Sus-
quehannock war of many years, in
1651. The very beginning of this
war is told in Vol. 37, p. 97, Jesuit
Relations, in 1651, as follows: "Dur-
ing this winter the Annierounons
(Mohawks) went to war toward the
Andaste (Susquehannocks), the re-
sult of which is not yet known." Thus
in 1651 the war began.

1651 — First Stages of the Susque-
haimoek-Iroquois War

In our last item we cited the first
going out of the Iroquois against the
Susquehannocks. The Jesuits called
them Mohawks; but Senecas, Cayu-
gas, Mohawks and other tribes are
by these writers all called indiffer-
ently, Iroquois. Later in this year,
1651, further accounts of the war are
told us, viz.: "A fugitive brought
back news that the Iroquois having
gone during the winter in full force
against the Andaste (Susquehann-
nocks) had the worst of it." Vol.
37, Jesuit Relations, p. 105. And lat-
er the same year these Jesuits write
"As for news of the enemy the cap-
tain of the Atia'kewae (the Andaste
or Susquehannocks — Vol. 36, Jesuit
Relations, pp. 247-8), who was cap-
tured by the Iroquois nation, says

that 1,000 of the Andaste have been
captured; or at least they carried off
500 or 600 Andaste, chiefly men. And
the Mohawks lost in this expedition
only eleven men." See Jesuit Rela-
tions, Vol. 37, p. 111. This great
I boast of the Iroquois all turned out
J untrue, as we shall show later.

A good deal of what I write now
has been discussed but as it was at
that time taken second hand from
other phamphleteers, I do not consid-
er it first hand, and for that reason
I now set it down from the original
sources.

As to this Susquehannock-Iroquois'
war I beg to stop long enough here
to remark that the war lasted in a de-
sultory fashion about twenty-four
j years, reaching its height about 1665.
I The combined Iroquois subdued the
j Susquehannocks and gradually forc-
I ed them from the Susquehanna into
j Maryland along the Potomac. The
! backbone of the Susquehannock pow-
i er was broken by 1670, and the con-
| tempt in which the Iroquois held the
j Susquehannocks is testified to by the
! Jesuits as follows: "Since the Son-
nonhourais (the Huron name for
| Iroquois) have utterly defeated the
| Andaste (Susquehannocks), their an-
| cient and most redoubtable foe, their
insolence knows no bounds; they talk
I of nothing but renewing the war
against our allies and even against
the French, and of beginning by the
destruction of fort Colorokoui." Vol.
59, Jesuit Relations, p. 251. The ef-
fect of the success over the Susque-
I hannocks by the Iroquois was much
j like the effect of the victory over Na-
I polean upon the Duke of Wellington.
I The Iroquois felt they could now con-
; quer the worthiest foe in all the
world, and that now they could over-
| come the French themselves. Chrono-
| logically this last paragraph is out
of order; but I use U here simply

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

43

again to illustrate the prowess of the
Susquehannocks, which is plainly
shown in that the Iroquois consid-
ered their subjugation an event of
first magnitude.
1652 — The Haughty Susquehannocks

Now Beg An Alliance with the

Government of Maryland — A

Treaty Formed.

In the very opening stages of the
combined Iroquois onslaught upon
them the eyes of the Susquehannocks
were opened; and their haughty pride
was humbled. They had found a foe-
man worthy of their arms. While it
was not true that 1000 of them were
taken as the item under 1651 sets
forth; it was true that many of them
were killed by the barbarians of the
north in these first encounters. The
Susquehannocks knew they could
not single-handed contend with the
combined Iroquois forces, and so
they proposed alliance with Mary-
land.

Therefore they entered into the fol-
lowing treaty with Maryland: "Ar-
ticles of Peace and Friendship Treat-
ed and Agreed upon this 5th day of
July, 1652, between the English of
Maryland of one part and the Susque-
hannock Indian Nation on the other
part followeth:

1. That the English nation shall
hold and occupy to them and their
heirs and assigns forever all the
lands lying north of Patuxent river
to Palmer's Island and to the west-
ern side of the Bay of Chesapeake
and from Choptank river to the North
East Branch to the northeast of Elk
river on the northeast with all is-
lands, creeks, fish, fouls, deer, elk,
and whatsoever else belongs except
the islands of Kent and Palmer's
which belong to Clayborne, but it
shall be lawful for both the English
and the Indians to build houses or
forts for trade on Palmer's sland.

2. "If there is any damage done

on either side at any time hereafter
by the English or the Indians afore-
said or any other confederated tribe
or servants of them, that report be
made and satisfaction be given from
each other from time to time as the
case requires and as in reason
should be done between those that
are friends and desire to continue so.

3. "That if any people or servants
that belong to the English or to the
Indians shall go away or run away
from either side they shall not be
concealed or kept away from each
other; but with all constant speed be
returned and brought home and sat-
isfaction to be made in reasonable
way for transport of them by land or
by water.

4. "That on any occasion of busi-
ness to the English or any message,
or the like, the Indians, shall come
by water and not by land that there
shall not be above eight or ten at
any one time, and that they bring
with them the tokens given them by
the English for that purpose by
which they may be known and enter-
tained. And also the English on their
parts when they send to the Indians
any message shall carry the token
which we have received from them.

5. "And lastly that these articles
and every particular of them, shall
be really and inviolably observed,
kept and performed by the two na-
tions before named and by the people
to tham or that are in amity with
them forever, to the end of the
world; and that all former injuries
being buried and forgotten, from
henceforth they do promise and
agree to walk together and carry one
towards another in all things as
friends, and to assist one another ac-
cordingly. But if it so hereafter at
any time happen that either party is
weary of peace and intends war, then
the same shall be signified and made
known each to the other by sending

14

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

and delivering up this writing, before
any act of hostility or enmity be
done or attempted and that 20 days'
warning thereof be given before-
hand.

"These several articles were sol-
emnly and mutually declared and
concluded at the river Severn, in
Province of Maryland by Richard
Benett et al, for the Governor and
Council and by Savahegah, Aieroh-
toregh, Scarluhadigh, Ruthchoque ;
and Natheldrruh, War Captains and |
Counsellors of the Susquehannoughs
Commissioners appointed and sent by
said province and the Susquehan-
noughs and were fully interpreted,
done and confirmed by several pres-
ents, gifts and tokens of friendship,
mutually given and received" See
this treaty Vol. 3, Md. Arch. p. 276-
7 and Bozman's Md. p. 682. (We shall
see at a later date how treacherously
the Marylanders \iolated the sancity
of the tokens or medals spoken of
here, and slaughtered the holders of
them. )

Speaking on this same treaty Scharf
and Johnson both say in 1652 the
differences between the Susquehan-
nocks and Maryland were again com-
posed, and a treaty was made be-
tween them. The Susquehannocks
began to see the unwisdom of war
with the whites and with the Iro-
quois at the same time. Scharf's
History of Maryland, p. 212, Geo.
Johnson, in his History of Cecil
County, has the following to say upon
that treaty of 1652: "A treaty was
made between Maryland and the
Susquehannocks, being the first
treaty of which any record is pro-
served. This was done where Annap-
olis now stands, (p. 17). The treaty
provided inter alia, "That the English
shall have all the land from Patuxent
River to Palmer's Island on the west
side of Chesapeake and from Chop-

tank to northeast Branch or Creek
lying to the northward of Elk River
on the east side." (p. 17) This
treaty was asserted by the Governor
of Maryland, in our first Court House
in Centre Square in Lancaster City,
then a Borough, June 25, 1744, when
and where the said Governor, speak-
ing to the representatives of the Five
Nations then assembled at the Treaty
of 1744 said: "The Susquehanna In-
dians by a treaty above ninety years
since, which is on the table and will
be interpreted to you, gave to the
English Nation and their heirs and
assigns forever, the lands we possess
from Patuxent River," etc. (4 Col.
Rec. 704). And the Indian orator
replying the next day said: "We ac-
knowledge that the Conestoga or
Susquehanna Indians had a right to
sell those lands unto you for they
were theirs, but since then we have
conquered them." (Do. p. 708). This
would also make this treaty about
1652, and it also asserts the fact of
its existence, and its import.
1652— Hurons Not Able to Help the
Susquehannocks in the War.

As we have stated in the last paper
the combined Iroquois were too pow-
erful for the Susquehannocks, and
they looked to Maryland in treaty
to help them. That they made the
overtures to the whites is evident
from the introduction to the treaty,
viz.: "Whereas this court is inform-
ed that the Susquehannocks have a
long time desired and much pressed
for peace with this province, etc."
Bozman, pp. 450 and 451.

Neither could the Huron cousins of
the Susquehannocks help them; be-
cause beside, subjugated five years be-
fore, their geographical position was
not favorable to co-operation. In Vol.
38, Jesuit Relations, p. 235, it is said
"The country of the Hurons is apart
of New France. Southward a little

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

45

to the west comes the neutral nation,
whose first villages were not more
than 100 miles distant from the Hu-
rons, the territory of this nation ex-
tending 150 miles; thence moving
from the neutrals a little toward the
east one reaches New Sweden, where
dwell the Andaste (Susquehannocks),
who are allied to our Hurons and
speak a language not very different
from them. They are distant from
us about 500 miles."

1654 — Indians Except Susquehan-
nocks to be Deprived of their Guns.

Amity with the Susquehannocks
seems now to have been firmly estab-
lished by the Maryland government;
Maryland passed the following act
for their benefit; "It shall be lawful
for any person to take away from
any Indian that shall come within
the liberties and bounds of St. Mary's
and Potomac, their guns, powder and
shott; and that none shall entertain
Indians in their houses except they
come on public treaty ,which is meant
only of the Susquehannocks and the
Emperor of the Piscataways; and
that as far as possble the Indians
have notice of this Act." Vol. 1,
Maryland Archives p. 348.
1654 — An Extensive Beaver Trade
Carried on by Susquehannocks.

We now turn for a moment again
to the situation, environments and
trade of the Susquehannocks at
this time before going into their
war with the Iroquois.

In Gerrett Van Sweeringen's Ac-
count of the Settling of the Dutch
and Swedes at Delaware found p.
746, in Vol. 5 of Ser. Pa. Arch. (p.
748) he says: "In the year 1654 the
head of the Chesapeake Bay in Mary-
land was not at that time seated and
so the Marylanders did not take much
notice of the Dutch or Swedes. The
Swedes sailed up hiding themselves
in a creek called the Schuylkill — in

English "Hiding Creek." (Do.) And
in the same volume p. 235 it is said
"Thousands of beavers can be bought
around the Schuylkill or Bever's
Rede, which are brought down in
great abundance by the Minquas and
the Black Indians." Wm. Penn also
in a paper dated 1690 mentions that
the Indians of the Susquehanna came
to Philadelphia by way of the Schuyl-
kill and its branches — their old and
unusual course. (I Haz. Reg. 400).
Thus from all this we see that while
the Susquehannocks' wars were in
progress their trade was going on
also.

1656— The Susquehannocks Still Hunt
About Lake Ontario.

Some fathers of the Jesuits this
year with other Frenchmen journey
to the Upper Iroquois and tell of one
of the experiences as follows: "To-
wards evening some hunters perceiv-
ed us (at the end of Lake Ontario) ;
Vol. 43, Jesuit Relations, p. 141 — and
on seeing so many canoes in our
company they fled, leaving behind
them some booty for our people, who
seized their weapons and beaver
skins and all their baggage; but cap-
turing one of those hunters we found
that he belonged to the tribe of An-
dastogue (Susquehannocks), with
whom we are not at war. Our French
therefore gave back to them that
which they had plundered; this how-
ever did not induce our savages to
display the same courtesy." Vol. 43,
Jesuit Relations, p. 143.

Two historical facts are worthy of
notice here: (1) that the Susquehan-
nocks continued to make hunting par-
ties to the northward the same as
in the days when they were not at
war with the Iroquois, and (2) that
though the French were the friends
of the Iroquois, the 'fathers' say they
are not at war with the Susquehan-
nocks.

46

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1660— The Piscataways Complain of |
the Effects of War.

In Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, pp.
402 and 403, it is reported that the
Emperor of the Piscataways came to
the English and complained as fol-
lows: "A long time ago there came
a king from the eastern shore who
commanded over all the Indians now
inhabiting within the bounds of this
province of Maryland (naming every
town severally), and also over the
Powtomacks and Susquehannocks,
whom, because he di'1 embrace and
cover all of them, he called Wafoin-
gassenew. This man dying without
issue made his brother, Quakon-as-
siam king after him; after whom
succeeded his other brothers. After
his brothers they took a sister's son,
and so from brother to brother. Af-
ter this they were in danger of the
Senecas, who are a potent nation,
and had lately killed five of their
men and threatened their fort for
being friends with us and the Sus-
quehannocks, who are at war with
the said Senecas. Therefore they
(the Piscataways) desire for pay
they might have four English to help
them make their fort." To this the
authorities of Maryland explained the
council would be called together and
come to the Potomac and give them
(the Piscataways) an answer." See
Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, pp. 402
403.

Thus this old Piscataway Emper-
or, after tracing the line of powerful
kings who at one time held a con-
federacy of Indian nations about the
Potomac, similar to the Five Nations,
now in New York, ends by saying
that the Piscataway friendship for the
whites and Susquehannocks has
brought about a hereditary hatred to
the Piscataways on the part of the
descendants of the original powers of
the confederacy.

1661— Maryland Again Declares War
Against the Susquehannocks.

Just about the time the Susque-
hannocks were in the midst of the
war with the Iroquois, their bad faith
toward Maryland and their outrages
upon the whites, caused Maryland to
declare war upon them too. John-
son in his History of Cecil County,
page 51, says that in 1661 the "Coun-
cil of Maryland met at Susquehanna
Point, just below Perryville, and de-
clared war on the Susquehannocks.
But two years later, viz. 1663, says the
same author, page 61, "Notice was
sent to the Susquehannocks to come
to Maryland to treat with the Com-
missioners of Baltimore County; and
that at this time the Senecas had
begun to intimidate the Susquehan-
nocks." This treaty is also noticed
by Scharff in his History of Maryland
page 290. We remember also that
Maryland and the Susquehannocks
made a treaty in 1652, mainly for
land; but partly also of amity. This
presupposes a state of hostility pre-
cedent. Both of which treaties of
1652 and 1663, between Maryland and
the Susquehannocks point out that
they were warring on the whites and
the Iroquois at the same time. Later
we will show how the Iroquois fear-
ed the Susquehannas after the fatal
expedition; and .also enter upon the
Seneca-Susquehannock War.
1661— Fortunes of War Hard Against
the Susquehannocks.

The Susquehannock-Iroquois war
has now been going on about ten
years, and the Susquehannocks are
losing ground rapidly. Maryland
passed a law to assist them, the ver-
batim transcript of which may be
seen in a prior item. To carry out
the benefits intended by the Act a
commission was issued by Maryland
to John Odber as follows:

"We, Cecelius to John Odber, greet-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

47

ing: Appoint you Captain of 50
soldiers to be raised in the province
of Maryland, and them to have use
and command with provisions, vic-
tuals and ammunition and to set
forth with them in a march to the
Susquehanna fort to the resistance
of all enemies declared and to be de-
clared and to defend the said fort
against all attempts from any ene-
mies of the Susquehannocks or of the
province according to such instruc- |
tions as you shall receive from us, j
or our lieutenant general from time
to time, and them to vanquish and I
put to death, and all or any other j
things, acts and powers to use and
do concerning said expedition, till
the return of the soldiers into this
province again, as to the captain of
an army or governor of a fort by the
laws and use of warre doth or may
belong. Given under our lesser seal
of said province 18th May, 1661.
Philip Calvert." Vol. 1, Maryland
Archives, p. 417.

Thus the Susquehannock fort was
evidently again in danger. In fact
the Senecas were pressing on from
the northward that the Susquehan-
nocks were about being driven out
of the fort on toward the Potomac,
to which point about ten years later
the Senecas did drive them, and at
which latter place they made their
famous last stand, as we shall see
later.

Evans' and Ellis' history calls at-
tention, page 11, to the fact that at
this same time there was a fort on
the Susquehanna near the mouth of
the Octorara; and that it was pro-
tected by a small stockade to har-
bor hunting parties. But as the main
fort, as we have shown, was farther
up the river, three miles above the
mouth of Conestoga Creek."

According to Hazard's Annals, p.
346, at this time the Susquehannocks

were greatly reduced, as well by
smallpox as by war.

The character and progress of the
war will claim our attention later.

Act or Law Passed by Maryland in
1661 to Help the Susquehannas.

Through the goodness of that most
competent archivest, Hon. L. R. Kel-
ker at Harrisburg; and the able and
obliging Assistant Librarian of the
Pennsylvania Historical Society
at Philadelphia, Mr. Ernst Spofford,
two of my especially valued friends
and co-workers, I am able to send
forth the context of the Act of Assem-
bly of Maryland passed May 1, 1661,
in that Colony to help our Susque-
hannocks. Both these gentlemen
sent me copies of the Act.

The Act, which is found in Acts of
Assembly 1637 to 1664 Vol. 1 (Balti-
more) Maryland Historical Society,
1883, p. 406 and 7; also Archives of
Maryland, is as follows:

"Thursday, second of May, 1661,
present as before. Then was reade
the Act concerning the Burgesses
tyme and charge which was voted by
the whole house to passe. Acts
made at a General Assembly held at
St. Johns in St. Mary's country, begin-
ning April the seventeenth, 1661."

"An Acte impowering the Gover-
nor and Council to rayse forces and
mayntayne a warre without the pro-
vince and to ayde the Susquehan-
nough Indians.

"Whereas it doth appeare to this
present General Assembly that this
Province is in imminent danger by a
warre begun in itt by some foreign
Indians as it hath been made to ap-
peare by credible information given
of a person lately killed and of others
that are probably cut off by these
foreign Indians, and that in humane
probability our neighbor Indians, the

48

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Susquehannocks are a bullwarke and
Security of the Northern parts of the
Province and that by former treaties
with that nation they have very
much assured us of their affections
and friendship. And that they ex-
pected the like from us. And by their
treaties it was agreed Assistance
should be granted to each other in
tyme of danger, And upon their sev-
eral late applications to us to that
purpose Ayde hath been promis(ed)
them accordingly.

"It is enacted and be it enacted
(by) the Lord Proprietary of this
Province by and with the advice and
consent of the Upper and Lower
House of this present General As-
sembly that the governor with the
advice and consent of the council
have power to leavy and rayse by
presse or otherwise fifty able men
with armes and Provisions and all
things necessary for them to be sent
to the Susquehannough Forte for the
ends aforesaid. And the proportion
of the said soldiers to be raysed out
of the several countyes followeth —
vizt: Out of the County of St. Mary's
11; out of Calvert county, 15; out of
Charles county, 7; out of Anne Arun-
del, 11; out of Kent, 3, with one in-
terpreter, a Captaine and Chirurgeon,
and for the paye of the officers and
souldiers aforesaid to be proportioned
as followeth until the souldiers re-
turne — to the Commander in Chief
600 pounds of tobacco in caske per
month; to the interpreter 600 pounds
per month; to the lieutenant 400
pounds per month, to the sergeant,
300 pounds per month and to the
Chirurgeon foure hundred per month
and to every private souldier 250
pounds per month.

"And be it further enacted by the
authority aforesaid for the defray-
ing of the charges of said warre and
all charges incident to with; That

the Governor and Council are hereby
impowered to leavy by way of as-
sessment per pole according to the
usual custome of this Province.

"And in the interval of Assemblys
to rayse what forces they in their
discretion shall think necessary
against the Seneca nation of Indians
or any other Indians that shall be
found to have killed any of the in-
habitants of this Province or that
have or shall disturb the peace there-
of. And the charges to be defrayed
as aforesaid.

"This Acte to continue and be in
force for two years or the next Gen-
erall Assembly which shall first hap-
pen."

"The Upper House Have Assented
—Will Bretton, clerk.

"The Lower House Have Assented
— John Gittings, clerk.

I cite this Act not alone for the
provision it makes for support of the
Susquehannocks; but also for the
many facts of history it sets out in
the first paragraphs explaining the
cause of the Act, viz.: the repeated
applications made by them for help,
showing the trouble they had with
the northern tribes — the setting forth
of the reciprocal arrangement the
Whites and the Susquehannocks had
— the fact that the treaties made
with the savages were not merely
playthings, and gala day meetings,
but were of sufficient solemnity to
require statutes to be passed to
carry them out, and finally the hon-
orable way in which the whites look-
ed upon these Susquehannocks.
1<>(>1— Instructions to Captain Obder.

Prior we gave a copy of the com-
mission to Obder, constituting him
an officer to assist the Susquehan-
nocks, in resisting the Five Nations.

We now give their instructions
which the government of Maryland

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

4!)

gave to him, directing him how to
proceed, copied from Vol. 4, Mary-
land Archives, pp. 417 and 418. They
are as follows:

"1. You are to choose some fit
place either within or without the
Forte (Susquehanna Fort^ which you
are to fortify for your own se-
curity and to demand the assistance
of the Susquehannocks to fetch tim-
ber and other necessaries for the
fortifications according to the article
now concluded between us and fur-
ther to cause some spurs or flankers
to be laid out for the defense of the
Indian fort, whom you are upon all
occasions to assist against the as-
saults of their enemies.

"2. On arrival at the fort imme-
diately press them to appoint some
one or more of their great men to
whom you shall make your applica-
tions on all occasions, that is, either
of demanding assistance to help for-
tify or for provisions or upon any or-
der received from us.

"3. Procure that certain persons
be appointed who are to be messen-
gers between you and us according
to the articles and be sure to advise
us of every accident of importance
that shall befall you or the Susque-
hannocks and of the proceedings of
the affairs.

"4. You are carefully to inform
yourself of the progress of the warre
between the Susquehannock and
Seneca Indians and if you find them
lacking in it to press them discreet-
ly to a vigorous prosecution of it.

5. "You are to avoid quarrels with
the Susquehannocks and not to allow
soldiers to sit or drink with them.

"6. Make diligent inquiries touch-
ing the numbers of the women in Pat-
apsco River, and of the motion of
the companies of them.

"7. You are to have a very wary
eye on all the Dutch that come to
the Forte (Susquehannock Fort) ob-

serving their actions and treaties
with the Indians but show not any
animosity against them; if you find
any close contrivances to our pre-
judice give it notice."

Thus from this we see that Mary-
land was suspicious of the Dutch who
were now the owners of a good deal
of southeastern Pennsylvania, till
1644, when the English divested them
of title. It is also noticeable that
great care was always observed by
Maryland that the Susquehannocks
should not become suspicious of the
help of the White Brethren of Mary-
land.

1661 — Various Fortunes of War Now
Occupy Both Nations.

The Jesuit Fathers speaking of the
scouting parties of the Susquehan-
nocks say Vol. 47, Jesuit Relations,
p. 71: "On Lake Ontario (The Great
Lake of the Iroquois) we met three
canoes from Onneirout, on their way
to fight against the Nez Pierce In-
dians. They told us that the Susque-
hannocks (dwelling near New Swe-
den) had recently killed on their
fields three of the Orocouenhonnous
(a tribe of the Five Nations)."

1661— The Jesuits are Pleased That

Susquehannocks Hold Iroquois

in Cheek.

The Jesuits appreciate very much
the vigor of the Susquehannocks, as
it is taking the pride out of the Iro-
quois, who about this time because
they had grown haughty over their
victory over the Hurons and other
tribes, had designs to fall upon the
French themselves. The Jesuits in
Vol. 47, Jesuit Relations, p. 107, say:
"We doubt not it is a stroke of Hea-
ven that has very seasonable caused
a division of forces and aroused up
in our behalf the Andaste (Susque-
hannocks) savages of warlike spirit
and ever held in dread by the Upper
Iroquois, against whom war is kind-

50

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

ling in such strength that we have
now against us only the Agnieron-
nous (Mohawks) and Onneirounhon-
nos, who form but a small part of
the Iroquois."

We can find much original histori-
cal matter in this last paragraph. It
tells us that the Susquehannocks
were regarded "of warlike spirit" by
the Indians and the whites of the
north — that the Upper Iroquois "ever
held them in dread" — that they were
pressing the war with such vigor that
they made the whole Five Nations
unable to attend to any other affairs,
or to give attention to any other
enemies than the Susquehannocks;
and caused a division of the Iroquois
forces.

1661 — Susquehannocks Have Broken

Up Seneca Fur Trade With

New York.

The Susquehannocks single handed
so harassed the Iroquois and so
planted themselves between them and
New York that the peltry trade of
the Sencas, one of the Five Nation
or Iroquois tribes, was nearly cut
off at the same time they were pro-
secuting the war. The French work
entitled "Relations de la Neuville
France" for 1661, p. 40, says: "The
Susquehannocks also kept the Sene-
cas in such alarm that they no longer
ventured to carry their peltry to
New York except in caravans escort-
ed by 600 men who even took a cir-
cuitous route." This is another
proof of what the Susquehannocks
were made of. About this time it
seems the Iroquois had the worst of
the contest, as the Relations de la
Neuville France for 1662 p. 11 say,
"Smarting under constant defeat the
Five Nations now solicited French
aid." The same work for the year
1661 p. 39 says "In 1661 small pox
broke out sweeping off many. War
had now begun in earnest with

the Five Nations: and though the
Susquehannocks had some of their
people killed near their town (on
Susquehanna) they in turn pressed
the Cayugas so hard that some of
them retreated across Lake Ontario
to Canada."
1661 — Susquehannocks Ungrateful

to Maryland.
In spite of the fact that Maryland
tried to befriend the Susquehannocks
it would seem they did not greatly
appreciate it. In the midst of their
war, they found time to harass and
kill whites surreptitiously. Vol. 3
Md. Arch. 413 gives us this account
of this. "An information touching
the death of four Englishmen killed
in passage between Delaware Bay and
Chesapeake by Indians — John Taylor
says, one Easter Eve two Indians
came to his house but he did not un-
derstand their language, told them to
go, he knowing of a murder commit-
ted on Robt. Gorsuch's wife. So they
left Next day they came with seven
more and one woman who coming
near his landing shot off a gun to give
notice. They asked him for tobacco
and ha gave it to them and on sight
of another canoe of Indians he told
them to be gone. The Indians shot
another man and plundered his house
and tobacco house of 1000 pounds to-
i bacco. They also killed eleven head
I of cattle and twenty hogs. Meeting
! certain other Indans he asked who
i the others were and they said they
, were all Susquehannocks.

Nevertheless the heaviest cam-

| paigns of the Susquehannock— Iro-

| quois War were yet to come, and for

I mutual help the Maryland and the

Susquehannocks entered into a new

treaty of peace.

1661— A New Treaty of Amity Be-
tween the Susquehannocks and

Maryland.
The rough surgery which the Five

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

Nations were practicing on the Sus-
quehannocks made them again turn
to Maryland, though single handed
up to this time they held their own
against the confederated savages of
the north. A treaty was made ac-
cordingly May 16, 1661, by the Sus-
quehannocks with Maryland as fol-
lows:

1. It is mutually agreed that we
shall according to our former agree-
ments mutually assist one the other
against the enemies of either nation
upon timely notice given to each by
the other.

2. That such Indian men who are
prisoners and shall happen to be ta-
ken in war shall be delivered to the
English, as well such as have been
killed as others.

3. That the English shall send up
to Susquehanna Fort fifty men to help
defend the fort.

4. That ihe Susquehannocks shall
permit the captain of the English sol-
diers to choose a place either within
or without the fort to fortify himself
in, and that the Susquehannocks
shall help him to fetch logs or other
materials or timber for the fortifica-
tion.

5. That the Susquehannocks shall
find the English soldiers with suffi-
cient fish and flesh and bread ready
beaten.

6. That there shall be six Indians
appointed by the Susquehannocks to
be ready to carry letters between the
captain of the English at the Fort
and Colonel Utyes' house, and from
thence to the Fort, to which end two
of them shall always be upon Pal-
mer's Island.

7. That to prevent mischiefs and
misunderstandings and not distin-
guishing the Susquehannock Indians
the Susquehannocks shall not come
ordinarily to any other house but to
the house of Captain Thomas Stockett

or Jacob Clauson, from whence they
shall have tickets if they have occa-
sion to come freely among the Eng-
lish plantations; and if by enemies
they be driven among the English
they shall be found to halloo before
they come near any English house,
and upon the appearance of the Eng-
lish they shall immedately lay down
their arms, to be in the English pos-
session till they depart.

8. That the Susquehannocks shall
send all runaways of the English
down to Captain Thomas Stockett im-
mediately after arrival at the Fort.

9. That the English having now
declared that they will demand satis-
faction of the Possegouke (northern)
Indians for the death of John Nordon
and his companions slayn (slain) by
the aforesaid Indians, and upon de-
cision to prosecute a war with them
the Susquehannocks shall upon fur-
ther notice given be ready to assist
in the said war with necessary force,
which the said English will prose-
cute upon the said northern Indians."

This treaty may be found in Vol.
3, Maryland Archives, p. 420, and is
signed by the English emissaries,
and by the following Susquehannock
Indian chiefs: Dahadaghesa, Sara-
wgarora, Andra-Souque, Waskanec-
qua, Saraquendelt, Karagarago and
Wadonbago, dated May 21, 1661, the
day it was concluded, the conference
having lasted five days.

This treaty was made pursuant to
the Act of Assembly May 2, 1661, to
which we have called attention as
well as have set out a verbatim copy
thereof; and under and by virtue of
both Colonel Obder was given the
commission and instructions we have
noted before. But while they were
in sore need of help from the Whites
the Susquehannocks seemed not" to
appreciate it; or at least were too
haughty to do the menial work the
English soldiers required of them in

.'I'

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

helping to build the fortifications to
strengthen the Susquehanna Fort.

1661 — The Susquehannocks do not
Appreciate English Help in War.

Captain Obder gives this account of
his attempt to help the Susquehan-
nocks under the provisions of the
above Act of Assembly and Treaty.

"November 27 Captain Obder came
to give account of this expedition to
the Susquehannock Fort and was
asked why he came down from the
Fort without order from the Gover-
nor. He said that the Susquehan-
nocks came to him and told him that
they could not compel their men to
furnish the soldiers with provisions !
according to the article; and there- j
fore bid them provide themselves and j
be gone tomorrow in the cances that |
were provided to carry the ammuni- j
tion to them. He said he had left all
the arms with Mr. Lloyd except one i
gun at Jacob's, and the arms of every j
soldier were carried home to be de- j
livered to the owners thereof from \
whom they received them. This an-
swer not having satisfied the informa-
tion of the Lieutenant Governor, he
was ordered to give account in writ-
ing of his proceedings with the Sus-
quehannocks by next council. See
Maryland Archives, Vol. 3, p. 434.

Nov. 28 Captain Obder was called
to give account in writing according
to the former order but he appeared
not. Then was called John Everett
to answer his contempt in running
away from his colors when pressed
to go to the Susquehanna Fort, and
he pleads that he cannot bear arms
for his conscience sake; and it is or-
dered that he be tried at the next
court. Vol. 3, Maryland Archives,
p. 441.

The reasons for the drawing the
Act to aid the Susquehannocks and
who drew it and the necessity for a
treaty are set forth in Vol. 1, Mary-
land Archives, p. 400, as follows:

"Ordered that Messrs.Ed. Lloyd, John
Bateman, Col. Wm. Evans el al draw
up an Act empowering the Governor
and Council in the interval between
this and next Assembly to raise forces
they find necessary to ayde the Sus-
quehannocks against the Senecas,
that have lately killed some English-
men in Patapsco River, and that the
expense be raised by an assessment,
and in Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, p.
411, it is said that on consideration
of the Act passed to ayde the Sus-
quehannocks it was decided to send
John Obder with an army of fifty
men."

Thus this expedition and design to
help the Susquehannocks in their
great war, though they desired a
treaty on the subject, was the same
as several former efforts by the
Whites to help them, and to deal
with them, a failure. In following
items we shall notice further efforts
and also take up the weary progress
of the war.

1662 — Susquehannocks Blockaded in
Their Fort.

Page 347, Hazard Annals, is set forth
one of Alricks papers, "When I arrived
on May 31st at New Amstel (1662)
I perceived there a great change; all
were jointly engaged to repair the
Fort as the Minquas were blocked in
their Fort by the Senecas being about
800 strong. When rhe Senecas ap-
proached three or four men were dis-
patched to the Fort with the offer of
peace while their force remained at
a distance; but a Minqua returning
from hunting discovered the Senecas
so that next day, they from the Fort
concluded to meet them with 20 or
30 men when the Minquas at the
same time with their force made an
attack drove the Senecas to flight
and pursued them for two days re-
taking 10 persons and 10 men killed
if we can depend on two Minquas

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

who arrived at New Amstel on the
2nd, inst." This is verbatim from the
Alrick papers dated June 2, 1663.

1662 — The Great Susquehannock-Iro-
quois War — Iroquois Expedition
Down Susquehanna River.

Formerly we showed how this war
began in 1652, and progressed in a
desultory way on toward 1660

The principal campaign of the War
was in 1662; and indeed it is the only
campaign of which historians tell us
anything definitely. The best ac-
count of its chief event, and to my
mind the most reliable one, is that
set forth in Vol. 48 of the Jesuit Re-
lations p. 75 written practically con-
temporaneous with the event. The
description is dated 1662 and is set
forth as follows: "Last year two
tribes of the Iroquois formed an ex-
pedition to go and lie in ambush for
the upper Algonquins. For this pur-
pose they set out early in 1662. But
the Iroquois, who had never learned
to run away, would have been glad
to do so at any time, for shafts were
leveled upon them in every direction.

The other Iroquois nations had no
better success in an expedition un-
dertaken by them against the Andaste
(Susquehannas) savages of New Swe-
den, with whom War broke out some
years ago (p. 77). Raising accordingly
an army of 890 men they embarked
on Lake Ontario toward the begin-
ning of April last, and directed their
course toward the extremity of the
beautiful lake to a great river very
much like our St. Lawrence, leading
without rapids and without falls to
the very gates of the village of An-
daste or Andastogue. There our
warriors arrived after journeying
more than one hundred leagues on
that beautiful river. Camping in the
most advantageous position they pre-
pared to make a general assault plan-
ning, as is their wont, to sack the

whole village and return home at the
earliest moment loaded with glory
and with captives.

But they saw that this village was
defended on one side by the stream
on whose banks it was situated, and
on the opposite by a double curtain
of large trees flanked by bastions,
erected on the European manner, and
being supplied with some pieces of ar-
tillery. Surprised at finding defenses
so well planned the Iroquois abandon-
ed the projected assult, and after
some light skirmishing resorted to
their customary subtility, in order to
gain by trickery what they could not
accomplish by force. Making thin
overtures for a parley they offered to
enter the besieged town to the num-
ber twenty-five, partly to treat for
peace, as they declared, and partly to
buy provisions for their return jour-
ney. The gates were opened for
them and they went in; but were im-
mediately seized, and without further
delay made to mount a scaffold or
scaffolds, where in sight of their own
army they were burned alive. The
Andaste by this declaring war more
hotly than ever gave the Iroquois to
understand that this was merely the
prelude to what they were going to
do in the latter's country, and that
the Iroquos had only to go back
home as speedily as possible and
prepare for siege or at least make
ready to see their fields laid waste.

The Iroquois, more humiliated by
this insult than can be imagined, dis-
banded and prepared to adopt the de-
fensive. They had hitherto borne
their arms in victory through all
these regions. But what are they to
do now? And besides small pox — an
American pest — had wrought sad ha-
voc in their villages."

The Dauphin County Archaelogo-
ists, in their pamphlet cited before,
tell of this expedition, which they

54

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

mistakenly fix as 1663, instead of the
correct year, 1662, page 41, as fol-
lows: "In April, 1663, the western
cantons raised an army of 800 men
to invest and storm the Susquehanna
fort. This fort was erected about 20
miles from the mouth of the River,
the enemy embarking on Lake On-
tario, according to the French ac-
count, and then went overland to the
Susquehannocks. On reaching the
fort however they found it well de-
fended on the river side and on the
land side with two bastions in Euro-
pean style, with cannon mounted,
connected by a double guard of large
trees. After some skirmishing the
Iroquois resorted to strategy. They
sent a party in to ask for peace and
the Susquehannocks burned them be-
fore their eyes. The force of the Iro-
quois was about 1600 while the Sus-
quehannocks had in their fort only
100 men. On the retreat of the Iro-
quois the Susquehannocks pursued
them with considerable slaughter."
1662 — The Susquehannocks Now Con-
tend Against War and Small Pox.
On the 20th Feb., 1662, Beekman
writes: "The Senecas and Minquas
are still at war. The savages on the
river too are in, this winter as they
did not go on hunting as usual which
causes nearly a stagnation in trade."
(Haz. Annals, p. 330). A month or
two before the last writing the same
writer wrote: "Many of the Minquas
(Susquehannocks) died lately by the
small pox. They are nearly besieged
by the Senecas, which caused a de-
cline in our trade with them. I was
informed that the Senecas killed an-
other savage not far from that place
but a little above it where the Swe-
dish concentration is made". Haz.
Annals, p. 329. Nov. 27, 1662, Beek-
man writes to Governor Stuyvesant:
"On the 3rd arrived three Susque-
hannock chiefs with their suite. Sup-

posing that they had something to
communicate respecting the late
murders, we requested the presence of
the Swedish commissary. The chiefs
bitterly complained that on our in-
formation and complaints they dis-
covered the murders were committed
by a young Seneca residing among
them. And these Susquehannock
chiefs further say that as long as
the Christians have resided here it
can never be proved that any of the
Susquehannocks have in any manner
injured or offended them; on the con-
trary they have showed them every
mark of friendship and were always
willing and cheerfully employed in
reconciling differences between them
and the other savages. They said
about three years ago one of their
nation was murdered by the Chris-
tians near New Amstel (now New
Castle; see p. 206), which they did
not resent. These Susquehannock
chiefs also expected ere long to their
assistance about 800 Swedish Min-
quas (Pennsylvania Susquehannocks)
of whom about 200 had arrived, so
that next spring they were resolved
to make war with the Senecas and
go and visit the forest, whereof they
solicited the Christians to provide
them with ammunition of war when-
ever they paid for it." (Haz. Annals,
pp. 341 and 342). This last state-
ment about the Susquehannocks go-
ing to make war on the Senecas
simply means that the Susquehan-
nocks had now determined to take
the offensive, so heretofore they were
mainly on the defensive.

1662— Maryland Again Favors an Act
of Assembly Helping Susque-
hannocks.

In Vol. 1 of Maryland Archives, p.
428, it is set out that in 1662, "Up-
on reading the Act empowering the
Government to aid the Susquehan-
nocks to maintain a war, now expir-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

r>:>

ed it was put to question whether it
was fit to move the lower house to
consent to a new Act empowering
the Governor and Council to raise
forces to maintain a war without the
province for some determinate time,
and it was resolved that the lower
house do agree with the upper house
in such an Act and that an Act be
passed to encourage soldiers by pen-
sion who shall volunteer and adven-
ture in defense of their country."

1663— The Tide of War is Now Favor-
able to the Susquehannocks.

The campaign of 1662 in the Sus-
quehannock-Iroquois war was on the
whole favorable to the Susquehan-
nocks. Especially were the Iroquois
disheartened by the fate of their ex-
pedition down the Susquehanna of
800 warriors, of whom 25 were burn-
ed alive in the Susquehannocks' fort.
Thus one large "branch of the Iro-
quois (the Sonnadauchonnoas) the
farthest nation from the east, ask for
peace with the French in order to
make head against the Susquehan-
nocks, those savages of New Sweden
who are very warlike and better
than any other to exterminate the
Iroquois. In order to secure them-
selves against so remarkable an
enemy they ask the French to come
in large numbers and settle among
them, the Iroquois. They also ask
for black gowns, so as to appear
peaceful, etc." See Vol. 49, Jesuit
Relations, p. 141.

1663— Jesuits Have No Faith in Iro-
quois Plea for Peace with Them
and the Susquehannocks.

These overtures for peace made by
the Iroquois to the French and Jes-
uits were looked upon by the latter
with suspicion as is set forth in Vol. 49,
Jesuit Relations, p. 147, as follows:
"Some small Iroquois tribes, and in-
deed the great body of them do not
love us (the Jesuits) and they have
a deadly hatred for the Algonquins.
Thus when we see them so unmis-

takably urgent for peace we doubt
their sincerity. And so seeing them-
selves within two fingers' breadths
of total destruction — famine and dis-
ease having begun it, the Susquehan-
nocks, Algonquins and other savages
having advanced it, the French inter-
ested in completing it — they pretend
to wish for peace."
1663— The Iroquois Tribes Make New

Expeditions on Susquehannocks.

In Vol. 49, Jesuit Relations, p. 153,
as shown from a letter written at
Quebec Sept. 22 "the northern tribes
repeat their southern marches." It
is stated that the "Anniehoronnous (a
tribe of Mohawks), the Sonnontoueh-
uonnores (the Huron name for the
Iroquois), are now all situated along
the Great I^ake of the Iroquois, call-
ed Ontario, from 20 to 30 leagues in-
land. They are in villages and till
the soil, raising Turkish and Indian
corn and wheat. Beyond them far-
ther southward they have savage ene-
mies for some time past have been
making vigorous war on them — the
nation of the wolves, the aborigines
allied with New England and the An-
daste (Susquehannocks) with New
Sweden." In to this latter nation
they have been sending war parties
for ten years and more. These ex-
peditions are further explained in the
extracts which now follow from Haz.
Annals, pp. 346 and 347.
1663 — Attack of Susquehannock Fort.

"Hazard sets forth the attack on
Susquehannock Fort in 1663 by the
Iroquois from the writings of A.
Hudde as follows (Haz. Ann. 346) :

"Inforriiation was received by one
Harman Reiders residing in the col-
ony of New Amstel, of the English,
which he received with request to
communicate to us that the Sencas
being 1600 strong with wives and
i children were on the march to the
Minquas; that they were yet two

56

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

days' journey from the Forte of the
Minquas. The Minquas have about
30 men, who were not yet in besides
a hundred of the savages from the
River who are in the Forte. The
English requested some of the Min-
quas which they declined, and now
the English seem to favor the Senecas
so that it is said they had resolved
to send some of the men to meet the
Senecas and conclude with them a
treaty of peace and as the savages on
the river will not always remain at
the fort this may occasion disturb-
ance on the river during the summer.
This was intended for Wm. Beekman
to communicate with him news of
these parts. "A. Hudde."

1063 — Maryland Again Helps the Sus-
quehannocks with Powder and
Supplies.

In Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, p.
486, under date July 28, it is set out:
These are in the name of the Hon.
Proprietary of Maryland to will and
require you to go to the house of
Jacob Clawson and Symon Carpenter,
and there see delivered to Capt. Civ-
ility and the rest of the Susquehan-
nock Indians 2 barrels of powder — 2
hundred weight lead; and after you
are to go to the house of Nathaniel
Ufley along with said Indians and
there press any one of the three guns
and let it be delivered to said Indians
of which guns said Indians are to have
the choice — all which particular
being for public use, and this your
authority." In Vol. 1, p. 505, Mary-
land Archives, it is said: "The assess-
ment to pay diet for the expedition
to Susquehannocks was 6,380 pounds
tobacco." And in Vol. 1, Maryland
Archives, pp. 471 and 472, five Sus-
quehannock chiefs being asked say
their enemies in all the forts are
about 1,460 men; and that they, the
Susquehannocks, are now about 700
fighting men.

1663— Maryland Shows Further Inter-
est in the Susquehannocks.

Finally Maryland shows iurther her
alliance with the Susquehannocks
by sending for them to treat again
which is set forth in Vol. 3 Md. Arch.
487 as follows: "At a council held at
Gold-smith's for pursuing any foreign
enemy. Instructions, etc: You are
forthwith to send to the Susquehan-
nock Indians, to give them notice that
they immediately come down to treat
with you and the rest of the commis-
sioners about the articles of peace
lately confirmed by the Governor to-
gether with their consent and ex-
pectation strictly to insist upon the
article namely that they shall not
approach any English plantation but
according to the tenor of the said
Article of Peace, by stopping a cer-
tain distance away and helloeing."

Later we will notice certain small
victories by the Susquehannocks
against the Mohawks and the Sen-
ecas, etc.

1663— Fatal Susquehannock Fort Ex-
pedition Humbles the Iroquois.

The result of the Susquehannocks'
slaughter of the Iroquois in 1662 had
a very pacifying effect on them for
a time. This is told in Vol. 49 of
the Jesuit Relations p. 137 as follows:
"This year a great embassy of Iro-
quois met the Jesuit fathers, — the
Algonquins and Hurons, the greatest
ever known especially since the War
which was now in progress between
the Iroquois, the Hurons, etc. The
Iroquois proclaimed that they wished
to unite all the nations of the earth
and hurl the hatchet so far into the
depth of the earth that it will never
again be seen in the future. They
wished to place an entirely new sun
in the heavens, level all the mountains
and remove all the falls in the rivers

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

57

and wished peace. They declared
they are coming, men women and
children to deliver themselves into
the hands of the French. But the Iro-
quois as we know from 5 years' ex-
perience are haughty and crafty and
they never ask peace unless they
have a scheme.

It seems that they ask this so that
the French will live among them (p.
141) and surround their villages with
palisades as they fear the Andastes or
Susquehannocks, the savages of New
Sweden who are better able than any
other to exterminate the Iroquois and
they (the Iroquois dare not longer
go and ask munitions of war from the
Dutch. They even begged for black
gowns to go and convert the Hurons.
Then they came with a white flag la-
ter, but we were not deceived."
1664 — The Seneca - Susquehannock
War Opens.

The Iroquois having been badly
frightened by the Susquehannocks,
as we have already shown, in the ex-
pedition of 1662, the Senecas now
sallied forth to retaliate upon theSus-
quehannocks. The Senecas were al-
lied with the Iroquois. They prac-
ticed a guerilla warfare. It began
about 1664 and continued until 1675.
We shall here treat only of the be-
ginning of it. Its later stages ten
years onward brought on Col. Ninian
Baell's expedition against them from
Maryland in 1675. In Johnson's His.
of Cecil Co., p. 61, under date of 1664
he says, "Notice was sent to the Sus-
quehannocks to come and treat with
the commissioners of Baltimore
County, because at this time the Sus-
quehannocks were greatly intimidat-
ed by the Senecas." This was Mary-
land's first offer to help the Susque-
hannocks against the Senecas. In
Lyle's History of Lancaster County,
it is stated p. 19, that the Senecas
crossed the Susquehanna many miles

above the fort of the Susquehannocks
and robbed and killed some of the
whites. In June, 1664 one of the
Senecas was captured and 40 of the
Susquehannocks who were present at
his trial wanted him burned as a
punishment for his cruelty. In the
same year 100 Seneca warriors came
to the Chesapeake and killed several
Maryland settlers and some Susque-
hannocks they caught hunting. And
in the summer of that year Maryland
declared war on the Senecas; and the
Senecas the next year went out on the
warpath in full force against the
Susquehannocks. This was in 1665,
Lyle' p. 19. About this time the
Marylanders and Susquehannocks
combined and made several expedi-
tions against the Senecas; as the Sen-
ecas now determined to eterminate
both the Susquehannocks and the
Marylanders. At this point we will
leave the Seneca War for the present
and take it up again at its crucial
stage several years later, in chrono-
logical order. Before leaving the
subject of the Seneca's invasion into
the Susquehanna country we must
note two more matters. The first is
Robert Carr's account dated October
13, 1664 in a letter to Col. Nichols, on
the subject of the Senecas coming
down to southeastern Pennsylvania
in Vol. 5 sec. ser. of Pa. Arch., p.
549. He says p. 550, among other
things, "The cause of my not send-
ing all this time to give notice of
our success (He is writing from the
Delaware) was the falling off of ye In-
dians from their former civility, they
abusing messengers that travel by
land since our travel here though no
ways incensed by us, but exasperated
by the Dutch and their own inclina-
tions that 80- of them came from the
other side (near Susquehanna) where
they inhabit and are so strong that
no Christian yet dare venture to
plant on that side which belongs to

58

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

the Duke of York. They stayed 3
nights and pretended they came to set-
tle. We beg your endeavors to assist
us in reconciling the Senecas, they
coming and doing violence to ye hea-
then and Christians and leave these
Indians to be blamed for it. In less
than 6 weeks several murders have
been committed and one by these
people (Senecas) upon ye Dutch and
Swedes. This shows the incursions
of the Senecas.

Mombert says p. 123 that in 1664
New Netherlands fell under the Duke
of York and the English now having
authority over the Dutch a firm al-
liance was formed between the In-
dians and the English. And now
freely supplied with ammunition by
the English in New York, the five
nations make vigorous war against
the Susquehannocks and the tribes on
the south generally.

1664 — The Susquehannocks' Other
Fort at Octararo.

surpasses everything grown in
Europe and especially says that furs
of all sorts may be had of the natives
very reasonably and great profit to
be derived from traffic with them who
are naturally a mild people and cap-
able of being drawn out of blind
ignorance to the saving light of
Jesus Christ. Alsop's description of
Susquehannocks we will take up in a
future item.

1664 — Progress of the Seneca-Susque-
hannock War.

Lyle's History p. 9 says, "The Sus-
quehannocks were now at War with
the Senecas, one of the Six Nations,
who opposed the Susquehannas and
robbed and killed some of the white
settlers. In June, 1664, one of the
Senecas was captured; and forty Sus-
quehannocks who were present at his
trial wanted him burned as a punish-
| men for his cruelty. In June, 1664,
about 100 Senecas came to the Chesa-

peak and killed several Marylanders

s and some Susquehannocks whom they

caught hunting. In June of that

year the Maryland colony declared

says A. L. Guss in his work on In
dian History of the lower Susque
hanna, the Susquehannocks had a war on the Senecas, who went on the

fort at the mouth of the Octararo as

war path against the Susquehannocks

some of the towns located by Smith the next year The Marvlanders as
on his map cannot be located where allies of the Susquehannocks sent
he places them (p. 5). Mr. Guss also
states that they (Susquehannocks)

had a town on the Bolus river which
is now the Patapsco entering the Bay
at Baltimore. Also p. 5. He also
says page 11, that the Susquehannock
tribes warred on the Delawares too.
Scharf in his History of Maryland,

several expeditions against the Sen-
ecas, who threatened to exterminate
both the Susquehannocks and the
Marylanders."

1664— Incidents of the Susquehannock
Iroquois War.
In June 1664, a Seneca was cap-

page 94 tells of the fierceness of the tured by the Susquehannocks and

Susquehannocks at this time, but
most of it we have had from other
writers more nearly first hand.

Under practically this same date, a
glowing description of southeastern
Pennsylvania is set forth in Vol. 5,
Second series of Pa. Arch., p. 447. It
sets forth how every growing crop

the whites, and on the 7th he was
examined before Council. The same
is reported as follows in Vol. 3,
Maryland Archives, p. 498: "Exami-
nation of an Indian prisoner, a
Seneca.— Yesterday when the prison-
er was here there were forty of the
Susquehannocks and two of Civility's

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

59

uncles (Civility was a chief of the
Susquehannocks) who made show of
much joy at his being taken, for they
very well knew him and were sen-
sible of his warlike exploits and would
have persuaded us to have burnt him
but we certified it was not our man-
ner to torture prisoners; but that
happily he might be sent home to his
country for the good of us all. But
we cannot find that the prisoner al-
leged anything in his behalf and we
suggest he take a present to his own
country. Verily too if such a thing
were done Civility, in the behalf of
the Susquehannocks, would also go
and that thereby a peace might be
procured. And if Civility go with Claw-
son to the Seneca country the Sus-
quehannocks, we know, would will-
ingly embrace the opportunity of a
treaty." This is from a letter signed
by Theo. Stockett, Sam'l Goldsmith
and Franc Wright.

This Seneca gave the following nar-
ration, viz.: "That he came to the
house of Mr. G. M. Ball, not with in-
tent to kill any Christians, but had
brought a present for the Christians
of forty beavers and several belts of
peace for the Susquehannocks; that
they desire peace and friendship (the
Senecas) and that the boy taken and
the men killed at the mill it was the
Cinneka Indians, that did both. He
says if he had been taken by the
Susquehannocks he should not have
been put to death by them, and that
all the joints of Lis body and bones
are belts of peace. He was asked
how many troop the Senecas had
coming out and he said 200; and ask-
ed why so many were come if for
peace, and he said nothing but that
their fort did not desire war with the
Christians, and the troops were come
for revenge of the death of his son
and five Indians more that were
burnt by the Susquehannocks. When
they came to Ball's plantation they

gave the sign and word and left their
guns behind in the field." See Vol.
3, Maryland Archives, p. 499.

Evans and Ellis' history tells about
this same incident and other related
matter, p. 12, as follows: "At this
period the Susquehannocks were at
war with the Senecas, who crossed
the river many miles above the Fort
and penetrated to the head of the
Bay, where they robbed settlers.
Several inhabitants were killed and
in June, 1664, one of the Senecas was
captured and at his trial forty of the
Susquehannocks were present, among
whom were two of Captain Civility's
uncles. They wanted the Seneca
burned as they kenw his bloodthirsty
character."

1664 — A Report that the Susquehan-
nocks Have Defeated the Mohawks.

I find it set forth in Vol. 50, Jesuit
Relations, p. 205, that "The Mohawks
took flight on hearing the noise of
guns and drums. They learned from
some old men who had remained be-
hind that quite recently news had
come that the army of the Annieronta
(Indian Governor) had been defeated
by the Andastae (Susquehannocks).
Thus we see that the Susquehannocks
though they had many reverses up to
this time (1664) were yet a terror
to other tribes. Both their terrible
name and reputation of yore and
their exquisite cruelty to their cap-
tives helped them to continue to be
dreaded.

1664 —Maryland Again Co-Operates
with the Susquehannocks.
In Vol. 1, Maryland Archives, p.
511, we find. "The Upper House show-
eth to the Lieutenant General that
Francis White is by ye order of ye
House gone on special service for
the province to the Susquehannock
Fort, that your honors may hear the
more true and certain intelligence of
the enemies, whereon upon considera-

60

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

tion had of the results of the defense
of the Province against the incursion
of the Indians, it is ordered that the
original articles of treaty with the
Susquehannocks be brought into the
House and considered tomorrow."
From this we see that not only the
Susquehannocks but also the whites
were in immediate fear of the incur-
sion of the Five Nations into Mary-
land and southern Pennsylvania. The
Susquehannocks were considered the
barrier between the whites and the
savages from the north. In spite of
all, a few years later the hordes of
the north did come down and force
the Susquehannocks into Maryland
even to the Potomac; and Penn found
when he came that the Susquehan-
nocks were tenants only, and that he
had to deal for land with the Five
nations of New York who by that
time owned all the Susquehanna
country. Evans and Ellis in their
history of Lancaster county, p. 12,
tell of the movements which made it
necessary for Maryland to act as
above as follows: "In 1664 the Sen-
ecas again came to Chesapeake and
killed several settlers and some Sus-
quehannocks whom they caught
hunting. There were 100 warriors in
this raid. In June of the same year
the Marylanders declared war against
the Senecas and put Colonel Lewis
Stockett in command.

1664. In September of this year the
Assembly of Maryland took into con-
sideration the Articles of Peace with
the Susquehannock Indians of July
5, 1652, and also the Articles of May
24, 1661, and both were ordered to
be communicated to the other branch-
es of the government for renewal,
etc." Vol. 1, Maryland Archives, p.
522.

1664 — Maryland Makes a New Treaty
of Peace with the Susquehannocks
and Formally Declares War with the
Senecas of the Five Nations.

"Act to perpetuate certain articles
made with the Susquehannocks — To
the end that peace and amity with the
Susquehannock Indians according to
certain articles made with that nation
may be kept and continued — be it
enacted by his Lordship proprietor
and the assent of the General Assem-
bly, that the Governor and the Coun-
cil of the province have full power
to lay a tax not exceeding 6,000
| pounds of tobacco per month to be
employed for hyring (hiring) such
and so many volunteers as can be
got upon any emerging occasion as
the Governor and Council should
think fit toward the ay ding (aiding)
and assisting the Susquehannock In-
dians when desired by them, for con-
tinuing the said articles and preserv-
ing peace and amity with them afore-
said. And further that 6,000 pounds
per month of tobacco shall be levied
or raysed when the volunteers be up-
on the service.

And further be it enacted by the au-
thority aforesaid that the Lieutenant
Governor of the province be empow-
ered by virtue of this Act to purchase
so many good fixed muskets, ammu-
nition, swords and belts for the use
of the public as soon as he can pro-
cure them, for which he shall be al-
lowed this present year out of the
general levy by public assessment.
4,000 pounds of tobacco and caske.

And further be it enacted by the
authority aforesaid that in the inter-
im— that is to say till the swords and
muskets be purchased and bought, if
necessity require — the Lieutenant
General shall have power to press so
many muskets and swords as shall
be necessary in any part of the prov-
ince for the intents, uses and pur-
poses of Act; and that those musk-
ets, swords and belts first mentioned
be kept as part of the magazine of
this province. This Act to continue

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

61

for three years or to the end of the
next General Assembly." See Mary-
land Archives, Vol. 1, p. 539.
1664 — Maryland Again Stands by the
Susquehannocks Against the
Senecas.
About the same time Maryland
passed the following Act: "At a
council held June 27th, 1664, the
Council taking into consideration the
protection of the province against the
Senecas who lately killed some Eng-
lish in Ann Arundel county and en-
tered St. Mary's and ordered war
there. Now war is to be proclaimed
against the Senecas and a reward of
a hundred arm's length of Roan Oke
to be given to any one who kills a
Seneca. That all the Kings of Friend
Indians be sent word and all to get
ready to go against the Senecas — that
all officers are to send intelligence
from time to time to the Governor
and Council that they keep in corres-
pondence; and whereas there is a
Seneca prisoner in Patapsco who al-
lges he came to seek peace and
brought a present intended for us
and the Susquehannocks — It is or-
dered that the Indian be sent down !
to St. Mary's and kept in irons and
a letter be written to Stuyvesant to
give notice to the Senecas trading at
Fort Orange that we have such a
prisoner, whom we shall keep alive
till we see if they want peace or war
and if they do not desire peace we
will put him to death; and that Col
Clawson gave notice to the Susque-
hannocks of our intentions and to
ask them if they will join us or not."
Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, p. 502.
Stuyvesant was Governor of New
York at this time.

1664— Oneidas Co-Operate with the
Senecas.

Maryland Archives, Vol. 3, p. 501,
says: "It was claimed sixty Oneidas
were come for war on the north side

of the Potomac to kill the English
and Indians. There were 100 more
gone to the head of Chesapeake bay
to kill the English and Susquehan-
nocks, and so they tortured two of
those Susquehannocks."
1666 — Susquehannocks Kill Iroquois

and Carry Grief to Their Nation.

The tears and grief caused by Sus-
quehannock prowess is told in Vol. 51,
Jesuit Relations, p. 243, to this pur-
port. Presents were given by the
ambassador from the Iroquois of On-
nontae, accompanied by the following
speech: "I boast of having ransomed
twenty-six captives for the French
from those who would have burned
them. But you have done more for
us. I hope in the clemency of the
French. I hope also to wipe from
your faces the tears that Father Gar-
ner told us had been shed by you in
consequence of the death of our
people who were killed by the An-
daste (Susquhannocks)."

To understand this speech you
must remember that the Five Nations
(called by that name sometimes, and
sometimes called the Iroquois, be-
cause the Iroquois were the strongest
of the five constituent nations) were
composed of five different tribes or
nations of which the great head was
the Iroquois tribe proper, and the
great chief of the Iroquois was the
Emperor of the whole and from him
the ambassador who made the above
speech came to console the subordi-
nate tribes who had suffered loss of
men from the ravages of the Susque-
hannocks in the great war. DePon-
ceau in his translation of Campan-
ius gives this interesting statement
of the rise of the two leading forces
of the Susquehannock-Iroquois War,
that is, the Iroquois and the Susque-
hannocks— "The Iroquois, at first in-
ferior to the Algonquins, were driven
out of the valley of the St. Lawrence

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

into the lake region of New York,
where by greater cultivation, valor
and union they became superior to
the Algonquins of Canada and New
York as the Susquehannocks did over
the tribes in New Jersey, Maryland
and Virginia." See DePenceau's
Camp., p. 158.

1666 — Susquehannocks Presented to
the Kins of France.
In Vol. 51, Jesuit Relations, p. 173,
one of the Jesuit Fathers writes:
"Monsieur De Salieres, colonel of a
French regiment, who after growing
gray in the armies of France, where
he made himself very well known,
came over here to take part in the
glory of subjecting the Iroquois. Of
those savages he has taken with him
five of each different tribe and even
from that of the Andastae (Susque-
hannocks) to present them to the
King."

George AIsop's Account of the Sus-
quehannocks, about 1666.
Scharf, in Vol. 1, p. 86, of his His-
tory of Maryland, quotes Alsop as
saying: "Those Indians that I have
conversed with, here in this province
of Maryland and Pennsylvania, are
called Susquehannocks being a people
looked upon by the Christian inhabi-
tants as the most noble and heroic
nation of Indians that dwell upon the
continent of America; also are so al-
lowed and looked upon by the rest
of the Indians, by a submissive and
tributary acknowledgment; being a
people cast into a mold of a most
large and warlike deportment, the
men being for the most part seven
feet in latitude and in magnitude and
bulk suitable to so high a pitch — their
voyce large and hollow as ascending
out of a cave — their gait and behavior
straight, stately and majestic, tread-
ing on the earth with as much pride,
contempt and disdain to so sordid a
center as can be imagined from a

centure drawn from the same mould
of earth.

These Susquehannock Indians are
for the most part great warriors and
seldom sleep one summer in the quiet
arms of a peaceable rest, but will
keep, by their present power, as well
as by their former conquests, the
several nations of Indians around
them in a peaceable obedience and
subjection.

"When they desire to go on a de-
sign that will and does require con-
sideration some six of them get into
a corner and sit in Juncto; and if
thought fit, their business is made
popular and immediately put into ac-
tion; if not, they make a full stop
to it and are silently reserved.

"The warlike equipage they put
themselves in when they prepare for
Belona's march is with their faces,
arms and breasts confusedly paint-
ed, their hair greased with bear's
oyl, and stuck thick with swan fea-
thers, with a wreath or diadem of
black and white beads a small hat-
chet instead of a scimiter stuck in
their girt behind them, and either
with a gun or bow and arrows. In
this posture and dress they march
out from their fort or dwelling to
the number of forty in a troop, sing-
ing or rather howling out the decades
or warlike exploits of their ances-
tors ranging the wide woods, until
their fury has met with an enemy
worthy of their revenge. What pris-
oners fall into their hands by the des-
tiny of war they treat very civilly
while they remain with them abroad;
but when the once return homewards
they then begin to dress them in the
habit of death, putting on their heads
and arms wreaths of beads, grasp-
ing their hair with fat — some going
before and the rest behind, at equal
distance from the prisoner, bellowing
in a strange and confused manner,
which is a true presage of destruc-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

63

tion to their then conquered enemy.

"In this manner they continued until
they have brought them to their Ber-
ken city where they deliver them to
their tormentors, who in cruelty will
execute them without judgment of
law or benefit of clergy. The com-
mon and usual death of their pris-
oners is to bind them to stakes, mak-
ing a fire some distance from them —
then one with a sharp knife or flint
cuts the cutus or outside skin of the
brow so deep until their nails or tal-
ons can fasten themselves firm and
secure, and then with a rigid jerk
disrobe the head of skin and hair at
one pull, leaving the skull bare, and
immediately apply hot embers on the
skull.

"While they are at this several
others are preparing pieces of iron
and barrels of old guns which they
make red hot to sear each part and
lineament of their bodies which they
perform and act in a most cruel
manner. And others will cut off
flesh of the victim and eat it raw be-
fore his eyes. And yet this never
makes them bring the victim to re-
pent.

"Now after this cruelty has brought
the life to an end they immediately
fall to butchering them into many
parts and distribute it among the
sons of war to entomb their de-
ceased victims in no other sepulchre
than their bodies.

When any depart this life they set
him upright upon his breech, in a
hole dug 5 feet long and ZY2 feet deep
and cover it with the bark of trees
archwise, his face due west, leaving
a hole a half foot square open. They
dress him as a warrior, and give
him some bows and arrows and tar-
gets, a kettle of broth and corn be-
fore him. His relations follow him
to the grave clad in bear skins with
the tail on the ground. They bury
all within the wall or pallisado. Their

houses are low and long, built with
bark.

They are situated at and above the
head of Chesapeak on a river called
by their own name Susquehannock.
where they remain most of the sum-
mer. About November they go to
remote places in the woods to kill
deer, bear and elk. There they build
cottages they call wigwams and stay
three months to get food.

"The women are the butchers, the
cooks and the tillers of soil. The men
think this below their honor. The men
kill the beasts and the women are
the pack horses to fetch it on their
backs; and they dress the kids and
get them ready for market.

"I have never observed the women
to taunt or boss the men. The wives
and men b.oth are constant to their
marriage. Their marriages are short
and authentic. WThen resolved upon
the women send the intended husband
a kettle of boiled venison or bear
meat; and he returns in lieu beaver
or otter skins and the nuptial is con-
cluded without other ceremony."

"They paint upon their faces one
stroke of red, another of green, an-
other of white and another of black
so that when they have accomplished
the equippage of their countenance
in this trim, they are the only hiero-
glyphics and representatives of fur-
ies. Their skins are naturally white
but altered from their original by
the several dyeings of roots and
barks they prepare to metamorphise
their hides into a dark cinnamon
brown. Their hair is long black and
harsh, but they pull it up by the
root. Several of them wear divers
impressions on their breasts and
arms, as the picture of the devil,
bears, tigers and panthers which are
imprinted on their several lineaments
with much difficulty and pain, with
an irrevocable purpose of its abiding
there. And this they count a badge

♦14

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

of heroic valor and the only orna-
ment due to their heroes.

"All that I could ever observe in
them as to their government is that
he that is most cruelly valorous is
accounted the most noble. There is
very seldom any creeping into court-
ly gallantry. He that fights best car-
ries it here.

"As for their religion, together with
their rights and ceremonies, they are
so absurd and ridiculous, that it is
almost a sin to name them. They
own not other Deity than the Devil
(solid or profound) but with a kind
of wild imagery and imaginary con-
jecture, they suppose from their
groundless conceits that the world
had a Maker, but where he is that
made it, or whether he be living to
this day they know not. The Devil,
is all the God they own or worship;
and that more out of a slavish fear
than any real reverence to his in-
fernal or diabolical greatness, he
forcing them to their obedience by
his rough and rigid dealing with
them often appearng visibly among
them to their terror, bastinadoeing
them, with cruel menaces even unto
death and burning their fields of corn
and houses that the relation there-
of makes them tremble themselves
when they tell of it.

"Once in four years they sacrifice
a child to him in an acknowledgment
of their firm obedience to all his de-
vilish powers and his hellish com-
mands. The priests to whom they
apply themselves in matters of im-
portance and greatest distress are
like those that attend upon the Or-
acle at Delphos who by their magic
spells could command a pro or con
from the Devil when they pleased.
These Indians oftimes raise great
tempests when they have any
weighty matter or design in hand
and by blustering storms inquire of
their infernal God — the Devil — how

matters shall go with them either
in public or private.

"They are situated a hundred miles
and odd from the Christian planta-
tions of Maryland, at the head of the
river that runs into the Bay of
Chesapeake called by their own
name (Susquehannock) where they
inhabit most of the summer time,
and seldom remove far from it un-
less it be to subdue any foreign re-
bellion. The skins they catch are
brought down to the English (in
Maryland) several times in the year,
to truck and dispose of them for
coarse blankets, guns, powder, and
lead, beads, small looking glasses,
knives and razors. The women never
by look or action predominate over
the men. Did they not alter their
bodies by their dyeings, paintings
and cutting theselves, marring those
excellencies that nature bestowed up-
on them, there would be as amiable
beauties amongst them as any Alex-
andria could afford when Mark An-
tony and Cleopatra dwelt there to-
gether.

"Their bodies are clothed with no
armor to defend them from the nip-
ping frost of a benumbing winter or
the penetrating and scorching in-
fluence of the sun in a hot summer
than what nature gave them, when
they were born. They go, men, wo-
men and children all naked, except
occasionally." This is the history
given by Alsop.

In Dr. Shea's notes to the treatise
p. 117 to p. 124 inclusive he gives
much valuable history (aside from
the text) relative to the Susquehan-
nocks.

In note 46 he speaks of the names
by which the Susquehannocks are
known and says, "The French in
Canada — Champlain and the Jesuit
Relations, Gendron's Particularites
du Pays des Hurons p. 7 makes fre-
quent allusions to the Gandastogues

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

♦;:

(more briefly Andastes) a tribe
friendly to their allies, the Hurons,
and sturdy enemies to the Iroquois.
My researches led me to identify the
Susquehannocks, Minquas, Andastes
or Gandastogues and Conestogoes as
being all the same tribe — the first
name being given them by Virginia —
the second by the Algonquins on De-
laware; while Gandastogues as the
French or Conestoga as the English
wrote it meaning it was their own
tribal name meaning cabin-pole (na-
tio perticarum) from Andaste, a
cabin-pole."

Dr. Shea also says in note 53, page
123 that Alsop's view of the religion
of the Susquehannocks is wrong —
that they believed in a good Deity.

The above is a new derivation of
"Conestoga" to me, and the method of
tracing it makes it a very early one.
It seems a very probable one. We all
know, however, of a quite different
meaning being attached to our River
Conestoga. Which is the parent de-
rivation others must decide.

Alsop was in Maryland from about
1659 to 1655, and he wrote the his-
tory as soon as he went back to Eng-
land.

1666 — Susquehannocks Make Over-
tures—Peace with Susquehannocks.

In Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, p.
549, we find the following: "At a
Council held at St. John's on the 29th
June, 1666, came Wastahanda, Hari-
gnera and Gosweing-Werackqua, the
warre captains of the Susquehannock
Indians and desired continuance of
their league with the right honorable
proprietor and protesting that they
were always ready to have delivered
Wanahodena up to the justice of his
lordship for murdering the men at
the mill in Baltimore county and de-
siring that the villiany of one man
may not be imputed to the whole
nation and requesting assistance of

the government, now at this time
having lost considerable number of
men in ranging at the head of Pat-
apsco and the other rivers so to
secure the English plantations from
the Senecas; and remonstrating that
the Senecas are resolved to storm
the Susquehannocks' Fort in August
next; and that afterwards the Sene-
cas intend to fall upon the English
in the province.

Whereupon was begun a further
treaty of peace with the Susquehan-
nocks, which was concluded as fol-
loweth :

Articles of peace and amity con-
cluded upon by the Hon. Charles
Calvert, Esq., governor of the pro-
vince of Maryland, on behalf of the
honorable proprietor of said province
on one part, and Wastahanda, Hari-
gnera and Gosweing- Werakqua,
war Captains of the Susquehan-
nock nations, this 29th day of June,
1666, of the other party:

That the Susquehanna Indians
shall deliver Wanahodena, that kill-
ed the Englishman at the mill if
ever he return out of captivity from
the Senecas, and for the future that
they shall apprehend, secure and de-
liver up to the governor of this pro-
vince for the time being any Indian
whatsoever that shall kill any
Englishman, and that as soon as
they shall come to know of it, and
be it within their power to appre-
hend and that without demand made
by the English.

Secondly: That every Indian that
shall hereafter kill any hogg and
cattle of the English, and shall there-
of be convicted shall pay for every
hog 50 fathoms of peake and for
every head of any other cattle 100
fathoms of peake for satisfaction to
the owners of every such beast.

Thirdly: That all former crimes
committed by any Indians of the Su-

86

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHNNOCKS 4ND

quehannock nation shall be forgot
and buried in oblivion, except mur-
der of any English not yet discov-
ered.

Fourthly: That the King of Poto-
mac and his two sons be by some of
the Susquo^annock Indians deliver-
ed up prisoners to Major Samuel
Goldsmith with all convenient speed.

In witness whereof the hands and
seals are set 29th June, 1666."

No comment need be offered upon
this except to say that the Senecas
are now pressing so hard upon the
Susquehannocks that they turn to
Maryland for help. They report to
the government the impending fate to
the old Susquehannock Fort. The
treaty is the result.
1667 — The Susquehannocks Beg Fur-
ther Help from Maryland.

At a council at St. Mary's August
24, 1667, of Baltimore County, being
sent by the Susquehannocks to the |
governor and council was called in, I
who declared that the said Indians j
did request assistance and ammuni-
tion from the council sufficient to
go against any Indian enemies and
likewise declared enemies of the in-
habitants of this province according
to one of the Articles of Agreement
made between the Susquehannock
Indians and the English of Mary-
land:—

It was ordered that so many men
be pressed as the Susquehannocks
shall require to their aide and assist-
ance and that they be sent up forth
with. Also that a quantity of powder
be delivered unto Mr. Francis
Wright and the said Indians to be
supplied out of the same as the
said Wright shall see requisite and
convenient.

The governor and council both fur-
ther determined to go up into Balti-
more County and there to give the
Susquehannocks a meeting about the

15th of September next to wit, with
the said Indians about the peace and
safety of this province how to pro-
ceed with the Susquehannock assist-
ance against any Indians now held
and declared enemies to this pro-
vince.

Commission issued to captain Lieu-
tenant Smith dated Sept. 7, 1667 and
to Daniel Jenifer. See Vol. 5, Mary-
land Archives, p. 13.

1667— Method of Raising Men to
Help Susquehannocks.

In Vol. 5, Maryland Archives, p.
21, we find, "At a council February
6, at Matapenny, was taken into con-
sideration the speedy rising of a
certain and considerable number of
men to make a march against the
Indian enemies with all expedition
possible, for which end it is order-
ed, that every tenth person in every
respective county be raised to go
on the present march namely, in all
410 men out of which number of
men particular warrants issue to Col.
William Evans to raise out of his
company twenty-three men; Col. John
Zarboe to raise out of his company
twenty-three men; Daniel Jenifer to
raise out of his company twenty-
three men; Major Thomas Brook to
raise out of Patuxent River province
forty-nine men and from the Cliffs
forty men; Capt. Wm. Boreman to
raise out of his company fifty-three
men; Wm. Burges to raise 62 men;
Maj. Thomas Ingram out of Kent
14 men; in all 287 men specially
raised. Evans & Ellis History, p.
12, tells about this same project and
concludes by saying, "When Mary-
land agreed to send some troops up
to assist the Susquehannocks as
usual they did not go but left the
Susquehannocks to carry on the war
single handed. Matters grew worse
and worse until the Marylanders be-
came greatly alarmed for their own
safety and they renewed the effort

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

67

to raise troops and go and help the
Susquehannocks."

1667 — The Susquehannocks Keep the
French and Iroquois in Alarm.

In Vol. 52, Jesuit Relations, p. 155,
under date of 1667, we read from
the writings of the Jesuit Fathers of
Canada: "We are in the midst of
continual alarm that the Loups and
the Andaste (Susquehannocks)

cause." This again attests the fact
that the Susquehannocks carried
with them an unusual amount of
fear-producing quality.
1667— The Onondagoes Also Fear the
Mighty Susquehannocks.

In Vol. 52, Jesuit Relations, p. 155,
it is said: "In the country of Onon-
dago, or nation of mainland, one day
there was held a notable council on
the dream of a sick old man. He had
seen in his sleep in dream a man
only one cubit in height and that
this being showed him some drops of
blood, falling fom the sky and some
fell from men who had fingers and
noses cut. Finally he said the little
man told him that the people were
treated that way in heaven and that
all those who should go there would
fall into the hands of the Andastae
(Susquehannocks). In this they evi-
dently unintentionally pay one com-
pliment to the Susquehannocks they
did not intend to— that is, they seem-
ed to think they were all in heaven,
which is a much better opinion than
we usually have of our dead enemies.
The main thing about the strange
superstition that the Onondagoes
seem to think the Susquehannocks
will be as warlike and predominat-
ing in the next world as in the pre-
sent one.

1667— The Iroquois Pray to Their
Gods to Help Them in \Tar
Against the Susquehannocks.

From Vol. 52 of Jesuit Relations p.

197, I quote the following: "A
branch of the Iroquois nation most
remote from the French, called the
Upper Iroquois, live here. They
pray to their Gods and also to the
real God on the subject of war, but
the French missionaries are preach-
ing peace to them; and peace will
be strengthened betwen the Iroquois
and Outaoucs; the more so at this
time, when the Iroquois have the na-
tion of the Loups and that of the
Susquehannocks on their hands and
fear more than ever the arms of
France. These Loups are the Wolf
tribe of the Algonquins." So it
seems by this that these savages
counted prayers to their gods all-
sufficient, except on the great Iro-
quois-Susquehannock war. for which
they prayed for help from the Great
Spirit alone.

1667 — The Iroquois-Susquehannoek

War Makes an Opening to Bring

the Gospel to the Iroquois.

In Vol. 52, Jesuit Relations, p. 203,
is stated: "Never did the Gospel have
a more auspicious opening in this
country, and the only thing lacking
is workers. The Iroquois will be de-
lighted to continue peace with the
Outaoucs, having on their hands the
war with the Loups and that with
the Susquehannocks."
1668— Some Susquehannocks Go to

the Jesuit Fathers for Religious
Instruction.

The Jesuit Fathers say in Vol. 63
of Jesuit Fathers, p. 153, under date
of 1668: The wars of the French and
Iroquois having passed we now see
fulfilled the prophecies of Isaiah. The
savages are becoming Christians. A
mission was erected — a shed of
boards. They come every year to
worship, like what happened at Jeru-
salem when the church was formed.
In the companies of savages there
were men of different languages — one

(IS

AXXALS OF THE SUSQUEHAXXOCKS AXD

of the Chat nation, one of the Hu-
rons, some were Iroquois, and some
of the Andastogoe (Susquehannocks)
even from their far country." There
were likely not many of the Susque-
hannocks, however, as that nation
was still at war with the Iroquois.
1669— Cruel Torture of Two Susque-
hannocks bv Onoiidaproes and
and Others.
The following cruelty is set forth
as having been committed the year
1669: "Xov. 27th two elders from
Onnontago bring news of the return
of the warriors with nine Andasto-
gue (Susquehannock) captives that
were surprised while hunting. Two
of them were given to Onnierout (the
Indian Governor) — a young man of 20
and a woman. This woman was bap-
tized at Onnondague by Father Millet.
The 30th they began to burn her
over a slow fire and prolonged her
torture for the space of two days and
two nights because he for whom she
was given in exchange was burned
at Andastogue (Susquehanna) for
that length of time. Feb. 1st the
priest instructed the young man who
was taken prisoner, and he listen-
ed willingly as he was condemned
to be burned. He baptized him. On
the following morning says the
priest, I went back and found him
very well prepared for God. They
finished burning him and I saw him
render up his soul to God. I was
told that he called for me the pre-
vious evening in the midst of the
flames; but he was refused the con-
solation I might have given him."
See Vol. 53, Jesuit Relations, pp. 253
and 255. These tales of cruelty seem
incredible at this time. Another
striking thing is that the civilized
people — the Jesuits who were among
the Iroquois and Onondagoes—
should have allowed this torture to
be inflicted.

1669— The Susquehannocks Still the
Terror of the Iroquois Tribes.

To show what a specter the Sus-
quehannocks were to other tribes
and how the supersition of the other
tribes was centered upon real and
imaginary horrors connected with
the Susquehannocks I cite the follow-
ing under date of 1669: "A girl of
sixteen (Indian girl of the northern
tribes, Iroquois, etc.) having gone in-
to the woods and spent two nights
there, her relations were in anxiety.
The jugglers were called to learn
from them what had become of her.
They put sorcery into operation to
learn news of her. The first thing
they did was to leap and dance and
shake their limbs and get full of
perspiration. Then they beat with
sticks a tortoise drum, they sing and
shout and consult and question their
demon who never answers. Then
they boldly declare that she had been
killed by three Susquehannocks who
had scalped her, cutting the scalp the
size of a small circle, which they
traced with their fingers on a piece
of bark, and that she had died pre-
cisely at sunrise. Her relations and
all the village became filled with
weeping. But scarcely had the jug-
glers left the cabin when the girl
came in well and alive." This is
taken from Vol. 53, of the Jesuit Re-
lations, pp. 291 and 293, and shows
well how the Susquehannocks were
regarded by the savages of the north.
1669 — Susquehannocks Borrow Eng-
lish Boats.

In Vol. 2, Maryland Archives, pp.
196, and 197, it is stated that "The
Kings of the Eastern shore ask per-
mission and a boat to go up to the
Susquehannocks, because canoes are
so dangerous and the same is allow-
ed by council."

1670— Piscataway Emperor Visits the
Susquehaiinocks.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

G9

In Vol. 5, Maryland Archives, p.
65, it is stated, "The Piscataways by
petition desire to revive the peace
between the Piscataways and the Eng-
lish and they state that their emperor
is now with the Susquehannocks
making advancements toward peace
also."

1670 — More Sorcery Involving the
Susquehannocks.

From the Mission at St. Francis
Xavier at Onnierout, which is the
second nation of Iroquois as you go
toward their great lake, Ontario. Jan.
10, 1670, the Fathers write: "The
Devil, seeing the fruits of our ins-
tructions and spiritual teachings, has
incited a woman of this village (Iro-
quois) to interrupt them. It ap-
pears that she has seen the great
god of the Iroquois, who has reveal-
ed to her, she says, that the Susque-
hannocks will come to beseige this
village in the spring and that one
of their most powerful enemies, Hoch-
itagete (The Susquehannock Great
Chief), will be captured and burned
by the Oniedas (allied with the Iro-
quois). She asserts that the voice
of that Susquehannock was heard;
that from the bottom of a kettle he
uttered wailing cries, like the cries
of those who are being burned. This
woman, mad or possessed, is believ-
ed in all she says. Every day there
is a gathering at her house, where
there is nothing but dancing, singing
and feasting." See this in Vol. 53,
Jesuit Relations, p. 253.
1070 — Susquehannocks Go to the Jes-
uits for Religious Instruction.

In Vol. 55, of the Jesuit Relations,
p. 33, may be found the following:
"Xavier des Praiz had a residence
sixty leagues from Quebec, and near
Montreal. This is a resting place for
missionaries both from the Iroquois
and the Upper Algonquins. The
savages resort hither from all sec-

tions for the sacraments. I notice
an admirable respect for the pas-
tors; and among these savages a
charity and union exceeding all for-
mer conception, especially in view of
the fact that they are all people gath-
ered from different countries — Hu-
rons, members from the neutral na-
tion, Iroquois, people from the Andas-
togue (Susquehannocks), from New
Sweden, etc., and all of the different
Iroquois nations, either natives of
that country or dwellers there as
prisoners of war" The activity of
the Jesuits thus is amply attested,
and their influence widespread, since
it was able to reach our Indians on
the Susquehanna river.
1670 — Susquehanna Fort and Its
Locality at This Date — Mary-
land Map.

A map dated 1670 in the Maryland
Building at the Jamestown Exposi-
tion gives the following: "The great
Susquehanna runs up northerly 200
miles to the Senecas with divers
branches on both sides — to the east
and to the west — full of falls and
isles until about ten or twelve miles
above the Susquehanna Fort, and
then it runs clear. Downwards it is
not navigable but with great danger.
But it is navigable with Indian
canoes. The present Indian Fort is
on the west side opposite the mouth
of a creek called Oustego, (which is
now the Conestoga) ; the next creek
below that on the east is named
Oquandry (Pequea), the next Ork-
tara, and the next Northeast creek.
1671— Treaty Between the English
and Indians of Southeastern
Pennsylvania.

Pages 390 to 392 of Hazard's An-
nals of Pennsylvania, will be found
a treaty between Deputy Governor
Lovelace and the southeastern In-
dians of Pennsylvania in which it is
set out concerning the Susquehan-

70

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCK AND

nocks at p. 392 as follows: "That the
officers and magistrates at Delaware
be hereby empowered and authorized
to treat with the neighbor Indians
of the Susquehanna or others to join
together against the murderers of
this section and such as shall harbor
them or take their part if occasion
shall require and to promise such
reward as they shall think fit pro-
vided it be done with great privacy
and caution so that no sudden jea-
lousies be given to the persons in-
tended to be presented to their con-
federates."

1671 — Map of Pennsylvania and the
Susquehannocks at This Date.

In the History Building at the Ex-
position under date of 1671 there was
a map of southeastern Pennsylvania
including Chesapeake bay and Sus-
quehanna river, and on it Smith's
Falls are marked about ten miles
from the mouth of the river; and
next above it on the east side a
short distance above the mouth of
Conestoga creek "Susquehannough"
town, and on the west the town of
Attock; and about fifty miles up the
river the town marked "Minquas,"
and 200 miles farther the Senecas.
1671 — The Susquehannock Boys
Fi$ht and Defeat a Party of
Cayuga s.

In Vol. 56. Jesuit Relations, p. 57,
this account is given: "On Ascension
Day this year twenty Tsonnontouans
(Senecas) and forty of the haughtiest
of the Cayuga young men set out
from this (Cayuga) village to go and
strike a blow in the fields of the An-
dastogue (Susquehannocks), 4 days'
journey from hence. They were attack-
ed by sixty Andastogue (Susquehan-
nock) boys, 15 or 16 years old, and
put to flight with the loss of two of
their number. These young victors,
learning that the band had gone by
canoe, promptly took canoes and

! pursued them with such speed that
' they overtook and routed them, eight
I of our men being killed in their
I canoes, while 15 or 16 returned bad-
ly wounded by arrows and knives or
half killed by hachet strokes. The
j battle field remained in possession of
[the Andastogue (Susquehannock) boys
with a loss, it is said, of 15 or 16 of
! them. God preserves the Andastogue
(Susquehannocks), who count but
300 warriors; and favors their arms
in order to humble the Iroquois and
I maintain the peace of our mission."
:\ A similar account of this is also
i found in "Relations de la Neuville
| France" for the year 1672, p. 24, a
j French work which account says
1 that the forty Cayugas went by water
j and the twenty Senecas by land to
j attack the Susquehannocks; and that
j the oldest of the sixty Susquehannock
! boys who met and defeated them was
| not over sixteen years.

This interesting note throws much
: light upon the warlike nature of the
I Susquehannocks, and shows how
j early their boys were proficient with
j all the weapons of war. The first
I attack must have occurred in Manor
j township, and the second attack on
j the river itself in canoes perhaps
near Harrisburg. There can be no
doubt of who won the victory, be-
cause the Jesuit Fathers believed in
the prowess of the Iroquois tribes.
An interesting fact is that the Sus-
quehannock men were not about
their grounds. They were likely off
fighting the Iroquois in the general
war.

1671— A Tax to Furnish the Susque-
hannocks Powder.

In Vol. 2, Maryland Archives, p.
339, it is stated that, "Five Thousand
pounds of tobacco be levied for the
purpose of furnishing and providing
powder for the use of the Susquehan-
nocks for their defense.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

71

All these items show that at this
time the Marylanders and the Sus-
quehannocks were firm friends, and
were mutually interested in resisting
the Senecas. How sadly the situation
changed in three years we shall soon
see.

1672— The Iroquois Try to Gain Al-
lies to Help Fight Susquehannocks.
In Vol. 57, Jesuit Relations, pp. 23
and 25, it is stated from a letter from
Father Brugas to the Governor from
the largest Mohawk village that "The
Seneca Iroquois have brought twenty
peace presents to the savages of that
neighborhood. The Iroquois obey
the Governor as their common father
and they say they have only gifts of
peace. There is no doubt that they
are only using the bait either for the
sake of their commerce at the solici-
tation of the Dutch or to beguile the
Ottawas into a renewal of war if they
succeed with the Susquehannocks,
who are the only enemy that the Iro-
quois now have on hand." Thus it
is evident the Iroquois-Susquehan-
nock war was still going on as this
account says it was.
1072 — Three Susquehannocks Captur-
ed in War and Burned to Death.
From Vol. 58, Jesuit Relations, p.
227, it is stated: "Three Andastae
(Susquehannocks) were captured in
war. The Jesuit Father instructed
them before they were burned. Sev-
eral from the same country escaped
after some months of captivity; and
they told of the great charity that
those who wore the black gowns had
for them as well as for the Iroquois
and for all the people." The great
Iroquois-Susquehannock war is now
nearing its close, having been waged
since about 1652. Three years more
will see the Susquehannocks entire-
ly 'defeated and driven to their new
home on the Potomac, more than a
hundred miles from their old one on

Susquehanna river. What we have al-
ready written shows the amount of
cruelty, butchery, slaughter and hor-
rid retaliation which characterized
the warfare of these savages, a great
deal of which occurred right here in
what is now our county.

1672— More Susquehannocks Tortured
—Cruelty of Indian Torture.

The Jesuit Fathers tell us, "Two
Andastogues (Susquehannocks) were
captured by the Iroquois. They re-
ceived baptism immediately before
the red hot irons were applied to
them. One of them who was burned
during the night in the cabin from
his feet to his knees prayed again to
God with me on the following day
while tied to the stake. The patience
of these poor victims is admirable;
but one cannot contemplate without
a feeling of horror the sight of their
roasting flesh and of men who de-
vour it like famished dogs. One day
when I was passing near the spot
where the body of one of these roast-
ed victims was being cut to pieces I
could not help drawing near and in-
veighing against such brutality. I saw
one of these cannibals who asked for
knife wherewith to cut off an arm.
I opposed him and threatened him
that God would punish him. He re-
lated as his reason for doing so that
he was invited to a feast commanded
by a dream at which they were to
| eat nothing but human flesh to be
I brought by those who wanted to eat
| it. Two days afterwards God per-
! mitted that his wife should fall into
| the hands of the Andastogue (Sus-
quehannocks) who revenged them-
selves upon her person for the cruel-
ty of her husband. See Vol. 57, Jes.
Rel. pp. 169 and 171.

1672— Iroquois Fear a Susquehannock
Invasion and Invoke Their Jugglers.

One of the Jesuit Fathers gives us
this relation: "I had the affliction to

72

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

see a noted juggler die in his in-
fidelity; but his presumption and
pride rendered him unworthy of
grace and baptism. He was held in
unusual veneration among the Iro-
quois and so his shade still seems
baleful to Christianity. An elder re-
cently convoked the tribe and an-
nounced to it that this juggler had
appeared to him in a dream and re-
garding him with a terrible expres-
sion had bidden him to bear word to
the elders that they were irredeem-
ably lost; and that the Susquehan-
nocks would come the next spring
without fail to beseige the village
and burn and slay all who resisted
them. If however they wished to
avoid these disasters they must be-
move the dead juggler's body from
the spot where it was buried and
carry it out along the road leading
to the Susquehannock country. He
said that then there would be no fur-
ther cause for alarm, since as he
(the dead juggler) had overcome the
common enemy of the nations during
his lifetime, he was still pursuing
him after death, and his body on
being transferred to the place desig-
nated would not fail to inspire terror
in the hearts of all who should ven-
ture to approach the village.

Though the ground was covered
with snow they failed not to execute
to the letter the order they had re-
ceived, bearing the dead body out
along the road to Gandastogue (Sus-
quehannock country) and there erect-
ing to it the finest mausoleum to be
seen among these barbarians. After
all as this knave was found out to be
a liar while alive, he proved no less
untrustworthy after his death, two
women having recently been brained
by those very Susquehannocks with-
in fifty paces of the palisades
surrounding the village." See Jes.
Rel., Vol. 56, p. 35. The same story

is told though somewhat briefer in
Relations de la Neuville France for

1672 p. 20, as follows, "A famous me-
dicine man of Oneida appeared after
death to order his body to be taken
up and to be interred on the trail to
the Susquehannocks as the only
means of saving that canton from
ruin." See also .Dr. Shea's note No.
46 to Alsop's Maryland.

1672— The Great SusquehannockChief
Planned to be Captured.
In Relations de la Neuville France,
1672, p. 47, says that at this time
the great Susquehannock War Chief
Hotchitagete or Barefoot was much
feared by the Iroquois and a raving
woman and a crafty medicine man
deluded the Iroquois with promises
to capture him and execute him at
the stake." See also year 1670, p.
47.

1673 — The Susquehannocks Giving
Way Before the Blows of the

Iroquois.

In Vol. 59, of the Jes. Rel. p. 251
we find, "Since the Sonnonlouaies
(Huron name for Iroquois) have ut-
terly defeated the Andaste (Susque-
hannocks) their ancient and most re-
doubtable foe their insolence knows
no bounds, and they talk of nothing
but renewing the War against our
allies and even against the French
and of beginning by the destruction of
Fort Colarokoui." I do not know what
place is meant by the name last given.
From this item it seems pretty cer-
tain that the Iroquois completed the
subjugation of the Susquehannocks
about the year 1672. However not
content with defeating them, one of
the tribes of the Iroquois confeder-
acy, namely, the Senecas, kept on
driving the Susquehannocks south-
ward until about 1674 or 1675 they
had driven them entirely off the Sus-
quehanna River, down to the Poto-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

73

mac where they were located when
the deplorable and unjustifiable
slaughter of five of their chiefs took
place in an expedition led by Col.
John Washington, grandfather of
George Washington, and Major Tru-
man, which we shall notice at large
in its turn.

1673— The Final Stages of Conquest
Near Susquehanna River.

Lewis Evans in his "Analysis" in
his historical and political essays
printed by Ben. Branklin 1755 page
14, says "the Susquehannocks after a
great defeat by the Marylanders were
easily exterminated by the Confeder-
ates (Iroquois confederacy). So those
nations which are now on Sus-
quehana are only such as the con-
federates allotted that river, for, viz.
the Nanticokes from the eastern
Shore of Maryland, — Tuteloes from
the Meherin River in Virginia, and
the Delawares under which we in-
clude the Minnesinks and the Mandes
or Salem Indians." Thus the In-
dians who came to the Susquehanna
River after the ancient Susquehan-
nocks were driven out were of sev-
eral tribes and have been called beg-
gar Indians. Many of the Senecas
and indeed several Indians of two or
three more of the Five Nations' tribes
came to the Susquehanna — and the
general mixture became the Cones-
togas later. However quite a few of
the Susquehannocks got back too,
later.

Lewis Evans, p. 12, also tells us
that "though they (the Five Nations)
gave the finishing stroke to the ex-
termination of the Susquehannocks,
Bell in the service of Maryland at the
Fort whose remains are still stand-
ing on the east side of the Susque-
hanna about three miles below
Wright's Ferry, by the defeat of
many hundreds gave them a blow
they (The Five Nations) never re-

covered of." It is strange the Mary-
land Archives make no notice of this
great feat by Col. Bell. I believe it
was exaggerated.
1674 — Maryland Acknowledges the

Fire Nations (Senecas) Have Sus-
jugated the Susquehannocks — Makes

Peace with the Senecas and Fears

as a Result War with the S usque-

hannocks.

In Vol. 2, of Maryland Archives, p.
378, under the date of 1674, it is set
out: "In pursuance of a vote for
peace with the Cynicas (Senecas)
passed at a conference of both
Houses which this government made
with said Senecas; and for as much
as the said peace may bring on a war
with the Susquehannocks, — this
House, for the security of the pro-
vince, do vote that an Act of Assem-
bly be drawn up to empower the gov-
ernor and council to make a war (up-
on the Susquehannocks if necessary)
by an equal assessment upon the
persons and estate of the said pro-
vince."

We shall see that a desultory war
between Maryland and Susquehan-
nocks did soon begin, and was kept
up three or four years, as the Sus-
quehannocks felt very bitter toward
Maryland for recognizing the Senecas
as victors. The friendship of the
Susquehannocks was now turned to
hatred, and they retaliated by way
of murders and depredations.

1675 — Attitude of Susquehannocks
and Iroquois Now.

Something of the situation at this
time is shown in a letter dated Oct.
21, 1675, by Gov. Ed. Andros to the
Governor of Maryland found in Vol.
5, second series, Pennsylvania Arch.
p. 676, in which he says among other
things: "I now give you an account
of my engaging the Macques and Se-
necas not anyways to injure any of
the Christians to the eastward, and

71

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCK AND

particularly in parts southward, your
part*, in their warres with the Sus-
quehannocks; but others apprehend it
will be difficult to restrain especially
the young men. I endeavored to be
informed relating to that war, and
found the Susquehannocks being re-
ported by the Macques.that they might
be brought to some peace again,
though, I still find the Senecas to be
wholly averse to it, desiring their
extermination. But hearing now of
Indian troubles which has occasion-
ed raising forces in your parts I send
you an express; and if the trouble
be by the Macques or Senecas, I of-
fer you my services. If you think
good I would desire some from the
Susquehannocks to come to me so
that I may order matters accord-
ingly."

According to this the Susquehan-
nocks, now being beaten in war, the
Senecas wish to exterminate them.
The trouble the New York Governor
refers to is that of the depredations
now going on about the Susquehanna
river, done no doubt by both the Sen-
ecas who now hold the country, and
also by the Susquehannocks, who
now live further south, but maraude
into their old country (many murders
being committed, and each of these
two Indian tribes blaming all the
murders on the other).

To this letter the governor of
Maryland replied; and Dec. 10 of the
same year the New York governor
wrote another letter to the Maryland
governor, among other things saying:
"I am sorry the Susquehannocks
were concerned (in the depredations)
having always had the repute of
being perfect friends to the Chris-
tians, particularly Maryland, and
being offspring of the Macques.though
by the Senecas engaged in war, and
the Indians to the eastward. All In-
dians are now enemies of us. There

only remains firm the Macques, and
by them the Senecas." Vol. 5, sec-
ond series, Penna. Archives, p. 678.

This letter sets out the reputation
of the Susquehannocks of being
friends of the Christians. While
they were warlike and revengful,
their honor, it seems, was to be de-
pended on. A new thought as to them
is thrown out in the statment that
they are offsprings of the Macques.
This brings to our minds for compari-
son what we said in the opening
chapter of these "Annals," quoting
from Gordon, that the Susquehan-
nocks came from the Wolf tribe of
the Lenape.

1675 — Susquehanuocks Driven From
the Susquehanna River.
This subject I have noticed above
and simply set it down again for the
sake of making it prominent, as it
ushers in the final stand of the Sus-
quehannocks. See Scharf's History
of Maryland, p. 1S9, and Lyle's His-
tory of Lancaster County, p. 19. At
this disastrous period also the Sus-
quehannocks joined themselves to
the Piscataways, a weak tribe which
I twenty years before they looked up-
on with contempt. See Indian His-
tory of Lower Susquehanna by Dau-
phin County Historical Society, p. 42.
1675— The Effect of the Fall of the
Susquehannocks.
In Vol. 60, Jesuit Relations, p. 173,
the following is given as the result
I of the defeat of the Susquehannocks,
I upon the Iroquois: "Since the Iro-
quois have at last succeeded in ex-
terminating the Andaste (Susquehan-
nocks), who had held out against
them for over twenty years, they
have become so insolent that they,
talk only of breakng the missionaries'
heads by way of beginning hostilities.
Drunkenness, which prevails amongst
them to a horrible extent, adds to it

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

75

and makes them brazen enough to
attempt anything."

1675 — The Susquehannocks' New

Home on the Potomac.

The Iroquois, assisted by the other
tribes of the Five Nations, having
about 1652 begun the great war on
the Susquehannocks and carried it
along about fifteen years or less, un-
til about 1664 they were dishearten-
ed by their unsuccessful attempts on
Susquehannock Fort, with the disas-
trous results before noticed; and
they about that date being supersed-
ed in command by the Senecas as
leaders of the Five Nations, which
Senecas, carrying on the war, assist-
ed by the other tribes of the Five
Nations until 1675, utterly defeated
them (the Susquehannocks) ; they
were now driven from the Susque-
hanna river to a deserted fort on the
Potomac, gradually having been press-
ed and driven southward, and their
numbers having dwindled down to
300 by war and small-pox. This fate
was sad enough, but as we shall show
in later items a worse fate awaited
the remnant that were left. So much
murdering of whites now occurred in
Maryland and the victorious Senecas
so well succeeded in making the
people believe • the Susquehannocks
were doing all of it (while in truth it
was done by the crafty Senecas, and
blamed on the Susquehannocks for
political effect), that Maryland decreed
the Susquehannocks must move
up to the head of the Potomac, about
100 miles farther back into the coun-
try; and before the poor savages had
time to do that Maryland and Vir-
ginia combined and made a cowardly
attack upon them, precipitating a
campaign of war and siege which
ended in about two years in dissipat-
ing them so that those who were not
killed were divided into small parties
and were absorbed in other tribes.

We shall now proceed to this sad
chapter.

1675 — The Susquehannocks Seek
Peace and Protection in Their New
Home — Action of the Government
of Maryland.

The Susquehannocks, being over-
come by the Senecas and their north-
ern allies, are now further torment-
ed and harassed by marauding part-
ies of their enemies, and in their des-
peration they turn to Maryland for
a place to live under the protection
of that government. Their old home
and lands are infested with the vic-
tors. Volume 2 of Maryland Archives
p. 428 sets out: "Some of the great
men of Susquehannough were this
day admitted (Feb. 19) to the Upper
House and asked what part of the
province should be allotted for them
to live upon; but before this House
answers, they desire to know the
opinion of the Lower House."

In the Lower House, "The opinion
of this House is that should the Sus-
quehannock Indians be permitted to
live among the respective tribes of
friendly Indians this year it may
be of dangerous consequence to the
province :

(1) That their being among them
may corrupt our Indians and mould
them so to their own future designs,
as will prove detrimental to this pro-
vince.

(2) This House hath reason to
suspect that the design of the Sus-
quehannocks coming among the Eng-
lish and claiming protection may be
out of a design purposely to discover
the strength of the province and the
advantage they may take for the fut-
ure and will be dangerous.

(3) We have reason to suspect
that the Susquehannocks and Senecas
have private correspondence together
notwithstanding the seeming war be-

:.;

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

tween them which may be dangerous | bly, page 462, of the same volume of
to the province should they be per- j Maryland Archives. "An act for rays-
mitted among our neighbor Indians, ing a supply for the governor and
(4) If they are absolute enemies j captain general to defray the charges
of the Senecas yet it will so exaspe- | of making peace with the Senecas
rate the Senecas for us to entertain and war with the Susquehannocks."

Truly the Susquehannocks were
now in a pitiable plight. They were

them that should a war this ensuing

year happen between the Senecas and

them, the whole province must in whipped by the Senecas and other

general suffer, and therefore this i northern confederates of the Five

House is of the opinion it will not be
safe for the government to appoint a
place for them above the falls of
Potomac there being time enough to
clean ground enough to plant corn
this year, which is the only thing
they seem to desire to live among
the neighbor Indians for."

And page 429 it is stated "The
same day the Upper House ordered
that Harignera, the Great Man of
the Susquehannocks, should be in-
formed that when he was at Mata-
paine with the governor he told him
he would be content if the English
would let him and the Susquehan-
nocks live at the falls of the Poto-
mac— that the governor has moved
the Assembly to let them live above
the falls, and the governor was wil-
ling they should move above the falls,
but not to plant corn any nearer the
English as they and the English
might fall out and fight. In answer
after some tedious debate the Sus-
quehannocks signify to the governor
that they would be willing to condes-
cend to move to the head of the Po-
tomac."

This serves to show in what an
attitude the Marylanders, especially
the Assembly held themselves toward

Nations; they were harassed and
driven by them on toward the Poto-
mac; they were suspected by the
Marylanders, and not allowed to in-
habit among other tribes of friendly
Indians, for fear of stirring them up
against the government; they were
blamed for all the murders commit-
ted by the Senecas and finally they
were ordered by the government to
go up the Potomac, away from the
English.

1675 — The Act of Assembly Declaring
War on the Susquehannocks.
The above cited Act is as follows:
"An acte for Raysing a Supply to
defray Charges of Making Peace with
the Cynegoes (Senecas) and Making
War with the Susquehannocks and
Their Confederates if Occasion Re-
quires."

"The two Houses of Assembly hav-
ing received certain credible in-
formation of the many outrages and
murders committed upon the persons
and states of divers good people of
this province in Baltimore county by
the Susquehannock Indians and other
their confederates by them counte-
nanced and protected contrary to
the articles of peace of your Lord-
ship's council have agreed and con-

the Susquehannocks. All these steps \ cluded upon certain measures, upon
tended toward one goal— that is to- j which a war is likely to ensue and
ward war on the Susquehannocks by | it being also concluded that it may

Maryland. This soon was the ripe fruit
that the condition bore, as is shown

be of great benefit and advantage to
the interests of the province to make

by the following extract from the peace with the Cynegoes (Senecas)
proceedings cf the Maryland Assem- 'j for the defraying of the expenses of

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

77

such warre or peace if it shall seem
necessary to the captain general and
council to make such warre or peace
do pray it may be enacted:

And be it enacted, etc., that there
be levied and raysed this present
year the sum of fifty thousand pounds
of tobacco by an equal assessment
upon the persons and estates of the
inhabitants of the province to be
paid to his excellency, Charles Cal-
vert, Esq., captain general of this
province to be by him disposed of as
he and his council think meet, for
and towards . the defraying of all
such charges and expenses as shall
be laid out and expended in and
about the carrying on or making any
warre or peace with the Susquehan-
nocks or any of their confederates
or with the Senecas if the council
and governor think expedient to
make such warre or peace this pre-
sent year." See same, 2 Md. Arch,
pp. 462 and 463.

1675 — The Maryland Government
Opens Hostilities Upon the Susque-
liannocks.

In Vol. 15, p. 48 of the Maryland
Archives, it is set out, "It is ordered
that a regiment of horse consisting
offive troops of fifty men in troop be
forthwith raysed and fitted with suf-
ficient horse and arms and ammuni-
tition for the expeditions march
against the barbarous enemy and to
assist the Virginia forces now pre-
paring to pursue their enemies the
Susquehannock Indians, and demand-
ing delivery of those Indians which
lately committed the murders on his
Majesty's subjects in Virginia; and
it is further ordered that the said
Susquehannock Indians be forthwith
forced off from the place where they
now are to remove themselves to
the place they assured the last as-
sembly they would go and seat them-
selves.

Accordingly Thos. Dent is dispatch-
ed away to Colonel Washington and
Major Allerton with the following
letter:

"You are to march to the north side
of Piscataway Creek, where you shall
advise upon the ways and means to
prosecute the war against the Doegs
and the Susquehannock Indians till
the murderers are delivered and all
passible satisfaction obtained for
damages done." (At this time there
were 6,610 taxables in Maryland).
See same book and page.

About the same time an additional
force was raised to go against the
Susquehannocks, which is set forth
p. 56 of the same book. "It is or-
dered that a party of 30 men be rais-
ed— 15 out of St. Mary's and 15 out
of St. Charles under Capt. Douglass
and Sly to range the woods about
Piscataway and the Susquehannock
Fort to take up all such horses as
they shall find were lost by the sol-
diers in the late expedition against
the Susquehannock Indians." And
page 58 it is stated: "The governor
and council have taken into consid-
eration the disbursements for pro-
visions and other charges relating
to the late Indian war with the Sus-
quehannocks that the same be levied
this year and be taken into considera-
tion."

Thus from these items we see there
was an expedition against the Sus-
quehannocks by Maryland, and that
in it many horses were lost of the
250 that set out and the expense of
the late war was now a subject of
governmental concern for Maryland.

The particulars of this expedition
and the disreputable action of the
whites in the same against the de-
fenseless chiefs of the Susquehan-
nocks, and the impeachment proceed-
ings against the leaders of the expe-
dition by the Maryland authorities

78

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

we will next take up and in doing so
reveal a disgraceful page in colonial
Indian policy.

1675 — Virginia Asks Maryland to Join

Her in An Expedition Against

the Susquehannocks.

On Sept. 6, 1675 Col. John Washing-
ton, a great grandfather of George
Washington,together with Isaac Aller-
ton sends a letter to Maryland stating,
that on Sunday the 5th inst. orders
were received from the governor of
Virginia to summon the militia on
the north side of the Rappahannock
and south of the Potomac, to make
an inquisition into the murders and
spoyl done by the Indians and ascer-
tain by what nations done and to de-
mand satisfaction and proceed to war
if needed.

Wherefore the regiment of 5 troops
of 50 men each as stated in the last
item, were ordered raised. See 15
Md. Arch. 48.

1675 — Maryland Sends Instructions
to Co-Operate With Washington

Accordingly Thos. Dent was sent to
Col. Washington with these instruct-
ions: "Gent. According to the promise
made Capt. Lee and Maj. Youell we
have this day taken your letter into
consideration and for answer return
you that we have ordered 250 horses
and dragoon to rendezvous upon
Thursday which will be the 23rd in-
stant at the head of the Choptico Bay
from whence they shall continue their
march to the north side of the mouth
of the Piscataway where they shall
await your arrival and join with you
where your commanders shall advise
with you upon the ways and means
to prosecute the war against the
Doages and the Susquehannock In-
dians till the murderers are delivered
and all possible satisfaction obtain-
ed from them for damages done his

majesty's subjects. Ordered that Maj.
Thomas Truman be commander of
the expedition." See 15 Md. Arch. 49.

1675— The Mattawomen Indians Join

the Expedition and Help Maryland

and Virginia Against Sus-

quehannocks.

This is set forth in 15 Md. Arch. 57
as follows, "The Council, taking into
consideration the merits of the King
of the Mattawomen, namely that he
came first unto Major Truman volun-
tarily and offered all his men to
serve us against the Susquehannocks
and his women and children as
hostages and that he continued all
the time of the War with the Eng-
lish and in pursuit of the enemy, do
humbly desire the government con-
currence to an order that the said
King may be presented with 12 match
coats as a mark of gratitude and
have of value 100 arms length Roan-
oke namely four match coats for
every prisoner of the Susquehannocks
that they have taken and delivered —
the said match coats to be paid to
the Indian that took the prisoner."

From this we see that this tribe
of Indians through their King first of-
fered his warriors to assist the Mary-
landers and Virginians in whipping
the Susquehannocks, and to give as-
surance that he would not dessert in
battle and go over to the Susquehan-
nocks, he gave the women and chil-
dren of his tribe as hostages into the
charge of the English, who could
have been enslaved or even slaugh-
tered if the soldiers proved recre-
ant. The above also states that he
did remain loyal.

1675— The Great, Shameful Expediton
of Slaughter and Dishonor.

The expedition against the Susque-
hannocks, who were huddled in a
fort on the Potomac, about 200 strong

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

including women and children, began
about the middle of September, and
continued n a siege of about 6 weeks
ending the beginning of November. In
addition to the march on the Fort,
as we have above seen the whites
hired other Indians to sally through
the woods and capture Susquehan-
nocks. The white soldiers also rang-
ed the woods for the same purpose.
At any rate about the beginning of
November the Indians left their fort
one night and struck southwestwardly
into Virginia and were the leading
instigators of the Bacon Rebellion
all of which we shall show later.

None of the government archives
of Maryland state anything of the
general result of the expedition, per-
haps because there was so much dis-
graceful about it. Neither do any other
public records tell the particulars of
the struggle. However inferentially
several things are plain. First that
the war was of considerable expense
to Maryland, and that her people con-
tributed of their private means to its
maintenance. In Vol. 15 Md. Arch.
56 under date of Oct. 13 it is "Ordered
that proclamation be made by the
several sheriffs of each respective
county that all persons that have
been at any charge or expense
for provisions or ammunition
about the late expedition against
the Susquehannocks shall come to the
next provincial court and deliver their
claims to the sheriffs." This is his-
torical testimony that the expedition
was taken, and that it was ended by
Oct 13 or nearly so. Secondly in the
same book p. 58 it is set out "Where-
as the King of the Mattawomen de-
sires to inform himself for the securi-
ty of himself and his people against
the Susquehannocks, who are now his
enemies only because he hath es-
poused our quarrel against them, the
council do request that it be ordered

that he have liberty to 'infort' him-
self and his people upon any place
the governor shall see fit." Thus
though the Susquehannocks as we
shall see were driven out of their
fort on the Potomac, and voluntarily
went into Virginia, they still feared,
because from their Virginia base
they continually sent parties into
their old country. This request of
the Mattawomen king is dated 1675.
Thirdly in the same year as shown
in 15 Md. Arch. 59, something of the
cost of the expedition is given us. It
is stated "The governor and Council
having taken into consideration that
the disbursements for provisions and
other charges relating to the late war
with the Susquehannocks and that
the same may be levied this year and
having seen several papers and ac-
counts thereto relating, but not the
whole accounts, do appoint to meet
Monday; and it is ordered that on
Monday all the people exhibit their
accounts or be debarred. It is also
ordered that 85 pounds of tobacco per
poll be levied as tax and be added
to the former levy so that this year
there be levied in the whole 165
pounds of tobacco per poll." We
have seen in a former item that
there were 6610 taxables in Mary-
land at this time and a tax of 165
pounds of tobacco per head would be
about 1090650 pounds, of if it were
worth 10 cents per pound it was equi-
valent to $109,065.00. So the six
weeks' war was very costly, even if
the whites did win.

Elaborate particulars of the war
are however, told by a master hand,
whose graphic description of it, we
shall tell in the following several
items, under the general title of "The
Fall of the Susquehannocks."

1675 — The Fall of the Susquehannocks
Cliapter I (First Attack).

What I shall now give is verbatim
S. F. Streeter, Esqr's account of the

80

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

last days of the Susquehannocks as
an independent and powerful tribe.
The account was given in 1857 and
may be found in Vol. 1, of the his-
torical Magazine, p. 65, found in the
Historical Society, at Philadelphia.
As I have said in an earlier item, the
public records of the Maryland Arch-
ives give only the making up of the
expedition which resulted so fatal-
ly for the Susquehannocks, and the
march, and then are silent as to the
character of the battle. But that
there was a battle is evident from
the discussions in Council and As-
sembly concerning the cost, the loss
of horses, and the impeachment of
Col. Truman, for despicable conduct
in the flight.

Streeter says, "The brave but un-
fortunate Susquehannocks, driven
from their original seat (on Susque-
hanna) by the conquering Senecas in
the attempt to find a place of refuge
became unwillingly embroiled by a
series of untoward circumstances
with the people of Maryland and of
Virginia, and in the extremity of
their despair rushed into a conflict
which though brief, gave the finish-
ing blow to their power and com-
pelled the few survivors of this for-
merly dreaded tribe to seek a resting
place in the wilds of the west or to
incorporate themselves with the por-
tions of the Powhatan Confederacy.

"The events connected with this
struggle between the two races pos-
sess for us a double interest. First,
they relate to a trying period in our
own colonial history; and secondly,
as they were closely connected with
the occurrences in Virginia.which ar-
rayed Nathaniel Bacon against the
established government and aroused
a spirit of resistance to Sir William
Berkley, that ceased only with the
death of the unfortunate leader and
the expatriation or execution of many
of his supporters, some of whom

were among the most talented and
influential men of the province.

"On a Sabbath morning in the
summer of the year 1675 as the
people of Stafford, at that time the
most northerly county in Virginia, on
the Potomac, were on their way to
church they found a herdsman nam-
ed Robert Henn lying across the
threshold of his house and an Indian
without the door, both terribly gash-
ed and mutilated. The Indian was
quite dead; but Henn lived long
enough to declare that the 'Doegs'
were the murderers. A boy was also
discovered hidden under a bed from
whom it was gathered that the In-
dians had made their attack and
committed the murder about day-
break.

"Col. Mason and Capt. Brent, com-
manders of the militia of that county,
on hearing of the bloody dead im-
mediately collected a force of about
30 men and followed on trail of the
retreating Indians. After a pursuit
of about 20 miles up the Potomac
they crossed the river into Maryland.
Landing at daybreak they discovered
two narrow paths, one of which was
followed by Mason with a part of
the men; and the other by Brent with
the remainder. After advancing a
short distance each party discovered
in its front an Indian wigwam, which
was silently surrounded.

"Having stationed his men Capt.
Brent advanced to the wigwam and
in a loud voice, in the Indian tongue,
demanded a council with the occu-
pants. A chief came forward appar-
ently much alarmed, and would have
fled, but Brent, seizing him by the
scalp, told him he had come for the
murderers of Henn. The chief plead-
ed ignorance of the whole matter, and
managed to escape from the grasp of
his captor; but as he turned to flee
fell dead by a pistol shot from the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

81

hand of Brent. This was the signal
for action on both sides. The In-
dians within delivered their fire from
the hut, and under its frail cover
stood for a short time the volleys of
the Virginians, but finally attempted
to save themselves by flight from
their murderous effects. As they
thronged out of the door in a body,
however, the unerring rifle did
prompt execution and ten of their
number were slain. A lad of eight
years of age, the son of the chief
killed by Capt. Brent, was the only
one taken prisoner. The Indians so
severely handled in this encounter
belonged to the tribe of 'Doages' or
'Doegs.' Meanwhile Col. Mason's
party had also been actively engaged.
Scarcely had his men been arranged
when they were startled by the din
of the other assault, while the sud-
denly awakened and panic stricken
occupants of the wigwam, in their
extremity, without waiting for sum-
mons or attack, rushed to the door
to make their escape. As they pour-
ed out they were met by the deadly
fire of the Virginians, who supposed
from the noise and the firing that
Brent's men were warmly engaged
with a hostile party, and fourteen of
the Indians had already fallen, when
one of them rushed up to Col. Mason
through the heaviest of the fire and
seized his arm and exclaimed "Sus- I
quehannocks netoughs" that is, "Sus- j
quehannocks friends," and imme-
diately fled. Col. Mason at once
caused his men to cease firing, since
those who were the objects of their
attack proved to belong to a tribe
recognized as friends of Virginia.

"This tribe which had formerly oc-
cupied a considerable territory on
the Susquehanna and at the head of
Chesapeake Bay, and which_ was
spreading terror among the tribes of
the Patuxent and the eastern shore

of the Potomac at the time of the ar-
rival of the Maryland Pilgrims, had
in its turn been made to feel the hand
of the conqueror. The Seneca In-
dians, one of the most numerous and
powerful of the Confederacy of the
Five Nations, through whose terri-
tory in western New York the upper
waters of the Susquehannocks flow-
ed (as the governor and council of
New York in an address to his Ma-
jesty, Aug. 6, 1691, say: the Susque-
hanna river, is situate in the middle
of the Seneca country) had pushed
their war parties down that river
(Susquehanna), reducing the tribes
on its borders to submission, or
compelling them to seek new places
of abode in more defensible positions
with other tribes or within the
sweep of the strong and protecting
arms of the white men.

"The Susquehannocks, too proud, it
would seem, to yield to those with
whom they had long been contested
as equals, and by holding the land
of their fathers by suffrage, to ac-
knowledge themselves reduced; yet
too weak to withstand the victorious
and domineering Senecas, had been
compelled to forsake the river bear-
ing their name and the head of the
Bay; and had taken up a position
near the western borders of Mary-
land below the territory of the Pis-
cataway Indians."

(This is the end of Chapter I. The
next item will take up Chapt- II and
will be devoted to the new location
of the Susquehannock Indians and of
their weak neighboring and confed-
erated tribes.

167o— Fall of the Susquehannocks.
Chapter II (The Xew Fort).

"This tribe (Susquehannocks) orig-
inally occupied lands lower down the
river (Potomac) about the Piscata-
way; but the year 1673 a tract at
the head of the Potomac was assign-

82

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHAXNOCKS AND

ed them by the Assembly, somewhat
above the former location, and every
possible effort was made to establish
themselves permanently at that
place. Implements of husbandry
were presented to them and a supply
of provisions for three years guaran-
teed to free them from all apprehen-
sion on the care of subsistence and
afford them full time to make these
lands sufficiently productive for their
own support. This spot was near
where Washington now stands (An-
nals of Annapolis, p. 64). From this
legislation it is evident that the
policy of the province was to remove
the Indians toward the western
borders of its territory and thus at
the same time to preserve for them
a home. — to make room for the
pioneers of civilization already press-
ing upon that quarter and to dimin-
ish as far as possible the chances of
collision between the two races. The
Piscataways however,were an unwar-
like inoffensive people and were re-
garded as firm friends to both Mary-
land and Virginia.

"The Doegs" as they are styled in
the Maryland records, occupied a
portion of the territory between the
Piscataway river on the north and
the great bend on the Potomac on the
south now forming the western part
of Charles and perhaps a small por-
tion of Prince George county. The
tongue of land formed by Mattawo-
men Run as it flows into the Poto-
mas still retains the name 'Indian
Point' and may have been the spot on
which the bloody scene which has
been described was enacted. The
lands of the Doegs extended to the
Piscataway.

"The Susquehannocks had lately
established themselves on the north
side of that (Piscataway) river.
There would seem therefore to have
been no ground of suspicion either,

in the mere fact that parties from
both tribes were found occupying
wigwams a short distance below the
river and near to each other, as was
the case with those attacked by
Mason and Brent.

But murders had been committed
in Virginia; the pursuers had as
they believed tracked the murderers
until they had suddenly lallen upon
these parties. Had they found In-
dian families in the wigwams it
would have been different — but they
found armed warriors; and this in
connection with the recent startling
raids and evils were surely enough
to excite suspicion. According to
the dying testimony of one of the vic-
tims the murderers were Doeg, and
therefore of the same tribe with
those which Capt. Brent's party sur-
prised on the Maryland side of the
river; and this fact in their appre-
hensions afforded a good reason for
the assault. There is no evidence
that the Susquehannocks were the
abbettors or ever the associates of
the Doegs, or chargeable with any
other fact or fault than that of un-
fortunately occupying quarters in
the neighborhood.

"That Capt. Brent's party knew
whom they were assaulting is likely
from his parley with the chief before
firing began; but that the attack of
Mason's men thus precipitated by the
noise of the other engagement, and
that they were not aware of whom
they assailed is evident from the fact
that Col. Mason the moment he as-
certained they were Susquehannocks,
recognized them as friends and ceas-
ed hostilities.

"The truth is the Virginians were
hot with passion and eager of pur-
suit. Their friends had been mur-
dered and by Indians; they knew
jthe perpetrators and started in pur-
I suit; they came up with two bands

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

83

in junctos with the very tribe charg-
ed with the crime and in the direct
line of their retreat; and concluding at
once that these were the assassins,
without pausing to deliberate, hasten-
ed to avenge the slaughter of their
friends. In one of these cases at
least the assailants were sadly pre-
cipitated.

"The murderous assault of Mason's
party was entirely unprovoked, if
we accept the assertion of the Sus-
quehannocks, who charged the mur-
ders upon the marauding parties of
the Senecas (and this is by no means
improbable.) "The Senecas' war par-
ties might at that time have penetrat-
ed Maryland and Virginia as they are
known to have done within a very
few years after, when they committed
various murders, might naturally be
expected to arouse their savage pas-
sions, and stimulate them to seek
revenge, particularly as no attempt
was made by the Virginians to ex-
plain the cause of the attack or to
make preparation for the grievous in-
jury inflicted. It may be the savage
retribution and subsequent conflicts
followed too closely upon this en-
counter to allow an opportunity for
explanation. Several murders were
soon afterwards committed in Mary-
land, and though guard boats were
equipped to prevent interruptions
and invasions across the Potomac one
or two persons were also murdered
in Stafford county, Virginia. The
perpetrators of these cruel acts were
not certainly known; but under the
circumstances suspicion naturally
fell upon the Susquehannocks.

"The presence of this tribe
on their western borders had al-
ready exacted dissatisfaction among
the people of Maryland, especially
those whose plantations were situat-
ed near the Piscataway; and efforts
had been made (the Indians being re-

solutely bent not to forsake their
Fort (Ann Cotton's Account 1676, p. 1)
| to induce them to leave the position
| they had taken. This was on the
J north side of the Piscataway, in a
strong Fort which had either origin-
ally belonged to the Piscataways or
was built by the province years pre-
vious (In 1644 an act was passed to
enable the Governor to establish and
support a garrison at Piscataway (see
Bacon's Laws) for the protection of
the frontier settlements, and perhaps
Maryland has left it unoccupied dur-
ing the time of peace, which had
preceded these occurrences. From
its strength and construction the
latter supposition seems most pro-
bable.

'The walls of the fort were high
banks of earth having flankers well
provided with loop holes and encom-
passed by a ditch. Without this was
a row of tall trees from 5 to 8 inches
in diameter set three feet in the earth
and six inches apart and wattled in
such a manner as at the same time
to protect those within and afford
holes for shooting through. These
defenses were ingenious and strong
and enabled the occupants to set at
defiance any ordinary beseiging party
unless provided with cannon or pre-
pared to starve its defenders into a
surrender. Here the Susquehannocks
to the number of 100 with their old
men, women and children established
themselves, — here they were deter-
mined to remain.

"Remembering not only the deeds
of violence that had been borne and
taking counsel of their apprehensions
forgetful as it would seem, of the
outrages which had stung the sav-
ages into revengeful mood, the Mary-
landers determined to organize an
expedition against them, and drive
them from the province." All this
is from Streeter's account as first
stated.

84 ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

l(>'r> — Fall of the Susquehannocks — I in Maryland and in Virginia, and that
(Chapt. III. The March). he had come to ascertain who had

" Doubting, however, the ability to i committed them. They replied it
carry out promptly and effectively j was the Senecas. The Major then in-
their designs, and aware that the Vir- quired if they would furnish some
ginians, like themselves, had of late I of their young men as guides in pur-

suffered from midnight attacks and
murders which from their share in
the recent unfortunate assault on
the Susquehannocks they were dis-
posed to distribute to them as acts
of revenge there was proposed to the
Virginian's a union of forces and a
joint expedition for the purpose of
subduing their common enemy.

"The proposition was readily ac-
cepted and the two provinces raised
a force of a thousand men to march
against the Susquehannocks. The

suit, as several of the other tribes
had already done; but they replied
the Sencas had come four days and
by that time must be near the head
of the Tataysco. To this it was an-
swered that the horses of the white
men were flee: and the Indian runners
swift and boln ought easily to over-
take the Senecas. They then consent-
ed to furnish the guides. During the
conference Col. Washington, Col. Ma-
son and Maj. Adderton came over
frem the Virginia encampement and

Virginia troops were under command i charged the chiefs with the murders
of Col. John Washington, the great- j that had been committed on the south
grandfather of General George Wash- i side of the Potomac ; but they positive-
ington ; those of Maryland under j ly denied that any of their tribe were
Major Thomas Truman. On the ! guilty. The Virginians, however far
morning of Sunday the 26th ! from being convinced by this denial,
of September the Maryland forces j insisted that three of the Susquehan-
appeared before the Fort, and j nocks had been positively identified
the Virginians probably a little j as participants in the outrages
later. In the obedience to instruc- j which had taken place,
tions from the government to settle "The chiefs then presented to Ma-
matters with the Susquehannocks by jor Truman a paper and a silver
negotiations if feasible, Major Tru- medal with a black and yellow rib-
man sent to the Fort two messengers bon attached,which they said had been
one of whom was well acquainted j given to them by former governors
with the English language, to in- S of Maryland; this medal is exceedingly
vite Harignera, one of the municipal ! rare now ; it is of silver, about the
chiefs, to a conference. Having as- ; size and half the thickness of a
ertained that Haiignera was dead, j crown piece, with a knob on the end
they requested that the other chiefs j for the insertion of a cord, so it may
might be sent in his stead, where- ! De hanged about the neck) as a
upon six of 'heir leaders came forth pledge of protection and friendship
and met the commander of Maryland in as long as the sun and moon shall
the presence of his principal officers endure. These tokens were received
and several Indians belonging to j by Major Truman with assurances
neighboring tribes. Upon their de- j that he was satisfied the Senecas had
manding the reason of all that hostile i been the aggressors in the late out-
array Major Truman informed them j rages and that they need have no
through the interpreters, that grave apprehension for the safety of them-
outrages had been committed both I selves or their wives and children.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

8.',

The officers, as it was near evening,
then retired to their respective en-
campments and the Indians went
back to the Fort."

"Early the next morning Capt. John
Allen, a well known leader of rang-
ers in Maryland service, was ordered
to proceed with a file of men to the
house of Randolph Hansom, one of
the victims of the recent outrages, to
ascertain if it had been plundered
by the Indians and to bring any am-
munition that may have been left on
the premises. Capt. Allen promptly
discharged this duty and returned
with him the bodies of those murder-
ed at Hansom's house."

"During his absence the Susquehan-
nock chiefs had come out of the Fort
probably by appointment, on the pre-
ceeding evening for the purpose of
renewing their conference with the
Maryland and Virginia officers. They
were again charged by the latter more
vehemently than before with having
been concerned in the outrages in
Virginia; but the allegation was
again met with an absolute and in-
dignant denial. Upon this the chiefs
were placed in custody of the Mary-
land and Virginia troops, and the of-
ficers retired to another part of the
field to deliberate and decide what
course to pursue."

"Unfortunately for the prisoners,
in the midst of the deliberations,
Captain Allen and his detachment
made their appearance bringing with
them the slaughtered bodies — the
bloody evidence of savage barbarity
and hate. The whole camp was arous-
ed; Maryland and Virginia alike burn-
ed with indignation and thirsted for
revenge. The council of officers
was broken v.p and the feelings which
had been stirred up by sight of their
murdered countrymen found vent in
an almost unanimous demand for the
death of those now in their hands

who were strongly suspected of being
the guilty parties in this case and
who had been so strenuously de-
nounced by the Virginians as the
known murderers of their people."

"Before, they might have listened
to the voice of reason and justice;
but now they thought only of the in-
juries that had been inflicted by sav-
age hands and loudly called for ven-
geance on those unfortunate repre-
sentatives of the race whose confi-
dence in the efficiency of our tokens
of the past and the sanctity of their
present pledges had placed in their
power. They forgot that those men
had responded to s? professedly peace-
ful summons. They had come out
with the emblems of friendship in
their hands; that they had received
assurance of confidence and prom-
ises of protection; and hurried away
by the fury of the moment, commit-
ted a deed, which as it violated the
laws of God and of man brought up-
on them the condemnation of their
own contemporaries as it must have
done of their own consciences in af-
ter moments of coolness and reflec-
tion."

"Major Truman struggled against
the excitement and pleaded for delay
but in vain. The Virginia officers,
confident of getting immediate pos-
session of the Fort and professing to
others that they were only a few
hours anticipating, the fate of the
prisoners and perhaps depending in
part on the effect of so terrible a
blow insisted on the immediate execu-
tion of the chiefs. Only one of them,
for what reason we do not know, was
spared; the remainder, five in num-
ber were bound, led forth from the
place of their detention and, to use
the plain phrase of our authority
were 'knocked on the head.' So died
the chiefs of the Susquehannocks.
not with arms, but with the pledges

86

f
ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

of the white man's protection in their
hands; not in open field and with a
fair fight, but entrapped by treachery,
and encompassed by their enemies;
not the death of warriors, but of
dumb cattle. They died an ignomin-
ious death, yet their executioners, by
their act covered themselves with a
thousand fold deeper disgrace and
shame.

"It is but just to the rank and file
of the Maryland troops, to say that
though one authority speaks of the
'unanimous consent' of the Virginians
and the eager impetuosity of the
whole field as well Maryland as Vir-
ginia, upon the sight of the Chris-
tians murdered at Hanson; another,
alluding to the uphappy act, states
that Truman's first command for the
killing of those Indians was not
obeyed and he had some difficulty to
get any men to obey him therein. And
after they were put to death no man
would own to have had a hand in it;
but rather seemed to abhor the act."

"If the Virginians were moved to
take the lives of these chiefs by the
expectation that they would surren-
der the fort, or hasten it, they greatly
miscalculated. When those who had
remained behind learned of what had
been done; hate and desperation con-
tended for the mastery in their hearts.
The blood of their slaughtered leaders
called for vengeance. The proved
faithlessness of those who threaten-
ed their slaughter, forbade them to
hope. They shut themselves up with-
in the palisades, strengthened their
defenses, and prepared for a desper-
ate resistance. Whenever and wher-
ever the besiegers prepared or at-
tempted an assault, they were ready
to meet them. Whenever a proposal
was made for a conference or a sur-
render their reply was, "Where are
our chiefs?"

1675— Fall of the Susquehannocks
Chap. IV. (The Seige).

"The Susquehannocks had been too
suddenly attacked to allow them to
lay in supplies to stand a long siege,
even if their mode of warfare had en-
couraged or their resources had al-
lowed such a proceeding; and as the
besieging forces cut them off from
the surrounding country, they soon
suffered for want of provisions. Not
daunted by the prospect of starvation
they made frequent and fierce sallies
to the severe annoyance and loss of
the besiegers, and at last in their
extremity resorted to the expedient
of capturing and feeding upon the
horses which belonged to their assail-
ants. These do not appear to have
been opposed with much vigor either
because the first rash step had so
damped the ardor of the men or be-
cause it was the policy of the com-
mander to starve rather than force
the Indians to surrender. The fort
also was too strong to be stormed.
Its situation on low ground precluded
the possbility of undermining the
foundations and palisades even if
the watchfulness of the dependers had
permitted their approach; and they
had no cannon with them to batter it
down. So that they were compelled
in fact to wait the time when famine
would have weakened the enemy so
as to render them an easy prey.

"But the Susquehannocks had no
idea of such a termination of the
struggle. After six weeks of heroic
defense during which time they had
inflicted much injury on their ene-
mies, but with litle loss to them-
selves, they yielded, not to the prow-
ess of the besiegers, but to the want
of food, and prepared not to surrend-
er but to evacuate the fort.

1675 — Fall of the Susquehannocks
Chap. V. (Evacuation).

It certainly gives a strong color of
probability to the charge of neglect

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

87

of duty, on the part of the investing
troops, that the Susquehannocks af-
ter destroying everything within the
fort that could be of use to the as-
sailants, and leaving behind only a
few decrepit old men, marched out
under cover of the night 75 strong,
with their women and children, pass-
ed through the lines of the besieging
forces undiscovered and on their way
killed ten of the guards whom they
found asleep.

"The next morning the united
forces discovered that the prey had
escaped and followed in pursuit; but
either could not or would not over-
take these desperate fighters, and
fugitives for fear of ambuscade. Both
detachments it would seem were
heartily tired of the enterprise from
which neither officers nor men were
likely to receive honor or profit. We
may therefore infer both parties
readily relinquished pursuit; and
after detailing sufficient force to oc-
cupy the fort and range through the
adjoining country returned to their
respective provinces, not merely will-
ing but desirous that their exploits
during the expedition should pass in-
to oblivion.

1675 — Fall of Susquehannocks
Chap. TL (Retreat).

"Not so the Susquehannocks. They
left the last place of refuge on the
soil of Maryland with a stinging sense
of injury, a recollection of solemn ob-
ligation slighted and of murder yet
unavenged. The voices of their
slaughtered chiefs called upon them
for the sacrifice of blood and as they
took the leave of the territory
of their enemies and crossing the Po-
tomac directed their route over the
head of the Rappahannock, York and
James rivers, the tomahawk fell upon
settler after settler. Sixty victims
were sacrificed to atone for the
slaughter of the heads of their tribe.

One of the sufferers at the head of
the James river was a valued over-
seer on a plantation of Nathaniel
Bacon; and it was the murder of this
man, in connection with the distract-
ed state of the country which caused
Bacon's application for a commission
to go against the Indians, a part of
whom were Susquehannocks. His
subsequent difficulty with Gov. Berk-
ley, his rebellion, and his untimely
death are familiar to all readers of
the colonial history of Virginia.

" The Susquehannocks believing
they have now sacrificed victims
enough to redeem their own honor
and to appease the angry spirits of
their murdered chiefs are willing to
enter into negotiations with Virginia.
They sent to the governor a remon-
strance drawn up by an English in-
terpreter of the following purport:

(1) They ask why he (Virginia's
governor) a professed friend, has
taken up arms in behalf of Maryland,
their avowed enemies?

(2) They express their regret to
find that the Virginians from friends
have become such violent enemies as
to pursue them even into another
province.

(3) They complain that their chiefs
sent out to treat for peace were not
only murdered but the act was coun-
tenanced by the governor.

(4) They declare that seeing no
other way of satisfaction they have
killed ten of the common English for
each one of their chiefs to make up
for the disrotation arising out of
the difference of rank.

(5) They propose if the Virginians
will make them compensation for the
damages they have sustained by the
attack upon them and withdraw all
aid from Maryland to renew the an-
cient league of friendship; otherwise
they and those in league with them
will continue the war so unfairly be-
gun and fight it out till the last man

has fallen.

NS

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

"This message to Governor Berkley j
notwithstanding its lofty tone made
no impression and elicited no reply, |
and the Susquehannocks were left
to fulfill their terrible threat, which
they did to the letter. They succeed-
ed in enlisting in their cause several
tribes before friendly to the Virgin-
ians and their allies, and then address-
ed themselves with savage earnest-
ness to their bloody work. So sud-
den were their attacks and so awful
the inhumanities of which they were
guilty that the frontier plantations
were deserted; and it would seem
that even Jamestown itself was not
safe from their attack. (It will be
remembered that Jamestown was
burnt during Bacon's rebellion).

"A line of forts was established
along the frontier to prevent their
incursions; but like most similar in-
tempts of the colonists, owing to their
distance from each other, the want of
sufficient garrison they failed entirely
to afford protection. Bands of sav-
age marauders watched their oppor-
tunity, passed between the forts, ef-
. fected their murderous objects, re-
passed the lines and were beyond
pursuit before the garrison could be
alarmed and despatched to the point
of assault.

"Yet these were after all the last
desperate efforts of a despairing
people. Few in numbers themselves,
and leagued with feeble tribes they
could only hope to inflict the utmost
injury upon their adversaries with
the certainty of finally perishing as
individuals and as a people in the
contest. Had not Virginia herself
been crippled by a civil controversary
they would have been crushed at
once; but even as it was in the
midst of all its distraction and its
differences with the government,
Bacon found time to avenge those of
his friends and of the province who
had fallen beneath the assaults, and

reassured the desponding colonists.
He swept the country of the tribe
with whom the Susquehannocks had
leagued themselves, burned their
towns, put a large number to the
sword and dispersed the remainder
The Indians fled before him, several
tribes perished and those who sur-
vived were so reduced as to never
again be able to make a stand.
Ann Cotton's Account, Written 1676.
A very plain an apparently Illit-
erate outline account of the end of
the Susquehannocks as a tribe, is
that known as Ann Cotton's account,
written the year after the happen-
ings. It is in the form of a letter
and appears in Force's Facts, Vol. 1,
No. 9. It is brief and as follows: '
The Susquehannocks & Marylanders
of friends being ingaged enimyes, &
that the Indians being resolutely
bent not to forsake there forts; it
came to this pointe, yet the Maryland-
ers were obliged (finding themselves
too weak to do the worke themselves)
aide of ye Virginians put under the
conduct of one Colonell Washington
(him whom you have sometimes seen
at your house) who being joined by
the Marylanders invests the Indians
in the forts with a negligent siege,
upon which the enemy made small sal-
leys with as many loss to the beseig-
ers, and at last gave them the oppor-
tunity to desert the forte, after that
the English had (contrary to ye law
of arms) beat out the brains of 6
grate men sent out to treat a peace;
an action of ill consequence, as it
proved after. For the Indians having
in the darke slipped through the lea-
gure and in their passage knocked 10
of the beseigers on the head, which
they found fast asleep leaving the
rest to prosecute the siege (as Scorg-
ing's wife brooding the eggs which
the fox has sucked) they resolved to
lmploy their liberty in avenging their
commissioners' blood which they

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

S9

speedly effected in the death of 60 I
inniscent soules, and then send in
their remonstrance to the governor in j
justification of the fact with this ex- |
postulation annext, demanding what
it was moved the Virginian governor
to take up arms against them, his
professed friends, in the behalfe of
Marylanders, their avowed enimyes."

1675 — Fall of the Susquehannocks.
Chap. VII. (Slaughter in Virginia).

"Among those who were made to
feel the avenging arm of Bacon was
the homeless remnant of the Susque-
hannocks. His residence was on
the James river at a point called
'Curies' in Henrico county; and as has
been mentioned his favorite overseer
had been murdered by those savages.
The confidence the frontier settlers
had in his courage and ability made
them anxious to obtain him as leader
against their enemies. He was will-
ing to take command of an expedition
but he had no commission from the
Governor, for raising military forces.
After many difficulties a commission
was promised him and he commenced
his preparations but in the midst of
them ascertained the Governor had
acted the part of a hypocrite and did
not intend to fulfill his promise."

"Roused by the discourteous and
distrustful procedure, Bacon at once
armed his servants and called togeth-
er the frontier settlers nnd placing
himself in command went into the
forest to pursue and punish the Sus-
quehannocks. Advancing to a village
occupied by a tribe of the Occonegies
he was received by them in a friendly
manner and informed in regard to
the place where the Susquehannocks
had fortified themselves and perpared
for a desperate resistance in case of
an attack. He pushed forward with-
out delay and found them strongly
posted in a rude fort; but this did
not deter him. He led his men to
the assault and after a fierce struggle

succeeded in forcing his way into the
fort and put 70 of the defendants to
the sword. See ("Strange News from
Virginia, — London, 1677," a report of
the affair in a London paper). A
few of the original tribe may have
survived but the information we
possess relative to the diminished
number of the tribe at that period
justifies the conclusion that this
severe blow completed their extinc-
tion."

1675 — Fall of the Susquehannocks —

Chap. VIII, (Extinction as

a Tribe).

So disappeared the stout Susque-
hannocks from the page of aborigi-
nal history. They met the first white
man who set foot on their soil with
firm and unyielding front. They re-
sisted for years the attempted nego-
tiations and encroachments on their
territory; yet pressed, hard pressed,
at least by powerful enemies of their
own race, they yielded to necessity
and accepted his proffered friendship;
for a quarter of a century they held
the sacred pledges of Lord Baltimore,
and kept the peace; during which
time, driven by the Senecas from
their homes they were forced into a
position which brought upon them the
hostility of the people of Maryland;
they accepted proposals for negotia-
tions, only to find their leaders en-
trapped and put to death; they de-
fended themselves bravely in their
strongholds and rather than surrend-
er they retreated to another terri-
tory, and thereafter sending to the
authorities with a proud and unshak-
en spirit the choice between the hand
of friendship and the tomahawk, ac-
cepted the latter alternative as that
alone was left to them. Then came
the deadly struggle in the crisis of
which though individuals survived
and were incorporated into other
tribes, as a distinct people they per-
ished in a manner most glorious to
their vengeance, in the blaze of the

90

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

burning mansions, the ruin of culti-
vated estates, with the shriek and the
supplication of the murdered white
man ringing in their ears and their
hands red wth human blood."

"Yet the act which in the com-
mencement of their difficulties drove
them to extremities and which was in
fact the cause of thei^ destruction,
was not allowed to pass unrebuked."

1(>7G — Fall of the Susquehannocks —

Chap. IX. (Attainder of

Major Truman).

"After the return of his detachment
to Virginia, Colonel Washington on
the 5th day of January, 1676 took his
seat as a member of the Assembly. In
his opening address on that occasion,
Governor Berkley alluded to the late
Indian disturbances and in reference
to the chiefs who had been put to
death at Piscataway, used the follow-
ing emphatic language: "If they had
killed my grand-father and my grand-
mother, my father and mother and all
my friends, yet if they had come to
treat in peace, they should have gone
in peace." His opinion of the deed
therefore is sufficiently evident; but
whether the mass of the people, im-
bittered as their feelings were by the
recollections of recent Indian out-
rages, would have joined him in the
condemnation may be doubted. The
pressure of events, however and the
necessity for self-protection within
and without soon absorbed the atten-
tion of the Governor and Legislature
and the people; and the life or the
death of a few savages became a
minor consideration."

"In Maryland the case was differ-
ent. The detachment of Major Tru-
man having returned with the excep-
tion of one company under Captain

John Allen to guard the frontier,
the murder of the Susquehannock

chiefs became the subject of public

discussion and legal inquiry.

On May 16, 1676 Major Truman
was arrested by order of the Legisla-
ture then in session to answer the
charge of impeachment brought
against him by the lower House,
chr.r?ing him with having broken his
commission and instructions, in that
he received as friends six Indians
sent out by the Susquehannocks as
Ambassadors to treat with him and
after giving them asurance that there
was no intention of using force
against them and that no damage
should be done to them, their wives
or their children, did without calling
a Council of Mary land officers, in a
barbarous and cruel manner cause
five of the said Indians to be killed
and murdered contrary to the law of
God and of Nations."

Depositions having been taken and
witnesses examined for and against
the accused, he declared through Mr.
BenjaminCrozier his counsel assigned
him that, "He confessed his fault and
did in no way intend to stand upon
his justification," but humbly prayed
permission to read a paper which he
hoped would somewhat extenuate the
force of the charge brought against
him so that they should not appear
so grievous as in the said impeach-
ment they were set forth to be." This
petition was granted. What was
the nature of the justification the
record does not show; but that it
was enough to vindicate him appears
from the fact that after a full hear-
ing he was foutfd guilty by unani-
mous decision of the Upper House of
having "commanded five of the Sus-
quehannock Indians that came out to
treat with them to be put to death,
contrary to the law of Nations and
in violation of the second Article of
his instructions by which he was or-
dered to entertain any treaty with the
said Susquehannocks."

"The duty now devolved upon the
Lower House of drawing a bill of At-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

91

tainder against Major Truman,but al- j
though it was upon its (the Lower
House) own impeachment that he had
been tried and found guilty, influenced
as it appears by attenuating circum-
stances afterwards brought forward,
that body prepared a bill which
while entitled an Act of attainder, only
proposed a fine instead of the penalty
of death. The Upper House return-
ed the bill, remonstrating that it
corresponded neither to the impeach-
ment nor to the crime of which the
accused had been found guilty and
insisting that it was due to the Gov-
ernment to vindicate it from the
shame and wickedness of countenanc-
ing such a deed and urging that
if crimes so heinous deserve no severer
punishment than they inflicted by the
Act, offenses of a lower nature would
not require any. Not only would no
satisfaction be given to the heathens
with whom the public faith had bro-
ken but no confidence would be
placed on any treaty which in that
dangerous juncture of affairs might
be offered to the Indians unless such
offense were not only publicly dis-
owned but also punished without sev-
erity which it deserved.

The Lower House in reply after re-
capitulating the extenuating circum-
stances in the case stating its opin-
on thst the offense was not premed-
itated or out cf design to prejudice
the Province but merely out of ignor-
ance and to prevent a mutiny of the
whole army refused to modify its
former bill, whereupon the Upper
House admitting that the crime was
not maliciously perpetrated, denied
that the facts charged as true were
any extenuation; and declaring
anew its abhorrence of the Act re-
minded the Lower House that by its
refusal to draw up a bill of Attaind-
er in full, it must make itself re-
sponsible for the consequences that

might ensue to the people of the Pro-
vince. The Lower House did not hesi-
tate to take the responsibilty. Un-
fortunately the journals for this per-
iod are lost and we are left in ignor-
ance of what the conclusion of the
controversy was. A petition to his
Lordship in behalf of Truman is
mentioned in the records of the
Lower House for Tune 12. 1676. Per-
haps this was for his pardon and for
this reason, (it may be) the subject is
no more alluded to in the journals
which remain."

"Whatever may have been the "de-
cision of his Lordship, Charles Cal-
vert, or of the Legislature and the
people of that day, there can be little
hesitation at the present in deciding
that the execution of men who came
out as agents to treat for peace with
pledges of peace in their hands, un-
armed and trusting to repeated as-
surances of safety, was a violation of
the laws of God, of Nations and of
man — a cruel unjustifiable murder."
This is a detailed history of the
battle, retreat and execution of the
Susquehannocks in the Fall and
Winters of 1675 and 3 676 given by
Mr. Streeter in his Admiral Paper,
entitled, "The Fall of the Susquehan-
nocks" which may be found in the
Historical Society at Philadelphia as
I have stated above.
1676 — Proceedings Against Major
Truman for Slaughterng the
Susquehannock Chiefs.
In Vol. 2 of Md. Archs., page 475,
under the date of May 16, the fol-
lowing proceedings in the Lower
House were had: "Ordered that Cap-
tain John Alden and Dr. Charles
Gregory do with all expedition make
their appearance before the right
honorable, the Proprietary and his
Honorable Council, sitting in As-
sembly to testify the truth of their
knowledge, touching the late barbar-

92

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

ous and inhuman murder of five Sus-
quehannock Indians; and that the
said Captain Allen give strict com-
mand to his Lieutenant to continue
ranging the woods, in his absence."

1676 — Ninian Baell Called as a
Witness.

In the same Volume of the Md.
Archives, page 476 it was "ordered
Ninan Biell do with all expedition
make his appearance before the right
Honorable, the Lord Proprietary and
his Council now sitting, to testify the
truth of his knowledge, touching the
barberous and inhuman murder of
five Susquehanna Indians."

1676— Questions Decided on to Pro-
pound Against Major Truman.

In the same book and at the same
page it is recorded under the date of
May 16, that the following interroga-
tories, concerning the late expedition
against the Susquehannock Indians
should be propounded to John
Shankes and other witnesses to be
examined:

"(2) Whether the said Major Tru-
man with the forces at his command
was at the North side of the Pisca-
taway Creek and did these expect and
meet the Virginians?"

"(2) Whether the said Major Tru-
man consulted with his officers and
those of Virginia or held any dis-
course or treaty with those Susque-
hannock Indans which came out of
the Forte: also whether it was with
the knowledge of any of his officers
that he treated and endeavored to
make the Susquehannocks believe he
intended no harm or disturbance to
them, and what officers or others he
knows were present when orders
were given by the Major for putting
those great men to death?"

"(3) Whether he knows at any
time the officers of Virginia did de-
sire or put Major Truman upon any

design, pressing him to employ his
soldiers about or upon any service
during the siege; and if Major Tru-
man did any time execute anything
at their request by reciving instruc-
tions and directions from them?"

"(4) Whether did Major Truman
bid the Susquehannocks not to fear
him or tell them that he came only
to seek the Senecas and that he
would lodge that night hard by them,
ther wives and children not to be
afraid; or that any other expression
to- that effect was made by him?"

"(5) What former articles of Peace
or amity did the Susquehannocks
ever produce to Major Truman?"

"(6) Did the Susquehannocks ever
show a medall (medal) of silver,
with a black and yellow ribbon?"

"(4) Did they show said ribbon
and medal as a pledge of amity
given them by the former ■ Governor
of this Province and was the said
medal given to Major Truman or to
any other Englishmen, or was it
carried back again into the Forte?
(Note: — When they gave it up war
was meant).

"(8) Did Major Truman stay on
the North side of the Piscataway
Creek till the Virginians came thith-
er or did he there treat with them,
concerning the management of the
war against the Susuesannocks? "

"(9) Did the Susuehannocks ever
offer any treaty of Peace or desire to
continue friendship ; and whether did
Major Truman ever demand satisfac-
tion from them for any injustice done
or tell them they were the persons
which we suspected had injured us?"

At the same time it was "ordered
that for the more expeditious return
of the examinations of John Shankes
to the several interrogatories on the
murder of the Susquehannocks, that
Mr. Russell is hereby empowered to
presse boat and hands and other

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

93

necessaries to the said expedition." I
This shows that Shankes was at i
some distance, and, at this time
and these interrogatories for him to
answer were being sent to him: —
See this in Vol. 2 of Md. Archives, p.
477.

1676 — Answer of the Witness Against
Major Truman for Killing
the Susquehannock
Chiefs.
• Under the date of May 19 in Vol.
2 of the Md. Archives at Page 481,
the answer to these interrogatories
are set forth as follows: "The an-
swer of John Shankes to said inter-
rogatories: — This deponent saith
that he was with the Maryland forces
being at the fort of the Susquehan-
nocks on the Sabbath day. He was
sent up to the Fort to desire one of
the great men by name, Harignera, to
come and speak with Major Truman,
and the said Harignera being dead
this deponent desired some other
great men to come and speak with
the said Major: upon which message
of his, there came out 3 or 4 of them
and this deponent was commanded by
the said Major Truman to tell them
of the great injuries that had been
done to the country and that he
came to know who they were that
had done it. And the great men re-
plied that it was the Senecas; and
this deponent saith that there being
present other Indians from other
towns, the Major desired some of
their young men to assist as pilots
as well as the neighboring Indians
had done to join in the pursuit
against the Senecas. And the said
Indians replied that the Senecas had
been gone four days at this time they
might be at the head of the Patapsco
River; to which Major Truman re-
turned that he had good horses and
as they were good footmen and they
they should go with him, and the

said Indians replied that they would.

This deponent further saith that in
the morning following, the Susque-
hannock great men being at the
place of meeting before the Mary-
landers and Virginians more highly
than before taxed them of the in-
juries done by them in Maryland and
Virginia; and they utterly denied the
same. Thereupon this deponent was
commanded to declare to them that
they should be bound; and this de-
ponent saith further that there was
an old paper and medal showed by
these Indians and they did say in the
very first day, in the evening thereof,
that the same wras a pledge of peace
given and left with them by the for-
mer Governor as a token of amity
and friendship as long as the Sun and
Moon should last. And this deponent
saith that to the best of his remem-
brance all the Virginian officers were
present when the Indians were
bound; and this deponent saith that
the first night of meeting with the
said Susquehannocks, he was ordered
to declare to them that Major Tru-
man did believe the Senecas had done
the mischief, and not they and that
he was well satisfied therein.
1676— Testimony of Captain Allen,
Another Witness Against
Truman.

This testimony is reported also in
Vol. 2 of the Md. Archives, Page 482
and it is as follows:— Touching the
! murder of the Susquehannock In-
; dians Captain John Allen being
| sworn and affirmed and examined
| saith. that about the 25th or 26th of
j September on Sunday morning, the
! Maryland forces appeared before the
j Forte under command of Major Tru-
I man, who sending Hugh French and
I another to the Forte, there came out
| two or three of the Indians and more
I afterwards to the number of 30 or 40

94

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

and the Major examined them con-
cerning the mischief that was done to
Mr. Hanson and others and if
they knew what Indians they were
that did it, and they told him it was
the Senecas, during which discourse
with the Major there came over
Colonel Washington, Colonel Mason
and Major Alderton ; and they likewise
taxed them with the murders done on
their side (in Virginia) by them; but
they made the same reply as to
Major Truman that it was none of
them. So when they found that they
could get nothing out of them, then
they made it appear that three of the
said Susquehannocks were those that
did the murder on the other side.

On Monday morning early the
Major commanded Mr. Good and two
or three ranks of men, whereof him-
self was one, to go to the house of
Mr, Randolph Hanson to see if the
Indians had plundered it, and if they
found any ammunition to bring it
away .which accordingly they did and
after the return to the forte, the de-
ponent saw six Indians guarded with
the Marylanders and Virginians and
the Major with the Virginia officers,
sitting upon a tree some distance
from them and after some while they
all arose and came toward the In-
ians and caused them to be bound;
and after some time they talked again
and the Virginia officers would have
knocked them on the head in the
Place presently; and particularly
Colonel Washington said.'Why should
we keep them any longer; let us
knock them on the head. We shall
get the Forte today.' But the depon-
ent saith that Major Truman did not
admit of it but was overswayed by
the Virginia officers; and after fur-
ther discourse the Indians were car-
ried out from the place where they
were bound and they knocked them
on the head."

! 1676— The Articles of Impeachment
Against Major Truman.

The witnesses having given the
j above testimony, the Lower House
now considered they had sufficient
j reason to prefer Articles of Impeach-
I ment against Major Truman. These
j articles are found in Vol. 2 of Md.
Archives, Page 485.
! "May 20th, Articles of Impeachment
| in the Lower House: — We, your
Lordship's most humble, true, faith-
ful and obedient people, the Burgess-
es and Delegates in your Lower
House in Assembly being constrained
by necessity for our fidelity and con-
science in vindication of the Honor
of God, of the Honor and welfare of
your Lordship and this Province, do
complain and shew that the said
Major Thomas Truman, late Com-
mander-in-chief upon an expedition
against the Indians at the Susque-
hanna Forte, hath by many and sun-
dry ways and means committed
divers and sundry enormous crimes
and offenses to the dishonor of Al-
mighty God, against the laws of
Nations, contrary to your Lordship's
commission and instructions and to
the great endangering of our Lord-
ship's peace and the good and safety
of your Lordship's Province, accord-
ing to the Articles hereafter men-
tioned, that is to say:

We find upon the reading your
Lordship's commission and instruc-
tions and affidavits, which we herein
send to your Lordship and to the Up-
per House of Assembly and which we
humbly submit to your Lordship's

examinations and serious considera-
tion."

"(1) That the said Major Truman
hath broken his commission and in-
structions in this— that the said Ma-
jor Thomas Truman having received
6 Indians sent out by the Susque-
hannocks as ambassadors to treat

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

Vo

with him; on Sunday, after the ar-
rival of the Maryland forces; and
received their paper and medal by
which we find they were received as
friends and in amity with us and had
liberty of going back to the fort and
were assured that no intention of
force was to be used against them;
and that no damage should be done
to them, their wives or children; and
that they did that night go into the
Forte; and the next morning did re-
turn again with the like number, only
an Indian changed; and supposed to
come on purpose to treat and not in
any hostile manner; yet the said Ma-
jor Thomas Truman, without calling
any Council of Warre of your Lord-
ship's officers under his command as
he ought to have done, did in a bar-
barous and cruel manner cause five
of the said Indians to be killed and
murdered, contrary to the laws of
God and Nations and contrary to
your Lordship's commission and in-
structions":

"(2) That the said Major Truman
ought, according to your Lordship's
instructions, to have acquainted your
Lordship before he caused the said
Indians to be executed, for our Lord-
ship's advice and directions, in the
case which we do not find he did":

"(3) That he hath broken your
Lordship's instructions in this alsoe,
that if the Virginia officers did advise
and consent to the killing of said In-
dians, that he did not in an open
Council of Warre cause the same
judicially to be entered, in writing by
his clerk or Secretary and such the
desire and consent of the Virginians
for the doing thereof, to be signed
under their hands and to be kept for
justification of himself and the people
of this Province."

"Therefore for that by the said Ar-
ticle it appears that the said Major
Thomas Truman hath broken his
commission and instructions in mur-

dering the said Indians, to the dis-
honor of God and of your Lordship
and this Province. They humbly
pray that your Lordship and the Up-
per House of Assembly will take such
action with the said Major Thomas
Truman as may be just and reason-
able in terror of others to beware in
the future; and your Lordship's most
humble and obedient servants as in
duty bound shall daily pray for your
i Lordship's long and happy dominion
over us, etc."

1676 — Appearance and Answer of Ma-
jor Thomas Truman.

In Vol. 2 of the Maryland Archives
at Page 494, Truman's answer to his
impeachment appears as follows:
"Saturday, May 27th, the Upper
House met in the afternoon. Major
Thomas Truman having on notice
given him on Thursday last to pre-
pare for his trial this afternoon,
being called did make his appearance
and the Articles of Impeachment
against the said Thomas Truman
! being and after this the several de-
j positions annexed thereto, which al-
; so were sworn to by the deponents in
j the presence and the hearing of Ma-
jor Thomas Truman, Mr. Keneline
| Chisledyne, his Lordship's Attorney-
! General, Colonel William Berages,
! Mr, Robert Cailvile and Mr. W.
j Stephens, according to a preceding
I order of the Lower House did man-
i age the said Impeachment and urge
the several evidences against the
i said Major Truman. And the said
Major by Mr. Benjamin Crozier, his
counsel assigned to him, did confess
! and declare that the said Major did
i no way intend to stand upon his jus-
! tification. After the confession and
I declarations the said Major by his
| said cousel did humbly pray that
j this House would admit the reading
I of a certain paper which the said Ma-

96

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

jor hoped would somewhat extenuate
and mitigate the crimes before by
him confessed, so that they .should
not appear so grievous and enor-
mous as in the said impeachment
they were held forth to be. And the j
said Major Thomas Truman by his I
said counsel was permitted to make ;
a defense, whereupon and upon full j
hearing on both sides and after read-
ing of the said Major's commission
and instructions from his Lordship
and counsel, it was put to the ques-
tion whether Major Truman be
guilty of impeachment exhibited
against him, which the Lower House
voted nemine contradicione (unani-
mously) that the said Major Thomas
Truman is guilty of the first Article
of Impeachment for commanding five
of the said Susquehannocks that came
out of the Forte to treat with him to
be put to death, contrary to the law
of Nations; and the second Article
of his Instructions by which he was
ordered to entertain any treaty with
the said Susquehannocks."

"Upon which vote it was ordered
that a messenger be sent from this
House to the Lower House to desire
them to draw up a Bill of Attainder
against Major Thomas Truman."

1076 — Bill of Attainder Against Ma-
jor Thomas Truman.

In the second Vol. of the Md. Arch,
page 500 it is set forth, "May 31st, the
Lower House sent up a Bill of At-
tainder against Truman," which did
not please the Upper House as the
following items now show.

The Act of Assembly formulating
the Bill of Attainder is lost. It does
not appear in any of the Archives
and therefore, the contents of it, we
can not give, however it will be
gathered from what now follows that
the penalty prescribed in it was that
Truman should be fined simply there-

in but not be put to death.
1676— The Upper House Now Con-
sider the Bill of Attainder and
the Punishment of Tru-
man.

In the same book and page last
cited, the action by the Upper House
upon the punishment of Truman is
set out as follows:

"Then was taken into consideration
the Bill of Attainder against Major
Thomas Truman sent up from the
Lower House yesterday; and upon
serious consideration and debate
thereupon this House do judge that
the Act drawn up against Major Tru-
man does in no way answer or justify
| the said impeachment upon which it
! was grounded, for that in said im-
i peachment the said Truman stands
I charged of crimes committed against
i the laws of God and of Nations, this
[ Province as also against the commis-
| sion and instructions given him, viz. :
for the barbarous cruelty in causing
! to be put to death and murdered the
| five Indians — of which he being
! found guilty, the punishment per-
; scrdibed in the said Act of Attainder
I does no way agree nor answer the
I nature of the offense. It • being
greatly dishonorable as well as un-
safe and dangerous to lay any fine
in such cases and where such horrid
crimes have been committed."

That the Lower House of Assembly
having laid the Impeachment so high
and no higher than the nature of the
crime well deserved it will be much
wondered at by those who shall hear
and view our proceedings with so
slender and slight a punishment
being no more than what crimes of
a more inferior nature might have
deserved; that by the Act of Attainder
the Government will not sufficiently
be cleared nor have it made appear
to the world how much the wicked-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

97

ness of that action is detested and I
dishonored by us, nor in any sort ;
will the Lower House of Assembly |
make out that great sense which in j
their Impeachment they have ex- |
pressed to have of that action, and j
which may much concern the inter- |
est and safety of the Government. It
will not give any satisfaction to the
heathen with whom the public faith
hath been broken; and until such ac-
tions are not in a more public man-
ner dishonored that the Indians may
take notice thereof, it is not to be
expected that any faith or credit will
be given to any treaties, we shall
have with them in this dangerous
juncture of affairs; and the country
will stand in need of, and on which
seems in some measure depend, as
the Lower House of Assembly were
of the opinion when they sent the
paper in answer to captain Allen's
longer ranging.

"And so all authority will become
ridiculous and contemptible. In fine
by this Act the Lower House of As-
sembly will have owned the actions

of the said Truman more than (as

i
they ought to have done) detested

and abhorred them, and so render

the Government odious to all people

that shall become acquainted with

the prceedings."

From all this it is evident that

what the Lower House did was to

attaint Truman so that his property

should be forfeited and that his

blood should be corrupted, that any

future property that he acquires

could not pass to his children at his

death but go to the Province of

Maryland. This they considered a

grievous punishment and they added

to it simply a fine. The Upper House

felt that the offense was too greivous

and of too dangerous a character to

the Province to let Truman off so

easily, and they demanded that he

should either suffer death or a long
term of inprisonment and did not
agree to join in the bill passed by the
Lower House in order that it might
become law; so the proceedings were
broken.

1676-The Lower House Further Con-
tend in Truman's Favor.

The Lower House's answer may be
found in Vol. 2 of the Maryland Ar-
chives, page 501, dated June 2nd, as
follows: — "This paper being read in
the Lower House and the debate re-
sumed in this House touching the
said Bill of Attainder, it was voted
nem. con. (unanimously) that the said
Major Truman for his crime does not
deserve death in regard that several
circumstances that appeared at his
hearing or trial do extenuate his
crime very much as the unanimous
consent of the Virginians and the
general impetuosity of the whole
field, as well Marylanders as Vir-
ginians upon the sight of Christians
murdered at Mr. Hanson's, and the
very Indians that were there, (Susque-
hannocks) killed being proved to be
the murderers both of them and
several other Christians and in re-
gard also that it apears to this
House that the said crime was not
maliciously perpetrated or out of any
design to prejudice the Province but
merely out of ignorance and in pre-
vent a mutiny of the whole army, as
well Virginia as Maryland. Where-
fore this House do not think fit to
recede from their former vote."

1676-Final Reply of the Upper House,

Insisting on Severe Punishment

for Major Truman.

The Upper House adhered to its de-
mand that Truman should be severe-
ly punished and in Vol. 2 of the Md.
Archives, Page 503, under the date of
June 3rd, it is set forth in answer
by the Upper House to the Lower
House, read on June 2nd, touching the

98

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Bill entitled An Act of Attainder, etc., ;
"His Lordship and this House do cpn- \
ceive it not safe for them to vote the
killing of the five Indian or Susque-
hannock Ambassadors not. murder;
for to them and all the world it does !
and will certainly appear the great-
est murder that hath ever been com-
mitted. The unanimous consent of
the Virginians, if true does in no way
alter the nature of the crime; nor
since the said Truman had instruc-
tions plain enough to have made him
abominated and abhorred so black
an action can as little serve for an
extenuation thereof. And whereas,
in the said paper for a further exten-
uation it is signified that the Major
to prevent a mutiny pf the whole
army was compelled and drawn to
that action, this House are of an-
other opinion, for at the said Tru-
man's trial it did so plainly appear
that his first commands for killing
those Indians were not obeyed and
that he had some difficulty to get
his men to obey him therein. And
that after they were put to death not
a man owned to have had a hand in
it but seemed rather to abhor the act
and until now hath been termed by
all persons (those that were in its
execution only excepted) the most
execrable of murders.

"That the crime was not malicious-
ly perpetrated as to authority, this
House doth believe; but that it was
done treacherously and that in it a
great and unheard of wickedness was
committed, can not be denied by the
Lower House; and whether by that
action the province will not be pre-
judiced and many English be murder-
ed, his Lordship and this House leave
to the future consideration of the
Lower House, — no way pressing them
to recede from their so positive vote,
only desiring them that they will take
notice that what is now undone lies

at their doors and not with us, who
are positive of this, that his Lord-
ship's Upper House dare not and
therefore resolve not to proceed up-
on an act which only bears the title
of an Act of Attainder."

In this the Upper House plainly
say to the Lower House that if the
Lower House insist on so light a
punishment for so grievous a crime
that the Upper House absolutely re-
fuse to join in the Act or allow it to
become a law and that the Lower
House may do as they choose and the
Upper House will throw all the re-
sponsibility for its effeot on the Pro-
vince at the doors of the Lower
House.

The result of all this was that Ma-
jor Truman remained some time in
jail and as no law was passed to fix
his punishment, eventually he was let
go; and that was the end of it.

1676— A. L. Guss's View of the Sus-

quehannocks and Their Position

During This Struggle.

Among the effects of the late Sam-
uel Evans of Columbia, was found a
| letter dated March 16, 1883, written
| to him by Prof. A. L. Guss whom I
I have before mentioned and in it he
says, "The Susquehannocks that
visited Smith in 1608 were beyond
Iroquois. I do not mean of the Five
I Nations but of that stock, and spoke
I a dialect of that language they bore
j the same relation to the 'River
I Indians' on the Delaware that the Mo-
I hawks did to the Hudson River In-
dians. I have no doubt that prior
to Smith's days and afterwards they
were confederated with other tribes
on the Upper Susquehanna River
and branches in manner similar to
| the Five Nations. The Minquas who
I captured the three Dutchmen in 1616
j lived on the Susquehanna River about
J Tioga and there were brought down
i by them by the river to the mouth of

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

ad

the Schuylkill where Hendrickson
ransomed them — Vol. 2, Pa. Archives
Page 11. When Champlain in 1614
made his expedition on the Ononda-
goes' Fort these Minquas were called
Carantowns and were a powerful foe
just at the gates of the confederates.
When in 1640 the Dutch began to
arm 'The Five Mohawk Nations' with
guns and furnish them ammunition,
they soon wrought a great change in
the several tribes of -the valleys of
the Upper Susquehanna. The Five
Nations had two wars with the Min-
quas, first 1662-3 and second in
1675-6 'The second time we were
at war with them we carried them
all off' — See Treaty at Lancaster,
1744. The assertion of writers that
prior to 1600 in a ten years' war the
Susquehannocks nearly obliterated
the Mohawks is a great mistake. The
Jesuit writers said the "Andastes" and
the word then was not identical with
Smith's Susquehannocks. The fact
is the Susquehannocks were des-
cended most nearly from the Mo-
hawks, and the Mohawks took no
part in their subjugation in 1676, nor
did they even attend the Treaty in
Lancaster in 1744., when payment
was demanded for the 'Conquest
Lands.' It was the Senecas and
Cayugas who "passionately desired
it," that is, their subjugation. This
throws great light on the Susque-
hanna land question. When the arm:
ed Five Nations' people came to war
with the Susquehannocks, alias Min-
quays, alias Conestoga, they found
them partly armed by the Swedes
and the Marylanders and able to hold
their own; and in fact in 1662-1663
they gave the Western confederates
by far the worst of the conflict. But
decimated by small pox and de-
serted by Maryland, they at last
had to succumb. The English had
to adopt the Dutch tactics. (See
Second Series of Pa. Arch., Vol. 5,

I pp. 538 to 541). They pledged them-
j selves not to hate the Ondiakes (An-
j dastes) with whom they were then
| still at war and the Five Nations af-
jterwards made the English promise
accomodation, that is protection in
case they got worsted in their fight
with the 'Three Nations above men-
tioned.' This proves how tremend-
ously they feared even this remnant
of the Andastes, for they 'proposed'
these articles and the English felt
friendly to the Minquas but dared 'to
promise them nothing, it not being
proper as not in our power', (See
Sec. Series of Pa. Arch., Vol. 5, pp.
676-678-681-682-686 and 687. The
remnant became a tributary out-
post."

I cite this letter from Mr. Guss be-
cause of his acknowledged learning
and because it gives an additional
view of. this discussion of the tribal
power of the Susquehannocks in
1676.

1676— Maryland Gives Presents to
the Indians, who Helped to De-
feat the Susquehannocks.

In the Second Maryland Archives,
p. 489, it is set down that the House
"voted that corn, powder, shot and
match-coats be purchased and forth-
with be delivered to the friendly In-
dians by way of gratification for the
services done by the said Indians in
the late war against the Susquehan-
nocks and that the match-coats dis-
tributed to the number and in the
manner following, viz.: to the Pisca-
taways, 80 — to the Chopticos, 30 — to
the Mattawoman, 30 — to the Man-
gern, 10 — in all 150. The powder, 45
-pounds — the shot 150 pounds and the
corn 100 barrels."

Susquehannocks Desire Peace Again

With Maryland.

In the 15th Maryland Archives, p.
120, we find the following overtures

100

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

made by the Susquehannocks and I it is stated in a letter that "word was
suspiciously received by Maryland. | received from the head of the bay,that
This was toward the end of July or j the Susquehannock Indians have gone
the beginning of August and on that j back to their old Fort about 60 miles
subject the following appears, as j above Palmer's Island and have been

showing the Views of Council. "At
a Council held Sunday, August 6: —
Letters from Nathaniel Stiles and
Jonathan Sibly which bring intelli-
gence of some Susquehannock In-

there so long that they have corn fit
to roast." In the same letter it is
stated that "a peace was made last
summer between the Susquehannocks
and the Senecas so that they are

dians being at the head of the bay I now at ease and out Qf our reach."
(Chesapeake) and more upon their j This ai)parently fixes the time when
march thither and of their desires j the Susquehannocks again got back
and designs of peace with us and their j on the River and when they began
intentions for (to go to) St. Mary's j to be friendly with the Senecas again,
for the purpose of protection (were |
read) from which news we believe it
is probable from their conditon in

Virginia, fom whence it is supposed
they come (that) they wthout doubt
were in the incendaries of the mis-
chief which makes them desperate by

I 1676 — New Light Upon the Location
of the Susquehannock Fort.

In Vol. 15 of the Md. Archives, p.
122, it is stated that the Susquehan-
nock Indians have returned to their
old fort "about 60 miles above Pal-

either the neighbornig Indians being mer's Island

Palmer's Island is

likely to do them no good by war. This ] practically a few miles below the
occasioned these Susquehannocks to j mouth of the Susquehanna River,
leave them and return to their own j According to the Pennsylvania rail-
fields and habitations; and 51ke- road map Columbia is 43 V2 miles
wise that they have made peace with ! from perryville. Now if Palmer's
their old enemyes (the Senecas), their island is 15 miles below the mouth

prentensions for peace is a matter
of weighty consideration.

It is probable that these Susque-
hannocks have not only blown the
coals but made the fire and the flame
of troubles that now burns in the
breast and in the bowels of

of the Susquehanna River, this would
bring a point of 60 miles above Pal-
mer's Island in the neighborhood of
Columbia, a couple of miles below
which has generally been accepted
as the location of the old Fort. How-:

neighbors, the Virginians, to our great I ever' !t depends on how near 60
sorrow and grief. To make peace ' miles mentioned in the letter is the

with these Susquehannocks is a mat-
ter dubious and worthy of good
consultation and requires correspon-
dence with Virginia. But it may be
In no ways inconsistent to treat with

accurate number of miles.
1676 — Edmund Andros Encourages
the Susquehannocks to Reurn
to Pennsylvania.

In 1674 James, Duke of York re-

these Susquehannocks and to send I ceived from his brother; the King of
them and Jacob Young as protection:
And for a meeting at Mr. Mertves's

is ordered."

1676— Susquehannocks Make Partial
Peace Again With the Senecas.

In Vol. 15 of the Md. Arch., p. 122,

England, among other lands, a grant
of the territory from the Connecti-
cut River to the Delaware River; and
on July 1, 1674 he gave a commission
to Edmund Andros to be Governor
over it, (Second Ser. Pa. Arch., Vol.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

101

5, p. 639). And November 5, 1675
Edmund Andros began to buy from
the Indians lands west of the Dela-
ware River, (Do. p. 673), and con-
tinued buying until he owned a great
deal of land extending from Dela-
ware River westward toward the Sus-
quehanna River. Then hearing of
the hard fate of the Susquehannocks,
by a letter from Captain Cantwell on
the Delaware, and hearing about
them coming northward again to-
ward Susquehanna, at a Council held
July 28, 1676 it was resolved (Do. p.
681), ''to write to Captain Cantwell
still to encourage the coming of those
Indians, till when not to promise
anything to them, but if they desire
it, the Governor will endeavor a
composure of all things in Maryland
and a perfect peace with the Maques
an Sinnekes (Senecas), after which
the said Indians (Susquehannocks)
may return to their lands as they
shall think good.

"If the said Indians do comply, that
Captain Cantwell to give notice of it
to the Governr here, and to the Gov-
ernor of Maryland ,and let them
know that the Governor hath given
him the said order, thinking it the
greatest service, he could do them, so
to take in the said Indians, — lest go-
ing to the Maques and Senekes, they
might induce them to make inroads,
upon the Christians, which none of
us could remedy.

If the said Indians will come in,
that he give notice (ask) where they
are most inclinable to go, for the pre-
sent, being either at the Falls, or the
middle of the River at Delaware."

So the Susquehannocks now find
new friends — the Governor of New
York and his people, owners of all
the land from Connecticut River al-
most to the Susquehanna. The ruler
of these new friends now asks the
Susquehannocks to come under his
protection on the west side of Dela-

ware River either at Trenton Falls
or higher or lower until he shall
compel the Maques and Senecas to
make peace with them, when he pro-
mises they may go back to their old
lands on Susquehanna. This invita-
tion was. given by Edmund Andros
July 28, 1676.

1876 — The Susquehannocks Again

Buck to Their Old Place on the

Susquehanna River.

In a communication found in the
5 Md. Archives, pp. 134-135, in a com-
plaint dated Aug., 1676 by prominent
citizens of Virginia, it is stated am6ng
other thngs that "the Susquehannock
Indians returned meanwhile to the
Susquehanna River again, and cutoff
several families at the head of the
Bay and thus all the Indians are en-
couraged, who call the Christians
j cowards and children to fight with.
But the Governor of Baltimore to
cloak his policy with an Assembly,
condemned his Major Truman unto a
fine of 10,000 pounds of tobacco and
imprisonment during pleasure for
having suffered the five Susquehan-
nt)ck Indians to be killed, notwith-
standing the Assembly cleared Tru-
man, upon the producing of Lord
Baltimore's order, yet to keep the
people from complaining to England
he keeps this all a secret."

1670— Word Sent to Virginia that

Maryland Will Make Peace with

the Susquehannocks.

On the 6th of August, 1676 it was
ordered by Maryland that a letter be
sent to the Governor of Virginia to
give him notice that the Deputy Gov-
ernors and Council of Maryland are
"upon making terms of peace with
the Susquehannocks which may be
for the safety as well of that Govern-
ment as of the Province, which is as
followeth from said letter: "We have
lately received intelligence from the

102

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

head of the Bay that the Susquehan-
nock Indians have resided at their
old Fort about 60 miles above Pal-
mer's Island for so many months that
they now have corn fit to roast; that
they shortly expect the remainder of
their troops and as many of the
western Indians near or beyond the
mountains as they have been able to
pursue to come and live with them.
We are further informed that by the
means of Colonel Andrews with the
Governor of New York a peace was
made last summer between them and
their old enemies, the Senecas so that
they are now at ease and out of our
reach. Notwithstanding this they
have applied themselves to Captain
Edward Cantwell the Deputy Gover-
nor of New Castle and requesting a
peace and trade as formerly with the
English and in order to come down
with Captain Cantwell and Jacob
Young, our interpreter, to the house
of Mrs. Margaret Penroy at the head
of the Bay near Palmer's Island and
from thence sent a pass to come
down to St. Mary's. We have there-
fore sent them safe conduct to come
down and treat with us.' " (See
15th Maryland Archives, p. 122).

1676 — Maryland Council Send a

Letter to Lord Baltimore About

Peace With the Susque-

hannocks.

On page 123 of Vol. 15 of the Md.
Archives there is set forth a letter by
the Council of Maryland to Lord
Baltimore to let him know of their
intentions of a treaty with the Sus-
quehannocks and advising him of af-
fairs in Virginia. It is as follows: —
"May* it please your Lordship: — At a
council held this day (Aug. 6, 1676)
at Manakowick's Neck, we have con-
sidered the overtures of the Susque-
hannocks for a peace deeming it a
blessing for God unhoped for, we
thought it not to be slighted; and

! therefore sent a passport to them

and Jacob Young the interperter to

I come and to and return safe from the

treaty to be held at Murtyes, at any

| time within one month and we have

I written to Berkley and a Council of

j Virginia to give hm notice. So stand

i your affairs now with the Indians but

| as to the English under Colonel

j Bacon, they stand not so fair; for we

have cause to suspect he intends to

embroil the Province in a warre; and

that he will make pursuit of the Pis-

cataways his pretense to enter here

and use young Guiles Brent and his

vain title to his mother's crown and

sceptre of the Piscataways, as his

| father used the phrase it and other

desperate persons in those parts, to

bring on disquiet here." This needs

no comment except to notice that

while everything was going in the

direction of peace in Maryland, it was

quite otherwise in Virginia.

1676 — Maryland Advises the Other

Tribes to Make Peace With

the Susqueliannocks

In Vol. 15 of the Md. Archives, p.
126, the following complaint is set
forth. The Emperor of Piscataway
and the King of the Mattawoman In-
I dians came to council and it was or-
dered to tell them "that the Susque-
hannocks have sent to us to make
peace and if we think it fit to make
Peace with them, we will certainly
include the Piscataways and Matta-
woman Indians in it. And since they
are unwilling to have us make peace
with the Susquehannocks though we
include them in it, let them be asked
whether they will march with the
English to the New Fort they have
built and likewise pursue the Susque-
hannocks and be obedient to the Eng-
lish commanders with whom they
have been ordered to march. They
observed by Schotickeko, their speak-
er, that they are ready to go.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

103

Here we see that the English in
Maryland did not have exactly the
smoothest sailing in getting the gen-
eral peace established.
1676— Maryland Citizens Loudly Com-
plain of the Treatment of the
Susquehannocks,

In a communication dated the eighth
<day of August, this year there is a
complaint to Lord Baltimore against
the action in both Virginia and Mary-
land concerning the Susquehannocks
and in the course of the complaint the
authors say, "Old Governor Berkley,
altered by marrying a young wife
from a wonted public good to a cove-
tous fool's age, relishes Indian pre-
sents so well that the Indian blood is
pukketted up with other mischiefs in
so much that his lady would have it,
though it would overthrow the coun-
try. Now there is an opportunity to
give Virginia a good blow by Maryland
Indians on account of the Piscata-
ways have gone over to the Virginia
to do mischief. The Piscataways
have united the Susquehannocks to
their assistance, whereby a greater
incursion being feared and unforseen,
Gov. Berkley was persuaded to send
Colonel Washington and Allerton to
cut them. off. At least they raised a
force above 1000 men to protect the
Province and so burdened Virginia to
destroy them and therefore ordered
Major Truman to besiege the fort
which might have easily been taken,
being not quite finished and not 100
fighting men in it besides women and
children. And thus the soldiers
were misled and intrentched and the
Susquehannocks sent out five men
whom the soldiers knowing to be
some of the murderers, would not let

come to the treaty but killed them.

And thus were 5 or 6 weeks spent
to consume the King's subjects and

put both Provinces to an increased

charge and a general alarm for the

Indians often sallied out killing
many and took their spades and
arms and made themselves stronger
and stronger. They "kroak" that
shameful siege ( Susquehannock
Fort) up with the loss of above 200
soldiers and thirteen hundred thous-
and lbs. of tobacco to the country be-
sides Virginia charge; the Indians
but losing now and then one by
chance, and in Virginia afterwards
they (Susquehannocks and others)
destroyed 500 or 600 men, women and
children without resistance, until
Squire Bacon moved by the people's
and his own loss repulsed the Indians
which hath taken full effect, if not
hindered by some ill-wishers, who
have brought the country into the
present confusion." This is quoted
simply to show that issatisfaction had
arisen by reason of the treatment of
the Susquehannocks as above ' set
forth. (See 5 Md. Archives, pp. 134-
135),

1676 — Edmund Andros Criticizes the
Raising of False Alarms About
the Susquehannocks.
Under the date of August 11, 1676
at one of the Council meetings held
under Andros, having received a let-
ter from the Delaware of the alarm
given by Mr. Herman's letter, "re-
solve to send a check or rebuke to
Captain Cantwell for making so rash
an alarm but to advise that he be
not careless, and that he send forth-
with to the Susquehannocks to know
their intent about their coming in
(joning in a friendly way with the
English) which if they do not, — then
to be careful to promise them noth-
ing; it not being proper as not in our
power, and if they do come in, it
be to live peaceable, as the rest of
the Government doth." (See Second
Ser. Pa. Archives, Vol. 5, p. 682). In
this we observe efforts are still being
made by the English, who are now
owners of the Delaware and of much

104

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

land which they bought from the In- I feeling which Edmund Andros had

for the Susquehannocks.

Further steps in this matter ap-
pear by the following extracts from
a letter sent by Endmund Androsr
I Governor of Maryland, dated the 25th

dians, almost to the Susquehanna,
looking toward bringing the Susque-
hannocks into complete friendship
with them. Edmund Andros seemed
to be a sincere friend of these In-
dians.

tt76-Amdwrt Instructions to Cap- 1 °' September, 1676 and tonni m the

last named book, p. 687. If some

tain Collyer on the Delaware
and Susquehanna.

In the last quoted book, p. 686, un-
der the date of September 23 of this
year there is set forth several in-
structions from Andros to Captain
Collier from the management of In-
dian affairs in eastern Pennsylvania,
and among them is this instruction
that he (Collier) is to acquaint the
Governor of Maryland "with the

course be not speedily taken they
( The Susquehannocks ) must all
necessarily submit to the Min-
ques and Senecas who passionately
desire it; but it would prove of a
bad consequence. I have therefore
dispatched Captain Collyer to you to
let you know if I may be service-
able to you therein to employ me and
whether you judge the late peace
with Susquehannocks sufficient, their

great inconvenience that hath been | continuing where they now are or
bound Eastward by the several na- i being removed from these parts best.
tions of Indians joining, whereby the I \ have some interest with the Maques
late mischiefs have happened; and and Senecas and I can best deal with
that the Christians have received a ; them ; but some speedy resolution is
greater service from the Maques and j necessary as it will concern the
other Indians above Albany; they j peace of all his Majesty's subjects
therefore desire their resolves about in these parts." (Signed) Edmund

the Suspuehannocks and to acquaint Andros." This shows that con-
them that he wishes to admit them stant watchfulness was required to
within the Government, rather than prevent the now beaten Susquehan-

hazard their being obliged to refuge nocks from being utterly exterminat-

with a grudge in their hearts, fur- j ed by or assimilated with other In-

ther away and out of our reach." The I dians of powerful tribes.

instruction further goes on and says: I

"but the Susquehannocks having had 1 1676—

warr with Maryland, though now in

peace, I have delayed making this

conclusion, though it will be of ad-
vantage to all" The instructions
then further state, "the Susquehan-
nocks are to be used friendly and as j between the Senecas and Susquehan-

the Senecas and Susquehannocks.

In a letter found in the 5th Md.
Archives, pp. 152-153 reference is
made to "a small encounter" in the
beginning of last December (1676)

many as will are to come to me at
this place (New York), for which all
freedom and furtherance is extended
to them; and let them know it is
their good hearts and not riches that
I value, therefore they need not
trouble themselves about presents"
I cite this merely to show the good

nocks in which the writer says that
"the most considerable affair that I
am about to acquaint you with is
about the Seneca and Susquehan-
nock Indians who have had at the be-
ginning of December, last a small en-
counter at Jacob Young's house,
which intelligence came to me by

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

105

Tuesday night last, (Jan., 1677) ; up-
on which I have taken the most ef-
fectual care I could at present for
the security of Baltimore and Cecil
counties, and I send you herewith !
original letters I have received from j
the head of the Bay relating to it. I
have inquired how we shall treat with
the Indians as soon as the Spring
approaches, for if we be not timely
in adjusting all matters with them
in the Spring, we shall be surprised
by them and your Lordship's pro-
vince will receive much damage before
we are sensible where our mischief
proceeds. Therefore I shall take all j
care to be peaceable with the Senecas (
and the Suspuehannocks, especially i
care to be peaceful with the Senecas |
(if it be obtained) they being the
greatest and most considerable Na-
tion, and our league wth them will
occasion our security from the Dela-
wares or Macquas; and if the Senecas
war with them they can not make
incursions as they usually do and in-
vade us. Otherwise it is probable
they say, especially if they and the
Susquehannocks confederate they
will invade us; they being both Na-
tions of the bloodiest people in all
these parts of America." This letter
is dated Jan. 22, 1677, and therefore
the affair referred to was in 1676.
1676— The War With the Susquehan-
nocks flakes the Taxes High.
In the Md. Archives, pp. 137 to
140, under the date of December 9,
of this year there is remonstrance by
the Governor and council directed to
Lord Baltimore, setting forth the true
state of Maryland and of the rea-
sons of the high taxes and among
other things it states, " it is now so
that the people are likely to run into
rebellion against this Government
and we may be involved in intestine
war as it is in Virginia. The great
clamor is against the greatness of

taxes; and the debarring of some
freeman from voting. As to the taxes
we appeal to the whole world wheth-
er our Lord Proprietary was not
forced into the expensive war against
the Susquehannocks last year; and
whether he sought not all means of
pacification that could stand his
honor and safety of the people be-
fore he engaged in it. If the taxes
continue this year, and it is the same
necessity of protecting the people,
much trouble will ensue." The re-
sult of the Susquehannock expedi-
tion is now very plain in this item.

1676 — Maryland Now Takes Hands

Off the Senecas and Off of the

Susquehannocks.

In the Second Md. Archives, p. 545
it is said that the end of the Ses-
sions of 1676, the Assembly repealed
the Act for the preservation of cer-
tain articles of Peace made with the
Susquehannocks in 1674. This was
done so as not to give any offense to
the Senecas. And also at p. 547 of
the same book it is set out that the
Act for raising a supply to pay the
charge of making pea:e with the
Senecas and war with the Susque-
hannocks and their confederates,
which passed in 1674, was also
repealed. This was done so that the
Susquehannocks should not be of-
fended with Maryland for showing
an undue favoritism to the Senecas
and for allowing to let stand up-re-
pealed the declaration of war against
the Susquehannocks.

1677— Upland Court Acts on the
Threat of the Senecas to Kid-
Nap the Susquehannocks.

In the record of the Court at Up-
land "at a meeting held by ye Com-
manders and Justices att uppland
uppon the news of the Sineco Indians
comming downe to fetch the Susque-

106

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

hannos, that were amongst these
River Indians, etc., March 13th., an-
noq. Dom., 1677. It was concluded
upon the motion of Rinowehan the
Indian Sachomore that Captain Coll-
yer and Justice Israeli Helm goe upp
to Sachamexin where att present a
great number of Sineco and other
Indians were, and that they endeavor
to pursuade the Sineco and Sasque-
hannos on these Rivers to send each
a Deputy to the Governor of New
York and that Israeli Helm goe with
them. ( See records of Upland

Court, p. 49; also see the same re-
ferred to in Vol. 2 of Watson's An-
nals of Philadelphia, p. 237).

The meaning of all this is that the
Senecas of New York, who had al-
ready forced one branch of the Sus-
quehannocks to come and live with
them, were now determined on swal-
lowing up the rest of the tribe who
are scattered along the Lower Sus-
quehanna, near the Old Fort.

1677— Maryland Appoints a Commis-
sioner to Make New Peace With
the Susquehannocks.

In Vol. 5 of the Md. Archives, p.
243 the following interesting com-
mission is to be found entitled in the
said book, Copy of a Commission
Granted by the Governor and Coun-
cil to Henry Coursey, Esq., for mak-
ing peace with the Indians; "To
Thomas Nally, Esquire, Greeting: —
Whereas the Susquehaunocks, Sene-
cas and divers other nations of In-
dians, inhabitants to the Northward
of this Province have formerly com-
mitted divers murders and outrages
within the Province upon which there
hath ensued a war between his Ma-
jesty's subjects, residing in this
Province and Government as well as
those residing in Virginia, and the
Susquehannocks; and whereas the
said Susquehannocks have since and

lately desired to come to a treaty
of peace with his Lordship and have
submitted themselves and put them-
selves under the protection of the
Senecas, etc.: Know ye that I have
constituted, ordained and authoriz-
ed Henry Coursey, Esq., one of his
Lordship's Council for this Province
as ambassador or envoy to treat with
and conclude a firm peace with the
said Susquehannocks, Senecas and
any other Indians unknown to us, in-
habiting and residing to the North-
ward of us within or without the
territory of his Royal Highness and
from whom we have already receiv-
ed injury by the confederacy between
them and the Susquehannocks, upon
such reasonable terms as to him
shall seem meet and convenient ac-
cording to his instructions. And for
as much as the said Indians do now
reside for the most part within the
territory of his said Royal Highness's
(viz.: the Duke of York's domain
North of Maryland and including
Pennsylvania and New York, the Sus-
j quehannocks having gone back to
I the Susquehanna River), and can be
I treated with only by a journey to be
had through his Royal Highness's
territory, I do hereby ordain and
appoint said Henry Coursey to treat
with Edmund Andros, Governor Gen-
eral under his Royal Highness, the
Duke of York, and desire him leave
to pass through said territory to
treat with the Indians and I do re-
quest that the said Henry be receiv-
ed according to the law of Nations.
Given at St. Mary's April 30, 1677."

1677 — Instructions Given by Mary-
land to Henry Coursey How to
Treat with the Susque-
haimnocks.

In Vol. 5 of the Md. Archives, pp.
244-245 the further directions in
making a treaty are set out as fol-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

107

lows, "You are with all convenient
speed to begin your journey toward
New York by way of New Castle on
the Delaware in order to your going
into Albany to treat with the Sus-
quehannocks; and on arrival at New
Castle to signify to the Deputy-Gov-
ernor there in general terms that you
are sent to Colonel Andros by his
to come to a treaty with the Sene-
cas at Fort Albany or elsewhere;
and you are to inform yourself from
Captain Collyer and others of the
true state of the Susquehannnocks
what numbers there are, upon what
terms they are received by the Sene-
cas, and if any such be under whose
protection they live and how they
may be treated with all in order to
the settling and universal peace be-
tween us, and the Susquehannocks
and the Senecas and the rest of the
Indians to the Northward as also be-
tween the Indians and all the low
land Indians in league and amity
with us.

You are to .apply yourself to the
Governor of New York and render
him to assist in procuring a treaty
for you both with the said Senecas
and Susquehannocks if there be such
a nation left.

When you are come to a treaty
with the Senecas you are to let them
know that we had no knowledge of
them but by the Susquehannocks' re-
port; that they from time to time
told us that the injuries we had re-
ceived in our Government and the
murders of our people were all pre-
petrated by the Senecas, that we af-
terwards found out that these very
murders which the Susquehannocks
fathered upon the Senecas were com-
mitted by the Susquehannocks them-
selves and that that was the real
cause of the war between us ; and the
injury to us was the greater because
the Susquehannocks by the articles

of peace between us were obliged to
give us 20 days' warning of inten-
tions to war if at any time they grow
weary of peace with us, which not-
withstanding they, in an open, hor-
rible manner, with the major part of
their forces, and some if not all of
their great men present, assaulted
the house of Randel Hanson standing
within three miles of their fort and
there continued to fight one whole
day after all which they had confi-
dence to endeavor to persuade us
it was the Senecas that committed
the outrage."

We readily see in this that though
Maryland very atrociously mistreat-
ed the Susquehannocks yet they still
contiued to blame the Susquehan-
nocks for the murders which the
Senecas committed; and used that
protection as an excuse for making
the war on the Susquehannocks in-
stead of the Senecas though it is
pretty certain that the Senecas were
the real aggressors. The whites evi-
dently took this course because the
Senecas were now supreme and the
Susquehannocks were almost annihi-
lated by them and completely under
their control.

1677— Henry Coursey's First Steps in
Making Peace With the Sus-
quehannocks.

In the 5th Vol. of the Md. Arch,
pp. 246-247 the next step in effecting
peace with the Susquehannocks is
shown. This is set forth in a letter
from Colonel Coursey to P. Nolley's
on the Delaware River dated May 22,
1677, which is as follows: — Right
Worthy Sir: On the 19th inst. I wrote
you from New Castle. On the 20th
came Jacob Young from Maryland
which gives me a better account than
I received before,, which is as fol-
lows, 'Them that killed Richard
Milton's family were eight Susque-
hannocks, and that upon doing the

108

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

killing they immediately fled to the
Senecas and that all the mischief
that hath been done hath by their
(Susquehannocks) several troops as
they came out of Virginia (They are
now retaliating for the killing of
their five chiefs) and the two per-
sons this year shott were by two
Susquehannocks that came with the
trops of Senecas, that carried the
Susquehannocks from the place since
which the same troops took the chief
warriors into Susquehanna River,
being 30 in number who had then
been hunting to make a present to
you for peace (the Susquehannocks
were hunting for furs to make a
present) among which was the young
Indian I had talked with at Jacob
Young's. Old Collyer was coming I
himself but was by the rest pursuad- j
ed to desist for the want of a pre- |
sent? I have now sent for him and
one other great man to come to me,
where I now stop for them. There
are about 26 of them (Susquehan-
nocks) left here; still I propose to
persuade them to go with me to
New York, it being Governor An-
dros's ordered to Captain Collyer to
send them. The Senecas intend to
be at Palmer's Island when the corn
is half a leg high. I likewise find it
necessary to carry Jacob Young with
me without whom I can do nothing;
and that truth is from him and
none else. He tells me that the
Senecas having marched 10 days
then fell at some difference among
temselves how to divide those Sus-
quehannocks they had with them,
they being of two several forts and
upon the division the Susquehan-
nocks were much displeased, and
some of them got away, the rest they
bound and carried with them, but it
is judged not to hurt them, for every
one of the forts strive what they can
to get them to themselves, and Gov-

vernor Andros to get them to the
Masaques (Maques), for it was told
me by Captain DeLavall that if they
had them they would make war im-
mediately with the French.

This 23rd. instant came to me
four Susquehannocks and with them
the Emperor of the Delaware Bay In-
dians and upon discourse, I find
them all inclined to peace. It seems
a custom to give a present by any
one that speaks a treaty. I am ready
to take horse again for New York
where I hope to be by Saturday
night, Signed, Henry Coursey." This
is how the Susquehannock Indian
history after the year 1776 became
linked in with the Seneca history,
who were their merciless masters.

1677— Further Steps in Making
Peace Arrangements.

In Vol. 5 of the Md. Archives, p.
248 is Thomas Notley's reply to
Coursey's letter and it is as follows:
"I am heartily glad that you have
made so great a discovery in so
short a time as to the state of the
Indians, especially the Susquehan-
nocks. I am glad Jacob Young goes
with you ; and that you have so good
an intelligence from him. One
thing I must add that if upon the
whole consideration you shall think
it more necessary to let the Susque-
hannocks live in this Province
(Maryland) than elsewhere, then en-
deavor so to order it. If not how-
ever, leave no gap but make a thor-
ough conclusion with all the Indians.
In this I depend upon your discre-
tion."

1677— Henry Coursey's Proposal to
the People and the Indians.

Under the date of June 22, this
year, in 5th Maryland Archives, p.
251 further steps of the arrangement
for peace are set out by Henry Cour-
sey in a message to the Senecas as

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

109

follows, "We formerly had peace I
with the Susquehannocks which they j
perfidiously broke, not only killing i
single persons but at last with the |
greatest part of their forces assault-
ing a whole family in a house and
to amuse us they told us that those
'outrages were committed by the
Senecas thereby to engage us in a
'quarrel with you. We found their per-
fidiousness and breach of faith fell
upon them and have now so near
destroyed them that they are forced
to seek shelter under you who were
before their enemies. Now so there
shall be no cause of quarrel between
.us and you and that we may now lire
in peace as brethren granted by the
same God, though not known to one
another, we desire that all of the
Susquehannock Nation as shall come
under your protection, may be by
you obliged not to do any violence
<or wrong to any Christian inhabit-
ing either in Maryland or Virgnia. In
case any injury shall hereafter be
done by any of the Susquehannocks
living under the protection of you
Senecas, or by any of your own na- '
tion, you shall deliver him to us or
to the Governor of New York to be
proceeded against according to his
demerits." This shows again the
great earnest desire of the Maryland
people to establish good will with
the Senecas in order that the Sene-
cas keep the Susquehannocks from
renewing their slaughter of the
whites as they had done after they
left the fort on Potomac, vowing
vengeance until they had killed ten
white men for every one of their
number which they lost.
1677 — Answer of the Onondagoes to
the Proposal for Peace.
In Vol 5 of the Maryland Archives
p. 255 is set forth the views of the
Onondagoes on the question of the
terms of peace with the Susquehan-

nocks, which were proposed by the
whites of Maryland and New York;
the answer is as follows, "A belt was
sent to us by Colonel Henry Coursey
authorized by Maryland that we
might make greater haste to come
down which we have done and he
saith that none of us shall, for the
future injure any persons in Mary-
land. We thank the gentlemen that
they do exhort for peace, we are so
minded ourselves but we acknow-
ledge that we have killed of your
Christians and Indians formerly
whereof Jacob Young, (who helped
the Susquehannocks and lived with
them) my friend, was a great occa-
sion; but we desire now that all be
past and buried in oblivion. A belt
of 13 rows deep we now give you.
We say again that Jacob Young was
a great captain and leader against
them whereby the wars have been
continued but now we desire peace
and that the Almighty God who
dwells in Heaven may give his bless-
ings thereunto.

We let you know that there are of
ours, four castles of the Senecas out
fighting against the Senecas — you
may therefore warn your Indians that
there may be no injuries or damages
done hereafter, and so to contine the
peace we do give two beavers." The
Onondagoes here seem to show a very
honorable disposition and a fervent
spirit towards peace.

Their referring to the "Almighty
God who lives in Heaven" seems to
indicate that the Jesuits had effected
quite a good work among them in
matters of Christianity.

1677 — Answer of the Maques to the

Proposition for Peace With

the Susqnehannocks.

The view taken by the Maques on
the question of Peace may be found
in Vol. 5 of the Maryland Archives,

no

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

pp. 257-258", and it is as follows:
"We are glad the King's Government
of Maryland and Virginia have sent
you to speak of peace and that this
place, Albany is fixed for all na-
tions to make peace. We return
hearty thanks and wifl speak with
one heart and one head. The Sene-
cas were on their journey with 600
men to come here but for fear turn-
ed back; but we were not afraid.
We return you hearty thanks for re-
leasing the two sons of Conondon-
dans and likewise that you beheaded
the Sachem of the Susquehannocks
named Achnaetsachawey,who was the
cause of their being taken prisoners;
and we do present five beavers."

At the conclusion of this treaty
these Indians sang a song after their
manner by their method which they
do undertake to hold firm and they
give a beaver and a dressed Elk skin.
And then they sang another song, the
meaning of which is that their people
may now forget what is past between
them and the Colonists but might al-
ways be mindful of what has now
happened in this house and if the
Senecas appoint any other place, it
will not be accepted but this place
to be the only appointed and perfix-
ed place now dedicated to this great
treaty with all our tribes."

These Maques also show a very
honorable and equitable spirit which
shows both their honest and their
simple nature.

1677 — The Oneidas, Senecas and
Some of the Onondagoes Re-
fuse to Obey the Peace
Above Refered to.

In Mombert's History of Lancaster
County, p. 23 he says, "Notwith-
standing a treaty of amity concluded
between Maryland and the Five Na-
tions in 1677, some of the Oneidas,
Onondagoes and Senecas who were
not present at the time of the treaty,

fell upon the Susquehannocks who
were in league with Maryland, kill-
ed four of their number, took six
prisoners, five of them fell into the
share of the Senecas, were in con-
formity with the treaty, sent back,
but the sixth was detained by the
Oneidas. Overtures and remon-

strances on the part of Maryland
and Virginia proved unavailing and
after a few years of hostilities broke
out with increased violence and only
ceased with the final overthrow of
the Susquehannocks by the Five
Nations. It appears from a minute
examination of imperfect and some-
what contradictory data, exhibited at
I length by Foulke, that the Lancas-
ter lands fell into the power of the
Five Nations some time between 1677
and 1684." This shows the difficul-
ties that were constantly encountered
in perfecting permanent peace with
different tribes of Indians, some
of whom were honest and others
treacherous, and all of them being
more or less under political obliga-
tions to various contemporary tribes.
It appears that when a treaty was
made, another tribe would claim that
it was made without their advice and
presence and they would repudiate
it, so that the Susquehannocks may
be said to have been between the up-
per and lower mill stones a great
deal of the time.

1677 — Governor Dungan's View of the
Might of the Five Nations and
The Fate of the Susque-
hannocks.

In Vol. 5 of the Second Series of
the Pennsylvania Archives, p. 755
Governor Dungan makes a report
dated 1684 in which he refers to
some things which happened in 1677
and among other things he says, "I
have sent herewith what the Nations
that conquered the Susquehannocks

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDAN TRIBES

111

desired of the King in my Lord Ef-
fingham's presence and I believe it
to be of dangerous consequence if
denied." This demand on the part of
the Five Nations was that the whites
should not interfere with the relation
between the Five Nations and the
Susquehannocks for the Five Nations
had conquered them and thought this
interference was meddling.

As to the Five Nations at this time
"Governor Dungan says: "The Five
Indian Nations are the most warlike
people in Amerca, and a bulwark be-
tween us and the French and all
other Indians. They go as far as the
South Sea the Northwest Passage and
Florida to War. New England in
the last war with the Indians would
have been ruined, if Edmund Andros
had not sent the Five Nations to their
assistance. All the Indians in these
parts of America are tributary to
them." By- the South Sea is meant
the Pacific Ocean and the Northwest
Passage is at the Arctic Ocean. So
these great Indians that whipped the
Susquehannocks had a reputation for
war all over North America with the
exception of the South West section
toward Mexico.

1677 — Other Authorities on the Over-
throw of the Susquehannocks.

Lewis Evans in his "Analysis, "print-
ed by Benjamin Franklin and publish-
ed in London in 1755 on the fall of
the Susquehannocks says, "'The Sus-
quehannocks after a great defeat by
the Marylanders, were easily exter-
minated by the Confederates (Five
Nations). So that those Nations who
are now on the Susquehanna, are
only such as the confederates have
allotted that River for; as the Nan-
ticokes, from the Eastern Shore of
Maryland, Tuteloes from the Mehe-
nin River in Virginia and the Dela-
wares, under which we include the
Minnesinks and the Mandes, or Salem

Indians"— (p. 14). At pp. 11 and 12
he also says, that "they (Five Na-
tions) gave the finishing stroke to
the extermination of the Susque-
hannas."

To show further that the Senecas
or the Five Nations as a whole did
overthrow the Susquehannocks about
1676-77, we quote from the 4th Col-
onial Records, p. 712 in which is set
forth the speech of Tachanoontia.one
of the orators of the Five Nations at
the treaty held June 27, 1744 in the
Lancaster Court House, where in
speaking of the lands on Susque-
hanna, he says, "All the world
knows we concurred the several Na-
tions living on Susquehanna, Cohon-
goronta, and on the back -of the great
mountains in Virginia." We see from
all this that there is no doubt about
the defeat of the Susquehannocks by
I the Five Nations.

1 1678 — The Shawanese Now Come to
the Susquehannock Country.

In this year the Shawanese came
to Conestoga. They were a small
j tribe and from North Carolina. They
I settled on the Pequea Creek. It is
! generally said that they came in
| 1698. See Vol. 4 of the Votes ofAs-
i sembly, p. 517, where it is stated that
I they were Southern Indians and came
! to Conestoga in 1698 to the number
I of 60 families. Gordon also says in
i his history, p. 514 that they came in
j 1698. But Redmond Conyngham, Esq.,
i in 15 Haz. Reg., p. 117 says that the
original manuscript from which the
I notes were prnited states that they
came n 1678. This error he says is
i plain because these Shawnese were
j here before William Penn came,which
' was in 1682. The Dauphin County
; Pamphlet on Indian History, p. 43 also
| says that the Shawnese were at the
j William Penn Treaty in 1683. A
; very famous descendant of these
I Shawanese called Red Pole is buried

112

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

hi Trinity Church Yard at Pittsburg I at this time, (2) that the great men
he having died there in 1797 and his I of the Senecas or some of them were
monument says that he died at that | living among the Susquehannocks in

date, "Lamented by the United
States/'— (See 12 Haz. Reg., 63-64).

the neighborhood of the old Susque-
hannock Fort on the Susquehanna

1678-Bmnor that the Susauehan- River- <3) ttat, «"» Senefs wfe

making tools of the Susquehannocks,

nocks, After Conspiring with the
Senecas, Incite the Senecas
to Invade Maryland
and Fall on the
Piscataways-
In Vol. 15 of the Md. Archives, p.
175 under the date of June 13, 1677
at a council held at the old Court
House the following appears: "The
common rumor that the Seneca In-
dians by instigation of the remaining !
part of the Susquehannocks, now liv-

which later was to result in a dis-
agreement between them and the
Susquehannocks and bring on an-
other fight, and (4) that the Senecas
would not rest until they had sub-
jugated the" other Pennsylvania
1 tribes, to do which they did not
scruple to violate any treaties which
they formerly made.

1678— Maryland Helps the Piscata-
ways Against the Susquehan-
nocks and the Senecas*

ing among them, are designed to j
come down to make war upon the j In 15 Md. Archives, p. 183, at a
Piscataways toward the latter end of | Council held August 19, 1678 it ap-
the Summer (which the Piscataways ! pears as follows, "Then Council met,
do generally believe) was taken into j according to appointment by previous
consideration; and it was ordered ! order of Cuncil, the Great men of the
that. Jacob Young be impowered to piscataways and it is ordered that

go to the old Fort on the Susquehan-
na and treat with the great men of

the said great men be given to un-
derstand that the Governor and Coun-

the Seneca Nation, touching the said | cil understand that a few of the Pis-
rumor according to such orders and j cataway Indians have been killed by
instructions as he should receive | some of the SeneCas and Susquehan-
from the Governor. j nocks as they believe; and told them,

In pursuance whereof the Honor- | Maryland would send to Albany to
able Thomas Notley, Esq., did em- converse with the Governor of the
power the said Jacob Young upon his Senecas about this matter."

instructions under hand seal, to go i 1/4-ft » ^ * t> + «..

.. , .. ._ „ ' 16*9— An Encounter Between the

accordingly to the old Susquehanna I
Fort and address himself to the great j Susquehannocks and Piscataways.

men of the Seneca Nation and by j In 15 Md. Archives, p. 213, we are
presents or otherwise according to advised instead of the Senecas coming
their custom to remind them of the | themselves, they sent the Susquehan-
League of Peace which they had | nocks to fight the Piscataways. This
lately entered into with the Pisca- J is set forth as follows,"then was ta-
taways." | ken into consideration the state of the

In this we have some important 1 Indian affairs and the matters which
Historical facts, (1) that the Senecas i lately passed between the Governor
and Susquehannocks or some of the i and Council the Piscataway Indians,
Susquehannocks were in strong touching the murders committed and
league and friendship with each other I it is advised to send for the Emperor

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

113

dians and remind them of the League I
of Peace and that we are desirous to
speak with them in relation to a late j
encounter between them (The Pisca- |
taways) and the Susquehannocks and j
that the said Council had something
to propound to his Lordship for their
security against the Foreign Indians."
In this it is hinted that Maryland is
about to raise a force to secure the
Province against these Senecas, who
were mis-leading the Susquehan-
nocks and we shall see that this
finally brought on the Ninan Beall
expedition.

1679 — The Susquehannocks Divided
Into Two Divisions by the Five Na-
tions; One Kept in New York and
the Other Established at the Old
Susquehannoek Fort; Further De-
luded by the Senecas Against the
English.

Under the date of March 19, 1679 in
Vol. 15 of the Maryland Archives, pp.
238-240 the following may be found,
"Present at a Council, the Speaker
and the great men of the Piscataway:
The interpreter was ordered to tell
them that we are lately informed that
there was one among them that lately
came from the Senecas and that his
Lordship had a great desire to speak
to him. The said Indian that came
from the Senecas being made ac-
quainted with his Lordship's desire to
hear him gave the following account.
He begins by laying on the table five
single acorns some small distance
from each other and four together at
one place which he signifies the four
towns of the Senecas, from which he
came — the four next single acorns he
likewise declared to be four other
towns of the Senecas, with the two
middle most whereof the Susquehan-
nocks had divided themselves
amongst; and lived there, to say, -one-
half at one town and one-half at the
other. The fifth and outermost of

the five single acorns he declared to
be a place inhabited by the English
where the Senecas used to treat and
whither he was sent from the four
first towns with a present which he
delivered; but by the description of
the said place, to be a place of great
resort and trade for the said Indians
for powder and shott. It appeared
to be Fort Albany and they were
Dutch to whom he had delivered the
present."

He said the towns were all peace-
able and quiet excepting only the two
towns among which the Susquehan-
nocks had divided themselves. He
declared that in every fort there were
some English. He further said that
the Senecas allowed him to go to see
his friends freely ; and so he is here ;
and that he would weight his mind
and the English and tell them who
it was that had done the English all
the mischief; viz.: those two nations
amongst whom the Susquehannocks
now live and that they would do more
mischief yet, both to the Piscataways
and the English. They told him he
must return in ten days.

He was asked whether those two
nations with whom the Susquehan-
| nocks lived were at war or peace
I with the other four nations, and he
answered that they were all together
in peace and amity with one another;
and that the Susquehannocks go from
town to town peaceably as friends and
j netophs (netoughs) that is children
S or cousins, but that the four nations
! now seem to blame the English very
I much for letting so many of the Sus-
quehannocks escape as they did for
they are of such a bloody and turbu-
lent mind that they will never cease
doing mischief both to the English
and Piscataways so long as one re-
mains alive.

He was asked whether those two
forts with whom the Susquehannocks

114

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

lived be of the same bloody mind as
the Susquehannocks themselves, to
which he replied at first, that "they
were not, but by instigations of the
Susquehannocks he does believe they
are now become as one. He also
says the Susquehannocks laugh and
jeer at the English, saying they can
do what mischief they please for the
English can not see them. He said
those forts were three moons from
Piscataway as he was three moons in
coming. He was asked whether the
Susquehannocks did intend to come
down against the Piscataways and the
English and in Virginia, and he said
that a great man of the Susquehan-
nocks made a speech saying, he was
pretty well satisfied with the revenge
he had taken of the Virginians by
the help and assistance of those In-
dians and now intended to fall on the
Piscataways and English in Maryland
for they (the Susquehannocks), had
done little or nothing there yet and
that a considerable party had gone
forth 20 days ago. This he said he
had heard from an Indian that had
escaped from the towns in which
the Susquehannocks lodged. He
said the forces of those two towns or
forts were so strong that he could not
express it, and that the great men of
the Susquehannocks said that they
would never have any peace with the
English of Maryland or the Piscata-
ways or the Chopticos or any other
Indians on the south side of the Pata-
psco."

In this we see that the revenge
which the Susquehannocks swore on
the whites of Maryland and the
friendly Indians with Maryland for
slaughtering their great men at the
Potomac Fort was still in their
hearts and that they were determin-
ed to carry it out. We can not
suppose that this story was a series
of falsehoods against the Susquehan-

nocks because it was given by a
friendly Indian who was captured by
the Secenas and had leave of absence;
and because it seems exactly in line
with what the Susquehannocks de-
clared to do. However, there may
have been intrigue in it and a well
formed plot to get the Susquehan-
nocks in trouble with Maryland
again for it must be remenbered that
a year before the Susquehannocks
were begging Maryland for peace.
However, it seems that it was only
that small branch of the Susquehan-
nocks who were living at the old
Susquehannock Fort that were ask-
ing for peace; and it is likely that
the other and greater branch of the
Susquehannocks who were living in
these two Senecas forts in New York
were very revengful against Mary-
land as this messenger said. We
also see here that it is proved beyond
doubt that a great body of Susque-
hannocks did go and live with the
Senecas of New York. Another thing-
is noticeable and that is the wisdom
of the Five Nations in statecraft,they
very wisely determined to establish
some of their tribes with some of the
conquered Susquehannocks in the old
Susquehannock Country to preserve
i their rights and look after their con-
! quered lands in Pennsylvania; as
| well as to take the remainder of the
| Susquehannocks with them to New
| York — for the double purpose of keep-
I ing the Susquehannocks weak by di-
! viding them and of keeping them
I among themselves in a friendly way
| to consolidate the Susquehannocks
! with themselves for the purpose of
| further enlarging the great confeder-
! acy of the Five Nations.

1 1080— The Piscataways Much Frigh-
tened by These Movements of
the Susquehannocks and
the Senecas.

In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch.,
I p. 277 we now see the result of the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

115

revengful heart of the Susquehan-
nocks. At a Council held on the
31st. of March this year at Notley
Hall, the following is set forth, "At
this time and place the Emperor and
great men of the Piscataways came
to acquaint his Lordship that they
had a great desire to make peace
with all the Northern Indians, both
the Senecas and Susquehannocks and
to that end had prepared several pre-
sents wherewith they had desired to
send some agents of theirs to the
Mattawomans to desire their assist-
ance."

And in the same book, p. 279 under
the date of April 1st., the following
letter was given by the Council of
Maryland: — "To Our Civil and Mili-
tary Officers in the Province and
other Good People: Whereas the Em-
pereor and great men of the Pisca-
taways in behalf of himself and the
Indians under his subjection are de-
sirous to conclude a general peace
with the Northern Indians, including
the Senecas and Susquehannocks and
have sought of us liberty so to do
and ask a letter of consent, granting
free pass to their agents: — This is to
allow their agents, two men and a
woman quietly to pass, etc., which
we hereby grant unto them."

1680 — The Senecas and Susquehan-
nocks Building New Forts from
Which to Fight the Pis-
cataways.

Under the date of May 12, 1680, it
is set forth in 15 Maryland Archives,
p. 280. "On Monday the 10th In-
stant, in the evening came down from
Piscataway Fort an Indian to inform
me that the Senecas and Susquehan-
nocks Indians had built them a fort
within sight of the Piscataway fort.
They judge it to be about 500 yards
distant and that there are about 300
of them. When our Indians dis-

couraged them they immediately en-
gaged with them which had been the
best part of two days when the In-
dians came down to us. I under-
stand their desire is that they might
have some English to assist them;
therefore I thought fit to acquaint
you. In their engagement I under-
stood from this Indian that they sev-
eral times discoursed with each other
and that they likely scattered about
and killed several horses for their
provisions." This is all of a letter
of William Chandler, High Sheriff of
Charles County on the River that the
Senecas and Susquehannocks have
come down to the Piscataway Fort.
On the same day that this letter
was read it was concluded, "that
Captain Randolph Brandt be com-
manded with one squadron of his
troop, consisting of 20 men whom he
shall deem fit forthwith to march to
Piscataway Fort and there fully to
inform himself of the truth; and that
John Stone be commanded to accom-
pany him to the Fort and assist the
gentlemen of Charles County, and
also to take report by Monday next,"
(See 15 Md. Arch. p. 281).

1680 — Captain Brandt's Report About

the Susquehannocks and the

Senecas.

Under the date of May 17, this year
this report was made and is as fol-
lows: "In obedience to your Lord-
ship's command we have been with
the Piscataway Indians, who seemed
much concerned that we came not
sooner; but have given them satis-
faction in that particular. What
they say in touching the Senecas and
Susquehannocks is that they came
upon the Forte on Sunday last, their
number was supposed to be about
200, and several times firing upon the
Fort, and at last they came to a
treaty. The Piscataways would have
bought their peace, proffering a pre-

116

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

sent; but the Susquehannocks told j men, women and children until such
them they would have revenge for time as they have heard what peace
the great men killed in the late war, i their ambassador lately sent to the
and that they expected to have their Senecas and Susquehannocks can
Indians who were taken by the Eng- procure and in the interim powder
lish restored. They several times j and shott be sent them for better de-

asked about this when the English-
men were at the Piscataway side, and
in a skirmish one man was wounded
in the foot, being then in the Em-
peror's Cabin. Sundry shott were
made at the Fort and many horses
killed by them. The Senecas left
them Wednesday and went very much

fense against the Susquehannocks, if
a war come on."

And a few days later May 22, it was
ordered "that the Emperor of the
Piscataways be given to understand
that the Susquehannocks say if all
the Chopticos and the Mattawomans
were at Piscataway with the Em-

dissatisfied. They expect them back ! peror they would not then even be
daily in great numbers. A boy of Mr. i able to fight the Senecas and Susque-
Lines being sent from his quarters j hannocks who are over 1000 men;
to look for a horse lot himself in the | and that the Virginians do not be-

woods and by chance came on the
Fort, and confirms this also. The
Piscataways ask for more powder
having spent much of their store;

lieve that the Senecas murdered
these people and say all the murders
now committed are by the Piscata-
ways. And the Council think better

and they ask to be allowed to move for the Piscataways and Mattawoman
down to the Mattawomans."— (See 15 , to remove with their wives and chil-
Md. Archives, p. 283). - _, .„ .. XT ,. , „

* dren to the Nanticokes for some time

1680 — Council Decide to Help the till the Virginians do say that the

Piscataways Against the Sus- I Senecas and Susquehannocks murd-

quehannocks. i dered the people and that we may

In 15 Md. Archives, p. 284, under j have time to Procure them a firm

the date of May 17, it is set forth, j Peace witn the Senecas and Susque-

"The proprietor and Council take in- j hannocks."

to consideration the present condi- i At tne same Place it is set forth
tion of the Emperor of the Piscata- that the Emperor of the Piscataways
ways and the Indians under his com- ! was lately at the Susquehannock
mand oppressed by the Senecas and \ Fort, conferring with the Susquehan-
Susquehannocks. And the Emperor j nocks before he confers with the
of the Piscataways having declared | English again.

that he will not stay at the place of \ 1680— The Piscataways and Matta-
his wasted habitation, but for security j
remove himself and his men and their
wives and children to the Matta-
womans or other places of safety.
Hla Lordship commanded the several I

articles of peace with the said Em- | under the date of June 1, Captain
peror and nations under him to be j Randolph Brandt gave this report,
read of 1666-1670. He also, with the j "In obedience to your command of
advise of his Council doth hereby ap- the 23rd. ult., I have communicated
point Nanticoke River for the place \ with the Piscataways and Matta-
for the said Emperor to receive his | womans and Mr. John Stone who

woraans Blaine the English for

Making Them Enemies of

the Susquehannocks.

In 15 Md. Archives, pp. 299 and 300

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

117

conferred with them and they say
they will not remove but will use
their power to defend and when they
can not hold out any longer, they will
thrust themselves amongst the Eng-
lish; and they also say they are be-
come enemies of the Susquehan-
nock Indians and all other Indians
through the means of the English
and for that reason they will not
leave us. And the King of the Mat-
tawomans allegeth that the Eastern
shore Indians are as much their ene-
mies as the Susquehannocks, occa-
sioned by their going with us against
the Nanticokes about two years ago."

1680 — Susqueliannocks and Senecas
Moving Foul on the Piscataways.

In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 302 under date of June 5, 1680 is
set forth a note from John Munn's
relating to the Piscataways and it
says: — "I suppose the great men had
been down before this, but I hear the
Susquehannocks and Senecas have
been foul of them on Friday last,
they having killed 7 of the Picata-
way men. This information I have
of James Jefferson, who came from
the fort and brought a horse from
there lately shot with an arrow."

1680 — Susqiieliannocks Desert From
the Seneca's Armies and Tribes.

In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 305 under the date of June 16, 1680
it is set out in a communication to
Lord Baltimore as follows: "I have
endeavored to inform myself by all
ways and means what Indians did
the late murders but they are still
unknown. But I am of the opinion
it was some of those Susquehan-
nocks fled from the Seneca army and
happily it may be those that did the
mischief, for the several foregoing
years along the same river. It does
not appear to be the Senecas as I
feared at first."

We begin to see now that the Sus-
quehannock Indians among the Sene-
cas are held among them by force
and that they are trying to escape
I from them. We shall see shortly tnat
| the Senecas quickly resented this
i and determined to butcher a lnt of
J them which brought on the appeal
j by the Susquehannocks to Maryland
! for help and Ninan Beall then led the
i expedition to their aid.

1680— The Beginning of Conestoga,
Etc.

Mombert hi his History of Lancas-
i ter County, p. 25 says that about this
j year "a settlement was planted by
j the conquerors at Conestoga which
! became the chief and place of Coun-
cil seated on the Susquehanna below
its fork. The residence were of the
Five Nations, chiefly the Seneca
Tribe but comprising some times
Oneidas, Cayugas and Tuscaroras."
By the Conquerors here he means the
Senecas and others of the Five Na-
tions whom we have been talking
about.

This is further attested to by the
Dauphin County History Pamphlet
where the author says that ''the In-
dians whom Penn found in this lo-
cality were beggar Iroquois (and
that in 1682 there was not one of the
Susquehannocks dwelling on his an-
cient seats) and were representing
themselves as Conestogas, not in
blood but in occupation." Facts seen
to prove him not entirely correct in
this statement.

1680 — Mattawomans Fear the Senecas
and Their Susqiiehannock-Slaves.

In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 313, under the date of July 6, it is
set forth that "the King of the Mat-
tawomans shows a medal in token of
your Lordship's friendship to him
and begins now to be in fear of the
Susquehannocks and Senecas and

ns

ANNALS OF THET SlISQtTEHANNOCKS AND

pretends a want of arms and am-
munition and intends speedily to
make his address to you and thePis-
eataways and sending scouts out
daily have discovered the enemy (the
Susquehannocks) and are in some
doubt they will be foul of them before |
the Fort is Finished."

1681— More Light on the Location of
the Susquehannocks Fort.

In a communication found in Vol.
6 of the Maryland Archives, p. 272r
dated January 25, 1681 it is stated
that "the petition of Mr. Penn is read
concerning a tract of land to be
granted to him in America, but that
it appeared by John Verden's letter j
the part of. territory desired by him |
is already possessed by the Duke of j
York. He must apply to his Royal I
Highness for adjusting this respec- 1
tive pretention; and Mr. Penn being
acquainted with the matter from the
letter of Lord Baltimore's Agents, he
does agree that the Susquehannock
Fort shall be the boundary of the
said Lord Baltimore's Province; and
as to furnishing arms and ammuni-
tion to the Indians Mr. Penn declares
himself ready to submit to any re-
straint his Lordship may propose."

This item seems to refer to some-
thing that passed between Penn and
authorities representing Lord Balti-
more at home in England because
the date is before his arrival here.
He seems to have had knowledge of
the location of the Susquehannock
Fort before coming to Pennsylvania.
For our purposes it is interesting to
some extent as fixing the location of
this famous old Fort. This is a pro-
ceeding which took place in England
as is very evident from Hazard's
Annals, pp. 475 and 476 and what the
Maryland Archives quote as simply
a report of it which was made from
England to Maryland.

1681— The Piscataways Much Frigh-
tened.

In Vol 15 of the Md. Archives, p.
336 it is set down that "the Pisca-
taways and Mattawomans are very
much frightened at the approach of
the Susquehannocks and that they
! are now in the Piscataway Fort for
| safety and dare not stir out of it.
| They claim that the help which they
| gave the English as against the Sus-
I quehannocks caused them this
trouble."

1681— The Susquehannocks Turn Out
to Be Thieves.

In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 372 it is stated that "a certain In-
dian woman being examined for
being accused of stealing a certain
apron says that one of her children
found them upon the ground and that
she bought them from the Susque-
hannocks at their Fort; and that they
stole them. Being further examined
she says that she thinks it was not
the Susquehannocks but the Senecas
that killed the English."

1681 — Maryland Determines to Rid
the Province of the Susque-
hannocks.

In Vol 7 of the Maryland Arch., p.
Ill, under the date of 1681 is set
forth a speech of the Governor of
Maryland to the Assembly, in the
course of which he says, "You have
not been called together for a long

time , and had there not been

some Indian murders by some In-
dians not yet discovered, I should
not have called you until October
next; but being duly alarmed by the
approach of a considerable party of
Indians that have been discovered
and discoursed with by Captain
Brandt and very much apprehending
a sudden attempt by them on our in-
habitants, it is absolutely necessary
you should meet to renew speedily

OTHER LANCASTER 'COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

113

those Articles of Peace made some
years ago with the Senecas. We
ought to cherish their friendship for i
it must be by their means and as-
sistance that we are able to hope to i
rid the Province of these Susquehan-
nocks and other mixed Indians that
come early down and infest both
Maryland and Virginia. Therefore I
earnestly desire you to take this
great and weighty affair into serious
consideration and by some early I
course secure the Senecas to be our j
friends that they may be gained to |
aid and assist us in cutting off these •
enemies of ours (the Susquehan- j
nocks) that certainly design our des- j
truction as soon as they have taken
from us our friends and neighbor In- 'j
dians."

In this we see again how deter-
.mined the Susquehannocks were to ;
revenge themselves for the killing of
their five chiefs in 1676. They seem-
ed never to forget the slaughter. An- j
other thing is noticeable here and I
that is that the extracts stating that
Ninian Beall slaughtered the Senecas
in order to assist the Susquehan-
nocks are wrong as we shall show \
later. That slaughter if there was j
such was simply to rid the Province
of Maryland of both Senecas and
Susquehannocks alike.

1681 — Susquehannocks Again Become

Fearful of the Mischievous

Senecas.

In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 374 it is set out under the date of
June 25, 1681 that a Council held
a letter of Colonel Brandt was receiv-
ed saying, "I give you an account of
my being at Zachariah Fort where I
found the Indians much troubled for
the loss of 13 of them being stolen
away by the Senecas and in daily
fear of being destroyed. Yesterday
they say they discovered a Seneca
near the Fort. The Senecas laid their

corn fields down. I am apt to be-
lieve these Indians are not Senecas
but Susquehannocks separated in-
to several parties; and the Sus-
quehannocks are not now as friend-
ly as the rest of us.1"

1681— A Mattawoman Prisoner Who
Escaped from the Senecas, Tells
of the Condition of the Sus-
quehannocks.

In Vol 15 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 390, Jackanapes an Indian belong-
ing to the Mattawomans declares that
on New Years day he was taken a
prisoner by the Senecas frorn the
Mattawoman Fort, that when they
came now lately before Zachaiah
Fort, he came with them; that about
a day or two before they came to the
Fort they sent out two canoes, in one
10 Senecas and in the other 10 Sus-
quehannocks and a Piscataway pris-
oner whom they had taken as guide,
with orders to go down the Potomac
River and so to Patuxent to hunt for
Indians who might be among the
English.

And on page 383 of the same book,
under the date of June 30, Jacka-
napes describes the location of the
Susquehannocks and others at that
date. He says that the Senecas live
in four towns at the head of a great
River that comes to the Bay (The
Susquehanna), that East of them live
the Quiaquas supposed to be friends
j and eight Susquehannocks with them
and that East of them the Ononda-
! goes and 14 Susquehannocks with
j them, farther East on a branch of
the River and its source 17 Susque-
hannocks, and further four towns of
| Senecas and that where the river
I and its branches come together is a
j place of rendezvous of all these Na-
tions.

This shows the southern boundary
of New York along its whole length
to have been the location indicated.

120

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1681— Maryland Orders No Quarter |
to be Given to the Susquehan-
nocks.

In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch., j
p. 384 under the date of June 30, 1681 |
instructions are given by Maryland ;
to Captain Brandt as follows: "Since
we have certain intelligence that
there have been 10 Susquehannocks
and 10 Senecas dispatched from this
great party down the Potomac, with
a prisoner for their guide to try what
Indians they can surprise, and since
we have certain intelligence that
when the Susquehannocks meet \
either Indians or English they give no
quarter, it is appointed that the
Northern Indians refuse to treat with
Captain' Brandt at Zachaiah Fort is
out of a design to do him mischief, to
prevent this you are to demand:

(1) Ten Piscataway Indians as
guides to find those Northern Indians
to treat with them;

(2) Secure those Piscataway In-
dians from all violence;

(3) If foreigners assault you, to
defend against it ;

(4) Make no peace unless it in-
clude the Piscataways and the Matta-
womans;

(5) Let the foreign Indians know
that we had several murders com-
mitted of late, that we know there
are 10 Susquehannocks and 10 Sene-
cas sent down to fall upon the Eng-
lish."

All this shows that the Senecas and
with them the Susquehannocks are
still murdering the English and as
we shall soon see are fast drifting
into a war with Maryland which
turned out very disastrous to the In-
dians.

1681— The Senecas and Susquehan-
nocks Make Overtures for a New
Fort on the Susquehanna
River.

In Vol. 17 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 4, there is an item dated August

22, 1681 in which the Senecas make
it appear that the Susquehannocks
show a redress to trust their for-
tunes again to Maryland. They seem
now to be in fear of their old con-
querors the Senecas. The item is as
follows: — Jacob Young who was a
friend of the Susquehannocks and it
seems had married a Susquehannock
squaw now came (with several
Northern Indians, and in behalf of
them all), and says: "They desire
they may have a house built at the
Falls of the Susquehanna River and
: that they may have the liberty of
trading with the English when they
| come down and if any English desire
; to go to their country they will be
safely conducted."

This request is made by 10 Sene-
| cas on behalf of their troop of 300
1 warriors. This is really a trick on
] the part of the Senecas to mislead
' the Marylanders and also the Sus-
j quehannocks.

1G81 — State of the Susquehannocks
Among the Five Nations.

In Vol. 17 of the Maryland Arch.,
I p. 5 appears the following informa-
tion given by the Onondagoes, Sene-
cas and Oneidas who appear before
Council and are asked how many Sus-
quehannocks are there among them.
They say "There are in all four
forts — Onondagoes, 300 men — Onei-
das, 180 men — Quiagoes (Cayugas),
300 men — Mohawks, 300 — and among
these four Nations are some Susque-
hannocks but how many they can
not tell. Some are among the real
Senecas and they believe were the
Susquehannocks, all together they
would make about 100 fighting men.
There are 14 Susquehannocks with
the Oneidas, 7 with the Onondagoes
but the chief of them are with the
Mingoes joined to the Sennondoni-
anes, but the chief of them are with

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

121

the Cayugas." They also say there
is another small nation called the
Black Mingoes joined to the Sennon-
donianes, who are to the right of the
Senecas. This shows the scattered
condition of the Susquehannocks at
this time; part of them were down
the river and part of them amongst
the various tribes of the Five Na-
tions.
1681 — The Iroquois Now Are Very

Bold, Etc., And Threaten to Des-
troy the Susquehannocks.

In Vol. 62 of the Jesuit Relation, p.
169 it is reported as follows: "that
the utmost efforts must be used to
prevent the Iroquois ruining the
European Nations as they heretofore
ruined the Algonquins, Susquehan-
nocks (Andastes), Loups, Abenaques,
and others," as these successers have
made them very bold and haughty.

1682— The Senecas Now Make Bold
Preparations to Inyade Mary-
land.

In Vol. 7 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 270 under the date of May 4,
1682 is an article showing how Mary-
land tries to defend against the
Northern invasions. It is there set
forth as follows: "We hope, both
houses will consider:

(1) That the Piscataways became
enemies to the Susquehannocks
merely upon the score of Articles of
Peace made with Honorable Leonard
Calvert, Esq., at first and afterwards
by assisting us against the Susque-
hannocks in the year of 1676. That
it is the remnant of these Susque-
hannock Indians that engage those
Northern Indians with whom they are
now incorporating to revenge.
Thereupon the Piscataways remind-
ing them that they (the Piscataways)
formerly killed some Northern In-
dians at St. Mary's because those
Northern Indians had murdered Eng-

lish in Patapsco and other places and
| rendered the Piscataways suspected
of being our friends.

(2)- That if we abandon the Pisca-
| taways they must incorporate them-
! selves with the Northern Indians and
j in that case become another engaged
I enemy with the Susquehannocks
j against them.

| (3) That then no Nation (not even'
the Northern Indians themselves)
| will ever trust us more; and the
! Nanticokes and the Eastern Shore In-
dians must follow their example and
! leave us friendless and utterly un-
I able to deal with the skulking enemy
I who war only by surprise."

Efforts were now being made by
| the Senecas to bring this about so
I that a seperate invasion might be
made into Maryland.

1682— The Susquehannocks Incite the
Senecas to Fall Upon Maryland.

In Vol. 17 of the Maryland Arch.,
j p. 100, the following is set forth as
! instructions to Colonel Coursey.
j "There hath been some discourse as
if those Northern Indians would be
; hired to cut off the remnant of the
Susquehannocks. If you find any
truth in that fail not pursue that
I point and purchase the peace of this
j Province from the Senecas by extin-
| guishing that viper's (Susquehan-
| nocks) brood that never fails to kill
I all English whenever they are the
J greater number in any party and
i make us feel the effects of war
! though they. live under the shelter of
| Nations that pretend a peace with
us; and be sure to inculcate into the
Northern tribes upon all treaties for
the Piscataways, showing the north-
ern Indians that we are doing no
more in protecting the Piscataways
than they do in protecting the Sus-
quehannocks and that they ought in
reason to allow us the same liberty
i that they take to themselves."

122

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

It is now evident that the relations
between the Five Nations and the
English of Maryland were very much
strained and liable to produce the j
flame of war at any time. And this j
we shall see did shortly happen by
Maryland protecting herself.

1682— Colonel Ninan Beall Made
Ranger.

In Vol. 17 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 72 it was "ordered that six men in
arms under the command of Colonel
Ninian Beall be commanded out to
continue ranging between the head of
the Patuxent River and the branches
there about, up to the Susquehannock
Fort for the discovery of any In-
dian enemy that may appear."

1682— Ninian Beall's Expedition and

Slaughter of Indians at Susque-

hannock Fort.

From all we can gather is seems
that it was about this year that Nin- j
ian Beall got into a bloody conflict |
with the Senecas and Susquehan-
nocks under the Senecas. The
writers of Maryland History all take j
the ground the Beall had this fight
with the Senecas to help the Susque- |
hannocks. I do not believe that the j
real history sustains that. I believe j
that the Susquehannocks were in
enmity at this time as intensely as ;
the Senecas, and all which we have
just been citing undoubtedly shows
that. There is, however, only small
proof that there was a ^reat slaugh-
ter and the historical writers take it
for granted. They further show
their unreliable information by not
being able to fix the date. Lewis
Evans in his "Analysis" which I have
cited before at pp. 11 and 12 says the
Five Nations "gave the finishing
stroke to the extermination to the
Susquehannocks. But Beall in the
service of Maryland at the Fort

whose remains are still standing on
the East side of the Susquehanna
about three miles below Wright's
Ferry by the defeat of many hun-
dreds had given them a blow which
they never recovered of and for this
reason the confederates (The Five
Nations) never claimed back to the
Conewago Falls."

Evans and Ellis in their history of
Lancaster County say, "the Govern-
ment selected Ninian Beall to com-
mand the troops (to help the Sus-
quehannocks). At last a commander
was chosen who was no coward. He
marched with his forces up the left
bank of the Susquehanna River to
the town and fort which stood on
what is now Witmer's farm. Colonel
Beall took several small cannon with
him. The exact date of the march
and the time when the sanguinary
battle was fought are not given but it
must have been in the year 1675 or
1676. Mr. Johnson in his history of
Cecil county placed the period in the
year of 1682."

In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Records,
p. 387 in the 22nd of July, 1707 one of
the spokesmen of the Conestogas was
asked by Governor Evans how long
the Indians of that neighborhood
were at peace with the Five Nations
and the Indian replied 27 years. That
would make the date of peace in 1680
and of course the expedition if it was
to help the Susquehannocks would
have been before the Susquehan-
nocks were at peace with the Five
Nations. I believe however, that the
answer of the Indian was wrong and
that peace was not established before
I the year 1682. '

The best authority we have on both
i whether there was an expedition
against the Five Nations and when it
: occured is to be found in Vol. 5,
j Second Series of the Pennsylvania
! Archives, pp. 731 to 734. It is there

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

123

set forth that a treaty of peace in
that year was being made between
the Five Nations and the Governor
of Maryland and the proceedings of
the treaty are there set out at large.
At page 734, the Agent for Maryland,
Colonel Henry Coursey says, to the
different tribes of the Five Nations
who were present, "You have killed
our horses, cattle and hogs and rob-
bed our houses and killed some of
our subjects, whereby we were justly
provoked to have made a war upon
you, and dispatched away our
troops to your country to have re-
venge for the several mischiefs done
to us." He then goes on to tell them
at the same time the soldiers went
to make the war, he now comes to
make peace. This happened the' 4th
of August, 1682. I would not know
what else he could mean by saying
that "we dispatched away our troops
into your country to have revenge"
unless he meant to refer to Colonel
Beall's expedition. We have noticed
in a former item that Beall was
made Ranger at the beginning of the
year 1682. I have no authentic
proof that Beall had cannon with
him or that he slaughtered many
Senecss. I do not believe that there
was an extensive slaughter and the
authorities which I have just quoted
would seem to show that Beall was
only sent to frighten the Senecas and
that before he did much killing peace
was arranged. There is only one
thing more to add and that is that
this was the last warfare between the
whites and the Indians on Pennsy-
lvania soil in these early days until
the French and Indian war broke out
in 1755. This expedition of Beall
thus happened a few months before
William Penn arrived in his Pro-
vince.

1682 — The Impeachment of Jacob
Young.
In Vol. 7 of the Maryland Archives,
p. 370 an impeachment against Jacob

Young is set forth charging:

(1) That Jacob Young not regard-
ing due obedience which he as one of
the people of this Province ought to
his Lordship hath endeavored to
alienate his affection from the Pro-
prietary and the better to do it did
contract marriage and take to wife an
Indian woman of the Susquehannock
Nation; by whom he had several
children one or more of which is now
among the Indians and he the said
Jacob Young is more concerned for
them than is this province:

(2) That the said Jacob Young has
so far espoused the interest of the
Susquehannocks and other Northern
Indians that in 1675 and several
years since at Cecil county, even
when the said Indians were enemies,
did succor aid and assisted the Sus-
quehannocks against the Piscata-
ways:

(3) That the said Jacob Young to
show his affection and kindness to
those Susquehannocks has often in
years and places aforesaid, given out
in speeches and declared that the
Susquehannocks are an innocent and
harmless people and has palliated
their rapine and justified their mur-
ders:

(4) That while, employed by the
Province to help bring about peace
between the Province and the North-
ern Indians, causing great outlays of
tobacco, Jacob did secretly instigate
hostilities to be continued and pre-
vented peace:

(5) That Jacob further declared
his adherence to the said Susquehan-
nocks and other Northern Indians by
carrying on an oppressive war
against the Piscataways on no other
account than that the Piscataways
did not assist the Susquehannocks in
the late war by them made against
the Proprietor and did make it his
business to move and stir up the

124

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Susquehannocks to make war on the
Piscataways; and did take upon him
to travel to several parties, to the
Susquehannocks then scattered in
several parts of Maryland and Vir-
ginia and rallying them did encour-
age them in hostile manner to invade
this Province:

(6) And since his imprisonment he
gives out that he has so much in-
fluence over the Susquehannocks
that he can make them do what he
pleases; and when he was put in
irons he now declares he will have
revenge on those who put him in
irons."

No comment is needed on this im-
peachment as it explains itself. One
or two points are worthy of notice,
to wit: that the Susquehannocks
were yet a source of annoyance and
terror to Maryland and they evidently
had influential friends such as this
man Jacob Young and others of a
similar standing.

1682— Jacob Young's Answer.

Jacob Young filed his answer to
the above impeachment saying:

(1) "That he denies he is an enemy
of the Government.

(2) He denies that he married a
Susquehannock Indian woman and
never had any children by such wife;
and never was concerned for the Sus-
quehannock Nation against Mary-
land:

(3) That in 1675 he did not live in
Maryland but in Delaware and was
sent for to come to Maryland to in-
terpret for Maryland the Susquehan-
nock language and that he several
times at the risk of his life induced
the Susquehannocks to be loyal
to this Government and to stay with-
in its bounds; and that he persuaded
the Susquehannocks that were gone
over the Delaware to come back, at
great hazzard he sought out the said
Susquehannocks and found them."
(See 7 Md. Archives, pp. 386 to 391).

1682— Susquehannocks Still Among
the Senecas.

In Vol. 17 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 110 under date of May 30, 1682
is set forth that "an express from
New York brings advise that some
hosts of Northern Indians are set out
for these parts; and those that al-
ready set forth were headed chiefly
by the Susquehannocks and other
war captains and are ill effected to-
ward the Governor of Maryland.
Therefore, to prevent blood-shed and
surprise all the military commanders
are to have timely notice."

On the same subject there is a let-
ter to Captain Blockhouse found in
17 Maryland Archives, p. 203 which
states, "Our humble request is that
you will by the first opportunity that
comes this way send a power from
your hand to us to dispatch away
from hence persons that we may em-
ploy for our. money to present the
Northern Indians; which are com-
manded by the Susquehannocks of
| whom we have too great cause to
| fear for their designs against the
I Christians."

From this we see that the Susque-
| hannocks living among the Senecas
! were great agitators of strife and
J kept the Colonists in mortal dread.
| They had military power and were
I natural leaders; and are now found
: commanding and leading forth to
I pillage bands of other Northern In-
I dians.

| 1682— Peace Between Maryland and

the Five Nations, (Including the

Susquehannocks Under Their

Control.)

In Vol. 5 of the Second Series of
the Pennsylvania Archives, pp. 731
I to 739 is set forth an extensive
; treaty between Maryland and the
| Five Nations; it is a long treaty and
i is as follows:

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

121

(1) That the parties will keep per-
fect faith with each other:

(2) That they will not join to-
gether so as to overcome the other
provides :

(3) That if any Indian among any
Christians or any of the Christians
living among the Indians commit
murder upon the other party that
those so committing the murder
shall be punished:

(4) That the friendship with the
Piscataways shall be kept and that
all these provisions will be kept.

This treaty also provides that if
either parties have prisoners among
them that they will give them up;
this includes the Susquehannocks.
1682 — The Susquehannocks Indians
Meet William Penn.

Rupp in his History of Lancaster
County, p. 24, says, "that when the
first grand treaty with the Indians"
was held that Indians were present
"from the shores of the Susquehan-
na." The same is set forth in Lyle's
History of Lancaster County, p. 3.

Mombert in his History of Lancas-
ter County, p. 49 says, "There were
at least three Indian tribes present
at the great treaty the Lenni Le-
napes living near the Delaware; the
Mingoes from Conestoga and the
Shawanese from the Susquehanna.
Penn was accompanied by a few
of his friends." Mombert also quotes
Janney in saying, "It was near the
close of November, 1682, the ioftiers
on the banks of the Delaware had
shed their summer attire, the ground
was strewn with leaves, and the
Council fire burned brightly fanned by
the breeze." He then goes on to tell
how the Indians sat at the treaty and
of their peculiar dress; that the
chiefs were in front of the aged men
in the form of a half moon; the
young men and aged women and fur-
ther back the youth of both sexes.
He says that Penn was dressed like

I the rest of his comrades, except he
I had a sky-blue sash of silk net-work
around his waist.

Gordon in his History at page 603
| in a note says that the Indians at
j Conestoga in 1722 showed Governor
I Keith a roll of parchment containing
J a treaty which Penn made with them
| and he says it was the great treaty.
j He also quotes Mr. R. Cunningham
I saying that he, Cunningham, discov-
j ered an envelope in a bundle of pap-
ers relating to the Shawnese Indians
with the following endorsement,
"Minutes of the Indian Conference in
Relation to the Great Treaty made
with William Penn at the Big Tree,
I Shackamaxon on the 14th of the 10th
j month, 1682." The papers are not to
■ be found. As further proof that the
I Conestogas were at Penn's treaty or
j met Penn at one of the early treaties
I at Philadelphia, this note sets out
I that Tawenna a Conestoga chief at
; a treaty held under Governor Gor-
j don, May 26, 1729 made reply to a
I speech which he the Indian Chief
I said Penn had made to them under
the Elm tree. Mombert also says at
p. 48, citing Watson's Annals that
William Penn in 1682 endeared him-
self to the Indians, and that "he
walked with them, sat with them on
the ground and ate with them their
roasted acorns and hominy. At this
they expressed delight and soon be-
gan to show how they could hop and
jump, at which exhibition to cap the
climax, William Penn sprang up and
beat them all." This is given for
what it is worth.

Hockwelder in his narrative on the
Indians, p. 77, in commenting upon
the Paxtung murder of the Cones-
togas that "they were the descen-
dants of those ancient Conestoga In-
dians who welcomed him upon this
first arrival and presented him with
venison, etc." He would therefore

126

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

have us believe that when the In-
dians of the Susquehanna Territory
went to the great treaty and welcom-
ed William Penn that they took veni-
son and meat along as presents.

1682— The Susquehannocks Move to j
Turkey Hill.

Lyle in her history states that in j
this year the Susquehannocks moved !
to Turkey Hill on the Susquehanna.
Turkey Hill is in Manor Township
three miles below Columbia — (See
Lyle's History, p. 20). At the same!
page this history says that this time j
Penn visited the Susquehannocks.
I am inclined to think it was a year
or two later; and this history also I
states that Penn gave them their In-
dian town of 500 acres in Manor
Township about this same time —
(See same page Lyle's History).

There is no doubt that there was
always a good feeling and amity be-
eween Pennsylvania and the Susque-
hanna Indian tribes and without a
ripple. On p. 15 of Vol. 2 of the Col-
onial Records is set forth the treaty
with the Susquehannock Indians con-
cerning lands in 1701, and the second
paragraph states, "Hitherto there has
always been a good understanding
and neighborhood between the said
William Penn and his Lieutenants
since his first arrival in this Prov-
ince and the several nations of In-
dians inhabiting in and about the
same." This all shows that there
was very early friendly communica-
tion and general good understanding
between the tribes of Indians on the
Susquehanna River and the Govern-
ment of William Penn.

1683 — Consultation on Jacob Young's

Alleged Conspiracy With the

Susquehannocks.

In Vol. 7 of the Maryland Archives
pp. 475 and 476 it is stated that the
following proceeding took place be-

fore the Maryland Council relative to
Jacob Young. I quote it as follows:
"The House find against Jacob Young
that in 1677 when Colonel Henry
Coursey was empowered by commis-
sion from Thomas Notley to go to
Albany to negotiate he took Jacob
Young as an interpreter, and when
Coursey after coming to Albany told
Jacob Young that his commission was
to conclude a peace Jacob answered
that if he had known so much before
he came thither that the Susquehan-
nocks were not to be included in the
peace he had rather given 20,000
pounds of tobacco than to come
along and that in 1682 when the
Northern Indians came and besieged
the Piscataway Fort, Colonel Coursey
and Colonel Stevens sent as agents
and Young as interpreter, Young in-
quired why the Northern Indians
came down to war with the Piscata-
ways contrary to treaties which
Young was to ask them, the said
Young said nothing for some time but
afterwards answered that if he had
thought he was to have spoken of
any such thing he would rather have
given 20,000 pounds of tobacco than
have come. Since his imprisonment
he has said the Susquehannocks are
an innocent people and that he can
make them do what he will."

The two Houses took this matter
up but they finally disagreed about
Jacob Young's punishment and, af-
ter being imprisoned for some time
he was discharged.

The First of Penn's Purchases
From the Indians of the Sus-
quehanna River.

The first purchase by Penn of
land on the Susquehanna River which
I can find is shown by a deed from
Kepelappan found in Vol. 1 of the
Penna. Archives, p. 67. It is as fol-
lows: "I, Kekelappan, of Opaiskunk,

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

127

for me, my heirs and Assigns, do
hereby give and grant unto William
Penn, Proprietary and Governor of
ye Province of Pennsylvania, etc., his
Heirs and Assignes, that half of all
my lands betwixt Susquehanna and
Delaware, which lyeth on the Sus-
quehanna side; and do hereby fur-
ther promise to sell unto him at ye
next Spring, at my return from hunt-
ting, ye other half of my land, at as
reasonable rates as other Indians
have been used to sell in this River.
In witness whereof I have hereunto
sett my hand and seal at Philadel-
phia ye 10th of November, 1683."

Just to what point the land ex-
tends we can not now ascertain but
we will notice that the deed recited
that it is land between the Delaware
and Susquehanna Rivers, lying on the
Susquehanna side, therefore, it is a
part of our county now.

It seems that almost as soon as this
purchase was made Penn's troubles
began with the Five Nations, who as
we have seen before were the owners
of all this land by conquest, having
subjugated the Susquehannocks. They
made their dissatisfaction known to
Governor Dungan of New York whc
sent a letter dated the 18th of Sept-
ember, 1683 to the Indian commis-
sioners of New York which may be
found in Vol. 1 of the Penna. Arch.,
p. 74 and is as follows: "Gentlemen:
I have this day advised with the
Councill, and after a serious con-
sideration as a cause of so great Im-
portance require, it is for good and
weighty reasons thought very conven-
ient and necessary to putt a stopp to
all proceedings in Mr. Penn's affairs
with the Indyns until his bounds &
limits be adjusted, att ye determin-
ing of which I think either to be per-
sonally present or else send some
person. You are, therefore, to suf-
fer no manner of proceedings in that
business, until you shall have posi-

I tive orders from mee about itt, and
j Mr. Haige, Esqr., Penn's Agent, is
! to be acquainted with the contents
I of this Letter. Gentlemen, I am, as-
| su redly, Your Faithful Servant,

THOMAS DUNGAN.
As this letter plainly shows Dun-
I gan says it was necessary to put a
| stop to all Penn's proceedings with
| the Indians on the Susquehanna at
| present. The Susquehannock In-
i dians who sold Penn land here plain-
| ly were imposing a fraud upon him,
j they knew that the Five Nations
j owned the land and that they had no
right to sell it.

1683— Another of Penn's First Pur-
chases From the Indians on the
Susquehanna River.

In Vol. 5 of the Maryland Archives
p. 402 there is a letter written by
William Penn, dated at New Castle,
Oct. 16, 1683, which is as follows:
"I do hereby declare that I have
bought of Machaloha all his land and
rights by the Delaware River and the
River of Susquehanna and Bay of
Chesapeake. And I do warn all per-
sons that they presume not to settle
thereon without my leave and that
those that actually are or hereafter
shall settle upon any part of the
same do behave themselves justly
and lawfully towards him and his fel-
low Indians."

Machaloha was one of the inferior
chiefs of the Susquehannocks but I
am not able to say whether he was
a pure Susquehannock or a represen-
tative of some of the Northern con-
federates. But further particulars of
this purchase may be found in Vol.
1 of the Penna. Archives, p. 67
where this Machaloha under the date
of October 18, 1683. in a deed says
that he is the owner of all the lands
from the Delaware River to the
Chesapeake Bay and up to the Falls

128

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

of Susquehanna and that he d<5es sell
the same unto William Penn and ac-
knowledging- that he has received
part of the purchase money and that
the remainder is to be paid in the
Spring. This is delivered in the pre-
sence of Edward Cantwell, Lasse
Cock and several others.

1683— The Next Step Taken by the

Susquehanna Indians About

Their Lands.

Something of Penn's manner of
dealing with the Indians is told us |
by Mombert in his History, p. 51, j
where he says that on one occasion
Penn unrolled a parchment and ex- j
plained the articles of a treaty of |
purchase and said by these that they
would be protected in their lawful
pursuits even in the lands which they
had given away. Then, says Mom-
bert, Penn laid the roll of parchment
on the ground and told them to ob-
serve it as a sign that the land should
belong to both. That then he took
the parchment again and handed it
to the Chief and told them that they
should keep it safely for three gen-
erations so that their children might
know what had taken place.

These Indians after having sold
Penn two tracts of land above men-
tioned now sell it all to Governor
Dungan of New York. We can not tell
whether they did this because they
were afraid of the Five Nations or
because they wanted to give Penn
more trouble. We shall see a little
later that the Iroquois demanded that
Penn should not settle any white
people on the Susquehanna River.
Governor Dungan himself tells about
his getting possession of the lands on
Susquehanna and speaking about the
Indians who lived on that river he
says, "They have all of them agreed
to give Susquehanna River to me and
I have it under their hands to show

for it. All that I desire of you for my
own security is that you will engage
in case his Royal Highness be fond of
their gift, that you will save me
harmless," — (See Vol. 1 of Penna.
Archives, p. 77).

And under the date of October 22,
1683, Dungan writes another letter
to Penn and says, "All business goes
here to great satisfaction; the Sus-
quehanna River is given me by the
Indians by a second gift about which
you and I shall not fall out. I de-
sire we may join heartily together
to advance the interest of my master
and your good friend." — (See Vol. 1
of Penna. Archives, p. 80). Penn had
a good deal of reason to be suspi-
cious of these New York transactions.
One of his friends John West in a let-
ter dated October 16, 1683, which
may be found in Vol. 1 of the Penna.
Archives, p. 79, writing from New
York says," "Your affairs about the
Susquehanna land are well effected,
though the people of Albany, jealous
of their trade much oppose you inter-
j est therein; for the particulars of
! which I refer you to the Commis-
; sioners."

A few months later as may be seen

' by Thomas Dungan's letter to Wil-

I liam Penn in Vol. 1 of the Penna.

' Archives, p. 84 relations were quite

strained between him and Penn; and

i he wrote under the date of March 17,

j 1684 from New York to Penn and

i among other things he says, "I fear

you coveting your neighbors' lands

would do much prejudice, and this I

say out of a concern and sense of

kindness for you."

We may observe here that Penn
1 did have a great deal of difficulty in
! getting these lands back and it was
I not until 12 years later, in 1696; that
j he succeeded in having them deeded
: back by Governor Dungan. But this we
i will notice later.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

129

There can be no doubt that they
were conveyed by Dungan from
what I have said above but there is
an additional evidence in Vol. 4 of the
Colonial Records, p. 708 where Can-
assatego, an orator of one of the Five
Nations making a speech in the Lan-
caster Court House on June 26, 1744
said to the Governor of Maryland,
"We are now straitened and sometimes
in want of deer and liable to many
other inconveniences since the Eng-
lish came among us, and particularly
from the pen and ink work which is
going on at the table (pointing to the
secretaries), and we will give you
an instance of this. Our brother
Onas a great while ago came to Al-
bany to buy the Susquehanna lands
of us, but our brother the Governor
of New York, who as we suppose had
not a good understanding with our
brother Onas advised us not to sell
him any for he would make ill use
of it; and pretending to be our friend,
he advised us, in order to prevent
Onas's or any other persons impos-
ing on us and that we might always
have our land to put it in his hands
and told us he would keep it for our
use, and never opened his hands and
let it get out. We trusted him, we
put our lands into his hands, and
charged him to keep it safe for us
but he went away to England and
carried our land with him and then
sold it to our brother Onas for a
large sum of money; and when, at
the instance of our brother Onas we
were minded to sell him some land,
he told us that we had sold it al-
ready to the Governor of New York
and that he bought it from the Gover-
nor of New York, and that he had
bought it from him in England;
though when be came to understand
how the Governor of New York had
deceived us, he generously paid us
for our lands over again."

All this goes to show that about

1683 either through deception or

otherwise these Susquehanna lands

were put into the hands of the Gov-

| ernor of New York as we have above

I stated.

Further reference as to the Susque-

| hanna Indians making their title

j over to the Governor of New York

! may be found in Vol. 3 of the Col.

I Records, p. 97, where James Logan

j while at Conestoga told the Indians

| that they knew "the Five Nations had

I long since made over all their rights

j to the Susquehanna to the Governor

| of New York." And likewise at p.

j 101 of the same book he says that the

l Five Nations had frequently acknow-

| ledged that they had sold the Sus-

j quehanna lands to Governor Dungan.

Therefore whether this was done

| for the benefit of Dungan. because the

I Iroquois were angry on account of

the petty Susquehanna chieftains

having sold a couple small tracts to

Penn and thus determined to put it

out of their power to do so we can

not tell; but at any rate it caused

Penn a great deal of trouble to get

the title back again.

1683 or 1684— Perm's First Visit to
tlie Indians on and About the

Susquehanna River.

By some historians it is taken as
proved that William Penn was among
the Indians of the Susquehanna
River twice, once in 1683 or in the
early summer of 16S4 just before he
departed for England in the Fall of

1684 and once in 1701 immediately
before leaving for England the sec-
ond time. Other historians doubt
that the first visit was made. There is
no absolute proof that it was made
but there is a considerable amount
of evidence at hand; and I will now
give from the books those facts which
are considered proof that Penn visit-

130

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

ed these Indians of the Susquehanna
River in 1683 or 1684. There is no
doubt, whatever about his second
visit and that we will take up in its
order.

Penn perhaps about 1683 or
1684 sent parties to view the Susque-
hanna River. In Vol. 19 of the Sec-
ond Series of the Penna. Archives,
p. 13 there is a letter written by
William Penn to his cousin William
Markham and others, dated 1686, in
which speaking of the Susquehanna
and land there he shows much fam- j
iliarity with that river saying, "I
hereby order you to take up the most j
convenient place, that is to say the j
canoable branch of the West side of
Schuylkill about 30 miles from the
town (Philadelphia) 10,000 acres for
my daughter Gulielma Maria Penn;
'Tis that which goes towards the Sus-
quehanna by which they rode when
Ralph Frewell went to view the
river."

I quote this simply to show that
before Penn left Pennsylvania for
England in the Fall of 1684 he sent
Fretwell to view the Susquehanna. I
shall now adduce some facts which
tend to show that Penn hmself fol-
lowed and investigated the Susque-
hanna Country for himself.

(I) In Vol. 1 of the Colonial Re-
cords, p. 114, under the date of June
11, 1684 it was reported to Council
thct "Samuel Land's letter was read
informing the Governor and Council
that Jonas Askins heard Colonel Tal-
bot say that if Governor Penn should
come into Maryland he would sie~e
him and his retaine (retinue) in their
journey to the Susquehanna Fort." It
was also the same day ordered that
William Welch shall take, under oath,
the statement of Jonas Askins con-
cerning what Talbott said.

In this it will be plainly seen that
Talbot speaks as if it was the cus-

tom of William Penn to go to the
Susquehanna Fort and it to my mind
is a strong proof that Penn prior to
this date, 1684 was personally on the
Susquehanna River conferring with
the Susquehannock Indians.

(2) When Penn put out the pro-
spectuses of his town which he in-
tended to build on the Susquehanna
found in Vol. 1 of Hazard's Reg. p.
400 under the date of 1690, he said
in the prospectus "that which recom-
mends this settlement is the known
goodness of the soil and situation of
the land which is high and salu-
brious, also the pleasantness and
largness of the River being clear and
not rapid and broader than the
Thames at London Bridge many
miles above the place intended for
this settlement." He also then tells
of the timber growing there saying
that it is oak, ash, chestnut, walnut,
etc.; he speaks of the native fruits
which were grapes, pawpaws, chest-
nuts and others, of the fish and wild
animals of the place.

In this he shows such a familiarity
of the Susquehanna River as would
lead one to think that he actually
saw it up to the place where this set-
tlement was to be located, viz.: from
the mouth of the Conestoga Creek 15
miles northward. If he did see it be-
fore 1690, it must have been before
1684, since as we have stated before
he left Pennsylvania for England in
the Fall of 1684.

(3) About 1685 William Penn wrote
what is called "A Further Account

J of the Province of Pennsylvania."
| This he wrote while he was in Eng-
1 land. It was a very rare pamphlet
and would sell at an enormous price.
; It is dated Worminghurst Place, the
12th of the 10th month, 1685. In
this account he says speaking upon
the seasons, etc., "I have made a dis-
covery of about 100 miles West and

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

131

find those black lands richer in soil,
woods and fountains than those by
the Delaware, especially upon the
Susquehanna River."

In this he almost in as many
words says that he personally made
this discovery and if that is so then
he visited this Susquehanna River
and the Indians living upon it be-
fore 1683.

(4) In a letter which Penn wrote
dated the 14th of August, 1683 to
the Lords of Trade and Plantations
found in Vol 1 of Proud's History,
p. 267, speaking of the difficulties
which Penn had with Lord Balti-
more, he says at page 271, "I sent
an express to pray the time and
place where I should meet him (Lord
Baltimore). I followed close upon
the messenger that no time might be
lost. I sent three gentlemen to let
me know if he would meet me at the
head of the Bay of Chesapeake; I
was then in a treaty with the Kings
of the natives for land; but three
days after we met 10 miles from New
Castle which is 30 miles from the
Bay."

In this it may be said that the
treaty he spoke of with the natives
for land in this neighborhood about
the head of the Chesapeake Bay

(5) In Vol. 2 of Watson's Annals,
p. 209, Mr. Watson speaks of Nebo-
waway an Indian chief of the Dela-
wares. Watson says that this chief's
name appears among the signers of
the treaty at Conestoga in 1718 and
in his childhood he is said to have
seen William Penn on his second
visit in 1701 (to Conestoga). If Wat-
son considers this visit of Penn in
1701 as the second visit of Penn to
Conestoga, he himself believes there
was a first visit, which of course was
prior to 1701, and as Penn was in
England from 1684 to 1700 it likely
refers to a visit in 1684.

(6) In Vol. 1 of Proud's History,
p. 214 one of the old Conestoga
chiefs in 1721 is quoted as saying in
the conference held at Conestoga that,
they never should forget the Counsel
that William Penn gave them and
that they would always keep it in
mind. This may have reference to
his early visit up into this Country.

(7) Oldmixon in his history of
Pennsylvania in 1706 speaking of

! Penn's visit says that some time
J prior to the year of 1685 Penn made
I a journey into the interior of the
| Province (See Oldmixon's History
I in Vol. 5 of Haz. Reg., p. 164). What
I Oldmixon savs is "Mr. Penn__in thp

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132

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

William J. Buck in his book called
"William Penn in America," p. 132
commenting upon this says that the
journey was made on horse-back and
it may possibly be one of those to
which Thomas Fairman alludes as
having accompanied him. The par-
ticular object was says Buck to be-
come more acquainted with the Pro-
vince and its natural produce as well
as the Indians living therein. From
actual observation Buck also says, p.
132 that it is to this journey that
William Penn refers when in 1685 he
states that he has made a discovery
of the fertile lands on the Susque-
hanna River. This seems to be an-
other proof that Penn visited the
Susquehanna River in 1684.

(8) In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Re-
cords, p. 553, under the date of 1712
it is stated that several Indians from
Conestoga came to Philadelphia and
the war-captain of the Conestogas in
his speech said that the Proprietor
Governor Penn "had at his first com-
ing among them made an agreement
with them that they should always
live as friends and brothers." It
may be seen that in the words "com-
ing amongst them" this Indian refers
to Penn coming up to the Conestoga
and Susquehanna and not simply to
his coming to Pennsylvania, and as
it refers to his "first" it may refer
to a visit of 1683 or 1684.

(9) In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Re-
cords, p. 154 it is stated under the
date of 1721 quoting a speech again
of Captain Civility that "William
Penn made a firm peace and league
with the Indians in those parts
(Conestoga) nearly 40 years ago
which has often been renewed and
never been broken." And again at
page 11 of the same book under the
date of 1722, Governor Keith at Con-
estoga said "the last time that I was
with you at Conestoga you showed

me a parchment you Lad received
from William Penn," which may
again refer to this early visit.

(10) In the American Weekly Mer-
cury of May 30, 1728 where there is
an account contained of the journey
made by Governor Keith to the Con-
estoga Indians on a treaty, the re-
port after giving a growing charac-
ter of the treaty states that the In-
dians said they "never had such a
satisfactory speech made to them

| since the great William Penn spoke

| to them hence." This seems to refer

to William Penn coming to see these

I Indians when he first came to his

I Province likely some time in 1683.

An account of this same visit is

found in the Colonial Records, and

also in Rupp's History, pp. 198-199.

(11) A thing which may be con-
sidered somewhat confirmatory of

I Penn having been about the Susque-

j hanna in 1683 is found in Vol. 1 of

I Watson's Annals, p. 143. at which

i place he says that a treaty was made

| on the 30th of July, 1685 for land to

j extend two days' journey or as far as

a man can go in two days back into

the country, which was back to the

Susquehanna River, and it is likely

that Penn examined this land and

knew what it was.

(12) Penn may be referring to the
land along the Susquehanna River in
his letter to the Free Society cf
Traders written in 1683, found in Vol.
1 of Proud's History where he says
at page 247, "the back lands are gen-
erally three to one richer than those
that lie by the navigable rivers."

He speaks here as if he saw the
back land personally and it is well
know that the Susquehanna was not
navigable, therefore we give this as
one of the items of proof with the
others which may show that Penn
was among the Susquehanna Indians
as early as 1683.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

133

These we consider the chief reasons
which prove or tend to prove that
William Penn paid the Susquehanna
River and its natives the compliment
of a personal visit some time in 1683
or 1G84. We do not contend that it
is absolutely proven hut there is
much in what we have just quoted
to conclude that he was here. He
also shows at another place consider-
able familiarity with this country
where he says in the same letter in
Vol. 1. cf Proud's History, concerning
the Indians that, "I have had occa-
sion to be in Council with them upon
treaties for land and to adjust the
terms of trade." And in the same
book, p. 262 as a part of the same
letter, he says concerning the loca-
tion of the Susquehanna that "the
Susquehanna tends to the heart of
the Province and on both our own
land." This may further indicate
that he saw the Susquehanna River.

1684 — The Susquehanna Indian
Tribes Debauched by the Mary-
land Rum Sellers.

In Vol. 1 of Proud's History, p. 284
he says that it was about this time
(1684) that the laws to prevent liquor
being sold to the Indians did not an-
swer the purpose for the English of
Maryland in a clandestine manner
still procured rum. All that William
Penn could do did not help matters
very much and much blood-shed oc-
curred because of the drunkenness
about the Susquehanna River.

1684 — Governor Dungan (Jh es Penn
Advice About Susquehanna In-
dian Trade.

In Vol. 5 of the Sec. Series of the
Pennsylvania Archives, p. 754 is
found a report of Governor Dungan
dated 1684 in which he says page 755
in reference to the Susquehannocks
that "those Indians about 40 years

ago annexed their lands to this Gov-
ernment and have renewed the same
with every Governor since but I can
not get out traders to live upon the
Susquehanna River.' As to this an-
nexation see p. 33 ante.

Dungan also says, in speaking of
the Susquehannocks' land union with
New York Indians and Penn's desire
to buy the Susquehanna lands, "I
can not believe that it was the King's
intention to grant away so much of
this Government. .. .if therefore his
Majesty were pleased to have a line
run from 410 403 in Delaware River
to the Falls upon the Susquehanna
and let Mr. Penn keep all below that
it would be sufficient for him the
bounds below it would contain more
than all England besides the lower
Counties which is near upon 100
miles from the Cape to the River and
breadth more than 30 miles."

The New York Governor here
thinks it a great mistake that Penn's
Province should extend so far as its
present boundary and that Indian
difficulties arise from this cause.

1684 — Dungan Proposes a Fort on the

Susquehanna River to Command

Indian Trade.

Governor Dungan in Vol. 5 of the
Sec. Series of the Penna. Archives,
p. 756 says, "to preserve the Beaver
and Peltry Trade for Albany and to
encourage our beaver hunters, I de-
sire to erect a campagne Fort upon
Delaware River in latitude 410 and
| 401; another upon the Susquehanna
where his Majesty shall think fit that
Penn's boundary should terminate;
and another at Oneigra near the
Great Lake the way where our people
go beaver-hunting, it being very nec-
essary for the support of trade and
maintaining a correspondence with
the Indians."

In this we see that the Governor

1U

ANNALS OF THE STJSQITEHANNOCKS AND

of New York was determined on con-
trolling the trade of the Susquehanna
Indians for which purpose he wanted
the Fort at the Falls of the Susque-
hanna, and by which means he want-
ed to take about half of the Province
of Pennsylvania.

1684— The Five Nation* Oppose Wil-
liam Penn Settling the Susque-
hanna Kiver, Instigated by
Governor Dung.an.

In the same book last quoted, p.
753 we are given a glance of what
the Onondagoes, Cayugas and others
think of Penn's Susquehanna activi-
ties. It is there set forth by these
two tribes of the Five Nations thatv
they have put themselves and their
lands under the protection of the
King and have given the Susque-
hanna River to the Governor of New
York; they propose that "Penn's
people must not settle under the Sus-
quehanna River." The writer then
goes on to say, "my Lord Effingham
is desired to take notice that Penn's
agents would have bought the Sus-
quehanna river of them, but they
would not, but fastened it to the
Government of New York; they being
a free people uniting themselves to
the English,it may forever be in their
(Susquehannocks) power to give
their lands to what Sachem they
please."

It is not difficult to see here how
much influence the Five Nations act-
ing with the Governor of New York
had in seducing the Susquehannocks
away from Penn's interests, thus giv-
ing Penn very serious problems to
deal with.

As further evidence of the diffi-
culty that William Penn had in buy-
ing the Susquehanna lands from the
Indians I quote what one of the Five
Chiefs said at Philadelphia on July
3, 1727, concerning these purchases

in 1683 and 1684. This chief was at
Philadelphia with several others and
he said that when Penn was at Al-
bany trying to buy the Susquehanna
land, he (Penn) said to the Five Na-
tions, 'Well, my brethren you have
gained the victory. You have over-
come the people and the land is
yours. We shall buy them of you.
How many commanders are there
among you? And being told there
were 40, he said: "If you will come
down to me I will give each of these
commanders a suit of clothes such as
I wear,"— (See 3 C. R., 372). From
this we see that Penn had to go tit)
New York to deal.

1685— Penn Succeeds in Making An-
other Land Purchase, Stretching
Back to the Susquehanna
River.

In Vol. 1 of Watson's Annals, pp.
142 and 143 is set forth a land treaty
under the date of the 30th of July,
1685 between Penn on the one part
and Shackoppoh, Secane, Malibore
and Tangoras, Indian Shackamakers
and owners of the land between
Chester Creek and Dublin Creek be-
ginning at Conshohookin (Matson's
Fort) on the River Schuylkill then
to go northwestwardly to the woods
to make up two full days' journey, as
far as a man can travel in two days,
which Watson says extends back to
the Susquehanna River and no fur-
ther at that time in that treaty, the
consideration is 200 fathoms of wam-
pum, 30 guns, 60 fathoms of strawd-
! waters, 30 kettles, 30 shirts, 20 gun
belts, 12 pairs of stockings, 30 pairs
I of scissors, 30 combs, 30 axes, 30
| knives, 20 tobacco tongs, 30 bars of
I lead, 30 pounds of powder, 30 awls,
j 30 glasses, 30 tobacco boxes, 3 papers
j of beads, 44 pounds of red lead, 30
i pairs of hawks' bells, 6 drawing

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

135

knives, 6 caps, and 12 hoes. We can
not tell much about the boundaries
of this strange sale of lands, but the
deed for the same may be seen in
Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p. 92.
There is, however a letter by Thomas
Holmes to the Indians above named
briefly describing this land dated the
7th of July, 1688 which may be found
in Vol. 3 of the Memoirs of the His-
torical Society, Part 2, p. 131. As it is
connected with this purchase but at
the same time contains items falling
under 1688, I will notice it at large
under the latter date of 1688 to which
date the reader is referred for the
full particulars under an item en-
titled, "The Boundaries t>f the Walk-
ing Purchases of 1685 and 1686 ex-
tending to Susquehanna River, and
the Fixing of the Boundary lines
Thereof."

1685— Another Tract Purchased by

Penn Which May Extend to the

Susquehanna River.

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 95, there is set forth a deed from
Petkhoy Kekelappan, Feomus Mack-
aloha and Packenah and several
other Indians for all the land be-
tween Duck Creek and Chester Creek
along the West side of the Delaware
and between the two creeks back
ward as far as a man can ride in tw
days with a horse for the considera-
tion of 20 guns, 20 fathoms of Mate:
coats, 20 fathoms of strawdwater, 20
blankets, 20 kettles, 20 pounds of
powder, 100 bars lead, 40 tomahawks
100 knives, 40 pairs of stockings, 1
barrel of beer, 20 pounds of red lead,
100 fathoms of wampum, 30 glass
bottles, 30 pewter spoons, 100 awl
blades, 300 tobacco pipes, 100 hands
of tobacco, 20 tobacco tongues, 20
steels, 300 flints, 30 pairs of scissors,
30 combs, 60 looking-glasses, 200
needles, 1 skiple of salt, 30 pounds of

shugar, 5 gallons of mollasses, 20 to-
bacco boxes, 100 juice harps, 20 hows
30 gimlets, 30 wooden borers, and 100
strings of beads.

Two days of horse-back riding
would bring one to the Susquehanna
River but at what part of the river
this land joins it, we cannot tell
either to what extent the Susque-
hanna Indians joined in the deed but
we to recognize in it the names of
Mackaloha and Kepelappan, who by
prior deeds each sold small pieces of
land towards the Susquehanna River
as the deeds themselves show, for
which see ante.

This tract is also similar to the one
preceding and therefore Thomas
Holmes' letter likely refers to it as
well as to the preceding tract for
these are both "walking purchases."
See under the date of 1688 the letter
of Holmes and the other explanations
under the title "The Boundaries of
the Walking Purchases of 1685 and

1686 Extending to the Susquehanna
River, and the Fixing of the Bound-
ary Lines Thereof."

1687— Council Orders that No Offense

be Given the Susquehanna

Indians.

The first few years of Penn's Gov-
ernment gives us very little on the
subject of the Indians of the Susque-
hanna Country. It is said that they
were present at the great treaty at
Philadelphia and frequeDtly went to
Philadelphia., but there is very little
official record of it. However, at the
Council meeting on the 10th of May,

1687 it was ordered that "as to the
Susquehanua and Schuylkill Indians,
we hope s-ich care and diligence will
be taken as will give no just occasion
for offense." This order was called
forth because a letter from the Gov-
ernor of New York stated there was
likely to be difficulty between the

136

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Susquehanna Indians and
York subjects.

the New

1687— Indian Koad or Trail from the
Susquehanna River to the Dela-
ware River.

William Penn writing in 1690 says
that "three years ago" a road was
definitely cut and laid out between
Philadelphia and the Susquehanna
country which he says is the course

1688— The Boundaries of the Walking:
Purchases of 1685 and 1686 Ex-
tending: to Susquehanna River,
and the Fixing of the
Boundary Lines
Thereof.
Under the date of the 7th of July,
1688 Thomas Holmes wrote a letter
to the Indian Chiefs who sold to
Penn in 1685 and 1686 the land
stretching from the Susquehanna

the Indians on the Susquehanna took Riyer tQ the Deiaware River, which
when trading in Philadelphia. He j IeUer may be £ound ^ Vq1 3 Qf the
says they also had a way by water , Memoirs of the Historical Society,

; part 2, p. 131 and is entitled "A letter
as to Indian Lands at Susquehanna
and the article in which it occurs is
called "Indian Treaties for Lands
Now the Site of Philadelphia" by
John Watson. This letter is as fol-
lows: "To My Very Loving Friends:
Malibor and
Tangoras, Indian Kings, and to Mack-

Susquehanna (which I believe is the
Conestoga), thence down a branch
which flows into the Schuylkill 30
miles from Philadelphia (which I be-
lieve is French Creek). The sources
of the Conestoga and French Creek

are only a few miles apart and this j Shakahoppah7 Secan;
was likely the Indian course. What

Penn says of the trail may be found | ' "~^r~ ~ m """' Z n< • u~

„ , 7? M ,, a. n inn r ' ecarbo, Wawoan, Tenoughan, Tericha

in Vol. 1 of Hazard's Reg., p. 400. I j ., _ „„,,,„ TnAtn„ a^^^.v

cite this to show that there were
Susquehanna Indian trade activities

Neson, Haiken, Indian Shackamak-
ers: WThereas I have purchased and
bought of you, the Indian Kings and

at this time with the Philadelphia j Shackamakers for the use of William
settlement. Penn &n yQur landg frQm Pamapeck

1687-RaIuh Fretwell's Visit to the | Creek to uPland Creek and so back~

ward to Chesapeake Bay and Susque-

Susquehanna Indians.

In Vol. 19 of the Second Series of
the Penna. Archives, p. 13 there is
a letter from William Penn referring
to the Susquehanna Country dated
1687 and in it he speaks of Ralph

hanna two days' journey — that is to
say as far as a man can go in two
days as under the hands and seals of
you the said Kings may appear; and
to the end I may have a certain
knowledge of the lands backwards

Fretwell having ridden out to view j and that I may be enabled and be
that river, the Susquehanna. What [ provided against the time for running
Fretwell's mission was I can not tell j the said two days' journey I appoint
except it may have been connected ! and authorize my loving friend Ben-
with the Susquehanna project and it I jamin Chambers, of Philadelphia/with
may have been taken before 1687 but j a convenient number of men to as-
we can not tell anything about that. ! sist him to make out a westerly line
It is quite certain, however, that he from Philadelphia to Susquehanna,
had a conference with the Indians i that so the said line may be prepared
in that section for the benefit of the ! and made ready for said two days'
Province of Pennsylvania. | journey backward hereafter when no-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIANS

137

tice is given you, the said Kings....
....Witness my hand & seal the 7th
of the fifth month called July, being
the fourth year of the reign of the
Great King of England and the eighth
of our Proprietor William Penn's
Government."

(Signed) THOMAS HOLMES.

In the same book and on the same
page John Watson says, "The fore-
going is recorded in a large folio in
the Land Office at Harrisburg in
Book 14, 'Old Surveys and Registry
of Land Warrants.' With the same
paper is a diagram of the ground plot
of the survey. It goes in a direct line
from Philadelphia to a spot on the
Susquehanna River about three miles
above the mouth of the Conestoga
Creek near a spot marked 'Fort De-
molished.' The lines cross two In-
dians paths, running each Northwest
by North, the first at 15 miles from
Philadelphia, at 'Rocky Run' and the
other 38 miles distant near 'a rivulet'
two miles beyond 'Doe Run.' "

It might be a matter of curiosity
at this day to observe and ascertain
the precise locality of those primitive
roads and passes used from time im-
memorial by the aborigines probably
the only ones so specificially marked
in our country.

It will be observed that even be-
fore Penn's day there had been a
Fort constructed by some Christian
people upon the shores of that (Sus-
quehanna) river.

This throws some light on both of
the walking purchases and shows that
they both extended back to the Sus-
quehanna River. As to these pur-
chases see the Articles under the
date of 1685, setting forth these two
purchases the one as far back as a
man could walk in two days the
other as far back as a man could
ride in two days, both reached the
Susquehanna.

There is a tradition that the In-
| dians were much dissatisfied with
j a purchase that Penn had made from
| them to be measured by walking and
j the objecton that the Indians made
i was that while it was to be measured
( in that manner the young English-
| men walked farther and faster than
| they expected, in fact they complain-
| ed that they ran or as they put it,
| "young brother make a big walk."
j This as we have said before is also
j another authority on the location of
j the Susquehanna Fort, to wit: three
miles above the mouth of the Cones-
I toga Creek which would place it on
: the rocky cliffs between Highville
j and Creswell, a place absolutely in-
accessible from the Susquehanna
River and being that great rocky
bluff over 200 feet high, extending
perpendicularly to the edge of the
river through which the low grade
branch of the Pennsylvania Railroad
has recently constructed at the cost
at that place of nearly $1,000,000 a
mile. When this Fort was demolish-
ed can not be ascertained but under
the date of 1664 it is stated that
"Francis White is by an order of the
House gone on a special service for
the Province of Maryland to the Sus-
quehannock Fort, etc." See Vol. 1 of
the Maryland Archives, p. 511.

This would indicate that the Fort
was standing at this time but Holmes
says in 1688 it was demolished and
it is so marked on his draft. The
location of the old Susquehannock
Fort has given rise to a great deal of
speculation.

That a definite line in 1688 should
be run from Philadelphia to the Sus-
quehanna River, to a point 3 miles
above the mouth of the Conestoga
Creek, to a specific spot "Demolish-
ed Fort" is very remarkable and
noteworthy. This was only six years
after Penn's arrival and before even

138

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Indian Traders from Philadelphia
were here. It shows that at

that time there were occasional
searchings into the woods and that
not only the Susquehanna, but also
the Forts were well known. Our In-
dians no doubt journeying to Phila-
delphia as we see by the Colonial
Records they did during and before
this year, give accounts of the Glor-
ies of the Susquehanna River.

1089 — Kumor that the French and
Senecas are Coming to Destroy
the Conestosri and Sur-
rounding Settlements.

By the year 1689 it would appear
a great change had come over the
Five Nations as to their attitude to-
ward the Indians of the Susquehanna
country. It seems that the French by
this time had won them over from
the English. At any rate under this
date in Vol. 1 of the Colonial Rec,
p. 299 it is set forth that the Gov-
ernor acquainted the Council that he
called the Council together for the
particular reason that it was rumored
that 8000 French and Indians in con-
junction with the Papists v/ere com-
ing toward Conestoga and Maryland
and that neighborhood for the pur-
pose of ruining the Protestants in
Maryland and Delaware, and that the
Sheriffs and Justices of the Counties
of Delaware are coming themselves
for defense. He further stated that
he had received a letter from "Cap-
tain Letort, a Frenchman living up
the country, agreeing therewith."
This rumor first arose in April of
1689 and grew out of two letters sent
to the Council by the Justices and
Sheriffs of Sussex County, stating
there was an intended invasion on
Maryland "by Sennekers (Senecas)
and French." This latter reference
is found at page 277 of the same book.
It turned out to be unfounded but

I it shows the continual fear to which
j Conestoga was subject. A subsequent
article will also show that the Sen-
i ecas had not drifted from the Eng-
! lish to the French but were the
1 friends of the English and our In-
dians on the Susquehanna and that
the only foundation for this rumor
| was that a company of Senecas had
, a misunderstanding with the French
J and intended to come to the Susque-
; hanna to live.

1689— The First French Traders Up

Among the Indians of

Susquehanna.

At p. 299 of the book cited in the
last item we have a reference to
"Captain Letort, a Frenchman living
I up the country." This was the fam-
ous James Letort who with his wife
Ann were Indians traders along the
I Susquehanna River. I do not know
; just where he lived at this time but it
; is likely that he was among the In-
dians of this neighborhood because a
few years later he was known as an
old resident about Conestoga. It is
; likely too that he had associate
| traders as early as 1689 because in
Vol. 2 of the Colonial Records, p.
j 131 under the date of 1704 it is stated
that Martin Charter "has lived a long
j time among the Shawnese Indians
and upon the Susquehanna." And
j 1698 is not even a long time before
\ 1704. So that we deem it safe to say
here that these two were the earliest
| traders among the Susquehanna In-
dians. Rupp also says in his history
of Lancaster County, p. 53 that Mar-
tin Charter had a trading station
among the Shawnese at Pequea near
Conestoga. As to this man James
Letort, while he was a Frenchman it
is stated at p. 100 of Vol. 2 of the
Colonial Records that he was "bred
in it (Pennsylvania) from his in-
fancy," so it appears that he was a

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

139

long time in some part of Pennsy-
lvania.

1690 — A Commissioner Seat Up to the

Schuylkill and Susquehanna

Country Indians.

In Vol. 10 of the Colonial Records,
p. 334, under the date of 1690 it is
stated that Lassie Cock intends to
go up the Schuylkill among our In-
dians and he was instructed to make
particular inquiry concerning the am-
munition which the few French fam-
ilies had, who lived up on that river.
Here again we see the fear of French
invasion and the danger of the French
weaning our Indians to them at this
time. We must also notice that the
French were actually living on the
Upper Schuylkill and our Indians
were very much afraid because of it.

1680 — Susquehanna Indians Trading
With Philadelphia.

It will be remembered that William
Penn in the year 1690 in his prospec-
tus concerning the settlement and a
new County on the Susquehanna,
which is set out in Vol. 1 of Haz.
Reg., p. 400, speaks of the Susque-
hanna Indians trading with Phila-
delphia at this time and prior by
means of a branch of the Susque-
hanna River which lies near a branch
of the Schuylkill. We have spoken
of this before but I quote it now
merely for the purpose of calling at-
tention to the fact that there was In-
dian trade at this time west to the
Susquehanna River; its common
course by water was up the Cones-
toga to its source then three or four
miles over-land to the source of
French creek then down French
creek to the Schuylkill and down the
Schuylkill. William Penn speaks of
it as follows, saying that this was
the "common course of the Indians
with their skins and furs into our
parts and to the Province and East

and West Jersey from the Western
parts of the continent, where they
bring them." He also says that they
had a more direct course "laid out
between the two rivers very exactly
and conveniently at least three years
ago." All this goes to show that the
Susquehanna tribes of Indians were
trading at this date with Philadelphia.

1690 — Camnanius on the Minquas and
Other Indians of the Susquehanna.

We have spoken before under a
much earlier date (as early as 1640
to 1650) of the trade which Old Cam-
panius says existed between the Sus-
quehannocks and the Swedish settle-
ments. He wrote however, about the
year 1690, and from his writings we
infer that what he said existed earl-
ier continued at this latter date and
for a particular description of it the
reader is referred to ante, p. 26.

1690— A Branch of the Senecas At

Enmity With the French Design

to Come to Susquehanna

and Lire.

In Vol. 8 of the Maryland Archives,
p. 181, there is a letter from Jacob
Young to Hanns John Good, Com-
mander-in-Chief of Maryland, near
the Potomac in which he says: — "Sir
I have no great matter further than
this at this time. There are at my
house 14 Chinockes (Senecas), and
they tell me they have cut off the
principal place of Canada, except the
place where the Government doth
reside. They likewise tell me they
have at the fort they belong to Unan-
dake (Onondago) above 100 prison-
ers of the French and the rest of the
posts have rather more. These Sen-
ecas came from their own country
about the last of April and their in-
tent is to settle among the Susque-
hanna Indians here upon the Susque-
hanna River for there are some of

140

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

every fort of the Senecas coming
down to them and they tell me that
their great men will be down very
shortly. I do desire your Honor's
instructions what I may do with
them as soon as possible you can.
Nothing else at present but my ser-
vices to your honor, I am yours to
command," (Signed) Jacob Young.

I believe from this it will be plain
to see the Sheriffs and Justices of
the counties of Delaware were en-
tirely mistaken in their report that
9000 French and Senecas were com-!
ing down to destroy the settlements '
at Conestoga, on the Susquehanna!
and through Maryland. I believe
that this article explains it fully that
it was nothing more or less than
these Senecas coming down among
our Susquehanna Indians; and also
that it is not true that the French
were with them but these Senecas
plainly show they had severed friend-
ly relations with the French and be-
cause of the enmity between them
and the French large numbers of
them intended to settle on the Sus-
quehanna among the English. We
also see here how exaggerated the
reports of Indians invasions were
likely to become, the actual coming
of a couple of dozen was rumored to
be 9000. It shows to us very clearly
the nervous and fearful life the early
Colonists lived.

1090— The Senecas and Susquehanna

Indians Want to Confirm Peace

With Maryland

In Vol. 8 of the Maryland Archives,
p. 207 there is a letter from Mr. Neal
Blakiston to the Governor of Mary-
land in which he says that the Pis-
cataway Indians complain that their
men are being killed in Maryland and
they think that the Susquehannocks
are doing it. The letter then pro-
ceeds to say, "The Indian Convention

for this Province is to meet at St.
Mary's the 29th. When there we ex-
pect to see some of the Senecas and
Susquehannocks who have sent to the
Governor expressing their desire to
treat with us and to confirm the for-
mer league of friendship to which the
Committee return them a very ami-
cable answer signifying our readiness
to embrace and ratify the same; and
in case they could not afford us an
interpreter, then a time is to be fixed
and a place is to be appointed for
that purpose, and we will furnish an
interpreter."

This amicable spirit of the Susque-
hannocks shows itself quite plainlv
here.

1692— An Indian Expedition Up the
Susquehanna.

In Vol. 8 of the Maryland Archives,
| P. 343, there is a letter dated July
j 18, 1692 which is written by John
| Thomas to Mr. George Ashman and
jit is as follows: "I have been up at
j Captain Richardson's this very day
with 16 horse and we were going
up to Mr. Thurston's hut, I was very
well informed that the Indians were
gone away up the Susquehanna, and
they were peaceable and did nobody
any harm and very friendly they
were. But later the Indians did fire
off several guns at the hogs and kill-
ed some of them." From this it ap-
pears that Maryland Indians were
journeying back and forth in business
intercourse with the Susquehannocks.
1692 — Testimony Concerning the
French Among the Susque-
hannocks.
In Vol. 8 of the Maryland Archives
PP. 517 and 518 there appear cer-
tain depositions taken before the
Council of Maryland on the subject of
improper friendliness between the
French and the Susquehannock In-
dians. It is there stated that Captain

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

141

Herman and Jacob Young were call- I
ed and examined and they say that I
the Susquehannock Indians now
brought down declared that they know
those other Indians at the head of Jthe
Bay to come from the Southward and
are called the Stabbernowle; and that
generally all the Indians in their
parts know them to be the same;
then the Frenchmen and Indians were
called in, viz: one Susquehannock and j
another a King of the Southern In- i
dians. Demand was made of the Sus- |
quehannock Indians how long the [
Frenchmen have been among them. I
The Susquehannock Indians said, j
"When those strange Indians went I
Northward then the Frenchmen came
to them nearly two years and have
since been traveling toward the
Southward before they found a con- I
venient place of setting down and j
there they lived three years. The
Seneca woman told him, the said In-
dian, that a Frenchman about five
years ago ran away from the North-
ern Indians to the Southern Indians
being reduced to a small number and
as it were newly grown up, they de-
sire the power of the Governor and
Council that they may have liberty
to come and settle upon their own
lands and the Susquehannock Fort
and to be taken and treated as
friends and have liberty to come
among the English without moiestta-
tion."

It was answered that their fort, as
they called it falling within the limits
of another government, viz: Penn-
sylvania, this government can take no
notice thereof and if as they pretend
they are in league with the Mohawks,
our friends, we shall not disturb
them as long as they live peacebly.

It was then decided as far as the
Susquehannock Indians were con-
cerned that they may continue at
their fort and as they are inclined

to enter into a league with us there,
may be some of their great men may
come down to confirm the same, and
if they do they shall be kindly treat-
ed, and then also must make choice
of some great man to preside over
them as Captain Civility formerly
did and as they now desire. Then
the interpreter asked the Susque-
hann Indians, since the Government
have declared their opinion concern-
ing the strange Indians what nation
they were of; and the Susquehanna
Indians replied that there are two
parties of them, one going to the
Northward, designing to join the
Senecas in their war, and those here
who have desired to settle among us
and be at peace and are called the
Stabbernowle Indians."

The whole tenor of this interview
shows that there is a pretty sound
peace now established between the
Susquehanna Indians and Maryland
and also between them and the In-
habitants of Pennsylvania. It must
be remembered however, at this time
there were no Pennsylvania in-
habitants in and about Conestoga ex-
cept the one or two traders of whom
we have already spoken.

1693— The Letorts Suspected of Dis-
affection Against the English

In Vol. 1 of the Colonial Records,
p. 396 under the date of 1693 is set
for an information against Ann Le-
tort who several weeks before the
date of the complaint had some con-
versation with an Indian King who
resented the unkindness of the Eng-
lish and said that the English would
soon all be driven out and that the
French were making overtures to
the Pennsylvania Indians again for
the land and will take it from the
English. This Indian King said that

142

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Peter Bassillion and Madam Letort
told him this and that they were in-
terested in helping the French.

The information further sets forth
that about a year before strange In-
dians came to Letort's plantation and
would not tell anything about their
business; at another time Anna Le-
tort said that there was no path for
the Swedes and English rogues
through the country near her house
and she also ran and got a horse
whip and lashed one of the men and
called for others to help her. This
complaint also states that about a
year ago Bassallion and Mrs. Le-
tort sent a lot of letters to certain
strange Indians.

As a result of the complaint Mrs.
Ann Letort was brought before Coun-
cil to make an answer and it appear-
ed that she and her husband and
some other Frenchmen were rather
dangerous.At any rate the next month
a warrant was issued out against her
and Bassillion and several others to
come and stand trial. At the hearing
she denied everything and she was
left off rather easy. — See (C. R., p.
435.)

I cite this in connection with Lan-
caster County Indian affairs because
Ann Letort and her husband lived
mostly at Conestoga; and Peter Bas-
sallion did part of the time. As to
Bassallion see 2 C. R., p. 186. The
purpose of the article is to show
simply how much care was required
to prevent the French from weaning
away our Indians in this neighbor-
hood.

1G94— The Delaware Indians Visit
Philadelphia.

I speak of the Delaware Indians as
a tribe of the Susquehanna Country
because as we shall show later (2
Col. Rec, p. 469) they moved from the
Schuylkill River to the Susquehanna
River in 1709. They were the Indians

who after Braddock's defeat did the
murdering and scalping about Carlisle
and Shippensburg and other central
points of Pennsylvania.

In 1 C. R., p. 447 under the date of
1694 eight of the Delaware chiefs
visited the Council at Philadelphia
and represented to the Council that
■the Five Nations especially the Sene-
cas had sent them, the Delawares, a
belt of wampum, stating that " you
Delaware Indians do nothing but
scay at home and boil your pots and
are like women, while we, the Onon-
dagoes and Senecas go abroad and
fight against the enemy." They fur-
ther complain that the Senecas want
them to be partners to go and fight
against the French, but they say that
they, the Delawares are peaceful In-
dians and do not intend to go, and
are going to the Indians of the Sus-
quehanna river which River they af-
terwards made their home.

1694 — Two Susqueliannock Indian
Chiefs Visit the Council.

In Vol. 1 of the 'Colonial Records,
p. 448, it is stated that at three
| o'clock on the 6th day of July, 1694
it was decided to send the belt back.
This is sufficient to show the re-
J lation of these Delaware Indians with
| Lieutenant Governor Markham ; and
ihis Council were acquainted that
J Kyanharro and Oriteo two Susque-
i hanna Indians present and had some-
thing to say and in replying could
not be understood, and desire Menan-
izes to speak for them.

Their message to Council was that
a certain Indian come from the Cay-
ugas to the Susquehanna's (Kyan-
harro's) house to see him, and that
I on the way they had to fight the Tit-
jwas or naked Indians. And the Sus-
quehanna King desired that the Gov-
ernment would allow these visiting
Indians to live with at Susquehanna

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

143

under protection.

1694— The Five Nations Desert the
English; and Join the French, and
Want to Compel the Susquehanna
Indians and Other Pennsylvania
Indians to Desert Also,
Under the date of the 23rd of May
1694, in Vol. 1 of the Colonial Re-
cords, p. 459 is set forth a statement
of Governor Benjamin Fletcher, who
at this time was Governor of Pennsyl-
vania as well as New York, the King
of England having taken the Govern-
ment out of Penn's hands) to the
effect that "the Five Nations were
now debauched to the French inter-
ests and are entering into a league
with the Governor of Canada."
Fletcher then says, "I must assure
you that our Indians here will be
compelled to join in this fatal con-
federacy."

Nothing need be added to this ex-
cept that consequences of a very ser-
ious nature are about to befall the
Indians of the Susquehanna River;
and that they are now evidently be-
tween the Devil and the deep sea.

1696 — Susquehannocks, Senecas and
Shawnese Now All at Peace with
Maryland.

It would seem that the defection of
the Five Nations to the French did
not last very long because at this
date only two years later it is stat-
ed in 19th Maryland Archives, p.
319 at a Council held in Maryland,
that "Colonel Herman acquaints the
House that the Senecas, Susquehan-
nas and Shawnese Indians have de-
sired peace with this Province and
also that they might be in league
and trade with us."

So here it appears that at least the
Senecas, if not all of the Five Na-
tions want both peace and trade ar-
rangements with the English in

| Maryland.

The same facts are noticed in the
I proceedings of the Assembly of Mary-
I land, in Vol. 19, of the Maryland
| Archives, p. 363 where it was "re-
j solved that his Excellency the Gover-
| nor be acquainted that this house
s have discoursed with Colonel Her-
1 man, who acquaints them that the
Relique of the Senecas and Susque-
hannas with the Shawnese had de-
sired peace with this Province, and
that they might be in league and
trade here; and that the House de-
sires of his Excellency, if he think
it may be beneficial to this Province
to enter into peace with them."
1696— Letort and Bazallion, the Sus-
quehanna River Indian Traders,

Also Operate in Maryland.
In Vol. 20 of the Maryland Arch-
ives, p. 470 is set forth a part of a
letter from William Markham, Gov-
ernor of Pennsylvania to the Gover-
nor of Maryland as follows: Sir: —
Upon a copy of what Colonel Herman
gave unto your Excellency and Coun-
cil, I shall require security for Bas-
sallion and Letort, though I know
will still be uneasy until he gets all
the Indian trade himself. I have
known Colonel Herman a long time
and that he trades for himself in the
Susquehanna is better known than
trusted. I enclose to your Excellency
I what I found among cast away
I papers. Bassallion was in equal par-
! tnership with Petit and Sallway,
though it went in only their own
| names, Bassallion coming in after
i the other had forwarded for the voy-
! age and after the cargo was over-
s thrown, I demanded the left cargo
and Bassalion had one-third. As
! to Letort, he is a Protestant, was
I sent over in the year 1686 with a
| considerable cargo and several
I French Protestants to settle 30,000

144

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

acres of land up the Schuylkill that I direction he first leases them to Penn
they had bought from William Penn | for 1000 years and then sells them to
and that is the place he lives at. ! him absolutely. This lease is found
Other houses were built and families j at page 121 of Vol. 1 of the Penna.
settledthem that he brought with I Archives, and is as follows:
him, but being so far up in the coun- | .<THIg INDENTURE, made the
try they deserted him. This Letort j twelfth day of January ,Anno Dom.,
was going for England in the ship j 169g and in the Eighth Yeare of the
with Governor Hamilton but he was | reigne Qf Qur Sovereign> Lord Wil-
taken. Letort was carried to Tholoun j ^^ the Third> Ring of England;
and narrowly escaped the galleys but j between Thomas Dongan, late Gover-
after a long and hard usage got into j nQr of New York and now of London,
England, where he became acquaint- | Egq Qf the one part> and William
edwith theWest Jersey Company and j penn Governor of the pr0vince of
they understanding that his house Pensilvania in America, of the other
stood upon the Schuylkill upon a con- part witnesSeth that the said
venient place for trade with the In- Thomas Dongan) for and in consid-

dians contracted with him to trade

eration, of the sum of one hundred

for them there; and wrote to their i poundg of lawful money of England
agent to supply him with goods. It , tQ him [n hand paW> by the gaid
is not many days since that he went I Willlam Penn> the right whereof is
to Burlington to make up his account j hereby acknowledged> HATH demis-

with the agent, intending to soon as
conveniently can for England. Gov-
ernor Hamilton will give a very good
account of him."

This letter by Markham makes
clear where this famous James Le-
tort lived before he moved to Cones-
toga, and it also shows that his trade
as well as Bassallion's extended over
a wide territory all the way from the
Schuylkill to the Susquehanna and
even to the Potomac.

1696 — Governor Dungan Leases Back

to Penn the Land to Dungan

by the Susquehannock

Indians.

In Vol. 2 of Smith's laws, p. Ill it
is stated that the deed from the In-
dians to Governor is not known to
exist. We have, however, shown that
all this Susquehanna land was sold
by our Indians to Dungan about 1684.
Now during a lapse of 12 years Dun-
gan as we have shown in the former
article held the lands only in trust
for the Indians; and now at their

sed and granted, and by these pre-
sents doth demise and grant unto the
said William Penn, ALL that Tract
of Land lyeing upon, on both sides of
the River commonly called or known
by the name of the Susquehanna
River and the Lakes adjacent, in our
near the Province of Pennsylvania,
in America, Beginning at the moun-
tains or head of the said river, and
running as far as and into the Bay
of Chesapeake, with all Isles, Is-
lands, Mines, Minerals, Woods, Fish-
ings, Hawkings, huntings, Fowlings,
and all other Royalties, profits, com-
odityes and hereditaments unto the
same belonging which the said
Thomas Dungan lately purchased of
or had given him by Sinneca Susque-
hanna Indians and also all the lands,
hereditaments, Isles, Islands, Rivers,
Royalties, mines, minerals, lakes,
waters, profitts, priviledges, and ap-
putenances, whatsoever lyeing on
both sides of the Susquehanna River,
and near adjoining thereto, which he
the said Thomas Dungan did, at, any

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

145

time purchase, or which were at any
time given unto them by the said In-
dians, or any of them. TO HAVE
AND TO HOLD, unto the said Wil-
liam Penn, his Executors, Adminis-
trators and Assigns, from the day of
date hereof, for and unto the end and
Term of One Thousand years, PAY-
ING unto the said Thomas Dongan,
his Executors and Administrators,
yearly, and every year on the First
day of St. Mitchell, the Arch Angell,
the rent of a pepper Corn, if the same
shall be lawfully demanded to the
intent and purpose that by force and
virtue of these presents and of the
Statute for transferring of uses into
possession, the said William Penn
may be in the actuall possession of
the premisses, and may thereby be
the better enabled to attempt and
take a grant, release or other Con-
veyance, of the revercion and inheri-
tance thereof, to the use of Himself, |
his heirs and Assigns forever. IN j
WITNESSE whereof the said parties |
as Duplicates to the other Indentures
of the same contents and are here- j
with sett their hands. Seales Dated
the day and year first above written.
THOMAS DUNGAN, (L. S.)

Sealed and delivered, being first j
Stampt according to Act of Parliiant
in ye presence of

SAM. VAUS,
FR'. HARDING,
WM. SPRINGETT."
1696 — Governor Dungan Now Deeds

Back to Penn Absolutely, the
Lands Sold to Him in Trust
by the Susquehan-
nocks.

The reason that the Governor first
leased these .same lands to Penn was
to meet an old law, which required
that in order that a perfect estate
might be taken by a purchaser
should first have a lease hold in the

same. At least it is so stated in the
lease and deed which we are now
considering. The deed of this Sus-
quehanna Country may be found in
Vol. 1 of the Pennsylvania Archives,
p. 122, as follows:

" THIS INDENTURE made the
Thirteenth day of January, Anno
Dom., 1696, and in the eighth year of
the reign of our Soverign Lord, Wil-
liam, the Third, King of England,
etc., BETWEEN, Thomas Dongan late
Governor of New Yorke, and now of
London, Esq., of the one part, and
William Penn, Governor of the Pro-
vince of Pennsilvania, in America, of
the other part, WITNESSETH that
the said Thomas Dongan, for, and in
consideration of the sum of One Hun-
dred Pounds of lawfull money of
England, to him in hand paid, by the
said William Penn,the receipt where-
of is hereby acknowledged, HATH
granted, Enfeffoed, released, and
confirmed, and by these presents doth
grant, enfeoffe, release and confirm
unto the said William Penn, and his
heirs, ALL that Tract of land, lye-
ing upon, on both sides of the river
commonly or known, by the name of
Susquehanna River, and the Lakes
adjacent in or neare the Province of
Pennsylvania in America, beginning
at the Mountains or head of the said
river, and running as far as and into
the Bay of Chesapeake, with all Isles,
Islands, Mines, Minerals, Woods,
Fishings, Hawkings, Huntings, Fowl-
ings, and all ther Royalties, profitts,
comodities, and hereditaments, unto
the same belonging, which the said
Thomas Dongan lately purchased of,
or had given him by the Sennica Sus-
quehanna Indians, and, also all the
lands, hereditaments, Isles, Islands,
Rivers, Royalties, Mines, Minerals,
also Lakes, Waters, profits, privi-
ledges and appertences, whatsoever
belonging on both sides of the Sus-

146

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

quehanna River, and near and adja-
cent thereto, which he the said
Thomas Dongan, did at any time pur-
chase, or which were at any time
given unto him by the said Indians
or any of them which said islands and
premises are in the possession of the
said William Penn, by virtue of a
lease thereof, for One Thousand
years, bearing the date of the next
day next before the date hereof, TO
HAVE AND TO HOLD, to the said
William Penn, his heirs and assignes
to the only use and hehooffe of the
the said William Penn, his heirs and
assigns, AND the said Thomas Don-
gan for himself, his heirs, Executors,
and Administrators, doth Covenant,
promise, grant and agree to and with
said William Penn, his heirs and
assignes by these presents, that he
the said Thomas Dongan, and his
heirs, all and singular, the said Lands
and Premises, with the appurtes un-
to the said William Penn and his
heirs, against the said Thomas Don-
gan, his heirs and Assigns and all
other person and persons, having or
claiming to have or claim from by
or under him, them or any of them,
and also against all and every the
Senneca, Sasquehanna Indians, shall
and will Warrant and forever defend.
IN WITNESS whereof the said part-
ies have to these present Indentures,
oy Certificates to the other Indent-
ures of the same intents and date
herewith interchangeably sett their
hands and seals, dated the day and
year first above written.

THOMAS DONGAN,
Sealed and delivered, being first
Stampt according to Act of Parlia-
ment, In ye presence of
SAM. VAUS,
WM. SPRINGETT,
FR. HARDING."

1697 — Erroneous Belief that the
Shawnese Indians Came to
Pequea in this Year.

It is generally stated that the
Shawnese came to Pequea in 1697
from the South but as we have shown
before this is the wrong date.
They came here in 1678,— See on this
same subject Vol. 1 of the Penna.
Archives, p. 312 and Vol. 3 of the
Colonial Records, p. 441.

1697— Steelman Goes as Spy to Sug-
quehanna River: Only 40 Origi-
nal Susquehannocks Left.

In Vol. 19 of the Maryland Archives
p. 519 it is set forth as part of the
proceedings of the Maryland Assem-
bly that "the Speaker attended by
the whole House came and Captain
Hans Steelman being called into con-
ference was required to give an ac-
count of what he has done pursuant
to the order of the Council given him
in charge; and he says that accord-
ing to the order he went to the Sus-
quehannocks and other Indians at
the head of the Bay; that the Dela-
ware King and the Chanhannan
King would have come along with
him, but that their great men were
gone abroad a hunting and because
he understood that the rest were
willing to come down about a month
hence, he did not bring them with
him.

He reports that at Carristauga
(Conestoga) the Susquehanna and
Seneca Indians have about 40 young
lusty men besides women and chil-
dren; that the Sheavana (Sawnese)
Indians being about 30 men besides
their women and children, are living
within four miles of Carristauga
lower down and submit themselves
and pay tribute to the 'Susquehanna
Indians and the Senesas.

He says that the Delaware Indians
live at Ninguannan about nine miles

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

147

from the head of the Elk River and
15 miles from Christiana and 30
miles from Susquehanna River, and
are about 300 men and are tributary
to the Senecas and Susquehannocks,
50 of them being at Nuiguahannan
and the rest upon Brandywine and
Upland Creeks.

He says that the Susquehannocks,
Delawares, and Shawnese do take
themselves to be and are inclinable
to be under this Province because of
their hunting within the same be-
twixt the Susquehanna and the Poto-
macs; and finally he says that too
many people trade with these In-
dians,"— See also pp. 565 and 566.

1698 — The Ganawese Indians Ask
Permission to Settle In Penn-
sylvania.

In Lyle's History of Lancaster
County, p. 11 it is stated that this
year the G'anawese Indians went to
Philadelphia to obtain permission to
settle in Pennsylvania. This date
seems to be a year or two earlier
than the correct date. In Vol. 2 of
the Colonial Records, p. 191 under the
date of 1705 it is stated that "five
years ago the Ganawese or Piscata-
ways settled in this Province near the
head of the Potomac. Here they just
had settled with the consent of the
Proprietary and that the Conestoga
Indians at that time became a guaran-
tee for the good behavior of the Gana-
wese but later in the year of 1705
these Ganawese asked to move to an-
other part of Pennsylvania."

Miss Lyle in her History also says
that the Ganawese settlement was
about Washington Borough, — See p.
12.

1698— Chalkley's Visit to the Indians

in These Parts

Thomas Chalkley, the Quaker

preacher in his collection of works

printed by James & Johnson in Phila-

delphia in 1790. p. 16 says that he
went about the head of the Chesa-
peake Bay and from there to George
Fruit's house; and that with this
friend he went to an Indian town not
far from his friend's house because
he had a desire to see these people,
having never seen any of them be-
fore. I do not undertake to say, how-
ever, that it was the Susquehanna
Indians that he visited, there being
several tribes along the Bay. Chalk-
ley in the same year made another
trip of which he tells us at page 23
of his works, saying that he travelled
from Philadelphia to Maryland and
visited friends on the western shore.
Therefore he likely came through the
Susquehanna Country and most cer-
tainly did' if he reached the Western
shore by going around the head of
Chesapeake Bay instead of crossing
it.

1698— The Location of the Susque-
hanna Remnant Determined.

In Vol. 22 of the Maryland Arch.,
'p. 50 a proceeding is set forth as
follows: "It is proposed that the As-
sembly advise whether the Susque-
hannock Indians where they now live
be within the bounds of the Province
of Maryland or not, — (Md. Archives,
14). And it was decided that as to
the Susquehannock Indians it is con-
cluded they are not within this
(Maryland) Government; and as to the
method of holding an Assembly, the
House do not think fit to draw up a
method," — (Do. p. 39). It was also
proposed "that the house should give
some answer whether they think it
necessary that the Government of
New York should be sent to about
the Indians and if they are of opin-
ion that the Susquehannock Indians
do not live within the bounds of the
Province of Maryland, his Excel-
lency will have nothing to do with

148

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

them since the House are not willing
that an ordinance should be passed
against such persons as entice people

enter into such further articles as
may be proposed to them: and as to
the Piscataway Indians which are

out of the Province. Therefore this daily expected to come and settle
Board do quit themselves of incon- amongst us, if they should not come
venience and danger that may ap- j in before the return of the messeng-
pear." ' ers to the Susquehanna Indians, that

Here we see that the Susquehan- j the Governor shall use such measures
nock Indians or the remnant of the j as he thinks fit."

tribe are again on the Susquehanna j in this we see it is true that
River north of the Maryland line. I the Piscataways or Ganawese In-

1698-Maryland Again Makes a Treaty | dians were moving their home about

this time; and this corresponds with

With the Susquehannocks.

In Vol. 22 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 168 the following note of a treaty
is set forth, being a proceeding in the
Assembly: "This House have read
the treaty made with the Indians at
the head of the Bay by Colonel
Thompson and others and do con-
ceive that the Shawnese came from
the Southward and not in any ways
belonging to the Government of New
York; and the Susquehannock In-
dians are at their old habitation

what we have quoted from the Colon-
ial Records and other sources.

1699— An Act Proposed to Secure the
Frontier of Maryland from the
Invasion of the Susque-
hannocks.

In Vol. 22 of the Maryland Arch.,
pp. 509 and 510 under this date is
set forth an Act of Assembly to pre-
fect the frontiers of Maryland and it
is as follows: —

"Whereas there has been a murder

supposed to be without the limits of i
this Province and that this House j committed by Indians on the frontier
has no assurance of any nation of I Plantations of Potomac River within
Indians at the head of the Potomac." this Province; for the prevention of

The treaty referred to as made by
Colonel Thompson included the Sus-
quehannocks.

1699 — An Embassy Sent to Susque-
hanna.

In Vol. 2 of the Maryland Arch.,
pp. 422 and 423 a report is given of
a session of the Assembly of Mary-

the like for the future:

Be it enacted, etc., that Colonel
Ninian Beall and Captain Richard
Ownes with twelve troopers and six
foot soldiers do range in and about
the frontier plantations for the se-
curity thereof, so long as his Excel-
lency, the Lieutenant-Governor and
Council; and the committee herein-

land wherein it is stated, "The Com- ! after appointed shall see convenient
missioners think it necessary that j to continue the said rangers and that
James Frisby, Esq., or one of his | the said rangers shall be allowed the
Majesty's council should be called I sum of 2 Shillings and 6 Pence for

and also the members of the Bur-
gesses of Baltimore County with what
other persons shall be thought fit to
be dispatched with all convenient
speed to the Susquehanna Indians to
see if they will ratify and confirm the
league already made with them to

each trooper per day, they finding
themselves horses, arms and provis-
ions; and that the two commanders
be paid in money proportionate the
same rate; and that Thomas French
provide for the rangers the quantity
of 600 weight of pork and 1000 weight

OTHEB LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

149

of bisket to be deducted out of the
pa> , and the said rangers and foot
soldiers to be levy-free during ser-
vice, and they shall duly range and
in case any be found to straggle and
not perform their duty they shall lose
three days' pay:

And finally, James Finley, Colonel
Adderson Thompson and John Hale
and what other persons they think
fit be dispatched with all convenient
speed to the Susquehanna Indians to
ratify and confirm the league former-
ly made with them and to enter to
such further articles as by his Excel-
lency, the Governor and Council and
the committee hereinafter appointed
shall propose to them that a present
be given to the said Susquehanna In-
dians and the said committee join
with his Excellency, the Governor
and Council in advising such meas-
ures as will suppress any violence
as may be offered this province by the
Indians, after the breaking up of the
present Assembly."

1700— An Objection Made to the Bill
for Defending Maryland.

In Vol. 24 of the Maryland Archives,
p. 24 under this date the bill for the
security of Maryland being read. Ob-
jection was made against the whole
bill, that his Excellency had lately
made a peace with the Indians "wheth-
er it was not more reasonable upon
the renewing of the peace, instantly
to withdraw the rangers and let the
Indians have the assurance that we
design firmly to observe our promise
and expect the same observance from
them; and to give no occasion to
diffidence and to leave the disposal
of the fort to them; to do them all the
right they can by letting them quiet-
ly enjoy their land; to secure the
friendship of the Susquehannocks
and the Eastern Shore Indians — and
it was carried by a majority of

voices against the bill."

Here we see that one party believ-
ed that the Susquehannock friendship
would be more securely obtained by
withdrawing all troops and not al-
lowing the rangers in the disputed
territory at all; so the bill was de-
feated.

1700 — An Act for Quieting the Dif-
ferences Between Maryland and
the Indians.

In Vol. 24 of the Maryland Archives,
pp. 102 and 103 is set forth an Act
of Assembly by Maryland as follows:
"Whereas, differences have and
may arise and grow between the Eng-
lish and the Indians which for the
want of a speedy way of delivery the
same may make great changes and ill
conveniences, have and may happen
therefrom by controversey being
brought from the remotest parts of
the Province to be heard and testi-
fied before the Governor and Coun-
cil, the great trouble of the persons
concerned.

Be it enacted that the persons in
the Act hereinafter mentioned and
appointed be and hereby authorized
! and empowered to hear and deter-
[ mine all matters of controverseywhat"
1 soever that may arise or happen be-
tween the English and the Indians in
i private or personal controversey
j not exceeding the value of twenty

I Shillings, that is to say for

the Susquehannock, Shawnese and
j Delaware Indians and others on those
I frontiers Col. John Thompson and
Edward Blay be and hereby authoriz-
ed to hear and determine any such
matters and when judgment thereon
is given, either party refusing to per-
form the same the other party by
way of distress take into his custody
the goods and chattels of the offend-
ed and out of the same make full
i satisfaction to the party which was

150

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

wronged, at the discretion so author- | Great men; whereupon our interpre-
ized and the over-plus returned to ters, John Hans and Christian Mounts

the owner."

1700_An Order to Treat the Susque-
hannock Indians With Respect

In Vol. 25 of the Maryland Arch.,

being sworn both to receive and truly
deliver and honestly to interpret. The
Susquehannocks King not being per-
sonally present but only his great
men, we showed ourselves much dis-

pp. 104 and 106 there is set forth the | appointed by reason of his absence,
following: "Pursuant to an order of acquainting them that we expected

his Excellency, dated May 9th, re-
quiring these persons at the head of
the Bay to treat with the Susque-
hannocks, Shawnese and Delawares
as soon as possible and to proceed;
thereupon notice was given by one
of the persons appointed to John
Hans to acquaint the said natives, the
Susquehannocks, Shawnese and Dela-
wares, that on some certain time as
soon as possible to meet us at John
Hans's house, then there as well to
communicate what by this Govern-
ment was given us in charge as to
receive what by their Kings and
Great men they had to communicate
to us; at the day and place, to wit:
the 28th of August 1700, we the said
persons and one of the interpreters
between five and six o'clock in the
evening, it being late we first re-
freshed ourselves, and acquainted
those Indians that were then present,
the Shawnese' and Delawares' Kings
together with their Great men, that
tomorrow morning we should pro-
ceed on our said treaty; they seemed
very willing so we gave them some
drams and they shook us by the
hand; and we went to our repose.

August 29, it being eight of the
clock we, the persons nominated ac-
quainted the said Indians that we

him to be present as well as the other
Kings; but one of the great men
named Cassawetoway allias "In-
dian Harry' has the English tongue
very fluently, begging his excuses, ac-
quainted us that two other Kings,
Kindowagahaw and Sawwaydoggo-
hay (Seneca Kings) were come to
give him a visit and that for these
reasons he could not possibly at-
tend but ordered him with the rest
of the great men to give their at-
tendance to hear what we had to
communicate to them and what they
enacted in that behalf should be con-
firmed by himself.

Then we acquainted them that we
were very glad to see them here and
that if the King together with the
other Kings had come to us, we
would have kindly received and en-
tertained them, which they took
kindly.

We proceeded to acquaint them
that our coming and calling of them
was to ratify and confirm the treaty
of friendship they had already enter-
ed into with us and several other
articles herewith sent which being
consented to and signed by the sev-
eral nations. We gave them nine
match coats and 40 yards of printed
dimity equally distributed among

would proceed upon the treaty and i them, the more firmly to oblige them
accordingly we took our places, when i to tl\e stricter performance of these
were present Ocahale, King of the i articles, now made, ratified and con-
Delaware Indians and his Great men l firmed.

with his interpreter, Captain Hagrup; | We further inquired of them wheth-
and Ophesaw (Opessa), King of the | er any neighboring Indians were de-
Shawnese Indians with Boschaccus j sirous of entering into friendship
his interpreter, together with his ! and amity with us and the said In-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

151

dians. answered that at present there
were not any they knew of; and so
we concluded with the Indians and
drank the King's health. Dated at
John Hans' this 29th day of August,
1700. The Indians in token of their
affection presented the Government
with 15 undressed deer skins."
"Signed by us: —

JAMES FRISBY,
JOHX THOMPSON,
EDWARD BLAY."
"On the same day we proposed to
the Susquehannocks, Shawnese and
Delawares the following questions:

(1) Whether they are willing still
to confirm that former peace and
amity made with us; to which they
answered that they were all very
willing and we entered into a gen-
eral amity and peace with them for
this Province that shall stand firm
and good forever.

(2) Whether they are willing if any
other Indians should commit any in-
juries upon the inhabitants of this
Province that they should be answ-
erable for them and to this they re-
plied that it is just and reasonable;
and that they would be accountable.

(3) Whether they are willing up-
on any hurt or damage committed or
acted by any neighboring Indians to
any persons of this Government to
assist and help us. To this they an-
swered they were not only willing
but would also pursue and take if
possible them or any of them and
bring them to be dealt with all as the
Government shall think fit. Where-
upon they shook hands with us in a
token of sincerity of their affection
and they have set their hands and
seals to this instrument this 29th of
August, 1700.

i THE DELAWARE KING, His Mark X
| KING OF SHAWNESE, His Mark. 11.
I MARK OF SUSQUEHANNOCKS, -1-.

1700— The Above Mentioned Treaty
Confirmed in the Maryland
Assembly.

In Vol. 24 of the Maryland Arch.,
i p. 151 it was ordered that the treaty
1 made with the Susquehannock, Dela-
ware and Shawnese Indians by James
Frisby, Esq., Colonel John Thompson
and Captain Edward Blay should be
laid before the House which was
done; and the same was confirmed by
the said House.

1700— The Susquehanna Chiefs Make
Another Deed to William Penn.

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 133 is set forth the following deed
from the Susquehannock Chief to
William Penn: —

"We Widdaagh, alias Orytyagh,
and Andaggy-junkquagh, Kings or
Sachemas of the Susquehannagh In-
dians, and of the River under that
name, and lands lying on both sides
j thereof, do declare that for and in
consideration of a parcel of English
, goods, unto us given, by our Friend
I and Brother, William Penn, proprie-
l tary and Governour of Pensilvania,
I and also in consideration of the for-
| mer much greater costs and charges
j the said Wiliam Penn, hath been at
j in treating about and purchasing the
j same. We do hereby Give, Grant and
! Confirm unto the Said William Penn
j all the Said River Susquehannagh,
j and all other Islands therein, and all
| the lands situate lying, and being
j upon both sides of the said River,
I and next adjoining to ye same, to the
| utmost confines of the lands, which
i are of formerly were the Right of the
i People or Nation called the Susque-
| hannagh Indians, or by what name
I soever they were called or known

152

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

thereof, and also all Lakes, Rivers,
Rivulets, Mountains, Streams, Trees,
Woods, Underwoods, Mines, Royal-
ties, and other Mines, Minerals,
Quarries, Hawkings, Huntings, fish-
ings, fowlings and other Royalties,
Privileges, and Powers, whatsoever
to them or any of them belonging, or
by them enjoyed as fully, and amply
in all respects, as we or any of our
ancestors have, could, might, or
ought to have, had, held, or enjoyed.
And also, all the Right, Title Inter-
est, Possession, Claim and Demand,
which we or any of us may claim, to
have in the same. And we do here-
by ratifie and confirm unto the said
William Penn ye bargain and Sale of
said Lands, made unto Coll. Thomas
Dongan, now Earl of Limerick, and
formerly Governor of New York,
whose deed of sale to the said Gover-
nor Penn we have seen. To have
and to hold, the said Rivers, Lands,
and premises, hereby granted, and
confirmed with their and every of
their rights, Members and Appurte-
nances, unto ye sd Will. Penn, his
heirs and assigns, to the only proper
Use, and behoof of the said WTill.
Penn, his Heirs and Assigns forever.
In witness whereof the said Will.
Penn, his Heirs and Assigns forever.
In witness whereof we have, for our-
selves and Nation, hereunto set our
Hands & Seals, the thirteenth day of
September, 1700.

His
WIDAAGH X

Mark.
Alias ORYTYAGH.
His
ANDAGGY X

Mark.
Alias JUNQUAH.
Sealed and Delivered In the pres-
ence of

EDW. ANTITT,

HEN. TREGENC, Esq.,

EDWARD SINGLETON,
DAVID POWELL,

JAMES LOGAN.

Recorded page 73, &c.

N. B. BOILEAU, Secy.

The second day of August, in ye
Year of our Lord, One Thousand,
Seven Hundred and thirty-five James
of the Northern Liberties, of the City
of Philadelphia, Esq. Upon his
solemn affirmation, according toLaw,
Doth declare and depose, That he was
present and did see the within men-
tioned Kings, or Sachemas, named
Widaagh, its Orytyah, al's Andaggy-
junkquahSeal and as their deed de-
liver the Writing or Conveyance,
within contained, and that the name
of this Affirmant thereon indorsed, as
a Witness of the same, is of his own
handwriting. JAMES LOGAN.

Affirmed.

At Philadelphia, the Day and Year,
above said, before me, Thomas Grif-
fith, One of the Justices of Peace &c,
WITNESS my hand & Seal.

THOMAS GRIFFITHS...

Entered in the office for recording
of Deeds, for the City and county of
Philadelphia. In Book F. Vol. viii.,
page 242, &c, the 26th day of August,
A. D., 1735. Witness my hand and
Seals of my office, the day and year
above. C. BROCKDEN, Recd'r."

This deed is endorsed, "Susque-
hanna River and Islands therein, and
Lands on both sides, granted by Wid-
aagh, and Andaggy-junkquagh. Con-
firming Governor Dongan's old Deed
to Governor Penn."

This deed needs very little com-
ment as it explains itself fully. It
was meant to be another confirma-
tion of the main Durchase by William
Penn from the Indians on the Sus-
quehanna River. In this sale the
Susquehannocks as a Nation practi-
cally ended their existence. They
now confirm to Penn completely this
large tract of land. A large number

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

153

of the Susquehannocks are in New
York State living with the Five Na-
tions, another portion of them are
about the old original Susquehan-
noc*k Fort Country, along the West-
ern edge of what is now Manor
township. The whole of them are
completely under the Five Nations
and now they finally sell out their
Susquehanna Lands and become one
remnant of the conglomerated tribe
of Lancaster County Indians, the cen-
tral factor of which were called the
Conestogas. It is true that on the
Second of April. 1701, together with

the Shawnese,Ganawese and Potomac
Tribes and representatives of the
Five Nations they joined in a treaty
confirming this deed of the 13th of
September, 1700. Among other things
their joining in was more a matter of
form than substance. When we
speak of the Conestoga hereafter it
will be understood that some of that
mixed tribe of Conestogas were the
decendants of these ancient Susque-
hannocks but as a Nation of dignity
and strength the Susquehannock
tribe is now ended. We will, however,
occasionally speak of individual Sus-
quehannocks as we proceed.

END OF PART FIRST.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES 154

PART II.

THE CONFEDERATED INDIAN
TRIBES OF LOWER SUSQUE-
HANNA VALLEY — CONESTOGAS
— SHAWNESE — CONOYS — DE-
LAWARES — GANAWESE — AND
IROQUOIS. (THE FIYE NA-

TIONS).

1700— The Conestoga Indians and

Others Petition Against the

Abuses Upon Them.

In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, p. 1 there is a peti-
tion from Conondahto, King of the
Susquehanna or Conestoga Indians
and of Mecallona, King of the Shaw-
nese against Garland, Askin and
Reed, setting forth that lately four
strange Indians came from the
Northward among them which they
supposed from their clothing to have
been servants of the Christians and
Mecallona talking with them found a
squaw and her son nearly related to
your naked Indians;' who were a
powerful tribe and often molested
these petitioners both in their towns
at Susquehanna and their hunting
grounds; and these petitioners are
now the frontier inhabitants of the
Province of Pennsylvania. These pe-
titioners also complain that last win-
ter Garland and Askin produced a
paper with a large seal and said it
was a warrant from the Governor to
deliver these Conestogas and Shaw-
nese but they did not go. Then ten
days later Garland and Askin came
again with James Reed and had an-
other paper with a large seal; and
Reed said he was the next man to the
Governor and to show that he was,
he pulled off his wig and said, "You
see. I have two heads."

The Susquehannock King also says

that Garland also threatened that he
would carry them all away and make
them servants and that Garland also
laid threatening hands on them and
| did them other mischief. This peti-
| tion is dated at Brandywine, the first
of May, 1700.

A note found on page 1 says that
Garland lived at New Castle in 1701.
And that he was arrested on a com-
plaint of the Shawnese Indians for
having brought to the Shawnese set-
tlement several anchors of rum; and
made the Indians believe that Penn
sent it.

1700— The French Back of Pennsyl-
vania Trade with Our Indians.

In Vol. 1 of the Penn and Logan
Correspondence, p. 39 above referred
to it is stated that the French are
settling back of Pennsylvania, four
days from New Castle and that Lewis
Lenoivin, who lived many years in
Eastern Pennsylvania and traded
with the Indians is run away to
them, the French, as a spy.

1700 — Ganawese Indians Move Into
Pennsylvania.

In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Records,
p. 191, under the date of 1705 it is
stated that "about five years ago the
Piscataway or Ganawese Indians set-
tled in this Province near the head of
the Potomac, and that they were now
reduced by sickness to a small num-
ber and desired to quit their present
habitation which they occupied since
1700, at which time the Conestoga In-
dians had become their guarantees of
friendship made between them. And
now the Schuylkill Indians desire
them to settle near them."

Here we have a statement of the
time when the first of the tribes

155

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

forming the new conglomeration of
Indians came into Pennsylvania and
also the statement that at the time
that they came the Conestogas agreed
to guarantee their good behavior. At
page 245 of the same book it is stat-
ed that "when in 1700 the Piscata-
ways settled in this Government they
also went to Philadelphia in company
with Indians of Conestoga and the
Shawnese and made a treaty, where-
by these last named Indians engaged
to the Government for the peaceable
behavior of the Ganawese"; and they
behaved in a peaceable manner for
many years after they made their
promise.

1700 — Doings About Conestoga.

This year says Miss Lyle in her
history of Lancaster County, p. 6
Chartier set up a trading post about
a mile below the Susquehannock
Fort; and also at p. 28 that he began
his trading about Conestoga this
year, and that this year Colonel
James Wright was appointed to look
after the Indians of this section.

Rupp says at page 54, that Bizal-
ion was licensed to trade with the
Indians of this section this same
year; and Rupp also says at Page 28
that this year the Shawnese had their
Fort on the Upper Octoraro near the
line of where a road afterwards laid
out to August Sessions, 1719 of the
Chester County Court, passed.
1700— Penn Desires Religious Schools
for the Indians.

In the first volume of Proud's
History, p. 423 Penn sets forth his
great concern that religious instruc-
tions should be given to the Indians,
but what was done in this regard I
can not find.

1700 — Clialkley Journeys Among the

Chesapeake Indians.

In Chalkley's Works called "Chal-
kley's Autobiography of Travel," he

says, p. 34 in speaking of the year
1700, that he journeyed through the
Indian Country and tells of his con-
tact with them, the things he learn-
ed from them and what some of their
strange ways and customs were.

1700 — Peter Bizalion's Trading
House.

In Vol. 19 of the Sec. Series of the
Penna. Archives, p. 317 we are
shown the central station of Peter
Bizalion's trading operations. It is
there stated that his main trading
post was established this year at
Mahanatawny.

1700 — The Pennsylvania Inhabitants

Settle as Far South as the

Mouth of Octoraro Creek.

In Vol. 1 of the Pennsylvania
| Archives, p. 432 we are shown that
| the first intention was that Pennsyl-
j vania should extend South to the
! junction of the Octoraro with the
Susquehantfa. In this book under the
I date of 1734 in the instructions to
i Hamilton & Georges it is stated,
| "Pennsylvania has been possessed of
| and maintained its Government for
I more than thirty years past as far
South as the Mouth of Octoraro or
i near it; nor has Maryland ever ex-
| ercised jurisdiction over the inhabi-
tants or Indians north of that limit
until two or three years ago."

I cite this merely to show what
line determined the Indians belong-
ing to Pennsylvania and those be-
longing to Maryland.

1700— Conestoga Now the Great Capi-
tal of all the Susquehanna
Indian Tribes.

In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Records,
p. 604 at a treaty at Philadelphia in
1735 at which Thomas Penn was pre-
sent the old deed of 1700 and the
treaty of a few months later ratify-
ing it were brought out and read to

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

156

the Indians and in commenting upon
them the Governor says, "These
articles you see here were made prin-
cipally with the Susquehannock In-
dians who then lived mostly at
Conestogoe; and the Shawenese also
as their friends came under our
Fathers' protection and entered into
the same league."

I quote this simply for the purpose
of showing that the head-quarters of
the Indians of Eastern Pennsylvania
at this time were Conestoga. That
while there were yet some Indians
near the Delaware there were not
many of them because of the advanc-
ed civilization on that river and
those that lived on the Schuylkill
were also few in number but the
greater bulk of Pennsylvania In-
dians were centered around Cones-
toga or the Susquehanna at this
time, viz.: the Conestogas or frag-
ment of the old Susquehannocks to-
gether with different branches of the
Iroquois and with them the Shaw-
nese, Ganawese, the Conoys; and the
Delawares, who while they still liv-
ed in the Schuylkill River were also
few in number and in 1709 moved to
the Susquehanna River also (See 2
Col. Rec, p. 469.).

1700— A Line Surveyed from Philadel-
phia Direct to Conestoga

In Vol. 2 of Watson's Annals, p. 175
Mr. Watson says, "In July, 1700,
there was a survey of a line from
Philadelphia direct to Susquehanna,
coming nigh the mouth of Cone-
stoga creek, a little more north,
(about four miles), near to 'an old
fort demolished.' This was in conse-
quence of surveyor-general Holmes'
purchase of all the lands from Up-
land creek to Pemapeck creek, and
so backward to Susquehanna, two
days' journey. The land is said to
have been bought of the Indian
Kings and sakamackers, for the use

of William Penn— bought of Shak-
hoppah, Secaming, Malebore, Tan-
goras, Indian kings; and Maskecasho,
Wawarrin, Tenoughan, Tarrecka,
Nesonhaikin, Indian sackamackers. I
notice that in the way of the line of
survey, two Indian paths traverse it
obliquely, northwest by north — the
first from Philadelphia, is at Rocky
Run, (fifteen miles), between the
head waters of Ridley and Chester
creeks, the second at thirty-eight
miles, two miles beyond Doe Run.
These facts I found recorded in a
survey book, No. 14, in the land
office, and the above extracts are
from the warrant of survey of Holme.
Below follow other facts on the same
subject, all tending to show the treaty
by which the lands of Philadelphia
city and county are held."

Watson then sets out the letter
which Thomas Holme wrote to
Shachoppah and other Indians but
we have already given that in full
in an article under the date of 1688,
entitled, "The Boundaries of the
Walking Purchases, etc." We will
not repeat it because we have cited
it before for other purposes and we
cite it now only to make prominent
the fact of a survey of a direct line
to Conestoga for this line is an im-
portant one in our Colonial history.
It will be observed that it lies almost
on what afterwards was The Great
Conestoga Road; and indeed, the
eastern end of the Great Conestoga
Road, at least to Haverford was in
existence at the time of this survey.
We have no doubt that the western
end was a well defined Indian path
which began as early as the found-
ing of Philadelphia and was well de-
fined by the year of 1700, for while
the Susquehanna Indians first traded
down the river, when Penn's enter-
prises began they began trading with
Philadelphia and in so doing made
and followed a well defined road.

157

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1701— Shawanese at Pequea Complain
of the Kura Trade

At a council held on the third of
September, 1701, it is stated that,
"Shemekenwhoa, one of the chiefs
of the Shawana Indians solemnly de-
clared and complained to the
Governor that Sylvester Garland had
brought to the Indian settlement of
their nation several anchors of rum
to the quantity of about 140 gallons
and that to induce them to receive
it and to trade with him he pretend-
ed he was sent by the Governor and
gave one cask as a present from
him, upon which being entreated to
drink they were afterwards very
much abused." The Council ordered
this matter to be further inquired
into. (See 2 Col. Rec, p. 33.)

This same complaint is referred to
in the Penn & Logan Correspond-
ence in Vol. 1 at the foot of page 1
in a note, where it is stated by the
editor that Garland lived at New
Castel and in September, 1701, he
was arrested and brought before the
Council for bringing this rum.

The rum trade with the Indians was a
great trouble to the early Govern-
ment; and another character who
violated the law was John Hans
Steelman who lived in Maryland and
without a license dealt in liquors
with our Conestoga Indians,. (See 2
Col. Rec, p. 21) ; and also the viola-
tions of law by Louis and Peter
Bezalion trading also in liquor about
the Susquehanna were grievous. (See
2 Coll. Rec, p. 18.)

In 2 Col. Rec, p. 45, at a Council
held on the 6th of October it was
ordered that a warrant be sent out
against Sylvester Garland for selljng
rum to the Indians, whereby he was
arrested and brought before the
Governor and Council to defend him-
self or make answer. It seems, how-
ever that while the rum trade was

grievous among the Indians of the
Susquehanna yet the Government
could do little to prevent it; and on
the 6th of October 1701, a petition
was presented to the Assembly by
the inhabitants of Chester County
to have rum selling among the In-
dians stopped. The Assembly ap-
proved the petition by a majority
and ordered a statute to be drawn
against the rum trade with the In-
dians, (See Vol. 1 of the Votes of
Assembly, pp. 151-153). The act
against giving liquor to the Indians
was passed October 28, 1701, and is
found in Vol. 2 of Statutes at Large,
p. 168. It provides among other
things that liquor carried to the
Indians shall be forfeited and go
one-third to the Governor and two-
thirds to the party that seizes the
same;- and that the Indians were em-
powered to seize it the same as any-
one else; and that also no per-
son shall receive in pawn any cloth-
ing or goods belonging to the In-
dians for liquor, and those who
violate the act shall suffer penalty
of 10 pounds and the pawn might
be .seized by warrant by the near-
est Justice of the Peace and be re-
delivered.

This act to restrain the selling of
liquor to our Indians had some dif-
ficulty in passing. Exceptions and
amendments were proposed to it by
the Governor and the Assembly con-
sidering the exceptions voted them
down. There were two exceptions
and both were defeated in the As-
sembly. From this we see what
difficulty our forefathers experienc-
ed in keeping the liquor traffic from
ruining the Indians of the Susque-
hanna.

As additional evidence of what a

field the Indians of the Susquehanna

and other sections were for liquor

i traffic, Proud in his history of Penn-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TlRlBES

IB*

sylvania says at page 433, that a
-Joint company was organized to
^control the liquor business and be
responsible for the consequences
Ibut it met with no favor.

1701 — Letort Leaves Conestoga for
Canada

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 100,
it is stated under the date of 1703
that, "James Letort who about two
years ago went out of this Province
to Canada returned and was ex-
amined before Council and magis-
trates and no great occasion was
found to suspect him of evil designs
against the Government, he having
been bred in it from his infancy
and behaved himself hitherto well.
He was seduced to depart in 1701
in time of peace by the instigation
of some others, nevertheless as he
is now come back it was thought
wise to bring him before Council to
explain his action."

This James Letort was a very
picturesque character about Cone-
stoga and we find that he very
frequently was summoned before the
Council.

1701 — Indian Harry of Conestoga

We now introduce another remark-
able character in the early annals
of Conestoga Indian History in the
person of an Indian familiary
known as 'Indian Harry' of Cone-
stoga but his technical Indian name
was Cassawetoway as we have shown
in a former item.

It is stated in 2 Col. Rec, p. 26,
that in this year of 1701 the
Council and Governor had entered
into considering the many abuses
arising from the Indians being ad-
mitted to drink rum and it was or-
dered by the next sitting of Assem-
bly, that four of the prominent

Indians on the Upper Delaware and

Indian Harry of Conestoga should
be sent for to be consulted about
passing a law for prohibiting all
Indians from using rum. Action
was later taken on the subject and
we will speak of it in its order.

1701 — The Potomac Indians Allowed
to Settle in Pennsylvania

In Vol. 2 of Ool. Rec, p. 17, it is
set forth as one of the stipulations
of the big treaty by the Conestogas,
(which treaty we will set forth in
full in a later item) that the Poto-
mac Indians with their Colony shall
have free leave of the said William
Penn to settle upon any part of the
Potomac River within the bounds of
the Province of Pennsylvania, they
observing and practicing all and
singular the other articles of this
treaty. By settling on the Potomac
River is meant any part of the val*
j ley of the Potomac River. These
j Potomac Indians had become afraid
of savage tribes of the South and
wanted to move towards our Sus-
quehanna country to be near the
Conestogas.

1701— Penn Discusses Navigating the
Susquehanna Eiver to Carry In-
dian Trade Cheaper

In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, p. 73, in a letter
beginning page 69, written by
William Penn to James Logan, Penn
says, "I hope thy eye is upon the
means to retrench expenses; and,
pray, see the utmost, at a leisure
hour of poor Marsh's project of
navigating flats up Schuylkill and
Susquehanna Rivers, above Falls; he
assuring me that he could make the
experiment for 40 shillings. Be it
50 shillings or 3 pounds it were a
mighty advantage." In this I be-
lieve there is evidence of Penn's de-
sire to develop this Susquehanna
country and get an out-let for In-
dian trade.

150

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1701— The Proofs of Penn's Second

Visit to the Susquehanna Kiver

and its Indians

We have before given the evidences
tending to prove a visit by Penn
about 1684 to what is now the Lan-
caster County region and we will
now proceed to the proofs of a sec-
ond visit made in 1701, The chief
proofs are as follows:

1. Rupp in his history of Lancaster
County, p. 35, says that Penn at a
former treaty promised the Shawa-
nese chiefs protection. To enable
him to keep or fulfill this promise
he visited them in person at Cone-
stoga, attended by many gentlemen
of distinction. This he says in a
note at the bottom of the page 35
and speaking of the same in context
he says, "His not succeeding in hav-
ing legislative co-operation, to pre-
vent liquor being sold to the Indians
and debaucheries being practiced on
them, to prevent their temporal
ruin, he paid the sons of the fore-
est a visit, participated in all their
innocent amusements and in return
received their visits in his own house
at Pennsbury." According to Rupp
the purpose of Penn's visit at Cone-
stoga was to protect these poor In-
dians. He cites Vol. 2 of the
Colonial Records, p. 253. This is the
page found in the old or first edition
of the Colonial Records, which is
now probably very rare. The page
in the Colonial Records most com-
monly at hand is p. 244 of Vol. 2
and at that place is set forth what
James Logan told the Indians at
Conestoga when he visited them in
the spring of 1706. And speaking of
William Penn, Logan said to these
Indians that when he (Penn) was
last in this country he visited those
Indians of Conestoga and is soon to
do the same on his arrival in order

to cultivate the ancient friendship."-

2. In Vol. 2 of Watson's Annals, p.
209, Mr. Watson speaks of Nebowayr
an Indian chief of the Delawaresr
and says that this chief's name
appears among the signers of the
treaty at Conestoga in 1718, and that
the chief said that he remembers
that he saw William Penn on his
second visit to Conestoga in 1701.

3. In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, p. 43, there is set
forth a letter from Isaac Norris to
Daniel Zachary, dated the 21st. of
June, 1701, in which he says, "I am
just come home from Susquehanna
where I have been to meet the Gov-
ernor. We had a round about journey
and pretty well traversed the wilder-
ness. We lived nobly at the King's
Palace in Conestoga and from thence
crossed to the Schuylkill where we
fell in (reached it) about 30 miles
up from hence (Philadelphia)." Here
we have a plain statement that
William Penn was at Susquehanna
at the Palace of the King of the
Conestogas in June, 1701.

4. To make doubly sure that the
Governor spoken of was William
Penn, I cite Vol. 1 of the Penn &
Logan Correspondence, p. 122, where
James Logan writes to William Penn
from Philadelphia on the 9th of
July, 1702, and he says on speaking
about lands on the Susquehanna and
about the Octoraro that, "Griffith
Owen and E. Shippen knew some-
thing of the place having been with
thee at Susquehanna which I did not."
In this again there is the more ex-
plicit statement that William Penn
was on the Susquehanna.

5. In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec. p. 272,
when Patrick Gordon held a council
with some of the Five Nations and
was discussing the affairs between
them and the Conestogas, who were
tributary to and slaves of the Five

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

160

Nations. They said the first Gov-
ernor of this place, Onash, (That is
Governor Penn) when he first
arrived here sent to them to sell
land and that when the Governor
was at Conestoga he desired the
■chiefs to speak about the purchases
of the land. This is another refer-
ence to Penn being at Conestoga.

6. In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, p. 41, in a letter
from Isaac Norris to Samuel Chew the
15th of April, 1701, and he says, "Our
Governor has gone out of town to
meet with the chieftains of the
Indians." This may refer to Penn's
visit to Susquehanna, however, it
seems to be nearly a month earlier
than Penn's Susquehanna visit.

7. In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 181,
Governor Keith in the year of 1722
held a treaty at Conestoga and when
there he said to the Indians, "The
last time I was with you at Cone-
stoga you showed me a parchment
which you had received from William
Penn containing articles of friend-
ship between you and him." This
again may be a reference to Penn's
visit in 1701 but it may likely refer
to the great treaty of September
1700 with the Conestogaes at Phila-
delphia. Penn left for England about
November, 1701, because Andrew
Hamilton presides over the Assembly
from that date onward. See 2 Col.
Rec, p. 62.

At a Council held July 7, 1739,
William Penn's intercourse with the
Indians on the Susquehanna is again
referred to seeming to indicate his
being there about the year of 1701.
(See 4 Col. Re, p. 337.)

8. In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 101,
in a discussion between the Governor
of New York and the authorities of
Pennsylvania there is a letter dated
1720 and in it occurs this passage,
"Upon Governor Penn's last arrival

here about 20 years ago he held a
treaty with the Mingoes or Cone-
stogas settled on Susquehanna,"
which is either a reference to his
meeting them at Susquehanna or of
the great treaty made at Philadelphia
in September, 1700. Also in the same
book, p. 149 Governor Keith in 1721
speaks to the Indians and says,
"William Penn our and your father
when he first settled this country
with English subjects made a firm
league of friendship with all the
Indians in these parts (that is Cone-
stoga) ; " and on page 54 I find refer-
ences to the same effect.

9. In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 92,
James Logan speaking to the Cone-
stogas in 1720, speaks of William
Penn as their old friend and refers
to his treaty 20 years ago; and on
p. 93 he further refers to Penn's first
Councils with the Indians, and on
page 97 he refers to the same sub-
ject.

10. It is to be noticed that histori-
ans including Watson refer to a visit
made by William Penn to the Sus-
quehanna as a second visit, which is
generally supposed to refer to this
visit of 1701.

11. In the first walking purchase
this land extended back to the Sus-
quehanna and Penn seems to have
been familiar with it.

12. Another fact seeming to point
out Penn's familiarity with the Sus-
quehanna River and its Indians and
the country generally is found in Vol
1 of the Penn & Logan Correspond-
ence, p. 170 where he says that if
his enemies do not begin to treat
him differently they will "drive me up
to. Pennsbury or Susquehanna for
good and all." This shows that the
Susquehanna was familiar to him at
the time he stated this which was in
1702.

13. In Buck's history of Pennsyl-
i vania in an article entitled, "Will-

m

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

iam Penn in America" at p. 317, he
says in a topic entitled Penn's
Journey to the Susquehanna in 1701,
and in it he says, "June was Penn's
favorite' month of travel. He set off
about this time 'on a Journey into
the interior of the Province, (Isaac
Norn's 's letter). On this occasion as
tradition relates that Penn got lost
in the woods on the hill on the
Northern or Chester County side near
present Valley Forge; and that he
did not know where he was, until he
got on the hill this side of Valley
Creek when by a glimpse of the
Schuylkill and the country to the
southward he regained his way and
in consequence of the same named
the former hill Mounty Misery and
the latter Mounty Joy."

Buck further says, "It is probable
the Proprietor's principal object was j
to win over the Indians to the Eng- I
lish interest on account of the ap- '
proaching1 trouble with France, He j
may allude to this in a letter to the j
Board of Trade & Plantations, the j
2nd. of the 5th month, where he says, !
'I have had divers meetings with the
several nations of Indians of these i
parts as the Shawno, Susquehanna, |
Schuylkill and Delaware Indians by
arguments and presents to persuade
their submission to this government."

Buck further says, "This journey
of Penn's to the Susquehanna we ob-
serve has led to some error. Janney
mentions it (2nd Edition, p. 435) as i
having taken place in the Spring,
An article appeared in the Lancas-
ter Inquirer on February 24, 1872, in
which mention is made of a monu-
ment having been erected and dedi-
cated the previous 22nd of February
at Gap in Salisbury township, Lan-
caster county, on the roof of a frame
building over a fine spring of water
Where it is said, 'Penn met the In-
dians and had a council with them.'

It is composed of a square wooden
shaft neatly painted and lettered. On
the west side is inscribed 'In Memory
of William Penn, Who Visited This.
Place in the Year 1700.' Mention is;
made that it was chiefly erected
through the exertions of Isaac Walker,,
owner of the said spring building,,
who was led to it by his researches
on the subject. It is probable that
Penn may have met the Indians in
council here but this visit must have
been in June, 1701. The mistake
consists in setting the time as that
of one of the deeds from the Indians*
for land which were nearly always
executed in Philadelphia."

This article as it appears in the In-
quirer, I meant to insert here in full or
in part; but a fire has destroyed the
office file copy.

The Indians whom Penn met here,
if he did so met them here were the
Shawanes, as the old Shawana town
of that section was very near this
place. Its location may be found on
any early map of Lancaster county
near the head of Octoraro creek, as
the Shawanese lived all along Pequea
Creek and from the mouth to the
source of the Octoraro. In the
Chester County records of August
Sessions, 1719 of the Quarter Sessions
Court can be found the courses and
distances of an old road laid out in
1719, one course of which is stated
to lie near old Shawana town near
Octoraro.

These are the known proofs of
William Penn's visit of 1701 to his
brethren on the Susquehanna, Cone-
stoga and other adjoining streams
and of that visit there can be no
doubt. It would seem that he came
by the Southern route and returned
by the Northern route, viz: along
Conestoga and French creeks, reach-
ing the Schuylkill River near the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

162

mouth of French creek, which Isaac
Norris describes as being thirty miles
up the Schuylkill River from Phila-
delphia.

1701— The Great Treaty With Cone-
stogas and Others

We have noticed in a former item
that in September, 1700, the Susque-
hannas and other Indians of this
neighborhood made a deed of a large
tract of land on our River to William
Penn. To confirm this sale a treaty
was made later which is found in
Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 15. It was
enacted on the 23rd day of April,
1701, by and between the Indians of
the Susquehanna Territory and Wil-
liam Penn at a Council on the after-
noon of the said day; and it is as
follows:

"PRESENT:— The Proprietary and
Governor, with some members of
Council and divers others, with the
Sasquehannaugh Indians.

Connodaghtoh, King of the Sasque-
hannah Minquays or Conestogo In-
dians, Wopatha (alias Opessah), King
of the Shawnese, Weewhinjough,
Chief of the Ganawese, inhabiting at
the head of Patowmeck; Also, Aho-
aksonagh, brother to the Emperor or
great King of the Onondagoes of the
five nations, having arrived in town
two days, with several others of
their great men, and Indian Harry
for their interpreter, with some of
their young people, women and chil-
dren, to the number of about forty
in the whole. After a treaty and sev-
eral speeches, the following Articles
were solemnly agreed on.
ARTICLES

Articles of Agreement Indented,
made, Concluded & Agreed upon at
Philadia the 23rd day of ye month,
Called April, In the Year 1701, Be-
tween Wm. Penn, Proprietary and
Governor of the Province of Pennsy-
lvania& Territories thereunto be-

longing, on ye one part, and Conno-
odagtoh, King of the Indians inhabit-
ing upon and about the river Susque-
hannah in the said Province, And
Widaaph, (alias Oretyaghr) Koque-
eash & Andaggy-Inhekquah, Chiefs of
the said nations, & Wopaththa, King
& Lemonytungh & Pemoyajooagh,
Chiefs of the nations of the Shawon-
nah Indians, And Ahookassongh,
brother to the Emperor, for and in
behalf of the Emperor, (& Weewhin-
jongh, Takyewsan & Woapaskoa,
Chiefs,) of the nations of the Indians
inhabiting in and about the Northern
part of the River Powtowmeck, in
the said province, for & in behalf of
themselves & successors, & and their
several nations, and the People on
the other part, as followeth:

That as hitherto there hath always
been a good understanding & Neigh-
bourhood between the sd. Wm. Penn
& his Lts, since his first arrival in
the peace Continued between Wm.
Penn his Heirs & successors, and
all the English & other Christian In-
habitants of the said Province, and
the Said Kings and Chiefs, and their
successors, & all the Several People
of the Nations of Indians aforesaid;
So there shall be forever hereafter
a firm and lasting peace. And that
they shall hereafter be as one Head
& One Heart, and live in true friend-
ship & Amity as one People.

(ITEM) That the said Kings and
Chiefs, (each for himself & his
People Engaging,) shall at no time
Hurt, injur.e or Defraud, or suffer to
be Hurt, Injured or defrauded by any
of their Indians; and inhabitant or
Inhabitants of the said Province,
either in their Persons or Estates,
And that the said Wm. Penn, his
Heirs & Successors, shall not suffer
to be done or Committed by any of
the subjects of England within the
said Province, Any Act of Hostil-

163

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

ity or Violence wrong or Injury, to
or against any of the Said Indians,
but shall on both sides at all times
readily do Justice, and perform all
Acts & Offices of friendship & Good
will to oblige each other, to a lasting
peace, as aforesaid.

(ITEM) That all and every of the
said Kings & Chiefs, and all and
every particular of the Nations under
them, shall at all times behave them-
selves regularly and soberly., accord-
ing to the laws of this Government
while they live near or amongst ye
Christian Inhabitants thereof, And
that the said Indians shall have the
full & free privileges and immunities
of all the said Laws as any other in-
habitants, they Duly Owing and Ac-
knowledging the Authority of the
Crown of &ngiand and Government
of this Province.

(ITEM) That none of the said In-
dians shall at any time be aiding,
Assisting or Abetting any other na-
tion, whether of Indians or Others,
that shall not at such time be in
amity with the Crown of England and
with this Government.

(ITEM) That if at any time any of
the said Indians, by means of evil
minded persons and sowers of sedi-
tion, should hear any Unkind or dis-
advantageous reports of the English,
As if they had Evil designs against
any of the said Indians, In such Case
such Indians shall send notice there-
of to the said Win. Penn, his Heirs
or successors, and their Lieutenants,
shall at all times in such cases do
the like by the them.

1 (ITEM) That the said Kings and
Chiefs & their successors, shall not
Suffer any Strange Nations of In-
dians to settle or Plant on the fur-
ther side of Sasquehannagh, or about
Potowmeck River, but such as are
there already Seated, nor bring any
other Indians into any part of this

Province without the Special appro-
bation & permission of the said Wil-
liam Penn, his Heirs and Successors.

(ITEM) That for the preventation
of abuses that are too frequently
putt upon the said Indians in Trade,
that the said William Penn, his
Heirs and Successors, shall not Suf-
fer or Permit any Person to trade or
Commerce with any of the said In-
dians, but such as shall be first al-
lowed and approved of by an instru-
ment under the Hand and Seal of
him, the said William Penn, or his
Heirs or successors, or their
Lieut's: And that the said Indians
shall suffer no person whatsoever to
buy or sell, or have Commerce with
any of the said Indians, but such
shall first be approved as aforesaid.

(ITEM) That the said Indians
shall not sell or dispose of any of
their Skins, Peltry, or furr, or any
other effects of their hunting, to any
Person or Persons whatsoever out of
the said Province, nor to any other
person but such as shall be Author-
ized to Trade with them as afore-
said; And that for their Encourage-
ment, the said William Penn, his
heirs and successors, shall take Care
to have them, the said Indians, duly
furnished with all sorts of necessary
goods for their use, at reasonable
rates.

(ITEM) That the Potowmeck In-
dians aforesaid, with their Collony,
shall have free leave of the said Wm.
Penn to Settle upon any part of Pat-
owmeck River within the bounds of
this Province, they strictly observing
and practising all and Singular the
Articles aforesaid to them relating.

(ITEM) The Indians of Conestogo,
& upon & about the River Susque-
hannah, And more Especially the
Said Connaodaghtah, their King,
doth fully agree to, and by these pre-
sents, Absolutely Ratify the Bargain

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

164

& Sale of the Lands lying near and
about the said River, formerly made
to the said William Penn, his heirs
and Successors, And since by Orety-
agh, & Anadaggy-Junkquegh, parties
to these Presents, Confirmed to the
said Wm. Penn, his heirs and Suc-
cessors, by a Deed bearing Date ye
13th day of ye 7br last, under their
hands and seals, duly Executed. And
the said Connoodaghtah doth, for
himself and his Nation, Covenant and
Agree that he will at all times be
ready further to Confirm & make
good the said Sale, according to the
Tenor of the same, and that the said
Indians of the Susquehannagh shall
answer to the said William Penn, his
heirs and Successors, for the good
Behavior and Conduct of the said In-
dians, and for their performing of
the several articles here Expresed.

(ITEM) The said William Penn
doth hereby, for himself , his heirs and
Successors agree, yet he and they will
at all times shew themselves true
friends and Brothers to all & every
of ye said Indians, by assisting them
with the best of their Advices, Dir-
ections & Counsels, and will in all
things Just and Reasonable befriend
them, they behaving themselves as
aforesaid, and Submitting to the
Laws of this Province in all things,
as the English and other Christians
therein do. To which they, ye said
Indians, hereby agree and oblige
themselves and their Posterity for-
ever.

In witness whereof, the Said Par-
ties have as a Confirmation made
mutual presents to each Other: The
Indians in five parcels of Skins, and
the said William Penn in Several
English Goods & Merchandizes, as a
binding pledge of the promise, never
to be broken or violated. And as
a further testimony thereof, have al-

] so to these presents Sett their hands
and Seals, the day and Year above
written.

Signed, Sealed & Delivered in the
| Presence of

Edw. Shippen,
Nathan Stanbury,
Alexr. Paxton,
Caleb Pussey,
James Streater,
J. Le Tort,
John Hans Steelman,
James Logan,
John Sanders,
Indian, alias Harry
Shawydoohungh,

his (H I) mark
Pemoqueriaehghan,

his (Z) mark
Passaqussay, his [) ]

mark."

This was one of the great treaties
and is nearly always referred to in
subsequent matters by the Deputy
Governors with the Indians of Con-
estoga and Susquehanna River. The
same treaty may be found in Vol. 1
of The Pennsylvania Archives, p. 144
and this same treaty is again referred
to in Vol 1 of the Penn & Logan Cor-
respondence, p. 39 and it is stated
there to have been the most notable
event of the year.

Watson in Vol. 1 of his Annals, p.
24 also speaks of Penn meeting the
different Indians in 1701 and says that
"Penn attended in Philadelphia in
1701 a great Indan treaty with 40
chiefs who came from many nations
to settle the friendship. The same
year he also had a great Indian
Councill at Pennsbury Mansion to
take leave of them and to renew the
convenants." Among these 40 chiefs
were the Susquehannas above men-
tioned. Watson also in Vol. 2 of his
Annals, p. 156 again refers to this
treaty.

Hazard in his Register in Vol. 5,
p. 130 also refers to the deed and
treaty of 1701, confirming the lands

165

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

on Susquehanna to Penn by those
Indians and states there that this
confirmation was renewed in 1726,
and especially in the great treaty of
Lancaster in 1744.

The Susquehannas, Conestogas and
Other Neighboring Indians Go to
Philadelphia to Give Penn Good-
Bye, On His Leaving for England.

In 2 Col. Rec, p. 46 under the date
of the 7th of October, 1701, at a
Council held the afternoon of that
date, at which William Penn and six
members of Council were present
it is recorded, that "the Sachems of
the Susquehanna and Shawanah In-
dians with some of their people hav-
ing come to take leave of the Pro-
prietary before his departure for
England ,he informed them that this
now was likely to be his last inter-
view with him, at least before his
return, that he had ever loved them
and been kind to them and ever
should contiue so to be, not through
any Politick Design or for interest,
but one of a most real affection, and
Desired them in his absence to Cul-
tivate friendship with those he would
leave behind in authority, as they
would always, in some degree con-
tinue to be to them as himself had
ever been. The Governor also in-
formed them that the Assembly was
now enacting a Law, according to
their desire, to prevent their being
abused by the Selling of Rum, with
which Orettyagh, one of the Sachems
in the name of the rest, Exprest a
great Satisfaction and Desired that
that law might effectually be put in
Execution and not only discoursed of
as formerly it had been; they had
long suffered by the Practice but now
hoped for a redress, and that they
should have reason to complain no
more.

And for the more effectually an-
swering so good a design, the Gov-
ernor Desired that whenever any
transgressed the said Law, and Came
Contrary amongst them, to agree-
ment they would forthwith take care
to give information thereof to the
Government, that the offenders they
might duly be prosecuted; which
they promised to observe, and that if
any Rum were brought they would
not buy it but send the person who
brought it back with it again.

Then the Governor informed them

that he had charged the members of

Council, and then also renewed the

same charge, that they should in all

I respects be kind to them, and enter-

j tain them with Courtesy and Demon-

I strations of Goodwill as he himself

I had ever done, which the said mem-

[ bers promised faithfully to observe;

J and making them some presents they

| withdrew."

It is difficult to imagine a more

I beautiful meeting and leave-taking

: than this must have been — the sav-

j ages in their simplicity and honestv

i on one hand and the goodly William

| Penn and his Council equally sincere

and honest on the other hand. This

leave-taking is also noticed in Vol.

6 of Hazard's Register, p. 72 but as

it is exactly the same copy from the

Colonial Records, we will not repeat

it. Penn left for England a few

weeks after this incident.

According to the Colonial Records
this leave-taking occured in Phila-
delphia. It seems that a little later
Penn made a great leave-taking
event for in Vol. 2 of Watson's An-
nals, p. 156, Mr. Watson says that in
1701 Penn held a great Indian Coun-
cil at Pennsbury to take leave of
them.

1701— Difficulties Growing Out of the

Use of Rum at Conestoga

Continue.

In 6 Hazard's Register, p. 11 it is
set forth that the "Proprietary in-
formed the Council of the great
abuses committed in Indian trade and

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

166

the great dangers that might arise
from thence, and the advantages that
might accure to the province in gen-
eral from it. Proposed that some
measures might be concerted for the
regulation thereof, and redressing
the grievances that we generally la-
boured under upon the score and
•especially by means of two French-
men, Louis and P. Beasalion, who
have been suspected to be very dan-
gerous persons in their traffique with
the Indians in this troublesome con-
juncture of affairs.

Resolved that it was absolutely
necessary the said two Frenchmen
should be confined and restrained
irom inhabiting or trading amongst
the Indians, and that some way
should be agreed to carry on the
trade by a certain number or Com-
pany who should take all measures
to induce the Indians to a true va-
lue and esteem of the Christian reli-
gion by setting before them a good
example of probity and candour both
in commerce and behaviour and that
care should be taken to have them
duly instructed in the fundamentals
of Christianity. And the further
consideration hereof is referred to
next meeting of the Board.

The Governor also acquainted the
Board, That reports were brought
that some of the five nations of In-
dians had sent an embassy to our
Indians on Delaware requiring their
aid and concurrence and that it was
suspected the French of Canada had
been endeavoring to debauch the
said Indians from their fidelity to the
Crown of England.

Resolved, That care should be
taken to inquire into the grounds of
the said reports — and then adjourn-
ed."

The same is found in Vol. 2 of the
Colonial Records, p. 18. I mention
this because Peter Bezalion's name

is used and that at once connects
these irregularities with the Susque-
hanna Country.

The Shawnese also complain against
Garland for selling rum to the In-
dians on Susquehanna. This, how-
ever, we have spoken of before. Their
complaint was made by Shemeken-
woa one of the Chiefs of the Shaw-
nese, about him bring 140 gallons of
rum and making them very drunk,
see 2 Col. Rec, ». 33. This same com-
plaint is noticed in a somewhat dif-
ferent form in Vol 6 of Hazard's Re-
gister, p. 34 and it was there decid-
ed that Indian Harry of Conestoga
should be sent for to overcome the
eviL

An. aditional difficulty that Penn
had to deal with about Conestoga and
the trade there of rum, was in the
fact that John Hans frequently pro-
mised Penn to meet him and help
him to carry out the laws as to
liquor fully, but refused to do so.
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p.
143, Penn writes a letter to John
Hans and says, "Thou hast often
promised to visit this place in order
to treat with me about the Indian
Trade, but hast as often disapointed
me. Thy present management there-
of amongst us is directly contrary to
our Laws. I have therefore Stopt thy
Goods intended for Lechay, until
thou come thyself and give further
satisfaction." This is under the date
of 1701.

1701— A False Story Arises About
the Coming of the Piscataways.

In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, p. 43 William Penn
in a letter from Pennsbury to James
Logan dated the 30th day of June,
says "I forgot a material point — the
last Indian instrument from the Con-
estoga Indians — which I must have,
or a copy, before I can answer Col.

167

ANNALS" OF THE STTSQUEHANNOCKS" ANI?

Blackinston's letter, a false story fir-
ing two or three of their foolish
people of our inciting the Piscata-
Ways from Maryland, instead of their
seeking to us: but Governor Blackis-
ton would not believe it Fail not,
therefore to send it to me with all
speed."

1701 — Susquehanna Indians 5Tow Co-
operate Strongly with Penn-
sylvania*

Proud in his History of Pennsy-
lvania, in Vol. 1, p. 430 says that this
year the Susquehannas made a pro-
mise with Pennsylvania that they
would not allow any strange Indians
to settle on the west side of the
Susquehanna River but would inform
the people and help to put them off
the further side of the Susquehanna
River.

The Five Nations also now show
very strong love for Pennsylvania and
Penn in a message to Council on the
15th of September, 1701 says, "I
must tell you the good news of the
Governor of New York's happy issue
of his Conferences with the five na-
tions of Indians, that he hath not
only made peace with them for the
Ring's subjects of that Colony, but,
as I had by some letters before de-
sired him, for those of all other gov-
ernments under the Crowns of Eng-
land, and also the nations of Indians
with those respective Colonies,which
certainly merits our acknowledg-
ments."

1701— Evidences of the Great Sus-

queliannas Living Within the

Bounds of our County.

In Vol. 7 of Hazard's Register, p.
395 it is stated that great Indian re-
lics and remains were found near the
neighborhood of Columbia and that
they were probably buried there 200
years. The Article is as follows:
"COLUMBIA, (Penn.) June 2. IN-

DIAN RELICS: A gentleman visit-
ing this place from Philadelphia, had!
his attention attracted a few days;
since, while near the canal basin, by
the singular appearance of the earth,,
which resembled an Indian mound or
tumulus, such as he had before seen.
On digging down a short distance-
his suspicions were confirmed; the
skeletons of three Indians were
found, supposed to be those of a male
female and a young child. On being
exposed to the air, the bones, with
the exception of the teeth, and a few
of the large bones of the male, crum-
bled to dust. They were buried in
a sifting posture and had on their
heads an earthen vessel, at the spout
of which was carved the figure of a
human face. Between the feet of the
one taken to be the male, were
found an iron hatchet, several arrow
heads, and seven smooth stones
nearly round; the smallest weighing
about a quarter of a pound, the
others varying in regular gradation
to the seventh, which weighed two
pounds and a quarter. These stones
were supposed to indicate the num-
ber of children which the deceased
had. Between the feet of the female
were found two stones of a medium
size with those found by the male.
How long these remains had been de-
posited there it is impossible to tell;
probably not less than 200 years. It
is supposed that a great many In-
dians lie buried along the banks of
the river, but it is not often their
bones are discovered. — SPY."

And in Vol. 8 of Hazard's Regis-
ter, p. 48 similar remains were found
about the neighborhood of Bain-
bridgeand that article is as follows:

"A few weeks since we took occa-
sion to speak of some Indian Relics
that were discovered north the Canal
Basin in this place. Since then the
workmen in Section No. 18 of the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

163

Canal, about two miles this side of
Bainbridge came upon one end of an
old Indian burial ground. The bones
had so completely gone to dust that
they could only be distinguished
from the natural soil by a difference
in color. A great many articles of
use and ornament were found; ther
were crocks, hatchets, tomahawks,
arrow heads, bullets, buck-shot, thim-
bles, beads, pipes, etc. The pipes
are made of clay, and are spoken of
as being very perfect and beautiful,
with the head of a fox engraved on
the bowl; so highly is one of them
valued by the finder, that he has re-
fused to take less than five dollars
for it; together with ornaments; the
beads were of different kinds, and
unlike any we had seen before. It
is thought that a short distance
from where the excavation was made
towards the river, the earth would
be found to be filled with these cur-
iosities.—COLUMBIA SPY."

1701— Some of the Shawnese Located
at the Head of Pequea Creek.

We have before called attention to
the location of the Old Shawana
fort near the head of Octararo some-
what towards Pequea Creek; and for
it see previous articles.

That there was a Shawana town
there as early as 1701 is additionaly
proved by the following statements
found in the Second Series of the
Penna. Archives, Vol. 19, p. 625 where
it is stated, "That the Commission-
ers being informed that MathiasVan-
hebber from Maryland, taking with
him Henry Hollingsworth, hath late-
ly surveyed a considerable tract of
land near the head of Pequea Creek
In this Province, including within
the same The Old Shawannah Town,
etc.; — "and again it is stated" that
500 acres being granted to Col. John
French in or near the Shawannah

old fields, on Pequea Creek, as a con-
sideration of his services to the Pro-
prietor."

From this we -see that while these
proceedings are dated 1718, the
lands are referred to as the Old
Shawannah Fields where the Shaw-
nese lived as early as 1701 and be-
fore.

At the same place it is stated that
300 acres should be surveyed to
Peter Chartier where his father Mar-
tin is settled on Susquehanna River;
a warrant was also directed to Moses
Comb at the request of his brother-
in-law Peter Bazilion for 200 acres
among the other surveys about Con-
estoga.

I quote this simply to show that in
1701 that these Indian operations
were going on about Conestoga and
Pequea.

1701 — Christian Inhabitants are Lo-
cated Near Conestoga.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 16 in
one of the items of the great treaty
of the affairs on the Susquehanna
river it is stipulated, "That all and
every of the Kings and Chiefs, and all
and every particular under them,
shall at all times behave themselves
regularly and soberly according to
the laws of this Government, while
they live near or amongst the Chris-
tian inhabitants thereof."

Now as the only Indians concerned
in this treaty were the Conestogas
(Susquehanna- Minquays), the Shaw-
nese and the Ganawese, and this re-
fers to therm In warning the Chris-
tian inhabitants it seems to indicate
that there were some whites then at
this date of 1701 in the neighborhood
of Conestoga. They were, however,
only trades and not regular settlers.
We shall notice that in a year or two
later that there will be references to
Christian inhabitants living at and
near Conestoga.

169

ANNALS OF THE SrjSQtTEHANNOCKS AND

1701— The Earliest Lands Taken Up
by the Whites Among the Con-
estogas and the Other Sus-
quehanna Indian?,

In Vol. 19 of the Second Series of
the Penna. Archives, p. 245 it is set
forth that the land commissioners of
Pennsylvania granted to Cornelius
Empson and twenty others 20,000
acres of land on Octoraro Creek at
one bushel of wheat rent per hun-
dred acres. Then warrants were made
out for 15,000 acres as may be seen
page 280, to the following persons
for the following amounts, being a
part of the above named tract: —
Cornelius Empson, John Richards,
James Brown, Henry Reynolds, John
Bales, Edward Beeson, James Cooper,
Randall Janney, Andrew Job, John
Churchman, Ebenezer Empson, John
Guest, Joel Baily for 1000 acres each
and to Robert Button, Samuel Set-
tler and Jeser Brown each for 500
acres; and surveyed off for William
Penn's own use, 3000 acres. It is
described as all in one tract, begin-
ning at the Northern Barrens be-
tween the main branch of Northeast
River and Octoraro Creek, and
bounding it to the Southwards with
an East and West line parallel to the
line of the Province, and Northward
to the barrens.

In the same book under the same
date, 1701, page 27g it is stated that
a warrant should be made to William
Clayton for 1000 acres of land at
Susquehanna, "with the rest there."
whoever they were.

These grants of land on the Sus-
quehanna, I believe, are the very '
earliest that were made to indivi-
duals by the authorities of Pennsyl-
vania in the neighborhood of and
among the Indians of these two
Rivers.

1702— Earliest Preaching to the In-
dians at Conestoga.

We have heretofore stated that
William Penn visited the Indians on
: the Susquehanna twice and from his
J nature one can not doubt that he
gave them religious instruction be-
cause this was constantly on his
|mind. But the earliest preaching of
; which we have any proofs was in
j 1702 by Rev. Jonas Airens who
| preached that year to the Conestoga
| Indians at Conestoga. Record of this
I may be found in Vol. 30 of Penna.
Magazine of History and Biography
| in a note at the bottom of page 291.
I There is not much to be said about
| it and it is likely that there were
j only a few sermons preached; and
j that it was not a missionary move-
jment extending over any length of
time. A little later Thomas Chalk-
jley preached to the Conestogas, and
| considerably later Count Zinzendorf,
the last named about the year 1742.

1702— The First Mention of the Sus-
quehanna Road.

In Vol. 19 of the Second Series of
the Penna. Archives, p. 303 under
the date of 1702 it is stated that
Joseph Fisher and several other
land owners of Dublin Township,
"remonstrated that the Sasquehan-
nah road laid out through the said
Township is run too much to the
Northward by which means the set-
tlements on that side are too short
and those on the South too long."
This shows that at the early date of
1702 the Indian affairs on Susque-
hanna were of sufficient importance
to agitate constructing a road to
their locality. The first road which
Anally did reach the Susquehanna
was begun in 1683 and reached the
river in 1714, but it was in use
before the latter date. In Nicholas
Scull's map of 1759 connected with

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

170

the Penna. Archives. Dublin Town-
ship is situated immediately North of
Philadelphia county, as it then was.

1702 — James Logan's Earliest Visit to
the Conestogas.

In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan Cor-
respondence, p. 179 James Logan
says in a letter of this year written
to William Penn, "I design next
month for Conestoga, God willing, to
treat with the Indians there and con-
firm them, for we have many re-
ports about the attempts of the
French to debauch all; and Indian
Harry has never since he went to the
Onondagoes last year been here, but
he solemnly promised to return this
way." However, in turning to p.
179 of the same book, Logan again
says in 1703 in a letter to William
Penn, that though he had designed
to go to Conestoga that he put off the
journey, waiting for Indian Harry to
come back from Canada.

I cite this item to show the efforts
that were constantly made by the
French to get the Pennsylvania In-
dians over to them. We remember
that in the early years, the Jesuit
Father had very many meetings with
our Susquehannocks, and as Queen
Ann's War was now approaching it
was considered a great point to get
these Pennsylvania Indians disaffect-
ed' from the English.

1702— Indian Harry at Philadelphia.

This year as is told us in Vol. 1 of
the Penn & Logan Correspondence,
p. 125, Indian Harry was in Philadel-
phia about the end of July but that
he went on to the Onondagoes to
bring advice from them how matters
stood concerning the Conestoga In-
dian affairs. We, of course remem-
ber that the Conestogas and all the
Indians along the Susquehanna were
• tenants,and in a manner slaves of the
Five Nations and whenever anything

of importance was to be done by the
Conestogas, advice from the Five Na-
tions was always necessary before
anyone dared to make any move.

1702 — The Conestogas on a War-like
Expedition to the South.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 70 at
a meeting of the Council held on the
17th of September, it was stated that,
"information having been given to
this board by Sylvester Garland, an
Indian trader of New Castle that half
a dozen Indians called Tackwheetap
& Posackaselt, two of them of Dela-
ware and the rest of Conestogoe, on
Susquehannah, who had lately re-
turned from the Southwards from
hunting, were seen at the said Cones-
togoe with several parts of women's
attire, viz.: a Petticoat, White Silk
hood, Lace, etc., about them, and
that upon a certain occasion Expres-
sed themselves as if they murdered
the persons from whom they had
taken them. It was consulted what
method of Inquiry or process should
be taken with ye said Indians, see-
ing they were by their Several Treat-
ies obliged to be answerable to the
English for what injuries or out-
rages they should commit against
them, and it was Resolved, that a
Message with an Interpreter was
necessary in the first place to be
sent, but there being no interpreter of
that language to be found who could
be depended on for such a service
till Harry, the Indian should return,
who was gone to the Onondagoes,
and every day expected back again,
It was further resolved, the whole
should be deferred until the said
Harry's return, upon which a full in-
quiry should be made, and ye treaty
with the ye Conestogoe Indians re-
newed and strengthened. In ye
meantime it is expected that ye Gov-
ernor of Maryland, who seems ear-
lier concerned and has earlier infor-

171

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

mation, will make inquiry also." —
This article sufficiently explains it-
self and I need add nothing of an
explanatory character to it.
1702— The French Make Peace With
the Iroquois.
In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, p. 88 it is stated in
a letter from James Logan to Wil-
liam Penn, that "in the Monthly Mer-
cury for January there is under the
head of "France" a passage, which if
true would be of bad consequence to
us, viz.: that the Government of
Canada has made a peace with the
Iroquois, which will oblige the great-
er care in what has been said. Al-
bany, by it, seems ruined; and we
shall be greatly exposed when that

barrier of the Five Nations is remov-
ed."

I cite this because whatever the
Iroquois did affected the Conestogas
and as the Iroquois broke their alle-
giance with the English and made a
treaty of peace with the French of
Canada, then the Conestogas were
compelled to choose whether they
would obey their masters the Iro-
quois, or defy them and keep their
peace with the English. We may add
here that they never broke their
agreements with the English.

1702 — Penn Wants Settlements on
the Susquehanna and Chesapeake.

In a letter written by James Logan
to William Penn in 1702, it is stated in
Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan Corres-
pondence, p. 122, that a settlement
on the navigable part of the North-
east river is to be made and that it
was to be located half way between
New Castle and Conestoga, and the
letter sets forth that another point in
favor of the settlement is, that it is
a convenient stage from the lower
parts to Susquehanna which would
much encourage a settlement of that

also. The letter goes on to say that
Griffith Owen who was with Penn at
Susquehanna know the place. The
letter then says that Logan approves
of Penn's inclination to have settle-
ments on Chesapeake to trade be-
tween Pennsylvania.

This I cite simply to show the im-
portance of our Indians living up in
this country because they had a cer-
tain bearing upon the settlements in
that locality.

1702 — Conestoga Indians Have Ceas-
ed Their Visits to Philadelphia,

In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, pp. 148 and 149, un-
der the date of 1702 it is stated that
Indian Harry is still with the Onon-
dagoes but promises to stop on his
return, he did not do so. This
caused fear on the part of the whites
and they found that he was return-
ed home to Conestoga two months
ago but that the Conestoga Indians
are quiet, however, that they " for
this last year have seldom come near
us; some of them are uneasy and
threaten to disturb the remote set-
tlers of land: such as the New Ger-
man tract, which they clamor is not
purchased."

The importance of this topic lies
in the fact that here under the date
of 1702 is a "New German Tract"
spoken of somewhere near the neigh-
borhood of the Conestoga Indians.
This is fully five years and may be
seven years before the settlements
began either in the Pequea or Cones-
toga Valleys, and the "New German
Tract" likely refers to bargains
which Penn was .making in England
with German People indicating to
them in a gneral way where their
land's would be. Another noticeable
thing in this item is the apparent
doubt which the Conestogas enter-
tained as to what they should do.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

172

Indian Harry had no doubt brought
home from Canada the news that the
Five Nations were thinking of joining
the French, and his suspicious ac-
tion in not stopping on his way back
but going directly to Conestoga
would confirm that there was some
treachery on foot between the Five
Nations and the Conestogas toward
the English and the Conestogas seem
to be on the verge of breaking faith.
However, we will see later that all
turned out well.

• As to this German tract, it may be
that the 20000 acres granted in 1701
to Cornelius Empsom near Octoraro
is what is referred to. See a former
item on this.

1702 — Thomas Chalkley Journeys
Through the Susquehanna In-
dian Country.

In Thomas Chalkley's works, a
book which we have referred to her-
tofore, pp. 38-39 he tells of his jour-
ney in this neighborhood and among
the Indians thereof ; but I am not able
to say positively that he did com-
municate with the Conestogas on this
trip. We will find definite informa-
tion about his later missionary
journeys among the Susquehannas
and Conestogas.

1703— Louis Mitchell or Michelle,
Martin Chartier and Others Live
at Conestoga With the In-
dians.

In Rupp's history of Lancaster
County, p. 53 he says that in the
year of 1703 the Canton of Bern in
Switzerland sent Louis Mitchell to
look for vacant lands in Pennsyl-
vania. Martin Chartier is also de-
scribed as carrying messages from
Philadelphia to the Shawnas at Pe-
quea near Conestoga, where he had
a trading station. On p. 54 Rupp
says, though Mitchell was the person
who first lead the rest there to Con-

estoga, yet others had come in
since; and these were the pioneer
whites in Conestoga. Rupp also says
at p. 45, quoting the Colonial Rec,
which we have also quoted in a for-
mer item, that Martin Chartier had
long lived among the Shawana In-
i dians.

I 1703— The French Again Trying to«

Wean the Conestoga Indians

From the English.

| , In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
I Correspondence p. 227 James Logan
ion the 2nd of September of that year
! writes a letter to William Penn in
| which he says, "Indian Harry of Con-
! estoga is now here and acquaints us
j with the great endeavors of the
I French, but I have not fully dis-
| coursed with him." The letter also
! states that French are settling

among the Five Nations and are at
| peace with them; and have emissar-
| ies all about us. This is sufficient to
i show that the French were trying to

get the good-will of the Five Nations
j and of course the Five Nations abso-
! lutely controlled the Conestoga In-
| dians.

1 1703 — Letort and Bezalion Again
Held in Bonds.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 100
| the following report is made of a
Council held at Philadelphia the 17th
of August this year, as follows: —

"James Letort who about two
years agoe went out of this Province
to Canada, and returned last spring,
having been upon his return exam-
ined before several of the Council
and magistrates, and no great occa-
sion found to support him of any
evil designs against this Government,
he having been bred in it since his
infancy, had hitherto behaved himself
inoffensively and was seduced to de-
part in time of peace by the Instiga-
tion of some others, without any evil

173

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

intentions that could be made appear |
in himself and being now in town,
together with Peter Bezalion another
Frenchman and Indian Trader, it
was Judged necessary to call them
both before the Council, and for fur-
ther satisfaction to take security of
them for their behavior towards the
Government, accordingly they were
' sent for and obliged each to give Se-
curity in five hundred pounds Ster-
ling, that they should behave them-
selves as good subjects of the Queen
and of this Government, and hold no
correspondence whatsoever with ye
enemy, but at all times during ye
Warr make best discoveries they
could do all designs that should come
to their knowledge against this Gov-
ernment, or any others of the Queens
Subjects." In this article we plain-
ly see how constantly the efforts
were going on about Conestoga to
get our Indians turned against the
English.

1703 — James Logan's Intended Trip
to the Conestoga Indians.

In a letter to William Penn dated
the 13th of March, 1703, and found
in Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan Cor-
respondence, p. 79, James Logan
says, "I design next month for Con-
estoga, God willing, to treat with the
Indians there and confirm them for
we have many flying reports about
the attempts of the French to de-
bauch all; and Indian Harry has
never been here since he went to the
Onondagoes last year, though he
solemnly promised to return this
way." But it appears in the same
book, pp. 197-198 that Logan never
made this trip.
1703— Bazilion Again Suspected.
In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan Cor-
respondence, p. 224 in a letter from
James Logan to William Penn, Logan
states that it is not safe to let Baza-

lion to be at large, as he is a dan
gerous man against the English.

1703— Randall Janney to be Sent to
Susquehanna.

In Vol. 1 of the book last above
quoted, p. 214, William Penn writes
a letter to Logan which begins at
page 211, saying that he recommends
Janney about the Susquehanna pur-
chase; and that Logan shall use him
I kindly. His purpose there was to
| look after the intended New County
and also to keep tally on Indian do-
: ings.

j 1703— Penn Desires Tobacco and In-
dian Products to be Shipped

Down the Chesapeake.
In the same Vol. last cited, p. 180
it is stated that a ship to carry 7 or
800 hogsheads of tobacco down the
Chesapeake is about being built and
that the costs of it may not exceed
3000 pounds, if built at best hand;
and the cables and rigging may be
had from England.
1703 —The Settlement at Octoraro
Trades With the Indians.
In the same Vol. last quoted, p. 203
in a letter by Isaac Norris to Jona-
| than Dickinson, he speakes of the
I fact that the settlement of lands at
the head of the Northeast river or
Octoraro gives value to our Susque-
hanna lands, and that our Susque-
| hanna country, considering the time
I of the year is very healthy. It may
be collected from the letter as a
whole that some trading is being
conducted by the Indians with these
parts.

1703— A Number of Indians Remove

from Conestoga.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 131 in

the proceedings of a Council held the

beginning of the year of 1704 there

is an item which indicates that a

| number of Indians about the end of

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

174

the year 1703 left at Conestoga. The
article states that Martin Chartier
who long lived upon the Susque-
liannna was examined in relation to
himself, the Indians, "and those that
liad lately left Conestoga. And there
not being sufficient occasion to put
him any further trouble, he was dis-
missed."

This is the only thing that I can
find on the subject. I can not tell
who or what tribe of Indians are re-
ferred to or whether a large or small
number left Conestoga. It does not
refer to the Shawnese because they
did not leave until quite some time
later than 1703. But this is enough
to indicate to us that certain bodies
of these Indians were in the habit of
shifting their homes.

1703 — Whites Among the Indians at
Conestoga.

It seems as early as 1703 there
were some whites among the Con-
estoga and other Indians about Sus-
quehanna, not to settle there but to
trade with them. Rupp at p. 39 has
briefly stated the history on this
point and he says as follows: —
"Though no actual, settlements had
been made prior to 1708, or 1709, in
Lancaster County, a few whites had
their abodes among the Indians on
the Susquehanna. — These were In-
dian Traders, viz.: Joseph Jessop,
James LeTort, Peter Bezalion, Mar-
tin Chartier, all Indians, and upon
the Susquehanna; and one Mitchel, a
Swiss. Nicole Godin, an active
young fellow, but rather a sneak, and
one Francois. These, however, had
no license to trade among and with
the Indians.

It appears from a French letter
from Madame Letort, the French
woman at Conestoga, directed to Ed-
mund Farmer, bearing date 15th of
March, 1703-4, that the Towittois In-

dians had come down and cut off
the two families of neighbor Indians
at Conestoga, and tihat they were all
there under great apprehensions of
further mischief from them, and were
preparing to demand succor of the
government in case the disorders
should be continued.

The subject mentioned in the let-
ter, was considered in council,
March 22; and it was resolved that
messengers be forthwith despatched
to Conestogoe, by way of New Castle,
to know the truth of the information,
the relation, as it appeared, being
somewhat suspicious," This item
needs no further explanation.

1704— Rumors of a Plot to Carry Off
tli€> Shawnese.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 145,
the Council heard that the Shawnese
were about to be carried away by
some strange Indians and they sent
for Peter Bezalion to be informed of
the fact. The minutes of Council on
this subject are as follows: "' Peter
Bezalion ye French Trader, coming
to town and being sent for informed
ye Board That he had heard that
those of the five nations who intend-
ed shortly down this way, had a de-
sign of carrying off the Shawnese In-
dians, both settled near Conestogoe,
and those near Lechay, (now Eas-
ton), were their enemies ; which
being fully considered, it was resol-
ved that it would be necessary to
send an Embassy as well in behalf
of our friends and allies, as the
Shawnese are as of ourselves, and
that all the belts of wampum be
procured and sent up that were col-
lected among the Indians three years
agoe for that purpose." No parti-
cular comment is necessary on this
item as it explains itself.

1704 — Indian Harry's Brother Re-
ports the Doings of the Five
Nations.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 155,
at a Council held on the 9th of Aug.

175

ANNALS OF THE STTSQUEHANNOCKS AND

this year it is reported that, " In-
dian Harry's brother, late of Cones-
togoe, being arrived in town from the
five nations, was examined with
James Le Tort and Peter Bizaillion,
Concerning those of the said five na-
tions, that have been so long expect-
here; and Peter Bizaillion was or-
ordered to attend again, about five
o'clock in the afternoon."

In this there is exhibited the further
movements and difficulties which the
English had at all times to keep the
Five Nations faithful.

1704— The Chiefs of the Fire Nations

Came to Philadelphia to Make

a Treaty.

In the same book just cited, p. 158
it appears at a Council held on the
28th of August this year that, "Kag-
undanoyagh one of the Chiefs of the
Onondagoes, with 7 or 8 others of ye
chiefs of ye Five Nations, being come
down to Philadelphia in order to hold
a treaty to settle a correspondence
With this Government. They were
called before the Council, the Lieu-
tenant Governor being by reason of
sickness unable to attend."
1704— Nicole Godin Above Conestoga
Keports Indian Depredations
in that Neighborhood.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 138
we have the following information,
which concerns not only the Senecas
but the Indians from Potomac and
Conestoga. The report of the pro-
ceedings is as follows: "Edward Far-
mer, acquainted ye Governor that
according to this order, he had in-
formed ye Assembly of what he had
heard from the Trader Nicole Godin,
viz.: That upon ye return of ye Caro-
olina Indians, who was taken (as we
said) by some of ye five nations last
year, and after escape went home-
wards through this province, some of
ye Carolina Indians, to ye number of

1 40, in revenge, were lately come and
| had set upon some of those Potow-
| mock, but they taking to their fast-
| ness and being secured, ye others de-
j clared to them that they (of Caro-
jlina), had been for many years at-
i tacked and Injured by some Indians
| from* ye Northwest, whom they had
always hitherto taken to be those of
| Canada, but now found who they
I were, viz: ye Senecars and those of
Potomock and Conestogoe, and that
they were resolved to be revenged,,
and that the three nations had join-
ed and would shortly come up and
either destroy or be destroyed by
them.
That upon this information, ye as-
I sembly thanked the Governor for his
| care in sending them an account of it
| and upon hearing there were two In-
dians sent from some of ye five na-
tions to this Government, on a mes-
sage, requested that ye Governor
would be pleased to examine ye said
Indians to night, by Ja. Le Tort for
an Interpreter, and that the said
Nicole should be for to night, and ye
said Indians be examined with him
tomorrow."

1704— Suspicious Actions of Nicholas
Gateau.

At a council held the 15th of May,
1704 the following report was made
concerning Gateau who was an In-
dian trader and operated among the
Conestogas and other Indians living
on Susquehanna. The report is found
in Vol. 2 of Col. Rec, p. 131 and is as
follows: "A petition from Nicholas
Gateau, the French cook, of this town
was read, shewing that when the ad-
ministration of the Government was
in the Council, he had preferred a
petition praying that according to
the Laws of this Government he
might be naturalized in this Pro-
vince and Territories; that his said
Petition had been granted and an in-
strument prepared, but that by the
Governor's happy arrival the Execu-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

176

tion of it was prevented, and there-
fore humbly prays that the Governor
would continue the same unto him,
and that he might be naturalized.

Ordered, that the said Nicholas. Ga-
teau, upon his taking the requi-
site oaths, (viz.:) fidelity to the
Queen, the abjuration of th'e Pope's
Supremacy, and fidelity to the Pro-
prietary, be naturalized, and an In-
strument prepared for it according to
Law."

1704 — Suffering of the Conestoga In-
dians in the Winter of 1704.

In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan Cor-
respondence, p. 359, it is set forth in
a letter from Isaac Norris to Daniel
Zachary that the winter was very se-
vere. The letter is as follows: — "As
the longest English liver has never
known such a winter as this for the
abundance of snow so we have never
had such a vacation. All avenues
were stopped and traveling wholly
impeded till just now. The post has
not been here these six weeks, which
makes the time pass on very melan-
choly, and the more particularly for
the want of hearing from you as us-
ual. This makes me assured it will
be as welcome to thee to hear thy
little boy is well, and our family,with
friends generally. Our river has been
fast these six weeks, and people go
and come with carts, sleds, horses,
etc., as on land. Dutch sleds are
mightily in fashion here this winter."

On the following page of the same
book, Isaac Norris writes a letter to
John Askew on the same subject,
which is as follows: "We have had
the deepest snow this winter that has
been known, (by the longest English
liver here;) no traveling, all avenues
shut; the post has not gone these
six weeks. The river still fast;
people bring loads over it, as they
did seven years ago when thou wast
here; many creatures like to perish."

I have thought these two items
might be of interest in this connec-
tion as that would show the condition
in the bleak winter around Conesto-
ga at the time when the only houses
I in It were Indian huts or wigwams.

1704 — Strange Indians Kill Several
Families of Conestogas.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 121
there is set forth a report made be-
fore Council of information which
Madame Ann Letort, the French-
woman at Conestoga gave concern-
ing the slaughter of Indians there;
and it is as follows: "A French let-
ter from Ann Letort, the French
woman at Conestogoe, directed to
Edward Farmer, bearing date of the
15th Instant, being brought to the
Governor, informing that ye Towit-
tois Indians had come down and cut
off two families of neighbor Indians
at Conestogoe, and that they were all
there under great apprehensions of
further mischief from them, and
were preparing to demand succor of
this Government in case the disor-
ders should continue. The Governor
laid the said letter before the Board
tp be considered how far the said in-
formation ought to be regarded, and
would be judged necessary to be done
therein.

Resolved that some messenger or
messengers be forthwith despatched
away to Conestogoe, by way of New
Castle, to know ye true grounds of
the said Information, ye Relation as
it now appears being somewhat sus-
picious. This is the same incident
j quoted from Rupp in a prior item it
I is repeated here because the records
j of Council are here in full.

1704 — Gateau Complains Against
G'odyn at Susquehanna.

In a minute of Council, p. 181 of
Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, it is set forth
that Nicholas Gateau exhibited a

irr

ANNALS OF THE StTSQUEHANNOCKS AND

complaint that sundry goods were
taken from him, some by Nich. Godyn
at Sasquehannah; and others were in
possession of William Slooby and he
begs that justice be done him.

1704-1 Report that Chartier & Two*

Other French Indian Traders are

About to Leave Sus~

In the Vol. last cited, p. 182 it was
reported to Council that Chartier and
other French traders were acting
suspiciously about Susquehanna and
on this information that they were
about to depart out of the Govern-
ment. It was ordered that the Sher-
iff of New Castle, being nearest to
their abode take it into charge and
be diligent to observe the motions
and designs, and if he finds any
grounds, he shall arrest and secure
Chartier and his accomplices. This
item is important in connection with
Our Indian on Susquehanna because
it locates the group of these French
traders definitely at this time that are
said in the item to live on Susque-
hanna, and it is further 'pointed out
that the Sheriff of New Castle is clos-
est to them. This shows that they
were living on the lower Susquehanna
perhaps below Columbia at this time.
Their dealings with our Indians were
extensive and intimate.

1704 — The Old Indian and Swedish
Road Still in Use to Sus-
quehanna.

In an item found page 122 of Vol.
2 of the Col. Rec, which we have
heretofore quoted it is stated that
Council resolved to send messengers
to Conestoga by way of New Castle.
I here simply recall our attention to
the fact that as early as 1646 there
was evidence which we found in Cam-

I panius Holm and Acrelius that the

! route taken by the ancient Susque-

hannocks and the Swedes who were

settled in the neighborhood of what is

i now Wilmington, led across the

I country by the way of New Castle to

J Susquehanna river and then up the

| river to the Indian Town. The item

j this road by the way of New Castle

we now quote seems to indicate that

| was still a favorite one between the

! Lower Delaware Settlements and the

| Susquehanna Country.

1704— The Great Rum Trade with the
Conestoga Indians Continues.

At a Council which was held the
9th day of May, 1704, a member of the
Board informed that body of the
great abuses committed by carrying
rum from New Castle to Conestoga.
In this item we see that the rum
trade still continues there in great
force.

In addition to what we have just
j said it is set forth in the same Book,
p. 141 that Ortyiagh, the Chief of the
Conestoga Indians made a complaint
through Edward Farmer that he
should "complain to the Governor of
the great quantity of rum continually
brought to their town insomuch
that they are ruined by it and having
nothing left but have laid out all,
even their clothes for rum; and may
now, when threatened with war be
surprised by their enemies when be-
sides themselves with drink and
thereby be utterly destroyed."

1704 — Letort, the Indian Trader of

Conestoga, in Jail.

On page 163 of Vol. 2 of the Col.
Rec, "A petition from James Letort
a prisoner in the Common Gaol of
Philadelphia, was read setting forth
that he had always been faithful and
bore true allegiance to the Crown of

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

178

England, and was ready to give such
further security as should be thought
reasonable, yet was abridged of his
Liberty and detained a prisoner, and
praying for relief therein; it is order-
ed to be further considered, and then
adjourned."

On the 31st of October this petition
of James Letort was considered, and
as it is set forth on page 170 of the
last named book, "it was ordered that
unless the said Letort can give suf-
ficient security for his good behavior
in the sum of 1000 Pounds, to be pro-
duced at the next setting of the
Council, he still be detained as a
prisoner."

1705 — The Ganawese Come to the
Susquehanna Country.

At a Council held the 11th of May,
1705 as is reported in Vol. 2 of the
Col. Rec, p. 191, "Manangy, the In-
dian Chief of Schuylkill came to wait
on the Governor in behalf of the
Ganawese or Piscataway Indians,
settled in this Province near the
head of Polomock, being now reduc-
ed by sickness to a small number,
and desirous to quitt their present
habitation, (where they settled five
years ago), with the Proprietor's
consent the Conestogoe Indians then
becoming Guarantees of a Treaty of
Friendship made between them, and
shewing a belt of Wampum, they
had sent to the Schuylkill Indians to
engage their friendship and Consent,
that they may be permitted to settle
in the said place, which if he pleased
to agree to, they will come and wait
on him themselves with a suitable
present.

The Governor gave them a kind in-
vitation, by the said Menangy, to
come and settle as near us as they
should think fitt, provided they would
take care and live peaceably, and
that the said Manangy , and ye In-

dians of that place with him would
appear and engage they should be-
have themselves well and dutyfull to
j this Government."

It will be observed here that these
i Indians came into Pennsylvania
ifrom the South in the year of 1700,
| but they settled on the extreme low-
er boundary about the head branches
of the Potomac; and they now mov-
ed to Conestoga. I can not find
whether they entered into the Cones-
toga tribe and became a new element
in its already conglomerated consti-
tution or kept their separate tribal
manners and lived separate. They
were reduced to a very small number
and may have formed a little group
by themselves.

1705— The Conestogas Fear that the
Marylanders are Going to Ex-
terminate Them.

In the book and at the page last
mentioned it is stated, "Two Indians
from Conestogae also waited on the
Governor, informing him that they
had been alarmed by the people of
Maryland, and were told that they
had design to come and take or cut
them off, upon account of an injury
done to some of that Province by
some of the five nations, of which
they were wholly innocent, and
therefore desired this Government's
protection, that as they have behaved
themselves well and peacably, they
might still continue to live in quiet-
ness and unmolested.

The Governor assured them, that if
they were clear of the violences done
lately upon the family of the English
in Maryland, and would not Espouse
the Cause of or shelter any who
should committ any injuries against
the Queen's subjects, they should al-
ways be protected."

This item discloses to us that
these small tribes about the Susque-
hanna were again undergoing the

179

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

dangerous experiences which their
ancestors the old Susquehannocks
had undergone two generations be-
fore:— that is, the five nations com-
mitted depredations in Maryland and
blamed it upon the Conestogas. We
remember that 1675 before the Five
Nations had conquered the Susque-
hannocks those Indians of the Five
Nations used to commit murders in
Maryland and blame it on the Sus-
quehannocks and it was this sad cir-
cumstance that brought Major Tru-
man and Colonel Washington to
slaughter the five Susquehannock
chiefs and take the first steps in the
extermination of the Susquehannock
Nation.

1705 — James Logan Holds the First

Treaty at Conestoga Since

Penn's Last Tisit.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 244
under the date of the 6th of June,
1706 James gave an account of the
treaty which he had held at Cones-
toga in October, 1705. The reason
that he did not report it before was
that he wanted to make the report in
the presence of the Indians with
whom he had held the treaty; and
on this day the Chiefs of the Cones-
togas, Shawnese and Ganawese on
Susquehanna had come to town
(Philadelphia) to confer about pub-
lic affairs and had brought Indian
Harry with them as interpreter, and
were now present in the council
chamber. This report to Council of
the treaty he made with them in 1705
was made in their presence so that
they could object if he reported any
part of it wrongly, and it served the
further purpose of fully informing
them that the treaty which had been
made in the far away woods along
the Conestoga would reach the
authorities at Philadelphia in fact
and in truth. The report which
Logan gave on what happened at
Conestoga is set forth as follows:

"The Secretary not having done it
' in Council before, gave the Board an
account of the message to the said
Indians, in October last, undertaken
by order of Council, upon the re-
peated reports we had of great un-
easiness among the Indians, by rea-
son of the Ganawese, who had fled
from Maryland, as follows, viz:

That in Company of some persons
S from Chester, viz. : the Sheriff and
Clark of that County, and the Sher-
■ iff of New Castle, Hercules Coutts,
Hermannus Alricks, with Edward
Shippen, Junr., and others being ten
in number, he carried thither some
English goods for a present and at
| Conestoga as the Chief place he first
; treated with them, telling them, (ac-
| cording to the minutes then taken),
| that he was come from the Governor
| of Pennsylvania, who had always
j been a friend to all the Indians
j within the bounds of it. That Gov-
ernor William Penn, since he first
came into this countrey, with all
j those under him, had always inviol-
j ably maintained a perfect friendship
I with all the natives of the Countrey,
that he possessed of it at his first ar-
I rival.

That when he was last in the

Countrey he visited those of that

place and his son upon his arrival

did the same, in order to cultivate the

I ancient friendship between them,

I that he and his posterity might, after

| his father's example maintain peace

and a good understanding with them

and their heirs.

That the Governor, who now is at
; Philadelphia, is sent over to them by
I Governor Penn in his stead, would
have come also and seen them, but
other business obstructed, he intend-
ed it however as soon as possible he
could with conveniency.

That he, (the Secretary) with that
Company were now come, not to

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

180

make any new treaty with them, for
that he hoped would be needless,
those that have been already made
being in full force and sufficiently
strong, but to enquire of them, as our
brethren, how matters stood with
them, whether anything had happen-
ed among them, and whether all
things were well with them in this
time of open war, of which we de-
sired a full account of them.

That Governor Penn had often em-
ployed his thoughts how to prevent
any affronts or injuries of any kind
being put upon them, and how they
might the most advantageously be
furnished with what they wanted
from the English.

That notwithstanding all his care
things had not been so well managed
as desired, but that now we were re-
solved to fall upon measures, more
effectually to put in practice what
had been so much wished for in vain.

That the Assembly of Pennsylvania
which is the great Council, was now
about to sit at Philadelphia to make
necessary laws for the good of the
publick, that in order to have some
good law made, also for their advan-
tage, they were desired three or four
of their Chiefs and wisest men to
Philadelphia, to agree on such
things as would be most proper to be
past into laws for that purpose.

That he was not willing to insist
on any further particulars at this
time, upon the various reports that
had been spread in the Countrey con-
cerning them, which principally oc-
casioned their visit, referring till
they should meet at Philadelphia,only
he would mention two things of great
importance at the present time, and
which he must lay before them:
First, that they should take great
care of giving ear to Malicious Re-
ports spread and carried by ill men,
for that we heard they had been al-
armed at the Christians putting

J themselves in arms in all these
j parts and mustering. The reason of
| this was the war with the French,
and was designed rather to help
than to hurt them, but as they and
we are brethren each must be assis-
tant to the other, and therefore the
English took up arms to defend
j themselves, and the Indians also
1 against both their enemies.

That notwithstanding they ought
| all as far as possible to avoid war,
! for peace was most desirable, and
j war must be only for defence.

That we were also informed some

! of the Maryland Indians then among

them had differed with the English

there, and were afraid to return or

come among the English of that

Government. If so they might then

| continue among us till matters were

| fully settled, that our Governor

would treat with the Governor of

| Maryland in their favour, but they

j must not quarrel with any of the

subjects of England, for we are all

under one Crown and are as one

; people.

That these Indians then called the
I Piscataway Indians about five years
: ago when they came to settle within
\ this Government came to Philadel-
•! phia in company with those of Con-
l estoga and the Shawanois, who en-
| gaged to our government for their
| peaceable deportment and behavior
amongst us that hitherto
behaved accordingly, and
that ther would continue so to do.
After which he summoned up his
discourses and desired them to re-
member well what he had said and
give him an answer at next meeting
to-morrow. The Secretary further
informed the Board that the next day
sitting again in Council with their
Chiefs at Conestogoe, they made an-
swer:

That in Consideration of our Visit,
though they were very poor, they

they had
we hoped

181

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

presented us with some skins. That !
they could not possibly come to
Philadelphia so soon as desired, ]
being now late in the year, but in the |
Spring they will all come in a body. |
That they did not understand what j
we meant by ill reports, which being
further explained to them, they an-
swered, (Viz. the Ganawese), that
some of the Virginians had much dis- ,
turbed them, killed one of their men j
and abused several others, that being
uneasie they thought it not safe to j
continue there, and were now come !
hither where they hoped they might
live peaceably, that on their sides i
whatever was reported they meant
nothing but peace and friendship. To j
which he answered that they should
be safe here, and desired them not
to go further from us till matters be
fully settled with Virginia and Mary-
land, that in the mean time we would
be kind to them and they should not
want. They proceeded to answer
that they knew not of any ill reports
at present, that when they heard any
they should wholly disregard them.

That he further added that he un-
derstood John Hans was building a
log house for trade amongst them,
which made uneasie, and desired to
know whether they encouraged it. To
which they answered that they did
not, and were desired not to suffer
any Christians to settle amongst
them without the Governor's leave.
They added that they desired us to
trade with them and for the present
to trust them, for it was very low
with them. The Secretary further
added that among the Shawanis, with
whom their chief abode was, he had
also held a treaty to the same pur-
pose with that at Conestogae, and
received very near the same answers;
that he had made them presents of
Stroudwater and Indian Jewels to the
value of nearly 20 Pounds and had
received some skins in return.which

being sold to the best advantage
amounted to 6 Pounds and no more.
Then he left them all in a very good
temper, very well pleased and oblig-
ed with the message, and exceeding-
ly disposed. That he with the Com-
pany had made a journey among the
Ganawese, settled some miles above
Conestogoe at a place called Conne-
jahera, above the fort,and had confer-
ences with them, which seemed
wholly to compose all their appre-
hensions, and that he had reason to
believe he left these three nations in
a perfect good understanding with
us, of which he thought it necessary
more particularly to acquaint the
Board at this time, because the pre-
sent conference would in some mea-
sure be grounded upon that message.

The said account being ended the

Governor ordered the Interpreter to

acquaint the said Indians that he

fully designed to have seen them at

their own town before this time, but

unexpected business falling in pre-

| vented him, notwithstanding he still

\ continued his resolution by the first

j convenient opportunity, in the mean

! time he was glad to see them all

| here, and desired they would pro-

! ceed to inform him of what they had

j new or what had occurred to their

j notice.

Upon which Andaggyjunguagh, the
! Chief of Conestogoe, laid before the
; Governor, a very large Wampum belt
! of 21 rows, with three hands
! wrought in it in black, (the rest
j white) which belt, he said,was pledge
of peace formerly delivered by the
| Onondagoe Indians, one of the Five
Nations to the Nantikokes, when
j they made the said Nantikokes trib-
utaries; that the Nantikokes being
I lately under some apprehensions of
j danger from the Five Nations, some
J of them had this spring come up to
| Conestogoe and brought this belt

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

182

with tliem, and that they had another
of the same also at Conestogoe, to
show to those of the Five Nations
that were expected shortly to come
down to receive the Nantikokes tri-
bute; that they brought this belt
thither, that we might also shew it
to those of the Five Nations who
might come down this way, that they
might see they had made peace, and
that we are at peace with our
neghboring Indians. Much time was
spent in discoursing this, as also in
conferring which the Shawonois,who
owned themselves under some misap-
prehensions from the Five Nations,
and then adjourned till morning."
The report of this treaty is so full
that we need add nothing to it by
way of comment

This last item again shows us the
location of Susquehanna Fort at this
time.

1705 — Location of Susquehanna Fort

at This Time. Bazalion and Two

Conestoga Indians Attend

Council.

In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Records,
p. 186 it was ordered on the 23rd of
May, 1705 that notice shall be given
to the two Indians from Conestoga
and to Peter Bezalion to attend to-
morrow morning at 9 o'clock. It was
at this meeting that the Conestogas
gave the news to Council that they
were afraid of the Maryland authori-
ties; and what they said and did has
already been stated so that it need
not be repeated.

As to Peter Bezalion it might be
important here to state that he is
buried in the church yard of the St.
John's Episcopal church at Compass,
just over the Lancaster County line
from Waterloo in Salisbury town-
ship on the head branches of the
Pequea Creek. The inscription on
his tombstone is as follows:

"In Memory of

Peter Bezellion
i who departed this life

July 18th, 1742

Aged 80 years.

[ Whoe'er thou art with tender Heart

Stop, Read and Think on me
I once was well as now thou art,
As now I am so shalt thou be."

1 1705 — A Law to Further Protect the

Indians from Frauds and

Insults.

In Vol. 2 of the Col Rec, p. 213 it
is set forth that the Assembly have
forwarded to the Council a bill en-
l titled, "An Act for Better Improving
Good Correspondence With the In-
dians." One object of the Act was to
| limit the amount they could spend
I for Indian treaties. At page 216 it is
set forth that the Governor and
j Council thought the sum of 50
j pounds was too small for Indian
| treaties for one year, but the As-
| sembly would not agree to a larger
| amount. The act was finally passed
jthe 12 of January, 1706 and may be
| found in Vol 2 of the Statutes at
1 large p. 279. The assembly won its
; point in this Act because it provides
: that no more than 50 pounds may be
j spent yearly.

1 1705— James Logan's Letter to Penn
on His Conestoga Trip.

In Vol. 2 of the Penn & Logan
| Correspondence, p. 83 is to be found
j a letter written by Logan to William
] Penn the 9th of October, 1705, in
j which he says in part, "I have for
j several weeks past upon various
! business been obliged to be from
j home, a journey to Conestogoe, in
I order to compose some misunder-
standings apprehended to arise
I among there and some other neigh-
boring Indians, as the Shawanois
and Ganawois lately settled near
them, being fled from Maryland, took
me up about 10 days." This is about
all he says to William Penn on the
j subject but the proceedings in full
j are found in the Colonial Records, as
i we have above stated.

m

ANNALS OF TOE STJSQUEHANNOCKS AND

f 706 — Conestogas, Shawnese and

Ganawese go to Philadelphia

On Business.

If one had been in the Council
Chamber on the 6th of June, 1705
they would have found there a large
company of Indians from the Sus-
quehanna, who came down to confer
on public business. We have refer-
red to this before showing that James
Logan took advantage of their pre-
sence to explain to the Council in the
presence of the Indians the treaty he
had made at Conestoga in October,
1705. But this visit by these Indians
was made by them for other pur-
poses. We remember that the Con-
estoga Chiefs laid before the Gover-
nor a very large belt of wampum with
21 rows with 3 black bands wrought
in it and the rest white and gave the
explanations which we have above set
forth. The next day the Board took
up the question of what this belt
meant and why the Indians left it
there to be shown to the Five Na-
tions. The Council were very much
puzzled and somewhat frightened by
this account of the Conestogas, es-
pecially as the Nantikokes desired it
to be brought to the attention of the
Five Nations when those chiefs
should come through Philadelphia on
their way to Conestoga. The decis-
ion of Council is set forth at page
247 of the book last cited, where it
is stated that the subject being de-
bated for some time, and the Indians
more particularly examined about it,
it was resolved at length upon their
declaring that they had another of
the same at Conestoga to be shown
to the Five Nations that the belt
should be kept here according to
their proposal."

1706 — The Governor Explains Our
Laws to the Conestoga Indians.

In the same work and at the page
last mentioned is is stated that on

this 7th cf June, 1706 the Governor
caused the late law for improving at
better Correspondence with the In-
dians to be read and explained to
those that had come down from Con-
estoga. "They were acquainted upon
it, that this Government took all
possible care to have all matters re-
lating to them regulated to the best
advantage, that now they had made a
law to prevent any injuries to them
from the Christians, and laying great-
! er punishments on those that should
commit them, than if they were done
to the English themselves. That we
I had also enacted in that law, that no
person should trade with them, but
| such as should first have a license
i from the Governor, under his hand
j and seal, upon making out of which
j license, the persons licensed were
j obliged to observe certain orders and
jrgulations, that the Indians should
be in no wise abused by them. That
I it now concerned them to take care
i among themselves, that this law
! should be kept in force, for the trad-
ers coming among them could not be
| discovered but by the Indians, and
therefore they were desired to see
that it be duly observed. They then
desired that only two persons should
be allowed to trade with them, for
that number would be sufficient, but
it was answered that they would be
the more subject to be imposed on,
i the fewer should trade with them,
and it would be to their advantage,
| provided that all traders were sub-
I ject to a regulation.

They further desired that none
might be suffered to go up into the
Countrey beyon.d their towns, to
meet the Indians returning from
; hunting, for they sustain great dam-
ages by that practice, by being made
I drunk at their return before they
| get home to their wives and so
! were imposed on and cheated by the
i traders of all their labors.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

184

Under this they were desired to
take care among themselves that
none of their people should sell any-
thing to the traders till they came
home to their own town and in the
licenses that should be given in the I
future, the Governor would take care '
to oblige them not to go higher into
the Countrey than the noted Indian
Towns and to trade nowhere else.

Then they presented a parcel of i
Deer, Fox and Racoon skins, of about
14 Pounds in value, (according to
the prices they now bear), which
they offered for a confirmation of
the Chain of Friendship between us, j
and desired that we might all still
Continue Friends and Brothers as
we have always hitherto been, which
being kindly accepted and orders
given to provide goods to return
them for their present, the Council
adjourned."

In this we again see what a var- j
lety of matters it was necessary to j
take up and settle between our In- j
dians on Susquehanna and the Gov-
ernment; and what a sensible view
the Indians took of all these mea-
sures for their benefit.

1706 — The Costs of Logan's Treaty
With the Conestoga Indians.

On the 25th of June, 1706, as shown
in Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 248 the
Secretary, James Logan, "laid before
the Board an account of the charge
of the last treaty had with the In-
dians of Conestogoe, at Philadelphia,
amounting on the debtor side to 36
pounds, 2s and 5d; on the Creditor
13 pounds, 17s — which makes the
balance 22 pounds, 5s and 5d, which
account being approved and approved
of by the Board, it is ordered that
the Treasurer forthwith pay the bal-
ance of it of that 50 Pounds per
Annum, allowed by the Assembly
for that purpose."

1706 — Governor Evans Goes to Con«
estoga to Make a Treaty.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 251 at
a Council held the 31st of August,
this year, Governor Evans represent-
ed to the Council that it being of
great importance during this war
time to maintain a good understand-
ing with the Indians and secure
them to the Queen's interest against
the effeorts of the enemy to de-
bauch them, he had proposed to
make a visit very hastily to those of
Conestoga and the adjoining settle-
ments and he asked that it be made
a public charge; and the Board if the
Governor did undertake the trouble
of the journey, that his visit to them
since they expect to see him at their
own town, might be of great public
service.

On this encouragement Governor
Evans made the visit and the treaty
and on the 19th of September he re-
ported it to Council (p. 252), saying
that he had further "a necessity of
going to Conestoga lately for which
he found when he arrived there that
there had been very great occasion
and he hoped it would prove of
great service." This seems to be the
only report of the treaty and what
questions' he took up and disposed of
is now shown. But in Vol. 2 of the
Penn & Logan correspondence, p. 159
James Logan writing to Wm. Penn
says in a letter dated August 1706 in
speaking of John Evans, " There
are perhaps some articles that per-
haps may shock thee, particularly
that of the Conestogoe journey but it
is exactly as everything is as they
have charged. The ill flavor of that
treaty made by Governor Evans is
they accused him of making gain out
of it. In a letter found in the
hook last mentioned, p. 267 in
Logan says concerning John Evans
that the Assembly have long since

1S5

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

accused him of making out of this
treaty a lewd voyage to Susque-
hanna with the violest character of
his and his retinue's practices with
the wives and daughters of the In-
dian people of Conestoga."

The scandal of this treaty at Con-
estoga was taken note of by the As-
sembly and on the 28th of Decem-
ber, these staid old Quakers in an
address to Governor Evans say in
Vol. 1 of the Votes of Assembly, Part
2, p. 131, "If men employed or con-
cerned in Indian treaties or trade
will take these opportunities to
exact upon or defraud the Indians
and commit such vile abominations
with them, as we are informed some
have; done to the great scandal of
Christianity, the poor heathen will
have too much cause to conclude
that it is better to remain in their
natural state, than to advance to-
wards the Christian religion, espec-
ially as they conclude that the prac-
tices thereof will give them no
better examples, than we understand
some have done lately and formerly,
in their Indian visits."

Rupp says at p. 44, in speaking of
this treaty that, "It appears that the
Indians, at Conestoga were quite an
object of attention. Fearful they might
be alienated, Governor Evans con-
ceived it of the utmost importance
under these existing circumstances
'to maintain as far as possible, a per-
fect good understanding with the In-
dians, and to labor to keep them se-
cure in the Queen's interest against
the machinations used by the enemy
to debauch them from the people of
the province.' To effect this, he pro-
posed, in August, 1706, the year after
Chalkley's errand to them as a mes-
senger of Peace, to visit very speed-
ily the Indians of Conestoga, and the
adjacent settlement. He went, and
had a personal interview with them
at Conestoga; and it proved, as he

hoped of great service.

It was then, perhaps, he was so
eloquently addressed by an Indian
Orator, who, as the Poet says spake:
'Father — we love quiet; we suffer
i the mouse to play, .when the leaves
j are rustled by the wind we fear not;
when the leaves are disturbed in am-
bush, we are uneasy; when a cloud
i obscures your brilliant sun, our eyes
! feel dim; but when the rays appear,
they give great heat to the body, and
I joy to the heart. Treachery darkens
; the chain of friendship, but truth
makes it brighter than ever. This
is the peace we desire."

I quote this just as Rupp gives it
and if the Governor was capable of
j the abominable acts he is charged
! with having committeed (and his re-
tinue) after the beautiful addresses
the Indians made to him, he must
have been a character entirely un-
worthy of his place and could not
find any excuse whatever except that
which malefactors frequently use —
that he was drunk and did not know
what he was doing.

This action of Evans illustrates
how completely vile acts are kept
alive through the long ages of his-
tory; for the good old schoolmaster,
Robert Proud, p. 481 of his History
of Pennsylvania, also calls attention
to what he styles Governor Evans'
abominable acts at Conestoga. And
he further says that the Assembly in
1707 drew up a remonstrance against
Evans and made this conduct at Con-
'■ estoga one of the main points
against him. This remonstrance is
I found in Vol. 1 of the Votes of As-
' sembly, Part 2, p. 180 and in it they
I say p. 181 that a complaint was made
I to the House that some who lately
I went with Governor Evans to Cones-
j toga to visit the Indians committed
| vile abominations with them, and in
' remonstrance they conclude by say-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

186

ing that the Lieutenant Governor |
being in Penn's absence in chief
command of the province, ought to be j
virtuous, but that he has by his ex- |
cess and misdemeanors dishonored |
God and the Queen and brought the |
Government of Pennsylvania to great !
public scandal.

1706— Thomas Chalkley's Visit to the j
Conestoga Indians.

Rupp in his History of Lancaster I
County, p. 41 says that in the year
1705 Thomas Chalkley was visiting !
some of his brethren at Nottingham
in Maryland and that Chalkley said at J
that same time that he had it on his
mind to visit the Indians living at
Conestoga. Rupp then quotes it as i
being in 1705 but Chalkley fixes it in j
his Journal as in 1706. Rupp then
gives the following description of j
what took place: "We got an inter- !
preter, and thirteen or fourteen of us
travelled through the woods about
fifty miles carrying our provisions |
with us, and on the journey set 1
down by a river, and spread our j
food on the grass and refreshed our-
selves and horses, and then went on j
cheerfully and with good will, and
much love to the poor Indians and j
when we came they received us kind- i
ly, treating civilly in their way. We
treated about having a meeting with
them in a religious way; upon j
which they were very grave, and
spoke one after another, without any
heat or jarring — and some of the
most esteemed of the women speak
in their councils. I asked our in-
terpreter, why they suffered or per-
mited the women to speak in their
Councils? His answer was, 'that
some women were wiser than some
men.' 'Our interpreter told me that
they had not done anything for
many years without the councils of
an ancient grave woman; who, I
observed spoke much in their Coun-

cils; for as I was permitted to be
present at it, and I asked, what it
was the woman said? He told me
she was an empress; and they gave
much heed to what she said amongst
them; and that she then said because
we did not come to buy or sell or
get gain, but come in love and respect
to them — and desire their well doing
both here and hereafter;' and fur-
ther continued 'that our meetings
among them might be very beneficial
to their young people' — and related a
dream which she had three days be-
fore, and interpreted it, viz.: 'That
she was in London, and that London
was the finest place she had ever saw
— it was like to Philadelphia; but
much bigger — and she went across
six streets, and in the seventh she
saw William Penn preaching to the
people, which was a great multitude,
but she and William Penn rejoiced
to see each other; and after meeting
she went to him, and he told her that
in a little time he would come over
and preach to them also, of which
she was very glad. And now she
said her dream was fulfilled, for one
of his friends was come to preach
to them.'

She advised them to hear us, and
entertain us kindly; and according-
ly they did. There were two nations
of them, the Senecas and Shawnese.

We had first a meeting with the
Senecas, with which they were much
affected; and they called the other
nation, viz.: the Shawnese, and in-
terpreted to them what we spoke in
their meeting, and the poor Indians,
and particularly some of the young
men and women, were under a solid
exercise and coneern. We had also
a meeting with the other nation, and
they were all very kind to us, and de-
sired more such opportunities; the
which, I hope, Divine Providence will
order them if they are worthy there-
of.

187

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

The Gospel of Jesus Christ was
preached freely to them, and faith
in Christ, who was put to death at
Jerusalem, by the unbelieving Jews;
and that this same Jesus came to
save people from their sins and by
his grace and light in the soul, shows
to man his sins, and convinceth him
thereof; delivering him out of them,
and giving inward peace and comfort
to the soul for well-doing; and sor-
row and trouble for evil-doing; to
all which as their manner is, gave
public assent; and to that of the light
of the soul, they gave a double as-
sent, and seemed much affected with
the doctrine of truth, also the benefit
of the holy scriptures was largely
opened to them.

After this we returned to our res-
pective habitations, thankful in our
hearts to the God and Father of our
Lord Jesus Christ. Several of the
friends that went with me expressed
their satisfaction in this visit, and of-
fered themselves freely to go again
to the like service."

I find the same in Chalkley's Jour-
nal, p. 49 where he says he had
meetings as he travelled on the road
at Nottingham river, Northeast
River, Bush River, Gunpowder River
and Susquehanna River but he seems
to fix the date at 1706, and the same
thing which is set forth in Rupp is
found pp. 49,50, 51, 52 in Chalkley's
Journal.

1706 — More Germans Buy Land
Among the Conestoga Indians.

In Vol. 2 of the Penn & Logan Cor-
respondence, p. 110, William Penn
writes to Logan from England and
says that "The German persons
press me not for the 30,000 acres of
land in New Castle County but the
Conestoga land." We here see that
the Germans are now preparing to
make their home among these Con-
estoga Indians as early as this, where

I they obtained rights from Penn but of
i course they did not settle until a
i year or more later. It seems that

the Conestoga Indians were satisfied
i to receive these new neighbors for
I in the same letter Penn writes and
j says, " I am glad that the business

of the Conestogas and other Indians
i came off so easily.

1706 — Relation of the Minquays and
the Five Nations.

In 15 Hazard's Register, p. 181
Conyingham says that the Minquays
| or their nation was part of the Five
Nations and settled at Conestoga and
were thence called Conestoga In-
dians. They sent messengers to
Penn's Commissioners at Sackam-
axan in 1682; some of their chiefs
attended the conference or treaty of
William Penn in December of the
same year when certain lands were
I assigned them as residences forever,
I the right of the soil having been pur-
! chased of the Indians by Penn. He
I also says that these Conestoga In-
! dians were remarkable for their love
| of peace and fidelity of their promis-
es. He says that it is recorded that
once every year they send a delega-
tion to the Governor with presents,
assuring him of their fidelity of the
! first treaty or treaties.

1707 — Governor Evans Second Treaty
at Conestoga.

Some time during the late Spring
I of 1707 word came from Conestoga
j that Nicole Godyn and another
Frenchman named Francois were en-
deavoring to get the Indians on Sus-
quehanna and Conestoga to desert
the English and join the French. This
required immediate attention and
I Council decided that the Governor
should make another journey to Con-
, estoga, which he did in June of that
j year. He returned about the middle
, of July and gave a full account of

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

188

this treaty which is found in Vol.
2 of the Col. Rec, pp. 386 to 390, and
it is as follows:

" The Governor with Messrs. John
French, William Tonge, Mitchell Be-

zalion, Grey, and four

other servants, set out from New
Castle the 27th of June and the next
morning arrived at Otteraroe where
the Governor was presented with
some skins from the Indians, and the
same night we arrived at Pequehan,
being received by Martines by
Opessah and some Indian Chiefs,who
conducted us to the town, at our en-
trance into which place we were sa-
luted by the Indians with a volley
of small arms. On Monday we went
to Denkanoagah, upon the river Sas-
quehanna, being about nine miles
distance from Pequehan. Sometime
after our coming here a meeting was
held of the Shawanois, Senequois and
Canoise Indians and the Nantikoke
Indians from the seven following
towns, viz: Matcheattochousie, Match-
couchtin, Witichoquoam, Natahquois,
Techquois, Byengeahtein, and Pohe-
commdati. An Indian presented to the
Governor and his Company, and all
ye Indians there present, a large pipe
with tobacco, out of which every one
smoakt, and then the Governor ac-
quainted the Indians that he had re-
ceived a message from the Senequois
Indians of Conestogoe and those of
Pequehan, how that several strange
Indians were amongst them, and
desired his presence there; that al-
though he had the charge and care of
many thousands of the Great Queen
of England's subjects, yet he has now
come to this place to know their de-
sires, and was willing to serve them
in whatsoever lay in his power; to
which a Nantikoke Indian replied,
that they were extremely glad the
Governor was with them and that
they had waited ten days to see him.
Adjunke, one of the Sachemaes of

Conestogoe said, he was well satis-
fied with the Relation the Nantikoke
Indians had given him of their af-
fairs. Yet notwithstanding he was
very desirous they should make it
known to the Governour that he
might also be satisfied with it, a Nan-
tikoke Indian took into his hands a
Belt of Wampum from a line where-
on there was hung nineteen others,
and several strings of beads, and
said they had been given to under-
stand the Queen had sent orders, that
the Indians should live in peace with
one another and that they were sent
to give some of those belts in behalf
of the Governor of Maryland, and
themselves, to the Five Nations as
our Indians also to do for others and
Pennsylvania and themselves, if the
Governor thought fit, in order to re-
new their league with the Five Na-
tions.

Govr. How long have you been at
peace with those nations? Nant. In-
dian. 27 years.

Governor. What is the reason then
I of so many belts of Wampum and
j Strings of Beads?

Nant. Indian. We send them as a
I tribute.

Governor. I am very well satis-
fied with what has been told me, and
with what the Governr of Maryland
has done, and had I been acquainted
with this business at Philadelphia, I
would have sent a belt of Wampum
as a token of friendship, to the five
nations; but some of those five na-
tions were with me not long since,
j by whom I sent a belt ; and then Ad-
junke took a belt in his hands, say-
! ing he meant to send it to the Five
! Nations for Penn and themselves.

Indian Harry, by order of the Con-
| estoga . Sachemaes, spoke in English
| to the Nantikoke, who all understood
j that language as follows, viz : You
I are going to the Onondagoes; be sure
I keep on your way ; many may tell

189

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

you several things to fright you, and
that they are great men, and you will
be killed. You keep on your way and
believe them not, for you will find
the King of the Five Nations a very
good one, and as good a king as any
amongst the Indians.

Governor. I am very glad to see
you altogether at this time, and it is
my desire and shall be my endeavor,
that you all live in peace. Your
enemies are ours, and whosoever
shall pretend to injure you, I will en-
deavor that you shall have satisfac-
tion made for it. Then the confer-
ence ended, and the Governor treated
ye Indians at Dinner, and at night re-
turned to Penquehan.
Pequehan, 30th June Present:

Shawnoise Indians and some of the

Five Nations.
Opessah spoke in behalf of the youth
of his Town, as follows, viz:

We thank the Governor for his
kindness in supporting our people.
We are happy to live in a Countrey
at Peace, and not in these parts,
where we formerly lived; for then
upon our return from hunting, we
found our town surprised and our
women and children taken prisoners
by our enemies.

Governor. The Indians may be as-
sured of my protection, for we are
one people. If in your absence any
of your enemies endeavor to hurt any
of your wives or children, they shall
redress; for I esteem an injury done
to you as to myself.

Opessah. It was the Nantikoke
and Canoise Indians who sent for
our Father the Governor, and not we
therefore we are very sorry they er
tertained him no better, but since they
have not been so kind as they ought
we hope the Governor will accept r
our small present which we now
make him; for we are sensible the
ways are bad, and that the bushes
wear out your clothes for which

reason we give these skins to make
j Gloves, Stockings and Breeches, in
place of those wore out.

Governor. I am well pleased with
j my journey, and shall be always
i ready to do the like to preserve peace
'amongst you at home; and maintain
; your alliances abroad. I have now
! (to let you see what confidence I
1 have in you) trusted myself in the
I midst of you, with a very few of our
great Queen's subjects, although I
could have easily brought with me
very great numbers. I have been
j told that some ill designing persons
j have frequently raised reports of my
I intention to destroy you ; Pray, let
j me know the authors of these re-
ports, and they shall be punished ac-
i cording to their Deserts. I am and
! always have been ready to do you all
j manner of good offices and will con-
tinue in the same mind toward you,
therefore if any person insinuates
i the contrary to you, it is my mind
| that you secure their persons, and
I give me immediate notice of it. There
! has been formerly several alliances
made with you, which you well
know we on our parts have observ-
ed punctually; and so shall continue
to do so, and wish you may do the
same.

Then an Indian spoke in behalf of
| the women. We are concluded in
! the alliances before spoken of as well
as our men ; so we ask the Gover-
nor's protection, and desire that the
Governor will kindly accept this pre-
sent of skins, which freely we make
him, as a Testimony of our kindness.

Governor. I do accept your present
very kindly, and thank you for the
same; and you shall always find me
ready to protect and defend you and
will continue to trust you as friends
and sisters. After which the Gover-
nor spoke to the messenger from the
Five Nations as follows, viz:

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

190

You must be sure you remember to
acquaint your chiefs that you have
seen me here, and at the Shawnoise
Town; and of the friendship and al-
liance that is betwixt us and the In-
dians.

Opessah, I hope the Governor will
give us his hand in token of his
friendship.

Governor. I will give not only my
hand, but my heart.

During our abode at Pequehan
several of the Shannois Indians, from
ye Southward came to settle here
and were admitted so to do by
Opessah, * with the Governor's con-
sent; at the same time an Indian
from Shaonois Town, near Carolina,
came in and gave an account that
450 of the flat-headed Indians had be-
seiged them; and that in all probab-
ility, the same was taken. Bezalion
informed the Governor that the Sha-
onois of Carolina (he was told), had
killed several Christians; where-
upon the Government of that pro-
vince raised the said flat-headed In-
dians, and joined some Christians to
them, beseiged, and have taken as it
is thought, the said Shaonois town.

On Tuesday, 1st of July, we went
to Conestogoe, and lay there that
night, and the next morning proceed-
ed on our journey, and arrived in the
evening within 3 miles of an Indian
village, called Peixtan. The Gover-
nor had received information at Pe-
quehan, that one Nicole, a French
Indian trader was at that place
against whom great complaints had
been made to the Governor of which
he acquainted the chief Indian of
Peixtan, as also of his design to
seize him; who willingly agreed to
it, but advised the Governor to be
very cautious in the manner: their
being only young people at home,
who perhaps might make some resis-
tance, if it were done without their
first being told of it; for this reason

| we lay short of the village that
| night; but early in the morning we
j went within half a mile of the town,
| and leaving our horses, marched a
| foot near the same ; from whence the
j Governor sent Martine to the village ;
| Ordering him to tell Nicole that he
| had brought two Caggs of rum with
j him, which he had left in the woods,
for fear any Christians were there ;
and withal to perswade Nicole to go
with him to taste the rum.Martine re-
turned with James Letort and Joseph
Hessop, two Indian traders, but
could not prevail with Nicole; upon
this Martine was sent back with or-
j ders to bring down some of the In-
I dians, and Nicole with them; then
: we drew nearer to the town, and
j laid ourselves in the bushes and Mar-
j tine returned with two Indians,whom
| the Governor acquainted with his in-
I tent of taking Nicole, telling at the
I same time, he had spoken with to
| the Uncle of one of them upon that
'head, who ordered the Indians to
j submit to the Governor's commands,
• with which they were contented,
though we preceived too well the
: contrary, by their inquiring how
| many we were, and how armed; and
i by the concern they seemed to be in,
| when they found we were more men
than they in number: but still Nicole
was wanting; it was therefore resol-
ved to try once more if he could be
got into the woods, accordingly Mar-
tine went again, and brought Nicole
to that place where we lay conceal-
ed, and asking him to drink a dram,
he seized him; but Nicole started
from him and run for it, when im-
mediately we started out and took
him, and presently carried him to
the village, (through which we were
obliged to pass), and there we found
some Indians with guns in their
hands, who looked much displeased
at what we had done, but we being

191

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

in readiness against any surprise,
they thought it not fitt to attempt
anything; here we stayed about half
an hour, and then started for Turpy-
hocken; having mounted Nicole up-
on a horse and tied his legs under
the belly; we got within a mile of
Turpyhocken about two of ye clock
on Friday morning, and about 7 the
Governor went to the town, from
thence we went to Manatawny that
night, and the next day to Philadel-
phia."

Upon the Governor having made
this report it was "Ordered that a
message be sent by Martin Chartiere,
an inhabitant among the said Shaw-
anois, at Peckquea, near Conestogoe,
and now in Philadelphia, desiring the
Chief of said Shawonois, himself, or
two or three of the Council, together
with some of the principal of those
strangers, to come to Philadelphia as
speedily as they conveniently can,
and give the Governor an account, of
the said strangers, and their reasons
of leaving their native Country, to
transport themselves hither." (390).

The difficulties which required this
treaty and journey are set forth in
the last named book, p. 385, as fol-
lows:

"The Governor informed the Board
that having lately, upon an extraor-
dinary occasion, made a journey
among the Indians upon Sasquehan-
nah, he had caused a journal of his
transactions with them to be drawn
up, which he thought fit to lay be-
fore the board, but finding it to be
somewhat deficient he should defer
it until the next meeting.

But that what he had now more
immediately to consult the Board up-
on is, that he had before his said
journey received information, and
had taken the depositions of two evi-
dences, that one Nicole Godin, a
French man, a bold active young fel-

I low who had not long kept aboard in

' the woods amongst the Indians, and

\ was with them in Philadelphia about

three years ago, and had been using

endeavors to incense these people

against the English, to stir them up

to enmity against the subjects of the

Crown, and to join with our public

! enemy the French to our destruct-

I ion ; upon which information, he re-

I solved before his return to have him

■ apprehended, which after a tedious

i journey and considerable difficulties

\ he had accordingly performed, and

brought him a prisoner to Philadel-

' phia, in the Common Gaol of which

he now lies.

Also, that another native of France
I or its Domainions, Francois by
name, having for some time contin-
I ued among our Indians on Sasque-
I hannagh, without any license, had
I principally concerned himself in a
barbarious murder, committed by
! the Shawanois upon one of their
captive enemies, for which act, be-
cause it would be accounted to be
done by a Christian and therefore
might be of very ill consequence;
| the Governor had caused him also to
be apprehended and brought to
1 Philadelphia, where he likewise is
now in Gaol."

No further comment need be add-
! ed to this as what is set forth ex-
plains it in full. It is interesting to
observe, however, that all the excit-
ing proceedings took place along the
old Sasquehanna from the mouth of
the Pequea Creek to a point beyond
Chickies. It is also observed that
I the Governor and his party came by
the Southern route by the way of
J New Castle and Octoraro and went
home by way of the Northern route
up the Conestoga Creek and by
| French Creek to the Schuylkill. Both
of these routes as we remember were
I ancient roads or paths, the Southern

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

192

the Old Swedish Road in their trade
with the Susquehannocks, and the
Northern the path which William
Penn speaks of in Vol. 1 of Hazard's
Register, p. 400 as being the com-
mon course the Indians used when
he first met them, in trade with his
people on the East.

1707— The French Traders Want the

Conestoga Indians to Help

Them to Dig Ore.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 403,
under the date of February 24, this
year it is set forth that, "upon a mes-
sage from the Indians of Conestoga,
by Harry, the interpreter, they met
accordingly; and the said messenger
laying upon the board six loose
strings of white Wampum for his
Credentials, declared that he was
sent by the Queen and Principal men
of Conestoga aforesaid, to the Gov-
ernor and Council here, to acquaint
that divers Europeans, viz: Mitchell
(a Swiss), Peter Bezalion, James Le-
tort, Martin Chartier, the French
Glover of Philadelphia, Frank a
young man of Canada, who was late-
ly taken up here, being all French
men, and one from Virginia, who al-
so spoke French, had seated them-
selves and built houses upon the
branches of the Potomac, within this
Government, and pretended that
they were in search of some Mineral
or ore, that in the Governor's name
they had required the Indians of
Conestoga to send some of their
people with them to assist them and
be serviceable to them, for which the
Governor would pay them; That
those of Conestoga, not thinking
these proceedings to be consistent
with their past treaties and leagues
of friendship, desired to know wheth-
er the said persons were really sent
by the Governmnt, and had thus
seated themselves by their approba-
tion, and whether they had any or-

ders to desire the assistance of the
said Indians, if not that they then
might be called home. The said In-
terpreter further added, that al-
though Mitchell was the person who
had first led them thither, yet he had
left them many weeks past, and pre-
tended that he wanted one Clark, of
Maryland, (who is said to be now un-
der an Attainder, by an act of As-
sembly of that Government), to as-
sist him in the discovery; and the
said messenger being asked divers
other questions relating hereunto he
was ordered to withdraw.

The Council takes the Premises
into consideration, first inquired
whether any of the above mentioned
persons had a license to trade, in
pursuance of the Act of Assembly,
lately passed in this Province, for
maintaining a better correspondence
with the Indians, and thereupon the
form of the license was read, and an
account of all those who were lic-
ensed in pursuance of the said law,
was produced by which it appeared
that none of those before mentioned
is licensed, saving Peter Bezalion,
and that if they had all been so, yet
that would not justify them for seat-
ing themselves in such a manner as
has been before expressed. Where-
j upon it was resolved that an answer
; should be prepared to be sent to the
| said Queen, in which her care in ac-
! quainting this Government with what
I the messenger had related, should be
j acknowledged, and that the afore-
! mentioned persons should be forth-
with required to repair to Philadel-
phia, to give an account of the rea-
sons of their seating themselves in
the aforesaid phace, and the Secre-
tary is ordered to the said answer
against four of the clock in the after-
noon, to which time the Council is
adjourned."
No comment need be added to this

193

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

item more than to say that the whites
in this neighborhood of Conestoga
were very ready to use these Con-
estoga Indians for any purpose which
would be of advantage to them.

1707— Governor Evans Explains the
Cause of His Making the Second
Treaty Without the Per-
mission of Council.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 393,
it is stated that the Council came to
this resolution concerning the Gov-
ernor's last treaty at Conestoga, viz:
"That the Governor's last expedition
among the Indians, occasioned by a
message to him from those of Cones-
togoe and the adjacent places, upon
the Nantikokes designed journey to
the Five Nations, was necessary for
the good and for the service of the
Public, and that the Governor shew-
ed his care of it therein; that there-
fore all the necessary charges of the
said journey ought to be defrayed by
the public. But inasmuch as the
circumstances of time would not al-
low the Governor, being then at New
Castle to communicate the said
journey to and advise the Council
concerning ye same, and seeing the
law for defraying such charges to
provide, that all messages and
treaties that are to be allowed by
the Public, are first to be ordered by
the Governor and Council. The
Board, therefore, is doubtful that
there allowing of the said accounts
will scarce be sufficiently warranted
by the said law, and the considera-
tion of the former journey is referred
to the next sitting."

The Governor had some difficulty
in having the expense of this treaty
paid but on the 25th of August, 1707
the Council again considered the mat-
ter and finding that it was impossible
for the Governor to consult the
Council before going and that the

! Nantikoke Indians were being de-
tained at Conestoga by the Conestoga
Indians to await the Governor's ar-
rival, which would have been a fur-
| ther expense if he had not gone, and
\ that he went at great fatigue, that
j his expenses of going, being for the
j public good, should be paid.

1707— Nicole Godyn Captured at

Conestoga.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 385,
as we have already set forth, it is
stated that Nicole Godyn was cap-
tured by Governor Evans and his
party in the neighborhood of Bain-
I bridge. I set this out in a separate
j item simply to give it prominence, as
it was an important event.

1707 — Martin Chartier the Indian
Trader Dies.

Miss Lyle in her history of Lan-
I caster County, p. 6 says that about
this time Martin Chartier the Indian
Trader died. She says of him, that
several years before his death, which
occurred in 1708, he removed his
trading post to a point about a mile
| above the Indians fort in Manor
township. His son Peter Chartier,
married a Shawnese squaw and in-
! duced the most warlike portion of
j the tribe to join the French against
j the English, during the French and
Indian Wars, of 1754-63. This Peter
Chartier was undoubtedly a very
dangerous character as we have seen
1 in former items. He was called, a man
I with a viper's blood running through
! his veins, meaning the blood of the
Shawnese, who were always treach-
erous and warlike.

1708— Peter Bazilion Takes Up Land

Above Conestoga.

In Vol. 19 of the 2nd. Series of the

| Penna. Archs., p. 496 at a meeting of

| the Board of Property, held the 11th

,of October, 1708, it is set forth that

there was "granted unto Peter Biz-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

194

allon, Indian Trader, upon his hum-
ble request, free liberty to build to
himself a house and plant necessary
fields for his own use on any of the
lands above Conestoga, not possess-
ed or made use of by the Indians, to
be held by him during the Proprie-
tary's and Governor's pleasure or
his Lieutenant's or Comm'rs, and no
longer, he paying one deer skin
yearly for the privilege."

I quote this because it is commonly
thought that Bazallon passed most of
his life in the central and eastern
part of what is now Lancaster
County, but there is no doubt that
much of the time was spent on the
Susquehanna.

1708— The Conestoga Indians Com-
plain That the French are Build-
ing Houses There.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 403,
in an item which we have already
stated, I notice the following which
the Conestoga Indians complain
against, that the "French had set
themselves and built houses upon the
branches of the Potomac within
Pennsylvania." I merely cite this
to make prominent the French op-
erations and especially the building of
houses, North of the Branches of the
Potomac, over the Pennsylvania line.

1708 — Swedish Lutheran Missionary
at Conestoga.

In Rupp's History of Lancaster
County, p. 456 he sets forth that, "In
1708 or 1709 a Swedish-Lutheran in
the capacity of a missionary resided
among the Conestoga Indians to in-
struct them in the Christian reli-
gion." On page 455 he says, that
at an earlier period "missionaries of
the Swedish church visited the In-
dians within the present limits of
Lancaster County and the French
also paid some attention to the In-
dians." It is likely also that as

i early as this date some of the Men-
: nonite preachers reached the Cones-
toga Country, though actual settle-
I ment seems not to have begun until
i 1709.

1709 — Governor Gookin Invites the

Conestoga Indians to Join With

the English in a War Against

the French in Canada

Charles Gookin, the new Governor
of Pennsylvania, now appears on the
scene, having succeeded the wicked
Governor Evans. He first appeared
before Council on the 2nd of Feb-
ruary, 1709, (2 Col. Rec, p. 427). Hp
! desired to visit the Conestoga In-
! dians as early as he could but not
j having done so, at a Council held thp
I 8th day of June, it was ordered that
I "The Secretary forthwith dispatch
| a messenger to the Indians of Cones-
| togoe, etc., with instructions in writ-
j to excuse the Governor's not coming
j because the Assembly is now sitting
on an affair of great importance, and
for a credential to take a good belt
I of wampum with him ; to inform
them that if they design to pay a
visit to the Five Nations they are
now busy in engaging with the Eng-
lish in a war against Canada, for
which vast preparations are made
from England; that if those of Con-
estogoe, the Shawnois, etc., can en-
gage, and will prepare themselves to
join immediately in this expedition,
their young men should all provide
themselves for it without delay, and
they shall receive by the Queen's or-
der, sent for that purpose, a good
reward, every man a gun, etc., and
that their answer to this by some of
their old men, and a good interpreter
is immeditely desired.

That whether they can engage or
not we shall be glad to see some of
them here, and the Governor will
shortly make them a visit, etc. And

195

ANNALS OF THE SU3QUEHANNOCKS AND

then adjourned." See 2 Col. Rec, p. '
461.

1709— The Conestogas Willing to

Join the Expedition, But the

Same is Postponed.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 467, j
it is reported that Captain John j
French had gone to the Conestogas
for their reply to the above proposi-
tion, which they agreed to. The same
is set forth as follows:

"Captain John French having gone
in a message to Conestogo, brought
for answer from the Indians there,
that they would forthwith call in all I
their young men, and with all their
force come to Philadelphia in order
to proceed to Albany, and join in the
expedition against Canada; but the
Assembly having positively voted
against joining with that Expedition,
or raising any money for that pur-
pose; it is resolved, that a message
be again sent to these Indians, de-
siring them to defer their coming to
Philadelphia, for that the Governor
will speedily make them a visit." As
far as these records state the In-
dians were very willing to join this
expedition.

1709— The Conestogas Come to Phila-
delphia to Inquire About the Ex-
pedition and to Make Fur-
ther Treaty.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 469,
under the date of July 25, 1709, it is
set forth that, "The chiefs of several
nations of Indians living on Susque-
hanna, viz: Andaggy-junquagh/VVash-
tachary, Chiefs of the

Mingoes, Owechela, Passakassy, Sas-
soonan and Skalitchy, Chiefs of the
Delaware Indians, settled at Pesh-
tang above Conestogoe and other ad-
jacent places, Peter and Pipskoe,
Chiefs of the Ganawese, with their
several interpreters, viz: Indian

Harry for the first, Sam, son of Es-
sepenawick, for the second, and John
Montague, a Ganawese Indian for the
last, being all arrived here with sev-
eral attendants, three days ago upon
apprehension that by the Governor's
last message to them they were ex-
pressly sent for about some earnest
business; they now met the Gover-
nor in Council, who ordered the Sec-
retary to tell them through their in-
terpreter, and Peter Bizaillon, to
this effect; That upon the first mes-
sage the Governor had received from
them about six weeks ago, desiring
his company at Conestoga, he had re-
| turned an answer by Lieutenant Col-
i onel French of New Castle that he
could not then possibly come to them
because of the affairs of Government
here, from which he could not be
spared. That he had sent them no-
tice that the visit which they pro-
posed to the Five Nations with their
tribute, might be unseasonable at this
time, because those nations were en-
gaging in a" great expedition with the
English against Canada, of which
they would probably hear from 'them
in a little time, that it would be well
if they would prepare themselves to
join in it, and that he had invited
some of their chiefs to call on him
at Philadelphia; that he received an
answer to this from the Mingoes, or
those of Conestoga especially, that
they would call in all their young
i men, and march immediately with
j their whole force to Philadelphia;
but that this appearing inconvenient
and not likely to answer the end
proposed, the Governor had imme-
diately dispatched away another mes-
senger to them, to prevent their
coming, and inform them that him-
! self having now more leisure, in-
tended in a few days to see them in
; their own places. That accordingly
, he with Colonel Evans and several

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

196

ethers, had sent out and proceeded
bej^ond New Castle in the way, but
there found himself so indisposed by-
reason of a great Cold he had taken,
that he could not contniue hs Jour-
ney and therefore sent another mes-
sage to them by Jonas Askew, the
Interpreter, to inform them of the
matter — to tell them he was sorry he
was so far disappointed as that he
could not see them at that time, but
that if some of their chiefs should
think fit any time this fall at Phila-
delphia he should be glad to see
them there and if it would suit their
affairs to be here within two months,
it might be the more convenient be-
cause in that time the late Gover-
nor and Secretary intended both for
England, to see the Indians old
friend, the Proprietor William Penn,
to whom they might by them send
any message and that the Governor
then further desired them to consider
what he could do for their service,
and he would answer them in it. That
this was the substance of what had
passed, and therefore that he had not
expressly called them in, as they had
been given to understand. However,
that he was now very glad to see
them, and that they should be heart-
ily welcome to him. The Governor
then told them himself that though
he had not expressly sent for them,
yet he was glad to see them come so
cheerfully in; that he was lately
come from England, and was sent to
them by their friend and brother
William Penn, the chief Governor and
father of this country, who had giv-
en him at his coming away a spec-
ial charge to be very kind to the In-
dians and to treat them as his
friends and brothers, which he ac-
cordingly would observe, and now
thought fit to tell them so; that as
there had been a strong chain of
friendship between all those of this

country since, under this Goverment
and the Indians; so he desired it
might be continued and made every
day firmer, that it might never be
broken, that if they had anything to
ask of him that he desired them to
consider of it, and he would hear
them speak tomorrow. They all
expressd their satisfaction in what
the Governor had said and after some
time spent in conversation, etc., they
departed.

At a Council at Philadelphia, the
26th of July, 1709.
The Honorable Chas. Gookin, Esq.,

Lieutenant Governor.

The Mingoe Indians having been
invited over the river this morning,
without the Governor's knowledge,
could not be ready to meet; there-
fore those of Peshtang, etc., and the
Ganawese attending, they were desir-
ed to speak and deliver what they
had to say: Whereupon, by order of
Owechela and Passokassy, rising,
laid on the Board a belt of Wampum
as a token to confirm what he had to
speak, and then said: That this
summer they had intended to wait
unon the Five Nations and had pro-
vided for their journey twenty-four
belts of wampum, to be presented to
them as their tribute, of which they
thought themselves obliged to ac^
quaint the Governor and for that
purpose had sent him the message
that has been mentioned; but that
about the same time they had receiv-
ed a message from these Indians, ac-
quainting them that they had ap-
pointed all the Indians of these parts
as also of Maryland who are all tri-
butary to the said Five Nations, to
meet some of their chiefs who were
coming down for that purpose at
Conestogae, but that they had de-
clined their journey, being not yet
arrived; Upon this they were again
informed by the Governor's order of

197

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

the expedition against Canada, in
which those nations had lately en-
gaged, and therefore were in all pro-
bability prevented in their intended
visit.

The said speaker added, that it
would now be too late for them to
proceed in their journey Northwards,
because they would not be able to
return before the cold weather set
in, and therefore must defer it until
another year.

Passakassy added, that they had
heard of the French being upon our
coasts, and that we were in danger of
being invaded by them; that for this
reason not now willing to take a
journey so far from home, lest their
wives and children, and we of this
place should want their assistance in
their absence, and therefore they
thought fit to stay.

The Governor thanked them for
their care in this, but they were cau-
tioned hereupon against giving ear
to flying reports, they were told that
the French had no forces in these
parts, yet could injure us, and that
what they had heard of this kind was
occasioned only by some robberies,
that some of their small vessels fit-
ted out only for this purpose to
plunder and way lay honest traders
had committed: the method of pri-
vateering at sea was explained to
them, by which they were made
sensible that what had happened was
not the effect of superior force in
war, but such robberies as were
common at sea, when a few private
lurchers, with arms, set upon ves-
sels provided only for trade, and
carrying off merchandise, and so
were made prize of.

They were earnestly exhorted not
to suffer stories to be spread amongst
them, but to take notice of those
that uttered them, to apprehend
them, and bring them to the Gov-

ernor.

Passakassy complained that some
of the traders, especially James Le-
tort, wronged them in their measure
of matchcoats, which he sold them,
in which he desired redress, and up-
on it they were advised to a method
that would scare them.

They expressed a great satisfac-
tion in what had been told them and
being acquainted that they must all
I meet again in Council, they for this
i time dismissed."

The next day, July 27, (page 472),
I it appears that further steps were
j taken to show the Indians the im-
; portance of continuing in good rela-
tion with the English. This is set
forth as follows: '

"The chiefs of several nations of
our Indians being now come in,
there is an immediate necessity also
for a supply to make them a reason-
able present. I need not inform you
of how great importance it is to keep
a good correspondence with these
people upon the easy terms it has
hitherto been done in this Govern-
ment; half on what you allowed for
that purpose has been expended in
messages, and the other half, at
least, in provisions, so that nothing
remains thereof for a present; I am
sensible money can not just now be
raised to answer this end, but you
may find means to procure credit, so
that they may not go away empty."
It seems these chiefs made a long
i visit, and that on the 29th of July,
I there were further steps taken in
'treaty making, (See p. 473). At the
i Council held at Joseph Growdon's
J house, in which it is stated that all
j the chiefs now in town, with their in-
I terpreters were met, and the Secre-
tary spoke to them as follows:

"That notwithstanding they had
not been expressly sent for, (as they
had been told before), yet they were

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

198

very welcome, the Governor being a
stranger amongst them, was now
very glad to see them.

That the chain of friendship had
been so often confirmed between
them and us, that there remained
very little now to say on that head.
We had always considered them as
brothers in all proceedings with them
and should always desire to do the
same, there was nothing but love and
peace between them and us and as
often as ever we met we should still
renew the expressions of it, desiring
that it might extend to all posterity,
and that the aged fathers should in-
form their children of the friendship
that has always been maintained
amongst us, so that in every genera-
tion it may continually grow stronger
That since as our friends and
brothers they had come to see us,we
could not suffer them to depart
without some token of our friend-
ship, and therefore desired them to
accept of the present that was there
laid before them, which was:

1 Cwt. of Powder in four small
casks.

2 Cwt. of Lead.

4 Stroudwater matchcoats.

1 Dozen good Linnen Shirts.

\xk Dozen of Stockins.

100 Flints, and a large quantity of
Biskitt and Loaves.

These they were told were for their
journey, and the powder and lead to
furnish them with provisions and
skins, they were promised such liq-
uors and other necessities as they
should want, and then were desired
to receive the whole as a further
token of love, and to distribute it
amongst themselves as they should
see convenient; (p. 474).

They were also instructed about
the war between England and France
and that they should watch carefully
for any stories the French among

them should start. They were told
of the English success in the war;
and the Governor said that he hoped
they had all been treated kindly by
the people that lived among them,
and with this closed the treaty; and
the Indians departed.

1709 — The Delawares Now Live On

Susquehanna.

While it is shown in tne above item

j that the Delawares now live on the

| Susquehanna River, in order to make

| their change or residence more pro-

| minent I direct attention to Vol. 2 of

J the Col. Rec, 469, where it is set out

i that, "The Delaware Indians settled

| at Peshtang (Paxtang), now near

Harrisburg), above Conestoga an,d

other adjacent places, were arrived

in Philadelphia with several other

I tribes of Indians and their atten-

I dants."

1709 — The Iroquois Indians Demand

the Conestogas to Come and

Pay Tribute.

In Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly,
; p. 35 on the 27th of June, this year,
two members of the Council brought
a message to the Assembly from the
Governor, "That the Indians of Con-
estoga had sent a message to the
Governor, acquainting him that they
were ready to go up to the Five Na-
tions in order to pay their tribute,
but expected that the Governor or
Secretary would come to Conestoga
that they might have conference with
one of them before they went up."
The Assembly as shown p. 36 was
asked for immediate answer upon
what should be done about the word
from Conestoga by another delega-
tion from Council the next day, stat-
ing that it was absolutely necessary
j that money to defray the charge of
j going to treat with the Conestoga In-
1 dians this week should be voted be-

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

199

cause those Conestogas are bound to
go to the Five Nations as they are
tributary to the Five Nations. Upon
this urgent demand the Assembly de-
cided they would vote 15 Pounds of
the new currency to make presents
to the Indians and also to pay the
expenses of the trip to Conestoga.
This subject is also discussed in Vol.
5 of Haz. Reg., p. 113, and in Rupp's
History of Lancaster Counfy, p. 57.
1709 — The Shawnese Indians Inter-
ested in Digging for Ore About
Conestoga.

In Vol. 2 of the Penn & Logan Cor-
respondence, p. 321 dated the 3rd of
March there is a letter from William
Penn to James Logan in which he
sets forth (p. 323), that he under-
stands that Ex-Governor Evans is
making 100 Pounds, if not twice that
each week out of a mine somewhere
back of Conestoga. Penn says that
he understands, "The Indians chiefly
discovered the mine and worked it on
the spot. And it is the King of the
Shawnoe Indians and some few of
his subjects that perform this busi-
ness for Col. Evans." Penn then says
to Logan that scrutinize the matter
well and let him hear all he can
about it for if there is a mine, that
Penn is entitled to royalties out of it.
James Logan in the same book in
a letter to Penn found p 316 says at
p. 319, that he hopes Colonel Evans
is acting honorably about the mines
and that he believes that there is no
real discovery of any value made yet,
though it is expected that there will
be most any day. He further adds
that Louis Mitchell, the Swiss is gone
over to treat with the Crown of Eng-
land for a tract for his countrymen,
and that settlement is the pretense
but that miners are the real thing
Mitchell is interested in, and that it
must be guarded against until this is

I better understood. Logan thinks
I that minerals will be found near
i where Mitchell has pitched. In a
I note at the bottom of the book last
named, Logan in a letter to Penn
j says, "There is yet nothing certain-
! ly discovered about the mines. Col-
1 onel Evans has been very free with
me on that head. There has been
| none opened and I heartily wish I
may be able to tell thee more of the
| matter hereafter, for I believe that
Mitchell Bazillion has tricked us
I all."He says that this tract supposed
! to have minerals lies in the neigh-
I borhood of the Potomac, but that
they must keep their eyes open.

I cite this merely to show that agi-
tations about minerals being found
in the neighbohood of the Conestoga
and Shawnese Indian country, and
off to the Southwest were frequent
sources of excitement at this time;
and that the spirit of securing valu-
able minerals had gotten among the
Indians of this neighborhood as well
as among the white people.

1709 — The Whites Begin Settlement

Among the Indians of Lancaster

County.

Rupp in His History of Lancaster

! County, p. 74, says that several fam-

i ilies from the Palatinate decendants

' of the distressed Swiss immigrated

to America and settled in Lancaster

| County in the year 1709 and he cites

i Benjamin Eby's Geschichten der

I Mennoniten, p. 151 as his authority.

I He further says that from public

| documents and private papers in the

1 possession of Abram Meylin and

others residing in W. Lampeter town-

j ship, we may confidentially state

| that the Mennonites commenced a

! settlement in 1709-10 at the place

I where the Herrs and Meylins now

'., reside near Willow Street. On p. 456

I Rupp says, in 1709 several families

jfrom the Palatines settled on Pequea

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

200

Creek. He then mentions a list of
preachers that these Palatines
brought forth and said that they all
preached German.

However, the most authentic docu-
ment I can find is a letter dated the
20th of July, 1711 by Jacob Taylor
among the Taylor papers in the His-
torical Society, No. 2769, in which
he says, "six or seven families of
Palatines are settled at Pequea and
more desire to go there next win-
ter."

This letter was written the mid-
dle of 1711 and it may be taken for
granted that the six or seven fami-
lies were at Pequea some time and
likely arrived about 1709. But of
course white people were in this
country among these Indians sever-
al years before the settlements be-
gan. This, then is the year which
announced the fate of the Indians of
this section by reason of the coming
of the whites. It is interesting to
know that next year will be the two
hundreth anniversary of this event.

1710 — The Queen of the Conestogas
Goes to Philadelphia.

In the 2nd Vol. of Watson's Ann-
als, p. 178, he states that, "On the
21st of September, 17th the Queen of
the Conestoga Indians, Ojuncho, and
two chiefs and some of the Conoys
visited Philadelphia and laid down
before the Council five bundles of
skins and furs, making at the gift of
each a speech." He says also that
"the belt- from the Conestoga Indians
prayed thus, 'sent from the children
born and those yet in the womb,
that room might be allowed them to
sport and play, without danger of
slavery.' " It would seem that Wat-
son is wrong about this as we shall
see later, in that Colonel French was
at Conestoga and received the belt
above referred to instead of the old

queen having come to Philadelphia,
but we will show this later.
1710 — The Governor Asks a Larger
Present for the Conestogas Than

the Assembly Proposed.
In Vol 2 of the Votes of Assembly,
p. 42 it is set forth that "James Lo-
gan came again to the House in a
message from the Governor, and ac-
quainted the Assembly, 'That the
Governor ordered him to give a re-
lation of the several messages sent to
the Indians at Sasquehanna; which
he did; and further informed the
I House, that the Governor's Indisposi-
; tion obstructed his going up to Con-
1 estoga, to visit the Indians, as he in-
tended; therefore prest that the
i House will consider of a present for
them ; to the value of Twentyfive
| Pounds.'

Which relation being debated and

! considered, Resolved that although

; the account given by the said James

Logan concerning the said messages,

; is not satisfactory to this House, yet

in regard the chief of these Indians

are come to town, if any will credit

the public with goods that will suit

the Indians, to the value of twenty-

| five pounds, (being the sum proposed

| by the said James Logan, as sufficient

I for presents for them at this time),

| the same shall be repaid out of the

: public money that shall be raised."

j At page 43 of the same book it ap-

; pears that the question of giving 25

Pounds in Presents to these Indians

i was very warmly discused.

! 1710 — The Conestogas Received My-
sterious Belt of Wampum.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 509,
at the bottom of the page it is set
forth that, "The Governor laid be-
fore the board a letter he had receiv-
ed from the Colonel Ingolsby,
wherein was enclosed a paper in
these words William Dalbo, one of

201

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

the Justices of the Peace, in ye
County of Glocester, saith: that an
Indian of his particular acquaintance
who hath been very intimate with
him, the said Dalbo, from his child-
hood, acquainted him that there is a
belt of Wampum come to Conesto-
goe, from Mahquahotonoi; that there
was a tomahawk in red in the belt
and that the French with five nations
of Indians were designed for war,
and to fall on some of these planta-
tions; the Governor also laid before
the board a letter he had received
from Mr. Yeates, Caleb Pusey and
Thomas Powel, dated this day, pur-
porting that tomorrow there was to
be a great concourse of Indians those
of Conestogoe and those of Jersey;
that the}r were of opinion that it
might be a seasonable opportunity for
the Governor to visit them altogeth-
er the meeting being the greatest
that has ever been known these 20
years, and it is to be about, two miles
from John Warraw's, at Edgmond. It
is the opinion of the Board that the
Governor with some of the Council,
and as many others as can be got,
should go tomorrow to meet the said
Indians, to inquire further of them j
about the said belt of wampum and j
what else may be thought neces- I
sary."

1710— Bizalion, the Indian Trader
About Conestoga, Acts Sus-
piciously.

In the book and at the page last
mentioned it is stated that, "The
Governor acquainted the Board that
he has been informed one Peter Biz-
alion, a French man and Roman
Catholic, a trader amongst the In-
dians at Conestogoe has lately spok-
en some suspicious words, and com-
mitted some misdemeanors, where- ]
upon he has caused his effects to be
seised, the better to oblige him to

| appear and answer unto what should
| be laid to his Charge, and Craved
i the advice of the Board in the pre-
mises, who came to this resolve, that
| ye said Bizalion should enter into
; recognizance to the Queen, in five
', hundred pounds, with two sufficient
1 sureties, in two hundred and fifty
pounds apiece for the said Bizalion's
personal appearance at the next
sessions of the peace, to be held at
Philadelphia for the said Couhty, and
his good behavior himself in the
meantime, which being done his ef-
fects to be restored to him, paying
| ye cost of seizure."

The suspicious and disturbable
! matters sets forth in these last two
! items made the visit to Conestoga by
| the Governor a necessity; and he
made such visits as we shall see in
j the next item.

1710— Governor < .look i it's Visit to the
Conestogas and Shawanese.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 510
it is set forth that "The Governor
acquainted the Board that upon his
arrival at New Castle last week, he
was informed that Opessa, one of
the Shawannah chiefs, had been there
four days; that he went away in the
night, nor could he hear what he
came about, that he had been with
some of the Delaware Indians, who
resolve, (as it is said) not to plant
corn this year; That Mr. Garland has
lately shown a belt of wampum, sent
by the Five Nations by Indian Harry,
with this further message, that as
soon as the bark ran, they would be
with them at Conestogoe, with sixty
men and make a speech; that he was
informed at Brandywine, that an old
Indian woman said, (as it was inter-
preted) that their great men had
ugly talk among them, and that they
had left none but her and her hus-
hand to plant corn. The Board tak-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

202

ing the premises into consideration,
are of the opinion (be the report
true or false) that it may be conven-
ient for the Governor to make a
journey to Conestoga (he not having
been among the Indians since his ar-
rival), to inform himself of the truth
of these reports, and for the keeping
up of a good understanding and Cor-
respondence twixt us and the In-
dians, and that some of the Council
wait upon him thither."

And at the top of p. 511 of the
same book it is set forth that "The
Governor acquainted the Board that
upon his arrival at Conestoga, he
found the Indians very well inclined
to the English, and to the Proprie-
tary and this Government in parti-
cular; but that had complained to
him that several persons make it
their business to waylay their
young men returning from hunting,
making them drunk with rum, and
then cheat them of their skins, and
that if some method be not taken to
prevent it they must be forced to
remove themselves or starve, their
dependence being entirely upon their
peltry; whereupon it is thought
proper that such Indian traders as
are foreigners being admitted and
licensed by the Governor, shall come
under such regulations as the Gov-
ernor and Council from time to time
shall direct and appoint."

In this we are told of the Governor
visiting the Conestogas and Shaw-
nese and we can readily see the im-
portance of what transpired.

1710 — Colonel French and Henry

Worley Carry a Message to

the Conestogas.

In the book and at the page last
mentioned we are given further in-
formation of the unsettled condition
of the Indians on the Susquehanna,
Conestoga and Pequea from the fact

; that in addition to the Governor's
| visit about the beginning of May,this
year, the two messengers French
and Worley were sent to Conestoga
where they arrived on June 8th, 1710,
and entered into proceedings with
these Indians, of which the follow-
ing is a verbatim report made by
Worley found at p. 511, as I have
just said:
"At Conestoga June 8, 1710.

Present: Henry Worley and

John French.

Iwaagenst Terrutawanaren, and

Teonnottein, chiefs of the Tuscaror-

ces, Vivility, the Seneques kings, and

j four chiefs more of that nation, with

' Opessa ye Shawanois King.

The Indians were told that ac-
I cording to their requests we were
I come from the Governor and Govern-
! ment, to hear what proposals they
| had to make anent a peace, accord-
| ing to the purpose of their embassy
from their own people.

They signified to us by a belt of
| Wampum, which was sent from their
| old women, that those implored their
I friendship of the Christians and In-
| dians of this Government, that with-
j out danger they might fetch wood
and water.

The second belt was sent from

[ their children born, and those yet in

j the womb, requesting that room to

I sport and play without danger of

slavery might be allowed them.

The third belt was sent by their
young men fit to hunt, that privilege
to leave their towns, and seek pro-
vision for their aged, might be grant-
ed to them without fear of death or
slavery.

The fourth was sent from the men
of age, requesting that the word by
a happy peace was sent from the
men of age requesting that the
wood by a happy peace, might be as
safe from them as their forts.

203

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

The fifth was sent from the whole I to this, of their good behavior, and
nation requesting peace, that there- j then they might be assured of a
by they might have liberty to visit favorable reception.

their neighbors.
The sixth was

sent from their

The Seneques return their hearty
thanks to this Government for their

Kings and chiefs, desiring a lasting trouble in sending to them, and ac-
peace with the Christians and In- \ quainted us by advice of a Council
diains of this Government that there- | amongst them it was determined to
by they might be secured against ; send these Belts, brought by the Tus-
those fearful apprehensions they caroroes, to the Five Nations,
have these several years felt. May it please your Honor.

The seventh was sent in order to pursuant of your Honors, and
intreat a cessation from reducing j Council>s orders, we went to Cones-
and taking them, that by the allow- ! tQgoe where the Prewritten con-
ance thereof, they may not be afraid ; tentg were by the chiefs of the Tus_
of a mouse, or anything that ruffles j caroroes to us delivered; the sincer-
the leaves. | ity 0f their intentions we can not any-

The eighth was sent to declare, wige douM gince they are Qf tne
that as being hitherto strangers to game race and language with our

Seneques, who have always proved
trusty and have also for these many
years been neighbors to a Govern-
ment jealous of Indians, and yet not
displeased with them; Wishing your
Honor all happiness, we remain.
Your Honor's. Most humble and
Obliged Servants,

JOHN FRENCH,
HENRY WORLEY."

"Journey to Conestogo.

DR.

this place, they are blind, no path
or communication being betwixt us i
and them ; but now they hope that we
will take them by the hand and lead |
them, and then they will lift up their j
heads in the woods without danger .
or fear.

These belts (they say) are only j
sent as an introduction, and in or-
der to break of hostilities till next
Spring, for then their Kings, will
come and sue for the peace they so
much desire.

We acquainted them as most of
this continent were the subjects of i
the Crown of England, though divi-
ded into several Governments; so it
is expected that their intentions are
not only peaceable towards us, but

also to all the subjects of the Crown 2'

and that if they intend to settle and Itl this item is set forth the belt
live amiably here, they need not that the old woman of the Conestogas
doubt the protection of this Govern- | gave to French on which Watson
ment in such things as were honest seems to be somewhat confused.This
and good but that to confirm the sin- j item is of importance because
cerity of their past carriage towards | the business that was done at Cones-
toga by these messengers was really
a confirmation of many forms of
treaties. It also serves to show the
exact state of the relations existing

Pds.

s.

d.

To bread,

0

4

2

To meat,

0

12

0

To Rum,

1

10

0

To Sugar.

0

15

0

To two Men's

hire

For Baggage,

4

0

0

To John,

1

4

0

the English, and to raise in us a
good opinion of them, it would be
very necessary to procure a certifi-
cate from the Government they leave,

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

204

between these Indians and the whites I
at this time, and the questions which
were agitating them.
1710— The Conestoga Indians Reply j
to a Swedish Sermon.

In Mombert's History of Lancaster I
County p. 16, in a note the following j
appears :

" In or about the year of our Lord,
1710, a Swedish Missionary preached j
a sermon at an Indian treaty held at J
Conestoga in Pennsylvania; in which j
sermon is set forth original sin, the J
necessity of a mediator; and endea- |
vored by certain arguments to in- j
duce the Indians to embrace the
Christian religion. After he had end- j
ed his discourse, one of the Indian
chiefs made a speech in reply to the
sermon; and the discourses on both
sides were made known by interpre-
ters. The Missionary upon his re-
turn to Sweden, published his ser-
mon, and the Indian's answer. Hav-
ing written them in Latin he dedi-
cated them to the University of Up-
sala, and requested them to furnish
him with arguments, to confute such
strong reasonings of the Indians. The j
Indian speech translated from the !
Latin is as follows:

'A speech delivered by an Indian
Chief, in reply to a sermon, preach- |
ed by a Swedish Missionary, in order j
to convert the Indians to the Chris-
tian religion:

Since the subject of his (the Mis- j
sionary's) errand is to pursuade us j
to embrace a new doctrine perhaps
it may not be amiss, before we offer
him the reasons why we can not
comply with his request, to acquaint
him with the grounds and principles !
of that religion, which he would
have us abandon.

Our forefathers were under a j
strong persuasion, as we are, that
those who act well, in this life, shall
be rewarded in the next, according

to the degree of their virtue: and on
the other hand that those who be-
have wicketly here, will undergo such
punishment hereafter as are propor-
tinate to the crimes they were guilty
of. This hath been contstantly and
invariably received and acknowledg-
ed for a truth, through every succes-
sive generation of our ancestors. It
could not have taken its rise from
fables for human fictions however
artfully and plausibly contrived can
never again gain credit long, among
any people, where free equity is al-
lowed: which was never denied by
our ancestors; who, on the contrary,
thought it the sacred inviolable, na-
tural right of every man to examine
and judge for himself. Therefore we
think it evident that our notion,
concerning future rewards and pun-
ishments, was either revealed imme-
diately from heaven to some of our
forefathers, and from them descended
to us, or, that it was implanted in
each of us, at our creation, by the
Creator of all things. Whatever the
methods might have been, whereby
God hath been pleased to make
known to us his will, and give us a
knowledge of our duty, it is still in
our sense, a divine revelation.

"Now we desire to propose to him
some few questions: Does he believe
that our forefathers, men eminent for
their piety, constant and warm in
the pursuit of virtue, hoping thereby
to merit everlasting happiness, were
all damned? Does he think that we,
who are their zealous imitators, in
good works, and influenced by the
same Motives as they were, earnest-
ly endeavoring, with the greatest cir-
cumspection, to tread the paths of in-
tegrity, are in a state of damnation?
If these be his sentiments, they are
surely as impious as they are bold
and daring.

In the next place we beg, that he
would explain himself more parti-

205

AXXALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

cularly concerning the revelation he
talks of. If he admits no other than
what is contained in his written
book, the contrary is evident from
what has shewn before: but, if he
says God has revealed himself unto
us, but not sufficient for our salva-
tion; then we ask, to what purpose
should he have revealed himself to
us in anywise? It is cleai that a re-
velation insufficient to save, can not
put us in a better condition than we
should be in without any revelation
at all. We can not conceive that
God should point out to us the end
we ought to aim at, without opening
to us the way to arrive at the end.
But, supposing our understandings
to be so far illuminated as to know
it to be our duty to please God, who
yet hath left us under an incapacity
of doing it, will this Missionary,
therefore, conclude that we shall be
eternally damned? Will he take up-
on him to pronounce damnation up-
on or against us, for not doing those
things which he himself acknowl-
edges were impossible by us to be
done. It is our opinion that every
man is possessed of sufficient knowl-
edge for his salvation. The Al-
mightjr for anything we know, may
have communicated the knowledge of
himself to a different race of people,
in a different manner.

Some say they have the will of
God in writing; be it so; their revel-
ation has no advantage above ours
since both must be equally sufficient
to save; otherwise the end of the re-
velation would be frustrated. Be-
sides if they be both true they must
be the same in substance; and the
difference can only lie in the mode
of communication. He tells us there
are many precepts, in his written re-
velation which we are entirely ignor-
ant of. But these written demands
can only be designed for those who

have the writings; they can not pos-
sibly regard us. Had the Almighty
thought so much knowledge neces-
sary to our salvation his goodness
would not long have deferred the
communication of it to us, and to say
that it is a matter so necessary, he
could not, at one and the same time,
equally reveal himself to all man-
kind, in nothing less than an absolute
denial of his omnipotence. Without
doubt, he can make his will manifest
without the help of any book or the
assistance of any bookish man what-
ever.

We shall, in the next place, con-
sider the arguments which arise
from a consideration of Providence.
If we were the work of God (which
I presume will not be denied), it fol-
lows from thence that we are under
the protection and care of God, for it
can not be supposed that the Deity
should abandon his own creatures
and be utterly regardless of their
welfare. Then, to say that the Al-
mighty has permitted us to remain
in a fatal error through so many
ages, is to represent him as a tyrant.
How is it consistent with his justice
to force life upon a race of mortals,
without their consent, and then dam
them eternally, without ever opening
to them a door of salvation? Our
conceptions of the gracious God are
more noble; and we think that those
who teach otherwise do little less
than blaspheme. Again, it is through
the care and goodness of the Al-
mighty, that from the beginning of
time, through many generations to
this day, our name has been preser-
ved, unblotted out by enemies, un-
reduced to nothing. By the same
care we now enjoy our lives; are
furnished with the necessary means
of preserving our lives. But all these
things are trifling, compared with
our salvation.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

:06

Therefore, since God hath been so
careful with us, in matters of little
consequence, it would be absurd to
affirm that he has neglected us, in
cases of the greatest importance. Ad-
mit that he hath forsaken us, yet it
could not have been without a just
cause. Let us suppose that an hei-
nous crime was committed by one of
our ancestors, like to that which
we are told happened among another
race of people; in such case, God
would certainly punish the criminal,
but would never involve us, who are
innocent, in his guilt. Those who
think otherwise must make the Al-
mighty a very whimsical illmatured
being. Once more are the Christians
more virtuous, or rather are not
they more vicious than we are? If
so, how came it to pass that they are
the objects of God's beneficence,
while we are neglected? Does the
Diety confer his favors without rea-
son, and with so much partiality?
In a word, we find the Christians
much more depraved, in their morals
than ourselves; and we judge of
doctrine by the badness of our lives."

1710— Most of the Indian Chiefs of

the Continent Expected to

Meet at Conestoga.

In Vol. 2 of the Col, Rec, p. 513
at a Council held the 2nd of July,
this year, "The Governor laid be-
fore the Board an Express he had
received last night from Colonel
French, purporting that in three
days the Chiefs of the Seneques would
be at Conestoga, and with them the
Chiefs of the Indians of most part of
the Continent and also some of the
Gentlemen of the Maryland, and
that the Governor's presence there
was expected; what the design of the
Congress might be was not certain,
but was told it was of great conse-
quence to the Crown, and would

! tend much to the preservation of
the subject. The board having taken
the premises into consideration are
of the opinion, that it is absolutely
necessary that the Governor, with as
many as can be got to attend him
go to Conestoga to meet the Indians,
and inform himself of the cause of
their meeting."

In this item we see that Conestoga
was now to be the scene of a great
meeting of Chiefs. The heads of all
the Indian tribes were about to gath-
er there; and this was to be the
great Indian Council of the year. I
am unable to find whether the Coun-
cil as* intended met and perhaps we
shall see later on, what became of
I the action. The importance of Con-
| estoga is however shown in this.
j 1710— The Queen of the Conestogas
and Some of the Conoys at
Philadelphia,
At a Council meeting held on the
21 of September, 1710, as it is re-
corded in 2 Col. Rec, p. 516, and
stated, "The Queen of the Conestoga
| Indians, Ojuncho, and two chiefs
| more, and some of the Conois In-
dians, laid down before the Council
four bundles of skins and furs, and
at the delivery of the first bundle,
the said, (as was interpreted) that
they had given the Governor notice
of their intentions of coming hither
the last time he was at Conestogo.
that they were now come, and do
present him with that bundle to
make him a cover for his table to be
used in the same manner as the Car-
pet, then spread upon the Council's
table.

Upon their presenting the second
bundle, they said it was in remem-
brance, and as an acknowledgment
for the gunpowder and lead present-
ed to them here the last year, for
which they were very thankful.

Upon their presenting the third

207

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

bundle, they said it was as a token
of their good will and friendship,
and that they shall ever remember
and observe the Governor's advice to
them last year, to live peaceably
with one another, which they will al-
ways endeavor.

Upon their presenting the fourth,
they said it was in remembrance of
the advice that was heretofore, given
them not to be too credulous of re-
ports, they being generally false and
spread abroad by ill men, that for
their parts they would believe no re-
ports against us, and hoped we
would believe no ill reports of them.

Whereupon the Governor replied
that he was glad to see them and
thanked them for their kind pre-
sent and cautioned them not to be-
lieve lies and stories that now too
commonly spread abroad for mis-
chief by ill men, and that if any-
thing happened extraordinary they
should have notice by a messenger
on purpose, and desired the like
from them as their brothers, and
being ordered to attend tomorrow in
the afternoon they withdrew.

Ordered that Mr. Hill, Mr. Norris,
and Mr. Preston, dispose of the said
presents to the best advantage, and
provide a suitable return against to-
morrow." More of the prominent
position of Conestoga is shown in this
item.

1711 — Expenses of the Conestoga In-
dian Treaties.

In Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly,
p. 92, it is set forth that John French
accounts of his several journeys to
Conestoga and the expenses therein
at the intance of the late Governor,
amounting to 119 Pounds, 19s and
lOd, was read, and some of the 60
Pounds of new currency was allow-
ed to the said John French.

Several other items of expense

connected with the Conestoga In-
dian Treaties are set forth in the
same book and page as follows: An
account of Thomas Masters for wine
furnished the Governor on his jour-
ney to Conestoga to the value of 25s,
was allowed and also a note from
Henry Worley requesting pay for
his services of going to Conestoga
on a message to the Indians last
June, was read and he was allowed
three pounds.

1711 — More Palatines Now Settle
Among the Conestoga Indians.

In Vol. 19 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 572 it is set forth that Thomas
Story having a right from the Pro-
prietor for 1000 acres of land in the
manner of Highlands has instead
taken up the same quantity near the
settlement of the Palatines near Con-
estoga, for which the Commissioners
granted a patent. But it appears
that he re-conveyed them and took
up some land in lieu of it, which he
proposed to purchase, and he agrees
to give the same price that the Pal-
atines did at the same time the
tract was taken up by the Palatines
which is accordingly granted
1711 — Sixty Conestoga Indians Come
to Philadelphia.

In Vol 2 of the Votes of Assembly,
p. 104, it is stated that "The Speaker
informed the House that during the
Governor's absence and since his
last return from New York he had
received and entertained upwards of
60 Constoga Indians who came to
treat with the Governor about the
intended expedition against the
French and the Northern Indians of
Canada by which he had disbursed
at least twenty Pounds, and been at
much trouble; therefore desired that
the same might be reimbursed him
out of the Provincial stock.
Resolved, N. C. D. That if the Gov-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

208

ernor concurs with this House here-
in, the sum of twenty Pounds shall
be paid him by the Public Treasurer
out of the Provincial stock, after
all payments, ordered by the three re-
solves of Assembly, made of the fifth
month, 1710, are discharged, and that
the clerk draw an order on Samuel
Carpenter, public Treasurer, for pay-
ment thereof accordingly ; which was
done, and signed by the speaker, to
be presented to the Governor for
his concurrence, and then the House
adjourned until seven o'clock tomor-
row morning."

No comment need be made on this
item particularly except to call the
reader's attention to the fact that the
Conestoga Indians were frequently
at Philadelphia.

1711 — Governor Gtokin Makes An-
other Treaty with the Cones-
toga Indians and Others.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 532,
at the top of the page it is stated
that, "At a council held the 4th of
June, the Governor desired the
opinion of the Council as to his go-
ing to Conestoga, because Colonel
French knew nothing of the new
matters on which a treaty was to be
made and the Council desired that
the Governor and some of his Coun-
cil should go; and on the 11th of
June the Governor acquainted the
Council that he is now ready to
start to Conestoga, if they still
think that Bezalion's message is of
such importance as to require him
to go, it being so very hot now. And
the board decided that as the In-
dians expected him, he should go.
The Governor accordingly went to
Conestoga and held a Council with
the Indians at Conestoga on the 18th
of June, which he reported to Phila-
delphia on the 23rd of June, as fol-
lows, (p. 533): —

"At Conestoga, Jun 18, 1711.

PRESENT:
The Honorable CHAS. GOOKINvEsq.

Ltt. Govr.

Joseph Growdon,
Richard Hill,
Griffith Owen,
Caleb Pusey, Esqrs.

A present of 50 lbs. of powder, 1
piece of Stroudwater, 1 piece of Duf-
fils, 100 pounds of shott; being laid
upon the floor, the Governor (by In-
dian Harry the Interpreter), thus
spoke:

Governor Penn upon all occasions
is willing to show how great a re-
gard he bears to you therefore has
sent this small present (a forerun-
j ner of a greater to come next
| Spring), to you and hath required me
to acquaint you that he is about to
settle some people upon the branch-
es of Potowmac, and doubts not but
the same mutual friendship which
has all along as brothers, past be-
twixt the inhabitants of the Govern-
ment and you, will also continue be-
twixt you and those he is about to
settle; he intends to present five
belts of wampum to the five nations,
and one to you at Conestoga, and re-
quires your friendship to the Pal-
atines settled near Pequea.

To which they answer:

That they are extremely well
pleased with the Governor's speech,
but as they are at present at war
with the Tuscaroroes and other In-
dians they think that place not safe
for Christians, and are afraid that if
any damage should happen to these
the blame will be laid upon them.
that settlement being situated betwixt
them and those at War with them.
As to the Palatines they are in their
opinion safely seated, but earnestly
desire that the death of Letore may
now be adjusted, for they shall not
think themselves safe until it is.
18th, Tuesday about twelve

209

AXXALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

The Senequois and the Shawanois
met the Governor and Council, Ope-
ssah, Chief of the Shawnois, by Mar-
tin Chartier, interpreter, thus spoke:

Were it impossible for us, by pre- j
sents or any other way, to atone for j
the lives of those young men our |
people unadvisedly slew we would |
be partly willing to make satisfac- j
tion, and such a condescension would
be forever greatly remembered j
and more nearly engage us and for j
the future render us more careful.
The uneasiness we had on that ac-
count was such, that we could not ,
sleep until the last time the Gover-
nor and his people were up here, at
which time we had some hopes given
us of adjusting that matter, since the
murderers are all dead except one,
who is gone to Messasippi.

To which the Governor answered: j

That the Laws of England were
such, that whosoever killed a man j
must run the same fate, yet consid- j
ering the previous circumstances to !
that murder, the length of time
since the accon., the distance of
place were acted from the Govern- !
ment, and before coming here, and
the persons all save one, (who is
absconded) since his deed, I am j
willing to forbear further prosecu- j
tion on enquiry into it, but withal i
caution you that if any such thing |
hereafter fall out, you may be assur-
ed I shall as well know how to do
Justice as I have now shewed mercy
for which they return the Governor
their hearty thanks, and Opessah
assures that if hereafter if any such
thing happen, he himself will be
executioner and burn them that
should dare to do it.

The Senequois acquaint:
That Opessa being therefor solicit-
ed by John Hans Steelman, had sent

out some of his people, either to
bring back or kill Francis^ de le Tore
and his Company. Opessa, he af-
firms he was entirely innocent, for
that John Hans came to his cabin
when he and his young people (who
were then going hunting) were in
Council, told them that some of his
slaves and dogs (meaning La Tore
and Company) were fled, therefore
desired him forthwith to send some
of his people to bring them back or
kill them, and take goods for their
trouble, a t which motion Opessa
surprised, told him that he ought by
no means discourse, after that man-
ner before young people who were
gone to the woods, and might by ac-
cident meet these people and there-
fore ordered him to desist, utterly
denying his request.

The Senequois also acquainted the
Governor that Le Tort had taken a
boy from them and sold him at New
York and requested that the Gover-
nor would enquire after him, that
they might have him again."

Penn in England having learned of
the stealing of this boy wrote to the
Susquehanna Indians the following
letter,which may be found in Vol. 12
of the Pennsylvania Archives, p.
280:
' My Good Friends :

The people of New York have
again wrote earnestly to me about
those Indian prisoners taken by
you, especially the woman and boy
saying that they bought them fairly
of the Governor of Carolina who sold
them for slaves and they being my
good friends and neighbors, and all
under the same king, I must there-
fore desire you to deliver the said
woman and boy to the bearer hereof
Silvester, who will carefully carry
them to New Castle and there put
them on board a vessel from thence
directly to New York, and by so do-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

210

ing you will geatly oblige.

Your very good friend and brother,
WM. PENN."

This treaty of 1711 is referred to i
by Governor Keith, who himself
made a treaty with the Conestogas j
in 1720; and he says, "About nine or
ten years ago a considerable num-
ber of the Five Nations, not less
than fifty came to Conestoga and a
meeting with Governor Gookin late
of this Province and several of his
Council, Colonel Dongan's purchase
was mentioned to them and they
were fully satisfied," (3 Col. Rec, p.
101).

All this goes to throw light upon
this great treaty of 1711 and shows
us that confirmation of the land pur-
chase on Susquehanna was one of
its objects. All the purposes of the
treaty however, are plainly set forth
in the treaty itself.

1 711 — More Palatines . (Mennonites)
Settle Among the Conestogas.

In the item which we have just
stated it will be observed that the
following sentence, which the In-
dians say in regard to the Palatines,
occurs, "As to the Palatines, they
are in their opinion safely seated."
I merely make this a separate item
to show that the whites were now
mixing and settling among the In-
dians and in their neighborhood. As j
the question came up whether the j
whites would be safe there if the In- j
dians got into war with other tribes.
It is here stated by the Indians that |
these whites would be safe.

Mombert in his History, p. 26 tells i
us, "That as early as 1711 there
were Palatines settled near Pequea, j
who were prominently admitted into |
the friendship of the neighboring
tribes." We have no doubt that this
is directly quoted from the Colonial
Records as we have just cited it.

1711 — Colonel French Sends in His
Expense Account of the Con-
estoga Treaty.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 529,
in February, 1711, Colonel French
gives in the following account of the
expenses of his treaty:

Coll. French's account of his
Journey to Conestoga, etc., were read
and considered, and 147 Pounds, 6s.,
lOd, allowed to him, saving the de-
ductions following: viz: for horse
hire and baggage men in July 1707,
charged in Governor Evans' account
and paid him 5 Pounds; for six
Pounds paid by the present Gover-
nor to the baggage men in July,
1710, charged in Coll. French's ac-
count, in all deducted 27 Pounds, 7s;
so there remains due to Coll. French,
and which is allowed by the board,
119, 19, 10.

The Governor's account of dis-
bursements and charges on his
Journey to Conestoga, in July, 1710,
to treat with the Five Nations,
amounts to 8 Pounds, and 10s,
which is allowed by the Council.

The supply bill was now again
read and sent to ye house with
amendments affixed to it."

This shows us something of the
kind of equipment that was neces-
sary to be taken into the Conestoga
treaties to perfect a treaty.

1711 — The Governor Orders the Con-
estoga Chiefs to Come to
Council.

In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Records,
p. 537 on the first of August, this
year, "The Governor sent for Indian
Harry, and ordered him to fetch
some of ye chiefs of the Indians, who
were come down with a design to go
to Canada. He brought six of them,
and the Governor asked them by
Harry the Interpreter, how many
there were intended for Canada.

211

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANXOCKS AND

They answered about 5 or 6 and
Twenty. It was askt them why they
did not make the bent of their way |
to the Five Nations, pursuant to i
Coll. Hunter's letter to them. !
They replied that Coll. French would
have had them come by way of New
Castle, and promised to go along
with them, but New Castle being out j
of their way, they came to Philadel-
phia and expected him there. It was !
asked them whether they apprehend-
ed they were come here at the Gov-
ernor's request, or upon Coll. Hunt-
er's letter to them, as being under
covenants, with the five nations to !
go to war, when they required them;
they answered they came in obedi-
ence to Coll. Hunter's letter, but
they expected Coll. French to go
with them. They were told that I
Coll. French might have such a de- j
sign, but he was off of it, and asked
them whether they would go to Bur- i
lington by land or water, where
they would have company enough of
the forces raised there to go along
with them, to which they said they !
would further consider amongst j
themselves."

The importance of Conestoga is
here again plainly shown.

1712— The Delawares Show a Belt of
Wampum Sent to Conestoga.

In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Rec, p. j
546 there is an account of Council
of a treaty held at Edward Farmer's
House with the Delaware Indians.
It will be remembered that the Dela-
wares moved to the Susquehanna as
we have shown before. These Dela-
ware Indians had thirty-two belts of
wampum and they were on their
way to pay tribute to the Five Na-
tions of New York. In making their
speech to the Governor they declared
that many years ago they were made
tributary to the Five Nations and
were now about to visit them; and

that they thought it would be pro-
per to stop at Philadelphia and show
the Governor these belts, together
with their Indian pipe or calamet
with a stone head, wooden cane or
shaft and feathers fixt to it like
wings, with other ornaments. They
said that the Five Nations had given
them this pipe, that they were com-
pelled to show it when they came
among the Five Nations to be known
as friends. They then proceeded to
explain each of the thirty-two belts
of wampum, and tell who made it
and for what it was for. Besides
these 32 belts they showed two more,
one that had been given by Penn
when he was here and the other that
was since sent by Colonel Evans to
Conestoga, which they are also to
carry with them. But they desire to
know from the Governor, now, what
was intended by them. The Governor
asked them why they waited 11
years to ask about this belt that Wm.
Penn gave them, and they said that
the man that was to carry it died
soon after they got it and that that
was the reason. Further it appears
in this treaty that they had several
bundles and skins and that they
made presents to the Council and al-
so held a treaty and at this treaty
it is stated that they received pre-
sents from the whites and "these
presents being kindly accepted, fill-
ing their calamet or long winged
pipe with tobacco and lighting it,
they presented it so lighted to the
Governor and each of the Council,
etc.. to smoak a few blasts of it as
a token of the greatest friendship
that could be shown.

1712 — Another Body of Conestoga
Indians Come to the Council.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 553 it
it stated that at a Council held on
the 23rd of July of that year, "sev-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

212

eral Indians being arrived some
days ago from Conestogo, on busi-
ness of importance, (as they said),
and having waited eight days for
their Interpreter, they at length met
the Council this day; Tagodrancy or
Civility, a War Captain and Chief,
with Tanyahtickahungh, the old
Speaker, Knawonhunt, and Soach-
koat, two Brothers, and some others
being sate, they first presented a
bundle of deer skins, and by Indian
Harry their Interpreter, said: That
the Proprietor, Governor Penn had
at his first coming amongst them
made an agreement with them that
they should always live as friends
and Brothers, and be as one body,
one heart, one mind, and as one eye
and ear; that what the one saw the
other should see, and what the one
heard the other should hear and
that there should be nothing but love
and friendship between them and us
forever.

They presented a small bundle of
furs, and said that on their part
they had always kept up this agree-
ment and should constantly observe
it in all respects, that if anything
came to their knowledge relating to
us they would always like brothers
and friends acquaint us with it, and
if at any time any foreigners or
strangers came among them they
would, (as they had always done)
give notice of it immediately to
Philadelphia, and in all things would
acquit themselves accordingly to
what they had promised and engag-
ed. They presented two bundles of
skins together, and said that on our
part we had promised them to regu-
late the trade that was carried on
with them at Conestoga, and had
spoke of licenses to be given to the
traders, by which means all abuses
were to be rectified. But that since
Licenses were granted they found

| themselves worse dealt by than
\ ever, they received less for the
goods that they sold to the traders,
; were worse treated and suffered
J more injuries, which they desired
: the Council would inquire into, and
| know why it was so, and cause it to
' be redressed.

They presented a fifth bundle, and
! said, that the Cattle the traders kept
hurt and destroyed their corn; Civil-
| ity gave an account of his coming
| with divers of their people, in a
| friendly visit to the old French
! women. M. L. Tort's house; that with-
i out any provocation she turned them
| out of doors, and that upon their
| expostulating upon it, she told them
that the house was her own, that the
! land was hers, for she had bought it
! of Governor Penn, and proceeded to
| insult them very rudely; they there-
fore desired to know whether this
j was so or not, and whether she had
any authority to act in such a man-
S ner.

They were told by the board that
i the Council were much troubled to
find they had occasion to complain,
but they were desired to use such a
freedom with us as became brothers,
and not receive anything, but lay all
their grievances before us, whoever
the persons offending might be, and
it should all be considered and an-
swered together.

They proceeded to complain of M.
Letort, and particularly the old
Queen Conguegoes representing that
the said M. Letort did them great dam-
ages by keeping of hogs, and that at
twice she turned them into the
Queen's corn in her own sight.

They said that they had often
taken horses out of their fields and
taken them to the owners; that some-
times they would not acknowledge
them to be theirs, but that when
damages were done by any, all the
traders would deny that those

213

ANNALS OF THE BU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

horses did belong to any of them that
did it; upon which one of them they
said resolved to take a method to
find to whom one particular horse
belonged, for having taken him out
of his corn three several times, he at
last shott him, that the owner meet-
ing with the loss might be discover-
ed by his complaints.

They added that one Sheerwill had
lived amongst them for two years
without planting any corn; that not-
withstanding he had still enough,
furnishing himself by stealth; and
that he had sometimes been taken in
the fact but that he had now left the
place.

They are told that all these mat-
ters should be inquired into, consid-
ered and answered altogether in the
morning.

They desired that they might be
acquainted with what news we had
either from New York relating to the
Indians, or from other places; and
some time being spent on these sev-
eral subjects, they are told they
might withdraw which they did ac-
cordingly, and the Council entering
into the considerfation of what had
been delivered. It was resolved,
that these injuries requiring an im-
mediate redress, care should be
taken to procure satisfaction to the
Indians for the losses they had al-
ready sustained, and that they should
be prevented for the future by oblig-
ing these traders to remove from so
near a neighborhood to them without
any delay, and that none of them
should be suffered to sitt down
among these people; all which was
referred to be further considered to-
morrow.

The account of their presents
being taken, they were found to be,
30 Deer skins, valued at about 3— 6d

each, 5 Pds. 5 6

2 half bears, 7

foxes at 18d each, 6-
Racoons, at 6s each

beavers at 5s and one
Dressed Doe at3 — 6*

10 6
18 6

The whole amounting at
the highest computa-
tion to 7 Pds. 01 0

And it is ordered that another
should be provided to return to
them, viz:

6 Stroudwater Matchcoats.
6 Duffils.
6 White Shirts.
50 lbs. of powder.
1 cwt. of Lead, besides a stroud-
: water and a shirt to Harry the In-
! dian Interpreter, and two small
I shirts to two of his children, and
then adjourned until tomorrow at 3
j in the afternoon."

This again shows the difficulties
| under which the Conestoga Indians
labored and the questions of import-
ance that were constantly rising
from that section.

On p. 555 of the same book it is
: stated the next day, "The Board tak-
! ing into consideration the com-
plaints made by the Indians, they
thought fit to order, that the traders
i whose cattle had done damage to the
Indians should be forthwith obliged
to make compensation to the satis-
! faction of the sufferers they left the
j town; and as had been before resol-
ved, that none of them should be suf-
fered to live any longer amongst
that people, but should at this fall at
fartherest remove to greater dis-
| tance, and not allowed on any terms
I to keep cattle and other horses than
| what are for their immediate ser-
I vice, unless they should live on pur-
j chased land.

The several other heads spoke to
by the Indians being also consider-
ed, the Secretary was directed to an-
i swer them from the Board, accord-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

214

ing to the instructions now agreed
on and giving him, and accordingly
the presents yesterday ordered to be
returned to them being mostly gott
ready, and they themselves called in
the Secretary spoke to fully to every
particular, the heads of which are as
follows:

That the Bond of friendship and
Brotherhood made by the Proprietor
William Penn, with their nation, was
so strong, that we doubted not that
it would never be broken; that both
we and they had hitherto inviolably
kept it, and we were glad to see
them on their parts desirous to
strengthen it and therefore took
their presents very kindly.

That we, on our parts thought this
Bond so strong that it could not be
made firmer by any presents; yet to
shew how acceptable any tokens of
their friendship were to us, and that
they might be supplied with some
things necessary, in consideration of
their long journey to visit us; we de-
sired them to accept what we had
provided for a return to them, re- !
peating what those presents were i
and delivering them all but the
Shirts which were not yet ready,
and the provisions to be given them j
in the morning. That in relation to j
their complaints of trade, they must
consider that all traders had in view
by buying and selling, was to gain
something to it themselves. That
unless they could buy at such a rate
as that, they could sell the same
goods for somewhat more, so as to
live by the profit, they would lose
their labour and none would follow
it. That all commodities sometimes
rose in price and at other times fell,
and that the traders must buy at
such rates as their buyers could af-
ford. That most of all the skins and
furs bought of the Indians were ,
sent to England, where the people I

I were numerous like the leaves on the
! trees, and received all the goods on
j the main from Carolina, Virginia,
| etc., and so to Hudson Bay, that
j these goods happened now by their
I plenty to be low in England, and
English goods high by reason of the
war. That it was owing to these
causes and not to the traders being
obliged to take licenses; that their
trade was now so low, (as some ill
people who would not subject them-
selves to any orders might suggest
to them), that the reason of grant-
ing licenses was that none should
be allowed to trade with them, but
I such as should give security here to
j deal honestly by them, and not in-
j jure them in any of these points
! they had formerly complained of;
| that by these means we could at all
times, by the security they gave
here, punish them whether present
or absent for any disorders they com-
mitted, and therefore that these li-
censes were of the greatest benefit to
the Indians, and that if they were
any way injured in trade they ought
to complain to us. That from the
security the traders had given, we
might oblige to make reparation;
that we were heartily sorry they had
such occasion of complaint on other
accounts than those of trade; and
that the traders proved such bad
neighbors that none had ever been
allowed by us to settle amongst them
but Peter Bizalion and that not only
he but the rest that had done them
damage should forthwith make them
satisfaction. They were therefore
ordered to settle the account of their
damages with the persons who had
done them by tomorrow morning,
and were promised that they should
be made good to them."

This item shows the firmness with
which the Government of Pennsyl-
vania dealt with these Conestoga In-

215 ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

dians as well as all the other In- I very day, the chief murderers, with
dians It is noticeable here also as | the greatest part of that nation
shown p 556 that Peter Bezalion is I seated under their protection near
at this time settled among the Con- j Susquehanna River, whitner they re-
estoga Indians; and also that the j moved them, when they found they
Delaware Indians are now constant- could no longer support them
ly with the Conestogas at their j against the force which the English

treaties.

1712— Letort Granted a New License

to Trade With the Conestogas

and Other Indians.

brought upon them in these parts.

During the Tuscourouro war,
about two hundred of your Indians
set upon our Virginia Indian Traders
as they were going to the Southern

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 562 j Indians with a caravan of at least
it is stated that the petition of , eighty horses loaded, and after
James Letort was read, praying that i kiinng 0ne of our people and shot

he may have a license granted to
him to trade with the Indians, etc.,
which being considered, he is ap-
proved on and may have the
Governor's license accordingly.
According to Vol. 2 of Watson's

most of their horses they made booty
of all the goods, declaring their
reason for so doing was because they
did not carry their ammunition to
the Tuscourroroes, and this plunder
was so publickly vended to the

Annals, p. 122 Letort Creek in the j northward that it was no secret to

neighborhod of Carlisle was named
from James Letort. Letort seems to
have had this location as a frontier
home about 1712.The creek was noted
for its many beaver dams. This is

your people at Albany what a vil-
iianous part they had been acting
here with the English; and whether
such an action be not at this day an
incontestible truth. I dare appeal

a very notable thing because beavers | to you yourself, notwithstanding
as a rule did not live in Pennsylva- j your Commrs. may be willing out of
nia but farther northward, except on | some publick views, to conceal this
this part of the Schuylkill where the j piece 0f your Indian Treachery."
beaver towns or dams were quite \ From this we see that these Cone-

S stogas, who of course, were led by
Five Nations and the ! the Five Nations occasionally made

numerous.
1712— The

Conestogas at War With the
Tuscaroroes.

expeditions southward to fight the

Indians in Virginia. In a later item

we will see that the Conestogas very

In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Records, j much lamented this and claimed that

p. 84 the Governor, Spotswood of Lj they did not g0> tne Five Nations,

Virginia sent a letter to Governor
Keith, complaining of the action of
our Indians about Conestoga, and he
accuses them as follows:

"In the year 1712 and 1713, they
were actually in these parts assisting
the Tuscarouroes, who had massacr-
ed in cold blood some hundreds of the
English and then were warring
against us, and they have at this

their masters, treated them very
cruelly and called them cowards.
1712 — The Shawnese at Pequea Cap-
ture a Catawba Boy.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 23,
at a treaty held at Conestoga about
1717, we are given information that
some years ago the Shawnese had
captured a Catawba boy. The date

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

216

Is not given but I give it as 1712.
The information we have of this cap-
ture is as follows:

"The Shawanoise and all the other
Indians present were further asked
whether they had any prisoners of
the Catawba Nation, or of any oi;hbi
nation in friendship with Virginia.
The Shawanoise answered that ihey
had one prisoner, a young man taken
some years agoe, whom they pro-
duced; but all the others answered
they had none. »

It was demanded of the Shawanois
that this prisoner should be return-
ed to the Catawbas, from whence he
was taken. Their King or Chief
answered that they had taken him
several years agoe, when he was but
a little lad; that he had now forgot
his native language, and spoke
theirs, and that they did not think
themselves obliged to return him at
this time.

Being further prest to it, the
chief answered that if the King of
the Catawbas, whom he now under-
stood were in league with Virginia,
would come hither and make peace
with him, if it was desired; but that
the Catawbas were a people of great
extent, and there were many nations
under that name.

The young man was asked whether
he was willing to return, but would
not answer."

1713 — T fa o m a s Clialkley Again

Preaches in the Susquehanna

Country.

In Chalkley's work before referred
to, under the date of 1713, at p. 82
he says: "After I had been some
time in Virginia, I got passage up
the Bay Chesapeake and had
several meetings in Maryland,
friends being glad to see me; and
we were comforted In Christ our

Lord. I made some little stay at a

place I had in that province, called

Longbridge, and then returned to

Philadelphia, where I lodged at the

house of my very kind friends,

| Richard and Hannah Hill, and was

! often times at divers neighbouring

| meetings, and sometimes had good

service therein."

It would seem rather certain from
j his having previously visited the
Susquehannas that he sailed entirely
j up to the head of the Bay and went
! into the Susquehanna Country on
j this trip. He was very much con-
cerning about the Christianity of
these Indians.

1713— Captain Civility on a Special
Message to the Council.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 565 it
I is reported at a Council held June 8,
; 1713, "The Young Indian called
! Civility, one of the chiefs of Cone-
j stogo, with Harry the Interpreter,
i having arrived here two days ago,
and desired to deliver a mesage from
| the Nation, the Governor called a
Council thereupon, and being mett,
j he presented to the Governor two
I small parcells or strings of w-am-
! pum, which they said were delivered
j them by certain messengers from
| the Cayogoes and Onoyootoes, two
of ye Five Nations ,who had been
lately at Conestogo, and desired to
| know what was the message that
! those who came from ye said Nations
! had delivered here last fall ; for that
j they were apprehensive that some of
the Tsanondowans had some ill
design against us, proposal having
made that several hundreds were to
come down in a body, under a pre-
tense of trading which might be at-
tended with ill consequence.

The substance of the minutes
then taken we told them, and that
as they came on a message of

217

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

friendship, we had made them a"
suitable answer; that we always had
been friends with them, and desired
so to continue; that being such, they
were free to trade with us, as all
others were, and that we hoped we
should have no cause to apprehend
anything further from them. They
were particularly acquainted that
our Queen had now made peace with
the French, and we were all to live
amicably together; that the French
durst now not injure an English-*
man, nor an English man none of
the French, any more than one of
their own nation; but that upon the
whole we took their whole care
shewn by this information very kind-
ly, and desired them always to con-
tinue the same disposition towards
us, as we should shew ourselves
friends to them.

Ordered that care be taken of them
whilst in Town, and that the Treas-
urer (Civility being now one of the
Chiefs of their nation) provide for
him a good Stroud, a Shirt, a halt,
and a pair of Stockins and a match
coat for Harry, with some small
tokens for their children, with some
rum, Tobacco and bread."

Here we have another illustration
of the frequent intercourses between
the Conestoga Indians and the Gov-
ernor at Philadelphia; and it was now
almost a daily occurence that the
savages of the Susquehanna River
and the people on the Delaware met
face to face.

1714 — Several Conestoga Indians
Visit the Council at Philadelphia
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 574,
it is stated that a Council held Oct.
I, of that year, that, "Several In-
dians being come to town from
Conestogo, and the Governor being
very much indisposed, the Council
mett to receive what they had to

offer; and Togodhessah, Sotayyoght,
! Tokunnyataawogha, with some others
I presenting a Bundle of Drest Skins,
! represented to the Board:
I That they had always hitherto made
| it their practice to inform this
| Government of all things of mmt.
| that past amongst them; that living
| in a near neighbourhood and friend-
; ship with the Shawanois, they
thought it convenient to acquaint us
| that Opessah, the late King of ye said
j Shawanoise, having absented him-
I self from his people for about three
j years, and upon divers messages
sent to him still refused to return
j to them, they at length have thought
| it necesasry to appoint another in
i his stead, and presented the person
i chosen by name Cakundawanna, to
the board, as the new elected King of
j the Shawanoise, desiring the appro-
| bation of this Government of this
j their proceeding.

The Board answered that what
measures they thought fitt to take
for their own peace and safety
amongst themselves, should be ap-
proved by this Government as far as
iust, and it hoped that what they
have done was a necessity, and that
they are satisfied in it.

They then presented a second
bundle of drest skins, and said:

That they had informed us their
old Queen was dead, as also are all
their old men who formerly appear-
ed for their nation, that they are
now succeeded by a younger genera-
tion; that our methods are to keep
record of what is transacted in writ-
ing, but that they have also sure
ways of transmitting from one
generation to another what is neces-
sary to remember, that these now
living well know the leagues and
bonds of friendship that have been
between the English and their fathers
and that they, their Posterity, are

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

21!

resolved inviolably to observe the
same.

In answer they were told their
present with what they said upon it,
was kindly accepted, and they were
desired to continue the same meth-
ods their fathers had done, and to
train up their children in the same
friendship towards the English that
they themselves had been, that we
and they may live in a firm peace
togther in all time to come.

The skins presetned are 9 bucks,
and 15 does, drest with one raw
back, value about 3 pounds and 15s
in ye whole. Ordered, that a return
be made to ye value of about ten
pounds, with a persent also to
Harry, the Interpreter, besides their
charges; and that the Treasurer see
it performed, entering the account
into these minutes."

In this article we again see the
faithful report made by the Cone-
stogas of the suspicious action of the
King of the Shawanese. They also
related to the Governor faithfully the
experiences their tribe was having.

1714— Conrad Wilser's View of the
Indian Religion

In Mombert's History of Lancaster
County, p. 19, he sets forth a letter
which Conrad Weiser wrote on this
subject, as follows:

"ESTEEMED FRIEND: I write
this in compliance with thy request,
to give thee an account of what I
have observed among the Indians, in
relation to their belief and confi-
dence in a Divine Being, according
to the obsravtions I have made, from
1714, in the time of my youth, to this
day (about the year 1746).

If by the word religion people
mean an asesnt to certain creeds, or
the observance of a set of religious
duties; as, appointed prayers, sing-

; ings, preaching, baptism, etc., or

! even Heathenish worship, then it

may be said the Five Nations, and

their neighbors have no religion. But

if by religion we man an attraction

of the soul to God, whence proceeds

| a confidence in, and hunger after,

i the knowledge of him, then this

j people must be allowed to have some

! religion among them notwithstanding

their sometimes savage deportment.

For we find among them some tracts

of a confidence, in God alone; and

j even, sometimes, though but seldom.

| a vocal calling upon him. I have had

! one or two instances of this under

j my own observation."

Weiser in this letter speaks of
| Indian religion much later than 1714
I but I will give that later.

1 1714— Beginning* of the Conestoga

Road in Lancaster County

In the Quarter Sessions Docket, of
Lane. Co., No. 1, pp. 89 and 121 may
be found the petition dated 1734 to
improve the Conestoga Road which
lead into the Indian Country and
which is now the road known as the
j "Long Lane." The petition states
that the people have been using this
road for twenty years. Therefore it
| began to be used about 1714. Many
I papers, in the Chester County Quar-
ter Sessions records also throw light
on this subject.

1715 — The Goods Bought by Logan

for the Conestoga Treaty

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 597.
it is stated that, "Mr. Logan exhibit-

| ed an account of several things he
bought for the Conestogoe Indians,
by order of Council, the 1st of Oct.
last, the balance of which amounts
to 15 Pounds, 3s and 9d, which

I account is allowed, and the Treas-
urer ordered to pay the same."

219

ANNALS OF THE SU3QUEHANNOCKS AND

1715—Opessah, the Late Shawanese i Opessah said that he did not know

! of any. We see in this item that

Opessah was quite a treacherous
character and made trouble very
frequently.

1715 — Chalkley Reports That the

Concstoeras Have Moved Their

Town Twenty Miles Away

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p 603
on the 21st of June, at a Council.

Kins Comes to Philadelphia

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p 599,
it is stated that on the 14th of June,
this year, that Opessah, the late
Shawanese King, with his compan- j
ions attending him, came with the |
Chiefs of the Delaware and Schyulkill I
Indians to visit the Governor; and
that they met in the Court House in
Philadelphia, where they had a great j « Mr. Logan acquainted the Board,
ceremony, in which they opend up j that he had information by Thomas
the calamet with a great ado with ; chalkley, who lately came from
their rattles and songs. The calamet Maryland, that the Conestogoe In-
was offered by the Delaware King j dians had left their town and re-
to the Governor and Council and all | moved twenty miles distant, and it
the people and then by the Governor j being thought that soemthing extra-
it was offered to the Indians; and j ordinary had happened, that they
after great cermony it was put j should leave their corn growing on
away. The Indians explained that j the ground. It was ordered that a
they had carried this calamet as a message should be sent up to them
bond of peace to all the Nations | by some cf the Chiefs, cf the Indians
around and that it was a sure bond \ now in Town, and a small present,
among them. The Indians further j to wit: a matchcoat for the two

desired by holding up their hands j Chiefs, Civility and , and

that the God of the Heavens might i tell them we would be glad to see
be witness to it. These Indians were j then, and that they should inform
referring to the treaty which Penn j them that they, together with the
made with them "at his first coming ! Delaware Indians, have already been
among them." The speaker for the ! here and renewed their League of
Indians then said that he delivers j friendship, and were kindly re-
n behalf of all the Indians on ihis j ceied."

side of the Susquehanna River the j in this item we see some new
>elts of wampum which he had wkh | disturbances about Conestoga,

him. As to Opessah who formerly j which we shall explain later.

lived on Peqnea Creek as King of LF1» . .. „ .. . .,

. «. , 1 171o — Another Council held

the Shawanese, the speaker says j

that he has now abdicated and lives !
at a great distance from his former
home. The Governor said that j
Opessah had long been under a j
league of Friendship with them, and
even though he has moved we will

Witt

Opessah and His Associates

On the 22nd of June, 1715, we are
told in Vcl. 2 of the Col. Rec, p 603,
that "The Indian chiefs, viz: Sasoo-
nan and Matasjeechay, with Opessah.
being called according to the order of

treat him as kindly as ever; but we j yesterday, the Governor acquainted
ask that he will tell the foreign In- ! them, that he, with the Council, were
dians that he lives with that they j extremely well pleased to see them,
should be kind towards the Engilsh j and with the treaty that we had with
and tell them of any danger; and ' them, but could have wished they

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

220

had more effectually taken the ad-
vice that was given them to forbear
excessive drinking, and especially to
avoid rum, which since it disorders
them so very much and ruins their
health, they ought to shun it as
poison; for though valuable men
when sober, yet when overcome
with that unhappy Liquor they are
quite lost and become beasts, that
had the Governor thought they
would not take more care of them-
selves he would have prevented their
buying it, and must do so the next
time they are so kind to visit us, that
so we may be able all the time of
the stay to converse together.

That now, however, he is glad to
see them sober again at their de-
parture, and was willing to speak
with them before they went to fur-
nish them with some provisions for
their journey.

That we have now had with them
a very friendly treaty, which with all
others heretofore they are constatnly
to remember.

That as they spoke in behalf of all
the Indians on this side of Sasque-
hananh, excepting those of Cone-
stoga, the Governor wishes that
they had also come with them, but
since they have not, Sasoonan and
Metasheekay are desired to inform
the chiefs of Conestoga, vsiz : Soteer-
yole and Tagultaleese or Civility, that
they have been here renewing their
League, yet we were sorry that we
saw not all our friends together,
that to the end they might be par-
takers of the same League, we had
sent each of them a matchcoat, and
should be glad to see them with the
first good conveniency.

That hearing they design to leave
Conestogo, we should desire an op-
portunity of discoursing them before
they quit that ancient settlement,
and that they should say that same

I thing to those that are removed;
! that the better to cover them from
! the night dews in their travels, we
! give each of them a stroud match-
i coat.

That as they had particularly re-
commended Opessah, we were very
well pleased with their regard to
him, and as a token of our taking
him into the same friendship with
them, now gave him also a Stroud.
All wihch being interpreted to
them and provisions delivered for
their Journey, viz: some loaves and
one hundred weight of Biscuitts,
with 12 Pounds of tobacco and pipes,
they returned their hearty thanks
with expresisons of great satisfac-
tion.

But Sasoonan complained that they

J were much abused by the quantities

of rum brought amongst them, and

requested the Governor to cause a

stop to be put to the pratcice.

Upon which they were told of the
very strict laws made against it, but
that it was impossible for us to
know who came thither into the
woods amongst them without their
information, that it would be in their
power effectually to prevent it that
if they would stave all the rum that
came amongst them, which they were
directed by the Governor to do with-
out fail as oft as any came.

They thereupon desired the Gov-
ernor's written order for it, and
acordingly the following order was
issued.

By the Honorable Charles Gookin,
Esqr., etc.

Wheras, notwithstanding the

several penalties laid by the laws of
this province, upon those who sell
rum to the Indians, complaints are
made by them, that great quantities
are still carried into the woods to
their great loss and damage. For
the more speedy prevention of which,

221

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

it is ordered by the Governor and
Council, that all Indians who shall
at any time see any rum brought
amongst them for sale, either by the
English or others, do forthwith
stave . the casks and destroy the
liquor, with suffering any of it to be
sold or drank, in which practice they
shall be idemnified and protected by
the Government against all persons
whatsoever. Dated at Philadelphia,
ye 22nd of June, 1715."

We observe here that their is some-
thing like a break in the pleasant
relations between the other Indians
of the Susquehanna and Delaware
rivers and the Conestogas. Just
what caused the Conestogas to leave
and move 20 miles away is not very
clear.

1715 — The Conestogas Now Come and

Explain their Removal and

Other Actions.

In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 606,
it is stated that on the 13th of Sept.,
'Sotyriote, Chief of ye Conestoga In-
dians, with divers others of his na-
tion and of the Ganawoise, being in
town last night, on the message sent
them from this Board by Sassooan
and Metashichay, two of ye Delaware
chiefs ye 22nd of June last, the Coun-
cil met to consider of the treaty to
be held with them.

And as they are come at the re-
quest of this Government, it is there-
fore agreed and ordered that accord-
ing to ye custom of ye Indians, a
present should be made to them, viz:
six Stroudw.ater matchcoats, six
Duffel matchcoats, six blankets, half
a barrel of Powder, and hundred
pounds of lead .with some tobacco
and pipes, and that care be taken of
their entertainment, as also that some
present should be made to Harry the
Interpreter, to ye value of three
pounds or thereabouts.

That they be informed that the In-
| dians of Delaware with Opessah in
; behalf of the Shawanois coming
\ hither of themselves last 4th month,
| did in a solemn manner renew the
i treaty and confirm the bond of friend-
| ship between us, which they did in
! the name and behalf (they said) of
! all Indians on this side of Sasque-
hannah, those of Conestoga excepted,
! when they left to speak for them-
; selves, and therefore that we desired
| that these Indians would also come
j to visit us as the others * had done.
| that we might at the same time re-
new our Leagues of friendship with
all our friends and brethren, that
that they had always been such to us,
and that our conduct to each other
had always been so friendly, and the
leagues of his friendship had been so
j often repeated and confirmed that we
j were desirous to see them as our
! friends and brethren, as often as any
: others of our Indians for which rea-
! son we had sent them that message.
The Indians not being met, the con-
| ference and treaty with them was de-
j ferred, and the Council adjourned for
that purpose till in the morning at
seven." This sets forth the discus-
sions of the first day.

At page 607 we are told what hap-
pened the next day as follows:

" The afore mentioned Indians/with
! their interpreter, mett, and the pre-
| sent provided, the Governor ordered
| them to be informed that he, with the
| Council, were glad to see them, and
j would have been pleased if it had
I been sooner. That Sasoonan, in be-
! half of his own and all our other In-
; dians on this side of Sasquehannah.
j those of Conestoga excepted, had in
| the most friendly manner renewed
; their treaties and confirmed the bond
; of friendship between us. That we
1 were upon desirous to see them also,
that we might have at the same time

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

222

'the satisfaction of conferring with
and entertaining all the nations of
-our friends around us, and by that
means have an opportunity to know
how it was with them.

That we had heard that they had a
design for moving the Conestoga, to
leave room for the English to settle
there; but that we desired they
■should not make themselves uneasy,
and if they thought it might be more
for their conveniency to be a greater
distance, we should expect first to be
•acquainted with it.

They were also particularly inform-
<ed of what passed between our Dela-
ware Indians and us, at the last
treaty and the minutes then taken
were interpreted to them, with all
which they appeared very well satis-
fied.

The presents as yesterday ordered
were delivered to them, amounting to
•about 20 Pounds in value, besides the
three pounds ordered to Harry, the
interpreter, and the charges of their
entertainment.

Upon their receiving of these they
were particularly desired to be care-
ful from time to time, to inform us
of any strangers coming amongst
them, and of everything new that
should happen amongst them, for as
we were friends and brethren, we
must be concerned for their safety
and welfare, as well as our own.

They all appeared extremely pleas-
ed, and the Council adjourned.

On the next day, September 15, the
Governor left town but authorized the
Council to hear the answer of these
Indians, whereupon the chief of the
Conestogas by his interpreter said,
"That they were well pleased to find
that the Indians who were here in
summer, had shown themselves so
mindful of former treaties and agree-
ments that were made with William

Penn, at his first arrival; that their

old men were generally gone off the

stage, and that a younger generation

jhad come into their place; that they

on their parts should ever desire to

I live in the same peace and friendship

with us, that their fathers had done,

and that not only they but that their

J and our posterity might do the same,

| from generation to generation. That

! all things were well amongst them,

| and they had nothing in relation to

j this Government to blame or in any-

J wise find fault with.

j They then laid down four strings of

I white wampum, and said, that Opes-

j sah, who was formerly a King of the

I Shawanois, near Conestoga, but had

now for some years been abroad in

the woods (as he said) a hunting, had

just as their coming away from Con-

I estoga, sent them a message with

that wampum, to tell them he was

now going a hunting again, that they

I thought it convenient to acquaint this

I Government with it, and that if they

| hear anything further of his proceed-

| ings, they will not fail from time to

I time to give us an account of it, and

\ as they had always lived in peace,

! and we and they had been as Breth-

; ren and friends, so they desired

: we might ever continue the same,

that they had nothing to complain of,

, but desired we would for their great -

er ease in trading with our people,

asquaint them with the certain prices

I of our goods.

They then presented to the Board
| seventeen deer skins in ye Hair, and
I eighteen foxes skins. They were told
| in answer to this, the same things
j that had been said to Sasoonan and
j the Indians with them ; that it was
j impossible to set any prices, for
| goods were sometimes cheaper.
i sometimes dearer, and the
traders would sell their goods dearer

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

a visit of the Conestogas and Dela-
wares to the Council is set forth but

at Sasquehannah, after they had been 1 1716-The Minutes of the Conestoga
at the pains to carry them some days j Treaty Lost.

journey on horseback, thither, and In Vol 2 of the Col Rec ? p ei;
that we could advise them to no
other method than what we took our-
selves, which is that every man I it seems that the minutes of the pro-
should bargain as well as he could ceedings were not taken and we can
for himself, but in the meantime as | not teil just what purpose took them
we had passed a law, that none call- to Philadelphia. The Colonial Rec-
ed Christians should offer them any j or(js gjve the following account of it:
injury, is if they received any they "Sotayriote, the Chief of the Con-

estoga Indians, Tagotelessah or Civ-
ility their Captain, Sheekokonickan,

were desired to acquaint us with it
and they should be redressed.

It was further pressed on them to | a chief of the Delaware Indians being
be very careful on their parts that no j come to town, attended the Governor
difference arise between any of their j in Council; but ye clerk having neg-
and our people and if there should be ( iected to enter ye minutes of what
they would acquaint us with it im- past as he did all other relating to
mediately, that we might duly inquire j these people, which J. Logan himself
Into it, and justice should be done took not with his own hand, they are

with others irrecovably lost."
1717— John Cartledge Sends Word of
Disturbances Among the Con-
estogas.
In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Rec, p.
15 it is set forth under the date of
June 19, this year, as follows: "The
Secretary by the Governor's order
laid before the Board a letter he had
received this afternoon from John
Cartledge of Conestogoe, giving him
an account of some distuurbances
amongst the Indians there; as also
one enclosed from Lahya, Civility,
and some others of the chiefs of the
Indians on the Susquehanna, wherein
they desired him to come to them
without delay, to consult with them
about affairs of great importance:
They having no notice (it is pro-
bable) of the Governor's arrival. The
Governor hereupon thought it incum-
himself to give them a

them if they were anywise wronged.

Then provisions being ordered to
be provided for them by the Treas-
urer for their return home, and all
the accounts to be discharged by
him.

They were dismissed and the Coun-
cil adjourned."

From all this we see that the mat-
ter which was likely to be difficult
was finaly settled with the Conestoga
Indians.

1715 — Our Conestoga Indians Make a
Treaty With Virginia.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 87,
Governor Spottswood of Virginia,
writes to Governor Keith, referring
to the treaty which the Conestogas
and others had made with his Prov-
ince, and says that they have not kept
their engagements made on the last
day of August, 1715, but that in vio-
lation of those

engagements they j bent

r^rir^i br and to the ena they misht have

in all which the Governor of Virginia I as they desired> to call their

puts the blame upon our Conestoga I People together, he was pleased to
Indians. This ends all we have to j appoint the seventeenth day of Julv
say under the year of 1715. i next, to be the time he would see

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

224

them at Conestogoe; and in the
meantime the Secretary was ordered
to write a letter to them to that pur-
port, and to send a belt of wampum
as a token of friendship and confir-
mation of this message."

We can at this date understand the
extreme importance of the urgent
visit which the Conestogas asked the
whites to make to them, but we may
rest assured that matters of impor-
taince were to be adjpusted, espec-
ially does this show, what caused
Oovernor Keith to go to the Indians
as soon as possible.
1717— The Delaware Indians are Now
at Conestoga.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 19, it
is stated that at a Council held at
Conestoga the Chief of the Delawares
was present. I do not believe that
they were simply as visitors attend-
ing this treaty but that they now
lived on the Susquehanna River
which may be seen under this same
date in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 45,
where we are told that the Chiefs of
the Delawares, formerly on Brandy-
wine but now inhabitants on the
Susquehanna River" were come to
Philadelphia, therefore, I make this
bit of history a separate item so that
the fact of the Delawares moving
from the Schuylkill river to the Sus-
quehanna River may be made promi-
nent. We shall see later that these
Delawares caused us much grief be-
cause it was they who in 1755 helped
to slaughter Braddock's men at Fort
DuQuense and later, who in and
about Carlisle and Cumberland
stealthily butchered many of the
white pioneers of these sections.

1717 — A Great Treaty at Conestoga.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec. pp, 21
and 22 it is set forth that the follow-
ing proceedings took place, " at a

Council held at Conestoga, the 9th

day of July, 1717." Then follows a

list of the members of Council who

journeyed with Governor Keith to

Conestoga, and took part in this

treaty. They were Richard Hill,

Isaac Norris, James Logan, Anthony

Palmer, Robert Ashton and John

I French. The importance of this

! treaty is attested by the fact that

! these six men were perhaps the most

prominent sextette in Pennsylvania

I at this time. The report of the treaty

| is as follows :

" Present the Chiefs, and others of
| the Conestogoe or Mingo Indians, the
| Delawares, the Shawanoise and Gun-
I awoise, all inhabiting upon or near
| the banks of the River Susquehan-
i nah.

A memorial from Captain Christo-

! pher Smith, of Virginia, having been

presented to the Governor, was read

! at the Board in ye words following,

I viz:

To the Honorable William Keith,
J Esq., Lieutenant Governor of the
\ Province of Pennsylvania and Coun-
| ties of New Castle, Kent and Sussex,
i upon Delaware; and the Honorable
l Council at Conestogoe, Capt. Christo-
| pher Smith humbly Sheweth,

That he being commissioned and
| instructed by the Honorable Alex-
! ander Spotswood, Esq., Governor of
; Virginia, to go to New York, and with
! the lycense and permission of the
Governor of these said province of
New York, to discourse with the In-
dians or elsewhere concerning the
murdering of some Catawba Indians
at Fort Christianna in the Colony of
Virginia, who are in amity with the
said Government of Virginia, which
said insult was then supposed to be
| committed by the Senequa Indians,

and also to demand the Delivery up
of the prisoners taken at the place
aforesaid, with reparation for the in-

225

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEH AN NOCKS AND

suits done upon the said Catawba In- | cerned in this cruelty, that then he
rtians. I may be assisted in making such

And whereas, the said Christopher j terms of Friendship with the said
Smith, by the assistance of his Ex- | Indians, which by his commission he
cellency Brigader Hunter, Governor | is fully, empowered to do, as for the
of New York hath procured the con- j future may do for the safety and
fession of the said Senequa Indians, j quiet of his Majesty's subjects, and
wherein they acknowledge that some ; the Indians in amity with the Gov-
of their men were concerned in the j ernment of Virginia and Pennsyl-
killing, of some of the said Catawba j vania. CHRISTOPHER SMITH.

Indians near Fort Christanna afore- The said Capt. Smith (being desir-

said, but do say that they did not
know the said Catawba Indians Were
In amity or upon a treaty with the
Government of Virginia and have now
fngaged for themselves, that all acts

ed so to do), produced his commis-
sion from the Governor of Virginia..
under the seal of that Government-
together with his instructions refer-
red to in his said commission both of

of hostility against the said Catabaw j which were also read.
Indians or any others in amity with | And because the subject of the said
the said Government of Virginia shall | memorial principally concerned the
leave, and if the woman Prisoner | said Shawanoise Indians, Martin
lately taken in Virginia by some of Chartiere who understood and spoke
their men, who (at present is escap- , their language well, was sworn as
ed out of their hands) be taken up an interpreter on this occasion,
by any of their people, that she shall ! The insult lately made on the
be safely delivered up to the Gover- ] Government of Virginia, at the Fort
nor of New York, in order to be sent j Christianna, as it is mentioned in
back to Virginia; and the said Chris- j the said memorial was then fully
topher Smith, being lately informed j related to those Indians, and they re-
that some of the Shawanois Indians I quired to inform the Governor
in the Province of Pennsylvania, and i whether an}r of their nation were
in amity with this Government, were j concerned in that fact, or know any-
present and concerned in the murder j tnin» of it.

and insult aforesaid, committed at \ They answered that six of their
Fort Christianna aforesaid, Humbly j men had accompanied that party of
Request Your Honors assistance and ! the Five Nations who had committed
Countenance in obtaining an inter- j the fact, but that none of those six
view with the said Shawanois Indians j were here present, their settlement
and an interpreter to assist him in j being much higher up the Susque-
discoursing with the said Indians; \ hannah River, and being asked such
and if it appears that any of the In- j further questions as Captain Smith
dians in friendship with your Gover- ! requested might be proposed to them
nment have been concerned in the ! in this affair, they answered to them
committing the aforesaid fact, that ! severally as follows, viz-
the said Christopher Smith may have | That according to the information
your Honor's assistance and counte- | they had received from the six per-
nance in procuring reparation for the I sons aforementioned of their Nation,
wrong done, but if it appear that ! after their return home, there was
none of the Indians in Covenant or ! only eighteen persons of the whole
friendship with you have been con- | company imployed in that attack

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

226

near the said Fort at Christianna,
and that the above mentioned six of
their nations were with the rest, at
some considerable distance by the
side of a creek or brook, and were no
way concerned in it, neither did they
know anything of it until the return
of the said party of eighteen who had
killed six men on the spot, took one
prisoner who soon made his escape,
and a woman whom they carried
along with them, and that this was
all they knew of that matter.

Being further asked whether any
of their Indians knew anything of
killing Major Joshua Wynne, in Vir-
ginia, about five years agoe, they
said they did not know anything of
it

Whether they knew anything of the
Indians killing a negro man in Vir-
ginia, belonging to Captain Robert
Elicks, about four years agoe, they
answer they knew nothing of it.

Being asked what they knew of
some Indians of the Five Nations
having about four years agoe
plundered a company of Virginia In-
dians, trading at Enoe River.

They answer that they had often
heard talk about such a thing, but
that none of them were concerned in
it, or could give any account of it.

The Shawanoise and all the other
Indians present were further asked
whether they had any prisoners of
the Catawba Indians, or of any other
Nation in friendship with Virginia.
The Shawanoise answered that they
had one prisoner a young man taken
some years ago, whom they produc-
ed; but all the others answered they
had none.

It was demanded of the Shawa-
nois that this prisoner should be re-
turned to the Catawbas, from whence
he was taken. Their King or Chief
answered that they had taken him

I several years ago, when he was but
la little lad; that he had now forgot
! his native language and spoke theirs
! and that they did did not think them-
| selves obliged to return him at this
i time.

Being further prest to it, the Chief
answered that if the King of the
Catawbas, whom he now understood
were in league with Virginia, would
come hither and make peace with
him and his people. (the Shawanois),
he might have the young man back
wifti him, if it was desired; but that
that Catawbas were a people of great
| extent, and there were many nations
I under that name.

The young man was asked whether
ihe was willing to return, but would
! give no answer.

Captain Smith proposed that he
i might have liberty to treat with those
Indians in order to make a league
; with them in behalf of the Govern-
jment of Virginia, to which he was
J authorized by Colonel Spotswood
| commission and instructions.

The Governor answered that he did
! not conceive it to be necessary or
; useful that any person whatsoever
should be permitted to treat with the
Indians, except the Government of
that Colony, to which the Indians
respecively belonged; but if Colonel
| Spotswood (for whom the Governor
had a very great regard) desired to
; make any treaty with the Indians who
! lived under the protection of this
'Government, for establishing a peace
and good understanding between
j them and the Indians under the pro-
tection of Virginia the Governor
I himself, with advice of his Council,
would heartily endeavor to accom-
| plish a treaty upon such reasonable
| terms as Colonel Spotswood might
propose in behalf of Virginia; and
| that in the meantime the Governor
I now would at this juncture (as it

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

has been usual in this province) in-
sist upon our Indians friendship too,
and a good correspondence with, all
the English Colony's, with their de-
pendent Indians, and Virginia in par-
ticular.

The Governor then spoke to the
Indians by the Interpreters, in the
words and manner following.

That they must carefully remem-
ber that all the several Government,
(which the interpreters particularly
inumerated), from New England to
South Carolina inclusive; thought
they have different Governors, yet
they are all subjects to the great
King and Emperor of the English;
so that when any Government makes
a treaty of friendship with the In-
dians, they must also treat and make
the same bond of friendship for all
other English people, as well as
themselves, by which means all the
Indian nations who are in League
and friendship with any English Gov-
ernment, must also be friends to each
other.

If, therefore, any of you shall hurt
or molest the Indians, who are at
this time in friendship with any
English Government, you hereby
break the league of friendship made
with this Government, which, as it
has been most inviolably observed on
our part, we do positively expect the
same to be done on yours; and if
any of you receive damage or are in-
jured by the Indians who are in
peace with any English Government,
if you can discover what Indians
they were that did it, this Govern-
ment, on your complaint, will en-
deavor to procure satisfaction from
that English Government, to which
such Indians belong.

The Governor further told them by
the same interpreters, that he having
given himself the trouble to come
hither at this time, upon their re-

' quest he had not provided v himself
! with any presents for them, being
I they knew that Philadelphia has al-
\ ways been the place of treaty with
! this Government, where they ought
j first to come and offer theirs.

But nevertheless, it being the first
j time the Governor had seen them he
j would take this opportunity to put
I them in mind of several parts of
| their duty, which they might more
I punctually observe, he had purchas-
ed a few things from the traders, as
j a small testimony of his good will to
them.

Then the presents being laid upon
the ground before the Indians the
Governor proceeded to tell them.

1st That he expected their
I strict observance of all former con-
I tracts or friendship made between
jthem and this Government of Penn-
| sylvania.

2dly. That they must never mo-
I lest or disturb any of the English
Governments, nor make warr upon
any Indians whatsoever who are in
friendship and under the protection
of the English.

3dly. That in all cases of suspic-
| ion or danger, they must advise and
; consult with this Government before
they undertook or determined any-
thing.

4thly. That if through accident
iany mischief of any sort should
I happen to be done by the Indians
j to the English, or by the English to
| them, then both parties should meet
j with, hearty intention of good will to
| obtain an acknowledgement of the
mistake as well as to give or receive
reasonable satisfaction.

5thly. That upon these terms and
conditions the Governor did in the
name of their Great and Good
friend William Penn, take them and
their people under the same protec-
tion and in the same friendship with

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

228

this Government, as William Penn
himself had formerly done, or could
do now if he were here present.

And the Governor hereupon did
promise on his part to encourage
them in peace, and to nourish and
support them like a true friend and
brother.

To all which the several chiefs
and their Great Men presently as-
sented, it being agreed, that in testi-
mony thereof they should rise up
and take the Governor by the hand,
which accordingly they did with all
possible marks of friendship in theii
countenance and behavior."

In addition to the fact of the treaty
it seems important here to notice
that the Conestoga Indians desired
to know what Christians were settled
back of them in the woods and to
what nation they belonged, which at-
tests the fact that a good many
whites were now coming into this
section. It is also worthy of notice
here that this item would seem to in-
dicate that Peter Bezalion at this
time lived at or near Conestoga.
1717 — Governor Spotswood Again
Complains Against the Cones-
toga Indians.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 84, in
a letter to Governor Keith, Governor
Spotswood says that while he was
holding a treaty on the Virginia
frontier with the chiefs of the Cataw-
bas, a party of Conestoga Indians
(and likely some of the Five Nations
from New York) learned from the
Tuscaroras that the Catawbas were
unarmed, making a treaty and then
came among them, killed some and
carried others away.
1717— Five Hundred Young Five Na-
tion Warriors at Susquehanna.

In the same book last cited, p. 85,
Governor Spotswood further com-
plains that there was a march in

I August and September of five hun-
! dred young warriors of the Five Na-
| tions and that they advanced as far
j as Susquehanna River; and declared
I that they were going on down to the
! Maryland settlements.

I cite this simply to show that the
; Conestoga country was a famous
place of resort at this time for the
tribes of the Five Nations and other
Indians, and to show the prominence
of this section. It is further shown
that at the same time there was a
great deal of Indian butchering and
massacreing going on about Cones-
toga and Susquehanna.

Governor Spotswood also com-
plains in this letter that they fell on
a company of men. women and chil-
dren, and that they killed many of
them, and that one woman eccaped
after much cruelty and went to
Virginia famished with cold and
hunger.

1717 — A Line Thrown Around the
Conestoga Indian Camp for
Protection.
In Vol. 3 of the. Col. Rec, p. 48,
there is set forth a statement of Gov-
ernor Keith to the Conestoga Indians
some of which were in Phiadelphia
| at that time that "We have had a
I line thrown around them (the Con-
! estogas) that none might come near
them; and had their corn fields fenc-
ed in by John Cartiledge's care,whose
house alone was placed in those
lines so that he could look after the
tract and also the bounds of it." This
shows the care that the authorities
were now taking of the Indians at
Philadelphia."

1717 — Notes on the Conestoga Treaty.
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 168, appears the following:

" Extracts from Council-Book E.,
18th July, 1717.
Fo. 12. Governor Keith's treaty with

:_•!»

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

the Chiefs of ye Conestogoe or Min-
goe Indians, ye Delawares, ye Shaw-
anoise and Ganawoise, wherein are
no complaints about land.

16th June, 1718.

At a treaty with ye Chiefs of .the
Conestogoe Indians, a Chief of ye
Shawanois, a Chief of ye Delawares,
and one from the Ganawais, they
were pressed by ye Governor to be
free, and if they had anything to
complain of that want to be redres-
sed, they should without reserve
communicate it. Had nothing to
complain of, but that some bad
straggling people brought too much
rum amongst them and debauched
their young men. And after pre-
senting a new King of ye Conesto-
goes, and ye delivery of presents on
both sides, departed, expressing
themselves very happy in the friend-
ship, and under the protection of this
Government."

I quote this principally to show
that there were no land disputes at
this time about Conestoga with the
Indians; but we- shall see that later
than this there were some few dis-
putes.

1717— Lands Surveys at Conestoga
Disturb the Indians.

It is set forth in Vol. 3 of the Col.
Rec, p. 37 that "The Governor ac-
quainted the Board that the Proprie-
tor's Commissioners of Property had
lately represented to him in writing,
that certain persons from Maryland
had under color of rights from that
Province, lately surveyed out lands
not far from Conestoga, and near the
thickest of our settlements to the
great disturbance of the inhabitants
there, and that for preventing the dis-
orders which might arise from such
incroachments, they desired that
magistrates and proper officers
should be appointed in those parts in

order to prevent the like for the fu-
ture."

1717 — An Indian Town in Conestoga
Manor Laid Out

In Vol. 9 of the Pennsylvania Arch.
I p. 49, appears the following:

"1, Feb'y, 1717. The Commission-
ers of Property by their warrant dir-
ected to Jacob Taylor, Surveyor
General of Pennsylvania, order him
! to survey a tract of land lying be-
tween Susquehanna River and Cones-
togoe Creek from the mouth of the
• said Creek as far up the river as the
! lands granted to Peter Chartier and
they by a line running from the said
; river to Conestogoe Creek and make
| return thereof to the Secretary's of-
; fice for the proper use and behoof of
William Penn, Esq., proprietary and
Governor in chief of the Province of
Pennsylvania, his Heirs and Assigns
forever.

The said tract was surveyed pur-
suant to the above warrants and re-
turned into the Secretary's Office and
called 16000 acres in which is includ-
ed the tract of land called the In-
dian Town. \

It is suggested that the said Wil-
liam Penn by some instrument of
writing gave permission for an old
Indian named Johass and his In-
| dians to live upon the said Tract of
| land called the Indian Town contain-
I ing about five hundred acres and the
| same was alloted to them as a place
I of residence by the said William
! Penn. In or about the year 1763.
I some of the descendants of the said
i Johass then residing on the said
I tract of land were there killed and
! the remainder (except one or two
jthat escaped) were sent for by the
Magistrates of Lancaster and put in-
' to the work house for protection and
I safety but were there all killed.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

230

Upon the decease of the above In-
dians the Proprietary's Agents im-
mediately took possession of the
•said tract called Indian Town and
"his tenants have quietly occupied it
and paid the rent to the proprietary's
till his grant in September last."

Several things are to he noticed in
connection with this Item (1) that as
the months were formerly reckoned
January and February instead of
being the first months of the year
were the last two months of the
year, and this February, 1717 was
likely really Febraury, 1718; (2)
That the old Indian Johass seemed to
"be the principal resident in that
part; and the Indians that were kil-
led by the "Paxton Boys" are here
-stated to have been his descendants
so that the tribal government was
maintained at that time. The docu-
ment or certified copy and plans re-
ferred to in this item by a foot note
at the bottom of p. 50 are said to
nave been found with the papers. As
further evidence of the survey of
Conestoga Manor, Paper No. 3349 of
the Taylor Papers contains this
item, "The proprietor, Dr. October
21, 1717, to the survey of Conestoga
Manor, being with the allowances of
6 per cent, 16,500 acres; and to
chaining, marking and calculating, 1
Pound, 14 s. 8 & V2 d." And under
the date of May 19, in the same paper
appears, "a survey of 2100 acres at
Shickasolongo, chaining, marking
and accounting, 8 Pounds; so here
we find a provision made by this big
■survey of Manor township for the
whites, and within it an Indian Town
for the Conestoga Indians.
1718 — Conestoga and Shawiiese Chiefs
on a March to Philadelphia.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 45
occurs the following, under the date
of June 16, 1718. '\ Tagotolessa or

Civility, the preent chief or Captain
of the Conestoga Indians with Wee-
ay wais, Soohywais, Cannatellan and
Calhaneherot of the same Nation,
George, an Indian sent to represent
the Ganawais and Sheeckokonichan,
a Chief of the Delawares, formerly
on Brandywine, all at present inha-
! bitants on Sasquehannah, being late-
\ ly come from their respective habi-
! tations to pay a visit to this Gbvern-
; ment they now waited on the Gover-
i nor and Council, and John Cartledge

\ and James Hendricks being inter-
; preters, both skilled in the Delaware
1 tongue.

The Governor ordered John Cart-
| ledge to acquaint them, that upon

their visit he had at their desire now
I called Council, In order to hear
I what the Indians had to lay before
: them.

Togotelessa, Captain of the Cones-
' togas, said that they were come only

on a friendly visit to see us, and to

renew the old League of Friendship
I that had hitherto been between us

and them, that most of their old men
I were indisposed and could not under*
| take the journey, but they had

brought some of their young men to
! see us, and learn how they of them-
i selves ought when they come to
i more advanced years treat with their
' parents and friends.

The Governor told them that their
i visit was very acceptable, and he
I hoped all was well with them, but
I desired them now to be free, and if
; they had anything to complain of
I that wanted to be redressed, they
\ should without reserve communicate
| it. They then presented a small
; bundle of skins, and said that they
; had some time before the Governor's
I arrival lost their King in war, but
! there were those left amongst them
! who have the same respect and
j friendship for this Government, that

231

ANNALS OF THE SU8QUEHANNOCKS AND

lie had: in his life time. That now
he is gone they are more sensible
Cor their loss of so good a man to
Govern them, and they heartily la-
ment him, for they hope that his
place will be supplied and the same
friendly disposition will always be
continued among them. And now
they desire that the Governor is to
take notice, that though their last
good King is taken from them, they
have one left who is very nearly re-
lated to him, who has an English
heart and a great love for the Chris-
tians. Him they have now chosen
for their King in the others stead,
and as such present him to the Gov-
ernor by the name of Oneshanayan.

Then when laid down a second
small bundle of skins, and proceeded
to say. that their king being present
with the chief of the Shawanois and
Ganawase, what he, viz: Tagotelassa
or Civility says is what will all agree
in with one voice and mind; that
they are glad to find themselves in
good and happy circumstances, for
that they have not for some years
past had a Governor who took such
notice of them, but, now the present
Governor gives them the same satis-
faction as if they thought that Wil-
liam Penn himself was amongst
them; that they had brought a few
skins not by way of present, for
they were not worthy to be account-
ed such, but only to lay them under
the Governor's feet to keep them
and his House clean; that they came
not to make any new treaty or Lea-
gue of Friendship, but only to renew
or confirm those which had been
made, and were hitherto invincibly
kept on both sides.

They threw down a third parcel
of skins, and Civility said, that he
with some of the young men hadthis
last Spring some inclination to go
out to war towards the Southward,

but being put in mind that it would
j not be agreeable to this Government
; and after receiving the Governor'^
letter forbidding tbem to proceed..
I they desisted; that they intended to-
I go out this next winter a hunting.
' that way, and think it proper to ac-
quaint this Government therewith,
for that they bear such a respect to
the Government, and know that we
have always been so ready to pro-
tect and assist them, that they are
agreed not to do anything which will
be disagreeable to us, but that they
look upon themselves but like chil-
dren rather to be directed by this
Governor than fit to offer any-
thing more on this head.

But they must crave leave to add
one thing further, viz: that they
have reason to think the authority of
this Government is not duly observ-
ed for that notwithstanding all our
former agreements, that rum should
not be brought amongst them, it is
still carried in great quantities, they
had been doubtful with themselves
whether they should mention this,
because if they were supplied with
none from hence, they would be
from Maryland which would be a
means of carrying off their peltry
thither, but there have been such
quantities of that liquor carried of
late amongst them, by loose settlers
who have no fixed settlements, that
they are apprehensive mischief may
| arise from it. that though they are
! perfectly well inclined when sober,
yet they can not answer for their
i people when drunk, and least any
| inconveniences may ensue from
thence to this Government whom
i they so much respect, as well as to
I their own people, they desire this
| may be taken into consideration, in
] order to be prevented and redressed
| by all proper measures."

Shecokkeneen added, that the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

232

young men about Pexton had been
lately so generally debauched with
rum, carried amongst them by
strangers, that they now want all
manner of clothing and necessarys
to go hunting, wherefore, they wish
it would be so ordered that no rum
sould be brought amongst them by
any except the traders, who furnish-
them with all their necessarys, and
who have been used to trust them
and encourage them in their hunt-
ing.

Having thus delivered themselves,
they withdrew, and the treasurer
and the secretary were ordered to
take an account of the real value of
their small presents, and to provide
some English goods, exceeding that
value by about one-fourth or a third
at most, and then Council adjourned
until four in the afternoon.
Present: The Honorable William

Keith, Esqr.; Lt. Gover., William

Trent; Jonathan Dickinson, Isaac

Norris, James Logan, Samuel

Preston, Robert Assheton.

The same Indians attending again,
the Governor ordered the Interpre-
ters to deliver to them what follows,
being first drawn up in writing, viz:

That their friendly visit on a de-
sign to brighten and strengthen the
-chain which had for so many years
bound and united them and this Gov-
ernment together as one people, was
very acceptable. They were sensible
that William Penn, the Lord of this
Country, had been as a Common
Father to them; that he had given
it in charge to all those who govern-
ed in his stead, to treat them in the
same friendly manner he had done
himself that the present Governor,
for his part always be as ready as
a father to embrace and support
them, while they continue the same
fidelity to this Government they had
hitherto done.

That we were all much affected
with the loss of their last Good
King, and the Governor would have
been pleased to see more of their old
men, and however, he now took the
young men that came on this visit
by the hand, as those that were com-
| ing up in the places of the ancients,
I and were to continue the same friend-
ship with our younger people, that
I their parents, the elders on both
sides had done before them.

That we kindly received the per-
son they had appointed their King
or Chief, in the place of our good de-
ceased friend, if it be by a general
approbation. The Governor hoped
; he would always have the same
! heart and friendly disposition
; towards the English that his pre-
j decessor was well known to have
i in his lifetime, and would unite him-
j self and all his people with his Gov-
ernment as one heart and one body;
| that for the future we should apply
1 to him as their chief in all publick
| business, and doubted not but the old
j men would assist him with their ad-
| vice in the best manner for theirad-
j vantage and preserving a strict tie
! of friendship with us.

That the Governor could not take
I in good part their motions towards
i going to war last Spring, consider-
| ing that they had engaged themselves
to their contrary in the last treaty
j with him at Conestogae. The Gover-
nor expects that they will not make
the last advance that way for the fu-
ture, without the approbation and
j leave of this Government, for they
I are now but weak in themselves,
: and may be rash attempts draw won-
j derful enemies upon them, and not
J only entirely ruin themselves, but
\ engage us as their friends into their
quarrels; they must therefore be
Governed in this point by this Gov-
ernment, who can judge better of
these affairs than they are capable.

233T

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

The Governor is sensible they may
have too just cause to complain of
loose idle fellows bringing quantities
of rum amongst them to their great
injury, that this has not for some
time past been sufficiently looked af-
ter, but the Governor would speedily
take care to have it in a great mea-
sure prevented. That they of their
parts must endeavor to prevent their
women and young people coming to
Philadelphia to purchase and carry
up rum from hence, which too
many were ready to deliver them
privately for their skins, and that
they meet with any brought amongst
them, they should stave it as they
had formerly been ordered and un-
dertook to do. That in reference of
the surveys of land, they can not but
be sensible of the care that has been
laken of them, they had expressed a
willingness to retire from Conesto-
goe; yet the Government here had
persuaded them to continue near us;
we had run a line around them that
none might come near them, and had
fenced their corn fields by John Car-
tledge's care, who alone being placed
within those lines, may be the more
capable of looking after the tract and
the bounds of it. It is also further
thought fit, that lines should be run
around the other Indian towns, as
soon as conveniently may be to se-
cure them the more effectually from
incroachments. But while such care
is taken of them, it is expected they
shall in all cases on their parts
shew a due regard to this Govern-
ment, that they be aiding to all its
officers in what may lie in their
Power, that they suffer no idle per-
sons to spread rumors amongst them
or if they hear any such that they
give no credit to them, that if they
can discover any evil minded persons
to have ill designs against this Gov-
ernment, or any part of it, they must

without delay disclose it to the Gov-
ernor or some person in authority
under him. In fine they ought ever
to consider us as their best and
nearest friends, who have always,
been and ever will continue ready
to relieve and protect them. while
they on their parts remain faithful
as their ancestors or fathers have
hitherto done before them.

That as they offered the Governor

! a small token, so now for the con-
veniency of their return, there are
a few garments provided for them.

j with some powder and shott to kill.

! venison, some tobacco and pipes, and
when they go some bread and a dram
will be provided for them, and the
Governor expects they will be care-

: ful hereafter to provide likewise for
himself and his attendants, or those

■ who shall be sent at any time for
their services at Conestogoe.

These things being delivered to

! them they appeared very well pleas-
ed, and to that part in which the in-
closing by surveys the lands where

I they are seated, which would not be
broke in upon; they further desired.
that the lands on which the Shaw-
neis and Ganawese are settled on

, Susquehannah, should likewise be

| encompassed with lines at the dis-

] tance of four miles from the river,

| that they might not be disturbed by
the cattle of any persons settling

I near them.

The skins they delivered in the

! morning having been numbered and
weighed as ordered, they were found

i to be,

j 28 sumer deer skins in the

hair, many of them ordi- Pds. s. d.

nary weight 681. at 18d. 5 2 0
j 10 small Drest Skins, wt.

181. at 3-6d 2 2 0

1 Good Winter Buck in the

hair 6 0

2 Bear Skins at 8 ps 16 0

8 6 0

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

234

What is prepared and was

delivered them, are Pds. s. d.
8 Stroud Water Coats of

the best sort, at 17-6d... 7 0 0

10 lb. of Powder, at 20d... 16 0

20 lb. lead, at 3d 5 0

6 pr. Stockings, pt. Blew

and pt. Red, at 2-9d 16 6

1 Doz. Tobacco Boxes at.. 7 0

1 Doz. Tobacco Tongs, at. 5 6

12 lb. Tobacco, at 4d 4.0

3 Doz. Pipes 1 0

1 Red Stroud to the Queen 17 6

10 12 2
These being delivered the Gover-
nor gave them an entertainment, and
the secretary was ordered to provide
for them as from the first all neces-
saries, during their stay and for
their journey on their return home."
This was a prominent treaty and
much that had heretofore disturbed
these people was now put at rest
and settled.

1718— Additional Steps Taken To-
wards the Conestoga Road.

It is perhaps appurtenant to this
Indian subject to notice the steps
taken to further open communica-
tion to this Conestoga settlement;
and the proceedings to do so are set
forth in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p.
43 as follows:

"A petition of several inhabitants
of and near Conestogae, setting forth
me great necessity of a road to be
laid out from Conestogoe to Thomas
Moore's and Brandywine, was read
and the Board having taken the said
petition into consideration, appoint-
eded Isaac Taylor, John Cartledge,
Ezekiel Harland, Thomas Moore,
Joseph Cloud and William Marsh, to
lay out the said Road, and make re-
port thereof at this Board, in order
to be confirmed."

I cite this to show that the neces-
sities of both the Indians and the
whites made this road a very much
desired thing."

! 1718— The "Old Sawannah Town.*

In Vol. 19 of the 2nd Series of the
Penna. Archives, p. 625, under the
| date of the second of the 11th month,
1 1717-18, which is the second of Jan-
I uary, 1718, at a meeting of the Coun-
| cil board it is stated that, "The Ccm-
| missioners being informed that Mat-
| thias Vanbebber, from Maryland,
l taking with him Henry Hollins-
worth, had lately surveyed a con-
j siderable tract of land near the head
i of Pequea Creek in this Province,
including within the same the Old
Sawannah Town, by virtue of war-
rants from Maryland, and offering
| the people settled under this Gov-
ernment to sell lands to them In
right of Maryland and make them
good titles for the same."

This item I quote not so much for
its disclosure of the claims of Mary-
land but for the purpose of estab-
lishing the "Old Sawannah Town.-'
It is here set forth as being near the
head of Pequea Creek; and in the
, Quarter Sessions Records of Chester
County of the year 1719, August Ses-
: sions, a road is described crossing
j the Octoraro Creek near the "Old
I Sawannah Town," so that it would
■ appear that the Shawnese Indians
had their towns all along the Pequea
i Creek and also all along the Octor-
I aro Creek.

1718— An Indian Signer of the Con-
estoga Treaty of this Tear.

In Vol. 2 of Watson's Annals, p.

209, he gives the following eulogy of
I Nedowaway and says : "Nedowaway
| was an Indian Chief of the Dela-
| wares, of more than common charac-
i ter, who had become a Christian,
: and died in Ohio in 1776, at ninety
j years of age. His name appear?
\ among the signers of the treaty at

Conestoga in 1718; and in his child-
; hood he is said to have seen Wil-

I-:::,

AXXALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

liam Penn on his second visit in
1701-2. As a trusty and discreet
chief, he had been trusted with the
preservation of all the verbal speech-
es, bead vouchers, and wampum, and
svith such writings and instruments
as had come from William Penn and
his early Governors, etc.

He was grieved with the encroach-
ments of the white men, westward,
on the Indian Lands; and early for-
seeing that wars must ensue, and
that his people must be sufferers, he
resolved with his people to get far
off in the west. By the advice of the
Wyandot chief, he settled on the
Cayahage river, where he was visited
and seen by Heckewelder in 1772.

See in his picture in this work,
how pensive he sits alone, and pon-
ders in the mute eloquence of grief,
upon his former well known scenes,
along the mountain range traversing
the Susquehanna, near Harrisburg.
The picture seems to speak his in-
ward emotions and distress at being
obliged to leave the regions of his
former home."

This strikes me as an interesting
episode revealing the side of Indian
character that we do not always
give credit for.

1718— Jealousy Against the Pala-
tines Amongst the Conestoga
Indians.

In Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly
p. 220 the Assembly in a speech to
the Governor says, in referring to
the Palatines settling among the
Conestoga Indians. "That the coming
in of so many foreigners rests upon
us with great concern and the more
for that they have no license from
the King to transport themselves
here; and the royal charter seems
to be against them, unless they were
denizis'd or at least come under the
proper tests that should largely dis-
tinguish them from his Majestv's
enemies.

Therefore, we desire that the
Governor would be pleased to favor
us with his sentiments in the prem-
ises and either appoint a committee
of the Council to join a commission
of this House, or otherwise, as the
Governor shall think fitt, to concert
1 proper methods to remove the jeal-
! ousies already raised in the minds of
! the inhabitants concerning these
'foreigners; as also to prevent the in-
conveniencies which may attend
I their settlment in one place, or pro-
i miscously among the Indians."

The fear of difficulties arising
I between the Foreigners and the In-
| dians, is here set forth.

1719 — Colonel French's Treaty with
the Conestoga Indians.

On the 28th of June, 1719, Colonel
| French reached Conestoga in com-
pliance with a direction from the
i Government that he should go there
l to make a further treaty with those
Indians; and having done so he gives
j the following report of the treaty
| which is found in Vol. 3 of the Col.
! Rec, p. 78; and in which report he
| states that he addressed the Indians
I as follows :

i "Friends and Brethren:

By the seal to this paper affix-
| ed, and by my old acquaintance and
I friendship with you, you will bA-
; lieve that I am a true man, and sent
I from your good friend and Brother,
jthe Governor of Pennsylvania, to let
'■ you know that we will be pleased
' and satisfied with the letter he re-
ceived, by the care of our good
j friend John Cartledge, in the begin-
; ning of this month, signed in behalf
of you four nations here met, in
which letter you declare severally
your intentions of keeping his words,
and if any among you have done
amiss, and departed from what was

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

236

right and good in keeping your pro-
mises, to observe strictly with all the
Indians in Friendship and League
with the English, you have therein
acknowledged your errors and mis-
takes, and engaged to offend no
more in that nature or case.

The Governor takes these assur-
ances of your good behavior very
kindly, and now he and his Council
have sent me on purpose to visit you
that I might further treat with you,
and receive from you in the same
manner and as fully as if he and his
Council (of which I am one) were all
here, and present with you a renewal
of these good promises and engage-
ments with you, so well and largely
give him an account of your affairs
and how matters go with you. I
must therefore acquaint you from
my Governor, that as you in your
treaty call yourselves his children,
he will always treat you as his sons,
and he has, ever since your good
friend William Penn, (who is now
dead) send amongst you endeavored
by all means to keep you in peace,
and give you other tokens of his
friendship that you might flourish
and increase, that your old men
might see their children grow to
their comfort and pleasure, and that
the young men might bury their old
parents when they die, which is
much better than to see your old
people mourn for their young sons,
who rashly and without cause go to
war and are killed in the prime of
their years; and he now hopes that
you are fully convinced that Peace
is better than war, which destroys
you and will bring you to nothing;
your strong young men being first
killed, the old women and children
are left defenseless, who soon will
become a prey. And so all the na-
tion perishes without leaving a
name to Posterity.

This is plain mark that he and we

; are your true friends, for if we were

not then we should encourage you

; to destroy one another. For frienri«

1 save people from ruin and destruc-

; tion but enemies destroy them, and

! this will serve as a mark to know all

| people by who are your enemies,

| either amongst you or elsewhere, if

| they want, or study to throw strife

and dissention amongst you. These

are a base and bad people, and ought

to be rooted out from amongst you ;

for love and friendship makes

people multiply, but malice and

strife ruins and destroys. Such

should therefore be shut out, both

from you and us, as disturbers of

our peace and Friendship which hath

always continued.

I am also to acquaint you, that
you have in a grave and solemn
manner renewed your last treaty
with me, on which message I now
come, that our Governor will write
to all the Governors of the English,
that the Indians within the Govern-
ment are resolved to live peaceable
and quietly, and for that reason that
they should give notice to all their
Indians thereof, and that all the
friends to the English should be ac-
counted as one people, and the Gov-
ernor desires that you will let him
know of what nation these Indians
were who gave you the late disturb-
ance, that they may especialy be or-
dered to do so no more.

I am also to acquaint you that it is
the Governor's pleasure, that if any
of the Five Nations come amongst,
you to trade or hunt, that you re-
ceive them as friends and Brothers;
but if they come amongst you either
to persuade you to go to war or to
go themselves, or in their return
from it, that then you have nothing
to do with them nor entertain them;
for he expects that none of his

237

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUBHANNOCKS AND

friends will know any people but ; by torture here, for whoever does it
such as are peaceable, lest they must answer to the Governor and
bring you into a snare, and you suf- Government at their peril. It is in-
fer hurt for their faults. consistent with the ways of Nations:
The Governor expects and requires | it is a violent affront to our Govern-
that if any Prisoners by any means ! ment and it .g contrary to the Laws
whatever fall into any of your hands : 0f the Great King an'd will not suf-
that he be quickly acquainted with fer it.

it. and that no person offer or take \ As our natural and good friend-
upon him to kill any stranger pris- \ ship has long continued, so the Gov-
oner for it will not be suffered here. \ ernor hopes, and the Government al-
He has been much displeased at ; so, that it will last from one gen-
what happened, and was done by . eration to another, as long as the
tome amongst you last year in these \ sun endures, and that we shall all
parts, but he is now again a friend be of one mind, one heart, one in-
upon their promise and engagement clination, ready to help one another
to do so no more, and will take no : in all just and good ways, by Charity
more notice of it if they observe and I Compassion and mercy, sticking
fulfill their words. It is indeed a close and invio~bly to all treaties
shameful and a base thing to treat heretofore made, and most exactly
a creature of their own shape and ; to this now concluded, which he
kind worse and more barbarously j h0pes will forever last and remain
than they would a Bear or Wolf, or *0 your good and prosperity, which
the most wicked creature upon i he and his Government heartily
earth. It is not man-like to see a wish. And as it is expected that
hundred or more people singing every article of this treaty be from
songs of joy for the taking of a pris- | the whole hearts of all of you, so if
oner, but it is much worse to see I amongst yourselves you know of any
them use all their contrivance of who have from your last treaty or
torture and pain to put that unfor- will dissent from this, let them be
tunate creature to death after such known either by their own words or
a manner and war as other Nations, your knewledge of them, for what I
especially the English, never heard do is done with the whole consent of
of it; for if they in a just war kill cur Governor. Council and People."
their enemies it is not like men in The Council at Conestoga in addi-
ihe battle, and if they take them tion to Colonel French consisted of
prisoners they use them well nad Capt. James Gould. Joseph Piegeon.
Kindly, until their King gives them John Cartledge, James Hendricks-
orders to return them to their own son; and Canatowa, Queen of the
Country. They take no pleasure to Mingoes, Sevana, King of the Shaw-
(ueanly burn, pinch or slash a poor anese, Wightomina, King of the
man who can not defend himself, it Dela wares, Waninchack. King of the

shows mean spirits and want of trm

Canawages, and Capt. Civility of
Conestogoa; and before that Council

Courage so to do. For men of true the Indians the next day June 29

Courage are always full of mercy. I 1719, gave the following report:

am commanded to tell you, and I "Civility Interpreter in behalf of

would have you remember it well, the four nations, who all agreed to

that no person whatever offer after return one answer, acquainted John

this time to put any man to death Cartledge, Interpreter for the Eng-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

238

lish, tha* this day the Indians were
met to return an answer to the Gov-
ernor's speech by Colonel French,
and on no other account. Looking
upon everything said to Colonel
French to be said as if the Governor
and his Council were there present,
and well knowing Colonel to be a
true man to this Government and to
the Indians. They return with one
heart and mind their thanks to the
Governor for his kind message. They
meet him and take him by the hand,
and are forever determined that his
will shall be theirs, and that on all
occasions they will be ruled by the
same..

They desire that the Governor
may be acquainted that they are
much pleased that his message came
whilst their young people were at
home, for whom they had lately been
in pain and trouble as being absent
and abroad, that they might hear his
good words and Council which both
old and young of the Mingoes, Shaw-
anese, Delawares and Conawages
are resolved to hearken to; for
though hitherto they have taken
Night for Day, yet now by his good
counsel they can see the light and
what is good for them. They are
glad that none of their young people
miscarried in their late Journey, and
that being now present, they have an
opportunity of hearing the Gover-
nor's message by Colonel French, for
most of them were absent when the
other letters from the Governor
came, as also that they have an op-
portunity to ask their opinions and
designs. Their young people all
agree to obey the Governor's words
and message, and as Colonel French
yeterday told them that what he
said was with the whole heart of
Governor and Council; so they de-
clare that what they say is not from
their mouth only but from their

whole hearts, and the heart of every
one. They desire the Governor to
believe, and be assurred that they
will be obedient to his words, and
that they ever have and ever willl
advise their young people to be
mindful of his good advice. They ac-
knowledged themselves so much ob-
liged to the Governor for his care
| and concern for them, that they in-
j tended in two months time to wait
upon the Governor personally, to re-
turn their heart thanks for such love
from him and his Government.

Colonel French also produces an
i account of his Expenses, viz. : eight
I Pounds five Shillings expended in
I money and for the trouble of his
Journey and negotiation he refers it
I to the Board, who allow him ten
I Pounds.

John Cartledge's Acct. of his sev-
I eral Disbursements ana payments to
I the Indian, and his charges in en-
| tertaining and treating them on sev-
■ eral occasions, by order of the Gov-
ernment, was also laid before the
Board, viz: nine Pounds, ten Shil-
! ling supplied in Goods for a present
| to the Indians at Colonel French's
aforementioned treaty, and three
| pounds for other presents, and ten
! Pounds sixteen Shillings and four
I pence for his several other expenses
! and trouble,

amounting in all to
| twenty-three Pound, six Shillings
| and four pence due to John Cart-
I ledge; which account being duly ex-
! amined is allowed, and order to be
! recommended to the Asesmbly to
| order the payment thereof, together

with Colonel French's account the
J whole being forty-one Pounds, eleven

Shillings and four Pence, and is the

whole charge of Indians treaties for

the present year."

What this treaty contained and
| the report of it needs no comment, as
! it is sufficiently set forth in the ce-
> cords.

239

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1710 — The Indians on t&e Susque-
hanna Accused of Outrages In
the South.

In Vol. 3 of the CoL Rec. p. 86, Gov-
ernor Spotswood of Virginia com-
plains against our Indians as fol-
lows:

"After your Indians found them-
selves not strong enough to attempt
anything upon our Christianna In-
dians in their new situation, they
inarched home in May, 1719, openly
threatening to return again with a
greater force to try the strength of
our Fort, and having taken their
route through our inhabitants, they
marched as through an enemy's
Country, living on free quarters, and
committing several robberies and
outrages on their way, and that we
might understand they intended to
continue their course. They in their
way home, stopt on the 20th of May
at the Conoy Town, under the Gov-
ernment of Pennsylvania, there sent
for one of his Majesty's Justices of
the Peace for the County of Chester,
and upon his (Mr. John Cartlidge's)
arrival they sit down before him in
a grand Council of War, produce fif-
teen prisoners, bid him discourse
with two of them that spoke English.
He finds them Virginians born, and
intercedes for their lives and liber-
ties; they refuse his request and in
fine tell him they have made a path
to pass and repass to and from the
Southward, having removed all ob-
tacles out of the way, and that they
expected to have free recourse for
their people amongst the English
Plantations, whilst they were making-

war.

Soon after they returned in sev-
eral parties carrying themselves very
rudely to our outward inhabitants,
and in the month of July last, they

I approached Christianna and ravaged
| our corn fields close to the Fort
there, upon which our Indians sal-
lied out and a skirmish ensued,
wherein were two of ours and four of
| yours killed. In September follow-
\ ing they came in the Night and lay
| in ambush before the gate at the
| Fort, and at the opening thereof they
shott the first person that came out,
and kept firing upon the Fort until
the English got to the great Guns,
and so scared them away without any
further mischief done at that time.

At length I found means to per-
jsuade one of their War Captains,
j (who calling himself Connaughtoora)
ito come in with ten more to a Coun-
cil held here at Williamsburg, on the
| ninth of December last, where I
'with abundance of civil treatment,
I endeavored to engage him to carry a
| Belt of Peace to their Five Nations
I in behalf of our Christianna Indians,
but he hautily refused the same, and
| answered that they would not be at
| peace with them upon any terms,
| however I prevailed upon him to
carry it with this proposal: That the
Five Nations should observe their
ancient treaty with this Government
so far as not to come among the
English Plantations, and particularly
that none of their Warriors should
approach within twenty miles of our
Fort at Christiana."

From this complaint of Spots-
j wood's we are almost forced to ad-
I mit that the Conestogas and other In-
dians of this neighborhood being
! forced by the Senecas and other
| tribes of the Five Nations, who were
; their masters were forced to make
jwar parties into Maryland and Vir-
ginia, much against their will as we
j shall see very clearly in the remon-
jstrance which the Conestogas made
| about these proceedings the next
i year.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

24G

1719— The Conestoga Indians Com-
plain that the Southern Indians
are Attacking- Them,

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 66, at
a Council held it was set forth by
Governor Keith that he received a
letter from Conestoga and his com-
ment upon it as follows:

"I have received a letter from the
Indian Chiefs at Conestogoe by a
letter to Mr. Secretary Logan, which
inform us, that our Indian Hunters
have been atacked near the head of
Potowmack River by a considerable
body of Southern Indians come out
to war against the Five Nations, and
the Indian settlements on Susque-
hanna

They have killed several of our
people, and alarmed them all, so that
the careful attention and vigilance
of the Government was never more
called upon than at this Juncture,
and much will depend upon your un-
animous and steady resolutions to
support the administration in all its
Parts."

From this it will appear that the
above complaint of Spotswood may
be unfair because our Indians now
complain that the Southern Indians
were making war upon them.

1719— Indian Wigwams Along the
Octoraro Creek.

Rupp in his History of Lancaster
County at the bottom of page 42, in
a note says, "The Shawnese had wig-
wams along the bank of the Octoraro
creek, near the present boundary of
Chester and Lancaster county. When
the road, in 1719 to Christiana bridge,
etc., was laid, its course was defined
—to the fording place at Octoraro,
at old Shaw ana town, thence over
Octoraro, along the Indian path, etc.
Court Records, at Chester, August
Term, 1719."

[1719 — An Attack Made Upon the In-
dian Traders.

In Vol. 1 of Watson's Annals, p. 97,
i he says that in the year of 1719 the
i Indian Traders at the head ot Poto-
mac were attacked by some Indians
and defeated, with the loss of many
lives.

1719.— A Lot of the Five Nations
Now Live at Conestoga.

It appears from Vol. 3 of the Cot
Rec, p .66, that some of the Five Na-
tions are living on the Susquehanna
at this time, because in the book and
at the page mentioned, a letter from
the Chiefs at Conestoga states that
i the Southern Indians came out to
| war with the Five Nations and
against them and against other In-
dian settlements on the Susque-
hanna River, and that several of our
| people were killed. And on p. 67
| of the same book additional views
| are given of the same event and it is
j there stated that peace is likely to
ensue.

1 720 — The Governor of Virginia says

that Our Indians Caused Bacon's

Rebellion.

In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Rec, \k
89, Governor Spotswood of Virginia
in a long letter to Governor Keith,
which begins at p. 82, sets forth in
regular order the different war ex-
peditions which he claims our In-
i dians made to the South among his
| Indians; and among other things be
j says that in 1712-13 they came to his
countrv and assisted the Tuscaroras
to slaughter people of the South; and
i that a little later, during the Tus-
! carora, war, two hundred of our In-
| dians went south and fell upon the
Virginia traders; and that in 1717.
while ne was with the Chiefs of the
Catawbas making peace, our Indians
joined with the Tuscaroras and fell
on the 28th of August and the 15tb

241

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

of September of the same year five !
hundred of our young warriors be-
gan a slaughter on some of his In-
dians about the Susquehanna river;
and on the unarmed Catawbas; and
that in 1718 our Indians were
hovering around the white settle-
ments in the South, looking for a
chance to kill their people; and that
in 1719 our Indians started back but
threatened to come again with force,
and that on their way home they
stopped on the 20th of May a-t Conoy
Town and sent for John Cartledge,
one of the Justices and complained
to him; and finally he accuses them
that a good long time ago they lead
the famous insurrection into Virginia
called "Bacon's rebellion."

1720— The Main Body of the Tus-

caroras are Kow on the Sus-

qnehanna River.

Governor Spotswood in the letter
just quoted in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec.
says that these Tuscaroras massa-
cred some hundreds of English and
that they have at this day the chief
murderers, and the greater part of
their Nation seated under their pro-
tection near Sasquehanna river
where they removed when they
found that they could no longer sup-
port them against the forces which
the English brought on.

1720— James Logan Again at Cones-
toga In a Treaty.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 92,
James Logan makes a report of an-
other treaty he held at Conestoga,
and he sets forth the report, as fol-
lows: "James Logan, Secretary, re-
ported to the Board, that having
lately acquainted the Governor that
he had occasion to go towards the
farther end of the Great Valley, on
the road to Conestogoe, the Governor

had desired him not to fail to proceed
to Susquehannah and there discourse
the Indians concerning their late
message to him, excusing their not
coming to town had been proposed
by reason of some trouble they were
under, the loss of some of their men
slain by the Southern Indians; and
thereupon desiring the Governor to
come up to them; That acordingly
he went, and finding the Indians de-
sirous to speak with him, he appoint-
ed the 27th of last month, that the
Chiefs of the Mingoes or Conestogoe
Indians, the Sachem or Chief of the
Shawanese, the Chief of the Gana-
wese, with several of their people,
and some of the Delawares, met him
on the said day at John Cartledge's.
and being all sate, Peter Bizallion
and John Cartledge, Interpreters,
James Logan first spoke to the In-
dians telling them, that as they had
been long expected at Philadelphia,
in pursuance of their own messages
for that purpose, but instead of com-
ing had lately sent to the Governor,
desiring for some reasons that he
would come up to them; He, their
old friend, with whom they had been
acquainted in their treaties for
twenty years past, being now come
upon business in these parts are will-
ing to hear from themelves, now
only how it was with them, but the
occasion of their delaying their jour-
ney to Philadelphia so long, and at
length sending the message to the
Governor. They hereupon sat silent
for some time without appearing
ready to speak to anything, and
make no returns, the Secretary
pressed them to answer him, telling
them that he asked these questions
in behalf of the Governor and the
Government, that they themselves
had appeared desirous to speak to
him, and that as they now had an

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

242

opportunity they ought to proceed I
and speak their minds freely. To
which at length they answered, that ;
there had been lately killed by the
Southern Indians twelve men, ten of
the Mingoes or Five Nations and two j
Shawanese, about one hundred and
sixty miles from that place, which !
was the occasion of their sending
that message. James Logan asked
them whether these two Shawanese
had been abroad hunting, they an-
swered, No! They had gone out to |
war. He then demanded the reason
why they would offer to go to war
after their solemn promise to our
Government to the contrary. The
Chief of the Shawnese replied that a
dispute arising among some of their
young men, who was the best man,
to end it they resolved to make the
tryal by going out to war, that they
could not be restrained, but took the
opportunity of accompanying some of
the Five Nations that were going out
and took their road that way.

The Secretary told them that he
should have a great deal to say to
them on these heads, and that the
day being now far advanced, he must
desire them to meet him the same
place in the morning, and then treat-
ing them to some drink they with-
drew.

Next morning the same persons at-
tended, bringing some bundles of
skins with them, from whence it
being conjectured that the Indians de-
signed to begin a discourse. All
being seated after some time being
spent in silence, the Mingoes or Con-
estogoe Indians began. A Ganawese
Indian, who called him Captain
Smith, and is said knows all the
several languages, viz: his own or
the Ganawese, the Mingoe, the
Shawnese and Delaware, to perfec-
tion, being appointed interpreter in-
to the Delaware Tongue, and Peter
Bizallion and John Cartledge inter-

preting that into English. They spoke
as follows, viz:

That the last year Colonel French
came to them on a message from the
Governor to inquire into their health,
and how it was with them, their
children and their grandchildren.

That they were now ready to give
an answer to all that he had said to
them, but that now they would speak
freely from the bottom of their
hearts, and their friend might de-
pend on not having words only but
their truest inward sentiments with-
out reserve; and then they laid down
a bundle of undrest deer skins.

That Colonel French and those with
him told from the Governour, that
the message that the Governor sent
them and the advice he gave them
was for his heart and for their good,
and that they would as freely speak
from their hearts. The Governor ad-
vised thme to go out no more to war.
nor to join with any of the Five Na-
tions or others, that when out for that
purpose, but to live at peace with all
people, and if any prisoners were
brought to their towns, they should
not suffer them to be burnt or tor-
tured; that though some of their
people were killed once or again, yet
they should not go out but bear it,
but the third time they might all go
lout as one man together; that this
they thought was somewhat too hard
; upon them, if they must be confined
as prisoners at home, and could not
; go to meet their enemies that came
against them.

That when Governor Penn first
iheld councils with them, he promised
; them so much love and friendship
that he would call them brothers, be-
cause brothers might differ, nor chil-
; dren because these might offend and
I require correction,but he would reck-
on them as one body, one blood, one
heart and one hand; That they al-
[ ways remembered this, and should

243

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

on their parts act accordingly; that
few of the old men who were at
those councils were living; these
were removed and those were then
very young men are now grown up
to succeed, but they transmitted it to
their children, and they and all theirs
should remember it forever; that
they regarded not reports or what
was said abroad, their head was at
Philadelphia, and they were one
with him, on him they depended that
they should know everything that
concerned them.

The Ganawese in behalf of their
people say, they are glad that they
never hear anything from" the Gov-
ernment, at Philadelphia, but good
advice and what is for their advan-
tage; that their present chief was
once at a Council with William Penn
before they removed into this Prov-
ince, and that since they came into
it, they have always lived quiet and
in Peace which they acknowledge,
and are thankful for it; that the ad-
vice that is send them is always so
much for their good that they can
not but gladly receive it, When the
sun sets they sleep in Peace and in
Peace they rise with him, and so
continue while he continues his
course, and think themselves happy
In their Friendship, which they shall
take care to have contniued from
Generaton to Generation. And that
as it shall thus forever continue on
their side; so they desire that the
same continue on the Governor's
part, and that if any reports should
l>e heard concerning them, they de-
sire it may not be believed to their
disadvantage, for they will still be
true and the same they at first pro-
fessed themselves and then lay down
a bundle of Deer Skins. To Cones-
togoes say, that William Penn made
a league with them to last for three
or four generations; that he is now

| dead, and most of their ancients are
I also dead but the league still remains
J and they now take this opportunity
: to renew and strengthen it with their
friend, who has always represented
; William Penn to them since he left
j them ; one generation may die and
! another may die but the League of
friendship continues strong and shall
j forever continue so on their part.
And this is not said in behalf of
themselves, the Mingoes only, but of
! all the Indians on the river, and
| they give another Bundle of Deer
j skins. Captain Civility throws down
I a small bundle of furs and says, that
| they all join and send that as a pre-
| sent to the Governor to make him a
Beaver Hatt. They say in behalf of
the Ganawese, that they have no
i writing to show their league of
j friendship as the others have and
! therefore desire that they may be fa-
vored with one at least if they should
transgress by reason of rum, which
is brought to them in large quanti-
ties, they must be cast off and for-
: gotten that ever they were in friend-
| ship with us.

The Indians being met again after
j some refreshments, the Secretary
I spoke to them as follows:

It must be a great satisfaction to
all honest and good men, to find that
the measures that great man, Wil-
liam Penn, took to establish a firm
friendship with you has had such an
excellent success. Your predecessors
and you have always found him sin-
cere in what he professed. Pie al-
ways ordered those in power during
his absence to shew you all the like
friendship and affection. Every Gov-
ernor that came has been the same to
you. and the present Governour, Col-
onel Keith, shewed the same disposi-
tion immediately upon his arrival, by
hastening up to you with his coun-
cil and many of his freinds as soon

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

244

as he heard that you were in trouble.

You on your parts have been faith-
ful and true to us, whatever reports
might have spread, yet the chain was
still preserved strong and bright. You
never violated it. We have lived in
perfect peace and Unity above any
other Government in America, and
you renewing the chain at this time
upon the Decease of your great
Friend, with us who remain alive, is
so affectionate and kind that I shall
not fail to represent it duly to the
Governor and your good friends in
Philadelphia. This chain has been
made nearly forty years agoe; it is
at this time strong and bright as ever,
and I hope will continue so between
our Children and your Children, and
their Children's children to all Gen-
erations, while the water flows or the
sun shines in the Heavens; and may
the Great Spirit who rules the Hea-
vens and the Earth, and who made
and supported us all, who is a friend
to all good men who love Justice and
Peace, continue the same blessings
upon it forever.

But my friends and brothers, as we
are obliged to take care of each
other, and as the English have op-
portunities of seeing farther than
you, I find myself obliged in behalf
of our Governor and Government, to
offer you some advice that may be
of great importance to you, and
which at this time is absolutely nec-
essary-

You acquainted me yesterday with
a loss that you had sustained, viz:
that twelve men, ten of the Five Na-
tions and two Shawanese, had been
lately cut off by the Southern In-
dians, not two hundred miles from
this place, which grieves me exceed-
ingly.

I am scarcely willing to mention
the Cause of it lest I should trouble

'you, but I must do it for your good;
i I should not be a true friend should
; I forbear it.

You know then, my Brothers, that
| the cause is, that some of your young
! men had unadvisedly gone out to
war in company with others of the
| Five Nations against these Southern
! Indians. Young men love to go
sometimes to war to shew their man-
i hood, but they have unhappily gone
| against Indians that are in Friend-
ship with the English. You know.
! that as of the Five Nations some are
', called Isawandowaes, some Cayoo-
gooes, some Onondogoes, some Oney-
! ookes, and some Connyingoes, yet
I they are all one people, so the Eng-
lish though they have different Gov-
I ernments, are divided into New Eng-
land, New York, New Jersey, Penn-
sylvania, Maryland, Virginia and
Carolina, yet they are all under one
great king who had twenty times as
jmany subjects as all these, and has
i in one city as many subjects as all
the Indian that we know in North
America. To him we are all subject
and are all governed by the same
laws; Therefore, those Indians who
are in League with one Government
are in League with all; your friend-
ship with us recommends you to the
j Friendship of all other English Gov-
ernments, and their friends are our
friends. You must not therefore,
hunt or annoy any of the English or
any of their friends whatsoever.

These Southern Indians, especially
the Tootelese. formerly made friend-
ship with you, and I believe that it
was they who lately sent you the
nine belts, of Wampum, to continue
the League; They Desired Peace, yet
j the Five Nations and some of your
rash young men have set upon them;
pray remember, they are men as well
as you, consider therefore, I request

245

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

you, what you would think of your-
selves should you suffer these or any
other people to come year after year
and cut off your towns, your wives
and children, and those that escape
should sit still and not go out against
them, you would not then deserve
to be accounted men; and as they,
you find are men it is no wonder if
they come out to meet these young
fellows and endeavor to destroy
them and their families.

I must further, as your friend, lay
before you the consequence of your
suffering any of your young men to
join with those of the Five Nations
They come through your towns and
bring back their prisoners through
your settlements, thus they open a
clear path from these Southern In-
dians to your Towns, and they who
may have been wrong may follow
that open path, and first come' direct-
ly as the path leads to you. Thus
vou, who have done but little and by
the instigation and advice of others
may be the first that are fallen up-
on, while those of the Five Nations
are safe at home at a great Distance
with their Wives and Children, and
you may be the only sufferers.

They have hitherto come out to
meet their ^enemies, who were going
to attack them, and like men they
fight them; but as I am your friend
[ must further inform you that these
people would come quite up to your
towns to do the same to you that they
have suffered, but your being settled
among the English has hitherto pre-
served you, for the Governor of Vir-
ginia and Carolina can no longer
hinder them from defending them-
selves; and desired peace and would
live in Peace if it might be granted
them.

I must further inform you as a
friend that this whole business of
making War in the manner you do, is

now owing to those who desire noth-
ing more than to see all the Indians
cut off, as well to the Northward as
the Southward, that is the French
of Canada, for they would have the
Five Nations destroy the Southern
Indians, and the Southern Indians
destroy you and the Five Nations,
the destruction, being their Desire.
The Governor told you, by Colonel
French, that they were your enemies
who put you upon war, and they are
your truest friends who would pre-
serve you in Peace, Hearken to the
advice of your friends and you will
be preserved. You see how your
numbers yearly lessen; I have
known about three score men be-
longing to the Town, and now I see
not five of the old men remaining.

What the Governor has said to you
by himself, and by Colonel French,
and what I now say to you is for your
own advantage, and if you are your
own friends you will pursue the
advice that is given you. If any of
the Five Nations go this way in their
going out to war, and call on any of
you to accompany them, you must in-
form them as you are in League
with us, and are as one people, you
cant not break your promises, and it
can not be pleasing to them to see
you living in such friendship with
us. I have said enough on these
heads, and you I hope will lay it up
in your hearts and duly observe it;
let it sink into your minds, for it is
of great weight.

The Ganawese having hebaved
themselves well since they came
amongst us. and they shall have
what they desire. Your people of
Conestogoe about twenty years agoe
brought the Shawanese with them to
Philadelphia to see and treat with
Governor Penn, and then promised
the Governor that they would answer
for the Shawanese that they should

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

246

Vive peaceably with us and in
friendship with us, but we find their
•ears are thick, they do not hear what
we say to them, nor regard our ad-
vice.

The Chiefs of the Shawanese an-
swered to this with a deep concern,
that this was occasioned by the
young men who lived under no Gov-
ernment; that when their king who
was then living, Opessah, took the
Government upon him, but the people
differed with him; he left them, they
had then no Chief, therefore some of
them applied to him to take that
charge upon him, but that he had
only the name without any authority,
and could do nothing. He counselled
them, but they would not obey, there-
fore he can not answer for them, and
divers that were present, both Eng-
lish and Indians, confirmed the truth
of this.

The Secretary hereupon admonish-
ed him and the rest to take a further
Care, that what had been said should
be pressed upon the young people
and duly observed, and then calling
for Liquor and drinking with them
dismissed them.

But the Indians, before they would
depart, earnestly pressed, that on ac-
count of this treaty should with all
possible speed be dispatched to the
Governours to the Southward, and to
their Indians that further mischief
might be prevented, for they were ap-
prehensive that the Southern Indians
might come out to met the Five Na-
tions, and then they, as had been
said to them lying in the road might
be the sufferers, but they truly de-
sired peace, and were always against
molesting any Indians that were un-
der the protection or lived in friend-
ship with the English.

The Secretary then proposed to
them that they should send some of
their people with Belts of Wampum
to the Governor of Virginia, to assure

him of their resolution to live

| Peace, and to desire him to acquaint
| all his Indians with the same. They
! readily agreed to send the belts with-
I out delay and promised the following
j week to bring them to Philadelphia,
i but they seemed apprehensive of dan-
| ger to their People in going to Vir-
| ginia, where they were all strangers.
; unless the Governors would send
| some English in Company with them
to protect them.

After this conference was ended,
! Civilty desired to speak with the
Secretary in private, and an oppor-
| tunity being given, he acquainted the
| Secretary that some of the Five Na-
tions especially the Cayoogoes, had
! at divers times expressed a dissatis-
i faction at the large settlements made
! by the English on Sasquehannah and
that they seemed to claim a property
i or right to those lands. The Secre-
tary answered, that he (viz: Civil-
Jity) and all the Indians were sensi-
I ble of the Contrary, and that the
; Five Nations had long since made
over all their right to Sasquehannah
I to the Government of New York, and
j that Governor Penn had purchased
| that right with which they had been
I fully acquainted. Civility acknowl-
edged the Truth of this but proceeded
! to say that he thought it his duty to
inform us of it, that we might the
; better prevent all misunderstanding.
The Secretary having made an end
! of his report, the Governor observed,
j that from the last particular year if
! there was ground to apprehend that
the Five Nations, especially the Cay-
oogoes, did entertain some secret
grudges against the advancing of
our advancig settlements upon Sas-
quehannah river, and that it was very
much to be suspected that the Five
Nations were spirited up by the
French agents from Canada or Mis-
sissippi, to make these new and
groundless claims upon us whom

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCS AND

they believed to be a mild defenceless
people, and therefore liable to be
with less hazard and more easily in-
sulted than any of the neighboring
colonies; that though the Governor
was not under any immediate appre-
hension of Danger from the Indians
of the Five Nations, yet our present
security semed to depend upon the
strength and authority of New York,
and not upon the peaceable disposi-
tion of faith of these barbarians; That
if the French (as it was but too pro-
bable at this juncture), should pur-
sue their usual policy in not only de-
bauching the Indians everywhere
from the English interest, but also to
provoke and encourage them to make
war upon one another, and thereby
to embroil all the English settlements
upon this continent every Colony
would in that case find themselves
sufficiently employed in their own
proper defence. And these things
had made such a deep impression up-
on the Governour's mind, but he
could not but think of the Public
safety, as well as his honor and
character, to be particularly con-
cerned in making such timely pro-
vision for the defence of this colony,
as the nature of the Constitution and
the good inclinations of the people
would permit, unto which end the
Governors believed that a voluntary
militia might be raised and put un-
der such good regulations by an
Ordinance as could give no offence
to any, but be of a general advantage
and security to the Trade and People
of this province.

The members present being all
Quakers, some of them desired to be
excused from giving their sentiments
upon a subject of that nature but all
seemed to acquiesce that leave that
matter wholly to the Governour's
prudence and good conduct. The
Secretary was in the mean time dir-
ected to examine whether there was

I any ground for the Five Nations to
claim a right to any lands upon the
Sasquehannah; and also it was mov-
ed and agreed upon, that the Gover-
nor should write to the President of
New York representing the ill treat-
ment of our people lately received
from those of the Five Nations in
their last return from the Southward
and the ill consequence which may
possibly ensue from their opening a
path to war through our settlement
upon Sasqquehannah."

Governour Keith considered this
treaty at Conestoga a matter of great
importance and he wrote to the Gov-
ernor of New York about the affair,
the main points of which letter were,
that we have a great reason to be
apprehensive of the growth of the
French settlements and the power of
the Jesuits over our Indians on the
Susquehanna, and that the Jesuits
are very active in trading to get our
Indians over to the French and that
the Southern Indians are very much
I provoked and come out to fight the
I Five Nations and pursued to the Sus-
| quehanna river. He further says
| that when Governor Penn settled
j this country, when he came to treat
I with the Indians settled on Susque-
hanna River, he began to deal with
New York concerning it, and that
Governor Penn on his last visit about
twenty years ago held a treaty with
the Conestogas settled on Susquehan-
na River and that the question about
the land was taken up.

So here we see in this letter that
difficulties about the land around
Conestogoe were again arising, and
we also see what seems to be a clear
admission that Penn made the two
trips to Susquehanna, of which we
have spoken of before. All this may
be seen in Vol. 3 of the Colonial Re-
cords, pp. 99 to 102. One of the
chief questions that Logan was try-
ing to settle was the dissatisfaction
of these lands around Suquehanna.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

241

1720— The Conestoga Indians Com-
plain that the Five Nations
Compel Them to Go South
to Fight.

There is no doubt that the subjec-
tion to the Five Nations which the
Conestogas were compelled to under-
go was very galling to them and
frequently brought them into dan-
gerous situations and compelled
them to go on expeditions in the
South against their friends. The Con-
estogas, Conoys. the Ganawese, the
Delawares and the Tuscaroras, all
of which tribes lived around about
Conestoga and Susquehanna, were
under the Five Nations at this time
and if they refused to obey the Five
Nations, they were in great danger
of being butchered themselves. Their
condition was pitiable and in a
paper sent to the Council at Phila-
delphia they set forth their sad con-
dition. This paper and the proceed-
ings connected with it are as fol-
lows: At a Council held at Philadel-
phia, July 20, 1720, besides the Coun-
cil and the Governor there were pre-
sent also "Conestogce Indians Tago-
leless or Civility, Oyanowhachso,
Sohais Connedechto's son, Tayuch-
einjeh.

Ganawese: Ousewayteichks or
Captain Smith, Sahpechtah, Meemee-
ivoonnook, Winjock's son, George
Waaspessum, and John Prince.

Shawanese: Kenneope.

Edwad Farmer, Sworn Interp'r.

The Secretary acquainted the
Board, that the Indians present were
sent by their chiefs from Conestoga,
in pursuance of the resolution they
had taken at the conference he had
lately held with them there, of send-
ing a message to the Goernor of Vir-
ginia.

The Interpreter, by the Governor's
order, told the Indians that their
Governor waft glad to see them and

to hear of the welfare of their people.
The Indians delivered two Belts of
Wampum with a written paper,
which they say contains the whole of
what they were ordered to deliver to
the Governor and Council at the
time.

The said paper was read, and is as
follows:

July 16th, 1720.
To our Friends and Brothers, the
: Governour and James Logan, at
| Philadelphia. These as to what hath
I been proposed by our Friend and
j Brother James Logan, when here, of
i our sending to the Southward Gov-
! ernments to confirm a peace ; We
| are very willing to have and keep
! Peace, and therefore send a belt of
Wampum to confirm it, but we must
; leave it wholly to you to perfect the
' same. As to any of our People on
J this river going to the Southern parts
I about the same, it will doubtless oc-
; casion the death of us, while the Five
'Nations still follow the practice of
: going there to war, of whom at thTs
time there is a great number going
that way; therefore, we plainly tell
you. we know not what measures to
\ take, but leave all to you, resolving
to follow your council, but sure we
; are to suffer for what we have al-
; ready yielded to do in the affair
, aforesaid as soon as the Sinnekaes
| come to know thereof, if not protect-
! ed by you, for they will be enraged
against us when they know that we
are willing to be at Peace with those
Nations, that they resolve to maintain
war against, and will certainly cut
us off as well as the Back Christian
Inhabitants; for they we are sure,
do not bear true affection to your
Government, and some of them are
already very bold and impudent to
the Christian inhabitants and us also
for their sakes, whom we are unwil-
ling should have any damage done by
them if we can prevnt it, and in real

249

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

good will do certify the Government
that we believe they will shortly have
gome trouble with them if not pre-
vented. Our Captain Tagoteless, and
some other of our people comes with
our words to you, and this present
letter taken by his interpretation, by
our good friend John Cartiledge,
whom we could have been glad if he
would have come himself and given
an account of matters. We are your
true friend and Brothers at Conesto-
goe." See 3 Col. Rec, . 102. B.

This needs no further comment as
everything is set forth fully in the
paper.

The next day the Council being
met again the Governor spoke as fol-
lows -to them concerning their
troubles:

"That nothing can be more accept-
able to this Government than that
the Indians should live in Peace with
all the Nations around them, but
above all with those who are friendly
with the English Governments. The
Governor has often seriously exhorted
them to it. and they had engaged to
go out no more to war, with which
engagements he had acquainted the
Governours to the Southward, and
more specially the Governor of Vir-
ginia, by Captain Smith, who came
from that Governour to the N orth-
ward, on purpose to engage the
Northern Indians to live in Peace
with all his people and friends. And
the said Gentleman, Captain Smith,
they may well remember, was pres-
ent with the Governour at his first
conference with them at Conestogoe
soon after his arrival, when they
promised in that treaty to go out to
war no more.

That it was a very great satisfac-
tion to all parties to find them thus
engage themselves, though what was
proposed to them was wholly for
their own benefit and advantage.
Captain Smith carried this news with

gladness, and the Governour of Vir-
ginia and his people received it with
joy, and everybody believing that
they might surely depend on these
assurances.

Yet notwithstanding all these, some
of their young men had been unhap-
pily prevailed on to go out against
the same people. The Governor is
very well pleased to hear by the Sec-
retary's respect on what they lately
said on that head at Conestoga, that
they condemn these proceedings, and
excused themselves by the influence
the Five Nations have over their peo-
ple, and that the young men carted
on by the Heat and Blood to martial
; exploits, and to shew their manhood
i are difficulty restrained by the more
I sage advice of their elders. But it is
! now hoped that these young men,
j some of them having forfeited their
I lives by their disobedience to their
| Elders, are also as fully resolved
I most strictly to observe these present
| engagements ; and though the Gover-
[ our realty lies under some disadvan-
! tages in the representation he is
now to make to the Governours of
[Virginia and Carolina, by reason of
'their having failed in their former.
| yet he will without delay acquaint
these Governours with their renewed
resolutions, and give them all pos-
sible assurances from our Indians,
that nothing in their power shall di-
i vert them from a strict observance of
j what they have promised for the fu-
! ture, and as a binding proof of it
according to the custom of their Na-
tions, shall convey these two belts
I of Wampum as firm and inviolable
! seals to all that they have said.
These the Governour will convey to
j the Governour of Virginia with let-
ters in their favour who sent them,
and a particular account of their
; country and habitations, with all
! which the Governor of Virginia will
i undoubtedly take care to acquaint

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

250

all his Indians and people, and en-
gage them for the future to consider
our friends as his friends, and the
Governour will endeavor to make
them all as one People.

But as this will require some time,
and all the Indians in those South-
ern Parts, can not be immediately ac-
quainted with these messages,
though the Governor intends to use
all possible dispatch. They must in
the mean time take care of them-
selves and keep out of the way of
the Warrior's path, till a good and
perfect peace and good understand-
ing can be settled.

But after the Governor has thus
proceded in their behalves, and in
some measure pledges his honor for
them, they must not fail on any terms
whatsoever, most strictly to make
good their present engagements
against the Perswasions of all Peo-
ple whatsoever.

We are all friends to the Five Na-
tions and have a great respect for
them, and these can not but be
pleased to find out that our Indians
live in such Friendship with their
English Neighbors, as to resolve also
to live in Peace with all their friends.
Whenever any of these Minquays
come amongst them, they must not
fail to inform them that they and we
are one people and not to be sepa-
rated in interest, and we desire that
the Minquays also may be the same,
and live with us as brotters."

This being interpreted, it was or-
dered that they should be supplied
with a Quarter Cask of powder, fifty
pounds of lead, five gallons of rum,
with Bisket, Pipes, Tobacco, etc.. for
their Journey; in the mean time
that the Treasurer or Secretary
should see them duly accomodated.
This is set forth in Vol. 3 of the Col-
onial Records, pp. 103 to 105.

1720— The Cost of the Second Treaty

Made at Conestoga.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p 107
the cost of James Logan's second

treaty at Conestoga is set out as fol-
lows: "The Secretary laid before
the Board an Account of the charg-
es of a Treaty held with the Indians
at Conestogoe, the 27th day of June
last, being Eight Pounds Four shil-
lings and Eight Pence; as also an ac-
count of goods and provisions sup-
plied the Indians at Philadelphia, by
order of this Board the 20th of July
last, amounting to Eight Pounds,
Thirteen Shillings and Five Pence,
the whole charge being sixteen
Pounds, eighteen Shillings and one
penny, from which deducting the
presents received from the Indians -to
the value of ten Pounds, four Shil-
lings, there remains due to the Sec-
retary the sum of six Pounds, thir-
teen Shillings and one penny, which
accounts being examined were allow-
ed by the Board, and the Treasurer
is ordered to pay the said Ballance to
the Secretary fortwith."

1720— The Southern Indians Retal-
iate on the Conestogas.

The above account of the Five Na-
tions forcing the Conestogas to go
southward and fight their friends is
also taken notice of in Vol. 2 of tii •
Votes of Assembly, p. 258, where it is
shown that the expeditions to the
South have caused an attack upon
our Indians near the head of the
Potomac River, by the Southern In-
dians who are on their way to Sus-
quehanna to fight our people, by rea-
son of the fact that the Five Na-
tions compel our Indians to go to
war against those of the South.

1720 — The Shawanese, Ganawese and
the Delawares Present at Logan's
Treaty with the Con-
estogas.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 92,
in which we have discussed the
treaty made by James Lgoan with

251

ANNALS OP THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

the Conestogas and others, he sets
forth that the Sachem or Chief of the
Shawanese, the Chief of the Gana-
wese and the people of the Delaware
Indians met him at John Cartledge's
house the same as the chiefs of the
Conestogas. I merely quote this
item to show that these various other
tribes were still living in this neigh-
borhood at this time.

1721 — A Message Sent to the Cones-
toga Indians, Because of the
Dissatisfaction of the Vir-
ginian Government.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 116,
it is set forth that a complaint of
Governor Spotswood of Virginia
caused the Governor and Council in
Pennsylvania to send a message to
the Conestoga Indians, in which he
asked them to be very careful to obey
all the laws and not to offend the In-
dians of the South nor the Governor
in any way.

Keith says in this message that he
has had many conferences with the
Government of Virginia about our
Conestoga Indians. As the result of
this the Conestoga Indians and other
Indians at Susquehanna river promis-
ed that they would not cross the
Potomac river to go South, if the
Southern Indians will not cross the
Potomac River to come north. And
the Governor further says that our i
Indians never do go down across the
Potomac River.

1721— The Conestoga Indians Go to I

the Ohio and Wabash Rivers

to Fish.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 116, j
Governor Keith in a speech, states |
that the Conestogas and other allied
Indians go hunting and fishing on the
branches of the Wabash and Ohio
Rivers in the Fall of the year and do
not return until the following May.

1721— The Conestoga Indians Send a
Peaceful Message to the South-
ern Indians.

In the book and at the page last
mentioned it is set forth that he Con-
estoga and allied Indians sent by
Governor Keith to Virginia several
belts of wampum as pledges of Peace
with all the Indians from the South.
On the next page we find that Keith
begs the Governor of Virginia that I
shall mention and include the Indians
of the Susquehanna Country with his
Cherokees and other Southern In-
dians.

1721— The Five Nations Come to Con-
estoga to Make a Treaty.

In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Records,
p. 118, it is set forth that the depu-
ties of the Five Nations are on their
way to Conestoga to treat with this
Province; and word is sent -to Phila-
delphia that the Five Nationas are
coming to treat. (120).

This statement is given by the Gov-
ernor to the Board or Council 1l
which he says that he had yesterday
received an express from the Cones-
toga, intimating that they were cer-
tainly informed of some deputies of
the Five Nations being on their way
to Conestoga in order to treat with
this Government. The Council de-
cided, however, not to do anything
until they heard of the arrival of the
Five Nations at Conestoga, but in the
meantime the Government will send
a message to the Conestoga Indians
to inform them about his negotia-
tions for peace in Virginia.

As is shown on p. 120 of the same
book, John Cartledge sent an express
to Philadelphia, announcing that the
deputies had arrived at Conestoga,
that he entertained them at his house
and desired them to come to Phila-
delphia and treat with the Governor.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

252

That they were very reserved in tell-
ing their business and insisted that
they must meet the Governor himself
at Conestoga, where they wished him
to come. . Cartledge also states that
a considerable number of the Chiefs
and others of the Indians of the Five
Nations now actually at Conestoga,
positively refused to go any nearer
to Philadelphia than Conestoga and
he urges the Governor to come at
once and treat with them; and the
Governor accordingly made the trip.

1721— Governor Keith's First Great
Treaty at Conestoga.

Pressed by the above urgent de-
mands that he should come to Con-
estoga to meet the Five Nations and
other Indians the Council decided
that the Governor should go on the
journey; and the Governor named
Richard Hill, Janothan Dickinson,
Colonel French and the Secretary,
James Logan to accompany him in
his journey. It was decided that they
would leave on Monday, the third of
July. (See Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec,
pp. 120-121).

This treaty of Governor Keith also
attracted the attention of the people
generally and a notice of it may be
found in the American Weekly Mer-
cury, the only newspaper at that
time which began publication in 1719
and ran until 1746, under the editor-
ship of Andrew Bradford. The
newspaper account is found in the
issue of July 6, 1721, in which the
paper states, "His Excellency, Sir
William eKith, our Governor, with
some of his Council and thirty other
gentlemen set out Monday last for
Conestoga in order to meet our In-
dians there and some of the Five Na-
tion to settle a peace with them as
usual."

It is to be noticed that the news-
paper report states that thirty of the

citizens went along. The return
from Conestoga is also set forth in
the same newspaper in the issue of
July 13, 1721, where it is stated that,
"On Tuesday night last, his Excel-
lency, Sir William Keith, Baronett,
our Governor, and the gentlemen
who attended him arrived here
(Philadelphia) from Conestoga. He
went thither to meet the heads of the
Five Nations who awaited his com-
ing to renew the treaties of peace
and friendship with them, and ac-
comodated some irregularities com-
mitted by the young men of those na-
tions of war Indians. The Governor
and all the Company were handsomely
entertained and treated at the house
of John Cartledge, Esq., during their
stay at Conestoga."

In the issue of July 27, 1721, the
particulars of this treaty are adver-
tised as being for sale, having been
published by Andrew Bradford, but
I can not find that the pamphlet was
ever seen. Dr. Jordan of the Phila-
delphia Historical Society says that
this pamphlet has never been seen in
print. It is, however, quoted in Hil-
deburn's issue of the Pennsylvania
press, p. 58. There is a Dublin re-
print of it dated 1723, in the Ridge-
way Branch of the Library Company
of Philadelphia, which I have seen,
and excepting the introduction, it is
a literal copy of the Colonial Records.

This Irish reprint of 1723 (which is
found in Vol. 797 in the Ridgeway
branch, etc.,) sets forth on the title
page that Andrew Bradford printed
the original and published it at the
request of the gentlemen whow were
present at the treaty, and who went
on the journey. It is said that it was
reprinted by Eliz. Saddler and Sam.
Fuller at the Globe & Scales in
Meath street, Dublin, in 1723. The
following glowing introduction ap-
pears in the book.which is not found
in the Colonial Records;

253

ANNALS OF TH ESU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

"The Publisher to the Reader, Phila-
delphia, July 26, 1721.

Courteous reader: We here pres-
ent you with an exact copy of the
proceedings of the Governor in the
late treaty with several nations of
Indians at Conestoga, taken from the
minutes of the respective councils,
which were held on the occasion.
And we hope this will be more
agreeably acceptable to our corres-
pondents than any abstracts that
could be published in our Weekly
Mercury.

The Indian village of Conestoga
lies about seventy English miles dis-
tant, almost directly West of the
city, and the land thereabout being
exceedingly rich, it is now surround-
ed by divers fine plantations or
farms, where they raise quantities of
wheat, barley, flax and hemp, with-
out help of any dung.

The company who attended the
Governor consisted of between 70
and 80 horsemen, most of them well
armed, and the directions that had
ben given were so well observed that
great plenty of all sorts of provis-
ions were everywhere provided bet
for man and horse.

His Excellency the Governor's
care for the public safety of this
colony plainly discovers itself in his
management of affairs with the In-
dians in general as well as by his
late toilsome journey to and fror
Virginia and Conestoga. The good
people of this city and province from
a just sense of happiness they enjoy
the present administration embrace
all opportunities of expressing their
love and esteem for the Governor,
who at his return from Conestoga
was waited upon at the upper ferry
of the Schuylkill River by the Mayor
and Aldermen of the City with about
two hundred horse. After a refresh-

ment of wine and other good liquors,
upon the eleventh inst, about sunset
his Excellency arrived in good health
at his own house to the universal
joy of all the inhabitants."

The official report of this treaty is
found in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p.
121, as follows:

"Conestogoe, July the 5th, 1721.

"The Governor arrived here this
day at Noon, and in the evening went
to Capt. Civility's cabin, where four
Deputies of the Five Nations, and
some few more of their people came
to see the Governour, who spake to
them by an interpreter to this pur-
pose, viz:

That this being the first time that
the Five Nations had thought fit to
| send any of their Chiefs to visit him;
he had come a great way from home
to bid them welcome, that he hoped
to be better acquainted and hold a
further discourse with them before
he left the Place.

| They answered that they were come
j a long way on purpose to see the
Governor and speak with him; that
they had heard much of him and
; would have come here before now,
but that the faults and mistakes com-
mitted by some of their young men
I had made them ashamed to show
their faces, but now that they had
seen the Governor's face, they were
well satisfied with their journey
whether anything else was done or
not.

The Governour told them that to-
morrow morning he designed to
speak a few words to his Brothers
and Children, the Indians of Cones-
togoe and their friends upon Susque-
hanna, and desired that the Deputies
of the Five Nations might be presen.
in Council to hear what is said \
them.

At a Council held at Conestogoe,
July the 6th, 1721.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

254

PRESENT:
The, Honorable Sir William Keith
Bart., Govr., Richard Hill, Colonel
John French, Caleb Pusey, James
Logan, Secretary, Jonathan Dickin-
son.
The Governor spoke to the Conesto-

goe Indians as follows:
My Brothers and Children,

So soon as you sent me word that
your near friends and relatives, the
Chiefs of the Five Nations, were come
to visit you, I made haste and am
come up to see both you and them,
and to assure all the Indians of the
Continuance of my love to them.

Your old acquaintance and true
friend, the Great William Penn, was
a wise man, and therefore he did not
approve of war among the Indians
whom he loved, because it wasted and
destroyed their people, but always
rocommended peace to the Indians as
the surest way to make them rich
and strong by increasing their num-
bers.

Some of you can remember since
William Penn and his friends came
first to settle amongst you in this
country; it is but a few years and
like as yesterday to an old man,
nevertheless by following that great
Man's peaceable councils this Gov-
ernment is now become wealthy and
powerful in great numbers of people,
and though many of our inhabitants
are not accustomed to war and dislike
the practice of man killing one an-
other, yet you can not but know that
I am able to bring several thousand
into the field, well armed, to defend
both your people and ours from being
hurt by any enemy that durst at-
tempt to invade us; however, we do
not forget what William Penn often
told us, that the experiences of old
age, which is true wsdom, advises
peace, and I say to you, that the wis-

est man is always the bravest man,
for he safely depends on his wisdom,
and there is no true courage without
it. I have so great a love for you;
my dear Brothers, who live under the
protection of this Government that I
can not suffer you to be hurt no more
than I would my own children; lam
but just now returned from Virginia
where I wearied myself in a long
journey both by land and water, only
to make peace for you my children,
that you may safely hunt in the
woods without danger from Virginia
and the many Indian nations that are
at peace with this Government. But
the Governour of Virginia expects
that you will not hunt within the
Great Mountains on the other side of
Patowmeck River, being it is a small
tract of land which he keeps for the
Virginia Indians to hunt in, and he
promises that his Indians shall not
any more come on this side of
Potawmeck, or behind the great
mountain this way to disturb your
hunting; and this is the condition I
have made for you, which I expect
you will firmly keep, and not break
it on any consideration whatsoever.

I desire that what I have now said
to you may be interpreted to the
Chiefs of the Five Nations present,
for as- you are a part of them, and
are in like manner one with us as
you yourselves are, and Therefore
our Councils must agree and be made
known to one another, for our hearts
should be open that we may perfectly
see into one another's breasts. And
that your friends may speak to me
freely, tell them I am willing to for-
get the mistakes which some of their
young men were guilty of amongst
our people; I hope they will grow
wiser with age, and hearken to the
grave Counsels of their old men whose
valour we esteen because they are

255

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

wise; but the rashnes of their young
men is althogether folly.

At a Council held at Conestogoe,
July the 7th, 1721.

PRESENT:
The Honourable Sir William Keith,
Bart., Governour; Richard Hill, Col-
onel John French, Caleb Pusey, Jas.
Logan, Secretary; Jonathan Dickin-
son, with divers gentlemen.

PRESENT ALSO:

The Chiefs of Deputies sent by the
Five Nations to treat with this Gov-
ernment, viz.;

Sinnekass Nation, Onondagoes Na-
tion, Cayoogas Nation; Ghesaont,
Tannawree, Sahoode, Awennool.Skee-
towas, Tchehuque.

Smith, the Ganawese Indian inter-
preter from the Mingoe Language to
the Delaware; John Cartledge and
James Le Tort, Interpreters from the
Delaware into the English.

Ghesaont, in the name and on the
behalf of all the Nations, delivered
himself in speaking to the Gover-
nour, as follows:

They were glad to see the Gover-
nour and his Council at this place,
from home, and now they find it to
be what they had heard of him, viz:
their friend and brother, and the
same as if William Penn were still
amongst them.

They assure the Governour and
Council that they had not forgot
William Penn's treaties with them,
and that his advice to them was still
fresh in their, memories.

Though they can not write, yet
they retain everything said in their
Councils with all the Nations they
treat with, and preserve it as care-
fully in their memories as if it was
committed in our method to writing.

They complain that our Traders
carrying goods and Liquors up Sas-
quehanna River some times meet

with their young men going out to
war, and treat them unkindly, not
only refusing them a dram of their
liquor, but use them with ill lan-
guage and call them dogs, etc.

They take this unkindly, because
dogs have no sense of understand-
ing; whereas they are men, and
think that their brothers should not
compare them to such creatures.

That some of our Traders calling
their young men by those Names, the
young men answered, if they were
dogs then they might act as such;
Whereupon they seized a keg of
their Liquor and ran away with it.

N. B. This seems to be told in
their usual way to excuse some
small robberies that had been com-
mitted by their young people.

Then laying down a belt of Wam-
pum upon the table, he proceeded
and said,

That all their Disorders arose from
the use of rum and strong spirits
which took away their sense and
memory ; that they had no such liquors
amongst themselves, but were hurt
with what we furnished to them and
therefore desired that no more of
that sort might be sent amongst
them.

He presented a bundle of drest
skins and said,

That the Five Nations faithfully
remember all their ancient treaties,
and now desire that the chain of
friendship between them and us may
be made so strong as that none of
the links can ever be broken.

Presents another bundle of raw
skins and observes,

That a chain may contact rust
with lying and become weaker;
Wherefore he desires it may now be
so well cleaned as to remain bright-
er and stronger than ever it was be-
fore.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

256

Presents another parcel of skins
and says,

That as in the Firmament all
clouds and darkness are removed
from the face of the sun, so they de-
sire that all misunderstandings may
be fully done away, so that when
they who are now here shall be
dead and gone, their while people
with their children and posterity may
enjoy thf clear sunshine and friend-
ship forever, without anything to
interpose and obscure it.

Presents another bundle of skins
and says,

That looking upon the Governour
as if William Penn was present they
desire, that in case any disorders
should hereafter happen between
their young people and ours, we
would not be too hasty in resenting
any such accident, until their Col-
onel and ours can have some oppor-
tunity to treat amicably upon it,
and so to adjust all matters as that
the friendship between us may still
be inviolably presrved.

Presents a small parcel of deer
skins and desires,

That we may now be together as
one people, treating one another's
children kindly and affectionately on
all occasions.
He proceeds and says:

That they consider themselves in
this treaty as the full plenipoten-
tiaries and Repesentatives of the
Five Nations and they look upon the
Governour as the Great Kin^ of Eng-
land's representative, and therefore
they expect that everything now stip-
ulated will be made absolutely firm
and good on both sides.

Presents a bundle of bear skins
and says,

That having now made a firm
league with us as becomes our

brothers, they complain that they got
too little for their skins and furs, so
as they can not live by hunting, they
desire us therefore to take compassion
on them and contrive some way to
help them in that particular.

Presenting a few furs, he speaks
only as from himself to acquaint the
Governour, that the Five Nations
have heard that the Governour of
Virginia wanted to speak with them.
He himself with some of his Com-
pany intended to proceed to Virginia,
but do not know the way to get
safe thither."

At a council held at the House of
John Cartledge, Esq., near Conesto-
goe.

PRESENT:

The Honorable Sir William Keith,
Bart., Governor, Richard Hill, Col.
John French, Jonathan Disksinson,
James Logan, Secretary.

The Governour desired that the
Board would advise him as to the
quantity and kind of the presents
that must be made to the Indians in
return to their and In confirmation
of this speech to them; Whereupon
it was agreed that twenty-five Stroud
Match coats of two yards each, One
Hundred wt. of Gunpodwer, two hun-
dred of lead, with some Bisket, To-
bacco and Pipes, should be delivered
as the Governor's present to the Five
Nations. And the same being pre-
pared accordingly, the Council was
adjourned to Conestogoe, the Place
of Treaty.

At a Council held at Conestogoe,
July the 8th, 1721. Post Meridiem.
PRESENT:

The Honourable Sir William Keith
Bart., Governour.

The same members as before with
divers gentlemen attending the Gov-
ernour and the Chiefs of the Five
Nations being all seated in Council,
and the presents laid down before the
Indians.

257

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

The Governour spoke to them by
the Interpreters in these words.
My Friends and Brothers:

It is a great satisfaction to me that
I have, this opportunity of speaking
to the Valiant and wise Five Nations
whom you tell me you are fully em-
powered to represent. I treat with
you therefore as if all these Nations
were here present, and you are to
understand what I now say to be
agreeable to the mind of our Great
Monarch George the King of Eng-
land, who bends his care to estab-
lish peace amongst the mighty na-
tions of Europe and unto whom all
the People in these parts as it were
but like one drop out of a Bucket, so
that what is now transacted between
us must be laid up as the words of
the whole Body of your People and
our People, to be kept in perpetual
Remembrance. I am so glad to
find that you remember what Wil-
liam Penn formerly said to you; he
was a great and a good man, his
own people loved him; he loved the
Indians, and they also loved him.
He was as their father, he would nev-
er suffer them to be wronged, neith-
er would he let his people enter up-
on any lands until he had first pur-
chased them of the Indians; He was
just, and therefore the Indians lov-
ed him.

Though he is new removed from us
yet his children and people follow
his example and will always take
the same measures, so that his and
our posterity will be as a long chain
of which he was the first link, and
when one link ends another succeeds
and then another, being all firmly
bound together in one strong chain
to endure forever.

He formerly knit the chain of
friendship with you as the Chief of
all the Indians in these parts, and
lest this chain should grow rusty

you now desire it to be scoured and
made strong to bind us as one people
together; We do assure it is and al-
ways has been bright on our side,
and so we will ever keep it.

As to your complaint of our Trad-
ers, that they have treated some of
your young men unkindly I take that
to be said by way of excuse only for
the follies of your people, thereby
endeavoring to persuade me that
they were provoked to do what you
very well know they did, but as I
told your Indians two days ago, I
am willing to pass by all those
things. You may therefore be as-
sured that our people shall not suf-
fer any injury to yours; or if I
know that they do, they shall be sev-
erely punished for it; so you must
in like manner strictly command
your young men that they do not of-
fer any injury to ours; for when
they pass through the utmost skirts
of our inhabitants, where there are
no people yet settled but traders,
they should be more careful of them
as having separated themselves from
the body of their friends, purely to
serve the Indians more commodious-
ly with what they want.

Nevertheless if any little disorders
should at any time hereafter arise,
we will endeavor that it shall not
break or weaken the chain of friend-
ship between us; to which end if any
of your people take offence, you
must in that case apply to me or to
our chiefs; and when we have any
cause to complain, we shall as you
desire apply to your chiefs by our
friends the Conestogoe Indians, but
on both sides we must labor to pre-
vent everything of this kind as
much as we can.

You complain that our traders
come into the path of your young
men going out to war, and thereby
occasion disorders amongst them, I
will therefore my friends and broth-
ers speak very plainly to you on this
Head.

OTHER LANCASTER CO OUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

25S

Your young men come down Sus-
quehanna river and take their road
through our Indian towns and settle-
ments and make a path between us
and the people against whom they go
out to war; Now you must know,
that the path this way leads them
only to the Indians who are in al-
liance with the English, and first to
those who are in a strict League of
Friendship with the great Governor
of Virginia, just as these our friends
and children who are settled amongst
us are in league with me and our
people.

You can not therefore make war
upon the Indians in League with
Virginia without weakening the
chain with the English; for as we
would not suffer these our friends
and brothers of Conestogoe, and up-
on this River to be hurt by any per-
son without considering it was done
to ourselves; so the Governour of
Virginia looks upon the injuries
done to his Indian brothers and
friends as if they were done to him-
self; and you very well know that
though you are five different nations
yet you are but one people; so as that
any wrong done to one Nation is re-
ceived as an injury done to you all.

In the same manner and much
more so it is with the English, who
are all united under one great King,
who has more people in that one
town where he lives, than all the In-
dians in North America put together.

You are in League with New York
as your ancient Friends and nearest
Neighbors, and you are in League
with by treaties often repeated, and
by a chain which you have not
brightened. As therefore all the
English are but one People you are
actually in League with all the Eng-
lish governments and must equally
preserve the Peace with all as with
one Government.

You pleased me very much when
you told me that you were going to
treat with the Governour of Virginia.
Your nations formerly entered into
a very firm League with the Govern-
ment, and if you have suffered that
chain to grow rusty it is time to se-
cure it, and the Five Nations have
done very wisely to send you there
for that purpose .

I do assure you, the Governour of
Virginia is a great and good man;
he loves the Indians as his children
and so protects and defends them,
for he is very strong, having many
thousand Christian warriors under
his command, whereby he is able to
assist all those who are in any
League of Friendship with him. Has-
ten therefore, my friends, to brigh-
ten and strengthen the claim with
that great man, for he desires it, and
will receive you kindly. He is my
great friend, I have been lately with
him, and since you say you are
strangers, I will give you a letter to
him to inform him what ye have
done, and of the good design of your
visit to im and ti his Country.

My Friends and Brothers: I told
you two days agoe that we must
open our Breasts to each other, I
shall therefore, like your true Friend
open mine yet further to you for
your good.

You see that the English, from a
very small People at first in these
parts, are by peace amongst them-
selves become a very great people
amongst you, far exceeding the num-
ber of all the Indians that we know
of.

But, while we are at peace- the In-
dians continue to make war upon
one another, and destroy each other,
as if they intended that none of their
people should be left alive, by which
means you are from a great people
become a very small people and yet
you will go on to destroy yourselves.

259

ANNALS OP THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

The Indians of the South although
they speak a different language, yet
they are the same people and inhabit
the same land with those of the
North, we therefore can not but won-
der how you that are a wise people
should take delight in putting an end
to your race. The English being
your true friends labor to prevent it.
We would have you strong as a part
of ourselves, for as our strength is
your strength, so we would yours to
be as our own.

I have persuaded all our Brethren
in these parts to consider what is for
their good, and not to go out any
more to war, but your young men as
they come this way endeavor to force
them, and because they incline to
follow the Counsels of Peace and the
advice of their friends, your people
use them ill and often prevail with
them to go out to their destruction.
Thus it was that this town of Cones-
togoe lost their good king, not long
ago, and thus many have been lost,
their young children are left without
parents, their wives without hus-
bands, the old men, contrary to the
course of nature mourn te death of
their young, the people decay and
grow weak, we lose our dear friends
and are afflicted, and this is chiefly
owing to your young men.

Surely you can purpose to get
other riches or possessions by going
thus out to war; for when you kill
a deer you have the flesh to eat and
the skin to sell, but when you return
from war you bring nothing home but
the scalp of a dead man who perhaps
was husband to a kind wife, and
father to tender children who never*
wronged you, though by losing him
you have robbed them of his help
and protection, and at the same time
get nothing by it.

If I were not your true friend I
would not take the trouble of saying

all these things to you, which I de-
sire may be fully related to all your
people when you r.eturn home, that
they may consider in time what is
for their own good; and after this if
any will be so madly deaf and blind
as neither to hear or see the danger
before them, but will still go out to
destroy and be destroyed for noth-
ing, I must desire that such foolish
young men will take another path
and not pass this way amongst our
people, whose eyes have opened, and
they have wisely hearkened to my
advice. So that I must tell you
plainly, as I am their best friend,
and this Government is their Protec-
tor and as a father to them. We
will not suffer them any more to go
out as they have done to their des-
truction. I say again, that we will
not suffer it, for we have the Coun-
sel of wisdom amongst us and know
what is for their good, for though
they are weak yet they are our Breth-
ren, we will therefore take care of
them that they are not misled with
ill Council; you mourn when you lose
a brother, we mourn when when any
of them are lost, to prevent which
they shall not be suffered to go out
as they have done to be destroyed by
war.

My Good Friends and Brothers: I
give you the same Counsel and earn-
estly desire that you will follow it,
since it will make you a happy
people, I give you this advice be-
cause I am your true friend, but I
much fear you hearken to others who
never were or never will be your
Friends. You know very well that
the French have been enemies from
the Beginning, and though they made
peace with you about two and twenty
years ago, yet by subtle practices
they still endeavor to ensnare you.
They use arts and tricks and tell you

Other Lancaster county indian tribes

lies, to deceive you, and if you would
make use of your own eyes and not
be deluded by their Jesuits and In-
terpreters; you would see this your-
selves, for you know they have had
no goods of any value these several
years past, except what has been
sent to them from the English of
New York, and that is now all over.
They give fair speeches instead of
real services, and as for many years
they attempted to destroy you in
war, so they now endeavor to do it
in Peace; for when they perswade
you to go out to war against others,
it is only that you may be destroyed
jourselves, which we as your true
friends labor to prevent, because we
would have your numbers increased
that you may grow strong and that
we may be all strengthened in
Friendship and Peace together.

As to what you have said of Trade,
I suppose the great distance at
which you live from us has prevented
all comerce between us and your
people; we believe, those who go in-
to the woods and spend all their
time upon it endeavor to make the
best bargains they can for them-
selves; so on your part you must take
care to make the best bargain you can
with them, but we hope that our
traders do not cheat, for we think
that a Stroud Coat or a pound of
powder is now sold for more Buck
skins than formerly; beaver indeed is
not of late so much used in Europe,
and therefore does not give a price,
and we deal but very little in that
commodity. But deer skins sell very
well amongst us, and I shall always
take care that the Indians be not
wronged, but except other measures
be taken to regulate the Indian
trade everywhere, the common
methods used in Trade will still be
followed, and every man must take

care of himself, for thus I must do
myself, when I buy anything from
our own people, if I do not give them
their price they will keep it for we
are a free people. But if you have
any further proposals to make about
these affairs I am willing to hear
and consider them, for it is my desire
that the trade be well regulated to
your content.

I am sensible rum is very hurtful
to the Indians; we have made laws
that none should be carried amongst
them, or if any were, that it should
be staved and thrown upon the
ground, and the Indians have been
ordered to destroy all the rum that
comes in their way, but they will not
do it, they will have rum, and when
we refuse it they will travel to the
neighboring provinces and fetch it;
their own women go to purchase it,
and then sell it amongst their own
people at excessive rates. I would
gladly make any laws to prevent
this that could be effectual, but the
country is so wide and the woods
are so dark and private, and so far
out of my sight, that if the Indians
themselves do not prohibit their own
people there is no other way to pre-
vent it; for my part, I shall readily
join in any measures that can be
proposed for so good a purpose.

I have now my friends and broth-
ers, said all that I think can be of
any service at this time, and I give
you these things here laid before you
to confirm my words, viz: five Stroud
coats, twenty pounds of powder, and
forty pounds of lead for each of the
Five Nations ; that is twenty-five
coats, one hundred weight of powder
and two hundred of lead in the
whole, which I desire may be deliv-
ered to them, with these my words
in my name and on behalf of this
province.

261

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

"I shall be glad frequently to see
some of your chief men sent in the
name of the rest, but desire you will
be so kind as to come to us to Phila-
delphia to visit our families and chil-
dren born there, where we can pro-
vide better for you and make you
more welcome, for people always re-
ceive their friends best at their own
houses. I heartily wish you well on
your journey and good success in it,
and when you return home I desire
you will give my very kind love and
the love of all our people to your
kings and to all their people.

Then the Governor rose up from
his chair, and when he had called
Ghesont the speaker to him, he took
a Coronation Medal of the Kings out
of his pocket and presented it to the
Indian in these words.

That our children when we are
dead may not forget these things, but
keep this treaty between us in per-
petual remembrance. I here deliver
to you a picture in gold, bearing the
image of my great master the King
of all the English; and when you re-
turn home I charge you to deliver
this piece into the hands of the first
man or greatest Chief of all the Five
Nations whom you call Kannygoodk,
to be laid up and kept as a token to
our childrens' children, that an en-
tire and lasting Friendship is now
established forever between the Eng-
lish in this country and the Great
Five Nations.

1721— James Logan Continues the
Conestoga Treaty After the
Governor Left for Phila-
delphia

Tn Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 130,
"James Logan, Secretary, further
reports, that having continued at
Conestogoe, after the departure of
the Governor and the rest of the
Company, he had the next day by the
continued treaty held by James Logan
Governour's approbation and direc-

tion held a discourse with Ghesaont,
the Chief of those Indians and their
Speaker Civility, the Captain of
Conestogoe, and John Cartlidge,
being the Interpreter.

That he had first put Ghesaont in
mind of the great satisfaction the
Governour had expressed to him in
the Council upon their kind visit,
and the freedom and openness that
had been used to them on our parts,
and therefore advised him if he had
anything in his thoughts further re-
lating to the Friendship established
between us and the matters treated
in Council he would open his Breast
in his free Conversation, and speak
it without reserve, and whatever he
said on those heads should be re-
ported faithfully to the Governour.

Ghesaont then, said that he was
very well pleased with what had been
spoken. He saw the Governour and
the English were true friends to the
Five Nations, but as to their people
going out to war, which head we
chiefly insisisted on, the principal
reason was that their young men had
become very poor, they could get no
goods nor clothing from the English,
and therefore they went abroad to
gain them from their Enemies.

"They had at once a clear Sky and
Sunshine at Albany, but now all was
over cast, and they could no longer
trade and get goods as they had
done, of which he could not know
the reason, and therefore they had
resolved to try whether it was the
same among the other English Gov-
ernments."

"To this the Secretary answered,
that they had from the first settle-
ment of New York and Albany been
in strict League and Friendship with
that Government, and had always
had a trade with and been supplied
by them, with Goods they wanted

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

262

That it was true, three or four years
past the French had come from
Canada to Albany in New York, and
purchased and carried a great part
of the goods, Strowd waters especi-
ally, sometimes three or four
hundred pieces in a year, which the
Five Nations ought to have had; but
that now, another Governor being
lately sent thither from the Great
King of England, he had made a law
that the French should not have any
more goods from the English; that
this had been the reason of the
Clouds and dark weather they com-
plained of, but that now a clear Sun-
shine as they desired would be re-
stored to them; That he knew very
well this Gentleman the new Gov-
ernour, that he had not long since
been at Philadelphia, and at his (the
Secretary's) house, and that he had
heard him (the Corlear) say he
would take care of his Indians should
be well supplied for the future, and
accordingly they might depend on it.

Ghesaont being hereupon asked
whether they did not know that the
French had for some years past had
the Cloths from the English, an-
swered, that they knew very well
that these English goods went now
in a new path, different from what
they had formerly gone in, that they
knew not where they went, but they
went besides them and they could not
get hold of them, though they much
wanted them.

"The Secretary proceeded to say,
that as New York and Albany had
been their ancient friends, so they
could best supply them, and they
would certainly do it if they con-
tinued in their Duty on their part;
that they were sensible the Great
King of England had a regard for
them, by the Notice he took of them
almost every year; that all the Eng-

lish everywhere were their Friends.
We were now very gald to see them,
but wished for the future they would
come to Philadelphia, as they former-
ly used to do; that he himself had
seen their Chiefs twice at Philadel-
phia, the two years that William
Penn was last here, and that when
his son came over about three years
after, now about seventeen years
agoe, a considerable number of them
came down and held a great Council
with us, and therefore he hoped they
would visit us there again, which
would be much more convenient than
so far back in the woods where it
was difficult to accomodate them and
ourselves, that however we were glad
to see them there. This they knew
was a Government but lately settled,
but that they were now going into
two Governments that had been much
longer seated and were very rich, and
would make them exceeding wel-
come; that we saw them in the
woods only, at a great distance from
home, but they would see the Govern-
ours of Maryland and Virginia at
their own towns and houses where
they could entertain them much bet-
ter; that they would be very kindly
received, for we were all of one
heart and mind, and should always
entertain them as Brothers.

"Ghesaont took an opportunity of
himself to enter again on the subject
of their people making Peace with the
other Indians on the Main. He said
that he had in his own person
laboured it to the utmost; that he had
taken more pains to have it establish-
ed than all the French had done;
that their people had lately made
peace with the Tweuchtwese; that
they had also sent some of their men
to the Flat Heads for the same pur-
pose, that they had now a universal
Peace with all the Indians, excepting

263

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

three small Nations to the Southward
with whom he hoped to have one
concluded upon his present journey-
by means of the Governour of Vir-
ginia, that his own desires were very
strong for Peace as his Endeavors
had shewn, and he doubted not to
see it established everywhere. He
said the Governous had spoken very
well in the Council against their
young men going to war, yet he had
not done it fully enough for he should
have told them positively that they
should not on any acount be suffered
to go out to war, and he would have
reported it accordingly, and this
would have been a more effectual
way to prevent them.

"The Secretary then proceeded to
treat with them about the road they
were to take, and it was agreed that
the Chief of the Nantikokes, a sensi-
ble man, who was then present,
should conduct them from Conestogoe
to their own town on Wye Rver, that
they should be furnished for their
journey with provisions sufficient to
carry them among the inhabitants,
after which they were directed, as
the Governour had before ordered,
that they should produce his pass-
port to the Gentlemen of the Country,
where they travelled by whom they
would be provided for; and the Nan-
tikoke chief was further desired,
upon their leaving the Nantikoke
Towns to direct them to some of the
Chief of Gentlemen and officers of
those parts who would undoubtedly
take care of them on sight of their
passports and thereby knowng their
business have them transported over
the Bay of Annapolis. Being further
asked how they would get an inter-
preter in Virginia where the Indians
knew nothing of their language, and
some proposals being made to furnish
them they answered there would be

no occasion for any care of that kind,
for they very well knew the Govern-
our of Virginia had an interpreter
for their language always with him.

"Provisions being orderd for their
journey and also at their desire, some
for those of their Company, who with
their women and children were to re-
turn directly home by water, up the
river Sasquehanna, viz: a Bagg of
Biskett, some pieces of Bacon and
dried venison; these matters were
concluded with great expressions of
thankfulness for the Governours
great care of them and their families,
which kindness they said they never
should forget.

"The Discourse being continued
they were told it was now very near,
viz: within one Moon of thirty-seven
years since a great man of England,
Governour of Virginia, called the
Lord Effingham together with Colonel
Dungan, Governour of New York,held
a great treaty with them at Albany,
of which we had the writings to this
day.

"Ghsaont answered, they knew it
well and the subject of that treaty,
it was said about settling of lands.
Being further told that in that treaty
the Five Nations had given up all
their rights to all the lands on Sas-
quehannah to the Duke of York, then
brother to the King of England. He
acknowledeged this to be so, and
that William Penn since had the right
to these lands, to which Civility, a
descendant of the ancient Susque-
hannah Indians the old Settlers of
these parts, but now reputed as of
an Iroquois descent added that he
had been informed by their old men,
that they were troubled when they
heard that their Lands had been given
up to a place so far distant as New
York, and that they were overjoyed
when they understood William Penn
had brought them back again, and
that they had confirmed all their
rights to him.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

264

"Divers Questions were further
asked him, especially concerning the
French of Canada, their trade and
fortifications, on which he said, that
the French had three forts on this
side of the River St Lawrence, and
between their Towns and Mentual
furnished with great numbers of
Great Guns, that the French drove
a great trade with them, had people
constantly in or going to and coming
from their Towns, that the French
kept young People in their towns on
purpose to learn the Indian Language,
which many of them now spoke as
well as themselves; that they had a
great Intercourse with them, that
about three hundred of their men,
(viz: of the Five Nations) were seat-
ed on the other side of the Great
River, that the French had this last
Spring begun to build or to provide
for building a Fort at Niagara Falls,
but they had since declined it; he
knew not for what reason, and they,
(the French) had sent to his town
(the Isanondonas) this last winter
a great deal of powder to be dis-
tributed among them, but nothing
was done upon it. Being particular-
ly asked whether the French had-ever
treated them about any of their Land,
or whether the Indians had ever
granted the French any, he answered
No! that his People knew the French
too well to treat with them about
Lands; they had never done it, nor
either granted them any upon any
account whatsoever, and of this, he
said, we might assure ourselves. Thus
the day was spent in such Discourses,
with a Pipe and some small mixt
liquors, and the next morning
Ghesaont, with the rest of his Com-
pany, returning from the Indian
town, to John Cartilidge's, took their
leaves very affectionately with great
expression of thankfulness to the
Governour and this Government for
their kind reception."

1721— The Conestogas' King Killed

in a Southern War.

In Vol.3 of the Col. Rec, p. 128, it
is set forth that the Conestoga In-
dians lost their King not long ago,
because the Five Nations compelled
him to go along to the .South to make
war against the Southern Indians.

1721— Civility, A Descendant of the

Ancieut Susquehan nocks.

In Vol.3 of the Col. Rec, p. 133, it
is set forth that Captain Civility of
the Conestogas was "a descendant of
the ancient Susquehannocks; ' and it
is also stated that the old Susquehan-
nocks were reputed as being of the
Iroquois stock, and that so was Civili-
ty reputed.

1721— John Grist Takes Conestogas'
Lands without Consent

In Vol.3 of the Col. Rec, p. 137, it
is set forth that John Grist was in
prison at Philadelphia and that he
was arrested because with other per-
sons he settled himself and family
and took up lands on the Susquehan-
na River, without any warrant from
the Commissioners of Property or
temptuously defied any one to put him
off, and that the complaint having
been made to the Governor by the
Indians of Conestoga in July last of
the many abuses that they had
received from John Grist; the Gover-
Tiour with the advice of some of the
Commissioners, who were then with
him at Conestoga, thought it was
necessary to have John Cartlidge one
of the Justices of the Peace, to go to
Conestoga and warn Grist to get off
the land, which he refused and was
now thrown in jail, and he petitions
that he may be given his liberty.
And the board in Compassion to his
poor famiy, is pleased to order that

265

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

he be given leave to carry off his
corn, provided he will enter into a
bond to move off the land and be of
good behavior for one year, and pay
his fees.

1721— The Nantikokes Move to Co-
calico.

In Lyle's History of Lacaster Coun-
ty, p. 14 it is stated that the Nanti-
kokes who first lived on Chesapeake
Bay were allowed to move to Tulpe-
hocken Valley and moved there until
1721, when the large settlement of
Germans which came to Tulpehocken
from New York made them restless
and they moved to Cocalico Town-
ship in Lancaster County, settling
along "Indian River" at the place
known as "Indiantown"; as late as
1758 there were still several scatter-
ed tribes along the little streams of
this viciity. The town covered 500
acres and came into the possession of
John Wistar and Henry Carpenter.
Another branch of the Nantikokes
had a town on land owned by Levi S.
Reist, called "Lehoy' . This land was
also bought from Pennsylvania
families by John Wistar. The Nanti-
kokes understood the English lan-
guage and were frequently with the
whites; and afterwards moved up the
West branch of the Susquehanna
River.

1722— Conestoga Indians Killed By

John and Edmund Cartlidge.

Richard Landgon, a butcher of
Conestoga, took a message to Phila-
delphia of the death of an Indian at
one of their towns above Conestoga,
caused by blows by John or Edmond
Cartlidge or both. Langdon got the
news from several persons of respon-
sibility near Conestoga. The Govern-
or found it advisable to call the Coun-
cil together and inquire of this mat-
ter; and they decided that it would be

necessary to get further information.
It was ordered that Langdon and
David Robinson, a blacksmith near
Perquayomen, should meet the board
and give full information. This may
be seen in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p.
146.

As the result of these investiga-
tions Colonel French was sent to Con-
estoga to investigate the affair. He
did so and James Logan went with
him. Upon their return they made a
report, which may be found in the
same book, p. 148.

1722 — James Logan and Colonel

French's Report of the Conestoga

Indian.

In the last mentioned book,pp 148
and 149, Logan and French gave the
following report:

"To the Honourable Sir William
Keith, Bart., Goernour of the pro-
vince of Pennsylvania and Counties
of New Castle, Kent and Sussex upon
Deleware, and the Council of the
same.

The Report of James Logan and
Colonel French, of their execution of
a particular commission to them
directed.

May it please the Governour and
Council: NlflB

Pursuant to the instructions given
to us by the Governour we set out
from Philadelphia for Conestoga on
the 7th Instant, as soon as our com-
mission was delivered to us, and the
next day meeting with the High
Sheriff of the County of Chester,
according to an appointment made
with him. We sent herewith a proper
warrant before us for a greater Dis-
patch, to apprehend the two brothers
John and Edmund Cartlidge, who
were reported to have committed the
fact which occasioned our Journey.
On the 9th, in the afternoon, we
came to John Cartiidge's house where

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

266

we found himself in the Sheriff's cus-
tody, Edmond Cartlidge was then in-
formed, for his brother to join him to
proceed on their business of trade
towards the Patowmeck; but on our
informing John of the necessity there
was of seeing his brother, he was pre-
vailed upon to send for him the next
day, and accordingly he came. The
same morning, we dispatched a
messenger to summon Peter Bizail-
lion, who lives about 36 miles higher
up Susquehanna, to attend us as In-
terpeter between us and the Indians,
but he having no horses at home, and
being far from neighbors, he could
not get down till the fourth day after
the messenger set out, viz: till the
13th in the afternoon.

Soon after our first arrival at Con-
estogoe we gave the Chiefs of the
Indians Notice of our Business, and
upon Peter Bizallion's coming, we
appointed a meeting with them the
next morning; accordingly, we met,
with the Chiefs of the Mingoe or Con-
estogoe Indians, of the Shawanese
and Ganawese, and some of the Dela-
wares in Council, in which we spoke
to them in the following words, inter-
preted in sentences, first from our
language into Delaware Indian by
Peter Bizaillion, who took an oath
faithfully to interpret between us and
the Indians, and afterwards was
interpreted into the three other lan-
guages by Captain Civility of Cones-
togoe and Smith the Ganawese, who
excels in the skill • of those lan-
guages.

At a Council held at Conestogoe,
the 14th day of March, 1721-2, be-
tween James Logan, Secretary, and
Colonel John French, in behalf of the
Governour of Pennsylvania, thereun-
to authorized by virtue thereof a
commission to them from the Govern-
our, under the Great seal, bearing

date the 7th inst. ; and also came

Civility, Tannacharoe, Gunnehator-
ooja, Toweena, and other old men of
the Conestoga Indians, and

Savannah, Chief of the Shawanese;
Winjack, Chief of the Ganawese;
Tekaachroon, a Cayoogoe; Oweeye-
kanowa, Nostarghkamen, Delawares.
Present divers English and Indians.
The Secretary laying down a belt
of Wampum on the Board before
them, which he had taken with him
for that purpose, spoke to the In-
dians, as follows:

Friends and Brethren:
William Penn, our and your
Father, when he first settled this
| country with English subjects, made
| a firm League of Friendship and
| Brotherhood with all the Indians
! then in these parts, and agreed that
iboth you and his people should be all
j as one Flesh and Blood. The same
| League has often been renewed by
| himself and other Governours under
him, with their Council held as well
j in this place where we now are as
j at Philadelphia, and other places.
I Both his People and yours have
hitherto inviolably observed these
Leagues so that scarce any one In-
jury has been done, nor anyone Com-
plaint made on either side, except
I one for the Death if La Tour and
| his company for near forty years
I past, and of this you are fully
| sensible.

Yet as all human affairs are liable

to accidents which sometimes fall out

; even between Brethren of the same
| Family though issuing from the same
Parents, so now your good Friend,
our Governour and his Council hav-
ing heard by report only, that one of
i our Brethren had lost his Life by
some Act of violence, alleged to be
done by some of our People, without
receiving any notice of it or Com-
plaint from you, but moved with great

267

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

Concern for the loss and unhappi-
ness of the accidents, like true
friends and Brothers, the very next
Day sent us two, Colonel French and
me, first to condole with you, which
we now do very heartily, and next by
the full Power with which we are
invested to inquire how the matter
came to pass, that Justice may be
done and satisfaction be made ac-
cording to the firm Leagues that
have from time to time been made
between us and you, for We will
suffer no injury to be done to any of
you without punishing the offenders
according to our Laws; nor must we
receive without just satisfaction made
ot us, for so the Laws of Friendship
and the Leaques between us require.

We therefore now desire you, that
according to the notice we gave you
three days agoe, to have all those
persons ready here who know any-
thing of this matter. You would
fully inform us of every particular,
for we are now here to take their
Examinations, which we expect you
will take care shall be given with
Truth and exactness, and without
any partiality from resentment or
favour; that when our Governour
and Council are assured of the
Truth they may proceed more safely
in doing of Justice.

This being interpreted, as has been
said, into the four several Languages
of those People, we judged it neces-
sary that our Commission should be
publicly read in the hearing and for
the satisfaction of the English who
were there, and then we proceeded
and put the following Questions, and
to examine Indian Evidence.

Quest. When did Civiliity and the
other Indians of Conestogoe first
hear of the death of the man, and
by whom?

Answer. They heard of it by sev-

eral Indians much about the same
1 time.

Quest. Where was it done?

Answer. At Manakassy, a branch
of Potomac river.

Quest. What was the man's name,
!his Nation, and rank among his own
people?

Answer. His name was Sanataeny
of the Tsanondowaroonas or Sinne-
:kaes, a Warrior, a civil man of very
I few words.

Quest. What was his business
there?

Answer. He was hunting, he being
I used to hunt in that place.

Quest. Who do you understand,
; was present besides the English at
ithe Commission of the fact?

Answer. The Man had been hunting
| there alone, with a Squaw that kept
| his Cabin, till John Cartlidge and
his people came thither to trade with
him for his skins. John Cartlidge
had an Indian guide with him of the
G'anawese Nation, named Aqua-
chan, who is here present; also two
Indian Shawana Lads came thither
about the same time, whose names
are Acquittanachke and Metheegue-
yt; also, his Squaw, a Shawnese
woman, named WTeyneprecueyta,Cou-
sin to Savannah, Chief of that Na-
tion who are all here present.

Then Winjack and Savannah,
Chiefs of the Ganawese and Shaw-
' nese, were required to charge those
i four witnesses of the fact of their
respective nations to speak the im-
i partially, without malice .or Hatred,
, Favour or affection on any account
; whatsoever. The three Shawanna
Witnesses being desired to witdraw
Ayaquachan, the Ganawese, aged ac-
cording to appearance, about thirty
years was called uon to give an ac-
count of what he knew, and accord-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

268

ingly he said, that he came in the
evening to the Indian Cabin in which
Indian is dead, with John Cartlidge
and Edmund Cartlidge, who had
with them William Wilkins and one
Jonathan, both servants to John
Cartlidge with an intent to trade
with the said Indians, for his skins,
they having hired him to be their
guide; that John Cartlidge gave the
Sennikae some small quantities of
Punch and rum three times that
evening, as he remembers, as a free
gift, and then sold him some rum;
That both the Sinnekae and this Ex-
aminant were drunk that night; that
in the morning the Sinnekae said he
must have more rum, for that he had
not received all he had bought; that
accordingly he went to John Cartlidge
and demanded it, but that John de-
nied to give him any, and taking the
pot out of the Indians hands threw
it away; that the Sinnekae told him
he need not be angry with him for
asking more for he owed it to him,
and he still pressed him to give it;
that John then pushed the Indian
down who fell with his necfc across
a fallen tree, where he lay for some
time, and then rising walked up to
his Cabin; That this Examinant was
then by the fire which he thinks was
about thirty or forty, others say a
hundred paces from the Cabin; that
he saw John Cartlidge strip off his
clothing near the fire; That then
this Examinant went up towards the
Cabin and saw the Sinneka sitting on
the ground with the blood running
down his neck, and that when John
Cartlidge came up he kicked him on
the Forehead with his foot; that this
Deponent was in liquor at the time
and knows no more. Being asked if
he saw any gun, he says he saw
none.

Acqueannacke, the Shawana, aged
I in appearance about twenty-two
; years, says, that he came to the same
| place with John Cartlidge and his
! Company, that the Sinneka had li-
quor overnight, and was drunk with
it; that he and the Ganawese sate
up all Night, but this Examinant
| went to sleep. The next day the Sin-
j neka asked for more rum of John
| Cartlidge who refused to give him
| any ; that John threw away the Pot,
j and upon the Indian still pressing
| for more liquor drew him down ac-
| ross a Tree, that the Indian rising,
I went up to his Cabin; that William
| Wilkins followed him and met him
I coming out of the Cabin with his
| Gun, that Wilkins laid hold of him
| and the gun and they both struggled,
i but not much ; That Edmund Cart-
Hdge came up and forcing the gun
i from the Indian struck him three
blows on the head with it, with
I which it broke. He struck him also
Ion the Collar bone; that John Cart-
ridge being at the fire there stript
off his clothes and coming up kicked
the Indian on the side and broke
I two of his ribs; that the man then
1 bled at the mouth and nose and was
| unable to speak, but rattled in the
| Throat ; That John Cartlidge with his
: Company went to the fire, made uy
his goods and came away; that the
i Sinneka in the mean time came into
j his cabin where these S"hawana lads
ileft him, and followed John Cart
jlidge to trade with him; that this
! happened about nine in the morning,
and John Cartlidge himself says, he
left the place at ten by his watch.

Metheequeyta, the other Shaw anna
lad, aged about seventeen or eigL
teen years, confirms what the other
young man, his companion has said,
and declares he can say nothing fur-
ther.

269

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

Hereupon, great pains were taken
and Endeavors used to perswade
these evidences, to declare of them-
selves all that they particularly
knew without considering what the
others had said, or were supposed by
them to say, for they were kept
apart during the examination, but the
Indians could not be prevailed with,
alleging it was to no purpose to re-
peat what others had already de-
clared, and it was by many leading
question that Acquanachke was in-
duced to mention any part of what
the Ganawese had said before.

Weenepeeweytah, the Sqnaw, was
then examined and said, that she was
in the cabin when her husband came
in for the Gun, that she shrieked out
and endeavored to hinder him from
carrying it out, but could not; that
she followed him and Wilkins being
then by came up and laid hold of
the Gun, but could not take it from
him; that Edmund forced it out of
his hand and struck him first on the
Shoulder, and then thrice upon the
head, and broke the gun with the
blows; that John Cartlidge stript off
his clothes and coming up to them
found the Indian sitting and he then
gave him one kick on the side with
his foot, and struck him with his
fist, that the man never spake after
he received the blows, save that af-
ter he got into the Cabin he said his
friends had killed him; that a great
quantity of blood came from his
wounds, which clotted on the bear
skin on which he lay; that his mouth
and nose were full of blood; that he
died the next day about the same
time he was wounded the day be-
fore; that she was alone with the
corpse and went to seek some help to
bury him; that in the mean time an
Indian woman, wife of Passalty of
Conestogoe, with the Hermaphrodite

! of the same place coming thither by
| accident and finding the man dead
I buried him in the cabin, and were
I gone from thence before she return-
ed, but she met them in the way and
| understood by them that they had
j lain him in the ground.

Passalty's wife and the Hermaph-
rodite being called declared that
j Kannannowach, a Cayoogoe Indian
I was the first one who found the man
| dead, and that he hired them to go
j bury him lest the beasts or fowls
! should eat him; that it was about
: seven days after his death that they
| went thither, and the body then
{stunk; they found three wounds in
i his head and they washed away the
i blood and the brains appeared; that
; two of his ribs were broke, and his
j side on that part was very black.

These, may it please the Gover-
! nour are the examinations of the In-
dian evidences which we hav° taken,
I with all the exactness that was in
;our power and with the utmost im-
I partiality. We confess that we had
;no reason to be full satisfied with the
management of the three Shawanese
| Indians vix: the two lads and the
| Sqnaw, especially the two first, for
Ithey seemed to have agreed on their
j story before hand, esepecially on the
j particular of the man's ribs being
i broke of which we conceive these
l two youths could not possibly know
! anything before they left the place,
j because they came from it much
! about the same time with the Cart-
! lidge's and therefore we judge they
i could hear of it in no other way
| than by the woman afterwards, yet
| they were positive in affirming; And
| we have here given the whole, with-
out retrenching anything in favor of
j any person whatsoever.

The belt of wampum was then
I taken up and shewed the Indians.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

27ft

and they were told it was sent from
the Gbvernour by us, to be forwarded
with a message to the Sinneka In-
dians upon this unhappy accident
They were therefore desired to think
by the morning of a proper person to
carry it, that the day being now far
spent and the Company tired, (for
we sate on the business near eight
hours) we should leave what we had
further to say for the next day, and
accordingly desired them to meet us
early in the same place. We then
ordered two gallons of rum made in-
to Punch, with the above, a hundred
weight of meat and bread brought
from John Cartlidge's, to be distri-
buted among the Company which was
large and provisions being exceed-
ingly scarce at present among them.

The next day, viz. the 15th of
March, we met the same Chiefs with-
out other company to consult about
sending the message before mention-
ed and Colonel by the same interpre-
ters spoke to them as follows,
Friends and Brethren:

We informed you yesterday that
we were sent by the Governour in
very great haste from Philadelphia
upon the news of this unhappy acci-
dent, which we have been enquiring
into. We therefore, had not anytime
to bring with us any presents to
make you, nor could we indeed be-
lieve they would be expected on this
occasion. We thought, however,
that if any should be wanted they
might be easily had at Conestogoe,
but find them very scarce. We have
however procured two Stroud Coats
to be sent to our Brethren, .the
Sinnekas to cover our dead friend,
and this belt of Wampum, (Which
was taken up), is to wipe away the
tears. We yesterday recommended
to you to think of a fit person to
carry the message, which we hope

I you have done, and pitched upon one
i accordingly.

The Indians answered: They had
i deferred the choice of a person till
I this meeting and then they named
j some one of them to which we much
| desired to be the person, but he ex-
| cused himself. At length one Skatctu
] eetchoo, a Cayoogoe of the Five Na~
| tions, and of that next in situation to
| the Sinnekaes, who had for divers
{years resided among our Indians,
was chosen and he undertook the
i journey, but said he could not leave
| his family, who then wanted bread,
i unless they were provided for. We
assured him that the next day six
\ bushels of Corn should be brought to
j him for his Family's support in his
I absence, and for his journey he
| should have a Stroud Coat, a new
i Gun, with three pounds of powder
! and six pounds of lead, which he
| seemed cheerfully to accept of; some
■ Palatines, undertook on the Secre-
j tary's promise to pay to bring the
| Corn the next day; a Gun and the
I lead we had from John Cartlidge,
1 but he having no good powder or
Strouds at home, Peter Bizallion,
| promised to deliver these to the
| mesenger as he passed his house
I near Pexton. Soon after the two
I Stroud Coats were presented, one of
i the Conestogoe old men proposed to
! Civility, that John Cartlidge having
! before given them a Stroud, with a
i String of Wampum for the same pur-
pose, these should also be sent with
the others, which being approved of
by the other Indians, the said Stroud
and Wampum was brought and added
to those we had delivered.

The messenger being fully con-
cluded on, we desired Civility and
him to be with us in the evening, at
John Cartlidge's house, to receive the
words of our message; but first we
proposed to the Indians to send a

in

ANNALS OF THE SU SQIJEHANNOCKS AND

message for themselves in Conjunc-
tion with ours to shew their satis-
faction in our proceedings, but they
gave us to understand that they
could not join any words of theirs to
our present, for no such thing was
ever practiced by the Indians, and
they had no belt of their own ready,
otherwise they would send it. Civili-
ty was then privately informed that
we had a belt also for them (the
Secretary having carried up two),
which they might take as their own
and send it accordingly. He seemed
much pleased with this, and we pre-
pared for that time to take our leaves
but before we did this we judged
it necessary to caution them, that
from the example we had given them
of our great care and tenderness
over them, and our regard to our
League made with them. They
should be very careful on their
parts not to give offense to the
Christians who were settled near
them, or by any means to injure
their cattle or anything belonging to
them; for as we would suffer none of
our people to injure them without
punishing the offenders, so we could
not receive injuries without requir-
ing satisfaction; and this we en-
deavored to impress upon them, af-
ter which we took leave of them all,
excepting Civility and the Messeng-
er, and came to our lodging at John
Cartlidge's whither also about two
hours after came the said two last
mentioned Indians; and to the mes-
senger we delivered the following
words as the signification of the
Belt, we sent with him, viz:

Deliver this Belt from the Gover-
nour and Government of Pennsyl-
vania to the King of chief of the
Sinnegaes, and say the words it
brings are these: —

Wiliam Penn made a firm peace
and league with the Indians in these

I parts nearly forty years agoe, which
League has often been renewed, and.
never broken, but an unhappy acci-
'; dent has lately befallen us. One of
our Brethren and your people has
lost his life by some of our People ;
I Rum was the first cause of it; he
i was warm and brought his gun in
; anger against them. They were
afraid of his gun took it from him,
wounded him and he died. Our Gov-
ernour, on the first news of it sent
us two of his Council to inquire in-
to it. We have done it and we are
! now taking the offenders to Phila-
delphia to answer for their fault.
We send these Strowds to cover our
dead brother, and this belt to wipe
'away the tears; and when we know
'your mind you shall have all fur-
ther reasonable satisfaction for
! your loss. Civility also received the
; other belt privately, promised they
would hold a Council the next day
among themselves, as they had be-
fore engaged to us, and sending that
belt in their own name would give
| an account of it of our Governour's
j great care over them, and of all our
| proceedings in this matter.

Being the same time credibly in-
formed that the Five Nations had sent
down a large Belt of Wampum, with a
I figure of a Rundlet and an Hatchet on
| it to the Indians settled upwards on
I Sasquehanna, with orders to stave
j all the rum they met with we judged
| it necessary to send by the same
messenger a public order, under our
Hands and Seals, to all our traders
whom we should met with, to ac-
quaint them, as their carrying of rum
to the Indians was against the Law,
so the Indians staving it was no more
than what from time to time they had
been encouraged to do, and therefore
they must take care not to cause any
riot or Breach of the Peace, by

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

272

making any resistance, a copy of
which order is here presented.

All this time from the first day of
our arrival at Conestogoe John Cart-
ridge, and from the second day Ed-
mund Cartlidge, had by virtue of our
warrant, been in the custody of the
High Sheriff of Chester, who accom-
panied us, or in that of persons de-
puted by him.

The next morning. Civility the
Messenger, and divers of the old men
came over to John Cartlidge's to see
us at our departure. The Messenger
assured us he would set out the next
morning, viz: the 17th, that he hoped
to be with the Sinnekaes in eight
days, and to return in thirty; that
he and Civility, upon his return,
would come directly to Philadelphia
to give an account here of the Dis-
charge of his message.

We then very much pressed John
Cartlidge, (Edmd.being gone before
with an officer to his own house al-
most in our way) to hasten and go
along with us. His wife grieved al-
most to distraction, and would force
herself and her child with him, but
was at length prevailed with to stay;
this caused us some loss of time. The
woman's sorrows being loud the In-
dians went in to comfort her, and so
we departed.

We have brought both John Cart-
lidge and Edmund .Cartlidge Prison-
ers to town with the lad Jonathan
who was present at the fact, and
have committed them to the custody
of the High Sheriff of Philadelphia,
where they now are. William Wilkins
was one hundred and fifty miles up
Sasquehanna trading for his master,
and therefore too far out of our
reach.

This, may it please the Governor,
is in pursuance of our Instructions,
the report we have humbly to offer

of our executing the Commission
with which we were intrusted.

JAMES LOGAN.

JOHN FRENCH.

An important thing to notice in
this investigation is as shown on
p. 270, that a lot of the English had
collected aTound about Conestoga,
where this inquest was held.

1722 — Action of the Government on
the killing at Conestoga.

James Logan and John French no*
only acted as Commissioners but
they brought the two Cartlidges
along with them and put them in the
custody of the Sheriff. It seems that
the Indian had been killed and bur-
ied before they got to Conestoga; he
was buried three days' journey from
Conestoga. They had a very hard
task to get a legal jury. This is
found on p. 155 of Vol. 3 of the CoL
Rec

The next day on the 22nd of March,
at Philadelphia the investigation was
continued and John Cartlidge's ser-
vant was sworn After this the two
Cartlidge's sent a petition to the
Government from the jail, saying
that they were sorry, that they did
not Intend to hurt the Indian and that
they acted In self defense. They
prayed a speedy trial and the Coun-
cil admitted them to bail. They en-
tered into the ball in the Court
House before the Governor; and in
a very public manner it was at once
moved that John Cartlidge's name be
dropped as a Justice of the Peace
and that he be struck out. (See p*
156.) Both men succeeded in giving
bail as we are shown on p. 157.

1722— The Feeling of the Indians at
Conestoga Aoont the Killing.

In Vol. 3 Col. Rec, p. 152, we are
told that the Indians at Conestoga
selected a Cayuga Indian to :ake the

!Tl

ANNALS OF THE SU SQ UEH ANN OCRS AND

news to the Five Nations and also
the news of the proceedings, but the
fndian said that he could not leave
his family without provisions. The
white people around Conestoga,there-
fore sent his wife a lot of corn and
some of the Mennonites about Con-
estoga said that they would pay for
more corn and take it there.

In the last mentioned book, p. 155,
we are told that John Cartilage's
wife was very much distracted about
this killing and that the Indians
around there went to her and tried
to comfort her and make her feel
that Cartlidge would come out all
right.

The messenger also returned from
the Five Nations and made a favor-
able report. •

1722— The Five Nation's Attitude
About This Conestoga Killing-.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, it is
stated at p. 163, that a number of the
Conestoga Indians and the messen-
ger sent to the Five Nations, the
Delawares and others being present
In Council the Governor asked the
messenger for a report and he said
among other things, that when
Logan came up to Conestoga because
of those news that their cousin had
been killed, that all felt a great sor-
row and he delivered a belt of wam-
pum to wipe the tears away. He
also says that the Five Nations are
well pleased with what has been
done and that they hope we will
keep the bones of the dead more in
memory. He presented other belts
and desired that the Governor
would be strong friends with them.

On the report being made the
Council decided that John and Ed-
mund Cartl ledge must be prosecuted
according to law. And because the
Five Nations think that they ought
to be tried these two men were

again arrested. Some of the Five
Nations being present and the Con-
toga Indians also, the Governor said
to them "Friends and Brothers of
j Conestoga, it makes our hearts glad
I to see how you brighten the chain
| and make it strong. The chief law
j among the English is that when any
| man has done another an injury, he
I must be punished, and these men
i who killed your cousin must be tried
according to law."

Finally the Indians themselves
asked that they would let John and
Edmund Cartiledge go free and they
| were left go.

| 1722 — The Conestoga Indians Much

Excited About the Taking of

Land at Conestoga,

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec. p. 178,
it is stated that the Governor sent
a letter by express to Conestoga on
the land question and received news
of the excitement in Conestoga. He
said he found the Indians were much
alarmed about a survey of land on
| the bank of the Susquehanna, that
\ he held a Council with the Indians
I of Conestoga on Friday and Satur-
day and proposed that he would sur-
vey for them a tract on the West
side of the Susquehanna river, be-
ginning on the upper line of the new
settlement and running back six
miles into what is now York County,
and down that line to a point oppo-
site the mouth of the Conestoga
Creek and then by a line into the
river. This pleased them very much
This land excitement became so great
that the Governor ordered a company
of the militia to set out from New
Castle up to Octora.ro to prevent the
Marylanders from disturbing our In-
dians.

OTHER LANCASTER CO UNTY INDIAN TRIBES

274

1722— Governor Keitli Holds Another

Council with the Indians at

Conestoga.

On the loth of June, 1722, Gover-
nor Keith was at Conestoga holding
a Council to take up several ques-
tions, and among others was this
question of surveying a tract of 70,-
000 acres of land across the Susque-
hanna, so as to keep people out and
away from the Indians. This tract
was known as Springetsburg Manor.
The minutes of the Council are set
forth in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p.
181, as folloks:

At a Council with the Indians at
Conestoga, June loth, 1722.

PRESENT:
Sir William Keith, Bart., Govr.

Col. John French and Francis
Worley, Esqs.,

The Chiefs of the Conestogoe, Sha-
wana and Ganaway Indians; Smith,
the Ganaway Indian, and James Le
Tort, Interpreters.
The Governor spoke as follows:

Friends and Brothers: The belts
which I lately received from the Five
Nations signify, that they are one
people with the English, and are
very kind neighbors and friends. They
invite me to come to them at Albany,
and make the chain between us as
bright as the Sun. When they see
me they will remember their great
friend William Penn, and then our
hearts will be filled with love and our
Councils with peace.

You say you love me because I
came from your father, William
Penn, to follow his peaceable ways,
and to fulfill all his kind promises to
the Indians, you call me William
Penn and I am very proud of the
name you give me; but if we have a
true love for the memory of William
Penn, we must now shew it to his

famiy and to his children, that are
grown up to be men in England, and
will soon come over to represent him
here. Last time I was with you at
Conestogoe, you showed me a parch-
ment which you had received from
William Penn containing many arti-
cles of friendship between him and
you and between his children and
your children; you then told me he
desired you to remember it well for
three generations, but I hope you and
your children will never forget it.
That parchment fully declared your
consent to William Penn's purchase
and right to the lands on both sides
Sasquehanna; but I find both you and
we are like to be disturbed by idle
people from Maryland, and also by
others who have presumed to survey
lands on the banks of Sasquehanna,
without any powers from William
Penn or his children to whom they
belong, and without so much as ask-
ing your consent.

I am therefore come to hold a
Council and consult with you how to
prevent such injust practices for the
future, and hereby we will shew our
great love and respect for William
Penn's children who inherit their
father's estate in this country, and
have a just hight to the hearty love
and friendship of all the Indians
promised to them in many treaties,
I have fully considered this thing,
and if you approve my thoughts, I
will immediately cause to take up a
large tract of land on the other side
of Sasquehanna for the Grandson of
Wiliam Penn, who is now a man as
tall as I am; for when the land is
marked with his name upon the trees
it will keep off the Marylanders and
every other Person whatsoever from
coming to settle near you to disturb
you, and he bearing the same kind
heart to the Indians which his Grand-

275

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

father did, will be glad to give you
any part of his land for your own
use and convenience; but if other
people take it up they will make set-
tlements upon it, then it will not be
in his power to give it to you as you
want it.
My Dear Friends and Brothers:

Those who have any wisdom
amongst you must see and be coji-
vinced that what I now say is entire-
ly for your good, for this will effec-
tually hinder and prevent any person
from settling lands on the other side
of Sasquehannah, according to your
own desire, and consequently you
will be secure from being disturbed
by ill neighbors, and have all that
land in the same time in your own
power to make use of. This will al-
so beget a true hearty love and
friendship between you, .your chil-
dren, and the great William Penn's
grandson, who is now Lord of all
this country in the room of his
grandfather. It is therefore fit and
necessary for you to begin as soon as
you can to express your respect and
love to him; he expects it from you
according to your promises in many
treaties, and he will take it very
kindly.

Consider them my brothers, that I
am now giving you an opportunity to
speak your thoughts lovingly and
freely unto this brave young man,
Mr. Penn's grandson; and I, whom
you know to be your true friend
will take care to write down your
words and to send them to England
to the gentlemen, who will return
you a kind answer, and r.o your
hearts will be glad that the great
William Penn still lives in his chil-
dren to love and serve the Indians.

At a Council held with the Indians
at Conestogoe. June 16th, 1722.

PRESENT:
Sir William Keith, Bart, Govr.
Colo. John French and Francis
Worley, Esqs.

The Chiefs of the Conestogoe,
Shawana and Ganaway Indians:

Smith and James LeTort, Interpre-
ters.

The Indians spoke in answer by
Tawenea, as follows:

They have considered of what the
Governor proposed to them yesterday
and think it is matter of very great
importance to them to hinder the
Marylanders from settling or taking
up lands so near them upon Sasque-
hanna. They very much approve
what the Governour spoke and like his
Council to them very much, but they
are not willing to discourse partic-
ularly on the business of land lest
the Five Nations may reproach or
blame them.

They declare again their satisfac-
tion with all that the Governour said
yesterday to them in Council and
although they know that the Five Na-
tions have not any right to these
lands, and that four of the towns do
not pretend to any, yet the fifth town
viz: the Cayugoes; are always claim-
ing the same right to lands on Sas-
quehannah, even where they them-
selves now live; wherefore, they
think it will be a very proper time
when the Governour goes to Albany
to settle that matter with the Cay-
ugoes, and then all paties will be
satisfied.

They asked the Governour where-
! abouts and what quantity of land does
he propose to survey for Mr. Penn.
it answered from over against the
mouth of Conestogoe Creek up to the
Governour's new settlement, and so
far back from the river as no person
can come to annoy or disturb them
in their towns on this side.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

276

They proceeded and say that they
are at this time very apprehensive
that the people will come when the
Governour has gone to Albany and
survey his land; wherefore they
earnestly desire that the Governour
will immediately cause the surveyor
to come and lay out the land for Mr.
Penn's grandson to secure them, and
they doubt not but the Governour's
appearance and conduct afterwards at
Albany will make all things easy
there.

Copy of the Governour of Pennsyl-
vania's letter to the Governour of
Maryland, dated from Newberry, on
Sasquehannah, June 23d, 1722.

SIR: After I had been here some
days I set out on Sunday morning
last from Conestogoe towards New
Castle by way of Nottingham, not
without some hopes of having the
happiness to meet you about the
head of the Bay, from whence I
daily expected to hear from you. But
after I had proceeded twenty miles
on my journey, I received an express
on the road from two Magistrates of
Pennsylvania, informing me that
they, with some others, had been
taken prisoners by a party of men
in arms from Cecil county, and car-
ried before the Justices of that
Court, who detained them in custody
two days, and afterwards dismissed
them upon a verbal promise to ap-
peer the next court. They also ac-
quainted me of their being certain-
ly informed by the Cecil Magistrates,
that a warrant was issued by Mr.
Lloyd fo surveying a Mannor to my
Lord Baltimore, upon the banks of
the Susquehanna above Conestogoe,
including this settlement from
whence I now write, and that an or-
der has been issued by yourself in
Council to press Men and Horses for
that service, and that they were to
set out from Baltimore on Monday,

[viz: next day, under the command of
!one Captain Dursey . Now, Sir.
| though I did not by any means give
| credit to all this relation, yet know-
ing the weaknesses and former at-
tempts of some of your people of
i whom I have formerly complained to
j yourself, who justly bear the char-
acter of land Pirates, I was resolved
;to put it out of their power on this
| occasion to embroil us by their ridic-
julous projects, and returning im-
mediately to Conestogoe,where I in-
deed had left the Indians but two
days before, much alarmed with gen*
eral reports, that the Marylanders
were coming to survey the lands
which no reasonable man could then
believe. I now did, at the earnest
request of the Indians, order a sur-
vey to be forthwith made upon the
banks of the Sasquehannah, right
against our Indian towns, and you
will find the reasons I had for it
more fully set forth in a copy of the
warrant of the survey herein enclos-
ed. As I found this absolutely neces-
sary to be done for quieting the In-
dians, as well as to prevent the mis-
chief which might happen upon any
of your people presuming to en-
croach upon what these Heathens
call their property; so likewise, it
appeared to me to be the only method
I could take at this juncture
from preventing our own people
from taking up or settling lands on
this side to disturb or hamper the
Indians unto whom this Province is
bound by old Treaty to give them a
full scope and Liberty in their set-
tlemnts from the Christian inhabi-
tants .

But that all things of this nature
may be carried on with that open-
ness of heart and perfect good under-
standing which I am sure we both de-
sire, and that your own prudent mild
conduct may be strengthened bjr all

277

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

the arguments I can furnish you for ! ened out so no trouble will occur.

putting a just restraint upon that
Covetous and most licentious Humor,
with which you see we are contin-
ually plagued, I thought it my duty
without delay to acquaint you by
express with all that has been done
here with the reasons at large.
Perhaps some ignorant, or I should
rather say designing people, will en-
deavor to perswade you that this
place is upon the Border of Mary-
land; Whereas in truth, there can-
not be a clearer demonstration in
anything of that nature, that it is
about twelve miles to the North-
ward of Philadelphia, and I am sure
I need not say any more to convince I
you that at least I have good reasons j
to insist upon it being within the j
limits of this province, without all !
manner of dispute.
My fatigue in the woods has brought
a small fever upon me which an
ounce of bark has pretty much abat-
ed, so that tomorrow I shall return
home by slow journey directly to
Philadelphia, where I should rejoice
to see you once more but in all
places and at all times I shall be,
while living most faithfully, etc.
1722— The Cayugas Claim Land at
Conestoga, Formerly Sold to
William Peim.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec , p. 182,
as shown in the above item, the
Cayuga Tndias had told the Con

1722— Location of the Conestoga In-
diantown and Fort.

By reverting to the survey of
Springetsbury Manor which extended
15 miles Nortward from the mouth of
j the Conestoga creek, we are given
j another view of the location of the
j Conestoga Indiantown, for in Vol. 3
j of the Col. Rec, p. 183, it is stated
that the Indiantowns are right oppo-
site this tract of land, to be surveyed
across the Susquehanna river.
1722— A Delegation of Conestogas
Go to Philadelphia.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 189, it
is set forth that the Indians of Cone-
stoga go to Philadelphia to attend to
important business. The language is
i as follows:

"Satseechoe, the Messenger, who in

\ the beginning of last May was sent

the second time to the Five Nations.

being returned from thence, and ac-

: companied to town from Conestogoe

; with Captain Civility, Tehanoote and

Diohanse, the Governour appointed

, him a public audience, wherein by the

| interpretation of Civility from the

| Mingoe into the Delaware Indian

| tongue, and of Alice Kirk (who was

first sworn to interpret truly,) from

that into the English. He reported

as follows:

That the people of the Five Nations
wanted provisions so much, and were

stogas that certain lands round about ! S° busily eml3l°yed in looking out for
Suspuehanna belonged to them and j f°°d that the Chiefs had not time to
that Penn had not bought it; that i meet and °pen the Presenta sent them
the Conestogas say that they' know ! by the Govern.our; that he carried
the Five Nations have no right to i them alt°gether to the house of the
those lands and that four of the Five King on the river where tne Messeng-
Nations are satisfied but the Cayugas 3r WaS born (viz: the Cayoogoes),

claim rights to lands and even to
those where the Conestogas now live;
and the Conestogas now ask t1?
Governor to get this matter straight-

where he left them, and when they

have leisure from providing them-

I selves with victuals they will meet

I together and open them; that these

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

27$

presents are all put together with
those sent by the Governour of Vir-
ginia, and the Golden Medal sent by
the Governour until our Governour
and the Governour of Virginia come
to Albany, to which place they desire
the Governour and James Logan to
come."

1722— The Conestoga Indians and the

Five Nation? Want the Cart-

lidges Pardoned.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 189, it
Is stated that the Indian delegation
from Conestoga including some of the
Five Nations reported to Council,
"that they were glad the Governour
sent them a Letter for that was like
two tongue, and confirmed what the
Messenger said to them. The great
King of the Five Nations is sorry for
the Death of the Indian that was
killed, for he was his own flesh and
blood he believes that the Governour
is also sorry, but now that it is done
there is no help for it and he desires
that John Cartlidge may not be put
to death for it nor that the Governour
should be angry and spare him for
some ime and put him to death after-
wards; one life is enough to be lost,
there should not two die. The King's
heart is good to the Governour and all
the English. One stuck a gentleman
with a knife at Albany and they were
sorry for it, but it was made up and
nobody put to death for it. So they
desire John Cartlidge may not die for
this, they would not have him killed.
John Cartlidge has been a long time
bound, and they desire that he may
be bound no longer. When the Gov-
ernour comes to Albany, they will
take him by the hand and their hearts
shall be joined as their hands to-
gether. The Governours of New York,
of Virginia and New England are to
be here. The Indians will all meet

and all will be made up when the

Governour comes to Albany. The

Governour of New England has sent

them great presents of Match Coat,

thirty bundles of goods all tyed up,

and they are not yet opened. When

the Governours come altogether to

Albany, they will open and divide

them. The Five Nations will be glad

to see the Governours, they have been

busy getting victuals as fish out of

the River and some vension from

the woods, but now Squashes and

Pompions are come they will be able

to travel. Their King is an old man

and could not come thither; he can

not travel as a young man, but he will

come to Albany to see the Governour

] there, who he hopes will come in ten

| days. They desire that Satcheechoe

j may come hither with the Governour."

j 1722— The Five Nations Surrender All

the Conestoga Land.

At a treaty held at Albany in 1722,

I the Five Nations said, "Brother Onas :

those lands about Conestogoe which

| we now freely surrender to you ali

I the Five Nations have claimed, and it

: is our desire that the same may be

| settled with Christians, in token

! whereof we give you this string of

| wampum," (See 3 Col. Rec, p. 201).

To this Governour Keith replied.
| (p. 202) "Brethren: You know very
I well that the lands about Conestogoe
j upon the River Sasquehanna, belong
to your old friend and Kind Brother
! William Penn, nevertheless, I do
I here, in his name, kindly accept of
j the offer and surrender, which you
jhave now made to me because it will
put an end to all other claims and
disputes if any should be made here-
after."

1722— Governor Spotswood of Virginia

Intends Holding a Treaty at

Conestoga,

In Vol.3 of the Col. Rec, p. 202, it
is stated that, "The Secretary com-

279

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

municated to the Board a Letter he
had received from the Governour of

this Province, dated Albany the

instant, informing him that Colonel
Spotswood, Governour of Virginia,
then with him at Albany, had resloved
on his return homeward to hold a
treaty with our Indians at Conesto-
goe, whither our Governour designed
to accompany him, and therefore de-
sires the Secretary to give notice by
James Le Tort and Smith, the Gana-
wese Indian, to the Chiefs of the
Four Nations of Indians settled upon
Sasquehanna River, viz: The Mingoes
or Conestogoe Indians; the Shawa-
nese, the Ganawese and the Delawares
to be ready to meet Colonel Spots-
wood and him at Conestogoe in the
beginning of October; but James Le
Tort and Smith, the Indian not being
returned from Albany as the Govern-
our expected, the said direction of the
Governour's is at present imprac-
ticable. And further this Board is of
opinion, that they can not concur in
directing our Indians to meet the
Governour of Virginia at Conestogoe,
until this Government is acquainted
with the end and Design of the said
meeting."

This desire of Colonel Spotswood
to hold a treaty at Conestogoe was
not received well by the Council of
Pennsylvania (3 Col. Rec, p. 206.)
The members in Council differed very
much on this matter and they decided
to put the decision off for a while,
and finally after the Council broke up
the Governour found most of the
members to be of a different opinion
from him on the subject of Spots-
wood's intended treaty with our In-
dians. The result was that the Gov-
ernor sent Spotswood a communica-
tion saying that he himself approved
of the treaty and wanted the intimacy
between the Five Nations and the

Susquehannas made stronger but that

the Council opposed. The Governor

then suggested that the best thing to

be done would be that Governor

Keith would either wait on Governor

| Spotswood at Conestoga, where Gov-

| ernor had appointed the Chiefs of the

I Indians to meet Spotswood, or that

j he, Governor Keith, would communi-

l cate to the Indians whatever Spots-

| wood wished to have done, (See 3

| Col. Rec, p. 207).

Spotswood replied that he was very
much surprised at the decision of the
Council and from the tone of the
letter he was very much disappointed.
(See 3 Col. Rec, p. 208).
1722— A Message to the Conestogas,
Delawares, Shawanese and
Ganawese.
The Governor and the Council after
the Albany treaty sent to the above
named Indians a message and told
them that a more firm League of
Peace was now made. Keith also
told them that he hoped that he and
I Spotswood would meet them ; and that
at the Albany treaty the Five Nations
agreed the Conestogas, Shawanese
and the other eight tribes under them
would be kept from harm; and the
Five Nations also agreed that neither
they or the Conestogas shall harbor
any negroes and that all negro slaves
found in the woods would be returned
to the owners.

1722 — The Conestoga and Shawanese
Indians Send an Answer to
Council.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 215,
the reply of the Conestogas and
Shawanese is given as follows:
"The Governor not having sufficient
time, at the last meeting of the
Council to lay before the Board the
answer he had received from the In-
dians at Conestogoe, by James Le

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

280

Tort, to the message sent them from
himself and the Board, the 11th of
October last, now orders the same to
be read, and is in these words.

Conestogoe, Oct. 18th, 1722.

The Indian Speech to his Excel-
lency Sir William Keith, Bart., Gov-
ernour of the Province of Pennsylva-
nia, and his Honorable Council at
Philadelphia.
Brethren :

We have heard a relation of the
Governour's proceedings at Albany,
interpreted by James Le Tort, and
are very glad for his safe return, as
also of the Governour of Virginia and
his proceedings, from which we have
a small dread upon us, but we being
here had not the opportunity to know
what was acted.

The last time the Governour was
here, we were in hopes he would
clear all misunderstanding.

We are very thankful for the
Governour's care in letting us know
the law with respect to Virginia,
and will take care to acquaint the
others and take care to observe as
directed by the Treaty, which is en-
gaged on our parts.

We are thankful for the Belt of
Wampum sent by the Governour in
confirming the law, and acquainting
us of the strictness of its ties.

We are troubled in mind of being
stopped for fear of some evil conse-
quences to happen thereby. Notwith-
standing, we say, as the three Gov-
ernours agreeing with the Five
Nations on it, we are satisfied.

We were in hopes there should
have been free liberty to pass and
repass, but as it is agreed otherwise,
we will observe.

We likewise, the Chiefs of the
Conestogoes, Connays, Delawares and
Shawannoes, sent this belt of Wam-
pum to the Governour and Council to

! Confirm our speech, consent and ap-
| probation, and thankfully acknowl-
; edging the Governour's care for and
| on our behalf at the Treaty at
I Albany, and in the Spring our chiefs
J will pay a visit to your Excellency
I and Honorable Council at Philadel-
! phia.

An answer also from the Shawana
King in answer to that part of the
message relating to the fugitive
Negroes from Virginia, were read in
these words:

Conestogoe, Oct. 18th, 1722.
Prom the Shawanna King to his
! Excellency Sir William Keith, Bart,
i Governour of the Province of Penn-
sylvania,

These are to acquaint your brother
concerning these Negro Slaves be-
longing to Virginia, now at or
| amongst the Shawannoes at Opper-
I tus. I will go myself and take as-
sistance where they are not exceed-
ing the number 10 as directed. And
as soon in the Spring as the Bark
will run, we will lose no time to per-
I form the taking of them according
to direction, for now they are abroad
I a hunting, so it can be done no
i sooner; besides, there will be Hazard
| in Seizing them for they are well
I armed, but we must take them by
guile.

I am your Excellency's most
humble Servant,

THE SHAWANNA KING.

1722 — Chester County Complains

Against the Rum Selling at

Conestoga.

In Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly,
p. 312, it is set forth that Chester
County filed a petition, asking that
rum selling among the whites and
Conestoga Indians shall be stopped.

281

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUFHANNOCKS AND

r 722— The Assembly Take
Interest in the Cartlidge Murder.

Great | phia treaty. This time seemed to be

i a season of hardships much of which

| is made apparently by Governor

In Vol. 2 of the Votes of the As- j Keith>s treaty at Conestoga of June

sembly, p. 310, the Assembly asked ,15th and mh 1722? (See Co| Rec p

the Governor to find out all the facts \ isiy

concerning this killing near Cone- 1 17ffl^_TlM) Shawanese and Connoys

stoga, and on p. 213 the Assembly
ordered an address to be drawn up
and sent to the Governor on that
same affair. This address is found,
p. 314, and is very strong, setting
forth the necessity of condemning to
condign punishment those who killed
the Indian back of Conestoga. This
petition is signed by a great number
of inhabitants. The Assembly also
demands the re-arrest of the Cart-
lidges for the killing the Seneca In-
dian near Conestoga, (See p. 318) ;
and they also vote 50 Pounds to in-
vestigate the killing, (See p. 321) ;
and further they grant 100 Pounds to
Governor Keith to go to Albany
treaty to help to straighten out the
affair with the Five Nations, (See p.

Go to Philadelphia to Fay
Tribute to the Five
Nations.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 187,
is set forth that the Connoys and the
Shawanese are going from Connoy to
the Five Nations to pay tribute and
further that they have captured some
negro slaves from Virginia and now
keep them prisoners among them-
selves, (See 3 Col. Rec, p. 206). At
this time they were living on the Po-
i tomac and had negro slaves living
! among them, (See 3 Col. Rec, p. 211).

1722 — Governor Keith Holds a Coun-
cil With the Gauawese.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 181.

327); so that the whole cost of the it is set forth that in addition to the
Governor's party going to Albany and other tribes of Indians, the Ganawese

all the costs growing out of
murder at Conestoga reached

the j were living about Susquehanna and
UP" Conestoga and that they made a

wards of 300 Pounds, a very large j treaty with the rest of the Indians

and Governor Kieth.
1772 — The Warrant for Springets-

bury 3Ianor Signed at Conestoga.

In Vol. 4 of Haz. Reg., p254, it is
stated that the warrant for the
Manor of Springetsburg, which we
have before spoken of was signed
and dated at Conestoga.
1722— The Old Parchment Treaty, of
1682 Shown by the Conestoga
Indians to Geoveror Keith.

Gordon in his History of Pennsyl-
vania, p. 603 says that in 1722 at the
Treaty held at Conestoga by Gover-
nor Keith, that the Indians there
showed him the original parchment

sum, which shows the great import-
ance that the Governor attached to
the unfortunate killing. We must
remember that the sum of 300 Pounds
is the same that was voted to Lan-
caster County afterwards to build a
Court House and from this we can
judge what it meant to vote 300
Pounds to investigate an Indian mur-
der.

1722 — Great Hardships Among the
Shawana Indians.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 164,
we are told that there was a great
deal of hardship and suffering among
the Shawanese Indians, so much so
that they cannot go to the Philadel-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

282

and treaty which William Penn had
signed and delivered to them forty
years before, that is the Great Treaty
of 1682.

1723— The Conestogas Say They Will
Never Forget William Penn.

In one of the articles last cited we
observed that the Conestogas and
Shawanese sent messages to the Gov-
ernment, and in them they made the
statement that they will not forget
William Penn, since he held the great
treaty with them. I cite this simply
because it seems to prove that they
were present at the great traty.

1723 — The Siiquehanna Indian Tribes

Send a Message to Philadelphia

by Delegates

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec , p. 216,
the Governor makes known to the
Council certain communications he
has had from the Indians on the
Susquehanna and Conestoga. The
account is set forth as follows:

"Then he communicated to the
Board the speech of Whiwhinjac,
King of the Ganawese Indians deliv-
ered to the Governor (w*he:i there
was not a sufficient number of coun-
sellors to make a Quorum) by Civil-
ity, in the name of the said Whiwhin-
jac, and of his and all the other three
nations of Indians upon Susquehan-
na, viz: the Conestogoes, Delawares
and Shawanese, at the Court House,
May the 18th, and rendered English
by Ezekiel Harlan, Interpreter,which
was read and is as follows:

They rejoice that there is a Gov-
ernor here from England that loves
the Indians as William Penn did.

They remembered that William
Penn did not approve of the methods
of treating the Indians as Children,
or Brethren by joining Hands, for in
all these cases, accidents may happen
to break or weaken the tyes of
Friendship. But William Penn said,

we must all be one half Indian and
the other half English, being as one
flesh and one blood under one Head.
William Penn often spoke to them
and desired the Indians might heark
to what he said, and after three gen-
erations were passed, and the People
gone who heard these words, he de-
sired that the writing which he left
with them might be read to the
fourth generation that they might
know it was the sense of the words
of their grandfathers.

William Penn knew the Indians to
be a discerning people, that had
eyes to see afar off, and ears to
hearken unto and discover any ap-
proaching danger, and he ever looked
upon them as his brethren.

William Penn told them that he
perceived that the Indians delighted
coo much in going to war, but he ad-
vised them to peace, for if they went
abroad to war they thereby provoke
other Nations to come and destroy
them.

We would not in that case give
them countenance or any assistance,
but if they lived at home in peace
and minded their hunting he would
not only take care of their goods and
families to protect them but would
also furnish them with powder and
lead to defend themselves against
those who might come to war upon
t*hem.

It was agreed both by William
Penn and the Indians, that if \t should
happen at any time that either of
them did forget the strict League of
Friendship then made between them,
the party who faithfully kept and
remembered the Covenant chain
should take the other, who had for-
got, gently as it were by the shoul-
! der and put him in mind of it again.
As the Governor went last year to
I Albany to make a firm peace with the
' Five Nations, and to bury the blood

2S3

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

of an Indian that had been spilt by
the English, Whiwhinjac, the Gana-
wese King, here present, is coming in
the name of all the four Nations of
Indians, upon Sasquehanna, viz: The
Ganawese, Shawannoes, Conestogoes
and Delawares, to desire that the
same blood may not be buried but
washed away as it were by a swift
running stream of water never more
to be seen or heard of again, and
they further desire the Governor to
believe that as they are one flesh
with the English, they look upon
themselves to be equally concerned
with them in accidents of that Na-
ture.

They desire the Government may
keep this treaty in remembrance, so
as that no clouds of any kind may a-
rise to obscure it, but that it may re-
main bright and lasting as the Sun,
and they desire that the Settlers and
young men near Conestogoe snd their
other towns, may be directed to treat
them with kindness and respect like
Brethren.

They also .desire that the English
may not be suffered to straiten or
pinch the Ganawese or Shawannoes
to make them remove further off, but
to consider them as Brethren, for
they have heard some words to this
purpose which they do not care to
mention.

They are glad to find the English
continue to send their young men
with Goods amongst them, and they
acknowledge that the Traders are
now very civil and kind to them,
whereby they eat their victuals with-
out fear and have a true relish of
them.

The Shawannoes, Ganawese, Con-
estogoes and Delawares shall never
forget the words of William Penn,
but that since that treaty was made
between them and him, they do not
find that we have been so careful to
come as often to renew it with the
Conestogoe, as they have been to
come to us at Philadelphia.

They then said Indians both old
and young do return the Governour
their hearty thanks for his care last
year in sending Corn and Biscuit to
their families when they wanted it
very much.

Having finished what they had to
say, Whiwhinjac, in the name and on
behalf of all the Indians makes a
present to the Governour of 200
Skins.

The young men of the Ganaway
town, in behalf, of all their people
say by way of complaint, that they
have suffered many grievances.

Then the Governour's answer to
the Indians, which he was about to
deliver, was read and approved.

It was then considered by the
Board what presents should be re-
turned to the Indians, and agreed
to be as follows: A Barrel of Pow-
i der, twelve gallons of rum, 300 lb. of
! Biscuit, one groce of pipes, 20 lb of
Tobacco, 15 Stroud Match Coats, 15
j Blankets, 5 pair of shoes and buck-
I les, 5 pair of stockings, 150 lb of
\ lead and meat to the value of twenty
shillings."

1723 — Upper Shawanese Send An-
other Message to Phialdelphia

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 219,
there is mentioned a letter from Jas.
Mitchell, Justice of the Peac<3, direct-
ed to the Governor, dated Donegal,
April 25th, 1723, containing an ad-
dress from Ocowellos' King of the
| Upper Shawanese, to which the
Board agreed to make the following
answer:

"In answer to the Message from

the Upper Shawanese on Sasquehan-

nah, mentioning their past visits,and

another shortly intended to the Gov-

i ernor of Canada, whom they think

fitt to call their father. The Gover-

j nour and Council say, that William

; Penn's people in this country, are by

i treaties united to all the Indians as

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

284

in one body; but the French and Eng-
lish are two distinct people, as the
long wars that have been between
the English and them fully show.
Now no Indians that are united with
us can be joined to them, because
that would divide the same body into
two parts and utterly destroy it.

The Governour and Council there-
fore, can not agree that any of our
Brethren should be joined in League
to any other Nation or People than to
the subjects of our great King George
who is the head of all the English
and their Brethren. If these Indians
are united to us, we shall desire their
company and that they may live
with us as Brethren in peace and
love as all our other Brethren have
hitherto done and ever must do with
us.

The Governour at request send
them Five Gallons of Rum to clear
their hearts at hearing of these his
words, and one Strowd Match Coat
to confirm them.

The Board agreed to meet the In-
dians at the Court Hause the same
afternoon and accordingly,
P. M. PRESENT:

The Honourable the Governour and
same members as in the afternoon,
sundry gentlemen and many other
people.

Whiwhinjac, Civility, sundry chiefs
and other Indians.

Ezekiel Harlan and Indian Smith,
Interpreters.

The Governour answered Whihin-
jac's speech of the 18th instant, as
follows:

Brethren: You know that I came
from William Penn to fulfill his kind
words to the Indians, and to be as a
father to them now, since he is gone.

It is also the orders and Command
of the Great King George my Mas-
ter, that the English and the Indians
should live together as Brethren in
one family.

If any of us therefore happen to

be sick or in want of food the other

should help him, and when any loss

or misfortune befalls either the Eng-

j lish or the Indians, the other is sorry

i and in grief for it.

You say William Penn knew you
I to be a discerning people that
; could hear and see afar off, and I
| say you know the English to be a
i faithful good people who always
I keep their treaties and Leagues pun-
■ ctually with the Indians and you also
j know that our laws make no distinc-
I tion between our people and yours.

We being thus linked together in
one Family ,we ought always but to
have one Council and so be of one
mind, and therefore we can not suf-
fer one half to go to War while the
other remains at home in Peace.

When any people are divided in
their Councils and opinions, they
grow weak and soon become a prey
to their enemies.

In such cases you know it is the
constant practice amongst your
people to consult together in Coun-
cil until the old and wise men over-
come and convince the weaker heads
of the young and foolish.

Just so ought you to do with us,
because we are altogether one people ;
and then the family become strong
in love, Peace and Friendship to each
other.

Remember that this is the bright
chain of Love and Friendship where-
with William Penn bound your
people and his together, nevermore
to be separated. By this Chain
Philadelphia is joined to Conestogoe.
and all the Indian towns upon Sus-
quehannah.

By laying our hands as it were on
this chain, we can safely travel by
night or by day through all your
towns, and into the woods, and in
like manner your people are hereby
conducted safely through all our
settlements back again to us at
Philadelphia.

285

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND1

You must know and remember that
it is my proper office and business
as Governour of the whole countrey
to keep this chain perfectly clean
and free from the least speck of rust.

You therefore Whiwhinjac, King of
the Ganawese who have now spoke
to me in the name and on behalf of
the four Nations of Indians upon
Susquehannah must remember that
I am now going to say and tell the
other chiefs of these nations that I
expect you and they being frequently
in Council together with your old
and wise men will be exceedingly
careful to keep the End of the Chain
towards your own settlements al-
woys bright and clean, and you may
assure all your people that as often
as any of them have occasion to
come down to visit their Brethren
the English here, they shall not find
the least spot on this end of the
chain fastened here, which is always
in my view and shall be my particu-
lar care.

The dead body of our Indian broth-
er whom you mention was covered
by me at Albany in the sight of all
the Chiefs of the Five Nations and
to the satisfaction of the kindred;
nevertheless I take it very kindly
that you now desire the blood may be
washed away under the ground never
more to be seen or heard of. This
shows that you are truly onr Breth-
ren, and hereupon I embrace and as
it were take into my arms you and
all your people.

I will take care that no English
Settlements shall hereafter be made
too near your towns to disturb you,
so that the Shawanoes and Ganawese,
may remain in peace where they now
are, for we are well pleased with
them as neighbors and do not desire
to see them remove further from us.
But as I have always been ready to
hear your complaints and take care

of you as my own children, so I must
also do by the English; wherefore I
desire you will be mindful to treat
them like Brethren of the same
Family and do not suffer your young
people with their dogs and arrows to
hunt and kill their Creatures.

I give you these things here before
you to confirm what I have said, viz:
the presents before mentioned.

I have also ordered some piovisions
and gallons of rum to help you back
to your families, and I heartily wish
you a good journey home to Cone-
stoga, which was done: —

Civility, the Intrepreter, told the
Governour he had something to say,
which was, —

The Indians well approve of all the
Governour has said except where he
told them that the English Law made
no difference between the English
and the Indians, for they should not
like upon an Indian committing a
fault, that he should be imprisoned,
as they had seen some Englishmen
were.

To which the Governour answered.

That they misapprehended the
meaning, which was, that if any Eng-
lishman did injury to an Indian he
should suffer the same punishment as
if he had done it to an Englishman.
But if an Indian committed robbery
or such like crime against the Eng-
lish, he would acquaint their chief
with it and from him expect ratisfac-
tion.

Then Civility told the Governour
that* they looked upon it as a great
hardship for them to be confined
from hunting on the other side of
Potowmick, for that in their neigh-
boring woods was. but little game.
To which the Governour answered:
That the Five Nations by their
treaty with the Governour of Virgin-
ia, had agreed not only to forbear
themselves but also to restrain the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

286

Susquehanna Indians from hunting
there, for that he (Civility) knew that
some of the Five Nations under pre-
tence of hunting had gone there for-
merly and murdered and plundered
some of the English, which was the
cause of making that severe article
in the treaty.

Then Civility said, that Whihinjac
and the rest proposed to proceed to
Annapolis, to renew their League of
Friendship with the G'overnour there
as he has done here, and they
thought proper to acquaint him there-
of.

To which the Governour answered:
That the people of Maryland and
Pennsylvania were very good friends
and he was contented they should go,
but that the Indians should consider
that as they were inhabitants of
Pennsylvania, they were immediately
subjects of the Governour and none
other."

1723 — First Cause Inducing the
Shawanese to Move to Ohio.

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p.
329 there is a message dated 1732
from the Shawanese to our Gover-
nor. In it they say that "about nine
years ago (which would be 1723) the
Five Nations told us that we do not
well to settle there (at Pequea) for
there was a Great noise in the Great
House and in three years we should
know what they had to say." This
message further says that the Five
Nations threatened the Shawanese
that if they would not obey they
would put petticoats upon them. So
it would appear from this lhat the
Five Nations first frightened the
Shawanese to move away from Lan-
caster County.

1723— The Indians On the Susque-
hanna Agree Not to Hurt the
Indians in the South.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec. p. 221, it
is set forth that Captain Civility told
the Governor that he would do what

he could to restrain the Five Nations
from going South under the pre-
tenses of hunting, for they really go
South to murder.

1723— The Indian Nations Now Living
on Susquehanna River.

in Mombert's History of Lancaster
county, p. 24, he refers to this confer-
ence held in 1723, in which Whiwhin-
jac, the Ganawese chief made the
speech and he calls our attention to
the fact that this Ganawese chief
mentions the four Nations living on
the Susquehanna, viz: the Cones-
togas, Shawanese, Ganawese and
Delawares.

1726 — The Walking Purchase Again
Causes Trouble.

In Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly,
p. 481, under the date of 1726, it is
stated the Indians claim they bought
back out of the walking purchases
all the land extending one mile on
each side of the West Branch of the
Brandywine creek, from the said
branch to the source of the said
creek. I put this in under Lancaster
County Indian matter because the
West Branch of the Brandywine
practically touches Lancaster county.

1727— The Conestoga Chiefs Come to
Philadelphia.

In Vol. 3 of the ol. Rec, p. 271,
a very interesting visit of the Chiefs
of the Five Nations and also Indians
from Conestoga to the Government is
given. It is set forth as follows:

"At a Council held at Philadelphia,
July 3d, 1727.

PRESENT:

The Honourable PATRICK GOR-
DON, Esqr., Lieut. Governor.
James Logan, Richard Hill, Isaac
Norris, William Fishbourn, Evan
Owen, Clement Plumstead, Esqrs.

Present also, several Chiefs of the
Five Nations, but most of them of the
Nation of the Cayoogoes, viz:

287

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

Connosoora, Cagongsaniyong, Cant- ; have gained the victory; you have
araghengrat, Tannewhannegah. Can- j overcome the People and their lands
nawtoe, Seelowacks, Achyiawanra, ! are yours. We shall buy them of
Onaquadeghoa, etc., with Civility and I you. How many commanders are
Satcheetchoe of Conestogoe and div- there amongst you, and being told

ers of the Ganawese, etc.

These, with divers other Indians,
arriving from the Five Nations and

there were forty he said then if you
come down to me I will give each of
these Comanders a suit of Cloaths

Sasquehannah four days agoe, desir- | such as I wear. They say that a for-
ed a meeting with the Governour as | mer GOvernour proposed to some of
on this day. The Governour, to give | their Nation, as they were passing
them an opportunity summoned the by Conestogoe, to go to War against
Council for that purpose, who being I their enemies, that he would buy
mett, and these Indians seated, I that land at Tsanandowa, for that he

The Governour told them by Mrs. | had a mind to settle some of his
M. Montour, a French woman, who ! people there, (as being in his road),
had lived long among these People, j who would supply them with neces-
and is now interpretess, that he was <. saries in their Journey; that they an-
glad to see them all well after so I swered they were then going to war
long a journey, and was now ready | and could not attend affairs of land,
with his council to receive what they , but at their return they would lay
have to say. the matter before their chiefs, who

Tannewhannegah spoke, and by | would give their answer, and now
Montour the Interpretess said, that | they are come to hear what the Gov-
the Chiefs of all their Five Nations | ernour has to offer,
being mett together in one of their j They add that the said Governour,
towns they held a great Couucil, and I when he was at Conestogoe, desired
that these who are now present came I those warriors to speak to the chiefs

in the behalf and by the advice of all
the rest, that they understood the
Governour of this .province had div-
ers times sent for them to come
hither, and that they were now ac-
cordingly come by the advice of all
their Brethren to know the Gover-
nour's pleasure.

That the first Governour of this
place, Onash. (that is Goverour

about the Purchase of that land; that
having no Wampum to send by them
as a token of the Message, he gave
the Warriors a cask of powder with
some shott, a piece of red Strowds
and some duffels, that the Warriors
delivered their message to the Chiefs,
who have now sent to lett the Gover-
nour know they are willing to pro-
ceed to a sale; and with this Speech

Penn.) when he first arrived here, j they present two very small bundles
sent to them to desire them to sell j of Deer Skins for a confirmation,
land to him, that they answered they | The Governour told them that he
would not sell it them, but they j would answer them in the morning to
might do it in time to come, that be- [ a11 they had said, and they departed,
ing several times sent for, they j JULY 4TH.

were now come to hear what the ■ Tne Council and the Indians being
Governour had to offer. I mett according to Appointment, the

That when the Governour was at ■ Governour by the same Interpretess.
Albany he had spoke to them to this !" .an*wer towbat the Indians said
Purnose Wpii ,»v V ?, ! yesterday spoke to them as follows,

rurnose. well, my Brethren you | viz:

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

28S

The Governor! rs of the Province,
who have all acted here in the Place
of William Penn, the first and Great
Governour of the same, have always
been pleased with every opportunity
of cultivating and improving a
friendship with the Five Nations,
and the present Governour and his
Council take their visit very kindly
at this time, but they have been mis-
informed when they supposed the
Governour had sent for them; the
Journey is very long and he would
not have putt them to so much troub-
le, or if he had seen occasion for it,
he would according to custom have
sent some Messenger with a token,
by which the Five Nations might
have been assured of the truth of
the Message.

Governour Penn, (that is Onash,)
when he first came into this Province
took all the Indians of it by the
hand; he embraced them as his
friends and Brethren, and made a
firm League of Friendship with them,
he bound it as with a chain that was
never to be broken; he took none of
their lands without purchasing and
paying for them, and knowing the
Five Nations claimed the lands on
Sasquehannah, he engaged Colonell
Dungan, Governour of New York,
about forty years since to purchase
their right in his behalf, which Col-
onell Dungan did, and we have deeds
from him for all those Lands.

The Five Nations were so sensible
of this that they never since claimed
these Lands, though we have many
visits from them hither for brighten-
the chain of Friendship. And Five
years since, when Sir William Keith
and four gentlemen of the Council
were at Albany, at a general meeting
of all the Five Nations their Chiefs
of themselves confirmed the former
grant, and absolutely released all
pretentions to these Lands; our rec-
ords shew this, and, these people
who are now here cannot but be
sensible of it.

When a former Governour of this
place, with his Council, made a pres-
ent at Conestogoe to some of the
Five Nations then passing that way,
it was net with any view to purchase
the lands at Tsanandowa. The Gov-
ernour thanks them very heartily
for this offer to sell these lands, if
they are not yet purchased, but he
can not treat about them at present.
William Penn's son, who was born in
this countrey is expected over here,
and then he may treat with them if
he think it proper. In the mean time,
as these lands lie next to our settle-
ments, though at present at a great
distance, we shall take this offer as
j a proof of their resolution to keep
| them for him.

This is what the Governour has to
say about the lands, but as they are
I come a long journey to visit us, he
I gives them as our Friends and Breth-
| ren these goods now laid before them
desiring that of the five guns one
may be given to the chief of each of
the Five Nations, with three pounds
] of powder and as much lead and the
| rest may be divided as they shall
think proper. And we have also pro-
vided Bread, Cheese, Rum, Pipes and
Tobacco, for their support in their
return.

The Governour doubts not but that
they are fully convinced of our
Friendship and regard to them, and
[ that they will consider their recep-
! tion here as a proof of it. The Gov-
ernour recommends to them to notify
the Chiefs of the Five Nations what
passes between us, that it may be
kept in perpetual remembrance.

The Goods which were last night
ordered for them are,
5 fine Guns,

15 Strowd Match Coats,
10 Blankets,
10 Duffel Matchcoats,
12 Shirts,
50 lbs. of Powder,

289

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANXOCKS AND

100 lbs. of Lead,

2 dozen Knives.
Ordered further:

To the Intrepretess 1 Stroud, 1
Shirt, 1 Matchcoat.

To her husband, Carondawana, 1
Strowd and another to her Niece.

To Civility, 1 Strowd, 1 fine Shirt
and 1 pair of Stockings.

Also, 1 cwt. of Bisket, 10 Gallons
of Rum, with Cheese, Tobacco and
Pipes, for their journey.

After the said Indians had receiv-
ed their presents and were parted,
they again applied desiring an oppor-
tunity of offering something further
and the Governour appointing the
same afternoon, they mett and pre-
senting six very small bundles of
Deer Skins, proceeded to say:

That they are come hither to see
the Governour in his Government,
and are very well pleased with the
opportunity given them, and with the
Governour's discourse this morning,
concerning the covenant chain and the
Friendship that has long subsisted
between them, and it is this they de-
sire may be kept bright and shining
to the Sun, and that neither rain nor
damps nor any rust may effect it to
deprive it of its lustre; and that the
Governour and his people and they
and their people, their children and
our children may ever continue as
they have hitherto been, one Body,
one Heart and one Blood to all gen-
erations.

They are, (they say) but of one
Xation, but they speak in behalf of
all the Five Nations and by authority
from them all. All humane things
are uncertain, and they know not
what may befall them, or into what
misfortunes they may be involved, if
they hear any news relating to us
like Brethren they will inform us of
it: and if we hear any ill news relat-
ing to them they desire also to be
informed of it, for when thev meet

with any misfortune and troubles
they will apply to us and acquaint
us with them, as their Friends and
Brethren.
They say that there are come many
sorts of traders among them, both In-
dians and English, who all cheat
them, and though they get their
skins they give them very little in
pay. They have so little for them,
they cannot live, and can scarce
procure Powder and Shott to hunt
with and g«tt more. Those traders
bring but little of these, but instead
of them they bring rum, which they
sell very dear, at least three or four
I times what it is worth, and of this
• they complain.

They take notice that both the
| French and English are raising for-
tifications in their country and in
their neighborhood, and that great
numbers of people are sent thither,
the meaning of which they do not
i very well conceive; but they fear
] some ill consequences from it, and
! make it now known to us as their
Brethren.

They desire there may be no set-
j tlements made upon Sasquehannah
: higher than Pextan, and that none of
Sthe settlers thereabouts be suffered
I to sell or keep any rum there, for
that being the road which their
people go out to war, they are ap-
prehensive of mischief if they meet
| with liquor in these parts. They de-
I sire also for the same reasons, that
none of the traders be allowed to
carry any rum to the remoter parts
where James LeTort trades, (that is
Allegheny on the branches of Ohio).
And this they desire may be taken
notice of, as the mind of the Chiefs
of all the Five Nations for it is all
those Nations that now spek by them
to all our People.

The Governour received their pres-
ent kindly thanked them for that they
had said, and that they might have

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

290

something in return for their last | having been at Philadelphia to treat
present, it was ordered that the | with the Governour, and did on their

Quantity of Powder should be in-
creased to a hundred pounds, and
instead of 100 lbs. they should have
a hundred Barrs of Lead.

The Governour told them he would
answer what they had last said in
the morning, upon which after a
Friendly entertainment by the Gov-
erour and Council they parted."

This answer which the Governor
promised to give them he gave on
the 5th of July and among other
things he told them that everything
is peaceful and harmonious now and
that there is no bad news and no
danger, but that there will likely be
war in England; that the Indian
traders must be watched because
they try to sell high and buy cheap;
that we are trying to do all we can
to stop the rum trade and that

return with his Company take up
their lodging near to his house
where they resided about four days
and nights together, the nearest
neighbors contributing to their nec-
essitys what they could ye neigh-
bors being few and poor could not
supply them to ye full, at which
place they killed one of his cows,
which he valued at four pounds, and
desired of me a warrant to appre-
hend ye said Indians, but I being
informed that they had a letter of
credit from ye Governour to all per-
sons to supply them with what they
wanted, (and they being gone from
the said Richard Thomas' two days),
I thought it most proper not to send
a hue and cry after them; but to
write to John Wright and Tobias
Hendricks to treat with them about

we are not allowing any settlements I u in an amicable way, and to get

I satisfaction for the party injured;
but they having passed down Suske-
hanna before my letters came to
hand, they missed of the opportunity.
However about 3 days since ye said
Richard Thomas came again to me
and informed me that he had been
with the Governour to lay his case
before him, in order to meet with re-
lief, but (as he says) ye Governour
would give no orders about it until
he had received some information
from me to set ye case in a true
light, in order to which he on ye
second day of this instant, November,
1727, brought two of his near neigh-
bors, namely John Straightfellow and
Henry Atherton, who according to ye
laws and customs of this province,
did attest, and solemnly declare by ye

to be made above Paxton, (now
Hains') and he says the Indians
ought to be very careful not to go
past Susquehanna above the moun-
tains. He then told them as they
are preparing to go the Govern-
ment had provided them powder and
lead for hunting and some rum and
provisions.

1727— The Chiefs of the Five Nations

Coming from Philadelphia to

Conestoga Commit Depre-

ditions.

In Vol. 1 of the Pennsylvania Ar-
chives, p. 205 the following letter is
given :

CALN, ye 3d of ye 9ber, 1727.
May it Please ye Governour,

These may certify that on the 16th j sai<* cow killed, as above to be well
day of July last, 1727, Richard iSi^^JLPJS?*!.^? i?®?n?-!!?
Thomas of the Township of White-

land, came before me and did declare
on his sollem affirmation, that ye
King of ye Five Nations of Indians

sible of the truth of ye above narra-
tion, shall conclude, who am ye
Governour 's most hearty friend and
servant. To Command,

GEORGE \STON."

291

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1727— The Killing of Thomas Wright
Near Conestoga.

As we have said above Wright was
killed during the year 1727 and the
correct report of it is found in Vol.
3 of the Col. Rec. p. 285, where it is
stated, "That Mr. Logan acquainted
the Board, that last night he receiv-
ed a letter from John Wright, Esqr.,
one of the Justices of the Peace of
Chester Co., giving an account that
one Thomas Wright was killed by
some Indians at §naketown, forty
miles above Conestogoe, which letter
together with the depositions of
John Wilkins, Esther Burt and Mary
Wright, and an inquisition taken up-
on the dead body were all laid before
the Board.

The said Depositions being read,
sett forth, that on Monday, the Elev-
enth of this Instant, September, sev-
eral Indians, together with one John
an Indian Trader, and the said
Thomas Wright, were drinking near
the house of the said Burt, who was
singing and dancing with the Indians
after their manner, that some dispute
arising between one of the Indians,
and the said Wright, Burt bid
Wright knock down the Indian,
whereupon Wright laid hold of the
Indian but did not beat him, that af-
terwards Burt struck the Indian sev-
eral blows with his first, that the
said Wright and Burt afterwards
retired into the house where the In-
dians followed them and broke open
the door, that while Wright was en-
deavoring to pacify them Burt call-
ed out for his Gun and continued to
provoke them more and more, that
hereupon the said Wright fled to the
henhouse to hide himself whither
the Indians pursued him and the
next morning he was found there
dead. The Inquisition on the body
setts forth, that the said Wright
came to his death by several blows
on his head, neck and temples,which
the Jurors say, they believe, were
given by the Indians.

Jonas Davenport, who brought
this account, and was one of the In-
quest, being called in and examined
says, that he was informed by credi-
ble people living near the place
where the murder was committed,
that John Burt sent for rum to the
Indians which they drank, and that
he afterwards sent for more, that a
dispute arising between Burt and the
Indians, the said Burt filled his fists
with his own Dung and threw it
among the Indians; that it is gener-
ally believed that if Burt had not
provoked and abused them to so high
a degree the matter might be made
up amicably, and that though it is
very certain the Indians killed Thom-
as Wright yet that the said Burt was
the principal occasion of it. Being
likewise examined of what Nation
these Indians are, says that they are
of the Munscoes Indians, who live on
an eastern branch of the Susque-
hannah.

The members of the Board observ-
ed that this was the first accident of
the kind they had ever heard of in
this Province since its first settle-
ment; and that though the Indians,
who committed the fact, had receiv-
ed very provocations, yet as a sub-
ject had lost its life, it is absolutely
necessary the Government should
take Notice of and move in it for
notwithstanding it will be difficult, as
the fact was circumstanced to call
these Indians regularly to an ac-
count, yet some proper measures
ought to be taken to make the In-
jdians in general sensible of the Out-
j rageousness of the action, and to
oblige them to make satisfaction as the
nature of the case will admit of. It
was hereupon further observed that
this Government had been formerly
happy above most of our neighbors,
in preserving a good understanding
and an uninterrupted Friendship with

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

292

all our Indians, which was affected
by the just and obliging measures
our late proprietor first took with
them, by which he had greatly en-
deared them to himeslf and to this
Goverrment, and the same methods
had been for years constantly con-
tinued by treaties with them, held at
a small expense, for that the whole
charge, one year with another had
not exceeded the allowance of Fifty
Pounds per annum, which the As-
semblies from time to time had for-
merly granted, but that now for six
years past, viz: the five last years of
the late administration, and one year
since the present Governour's arrival
we have had no manner of treaty
with our own Indians, upon which
they think themselves slighted and
have complained of it on divers oc-
casions; that the late Assembly al-
so, being sensible of this, by their
Speaker accompanied by the whole
House, when the last bills were pass-
ed, had signified to the Governour
that the House was desirous a visit
should be paid to the Indians as us-
ual, and it was hoped when the sea-
son of the year would admit of it,
care would be taken to do it, for
which the ensuing House would un-
doubtedly make a suitable provision,
since the late one of their own mo-
tion thought fit to make such an ap-
plication."

1727 — A Treaty With the Couestogas

to Be Held; No Treaty During

Six Years.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 286,
it will be noticed that the account of
the death of Thomas Wright sets
forth that there has been no treaty
with the Indians for over six years
and that such a treaty ought now to
be had, because the troubles would
not occur so frequently if there were
such Treaties.

1728 — A Report that the Delaware*
are Ordered to Fight the English.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, pp. 2$6
and 296, an account is given, in
which it is stated that James Letort
came to inform the Governor that
he was lately come from a town on
the upper parts of the Susquehanna
River and that he heard while there
that the Five Nations had ordered
the Delaware Indians, who used to
live in what is now Lancaster Co.,
but who moved west, to fall upon the
English. This report afterwards
turned out to be untrue.

1728— A Council Held with the Dela-
ware Indians.

The King of the Delwares and
| some Shawanese visited the Council
| on the 4th day of June 1728, which
may be seen in Vol. 3 of the Col.
Rec, p. 316. The Governor told
them that he was glad to see them
and that he had proposed to meet
them all at Conestoga, last Spring,
but he heard that Civility and some
other Indians had gone away and
then he postponed the visit. He told
them that ten days ago he did meet
some tribes at Conestoga. He put
them in mind of the fact that they
had likely heard that some Shawan-
ese about twenty days ago came into
these parts of the State and fell on
some of our inhabitants, and that the
matter must be attended to.

1728 — The Delaware Indians Say the

Whites Are Settled on Lands

They Never Paid For

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec , p. 319,
the old Delaware King Allummapees
made a speech to James Logan, in
which he said, He was grown old
and was troubled to see the Chris-
tians settle on lands that the Indians
had never been paid for, they had
settled on his land, for which he had
never received anything.

293

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

That he is now an old man and
must soon die, that his children may
wonder to see all their father's lands
gone from them, without his receiv-
ing anything for them that the
Christians now make their settle-
ments very near them, and they shall
have no place of their own left to
live on.

That this may occasion a difference
between their children and us here-
after, and he would willingly prevent
any misunderstanding that may hap-
pen.

1728— James Logan Shows the In-
dians That We Do Own the
Susquehanna Lands

In the same book last cited, at p.
320, James Logan made the follow-
ing reply about the land question on
the Susquehanna:

"That he had not otherwise been
concerned to the lands of this Prov-
ince, than as he was intrusted with
other Commissioners by the Pro-
prietor to manage his affairs of prop-
erty in his absence. That their great
Friend, William Penn, had made it
his constant rule never to suffer any
lands to be settled by any of his
people, until they were first duly
purchased by the Indians, and his
Commissioners, who acted for him in
his absence, has as carefully used
the same method, they never agreed
to the settlement of any lands till the
Indians were duly satisfied for them.
But he said, he judged it proper in
his audience to take notice of our
great unhappiness, in having too
many amongst us who take a delight
in disturbing the Peace of the Pub-
lick by any means in their power,
and amongst other methods they had
endeavored even to beget an uneasi-
ness in the Indians, but how little
reason there was for any complaint
against him, or the Commissioners,
he should make appear.

He said, that Sassoonan now pres-
ent, with divers others of the Indian
Chiefs, about ten years since, having
a notion that they had not been fully
paid for their Lands, came to Phila-
delphia to demand what was due to
them, that the business was heard in
Council, and he then produced to
those Indians a great number of
deeds, by which their ancestors had
fully conveyed, and were as fully
paid for all their lands from Duck
Creek to near the Forks of the Dela-
ware, and that the Indians were then
entirely satisfied with what had been
shewn to them and the Commisioners
to put an end to all further claims,
or demands of that kind, in consider-
ation of their Journey and trouble,
made them a present in the Proprie-
tor's name and behalf, upon which
they agreed to sign an absolute re-
lease for all those Lands, and of all
demands whatsoever upon account of
the said purchase, and exhibiting the
said instrument of release, desired it
might be read, which was done."
He then shows the Indians the

! very deeds they had signed for these
lands, viz: all the land between the

I Delaware and Susquehanna Rivers,

| dated the 17th of September, 1718.
This tract included the tracts North

! of Lancaster County or what is now

| Lancaster County.

1 1728— The Indians Complain of the
Germans Settling Among Them.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 322,
one of the Indian Chiefs said that he
could not believe that the Christians
t had settled on those lands until he
saw it with his own eyes. The lands
referrred to here are about Tulpy-
hocken in Montgomery County, which
lands were taken up by a Colony of
Mennonites who came over from New
York; and James Logan gave them
the following explanation:

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

294

''That he was sensible the Palatines
were settled there, but as he had
observed before, it was without the
consent or knowledge of any of the
Commissioners, and how they came
hither he should now make this audi-
ence sensible. He said, that when he
left his house this morning he did not
expect this affair would be now men-
tioned, but hearing after he came
abroad that it was intended, being
unable himself to walk, he had sent
for one paper, which he could easily
direct to, that if he could have gone
himself among his papers, he could
have produced some letters und affi-
davits that would more fully explain
the matter, but he hoped that what
he had there would be sufficient to
make it clearly understood. It was
a petition from those Palatines them-
selves, directed to the late Governour
Sir William Keith and the Council,
all wrote in the hand of Patrick
Baird, who was then the Secretary
to the Governour and Clerk of the
Council, and who it was that drew
it would appear by its stile."

1728— Captain Civility of Conestoga
Sends a Letter to Council.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec , p. 333,
after the minutes of Council were
read it is stated that, "The Governor
laid before the Board a letter he had
received from Captain Civility, ac-
quainting him that several of the
Delaware, Shawanese and Ganawese
Indians, were come to Conestogoe
and had brought many skins with
them for a present to the Governour;
that they proposed to fulfiU their
promise of coming to Philadelphia
this Fall, but the death of his, Civ-
ility's child had so much afflicted
him that he could not come with
them, and therefore they had all re-
solved to defer their visit til next
Spring, at which time they would
surely come to the Governour at
Philadelphia.' '

1728— The Shawanese Kill Two Con-
estogas Near Conestoga.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec , p. 302,
"The Governour acquainted the
Board that a letter from Mr. Wright
at Conestogoe was lately communica-
ted to him, giving an account of a
differences, which might in end af-
fect the peace of the Province. His
Honour likewise said he had received
a petition, signed by a great many
of the inhabitants in the back parts of
quarrel that was like to ensue be-
tween the Indians of these parts and
the Shawanese, these last having
killed two of the Conestogoe Indians,
that they seemed prepared for war,
and that therefore his presence was
desired as necessary to settle those
difference, which might in end affect
the peace of the Province. His Hon-
our likewise said he had received a
petition signed by a great many of
the inhabitants in the back parts of
this country, setting forth that they
are under some apprehensions of
being attacked by the Indians, that
many families have left their habita-
tions through fear of them, and pray-
ing that proper measures might be
taken for their safety.

And therefore the Governour now
moved to the Board that since it is
of great importance to compose those
differences speedily, which would
oblige him to take a journey to Con-
estogoe, it would be requisite that
the Assembly should meet as soon as
possible, which the Board from the
consideration of what the G«>vernour
had said readily agreed to, and the
14th Currt. being proposed for the
time of their meeting was approved,
it is therefore ORDERED thU writts
be forthwith issued for that purpose."

1728 — The Shawanese Have Now
Started to Move.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec , p. 309,
it is stated that the Shawanese are

295

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

now near Durham's Iron Works at
Pechoquealin. This place is !n Bucks
county, (See 3 Col. Rec, p. 329) and
from this place the Shawanese came
armed and painted for war, but not
in a large number and through their
foolishness 400 people gathered to-
gether and two were killed, (See 3
Col. Rec, p. 317).

1728 — The Conestogas Now Want to
Go to War Against the Shawa-
nese.

The Conestogas and Shawanese
now are growing to be enemies of
each other and this is one of the
causes which induced the Shawanese
to leave for the West, as we shall see
they did about this time. The situa-
tion is set forth by John Wright of
Hempfield now Columbia, in a letter
to James Logan, found in Vol. 1 of
the Penna. Archives, p. 213. The let-
ter is as follows:

"Hempfield 2, 3 mo , 1728.
My fd. James Logan:

About three weeks I gave thee a
few lines with an account of the In-
dians returned from Warr, since
which time there has happened (as
we are informed) a murder to be
committeed by two of the Shawny In-
dians, upon a man and a woman of
the Conestogoe Indians and they de-
manding two murderers to be giv-
en up; the Shawanys sent them with
some of their own people, who called
at Per Shurtaes, and he giving them
rum. eather by persuasion or their
own inclination let the murderers
make their escape, which th»? Cones-
togoe Indians resent so highly, that
(as it is reported) they threaten to
cut off the whole nation of the Shaw-
nys. , Yesterday there came 17 or 18
of the young men commanded by Til-
ehausey. all Conestogoe Indians,
painted for the Warr. all armed; we
enquired which way they ware going

they would not tell us, but said, they
or some of them were going out to
Warr, and that there was some Can-
! oys to go with them. But we hearing
the above report are apt to think that
they are going against the Shawnys.
It is all our opinions that the Gov-
ernour's presence pretty speedily is
absolutely necessary at Conestogoe,
to settle affairs among the Indians,
they seeming at present to be in a
distracted manner or condition, and
the hardness of the winter sweeping
away their corne, they will be oblig-
ed to go a summer hunting sooner
than usual, that if the Governour
come not soon he will miss of them.
If you please acquaint the Governour
with the above contents, with my
j hearty sarviss to him and kind love
to theyself and family from thy real
friend JNO. WRTGHT."

1728 — The Shawanese Now Begin to
Annoy the Other Indian Tribes.

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p.
216, there is a letter set forth from
James Le Tort, stating the action of
the Shawanese as follows:

Catawasse, May ye 12, 1728.

We always thought that the Gover-
nour knew nothing of the fight be-
tween the Shawaynos and the White
People. We desire the Governour to
warn the back inhabitants not to be
so ready to attack the Indians, as we
are doubtful they were in that un-
happy accident and we will use all
endeavors to hinder any such like
proceeding on the part of the Indians.
We remember very well the League
between William Penn and the In-
dians, which was, that the Indians and
white people were one, and hopes
that his brother, the present Gover-
nour, is of the same mind, and that
the Friendship was to continue for
three Generations; and if the Indians
hurt the English it is the same as if
they hurt themselves; as to the Gov-
ernour's desire of meeting him, we

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

296

intend as soon as the Chiefs of the
Five Nations come to meet the Gov-
ernour, we will come with them, but
if they come not before hereafter, we
will go to Philadelphia to wait on the
Governour. We have heard that Wil-
liam Penn's son has come to Phila-
delphia, which we are very glad of.
JAMES LE TORT."

1728— A New Proof That the Shawa-
nese Reached Pennsylvania Af-
ter the Coining of
Penn.

It will be remembered that in prior
items we adopted the view of Conyng-
ham, who says the Shawanese came
to Pennsylvania in 1678 and in 1698,
but in Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 223 in a message from the Council
the Shawanese are reminded that.
"William Penn made a firm peace and
league of Friendship with all the In-
dians, and the chain from time to
time has been brightened. The
Shawanese were not then in this
Country; they came long afterwards
and desired leave of the Conestogoe
Indians and William Penn to settle in
this Country. Leave was granted
them and they promised to live
peaceably." The letter then sets forth
that the Governour is now about to
set out for a treaty. One page 224
the Shawanese admit that they were
very foolish and if they had not been,
the killing which is above referred to
would not have happened.

It is further stated at p. 228 of the
same book that the Shawanese came
to us as strangers about thirty years
ago.

1728 — Governour Gordon Places

Guardians Over the Shawanese.

In Vol. 1 of th Penna. Archives, p.
228 it is found necessary to give
Henry Smith and John Petty powder
to hold the Indians somewhat in
check about the Susquehanna River.
The Governour gives them their in-

structions as follows:

Messrs. HENRY SMITH, JOHN
PETTY.

As business now calls you towards
Susquehannah, I desire you, without
fail, if you can, to see my friends,
Allummapees, Opekassed, Shachalaw-
lin, and Shakellamy, give my kind
love to them, as to my Brethren, and
let them know that I designed about
this time to make a visit to some of
our neighboring Governours, if ac-
cording to their promise they had
come down hither last month. Lett
them know I wait for them and am
concerned I hear nothing of them.
I hope, however, I shall now see
them in a few days.

Inquire also after the Siiawanah
Indians, and if you can see Kahowa-
tchy, know of him, why his friends
left Pechoquelin, after they had pro-
mised to meet me at Durham Iron-
works.

Tell all those four first named In-
dians that I know they have clean
hearts without spott, and I expect
from them, when they come, such an
account of all their affairs as one
brother gives another, they see we
treat them as we do one amongst our-
selves, without any difference, we
are one people, and they must in all
respects treat us with the Friend-
ship, Truth and Justice that we use
to them. We all expect this of them
as our Brethren.

Tell Shalkallamy particularly, that
as he is set over the Shawanah In-
dians, he can give a good account of
them, they came to us cnly as
strangers, about 30 years agoe, they
desired leave of this Government to
settle amongst us as strangers, and
the Conestogoe Indians became se-
curity for their behavior. They are
also under the protection of the Five
Nations, who have sett Shakallamy
over them. He is a good man, and I
hope will give a good account of
them.

297

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Give my kind love also to Carun-
downa and his Wife, and speak to
them to the same purpose. Lett him
know I expect of him, that as he is
a great Captain, he will take care
that all the people about him shall
shew themselves good men and true
hearted, as he is himself, and that I
hope to see him at the Treaty. Tell
him Jonah Davenport never com-
plained of him, and therefore there
was no occasion for his letter on that
head.

If there be any mischief clone in
those parts, I expect they will seize
the persons who are guilty of it, that
they may be punished and Justice
may be done on every side, for our
people are very numerous and they
will not be abused. I wil not suffer
any injury to be done to the Indians
without punishing the offenders, and
they must do the same Justice on
their parts, for then we shall truly
be as one People.

These are my words, which I send
thus written, sealed with a Publick
seal and signed under my hand, to
which my friends will give full cre-
dit. Dated at Philadelphia, the first
day of September, Anno Dom, 1728."

1728— The Governor Sends Word to
Captain Civility at Cones* oga.

Gordon after his Conestoga

arrangement left certain work to be

performed by Captain Civility, to

whom he sends a letter dated Sept.

2, 1728, found in Vol. 1 of the Penna.

Archives, p 329, which is as follows:

"My very good friend Captain Civil-
ity:

When I left Conesstoga I was in
hopes of seeing you before this time,
but I suppose you waited for the
chiefs of tire Five Nations.

I hear some of these have been at
Conestoga since I was there, and that
they were gone down to Maryland.

If you can by any means meet with
them, whether at Conestoga or else-
where, I desire you to present them
with this Belt of Wampum from me,
and tell them that I desire earnestly
to speak with them about some busi-
ness that may concern them.

Therefore, if they will come to me
at Philladelphia, they shall be satis-
fied, and I hope will be pleased with
their Journey.

This being a matter of importance
at this time, 1 request your Friend-
ship herein, and desire that you
would come along with them, as you
are our brother on whom we very
much depend."

1728 — The Governor Sends Instruct-
ions to Wright and Blunston., At
Conestoga

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p 229, the following instructions were
sent by Governor Gordon to John
Wright and Samuel Blumston, two
Justices of the Peace on the Susque-
hanna River: —

"Philadelphia, 2nd September, 1728.
John Wright & Samuel Blunston,
RESPECTED FRIENDS
Much contrary to our expectations,
we find there are still some Commo-
tions amongst the Indians, that re-
; quire to be looked into, and we are
; now apprehensive that the Story we
I first had in the Spring of the Tweek-
twese or naked Indians or Miamis
j (for they go by all these names , who
: live to the Southwest of Lake Erie
j being invited to attack this Country,
| is not altogether without a foundation,
' very few of our Indians have been
j privy of it, if there be anything in it,
j one Manawkyhickon, a near relation
of Oquaala's who was hanged last
I year in Jersey with one Coll. ipny one
of the Five Nations, but French by
birth, who both live near Shamokin
I or Susquehannah, are the Chiefs who

OTHER . LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

298

have been laboring mischief. Our
Lennappys or Delaware Indians
knew nothing of it. The Shawanese
we know are ready for any Mischief.
How far the Five Nations are privy
to it we can not judge. But the Gov-
ernour and Council who met yester-
day upon it, are of opinion that it is
of very great importance to us to
have an opportunity of speaking with
those Chiefs that were lately at Con-
estogoe, if. they are not yet returned,
for which purpose this with the en-
closed is now sent Exrpress that if
possible they may be prevailed on to
step hither.

You are therefore requested (if I
Wright can travel so far) to give
Civility the enclosed letter to him, ex-
plaining it in the best manner it can
be done, delivering him also the Belt
of Wampum for the Chiefs, though it
is desired, when he speaks to them,
if they are to be mett with that you
or some of you could be present. It
were to be wished he were more to
be depended on, he can not but think
himself but under some obligations
since the last treaty, but these work
not on some dispositions. He is the
best however that at present is to be
mett with to undertake it, and we
must endeavor to make the best of
him.

If those Chiefs are not come back
to Conestogoe, they should be care-
fully waited on and enquired after.
Or if they are anywhere on the Riv-
er, and not far above Pextan, they
should be brought back if possible.
And if they can not be prevailed on
to come to Philadelphia, the-v may it
is possible be perswaded to stay at
Conestogoe a few days, for to wait
for one who may come up to them
from hence. If they should not even
agree to this as we know they ac-
count themselves great men and are

stiff, then it is desired that they may
be told as follows.

That from the first settlement of
this Country, especially of late years,
there has been always a firm friend-
ship between us and the Five Nations.
They may remember a firm League
was made with their Chiefs at Cones-
togoe 18 years agoe, and again with
Ghesaont 7 years agoe at the same
j place, and again at Albany the next
| year or 1722, between all their Chiefs

i and our Governour with divers of our
i
Council, who went thither to meet

them, and that at all these times, es-
pecially the last, the Chain or League
of Friendship that had formerly
been made with them was brightened
I and made as strong as it was pos-
j sible to be made by Man. The same
| also was done in some measures last
| year with some of the Cayoogoes
! though that is not the nation we
i have generally treated with. The On-
ondagoes having commonly been the
people that have been sent to us,
and therefore we wondered that but
nine of the Cayoogoes came at that
time to visit us. That if they have
anything to say to us on any account
whatsoever, we should be glad to
hear it from some of their Chiefs,
and they may be assured they shall
meet with their true Friends and
Brethren in us.

But on the subject of the Cayoo-
goes, Caution should be used that
these* people who are come thither
are principally of that Nation, and
therefore their Nation should be first
enquired into, and no distinctions be
used that can give any offence. They
account the Onondagoes their best
Gentlemen, though not numerous.

Then if there be room for it, they
might be asked, whether ever they
heard that any of the French Indians
were encouraged to attack this Coun-

299

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

try, upon which they may be told,
that this has ever been a peaceable
country, and that by being perfectly
just to the Indians and all men, by
making them as one People with us,
and doing them all the Justice in
every case that we deal to one an-
other, we laid a firm foundation for
Peace, that we would have Peace with
all men, but if any shall be so un-
reasonable as without any provoca-
tion to attack us, we are now a very
great people and very numerous, and
do not want means to defend our-
selves by force, but like good men we
would choose to be defended .rath-
er by our Justice and Upright deal-
ings than by arms, for we believe
mankind was made to serve God and
for a much nobler end than to be
knocked on the Head.

They may be told also, that they
know very well the French are al-
ways contriving mischief against the
English to trouble them, and spare no
lies, no false stories and endeavors
to seduce and deceive the Indians.
But were it in the power of the
French and Indians that join them as
it is not at all in their power to de-
story the English, then the Five Na-
tions having none else to depend on
but the French would be entirely
ruined, they can not supply goods as
the English can, and when they get
the Upperhand and have nothing to
fear they are proud and cruel mas-
ters. The Indians would then be
slaves, they have therefore the strong-
est reasons in policy and on their
own account, to be hearty friends
and adhere closely to the English in-
terest. It is their own interest and
that will not deceive them.

These things ought on all occasions
to be inculcated in the way of conver-
sation, but with a seeming careless-
ness, as it were ridiculing the follies
of those who have any favorable opin-
ion of the French as Friends to the

i Indians, and they must if possible be
'talked over with these Chiefs. Phila-
idelphia would be the best place, but if
I not here, then there, by such as may
| go from hence, or by any others that
lean do it.

If I. Wright's health will not suf-
! fer him to travel so far, for which I
| should on other accounts be extreme-
! ly troubled, it is hoped I Bluns-
j ton with Adam Cornish may manage
this affair, and it might be advisable
that Eliz'r Cornish, who speaks the
language should privately between
themselves enter into as close a dis-
course as possible with Civility
! about what news he hears or what
i he knows.

This affair will give you some
trouble, but it is equally every man's
concern in the Government who has
anything in it that he values. If any
charge accrue it must be born by the
Publick. We hear by an Indian that at
Shamokin they have hanged cne Tim-
othy Higgins, a servant to Henry
Smith, an Indian trader, but we hope
lit is not true. Said Smith and John
Petty are gone up today to know how
matters are in those parts.

The substance of this you will easi-
ly see is to be managed with as little
noise as possible, that no alarm may
be given without a real occasion. We
hope there will be none, for on Indian
Stories there is very little dependence,
but prudence will advise to precau-
tion wherever it can be used.

Pray dispatch the Messenger as
soon as possible with a letter to ye
Governour, from whom this should
have come, but time would not so
jwell allow it".

I172&— Captain Civility's Message To

The Governor

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p
233, Captain Civility sends the follow-
ing letter to Governor Gordon: —

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

300

"Honarable Gouvner: —

When you was hear in the spring
Wee had a Counsell together and wee
did conclude to Come doune to Phila-
delphia in about two months after
that time, but wee of Conastogoe hav-
ing sent so sevarell of the Indians

luncapable att this time to answer ye
words of my old good friend Wm.
:Penn. This I send to you of my selfe
without consulttation of any, for my
I Eyes are full of tears for ye sake of
jmy child. Here are severall Shawa-
I ners and Conoys come, ye rest wee

that live a great way of, who are now | expect every hour, so that wee have

had no Councell as yett, and whether
they will come to Philadelphia or not
I can nott tell as yett:

My trouble is so greatt at this time
thatt itt so putts all other thoughtts
outt of my mind thatt I do nothing
butt crye every day, and con not bear
to come intto the sight of my friends,
otherwise would have come down with
my friend Edmund Cartlidge:

When my grieff and sorrow is a
little over and we have had our Coun-
cell here, you shall hear fron; us if I
doe not come myselfe. In the mean
time I am your good Friend,

CIVILITY."

on thear rode coming to see and
speak with the Gouvner, and the
Shawnays, Conoys, and Delawares
have brought a greatt maney skins to
Conastogoe in order to present the
Gouverner, but Captain Civillity hath
his own child dyed lately and he is so
mutch troubled that he can not come,
therefore the ConestoToes, Delawares,
Shawnays and Conoys, designes to
stay till next Spring, and then they
will come to see and treat with the
Gouvner att Philadelphia.

CAPTIN SIVILITY, X his mark.
Conestogoe, October 1st, 1728. To
William Chetwode at Wm. Murrays,
To the Honorable Patrick Gordon,
Esqr., Governour of Pennsylvania.

1728 — Captain Civility Sends Another
Message to the Government.

In the same book and page last
mentioned Captain Civility, who is

1728 — Shawanese Leave Lancaster
County

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p
329 as we have noticed before the
Shawanese in 1723 were told to leave
Lancaster County and about three
now very much trusted and relied up- [years later they were frightened by

on as a leading figure at Conestoga
among the Conestoga Indians and
who has the ancient Susquehannock
blood in him, send this letter to Gov-
ernor Gordon and the Council.
"My Brethren:

the Five Nations about their lands and
about a year after that the Delawares
commenced to trouble them. And
about the same time 1727 as we have
already seen they got into a foolish
fight with the Conestogas and others

The late death of my Child Causes and the result of it wag that 1hey left

so much Trouble and sorrow thatt att
this time It putts all other thoughts
outt of my mind. Nevertheless, I still
remember and retain the Governour's
late good speeches to us here att
Conestogoe, and am very glad thatt I
once more heard the words of Will-
iam Penn; but as I said before, my
srrieffe and sorrow so overpowers mee
thatt I am sorry thatt itt makes mee

Lancaster County. They were asked
in 1732 why they left and the message
which the Chiefs gave and the rea-
sons for leaving are set forth in the
book and at the page last mentioned,
as follows: —

"The Cheiffs of the Shawinese to
The Honourable Governour of Penn-
sylvania.

aoi

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Wee receive your message by our
friend Edmund Cartlidge, and take
itt very kindly and return you thanks
for ye dram given us, and wee hereby
acquaintt the Govern'r of the reason
thatt wee are come to settle here att
Ohioh.

About nine years agoe the 5 Nations
told us att Shallyschohking, wee did
not doe well to setle there, for there
was a greatt Noise in thl greatt
house and thatt in three years time,
all should know whatt they had to
say, as far as there was any settle-
ments or the Sun Sett.

About ye Expiration of three years
affore S'd, the 5 nations came and
said our land is going to be taken
from us. Come brothers assist us lett
fall upon and fight with the English,
wee answered them no, wee came
here for peace and have leave to set-
tle here, and we are in League with
them and can not break itt.

About a year after they, ye 5 na-
tions, Told the Delawares and us,
since you have nott harkened to us
nor regarded whatt we have said, now
wee will put pettycoatts on you, and
look upon you as women for the fu-
ture and nott as men. Therefore, you
Shawanese Look back towards Ohioh,
the place from whence you came, and
return thitherward, for now wee shall
take pity on the English and lett
them have all this Land.

And further Said now since you are
become women He take Peahohque-
lloman, and put itt on Meheahoam-
ing and He Take Meheahoaming and
putt itt on Ohioh, and Ohioh He putt
on Woabach, and thatt shall bee the
Warriours road for the future.

One reason of our leaving our for-
mer settlements and comeing here is
severall negro slaves used to run
away and come amongst us and wee
thought the English would blame us
for itt.

The Delaware Indians some time
agoe bid us departt for they was dry
and wanted to drink ye land away,
whereupon we told them since some
of you are gone to Ohioh, we will go
there also, we hope you will not
drink that away too.

And Whereas the Governour de-
sires to see some of us at Philadel-
phia we shall answer his requestt for
some of our Chieffs, will come this
Summer and pay him a visitt, but
how many of us and exactt the time
wee know nott as yett, butt when wee
are gott so far as Peter Charteries,
wee shall send word how many of us
there is and when wee shall bee there
and bring our friends ye Conestogoes
] allong with us in the mean time, we
| remain your friends and Brethren.
jPresentt: NOOCHICKONER,

James Letort. his X mark.

Interpreter. PAWQUAWISE.

Peter Chartire. his X mark.

his X mark UPPOCKEATY,

his X mark.

QUEEQUEEPTOO,

his X mark

Taken down by mee,

EDM'D. CARTLIDGE

To The Honourable Governour of
Pensilvania, These with Care and
Speed.

June ye 7th, 1732 or there abouts."

This leaving of the Shawanese is
also referred to and explained in
Vol. 15 of Haz. Reg., p. 82.

1728— Gordon Prepares For the Con-
estoga Treaty

In Vol. 3 of the Votes of the As-
sembly, p. 50 Gordon tells the As-
sembly that he has arranged to meet
the Conestoga Indians in May and al-
so all the other Indians in that sec-
i tion. Upon his return the Assembly
| want a copy of the treaty and they
I are not satisfied with the Governour

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

302

simply returning the treaty but they
want to examine it themselves, (See
3 Votes of the Assembly, p. 52). This
request of the Assembly grew out of
the fact that the presents the Gov-
ernor made at the treaty amounted
to 147 pounds and this sum was very
large, and for that reason the As-
sembly want to inspect the Treaty
carefully.

1728— Letort Sends Word That the

Five Nations are About to Join

the French

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 295 it
is set forth that James Letort from
the Susquehanna, came to Philadel-
phia and reported that the Five Na-
tions and all the Indians under them
were about to leave the English and
join the French.

1728 — The Conestoga Indians Off on
Their Hunt.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 297,
at a Council held the 18th of April,
1728, the habit of the Conestoga In-
dians in going away to hunt is stat-
ed. It is set forth by the Governor
that he would be ready to undertake
a journey to Conestoga whenever he
can be informed by John Wright that
the Indians have retured from hunt-
ing; and that he understood that
there were scarcely any Indians at
present about Conestoga, and as soon
as it was practicable nothing would
be wanting to establish a good under-
standing with them.

1728 — A Message Sent to the Cones-
togas To Get Ready for a
Treaty.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 305,
James Logan reports to the Council
on May 15, that pursuant to their or-
der a message was sent to Cones-

toga to convene the Indians to the
ensuing treaty and that the Messeng-
er was now returned and brought
word that the Indians were meeting
at Conestoga and expected the Gover-
nor in nine or ten days

1728— The Goods For the Presents

at the Conestoga Treaty

are Ordered.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 308,
the Council entered upon considera-
tion of the proper presents to be
made to the Indians and ordered that
the provincial Treasurer should pro-
vide and send up to Conestoga at
the first opportunity 25 Strowd
Matchcoats, twenty blankets, twenty
duffels, twenty-five shirts, one hun-
dred wt. gunpowder, two hundred
wt. of lead, five hundred flints and
fifty knives, with rum, bread, pipes,
and tobacco, together with such pro-
visions as may be necessary for the
Governor and His Company.

1728 — Governor Gordon Goes to the
Great Treaty at Conestoga.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec... p. 309,
it is stated in a memorandum that,
"Pursuant to an appointment with
the Indians at Conestogoe, the Gov-
ernour attended with some members
of Council, and divers other gentle-
men, to the number of aboui thirty,
who voluntarily offered their comapny
thither, sett out from Philadelphia
on the 22nd of May, and on the 23rd
in the evening came to the House of
Mr. Andrew Cornish, about a mile
distant from the Indian Town. The
24th ad 25th days were spent in
waiting for some other persons ex-
pected at the treaty and in mutual
civilities, and on the 26th the Treaty
began as follows:

At a Council held at the Indian
Town on Conestogoe, May 26th, 1728,

303

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

PRESENT:
The Honorable PATRICK GORDON,

Esqr., Lieut. Govr.

Some members of Council and divers

other Gentlemen.

PRESENT ALSO:

Ganytataronga, Tawenna, Tamiatch-
iaro, Taquatarensaly, alias Capt.
Civility— Chiefs of the Conestogoe
Indians.

Oholykon, Peyeashickon, Wikimiky-
ona — Chiefs of some of the Dela-
ware Indians on Brandywine.

Howickyoma, Skayanannego, Onney-
gheat, Nanamakamen, Peyhiohinas,
— Chiefs of the Shawanese Indians.
Weyso w-w a low, Keyseykakalow,
Nichtamskakow — Chiefs of the
Shawanese.
Shakawtawlin or Sam, Interpreter

from the English into the Delaware.
Captain Civility, Interpreter from

the Delaware into the Shawanese

and Mingoe (alias Conestogoe).

Pomapechtoa, Interpreter from the

Delaware into the Ganawese Lan-
guage.
Mr. Nicholas Scull, Mr. John

Scull, and Peter Bizallion, Assistant

Interpreters.

The Governour spoke as follows:

My Friends and Brethren: You are
sensible that the Great William Penn
the Father of this Countrey, when he
first brought his people with him over
the broad Sea, took all the Indians
and the old Inhabitants by the hand,
and because he found them to be a
sincere, honest people, he took them
to his heart and loved them as his
own. He then made a strong League
and chain of Friendship with them,
by which it was agreed that the In-
dians and the English, with all the
Christians, should be as one people
Your friend and Father William
Penn still retained a warm affection
for all the Indians, and strictly com-
maded those whom he sent to govern
this people to treat the Indians as

his children, and continued in this
kind love for them until his death.

His sons have now sent me over in
their stead, and they gave me strict
charge to love all the Indians as their
Brethren, and as their father William
Penn loved you. I would have seen
you before this time, but I fell sick
soon after I came over, and con-
tinued so till next Spring. I then
waited to receive some of the Five
Nations who came to see me at
Philadelphia, and last fall I heard
you were all gone out a hunting.

I am now come to see you, and to
renew the ancient Friendship which
has been between William Penn's
people ad you. I was in hopes that
Sassoonan and Opekasset, with their
people, would have been likewise
here, they have sent me kind mes-
| sages and have a warm love for the
Christians. I believe they will come
to me at Philadelphia, for since they
could not get thither I have desired
them to meet me there.

I am now to discourse with my
Brethren, the Conestogoes, Delawares
Ganawese and Shawanese Indians
upon Susquehannah, and to speak in
love to them.
My Brethren:

You have been faithful to your

Leagues with us, your Hearts have

been clean, and you have preserved

the Chain from Spotts or Rust, or if

there were any you have been careful

! to wipe them away ; your Leagues

jwith your Father William Penn and

| with his Governours are in writing

j on Record, that our children and our

children's children may have them in

| everlasting remembrance. And we

know that you preserve the memory

iof those things amongst you by tell-

; ing them to your children, and they

again in the next generation, so that

| they remained stamped on your minds

i never to be forgott.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

304

The Chief Heads or Strongest
Links of this Chain I find are these
nine, viz:

1st. That all William Penn's
people or Christians, and all the In-
dians should be Brethren, as the
children of one Father, joined to-
gether as with one Heart, one Head
and one Body.

2nd. That all Paths should be open
and free to both Christians and In-
dians.

3d. That the Doors of the Chris-
tian House should be open to the
Indians and the Houses of the In-
dians open to the Christians, and
they should make each other wel-
come as their friends.

4th. That the Christians should not
believe any false rumors or Reports
of the Indians, nor the Indians be-
lieve any such Rumors or Reports
of the Christians, but should first
come as brethren to enquire of each
other; and that both Christians and
Indians, when they hear any such
false reports of their Brethren, they
should bury them as in a bottomless
Pitt.

5th. That if the Christians hear
any ill news that may be to the Hurt
of the Indians, or the Indians hear
any such ill news that may be an in-
jury to the Christians, they shall
acquaint each other with it speedily
as true friends and Brethren.

6th. That the Indians should do
no manner of Harm to the Christians
nor their creatures, nor the Chris-
tians do any hurt to any Indians, but
each treat the other as their Breth-
ren.

7th. But as there are wicket People
in all Nations, if either Indians or
Christians should do any harm to
each other, Complaint should be
made of it by the Persons suffering
that Right may be done, and when

I Satisfaction is made, the Injury or

I Wrong should be forgott and be bur-

i ied as in a bottomless Pitt.

8th. That the Indians should in all
things assist the Christians, and the
Christians assist the Indian against
all wicked People that would disturb
them.

9th. And lastly, that both Chris-
tians and Indians should acquaint
their Children with this League and
firm Chain of Friendship made be-
tween them, and that it should al-
ways be made stronger and stronger
and be kept bright and clean, with-
out Rust or Spott between our Chil-
dren and Children's children, while
the Creeks and Rivers run, and while
the Sun, Moon and Stars endure.

And for a confirmation on our
Parts of all these Several Articles,we
bind them with these several parcels
of goods, viz:

20 Strowd Matchcoats, 20 Duffells,

i 20 Blanketts, 20 Shirts, 1 Cwt. of

! Gunpowder, 2 Cwt. of Lead, 500

I Flints, 50 Knives.

| After which the Governour proceed-

jed and said,
My Brethren:

I have now spoke to you on the
League and Chain, of Friendship,

| first made by your Father William

;Penn with your Fathers, which is
confirmed. I am now to acquaint
you with an unhappy accident that
has afflicted me and all good people
amongst us, and we lament and
mourn with you on the heavy misfor-
tne.
About forty days agoe we heard

I that the Twechtweys were coming as
Enemies against this Countrey. I be-

j lieve it is false, for we never hurt
the Twechtweys ; and about eighteen
days since I received an Express
from the Ironworks at Mahanatawny,

, acquainting me that eleven foreign

305

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Indians, painted for War, and armed
with Guns, Pistoles and Swords,were
come amongst our Inhabitants, plun-
dering them and taking away their
provisions by force, whereupon some
of our People, to the number of
twenty men, with arms, went to speak
to them Civilly but the Indians fired
upon them and wounded some of
them; our men likewise fired on the
Indians and wounded some of them
also, but the Indians fired first. It
was very ill done to fire.

As soon as I had this Account I
took horse and went to Mahatawny
with several gentlemen of Philadel-
phia, but the Indians were gone off.
I found our people believed there I
were more coming, and therefore
Borne hundred mett together with
their Arms to defend themselves in
case the Indians should attack them.

As I was returning home I heard
news that grieved me exceedingly. I
was told that two or three furious
men amongst us had killed three or
four Indians, who vrerp. friends and
hurt two girls. I went back mourn-
ing and sent out men to take the
Murderers, who were accordingly
taken, and they are now in Irons and
Dungeon to be tried by the laws of
the Great King of the English, as if
they had killed so many of his own
Subjects. I have likewise caused
search to be made for the dead
bodies, and two women were found
murdered, who by my order were
laid in a grave and covered with
Shirts and Strowds. I hear likewise
that the dead body of an Indian man
has been found and is buried.

You know there are wicked people
among all Nations; there are ill
People amongst you a,nd you are
sometimes forced to put them to
death. The English are a Great
People, and there are likewise wick-
ed men amongst them. I mourn for

this misfortune, and will do all I
can to comfort the relations of the
Dead when I see them, which I hope
willl be at Philadelphia with Sasso-
onan and Opekasset.

About eight months agoe I receiv-
ed an account that an Englishman
was killed by some Indians, at the
House of John Burt, in Snaketown, I
heard John Burt was very abusive
to the Indians, and I sent to appre-
hend him, but he fled; if he can be
taken he will be punished. But
since there was a Man killed, we
expect the Indians will doe us Jus-
tice by apprehending the Murtherers
that they may be punished, for we
must be just and faithful to each
other, that this spot may be wiped
away and the Chain be kept bright
and clean.

You know, my Brethren, that one
Link of the Chain is, that when the
Indians are uneasy they should tell
it to us, ad when we are uneasy we
will tell it to them. I therefore de-
sire your hearts, may be open, that
I may know if you have any cause
of Grief which I will endeavour to
remove, for I am your Brother.

I have issued a proclamation re-
quiring all our People to use you
well which shall be read unto you
before I goe away, I will prevent any
Hurt being done to our Friends the
Indians, because those who do not
behave themeslves agreeable to what
is therein commanded, will be severe-
ly punished.
At a Council held at the Indian Town

at Conestogoe, May 27th, 3 728
PRESENT:

The Honorable PATRICK GOR-
DO, Esqr., Lieut. Governor.

And the same as before.

TAWENNA in the name and on the
behalf of all the Indians present
spoek to the Governour, which was

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

306

rendered into English by John Scull,
Interpreter, and is as follows:

Give ear my Brethren of Philadel-
phia, the Conestogoe Indians, the
Shawanese, the Ganawese and Dela-
ware have somewhat to say, which,
they will speak presently.

They say they look upon the Gov-
ernour as if William Penn himself
were present. They are four Nations
and among them there are several
follish people, as if they were just
sprung from the earth; but that since
their first Friendship with William
Penn, they never have received any
wrong or injury from him or any of
his People.

That several foolish people among
them committed follies and indiscre-
tions, but they hope these will never
interrupt the Friendship which is be-
tween their People and us, for that
they and William Penn's people are
as one People, that cat, as it were,
with one mouth and are one body
and one Heart.

Then presenting a belt of Wam-
pum of eight rows, they say: That
would not have the Governour
grieve too much the rash inconsid-
erate actions of late have been com-
mitted; they must be buried and for-
gott, for that what has happened was
done by their Friends, if it had been
done by their enemies they would
have resented it, but that we and
they are one; that they have always
mett with Justice and kindness from
William Penn, and* from the Gover-
nours whom he has sent here, and
thus do all the Indians of Cones-
togoe, Delaware, the Shawanese and
Ganawese say.

That they are extremely glad and
satisfied with what the Governour
said to them yesterday, it greatly re-
joiced their Hearts, that they have
had no such speech made to them

since the time that the Great William
Penn was amongst them, that all was
good and that nothing was amiss.

Then presenting four Strings of
Wampum, they say: they will visit
the Governour at Philadelphia after
the harvest is over and then they
will speak fully to him as their
Brother and Friend, for the Cones-
togoes Delawares, Shawanese and
Ganawese will then come to him,
and he may look up the Conestogoe
road and expect them; that what
happened at John Burt's house was
not done by them, it was done by one
of the Menysincks, who are of an-
other Nation, and therefore they can
say nothing to it.

After the Answer of the Indians
some of the Gentlemen present mov-
ed the Governour, that seeing now
there was a numerous Company of
our inhabitants mett together, he
would be pleased to press the In-
dians to declare to him if they suf-
fered any Grievance or Hardship
from this Government, because sev-
eral reports had been industriously
spread abroad as if they had some
just cause of Complaint. And the
Governour having ordered the Inter-
preters to acquaint them herewith;
they all answered; that they had no
cause of complaint, that William
Penn and his people had still treated
them well, and they had no uneasi-
ness.

The Governour then told them that
he was well pleased with what they
had said unto him, and that since
the Indian, who killed the English-
man at Burt's house is not of their
nation, he would demand Justice
from the Nation to which he belong-
ed.

The Proclamation was then inter-
preted unto them, which pleased
them very much.

307

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

Then the Governour having ordered
some Rum, Bread, Tobacco and
Pipes to be delivered to them, and
likewise one Strowd Matchcoat and
one Shirt to Civility one Strowd
Matchcoat and Shirt to Shawatawlin,
or Sam, and one Shirt to Pompa-
pechtya, the three Interpreters; he
took all the Indian Chiefs by the
hand, and desired them thac when
they returned home they should ac-
quaint all their People with what had
now passed between them and us,
and that the Remembrance thereof
might endure forever."

1728 — Philadelphia's Reception to

Governor Gordon on His Ke-

turn from the Great

Conestoga Treaty

It is evident that the Province of
Pennsylvania was in a considerably
excited condition at this time, be-
cause of the troubles whch the
Shawanese were making and other
Indian dissatisfactions arising about
Conestogoe and in the neighborhood
of Tulpyhocken. The Treaty was
therefore a great event and upon the
Governor's return to Philaedlphia,
the people gave him a hearty wel-
come.

The American Weekly Mercury in
its issue of May 30, 1728, gives this
account of the Governor's return
and reception, as follows:

"Yesterday the Hon. Patrick Gor-
don, Esqr., our Governor returned
from Conestoga, having finished the
treaty wtih the Indians in those
parts to the entire satisfaction of all
that were present. This timely and
prudent management of the Gover- !
nor's has made everything quiet and !
easy and the Indians were so pleased [
that they said they never had such a I
satisfactory speech made to them !
since the great William Penn spoke i

to them himself. His honor was met
some miles from this City by Richard
Hill and divers gentlemen and wel-
comed back with a handsome colla-
tion in the woods: at the City
bounds his Honor was received in a
very genteel manner by Thomas
Lawrence, Esq., our Mayor and a
very great number of gentlemen, as
well as strangers as city inhabitants,
who with several ladies with coaches
accompanied his Honor to his house:
it is reckoned the cavalcade consist-
ed of near 200 people, which is a far
greater number than has ever been
known to meet together on such an
an occasion at any time before in this
Province.

We are told that the Country
! people in and about Conestoga were
so highly satisfied with the Governor
in every part of his conduct that
notwithstanding the scarcity occa-
sioned by the late hard winter they
brought in of their own good will,
large quantities of provisions of all
sorts and would take no pay for them.
About 250 men on horseback accom-
panied his Honor to the Indian town
when the treaty was held and great
numbers flocked in from all parts to
pay their compliments to him, sa it
was said there was never seen
amongst the inhabitants a greater
harmony and a more cheerful readi-
ness to assist with what was in their
power, than appeared on this occa-
sion, which is cheerfully owing to
the affable, courteous behavior of the
Governor."

This is a glowing tribute to the
Governor and we can imagine the
strange scene the old Indian town of-
Conestoga, with its few scores of
white man's primitive buildings ap-
pearing here and there in the woods.
From this article several hundred
people must have been present and

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

308

considering the primitive state of
Pennsylvania at that time, it was as
big an event as when several thou-
sand gather together in these days.
A little contemplation of the primi-
tive scene between the Conestoga
and Susquehanna, in what is now
Manor township, not far from the
town of Rock Hill, ought to give one
a great deal of quiet pleasure.

1728— The Dsturbed Condition of the
Indians of the Susque-
hanna River.

There was such uproar through
the Indain sections of Pennsylvania
at this time and a feeling that dan-
ger and. slaughter were about to
happen, that on the 3rd of June just
a week after the Governor's return,
at a Court of Quarter Sessions held
that day, a charge was delivered
from the Bench to the Grand Jury,
of which the following is the close:
"Gentlemen:

You with all other inhabitants
have observed the emotion and
unreasonable panic which lately pos-
sessed great numbers of the People,
It is true something has happened
which raised the notice and concern
not only of the Government but of
every good man; but it is really
surprising to hear of the many, idle
groundless and lying stories which
have been bruited and thrown out to
alarm and isturb the people, some
of which may have risen from ignor-
ance and fear; but we wish it were
less obvious that much more have
proceeded from a wicked design
against the Peace and safety of the
Country; we need not be more partic-
ular but hope every true man will in
his mind, mark such incendiaries.

You will see published the Gover-
nor's treaty with the Indians on Sus-
quehanna and some of the Delawares

about Brandy wine. The Chiefs with
others of the Delawares are now
here at the Governor's request. You
will find by the treaty that there
never was a more amicable, open
and hearty freedom between us than
at this time, which appeared as well
in their countenances and behavior
as in words.

This is noted to you. That as you
are dispersed in several parts of the
country, you may as occasion offers
in all conversations endeavor to
quiet the minds of the people and
persuade them, for the future not to
hearken to, much less assist in
spreading lies and ridiculous tales —
and we heartily wish it may not
hereafter be observed, that the In-
dians are more calm and prudent
than some of our people.

They in their Councils have a dis-
creet and just way of thinking, and
although they can not but be touched
with grief, as is every honest man
among us, at such as the late un-
happy accidents yet they wisely
make all give way to the strict
League and friendship which hath
from our first settlement subsisted
between the Christians and them,
and impute crimes to madness, folly
and wickedness of the actors.

We shall close with the reasonable
hope or assurance that if we do not
provoke the Almighty God by our
forgetfulness of him and by our in-
numerable animosities and follies to
scourge us that way, there appears
no danger from the Indians.

We entreat you therefore to excite
all the people to use them well and
to give no offence as the Governor
by his late proclamation has admon-
ished and commanded; and let not
that be done indiscreetly — either by
tippling with them, foolish talking
or asking childish and impertinent

309

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

questions, expressing a ridiculous
bravery on one hand or foolish fears
on the other; but let it be with all
manliness, gravity and sobriety as
well as strict justice; this will honor
our profession as Christians, and
draw their regard and love to us as
Englishmen."

This may be seen in the American
Weekly Mercury in the issue of June
6, 1728.

1728— Two Chiefs Who Were at Con-

estoga Treaty Come to

Philadelphia,

In the issue of June 6, 1728 of the
American Weekly Mercury it is
stated that two chiefs, who were at
the Conestoga treaty came to Phila-
delphia and a treaty was made with
them, which pleased them very much.

1728— The Five Nation Chiefs at
Conestoga.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 330, it
is stated that the Chiefs of the Five
Nations are now at Conestoga and
have great power over all the In-
dians; that the Five Nations have ab-
solute authority over all the Indians
and have them do whatever they
choose.

1728— A Great Number of the Five

Nations and Some other Indians

Will Come to Philadelphia

in the Spring.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 333, it
is set forth that a great number of
representatives of the Five Nations
and some other Indians are coming
to Philadelphia in the Spring to treat
with the Governor and the Council.

1728 — Samuel Blunston Sends a Let-
ter to the Governor About In-
dian Disorders.

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 216, a letter of Samuel Blunston
is set forth as follows:

"May ye 12th, 1728.
Friend James Logan:

This Morning the Messenger
brought the Letter to Neighbor
Wright, who being very ill with a
Rheumatic pain in his thigh, desired
me to call on the Indians (in my way
to Pequea, where I was going), and
deliver thy message, which I have ac-
cordingly done, and they say they
will send a Messenger to Peshtank
tomorrow, but Shamaken is too far,
and they have not provision in their
Town to entertain em. But the Shaw-
anas and Canawas, with all of them
who are at home, will expect the
Governour in their Town, in nine or
ten days: here is an old Indian re-
turned from the Five Nations, says
some of their Chiefs are coming to
Philadelphia in about three weeks to
renew the alienee, that they are of
Opinion the Indians who were at
Manahalany have been put on by the
French to Stir up mischief. Last
week eight of this town, the King
one of them, went out to War, the
rest are home. Provision is very
scarce this way; there are so many
wagons going down this week that it
is needless to engage any, for you
may have your choice. I do hope this
skirmish will not come to an open
rupture for we borderers are in the
most danger. I am with respect to
self and wife, Thy Friend,

SA. BLUNSTON."

1729 — The County of Lancaster
Organized.

In order that we may keep our
bearings on the time of the happen-
ing of the events we are speaking
about, I make note here that in the
Spring of 1729 Lancaster County was
Organized and created out of a Part
of Chester County.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

310

1729— Conestoga Indians Again in

Philadelphia at a Treaty.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 361, it
is set forth that at a Council held
May 26, 1729 at Philadelphia.

"PRESENT:
The Honorable PATRICK GORDON,
Esqr., Lieut. Governour; James
Logan, Richard Hill, Ralph Ashe-
ton, Samuel Hazel, Esqrs.

PRESENT ALSO:
Tawenna, Ganyatorouga, Tacquatar-

ensaly, alias Civility, Chiefs of the

Conestoga Indians.
Amawoolit, Peyhiohinas, Yaoehkon-

guess, Chiefs of the G'anawese.
Peyashickon, Whawyaygamen, Say-

kalin, Chiefs of the Delawares.

(With several other Indians).
Mr. Peter Bizallion and Mr. John

Scull, Interpreters.

The Governour told the Indians
that he was very glad to see them,
and that accordingly to their Desire
he had called his Council together to
hear what they had to say.

Civility then said that none of the
Shawanese are now come because
unhappily, having spent ail their
provisions on rum, they are obliged
to stay at home to provide subsis-
tence for their families by hunting,
but that they have contributed
equally in the presents now to be
made, and desired these now present
to speak in their name.

Then directing his discourse to the
Governour he said:

That the Governour did not come to
see them at Conestoga the first year
after his arrival, being hindered by
sickness and business, but that last
year he came to see them, for which
they were very glad, and then spoke
to them particularly about the Death
of those Indian People that were
then killed. That the Governour
then expressed his and all the Eng-
lish people's sorrow for their death,

and they were afflicted with them,
though those that were killed were
not of their people, but that they are
now come to desire the Governour
may grieve no more, but that the
memory of the whole may be entirely
buried in the Ground and never be
remembered.

That the Governour, the English
and the Indians, are all as one People
and one body, that if they had receiv-
ed anything on their stomach that
was harsh and unpleasant, they must
bring it all up, purge it out and
cleanse their Hearts, that they all
may be pure and clean and remain
all the same People and body as be-
fore.

That if there has been any uneasi-
ness between us, or any cause of
Grief, it must be all done away; they
are now come for that purpose; they
will sweep the house clean and make
the floors all white so that there shall
not the least Spott of Blackness re-
I main.

That what the Governour said to
them at Conestoga pleased them
much; it was all right and good; they
had never any speech made to them
since William Penn was here- and as
the Governour then spoke they desire
it may so continue that they may be
ever the same; and that the Candle
of Love should always burn, and that
there should never any Uneasiness
subsist between us.

The Conestogoe, Delaware, Shawa-
nese and Ganawese Indians all agree
in what he has said, and resolve for-
ever to continue in the Same Love
and Friendship with the English as
one people, and as they all joined
together in what was said last Spring
at Conestogoe, they are now come
hither to repeat the same.

As they are all one People with the
Christians, so their Children must be
the same as the Children of the same
parents, for they are all come from
the same father and mother.

3il

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

That as the Governour desired last
year at Conestogoe, that the roads
between Philadelphia, Conestoga and
the Five Nations should be clear and
open and free from all Grubs and
Thorns and everything that can give
any Offense, they find it is truly so,
and are resolved that it shall so re-
main while they live.

That last year the Governour told
them that the English and the In-
dians must help each other as Breth-
ren whenever they meet, that their
desire it may be always so; that the
English may help them in their
Wants and the Indians shall always
assist the English when they meet
^hem in the woods; they will treat
them with clean food, and in pure
vessels, they will eat together out ot
one clean, and white dish without any
Spot, as a MARK of the Cleanness of
their Hearts.

That not only the Indians that
were at Conestogoe last year, but
likewise those of the whole Country,
were pleased with what then passed
and that the presents then delivered
to them were divided into the small-
est parts, that it might reach all the
Indians everywhere and be read as a
letter.
Then TAWENNA stood up and said:

He never spoke since Wiliiam
Penn was here till last Spring, and
now speaks the same again to the
Governor. That William Penn in his
house in his Town, told them they
must be one body and he now says
the same; they are not to be as one
people bound together to each other,
though the bonds were ever so strong,
though they were of iron, for even in
that case the one may suffer and the
other escape, but they and we as
William Penn said must be as the
same body, half the one and half the
other, that cannot be divided, that

each may have, both Joy and Pain
alike, as the same body and division.

William Penn said as both Nations
were to be the same Body, so that if
by any stroke that body were to be
divided down the middle into two
parts so that they fell assunder,
this should be looked upon as the
Act of Providence, which neither
could help or be blamed for.

William Penn further said that if
all the people around us should differ
one with another, yet we must not
differ but continue the same in love
and Peace; that the Indians ought
not hastily to go out to war but
rather should study peace, and that if
they were attacked he and his people
would be ready to defend them, for
that we art all as one people. Wil-
liam Penn told the Indians that he
loved them all; their Men, Women
and Children, and that he held Coun-
cils with them to perpetuate the
remembrance and affection towards
them, that the Friendship he had es-
tablished with them was to last for
many generations; that their old men
die and others come in their room,
who likewise die, but that the Love
and Friendship between the Indians
and English ought to remain forever

Tawenna said, he hopes the Gover-
nour will continue in the same strong
Friendship and Love with all the In-
dians, for their hearts are sincere
and true, and they all desire that no
unhappy accident may ever interrupt
that Peace which subsists between
che English and them, and that all
these things which Governour Penn
spoke to them may ever be remem-
bered and imprinted on our and their
hearts, so as to be observed inviol-
ably.

That he is well pleased with all
that has passed between us and them,
but is apprehensive some mischief

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

312

may happen through the great quan-
tities of rum which are daily carried
amongst the Indians, who being
greedy of that liquor are soon de-
bauched by it, and may then easily
be stirred up to some unhappy or ill
action.

That William Penn told them he
would not suffer any larger quanti-
ties of liquor to be brought among
them, and that they might stave the
casks and spill it if they found any
in the woods, but that now several
hogsheads of rum are brought to
Conestogoes and to several other
places in their road and near to them
by which the Indians are tempted
not only to sell their peltry but like-
wise their clothing for that Liquor,
and are much impoverished thereby.

That William Penn often told them
if any Christian committ any foolish
or ill action amongst them, they
should seize him without doing him
any violence, and bring such person
to him, that the matter might be en-
quired into, for that he had made a
Boal for the bad and wicked amongst
his own people.

That William Penn is dead, but he
now repeats all these things to the
Governour whom he looks upon as
in his stead, and if as William Penn
himself was alive; that he remem-
bers all these things which were then
said and he has now spoke in the
name of the Conestogoe, Ganawese,
Delaware and Shawanese Indians.

CIVILITY added that he was very
uneasy lest any mischief should
happen through the great plenty of
rum daily brought amongst them.
This concern he said was not so
much for fear of any accident among
the Indians themselves, for if one In-
dian should kill another they have
many ways of making up such an af-
fair, but this uneasiness proceeded

from an apprehension least a Chris-
tian should be ill used by any Indian
intoxicated with that Liquor.

In confirmation of all this, and of
their love and friendship for this
Government, they now present a
large parcel of skins.

The Governour thanked them for
their present and having expressed
his satisfatcion with what they had
said, told them he would speak to
them tomorrow.

At a Council held at Philadelphia,
May 27, 1729.

PRESENT:

The Honourable PATRICK GOR-
DON, Esqr., Lieut. Governour, James
Logan, Richard Hill, William Fish-
bourn, Clement Plumsted, Esqrs.
And the same Indians as before, with

Mr. Bizallion Interpreter.
The Governour spoke to the Indians
in these words:

My Friends and Brethren:

Seeing your affairs would not suf-
fer you as you proposed last year, to
make a return to my visit to you at
Conestogoe, I am pleased to see you
now here, and wish that some of the
Shawanese had also accompanied
you; but since you speak for them
by their direction, and they join in
your Present, I take what you say as
if it were truly spoke by all the four
Nations and as an answer to what I
then spoke.

I am glad to find by your discourse
that you not only remember what I
said to you last Spring, but also
there are some yet living who can
remember what your father William
Penn said to your people when he
was in this countrey, from thence
you see that his words and mine are
the same. He agreed with all the
Indians whom he treated with in the
several points that I laid before you
at Conestogoe; they were his words,

313

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

though spoken by me, and as I ob-
serve the old men will remember
them, so now I desire you again to
repeat them over to your children
and require them to remember them
and repeat them again to their chil-
dren, that the same may be continued
not only to your children but,
through all generations and all ages.

By this means we shall truly con-
tinue not only as Friends and Broth-
ers, but one people, of one Body, one
Mind and one Heart. We shall re-
joice together and be sorrowful to-
gether, and we shall be the same.

I need not say anything further to
you on these heads, for it would be
only to repeat the same things, there-
fore I only say: let us remember all
the good words that have been spok-
en. Your words have been good and
your present is good. I take it kind-
ly, and I return you some goods
proper to cloath you, with some
Powder and lead and Provisions for
your journey, that you may go from
hence cheerfully and make all the
Indians over the whole cheerful with
the words that have been spoken;
that you and they and all of us may
keep the chain bright and clear and
without spott forever.

I must add that you complained
much of your suffering by rum;
many laws you know have been made
against it; but your people make all
these laws of no effect; they will
have it; they send their women for it
to all places where it can be had;
and we can make no laws against
your drinking it; you must make
these yourselves. If your women
would carry none of it it would be
more easy; I shall endeavor how-
ever, to prevent it being carried in
such Quantities.

Then the following goods which
were prepared by order of the Board

were delivered to them, viz: 20
Stroud Matchcoats, 8 Blanketts, 8
Duffels, 20 Shirts, Half a barrel of
Powder, One hundred weight of lead,

2 Dozen Knives & 1 Dozen Looking
Glasses; with Rum, Bread, Cheese,
Bacon, Tobacco and pipes. A gun
was likewise ordered to be given to
Civility. The Governour then took
all the Indians by the hand and
wished them a safe journey home.
The Bundles of Skins delivered by
the Indians being examined and
weighed, were found to contain, 72
fall Derr Skins, weighing 287 pounds,
79 Summer Deer Skins, weighing 142
pounds ; 108 Drest Deer Skins, weigh-
ing 119 pounds; 3 Beavers, weighing

3 pounds, 17 Racoons, 3 Foxes and
6 Catts.

Which were ordered to be sold by
the Treasurer, and the produce
thereof applied towards the charge of
the Present Treaty."

1729— The Ganawese, Delawares and

Several Other Tribes of Indians

Present at the Above

Treaty Also.

I here merely make note of the fact
that these various other tribes of In-
dians were also present at the treaty,
to show their prominence. What
part they took all appears in the
treaty itself.

1729— The Damage Done by the In-
dians Kear the Chester County
Line Paid for.

We remember that in an earlier
item we spoke of the complaint of a
Lancaster County citizen against the
Indians who killed his cow. Provis-
ion was made for the loss of the cow
and the destruction of the property
as appears in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec,
p. 366, as follows:

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

314

"To Richard Thomas, Four Pounds
as the price of a cow killed and eat
up by the Indians of the Five Na-
tions, in their return home from
Philadelphia, after the treaty with
them in July, 1727, certified by a
Justice of Chester County, and the
value of the Cow ascertained by the
affirmations of two lawful men of
that County."

1729— The Southern Indians Kill
Some Conestogas.

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 238 a letter written by Captain
Civility to Governour Gordon, as fol-
lows:

"CONESTOGOE, June 10th, 1729.

Sir: Knowing the good correspond-
ence settled betwixt us, am willing
to acquaint the Governour, having
no other in the world to tell my
troubles to of this nature, which is of
the Barbarous Usage of the Shorrey
Indians beolnging to South Carolina
which was about 4 days ago, they
robbed three houses upon Pertomack
belonging to us, forty of our men is
gone after them, in order to pursue
them, they likewise killed fifty-nine
men belonging to us at the Five Na-
tions town, and has taken two
women and a boy prisoners, first
they came upon them and killed
eight men, then they came to a par-
ley to make peace, but could not pre-
vail, the Captain that went out was
taken, and then they surrendered the
town, this is a true relation of our
unfortunate brothers, of their suffer-
ings by those barbarous Indians.
So concluding with my humble ser-
vice to your Lady and pleace to ac-
cept the same to your Honour from
your most humble, obedient servant.

His
CAPTN. CIVILITY,
mark.

Direction: *

To Patrick Gordon, Esq'r.,

Governour of Pennsilvania."

11729 — Further Light on the Killing.

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 240, Civility writes another letter
to Gordon in which he says:
"GOVERNOUR:

I received your answer to my let-
ter and thank you for your love and
care over us.

Wee have no manner of hopes or
expectation of having Currundaw-
awnah redeemed if hee sbould be
still alive, which wee do not expect;
if any of us should go there on that
intent, provided he was stil living we
should be liable to fall into the same
misfortune.

I impute that to ye Five Nations
own fault for they was the cause of
their own ruin, had they stayed at
home they might still been all living.

Wee the Conestogoes are fearful
leastt such provocations should be
ye action to draw ye Southern In-
dians near, if not as far as this place,
we have heard that they have of late
been about Potomack; and we have
sent all our young brisk men accom-
panied with some Delawares and
Conoys in all near thirty men in or-
der to Look outt and see if they can
find any of the Southern Indians
there; the .reason of our so doing is
because our time of hunting Draws
nigh, and our people being fearful,
and if they find the Coastt clear they
may yet better hunt with Courage.

About two months ago the South-
ern Indians killed and took nine of
the Shawanese living on a branch of
Potomack near the Greatt Moun-
tains; the white impute to their own
faults for settling so near their ene-
mies.

I would myself go to warr had I

311

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

butt forty men at my command, but
our number is so small we are nott
Capable of making such attack; if I
should call our young men together
on such an ocation they have several
excuses, one wanting shoes, another
Powder and Lead; and tell them to
provide for the same as fast as they
get anything away itt goes for Rum,
such is the Folly of our People.

So much for ye present. In time
perhaps I may have more to say.

CIVILITY."

Edward Cartlidge also adds a note
to this letter and says that a certain
Indian with two others met him and
said they knew nothing of the South-
ern Indians being about.
1730 — Mingo Indians Commit Depre-
dations.

In Vol. 3 of the Coloniel Rec, p.
382, testimony was taken about some
depredations of the Indians against
the whites in Lancaster county as
follows:

"The examination of Samuel
Hornyhook and John Wilson, taken
before one of the Justices of the
Peace for the County of Lancaster,
touching the loss sustained by them
by Depredations of the Mingoe In-
dians and the reference of the house
thereon being likewise read, the
Board in Compassion of the low cir-
cumstances of the said Sufferers, are
of Opinion that they be allowed the
amount of their loss, as set forth
upon oath in their rexive Examina-
tions, vizt: to the said Hornyhook
Five Pounds and to the said Wilson
Three Pounds ten shillings."
1730 — James Mitchell of Lancaster
County Wants Pay for the Ser-
vices to the Indians.

In the same book and at the same
page last mentioned, the following
appears:

"An account was then exhibited by
James Mitchell, of the County of
Lancaster, for charges by him ex-
pended on a message to and from the
Indians, in the year 1722, and for his
trouble of explaining to them the
Treaty of Albany, by order of the
Government, (he being then the only
acting Magistrate in those parts of
the Country), and it appearing that
the said services were performed,
and" that no allowance had hitherto
been made to the said James
Mitchell for the same, it is the opin-
ion of the Board that the sum of six
pounds and ten shillings and six
pence be paid to him, in full for his
trouble and expense aforesaid."

1730— The Indians Complain Against

Isaac Miranda, An Indian Trader

on Susquehanna River.

The Indians of Lancaster county
in a petition found in Vol. 1 of the
Penna. Archives, p. 266 make the fol-
lowing complaint:

"To the Justices of the County of
Lancaster.
Gentlemen:

I have recived a petition of Coch-
uscunt and Memocollen, two Indians,
seting forth a great abuse and impo-
1 sition they have suffered from Isaac
Miranda, which being committed
within your jurisdiction properly
comes under your Cognizance and
therefore I have herewith transmit-
ted to you the said petition, that you
make a full and particular enquiry
! into the Truth of the facts sett forth
thereof, and if you find allegations
: therein contained to be true, I desire
you will order Mr. Miranda to make
retribution of the goods which he
has taken away and likewise to enter
into recognizance for his good be-
jhavior and appearance at your en-
suing Court, I am
August 21, 1720."

P. GORDON.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

316

1730— Inquest Into the Death of In-
dians in Lancaster County.

In Vol. 1 of the Pena. Archives, p.
267, the following inquisition is sett
forth about Indian slaughter:

"August 28, 1730.
Lancaster County, ss.:

THIS INQUISITION, Indented and
taken in the Township of Dorsey, in
ye County aforesaid and ye province
of Pennsylvania, before Joshua Lowe,
Coroner for our Sovereign Lord ye
King, and for ye said County in ye
view of the bodies of three Indians,
two men and one woman, there at a
certain run lying dead, by ye oaths of
John Postlethwait, Jonas Davenport,
Patrick Campble, John Williams,Rice
Price, John McCurry, John Gal-
breth, David Campbell, John Taylor,
William Hays, Patrick Hays, Chris-
topher Vanlaer, John Carr, Thomas
Hill, William White and Alexander
E. Hutchinson, good and lawful men
of the said County, who being
charged on their said qualification to
enquire how the said Indians came to
their end, to say that according to
several circumstances there being no
evidence the said Indians were fel-
loniously killed and murdered, there
appearing in every one of their
heads, One mortal wound (to Viz:) in
the woman one mortall wound in the
left side of her head like a cut with
a small ax or Tom Hock, and one of
ye men a cut or great bruise in ye
left side of ye head on his temple,
and the other man a briuse in the
skul in ye fore part of his head, and
a large cut in ye left side of his
head near ye eye; and they wrapped
up in their shrouds or blankets, and
buried in the said run and covered
with some logs earth and stones,
and by ye bodies being so putrified
and decayed ye suppose they may

have been murdered as aforesaid for
the space of three months, but who
they were or what Nation they were
this inquisition finds not, nor can we
find any reason or grounds to charge
any Christians or white people with
the said murder, nor can we find any
to affix the said murde.r on. In testi-
mony whereof the said Coroner as
well as ye said jury have hereunto
set their hands and seals this Twenty
Eighth day of August in ye fourth
year of ye Reign of our Souvereign
Lord George ye Second King Over
Great Britain, etc., and ye year of
our Lord Christ One Thousand Seven
Hundred and Thirty.

Joshua Lowe, Cor'er. (L. S.)
Jno. Taylor, (L. S.)
Jno. Postlethwait, (L. S.)
Wm. Hays, (L. S.)
Jonah Davenport, (L. S.)
Patric'k Hays, (L. S.)
Patrick Campbell, (L. S.) ■
Christ. Vanlear, (L. S.)
John Williams, (L. S.)
Jno. Carr, (L. S.)
Rice Price, (L. S.)
Thomas Hill, (L. S.)
Jno. MakCurry, (L. S.)
Wm. White, (L. S.)
Jno. Galbreth, (L. S.)
Alexander Hutchinson, (L. S.)
David Campbell, (L. S.)
We Ye Chiefs of ye Conestouges
and Conoys Indians,, having been al-
ong with the Christians or White
People, Do say we are of ye same
mind as above said and well are sat-
isfied with what is Done By ye
Christians, on this Account As Wit-
ness our hands ye 29th of August,
Annoq'e Dominy, 1730.

CAPT'N CIVILITY,
his X mark.
TAYSHAH.
his X mark.
ALLOWAY,
his X mark.
POWAY BAYTO,
his X mark.
JOSHUA LOWE, Coroner."

317

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1730— The Coroner's Report to the arme bellts & a large neck Belt of
Governor. I wampum, Pettar Basalion & Pettar

In the book last mentioned, at p

| Sherfe being present when Boyd
gave me the above account, Sherfe
| said that about ye midle of May Last
i thear Came to his house the above
| named Indian his Squaw & Chil-
I dren, with said furr & a sadle, but

268, the following report appears to
be made by Coroner Lowe to the
Governor:

"5th of September, 1730.
Sir: The Day after the Date of my j no horse, they went ovar the Rivar
last To the Governor, I heard a | toward the 2rd Day affter the
f reash Reportt of the Indians being I Squaw came back with The same
found dead, on which I went up to- I bundeli of furr, & Pettar asked
wards the head of Swartarro, where j whear her husband was, she answer-
I had a full account of the afare, ed he was gone> but he charged her
though they wear 5 or 6 miles fromithat she had killed him, whjch she
whear ye Indians Tould us, I there- j very fantly denied, so he bought the
fore Came Down & gott sevarell In- | furr f rom herj and she Returned to-
dians & Christians along and went | wards home, so that we are now all
to the Place and Thear found the satisfyed that the ould man, his
bodeys of three Indians, one young sone and Daughter was murdered by
woman as apeared by her hand, one his squaw> that you may see by the
of which was whole, & 2 men as Copy of the Inquisition what Care
planely apeared were found a saddle, was taken, the Indians generally
a pistell, a knife, some beads and Expressed very great satisfaction
shells, with some small things, by , with what was Done, and wear will-
all which the Indians said they wear ing and forward to joyne in signeing
Delawares, wee also had acc'tt that ! with us a plan. It was carefully In-
Thear wos none wanting of ye Five i trepreted to them, I would have sent
Nations, however I and some others ! to ouar Governor but have had a n
was very Desirous To Discover who j account that he is gone to New York,
they wear & from whence they came, I & will not return in Less than 3
And who had Done murder, I heard j weeks, so I Thought it my duty to
thear was 3 Tuskarorows wanting, so Acquaint Thee how far I have act-

I went up to Pechston To Enquire
whear I had the opartunety To hear
by Patrick Boyd who was Coming
Doune from Opessa Town, That an
ould Delawar man Caled Oppenella,
belonging to Augaluta a toune near
Opessa, & his Squaws & his sone a
young man and his Daughter, a girl

ed, which I hope will be content. I
am they Reall well wishar & Ready
to Serve my Countarey in aney
Thing in my power.

JOSHUA LOWE.
Lon'd, 5, 7 mo., 1730.
P. S. If I hear aney more shall ac-
quaint thee of it, but P. Basalion

.hath promised to Come and give thee
about 14 years ould, Came doune with a full ac(J,tt he hath been yery ser_

a Larg bundell of fine furr, and some
time after ye Squaw came home and
Tould a man that she had a mind for
that he might marey her, for she had
Dispatched her ould husband, & to
prove it shewed him her husband's

visable in This Affare. Their just
now came an Indian to see the pistell
yet that wee found, & Immediately
sd it was Oppanella's pistell, all
which Confermeth me in may said
opinion.

J. L."

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

318

1730 — The Conestogas Much Dis-
turbed by the Settling of the
Germans Among Them.

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 271, appears the following com-
munication from Captain Cicility to
Governor Gordon:

"May it please ye Honorable Gover-
ner,
Some time since I was out at our
County town of Lancaster, where I
heard much talk that both Dutch and
English was agoing to settle on ye
other side of Susquehannah, like-
wise Mr. Wright, and Mr. Blunston,
hath surveyed a great deal of land
and designs to dispose of it to others
which giveth me and my brethren a
great deal of trouble, itt being in our
road in our hunting, least our
young men should break the chain
of friendship which hath long been
between us.

Wee are grieved that Mr. Wright
should not mind his word, for when
he first came to our parts he often
said that no person should settle on
that side of ye river without our
Consent, but now wee find he to be
the first and to encourage others.

When your honor was with us at
Conestogoe your desire was that wee
should not hurt any of your people,
which we carefully have observed,
and likewise that Ed. Parnell who
was settled there should go off
which he did, which now grieves our
hearts to see how little our Counsels
is minded. We hear that one of
William Penn's family is coming in
this country but the truth of it wee
know not, we long to hear the truth
of it for wee should be glad to see
any of William Penn's family.

Wee are now agoing out to hunt,
so desire you to suppress your
people from settling there until wee
return from our hunting, and then

'some of our Chiefs will come down
I to you and have some Further treaty
[about ye matter.

From y'r Loving Brother, in the
behalf of ye rest of my Brethren,
DECATTELEES,
alias CAPT. CIVILITY.
Conestogoe, September 28th, 1730.
Directed — To the Hon'ble Patrick
Gordon, in Philadelphia, these.

Indorsed— Cap't Civility's Letter.
September 28th, 1730."

1731— Indians Remind the Governor
That Penn Promised They
Would Never Be Disturb-
ed at Susquehanna.

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 295, Samuel Blunston writes a
letter to Robert Charles, who was the
Secretary to the Governor and fin-
ally became his son-in-law. The let-
ter is as follows:

October ye 3d, 1731.
: Friend Robert Charles:

About a week agoe, when Several 1
of the Majestrates Met at Lancaster
to Assist at Raising ye Court House,
Capt. Civility Came there, and by an
Interpreter which he brought with
him, (In behalf of ye Rest of ye In-
dians,) Laying down the Enclosed
String of Wampum, Desired the fol-
lowing Message might be therewith
Communicated to ye Governour, viz:
J That the Conestogoe Indians have al-
jways lived in Good Friendship with
I the Christian Inhabitants of Penn-
sylvania, And have behaved them-
selves agreeable to their Treatys
with them. That William Penn had
promised them they should not be
Disturbed by any Settlers on the
west side of Sasquehannah, but now,
Contrary thereto, Several Maryland-
ers are settled by the river, on that
side, at Conejohela; And one Cres-
sop, particularly, is very abusive to

319

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

them when they pass that way, And
has beat and wounded one of their
women who went to Get Apples from
their own Trees and took Away her
apples. And further Says, that, as
they shall Always take Care their
people Do us no hurt, So they also
expect we shall protect them.

We then Told him that the Gover-
nor had wrote to the Gbveruour of
Maryland on that Subject, and that it
was Contrary to his will they should
be Disturbed by ye Marylanders, &
would gladly do all that Lay in his
power to prevent it.

I have further to add on the Indian
Subject, That being informed the
Governour Expected Some of ye
Chiefs of ye Five Nations Down in a
little time, it might be of service to
acquaint him, that a few days agoe,
about twenty of ye Five Nation war-
riors Returning this way from the S.
ward, brought with them three Ne-
gros and a Mulatto. One of the Ne-
groes, being lame with travelling
they sold to a Cannoi Indian for
about 20 Pounds; the Rest they took
off. This being Contrary to the Last
Treaty at Albany, & and if not Dis-
couraged, Like to be of Dangerous
Consequence, I thought fit to Com-
municate, and am, with my best
Service to ye Governour, they Assur-
ed friend."

An interesting thing appears here
and that is that Blunston says a
week before writing the letter, he,
with several other Magistrates of the
County were in Lancaster helping to
raise the Court House. This speak-
ing of "raising" the Court House al-
most leads us to infer that our first
Court House was frame and not
brick, as was supposed.

1 73 1— The Conoys Have a Mulatto

Captive.

The item last above mentioned sets
ofrth that the Conoys bought a mul-
atto from the Five Nations, which

they had captured on a Southern
jtrip. I merely mention this to give
it prominence.

j 1731— An Accident to the Delawares
Because of Rum.
In Vol. 3 of the Votes of Assembly,
p. 156, a sad accident, through rum,
befell the Chief of the Delawares and
it is stated there that it may likely
bring on war.

1731— Investigation on the Death of
an Indian.
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p.
299, is given the deposition of Jonah
Davenport, in which he speaks
of the killing of a couple of In-
dians nea"r Allegheny; and says that
the Indian settlement there con-
sisted of 300 Delawares, 260 Shawa-
nese and many others. He says also
on p. 301 in the same book that the
number of Indians in that part of
Pennsylvania were 60 Delawares,
mostly men, 50 on Kythenning river
and that the whole lot consists of
250 men and that there are also
three Shawanese towns with over 200
inhabitants and that about 60 miles
from Susquehanna there are 60 more,
and various others.

1731 — Edmund Cartiledge?s Letter to
Governor Gordon, and His In-
dian Trade.

In this letter Cartlidge says that
he can not now come to Philadelphia
to look after the affairs of the Gov-
ernment on account of his Indian
trade. As this letter gives us a good
light on the extent of his Indian
trade, and the treaty covered by it,
I will set it forth. It is as follows:
"Lancaster, ye 5th of December 1731.
Sir: May Itt Please Honour,

I Rec'd yours, dated ye 23rd of ye
last month, my man, Butt being In-
disposed both in Body and in mind

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

320

could not answer your exepctation,
and Justt have received a letter from
Mr. Charles and Justice Galbreth
which puts mee to such a stand I
know not whatt to do, for my Affairs
so pressingly call me Back into ye
woods, and my People and goods are
already over Sasquehannah, thattmy
coming all this distance to Philadel-
phia will prove of fatall Consequence
to mee. I have a large Intriestt in
ye woods and if I should lose my
winter's Trade, which may be done
for not being up in time, would en-
tirely ruin the whole and quite dis-
able me from making returns to my
Creditors to whom I am deeply en-
gaged, in Consideration of which I
humbly beg that your Honor will not
take it amiss if I do not come. I can
not tell what may just happen Butt
itt does not appear to me at ye pres-
ent that there is such an apparent
danger as some makes it to bee. Itt is
not long since I came from Allee-
geening and all was quiet and well
then, and if there be not any likely-
hood of a Rupture at Home between
England and France, I hope we are
safe for the present, however, as to
whatt Davenport and Le Tortt has
declared in relation to a French gentt
comeing for three years as a spy, I
can not tell whatt to say as to thatt,
I always looked upon itt that as ye
French kept a Store att the head of
ye River to Deal, he came down to
trade for fur and Bears, Being Com-
odity Very Scarce to ye Northward,
hee and all along with him always
behaved themselves very Civily, how-
ever, I shall not say much least I
should be mistaken. I would willing-
ly serve your honor and ye Publick
as far as lyes in my power, butt
pray excuse at this time.

Your mostt Humble Servant,

Indorsed—Ed. Cartlidge, December 1,
1731."

For the above see Vol. 1 of the
Penna. Archives, p. 304.

1731— Cartlidge's Testimony Taken at

Peqnea, Lancaster County, about

the Migration of Our

Indians.

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 305 the following testimony of
Edmond Cartlidge is given.

"The Examination of Edmund Cart-
lidge, Indian Trader, taken on his
Affirmation, at Pequea, in ye County
of Lancaster, ye 7th day of Decem-
ber, 1731, before Jno. Wright, Esq.,
one of his Majesty's Justices of the
Peace for ye said County.

This Examinant says, that about
two months since he left Allegeny,
where there are settlements of Dela-
wares, Shawanah, Asseekales &
Mingoe Indians to the number of
about five hundred. That for these
five years past except that of 1729 a
French Gentleman who calls him-
self Cavalier has made it his prac-
tice to come every Spring amongst
the Indians settled there, and brings
with him a small quantity of goods
with which he deals for furs, that he
keeps a store as this Examinant is
well informed at the head of the
Ohio River, and every year goes to
Montreal, that he appears to be a
man of sense and good understanding
and that it is generally believed by
all the traders at Allegheny as well
as this Examinant that this cavalier is
the Bearer of the Governor of Mon-
treal's Messages to the Indians in
these parts and is entrusted with ne-
gotiating several affairs between the
Governor and them. That after the
treaty held at Conestogoe in the year
1728 between the Governor of Penn-
sylvania and the Delaware Indians,

321

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

several Shawanese who are settled
near Allegheny went to the Governor j
of Montreal as this Examinant be- |
lieves, to seek protection from the j
French against the Five Nations,who |
they suspected would hinder their
settling at Allegheny, that ever since
that time there has been a great ap-
pearance of Friendship and goodwill
between the French and them. That
Mr. Cavalier frequently holds consul-
tations with the Shawanese, and this
Spring when he was among them he
delivered a message to them as this
examinant is well informed from the
Governor of Montreal with a present
of some powder, That the Shawannah
king or chief Paguasse with seven or
eight more of the Shawanese went to
Montreal to answer the Governor's
message and carried with them some
bundles of skins for a present, but
were not returned when this Exami-
nant left Allegheney. That this Exam-
inant has since heard from a Servant
of an Indian Trader lately come
from thence that they are returned
and have set up a white Flag which
is is said the French Governor has
given them, denoting thereby as this
Examinent verily believes that they
united with the French and are come
under that protection.

EDMD. CARTLIDGE.
Coram Jno. Wright.
Indorsed — Examinant Edmd. Cart-
lidge, Dec. 7th, 1731."

1731 — The Governor Wants the Shaw-
anese to Come Back.

It will be remembered that the
Shawanese used to live on Pequea
Creek but suddenly they move in 1729
out near Allegheny. This disturbed
the Governor very much and he wrote
them a pressing letter in 1731 to come
back. The letter is found in Vol. I
of the Penna. Archives and is as fol-
lows :

On p. 302 Ollepoonoe, Achquaill-
emoe, etc., Chiefs of the Shawanese
and Assekelaes, at or near Alleghen-
ing, To the Chiefs of the Shawanese
Indians at Allegheny.
My friends and Brethren:

I find by our records that about
Thirty-four years since, some num-
bers of your Nation came to Susque-
hannah and desired leave first of our
Brethren the Conestogoe Indians, and
then of Coll. Markham, who at that
time was Governour under William
Penn, at Philadelphia, that they might
have leave to settle on Pequea
Creek, which was granted. About
three years after, William Penn, the
father of this Countrey, who was as
father also to the Indians, for he lov-
ed them as his own Children, came
from England to Philadelphia with
his wife and family, which when our
Brethren of Conestogoe heard, Conn-
edechtoe, their King, Oretyah, Anda-
ggyjunquah, and others of our good
friends, came with Opessa, and many
more of the Shawanese desiring
leave for the Shawanese to live in
this Countrey, to enter into a League
with our Indians and with us, and to
be accounted as our people, which, as
they requested, our father William
Penn readily granted, he then took
the Shawanese by the hand, and ad-
mitted them as friends; they promised
to be his children, and from that time
to this, in all the treatys held with
our Indians, the Shawanese were al-
ways included as our friends and
brethren, and so we hope that still
continue mindful with their engage-
ments and of the friendship, Civility
and brotherly that has always been
shown them. Yet we now hear that
others have taken you by the hand, in
which if you mean to be friends with
them who, they say, were formerly
your enemies, we do not blame you,

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

322

for you should live in peace with all;
but if through a lightness of temper
you would throw off old friends, for-
get, all the former treaties made with
us by your people, all their promises
and the Friendship that has been be-
tween us, You are then unkind and I
must blame you, but I shall not be-
lieve this. I will still believe you
true men, and in order to Confirm
amongst your old friends at Cones-
togoe. I have sent messages to the
Five Nations or Mingoes, who I heard
this, I desire to speak with some of
your old wise men at Philadelphia or
were angry with you, to make them
your friends, and it is our desire that
we may all be friends, and all live in
Peace as brethren. In the meantime,
I exepct of you that you will in all
respects shew yourselves true and
good men to all our people who come
on account of Trade, but next Spring
William Penn's son is to be here
from England, and then he will renew
his father's Leagues and Covenants
with your Ancients, and will expect
your visit to him as the son of a true
friend and father, who was a true
father to all the Indians. In confir-
mation hereof, I send you a token
and some Liquor that you may re-
member us with Cheerfulness and
particularly me,

Who am your friend and brother,

P. G.
Indorsed — Copy of the Message to
the Shawanese Chiefs at Allegheny. —
December, 1731."

1731— The Governor Writes a Similar
Letter to the Delawares.

We remember that the Delawares
moved from the Schuylkill to the
Susquehanna early in the Eighteenth
Century. They also went West and
became enemies of the English. Gov-
ernor Gordon desires them to come
back and he writes a letter pressing

them to do so, which may be found in
Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p. 303.
The letter is general in character and
therefore I will not quote it.

1731— Letort's Cabin Burned

In Vol. 15 of Haz. Reg., p. 82 it is
stated that James Letort seems to
have penetrated to Cumberland Valley
as early as 1731. His first Cabin was
burned by the Indians and it stood at
the head of the Spring. He received
for his services twelve pounds an-
nually.

1732— The Shawanese Hold a Treaty
at Philadelphia.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 349
appears a treaty under the date of
1732 between the Shawanese and the
Government but as it dos not relate
to Lancaster County and is entirely
devoted to an effort of the Govern-
ment to get them back to Lancaster
County, we will say nothing more
about it. In Vol. 1 of the Penna.
Archives, p. 325 the speech of the
French to the Shawanese is given.

1782 — The Location of the Indian
Town.

In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 331, it is stated that the Northern
boundary of Maryland is now fixed as
being 16 miles below the Indian town
on Susquehanna River.

1732 — The Conestogas Complain that

They are Wrongly Blamed for

Killing the Whites.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 500, a
treaty was held at Philadelphia by
Shekellamy on the part of several In-
dian tribes. He said one reason why
they came at this time was that "two
days before he left home, which is
now seven days since, a Messenger
came to him from the Ganawese In-
dians, who live between Pextan and

323

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Conestogoe, with an account that
they Understood the Governor of Vir-
ginia was about to send a party of
armed men amongst them to cut them
off, for a Murder committed in Vir-
ginia; and therefore, requesting the
assistance of all the other Indians to
defend them against the enemies. But
as he can not believe that the Gov-
ernor of Virginia would make war on
these Indians without acquainting
this Government with it, he is now
come here to inform his Brethren of
this matter and to know of them what
they have heard of it."

On page 504 of the same book the
Ganawese Chief makes a speech at
the said treaty.

1733 — The Ganawese Above Conesto-
goe and Their Complaints.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 504, it
is set forth that the Ganawese live
between Pextan and Conestoga at this
date, therefore, they are still in the
County of Lancaster. Their Chief
and four of the Warriors were pres-
ent at the treaty held on the 6th of
August, 1733. In the treaty these
Ganawese complained as follows:

"Ullaloes, a Chief of the Ganawese
Indians, with four others of that Na-
tion viz.: Menahachtay, Peyohinas,
Waapen & Naiemot.

Ullaloes produced a letter wrote at
the desire of all of their Nations, by
James Mitchell of Donnegal, signify-
ing the concern they are under that
any of their Nations should be charg-
ed with killing any white people and
declaring their ignorance of the mat-
ter.

And then by the Interpreter said:
That a few months since a report
was spread among them, that the
white people had charged some of
theirs with the killing of two English
men; that they are sorry and asham-

ed that such a report should be
spread, for none of their people have
done any such thing; that whenever
their young men go to war they are
very careful to give them the strict-
est caution not to hurt the English.

That last winter when their young
men returned from War they brought
with them the scalps of two Indians
they had killed, and gave an account
that they had killed a third, but this
I body was taken away by his friends
I so they could not get his scalp.

That the white people who ljve in
| their Neighborhood have told them
! that the Governour of Virginia in-
j tends to come against them, with a
j hundred men to revenge the Death of
i those who are killed and supposed to
j be white people, and that two young
men of their Nation must be delivered
up.

They were asked where their young
men had killed those Indians, and of
what Nation they were?

They answered that it was on the
forks of a River lying to the South-
ward of James River, in Virginia,
and that the Indians were of the
Tootelaes; that they have seen the
scalps and know them to be of In-
dians and are now to be seen in their
Indian town.

The delivering some strings of
wampum.

They add that they are extremely
concerned that any Suspicion should
be entertained of them as if they had
done any injury to the white people
whom they look upon as themselves ;
that they and the English are as one
Heart, one Body, and one Person,
therefore to do hurt to the white
People would be doing hurt to them-
selves.

They were told that it could not
but give us a great concern to hear
such reports; that they were extreme-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

324

ly careful to do them Justice and to
preserve a good understanding with
them, and we hope they will be equal-
ly careful on their parts, that we are
well pleased with their coming here
to satisfy us, and if they are innocent
as by what they Lave said we hope
they are, they have no need to feel any
resentment or to be under the least
Apprehension, but if it should prove
otherwise, Justice must be done upon
the guilty persons.
That these People who live near and
give them so much Uneasiness by the
reports they have spread of the Gov-
ernor of Virginia coming against them
have no foundation of what they say;
they know nothing of the matter, and
are not to be credited. If the Indians
have not done anything amiss they
have nothing to fear.

They said that what they told was
spoken sincerely — their tongues and
Hearts go together; That they have
nothing further to add, but having
been at some expense at their Jour-
ney here they hope their Brethren
will consider it. They were told care
should be taken of them, and some-
what given them before their depar-
ture.

It was ordered that Thirty shillings
be given them to defray their charges
on the road, and that their entertain-
ment in Town be paid for."
1733— The Governor's Private Secre-
tary Visits Conestoga.

In Vol, 3 of the Colonial Rec, p.
506 the expenses connected with the
Indian treaty are set out and among
them may be found the following.

"Deer. — To Robert Charles fo.r the
Expenses by him disbursed in a
Journey to Conestogoe, by order
of the Governor and Council, to
forward to the Indians of Alle-
gheny several Messages of im-
portance, touching the reports

spread of their going over to the
French, and inviting them to
come to Philadelphia to treat
with this Government, and for
an Express sent , to Sasquehan-
nah for Edmund Cartldge, who
was the bearer of Messages, 4£
17s. — And we are of opinion that
5 Pounds be allowed to the said
Robert Charles for his trouble in
the said Journey, for

9 Pounds & 17 Shillings.

1733. — The Government Bears the

Expenses of Shawanese Indian

Funerals.

In the Book last mentioned, p. 507
is set forth the following charge:

"March — To the Charges of Attend-
ance, nursing and funerals of two
Shawanese Indians, p. Account,
28 Pounds 14s. 5, & to Dr.
Thomas Gaerme, their Physician,
for his medicines Advice and
care, P. his Bill 15 Pounds.

43 Pounds, 14s. 5."

1733 — Peter Chartier Brings Much
Rum to Conestoga.

We remember that Peter Chartier
was a son of Martin Chartier and
that his mother was a Shawanese In-
dian. In an item found in Vol. 3 of
the Col. Rec, p. 501, it is complained
that Chartier, whose name is here
spelled Cheavier, brings rum to the
Indians and does not obey the laws at
all. The Indians ask that this bring-
ing of rum be stopped.

1733— The Walking Purchase Is
Again Mentioned

In Vol. 6 of Haz. Reg., p. 212, men-
tion is again made to the walking
purchase of 1686 and it seems that
there is still some dissatisfaction
connected with it.

1734— Captain Civility Sent for By the
Government.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 570, it
is set forth that several Oneida In-

126

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

dians came to Philadelphia but before
they could talk they desired to see
their friend and brother Captain Civ-
ility and desired that he might be
sent for to come from Conestoga,
which was done. Civility and some
other Indians came down from Con-
estoga and the treaty was held. There
was also present the Chief of the
Ganawese Indians and John and
Thomas Penn. Most of the business
of this Council or treaty concerned
sections of Pennsylvania outside of
Lancaster County and therefore we
will not set forth the proceedings.

1734— The Indians at Conestoga Com-
plain of the Traders.

In Vol. I of the Penna. Archives,
p. 425, the following complaint is
made by the Indians against the
Traders: "May 1st, 1734.

My Brethren:

Some time ago Edmund (Probably
Edmund Cartlidge) brought a Letter
amongst us, and withall advised me
to mind to be careful of my people,
not in ye least to hurt them, and if
we wanted any Assistance we might
expect it from You, which we are
very glad to hear. As for ye belt of
Wampum you sent by ye Five Nations,
we have not yet had, though so often
mentioned. Edward Kenny, Jacob
Ryatt, Tim'y Fitzpatrick, Wm. Dew-
lap & Jno. Kelly, of Donegall, come
trading with us without a License,
which is a hindrance to the Lincensed
Trades. Charles Poke and Thomas
Hill are very pernicious for they have
abused us, and we gave them a fath-
om of white wampum, desiring them
by that token to acquaint you how they
had served us, and att a Drinking
Boutt, Henry Baley, Olliver Wallis
and Jno. Young, took one of our old
men, and after having tied him abus-
ed him very much, James Denning

was among them and abused us like-
wise, such pople we think are not
proper to deal with us. Jno. Kelly, of
Pextan has made a great disturb-
ance by raising false reports among
us, and Tim'y Fitzpatrick, Thomas
Moren and Jno. Palmer quarrel often
with us, therefore,, we desire those
four may be kept particularly from
us. Jonas Davenport, Laz. Lowry,
Jmes Letort, Fran's Stevens, James
Patterson, Ed. Cartlidge, we desire
may have license to come and trade
with us, as also Peter Cheartier, who
we reckon one of us, and he is wel-
come to come as long as he pleases
likewise we begg att our Councill
that no trader abovementioned may
be allowed to bring more than 30
Galons of Rum, twice in a year and
no more, for by that means we shall
be capable of paying our debts and
making our creditors easy, which we
can not do otherwise, and that every
trader may be obliged to bring his
rum in ye Cabin where he lives dir-
ectly, and not to hide in ye woods,
but for P. Cheatier to bring what
quantities he pleases, for he trades
further than the rest, and that every
trader bring his license with him,
and for our parts if we see any other
traders than those we desire amongst
us, we will staves their Cags and
seize their goods likewise, we also
beg every trader may be obliged to
bring good Powder, and if we are
indebted to any of those we desire
may not be admitted to trade with
us, if they Will come without goods
or Rum, if we have it by us we will
pay them their Due, we also hope no
hired man will have liberty to bring
any rum with him.
We are Your Friends and Brethren,

NECHIKONNER, (L. S.)
OPOCKRETOR, (L. S.)
CAWKECAWLEN? (L. S.)

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

326

OLANAWKANOR, L. S.)
MEELATAINEN, (L. S.)

Testes ;

JONAH DAVENPORT,

JAMES LETORT,

LAREY LOWREY,

PETER P. CHEARTIER,
Indorsed 1st May, 1734. A letter from
the Indians ab't Licenc'd Traders."

1735— The Conestoga Indians Show

the Written Penu Treaty.

In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec., p. 597,
there are set forth the proceedings
of a treaty of the 29th of July, 1735,
as follows: —

"Several Indians of Conestogoe
and Sasquehannah to the number of
thirty in all, Men, Women and Child-
ren coming to town on a friendly
visit, and their Chiefs applying to
the Proprietaries and Governour to
be heard in Council.

A Council was held at Philadel-
phia, August 1st, 1735.

PRESENT:

The Honourable THOMAS PENN,
Esqr., Proprietary.

The Lieutenant Governor,
Samuel Preston,
Clement Plumsted,
Ralph Assheton,

Thomas Griffitts,
Charles Read,

Esquires.

PRESENT ALSO:

•

Tioquataraghse or Civility, Oni-
chsulyiena, Canasquagenerat, Tatier-
nughti, with several other Conesto-
goe Indians of less Note.

Ullaloes, Chief of the Ganawese,
with Peyhiohinas, Joaasha, and some
other of that Nations.

Gannauwantagerah, Waiabiessanagh
and others of the Shawanese.

Conrad Weyser, Interpreter.

The Proprietor told the Indians
that as soon as heard of their Arri-
val he sent a Message to his brother,
at Pennsbury, acquainting him

therewith, but he is so much in-
disposed as not to be able to come
down, and that the Council are now
met to hear what they have to offer.
Civility, by the Interpreter said:
That there are now present three
different Nations of the Indians, to
witt: the Conestogoes, Ganawese and
Shawanese, who are come down to
visit the Proprietors, and to renew
with them the League and Chain of
Friendship.

That when William Penn first came
into this Country, he called many of
the Indians together and told them
that the Great King of England had
given unto him a large tract of land,
on which several nations of Indians
were settled; that it was his desire
to live in Peace and good friendship
with all those Indians, and therefore
he would make purchases from them
of those lands, before they should be
possessed by the white people.

That the Indians told William Penn
he and they should live on those
lands like Brethren, in Love and
and Friendship; whereupon William
Penn and the Indians entered upon a
League of Friendship together,
whereby they became all as one
people and one Nation, joined to-
gether so strongly that nothing
should ever disunite them, but that
they should continue one people for-
ever.

That if one Chief article then
agreed on between William Penn and
the Indians was that if any mischief
or hurt should befall either, they
should assist one another, and con-
stantly have their eyes open to watch
for each other's safety, and their
ears open if any news were brought
from any Country that might give
uneasiness to either, they should
carefully inform each other of what
they heard.

327

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

That it was further agreed be-
tween William Penn and the Indians,
that each should bear a share in the
others misfortunes. That this Coun-
try, though it might be filled with
people of different Nations, yet care
should be taken that Justice should
be done to every person, and no
mischief happen without satisfaction
being given when it was necessary.

That William Penn and the Indians
agreed on other articles, of all which
two papers were written; one of
them their brother William Penn had
and the other they have brought with
them, to show that they preserve all
these things carefully.

That their Brother William Penn
told the Indians this agreement was
to continue for three Generations.

Then laying down three Bundles of
skins,

He said:

That they were now come hither
to see William Penn's sons, to take
them by the hand and renew with
them the League of Friendship made
with their father. And to bind their
words, they now presented, in the
name of all the Conestooge, Ganawese
and Shawanese Indians, three bun-
dles of skins.

Civility laying down another bundle
of skins added:

That the Shawanese Indians who

live upon River, lately sent

him a present of skins, which he now
gives to the Proprietaries, to engage
them to assist in composing any dif-
ferences that may arise between the
Irish People, woh are come into these
parts and these Indians who intend
to live and dye where they are now
settled.

That he had now finished all he
had to say.

The proprietor told the Indians he
would speak to them on the heads
they had mentioned very soon; and

' orders being given for their good ac-
, commodation and entertainment, they
I were at present dismissed.

At a Council held at Philadelphia,
' August 2d, 1735.

PRESENT:

The Honourable Thomas Penn,
Esquire,

The Lieutenant Governour,

Samuel Preston,

Ralph Assheton,

Thomas Griffitts,
Charles Read,

Esquires.

And the Indians mentioned in the
preceeding Minute.
The Proprietor spoke to the Indians
by the Interpreter, as follows: —
Friends and Brethren: —

I told you yesterday, that on the
first Notice I had of your coming to
Town I had sent to my brother, whom
I had left at Pennsbury, to desire his
Company here, and I am now truly
sorry that the indisposition he lab-
ours on or under, which till is over
will not suffer him to travel, must
deprive him of the pleasure he would
have taken at your visit. You are
sensible he is your Country man,
being born in the same land with you,
and for this reason he would have
desired to see you; but he has sent
me a letter by which I know his
mind, and now since he cam not be
present himself I shall give you both
his and my own sentiments, which I
assure you are exactly the same.

We need not tell you, who formerly
saw our father William Penn here,
that he loved all the Indians as his
own People and Children, he shewed
it in all his actions and conduct
towards them; he made a firm
League of Friendship with all the In-
dians, and he not only observed them
strictly himself but he gave it in
charge to us his children to do the
same. And as we are the same with

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

328

our father, so we are very well I
pleased to find by this visit, and what
you have said, that you are the very
same you were when he was here,
and that you not only remember the
Substance of what then past, but also
have kept one of the instruments of
writings that he gave your fathers
under his hand."

After this done the Governor
showed the Indians the deed which
they had made September 13, 1700,
for the Susquehanna lands and also
the treaty by which they confirmed
the deed made the 3rd. of April,
1701, which we have before set out.
This seemed to satisfy them. On
the fourth of August they met again
and after they had some rum, pipes,
tobacco and bread they were given
presents and the Governor made
them a speech, which pleased them
very much. After all this they de-
parted.
1786— Lands From the Mouth of the

Susquehanna River to be Bought.

In Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec, p. 87,
at a Council, it was stated that it
was advised the Indians and whites
ought to confer and treat about the
purchase of lands and that as the
Indians signed releases to Penn for
all the lands lying between the
Mouth of the Susquehanna and Ke-
kachtanium Hills, and that it now
remained to conclude on the amount
of goods to be delivered. Here we
are further informed that the Land
purchasing has not ceased to cause
some trouble.

1736— A Reference to the Conquer-
ing of the Susquehannocks by

the Five Nations.
In Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec. p. 93, at

a treaty held at Philadelphia, at
which some of the Five Nations were

present the question of these Sus-

quehanna land again came up and
the Speaker of the Five Nations said
that if Captain Civility at Conestoga
should attempt to make a sale of
any lands to us or any of our neigh-
bors they must let him know and
that he had no power to do so; and
if he does anything of the kind the
Indians will utterly disown him.

The subject again came up and
on p. 94 of the same book, the Indian
Speaker of the Five Nations said,
"We have indeed heard of a letter
sent up to Susquehanna from the
Governor of Maryland. If he men-
tions anything in it of orders from
the King of England we are to hear
of it. The land on Susquehanna be-
longs to the six nations by the con-
quest of the Indians of that river
but we do not know how they lay
claim to the Southern lands."

Here we again see that subjuga-
tion of the Susquehannocks is proved.
1736— An Indian Deed for Lands on
Susquehanna.

In Vol. 1 of the Penn. Archives, p.
494 there is set forth under the date
of 1736 a deed from the Sachems of
the Onondagos, Chiefs of the Sene-
cas, Chiefs of the Cayoogoes, Chiefs
of the Oneidas and chiefs of the Tus-
caroras, which sets forth as follows:

"Whereas, the late Proprietary of
the Province of Pennsylvania, Wm.
Penn, Esq., soon after arriving in
his province, took measures to have
the River Susquehannah, with all
the land lying on both sides of the
same, purchased for him and his
heirs of those Indians of the Five
Nations Inhabiting in the Province
of New York, who claimed the p'p'y
thereof and according did purchase
them from Coll. Thomas Dungan for-
merly Governor of New York, and
pay for the same, Notwithstanding

329

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

which the Indians of the Five Nations
aforesaid, have continued to claim a j
right in and to the said River and
Lands; nor have those claims been
hitherto adjusted, whereupon, the said
Sachems or Chiefs having with all
the others of the said Nations Met
the last summer at their great Coun-
cil, held in the Countrey of the said
Onandagoes, did resolve and con-
clude that a final period and Con-
clusion should be put to all Disputes
that might possibly arise on that oc-
casion; and have appointed the
aforenamed Sachems or Chiefs as
Plenepotentiaries of all those nations
to repair to Philadelphia in order to
confirm the Several treaties of Peace
which have hitherto been concluded
between them and the said Province;
and also, to Settle and Adjust all
Demands and Claims that have been
heretofore made , or hereafter may
be made, touching or concerning the
aforesaid river Susquehannah, and
the lands lying on both sides there-
of; and ye said Sachems or Chiefs
of the Five Nations aforesaid, having
for themselves and on behalf of the
said Nations, renewed and ratified
the said treaties of Friendship and
Peace substituting between them and
the said Province, did afterwards
proced to treat and agree with the
Honorable the Proprietors thereof,
about the said river and lands. Now
know ye, that in consideration of,
the premises aforesaid and of the
several quantities of goods herein
mentioned, viz: 500 pounds of pow-
der, 600 pounds of lead, 45 Guns, 60
Strowd water match Coats, 100
Blankets, 100 duffle match coats, 200
yards of half-thick, 100 shirts, 40
hatts, 40 pairs of Shoes and Byckles,
40 pair of stockings, 100 hatchets,
500 knives, 100 houghs, 60 kettles,
100 tobacco tongs, 100 Scissors, 500

awl blades, 120 Combs, 2000 needles,
1000 flints, 24 looking glasses , 2
pounds of vermillion, and 100 Tin
pots besides 25 Gallons of Rum, 200
pounds of Tobacco, 1000 pipes, and
24 dozen of Gartering, by the said
Proprietairies, John Penn, Thomas
Penn and Richard Penn, well and
truly paid and delivered unto the
said" chiefs aforesaid before the de-
livery of these presents, they acknowl-
edge themselves to be satisfied and
they, for themselves, and all the Five
Nations, the Tyannuntasacta Hills, or
confirm unto the said John, Thomas
and Richard Penn the following
lands, to wit: — "All the said River
Susquehannah, with the lands lying
on both sides thereof, to extend
Eastward as far as the heads of the
Branches or Springs which run into
the said Susquehannah and all the
lands lying on the West side of the
Susquehanna river to the Setting of
the Sun and to extend from the
mouth of the said River Northward,
up the same to the hills or mountains
called in the language of the said
Nations, the Kekkachtananin Hills,
or Endless Hills, and by the Delaware
Indians, the Kekkachtananin Hills,
together, also, the Islands in the said
River, Ways, Waters, Watercourses,
Woods, Underwoods, Timeber and
Trees, Mountains, Hills, Mines, Val-
leys, Minerals, Quarries, Rights,
Liberties, Privileges, Advantages,
Hereditaments and Appurtenances
thereunto belonging, or in any wise
appertaining;" and then they further
say if the Indians any time hereafter
demand any property, "to the said
River Sasquehannah, lands on both
sides of the same, Islands contained
therein, Hereditaments and premises
hereby granted and released, nor any
part or parcel thereof, but of and
from the same shall be barred and

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

330

forever Excluded by these Presents;
and that the said Proprietaries, John
Penn, Thomas Penn, and Richard
Penn, their heirs, successors and
assigns, shall, and rightfully may,
from time to time, and at all times
and seasons, forever hereafter, quiet-
ly and peaceably, have, hold, occupy,
possess and Enjoy, all and singular,
the Said River Susquehannah, and
the lands lying on both sides of the
same, and all the Islands therein,
with the Hereditaments granted and
released, with their and every of
their appurtenances, Without the Let,
Trouble, Hinderance or Molestation
of the said Kakiskerowane; Tayun-
hunty, Caxhaayn, Kuchdachary, Saw-
ceyatecos, Sachems or Chiefs of ye
Nation of the Onondagoes; Kanich-
hungo, Tagachskaholoo, Sagoayaton-
dackquas, Ashcoalaax, Hetquantag-
echta. Sachems or Chiefs of the Sene-
kaes; Saguehsanyunt, Sunaratchy,
Kanawatoe, Tecochtseegherochogoo,
Sachems or Chiefs of the Cayoogoes;
Saliscaquoh, Shecalamy, Tahashwan-
garoras, Sachems or Chiefs o f the
Oneydoes, and Sawantga and Tyeros,
Sachems or Chiefs of the Tuscaro-
ras, or any of them, or any others of
the Indians of the Five Nations afore-
said, or any other person or persons
claiming or to claim the same, or
any part thereof, by, from or under
them, or any of them, according to
the true intent and meaning of these
Presents.

In Witness whereof the before
named Sachems or Chiefs, for them-
selves and on behalf of all the People
of the Five Nations aforesaid, have
hereunto set their Hands and Seals,
the Eleventh day of October, in the
year of Our Lord One Thousand
Seven Hundred and Thirty Six, and
in the Tenth year of the Reign of I
King George the Second, over Great !

Britain, etc." The deed is then
signed by twenty-six Chiefs and wit-
nessed by seventeen witnesses. This
deed is recorded in the Office of Re-
cording Deeds in Book G., Vol. 5, p.
277.

1786 — A Release for the Same Lands.

On the 12th day of October, 1736,
the various Indians above mentioned
made or executed a release in addi-
tion to the former deed, which deed
was made on the 11th of October and
in their release also embodied a
treaty. This release and treaty are
as follows: 4

"We, the Chiefs of the Six Nations
of Indians, the Onadagoes, Isanun-
dowans or Sinnekas, Cayoogoes,
Oneydas, Tuscaroras, (in behalf also
of ye Cayingoes or Mohacks), who
have lately at Philadelphia by our
Deed in writing dated the eleventh
day of this instant, October, released
to John Penn, Thomas Penn and
Richard Penn, Proprietors of Penn-
j sylvania, and to their Heirs and Suc-
cessors, ALL our Right, Claim and
i Pretentions whatsoever, to all and
every the lands on both side;? of the
River Sasquehannah, from ye mouth
thereof as far Northward Oi up the
said River as that Ridge of Hills
called the Tyoninhackta or Endless
Mountains, Westward to the Setting
of the Sun, and Eastward to the fur-
therest Springs of the Waters running
into the said River, Do hereby fur-
ther declare, that our True intent
and meaning by the said writing was
and is to Release and we do hereby
more expressly release, to the said
Proprietaries, their Heirs and Suc-
cessors forever, All our Rights, Claim
and Pretensions whatsoever, to all
and every the lands lying within the
bounds and limits of the Government
of Pennsylvania, Beginning Eastward
of the River Delaware, as far North-

331

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

ward as the said Ridge or Chain of
Endless Mountains as they cross the
Country of Pennsylvania, from East-
ward and to the West.

And further as we have made the
firmest League of Friendship with
our Brethren of Pennsylvania and
are become .as one People with them,
We do hereby promise and engage
for ourselves and our Children and
their Children, That neither we nor
they nor any in Authority in our Na-
tions, will at any time bargain, sell,
grant or by any means make over, to
any person or persons whatsoever,
whether White men or Indians, other
than by the said Proprietors, the
Children of William Penn, or to Per-
sons by them authorized and ap-
pointed to agree for and receive the
same, any lands within the limits of
the Government of Pennsylvania, and
it is bounded Northward with the
Goverment of New York and Albany,
but when we are willing to dispose
of any further rights to land within
the said limits of Pennsylvania, we
will dispose of them to the said
William Penn's Children and to no
other persons whatsoever.

In Witness whereof we l^e in Be-
half of all our Nation, signed this
further writing, being distinctly read
and interpreted to us by our Friend
Conrad Wyser, the Twenty Fifth day
of October, 1736.

Witness (an interlineation of seven-
teen words being first made between
the 8th and 9th lines.)

ANYNSSQUASHUH, his mark

ANYHARUNGQUAS,

CANDACH,

HAWYIENTA,

JOSUNSUDAN,

JOSUNLONSENET,

HANUKHUNGO,

HATQUANTAGUHTY,

GAHISKEROWANO,

GECHTACKHERY,

TAHASHWANGAI,

T.ACANNUNTY,

CAXHAAYN,

TOCANORUNGO,

OSCOTAX,

SAWUNTGA,

CANAWATO,

SAGUSKSONYUNT,

TYIICHRYGERECHGO,

SARISTORQUOH,

SHYKELIMY,

CONRAD WEISER, Interpreter."
The above release and treaty may
be found in Vol. 1 of the Penna. Ar-
chives, p. 498; and it may also be
found in Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p.
219.

1737— Indian Religion.
Mombert in his History of Lancas-
ter County, p. 19, gives us a good
deal of interesting information about
the Indians and their religion. He
tells of the queer customs and ways
which they have to worship their
God.

137 — Indian Depredations at Cone-
stoga.

In Vol. 1 of the Penn. Archives, p.
547, Samuel Blunston made the fol-
lowing statement as to Indian out-
rages:
"To the Honorable the Proprietor,

the President and Council is

humbly Represented,
That

On Sunday night last an accident
happened which has given us some
trouble. About eleven o'clock at night
two Indians came into Samuel Beth-
el's house and asked for drink, one
of them having a naked knife in his
hand, and with some difficulty Sam-
uel's wife (he being in bed) per-
swaded them out of the house and
fastened the Door, when immediately
one of them with great violence
darted a Board through a Glass win-
dow into the House, which as it
happened did no other damage than
breaking the window. Samuel Bethel
was asleep, but there being two other

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

332

men in the House, viz: Daniel Sou-
therland and John Judson, they went
out to prevent their doing further
mischief, whereupon one of the In-
dians with the knife wounded Sou-
therland in the Belly and cut the
Caul so that his Bowels came out, and
immediately turned to the other man
and stabbed him in the Breast, which
wound, though deep, slanting down-
ward kept on the outside of the
Bone, so that wee hope that neither
of the wounds are mortal, though
both of them, especially Southerland,
are yet very ill. On Monday morning
several people of the Town went af-
ter the Indians and brought one of
them back and some of their people
went after the other but could not
find him. The Indian that was taken
they secured in our Prison, till we
could know whether the wounded
men would recover, and yesterday we
sent some people to the Indian Town
where they found several of the In-
dians in great surprise, our people
let them know they were come in a
friendly manner to invite them to a
conference about the matter, and they
agreed to meet me here today, which
they have accordingly done. What
I said to them was of this effect, viz:
That I was come to meet and speak
with them about an abuse committed
by two of their Young men on some
of ours without any provocation given
on our part, that when first our men
were wounded wee thought they
would have died, and therefore se-
cured the Indian we had taken untill
we could speak to them and acquaint
them with it, but that now we were
in hopes our People would recover
we released the Prisoner and de-
livered him to them, for that we did
not intend to punish him for the
offence but expected they would make
such reparation as the nature of the

crime would require. That the
Friendship between our people and
theirs might remain most firm. I
also informed that this man was seen
to carry a naked sharp pointed knife
in his hand before he did the Mis-
chief, and that I had often seen their
people go among ours with sharp
pointed naked knives, which practice
I thought they would do well to dis-
courage. I further let them know
that I would write an account of the
affair to the Proprietor, the Presi-
dent, and Council, and desired they
should let me know what I should
say from them, to which after a short
consultation Sukaw on behalf of
himself and Weyewas, their King,
; (who was here) made answer, that
j all the Indians who were here (ex-
! cept themselves) were young foolish
j men, with whom they could hold no
Council, therefore desired 1 would
write an account of the affair to you,
and when they received your letter
they would call their Old People to-
gether and take Counsel of what was
proper to be done, and having before
delivered them the Prisoner, when
wee had done they asked whether he
might go along with them, io which
we agreed, and they departed. It
seems unnecessary for me to observe
anything hereon, except that the
charge which will arise on the occa-
j sion, for nursing the man, and to the
Surgery and other expenses neces-
sary, ought in due time to be de-
frayed, but we know not without
your advice where properly to apply.
I am with Due Respects,
Your assured Friend,

SA. BLUNSTON.
JLancast, March ye 8th, 1737-8."
1 1737 — Shawanese Excited Because the
Senecas Sell Us Land.
In Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec, p. 234,
at a Council held in Philadelphia,

2:::j

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

"The President then laid before the
Board a Message to our Proprietor
from the Chiefs of the Shawanese at
Allegheny, accompanied with a String
of Wampum, which being read is in
substance, that they are strongly
solicited by the French, whom they
call their Fathers, to return to them;
that every year they send those In-
dians some Powder, Lead and To-
bacco, to enable them to withstand
their enemies, the Southern Indians,
by whom they have often suffered,
and were last year attacked in one of
their Towns; that they are gott so
far back that they can go no further
without falling into their enemies'
hands or going over to the French,
which they (the Shawanese) say they
would willingly avoid; that if they
should return to Susquehanna, as
this Government has often pressed,
they must starve, little or no game
being to be mett with in those parts;
and therefore as our Brethren and
Allies, with whom a friendship has
ben established by the Treaty held
between their King Opetha alias
Opessa, and our first Proprietor, they
request that we will furnish them
with some arms and ammunition for
their defence against their enemies,
and to secure their continuance at Al-
legheny.

Upon conisdering what the Sachims
of the Mohocks had represented to
Mr. Clark, it was observed that the
claim of the Shawanese on the Sas-
quehanna to those lands lately re-
leased to our Proprietors is entirely
new and without any manner of
foundation, those Indians having
never before made the least preten-
sions of the kind; that they were at
first admitted into this Province
about forty years since at the Desire
of the Conestogers, they were suf-
fered to settle amongst them, and had

so contiued until of late years; that
for the benefit of hunting they had
removed to a greater distance and
some of the Nation are now settled
above Shamokin on Sasquehannah
and the Greater Number at Allegheny
who are those from whom the Propri-
etor received the aforesaid Letter, on
the subject of whom it was also re-
marked, that for these several years
the French have been endeavouring
to gain those Indians for preventing
which they are invited, by Messages
dispatched to them in the winter of
1731, to return to Sasquehannah
where a large and convenient tract
was laid out for their accommoda-
tion. Some of their Chiefs came the
year after, with whom the Govern-
ment renewed their treaty of Friend-
ship and they returned in all appear-
ance highly satisfied which their
Messages since have also confirmed;
that it might be very improper, on
this last message from them to send
powder and Lead because they have
thought fitt to ask them, yet as the
practices of the French on those In-
dians, if successful, may prove ex-
tremely prejudicial in a case of a
rupture with France, all possible
means ought to be used to prevent
their defection and to keep them at-
tached to the British Interests; and
as they appear to be in some dread
at present of their Enemies, the
Southeran Indians, between whom
and all those to the Northward a
Peace is now meditating by the inter-
cession of the Governour of Virginia,
the present juncture may be a very
proper one for inviting the Chief Men
of those Shawanese to visit us and
renew their Treaties with us, and
likewise for concerting such other
measures as may be most expedient.
The Board are therefore of Opinion
that a proper Message accompanied

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

334

with a Small present within Ten
pounds Value, should for this end be
dispatched by the first convenient
ipportunity to those Chiefs, and it is
Recommended to the President to or-
der the same accordingly."

Here we see that not only were
efforts made to get the Shawanese
back to Susquehanna but that a large
tract of land was also prepared here
for them to settle upon again, but
they would not do so.
1738— The Indians Protest Against
Hum.

Our Indians, formerly of Lancas-
ter County, but now of Allegheny,
this year sent a protest against the
use of Rum, found in Vol. 1 of the
Penna. Archives, p. §49, as follows:

"This day we held a Council, and
itt is agreed by the Sheynees in Gen-
eral, that whatever Rum is in our
Towns shall be broak and spilt, and
nott Drunk, and whoever shall bring
any rum or any sort of strong Liq- |
uor into our Towns, Indian or white :
man, let it be more or less, itt shall
be all broak and spilt in the presence
of the whole towns, wheresoever it
is brought, and four men is appoint-
ed for every town to see that there is
no rum or strong Liquor brought in-
to our Towns, and to have it four
years, a term from date."

This is signed by one hundred In-
dians and among Peter Chartier, a
half Indian, and several others whose
names we have met from time to
time.

1738 — A Message Sent to Conestoga

About the Murder By Indians

There.

In Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec, p. 280,
the letter from Samuel Blunston,
which we have cited above was taken
note of by Council. It is also set
forth that the Indians being under

great surprise about to leave the
County becaus'e of their men was put
to prison on account of this killing
and it was therefore decided to send
a letter to Blunston to be laid before
the Indians and their Chiefs at Con-
estoga. The letter is found p. 281
of the same book and is as follows :
"Philadelphia, March 14th, 1737-8.
Our Friends and Brethren:

On receiving an account of the late
barbarous action committed by two
of your young Men in Lancaster town
upon the persons of two of our People
we are very much concerned for the
folly and wickedness of it, and say
thus to you upon that Subject:

You are fully sensible that by the
many past treaties between you and
us it is in the firmest manner estab-
lished and agreed that we should be
all as one people; that wrongs done
by any of either side should be re-
dressed and the offenders punished
without any distinction, and you well
know that when any of our people
have taken the life of an Indian, the
guilty persons have been put to death
for it as if the injury had been done
to one of ourselves without any dif-
ference; therefore, when any of
yours are guilty of any such crime,
we do expect they shall in like man-
ner be punished for it; and in all
cases of this nature we consider the
guilty person only, if he be a Chris-
tian; no other Christian or white
man is put to any trouble; and in the
same manner if he be an Indian, we
do not account any other Indian an-
swerable for it but the guilty one
only, and he alone is to be punished;
only this is to be remembered, that
if any of our People commit a crime
and fly for it, our Officers and people
search after them and must find
them, and cause them to be kept in
prison until they can be prosecuted

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

and punished; but if the offence is
not Murther or some such grievous
crime,, we sometimes let them have
their liberty out of prison, when one
or more good men will become bound
for their appearance, and wil produce
or bring them forth when called by
the Government, to be punished
either in their bodies or to be fined
in a sum of money to make satisfac-
tion for their offence, and this meth-
od we perceive our Officers and good
friends, Samuel Blunston and the
the young Man whom they seized for
committing that cruel act on persons
who had done him and his compan-
ion, who had fled, no manner of Harm
but were endeavoring only to re-
strain their violence and make them
quiet after they had broken the win-
dow of a house to pieces, without any
provocation.

This proceeding of Samuel Blun-
ston and the other Magistrates you
must, without doubt believe, was an
act of great Mildness towards you,
and such as would scarce have been
shewn to any white men in the like
case. You can not however, but well
know in yourselves, that if either of
our wounded men should die of their
wounds those who gave the wound
should suffer for it in the same man-
ner as if a white man had done the
Act; and if this should happen, we
shall expect that not only the Young
man whom our Officers seized and
have since trusted to your keeping,
but the other also who has fled, shall
be apprehended, and be borh deliv-
ered up to be punished; but if the
wounded persons recover, as we hope
they will, those two offenders be- j
sides making satisfaction to the suf- \
ferers, should pay all the charge of j
their cure and of nursing and keep-
ing; and if the two Indian Young
men are not able to do this of them-

selves their friends should help
them to do it. for tnem, till by their
own diligence in hunting, they can
make Satisfaction; they must like-
wise faithfully promise to behave
themselves well and peacefully to-
wards all our p-opie foi the future,
that no just cause of further com-
plaint may be given against them.
And on this occasion we would de-
sire you to caution all your young-
men .not to come amongst us and our
people with any dangerous weapons,
that all further mischief may be
avoided, for we must live friendly
and peaceably together; we are to
take care that none of our People
shall hurt yours and you must take
the like care that none of yours be
disorderly or hurt you, either white
men or Indians. And as we can not
doubt but in this and all other cases
you will shew yourselves true and
good men, by faithfully performing
what you have repeatedly engaged by
your treaties with us, we desire that
you who are innocent may not be un-
der any fear or apprehension, for we
should not think you accountable
more than our own people, the white
men that inhabit there, and in this we
desire you to rest satisfied, and are
Your true friends and Brethren,
In behalf of the Proprietor and the
Council,

JAMES LOGAN."

1739— Shawanese Chiefs at Con
estoga.

In Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec, p. 336 it
is stated that six chiefs of the Shaw-
anese Indians with twenty-one others
came to town and the minutes of
their Council and the treaty of 1732
was read and also a treaty made be-
tween William Penn and some of the
Shawanese Chiefs in 1701; and Logan
<vas desired to prepare a speech for
them. In this speech he said among

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

336

other things that since your nation
first left and settled near Paxtang on
the West side of Susciuehanna and
went so far away to Ohio we desired
a conference with you. Logan then
went on to speak about their history
and about their coming into this
Province and several other things,
but as we have stated it all hereto-
fore we will not repeat it. A new
treaty however was made, in which
the treaty of the 23rd of April, 1701
was again rehearsed to them and it
is set out in full in this book but as
we have it in a former item we will
not repeat it either. The following
note however, was added to the treaty
by Logan. He told them that he
could see here what engagements
their ancestors had made and that we
had always kept ours or part of it
but that they had not kept theirs.
They made a reply the next day and
said they would have come to Phila-
delphia before but that they were
grieving about some of their people
that had been killed and then they
gave the reasons why they left us
and went out West. They say that
they remembered that they were in-
vited to come back two years ago and
they were very thankful for the invi-
tation but that they will not come
back again. They were given large
presents, however, and a new treaty
was made with them. The treaty is
found p. 346 and is as follows:

"Be it at all time to come remem-
bered that on the First day of Aug-
ust in the Year of our Lord, One
thousand seven hundred and thirty
nine, and the Thirteenth year of the
reign of King George the Second
over Great Britain, etc., at the City
of Philadelphia, and the Province of
Pennsylvania, it was concluded, stip-
ulated and fully agreed upon by and
between the Honorable John Penn,

Thomas Penn and Richard Penn,
Esqrs., true and absolute Proprietar-
ies of the said Province of Pennsyl-
vania, and Counties of New Castle,
Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware, sons
of the Honorable William Penn, Esq.,
first grantee and Proprietor of the
said Province, in behalf of all the
English and other Christian of the
said Province, on the one part, and
Kaycowwocker, Newcheconer, Tom-
enebuck, Meshemethequater, Chiefs
of the Nations of Shawanese Indians,
in behalf of themselves and the whole
body of people of the said Nation
dwelling on the great river Sasque-
hannah, as also on or near the great
river called Ohio, otherwise Alle-
gheny river, or in other part of
America within the claims of the
king of Great Britain, on the other
part in manner following; that is to
say, that the Union and Friendship
now so happily subsisting, shall be
maintained, cultivated and improved
by and between the subjects of the
said King of Great Britain inhabiting
America and all the people of the
said Shawanese Nation, in all times
to come, and that the same shall be
inviolably preserved without any Let,
obstruction or interruption while the
Sun, Moon and stars endure. That
all the several articles agreed upon
in Philadelphia the twenty-third of
April, In the Year One thousand
Seven Hundred and one, by the said
William Penn, and the said Nations
then dwelling on or near the said
River Susquehannah, of whom the
said Nation of the Shawanese, under
their King Wopaththaw, alias Opes-
sah, was one, now read and interpre-
ted to the said Shawanese shall be
inviolably observed in all and singu-
lar the parts thereof by all and every
the Parties to these Presents.
And whereas, the Shawonese hav-

337

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

ing left their former habitations, are
now for the benefit of their hunting
removed to much greater distances
from the Christian Inhabitants of the
said Province than formerly they
were at the time of entering into the
said agreement, they, the said Shaw-
anese, do hereby, for themselves and
the rest of their Nations, solemnly
promise and engage, that always
bearing in mind the said Articles and
Covenants entered into by their An-
cestors they, wherever they may be
settled, shall behave on their parts
as true friends and Brothers to the
Christian Inhabitants of the said
Province, and will not by any motives,
or persuasives be induced to join
with any Nation whatsoever who
shall be in enmity with the Subjects
of the Crown of Great Britain in any
Acts of Hostility against them.

In witness whereof, the said Tho-
mas Penn and the Honorable George
Thomas, Esquire, Lieutenant Gover-
nor of the said Province, and Kay-
cowockecor, Neweheoner, Tomene-
buck, Meshemethequater, the Chiefs
of the Indians above mentioned, have
hereunto set their hands and seals
the day and year first above written.

Signed, Sealed and Delivered in the
Presence of,

JAMES LOGAN,
SAMUEL PRESTON,
CLEMENT PLUMSTEAD,
SAMUEL HASELL,

Counsellours.
KAASHAWAGHQUILLAS,
PALAKACOUTHATER,
MARCOTTAWCOLLO,

Indians.
THOMAS PENN,
GEORGE THOMAS,
THOMAS FREAME, Jr.,
KAYCOWOCKEWR,
NEWCHEIONER,
TOMENEBUCK.
THOMAS LAWRIE, Sect.
GEORGE MIRANDA,

Interpreter.

Then being told that having now
finished what we had to say, they are
at liberty to return home when they
should have sufficiently refreshed
themselves, and that a wagon should
be ready to carry some of the Old
men and Baggage a part of the
way, some liquor being likewise call-
ed for; they are wished a good Jour-
ney, and having drank, withdrew."
1739 — Strange Sliawanese Customs.

In Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec. p. 342,
the Shawanese say that it is their
custom to put deer hair on the
graves of their dead. They made the
folowing statement:

"Being come where our Brothers
died we have taken a little Deer's
hair to put on their graves, and mis-
sing a brother (meaning the Gover-
nor) we take a little more Deer's
Hair to cover his grave. They then
present three bundles of Deerskins."
1742— Another Treaty Held With the
Five Nations: Conestoga Indians
Present.

In Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec, pp. 569
to 586 a long treaty with the Five Na-
tions was held. It included many
items but on p. 570 the following
proceedings concerning the Susque-
hanna Lands came up:

"We have further to observe with
respect to the lands lying on the
West side of the Susquehanna, that
though Brother Onas (meaning the
Proprietor) has paid us for what his
people possess, yet some part of that
Country have been taken up by pers-
ons whose place of residence is to
the South of this Province, from
whom we have never received any
consideration. This affair was rec-
ommended to you by our Chiefs at
our last Treaty and you then, at our
earnest desire, promised to write a
letter to that person who has the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

338

auhority over those people, and to
procure us his answer. As we have
never heard from you on this head,
we want to know what you have done
in it. If you have not done any-
thing we now renew our Request, and
desire you will inform the person
whose people are seated on our
Lands, that the Country belongs to us
in right of conquest — We have
bought it with our blood; and taken
it from our enemies in fair war; and
we expect as owners of that land to
receive such a consideration for it as
the land is worth. We desire you
will press him to send us a positive
answer; Let him say yes or No; if he
says Yes, we will treat with him; if
No, we are able to do ourselves Jus-
tice, and we will do it by going to
take payment on ourselves."

This treaty was held in July, 1742
and Conrad Weiser was present as
the Interpreter. The Indians pres-
ent consisted of thirteen Onondagoes
nineteen Cayoogoes, fourteen Anay-
its, three Senecas, twenty-two Tus-
caroras, five Shawanese, four ancient
Conestogas and four modern Cones-
togoes, also set forth as being Nan-
tikokes or Conoys and ten Delawares.

1742 — Names of the Conestoga In-
dians at the Philadelphia Treaty
of 1742.

In Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec, p. 585,
among the list of Indians present at
the great treaty there are given the
following four Conestogas as those
that speak the ancient Language.
Perhaps they are the old Susquehan-
nocks or their Heirs and descendants.
They are Dior-haasery, Chif, Thanigh-
wageran, Car-ha-cawy-int, and Caien-
quily-quoh. And the modern Cones-
togas, which are set down as also
being both Nantikokes and Conoys
are named, Des-Scheg, Igh-qua-que-
heck, Quesamaag, and Ayiok-his.

1742 — The Five Nation Speaker at the

Above Treaty Threatens the

Delawares,

At the above treaty a speech was
given by Canassatego, the leader of
the six Nations, which may be found
in Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec, p. 578, in
which he says that he has heard that
the Delaware Indians claim some land
along the Susquehanna which the
Five Nations sold to the whites and
he says to the Delawares who are
present, that they know their ances-
tors sold that land fifty years ago and
that some years ago the Delawares
themselves ratified the sale and their
own letters have been laid on the table
before us now and we know that it is
true. They have examined the papers
and the drafts with their own eyes,
and then he says as follows: "We see
with our own eyes that they have been
very unruly people and are altogether
in the wrong with their dealings with
you. You have concluded to remove
them and oblige them to go over the
River Delaware, and to quit all claim
to any lands on this side for the fu-
ture, since they have received pay for
them and it is gone through their guts
long ago. To confirm to you that we
will see your request executed, we
lay down this string of wampum in
return for yours.

Then turning to the Delawares,
holding a belt of Wampum in his
hand, he spoke to them as followeth:

Let this belt of Wampum serve to
chastize you; you ought to be taken
by the hair of the head and shaken
severely till you recover your senses
and become sober. You do not know
what ground you stand on, nor what
you are doing. Our brother Onas's
case is very just and plain, and his
pretensions to preserve friendship;

339

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

on the other hand your case is bad
your heart far from being upright
and vou are maliciously bent to
break the chain of Friendship with
our Brother Onas. We have seen
with our eyes a deed signed by nine
of your ancestors about fifty years
ago for this very land, and a release
signed not many years since by some
of yourselves and Chiefs now living
to the number of 15 or upwards. But
how came you to take upon you to
sell Land at all? We conquered you,
we made women of you, you know
you are women, and can no more
sell land than women. Nor is it fit
you should have the power of selling
lands since you would abuse it. This
land that you claim if gone through
y.uir guts You h:we been furnished
with Cloatfc Meat and drink by the
Goods i-hM you for i%. and now you
want it again like children as you
are. But what mokes you sell land
in the Lark? Did you ever tell us
that you had sold this land? Did
we ever receive any part, even the
vaule of a pipe Shank from you?
You have told us a blind story that

much greediness as Lewd women re-
ceive the embraces of bad men. And
for all these reasons we charge you
to remove instantly. We do not give
you the liberty to think about it.
You are women; take the advice of
a wise man and remove immediately.
You may return to the other side of
Delaware where you came from, but
we do not know whether, consider-
ing how you have demean'd your-
selves, you will be permitted to live
there or whether you have not swal-
lowed that land down your throats as
well as the land on this side. We,
therefore, Assign you two places to
go_either to Wyoming or Shamokin.
You may go to either of these places,
and then we shall have you more
under our eye, and shall see how you
behave. Do not deliberate, but re-
move away and take this belt of
Wampum." WTe may notice here
that the Delawares were forbid to
come to the treaty at Lancaster in
| 1744, See Vol. 1 of the Penna. Arch-

ives p. 657.
! 1743— The Shawanese Break One of
Their Agreements
In Vol. 3 of the Votes of the As-

you have sent a messenger to us to

t * r ^ i i ♦ un ne»r^-n sembly, p. 517, Governor Thomas

inform us of the sale but he never *» * .

« „„,r^ v,fl0^ says the Shawanese in spite of then-
came amongst us, nor we never heard "* u. ., . .n

» many treaties with them are not to

be trusted , they are beginning to

show their strong liking for the

French. And in Vol. 4 of the Col.

Rec. p. 630, their depredations are

set forth in an affidavit of Thomas

McKee of Lancaster County, in which

he says that the Indians of the

Shawanese from an island in the

river called "Big Island" came to his

store on the South branch of the

Susquehanna and robbed it and that

part of them, about thirty came

down to Susquehanna on canoes

to John Harris's and from there

travelled on foot down towards Mary-

anything about it. This is acting in
the dark; and very different from
the conduct our Six Nations observe
in their sales of land. On such Occa-
sions they give publick notice and
invite all the Indians of their united
Nations, and give them a share of
the present they receive for the
Lands. This is the behavior of the
Wise United Nations, but we find you
are none of our blood. You act a
dishonest part not only in this but
in other matters. Your ears are ever
open to slanderous reports about our
Brethren. You receive them with as

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

340

land. He says they stopped and
asked John Hogg, one of the Lan-
caster County Magistrates and asked
him for a pass and used him very
badly.

1743 — Indian Excietment About Lan-
caster Town.

In the American Weekly Mercury
of June 9, 1743, the following item
occurs:

"The beginning of this week a re-
port came to town that the Indians
had cut off most «of our traders and
yesterday we had an account from
Lancaster that they came to Skohoo-
nioty or Jeniaty (a place within the
limits of this province but without
the Purchase) and destroyed several
white families that were settled
there; but as the former proves to
be false, it is hoped the latter will be
found to be so likewise."
1744— The Great Indian Treaty at
Lancaster.
In Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec, pp. 698
to 737, the minutes of the great Lan-
caster Treaty are set out. This
treaty was with the six Nations and
the main subjects discussed were dis-
putes concerning lands in the back
parts of the Province and some dis-
putes with Maryland and Virginia.
The Governor of Pennsylvania at-
tended the treaty, all the Commis-
sioners of Maryland and the Com-
missioners of Virginia; and Conrad
Weiser was the Interpreter. While
this treaty was held in Lancaster
town, none of which proceedings
concerned Lancaster County, there-
fore, we shall not give it much
space in these annals; but p. 704 the
history of the land purchases of Lan-
caster County from the Indians and
also the land on the lower part of the
Susquehanna came up and the Gover-
nor told the Indians that,

"Our Great King of England and

his subjects have alwise possessed
the Province of Maryland iree and
undisturbed from any claims of the
Six Nations for about One Hundred
Years past, and your not saying any-
thing to us before convinces us you
thought you had not any pretence to
any, lands in Maryland, nor can we
yet find out to what lands or under
what title you make your claim. For
the Susquehanna Indians by a treaty
about Ninety years hence (which is
on the table and will be interpreted
to you) give and yield to the English
Nation, their heirs and assigns fox-
ever, the greatest part (if not all) of
the Lands we possess from Patuxent
River on the Western, as well as
from Choptank River on the Eastern
side of the great Bay Chesapeake,
and near sixty years ago you ac-
knowledged to the Governor of New
York at Albany, that you had given
your lands and submitted yourselves
to the King of England.

We are that Great King's subjects,
and we possess and enjoy the Pro-
vince of Maryland, by virtue of his
right and sovereignty thereto.

Why, then, will you stir up and
quarrel between you and ourselves,
who are as one man under the Pro-
tection of that King?

By these Treaties we become
Brethren; we have alwise lived as
such, and hope alwise to continue so.
We need not put you in mind of the
Treaty (which we suppose you have
had from your fathers) made with
the Province of Maryland nearly
Seventy years ago, and renewed and
confirmed twice since that time.

We have this further to c>ay, that
although ye are not satisfied of the
Justice of your Claim to any lands
in Maryland, yet we a.re desirous in
shewing our Brothers kindness and
affection, and to prevent (by any
reasonable way) every misunder-

341

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

standing between the Province of
Maryland and you our Brethren of
the Six Nations.

For this purpose we have brought
hither a quantity of goods for our
Brethren of the Six Nations, and
which will be delivered you as soon
as we shall have received your ^an-
swer and made so bright and large a
fixe as may burn pure and clear
whilst the Sun and Moon shall shine.
We have now freely and openly bid
and laid our bosoms bare to you, and
that you may be the better confirmed j
of the truth of our Hearts, We give |
you this belt of Wampum.

Which was received with the Jo-
hah."

The next day Cannassatego made a
reply, which is found in the same
book, p. 706, and in the reply he says:

"Brother, the Governor of Mary-
land:

When you mentioned the affair of
the Land Yesterday, you went back
to old times, and told us you had
been in possession of the Province of
Maryland about One Hundred Years;
but what is one hundred years in
comparison to the length of time our
Claim began? — Since we came out of
this Ground? For we must tell you
that long before One hundred years
Our ancestors came out of this very
ground, and their children have re-
mained there ever since. You came
out of the ground in the Country that
lyes beyond seas, there you have a
just claim, but here you must allow
us to be your elder Brothren, and the
lands to belong to us long before you
know anything of them. It is true
that above one hundred years agoe
the Dutch came here in a ship and
brought with them several goods,
such as awls, knives, hatchets, guns,
and many other particulars, which
they gave us , and when they had
taught us to use these things, and we

saw what sort of people, we were so
well pleased with them that we tied
their ships to the Bushes of the Shoar
and afterwards liking them still bet-
ter the longer they stayed with us,
and thinking the bushes too slender;
we removed the rope and tied it to
the trees, and as the trees were liable
to be blown by hoigh winds, or to
decay of themselves, we, from the
affection we bore them, again .remov-
ed the rope and tied it to a strong
and big rock (Her,e the Interpreter
said that they mean the Oneida
Country), and not content with this,
for its further security we removed
the rope to the Big Mountain, (Here
the Interpreter said they mean the
Onondago Country), and there we
tyed it fast and rolled wampum
around it, and to make it still more
secure we stood upon the wampum
and sat down upon it to defend it,
and did our best endeavors that it
might remain uninjured forever dur-
ing all the time; the Newcomers, the
Dutch, acknowledged our rights to
the lands, and solicited us from time
to time to grant them parts of our
Country, and to enter into League
and Covenant with us, and to become
one people with us?

After this the English came into
the Country and as we were told, be-
came one people with ihe Dutch;
about two years after the arrival of
the English, and English Governor
came to Albany and finding what
great friendship subsisted between us
and the Dutch, he approved it might-
ily, and desired to make as strong a
league and to be upon as good terms
with us as the Dutch were, with
whom he was united, and to become
one people with us, and by this fur-
ther care in looking what had passed
between us he found the rope which
tyed the ship to the Great Mountain

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

342

was only fastened with Wampum,
which was liable to break and rot
and to perish in a course of years, he
therefore told us that he would give
us a silver chain which would be
much stronger and would last for-
ever. This we accepted and fastened
the ship with it, and it has lasted
ever since. Indeed, we have some
small differences with the English
and during these misunderstandings
these young men would, by way of
reproach, be every now and then
telling us that we should have per-
ished if they had not come into the
Country and furnished us with
strowds and Hatchets and Guns and
other things necessary for the sup-
port of life. But we always gave
them to understand that they were
mistaken, that we lived before they
came amongst us, and as well o.r bet-
ter, if we may believe what our fore-
fathers have told us. We had then
room enough and plenty of Deer,
which was easily caught, and
though we had not Knives, Hatchets
or Guns, such as we have now, yet
we had knives of stone and hatchets
of stone and bows and arrows and
these se.rved our uses as well then as
the English ones do now. We are
now straitened and sometimes in
want of deer, and liable to many
other inconveniences since the Eng-
lish came amongst us, and particular-
ly from that Pen and Ink work that
is going on at the table (pointing to
the Secreta.rys), and we will give
you an instance of this. Our Brother
Onas, a great while ago, came to Al-
bany to buy the Susquehannah lands
of us, but our -Brothers, the Gover-
nor of New York, who, as we suppose,
had not a good understanding with
our brother Onas, advised us not to
sell him any lands, for he would
make an ill use of it, and pretending

to be our good friend, he advised us,
in order to prevent Onas's or any
other persons imposing upon us, and
that we might always have our land
when we should want it, to put it in
his hands and told us, he would
keep it for us and for our use, and
never open his hands, but keep them
close shut, and not part with any of
it but at our request. Accordingly
we trusted him, and put our Lands
into his hands, and charged him to
keep it safe for our use; but some
time after he went away to England
and carried our land away with him,
and there sold it to our Brother
Onas for a large sum of money;
and when, at the instance of our
Brother Onas, we were minded to
sell him some lands, he told us that
we had sold the Susquehannah lands
already to the Governor of New York,
and that he had bought them from
him in England, though when he
came to understand how the Gover-
nor of New York had deceived us, he
very generously paid us for our
lands over again."
He then further said as to the lands
about Conestoga, "We now come
nearer home. We have had your
deeds interpreted to us, and we ac-
knowledge them to be good and valid,
and that the Conestogoe or Sasque-
hannah Indians had a right to sell
those lands unto you, for they were
their's; but since that time we have
conquered them, and their Country
now belongs to us, and the lands we
demanded satisfaction for are no part
of the lands comprized in those
deeds — they are the Cohongoroutas
lands. Those we are sure you have
not possessed one hundred years; no,
nor above ten years; and we made
our demand so soon as we knew your
people were settled in those parts.
These have never been sold but re-

343

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

main still to be disposed; and weaie
well pleased to hear that you are
provided with goods, and do assure
you of our willingness to treat with
you for those unpurchased lands, in
confirmation whereof we present you
with this Belt of Wampum."

This treaty lasted from the 22 of
June till July 4, 1744. The Sessions
were held in the old Court House
which stood in Center Square at Lan-
caster, and during the treaty mention
is made that the Indian goods were
left in the lower room and the pro-,
ceedings held in the lower room of
the Court House and that Canassat-
ago, the Indian orator stood on the
platform when he made his speech;
and that Tachanoontie also made cer-
tain speeches on the 29th of June. A
deal board was brought in and draw-
ings of the land in dispute were
made upon it by Canassatego. Sev-
eral other Indians also spoke and
among them Gachadow, who spoke
with a loud voice and appropriate
jestures, as it is stated in the treaty.
The meeting of July 2 was held in
the house if George Sanderson in
Lancaster and one of the Sessions I
think, in the Lutheran Church; and
everything passed off well. The In-
dians, it is stated, were camped out
along the Conestoga Creek on both
sides of what is now Rocky Springs
and adjacent grounds. Some com-
plaint was brought in that they
barked the walnut trees and the
Council paid for them. They asked
the people of Lancaster to repair j
their pans and kettles, which was |
done. At the end of the treaty on [
July 4, they asked for some wine to |
drink the health of the Great King of !
England, and they suggest that it j
should be in big English glasses and
not little French ones. After this |
Uiey gave three loud Huzzas and all j

joined in. It is then stated that the
Commissioners of Virginia gave Can-
assatego a scarlet camblet coat and
took their leave of them in form and
at the same time delivered them pass-
es. The Commissioners of Maryland
presented Garachadow with a broad
gold laced hat and took their leave in
the same manner; and this ended the
great treaty.

1744— Witham Marshe's Comment on
the Treaty and on Lancaster as

He Found It in 1744.
Witham Marshe was the Secretary
to the Commissioners of Maryland
during the treaty of 1744. He kept a
journal and jotted down in it the
particulars of the treaty and also his
impressions of the town and his ex-
periences. The particulars of the
treaty we have set forth above from
the Colonial Records but the other
matters which Marshe speaks of are
also highly interesting and we will
give them in this article. Ths Jour-
nal is found in the Historical Society
at Phildelphia. It was reprinted by
the New Era Publishing Compnay
in 1884 edited and annoted by Dr.
Egle. From the diary I find the fol-
lowing minutes:

He says among other things, "We
arrived at Lancaster and put our
horses at Peter Worral's hotel or
tavern (that was later the Cross Keys
Tavern on West King street.) We
had dinner which was a great com-
fort; and a room with two beds, one
for myself and the chaplain.

Later Calvert; Craddock and myself
went into and viewed the Court House
of the town. It is ,a pretty large
brick building two stories high. The
great room where the Justices of the
County hold the Court is very spac-
ious. There is a handsome Bench,
which is railed in, wherein the Judges
sit and a chair in the midst of it

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

344

where the Presiding Judge sits. Be-
low this is a very large table of half
oval form. Around this and under
their worship's feet the County Clerk
and the chief attorneys of the Court
sit.

Fronting the Justices' Bench and on
both sides of it are several long steps
or series of platforms raised each
above the other like the steps leading
into the North door of St. Pauls. On
these steps stand the chief creditors
and spectators when a court is held
there. It was on these that the In-
dian chiefs sat when they treated
with the several Governments. The
Court House is capable to contain
about 800 persons without incommod-
ing each other.

We then went up stairs to the room
overhead. This is a good room and
has a large chimney. In this the Jus-
tices sit in the February Court for
the convenience of fire. Ajoining this
is a similar one where the Jurors are
kept to agree.

On top of the Court House is a kind
of a cupola. We ascended a ladder
and got into it, and from hence we
had a complete view of the whole
town and the Country several miles
around; and likewise part of the
Susquehanna River twelve miles
away.

This town was not begun to be built
until about 16 years ago. It is con-
veniently laid out into sundry streets
and one main street; in the midst of
which stands the Court House and the
Market. Through this street runs
the road into the back Country on to
the Susquehanna. There are several
cross streets on each side of the
main streets which are indifferently
well built as to the quantity of hous-
es.

The inhabitants are chiefly High
Dutch, Scotch Irish and some few
English families and unbelieving

Israelites, who dwell very consider-
ably in this place.

The spirit of cleanliness has not as
yet in the least troubled the major
part of the people; for they are in

general very great s s and slovens.

When they clean their houses which
is very seldom they are unwilling to
remove the filth away from them-
selves for they place it close to their
doors, which in the summer time
breeds an innumerable quantity of
bugs, fleas and vermin.

The religions which prevail are
ha.rdly to be numbered. They were
Catholics who built a church of
square logs and the interspaces filled
with clay. In this church is a small
organ good for very little and played
worse on by the organist.
The sect of Lutherans have a church
and this is more spacious, but built
by stone and much larger than the
other. The minister is a gentleman
of good power and he keeps the con-
gregation in good order. The minis-
ter of the Dutch church is paid ac-
cording to the will of the hearers and
in the manner in which the sermons
please them; but has n© certain
stipend. The clergyman of the
Church of England sometimes offi-
ciates in the Court House, there
being no church built by them. There
are also a great number of Presby-
terians and Jews in this Colony.

The houses for the most part are
built with and covered with wood, ex-
cept some few which are built of
stone and brick. They are generally
low seldom exceeding two stories.

There are hills which inviren Lan-
caster and likewise some thick
woods, which in the summer render
it very hot. The soil is thin, dry and
sandy; and when a fresh wind blows
it almost chokes the inhabitants.

The water here is very bad and
Lhere is occasion to buy it. The

345

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Springs and even the wells being-
stored with limestone.

They have a very good market here
well filled with provisions of all
kinds and prodigiously cheap. Our
commissioners and their Company
supped at Warrall's and passed away
an hour or two very agreeably; after
which I .returned to bed and had not
slept long when I was attacked with
legions of Dutch fleas and bugs which
were ready to devour both me and
the minister. During the next night
Mr. Calvert left the Lodgings and lay
in the Court House chamber among
the young Gentlemen of Virginia, who
there had beds made upon the floor.

On Friday during our dinner the
Six Nations with their followers and
attendants to the number of 252 ar-
rived. Several of the Squaws with
some children rode on horse-back,
which is very unusual. They brought
fire a.rms, bows and arrows and toma-
hawks. A great concourse of people
followed them and they marched in
very good order with Canassatego at
their head, the Chief of the Ononda-
goes, who when he came near the
Court House, where we were dining
sang in the Indian language a song
inviting us to a renewal of all the
treaties.

Conrad Weiser conducted them to
some vacant lots in the back part of
the town, where boards and poles
were placed.

Of these and some boughs of trees
the Indians made their wigwams
where they resided during the treaty.
They will not ever on any occasion
dwell or even stay ir. anv house
built by white people.

They placed their cabins according
to the rank, which each nation holds
in Council, the Onondagoes at the
head.

Canassatego and Tachanoonta, each
about 60 years old, but nimble and
lusty, lead in everything.

Tachanoontia is the greatest Chief
! and the greatest warrior the Five
I Nations ever had, because either his
father or mother was a negro. Most
of them understand English but they
cannot speak it. We went to see them
and after a while they began to paint
themselves and look frightful. They
.rubbed bear grease on their faces and
then laid white paint in them. Then
we went to the Court House and the
Indians came between five and six
o'clock accompanied by Conrad Weis-
er. Governor Thomas seated himself
in the chair on the Bench and the
Commissioners were seated around
about him; and the treaty began.

On Saturday after breakfast the

Governor, the Commissioners and

some other gentlemen went to the

Dunkers' Nunnery about twelve miles

hence. They .returned about six P.

M. (This was the Ephrata Cloisters).

After supper on Saturday I went to

the Indian camp and saw a light war

dance (The Indian camp is said to

have been where the old Conestoga

Park was located). At this dance 30

| or 40 young men formed themselves

| into a ring, a fire, having been lighted

j in the middle, an elderly Indian sat

; near the fire beating a drum to the

! time of the dances. The Indians hop-

| ped around the ring and .repeated

| "Yohah" and "Bugh," and soon after

I the major part set up a horrid shriek

i or halloo. They continued several

hours and seldom rested. Once they

sat down and the three old men sang

a tune.

A Conestoga or Susquehannock In-
dian stood outside the circle and beg-
ged the people to give him money for
the children of the Indians, which was
done. Some high Dutch arrived with
guns, which being perceived by this
Conestoga, he said it would offend the
Indians; and he told us to tell the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

346

Germans to withdraw or leave their
guns out of sight and they quickly
did It. Up to this time none of the
Indian chiefs had got drunk.

On Sunday, June 24, Mr. Craddock,
my fellow townsman held dvine ser-
vices in the Court House. Between
one and two o'clock all dined in the
Court House and another minister of
the Church of England preached in
the Court House that afternoon. In
the evening we went to the Indian
camp again. All were dancing as be-
fore.

Monday evening we had a grand
supper in the Court Hoiise and the
Governor of Pennsylvania got very
merry and all the company followed
his example. During the merriment
two Germans happened to pass by the
Court House with harp and fiddle and
played some time under the window.
Then the Governor ordered them to
come in and amuse us, which they
did; but not with the harmony of their
music for that was very uncouth and
displeasing; but playing a tune of
some sort to a young Indian who
danced a jig with Andrew Hamilton
(Andrew Hamilton was a son of the
Great Andrew the celebrated lawyer
and attorney general).

At eight o'clock on Wednesday
evening I went with our Honorable
Commissiiners to a Ball in the Court
House, in the chamber, to which his
Honor, the Governor of Pennsylvania,
the Commissioners of Virginia and
Maryland, and the gentlemen of the
several colonies, with sundry inhabi-
tants of the Town were invited.
James Hamilton the Proprietor of
Lancaster, made (gave) the Ball; And
he opened it by dancing two minutes
with two of the young ladies here, in
which the ladies danced a wilder
time than any of the Indians. The
females, (I dare not call them ladies
for that would be a profanation of

tt name) were in general very
agreeable. The dancers consisted of
Germans and Scotch Irish. But there
were some Jewesses who had not long
since come from New York that made
a tolerable appearance, being well
dressed and of an agreeable behavior.

There was a large and elegant sup-
per prepared in the Court House
Chamber, of which the Governor,
some of the Honorable Commssioners
and the female dancers first ate; then
the other gentlemen in order; and af-
terwards the younger gentlemen. The
dances were concluded at twelve
o'clock but myself and several young-
er set staid till after one.

Thursday, June 28th, in the even-
ing, about seven o'clock, accompan-
ied by Commissioner Nathaniel Rigby
I went to the Indian cabins; and col-
lected a crowd of papooses together
and flung handfulls of half pennies
among them. They scrambled heart-
ily and this pleased the older ones. A
great number of white people wit-
nessed the war dance this night. I
went to a cabin where I heard the
celebrated Mrs. Montour sing. She
was a French lady but now was sup-
posed to be an Indian, having been
taken by them in her youth and so
long lived with them. She married
a war captain of the Indians and had
two beautiful daughters. She was re-
ceived by the best families in Phila-
delphia. Her husband was dead.

On Friday evening, June 29, I went
with Col. Rigby and others to meet
Dr. Adams who had got an organ; but
it was with the greatest difficulty
that we could get him to play a tune.
The music was very bad and we suf-
fered in hearing it. Dr. Adams had
been a wild young man but was now
very pious.

On Saturday, June 30th, the Chiefs
dined at the Cdurt House at our invi-
tation. A large number of people were

347

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

present; we had five tables and a
a great variety of dishes and they
were served up in good order. The
Sachems sat at two separate tables
at the head of one of the famous ora-
tor Conassatego. And the others
were placed according to their rank.
We. carved the meat for the Indians
and served them with cider and
wine mixed with water. The chiefs
semed prodigiously pleased wth this
feast for they fed lustily, drank
heartily and were very greasy before
they finished their dinner for by the
by they make no use of forks. The
health of the Indians and of the Com-
missioners and the Governor ware
drunk.

On the evening of July 4th, a fine
gold laced hat was presented to
Grachadodow, a celebrated warrior
then about forty years old. He was
a straight limbed and graceful per-
son; but not so fat as Conassatego.
His action when he spoke certainly
was the most gracious as well as bold
that any person ever saw, without the
buffoonery of the French or over sol-
emn deportment of the Spaniards.
When he made the complimentary
speech on the occasion of giving
Lord Baltimore the name of Tocarry-
hogan he was complimented by the
Governor who said he would have
made a good figure in the forum of
old Rome. And Commissioner Jen-
nings declared that he had never
seen so graceful an action in any of
the most celebrated orators he had
ever heard speak.

At twelve o'clock on July 5, the
accounts were settled and we dined
at Worral' s and immediately after-
wards mounted our horses and went
from this filthy town to our kind face-
tious landlord Mr. Hughs at Notting-
ham township by the » Gap road, so
called from space or gap being

opened in the ridge of the BIu
Mountains which extends a grea
way to the Southwest of Virgin]
and Northeast of Pennsylvania.

WITHAM MARSHE."
1744— The Conoy Indians Still Clain
Land in Ohio.

Among the proceedings of the
Great Treaty the following is found,
p. 724, spoken by Conassatego:

"The Conoy Indians have informed
us that they sent you a Message
sometime ago to advise you that
they were ill used by the White
People in the place where they had
lived, and that they had come to a
resolution of removing to Shamokin,
and requested some small satisafc-
tion for their land, and as they never
have .received any answer from you,
they have desired us to speak for
them. We heartily recommend their
case to your Generosity, and to
weight to our Recommendation we
present you with this String of Wam-
pum.

Which was received with the us-
ual ceremony."

1744— The Conestogas at the Great

Lancaster Treaty.

The Colonial Record Account does
not mention the names of the Chiefs
and Indians at the Lancaster Treaty,
but in Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
pp. 656 and 7 the names appea.r and
among them we find twelve of the
Conestogas that are said to be the
Conestoga Indians that speak the an-
cient language and therefore were
likely twelve principal men of the
old stock of Conestogas there. This
begins to show the pathetic figure of
the Conestogas and how they are
dwindling. The other Indians pres-
ent were 20 Onondagoes, 26 Cayoo-
goes, 12 Oneidas, 4 Senecas, 16 Tus-
caroras, 10 Conoys and a few other
minor tribes.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

ii'44 — The Delawares Come to Phila
jjI delphia to Treat.. The Conoys

348

At a treaty held in Philadelphia,
1744, found in Vol. 4 of the* Col. Rec,
|jip. 746 and 747 among other things
it is stated that the Conoys have
moved higher up too but nearer us
(the Delawares) and we now take
this opportunity to inform you of it.

1744 — The Shawanese Not On Good

Terms With the Five Nations.

Have Moved.

In Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec. p. 739,
the Governor making a report to
Council of the business done at the
great treaty at Lancaster, says, that
they have renewed solemn treaties of
friendship and that they are going to
send down the murderer that mur-
dered Armstrong, the trader, near
Lancaster. The Governor further
says that he observed that there was
only one Shawanese present at the
treaty and that he was from the
principal town in Ohio. And that he
inquired into these and he found
that the Shawanese and the Five
Nations were far from being on
friendly terms with each other.
1744— The Delaware Indians Kill
John Armstrong, a Lancaster
Indian Trader.
In Vol. 3 of the Votes of Assembly,
p. 546, it is stated that John Arm-
strong, an Indian Trader, was killed
near Lancaster and his wagon robbed
.of his Indian goods. And it seems
from the newspaper report which
may be found in the American Week-
ly Mercury for 1743 and 1744 that
this killing grew out of a horse
trade in which Armstrong had got-
ten the better of the Delaware In-
dians and the Delaware Indians
wanted him to trade back, but he
would not. An account of this may

be found in the American Weekly
Mercury in the issue of April 26,
1744. This gives us an incite into the
Indian difficulties at this time.
1745.— Peter Chartier Has Gone Over
to the French.
In Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec. p. 757, it
was stated that an affidavit was
made by Peter Chartier's servant
that Peter had accepted a military
commission under the French King.
The Governor was informed of this
and he said if he had been punished
as he deserved for the report he
spread two years ago among our In-
dians and tried to stir them up to go
to the French, he would not have
been at liberty at this time; and that
the perfidious blood of the Shawanese
runs in Peter's veins.

1745 — The Five Nations Say We

Should Have Made War on the

Shawanese.

In Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec, p. 782, at
another treaty held this year some of
the Six Nations were present and
| among other things they said that we
should have made war against the
Shawanese when we found they were
going to leave; but the Governor an-
swered this by saying that he would
not have done this without first con-
sulting the Five Nations, and this
pleased them very much. Conrad
Weiser had been sent on an expedi-
tion to the Five Nations and he re-
ported that after a Council with
them was ended the Black Prince in-
vited all present including himself to
a dinner and at the dinner they had
plenty of hominy, dried venison land
fish. And that after dinner they were
served with a drink all around; and
while at dinner they had several dis-
courses about the Shawanese and
that the statement was made by

349

ANNALS OF THE SUS^UEHANXOCKS AND

some of them that we should have
made war on the Shawanese and
others differed from that opinion.
This is the first mention of after
dinner speeches among the savages,
of which we have any knowledge.

1745— Lancaster County to Be
Protected.
In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, pp. 1 j
and 2 it is stated that the Indians
were preparing themselves, under j
the leadership of Peter Chartier to
come down on Lancaster County and j
it was decided that notice should be
sent to the inhabitants of Lancaster
Co. to be on their guard ; and that |
the Captain appointed over the mlli-J
tia of that County should drill his
troops.

1746— The Whites and Indians of J
Lancaster County to Arm
Themselves.
In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, pp. 26
and 27 it is set forth in a message
from the Governor to the Assembly
that a petition from a considerable
number of the inhabitants of Lancas-
ter County has reached Philadelphia,
setting forth that they need arms
and ammunition and are not able to
purchase them and that they must
protect themselves from the Indians.
The Governor decided that he would
help the people of Lancaster County
to provide for themselves.

1747 — Governor Thomas Sick.
In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 84, it
is set forth that Governor Thomas
has been sick ever since he attended
the Lancaster Treaty three years be-
fore.

1747— An Old Indian Friend Sliick-
alamy Sick and Needs Medicine.

Shickalamy, one of the mnior
Chiefs of the Five Nations has been
a great friend to the whites since the

Delawares turned against the Eng-
lish to the French. Conrad Weiser
in November of this year went to see
him on business and found him in a
most miserable condition and hardly
able to stretch forth his hand be-
cause of the fever. Several of his
relations were buried recently and he
was nearly at the point of death but
Weiser gave him some medicine and
he got up afterwards. He was after-
wards a great help to Lancaster
County people.

1747 — Indians in Lancaster from
Shamokin.

In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 140
it is seth forth in a letter from Con-
rad Weiser that at Lancaster he
saw ten Indians from Ohio on their
way to Philadelphia. They came
from Shamokin which was now the
seat of Indian disturbances and
which neighborhood was the fron-
tier. They reached Philadelphia on
or about the 13th of November (Set
p. 145) and they made a speech
which may be found p. 146. The
whole subject concerns happenings
not in Lancaster County. They were
loyal however, to the English and on
p. 147 they said among other things
that they desire to be furnished with
weapons, such as will knock down
the French.

1748 — A New Proclamation Against

Selling Bum to the Indians.

In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 194,
| it is set forth that rum selling has
I become a great evil again among the
j Indians and the Governor issued a
proclamation against the practice,
I which may be found in that book
i and same page. Presents were now
| ordered to the Indians amounting to
!850 Pounds, (See p. 197).

1 1748— The Five Nations Give Another
Deed for Susquehanna Lands.

In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 219
I may be found a deed and release

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

350

made by the Five Nations for land on
the Susquehanna River, chiefly on
the West side in the latitude of what
is now York County.

1748— The Nantikokes Hare Now
Moved.

In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 22, a
statement is made showing that the
Nantikokes Indians who formerly
lived in the neighborhood of the Con-
oys, have now moved up the Susque-
hanna River to the Mouth of the
Juniata.

1748 — The Six Nations Command the

Susquehanna Indians To Take

Up the Hatchet.

In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 284,
the following report was made by a
paper presented by Mr. Weiser:
"MEMORANDUM taken the 13th of
June, 1748.

Last night arrived at my house
Ganataraykon, Sogogockiather, Ach-
noara, Kattake, and Sanagarnet,
sent by Shikalamy to inform me that
a Message from the Six Nations (in

the Cajucka ) to the following

purport.

"Brethren and Cousins, You that
live on Susquehannah River and
elsewhere.

"We let you know that our Breth-
ren, the English have sent a mes-
sage to us to inform us that the
French had come to live on this
side the lake and threaten destruction
to the Six Nations as well as to the
English, and that therefore, it was
requisite our Nation in concert with
the others should take up the Eng-
lish Hatchet and exert themselves
against the French. To encourage
us, therefore, they gave a large Belt
of Wampum made in the shape of a
hatchet and told us further that the
English cried out for help, having
suffered much by the French. So
far the English Message."

Then certain other proceedings in-
tervened it at the end of which the
following message was given:

"Brethren and Cousins that live on
Susquehanna River: We send you
this string of wampum; and desire
you to have your ears open and be
on your guard; we also desire you
will with all speed carry this our
Message from town to town until it
a.rrives at Schohonyady. This was
accordingly done — the said Message
came to Shamokin on the 9th in-
stant, and the Indians met in Shika-
lamy's House. It was delivered by
a Delaware Indian that lives on
Wayamuck or Seahantowany. The
Indians on Shamokin dispatched it
immediately to Schohonihady afore-
said, though the Sun was just down."

1748— Log Town the First Town
From Lancaster.

In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 289,
we find this statement is made, "A
letter from the Shawanese and some
of the Six Nations dated at Log
Town on the road from Lancaster to
Allegheny was read."

I cite this item to show that the
first Indian town out of Lancaster
was Log Town at this date and it
seems to me to be very far west, at
any .rate it helps to show that the
Indian frontier was now moved to
the central part of Pennsylvania.

1748— Council Fire to Be Held at

Lancaster.

In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec , p. 290,
we find it set forth that it is the in-
tention of various Indian tribes to
hold a large Council fire at Lancas-
ter. •

1748— Another great Treaty Held at
Lancaster.

In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, pp. 298
and 299, it is set forth that the
Twigttwees Nations are now visiting
Lancaster with the divers chiefs of
the Six Nations in order to enter into
a treaty.

351

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

This treaty was held beginning the
19th of July, 1748 and lasted until
the 23rd and is found in Vol. 5 of the
Col. Rec, pp. 307 to 319. It is stated
to have been attended by several
members of Council, Magistrates and
inhabitants of Lancaster County, 55
Indians of the Six Nations and also
Indians of the Delaware, Shawnese,
Nantikoke and Twightwee Tribes. It
is observed here that the Conestogas
were not present. They seem to have
dwindled to so small proportion as
to not be taken account of any
longer. The treaty was held in the
Lancaster Court House according to
the accounts in the Col. Records and
the subjects under discussion did not
concern Lancaster County locally
but had to do with the question of
admitting the Twightwees into the
League of Friendship and it looked
also toward securing the friendliness
of the Shawanese and Delawares
again. The particulars of the treaty
are found p. 316, in a certain instru-
ment and they state that the said
Twightwees are accepted by the
Commissioners on the part of Penn-
sylvania as good friends and allies
and the Twightwees agree that they
will act soberly and be faithful to
the English. This seems to have
been the whole business of the
treaty.

1748 —Shawanese Pardoned and
Taken Back Into the Fold.

In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 323,
it is set forth that the pardon so
earnestly sought for by the Shawa-
and their submission and

nese
darkness

ap-

174&— Expense of Lancaster Treaty.

In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 327,
the following is set forth as the ex-
pense of the Lancaster Treaty

"The accounts of the expenses of , the Susquehanna "at ~the

the late Treaty at Lancaster were | town

laid before the Board by the Secretary
(after deducting the value of the
presents from the Indians) amount-
ing to the sum of 169 Pounds, 18
shillings and 0 pence, and as all the
sums, excepting such as were dis-
bursed by the Secretary himself by
order of the Commissioners, were cer-
tified by Mr. Webster, they were ap-
proved and it was resolved that they
should be laid before the Assembly
with a proper message to recommend
the immediate payment of them."

The credits against the above debt
were 39 Pounds, 2 shillings and 8
pence, leaving a balance of 140
Pounds, and 18 shillings.

1749— The Conoys, Though Removed,

Still Claim Their Old Lands at

Conoy.

In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 390,
one of the Chiefs who came to the
Philadelphia treaty from the Six
Nations said:
"Brethren:

As we were coming here the Conoy
Indians gave us this String of Wam-
pum, thereby putting their case into
or hands which we understood to
Speak to. It seems when the proprie-
taries bought the land between the
Delaware and the Susquehanna from
us, the tract, as they told us, on
which the Conoy town stood was re-
served out of the grant on account of
those Indians, then living there, and
when they should quit it they were to
have a consideration paid them for it.
This we think they are entitled to, as
they have left the land and live
among other Nations at Juniata; and
as they tell us that they never have
received anything for the land, we
recommend it to you to see them paid
Here he gave the Conoy's String."

We notice in this item the Conoys
still insist that they own the land on

old Conoy

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

352

The Governor however, told the Six
Nations' representatives that the
Conoys do not own that land any-
longer. This may be found, in Vol. 5
of the Col. Rec, p. 393, as follows:
"Brethren, I now read an answer to
Assuehqua, who gave this String in
behalf of the Conoy Indians. I am
sorry to say that these Indians have
misrepresented the fact, for on the
information I have received from the
Proprietor's office, this land, which is
but a small piece where their town
stood, was not reserved out of their
grants of the land sold by the Six
Nations; but at time the Conoy In-
dians being desirous to continue
there, prevailed with the six nations
to ask this as a favor from the Pro-
prietaries, while they (the Conoys)
remained on it, and at their instance
the Proprietaries granted them this
favor, and they might have lived
there till now; but as they choose
voluntarily to go away, and signified
this by a string of wampum to the
Government, they had leave accord-
ingly to go to Juniata or elsewhere.
You can not but know the Six Na-
tions have frequently desired the
Proprietaries not to give money to
any tributary nations for Land, and
these Conoys are such they would
have reason to find fault with the
Proprietaries should they pay them
anything, especially as they have al-
ready given to the Six Nations a val-
uable consideration for it; I confirm
this by a String of Wampum."

1749— A Sew Grant of the Land Be-
tween the Susquehanna and Dela-
ware Rivers by the Indians
to the English.

In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, pp. 406
and 407, we find the following:
"Brethren:

We have taken into consideration
your offer of the sale of some land ly-

ing on the East side of Sasquehanna
and though we have no directions
from the Proprietaries (who are now
in England, to treat with you, yet as
we judged it for their benefit and for
the publick good not to reject the of-
fer you have thought proper to make,
we send you word by the Interpreter
that we would not treat with you
about, a new purchase, but at the
same time we gave you to understand
that we could by no means accede to
your proposal in the manner you had
limited it, viz: to take land lying on
the East Side of the Sasquehanna, as
far as Thomas McKee's, because you
must be sensible that as the head of
the river Schuylkill lies not far from
the Sasquehanna, and not far from
the head of Schuylkill there runs one
of the main branches of the River
Delaware, and that the Delaware In-
dians, in the last treaty, had granted
the lands from this branch to very
near the Leachawanchsein on Dela-
ware. I say, considering all these
things, which were explained to you
on a Draught, by which it appears
that all you offer is mountainous,
broken and poor land, you must know
that this is not worth our acceptance,
but we added if you would extend
your offer to go more Northerly on
Sasquehanna as far as Shamokin, and
that the tract might carry its breadth
to Delaware river, so that we could
in any manner justify ourselves to
the Proprietors, we would close and
give you a just consideration for the
lands. On this you held a council
and made us a second offer that you
would sign a deed to the Proprietors
for all that Tract of Land that lies
within the following bounds, viz:
Beginning at the Kittochhinny Hills,
where your last purchase ends on
Sasquehanna, from thence by the
courses of the River Sasquehanna to
the first Mountain North of the creek,

353

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

called in the Onondago Language Can-
tawhy, and in the Delaware Lan-
guage Makooniahy, on the said River
Sasquehanna, this is the Western
Boundary; then for the North Bound-
ary by a straight line to be run from
that Mountain to the main Branch of
Delaware River, at the North side of j
the Mountain of Lechawachsein, so as ,
to take in the waters of Lecshawach- j
sein; the East Boundary to be the
River Delaware from the North of the
Viskil to the Kittochtiny; the South
boundary to be that range of the Kit-
tochtinny Hills to the place of be-
ginning, together with the islands in
the River Sasquehanna and Delaware
in that Compass. Having received
this second offer, though neither in
this is there any considerable
quantity of good land, yet in regard
to your Poverty more than to the
real value of the Tract we sent you
word that on your Signing a deed we
would pay you the sum of Five Hun-
dred Pounds."

1749 — The Indians Wound Adam For-
ney at Lancaster.

In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 409,
it is stated that, "An Indian this last
Summer came in a rude manner to a
substantial Housekeeper of Lancaster
County, one Adam Furney, and de-
manded rum of him; he gave him
some but because he refused to give
him more, he withdrew a small space
and having his gun in his hand ready
loaded he shot him in the Breast, and
he lay a considerable time ill of his
wounds, being expected to dye every
day. On this the Indian was appre-
hended and committed to Jail, but the
man recovered, contrary to all expec-
tation, and the Indian was the other
day released."

1750 — A Conference With the Cones-
toga Indians.

In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 431, it
is stated that proceednigs from Mr.

Weiser about conference held by him
with Mr. Montour, some of the Sha-
mokin Indians and also the Conestoga
Indians, were read as follows:

"At a conference held with the In-
dians at Mr. Croghan's in Pennsbo.ro
Township, Cumberland County, on
Thursday, the 17th day of May, 1750.
PRESENT:

Richard Peters, Esq., Secretary;
Conrad Weiser, James Galhreath,
George Croghan, Andrew Montour,
Tach - nech - doarus, Saiuchtowano,
Cataradirha, Tohomady Huntho, a
Mohock from Ohio.

George Stevenson, William Wilson,
Hermanus Alricks, Esquires.
Sai-uch-to-wano spoke as follows:
Brethren:
We were in hopes of giving the Sec-
retary a Cheerful Welcome into this
pa.rt of the Country; but we have just
heard a piece of bad news which has
interrupted our Joy, that one of the
principal men of the Province is
taken away by a sudden death, a
wise Counsellor and a good friend of
ours. He pleased, therefore, to con-
vey to the Governor our Expressions
of Sorrow on this Melancholy Occa-
sion and let this String of Wampum
serve to comfort his heart and wipe
away the tears from his eyes till
this great loss shall be supplied by
some fitt person to succeed him.

Then Catara-dirha, on behalf of the
Conestogoe Indians, spoke:
Brethren:

When the Six Nations sold their
Land on Sasquehannah to the Pro-
prietaries, the Conestogoe Indians
were then living in their town near
Lancaster, for which reason the
Place where they lived was excepted
out of the sale. It will appear by
your records that they were to live
there as long as they pleased, and
when they should incline to depart

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

154

they were to signify it . to the Pro-
prietaries and receive a Considera-
tion; they are now inclinable to
move nearest to the Other Indians
and according to the agreement al-
ready made to the Proprietaries they
request you to inform the Governor
of meir intention. They want to sell
their improvements and now make
the Proprietaries the first offer of
them.

A String of Wampum.
"Brofher, the Governor:

Many of our old people are dead,
so that we are now left as it were
Orphans i n a destitute condition,
which inclines us to leave our old
Habitations. When we are gone ill-
minded people may tell you stories
to our Prejudice; but we assure you
that Distance will not alter our af-
fections for you. Therefore, give no
ear to such stories, as we on our
part will not think you can lose
your regard for us, though there
are some whom would perswade us
that we are now not so much re-
garded by you as we have been."

From this item we see that the
Conestogas now are very much
ground down and they now fear for
their safety and ask permission to
move. According to what happened
later it would have been a wise thing
for the Government to allow them to
move.

Sir:

Philadelphia, Nov. 15, 1753.

I am favored with two*of your let-
ters, one by the Post of the Third of
September last, enclosing a copy of
the Indian Deed executed at Lancas-
ter which I shall send to Mr. Weiser,
at whose Instance I desired the
Copy, the other of the twenty-third
of October, by express enclosing a
letter of the twenty-eighth of Au-
gust last from the Earl of Holder-
nesse, one of his Majesties' Princi-
pal Secreataries of State, to whom I
shall do myself the Honor to w,rite
by a ship from this port, chusing, as
my letter from hence may arrive as
soon as by the return of the Man-of-
War and the contents of his Lord-
ship's letter are of great moment,
to take some time in the considera-
tion of my answer."

1751— A Xantikoke In Lancaster
Jail.

In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 543,
it is stated that at the beginning of
this year one of the Nantikokes was
committed to the prison at Lancas-
ter for abusing a white girl. It
seems that such pressure was
brought to bear that he was soon re-
leased.

1753— An Indian Deed Executed at

Lancaster.

In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 700,
it is stated that the following letter
was written to Governor Dinwiddie:

1754— Another Purchase of Land
Across the Susquehanna River.

In Vol. 6 of the Col. Rec, p. Ill, a
conference was held with some of
the Indians, in which the following
report was made.:
"May it Please the Governor:

The first Indians that made their
appearance were from the Heads of
Sasquehannah as low down as One-
cquago, and by those who came im-
mediately to visit the Commissioners
from Pennsylvania, as indeed all the
other Indians did."

The report then goes on to state
that two Connecticut gentlemen
were in town trying to negotiate "a
purchase from the Indians for the
Sasquehannah Lands lying within
the latitude of the Connecticut char-
ter in favor of some private persons
of that Government, and had with
them a thousand pieces of Eight and
were busy conferring with the In-
dians on this subject at the House
and thro' the means of Mr. Lydius."

355

ANNALS OF. THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1754_The Above Purchase Included I Canyingoes or Mohocks), who have

.. ~ t* ,««.<.„ Tranf lately at Philadelphia by our deed in

the Governor Dungan Tract I *? ^ ^ Eieventh ^ Qf

At the Great Albany Treaty of L^ Instant> October, released to
1754 the question of the Susquehanna j John pemi> Thomas Penn> and Rich.

lands again came up and to settle
the question the Six Ntaions made a
new deed and released all claim to
land on both sides of the Susque-
hanna River from the mouth up to
the endless mountains (See 6 Col.
Rec, p. 124), in which it is stated
that "Tahashwangoas was desired to
tell the Indians the manner of a
former deed being executed, and he
declared that it was done pluckily
and of their own voluntary motion
as a testimony of their great regard
for the Proprietaries who had at that
very treaty given them a generous
proof of their upright dealings with
the Indians by paying a third time
for the Sasquehanna lands, having

ard Penn, Proprietors of Pennsyl-
vania, and to their Heirs and Succes-
sors all their right claim, and Pre-
tensions whatsoever to all the lands
on both sides of the River Sasque-
hannah from the Mouth thereof, as
far Northward or up the said river
as that ridge of Hills called the
Tyoninhasachta or endless moun-
tains Westward to the Sitting of the
sun and Eastward to the fartherest
Springs of the water running into the
said river, do hereby further declare
that our true intent and meaning by
the said writing was and is to release
and we do hereby more expressly re-
lease to the said Proprietors their
heirs and Successors forever, all our

bought them of Col. Dungan first | right, claim and pretensions whatso-
and then of the Sasquehanna Indians j ever to all and every all the land ly_
and that he saw all the persons exe- ing within the Bounds and limits of

cute it with great willingness. Then
Hendrick and the other Indians
present were desired to look at the
Names of the Signers, .and having
done so they acknowldged they were
all principal men among the several
tribes and being asked to confirm
and ratify that deed and renew their
engagements to the Proprietaries
not to sell to ther persons any of
their lands, they one and all declared
it to be right, and desired that a
short deed might be drawn, which
was accordingly done, interpreted

the Government of Pennsylvania, be-
ginning Eastward on the River Dela-
ware, as far Northward as the said
Ridge or chain of endless mountains
as they cross the Country of Penn-
sylvania from the Eastward to the
West.

And further, as we have made the
firmest League of Friendship with
our Brethren of Pennsylvania, and
are become as one people with them,
we do hereby promise and engage for
our children and their children that
neither we nor they nor any in Au-

and executed both which followeth ! thority in our Nation will at any

time bargain, sell, grant, or by any
means make over to any person or

in these words:

DEED FROM THE SIX NATIONS TO
THE PROPRIETORS.
"We the Chiefs of the Six Nations
of Indians, Onondagoes, Tsanundow-
ans or Sinickes, Cayoogas, Oneydas,
Tuscaroroes (in behalf also of the

persons whatsoever (whether white
men or Indians), other than to the
said Proprietors the children of Wil-
liam Penn or to persons by them au-
thorized and appointed to agree for
and receive the same, any lands

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

356

within the limit of the Government of
Pennsylvania as is bounded North-
ward with the Government of New
York and Albany. But when we are
willing to dispose of any further
rights of land within the said limits
of Pennsylvania we will dispose of
them to the said Wiliiam Penn's
children and to no other persons
whatsoever. In witness whereof we
have in behalf of all our Nations
signed this further writing, being
distinctly read and Interpreted to us
by our Friend Conrad Weiser the
twenty-fiftb, day of October, 1736.

Witness (an interlineation of sev-
enteen words, benig first made be-
tween the 8th and 9th Lines)."

This deed then is signed by
twenty-two chiefs and on the back of
it there is an endorsement that it
was interpreted to them and they un-
derstand all that it means and they
do confirm the deed good and promise
Richard and Thomas Penn that
neither they nor anyone under their
authority will ever grant any land to
anybody but the heirs and assigns of
the Proprietaries. This was done on
the Ninth day of July, 1754.

1754 — Petition of Lancaster Coun-
tians for Protection.

In Vol. 6 of the Col. Rec, p. 131,
the following petition is set forth |
from the inhabitants of Donegal,
Lancaster County:

'"Petition of the Inhabitants of Done-
gal, in Lancaster County, to the
Governor:

To the Honourable James Hamil-
ton, Esquire, Lieutenant Governor
and Commander-in-Chief of the Prov-
ince of Pennsylvania and Counties of
New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, on
Delaware,

The humble Petition of Us, the In-
habitants of Donegal, humb.ly
sheweth:

That your Petition being duly sen-
sible of the great Danger that our
Province now is in by reason of such
cruel and merciless Enemy as We
are now engaged with, we therefore
desire to join with our friends and
neighbors in requesting your Honour
to take our distressed condition into
your considti ation, and to put us in
a condition that we may be able to
defend ourselves, and we on our part
will join in all that we can do for
the Safety of the Province; and your
Petitioners as in duty bound will
pray.

We empower our Trusty Friends
James Galbraith, Esqr., and Thomas
Foster, Esqr., to present to you.r
Honour in our Behalf.

WILLIAM SMITH,
WILLIAM ALLISON,
JOHN ALLISON,
BARNEY HUGHES.

July 26th, 1754.
Signed by several others, being in all
Ninety-Eight Signers."
On p. 132 of the same book there is
a similar petition of Paxtang, Der.ry
and Hanover Townships' people who
then belonged to Lancaster County.
I will not set that petition forth in
full as it is similar to the first one
and is sgned by fifty-seven signers.

1755 — Dungan's Purchase Again Re-
ferred To.

In Vol. 6 of the Col. Rec, p. 255, in
a letter from Governor Morris to
Governor Fitch, the following state-
ment is made:
"Sir:

Mr. Hamilton, my Predecessor,
having wrote fully to you and Mr.
Woolcott the late Governor of Con-
necticut, .relating to a scheme form-
ed in your Province for purchasing
the English and settling some lands
upon the River Susquehanna without
the leave of this Government though
within its bounds, I beg leave to re-

357

ANNALS OF THE SUS3UEHANNOCKS AND

fer you to that letter and to lay be-
fore you some other matters from
whence you may judge of the Nature
and consequence of that attempt.
You will, therefore, please to be in-
formed that about the year 1690 the
Indians then of the Five United Na-
tions, by deed regularly executed,
conveyed to Colonel Thomas Dungan,
Governor of New York, a large Par-
cel of land, a great part of which lay
upon the River Susquehanna and
within the limits of this Province
and that Col. Dungan afterwards by
deed conveyed the late Proprietor
William Penn, all those lands lying
upon the waters of Sasquehannah
within the Province aforesaid. I
would give you the* particular dates
of those deds, but am now a dis-
tance from Philadelphia where they
are. These instruments have been
frequently produced to the New Six
United Nations of Indians and their
allies the Sasquehannas, are recited
in many of their subsequent deeds,
and have been pluckily acknowledg-
ed, ratified and confirmed at several
treaties between them and this Gov-
ernment; and though the force and
effect of those deeds has always
been understood as well by the In-
dians as by the English to vest in
the Proprietors of Pennsylvania all
the lands upon the several branches
of Sasquehannah, yet they the Pro-
prietaries of Pennsylvania have upon
many occasions by treaty solemnly
engaged not to take possession of
those Lands or suffer them to be set-
tled without making the Indians a
particular satisfaction for such parts
of that Country as they should from
time to time agree to give up; and
for that reason all subsequent deeds
have been considered only as confir-
mations, so far as they related to the
Lands upon the waters of Sasque-

hannah; but as those lands are only
a part of the Province of Pennsyl-
vania, the six United Nations at a
treaty held in October, 1736, did sol-
emnly covenant and engage by In-
strument, under the hands and seals
of the Chiefs of the respective Na-
tions to sell all the lands within the
limits of Pennsylvania to the Pro-
prietaries of this Province and to no
other persons whatsoever. This in-
strument was produced to the six
Nations at the late General treaty
at Albany by the Commissioners
from this Government, and proved
by one of the Chiefs who was then
present and a party thereto; where-
upon the Six Nations in public
Council declared that the Signers of
that instrument were well known to
them to have been the principal men
and chiefs of their several Nations,
and they did then solemnly .ratify
that agreement and by a new deed
not only confirmed the several sales
they had theretofore made to the Pro-
prietaries, but voluntarily bound
themselves to sell no land within the
limits of Pennsylvania to any person
whatsoever but to the Proprietaries
only."

1755 — Great Danger and Confusion

in Lancaster Town About

Indians.

In Vol. 6 of the Col. Rec, p. 670
it is stated that, "Mr. Hamilton find-
ing by the Letters received from
Lancaster County, that matters were
in the utmost danger and confusion,
proposed to go instantly to the Town
of Lancaster in order to do all the
service in their power, and a Dedimus
with Blank military Commissions by
the advice of Council was given to the
Governor by him, empowering him to
fill up the blanks with such persons
names as hould offer, and were men
of known good characters. A Dedi-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

358

mus was likewise given Mr. Hamil-
ton to qualify such officers as should
be appointed in that part of the
country. Sundry petitions from the
most respectable persons in the Sev-
eral Counties of Cumberland, York,
Lancaster and Chester, setting forth [
the dismal condition of the inhabi- |
tants were read and sundry compan-
ies formed and commissions granted
to such as were recommended for
Captains, .Lieutenants and Ensigns."

This shows us that stirring times
were now in existence about little
old Lancaster Town.

1755— The Delawares and Shawanese
Again Desert the English.

In Vol. 6 of the Col. Rec, pp. 724
and 725, the citizens presented a pe-
tition to the Governor of Pennsyl-
vania stating that the Delawares and
Shawanese are now so alienated
against us as to take up the hatchet
in favor of the French. The petition-
ers inquired whether the Shawanese
were not satisfied at the last treaty.
The Governor then goes on to give
the whole Shawanese history from
the time that the first sixty families
came to us from the South and shows
that their actions have always been
treacherous while they have done
everything in their power to keep
them friendly.

1755— A Meeting of Our Friendly In-
dians at Harris's Ferry, Now
Harrisburg.

In Vol. 6 of the Col. Rec. pp. 745
and 746, it is stated that the Gover-
nor sent a request that all of our
friendly Indians on Susquehanna
River ought to come together at Har-
ris's Ferry to discuss measures with
their Government for general protec-
tion.

Such a meeting of Indians it seems
was held because the Governor sent

the following message to be given to

them which may be found in the

book last mentioned, p. 754, as fol-
lows:

"Gentlemen:

I give you the charge of a mes-
sage to the Sasquehannah Indians,
the purport of which is to invite
them to meet at John Harris's in the
first of January next, where I intend
to hold a Council with all the Friend-
ly Indians I can collect together,
and as it ought to be delivered as
soon as possible, and you have kind-
ly offered your service, I must de-
sire you will not give it the least de-
lay, but taking with you such pru-
dent persons as you shall judge
necessary for your safety, proceed
directly to Wyomink.

If they .receive the Invitation in
good part, and you find them well
disposed to us and willing to come,
you are then to take care that Indian
Messengers be dispatched with the
Invitation and String of Wampum to
such other Indians as can attend
that meeting."

1755 — Lancaster County Furnishes
Teams for the Indian Wars.

In the issue of May 15, 1755 of the
Pennsylvania, Gazette, it is stated
"We hear from the Councils of Lan-
caster, York and Cumberland that
notice being given there that teams,
carriages and horses were wanting
for the use of the army, great num-
bers were immediately offered and
150 wagons laden with oats, Indian
corn and other forage were dispatch-
ed to the Camp in a few days and as
many more might have been had, if
wanted, the people offering with
great readiness and pleasure from a
zeal for his Majesty's service." In
this item we can see that Lancaster
County took part in the Braddock
campaign near Pittsburg.

359

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

In the issue of June 5 of the same
paper it is stated, "We hear from
Willis Creek that the wagons and
horses lately contracted, for in the
Counties of Lancaster, York and
Cumberland were safely arrived at
the camp and gave great satisfaction
to the General and the other officers,
being for the most part far the best
of any that had been engaged in the
service of the army since their arri-
val. We likewise hear that there
are fine bottoms for several miles
around the camp in which there is a
great deal of good grass and other
food for horses."

In the issue of June 12 it is stated
that another number of Wagons
laden with forage are gone from the
Counties of Lancaster and Berks.

And in the issue of August 21, af-
ter the Braddock slaughter, it is
stated that, "What seems most re-
markable is that all the wagoners
from Lancaster and York Counties in
the P.rovince, who engaged in the
service of the army have returned
safe except two; one of whom died
by sickness."

1755 — Great Excitement in Lancas-
ter Town.

In the issue of the Pennsylvania
Gazette for October 30, 1755, as fol-
lows:

"As I imagine you have been alarm-
ed before this time with a great deal
of bad news from these parts I think
it my duty to give you as much light
into the affair as I can. About the
20th instant news was brought that
the French and Indians had actually
massacred and scalped a number of
our inhabitants not more than forty
miles from Harris's Ferry. It is rea-
sonable to think the receipt of such
news must put the inhabitants in the
utmost confusion. About 45 of the
stoutest of them got themselves
mounted and in readiness the next

I day to go and bu.ry the dead — they
reached the place accordingly and
found no less than fourteen bodies
shockingly mangled. Whilst they
were in this place some friendly In-
dians who were flying to the inhabi-
tants for protection told them there
were a large body of French and In-
dians actually on their march to the
inhabited parts of this Province and
were already on this side of the Al-
legheny Mountains. Upon .this they
concluded to go as far as Shamokin
to know whether the Indians as-
sembled there were friends or enem-
j ies (for our people suspected those
j Indians to have knowledge of the
I murde.r) and to get if possible further
I intelligence, about those they had
heard were advancing against them.
The Indians at Shamokin treated
them civilly but had several councils
and much whispering among them-
selves, which made our men suspic-
ious of them, especially as some of
them were missing soon after. How-
ever, in the Morning Andrew Mon-
tour and Delaware George, advised
them to going to a apxticular road in
which they said there was danger,
but our men suspecting their sincer-
ity— went their own way which was
the very one they were cautioned to
avoid and were fired on by a party
of Indians about 40 in number some
of whom they believed were with
them the night before. Our men re-
turned in the best manner they could
but one of them came off when the
enemy first began. And was feared
was the only one that could escape
alive out of the whole. This was
soon spread over our country and we
were in the utmost confusion till
yesterday, we were told there were
15 more of our men returned. They
all agree that it was the Delaware In-
dians that did the mischief. Our
Court House Bell has been ringing

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

360

almost ever since to call the inhabi-
tants to some consultation tor their
safety. We hear there are about one
hundred men already gone up to
Harris's Ferry out of Donegal and
placed adjacent."

This shows there was great excite-
ment in Lancaster at this time. At
another place in he same paper it
is stated that "the women and chil-
dren in the back parts of Cumber-
land, Lancaster and Berks Counties
are all come or coming to the Town-
ships that are thickly settled and
some have come into the town of
Lancaster. In short the distress
and confusion of our people in gen-
eral on the frontier is inexpressible."

1755 — A Report That the Indians
Have Burned Lancaster.

In the issue of November 20, 1755
of the Pennsylvania Gazette, there is
set forth a letter from Cecil County,
Maryland, dated November 10, stat-
ing that the rumors of Indian rav-
ages about the Susquehanna. The
writer says, "At day break of the
third instant, messengers arrived,
from New Castle County, confirming
the Express sent in the night before
giving dismal accounts of how 1500
French and Indians had burnt Lan-
caster town to the ground and were
proceeding downwards, driving all
before them so that the inhabitants
were in great distress. Under the in-
telligence our Officers immediately
warned the militia, who meeting in
the afternoon, the chiefest men of the
three companies and a body of
horses bravely resolved to march
against the enemy; and accord-
ingly on Tuesday they set out com-
manded by proper officers and attend-
ed with wagons carrying provis-
ions, blankets and other necessaries,
being better provided with arms and
ammunition than could have been

expected on such short notice. On
Wednesday they assembled at the
head of Elk River impatiently wait-
ing for the arrival of our other
forces from the Susquehanna side,
and orders to proceed.

The like spirit raised the farces in
Kent and in Chesapeake, who began
their march towards the head of
Elk river, on Thursday; but in the
afternoon they were remanded on
certain intelligence that the reports
concerning Lancaster were all false,
However, they continued all in the
readiness on account of frequent ex-
presses sent them from Baltimore,
imparting that the enemy had dir-
ected their route down the western
side of Susquehanna; but messeng-
ers being sent over the Bay and re-
turning with assured accounts that
there was no enemy in those parts
the men were all discharged on
Saturday evening.

The number going from these two
Counties were about 100 and many
more were resolved to follow them;
and 500 more were intending to join
them from Queen Ann's County, and
undoubtedly the Counties of Talbot,
Dorset, Somerset and Worcester
would have exerted themselves in
the same manner had the reports
been true. These forces from Mary-
land with those marching from the
three lower Counties on Delaware,
joined to those of Lancaster, Ches-
ter and Philadelphia, etc., by this
time might have formed an army of
several thousand gallant men in high
spirits sufficient to repel any force
that the French and Indians could
raise against us. Hence it is evi-
dence that British courage is no more
degenerated in the Southern than in
the Northern Colonies."

According to all these statements
we can see that it must have been
very exciting in old Lancaster Town
about this time.

361

ANNALS OF THE SUS3UEHANNOCKS AND

1756— An Indian Council at Lan-
caster.

In Vol. 6 of the Col. Rec, p. 776,
there is a letter set forth from the
Governor from Lancaster and it is set
forth as follows:
"Gentlemen:

I am at last got to this town, hav-
ing in conjunction with the Commis-
sioners done everything we thought
would contribute towards the De-
fence of the Western Frontier, and I
am well assured that if the orders
we have given are carried into exe-
cution, and the men employed in that
quarter do their duty, the inhabitants
will be for the future secured
against any small scalping parties.
The Force on the West side of Sas-
quehanna consists of three hundred
men, who are divided into four Com-
panies, and are to take post in four
forts that are to form a line from
the Sugar cabin to Matchitongo,
within about twelve miles of Sasque-
hanna; three of these forts are al-
ready in hand, and I , hope soon be
finished, the fourth I have ordered to
be laid out as soon as possible, and
expect it will be complete in about
ten days. What makes me think the
higher of the Western force than I
do of those employed to the North-
ward, is, that they are regularly en-
listed in the King's service for a
certain time, and the Officers were
chosen by the Government, and not
by themselves.

They strongly and repeatedly
suggested and requested that we
would build a fort at Shamokin,
which I have given them reason to
expect, and hope that measure will
be resolved on and steps taken to
carry it into execution before we re-
turn, but this matter for reasons
that I shall communicate when I
have the pleasure to see you, must be
kept secret. I promise to go from

hence to Reading, when I have seen
some Indians that live on the Manor
of Conestogoe, and give them assur-
ance of the Protection of the Govern-
ment while they behave in such a
manner to deserve it. But what stay
I shall make there, or where I shall
go from thence, I can not at present
say, as it depends upon the circum-
stances in which I find the Northern
Frontier.

I am, Gentlemen, Your most faith-
ful and obedient humble Servant,

ROB'T H. MORRIS.
Lancaster, January 21, 1756."

1756 — Council Held in Lancaster

With the Conestoga Indians;

Conestogas Encouraged.

In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec. p. 7, it is
stated that a Council was held in
Lancaster with the Conestoga In-
dians, on Friday, the 23rd of Jan-
uary, 1756, as follows:

"PRESENT:
The Honourable ROBERT HUN-

I TER MORRIS, Esqr., Lieutenant

i Governor.

! James Hamilton, Richard Peters,
Esquires.

i Joseph Fox, Esq., Commissioner.

I The Conestoga Indians.

The Conestogoe Indians having

j remained peaceable in their Town on

j the Manor of Conestogoe and receiv-
ed a support from the Publick since
the first attacks on the Indians of
this Province, it was thought ad-
visable to send for them and give
them assurance of a future support
and a small present as a testimony
of the regards of the Government for
them. They were therefore sent for,
and when seated the Governor made
the following speech to them:
Brethren:

I sent for you that I might have
the Satisfaction to see you and take

I you by the hand, which I have had

AND OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

362

no opportunity to do since I came to
the Government.

I have the Pleasure to observe by
the several Papers you have produced
to me that firm peace and kind In-
tercourse have always subsisted be-
tween the Indians of Conestogoe and
the good People of this Province.

Until lately this Province has en-
joyed a perfect Peace and Tranquil-
ity with all the Indians, nor did we
in the least imagine it would ever be
otherwise, having on all occasions be-
haved towards them with the sincer-
est affection, and assisted them when-
ever they wanted our good Offices.

Some of them, however, through
the institution of their and our com-
mon Enemy, the French, have in
Breach of their Treaties against the
Ties of Gratitude, and without the
least cause of Offense given on our
side, fallen upon our peaceable in-
habitants, and as soon as this hap-
pened the Government, ever careful
to preserve inviolable their engage-
ments, gave you notice of it, and at
the same time sent their orders to
your good Friend and Neighbor, Mr.
James W.right, to supply you with
Cloathing and Provisions, that you
might not be exposed to danger by
going to hunt at a distance from your
Habitations.

In further token of ou.r sincere re-
gards for you, I do, on behalf of the
inhabitants of this Province, ratify
and confirm the several Treaties of
Peace, Amity, and Friendship sub-
sisting between us, and expect you
will do the same on your part.

A Belt.

I expect you will not leave your
place of Residence without first ac-
quainting me with your intentions
and the place where you propose to
remove to.

A String.

I expect, further, that in virtue of
your leagues with us, you will not

harbor any strange Indians. You
may be assured all such have had bad
designs, and therefore I must insist
upon it if any strange Indians shall
presume to come amongst you that
you instantly give notice thereof to
M.r. James Wright, or some of the
Magistrates of this County, that they
may apprehend and examine. And if
any way whatever anything comes to
your knowledge that can do hurt to
us, that you would make us acquaint-
ed with it with all possible dispatch.
A String.

It will be agreeable to me to ren-
der you perfectly easy and well satis-
fied; if there be, therefore anything
on your minds that you want to
. complain of I beseech you not to
suppress it, but open all your Hearts
to us and I promise to give you en-
tire satisfaction.

A String.

The Indians took some time to
the Governor's speech to them, and
I then made the following reply:

Brother the Governor and the
Gentlemen with him:

We most heartily thank you for
your kindness in coming to Lancas-
ter and sending for and speaking to
us in so obliging a manner.

We have heard a great noise all
about us and expected we should
have been killed, but now that we see
you here, we are revived and will
lay aside our fears.

I am lame and infirm or I would
have waited upon the Governor at
Philadelphia as soon as I heard of
his arrival. I thank you, Brother, for
giving yourself the trouble to come
here.

You see, Brother, that the Cones-
togoe Indians, formerly a large tribe
are reduced to these few, and that
there is never an old man among
them but myself and I must die soon.
I put them under your protection;

3bT3

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

they are all young and some mare
children and will want your advice
and Countenance.

You may be assured if any strange
Indians come amongst us, we shall
give you the earliest notice and that
we shall not hearken to anything that
shall be to your Prejudice. You see
by our Papers that we have always
been your fast Friends, and so shall
continue whilst we have a being; and
by this Belt I on the behalf of myself
and all the Conestogoe do ratify, con-
firm, and renew the Treaties of
Friendship subsisting between us,
and again repeat my thanks to you
for giving me this Opportunity by
coming to Lancaster, as I am not
able to come to you at Philadelphia.

A Belt.

The Governor then said he would
order them some goods as a Token of
his Affection for them, and accord-
ingly they were delivered to the In-
dians."

1756 — Delawares Defy the Greatest

Chiefs Living to Keep Them

from the French Now.

In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec, p. 12 we
now see the final tie broken between
the Government of Pennsylvania and
the Delawares, and the Delawares de-
clare as follows:
"Brethren, Onas and Oneratael:

The Delawares on Sasquehannah
declare on plain Terms that they will
pay no regard to what shall be said
to dissuade them from hostilities
against the English. They will not
hear the greatest Sachem in the
Country of the Confederates. That
they are determined to fight the Eng-
lish as long as there is a man left;
and that when they have conquered
th English, they will turn their Arms
against those Indians who will not

join with them now. I am arrived
here and now feel safe and easy, but
it is with much difficulty that I have
come through the settlement of the
Delawares. I have just escaped with
life. When I return I shall go by the
way of Albany, for there is no going
back by the way I came. You may
expect to hear from us again by the
next opportunity. We design to go
forward into the Country of the Five
Nations, and perhaps as there is
soon to be a meeting of the Confed-
erates, we shall go on as far as On-
ondagoe. We shall not return until
we can bring you the best intelli-
gence of the Situation of affairs in
those parts."

1756 — Shickalamy Has a Sister
Among the Conestogas.

In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec, pp. 46
and 47 it is stated that two of the Six
Nation Indians were sent by the Gov-
ernor up the Susquehanna River to
get News. The Indians returned and
with them Captain McKee and John
Shieckalamy and his wife. "Shicka-
lamy declared positively they would
fall upon them and either kill them
or do them a mischief, but that they
would go through Lancaster to Phila-
delphia, and deliver what they had
to say to the Governor in Person, and
insisted that Captain McKee should
go along with them to protect them.
When they came to Harris's they
found there the Belt, Jagrea, and
New Castle who joined them, and
when they came to Lancaster John
! Shickalamy having a sister among
the Conestogoe Indians, sent for her,
and at Lancaster she and the Cones-
togoe Indians joined him. On Satur-
day they came to Town making in all
Men, Women and Children."

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

li]\

1756 — Some Friendly Chiefs Request-
ed to Come and Live with
the Conestogas.

In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec, p. 5G,we
are told that Shickalamy and his
friends and some friendly Mowhawk
Indians were afraid to live about
Shamokin and desired to come to
Harris's Ferry and live in the future
in a little colony by themselves. This
request was made known to the
Council and the Council, as is shown
on page 57 of the book last mentioned
is said, "Brethren:

We think Harris' an inconvenient
place for your residence, even until
the Fort shall be built at Shamokin,
and would rather you would choose
to live with the Conestogoe Indians,
where you may be in greater secur-
ity, and better provided with necessi-
ties.

A String.

Then the goods were laid before
them, and the List read over, and
the Present delivered, amounting to
48 Pounds, 19 shillings and 3 pence.
The Indian Chiefs conferred together
and then returned their answer, viz:
That very thankfully accepted the
Proposal to live with the Conestogoe
Indians; by this proposal they saw
that their Brethren had really at
Heart their safety, and well consid-
ered the danger to which they were
exposed at Harris', they took this
exceeding kindly. They hoped the
Governor would order convenient
places to be made to live in, that they
might be sheltered from the Weather,
and as they had concluded to live
there, it would be necessary their
families and effects should be re-
moved before this resolution should
came to be publickly known, for
which purpose they desired a Wagon
o.r two might be immediately provid-
ed and dispatched to Harris*.

They further acquainted the Gover-
nor that their shoes were worn out
and some of them infirm, ancient, and
unable to travel at so severe a sea-
son, and thereupon prayed that they
might be provided with wagons.
A String.

The Governor gave them two
Strings in return and promised to
grant them the things they requested
J and assured them they might depend
i in finding convenient Places made up
for them, and recommended it to
them to go directly for their Wives
and Children, and communicate this
Removal to all our Friendly Indians
that they might live altogether in one
Place."

The Indians asked for time until
the next day to answer; and while
they were debating about going to
Conestoga it happened that there was
a plot to kill them on that way. This
plot is set forth p. 59 of the same
I book, as follows:

J " The Secretary informed the Coun-
j cil that as he was this morning tak-
| ing his leave of the Indians, who
j were about to set out for Conestogoe
! Manor, under the Care of Justice
i Thomson and Mr. John Ross, he was
j told by two of the members of As-
| sembly, who lately came from Lan-
caster, that two persons would not
be sufficient to protect them from
being hurt by the people on the road
who were extremely exasperated
against all Indians in general, and
particularly these Indians; that this
informaton was confirmed by Mr. Gal-
breath and others who came yester-
day from Lancaster; and as one of
the Indians now here who was lately
sent in search of another of them
that was missing, very narrowly
escaped with his life from a number
of men who assembled together on
the road near George Ashton's, and
were with difficulty restrained from

365

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

murdering him, it is highly probable I at a Proper distance from the Con-
they will also attempt to do some j estogoe Indians, or will you chuse to
mischief to these Indians." j go to Pennsbury, another Manor of

This determined the answer of the ; our Proprietaries, situated on this
Indians, who were seeking for a new j River, about twenty miles above the
home and accordingly they answered city, where you may remain safe

as follows.

"The Secretary likewise informed
the Council that the Chiefs of the In-
dans now in Town came to him yes-
terday, and told him they were ap-
prehensive their young men would
be perpetually quarreling if the Six
Nations and the Conestogoe Indians
should be obliged to live in one
Place, and, therefore, requested of the
Governor that they might live sepa-
rately, and some place be prepared
on the Manor for the Six Nations at
a distance from the Conestogoe
Town; and that in their further dis-
course with him they did not seem
to be vary willing to live upon the
Manor. It, was therefore, thought
proper to send for the Chiefs and
give them an opportunity of speak-
ing their minds freely, as it would
not be for the Publick service that
these Indians should remain under
any kind of dissatisfaction as to their
place of residence."

The Governor gave this answer to
their determination and it may be
found p. 60, as follows:

"B.rethren:

I have considered what you said to
Coneghtoghery, with respect to your
apprehensions of there being Danger
of some Mischief happening, if you
shall be placed on Conestoga Manor
near the Conestogoe Indians, by
quarrels arising between your young
men and theirs, and that through
their Heat and indiscretion, if placed
too near together, some Blood may

and well provided for till Scarroyady
returns, when further measures will
be taken for disposing of you to your
satisfaction.

But if you shall rather chuse to be
on the Manor of Conestogoe, I will
take care to order a proper Provision
to be made for your residence there,
and for your journey, and send a suf-
ficient guard along with you to pro-
tect you from the insults and abuses
that you might meet with from the
Rash, dissolute, unthinking people
amongst us, who, paying no regard
to my advice and orders, and not
making a proper distinction between
our Rriend and enemy Indians, may
fall upon and attempt to do you some
Injury in your Journey.

And the said Indians, after taking
some time to consider and consult
together on the Governor's said
proposal, acquainted the Governor
that they choose rather to be sent to
Pennsbury than to the Manor of Con-
estogoe."

1756— The Conestogas Very Poor and
Naked.

In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec, p. 378, is
the report of Mr. John Ross as to the
condtion of the Conestoga Indians
which is set forth as follows:

"The Conestogoe Indians, by Mr.
John Ross, of the Manor of Conesto-
goe, who has the care of them, com-
plained to the Governor that they
were naked, and as it was apprehend-
ed that some of their young People

be Spilt amongst them, which it may I would go off through dissatisfaction,
not be in your Power to prevent, and and might be seduced by the Enemy
therefore, I leave it to your opinion, Indians, the following message was
whether you will reside on the Manor sent to the House on the Twenty-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

366

fourth, and delivered to the Speaker
by the Secretary, who came just after
the House had adjourned to the Third
of January, next:

A MESSAGE FROM THE GOVER-
NOR TO THE ASSEMBLY.
Gentlemen:

The Conestogoe Indians have ac-
quainted me that they want Cloathes
and desire they may have further
Supply, which you will be pleased to
order, may be sent them forthwith,
that they may not suffer in this
severe Season.

WILLIAM DENNY.
December 24th, 1756."

1757— The Walking Purchase Again
Comes Up.

In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec, p. 400,
the limits of one of the famous
Walikng Purchases are set forth
showing the distances walked each
year.

1757 — Susquehanna Lands Again in
Controversy.

In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec, p. 432, it
is stated that the Mingoes had abus-
ed the Delawares some years before
as if the Delawares were dogs, and
that Cannassatego, the Speaker
among the Mingoes or Five Nations
ordered them away from their lands
and said he would give them lands on
the Susquehanna and then he went
and sold all the Susquehanna Lands
to Pennsylvania, but they settled the
Susquehanna lands at any i ate but
three yea.rs ago Englishmen came
down and took all the good spots of
lands and the Delawares therefore
claim that they still have rights
there at Susquehanna.

1757 — The Indians Meet and Have
Another Treaty at Lancaster.

In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec, p. 497, a
letter from a Speaker was read as
follows:

"May 2nd, 1757.
May it please the Governor:

If I had been able to do it, would
have waited upon the Governor in-
stead of giving him the trouble of
this letter, but as I am not, I hope
he will be pleased to excuse the free-
dom I have ventured to take in re-
gard to the Indians at Lancaster,who
I am informed have sent down a
Message, to invite the Governor expe-
diate a Treaty with them there, and
to show their uneasiness at being de-
tained without being able to issue
their business with this Government.

These Indians are now come down
to Lancaster at the Governor's re-
quest, and have staid there a consid-
erable time (at a great Expense to
the Province), and any further
Message to create further delays
may appear to them trifling or eva-
sive, especially considering the sea-
son of the year calls them home to
their planting; and as their influence
with the other tribes of Indians who
have so lately infested our Frontiers
and filled them with blood and
cruelty, is very considerable and it
may be of the utmost consequence
that they be made sensible of the
manly conduct if the Government
with regards to their Complaints, if
they have any, and their real inclin-
ation to do them Justice, and that the
Governor will not hesitate to meet
them for this, or may purpose in
which the publick wellfare is so
nearly concerned. In am confident
the Commissioners will heartily con-
cur in defraying the necessary ex-
penses and will likewise cheerfully
attend him to this treaty."

A list of 200 pounds of Indian
goods are agreed to be bought to dis-
tribute among the Indians who are
being represented at this treaty, (see
p. 498).

S67

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

As to this Treaty the Governor re-
ceived the following address, (p.
498):

"We are informed that the Indians
at Lancaster are very uneasy and
complain of their long detention
from their Habitations. Their sow-
ing season advances fast, and if not
soon dismissed they must lose their
opportunity of providing the neces-
sary subsistance for themselves and
families the ensuing year. Sundry of
their Warriors are now ill with the
Small Pox and many more must take
the infection should they remain
much longer among the inhabitants;
and their coming to the City must
very considerably tend to prolong
their absence from their places of
abode, and be attended by many
other unavoidable Inconveniences.We
also understand by a message from
your Honor that you have recom-
mended it to the Indians at Lancas-
ter to send away their women and
children, and as many men as incline
should go with them. This measure,
we apprehend, will greatly disgust
them and should they go off dissatis-
fied may irritate them against the
People of this Province and his Ma-
jesty's service in general, if not ex-
cite them on their way home to join
with our enemies in committing dep-
redations and Murders upon our In-
habitants.

We therefore, think it our duty
earnestly to recommend your Honor
to gratify them in their resolution of
holding a treaty at Lancaster, and
that as soon as possible. To those
who are acquainted with the disposi-
tions of the Natives it is known that
they are a jealous people, easily dis-
gusted and put out of humor, and
when they are under this circum-
stance, little good is to be expected
from a conference with them."

1757 — More Indian News About Lan-
caster.

In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec , p. 503,
a letter from Mr. Crogaa, dated
Lancaster, May 2, was sent to Phila-
delphia stating that last Friday a
party of Onondago Warriors left their
camp to go to Cumberland fort and
on down to the Southern Indians,
which makes it very uneasy, as they
pass through or near to Lancaster.

1757— The Great Lancaster Treaty
of 1757.

In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec, p. 506
are set forth Mr. Croghan's minutes
of the proceedings at Lancaster and
at Harris' Ferry. These proceedings
and the minutes of the treaty are all
on the subject of the French and In-
dian war, which was now in Pro-
gress and it appears from the min-
utes that the Tuscaroras, Mowhawks,
Cayoogoes, Nantikokes, Oneidas, On-
ondagoes, Senecas, Delawares and
Conestogas were present. The pro-
ceedings I will not set out because
they do not relate to Lancaster
County troubles.

In the same book, p. 518 the con-
ference at the Lancaster Court House
is set forth which was held on Thurs-
day, the 12th of May, 1757, in the af-
ternoon, where there were six mem-
bers of Council presnt and six mem-
bers of the Assembly, as well as the
Speaker and also the Magistrates of
| the Borough, with a number of gen-
tlemen and the deputies of the Six
Nations before mentioned, a. so some
Nantikokes and Delawares. Wil-
liam Denny, the Governor was also
present and he gave them a speech
on the subject of war which was now
going on and asked for their friend-
ship. The next day, on the 13th, the
Indians gave their answer, which
was general in character and the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

368

Governor then asked them to tell of
their differences between their dif-
ferent tribes which caused them to
fall out. It appears at p. 523, that
the Indians were encamped near Lan-
caster under the care of Mr. Crog-
han and they desired presents should
be given to them and their expenses
looked after, and stated that they
came here almost naked. Then a
long series of letters were produced
to the Indians, showing them how
the different Governors were trying
to act in harmony.

The Council confined on Saturday,
May 14th, and also on Sunday, the
15th of May, when a message from
the Cherokee Indians was received
Much attention was given this day to
the campaigns in the present war.
Another session was held on Monday
the 16th of May and the question of
trying to restore peace was taken up.
Similar efforts occupied Tuesday, the
17th of May. And on the afternoon
of that day the same subject was
discussed. On the 21st it was decided
that it would be necessary for the
Sheriff to guard the Indians of this
treaty, because as they had come to
the treaty against the wish of their
tribes they were liable to be killed.

The treaty adjourned on the 22nd of
May, it having been convened on the
10th thereof. It begins p. 505 and
ends p. 555 in the 7th Vol. of the Col.
Rec. At the conclusion Teedus-
cung made a speech in which he said
now as they had finished their busi-
ness for this time and they intend to
leave tomorrow and they have a long
journey of hilly country, and several
of their old men were sick, that the
Lancaster people must not send them
away without a walking stick, which
afterwards they explained meant a
keg of rum. Thus here we see that
the phrase "Lemonade with a stick
in it's, is as old as the time of the In-
dians.

1757— Conestogas Present at Crog-

han's Conference at Harris's

Ferry.

While we have seen above that no
mention was made of the Conestogas
being present at the conference at
Lancaster, in Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec,
p. 507, it is set forth that at a meet-
ing of the Six Nations at Harris' Ferry
that the following Conestogas were
present, to wit: "Sahays — Captain
John— with 29men, women and chil-
dren." This I believe was practically
the whole tribe at this time

1757— The Great Easton Treaty.

In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec, pp. 638
to 714 are set forth the proceedings
of the great Council or treaty at
Easton. Tribes of all descriptions
were there; but I can not, however,
find any mention of the Conestogas.
Teedyuscung, an Ex-King of the
Delawares was commissioned to
speak for ten tribes on the Susque-
hanna and quite likely it included
the Conestogas.

1757 — The Conestogas Must Have
Clothes

In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec, p. 768, it
was reported to Council that Joseph
Hays in behalf of the Conestoga In-
dians requested that they might have
provisions and clothes as they had
done before, and one of them com-
plained that he had not been paid for
a horse which he lent to John Shicka-
lamy and his sister, and which they
never returned to him. In this item
we have set forth that with Joseph
Hays of Conestoga a few of the
others of the tribe may have been
with him at Philadelphia, and found
that Shickalamy's sister was recog-
nized as one of the Conestogas and
lived with them.

1757 — Murdered Indians Exhibited in
Lancaster.

In the issue of July 7, of the Penn-
sylvania Gazette of 1757 it is stated

169

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

that several murdered Indians were
at this time brought to Lancaster and
exposed in the street and were viewed
by a great many people.

1758— The Nanticokes at Cocalico.

In Lyle's History of Lancaster
County, pl4 she states that as late as
1758 there were still several scattered
families of the tribes of Nantikokes
along the little streams and Springs
of this vicinity, (Cocalico Township).
The town covered 500 acres which
came into possession of John Wistar
and Henry Carpenter.
1758— Conestogas Threaten to Leave
Lancaster County.

In Vol 8 of the Col. Rec, p. 112, it
is stated that, "Information being
given to the Governor that an Indian,
William Sock, with his Comrade, had
for some time been tampering with
the Conestogoe Indians, and fhat they
were at the Instance of these two In-
dians, proposing to remove from the
Manor, his Honor had w.ritten a Let-
ter to Mr. James Wright, to inquire
into the affairs, and to invite Sewaise
and these Indians to come and see
him.

A Letter from M.r. Shippen, of Lan-
caster, on this Subject, was read in
these words:

Lancaster, the 3rd of May, 1758.
Honoured Sir:

I take the liberty to acquaint your
Honour that the Conestogoe Indians
are going to leave their Town. I
had my information last night from
Mr. Ross, of the blue Rock. He tells
me, that last Thursday they sent Mr.
McKnee to acquaint him they wanted
to have a conference with him, and
when he came to them they said
they had nothing at all against him,
for he had always been very kind to
them, supplying them with all nec-
essary provisions, but that they had
been lately at Philadelphia, on a
visit to the Governor, to beg a few

Clothes, and particularly Leather for
Moccasins, as they were naked and
barefooted, but that he had (to use
their own phrase) broken his wo.rd
with them, for after having detained
them a good many days in Town, he
sent them packing away in the same
destitute condition in which they
came; and that seeing this was the
case and they were not allowed to
hunt for deer among the Inhabitants,
they were forced to go into the Wild-
erness to seek clothing for them-
selves and families; and they pro-
posed to go a little beyond Augusta, a
fort, and there to build Indian Ca-
bins. But as they intended to re-
turn in the Spring, they desired that
Mr. McKnee might be permitted to
remain in their town, and plant corn
to be divided between his and their
families, when they come back and
as a token, of their Friendship with
the English, Old Sohaise gave him a
String of Wampum, which was White
and then Mr. Ross answered, and as-
sured them he would supply their
wants immediately from Lancaster.
Yet, notwithstanding this declaration,
they said they were resolved to keep
their resolution. Then he left them
know, if they would not be persuad-
ed to accept this offer, he feared it
would be unsafe for them to pass
through the County without an es-
cort, and he would employ Mr.
McKnee to go with them to Hunter's
Fort, to which they readily agreed.
That on Saturday Mr. McKnee came
to Mr. Ross again, and told him that
the Indians were divided in their
Council, whether to go off a hunting
or to stay and plant their corn, but
that he understood by Betty Sock,that
Billy Sock (her son) and some of
the young men were absolutely re-
solved to go (take her own words)
and help the French, maybe the Eng-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

370

lish. Since which time Mr. Ross has
heard nothing of them. However,
though it be a busy time with me, as
I think this affair of very great con-
sequence to the Province, trifling as
the number of those Indians may be,
I have thought proper to visit them
immediately and shall use my ut-
most endeavors to appease them and
keep them back.

I am, with due respect, your Hon-
our's Most Obedient Humble Servant,
EDWD. SHIPPEN."
1758— Billy Sock at the Bottom of
this Trouble with the Con-
estogas.

As we have seen above Billy Sock
had a hand in this matter The sub-
ject was further discussed in Vol. 8
of the Col. Rec, p. 115 as follows:

"The consideration of the intelli-
gence respecting the Conestogoe In-
dians was resumed, and a letter read
that was wrote to Mr. James Wright
resquesting him to sift this matter,
and to invite Sewaise, the head man
of the Conestogoes, to bring Will
Sock and the other Indian to see the
Governor; and Mr. Weiser was re-
quested to lay in Town, in order to
interpret for the Conestogoe In-
dians."

1758 — Further Proceedings to Satisfy
the Conestoga Indians.

In Vol. 8 of the Col. Rec. p. 116
the Council having heard from James
Wright relating to the Conestogas'
difficulties, by three Indian Messeng-
ers and the letter was taken up by
Council. The letter is as follows:
"May it please the Governor:

In pursuance of the direction thou
was pleased to send me, I went to
the Conestogoe Town and delivered
the string of wampum and Message.
Bill Sock and the Stranger (who is
a Cayuga) agreed to wait upon thee.
T gave no encouragement to any other
Indian to go; but the day Shagree
and Shahaise came to my House, and

told me they would take the journey
with their Brothers; I believe Sha-
haise to be an honest man, and a
heart Friend to the English. I made
no objection.

I have had a good deal of discourse
with these Indians, and particularly
with Shahaise, who said he would
tell me what the Stranger and Sock
told him; and as well as I could un-
derstand his broken English it was
this that the Six Nations with all the
tribes in Friendship with them, have
had long and general Councils and
the result of them was, that they
would send some of their Chiefs to
the French and some to the English,
and demand to have boundaries fixed
between each Nation and themselves;
that if the French on their part re-
fused to comply with this demand,
they would then join their whole
force with the English against them;
and though he would not say it, yet
it is .reasonable to conclude they
came to the same resolution in re-
gard to the English. He mentioned
the Twightwees and some other Na-
tions, and said there were several, of
which he knew not the names, who
had entered into this Confederacy.
What I have wrote he repeatedly
told me, so that I can not mistake; as
Shahaise has been intimate with me
many years perhaps he may have
spoken with more freedom than he
would do in any other place, or than
the others may do.

As to any other Intelligence they
may be able to give, I can not learn
anything at all from them; neither
did I chuse to question them too
strictly, for fear of giving them occa-
sion to think themselves suspected,
and perhaps preventing them from
complying with thy request. As to
these Conestogoes selling their Corn,
they have usually done it, when they
have more than they want for food,
to purchase little necessaries, I have

371

ANNALS OF THE StISQUEHANNOCKS AND

heard some time ago that part of their | thought it necessary to procure a

number designed to leave their town,
and a part of them to stay, which is
still their intention; hut they we.re
proposed to go away quietly and
privately, for about a week ago they
gave a String of Wampum to Thomas
McKee, with a request that he

substantial man to take care of these
in town. I heartily wish their jour-
ney may be Satisfactory to thyself
and of service to the Publick.

And am thy respectful Friend,

JAMES WRIGHT."

After the letter was read the In-

might carry it to the Governor, and!dians were sent for and the Governor

• 4. u- +u * „ «»mKA. «f tv,om imade them the following speech,
acquaint him that a number of them which .g fQund m.

were going towards Shamokm to get
some Deer, as they could not hunt
with any safety in these parts, were
barefoot, and in want of cloathing
for themselves and their families, but
that they left their Corn-fields and
Cabins and should return next
Spring; but notwithstanding these as-
surances, I am of opinion the young- I mucn concerned to hear it and there-
er part of those who go will not re- j fore sent my Brother Shohaise a
turn to settle among us, as indeed strmg 0f Wampum to invite him here
their way of living will scarce admit i to see me> tnat T might hear from
of it, for however kind the Govern- him the truth of the st0ry; and if it
ment may be to them, yet hunting is ; wag whether that they were mov-

"Brethren and Brother Sohays
(Shohaise) :

I have been informed that some of
our Brethren of the Conestogoe Town
were moving away with their wives
and families and selling their Corn
and Improvements. As you had not
given me any notice of this. I was

their Natural Employment and that
they have not dared to folios/ for two
years past, except about my brother's
House and mine.

Shahaise, I am perswaded will
never leave this place; at ieast he
assures me he will not, and that
some others will stay with him; and
as for them that go, I really think

ing from any invitation of your
Brethren, the Indians or from Dis-
satisfaction with us; and I now de-
sire you, by his String of Wampum,
open your minds freely to me.

A String of Wampum.
Brother :

I was also nformed that one of your
! brothers of the Conestogoe Town

they do not remove from any dissa- j had been in the six Nations Country,

tisfaction to the English, or evil De-
signs, but only for the reason they
assign, as Thomas McKee tells me
they are certainly in want of cloath-

and was lately returned from thence
and he brought with him one of our
acquaintances of the Six Nations. I
therefore desire you will iniorm me

ing (which I hope the Government he hag brougnt from

will be so good as to take Notice of)

McKnee likewise tells me the Indians
had desired him to meet ihem in
Philadelphia, if he could, least they
should not be understood; the Cayagu
would not wait until he could go
with them, but he purposes to be in
town for a few days.

The people are so prejudiced
against Indians in general that I

thence and what passes among our
Brethren there.

A String.

Shohaise consulted with the other
Indians, and after a short pause re-
turned an answer as follows.
Brother, the Governor:

You say you have sent for me and
my friends to learn from us if we

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY IND11AN TRIBES

372

were leaving your town, and if so,
whether any offence had been given
us.
Brother:

We are neither leaving your Town,
nor have taken offence at anything,
all that is in it is, that some of our
Indians have a mind to go on Sus-
quehannah, partly to hunt and partly
to trade, that they may provide nec-
esaries for their families. If the
Indians had a mind to go quite away
from their Brethren and leave the
place, it would have been my duty
and I certainly should have done my
duty in giving notice to you myself.
Were all to go, I would not go with
them; I would stay where I am. You
were entirely misinformed, depend on
the truth of what I say.
Brother:

Before we set out we held a Con-
sultation at ; Thomas McKee

was present; he is expected in town
every moment; when he comes I
shall speak again, having some things
to say to you."

After this the history of Billy Sock
was taken up and a great many mat-
ters entered into which does not con-
cern the Conestogas.

1758 — Another Council Held with the
Conestogas.

On the 12th of May, 1758 as is set
forth in Vol. 8 of the Col. Rec, p.
122, the Conestoga Indians snd some
of the Six Nations went to Philadel-
phia to discuss the trouble about the
Conestogas and the report of the
treaty is as follows:

"PRESENT:
The Honourable WILLIAM DENNY,

Esqr., Lieutenant Governor.

William Logan, Richard Peters, Es-
quires.

The Indians, Six Nations.

Conestogas.

Shahaise.

Will Sock,

Seneca George,

Chargrea.

A Cayuga Indian.

Thomas McKee, Interpreter.

Brother:

When the two Indians, Will Sock
and Cayuga came to Conestoga, we
sent for Thomas McKee and desired
him to carry a Message to the Gov-
ernor at Philadelphia; it was to this
purpose:

We let the Governor know that
most of the Indians who now live at
Conestogoe, intended to remove
thence to a place some distance
above Shamokin; that where they
were at present the Women could get
no clothes nor their Young men go a
hunting; it was, therefore, determin-
ed that the Women should take some
kegs of liquor with them and sell
them for skins that would procure
their women cloathes, and the Young
men with their hunting would supply
themselves with shoes and other nec-
essaries. Now as they intended to be
absent only one winter, they desired
the Governor by Thomas McKee, not
to think amiss of them, for that they
had no bad designs. They said it
only was, that no Cloaths being given
them they were become naked, and
this measure of going above, think-
ing, for a while would procare them
Cloaths and other necessaries; at the
same time let the Governor know,
that as a fire was kindled at Cones-
togoe that had burnt a long while,
and he was born there and lived there
all his life, he would not go with the
other Indians, but stay and lay his
Bones at Conestogoe; this, he added,
was the purport of one-half of the
String. The other half was that the
Women left their Homes, Hogs, and
Corn fields, and desired they might be
put under the care of Thomas McKee,
They further desired he might be or-
dered to plant corn and take care of
their Houses and cattle; for which
he should be allowed one-half and

37S

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Indians were to have the other half.

Thomas McKee said that this is the
String which the Conestogoe Indians
sent by him and gave the String of
Wampum.

Shahaise proceeded:
Brother :

When this speech was delivered to
Thomas McKee, we had not received
the Governor's Message. After Mr.
Wright had delivered us your mes-
sage, we considered among ourselves
and came to a .resolution to alter our
purpose and stay at home. Our
women not being able to provide
themselves with Matchcoats and
Moccasins and other necessaries, was
the only reason that induced them to
go to Shamokin; but now all that was
over, and on what the Governor had
said to them, by Mr. W.right, they
were determined to stay.

A String.
The Governor made answer:

Shahaise and the other Conestoga
Indians:

I am well pleased with the account
you have given of your Intention to
remove ; and much more so ■ that you
altered your Resolution.
The Conestogoe Indians may depend
on my protection, and that I will sup-
ply their wants, so as not to put them
under the necessity of removng Sha-
haise's determination to stay, even if,
the others should have gone, shows
his love towards his Brethren, and
discovers a particular regard.

I have directed Mr. James Wright
to supply you with provisions, from
time to time, as usual, and ;;hall also
earnestly recommend it to the Com-
missioners to send you some neces-
sary Cloathing; at present you who
are come down shall receive a small
present.

Shahaise then complained of Abra-
ham, who had planted Indian corn
and sowed Hemp in a Piece of their

Ground for Several years, for which
he promised to give them every year
a piece of Linnen, but had not paid
them for two years past. He desired
he might be made to do them Justice.
The Governor charged Thomas Mc-
Kee to apply to Abraham, and if he
did not immediately pay them the ar-
rears to let him know and he would
order him to be sued and oblige him
to give a compensation for the land
agreeable to his engagements.

Chagrea informed the Governor
jthat he was inlisted and had served
[in the Garrison of Fort Augusta, and
that there were six months' pay due
him, which he desired might be paid
Shim off.

The Governor directed the Pay-
master, Mr. Young, to settle and pay
off Chargrea, which was done."

1760— Conestoga Indian Conference at

Lancaster.

In Vol. 8 of the Col' Rec. p. 457, a
record is found of a conference be-
tween the Government of Pennsyl-
vania and the Conestoga Indians,
growing out of the fact that the Con-
estoga Indians are now complaining
that they are not well taken care of
and that they express great uneasi-
ness at the neglect of them, on the
part of the Government. The Coun-
cil is as follows:

"At a Conference with the Conesto-
go Indians at Lancaster, the 15th day
jof February, 1760.

PRESENT:
| Richard Peters and Richard Hockley,

Esquires.
iSewees, Billy, Sock, John, 5 Young-
Boys.
Peggy, Interpreter.

Sewees, by a String of Wampum
did let us know that he was ex-
tremely well pleased with our visit to
him; and enquiry after his health, and
that we took notice of the women and
Children. He returns his thanks to us

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

374

for this, and likewise for desiring to
know whether he or his people were
in want of anything.

He then told that he was old and
unable to get his livelihood; that his
young men had not so much as a bit
of Powder or lead to shoot a bird
with.

John Ross, when alive, promised
him a supply of necessaries but he
has received nothing since his death
and desires we will let the Governor
know this.

A string.

Canrach Caghrea:

I am very glad of the Opportunity of
seeing you here; I have long wished
to have seen somebody at Lancaster
that I could speak with; old William
Penn in particular had regard for the
Conestoga Indians; he loved, indeed,
all the Indians, but there was a singu-
lar love between him and the people
who came with him, and the Cones-
togoe Indians. We are now but a few,
and I am grown old. I give you this
Belt, and desire you will hold fast
your love and continue to be as kind
as ever; Deliver it to the Governor,
and tell him that we have ever held
fast our Friendship with William
Penn's people and desire he will do
the same; I speak for my young men
and all the Women and Children,
whom I put under his protection.

You may perhaps think I will go
away, but I tell you I will always
stay at Conestogoe, and these that are
with me will stay too. You must be
my mouth to the Governor and ac-
quaint him with our intention and
that we hope he will be so kind to us
as William Penn and all the Governor
to this time.

N. B. This was communicated by
the Governor to the Provincial Com-
missioners, and two persons were ap-
pointed to supply them with neces-
saries.

1760 — Conoys Now Live at Chenango.

We have seen in a former item that
the Conoys moved up to the Mouth of
the Juniata, but now we are told at
this date they live farther West at
Chenango, (See Vol. 8 of the Col. Rec,
p. 492).

1762— Delaware Chiefs to Be at Lan-
caster.

In Vol. 8 of the Col. Rec.; p. 721,
there is set forth a statement that
an Indian conference was held at
Lancaster on August 11, 1762. This
conference lasted until the 29th day
of August. Some of the meetings
| were held at the Court House but
j the meeting of August 27th, was held
! in Mr. Slough's House and on the
last day of the meeting on August
29th, the goods which the Indians
were to have as presents were ex-
posed in Mr. Hambright's Malt House,
in Lancaster. It will be seen that
this treaty lasted over three weeks
and a great many Indians were pres-
ent. The record of this treaty covers
54 pages in the Colonial Records, ex-
tending from p. 721 to p. 774. In all
there were 557 Indians present,
being the largest treaty ever held in
Lancaster and one can imagine how
the little town was swarming with In-
dians at that time. I find all the
tribes mentioned as being present ex-
cept the Conestogas. Even the Conoys
were there, but if the Conestogoes
were present at all they were there
not as a tribe but as a few individ-
uals.

It also appears that on the 27th
of August a conference was held at
the Old Lutheran Church, where the
Governor took some of the Indians
aside and held a secret conference
with them.

1763 — An Address from the Cones-
togas.

In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 88, ap-
pears the following address from the

375

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Conestogas, whch is a sad, plaintive
wail. It speaks of the encroachment
upon their lands and various other
subjects. It is as follows:
"To the Honourable JOHN PENN,
Esquire, Lieutenant Governor and
Commander-in-Chief of the P.rov
ince of Pennsylvania, &ca , &ca.
"Brother:

We, (the Conestoga Indians) take
the present opportunity, by Captain
Montour, to welcome you into this
Country by this String of Wampum
and as we are settled at this place by
an agreement of Peace and Amity
established between your Grand-
fathers and ours, we now promise
ourselves your favour and protection,
and as we have always lived in Peace
and Quietness with our Brethren and
Neighbors round us during the
last and present Indian Wars, we
hope now, as we are deprived from
supporting ou.r Famiies by hunting,
as we formerly did, you will consider
our distressed situation and grant
our women and children some
Cloathing to cover them this winter.
The Government has always been
kind enough to allow us some prov-
isions, and did formerly appoint
people to take care of us, but as there
is no person to take that upon him,
and some of ou.r neighbors have en-
croached upon the Tract of Land re-
served here for our use, we would
now beg our Brother, the Governor
to appoint our Friend Captain Thos.
M'Kee, who lives near us and under-
stands our language, to take care and
see Justice done us.

SOHAYS, his Mark,

INDIAN, his Mark,

or CUYANGUERRYCOEA,
SAGUYASOTHA OR JOHN,
his
Mark.
Conestogoe, November 30th, 1763."

1763 — The Conestogas Murdered

In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 89,
appears the first news of the slaugh-

ter of the Conestoga Indians and the
final act which resulted in the com-
plete obliteration of the Indians from
Lancaster County.
It is as follows:

"The Governor having received in
Friday last, a letter, dated the 14th
Instant, from Edward Shippen, Esq.,
at Lancaster, acquainting him that a
party of armed men had that morn-
ing murdered Six of the said Cones-
togoe Indians at their Town, laid
the same before the Board, which
was read viz:

A LETTER TO THE GOVERNOR

FROM EDWARD SHIPPEN,

ESQUIRE.

Lancaster, 14th December, 1763,

Evening.
Honoured Sir:

One Robert Edgar, a hired man to
Captain Thomas M'Kee, living near
the Borough acquainted me today
that a Company of People from the
Frontiers had killed and scalped
most of the Indians at the Conesto-
goe Town early this morning; he
said that he had his information from
an Indian boy who made his escape.
Mr. Slough has been to the place and
held a Coroner's inquest on the Corp-
ses, being Six in number; Bill Sawk
and some other Indians were gone
towards Snith's Iron Works to sell
brooms; but where they now are we
can not understand; and the Indians,
John Smith and Peggy, his Wife, and
their child and Young Joe Hays.were
abroad last night too, and lodged at
one Peter Swar's about two miles
from hence; These came here this
afternoon, whom we acquainted with
what had happened to their Freinds
and relations and advised them to
put themselves under protection,
which they readily agreed to ; and they
are now in our Work House by them-
selves, where they are well provided

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

376

for with every necessary. Warrants

are issued for the apprehending of the

Murderers, said to be upwards of

Fifty men, well armed and mounted.

I beg m> kind complements to Mr. j the protection

Richard Penn, and I am with all due

regards,

Sir, Your Honour's Obliged

Friend, and most humbel servant,
EDWARD SHIPPEN.
The Honourable John Penn, Esqr.,

Governor.

Whereupon the Council being mov-
ed by the cruelty and barbarity of
the above action, and apprehending
that the Indians who were settled at
Conestogoe were under the protection
of this Government and its laws, and
that consequently killing them with-
out cause or provocation, amounted
in law to the crime of a murder, ad-
vised the Governor to write imme-
diately to the Magistrates of the
Counties of York, Lancaster and
Cumberland, to exert themselves on
this occasion, and issue warrants

in defiance of all authority, proceed
to the Conestoga Indian town, in Lan-
caster County, and murder six of our
Friendly Indians, settled there under
of this Go\ernment
and its Laws. I do hereby direct and
require you immediately to exert
yourselves on this account and to is-
sue warrants and take all other
Measures in your power for the ap-
prehending all the Principals in the
murder of the said Indians and their
accomplices securing them in some of
the Jails of this Province, that they
may be brought to Justice and receive
a legal tryal for the Crimes they
have committed.

I am, Gentlemen,

Your very humble Servant,
JOHN PENN.
To the Magistrates of the Counties of
Lancaster, York and Cumberland.

1763 — Governor Penn Takes Further

Steps on the Killing of the

Conestoga Indians.

On Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 93,
and do everything in their power for tne following letter was ordered by

the Council:

apprehending all the principals con
cerned in the said Crime, and their
accomplices, and securing them, that
they may be brought to Justice, and
further, that a Proclamation be is-
sued, ordering all Officers of Justice
to be aiding and assisting therein."

1763 — Governor Penn Sent An Or-
der to Lancaster About the
Killing of the Indians.

"William Logan, Richard Peters, and

Benjamin Chew, Esquires.

The Council taking into considera-
tion the late conferences with Papou-
nan, and other Indians from Wighal-
ousin, as well as the unhappy affair of
the Conestoga Indians were of opin-
ion that the few friendly Indians left
at Wighalousin by Papounan should
be invited down to Philadelphia, and

On the 19th of December, 1763, the be taken under the protection of the
Governor sent the following letter to ! Government, and that those of the
the Magistrates of Lancaster and I Conestoga Indians who escaped the
York Counties, found in Vol. 9 of the j Fury of the Rioters ought to be im-
Col. Rec, p. 92: mediately removed for their better

"Philadelphia, 19th Decemoer, 1763. j security, and therefore advised the
Gentlemen: Governor to desire the Concurrence

Having received

information that
on Wednesday, the 14th Instant, a
party of men, armed and mounted,

of the Assembly in these measures,
and that they would provide for the
necessary expense attending Ihem, for

did, without cause or provocation and | which purpose a draught of a Mes-

377

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

sage was immediately prepared, read
and approved and the Secretary was
ordered to transcribe the same and
carry it to the House this evening,
and at the same time lay before them
the minutes of Indian conferences
therein .referred to for their perusal."
1763— The Governor's Message to the
Assembly on the Conestoga
Slaughter.

In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 94,
in his Message to the Assembly
among other things, Governor Penn
said, "I am also to lay before you a
piece of Intelligence I -received from
Lancaster on Friday last, which has
given me the utmost concern. On
the 14th instant a number ui people
well armed and mounted, went to the
Indian Town in Conestoga Manor,
and without the least Reason or Pro-
vocation, in cool blood, barbariously
killed six of the Indians settled there,
and would probably have treated all
the rest with the same cruelty, had
they not been abroad at that time
and after burning all their Houses
the Perpetrators of this inhuman and
wicked action .retired.

As the Indians were seated on the
Manor by the Government, and had
lived there peaceably and inoffen-
sively during all our late troubles, I
conceived they were as much under
the protection of the Government and
its laws, as any others amongst us,
wherefore I thought it my duty to do
everything in my power for the im-
mediate apprehending and bringing
to Justice the authors of this horrid
scene; and accordingly, by the ad-
vice of the Council, I have dispatched
letters to the Magistrates of Lancas-
ter, Cumberland and York Counties,
requiring and charging them to exert
themselves and endeavor by all pos-
sible means to discover and secure
the principals concerned in ihis out-

rageous act, and their accomplices. 1
am also preparing a proclamation,or-
dering and requiring all officers civil
and military, and all his Majesty's
subjects in his Government, to be aid-
ing and assisting to the Magistrates
in execution of the Laws on this un-
happy occasion. Such of the Cones-
togoe Indians as had the good for-
tune to escape the fury of ihe above
mentioned lawless party, are now
taken under the protection of the
Magistracy at Lancaster and are se-
cured in the work house there, but
are in great distress for want of nec-
essaries and apparel having lost
everything they had except the little
they had on their backs, in their
Houses which were burnt.

As they do not apprehend them-
selves to be safe where they are,
they have by a verbal Message by
one of Your Members requested of
me that they may be removed to this
city, or its neighborhood; and I am
very .ready to comply immediately
with the desire, provided you will en-
able me to defray the Expense of it.
JOHN PENN.

1763 — Governor Penn Issues a Pub-
lic Proclamation on the Slaugh-
ter of the Conestoga In-
dians.

In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec , p. 995,
the following proclamation to the
People was issued by the Governor:
"A PROCLAMATION
WHEREAS, I have received infor-
mation that on Wednesday the four-
teenth day of this Month, a number
I of people armed and mounted on
Horseback unlawfully assembled to-
gether, and went to the Indian Town
in the Conestoga Manor, and without
the least reason or provocation in
cool blood barbarously killed six of
the Indians settled there and burnt
and destroyed all their Houses and

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

378

effects. AND WHEREAS, so cruel
and inhuman an Act was committed
in the Heart of this Province, on the
said Indians, who iived peaceably
and inoffensivey among us during
all our late troubles, and for many
years before, and were justly consid-
ered as under the protection of this
Government and its laws; calls loud-
ly for the vigorous exertion of the
Civil Authority to detect the Offend-
ers and bring them to condign pun-
ishment, I have therefore, by and
with the advice of the Council,
thought fit to issue this Proclama-
tion, and do strictly charge and en-
join all Judges, Justices Sheriffs,
Constables, Officers, Civil and Mili-
tary, and all other his Majsty's liege
subjects within this Province, to
make diligent search and inquiry af-
ter the Authors and perpetrators of
the said crime, their abettors and
accomplices, and to use all possible
means to apprehend and secure them
in the Publick Jails of this Province,
that they may be brought to their
tryals, and be proceeded against ac-
cording to law. ,

AND WHEREAS, a number of In-
dians who lately lived on or near the
frontiers of this Province, being
willing and desirous to preserve and
continue the ancient Friendship
which heretofore subsisted between
them and the good people of this
Porvince, have, at their earnest re-
quest been removed from their Habi-
tations and brought into the County
of Philadelphia, and seated upon
the Province Island and in other
places of the Neighborhood of the
City of Philadelphia, where provision
is made for them at the Publick ex-
pense. I do therefore hereby strictly
forbid, all persons whatsoever, to in-
jure any of the said Indians as they
will answer the Countrary at their
Peril.

Given under my hand and seal and
the Great seal of the said Province,
at Philadelphia, the twenty-second
day of December, Anno Domini, one
thousand seven hundred and sixty-
three, and in the Fourth year of his
Majesty's Reign.

JOHN PENN.
By his Honour's Command.

Joseph Shippen, Junior Secty.
GOD SAVE THE KING."
1768— The Paxtang- Boys Kill the Re-
maining Conestoga Indians in
Lancaster Jail.
In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 100,
there is set forth the following night
express from Lancaster to Philadel-
phio, giving news of the killing of the
last remnant of the Conestogas:

"Lancaster, 27th December,

1763, P. M.
Honoured Sir:

I am to acquaint your Honour that
between two and three of the clock
this afternoon, upwards of a hundred
armed men, from the Westward, rode
very fast into town, turned their
horses into Mr. Slough's (an Inn-
Keeper) Yard, and proceeded with
the greatest precipitation to the
work House, stove open the door and
killed all the Indians, and then took
to their horses and rode off, all their
business was done, and they were .re-
turning to their horses before I could
get half way down to the work house,
the Sheriff, and Coroner, however,
and several others, got down as soon
as the rioters, but could not prevail
with them to stop their hands; some
people heard them say and declare
they would proceed to the Province
Island and destroy the Indians there.
I am with great Respect, Sir,
Your Honour's most Obedient
humble Servant,

EDWARD SHIPPEN.

379

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

The Honourable John Penn, Esp.,

Governor."

Upon this the following action was
advised on the part of the Council
also found p. 100:

"The Council further advised the
Governor to dispatch the Express
back to Lancaster, with a letter to
Mr. Edward Shippen, desiring him to
gain all the inelligence in his power
respecting the further designs and
motion of the lawless Rioters, and
to endeavor to learn the names of
any of the Ringleaders or persons
concerned in the Murder of the In-
dians in the Work House and to ac-
quaint the Governor from time to
time by Express, with every piece of
intelligence he should receive con-
cerning them.

The Governor was also advised to
write to Colonel Armstrong, at Car-
lisle and the Rev. Mr. Elder at Pax-
ton, to exert themselves on this oc-
casion, by using all means in their
power, to discover and detect the
rioters and to supress all such insur-
rections among the People under
their influence for the future."
1763-The Sheriff of Lancaster County
Sends a List of the Possessions
of the Indians Killed at
Conestoga to Phila-
delphia.

In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 101,
the following statement appears be-
fore a Council held December 31,
1763:

"A letter f.rom the Sheriff of Lan-
caster, of the 27th of December, In-
stant, with the list of Conesiogoe In-
dians were read, and ordered to be
put on these minutes:
A LETTER TO THE GOVERNOR

FROM JOHN HAY, ESQ., SHFF.

OF LANCASTER

COUNTY

Lancaster, the 27th December, 1763.
Sir:

Agreeable to your orders to me
when at Philadelphia, I herein en-
close a list of the names of the In-
dians found killed at the Indian
Town in Conestogoe Manor, with the
names of the Survivors ( fourteen in
number) whom I found, had been col-
lected and placed in the work House
of this County, by my Son, with the
assistance of John Miller and Robert
Beatty (who by appointment of
Messrs. Hockley and Peters, had the
care of the Indians belonging to the
Town), where they are properly
taken care of, and fed and wait for
your Honour's further directions re-
lating to them.

I, likewise, agreeable to your order
give herewith, an account of the ef-
fects and papers which have been
found, belonging to the said Indians,
which now remain in the possession
of the said Miller and Beatty, in trust
for the Indians, to witt:

Three Horses,

A writing on Parchment, purport-
ing an article of Peace and Amity
concluded between the Governor of
Maryland and the Chiefs of the Con-
estogoe and other Indians.

A Writing or Parchment, purport-
ing an Article of Agreement between
William Penn, Proprietary, of Penn-
sylvania, and the King of the Indians
inhabiting in or about the River Sus-
quehanna, and other Indian Nations,
dated the three and twentieth day of
the second month, called April, in
the Year, one thousand seven hun-
dred and one.

A Letter (which seems to be un-
der the Lesser Seal of the Province)
signed W. Keith, dated Philadelphia,
May 26, 1819, directed to Civility, and
the rest of the Indian Chiefs at Con-
estogoe.

A Letter (which seems to be under
the Lesser Seal of the Province),
signed W. Keith, dated 5th May, 1719,

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

380

and the Indian Chiefs at and near
directed to Civility or Tagotelessa,
Conestogoe.

A Writing purporting a Letter,
signed James Logan, dated the 22nd
of the 4th Month, 1717, directed to
Civility and the Other Indian Chiefs
at Conestoga.

A Paper (which seems to be under
the Lesser Seal of the Province),
signed James Logan, purporting an
Order of Council at Philadelphia,
September 28, 1708, or a request to
the Indians to apprehend Nichole
Godin, on a suspicion of several
treasonable practices against the
Government.

And two Belts of Wampum."

One or two points about this letter
are quite pathetic because it states
that among other things there was
found among the effects of the poor
Indians the treaties which they had
made with the whites and had kept,
and various other paper which show
that they were always on the best
terms with the whites.

1763— The Sheriff Sends Word of the

Killing of the Conestoga Indians

in the Lancaster Jail.

In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 103, is
the following letter from John Hay,
Sheriff of Lancaster County:

"December 27th, 1763, P. M.
Honoured Sir:

Since writing above the poor In-
dians whom we imagined were placed
in safety were destroyed. A number
of persons, to the amount ( by their
appearance) of fifty or sixty, Armed
with Rifles, Tomahawks, etc., sudden-
ly, about two o'clock, rushed into the
Town and immediately repaired to
the Work House where the Indians
were confined, and notwithstanding
all opposition to myself and the Cor-
oner, and many others, broke open
the work house, and have killled all
the Indians there, being the fourteen

mentioned in the list to have sur-
vived the former affair at their Town.
After which they in a body left the
town without offering any insults to
the Inhabitants, and without putting
it in the power of any one to take or
molest any of them without danger of
life to the person attempting it; of
which both myself and the Coroner
by our opposition were in great dan-
ger."

1763 — The Names of the Conestoga
Indians Killed in Their Town in
Manor and in the Lancas-
ter JaiL

In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 103,
appears the following:

"List of the Indians killed at the
Indian Town in in Conestogoe Manor:
Sheehay, George, Harry, A Son
of Sheehays, Sally, an Old Wo-
man, A Woman. Their Indian
names, — Sheehays, W-a-shen,
Tee-Kau-ley, Ess-canesh, Tea
wonsha-i-ong, Kannenquas.
List of the Indians belonging to the
Conestogoe Town in the Work House
at Lancaster:

Coptain John, Betty his wife,
Bill Sack, Milly his wife, John
Smith, Peggy his wife, little John,
Capt'n John's son, Jacob a Boy,
Young Sheehays, a Boy, Chrisly,
a boy, little Peter, a boy, Molly,
a Little Girl, a little Girl, Peggy,
a little Girl. Their Indian names,
— Kyunqueagoah, Koweenasse,

Tenseedaagua, Kaniinguas, Saq-
uies-hat-tah, Chee na wan, Quaa-
chow, Shaw e kah, Ex undas,
Tong-quas, Hy ye naes, Ko qua-
e un quas, Karen do uah, Canu-
kie sung.
The names taken from Peggy, Wife
of John Smith, and Betty, Wife of
Captain John.

JOHN HAY.

381

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1763— The Governor Writes to Gen-
eral Gage About the Conestoga
Indian Slaughter.

In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec , p. 104,
appears the following letter to his
Excellency, General Gage, from our
Governor:

"Philadelphia, 31st December, 1763.
Sir:

I think it necessary to inform you
that on the 14th Instant, a number of
Inhabitants on the Western frontiers
of this Province, without any author-
ity, assembled in arms and proceeded
in a party of between fifty and sixty
men to the Indian Town in the Con-
estogoe Manor, in Lancaster County,
and there, without the least cause
cruelly put to death six of the Friend-
ly Indians, who had peaceably and
inoffensively resided there for many
years past, by permission from this
Government, and after burning and
destroying their houses and effects,
precipitately retired. Upon receiving
information of this barbarous out-
rage, I immediately dispatched or-
ders to the Magistrates of the back

same as the preceding one sent to
Sir William Johnson on this dastard-
ly slaughter.

1 1764— A Reward Offered by the Gov-
ernment for the Capture of the
Conestoga Murderers.

In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 107,
we find the following proclamation:

"By the Honourable JOH NPEx\N,
Esquire, Lieutenant Governor and
Commander-in-Chief of the Province
of Pennsylvania and Counties of New
Castle, Kent and Sussex on Delaware.
A PROCLAMATION:

WHEREAS, on the twenty-second
day of December last, I issued a
Proclamation for the apprehending
and bringing to Justice a number of
Persons, who, in violation of the Pub-
lic Faith, and in Defiance of all Law,
'had inhumanly killed six of the In-
dians, who had lived on Conestogoe
Manor for the Course of Many years,
peacefully and inoffensively, under
the Protection of this Government, on
lands assigned to them for their
habitation. Notwithstanding which, I
have received Information on the

Counties to use their utmost endea-|27th of the same month, a large
vours to apprehend and confine the I party of armed men again assembled
offenders, that they might be brought i and met together in a riotous and tu-
to Justice, and likewise the enclosed jmultuous manner in the county of
Proclamation. Lancaster and preceded to the

Notwithstanding which, these dar-
ing rioters on the 27th Inst., again
assembled in arms and came down in
a large body to the Town of Lancas-

Town of Lancaster, where they vio-
lently broke open the work House,
and butchered and put to death four-
teen of the said Conestogoe Indians,

ter, broke open the Work House, and Men, Women and Children, who had
murdered fourteen of the Conestoga j been taken under the immediate care
Indians, who had before escaped their of the Magistrates of the said County
fury, and were confined there by the

Magistrate for their security.
1763— The Governor Sends a Letter
to William Johnson on This
Subject.

and lodged for their better security
in the Work House, till they should
be more effectually provided for by
order of the Government- AND
WHEREAS, common Justice loudly
| demands, (upon the preservation of
In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 105 is! which not only the Liberty and Se-
found a letter almost exactly theicurity of every individual, but the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

382

being of the Government itself de-
pend, require that the above offenders
should be brought to condigne Pun-
ishment; I have, therefore, by and
with the advice of the Council, pub-
lished this Proclamation and do here-
by strictly charge and command all
Judges, Justices, Sheriffs, Constables,
Officers Civil and Military, and all
other his Majesty's faithful and liege
subjects with this Province, to make
diligent search and enquiry after the
Authors and Perpetrators of the said
last mentioned Offence, their Abettors
and accomplices; and that they use
all possible means to apprehend and
secure them in some of the Publick
Gaols of this Province, to be dealt
with according to Law. And I do
hereby further promise and engage,
that any persons or person who shall
apprehend and secure, or cause to be
appehended and secured, and three of
the Ringleaders of the said party, and
prosecute them to conviction, shall
have and receive for each the Pub-
iick Reward of Two Hundred Pounds;
and any accomplice, not concerned in
the immediate shedding of the Blood
of the said Indians, who shall make
discovery of any or either of the
said Ringleaders and apprehend and
prosecute them to conviction, shall,
over and above the said reword, have
all the weight and influence of the
Government of obtaining his Majesty's
Pa.rdon for his Offence.

Given under my hand and the Great
Seal of the said Province, at Phila-
delphia the second day of January, in
the fourth Year of his Majesty's reign,
and in the Year of our Lo.rd, one
thousand seven hundred and sixty-
four. JOHN PENN.
By his Honour's Command.

Joseph Shippen, Junior, Secretary,
GOD SAVE THE KING."

1764 — The Governor Writes a Letter

To the Governor of New York

About This Killing.

In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 112, we
find a similar letter by Governor
Penn on the killing of these defence-
less Indians, to Governor of N. Y.
And on p. 113 a similar letter to Gov-
ernor Franklin on the same subject is
found.

1764— The Colony of New York En-
raged at the Conestoga Killing.

In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 121,
appear the proceedings that the Gov-
ernor of New York held upon the
killing of these Indians at Conestoga.
This meeting was more necessary
from the fact that these Conestogas
were the subjects of the Five Nations
and some of those killed actually be-
longed to the Five Nations.

1764— Benjamin Kendal of Lancaster

Reports the Particulars of the

Conestoga Killing to the

Council.

In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 126,
appears the following narration upon
oath by Benjamin Kendal of the kill-
ing of the Conestoga Indians:
"CITY OF PHILADELPHIA, SS:

Benjamin Kendall, of the City of
Phialdelphia, Merchant, being one of
the People called Quakers on this
solemn affirmation declareth and
saith, That on Thursday, the 25th day
of this Instant, January, he, this de-
ponent, being on his return from the
Borough of Lancaster, to the City of
Philadelphia about two miles on this
side the sign of the inhabitant of the
said Borrough of Lancaster, who, this
affirmant understood, had been, the
day before, in the Township of Pe-
quea, or its Neighborhood; that this
affirmant, being acquainted with the
said Robert Fulton, stopped, and en-
tered into some conversation with

383

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

him, in the course of which the said
Fulton acquainted this affirmant that
he understood Captain Coultas, had
been appointed to raise and command
Five Hundred men to guard and pro-
tect the Indians in the said City of
Philadelphia, and that he was very
sorry for it, and that in ten days fif-
teen hundred men would come down
in order to kill the said Indians, and
that if Fifteen Hundred Men were
not enough Five Thousand were ready
to join them, and desired this affirm-
ant to tell Captain Coultas, from the
said Robert, to make his Peace with
Heaven, for that he (the said Coult-
tas) would not live about two weeks
longer. This affirmant answered, that
he was very sorry to hear him, the
said Fulton talk in that manner, and
as he understood that he, the said
Fulton, had a great deal of influence
with those people who intended to
come down on the above purpose, he,
this affirmant requested the said
Fulton to exert himself in persuading
them to desist from their crime or de-
sign. The said Fulton then said, if
Gabriel, was to come down from
Heaven and tell us or them (but
which of the words this affirmant can
not be sensible of) we or they were
wrong, they would not desist for it,
for that they were of the same spirit
with the blood ran, blood-thirst Pres-
byterians, who cut off King Charles
his head. This affirmant then said to
the said Fulton, 'I hear you are going
to kill the Quakers.' Fulton answered,
No, God forbid, but they or any others
who should oppose them they would
kill.' That he (the said Fulton) had
heard the Indians were put in small
numbers into different families in the
City of Philadelphia, for Protection,
but that such families must tell
where they (the Indians, were, and
deliver them up, or their Houses

would be fired over their heads. The
said Fulton further informed this af-
firmant, that some time ago, when he
heard the said Indians were sent out
of this Province, he, the said Fulton
| sent a letter to a number of people
who were then preparing to come
down and cut the Indians off, to ac-
quaint them of it, and stop them from
coming. This affirmant further saith,
that a certain William Way was in
Company with the said Fulton during
this whole conversation, and from
what little he said that he seemed to
join in sentiment with the said Ful-
ton and among other things asserted
that he was lately in a store in that
Neighbourhood where there was a
magazine of three barrels of Gun Pow-
der, and One Hundred small arms,
ready for the above expedition, and
that he verily believed a number of
men would come down to Philadel-
phia to kill the Indians and further
this affirmant saith not.

BENJAMIN KENDALL.
Taken and Affirmed in the presence
of the Governor and Council, at
Philadelphia, January 28, 1764.

Before JOHN PENN."

1761 — The Murderers of the Cones-

estjfoa Indians Put Up Flimsy

Justification.

In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, 142, ap-
pears what is meant to be a justifica-
tion for killing of the Conestoga In-
dians. This justification is in the na-
ture of a petition signed by many
people who favored the killing and it
was laid before the Assembly on the
17th of February, 1764, it is as fol-
lows*

"The Declaration of the Injured
Frontier Inhabitants, together with
a brief sketch of Grievances the
good Inhabitants of the Province
Labour under.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

384

Inasmuch as the killing of those
Indians at Conestogoe Manor and
Lancaster has been, and may be, the
subject of much conversation, and by
invidious representations of it, which
some, we doubt will not, will indus-
triously spread, many acquainted with
the true state of affairs may be lead
to pass a severe censure on the Au-
thors of those Facts, and any others
cf the like Nature, which may here-
after happen, they we are persuaded
they would if matters were duly un-
derstood and deliberated. We think
it therefore proper thus openly to
declare ourselves, and render some
brief hints of the reasons of our
Conduct, which we must, and frank-
ly do, confess, nothing but necessity
itself could induce us to, or justify us
in, as it bears the appearance of fly-
ing in the face of Authority, and is
attended with much labour, fatigue
and expense.

Ourselves, then, to a man, we pro-
fess to be loyal subjects to the best
of Kings, our rightful Sovereign
George the third, firmly attached to
his royal person, Interest and Gov-
ernment, and of consequence equally
opposite to the enemies of his throne
and dignity, whether openly avowed
or more dangerously concealed under
a mask or falsely pretended Friend-
ship, and chearfully willing to offer
our Substance and Lives in his Cause.

These Indians, known to be firmly
connected in Friendship with our
openly avowed embittered enemies,
and some of whom have, by several
oaths, been proved to be murderers,
and who, by their better acquaintance
with the situation .and state of our
Frontiers, were mo.re capable of do-
ing us mischief, we saw, with indig-
nation caressed and cherished as
dearest Friends; but, this, alas; is
but a part, a small part, of that ex-

cessive regard manifested to Indians,
beyond his Majesty's loyal subjects,
whereof we complain, and which to-
gether with various other Grievances,
have not only enflamed with resent-
ment the Breasts of a number, and
urged them to the disagreeable evi-
dence of it they have been con-
strained to give, but have heavily dis-
pleased by far the greatest part of the
good Inhabitants of this Province.

Should we here reflect to farmer
Treaties, the exorbitant presents and
great Servility therein paid to the In-
dians, have long been oppressive
Grievances we have groaned under;
and when at the last Indian treaty
held at Lancaster, not only was the
blood of our many murdered Breth-
ren tamely covered, but our poor un-
happy captivated friends abandoned
to slavery among the Savages, by
concluding a Friendship with the In-
dians, and allowing them a plentious
trade of all kinds of Commodities,
without those being restored, or any
properly spirited .requisition made of
them; how general dissatisfaction
those letters made and the Measures
gave the Murmurs of all good people
(loud as they dare to utter them) to
this day declare and had here infat-
uated steps of conduct, and a mani-
fest partiality in favour of Indians,
made a final pause, happy had it
been; We perhaps had greived in si-
lence for our abandoned, enslaved
Brethren among the Heathen; but
matters of a later date are of still
more flagrant Reasons of Complaint.
When last Summer his Majesty's
forces, under the command of Colonel
Bouquet, marched through this prov-
ince, and demand was made by his
Excellecy General Amherst, of Assis-
tance to escort Provisions, etc., to re-
lieve that important Post, Fort Pitt,
yet not one man was granted, al-

385

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

though never anything appeared more
reasonable or necessary, as the Inter-
ests of the Province lay so much at
stake and the Standing of the Frontier
Settlements, in any manner, evident-
ly depending under God, on the al-
most despaired of success of his Ma-
jesty's little army, whose valor the
whole Frontier with gratitude ac-
knowledge, and as the happy means
of having saved from ruin a great
part of the Province; but when a
number of Indians falsely pretended
Friends, and having among them
some proved an oath to have been
guilty of Murder since the War began,
when they together with others,
known to be his Majesty's enemies,
and who had been in the battle against
Col. Bouquet reduced to distress by
the destruction of their Corn at the
Great Island, and up the East Branch
of Sasquehannah, pretend themselves
Friends and desire subsistance, they
are openly caressed, and the Publick,
that could not be indulged the liberty
of contributing to his Majesty s assis-
tance, obliged, as tributaries to Sav-
ages to support these Villains, these
enemies to our Great King and our
Country, nor only so the hands that
were closely shut, nor would grant
his Majesty's general a single farth-
ing against a Savage Foe, have been
liberally opened, and the piiblick
money basely prosituted to hire, at an
exhorbitant rate, a mercernary Guard
to protect his Majesty's worst of
Enemies, those falsely pretended In-
dian Friends, while, at the same time,
Hundreds of Poor Distressed Famil-
ies of his Majesty's subjects obliged
to abandon their Possessions and fly
for their lives at least, are left, ex-
cept a small relief at first, in the most
distressing circumstances, to starve
neglected, save what the friendly
hand of private Donations has contri-

buted to their Support, wherein they
who are most profuse towards sav-
ages, have carefully avoided having
any part. When last Summer troops
were raised for the defence of the
Province were limited to certain
Bounds, nor suffering to any attempt
of annoying our Indians in their
Habitations, and a number of brave
volunteers, equipped at their own ex-
pense in September, up the Sasque-
hanna, met and defeated their Enemy,
with the loss of some of their number
and having others dangerously
wounded, not the least thanks or ac-
knowledgment was made by the Leg-
islature to them for the Confessed
service they had done; nor only the
least Notice or Care taken of their
wounded; Whereas, when a Seneca,
who, by the Information of many, as
his own confessions, had been,
j through the last War, our inveterate
Enemy, had got a cut in his Head,
last Summr in a Quarrel with his
Own Cousin, and it was reported in
Philadelphia that his wound was dan-
gerous, a Doctor was immedately em-
ployed and sent to Fort Augusta to
take care of him and cure him if pos-
sible. To these may be added that
though it was impossible to obtain
through the Summer, or even yet, any
premium for Indian Scalps, or en-
couragement to excite volunteers to go
forth against them; Yet, when a few
of them known to be the fast friends
of our enemies, and some of them
murderers themselves, when these
have been struck with a distressed,
bereft, injured frontier, a liberal re-
ward is offered for apprehending the
perpetrtators of that horrible crime
of killing his Majesty's Cloaked Ene-
mies, and their conduct painted in the
most atrocious Colours, while the
horrid ravages, cruel murders, and
most shocking barbarities, committed

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

386

by Indians on His Majesty's s-ubpects,
ere covered over and excused under
the charitable term of this being their
method of making war. But to re-
count the many repeated grievances
whereof we might justly complain,
and instances of a most violent at-
tachment to Indians were tedious be-
yond the patience of the Job, to en-
dure more, and better be expected; nor
need we be surpried at Indians inso-
lnce and Villainy, when it is consid-
ered, and which can be proved from
the public records of a certain county
that some time before Conrad Weiser
died, some Indians belonging to the
Great Island or Wighalousing, assur-
ed him that Israel Pemberton (an in-
dent leader of that Faction, which
for so long a time have found
means to enslave the province to In-
dians), together with others of the
Friends, had given them a rod to
scourge the white people that were
settled on the Purchased lands, for
that Onas had cheated them out of a
great deal of land, or had not given
near sufficient price for what he had
bought; and that the traders ought
also, to be scourged, for that they de-
frauded the Indians, by selling goods
to them at too dear a rate; and that
this relation is a matter of iact, can
easily be proved in the County of
Berks. Such is the unhappy situation,
uder the Villainy, Infatuation and In-
fluence of a certain Faction, that have
got the Political reigns in hand, and
tmely tyrannize over the other good
subjects of the Province. And can it
be thought strange that a scene of
such treatment as this, and the now
adding, in this critical juncture, to all
ou.r former distresses, that disagree-
able burden of supporting in the very
heart of the Province, at so great an
expense, between one and two hun-
dred Indians to the Great disquietude

of the Majority of the Good Inhabi-
tants of this Province, should awaken
the resentment of the People grossly
abused, unrighteously burdened and
made dupes and Slaves to the In-
dians? And must not all well dis-
posed people entertain a Charitable
sentiment of those who, at their own
Great Expence and trouble have at-
tempted or shall attempt, rescuing a
laboring land from a weight so op-
pressive, unreasonable and unjust? It
is this we design, it is this we are re-
solved to prosecute, though it is with
great reluctance we are obliged to
adopt a Measure not so agreeable as
could be desired, and to which extent
alone compels.

! 1764— Benjamin Franklin's View of

This Killing on the Conestoga.

As nearly all readers of History
know the most intelligence and the
severest denunciations of the dastard-
ly killing of these Conestogas ap-
peared in the form of a pamphlet by
Benjamin Franklin. It may be found
in the Historical Society at Philadel-
phia. A great many other pamphlets
were written upon the subject and
numerous articles in the Pennsyl-
vania Gazette and other papers of the
time. It caused a great excitement
throughout all Eastern Pennsylvania.

1764— The Last Two Indians in Lan
caster County.

In the New Era of September 11,
1907 among the proceedings of the
Hershey family reunion appears the
following item:

"In a lonely spot in one of the
back pasture fields of this Homestead
(The Old Hershey Homestead) the
visitors found four stone markers set
securely in the ground within whose
enclosure lie the remains of 'Michael
and Mary', the last two Indians of
Lancaster County. These Indians

387

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

were friendly and during their de-
clining years were cared for by
Christian Hershey, who then owned
the homestead. The following docu-
ment was read by M.r. Hershey at this
spot, after prayer over the remains of
these last Children of the Forest, by
Rev. Hershey.
'Protection for Two Friendly Indians

In Lancaster County, Pennsylvania.
By Ho'ble John Penn, Esq., &c,
To Whom It May Concern:

Greeting: Whereas, I am given to
understand that the Bearers Michael
and Mary his wife are friendly In-
dians who formerly resided with
other Indians in the Conestoga Man-
or, and have for upwards of fifteen
months last past lived with Christian
Hershey, at his plantation in War-
wick Township, Lancaster Co., Pa.,
during which time they have con-
stantly behaved in the most friendly
and peaceable manner to all his Ma-
jesty's subjects, I do hereby grant
the said Michael and Mary my pro-
tection and do enjoin and require all
officers, civil and Military, as well as
all other persons whatsoever within
this Government to suffer to pass and
repass on their lawful business with-
out the least molestation .or interrup-
tion, and they are hereby also desir-
ed to treat the said Indians with Civ-
ility and to afford them all necessary
assistance.

Given under my Hand and Seal at
Arms at Philadelphia, the 17th Aug.,
1764.' JOHN PENN.

'By his Honour's Command

JOHN SHIPPEN, Secretary.

Thus it will be noticed that the
Hershey family is honored with de-
ently burying the last Indians of
Lancaster County, and suitably mark-
ing their graves."

1768 — A Reference to the Conestoga

Killing.

In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 409,
the Assembly sent a message to the

Governor, referring to General Gage's
and William Johnson's views of the
killing, and recalled to the mind of
the Governor the fact that we did not
pay sufficient attention to the point
hat we were occupying the Indians'
lands without their consent. And
they also say that they can never for-
get the horrid murder committed in
1763 on the remnant of the Cones-
toga Indians at Lancaster.

1770 — The Murder of the Conestoga

Indians Still Lingers in the

Minds of the People.

In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 683,
under the date of 1770, there is a
deposition by John Philip DeHoos of
the Tonnship of Lebanon in Lancas-
ter County, in which he says that it
is understood that 200 Pounds were
still offered as a premium for the
persons who were concerned in mur-
dering the Indians in the Lancaster
jail.

1775 — Descendants of the Cayngas

Claim the Old Indian Town in

Manor Township.

In Mombert's History of Lancaster
County at p. 280 we find the follow-
ing:

"At a Council held at Philadelphia,
on Tuesday 16th May, 1775.

PRESENT;
The Honourable John Penn. Esquire,

Governor.
James Tilghman, Andrew Allen, Es-
quires.

The Governor acquainted the Board
that eight Cayuga Indians came to
Town on Saturday last from Cones-
togoe, on the Cayuga Branch of the
Susquehanna, on some Business with
this Government, and that he now
proposed to hear what they had to
say. Whereupon the Board agreed
that they should be immediately sent
for, and they were accordingly intro-
duced.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

588

The Governor then acquainting
them that he was ready to hear them,
addressing himself to the Governor,
first went through seme short usual
ceremonies of clearing the Throat
and Heart, and opening the Ears, etc.,
and then producing a belt of wam-
pum, spoke as follows, viz: That
three of their Company, who were
present as the nearest surviving re-
lations of the old Seneca Sohaes, who
lived for many years with his family
and connections on a tract of land
within the Manor of Conestogo, in
Lacaster County; that the old man
with his family and relations were
several years ago murdered there by
some wicked men belonging to this
Government; and that the said Tract
of Land containing about 500 acres,
now became the property of a«s three
relations now present, one of whom
is Sohaes' Brother; that they had
come down at this time to see their
Brother Onos, and make sale of the
said land to him; that the land is
very rich and worth a great deal of
money, but as their brother Onas
was himself well acquainted with its
value, they desired he would purchase
it from them at such a price as he
thought reasonable, and they would
be entirely satisfied. He then deliv-
ered the belt of Wampum to the Gov-
ernor, and told him that he had fin-
ished what he had to say.

The Governor thereupon acquainted
the Indians that he and his Council
would take their speech into consid-
eration, and give them an answer on
Thursday morning.

At a Council held at Philadelphia,
on Thursday, 18th May, 1775.

PRESENT:

The Honourable John Penn, Es-
quire, Governor.

William Logan, Andrew Allen, Benja-
min Chew, Edward Shippen, Junr.,
Esquires.

The eight Cayuga Indians being
sent for, attended at a Board in or-
der to receive the Governor's answer
to their Speech on Tuesday last,
which the Governor in part delivered
to them; but as it appeared to the
Board that the Indians did not clear-
ly and fully comprehend his meaning,
the person who undertook to inter-
pret to them not being sufficiently
acquainted with their Language, and
the Indians expressing great dissat-
isfaction on being informed that this
land had already been purchased and
paid for, it was agreed that Isaac
Still, a Delaware Indian Interpreter,
should be immediately sent for, to
interpret the Governor's answer to
the Indians in Council, on Saturday
morning next.

At a Council held at Philadelphia,
on Saturday 20th May, 1775.

PRESENT:

William Logan, Andrew Allen, James

Tilghman, Edward Shippen, Junr.,

Esquires.

The eight Cayuga Indians, by de-
sire of the Governor, again attended
the Board, with the Indian Interpre-
ter Isaac Still, and having taken their
seats, the Speaker repeated over the
speech he had delivered to the Gov-
ernor on Tuesday last, which was
the same in substance as entered on
the minutes of that day and the Gov-
ernor .returned them his answer,
which was fully explained by them
by Isaac Still, and is as follows, viz:

BRETHREN: The tract of land you
mention, consisting of 500 acres, part
of the Conestoga Manor, wnere old
Sohes dwelt, was included in a pur-
chase long since made from the In-
dians, notwithstanding which, I agree
that Sohaes and his Family had the
Proprietaries' permission to live
thereon as long as they chose to re-
main in the inhabitant part of the
country. Some time after the death

389

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

of Sohaes, and all his Family that re-
sided there in the year 1768, there
was a Treaty held at Fort Stanwix,
to which I was invited by Sir Wil-
liam Johnson,, in order to treat with
the Indians, concerning the purchase
of a large tract of land, part of which
lay in the King's Governments and
part in the Province of Pennsylvania;
at this treaty the last great Indians
purchase was made, for which I then
paid the Indians ten Thousand Dol-
lars. But before the treaty was fin-
ished, Sir William Johnson informed
me that the Indians expected to be
paid for the 500 acres of land, part of
the Conestogo Manor, where Sohaes
dwelt; I accordingly agreed to pay
them for it. The price agreed on was
two hundred Pounds, York money, or
$500, the value of which was then
delivered in goods to Togaiato, the
Cayuga Chief, to be distributed as he
thought proper, and the deed I now
show you, for the land of the Indians
I bought of the Indians at that treaty,
signed by he Chiefs of the Six Na-
tions, expressly includes ths 500 acres
of land.

Having therefore, already purchas-
ed the land twice, it can not reason-
ably be expected that I should pay it
again. However, as you have come
from a great distance, under the ex-
pectation of selling this land, and
perhaps did not receive as great a
proportion of the goods I delivered at
Fort Stanwix, as should have been
paid to the relations of Sohaes, and
to show you the desire I have to pre-
serve peace and friendship with the
Indians, and that when they pay me
a visit they should not go away dis-
satisfied; I am willing to make you a
present, which I hope you will think
a generous one; I, therefore, desire
you will except of these $300.

The Indians, accordingly very glad-
ly accepted the $300, and signed a

receipt for the same on the back of
the deed executed at Fort Stanwix,
expressing it to be in full satisfac-
tion of all claims of Sohaes' Family
to the said 500 acres of land."

From this we see that the Indians
were very willing to give up anything
they might lay hold to about the Con-
estoga creek.

Indian Children's Sport with the
German Children.

The subject of this item is put at
the end of these annals because it is
not practical to affix to it any date
but inasmuch as it has to do with
the children ancients, I have put it
at the close. It is as follows:

In Vol. 7 of Hazard's Register, p.
163 it is found the following relative
to the above. It is a narrative of an
old time Mennonite or Amishman
concerning the early doings about
Conestoga.

"An aged member of the Amish or
Ommish faith relates, that lie often
heard his grandfather say, that his
family was one of the first of the
Europeans who settled west of the
Conestoga. That the Indians lived
near them; and that the German and
Indian children would frequetly play
together in the neighborhmg wig-
wam. Sometimes you would see them
engaged in contests of foot race; in
which the Indian lads would excel al-
though the German boys would dis-
card their clothes to put them on an
equality with the naked savages.
Sometimes with the bow and arrow,
but here the little Indians would all
show their superiority in skill, and
accuracy of aim. In wrestling, and
most of their exercises, the Indian
boys excelled; but in the mechanical
arts the little emigrants had the ad-
vantage. I have often seen the Chiefs
reclining on the ground, leaning on
the arm, looking at the diversions

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

390

and amusements of the children; and
when the little Indian would excel
they would laugh very heartily.

It would not infrequently happen,
that the little German boys would
show some degree of anger, when
they were unsuccessful, by giving a
blow, or taking up a stone and un-
ceremoniously hurl it at the head of
a competitor, which the little Indians
would receive with the utmost com-
placency. I was one day amused by
seeing a struggle between an Indian
and a German; the former was
younger but more active than the lat-
ter, and the little son of the forest
was evidently playing with the
strength of his adversary; the Ger-
man became heated, and exerting
all his strength endeavored to throw
his companion on the ground; but
the wily Indian gave a sudden trip,
which caused the German to fall be-
neath; who, rising angrily, seized a
stone and levelled his opponent to the
earth. The chiefs who were near
laughed very heartily, but the little
white faces did not wait to see the
result but ran hastily homewards,
dreading a severe castigation. In all
and every transaction we had with
the Indians, we found them mild and
peaceable; and, as just related, not
disposed to revenge, when the act
appeared to be a momentary burst of
passion: I have often seen the little
Breneman's, children of a Mennonite
emigrant, playing in the most sport-
ive and innocent manner with the lit-
tle red faces, and I ever know or
heard of one little white face receiv-
ing an injury from their red breth-
ren; that is, no intentional injury.

I remember the hickory tree which
once stood in the centre of Lancas-
ter. It was customary for the In-
dians, when about to form a treaty,
to select a tree which had an appear-

ance of vigor, health and strength,
and, I may add, beauty; then sur-
rounding it, they would say, 'by this
chain thus linked together, may it re-
main unbroken as this tree has sur-
vived the storm'. Again, 'if any of
us shall violate this pledge, may the
lightning shiver such to pieces as a
lofty pine in a thunder storm.'

It was not until the introduction of
spirituous liquor, that the neighbor-
hood of the Indians proved dangerous
to the whites, but not to us, for we
gave them no liquor, and neither did
we trade with them, for our religion
forbade it.

It may be not unnecessary to add,
that the Indians had the most im-
plicit confidence in William Penn;
whom they were always inclined to
respect as a superior being; and the
great confidence was frequently .re-
ferred to by them, in their several
talks at Lancaster and at Conestoga."

"The Brennemans' settled west of
Conestoga in the year 1719."

We have now traced the history of
the Indians that inhabited the sec-
tion of the Country, which afterwards
became Lancaster County, from the
earliest date upon which any authen-
tic information could be found down
to the date of the disappearance of
the last of them. These annals
therefore extend over a period of two
centuries and a half. The Indians
who inhabited this neighborhood
were at one time the mightiest tribe
in the Central Atlantic States. They
frightened all the Virginia and Mary-
land Indians into subjection, includ-
ing Powhatan's mighty tribe. They
i conquered all the tribes around them
North and South and during the per-
iod from 1600 to 1660 were in the
height of their glory and power.
They were during that period known
as the "Giant Susquehannocks." They
met their first conqueror after the

391

ANNALS OF THE SUS QUEHANNOCKS AND

Five Nations of New York began a
confederacy, and the mastery of the
Five Nations, even in their confeder-
ated strength and only determined
after a 20 years' war beginning in
1655 and ending in 1675. From that
date the Snsquehannock Tribe was
divided, and one branch after march-
ing through Maryland and Virginia
and inciting the Bacon Rebellion,
came back to their old location on
the Susquehanna. The other portion
was taken by the Five Nations to live
with them in New York, The com-
ing of civilization was their death
knell. Only a small portion of them
staid in what is now Lancaster
County and faded away before the
white man. The Major portion of
them went west as the Frontier
moved Westward and met their Wat-
erloo after Braddock's defeat on the
extreme branches of the Susquehanna
and the head waters of the Allegheny
and Ohio Rivers.

The last remnant of those who .re-
mained here were cruelly butchered
as we have just shown in December,
1763. After the outrageous slaughter
their bodies were tenderly taken
charge of and buried in the ceme-
tery, in the rear of what is known
as Martin's Hall on East Chestnut
understand was
Quaker cemetery
the Pennsylvania
through Lancaster,

Street, which I
a Mennonite or
or both. When
railroad wa"s cut

which now lies in a deep cut, pass-
ing back of the cemetery, the bones
of these poor old Indians rolled down
the slopes of the cut from their
graves where they had lain or repos-
ed over three-fourth of a century.
And this concludes the annals of the
"Susquehannocks and Other Indian
Tribes of Lancaster County."

H. FRANK ESHLEMAN, Esq.,
January 21, 1909

392

INDEX.

A

Argoll, Samuel on the Susquehannocks 14

Andastes or Susquehannocks 14

"Alaentsic" Grandmother of the World 19

Analysis, Evans' 25

Alsop's Account of the Susquehannocks 62

Attainder of Truman 92

Andros, Edmund, Invites the Susquehannocks Back to the River... 100

Andros Stands by the Susquehannocks 103

Askin Sells Rum to the Conestogas 154

Airens, Rev., Preaches at Conestoga 169

Assembly Wants Larger Presents for the Conestogas 20T)

Albany Treaty 274

Albany and the Conestogas 280

Assembly on the Cartlidge Murder 281

Aston, George, Warns the Conestogas 290

Albany Treaty 315

Apples Grown by the Indians 319

Allegheny — Shawanese at 321

Armstrong, John, Killed near Lancaster 348

B

Big Indian Picture Rock 5

Barbarities of the Susquehannocks 18

Baptism of a Susquehannock 21

Brent, Arrested for Abandoning Expedition 29

Beaver Trade of the Susquehannocks 45

Burial Customs of the Susquehannocks 63

Baell, Ninian — Witness Against Truman 92

Brant. Captain, Reports the Susquehannocks and Senecas Invading.. 115

Beall, Ninian, To Slaughter the Susquehannocks 119

Beall, Ninian, Made Ranger 122

Beall, Ninian's Expedition and Slaughter 122

Beall, Ninian Helps the Susquehannocks to Slaughter Enemies 122

Basallion, Order Against 142

Beall To Keep the Susquehannocks Out of Maryland 148

Bizalion's Trading House 155

Buck's Statement of Penn's Visit 160

Bizalion and Letort Held in Bonds 172

Bizalion Again Suspected 173

Bizalion Takes Up Land Above Conestoga 193

Bizalion Acting Suspiciously 201

Butchery in the South 239

Bacon's Rebellion — Susquehannocks Caused It 240

Baltimore, Lord Interferes With the Conestogas 276

Blnnstcn. Letter to, by Gordon 297

Blunston's Letter to Logan 309

Blunston Fears the Loyalty of the Five Nations 309

Bears Caught at Conestoga 320

Ball at Lancaster in 1744 344

393 INDEX

Billy Sock's Treachery 370

Breneman Children played with the Indian Children 389

Burial Place of Murdered Conestogas 391

C

Cannibals, First Susquehannocks Cannibals 4

Chesapeake, Delaware Channel Proposed in 1613 15

Claybourne on the Susquehanna 15

Claybourne's Attack 16

Claybourne Arrested for Treason 1"

Cornwaleys Against the Susquehannocks 19

Claybourne Buys Susquehanna Valley 19

Claybourne Petitions King for Trade Rights 19

Claybourne Defends Purchase 20

Conestoga, The Limit of the Swedes' Purchase 21

Conawago, Limit of the Swedes' Purchase 21

Claybourne's Title Set Aside 21

Claybourne's Difficulties 23

Claybourne Produces a Witness 24

Christian Susquehannock Speared to Death 27

Cornwalyes, Their Power Against Susquehannocks 30

Cruelty of the Susquehannocks 36

Cries of a Dead Chief 69

Cayugas Whipped by Susquehannock Boys 70

Cotton, Anne's Account of the Fall of the Susquehannocks 88

Collyer to Protect the Susquehannocks 104

Coursey, Henry, Ambassador To Make Peace With the Susquehannocks 107

Conestogas Agree to Watch the Shawanese Ill

Conestoga, The Beginning Of 117

Conestogas, Origin Of 117

Conestogas Meet Penn 125

Conestogas Take Meat to Penn 126

Conestogas Sell to Penn 127

Canassatego Refers to Penn's First Susquehanna Purchase 129

Conestoga, Penn's First Visit to 129

Council of Pennsylvania Protects the Susquehannocks 135

Conestoga Road to Philadelphia 136

Conestoga — French and Senecas Coming to Destroy 138

Conestoga — First French Traders Around 138

Conestogas — First French Traders Among 138

Chartier, Martin — First Appearance in Conestoga 138

Conestogas — Commissioner Sent Along 139

Conestogas — French Polluting 139

Conestogas— Earliest Trade With Philadelphia 139

Campanius on the Minquays 139

Conestoga, Early — Campanius On 139

Conestogas — French Among 140

Civility, Captain 141

Conestoga Chiefs Visit Council 142

Council Visited by the Conestogas 142

Conestoga Trade Flourishing 143

Conestogas And Others Trade With Maryland 143

Conestoga — Ganawese Come To 147

Conestogas' Great Sale to Penn 151

Conestogas Abused 154

Conestogas Guarantee The Conduct of the Ganawese 154

Chalkley Visits Conestoga 155

Conestoga — Great Indian Capital 1".".

INDEX 394

Conestoga Great Road 156

Conestogas Trade With Philadelphia 156

Conestoga — Letort Leaves For Canada 158

Cassawetoway, alias Indian Harry 158

Chew, Samuel, On Penn At Susquehanna 160

Conestoga — Treaty on Parchment 160

Conestoga — Great Treaty of 1701 162

Chiefs, Forty Chiefs at the Treaty 164

Conestogas Give Penn Good-bye in 1701 165

Conestogas and Indian Rum Trade 165

Conestogas Great Friends of Pennsylvania 167

Columbia, Skeletons At 167

Chartier — Survey on Susquehanna 168

Christians at Conestoga 168

Conestoga, Christians At 168

Conestoga, Earliest Settlers At 169

Conestoga — First Preaching to the Indians 169

Conestoga, Earliest Settlers At 169

Conestoga — First Preaching to the Indians 169

Conestogas' War Expedition South 170

Chesapeake, Penn Wants Settlement On 171

Conestogas Do Not Visit Philadelphia Now 171

Chalkley— Another Visit . . .• 172

Conestogas — French Weaning From the English 172

Conestogas, Some Leave Home 173

Conestoga Depredations 175

Conestogas Suffering— The Winter of 1714 176

Conestogas Killed by Strange Indians 176

Chartier — Suspiciously Intends to Leave Conestoga 177

Conestogas Swear Letort into Jail 177

Conestogas Fear Maryland 178

Conestoga, Logan's First Treaty 179

Conestogas, Fraud On 182

Conestoga Trip, Logan 182

Conestogas, et. al. Go to Philadelphia 183

Conestoga Treaty — Logan's Cost of 184

Conestoga Treaty by Evans 184

Chalkley — Another Visit to Conestoga 183

Conestoga — Palatines Buy Land 187

Conestoga — Evans Arrives July 1, 1706 190

Cartier, Martin — Death Of 193

Conestogas Complain — The French Building Houses 194

Conestoga — Missionaries at, in 1808 194

Conestogas Willing to Help English Go Fight the< French 195

Conestogas Inquire About Further Treaty 195

Conestogas Go To See Governor Gookin 197

Conestogas Compelled to Pay The Five Nations Tribute 198

Conestoga, Whites Begin Real Settlement ■ 199

Conestogas — First True Settlement of Whites Among 199

Conestoga Queen Goes to Philadelphia 200

Conestogas — Larger Presents For 200

Conestogas Receive Mysterious Belt 200

Conestoga — A Reply To a Sermon 204

Conestogas And Hell 205

Conestogas, Their God 206

Conestoga — Great Meeting of Chiefs 206

Conoys At Philadelphia 206

Conestoga — Expense of Treaty At 207

Conestoga — Gookin's Treaty of 1711 208

395 INDEX

Conestogas— A Delegation Goes to Philadelphia 207

Conestoga, Mennonites Arrive 210

Conestoga Chiefs Ordered to Come to Philadelphia 210

Conestogas — Another Body Come to Council 211

Conestogas — War With the Tuscaroras 215

Catawba Boy Captured at Pequea . ... 215

Chalkley Preaches to the Susquehanna Indians 216

Civility of Conestoga, Message to Council 216

Conestoga Indians Visit Council 217

Conestoga Road, Beginning of, in Lancaster County 218

Conestoga Treaty — Goods Used 218

Conestoga Town Moved Twenty Miles 219

Conestogas Explain Removal of the Town 221

Conestogas Treat With Virginia 223

Cartlidge, John and Disturbance at Conestoga 223

Conestoga Treaty, Minutes Lost 223

Conestogas In Fear Beg a Treaty 223

Conestoga — Great Treaty At 224

Catawba Captive Among Shawanese 226

Conestogas Complained Against by Virginia 228

Conestogas, Their Town Fenced In 228

Cartiledge Made Protector of the Conestogas 228

Conestoga Treaty, Minutes Of 228

Conestoga Indian Town 229

Conestoga — Land Survey At 229

Conestoga Manor — Town Laid Out 229

Conestogas March to Philadelphia in 1718 230

Conestoga Treaty — The Presents 233

Conestoga Treaty — An Indian Signer 234

Conestoga Road — Additional Proceedings 234

Conestogas Jealous of Palatines (Mennonites) 235

Conestoga Treaty by Colonel French 235

Cartiledge, John — Account of costs 23S

Conestogas Accused of Southern Outrages 239

Conestogas Complain of Southern Attack 240

Conestoga, Many of the Five Nations Living at 240

Conestoga — Treaty By Logan in 1720 241

Civility at the French Treaty 246

Conestogas Compelled by the Five -Nations to Fight in the South.... 248

Conestogas Fear the Five Nations Will Exterminate Them 248

Cost of the Second Conestoga Treaty 250

Conestogas Go to the Wabash To Fish 251

Conestogas' Message of Peace to the South 251

Conestoga Treaty — Five Nations Come To 251

Conestoga— The Great Treaty of 1721 252

Conestoga Treaty of 1721 — Bradford's Pamphlet Of 252

Conestoga Treaty of 1721— Irish Reprint 252

Conestoga, Description of, in 1721 253

Conestoga — Kindness of the Mennonites 253

Conestoga — Great Treaty of 1721 Continued by Logan 261

Conestoga King Killed 264

Civility — A Descendant of the Ancient Susquehannocks 264

Cocalico — Nantikokes Move to 265

Cartlidge Kills A Conestoga Indian 265

Conestoga — Killed by Cartlidge 265

Conestoga Murder — Action On 265

Cartlidge Murder, Action On 265

Cartlidge, Edward — Indian Murder 265

Conestoga, Council at, in 1722 . .' 266

INDEX 396

Civility and the Conestoga Murder. , 272

Conestoga Murder, Action of the Government 272

Cartlidge in Jail 272

Cartlidge, Mrs.— Indians, Comfort 273

Conestoga Murder — Five Nations' Attitude 273

Conestoga Murder, Local Indians Much Excited 273

Conestoga, Land Claimed at, By the Cayugas 377

Cayugas Claim Land at Conestoga 277

Conestoga Indian Town, Location 277

Conestogas, Delegation of, at Philadelphia 277

Cartlidge, Indians Want Him Pardoned 278

Conestoga — Five Nations surrender all Claim to the Penns 278

Conestoga Treaty With Virginia 278

Conestogas, et. al. — Message Sent to 279

Conestogas Answer the Message 279

Cartlidge Murder — The Assembly On 281

Conoys Go To Pay Tribute .' .281

Conestoga — Warrant Made Out by Keith At 281

Conestogas Have a Copy of the Treaty of 1682 281

Conestogas Remember Penn 282

Conestoga — The Indian Murder Disci ssed 285

Conestoga Chiefs at Philadelphia in 1727 288

Conestogas Threatened by the Five Nations 290

Conestogas— Treaty to be Held With 292

Conestogas — No Treaty for Six Years 292

Conestogas Complain Against the English 293

Civility's Letter to Council 294

Conestoga — Captain's Letter to Council 294

Conestogas Killed by Shawanese 294

Conestogas Want to Fight the Shawanese 295

Civility— Gordon Sends Word To 297

Civility's Message to Governor 299

Civility's Second Message to the Governor 300

Civility— Death of His Child 300

Cartlidge, Edward — Letter About Shawanese 301

Conestoga Treaty, The Great of 1728 301

Conestogas Hunting ; 302

Conestoga Indian Murder — Word to General Gage 381

Conestoga Murderers — Reward Offered For 381

Conestoga Indian Murder — Letter to William Johnson 381

Conestoga Indian Murder — Word to New York 382

Conestoga Indian Murder — New York Enraged : . . 382

Conestoga Indian Murder — Five Nations Enraged 382

Conestoga Indian Murder — Benjamin Kendal's Report 382

Conestoga Indian Murder — Robert Fulton Sr.'s Position 382

Conestoga Indian Murder — Justification 383

Conestoga Indian Murder — Franklin's View 386

Conestoga Indian Murder — Echo of, in 1768 387

Conestoga Indian Murder — Memory cf, in 1770 387

Conestoga Indiantown — Indian Descendants Claim 387

Conestoga Indian Bones — Pennsylvania Railroad Cut 391

Conestogas Told to Prepare For a Treaty 302

Conestoga Treaty of 1728 — Presents For 302

Conestoga Treaty — Gordon Attends 302

Coenstoga Treaty — The Stipulations 303

Conestoga Treaty — Gordon's Reception on Return 307

Conestoga Treatv — Kindness of the Inhabitants 307

Conestoga Treaty — Large Company on Horseback 307

Conestoga — Disturbed Condition 308

397 INDEX

Conestoga Chiefs at Philadelphia 309

Conestoga — Five Nation Chiefs At 309

Conestoga Indians At Philadelphia * 310

Conestoga Treaty — Tawenna's Speech 311

Conestoga Treaty — Civility's Speech 312

Civility's Speech at the Conestoga Treaty 312

Conestoga Treaty — Gordon's Speech 312

Conestoga Treaty, Ganawese, Delawares and Others Present 313

Cow Killed By the Indians, Paid For 313

Conestogas Killed by the Southern Indians 314

Civility — Letter on the Slaughter of the Conestogas 314

Conestoga — Germans Disturb the Indians 318

Court House, Partly Frame 319

Conoys Have Captured a Mulatto 319

Cartlidge's Indian Treaty 319

Cartlidge Treats at Conestoga 319

Cartlidge's Testimony 320

Conestogas Wrongly Accused 322

Complaints of the Ganawese 323

Conestoga — The Governor's Secretary Visits 324

Charles, Robert Visits Conestoga 324

Conestogas Receive Much Rum 324

Chartier, Peter Brings Rum to Conestoga 324

Civility Sent for by the Government 324

Conestoga Indians Complain against the Traders 325

Conestogas Show Penn's Treaty 326

Conestoga— Treaty of 1735 326

Conestoga — Indian Depredations At 331

Conestoga — News of Murder 334

Conestoga — Shawanese Chiefs at 325

Conestoga — Another Treaty At i 335

Conestogas at the Five Nation Treaty ' 337

Conestogas — Names of at Treaty 338

Conoys Claim Land 347

Conestogas at the Lancaster Treaty of 1744 347

Chartier, Peter Joins the French 348

Council Fire at Lancaster 350

Conoys of Ohio Claim Conoytown 351

Conestogas — Conference With in 1750 353

Conestogas — Shickalamy's Sister With 363

Conestoga — Friendly Indians Invited to 364

Conestogas Very Poor 365

Croghan's Conference At Harris's Ferry 368

Conestoga at Croghan's 368

Conestogas Must Have Clothing 368

Conestogas Threaten to Leave Lancaster County 369

Conestogas — Satisfaction to be Made to 370

Conestoga — Another Council Held in 1758 372

Conestogas — Conference at Lancaster in 1760 373

Conoys at Chenango 374

Conestogas Murdered 375

Conestogas — Addresses from 374

Conestoga Indian Murder — Penn's Message 376

Conestoga Indian Murder — Further Steps by Penn 376

Conestoga Murder — Governor's Message 377

Conestoga Indian Murder — Penn's -Proclamation 377

Conestoga Murder — Lancaster Jail 378

Conestoga Indian Murder — Lists of Goods 379

Conestoga Indian Murder — Sheriff's Message 380

INDEX 398

Conestogas — Names of Those Murdered 380

Dress of the Susquehannocks 8

Dutchmen About Chesapeake 10

Delawares Made Women 15

Dutch Give the Susquehannocks Firearms 16

DeVries Meets the Susquehannocks 18

Dress of the Susquehannocks 33

Devils of the Susquehannocks 43

Dungan's Opinion of the Five Nations 110

Dungan's View of the Defeat of the Susquehannocks 110

Dungan Buys the Susquehanna River 128

Dungan and Penn Disagree about the Susquehanna 128

Dungan Criticizes Penn 133

Dungan Proposes a Fort on The Susquehanna 133

Dungan Wants Susquehanna Indian Trade 133

Delawares of the Susquehanna Visit Philadelphia 142

Dungan Leases Susquehanna to Penn 144

Dungan Sells Susquehanna to Penn 145

Deed — Copy of Dungan's Deed to Penn 145

Deed to Penn for Susquehanna 151

Deed for Susquehanna Recorded at Philadelphia 152

Delawares Still on the Schuylkill 156

Deed for Conestoga 164

Debauchment of Conestoga Squaws by Governir Evans 185

Dream of the Conestoga Queen 186

Denkanoagah or Washington Borough 187

Delawares Move to Susquehanna 198

Delawares Show a Strange Belt 211

Delawares Now Live at Conestoga 224

Delawares Turning Against the English 292

Delawares, A Council Held With 292

Delawares Claim Their Lands Are Taken 292

Delawares — Their Claim Refuted 293

Death of An Indian Investigated 319

Delawares Move West 332

Deer's Hair — Shawanese Custom of 337

Delawares Threatened by the Five Nations 338

Dance at Lancaster 344

Delawares in Treaty at Philadelphia 348

Delawares Kill Armstrong 348

Deed — Indian Dated 1753 354

Dungan — The Old Purchase Re-called 355

Dungan Purchase paid for Again 355

Dungan Purchase Again Referred to 356

Delawares Desert the English 358

Delawares Scorn the English 363

Delaware Chiefs at Lancaster in 1762 374

Earliest Appearance of Pennsylvania Indians 3

Eitienne Brule On Susquehanna In 1615 15

Evelyn, Robert — A Witness For Claybourne 24

Expedition Against the Susquehannocks 28

Expedition Abandoned 28

Evelyn's View of the Susquehannocks 32

399 INDEX

Evans, Lewis, On the Defeat of the Susquehannocks « 111

Empson, Cornelius — The German Tract 172

Evans, Governor — Treaty at Conestoga 184

Evans' Treaty Scandal 185

Evans' Second Treaty At Conestoga 187

Evans' Second Treaty, Cause for 193

English Settlements Not To Encroach On Indians At Conestoga 285

English, The Delawares Becoming Their Enemies 292

English Hated by the Delawares 363

Easton, Great Treaty At 368

F

Fire Arms Given the Susquehannocks by the Dutch 16

Fleete — His Commission Against the Susquehannocks 31

Fort Built in 1646 36

Fur Trade Destroyed by the Susquehannock War 50

Five Nations Appear Against the Susquehannocks 60

France — King Sees A Susquehannock 62

Five Nations Determine to Exterminate the Susquehannocks 73

Five Nations Very Haughty Since Defeating the Susquehannocks.... 74

Five Nations — Maryland Makes Peace With 76

Fall of the Susquehannocks — The Attack 79

Fall of the Susquehannocks — The New Fort 81

Fall of the Susquehannocks — The March 84

Fall of the Susquehannocks — The Siege 86

Fall of the Susquehannocks — Evacuation 88

Fall of the Susquehannocks — The Retreat 88

Fall of the Susquehannocks — Anne Cotton's Account 88

Fall of the Susquehannocks — Slaughter in Virginia 89

Fall of the Susquehannocks — Extinction As A Tribe 89

Fall of the Susquehannocks — Attainder of Truman 90

False Reports Against the Susquehannocks . . 103

Five Nations Break Their Peace With Maryland 110

Five Nations Determine To Exterminate the Susquehannocks 110

Five Nations The Most Warlike Indians in America 11

Fort — A New Susquehanna Fort Applied For 120

Five Nations Oppress Their Susquehannock Slaves 120

Five Nations Sell to Dungan 129

Fretwell, Ralph At Susquehanna 130

Five Nations Oppose Penn's Settlement of Susquehanna 134

Fretwell's Visit to the Susquehanna River 136

Fort Demolished: Limit of the Walking Purchase 137

French About to Fall on Conestoga 138

French and Senecas Conspire Against the Conestogas 138

French Traders First Among the Conestogas 138

French Suspected Among the Conestogas 139

Five Nations Join the French 143

French Protestants on Schuylkill 143

Fortv Susquehannocks Left 146

Frisby, James Sent to the Susquehannocks 148

French Living Back of Conestoga 154

Fort, Old Susquehannock Four Miles North of the Mouth of the

Conestoga 156

French Creek and Penn's Visit 161

French Weaning Conestogas From the English 172

Five Nations Intend to Carry Off the Shawanese 174

Five Nation Chiefs Make Treaty at Philadelphia 17.".

French Trader About to Leave Suspiciously 177

INDEX 400

Fort Susquehanna — Location At This Time 182

Fraud On The Conestogas 182

French Colonel — Messenger to Conestoga 202

French Colonel — Expense of Conestoga Treaty 210

Five Nations — Five Hundred at Susquehanna 228

Five Hundred Iroquois At Susquehanna 228

French, Colonel — Treaty With the Conestogas in 1719 235

Five Nations — Many of Them at Conestoga 240

French, Colonel, Lately at Conestoga 241

Five Nations Frighten and Ridicule the Conestogas 248

Five Nations Compel The Conestogas To Fight Southern Friendly

Indians 248

Fishing — Conestogas Go To Wabash 251

Five Nations' Presents At the Conestoga Treaty 251

Five Nations and the Conestoga Murder 271

French and Logan Probe the Conestoga Murder 271

Five Nation Provisions at Conestoga 277

Famine Among the Shawanese 281

Five Nation Claims at Conestoga 288

Five Nations Threaten Conestoga 290

Five Nations Ordered Delawares To Fight the £]nglish 292

French Rumored Seduction of the Five Nations 302

Five Nations' Rumored Love for the French 302

Five Nation Chiefs Come to Philadelphia About Conestoga 309

Five Nations — The Whole Tribe Coming 309

Funeral of a Shawanese 324

Five Nations' Victory over the Susquehannocks Re-called 328

Five Nations — Another Treaty With 337

Five Nations Threaten the Delawares 338

Five Nations — The Shawanese Move Away From 348

French Seduce Chartier 348

Five Nations Advise War on the Shawanese 348

Five Nations Give Another Susquehanna Deed 349

Furney, Adam Wounded at Lancaster 353

French & Indian War — Lancaster Teams at 358

Five Nations — The Delawares Defy Them 3G3

Fulton, Robert Sr. On the Killing of the Conestogas 382

G

Gordon On the Earliest Appearance of Pennsylvania Indians 3

Guns — Early Susquehannocks, Fear Of 36

Grief Among the Iroquois 61

Gospel Among The Indians 67

Guss, A. L. — View of the Susquehannocks, Twepty Years of War 98

Ganawese Settle on the Susquehanna River 147

Garland And Askin Sell Rum To the Conestogas 154

Ganawese Move to Pennsylvania 154

Ganawese Sick , 154

Garland, Sylvester, Arrested for Selling Rum To The Indians 157.

Gap — Monument to Penn's Visit 161

Gap Spring— Penn's Visit To 161

Ganawese at the Great Treaty of 1701 162

German Tract, The New 171

Godin, Nicole, Reports Depredations at Conestoga 175

Gareau, Niabolos, Suspicious Actions at Conestoga 175

Gateau Accuses Godyn 176

Ganawese Come to Conestoga 178

401 INDEX

Germans Buy In Land At Conestoga 187

Godyn Captured at Conestoga 193

Gookin Invites the Conestogas To Help The English In War 194

Gookin Attempted to Go To Conestoga, Sick 196

Gookin Visits the Conestogas 201

God of the Conestogas 205

Gookin — Another Treaty at Conestoga 208

Griest, John, Wrongly Takes Conestoga Land 264

Ganawese at the Cartlidge Inquest I 267

Ganawese — Conference With Keith 281

Gl-eat Treaty of Conestoga and Copy 281

Germans — Indians Complain of Encroachments 293

Gordon Places Guardians Over Shawanese 296

Gordon Prepares For Conestoga Treaty 301

Godon Attends Conestoga Treaty 302

Gordon Explains His Absence Prom Conestoga 310

Gordon on the Attack of the Conestogas 314

Governor's Report on Indian Depredations 317

Germans Settle Among the Indians 318

Gordon Reminded of Penn's Promise 318

Governor's Secretary Visits Conestoga 324

Ganawese Live Above Conestoga 323

Government Sends for Civility 324

Great Lancaster Treaty of 1744 340

German Children's Sports with the Indian Children 389

H

Hudson River Visited by the Susquehannocks 6

Hurons and Iroquois Go and Fight 37

Hurons — Susquehannocks Offer Them Help 37

Hurons Send to the Susquehannocks for Help 38

Hurons Again Appeal to the Susquehannocks 40

Hurons, Too Weak to Help Susquehannocks 44

Hogs, Susquehannocks Kill '... 50

Heckwelder Comments on the Conestoga Massacre 125

Hans, John and the Susquehannock Indians 150

Harlan, Ezekiel, Interpreter 282

Harris's Ferry — Friendly Meeting at 358

Iroquois On the Susquehanna 13

Indian Paths About Susquehanna 21

Iroquois and Hurons Fight 37

Iroquois Retaliate on the Susquehannocks 40

Iroquois Susquehannock War 40

Iroquois Held at Bay by the Susquehannocks 49

Iroquois Expedition Down the Susquehanna River 53

Iroquois Attack the Susquehannock Fort 53

Iroquois Fight the Susquehannocks in Manor 53

Iroquois Lose Jesuit's Favor 55

Iroquois Again Attack Susquehannocks 55

Iroquois Repulsed at Susquehannock Fort 56

Iroquois Mourn Their Dead Warriors 61

Iroquois Pray to Their Gods 67

Iroquois Ask Vengeance of the Gods on the Susquehannocks 67

Iroquois in Terror of the Susquehannocks 68

Iroquois Fortue Telling Against the Susquehannocks 69

INDEX 402

Iroquois Beg More Help to Whip the Susquehannocks 71

Iroquois Fear the Susquehannocks' Invasion 71

Iroquois Jugglers Warn Against the Susquehannocks 71

Iroquois Fear the Susquehannock Invasion 71

Iroquois Distress the Susquehannock Nation 72

Iroquois Very Bold 121

Iroquois Threaten to Kill All Remaining Susquehannocks 121

Indian Trail from Susquehanna 136

Inquirer, Lancaster On Penn's Visit 161

Indian Harry at Philadelphia 170

Iroquois — French Make Peace With 171

Indians, Whites Among 174

Indian Harry's Brother ' '. 174

Iron Ore at Conestoga 192

Indians Dig Ore at Conestoga 192

Iroquois Demand Annual Tribute by the Conestogas 198

Indian Traders, Attack On 240

Inquest on the Death of a Conestoga Indian 266

Indian Damages in Lancaster County . 313

Inquest — Death of a Lancaster County Indian 316

Indians Disturbed by the German Settlement '. 318

Indian Trade — Cartlidge 319

Indian — Death of, Investigated 319

Indiantown — Location " 322

Indian Deed for Susquehanna Lands . 328

Indian Release for Susquehanna Lands 330

Indian Religion ' 334

Indian Depredations at Conestoga 331

Indiantown — Descendants Claim ' 337

Jessuit Relations 17

Jessuits Opinion of the Susquehannocks ...... ......'. ......'. '. 37

Jessuits Glad the Susquehannocks Checked the Iroquois '49

Jessuits Suspicious of the Iroquois 55

Indian, Randal Goes to the Susquehannocks in 1707.......... 173

Joshua Lowe on Inquest ' 3-^7

Jews in Lancaster 344

Jail at Lancaster — Indians Killed 373

K

Kent Isle and Susquehanna Conspiracy IS

Kings of the Susquehannocks . . 32

Kidnapping the Susquehannocks Threatened by ' the' Senecas." ! 105

Kekelappan Sells to Penn ' ^26

Kyanharro and Orites, Two Susquehannocks Visit Council 14?

Keith and the Conestoga Treaty * 2;>4

Keith on the Importance of the Treaty of 1720 ' 247

Keith's Great Treaty of 1721 ' 952

Keith's Indian Council at Conestoga in 1722 274

Keith Leaves Conestoga for New Castle 976

Keith Objects to Spotswood's Treaty 979

Keith's Speech to the Shawanese " 934

Lenepe, First Appearance

403 INDEX

Little Indian Picture Rock 4

Lancaster County — First White Man in 1615 15

Lancaster County Indian Paths 21

Liquors First Given by the Dutch 26

Letter Carriers Between Maryland and the Susquehannocks 51

Lord Baltimore — Peace With the Susquehannocks 102

Lancaster County — Penn's First Effort 130

Letort — First Appearance in Conestoga 138

Letort Suspected 141

Letort, Anne — Order Against 142

Letort Appeared in 1686 143

Lease — Copy of Dungan's to Penn 144

Location of the Remnant of Susquehannocks 147

Letort Leaves Conestoga 158

Logan, James — Statement 159

Logan's Statement of Penn's Visit 159

Logan Tells of Penn's Visit 160

Land Granted — Earliest in Conestoga 169

Logan, James — Earliest Visit to Conestoga 170

Letort and Bizalion Held in Bonds 172

Logan's Intended Trip to Conestoga in 1703 173

Letort in Jail at Philadelphia 177

Logan's Treaty of 1705 at Conestoga 179

Logan's Conestoga Trip — Letter on . 182

Laws Explained to the Conestogas 183

Logan's Treaty — Costs of 184

Lutheran Missionaries at Conestoga 194

Lancaster County's First Real Settlements 199

Letort — New License to Trade 215

Lost Treaty (Conestoga) , Minutes of 223

Location of Sawanna Town 234

Logan, James — Again at Conestoga 241

Logan and French Probe the Murder 271

Logan Continues the Great Treaty , 261

Land Purchases from the Conestogas 287

League of Friendship with Penn 288

Logan — Convinces the Delawares 293

Letort's Letter — Shawanese Hatred 286

Lancaster County — Shawanese Leave 300

.Lancaster County Organized 309

Lancaster County — Near Chester Indian Damage 313

Lancaster County Whites Assaulted by the Mingoes 315

Lancaster County Indian Depredations 317

Lancaster Court House — Blunston Helps to Raise 319

Lancaster County Indians Migrating 320

Letort's Cabin Burned 322

Lancaster County Lands to Be Bought 328

Lancaster Indian Excitement 340

Lancaster — Great Treaty at, in 1744 340

Lancaster in 1744 — Marshe's Opinion 343

Lancaster — Jews at, in 1744 344

Lancaster — Dance in the Court House 344

Lancaster — Indian Feast in the Court House 344

Lancaster — Whites and Indians Arm for Defence 349

Lancaster County Must Be Protected 349

Lancaster — Shamokin Indians Visit 349

Lancaster — Council Fire at 350

Logtown — Its Location 350

Lancaster — Another Great . Treaty at 350

INDEX 404

Lancaster Treaty — Expense of 351

Land on the Susquehanna— Another Purchase in 1754 354

Lancaster Indian Deed for Land in!753 354

Lancaster County Petitions for Protection 356

Lancaster — Danger and Confusion in 357

Lancaster County — Teamsters for the War 358

Lancaster — Renewed Excitement in 359

Lancaster — Reported Burned 260

Lancaster County Troops Raised 360

Lancaster — Indian Council at in 1756 361

Lancaster — Conestogas Enraged at 361

Lancaster Treaty of 1757 357

Lancaster — More Strange News 367

Lancaster Treaty of 1757 Opened 367

Lancaster — Murdered Indians Exhibited at 368

Lancaster County — Conestogas Threaten to Leave 369

Lancaster — Delaware Chiefs at 374

Lancaster County — Last Indians in 386

Lancaster County Indians — Papooses and White Children 389

M

Miqua Name on Slaten Island Deed 5

Massawomekes 9

Mohawks or Massawomekes 9

Mohawks, Enemies of the Susquehannocks 10

Mohawk Susquehannock War 13

Maryland vs. Susquehannocks in 1639 23

Mountain — Susquehannocks Live on 26

Maryland Afraid to Fight the Susquehannocks 29

Maryland Tries to Make Peace with the Susquehannocks 31

Marriages of the Susquehannocks 33

Maryland Government Disowns Interference with Susquehannocks.... 35

Maryland Governor and Council Disagree About the Susquehanocks. . 35

Maryland, Cost to Watch the Susquehannocks 39

Mowhawks and Others vs. Susquehannocks 41

Maryland — Susquehannocks Beg Help from the Iroquois... 43

Maryland — Treaty with the Susquehannocks 43

Maryland Deprives the Susquehannocks of Guns 45

Maryland Declares the Second War Against the Susquehannocks.... 46

Maryland's Second Peace with the Susquehannocks 47

Maryland — New Treaty with the Susquehannocks 50

Manor Township — Fight Against the Fort 53

Maryland Again Helps the Susquehannocks 54

Minquays, Swedish — Eight Hundred to Help the Susquehannocks. ... 54

Maryland Again Helps the Susquehannocks 56

Mohawks Defeated by the Susquehannocks 59

Maryland Co-operates with the Susquehannocks 59

Maryland Helps the Susquehannocks Against Five Nations 60

Maryland Declares War Against the Five Nations 60

Maryland — Peace with the Susquehannocks 65

Maryland Raises Men to Help the Susquehannocks 66

Maryland — Heavy Tax Needed to Protect the Susquehannocks 70

More Susquehannocks Tortured 71

Maryland Admits Susquehannocks' Defeat by the Iroquois 73

Maryland Compels Five Nations to Cease to War on Susquehannocks 74

Maryland Protects Susquehannocks on the Potomac 75

Maryland Declares War Against the Susquehannocks 99

Maryland Asks Virginia to Join Against the Susquehannocks 78

405 INDEX

Maryland Presents to Allies to Help Defeat Susquehannocks 99

Maryland — Susquehannocks Beg Peace with 99

Maryland Will Make Peace with the Susquehannocks 101

Maryland Citizens Say Susquehannocks Are Abused 103

Maryland at a Great Expense by Fighting Against Susquehannocks.. 105

Maryland Takes Hands Off 105

Maryland — New Treaty with the Susquehannocks 106

Macques Agree to Peace with Maryland 109

Macques Accuse the Susquehannocks 110

Maryland Helps the Piscataways Against the Senecas 112

Maryland Helps the Piscataways Against the Susquehannocks 112

Maryland Helps the Piscataways Against the Susquehannocks 116

Mattawomans Fear the Slave Susquehannocks 117

Maryland to Drive Out the Susquehannocks 118

Maryland to Slaughter the Susquehannocks 120

Maryland to Be Invaded by the Senecas 121

Maryland Impeaches Young 123

Maryland — Peace with the Five Nations and the Susquehannocks.... 124

Manor Township — Susquehannocks Move to 126

Machaloha Sells to Penn 127

Maryland — Peace with the Susquehannocks 140

Markham's Letter 143

Maryland's Last Treaty with the Susquehannocks 148

Maryland — Protection Against Susquehannock Invasion 148

Maryland's Treaty with All the Conestoga Indians 149

Maryland to Treat the Susquehannock Free 150

Marshe's Project (Susquehanna) 158

"Mount Misery" and Penn 161

"Mount Joy" and Penn 161

Mitchell, Louis — French to Fall on Conestoga 178

Maryland — Intend to Fall on Conestoga 178

Minquays at Conestoga 187

Missionaries at Conestoga 194

Mennonites Settling .Among Conestogas 207

Mennonites Settling Among Conestogas 210

Mennonites — Indian Jealously Against 235

Mingoes Commit Depredations 315

Mitchell, James Wants Pay for Services to the Indians 315

Miranda, Isaac Complained Against 315

Mulatto Captured by the Conoys 319

Migration of Indians 320

Murder at Conestoga 334

Marshe, Witman's Opinion of Lancaster 343

Murder of the Conestogas 375

Murder of Conestogas— Killed in Jail 378

Murdered Conestogas — List of Their Goods 379

N

New Sweden, Map of 22

New Albion in 1646 32

Nimbleness of the Susquehannocks 33

New York, Susquehannocks Annex Their Lands to 33

New York Governor, a Friend of the Susquehannocks 101

New England Nearly Ruined Five Nations Ill

Norris, Isaac's Letter on Penn's Second Visit 159

New County — Janney Interested 173

Nantikokes at Governor Evans' Treaty 188

Nantikokes Move to Cocalico 265

INDEX 406

Nottingham — Governor Left for Philadelphia 276

.Nantikokes Have Moved 350

Nantikoke in Lancaster Jail 354

Nantikokes at Cocalico 369

o

Origin of Pennsylvania Indians 3

Onondagoes Fear the Susquehannocks 40

Ontario Lake — Susquehannocks Hunt Near 41

Ontario — Susquehannocks Still Hunting at 45

Obder, Captain — To Help the Susquehannocks 48

Ontario — Fort of the Susquehannocks 58

Oniedas Co-Operate with the Senecas Against the Susquehannocks.... 67

Onondagoes Kill the Whites, Not the Susquehannocks 109

Onondagoes Blame Their Murders On the Susquehannocks 109

"Old Surveys & Land Warrants" 137

Old Fort — Susquehannocks at 148

Octoraro, Upper — Shawanese Town 155

Octoraro — Mouth of Settled by Pennsylvania 155

Owen and Shippen with Penn at Susquehanna 159

Onondagoes at the Great Treaty of 1701 162

Octoraro Settlement and Trade 173

Opessah Met Governor Evans at Pequehan 188

Ore — Shawanese Digging Ore Near Conestoga 199

Opessah, Late Shawanese King 219

Opessah Visits Philadelphia 219

Opessah, Council with 219

"Old Shawanna Town" — Location of 234

Octoraro — Shawanese Wigwam on 240

Ohio — Shawanese Have Moved to 286

P

Pennsylvania Indians, Earliest Appearance 3

Pictographs On Susquehanna 4

Perfidy of the Susquehannocks 33

Piscataways Complain of War 46

Paint (War Paint) of the Susquehannocks 63

Piscataway Emperor Visits at Susquehanna 68

Pennsylvania, Map of, in 1671 70

Potomac — Susquehannocks Driven to, by the Senecas 75

Peace — New Treaty with the Susquehannocks 106

Peace with the Senecas 107

Peace — First Steps 107

Palmer's Island 108

Perfidy of the Susquehannocks 109

Peace Song by the Macques 110

Pequea Creek — Shawanese Arrive Ill

Pittsburg — Red Pole Buried at 112

Piscataways — Susquehannocks Fall On 112

Piscataways Frightened by the Senecas 114

Piscataways Come to Council 115

Piscataways Blame the English for the Susquehannocks' Enmity 116

Piscataways Frightened by the Susquehannocks 118

Penn Meets the Susquehannocks 125

Penn Meets the Susquehannocks 125

Penn Meets the Conestogas 125

Penn's Treaty — Minutes of the Conference 125

407 INDEX

Paxtang Murder— Heckwelder's Comment 12o

Perm's First Purchase from the Susquehannocks 1-6

Penn's Second Purchase from the Susquehannocks 12 7

Penn and Dungan Disgrace About Susquehanna 128

Penn's First Visit to Conestoga 129

Penn's Projected City on Susquehanna 1«*0

Penn's Journey Back Jjj2

Penn Criticized by Dungan 1^

Penn's Title to Susquehanna Disputed 134

Penn's Walking Purchase to Susquehanna 134

Philadelphia's Earliest Trade with the Conestogas 139

Penn Leases Susquehanna from Dungan 144

Penn Buys Susquehanna from Dungan 14o

Pequea — Shawanese Arrive when If6

Penn — Susquehannocks Deed to 151

Part II .- xl\

Pequea Indians Complain of Rum «>|

Potomac Indians Settle Near Conestoga 1&8

Penn Wants to Navigate the Susquehanna 158

Penn's Second Voyage to Susquehanna 159

Penn at the Conestoga King's Palace 159

Penn's Route to Susquehanna 159

Penn's Route Home from Susquehanna 159

Penn Called, "Onash" 160

Parchment Given Conestogas by Penn 160

Penn's Treaty with the Mongoes 160

Penn's "Second" Visit to Susquehanna — Watson 160

Penn's Visit — Monument at Gap 161

Penn— Lancaster County Indians Give Him Good-bye 165

Penn's Speech to the Conestogas On Returning to Egland 165

Pequea Creek — The Shawanese Home 168

Preaching — Earliest at Conestoga 169

Palatines Buying Land at Conestoga 187

Palatines Settling Among Conestogas 207

Palatines — Indian Jealousy Against 235

Passalty's Testimony on Conestoga Murder 269

Parchment Signed by Penn with the Conestogas 274

Pardon for Cartlidge 278

Penn — Conestogas Will Always Remember Him 282

Penn — Conestogas Say They Saw Him 282

Penn's Speech — Conestogas Repeat It 282

Petticoats — Five Nations Threaten Shawanese with 285

Penn — William's Son Born in Pennsylvania 288

Paxtang and the Rum Trade 290

Palatines — Indians Complain Against Them 293

Philadelphia — Conestoga Indians Present at a Treaty 310

Penn Promised the Indians Peace on the Susquehanna 318

Philadelphia, Shawanese Treaty Held at 322

Pennsylvania, Indian Town in 322

Penn's Treaty Shown by the Conestogas 326

Protection from the Indians 356

Presbyterians on the Protection Against the Indians 382

Paxtang Boys — Justification of Murder 383

Papooses Playing with the White Children 389

R

Rock Pictures on Susquehanna 4

Red Hot Irons On Scalped Enemy 36

INDEX 408

Religion of the Susquehannocks 64

Red Pole — The Last Shawanese Ill

Robberies Committed by the Susquehannocks 118

Rum Among the Conestogas 133

Riding Purchase 135

Rum Sold to Conestogas 154

Religious Teaching to Indians 155

Rocky Run 156

Rum Selling Petitioned Against in Assembly 157

Rum Difficulties at Conestoga 165

Road to Susquehanna First Mentioned 169

Road — Conestoga to New Castle 177

Rum Trade at Conestoga 177

Religion — Chalkley Teaches Conestogas 186

Religious Services by Chalkley 216

Religion of the Conestogas 218

Rum at Conestoga 280

Religion of the Conestogas 218

Rum at Conestoga 280

Rum Causes Accident on the Delaware 319

Rum at Conestoga 324

Rum, Conestogas Complain Against 325

Religion of the Indians 331

Rum — Indians Protest Against 334

Rum — New Proclamation Against 349

s

Susquehanna, First Appearance of Indian On 3

Susquehanna Rock Pictures 4

Susquehannocks Before 1600 4

Susquehannock's Earliest Trade 5

St. Lawrence — Susquehannocks Trading On 5

Susquehannocks Trade On the St. Lawrence 5

Susquehanna, The & Smith 6

Smith and the Susquehannocks 6

Smith's Captain John, "True Relation " 6

Smith's General History On Virginia 7

Susquehanna, Smith's Praise of 7

Susquehanna, Smith Stranded On the Rocks 7

Susquehannocks, Description of 8

Susquehannocks — Dress and Weapons of 8

Susquehannocks — Sixty Visit Smith — 8

Susquehanna — Smith's Second Voyage 9

Smith's "Mappe " 11

Susquehanna Early Towns 11

Susquehannocks — Early War Customs 13

Susquehannocks — Early Wanderers 13

Susquehannocks and Mohawk Fights Before 1600 13

Susquehannocks Mohawk War 13

Susquehannocks, General War 14

Susquehanna Delaware Channel Proposed in 1613 15

Susquehanna — Earliest White Man On 15

Susquehanna Trade Posts in 1615 15

Susquehanna Trade Thriving 16

Susquehannocks Attack Kent Island 16

Susquehanna Mowhawk War of 1629 17

Susquehannock Petit Wars 17

Susquehannock Victorious Over All 17

409 INDEX

Susquehannocks Taught by the Swedes 18

Swedes Teach the Susquehanocks 18

Swedes Teach the Susquehannocks 18

Swedes Hire Soldiers to the Susquehannocks 18

Susquehannock Barbarities 18

Small Pox Spread by the Susquehannocks 19

Susquehannocks' Mythology ]

Susquehannocks Sell the River in 1737 19

Susquehanna Valley Sold to Claybourne 19

Swedes Buy Susquehanna Lands • 20

Susquehannocks Sell to Swedes 20

Susquehanna Valley Taken from Claybourne 21

Susquehanna, A Converted 21

Susquehanna Indian Path to Delaware 21

Susquehannock Customs 22

Susquehannocks Angered at Maryland 23

Susquehannocks' Location 25

Susquehannocks — Extent of Possessions 25

Susquehannocks On a High Mountain 26

Skins, etc. — Trade with the Swedes 26

Swedish Trade with the Susquehannocks 26

Susquehannocks — Number of 27

Spears of the Susquehannocks 27

Speared Through the Body 27

Susquehannocks Declared Public Enemies 27

Swedish Land Purchase — Extent of 27

Schuylkill — Susquehannock Trappers On 28

Susquehanocks Defy Maryland to Fight 29

Susquehannock Expedition a Failure 29

Susquehannocks — Third Expedition Against 30

Susquehannocks — Maryland Advises Peace 31

Susquehannocks — Robert Evelyn's Estimate of 32

Susquehannocks Go in the New York Government 33

Swedes and Dutch — Rivalry for the Susquehannock Trade 34

Susquehannock Location and Trade in 1646 36

Susquehannock Fort in 1646 36

Susquehannocks to Be Peace Makers Between Hurons and Iroquois.. 37

Susquehannocks Offer to Help Hurons 37

Susquehannocks Interfere in Iroquois Huron War 38

Susquehannocks Send Trade to Iroquois 38

Susquehannocks Have 1300 Warriors 39

Susquehannocks, Cost of Watching 39

Susquehannocks Terrorize Onondagoes 40

Susquehannock Iroquois War 40

Susquehannock Iroquois War 41

Susquehannocks Fought by Mohawk Combine 41

Susquehannock Iroquois War Progresses 42

Susquehannocks — Crushing Blow from the Iroquois 42

Susquehannocks Beg Alliance with Maryland 43

Susquehannocks — Treaty with Maryland 43

Susquehannocks to Be Deprived of Guns 45

Susquehannocks Hunting at Ontario 45

Susquehannocks — Maryland Declares the Second War Against 46

Susquehannocks — Hard Luck in War 46

Susquehannocks — Maryland Co-operates with 48

Susquehannocks Hold Iroquois at Bay 49

Susquehannocks and a Broken Up Fur Trade 50

Susquehannocks Ungrateful to Maryland 50

Susquehannocks Steal from the Marylanders 50

INDEX 410

Susquehannocks, New Treaty with Maryland 50

Susquehannocks Do Not Appreciate Help 52

Susquehannocks Will Not Assist in Their Own Protection 52

Susquehannocks Blockaded in Their Fort 52

Senecas Blockade the Susquehannocks' Fort 52

Susquehannocks Burn Twenty-five Iroquois 53

Susquehannocks — Help from Maryland 54

Susquehannocks Get the Better of the Iroquois 55

Susquehannock Fort, Second Attack Against 55

Susquehannocks in Favor with Maryland 56

Susquehannocks Defeat the Iroquois 56

Susquehannocks Take Charge of the Iroquois War 56

Seneca Susquehannock War Begins 57

Seneca Susquehannock War Progresses 58

Susquehannocks — Octoraro Fort 58

Senecas Rob Pennsylvanians 59

Susquehannocks Have Maryland Hel p 59

Susquehannock Presented to the King of France 62

Susquehannocks by Alsop 62

Susquehannocks Beg Peace with the Iroquois 65

Susquehannocks Beg Help of Maryland 66

Susquehannock War Sends Gospel to the Iroquois 67

Susquehannocks Go to the Jessuits for Religious Instructions 67

Susquehannocks, Two Tortured by Onondagoes 68

Susquehannocks — Christians Burned to Death 68

Susquehannocks Terrorize the Iroquois 68

Sorcery of the Iroquois 69

Surquehannocks Cause Iroquois to Seek Forgotten Trader 69

Susquehannocks Go to the Jessuits 69

Susquehannock Fort in 1670 69

Susquehannocks — New Treaty with the Whites 69

Susquehannock Boys Whip Cayuga Men 70

Susquehannocks Captured and Burned to Death 71

Susquehannocks Great Chief — Plan of Capture 72

Susquehannocks Losing Against the Iroquois 72

Susquehannocks in Final Overthrow 73

Susquehannocks Overthrown by the Five Nations 73

Susquehannocks to Be Exterminated by the Five Nations 73

Susquehannocks Driven from Their River 74

Susquehannocks Move to the Potomac 75

Susquehannocks — Twenty Years' War Ended in Their Defeat 74

Susquehannocks — Maryland Starts to Fight Them 77

Susquehannocks — Maryland and Indian Tribes Move on Susqueh'ks 78

Susquehannocks, Slaughter of — Truman and Washington Expedition.. 78

Streeter, F. S. — Fall of the Susquehannocks 79

Susquehannocks, Fall of 79

Susquehannocks, Fall of— See Fall of the Susquehannocks 79

Susquehannocks — Slaughter of, by Truman 91

Susquehannocks — Slaughter of— Trial of Colonel Truman for.. 91 to 98

Susquehannocks in Great War; Opinion by Guss 98

Susquehannocks — Present by Maryland to Indians Who Helped to

Defeat Them 99

Susquehannocks Beg Peace with Maryland 99

Susquehannocks — Partial Peace with the Senecas 100

Senecas — Partial Peace with the Susquehannocks 100

Susquehannocks Fort — Its Location 100

Susquehannocks Invited to Return 100

Susquehannocks Leave Potomac 101

Susquehannocks Go Back to the Susquehanna ... 101

411 INDEX

Susquehannocks and Other Tribes at Peace 102

Susquehannocks Have the Sympathy of Maryland -. 103

Susquehannocks to Be Protected — Collyer 104

Susquehannocks and Senecas — Small Fight 104

Senecas and Susquehannocks — Small Fight 104

Senecas Threaten to Kidnap the Susquehannocks 105

Swedes at Upland Protect Susquehannocks 105

Susquehannocks — New Treaty with Maryland 106

Susquehannocks Among Senecas in New York 107

Susquehannocks Considered Perfidiou s 109

Senecas Falsely Accuse Susquehannocks 109

Senecas Deceive the English 109

Susquehannocks Accused cf Crimes of Others 109

Shawanese Come to Lancaster County Ill

Susquehannocks — Incite Senecas to Invade Maryland 112

Senecas Fall on the Piscataways 112

Susquehannocks and Senecas Surprise Piscataways 112

Senecas at the Old Susquehanna Fort 112

Senecas Make Tools for the Susquehannocks 112

Senecas Fall on the Piscataways 112

Susquehannocks Divided Among Senecas 113

Susquehannocks — One Branch Carried Away the Senecas 113

Senecas Carry Away Susquehannocks to New York 113

Susquehannocks Back from the Slaughter Trip to Virginia 113

Susquehannocks Build a New Fort 115

Senecas Help Susquehannocks to Build a Fort 115

Susquehannocks Fire On the Piscataways 116

Senecas Fire On Piscataways 116

Susquehannocks Stealing On Piscataways 117

Susquehannocks Desert the Senecas 117

Susquehannocks Slaves of the Senecas 117

Senecas Enslave the Susquehannocks 117

Susquehannock Fort — Its Location 118

Susquehannocks Are Thieves and Robbers 118

Susquehannocks to Be Driven Out of Maryland 118

Susquehannocks Fear the Senecas 119

Senecas Fall On Sachariah Fort 119

Susquehannocks Slaves Among the Senecas — Their Condition 119

Susquehannocks — An Escaped Slave Tell Tale 119

Susquehannocks — No Quarter to Be Given by Maryland 120

Susquehannocks Suffer Among Five Nations 120

Slaves — Susquehannocks in Slavery 120

Senecas Prepare to Invade Maryland 121

Susquehannocks Get Senecas to Invade Maryland 121

Susquehannocks Among Senecas 124

Susquehannocks — Peace with Maryland 124

Susquehannocks Meet William Penn 125

Susquehannocks Move to Turkey Hill 126

Susquehanna Land Sold to Penn 127

Susquehannocks Second Sale to Penn 127

Susquehannocks Report the Penn Sale to the Five Nations 128

Susquehannocks Sell to Dungan 128

Susquehanna River — Penn Visits 129

Susquehanna Land — Fertility of 130

Susquehannocks Debauched by Maryland Rum 133

Susquehanna Settlement — Five Nations Oppose 134

Susquehanna — Walking Purchase Reaches 134

Susquehannocks Not to Be Offended '135

Susquehannock Fort — When Destroyed 137

INDEX 412

Susquehannocks — First French Traders Among 138

Susquehannocks — Commissioners Sent Among 139

Susquehanna — Senecas Coming to Live On 139

Senecas Move to Susquehanna 139

Susquehannocks Want Peace with Maryland 140

Susquehanna — Indian Expedition Up 140

Susquehannock Chiefs Visit Council 142

Susquehannocks — Five Nations Try to Force Them to the French . .
Susquehannocks, Senecas and Shawanese — All at Peace with

Maryland 143

Susquehanna Leased Back to Penn by Dungan 144

Susquehanna Sold to Penn by Dungan 145

Shawanese Reach Pequea, When 146

Steelman — A Spy on Susquehanna River 146

Susquehannocks — Only a Remnant Left 146

Susquehannocks Remnant, Location 147

Susquehannocks at Their Old Habitation 148

Susquehannocks — P'ear They will Invade Maryland 148

Susquehannock Friendship and Maryland 149

Susquehannocks to be Treated with Respect 150

Susquehannocks Make General Treaty of Peace 151

Susquehannocks Renew All Former Treaties 151

Susquehannocks' Deed to Penn 151

Susquehanna Valley — Whole Sold to Penn by the Indians 151

Setting Sun — Penn's Deed Extends to 151

Susquehannocks — Fragment of 156

Steelman Gives Rum to the Conestogas 157

Susquehanna — Penn's Second Voyage to 159

Shawanese at Conestoga — Treaty of 1701 162

Susquehannocks Give Penn Good-bye in 1701 165

Shawanese Lament Use of Rum 165

Piscataways, Rumor of Coming to Conestoga 165

Skeletons Near Columbia 167

Susquehannocks — Remains of, at Col umbia 167

Shawanese Location 168

Susquehanna Road First Mentioned 169

Susquehanna — Visit by Chalkley 172

Shawanese to Be Carried Off 174

Sufferings at Conestoga in 1704 176

Swedish Indian Road from Conestoga to Delaware 177

Susquehannock Fort — Location 182

Skins, Deer, Fox and Raccoon at Conestoga 184

Squaws — Dbauchment of, by Evans 185

Swedish Missionaries at Conestoga 194

Susquehanna — Delawares Move to 198

Slaves — Conestogas Under the Iroquois 198

Shawanese Digging Ore Near Conestoga 199

Shawanese — Gookin Visits 201

Sermon — Conestoga Replies to a Swedish Minister 204

Swedish Sermon Answered by a Conestoga 204

Shawanese at Pequea Capture an Indian 215

Shawanese — Treaty with 219

Smith-Christopher — Account of Conestoga Treaty 225

Spotswood, Governor of Virginia, Complains Against Conestogas.... 228

Surveys at Conestoga 229

Shawanese March to Philadelphia 230

"Sawanna Town, Old" Location of 234

Southern Indians Attack Conestoga 240

Shawanese Wigwams On Octoraro 240

413 INDEX

Susquehanna — Tuscaroras Live On • 241

Shawanese in Treaty 246

Southern Indians Retaliate 250

Shawanese Present at Logan's Treaty 250

Springetsbury Manor 274

Susquehanna — No One to Settle Opposite 275

Spotswood's Treaty with the Conestogas 278

Spotswood— Keith Objects to Him Holding a Treaty 279

Shawanna King to Govenor Keith 280

Shawanese — Great Hardship Among 281

Shawanese Go to Pay Tribute 281

Springetsbury Manor — Warrant For 281

Susquehanna Indians' Message to Philaedlphia 282

Shawanese Message to Philadelphia 283

Shawanese — Why Moved 286

Southern Indians — Susquehannocks Will Net Hurt 286

Susquehanna River — Indian Tribes Living On 285

Shawanese Kill Two Conestogas 294

Shawanese Started to Move 294

Shawanese — Conestogas Will Fight Them 295

Shawanese Annoy Other Tribes 295

Shawanese, When They Arrived in Pennsylvania 296

Shawanese — Guadians for 296

Skins — Great Number at Conestoga 300

Shawanese Leave Lancaster County 300

Shawanese Leave Conestoga from Fright 301

Susquehanna Indians Frightened 308

Southern Indians Kill the Conestogas 314

Susquehanna Indians Not to Be Disturbed 318

Shawanese Leaving 320

Shawanese — The Governor Invites Them to Come Back 321

Shawanese Hold a Treaty at Philadelphia 322

Shawanese — Funeral Expenses of 324

Susquehanna River, Lands to Be Bought 328

Susquehannocks — Their Defeat by the Five Nations Mentioned 328

Susquehanna Lands, Deed for 328

Susquehanna Lands — Indian Release of 330

Southerland Stabbed by an Indian 332

Senecas Sell Land in Lancaster County 332

Shawanese Excited Over the Senecas' Sale 332

Shawanese Chief at Conestoga 335

Shawanese Customs 337

Shawanese Break An Agreement 339

Shawanese — Five Nations Advise War On 348

Shawanese — Five Nations Advise War On 349

Shickalamy Sick 349

Shamokin Indians Visit Lancaster 349

Susquehannock Lands, Another Deed for 349

Susquehanna Indians Urged to War 350

Six Nations Command the Susquehannocks to Go to War 350

Shawanese Pardoned 351

Susquehanna Land Granted " 352

Susquehanna — Land Purchased On 354

Shawanese Desert the English : 358

Shickalamy — His Sister at Conestoga 363

Susquehanna Lands in Controversy 366

INDEX 414

T

Turkey Tribe, First Appearance 3

Turtle Tribe, First Appearance 3

Turtle and Turkey Tribes, the First Susquehanna Indians 3

Trading — Earliest Among Susquehanna Indians 5

"True Relation" by Captain John Smith 6

The "Demolished Fort" on Susquehanna 22

Trade with Susquehannocks — Commodities 26

Trade of Susquehannocks — Whites Jealous 34

Torture of Scalped Enemy 36

Truman — Charge Against for Slaughtering Susquehannocks 91

Truman — Proceedings Against 92

Truman — Witnesses Against 93

Truman — Articles of Impeachment 94

Truman — Answer to the Charge 95

Truman — Proceedings 96

Truman — Attainder Verdict 97

Tribes, Various — At Peace with the Susquehannocks 102

Taxes Made High by the Seneca War 105

Tachanoontia On the Overthrow of the Susquehannocks Ill

The Senecas Tricky 120

Turkey Hill — Susquehannocks Move to ? 126

Talbot Threatens to Capture Penn at Susquehanna 130

Treaties — All Former Renewed by the Susquehannocks 151

Thomas Holme's Map 156

The New German Tract 17]

Traders, French, Live with the Indians 172

Tobacco to Be Shipped Down the Chesapeake 173

Treaty Proceedings 233

Tuscaroras On Susquehannocks 241

Treaty, The Great — Conestoga Have a Copy 281

Tawenna's Speech at Conestoga Treaty 31.1

Treaty of Shawanese at Philadelphia 322

Traders — Complaint Against 325

Traders in Danger from the Indians 340

Thomas, Governor Sick 349

Treaty at Lancaster in 1748 350

The Last Two Indians in Lancaster County 386

W

Weapons of the Susquehannocks 8

War Customs of the Susquehannocks 13

War Declared Against the Susquehannocks 27

War Dress of the Susquehannocks , 36

War and Small Pox Among the Susquehannocks 54

War Howls of the Susquehannocks 62

Women of Susquehanna 63

Washington, John of Virginia Leads the Army Against Susquehan'ks 78

Walking Purchase Stretches to Susquehanna 134

Walking Purchase — Boundary of 136

Widaagh, et. al. — Deed to Penn 151

Wright, James Appointed to Look After Indians 155

Walking Purchase — Boundary of 156

Walker, Isaac's Monument at Gap to Penn's Visit 161

Whites — Earliest Land at Conestoga 169

White Men at Conestoga 168

Whites Among Conestogas 174

415 INDEX

Washington Borough— Governor Evans' Treaty at 188

Wampum— Mysterious Belt of •

Worley, Henry— Messenger to Conestoga £*

Weiser, Conrad— On Indian Religion *«

Wigwams On Octoraro r

__- ___ O- i „4-~V.„-ir l\/ToTlr»J' "i

282

286

Warrat for Springetsbury Manor
Whiwhinjac— King of the Ganawese
Walking Purchase — Trouble About

Wright, Thomas, Killed Near Conestoga -»*

Wright's, John, Letter About Enmity of Shawanese MS

Whites Not Killed by the Conestogas gz

Walking Purchase Mentioned • • • »zq

Walking Purchase Again Mentioned in 1 <s>< obb

V

Virginia Will Make Peace with the Susquehannocks 101

Valley Forge and Penn i°l

Virginia, Governor of and Conestoga Treaty -f 4

Virginia Dissatisfied with the Conestogas 2M

Virginia— Treaty with the Conestogas 2 < 8

u

Upland Court Protects Susquehannocks from Kidnapping 105

Y

Yaowacoes and Susquehannocks , 1«

Young, Jacob— Seneca Fight at House 104

Young Sent to the Old Susquehanna Fort 112

Young, . Jacob — Impeachment 123

Young, Jacob— Married Susquehannock Squaw 123

Young's Answer 124

Young's Service For Maryland 124

Young, Jacob — His Conspiracy Discussed 126

z

Zachariah Fort 119

END.

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