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From the collection of the 

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San Francisco, California 


VOL. XL No. I WHOLE No. 218 

January February, 1940 

Land and Freedom 


An International Record of Single Tax Progress Founded in 1901 

The College of Tomorrow 

J. H. McMix 

The Economy of Spain 

Rogelio Casas Cadilla 

Henry George, Employer 

Louise Crane 

Experience and the Future 

Hon. Jackson H. Ralston 





An International Bi-Monthly Magazine of Single Tax Progress 
Founded by Joseph Dana Miller 

Published by 
LAND AND FREEDOM, 150 Nassau Street, New York 


Please address all communications to LAND AND FREEDOM 

SUBSCRIPTION PRICE: In the United States, Canada and Mexico 
$2.00 per year. Libraries and Reading Rooms, $1.00. Club sub- 
scriptions, 5 for $7.00. Payable in advance. 

Entered as second-class matter Oct. 2, 1913, at the Post Office, 
New York, N. Y., under the act of March 3, 1897. 



No. 1 WHOLE No. 218 

ENGLAND: J. W. Graham Peace. 

NEW ZEALAND: f Hon ' P " J- ' Re * an ' Wellington. 
( T. E. McMillan, Matamata. 

SPAIN: A. Matheu Alonso, Tarragona. 
BULGARIA: Lasar Karaivanove, Plovdiv. 
HUNGARY: J. J. Pikler, Budapest. 
FRANCE: Jng. Pavlos Giannelia. 




THE ECONOMY OF SPAIN Rogelio Casas Cadilla 4 




CAUSERIE Thomas N. Ashton 11 

EXPERIENCE AND THE FUTURE....Hon. Jackson H. Ralston 13 

THE SHARECROPPERS Grace Isabel Colbron 15 





AN APPEAL FOR ACTION._ Henry J. Foley 27 






Taking the full rent of land for public 
purposes insures the fullest and 
best use of all land. In cities this 
would mean more homes and more 
places to do business and therefore 
lower rents. In rural communities it 
would mean the freedom of the farmer 
from land mortgages and would guar- 
antee him full possession of his entire 
product at a small land rental to the 
government without the payment of 
any taxes. It would prevent the hold- 
ing of mines idle for the purpose of 
monopoly and would immensely in- 
crease the production and therefore 
greatly lower the price of mine products. 

Land can be used only by the em- 
ployment of labor. Putting land to 
its fullest and best use would create an 
unlimited demand for labor. With an 
unlimited demand for labor, the job 
would seek the man, not the man seek 
the job, and labor would receive its 
full share of the product. 

The freeing from taxation of all 
buildings, machinery, implements and 
improvements on land, all industry, 
thrift and enterprise, all wages, sal- 
aries, incomes and every product of 
labor and intellect, will encourage men 
to build and to produce, will reward 
them for their efforts to improve the 
land, to produce wealth and to render 
the services that the people need, in- 
stead of penalizing them for these 
efforts as taxation does now. 

It will put an end to legalized robbery 
by the government which now pries 
into men's private affairs and exacts 
fines and penalties in the shape of tolls 
and taxes on every evidence of man's 
industry and thrift. 

All labor and industry depend basic- 
ally on land, and only in the measure 
that land is attainable can labor and 
industry be prosperous. The taking 
of the full Rent of Land for public pur- 
poses would put and keep all land for- 
ever in use to the fullest extent of the 
people's needs, and so would insure 
real and permanent prosperity for all. 

Please Make Subscriptions and Checks Payable to LAND AND FREEDOM 

Land and Freedom 




No. 1 

Comment and Reflection 

THE struggle for liberty is long and slow. But it 
is worth while. "Only in broken gleams and 
partial light has the sun of Liberty yet beamed among 
men." We have never enjoyed the full warmth and light 
of that sun. Not yet has it permeated every corner of our 
lives. The soul of man still yearns to freely express 
itself. But let us not depreciate the few gleams that 
come through. We know they trace their origin to the 
great, beautiful sun of Liberty. And it must be re- 
ibered that those gleams were won with great sacrifice. 

IN the midst of tyranny and oppression, and a defiling 
of the rights of man, the voice of Liberty continues to 
whisper, "These others have a right to live, too." A hero 
icarkens, and to the call he dedicates his life. With 
what agony and blood a few concessions are won is too 
well known. And with what ease they can be lost again 
need not be cited. The recent experiences of Spain, 
China, Czechoslovakia, Poland and Finland have shocked 
us. We imagined that Ormuzd had triumphed. We 
underestimated the strength of the powers of darkness. 
But we must not deceive ourselves. Ahriman does win 
victories, and there are times when Ormuzd, wounded, 
is compelled to retreat. 

THEREFORE, let us not slip into a complacent 
inertia, satisfied with the few rays that have been 
won. Let us rather take them as a weapon to continue 
;the struggle. Let us use them to beat back the dark 
clouds of injustice, so that the full light of Liberty may 
shine forth! The few gleams that come are a challenge 
to us. That they are shining at all, means that so much 
of the dark forces have been dispersed! Knowledge 
does not come to us all at once. We must constantly 
struggle for it and keep on winning it. So it may be 
that our understanding of Liberty has to come slowly. 
Perhaps it is not something that springs full-armed and 
perfected like Pallas from the head of 7eus. Rather, 
it has humble beginnings and grows only with the growth 
of intelligence, tolerance, and love. 

WHEN the English barons forced King John to sign 
the Magna Charta, that was certainly not the 
consummation of Liberty. Was it not class interest that 
prompted them to curb the Plantagenet? Yet, in spite 
of themselves, they advanced the cause of Liberty. It 
was a step forward, in that it restored some rights to a 
group of people who had somehow lost them in the course 
of history. It was a great achievement for that period. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON was essentially aristocratic, 
as were many of the early statesmen and leaders of 
our country. At that time the step toward freedom and 
democracy may have had to be taken in a cautious way. 
Perhaps a sudden, violent advance causes us to slip and fall 
rather than make progress. The Russian Revolution is a 
case in point. We know too that the work of Liberty was 
not fully accomplished with the work of Abraham Lincoln. 
But who can deny that his name belongs among those of 
the heroes of Liberty? Did he not have a vision of equal 
rights, and did he not strive for a restoration of rights 
to a greater group of people than before? Universal 
suffrage did not sweep away all the clouds. But did 
not another gleam come through? 

THE steps toward Liberty in the past have meant 
the attainment of certain rights for special groups 
of people. The progress of Liberty has been in the 
broadening of these attainments to larger and larger 
groups. True Liberty will be achieved only with the 
realization of the universal brotherhood of mankind. 
True Liberty can stop at nothing less. For what is 
Liberty but the recognition of the rights of all the sons 
of men? Are we ready for such liberty? Would we 
recognize it if it came thus, full-grown? We wonder. 
After all, Liberty comes to us only as we are able to com- 
prehend it. 

THUS far, we have only appreciated the reflections 
of the sun of Liberty rather than the sun itself. The 
toilers for Liberty in the past have striven mostly for 
political and intellectual freedom. But, slowly, man- 
kind is beginning to realize that economic freedom is 
the basic form of Liberty. Political, yes, even intellectual 


freedom, may be said to derive from economic freedom. 
But the work of those who toiled for Liberty has not been 
in vain. The rays of the sun do not penetrate an over- 
cast sky. The clearer and purer the atmosphere, the 
more radiant is the solar glow. Our forebears in the 
struggle for Liberty have helped to clear that atmosphere. 
We, who toil for economic freedom, will find our work 
easier because of what they did. 

"Please, Son Carry On!" 

THE follow ing letter was written by Joseph Dana Miller, in 1934, 
to a student of the Henry George School of Social Science. Mr. 
Miller had an abiding faith in Oscar H. Geiger's vision to spread 
the truths of political economy and real democracy by educational 
methods. ED. 


"This is indeed a personal letter. 

"This is an appeal from a man who has devoted a half 
century to the propagation of a religious conviction, to 
one who has recently acquired a knowledge of this phi- 
losophy, and to whom the old man cries out: 
"'Please, son carry on!' 

"You do not know me, perhaps. I am Joseph Dana 
Miller, the Editor, for over thirty years, of LAND AND 
FREEDOM, official organ of the Single Tax Movement 
in America. During these years I have recorded in the 
pages of this bi-monthly the activities, ideas, hopes of 
thousands of men and women who have poured out their 
life's blood at the altar of economic liberty. 

"In all these years no single effort to advance the 
movement, to increase the number of those familiar with 
the philosophy, has been nearly as successful as the class 
method developed by the Henry George School of Social 
Science. In only two years thousands* of thoroughly- 
informed converts have been added to the movement, 
and plans afoot indicate that within less than a decade 
at least one hundred thousand followers of Henry George 
will be recorded. 

"My one wish is that my life shall be spared until I 
see that achievement, for from the dynamic force of so 
many devotees, the political enactment of at least part 
of our philosophy will be more than a possibility. 

"But, even if I am not here, I hope there is some pro- 
- .-IMC" in the scheme of things beyond that will permit 
\ liile you and others like you carry on the 
work, to bless you, and to comfort my soul with the 
thought that the years I carried the torch were not in 

"You will, I am sure, carry on. 

"Yours sincerely, 

"Joseph Dana Miller." 

* Today, the number of graduates and students is around 13,200, 
according to a recent report of the Henry George School of Social 

The Economy of Spain 


IN the fourteenth century, Spain was a free and pros- 
perous country. The arts were cultivated, the profes 
sion of letters was protected and many industries such as 
textiles, steel of Toledo, silks, spices and carpets, were 
very flourishing. From all countries people came to buy 
and sell their products. Freedom of thought was respectec 
in all its purity. No one was persecuted for his ideas 
Mohammedans had their mosques, Jews their synagogues 
and Catholics built their cathedrals. The most famous 
cathedrals of present-day Spain were constructed in that 

The dignity of man and the sacred respect for individua 
rights had always been the glory and honor of the Spanisl 
people. The citizenship which evolves from individua 
liberty was a quality of the Spaniard of those gloriou: 
times. Kings were treated familiarly and they wen 
denied the right to reign if they lacked the support o 
moral law. This was the indominable race of the "Fuerc 
Juzgo"; the Court of Leon was convoked seventy years 
before the English established their parliament in London 
in the twelfth century, in the Court of Borja, the pre 
dominance of the community or peasantry was recognizec 
and from the time of Alfonso the Third the right and dutj 
of insurrection was proclaimed. In Aragon the mar 
called "Judge" became superior to the man called "King." 
The fearful "yes" or "no" of the Justice was upheld befon 
the throne. It was a people who, at birth held Charle 
magne in check, and at death repulsed Napoleon. 

The intrigues of religion brought into power the daughte 
of King Henry of Trastramara and the famous battle o 
Toro gave the power to that lady who, meanwhile, hac 
married Fernando of Aragon. This marriage brough 
about what is known as "National Unity" the beginn-'n; 
of the downfall of the Spanish people. The attempt t( 
dominate the whole Peninsula involved them in a struggl< 
over the region in the hands of the Arabs. After sixteei 
years of bloody warfare the Catholic monarchs emerge< 
victorious. At the end of the war, which was really om 
of extermination, Queen Isabella granted honors and title 
to all who had aided her economically and gave then 
dominion over the towns and lands. The common people 
who had been happy with their "ejidos" or public systen 
of land ownership, were gradually impoverished. Unde 
their public or municipal system of land ownership th 
aged were provided for; there was no need to impost 
taxes upon consumption and there were ample funds fo 
public education. However, when the newly createt 
nobles deprived them of their lands and properties, the: 
lost everything. 

Queen Isabella realized the great error she had made ii 
paying for services rendered with lands and propertie 
that were not hers, and she requested, in several roya 


ecrees, that the lands and resources be returned to the 
ities, but she was never obeyed. At her death, in her 
imous testament, she again requested that the lands be 
turned to the people, but the newly rich, the famous 
panish nobility that she had founded, were immovable, 
'hey not only disobeyed Isabella's request, but they 
emanded more lands, saying that they had been paid 
ery little for their services and they should be given 
he Province of Castile, in addition to Andalusia and the 
arts of Estremadura which had already been granted 
hem. Cisneros, tutor of Charles the Fifth and a man of 
reat talent and dignity, opposed the demands of the nobles 
ut the fatuous Charles the Fifth gave himself over to 
hem wholly, and, with the aid of his German invaders, 
estroyed the Communities of Castile and beheaded the 
;aders who defended the sacred right of every man to the 
iroducts of his labor. 

Charles the Fifth was the worst king Spain ever had. 
le launched wars of conquest, established a dictatorship 
i Spain, created the commercial monopoly of the trade 
/ith the Indies and destroyed with cannon-balls the free 
ities of Italy where the Renaissance and The Modern 
ige had their beginnings. He ended the free trade be- 
ween cities and liberty of thought disappeared. Under 
is son, Phillip the Second, the economic situation grew 
/orse from day to day. Hatred towards the liberty of 
lan increased. During the reign of Charles the Second, 
/ho was known as "The Bewitched" and was the last 
uler of the fatal house of Austria, prayers were screamed 
ri the streets, so desperate had become the condition of 
he people. A nation of thirty-two millions of inhabitants 
/as reduced to seven millions. The industries of silks, 
nosaics and knitted goods, etc., had disappeared. Roads 
<rent to ruin because of lack of traffic. Communication 
lecame impossible. The best careers open to a man were 
o enter the church or become a highwayman. The 
Church swayed the kings to its will, and when the state had 
even million ducats of income, the Church had thirteen 
nillions. It is impossible, in a few words, to explain how 
rork was carried on in this epoch. A directed economy 
ictated by unions and guilds had reached unbelievable 
imits. For example, a sardine fisherman could not fish 
or any other kind of fish because the authorities would 
lot allow him to sell it later. The carpenter of oak could 
lot work in pine wood. 

The people of Spain had entered into a hell of their 
wn making. They are still in it, and to come out of 
t will cost much sacrifice and effort. 

With liberty in Spain the country could be a cauldron 
f industry where now one finds only misery. The 
Vmericas would again turn to Spain by the mere attrac- 
ion of its enlightenment and prosperity. Liberty is 
he magnet of progressive association. Liberty and the 
eturn of the land to its rightful owners, the people, would 
wing to Spain: 

Production without tariffs, consumption without taxes, 
communication without blockage, industry without pro- 
letariat, riches without parasites, speech without gag, 
law without deceit, strength without armies, fraternity 
without elates consciousness, work for all, and harness 
for none. 

It would be the ideal become the actual, and as there 
exists the guide swallow, there could exist the guide nation. 

A Spain of equal citizens sharing equal rights in the 
land, would be a vigorous Spain. A democratic Spain 
would be a fortress Spain, a supreme, inexorable reality. 

Liberty is immutable. It is always tranquil because 
it is indivisible, and invincible because it is contagious. 
He who attacks it, acquires it is absorbed by it. The 
army that is sent against it rebounds against the despot. 

A Spain with liberty and without private property in 
land would be an irradiation of the true, a promise for 
all. Totalitarian Spain awaits the spirit of Henry George. 

One of Rent's Masks 


DURING the days when land values were booming, 
I remarked to a merchant that as land rent ad- 
vanced wages and interest declined. This he disputed, 
saying, "You will agree that in this location land values 
have at least quadrupled in the past ten years, while our 
payroll and interest (dividends) have enormously in- 

"I agree to your former statement," I replied, "but 
doubt the latter part of it. Do you keep a cost-finding 

"Yes," said he, "and I can show you." 

"But wait a minute," I asked: ''You own this building 
and the site on which it stands. Do you charge against 
merchandising business a rental, and if so, how often do 
you revise it?" 

He replied, "Yes, we do charge a rental against the mer- 
chandising business, but, coming to think of it, we have 
not revised it during the past ten years. We are still 
charging the same rental as then." 

"Well, then," I suggested, "would you mind looking 
over your cost system as to your relative payroll and 
earnings then and now, in comparison with what is a 
fair rental now?" He assented. 

Several days later I called. As I approached, he 
smiled. "I am having fun with my partners," said he. 
"I am proving to them that we are losing money." 

"So," I rejoined, "you found that you are profiting not 
as merchants but as landlords?" 

"That's about it," he admitted. "And I wonder how 
many other merchants who own their properties are 
overlooking that fact." 


Henry George, Employer* 


\117E have become familiar with the figure of the great 
" leader of men, the friend of humanity, the noble, 
patient well-wisher of mankind Henry George. He has 
been pictured to us as the philosopher, the economist, 
the teacher and friend, the husband and father. But 
would we not like to know something of him as the em- 
ployer of labor? Was he a kind master, humane and 
fair? Or was there, after all, a marked difference between 
what he preached and what he practiced, as is too often 
the case with some self-styled "friends of the working- 
man?" Engrossed with the subject in the abstract, 
they reject as trivial the suggestion that charity ought 
to begin at home. 

I bethought me of a friend who was once a member of 
the staff of The Standard, militant journal founded by 
Henry George. William T. Croasdale, the editor, had 
a "right-hand man," who was a woman. This woman is 
the friend I speak of. I took paper and pencil, consulted 
her, and brought away the following: 

"How we loved Mr. George! How we valued his 
approbation, and how little we ever thought of deceiving 
him, or of imposing on his generous, patient spirit! I 
count among the happiest hours of my life those I spent 
over the routine connected with the presentation to the 
public of the Single Tax doctrine. 

"Our offices were quite the reverse of sumptuous. They 
were on the second story of a somewhat dilapidated build- 
ing on Union Square, reached by climbing, at your own 
risk, a flight of rickety and none too clean stairs. The 
offices were cleaned every morning by a large, fat, office 
boy, and this was his system: After removing the top 
layers of newspapers, with which the floor was always 
littered, John would appear with an enormous, green, 
sprinkling can, which he would ply with a fearless, im- 
partial hand. If you sat down at your desk before John 
had finished 'cleanin' up' you shared a like fate with 
the office furniture and the parlor stove (which kept us 
warm). John was a well-meaning, hard-working boy, 
but his duties were multitudinous and varied and he 
could not always arrange them in regular order. 

"When everything was in a drip, he would fetch a 
muddy broom, and with it push the floor clear. The 
papers dragged dirt along with them, but the broom left 
muddy traces to relieve the monotony and altogether 
it was a most unusual-looking place after John got through. 
So much for the sanctum sanctorum, which consisted 
of two rooms, one of which was what is known as a 
hall bedroom. What they did about the cleaning in the 

This interesting document was originally published as a news- 
paper article twenty-five years ago. ED. 

business office (the room in the rear) I never did know 
and I never voiced a suspicion I had that the subscriptio 
clerk got down on his knees and scrubbed the floor afte 
we had all gone home. It was just that much cleane 
in that room. 

"But we were all so happy there! Mr. George woul 
favor us with a visit every now and then. He took n 
part in the office work, being busy with his books. One 
in a while he would ask one of us to come to his hous 
and help him, and how gladly we would go! Alway 
good-tempered, he never misjudged anyone; he neve 
spoke sharply, or unkindly. The sweetness of his dis 
position, and his affectionate nature made him a delight 
ful master, who held us to our duties out of respect fo 
the man. 

"A man of indefatigable energy himself, he never hai 
an idle moment. He was said to have been intoleran 
of drones but I have more than once observed that i 
took him a long time to notice remissness in an employee 
I remember a case in point. We had taken in an extn 
office-boy temporarily, who, as is quite common, worke< 
while you were watching him, and dawdled the rest of tfo 
time. One day Mr. George came in and seeing the extn 
boy, began to question him. The boy became very mucl 
confused because he feared he had been detected, bu 
Mr. George kept on, like a man gathering statistics, to< 
much engrossed for a time to observe the boy's embarrass 
ment. When he did finally notice it he left the room am 
the building abruptly without another word. Not lonj 
after Mr. George said to his son, Richard, then our book 
keeper, 'Would you say Dick, that that boy is a faithfu 
worker?' 'No, father,' was the reply, 'but he is onlj 
here temporarily.' 'Humph,' was all Mr. George said 
But we urged Richard to discharge the boy. 

"Whenever Mr. George came to the office he askec 
the why and the wherefore of everything that was goinj 
on, but he always had a preoccupied air, which ofter 
deceived us into thinking he was not listening. And thei 
some day long after he would surprise us by referring t< 
some trivial thing which we would have thought saf< 
to say he had passed over. It was his habit of askinj 
questions that led newcomers to the office to believe hin 
a very exacting, suspicious and distrustful employer 
who wasn't going to allow himself to be bamboozled i; 
he could help it. But they didn't think that way verj 

"It was immediately on his return from a lecture tri{ 
in Australia that I first met Mr. George. He wore i 
cheap suit of light brown clothes that hung loosely or 
him, and a square-top brown derby hat pushed far bad 
on his head. By the way, I think I never saw Mr. Georgi 
in anything but a Prince Albert coat. Turning to gree 1 
me he gave me a hearty handclasp and a genial, kindly 
encouraging smile, saying, 'Why, Croasdale, she's a mere 
child!' 'Is she?' answered Croasdale, 'ask the chile 


what she knows about the Single Tax.' 'The Single Tax 
as we call it, for want of i\ better name,' I began, without 
waiting for Mr. George to speak, and mimicking the 
words and gestures of one of our best-known speakers 
of whom I knew Mr. George to be very fond, 'the Single 
Tax contemplates the abolition of all taxes save one on 
the value of land, irrespective of improvements.' Long 
and loud rang out that hearty laugh which was one of 
the most charming things about him. And whenever 
he felt like 'having a good laugh' he would make me 
repeat that little 'lesson in first principles.' 

"To Mr. George labor was sacred. The humblest 
worker had a dignity in his eyes and a casual observer 
might have found it difficult to determine which was 
employer and which employed, judging by their manner 
of addressing each other. Mr. George respected his 
office boy, but the office boy adored him. 

"I once reported a club banquet given in Mr. George's 
honor at which I was the only woman present. He 
insisted on having me placed at his right, while at his 
left sat the president of the club. Mr. George sat with 
his back to a window, and once, between speeches, I 
remarked that I felt very warm. He called to someone 
to open the window and it was done very quietly so that 
the man opposite me didn't notice it for a time. But, 
always alert for the well-being of the great philosopher, 
he soon spied the open window. In a jiffy he had jumped 
up, closed the window, and, looking from Mr. George 
to me in such a way as to make me feel very guilty, he 
seemed to be making a mental comparison between us 
and decided against me. Mr. George laughed, shrugged 

his shoulders, and said. 'No use, Miss !' And 

I answered, 'No use.' And that was all. And yet that 
man under almost any other conceivable circumstance 
would have accused himself of great rudeness if he had 
acted similarly. This shows that it was not only respect 
and admiration for the man that held all he met to him 
it was love. In many cases, like this, one might almost 
say it was a protecting love, for he was ever careless of 
himself, ever underestimating his usefulness. 

"Let me tell you something to prove what I said about 
Mr. George's wonderful temper. One day Mr. Croasdale 
sent word to Mr. Louis F. Post that he must have a certain 
lengthy article by the next Wednesday (I think it was). 
Mr. Post promised to send it by messenger boy on Tues- 
day. The article hadn't arrived on Wednesday morning, 
as Mr. Post had promised. Mr. Croasdale was a man of. 
irascible temper, so he immediately began, violently: 
'Why the devil, Post, don't you do as you say? You 
know I ought to have had that thing !' 'What's the 
matter?' asked Post, invariably amiable. 'I sent the 
article, if that is the cause of your wrath, by messenger 
yesterday afternoon.' 'What ' dropped blank from Mr. 
Croasdale's lips. The two stared at each other and the 
same thought entered each one's mind. The boy must 

have lost the manuscript! In an instant Croasdale's 
face flushed purple and then he uncorked the vials of 
his wrath, and the familiar pop fell on my ear, as I stood 
in the next room. I knew he would call me in and tell it to 
me in his own picturesque, diverting way, which you 
couldn't publish if I described it, and in another moment 
the summons came. As I stood listening sympathetic- 
ally to the irate editor the door opened and a little mite 
of a boy with tear-stained face appeared. Instinctively, 
Croasdale knew it must be the boy. And what a terrible 
ten seconds for the poor child, before the door opened 
once more, this time to admit the dignified figure of 
Henry George, the champion of the weak. Then, of 
course, it had to be told all over again, but Mr. George 
didn't sympathize with his editor a bit. He was divided 
between his desire to laugh at Croasdale and the sympathy 
that welled up in his tender heart at the sight of the 
wretched object of so much splutter. He looked over 
at Mr. Post, who had seated himself at Mr. Croasdale's 
desk, and the latter's eyes followed his, 'That's right, 
Post, write a complaint. Have the miserable whelp .' 
'Complaint,' answered the imperturbable Post, with a 
chuckle, 'I'm rewriting the article.' I wish I could do 
justice to the state of Mr. Croasdale's feathers at this 
announcement. They seemed to expand, puffed out 
with an ungovernable rage, and yet he was abashed, 
although disgusted, with this forgiving, what's-the-use-of- 
getting-excited spirit. He did not know what to do or 
say, so he turned his attention once more to the boy. 
But Mr. George said, quietly: 'Now, that will do, Croas- 
dale. The child has explained the accident' (at this 
word the editor bridled) 'and we will let him go.' The 
boy looked up gratefully at Mr. George, who put one 
hand on his shoulder and with the other offered him 
a coin, and pushed the sobbing wretch out of the room. 
To me this was always the most remarkable thing I ever 
encountered, because the man who had really suffered 
the abuse and who would be put to the inconvenience of 
doing his work all over again sat quietly, taking no part 
whatever in the 'trouble'. And Mr. George was pained, 
as was to be expected, at the injustice. It was plain 
that he felt the poor child ought not to have had such 
harsh treatment. 

"I was about to say that I never heard from anyone 
in or around that office, any word about Mr. George 
that was not a tribute to some one of his many noble 
personal qualities, but on second thought I shall have to 
qualify that just a trifle. The compositors used to swear, 
not at him, I am sure, but certainly at his manuscript. 
It used to be common talk that Mr. George never sent 
back a proof without the margins filled with his closely 
written script. They made a test, so they said, at one 
time, and by an herculean effort turned out a proof that 
was typographically perfect, yet it came back with filled 
margins, like any other. 'On second thought,' he would 



mutter, 'perhaps this would be better.' And then scratch, 
scratch, scratch. One day they threatened to cut the 
margins off, top, bottom and sides, but an inconsiderate 
foreman interfered. 

But these little things were all on the surface. They 
might swear, but they loved him, as we all did. 'It is 
a way compositors have.' 

"And so we lived our lives in the effort to please him, 
made happy by his presence, and going home at night 
sustained by the hope of seeing him on the morrow, dis- 
appointed if he didn't come, and doubly glad when he 
appeared after an absence of a few days. Nobody loved 
him more than we did. To us no better man ever lived, 
and I, for one, never expect to meet another as good, 
as sincerely and truly noble as Henry George." 

Free Trade Pro and Con 


THE most immediate opportunity facing us, it seems 
to me, is to fairly scream to every one within hear- 
ing to urge his Senators and Congressmen to support 
the reciprocal trade treaty efforts of this Administration. 
The opponents are sure to be ferocious! 

Now that the President has appealed for authority 
to provide greater freedom of trade between nations, 
let us not fail to give the suggestion support in every 
way at the disposal of any of us. 

No one realized more completely than Henry George 
that taxation of land values, alone, would not eliminate 
unjust privileges, and that the abolition of trade barriers 
between nations constituted just as integral and essential 
a step before justice can prevail. 

Many Georgeists appear to have all but forgotten 
this, for they have all but limited their thinking to the 
importance of government collecting all of the publicly 
created rental value of land, instead of only part of it, 
as at present. 

Henry George, who launched the Georgeist movement, 
was of a much broader turn of mind than are his follow- 
ers. No one can deny that he saw the necessity of col- 
lecting all the rent of land. But he also saw the question 
of Freedom in its larger aspects. In an editorial in 
The Standard, signed by him (reprinted by C. Le Baron 
Goeller), we find the following: 

"As for those of our friends who think we ought to leave 
protection undisturbed until we have succeeded in taking 
land values for public benefit, and those who express the 
same underlying thought by asking why free land will 
not lead to free trade much more naturally than free 
trade will lead to free land, it seems to me that they can 
hardly fully realize the great object which is to be attained 

by the Single Tax, nor yet the practical means by which 
the adoption of this Single Tax is to be secured. Like 
those who oppose us, or fail to go with us from sheer 
inability to see how the taxation of land values can abolish 
poverty, their mental gaze seems to be concentrated on 
what we propose to do, ignoring what we propose to do 
away with. The great benefit of the appropriation of 
land values (i.e., economic rent) to public use would not be 
in the revenue that it would give, so much as in the 
abolition of restrictions upon the free play of productive 
forces it would involve or permit. It is not by the mere 
levying of a tax that we propose to abolish poverty; 
it is by 'securing the blessings of liberty.' 

"The abolition of all taxes that restrain production or 
hamper exchange, the doing away with all monopolies 
and special privileges that enable one citizen to levy toll 
upon the industries of other citizens, is an integral part 
of our program. To merely take land values in taxation 
for public purposes would not of itself suffice. If the 
proceeds were spent in maintaining useless parasites 
or standing armies, labor might still be oppressed and 
harried by taxes and special privileges. We might still 
have poverty, and people might still beg for alms or die 
of starvation. What we are really aiming at is ... 'the 
freedom of the individual to use his labor and capital 
in any way that may seem proper to him and will not 
interfere with the equal fights of others' and 'to leave 
to the producer the full fruits of his exertion.' To do 
this it is necessary to abolish land monopoly. And it 
is also necessary to abolish tariffs." 

By enlisting aggressively with this Administration with 
regard to its present attempts to lessen trade barriers, 
the Administration leaders might discover that there is 
much about which we both think alike. 

We know that any lowering of tariff barriers must 
increase the difficulty of private interests continuing to 
pocket for themselves as much of the publicly created 
rental value of land as at present. Very few land specu- 
lators have caught this, so they may not be as vicious 
in their opposition to Secretary Hull's aims, as they are 
to any taxation of land values. 

This seems to me to be the most concrete opportunity 
facing us in many years I hope it may be sober'y con- 
sidered by every lover of liberty. 


All the free trade in the world is not going to make 
better the lot of the German masses. Prior to the World 
War the German people were faring better than the people 
of England despite the fact of England's democracy, 
because landlordism was a little less intense in Germany 
than in England. The mass of people in tariff-protected 


England today are faring as well as they did under the 
free trade regime of some years back. 

Free trade can only intensify the suffering of the pro- 
ducing masses, since trade is the food which feeds the 
maw of rent collectors. There will be more nearly a 
parity of opportunity to all in a county where there is 
little trade. Trade breeds rent and rent is the vampire 
which sucks the producing masses to emaciation. Bright 
and Cobden soon came to realize that the benefits they 
expected from free trade did not materialize, that the 
rent collector absorbed it all and more. 

Man's prosperity or well-being is determined by his 
relation to the land. All the tariffs in the world cannot 
have any influence on this. Free trade cannot affect 
it. There is no need of all this stupidity about free trade, 
trade barriers and other hokum. Man's well-being is 
governed by the terms on which he contacts land. There 
is no other formula. Free trade would be a virtue in 
a free society a competitive economy. It is positively 
harmful to the producing masses in our land monopoly 
society, our sweepstakes economy. 

The farmers of the South and the West have been free 
to engage in tariff-protected commodities. There is no 
law against farmers processing. All the farmers need 
to is to meet the terms of land monopoly. Tariffs apply 
alike to all the ports and to every inch of our millions 
of square miles of free trade area. This cry of the North 
and East having robbed the South and the West is the 
sheerest bunk. The South and the West have men who 
have fared as well as any in the East. Too, we have our 
millions in poverty and distress just the same as is found 
under the shadows of the tariff-protected factories of 
the East. These lines North, South, East and West 
mean nothing in economics. If Texas would open oppor- 
tunity to the masses to contact the land on equal terms, 
it would soon be seen that the masses would be faring 

Tariffs have nothing to do with our relation to the land, 
and that ridiculous idea should be liquidated at the earliest 
moment. Free traders, free silverites and free spenders 
of the Doc Townsend variety are of the same breed and 
we should weed them out. The evils society has suf- 
fered through ages have come largely from stupidity 
and not rascality. We are confronted with one crack- 
pot scheme after another. Free silver has been put to 
sleep but men in high places trot out another will-o'- 
the-wisp to take its place. 

Why cannot man exercise his brain and examine the 
fundamentals? Why does he have to go from one 
hokum to another? Land is the source of subsist- 
ence. Exchange of labor is the great facilitating factor 
in production. The terms of bargain are governed by 
the terms of contacting land for production. Taxation 
is the instrument to set the terms of contact in a free 

House to House, Field to Field 


And he looked for judgment, but behold oppression; for 
righteousness, but behold a cry. 

Woe unto them that join house to house, that lay field to 
field, till there be no place, that they may be placed alone 
in the midst of the earth. 

In mine ears, said the Lord, Of a truth many houses shall 
be desolate, even great and fair, without inhabitant. . . . 

Therefore my people are gone into captivity, because they 
have no knowledge; and their honorable men are famished, 
and their multitude dried up with thirst. 


ALL the wars of conquest waged in recent years, and 
all previous wars of conquest, have been the natural 
result of permitting the laying of field to field till there 
be no place for growing populations, and then trying to 
create employment by holding domestic markets against 
"foreigners," by which the economic life of all nations 
is choked in greater or lesser degree. Nations deficient 
in natural resources, though failing to adequately develop 
the resources they have, see supplies and markets abroad 
which they need, but see no way of acquiring them ex- 
cept by the might of their arms, though each and every 
one of them has it within its own power to remove half 
or more of the obstacles in its way by abolishing its own 
trade barriers. 

There can be no doubt that Woodrow Wilson's out- 
line of peace terms which embodied his famous Fourteen 
Points for a just and durable peace, the third of which 
called for "the elimination as far as possible of economic 
barriers," did much to break down the military morale 
of Germany and shorten the World War. As the German 
people realized what the old Imperial German Govern- 
ment had gotten them into they rose in revolution against 
it and it fell. It was the German Republic which sent 
its delegates to Versailles, where Wilson's Fourteen Points 
were cast into the discard and the Treaty of Vengeance 
was imposed on the German Republic. 

I need not recite the many years during which the 
democratic and conciliatory elements in Germany sought 
ameliorations and concessions from the impossible terms 
of that treaty. In 1923 a young Austrian housepainter 
who had been discharged from the Army with the rank 
of sergeant, led a movement to overthrow the German 
Republic, declaring that conciliation would win nothing 
for Germany, and that Germany would get no relief until 
she was strong enough to take it by force. He failed and 
was imprisoned. He wrote a book, "Mein Kampf," 
and after his release from prison continued his efforts. 

He had little success until in 1931. In that year, 
Germany and Austria decided to provide a little relief 
for themselves by abolishing the tariff wall between them 



which was hampering their trade, and to form a customs 
union. This they invited their neighbors to join, point- 
ing out that it was in line with the efforts of Briand of 
France and Stresemann of Germany to form a United 
States of Europe. It certainly did afford a nucleus for 
such a federation. 

This undertaking required the consent of the League 
of Nations, to which the German Republic had adhered. 
Britain was complaisant, but France and Czechoslovakia, 
both strong citadels of the "Protectionist" superstition, 
interposed their imperative veto. Such a customs union 
could lead only to the political union of Germany and 
Austria, and they scented danger in that, though it is 
not easy to see what danger there could be in such a union 
if it were brought about amid general good feeling. As 
for Czechoslovakia, self interest should have dictated 
her joining the union, due to her geographical position. 
But the undertaking had to be abandoned. 

That settled it. Germany thereafter lent a more will- 
ing ear to the preachings of the Austrian ex-sergeant 
and ex-housepainter, and two years later Hitler became 
Chancellor of Germany. 

Vengeance is mine, saith the Lord. I will repay! 

When the Allied representatives at Versailles and in 
the League of Nations decided on their policy of venge- 
ance, confusing it with justice, they usurped the pre- 
rogative of God, and the consequences of this usurpation 
has come back to plague them. 

The manner in which the present war is being con- 
ducted, each side "pulling its punches" as it were, like 
two gladiators in the prize ring, each knowing the other 
packs a twenty-mule team kick in either hand and anxious 
to avoid it, suggests that none of the warring nations 
really want the war, and that an early peace of some 
kind may yet be possible. But it must be an economic 
peace, such as was outlined by former President Wilson 
in his Fourteen Points, and also in a resolution passed 
by the German Reichstag in July, 1917, to which neither 
the Imperial German Government nor the Allied govern- 
ments paid any attention. 

They join house to house, lay field to field. 

Why is Russia attacking Finland? 

For ages Russia, with nearly half the territory and 
material resources of Europe and Asia, and in no need 
of territory in itself, has been seeking a commercial out- 
let on warm water, her vast extent of seacoast on the 
Arctic Ocean being useless. This was the main reason 
for her war on Turkey in 1878. This was the reason 
for her leasing Port Arthur from China, which aroused 
Japan's fears and resulted in the Russo-Japanese War 
in 1905. Britain and Germany deprived her of her aims 
in 1878, and no one knows what would have been the 
result in 1905 had not President Theodore Roosevelt 
intervened and brought about a peace by which she lost 
Port Arthur and its hinterland to Japan. And now this 

desire for an outlet to the sea is driving Russia on to 
Finland. Is such laying of field to field necessary? Would 
not free trade accomplish the same thing? 

"Free trade is the best peacemaker," said Richard 
Cobden a century ago. It is it is the only peacemaker. 
But Richard Cobden uttered another epigram which 
every one should paste in his hat where he can see it 

"Free trade is the international law of the Almighty!" 

Trade is the mother of civilization, for without trade 
none of us could have anything except what he could 
make himself unaided by others a condition of savagery 
lower than anything we have seen. To broaden trade 
is to extend and deepen civilization. To restrict trade 
is to narrow and retard civilization. 

Free trade teaches us that there are others in the world 
with whom we must seek relationships on an equal basis. 
The destructive course the nations today are pursuing 
is "that they may be placed alone in the midst of the 
earth." If they persist in this damnable policy of "Beggar 
my Neighbor," civilization is doomed. 

Sonnet The Peace Maker 

THERE is one way to checkmate future wars: 
Take down the spite-wall tariffs! Let in trade, 
Peace-loving Commerce. Her, the sons of Mars, 
With all their bluster, cannot quite evade. 
But they will start their "dumping" we are told 
These foreigners, whose cunning we concede: 
Well, let them dump! for my part I won't scold, 
If they fill my back yard with things I need. 

For we are bargain hunters all of us: 
Only a few are Robber Tariff pets: 
If most of us become necessitous, 
Our loss is what the Tariff baron gets. 
Down with the tariff! For every boat load in, 
One must go out and Trade Revival win! 


Wrath Over "Grapes" 

THERE seems to be dynamite in that best-seller, 
"Grapes of Wrath," by John Steinbeck! It is banned 
in California; a St. Louis Library Board has ordered its 
three copies burned; in another state it has been pro- 
hibited by the censors. 

A question arises: Are these authorities utilizing some 
occasional obscenities in the book as an excuse for ban- 
ning it, in order to prevent its powerful picture of the 
woes of the landless from becoming too well known? 

G. I. C. 





ON March 22, 1765, "the king having had his first 
attack of insanity," approved the Stamp Act spon- 
sored by Lord Granville, says the historian. 

1 shilling tax upon ecclesiastical-court documents. 

6 pounds tax upon a grant or privilege from a governor. 

2 pounds tax upon a college degree. 
4 pence tax upon a bill of lading. 

10 shillings tax upon a public job paying 20 pounds 
per year. 

4 pounds tax upon a public job paying more than 20 
pounds per year. 

4 pounds tax upon a liquor license. 

1 shilling tax upon playing cards. 

10 shillings tax upon a pair of dice. 

# penny tax upon a half -sheet newspaper. 

1 penny tax upon a whole sheet newspaper. 

1 shilling tax upon a pamphlet. 

2 shillings tax upon an advertisement. . 
2 pence tax upon an almanac. 

kEtc., etc., etc., through fifty-five items. 
This is our first discovery of kingly insanity being 
joined, in the same breath, with taxes upon industry. 
Lord Granville may have been aware of the opportune 

foment for such approval. 
It would be enlightening to learn by what manner of 
sane reasoning Lord Granville proposed a shilling tax 
upon playing cards as against a ten-shilling tax upon 
dice; by what logic was the ten-shilling tax upon a 20 
pound income jumped to a four pound tax upon an in- 
come of 20 pounds one shilling four pence half penny; 
by what power of deduction a penny tax upon a one- 
sheet newspaper was boosted to a shilling tax if the news- 
sheet was folded into a pamphlet. 

There may have been a definite distinction between 
the lordly sanity which created the tax list and the kingly 
insanity which sanctioned it. This distinction no doubt 
stems from the "ancient and hoary wisdom" of which 
we heard so much during our law school days. 

These were the days when Benjamin Franklin was 
actively engaged in opposing the motherland's tax methods 
as applied to our colonies, whilst, at the same time he 
was actively furthering the Grand Ohio Company's scheme 
to acquire twenty millions of colonial acres at a price of 
about ten cents for forty acres. 

The landed gentry's tax torture of Franklin's fellow- 
men stirred him to action : 

"If my countrymen should ever wish for the honor 
of having among them a gentry enormously wealthy, let 
them sell their farms and pay racked rents; the scale 
of the landlords will rise as that of the tenants is de- 

pressed, who will soon become poor, tattered, dirty, 
and abject in spirit." 

The Grand Ohio Company, supported by Franklin, 
made a heroic attempt to acquire enormous wealth by 
the very same means which Franklin deplored in the 
home-land's economic set-up. 

Verily, kingly insanity may have been cause for national 
grief, but we find little choice between the sanities and 
insanities of men who agree to tax industry until revo- 
lutions result. 


A mystery which long has mystified our savants since 
1823, to be exact finally succumbs to scrutiny. 

Harking back o'er the centuries we come to a day in 
1300 B. C. when a papyrus rolled off the press bearing 
an inscription as intelligible, to subsequent savants, as 
is today's Chinese laundry ticket to us. Naturally, being 
a papyrus, the document proceeded, in a matter-of-fact 
way, to become priceless regardless of what its unknown 
message meant. Real, old-time papyrus isn't obtain- 
able on every five-and-ten stationery counter or book- 
rack. That the papyrus had something to say in an in- 
comprehensive manner was no detraction from its value 
as a literary leaflet, consequently it escaped being used 
for kindling the kitchen fire as sacrilegiously as Republicans 
and Democrats and Socialists use Single Tax pamphlets 
because the simple language utterly confuses them. 

In 1823 the Sardinian government stepped into the 
literary breach and buckled down to decoding the hiero- 
glyphics. Specifically, the honorable Gustav Seyffart 
made the first venture at opening this literary oyster 
on behalf of the Sardinian savants and civil servants, 
but the best he could do was to analyse the texture of 
the papyrus and the weave of its fibres. Criminologists 
use the same methods today when tackling mysteries. 

It wasn't until Professor Giulio Farina, the eminent 
Italian Egyptologist, took over the payprus puzzle ten 
years ago that the document was doomed as a mystery. 
In ten years' toil, to the year, this expert exposed to vulgar 
gaze the paper's meaning which heretofore had meant 
much less than a Wall Street ticker-tape and almost 
as little as a Bronx belle's first-year shorthand. Now 
that the mystery is solved it seems incredible that its 
exposure was any more difficult than opening a can of 
sardines in 1823. 

The papyrus puzzle is simple. If we gave you ten 
guesses we are sure that nine of them would be "taxes," 
and you'd be right nine times out of ten. 

And so 'tis now known that 'way, 'way back in 1300 
B. C., in the day of Menes, tax lists were published and 
peddled just as is done by our meanies of today tax 
lists which lumined the levies on inhabitants of a Lybian 
desert oasis (just as our assessors reach out their lean, 



long, legal index-fingers to put on the spot our hicks out 
in the sticks). There is nothing so simple as puzzles 
once the light dawns, and inasmuch as tax lists always 
have ranked first we wonder why our savants of eighteen 
dynasties couldn't guess the subject matter long ago. 

If mankind would but always keep taxation in mind, 
how long could any mystery remain a mystery? The 
mystery of poverty in the midst of plenty the mystery 
of depressions in the midst of genius and untold natural 
resources the mystery of millions of idle men in the 
midst of millions of idle acres? 

When the subject-matter of a document is unknown, 
what else can it be but taxes? 


It is a far cry from Cleon and his civic notions down to 
this year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and 
forty. Cleon was a man with ideas, 429 B. C. He had 
aspirations somewhat comparable to those of a present- 
day alderman; that is to say, his notions were about as 
fitful and as fantastic when it came to pumping the bilge 
on the Ship of State. Cleon believed that if the poor 
had no bread to eat well, let 'em eat cake, and to pro- 
vide the cake Cleon whooped up the wage scale. 

Two thousand four hundred years have cluttered the 
calendar since Cleon's notions proved to be not so hot, 
and in the interim an assortment of other notables have 
followed in his footsteps down the sands of Time, all of 
whom have aimed to brighten up the short and simple 
annals of the poor. 

About 140 B. C. Polybius felt the urge to take his pen 
in hand and call the bluff of his political representatives 
who loosely used the words "freedom and democracy" 
whilst getting ready for the subsequent mob-rule. Then 
along came Diocletian, about 240 years after Polybius 
had cried "What's the use!", and he, the aforesaid Dio- 
cletian, took to monkeying with the gold content in the 
standard coin. Nothing startling occurred, however, 
except the customary "flop" in the program. 

By the time the year 370 A. D. had rolled around the 
levying of taxes ranked as indoor sport No. 1 and, at 
this time it is alleged, there were as many tax collectors 
as tax payers which established a fifty-fifty basis in the 
art of getting and confiscating the coin of the realm. 
Things came to such a pretty pass that by 700 A. D. 
Herodotus was seized with the same urge that over- 
came Polybius, and the old "Hero" wrote a snappy 
column about the loss of individual rights and the dis- 
carding of old customs for a set of danged, new-fangled 

The humanitarian urge to succor the idle poor in the 
midst of idle acres still persisted like the barber's itch 
and, in 1079 A. D., "the Chinese socialist," Wang An- 
Shih, was given carte blanche to lift humanity by its 
boot-straps. For ten long years he subjected society 

to socialism, until he and his cohorts were classed as 
false alarms and were unceremoniously exiled to Mon- 

Matters continued to alternate between hay and grass 
between chills and fevers until the same old Polybius- 
Herodotus urge made a return visit through the pen and 
hand of our own Ben Franklin in 1787. Ben summed 
up the previous innings in the age-old game of taxation, 
ambition and avarice and opined that our freedom and 
democracy the same old stuff of Cleon's day was 
aheadin' for a monarchy; and in 1850 Herbert Spencer 
nods his head and sez: "Them's my sentiments, too." 
By 1929 H. L. Mencken had delivered himself of his 
irritation over our grumbling farmers and ventured the 
drastic notion that farmers ought to be abolished. 

As we look back over the pages of history it is apparent 
that we cannot accuse civic leaders of precipitousness in 
inquiring into the drab details and dreary days of "the 
poor ye have always with you." Nor can we accuse our 
modern colleges of ill-considered haste. Rather, a very 
conservative, cautious and slow approach has been made 
toward the ultimate economic freedom of the masses. 

So while our judicial intellects are trying to find under 
which shell the economic pea is hiding whilst Congress 
is nonplussed over the total lack of altruism on the part 
of our wealthy taxpayers, who thriftily take advantage 
of every loophole in every unworkable tax law on private 
enterprise it is our ambition to raise a fund in the sum 
of ten millions of dollars in the next thirty days, with 
which to found an institute to compile every fix-it program 
which thus far has failed to improve on the laws of Nature. 

Our institute will mail, every thirty minutes, a 'ist of 
all unworkable social experiments which have been tried 
by man since the first tax on cave-homes was levied in 
accordance with the distance penetrated by the sunlight 
into the mouth of the cave. These thirty-minute mail- 
ings will go forward to each and every legislative member 
who is too lazy to read history and who believes that his 
own thoughts are original in the field of taxation, labor 
disputes and paternalism. 

We hope that our labors shall not have been in vain. 


THERE is nothing so pathetic as the jobless man 
who is totally ignorant of his rights to use the earth. 
... An aimless, wretched, hungry man is a blasphemy 
and a contradiction of the intention of the Creator! 

FRANCIS NEILSON in "Man at the Crossroads." 

MEN like Henry George are rare, unfortunately. 
One cannot imagine a more beautiful combination 
of intellectual keenness, artistic form, and fervent love 
of justice. Every line is written as if for our generation. 



Experience and the Future 


THOSE who may be classed as followers of Henry 
George have experienced a number of relatively 
slight advances and several severe checks. From the 
advances we have learned and can learn comparatively 
little. Our checks should be studied and they can teach 
us much if we examine them. 

Following the apparently well-reasoned views of Henry 
George, those believing in his fundamentals have sought 
as the line of least resistance the gradual, or immediate, 
removal of all taxation from improvements and personal 
property and its transference to land values. In this way 
they have hoped to bring about equality in the gifts of 
Nature to all men. Acting upon this belief they have, 
in the United States, fought unsuccessful state-wide 
campaigns in Oregon, Missouri and California. In no 
instance have they come within striking distance of a 
favorable result. The last and perhaps most interesting 
attempt was in California in 1938. Into this recurrent 
condition let us make at least a superficial examination. 

Are these failures the result of the groundlessness of 
the fundamentals for the recognition of which we have 
striven? None of us will accept this idea. As long as 
we continue to believe that all men have an equal right 
to life, we must recognize that the denial of such right 
must lead to human misery and the removal of existing 
wrongs as speedily as possible is righteous and imperative. 

Accepting this hypothesis as indisputable, why then 
is not our proposition immediately accepted by the elec- 
torate, only a small percentage of which in any reason- 
able theory should oppose it? 

Has such refusal of acceptance been due to want of 
education? Necessary as education in economics is, I 
do not think so. Better stated, I should say that I do 
not believe that any attainable degree of education will 
change the result. To illustrate, the number of men 
cqming of age at any moment will, by an infinite number 
of times exceed the possible number which will take on 
education. (This will be entirely true unless we enlarge 
the meaning of the word "education" to include those 
who are instructed by their feelings and observation.) 
Useful as book-learning is, it is insufficient and a large 
percentage of such learners on an actual test will be 
swept off their feet by what they esteem to be their im- 
mediate self-interest. Education alone cannot be the 

In California we were opposed by every great interest 
in the State. With general unanimity the press, save 
for the Labor papers, fought us. As with one voice they 
spoke for their masters, the great financial institutions, 
the large landowners, the real estate dealers, Chambers 
of Commerce, farm organizations and all the bodies these 
could control, including the State and subordinate govern- 

ments, women's organizations, service clubs, to a large 
degree, and others. The wonder is, not that we received 
only 372,000 votes, or about 18 per cent of those cast, 
but that we had such a large following. 

But how came it that even the bodies of which I have 
spoken were able to mislead the electorate against the 
interests of the great majority? What appeal could 
they make to win success? Assuredly they must have 
made some appeal to large sections of the electorate. 

From such examination as I have been able to make 
I believe the Opposition made a very successful play for 
the votes of the vast majority of householders and those 
they controlled. This one influence easily represented 
two-thirds or more of the electorate. 

It may be asked how such an appeal could be success- 
ful in the face of the ultimate extinction of all taxation 
upon improvements and tangible personal property as 
proposed by us. The argument is this: "The Single 
Taxers say you will be relieved from house and certain 
other taxation. Very well. But where will the taxes 
rest? They will be laid on land values and wipe them 
out. You have worked hard to get the land on which 
to build. To all intents that land is to be taken from you 
and thrown into common ownership. This is near com- 
munism. Of what worth is it to you to be relieved from 
certain taxes if you are to lose your land?" 

I need not stop to point out the shortcomings of this 
argument. The householder was in a panic of fear. 
With our success he saw all he had labored for taken from 
him, or at least his ownership rendered insecure. Nothing 
we could say or do could affect a mind impregnated with 
fear. Eyes and ears were closed against men who, they 
were told, would so wrong the home owner. 

Again from the standpoint of a certain number our 
proposition seemed essentially immoral. In those cases 
the argument ran somewhat as follows: "People have 
invested their savings in land perhaps buying for a 
home or for speculation, if you please. They have hoped 
thus to preserve their savings or, it may be, make some 
small profit. You Single Taxers come along and destroy 
all their hopes hopes based upon the expected continu- 
ance of long-established relations for which every one 
in the community is responsible. This is wrong." 

Again I shall not take time with the reply which seems 
to me conclusive. Those taking this position believed 
they were defending the cause of public morality and 
that we were antagonistic to human right. 

Then the farmer. In many instances where the assessed 
value of his improvements was less than that of his land, 
his taxes, usually light in all circumstances, would be 
increased. He refused to look far enough to see that our 
plan would make a vastly better city market for his prod- 
ucts than he now enjoys, this to his ultimate benefit. 
He thinks he is par excellence a land ovner and for fifty 
years will refuse to see that his land values have been 



and are being drained into the cities. With few excep- 
tions he accepted the arguments of our opponents. 

What conclusion is to be drawn from all this? We 
cannot undertake another campaign in California for a 
score of years, either by total or so-called "step-by-step" 
measures with the slightest hope of success. Past failures, 
of which I have spoken serve to confirm this belief. And 
the like situation, as I see it, prevails in every other State 
in the Union. The same forces and the same misrepre- 
sentations which have triumphed here will prevail else- 
where in like endeavors and this will, there, as here, hold 
for twenty years to come. 

Does this mean that we are to remain hopeless and 
inert? I do not so believe, but it does mean that we 
have a lot more thinking to do as to the methods. 

First, of course, methods of education in economics 
are to be cultivated. 

Next we must develop popular government. Legis- 
latures will be managed by adverse influences for a gen- 
eration to come, perhaps several generations. The 
Initiative and Referendum must be materially revised 
and extended to new states. In California, for instance, 
it has become practically unworkable. 

More importantly, we must study a new approach. 
I am sure that at some point the citadel of privilege will 
be found vulnerable. What that- point may be I am not 
wise enough to say today. Want of success in our en- 
deavors proves we have not yet struck the weakest spot. 

It may well be that we should attack the great landed 
estates in city and country. The man who holds 10,000 
acres imperfectly cultivated in the country or $50,000 
in land in the cities with only slum dwellings has few 

Again there is a natural human feeling that every man 
is entitled to enough land to live upon and sustain his 
family. Shall we avail ourselves of this? Would this 
be departing in any degree from our basic principle of 
equality in human rights if we were to declare that thus 
much land every man shall enjoy without paying taxes 
to the state? Would this not be a true homestead ex- 
emption? It is interesting to remember that Lycurgus 
divided the lands of Sparta into equal holdings with 
each man entitled to his own and with no right to transmit 
by inheritance. 

It seems to me quite possible that on some such pre- 
sentation our theories will offer a new appeal. Then 
at any rate it would not be said that we sought to 
take from a man the land on which his house rested. 
Only the pure land speculator would be left out in the 

The popularity of homestead exemption should suggest 
something to us. To extend its protection to assault 
from the State as well as to the grasp of creditors has much 
in its favor. This kind of proposition no householder 
would fear. Secure in the friendship of the home owner, 
our further advance should be repaid. 

Land and Landless 

jpHE following interesting information about land 
* ownership throughout the world appeared in the 
December, 1939, issue of Progress, a Georgeist journal 
published at Melbourne, Australia: 

"In Great Britain when the last survey was made 
some 40,000 people one-tenth of 1 per cent owned 
nearly three-quarters of the country. Some 44 millions 
owned no land whatever. In Scotland 96.4 per cent 
owned no land. Twenty-five landowners claim to own 
one-third of Scotland. In Wales recently the Marquis 
of Bute (Scotch) sold 117,000 acres, including half the 
City of Cardiff for 40,000,000. In Australia 85 per 
cent of the people are landless. In Italy more than two- 
thirds of the land is owned by less than 4 per cent of the 
landowners. One-half of one per cent possess 47 per 
cent of all the cultivated land. 40,000,000 own no land 
whatever. In Hungary one-third owns no land. The 
Esterhazy Estate of 223,287 acres includes 159 villages. 
In Poland 70 per cent are peasants in appalling conditions. 
One aristocrat owned 340,000 acres. In Czechoslovakia 
a land reform administration was appointed to function. 
Germany has crushed that advance. In Spain before 
the recent struggle 1 per cent owned 51.5 per cent of the 
land. 65 per cent owned only 2.2 per cent. Franco 
supported by Germany and Italy fought to retain these 
conditions. In Mexico in 1910 2 per cent owned 70 per 
cent of the land. In the United States 16 people own 
47,800,000 acres of timber lands. In Manhattan (New 
York) 1 per cent own about 85 per cent of the island, 
valued at 4,022,000,000 dollars (1937). In the United 
States 75 per cent do not own their own farms. Den- 
mark shows progress. In Denmark only 5 per cent of 
the farms are held by tenants. The Georgean Movement 
is strong there. Until interfered with by Japan it was 
growing in China. In Japan half the arable land is owned 
by about 1^ per cent of the total population. 22,000,000 
try to exist on about one acre per household. The density 
of population is only half that of England. In Nanking, 
China, 12,000 delegates were to meet last September to 
discuss the policy of collecting economic rent and the 
abolition of taxation. The publication office of their 
paper was destroyed by the Japanese." 

IF I am asked, what system of political philosophy 
I substituted for that which, as a philosophy, I had 
abandoned, I answer, "No system: only a conviction 
that the true system was something much more complex 
and many-sided than I had previously had any idea of, 
and that its office was to supply, not a set of model in- 
stitutions, but principles from which the institutions 
suitable to any given circumstances might be deduced." 
"Autobiography," by JOHN STUART MILL. 


The Sharecroppers 


A T long last, Washington is taking the matter up. 
* * A conference has been called, this second week of 
January,* for a meeting of "all interested groups" to con- 
sider the matter of the sharecroppers facing eviction 
from their homes in Missouri, Arkansas and Mississippi. 
These "interested groups" include landowners, share- 
croppers, Federal and State officials, and it's an easy 
guess that the landowners will be the first to present 
their side of the question, and to get the notice of the 

It's a full year now, since the sharecroppers sprang 
into public attention by a revolt of the dispossessed who, 
nearly one thousand strong, camped beside a public high- 
way in Missouri. That made the front page, that became 
news. For the moment only, until other front page 
news supplanted it. But for a few weeks this mass 
migration of whites and negroes driven from their poor 
unstable homes by ... well, the landlords blamed it 
on "mechanization of farming," and that is the way 
most of the newspapers presented it to the general 
public. Said general public, hardened by now to appar- 
ently unavoidable conditions of poverty and unemploy-. 
ment, filed this case with the others and forgot about its 
But not everybody forgot. A series of excellent article- 
in one evening paper, a couple of good novels (particu, 
larly "The Sharecropper," by Charlie May Simon) 
painted the picture in colors of such strength that some 
of the public at least must have realized this worst of 
all examples of the evils of landlordism our country has 
to show. The situation has been realized sufficiently 
to call forth this conference in Washington, which may 
either bring it all up to the light of public knowledge- 
or else smother it completely under pages, and hours 
of official discussion. It is to be expected that the land- 
owners will give the keynote of the discussion, and that 
the press notices will follow suit. It will be interesting 
to watch. There may be something more to say about 
this in subsequent numbers of LAND AND FREEDOM. 

Meanwhile, let us take up the matter as it now stands. 
Who are the sharecroppers? They are officially merely 
tenant farmers in the South Atlantic States, the East South 
Central States and the West South Central States. The 
evils of tenant farming in Europe and in other parts of 
our country are well known by now. It was these evils 
in Europe that brought thousands of good farm workers 
into our country as immigrants, hoping to get a little 
farm of their own. And most of us know how many of 
these immigrants found themselves again tenants of new 
landlords in America and in enough cases, of the same 

*This article was submitted early in January of this year. ED. 

landlords they had left at home! Small choice of results 

But this sort of tenant farming, bad as it is, is mild, 
compared to that known as sharecropping, in the cotton 
lands of the Southern states of East and West. Here 
the arrangement known as "sharecropping" means that 
the tenant receives a small share of the cotton he has 
picked for his landlord, is therefore subject to uncertainty 
as to cotton prices, and extra deductions from the land- 
lord. Also he has to buy at the "commissary store", 
which takes what little he has earned, said store being 
usually run by the landlord. At the very most, the 
average cash income of sharecropper families in a number 
of states has, for a long time, been less than $200 a year. 
At the end of the year, the cropper generally finds him- 
self in debt to the store-keeper and the landlord. 

This was certainly bad enough, but at least the share- 
cropper had his little home, such as it was, and a feeling 
of stability with it. Then came the AAA and other 
well-meant government schemes to help the farm tenant 
by raising the price of cotton. They helped in a very 
few cases. But in by far the greater number of cases, 
the increased return from cotton prices was absorbed 
by the landlords, and the sharecropper was worse off 
than before. Much worse, because the majority of 
landlords, desirous of capturing the entire benefit of the 
Federal program, began to change from a sharecropping 
system to a day-labor system. In other words, the 
sharecroppers, who had lived up till then on the big plan- 
tations in homes that were quite rickety, but still their 
own, now became mere day laborers with no right to any- 
thing but the low wage of a Southern farm day worker, 
for a few weeks, or at most a few months of work in the 

This, finally, brought about the mass revolt that won 
newspaper notices (for a week or so at least) for the 
hundreds of former sharecroppers camped beside the 
Missouri highways. Work was found for some of them, 
charity helped a few others, about five hundred were 
placed in a better organized camp, largely by the efforts 
of a negro preacher who undertook to arouse public 

But sympathy is not the final remedy for a situation 
growing worse each day. And blaming the plight of 
dispossessed, wandering, homeless farm workers on 
"mechanization of farm work" is not an explanation, 
nor is it a solution of the problem. 

It will be interesting to see how the Congressional 
Conference in Washington works out this problem. What 
solution will that Conference find for the ever-growing 
troubles resulting from the fact that a few may possess 
the earth needed by all? 


is an invitation to become a subscriber. 



The College of Tomorrow 


A LARGE corporate enterprise bought space in a 
Metropolitan daily newspaper to advertise an idea. 
They said: "We must do more along the lines of voca- 
tional education and adaption to prepare youth for the 
world of tomorrow. We must make it possible for more 
of our deserving young people to attend institutions 
of higher learning an enrollment of 1,250,000 students 
out of a population of 130,000,000 is not enough." Two 
thoughts are here conveyed; one of practical preparation 
of hand and mind, and the other stressing a quantitative 
increase in the desire for education. 

Ezra Pound, considered by many to be an authority on 
education, tells us that, "real education must ultimately 
be limited to men who insist on knowing; the rest is 
mere sheep herding." We have now before us two 
opinions, differing, but not necessarily in conflict. We 
cannot be certain what Pound means by "real educa- 
tion." If fundamental economics, taught with the same 
intensity as other major studies, is included, we cannot 
quarrel on that point. But when we think of having 
encountered college graduates, who claim the distinction 
of having majored in economics and still have but scant 
acquaintance with fundamental axioms and definitions, 
we must confess to some amazement. 

The College of Today finds it difficult to abandon 
the "sheep herding" theory of education. Very, little 
if any, encouragement is offered to students for con- 
structive thinking. Rarely does it profit a student to 
question the ideas of his Professor or the adopted text- 
book. The standing of a student in his class depends 
largely on his ability to hastily scribble notes in lecture 
periods and if endowed with a fair memory, he earns his 
mark accordingly. A parrot can be taught to say many 
things, but does he know what he is talking about? 
Scientific economists will continue to find "sheep herding" 
in education difficult of acceptance. 

Still another viewpoint is obtained from a recent report 
of the Carnegie Foundation on Pennsylvania Schools. 
It advances the theory that we are now educating the 
wrong people in college; that there are too many young 
people of high academic calibre who are denied the 
opportunity because of economic circumstances. Some- 
thing might be done to induce the Carnegie Foundation 
to recognize that the circumstances complained of may 
be directly attributed to the sort of economics with 
which the student is confronted upon his entry in the 
halls of higher education. The problem, in its entirety, 
cannot be sidestepped, nor should it be dismissed lightly. 

Real conflict of opinion regarding education in colleges 
does not begin until qualitative methods are under dis- 
cussion. It may, perhaps, be just as well that the per- 
centage of college students to population is low, when 

we consider the product upon emerging. If the College 
of Today persists in disregarding economic fundamentals, 
little hope can be held out for the youth girded with a 
parchment issued by the College of Tomorrow. 

A recent issue of the Harvard Alumni Bulletin suggests 
succinctly the trend of our educational problem: "As 
goes this throng of youth, so, in the years to come, goes 
the nation." Could the Bulletin editors have been think- 
ing about the attacks to which both Harvard and Yale 
have been subjected for keeping "radical" profes- 
sors? The University of Oklahoma is on the gridiron 
for teaching Communism. The assumption that the 
teaching of all doctrines, radical and conservative alike, 
is undemocratic, is wholly incompatible with democratic 
tradition. Tolerance of ideas is the essence of democracy. 

It is the business of universities to teach Communism, 
Fascism, Bolshevism, Mormonism, Mesmerism, Republi- 
canism and any other ism but without fear or favor. 
The sin is in showing favoritism for any ism. How can 
a student be expected to make comparisons of philosophies 
and ideologies if only one is taught to the exclusion of 
all the other theories for social betterment? Under the 
direction of impartial tutors a student may accept or reject 
a point of view entirely in accordance with his ability to 
reason and differentiate. It is a flaw in reasoning to ask 
that no disturbing issues be touched upon in a university 
course; or to assume that students should emerge from 
college with exactly the same ideas with which they 
entered. Such a process would hardly be education. 

The most far-reaching influence of education may be 
said to be qualitative rather than quantitative. The 
importance of a nation in its influence for good upon other 
nations depends upon the quality of thought and action 
of the people constituting such a nation. A single directing 
force may accomplish the greatest good or the greatest 
harm. An Emerson, a Whitman, a Jefferson, can by the 
very force of their ideas affect their contemporaries as well 
as bequeath the quality of their spirit to succeeding ages. 

The College of Tomorrow may well heed the need for 
the control of emotion. We are too often confronted 
with a theory of education which maintains that the 
latest fact conquers, when in truth we really live in a 
world in which the predominant emotion conquers. 
Business is built up or destroyed, laws are enforced or 
flouted, lives are redeemed or wrecked, all by love and 
hate. The college that does not recognize the importance 
of emotional training is derelict in its duty. 

It is a large order to assign the responsibility for the 
present day curricula, for the selection and limitation of 
text books, and the methods employed in the propagation 
of a higher education. Many people who cherish their 
independence of thought and action have been greatly 
concerned about the possible influences which could be 
exerted by the creators of foundations and endowments. 
It is a serious matter to file an indictment of subservience 
against the faculty of any college. But what is one to 



think, when confronted so repeatedly with the consistent 
efusal of faculties to accept and expound simple truths? 
There evidently must be a vast number of teachers in 
ar universities who are obliged to adopt the lines of least 
sistance, in order to assure their tenure. In the business- 
rorld, such individuals are characterized as "yes-men," 
id they seem somehow, not only to get along, but manage 
get on, as well. But they never become outstanding 
srsonalities, such as we are so sorely in need of, both 
the business-world and in our college faculties. 
Who knows how significant may be the power of ex- 
rnal influences? A man whose testimony cannot be 
disregarded and who has a broad experience as a college 
teacher and professor, recently remarked in the course 
of a public address: "I witnessed many honorary degrees 
conferred on philanthropically inclined gentlemen with 
profound citations; and I have heard those old rascals 
expound their theories of political economy, which were 
wholly incompatible with recognized authorities." All 
of which only adds to the problem, and emphasizes the 
injunction that it cannot be sidestepped nor should it be 
dismissed lightly. 

Another task for the College of Tomorrow is to recognize 
that the need for straight thinking in economics is at 
least as important as in other fields of learning. That 
this is not yet recognized is well illustrated by the fol- 
lowing story. 

A small group of college professors were discussing 
the proceedings after one of the sessions of a New York 
State Conference of Single Taxers, back in 1914. They 
happened to be there, because the meetings were held 
in an upper New York University, through the courtesy 
of its head. Among those present was the Professor 
of Economics and the Professor of Engineering, who, 
much to the consternation of the former, gave his hearty 
approval to the proceedings. The Professor of Economics, 
in the most gentlemanly manner, touched with unmis- 
takable signs of sarcasm, could not understand how such 
a highly trained technician could subscribe to such views. 
It was unbelievable, he said, that such an outstanding 
Engineer could not see through the fallacy of the pro- 

The Engineer maintained a dignified calm while the 
Economist was verbally chastising him. Finally the 
Engineer replied: "You see, my dear Professor, it does 
not matter a great deal what you teach your students. 
If they do not understand their text-books, they soon 
forget that they ever took up economics. If, perchance, 
what you teach, should permeate their skulls, and even 
if it turns out to be wrong, nothing very serious can result 
which cannot eventually be corrected. But in my de- 
partment, it is entirely different. My greatest problem 
is to teach my students to think straight. And the 
penalty for their failure, or inability to think straight, 
is that the bridge will fall." 

Prophetic Words 

I CAME upon a sentence which I submit is prophetic 
in high degree: 

"Is it too soon to hope that it may be the mission of 
this Republic to unite all nations of English speech, whether 
they grow beneath the Nothern Star or Southern Cross, 
in a league, which, by insuring justice, promoting peace 
and liberating commerce, will be the forerunner of a 
world-wide federation that will make war the possibility 
of a past age and turn to works of usefulness the enormous 
forces now dedicated to destruction?" 

Those words were spoken in San Francisco by Henry 
George in a Fourth of July oration, 1877. They are 
prophetic in their insight and prophetic in their appeal. 

Shall we sit still indefinitely and let the world drift 
with all which that may mean, or shall we concern our- 
selves with the task of leadership in a broken, impover- 
ished, and war-torn world? Shall we lead, or shall we 
sit and watch and wait and take the consequences? 

Natural Government* 


AS one who had put in ten or more years of hard and 
enthusiastic work on behalf of social justice, holy 
justice, honest government, an equitable distribution of 
wealth, aiming to relieve man of the fierce, tigerish struggle 
for mere material sustenance, the conviction slowly 
dawned upon me that we shall never get this vision 
realized until we adopt the form of government fashioned 
for us by the Creator. 

The word "factitious": "artificial, as contrasted with 
natural; sham, unreal, spurious," is a good description 
of our forms of government in the world today, and while 
we have them it will be useless for the world's states- 
men to "reason together," for such conferences could 
only be like a modern Tower of Babel. Let us, in 
chastened mood, observe Nature's method of govern- 
ment, that is, the divine way. 

We actually did adopt God's form of government when 
we first came out of the jungle into the clearing, but we 
have, in the complexity of progress, got right away from 
our natural social foundations. So we are back in the 
jungle. When we adopt the system God made for us, 
we shall have the master key to the solution of the social 
problems that now baffle and break the hearts of high- 
minded men and women. The Natural Laws are all 
simple, direct, unchangeable. By obeying them we 
shall come to the Kingdom on Earth, and by no other 
way. They are of the Kingdom. "Seek ye first the 
Kingdom of God and His righteousness" (that is, right- 
ness, justice), "and all these things" (material well-being) 
"shall be added unto you." 

* From "This Struggle," reviewed in this issue. 



Private Enterprise 


PRIVATE enterprise is the most precious economic 
force in civilization! Everything possible must be 
done to safeguard it against Communistic-Socialist on- 
slaught and Nazi reactionism both of which are now 
aiming deadly blows, not only against freedom in our 
country, but seeking to pull down the entire business 
regime of the world. 

The only constructive proposal to safeguard private 
enterprise, the only logical pathway of advance between 
the communistic "left" and the reactionary "right, "- 
is offered by the simple and easily effected program of 


Georgeism seeks the liberation of business from certain 
feudalistic restraints embedded in the laws which we 
inherit from Europe. Already endorsed in principle by 
a heavy majority of the London County Council, and 
by two hundred and thirty municipal councils through- 
out England, Scotland and Wales, Georgeism is the latest 
phase of the struggle made through centuries to estab- 
lish democracy and secure emancipation from kingly 
and aristocratic tyranny. 

Our intolerable fiscal system, which threatens to smother 
private enterprise, is not native to America. It is a 
European invention. It was contrived long ago through 
the influence of the European ground-landlord class, 
whose ancestors and predecessors acquired the soil of 
every country in the Old World by military power and 
conquest. Let us therefore briefly consider the nature 
of the malevolent force which bears down with steadily 
increasing weight upon American business. 

All governments in Europe were based at the start 
upon military adventure, of which a good example is 
the Norman conquest of England. The conquerors of 
each country divided the ground among themselves, and 
thus gave rise to ground-landlord aristocracies enthroned 
above the peasant-masses in every community. 

From this exalted position, the upper classes looked 
down upon the peasantry with disdain. They compelled 
the farm workers to pay land-rent for the soil, and also 
taxes to support the State. 

In the midst of this agricultural world, a gradual up- 
growth of commerce and manufacture took place. Slowly 
and almost imperceptibly, the business class was born. 
And the ground-landlords looked with the same contempt 
upon business men as upon farmers. The growing tax 
burdens of Europe were piled more and more upon manu- 

* Private Enterprise, a new thirty-four page pamphlet, is now avail - 
able. We recommend it for distribution among business men. See 
advertisement on back page. ED . 

facture and commerce; while at the same time, the landed 
estates and ground rental incomes of the aristocracy were 
wholly or partly exempted from taxation. In other words, 
the European fiscal method is to penalize productive 
capital by heavy taxes, while promoting speculation in 
land, as well as protecting ground-rent as a perquisite 
of special privilege. 

The European, aristocratic method of taxation was 
brought into America during our colonial period; and, 
with modifications of detail, it has persisted until now. 
That all kinds of productive enterprise trade, manu- 
facture, etc., are being smothered with burdensome tax- 
ation, is a fact which the reader probably realizes from 
personal knowledge. The reader also knows from per- 
sonal observation that city lots, and vast amounts of 
ground in the rural districts and the immediate suburbs 
of all municipalities, are held idle on a scale of assessment 
much lower than the tax rate upon private enterprise of all 

This problem was not so pressing at earlier periods of 
American history as it is today, for the reason that the 
burden of taxation was much lighter than it is now, and 
also because a big western frontier of territory open to 
emigration had the effect of keeping down the rental 
and selling price of land. But the silent and sinister 
operation of European tax methods in America has actively 
promoted speculative land-holding in this country; 
so that, gradually and imperceptibly, all unused ground 
of any promise whatever, from coast to coast has been 
taken up to idle holdings, while at the same time, the 
main burden of taxation has been thrown upon private 
enterprise of all kinds. 

Thus, the total structure of American business from 
coast to coast finds itself in practically the same eco- 
nomic position as that of European industry. In other 
words, just because vacant lands, and the ground rentals 
of occupied sites, are assessed in lower degree than pro- 
ductive capital, just for this reason, private enterprise 
the country over is compelled to carry the double burden of 
high taxes and heavy ground-rent. The problem is a mere 
matter of economic arithmetic. 

We need more production of goods, more housing, more 
employment of labor, and greater purchasing power 
among the masses of our people. But in the present 
economic and fiscal set-up, the cards are all stacked 
against the widest and freest use of capital in productive 
enterprise. Production is over-taxed; while the mere 
holding of ground (whether vacant or leased) is compara- 
tively under-taxed. Hence, there emerges into view the 
phenomenon of ground-rent available for appropriation 
by land holders as an unearned income parasitically bur- 
dening the entire industrial structure. 


To relieve business enterprise from this intolerable 
economic pressure, Georgeism proposes to shift the burden- 



of taxation gradually from productive capital (i.e., im- 
provements, machinery, merchandise, etc.) to the ground 
rentals of land already in use and to the value of land 
held out of use on speculation. That this proposal does 
not aim simply to tax vacant land alone, should be em- 
phatically noted. 

Georgeism therefore proposes to reverse the aristocratic, 
lop-sided, European fiscal methods which now penalize 
American productive capital, which promote land specu- 
lation, and which protect unearned ground rentals from 
specially heavy taxation. The reversal is to be accom- 
plished by assessing land in one column, and improve- 
ments, etc., in a separate parallel column; shifting the 
tax burden from productive enterprise to the rent of 
occupied sites, as well as to the value of ground held 
vacant on speculation. 

Georgeism, then, is a declaration that European fiscal 
methods are incompatible with private enterprise and 
popular government, and that democracy cannot survive 
indefinitely against the pressure of aristocratic taxation. 
To oppose Georgeism is, by implication, to favor the fiscal 
system devised by ground landlords of the Old World and 
foisted upon America during the colonial period when 
his country was in leading strings to Europe. 


According to Karl Marx in his "Communist Manifesto" 
(1848) and the first volume of his "Kapital" (1867); 
and according to his disciples who are known as socialists 
and communists; and according to many "intelligentsia" 
who do not call themselves communists or socialists but 
who promote Marxist ways of thought; according to the 
ideology of this movement, modern "capitalism" repre- 
sents the victory of the "bourgeoisie" over the ground-land- 
lord aristocracy of Europe. 

Marx wrote his "Kapital" in England, where he had 
found refuge after being driven out of continental Europe. 
But England gives the lie to his "Communist Manifesto" 
and to the first volume of "Kapital" by the very facts 
of her history. Becoming "the work-shop of the world," 
England, for that reason, became the pattern for modern 
Parliamentary Democracy. And what is the essence of 
legislative popular government? The modern British 
Parliament has grown up at the point of a long-drawn- 
out compromise between ground-landlord interests, repre- 
sented since the seventeenth century by the Tory party, 
and commercial-manufacturing interests represented by 
the Whig-Liberal party. This compromise finds no 
explicit recognition in substantive law. It was a tacit, 
under-cover agreement by which the powerful elite owners 
of the island gave increasing parliamentary representa- 
tion and political power to the "middle class," and finally 
to the laboring class, on the understanding that fiscal 
burdens were to be laid more and more upon industry, 
while at the same time, taxes were to bear more lightly 
in proportion upon ground-rents of leased land as well 

as upon the value of land held out of use on specula- 
tion and in private parties and hunting preserves. This 
compromise came silently to a climax under Chamberlain, 
who "de-rated," or untaxed, all vacant land in Britain. 

These facts and their economic implications find no 
place in the standard ideology of Marx and his followers, 
whether called socialists, communists, or by any other 

The innocent reader of Marx's Kapital (vol. I), or of 
Schuman's International Politics, would not suppose that 
the system so glibly called "capitalism" is affected by, or 
has anything to do with, such trifling such mundane 
such insignificant matters as taxation, ground-rent, en- 
closure of "common" lands and the speculative with- 
holding of city lots. These matters complicate the entire 
system and process of modern industry; and yet they find 
no mention in the picture of what Prof. Schuman calls the 
" comtemporary tragedy" of capitalism (p. 525). The 
ultimate conclusion of Marxism, therefore, is that 
the entire situation discloses a simple, open-and-shut 
issue between the "bourgeoisie," on the one hand, and 
the "working class," on the other. Our old friends, 
"Capital and Labor"! 

Marxism, in fact, got away to a wrong start by under- 
writing the uncritical, indiscriminate war between laboring 
people and their employers. 

Ignoring the specific issues raised above, Professor 
Shuman makes no reference to Henry George and his 
writings, while giving ample recognition to Marx. Thus 
George and the proposals of "Progress and Poverty" are 
beneath notice in a large volume on contemporary politics. 

On the other hand, many Marxists, instead of ignoring 
the specific issues raised by Henry George, declare con- 
descendingly that Georgeism is valid as far as it goes. 
Thus, Norman Thomas proclaims that the ground-rent 
of land is the greatest legalized racket! Yet socialists 
and communists, and all persons who adhere to Marxian 
ideology, say that if taxation is transferred from produc- 
tive capital to ground-rent and to vacant sites, the big private 
capitalist will have power to exploit labor, oppress the public 
and put other capitalists off the map. 

Georgeism plants itself squarely across this current 
Marxist assumption by pointing out that untaxed capital, 
on an earth set free of speculation and monopoly by the 
taxation of both used and unused ground, will be regu- 
lated by free competition for the first time in history. Pro- 
ductive capital instead of being simultaneously penalized 
by heavy taxes and compelled to earn ground-rent, will be 
encouraged by fiscal exemption and by the break-up 
of land monopoly. Ground-rent will be absorbed as 
public revenue in lieu of taxes on production. Capital 
will thus flow more freely into productive use, will assist 
in the employment of more labor and the creation of 
more goods, with augmented buying power among the 
masses of the people. 

The Marxist apparently is unable to rid himself of 



mental habits acquired in a monopolistic world where 
the ground is undertaxed, while capital and merchandise 
are heavily over-taxed. Here is the crux of the argu- 
ment between Marxist and Georgeist. Large aggre- 
gates of capital can exploit labor, oppress the public, and 
put other capital off the map only in a regime such as 
now prevails, where unused land is held on speculation 
in city and country; where occupied sites are ground-rented; 
and where industry is compelled to carry a burdensome 

Marxist assumptions could not run in a Georgeist 
economy; because a capitalist who deliberately under- 
took to be oppressive could be liquidated by competitive 
capital in a free market, on the ground of service as against 

All Georgeists freely admit that labor is exploited by 
the present economic set-up; and consequently the huge 
productive mechanism of modern industry is, to a large 
degree, "unearned" by its ownership. But at the same 
time, Georgeism declares that whatever may be the origin 
of capital, it should be untaxed in order to be freely em- 
ployed in private enterprise under conditions which create 
a rising demand for labor everywhere. The danger 
attaching to capital under prevailing fiscal methods is 
the fact of its operation within the terms of a restricted 
economy which not only gives the owners of capital too 
much control over labor, but, at the same time, blockades 
the onward march of business itself by unemployment, 
low buying power, and periodical "crises." 

Privately owned capital-equipment possesses no arbi- 
trary control over labor and the general public. When 
working people, for instance, are thrown out of employ- 
ment by installation of new productive machinery, capital 
seems to deprive labor of the opportunity to earn a living. 
But labor-saving machinery would not appear so despotic 
if land monopoly, together with over-taxation of capital 
and merchandise, were not artificially restricting the 
progress of industry and limiting the amount of em- 
ployment. In other words, new kinds of machinery 
would not spell tragedy to labor if capital in general were 
untaxed and had freer access to land throughout the nation. 
For in a Georgeist regime (with no fiscal penalty on pro- 
ductive capital; with ground-rent socialized by taxation; 
and with speculative landholding impossible), the dis- 
charge of workers at a given point would tend to be fol- 
lowed by re-employment elsewhere. 


When the crash of 1929 came, the Republican party, 
after being in power for a decade, was helpless. The 
Democratic party presently took over the government; 
and while its policy has had no effect in relation to the 
fundamental problem, it has fed the poor by taxing the 
rich, and has prevented an uprising of the masses. But 
while the "New Deal" is only a stop-gap, its Republican 

opponents are paralyzed by their inability to offer con- 
structive criticism in a time of great national emergency. 
The Republican politicians, in fact, are showing up as 
poorly as did their predecessors the Whigs in the days of 
Webster, when that party was on the way out. If the 
Republicans carried the country, they would have to 
continue most of the New Deal, or confront a situation 
which nobody would care to face. There is no con- 
structive statesmanship in either of the big parties; and 
the country will have nothing to do with Marxism or 

"But," says a reader, "suppose the Republican party 
should come into power and reduce taxes fifty per cent. 
Would not that program be constructive?" 

Such a questioner would do well to observe that while 
Republican Congressmen are quick to demand cuts in 
expenditures for the New Deal, they are quick to vote 
increased appropriations for a gigantic navy. But sup- 
pose, for the sake of argument, that a fifty per cent cut 
in federal taxes were actually effected by the Republicans, 
or by any other party! The resulting stimulus to capital 
investment would infallibly (as in the period before 1929) 
promote inflation of land values and ground rents all over 
the country, thus burdening industry with liabilities equal 
to, or exceeding, the tax reduction; and the result would 
be another "crash." 

No policy will now give relief except one which goes 
to the root of our economic problem, reversing our lop- 
sided, aristocratic, European-made system of taxation 
by transferring fiscal burdens from productive capital 
and merchandise to the ground rentals of occupied sites 
and to the value of unused land. This policy would not 
only encourage private enterprise, the most precious 
economic force in human society; but it would create a 
growing demand for labor, a consequent reduction in 
"relief," an increase in wages and purchasing power; 
while at the same time, it would call into existence an im- 
mensely greater structure of industry and property which 
would more equitably bear the expenses of government. 
There is no other way out of our present confusion. 

ANYONE who really fears a revolution in America 
ought to re-read Henry George's "Progress and 
Poverty," one of the great social documents of all time. . . . 
I first read "Progress and Poverty" thirty years ago. . . . 
In all these years I have never known his premises to be 
shaken in the least. 


PEOPLE do not argue with the teaching of George; 
they simply do not know it. The teaching of George 
is irresistibly convincing in its simplicity and clearness. 
He who becomes acqwaiated with it cannot but agree. 




Bummer and Lazarus 


THOUGH this age has been rightly called "The Age 
of Discovery," it so very seldom happens that the 
man in the street enters the ranks of the discoverer that 
the finding of even a small "nugget" gives a pleasing 
sensation of triumph. When the discovery is associated 
with Henry George the pleasure is increased; and the 
increase is greater when it throws light on some statement 
of his. 

In Chapter V of the First Book of "The Science of 
Political Economy," Henry George writes: 

" 'Bummer' and his client 'Lazarus' were as well known 
as any two-legged San Franciscan some thirty-five or 
forty years ago, and until their skins had been affection- 
ately stuffed, they were 'deadheads' at free lunches, in 
public conveyances and at public functions." 

I suppose many readers, like myself, have often wondered 
who these two animals were. Not that their identifica- 
tion would add one i'ota to the sum of human happiness, 
or assist in the study of Political Economy; but the passage 
quoted above becomes intensified by knowing something 
about the animals themselves. And behind the animals 
lies a moving story of kindness. 

Some ten years before Henry George reached San Fran- 
cisco, another wanderer had landed there. His name was 
Joshua Abraham Norton, and he was an English Jew. 
He was about thirty years old, and his dress and bearing 
marked him out as being somewhat eccentric. This 
did not prevent him from prospering, for within a few 
months he was the occupant of a large building on one 
of the main streets, and advertised himself as "J. A. 
Norton, Merchant." 

In less than five years this original building had increased 
fourfold, and Norton had become the owner of several 
others. For him, there was no need to run around seeking 
odd jobs at typesetting; for him no expeditions to Oregon 
or the Frazer River, chasing elusive gold and coming 
back "dead broke"; for him no going out to borrow five 
dollars from the first man he met. 

Norton was indeed a "forty-niner," and he had the 
"forty-niner's" luck. "His name was writ in the list of 
'our substantial citizens'; he had the courtship of men 
and the flattery of women"; but I doubt if he had "the 
best pew in the church and the personal regard of the 
eloquent clergymen." 

Then by one swift stroke of fortune came disaster. 
The fire of 1853 almost blotted out the city. All Norton's 
fortune went up in flames, and heaps of ashes marked the 
places where but yesterday stood his substantial shops. 

Stunned by the blow, he wandered aimlessly around, 
making no attempt to retrieve his losses; and when his 
friends, fearing suicide, offered their help, he did not 

even answer, but walked away dazed with grief. 

For a time he disappeared; and we can only picture 
some kindly soul looking after his wants and nursing him 
back to something like sanity. But when he reappeared 
he had raised himself to royalty! He was "Emperor 
of the United States of America" with the title "Norton 
the First." He announced that this honor had been con- 
ferred upon him by the state legislature, and later on, 
he added "Protector of Mexico." 

It was well for the "Emperor" that he lived in such 
a backward age; for had he issued his proclamation today, 
a jury of "scientists" would have sat on him and dis- 
covered that he had a "split" mind, or that his hormones 
were not behaving themselves, and his royal palace would 
have been a lunatic asylum. But in those days he was 
accepted as one of God's afflicted, and treated as 

His next proclamation declared that his subjects must 
pay taxes for the royal upkeep; and this was followed 
by "demand notes," which he served himself, acting as 
his own collector, and giving receipts bearing the royal 
seal. Fortunately for the San Franciscans, there was no 
national debt, and his entourage consisted of two collie 
dogs "Bummer" and "Lazarus," who followed him every- 

His "demands" were never excessive, generally two or 
three dollars, and when they were not met, which was 
very seldom, he threatened to "levy attachment," which 
soon brought in the cash. 

Soon he came to be regarded as a fixture, and for 
nearly thirty years his claims were seldom disputed. As 
Henry George says, he and his dogs "were deadheads 
at free lunches, in public conveyances and at public 

On one occasion, travelling by train, he entered the din- 
ing-car and demanded a meal appropriate for Royalty. 
The steward, not recognizing his royal visitor, whose 
shabby clothes did not suggest a royal exchequer, took no 
notice of him; whereupon the steward was royally 
berated, and the rail oad company was threatened with 
the loss o its franchise. 

It was only after some of the passengers had told the 
steward to fill the order and present the bill to them, 
and the steward had tendered a profuse apology, that the 
royal indignation subsided. Shortly after this the rail- 
road company sent the "Emperor" a pass available on 
any of its trains and dining-cars. 

"We, Norton I, Dei Gratia Emperor of the United 
States of America and Protector of Mexico, do command 
that the steamship company for denying us a free passage 
to Sacramento be blocked on the river by the revenue 
cutter 'Shubric' till the rebels surrender." 

This was a proclamation issued after a steamboat captain, 
unaware that he was carrying royalty, demanded payment 
of Norton's fare. Again his "Majesty" was acknowledged, 



and he received a life-pass on all the company's boats. 

The thought arises, was this revenue cutter, "Shubric," 
the same ship as that which brought George to California? 
It is very likely; for in one of his letters he says: "The 
Light-House steamer 'Shubric' will sail in a couple of 
weeks for California, where she is to be employed;" and 
there is a description of her in "The Life of Henry George" 
which makes it certain. "In addition to her regular duties 
of supplying lighthouses and maintaining the buoyage 
along the West coast, she was intended to give protection 
to government property along the seashore of Oregon 
and Washington from the depredations of Indian tribes, 
and was armed with six brass guns and a novel contrivance 
for squirting scalding water on the redskins when at 
close quarters." 

Norton the First was "dear cousin" to Victoria of 
England and Francis Joseph of Austria, but scorned to 
hold converse with that upstart Napoleon III, and when 
the latter was rightly beaten by Norton's "dear cousin," 
the King of Prussia, San Francisco was placarded with 
a proclamation of rejoicing. 

He did not disdain to take an interest in local politics, 
notwithstanding his connections with Europe's monarchs, 
and for twenty years seldom missed a session of the legis- 
lature, having his own special chair in the senate house. 
And when Grant was seeking nomination for president 
for the third time, the "Emperor" sent him a personal 
telegram commanding him to withdraw. 

In 1868 Norton suffered his second great loss, for in 
that year died Bummer and Lazarus, and the Emperor 
was bereft of his court. 

George refers to the dogs as "Bummer" and his client 
"Lazarus," and at first one is puzzled by the expression. 
But when one remembers the exactitude of George's 
language the difficulty disappears. For instance, many 
readers of "Progress and Poverty" are disturbed when 
they read "it is only necessary to confiscate rent," for 
there seems to be something unjust in the word "con- 
fiscate." But when its real meaning is shown to be "to 
put into the public treasury" the injustice vanishes. 
Again, in "The Science of Political Economy," he says 
"the confusions as to value which in the minds of the stu- 
dents of the scholastic economy have perplexed the idea 
of wealth." We are accustomed to thinking of the 
mind being perplexed; but when we discover that the 
word means "to make difficult to be understood," we 
realize George's grasp of the English language. And so 
with the word "client," which originally meant a de- 
pendent, or a follower; we can picture "Lazarus" following 
the lead of the more active or intelligent, or perhaps 
older, "Bummer". 

But whichever it may have been, their funeral was 
attended by a "concourse of San Franciscans on foot 
and in carriage," and as George says "their skins were 
affectionately stuffed," and, it may be, preserved to this 
day in a public museum. 

Their loss however, did not deter the "Emperor" from 
performing his duties, and he continued issuing proclama- 
tions till 1879 when at the close of that year his "sub- 
jects" were called upon to offer prayers of thanksgiving 
to Almighty God for the blessings of the year that was 

Did he know? Could he have numbered those bless- 
ings? Had he heard of a book which had been brought 
to birth only a few months before? We can picture 
Henry George reading the placard, and fervently re- 
sponding to its call. 

But the American Empire was nearing its close, for 
Norton died on the 8th of January, 1880, after an illness 
of only a week. His passing might have been that of an 
orthodox Emperor, for the newspapers published long 
accounts of his life, and "more than 10,000 people, from 
working men to millionaires, and including over 2,000 
women and children, followed his corpse to the Masonic 
Cemetery." This was no mere theatrical spectacle, but 
their sorrow was sincere and genuine; and the Pacific 
Union Club bore the whole expense. 

Food for reflection; and questions many. But only 
one will suffice. George has made the dogs immortal, 
but what of the man? 

Here, one would think, is a character which he might 
have used to illustrate many of his points; but unless it 
is in some of George's earlier and less known writings, 
Norton is not mentioned. 

It is quite possible that there are still living, "old- 
timers" who can remember both Norton and George, and 
may be able to say if George ever spoke of the "Emperor." 
But whether or no, linking the two together has been an 
interesting and delightful task. 

On Masks 

r^HE Brooklyn Museum has been exhibiting a remark- 
*- able collection of masks of all types and races. The 
exhibition was labelled, "Masks Barbaric and Civilized." 
One might see the witch-doctor masks of the African 
Negro, theatrical masks of the Orient, ceremonial masks 
of the American Indian. 

Interesting is the fact that one present-day mask of 
the "civilized" world is a gas-mask. 

That reminds us of Thomas Hardy's verse: 

"Peace upon earth!" was said. We sing it, 
And pay a million priests to bring it. 
After two thousand years of mass 
We've got as far as poison gas. 

One of the reasons we have to don gas-masks today 
may be that our economists, and leaders in high places 
are wearing masks similar to the primitive witch-doctor 

One word in defense of the witch-doctor there was 
no one to tell him better. 



Signs of Progress 


Henry George School of Social Science 

AT the headquarters of the School, at 30 East 29th 
Street, New York City, a step has been taken which 
ranks with the two or three major events in the history 
of the School. 

In 1933, the School acquired its own headquarters. 
In 1938 it moved to a large building of five stories. Only 
the first three floors could be used. Now, in 1940, the 
building is to be completed and the top floors are to be 
used and filled with students. 

Mr. and Mrs. Francis Neilson have generously offered to 
donate one-third of the expense of equipping these upper 
floors, providing the other two-thirds can be raised in 
contributions. The response so far has been heartening. 

When the building is completed, it will consist of four 
large floors of classes, filled with students every day, 
and in addition, there will be offices, library, students' 
meeting room and cafeteria. The School is certainly 
the answer to what Harry Gunnison Brown calls "the 
void in college curricula." 

The building is expected to be completed by the Fall, 
for classes beginning in October. In the meanwhile, 
Spring classes open at the School the week of February 5. 
An enrollment of 1,500 has already been reported, and 
more are expected. Especially encouraging has been 
the response of high-school students, to whom particular 
attention is now being paid. 

Another interesting development is worthy of notice. 
Secretary Teresa McCarthy is now engaged in travel- 
ing to the various extensions of the School in different 
cities, to help build them up, and establish firmer contact 
with headquarters. 

The vacancy thus created has been filled by Edwin 
Ross, Jr., of Arden, Delaware, who is now functioning 
as assistant to the Director. Mr. Ross has had a Georgeist 
background from infancy, and is fully equipped in h's 
own right to become the Director's assistant. His uncle 
was Will Ross, who did yeoman service in the Californian 
"Great Adventure" campaign. The new assistant was 
formerly an actor in Walter Hampden's troupe. He was 
also one of the first speakers at the School in 1932. 

The Sunday forums continue to attract new people 
to the School. At the one held on January 21, there was 
a debate between Charles Abrams and Alexander Gold- 
finger on the question, "Can public housing eliminate 
the slum problem?" Mr. Abrams, who took the affirma- 
tive, is a lecturer at the New School for Social Research, 

consultant for the United States Housing Authority, 
and author of the recent book, "Revolution in Land." 
Mr. Goldfinger, who took the negative, is a lawyer and 
an instructor in the Henry George School, Newark, N. J., 


More than seven hundred graduates received their 
diplomas on Tuesday evening, January 30, 1940. 
The affair was held in the Auditorium of the Engineering 
Societies Building in New York City. John B. English, 
a former graduate and now an instructor at the School, 

The principal address was delivered by Grover C. 
Loud, who was introduced as a Harvard graduate, an 
officer in the American Army during the World War, 
a former instructor in various American Universities, a 
former Professor of English Literature, and now on the 
editorial staff of the New 1 ork Times. Mr. Loud related 
a number of his experiences while on the faculties of 
recognized institutions of higher education and was con- 
vinced more than ever that nowhere can a student attain 
the mastery of the science of political economy as exten- 
sively and completely, as at the courses given by the 
Henry George School. 

Jules Guedalia, a "Wall Street man," who originally 
came to the School to scoff and remained to study and 
become an instructor, delivered a scholarly address. 
He stressed the importance of the recognition of equality 
in contradistinction to the present chaotic monopolistic 
control as exercised by a minority. 

Frank Chodorov, director of the School, also spoke. 
He took for his theme, "Maintaining our Amateur Stand- 
ing." He pointed out the importance of directing the 
work solely from the standpoint of an institution of 
learning. He declared that the phenomenal growth and 
future hope for expansion is solely dependent upon a 
continuation of this policy. 

Several of the graduates were called upon to speak, 
and all of them testified to the revolution in thought 
they underwent upon studying at the School, and all 
of them professed that they were now dedicated to the 
cause of economic enlightenment. 

The "old-timers" who were present at the meeting 
were quite impressed. One of them remarked, "What 
a sight this is to behold! We are witnessing a revitaliza- 
tion of the noblest cause yet evolved to benefit mankind." 




The fifth Reunion Dinner-Talk-Fest of the Society was 
held January 4, at Jamaica, Long Island. About one 
hundred attended, including teachers, new and old grad- 
uates, and friends. Among the speakers were Gilbert 
M. Tucker, author of "The Path to Prosperity," who 
spoke on the difference between New Deal and Natural 
Law; Robert Clancy, who told the group about Oscar 
H. Geiger, Founder of the Henry George School, and 
about the ideas and efforts behind the educational 
movement; and Senor Rogelio Casas Cadilla of Spain, 
former editor of La Reforma Sociale, who prepared an 
address on the economy of Spain, which was read by Mr. 
C. O. Steele. (The address appears elsewhere in this 
issue.) Senor Casas also informed the group that the 
Georgeists in Spain are left unmolested by both Fascists 
and Communists. As long as they keep to their work 
of education, they may influence both sides, without 
being oppressed by either. 

Dr. S. A. Schneidman, of the Society, has done much 
to build up the Long Island extension of the School. 
Following is a list of classes, with their opening dates, 
being held in Long Island : 

Thursday, Feb. 1, 7:45 P. M., Sewanhakee High School, 
Floral Park. 

Friday, February 2, 8 P. M., Flushing Y. M. C. A., 

Monday, February 5, 7:45 P. M., Andrew Jackson 
High School, St. Albans. 

Tuesday, February 6, 8 P. M., Public School No. 109, 
Queens Village. 

Wednesday, February 7, 7:45 P. M., Jamaica High 
School, Jamaica. 

Wednesday, February 7, 8 P. M., Highland Park 
Y M. C. A., Brooklyn. 


The Spring term of the Henry George School in Chicago 
opens with an imposing list of classes, both in the funda- 
mental course in "Progress and Poverty," and in the 
advanced courses. Some of these courses are held at 
the Chicago headquarters, 139 North Clark Street, and 
many are held throughout the city and suburbs, in 
libraries, churches, schools and community houses. 


Through the efforts of Grace Johnston, Helen Denbigh, 
and the Henry George Fellowship of Berkeley, classes 
are being conducted in two Y. M. C. A.'s, three high 
schools and one community house, beginning the week 
of February 12. 

Robert Schalkenbach Foundation 


ALASKAN PIONEER The first Alaskan magazine de- 
voted to the Philosophy of Freedom, has made its debut. 
Frontier, edited and published by Jim Busey, came from 
the press on January 22. 

Last issue we told you about this ambitious young man 
who, through his magazine, hopes to mould the thoughts 
and actions of his countrymen. In a letter received 
today Mr. Busey says, "Frontier is bigger and better than 
originally expected. It has thirty-two pages, and although 
this first number appears on newsprint, I expect to get 
out the next on book paper and in such attractive form 
as to put us right up with the rest of them." Soon Mr. 
Busey will run, serially, a condensed version of "Progress 
and Poverty." Jim Busey deserves our assistance. He 
needs editorial material, articles, and, yes, a little financial 
help would not be amiss. Address your letters care of 
this Foundation or send them direct to Independence, 
Wasilla, Alaska. Let's pull together on this. 

GEORGEIST NOEL Our Christmas campaign was suc- 
cessful. Several hundred books, a thousand pamphlets 
and eight-hundred-and-fifty calendars were distributed 
during the holiday season. The calendar, an innovation, 
proved popular. From all over the country letters of 
commendation have poured in. One man, sending us a 
check to cover his purchase, said that he esteemed it a 
privilege to be able to purchase this handsome and 
effective piece of propaganda. "It should gladden the 
heart of every true Georgeist," he said, "to see this calendar 
on the wall." In homes and offices, libraries and other 
public buildings, these are hanging, to remain, we hope, 
throughout the whole of 1940. 

NEW LITERATURE During February and on through 
March and April, we expect to spend considerable time 
and money in the circularizing of a large group of high 
school teachers. Special material has been prepared 
for distribution to this important group and through our 
efforts we hope to influence the manner in which they will, 
in future, teach economics to Young America. 

A new edition of "An Appreciation of Henry George," 
by John Dewey, has just come from our press. This 
beautiful tribute, which contains the often quoted pas- 
sage, "It would require less than the fingers of the two 
hands to enumerate those who from Plato down rank 
with Henry George," appears now in convenient and 
attractive folder form. Single copies are two cents each. 
A dollar, because of decreased shipping costs, will pur- 
chase seventy-five. 

"Why Penalize Building," a report of a special com- 
mittee headed by W. R. B. Willcox, to the American 
Institute of Architects, is again available. And what 


will be good news to those who like to purchase this effec- 
tive pamphlet in quantities, is that the present lot runs 
considerably cheaper than the last. Single copies are 
five cents. A dollar will purchase twenty-five. 

OUR BRITISH BRETHREN From England we have 
succeeded in importing a small quantity of Leo Tolstoy's 
"A Great Iniquity." Twenty-nine pages, this booklet 
which sells at five cents, provides an hour or more of most 
enjoyable reading. 

Also from London comes another five cent pamphlet, 
"Scotland and Scotsmen," an address which Henry George 
delivered in the City Hall of Glasgow, February, 1884. 

Speaking of London, for the benefit of those who have 
wondered how our English workers fare during these 
trying days of war, we repeat here a portion of a recent 
letter from Mr. Arthur Madsen. He says, "We keep 
busy enough, rather surprisingly so, considering the cir- 
cumstances. Instead of going, however, to the expense 
of curtaining our fifteen very large windows, we stop 
work during the winter at four in the afternoon and try 
to make compensation by all being here promptly at 
nine in the morning. The shorter hours mean that much 
work has to be taken home of an evening and for week- 
end attention." 

FAME AND HENRY GEORGE This year a group of one- 
hundred-and-fourteen prominent citizens will choose the 
names of eighteen famous persons for inscription in the 
Hall of Fame. The beautiful and historic "Hall" is an 
open air colonnade more than six hundred feet long and 
ten feet wide, situated on the campus of New York Uni- 
versity, overlooking the majestic Palisades and the Hudson 
River. Carved in the stone, as exponents of its object 
and scope, are the following words: 









In 1935, when the last election was held, Henry George 
received fifty-seven votes and comes up automatically 
as a candidate now. The Foundation will again under- 
take the campaign for his election. Such names as George 
Washington, Abraham Lincoln, Daniel Webster, Ben- 
jamin Franklin, Ralph Waldo Emerson, are already there. 
It is fitting that the name of Henry George should join 
this distinguished company. 

Manhattan Single Tax Club 

are extracts from President Charles H. 
Ingersoll's report on the annual meeting of the Club 
in December, 1939: 

"Besides the election of officers and directors for the 
ensuing year, the following was voted: that the name 
of the Club be changed to The National Single Tax Asso- 
ciation or The Single Tax Society of America, or some 
similar name. Or, as an alternative, the formation of a 
subsidiary of this Club with such a name. The object 
is to broaden the scope of the Club, without weakening 
its local ^influence. In 1931 this question was voted on 
affirmatively, but action was not taken, due to President 
James R. Brown's illness. 

"The Manhattan Single Tax Club was organized in 
1896 by Henry George and his intimate friends. Its 
Presidents have been, so far as recorded : Robert Schalk- 
enbach, 1896-8; Samuel Seabury, 1899; William B. 
McCracken, 1900; John S. Crosby, 1903; Frederic C. 
Leubuscher; John T. McRoy: James R. Brown, 1915-31; 
O. K. Dorn, 1931; Walter Fairchild, 1932; Charles H. 
Ingersoll, 1933 to date. The names of A. J. Steers, Ben 
Doblin, Alfred Bishop Mason and Lawson Purdy are 
yet to be placed in the record. 

"There has been much anti-organization talk recently 
which this Club disapproves. Single Taxers are not 
obsessed with organization or politics, but they know 
of no other way of bringing their program to fruition 
without employing both. Teaching itself is organiza- 
tion, and unless done so in methodical organized ways, 
is ineffective. So the Club asks for the renewal of the 
generous and democratic support given during its whole 
notable career of nearly half a century." 

Mr. Ingersoll continues his radio broadcasting activities. 
Following are a few of his pithy comments over the air: 

two-thirds of the people of England have small incomes. I'll say 
they have. It would surprise him to know (if he doesn't) just how 
Small. As a reason for untaxing their necessities, he puts it very 
mildly. My guess is that 90 per cent of the 47,000,000 people of 
England have to watch closely their buying, and that it is limited 
to their current income; so that, with the kind of taxes England 
(and every other country) has, they buy only half what they need 
and want, which accounts for the millions of unemployed. 

People of New York, is the abolishing of push carts and the 
hypocrisy of building big markets with consumer-taxes. This plays 
the landlord's game and as always, exploits the mass consumer and 
the small merchant. Push carts are not aristocratic or lovely; but 
they sell stuff cheap, and they provide an easy way to get into business. 
But they don't pay rent. 

for free trade against her forty-eight states. The U. S. A. is itself 
committed to the very opposite principle or fallacy that of pro- 
tection. Yet when Uncle Sam sees his children setting up trade 
barriers between the different units of his happy family, his sense of 
justice, as well as his traditional common sense, revolts. The federal 
goverriment has launched a campaign in the name of sound economics 
against states that have erected "artificially-created trade barriers" 
imposed to "enrich individual state coffers." This is the exact 
language of the free trade school of economists, whose wise counsel 
has for fifty years been disregarded while the international tariff 
wall has built up our monopoly system. 



Great Britain 

British Georgeists continue their activities quand m^me. 
The January issue of Land and Liberty, English Georgeist 
paper, reports the sustained educational and lecture 
work of the United Committee, the English League and 
other organizations. 

The following advertisement appeared in a Welsh 
newspaper : 

A Free Correspondence Course is offered to you. Your only ex- 
pense apart from your postage will be 1 shilling for the text-book, 
"Progress and Poverty," by Henry George. 

For full particulars, apply 

34 Knightrider Street, London, E. C. 4 

Thus, there will be one great light, at least, continuing 
to shine, despite blackouts. Of course, the war has to 
some extent created difficulties for the Georgeist move- 
ment in Britain, but it is carrying on. And when there 
is no longer need for blackouts, it will still be in the field. 
Frederick Verinder, in reporting on the English League, 
quotes one of the younger members: "As soon as I am 
demobilized, I shall be ready for the fray in a combat 
far more fundamental that of 'land restoration.' " 


We have received the following letter from Denmark: 

"We young Georgeists here in Denmark would like to 
found a better link of connection between young George- 
ists in all countries in the whole world. 

"We should be very glad if you could place in your 
paper a notice that young Georgeists in other countries 
want to correspond with American Georgeists, and that 
if they turn to me, I will try to find a correspondent for 
them in another country. 

"Would you please ask your young readers to state 
in which language they want to correspond: English, 
German, French or Esperanto. 
"Yours truly, 

"Svend E. Hansen." 

The Danish organization of young Georgeists is the 
Justice Youth Association, and the man to contact is 
Svend E. Hansen, Vangedevej 2, Gentofte, Denmark. 

This is an encouraging step in the right direction. 

The Georgeist movement is world-wide, and the more 
it is unified, and the more interactions are established, 
the more progress it will make. We urge our readers 
to begin such a correspondence as is suggested by Mr. 


With the idea that the pen is mightier than the sword, 
a group of Australian Georgeists propose the formation 

of a Liberty Readers' Book Club, the aim of which is 
to stimulate the printing and reading of works on the 
Georgeist philosophy. We quote from the December, 
1939, issue of The Standard, Georgeist paper printed at 
Sydney, Australia: 

"What is a Book Club? It is a community of persons 
actuated by common aims, who undertake to purchase 
monthly one book at a low cost devoted to the support, 
or written by a supporter of those common aims. There 
is no subscription; cash on delivery of each book. The 
books may cover matters of wide interest which seem to 
lie beyond the immediate scope of Georgeian interest, 
but which in reality are shown to be the result of private 
ownership of ground-rent and the like. The Book Club 
thus becomes an important factor in propaganda, and, 
wisely used, must greatly increase the influence of George- 
ism amongst people who would otherwise take no direct 
interest in it. The Book Club performs two particular 
services : 

"(1) It guarantees a large circulation of certain books before 
publication, and thus enables a publishing house to sell, at a low price, 
books that are usually very expensive. 

"(2) It ensures that worth while books supporting the common 
aim (Georgeism) are widely read and discussed. . . . 

"The Great Reservoir of Economic Truth, the stored 
wisdom of Georgeian philosophy, is like the water which 
has to be reticulated to the desert lands. It won't flow 
there of its own volition, or if it goes uncontrolled, it 
will just seep away without great benefit resulting, or 
may even start up the rank growth of noxious weeds. 
This is what has happened to a great deal of Georgeian 
teaching, but partly understood in ill-prepared minds, 
which become the prey of socialist and communist teach- 
ing claiming to be more advanced. 

"The Community is athirst for information, and 
will imbibe any kind of matter made sufficiently attrac- 
tive. Probably about ten per centum of the people will 
take interest in some form of political propaganda, and 
it is amongst this section that we have to find individuals 
who will become receptive and transmitting points for 
Georgeism. . . . 

"The Georgeian interpretation of current affairs can 
only be presented today in a desultory manner, because 
the average publisher cannot risk his money on a George- 
ian book owing to lack of support. The Movement can 
and must assist Georgeian authors who now have little 
chance of presenting major works to the world and are 
mainly confined to pamphlets and leaflets. As valuable 
as are these smaller publications, they cannot have the 
lasting effect upon the minds of readers, especially of 
those whom we desire most to win to our Movement. 
The way to assist the Georgeian author is to assure success 
for the sale of his books so that the publisher won't be 
left with unsold copies on his hands. This can be accom- 
plished by the L. R. B. C. 

"Scores of titles of world interest suggest them- 


selves upon reflection. There are innumerable matters 
of deep interest about which known Georgeians of ability 
can write in a way never before attempted, i.e., present- 
ing the facts before the enlightening background of a 
Georgeian philosophy, more by suggestion than by direct 
propaganda for Georgeism, revealing to what degree 
the land problem, as we understand it, is the father of 
most of the folly and distress to which our poor is heir. . . . 

"The foregoing suggests that dynamic authors, with 
special knowledge and something new to say, would 
receive encouragement to present the Georgeian view- 
point. The History of Mankind needs re-writing from 
that viewpoint in order that the great mass of the people 
shall be permeated with the Georgeian philosophy. There 
will be plenty of work for the men of the New Pen-Age 
to do, and still more for the readers. . . . 

"Thus, by scientific method, and armed with modern 
and efficient weapons (including the spiritual equipment 
of the Georgeian philosophy) can be created the 

"New Democracy, resting upon the enlightenment of 
large masses of people, sustained by the eternal vigilance 
of an enlightened and active minority, whose purpose is 
not to stir up discontent or strife and strikes, but to 
enlighten those about them. Movements of a small 
group of men have done much towards saving civiliza- 
tion in the past, and such Movements as this Liberty 
Readers' Book Club, may well become the means of 
saving our civilization." 

South Africa 

At Johannesburg, there is at work a Georgeist organi- 
zation, called the Farmers' and Workers' Party. The 
chairman is F. A. W. Lucas, and the secretary is Mather 
Smith. The official organ, The Free People, tells us 
something of the aims of the Party: 

"In February, 1936, four men, and three of them very 
poor men, seeing that none of the existing political Parties 
had any intention of tackling the root causes of the ever 
increasing poverty in our land, decided to start a new 
political party on their own. Since then, the Gospel of 
Deliverance has been preached right through South Africa, 
and has been accepted by many." 

The Party leaders are at present active in spreading 
economic truth to the masses of unemployed that collect 
at the Labor Bureau in Johannesburg, looking for jobs. 
Mr. Lucas points out to them the absurdity of capable 
men having to parade up and down with placards marked 
"We Want Work" (and "Ons Vra Werk"), and he urges 
them to demand the cure for unemployment as presented 
by the Farmers' and Workers' Party which is, of course, 
the Georgeist reform. The Party leaders report that 
their appeals are well received. 

is an invitation to become a subscriber. 

An Appeal for Action 


I BELIEVE that the time is ripe for the formation of a society to 
work toward placing the principles of Henry George on the statute 
books. Not that we can hope to change the laws this year or next, but 
to work intelligently and unitedly and everlastingly until the law is 
changed, whether it be in ten years or a hundred. The purpose is to 
capture and put to work the energies which have no outlet now except 
in hopes and prayers, and in describing to one another the beauties of 
the Single Tax. The grains of powder which now give us interesting 
fireworks displays could be massed in a cannon which would batter 
down the walls of monopoly and privilege. 
The aim of the society: 

1. To spread the simple doctrine that rent is the creation of society, 
and that the appropriation of rent by individuals, and the result- 
ing taxation, are a double form of robbery. 

2. To coordinate the efforts of Single Taxers who are now un- 
acquainted with one another, and to get concerted action which will 
(ultimately) bring our desires to the attention of legislatures, and 
thus bring Single Tax out into the open and make it a live issue. 

3. To enlist in the cause the dissatisfactions of those who do not 
understand the land question nor the rent question, but who are 
complaining bitterly of the government restrictions and govern- 
ment confiscations which we know are the results of the present land 
system; the ten millions out of work and helpless, the industrialists 
hampered with a thousand forms of taxes, with "5,000 laws and 17,000 
regulations," and pressure groups organized to save themselves from 
government at the expense of other groups. 

The only thing which will bring in the Single Tax is the placing 
of a law on the statute books, abolishing taxes, and decreeing that 
all ground-rent shall be collected for the public revenue. This change 
in the law will not be made until the people demand it, and they will 
not demand it until they understand that the private appropriation 
of land rent by individuals is legalized robbery, making prosperity 

Single Taxers have spun the doctrine through all the mazes of 
economics and philosophy and ethics and religion. Not that we 
have settled the questions. We still dispute on the fine points of 
interest, the exact definition of rent, whether rent enters into price, 
and a dozen other questions, while "all this poor world really needs" 
is the knowledge that the legalized theft of the rent is the cause of 
its miseries. 

These questions are fine things for the education of teachers, and 
in books for the intellectually inclined, but they should be left to 
these fields, and the programme of Single Taxers should be rigidly 
held to the collection of rent for public expenses. I believe that Single 
Taxers should unite upon this one fundamental. The man who 
believes in this is a Single Taxer no matter how he regards any other 
topic on earth, and he should be a member of the proposed society. 

This fundamental fact is simple enough to be understood by every 
man who has to pay taxes on his house, on his income, and on his 
cigarettes. It should get the ready assent of every one except the 
men who make a living by keeping the world out of work, and they 
are a negligible minority at the polls. But we shall have to keep 
the programme as simple as that. At the same time, it is broad enough 
to take in every believer in the doctrines of Henry George, and it 
offers a field of action wide enough to enlist all the energies of all 
Single Taxers regardless of their ideas on the moot questions which 
have divided them and distracted them, and rendered them impotent. 

An organization based upon the demand for equal liberty, and the 
restrictions of the powers of government to protecting those liberties, 
should be able to secure the enthusiastic approval of the vast majority 



of American citizens. And it would automatically include the Single 
Tax as its first objective. 

There is nothing in the proposed society to militate against the 
activities of any other Single Tax organization such as the Henry 
George School. There is more work awaiting us than all the societies 
together can accomplish, and we can cooperate with increased efficiency 
and better results for all. Recruits to this society will be interested 
in the schools which can give them a deeper insight, and all Single 
Taxers will find in the society the machinery by which they can put 
their enthusiasm to work. There is no good reason why any Single 
Taxer should not be a member of the society. 

I suggest that Single Taxers solicit their friends to join, and thus 
start by individual work. When our numbers are sufficient we can 
collect the funds necessary for mass meetings, press campaigns, radio, 
and lectures to such groups as manufacturers' associations, merchants, 
and civic groups. A good speaker might even hope to induce some 
of these groups to join in a body, as the only way in which they could 
ever hope to secure the benefits for which they have come together. 

The reader is asked to suggest a name for the society, a name 
which will not label us as a brand of land reformers or tax reformers, 
but which will attract those who still believe in human liberty and 
in the right of men to live their own lives and to own what they have 
worked for. 

I should be glad to hear from those who feel that there is room 
for such a society, and who would help in forming it.* 

* Mr. Foley's address is 88-25 173d Street, Jamaica, L. I., N. Y 

Single Tax A Misnomer 


WHAT is the goal of the followers of Henry George? It is to 
spread his gospel of abolishing taxes in order to create equal 
opportunity. Do the words "Single Tax" suggest such an inspiring 
message? What greater virtue has a Single Tax over the present 
system of multiple taxes? Does not the thought of a tax produce 
resentment, a thing to be avoided, shunned, curtailed or reduced? 
It is an odious thing. Does the term "Single Tax" give a true de- 
scription of a great social advance for equal opportunity, a great step 
forward, to eliminate undeserved poverty, from which flow so many 
social ills? How can those who are uninformed feel an inspirational 
impulse when we suggest a Single Tax? To many, a Single Tax 
suggests another fiscal innovation, which may be heavier and more 
burdensome than a diversified form of taxation. 

Can we say the community-made rental value is a tax? If I earn 
a certain compensation, can it be considered a tax? If a group ol 
people, which we may choose to call a "community" earn a certain 
compensation from one member of the community, can it be con- 
sidered a tax? A person who has paid a rental for occupying a certain 
plot of land is only paying that rental because other persons also 
desire the opportunity to occupy the same plot of ground. If one 
or more persons would not compete for the privilege of occupying 
a certain plot of ground, it would not have a rental value. It is 
only the presence of people competing for that privilege that will 
give the land a rental value. 

We may define a tax as "a charge or pecuniary burden laid upon 
persons or property for public purposes; a forced contribution of 
wealth fto meet the public needs of government" That which we 
strive or is foreign to that purpose. We are not endeavoring to 
m eet the needs of the government. We are endeavoring to meet the 
need s of the individual. The desire of the individual is to have equal 

We do not suggest making a forced contribution. Why then 
should we place our philosophy in an improper classification? 
If it is not a tax, why should we call it a tax? Our doctrine has 

none of the characteristics of a tax. Our principle is to abolish taxes, 
retaining not even a Single Tax. 

Taking the full community-made rental value for community 
purposes is not an idealistic theory, but a realization of a means 
whereby an equal opportunity may be granted to man to use natural 
resources for the satisfaction of his desires. In order for man to 
satisfy his desires he will be obliged to apply his mental and physical 
labor to reduce a certain portion of natural resources to possession 
or to further advance that which someone has reduced to possession. 
What does he have to pay for the privilege of reducing a certain 
portion of nature's resources to possession? Only that which he 
individually has not created, but which he has collectively created 
with other men. The presence of a society of men has created 
markets and exchanges, not any individual man. The competitive 
rental-value of the use of a certain plot of ground may be readily 
determined by the mere competition for the privilege to use it. 

So let us strive for the abolition of all taxes. It sounds good. It 
has a sales appeal. It will gain adherents. It is a truer characteri- 
zation of that for which we strive. 



Columbia University Press, New York City. 210 pp. Price $2.75. 

This volume, by an Economics Professor at Queens College, attempts 
to survey the problem of economic security in the United States. 
Its publication could be justified only if it were written with special 
skill (and it is), with fresh intelligence, and with a sound interpre- 
tation of the problem of relief. 

In a circular accompanying the book, we learn that another Assistant 
Professor of Economics, at Columbia University, considers the book 
"illuminating," and believes that the author "carries his erudition 
lightly and has written a refreshingly clear and lucid book." 

As a factual account of the sorry mess called Federal Relief, Pro- 
fessor Withers treats the subject with reasonable thoroughness. As 
a study of the causes and cure of the problem, the book is barren and 
of little value. This is particularly true because of the inexcusable 
failure of Professor Withers to enlighten his readers on the basic 
principles of taxation and the profound influence they exert on the 
problem of unemployment and insecurity. The question arises: 
can we expect a Professor of Political Economy to give us light, when 
he himself is in darkness? 

Cautiously, he informs us that unemployment is the main cause of 
economic insecurity. He writes (p. 4): 

"In the depths of the depression in the early thirties, probably 
from fourteen to seventeen million Americans, about one-third of 
the working population, were unemployed. Even in 1937, when 
business conditions had markedly improved, unemployment was 
still estimated at from seven to nine million." 

This reviewer would pause here to make a few important observa- 
tions. For instance, how has the Federal Government attempted 
to cope with a problem of such magnitude? Has it sought to ascer- 
tain the cause of unemployment? Has it any conception of what 
unemployment really is? Has it ever considered why the Pilgrims 
who landed here in 1620 never suffered such a problem? Or why 
savages, today, in darkest Africa know no such problem? 

The Federal Government has spent over twenty-five billion dollars 
since 1930 in its vain efforts to solve the problem. 

With what results? 

Along with the unsolved employment problem, we are now suffer- 



(a) An unprecedented tax burden. 

(b) The heaviest national debt in our history. 

(c) Lack of confidence on the part of the investing public. 

(d) Continuous antagonism between government and business. 
It has not dawned on our politicians, and professors of political 

economy, that taxation, by robbing Peter to give to Paul, never can 
solve the unemployment problem. If it has, they have given no 
indication of that fact. 

Today, taxes absorb one-fifth of our entire national income! That 
means that every year, more than 20 per cent of the earnings of the 
American people are being seized by their government. A recent 
economic survey showed that as a result of stupid relief measures 
and heavy taxation, the United States lagged near the end among 
twenty-three nations trying to recover from the depression of the 
past ten years. 

With so little inducement to work and produce (because the gov- 
ernment counts itself in as your partner when you succeed, and for- 
gets all about you when you fail) is it any wonder that business has 
been steadily folding up and withering away, and the very problem 
of unemployment relief intensified? 

What does Professor Withers suggest for this terrible condition? 
More taxes! Yes, dear reader, more taxes. By a parity of reasoning 
may we not fairly assume that he would attempt to cure an opium 
addict by prescribing more opium? 

But let us quote Professor Withers (page 97): 

"Under ideal tax systems five billions more of state and of local 
revenue than were obtained in prosperous years might be secured. 
It was pointed out earlier that the Federal income-tax system might 
be improved by broadening the base of the income tax. One or two 
billion dollars of additional revenue might be secured in this way. 
Millions might be obtained from reductions in evasions, avoidance, 
exemption, and unreasonable delinquency. . . . The reasoning out- 
lined above leads to the conclusion that Americans are not over- 
taxed, and that instead, they are badly in need of tax reform. . . . 

"If the citizens of nations which resemble the United States in 
wealth and in economic development are paying higher taxes than 
Americans pay, it is plausible to conclude that American taxes are 
not too high. If the taxes in other countries are not forcing a crisis 
in capitalism, it may be that the American economic system could 
stand higher levies." 

This from our colleges and universities! No wonder the man in 
the street has lost faith in professors of political economy. Such 
balderdash has compelled producers, strangled by steadily mounting 
taxation to look elsewhere for an understanding and solution of the 
problem . 

We looked to our colleges for bread, and they offered us a stone. 



"Progress and Poverty," by Henry George. Rearranged and 
abridged for modern readers by Harry Gunnison Brown. Henry 
George School of Social Science. New York, 1940, 232 pp. 25 cents. 

Professor Brown in this edition has not so much abridged the 
whole book as he has deleted chapters and paragraphs which he 
considers unnecessary for the reader of the nineteen forties. The 
latter part of "Progress and Poverty" is permitted to stand, but 
the first part the sections on the wages-fund theory, the Malthusian 
theory and the laws of distribution is cut down quite considerably. 
Brown's purpose in this was to present, in George's own words, a 
smooth-flowing argument, suitable for the modern reader, without 
too much of the difficult or obsolete matter that would tend to make 
the reader stop and figure it out. 

In his prefatory remarks Professor Brown says: "It is not un- 
likely that numerous intending readers have so lost their interest, 
before finishing these diapk-is, that they have thrown aside the book 

and never examined at all those analyses for which it is most notable 
and in which, had their patience lasted only a little longer, they would 
have been keenly interested. For no other writer, probably, has 
ever written so appealingly and at the same time so forcefully, in 
the field of economics, as did Henry George." 

It is true, as Professor Brown also says, that "the message of 
'Progress and Poverty' is certainly as applicable today as when the 
book was first printed." For this reason, it is also true that a modern- 
ized version of George's classic may be needed. Brown has opened 
the ftekh Perhaps his work will pave the way towards other short- 
cut methods of stimulating reader interest. 


"This Struggle" written and compiled by Dr. Edgar W. Culley 
for the Centenary of the Birth of Henry George Melbourne, 
Australia, 1939. 92pp. 

This is one of those charming books in which gems can be found 
on every page. It is a collection of writings on the Georgeist phi- 
losophy which deal with the ethical and moral phase. And the book 
preserves this lofty tone throughout. It brings into interesting 
relationships such subjects as religion, politics, medical science, eco- 
nomics, philosophy and shows the basic oneness of the problems 
underlying these fields. The author's closing words suggest what 
that oneness is: 

"Science and achievement, with the will to live in harmony with 
Infinite laws, will point the way to the perfect day dawning in the 

Dr. Culley has also compiled a neat little work of 16 pages, under 
the auspices of the Henry George Leagues of Australia. It is en- 
titled, A Centennial Year Booklet, and abounds in words of wisdom 
from important historical characters. The various excerpts lead up 
to and support Dr. Culley's concluding words: "Learn and Obey the 
Natural Law." 

No price is mentioned in either of the above works. Those in- 
terested may communicate with Dr. Edgar W. Culley, 450 Collins 
St., Melbourne, C I, Australia. 




I want to express my appreciation of and thanks for P. J. O'Regan's 
comment on my book, "Rebel, Priest and Prophet," which is most 
informing as well as interesting. I can find in it only one point on 
which he seriously dissents from my view of Father McGlynn, who, 
he insists, was not a "rebel." The word seems to carry in Mr. 
O'Regan's mind an odium it entirely lacks in mine. There are rebels 
and rebels, and judgment on them must hinge on one's judgment of 
the merits or demerits of their rebellion. That Father McGlynn 
was no rebel against the true Church or its doctrines I will admit 
at once, yet it is a historical fact that a misuse of ecclesiastical authority 
by his archbishop forced him into the attitude of a rebel against 
such misuse of authority. His subsequent complete vindication 
and restoration to the priesthood without being required to retract 
one word of the Georgean land doctrine which his archbishop had 
condemned so strongly, seems to me to have justified his rebellion 
against the "ecclesiastical machine" rather than altered the fact of 
his rebellion. 

I want especially to thank Mr. O'Regan for his recital of former 
rebels against misuse of ecclesiastical authority who were later vin- 
dicated, much of which is news to me, and most informing. It 
would be well for the present "higher-archy" of the Church of Rome 
and the authorities of other Christian churrhrs as well to ponder 



their mistakes of the past, re-examine their present attitudes on the 
issues which impel men, classes and nations to conflict, and see if 
and how far they have departed from "the law and the prophets" 
which Jesus of Nazareth so strongly endorsed in His Sermon on the 
Mount (Matt. V, 17-18). 

Especially do I regret knowing nothing of the letter of Archbishop 
Walsh of Dublin in which he said of Archbishop Corrigan's pastoral 
letter of 1886: "It is very plain, very painfully so indeed, that the 
Archbishop of New York whose pastoral condemns it ('Progress and 
Poverty') so strongly, cannot have read it at all," for I would have 
been pleased to quote so high an authority on that point. 

In the recent Encyclical of Pope Pius XII I think I see the be- 
ginning of a fulfilment of Mr. O'Regan's confident prediction that 
"men will yet arise in the Church to pursue the path indicated by 
Bishop Nulty and Father McGlynn," for in the course of it he com- 
mented thus on St. Paul's declaration that "God hath made of one 
blood all mankind to dwell upon the whole face of the earth": 

"A marvelous vision, which makes us see the human race in the 
unity of our common origin in God, one God and Father of all, who 
is above all, and through all, and in us all, in the unity of nature, 
which in every man is equally composed of material body and spiritual 
immortal soul; in the unity of his immediate end and mission in the 
world; in the unity of the dwelling place, the earth, of whose resources 
all men can by natural right avail themselves to sustain and develop 

Man has travelled far from the path of freedom and justice blazed 
by Moses and the prophets and confirmed by Jesus of Nazareth, 
and it will be long ere he regains that path, but that he will do so 
eventually there can be no doubt. He could regain it quickly if he 
but would. 
Delawanna, N. J. STEPHEN BELL. 


Re Hon. P. J. O'Regan's article in your Nov-Dec. issue, we all 
know that Father McGlynn was never a rebel against the Catholic 

His boyhood ambition was to be a priest. His young manhood's 
desire was to be a priest. He became a priest of outstanding ability 
and character. He was a rebel only against the politics of the New 
York- City officials of the church. 

When he was excommunicated it hurt him physically as well as 
spiritually. We all rejoiced at his reinstatement. Henry George's 
telegram was: "We are kneeling before the altar of your old church 
in thankfulness for your restoration. Signed Annie and Henry 
George." This I got from Sylvester Malone's notes. 

He was received back into the church standing. This he told a 
few of us at an intimate meeting after his return to New York. 

He did not get back to St. Stephen's Church not until he was 
dead. Home at last. 

His address at Henry George's funeral was excelled only by that of 
St. Paul on Mars Hill. 

I hope that when the Church gets ready to canonize him (as it 
will) they will give him his full name Saint Edward McGlynn. 
London, Canada. CHRISTINE Ross BARKER. 


1 have yet to find a Henry Georgeite who would or could write a 
practical plan for changing over from our present general property 
system to the land tax system. 

I have attempted it, in a proposed tax amendment to the New 
Jersey State Constitution. 

I hold, too, with the Editor of The American City, that the land 
value tax would not give us enough revenue. 


Congratulations on the article "Concepts of Rent," which shows 
that there is no fundamental difference of reasoning between the 
Eastern and Western concepts. One approach is perhaps more politi- 
cal, the other more politico-economical. The best one will be the 
one that gets started, the one that will be voted for. 

To me the concept of rent from the West has the advantage of 
being clearer concerning ownership rights. But fundamentally, the 
reasoning is the same, and based on justice. 
Cashmere, Wash. W. VAN DER MAATEN. 


No Georgeist who has read the last number of LAND AND FREEDOM 
should hesitate a moment about helping to support it financially. 
While we all feel the loss of Joe Miller, LAND AND FREEDOM has not 
suffered by his death. I enclose my mite. 


We like the fair-minded way in which you report both sides of 
questions and give the other fellow a chance to tell his side of the 
case, even if you do not see things the same way. The paper is a 
valuable worker for the cause. 
Toronto, Canada. D. E. COATE. 


I have circulated all the numbers of LAND AND FREEDOM after 
reading them and hope very much that the ideals jand common sense 
of that wonderful man, Henry George, may thereby spread and 
take root. I wish you every success in your splendid endeavors in 
giving to the public a paper of such worth as your journal. 
Montreal, Canada. (Mrs.) L. V. COWLES. 


I congratulate the Editors of LAND AND FREEDOM upon the high 
quality of the magazine maintained since the death of Mr. Miller; 
and hope to see its circulation and influence constantly increased. 

If I should offer any suggestion it is that the working Single Taxer, 
in explaining it to the man on the street, does not, and need not, know 
accurately all of the finer distinctions in economics. For instance: 
Docs society create ground-rent? or only the value of ground-rent? 
If the man on the street can see that ground-rent is an unearned 
income to the land owner, he has gone a long way in the right direction. 
The experts need not waste too much time or printed space on the 
finer technical distinctions. 
Oshkosh, Wise. JOHN HARRINGTON. 


About a year and a half ago I was introduced to the Georgeian 
philosophy. After completing six or seven classes of "Progress and 
Poverty" my interest in these sessions began to lag, because of the 
feeling that these studies were a bit too deep for me. 

But I was fortunate in that I had a most ardent follower of Henry 
George, John Radcliffe, our Secretary of the Cleveland extension of 
the School, take time outside the class hours to help me understand 
the concept of justice, the importance of which I had failed to 
realize before. 

It is with this realization and appreciation that I enclose my con- 
tribution at this time to keep LAND AND FREEDOM going and may 
it never stop. 
Cleveland, Ohio. STANLEY BANASIK. 




WE have just received the sad news of the death of Abel Brink, 
noted Danish Georgeist, and for many years a special correspondent 
of this paper. A fuller account will appear in our next issue. 

ANOTHER good comrade has passed on; another ardent worker of 
the earlier days of the Henry George movement. Dr. Walter Mendel- 
son, physician, died January 19, at his home in Germantown, Phil- 
adelphia, at the ripe age of eighty-two. We quote from the New 
York Times of January 20: 

"A man of versatile mind, Dr. Mendelson enthusiastically embraced 
numerous activities in addition to his professional duties. He was 
an ardent believer in the Single Tax doctrine and was a close friend 
of the late Henry George, foremost exponent of the theory. . . . 

"Henry George was one of Dr. Mendelson's patients. They became 
close friends and the physician did all he could to further the political 
fortunes of Mr. George and the doctrine of the Single Tax. In 1897, 
when Mr. George felt it to be his duty to run for a second time for 
the Mayoralty of New York City, Dr. Mendelson warned him that 
he would thereby endanger his life. Mr. George entered the race 
and died during the campaign." 

There are those who recall Henry George's unforgettable answer to 
Dr. Mendelson's warning. "This campaign may prove to be too much 
for nie," he said. "But if it does kill me, perhaps my death may do 
more for the truth I have tried to preach than all my life has done." 

Dr. Mendelson retired from active work in his profession many 
years ago. But to the last he remained an ardent Georgeist who 
never missed an opportunity to speak for the truth, and bring it home 
to others. 

MARY FELS has rewritten the life of her late husband, Joseph 
Pels, who was a believer and prodigious worker in the doctrine of 
Henry George. The book is now in the hands of the publishers, 
Doubleday, Doran & Co., and will appear shortly. 

ELIZABETH MAGIE PHILLIPS of Arlington, Va., inventor of the 
Landlord's Game and that other game, Monopoly, which took the 
country by storm a few years ago, is now at work on a new game 
which will deal with Free Trade. 

HAROLD S. BUTTENHEIM, editor of The American City, has an 
article in the February, 1940, issue of Survey Graphic. This is a 
special issue on housing, and Mr. Buttenheim's article deals with 
the taxation phase, and is entitled "Taxes in Search of a Resting 
Place." He analyzes the various possibilities of tax sources, and 
shows that land value taxation is the most stable. He also points 
out the absurdity of confusing land and buildings together in the 
term "real estate." 

ALBERT L. MEGGINSON, violinist and pupil of L. D. Beckwith, is 
circulating a very interesting tract which expresses the Georgeist 
proposal in a simple chart which can be seen at a glance. On one 
side of the chart is the present system: Rent, pocketed by land- 
lords; taxes, levied for government; and the remainder for labor 
and capital. The other side represents the Georgeist plan: Rent, 
to finance government: the remainder for labor and capital and 
no taxes. 

WE have received a set of the tracts which Charles Le Baron Goeller 
prints for circulation. They are pithy little things, fine to hand to 
novices. In one of his tracts, Goeller urges Georgeists to read "An 
Introduction to Mathematics" by A. N. Whitehead. "When people 
become mathematically precise," says Goeller, "and employ logical 
reasoning, they are forced to become Single Taxers. Socialism, 
Communism, etc., are the result of loose thinking." 

L. D. BECKWITH has reprinted in his paper, No Taxes, the article 
"Concepts of Rent" by John R. Nichols, which appeared in the 
Nov.-Dec. issue of LAND AND FREEDOM. Beckwith praises the article 
for its fair-mindedness, and answers it by upholding the concept of 
rent out of the West which is, that rent is paid for public service 
alone and not for the intrinsic differential qualities of the soil. 

THE Single Tax Corporation of Fairhope, Alabama (the largest 
enclave of economic rent in the United States), held its annual meet- 
ing on January IS. The treasurer reported that rent collections for 
1939 amounted to $27,020.88, of which $19,664.13 had to be paid for 
the taxes levied on the land, improvements and personal property 
of the lessees. This consumed more than two-thirds of the total. 
The remainder was spent on improvements for Fairhope. The 
budget exceeded the rent income by $1,532.52, and this was raised 
from other sources. The excessively high taxes levied prevented the 
rent income from taking care of all expenses, but on the whole, the 
report may be considered encouraging, since rent collections for 1939 
were higher than in many years. 

WE have learned from Don L. Thompson of Spokane, Wash., 
that William Matthews, veteran Georgeist, has passed away at the 
age of seventy-four. Mr. Thompson writes of Matthews: 

"No sacrifice was ever too great for this untiring soul to make in 
his efforts to contribute something to the economic enlightenment 
of his fellow citizens. Very few people have had a better under- 
standing of our economic problems than he, and no one has done 
more to help to solve them. He was always giving freely of his time 
and money to help usher in a better day for the forgotten man, even 
when it meant a loss of business and personal prestige. 

"The Science of Political Economy has lost a real champion by 
the passing of this able disciple of Henry George. Were it not for 
the fact that the good work of men like him will continue to bear 
fruit long after their bodies have returned to dust, I would lose all 
hope for a better day for those who now live on this earth only by 
the sufferance of others." 

SUPPLEMENTING our notice in the Nov.-Dec., 1939, issue of LAND 
AND FREEDOM, of the death of George White, we are glad to publish 
the following account, which was sent us by Mr. Charles H. Ingersoll. 

"George White was one of the old timers of the Georgeian move- 
ment and a man of tireless and colorful activity in the cause. 

"He was born in England and followed Henry Geoige in his choice 
of the 'Art Preservative' as his trade and business. He was for 
many years manager of the New York branch of the Western News- 
paper Union which was the pioneer in the 'Patent Inside' and 
'boiler plate' country newspapers. 

"I met George White along with a lot of the originals of the Brook- 
lyn Single Tax Club, first in the year 1882, shortly after I arrived 
from Michigan. The names of Peter Aitkin, George Atkinson, John 
H. Maclagan, Nelson Gage, Martin Battle, Jerome O'Neill, and 
others were among these; all of them more or less active also in the 
Manhattan Single Tax Club whose organization had the distinction 
of being a little closer to Henry George. 

"George White never sympathized much with the idea of the 
'all-at-oncers' that taxation was not the best way to approach the 
land question; and his respect for Shearman led him, in the last year, 
to grow a luxuriant beard like 'Tearful Tommy's.' Shearman's firm, 
Shearman and Sterling, is still the Standard Oil Law firm. 

"White was a good speaker and an even better writer and was 
always a leader in debates and very sound in his reasoning. In 
recent years he has lived in and around Long Branch; and besides 
all this mixing in civic affairs he was an inveterate letter writer and 
pamphleteer and rated high as a N. J. Single Taxer. He leaves a 
a nephew, Frank, and in England many relatives." 



19 Interesting, 

Factual Papers 


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1. Principle and Policy, by Henry George. 

2. Presidential Address, by Bue Bjorner. 

3. The Man Who Invented Plenty, by A. C. Campbell. 

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by F. C. R. Douglas, M.A. 

5. Tax Delinquency in the United States, by J.Rupert Mason. 

6. American Exploitation of Fuels and Minerals, by Will 


7. A Letter from Henry George, with Comment by Jakob 

E. Lange. 

8. Some Theoretical and Practical Aspects of Land Value 

Taxation, by F. C. R. Douglas, M.A. 

9. The Public Status of Land Value Taxation in Great 

Britain, by A. W. Maclsen and Eustace Davies. 

10. Land Valuation and Taxation in Denmark, by K. J. 


11. Land Value Taxation in New Zealand, by G. M. Fowlds. 

12. The Taxing and Rating of Land Values in Australia, by 

E. J. Craigie, M.P. 

13. Local Taxation in South Africa, by F. A. W. Lucas, K.C. 

14. Effects of Land Value Policies in Canada, by Ernest J. 

Farmer, B.A. 

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18 and 19. Hungary, by Ferdinand Mero; Bulgaria, by Boris 

Complete Set of 19 Papers $1.00 Postpaid 


32 East 29th Street, New York 


The Most Precious Economic Force in Civilization A New 
Approach to Georgeism, Dealing with Marxist Objections 


Georgeism, approached from the practical 
standpoint, relates to the liberation of private 
business enterprises from feudalistic restraints 
embedded in the legal structure which we 
inherit from the middle ages. Georgeism 
plants itself squarely athwart the socialist- 
communist assumption that, by the very 
nature of the case, private capital is 
oppressive and exploitive. Get this pamphlet 
and learn the best way to fight all forms of 
Marxism and other movements aiming to 
obstruct free individual initiative. 

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Price 25 cents a copy 

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of economics. It has already been effectively used 
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Price 15 cents a copy (Reduced from 25 cents) 
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AOL. XL No. 2 WHOLE No. 219 

March April, 1940 

Land and Freedom 


An International Record of Single Tax Progress Founded in 1901 

Georgeism and Thomism 

Robert C. Ludlow 

Democracy in Denmark 

Holger Lyngholm 

Handicaps on Building 

H. Brorison Cowan 

Society Psychoanalyzed 

Francis Jacobs 






An International Bi-Monthly Magazine of Single Tax Progress 
Founded by Joseph Dana Miller 

Published by 
LAND AND FREEDOM, 150 Nassau Street, New York 


Please address all communications to LAND AND FREEDOM 

SUBSCRIPTION PRICE: In the United States, Canada and Mexico, 
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Entered as second-class matter Oct. 2, 1913, at the Post Office, 
New York, N. Y., under the act of March 3, 1897. 



No. 2 WHOLE No. 219 

ENGLAND: J. W. Graham Peace. 

NEW ZEALAND I Hon - P - J- ' Re g an > Wellington. 
\T. E. McMillan, Matamata. 

SPAIN: A. Matheu Alonso, Tarragona. 
BULGARIA: Lasar Karaivanove, Plovdiv. 
HUNGARY: J. J. Pikler, Budapest. 
FRANCE: Jng. Pavlos Giannelia. 





Holger Lyngholm 


SYDNEY AND NEW YORK Walter Fairchild 




A SUPERIOR RACE Thomas N. Ashton 












We declare: 

That the earth is the birthright of all Mankind 
and that all have an equal and unalienable right 
to its use. 

That man's need for the land is expressed by 
the Rent of Land ; that this Rent results from the 
presence and activities of the people ; that it arises 
as the result of Natural Law, and that it there- 
fore should be taken to defray public expenses. 

That as a result of permitting land owners to 
take for private purposes the Rent of Land it 
becomes necessary to impose the burdens of tax- 
ation on the products of labor and industry, which 
are the rightful property of individuals, and to 
which the government has no moral right. 

That the diversion of the Rent of Land into 
private pockets and away from public use is a 
violation of Natural Law, and that the evils aris- 
ing out of our unjust economic system are the 
penalties that follow such violation, as effect fol- 
lows cause. 

We therefore demand: 

That the full Rent of Land be collected by the 
government in place of all direct and indirect 
taxes, and that buildings, machinery, implements 
and improvements on land, all industry, thrift 
and enterprise, all wages, salaries and incomes, 
and every product of labor and intellect be en- 
tirely exempt from taxation. 


Taking the full Rent of Land for public pur- 
poses would insure the fullest and best use of all 
land. Putting land to its fullest and best use 
would create an unlimited demand for labor. 
Thus the job would seek the man, not the man 
the job, and labor would receive its full share of 
the product. 

The freeing from taxation of every product of 
labor would encourage men to build and to pro- 
duce. It would put an end to legalized robbery 
by the government. 

The public collection of the Rent of Land, by 
putting and keeping all land forever in use to the 
full extent of the people's needs, would insure 
real and permanent prosperity for all. 

Please Make Subscriptions and Checks Payable to LAND AND FREEDOM 

Land and Freedom 




No. 2 

Comment and Reflection 

THE cause of Free Trade has been advanced through 
the efforts of Secretary of State Cordell Hull. 
While he does not propose the elimination of all trade 
barriers, he deserves approbation for his sincere and 
intelligent attitude on international trade. He indeed 
appears to be one of the few men in the present admin- 
istration who may be credited with a modicum of eco- 
nomic sanity. It is true that his program is by no means 
the full measure of Free Trade to which Georgeists 
aspire, but it is none the less a ray of hope in this strife- 
torn world. The trade agreements of the United States 
with other countries have undoubtedly contributed to 
gains in our foreign trade and trade means peace. 

IT is encouraging to note the endorsement of the Hull 
program now coming from various quarters hitherto 
silent. Outstanding authorities, even those previously 
known as high tariff and self-sufficiency advocates, are 
speaking out in favor of mutual trade agreements. Inter- 
esting, for example, is the case of Mr. Neville Chamber- 
lain. Though his party stands for high tariffs, he is 
nevertheless the one statesman in England who is urging 
support for Hull's trade treaty efforts. Can it be that 
there is still a lingering nostalgia in England for her 
blasted Free Trade tradition? 

IN our own United States, Thomas W. Lamont, a 
partner in the banking house of J. P. Morgan, has 
also declared himself in favor of Hull's trade agreement 
legislation. This in spite of the fact that he is a staunch 
Republican. Mr. Lamont admits the failure of the 
Hawley-Smoot Tariff Act. That piece of legislation, he 
says, "was the last straw. ... It raised the barriers 
as never before. . . . But its far worse consequences 
were its evil effects on the whole world of international 
trade. ... A score of nations followed America's 
example and there developed the vicious circle of higher 
tariff barriers all around." Mr. Lamont makes a fervent 
plea for support of Hull's program, regardless of other 
party issues. 

ANOTHER endorsement comes from a French au- 
thority. An article by Paul Reynaud appears in the 
current Atlantic Monthly. At the time it was written, 

M. Reynaud was the French Minister of Finance, but 
by the time of its publication he had been raised to the 
position of Prime Minister and Foreign Minister. In his 
article, Reynaud praises Cordell Hull for the results 
achieved in the extension of the trade pacts "and the 
courageous reiteration of his policy in spite of the war." 
Reynaud wisely stresses the need for Europe's economic 
reorganization after the present conflict, "if peace is to 
be something more than another brief armistice." He is 
in agreement with the widely-held conception that the 
Treaty of Versailles has been responsible for the misfor- 
tunes of Europe, "in making the customs boundaries 
coincide with the political frontiers . . . when it 
would have been possible at least within certain limits 
to impose upon them a customs union." 

REYNAUD points to the example of the forty-eight 
sovereign states of the United States, and declares 
that our country is "the greatest area of free trade 
opened to human activity that exists today." In fairness 
to the truth, however, we should remind M. Reynaud 
that this "greatest area of free trade" looks better at a 
distance than it does at home. The growth of interstate 
barriers within these United States is being viewed with 
some apprehension. Nevertheless, it serves to emphasize 
the importance of Mr. Hull's good work in the interna- 
tional area. 

IN the face of these and other difficulties, it is yet 
heartening to observe the transition of some of our 
leaders to Free Trade thought. The World of Today 
is suffering from the errors of its leaders of the World 
of Yesterday. Perhaps today's leaders are becoming 
sobered by the frightful results of past errors, not the 
least of which was the extreme nationalistic spirit that 
has prevailed in the interim between the two world wars. 
All of this may serve to remind us of the implied proph- 
ecy in : "Is it too soon to hope that it may be the mission 
of this Republic to unite all nations whether they 
grow beneath the Northern Star or Southern Cross in 
a League which, by insuring justice, promoting peace, 
and liberating commerce, will be the forerunner of a 
world-wide Federation that will make war the possibil- 
ity of a past age and turn to works of usefulness the 
enormous forces now dedicated to destruction?" 


Georgeism and Thomism* 


THE opening chapters of Henry George's "Science 
of Political Economy" are so congenial to Thomistic 
thought that the question in many minds is why neither 
system has made any great use of the other or why 
attempts at a rapprochement are met (usually by Thom- 
ists) coldly. I think there are two basic reasons for 
this one, that each school looks at problems with a 
different "mind-set" and the other, difficulties rising from 
verbal definitions the use of words having a distinct 
meaning to one and an indistinct meaning to the other. 
The use of the word "capital" is an example of this latter 
and to it we could add such words as "freedom," 
"liberty," "laissez-faire." 

As to "mind-set" (and it is probably the most difficult 
obstacle in the way of assimilation), a typical Thomist 
outlook is expressed in the recent statement of the 
episcopate that "there are two attitudes which represent 
extreme positions respecting our economic and social 
order. The one attitude is espoused by those who reject 
any and every kind of economic planning or organization. 
They constitute the group of extreme individualists or 
so-called school of economic liberalism. They want no 
interference whatsoever with the individual either from 
the government or from the social pressure of group 
organization. They will tolerate no restrictions upon 
individual initiative or personal enterprise. They are 
liberal only to the extent that they wish to be liberated 
from all social responsibility. They call it free enter- 
prise, but the freedom is for those who possess great 
resources and dominating strength rather than for the 
weak or those who depend simply on their own labor for 
well-being." Or, to put it briefly, the Thomist casts his 
lot quite definitely with the "social planners." His out- 
look is historical. He might see that if the sources of 
production were free, free enterprise holds no dangers 
but he sees that in fact they are not so and seldom have 
been so and on that basis he forms his judgments. 

But the Georgeist has his own "mind-set." To quote 
Mr. Frank McEachran : "Granted the public appropria- 
tion of land values, capitalism in its essence would still 
remain, but so changed in range and manner of operation 
that the first to derive benefit from it would be the 
worker and the worker, moreover, as an individual. . . . 
Far from being too laissez-faire the nineteenth century 
was not laissez-faire enough and it is possible that in 

* By Thomism is meant the doctrines of Thomas Aquinas. It is 
considered the official philosophy of the Roman Catholic Church, and 
is accepted by most Catholic thinkers. Mr. Ludlow, the author of this 
article, is a graduate of the correspondence course of the Henry 
George School of Social Science. 

pointing this fact out we may perform a service of the 
greatest importance." 

Here we have the two outlooks. Can they assimilate? 
I think so, when Georgeists forget a bit about paper logic 
and Thomists realize that, provided the possibility of 
private (absolute) ownership of natural resources be 
abolished by public appropriation of economic rent, the 
best kind of planned economy may be an unplanned one. 
But the way is not made easier by uninformed treatments 
of the Georgeist philosophy common among Thomists, 
or by uncritical approaches to current affairs shown in 
some Georgeist books. 

And now as to verbal disagreements. The word 
"capital" will serve as an example. While it is true there 
is nothing to fear from capital, as George presents capi- 
tal, yet the Georgeist system is not the capitalist system 
as it exists today. And while Georgean writers speak of 
capital with a logical definition of it in mind they often 
overlook the psychological reaction in the radical mind 
to the terms "capitalism" and "laissez-faire" this be- 
cause they are almost invariably considered by most 
people in the historical rather than the logical sense. 
And that capitalism and laissez-faire, historically consid- 
ered, are not compatible with the Georgean system 
seems rather evident to me. It will of course be pointed 
out that the Thomist criticism of capitalism is only criti- 
cism of the capitalist in the role of land-owner. But that 
overlooks what many writers term the "soul" of capi- 
talism. And it is this "soul" or "spirit" that many radi- 
cals have in mind when they reject the system. 

Thus by capitalism in the historic sense I mean capi- 
talism as a system of thought or a mode of life as 
related to the rise of Protestantism by Weber, Tawney 
and O'Brien and traced further back by Fanfani, or, more 
recently, dissociated from Protestantism by Forrester. 
Of course when we come to the "capitalist," Georgeists 
are correct in seeing him a person for evil only in his role 
of landowner. Nevertheless historians do write of capi- 
talism and we do have a period we speak of as the 
capitalist period and we do connect laissez-faire with the 
Manchester school of economics, and that school of 
economics is certainly no foundation for the Georgean 
doctrines. Not that principles of the Manchester school 
cannot be utilized, but that Georgeism is more than 
Ricardo tacked on Adam Smith. 

Now Georgeans are rightly annoyed when told it is 
moral reform we need rather than economic reform 
(indeed it is, but only in the sense that economics, as 
the Thomists say, is but a subdivision of moral theology), 
and point out that however angelic man may be, if our 
present system remains unchanged, poverty and social 
grief will still be with us. But this should not be made 
cause for asserting that after Georgean principles have 
been adopted (in a sense we quibble, for will Georgean 



principles be adopted without moral reformation?) moral 
reform will follow of itself and so make unnecessary 
any attack on the capitalist spirit as such. And this 
because capitalism (historically considered) has starved 
the souls of men, has made the economic criterion 
supreme and has denied the legitimacy of extra-economic 
considerations. And it has mechanized man and has 
debased culture to the seeking after gain, has commer- 
cialized the stage, corrupted our newspapers and hindered 
the progress of science. 

Criticisms of the capitalist system by such men as 
Penty, Robbins, Belloc, etc., are not to be lightly passed 
over. As regards machinery, for example, Penty con- 
tends that it should be restricted where it conflicts with 
the claims of personality or with the claims of the crafts 
and arts and not be allowed to trespass seriously upon 
the world's supply of irreplaceable raw material. And 
there is room in Georgeist thought to treat of these 
things for George did not offer his system as a panacea 
and would not contend that the single tax when applied 
would do away with all the problems connected with 
industrial capitalism. To socialize land rent is not neces- 
sarily to solve the money problem or the problem of the 
mechanization of man. 

Fanfani contrasts the capitalist and pre-capitalist spirit 
pointing out that the pre-capitalist "considers that 
appraisements of value in the economic sphere should be 
governed by moral criteria" while the capitalist "would 
make the economic criterion the sole norm of such 

"Capitalism," says Berdyaev, "turns relations of men 
into relations of things. . . . Marxism is a revolt 
against capitalism, but it has been bred by it and carries 
the fatal mark of its materialistic spirit." 

It is the refusal of capitalism to consider extra- 
economic standards which proves so formidable a barrier 
to the acceptance of Georgeist teachings. And this 
because James' philosophy of pragmatism gives founda- 
tion to the capitalist outlook and denies George's teach- 
ings. For once we deny objective morality, once we 
accept only relativist and evolutionary standards we un- 
dermine the whole structure upon which Georgeism as a 
philosophy rests. If the test of truth is the practical 
success of it here and now, if there are no such things 
as natural rights and if fundamental truths are not 
proof against the ages how can we argue the truth of 
Georgeist teachings? Who is to tell pioneer man his 
ownership of land is unjust when it "works" for him 
here and now? We can say nothing to him if we have 
no teachings valid in themselves, we cannot answer him 
if we ourselves are pragmatists and deny the existence 
of natural rights. 

And then what of laissez-faire liberalism? Critics 
accuse Georgeists of making a fetish of the land. They 

might as well arraign them for making a fetish of the air. 
But they might be on firmer ground were they to charge 
some Georgeists with making a fetish of freedom. For 
to make freedom an end in itself is to make a fetish of 
it. There may be some people who think of the supreme 
good in terms of the pleasure of choosing between this 
and that, but not many can think thus. A stringent 
philosophy of liberty fails to meet the psychological 
needs of peoples. And it comes of carrying the doctrine 
of rights too far it assumes the compulsion of always 
exercising rights in the individualistic sense. A man has 
a right to the products of his labor, but is there any 
moral principle preventing him to forego that right and 
pool his products in a communitarian society? And so 
with freedom it is a means, not an end. The end of 
any economic system must be the common good, and 
that takes into consideration man's dignity and does no 
violence to his freedom and so does not end in totalitari- 
anism. And because the end is the common good it 
presupposes the people to be willing to forego certain 
individual goods for the common good. And George, 
I think, would admit that, and that is not laissez-faire 
liberalism. For laissez-faire liberalism makes a fetish of 
freedom, refuses to allow the State to function for the 
common good, and ignores the communal nature of man. 
Of this George said, "I differ with those who say that 
with the rate of wages the State has no concern" and 
his whole system calls for the State to put it in action. 

The Georgeist teaching on the dignity of man and the 
necessity of objective moral standards and the right of 
extra-economic considerations to prevail over capitalist 
materialism all these are held in common with Thomists 
and are the need of men today. In a short article such 
as this the many problems to be considered in an 
attempted rapprochement between the two systems of 
thought cannot all be mentioned and even those men- 
tioned are treated cursorily. But that an earnest attempt 
of such an assimilation should be made will, I am sure, 
be the hope of both Georgeists and Thomists. 

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prompt remittances for renewals. 

We request that all correspondence and articles be 
typed, or legibly written in blue or black ink on white 



Cooperation and Democracy 
in Denmark* 


THE world looks with amazement upon the progress 
Denmark has made towards attaining Economic 
Democracy. Students come from all parts of the world 
to marvel and learn what secrets lie behind the efficiency 
and success of her cultural and economic undertakings. 

In agriculture particularly has cooperative democracy 
been achieved. The Danish farmer is above all a thor- 
ough cooperator. He functions in harmony with other 
economic units more successfully than do agricultural 
workers in any other part of the world. He is linked 
in a net-work of cooperative organizations. It has been 
truly said of Denmark that "the threads by which a 
modern agricultural undertaking is linked economically 
with the world around are almost all spun by a co- 
operative organization". 

The store from which the farmer buys his goods, the 
credit association from which he borrows his money, 
the organizations from which he purchases his seed, 
fodder, fertilizer and cement, the company from which 
his electricity is supplied all are cooperative associa- 
tions. Likewise, when he wants to sell his produce, he 
is serviced by various cooperative produce exchange 
associations. He deposits his savings in a cooperative 
bank. Even his farm education is made available through 
cooperative agencies. Information on breeding and well- 
bred stock is offered by cooperative breeding associa- 
tions, and he has at his command the most up-to-date 
theories on agriculture, through consultants appointed 
by the agricultural control unions. 

This cooperative work and control is the factor which 
gives to the produce from many small farms a uni- 
formity and stability of quality which make it so 
desirable and well fitted to secure a place in the open 
world market. 

Perhaps the greatest satisfaction to be derived from 
the success of this cooperative movement lies in the fact 
that no paternalistic ruler was instrumental in bringing 
it about. Farmers, teachers and artisans have been the 
leaders in both local and national associations. The 
leaders grew with the movement. It has paid so well 
and worked so smoothly that we find here a country, 
not only of contented cows, but of contented men and 
women as well which is equally important! 

Agriculture has not been the only occupation to adopt 
the system. In Copenhagen, the Danish capital, we 
also find the movement strong. There are cooperative 
building associations and many consumer clubs. 

*As we go to press, we learn of Denmark's invasion. May God 
protect her! 

The student will naturally inquire into the inception 
of this movement. 

Let us go back to the early part of the nineteenth 
century. What do we find? A nation almost in ruins 
from the effects of the Napoleonic wars, in which she 
had become involved with England, Russia, Sweden and 
Prussia. She had lost Norway to Sweden and Helgoland 
to England. And she was ruined economically as well 
as politically. The peasants were poverty-stricken, and 
oppressed by the unmerciful landlords. Under such 
conditions the people became morose, sullen and sus- 
picious, and hardly capable of associated enterprise. 
There was no such thing as getting together for cultural 
purposes. In short, "association in equality" did not 
exist. So when we now find these people so progressive, 
cheerful, scientifically-minded and resourceful, we ask: 
What are the causes of such a remarkable change in the 
make-up of this people? 

Goethe said, "Character makes Character". This, I 
think, must have had much to do with the change. 

A number of great-hearted men arose to inspire their 
fellowmen by their teachings and their lives. The teach- 
ings of these men were such that their precepts were 
instilled into the life of the whole nation. The results 
of their work have proven the truth of the epigram, 
"Educational bonds make the strongest ties". 

In 1783 a man was born who was destined for a greal 
work. This man was N. G. Grundtvig, liberal theologian 
poet, philosopher and educational reformer. In 1832 he 
declared his ambition of establishing schools in all parts 
of Denmark, accessible to all men and women, where 
they might become better acquainted with life in general 
and with themselves in particular; where they might 
receive guidance in civic affairs and in their social rela- 
tions. He had studied the old Norse cultures and had 
become familiar with such educational reformers as 
Rousseau, Pestalozzi and Froebel, and was greatly in- 
fluenced by their emphasis on the participation of the 
individual in his education. In Grundtvig's proposed 
schools, personal growth was to be stimulated. He 
envisioned a new social life born in freedom, and a ncu 
nation brought forth from a new education. 

Grundtvig began his work with a series of outdooi 
meetings, the first being held on Hymelberget, the 
highest hill in Denmark, with beautiful surroundings 
These meetings were arranged somewhat on the ordei 
of the old Greek festivities. 

The first school was established in 1844. It failed 
but seven years later another school was opened which 
proved successful. However, it was not until after 1864 
that the movement took on a definite form. By 1885 a 
hundred of these Folk Schools were spread throughout 

The immediate effect of these schools (which we 



might say were the birthplaces of modern adult educa- 
tion) was the establishment of a vast number of meeting 
houses, or community centers, throughout the land. 
These might be termed the continuation schools, where 
leaders or teachers usually led the discussions. 

Grundtvig conceived of each nation as having a Spirit 
of its own which expressed itself in the life and ideals 
of the people. According to this view, it was necessary 
that much of education be of a historical nature if the 
students were to better understand themselves as a 
people. Before Grundtvig's time, art and science were 
available only to the small so-called cultured class. But 
Grundtvig wished these higher pursuits to reach all his 
countrymen. He sought to use his poetic gifts to create 
art, not only for the few who had esthetic tastes, but 
for all the people, high-born and lowly, rich and poor. 
Much of his poetry has been put to music. A good deal 
of modern Danish culture can be attributed to this 
great man. 

One of Grundtvig's chief educational aims was to reach 
the soul of the student, to teach him that he can be noble 
in mind even though he may be engaged in such a lowly 
pursuit as milking cows or cleaning stables. 

At the present time the Folk Schools serve as a con- 
structive and uplifting element in the life of the Danish 
people. The schools are in reality small communities. 
The larger buildings serve as lecture halls, gymnasium 
and dormitory. These are surrounded by a dozen or so 
cottages for the teachers, usually in a beautiful setting. 

The schools are privately owned. The state gives aid 
either by grants toward teacher's salaries, or by sub- 
sidizing needy students without attempts at political 

The accomplishments of these schools are distinctly 
related to the intensive development of farmers' cooper- 
atives. It is here that men learn to trust one another. 
In the cooperative enterprises that trust is translated 
into terms of associated credit. 

The Folk Schools gave the people a new vision, a new 
mental outlook on the world. In the students a yearning 
for knowledge was aroused with the added desire to 
apply their learning, to put it into practice. With the 
culture and faith imparted by this education, the young 
men and women have saved not only agriculture but the 
whole nation. As the feeding upon knowledge begets 
hunger for more knowledge, and as with the increasing 
complexities that arise with an advancing civilization 
new problems are to be met, we find this alert people 
grappling with bigger and more fundamental problems. 

In 1886, Henry George who had been making an 
exhaustive study of world conditions, and who only a 
few years previously had written "Progress and Poverty" 
which was gaining world attention was lecturing in 
England. Jakob Lange, a botany teacher in one of the 

Danish agricultural schools at that time, who at an 
earlier time had attended Oxford, went to England to 
meet George, and to better acquaint himself with his 
theories. He was deeply impressed, and two years later 
he wrote his first article on George's teachings. It ap- 
peared in Hojskole Bladet. the journal read by practically 
all Folk School students and teachers. This article, 
entitled "Freedom and Equality", brought forth much 
discussion, which culminated in the founding of the first 
Henry George Society in Denmark, in 1889. This group 
edited their own publication, and flourished for a while, 
but expired in 1894. However, the seed thus sown seems 
to have been re-germinating, for new shoots sprang 
forth in 1902, when the Henry George Society which 
now flourishes all over Denmark came into being. 

I will not now endeavor to give a history of the 
accomplishments of this movement. There is an excel- 
lent work on the subject by Signe Bjorner, entitled "The 
Growth of World Thought among our People". I hope 
that this valuable work will some day be translated into 
English. Suffice it to say for the present that the George- 
ist philosophy is now taught almost universally in the 
Folk Schools ; that Henry George's picture hangs on 
the walls of most of the small farmers' homes ; that 
there is no section of the country that has not been 
affected by the many efficient campaigns which the 
leaders of this movement have waged for true economic 
emancipation. One of the outgrowths of the Georgist 
movement has been the organization Retsforbundet (The 
Society for Social Justice), the aim of which is to bring 
about "The State of Social Justice". 

The results of the movement can best be seen in the 
many legislative reforms, conforming to Henry George's 
ideas, which have been made during the past twenty- 
five years. The first step was the revaluation of land 
separate from improvements. Another step was the 
granting of home rule to communities for taxation pur- 
poses. As a result, many communities have decreased 
the improvement tax and increased the land value tax. 
While we in America are faced with the growing prob- 
lem of farm tenancy, in Denmark 95 per cent of the 
farmers own and operate their own farms. 

In recent years the Georgeist groups have felt them- 
selves strong enough to enter politics with a party of 
their own, and now have four members in the Rigsdag. 

So the result of a liberal education which never ceases 
with age, and which reaches the hearts of a whole 
people, is the nation of which Frederic C. Howe spoke 
when he said: "Denmark is a State that is conscien- 
tiously planned. It is an exhibit of agricultural efficiency. 
In no country in Europe is education and culture so 
widely diffused. In no country is landlordism so nearly 
extinguished, and in no State in Europe has Economic- 
Democracy evolved with so much intelligence as in 



Handicaps on Building* 

The Australian and New Zealand Solution 

THERE is a growing volume of authoritative opinion 
that the depressed condition of the building and 
allied industries on this continent is due to well-defined 
causes that are capable of adjustment. Similar conclu- 
sions were reached in Australia and New Zealand forty 
years ago. As a result their municipalities and govern- 
ments have obtained a long start in the application of 
solutions that only now are beginning to receive serious 
consideration on this continent. 

An imposing list of findings by Canadian and United 
States commissions, and of statements by municipal and 
other authorities, could be quoted to show that there are 
two principal causes of existing conditions. These are, 
first, speculation in urban land, with consequent inflated 
prices, booms and depressions, and, second, heavy taxes 
upon buildings which discourage their erection. These 
matters are discussed, and methods of dealing with them 
suggested, in an excellent report entitled, "Our Cities," 
issued in 1937 by the Urbanism Committee of the Na- 
tional Resources Committee, a body set up by the Federal 
Government of the United States. 

The Committee emphasized the importance of recog- 

The injurious results of speculation in urban land, 
The necessity for obtaining and using a portion of 

increasing urban land values for the benefit of the 

public, and, 

Reducing municipal taxes on improvements and in- 
creasing taxes on land values. 


The following statements are taken from the report of 
the Urbanism Committee: 

"Gambling in land values has contributed to alternate 
booms and depressions, raising false hopes, encouraging 
over-ambitious structures, wiping out private investors, 
and, all in all, has been one of the major tragedies of 
American urban life. 

"The dispersive developments of recent years have left 
blighted vacuums in the interiors of our cities and have 
themselves been vitiated by land prices at a level too 
high to permit a desirable standard of urban develop- 
ment." (Page 59) 

*This article appeared in the February, 1940, issue of the Journal of 
the Royal Architectural Institute of Canada. Reprints of it may be 
obtained, at five cents per copy, from the Robert Schalkenbach Foun- 
dation, 32 East 29th Street, New York City. 

"A real property inventory of 64 cities made in 1934 
by the Department of Commerce and the Civil Works 
Administrations showed that more than one-sixth of 
1,500,000 residential dwellings were substandard, about 
four-fifths of the dwelling units are made of wood, about 
one-third are over 30 years old, a large proportion are in 
a state of serious disrepair. Even at their most reason- 
able figures rentals are so high that they exclude vast 
blocks of urban families from housing facilities of mini- 
mum standard. 

"We are now faced with the problem of arriving at a 
rational urban land policy which, while affording private 
owners and developers adequate opportunity for wise 
and profitable land uses, will curb the forms of specula- 
tion that prove calamitous to the investing and the tax- 
paying public." (Page IX) 

"A study should be made of the increment tax on real 
estate in lieu of special assessments, to see whether such 
a tax would make possible the financing of public im- 
provements more nearly through tax revenue derived 
from the increased values which these improvements 
create, and whether such a tax would aid in combatting 
speculation in land." (Page 81) 

"In order that a large proportion of American urban 
families should not continue to live in unfit dwellings, 
and in order to supply the urgent need for housing facili- 
ties conforming to an acceptable minimum standard for 
the low-income groups and thus to attack the serious 
problems of health, welfare and order, which are directly 
related to inadequate housing, the Committee recom- 
mends that: 

"State and local authorities should consider the reduc- 
tion of the rate of taxation on buildings and the corre- 
sponding increase of such rates on land, in order to 
lower the tax burden on home owners and the occupants 
of low-rent houses, and to stimulate rehabilitation of 
blighted areas and slums." (Page 76) 


The foregoing conclusion agrees with Canadian find- 
ings on the same subject. As far back as 1916 the 
Ontario Government appointed a Commission on Unem- 
ployment. The chairman was the late Sir John Willison. 
Included on this commission were Ven. Archdeacon 
Henry J. Cody (now Hon. Dr. H. J. Cody), W. K. 
McNaught, C.M.G., and other prominent men. In its 
report to the Government, the Commission said : 

"The question of a change in the present method of 
taxing land, especially vacant land, is, in the opinion of 
your Commission, deserving of consideration. It is evi- 
dent that speculation in land and the withholding from 
use and monopolizing of land suitable for housing and 



gardening involve conditions detrimental alike to the 
community and to persons with small means. 

"Further, land values are particularly the result of 
growth of population and public expenditures, while 
social problems greatly increase in proportion as popula- 
tion centralizes. The relief of urban poverty calls for 
large expenditures from public and private sources. 

"It appears both just and desirable that land values 
resulting from the growth of communities should be 
available for community responsibilities. Wisely fol- 
lowed, such a policy involves no injustice to owners of 
land held for legitimate purposes, and the benefits which 
would follow the ownership and greater use of land by 
wage-earners justify the adoption of measures necessary 
to secure these objects as quickly as possible. 

"Your Commissioners are of opinion that a reform of 
the present system of taxing vacant lands appears indis- 
pensable to lessen the evils arising from speculation in 
land which contributed to the recent industrial depres- 
sion, and which makes more difficult any satisfactory 
dealing with unemployment in industrial centres." 



A year and a half ago the Dominion Government called 
attention to the repressive effect of taxes on buildings 
when it induced Parliament to enact The National Hous- 
ing Act, described as "an Act to assist in the Construction 
of Houses." In the preamble of this Act it is stated : 

"Whereas, high real estate taxes have been a factor 
retarding the construction of new houses and it is there- 
fore desirable to encourage prospective home owners to 
construct houses for their own occupation by paying a 
proportion of the municipal taxes on such houses for a 
limited period." 

The fact that since the provisions of this Act came into 
force the Dominion Government has assumed the respon- 
sibility for paying 100 per cent the first year, 50 per cent 
the second year and 25 per cent the third year, of all 
municipal taxes on buildings, erected under the Act, 
costing $4,000 or less, shows how clearly it is recognized 
that taxes on buildings interfere with their construction. 
It is of interest, therefore, to note that, whereas, only 12 
per cent of the number of single-family houses built for 
owner occupancy in 1936 were valued at $4,000 or less, 
and 30 per cent in 1937, these percentages, after this pro- 
vision of the act came into force in July, 1938, jumped 
for the first full year to 56.5 per cent. Such an increase 
raises the question what the increase might have been 
had it been announced that all municipal taxes on build- 
ings were to be removed permanently. 


Forty years ago municipalities in Australia and New 
Zealand began to realize the injurious effects of having 
land held out of use for speculative purposes and of tax- 
ing buildings. In 1901 in New Zealand they began to 
remove all taxes from improvements and to increase them 
on land values. The results proved beneficial. Other 
municipalities soon followed the example thus set. Today 
67 per cent of the people living in cities in New Zealand, 
and about the same percentage in Australia, live in muni- 
cipalities where there are no taxes upon buildings and 
where the bulk of the revenue is raised from a tax on 
land values. 

The Sydney Harbour Bridge in Sydney, Australia, 
affords a striking example of the benefits derived from 
retaining for public uses a large share of increases in 
land values created by the expenditure of public monies. 
It was realized from the start that the erection of the 
bridge, one of the largest in the world, which' cost 
$45,000,000, would enormously increase land values in 
the territories which it would serve. A special tax of 
one cent a pound ($4.80) of unimproved land values was 
imposed in nine municipalities which would be benefited 
the most. This tax, which was reduced gradually, was 
in effect from 1923 until 1937. Small as it was, it pro- 
duced a revenue of $10,000,000 which was applied upon 
the cost of the bridge. In spite of the tax, land values 
increased. Thus no injustice was imposed on the land 
owners concerned, while the public benefited by escaping 
the heavy taxes which otherwise would have been im- 
posed. The tax had the further effect of checking specu- 
lation in the land enhanced in value by the erection of 
the bridge. 

Other examples of the same kind could be cited. For 
example, in New South Wales, the development of motor 
traffic necessitated expenditures upon main roads, which 
were beyond the means of local municipal bodies to meet. 
It was realized that these improved roads would increase 
land values in the territories served. A Main Roads 
Board was appointed. Part of the revenue of the board 
was drawn from a tax of one-half cent on each pound 
($4.80) of unimproved land values in the City of Sydney, 
the adjoining County of Cumberland and the Blue Moun- 
tains Shire. In one year $1,158,273 was raised from this 
tax and the following year $1,300,630. This tax was in 
addition to the bridge tax and the regular municipal taxes 
on land values. 


The building industries received a great impetus when 
all taxes were removed from improvements and placed 



on land values. The immediate effect was that land 
values were decreased through speculators relinquishing 
their holdings. This made it easier for those desiring to 
build to secure land for that purpose. Ultimately the 
demand for land for building purposes was so great it 
restored and finally greatly increased the former land 
values. The new values were actual as they lacked the 
former speculative element. The following statements 
by authorities speak for themselves. 

Sydney, Australia, Roy Hendy, City Clerk : "Notwith- 
standing the municipal revenue is derived entirely from 
land values, land tends to increase in value ; having in- 
creased, during the past 22 years, from $155,000,000 to 

Brisbane, Australia, City Assessor's Department: 
"Land tends to increase in value. As far as we can 
judge, the system has come to stay." 

State of Victoria, Australia, Frank A. Henry, Ameri- 
can Consul, referring to fourteen municipalities: "The 
incidence is to bring idle land into use. It tends to in- 
crease land values." 

Wellington, New Zealand, E. P. Norman, City Clerk : 
"There is no difficulty in getting revenue by this system." 


The effect of the new system of taxation was to create 
a building boom that was based on a legitimate demand 
for buildings as well as on sound values. The metropolis 
of Greater Sydney affords an example. It comprises over 
50 municipalities. All these municipalities, except Sydney, 
adopted the new system of taxation in 1908. The muni- 
cipality of Sydney, which comprises the central business 
area of the metropolis, did not adopt it until 1916. 

In 1925, Alderman J. R. Firth, who still is a strong 
advocate of the system, described the results of the first 
17 years' experience under the new method of taxation. 
On that occasion he said : 

"In Sydney there has been an enormous development. 
In the seventeen years from 1908 to 1924 our population 
has grown from 550,000 to just over 1,100,000 and by 
Sydney I mean the City and the surrounding forty met- 
ropolitan municipalities" (now over 50). "There has 
been an extraordinary building boom, interrupted in some 
degree only during the years of the war. The returns for 
1924 show that the number of new buildings brought to 
completion and connected with the water supply is the 
largest on record. 

'The official figures,' says the Sydney Daily Telegraph 
of 24th December last, 'indicate that the building boom 
has been more than maintained, as the building trades 
are busier than ever. The result is that the City is being 
transformed day by day, and as the old landmarks dis- 

appear modern and palatial premises fill their places.' 
The 'old landmarks' referred to mean shanties and anti- 
quated tumble-down buildings. 

"Here are the official figures of new buildings in the 
metropolitan area as published in the Sydney Morning 
Herald of 24th December, 1924, showing the results for 
the last eleven years : 

Buildings Completed Cost 

1914 10,546 6,775,548 

1915 7,632 5,124,464 

1916 6,283 4,479,118 

1917 5,401 3,595,992 

1918 4,998 3,726,896 

1919 5,830 4,788,804 

1920 10,015 9,273,569 

1921 8,537 9,655,163 

1922 9,084 9,917,963 

1923 10,450 10,133,116 

1924 12,180 14,346,071 

"The increased population, all but a fraction of the 
half-million we have added, has settled in the suburbs 
where land had been 'held for a rise'. The vacant areas 
have been peopled and the houses have spread themselves 
out, because the inhabitants have not been held in by a 
ring fence of monopoly prices for land. I could give 
many examples to illustrate this spread of population 
where room was awaiting it. Thus the municipality of 
Canterbury, five miles from the central area, had a popu- 
lation of 4,000 people in 1901 ; today, it has over 50,000 
people and I think it would be correct in saying that 
every one of the houses there has sunlight all round it. 
In my own borough of Strathfield we have made use of 
our powers under the law to limit houses five to the 
acre and we have neither terrace houses nor semi-de- 
tached houses. Each is a detached house. The growing 
population has got land cheaper than it otherwise would, 
and this has ensured liberal space for each house, larger 
than was provided before the new system came into 


The following statements, made early last year, by 
municipal and other authorities, concerning the general 
effects of the Australian and New Zealand system of 
taxation (it is in use, also, in the Transvaal, South 
Africa), afford an interesting contrast to the results 
obtained under the system of taxation followed on this 
continent : 

Sydney, Australia (Population 1,360,000), Roy Hendy, 
Town Clerk: "It has brought idle land into use, improved 
housing, and old buildings have been replaced by new 



risbane, Australia (Population 360,000), The City 
Assessor's Department : "It has brought idle land into 
use, with fewer houses per acre. It has not created con- 
gestion. We have no slum areas. It has been advanta- 
geous to householders, industry and the public welfare. 
Napier, New Zealand (Population 18,500), F. R. Wal- 
ters, Town Clerk : "It has brought idle land into use, 
improved housing, and reduced slums. There is very 
little slum area. It has encouraged more houses per acre. 
In my opinion, it has been advantageous to householders, 
industry and public welfare. Value of improvements 
;reatly exceeds that of land values." 

Witbank, Transvaal, British South Africa, J. J. Turn- 
Dull, Town Clerk: "The system has tended to bring idle 
land into use for the reason that a man pays the same 
tax for a vacant piece of ground as he does for a similar 
site with a valuable rent-producing building thereon. 
Generally, better buildings are erected now than prior to 
the introduction of the system. Improvement values are 
more than four times the land." 


The April issue of The Municipal Review of Canada con- 
tained a table giving a comparison of the building activi- 
ties in eighteen countries. The following figures are 
derived from that table. The year 1929 is used as an 
index year. 

1929 1932 1935 1937 

Canada 100.0 16.8 18.6 24.0 

United States. 100.0 17.7 26.9 47.9 
New Zealand. 100.0 22.3 49.5 81.8 
Australia .... 100.0 22.7 80.0 99.5 

After the war Canada once more will be faced with the 
necessity of providing gainful employment for thousands 
jf her soldiers as well as for other thousands now en- 
gaged in wartime industries. Might not the adoption of 
the Australian and New Zealand system of municipal 
taxation provide a solution for this problem and at the 
same time place our building trades on a sound basis? 

THE first man who, having enclosed a plot of ground, 
took upon himself to say, "This is mine," and found 
people silly enough to believe him, was the real founder 
of civil society. How many crimes, how many wars, 
iiow many murders, how much misery and horror would 
have been spared the human race if some one, tearing 
up the fence and filling in the ditch, had cried out to his 
fellows: "Give no heed to this imposter; you are all lost 
if you forget that the produce belongs to all, the land to 

Sydney and New York 


MISAPPREHENSION has developed among 
earnest followers of Henry George as to the ex- 
tent and value of the progress made in Sydney (which 
has a population of 1,400,000) and other Australian 
cities, and in New Zealand, toward collecting land 
rentals by taxation, and relieving buildings from tax- 

Valuable material on the Australian and New Zealand 
situation is contained in the foregoing article by H. 
Bronson Cowan, of Peterborough, Ontario. Mr. Cowan 
has visited all the large cities of Australia and New 
Zealand, and has had an unusual opportunity to study, 
at first-hand, conditions in these two dominions. As a 
supplement to this article, I should like to present some 
further information obtained from Mr. Cowan on the 
taxation system of Sydney as compared with that of 
New York. 

Mr. Cowan informs us that he has received a letter 
from a New York Georgeist, which quotes from an 
Australian source to the effect that the benefits derived 
in Sydney have not been as great as anticipated, and 
which emphasizes the claim that New York is taxing 
land values more highly than Sydney. It was stated 
that the rate of taxation in Sydney is only two per cent, 
whereas in New York it is almost three per cent. This 
would suggest that New York affords a better example 
of the application of the Henry George system of tax- 
ation than does Sydney, and that Sydney has received 
much advertising to which it is hardly entitled. 

Mr. Cowan has replied to the argument of his corres- 
pondent as follows : 

"You state : 'The only difference between New York 
and Sydney is that in the former we tax improvements.' 

"That difference is a tremendously important one. 
The tax you impose upon improvements is a repressive 
one. The elimination of such a tax would make a great 
difference. It has in Sydney. I venture to say that 
there is no comparison between the record for building 
developments in Sydney and New York over a long 
period of years. 

"You assume that the only tax upon land values in 
Sydney is the municipal rate of 2% which you mention. 
Here again you are far from the facts. The whole atti- 
tude in Sydney towards the taxation of land values is 
so far ahead of the attitude in New York, and in this 
part of Canada also, for that matter, that again there is 
little ground for comparison. For example, in addition 
to the municipal tax of 2%, Sydney has at least two 
additional taxes on land values, and at times more. 



"In addition to the municipal rate, they have imposed 
what are known as Main Road Rates and for years they 
had an extra rate to pay for the Sydney Harbour Bridge. 
In 1937, the revenues raised from these three rates were 
as follows : 

Municipal Rate 896,615 

Main Road Rates 41,108 

Harbour Bridge rates 44,277 

Total 982,000 

"In addition to the foregoing, the state imposes a 
special state tax on land values. The state tax is small 
in New South Wales but fairly heavy in some of the 
other states. In Victoria, it produces well over $2,000.000 
a year, and in Queensland, almost $2,000,000 a year. 
Bear in mind that the population in these states is not 

"The revenue raised in New South Wales much the 
greater part of it in Sydney for the Sydney Harbour 
Bridge alone, over a period of years, was in excess of 
$10,000,000. That was all in addition to the municipal 
tax rate. Have you ever heard of New York, or any 
other municipality on this continent, doing anything of 
that kind? That is why I say that when you count in 
such taxes as these, add them to the municipal tax, and 
allow for the fact that improvements are not taxed, you 
are very far astray when you say, or intimate, that New 
York can be compared with Sydney in these matters. 

"Mr. Hodgkiss states that they have slums and other 
undesirable social conditions in Melbourne. But remem- 
ber that Melbourne still taxes improvements. Alderman 
Firth and other authorities state that there are no slums 
in Sydney. Note the following statement by Alderman 
Firth : 

" 'Sydney and New Castle, in New South Wales, 
and Brisbane, in Queensland, the three cities that 
have made the most marvelous progress in Australia, 
all enjoy the new system of rating, while Adelaide, 
the capital of South Australia, under the old system, 
makes no corresponding progress. Melbourne also 
has stuck to the old system. It is a remarkable fact 
that while Melbourne not many years ago was larger 
than Sydney, it is altogether outdistanced by 

"You further state in your letter : 'The elimination of 
the taxes on improvements, where the tax on land values 
is not increased to an even larger extent, is to stimulate 
speculation in land.' 

"That is true only where a city needs improvements. 
The first effect of the elimination of the tax on improve- 
ments under such conditions is to promote the erection 
of the needed improvements surely a fine thing and 
this in turn increases the demand for land and enhances 

the price of land. But that condition continues only 
until the needed improvements have been supplied. To 
erect improvements after that is just a waste of money. 
I have in mind two large buildings erected in Vancouver, 
during the boom period, costing several million dollars, 
which have been scarcely used at all since they were 

"Now let us see what the effect of the land tax was 
in Sydney. Again I will quote from Alderman Firth : 

' 'There was a case of a man in my own Borough 
of Strathfield who was paying under the old system 
80 a year in rates on a section of land lying vacant. 
The first year the land value rating came into opera- 
tion, he had to pay 800. The second year he had 
sold the bulk of his land. It was taken up by many 
who were eager to use it. At the same time, others 
whose land had been developed, who had their house 
and home on it, found that their rates of S.8 or 10 
a year had been reduced to 2 or 3 under the new 
system. In short, the new system is of immense 
benefit to the man who uses his land well, by taking 
from his shoulders the burdens he had to bear when 
improvements were taxed and land values were 
largely exempt.' 

"Surely statements by such men as Alderman Firth, 
City Clerk Roy Hendy and others, and all to the same 
effect, as to the benefits derived under the new system, 
should carry weight." 

"Harvest" Man and Nature 

IN recent years the French cinema has risen to the 
rank of a cultural achievement. The films produced in 
France combine poetry and realism in penetrating com- 
mentaries on different aspects of life. One of the best 
of them is "Harvest", the theme of which is "the mig' 
deux a deux between man and nature". 



It is the story of a deserted farming village. All ha 
left, except one man, Panturle, who lives a half-savage 
life, until the woman, Arsule, comes. Here now are the 
elements of a new society man, woman and the land 
Together they live, together they plough the neglectee' 
fields, sow the seeds, grow wheat. Panturle thresher 
the wheat with his own hands. Then he brings it tc 
the market. There is a shortage of wheat that season 
and Panturle's wheat is the best in the countryside. H< 
gets a good price for it. This from the land that wa; 
not considered worth cultivating, that was deserted fo 
the lure of the cities. But, as the caption in the filn 
tells us, Mother Earth will not tolerate being despoilec 
and deserted. Man must always return to her and lean 
the lesson all over again. Only thus will society thrive 



More About Sharecroppers* 


SHARECROPPERS Week (March 3rd to 10th) in 
New York City has came and gone. City dailies 
said a few words in advance, and the Grapes of Wrath 
Dinner-Forum on March 5th, at which Mrs. Roosevelt 
and other notables spoke, received some polite notice. 
But, just as the Washington Sharecropper Conference 
in January came to naught, as far as the public knowl- 
edge of it was concerned, just so the doings of that 
week in New York were of little avail, as far as public 
knowledge was concerned, to the Sharecroppers. 

Some newspaper articles spoke of the "migrant 
workers" (particularly one series of excellent articles in 
a leading daily), but it was only the "migrant worker," 
individual and family, with whom all these stories dealt. 
The specific problem back of the case of the actual 
sharecropper of the South was touched on very lightly, 
if at all. 

The migrant worker, the wandering farm worker, 
moving from place to place in search of seasonal work, 
is quite a different person from the Southern share- 
cropper. The migrant worker is, as a rule, a lone man 
cursed with Wanderlust, a "hobo" of a better sort. Jack 
London, for instance, was a migrant worker at one period 
of his varied career. He wandered, for many reasons, 
and found it necessary to work now and then to provide 
cash for incident expenses, or to work for a night or a 
week's lodging mayhap. But his case, as the case of 
most such migrant workers, cannot and should not be 
confused with the, case of the sharecroppers of many 
thousands of whole families who are victims of the worst 
examples of landlordism our country can show. We are 
just beginning to hear something of their case, their 
hopeless condition. But the news is changed in transit. 
The Sharecropper is treated as a "migrant worker", and 
the actual point, sum and substance of the situation is 
lost deliberately smothered, one may well say. It is 
treated as an individual problem. 

To deal with the case of the sharecropper as a social 
problem would interfere with a large vested interest 
with the greatest, the most dangerous of all vested in- 
terests, the ability of one man, through undisturbed 
ownership of land, to make all others work for him, 
at his price. Working for a landlord at about 10 cents 
a day, these modern slaves of the landowner are much 
worse off than the black slaves of a former generation. 
For those chattel slaves were of actual money value to 
their owner. The sharecropper is of little money value 

* An article on the Sharecroppers by Miss Colbron appeared in 
the January-February issue of LAND AND FREEDOM. 

to his landlord, who can dispossess him at any moment, 
and take some one else on in his place. 

But the sharecropper has won some friends. He has 
been organized into a Union that fights for his interests 
and the interests of his family. The Southern Tenant 
Farmers' Union, a comparatively new organization 
already numbering more than 40,000 members among 
tenant farmers, especially among the sharecroppers, has 
as its motto: THE LAND IS THE COMMON HER- 
ITAGE OF THE PEOPLE. A worthy motto indeed. 
But even this daring Union fails to see the only way 
by which landlordism can be robbed of its power to 
exploit. Here is what they suggest: 

"For the dispossessed wanderers, the Southern Tenant 
Farmers' Union proposes federal communities, co-op- 
eratively managed, where a new life can begin. It asks 
that sharecroppers be represented on local committees 
administering the federal agricultural program. It seeks 
for agricultural workers the benefits of federal social 
security laws and the National Labor Relations Act. . . . 
But the real solution, the Union insists, lies in the 
establishment of farms of their own, cooperatively run. 
These farms will produce not only cotton to sell, but 
vegetables to eat, milk to drink, timber for homes and 

Perhaps something can be done that way, but not 
all that is needed. However, the Union's power and its 
determination to put through some part of its program 
to rehabilitate the sharecropper who asks nothing more 
than his little home, and earnings enough to support 
his family seems to have disturbed, rather seriously, 
the Southern landlords, the "planters" who are resur- 
recting a sort of Ku Klux Klan in an attempt to kill 
the Union. One can respect the Union for the enemies 
it has made as well as for its constant efforts to bring 
the sharecropper problem before the public without con- 
fusing it with farm problems in general. 

Now that the sharecroppers have created some public 
interest, some very amusing efforts have resulted on 
the part of those seeking public interest and eventually, 
public office. Such, for example, is Thomas E. Dewey's 
vacuous program for achieving agricultural prosperity. 

The attempt to put the case of the sharecroppers 
comprehensively before the general public has seemed, 
thus far, to have achieved nothing more than a deserved 
popularity for John Steinbeck's "Grapes of Wrath". But 
at least the surface has been scratched. It may lead to 
a clearer understanding of this most pitiful condition in 
our "land of unlimited opportunity". And when it is 
more clearly understood, the implications in the motto 
of the Southern Tenant Farmers' Union will be more 
fully realized the declaration that the land is the com- 
mon heritage of the people. 



Society Psychoanalyzed 


I WANT to try an experiment. I want to examine 
economic society in the light of today's psychology. 

Why is there sweated labour for some and no labour 
for others? Why, when we seek to improve our homes, 
do taxes leap up to kill our enterprise? Why are rents 
so high when so much land is left virgin? What force is 
at work damming the dynamic energies of industry and 
agriculture, preventing their harmonious flow? 

The source of mankind's life and energy is the Earth. 
Greek and Roman personified her as the great Goddess 
of Plenty Demeter, Ceres. Mankind was nursed at her 
breast, lovingly tilling her soil to gather her riches, 
penetrating into her depths to bring up her treasures. 
And no matter how far he may have wandered from her 
on his journey into modern civilization, he is still draw- 
ing his succour from her. It is his destiny to return 
always to her. When we die we commit our bodies once 
again to her care. 

I want to try and reconstruct the first psychological 
crisis of the primitive community. 

The drama is set in a fertile valley. Mountains enclose 
it. The first player is primitive, solitary man. He works 
all day on the land to produce the wherewithal to live. 
He lives crudely. His dwelling is a mud hut. He is 
bound up in Mother Earth. He is the infant. Others 
wander into the valley and settle on its fertile soil. The 
little egoist becomes aware of the family. He must 
become the little altruist. 

Now he need no longer work all day. He can exchange 
what he produces most easily with the produce of other 
men. His "produce" is his first possession. It can be 
retained or released at will. By exchanging his posses- 
sions, he achieves leisure. There is opportunity for men- 
tal development. It is the dawn of conscious reason. 
Now some are building wooden houses. So he decides 
to pull down his mud-hut, not without some regret. If 
one considers the insanitary conditions prevailing in our 
slums today, one suspects that we have suffered a fixa- 
tion at the primitive mud-hut level. 

Now the first doctor enters the scene. He cures with 
herbs and is paid in produce. Another is expert at sew- 
ing skins ; the first tailor is also paid in produce. Produce 
assumes a new value. It can be exchanged for service. 
Already man is being weaned from the soil. There is 
other work afoot. But there are always some left to till 
it the farmers the children. We call them "children 
of the soil." 

As the valley becomes more crowded, land gradually 
becomes an object of possession, an object of love and 
strife. As the exchanges become more complicated, men 

must learn to compromise. They must have laws and 
abide by them. They hear their first "don't." There are 
squabbles. So the little men go to the wisest and 
strongest man in the community ; from his wisdom the 
great man judges between them. From his strength he 
punishes. He is loved and feared. He is the father of 
the community; the first king. 

But this primitive king is not the wisest and strongest 
for nothing. He has the finest house and he is the first 
to stake out a fine piece of land, when land becomes 
heavily worked in the valley. It is royal, sacred land. 
It is "taboo." To touch it is death. The little men 
respect it in fear and love. The great father will devote 
his time to the community, but he also must live. In 
return the little men must sacrifice a proportion of their 
beloved produce, the bounty of their Mother Earth, to 
the protecting father. A service for a service. 

Now a danger threatens the community. As it spreads 
down the valley, its boundary meets the boundary of 
another growing community. It is retreat or war. The 
little men go again for help to the great father. He is 
growing rich on the service of the community and would 
not have its boundaries lessened by an inch. It is war. 
He will be their general. But he will need food and 
weapons for his army of strong men ; so the little men 
who stay behind must sacrifice a little more of their 
produce, their beloved bounty. The army returns vic- 
torious. The community is bigger and the great man 
more loved and feared than ever. 

But, peace restored, he is no longer giving added ser- 
vice to the community. Will the little men dare to point 
out that their added service should also now be cancelled? 
The big man is not going to point it out for them. Be- 
sides, he now has an army. It is for the little men to 
speak. Will they accept this burden of added taxation, 
of added sacrifice, or is it to remain a single mutual tax? 
The mingled love and hate for the tyrant colour the wish 
to speak with guilt. Is he not also their protector, their 
judge, their all-wise, their all-powerful one, their God? 
The longer the wish remains unspoken, the more guil 
it grows. 

Yet another factor creeps into the complex situatio 
The great man is growing old and wishes to ensure his 
privileges for his son. He boldly encloses his piece of 
land with a fence. The little men stand speechless before 
the "taboo." The great man sees their fear and boldly 
encloses more and more land. The little men, who have 
already sacrificed so much, are now losing their grip on 
the beloved Mother Earth. The more they love the land 
and work on it building roads and bridges the more 
valuable the big man's enclosure grows. And as the 
inheritors of the land increase in numbers, the land grows 
more scarce and ever more valuable, their need for it ever 
more passionate. But it belongs to the father, the king. 



How to meet this complex situation? The great father 
must be killed. Impossible! Impossible to kill the loved 
one; to entertain the guilty wish for a moment is to wish 
back certain death on oneself. Fly far from the country? 
But to the primitive mind there is no world beyond the 
community and the valley where it lies. To go away 
into the mountains is death. 

Here is the first big decision of the community. Which 
is the safest and easiest way out? Dismiss it. Bury it. 
Repress it. With but few exceptions, this is the course 
mankind has taken. He accepts the situation as a loving 
dependent. If the services due to him from his king are 
lessened by a despotic ruler, will he dare demand that 
the ruler pay back the value of the land in kind? 

He has branded himself, in fantasy, slave, and accepted 
the position of an impotent on the land. As far as he is 
concerned she can remain uncreative virgin. His love 
for her is even turned to distaste. Like the neurotic, he 
is capable of only a debased relationship with Mother 
Earth. He pays money to a procurer for the privilege 
of using her. She is the prostitute. Does he demand 
anything but a barren return? He has denied his claim 
to the dynamic value of land. 

"There is a tide in the affairs of men 
Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune. 
Omitted, all the voyage of their life 
Is bound in shallows and in miseries." 

For, although the guilty hostile wish is banished, its 
shadow, its ghost as it were lives on in the uncon- 
scious, in the fantasy of the terrible avenging lord. The 
death-wish is projected on to him. He hovers over men 
like a doom, binding them in fear. 

This type-case can be almost bodily applied to Eng- 
land. In it you can recognize her happy "kindergarten" 
existence under Alfred the Great, then the Danegeld, 
which collected an annual 72,000, twenty-seven years 
after the invasion was over, the Feudal System, the 
enclosures, and the "rogues and vagabonds" who swept 
over the country after the enclosures the nucleus of 
today's unemployed, our economic impotents. 

As the burden of taxation and oppression became more 
severe, the burden of apparent guilt shifted on to the 
other side, on to the land-owners. The little man who 
would not dare to speak in the first place now has his 
tongue cut out if he dares to squeal. When Parliament 
might have given him a voice, he could not raise it. If it 
were raised for a moment, a war was arranged to distract 
attention from the radical problem, to give scope for 
increased taxation, and to provide a safety-valve for the 
repressed hatred still strong unconscious motives for 
war. In 1660, the Convention Parliament did actually 
propose the abolition of Excise Duties, and a Tax on 

Land Values. The Stuarts retaliated with the trump 
card of Rulers the Divine Rights of Kings. The primi- 
tive in man was face to face once again with the painful, 
ambivalent emotions aroused by the God-tyrant. 

With the Industrial Revolution, our amorphous ener- 
gies were suddenly harnessed to a new dynamo. It was 
like the coming of puberty to the boy, when the amor- 
phous interests of the child are harnessed to the sexual 
dynamo." We can see the character-formation clearly for 
the first time. In England, we see a people already worn 
out by pestilence and torture. What should have been 
the greatest boon to mankind, they gratefully accepted 
at starvation wages and a sixteen-hour day. The great 
boon was only a source of added profit to the few, and 
added slavery to the many. Most of all, it has been the 
means of repressing still deeper the original situation. 
Housed in his dark slum, his nose eternally bent over 
the grindstone, the poor primitive has forgotten his 
gently sloping fields. So the neurosis "grows with what 
it feeds on." 

What can be learned from this psychoanalytic ap- 
proach to the Land Question? We can see, perhaps for 
the first time, the full strength of the resistance we are 
fighting. In the last chapter of "Progress and Poverty," 
Henry George says "The truth that I have tried to make 
clear will not find easy acceptance. If that could be, it 
would have been accepted long ago. If that could be, 
it would never have been obscured." We can give these 
lines a fuller meaning. 

Beneath the defiant silence of the landowners, the 
infant is still clinging to its beloved "possessions." Be- 
neath the slavish snobbery of the masses and the inartic- 
ulate ignorance of the poverty-stricken, the infant is still 
clinging to its paralysing fantasies. Beneath the sign 
"Trespassers will be prosecuted," we can read "taboo," 
and beneath "taboo" death. 

We see now why men shy away from their birthright 
like frightened animals ; why they slip off the noose for 
a moment, only to slip it on again under another name 
Democracy or Bolshevism ; why those with the needed 
land reform are sometimes doubtful how to proceed; 
whether they should present the case under this name 
or that name, whether they should aim at a sudden 
upheaval or a gradual reform. 

We must sow our seed where the resistance is weak- 
est, where there is a healthy discontent with the existing 
order. The reviling of our opponents is clearly so much 
wasted breath. The fault, if you can call it such, is more 
in the oppressed than the oppressor. 

Psychologically, the mass of us are still only school- 
children, and the process of education is bound to be 
slow. We shall need patience. Ferdinand Lassalle com- 
pares the reformer at work to the chemist, when his 
retort cracks in the heat. "With a slight knitting of his 



brow at the resistance of the material, he will, as soon 
as the disturbance is quieted, calmly continue his labour 
and investigations." 

Our reform can only come through the mass of indi- 
viduals. It can only come with enlightened education. 
History, 'Uncensored, must be taught in our schools. 
Among our teachers, the thinker must replace the ser- 
geant-major. Men's minds must be trained to think 
deeply and fearlessly. Whenever they think deeply 
enough, they can find the Single Tax. 

A time may come when the mass of men will see their 
fear for the fantasy it is. Throwing off their burden of 
guilt, they will throw off their burden of taxation, and 
rediscovering the debt, forgotten so long ago, claim a 
Single Tax for a Single Tax. When the land is taxed 
to its full yearly value, the great monopoly will be broken 
and the country thrown open for the people. Then will 
private ownership of land cease to be a source of profit, 
and a man live only by his labour. Then will there be 
work for all and leisure for all, and the great energies 
of the community will flow ever back to replenish the 

A Revolutionary Reform 


SINGLE-taxers are loathe to acknowledge the rev- 
olutionary implications of the socialization of rent 
and rental values. Our feudal economy is built on the 
privilege of private ownership of land, and all economic 
values are based on the power of exaction inherent in 
such privilege. This value has been capitalized and put 
under the charges of interest, and this capitalization is 
the depository of thrift, savings and security. It is rep- 
resented in the assets and solvency of life insurance, 
fire insurance, and trusts, and in most if not all of private 
debts, such as mortgages, judgments, etc. Also a large 
proportion of corporate bonds and stocks may be in- 
cluded. Therefore to destroy the privilege of private 
appropriation of land values is much more than a shift 
in the incidence of taxation. A whole new economy 
will have to be evolved, and we will have to pay a great 
price for liberty, at least during transition. The reason 
single-taxers should squarely face the momentous 
changes, is that these changes, if not known, are at least 
sensed by the mass of the people, and I have no doubt 
that the opposition to the single tax emphasizes these 
changes, while its protagonists dodge the issue, and 
thereby lose a certain quality of appeal. The Marxists 
preach revolution of the disinherited against poverty and 
oppression. The single-taxers proclaim freedom at a 
price, and the real work is to persuade people to pay it. 

I believe that there are also other tactical errors into 
which the single-taxers fall, which give rise to a con- 
fusion of thought altogether disconcerting to the unin- 
itiated. One of these concerns assessments. With value 
gone, what is to be assessed? Nothing but the privilege 
of occupancy and use, and the fixing of the value of the 
privilege can only be by governmental fiat. 

Another error is in referring to unearned increment 
as a "fund", conveying the idea that it may be drawn 
on as a checking account. Taxes, or the costs of gov- 
ernment, come out of the products of labor applied to 
land ; they are really paid by the pick and shovel, just 
as rent is paid. The real objection is to double robbery, 
taxes and rent. The elimination of taxes, by rent being 
taken as a substitute, is the idea to be stressed. Every 
dollar the producer can withhold from the landlord and 
the tax-collector is a dollar for larger consumption and 
increasing production. 

Again, single-tax is not a mere fiscal system. It is a 
method of determining the source and amount of gov- 
ernment income. It proposes to use as the sole measur- 
ing unit the value of land irrespective of improvements. 
With a given sum to be raised, and site values deter- 
mined, the tax fixes the contribution. This necessarily 
means a high tax on land, but in most instances, as 
where land is improved by homes, a lower total tax. 
The damage done the speculator will be compensated 
by the opening of opportunity, stimulation of building, 
and a general quickening of human life. 

And finally, the single-taxers fail to appreciate that, in 
the last analysis, single-tax is a land question agrarian 
at heart. As I understand the teaching, when the Ian 
speculator and the forestaller of opportunity have bee 
put to rout, then labor may have some measure of choic 
between working for itself or for another. Where is h 
to go to work for himself and at what? The only answe 
can be on subsistence farms as in frontier clays the 
new frontier being the land acquired by government 
through defaulted taxes. If this is not so, then the relief 
from the pressure of glutted labor "markets" is a false 
doctrine. Therefore the single-taxers should strive to 
foster the agrarian by transferring values to it from 
the values of the urban by supporting policies which 
directly and indirectly render farm life easier and more 
tolerable, and by taking the profit motive out of agri- 
culture. The field must cease to be the servant of the 
factory, and we must return the factory as the servant 
of the field. 

To be sure I am suggesting a large order, but I am 
convinced that it is the task before us. 

is an invitation to become a subscriber. 



A Superior Race 


THE land that will produce luscious fruits, beau- 
tiful flowers, useful cereals," said Aristotle 300 
years before Christ came to teach His principles, "will 
also produce a greater crop; that is, it will produce 
superior men and women, because man is a partner of 
all he sees and hears and grows through what he does, 
and the victories over unkind Nature are his." 

Little did this teacher of Alexander the Great dream 
that the day would come when man, by means of private 
appropriation of public land-values would plunge illit- 
erate humanity into such miserable poverty that luscious 
fruits would lie rotting in the shade of the trees which 
bore them, whilst man and woman went hungry for 
fruit ; that weeds would grow in wild and rank abandon 
because the building site on which they flourished then 
appeared to be less valuable for taxation purposes; that 
cereals, lacking a market among hungry men and their 
families, would be burned for fuel. 

Little did Aristotle dream that as humanity advanced 
in the arts and sciences the products of its ingenuity, 
labor and co-operation would be taken from it in the form 
of monopoly rent and taxes ; that rather than a race of 
superior men and women there would be driven into 
economic slavery boys and girls from the age of six 
years and upwards whom, as an eye-witness of national 
fame avers, death sets free "inside of four years". Labor- 
ing from six in the morning until seven in the evening, 
"these weazened pigmies" munched in silence their 
meagre lunches and then "toppled over in sleep on the 
floor". The superior race envisioned by Aristotle proved 
to be, in part, mill operatives consisting of "dozens of 
little girls of, say, seven years of age wearing only one 
garment, a linsey-woolsey dress"; sleep-locked little tots 
who, at the expiration of the lunch period, were shouted 
at, shaken, cuffed and even kicked into wakefulness to 
resume their dulled watch for broken threads in the 
spinning frames a long, weary watch carried on in 
monotonous repetition as little feet ceaselessly paced 
up and down the alleys between rumbling machines a 
terrific rumble which "reduced nervous sensation in a 
few months to the minimum" a deadened nervous sys- 
tem in which "the child does not think, he ceases to 
suffer memory is as dead as hope : no more does he 
long for the green fields, the running streams, the free- 
dom of the woods, and the companionship of all the wild, 
free things that run, climb, fly, swim or burrow . . . 
memory is seared, physical vitality is at such low ebb 
that he ceases to suffer. Nature puts a short limit on 
torture by sending insensibility." 

This is the true picture of Aristotle's superior race 
as it existed a few decades ago in these United States. 
If there be alive today any of these seven or eight year 
old tots who, having worked in a mill a year, "could 
never learn to read", they now should be in the prime 
of life well under two score years and ten. We wonder 
if the report of the writer on sociology accurately fore- 
cast the future of these little boys and girls "a year in 
the milts and he loses his capacity to play; and the child 
that cannot play, cannot learn." 

The same old tax system totters on. Publicly-created 
land-values are garnered into private pockets; privately- 
created wealth is publicly confiscated by legal sanction, 
legal decree and legal rigmarole wealth which comes 
practically in its entirety from the none-too-large wages 
of ninety-five per cent of our population wages which 
now are being augmented by WPA and PWA jobs 
created for many millions of unemployed men and women 
whom Aristotle once visualized as a superior race which 
was to come long after the ancient and venerable phi- 
losopher had made his last observation. 

In this land which is thought to be "the land of the 
free and the home of the brave" there might have been 
the superior race in fact which it pleased the old-time 
philosopher to contemplate. Ten or fifteen millions of 
unemployed men and women have become superior in 
one or two respects superior in the art of doing un- 
necessary "projects" superior in the art of doing them 
over again, and all because our tax system cast in 
plaster of Paris "precedents" born in the oppressive 
dignity of "law" has hobble-hitched and hog-tied in- 
dustry until it palpitates back and forth between tax- 
assessor sweats and labor-union chills. 

If there be alive today any of these tiny tots we 
wonder what contribution they have made to Aristotle's 
superior race. We wonder if the children of these chil- 
dren are boys and girls of promising physique well 
educated and ready to advance this superior race one 
more generation toward superlative superiority. Or are 
the children of these children yet in the aftermath of 
man's inhumanity to children? 

"I thought to lift one of the little toilers to ascer- 
tain his weight. Straightway through 'his thirty-five 
pounds of skin and bones there ran a tremor of fear, 
and he struggled toward a broken thread. I at- 
tracted his attention by a touch, and offered him a 
silver dime. He looked at me dumbly, from a face 
that might have belonged to a man of sixty, so fur- 
rowed, tightly drawn and full of pain it was. He 
did not reach for the money 'he did not know what 
it was. I tried to stroke his head and caress his 
cheek. My smile of friendship meant nothing to 
him he shrank from my touch, as though he ex- 
pected punishment. A caress was unknown to this 



child, sympathy had never been his portion, and 
the love of a mother who only a short time before 
held him in her arms, had all been forgotten in the 
whir of wheels and the awful silence of a din that 
knows no respite. 

"There were dozens of just such children in this 
particular mill. A physician who was with me said 
that they would all be dead, probably in two years, 
and their places filled with others there were plenty 
more. Pneumonia carries off most of them. Their 
systems are ripe for disease, and when it comes, 
there is no rebound no response. Medicine simply 
does not act nature is whipped, beaten, discour- 
aged, and the child sinks into a stupor, and dies." 
If it is God's purpose to let us discover in ourselves 
the depths of our depravity the stench of our social 
stinks the degree of hardness in our hearts the verity 
of our vanity irf improving upon the laws of Nature 
the pomposity of our professorial piffle the banal bally- 
hoo of our stuttering statesmen the petrified culture 
of our pretentious aristocracy if all these discoveries 
are His purpose then our stupid slowness in awakening 
to our inhumanity o'er tops all other weaknesses, greed 
and avarice, poll-parrot pretensions and self-centeredness 
which consumes our days from birth to death. 

Occasionally there is a commotion among the well- 
buttered faces of those who cling tenaciously to things- 
as-they-are. Occasionally someone takes up the battle 
in behalf of the economic slaves who dully look with 
suspicion upon the pioneers who would save these 
slaves who have been led to believe that "the poor ye 
have always with you" was a command, not a warning. 
Occasionally a Luther, a Savonarola, an Emerson, a 
Garrison, a George, a McGlynn has stepped forth with 
vehement protest against this economic servitude only 
to be classed as a renegade by those who believe that 
poverty is essential to dividends and to "capital". 

In 1900 the superior race envisioned by Aristotle, 
nearly twenty-five centuries before, easily could have 
marshalled, in one small area of this nation, "twenty 
thousand pigmy bondsmen, half naked, half starved, 
yellow, weazened, deformed in body, with drawn faces 
that show spirits too dead to weep, too hopeless to laugh, 
too pained to feel." Today ten or fifteen millions of 
fathers and mothers, maturing sons and daughters, easily 
can dwarf in numbers these twenty thousand pigmies as 
they form an army of unemployed dwarf them in num- 
bers, but not in shame, as the victims of a vicious tax 
system which buys the so-called culture for a vainglori- 
ous aristocracy which proudly bears a coat-of-arms in the 
sign of the almighty dollar. 

The sweat-shops of Hester Street the depravity and 
degradation of Whitechapel the Ghetto of Venice the 
mines of Siberia these have been the incubators of 
Aristotle's superior race. 

Rent in Jurisprudence 


ALL Georgeists know or should know the law of 
rent as formulated by Ricardo, and since accepted 
by all economists of note. In Progress and Poverty the 
law of rent is stated thus: 

"The rent of land is determined by the excess of its 
produce over that which the same application can secure 
from the least productive land in use." 

In this article, I intend to discuss not the law of rent, 
but the law on rent, i. e., the definitions and functions of 
rent as interpreted and decided by authoritative legal 

The definition of rent as given by Henry George is 
as follows : 

"Rent is that part of wealth which is given for the use 
of land." 

The following are the definitions of rent by accepted 
authorities of the legal profession : 

"Rent (Lat. reditus, a return). A return or compensa- 
tion for the possession of some corporeal inheritance. A 
certain profit, either in money, provisions, or labor, issu- 
ing out of lands and tenements, in return for their use. 

"The compensation, either in money, provisions, chat- 
tels, or labor, received by the owner of the soil from the 
occupant thereof." (Bouvier's Law Dictionary) 

The late Professor John H. Easterday, in The Law of 
Real Property I, 1932 edition, pp. 51-52, defines rent as 
follows : 

"A rent is a right to a certain profit issuing periodically 
out of lands and tenements. 

"A rent may be created either by conveying land to 
another person and reserving the rent to the grantor or 
his heirs, but not to a stranger, or by granting the rent 
to another person and retaining the land. . . . 

"Care must be exercised by the student at all times to 
note the exact sense in which the term 'rent' is used. 
The right to demand a profit should never be confused 
with the profit itself." 

Formerly, it was possible not only to sell land, and 
thus to realize capitalized rent, but also to reserve a 
perpetual rent in the land conveyed. Such rent inhered 
in the land, and was forever payable to the original 
grantor, his heirs, or to any person or persons to whom 
such an everlasting right was sold. It is interesting to 
note that while the New York State Constitution abol- 
ished such rent, so far as agricultural lands are concerned, 
this rent in perpetuity may still be conveyed in the cases 
of city structures or lots, mining lands, etc. 

A tenant's liability for rent is not affected by condem- 
nation of part of the leased premises ; but where the estate 



of both landlord and tenant in the entire premises is 
extinguished by condemnation, the obligation to pay rent 
ceases. (Corrigan v. Chicago, 144 111. 537.) 

Payment of rent has become a sacred ritual. Rent 
must be paid on the day it is due, and courts are very 
strict in enforcing this rule. No day of grace is given 
to a tenant. In Walton v. Stafford, 162 N. Y. 558, the 
New York State Court of Appeals affirmed a ruling that 
rent falling due on a legal holiday other than Sunday is 
due on that day. 

An unconscious recognition of the fact that wealth 
must be produced before a division thereof goes to the 
landlord as rent is indicated in the case of Smathers v. 
Standard Oil Co., 199 App. Div. 368, affirmed 233 N. Y. 
617; where the Court said: 

"In construing the lease before us, it is also important 
to recognize the rule that the presumption is that rent is 
not payable until after it has been earned, and that, in 
the absence of an express agreement to the contrary, rent 
is payable at the end of the term, and not in advance." 

In Smith v. Barber, 112 App. Div. 187, the landlord's 
holy right to rent has been further perpetuated, this time 
without any regard as to tenant's actual earnings on the 
land. The Court there decided that the obligation of a 
tenant to pay rent after the beginning of the term does 
not depend on his possession of the demised premises. 
If he acquired perfect title thereto by virtue of the lease, 
which would include the right of possession, he is liable 
for rent under his covenant to pay the same, regardless 
of whether or not he actually obtained possession. 

Thus it is seen that while the definition of rent is 
vague, and includes the return for the use of tenements 
and furniture, the Courts have, none the less, insisted 
that the payment of rent is a natural act, and have in 
every way enforced it. 

To come back to the definitions, we see Professor 
Easterday cautioning the student to be careful in his use 
of the word "rent," and yet, in the same passage, he 
further defines rent as "the right . . . against realty 
to receive from it some compensation or rent" (Van 
Rensellaer v. Read, 26 N. Y. 558, 564.) He himself has 
fallen into the error of including in a definition the thing 
being defined, in this case, rent. It is like defining land 
as consisting of air, water, and land. 

The foregoing authorities, in discussing the origin and 
the definition of rent, are united in the assertion that 
rent must consist of profit. They do not define what 
profit is, but use the term in its common meaning, as 
defined by Henry George: "Profit is the amount received 
in excess of an amount expended." Now, by what stretch 
of imagination, legal or otherwise, could it be said that 
rent is an amount received in excess of an amount 
expended? What amount was expended to create land? 

If it could be claimed that certain individual landlords 

have worked as wage-earners nearly all their life, stinting 
themselves of all pleasures, working, slaving, and saving 
enough to buy a share of the infinite universe, the answer 
is that firstly, in political economy, which deals with a 
community generally, we are not interested in individual 
transactions, and that as a whole, the class of landlords 
did not derive its claim to land by exchanging the result 
of hard labor for real estate. And secondly, were it pos- 
sible that every landlord today actually did purchase land 
by means of wealth accumulated at the expense of daily 
toil, it still would not change the fact that title to that 
which cannot be owned cannot be passed, irrespective of 
the good faith or the honestly-possessed wealth of the 
purchaser. Ironically, the rule just quoted is a legal 
axiom so thoroughly ingrained in the annals of the law, 
that it is never even questioned by gentlemen who prattle 
about legal rent and profits. 

Unfortunately, we live in a world where the acceptance 
of status quo is tantamount to the acceptance of truth, 
so earnestly searched for by the ancient philosophers. In 
a world where mental garbage passes for impenetrable 
and therefore, deep thought, all such ambiguity is 
appreciated, as faithfully summarizing the chaotic non- 
sense existing in the present order. Scholastic pulpits 
impress upon us the value of ten-syllable words ; lawyers, 
carefully splitting thin hairs into infinitesimal principles 
of law, pompously clothe such principles with all the 
parasitic medals with which this world abounds. Ques- 
tions like "Are you still beating your wife?" and "How 
many angels can stand on top of a pin?" are earnestly 
debated ; and the fury exerted to discover who swindled 
whom in what, trains the mind to waste itself in futile 

By-products of Education 


AT the Henry George Centenary last September, I 
"scraped acquaintance" with a banker who spoke 
disparagingly of the effectiveness of the Henry George 
School extension class he was conducting. Perhaps it 
has been excessive modesty on my part, but I myself have 
been so discouraged at the number who break their 
promises to join our classes, at the number of others 
who drop out, and even those who "complete" the course 
and then seem to feel no concern to help spread the 
doctrine, that I wonder if other Extension Secretaries of 
the School do not share my sense of frustration. 

I have been encouraged to persist partly by the in- 
stances of indirect results that have occasionally come 
to my notice, some of which I would like to pass on for 
the encouragement of others who may be tempted to 
abandon their work or deterred from starting a class by 
the scarcity of tangible results. 


An executive in a manufacturing concern eight miles 
from Hudson, New York (where I teach), who would 
never attend a class, has bought four copies of our text- 
book, "Progress and Poverty," to give away. In his 
office recently I noticed one of the tracts printed by Mr. 
Goeller that I did not recall giving to him. He said it 
had come back to him with acknowledgment of a "small 
contribution" he had made to Gilbert Tucker's group, 
the Tax Relief Association (I had sent them his name), 
and that he kept it on his desk "to start arguments with"! 

I experienced one of my bitterest disappointments 
when the social science teacher from the Hudson High 
School dropped out of my class. A year later I had a 
chance to tell him that President Knarr of our Henry 
George Fellowship had recently seen a Cornell University 
text-book which gave considerable favorable treatment 
to the Georgeist Philosophy. His reply was, "Why 
shouldn't they? There are no arguments against it. I 
teach it as much as the Syllabus will permit." 

A local merchant who "had no time" for class borrowed 
my copy of "Significant Paragraphs from Progress and 
Poverty." He kept it so 'long that I finally asked him 
to return it unread so I could lend it to someone else. 
He stalled and when I finally recovered the book he had 
read it and said he was convinced that Single Tax woukl 
work if it were possible to get it tried. 

I could give many more instances of books sold to 
people whom I unsuccessfully solicited to attend classes 
at the school. Some were influential people, some were 
not. Some read the books, others did not. I always have 
a copy of "Progress and Poverty" in my car and have 
sold them to all kinds of people in all kinds of places. 
I hope these facts may encourage some other teacher 
who is working alone "out in the sticks" where you 
cannot send out a thousand class announcements to a 
thousand new names twice a year but have to get your 
pupils by knocking them down and dragging them in. 
I feel if the class had continued in Albany and the one 
promised in Poughkeepsie would start, it would not only 
produce results both tangible and intangible in those 
cities, but would add to the prestige of my work in 
Hudson. Every outpost helps, but it is harder to keep 
up one's courage on the frontiers than where one attends 
large faculty meetings every few months. 

One way we try to get publicity for the Hudson Exten- 
sion is by exhibits in the windows of vacant stores. I 
like to think that there may be some intangible propa- 
ganda there that some prejudice against our ideas may 
be broken down in minds of people we never contact in 
any other way. 

The way of education is a long, slow way, it is a hard 
struggle. But it is not a futile endeavor. The "by- 
products" that we may never hear of are incalculable. 
In the work of education the best advice to follow is 
haste not, rest not. "Its growth is in other hands." 

Abel Brink 

IN the death of Abel Brink, early in January, 1940, the 
movement in Denmark has lost one of its ablest 
adherents. Of Abel Brink it can indeed be said that he 
toiled for the Truth, suffered for it, and died for it. Never 
robust, Brink spent most of his life in fighting for the 
rights of man. He died in his early fifties after a long 
illness. His mental and spiritual energy, his power of 
faith and devotion to the Truth, were too much for his 
frail body to support any longer. 

His interest in political economy dates from his school 
years. Scarcely twenty when a pupil in Jakob Lange's 
People's High School (Adult High School), Brink trans- 
lated an English book on political economy, the effort 
incidentally affording him an easy way to learn English. 
He was then planning to come to the United States. 
Later when he did come to this country, he spent several 
years on a relative's farm, then returned to Denmark to 
finish his education and get his University degree. He 
subsequently entered Government employ, and became a 
member of the Valuation Commission, interesting him- 
self particularly in Land Valuation. If Denmark today 
has one of the best land valuation systems in the world, 
a system that is part of the governmental functions, it is 
because of Abel Brink's many years of work. He studied 
the systems in use in other lands. Among the systems 
he introduced was the Purdy Unit (New York City) 
system of urban land valuation for Copenhagen and other 
large towns. He also mapped farm land and did many 
things to make the government and the people of his 
country understand the immense importance, as a sound 
basis for political economy, of a proper understanding of 
land values. 

For over twenty years Mr. Brink has been prominent 
in the Georgeist work in Denmark. He was a spearhead 
at all important meetings in his own country and at 
many a Conference in other lands. A quiet, shy man, a 
rather dry speaker and writer, the facts he had to tell 
were nevertheless of great importance. The papers writ- 
ten by him for various conventions would, of themselves, 
make an enlightening record of the work in Denmark. 

For many years Mr. Brink had been editor of Grundskyld, 
the official organ of the Danish Henry George Associa- 
tion, or, as it subtitles itself, the "Association for Ground 
Debt and Free Trade." Our Danish comrades, incident- 
ally, do not call themselves Single Taxers, but Georgeists. 
They do not speak of "Single Tax" but have, as the 
basis of their work and teachings, the words "Ground 
Debt" (Grundskyld, i. e., the debt owed to the community 
for the use of land). 

Abel Brink was as faithful at this work as at all his 
other labor for the Truth in which he believed. As he 
was not gifted with the personal magnetism that aids 



other workers in the Cause, in Denmark as elsewhere, 
Brink's influence relied mainly upon the unassailable 
truth of his argumentation, upon his astounding knowl- 
edge of facts, and his ability to marshal them. His keen 
sense of justice, his unswerving devotion to the Truth 
burned through his quiet, rather restrained, manner, and 
made itself felt whenever he spoke and wrote. 

The January issue of Grundskyld was devoted mainly 
to tributes to Brink by leading associates, Jakob Lange, 
veteran of the Danish movement ; K. J. Kristensen ; F. 
Folke; J. L. Bjorner and Mrs. Signe Bjorner, as well as 
many others. His comrades spoke at the funeral cere- 
mony, and a memorial meeting was held by the Henry 
George Association, in the form of a dinner at the Grundt- 
vig House in Copenhagen. The tone of this meeting, as 
described in Grundskyld, was hopeful and cheerful, as 
Brink himself would have wished it. The speeches told 
of his fine work, of the tributes coming from other lands. 
It was on this occasion that Mr. Folke told of Abel 
Brink's last wish, his request that the words THE 
EARTH FOR THE PEOPLE might be carved on his 

Abel Brink's life, and the prominence he attained in 
the work for the Truth in which he believed, were a fine 
example of the power of faith. Lacking, either in appear- 
ance or manner, in that personal charm that attracts 
attention to the individual himself and may outweigh the 
cause he advocates, Brink worked his way up to a lead- 
ing position in the Movement by his steadfast faith, his 
unswerving loyalty, his clear incisive understanding. He 
will be greatly missed in Denmark as elsewhere where 
Georgeists meet. And his name will stand high in the 
ranks of those who remained faithful . . . "even unto 

Fellow Journeymen 

THREE famous men have passed away recently, all 
within a short time of one another, all distinguished 
in their respective fields, all friends of the Henry George 
cause. They are, Raymond V. Ingersoll, Hamlin Gar- 
land and Edwin Markham. 

It was a useful public career that came to an untimely 
end with the passing of Raymond Ingersoll, on February 
24, 1940, at the age of 65. His interest in public affairs 
began forty years ago, when he was active in the New 
York City election which threw out the Tammany mayor, 
Van Wyck, and brought in Seth Low, who was then 
President of Columbia University. From 1919 to 1924, 
Ingersoll was secretary of the influential civic group, 
the City Club of New York. In 1924, he was selected 
as Impartial Chairman to arbitrate the labor disputes 
in the cloak and suit industry. He received wide com- 

mendation from all sides for his fair and impartial ad- 
judications. He resigned this post in 1931. In 1933 he 
was elected President of the Borough of Brooklyn, 
New York, and was re-elected in 1937. This position 
he retained, honorably and efficiently, up to his recent 
death. Though not active in the Georgeist cause, he 
was known to be very friendly, and was always prepared 
to lend his aid and influence when called upon to do so. 
He preferred to be known as a tax reformer rather than 
a single taxer, but conceded that his entire knowledge 
of taxation came to him from his study of Henry George. 

Hamlin Garland, the "dean of American letters", died 
March 4, 1940, at the age of 79. He came from a pioneer- 
ing family, and was born in Wisconsin in its frontier 
days. His chief sympathies and interests lay with the 
frontier pioneers, whom he has immortalized in his lit- 
erary works. His travels took him to Iowa, Dakota. 
California and the Yukon. He foresaw the defeat of 
the pioneers in the economic system that was taking 
hold. Garland's accepted masterpiece, "A Son of the 
Middle Border" is the story of his own family, and its 
westward migrations, in the constant driving search for 
better land on which to settle. Having had the privilege 
of observing the land question at first hand, Garland 
was greatly influenced by Henry George. He was a 
member of the first National Conference of Single Taxers 
in 1890, and it was he who officiated in welcoming Henry 
George back to America after his travels abroad. 

Our third friend, Edwin Markham, died on March 7, 
1940. He would have celebrated his 88th birthday on 
April 23. Markham was born in Oregon, wrote verses 
since childhood, and worked on farms and cattle ranches. 
He lived in obscurity until his 47th year, when the poem 
that brought him fame was given to the world. "The 
Man with the Hoe" has been circulated more than any 
other single poem. Markham said that he was inspired 
by Millet's painting of the same name, in which the 
apathetic hoeman did indeed seem to be "bowed by the 
weight of centuries". "The yeoman," said the poet, 
"is the landed and well-to-do farmer. You need shed 
no tears for him. But here, in Millet's picture is his 
opposite, the hoeman, the landless and soul-blighted 
workman of the world." Markham's sense of outrage 
at this economic inequality resolved itself into his poem. 

"Plundered, profaned, disinherited, 
Cries protest to the Judges of the World, 
A protest that is also a prophecy." 

The founder of LAND AND FREEDOM, Joseph Dana Miller, 
was one of the first to bring Markham's poem to public 
attention. While Markham was a prolific writer and 
lecturer, he has not been able to escape the onus of 
being a one-poem poet. But he might well have been 
consoled with the knowledge that no one else ever made 
a deeper furrow with a mere hoe. 



Signs of Progress 


Henry George School of Social Science 


CLASSES At the middle of this spring term there are 
fifty classes in "Progress and Poverty" being conducted 
at headquarters, out of an original fifty-one at the be- 
ginning of the term. A comparison with previous mid- 
term data reveals that there has been a smaller percentage 
of drop-outs this term than ever before. 

There are six classes for high school students, and 
judging from the report of their instructors they are 
splendid classes. The students evince a disposition 
towards logical reasoning, and they are less obsessed 
with pre-conceived notions than are their elders. They 
require less help from the instructors, and they readily 
correct themselves when in error. The results of edu- 
cating this group warrant more attention being paid to 
them. It is expected that the number of such classes will 
be increased in ensuing terms. 

"STUDENT GROUPS A group of students have formed a 
debating team. To begin with, they will limit themselves 
to intra-mural debates, and as experience is gained, they 
expect to branch out. The purpose of the group is to 
attract the attention of those unacquainted with the 
philosophy of Henry George, to the end that they will 
take up the study more thoroughly in classes. 

Another student group that has been formed is the 
Current Events Discussion Group, which meets at the 
School every Wednesday. Sidney Abelson, who also 
conducts a writing group, acts as Chairman. Topics of 
current interest, such as the Finnish loan, the Japanese 
embargo, and New Deal measures, have been discussed 
by a group averaging twenty-five in number. Contro- 
versial subjects are treated in the manner of a debate, 
each side being represented by a speaker, with general 
discussion following. 

EXTENSION CLASSES Due mainly to Secretary Teresa 
McCarthy's intensive efforts in New Jersey, classes are 
being conducted in Elizabeth, Bloomfield, Perth Amboy, 
Irvington, Dover, Orange, Newark, Kearny, Montclair, 
North Arlington, Union City, West New York, Hack- 
ensack, Paterson, Pompton Plains, and Lincoln Park. 

Most of the big cities in the United States are repre- 
sented by classes. Among those that have more than 
one class are: Boston, Mass., with ten classes; St. Louis, 

Mo., with five; Philadelphia, Pa., three; Chicago, 111., 
twenty-five ; Hartford, Conn., five ; Long Island, N. Y., 

Not all the extensions have reported yet for their 
Spring term plans. More are expected. 

In Boston an unusually large class graduated at a 
meeting of the Henry George Fellowship held at the 
Y.W.C.A. John S. Codman was chairman. Francis 
Goodale delivered the principle address. New classes 
started April 1. A broadcast over a Boston radio station 
announced the commencement of these classes. 


Dorothy Sara, in charge of the Speakers Bureau of 
the School, reports that the service of supplying George- 
ist speakers to various social groups is a most efficient 
means of stimulating public interest in the Georgeist 
philosophy, and in getting people to take the course at 
the School. 

Louis Wallis, noted Georgeist author and lecturer, 
spoke before the Paterson Rotary Club, in New Jersey, 
on March 15. Out of eighty-five members present, fifty- 
eight enrolled on the spot for the correspondence course 
in Fundamental Economics. The meeting consisted 
mostly of business men, a type of audience which Mr. 
Wallis is particularly qualified to handle. His remarks 
were on "Our Lopsided Taxation", a topic he has often 
used, always with favorable results. 

A new service has been established in the Speakers 
Bureau. While most speakers deliver their speeches 
ex tempore, some of them write out their speeches, and 
afterwards place them with the Bureau, thus making 
them available to others. A file of speeches on a variety 
of subjects has thus been built up. When some organi- 
zation wants to hear a talk on housing, or the depression, 
for instance, the chosen speaker may study and use the 
speech already written on that topic. 

So valuable has the Speakers Bureau in New York 
City proven, that Extension Schools in other cities have 
been inspired to start their own lecture service bureaus. 
Among the cities that have already gotten their bureaus 
under way are : Newark, N. J. ; Philadelphia, Pa. ; Berk- 
eley, Calif.; and Montreal, Canada. 




The proposed classes of the Society, reported in the last 
issue of LAND AND FREEDOM, are now in full swing, and 
arrangements for four new classes in "Progress and 
Poverty" have since been made. 

Besides taking upon himself the large order of cover- 
ing Long Island with classes, Dr. S. A. Schneidman, 
leader of the Society, has established a series of forums 
similar to the ones held at the School headquarters. 
The Long Island forums are held Tuesday evenings at 
the Jamaica Y.M.C.A., and the whole series for this 
Spring has already been planned. Among the lecturers 
who have already spoken are : Holger Lyngholm, on 
"Cooperation and Democracy in Denmark" (which ap- 
pears elsewhere in this issue) ; Ralph Borsodi, Editor of 
'ree America and Director of the School for Living, on 

he Doom of the Modern City Decentralization Pro- 
gram for Social Change"; and Dr. Henry Neumann, 
leader of the Brooklyn Ethical Culture School, on "Build- 
ing the Ethical World of Tomorrow". Many more prom- 
inent speakers appear on the program for future forums. 

A fine statement of the aims of the Society appears 
in the announcement of the forums : "The Society for 
Long Island Georgeists is bravely attempting, in these 
chaotic times, to bring together socially spirited men 
and women inspired by the teachings of Henry George, 
that these may in turn help others into an understanding 
of the possibility of realizing economic democracy the 
basis for a meaningful life in this day and age." 


One of the aims of Oscar Geiger in founding the School 
va.s to produce, not only converts to the Georgeist 
lilosophy, but also leaders who would themselves 
jstain and expand educational activities. 

The fact that this aim has borne fruit is well ex- 
emplified in the Chicago School. Forty students of the 
Winter term met at the Chicago headquarters on March 
9, to consult on plans for Spring classes, and for the 
commencement exercises. One of the students suggested 
that a representative from each class discuss the needs 
of the School with his fellow students and help support 
its activities. The suggestion was unanimously accepted. 

Robert Schalkenbach Foundation 


TAXATION TURMOIL Readers who enjoyed "Taxation 
Turmoil" by W. R. B. Willcox, will be pleased to know 
lat the publication has now been taken over by a New 
fork concern and a new edition, now in production, 
will be available later on this year. For those unfamiliar 

with the book, perhaps the best summary is the author's 
prefacing statement : Mr. Willcox says, "The following 
pages were written in a spirit of protest against what 
seems to be a settled policy of those who direct and 
influence the affairs of government." His answers to 
the questions of what can replace taxation, who will pay 
for the government, which of our existing taxes is the 
most vicious and what class of men is hardest hit by 
the present system, make up one of the most widely 
discussed books of contemporary Georgeist literature. 
The publishers have established a price of $2 for the new 
edition and orders may be placed with the Foundation. 

PEARSON'S LONDON It has been suggested that we bring 
to your attention Doctor S. Vere Pearson's excellent 
study, "London's Overgrowth" (reviewed in the May- 
June issue of LAND AND FREEDOM). While treating, as 
the case in point, the City of London, Dr. Pearson under- 
takes to answer many of the questions about our own 
cities that have long perplexed us. The book is a 
pleasant voyage of exploration into the economic, geo- 
graphical and cultural forces that combine to establish, 
develop and maintain the city as a special form of 
human association, and the understanding which the 
reader gains sets the problem completely in perspective. 
Dr. Pearson's inquiry into the part the land question 
plays in complicating every urban issue, however re- 
motely connected it may seem, is the reader's guide 
into a realm hitherto reserved for the experts some of 
whom have found it expedient to keep the public ig- 
norant and the territory uncharted. The book, a recent 
import, is available from the Foundation at $2 a copy, 

eering has long been acknowledged, and is bringing 
results in special work we have been doing this winter 
among high school teachers of economics. Nearly two 
hundred copies of "Progress and Poverty" have been 
purchased by members of this influential group, extra 
literature for class room use has been requested, and we 
have reason to believe that, in many high schools, more 
attention is being paid to George. 

A new campaign has just been started among archi- 
tects of New York State. We are distributing the 
pamphlet "Why Penalize Building", with a letter point- 
ing out how the building trade and allied industries 
would benefit by the abolition of taxes on buildings and 
other improvements. 

FAME MOVES APACE Our efforts to have Henry George 
elected to the Hall of Fame this year, move on apace. 
Friends who have helped in previous elections are being 
urged to again put their shoulders to the wheel. New 
friends who would like to assist are invited to get in 
touch with us. If you are personally acquainted with 



any of the one-hundred-and-fourteen electors whose 
names have been appearing in the daily press (or a list 
of whom we can send you), will you please communi- 
cate with the Foundation? It will be a great satisfaction 
to all of us when Henry George receives the recognition 
due him, and is awarded his place of honor in this 
American Valhalla. 

Manhattan Single Tax Club 

PRESIDENT Ingersoll has of late been issuing his 
current events radio addresses more frequently. 
His aim is to reach people of average intelligence, and 
this aim, he says, makes urgent the need for a simple 
and clear statement of economics. This, he believes 
is the task ahead of the whole Georgeist movement. 

Mr. Ingersoll considers that one reason Georgeists 
have not made headway with colleges and with the 
whole educational system is their failure to present 
their economics in a suitable for distribution 
(teaching). He follows the business analogy of manu- 
facturing and selling. The Georgeist failure has been 
in the market place. 

Following are extracts from President Ingersoll's 
recent broadcasts : 

forth in a big story from California, telling of the spring parade 
of "jalopies" containing emigrant workers and their families. From 
fifty to one hundred thousand of these workers enter the state 
each year and are considered a menace in various ways. I am 
writing to J. Rupert Mason of California, to inquire whether in 
his state there is any shortage of land, or whether it is made short 
by its monopolizers. Our frontiers are closed in many states by half 
the land being subject to sale for taxes due from broken-down 
speculators. That amount of land would take care of all our unem- 

more unlovely if it is undemocratic. The Republican Party was in 
power during the most constructive period of our struggles toward 
democracy. It would have been logical for them to adopt the demo- 
cratic program of killing consumer taxes and shifting them onto the 
basic monopoly, land. They have failed to do this. The Democratic 
Party might do it if it really knew the meaning of the words "New 
Deal". So we have to keep shouting from the housetops till one of 
these parties wakes up to the obvious. If they slumber much longer, 
they ought to be buried, and a real democratic party founded. 

Democratic camp; and that it may be concentrating upon the economic 
sector. While Secretary Hull is bent on extending Trade Treaties, 
there is more than a suspicion that the President is firmly behind 
him, and has been, during their four years of cooperation. Secretaries 
Morgenthau and Eccles are covering the more vital principle of 
domestic free trade. The mere declaration against piling consumer 
taxes higher is a big step toward democratic economics. 

League for Freedom 


Mr. Foley's "Appeal for Action" in the last issue of 
LAND AND FREEDOM met with an enthusiastic response, 
and as a result, three meetings have already been held. 
A society was formed under the name League for Free- 
dom, to bring about the following changes in the laws : 

1. The abolition of all taxes of every kind, and the 
collection of ground rent for government expenses. 

2. The restoration, of individual rights, the right of 
every man to live his life free from governmental restric- 
tions and interference ; government to be limited to its 
legitimate province the protection of individual freedom 
and the rendering of public service. 

The League expects to reach thousands who are now 
complaining of the restrictions and exactions which are 
strangling private enterprise. The following plan has 
'been initiated : 

1. To enroll existing Georgeists as a nucleus. 

2. To form them into active working groups in every 
district, and to offer a program of work to every member. 

3. To coordinate the resources of the League in a 
concerted effort to enlist the public in restoring human 

4. To use all the existing facilities, literature and 
publications in the Georgeist movement to promote this 

5. To disseminate the philosophy of freedom every- 
where, to everyone, regardless of party, race or creed. 

When our membership shall have grown to a number 
the votes of which will appeal to lawmakers, we shall 
give support to bills introduced which embody our aims. 
The very debating on such bills will bring our aims 
before the public and give us an audience we could secure 
in no other way. 

Dues have been tentatively set at one dollar per year. 
These dues are entirely voluntary. All who wish to join 
are asked to send us their names. Pending the establish- 
ment of permanent headquarters, please write to the 
Secretary, League for Freedom, 1351 Third Avenue, New 
York, N. Y. 

National Prosperity Legion 

Almost simultaneously with the formation of the 
League for Freedom, a group of Chicago Georgeists 
have been at work launching a national Georgeist organ- 
ization, to be known as the National Prosperity Legion. 
The leaders of this group, Clayton J. Ewing and Thomas 
Rhodus, have circularized Georgeists throughout the 



country, inviting them to help form the organization. A 
National Convention is being planned, at which pro- 
grams for action will be taken up. 

This group is convinced that the educational method 
is the most effective. "Truth is mighty and will prevail," 
they tell us, but continue with the admonition, "but only 
if those who know the Truth do something about it. 
Through this militant organization, let us boldly, eagerly 
and effectively give the World our message." 

This suggests a mass education scheme, and it is. The 
work is to be done through pamphlets, petitions and 
political action, as well as through the more thorough 
forms of education that reach only a small number of 

It would be logical for this group to cooperate with 
the League for Freedom, and already steps have been 
taken towards this. For those who may be interested, 
the address is : National Prosperity Committee, 5307 
Ravenswood Ave., Chicago, 111. 


The first issue of Frontier (mentioned in the Robert 
Schalkenbach Foundation report in the last number of 
LAND AND FREEDOM) has reached us. This latest Georgeist 
publication is edited and published by Jim Busey. It 
appears to be even more ambitious than we thought. 
Instead of being a bi-monthly, as was originally intended, 
the first issue, dated February, 1940, is announced as a 
monthly, to be "devoted to Alaska, to Alaska's problems, 
and to the freedom for which Alaska stands." 

Frontier has thirty-two pages chock full of informative 
articles and vital Alaskan affairs of the day. Among the 
articles is Donald MacDonald's "Stagnation of Alaska", 
in which he exposes the land grabs of that territory 
\vhich robbed the workers of free access to the 'mines 
and other resources. Another article is "Scandinavia 
and Alaska", by Mr. Busey, which is an interesting com- 
parative survey, geographic and economic. 

Why the name "Frontier" for this publication? Mr. 

usey explains in his editorial: 

The word 'frontier' stands for more than simply a 
pioneering country. A frontier means freedom. It 
is a place where free men, working on their own free land 
with their own hands, mould for themselves their own 
future, according to their own ambitions. 

"Thus, a frontier is a place where there is no limit to 
the imagination, the hopes, the ambitions and the possi- 
bilities of a man. The frontier stands as the eternal 
emblem of progress, liberty, and equality. 

P'That is why we chose the name FRONTIER." 
Jim Busey is a man with vision. We consider the 
venture worthwhile and deserving of support. The sub- 
scription rate of Frontier is $2.00 a year, and the present 
address is Anchorage, Alaska. 


A Georgeist paper is published at Buenos Aires, by 
Juan Bellagamba. It is called Nueva Argentina, and is a 
four-page bi-weekly, in the format of a newspaper. 
Articles on the Georgeist philosophy are presented news- 
paper-like, with headlines, in a form likely to attract 
public attention. One of the articles recently printed 
was a Spanish translation of Oscar H. Geiger's "Sex 
Problem", under the heading, "El sexo no es un prob- 

Another very interesting article in a recent issue of 
Nueva Argentina was by Dr. Ignacio E. Ferrer on the fiscal 
system of Cordoba, a province in Argentine. Cordoba's 
governor, Amadeo Sabattini, maintains the reform intro- 
duced by his predecessor Carcano, a high tax on land 
values and low taxes on buildings, labor and industry. 
Of course, the great landowners denounce it as a "dema- 
gogic and pernicious confiscation", but in his article, 
Dr. Ferrer brilliantly answers the arguments of the 

One of the editors of Nueva Argentina is Dr. Felix 
Vitale, noted author. Last year, Dr. Vitale wrote an 
article on the land values taxation movement in South 
America. This was intended for presentation at the 
Henry George Centenary, held at New York last Sep- 
tember, but unfortunately it did not arrive in time. 


THE SCHOOL SCENE The Canadian Henry George 
Schools at Toronto and Montreal are keeping abreast 
of the School in the United States. Montreal has opened 
a Speakers Bureau similar to the one in New York City. 
In the classes, not only the Fundamental Economics 
course is offered, but advanced courses as well. And 
now correspondence courses are being offered. There 
is one feature about this that is ahead of the New York 
School. While only the "Progress and Poverty" course 
is given to correspondence students in the United States, 
in Toronto correspondence courses are also extended to 
"Protection or Free Trade", "Social Problems", "The 
Science of Political Economy", and "Democracy Versus 

ONTARIO WAKING UP The January-February issue of 
The Square Deal, Toronto Georgeist bi-monthly, carries an 
interesting article reporting the steps which the Ontario 
legislature has taken to deal with the unemployment 
problem. We quote from this article : 

"Owners of unused land in Ontario will be required 
to forego the privilege of keeping their land idle from 
now on, for legislation has been passed empowering the 
Director of Unemployment Relief to put garden plots 
at the disposition of unemployed families on relief be- 
ginning from this spring. Nor are the reliefees the only 
ones entitled to cultivate idle land, for municipalities 



are also authorized to declare such unused land as they 
may designate available for cultivation and anyone may 
make application, upon payment of a fee, not to exceed 
one dollar, to cultivate a garden plot. 

"One feature of the legislation is that a landowner 
who cannot prove to the satisfaction of the authorities 
that he is going to make his land productive either by 
erecting a building on it within the year, or by other 
use, must allow his land to be used, and cannot claim 
any compensation for its use. At the same time he has 
to pay the taxes assessed upon the land, even though 
he gets no revenue from what may be grown on his 
land. For the cultivators are to be entitled to every- 
thing that they grow. 

"In the case of those on relief, it is mandatory that 
they shall apply for a plot and cultivate it, but there is 
to be no reduction in the amount of their vouchers 
because of such additional income. The idea is that 
their labor shall supplement public relief and that any 
increase in the cost of living, entailing shrinkage in the 
purchasing power of vouchers, will be thereby compen- 
sated. The public authority will provide seed, fertilizer, 
small tools and shanties for storing them, supervision and 
caretaking of the plots, and will do the first ploughing 
and breaking up of virgin soil." 

Great Britain 

Liberty wish to correct a notion prevalent among Americans 
with respect to the British Government's war-time power 
,to confiscate all property except land. The Emergency 
Powers Act reads : "Defence Regulations may . . . 
authorize (i) the taking of possession or control, on be- 
half of His Majesty, of any property or undertaking; 
(ii) the acquisition, on behalf of His Majesty, of any 
property other than land." 

Land and Liberty explains this provision as follows : 

"The Regulation means that the Government may take 
possession or control of any property including land ; 
but that in taking power to acquire, that is to purchase, any 
property, land is excepted. This is a wise precaution 
because it will obviate any large scale land purchases 
at the monopoly prices which the Government would 
be bound to pay. It prevents what might have been a 
huge land racket, if owners had been able to demand 
payment of the market price by the Government. Where 
it is a question of taking possession of land for defence 
purposes, the only compensation the Government need 
pay is the rent which the owners are now deriving from 
it. When the land is no longer required for defence 
purposes it will revert to the owner, and nothing will 
have happened to prevent the operation of land value 

taxation, when that does take effect, applying to land 
holdings everywhere." 

tion of Great Britain has recently printed two new 
pamphlets : "The Real Meaning of Free Trade" and 
"The Future is to the Gangster -Unless", which latter 
contains Henry George's "Rights of Man". These are 
offered at a special rate in quantities to those who can 
effectively use them in select groups and organizations. 

Spring classes of the Henry George Schools have 
gotten under way at Glasgow, Yorkshire and Liverpool, 
as well as at London. Mr. W. E. Fox, School leader at 
Battersea, is also Minister in the local Battersea "Parlia- 
ment", where he introduced a Bill for the Taxation of 
Land Values on February 29. 


GEORGEIST BOOK CLUB The Australian proponent of the 
Liberty Readers' Book Club (to which considerable at- 
tention was given in the last issue of LAND AND FREEDOM), 
under the pen-name of "Libertas", has recently circu- 
larized Georgeist publications throughout the world to 
give the matter earnest and urgent attention. "The 
Book Club", he says, "when established, will furnish 
yet another pillar of the Georgean edifice in the realm 
of practical application of the Georgean method." The 
Standard, of Sydney, which was the first to call the pro- 
posal to the attention of Georgeists, in its February 15 
issue made another appeal for the formation of the 
Club. It warned Georgeists that the movement "has 
allowed such organizations as the Left Book Club to 
hold the field without putting forward a sufficient stream 
of counter-availing literature to offset the flood of false 
and harmful theory the people so eagerly read in the 
absence of the truth. That is the cause for the Liberty 
Readers' Book Club." 

NATIONAL CONFERENCE An Australian National Con- 
ference, convened by the New South Wales School of 
Social Science, was held at Newport, N. S. W., January 
19 to 22. Many delegates were present from nearly all 
the Australian States. Different aspects of the Georgeist 
philosophy were discussed, and plans for action were 
considered. As a supplement to the information supplied 
in the speeches at this Conference, the Editor of the 
People's Advocate presented a world-wide survey of the 
progress made towards land value taxation in various 
countries. This paper required much research and is an 
important contribution, since much of the information 
is not ordinarily available. 

The School of Social Science, with a greatly increased 
impetus arising out of the Conference, commenced new 
courses. The Australian School now also offers corres- 
pondence courses, and is the latest country to do so. 



The Fame of Emperor Norton 

IN the last issue of LAND AND FREEDOM, Jos. W. Foley 
contributed an interesting bit of research in his article 
"Bummer and Lazarus". In it Mr. Foley expressed 
regret that the hero of the story, Joshua Abraham Norton 
(who thought he was Emperor of America), was not 
mentioned in the works of Henry George. An additional 
bit of research reveals that George did mention him. 

In one of his newspaper features, "Strange as it 
Seems", John Hix mentions an eccentric San Francisco 
character known as Abraham "Money" King. Accused 
by one John Cook, a tax collector, of being a miser, 
"King challenged the tax collector to a 'money duel' to 
prove that money meant nothing to him. He proposed 
fo toss $5 into San Francisco Bay for every dollar John 
Cook would toss in. By the time King had flipped 80 
'cartwheels' into the water, Cook reluctantly admitted 
defeat." This incident, readers will recall, is mentioned 
in Henry George's "Progress and Poverty" in the dis- 
cussion on labor unions in Book VI. 

Upon our inquiry, Mr. Hix has assured us that 
"Money" King was the same character as "Emperor" 

Another interesting article on Norton appeared in the 
American Magazine of February 25. In this article, the 
story of how Norton lost his fortune is different from 
Mr. Foley 's version. "In 1853," the American story goes, 
"he became eagerly speculative and tried to gain control 
of the rice market. He bought heavily to effect a corner 
and capitalists applauded him for his daring. He seemed 
on the verge of an immense fortune in profits and he 
built extravagant dreams. Almost the last pound of rice 
in port had been purchased. Then came the blow. Two 
unexpected shiploads of rice arrived from China. Norton 
and his newly-formed company could not take them up 
and were almost ruined. The shock of disappointment 
was a blow to his sanity." 

If this is the true story of how Norton lost his fortune, 
it might well have been used by Henry George "to 
illustrate many of his points," as Mr. Foley suggests. 
It is a good example of the impermanency of monopoly 
in the products of labor. Wealth, not being limited in 
quantity, does not permit of being cornered. Had Norton 
the foresight to seize control of the limited source of 
wealth, land, the story might have been a different one. 
Instead of losing his sanity, and imagining he was 
Emperor of America, he might have in fact become a 
real one. 

But nevertheless, Norton's fame is on the increase. 
There is a plan afoot to erect a statue to his memory in 
San Francisco. Would that that city were equally ready 
to pay tribute to the sanity of its prophet, Henry George ! 



"The Philosophy of John Dewey", Edited by Paul Arthur Schilpp. 
Northwestern University, Evanston and Chicago. 1939. 708 pp. $4.00. 

This imposing tome is Volume I. of an ambitious project, to be 
known as "The Library of Living Philosophies". The purpose is to 
present lin "adequate survey of the thought of leading contemporary 
philosophers. John Dewey has been honored first, as America's 
foremost philosopher. 

The work follows a certain plan of presentation (as will the others 
to come) : A biography of the philosopher; a series of expositions 
and criticisms of the philosopher by leading thinkers; a rejoinder by 
the philosopher himself; and a bibliography of his writings. Among 
the contributors to this volume are Bertrand Russell, George Santa- 
yana, Alfred N. Whitehead, Joseph Ratner, and George Raymond 
Geiger, each one writing on some particular phase of Dewey's 

Dr. Geiger's subject is "Dewey's Social and Political Philosophy". 
While some of the other contributors have criticized Dewey adversely, 
Geiger has offered an appreciative exposition of Dewey's stand on 
social affairs. In his introductory remarks, Geiger reiterates the 
challenge to philosophy that has appeared in his earlier works, notably 
"The Philosophy of Henry George". The modern philosopher, he 
says, must become part of the life about him and tackle its problems, 
if he is to serve a useful purpose in society. 

Geiger further points out that Dewey's philosophy is chiefly one 
of social approach. This he explains as a function of his experi- 
mentalism and instrumentalism. Dewey is one who would apply the 
scientific method to social affairs. The true scientific spirit "stands for 
provisionalism and reconstruction, reliance upon working hypotheses." 

Another of Dewey's chief tenets in his entire philosophy is the 
stressing of "interaction" or "association". Though he would steer 
away from the concept of immutable natural law, he is compelled to 
state that "association in the sense of combination is a 'law' of every- 
thing known to exist." The apostrophic treatment of the word "law" 
is an expression of the aversion on the part of most modern philos- 
ophers to the concept of natural law. This attitude is almost as 
dogmatic as the one-time arrogant attitude of "assertion without 
analysis". It would seem that when a universal condition has been 
observed and tested, there should be no objection to calling it a 
natural law. 

But this avoidance of absolute concepts serves a healthy purpose 
in some things. For instance, grand abstractions like the State have 
no meaning for Dewey. "Public acts require officials and administra- 
tion. This is the locus of the state." It is merely "a functioning arm 
of public activity instead of a mystical power worthy of worship." 

In Dewey's analyses, new and fresh meanings are given to "democ- 
racy" and "liberalism" words that are so carelessly rolled about 
these days. In his own sense, he is a democrat and a liberal. He 
demands a free and democratic society, in which philosophic inquiry 
into social affairs can function a society in which "free social inquiry 
is indissolubly wedded to the art of full and moving communication." 
He has no use for totalitarian concepts, nor for Marxian dialectic, 
because of their deadening effects on the inquiring spirit, because of 
their metaphysical and absolute approach to social affairs. 

In Dewey's own rejoinder, in this book, he gives an appreciation 
of Dr. Geiger's paper. In his remarks he says : "It cannot be denied 
that in our social life a great unbalance has resulted because the 
method of intelligent action has been used in determining the physical 
conditions that are causes of social effects, whereas it has hardly 
been tried in determination of social ends and values." 



It may be added that here is the basis of Dewey's appreciation of, 
and favorable disposition toward, Henry George's philosophy. George 
has fused his keen analysis of social forces with a constructive concern 
for social ends and values. He tells us not only what is wrong, but 
what to do about it for our own good. 

R. C. 


"The Ending of Hereditary American Fortunes" by Gustavus Myers. 
Julian Messner, Inc., New York. 1939. 395 pp. $3.50. 

In this book, Gustavus Myers adds a valuable research contribution 
to his previous work. The value and importance of Myers' work 
rests mainly in the mass of documentary proof which he lists in 
support of his statements. Only a person accustomed to research can 
fully appreciate the tremendous labor involved in the study of original 
sources of information evidenced in the preparation of this book. 

The theme is the history of the struggle in America, from era to 
era, against inequalities, particularly against inequality of power and 
position conferred in law by accident of birth. 

Two laws of feudal origin, primogeniture and entail, brought to this 
country from Europe in connection with early Colonial land grants 
furnished the battlefield prior to the American Revolution for those 
fighting for liberty and equality. Primogeniture vested ownership of 
great landed properties in the eldest son to the exclusion of daughters 
and younger sons. Entail kept the estate intact from generation to 
generation and from century to century. The arguments of Thomas 
Jefferson and others to abolish these two bulwarks of landed aristoc- 
racy and the character of the opposition are well portrayed in the 
book. Pennsylvania (1776), North Carolina (1784), Georgia (1789), 
Massachusetts (1784), New Jersey (1780, 1784), New York (1786), 
South Carolina (1791) in turn abolished perpetuities in land holding. 
States later admitted to the Union were free from the perpetual grip 
of the dead hand. By about the year 1830 most of the great estates 
in America had vanished. With the abolition of hereditary title went 
also the hereditary prerogative of holding office, which, while not 
fixed in the statute law, had all the force of unbroken custom. Rotation 
in office under the pressure of democratic forces became the rule. 

Common school education for the masses destroyed another age-old 
birth privilege which limited education to the well born. 

The author points out that while this battle against hereditary 
privilege was being won as to land tenure, another form of perpetuity 
was coming in, that is, corporation charters for banks, land schemes 
and other enterprises. 

The right to vote, formerly limited to men owning real estate of a 
prescribed value, became more universal after a long fight against the 
resistance of propertied opponents. 

Assaults on the hereditary transmission of wealth came into the 
open in 1829 by a resolution adopted by the Workingmen's Party in 
New York City "that the first appropriation of the soil of the State 
to private and exclusive possession was eminently and barbarously 
unjust. That it was substantially feudal in character, inasmuch as 
those who received enormous and unequal possessions were lords and 
those who received little or nothing were vassals." Having made this 
timely and pertinent approach, understood then by everybody, the 
resolutions went on to press the main point: "That hereditary trans- 
mission of wealth, on the one hand, and poverty on the other, has 
brought down to the present generation all of the evils of the feudal 
system, and that, in our opinion, is the prime source of all our 

The slavery question, another issue arising from accident of birth, 
occupied the mind of America during the generation preceding the 
Civil War. The movement for an income tax from 1861 to the present, 

the growth of the power of the railroads, the economic dictatorship 
of the "Trusts", Populism, Labor Unions, each find their place in 
the swing of events up to the opening of the present century. Pen 
pictures of the contrasts between the extravagant follies of descend- 
ants who acquired control of great fortunes by "accident of birth" 
and the destitution of the children of the poor from whose labor those 
fortunes are extracted, appear throughout the volume. 

The transition of the United States Senate from a "Millionaires' 
Club" to that of a popularly elected democratic body is dramatically 
told. The movement for inheritance taxes and gift taxes as a means 
of revenue and breaking up of great estates is traced with interesting 

In conclusion the author points to the abolition of inheritances above 
moderate amounts as a remedy. As to great hereditary wealth he 
asks: "Why not definitely abolish it as a statutory right? And at 
the same time completely recast laws so as to prohibit trusts for 
heirs and all other devices allowing transmission of large fortunes?" 

It is quite apparent that the author sees that the foundation of 
hereditary fortunes rests upon manipulation and control of the nation's 
natural resources and in monopolies and special privileges granted by 
law. The book also makes it plain that in spite of the passage of 
statute law tending to break up hereditary fortunes primogeniture, 
entail, slavery, corporation trusts the fact remains that great fortunes 
have increased and the lot of the average man has become more 
precarious as our Republic has advanced. 

Students of Henry George will recognize that the remedy lies in 
preventing the wrongful appropriation of wealth in the processes of 
production and distribution rather than to wait as it were until the 
death of the robber and then attempt to recover some part of the 
proceeds of theft that he may perchance have left behind. 



"My Story Englishman by Birth, American by Adoption", by 
Edward Barker. 1940. 25 pp. 

The author relates his early admiration for American democracy 
while he was still in England, and his migration to America, the land 
of promise. Thrilled at first, then greatly disillusioned and saddened 
by the spectacle of unemployment and depressions, he emerges with 
his faith in democracy unshaken. He sees the solution to America's 
problems in an extension of democracy, in the adoption of the philos- 
ophy of Henry George. 

"Business is Business", by Louis B. Ward. 1939. 18 pp. 

This is an attack on the dogma of self-sufficiency and a plea for 
free trade. After a keen statistical analysis of our export trade, the 
author says: 

"America is not self-sufficing. Three courses are open to her. 
First, she must become self-sufficing, which means a new imperialism 
if she is to continue to use such things as tin, rubber and silk. Second, 
she must find substitutes for these things. Third, she must learn to 
trade with the nations of the world." 

"The Non-Producing Class", by William O'Neill. 14 pp. 1940. 

The author seems to combine Veblenism with Georgeism, and 
there is also a touch of Marxian dialectic, although Henry George 
is the only authority quoted in the pamphlet. It is a brief survey 
of the rise of social consciousness, and the reactionism of non pro- 
ducers. The author sees a new era approaching in which the common 
good will prevail over the unsocial lust for power still prevalent. He 
closes with an affirmation of faith in the power of education. 






A letter from Rev. D. C. McTavish, Telfordville, Alberta, Canada, 
says : "It was 'protection' that cost England the loss of her American 
colonies. The same cause was behind the world war of a quarter 
century ago, and is behind the present unspeakable debacle." Secre- 
tary Hull recognizes this, and should be encouraged. 
San Francisco, Calif. J. RUPERT MASON. 


I wish to take issue with Peter D. Haley's statements in his Con, 
in the free trade discussion appearing in your last number. The 
declaration that "tariffs have nothing to do with our relation to the 
land" is untrue. As Henry George himself says, "the tariff question 
is but another phase of the land question". 

It is not true that conditions for the working masses were better 
in protectionist Germany than in Free Trade England previous to 
the war of '14. During the Free Trade era in England wages were 
constantly higher than in any other European country. In Germany, 
socialized control made it possible for a man to starve to death in a 
sanitary way. That was all. 

The expansion of industry subsequent to the passage of the repeal 
of the Corn Laws and the relief by higher wages and increased oppor- 
tunity was one of the most striking things in English, if not world, 
history. I doubt whether there has ever been a similar expansion. 
Mr. Haley's doctrine that "trade is the food which feeds the maw of 
rent collectors," is not appreciated by the British landlords, who as 
a class are about as acutely conscious of their privileges and how to 
protect them as any that ever existed. They seem always to play a 
brand of ball that is a little too fast for us. And so it is a fact that 
utterly unconscious of this Maw dictum they opposed Cobden and 
Bright in the repeal of the Corn Laws and the present landlord 
parliament as practically its first act put England on a Protectionist 

"The Tariff," says the Con author again, "has nothing to do with 
man's relationship to the land." I refer him to the files of Land and 
Liberty of London as to the increase in land values barring men from 
the land that has occurred since England's partial free trade has been 
abandoned. I refer him also to the rise in prices of every article of 
consumption, particularly food, since that savage backward step was 
taken. Tariffs of course cut men off from the rest of the earth outside 
as well as within their own boundaries. 

It should be apparent that the effect of a protective tariff is to 
restrict production of those goods that are "protected," thus increasing 
the demand for these lands and increasing rents and land values. A 
spurious form of land values based on a kind of bastard speculative 
rent can be obtained through obstructive monopoly-creating laws, 
and the protective tariff is one of these. That is the reason the land- 
lord Parliament quite conscious that international trade is not the 
food that feeds the maw of the rent collector rescinded partial free 
trade. They of course as usual "knew their onions" as they always 
have, and very intimately. They of course were acutely conscious 
that when the production of basic food stuffs, etc., was confined to 
the soil of England their land values would be raised. They made 
one error though in their hard-boiled thinking. It was no accident 
nor was it due to purely sentimental motivation that England had 
most of the World on her side in the Great War. The hard economic 
fact that Britain's trade relations with the world were free, and that 
the tendrils of free trade had penetrated all nations, had a large part 
in the united support the world gave her. 

This war is obviously different. Allies do not flock to the standard 
of Britain. The world looks at her battle for "Freedom" with a 
cautious eye. The alienation of her potential allies by a protective 
tariff has been a large factor in the shifting of good will to suspicion. 

As a matter of fact, free trade is as much a part of the Georgean 
philosophy as the removal of any other taxes on labor made products. 
I am inclined to believe that it is probably the 'most important phase 
of our movement, as it opens the whole Earth to mankind. It is the 
only way that we in the United States could attack through joint 
free trade spurious land values, with their distortion of the economic 
structure, in other countries than our own. It is only through free 
trade that we can draw freely upon the resources of the world beyond 
our own boundaries. 

As an instance of what I am driving at, I relate the following: 
The sixteen landlords who, through the ownership of about fifty 
million acres of timber land, dominate the economic structure of 
the Pacific Coast, succeeded in passing a law taxing the importation 
of Canadian logs. Some of these outfits had mills of their own and 
wished a monopoly for them. Of course, after it was impossible to 
obtain logs from Canada, the price to the independent non-landowning 
saw-mill operator went up, and so did the price of timber lands. The 
independents, except in a few instances disappeared. In the face of 
this, can anyone say that the tariff is no part of the land question? 

The most important aspect of free trade is its capacity as a 
Peacemaker. Henry George and all other economists of note agree 
that free trade is a necessary foundation for peace. The sum total of 
what we are forced to pay through all kinds of taxation for war is 
far greater than the whole of economic rent in these United States. 
If free trade would solve the problem of war or contribute to that 
solution it would remove from the back of labor a burden even 
greater than the sum total of economic rent. Thus it is apparent 
that free trade is just as important to our philosophy as the land 
question itself. Free trade is one phase of the land question. 
Washington, D. C. DONALD MACDONALD. 


Secretary Hull's program of reciprocal trade treaties is by far the 
best thing the present national Administration has brought forth, 
although it is such a puny and inadequate proposal that it does not 
arouse great enthusiasm in me. Its chief value lies in the opportunity 
it affords for real free traders to get a nation-wide audience before 
which they can present the merits of full commercial freedom, and 
for this I am devoutly thankful. 

The Con of Free Trade, by Peter D. Haley, seems to me a case 
of the trees obscuring the forest. Does Mr. Haley regard production 
as one thing and trade as another thing, instead of being merely 
"mentally separable parts of the same thing", the industry by which 
mankind gets its living from the earth? Restraint of one inevitably 
means restraint of the other. The freedom of both, from the artificial 
restraints which have been imposed upon them, is necessary in order 
to achieve complete economic freedom, and Mr. Haley errs in thinking 
that the freeing of trade in itself is valueless. Protection is an im- 
portant rampart protecting land monopolization, and it must be 
removed before economic freedom can be attained. 

In his day Henry George properly stressed the rise in the rental 
value of land, which was absorbing the benefits of material progress. 
Taxation in this country was then comparatively small only in its 
infancy and capitalization of the unearned increment grew rapidly. 
In 1879, when "Progress and Poverty" was first published, the entire 
revenue of the Federal government was a scant $318,000,000, and state 
and local taxation was also relatively small. Today the naval bill 
before Congress calls for more than three times that sum, while 
the mere interest on the national debt of about forty-five billion dollars 
calls for more than a billion dollars, even though present interest rates 
are unprecedentedly low. 



Mr. Haley must know that it has been estimated by competent 
investigators that taxes are absorbing 25 per cent or more of the 
nation's earnings, that taxes on the products and processes of industry 
and trade constitute 25 to 30 per cent of the cost and price of the 
things comprising our standard of living. He should know that tariff 
taxes rank high among the taxes which enhance the cost and price 
of goods. Surely he knows that the whole vicious system of mis- 
placed and larcenous taxes must be swept away, and the burden of 
the public revenue placed where it rightfully belongs on the socially 
created rental value of the land. Certainly, he ought to know that, 
however desirable it may be to get rid of the whole thievish tax 
system all at once, we cannot do it that way. We must attack it 
wherever we can, and if the opportunity presents itself to attack the 
tariff, we should not let it go by. 
Delawanna, N. J. STEPHEN BELL. 



Mr. L. D. Beckwith of Stockton, California, is never done with 
attacking "Single Taxers" of the "Old School", and challenging their 
theories and methods. These charges have, in large measure, been 
ignored, but the time has now arrived when we "Old Timers" should 
defend ourselves against, (1) the calling of offensive names, e.g., 
"Marxians", (2) the assertion that we have not advanced since 1897, 
and (3) against fallacies propounded by Mr. Beckwith. 

As for point No. 1, I have been for 50 years, and more, an active 
worker in the Cause having for its object the State Collection of 
Rent, the Repeal of all Taxation, and the restoration of Free Trade 
conditions. Because I also hold that under the operation of this 
policy, interest (on investments) will die a natural death, I am 
branded by Mr. Beckwith as a Marxian! The claim is that Marx 
opposed interest, therefore (whatever my grounds for opposing it) 
I am necessarily a Marxian. Now Beckwith and Marx agree on 
some points (I will prove this if called upon to do so), therefore 
Beckwith himself is a Marxian ! This is very poor logic. 

As for No. 2, the fact is that all the "Old Timers", and the new 
timers for that matter, repudiate some of George's theories, amongst 
others his theory of interest, and this shows that Mr. Beckwith is 
again in error. What Georgean today supports Henry George in 
drawing a distinction between interest on "dead" capital and interest 
on "live" capital? George said that if interest had to do only with 
such things as planks and planes, "interest would be but the robbery 
of industry" (Progress and Poverty, page 129). As regards that 
theory I venture to say that all of the "Old Timers" have advanced 
since 1897. 

Now for No. 3. Beckwith holds that land has not, and cannot 
have, any value. This I can refute with Euclidian precision, in 56 
words as follows : 

Brown goes to an island and makes a good living by using 
a portion of the land. Jones follows and finds he can only 
make a poor living by using the other land available to him. 
The difference between these two standards of living is 
RENT. Yet there are no social services rendered at the 

The simple and inescapable truth is that there are two factors in 
RENT, (a) services rendered at the location, (b) the natural quality, 
contour, climatic and other conditions, which give value to the land 
itself. These advantages may be obtained by the user of the land 
regardless of whether there are roads, railways, markets, fire services, 
police protection, water supply, sewerage, or any of the social services 
that community life calls forth. Let Mr. Beckwith deal with the 
Brown-Jones illustration above if he can! 

Another question relates to the step-by-step method of State Collec- 
tion of Rent. Mr. Beckwith states dogmatically that this plan is 
impossible, or at best impracticable. Again he is in error. We 
know, of course, that if a fixed percentage is written off the depreci- 
ating balance of an asset the asset value never entirely disappears. 
But merchants and business men (and I might add accountants, and 
I am one) know quite well that there is no difficulty in writing 
off the full value of any asset by the instalment system. All that 
is necessary is to calculate your percentage on the original, or full 
value, and this could be done in the case of land just as well as it 
can be done, and is done, in the case of plants or buildings. Again 
Mr. Beckwith is in error. 

Auckland, New Zealand. C. H. NIGHTINGALE. 


Rogelio Casas Cadilla's article, "The Economy of Spain" calls to 
mind a news items in the Nczv York Times of March 7: "Spain 
Orders Return of Land to Grandees". The peasants now on the land 
are to be allowed "to remain voluntarily as tenant farmers by paying 
a government approved compensation to the landowners". Although 
the distribution of land among the peasants by the Spanish Republic 
may have merely resulted in a multiplication of landlords, yet this 
step is still worse. 
Malvern, Pa. ELLEN WINSOR. 


The article by George C. Winne, in the January-February issue. 
"Single Tax A Misnomer", is very good, and I thoroughly agree 
with him. George's philosophy is a way of living, not a tax. His 
remedy to collect the economic rent produced by the combined work 
of society, to pay for our social services, is so simple once it is under- 
stood, that hesitation to accept it seems ridiculous. 


I would like to submit the following : 
Land and its use is the foundation of our civilization. 
Land and its use is the paramount economic problem of all 
Land, sunshine and moisture constitute the source and sustenance , 

all life. 

Land is the only natural element that is commercialized. 
Land was created by, and belongs to, the Creator and to no one else 
Land and its possession is the principle cause of war and crime. 
Land is the source of all wealth. 

But land values are caused by, and increase with, the growth o 
the community, and should be drawn upon for the support of 
community, to the exclusion of other taxes. 

We cannot have a free country or free men as long as we permi 
private property in land. 
Roslindale, Mass. WALTER A. VERNEY 

i thi 



The utter indifference of American Single Taxers to electora 
reform cuts a deep rift between them and British Colonial Singh 
Taxers. But the most indifferent must be moved by the reduction o: 
one-half in the New York City crime rate since it has had for the very 
first time a decently honest electoral system in the Council. Abovf 
all, the great reaction in favor of Tammany last autumn (not regret- 
table) has left two-fifths of all the defeated leaders to form a strong 
and vigilant opposition. This is a blessing and shows the ethical value 
of Direct Legislation. 
Bishops Stortford, England. (Rev.) MERVYN J. STEWART. 




After reading the interesting, if not very encouraging article by 
Hon. Jackson H. Ralston in your January-February issue, and espe- 
cially noting his question or questions concerning future measures 
and points of attack, an old thought recurred to me. The oldest and 
most important answer is "Education." Educate the masses. We 
must keep at it persistently. 

Whoever doubts this statement can try a simple experiment on a 
few dozen of his friends as opportunity offers. Merely ask the 
question: "Is ground rent an unearned income?" Try it on business 
men, professional men, high school or college graduates, or on their 
teachers and professors. 

You may have to explain briefly that there are only three true 
incomes, rent, wages and interest ; and that wages and interest are 
earned incomes. In suitable cases it could be explained that the use 
of the unearned income to pay public expenses would reduce the 
worry of the harrassed taxpayer, and reduce time and expense of 
figuring out income tax returns. My vote is for Education. 
Oshkosh, Wise. JOHN HARRINGTON. 


I noted Mr. Foley's "Appeal for Action" in the -January-February 
LAND AND FREEDOM, and would like to suggest as a starter in getting 
our people closer together that LAND AND FREEDOM print the street 
addresses of correspondents. I, for one, feel like writing to many 
of them, and I think that some of them could use the information in 
my tracts. 

I notice also, that mention was made of my tracts in the last issue, 
but no address was included, so that readers would not know where 
to send for them. 
Box 105, Endwell, N. Y. C. LEBARON GOELLER. 

XOTE: In response to Mr. Goeller's request, we do not feel at 
liberty to print the addresses of all our correspondents, except when 
they permit or request it. Mr. Goeller's address appears above, for 
those who want to communicate with him directly. We suggest that 
if any of our readers wish to correspond with those who write for 
LAND AND FREEDOM, they address their communications to the person 
they want to contact, care of LAND AND FREEDOM. We will gladly 
forward the communication to the desired party. ED. 


It is easy to agree with the Editor of The American City and with 
Mr. Theron McCampbell that, under present unnatural conditions 
at least, "the land value tax would not give us enough revenue". 

But what warrant is there for believing that, under proper con- 
ditions, and proper demands for revenue and with the elimination 
of the improper demands for relief, relief work, subsidy of non- 
production, etc. the rent of the nation's land would be inadequate 
to meet the needs for public revenue? 

Yet another thing is to be considered. Land values are much 
lower than they ought to be, because of the depressed condition of 
the nation's business. In addition to the tie-up due to land monopoly, 
there are the constantly increasing taxes as well as restraints and 
"regulations" imposed on productive enterprises, all tending to bring 
on a paralysis. Eliminate these burdens and watch the rent of land 
mount to its proper level! 

Nor will the rise of ground rent represent a mortgage on the 
nation's earnings, as taxes do. It will represent the growing value 
of economically free and prosperous communities as places in which 
to live and work. We might then very likely see rent, wages and 
interest all advancing in harmonious unison. 
Passaic, N. J. RICHARD RING. 



Our readers may have noticed the slightly different appearance of 
this issue of LAND AND FREEDOM, incidental to engaging the services 
of a new typographer. The occasion is appropriate for saying a few 
words about our retiring printer, Polydore Barnes. For nearly forty 
years, "Dory," as he is affectionately called, has personally supervised 
the composition and press work of this journal. Modest, good-natured 
and unfailingly cooperative, he has been in the truest sense of the 
word a part of LAND AND FREEDOM. He has now announced his 
retirement from the cares of business. We wish him all good fortune. 

RALPH BORSODI, who spoke at Dr. Schneidman's forum in Jamaica, 
N. Y., and is to speak at the Henry George School forum, claims 
inspiration from Henry George and Bolton Hall for his ideas on 
the School for Living. This is a back-to-the-land movement being 
carried out at Suffern, N. Y. 

ELIZABETH MAGIE PHILLIPS of Arlington, Va., and William W. 
Newcomb of New York City, have been collaborating on the idea 
of spreading the Georgeist philosophy through parlor games. Mrs. 
Phillips writes : 

"I have no trouble getting players. I live near a school and a 
lot of the children know me personally, and bring their friends in to 
play. They play such good games that I like to watch them. They 
play much better than grown-ups. After all, we Georgeists want 
to make more Georgeists, and it's easier with children than with 
grown-ups. The thinking machinery of the latter seems to be fixed." 

Mrs. Phillips has brought out a new miniature edition of her 
famous Landlord's Game at the low price of four for fifty cents. 
Those interested may write to her at 2309 N. Custis Rd., Arlington, Va. 

THE March, 1940 issue of Dynamic America carries an article by 
Harold S. Buttenheim and William W. Newcomb on "Taxation and 
Housing", with illustrations by Robert Clancy. It is in the form 
of a dialogue between a landlord and his tenant. 

JACKSON H. RALSTON is now at work on an enlargement and 
development of his work, "Democracy's International Law", which 
was published some years ago. 

RALPH CHADWICK has passed away. Mr. Jackson H. Ralston, 
who sent us this news, writes : 

"Mr. Chadwick was one of the ablest and most single-hearted 
workers in the Single Tax cause in Southern California. He possessed 
a thorough understanding of the subject and wielded a trenchant pen, 
being as well an accomplished speaker. In the recent California 
campaign he was a most efficient worker, although then suffering 
from ill-health. The death of Ralph Chadwick is a real blow to the 

THE Timely News-Topic, a weekly published at Dunkirk, N. Y., 
runs a series of articles written by Robert McCaig, under the title, 
"The Economy Corner". Mr. McCaig, a Georgeist, discusses such 
subjects as the farm question, socialism, taxation, and housing. 

DR. I. PASTEINER, General Director of the University Library of 
Budapest, Hungary, is preparing a World List of Periodicals, and is 
including LAND AND FREEDOM. Recognition also comes from the 
International Institute of Social History at Amsterdam, Holland, 
which has requested copies of LAND AND FREEDOM for their archives. 

FREDERICK L. CRANFORD, Brooklyn civic leader and Georgeist, died 
March 28 at the age of 71. Mr. Cranford was a subway contractor, 
and chairman of the Long Island Ten-Year Plan Committee. He was 
praised by the late Raymond V. Ingersoll as "one of the most valuable 
citizens Brooklyn has had." 




Conference Papers 

Presented at the Henry George Centenary 
Celebration in New York, September, 1939 

Nineteen Interesting, Factual Papers of Lasting 

Interest, on the Economic Situation in General, 

and Land Value Taxation in Particular, 

Throughout the World. 

A Boston member of the Conference writes to 
the International Union in London as follows: 

May I congratulate you, and congratulate 
the members also, on your enterprise in 
publishing the Conference Papers in so 
convenient and attractive a form? Any 
member of the Union, in fact any disciple 
of Henry George anywhere in the world, 
who is deprived of this collection is miss- 
ing inspiration and encouragement he can- 
not at this time afford to be without. This 
sheaf of facts and ideas constitutes a prize 
package I, personally, value beyond words. 
While every paper was thoughtful, valu- 
able, and convincing in its assigned field, 
the one which appealed to me as covering 
a subject of research unique in our litera- 
ture was Mr. Douglas's "Karl Marx's 
Theories of Surplus Value and Land 
Rent." I cannot conceive of any conven- 
tional Marxist ever discovering in his 
study of "Das Kapital" the facts that Mr. 
Douglas has revealed so significantly. If 
our socialist friends might once get a 
glimpse of the fundamental truth Karl 
Marx evidently saw but did not empha- 
size, their thinking would be clarified and 
their often fine and sincere enthusiasm for 
a better world order be turned into more 
logical and fruitful channels. 

The Complete Set of these Conference Papers may be 
Obtained for $1.00 Postpaid 


And the Causes of Swollen Towns 

(Author of "Growth and Distribution of Population") 


Why London and Other Capital Towns Grow 
London's Past and Present Population 
London's Industries 

Natural Laws Governing the Distribution of Popu- 
lation and Industries 

London's Communications and Transport 

London's Lungs 

London's Housing 

The Pollution of London's Thames 

Exploitation and Sectional Interests 

Sovereign Rights of the People and Their Usurpation 

The Remedy 

"Dr. Pearson looks forward to an era in 
which speculation in land will be unprofit- 
able, coercion unnecessary, decentralisation 
will come of its own accord, and such meas- 
ures as rearmament unnecessary in a world 
without envy or the fear of poverty." 

New Statesman 
Price $2.00 Postpaid 

32 East 29th Street, New York City 

VOL. XL No. 3 WHOLE No. 220 

f May June, 1940 

Land and Freedom 

An International Journal of the Henry George Movement Founded in 1901 

Land Values of France 

Pavlos Giannelia 

Science and Economics 

Paul Peach 

The Rights of Infants 

Thomas Spence 

Reign of Natural Law 

Henry Ware Allen 






An International Journal of the Henry George Movement 
[Formerly The Single Tax Review] 

Founded by Joseph Dana Miller 

Published Bi-Monthly by 
LAND AND FREEDOM, 150 Nassau Street, New York 


Please address all communications to LAND AND FREEDOM 

SUBSCRIPTION PRICE: $2.00 per year. Libraries and Colleges, $1.00. 
Special trial offer to students and graduates of the Henry George 
School of Social Science, $1.00 for one year. Payable in advance. 

Entered as second-class matter Oct. 2, 1913, at the Post Office, 
New York, N. Y., under the act of March 3, 1897. 

MAY JUNE, 1940 

VOL. XL No. 3 

WHOLE No. 220 

fHon. P. J. O'Regan, Wellington. 
|T. E. McMillan, Matamata. 

ENGLAND: J. W. Graham Peace. 


SPAIN: A. Matheu Alonso, Tarragona. 
BULGARIA: Lasar Karaivanove, Plovdiv. 
HUNGARY: J. J. Pikler, Budapest. 
FRANCE: Jng. Pavlos Giannelia. 



THE LAND VALUES OF FRANCE Pavlos Giannelia 68 

THE LAST 20 YEARS OF SPAIN Rogelio Casas Cadilla 70 




PRODUCTIVITY W. R. B. Willcox 74 






Lancaster M. Greene 85 






We declare: 

That the earth is the birthright of all Mankind 
and that all have an equal and unalienable right 
to its use. 

That man's need for the land is expressed by 
the Rent of Land ; that this Rent results from the 
presence and activities of the people ; that it arises 
as the result of Natural Law, and that it there- 
fore should be taken to defray public expenses. 

That as a result of permitting land owners to 
take for private purposes the Rent of Land it 
becomes necessary to impose the burdens of tax- 
ation on the products of labor and industry, which 
are the rightful property of individuals, and to 
which the government has no moral right. 

That the diversion of the Rent of Land into 
private pockets and away from public use is a 
violation of Natural Law, and that the evils aris- 
ing out of our unjust economic system are the 
penalties that follow such violation, as effect fol- 
lows cause. 

We therefore demand: 

That the full Rent of Land be collected by the 
government in place of all direct and indirect 
taxes, and that buildings, machinery, implements 
and improvements on land, all industry, thrift 
and enterprise, all wages, salaries and incomes, 
and every product of labor and intellect be en- 
tirely exempt from taxation. 


Taking the full Rent of Land for public pur- 
poses would insure the fullest and best use of all 
land. Putting land to its fullest and best use 
would create an unlimited demand for labor. 
Thus the job would seek the man, not the man 
the job, and labor would receive its full share of 
the product. 

The freeing from taxation of every product of 
labor would encourage men to build and to pro- 
duce. It would put an end to legalized robbery 
by the government. 

The public collection of the Rent of Land, by 
putting and keeping all land forever in use to the 
full extent of the people's needs, would insure 
real and permanent prosperity for all. 

Please Make Subscriptions and Checks Payable to LAND AND FREEDOM 

Land and Freedom 


MAY JUNE, 1940 

No. 3 

Comment and Reflection 

FTER twenty-one years of "peace," the dogs of war 
have again been unleashed in Europe. Never before 
has the art of destruction been conceived and carried out 
on the scale we are now witnessing. What explanation 
can be offered for this new "Scourge of God"? The 
[answer is in Progress and Poverty: "Unless its founda- 
tions be laid in justice, the social structure cannot stand." 

FROM the signing of the Versailles Treaty, economic 
injustice continued to negative the hope that we 
(had fought a war to end wars. Germany, probably more 
than any other people, needed surcease from conflict 
freedom to produce and exchange, and live in peace. 
Though she took on the form of a Republic, she persisted, 

, however, in clinging to the old ways. The mischievous 
effects of self-imposed restrictions on her economic life 
and the stupid anti-trade policies of the rest of the 
world, conspired to arouse in the Teutonic mind a bit- 
terness against her "encirclement." Still, from what we 
know of the remarkable abilities of that people, is it not 
reasonable to assume that they could have produced and 

' prospered within their own borders provided they had 

; been ready to discard the practices that had brought 
about an artificial scarcity of their land and resources? 

' Despite these limitations, they produced wealth sufficient 
to pay for billions of dollars in armaments. Had this 
effort been expended in constructive pursuits, it would 
have materially raised the standard of comfort, and in- 
spired a peaceful attitude. But the Junkers and their 
satellites would not have it so. As a result the masses 
fell easy prey to the mirage of Lebensraum. What 
followed was a fulfillment of Henry George's prediction : 
"Strong, unscrupulous men, rising up upon occasion, will 
become the exponents of blind popular desires or fierce 
popular passions, and dash aside forms that have lost 
their vitality." With the stage thus set, it would have 
t>een surprising indeed had the Reich failed to envisage 
another Tag when it might rise again and destroy its 

ALARMED at the possibility of an extension of the 
Blitzkrieg, our own Congress has voted a tremen- 
dous sum for the national defense. The source of the 
appropriation has not been given much thought. A mat- 
ter of even graver concern is the likelihood of legislation 
that will curb our individual liberties. The combating 
of "fifth column" tactics is certain to create a system of 
espionage. Suspension of civil rights will undoubtedly 

be urged to implement the technique required for ferret- 
ing out subversive elements. 

WHILE the democracies are in no small degree 
responsible for the present state of affairs, we 
can hardly on that account be indifferent to their mis- 
fortunes. Nor would it serve any useful purpose to pass 
moral judgment on the aggressors. From time immemo- 
rial history has produced relentless warriors, and they 
have come to be accepted as great figures. Rather, we 
wish only to point out that our hopes of economic libera- 
tion are bound up with the fate of democracy. For in 
its framework are the means of effecting such reforms 
as the people want. That they are as yet unaware of 
what constitutes the true public welfare is no fault of 

GEORGEISTS frequently become discouraged at the 
indifference of humanity to the greatest of all eco- 
nomic evils the system of land tenure that bars them 
from the natural opportunities to which they are born. 
Nevertheless, under democracy it is possible to put an 
end to this injustice, and there are signs of progress. 
Denmark and other countries have shown the way. In 
the United States there are indications of an awakening 
to the seriousness of the economic problem. Legislators 
may soon be impelled to heed the proposal of socializ- 
ing the rent of land and abolishing taxes. The right of 
free speech and free press, under democracy, offers the 
hope that this reform may be attained through educa- 
tional processes. 

PERHAPS the proposed defense program will give 
the law makers an opportunity to finance it in the 
only equitable way by a direct levy on the land values 
of the nation. They might be reminded that this method 
was employed to raise Federal taxes in the early days 
of our Republic. The comparative ease with which the 
national defense requirements could be thus carried out 
would encourage the application of the same principle 
to the payment of all social services. 

THERE are disturbing reports that the present con- 
flict is to be augmented by the entry of new bellig- 
erents. Our plans for defense are to be stepped up 
accordingly. Equally disconcerting is the proposal that 
they be financed out of new taxes on industry. If legis- 
lation embodying such a mistake is passed, the entire 
armament program may be jeopardized. It is a matter 
to which Georgeists should give their immediate atten- 



The Land Values of France 


A REAL land reform doesn't aim at a division of 
the land, like the agrarian reforms of Czecho- 
slovakia, Roumania, Yugo-slavia, and especially of Soviet 
Russia. To be a truly progressive reform, something 
more than a mere fiscal measure or an act of propaganda, 
land reform must aim at a just division of the rent deriv- 
ing from land. 

The first step toward such a reform in any country is 
the determination of the rent of every plot of land in 
that country the value of the bare land, irrespective of 
improvements on it. 

Denmark has been the only country of Europe to com- 
pile the rent statistics of all its territory, rural and urban. 
These figures are indicated on special site charts, the 
rent being measured in crowns per hectare* for the rural 
districts, and in crowns per square meter for the towns 
and populated districts. The information is available to 
any one interested, and is revised and verified every four 

England was very near to having such a statistical 
compilation in 1931, as provided for in the Finance Bill 
of Philip Snowden, who was then Chancellor of the 
Exchequer. But at the right moment, the House of 
Lords stopped this "revolutionary" idea. They repudi- 
ated the proposal a repudiation which started the fall 
of exchange standards the English pound, the United 
States dollar, the Swiss franc and the Dutch florin. 

In France, except for a few superficial publications, 
there is nothing to inform us precisely concerning the 
control of the wealth of the country by means of the 
touchstone of Land Value which is the measure of 
potential rent, and the shadow of population. In La Vie 
Agricole et Rurale of August, 1937, M. E. Michel pub- 
lished an interesting study on the variations of the sell- 
ing value and annual leasing value of rural property in 
France. In compiling the following Table I., I am in- 
debted to M. Michel for the figures on land over the 
period 1908-1912. The 1937 figures are derived from the 
1937 Annuary of the French Statistical Office. 



Area in 
millions of 

value in 
millions of 
gold francs 

value per 

Area in 
millions of 
















(Rural) Total 









*A hectare is approximately 2 l / 2 acres. 

What I wish to emphasize here is the falling off of 
arable land. In 1880 it was 27.5 millions of hectares. 
As the above table shows, it fell to 25.7 in 1912, and to 
20.3 in 1937. Meanwhile, the meadows increased from 
5 millions of hectares in 1880 to 6.9 in 1912, and to 12.1 
in 1937. 

After the war, and up to 1926, the rise of rural land 
values was nearly continuous. But in August, 1926, the 
tax on land values was increased to 27% of the selling 
value. This prevented a further rise for a while. In the 
same year, 1926, came the first post-war inflation of the 
franc from par to 2.75 for the gold franc. When Poincare 
stabilized the franc in 1928 (with five paper francs for 
one gold franc), the rise of land values continued slowly 
in the agricultural regions, but the gains previously real- 
ized in rural property encouraged non-agricultural buyers 
to invest in agricultural land. The rise continued until 
1930, and reached its maximum in the environs of Paris, 
and also in Brittany, Normandy and the North. In these 
areas the increase of value over the pre-war price was 
five-fold (corresponding to the total valuation of the gold 
price). In the remaining areas the increase was three- 
fold, and remained at that point, not following th& 
Auriol depreciation of 1936 (seven paper francs to one 
gold franc), or the Bonnet depreciation of 1938 (twelve- 
paper francs to one gold franc). 

Since figures are not available for the bare land vak 
of France, irrespective of improvements, we have to com- 
promise with the present system of assessing real prop- 
erty as a unit, including land and improvements. The 
following Table II. gives the value of urban and rural 
real property in paper francs, according to its valuation 
each year, and the corresponding total value in pre-wai 
gold francs. 




real estate 
(in millions 
of francs) 


real estate 
(in millions 
of francs) 

Total valui 
in millions 
of pre-war 
gold franc- 


67,000 (gold) 

77,500 (gold) 



145,000 (paper) 

135,000 (paper) 




















The selling value of rural real estate, including build 
ings, was about 77,500 million gold francs in 1912, or at 
average of 1,520 francs per hectare. Deducting the valu< 
of the buildings, about 7,500 millions, it will be seen fron 
a comparison of Tables I. and II. that we have a rati 
of selling value to leasing value of about 70:2, or a 35 

*The figures for 1925 and 1928 include the total value of urban an 
rural real estate (in millions of paper francs). 



year capitalization. (These figures are at best a rough 

In 1936, when the gold franc was worth 7 paper francs, 
the selling value of rural land, including buildings, had 
risen to 225,000 millions of paper francs (about 32,000 
million gold francs). The value of land had increased 
only about half as much as the general rise of prices as 
measured by the appreciation of the gold franc ; and even 
this selling value of rural real estate seems too high to 
M. Caziot, who in Le Temps, evaluates it as 160,000 mil- 
lions for the end of 1936. 

The following Table III., taken from the French Sta- 
tistical Annuary for 1937, compares, for the years 1892 
and 1929, the size of agricultural holdings. 



In Thousands 

Per Cent 





1- 10 hect. 





10- SO " 





50-100 " 





100 " and over 










In Thousands of 


Per Cent 



1892 1929 

1- 10 hect. 



23.6 20.5 

10- 50 " 




50-100 " 

> 36,807 


[ 76.4 13.5 

100 " and 



J 16.5 




The foregoing statistics relate only to agricultural land. 
There is no authentic information about the value or 
distribution of other lands. There is no information on 
real property rights, which are very important in France, 
where half-lease tenantry is widespread, and amounts to 
individual cultivation and lease-farming. There is no 
information about the value or distribution of mines, 
railways, sources of hydraulic power, and last but not 
least, urban lands, where the values reach extremely high 
figures, although the weight of taxation in France is 
such as to stifle industry and suppress land values. 

Variations in the value of urban property are much 
more considerable than in the rural districts. For in- 
stance, in Paris, between the Opera House and the 
Madeleine Church, the value approaches 10,000 francs 
to the square meter. In the suburbs (10 kilometers from 
the old city fortifications), the square meter is valued 
at 50 francs, and in the villages, at only 10. On the other 
hand, the value of rural land is less than 10,000 francs 

per hectare. Considering the size of the rural proper- 
ties, the value of their improvements has not the impor- 
tance of the improvement values on urban property. 

Due to insufficient data obtainable, there are some 
questions which cannot be answered : Is the net value 
of urban land, independently of buildings, 100,000 or 
180,000 of the 225,000 millions of urban real estate for 
1936 mentioned in Table II.? Of these 100,000 or 180,000 
millions, how much is in Paris and the Departement of 
the Seine? 

Even assuming that urban land values for 1936 are 
two-thirds of the total urban real property, that is, 
150,000 millions, this gives us, together with a probable 
200,000 millions of rural land value, only 350,000 millions 
total land value of the country. That would be 8,000 
francs per inhabitant, or 6,000 francs per hectare ($50 per 
acre). Compare this with the Danish figure of 10,000 
francs per inhabitant, and also per hectare ($80 per acre). 
The French figures show a collapse of land values, a 
less dense population, and a less intense cultivation of 
the soil. 

Let us now glance at the taxes. The direct taxes on 
different forms of income, paid by the 45 million tax- 
payers, were about 4,000 million francs in 1937. The 
indirect taxes, paid by all consumers, were more than 
nine times that figure that is, 37,000 millions, including 
8,000 millions of custom duty. 

If the present Franco-British collaboration becomes, 
as the responsible parties declare, a free-trading one, at 
least between France and all parts of the French and 
British empires, the largest part of the custom duties 
will disappear automatically, to the benefit of the French 
consumer, and to the final benefit of the State. 

A physiocratic land reform, substituting a single tax 
on land values for the present burden of many taxes, 
presupposes that the 350,000 millions of land values men- 
tioned above would increase step by step, due to in- 
creased productive activity encouraged by the relieved 
burden of taxes, and by the opening of land to use. This 
indeed has been observed wherever the reform has been 
applied, and to the extent that it has been applied. With 
the complete realization of the reform in France, the 
total land values should reach 1,250 billions (1,250,000 
millions), on which a single tax of 2.5 to 3 per cent would 
yield enough revenue. The present millions now paid in 
taxes could then be re-invested in productive activity. 

Is there any possibility of this reform being applied 
in France? It must be admitted that the prospects do 
not look very encouraging at present. But with the 
ascertainment of the real land value of the country a 
first step will have been made. Let us hope it is not 
yet too rash to share the thought expressed by Henry 
George : "May it not be France's to again show Europe 
the way?" 



The Last 20 Years of Spain 


A5 a supplement to my article on "The Economy of 
Spain" (in the January-February, 1940 issue of 
LAND AND FREEDOM), which dealt mostly with that coun- 
try's past history, I should now like to present a brief 
survey of happenings in Spain in the last two decades. 

In 1921, the tribes of the Riff in northern Africa rose 
in rebellion against Spain. The Spanish army suffered 
a terrible defeat; thousands of Spaniards were killed, 
because of the incompetence of the Command. New 
troops were being sent from Spain, and the affair might 
have been settled without further trouble, but ambitious 
schemers in the army saw in the affair an opportunity 
to advance themselves. General Primo de Rivera blamed 
the government, and managed to instigate a rebellion, 
"for the honor of Spain," and to seize control of the 

Ignoring the Constitution, and retaining the Monarchy, 
the General ruled by decree. He did all those fine things 
that dictators usually do, with the result that the national 
debt was almost doubled. His construction of a number 
of roads greatly pleased the landowners whose lands 
were thereby increased in value. The paper peseta 
symbol of the State under this Dictatorship reached, 
through international speculation, a quotation near the 
price of gold. 

Calvo Sotelo, Minister of Finances under the Dictator- 
ship a good lawyer, but unwise in international eco- 
nomic affairs paid no attention to the sound advice that 
the Spanish free-traders gave him. He saw only the 
prestige of the State. However, the international specu- 
lation gave him food for thought, and he hoped to 
achieve a gold standard system. Thanks to the State 
Council, the gold standard was not established. And 
then, international speculation caused the peseta, which 
had been bought with a 40 per cent discount, to be sold 
back to the Government with an 18 per cent discount, 
as the inexperienced Minister of Finances was giving 
gold in London for paper pesetas. Gold was taken on 
terms, in order to sustain what he believed was the pres- 
tige of the State. 

It soon became evident to every one how false was 
the "prosperity" under the dictatorship. Even the great 
landowners, who had applauded the construction of the 
roads, now abandoned Sotelo, and in 1930 King Alphonso 
dismissed him from power. As a consequence, the 
Monarchy fell in the following year. 

The people then voted enthusiastically for a Republic, 
in the belief that it would be an improvement. Alas, it 
was only an illusion. Monarchist turned Republican, 
and the same economic system prevailed. People soon 
realized that they had only changed leaders. Cloaked in 

nice phrases, higher taxes and protective tariffs were 
imposed, as well as the blood tributes, compulsory mili- 
tary service, and so on the same as before. It became 
more and more difficult to carry on commerce even 
more so than under the Monarchy. 

The Spanish Socialists albeit many of them were men 
of very good will adored the State and hated individual 
liberty. They wanted to seize the reins of the State and 
have it completely under their control. Under their sys- 
tem, Bureaucracy grew in greater proportions, the control 
of foreign exchange grew stronger, and the Ministry of 
Industry controlled the whole industrial system. Each 
day the individual lost more and more as the State seized 
it from him. The Socialist Party did for the Republic 
what Calvo Sotelo did for the Dictatorship. Worshipping 
the State, both turned their backs on the people. 

To the Socialists, commerce was thievery, unless car- 
ried on under the domination of the State. Individual 
initiative was gradually dying out because of the absurd 
and tyrannical intervention of the State. The wonder is 
that individual initiative still existed after the long and 
dismal history of tyranny in Spain. 

By the time the Civil War broke out, in 1936, the 
economic condition of the Spanish people had become 
unbearable. The Bank that had issued paper money, on 
the Government's orders, held up all payments from for- 
eign people doing business with Spanish merchants, until 
they could obtain foreign exchange. Several foreign 
nations held Spanish goods until they had collected their 
debts by "clearing." 

When Spain was divided into two sides by the sedition 
of General Franco, he was aided by the Bank and the 
landowners who had their own special reasons to fear 
the Socialists. 

The year 1938 was one of terrible disappointment for 
the partisans of the titular State. The Spanish farmers 
were not anxious to part with their food products in 
exchange for a paper money in which little faith could 
be placed. So they hid their provisions while the people 


Thereafter, General Franco was not long in gaining 
victory. Now that he is in power, will there be a change 
in the economy of Spain? Franco loves the State, as did 
Sotelo, and the Socialists. The only change will be a 
further extension of the power of the State it will 
become totalitarian. 

The Republic had issued paper money which Franco 
refuses to recognize. Now he is faced with the same 
situation that the Republic had to contend with, as to 
the farmers. They do not want to exchange their prod- 
ucts for paper that will be valueless in the future. 

It is futile to combat economic forces. And yet, this is 
what leader after leader, in seizing power, has attempted. 
Why do they not allow the free play of economic forces?! 



Science and Economics 


IS economics a science? It would be difficult to find 
another question so charged with importance to the 
average man. If it is, we may reasonably hope that when 
its principles are sufficiently well understood we shall be 
able by their means to solve the problems of poverty, 
unemployment, and war. If on the other hand economics 
is a non-science it cannot help us in our striving for a 
good society, and our hope must be for something which 
transcends science, that is, a miracle. Therefore, if we 
desire to mitigate our economic distress, we must decide 
this question first and then hie us with all speed, either 
to the schoolroom, or to the church. 

According to Webster's New International Dictionary 
(1939) a science is "a branch of study which is concerned 
with the observation and classification of facts, especially 
with the establishment of verifiable general laws, usually 
by induction and hypothesis." More briefly, it is a field 
of inquiry in which we scrutinize experience by the light 
of reason. It rests on assumptions which are taken on 
faith, because they can be neither proved nor disproved. 
Thus, I assume that I exist, and that the world exists. 
The opposite assumptions are equally legitimate, but if 
I assume that I do not exist, I have no excuse for behav- 
ing as if I did for attempting to think and act. The 
scientist assumes further that there is no effect without 
a cause, and that by what he calls the "scientific method" 
he can learn something about the connection between 
cause and effect. This "scientific method" is essentially 
a very simple process, and its use is not confined to 
scientists. We see from Webster's definition that in its 
complete form it involves four steps : 

(1) Observation 

(2) Induction 

(3) Extension 

(4) Verification 

Let us examine these steps one by one. 

Observation, the starting point of science, rests upon 
another assumption : that, in spite of the limitations of 
our senses and the distortions introduced by the "per- 
sonal 'equation" we can nevertheless make observations 
which have some bearing upon reality. In another paper 
("The Data of Science") the writer has endeavored to 
justify this assumption ; for the present, we note that it 
is only an extension of our postulate about cause and 
effect. For instance, if I see a mirage, I assume that 
something causes me to see it, though not necessarily 
that what I see is really there. I may or may not be 
able to learn what the cause is, but in the first step of 

the scientific method we do not concern ourselves with 
causes; we merely note what we see, and what other 
people see (if anything). These observations supply the 
data of science. 

From these data we take our second step : Induction. 
We study our material and attempt to find in it some 
regularity which suggests the operation of a uniform 
cause. The gas laws of chemistry were discovered in 
this way. If we have a gas in a confined space and sub- 
ject it. to varying pressure, we may observe changes in 
its volume, and make the following table: 

60 pounds 

12 " 

Corresponding Volume 

1 cubic foot 

2 cubic feet 

3 " 

4 " 

5 " 

6 " 
10 " 

This table contains our data. We notice first that the 
volume decreases as the pressure increases. Closer analy- 
sis reveals an exact mathematical relationship between 
pressure and volume; the product of two associated 
numbers is always 60. We make many more observa- 
tions; others do the same; and we find that this regu- 
larity persists at all times, in all places, with all gases, 
for all observers. At last we summarize our findings in 
a generalization : "The volume of a gas varies inversely 
as the pressure." This generalization is the result of 
induction from our observations, and we call it a natural 

After we have discovered our natural laws we take our 
third step : Extension. We seek by the use of our reason 
and imagination to find explanations ; to learn the cause 
of the observed effect. We attempt to proceed from the 
known to the unknown, from the observed to the unob- 
served, the possibly unobservable. Boyle's Law tells us 
how gases behave, but not why. The scientist proceeds 
now to reason thus : "If a gas is a continuous body of 
matter, compressibility is difficult to explain; but if it 
consists of myriads of particles flying about in space, the 
contraction under pressure seems the natural enough 
consequence of forcing the particles closer together. The 
behavior of a sponge when we squeeze it furnishes an 
analogy." Such an attempt to explain phenomena is 
called a scientific theory. Our ideas of molecules, atoms, 
and subatomic particles originated in this way ; no one 
has ever seen an atom. 

The last step in the scientific method is Verification, 
usually by prediction and further observation. We have 

*For the purpose of illustration, this discussion of Boyle's Law has 
been considerably simplified. 



arrived at a theory, but until we have some confirmation 
of its validity it is no more than a conjecture. Accord- 
ingly we ask ourselves whether this theory suggests logi- 
cal consequences, not necessarily connected with our 
original data ; whether, in other words, it can lead us on 
to new knowledge. If, for example, gases consist of 
swarms of particles flying about in space, it seems prob- 
able that they will leak out of a cracked container at 
different rates ; that heavy gases, composed presumably 
of large or heavy or slow-moving particles, should find 
their way through a crack with difficulty, and that light 
gases should leak out rapidly. We try the experiment, 
and find that gases do indeed behave in exactly this way ; 
that the heavy gas chlorine can be kept for some time in 
a cracked bottle, while the light gases, hydrogen and 
helium, cannot. In sciences which do not permit labora- 
tory experiments (such as astronomy) we attempt to 
find new regularities previously unsuspected, to learn 
new facts, to discover other laws. Thus we justify our 
theory, and no theory has any scientific standing until 
it has been justified in this way. And from this point 
we begin applying the scientific method all over again 
from the beginning, assured that if we pursue it dili- 
gently we must find new riches of knowledge. 

Now that we understand what science is and how it 
works we return to our principal question : is economics 
a science? The field of economics includes the study of 
how men seek to gratify those desires which for their 
satisfaction demand the expenditure of human labor. 
Our question can now be rephrased : in this field of eco- 
nomics, is it possible to apply the scientific method? If 
yes, economics is or can be a science ; if no, it is not and 

Can we make economic observations? Of course we 
can and do. Indeed, it is here that the modern economist 
really distinguishes himself; he is an observer, a statis- 
tician,* if he is nothing else. But every one of us is an 
economic observer in his own way; we observe the 
people about us, and become aware of their ways of act- 
ing. Since the beginning of recorded history men have 
been making economic observations, and even in earlier 
times men who wrote nothing yet left records which we 
can interpret. All this mass of material, from prehis- 
toric stone hammers to tomorrow's newspaper, supplies 
the data of economics. It cannot be denied that most 
of these observations are strongly colored by the preju- 
dices of the observer, but this is a reason for sifting the 
data an everyday scientific process not for rejecting 
them. Economists may find it difficult to maintain an 
attitude of scientific detachment in their studies, but this 
is a limitation upon the scientist, not upon the science. 
In another paper ("The Humble People") the writer has 

*It is not contended that any existing statistics have been compiled 

shown how other scientists have broken away from su- 
perstition and prejudice; economists must do the same. 

We can, then, observe economic phenomena, and have 
gone one step towards answering our question. Can 
we take the second step? Can we make valid generaliza- 
tions of our data ? Can we analyze them by the inductive 
method? Remember our assumption about cause and 
effect. Our data are not unrelated facts; they are links 
in the endless chain of causation. But if this is true, 
then somewhere in our material do homogeneities and 
symmetries lie hidden. Once more the limitation is upon 
the scientist: the relationships must be there, but he may 
not be mentally capable of finding them. Yet even the 
layman can make some economic generalizations; for 
example, he arrives inductively at the obvious but im- 
portant conclusion that merchants seek to sell their 
wares at a profit. Are there other laws to be found, less 
obvious perhaps? Could careful analysis such as has 
developed the great abstractions of modern mathematics 
accomplish nothing in economics? We need not labor 
the point ; if cause and effect mean anything, scientific 
induction cannot be fruitless. The beginning we have 
made is but a shadow of great discoveries which wait 
only for the insight of a clear mind. 

The deductive Extension of economic laws is another 
commonplace. For instance, manufacturers constantly 
tell us that with them profit is a secondary motive, and 
service to the public their first desire. Reasoning deduc 
tively from generalizations based upon observation and 
experience, we arrive without difficulty at the conclusion 
that all such declarations are hypocritical falsehoods. We 
cannot read men's minds, but we can and do know some 
thing about how those minds work. 

Attempts to extend our economic knowledge by this 
method have not been wanting; the various theories o 
money, value, depressions, and the like, are examples. 
We could arrive inductively at Gresham's Law ("Bad 
money drives out good money") because we can see hov, 
people behave toward money ; but only by the deductive 
method have we learned about the nature and functions 
of money itself, simply because money itself is in it; 
major aspect an abstraction which cannot be observed 
Indeed, while we may doubt that scientific induction hai 
been adequately resorted to by economists, we canno 
say this of deduction; economic theories are a lusl 
growth : mostly weeds. Unfortunately, a theory whicl 
has no sound background in observation and inductioi 
is of little practical value ; it is a guess, nothing more. 

Are we then to believe that fruitful economic theorie 
cannot be deduced, merely because most contemporar; 
efforts are sterile? Surely not; surely we must admi 
rather that in this step, as in the first two, the fault ha 
been, not in the soil of our garden, but in our own failur 
to till it. 



Verification involves the prediction, either of future 
events, or of the discovery of new laws. It cannot be 
taken unless the first three steps have preceded it unless 
we prophesy under divine inspiration. An uninspired 
prediction which has no factual and theoretical founda- 
tion can obviously have no value. Economics, alas, has 
such predictions galore. The most lamentable feature 
about them is that, because there is always some prophet 
for every possible point of view, many of these oneiro- 
mantic utterances "come true" and the fortune teller 
acquires a reputation for knowledge and wisdom. After 
every event there arises a clamorous horde shouting "I 
told you so !" But nevertheless, if we have the patience 
to winnow these prophecies, we can find an occasional 
genuine scientific prediction. Would there were more 
wheat in this field of chaff! 

To show in detail the application of the scientific 
method in a particular instance is beyond the scope of 
this paper, but it is possible to indicate the process in 
outline. W'e may take, for example, statistics of savings 
bank deposits and insurance policies in relation to inter- 
est rates. We find that in "prosperous" years interest 
rates have been comparatively high, and the volume of 
savings large. In depression years interest is low; but 
while there is sometimes a decline in the volume of sav- 
ings, such a decline is apparently not invariably a conse- 
quence of falling interest rates, and there have been such 
times when savings actually increased. The accumulation 
and arrangement of these facts completes our first step. 

For our second step we draw the obvious inference 
that falling interest rates of themselves do not inevitably 
arrest the tendency to save, though of course they may 
discourage it. If we prefer positive assertions to nega- 
tions, we may state our law thus : "Men have a tendency 
to save which is not eradicated by falling interest rates." 

We know now what men do ; we ask next why they 
do it. What motive induces men to save, when the 
incentive of interest is taken away? A consideration of 
possible explanations, assisted perhaps by an examina- 
tion of our own motives, may lead us to adopt as the 
most probable the hypothesis that men save in order to 
accumulate a reserve fund against some future contin- 
gency. If we concede that the hope of receiving interest 
is also an incentive, we may now formulate our theory 
of capital accumulation : "The motives which impel men 
to save are (1) the desire to collect interest and (2) the 
desire to postpone consumption of their wealth until 
some future time." This completes Step Three. 

We continue by noting that the two motives recog- 
nized in our theory are independent of each other, that 
each can operate without reference to the other, and that 
both operate in the positive direction. It follows that 
while both motives may have combined to produce our 
present capital fund, there would be some accumulation 

of capital even if one of the motives were absent. More- 
over, since each motive operates in the positive direction, 
there will exist for each some opposing desire which will 
diminish but not nullify its effect. On the strength of 
these considerations we make our prediction : "There 
will be some accumulation of capital, even if interest 
disappears. This accumulation will persist in a lesser 
degree if interest becomes slightly negative (i. e., paid 
not by the borrower to the lender, but by the lender to 
the borrower), and will vanish only when negative inter- 
est equals the estimated cost of storing or hoarding 
wealth in whatever form involves the least foreseeable 
risk and expense." 

This prediction will be tested by the future, but even 
now a partial confirmation is at hand: short term obliga- 
tions of the United States Government are selling at a 
premium, which completely offsets the interest payable. 
If further confirmation is obtained, we may with greater 
confidence use our theory as a point of departure for new 
economic researches ; if not, we must re-examine our data 
and our reasoning, assured that there is meaning in all 

The rebuilding of economic science is a formidable 
task. Only clear heads and penetrating minds will dis- 
cern the unbroken thread of cause and effect in the 
tangled skein of history. Economic variables can seldom 
be separated, and nations are not guinea pigs ; and (as if 
these natural difficulties were not enough) the nomen- 
clature of economics includes many terms (such as capi- 
tal, labor, socialism, monopoly and the like) which evoke 
powerful emotional responses and make scientific think- 
ing incredibly difficult. Yet men have overcome obstacles 
no less than these, though none in fields where the 
reward was so great. For in this balance hangs human- 
ity itself; no other failure can entail so much suffering, 
no other success so liberate the nobler qualities of man. 
And though we grope in darkness, we may yet hope to 
see the dawn when men of good will shall possess the 
earth in comfort and peace. 

Facts in Pseudo-Science 

(Reprinted from The New York Sun) 

TWO practical business men, Lammot du Pont and 
Floyd L. Carlisle, have put the professors of eco- 
nomics to their defenses. In their talks at Teachers Col- 
lege they attacked some of the bases on which the 
so-called science of economics rests. Mr. du Pont said : 

Can it be that the repeated attack by educators 
and others on so-called "classical" or "orthodox" 
economics is chiefly to cover up looseness of think- 



ing and ignorance of the subject, or to disguise radi- 
cal and revolutionary teachings which have no rela- 
tion whatever to sound economic thought? . . . 
The true science of economics can be no more radi- 
cal or conservative than the multiplication table. 

Complementary to this was a question posed by the 
chairman of the Consolidated Edison Company : 

How does it come about that upon a given set of 
facts one group in the population asserts that the 
private enterprise system can no longer expand . . . 
while another group asserts from the same facts that 
the private enterprise system, if relieved from exces- 
sive taxation and regulation, will enter a new period 
of tremendous expansion? 

About the only thing economics has in common with 
true science is that its more serious-minded devotees 
really do try to 'employ sound scientific method. Their 
main trouble is not with their method but with their 
facts. Correct scientific method proceeds by working 
hypotheses which must be predicated on, and responsive 
to, facts that are absolutely and unquestionably ascer- 
tained. If a pertinent new datum happens along that 
does not quite square with the hypothesis, only two 
courses are scientifically possible : either the supposed 
datum must be proved not to be a fact at all, or the 
hypothesis must be revised to fit it in with all other 
pertinent facts. 

When effort is made to constrain facts within the 
framework of a theory, instead of constraining the theory 
to fit all the known facts when inaccurately observed 
phenomena are used to buttress argument or hypothesis 
that is not scientific ; it is pseudo-scientific. It is com- 
paratively simple, for example, to ascertain facts about 
things that can be measured, weighed, dissolved in test 
tubes, counted, smelled, tasted, felt. It is not so easy 
to do anything of the kind with human tendencies and 
emotions. If you hit a nail accurately with a hammer, 
you should have a fairly accurate scientific idea of what 
that nail will do. But if you hit a stranger in the eye 
with your fist, you cannot be sure whether he will fall 
down or run away or retaliate with a blow from his own 
fist. Perhaps this helps explain why Karl Marx and 
Henry George could proceed from certain general phe- 
nomena of human experience to two startlingly different 
economic millenniums. 

[The foregoing appeared as an editorial in the April 10, 1940 
issue of The Sun, a leading New York daily, and is appended to 
the article "Science and Economics," by Paul Peach. Both these 
essays conjoin in a worth-while plea. Incidentally, the ideas con- 
tained in the editorial are in substantial accord with those ex- 
pressed by Henry George in his "Study of Political Economy," 
a lecture delivered at the University of California. 

While it is unfortunate that the writer of the above editorial 
holds aloof from any specific appraisal of the merits of George 
versus Marx, it is apparent that our friend on the staff of The Sun 
is well grounded in Georgean principles. ED.] 

Rent as a Social Product 
in Relation to Productivity 


IN his rejoinder to the writer's discussion of Rent in 
the September-October, 1939, LAND AND FREEDOM, 
Mr. C. J. Smith rather chided the writer (with entire 
justification, be it said,) for not replying to his own 
argument that "Rent is a social product," and for failure 
to make "a more faithful restatement of George's posi- 
tion." Frankly, the writer had confined his remarks to 
the conceptions of Rent held by Ricardo and Henry 
George, and had left the points mentioned for later com- 
ment, as follows : 

"Is Rent a social product?" In the sense that a social 
product is an outgrowth of human association (that 
which always appears with, and never without, human 
association), Rent certainly is a social product. But this 
fact does not warrant the deduction frequently made, 
that Rent belongs to, or is the property of, society. Proof 
of this lies elsewhere. 

In the sense mentioned, many things are social prod- 
ucts which are not, consequently, the property of society; 
for example, hotels, hospitals, railroads, etc. Granting 
that Rent is a social product, there must be some reason, 
some special characteristic of Rent which, differentiating 
it from all other social products, justifies the claim that 
it belongs to, or is the property of, society. 

The failure of certain expressions to bring to any con- 
siderable number of people a consciousness, or convic- 
tion, of a basis for a stable social order suggests that 
something must be wrong with the logic of these expres- 
sions, or with the ideas they are intended to convey; 
expressions such as, land is a gift of nature, land costs 
mankind nothing, land cannot be the property of indi- 
viduals ; Rent is payment for the use of land, Rent is an 
unearned increment, Rent belongs to the people, Rent is 
a social product. 

The following are some of the inconsistencies whi 
characterize arguments associated with these expre 
sions. People generally agree that land is a "gift of 
nature" and costs mankind nothing; but seldom are they 
impressed by the incongruity that some people are re- 
quired to pay other people for the use of the land. It 
freely is admitted that, in some instances, Rent is an 
unearned increment, but the propriety of those who have 
"bought land," privately appropriating the Rent, is 
denied only by a few. 

Many people believe that it would be an act of 
"confiscation" for the government to take over the land 
in order to get the Rent, but little objection is made to 
the government's getting some of the Rent by taxing the 





land. This happens, apparently, from the mistaken 
notion that land is wealth, and that it should be taxed as 
are other forms of wealth. At the same time annoyance 
is displayed with those who want to increase the tax 
on land; especially, it seems, if the latter are known as 
Georgeists or Single Taxers. Furthermore, it seems to 
be impossible for the average person to conceive of land 
being used unless it is "owned." If it be suggested that 
land, properly, is not subject to individual ownership, 
some one is sure to ask : "Who, then, would own the 
land; would the government own it?" 

Now it seems obvious that mankind in no way has 
been responsible for the existence of the provisions, or 
processes, of nature. So it seems reasonable to conclude 
that, naturally, one man is equally possessed with every 
other man of the privilege to use the land; that authority 
does not repose in any man or group of men (even 
though they be organized as a government) to charge 
or receive from other men anything for the use of the 
land. Rent, therefore, which commonly is said to be 
payment for the use of the land, must be payment for 
something else. What may this be? 

On the ground that no payments are to be made for 
the provisions of nature, and since the latter cannot be 
obtained or used without labor, the only payments to be 
associated with the provisions of nature are those which 
attach to the labor, or the product of labor, used in 
obtaining and using them. Therefore, the only thing 
in connection with land (a provision of nature) for which 
men are obligated to compensate other men, is for the 
labor, or the products of labor, which the latter furnish 
in making use of the land. These compensations consist 
of Wages for labor, and Interest for the use of the prod- 
ucts of labor, and cannot be effected with that which is 
not wealth; that is, they cannot be made with land, or 
with the privilege of using the land. Hence, Rent can- 
not be compensation for the use of the land, but must 
be compensation for labor, or for the use of the products 
of labor. 

However, Rent is not payment for all labor, or for the 
use of all of the products of labor. Some labor is per- 
formed by certain individuals for other individuals; in 
which case, compensations can definitely be adjusted and 
made directly, in Wages. Some products of labor (the 
wealth of certain individuals) are used by other individ- 
uals; in which case, compensations can definitely be 
adjusted and made directly, in Interest. These compen- 
sations are not social, but individual products. 

But there is certain labor, and certain products of 
labor (or wealth), which are at the service of society, for 
which compensations cannot definitely be adjusted nor 
directly made, between individuals furnishing these ser- 

vices and the individual members of society who are 
served by them ; hence, must be made to society in pro- 
portion to the use and availability of these services to 
individual members of society. These compensations 
combined constitute what is known as Rent, which, due 
to the impossibility of its apportionment among indi- 
viduals, properly is a social product. 

But the proof that Rent belongs to, or is the property 
of, society lies in the fact that it consists of Wages and 
Interest (Wealth), that is paid for the labor and the use 
of capital invested in social and governmental services ; 
not that it is paid for the use of that which is not wealth, 
land. It should be said, that while government itself is 
a social service, some part of this labor and capital is 
furnished directly by government, while the balance is 
furnished indirectly by individuals, to whom payments 
cannot accurately be allocated. 

"A more faithful restatement of George's position." If 
the foregoing reasoning is sound, that Rent is compen- 
sation for services and not for the "gifts of nature" 
and with no idea of falsifying George an analysis of the 
question whether the presence of population and social 
activities "affect," or as George said, "are affected by," 
the desirabilities of particular sites, seems to show that 
the statement that "Rent depends upon and varies with 
the different degrees of productivity" confuses two 
wholly unlike kinds of productivity; namely, that which 
is of Nature (fertility, etc.), and that which is of Man 

The first kind of productivity (as it occurs in nature) 
is entirely independent of human labor; the second kind 
(from which comes all Wealth) on the other hand, is 
entirely dependent upon human labor. The first directs 
the steps of men to points of greater natural productivity ; 
the second, to points of greater artificial productivity. 
Therefore, while the presence of population and social 
activities "are affected by" the intrinsic, natural desira- 
bilities of particular sites, they "affect" the extrinsic, 
artificial desirabilities of particular sites. 

But, since to benefit from the natural desirabilities of 
sites (even to reach them) men must labor, and since 
men strive to get what they want with the least labor 
possible, they are more alive to the advantages of the 
presence of population and social activities as these 
"affect" the artificial desirabilities of sites, than they are 
to these advantages as the latter "are affected by" the 
natural desirabilities of sites. This appears from the fact 
that it is the humanly provided facilities that make life 
easier (as these "affect" sites, rather than as sites "are 
affected by" natural advantages), which causes concen- 
tration of populations in cities. The lonely pioneer it is 
who seeks the frontier; the mass of the population will 
have none of it. It is not for the richness of nature, but 



for the abundance of social services, including govern- 
mental protection, for which men pay Rent. In the nature 
of the case, this Rent should be paid to society which 
furnishes these services. 

[The "productivity" mentioned in the September-October 1939 re- 
joinder, to which Mr. Willcox refers, pertained to the natural capacity 
of the land. The idea was summarized in a "food for thought" append- 
ance, as follows : 

Rent of land is payment for social services social services are in 
greatest demand where presence and activities of population are great- 
est presence and activities of population are greatest on lands having 
highest capacity for production, i. e., on lands of highest productivity 
or greatest fertility therefore, rent of land depends upon and varies 
with the different degrees of productivity. ED.] 

" - And It Came to Pass - " 


The United States Geological Survey has made an 
investigation of so-called "strategic" minerals. Miss 
Jewell Glass, one of the very few female mineralogists, 
and the only woman on the investigating staff in the 
Division of Petrology, has made some highly interesting 
comments as to her idea of the causes of war. She be- 
lieves that nations do not fight for ideals, nor for free- 
dom, nor for forms of government, but for control of 
minerals. "Russia," she says, "wants Finland for its 
great nickel supply; Sweden is threatened for its iron." 
It is the inevitable land question which few others be- 
sides Georgeists care to admit fully. Miss Jewell insists 
that "as soon as one nation controls a strategic mineral, 
there is going to be war." 

It is a well provisioned ship, this on which we sail through space. . . 
And very great command over the services of others comes to those 
who as the hatches are opened are permitted to say, "This is mine!" 

"Progress and Poverty," Book IV., Chapt. 2. 

Thomas J. Watson, President of the International 
Business Machines, recently told the Congressional 
Monopoly Committee that machines and mass produc- 
tion have created many more jobs than they have elimi- 
nated. He pointed out that in 1890, before the type- 
setting machine, there were 30,000 compositors in the 
printing plants of the country. In 1930 there were 
184,000. In 1870, before the typewriter, only 2,100 of 
every million persons were engaged in office work. Now, 
33,000 per million follow this occupation. Mr. Watson 
admitted that there are specific cases in which the ma- 
chine has displaced some workers, but stoutly main- 
tained that machines "have not caused unemployment 
in general." 

And as no possible increase in the power of his labor, or reduction 
in his expenses of living can benefit the slave, neither can it, where 
land is monopolized, benefit those who have nothing but their labor. 
It can only increase the value of land the proportion of the produce 
that goes to the landowner. And this being the case, the greater 
employment of machinery, the greater division of labor, the greater 
contrasts in the distribution of wealth, become to the working masses 
positive evils making their lot harder and more hopeless as material 
progress goes on. "Social Problems," Chapt. XIV. 

One of the most recent scenes of land speculation is 
the great and rapidly growing Borough of Queens in 
the City of New York. Borough President George U. 
Harvey has often expressed grave concern regarding the 
exodus of factories from his fair borough. He makes a 
"safe" diagnosis of the causes, by including many con- 
tributory ailments among which are high taxes. One 
factor was not mentioned. Mr. Harvey addressed his 
remarks to an audience composed of property owners, 
by which, of course, is meant land owners and not mere 
factory owners. 

The power of a special interest, though inimical to the general in- 
terest, so to influence common thought as to make fallacies pass as 
truths, is a great fact without which neither the political history of 
our own time and people nor that of other times and peoples can be 
understood. "The Science of Political Economy," Book II., Chapt. 2. 

A recent release of Taxes for Democracy, issued by the 
Tax Policy League, says : " 'If in doubt about the ethics 
of a practice, tax it,' appears to be a time-honored Ameri- 
can principle. Accordingly, such activities as teeter 
the verge of wickedness (card playing, smoking, drinl 
ing, betting) are deemed particularly appropriate objects 
of taxation. Some of these seesaw across the borderline 
of legality, with the prospect of the tax revenues to be 
derived therefrom often being an argument (if not a 
cause) for the legalization of the practice. This has been 
particularly true in the case of alcoholic beverages and 
pari-mutuel betting. Horse-race betting is rapidly be 
coming legalized in the American states and its revenue 
potentialities are advanced as a major reason therefor." 

Taxes on tobacco and spirits may be defended on the ground th; 
the smoking of tobacco and the drinking of spirits are injurious vice 
which may be lessened by making tobacco and spirits more expensive, 
so that (except the rich) those who smoke may be compelled to smoke 
poorer tobacco, and those who drink to drink viler liquor. But merely 
as a means of raising revenue, it is clear that indirect taxes are to be 
condemned, since they cost far more than they yield, bear with the 
greatest weight upon those least able to pay, add to corruptive influ- 
ences, and lessen the control of the people over their government." 

"Protection or Free Trade," Chapt. VIII. 

FREE COPY of LAND AND FREEDOM is an invita- 
tion to become a subscriber. 



The Rights of Infants 


[One of the most remarkable of Henry George's ideological 
predecessors was the English bookseller, Thomas Spence. In 
1775, a year before Adam Smith's "Wealth of Nations" appeared, 
Spence delivered a lecture on "The Real Rights of Man" before 
the Philosophical Society of Newcastle. For this lecture, says 
Spence, the Society did him the "honor" to expel him. The ideas 
he expressed were that all men have a right to the use of the 
earth, and that the rent of land should be the sole source of public 

Spence followed this with other treatises, among which was 
"The Rights of Infants," published in 1797. This was written in 
the form of a dialogue between Aristocracy and a Mother of 
Children. It was discovered in the Manchester, England, Refer- 
ence Library by a friend of Henry George, in 1882. The friend 
copied it and presented it to George. Henry George, Jr., found it 
among his father's effects and presented it to Joseph Dana Miller. 

We are happy to offer this interesting and powerful essay to 
our readers. ED.] 


IN a perusal of the following little tract on the Rights 
of Infants, men who dare contemplate their rights 
may see them portrayed boldly at full length. 

The more I contemplate human affairs, the more I am 
convinced that a landed interest is incompatible with the 
happiness and independence of the world. For as all the 
rivers run into the sea, and yet the sea is not full, so let 
there be ever so many sources of wealth, let trade, 
foreign and domestic, open all their sluices, yet will no 
other but the landed interest be ultimately the better. 

All dominion is rooted and grounded in land and thence 
springs every kind of lordship which overtops and chokes 
all the shrubs of the forest. But take away those tall, 
those overbearing aristocratic trees and then the lowly 
plants of the soil will have air, will thrive and grow 

Whether my plan of enjoying man's rights, which I 
have been publishing in different ways for more than 
twenty years be objectionable or no, it is certain it has 
never been answered. If I am wrong let me be confuted ; 
and if I am not, let mankind for their own sakes pay 
attention to what I have to say. 


pray, what are the Rights of Infants? cry the 
haughty ARISTOCRACY, sneering and tossing up their 

WOMAN : Ask the she-bears and every she-monster and 
they will tell you what the rights of every species of 
young are. They will tell you, in resolute language and 
actions, too, that their rights extend to a full participa- 

tion of the fruits of the earth. They will tell you and 
vindicate it likewise by deeds that mothers have a right 
at the peril of all opposers to provide from the elements 
the proper nourishments of their young. And, seeing 
this, shall we be asked what the Rights of Infants are? 
As if they had no rights ! As if they were excresences 
and abortions of nature ! As if they had not a right to 
the milk of our breasts? Nor we a right to any food to 
make^rriilk of. As if they had not a right to good nurs- 
ing, to cleanliness, to comfortable clothing and lodging. 
Villains! Why do you ask that aggravating question? 
Have not the foxes holes, and the birds of the air nests? 
And shall the children of men have not where to lay their 
heads? Have brute mothers a right to eat grape, and 
the food they like best, to engender milk in their dugs, 
for the nourishment of their young, and shall the mothers 
of infants be denied such a right? Is not this earth our 
common also, as well as it is the common of brutes? 
May we not eat herbs, berries or nuts, as well as other 
creatures ? And have we not a right to fish with the she 
otters ? Have we not a right to hunt and prowl for prey 
with the wolves ? Or may we not dig coals or cut wood 
for fuel ? Nay, does nature provide a luxuriant and abun- 
dant feast for all her numerous tribes of animals except 
us? As if poverty were our portion alone, and as if we 
and our helpless babes came into the world only to weep 
over each other? 

ARISTOCRACY (sneering) : And is your sex also set up 
for pleaders of rights ? 

WOMAN : Yes, Molochs ! Our sex were defenders of 
rights from the beginning. And though men, like other 
he-brutes, sink calmly into apathy respecting their off- 
spring, you shall find nature as it never was, so it never 
shall be extinguished in us. You shall find that we not 
only know our rights, but have spirit to assert them, to 
the downfall of you and all tyrants, and since it is so 
that the men like he-asses suffer themselves to be laden 
with as many pair of panniers of rents, tithes, etc., as 
your tender consciences please to lay upon them, we, 
even we the females, will vindicate the rights of the 
species and throw you and all your panniers in the dirt. 

ARISTOCRACY : So you wish to turn the cultivated world 
into a wilderness that you may eat wild fruits and game 
like Indians? 

WOMAN : No sophists, we do not want to be as Indians. 
But the natural fruits of the earth, being the fruits of 
our undoubted common, we have an indefeasible right 
to, and we will be no longer deprived of them without 
an equivalent. 

ARISTOCRACY: Do you not in lieu of those wild pro- 
ductions get bread and mutton and beef and garden stuff 
and all the refined productions and luxuries of art and 
labor; what reason, then, have you to complain? 



WOMAN: Are you serious? Would you really per- 
suade us that we have no reason to complain? Would 
you make us believe that we receive these productions 
of art and culture as a fair compensation for the natural 
produce of our common, which you deprive us of? Have 
we not to purchase these things before we enjoy them? 

ARISTOCRACY: Sure, woman, you do not expect the 
fruits of men's labors and ingenuity for nothing! Do not 
the farmers, in the first place, pay very high rents for 
their farms ; and in the next place are they not at great 
trouble and expense in tilling and manuring the ground 
and in breeding cattle ; and surely you cannot expect that 
these men will work and toil and lay out their money 
for you for nothing? 

WOMAN : And pray, ladies and gentlemen, who ever 
dreamed of hurting the farmers, or taking their provi- 
sions for nothing, except yourselves? It is only the 
privileged orders, and their humble imitators on the 
highway, who have the impudence to deprive men of 
their labors for nothing. No ; if it please your noblesses 
and gentlemen, it is you, and not the farmers, that we 
have to reckon with. And pray now, your highnesses, 
who is it that receive those rents which you speak of 
from the farmers? 

ARISTOCRACY: We to be sure; we receive the rents. 
.WOMAN: You to be sure! Who the D-v-1 are you? 
Who gave you a right to receive the rents of our 

ARISTOCRACY : Woman ! Our fathers either fought for 
or purchased our estates. 

WOMAN : Well confessed, villains ! Now, out of your 
own mouths will I condemn you, you wicked Molochs! 
And so you have the impudence to own yourselves the 
cursed brood of ruffians who, by slaughter and oppres- 
sion, usurped the lordship and dominion of the earth, 
to the exclusion and starvation of weeping infants and 
their poor mothers. Or, at the best, the purchasers of 
those ill-got domains? O worse than Molochs! now let 
the blood of the millions of innocent babes who have 
perished through your vile usurpation be upon your 
murderous heads ! You have deprived the mothers of 
nature's gifts, and farmed them out to farmers, and 
pocketed the money, as you audaciously confess. Yes, 
villains ! You have treasured up the tears and groans 
of dumb, helpless, perishing, dying infants. O, you 
bloody landed interest! You band of robbers! Why do 
you assume soft names, you beasts of prey? Too well 
do your emblazoned arms and escutcheons witness the 
ferocity of your bloody and barbarous origin ! But soon 
shall those audacious Gothic emblems of rapine cease to 
offend the eyes of an enlightened people, and no more 
make an odious distinction between the spoilers and the 
spoiled. But, ladies and gentlemen, is it necessary, in 
order that we may eat bread and mutton, that the rents 

should be received by you? Might not the farmers as 
well pay their rents to us, who are the natural and right- 
ful proprietors? If for the sake of cultivation we are 
content to give up to farmers our wild fruits, our hunting 
grounds, our fish and game, our coal mines and our for- 
ests, is it not equitable that we should have the rents in 
lieu thereof? If not, how can the farmers have the face 
to sell us again the produce of our own land? 

Hear me ! Ye oppressors ! ye who live sumptuously 
every day! ye for whom the sun seems to shine and the 
seasons change, ye for whom alone all human and brute 
creatures toil, sighing but in vain for the crumbs which 
fall from your overcharged tables ; ye for whom alone 
the heavens drop fatness, and the earth yields her in- 
crease, hearken to me, I say, ye who are not satisfied 
with usurping all that nature can yield ; ye who are in- 
satiable as the grave ; ye who would deprive every heart 
of joy but your own, I say hearken to me ! Your horrid 
tyranny, your infanticide is at an end ! Your grinding 
the faces of the poor and your drinking the blood of 
infants is at an end ! The groans of the prisons, the 
groans of the camp, and the groans of the cottage, excited 
by your infernal policy are at an end ! And behold the 
whole earth breaks forth into singing at the new crea- 
tion, at the breaking of the iron rod of aristocratic sway, 
and at the rising of the everlasting sun of righteousness ! 

And did you really think, my good gentlefolk, that you 
were the pillars that upheld the universe? Did you think 
that we would never have the wit to do without you? 
Did you conceive that we should never be able to procure 
bread and beef and fuel without your agency? Ah! my 
dear creatures, the magic spell is broke. Your sorceries, 
your witchcrafts, your priestcrafts, and all juggling crafts 
are at an end, and the Meridian Sun of Liberty bursts 
forth upon the astonished world, dispelling the accumu- 
lated mists of dreary ages and leaves us the glorious blue 
expanse of serene unclouded reason. 

Well, then, since you have compelled, since you have 
driven us, through your cruel bondage to emancipate our- 
selves, we will even try to do without you, and deal with 
the honest farmers ourselves, who will find no differ- 
ence, unless for the better, between paying their rents to 
us and to you. 

And whereas we have found our husbands, to their indel- 
ible shame, wofully negligent and deficient about their 
own rights, as well as those of their wives and infants, 
we women mean to take up the business ourselves and 
let us see if any of our husbands dare hinder us. Where- 
fore, you will find the business much more seriously and 
effectually managed in our hands than ever it has been 
yet. You may smile, tyrants, but you have juster cause 
to weep. For as nature has implanted into the breasts of 
all mothers the most pure and unequivocal concern for 
their young, which no bribes can buy, nor threats annihi- 



late, be assured we will stand true to the interest of our 
babes, and shame, woe and destruction be to the pitiful 
varlet that dare obstruct us. For their sakes we will no 
longer make brick without straw, but will draw the pro- 
duce of our estate. If we deprive ourselves of our com- 
mon in order that it may be cultivated we ourselves will 
have the price thereof, and we may buy therewith, as 
far as it will go, the farmers' produce. And so far as our 
respective shares of the rent may be adequate to the com- 
fortable and elegant support of ourselves and infants, so 
far will we cheerfully, by our honest endeavors, in our 
several callings make up the deficiency and render life 
worth enjoying. To labor for ourselves and infants we 
do not decline ; but we are sick of laboring for an insati- 
able aristocracy. 

To convince your highnesses that our plan is well 
digested I will lay it before you. You will find it very 
simple, but that is the sign of the greater perfection. As 
I said before, we women (because the men are not to be 
depended on) will appoint in every parish a committee 
of our own sex (which we presume our gallant lock- 
jawed spouses and paramours will at least for their own 
interest not oppose) to reserve the rents of the houses 
and lands already tenanted, and also to let to the best 
bidders, on seven years' leases, such farms and tenements 
as may from time to time become vacant. Out of those 
rents we can remit to government so much per pound, 
according to the exigencies of the state, in lieu of all 
taxes, so that we may no longer have taxes nor tax gath- 
erers. Out of these rents we shall next pay all our 
builders and workmen that build or repair our houses, 
pave, cleanse and light our streets ; pay the salaries of 
our magistrates and other public officers. And all this 
we women shall do quarterly, without a bank or bank- 
notes, in ready money, when the rents are paid in ; thus 
suffering neither state nor parish to run in debt. And 
as to the overplus, after all public expenses are defrayed, 
we shall divide it fairly and equally among all the living 
souls in the parish, whether male or female ; single or 
married, legitimate or illegitimate; from a day old to the 
extremest age ; making no distinction between the fami- 
lies of rich farmers and merchants who pay much rent 
for their extensive farms or premises and the families of 
poor laborers and mechanics who pay but little for their 
small apartments, cottages and gardens, but giving to 
the head of every family a full and equal share for every 
name under his roof. 

And, whereas, births and funerals and consequent sick- 
ness are attended with expense, it seems requisite to 
allow at quarter days to the head of -every family a full 
share for every child that may have been born in his 
house since the former quarter day, though the infant 
may then be but a day old, and also for every person 
who might have died since the former quarter day, 
though the death should have happened but a day after it. 

This surplus, which is to be dealt out again among 
the living souls in a parish every quarter day, may be 
reasonably supposed to amount to full y$ of the whole 
sum of rents collected. But whatever it may amount to, 
such share of the surplus rents is the imprescriptible 
right of every human being in civilized society as an 
equivalent for the natural materials of their common 
estate which by letting to rent for the sake of cultivation 
and improvement they are deprived of. 

Wherefore, now, ladies and gentlemen, you see the 
glorious work is done, and the rights of the human 
species built on so broad and solid a basis that all your 
malice will not be able to prevail against them. More- 
over, when we begin with you, we will make a full end 
of your power at once. We will not impolitically tamper 
with the lion, and pluck out a tooth now and then, as 
some propose to melt down your strength by degrees 
which would only irritate you to oppose us with all the 
power you had remaining. No; we will begin where we 
mean to end, by depriving you instantaneously, as by an 
electric shock, of every species of revenue from lands 
which will universally and at once be given to the par- 
ishes to be disposed of by and for the use of the inhabi- 
tants, as said before. 

But yet be not cast down, my good ladies and gentle- 
men. All this is done for the sake of system, not revenge 
or retaliation ; for we wish not to reduce you to beggary 
as you do us, for we will leave you all your movable 
riches and wealth, all your gold and silver, your rich 
clothes and furniture, your corn and cattle and every 
thing that does not appertain to the land as a fixture, 
for these you know must come to the parish with our 
estates. So that you see you will still be the richest part 
of the community and may by your cheerful acquiescence 
be much more happy than you are now under the exist- 
ing, unjust system of things. But if by foolish and 
wicked opposition you should compel us in our own 
defence to confiscate even your movables, and perhaps 
also to cut you off, then let your blood be upon your own 
heads, for we shall be guiltless. It will, therefore, be 
your interest and wisdom to submit peaceably and frater- 
nize cheerfully with us as fellow-citizens, for instead of 
you then having the revenues of the country to carry on 
war against us, as you have now, the parishes will then 
have these revenues to carry on the war against you. 
And as to your movable property, we are not afraid of 
it, for it would soon melt away in supporting you in a 
state of hostility against the strength and standing rev- 
enues of the country unburthened with debts and pen- 
sions. So prepare yourselves peaceably to acquiesce in 
the new system of things which is fast approaching. And 
when you shall hear of the blessed decree being passed 
by the people, that the land is from that day forth paro- 
chial property, join chorus with your glad fellow crea- 
tures and joyfully partake in the universal happiness. 




The Law of Human Progress 


There is a limit to human energy. Progressive pursuits 
can be engaged in only as time and energy are set free 
from the sheer act of making a living. Or if any advances 
are made in the arts of living, further progress can be 
made only after these advances are first maintained. In 
the solitary state, man alone against the forces of 
nature can make little progress in advancing the pro- 
ductive arts. He can do little more than wrest from 
nature a bare existence. There is no time or energy left 
for progressive pursuits. 

As people come together and cooperate, each exchang- 
ing his products or services with those of others, every 
member of the community has access to all the produc- 
tion and services available. Cooperation and specializ- 
ation of labor make for greater ease of production, more 
power over the forces of nature, and greater collective 
security. Such arts as agriculture and building advances 
over the primitive state become possible. Economic 
activity flows more smoothly; periods of famine and 
catastrophes are more easily overcome. Thus associa- 
tion is the beginning of progress. 

As production becomes easier and life more secure, 
time and energy are set free from maintenance, and may 
be devoted to the higher yearnings within man. It is in 
societies that have the most highly developed association 
and the most intricate subdivision of labor, that cultural 
and mental progress make the greatest headway. Thus 
the flowering of the arts and sciences is rooted in eco- 
nomic cooperation. An added stimulus is the associatio: 
of mind with mind the exchange of thoughts. Und 
such conditions learning and art progress. 

Break up association and progress disappears. The 
advances achieved in society depend for their continu- 
ance upon the existence of that society. When society is 
disbanded, men must soon revert to primitive methods to 
satisfy their wants. Or if association takes the form of 
conflict of group with group, time and energy are con- 
sumed in non-progressive pursuits, and even pursuits 
destructive of progress. Thus it is that ASSOCIATION 
is the first requisite of human progress. 



'Association in Equality is the 

Law of Progress" Henry George. 


The second condition of progress is EQUALITY. 
Peaceful association is required for progress and this is 
maintained only when a condition of equality, freedom 
and justice prevails. Where the dignity of the individual 
is respected, and every one receives the full reward of 
his labor there the profit motive is harmonious with the 
common good. Where there is a fairly equal distribution 
of wealth and power, and where every citizen has an 
equal voice in the affairs of the community, it is there 
that men have the greatest incentive to join with their 
fellow-men in progressive tasks. 

There is a tendency in social growth for wealth and 
power to concentrate in the hands of a few. This is not 
an inevitable result of progress, but a constant tendency 
that must ever be watched and checked. It usually comes 
about from a strong and unscrupulous person or group 
taking advantage of a crisis or a dissension, and seizing 
power. It is accelerated by the private ownership of land, 
and slavery. Power leads to more power, and soon we 
have two classes in society : the ruler and the ruled ; the 
oppressors and the oppressed. 

Once such a condition is permitted to become en- 
trenched, social decline is sure either in the form of 
petrifaction or of chaos. The rulers certainly do not 
want to change the system that keeps them in power; 
they want no innovations ; progress is a danger to them. 
And the masses, kept in slavery and ignorance, are too 
apathetic to desire change. The whole social structure 
is weakened and becomes an easy prey to ruder forces 
men reared under more vigorous conditions. The disin- 
herited masses may even join with the invaders in their 
orgy of plunder! 

Let us take warning. We have the same tendencies 
in our civilization that have destroyed preceding ones. 
Already the masses are becoming restive. The great 
advances made by modern civilization its discoveries 
and instruments are both a menace and a promise. 
As never before these instruments might be converted 
into shattering forces. As never before they might be 
converted into uplifting forces. If justice and equality 
are established, this civilization may yet be saved. If 
not the forces are already in motion that will lead to 
its downfall and destruction. 



The Reign of Natural Law 

An Allegory of a Kingdom 



THERE was once a king who ruled so wisely that his 
kingdom became famous for the happiness and 
prosperity of his people. In this kingdom there was no 
real poverty and consequently but little crime. Employ- 
ment was so abundant and well paid that none were idle 
excepting those who chose to be so. There was neither 
poverty nor fear of poverty and as a result, both Capital 
and Labor were liberated to the fullest extent for employ- 
ment in the creation of wealth and for the satisfying 
of those greater needs which come with an advancing 
civilization. There was a steady increase in salaries and 
wages, accompanied by a steady decrease in the cost 
of living. This resulted from improved methods of 
production and transportation, and everyone benefited 

The wise ruler of this kingdom had planned so well 
that no taxes of any kind whatsoever were levied against 
industry or the finished products of industry. Capital 
and Labor were alike treated as beneficent factors for 
prosperity and were never subjected to the penalizing 
effects of taxation. The direct result of this regime was 
encouragement to all the activities in which Capital and 
Labor were involved. Unparalleled progress in building, 
manufacturing, the arts and sciences, and improvements 
naturally resulted from this freedom. 

Justice, the most God-like of all the virtues, was the 
test which had been applied in every part of the great 
plan adopted by the king, and accordingly it was decreed 
that the full reward of labor of every kind should be 
given to him who labored, and without the penalizing 
influence of enforced contribution to the public treasury. 
He well knew that misery would surely follow the imposi- 
tion of taxes upon the people, and had, therefore, devised 
a seemingly mysterious plan which enabled them to live 
happily without the payment of any taxes whatsoever. 
He knew that revenue would be required for the cus- 
tomary expenses of government just as food would be 
needed by every living animal, but by the exercise of the 
power which he possessed, he was able to provide for 
this revenue without the imposition of taxes upon any- 
one. This revenue was derived from ground rent. It 
was a community fund created automatically by the 
industry of all ; it therefore belonged to all, and was 
rightfully used for the payment of all community, or gov- 
ernment expenses. It should be understood that owner- 
ship and use by the community of economic or ground 
rent which is purely the product of population, the pres- 

ence of a community, is in perfect harmony with the 
individualism of democracy and is in no way to be 
confused with the philosophy of communism. This 
source of public revenue was negligible where popula- 
tion was sparse, but was great where population was 
dense. It was always amply sufficient for the expenses 
of government. This law, which provided public revenue 
from ground rent was, perhaps, the most beneficent of 
all the laws instituted by the king. 

When ability of everyone to earn a good living had 
become fully established as an unvarying rule of life, 
the sacred right to property also came to be recognized 
as a matter of course and to a degree never before 
attained. Human nature had not been changed. The 
king realized it was created good in the first place, and 
never had been corrupted excepting where the laws of 
a country had been bad and in contradiction to natural 
law. Incidentally, the king was free from that aggran- 
dizement of self which usually surrounds royalty with 
magnificence and splendor, secured by a process of extor- 
tion upon unwilling subjects. 

His palace was indeed grand in its dimensions and 
its appropriate utility, but at the same time simple and 
without extravagant cost. Furthermore, the king did not 
support a retinue of courtiers to do him honor by their 
servile attendance. Instead, he maintained a personnel 
of workers selected for their fitness to assist him in the 
execution of his mandates, limited always to service for 
minimum public functions. The king believed that that 
government was best which governed least. He never 
interfered with legitimate private business in any way. 

The government thus established was based not upon 
the majesty of royalty but, instead, upon the majesty of 
democracy, excepting that it had been given to the people 
as the perfected plan of a great and wise ruler. This 
kingdom was unique in being the first of its kind in pro- 
viding that in every department of the government the 
same code of morals which apply to the conduct of the 
individual must apply with equal force to every act of 
the government itself. In particular, the commands, 
"Thou shalt not kill" and "Thou shalt not steal" were 
rigidly enforced. 

Before that time it had been assumed that the king 
could do no wrong and this had been interpreted to mear 
that the government, for example, could sacrifice its own 
people in warfare in order to satisfy what was termed 
"economic necessity." But the far greater crime of gov- 
ernments had been the relentless taking of property away 
from citizens by taxation, in total disregard of property 
rights or other demands of justice. 

In recognition of the people's gratitude to their king 
and as an expression of their love and loyalty, there had 
been erected voluntarily by them temples in every part 



of the kingdom, where they were accustomed to assemble 
in order to express their fealty to their ruler and to con- 
sider plans proposed from time to time for their coopera- 
tion with him in his great enterprise. 


Now it came to pass that in the course of time, being 
well pleased with the administration of his kingdom and 
having confidence in the ability of his subjects, by use 
of the native intelligence with which they had been 
endowed, to continue the government as established, the 
king concluded to abdicate in favor of another. The 
people were on a certain day to select this successor to 
their beloved ruler. In due course the new king was 
placed in power and the smoothness and success with 
which the new administration continued prompted much 

As time passed, however, it became evident that vari- 
ation in little ways from the old regime was taking place. 
Insidiously the prevailing sentiment was changed from 
justice to charity. These changes were imperceptible at 
first, but they grew with accelerating force as a result of 
special privileges which were being given by the new 
king to favored followers. While hitherto the people 
had been free without hindrance to exchange their prod- 
ucts with those of other nations, a new plan was now 
imposed which penalized them for so doing. These pro- 
tected interests were thus enabled to charge monopoly 
prices for their products. In extenuation for this change 
the new king explained to his people that this was really 
to their own advantage, as it would prevent the entry 
into their country of the products of pauper labor from 
abroad, and it was therefore helpful in sustaining the 
high standard of living which they enjoyed. Those re- 
sponsible for this argument were hardly aware that it 
was precisely the same argument which is used against 
the employment of labor-saving machinery. 

But there was one effect of this tax which the people 
did not like. For they soon found that they themselves 
were not able to sell to other nations, as they had previ- 
ously done, the products of their own labor. This started 
a dullness in trade with resulting unemployment of many, 
something new in their experience. 

In place of the old plan of collecting a fair percentage 
from those who developed the natural resources of 
precious and base metals, coal and oil, the sources of this 
natural wealth were now sold outright to these favored 
people who were then privileged to collect increased 
prices for same. This became possible by the private 
ownership of monopolized natural resources. 

These changes had already caused some grumbling and 
discontent, but it remained for the new king to put into 
execution the cleverest of all devices by which special 

privilege was to be gratified at the expense of the com- 
mon people. This new plan reduced the royal domain, 
the land, to private ownership, altho theretofore it had 
been sacredly preserved as the property of the whole 
people. The great significance of this change was not 
appreciated at first, but little by little it came to be 
realized that the public revenue which had previously 
been sufficient for the payment of all governmental 
expenses was now diverted more and more into the 
hands of the landlords. These landlords had secured 
titles not only to the land itself, but they also came into 
possession of the economic or ground rent of land, which 
is purely a community value and which therefore should 
have been sacredly conserved for the public. 

Insidiously, by ninety-nine-year leases and other de- 
vices, the golden stream which previously had emptied 
into the public treasury, thus taking care of the expenses 
of government without taxing anyone, was now largely 
diverted into the pockets of landlords. A new way to 
get rich was thus established and "Napoleons of Finance" 
habitually advised young men to buy inside property, 
and to hold it until it could be sold with large profit over 
the original cost, in this way to gather where they had 
not sown and to appropriate the revenue that rightfully 
belonged to the community. The effect of this was to 
increase all rents paid for the use of desirable locations. 
Certain families which had held title to lands at the 
centers of population thus came into royal incomes with- 
out having to give anything in return. In many cases 
these landlords refused to sell, and as a result more than 
half of the area of every city consisted in unused vacant 
lots, the monopoly of which had the direct effect of 
increasing the sales price or rental to be paid for any 
land that was available for use. 

The same phenomenon was to be observed in agricul- 
tural districts. Farming lands which had previously been 
available for use at nominal cost were now to be obtained 
only at excessive prices per acre. This involved so much 
for the purchase of an ordinary fa/m that the average 
farmer could not make the purchase without borrowing 
a large portion of the price. This new plan gave the 
landlords the power to collect immense revenues for the 
use of the land which the old king had originally pro- 
vided as a free gift to all of his people. Before long this 
resulted in the change of ownership from the independent 
farmer to those who were able to monopolize the land. 
Thus the increase of land tenantry proceeded until nearly 
every farm was cultivated by a tenant. 

The new king took notice of this and endeavored to 
remedy the trouble by the payment of fabulous amounts 
of money to the farmers as a reward for their promising 
not to raise one crop or as a bonus for actually raising 
another. He loaned public money to these farmers at 
artificially low interest rates. He also made loans upon 



their corn, cotton and other products at artificially high 
rates in an effort to create prosperity, and meanwhile 
the total amount of farm loans grew enormously. Of 
course, it followed that the farmer was obliged to charge 
unnaturally high prices for all which he sold instead of 
the low prices which prevailed when the land itself had 
no selling value. 

Another unfortunate result of higher prices for farm 
products was the loss of world markets enjoyed under 
the reign of the old king when prices were low. Agricul- 
ture, now becoming overcrowded, farmers and their sons 
were driven from the soil to seek employment in the 
industrial centers. The cities in turn became overcrowded 
with the result that millions of men were forced into the 
army of unemployed. Labor leaders, ignorant of natural 
law, regarded employers as economic enemies who were 
getting more than their share of profits ; and the numer- 
ous strikes instituted to secure abnormally high wages 
were supported by the new king. 

The new king also granted huge subsidies to farmers 
in accordance with the theory that by making them pros- 
perous, their prosperity would filter back to the classes 
which had been taxed for their benefit. The result of 
this was to make agriculture artificially attractive, and 
by the production of unnaturally large crops to aggravate 
instead of to relieve the problem. 

The new regime thus introduced a long series of con- 
tradictions to natural law. These were conceived in an 
effort to make the people prosperous, but had the effect 
of deepening the business depression. For example, the 
king had observed that in prosperous times wages were 
high and hours of labor comparatively short. He there- 
fore issued an edict that wages must be high and hours 
of labor short, regardless of the operation of natural law. 

It also happened that the king, being urged by repre- 
sentatives of the farmers to increase the price of farm 
products, promulgated laws which had that effect, to 
the detriment of the general public. Observing that 
rents were increasing, the king, instead of repealing all 
taxes upon buildings and improvements, provided huge 
amounts of government money to be loaned at low rates 
of interest to those who wanted to build. 

Again, in order to stimulate commerce, the king, in- 
stead of proclaiming free trade with all nations, appointed 
commissions to promote foreign trade while retaining 
high tariff walls around his kingdom. 

Departments of agriculture, agricultural colleges, irri- 
gation projects, including huge dams together with other 
methods, were used to promote maximum crops, which 
then became embarrassing problems. 

Mother Nature is a jealous mistress who punishes with 
inexorable severity those who break her laws or attempt 
to nullify them. Individuals and governments alike are 
thus chastised. Puzzled politicians have vainly sought 

elsewhere for the cause of hard times. As matters grew 
from bad to worse, leading directly to anarchy and chaos, 
it was to have been expected that the temples which had 
been established all over the country would have used 
their influence for the restoration of that kingdom in 
whose honor they had been founded ; and that this influ- 
ence should have been supplemented by cooperation of 
the educational systems of the country. But those who 
controlled the temples had adopted the theory ithat their 
province was concerned only with the spiritual welfare 
of men, and that their responsibilities were bounded by 
the four walls of these temples. Many of the halls of 
learning had been founded and practically subsidized by 
beneficiaries of special privileges which had not existed 
in the original kingdom, and these special privileges it 
was now desired to perpetuate. Those who were respon- 
sible for the influence exerted by the schools and colleges 
had accordingly condemned the natural law which had 
previously prevailed, and had replaced this with specious 
but unscientific substitutes having the effect of clouding 
the issue and preventing restoration of the old regime. 


It has been well said that democracy without religion 
is an intellectual orphan. It is also true that religion 
without democracy is a spiritual orphan. For democracy 
and religion are inseparable. The Fatherhood of God 
leads to religion; the Brotherhood of Man to democracy. 

The principles of democracy are in harmony with reli- 
gion because they are based on natural law established 
by the Creator, while state socialism and all other non- 
democratic forms of government, having repudiated nat- 
ural law, are essentially non-religious and lead to atheism. 
In the temples it developed at last that the responsibility 
of those in charge extended quite as much to the welfare 
of all the people, based as this was upon the divine virtue 
of justice, as it did to the individuals who supported the 
temples. True, these temples had unctuously implored 
divine blessings upon their ruler in their weekly meet- 
ings, but the Heavenly Father had abstained from help- 
ing those who stupidly refrained from helping themselves 
in a rational way. Seeing the error of their ways, a 
change came over the people. Leaders in the temples 
who demanded the restoration of natural law now became 
more and more numerous and influential. One of these 
explained natural law by saying, "It simply means mak- 
ing room at the Father's table for all his children." An- 
other stated that the people should first seek restoration 
of natural law, after which all the blessings of prosperity 
would be added unto them, this being a new interpreta- 
tion of familiar scripture. And in response to a general 
demand for the restoration of the study of the science 
of political economy in schools and colleges, natural law 
was restored to its rightful place in government. 



So it happened that little by little a complete transfor- 
mation took place in the character and the consequent 
influence of these temples which had been erected in 
honor of the king for having established an ideal gov- 

The iniquity of the then existing social order was made 
to give way to what had been originally established, and 
these temples were now devoted to the restoration and 
support of the original order of things. Those in the 
temples whose protest was strongest were exposed and 
driven therefrom, while those who in the halls of learning 
rebelled at the new order were made to give their places 
to others, all by popular consent. 

At last reason prevailed not only in the temples but, 
what was equally important, in the halls of learning. 
Leaders arose who led the people in a successful revolu- 
tion, resulting in the deposition of the king and the com- 
plete restoration of the natural order that had been 
responsible for the prosperity of the people as originally 
planned by the founder of their kingdom. 

The operation was as simple as it was effective. One by 
one the taxes upon business and industry were repealed. 
This was, in every instance, followed by increased busi- 
ness activities and additional employment of the idle. 
As these taxes were abolished the government simulta- 
neously increased its collection of its natural revenue, 
ground rent, and this enabled the reduction of those 
enormous expenses of government. As free trade with 
other peoples was inaugurated a new impetus was given 
to industry of every kind. 

As the inflated values which had characterized all lands 
were cancelled, this had the effect of restoring the land 
to the people, in consequence of which agriculture became 
profitable in a natural way and all rents paid for the use 
of land of any kind were reduced to a normal basis. 

The government thereafter made no demands upon 
citizens except payment for equivalent public services 
rendered. The certainty that no laws would be passed 
contrary to natural law gave full encouragement to all 
business enterprises. Other striking features of the 
change were the reduction of public expenses to but a 
fraction of what they had been, and extirpation of the 
spoils system, together with the entire removal of pat- 
ronage from legislators. Restoration of normal commer- 
cial relations with the rest of the world enabled the 
reduction of armaments to a police basis. 

Prosperity was thus restored not by any magical influ- 
ence, but by compliance with the laws of nature provided 
by a wise and beneficent Creator. At last every one of 
numerous taxes had been repealed, leaving only for the 
government collection of economic or ground rent. This 
was the superlative achievement of a perfected democracy 
under Natural Law. 

Appeal for Socratic Education 


THE time is ripe for a reaction in the direction of 
American philosophy, for a Renaissance of the 
thought of Henry George. Pressure groups are bringing 
about a natural resentment toward their methods and 
the privileges they obtain against the rest of the country. 
People are wondering whether counter-pressure is just 
chasing around in a vicious circle. Millions are desperate 
for jobs. Even the most able and fortunate wonder where 
they might be with the next turn of the wheel. 

Conditions have made the soil fertile and ready for the 
seed of Georgeist thought. The problem then is a prac- 
tical one how to plant so as to produce the finest crop 
with the least effort. Humanitarian intentions are not 
enough the means of planting thought will determine 
the crop. The two methods of planting, or educating, 
which I wish to examine are the lecture method and the 
Socratic method. By the lecture method is meant the 
delivering of an oration, or the imparting of an idea, 
with little active participation on the part of the audi- 
ence. By the Socratic method is meant the free discus- 
sion and exchange of questions and answers on the part 
of both instructor and audience. 

In teaching through political campaigns we find the 
concentration on lectures. The human tendency is to 
resist being told, and particularly to resist what is told 
during a campaign. The prejudice and bias which the 
average human acquires during his life are likely to be 
reinforced by the kind of lecture he gets through politics. 
The speaker is in a hurry, and we have all been warned 
against people who are in a hurry. Bank tellers are not 
the only ones who say, "Look out for the man in a hurry." 
Questions must be swiftly met, honestly if possible, but 
quickly, no matter how ruthlessly. The Georgeist move- 
ment has had many of the most brilliant lecturers for 
generations, but though they could influence the hearts 
and minds of their audiences, it was another matter 
to make their listeners effective teachers on their own 
account. It reminds me of Professor Herbert Brown's 
statement, "Education is personal exercise. It cannot 
be sprayed on in a lecture." 

Another difficulty with the political lecture is that 
it must take the view that everything else must be 
dropped while we deal with this emergency. All work 
for the long pull, no matter how much the political 
speaker agrees with it, must be put off while we struggle 
with the dragon of the moment. The political Georgeist 
would say, "Drop slower methods of educating while 
we put over this all-important fiscal reform or elect this 
man or party." This political pleading inevitably depends 



upon the promise of mighty benefits to come. It has 
supplied the hook upon which the tag of "panacea" and 
"crackpotism" is hung by the ignorant and unscrupulous. 
A better case might be made for the lecture method 
in the calmer atmosphere of the class-room. The national 
hero of Danish education, Grundtvig, developed a num- 
ber of rules for obtaining the maximum result through 
lectures. He advised: 1. That students should be over 
eighteen, at which age he felt they reached maturity. 
2. That teachers should be farmers, or business or pro- 
fessional men, so that teaching should be for the love of 
it and never aloof from actual life. 3. That students 
should be similar people so that they might test the 
abstract principle in living. 4. That teaching should con- 
cern itself with principles of economics, logic and history, 
purely cultural subjects as compared with so-called prac- 
tical or vocational courses. 5. That teaching should 
eschew religious and political views (though Grundtvig 
himself was a minister and a man of political convic- 

This method of education taught the Danish farmer to 
be a keen logician and an individualist. He is a power 
to be reckoned with, and politicians fear to propose laws 
for the rural part of Denmark which might meet with 
the ridicule of the farmers. 

As a result of their education, the Danes have been 
favorably disposed toward Henry George, and have 
taught his principles in their Folk Schools. Their method 
of education has also made them quite receptive to the 
Socratic method. In 1936, I attended the International 
Conference for the Taxation of Land Values, in London, 
as a representative of the Henry George School of Social 
Science. The School has developed the Socratic method 
of spreading the Georgeist philosophy, and it has proved 
highly successful in the United States. The Danish 
Georgeists were excited enough about the new American 
use of the Socratic method to come to London to learn 
of it. I found them most appreciative of the method and 
material used to lead the student to think for himself 
and to express himself vigorously and confidently enough 
to teach himself, whether in or out of the classroom. 
They point out that the advantages of the question 
method made possible 27 new schools with 55 classes 
the second year after the London Conference. These 
Danish educators will tell you that the Socratic method 
is ideal for breaking down bias and making possible the 
re-examination of premises and the extension of logical 
reasoning. Thinking done for oneself, they say, carries 
conviction. The political slogan, which was their great- 
est handicap, is breaking down in the atmosphere of free 
discussion and realization of how far George extended 
the Grundtvig idea of individual freedom. Prejudice is 
giving way to understanding. 

An interesting sidelight is found in the experience that 
a larger percentage of a class can be held by the lecture 

method than by the Socratic method. They can come 
for entertainment without perspiration. When Socratic 
questions make study necessary, some may be unable 
to keep up the work. These will drop out, but the qual- 
ity of those who stay is higher. While this experience 
is usual, the ideal of the Boy Scout executives has a 
moral. The Scoutmasters are reminded that the drop- 
ping-out of a boy after six months is the responsibility 
of the Scoutmaster, and not any fault of the boy. All 
boys are assumed to be good material for Scouts for life, 
and failure of this ideal should bring careful soul-search- 
ing on the part of the scout leader. How well we can 
apply this principle to either the lecture or the Socratic 

Jacques Barzun, in "Of Human Freedom," said, "Every 
thinker from Plato down has perceived that any educa- 
tion worth the name must make of each pupil a self- 
propelling individual who not only has learned but can 
continue to learn. In Aristotle's homely phrase, to edu- 
cate is not to present the student with a pair of shoes 
but to impart to him the art of shoemaking." Education, 
and the achievements that come from education, cannot 
be imposed upon people. It must come from within. A 
demand for results that can only come thus is as ridicu- 
lous as Napoleon's command to his Commissioner of 
Police to see to it that literature flourish in the Empire. 

"But," I can hear from the "practical" man, "what are 
we educating teachers and students for?" To which I 
reply: Isn't the freedom of the individual our ultimate 
object? And isn't the development of each self-propel- 
ling person a big step? And isn't the only next consistent 
step the encouraging of each person to work out his own 
program while cooperating as he wishes in our further 
development of more students of freedom? 

The organized 'efforts of 20,000 people or more in 
politics might force some program upon a larger number, 
but the diverse and autonomous efforts of 20,000 to edu- 
cate others would seem to me to make far greater strides 
toward freedom. The means will always determine the 
ends, and the more freedom each local group maintains 
the more freedom they all are apt to obtain in larger 
spheres. No matter how we multiply, a principle remains 
the same. 

THIS doctrine alone stands unshaken, that doing 
wrong is to be more carefully avoided than suffer- 
ing it ; that before all things a man should study not to 
seem but to be good in his private and public life. . . . 
Insult and infamy will do you no harm if you be really 
an honest and true man, practising virtue. And hereafter 
when we have so practised it together, then and not till 
then will we set about politics. 




Signs of Progress 


Henry George School of Social Science 


SUMMER TERM Enrollments for the Summer term of 
the School, starting June 17, are coming in at a rapid 
rate. The response was large even before names were 
circularized through the mails. This was due almost 
entirely to the work of students of the Spring term in 
distributing class announcements to friends and acquaint- 
ances. Large scale distribution of thousands of leaflets 
and announcements, at strategic locations throughout the 
city, has also been undertaken by volunteers. 

The Summer term will include advanced courses to 
accommodate students of the Spring term. This was not 
originally scheduled, but numerous requests warranted 
offering them. During the Summer, classes will be held 
four days a week, Monday through Thursday, from 7:30 
to 9 :30 P. M. 

RECOMMENDED NAMES A campaign is now under way 
to secure names recommended by friends of the School, 
for the purpose of sending them class announcements. 
A study of the Spring enrollment revealed that no other 
source of circularization brings nearly so many new 
enrollments as the names supplied by students and 
friends. In charge of this campaign is Sidney Abelson, 
recently added to the staff of the School, in the capacity 
of Publicity Manager. 

BUILDING COMPLETION On the fourth floor of the 
School eight new class-rooms are rapidly nearing com- 
pletion. These new rooms will give the School a capac- 
ity of four thousand per term (there are 3 regular terms 
per year). The auditorium on the fifth floor is also tak- 
ing form, and programs to be held in it are already being 
planned. It is hoped that the auditorium will be in use 
every day of the week. 

SPRING COMMENCEMENT A Commencement Dinner for 
the graduates and faculty of the Spring term was held 
Monday, June 3, at 6:30 P. M., at the Cafe Loyale, 
521 Fifth Avenue, New York City. The guest speaker 
of the evening was Hon. Francis Neilson, well-known 
author, and Member of the British Parliament during 
the last war. His topic was "Henry George, Scholar," 
a phase of George's character which Mr. Neilson feels 
has been neglected. Frank Chodorov, Director, summa- 
rized the achievements of the School, and its prospects 

for the future. This dinner was also the occasion of 
the premiere of a new Georgeist play, entitled "No 
Sunday for Friday," written, produced and performed 
by graduates of the School. 


The Society has been very active this Spring. Besides 
the regular Tuesday night Forums that are conducted, 
speakers, under the auspices of the Society, have lectured 
at various places. Among them were : Holger Lyngholm, 
who again spoke on "Cooperation and Democracy in 
Denmark," this time before the Flushing Cooperative 
Association; Spencer Heath, who addressed the Bureau 
of Economic Research of Brooklyn College; and Dr. S. A. 
Schneidman, who spoke before the Young Men's Club 
of Queens Village on "War and the Depression." 

Four new classes have been initiated in The Principles 
of International Trade. These are conducted at the 
Sewanhakee High School, Floral Park; the Flushing 
Y.M.C.A. ; the Jamaica High School ; and the home of 
B. T. Conrad, in Bellerose Manor all on Long Island. 

The Society's sixth Reunion Dinner-Talk-Fest char- 
acterized as "a hopeful interlude in a world of chaos" 
was held May 18, at the Diplomat Restaurant in Jamaica. 
The attendance was good. Diplomas were awarded to 
graduates, and plans for increased activity were dis- 
cussed. C. O. Steele officiated as the Master of Cere- 
monies, and the guest speakers were : William N. Mc- 
Nair, Pittsburgh's ex-mayor extraordinary, who spoke 
on his many interesting experiences, in his talk, "What 
Price Government?"; Harry Weinberger, distinguished 
lawyer, who delivered an eloquent address on the menace 
of "Liberty's Blackout"; and Spencer Heath, philoso- 
pher-economist, who gave a thoughtful talk on "The 
Science of Society." 

A group of Long Island graduates, on their own initia- 
tive, have offered to rally workers in the Cause of Free- 
dom, for the purpose of expanding the scope of the 
movement in a more organized and efficient way. An- 
other instance of the fruits of education. 

Following are the remaining lectures in the Spring 
series of the Society's Forums, held at the Jamaica 
Y.M.C.A., 89-25 Parsons Boulevard, Jamaica. Those in- 
terested are urged to attend. 
June 4 Paul Peach, "The Money Problem." 
June 11 John Luxton, "Is Economics a Science?" 




The Chicago Extension of the School moved to larger 
headquarters on May 1. The new address is 64 West 
Randolph Street, which has double the space of the 
former headquarters. The added room was needed. to 
serve the rapidly growing number of classes in Chicago 
and suburbs. In leasing the new headquarters, the 
Chicago group were unaware that they were repeating 
history. In the early days of the movement, this address 
served as headquarters of the old Single Tax Club, focal 
point of Georgeist activities in the Middle West. This 
latest revival stirred the memories of old-timers who re- 
call that the attendance at the Single Tax Club meetings 
was large, often 500, and that a dance on one occasion 
packed the hall beyond capacity. 

Graduates of the Chicago School are formidable in 
their acolyte activities, and they will be given an in- 
creased opportunity to serve at the new headquarters. 
They have been distributing thousands of announcements 
of new classes, with a great saving of postage. Among 
the fields covered were the Jane Addams Houses, where 
two thousand announcements were distributed. 

Reports from Chicago indicate that "Progress and 
Poverty" is becoming more duly recognized. At the 
University of Chicago, one-fourth of the Master's 'exami- 
nation of the English Department, to be held this Sum- 
mer, will be devoted to a critical analysis of the idea 
structure of that book. Recognition also comes from the 
B.L.T. Club, a group of professional book reviewers. 
Mrs. Ruthann Bassler spoke before the Club, on "Liter- 
ary Masterpieces of the Ages." The only masterpiece 
to evoke questions and discussion was "Progress and 
Poverty." As a result twenty names were secured for 
enrollment in the Henry George School. 


Commencement Exercises of the East Bay Extension 
of the School were held at the Alden Library in Oakland, 
on April 29. J. Rupert Mason writes of this meeting, 
"Last evening was a happy one, across the Bay. Many 
graduated from Miss Grace Johnston's fine classes. 
Wallace Kibbee gave an inspiring talk on 'The Ideals 
of Henry George.' I brought a friend, who is the head 
of a big accounting office, and who goes over the accounts 
of many Irrigation Districts. He has been a 'moneycrat,' 
and now marvels that he could have been so mistaken. 
He wants to take the course at the School." 

Robert Schalkenbach Foundation 


NEW LITERATURE New editions of "Social Problems" 
and "Protection or Free Trade," both by Henry George, 

have just come from the Foundation's press. This makes 
seven thousand copies of "Social Problems" published by 
the Foundation and nine thousand copies of "Protection 
or Free Trade." 

Both these books have had dramatic careers. It was 
"Social Problems" which caught the interest of Tom 
Johnson and started him on the crusade to which he later 
dedicated his life and his fortune. The warning words 
of "Protection or Free Trade" have echoed through our 
domed Capitol on numerous occasions. Tom Johnson 
and others have read passages, even chapters, from the 
floor of both Houses. Practically the whole book has 
appeared in the Congressional Record. 

"The Life of Joseph Pels," by Mary Fels, his wife, is 
the latest event in contemporary Georgeist literature. 
And a most interesting event it is. The book is being 
adequately reviewed elsewhere in LAND AND FREEDOM, 
so there is little for me to say except that I enjoyed the 
story very much. Every Georgeist will be interested in 
this book of less than two hundred pages in which one 
gets to know and understand an exceptionally generous 
and democratic character, a rare man of good will. 

In the June issue of the Atlantic, Albert Jay Nock has 
written a penetrating analysis of Max Hirsch's book, 
"Democracy vs. Socialism." With many a barbed thrust, 
Mr. Nock makes war upon his favorite enemy, State 
Collectivism. His recommendation of the Hirsch book 
is unequivocal. "Of the innumerable books on economics 
and politics published in the last seven years," he says, 
"the one which is most important at just this moment, at 
precisely this juncture in our public affairs, is this reprint 
of a book which fell by the wayside fifty years ago." 

midst of our campaign to have Henry George admitted 
to the Hall of Fame. Varied and interesting are the 
letters which are being written to the electors. One very 
famous Rabbi wrote them as follows : "Few Americ 
will be voted into the Hall of Fame more entitled t 
place within that Olympian Hall than Henry George. 
Henry George was an American prophet, a man with a 
realizable program which will yet be adopted by civilized 
peoples." Another man, a well known editor and author, 
wrote to twenty electors : "I have been in general sym- 
pathy with Henry George's economic views for many 
years in fact since my young manhood. There can be 
no question of either his powers as a writer or his very 
widespread influence upon public thought. For what it 
is worth to you, I record my hope that when the matter 
comes before you, you will give his candidacy serious 
and favorable consideration." Later it may be possible 
to publish the names of these prominent men who have 
thus expressed their admiration for Henry George and 
his doctrines. 

h e 



Manhattan Single Tax Club 

PRESIDENT Ingersoll addressed the Philadelphia 
Georgeists on April 22, at their clubrooms in the 
Community Center. About sixty were present and lis- 
tened attentively to the speaker's favorite subject of 
"simplifying economics for teaching." This theme stimu- 
lated a discussion of about two hours, in which most of 
the students and old-timers participated. 

Mr. Ingersoll's adaptation of his broadcasts to a weekly 
reprint under the title democracy (small "d" to represent 
non-partisanship) is being perfected the format of the 
paper has recently been improved. With the paper, Mr. 
Ingersoll proposes to reach all the teaching units of the 
Georgean movement, to spread his conception of the inti- 
mate relation of simple economics to everyday events 
and eminent persons. 

Following are excerpts from his current radio talks : 

monopoly question? And this simply because governments do not 
have statesmen educated in scientific economics and therefore capable 
of settling such problems. Sinclair has made his peace with Mexico, 
and, it is intimated, has paved the way for other expropriated American 
producers. If one of them hits on the simple formula of a royalty to 
cover the natural value of the oil, leaving to the producer the untaxed 
rewards of investment in production, it will be a real victory for 
business sense in its capacity to solve economic problems. 

Commerce of Bergen County, N. J., and is being carried to the 
U. S. Senate by Senator Barbour. The proposal is to get Uncle Sam 
to help "redeem" 27,000 acres of Hackensack meadows. One would 
think even without all the publicity recently given to land racketeer- 
ing in New Jersey that such a raw proposition would awaken some 
statesman into asking, "Whose land?" But this proposal is soberly 
made by a sober Senator not long after a six-month trial of thirty 
officials for selling $13,000 of this same muck to Newark for $190,000. 

detectives to find and formulate monopoly in business. His real trouble 
is due to his seeing only the flourishing branches of monopoly, and 
not seeing its roots. A practical examination of the monopoly ques- 
tion would start with basic and fundamental monopoly about which 
there can be no dispute such as franchises, ownership of natural re- 
sources, and economic rents. Half of our "wealth" is in such monop- 
oly. Yet it gets no attention from the department of government 
devoted mainly to monopoly prosecution! 

League for Freedom 


At a recent meeting, officers were elected to the 
League. Henry J. Foley was elected Chairman ; Grace 
Isabel Colbron, Vice-Chairman; and Louis Taylor, Treas- 
urer. Mrs. Anna George de Mille attended one of the 
meetings, and we are happy to have her words of encour- 
agement. We take our responsibility all the more seri- 
ously because of her very welcome moral support. 

Progress has been made towards organizing Chapters 
of the League in various localities. A geographical 

method of starting Chapters has been adopted. The 
organizer is sent the names and addresses of known 
Georgeists in his immediate neighborhood, whom he is 
to solicit for membership. The nucleus thus started, the 
members cooperate in spreading the Georgeist philosophy 
in that neighborhood, through lectures, classes, pam- 
phleteering, etc. As the group grows, the member living 
furthest away from the center of the neighborhood is 
urged to start a Chapter of his own. The question of 
close cooperation of all the Chapters, while preserving 
local freedom, is being studied. Miss Colbron has under- 
taken to investigate the technique of the International 
Union for Land Value Taxation and Free Trade, in 
London. That body is affiliated with various Georgeist 
leagues throughout England which all seem to function 
together smoothly. 

We are glad to report that active cooperation and 
offers of cooperation have already been received from 
many Georgeist groups and individuals throughout the 
country. Among the groups are : the Henry George 
Fellowships ; the Benjamin Franklin Research Society ; 
the Society for Long Island Georgeists ; the Manhattan 
Single Tax Club ; the Henry George Free Tract Society ; 
"We, The Citizens" School of Economics; and "Cause 
and Effect." Among those assisting with literature are : 
Louis Wallis, Ellen Winsor (author of "A Bedtime Story 
on the Land Question"), R. Clancy and W. Newcomb 
(co-authors of "You and America's Future"), Peter 
Schwander (poet under the name of "Horatio") and 
Harold S. Buttenheim. 

We who are newly entered in the Cause of Freedom, 
salute those who have been working for it these many 
years. We wish to remind old and new workers in the 
Cause that all are welcome to join the League for Free- 
dom. Address the Secretary, League for Freedom, 1351 
Third Avenue, New York, N. Y. 

Benjamin Franklin Research Society 

This Society will be remembered for its publication last 
year of an attractive brochure, discussing the Brookings 
Institution research reports, comparing totalitarianism 
with democracy, and quoting famous statesmen and 
thinkers on the land question. The Society has just 
published another pamphlet, generous in size and con- 
taining 24 pages. It is entitled "The Ben. Franklin 
Plan." This plan, the pamphlet explains, is a Community 
Service Charge in place of the present load of taxes. 
Present conditions and the proposed system are made 
vivid in abundant illustrations, charts, and sets of figures. 
Other subjects are also discussed, such as rural electri- 

The booklet describes the purpose of the Society : 
"This association was formed by leading citizens who 
are interested in the welfare of our country. Believing 



that the world's troubles are economic and realizing that 
there has been too much generalizing and not enough 
study of facts, it is hoped that support will be found, 
making possible the conducting of a survey in some 
state where conditions are most favorable for a tryout 
of this Plan. . . . 

"The association is organized for study and research 
and under no circumstances is it to take part in political 
discussions. It will make its researches and get the facts 
and then allow business men, industrialists, statesmen 
and labor leaders, to draw their conclusions." 

The price of the booklet is fifteen cents, and it may be 
obtained from the Ben. Franklin Research Society, 511 
Gravier Street, New Orleans, La. 


A NEW NAME At the annual meeting of the Single 
Tax Association of Canada, on March 30, it was decided 
to change the name of that body to the Henry George 
Society. This is the Society's third name during a career 
of sixty years. The first name was the Anti-Poverty 
Society. During its long career, it has accomplished im- 
portant work in furthering the Georgeist cause in Canada. 
Several years ago, when a land grant of 10,000,000 acres 
to the Grand Trunk Railway was proposed for the build- 
ing of a road, the Society urged the Government to build 
the road as a national undertaking, using the resulting 
rise in land values to pay its way. As a result, the land 
grant was refused, and instead the land was rented out 
to the Grand Trunk. One of the latest activities of the 
Society was in procuring one hundred French transla- 
tions of "Progress and Poverty," and sending one to each 
member of the Quebec Legislature. 

PROTESTING SPECULATION Several Georgeist groups in 
Canada have adopted resolutions condemning the prac- 
tice of speculating in timber during the present emer- 
gency situation. The particular cause of protest was the 
recent sale of a Vancouver Island timber limit for 

THE FAME OF MILK RIVER J. B. Ellert, Georgeist 
leader of Milk River, which is operated on the Single 
Tax principle, reports that it is working so well that 
neighboring towns in Southern Alberta are investigating 
the system. Two towns have invited the Milk River 
Councilmen to explain the application of the reform. 
One of the towns is Picture Butte, which possesses the 
largest sugar factory in western Canada. This town is 
planning to adopt the system. 

GEORGEIST ELECTED Hon. Arthur W. Roebuck, active 
Canadian Georgeist, was elected, on March 26, to the 
House of Commons for Toronto-Trinity, with a majority 
of about 3,500 votes. Mr. Roebuck is Honorary Presi- 
dent of the Henry George Society. 

Great Britain 

April 17, F. C. R. Douglas, Georgeist leader of London, 
was elected Member of Parliament, for North Battersea, 
on the Labor Party ticket. Mr. Douglas had been Mayor 
of Battersea, and member of the London County Council. 

The vacancy in Parliament had been created by the 
retirement of William S. Sanders, also a Labor M.P., 
who was a Fabian Socialist. Mr. Douglas received the 
support of Hon. Herbert Morrison, M.P., leader of the 
L. C. C., and the unstinted support of the North Batter- 
sea Labor Party. The competing candidate was E. Joyce, 
who put forward an anti-war front, under the apparent 
inspiration of the Communist Party. Previous experi- 
ence with Communist Members from Battersea, such as 
Saklatvala and Strauss, doubtlessly convinced the elec- 
tors that the experience should not be repeated. 

Mr. Douglas was born in Canada and raised in Scot- 
land. He has been long active in the Georgeist cause 
and is the author of several books and pamphlets. He is 
the Assistant Editor of Land and Liberty. At the Henry 
George Centenary, which he attended, Americans were 
favorably impressed by his cogent talks and dignified 
appearance. In Battersea and in the L. C. C., he has 
been active in many progressive reforms, and has intro- 
duced Rating Reform Bills. 

Foundation presented Members of Parliament and can- 
didates with complimentary copies of Henry George's 
"Protection or Free Trade." The gift also included the 
pamphlet "The Real Meaning of Free Trade," and ex- 
tracts from Mr. Neville Chamberlain's speeches, wherein 
he declared that "there can be no lasting peace unless 
there is a full and constant flow of trade between the 
nations concerned." Many of the M.P.'s and candidates 
replied, acknowledging the gift, and endorsing George's 
views. Following are some of their remarks, as quoted 
in Land and Liberty: 

From a Conservative M.P. : "I desire most cordially 
to thank you for that book. I have read the original 
edition and have a very large measure of agreement. 
You can count me in general a supporter." 

From a Liberal Candidate : "I read George's 'Protec- 
tion or Free Trade' many years ago. I know of no better 
presentation of the Free Trade case and I will read it 

From a Labor Candidate : "I sincerely hope that we 
may be able to secure economic sanity and truth after 
this mad war is over. Anything which can be done to 
extend the knowledge of and truth about economic prob- 
lems is well worth doing, and it is tragically true that a 
continuance of national economic systems based on a 
false idea of national sufficiency and the domination of 
selfish economic groups will always lead to recurring 




The fine work our Dutch comrades have been doing 
makes all the more poignantly sad the recent news from 
their fine little country. As in Denmark, things are so 
unsettled that we do not know what will become of the 
future of our Georgeist friends and the Cause they are 
working for. We sincerely hope that they will be able 
to carry on. 

The most persistent foreign Georgeist periodical we 
have been receiving has been the Dutch Ons Erfdeel 
("Our Heritage"). This is a weekly published at Gron- 
ingen, and edited by H. Kolthek. The latest issue to 
reach us is dated April 20. At that time the Party of 
Justice and Freedom (De Partij Recht en Vrijheid), of 
which Ons Erfdeel is the official organ, was planning its 
annual Convention for May 2, in Utrecht. Organization 
matters and similar problems were on the agenda for 
discussion. Various Chapters had already sent in their 
reports for the Convention, indicating the progress of 
their activities. 

Two important Chapters of the Party are in the Prov- 
ince of Groningen; one, the Leeuwarden Chapter, and 
the other, the Groningen Chapter. This latter is the seat 
of the headquarters of the Party as well as the publica- 
tion office of Ons Erfdeel. The Leeuwarden Chapter is 
very active, having established the first Henry George 
School in the Province, last December. Good news also 
comes from the Hague Chapter, which reports a large 
sale of "Progress and Poverty" in the newly translated 
edition. This Chapter has published sharp criticisms of 
the country's financial system, which has excited the 
indignation of the conservative press. But this has in 
no wise deterred the progress of the Hague Georgeists. 
A Henry George School flourishes there, and a new edi- 
tion of the Teachers' Manual has recently been issued. 

The April 20 issue of Ons Erfdeel was accompanied by 
a supplement, in pamphlet form, on "Georgeism and 
Catholicism." This contained an essay on the subject 
by the officers of the Party, and a Dutch translation of 
the famous Statement of Dr. Edward McGlynn, the one 
approved by the Papal Ablegate. It also contained a 
letter from August Diemont to Pope Pius XII., which 
quotes many Bible extracts concerning man's right to 
the earth. Diemont asks His Holiness, in his efforts for 
peace, to remember the message Henry George gave to 
the world. 

Ons Erfdeel reports that the outbreak of the war last 
September interfered somewhat with Georgeist activi- 
ties at first, but later, forward strides were taken in spite 
of the serious situation. The circulation of the journal 
has even increased. 

Good luck, comrades ! 

New Zealand 

It is encouraging to receive the news that the Common- 
weal, voice of the Natural Justice Movement of New 
Zealand, is able to continue publication, in spite of the 
war. "Shortly after the outbreak of the war," says the 
March-April number of this paper, "it seemed hardly 
likely that Commonweal could be kept going, owing to 
the marked drop in receipts. Many other journals have 
already gone out of existence, and some, such as the 
Free Trader (London), have suspended publication for 
the period of the war. However, a few enthusiasts are 
very desirous of keeping the journal going. The amounts 
received in donations, plus ordinary subscriptions, have 
been sufficient to warrant the production of this number. 
The Finance Committee trusts that supporters of the 
Natural Justice Cause will continue to provide the funds 
required to keep the journal in being, despite the war." 

Two other Georgeist papers that have been suspended 
because of the war are Terre et Liberte, in France, and 
Graham Peace's Commonweal, in England. LAND AND 
FREEDOM sincerely hopes that the New Zealand Common- 
weal will receive sufficient financial support to insure its 

The Natural Justice leaders have worked out a com- 
mon-sense program for the application of the Georgeist 
reform. Following is a statement of the policy : 

"Local bodies not the State to estimate and also to 
collect, the full annual economic value of the social envir- 
onment, commonly called 'economic rent of land,' part 
to be passed on to the State for State expenditure, the 
objective being the abolition of all rates and taxes. In 
rural areas, towns and counties to be amalgamated, the 
full 'land rent' to be collected by the enlarged local body 
over the combined areas, thus returning to the farmers, 
through expenditure of part of the 'ground rent' or 'site 
value' of urban areas upon rural roads, some of the social 
values the farming community helps substantially and 
basically to produce." 

The Commonweal stands also for complete free trade 
and democratic electoral methods. For those who may 
be interested in this journal, the address is Hohaia Street, 
Matamata, New Zealand. 

AjGRESSIVE warfare is always the result of what 
appears to be economic necessity. . . . The "need 
of foreign markets" which is so frequently used as an 
argument to justify wars of criminal aggression is a 
"need" that would not be felt if the aggressing nations 
enforced justice at home. ... To secure a market, 
labor need but be given access to the natural resources 
now withheld by private monopolists. 






"The Life of Joseph Pels," by Mary Pels. Doubleday, Doran and Co., 
New York. 1940. 192 pp. $1.50. 

This well written book is a new account of the life of Joseph Pels, 
somewhat different from the version that appeared in 1916. It deals 
more with his career and ideas than with his personal life. 

Joseph Pels, a Semite, was born and reared below the Mason and 
Dixon line, at a time when a Jew was indeed rara avis in that "Bible 
Belt." All his life he was singularly free from creed and dogma. He 
had little formal schooling, but wide business activity, travel and study 
made him a well-rounded personality. At a very early age he entered 
the soap business with his father, and by 1893 he had established the 
highly successful Fels-Naptha business. 

Affluent though he was, his sympathies were ever with the poor and 
oppressed, the underprivileged. However, he was opposed to charity, 
and his very liberal financial contributions were to causes devoted to 
establishing justice. He ever held aloft the flaming banner of some 
noble cause, and particularly keen was his devotion to the Georgeist 
movement. He once related to Lincoln Steffens how he came to em- 
brace this philosophy: 

"I've been a Singletaxer ever since I read George's books. I've seen 
the cat for years. But I didn't do much till I was converted. And 
strange to say, I was converted by a Socialist. Singletaxers and 
Socialists don't agree; too often they fight. But it was Keir Hardie 
who converted me to the Singletax, or as I prefer to call it, Christian- 
ity. I came home on a ship with him once and noticed that he never 
thought of himself. We were together all the time, all those long 
days at sea, and we talked about England, America, politics, business 
everything; and I talked and I thought of myself. But Hardie didn't 
talk of himself and I could see that he never thought of Keir Hardie. 
He was for men. . . . Well, that did for me. I saw that I was 
nothing and that I was doing nothing compared with a man like that. 
He saw and I saw, but he worked. He did things, and I saw that 
that made him a man, a happy man and a servant of mankind. So I 
decided to go to work, forget myself and get things done." 

And Pels thence devoted himself to unselfish causes with such spirit 
that Herbert Bigelow, in a memorial address, said of him: "I speak 
of Joseph Pels the Christian, because I believe that if the nominal 
disciples of Jesus, particularly the rich ones, were to follow the ex- 
ample of Joseph Pels, they would all of them be better Christians." 

"The Life of Joseph Pels" is the story of a noble man, utterly devoid 
of affectation, and determined to leave this world a better place for 
his having lived in it. 



"Political Thought The European Tradition," by J. P. Mayer, and 
collaborators. The Viking Press, New York. 1939. 485 pp. $4.00. 

In an Introduction to this book, R. H. Tawney says, "Man, when 
history first meets him, is a social animal. Political thought is the 
epitome of his experience of life in society." Mr. Mayer's book pur- 
ports to be a review of that political thought which the Western mind 
has moulded and by which it has been moulded. He has attempted 
to bring together the factors in the European tradition so that it pre- 
sents a coherent flow. Thus, although he is of the "historical" school, 
he shows some originality in evaluating. 

Our political heritage is traced back to Greece, where democracy 
had its first trial, and flowered in free thought. The transmission of 
the Greek idea through Rome, and the transformation of both tradi- 
tions through Christianity is noted. The author puts emphasis on the 
slavery of ancient Rome as the decisive factor in her decline and fall. 
He recognizes that the division of society into landed proprietors and 
serfs was the ruin of Rome. 

During the barbarian invasions, when Roman and Germanic ideas 
were blending, the feudal system arose as an outcome of the Roman 
idea of private property in land, and the German tradition of com- 
munal ownership of land. Lordship was the basis of the Medieval 
State, which could hardly yet be called a State. 

In his discussion of modern political thought and practice, Mr. 
Mayer, in collaboration with others, devotes a chapter to each nation, 
offering a survey of that country from the Renaissance to the present. 

The chapter on. Britain is by R. H. S. Grossman. He sees many 
contradictions in British political thought a theoretical individualism 
is contrasted with an actual dependence on conventions and traditions. 
Britain today is blindly groping for a policy. Even the vague policy 
of liberalism has collapsed, and now the country stands in need of a 
clear-cut political philosophy. With England dominated by a landed 
class, as the author admits, and vainly attempting to reconcile this 
with democracy and freedom, it is small wonder that Britain is floun- 

The political thought of France seems to the author (E. Kohn- 
Bramstedt) more unified and clear-cut. Rationalism has prevailed in 
that country in theory and practice, and even in the oft-recurring 
crises, it is the dominant theme. 


The job of surveying Germany's political thought is, according 
Mayer, "fraught with difficulties." It is the story of a people who 
have ranged from tribe to empire, who have presented conflicting tra- 
ditions, who have produced formidable theoreticians as well as political 
structures, and whose latest development of Kultur and the State is 
frightening. This chapter was written at the time of the Czecho- 
slovakia crisis, which in a foreboding footnote by the author, is a crisis 
"whose final outcome despite the Munich agreement . . . may 
render this whole book an Epilogue to a culture which is passing 

In the chapter on Italy, by C. J. S. Sprigge, Mussolini's Fascism is 
regarded as different from the dictatorship of his axis partner. It 
"ranges from the enforcement of strict obedience to the most smilingly 
benign indulgence." It is paternalism. 

America is included in the book, as being part of the European 
tradition. It was the aim of the American settlers, says P. Kecsmeti, 
author of this chapter, to build a society free from the imperfections 
of Europe. But the point of departure was the European tradition, 
and many of the imperfections remained. The New Deal is the out- 
come of the American tradition, which the author views as not being 
revolutionary. In his conception, New Deal government is to st; 
between all classes and mediate for the common good. 

The narrowness of the historical approach to social philosophy is 
seen in the author's treatment of Henry George. He misunderstands 
George as "the most original contributor to socialistic thought in 
America," and finds that he fits into the American agrarian tradition. 
He cannot see any larger implications in the Georgeist philosophy 
than as the passing product of an era. 

The survey of modern countries closes with Russia. Perhaps from 
a historical standpoint this is the correct thing to do, as the Bolshevist 
dictatorship is one of the most recent large-scale undertakings in apply- 
ing a political and social theory. The Russian example seems to Mr. 
Mayer to hold the greatest portent for the future. Either it will 
become terrorism or it will point the way toward a millenium. "The 




distant future" holds the answer. Events these days are deciding 
things rather quickly. We may not have to wait too long for an 
answer to Mr. Mayer's speculations. 

In the Epilogue, Mr. Mayer reiterates the principles upon which 
the European tradition is founded, and which has stood the test of 
two thousand years principles which have often been abandoned, but 
which constantly recur : "Freedom of thought and doctrine ; the dig- 
nity of the individual ; a human responsibility to society and the State." 

R. C. 


"After Seven Years," by Raymond Moley. Harper and Brothers, New 
York and London. 1939. 446 pp. $3.00. 

Mr. Moley 's book a critique of the last seven years of Roosevelt 
bids fair to serve as a warning to all budding patriots, students of 
social science, amateur economists, so-called professional economists, 
reformers and new-world architects, to make sure that the kite to 
which they wish to tie themselves as tail segments is in the hands of 
a competent flyer. That the great kite of the American republic has 
not yet crashed upon the rocks of complete bankruptcy, is a credit to 
the stamina of a people still endowed with a strong love of liberty, 
and to whom opportunities to fulfill ambitions have not yet been com- 
pletely closed. 

When Franklin D. Roosevelt was elected President, Georgeists were 
convinced that he could not be expected to do anything to bring about 
economic justice, for the simple reason that he did not know the causes 
of economic injustice. If, after all these years of New Deal, any 
further proof is needed that they were right, Mr. Moley's book has 
provided it. 

The first chapter of "After Seven Years" tells of the birth of the 
New Deal, when Roosevelt was still Governor of New York and was 
mentioned for the Democratic nomination to the Presidency. Moley 
was interested in Roosevelt's ideas, and saw in an affiliation with him 
an opportunity to "satisfy my desire for a wider experience in politics 
and, at the same time, to help, in a small way, in the realization of 
old and time-tested concepts of political evolution." Moley also thought 
that Roosevelt was the one "who could do on a national scale what 
Tom Johnson had done in Cleveland." During the campaign, he had 
ample time to entertain doubts as to the ability of his champion to fill 
that role. For Roosevelt seems to have thought of nothing but suc- 
cess, and he left to his yeomen, the "brain trust," the lesser tasks of 
formulating policies and principles. 

Chapter II is properly entitled "Gayly the Troubadour." For while 
the farm policy and other features of the planned economy of the 
New Deal were being thrown together by twenty-five super-minds, 
the Troubadour was merrily instilling the nation and the "forgotten 
man" with confidence. At that time Mr. Moley began to have qualms 
of misgivings. 

In the chapter, "For Kings Cannot Err," the story of the London 
Conference is told. Moley relates how this "dream of world salvation" 
was bungled by Roosevelt. His rejection of the proposals for stabiliz- 
ing the currency in foreign exchange, and his famous "bombshell" 
although not understood by the delegates wrecked that Conference. 

Moley himself is no economic sage. For one thing he is a high- 
tariff advocate. But, having some inkling of economics, it is hard to 
understand why he sacrificed time, money and health to push forward 
to a high political office a man who was thoroughly unprepared in 
fundamental economics. 





I was very pleased to see the article by Holger Lyngholm on 
"Cooperation and Democracy in Denmark," in your last issue. For 
a long time I have believed that the cooperative principle and the 
Georgeist philosophy are related. Toyohiko Kagawa of Japan once 
told me that when we have cooperatives established, the Henry George 
system would be followed. I believe that when we all wake up as 
consumers, and organize cooperatives on the Rochdale principle, we 
will be more keenly aware of the tax problem and more capable of 
tackling it. 

Henry George wrote: "I am inclined to think that the result of 
confiscating rent in the manner I have proposed would be to cause 
the organization of labor, wherever large capitals were used, to assume 
the cooperative form, since the more equal diffusion of wealth would 
unite capitalist and laborer in the same person." George set the right 
goal in this statement, but citizens of a free democracy need full 
stomachs and can't wait for distant promises. Political power is 
based on economic power, and before we can hope to have the George- 
ist reform legislated, we will have to display some economic power. 
I believe that consumer cooperation is the right way to gain demo- 
cratic control of economic power, and through it, of political power. 
Through the processes of education and good business management 
we would have the means to accomplish the reform of shifting taxes 
from labor products to land values. 

The Danes have set the example. Let us take up the torch. 
Flushing, N. Y. PRESTON K. SHELDON. 



Robert C. Ludlow has rendered a most important service in the 
dissemination of economic truth by comparing Georgeism and Thomism 
in your March-April issue, in which he points out the contrasts be- 
tween the historical and the natural approach to economics. Mr. 
Ludlow should expand his article into a book. 

The natural approach is admirably expressed by Adam Smith, who 
wrote: "The produce of labor constitutes the natural recompense or 
wages of labor. In that original state of things which precedes both 
the appropriation of land and the accumulation of stock, the whole 
produce of labor belongs to the laborer. He has neither landlord 
nor master to share with him." But, as Henry George points out, 
Smith recognized fundamentals, only to abandon them and to recom- 
mence his inquiry from the artificial state of things in which land 
had been appropriated and the laborer had both landlord and master 
to share with him. 

Thus the historical view has been permeated and vitiated from its 
beginning by artificiality a fraudulent artificiality at that. The con- 
fusion of economic terms today for instance the inclusion of land as 
capital is a result of the historical approach. 
Delawanna, N. J. STEPHEN BELL. 



I compliment you on your March-April number, which was so full 
of valuable and thought-provoking articles. Particularly stimulating 
were the editorial and the letters on Free Trade. 

Cordell Hull's reciprocal trade policy has created a timely oppor- 
tunity for us to educate the people, not only on the tariff but on the 
entire taxation question. The time is ripe for such action. We will 



be dodging our responsibility if we don't make the most of it, for 
Democracy is on trial. 

When the Hawley-Smoot tariff was being discussed, in 1930, one 
thousand leading economists of our country warned President Hoover 
that dire results would follow the enactment of that bill. Hoover 
ignored their admonitions, and thereby intensified the economic prob- 
lem. If, at that critical time, we who believe in Free Trade had 
actively and unflinchingly campaigned against the bill, if we had peti- 
tioned conscientious citizens and secured a million or more signatures, 
if we had strongly endorsed the economists' plea, it is not unlikely 
that the passage of that iniquitous bill might have been prevented. 
We must never again let such opportunities slip by. 

Fundamental Democracy stands for Freedom and that means free 
land, free trade, free speech, free press, free assemblage, free religious 
worship, free enterprise, and free initiative. We must constantly fight 
encroachments upon all the forms of freedom by privileged classes 
and the State. We must never permit an assault on Freedom to go 
unchallenged. We must never waver in our struggle for a free 
New York, N. Y. AMALIA E. DuBois. 


In reply to Donald MacDonald's arguments in the last issue of 
LAND AND FREEDOM, I would like to submit the following : 

All labor saving inventions tend to increase the value of land. Trade 
is a labor-saving invention, therefore, the less it is hampered, the 
greater will be its tendency to save labor, and so increase rent. This 
is not to say that certain tariffs will not raise the value of some lands. 
If we must buy our timber in a certain locality, the timber lands in 
it will of course increase in value. If, however, we can buy timber 
in any number of places, the competition will reduce the cost of lumber. 
This will induce building, and site values will eventually absorb the 

Tariffs are important, and we should work for their removal, but 
let us bear in mind that no matter how harmful they are, their cause 
is the private collection of economic rent. Let us work for freedom 
in all directions, always remembering the final link in the chain, the 
monopoly of land. 



Georgeist activity in France is necessarily very limited at the pres- 
ent time. Terre et Liberte has been suspended since the war. We 
feel ashamed when we read about the movement in the United States, 
and the progress of the Henry George School. Americans have rea- 
son to be encouraged. I don't agree with Mr. Jackson Ralston's pessi- 
mism, or his proposition of compromise. 

Sumner Welles' proposals to Paul Reynaud sound very promising, 
if he intends free trade. But does he? Or is it only the eternal 
bilateral ? 

Moulins, France. PAVLOS GIANNELIA. 


On April 19, Hon. Emanuel Cellar, Member of Congress (Brook- 
lyn), spoke over the radio on "Balkanizing the United States." It was 
an impassioned attack on the tariffs that are developing between States. 

I have sent Mr. Cellar a copy of Henry George's "Protection or 
Free Trade," and I would like to urge others to write to him sug- 
gesting that he read that book, and telling him about the free courses 
offered by the Henry George School. 



In these last few years, thanks to Ingersoll, Beckwith and others, 
a new realization seems to have developed of the immediate need for 
a scientific approach to this subject of Economics. While the fields of 
Chemistry, Physics, Mathematics and Engineering have been studi- 
ously classifying and organizing their data, Economics appears to have 
marked time, in this respect. Isn't it the duty of this generation to 
correct this condition? 

To date, so far as I am aware, there is no such thing as a Scientific 
Text-book of Economics. We have books galore, it is true, but no 
logical, consecutive chain of reasoning from the simple to the complex. 
The subject appears to be in the same stage of evolution as Mathe- 
matics in the pre-Euclidean era, a verbal foot-ball to be argued about 
and kicked around from pillar to post. 

It seems to me that any attempt to bring order out of the present 
chaos requires : 

1. Authoritative definitions of terms. 

2. Axiomatic statements of basic truths. 

3. A system of rigid, consistent, step-by-step proofs from axioms 
to theorems representing basic laws and principles by as nearly 
mathematical treatment as possible. 

4. Units for measurement and comparison of quantitative relations. 

5. Symbols and formulae for brevity and exactitude of expression. 

Just because the field of Economics involves the sometimes uncer- 
tain element of human nature, do we have to throw up our hands and 
say no positive statement is possible? Personally, I am unwilling to 
admit it. 

Economics deals with "Matter," as does Physics, only Economic 
Matter consists of "Goods with the power of satisfying Desire." It 
deals with "Force," but instead of a push or pull, Economic Force 
is "Desire," the greatest of all forces. And it deals with "Resistance," 
but instead of mechanical friction or electrical ohms, "Economic Re- 
sistance" is the man-hours of work to be overcome in the production 
and transportation from raw material to product in the consumer's 
hands. Tie these quantities together by the formula 

W = 


where W = Wealth expressed in Goods 

D = Desire 
R = Resistance 
and we have the simplest possible expression of a basic truth. 

The above is mentioned only as a sample. The ground work of 
definitions and axioms should of course come first; then the super- 
structure. Yet if such a method could once establish the truths of 
Economics on as sound and reliable a basis as has been laid for our 
other Sciences, one of the greatest sources of confusion and misunder- 
standing would be removed. 

We no longer argue about the law of gravity, the combination 
chemical reagents, the bending movement of a beam or the flow of 
current in an electric circuit. We know these things. In case a qw 
tion arises, we turn directly to the text-book for verification. W 
not for Economics? 

LAND AND FREEDOM is our best publication. It can speak most 
authoritatively for the movement. It has the widest circle of contacts. 
Would it not be worth while to invite its readers to offer their con- 
sideration toward such a purpose, so that after summarizing and sift- 
ing out the best of the material received, publication of the final results 
might be made in text-book form? 
Chula Vista, Calif. RAY H. TABER. 

[Mr. Taber makes a valuable suggestion, albeit the task he proposes 
is a difficult one. We would like to hear more about it from our 
readers. ED.] 








In your March-April issue, Mr. C. H. Nightingale has a letter in 
which he complains that I am "never done attacking people." I have 
long enjoyed the sport of backing down such criticisms by opening the 
files of my papers to my critics and challenging them to find a single 
case in which I have departed from my rule to confine my criticism 
to principles and never to attack people. 

In his letter, Mr. Nightingale undertakes to prove that, in the period 
following the death of Henry George, the movement did make an ad- 
vance in the statement of economic truth, by repudiating George's 
teachings on interest. To make his point, however, he was obliged 
to misinterpret George by a misuse of a quotation from Book III, 
Chapter 3, Paragraph 16, of "Progress and Poverty." That it is a 
misuse will be seen from a reading of Paragraph 19, in the same 
chapter. George drew no such distinction as Nightingale alleges be- 
tween interest on the "dead" capital and interest on "live" capital. 
What George did assert is that because of the interchangeability of 
the two forms of capital, the fact that Nature pays interest on "live" 
capital compels the market to pay interest on "dead" capital. 

Mr. Nightingale thinks he has "floored" me, with "Euclidian pre- 
cision," in the round on land value. We who embrace the concept 
of rent "out of the West" (as it has been termed in the columns of 
LAND AND FREEDOM) contend that "land value" is a myth, since land 
has no value; that the value of land (so-called) is the value of the 
services available at the site; that the "investment value of land" is 
not the value of land, but of the government's license to collect rent 
at that point. 

Here is the "Euclidian precision" with which Mr. Nightingale im- 
agines he has disposed of this "Western" concept : 

Brown goes to an island and makes a good living using a 
portion of the land. Jones follows and finds he can make only 
a poor living by using the other land available to him. The 
difference between these two standards of living is RENT. 
Yet there is no social service rendered at these locations. 

Note that it is expressly stipulated that there is no social service 
on the island. (Of course, with only two men there, no government 
exists and hence, no governmental service.) Thus, Mr. Nightingale 
has stipulated that there is no mail service, no police service, no tele- 
phone or telegraph service, no freight service to and from the island, 
no streets, no roads, no markets, no social dealings of any kind. These 
are ruled out, because there is no social service there. This means 
that these two men have no dealing with each other. This means that 
no more of the product of the island is used than these men can per- 
sonally consume all the rest goes to waste. 

Since Brown cannot possibly use all the produce of his part of the 
island, he has no way to prevent Jones from sharing the productivity 
of that better part, except to personally stand watch for that purpose, 
since there is no police force. As Brown must sleep part of the time, 
he cannot keep Jones off, even if he wishes to do so. 

How, then, can Brown have a higher standard of living than Jones? 
How could he have anything that Jones could not also have? The 
only way would be for him to work better to be a better hunter, a 
better farmer, a better tailor, a better craftsman. In that case, the 
difference of their standards of living would be wages or both wages 
and interest and not rent. 
Stockton, Calif. L. D. BECKWITH. 


Your last issue was a true reflection of our great movement to save 
civilization. It was full of the gospel that encourages us all, especially 
the article on Denmark. 
St. Louis, Mo. E. H. BOECK. 


A POPULARIZED version of Mr. H. Bronson Cowan's study of the 
Australia and New Zealand taxation system appeared in the April 15 
issue of Maclean's, a leading Canadian weekly magazine, under the 
title "They Don't Tax Progress." Mr. Cowan's article, "Handicaps 
on Building," on the same subject, appeared in the March- April issue 

AN article on "The Present and Future of Agriculture," by John 
Harrington, worker in the Georgeist cause, appeared in The Catholic 
Forester for April, 1940. It was in the form of a reply to another 
article by J. M. Sevenich, who expressed concern over the present 
problems of agriculture crop failures, low prices, mortgage foreclo- 
sures, and strikes. Mr. Harrington ably pointed out that the problem 
of the ownership of land and the collection of land rent was at the 
bottom of it all. 

WE were glad to learn that Mrs. Ivy Akeroyd has safely returned 
to Australia, after her trip to the United States and England. The 
trip was undertaken last year, at the time of the Henry George Cen- 
tenary, for the purpose of studying American and English methods of 
spreading the Georgeist philosophy, with particular reference to the 
Henry George School of Social Science. After her sojourn in the 
States, Mrs. Akeroyd bravely insisted on carrying out her schedule 
of a trip to England, even though the war had just broken out. A 
reception was held in her honor on April 29, by the New South Wales 
School of Social Science. 

THE Decentralist Movement developed by Ralph Borsodi, Director 
of the School of Living at Suffern, N. Y., conducts forums in New 
York City every other Thursday, at the Labor Temple, 242 East 14th 
Street, at 8 P. M. As the discussions relate to the possibility of lower 
rents by rural settlement, the elements of the Georgeist philosophy 
are constantly brought into discussion. The next meeting will be 
held June 13. 

GEORGE LANSBURY, noted British pacifist and labor leader, died in 
London at the age of 81. Mr. Lansbury gained a reputation for cham- 
pioning progressive causes, such as woman suffrage, tax reform, peace 
movements and labor legislation. He was friendly with Georgeist 
groups, and for years maintained a fine friendship with J. H. Bjorner, 
Danish Georgeist leader. Mr. Lansbury had come to the conclusion 
that the causes of war are economic. This was probably due in good 
measure to his Georgeist friendships. 

WE must perform the sad duty of recording the recent deaths of 
the following of our friends : Prof. H. Conrad Bierwith, of Cam- 
bridge, Mass.; Arthur H. Sanborn, of Berkeley, Calif.; August Will- 
eges, of Sioux City, Iowa; Harry H. Willock, of Pasadena, Calif.; 
and Western Starr, of Washington, D. C. 

Louis WALLIS addressed the Jersey City Rotary Club, April 19, 
on the subject of taxation. Of the seventy-five business men present, 
fifty-three signed up for the Henry George School course. Such 
responses are not unusual to Mr. Wallis, who explains his success as 
a result of emphasizing, before his main talk, that a School exists 
where business men may learn, free of charge, the cause of depressions. 

OUR office has been honored by a visit from the nephew of Joshua 
Abraham Norton, the "Emperor of America" whom readers will 
recall from articles in the January-February and March-April issues 
of LAND AND FREEDOM. The nephew is Joshua Norton Singer, and 
he is a linguist, master chess-player, and philosopher. He remembers 
Henry George he voted for him in 1886, and he believes that the 
Georgeist reform is badly needed today. 

THE Single Tax Club of Washington, D. C., is holding its annual 
picnic and meeting on June 9. William W. Newcomb, co-author of 
"You and America's Future," will speak at the meeting on "Decentral- 
ization a Georgeist Approach." 



100,000 NAMES 


An Appeal to Friends of the Henry George School 

Ten minutes of your time will greatly 
help the Henry George School. That is all 
the time it will take to write down the 
names and addresses of ten of your friends. 

By spending ten minutes this way you 
will save the School many dollars, in reduc- 
ing the cost of getting new students and 
you will be furthering the Georgeist cause. 
Our experience shows that each new stu- 
dent sooner or later brings others. The 
new students who come here directly or 
indirectly through the names you give may 
be the source of dozens more and even- 
tually of thousands of Georgeists! 

Here then is one specific thing you can 
do for the cause now give us the names 
of prospective Georgeists. Will you do it 
at once now, when the names are needed 

Send your list to 

30 East 29th Street 

New York, N. Y. 

(Correspondence courses are also given, and there 
are extension classes throughout the United States) 


The Life of Joseph Pels 


A warmly human portrait of the million- 
aire soap manufacturer who devoted his 
fortune to the cause of Henry George. A 
record of achievement, of courage, and of 
devotion to purpose. 

First Edition 

Price $1.50 

Obtainable from 

32 East 29th Street New York, N. Y. 


Take down from your book shelf your well-worn copy of 
"Progress and Poverty" and turn to the frontispiece. You 
will notice it is an inquiry into the cause of business depres- 
sion and increase of want with increase of wealth, and the 
remedy. After over 400 pages of what has been termed "the 
finest example of sustained reasoning in the English language" 
George concludes his inquiry by stating the cause to be private 
property in land, and the remedy to make land common prop- 
erty. Prof. Dewey says, thought, not followed by action, is 
futility. George, however, is not guilty of such an error. 
After devoting the larger part of his book into thinking out 
the CAUSE and the REMEDY he tells HOW to act. It is 
to make rent common property, through taxation, and abolish 
all other taxes. 

But action, before understanding, is also futility. For many 
years we advocated a change in taxation the HOW to do it 
known as fiscal Henry Georgeism. It was a dismal failure. 
It was like skipping the first 400 pages of "Progress and 

The Henry George School stepped into the breach ten years 
ago and has educated thousands on the CAUSE and the 
REMEDY, but has passed lightly and slightingly over the 
HOW to do it. Its graduates are all dressed up with no 
place to go. A non-political framework of laws, to make the 
nation and states single tax, should be in the hands of every 
person who believes in the philosophy of Henry George. It 
should be introduced in every legislative session, federal and 
state, and fought for, on non-partisan lines not as tax reform 
but as a proposal to abolish poverty and business depression. 

Room 205, 11 Park Place 

New York City 
(The above is a paid advertisement) 

Ag 1 4 '40 
VOL. XL No. 4 WHOLE No. 221 

July August, 1940 

Land and Freedom 

An International Journal of the Henry George Movement Founded in 1901 


Economic Problems 

Confronting the 
Western Hemisphere 






An International Journal of the Henry George Movement 
Founded by Joseph Dana Miller 

Published Bi-Monthly by 
LAND AND FREEDOM, 150 Nassau Street, New York 




Please address all communications to LAND and FREEDOM 

SUBSCRIPTION PRICE: $2.00 per year. Libraries and Colleges, $1.00. 
Special trial offer to students and graduates of the Henry George 
School of Social Science, $1.00 for one year. Payable in advance. 

Entered as second-class matter Oct. 2, 1913, at the Post Office, 
New York, N. Y., under the act of March 3, 1897. 

July August, 1940 

Vol. XL No. 4 

WHOLE No. 221 


ENGLAND: J. W. Graham Peace. 

CANADA : Herbert T. Owens. 

NEW ZEALAND: Hon. P. J. O'Regan, Wellington. 

T. E. McMillan, Matamata. 
SPAIN : Baldomero Argente, Madrid. 
BULGARIA : Lasar Karaivanove, Plovdiv. 
HUNGARY : J. J. Pikler, Budapest. 
FRANCE: Jng. Pavlos Giannelia. 







AMERICA Dr. Felix Vilale 103 


THE LATIN AMERICAN CRISIS ....Rogelio Casas Cadilla 106 

THE INCAS OF PERU Cecil Carroll Tucker 107 


THE AMERICAN FARMER John Harrington ill 


STATES Robert Clancy 112 


William W. Newcomb 114 








We declare : 

That the earth is the birthright of all Mankind 
and that all have an equal and unalienable right 
to its use. 

That man's need for the land is expressed by 
the Rent of Land ; that this Rent results from the 
presence and activities of the people ; that it arises 
as the result of Natural Law, and that it there- 
fore should be taken to defray public expenses. 

That as a result of permitting land owners to 
take for private purposes the Rent of Land it 
becomes necessary to impose the burdens of tax- 
ation on the products of labor and industry, which 
are the rightful property of individuals, and to 
which the government has no moral right. 

That the diversion of the Rent of Land into 
private pockets and away from public use is a 
violation of Natural Law, and that the evils aris- 
ing out of our unjust economic system are the 
penalties that follow such violation, as effect fol- 
lows cause. 

We therefore demand : 

That the full Rent of Land be collected by the 
government in place of all direct and indirect 
taxes, and that buildings, machinery, implements 
and improvements on land, all industry, commerce, 
thrift and enterprise, all wages, salaries and in- 
comes, and every product of labor and intellect be 
entirely exempt from taxation. 

That there be no restrictions of any kind imposed 
upon the exchange of goods within or among 


Taking the full Rent of Land for public purpose; 
would insure the fullest and best use of all land. 
Putting land to its fullest and best use would create 
an unlimited demand for labor. Thus the job would 
seek the man, not the man the job, and labor wouli 
receive its full share of the product. 

The freeing from taxation of every product o 
labor, including commerce and exchange, would 
encourage men to build and to produce. It would 
put an end to legalized robbery by the government. 

The public collection of the Rent of Land, by 
putting and keeping all land forever in use to the 
full extent of the people's needs, would insure real 
and permanent prosperity for all. 




Please Make Subscriptions and Checks Payable to LAND AND FREEDOM 

Land and Freedom 



No. 4 

Comment and Reflection 

A NEW world order is being planned by the foes of de- 

-*"* mocracy. It is now clear if there ever was any doubt 

of it that the sole guiding principle in this reconstruction 

iis that might makes right. The dictators sneer at the weak- 

; nesses of the democracies. It would seem ,then, that we 

| should gain their respect by adopting a policy of firmness. 

i Ironic indeed, therefore, are the recent outbursts of totali- 

;tarian temper at our progress according to their own stand- 

jards at the embargo of armaments; at our vigorous de- 

fense program ; at the recent Pan-American agreement. 

boastful strength of the dictatorships may not be a 
strength per se, but only an apparent weakness in the 
democracies, whose very nature is tolerant of imperfections. 
However, in these very imperfections democracy is far 
imore efficient and progressive than the rigidly regimented 
Dictatorships. Democratic nations are of necessity in a state 
of flux. They are like clay, capable of being moulded to suit 
new needs as they arise. On the other hand, the totalitarian 
states have been forcibly cut out of granite. Any further 
evolution, any new needs of human beings, aye, any hope 
for freedom, can only come through some violent outburst 
which must shatter the totalitarian concept. From what we 
know of the indomitable strength of the human spirit, is 
this hard and unmalleable construction so strong? Extreme 
hardness is often associated with great brittleness! Let us 
appreciate that our "weaknesses" may be our strength, and 
our salvation. 

TTOWEVER this may prove in the long run, we are mo- 
* ? - mentarily faced with a very real and grave situation, 
with respect to the fearful onslaught of the dictators. Not 
the least of our worries is that South America may be pull- 
ed into the orbit of the totalitarians. It is feared that a trade 
"invasion" of our Southern neighbors will be followed by 
diplomatic representations to entrench the foes of democ- 
racy in the Western hemisphere. Thus will the way be paved 
for the establishment of enemy military bases on this side of 
the Atlantic. 

are beginning to realize that, to solve this harrassing 
problem, basic economic relations must be consider- 
jed. We recognize that the strength of the dictators in this 
hemisphere is the promise of doing a substantial business 

with our Latin American neighbors. To pull South America 
in our direction we must open up our markets for her. To 
accomplish this end, we must increase the purchasing power 
of our people, and South America must do likewise. But 
no sane proposal to effect this has yet been offered. Instead, 
all sorts of ridiculous schemes have been suggested. Among 
them is the proposal to lend money to the South American 
countries, to enable them to purchase our products at prices 
higher than charged by other nations, thereby retaining their 
good will by buying it. Such unnatural schemes must fail, 
as they always have failed in the past, whether applied with- 
in or among nations. 

TS there any remedy better than the sane and natural one 
of complete free trade? We should be willing to accept 
the full implications of this. Real free trade means the 
free exchange of goods between free and peaceful peo- 
ple, on equal terms. The policy of the United States has been 
an endeavor to export goods and insist on payments in gold. 
This is manifestly not in accordance with fundamentals. It 
has served only to provide us with a useless monopoly of 
the world's gold, which we are hoarding under the ground, 
and also to arouse the resentment of the other countries. 
It is this as well as our tariff policy that has made South 
Americans wary of our plans. To them the totalitarian bait 
of barter without currency seems relatively more promising. 
If we are to gain good relations with our Southern neigh- 
bors, and the rest of the world, we must assume, not a man- 
datory, but a bargaining attitude. On the other hand it is no 
violation of the principle of free trade if we refuse to ship 
war materials to the States that are now seeking to destroy 

OPEAKING of preparedness, we feel that the present de- 
^ fense program of the United States will bankrupt the 
country unless we abandon the idea of supporting it out of 
taxes on industry and incomes. Such depletion of our al- 
ready low earnings will continue to reduce purchasing pow- 
er and throw more out of work. That there has been no 
proposal for raising the large amount required for an ade- 
quate defense system is illustrated by the low wages offer- 
ed to those engaged in military service $21 per month. 
The present emergency can be met with comparative ease, 
if the tremendous sum we need is obtained from a direct 
levy on the land values of the nation. This is the only tax 
that will not bear upon production in fact, it will increase 
production. It is the only source of revenue that will be ade- 
quate for our vast defense program. 



The Land Problem in Mexico 


riiHE history of Mexico is a history of a struggle for the 
-- soil of the country. 

Mayas, Zapotecs, Toltecs, Anahuacs, in slow succession 
rose to power and affluence, became luxurious and corrupt, 
and disappeared before the onslaughts of fresher, more 
vigorous tribes who fought to possess the land. 

No matter how they may have differed as to tribal and 
religious customs, all these ancient Mexicans had common 
ideas regarding the soil. Land was not held as private prop- 
erty. Its ownership was vested in the tribe. Each family, 
however, was allotted a piece of land which it cultivated 
independently. Certain lands were reserved for the expenses 
of the government and the support of the priests. These 
lands were cultivated by the common people. 

In the fifteenth century, in the territories controlled by the 
Aztecs, the last of the Anahuacs, the powers of the nobles 
were increasing and some of them had acquired lordship 
over lands which had belonged to conquered tribes and had 
reduced their inhabitants to serfdom. A feudal form of so- 
ciety was thus in process of development. 

It was against this sort of social structure that Cortez 
hurled his gold-thirsty adventurers. Aided by other dissident 
tribes he soon conquered the effete and luxurious Monte- 
zuma, Emperor of the Aztecs, and hushed the country into 
peace by the power of his sword. 

Along with his awe-inspiring equipment Cortez also 
brought the feudal ideas of his homeland. The conquered 
lands, belonging nominally to the Spanish Crown, were di- 
vided in most part amongst his officers. Later, when the 
cross followed the sword, lands were also granted by the 
crown for the benefit of the Church. All these lands were 
cultivated by the original inhabitants who became mere serfs. 

For himself, Cortez obtained the Marquesaclo del Valle 
which measured 25,000 square miles, contained 22 towns and 
counted a population of 100,000 souls. Mines, woods, waters, 
the entire civil and criminal jurisdiction, and the right to the 
labor of the inhabitants were included in this entailed estate 
which, being inalienable, passed to the direct descendants. 
One lieutenant got 10,000 square miles with its rich silver 
mines. Another received Xilotepec which included 130,000 
vassals. Others received grants in proportion to their sup- 
posed merits. 

On all of these great entailed estates the natives were 
ground with a remorseless fury. At first the Church protest- 
ed against the barbarous cruelties inflicted upon the hapless 
people but soon, it too, was involved in the process of wring- 
ing wealth from the serfs and the soil. The Spanish Crown, 
despite its many shortcomings, did its futile best to curb the 
ferocious power of the landlords. 

The poor natives whipped by man and scourged 1 
famine had but a choice of suicide or flight to enable the 
to escape their harsh taskmasters. Thousands chose bo 
these avenues of release from a life of unremitting misery. 

It was to lure the Indian back from his retreat in t 
jungles and mountain fastnesses that the ejido was co 
ceived. The ejidos were plots of ground that were allotted 
the native. They were supposed to be inalienable and frc 
them, in his spare time, he was expected to raise his o\ 
sustenance, the King's tribute, and contributions to t 

No sooner were the ejidos granted than the great Ian 
lords by dint of force, bribery and deception began gradua! 
to enclose them. Thus began the struggle between great Ian 
lord and poor peasant which has survived to this day ai 
which has caused one bloody revolt after another. 

The revolutions of Mexico have been essentially agrari 
in character a struggle between the landed and the landle 

It was the disinherited and ragged outcasts who flock 
to the standards of Hidalgo and Morelos in 1810. For the 
it was a burning agrarian struggle. And that was chiefly t' 
reason why it was defeated. The land holding interests coi 
bined and were too powerful to be thrown off. 

In 1823 the Mexican Congress abolished the further e 
tailing of estates, but too late to repair the damage. T 
Cortez heritage, for example, had grown to include one cil 
157 towns, 89 great estates, 119 farms and 5 ranches with 
total population of nearly 200,000 souls. 

Meanwhile the Church also had entered the picture on 
grand scale and by mortmain controlled "not less than on 
half the real estate of the country." That was the estims 
of Lucas Alaman, the clerical leader. It held mortgages i 
most of the remaining agricultural properties and had r 
come the national money lender. Owing to special cleric 
privileges and exemptions, independent agriculture suffer 
a constant handicap and the Church was able to unders 
other growers, thereby lowering market values. The Chun 
of course, paid no salaries, rents, interest, excises or ta> 
of any kind. 

Tt has been estimated that the Texan revolt and the sub 
quent war with the United States in 1845, cost the people 
Mexico one-half of their land. President Grant, a particip; 
in the war, later characterized it "as one of the most unji 
ever waged by a stronger against a weaker nation." 

In 1856 the feeble Comonfort government ordered 1 
sale of clerically owned estates to the lessees at a price bas 
on a rental value of six per cent, or, should the renter r 
desire to buy, the property could be condemned and sold 
the highest bidder. This effort was no stronger than the gc 
ernment that sponsored it and was soon discarded. 

Emperor Maximilian and Empress Carlotta were shock 
by the conditions they found. They decreed in vain that t 
peon was responsible only for his own debts and not i 



jthose of his father. In vain did they seek to shorten his hours 
of toil. In vain was corporal punishment forbidden. 

The Great Reform Laws of Juarez in 1867 also attempted 

to restore the lands to the people but were checkmated at 

^every turn by the combined weight of landlords and clergy. 

. Nevertheless constant effort was exerted to relieve the con- 

Ijdition of the disinherited. 

ri In the late eighties and nineties, under the aegis of Porfirio 
nDiaz, the pendulum swung the other way. The peon reached 
bihis nadir. This was the era of railroad construction and in- 
flux of foreign capital. As a consequence, tilled and untilled 
glands acquired new values. A great wave of speculation 
lljswept over the country. The foreigner was quick to scent 
jthe exploitive possibilities of the situation and the condition 
jjof the people became more and more intolerable. They par- 
tially threw off the yoke in 1911 and then followed the revo- 
lutionary movement, aimed at land reform, which has con- 
tinued to this day. 

A succession of leaders promised, deceived and were 
overthrown or assassinated. Then a champion, Emiliano 
jjZapata, purest and fairest of all, glowed like a bright star 
jigainst this sombre background. His slogan was "Land and 
Liberty." He demanded freedom from the feudal oppression 
, of the great estates and restoration of the ancient village 
.lands. Zapata was betrayed and slain, but not until he had 
advanced considerably the cause of the peasants. 

i Plutarco Elias Calles was the next important political 
figure to dominate the scene. Calles really seemed to have 
! the interest of the peasants at heart and pushed agrarian re- 
forms with unceasing zeal. He advanced the cause of the 
ajido and loosened the clutching grip of the Church. In the 
fields of labor his right hand man, Morones, organized the 
"onfederacion Regional Obrera Mexicana, or C.R.O.M., as 
t was popularly called. This was a confederation of craft 
anions organized on the same basis as the American Feder- 
ition of Labor. 

However, it soon became apparent that though the zeal of 
Zalles continued ,as far as agrarian reform was concerned, 
ic seemed to manifest a marked antipathy toward urban 
labor developments. In some peculiar way, known only to 
5enor Calles, he had become one of the richest industrialists 
n the country. His interests embraced many industries and 
ic became particularly incensed at any threat of strike on the 
>art of labor. There was a clash of interests. The original 
zrusading zeal of the once poor school-master was quenched. 

Senor Morones and the small clique who dominated the 
Z.R.O.M., were also faring very well. They dashed about in 
:he most expensive automobiles and the diamonds flashed by 
Morones became a public scandal. They all lived lavish- 
ly and their week-end parties in the suburb of Tlalpan were 
lotorious. They formed a club called the Grupo Accion, 
which for luxury was unequalled except by millionaires' 
:lubs in the United States. 

Now Calles had always chosen the current presidential 
candidate. Against the advice of conservative friends he 
selected Lazaro Cardenas to succeed the safe and pliable 
gambling concessionaire, Abelardo Rodriguez. He was sure 
that he would be able to control Cardenas as he had con- 
trolled Rodriguez, Ortiz Rubio, and other presidential 
puppets. But this time it was different. 

Everyone winked and grinned when Cardenas spoke of 
land reform, better conditions for labor and a democratized 
army. They had heard all this so many times before. But 
wnen the new president swung into action and began to put 
his reforms into effect, the grins faded. 

Meanwhile, the Marxian-inspired Vicente Lombardo Tole- 
dano had broken off from the old, corrupt C.R.O.M., and 
lormed the Mexican Confederation of Labor or C.T.M., as 
it is known. It was organized on the basis of Industrial 
Unionism and it established friendly relations with the 
American C.I.O. 

The Army' stood firmly behind the new president. With 
the backing of peasants, workers and soldiers, Cardenas 
was able to drive Calles, Morones and their satellites from 
the country. 

Let no one be so naive as to suppose that Justice and 
Liberty have but to raise their heads to have Injustice and 
Bondage flee before them. Over and over again they have 
been trampled into the bloody mud. And so after centuries 
of struggle, sacrifice, torture and death, the advent of La- 
zaro Cardenas in 1934 still found the Mexicans in the grip 
of the great estates. The reason for this is simple. When the 
landed interests found themselves defeated in the agrarian 
areas they transferred their maleficent activities to othe 
spheres. They packed the state governments, the courts, the 
labor tribunals, the local magistracies and the police, with 
Uieir creatures. Their company guards roamed the country- 
side and spread terror in the hearts of the people. On an 
average, it required five years to press a successful suit 
through the courts. 

Cardenas, supported by the rising tide of the labor move- 
ment under Lombardo Toledano was able to purge all these 
agencies of their reactionary and venal elements. New life 
seemed to surge through the courts and the monotonous line 
of decisions in favor of the landlords was broken. 

Although from 1913 through 1934 about 20 million acres 
of land had been distributed, yet ninety-five per cent of all 
farm land was in holdings of over 250 acres (i. e., sufficient- 
ly large to require several outside laborers). 55 per cent was 
in holdings of over 25,000 acres each. 

During the five years of the Cardenas incumbency more 
peasants have received land than in all the previous years 
put together and the per capita share has been almost twice 
as large. From 1915 through 1934, 20 million acres had been 
distributed. From 1935 through 1938, nearly 40 million acres. 
From 1915 through 1934, 759,000 heads of peasant families 



had received land. From 1935 through 1938, 813,000. It has 
been estimated that by the end of 1938, 41 per cent of the 
arable land had been turned over to ejidos. And the process 
has been continuing since. 

To sustain these moves Cardenas has set up a new institu- 
tion, The National Bank of Ejido Credit, with branches in 
the chief agricultural regions. 

There is a new Agrarian Department, a large part of 
whose duties consists in care and advice for ejidos. The 
members of this department flow from the newly established 
agricultural schools. 

The Irrigation Commission is in process of revitalization 
and has borne fruit already in the great Laguna cotton 
growing region where the Palmito Dam has been con- 

Furthermore, since 1935 the majority of new ejidos have 
been set up in collective form and on a bookkeeping basis. 
Moreover they have been set up in precisely those regions 
where collective agriculture can be most effective, namely, 
the regions of the great commercial crops cotton, rice, 
hemp and wheat. A beginning has also been made in sugar 
cane and bananas. By the end of 1939 about one-third of all 
ejidos were in collective form, and they controlled the ma- 
jority of Mexico's chief cash and export crops. 

Though, as before stated, these gains are due chiefly to 
the revival of the labor movement and its effect upon the 
whole federal administration, yet Cardenas has steadfastly 
refused to allow himself to become a pawn in the hands of 
the Marxist labor leaders. He is, above all, a patriot, a Mexi- 
can and true to his Indian heritage. 

Here is the man of the centuries, defender of the op- 
pressed, champion of champions. And while he fights the 
privileged groups of his homeland and struggles against gov- 
ernmental pressure from abroad, he must whirl to stamp 
out the treachery inspired by greed of gain in his own ranks. 
He has the brave heart and the sturdy will that seeks eco- 
nomic freedom for the masses. But he does not know the 

A presidential election has recently been held in Mexico. 
The results, not yet announced, will decide whether the 
liberal policies of Cardenas will be followed, or whether the 
forces of oppression will once more gain the upper hand. 
But even if the man of Cardenas' choice is elected, the hope- 
less economic maze constructed by the liberal government 
is not the solution. 

Would that a copy of "Progress and Poverty" were put 
in the hands of Mexico's leaders ! 

PT^HE New Order in Europe : Two-thirds of the Nether- 
-- lands' poultry, and one-half of Denmark's cattle are be- 
ing slaughtered "because of a feed shortage" and the 
carcasses are being exported to Germany. 

A Glance at Brazil 

T^RAZIL today presents a complex aspect. It is a largi 
-"-* country, larger than the United States, and its A 
million people are made up of native Indians, African N 
groes and Europeans (mostly Portuguese, Spanish, Italia 
German and Polish). Out of this strange mixture, a more 
less homogeneous race has evolved. The Brazilian econom 
is predominantly agricultural, but the country is seeking 
industrialize itself and is trying to build up trade relatio 
ships with the rest of the world. It is still a new and u 
developed land (comparable to the United States in its earl 
days), and yet it finds itself in the midst of the complicate 
and advanced economy of the rest of the civilized world. 

The Brazilian economy today is as distressed as any othei 
Trade is depressed, and there is industrial stagnation, 
with other countries in similar circumstances, the gover 
ment is assuming more and more importance. Labor legi.' 
lation, workmen's compensation, public works, relief, an 
all other legislative symptoms of a coontry with unsolve 
economic problems, are in full force. As a corollary, Braz 
is leaning strongly toward nationalism. For instance, all i 
surance companies must become nationalized, that is Braz 

However, some favorable progress is being made in legi: 
lation. Brazil formerly had a very reactionary governmen 
concerned mainly with the welfare of the great landed i 
terests. The present government, while by no means doir 
all that can be desired, is at least open-minded to progressh 
reforms. One of the latest proposals is that titles to land 
clarified and legalized, and only title to cultivated land 
recognized. The purpose is to discourage holding land 01 
of use. 

Brazil is rich in natural resources. It has the largest ire 
ore and alluvial gold deposits in the world, and is the greate 
producer of coffee, wild rubber, and matte. The trade poss 
bilities are great if trade were free but present war co: 
ditions have greatly upset Brazilian exports and import 
Exports to Europe have declined, and it is extremely doub 
ful whether the United States can make up the differenc 
despite good intentions. 

Japan and Germany both are important rivals of tl 
United States in trade with Brazil. Despite Pan-Americ; 
agreements, Brazil as is natural wants the best customei 
She does not want to lean too strongly in one direction, 
the sacrifice of other markets. Any cooperation we seek 
make with her must be based upon performance. 

In the July issue of Brazil (published by the Americ; 
Brazilian Association), William Mazzocco writes: "I belie 
that the time is opportune for everybody concerned in tl 
promotion of business between North and South Americ 
to do all possible to remove any obstacles that prevent tl 
building of a reciprocal, lasting, substantial volume of bus 
ness, between Brazil and North America." 




The Struggle for Freedom 
In South America 


EMIGRATED from Italy to Rio de la Plata, called the 
promised land, in the fall of 1889; but I forget now why 
t was that I landed at Montevideo instead of at Buenos 

On my arrival I found a terrible industrial depression, or 
:risis, which was clearly the result of recent land speculation, 
jut which was attributed to many secondary causes and not 
o the fundamental one. 

In a decade I witnessed three insurrections, pompously 
described in South America as revolutions, but which were 
lothing more than periodical fights for power between two 
jroups which dignified themselves by the title of "Parties." 
Their only aim and ideal was the partition of the spoils of 
public office. No other problem was at issue. I am sorry to 
.ay that today there is little improvement. 

At the beginning of 1900 I had to go to New York on busi- 
icss. There I met Antonio Molina, a friend of Henry George 
tnd the Spanish editor of the Scientific American. He was 
)orn in Puerto Rico, and educated in New York. While he 
iclped me in my work, his hobby was to convert me to the 
loctrines of his friend, and he succeeded. After three years 
)f unsuccessful attempts to bring to a conclusion the business 
n which I was engaged, I returned to Montevideo, where 
vith a full enthusiasm 1 began my preaching, believing with 
he ingenuousness of a neophyte that the truth would be 
asily understood and accepted in a country where the re- 
ation between man and land is more evidently perceived 
than in an old civilization where man forgets that he is a 
and animal. Mine was the fallacious illusion of the visionary 
1 10 believes and hopes for a better world in a short time. 

Buried in the deepest oblivion lay the memory~of Riva- 
iavia, first president of the Argentine Republic, and of his 
aithful and great interpreter, the Uruguayan statesman 
\ndres Lamas. One of my first converts found in a private 
ibrary the little book written by Andres Lamas and pub- 
ished in 1881, La Obra Economics de Rivadavia (The Eco- 
nomic Work of Rivadavia). The genius of Bernardino Riva- 
.avia as a statesman was wonderful. He had to devise every- 
hing in a republic which had just turned out the Spaniards, 
ts conquerors, and was born out of the turmoil of wars of 
ndependence. It may be that his visits to France and Eng- 
and had made him acquainted with the work of the Physio- 
rats or the discussions about taxation in the English Parlia- 
nent between Walpole and Sir William Wyndham. 

Since his first days in public life, Rivadavia had made up 
lis mind on the agrarian question. In a decree dated Septem- 

This article appeared in the March 1940 issue of Land and 
Liberty, British Georgeist journal. 

ber 1st (? 4th), 1812, providing for a survey of the lands 
comprised in the Province of Buenos Aires, he declared 
"that the object of this proposal was to distribute proportion- 
ately to the citizens of the country building sites and arable 
land under a political system which would ensure the estab- 
lishment of population and the happiness of the many fami- 
lies, victims of the cupidity of the powerful, who are living 
in poverty and oppression which is shocking to reason and 
prejudicial to the true interests of the state." Nothing came 
of this at the time, for Rivadavia went out of office. 

On May 18, 1826, Rivadavia submitted to Congress a law 
dealing with the public lands, which at that time were most 
extensive. The first section provided that public lands (the 
sale or transfer of which had been prohibited by an earlier 
decree of Rivadavia) should in future be granted in emphy- 
teusis for a term of not less than 20 years, reckoning from 
January 1st, 1827. Emphyteusis is a system of land tenure 
in which the use or usufruct of the land is transferred to the 
holder for a long period, but not the whole right of property. 
The other sections of this law provided for a rent to be paid 
to the state in accordance with a valuation to be made by a 
jury, and for the rent to be revised in the same manner at 
intervals of ten years. 

Describing his proposals, Rivadavia said in an explanatory 
report to Mr. Woodbine Parish that "if the State offers to 
sell the lands which are public property, it will, besides 
transferring them at a price which will be more than doubled 
in four to six years, put in the hands of a few dozen specu- 
lators the fortune of every foreigner, poor or rich, who 
would emigrate in order to employ himself in any branch 
of agriculture." 

This law remained in existence for only three years from 
1826 to 1829. Rivadavia was exiled and his law was abro- 
gated and the recollection of it sank into oblivion. Corrupted 
and stupid, governments squandered the land by selling it at 
two or three thousand pesos per league, instead of renting it 
in accordance with the far-sighted plan of Rivadavia. Rosas, 
the dictator who succeeded him, by one decree alone placed 
1,500 leagues of land on sale, and by a law of 1839, he gave 
at a nominal price six leagues to his generals, five to his 
colonels, four to his lieutenant-colonels, two to majors, one 
to captains, to officers below that rank three-quarters, and 
to non-commissioned officers and men one-quarter. 

Forty years ago the incubus from which these republics 
suffered was the continuity of civil wars. My first state- 
ments about private property in land fell like a bombshell. 
Rivadavia and his interpreter, Andres Lamas, were hardly 
remembered except for the records in the libraries of a few 
erudite lawyers. 

A daily journal instituted a competition for the best diag- 
nosis and remedy for the troubles of the country, offering 
three prizes. My pamphlet got the third prize. The first two 
were awarded to two literary men. Their works were written 
in nice language and attempted to show that wars are due to 



political ambition and the ease with which peasants who are 
lazy and indolent and warlike by nature can be enlisted for 
such fights. No economic or land question was touched on 
by them. About a thousand copies of my pamphlet were dis- 
tributed, either sold or given away. 

My first convert was the distinguished Uruguayan states- 
man, Dr. Manuel Herrera y Reissig, who subsequently pub- 
lished a valuable book entitled El Impuesto Territorial 
(Land Taxation) ; and we were greatly helped by a business 
man from New Zealand, Mr. C. N. Macintosh, a thorough 
single taxer with wide knowledge of all the financial and 
business details which crop up in discussing the entangle- 
ments of official political economy. I do not know how the 
doctrine was spread in Buenos Aires, but I think it was due 
to this co-worker, who was very influential and in contact 
with business men in his own affairs. 

One of the recent Presidents of the Argentine Republic, 
Dr. Roque Saenz Pena, originator of the law for universal 
suffrage, speaking in 1912, at the opening of the fifty-first 
Assembly of the National Congress, said: "I consider it 
necessary to levy a tax which some nations have adopted 
with success and the lack of which does not indicate the dis- 
tributive justice which should prevail amongst us ; I refer to 
the tax on the value of property which does not arise from 
private effort or work but from the collective effort. All 
necessities of life and all industries, as well as the labor of 
man that gives him but a small return are taxed but not the 
enrichment which is obtained without personal effort but 
by the action of the community. A compensation is needed 
for such a glaring privilege. ... I think that a desideratum 
of a good administration is simplification of our tax system 
till we reach the establishment of one single tax imposed up- 
on land which is the tree upon which grows all wealth, and 
so we will leave free the branches of all industries from a 
pruning by the state which makes the trunk bleed twice 

We are still in the beginnings, but new ideas about prop- 
erty in land are coming to prevail. "Property in land," said 
the Minister of Agriculture, "must have its limits. It will be 
recognized so long as it does no harm to the progress of our 
country population, but it must help the object of coloniza- 
tion." There is nothing practical in this, but it is the first 
step, a weak step, but nevertheless a step in a country domi- 
nated by landed gentry. About forty-five schemes of coloni- 
zation have been presented to Parliament. Not one of them is 
practicable; the expense of carrying them out makes each 
one impossible. The socialists are united with a group who 
call themselves radicals. They have many seats in the upper 
and lower house. They propose and help the passage of small 
reforms which, like the lump of sugar, satisfy some working 
men, but leave intact all the vested interests, nay, make them 
stronger. They do not interefere with taxation. The follow- 
ing table will show how little the value of land contributes 
to the expenditure of the nation. 

Customs and port dues 

Inland revenue 

Land tax 

Income tax 

Sales tax 

Stamp duties 


Petroleum and mineral royalties . 

Inheritance tax _ 

Post and telegraphs 


Exchange profits 

Miscellaneous revenues 















This represents only the national revenue. Each province 
and municipality raises revenue by heavy taxation of small 
industries and staple commodities. 

I have not at my disposal complete statistics to illustrate 
the distribution of land, but some illustrations will give a 
picure of the situation. Very near my house one gentleman 
owns an estate of 22 miles in extent. Four families own be- 
tween them more than 4,500 square miles of land in the 
province of Buenos Aires. In the same province there are 
1,031 landowners with more than 12,500 acres each. These 
and the four previously mentioned are proprietors of more 
than one-third of the entire province. 

There is a great fuss about latifundia (great estates) for 
people realize that they need land and that it is not possible 
to gain access to it. Thus the sacred right of property pre- 
sents itself to the human mind in these countries where 
everybody knows that the ownership is due to violence and 
robbery through political tricks and corruption. 

In the Province of Cordoba, the governor, Dr. R. J. Car- 
cano, a courageous man, defied the press and applied a tax 
to the big estates, and managed it with wise judgment. The 
legislature of Cordoba raised the taxes on large areas of land 
and reduced the taxes on small industries, the excise, etc., sc 
that to some extent the working man finds work easier tc 
get and the cost of living cheaper. It is not, of course, the 
whole of our ideal. The federal taxes prevent a complete 
improvement in the system. The largest item of this is the 
customs duties, which are taken for granted as a necessary 
source of revenue. 

Undoubtedly our cause seems to advance slowly, and that 
makes us impatient ; but no reform involving a complete 
revolution in an old system can go quickly. To understand 
the problem of free land and free trade the human mind 
must be guided by a deep democratic feeling. That there has 
been some step forward in Argentina is shown by the 
outcry against big landowners, by the idea that property in 
land must be limited in the interests of progress, by recog- 
nition of the needs of the agricultural laborers wandering 
from one Province to another in search of work, and by the 



idea that land is not a kind of wealth which should be in- 
herited in large amounts. Politics are so corrupt, that busi- 
ness, land and public offices are divided like the garments 
of Christ. 

In Uruguay in 1914 we had high hopes. A Bill was pre- 
sented by the Exchequer, increasing the tax on land values 
and exempting improvements. It excited some enthusiasm, 
but not enough. Later on, a party led by a demagogue took 
the matter up again, and in 1930 a daily paper published my 
proposals, omitting to mention that they were mine. But such 
people have no exact idea of the day-to-day evils of private 
property in land, and are unable to draw the distinction be- 
tween confiscation and compensation. 

In the Argentine Republic the popubton is generally more 
conservative and reactionary than in Uruguay. But I hope 
that an appeal to patriotism and the memory of Rivadavia, 
to whom the people have dedicated a monument, will help 
to change people's minds. Landlords have tradition and 
e money. We have neither. I am looking to the English-speak- 
i ing peoples. The great revolution against private property in 
land was born among them ; it will ripen there ; we will 
emulate it. 

The Cordoba System 

From Nucva Argentina 

Fortnightly Journal of Economic, Agrarian and Social Issues 
Published at Buenos Aires, Argentina 


/CORDOBA is an important issue in current public debate. 
^-^ The administration of Dr. Amadeo Sabattini (Governor 
of the Province of Cordoba, Argentina) has ardent partisans 
and implacable opponents. Let us see what is happening in 
this Province that singles it out in such an unusual manner 
from the other Provinces in the union of more or less inde- 
pendent States constituting the federal government system 
of Argentina. In Cordoba, under the new regime, the land 
value tax is a reality. The latifundists are setting up a tem- 
pestuous clamor ; the press which is at their service ampli- 
fies their voice. 

For this reason, it is just that the defense of the Cordoba 
administration be given a hearing. We therefore present, 
with doctrinal reservations, an extended report* by the Fi- 
nance Minister of Cordoba, whose remarks are of the highest 
interest despite certain Socialistic leanings. 

When, after the change of administration (in 1936), oper- 
ations were begun, the state of the provincial finances pre- 
sented alarming- problems. Debts had been contracted on 
wages and salaries of the administrative personnel up to 

*The text of the report is not here presented in full, some technical 
financial points having been omitted. 

nearly one-half million pesos. And during 1935, the adminis- 
tration had been illegally disbursing part of the appropri- 
ations budgeted for 1936. 

The national debt had not been attended to in any way 
between 1931 and 1934. The recorded public debt of the 
Province suffered an increase of 9*72 million pesos up to tht 
first of~January, 1936. The floating debt, which had been 
consolidated on December 31, 1931 at the beginning of the 
former regime increased this sum by about 3 million pesos ; 
thus making a total public debt of \2Vz million pesos. And 
yet, in the budget for 1936, the public debt did not receive 
preferred claim on the revenues of the State. 

The new administration's outlook for achieving financial 
stability could not have been less promising. The estimate of 
State revenues on April 30, 1936, showed a drop of 1% mil- 
lions compared with the preceding year. But the new chief 
executive was a man capable of handling the difficulty. 
Opportune and prudent measures were undertaken for im- 
proving the financial situation. Adjustments were made in 
the means of collecting taxes. Liberal opportunities were 
given to the slower taxpayers. Improvements were intro- 
duced in the methods of assessment and in estimating the 
public revenues. 

The condition of the public finances grew better within 
the first few months of the administration, reaching the 
point where it concluded the first period with a surplus of 
more than one-half million pesos. In succeeding periods the 
results were even better. Operations under the budget of 
1937 left the considerable surplus of 3% million pesos. The 
period of 1938 was concluded with a surplus of 2Vz millions. 
With the confinement of present expenditures to the esti- 
mates of the revenues, it is to be presumed that there was in 
th following period a surplus of no less than one million 

In the policies that have been imposed, the chief executive 
has reduced the burdens on enterprise by means of suppres- 
sion of patents and the reduction of taxes on business, with 
the exception of those levied on branches related to luxury 
or vice; and he has increased, in the place of these taxes, 
the direct tax on the valuations of the holdings of the great 
landed proprietors. This was done with the double purpose of 
assuring that the tax burden would be distributed in a pro- 
gressive form with respect to the value of the properties ; 
and of combating the feudal land-holding system (latifun- 
dismo) by stimulating the subdivision of the land. 

The chief executive expressed his ideas in the message 
which accompanied his legislative proposals for the year 
1939: "The laws imposed are not, and cannot be mere fiscal 
expedients for the State. They cannot respond solely to a 
fiscal aim, without also making for true social justice. This 
aim has been accomplished with the increase in the rate of 
the progressive tax on land, and the exemption of improve- 



ments ; and at the same time, each contributes according to 
his means, as contrasted with the sacrifice which is involved 
in the payments of regressive taxes. The great land-holders 
collaborate in proportion to their economic capacity to the 
work of building up solidarity and social justice, which is 
being realized in many forms by the State." 

As inevitably happens in connection with all such funda- 
mental reforms, the large land-holders are agitating for the 
modification of the rate of taxation and are carrying on a 
systematic campaign against the new legislation. These 
wealthy proprietors, who fall within the highest classes of 
the progressive tax, comprise only some 300 taxpayers out of 
a total of 287,000 landed proprietors registered for tax pur- 
poses in the Province. 

The Supreme Court of the Nation has repeatedly declared 
that the principle of equality as the basis of taxation and of 
public burdens must be harmonized with the realization that 
this equality can be effected only among those of the same 
condition ; and that it is good public policy to let the weight 
of taxation fall upon those who are the least distressed by 
it. Jeze has phrased it thus: "The economic capacity of an 
individual does not vary proportionately to his income or 
his fortune, but progressively." 


The public debt of the Province, which up to May 16, 
1936, had risen to 75,334,532 pesos, amounted to 70,721,086 
pesos on January 31, 1940 a reduction of 4,613,446 pesos; 
to which can be added l2'/2 millions paid out for debt ser- 
vice. The public debt has been reduced, but no new bonds 
have been issued, and yet great public works have been con- 

An integrated system of public water supply has been com- 
pleted. Throughout the Province, school and administrative' 
buildings have been constructed. There were also established 
school dining rooms ; more than 600 offices were built for 
teachers ; the pay of the teaching personnel was rrised and 
bonuses provided for teachers; the Sanitary Station of No- 
roeste was established, as was the Textile Trade School ; the 
President Roca School was enlarged; the subsidies to hos- 
pitals were increased ; and an appropriation was given the 
office of the General Director of Revenues for mechanical 
equipment which assured the rapidity and exactness of its 
operations, permitting the complete drawing up of the poll 
of taxpayers, and facilitating the calculation, currently and 
exactly, of the estimate of the revenues. 

The above-mentioned public works and many others, such 
as the creation of the office of the General Director of 
Waterways and Waterworks, the organization of a sym- 
phony orchestra, and the establishment of the Saenz Pena 
Department, has raised the budget to more than 34 million 
pesos, surpassing by about 7 millions the initial budget of the 
present administration. However, in all the budget periods, 
as has been pointed out, the operations ended with surpluses. 

The Latin American Crisis 


T TP to the first World War, the South American countrie 
*-^ administered themselves under simple formulas. Immi 
gration laws were scarcely known, and the customs-house 
were tolerant. The states could be developed more or les 
freely. Argentina and Brazil, to which most of the emigrant 
repaired, received the greatest benefit from the enormou 
human resources which arrived on their shores. The citie 
were populated rapidly, and the vitality of these countrie 
was invigorated. Wealth circulated in abundance. In general 
South America was making rapid progress. 

The post-war crisis produced a great economic reversal 
Prices of goods fell. The budgets of the governments wen 
not reduced. The great landed proprietors accepted onl; 
small increases in taxes (in proportion to the benefits the; 
received), and all the countries fell into the fatal error o 
imposing higher customs duties on imported goods. Thi 
course eventually led to poverty and catastrophe. Each da- 
saw higher duties heaped upon necessities. A new privileg' 
was born, called "home industry." And with it was also bon 
another form of privilege, the combinations of working men 

Today all South America is burdened with restrictive laws 
Its nations oppose the import of goods. They also forbid th< 
entry of persons, which results in a further diminution o 
wealth. Ships no longer go to their ports, because people am 
goods may not enter through them. With the reduction o 
commerce, freight rates have increased, and the little trad 
that remains is not worth mentioning. On the whole, th< 
South American economy presents a desolate aspect. At thi 
wharves there are almost no shipments to be seen. The gov 
ernments have tampered with their monetary systems. Thi 
apprehension that the government will devaluate the cur 
rency and suppress the natural workings of the market ha 
caused a tremendous destruction of wealth. Although al 
these governmental restrictions may seem to be born o 
necessity, they run counter to economic laws, and thus brinj 
disaster to the economy of the nations. 

There is only one way open to the South American coun 
tries to sustain and renew themselves: To return to thi 
natural law, and permit people to enter their territories free 
ly ; to permit the free entry of goods ; to permit competitioi 
to exist, so that prices will be lower and wealth accessible 
and finally, to collect taxes only from the ownership of lam 
and public services, that is, the profits of privilege. This i.' 
the only course to follow to establish liberty and justice. 

At the head of the government of the United States there 
are some men, such as Cordell Hull and Sumner Welles, whc 
understand the problem of trade. With their cooperation 
South America has a splendid opportunity to solve some oi 
her difficulties in the new and more dangerous crisis created 
by the second World War. Her economic life and sovereigr 
liberty are being threatened. Will she heed the warning? 



The Incas of Peru 


THERE is a happy tendency among modern historical 
researchers to subject ancient systems of government to 
memotional analysis. This is perhaps caused by'the pressure 
|)f our need for accurate knowledge of the past to assist us 
'n determining present courses of action. The sighing for 
jhe "glories that were Greece" is no longer in vogue. The 
.ttitude has become, "Let us read history to learn lessons." 
With a sympathy of treatment that is truly touching, Cle- 
nent Roberts Markham, a historian of the old school, relates 
he saga of the Incas. He tells of their music, poetry, and 
Irama, of their beautiful religious mysteries, of their arts 
md architecture, and of their government. Their system 
>f government inspired Markham's intense admiration. It 
ras a Utopian socialism, he said, in actual working order. It 
vas a benevolent despotism under rulers whose genius for 
;overnment "far surpassed that of the Spaniards who con- 
[uered them." 

Guiness, a later writer, is less sanguine. He realized the 
ocio-economic implications of a totalitarian regime. The 
nca rulers extirpated poverty "but at what a cost!" The 
, eople were treated like children and children they re- 
pained. They were the property, body and soul, of the 
jitate. Their labor and persons were conscripted by the 
plate at the discretion and whim of the rulers. Personal 
.litiative did not flourish under such a system. The great 
idy of the population was conditioned to be satisfied with 
full stomach, the worship of idols, and reasonable protec- 
on from physical violence. 

If a book could be written containing, on one side of the 
age, Max Hirsch's "Socialism, the Slave State," and on 
e other side, the history of the development of the Inca 
vilization, the deductions of Hirsch and the facts of the 
story would exhibit a striking parallel. Certainly there 
mained no virility in a people who, themselves numbering 
ore than eight millions, could be subjugated by a band of 
ic hundred eighty Spaniards. 

There were extenuating circumstances, of course. The 
janiards rode the first horses the Incas had ever seen. And 
must have been terrifying to the Incas to see a cannon a 
:ast that could come apart into two pieces, and was, more- 
/er, "apparently able to control thunder and lightning." Yet 
e North American Indians were introduced to firearms 
e awkward way by their invaders, but through the stub- 
jrnness of their resistance, they acquired firearms and be- 
ime proficient in their use. Only internal decay could ex- 
ain so easy a conquest as that of the Incas of Peru. 
The facts substantiate the deduction. The Inca civiliza- 
on was rotten to the core. At the time of the Spanish 
mquest, the Benevolent Despot Wis directing, from his 
xurious quarters in the nation's capital, the resistance 
jainst armed insurrection promoted by the Inca version of 

the Crown Prince. Revolutions can be inspired by hatred 
of oppression, or desire to enjoy the fruits of privilege. In 
this case it was probably both. To the Inca rulers were not 
only the power and the glory, but also two-thirds of the 
produce of the nation's industry. 

A "system of land-tenure" might more exactly be called a 
"system for distributing the products of labor." The one in- 
volves the other. In Peru, under the Incas, the State was the 
absolute owner of the land. All cultivated land (the extent of 
which was vastly increased by elaborate systems of terracing 
and irrigation) was divided into three parts. The produce of 
one-third went to the support of the royal line. Another third 
supported the religious system. To the producers was re- 
turned the remaining third. 

The State was also the absolute owner of the people. It 
decided what production should be carried on, and selected 
the producing personnel. The State undertook the education 
and training of the producers. It carried out large-scale 
colonization of loyal subjects in provinces of doubtful party 
regularity, for purposes of espionage and consolidation. The 
State directed scientific research, and designated the scien- 
tists. It is true that a remarkable degree of knowledge had 
been acquired. The surgical operation of trepanning was 
practised. Silver and gold were extracted from the ore. 
Ruins of public buildings contain blocks of stone weighing 
up to 150 tons, which had been moved several miles from, 
and raised hundreds of feet above, the quarries from which 
they were hewn. But a great portion of the labor was wasted 
in preparations for defense against internal and external 
aggression, and in the carrying on of empirical conquests. 

Unless its foundations be laid in justice, the social struc- 
ttire cannot stand. The monuments remain, but the Empire 
has crumbled. According to Sarmiento de Gamboa, mouth- 
piece of the Spanish viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo, the 
tyranny exercised by the Incas over their people provided 
the justification for the seizing of those lands by the Spanish 
Crown. Whether the three gentlemen who sat around a table 
in Panama and planned the conquest of Peru were motivated 
by pity for the natives, by a pious desire to substitute mono- 
theism for idolatry, by a lust for gold, or by mixed feelings, 
cannot be stated with certainty. At any rate, the despoilers of 
that remarkable civilization found conditions badly in need 
of mending. And so the cycle completes another turn. 

Five hundred years before the Spaniards came, the rich 
Peruvian plateau was the seat of another highly-cultured 
race, the Yuncas. The Incas, then in the vigor of their bar- 
barism, overran this civilization. The size of the Yunca 
capital city of Chan Chan gives an index both to the char- 
acter of the conquered civilization and to the power of the 
conquerors. It was larger than Manhattan, being over four- 
teen miles long and over five miles wide. 

The Spanish conquest of Peru was yet a step in advance, 
despite its attendant evils. The Catholic Church, through its 
Spanish military arm, planted, in the ruins of a rotting civi- 
lization, the seeds of progress. 



Canada's Economic Status 


THIS article will deal with the economic status of Canada 
as it now is, and as related to the Georgeist program 
for the ultimate collection of economic rent for all purposes 
of government. 

A Royal Commission on Dominion-Provincial Relations 
was set up in August 1937, to examine into our constitutional 
and public finance set-up, and its Report was tabled in May 
of this year. Its statistics are based on the fiscal year 1937. 
It is known for short by the name of its chairman, Mr. Jo- 
seph Sirois, and will be designated as the Sirois Commis- 
sion's Report throughout this article. A remark of Campbell- 
Bannerman's concerning a political opponent "a fine chap- 
pie but na sound on the land" epitomizes this Report. There 
is no awareness in it of the primacy of the land rent question. 

Municipalities raise their principal revenues from a tax on 
land values and on improvements. There is also an assess- 
ment on business usually based on the value of real estate 

used, but in British Columbia there is instead a schedule o 
licenses which yield about as much revenue as the Busines 
Assessment of Eastern Canada. For 1937, the Sirois Repor 
shows $308,000,000 as municipal revenues, of which $245, 
000,000 came from real property; $20,000,000 represent 
chiefly business taxes, based usually on "real estate" am 
also (in the Maritime Provinces) personal property taxes 
Sales and income taxes accounted for $6,000,000; licensee 
permits and fees produced $10,000,000; public utility contri 
butions yielded $6,000,000, while other current revenues- 
rentals, interest, penalties, etc. totalled $21,000,000. 

Provincial revenues are largely based on income tax, sue 
cession duties, gasoline tax, automobile licenses, corporatio: 
taxes, public domain, liquor taxes and profits, federal sub 
sidies, and in some cases taxes on land and on improvement! 
Automobile and gasoline taxes are the most productive, be 
ing 27% of the revenue of all Provinces for 1937. Liquo 
revenues were 12% ; corporation taxes and company fees an 
licenses yielded 17% ; succession duties produced 15% an 
personal income taxes 5%. Public domain revenue yielde 
9% of the total, and federal subsidies 8%. The total reve 
nues of the Provinces for 1937 were $244,000,000. 

Assessment Personal 
Assessed Assessed or Equivalent Property 
Land Improvement Licenses Assessment 
Values Values Assessed 


Farm Buildings 

Taxation on 
Land Values for 
Provincial Purposes 

Nova Scotia 

Not Separated 





Provincial Timber Land: Ta 

Yielding about $80,000 (1938 

New Brunswick 

Not Separated 





Wild Land Tax $57,000 (138 

Prince Edward 

Not Separated 





"Real Estate" tax yielding aboi 


$86,000 (1939) 


Not Separated (a) 







Separated Separated 







Not Separated (b) 




Exempted 100% 




Separated Separated 



Urban and non- 

Exempted 100% 

Public Revenues tax 2 mills < 


assessed taxable valuation ii 

exempted 40% 


eluding buildings $2,000,000 



Separated Separated 



Local option as 

Exempted 100% 

Wild Land Tax $25,000. Soci 

to total or par- 

Service Tax $1,250,0001939- 

tial exemption 


Separated Separated 



Local option as 

Exempted up to 

Land Tax on "Real Propert; 


to total or par- $1500 


tial exemption 


Wild Land, Coal, Timber Lan. 

$400,000 1938-39 

(a) Montreal area, comprising about one-third of Quebec's popu- 
lation, separates value of land from that of improvements. 

(b) Winnipeg area, comprising bulk of population, separates value 
of land and improvements. The Manitoba assessment Commis- 
sion advises that in assessing, the separation is made as a matter 
of practice but that tabulated returns do not publish the infor- 
mation or make it available for the Canada Year Book. 

(c) The Manitoba Assessment Commission advises that under the 
Assessment Act Business Assessment may be placed either on a 
rental value basis or on a Personal Property basis. A large 
number of urban municipalities now use the rental value for 

business properties and do not assess any personal property ii 
the municipality. 

(d) Quebec Province has just initiated some new tax levies of 
personal property nature: radio $2; automobile water tax $; 
telephone tax 25c per month. 

(e) The Saskatchewan law prohibits any higher taxation than 60' 
of the assessment of improvements, but municipalities can allo 
a greater exemption. Regina, the capital, has exempted buil 
ings 70 per cent, since 1913. 

(f ) British Columbia has a statutory limitation as to the rate of ta: 
ation on land values. The general rate, aside from education at 
debt provision, must not exceed 35 mills 



Federal revenues are based mainly on such consumption 
taxes as customs, excise, sales tax ; income and corporation 
taxes, etc. The total for 1937 is $464,000,000, made up of 
the following principal items in millions of dollars: Customs 
105; excise 32; manufacturers 17; sales tax 138; liquor 
excise 27 ; utility 7 ; miscellaneous 1 1 ; corporations and 
companies 74; public domain 2; personal income 51. A total 
of $337,000,000 or 72.6% thus came from consumption taxes. 
No wonder the Royal Commission found the Canadian con- 
sumer to be carrying "one of the heaviest consumption tax 
loads in the world." So much for the present set-up. We 
now proceed to the consideration of what sort of a substruc- 
ture we have for the eventual total collection of economic 


The aim of Georgeists is to have public revenues in general 
collected from the economic rent of land. As a prerequisite 
to this it is necessary to have an assessment of land separate 
from other assessments. In both respects we can report con- 
siderable progress in Canada. The foregoing table shows 
what the present situation is as to assessment and taxation 
' and by the same token indicates how much farther we have 
to go. 

It will be noted that, aside from the three Maritime Pro- 
vinces, the practise of separating the assessed value of land 
and of improvements in Canada is fairly general, for in Que- 
bee and Manitoba the great centers of population do make 
!, the separation and the Manitoba Assessment Act requires 
that land be assessed for taxation at its full value and build- 
ings (except when used for farm purposes) at two-thirds of 
their value. The totals under these requirements are un- 
fortunately not made available for statistical purposes. It 
would not be difficult for Manitoba and Quebec to swing 
into line with Ontario and the other Western Provinces in 
this respect. So far as our information goes, the Maritime 
Provinces do not require the separation and even if made 
they do not yet make the separate figures available. 

It is interesting to note that the Sirois Commission's Re- 
port has this to say of the Atlantic Provinces : "The Mari- 
times form the most mature, and the most chronically de- 
pressed, regional economy in Canada." Their attitude toward 
icconomic rent, combined with the tariff, has reduced one 
of Canada's former most flourishing sections to the con- 
dition described above. 


The principle of some exemption of improvements is in 
ipractice from the Western boundary of Ontario to the Paci- 
fic Ocean. In Manitoba one-third off is a province-wide re- 
quirement. In Saskatchewan, the law requires a 40% exemp- 
tion, but there is also a provision that "the assessment of 
buildings and improvements shall not in any year be re- 

duced below the assessment for the previous year by a great- 
er amount than 15% of the fair value of such buildings and 
improvements. The assessment of buildings and improve- 
ments may be increased beyond the assessment for the pre- 
vious year by such amount as the council may determine." 
Under this provision it is possible for Regina, the capital 
city, to_exempt improvements 70%, which she has done since 
1913. Saskatoon, the second largest city, exempts buildings 

In Alberta municipalities have local option in the matter 
of exemption or taxing improvements, and the exemptions 
range all the way from 100% to zero. Calgary exempts all 
improvements 50% and Edmonton exempts homes 50% and 
business premises 40%. The accompanying table shows the 
Alberta situation and it will be noted that an exemption of 
one-third on improvements is the prevailing rate in the 
towns and villages. 

ALBERTA (1938) 







33 i-3% 






Not Stated 

















British Columbia, like Alberta, permits local option as to 
amount of exemption subject to the restriction that the tax- 
ation on buildings shall not exceed 65% of the assessed 
value. There is a further restriction, namely that land values 
cannot be taxed for general purposes at more than 35 mills. 
Educational and debt service items may be added, which 
permits New Westminster to exempt improvements 100% 
and to levy a rate of 70 mills on land. New Westminster is 
about at its maximum mill rate now. 

At one time there were 39 municipalities and districts in 
British Columbia which exempted improvements 100%. That 
number has decreased to 6, due largely to the restriction 
aforesaid of limiting the land value tax, as well as to the 
ignorance of the present generation of the principles for 
which their fathers fought. Nevertheless the following table 
shows that British Columbia takes more of the economic rent 
for municipal purposes than any other Province, and the 
most common rate of exemption of improvements is 50 per 
cent. It is significant that British Columbia is listed in the 
Canada Year Book as having the greatest wealth per capita 
($3414) in Canada. 





Taxed Cities 














1 6 2-3% 











33 1-3% 
















65% (Victoria) 






































Every Province in Canada derives some revenue from the 
use of the public domain in the shape of fishing, hunting, 
game, trapping and mining licenses, timber, oil, grazing, land 
and water leases, etc. These public domain revenues are 
given in the Sirois Report as $21,100,000 in 1937, as com- 
pared with only $2,500,000 from national domain collected 
by the federal authority. 

These revenues, however, are not In reality economic rent, 
as licenses, e. g., are on a flat rate not having any relation to 
land value. In Nova Scotia a small portion of provincial 
revenue is based on timber land value taxation and New 
Brunswick has a "wild land" tax, but in the other Eastern 
Provinces no levy on land values is made. In the Western 
Provinces, however, some substantial provincial revenues 
are based on assessed land values. By specific Provinces 
these are as follows: 

Saskatchewan has a Public Revenues Tax derived from a 
tax of 2 mills on assessed taxable valuations including im- 
provements. It is budgeted to yield $2,000,000 in 1940-41. 
Of course, that part of the levy which falls on improvements 
is not economic rent, but Saskatchewan has the highest land 
value per capita in Canada it was $1011 in 1935. 

Alberta collects a Social Service Tax levied on land values 
budgeted to yield $1,250,000 in 1939-40. The municipalities 
levy a Hospitals tax assessed on both land and buildings. 
This specific Hospitals tax is peculiar to Alberta, which has 
for many years provided medical services for its people, and 
has built up a mobile medical force for the settlers some- 
thing on the order of the much publicized Mounted Police. 

British Columbia lists among its "land taxes" a provincial 
"real property" tax estimated to yield $1,500,000 in the 
fiscal year 1939. It also budgeted for $400,000 from Wild 
Land, Coal and Timber Lands. 

All the Western Provinces except Saskatchewan lev 
"wild land" taxes being taxes on privately-owned un 
developed lands. 

The federal revenues for 1937 were $464,000,000 and tin 
items comprising that sum have been given above. Asidi 
from the small sum of $2,500,000 raised from national do 
main timber, mining, trapping, national parts, etc. thi 
federal authority does not secure any revenue from lan< 
values. In that respect Canada is out of line with her siste 
Dominions of Australia and New Zealand, who have beei 
collecting a small part of the national revenue from land o 
land value taxes for many years. 


The aim of Georgeists must be directed therefore alori| 
the following lines, in order to realize our full program : 

1. To secure the separation of assessment in those Pro 
vinces which now lump assessed land and improvemen 
values together. 

2. To get the principle of exempting improvement 
adopted in those Provinces in which it is not now practised 

3. To secure an extension of the principle of exemptin) 
improvements in those Provinces which now practise it ii 

4. To induce the Provinces to levy on land values fo: 
more of their provincial revenues. 

5. To persuade the federal authority to levy a federal ta: 
on the rental value of land. 

As for this last aim, the Sirois Commission Report make 
a most retrograde recommendation. The Commission recom 
mends that the Provinces should agree to surrender to th 
federal authority their present practice of taxing incomes 
estates and corporations in return for being relieved of cer 
tain debt obligations and carrying charges. If the Province 
agree, the Commission proposes as follows : "The Dominior 
while retaining its unlimited taxing powers, would recogniz 
an obligation to respect the remaining revenue sources o 
the Provinces." That is why we said that the Commissio 
was not "sound on the land." 


With so many forces to contend with, our only salva 
is ceaselessly to educate the electorate on the fundament: 
principles of economics. 

L&F Goes to Washington 

TT^IFTY copies of the last issue of LAND AND FRKEDOJ 
*- were personally delivered to as many Congressmen b 
our good friends, Elizabeth Magie Phillips, and her assoc 
ates. Each copy was accompanied by a letter appealing fc 
free trade among the Americas and also for the financin 
of the defense program by a direct levy on the Nation's Ian 



The American Farmer 


RECENT generations of American farmers have seen their farms 
getting away from themselves and their children, into the hands 
of money lenders, banks, insurance and trust companies, to such an 
extent that in the middle West, at present, nearly one-half the farms 
are operated by tenants. Year by year the percentage of tenancy is 
growing. Over a single generation the change comes almost un- 
noticed; but it may involve ten to twenty percent of the farms in a 
county. The census now under way should shed important light on 
the subject. 

The prevailing conditions are important to those farmers and 
others who would like to look forward to future generations, not as 
a serflike tenantry of the European pattern, but as a nation of inde- 
pendent, upstanding American farmers, each owning and operating 
his farm home, and asking no favors nor charity from government, 
national, state or local such farmers as were common when land 
was relatively free not many generations past. 

Can our present farmers assure their children and grandchildren of 
such a future? Is it not more likely that three-fourths of middle 
western farms will be operated by tenants in less than three gener- 
ations? Or can our farmers learn how to hold their farms away 
from money lenders, investors, banks, trusts and insurance com- 

My answer is that it can be done. Not only can, but must be done ; 
and that there is only one way; and the brief answer is to take "In- 
vestment for Income" value out of the farm, and keep it out. 

All incomes are derived from three sources from the three- 
factors of production: Land, Labor and Capital. The respective in- 
comes are Rent, Wages and Interest. Any other incomes are negligi- 
ble. Of these, wages and interest are earned incomes; rent, more 
accurately, ground rent, is an unearned income. Because it is un- 
earned it is ruining the business of farming. It is the bait held out 
to all those seeking "something for nothing." Every investor, every 
banker, trust company, insurance company, land speculator, landlord, 
is combing the countryside for a good piece of land to produce him 
an "income without effort" on his part an unearned income, or as 
he would call it, an "investment." 

The operating farmer is also loaded down with taxes. The only 
tax he does not earn before paying is his land tax, payable out of 
ground rent. Taxes on his buildings, livestock, machinery and equip- 
ment are paid out of his earnings, wages, or interest on capital. Out 
of his earnings he must also pay numerous auto, gas, income, sales 
and other taxes taxes on everything he purchases, and on most 
Ihings he sells direct and indirect taxes, import taxes and transport 

Let the farmer wake up and abolish some taxes he now pays, and 
add the amount to his land value tax. Let him exempt from taxation 
his livestock, farm machinery and equipment, improvements and 
buildings, and make it up by an increased tax on land value. Let him 
repeal his income, sales, transportation taxes and add to his land 
value taxes. Thus he will in time have shifted all his taxes to his land 
value that is, to ground rent the unearned income until all 
ground rent is taken. Being unearned, it has cost him nothing. His 
land will have paid taxes less in most cases than his present 

But his land tax will have done more ; it will have paid his public 
expenses his schools, highways, courts, public offices, parks, play- 
grounds, libraries, hospitals. And it will not have paid incomes to 
money lenders, banks, and investment companies. His earnings from 
his labor, and from his buildings and other capital equipment will be 

secured to himself from the tax gatherer as well as from the investor. 
When ground rent is reserved for his taxes and public expenses his 
land is safe from the "investor for income." Land has no purchase 
price when it will produce no ground rent for an investor. But it has 
retained all its fine value for a home and for the production of crops 
and stock. 

A note should be added here to forestall the question of assess- 
ment as commercial value disappears: At an early stage, land must 
be valued in terms of annual ground rent production instead of 
sales value. 

Farmers have not had time to analyze the different forms of their 
income. It might seem to make little difference out of which pocket 
their taxes are paid. But it actually makes the difference between 
ownership and tenancy. If the farmer pays out of wages, ground 
rent is left for the landlord. If the farmer will stop and think awhile 
he can easily separate ground rent from wages. Rent is the part which 
a landlord will take when there is a landlord. Any farmer can appl> 
it to his own land if he knows its value. If the law compels him to 
set ground rent aside for taxes, he saves his earnings, and more 
important, he saves his farm from investors. 

Consider the expense to be saved. Tens of thousands of men an<i 
women are now engaged in administering and collecting all the dif- 
ferent varieties of taxes with which we are oppressed. A few mer 
in the towns and villages assess, collect and disburse the land taxes: 
and in the cities the number is still smaller in proportion to popu- 
lation. Increasing the tax on land value will increase not much the 
number of officials required for its administration. 

Our statesmen, our politicians and our "scholars" waste their time 
on the mock battle of "capital and labor". There is no conflict of 
interests between labor and capital except as caused by shutting men 
out from land. There are only two fundamental factors in production, 
Man and Land. Capital, the third factor, is only the tool of pro- 
duction the factory and the machine, from the axe and sickle of oui 
ancestors to the laboratory with a hundred smoke-stacks of today. 

The "capital-labor" problem must be settled by the farmer who 
knows and loves the land. He must make it free to himself, his chil- 
dren and grandchildren down through the generations, and to all 
who want to live on and from the land. It is not that we need more 
farmers to support the population ; but that we need more farmers to 
support themselves and their families ; to make homes that cannot be 
mortgaged and which cannot be sold against their will ; that hold oui 
no inducement to the landlord, speculator or investor. When the 
farmer begins by exempting his buildings and improvements from 
taxation, and replacing that tax by a two or three percent surtax or 
land value, or as much more as may be needed to absorb all ground 
rent, he will never turn back. He will never again leave land as ar 
open bait for the investor, who wants an unearned income. There wil! 
be no land owners except land users. But this work must be done, nol 
by farmers who want to make money from farm work done bj 
tenants, but by farmers who want to see tenancy an institution of tht 
past, or at worst, of lands beyond the sea. 

A Request 

WE are in need of a set of back issues of LAND AMI 
FREEDOM, covering the period from and including 
1914, to and including 1925. If any of our subscribers havi 
these numbers, or any of them, we would be grateful if the; 
would communicate with us so that we might make arrange 
ments to obtain same. 








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The Decentralist Movement 


TTERE is Rurban Corners. Rurban is that kind of com- 
*-* munity that is established outside the speculative green- 
belt area of our cities by a dozen or more families who have 
bought their land at farmland prices because they tired of 
paying high urban rent to landlords. Rurban is the commun- 
ity created by an ever-growing decentralization movement on 
the part of people who no longer want to live in over-crowd- 
ed cities. The adult male members of this community will 
keep one foot in the city, taking from its sustenance that 
which is necessary to build houses, buy cars, and the other 
mass production goods that today can only be secured from 
monopoly. But beyond that, these people will not contribute 
one iota of money or population to monopoly land values. 
They will produce the primary necessities of life of their in- 
dividual one or two-acre plots, and produce them at less cost 
(labor cost, mark you) than in the exchange market. 

Consider the outgo of the average $1500 to $3000 family 
income. A fourth of it goes for shelter (and in New York 
this factor comes closer to being a third of a man's income). 
Food and raiment take most of the rest, leaving possibly 
fifteen per cent for transportation, luxuries, health require- 
ments, insurance, and gratuities. In order to satisfy the de- 
sires of the average family it has become commonplace for 
the wife to take a job in industry or commerce. Startling 
repercussions to our social life have resulted. 

Ralph Borsodi, who conducts the School of Living, at 
Suffern, N. Y., in the realization that most $1500 to $3000 
families living in big cities either do not own their homes, or 
spend a life-time paying for them, asked the question: Why 
not encourage a way of life that promotes home-owning 
without sacrifice to other needs? Why not make it possible 
for the young housewife to produce at home for direct con- 
sumption what she was producing for exchange in the office 
or the store or the factory? Why not find a means whereby 
children will be considered an asset, as of old, and not a 
liability, as they are today? 

Mr. Borsodi realized that so long as Georgeists continued 
to aid landlordism by supplying urban centers with their 
population, just so long would they be nurturing the con- 
dition we are trying to rectify. Consequently, he removed 
his own family from the city to set up its rurban productive 
homestead. He established the School of Living in the first 
productive homestead community that was developed from 
his researches and instruction. 

Here is Rurban Corners, a hypothetical homestead com- 
munity started outside any city in America. This community, 
let us say, was created out of the endeavors of a couple of 
families who discussed the possibilities of collectively im- 
proving their economic status in a strangulated economy of 
exchange. When there are a half dozen couples in this group, 

a credit union is formed, and incorporated. This little bank- 
ing institution creates a credit backlog on which money can 
be borrowed from a bank or loan association for the pur- 
chase of land at farmland prices within commuting distance 
of the city. 

With this land as equity the first group of prospective 
homesteaders takes the plunge. An architect, possibly one 
who has joined the decentralized group, draws plans for the 
houses. Perhaps some of the homesteaders will use basic 
plans that can be procured from the School of Living, be- 
cause these plans embody the experience of homestead 
dwelling construction. 

Each family, as it pays off its loan from the credit union, 
replenishes the banking fountain with funds for the develop- 
ment of new homes, by the enlarging group of urbanites who 
will be following the initial participants. 

Throughout all this program of rurban preparation and 
rurban living, it is valuable for every homesteader to seek 
the services of the School of Living. Bulletins have been 
prepared showing the contrast in the cost of direct pro- 
duction of foodstuff and raiment against the cost of these 
needs in the exchange labor market. It is conservatively esti- 
mated (based on five years of homestead statistics compiled 
by the School of Living) that the average housewife who 
plans her work as she would have to do in the city job will 
spend less hours of labor a day. Her productive effort should 
average about a thousand dollars a year. 

But have not most economists argued for an extreme di- 
vision of labor? Yes, but Henry George himself has pointed 
out that there is a point of diminishing return in that di- 
vision ("Progress and Poverty," Book I, ch. 5). I propose to 
show that decentralist homesteading not only offsets the so- 
called economies of mass production, but serves as a power- 
ful factor in bringing socially-minded people into the 
Georgeist fold, and bringing Georgeism into our economy. 

The price of an article in mass production has always been 
established at its point of manufacture. This is usually about 
one-fifth to one-third of what the consumer pays for it. 
Warehousing, cross-country transportation, refrigeration, 
vast accounting structures, advertising and retailing have 
brought the price of goods far beyond the cost of initial 
production. Granted that distribution is a part of production ; 
still, if I can produce my primary needs at a lower cost than 
I can exchange my services for these needs, is it not better 
that I produce them? If by cooperative action, men in a 
homestead community can produce goods at a lower cost 
than they can buy in the world market against their services, 
is it not better to achieve that reward in a community of 
low economic rent? Is it not better to let urban landlords 
find their properties deserted as a result of denying capital 
and labor opportunity to secure a fair return for services ? 

I am of the opinion that there is nothing so challenging 
to vested landlordism as the de-urbanization of our cities. A 
coordinated decentralist program that embraces a limited ex- 



change brings us nearer to the goal of Georgeism. Five mil- 
lion families in as many years removing themselves from 
urban centers, and telling municipal government and land- 
lords why they are homesteading, will create some mental 
disturbances among the status quo powers' that will be salu- 
tary to correct thought. Right action will follow. 

It takes imaginativeness, stamina, vision and a spirit of 
adventure to make a move like this. These homesteads will 
be peopled with twentieth century pioneers, analagous, to a 
degree, to those who left the habits of a life-time to explore 
and settle America two centuries ago. With five million 
families removed from the food and part of the clothing 
exchange in our wealth production, many of the husbands in 
this group will lose their jobs. But these same men will be 
developing cooperative factories, stores and services in the 
homestead communities with far better cooperative oppor- 
tunities than ever existed in modern urban exchange. 

Under the auspices of the School of Living, every family 
that joins an urban forum group to make preparations for 
rurban living is indoctrinated with Georgeist views immedi- 
ately. The forum member becomes a prospect for the Henry 
George School of Social Science, and a possible subscriber 
to one of the Georgeist publications. The first factor made 
clear to those joining decentralist forums is that the private 
collection of the economic rent is driving them more forcibly 
to insecurity so long as they maintain urban residence. 

Every piece of literature coming out of the School of Liv- 
has in its bibliography a listing of "Progress and Pov- 

ty." The School's library and book store is replete with 
Drgeist literature for student use. An extension class of 
Henry George School is conducted at the School of Liv- 
ing, and the forums in various cities will undoubtedly 
augment the decentralist discussion with the regular ten- 
week course offered by the Henry George School. 

The productive homestead communities are a group of 
Georgeists within a township population of only modest 
density, and the collective Georgeist voice is heard in each 
local Town Hall, so you can well imagine what effect this 
has on the politicians. You can well realize that a township 
in which several rurban communities are settled soon be- 
comes overwhelmingly Georgeist in complexion. 

Can you foresee what effect such township (and later, 
county) strongholds in Georgeism have on State legislative 
representatives of those areas? Can you see what effect a 
solid body of Georgeists has on villagers and farmers, when 
the latter folk realize that the taxes on their improvements 
are subsidizing urban landlords ? 

Yes, we have too long worked in the city. We have 
proselytized ; we have been Davids in the midst of Goliaths, 
and our insecurity has frequently committed us to silence 
for fear of reprisals from employer-monopolists. There is 
real opportunity in the homestead movement for quicker 
understanding to fellow citizens of what constitutes a natu- 
ral economic order. 

Dominican Haven 

A FERTILE strip of land on the Northeastern coast of 
** the Dominican Republic has been made available for 
settlement by European refugees. This little island Republic 
in the Caribbean Sea is the first country to grant full and 
permanent settlement rights to refugees. 

The section to be settled and developed by the refugees is 
known as Sosua and contains over 26,000 acres. It was for- 
merly part of the estate of Generalissimo Rafael L. Trujillo, 
first citizen of the country, and was donated by him to the 
Dominican Republic Settlement Association. This Associ- 
ation, which is making the arrangements for colonization, is 
independent of the Republic itself, but is operating with the 
approval and cooperation of the Government. One of the 
reasons for this cooperation is that the Dominicans wish to 
increase the population of their country and develop it eco- 
nomically. It is Trujillo's ambition to people the Dominican 
Republic with 100,000 refugees. The Sosua development will 
support 2,000, and if it is successful will be followed by 
similar projects. 

The land had been the property of the United Fruit Com- 
pany, from whom Trujillo bought it. It had been a banana 
plantation, and was equipped with houses, plumbing, etc. 
These are still in good condition, and available for the 
settlers. 5,000 acres are already suitable for farming. The 
rest of Sosua's 26,000 acres consists of rolling hills, good 
timber land, and other resources, all capable of being de- 
veloped. In general it is quite satisfactory for settlement. 

Other economic opportunities exist for the settlers. Sosua 
is only ten miles from the important port of Puerto Plata, 
and there are good roads between the two. Trade possibilities 
with other Latin American countries are being studied, al- 
though trade barriers will have to be reckoned with, as well 
as the fear of labor competition. 

The settlement is still in an embryonic and experimental 
stage. At present there are only 37 settlers. The tentative 
plan adopted is that each family will be given about eight 
acres of farm land ; and larger tracts will be operated on a 
cooperative basis. The settlers will be given the rights and 
responsibilities of citizens (including the payment of taxes!) 
and citizenship will be encouraged. 

On the whole, the endeavor is a worthy one. If it is a suc- 
cess, problems will arise which must be met and settled. If 
the community grows, there will be the question of the dis- 
posal of the rent of land, as lands of different qualities are 
settled. There will be the problem of maintaining equality of 
land tenure. There will be the problem of communal financ- 
ing. If this new society makes arrangements to collectivize 
the rent of land, and exempt the members from all other fi- 
nancial impositions, these problems will be solved. If it 
allows inequalities in land tenure, and finances its communal 
projects out of taxes on the production of its members, then 
it will be the nucleus of the same kind of tax-ridden, land- 
monopolized society that we have elsewhere. 



A Theory of Interest 


TT^OR centuries the interest question has been a subject of 
*- discussion among philosophers, economists, and reform- 
ers of all shades of opinion, yet it has never been settled. No 
general agreement has ever been reached as to what interest 
is, what causes it, how it is determined, and whether or not 
it is equitable. 

The feeling that interest is unethical is perhaps as old as 
interest itself. Long before Christ was born, the taking of 
interest was denounced as unjustifiable by philosophers like 
Plato, Cicero and Aristotle. Later the Roman Catholic 
Church condemned the practice and laws were passed for- 
bidding it ; but in spite of all efforts at suppression, interest 
persisted. This is no doubt the reason why it came to be re- 
garded as a natural economic fact by all economists, who 
have tried ever since to justify interest as the legitimate re- 
ward of those whose industry and thrift ( ?) have enabled 
them to accumulate capital. 

Today interest is more firmly established than ever. It has 
become an integral part of our economic system and is re- 
garded by rich and poor alike as a beneficial and necessary 
institution. Interest, we are told, is the reward of thrift, and 
thrift is a virtue ; could a virtue bear evil fruits ? 

Yet, even today, there are thinkers who, like the ancient 
philosophers, look upon interest as but a form of privilege 
and a tribute upon labor. It seems to me that such views are 
not without justification. In fact I believe such feeling to be 
the logical reaction in any one possessed of a sense of justice, 
whose judgment has not been warped by the incongruous 
teachings of our plutocratic civilization. 

No one can possibly question the right of the man who has 
produced and accumulated wealth, to live without working as 
long as it takes him to consume the wealth he has accumu- 
lated ; to be told however, that he should be able to live with- 
out working for an indefinite period, and his children, grand- 
children and their descendants after him, without even tak- 
ing from his accumulation, but entirely from the interest 
thereon, is somewhat disturbing to the minds of those who 
are convinced of the righteousness of the command : "By 
the sweat of thy brow thou shalt eat bread." 

*I wish to say that my views on interest, as expressed in this article, 
in no wise affect my adaptation of "Progress and Poverty "in a forth- 
coming work, "The Philosophy of Freedom" (advertised elsewhere 
in this issue). In that book, I have adhered scrupulously to the views 
of Henry George. 

However, some prominent Georgeists have suggested that the above 
article be printed as an appendix to the aforesaid book, not only to 
present students with a new angle on the moot question of interest, 
but also to impress upon them that one may disagree with George on 
interest and yet fulfy accept his fundamental philosophy. G. H. 

In "Progress and Poverty" Henry George attempts to 
explain and justify interest in a unique theory, in which he 
bases interest on the reproductive forces of nature. He tells 
us ("Progress and Poverty," Book III, Chapter III) that 
capital, when used in the reproductive modes, receives a 
natural increase over and above that due to labor, and while 
capital has to yield a certain portion of this increase to 
labor, it retains the other portion, which is interest. George 
then goes on to say that any one possessing capital can de- 
mand and receive this increase (interest) even though his 
capital is used in other modes. For the same reason, he who 
has money which could buy seeds or breeding stock will 
exact from the borrower the interest he could thus secure 
from nature. 

This is a logical deduction from the premise that nature 
gives an increase to capital apart from the return to labor. 
If, however, the premise is false, as I believe it is, then the 
conclusion is not valid. 

It cannot be denied that the reproductive forces of nature 
give an increase. A small cabbage seed buried in the ground 
will become a cabbage weighing several pounds. A calf turn- 
ed out in the pasture will in time grow into a cow, and it is 
evident that such amazing results are due mostly to nature 
and not to the labor of man. But it does not follow that this 
work of nature increases the capital of the farmer. 

The ultimate purpose of all production is the satisfaction 
of human wants, and this is obtained by an increase in qual- 
ity or usefulness as well as by an increase in quantity. The 
power of shoes to satisfy human wants over that of skin 
and hides is not less than the power of the wheat crop 
to satisfy human wants over that of seeds. In either case the 
return to labor and capital is based on the value create 
whether it be quality or quantity. 

When the farmer takes his wheat or his cattle to marke 
he exchanges something which is partly his work and partly 
the work of nature. But does he get anything in exchanc, 
for the -work of nature? He does not, for the effect of 
cooperation of nature is to give more produce for the son 
amount of labor, hence, not to increase his return as a fr 
ducer but to lower the exchange -value of his product. 

And the same is true of the increased productivity due to 
the use of capital in non-reproductive modes. If the shoe- 
maker has used machinery which has enabled him to produce 
more shoes with a given amount of labor, the effect of this 
greater productivity will be to lower the price of shoes. Bar- 
ring monopoly, he cannot sell the added productivity due to 
the use of capital any more than the farmer can sell the 
added productivity due to nature. 

Henry George has clearly demonstrated that the power 
which exi.sts in tools to increase the productiveness of labor 
cannot be the cause of interest, and to this I add that neither 
can the reproductive power of nature. In this connection I 
wish to formulate an economic principle which I deem of 





importance, inasmuch as it bears on the foregoing discussion. 
It is this: 

Those forces, outside of man himself, which increase 
the productiveness of labor, when such are used to in- 
crease production, never benefit the producer as such 
but always the consumer as such, unless these forces ari 
monopolized, in which case the benefit will accrue, not to 
capital or to labor but to monopoly in the form of extraordi- 
nary profits or in the form of rent. 

If this principle is economically sound, it will serve to 
prove that the reproductive forces of nature cannot be the 
basis of interest, for interest is unquestionably a production 
cost and cannot benefit the consumer as such ; and if the 
reproductive forces of nature do benefit the consumer by 
lowering the value of the product, they cannot give any in- 
crease to the labor or the capital of the producers. 

But is it not a fact that capital generally obtains a return 
ver and above its replacement and compensation for risk? 

lis is an absolute fact in the case of money, though not 
.Iways a fact in the case of real capital ; but whenever capi- 
can command such a return, it is certainly not due to the 

productive forces of nature. 


The failure to reach an agreement as to the cause of inter- 
st is simply a consequence of the failure to agree as to what 
nterest is, and this in turn is due to the confusion that exists 
mcerning the nature and function of capital and its true 
ilation to labor. 

What is capital and what is its purpose? Capital is wealth, 

e., labor products made or accumulated for the purpose of 
aiding labor in production. As production includes making, 
transporting and exchanging, capital has been properly de- 
fined as wealth in the course of exchange, i. e., wealth which 
has not as yet reached the ultimate consumer. 

In the field of agriculture it consists of : seeds, breeding 
stock, tools, machinery, buildings, produce for sale, etc. 

In the field of manufacturing, mining or transportation, 
it consists of : buildings, machinery, materials, equipment, 
finished goods, etc. 

In the field of commerce it consists of : buildings, equip- 
ment, stocks of merchandise, etc. 

When we see the huge and expensive machinery used in 
a modern mill or factory, we are apt to think of it as having 
nothing in common with the simple tools of the old fashioned 
cobbler or journeyman mason or carpenter. Yet, though the 
difference is enormous, it is but a difference in degree, not 
a difference in kind, and for the purpose of our discussion 
we might just as well think of capital as a simple tool such 
as a spade or a carpenter's plane. 

A tool, which is the most characteristic form of capital, is 
nothing more than a contraption conceived, produced, and 
utilized by labor to produce wealth more efficiently; it is, 
so to speak, an artificial amplification of man's physical 

power by man himself. It is labor's own brain child, and 
what is true of tools is true of all other forms of wealth used 
as productive instruments. 

And now that labor has produced wealth with the aid of 
this thing called capital, we are confronted with the task of 
determining how much of the produce shall go to capital in 
interest-and how much to labor in wages. Justice demands 
that each shall receive what it produces, but what has capital 
produced ? 

Capital itself, whatever its form, has no productive power. 
What we might term "live capital," of which domestic ani- 
mals, cultivated plants and trees are good examples, has a 
power of growth but this should not be confused with pro- 
ductive power, which is essentially a human power. The 
power of growth is a natural power altogether independent 
of man's effort. It is not an attribute of capital but a char- 
acteristic of all living things under any condition. 

As for "inanimate capital" such as tools, machinery, etc., 
it is as dead as a door nail and has no more productive power 
in itself than would a man's arm cut off from his body. Not 
that man's limbs have in themselves any productive power, 
for man's arms and hands are but natural tools which can 
operate only through man's mind. We speak of physical labor 
as one thing and of mental labor as another, but this dis- 
tinction is not a fundamental one. There is no such thing as 
purely physical labor, i. e., labor dissociated from the exer- 
cise of the mental faculties. Even in what we call physical 
labor, it is not the hand that produces, it is the mind which 
directs the hand. Likewise it is not the tool that produces, it 
is the mind which directs the hand that guides the tool. 

No matter how much capital existed and no matter how 
rich the field of production, not one iota of wealth could 
they bring forth without labor. It is only by labor that capital 
is produced ; it is only in the hands of labor that it can be 
utilized productively ; how then, can we think of capital 
earning anything to which labor is not entitled ? 

The fact is that capital itself produces nothing and is not 
entitled to any part of the product as a factor of production, 
and this for the simple reason that capital is not a factor of 

Here I beg to take issue with all economists, past and 
present, who consider capital a factor of production apart 
from labor. This, in my opinion, is the economic fallacy 
which is responsible for the failure to arrive at a satisfactory 
conclusion concerning interest. 

Capital is not a factor of production, it is merely a factor 
(instrumentality) of labor. 

Nature provides all animals with such natural imple- 
ments as enable them to secure sustenance and protection, 
together with the instinct to use them to the best advantage. 
Nature has not been quite so generous with man as regards 
physical assets, but on the other hand nature has gifted man 
with that which no animal possesses, viz., the power of rea- 



son. Vested with this power, man can produce tools and 
weapons so superior to anything which nature can provide, 
that they have enabled him not only to gain dominion over 
the animal kingdom but to harness nature itself to do his 

Bearing in mind that capital is anything external to man 
which he has secured through conscious effort and which 
he uses to aid in production, was there ever a time when men 
produced without capital? Never, for if there ever was a 
time when human beings lived by producing all their needs 
entirely with their bare hands, such human beings could 
hardly be called "men." The most primitive savage we know 
of made use of objects external to him, fashioned or secured 
by him, were it nothing more than sticks and stones. 

The use of capital by man is therefore as natural as the use 
of his own powers. Labor alone needs capital, labor alone can 
produce it, and labor alone can utilize it. It is an integral part 
of labor. How can we think of it as a separate factor ? It is 
just as natural for a laborer to have capital to work with as 
it is for a buffalo to have horns or for a tiger to have claws. 
We expect a laborer to own his clothes why not his tools? 


But, since capital can produce nothing without labor, and 
labor can produce hardly anything without capital, it is utter- 
ly impossible to determine their respective contribution to a 
given result on the basis of what each could have produced 
alone. How, then, is interest, which is supposed to represent 
the contribution of capital in aid of labor, determined? 

To this question there is but one answer and one expla- 
nation. What we call interest does not represent the contri- 
bution of capital in aid of labor; it represents that part of 
labor's produce which labor agrees to surrender for the 
Joan of capital. It is determined by supply and demand in 
the loan market. 

It is not until borrowed capital is used in production that a 
division between labor and capital is necessary. The producer 
who uses his own capital has no concern in ascertaining what 
he would have produced without it, any more than he is in- 
terested to know how much less he would have produced 
were he stupid instead of intelligent or sickly instead of 

Had laborers always owned their tools and whatever other 
labor products they needed to work with, how could such a 
thing as interest ever have been thought of ? 

If there were, in general, an advantage to labor in borrow- 
ing capital rather than owning it, this might be some justi- 
fication for interest, but the cases where borrowing is more 
advantageous than the use of one's own capital are excep- 
tions and not the rule. It cannot be said that laborers do not 
own their capital because it is more profitable to borrow it. 
The incentive to accumulate capital cannot be greater for the 
lender who receives interest than it is for the borrower who 
pays it. If laborers do not accumulate capital, it cannot be 

that they find accumulation unprofitable, it must be that they 
find it impossible. 

That we have today a class known as "labor" who use 
capital and another class known as "capital" who supply it, 
is but the result of economic injustice which, by depriving 
the laborers of the fruits of their toil, makes it impossible for 
them to accumulate capital and compels them to borrow their 
own production. 

Capital is, as we have seen, an integral part of what in 
political economy is called "labor." Accordingly what man 
produces with or without the aid of capital is (excluding 
rent) a return to labor and can only come under the head of 

Land and labor (including capital) are economic facts 
essential to the production of wealth, but while the use of 
capital is necessary to production, the borrowing of capital is 
not. Borrowing and lending are not economic processes but 
purely social phenomena. Therefore, interest, which is noth- 
ing more than the price of a loan and the only cause of which 
is the need for borrowing, is not an economic fact and has no 
place in distribution. 

After allowance is made for the replacement of capital, 
wealth is divided, not into three parts but only two, viz., 
rent and wages. 

Having established the fact that interest is not a return to 
capital as a factor (since capital is not a factor ot pro- 
duction), nor a return to the use of capital (the return to 
which is wages), but only to the loan of capital, it remains 
to be seen how interest is determined. 

We hear of borrowing capital and paying interest at a cer- 
tain rate or percentage, but what does it mean ? When a man 
goes into the printing business, for example, does he borrow 
printing presses, linotypes, paper, ink, etc. from those who 
manufacture these products, and does he pay them interest? 
Of course not. Those who produce capital goods are not 
lenders of capital ; they produce them for sale just as the 
farmer produces and sells potatoes. Those who need capital 
goods buy them from those who produce them and whose 
return is therefore wages and not interest. 

But if capital goods are purchased and not borrowed, what 
is borrowed ? It is the medium of exchange, money or its 
equivalent, i. e., purchasing power. 

If actual capital were borrowed, we would have an inde- 
pendent rate of interest for each form of capital, which 
would be based on the supply and demand, for loaning pur- 
poses, of each particular commodity. But since all commod- 
ities may be secured through the medium of money, it stands 
to reason that the rate of interest will be that at which money 
or purchasing power may be borrowed. Therefore, interest 
being a return to lending, it is the return to money lending, 
and the interest rate is determined by supply and demand ir 
the money loan market. 

Money or loan interest is therefore pure interest, i. e., 



only real interest, and must not be confused with the returns 
of producing capitalists, manufacturers, merchants, and 
other business men, for though the return to their capital 
may be affected to some extent by what they could have 
secured in the money loan market, it is on the whole nothing 
more than wages of superintendence and compensation for 
risk commonly known as "profits." It is only when business 
is good that such profits include real interest, for when busi- 
ness is bad and competition keen, the average business man 
is lucky if he can maintain his capital and in addition receive 
a fair compensation for his work and risk. 

In money lending there is no replacement; risk is covered 
by collateral and the return is fixed in advance by contract. 
But the business man cannot thus fix the rate of return on 
his capital, for the price at which he sells his goods is deter- 
mined by the market and consequently his profits are always 
subject to market and business conditions. Furthermore, the 
supply of capital goods in productive use cannot affect inter- 
est since it is not part of the supply of loanable capital. 
Neither are new capital goods for sale a factor in determin- 
ing interest, for the supply of such can only affect their 
market price, not the interest rate, which is essentially a loan 

It is hardly necessary to point out that, inasmuch as money 
loans are secured by collateral, and there being no depreci- 
ation or labor involved, allowing only for any possible insur- 
ance against loss, the return to money lending, viz., interest, 
is an unearned increment, a form of privilege to which too 
little attention has been paid by economists and social re- 


In the light of the foregoing discussion we may give 
answer to the questions involved in the interest problem, i. e., 
what is interest ? what causes interest ? how is interest deter- 
mined? is interest equitable? 

Interest is the return to the loan of money or its equivalent 
in actual wealth. It is caused by the need for borrowing, due 
in the main to poverty. It is determined by supply and de- 
mand in the money loan market. 

As for the question : Is interest equitable ? this depends on 
whether we are considering interest as a private business 
transaction or as an institution. The former is equitable be- 
cause it is a contract freely entered into by two parties, both 
of whom, under the prevailing circumstances, derive a bene- 
fit from the transaction. The latter is inequitable because it 
is forced upon the people as a result of a condition of social 
and economic injustice which creates debts and which de- 
prives men of the opportunity to receive and accumulate 
the wealth which their labor brings into existence. 

It is not likely that the borrowing of money shall ever 
cease altogether. Life will always have its ups and downs, 
and men, whether in private life or in business, may at times 
be forced or induced by circumstances to call on others for 
financial assistance and be willing to pay for a service thus 

rendered them. But given just social conditions and an equit- 
able distribution of wealth, the equation between the number 
of those able and willing to lend and the number of those 
forced to borrow will be such that loans will be obtainable 
at very low rates. Such loans will be but temporary burdens 
easily borne. 

On the other hand, interest as an institution is but the evil 
fruit of an evil economic system. It has its roots in land 
monopoly and the resultant exploitation of labor. It will tend 
to disappear with an equitable distribution of wealth. Public 
debts will be unnecessary when the world goes to work in- 
stead of going to war and governments subsist on their 
legitimate and natural income, the rent of land. Mortgages 
and other private debts will vanish when land is free and 
wages high. Capital invested together with labor will bring 
handsome returns, but capital or money seeking investment 
without labor will find little or no market. 

This is not to say that there will be no savings to provide 
for man's needs in sickness and old age, nor accumulations 
for future consumption or future productive undertakings, 
but the system which enables an individual to lend his money 
at interest and watch his fortune grow while he lives in 
luxury without doing a stroke of work, will be a thing of 
the past. 

To the A.A.A. 

On Reading "The Grapes of Wrath" 

TF we must buy our right to live on Earth, 
--What are your favors to the migrants worth? 
If Joad be penniless, must he not live 

As Ishmael did a locked-out fugitive ? 
Your loans are no relief, although well meant ; 

What's Interest but another kind of Rent 
With Taxes added ? ... As for good intentions, 

They are the paving stones the cynic mentions ! 
Can Friday be made free from Slavery's toil, 

If Crusoe still is master of the soil? 
Not being bird, he could not reach the sky ; 

And Friday was no fish, the sea to try . . . 
Unless you free the Earth, call off your quacks 

They'll only pile more burdens on our backs ! 


"D M, New York City's latest daily newspaper, has carried 
some articles on land speculation. One is a story of 
Muscle Shoals, which, after two decades, is still a hotbed of 
speculation. Lots of 20 by 100 feet are being sold for $1000 
and $5000. More than $20 millions have been "poured down 
the sink" by credulous buyers. Another is a story of the new 
Zoning Ordinance of New York City. Land owners and 
speculators have fought the bill, since it limits the blighting 
of residential areas. P M praised Harold S. Buttenheim and 
the City Housing Council for backing up the Ordinance. 



Signs of Progress 


Annual Conference 
of the Henry George Foundation 

This year, the annual Henry George Conference will be 
held at the Nation's Capital -- Washington, D. C. Sep- 
tember 25, 26, and 27. The Women's Single Tax Club will 
act as hostess. 

A lively and interesting program has been prepared. On 
the morning of the first day, delegates will be welcomed. The 
afternoon will be devoted to the clergy of various religions, 
with Bishop McConnell presiding. The evening will be re- 
served for discussions of academic education and profes- 
sional teaching. 

The morning of the second day will be taken up with re- 
ports on the activities of various groups in the Georgeist 
Movement. In the afternoon, manufacturers and business 
men will have their say. There will also be a reception at the 
White House. In the evening, the Woman's Session will be 
held. The feminine part in the Georgeist Movement will be 

On the third day, in the morning, plans for advancing the 
Movement will be set forth. The slogan "The Beginning of 
the Winning" has been suggested. Labor representatives and 
members of the press will be received in the afternoon, to 
present their views on the Good Society. And finally, the 
Banquet, on the evening of the third day. "Operated by 
double chairmen Fun, Fast and Furious," is the description 
of the Banquet in the prospectus of the Conference. 

All in all, it looks as though the Conference is going to be 
a big success. The program is indeed progressive, and excel- 
lently planned for interesting influential groups. A large 
attendance is expected. The response so far has been enthusi- 

The Hotel Washington is to be the scene of the Confer- 
ence. The Committee on Arrangements can be reached at 
that hotel, in Washington. Should anyone wish to contact 
them by phone, the number is Atlantic 3061-J. 

We urge all Georgeists who can attend this Conference to 
do so. It offers a splendid opportunity for workers in the 
Cause to come together, to compare notes and exchange 
ideas. And this Conference is particularly well adapted to 
make the Georgeist influence felt by important industrial, 
educational and political groups. Together with these more 
sober duties, it will also be a happy occasion for visiting the 
Nation's Capital and having a delightful time ! 

Henry George School of Social Science 


SUMMER TERM Enrollment for the term beginning June 
17 reached the highest point for summer classes in the his- 
tory of the School. Seven hundred adults and high-school 
students are studying the philosophy of freedom, both in the 
elementary and advanced courses. A new course in the Prin- 
ciples of Logic is being conducted under the guidance otf 
Paul Peach, whose article, "Science and Economics," ap- 
peared in the last issue of LAND AND FREEDOM. In its 
present stage this is an experimental course, but judging 
from its immediate popularity, it will probably be made a 
permanent part of the School's curriculum. 

ADVERTISING CAMPAIGN - - Soon, the capacity of the 
headquarters building will exceed 15,000 students annually. 
The increased difficulty of securing mailing lists numerous 
enough to keep pace with the School's expansion makes a 
large scale newspaper advertising campaign almost a neces- 
sity. A voluntary committee, consisting of graduates of the 
School, has been organized to raise funds for this venture. 
Three insertions of a full page advertisement in the Sunday 
magazine section of The New York Times are planned. It 
is estimated that this will place the School before the eyes of 
7Va million people, and reduce by two-thirds the cost of 
obtaining students. "Newspaper advertising is the answer to 
our problem," says the committee. 


Plans are under way to open up headquarters for the 
Hartford Extension of the Henry George School. The plan, 
formulated by the Henry George Fellowship of Hartford, is 
to obtain pledges from one hundred graduates of $1 a month 
each, for the necessary support. Several pledges have already 
been secured. Many of the graduates have shown great en- 
thusiasm over the prospect of headquarters, and it is proba- 
ble that the Hartford School will have its own home by the 
time the Winter semester is organized. 

At one of the recent regular meetings of the Henry George 
Fellowship, Prof. W. N. Leonard, teacher of Economics at 
the University of Connecticut, was the guest speaker. The 
Professor presented what he called a criticism of Henry 
George's principles. In the course of his address he said that 
Henry George proposed to collect the rent on buildings ; and 



his contention was that it is not fair that rent on buildings 
be collected. When one of the members present pointed out 
that Henry George did not propose to collect the rent on 
buildings, the Professor seemed nonplussed. Then he lapsed 
Uito a lengthy recitation on Socialism as the cure for our 
economic ills. The more than fifty members present must 
have learned more from the Professor's discussions than he 
had intended. 


Graduates of the School are going to work to make the 
Windy City "Henry George School conscious." 

A Speakers Bureau is being formed under the leadership 
of Mrs. Edith Siebenmann and Mrs. Beatrice Ortis, to emu- 
late the work of the Speakers Bureau in New York. A meet- 
ing of the prospective speakers of this Bureau was held July 
23, at the School headquarters. 

A motion picture is in process of preparation by a Com- 
mittee of graduates headed by Leonard K. Nitz. The picture 
will be shown at clubs, employee meetings, etc., for the pur- 
pose of securing class enrollments. 

Besides this valuable propaganda work, the graduates arc 
contributing considerably toward the financial support of 
the Chicago School. Already they have contributed or pledg- 
ed one-half of the amount needed to finance the School 
through the Fall term. 

Manhattan Single Tax Club 

This coming Fall, President Ingersoll will be active in 
forming a national association as a subsidiary of the Club. 
The purpose is to expand the scope of activities so as to 
embrace a nation-wide educational program, without chang- 
ing the revered forty-five year old title of the Manhattan 
Single Tax Club. 

On August 1, Mr. Ingersoll spoke at the William Sloane 
House on "Democracy and Its Relation to Economics." 
There was active discussion after his lecture. 

Following are excerpts from recent broadcasts : 

become exhausted before the onslaught of superior forces, have 
been trying the experiment of a nation existing three-fourths 
slave and one-fourth free. And when one contemplates what has 
happened, is it any wonder? Lincoln said slavery could not wortc 
out, even on a fifty-fifty basis. Our own taxes and exactions from 
monopoly take away a full one-half of our people's earnings, making 
them half slaves. If this is true in the "greatest democracy," par- 
asitism must surely cost the European masses 75% of their earnings. 

clearly. Taxation was supposed to be a G. O. P. disease which 
the Democrats were elected to cure. They've muffed their play 
two terms. Now let them or anybody else go to it and kill 
both G. O. P. and Democratic taxation of the consumer. There 
are 15 billions of it, so the opportunity is unlimited. A reduction of 
even 26% would bring the blessings of the public. 

Robert Schalkenbach Foundation 


GEORGE AND SPENCER It would not be amiss to describe 
"A Perplexed Philosopher" as Henry George's most neglect- 
ed book, for while his other writings have enjoyed success- 
ively large printings, not since 1904 has an American cloth- 
bound edition of this famous work been published. This, 
however, is soon to be remedied. A new edition, similar in 
format to "Progress and Poverty," will be ready for dis- 
tribution by the end of August. 

It is through coincidence, rather than design, that at this 
same time a reprint of Herbert Spencer's "Man Versus The 
State," should be made available by a Western publisher. 
This book will be interesting to those who desire to examine 
for themselves the basis of the criticism levelled against the 
Spencerian philosophy in "A Perplexed Philosopher." The 
reprint consists of six essays, with a new and remarkably 
fine introduction by Albert Jay Nock. In opposing the 
growth of Stateism in Nineteenth Century England, Mr. 
Spencer predicts and history corroborates the loss of 
human rights as a result of the social forces that were then 
set in motion. 

SCULPTOR AND POET The early Georgeist Movement 
records no more colortful personality than Frank Step 
hens, sculptor and poet. "Some Songs," a collection of his 
verses, is now being offered by his son at one dollar a copy. 
The volume contains poetry on a variety of subjects and 
has some apt lines on the landlord, taxes and rent. Orders 
sent to the Foundation will be forwarded. 

INDIVIDUALISM HOLDS ITS OWN The revival of inter- 
est in the individualist philosophy has no better illustration 
than the tremendous response to Mr. Albert Jay Nock's 
article in the June Atlantic Monthly. Under the title, "In 
Defense of the Individual," Mr. Nock describes Max 
Hirsch's "Democracy versus Socialism" as "a complete case 
against every known form and shade of State collectivism 
from Marxism and Fascism down to the New Deal." Four 
hundred and fifty people have been impelled by Mr. Nock's 
recommendation to send in orders, and spurred by this show 
of enthusiasm, the Foundation is running a half-column ad- 
vertisement of the book in the August Atlantic. 

ON THE PROGRAM The campaign to have Henry 
George elected to the Hall of Fame is still one of our major 
activities. Help has been recruited from many influential 
source i. One of America's best loved novelists, and one am- 
bassad )r to a neighboring Republic both wrote in support of 
our candidate recently. The famous columnist and traveler, 
Bob Davis, also penned many letters to the electors. 

Several fresh activities will be initiated this Fall. Among 
them is a campaign to bring the lawyers of the country under 
the Georgeist banner. Our ranks are already strengthened 
by many of the legal fraternity ; and we hope, through our 
work this fall, to show more of them the only way to a true 



We, The Citizens 

The group known as We, The Citizens, incorporated by 
the State of Illinois, is dedicated to the promulgation of the 
economics of freedom. They have as their main objective 
the abolition of all taxes, and the collection by government 
of the rent of land. In their approach, they emphasize that 
the government earns ground rent, but collects only a frac- 
tion of it. 

To spread this idea, We, The Citizens circulates litera- 
ture, arranges speaking engagements with civic and indus- 
trial groups, and contacts business men. They offer to co- 
operate with any other group that has the same aim as they 
have. In addition to this work, they conduct a School of 
Citizenship and Economic Science. This School offers a 
short four-lesson course in economics, using ,Otto Cullman's 
"Twenty Million Dollars Every Day" as a text-book. An 
Expositor's Manual for this course has been prepared, as 
well as question papers for students. Mr. Cullman's book of 
eighty-nine pages presents in a concise way, and in terminol- 
ogy likely to appeal to business men, a picture of our eco- 
nomic structure today, and a proposal for the basis upon 
which it should rest. 

The School and its course have been well received. Classes 
are now either functioning or in process of organization in 
ten states. In addition, correspondence courses are being 
offered. Those interested may write to We, The Citizens, 127 
North Dearborn Street, Chicago, 111. 

People's Tax Relief Program for Mass. 

There is a specific reason for this new organization, the 
People's Tax-Relief Program. "Whether or not the time has 
come" says .one announcement, "to attempt any legislative 
action in Massachusetts, we feel that we should no longer 
allow unsound ideas on taxation to go unchallenged in the 
press and before the Legislature. We should prepare our- 
selves to expose fallacies and to suggest just and workable 

At the next Legislative Session there will be a proposal to 
amend the Constitution of Massachusetts to limit the tax on 
real estate to some definite figure, and to make up the loss of 
revenue by income and sales taxes. Active and unflinching 
work will be needed to combat these proposals. 

In order to be better equipped for their work, the Tax- 
Relief group, in cooperation with the Boston Extension of 
the Henry George School, have given a course covering the 
current questions relating to State and Municipal revenue. 
The course, conducted by John S. Codman, had twenty 

The Chairman is Francis G. Goodale, and the address is 
138 Newbury Street, Boston, Mass. 

Henry George University 


The idea of this University began with Western Starr. 
When he was stricken blind and invalided some years ago, 
to clieer him up, I asked him to dictate some of his ideas, to 
be set down in writing. The advertisement on the back cover 
of this issue gives the gist of Mr. Starr's ideas on economics. 

From time to time, Mr. Starr suggested that there should 
be a Henry George University at the Nation's Capital. So we 
formed it, at first as a paper organization. Now, though 
Western Starr has passed away, I am unwilling that this idea 
should die with him, so I am running an advertisement about 
it in some magazines. 

My present aim is to circulate the works of Henry George, 
together with abridgments of other famous classics. It seems 
to me that these latter will do well as "pot boilers." 

Depending upon results I propose to go on as far as my 
means and other support will permit. It is a great and worth- 
while work. 

Old Age Pension Fair Taxation League 

In Kansas City, Mo., this League is preparing to launch a 
State-wide campaign for the Fall, to amend the State Con- 
stitution. The purpose is to provide through land value tax- 
ation not only for an old age pension, but also for other 
eleemosynary and constructive purposes. The old age pension 
is emphasized doubtlessly to take advantage of the present 
popularity of the idea, in order to attract attention. But the 
drafters of the Amendment do not neglect the opportunity 
to also present a brief instruction in economics. Their mes- 
sage to the people of Missouri tells of the effects of the 
present system of taxation, and the probable effects of the 
proposed system. 


The Amendment provides for the removal of taxes 
industry, homes, agricultural equipment, and other labor 
products, and an increase in the tax on the value of land and 
natural resources. Great care has been taken to draft the 
measure so that it will be in full accord with the present 
Constitution. Each section in the Amendment stipulates 
specifically what items are to be exempted from taxation, 
what amount is to be collected from land values, and for 
what purposes the revenue is to be expended. 

Mr. Vernon J. Rose writes of the League's efforts: "We 
are getting quite a wide response, but are confronted with 
the job of getting our petitions filled with the required num- 
b r :, of signers in time to get on the ballot at the coming Fall 
election. I believe we can make it." 

The address of the Old Age Pension-Fair Taxation Lea-| 
gue is 804 Grand Avenue, Kansas City, Mo. 



Individual Effort 

Not all work is done directly through organizations. Num- 
bers of valiant individuals are carrying on the struggle for 
economic enlightenment in their own way, and their influ- 
ence is inestimable. 

Mr. R. A. Scott, of 152 William Street, New Bedford, 
Mass., has just printed a large quantity of stickers, which 
read as follows : 

Heavy Taxes Are Strangling Industry. 
The Remedy 

Remove all Taxes from Business and Buildings. 
Replace them by collecting the yearly location value 
of Land only, for all Public Revenue. Make it un- 
profitable to hold valuable Land unless it is put to 
its best use. Land cannot be put to its best use ex- 
cept by setting Idle Capital and Labor to work, 
making Jobs for Everybody! 

Mr. Scott says he will be glad to furnish a supply of these 
stickers to any one who will attach them to his outgoing 
mail. Mr. Scott wants to flood the country with them. 

Miss Alice I. Siddall of Washington, D. C., has prepared 
Bill to be presented to legislators. It is "An Act to provide 
revenue for the Government of the United States; to remove 
restrictions on the trade, industry, and agriculture of the 
United States by assessing revenue-producing taxes on the 
value of land excluding value of improvements thereon or 
therein, and for other purposes." Miss Siddall has worked 
in various Governmental departments, and she is well quali- 
fied to draw up such a Bill, being fully acquainted with 
legal provisions and terminology. 

Mr. Harry Haase of New York City, convinced that the 
need for freedom is urgent and immediate, has been circu- 
lating mimeographed messages to Americans, and to the 
youth of the country. He has circulated these messages 
among newspapers, magazines and youth organizations. He 
calls upon Americans to act, and act quickly, to save Demo- 
cracy and Liberty. Mr. Haase is also the author of a forth- 
coming book, ''Freedom Now." 

There are several others who write letters and articles for 
newspapers and magazines, who lecture and circulate litera- 
ture, who propose the Georgeist reform to legislators, who 
in a thousand ways help to further the Cause of Economic 
Freedom. We are always glad to hear of such efforts. 

Great Britain 

The Henry George Foundation of Great Britain has re- 
cently published a fourth edition of Frederick Verinder's 
book, "My Neighbor's Landmark," which is a study in Bibli- 
cal land laws, and therefore valuable for circulation among 
the clergy and religious groups. The Foundation is also circu- 
lating the new edition of Bishop Nulty's famous essay, "Back 

to the Land," published by the Australian Georgeists. The 
Irish Transport and General Workers' Union bought 230 
copies of this booklet. "My Neighbor's Landmark" and 
''Back to the Land" may be secured from the Robert Schalk- 
enbach Foundation, which will furnish prices upon request. 

The July issue of Land and Liberty carries an interesting 
article by Dr. J. J. Pikler, who is one of our foreign corre- 
spondents. In his essay, ''A New Classilication of Social 
Systems," Dr. Pikler presents four systems in relation to one 
another the present system, the Georgeist system, Marxist 
communism and anarchist individualism. Dr. Pikler points 
out that the opposite of the present system is not Marxism, 
but Georgeism, and the opposite of communism is anarchism. 
Communism would socialize all property, anarchism none. 
The present system socializes some property (wealth, 
through taxation) and individualizes some (land). The 
Georgeist plan would reverse this system. "The Marxist 
system and the anarchist system," says Dr. Pikler, "both 
preserve one of the two faults of the present system. The 
Georgeist system eliminates both of these faults." 


Readers will note on our mast-head the change of our 
Spanish correspondent from Prof. Matheu Alonso to Baldo- 
mero Argente. Not having^heard from Prof. Alonso for some 
time, we became concerned, and wrote to Senor Argente at 
the Spanish League of Georgeists in Madrid for infor- 
mation. We received a gracious reply from Senor Argente, 
part of which we reproduce here: 

"Unfortunately, our information concerning Prof. Alonso 
is no better than yours. As we have not heard from him in 
such a long time, we are led to believe that he is dead. His 
loss is felt by all of us, as we all held him in high esteem. 

"Many Georgeists here have had unfortunate ends. The 
Secretary of the League, Senor Soria, was assassinated by 
the Reds. The Vice President, Senor Ayats, managed to 
escape from the Reds after enduring many hardships. Many 
others have perished. 

"Present conditions in Spain, aggravated by the European 
war, do not make it propitious for us to renew our George- 
ist activities. Nevertheless we are persevering in our ideals, 
and try constantly to serve the cause of Economic Truth. 

"With pleasure I accept the position of correspondent in 
place of Prof. Alonso, and will do my very best, although 
you will understand my difficulties. 

"The present totalitarian regime in Spain has not yet legis- 
lated on the land problem. The conditions are the same as 
before. Temporary measures are being taken regarding the 
renting of land favorable to the lessors." 





'The Economic Geography of Barbados," by Otis P. Starkey- Colum- 
bia University Press, New York. 1940. 228 pp. $3.00. 

The story of Barbados is the story of poverty; cold, stark, un- 
mitigated poverty. It is the story of tragedy; deep, naked, recurring 
tragedy. It is also the story of nature's fury and man's ignorance; 
destructive hurricanes, widespread epidemics, deadly pestilences. 

A plague in 1647 killed 6,000 inhabitants, or about one-third of the 
population. In 1663 "strange and unusual caterpillars came upon the 
land and devoured all things." A fire in 1666 destroyed Bridgetown, 
the capital- A drought in 1668 was accompanied by an epidemic which 
lasted until 1670. A new tax, amounting to 10% of profits, "was the 
final blow to the prosperity of the island." (p. 77) It burdened 
trade until 1837. A major hurricane in 1675 caused terrible havoc. 
The Governor reported in 1677 that land was held for higher prices 
than in England ! Due to war and disease the white population stead- 
ily declined between 1689 and 1713. The hurricane of October 1780 
almost destroyed the island. Deaths exceeded births in every year 
from 1776 to 1803. The Great Hurricane of 1831 caused 8 million 
dollars damage and took 1,600 lives. The cholera epidemic of 1854 
cost the lives of 20,727. Another terrible hurricane visited the island 
in September 1898. An epidemic of smallpox occurred in 1902. 

The Government of Barbados does little to anticipate the arrival 
of hurricanes, except to arrange a system of storm warnings, and to 
appoint a day for "special supplication to Almighty God, for deliver- 
ance from storm." (p. 196) 

Barbadian history, writes Professor Starkey, has been a series of 
economic booms and collapses. The World War brought unparalleled 
prosperity, which ended abruptly with the crash in sugar prices in 

The year 1921-22, he writes, "can be described as probably one 

of the mosi difficult the colony has experienced in recent times." 
(p. 133) 

The principal crop, sugar, has been marketed at a loss continuously 
for the past five years, reported the British Official Gazette (August 

Such are the highlights in the melancholy picture. 

Barbados, 100 miles north of South America near the Southern end 
of the Lesser Antilles, is about one-half the area of New York City. 
It has a population of 170,000, 93% of whom are colored, and has 
been a British colony since 1625. 

The Barbadian environment, writes Professor Starkey, offers a 
fertile soil, a pleasant oceanic climate, and an excellent position for 
world trade. The island is rich in natural resources, and exports mil- 
lions of dollars worth of sugar and molasses. "Nearly half of the 
acreage of Barbados is occupied with cane fields; fields of waving 
cane are always a conspicuous feature of the Barbadian landscape." 
(p. 38) 

Two chapters of this book, each 30 pages in length, describe Bar- 
badian economy. One is entitled "Production" ; the other "Consump- 
tion". There is no discussion of the distribution of wealth in Bar- 
bados; no hint why this island, so rich in natural resources, fails 
to support its workers. 

Today fully one-third of the population is on relief : "The total 
would be increased much more if the recipients were given relief ade- 
quate to maintain the health of the people. The need is not so much 
for more medical relief as for more and better foods." (p. 197) 

Professor Starkey lists typical diets of Barbadian working class 
adults. These cost from 42 cents to $1.05 each per week. "There is 
little doubt that the high infantile death rate in Barbados is largely 

due to malnutrition and to diseases which result from it. The diet of 
the average Barbadian worker is so close to the minimum necessary 
for life that any food shortages are likely to have immediate reper- 
cussions on the health of the laboring class. Young children seem 
most susceptible to such food deficiencies." (p. 188) 

1 was informed that a handful of Englishmen, eight in number, 
owned most of the island. I sought verification, but local authorities 
for reasons of their own, ignored my request for information. 

Only males with an annual income of $250 or over, may vote. This 
shuts out 82% of the adult population, including all laborers: "The 
legislature represents primarily the merchant, planter, and the pro- 
fessional classes." 

"The functions of the Government are primarily to protect the 
interests of the upper classes by protecting property, aiding agri- 
culture and commerce, and relieving the laboring class sufficiently 
to prevent disturbances." (p. 192) 

Petty crimes are common, especially when laborers are jobless and 
unable to buy food. Larcenies and riots mount in hard years, (p. 194) 

It is obvious to a Georgeist that Barbados fails to collect its com- 
munity-created rent. There can be no other explanation for the 
appalling poverty in the midst of plenty which everywhere meets 
the eye. Giving away the people's land rent, the Government must 
maintain itself by seizures, called taxes. The poor colored woman 
who daily trudges to town bearing on her head a fifty pound basket 
of oranges and sweets which she peddles in the torrid alleys of 
Bridgetown, must pay a fee for the privilege (?). The emaciated boy 
who rides a cheap bicycle over the rough dirt roads is mulct. The 
owner of every hut and wooden shack (it would be an insult to call 
them homes) annually pays a tax equal to one month's rent. Bar- 
badians must pay a heavy duty on food and clothing imported from 
the United States. The Government reveals no information about 
income taxes except the total amount paid each year. (p. 184) 

Suffering low purchasing power, the natives are poorly housed and 
shabbily dressed ; many eke out an existence on one meal a day. "In 
poor years the death rate increases rapidly, especially because of the 
iiigh infantile death rate. Malnutrition seems to be the ultimate 
cause, although diseases are listed as the immediate cause." (p. 207) 

Conditions in recent years have become unbearable, not only in 
Barbados, but throughout all the British West Indies. Rioting and 
bloodshed have occurred in Nevis, St. Kitts, and Jamaica, as well 
as in Barbados. 

In 1938 the Government appointed a Royal Commission to study 
the whole question. Their report has never been published; the dis- 
closures would be too awful. In the debate in the British House of 
Commons, one member contributed this blasting, but truthful, sum- 
mary: "It is clear that there is a festering mass of unemployment, 
a great surplus of unemployed population, wretched housing con- 
ditions, inadequate medical services, infinite squalor, illegitimacy 
and destitution.'" 

A few recommendations of the Commission have been made pub- 
lic. One, that the British tax payer contribute $100,000,000 over a 
period of twenty years, to purchase West Indian land for settlement 
by the natives. Our British contemporary, Land and Liberty, com- 
mented on this (April 1940). "It is the policy of the British govern- 
ment not to destroy the institution which is responsible for poverty 
. . . but to buy off and compensate the monopoly . . " 

Britain today is undergoing her ordeal by fire and sword. George - 
ists perceive that war stems from economic injustice and inequality, 
such as persist in Barbados. If a just order such as Henry George 
envisaged, shall follow, the war will not have been fought in vain; 
the cruelties inflicted on millions of innocent men, women and chil- 
dren, the terrible loss of life, home and goods, will not have been 
suffered for nought. 





"The Life of Joseph Pels," by Mary Pels. Doubleday, Doran and Co., 
New York. 1940. 192 pp. $1.50. 

Written by a devoted wife whose spiritual encouragement played 
no small part in the career of her illustrious husband, this new and 
revised work is a welcome addition to Georgeist literature. The author 
does more than record events in the subject's life she succeeds in 
admirably blending the economic and social wisdom of Joseph Pels 
into a complete philosophy of living. The book is a model for 
simplicity and beauty of style. 

It is related that Joseph Pels was born of Jewish parents in 1854, 
in the State of Virginia. Moving to North Carolina and then to 
Maryland, the boy found in his childhood associations a combination 
of Semitic, Gentile, and Negro influences that were largely responsi- 
ble for the "cosmopolitanism which was so marked a characteristic 
of the man." 

Like Henry George, Joseph Pels was unorthodox in his attitude 
toward pedagogical schooling. Early in youth he showed signs of 
being the "self-made man." At the age of 15 he became a responsible 
assistant to his father, in the latter's business of toilet soap manu- 
facture. After various hard knocks in the school of experience, we 
find him, at 22, the founder and head of what later became the 
world-famous "Fels-Naptha" soap industry. Being an employer of 
great numbers of workmen, he had every opportunity to be informed 
on the problems of labor. 

It is in the home and social surroundings of the great soap manu- 
facturer that we receive our first intimation of the affection he felt 
for his fellow man. There is also a delightful account of the court- 
ship and marriage with his biographer. Their union served to give 
added impetus to his determination to be of service to the world. 
While of necessity he was a shrewd bargainer when engaged in busi- 
ness dealings, Joseph Pels was nevertheless in his relations with 
mankind at large a very type of gentleman. 

On the economic side, having observed that the unnatural lockout 
of labor from land was at the bottom of the unemployment every- 
where to be seen, and embittered by the resulting degradation of his 
fellow human beings, Pels turned his attention early in life to the 
encouragement of garden planting. The success of the undertaking 
(on city lots) was immediate, and the idea became very popular 
at home and abroad. While sojourning in England and on the Euro- 
pean continent, he became a leader in a "back to the land" move- 
lent. A non-Malthusian, and knowing the capacity of Britain's 
lOurces for the support of her people, he was strongly opposed to 
then current proposal for reducing the "excess" population by 
shipping stalwart Englishmen abroad for colonization. He deplored 
the condition of the "landless man in a manless land." 

Later, the Single Tax movement provided a medium for the spread 
of his ideas. The celebrated Joseph Pels Commission was a result of 
this comradeship with the disciples of Henry George. Impelled by 
a spirit resembling the zeal of a crusader, he continued the battle 
against privilege until his death, in 1914. "He was dynamic, out in 
the open, fighting with every emotion that caught him, but always 
ith a heart tender, true and direct." 

Himself a generous giver, "faith without works" was nauseating 
to this man of justice. Tinkering with poverty brought his quick 
reproach. His credo can be best stated in his own words taken from 
a reply he made to a suppliant for "charity." 

"I am using all the money I have as best I know how to abolish 
the Hell of civilization, which is want and fear of want. I am 
using it to bring in the will of our Father, to establish the 
Brotherhood of man by giving each of my brothers an equal 
opportunity to have and use the gifts of our Father." 
A rather sizable following remain who have seen Joseph Fels in 
action. How the world needs such men today! J. H. N. 




Most of us Georgeists, in attempting to spread our philosophy, 
ignore the fact that the great majority of people are more impressed 
by story and dramatic action than by reiteration of bare principles. 
The phiasc, "universal brotherhood of man" has come to be repeated 
parrot-like by many persons, with no mental attempt whatsoever to 
analyze its meaning and its possibilities. 

I speak from experience when I say that actions speak louder than 
words, and vivid demonstrations make a more lasting impression on 
the mind than cold, calculated statements of the truth. Therefore, I 
wish that the Georgeist movement would encourage our fellow- 
workers who have a real ability in this line. 

It was in recognition of the possibilities of demonstration that I 
have been working for years on parlor games. I have been amazed 
at the way children and grown folks who know nothing of Georgeism 
or economics have taken to the games. But I fear that Georgeists 
have been slow to appreciate the value of such things as these games. 
I can well appreciate the sorrow of the great educator, Froebel, when 
his kindergarten toys were ridiculed by educators as "just silly toys." 
Put now, the value of the ball, the cube, and the cylinder is appreci- 
fited by all educators. I hope Georgeists will also recognize the value 
of other than academic approaches. 
2309 N. Custis Rd,, Arlington, Va. ELIZABETH MAGIE PHILLIPS. 

We, too, would like to see Georgeists make use of the methods 
mentioned by Mrs. Phillips. Her games, notably "The Landlord's 
Game," are noteworthy contributions to the Georgeist movement. 
Mrs. Phillips' address is given above, for those who may be interested 
in these games. Ed. 



A correspondent tells how rents were raised when a bus line was 
put through a street in his neighborhood. Some tenants had to pay 
five dollars more a month and some seven. Now, when those rents 
were raised the tenants' wages were reduced that much, were they 
not? And the price of everything else, being squeezed upward by 
capitalization of land values and disuse of land, limits wages accord- 
ingly, does it not? No one can deny it. 

Why then do our collect-the-rent men and payment-for-service 
men ignore in their writings and speakings the object of the George- 
ist proposition, namely, to raise wages by lowering rent? They must 
know that wages is a definite proportion in distribution ; that high 
rent makes low wages ; that low rent makes high wages. 

Ninety-five percent of the people work or are dependent on people 
who do work. Why then, ignore that in which they are most vitally 
interested, the returns of labor? Of what significance is "public 
revenue" compared to doubling or tripling wages? With rightful 
wages restored, "service" would practically take care of itself. 

The rent-and-service men are still twenty leagues below George. 
Apparently they do not recognize the elements of political economy. 
Instead of talking as if soaring above George, they should make an 
effort to catch up with him. If all George men would learn the 
simple, technical part of what he taught, that labor is defrauded out 
of about two-thirds of its wages by disuse of land, private capitali- 
zation of land values (monopoly and speculative rent), and conse- 
quent vicarious taxation; and would consistently spread the news, 
the "solution" for which contemporary writers are asking would soon 
become popular. 
Waterbury, Conn. DR. ROYAL E. S. HAYES. 





I must take issue with my friend John R. Nichols on some points 
in his article, "Concepts of Rent," appearing in your November- 
December, 1939 issue. 

If Nichols will think the question through, he will discover that 
the most fertile land, finest pasture or richest mine produce no 
"rent" unless their "natural advantages" have been made accessible 
to society "by social and governmental contributions." Upon exami- 
nation and reflection, W. R. B. Willcox's definition of rent, namely, 
"payment for the advantages of social and governmental contri- 
butions to the utility of provisions of Nature," seems to me to be 
absolutely perfect in its comprehensiveness and completeness, cover- 
ing every conceivable type of rental value. 

I maintain that all previous definitions of rent were faulty and 
did not cover the facts as observed, and therefore the definition 
of rent had to be restated correctly. I maintain that Willcox has 
given the only definition of rent that has proved satisfactory, com- 
plete and true in all circumstances. 

Nichols' "land value" lias been proved by Willcox to be a fraud 
and a misnomer, as it is not "land value" at all, but the value of the 
privilege of privately appropriating a publicly produced rental value. 
Even those who use the term "land value" admit that when you tax 
it to the full amount of the rent, the selling value of the land dis- 
appears, and you are left up in the air with no "land value" left to 
tax. This creates endless confusion and has alienated and antago^ 
nized industrious and thrifty citizens. 

Willcox shows that rent is an entirely social product, and he pro- 
poses to collect the whole of it into the public treasury as a private 
payment for a definite public service. Such a payment is no more a 
tax than paving a grocer's bill for goods and services rendered to 
the grocer, not to some one else. This is readily understood by men 
of various occupations and degrees of education. 

Nichols says : "The proposal to collect rent for public uses leaves 
in doubt (as land value taxation does not) what is to be done with 
respect to the vacant taxation lot for which no rent is paid or ac- 
crues." My answer is that the rent or use value of any lot is always 
well known, and the public, in its own selfish interest, would see to 
it that the full rent was collected into the public treasury. But under 
the present, so-called "land value taxation" system, vacant lots are 
never assessed or taxed at anywhere near their use value, and inso- 
far as they are taxed, their "land value" disappears proportionately. 

Nichols and the rest of us have been beating the air for many 
years and getting nowhere with our confusing nomenclature and 
terms and unscientific methods. Why not try in the future the clean- 
cut, definite and correct nomenlature, terms and definitions of the 
Science of Economics, as proposed by our Western friends? 
Chestnut Hill, Mass. EDMUND J. BURKE. 


I learned about the land question from my father, Peter D. Ryan, 
now deceased. He was very active in spreading knowledge of the 
doctrines of Henry George. He conducted classes in lumber grading 
for mill workers in Oregon and Washington, and for forestry stu- 
dents at the Universities of both States. The economic system was 
discussed at nearly every class, and I am sure that a good many men 
in those classes now realize that there is a land question. 

I am glad to continue the subscription to LAND AND FREEDOM 
which my father started. This magazine has been most valuable to 
me since I was in High School, and now I quote passages from it 
frequently for my papers in Political Economy and History, at the 
University of Washington where I am a sophomore. 
Seattle, Wash. HELEN MARIE RYAN. 


In the May-June issue of The Square Deal we make editorial 
comment upon the point of view that advises America not to become 
involved in the European maelstrom. We point out that this attitude 
makes no attempt to evaluate the conflicting ideologies of the Nazis 
and the Allies, or to assess any war guilt against the aggressor nation 
which has wantonly overrun so many of the smaller States of Europe 
since the war began. 

In contrast with these views, your "Comment and Reflection" in 
your May-June issue is much more pertinent, and in the writer's 
judgment, takes a much more balanced view of the issues at stake. 
Toronto, Canada HERBERT T. OWENS. 


Since the advent of our nation-wide industrial depression eleven 
years ago, I have written more than 10,000 letters to leading news- 
papers in all regions of the United States and Canada, urging the 
ippointment of governmental commissions to investigate the causes 
responsible for over 11,000,000 unemployed; and to report on suggest- 
:d practical and practicable remedies. A large percentage of my 
letters was published, and I was gratified by the numerous letters 
provoked by my suggestions. 

However, since the formation of the American Newspaper Guild, 
which is affiliated with the C. I. O., and which has evident Social- 
istic and Communistic sympathies, I have found that many papers 
that had previously published practically all the letters I sent them 
were now turning them down especially the letters contrasting the 
Georgeist system with the Communist system. 

Reading the letters-to-the-editors columns in many large cities of 
the United States, I find that, whereas a few years ago there were 
many letters from Georgeists, there are now very few. I don't think 
this is evidence that Georgeists have grown tired of writing, and can 
only draw the conclusion that newspaper editors or employees, in- 
fluenced by the C. I- O., are deliberately excluding letters that con- 
tain intelligent criticism of Socialism, Communism, or that mixture 
of both in the paternalistic notions of the New Deal. 

I believe that sending letters to newspapers is one of the best ways 
of presenting the Georgeist principles to the public. I would like to 
hear from other Georgeists who have been active in such letter- 
writing, as to whether they are experiencing the same difficulties. 


Your issue for March- April was good; your May-June issue is 
better due chiefly, in my opinion, to "The Reign of Natural Law" 
by Henry Ware Allen. The section in this article, entitled "Regen- 
eration," treats of method the how in a brief, but rational and 
effective way. Mr. Allen's article is ably seconded in Mr. T. A- 
McHenry's "Message to Georgeists." These two items lead me to 
believe that we Georgeists may awake some time. 
Aberdeen, S. D. DR. CHARLES J. LAVERY 



Those mothers and fathers who have sons eligible for military 
conscription might well give heed to the following truth : 

As long as the rent of land goes into landlords' pockets, there will 
be an incentive to war for land ; but when the rent of land is collect- 
ed for all public needs, then the incentive to war for land will cease 
because nobody will war for land when nobody can pocket the rent 
of land. 
Brooklyn, N. Y. GEORGE LLOYD 




REV. MERVYN J. STEWART, of Bishops Stortford, England, is not 
only active in the Georgeist movement, but also takes an important 
part in protecting his parish against air raids. He writes : "I am not 
only Vicar of a farming parish thirty miles from the North Sea, but 
am also Clerk of the lay parish Council answerable for our local 
organizations against air raids. Many planes pass overhead almost 
every night. Nothing so far has been dropped in this parish, and no 
one of ours hurt yet. We have our Sunday School prepared for 
casualties. We have trained nurses, auxiliary firemen, utility men, 
air wardens, and two special constables. My chief duty is to find 
volunteers to fill any place which is vacated very difficult now that 
the Home Guard are enlisting all available, and even take men from 
my precious services!" 

Rev. Stewart also sends us some cheering words : "I have heard 
(from Land & Liberty) of your brave fight for a free life, and trust 
you may succeed. A free press is the very breath of freedom, and gov- 
ernments and police are not half the danger . . Every U. S. A. citizen 
should be pressed to buy LAND AND FREEDOM to understand the 
Georgeist position." 

DONALD MACDONALD, our old Alaskan friend, has an article 
in the July 20, 1940, issue of Liberty Magazine, on "Defenseless 
Alaska." Mr. MacDonald makes a plea to the people of the United 
States to guard more closely one of our most important frontiers. 

HOLGER LYNGHOLM (whom readers will remember for his Den- 
mark article in our March-April issue) reports that he has had 
word from his sister, Mrs. Signe Bjorner, in Denmark. She expressed 
a hope to see all her friends on this side "when things are straight- 
:ned out." 

HERBERT T. OWENS has resigned as Secretary of the Henry 
George Society of Canada. He is now an employee of the Federal 
government at Ottawa, and will continue to carry on his Georgeist 
activities whenever he can. 

PROF. F. W. ROMAN, noted Georgeist lecturer, has been ap- 
pointed a Regent of the State University of California by Governor 
Olson, which high position he will retain for sixteen years. 

HENRY GEORGE BURGER, son of Benjamin W. and Terese F. 
Burger, won the Pulitzer Prize awarded to high school students 
:ntering college. This award entitles him to four years tuition and 
cash allowance at Columbia University. In the Erasmus Hall High 
School, from which he has graduated, he won the highest award for 
scholarship, besides numerous others in various fields of service 
ind study. 

THE COMMONWEAL, prominent Catholic weekly, has several items 
of interest in its August 2 issue. There is an editorial entitled "Arti- 
ficial Land Values," in which urban land speculation is condemned, 
and the Georgeist position discussed. "The position of Henry George 
in American history," says this editorial, "is generally much under- 
estimated." And again : "The Georgian analysis deserves much 
more than shrugging skepticism from the unconverted." In the same 
issue are two letters from Georgeists ; one from Robert C. Ludlow 
and one from Herman Ellenoff. The leading article of the issue is 
by Monsignor L. G. Ligutti, entitled "Cities Kill." Monsignor Ligutti 
deplores the blighting effect of our city civilization upon the birth 
rate, especially among Catholics. A back-to-the-land movement is 
suggested as a remedy. Monsignor Ligutti is deeply interested in the 
Georgeist philosophy as well ns the homestead movement, and it is 
reported that in a recent audience with Pope Pius XII, he spoke 
about Henry George to His Holiness. 

CHRISTINE Ross BARKER, our faithful Canadian friend, passed 
away on June 25 at the age of 75. Mr. Herbert Owens writes of her : 

"Although she had not been in good health for about a year past, 
she still wrote to LAND AND FREEDOM, and took a deep inter- 
est in Georgeist matters to the end. I visited her on one occasion 
at her home in London, Ontario, and was enthralled by her recital 
of events when Father McGlynn was at his height. The Movement 
was ric-hr_for her espousal of it, and is the poorer because of her 

ALBERT FREELAND, of Seattle, Wash., has passed away. George 
Dana Linn writes of him : "For the past two years he suffered in- 
tense pain from an incurable disease, but he was none the less eager 
to spread the gospel of economic truth. He was a most prolific letter 
writer. Among his correspondents were Dr. Wm. Lyon Phelps, Dr. 
Albert Einstein, and many others. He once read me a letter he had 
received from Dr. Phelps. It was a beautiful letter. Phelps stated 
that he had been almost persuaded to accept the economic philosophy 
Mr. Freeland had presented, and in the event that he should finally 
accept it in its completeness, he would give Mr. Freehnd the full 
credit for the result . . . One of Freeland's earlier ventures was a 
plan to place the writings of Henry George in the hands of every 
voter in America. He figured that it could be done with a little over 
a million dollars, and at one time he fully anticipated accomplishing 
it. But reverses came . . . Freeland's life and example will ever re- 
main an inspiration to those who labor for economic justice, freedom 
and true democracy." 

OF WESTERN STARR, whose death we noted in our last issue, 
Mr. George A. Warren writes : 

''With voice and pen, Western Starr labored for nearly half a 
century in the cause of social justice. He campaigned for Altgeld, 
the elder LaFollette, Bryan and Woodrow Wilson. Convinced that 
our entry into the World War would not help the cause of demo- 
cratic government, he wrote and spoke against it although well 
aware that such action would bring popular disapproval. Failing 
health and blindness during the closing years of his life compelled 
him to slacken, but not cease, his efforts on behalf of movements 
for human betterment, notably the Georgeist cause. He had taken an 
active part in other reforms, including world peace, electoral reform, 
civil service reform, a better monetary system, and free trade. But 
he always maintained that the fundamental need of mankind was 
access to the earth, and that without this the great majority of the 
human race was doomed to involuntary servitude." 

Legal Note 

On advice of counsel and in accordance with 
Decedents' Estate Law, please take notice that any 
bequests intended for this journal but made before 
May 8, 1939, may have lapsed by reason of the death 
of our predecessor, Joseph Dana Miller, on that date. 
LAND AND FREEDOM is a proprietary (not a 
corporate) business, and in order to insure against 
the lapsing or voiding of any bequest or legacy, 
which might result if made to other than a "natural 
person," the bequest should be drawn in the follow- 
ing form. 


I bequeath to Charles Joseph Smith, doing busi- 
ness under the name of LAND AND FREEDOM, the 
sum of $ (or other property). 



The Life of Joseph Pels 


A warmly human portrait of the million- 
aire soap manufacturer who devoted his 
fortune to the cause of Henry George. A 
record of achievement, of courage, and of 
devotion to purpose. 

First Edition 

Price $1.50 

Obtainable from 


32 EAST 29th STREET 


Some Songs 


A book of verse by the founder of Arden, 
valiant worker in the Georgeist cause, 
"dreamer and poet, fighter and genius." 
With biographical notes and appreciations 
by Scott Nearing, Oswald Garrison Villard, 
Bolton Hall, Harry Weinberger and others. 
"A living flame, smouldering always, then 
flashing out in bursts of brilliance that was 
Frank Stephens . . . Something of all this lives 
in these verses." 

Grace Isabel Colbron 

Price Now Reduced to $1.00 
(Formerly $2.15) 

May Be Ordered Through 


32 EAST 29th STREET 



See Page 120 




We are pleased to announce 
the coming publication of 

The Philosophy of 

An Adaptation of "Progress and Poverty" 

This adaptation of Henry George's great 
work presents the teachings of "Progress 
and Poverty," chapter by chapter, with all 
the definitions, principles and essential 
arguments, in clear and simple language, 
replete with illustrations and diagrams. 
It will not run over 200 pages. Just the 
thing for the busy man. An ideal text-book 
for teachers and students. 

Price $1.00 Postpaid Orders Now Being Received 

Send your order at once to 
Gaston Haxo, care of LAND AND FREEDOM 

150 Nassau Street, New York, N. Y. 

Who Owns America 

American industry is competitive, except for five 
forms of law-made privilege, the Economic Quintuplets, 
in a land whose slogan is "Special Privilege to None." 

1. Land-site monopolies 

2. Banking 

3. Tariff grants 

4. Railways and other Public Utilities 

5. Patent Monopolies 

This economic set-up breeds billionaires and paupers. 
Periodically it goes to smash, with increasingly wide- 
spread unemployment, poverty and bankruptcies. 

Henry George's "Progress and Poverty' (abridged), 
the booklet, "Who Owns America," together with 
sample lot of abridgments of the Classics (History, 
Science, Literature) ALL FOR ONE DOLLAR. 

Send orders to 


240 - 16th Street, S. E. Washington, D. C. 

(The above advertisement has also appeared in the weekly mag- 
azine Liberty, in the belief that the best way to reach the reading 
public is through the most widely read magazines. See page 122 
for further details). 


VOL. XL No. 5 

2 3 '40 

WHOLE No. 222 

SeptemberOctober, 1940 

Land and Freedom 

An International Journal of the Henry George Movement Founded in 1901 


Social and Political Problems 
Confronting Us 

Washington, D. C. 






An International Journal of the Henry George Movement 
Founded by Joseph Dana Miller 

Published Bi-Monthly by 
LAND AND FREEDOM, 150 Nassau Street, New York 




Please address all communications to LAND and FREEDOM 

SUBSCRIPTION PRICE : $2.00 per year. Libraries and Colleges, $1.00. 
Special trial offer to students and graduates of the Henry George 
School of Social Science, $1.00 for one year. Payable in advance. 

Entered as second-class matter Oct. 2, 1913, at the Post Office, 
New York, N. Y., under the act of March 3, 1897. 

September October, 1940 

Vol. XL, No. 5 WHOLE No. 222 


ENGLAND: Douglas J. J. Owen. 

CANADA: Herbert T. Owens. 

BRAZIL: Prof. Fidelino de Figueiredo. 

NEW ZEALAND: Hon. P. J. O'Regan, Wellington. 

T. E. McMillan, Matamata. 
SPAIN : Baldomero Argente, Madrid. 
BULGARIA : Lasar Karaivanove, Plovdiv. 
HUNGARY: J. J. Pikler, Budapest. 
FRANCE : Jng. Pavlos Giannelia. 







PROGRAM Mortimer A. Leister 136 



A WORD TO THE WISE Elizabeth M. Phillips 142 

THE PRICE OF FREEDOM Sanford J. Benjamin 143 

TRADE IN THE HITLERIAN EMPIRE.... Pavlos Giannelia 144 





THUS SPAKE THE PROPHETS Jacob Schwartzman 152 






We declare : 

That the earth is the birthright of all Mankind 
and that all have an equal and unalienable right 
to its use. 

That man's need for the land is expressed by 
the Rent of Land ; that this Rent results from the 
presence and activities of the people ; that it arises 
as the result of Natural Law, and that it there- 
fore should be taken to defray public expenses. 

That as a result of permitting land owners to 
take for private purposes the Rent of Land it 
becomes necessary to impose the burdens of tax- 
ation on the products of labor and industry, which 
are the rightful property of individuals, and to 
which the government has no moral right. 

That the diversion of the Rent of Land into 
private pockets and away from public use is a 
violation of Natural Law, and that the evils aris- 
ing out of our unjust economic system are the 
penalties that follow such violation, as effect fol- 
lows cause. 

We therefore demand: 

That the full Rent of Land be collected by the 
government in place of all direct and indirect 
taxes, and that buildings, machinery, implements 
and improvements on land, all industry, commerce, 
thrift and enterprise, all wages, salaries and in- 
comes, and every product of labor and intellect be 
entirely exempt from taxation. 

That there be no restrictions of any kind imposed 
upon the exchange of goods within or among 


Taking the full Rent of Land for public purposes 
would insure the fullest and best use of all land. 
Putting land to its fullest and best use would create 
an unlimited demand for labor. Thus the job would 
seek the man, not the man the job, and labor would 
receive its full share of the product. 

The freeing from taxation of every product of 
labor, including commerce and exchange, would 
encourage men to build and to produce. It would 
put an end to legalized robbery by the government. 

The public collection of the Rent of Land, by 
putting and keeping all land forever in use to the 
full extent of the people's needs, would insure real 
and permanent prosperity for all. 

Please Make Subscriptions and Checks Payable to LAND AND FREEDOM 

Land and Freedom 



No. 5 

Comment and Reflection 

T)OETS and dreamers have ever beheld the Millenium, 
' the Golden Age. Ages have passed, and the Millenium 
is still hidden from the view of mankind. The Ideal Society 
apparently does not come of its own accord. If and when 
it does, it will come through man's own efforts. It is what 
we do now that determines the kind of world we shall 
bequeath. In the present, and in the world as we find it, 
our feet are set upon a path that leads on to the future. The 
way is indeed difficult the forest is dense, there are 
treacherous pitfalls. Occasionally, there is a height which 
only the stout of heart may climb. From these heights, 
how sweet look the pleasant fields ahead ! But to reach the 
fields one must descend again. We must struggle on, pene- 
trate the darkness, and avoid the pitfalls. We must face the 
problems of the present, with courage and intelligence. 

"117E who embrace the philosophy of freedom are 
f confident that we have the correct solution to many of 
the world's ills. The great preponderance of humanity is, 
however, unaware of our solution. Since we must continue 
our association with the rest of mankind, we must share the 
troubles that beset them. We must do something about 
them, now not at the expense of impeding our true reform, 
but in furtherance of it. Ultimately, the seeming digression 
will better prepare the world for its acceptance. Indeed, if 
we fail to grapple with immediate problems, we run the risk 
of allowing the torch to be snatched from our hands by the 
powers of darkness who have recently enough demon- 
strated their aptitude for snuffing out the light of freedom. 

A CCEPTANCE of our philosophy will come about only 
** in a society where the tradition of freedom has been 
instilled, and where the people, to some extent, realize that 
Liberty must be forever guarded. It is to our interest that 
tyranny and oppression be combated, whenever they appear, 
and whatever their form. Only in the democratic countries 
has the way been prepared for our reform. And only to 
the extent that the citizens of democratic nations strive to 
preserve their freedom is it measurably retained. It is no 
easy task to conquer a nation like Finland or Denmark, 
where the roots of freedom go deep even though it may 
seem that the powers of darkness have, for the moment, 
triumphed. On the other hand, it requires little effort to 
subdue a nation where the enemies of democracy have 
successfully perverted the precepts of freedom. Witness 

the France of Rousseau, Voltaire and Mirabeau, whose 
present leaders have been so ready to discard Liberty, 
Equality, Fraternity. How true it is, in more than one 
sense, that the price of Liberty is Eternal Vigilance ! 

TT is unhappily true that the disease of landownership and 
* trade restriction is gnawing at the vitals of even our most 
democratic countries. Were this not so, our work would 
be unnecessary. But we believe that democracy can be 
saved, because we know that the disease is curable and 
that the cure is in our hands. 

T ET us not be cynical in these dangerous times. We can 
-" admit that the present world crisis is a struggle among 
rival imperialisms for world domination, and still recognize 
that in the last analysis it is a struggle between two 
irreconcilable "ways of life." The appearance of totali- 
tarianism is as much a result of international as of internal 
injustice. The solution cannot be in crushing the peoples 
whose governments are now totalitarian. Neither can it be 
in allowing totalitarianism to triumph. It is a case where 
the excrescence, although caused by the disease, must be 
subdued first, and more favorable conditions created for 
eradicating the disease itself. 

TT'ACH new crisis that comes must be handled in a 
^ different way and yet in a way that is in accordance 
with basic principles. Each new crisis puts a new test to our 
faith and ideals. If our faith is to survive, we must adapt 
it to such usefulness as may be required for meeting the 
various situations that arise. It was in this spirit that the 
Prophets of Israel applied their faith as they were forced 
to meet new developments. Isaiah was sent at a time of great 
national crisis, and he met that crisis by laying down pre- 
cepts for the guidance of his people through that epoch. A 
century later, Jeremiah arose during another period of an- 
guish, and he likewise offered practical advice to his people 
for that occasion. The opposition to his counsel came, 
strangely enough, from the upholders in the narrow sense 
of the Isaiah tradition. Yet it is now clear that Jeremiah 
was continuing substantially on the same path that Isaiah 
trod in the larger, spiritual sense. In this there is a lesson 
for all of us. We can apply it to the real and immediate is- 
sues of today. We will be none the less true to our faith and 
principles by tackling with intelligence the problems that 
arise in our time. We will most certainly not be true to them 
by closing our eyes and dreaming on about the Golden Age. 




Fifteenth Annual Henry George Congress 


THE Nation's Capital was the scene this year of the 
Annual Conference of Georgeists, sponsored by the 
Henry George Foundation of America. It is the fifteenth 
consecutive year that followers of Henry George from all 
parts of the country have gathered together to discuss the 
principles, policies and problems of their Movement. The 
slogan adopted for the 1940 Washington Conference was 
"The Beginning of the Winning." 

The Conference was held in the Mural Room of the 
famous Hotel Washington, overlooking the U. S. Treasury 
and the White House. The congenial hostesses of the 
convening delegates were the members of the Women's 
Single Tax Cluh of Washington. About 100 registered 
delegates attended, besides many unregistered visitors. 
Beautiful early fall weather helped to make their sojourn 
a pleasant one. 

The three-day meeting, ending with a banquet, was as 
interesting as it was successful. The Washington press 
gave the event ample publicity. Accounts of the sessions 
appeared in the Washington Post, Star, and News. The 
latter paper, in a feature article, said of the Conference: 
"Not even barring arguments about Roosevelt-Willkie or 
the draft act, Washington's most earnest conversation this 
week was billed on the program of a little convention of 
Single Taxers at the Washington Hotel." 

Among the highlights of the Conference were: a 
reception at the White House, where Mrs. Roosevelt 
greeted the delegates ; the unexpected and welcome appear- 
ance of former Congressman Charles R. Eckert, Benjamin 
C. Marsh, and Alice Thacher Post; and the banquet, at 
which Congressman Robert Crosser of Ohio, Mayor 
Cornelius D. Scully of Pittsburgh, and Mrs. Anna George 
de Mi lie were among the speakers. 

Following is an account of the events of the Conference : 

First Day Wednesday, September 25 

MORNING SESSION Delegates from all parts of the 
country notably Illinois, Pennsylvania and New York 
gathered together at the Hotel. The morning was spent in 
an informal get-together, in which the various delegates 
became acquainted with one another. 

AFTERNOON SESSION The first formal meeting of the 
Conference was held at 2 :00 P. M. Mrs. Ernest Humphrey 
Daniels, President of the District Federation of Women's, 

Clubs (of which the Women's Single Tax Club is a 
member), extended a warm welcome to the delegates. Percy 
R. Williams, of the Henry George Foundation, responded 
to Mrs. Daniels' welcome. Zenobiah Campbell then took the 
gavel as temporary Chairman, doing a splendid job in 
making the members feel at ease. She then relinquished the 
chair to Dr. Mark Millikin of Ohio. In his remarks as 
presiding Chairman, Dr. Millikin stressed the importance of 
free trade, and proposed a resolution extending to Cordell 
Hull a vote of confidence from Georgeists for his fine work 
in promoting trade relations. The resolution was unanimous- 
ly carried. 

Dr. Millikin then introduced the speakers. The first 
was Robert Clancy, Associate Editor of LAND AND FREEDOM 
Mr. Clancy spoke of the journal as "the voice of the move- 
ment," in which all sides are offered a chance to present 
their views. The delegates were invited to become "special 
correspondents" for LAND AND FREEDOM. 

The next speaker was Charles H. Ingersoll, President of 
the Manhattan Single Tax Club, who spoke on "Simplifyin 
Economics for Teaching." Mr. Ingersoll stressed the need 
for presenting the basic principles of economics in a fonr 
that would be understandable and acceptable to the average 
man. Axiomatic statements are needed, he said. "Argument 
creates antagonism. Truth backed by proof persuades." 

The last speaker of the afternoon session was Harry J 
Haase, author of the new book, "Economic Democracy.' 
Mr. Haase related his efforts and aims in writing the book 
and expressed the belief that the single tax could be pu 
across within five years if the proper kind of effort wen 
extended. Mr. Haase proposes to use his work as a text 
book, and is starting a new school with that purpose, it 
collaboration with Mr. Ingersoll. 

EVENING SESSION Mrs. Gertrude MacKenzie acted a 
temporary Chairman, and then yielded the chair to Car 
D. Smith of Pittsburgh. Mr. Smith delivered a short am 
pithy speech on the position of Georgeists in the presen 

The first scheduled speaker of the evening was Hon 
George E. Evans of Pittsburgh, who told about that city' 
housing problem, and the efforts of the present administra 
tion to relieve the situation. He outlined a form of publi 
housing now being carried out in Pittsburgh, with mod* 
homes replacing the slums. The reaction of the audieno 



was that public housing is not the solution to which Mr. 
Evans agreed, but explained that something had to be done 
presently to alleviate the living conditions of the poorer 

Henry H. Hardinge of Chicago was the next speaker. He 
presented a vivid picture of world conditions war, dictator- 
ship, depression and explained that under our distorted 
economy, war makes business good and peace makes it bad. 

Much lively discussion punctuated the evening session 

Second Day Thursday, September 26 

MORNING SESSION Mrs. Jennie Knight was the tempo- 
rary Chairman, and George M. Strachan of Chicago presid- 
ed. Mr. Strachan delivered a short talk on the Georgeist 

Unfortunately, none of the scheduled speakers were able 
to attend the meeting. Instead, Benjamin C. Marsh, 
Executive Secretary of the People's Lobby, presented a talk 
on world conditions. Mr. Marsh is well-informed on world 
affairs. His expose of imperialism was most enlightening. 
The address stimulated much discussion by the audience. 
Clayton J. Ewing was also present, and spoke to the group. 

FOUNDATION LUNCHEON A luncheon for the Trustees 
and Advisory Commission of the Henry George Foundation 
was given, at which the annual meeting of the Foundation 
was conducted. Among other business proceedings, elec- 
tions were held to fill vacancies. John S. Codman of 
Boston was elected to replace George J. Shaffer of Chicago, 
deceased; Gilbert M. Tucker, to replace A. Laurence Smith, 
who resigned ; and Charles Jos. Smith of LAND AND 
FREEDOM was named as second Vice-President, to succeed 
the late Joseph Dana Miller. All other officers and directors 
were re-elected. 

AFTERNOON SESSION The temporary Chairman was Mrs. 
Dora Ogle, who spoke on the need for correct thought. Mrs. 
Ogle contended that special attention should be paid to our 
public school system, which at present does not teach 
students to think correctly. 

Mrs. Anna George de Mille presided over the meeting. 
She introduced Lancaster M. Greene, Trustee of the Henry 
George School of Social Science. Mr. Greene spoke highly 
of the Danish Folk Schools, and pointed out the relation 
between the tradition of these Schools and the teaching 
method of the Henry George School. The Danes discovered 
the Henry George School in 1936, and from it they received 
a new inspiration, and the Folk Schools were given a new 

Mr. Greene also made an earnest plea to Georgeists to 
keep a level head in the present world crisis. "Our only foe 
is ignorance," he said. "When we realize this fact, we can 

resist the tendency to hate, for we will know that hate can- 
not change ideas in fact, hate may obscure our perception 
that human nature is essentially sound, that freedom is 
natural and healthy, and that natural rights are not idle 
prattle but the very breath and spirit of America." Mr. 
Greene went on to show how the Henry George School is 
remaining true to this ideal by spreading correct thought. 
He urged Georgeists to do all they could to aid in the great 

WHITE HOUSE RECEPTION Through the courtesy of 
Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt, a reception at the White House 
was arranged for the convening Georgeists, at 4 :00 P. M. 
The First Lady greeted the delegates cordially. After 
refreshments had been served, Mrs. Roosevelt listened 
attentively to the Georgeists who spoke to her. In her daily 
column, "My Day," which appears in a great number of 
newspapers throughout the country, Mrs. Roosevelt referred 
to our visit. 

EVENING SESSION This was termed the Women's 
Session. Mrs. Lloyd Biddle presided. Dr. Florence Arm- 
strong, District President of the Business and Professional 
Women's Club (member of the Federation of Women's 
Clubs), was present and addressed the meeting. Other 
leaders of Women's Clubs also spoke, and there was much 
interesting discussion on the subject of economics. This 
was followed by a social hour, where refreshments were 
served, and a lighter atmosphere prevailed over the serious- 
ness of the other meetings. 

Third Day Friday, September 27 

MORNING SESSION Miss Alice I. Siddall was temporary 
Chairman, and Mr. Carroll V. Hill of Pittsburgh presided. 

The first speaker was V. G. Peterson, Secretary of the 
Robert Schalkenbach Foundation. Miss Peterson gave a 
very interesting account of the influence of Henry George 
upon modern writers. She emphasized her point by quoting 
from new books, published within the last few years, in 
which the authors acknowledged and evaluated Henry 
George's position as a great social philosopher. Miss 
Peterson made a survey of 188 important books on eco- 
nomics published in 1938 and 1939, and found that one-third 
of them made favorable mention of Henry George and 
commented at length upon his theories. Many of the authors 
accepted Henry George's ideas and used them as a basis for 
their own conclusions. Among the books and authors that 
Miss Peterson mentioned were the following: 

Harry Scherman, president of the Book of the Month 
Club, who in "The Promises Men Live By," gives Henry 
George complete credit for exploding the wage-fund theory; 
Gaetano Mosca, author of "The Ruling Class," which makes 
constant reference to Henry George, crediting him with 
originating many ideas which are accepted facts today; 



Harry Elmer Barnes, who in his book, "Society in 
Transition," speaks of "Progress and Poverty" as the "most 
famous work ever written on the subject of poverty" ; 
Charles and Mary Beard, authors of the important "Rise of 
American Civilization," who acknowledge the far-reaching 
effect of Henry George on American thought; Broadus 
Mitchell, well-known economist, who in "Wealth Its Use 
and Abuse," says, "If America were invited to contribute 
one name to an international economic Hall of Fame, the 
rest of the world would scarcely understand it if we did 
not nominate Henry George" ; and Dan Beard, who recently 
wrote an autobiography, in which he says, "I knew Henry 
George intimately. We would discuss things, principles and 
people, as friends may, but all the time I was talking or 
listening to him, I felt that I should be standing hat in 
hand because I realized that back of this little man was 
an invisible something, big and great, bigger and greater 
than the generation in which he lived understood, or even 
George himself realized. It was the soul of the man him- 

Wallace McCauley of Chicago was the next speaker. He 
concentrated his talk on conditions in Chicago, and the good 
work Georgeists are carrying on there. Economic conditions 
are very bad in Chicago, said Mr. McCauley, and the city is 
a hot-bed of land speculation. But he expressed a belief 
that this would be counteracted by the work of the Chicago 
Henry George School, the "We, The Citizens" group, the 
journal Cause and Effect, and many valiant individual's 
who are carrying on the work of economic enlightenment. 

Spencer Heath dropped in on the gathering and delivered 
a scholarly talk on the metaphysical aspects of the Georgeist 

AFTERNOON SESSION Mrs. Barbara Grosser Sweeny 
served as temporary Chairman, and in the absence of Mr. 
Erwin Kauffmann, Harry Haase presided. 

Hon. Charles R. Eckert spoke, stressing the need of 
having Georgeists in strategic positions for the purpose of 
influencing legislatures. Good men, sound in economic 
principles, are needed in politics, he said. Mr. Eckert also 
made a plea for the internal reform of the Democratic 

After Mr. Eckert's talk, business proceedings were con- 
ducted. Resolutions were read and voted upon, and 
invitations were extended for the 1941 Henry George 
Congress. Chicago is to be the scene of the Conference 
next year. Georgeists are urged to keep that in mind, and 
to strive to be on hand. 

The Banquet 

The banquet, held on the evening of the third day, closed 
the nine sessions Conference. After an enjoyable repast, 
the ceremonies got under way, and were admirably con- 

ducted throughout by double Chairmen Helena Mitchell 
McEvoy and Gertrude Metcalf Mackenzie. 

The first speaker was Mr. Walter Swanton, who delivered 
a brief talk on "Organization for Victory A Five- Year 
Plan." This address is printed in this issue. 

Hon. Cornelius D. Scully, Mayor of Pittsburgh, delivered 
an ex tempore speech. He attested his belief in trw 
Georgeist philosophy, and defended himself against charges 
of not "living up to" the cause. Mr. Scullfy is active 
in several Georgeist organizations. During his remarks, h 
presented a plan for spreading the Georgeist philosophy. 
He believes that Georgeists should feature propaganda 
advertisements in leading newspapers; and that the legis- 
lators in Washington should constantly be "plugged." "I: 
we get things started right," said Mayor Scully, "we neec 
not concern ourselves too greatly over the outcome. We 
know that results will come in time. But we have to gel 
started right away there isn't any too much time." 

Mrs. Anna George de Mille, beloved daughter of Henr) 
George, spoke to the group on the efforts of British George- 
ists. There are fifty Members of Parliament, she said, whc 
comprise the "Parliamentary Land Values Group." The) 
are looking forward to a time when the war ends, and peace 
time problems will have to be faced. Mrs. de Mille rea( 
part of the plan that this bloc proposes "when the war ends.' 
The plan is set out in seven articles, which show the effec 
of the taxation of site values on housing, unemployment 
the use of land, and revenue to the Government. Mr. R. R 
Stokes, M. P., is Secretary of this British Group. In i 
session of the House of Commons on August 20, when the 
war situation was being discussed, Mr. Stokes spoke or 
the problems ahead. In his remarks, he said, "We shoulc 
show that we are resolved to build a better world than tha> 
on which we turned our backs last September. It is surelj 
in the hearts and minds of all right-thinking people that al 
men have an equal right to live. If they have an equal righ 
to live, they have an equal right to the gifts which th< 
Creator gave them wherewith to maintain that life ; namely 
air, sunshine, land and water. If we could only put forwan 
our declaration built upon that Christian basis, we wouk 
have some chance of obtaining three things which we badh 
need secure a diplomatic victory, regain the moral leader 
ship of the world, and earn the blessings rather than possibb 
incur the hatred of all mankind by failing to do so." 

After Mrs. de Mille's talk, Mr. George A. Warren spok* 
to the group on how to avoid being a bore when explaining 
the Georgeist philosophy. Somewhat humorous, his speed 
nevertheless contained important suggestions. He urgec 
Georgeists to be timely in their discussions, to be tolerant ol 
other ideas, and to be friendly to other reform groups whos 
thoughts are harmonious with the Georgeist philosophy. 

Hon. Robert Grosser, Congressman from the State ol 



Ohio, was the next speaker. He is Representative for the 
same district that Tom L. Johnson once represented in 
Congress. Mr. Grosser delivered an eloquent and brilliant 
talk on "Standards of Absolute Justice." He took contem- 
porary statesmen to task for ignoring fundamental principles, 
and for considering only the expediency of the moment the 
standard of justice is in the long run more satisfactory and 
more expedient than the "expedient" policy of taking from 
some to give to others. Mr. Grosser made a plea that human 
beings emulate the example of the Creator, Whose intent 
is absolute, and Who does not vary His principles. He 
added that unfortunately for the truth, people are governed 
more by fuzzy emotions than by correct thought/ but that 
we must learn to get down to categorical statements. "Let 
principle prevail," said Mr. Grosser, in concluding, "and 
freedom will come." 

Mrs. Elizabeth M. Phillips, in an interlude between the 
heavier speeches, amused the group with dramatic recitations 
of humorous poetry. The applause she received was so 
sustained that she was obliged to render an encore. 

Hon. George E. Evans, President of the Henry George 
Foundation, was unable to stay long enough to speak at 
length. He yielded to Percy R. Williams, who presented 
an explanation of Pittsburgh's graded tax plan. There is 
now a 4% tax on land values and a 3% tax on improvements. 
The community is being educated to accept the idea, and 
when there appears to be suffcient popular approval, the 
tax on lands will be extended and the tax on improvements 
further reduced. 

Francis I. Mooney was then called upon to say a few 
words, which he did in an enjoyable, spicy style. He showed 
that the Georgeist philosophy is true religion. After Mr. 
Mooney's talk, Miss Charlotte Schetter proposed a rising 
vote of thanks for the fine work of the Women's Single Tax 
Club in making the Congress a success. 

Thus concluded the Fifteenth Annual Henry George 
Congress. The delegates, departing, carried with them a 
resolve that this year would mark "the beginning of the 

Organization for Victory 

A Five-Year Plan 


WE have received a challenge at this Conference from 
Mr. H. J. Haase, who suggested that the single tax 
plan can be adopted within five years, if only all of us will 
get to work for it in every possible way that we can. 

The time has come in the Georgeist Movement with the 
large number of new younger members drawn in by the 

Henry George School of Social Science to give thought to 
organizing in a nation-wide way, not in any political or 
partisan sense, but in the interest of fundamental economics, 
for putting over the principles of taxation of land values 
as promulgated by Henry George in "Progress and 

I would not for a moment think of trying to limit in any 
way individual initiative or rugged individualism in the 
many cilies and states where good work is going forward; 
but we should coordinate this work, and organize with a 
center, or headquarters, where we can learn what is going 
on, who is doing it, and where the work is most successful 
in accomplishing the best results. 

At the present time we have a large number of active 
organizations throughout the country. In New York City 
we have the Henry George School of Social Science, the 
publication LAND AND FREEDOM, the Robert Schalkenbach 
Foundation, the Graded Tax Committee and the Manhattan 
Single Tax Club. In Chicago we have a number of organ- 
izations, among which are the Chicago Single Tax Club, 
"We, The Citizens," and the Tax Relief Association. Among 
other organizations are: the Henry George Foundation of 
America, in Pittsburgh ; the Henry George Society of 
Canada, in Toronto ; and here in Washington, the Women's 
Single Tax Club, the People's Lobby and the National 
Popular Government League. 

Besides these organizations and the many others that 
exist we have a great number of individuals doing active 
work. Among them are : J. Rupert Mason of San Francisco ; 
John C. Rose of Pittsburgh; Charles H. Ingersoll and Harry 
J. Haase of New York City; George J. Knapp of Denver, 
who is campaigning for Governor of Colorado, and many 

All these efforts should in some way be coordinated. A 
central headquarters for the Movement is the answer. While 
I have no special interest in any city or organization, it 
would seem that the logical place for such a headquarters, 
at least for the present, would be in the largest city, New 
York. And the logical place in New York would be the 
present permanent building owned by the Movement, at 30 
East 29 Street, now the offices and headquarters of the 
Henry George School of Social Science. At the central 
headquarters should be maintained a master index of all 
active Georgeists and representatives in all the 48 States 
and the District of Columbia, and agents in the 3,000 
counties throughout the United States, located at the county 

With this central headquarters in our largest city, and 
with the influx of many new and younger persons in the 
Movement, we can go forward with the assurance that we 
are all working together for Victory in fundamental tax 



Recommendations for 
The Georgeist Program 



T think that a questionnaire sent out to known Georgeists at 
-* the present time asking for recommendations looking to- 
ward the promotion of the movement would undoubtedly 
return some interesting information. This vital step for the 
coordination of ideas on this subject is therefore my first 

It may be assumed that such an investigation might show 
some scattered opinions that would merit intensive study, 
but I think that there would be such a tremendous number 
of responses for just two kinds of recommendations that 
one would be forced to feel the weight of them: those 
which range around the respective merits of the Henry 
George movement as a political organization, or as an edu- 
cational promoter. 

I feel therefore that we must study these two recommen- 
dations of political organization and educational promotion. 


Now, let us see what discussions have produced on the 
question of political organization of the Henry George ideas. 
Believers in such organization generally rest on the argu- 
ment that it is practically necessary to persuade all classes 
of people that they and their posterity have better prospects 
for orderly, just and happy living under the principles of 
the Henry George philosophy, than under any other pro- 
posed system now offered to them ; that such an effort to be 
successful has to reach great numbers of people; that great 
numbers of people are now skeptical as they were never be- 
fore of the progressivism of the great political parties; that 
the skeptics could be persuaded to join the Henry George 
movement if their attention could be obtained for Its pro- 
gram ; that the best plan for such a mass effort for persua- 
sion is the experimentally tested one of political organiza- 
tion ; that, as political organization must eventually be adopt- 
ed for the promotion of the movement, now is the best time 
to start it. 

There is much in these propositions with which no well- 
wisher of the Henry George movement would want to dis- 
agree. But there are dissenters, and they assert in the main 
that the experience of mankind as a political animal shows 
that he is unable to rise above his class interests during times 
of peace; that the development of political parties capable 
of influencing the laws and morals of the nation must be 
understood as a process by which each class interest seeks 
to retain or obtain as many privileges as its cunning or its 
force of numbers can make the others yield to it in their 

common exploitation of the powers vested in government; 
that in a political organization there is no room for the 
Henry George philosophy, which rises above class interests 
to embrace the welfare of all, with particular emphasis on 
the just treatment of the unorganized and inarticulate ele- 
ments of the population who are always too late to prevent 
their exploitation by the organized class interests that gov- 
ern the political parties. 

Studying the arguments of each side, I find that they dif- 
fer finally over one point. This is whether a political party 
could be organized, as an influential body in the affairs of 
a nation, in times of peace, of people who would not seek to 
retain or obtain privileges that they could grasp in time. 

What can we say on that disputed point? Cynics would 
not hesitate to answer that people will grasp whatever privi- 
leges they can get every time, and they might even slyly 
point to that axiom of Georgeist philosophy about men seek- 
ing to gratify their desires with the least exertion. Ofl 
course, not even a cynic would challenge the sincerity oft 
Georgeists to resist such tendencies, but he would asser 
that unless the Georgeists represented at least a majority 
influence at the outset of the career of the political organiza 
tion, they would have no chance at all against the self-seek 
ing groups. The cynic would also say that the Georgeist 
would be able to maintain effective resistance to such groups 
only by concentrating power in themselves, for once the 
gates were let down they would become an insignifican 
minority and lose all ability to withstand the familiar pre- 
datory operations of the others. 

Is the cynic right? Well, perhaps not, but nobody a 
present seems able to contradict him successfully. Even our 
Georgeist who disfavors political organization dislikes that 
conclusion, for he does not particularly like the cynic's com- 
pany. Such company suggests a defeatist attitude, anc 
Georgeists are almost anything but defeatists. 


Generally, when Georgeists oppose the organization of 
political efforts for the promotion of their movement, they 
are prepared to offer the alternative of an expanded educa- 
tional effort for the same purpose. They say that their al- 
ternative is already an actuality, as their records of school 
attendance, correspondence students, and lecture functions, 
very clearly show. They also point to a growth of periodi- 
cals which stem from the educational branch of the move- 
ment. All this is impressive, and indeed very heartening, 
to every believer in Georgeism. 

But there are Georgeists who say that while they wilf 
always be willing to give all the aid in their power for the 
development of the education program required for the pro- 
motion of the movement, they feel that, like everything else, 
it also has definite limitations of usefulness, and that it is 



unwise to rely on it solely. Others criticize the shortcom- 
ings of the educational effort for its failure to provide ade- 
quate library facilities or guidance of any kind for needed 
research work. Still others confess their disappointment 
at the little understanding of the Georgeist principles that 
both classroom and mail students show after completing the 
prescribed study courses given by the Henry George School 
of Social Science. Nevertheless, I feel that none of these 
criticisms are harmful; weighed together, they measure 
the good and bad features, and try to mark out the road of 
experimentation to be followed for the improvement of the 
educational program of the movement as a whole. 

It is to be noted that Georgeists do not differ about the 
need of an educational effort. What they divide upon is 
the idea that a continuation of the teaching of the principles 
of Henry George is the only way to bring about the success 
of the movement. 


It seems clear to me that the problem of promoting the 
Georgeist movement successfully cannot be solved by either 
the political or educational concepts that the followers of 
the movement now hold. 

How then may a solution to the problem be developed? 
I submit that the first step henceforth should be to let a free 
play of our consciousness analyze the problem. 

Let us see what that may do. First of all we will make 
an honest statement of the situation, by saying that the 
Georgeist movement needs the opportunity of experimenta- 
tion of its theory that the social collection of economic rent 
and its expenditure for social benefits would free capital 
and labor in industry and insure the existence of a freedom- 
loving, cooperative commonwealth capable of advancing all 
the potentialities of civilized development. 

What we ask for the promotion of the movement should 
thus stand in close relationship with the creation of the op- 
portunity to install the experiment. Most Georgeists feel 
that the success of the movement is assured once their 
theory begins to operate. No Georgeist doubts the outcome 
of the experiment if it is made properly. He wants assur- 
ance that the Georgeist principles are to be functionalized, 
not apotheosized, and given that assurance, he would gladly 
welcome the suggestions for methods and procedures that 
would represent the practical development of his principles. 

We return therefore to the proposition that, if the pro- 
motion of the Georgeist movement is not in doubt once the 
experiment gets under way, then the best plan to adopt now 
is that which has the greatest probability of arousing a 
popular interest favorable toward making the experiment. 
It is inconceivable that anything less than a general demand 
for the Georgeist experiment could lead to its peaceful adop- 
tion, for this experiment raises many fundamental questions 

of social adjustment that privileged groups and ignorant 
people generally have rarely permitted to be made peace- 
fully. Let it be understood that Georgeists do not desire a 
revolution by violence, but that they do contemplate as a 
great necessity a revolution by laws representing the popu- 
lar will in operation, and that they do not shrink from such 
a verdict made by a populace informed on the objectives and 
principles of the Henry George Movement. 
-Let us now analyze what could produce such a general 
demand. But first, what is a general demand of the people ? 
It is generally, I think, an expression of preference between 
two uncompromising different opinions on a subject which 
contains contradictions to such an extent as to cause a con- 
dition of general confusion and threatening anarchy. It 
usually takes the mode of expression that is offered to regis- 
ter the election. And it is not only in political conventions 
that elections are made. Public-spirited citizens are never 
discouraged from writing letters to newspapers or to politi- 
cians, or of expressing their opinions to friends and to 
whomsoever they find willing to listen. If the issue involves 
fundamental concepts, the activities of these public-minded 
people may suddenly be rewarded; an important center of 
authority, a man or an organization held in high respect 
throughout the country, may discover vehicular potentiali- 
ties in that issue more than in any other available at the 
time. The people thus made acquainted with the issue then 
measure its good and bad features, and eventually make 
their decisions understood in the matter. If the issue goes 
so deep as to cause divisions in towns and villages as well 
as in states and great cities, then the test may not occur on 
that issue directly for a long time until other issues involving 
the loyalties of the particular locality against another set 
of loyalties elsewhere become settled. 

Now, it is clear to me that the issue presented by the 
Georgeist theory goes deep, very deep indeed. And those 
men or organizations who seek an issue of the best vehicu- 
lar potentialities for their purposes, are, like most of us, 
imbued with the desire of achieving their ends in a not too 
distant future. 

Of course, no reasonable person might expect any easy 
job for such a problem. After all, for several generations 
now, many sincere and capable men and women have come 
or been born into the Georgeist movement, and their utmost 
has been only to hand the torch of light to us. 


As we have said before, Georgeists are not defeatists. 
They are alert and even anxious. They feel that our present 
civilization is greater than any past one, for they appreciate 
the concept that translates material civilization into special- 
ization of labor, and converts provincialism into urbanity, 
at a speed that the modern tempo of communicating infor- 
mation requires. They feel that progress cannot be halted 



permanently by war; but that it is threatened only when 
substantial parts of the population have their wages reduced 
to the subsistence level, for at such times there is but little 
desire for discoveries and inventions to replace labor power. 
They feel that their program alone is a consistent plan for 
maintaining progress. But they are at a complete loss for 
a plan that could bring the light of Georgeism to the people 
in our life- time. 

I think that such a plan might be evolved after a little 
more study of the situation. 

Firstly, we must be willing to cooperate with other move- 
ments that contemplate only partial objectives which are 
comparable wih Georgeism. I think that such cooperation 
should be extended to trade unions that are free of racke- 
teering influences and that are free of practices which ob- 
struct production. I conceive that we could easily cooperate 
with trade associations that are free of monopolistic influ- 
ences and that are combating propaganda adverse to the 
profit system of a free economy. I imagine that it would 
be relatively easy for us to cooperate with consumers' co- 
operative organizations that are free of socialistic influences. 
I cannot attempt to limit here the types of organizations 
with which we might easily cooperate, but in general I 
should be ready to advocate cooperation for all types of 
organization which aim at increasing production and the 
returns to capital and labor made possible from such in- 
creases of production. 

Secondly, we must search out the practices that operate 
to the economic detriment of the people as a whole, and dis- 
play them in their strong and weak points, so that the prob- 
lem they represent may be seen in its entirety. 

Thirdly, we must construct a position of authority for 
Georgeism in public relations. To construct such a position 
soundly, we should conscientiously study each selected prob- 
lem on its merits, and not on its significance to some ob- 
scure point of Georgeist principle. To maintain such a posi- 
tion soundly, we would avoid involvement with exaggerat- 
ed claims of fanatics, be they Georgeists or not. 

The combination of these three methods may not com- 
prise a complete plan, but they would, I think, bring many 
beams of light to a great many people. With the backing 
of present Georgeists, it might conceivably be attempted. 
And it is even conceivable that they could enjoy the reward 
of their efforts in their own lifetime, for it lies well within 
the limits of probability of success. Light to the people is 
never lost. 

"TF a man is not a socialist by the time he is twenty, there 
* is something the matter with his heart. If he is still a 
socialist by thirty, there is something the matter with his 
head." : Heard at the Henry George Congress. 

The Keystone of Our Efforts 


"11E7E who embrace the philosophy of Henry George be- 
lieve that it is conducive to the highest ends of hu- 
manity. We believe in the purposiveness of the Universe, 
and feel that all things in it, as phenomena, are united and 
brought into harmonious relationship, through Natural 
Law. In this belief is the basis of our Hope for the success 
of our efforts. 

We carefully study the economics and the philosophy of 
Henry George, and prepare ourselves to deliver the great 
message to others. Behind and within our teaching efforts 
is the element of Hope. There is absolutely no objective 
criterion for the determination of our future success or 
failure. Some, looking ahead, will see a gloomy abyss; 
others, roseate triumph. Neither of them can know. 

Minute by minute, economic, political and emotional ten- 
sion is growing all over the world. While the blind, raging, 
impulses of man are reducing nations to ruins how many 
are there who see nothing but futility in the efforts of those 
who are striving to bring a brighter, freer, more ideal world] 
into existence? 

In the face of the terrible world events of today, to what 
can we turn as our guiding star ? Hope. 

There is in mankind an irresistible belief that Happines; 
is the attainable purpose of life. Without this belief, anc 
the Hope of achieving it, mankind would have vanishec 
from the face of the earth long ago. This Hope, then, i: 
the keystone of our efforts. 

The People 


Translated by John Addington Symonds 

ri^HE people is a beast of muddy brain 
-- That knows not its own strength, and therefore 
Loaded with wood and stone ; the powerless hands 
Of a mere child guide it with bit and rein; 
One kick would be enough to break the chain, 
But the beast fears, and what the child demands 
It does ; nor its own terror understands, 
Confused and stupefied by bugbears vain. 
Most wonderful ! With its own hand it ties 
And gags itself gives itself death and war 
For pence doled out by kings from its own store. 
Its own are all things between earth and heaven ; 
But this it knows not ; and if one arise 
To tell this truth, it kills him unforgiven. 



The Greatest of These Is Justice 


Georgeist movement was distinguished in its early 
years by the Crusade of the Anti-Poverty Societies 
under the leadership of Henry George and Father McGlynn. 
The emphasis was placed on the demands for Justice in the 
affairs of men. The establishment of Justice would, it 
was claimed, abolish involuntary poverty and would obtain 
for all men equal opportunity to work and to achieve. 
This Crusade kindled a flame in the hearts of many a flame 
which may be less brilliant now, but is still steady and 
strong. However much men may differ in their opinions 
and methods in advancing the reform, its supporters are 
impelled by the same noble motive. 

There has developed considerable divergence of opinion 
about the proper method of advancing the movement, as 
well as much hair-splitting discussion regarding the Law 
of Rent and the Nature of Interest. Such discussions 
may be of some value and may afford some intellectual 
play, but are to be regretted when they absorb energy which 
might be devoted to the advancement of the primary pur- 
pose. The danger is that the whole movement may be 
divided and its vigor lost in factional adherence to non- 
essentials, in the same way that the Christian Church has 
been split and its effectiveness impaired by its division 
into sects ; some emphasizing one interpretation, some an- 
other, apparently forgetting, in their doctrinal zeal, that 
the real purpose of religion is to bring men to "deal justly, 
to love mercy and to walk humbly with their God" that 
they "may have Life and have it more abundantly." Such 
divergences are an example of the human tendency to let 
doctrine overshadow principle. A divided force is a 
weaker force which must give comfort to those who are 
interested in keeping things as they are. 

If there is any basis for universal appeal in the effort 
to abolish the present system of taxation, it is in the direc- 
tion of establishing Justice in the relations of man to man, 
and man to society. Most of us will agree that when this 
is accomplished many of the evils from which humanity 
is suffering will disappear or be materially lessened and 
many of the vexing questions in which so many confused 
and broken threads have been woven will unravel them- 

Our critics are fond of asking, Pilate-like, "What is 
Justice?" Without attempting any academic definition, 
let us abolish the very flagrant injustice in the present 
system of taxation, and Justice will show herself and men 
will know her as they know the air they breathe without 
knowing anything about its component parts of oxygen 
and nitrogen. 

We know that industry, enterprise and labor are taxed 
and hampered by the present system. We know that 

ownership of land confers the privilege of collecting rent 
for the use of land. We know that the presence of popu- 
lation and the services that are consequently supplied by 
the population are the factors which create the land value 
or ground rent whichever term you may prefer. These 
are facts which to state provoke the question: Would it 
not be in the interest of Justice to take this ground rent 
to pay for the services which the population renders ; thus 
having the community collect its own earnings and leave 
to capital and labor their own earnings? 

Thus it will be seen that Justice is the very core of the 
whole matter, the supremely vital nerve center from which 
radiate impulses for good or evil, as Justice is accorded 
or denied. Sometimes one wishes that we could recapture 
the fervor of the Anti-Poverty Crusade which was, in 
great degree, directed not only against poverty in material 
things but the greater poverty of mind and spirit which 
is the natural offspring of injustice everywhere; blighting 
and distorting human life. The appeal was for the aboli- 
tion of poverty, not by any man-made scheme of pension 
or welfare relief with all their attendant evils of indolence 
and loss of self-respect and bureaucratic regulation, but by 
recognizing man's fundamental natural rights on a basis 
of Justice to all. 

Let us unite in the attack on the injustice of the present 
system, each in. his own way! If we cannot have uniform- 
ity of method we can maintain the force which comes of 
unity. Even some who do not go all the way with us are 
still doing valuable work in exposing the errors of the 
present system. To approach the subject by way of Science 
is good. To approach from the standpoint of Business is 
good. To approach by way of Ethics is good; so long rxs 
the fundamental error is shown and the Justice of the 
proposed remedy proclaimed. One may search the pages 
of history and find no great reform accomplished by 
philosophical or scientific argument, but when mankind 
has been moved by the plea for justice an irresistible 
motive force is set into action. Science and Philosophy 
serve as governor and fly-wheel for emotional force but 
they do not drive. Many who are left cold by the intri- 
cacies of fiscal or scientific argument will warm up to the 
demands of Justice. 

The advocate of Justice may have high regard for scien- 
tific deduction and for empirical knowledge, but if he 
finds primarily that a proposal is just, that its denial results 
in distortion of the social fabric, in an aristocracy of 
wealth, in blighted and stunted lives he is content to make 
his decision on the basis of Justice leaving the subtleties 
of economic speculation to those who enjoy them; to say 
with Emerson "Whoever fights, whoever falls, Justice 
conquers evermore." 

To paraphrase St. Paul: And now abideth Science, 
Pragmatism, Justice but the greatest of these is Justice. 



Organization of Georgeists 
Pro and Con 


TODAY we have hosts of groups and organizations work- 
ing to advance our philosophy but we have no broad and 
comprehensive organization of Georgeists to unite our ef- 
forts. The need is imperative ; independent groups are doing 
excellent work in specific fields but, without united support, 
they are at a great disadvantage and the growth of the move- 
ment is seriously retarded, and one can name hardly another 
comparable endeavor which lacks organized unity. Our pres- 
ent-day organizations fall into two categories ; they are pure- 
ly local or they confine their operations and wisely to 
specific fields. In the Robert Schalkenbach Foundation, we 
have an admirable publishing agency, and in the Henry 
George School of Social Science, we have the nucleus of 
systematic education, but we need a bigger and broader pro- 
gram. We must have a national, or better a continental or- 
ganization, for our brethren in other American countries 
who are doing such excellent work should not be excluded. 

The major features and objectives of such a body might 
well be as follows : 

1. The preparation of a list, and as large a membership 
enrollment as is possible, of those already committed to our 
creed or to be won in the future. This is the first requisite 
if we are to know our strength and where it lies, and unite 
for a common purpose. 

2. To avoid the criticism so often levelled against some 
of our existing organizations that they are too closely knit 
and arbitrary and give rise to factions it should be essen- 
tially democratic in form. Since true democracy is best 
achieved through representative action and "home rule," a 
national organization may well be decentralized, encouraging 
in every way the formation of local groups, to be represented 
in the governing board, although active executive manage- 
ment may well be left to a smaller group. 

3. To make it broad and catholic, its declaration of prin- 
ciples should be general rather than specific. Qualifications 
for membership should be so liberal that no true Georgeist 
will be excluded. 

4. It should aim at cooperation with and support of 
existing organizations, furthering the sale and circulation of 
literature, the extension of formal education, study and re- 
search, and all that goes with "publicity," both for the move- 
ment as a whole and for specific approved programs. A pub- 
lic relations counsel, publicity man, advertising expert call 
him what you will might be employed, when possible, to 
put our philosophy in a more favorable light with the public 
and to overcome prejudices based on false conceptions or 
built up by our own mistakes. This might be the means of 

opening to us more generously the pages of the press. 

5. An important objective would be to secure more ade- 
quate financing of our work in all its aspects something 
comparable to the community chests of our cities. Acting as 
a general soliciting, receiving and disbursing agency, such 
an organization, on sound lines, would prove a bulwark of 
strength. This is an urgent need today, for very considerable 
funds are often lost because there is no strong and stable 
institution to which funds can be given or devised for the 
movement as a whole. 

6. The great and ultimate aim would, of course, be the 
extension of our philosophy, bringing in new blood, keeping 
alive enthusiasm, and directing it into wise channels, and 
building for the final realization of our hopes. Every George- 
ist knows full well the limitless, potential appeal of our creed, 
in its bearings on practically all the pressing problems of 
today. We have the answers to unemployment of both men 
and capital, to the labor question, to housing, and even to 
the international problems of war and peace. But how do we 
go about enlisting the aid of the great numbers eagerly seek- 
ing a solution to a problem in which their interest is intense 
and to which they give freely of both time and money ? They 
ask for bread and we give them a stone ; they seek definite 
and specific remedies for evils of which they are bitterly 
conscious, and are given literature inconclusive pamphle 
or a formidable book and there it rests. Or they are 

to study economics in the class-room. If they do sit at 
feet to learn wisdom, or if they give desultory reading 
our books, and begin to get a glimmer of light, we offer no 
program, except perhaps that they aid in putting others 
through the same mill. 

This is no impatient plea for political action, or for ill- 
judged and half-considered political campaigns prematurely 
undertaken. But we must shape our policies and have a plan 
for the future, however long we may wait for its realization. 
Education is our first need but we must interpret that word' 
in a sense broader than only class-room study, and there 
must be a vision of the road to which it leads, with a con- 
structive program. Present activities must continue una 
and we would not suggest that those now giving themseh 
so generously to valuable undertakings, in which they 
faith and for which they are fitted, should scatter 
ammunition. Let each one do that task which appeals 
strongly to him, and for which he is best qualified, but op 
tunities are legion and many who have "seen the cat" are 
unable, for one reason or for many, to contribute much to 
these operations. It is these who must be enrolled, whose 
enthusiasm must be quickened and whose zeal must be fired, 
by opening new avenues of service to the cause of truth and 

Until we have such an organization, on broad and liberal 
grounds, we work under a heavy handicap. Only by united, 
concerted effort can we begin to make real and substantial 



rogress and only through strong cooperation can the foun- 
dation be laid and preparations made for the day that must 



discussion on the value of organization as an instrument 
advance Henry George's philosophy will be made clear if 
: define the term organization. 

This word, like so many other words, is used in a variety 
if ways. When we speak of the organization of a business 
ve refer to the departmentalization of the work. For great- 
:r productivity the various parts of the one enterprise are 
issigned to various specialists, each one of whom makes a 
ontribution to the general objective. 

But in the field of political or social activity organization 
las an entirely different meaning. Its central idea is that 
>f grouping together a number of people who have a com- 
non interest, for one of two purposes: 1, To enjoy one 
mother's company because of this common interest, or 2, 
o impose on others their common interest by the strength 
)f their numbers. 

There may be some division of labor in a social club or in 

jxjlitical society. These organizations do have officers and 

onimittees. But since such specialization is necessarily limit- 

-d, the vast majority of the members have very little more 

:o do with the group's activities than the paying of dues and 

the attending of meetings. 

Social groups have a tendency to become self-centered. 
\Vhen we have met with a number of people of common in- 
^t for a long time the pleasure of such meetings tends 
to create resistance toward including people with whom we 
re not acquainted, even if they happen to have the same 
central interest, and even though we think we want new 
members. We are not sure that the newcomer will adjust 
himself to the new environment. The ''mutual admiration" 
atmosphere might be disturbed. 

The political organization has for its purpose the election 
of an individual to public office, or the adoption of some 
political measure. In so far as it shows signs of succeeding 
in its purpose it will gain adherents who hope for some ad- 
vantage as a result of this association. If it does not show 
signs of success it will not gain adherents, because the poli- 
tical minded person is not anxious to be connected with a 
failure. The idea which drew together the original organizers 
of the political society does not spread because the members 
are not primarily concerned with spreading the idea; they 
are, rather, interested in imposing the idea through political 
action. The teaching of a philosophy to others always be- 
comes a secondary consideration with every organization, 
no matter what its original purpose may be. 

The history of the Henry George movement since 1897 is 

the history of one organizational attempt after another. 
Those of us who have been in the movement any number of 
years remember how few Georgeists there were. When we 
went to a Single Tax meeting we met the same faces, we 
listened to the same speeches. 

We were not growing. And the reason we were not grow- 
ing is that we were not making new Georgeists. There may 
be some other explanation of this decadence, but we cannot 
escape th> fact that fifty years of organization and political 
work had not prevented it. 

Those of us who have devoted years to soap-boxing, 
lecturing, campaigning, contributing to this or that effort 
which at the time seemed quite worthy, must now decide 
whether our remaining years should be spent in the same 
kind of unproductive work; or whether they should be 
devoted to the only kind of work which apparently has pro- 
duced results commensurate with the effort, namely, edu- 

It is eight years since Oscar Geiger started the Henry 
George School of Social Science. In those eight years there 
have probably been more new Georgeists added to the cause 
than during all of the previous years since Henry George 
died. A recent commencement exercise in New York City 
was attended by over 500 people. Several weeks ago Chicago 
assembled 300 people. And so it goes all over the country, 
wherever there are classes. Some 20,000 people have taken 
the course either in these classes or by mail. 

All this has been done without organization, save in the 
sense that organization is the division of labor. In that sense 
the School is an organization. There is work for everyone 
to do. Some teach, some address envelopes, some lecture, 
some do research work, some write articles, some bombard 
editors with letters. But the objective of the School is to 
make more and more Georgeists, not to consolidate in social 
or political groups those who have already subscribed to the 

The Trustees of the Henry George School of Social 
Science recognize the danger of crystallization which results 
from organization and have therefore established it as the 
policy of the School not to encourage such activity among 
its graduates, although recognizing the fact that these gradu- 
ates are at liberty to carry on as they see fit. Obviously an 
educational institution must be devoid of any political 
effort, even by implication. 

When or how the fiscal reform advocated by Henry 
George will be put into effect is something none of us can 
definitely answer now. But it is a certainty that the reform 
will never come about until it has many more proponents. 
Therefore, we must recognize the essential importance of 
spreading our philosophy far and wide through the most ef- 
fective means at hand. Fifty years of organization have not 
had this effect. The educational method initiated by Oscar 
Geiger is accomplishing it. 



A Word To The Wise 


is the value of our philosophy if we do not do 
our utmost to apply it? To simply know a thing is 
not enough. To merely speak or write of it occasionally 
among ourselves is not enough. We must do something 
about it on a large scale if we are to make headway. These 
are critical times, and drastic action is needed. 

To make any worthwhile impression on the multitude, we 
must go in droves into the sacred precincts of the men we 
are after. We must not only tell them, but show them just 
how and why and where our claims can be proven in some 
actual situation. 

It is true that commendable attempts are being made 
now on the part of Georgeists to reach "the people". Per- 
haps letters to the papers are effective, if followed up sys- 
tematically. Petitions to busy people in high public places, 
or in large private organizations, are gracefully acknow- 
ledgedsometimesand that is usually the end of it. 

But more decisive action is needed. We must pick our 
men and our business institutions, and those in high public 
places, and hammer at them constantly and systematically. 
If possible, we should even challenge them to open debate. 
We must show them in every way how the adoption of the 
public collection of land rent will benefit not only their 
business, but the whole community. 

It would require those of us who are thoroughly ground- 
ed in the Georgeist philosophy and its application, to under- 
take such a task. Unfortunately, there are some among us 
who attempt it without an adequate knowledge of all the 
problems involved, who do not know when to speak and 
when not to speak. This can be corrected if we will train 
ourselves for the task. 

My suggestion is that a Committee on Arrangements be 
formed; and that this Committee be on the lookout for quar- 
ry. Opportunities are teeming all around us. There is the 
radio, for instance, with its political speakers, with Forums 
and Round Table Talks (which hit everything but the Bull's 
Eye). There are periodicals, such as the Readers' Digest. 
There are lecturers, legislative bodies, authors of social 
commentary best sellers. Some influential writer, speaker, 
columnist or public figure should be selected and the Com- 
mittee get to work on him. Systematically, one letter after 
another week after week, should be sent by members of the 
Committee. In our letters, we might ask our correspondent 
some direct question in such a way that will be likely to get 
a response of some kind. We will learn by experience what 
to say and what not to say. 

I am sure that actual, personal and continued contact with 
influential public figures would be effective. Such a course 
is bound to bag some prizes in time. 



I heartily agree with the view expressed by Mrs. Phillips. 
Any one who has gone through the copious files of Mrs. 
Phillips' bibliography on Georgeist action, as I have, would 
realize that she speaks with a ripe knowledge of the efforts 
that have been expended within the last fifty years of 
Georgeist activity. I should like to add a few words, 
expanding on her suggestion. 

At the Henry George School in 1936, the Henry George 
Fellowship had an active letter-writing Committee under 
the direction of Edward Bell. It was the time of the 
Ralston campaign in California, and this Committee relent- 
lessly bombarded editors and prominent men with letters. 
Among the victims was Raymond Moley, who in his 
magazine, Today, referred to the Georgeist reform as 
"crackpotism." The Committee refused to let Mr. Moley 
rest, and after inadequate excuses on the part of Mr. Moley 
which refused to pacify the Committee his secretary 
finally had to inform the Committee that Mr. Moley had 
gone to Florida for a vacation. 

The workers in this Committee, with rapier thrusts that 
only a solid grounding in Fundamental Economics provides, 
demolished the fallacies of editors and columnists to such 
an extent as to demoralize their swivel-chair pronounce- 
ments. If a small, determined group could make their 
influence felt, it can be done much more effectively on a 
larger scale. Let our strength be unified in its direction 
and persistent in its efforts. Let us not only upset the 
serene placidity of the editorial sanctum; let us select 
prominent writers whose pronouncements are authoritative 
with great numbers of people. There are many whose 
thought comes close to Georgeist thought, and they should 
be won over to committing themselves more specifically. 
There are, for instance, Hendrik Willem Van Loon, Walter 
Lippmann, Dorothy Thompson, Kathleen and Frank Norris, 
Johannes Steel, and many others. 

Who shall it be first? All right, let us select Van Loon. 
For the month of November let 5000 letters be sent to him, 
requesting that he write an honest appraisal of the world 
in the light of the Georgeist philosophy. For the month of 
December, we might follow the same procedure in urging 
Walter Lippmann to give generously of the space in his 
newspaper column to an evaluation of current events 
according to Georgeism. And so on each month we would 
select a prominent personage, and "let 'er go." Sit down 
now and write that first letter. Mr. Van Loon's address is 
Red Book Magazine, 230 Park Avenue, New York. 

Such a Committee should certainly be organized. It would 
go a long way in making the Georgeist influence felt by the 



The Price of Freedom 


THERE is a dangerous growth of false optimism among 
Georgeists at present which bodes ill for the success 
of the movement. I refer specifically to those Georgeists 
who visualize a free society in the space of five or ten years, 
and who speak glibly about the time when the people, tired of 
governmental control or interference in their lives, will turn 
away from Stateism and build a real laissez-faire commun- 
ity. To achieve this end, these idealists would educate 
enough of the population until they will be strong enough 
to force the politicians to push through the necessary re- 
forms. The emphasis, it should be noted, is placed on the 
peaceful solution of our problems the ballot a worthy 
means to gain happiness but in my opinion a naive appraisal 
of the chances of success, as well as an incorrect interpre- 
tation of the meaning of Georgeism. I base this contention 
on three reasons. 

First, no special privilege is as time-honored by rich and 
poor alike as land ownership. In fact the privilege of owning 
land is considered a successful goal. One does not have to 
be a Georgeist in order to predict that land owners would 
fight land reform. The Spanish civil war was essentially 
an uprising of landlords when the government attempted 
to break up their estates ; and far from acknowledging the 
right of the people to cultivate the land, the so-called demo- 
cratic nations backed the insurrectionists. It should not be 
overlooked that, in order to hold on to their privileges, the 
land owners called in foreign soldiers a lesson Georgeists 
should ponder when they think of achieving their reform in 
any one country. 

It is not unlikely that the British government would have 
sent an expeditionary force to Mexico over the oil land issue 
had it not been for the growing menace in Europe and the 
disfavor it woul3 have held in the American mind. As it was, 
economic pressure forced a partial settlement compensa- 
tion thereby completely nullifying the issue of justice in 
common property in land. But first an attempted rebellion 
was created in the northern section of Mexico, which failed 
only because the Mexican people would not support it; yet 
it might have succeeded if foreign soldiers had been landed. 

The concern in England over the Russo-Finnish war was 
directed more toward the nickel mines than freedom for the 
Finns. The present war itself is fundamentally a conflict 
for mines and oil wells, although the well-organized press 
has befuddled the populace into supposing that it is a war 
of ideologies rather than one of economic issues. Therefore, 
if armed conflict over the possession of land arises among 
non-Georgeists, how can we expect that Georgeists, after 
their ideas have spread to engulf the majority of men in this 
country, will not have to take up arms to free the land? In 

fact, we may not even reach the stage of enlightening man- 
kind to a degree of actual physical threat to the landlords. 
The chances are that we would be outlawed, as other groups 
against the propertied class are outlawed in Europe. 

The second reason why the peaceful method of education 
alone will not suffice, is the fact that education is a slow and 
tedious process and more than likely to be resented by the 
vast majority of the people. This sounds like an unwarrant- 
ed assumption, but it is not ; for education, based on prin- 
ciples of logic, aims to break down certain cherished and 
fixed traditions which are the foundations of man's unstable 
position. Yet the very traditions we are endeavoring to 
break down are entrenching themselves in the minds of the 
people. Look around. What are people saying? Are they 
not crying for security security guaranteed by the State? 
Are they not asking for the antithesis of George's concept 
of a free society? Are not the present wailings of the popu- 
lation the product of the tradition that only the State has 
the power to house, feed and clothe mankind? An empty 
stomach has no time for education. It is time we Georgeists 
awoke to the meaning of the times and frankly admitted 
that the trend toward complete Stateism is too far advanced 
at present to be checked by the advocacy of the single tax. 
What Georgeists overlook here is the fact that understand- 
ing the free society and achieving it are two distinct steps, 
not one ; nor is it possible to achieve the single tax without 
understanding it first. If this were not so then Georgeists 
would be able to organize a political party now, and bally- 
hoo it to success. 

We take pride in being able to point out the fallacies of 
Marxism but we neglect to give his followers credit for be- 
ing realists. It is not a coincidence that Marxists head most 
labor unions. Georges Sorel, the syndicalist, advocated com- 
plete domination of trade unions by militant individuals 
who would be ready to call a general strike and paralyze in- 
dustry. Marxists adhere to this principle, and I have no 
doubt that they will use it when the nation is in a chaotic 
state as was Russia after the war. The ballot is to the 
Marxist only a means of solidifying his position during 
peace time. He knows that the transfer to actual power, 
however, can only be accomplished through force at the 
proper time. It is in this respect that Georgeists fail when 
they speak about the peaceful solution of the world's evil 
through the ballot, the very process they ironically enough 
condemn when they say "you can't legislate prosperity." 

The third reason why education alone will be ineffective 
in achieving the free society, is the very nature of the re- 
form. George advocated a revolutionary change which can 
only come about during a revolutionary period. Great re- 
forms throughout history have come about only after great 
struggles and periods of unrest. The conditions of a privi- 
leged economy do not permit peaceful reform. And, when 
there is "peace", reforms are not demanded vociferously. 



Certainly the single tax could never take hold during periods 
like the 1920' s, when unrest is not vocal. Man's struggles 
for freedom spring mainly from economic causes ; hence we 
cannot acknowledge the efficacy of the ballot for much else 
than pacifying the populace with palliatives. 

If proof is required to amplify this contention we need 
only point to the classic example of appeasement, a policy 
essentially synonymous with the palliative method, which 
was to prevent the present war. Now actually there is no 
difference in nations fighting for the possession of mono- 
polistic privileges, and groups inside a nation contesting for 
local; privileges. The English, desiring to cling to their 
world monopoly of mines, markets and oil wells obtained 
through the self-same methods Hitler is employing realiz- 
ed that only by maintaining peace could they hold on to 
their possessions, since the disillusionment which settles in 
after the war is the greatest changer of traditions and the 
most potent force to let loose the forces of dissatisfaction. 
That they have finally resorted to war proves only that 
economic questions cannot be solved by bargaining, as in 
legislative forums, since bargaining is essentially the way of 
the compromiser and Georgeists know no compromise. 

However, if we are in the midst of |a revolutionary 
change, it is the streamlined version of the absolute State. 
For obvious reasons, I do not relish the thought of being 
enslaved under the approaching collectivist society; but it 
must be understood that, whereas the founding fathers es- 
caped to America to safeguard their freedom (what a 
chance they had to establish the single tax!), we have no 
free land on which to go. Indeed, we may rightly say that 
the free American land, acting as a haven for the more 
vociferous dissidents of the Old World, lessened the ten- 
sion again past absolute rulers and thus preserved their 
battered systems for the reckoning they now face hence 
the trend to alter the system of government in all the major 
powers of the world within a comparatively short time. 

The fate of Georgeism under a rigid collectivist state 
whether Left or Right will not necessarily be one of com- 
plete doom. The Henry George School may be closed, "Pro- 
gress and Poverty" may be burned as contradicting the ideas 
of the master of the land. But the one thing that no govern- 
ment can destroy is the unyielding will on the part of some 
of the people to question the existing State, if only in whis- 
pers and if only in their minds. This, together with the fal- 
lacy inherent in Stateism, must in time overthrow even the 
most absolute of dictatorial systems. To understand this 
recurring fight for freedom throughout history is to com- 
prehend where our real strength lies; for only when, with 
each succeeding swing toward freedom, certain traditions 
are left behind, do we approach the free society. 

FREE COPY of LAND AND FREEDOM is an invitation 
to become a subscriber. 

Trade in The Hitlerian Empire 


44TNTERNATIONAL Commerce cannot prosper if its 
* current is held up by barriers of excessive tariffs." 
So stated the memorandum Mr. Sumner Welles handed to 
Mr. Reynaud, during his visit to Europe this past Spring. 
Our esteemed British contemporary, Land and Liberty, 
thereupon wrote: "Neither France nor Great Britain, even 
between themselves, has shown the least intention mean- 
while of reducing the tariffs and the trade obstruction." 

Not only has this been the case, but much worse ; neither 
the British nor the French Empires have applied the free 
trade principle among their own territories! Besides the 
internal customs duties (octrois), Greater France had 
tariff restrictions between European France and all parts of 
the French Empire. 

Great Britain still has tariffs between England and the 
Dominions, between England and the Crown Colonies, and 
between all parts of the Empire. 

What is the status of trade in the new Hitlerian Empire ? 
German economists have consulted past German policies. 
In German history, the customs union of the Northern 
German States (Deutscher Zollverein) was the forerunner 
of the political union of the German Empire. The Third 
Reich has remained trustworthy to the customs union 
principle, and has made a certain application of it in the 
new Hitlerian Empire. Tariffs have indeed been intro- 
duced in the newly conquered territories, but they are 
employed in the opposite of the usual sense of "protection." 
Immediately after the conquest of every territory, a free 
flow of trade was allowed for goods imported from the 
new territories into the Altreich ; and "protective" tariffs 
were maintained in the opposite direction that is, tariffs 
were imposed on goods going from the Altreich into every 
other part of the Hitlerian Empire. 

This policy shows that the German economists, notwith- 
standing their opposition to free trade, realize that tariffs 
are more efficacious in handicapping the importing rather 
than the exporting country. 

This "protection" was imposed immediately upon the 
conquest or annexation of Austria, Sudetenland, Bohemia- 
Moravia, Poland, probably Denmark and Norway, and 
probably also France. It was expected to be maintained 
for about a period of one year after every annexation, 
but will probably be continued as long as it is advantageous 
to the Reich. 

A mutual benefit, and a strengthening of position, would 
have resulted from a complete free trade between France 
and Great Britain. It is to be hoped that Britain will yet 
learn the lesson. If she persists in maintaining the pernicious 
"protective" system, she will sooner or later learn that 
tariffs are not protection, but economic suicide. 



County Versus Country 


; IHE English Counties are said by Winston Churchill, 
writing before he became Premier, to be the "foster- 
thers and guardians of that tradition" by which England 
Tuled. True it is, that the "County" influence in the 
!:ial life of provincial England is paramount. It is 
i: big county estates, with their residences of the peerage 
lords, barons, baronets, knights that form the basis of 
: English social structure. The Hall, castle or mansion, 
rounded by its park, invariably uncultivated, is sur- 
imded in turn by a wider circle of tenant farmers of 
jiom there are 300,000 or more in all regularly paying 
ir rents to the great hall. Such a county seat may have 

20, 30 or more such tenants, and these in their turn 
ploy their agricultural laborers, numbering 700,000 or 

at a war-time minimum wage of 48 shillings per week. 
Notwithstanding the Marxian presentation of the indus- 
al machine aspects of modern life, it is the largest 
idustry" of all the extraction of rent by the county 
inilies from the most numerous of all classes of workers 
<that dominates English politics, even in the present time 
i war. Our "capitalists," the partners and directors of 
jr great manufacturing concerns, fulfill their ambitions 
nen they can buy a place in the country, become amateur 
irmers, and be introduced into those county circles where 
'litical influence is most potent. Sheriffs, county coun- 
ters and county magnates exercise this influence as they 
re their patronage to the Church, to the arts, to educa- 
jn. The county hunt, and the county ball have not been 
errupted by the war, though the county families find an 
ditional social activity in various auxiliary adjuncts to 
: military efforts, whilst their young men furnish the 
'ces with officers. 
Attention is being diverted from the landed interest and 

influence on the nation's destiny by a concerted attack 

high wages. There is a shortage of agricultural workers 
st now, not to be wondered at when their wages are 
mpared with those of workers in munition and allied 
iustries. War wages are so high as to give concern to 
)se who have to solve the country's war finance prol> 
Ins, and letters are written to The Times urging some 
:thod of controlling wages. Engineers' wages are indeed 
minally high, but they can hardly be said to be unduly 
gh as regards spending value in view of rising costs of 
'ing. None the less, there is this persistent demand for 
check on wages. Once again, it is said to be the workers' 
jrdinate appetite for high wages that is spelling ruin, by 
ndering the export trade, raising war costs, and causing 
flation. And rent is not mentioned at all. 
Beyond supplying the personnel for the higher ranks in 

the civil and other services, what does the "county" do for 
the country? Let us see. There have been three War 
Budgets so far; in September 1939, and April and July of 
this year. Last September an additional f 107 millions had 
to be raised by taxation and 895 millions by borrowing. 
The same month a telegram was sent to the Chancellor of 
the Exchequer on behalf of 50 Members of Parliament, 
drawing attention to the Land Values fund in these words: 

Five hundred million pounds just waiting to be collected 
from values all communally created and which should go 
to the community, not to landowners. The effect will be 
that land will be forced into the best use, compared with 
the present position Ipswich as an example, where 50 per 
cent of rateable area is idle and unrated, though of im- 
mense value. Alternatively, urge permission be granted to 
local authorities to levy rates on site value. 

No notice was taken of this by the Government quite 
naturally perhaps, in a Parliament in which the ruling 
force is the landed class. In vain Mr. R. R. Stokes, M. P., 
the author of the telegram, pointed out that the Air Ministry 
had paid ^2,000,000 for 40,000 acres, or f 50 per acre for 
land which as agricultural land was considered valueless 
for rating and taxing purposes. 

In April 1940, a further 1,234 millions was to be raised 
by taxation, and 1,400 millions by borrowing, or inflation, 
as it is called by Col. Josiah Wedgwood, who warned the 
House of Commons that in every country in the world 
where inflation had taken place, as currency depreciates 
the saleable value of land rises. Again, no step towards 
land value taxation was even contemplated. 

In July 1940, provision was made for further taxation 
to the amount of 239 millions, and still the land value 
fund remained the only subject of taxation left untaxed, 
notwithstanding that the danger of inflation was far from 
being staved off. Amendments to the Budget advocating 
land value taxation are not even given time for discussion. 
High spending power is still considered the source of weak- 
ness, and the attack on wages proceeds. 

It is obvious that labor in the munition factories has 
become so vitally necessary, and the conscripting of 4,000,- 
000 men for the forces has so intensified the value of labor, 
that wages are rising by economic law and may some day 
even reach the level where they represent the full value of 
the workers' contribution to production. Undoubtedly the 
nation's wage bill, though still below the just wage level, 
is a serious item in Great Britain's financial problem. 

But Parliament has not been allowed to ignore entirely 
the rising cost of that other necessary factor in peace-time 
and war-time production the land. With great persist- 
ence a number of members have drawn attention to the 
exorbitant prices demanded for land required for national 
defence purposes. As far back as 1935 the prices paid for 



aerodrome sites constituted a scandal. In February 1936, 
a Conservative Member asked the Minister for Air "wheth- 
er he is aware of the grave menace to British aviation 
by speculators of a certain type who are hindering and 
obstructing plans for airport construction by buying up 
useless adjoining land when airport plans become known, 
and demanding exorbitant prices?" 

In 1936, land at Ringway, Manchester, for example, 
belonging to a county family, was offered at 24,000 for 
128 acres ; and another estate near by, of 203 acres, which 
had been bought in 1930 for *8,000 was offered to the 
Manchester Corporation for an aerodrome, and ^92,000 
demanded as the price. This process has continued up to 
and during the war period. The pages of Land and Liberty, 
the organ -of our International Union for Land Value 
Taxation and Free Trade, regularly supply copious in- 
stances of the British land ramp. The July number carries 
quotations from the Fifth Report of the Select Committee 
on Public Expenditure exposing the waste of public money 
on the high cost of land for aerodromes and other public 

In the various Budget debates these matters have been 
ventilated, one Member referring to the fact that as a 
result of the Government going into the country districts 
looking for sites for camps for evacuated children, the 
value of land had increased in those parts. When land in 
the city of Leicester was required for an Air Raid Shelter 
for infant pupils, f 338 had to be paid for 427 square yards, 
which is at the rate of *3,831 per acre. Thus the nation's 
extremity is the county and city landowners' opportunity. 
Men like Mr. A. V. Alexander, M. P., when in opposition, 
have denounced these conditions and demanded land value 
taxation, but the Cabinet of which he is now a member 
turns a blind eye to the whole matter. 

There are many aspects of county agricultural life that 
might be dwelt on: the huge amounts taken for many 
years in agricultural subsidies; the large areas of rich land 
remaining undeveloped or underdeveloped, at a time when 
food production from our own land is so terribly urgent. 
But the outstanding fact that passes all understanding in a 
time of unprecedented peril for the country, is the con- 
tinued immunity of land from a fair measure of taxation 
upon its value. All the talk about Fifth Column activities 
and other newspaper topics, even discussions concerning 
the rival blockades at sea, serve as a smoke-screen obscur- 
ing the silent, hidden blockade of the countryside instituted 
by the county interest against the interest of the country 
as a whole, a blockade that not even this emergency is 
permitted to modify. 

It was this same county influence through its nominees 
in Parliament that secured the overthrow of the Labor 
government in 1931, and with it the repeal of the Land 

Value Tax, with the consequence that the Chamberlain 
high tariff system was substituted in its place. Whilst 
these customs duties still further embittered European 
relationship and precipitated the rise of Hitlerisrn, they at 
the same time constituted a self-imposed blockade against 
ourselves which for nearly ten years has borne as heavily 
on the people of this country as the air and naval blockade 
now attempted by our German enemies. 

We have submitted to the county interests for genera- 
tions, but that they should prevail through ten months of 
desperate war and through three War Budgets is easy 
proof that the power of land monopoly is only equalled by 
its lack of patriotism. What a change there would be in 
the scene if Churchill, the scion of one of the greatest 
county families, became again the radical Churchill, brilliant 
advocate of the Taxation of Land Values ! 

The Unemployed 


MIDNIGHT dwells within the heart of those whose leaden feet 
Drag wearily from dawn 'till dark along an endless street 
The heart from which all hope has fled and left despair complete. 
Pallor sits upon the cheek and dullness haunts the eye, 
The shoulders stoop, the muscles droop of those sad men who try 
To find some work for idle hands lest something in them die. 
Tis sad to see a willing man who hungers for the soil 
Wear out his life on city streets in search of honest toil 
While, serpent like, both want and crime around about him coil. 
'Tis sad to see a man whose gaze is always downward cast 
Who never looks at Heaven's sun whose countenance seems masked 
A man who has no forward look whose dreams are in the past. 
'Tis sad to see a beaten man whose hair is turning grey 
Who seeks for honest work to do, and asks but honest pay 
Whose brain and brawn are in their prime, and yet is turned away. 
'Tis sad to see that such a man must seek and ask in vain 
To know those willing, eager hands may never work again. 
In such a man Ambition dies while Hope's already slain. 
'Tis sad to see such men as these dependent on a dole. 
Cold charity exacts from such a devastating toll, 
And while the heart lies dead in each, there's terror in each soul. 
Eleven million idle men and acres yet unfilled ; 
And thirty million underfed with hearts and bodies chilled; 
Is this the great Democracy for which our blood was spilled? 
With idle men on waiting lands their feet upon the sod ; 
With useful tools in willing hands to serve as staff and rod 
Their heavy hearts would fill with song, and faces lift to God. 

WE must learn to distinguish between natural and un- 
natural conditions, between health and disease. We 
must learn to seek causes and not take the apparent for the 
real. Our social evils are due to violations of natural law ; 
they are as pathological as the acts of a mind deranged and 
as unreliable in determining conditions. OSCAR H. GEIGER. 



Freedom Versus Monopoly 

Executive Secretary, People's Lobby, Washington, D. C. 

A TIME of stress always brings the failures of an eco- 
** nomic system to the fore. A decade ago America 
entered such a period of stress the culmination of three- 
quarters of a century of looting and special privilege. 

During the past decade America has been treated to the 
interesting, but withal disgusting, spectacle of so-called in- 
telligent governments beating the tom-toms, and of brain- 
trust indulging in economic hair-pulling, to revive prosperity 
without ending the conditions which make prosperity for 
all the people impossible. It should have been an education. 

Hitler has been accused of creating world chaos. He is 
an absolute dictator, but not powerful enough to do that. 
He capitalized on the world chaos due to the dictatorship of 
special privileges and monopolies. He seized the opportunity 
presented by the general corruption due to this monopoly 

Pre-Hitler Germany put through a land increment tax, 
and controlled the use of land, particularly through her city 
planning, as no other nation had done. But she failed to face 
the necessity for ending land monopoly and other monopo- 
lies. And then post- Versailles rancor and rivalry with Brit- 
ain's imperialism, enabled Hitler's genius to harness the 
tremendous mechanical and administrative capacities of 
the German people into a drive to equal or surpass British 
control in the world. 

The invasion of Poland by Germany last September start- 
another time of stress in America. We are not prepared 

meet it, for the simple reason that neither peace stress nor 
var stress can be met by the United States, with private 
nonopoly of land, and other private monopolies and privi- 

A recent issue of the United States News outlines the 
respective four great economic Empires : the American, 
taking in all the Western Hemisphere, out to Hawaii and in- 
cluding Greenland; the Russian, including her present ter- 
ritory and Turkey ; the German, including the Scandinavian 
Duntries and the rest of Europe, and all of Africa to the 
Jnion of South Africa ; and the Japanese, taking in part of 
lina, the Philippines, French Indo-China, and the Dutch 
ast Indies. Britain and Australia with the Union of South 
Africa, and a few Islands, seem to be destined for a smaller 
geographical control, but Threadneedle Street and British 
finance would doubtlessly play a large part in determining 
world affairs and internal policies of the four great eco- 
nomic Empires of the world of tomorrow. Approximately 
this distribution is made by Mr. Lawrence Dennis in his re- 
it book, "The Dynamics of War and Revolution". 

Over a year and a half ago, the present writer wrote an 
article entitled, "Americans Must Win War on Poverty Or 
Be Kidded Into Foreign Wars" which was read into the 
Congressional Record by Senator Frazier, and some quarter 
of a million reprints sent into every State of the Union. That 
forecast threatens today. 

With an intelligent economic system, with an economy 
of freedom, the United States would not need an economic 
Empire. But under our present system, with two per cent 
of our people owning about three-fifths of the national 
wealth, and two and one-half per cent of our families getting 
about $5 billions of property income, plus nearly $4 billions 
of earned income in all over an eighth of the national in- 
come and with 18,000,000 of our population a "surplus" 
(as far as the present economic system is concerned), Amer- 
ica most desperately needs an imperialistic policy for two 
reasons : to pay part of the overhead of our top-heavy sys- 
tem, and to help keep the people's minds off what has hap- 
pened to them. 

The writer did not need to prove the charge he made near- 
ly two years ago, that Roosevelt needed a Franco victory, 
so he could wave the bogey of Hitler and Mussolini over 
Central and South America before the American people and 
make them forget what was happening to them. If Willkie 
is elected, this bogey will be just as helpful to him. 

An army of 9,000,000 employables unemployed, and an 
army of one and a half million surplus farm families (under 
our economic system) opens the door to conscription of men 
and may keep a large standing army busy subduing domestic 
commotions. Of course, if two or three million of these un- 
employed are conscripted into the army, they will reduce 
the pressure for jobs. 

The President's suggestion that it is the patriotic duty of 
students to attend to their studies, and not volunteer for the 
army, shows his knowledge that there is little danger that 
they will be taught anything opposed to the economic status 

America probably has less than three years, and almost 
certainly less than five years in which to make the essential 
changes in America peacefully. Failure to do that will prob- 
ably result in America's having a hard-boiled dictator with 
a heart for the special privileges. 

For seven and a half years, America has gone on the 
theory of raising the standard of living by curtailing the pro- 
duction of the essentials to raise that standard of living, 
through subsidy out of the Federal Treasury. We have 
spent over $62 billions, about half of it borrowed, to buy off 
a revolution, and to prime the pump for private ownership. 
Some 20,000 people get approximately one third of all divi- 
dends paid, amounting to about twelve and a quarter billion 
dollars for the three years '37, '38, and '39. 

We are heading into a World War with the same semi- 



criminal privilege classes in control as were in control un- 
der Presidents Harding, Coolidge and Hoover, though none 
of those three had President Roosevelt's gift of bamboozling 
the American people. Apparently, only a British defeat, or 
scare over South America created in the hearts of millions 
of Americans, can re-elect the present occupant of the 
White House, who has done infinitely more for monopolists 
and the special privilege classes than any predecessor, 
though he has handed out more slops and sops to the dis- 
inherited than any other of his less astute predecessors in 

Every reactionary interest in America, clerical, financial, 
pseudo-educational and landed, favors the conscription of 
men for an army, including an industrial army. They first 
tried to get them at $5.00 a month, throwing in religious 
services, though they have raised the ante, under severe 
pressure, to $30.00. 

The Congress of the United States favors more consump- 
tion taxes to pay for the billions of dollars allegedly for de- 
fense and, as the writer told the House Committee on Ways 
and Means, the defense tax bill should be called a bill to 
"give free plants to profiteers, and protect them from taxes". 

The big financial and industrial interests of America, 
whose products are needed for defense, are on a sit-down 
strike. This is so serious that the President of the American 
Farm Bureau Federation, a highly conservative organization 
largely dominated by Southern planters, told the House 
Ways and Means Committee : "The American people will 
not tolerate, at a time of such grave emergency, any group, 
in effect, pointing a pistol at the government and saying they 
will not produce guns or airplanes or other supplies needed 
for national defense in this hour of grave emergency unless 
they are given this guarantee or that guarantee and unless 
the restrictions are kept off their profits." 

Readers may think I have painted a rather dark picture. 
I hope events may prove me wrong, but 1 doubt it. 

No essential economic changes have been made yet in any 
major nation, except through totalitarian methods. Amer- 
ica has gone a long way toward that goal in the efforts of 
the Old Deal and the New Deal, to maintain special privi- 
leges. America has a chance to do the essential things by 
democratic procedure, but they cannot be postponed for any 
term of years. It is not Hitler at our gates which menaces 
America; it is the big and little Hitlers of special privilege 
in America who constitute the real danger to our country. 
Running away from depression at home to disaster abroad, 
is not the American way. 

final arbiter of all intellectual truth is the mind; of 
all moral truth the conscience. These are the real 
authorities, and the duty of subjecting all things to the test 
of reason and conscience a man owes to his fellowmen, and 

A Legislative Plan of Action 

FN these days, when so many signs indicate the necessity of 
*- a reorientation of our revenue system, the question 
arises : What concrete plan have Georgeists to offer the 
various legislative bodies, who in the last analysis are 
charged with the responsibility of effecting the application 
of any reform. With this in mind, Messrs. Walter Fairchild 
and Harry C. Maguire, of the American Association for 
Scientific Taxation, New York City, have prepared what 
they consider a model draft of a Constitutional Amendment 
and Concurrent Bill, for introduction in the Senate and 
Assembly of the State of New York. LAND AND FREEDOM 
is pleased to offer to its readers the ideas suggested in this 
plan to legislate the fiscal requirements of the Georgeist 

In the proposed Constitutional Amendment which follows, 
the italicized portion represents new matter to be added to 
the present Section 10 of Article 1 of the New York State 
Constitution : 


The people of the state, in their right of sovereignty, 
possess the original and ultimate property in and to all 
lands within the jurisdiction of the state. All lands shall 
forever remain allodial* so that the entire and absolute 
property is vested in the owners, according to the nature 
of their respective estates. The term property, hozvcver, 
shall not be construed to permit any person to appropriate 
the rent of land; it is hereby recognized and declared that 
all ground rent, actual or potential, belongs to the people of 
the state as a common asset, and the legislature shall pass 
appropriate laws to recover the full annual value of all 
lands exclusive of improvements within tlie jurisdiction of 
the state for the use of the state and its subdivisions. All 
lands the title of which shall fail, from a defect of heirs, 
shall revert, or escheat to the people. 
* * * 

It will be noted in the foregoing draft that it is proposed 
to delimit, in the basic law, the commonly accepted, though 
erroneous, meaning of the word property. At present, the 
layman's and lawyer's concept of property admits the "right" 
of land owners to appropriate that which under the natural 
law and justice cannot be the subject of private property, 
viz., ground rent. 

To carry out the Constitutional Amendment, enabling 
legislation is of course required. To that end a concurrent 
bill is proposed, from which we quote the preamble and a 
few sections. 

* "Allodial" Is opposed to "feudal." The latter tenure requires the rendering 
af services to the overlora or sovereign, in return for the feudal estate granted. 
Allodial tenure is complete and absolute, with no such restrictions Ed 




To promote the general welfare, by taking the value of 
land and special privileges in taxation, and repealing taxes 
on labor and industry. 

SECTION 1. Policy of state and purpose of chapter. It is 
hereby declared that a serious public condition exists in this 
state affecting and threatening the welfare, comfort, and 
safety of the people of the state, resulting in abnormal 
disruption in economic and industrial processes, and the 
curtailment of incomes by unemployment and business 
depression. To raise wages, increase the earnings of 
productive capital, abolish unemployment, and promote the 
free flow of capital goods, require a shifting of the burden 
of taxation from values created by the combination of labor 
and industry to the values created by the community. The 
abolition of all taxation save that upon the value of land 
and special privileges will remove the burden upon 
production and industry, bear equally upon all men, and fall 
only upon those who receive from society a peculiar and 
valuable unearned benefit, and upon them in proportion to 
the benefit they receive. The shift of the burden of taxation 
from production and exchange to the value or rent of land 
and special privileges will result in disposing the lands of 
the state to their best possible use, thereby permitting pros- 
perity to all. With nature's opportunities thus free to labor, 
with capital and improvements exempt from tax, and 
productive industry released from restrictions, wages of 
labor and earnings of productive capital will be increased, 
unemployment eliminated, and poverty abolished. There- 
fore, in the public interest, the necessity for legislative 
intervention by the enactment of the provisions hereinafter 
prescribed is hereby declared as a matter of legislative 

SECTION 2. Assessment of land. Beginning in the 
year next succeeding the passage of this act and thereafter, 
land shall be assessed at its full value as though unimproved 
and free from tax, and the taxing authorities of counties, 
cities, towns, villages and school districts shall annually fix 
such tax rates on the assessed valuations of land so as to 
cause, as nearly as possible, the full annual gross value or 
rent of land to be taken by taxation.* 

SECTION 4. Assessment of intangible franchise rights. 
Beginning in the year next succeeding the passage of this 
act, the state tax commission shall annually fix and 
determine the full and actual value of the intangible 
franchise right of each special franchise under the juris- 
diction of the public service commission and of the transit 
commission as though free from tax and exclusive of the 
value of tangible property included in such special franchise. 

^The method herein proposed seems for the present more practical, while no lees 
effective than the alternative method of directly collecting the annual gross 
economic rent as sucb, since It conforms more nearly to existing tai procedure. 

The commission shall also determine the full value of the 
same and file a written statement of such value with the clerk 
of the city, town, or village in which such special franchise 
is subject to assessment, as set forth in section 45-c of 
article 2 of the tax law. The taxing authority of each 
taxing district shall annually fix such tax rates on such full 
value of the intangible franchise right as to cause as nearly 
as possible the annual value of such intangible franchise 
right to be taken by taxation. 

SECTION 5. Equalization of assessment and apportion- 
ment of tax. The state tax commission shall make such 
reasonable rules and regulations not inconsistent with law 
as may be necessary to require the local taxing authorities 
of the state to assess land at its full value as though mi- 
improved and untaxed. The state tax commission shall 
ascertain the amount of the budget reasonably adopted by 
any county, city, town, village or school district and in the 
case of any overlapping taxing districts it shall calculate 
the ratio of the amount of such budgets with respect to the 
land values within such taxing districts. The state tax 
commission shall also ascertain the amount of the total 
assessment for land in any tax district and the total amount 
to be raised by taxation, and shall apportion this amount in 
accordance with the respective local budgets. Any excess 
of taxes above the reasonable budgets of the local taxing 
authorities shall be collected by the county treasurer and paid 
over to the state tax commission for the use of the state. 

SECTION 6. Repeal of taxes on industry and labor 
products. All taxes on industry and labor products are to 
be abolished as hereinafter provided to wit: 

The following taxes shall be abolished and the laws 
providing for them repealed to take effect on the last day of 
the second year following the passage of this act : 

Tax on gasoline and similar motor fuel (article 12A of 
tax law), tax on milk (article 19 of tax law), cigarette tax 
(article 20 of tax law), taxes on alcoholic beverages (article 
18 of tax law), excise taxes on business transactions, 
occupancy, tickets of admission to places of public exhibits, 
patent medicine, tobacco, vending machines, possession of 
telephone connections, and all other excise taxes and taxes 
on sales of merchandise whether under a state law or under 
any local law. 

The following taxes shall be abolished and the laws pro- 
viding for them repealed to take effect on the last day of 
the third year following the passage of this act: 

Tax on mortgages (article 11 of tax law), tax on 
transfers of stock and other corporate certificates (article 
12 of tax law), corporation tax Carticle 9 of tax law), 
franchise tax on business corporations (article 9a of tax 
law), franchise tax on state banks, trust companies and 
financial corporations (article 9b of tax law), tax on 
national banking associations (article 9c of tax law). 



The following taxes shall be abolished and the laws pro- 
viding for them repealed whenever the revenue from the 
sources mentioned in Sections 2 and 4 above is found suffi- 
cient to meet all budgetary requirements herein and shall not 
at any time be levied in a larger amount than may be neces- 
sary to meet, pro-ratably, the needs of the budget afore- 

Taxes upon personal incomes (article 16 of tax law), 
taxes on inheritance (articles 10, lOa and lOb of tax law). 
* * * 

Accompanying the proposed legislative resolutions afore- 
said, an interesting "Explanation," will also be placed in the 
hands of the legislators. Extracts of it follow : 


As the title of the bill points out, the primary purpose is 
to eliminate business depressions and end unemployment 
and restore to all men equal rights to the use of the earth. 
To accomplish this the bill amends the present tax law by 
repealing taxes on labor products and industry and substi- 
tuting generally therefor one main tax upon the value of 

The chief requirement of the bill is that the full annual 
value of land exclusive of improvements shall be taken in 
taxation by the state and its subdivisions for public use. 

The complementary requirement is to repeal taxes on 
labor products and industry. 

The annual value of any piece of land exclusive of 
improvement?, usually called "ground rent", is a value 
directly due to the presence and activities of the state's 
population and to the manner and amount of its expenditures 
public and private. It therefore constitutes the natural 
source of revenue for the government and should be 
exhausted before any resort to the taxation of individual 

Relief from taxation of improvements would result in a 
tremendous stimulus to building construction and improve- 
ment in the number and character of buildings. 

The abolition of sales taxes would increase purchasing 
power, stimulate trade, decrease unemployment, increase 
ground rent and hence still further increase public revenue. 


The bill applies the principle that taxation should be 
in proportion to benefits conferred. Taxation in proportion 
to benefits received has long been the keystone of our tax 
policy, as the Court of Appeals pointed out in People v. 
Ronner, 1906, 185 N. Y. 285 ; 77 N. E. 106 : 

"There can be no doubt of the correctness of the 
general proposition that the principle upon which 
taxation is founded is that the taxpayer is supposed to 
receive just compensation in the benefits conferred by 

government, and in the proper application of the tax ; 
and that in the exercise of the taxing power the legis- 
lature ought as nearly as practicable, to apportion the 
tax according to the benefit which each taxpayer is 
supposed to receive from the object upon which the tax 
is expended." 


Assessment of land at its full value "as though un- 
improved and free from tax" covers the economic fact that 
increasing the land value tax increases the proportion of 
land value into the public treasury and correspondingly 
decreases the amount left in private hands and reduces the 
"selling price" or market value of land although the actual 
full value or annual gross rental of land will not be reduced, 
and as prosperity rises the full value of land will also tend to 
rise. Full economic or annual gross rental value, and not 
market value, is made the base of assessment value on which 
the rate is calculated. 


Repeal of taxes on industry and labor products is 
staggered over 2, 3 and 4 years. It will take a year or more 
to make necessary adjustments. The bill divides the taxes 
to be repealed into three classes. First, consumption taxes 
like sales taxes are to be repealed at the end of the second 
year after the law takes effect ; second, taxes on industry 
generally such as business corporation franchise taxes are 
to be repealed at the end of the third year; third, income 
taxes and inheritance taxes which are direct taxes are to 
be repealed and/or reduced as soon as feasible. 


There are many so-called license fees which are really 
taxes in disguise, that is, for automobile registration plate 
taxes, liquor dealers' licenses, etc. The liquor dealer's license 
is in addition to the tax on liquor which is in the bill for 
repeal. We think that this item must be handled separately 
and the correct rule should be that the state tax commission 
should determine the cost of regulating any profession or 
trade for which a license is required and the license fee 
should be in proportion to the cost of regulating the pro- 
fession or trade. This bill does not touch the unemployment 
insurance taxes and if it is desired to repeal the unemploy- 
ment insurance law we think it should be handled in a 
separate bill. 

At present the State of New York has embodied in its 
constitution, in Section 10 of Article 8, a 2% limitation on 
the amount of revenue to be raised by real estate taxes for 
local purposes. This section must of course be repealed, to 
give proper effect to the scheme of land value taxation set 
forth above. 



The sponsors of the foregoing plan of proposed legislation 
for the State of New York have also worked out an amend- 
ment to the United States Constitution, so as to apply the 
same idea to our Federal needs. 


The 2nd, 3rd and 4th words (and direct taxes) shall be 
deleted from the 3rd paragraph of Article 1, Section 2.* 

Paragraph 4 of Article 1, Section 9 (Beginning with the 
words, "No capitation or other direct tax") shall be deleted 
and in its stead shall be substituted the following: "The 
Congress shall have power to levy and collect taxes on the 
value of any and all land in the United States, its territories, 
possessions, and District of Columbia, excluding the value 
of improvements." 

Anyone interested in the complete draft and explanation 
of the proposed legislation, or in the program for putting 
it into effect, in the State of New York or elsewhere, should 
write to the American Association for Scientific Taxation, 

Frederic Cyrus Leubuscher 

-*- August 18, at his home in Essex Fells, New Jersey. 
While prominent in many walks of civic and political life, 
his greatest reputation was as a life-long advocate of the 
Georgeist philosophy. We can think of no better way of 
paying tribute to his memory than to present the accounts 
of him which follow, each of which shows a different side 
of his life and work. One account is from a featured 
obituary of Mr. Leubuscher in a local newspaper. The other 
two are by close friends of the man Charles H. Ingersoll 
and Joseph H. Fink. 

The Life of Leubuscher 

(From the Caldwell and Verona News) 

Mr. Leubuscher was born (in 1858) in New York. He was the 
son of Louis Mortimer Leubuscher and Catherine Horner. His 
father, while a student at the University of Berlin, took part in the 
Revolution of 1848-49. He was taken a prisoner, but later escaped 
and came to New York. 

Frederic was a graduate of the New York public schools, College 
of the City of New York and of Columbia University. He started 
the practice of law in 1884 and continued active in that profession 
until two months before he died. For many years he was chairman 
of the Municipal Court Committee of the New York County Lawyers 
Association and was a member of the Judiciary Committee of that 

As thus amended, the 'paragraph would read, "RepresentatiTa (deleted 
portion) shall be apportioned among the tereral States which may be Included 
within this Union, according td their respective Numbers, etc," 

body. In 1909 he was chairman of the Municipal Democracy that 
nominated Judge Gaynor for the mayoralty. 

When Henry George ran for mayor in 1886, Mr. Leubuscher 
supported him, and at the close of the campaign, wrote a history of 
it in collaboration with Louis F. Post, who later became assistant 
Secretary of Labor tinder Wilson. 

He had been connected with Single Tax activities for over fifty 
years, and was for many years president of the Manhattan Single 
Tax Club and head of the Society to Lower Rents and Reduce Taxes 
on Homes, a Single Tax affiliate. 

Shortly after moving to Essex Fells, he ran for the Borough 
Council and was elected on the Democratic ticket in 1920. Mayor 
Sylvester H. Williams named him as chairman of the finance and 
law committee. In 1925, he was elected president of the Council, 
and reelected in 1926. 

Mr. Leubuscher was also a member at one time of the New York 
Free Trade Club, having served on the executive board with 
Theodore Roosevelt. 

The Religion of Leubuscher 


Our friend Frederic C. Leubuscher, was a personal acquaintance 
and ardent admirer of my namesake and relative the agnostic, 
Robert G. Ingersoll. And one of the lifelong ties that have bound 
Fred Leubuscher and myself, and our families, has been a heterdox 
religious faith. I use the words "religious faith" advisedly; by that 
I mean that we have religion and that we have faith. 

I think my thoughts now may be considered that of Leubuscher 
and Ingersoll' as well as many friends here assembled when I 
assert a belief that is different from the common concept in a 
God of Order and a God of Nature, whose Divine Purpose compre- 
hends all of his two billion children on Earth, as distinguished 
from a special interest in individuals and sects, in their affairs and 
their creeds. 

My earliest memory of Fred Leubuscher back in the early i88o's 
was on the platform of the Masonic Temple at 23rd Street and 
Sixth Avenue, New York, at one of the meetings of the Reverend 
Hugh O. Pentecost, a Preacher of the Gospel of a Gospel also 
immortalized by Father Edward McGlynn, in whose career Mr. 
Leubuscher was vitally interested. I refer to the Gospel of the 
Fatherhood of God and the Brotherhood of Man. 

This Gospel changes a narrow orthodoxy which panders to human 
peccadilloes and denies, by implication at least, that a Creator could 
have but one design in creation, to that of the possession, by all of his 
children, of an earth, with its usufruct, as Jefferson called it, stored 
with an abundance for all peoples' sustension. 

And this religion goes further it includes the optimistic because 
it is better grounded faith and hope. A faith and hope supporter 
by history, authority and reason, that one day, when so-called 
Christian Civilization has run its tragic course of economic illiteracy 
and destruction, this usufruct or rent of the earth will be recovered 
to all the people, and thus realize, in its highest terms, Jeffersonian 
Democracy. This was the religious faith of Fred Leubuscher. 

Fred Leubuscher's life has been long and faithful ; wonderfully 
balanced between the practical and the ideal; between the truly 
spiritual and that which is scientifically applied ; between the hard 
grind of the work of today and a vision of the morrow that may 
still be a hundred years from realization. 

His philosophy was not the kind that demanded either plaudits or 
continuous support; he was schooled in that rare reserve expressed 



by Tom Johnson, who warned his co-workers against expecting 
encouragement during their generation. 

What actuates a life such as Fred Leubuscher's ? To the unobserv- 
ing it may be a variety of human characteristics. But we who have 
known him for these decades know that a man who for three score 
years and more, literally lived with an ideal, must have possessed 
a democratic and catholic love of humanity, an accurate sense of 
justice, and a keen discernment between nature's way and the way 
of men. And finally, a practical determination to put dreams into 

The Practicality of Leubuscher 


About forty years ago, I undertook to act as chairman of the 
committee on outdoor meetings of the Manhattan Single Tax Club. 
Shortly thereafter, the question of a new president for the club 
came up. Mr. Leubuscher agreed to accept the presidency if I 
would take on the duties of secretary. To this I agreed. Leubuscher 
then asked me what his duties were to be. I told him that the duties 
of the President would be to preside at all the meetings and pay 
the expenses when there was no money in the treasury. "I accept," 
said he. 

The political parties in Harlem, realizing that the Single Tax 
meetings were educating the public, made every effort to stop these 
street-corner meetings. Through their influence, the Chief Inspector 
of the Police Department gave orders that the meetings must cease. 
We appealed to him on several occasions but he insisted that they 
could only be conducted if a permit were issued, and that no permits 
would be granted. He made all sorts of statements to the effect that 
it was a violation of law to carry on street corner meetings. 

Mr. Leubuscher and myself called on the Chief Inspector at hi 
office at Police Headquarters for a show-down. Mr. Leubuscher 
insisted that the Inspector point out to him what sections of the law 
he referred to. After much discussion to and fro, the Inspector said 
that street corner meetings were a nuisance and they were stopped 
because of complaints. Mr. Leubuscher then told me to discontinue 
the meetings, and at the same time told the Inspector that when the 
political campaigns opened, he would have persons attend the meet- 
ings and make complaint to the police that they were a nuisance. 
Looking the Chief in the eyes, he said, "And if you don't stop these 
meetings, I will prefer charges against you to the Police Commission- 
er." Mr. Leubuscher was about five feet four and the Inspector six 
feet two. He looked down at Mr. Leubuscher with his jaw stuck 
out and said in a bombastic voice, "Do you mean that?" "Yes," 
replied Leubuscher. The Inspector changed his attitude and said 
"All right, go ahead and run your meetings, but keep away from 
34th Street and Broadway." (These corners were perhaps the 
busiest in the entire city, and it would be impractical for anyone to 
attempt to hold meetings there.) 

During his long and useful career, Leubuscher always stood for 

principle first and never was a compromiser. 

* * * 

No account of Fred Leubuscher would be complete with- 
out mention of the frequent contributions during his lifetime 
to the various Georgeist activities, including LAND AND 
FREEDOM. He was exceptionally generous to the Henry 
George School of Social Science, of which he was a Trustee, 
having left the School a bequest of $3,000, in addition to 
large amounts bestowed upon that organization before his 

Thus Spake the Prophets | 


lyriLLENIUMS before Henry George appeared in tb 
rA world, the little world of the Hebrews, huddled on th 
Asiatic Mediterranean, produced those early rebels againi 
tyranny and injustice, known as the Prophets. Start! 
with Isaiah, Jeremiah and Ezekiel, and continuing with tH 
twelve "minor" Prophets, this scorned and persecute 
minority boldly cried out against the corruption and uil 
bridled luxury of the judges, kings, priests and landlord 
on the one hand, and the stark poverty engulfing the mas 
of the Hebrew people on the other. Throughout the land 
misery and war prevailed, blood ran like water, factiod 
opposed one another and neighboring countries, sensing i 
"kill," warred incessantly against the "chosen children o 
God," who, led by their corrupt leaders, gave more appeal 
ance of descent from the devil. 

The great Isaiah who may be considered a predecesso 
of Henry George seeing the chaos, and witnessing thi 
relentless pressure of the insatiate landlords, cried out it 
despair : 

Woe unto those that cause house to join on hous< 
bring field near to field, till there is no more room, so tha 
they may be left alone as the inhabitants in the midst o 
the land ! 

Therefore are my people led into exile, for want o 
knowledge; and their honorable men suffer of famine 
and their multitudes are panting with thirst. 

Lamenting the poverty-stricken condition of the poor, a: 
did Henry George, Isaiah bitterly denounces their oppres- 

O my people! thy leaders cause thee to err, and the 
direction of thy paths they corrupt. 

The Lord is stepped forth to plead, and standeth uj 
to judge the people. 

The Lord will enter into judgment with the ancients o 
this people and their princes ; but ye ye have eaten uj 
the vineyard ; the plunder of the poor is in your house. 

What mean ye that ye crush my people, and grind dowt 
the faces of the poor? saith the Lord the Eternal of hosts 

What liberal newspaper of today would dare to accust 
the intrenched power of the possessors of the land with 
such vehemence? What prophet of today denounces with 
the same lofty motive the ill-gotten gains of the few ? 

Speaking with a voice of thunder, the majestic Prophel 
continues : 

Woe unto those that decree decrees of unrighteousness 
and the writers who write down wrongful things ; 



Who turn aside from judgment the needy and who rob 
the just due of the poor of my people, that widows may 
be their prey, and that they may plunder the fatherless. 

The worthless person shall be no more called liberal, 
and the avaricious man shall not be said to be bountiful. 

For the worthless person ever speaketh villainy, and 
his heart will work injustice, to practice hypocrisy, and 
to speak error against the Lord; to leave empty the soul 
of the hungry and the drink of the thirsty will he take 

The instruments also of the avaricious man are evil; 
he deviseth wicked resolves to destroy the poor with 
words of falsehood, even when the needy speaketh what 
is right. 

But the liberal deviseth liberal things; and he ever 
persisteth by liberal things. 

Looking forward into the dim future, scanning the unborn 
centuries, the Seer of Israel envisions a society in which 
Justice prevails : 

And they shall build houses, and inhabit them; and 
they shall plant vineyards, and eat their fruit. 

They shall not build and another inhabit; they shall 
not plant and another eat; for, as the days of a tree are 
the days of my people, and the work of their hands shall 
my elect wear out. 

They shall not toil in vain, nor bring forth unto an 
early death. 

Jeremiah, his heart torn by the prevailing unrighteous- 
ness, continues the struggle. With a determined courage, 
rare to find anywhere in the field of social thought, and all 
the more startling at a time when tyrants passed as staunch 
upholders of justice, this brilliant Prophet blasts the rulers 
of his day: 

Woe unto him that buildeth his house by unrighteous- 
ness, and his chambers by injustice; that maketh his 
neighbor work without wages, and giveth him not the 
reward for his labor ; 

That saith, I will build me a roomy house, and ample 
chambers, and cutteth himself out windows, and ceileth 
it with cedar, and painteth it with colors. . . . 

But thy eyes and thy heart are directed on nothing but 
upon thy own gain, and upon innocent blood to shed it, 
and upon oppression, and upon extortion, to practise 

With a sadness that permeates his prophecy, the vigorous 
dreamer, Amos, describes the wretchedness enveloping the 
nation which he loved so much. In a sudden fit of anger, 
he cries against those who are responsible for the condition 
of the poor : 

Ye who change justice into wormwood, and cast down 

righteousness ! . . . Ye tread down upon the poor, and ye 
take from him onerous contributions of corn ! 

For I know your manifold transgressions and your 
numerous sins ; ye are those that are the adversaries of 
the just, that take a ransom, and that wrest the needy 
in the gate. 

Remove thou from around me the noise of thy songs; 
and the playing of thy psalteries I will not hear. 

But let justice roll along like water, and righteousness 
like a mighty stream. 

His mood changes, and with a breadth of vision and a 
love of humanity, which alone should preserve him tot- 
posterity, gently he utters : 

Are ye not like the children of the Ethiopians unto me, 
O children of Israel ? saith the Lord. Have I not brought 
up Israel out of the land of Egypt? and the Philistines 
from Caphtor, and the Syrians from Kir? 

Perhaps the most social-minded of all the minor Piophets 
is Micah, who condemns the landlords with a violence 
tinged with hatred : 

Woe to those that devise wickedness, and resolve on 
evil upon their couches ! By the first light of the morning 
they execute it, if they have it in the power of their hand. 

And they covet fields, and rob them; and houses, and 
take them away ; so they defraud the master and his house, 
and the man and his heritage. . . . 

Thus hath said the Lord concerning the Prophets that 
mislead my people, who when they have something to bite 
with their teeth, cry, Peace ; but who prepare war against 
him who putteth nothing in their mouth. 

Micah paints an enchanting picture of a society of 
brotherly love, where all nations shall be free and equal, all 
resting on the principle of liberty and justice. I should 
like to commend these passages to those who are intent upon 
destroying the little civilization still left this unfortunate 

And many nations shall come, and say, Come ye, and 
let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, and to the 
house of the God of Jacob; that he may teach us of his 
ways, and we may walk in his paths ; for out of Zion shall 
go forth the law, and the word of the Lord out of 

And he shall judge between many people, and decide 
for strong nations even afar off ; and they shall beat their 
swords into plough-shares, and their spears into pnming- 
knives ; nation shall not lift up sword against nation, and 
they shall not learn any more war. 

But they shall sit every man under his vine and under 
his fig-tree, with none to make them afraid ; for the mouth 
of the Lord of hosts hath spoken it. 



Signs of Progress 


Henry George School of Social Science 


ENLARGED QUARTERS After a summer of intense work 
the fourth and fifth floors of 30 East 29 Street, New York 
City, are completed and in use. There are eight new 
class-rooms, as well as an auditorium with a seating capacity 
of 150. With the latest type lighting fixtures and complete 
modernization, the School building now makes an impressive 

Three series of lectures to be held in the new auditorium 
have been planned. One series is a lecture forum, conducted 
every Sunday, to attract the general public. There is also 
a series conducted on Friday evenings, entitled "Funda- 
mental Conditions for a Lasting Peace." On Tuesday eve- 
nings, Albert Jay Nock will speak on individualism versus 
collectivism. An admission fee of $3.00 is being charged 
for this latter series. The others are free. 

FALL TERM Classes in Fundamental Economics and 
advanced courses opened the week of September 23. The 
enrollment in the "Progress and Poverty" course is about 
1300, and about 300 have registered for advanced courses. 
This term has seen a high percentage of book sales, about 
60% of the students having purchased books. 

An imposing series of advanced courses have been pre- 
pared which bid fair to gain for the School an academic 
reputation. Among these courses are : Basic Course in 
Sociology of Economic Institutions; Principles and Prob- 
lems of Tax Policy; Public Speaking; Basic Principles of 
Composition; and Formal Logic. 

Extension courses are again opening all over the country. 
Among the places where classes have already started are: 
San Diego, Calif. ; Hartford, Conn. ; Boston, Mass. ; 
Newark, N. J. ; Philadelphia, Pa. ; points in Westchester, 
N. Y. ; and points in Long Island, N. Y. 

About 400 students have enrolled for the correspondence 
course in "Progress and Poverty." A new course in "Pro- 
tection or Free Trade" has been prepared for correspond- 
ence students who have completed the first course. Already 
100 have enrolled for this advanced course. 


FALL TERM After a tremendous amount of work on the 
part of a volunteer crew, which distributed thousands of 

announcements, the Fall term opened the week of September 
16, with a total enrollment of over 500. The Speakers 
Bureau of the Chicago School is now under way, and has 
already made several speaking engagements, to be held at 
rotary clubs, churches, young people's clubs, etc. 

MASTER'S DEGREE EXAM The examination for the 
Master's degree in the English Department at the University 
of Chicago included a quiz on Henry George's "Progress 
and Poverty." There were three questions. The first asked 
to explain George's reasoning processes. The second re- 
ferred to George's environment as influencing his ideas. 
And the third asked for the Georgeist reply to typical 

P & P To LINDBERGH When Col. Charles A. Lindbergh 
spoke at the Soldiers Field peace rally, a graduate of the 
Henry George School, Clyde Bassler, was present. He had 
with him a copy of "Progress and Poverty" to present to 
Lindbergh. Mr. Bassler gave it to a guard, who gave it to 
one of the rally sponsors, Capt. Grace, who gave it 
Lindbergh. The book was seen tucked under Lindbergh 
arm as he left the Field. 

Robert Schalkenbach Foundation 


Ten thousand copies of "Progress and Poverty" wer 
printed by the Foundation in September. This is the 
Foundation's thirteenth printing of that masterpiece, and it 
brings the total number of copies to 68,000. Fresh printings 
of "Protection or Free Trade" and "Social Problems" wer 
made during the Summer. 

Special attention is called to a new edition of Her 
George's neglected "A Perplexed Philosopher," advertise 
on the back page of this issue. This is the first American 
edition since 1904. It has been printed in the same style 
and format as the other works by George, completing the 
set of his books published by the Foundation. 

In all, the Foundation has now published and distributed 
a grand total of 100,000 volumes. In the distributing of 
these books, the splendid work of the Henry George School 
of Social Science has been of tremendous assistance. The 
two organizations are in close cooperation, working harmoni- 
ously, each helping the other when that help is needed. 



Manhattan Single Tax Club 

The Club has embarked upon a course of action to do 
all in its power to spread knowledge of the Georgeist 
philosophy while there is yet time. In this program as 
outlined in a circular recently sent out are the following 
points : 

1. Revitalizing the Club to bring it up to its standing 
under Henry George, and make its influence felt throughout 
the country. 

2. Publishing its paper, democracy, weekly to spread 
sound economic teachings. 

3. Cooperating with other Georgeist organizations. 

4. Interesting the public through radio talks, lectures 
and the dissemination of literature. 

Arden Celebration 

The annual Henry George Day celebration was held in 
Arden, Delaware, on Sunday, September 8. Arden is an 
"enclave of economic rent" administered under the single 
tax principle, on the outskirts of Wilmington. The attend- 
ance at the meeting was good, and the speeches were well- 

The principal speaker was Harry Weinberger, who 
delivered an address on "Liberty in a Dark World." Dr. 
Henry George III (grandson of Henry George), spoke of 
the pioneer spirit as being an important factor in the great- 
ness of men like Henry George and Mahatma Ghandi. 
Julian Hickok and Harold Sudell of Philadelphia spoke. 
Mrs. Katherine F. Ross, former Trustee of Arden, spoke 
on the Arden Deed of Trust, and paid tribute to Frank 
Stephens, founder and guiding spirit of that little commun- 
ity. In her talk, Mrs. Ross said: 

"To be able to grant basic justice and freedom, involved 
in the equitable Use of the Earth, upon which, together with 
Free Trade, depends the just distribution of wealth, requires 
an instrument, such as a Constitution, or, as in the case of 
Arden, a Deed of Trust, to keep it inviolate. And that is 
what the Deed in Arden has been designed to do for Arden. 
Should the Trustees perform a dereliction of duty in respect 
to this underlying intent, they can be forced to resign, but 
no Court of Law, I am told on authority, can dissolve this 

"This instrument, that prevents basic aggression on the 
part of individuals, groups of individuals, or a majority, in 
its preservation of Equal Rights in the Use of the Earth 
in Arden, although other adverse unnatural conditions may 
overshadow its effects, is the highest, the simplest and most 
fundamental social guide that has ever been devised, and 
Geogreists have the privilege to pay it honor." 

Dr. Henry George was drafted by the Trustees of Arden 
to fill a vacancy on their three-member board. The position 
is a life-long one. Dr. George is president of the Delaware 
State Osteopathic Society. 

The School of Democracy 

Within a year at least, two new schools teaching Georgeist 
principles have been started! One is the We, The Citizens 
School (reported in the last issue of LAND AND FREEDOM) ; 
and now we have the School of Democracy. This new 
School is being started by Mr. Harry J. Haase, in collabora- 
tion with Mr. Charles H. Ingersoll. The present head- 
quarters are at the Manhattan Single Tax Club, 1165 
Broadway, New York City, in Room 203. 

Classes are being held daily at 5:30 and at 8:00 P. M., 
and on Saturdays at 2:00 P. M. Several Georgeists have 
become interested in the idea, and some are starting 
extension classes, among them Mr. Byron T. Conrad, of 
Bellerose, Long Island. 

Mr. Haase has circulated a number of Georgeists urging 
them to cooperate. The prime purpose of the School is to 
"convince the layman that the only workable basis for 
democracy is equality secured through the collection of 
economic rent." Cooperation is invited, in the form of 
"physical, mental, moral or financial assistance." 

Great Britain 

Our commendations go to our British colleagues who are 
carrying on so bravely amidst air-raids and the general 
disorder in the present crisis. Mr. W. E. Fox, Henry 
George School leader, continues his classes, which opened 
October 2, at the Battersea Central Library. The United 
Committee for the Taxation of Land Values sent Georgeist 
literature to the Annual Conference of the Association of 
Municipal Authorities of Ireland, held September 12. 
Altogether, 1,190 copies of each piece of literature were 
sent, and a number of Town Clerks responded, saying they 
were giving the matter their attention. 

A Georgeist working in Ireland reports that the spreading 
of economic truth is impeded by the political division of 
that country. "The Six Counties is the last Tory fortress," 
he writes to Land & Liberty. "The partition keeps the 
political issue before the Irish people to the exclusion of the 
economic problem and serves the same purpose that Home 
Rule served in England. I don't expect much progress in 
our lines till the partition is removed ; but it is well to spread 
the light amongst the more far-seeing people, which I am 
trying to do as opportunity offers." 

Mr. F. C. R. Douglas, the new Georgeist M. P. from 
North Battersea, is losing no time in speaking for sound 
economic principles in Parliament. In a debate on the 
Finance Bill, August 6, Mr. Douglas condemned the 
Purchase Tax as being both unjust and unsound. In 
concluding, he said: "Reference has been made today and 
very properly, I think to the circumstances which we shall 



have to face after the war, because our troubles will not 
then be ended. One of the problems with which we shall 
then have to deal, no doubt, will be the question of putting 
into employment those who are taken off the production of 
munitions and implements of war, and the tax on land 
values, which the Chancellor has rejected, would be a 
valuable instrument in securing that the idle resources of 
this country were put into use in order that its idle people 
should be employed. I hope that question will yet be 
pressed to an issue, that the Purchase Tax will be repealed, 
and that better taxation will be placed in its stead." 

We should like to call our readers' attention to our new 
British correspondent, Douglas J. J. Owen. Mr. Owen has 
kindly volunteered his services in this capacity, and hopes 
to keep us informed on economic conditions as well as 
Georgeist activities in Gerat Britain. An article by Mr. 
Owen appears in this issue. Our thanks are due to Mr. 
Arthur W. Madsen of Land & Liberty for securing the 
services of Mr. Owen. 

L & F Again Goes to Washington 

TN our last issue we announced that 50 copies of the 
* May- June number of this journal had been personally 
distributed among as many Congressmen at the nation's 
capital. The idea was extended for July-August so as to 
place the Pan-American issue of LAND AND FREEDOM in the 
hands of every member of the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives, over 500 copies having been mailed. Each was 
accompanied by a letter, appealing for land value taxation 
as a means of financing the national defense program. 

Of course, all such activities entail expense. The print- 
ing and delivery of 500 copies, with enclosed letter, by 3rd 
class mail, costs around $50. However, we believe this 
kind of work justifies the effort, and we are only too glad 
to do it whenever the necessary additional funds can be 



"Land Economics," by Richard T. Ely & George S. Wehrwein 
The Macmillan Company, New York. 1940. 512 pp. 

Any book that considers the economic issue of the land question 
is of interest to Georgeists whether or not its author understands 
that "the ownership of land is the great fundamental fact which 
ultimately determines the social, the political, and consequently the 
intellectual and moral condition of a people." It is with this thought 
that "Land Economics" is here reviewed. 

In the preface we find that "Land Economics may be defined as 
the utilization of the earth's surface, or space, as conditioned by 
property and other institutions, and which includes the use of natural 

forces and productive powers above or below that space over which 
the owner has property rights." The index notes four references to 
George. The bibliography has placed "Progress and Poverty" under 
"Conservation of Natural Resources." 

Students who have read "Progress and Poverty" do not all become 
Georgeists, but they usually agree that the Malthusian theory, which 
attributes want to the decrease of the productive power of land, is 
completely answered in the second Book. But the noted professors 
insist that Henry George "failed to overthrow the law itself." 

Private property is justified "only on the social theory of property, 
namely, that it is established and maintained for social purposes. 
Under this theory, agricultural land is retained as private property 
because it is believed that the nation enjoys the greatest well-being 
under private ownership. Whenever social welfare is better served by 
shifting from private to public land, the state has the power to make 
this change. It has the power to make the right of the individual to 
the land less absolute." 

The reviewer wonders what Ely and Wehrwein would say if this 
''social theory of property" were at some future date used to defend 
a Georgeist society. 

The authors illustrate their lack of understanding of Henry 
George's concept of private property in land. He was not interested, 
as claimed by these economists, in "excluding land from the realm 
of legal private property." Georgeists are only interested in the pub- 
lic collection of the economic rent. Perhaps the noted professors 
merely overlooked mentioning this difference. Or perhaps the con- 
fiscation of the milk and honey of vested interests would not permit 
them to note any difference in consequences. 

"Competition for the land has driven the price up to the fu 
capitalized value of its income. In fact, many times above this value, 
through speculation and other factors." How has this admissio 
slipped in? 

Two mentions are made of why Henry George wrote "Progress 
and Poverty." 

"Henry George acquired his philosophy of the taxation of land in 
the atmosphere of land-frauds and wild speculation in urban and 
agricultural lands of California where both Mexican and American 
land policies had favored concentration of ownership, and the bona 
fide settler found great difficulty in acquiring land." 

The second mention also deals with the environmental factor that 
influenced George. It is an apparent attempt to belittle his contri-. 
bution to economic theory. "He lived during the post-Civil War 
period when speculation, 'land-grabbing', corruption, and fraud were 
rife, but he over-simplified the remedy for the ills of society by 
attacking 'the unearned increment' in the land only." 

Is it possible that a good word about George is permitted to enter 
the book? The authors quote from Lewis Mumford's "The Brov 
Decade" : 

"But George's awareness of the political importance of the land, 
his clear perception in 1879 of dangers that were to be fully demon- 
strated by 1890, and the stir that he made in the torpid political and 
economic thought of his day by introducing into it a vital idea 
all this cannot be discounted. Henry George challenged the com- 
placencies of bourgeois economics in the terms that the bourgeois 
economist could partly understand. Less than fifteen years after 
George's 'Progress and Poverty' was published. Professor Fredrick 
Turner pointed out some of the social and economic implications of 
the passing of the frontier. From this point on, any one who ignored 
the role of the land, either in American history or in our current 
institutional life, was guilty of convenient f orgetfulness : the fact 
was established." 




Nowhere in this book did the reviewer find any suggestion of a 
constructive land policy for lessening poverty amid advancing wealth. 
But all phases of the science which deals with the earth's surface are 
discussed and amply illustrated. The size of families, immigration, 
birth and death rates, and other factors of the study of the popu- 
lation statistics are pursued. ''Temperature and Sunshine"; "Rain- 
fall and Evaporation"; "Topography"; Agricultural, conservational, 
arid, forest, urban, recreational lands and water, mineral and power 
resources these are only a few of the items that would interest even 
a Georgeist in this book. 

"Land Economics" tells you how it is possible to satisfy men's 
needs, but never mentions why they are not properly housed, clothed 
and fed. The noted professors would find the solution in "Progress 
and Poverty" if they would reexamine this book without any pre- 

Louis P. TAYLOR 


"Notes on Denmark Before and After the German Invasion," 
American Friends of Danish Freedom and Democracy, 420 Lexing- 
ton Avenue, N*ew York, N. Y. August, 1940. 

The organization known as American Friends of Danish Free- 
dom and Democracy was organized shortly after the German inva- 
sion of Denmark. The purpose is to perpetuate the Danish culture 
and freedom-loving tradition, and to work to the end "that Den- 
mark may continue to live on." 

This compilation of "Notes on Denmark" presents a picture of 
Denmark's contribution to the world. The Folk Schools, the co- 
operative system and the land and fiscal systems are described. "The 
Danish people prize independence above everything else," and this 
is exemplified in their legislation. 

One could wish that these notes might direct more attention to 
the influence of the land value tax on the prosperity and well-being 
of the nation. However, we do find notes on "Subsistence Home- 
steads and Resettlement." 

"In Denmark," say these notes, "rural resettlement and subsis- 
tence homsteads have ended landlordism, sharecropping and tenancy. 
In 1850 as many as 42% of Danish farmers were tenants. Today 
only 4% of Danish farmers are tenants; 96% work for themselves. 
The United States had about the same percentage of tenant-farmers 
in 1935 as Denmark had 85 years previously. 

"Since 1899 an Act of Parliament has placed land at the disposal 
of Danish farm laborers ... A total of 17,190 new farms were 
created under that Act. Under a later Act of 1919 5,000 additional 
new farms have been established. Their owners pay interest to the 
government on the value of the land according to periodical re- 

"All these new farms have become available not only through 
the reclaiming of land but also through a resettlement on land sur- 
rendered by large entailed estates. These became free estates by (l), 
giving up 25-30% of their capital and (2), by surrendering against 
compensation one third of their land. The money obtained, 89 
million Kroner ($20,000,000), was placed in a 'Land Fund' the in- 
terest from which is used right along for government purchase of 
land to establish small holdings." 

In many other ways, Denmark has enacted progressive legislation. 
The condition of the Danish people after the invasion is also describ- 
ed in these notes. The contrast leaves one- with the fervent hope 
that the ante bellum status may be speedily- restored. 

R. C. 




I believe that in our efforts to spread the doctrine of Henry George 
we are now engaged in the work of sweeping back the tides. The 
huge amounts collected from us in taxes for the educational system 
are used for the teaching of a meaningless political economy, and 
the comparatively insignificant outlays we can make are pitted 
against the false ideas spread by those huge outlays. Before we can 
begin to instill real political economy we must wipe out the false 
teaching on which the people have been reared a colossal under- 

If we could introduce into the schools a textbook on political 
economy in accordance with George's doctrine, there are teachers 
ready to select it for their classes, and it would soon force out the 
unscientific and meaningless textbooks which have made economics 
the "dismal science." 

But such a textbook can not be approved for purchase by boards 
of education nor ordered by teachers until it has been published, and 
publishers simply will not publish books which teach the public 
collection of rent. They will not take the risk, because there is no 
market for them. A writer who should succeed in producing such 
a textbook, even supposing it to be a perfect text, must either 
finance its publication, with small chance of sales, or keep the 
manuscript for handing out to his friends. It is small wonder that 
the youth of the nation are brought up with ideas of political 
economy which render the spread of Georgeism very difficult. 

The best service which Georgeists could render to the cause would 
be to call for the submission of textbooks, select the best or have a 
better one written, and concentrate their funds on its publication; 
then have it sanctioned by boards of education, and solicit individual 
teachers to order it for their classes. One textbook taught in the 
high schools and colleges, at the expense of boards of education, 
would do more to advance the cause than the mountains of Henry 
George literature which have said what Henry George has already 
said in better language, and which are read by few except dyed-in- 
the-wool Georgeists. 
Jamaica, N. Y. HENRY J. FOLEY. 



This letter is for the purpose of taking issue with the theory of 
interest as expressed in Mr. Gaston Haxo's article in the July-August 
issue of LAND AND FREEDOM, and to present what we believe to be 
the natural law of economic interest. The fundamental argument 
on which Mr. Haxo's theory is based is the statement that capital 
is not a separate factor of production and that interest is therefore 
not an economic fact but is a social institution that exists only as a 
result of borrowing, and has no place in distribution. 

Mr. Haxo has tried to prove that capital is not a factor of 
production by contending that it is a factor of labor. Let us look 
at the argument in favor of this assertion. He states that capital 
alone produces nothing, and can produce nothing without labor, that 
labor hardly ever produces anything without capital and that there- 
fore capital is a factor of labor. If this reasoning is sound, can we 
not use exactly the same process to prove that land is a factor of 
labor? Land alone cannot become wealth, it is transformed into 
wealth only by the application of labor, and labor cannot produce 
wealth without land on which to operate. 

Since we cannot prove that capital is a factor of labor without 
also proving that land is a factor of labor, we had better reconsider 



land, labor and capital as separate factors of production. The 
efficiency of production depends on the quality and quantity of the 
land used, the labor employed and the capital used. When any of 
these three items is increased in either quality or quantity, more 
production of wealth results; when any of these items is decreased, 
less wealth is produced. Since a change in any one of the three 
affects the output in the same manner as a similar change in any 
other one, it follows that if any one is a factor of production, then 
all three must be factors. 

Ricardo has given us the law of rent. If we can also discover the 
law of interest we will have a complete answer to the problem of 
distribution, since wages must be that which is left after rent and 
interest are paid. The natural law of economic interest must be 
that law which requires labor to pay for the advantage which it 
derives from the capital it employs. It is easy to jump to the 
conclusion that in the case of manufacturing this advantage Is 
measured by the difference between what can be produced with tools 
as compared with what can be produced without tools. Let us find 
out how much the advantage of tools really is. 

Suppose that a man is producing wealth with the aid of a tool.* 
Each time the tool wears out, he makes a new one. If it requires 
T days to make the tool and if the tool wears out in W days then in 
a cycle of T plus W days the man spends W days in producing 
wealth and T days in making the tool. The tool is also wealth but 
this need not confuse us, since it is not of itself useful to the ultimate 
consumer and has exchange value only because of its usefulness to 
labor. Now suppose that just as a tool wears out, the man requires 
a new one from someone else and therefore does not have to stop 
to make a new one, and suppose also that in the future he is able 
to spend all his time in producing wealth since he is not obliged to 
stop to make a tool when one wears out. Therefore the advantage 
of acquiring the tool is measured by the amount of wealth that 
could be produced with the tool during the time required to replace 
the tool in other words, the advantage represented by possession 
of the tool. 

Most of the difficulty we have had in understanding the law of 
interest has resulted from the false assumption that interest is 
payment for the advantage resulting from the use of capital. We 
have shown, however, that in the case of tools, the only advantage 
to labor is that which results from the possession of capital. Since 
use is predicated on possession, the error is easy to make. However, 
we all recognize that rent arises from the possession of land regard- 
less of how much wealth is produced from it, and it should not be 
difficult to apply the same reasoning to interest and capital. Payment 
for possession of land and capital rather than payment for use is 
the basis for the natural laws of rent and interest because payment 
for use implies by definition that the amount paid will be in 
proportion to what is produced and would therefore be a tax on 
production, which of course, has no place in distribution. 

Let us now determine the law of interest by finding out how much 
labor must pay for the possession of its capital. It is obvious that 
no one needs to pay more for any tool which he desires to possess 
than the exchange value of that tool. He will pay that much in the 
value of his own labor whether he produces the tool himself or 
acquires it through exchange. When the tool has worn out, he must 
again pay that same exchange value if he wishes to continue to 
possess a tool, and subsequently, each time the tool wears out, he 
must again pay the exchange value of a tool if he wishes to continue 
to use it. This routine is nothing more nor less than what we are 
accustomed to call "amortization." Since economic interest is 
wealth paid for permission to use capital, in excess of the repayment 
of the capital, it is now evident that economic interest is zero. 

We agree with Mr. Haxo's refutation of George's contention that 

the forces of nature give an increase to capital which justifies interest. 
There can be no doubt that the cooperation of nature which gives 
more produce for the same amount of labor and capital does not 
increase the return to the producer but does tend to lower the 
exchange value of his product. 

Commercial interest is what the creditor receives in addition to 
the return of his capital. Without attempting a complete analysis 
of commercial interest, let us point out that under our present 
system, the owner of wealth may purchase a monopoly (exchange 
wealth for the title to land). So long as this opportunity exists, 
the owner of wealth will not use it as capital unless commercial 
interest rates are as high as the return he can get from the monopoly. 
Therefore, the artificially high commercial interest rates in exist- 
ence today are the result of our land policy. Commercial interest 
rates are generally thought to contain an insurance factor, but this 
would tend to disappear in a free economy due to the pressure of 
loanable funds. Since individuals desiring to preserve wealth for 
use in old age or for other purposes would have no choice but to 
loan it for use as capital, and since labor would find it much easier 
to produce wealth, it might be that those desiring to loan might 
find it necessary to pay a service charge to the borrower who con- 
tracts to preserve the original value of the wealth borrowed. 

We agree with Mr. Haxo that the type of loan made by loan 
shark companies to distressed individuals is a social phenomenon. 
Wealth loaned for such purposes is not used as capital in production 
and is outside the field of political economy. Therefore, the rate 
charged for such loans does not need to agree with the prevailing 
commercial interest rate. That this business would decrease if the 
number of distressed individuals were reduced, is another argument 
for the removal of monopoly privileges and restrictions. 
Towaco, N. J. E. L. ERWIN 


(The "Theory of Interest" article by Gaston Haxo, appearing 
in our previous issue, resulted in a not unwelcome avalanche of 
letters to the editors. The letters were preponderantly in favor of 
the views expressed by Mr. Haxo, though several took strong 
exception. The one above has been set up as typical of the "dissents." 



Regarding the island illustration, Beckwith is drawing largely 
a fertile imagination for his "facts." He calmly assumes that the 
product of the island is more than Brown and Jones can consume. 
How does he know that? He did not get it out of the 56- word 
paragraph I wrote. I was challenged to show "a single instance" 
where land had a value, and I am entitled to set up any hypotheses 
I choose, provided the conditions are not impossible. If Beckwith 
will read the paragraph again he will not find anything to indicate 
what is the total product of the island. He will, however, find that 
Jones is using all the land that "is available to him". Ignoring 
these facts, Beckwith has set up a "straw man" and knocked him 
down. He is like a chess player who being checkmated, calmly gets 
out of his difficulties by moving his opponent's pieces ! The hypotheses 
I set up were made very brief for the purpose of forestalling 
attempts to bring in irrelevant matter, but even so, Beckwith's 
versatile imagination was not to be denied. Now to elaborate, let 
us suppose that Jones makes a living worth I X, and Brown 10 X. 
The question is, is the difference of 9 X wages, interest or rent? 
We may rule out interest as it is merely a subdivision of wages. 
This leaves only wages or rent. Now it is obvious that Jones will 
be willing to pay Brown anything up to 9 X let us say 8 X for 



convenience for the mere permission to use Brown's land. In 
this case Jones' standard of living will be doubled while Brown gets 
8 X for nothing. This 8 X, therefore, cannot be wages since Brown 
(now) does no work. Jones supports both hmiself and Brown by 
his "labor applied to land". If this 8 X (or 9 X) is not rent, then 
all thoeries of rent must be scrapped. The truth is that the 
hypotheses I have set up are "fool proof" and there is no escape for 
Beckwith unless he can. show that conditions such as I postulate 
cannot exist. Brown is simply using land that is ten times more 
productive than any Jones can obtain. That is not an impossible 
condition and must be accepted. Of course, it is almost needless to 
say, that this island merely serves as an illustration. I am prepared, 
when the proper time comes, to show that the value which is 
inherent in Brown's holding applies generally to all farm lands. 
Where social services are supplied they will cause a value to 
"attach" to the land, but over and above this, there will be an added 
value in respect of exceptional natural advantages, where such exist. 
I think I can prove this with the same Euclidian precision as I have 
used in the island example. 

(I note Beckwith does not refer to my contention that rent may 
be taken in instalments as effectively as by the one-step method. 
Has he been educated?) 
Auckland, New Zealand. C. H. NIGHTINGALE. 


In his original premise, Mr. Nightingale stipulated that there is 
no social service on his suppositional island, which is occupied by 
these two men and no others. This means that they had no com- 
merce, or communication, with other human beings, and that means 
that, except insofar as they themselves consumed their product, that 
product went to waste. Any surplus over this consumption could 
not be sold. 

Therefore, the only way that the man on the better end ot tne 
island could make a better living than the other would be by being 
a better worker" or hunter, or better cook, or by being able to eat 
more, or by having more leisure. If, therefore, they exchanged 
ends, and the man who at first had the poor end paid the other 
something to compensate him for surrendering the good end of the 
island, this exchange would not make the poor worker, the poor 
hunter, and the poor cook good at these callings. The only way this 
man could get a better living as a result of that exchange and that 
payment would be by being able then to lie abed longer in the 
morning and spending more hours lying in the shade on hot days. 
But, if this resulted, the payment should be fair; which means that 
it would equal the advantage thus gained. This would mean that 
it would compensate the other man for the disadvantages thus 
incurred and this would mean that it would pay the man who then 
went to the poor end of the island for the increased effort required 
to make a living there. 

That would mean that the man of leisure were paying the other 
to work that lie himself might rest. That payment would be, not 
rent, but wages. It would be an exchange between two men, with no 
third parties involved. Such a payment cannot be rent; for rent is 
paid because of surrounding conditions, and necessarily involves 
other persons beside the payer and payee. Where only two are 
involved, the payment must be either wages or interest. 

Mr. Nightingale mentioned no improvements; and it may be 
. assumed that none are involved. But if they were involved, the 
corresponding payment would be interest. In this case the wages 
due the man who works that the other may rest and the interest 
(if any) accounts, for the entire payment; there is nothing left of 
the payment that could, even in imagination, be termed rent. 
Stockton, Calif. L. D. BEckwiTH. 


FREDERIC C. HOWE, noted liberal reformer, and a devoted 
Georgeist, died August 3 at the age of 72. His ardent work in many 
progressive movements gained 'for him a reputation as an aggressive 
champion of the "average man." He was the author of many books 
containing Georgeist principles, such as "The Confessions of a 
Reformer," "The Confessions of a Monopolist," "Denmark a Co- 
operative Commonwealth," and many other works. All his life he 
had fought monopolies, and for six months before he died had been 
working with the Federal Monopoly Committee. Previous to that 
he held many official positions, among them U. S. Commissioner 
of Immigration, adviser to Secretary of Agriculture Wallace, and 
member of the Ohio State Senate. Dr. Howe was one of Tom L. 
Johnson's enthusiastic supporters during the latter's fight for munici- 
pal government reforms in Cleveland. 

WE have recently secured a new special correspondent for Brazil 
Prof. Fidelino de Figueiredo. Formerly a resident of Portugal, 
Prof, de Figueiredo is now teaching at the Faculties of Philosophy 
of Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, at the invitation of the Brazilian 

IT has been difficult to communicate with our French correspond- 
ent, Pavlos Giannelia, but recently we have received word from him. 
He continues to supply us with articles, and tells us that we may 
now communicate with him. At present he is residing at Neuilly- 
le-Real, France. 

DR. J. J. PIKLER, our Hungarian correspondent, recently cele- 
brated his 76th birthday. It is still difficult to contact Hungary, but 
we are glad to know that he is alive and well. An article by Dr. 
Pikler recently appeared in Land & Liberty. 

OUR new British correspondent, Douglas J. J. Owen, is a member 
of the Society of Friends. Apparently, the Society is aware of 
basic principles, for they have been circulating a poster which reads : 

Provide Access for All Nations 

to the 

World's Resources and Markets 

Will You Pay This Price 

For Peace? 

HARRY C. MAGUIRE has written to the Federal Unionists urging 
them to consider the proposition that the democracies declare 
world free trade and free movement of peoples among the civilized 
nations immediately. "After that," says Mr. Maguire, "Federal 
Union is inevitable. With no such action, the war will end with 
another treaty of revenge, and the whole dreary, bloody business 
will start over again in 1960." 

SOME copies of the Pan-American number of LAND AND FREE- 
DOM were distributed at the Inter-American House at the New York 
World's Fair, and some were sent to the Pan-American Union in 
Washington, D. C. In both cases, the magazine was well received. 
Dr. Rowe, Director General of the Pan-American Union, expressed 
his interest in the issue. 

THE Tax Policy League, 907 Broadway, New York City, is an or- 
ganization devoted to tax research. Its members conduct researches 
into existing tax conditions, and compile valuable statistics. Harold 
S. Buttenheim is president of the League. Among the publications 
of the League are periodic popular releases, known as "Taxes for 
Democracy." These include, in digested form, the findings of the 
League. They occasionally contain illustrations by Robert Clancy. 
The subscription rate of "Taxes for Democracy" is $1.00 per year. 




To give you an opportunity to examine for yourself the 

basis of the grea* controversy between Henry George 

and Herbert Spen er, we are offering these two reprints 

at a special price. 


A Perplexed Philosopher 

Being an Examinatk n of Mr. Herbert Spencer's Various 

Utterances on the L. nd Question, With Some Incidental 

Reference to his Synthetic Philosophy. 


"My primary object is to defend and advance a 
principle in which I t>je the only possible relief from 
much that enthralls and degrades and distorts, turning 
light to darkness and good to evil, rather than to gage a 
philosopher or weigh his philosophy." 

From Henry George's Preface 

Bound in cloth, uniform with other works 
by Henry George 

276 pages. 

Price, $1.00 


The Man Versus The State 


Introduction by Albert Jay Nock 

A Classic Statement of the Case for 
Individual Liberty. 

1940 Edition Price, $2.00 


Send orders to 


32 EAST 29th STREET 



A most favorable reception has been accorded our 
solicitation of orders for the coming publication of 

The Philosophy of 

An Adaptation of "Progress and Poverty" 

We are now pleased to report that enough advance 
subscriptions have been received to warrant the publica- 
tion of the book at an earlier date than anticipated. 
It will appear on or about 

November 15, 1940 

The interest expressed by those who have sent in 
their orders justifies the belief that such a work fills a 
need of long standing. It will be particularly service- 
able as a handy text-book, being not more than 200 pages 
in length, copiously illustrated with charts and diagrams. 
Adapted to teaching the philosophy of Henry George in 
a condensed but nevertheless thorough manner, the work 
should be especially welcome to the "busy man." 

Advance orders are still being taken. Tne price is 
$1.00 postpaid. If you have not already done so, send 
in your order now to 

Gaston Haxo, care of LAND AND FREEDOM 

150 Nassau Street, New York, N. Y. 

How Diplomats Make War 


(Member of Parliament, 1910-1915) 
Beautifully bound in cloth. 382 pages 

Limited number of copies available at 
$1.00 postpaid 

Obtainable from 


32 EAST 29th STREET 


VOL. XL, No. 6 WHOLE No. 223 

November December, 1940 

Land and Freedom 

4n International Journal of the Henry George Movement Founded in 1901 

The Campaign In Colorado 

George J. Knapp 

Professor Alonso Alive ! 

A Prisoner At Tarragona 

A Plea For A Revitalized Georgeist 
Movement In America 

Philip Rubin 

"What is the Kingdom of God? Is it not in the doing of God's will by 
intelligent beings clothed with free will, intelligent beings knowing good from 

evil ?" HENRY GK 






An International Journal of the Henry George Movement 
(Founded by Joseph Dana Miller) 

Published Bi-Monthly by 
LAND AND FREEDOM, 150 Nassau Street, New York 




Please address all communications and make all remittances 
payable to Land and Freedom. 

SUBSCRIPTION PRICE: $2.00 per year. Libraries and Colleges, $1.00. 
Special trial offer to students and graduates of the Henry George 
School of Social Science, $1.00 for one year. Payable in advance. 

Entered as second-class matter Oct. 2, 1913, at the Post Office, 
New York, N. Y., under the act of March 3, 1897. 

November December, 1940 

Vol. XL, No. 6 

WHOLE No. 223 


ENGLAND : Douglas J. J. Owen. 

CANADA: Herbert T. Owens. 

BRAZIL: Prof. Fidelino de Figueiredo. 

NEW ZEALAND: Hon. P. J. O'Regan, Wellington. 

T. E. McMillan, Matamata. 
SPAIN : Baldomero Argente, Madrid. 
BULGARIA: Lasar Karaivanove, Plovdiv. 
HUNGARY: J. J. Pikler, Budapest. 
FRANCE: Jng. Pavlos Giannelia. 






I REST AWHILE Laurie J. Quinby 167 



LIECHTENSTEIN Pavlos Giannelia 172 

THE CRITICS CRITICIZED Jacob Schwartzman 173 





QUESTION Robert C. Ludlow 178 

THE BATTLE OF THE TOWNS Douglas J. J. Owen 180 







We declare : 

That the earth is the birthright of all Mankind 
and that all have an equal and unalienable right 
to its use. 

That man's need for the land is expressed by 
the Rent of Land ; that this Rent results from the 
presence and activities of the people ; that it arises 
as the result of Natural Law, and that it there- 
fore should be taken to defray public expenses. 

That as a result of permitting land owners to 
take for private purposes the Rent of Land it 
becomes necessary to impose the burdens of tax- 
ation on the products of labor and industry, which 
are the rightful property of individuals, and to 
which the government has no moral right. 

That the diversion of the Rent of Land into 
private pockets and away from public use is a 
violation of Natural Law, and that the evils aris- 
ing out of our unjust economic system are the 
penalties that follow such violation, as effect fol- 
lows cause. 

We therefore demand : 

That the full Rent of Land be collected by the 
government in place of all direct and indirect 
taxes, and that buildings, machinery, implements 
and improvements on land, all industry, commerce, 
thrift and enterprise, all wages, salaries and in- 
comes, and every product of labor and intellect be 
entirely exempt from taxation. 

That there be no restrictions of any kind imposed 
upon the exchange of goods within or among 


Taking the full Rent of Land for public purposes 
would insure the fullest and best use of all land. 
Putting land to its fullest and best use would create 
an unlimited demand for labor. Thus the job would 
seek the man, not the man the job, and labor would 
receive its full share of the product. 

The freeing from taxation of every product of 
labor, including commerce and exchange, would 
encourage men to build and to produce. It would 
put an end to legalized robbery by the government. 

The public collection of the Rent of Land, by 
putting and keeping all land forever in use to the 
full extent of the people's needs, would insure real 
and permanent prosperity for all. 

"It would require less than the fingers of the two hands to enumerate those who, from Plato down, rank with Henr 
George among the world's social philosophers . . . No man, no graduate of a higher educational institution, has a rigl 
to regard himself as an educated man in social thought unless he has some first-hand acquaintance with the theoretic^ 
contribution of this great American thinker." JOHN DEWEY. 

Land and Freedom 



No. 6 

Comment and Reflection 

ET us state it clearly. We want to see the defeat of 
Hitler and Hitlerism. Our lot is cast with democracy, 
albeit over and over again its processes have disappointed us. 
We assert that the Georgeist reform is possible of applica- 
tion only in a society where free speech, freedom of as- 
sembly and popular government prevail. It is therefore 
vital that the measure of Freedom we now enjoy be pre- 
served, and defended against encroachment. Nothing can be 
more dangerous than the smug assumption that Freedom 
will, somehow, take care of itself. Like all abstractions, 
Liberty and Justice simply won't work by mere wishful 
thinking. Rather must they be translated into a behavior 
of living. There must be realistic effort risk, if need be 
to keep and enjoy the qualities that alone make life worth 

T^TEVERTHELESS, let us recognize that Hitler has of- 
fered a challenge one which not to meet is to suc- 
cumb to Hitlerism, in one form or another. The issue is 
this : The old order has changed. The world is interde- 
pendent. We can no longer presume to enjoy a comfortable 
isolation from the misfortunes of other lands. The day of 
isolation political as well as economic is past. The on- 
slaught of the dictators has jarred us into a realization that 
the boundary lines of the world are not eternal. 

rpYRANTS, says Henry George, employ current trends 
-*- for their own purpose, and he adds, "We who would 
free men should heed the same truth." We already have 
ample testimony of the manner in which the tyrants are 
dealing with the current trend of world interdependence. 
Does not Hitler boast that he will reduce the entire world 
to the Nazi sway? What plan has democracy athwart this 
totalitarian threat ? 

r HAT of internal reconstruction? Hitler has here made 
another challenge. A'fter the lightning war is to 
come the lightning peace, swiftly organized. Hitler has a 
plan, and the weary masses are eager for some way al- 
tiost any way out of the hell of economic insecurity. 
Against this, what plan can the democracies hold out as an 
ncentive for carrying on the struggle? Typical of the pro- 
grams proposed for the post-war period is that of Sir 
lichard Acland, M. P., in his book, Unscr Kampf, an an- 
i\ver to Adolf Hitler's Mcin Kampf. Sir Richard asserts 

that a goal worth striving for is the common ownership of 
the means of production. Yet he senses the danger in this, 
for he says: "This leaves now only the biggest problem of 
all, namely that of political and individual liberty under com- 
mon ownership. The problem is a very real one. Notwith- 
standing the amount of democratic control over working 
conditions which will exist through the many different 
forms of workers' meetings, the whole of the economic 
work will go forward under one central guiding plan, one 
organization . . . Over this organization one man will in 
the last resort preside. Human nature being what it is, we 
must consider how we can make sure that the political and 
cultural life of the nation does not fall under the control of 
this organization or of its chairman." The author goes on 
to deal with this problem, but in a most unsatisfactory way. 
He asserts that 100% liberty is impossible, and consoles 
us with a counter-assertion that 100% denial of liberty is 
also impossible. An international armed police, incapable 
of being bribed, is apparently his solution to this "biggest 
problem of all." 

UNFORTUNATELY, this is the sort of idea that is 
stealing upon the democracies. But is this the thing 
that democracy is fighting for an imitation of totalitarian- 
ism? Were it not just as well to yield to the enemy? It 
seems clear to us that any such concentration of power is a 
broad down-hill road to tyrannical dictatorship. Democ- 
racy's answer to Hitler must be something more than, "See, 
we ourselves are adopting your plan." 

ADVOCATES of the collection of the rent of land by 
government and the abolition of all restrictions on the 
exchange of goods, have the only workable plan an eco- 
nomic as well as a political democracy. This is the only real 
answer to Adolf Hitler. On the other hand, we must 
recognize that the idea of common ownership and central- 
ized power because of its easy acceptance is widespread. 
Yet, this is not to despair. We must learn to do our work 
in the world as we find it. Social reform cannot be expect- 
ed to triumph until it becomes instilled in the minds of the 
people. The same means and opportunities to effect such 
triumph are at our disposal as are available to all other 
reform groups. We must not be afraid to face the test of 
survival of our principles under a democratic order. While 
from time to time we may be disappointed, we shall refuse 
to be discouraged. We shall always retain our faith in the 
Power and final Victor}- of Truth, 



The Campaign In Colorado 


WHEN I ran for Governor of Colorado in 
1938, I polled 44,000 votes, although I 
spent only $310 in that campaign. This year 
I spent $785. and I am credited with only 
about 10,000 votes in the September primary 

My failure to land the Democratic nomi- 
nation for Governor is attributable to two 
causes: (1) Election frauds; and (2) a 
sample ballot published by the Denver Post 
the day before the election and distributed all 
over the State, which deliberately gave the 
impression that I was forced out of the race 
by some legal disqualification. Thus, tens of thousands of 
voters were fooled into thinking they would be wasting 
their votes if they voted for me. 

Both these causes hinge on one major cause : My whole 
campaign was based on single-tax plans, and the political 
machine and the Denver Post were fully aware of the whole 
situation. They had every reason to fight me. 

As for the first item election frauds the recent primary- 
was the most corrupt this State has had in many years. This-, 
was shown by a court recount in the case of a contest 
over the Democratic nomination for District Attorney in 
Denver. In the course of this contest, 23 ballot boxes were 
opened in court, and it was found that as many as 40 votes 
were stolen from one candidate and counted for another 
in a single voting precinct. Two election officials have 
been made the subject of criminal complaints in connection 
with these frauds. 

As for myself, I have not sufficient money to contest my 
own votes in court; but in the case that was contested the 
recount showed the losing candidate to be the winner. 

The extent of the frauds may be judged from these 
facts : Two years ago, when I almost succeeded in obtain- 
ing the Democratic nomination, I carried election districts 
X and Y by large majorities. This time I am supposed to 
have received but two or three votes in each of the 73 
precincts, plus districts D and T. In addition, two years 
ago, I carried Arapahoe County handsomely. Arapahoe 
County adjoins Denver on the South. Upwards of 1000 
voters had signed my petitions in Arapahoe County. They 
are all personal friends of mine, and enthusiastic for the 
things I stand for. Yet, on the face of the returns, I am 
credited with only 350 votes in that County. 

Two years ago, after I had almost defeated Tellor 
Ammons, then Governor, for the nomination, some of the 
"machine" crowd told me, "We will be ready for you next 


time, if you run again." Well, they were ready 
for me this time, as they have full control of 
the election machinery. 

Corrupt as were these election frauds, the 
thing that did me the most harm was the 
Denver Post sample ballot, which was intend- 
ed to give the impression and succeeded in 
doing so that I was out of the race; the 
impression that for some unstated legal reason 
I had been disqualified at the last moment. 
A section of the Post's sample primary ballot 
(published Monday, September 9, the day 
before the election) is reproduced herewith. 
The specific point that gave the impression that 1 was dis- 
qualified was the use of the words "Not Qualified" after my 
name on the sample ballot. 

In addition, the following headline and preface appeared 
above the sample ballot (italics are mine) : 


These marked ballots are published for the convrn 
ience of the voters in Tuesday's primary election. Cut 
out the ballot of your party and take it to the polls 
with you. It will help you in eliminating the worst 
and in selecting the best candidates. In publishing 
these marked ballots, the DENVER POST is not trying to 
tell anybody how to vote. It is merely passing on to the 
voters the results oj its investigation of the merits of 
the various candidates. Few voters know personally 
all the candidates. Few have an opportunity to check 
up for themselves on all the candidates. As a public 
service, the POST has investigated carefully the candi- 
dates on both Democratic and Republican tickets. For 
the convenience of the voting public, the POST'S con- 
clusions are presented in the form of these marked 

The Colorado State Constitution prescribes the quali- 
fications for a candidate for Governor. I am fully qualified, 
according to these provisions, to occupy the office of Govern- 
or of Colorado. I am a native born citizen of the United 
States, am fifty-five years of age, and have lived in the 
State of Colorado a total of sixteen years, nine of which 
were immediately preceding the election. 

Yet the Post singled me out as the one man among all the 
dozens of candidates for various offices on that sample 
ballot as being "not qualified." That fact, taken in con- 
nection with the use of the word "worst" in the heading of 



the article, held me out to the world as being utterly 
degraded ?nd contemptible, and as worthy of naught but 
scorn and ridicule. The Post was guilty of a false and 
malicious statement of fact. When they used the words 
"Not Qualified," without explanation of what impression 
they intended to convey, they perpetrated what is known in 
law as a libel per se. 

The Denver Post has for forty years been the most 
notorious sheet in Colorado, and yet it has the largest 
circulation of any paper in the State. The paper was at 
one time described by the late Rev. F. O'Ryan as "a news- 
paper with the instincts of a hyena, the manners of a 
barroom, and the morals of Market Street." (At that time 
Market Street was the Denver red-light district.) 

T was en route to Pueblo when this sample ballot was 
published, and knew nothing of it until I arrived at Pueblo 
about 9 P. M., the night before the election. It was then 
too late to do anything, even by radio, to counteract the 

The effects of this trick can 
be imagined from the fact 
that, after the Post appeared 
with the sample ballot in it, 
my headquarters in Denver 
and Pueblo were besieged with 
telephone calls for hours from 
voters wanting to know "why 
Knapp has been disqualified." 
Tens of thousands of votes 
were probably lost because of 
tliis fraud. 

However, aside from a 
libel suit against ,the Post 
which I intend to undertake 
there is nothing to be done 
about it. The Post's trick has 
affected my reputation to 
such an extent that it is imperative that I file an action. The 
prestige gained two years ago, when I lacked only a few 
votes of beating the "machine" in a single-handed cam- 
lign, was a valuable asset stolen from me on the eve of 
rie last election. 

Past Supreme Court decisions indicate that I have an A-l 
asis for a libel action. After weeks of research, I have 
Dund a case that is admirably suited for the point I wish 

make that the Post publication was a libel per se. It is 
lie case of Maclnnis v. The National Herald, 140 Minn. 
71 ; 167 NW 1, where the Supreme Court of Minnesota 
eld: "A false written charge that a candidate ... is not a 
:itizen, when citizenship is a requisite of eligibility, is 

Sample Direct Primary Election Ballot 


To Tot for a p*non matk a croM 00 In lh tint quar* at Ih* right of Un am oi ti p*f*on 
lar whom YOU d**i/ lo vol. 
To voi lot <molh*r p*rwn who*, nam. I* r.oi printed n & ballot, writ* nam* ol luck pcnoa 
In th blank ipac. unmvdiaUly following th piUi'l namM ol randldalM (or igch ottc*. In no 
cat* ihall nam b* wrincn ol eandldal** <rpp*anng on any elbr jxury ballot 




(Votf for Four) 





l_AW*nCE 1 EWli V 

M K 


(Votf for On*} 

STtf MIH II XAftr 

(Vol* for One) 









(Vot* for On*> 

Vf > 



emicc i. *t*-vr pun wc& 


(Vou far One) 

<Vot for Fir 







i*viMi; omttn 








libelous per se." The Court stated in its decision (italics 
mine) : "No case holding this precise point is cited, but 
there is no need of one. The article assailed the legal right 
of the plaintiff to be a candidate." The Court further held 
that no matter how vague or ambiguous the charge might 
be, it is a libel per se. 

But the campaign is over now, and "what's done cannot 
be undone." We must look forward to the future. It is 
of the utmost importance and T am greatly concerned about 
it. We must either achieve single-tax legislation in 
Colorado in 1942, or forget all about it, and count it as a 
lost cause, as far as this State is concerned. 

Here is the reason for that : Last summer, the ex-service 
men started to circulate a petition for an amendment to 
exempt property owned by ex-service men from taxation to 
the extent of $2000 each. The exemption they proposed 
applied to land as well as improvements. I succeeded in 
dissuading them. Their proposed amendment was dropped. 
I told them that I would, in 1942, try to initiate a real 

amendment for tax exemp- 
tions which would give them 
what they want, and also give 
the same exemptions to the 
people of the State generally. 
As stated, the ex-service men 
dropped their proposed 
amendment, and it was not 
on the ballot this Fall. 

However, unless I submit 
an amendment in 1942, there 
is no doubt that these ex- 
service men will revive their 
amendment and have it on the 
ballot in 1942. If so, the 1 
exemptions they will provide 
for will be as stated, on land 
as well as improvements. You 
can see what effect that will have on any later attempt by us 
to submit an amendment along our lines. 

I am anxious during the next two years to organize the 
home-owners in all the larger cities of the State for an 
amendment to exempt improvements. I also want to 
organize the merchants for an exemption on stocks of 

The campaigns of 1938 and 1940 have left me very low 
in funds. I hope I will receive enough support from those 
who are interested in this plan to put it across. I want to 
impress all our friends with the fact stated above that 
unless we submit an amendment in 1942, we may as well 
forget about the single-tax in Colorado for a long time. 




Professor Alonso Alive! 

A Prisoner At Tarragona 

OUR dear colleague, Prof. Antonio F. Matheu Alonso, 
a leader of the Georgeist Cause in Spain, had been 
given up as dead by Georgeists on both sides of the Atlantic. 
How elated we were, therefore, to receive a letter from 
him recently, from Tarragona, in which he explained the 
reason for his long silence! 

* * * 

Prof. Matheu Alonso was an instructor of economics and 
French at the University of Salamanca in Spain. In both 
subjects he used Henry George's works as text-books. In 
his courses in French, he used a French translation of 
"Progress and Poverty" for the students to translate into 

In 1934, the Professor paid a brief visit to the United 
States in order to study the American Georgeist movement. 
A warm friendship was formed between him and Joseph 
Dana Miller. "He radiates friendship and sincerity," Mr. 
Miller wrote of the man. Prof. Alonso was profoundly 
impressed by the Henry George School of Social Science, 
which had been founded only two years before by Oscar 
Geiger. He resolved to create a similar institution in his 
native country. When he returned to Spain, he wrote to 
Mr. Miller: "I am trying to found a Henry George School 
here like that of the late Oscar Geiger. The director will 
be Mr. Argente." (Baldomero Argent e is President of the 
Liga Georgista Espanola.) 

Prof. Alonso accepted the position of Spanish corre- 
spondent of LAND AND FREEDOM, and we received regular 
communications from him. In 1936, however, when the 
Spanish Civil War broke out, his communications became 
less frequent. The last word we received from him was 
in January 1939. He explained that his country was in a 
very bad economic condition, and that it was difficult to 
trade or communicate with the outside world. However, 
he expressed hope in the future of the Georgeist Cause. 
Shortly afterwards, the Fascists won the struggle and 
gained political control of Spain. And then no more 
communications from Prof. Alonso. Our letters and maga- 
zines were returned by the Military Censor. 

In June 1940, resigned to the fact that we could not 
reach personally Prof. Alonso, we wrote to Sr. Baldomero 
Argente in Madrid for information. Readers will recall 
Sr. Argente's letter in our July-August 1940 number. He 
reported he, too, had no news of Prof. Alonso and had 
given him up as lost. Sr. Argente accepted our proposal 
to take the position of Spanish correspondent in place of 
Prof. Alonso. 

And then a few days ago we received an unexpected 
letter from Prof. Alonso himself ! We present it herewith, 
translated through the courtesy of Mr. E. Vadillo Ruiz : 

"My Dear Georgeist Friends: 

"I am writing in Spanish to facilitate the work of the 
Censors. Don Baldomero Argente has informed me of all 
your worries about myself, for which I thank you very 

"Since September 1936 that is, within the Period of the 
Revolution I was here at Tarragona, working as professor 
at the Jnstituto y Escuela Normal del Magisterio, ami 
also working at my profession of Law. I used Henry 
George's books in my classes, both for comment and trans- 

"When General Franco's troops entered Tarragona, 
accusations and indictments of the citizens who remained 
here began. Many had fled to France, and so escaped. 

"I was the victim of the jealousy of a lawyer, who 
charged me with accusing my Fascist clients instead of 
defending them. This charge was so false that I was able 
to clear myself by presenting a certificate which vindicated 
me completely. This certificate refers to the first five death 
sentences which were demanded before the Special Court 
of the Guard of Tarragona by the previous Loyalist Gov- 
ernment, and which I opposed. Two of the cases I saved 
in Tarragona, and the other three I was also able to save 
at the Court in Barcelona. After these cases had been 
decided, no further death penalties were imposed, due t< 
the fact that the Special Court used the decisions on thes 
first cases whenever the death penalty was demanded. Thus 
no one else was sentenced to death. 

"Though 1 was completely cleared of the charge agains 
myself, nevertheless there were other charges. The Fascist 
discovered that I had been an outstanding republican, anc 
that a political party had nominated me as candidate fo 
Deputy in 1936. They found that in my teachings 
propagated the Georgeist doctrine, which the judge of th 
Court qualified as 'anarchistic and anti-patriotic.' 

"In my defense, I showed them that the Georgeis 
doctrine is not anarchistic, and that our doctrine is approve 
by the Holy See; and I related the story of Dr. Edwar 
McGlynn, Pastor of St. Stephen's in New York. I als> 
pointed out that General Fanjul, collaborator of Genera 
Franco, had been Vice President of the Liga Georgist 
Espanola, and that our Secretary, Don Arturo Soria, \va 
assassinated by the Communists. 



"The Tribunal was very much impressed by the case of 
Dr. McGlynn, but it took them forty-five days to ascertain 
whether or not Georgeism was a revolutionary doctrine. 
Since I held no high political position, and since I have 
never been involved in a crime, 1 was not sentenced to 
death, but was given a life sentence. During the forty-five 
days, however, I was in prison among those sentenced to 
death. Each night I saw my companions taken out to die, 
and one night I thought they were going to take me, too. 
You see, I was on the brink of being the first Georgeist 
martyr ! 

"After my sentence was confirmed, I was transferred to 
the Prison of San Miguel de los Reyes in Valencia, where 
I remained completely incommunicado until August 26, 
when I was liberated. Due to a reviewing of sentences, 
mine has been reduced to six years. 

"My present status is that of prisoner in my own home, 
and of course I. will not be reinstated in the University to 
continue my teachings. My immediate problem is to be 
able to live, since the authorities have confiscated my home 
and everything I possessed, including my clothing, and 
even my professional diplomas. I am living now through 
the kindness of my sister. T hope that the authorities will 
at least allow me to work as an attorney. If not, I will be 
compelled to request help from you to approach the Spanish 
Embassy in Washington to give me a passport to the United 
States, so that I might establish myself in your country as 
Professor of Spanish and Economic Philosophy. For two 
years I was lecturer in Spanish at the University of Liver- 
pool, England. 

"Since the middle of 1938, I have not received any word 
from you, and I have been out of touch with the movement 
in America. I trust that the Henry George School is still 
growing. We have to recognize that Oscar Geiger had a 
great idea, and thanks to him, our Cause has entered a new 
period of efficacy. If we had continued with the old 
methods, we could never have reached our ends. 

"We have to accept the fact that Henry George's words 
are the most efficient means for converting people. To us, 
his pupils, it remains only to propagate his works and 
succeed in making the people read his books directly. To 
this end, the best means is to offer students the opportunity 
to study collectively the works of Henry George ; and this 
is the method of the School, the great vision of Oscar 

"I wish to renew my acquaintance with all my Georgeist 
friends in America, and request that you supply me with 
Georgeist literature. Cordial regards to all the Georgeists, 

and affectionate greetings to you, my dear friends." 
* * * 

(We have already communicated with Washington, and hope to 
assist Prof. Alonso to come to this country, should the occasion 
warrant. We will keep our readers informed of developments, ED.) 

I Rest Awhile 

But I Shall Awake To Strive Again 

Tj^ROM Mrs. Bessie Beach Trueliart we have received an obituary 
of Laurie J. Quinby, who died November I7th at the age of 71. 
Mr. Quinby was elected to the Nebraska State Senate in 1915. 
With other work there he accomplished the consolidation of Omaha 
and suburbs. He was one of the active promoters of the new 
State Capitol and the New Constitution for the State providing for 
Unicameral Legislation. He was the author of several books and 
pamphlets, among them, "Three Paths," "The American Republic 
of States and Democracy of Citizens," and "The Natural Basis of 
Morals and Ethics." 

Mr. Quinby's funeral was unique in that he had written his own 
obituary, with the request that it be read at his funeral. We pre- 
sent it herewith. ED. 


For me, this act of the play is ended. In Life's Drama I played 
but a minor part. Into this part 1 put the best that was in me. Not 
always did 1 confine myself to the written lines, but wherever 1 
ielt that revision of them might be made by me, I did not hesitate 
so to revise them. Whether such was for good and betterment of 
all, Time alone will tell. Yet, looking back, I feel that much more 1 
might have done. Many actors in this Drama I have loved. To 
them I am indebted for the contributions they made to my faith 
in mankind. However dark each day's shadows were, I found that 
at heart mankind is divine. 

The everlasting play shall go on. Its players, day after day, shall 
step aside, only that greater artists may appear upon the stage to 
play their parts. That, through some divine law, I was given a part 
in this Drama is to me of infinite satisfaction. "I thank whatever 
gods may be" for Life's glorious experiences. 

In the Drama of Life, from childhood to this day, I was in and 
felt the tragedies of its many scenes, but into my heart came joy and 
gratitude for the struggle. Though, at times, I felt quite alone, yet 
1 was not alone. Back of me was a parentage that did not cramp 
my forming years. Into my life came friends devoted and true. 
For the affection and love of splendid women and the strong support 
and assistance of noble men, I render to Life the gratitude of a 
devoted heart. 

I experienced want and poverty. I knew the weight of Privilege, 
for I strove beneath its feet. In the darkest days of it all, 1 
mustered all the elements of my patience even to the point of re- 
ducing that "patience" to mustard, whose pungent tang at times 
quite o'erwhelmed me. Yet, upon reflection, knowing my own 
weaknesses, this knowledge impelled me to overlook the foibles of 
others. Though, occasionally, I did not hesitate to criticize, deep 
within me there was no feeling of resentment. I did not wish to 
make of myself a section of "the day of judgment." I caught 
glimmerings of Natural Law under which, through his inadequate 
knowledge, man had struggled and fallen, but rose again to fight and 
to carry on. Yes, to carry on forever in unity and harmony with 
and under the Natural Law of Justice. Truly, the trend of the 
universe is good. 

For the inspiring beauty of his poetic concepts and expressions of 
Life, more than speech may ever tell, I am beholden to the master, 
Shakespeare. "What a piece of work is man! how noble in reason! 
how infinite in faculty! in form and moving, how express and ad- 



mirable ! in action, how like an angel ! in apprehension, how like a 
god! the beauty of the world! the paragon of animals!" 

For what visions of Infinite Love 1 caught, I shall forever pay 
my homage to the Prophets of all religions, at the head of whom 
I place the gentle Gautama and the tender-hearted Nazarene. To 
Emerson and to Henry George I pay my heart-felt tribute for the 
concepts of Natural Law that must forever guide us. The Sage of 
Concord instructed me in the knowledge that "We are begirt by 
laws which execute themselves," and he addressed to all men the 
question, "If one could, in the least particular, alter the course of 
Nature, who would accept the gift of Life?" 

The Prophet and the Seer of civilized society and social progress, 
Henry George, gave me insight into the truth that all the sufferings 
of men are due to man's violation of Natural Law, obedience to 
which he proved would advance personal and social peace among the 
brotherhood of men. He admonished me and all men to 

"Look around today. 

"Lo, here and now, in our civilized society, the old allegories yet 
have a meaning, the old myths are still true. Into the valley of the 
Shadow of Death yet often leads the path of duty, through the 
streets of Vanity Fair walk Christian and Faithful, and on Great- 
heart's armor ring the clanging blows. Ormuzd still fights with 
Ahriman the Prince of Light with the Powers of Darkness. He 
who will hear, to him the clarions of the battle call. 

"How they call, and call, and call, till the heart swells that hears 
them ! Strong soul and high endeavor, the world needs them now. 
Beauty still lies imprisoned, and iron wheels go over the good and 
true and beautiful that might spring from human lives. 

"And they who fight with Ormuzd, though they may not know 
each other, somewhere, sometime, will the muster roll be called.'" 

Yes, Strong Soul, I was mustered into that host that caught the 
gleams of Natural Justice. That host whose eyes saw the dawning 
of a better day, where want and misery among mankind should be 
no more. That host whose mind grasped the truth that before the 
Primal Pioneer placed him upon this planet He made full provision 
for man, that from Whose Storehouse the land man might secure 
every element for his nourishment and good, without let or hin- 
drance. That host whose understanding saw that Privilege had 
entered in and through unjust enactments by governments, had 
preempted Nature's bounties and levied tribute upon men who 
sought the blessings their Father had provided for them. Now, to 
these hosts 

All hail, strong champions of a noble cause ! 
Defenders of Eternal Justice, hail! 
True heralds of the time when, from the heights 
Of mankind's rich attainment of the goal 
(Whereto the seers of every age have urged) 
Majestic Liberty shall loud proclaim 
The winners of her Diadems of Peace 
Above the ranks of kings and potentates, 
Shall stand Apostles of our Henry George. 
When scoffers jeered and Truth was in eclipse, 
He stood for common Justice and the right 
Of every man to freedom of the land. 

To hold aloft the emblem of this cause, 

Where eye of man may everywhere behold, 

In acts heroic when the lords of earth 

Would from this storehouse of our world withhold 

The hand of Toil and brain of Enterprise. 

For such they do when these they blight and check 

With taxes levied on the needs of man. 

When all have plenty, then the bitter strife 
(Dark foe to onward, upward march of man) 
Shall end, and in its place the Song of Peace 
(To which the lyres of Ancient Bards were strung) 
Shall sound along the highways of the world. 
For plenty is the fruit of Toil alone, 
Applied to Nature's bounties which our God 
For all mankind, has lovingly ordained. 

'Tis not God's will that pomp and glory shine 
Through shutting from His land the race of men. 
And, by His Law, eternal and supreme, 
Who close the land against the right of Toil, 
Shall, by that act, deprive themselves of good; 
For naught that is unjust shall here remain, 
While God is Love and Justice is His Law. 

For the vision of a glorified humanity, under the glow of Liberty 
and Justice through obedience to Natural Law, I owe a debt of 
gratitude to the immortal Henry George. When in early life, first 
I caught that vision, I resolved that gratitude for it demanded of 
me the gift of my heart's devotion. I kept that pledge. I fought 
the fight. Yet still the vision gleams before me and lures me on 
to greater effort. Toward it, still may 1 strive on in larger spheres 
of influence, until upon this earth no child shall go to bed ahungereds 
not one mother fear for the safety of her brood; nor one fathei 
among men strive against his brother for Liberty and Justice and] 
the Peace of the World. You, all of us shall move forward until! 
these blessings shall flow into the lives of men, filling and surround-] 
ing them with the happiness of Life, as the golden orb of da 
illumines our universe with light. 

Fervently I rest serene in the thought that, as I bid the worl 
farewell, leaving my beloved ones to the kindness of mankind, 
shall be greeted by those to whom I gave my heart's devotion there. 
upon the other Shore of Life. Toward that shore, upon a widenin 
channel, I float into and over the Infinite Sea. 



Since nothing in its complete essence ever is begun, neither ii 
anything ever finished. (Not even this posthumous letter, as will b( 
noted.) Whatever is, had a heretofore and shall have a hereafter 
It is inconceivable that anything can spring from nothing. It i 
equally inconceivable that annihilation can result for anything tha 
now exists. If this be true of the atom, can it be less true of thi 
mind or whatever that may be which we denominate the soul 
Then, as every atom is essential to the universe, not one soul can bt 
spared from the Unity of life. The same Thought which, before- 
time, called me into individual mortal life, shall call me back agaii 
when It shall have need of me here. Just for a while 



rilHE liberty of the press, trial by jury, the Habeas Corpu: 
* Writ, even Magna Charta itself, although justly deemei 
the palladia of freedom, are all inferior considerations, whei 
compared with the general distribution of real proper!; 
among every class of people. Let the people have property 
and they will have power a power that will forever b< 
exerted to prevent the restriction of the press, and abolitioi 
of trial by jury, or the abridgment of any other privilege. 




A Plea For A Revitalized Georgeist Movement 

In America 


I"N Australia and New Zealand, a municipal single tax 
" exists in many cities ; Denmark imposes a national tax 
on land values ; in Great Britain there is a parliamentary 
land-value taxation bloc of fifty members, influential and 
powerful enough to pass a national land-value taxation bill 
the moment a Labor government comes into being when 
this war is over. 

But what progress has been made in the United States 
of America, birth-place and home of Henry George? Only 
the irrigation districts of central California and a handful 
of tiny "single-tax" colonies. There is not a single city 
here not even a small city which exempts improvements 
entirely from taxation. Georgeists have no considerable 
strength in a single state legislature, no influence upon 
Congress or the national administration. This, after more 
than half a century of earnest, devoted, self-sacrificing 

What is to blame? What is the trouble? After nearly 
a decade of study of the Georgeist movement in this 
country, I have come to the conclusion that the blame lies 
partly with American Georgeists themselves. In order not 
to be misunderstood, let me emphasize the word "partly". 
It is true that to a large extent the lack of progress of 
American Georgeism in practical politics and practical 
accomplishment is due to objective conditions in America 
which Georgeists alone can hardly change a materialistic 
and "ruggedly-individualistic" psychology which has not 
been interested in a social order based on justice, but only 
in satisfying its own immediate selfish needs ; a speculator 
and gambler psychology which has given rise to the most 
corrupt political life of any country in the world. 

The fault of American Georgeists is that, in revolting 
against the corrupt American political life of the half- 
century and more before 1933, they have allowed themselves 
to swing to the other extreme that of idealism, which, 
lacking contact with ordinary, every-day human problems 
and human beings, tends to become fanatical dogma, the 
cult of a priestly elite, educated to mouth certain phrases 
without being expected to attempt to put these ideas into 
practice. Thus, what was once a vigorous reform move- 
ment, becomes the property of intellectual snobs who look 
down with contempt upon stupid hoi-polloi. American 
Georgeism today is too respectful of the aristocratic indi- 
vidualism expressed by such as Mr. Albert Jay Nock, 
among whose disciples, unfortunately, is to be found Mr. 
Frank Chodorov, Director of the Henry George School of 
Social Science. 

Because American Georgeists have allowed themselves 
to be pushed out of American practical politics a thing 
they should not have allowed to happen it is possible for 
us to be told (as Mr. Chodorov did tell us in the last issue 
of LAND AND FREEDOM) that politics and organization are 
not for such angelic beings as Georgeists, that education 
alone education of more Olympians who will be willing 
to sit with us on our lofty mountains and help us while our 
time away in vain quibblings over obscure doctrinal points 
is all that is necessary. One may laugh at this point of 
view if one doesn't take the Georgeist movement too seri- 
ously, if one hasn't made it a part of his or her life. But 
Henry George at least, who died while in the midst of a 
campaign for the mayoralty of New York, who knew and 
felt that political action and education could only be sepa- 
rated from each other at grave peril to the movement, 
wouldn't have laughed, for he would have realized its 
serious implications for the further progress of the fight 
to return the soil to the people. 

So today, nearly eight years after the advent of New 
Deal Liberalism, which might have given us the chance for 
many practical accomplishments in the field of land value 
taxation in this country had we gone about it in the right 
way, we still remain immaculate idealists and dogmatists, 
untouched and unharmed by worldly politicians, proud oh, 
how proud ! of our virginity. How long will this spinster 
attitude of American Georgeism prevail ? I have no way of 
telling. But I do know it's about time to shake off our 
apathy. There is too much work to be done in these United 
States for us to sit idly by, prating about education versus 
organization. People are eager to hear our message, pro- 
viding we will relate it to their daily needs providing we 
will display more humanity towards the remote ideal of 
the confiscation of land rent and the abolition of all taxes. 
For example, there is an immediate need to exempt build- 
ings (I don't like the word "improvements" - - it's too 
technical and the man in the street doesn't "get" it), and 
put a much higher tax on vacant and semi-vacant lots than 
is now the case in our cities, so that cheap, but decent, 
homes may be erected for millions of American slum 

The Federal government, now embarked on its huge 
defense program, is worried about finding proper housing 
in the future for millions of workers. Can't we Georgeists 
show the Federal, as well as local, governments that our 
way a high tax on vacant lots and concurrent exemption 
of buildings is the only way to prevent land owners from 



holding up large-scale housing for defense workers, that 
such a method of taxation is therefore the patriotic method '. 
Are we willing to do this, or would we prefer to continue 
our unconstructive attacks upon the Administration for 
its failure to become one hundred per cent Georgeist ? 

If Georgeism in the United States is to begin to show 
practical achievements in the direction of the ideal of 
justice and freedom as Henry George formulated it, I am 
convinced Georgeists will have to reconstruct their views 
on human nature, human aspirations and the possibilities 
for persuading people by utilizing the faculties that lie 
within the human make-up. They will have to learn to 
maintain a balance between idealism and life's realities: 
they will have to learn to become politicians, if not in the 
derogatory American, then in the more complimentary 
British sense. If Georgeists fail to impress themselves upon 
the psychology of -average Americans, believing with the 
Marxians that only economic interests dictate people's 
thinking, they will remain just where they are today. 

Certain steps which American Georgeism ought to take 
immediately, to get back into the main stream of American 
daily life, here, suggest themselves. Some of them have 
already been mentioned by Mr. Mortimer A. Leister in the 
last issue of LAND AND FREEDOM, I shall try to give a bare 
summary of them in what follows : 

1. Organization. An American Association for Land 
Value Taxation, similar in aim and scope to the British 
association, should be formed, and divided into state associ- 
ations. These groups should never forget that while land 
value taxation and the pure Georgeist ideal are related to 
pAch other as an immediate means is related to a remoter 
end, they are not identical, and that though a great number 
of people will go along with us part of the way, only a few 
will be willing to follow us all the way. All, therefore, that 
it can and should advocate is greater land value taxation 
concurrently with the exemption from taxation of certain 
things, such as buildings, necessary consumers' articles, etc. 

The headquarters of the national organization should be 
either in Washington, Pittsburgh or Chicago, not in New 
York City, whose life and mode of thinking is not char- 
acteristic of that of the rest of the country, and which is too 
much the paradise of esoteric quibblers. Either of the three 
cities I have mentioned has its advantages as national head- 
quarters Washington, because it is the seat of government ; 
Pittsburgh, because we have accomplished a little and have 
an opportunity to still further demonstrate, practically, our 
principles in that city; Chicago, because of its central 
location. Which of these three is best suited as a national 
headquarters, would accomplish most for Georgeism if an 
American Association foi Land Value Taxation were 
located there I am not quite certain, though I would perhaps 
vote for Washington. But I am convinced that New York 
is unsuited for this purpose. 

2. Our relation to Socialism. Georgeism has, with 
justice I think, been called moderate socialism, practical 
socialism, sane socialism. We do advocate the socialization 
of rent and of necessary monopolies, and some are also in 
favor of the socialization cf finance and credit. True, our 
theoretical differences with the Marxian Socialists and 
Communists are wide and profound, opposing as we do the 
socialization of productive capital and the destruction by 
the State of competitive, private-profit industry. But today I 
the more moderate Socialists, or Social-Democrats, realiz-j 
ing what the destruction of competitive, private-profit 
industry has done to Russia, are inclined to be less enthusi- 
astic about this phase of their program and to put more; 
emphasis on the idea of socializing monopolies that is, 
non-competitive industiy which Georgeists also advocate. j 
Why shouldn't Georgeists enter the moderately-socialistic 
Labor Party of New York and similar parties in Minnesota,! 
Wisconsin, Washington State, etc., there to advocate their: 
views and through these parties advance their cause prac- 
tically, as haj been done in Australia, New Zealand and 
Great Britain ? Either we should do this or be prepared to 
form a political party of our own, as our Danish friends 
have done, a thing I personally would not advocate for 
this country. 

I presume that individual Georgeists who work in certair 
trades are as active trade unionists as are workers of oth 
convictions. But it would. I believe, help the George 
cause in this country if Georgeists as a group kept up an 
active interest in American labor unions and their problems, 
particularly the problem of keeping them free from corrupt 

I know several active Georgeists who also take an 
active interest in the consumer cooperative movement and 
are even among the leaders. Here Georgeist groups might 
participate more directly than in labor unions, might become 
influential and serve the cause by more group participation 
in the movement for cooperative stores, still a young and 1 
growing movement in this country. In their necessity tc| 
combine idealism with a realistic view of things, the 
operative and Georgeist movements have much in comrr 

In the smaller cities and towns of this country, I find 
the more liberal churches are among the best groups 
which Georgeists might work. In my own town a sr 
New England city of some 30,000 people I find the Soc 
Justice League of the Unitarian Church the most receptive 
group in the community. Other Georgeists in small citie: 
of similar size have probably found a similar situation. 

In states like my own, where the Democratic party repre 
sents progressivism and readiness to listen to new ideas 
we can and should work with and through that party. Ill 
such cases but in such only it might be good policy oij 
our part to emphasize our differences with the Socialis 
rather than our similarities. 




3. Working on local government. Getting people to sign 
petitions to city councils for building exemption would, I 
believe, be an excellent way of educating masses of people 
who never heard of Henry George to the importance of 
land value taxation for their own immediate welfare. Such 
petitions would compel newspapers to give us a good deal 
more publicity than they ordinarily would, besides bringing 
the question vividly home to large numbers of peoples and 
causing a healthy discussion. However, I would advocate 
this procedure only for smaller cities and towns, not for 
places of more than 100.000 population. 

4. Correct philosophy of life. Henry George wanted 
society to be based on both justice and freedom, but of the 
two he realized that justice was the more important, because 
more fundamental. We deprive a criminal of his freedom, 
because we believe it just that society should do so, because 
one man's freedom may endanger the freedom of thousands. 
We believe then that freedom in society is conditioned by 
the principle of social equity, is dependent on justice, and 
not vice versa, and that when justice prevails freedom will 
automatically follow, but that when freedom is granted the 
individual, justice among men does not automatically result. 
We believe in social justice and in the individual freedom 

k'hich it alone can establish and guarantee. 

But many American Georgeists talk today as if individual 
liberty, not social justice, were fundamental. And so, 
average Americans, listening to us, ask, "What is the differ- 

ice between your beliefs and Mr. Hoover's rugged indi- 
vidualism ?" Of course there is a vast difference, but by 
emphasizing individualism at the expense of Collectivism 
or Socialism (a point I thought Henry George made clear 
when he showed the necessity of each in its proper place), 
we invite misunderstanding of our position by otherwise 
progressive-minded people, a misunderstanding for which 
only we ourselves are to blame. 

5. More warmth of friendship among American Gcortjc- 
ists. This is a delicate subject, which at first glance might 
not seem so important for the practical progress of the 
movement in America, but if we are to accomplish anything 
here, we must be united by deeper and warmer bonds of 
friendship than we have hitherto shown toward one another. 
Socialists and Communists address their fellow workers as 
"Comrade," and what is even more significant, I believe, 
is the fact that when Socialists or Communists meet, their 
conversation shows that the range of interests which they 
have in common is far wider than the interests shared by 

American Georgeists, unlike British Georgeists I met in 
London, are too apt to regard one another only as economic 
thinking machines, sharing no other common interests, such 
as sports, sex, art, music or literature. In our conversations 
\ve give each other the impression of monomaniacs, which 

we really are not. We are, at bottom, as warmly human, 
as alive and as imaginative perhaps even more so as 
people of other radical beliefs. Let us then relate our 
philosophy to the richness and fullness of human life, 
instead of narrowing our common interest to a condem- 
nation of the present economic system. 

To return to the point where I started in this article, 
I would say that our excessive idealism has led to both 
fanatical zeal and dogmatic coldbloodedness. America today 
is undergoing a psychologic change from its excessive 
materialism and rugged individualism. Because of this 
change American Georgeism must change its attitude. At 
long last, we have an opportunity to meet and mingle with 
the American mind and heart. But we must be willing not 
only to teach, but to be taught as well, if we are to 
accomplish anything worthwhile in this country in the 
direction of Henry George's ideal of social justice. 

Let us stop talking nonsense about developing an intel- 
lectual elite. Let us forsake our ivory towers and relate 
our ideal to the throbbing life that surrounds us. Let us 
learn that only friendships and brotherhood among human 
beings can usher in an era of social justice and individual 
freedom. When we have done that, the satisfaction and 
joy of accomplishment, of achievement, will be ours. 

E in a series of documentary short films released by 
M.G.M., known as "The Passing Parade," deals with 
a very interesting account of the fight against the disease 
pellagra. This film, entitled "A Way In The Wilder- 
ness," is the story of the discoveries of Dr. Joseph Gold- 
berger in his investigations of the disease. Contrary to 
general belief, Dr. Goldberger proved that pellagra is not 
caused by a germ, but is the result of malnutrition. When 
his theories were substantiated, the Government proceeded 
to send the proper food supplies to the stricken areas. But 
then came the depression general low wages the mi- 
grant workers, the Okies . . . and more pellagra. It became 
evident that the root of the disease is now beyond medical 
science. The cause is poverty. Science, says the com- 
mentator in this film, has done all it can it has con- 
tributed its share. The rest the solution to the problem 
of poverty is in the hands of 130 million citizens. 

A SAD commentary on the effects of our city civiliza- 
-^*- tion upon the health of the citizens is the fact that 
over 20% of the men called in the first New York City draft 
failed to pass the Army medical examination. Raised in 
an artificial and repressive environment, and divorced 
from healthy contact with the good earth, this is not too 
surprising. The officials who are now worrying over the 
high percentage of unfit men would do well to ponder the 
inequitable holding of the land they are preparing to de- 



Liechtenstein "Land Without Army Or Taxes" 


IT is not certain that the little 
state of Liechtenstein will 
always exist, although it has 
maintained its sovereignty since 
1719. Indeed, I am not sure what 
will be its fate by the time these 
lines are published. 

This tiny principality has an 
area of 60 square miles and a 
population of 12,000. It lies on 
the right of the river Rhine, below Lake Constance, between 
Austria and Switzerland. Liechtenstein is famed as "the 
land without army and without taxes." The first averment 
is true, but not the second. In 1937 the State collected 
1,500,000 Swiss francs in taxes, and its eleven Communes 
totalled a collection of 700,000. But notwithstanding, the 
legislation of Liechtenstein has singular points of interest 
to Georgeans. 

"The dorsal spine of the direct taxes is the property tax 
and the income tax," states the special report of Liechten- 
stein on the Land Tax, and further explains: "Real prop- 
erty, being immovable, is easily assessed, and much more 
difficult to escape taxation than income." But receipts 
from the direct taxes were only 150,000 Swiss francs. The 
indirect taxes, which the people pay unconsciously believ- 
ing (as do the people of other countries) that the little 
rates, fees and stamps have no importance exceeded many 
times the revenue from direct taxes; they amounted to 
1,100,000 Swiss francs. 

What is interesting in Liechtenstein's land tax is the 
method of calculating the tax rate. This rate is H/2 P er 
mill of the property, and 2 per cent of the income. Every 
year, the Parliament decides whether the whole tax rate 
must be collected, or a part of it, or a multiple of it. In 
recent years, the prosperity of the country has caused 
Parliament to decide to collect only half the tax rate, that 
is, % per mill of the property and one per cent of the 

Georgeists can appreciate this method of calculation inso- 
far as it taxes land owners more heavily and exempts the 
landless who are occupied in agriculture. Georgeists, how- 
ever, would prefer to see the property tax reduced to land 
and water power only, without any taxation of improve- 
ments or manufactured products, and without any income 

As regards Liechtenstein's corporation tax, it must be 
undertsood that this country is an Eldorado of holding 
companies. The number of such companies is not pub- 
lished; but there are many. (If it is true that there are 

12,000 holding companies, there 
would be one for every inhabi- 
tant!) The receipts from taxes 
on these companies was, in 1937, 
305,200 Sw. fr. (The State 
collected 202,600 and the Com- 
munes 102,600.) This tax does 
not burden the home population 
but only foreign companies which 
come to Liechtenstein to sanction 
their holding titles. These companies appreciate the very 
liberal, and not at all punitive, tax legislation of this 
microscopic yet sovereign State. 

Another interesting feature of the legislation is the 
customs-union with Switzerland. This latter country has 
assumed the customs service for Liechtenstein, and pays 
its government annually the round sum of 450,000 Sw. fr. 
The annual customs receipts are about 325,000,000 Sw. fr., 
or 80 Sw. fr. for each inhabitant of both Switzerland and 
Liechtenstein. The share of (he latter country, then, should 
be nearly one million francs ; but the reason it only receives 
half this amount is that Switzerland also assumes other 
expenses for Liechtenstein, such as diplomatic and consular 

Many calculations have proven that the customs duties 
impose a burden on the economy of Liechtenstein that 
amounts to three times the revenue collected by the govern- 
ment. Thus each inhabitant of Switzerland and Liechten- 
stein is obliged to pay 240 Sw. fr. in the process of paying 
customs duties instead of only 80, which is all the govern- 
ment collects. This sum is more than the state and local 
taxes take from them which amounts to about 180 or 200 
francs. This burden compels the people of Liechtenstein 
to pay more for all the goods that are imported, such as 
fuel, automobiles, sugar, metals, and many other products 
which cannot be domestically produced. 

The receipts from this fining of the people go largely 
to "protect" the chief industries of Liechtenstein wine and 
textiles. By the free importation of the goods mentioned 
above, Liechtenstein would have more to gain than by this 
imaginary protection of wine and textiles. Certainly the 
unemployed could more easily get work by free trade than 
by the present system of subsidizing. 

Unfortunately, as can be seen, this little State is far from 
Georgean principles. The chief local gazette has urged the 
citizens not to spend in foreign countries the money gained 
in Liechtenstein, but to spend holidays, weekends and 
currency within the boundary of Liechtenstein ! 

However, it would be a pity to see this flourishing little 
land sacrificed to New-European restrictionism. 



The Critics Criticized 



O I object " said Ko-Ko, in the famous operetta by 
Gilbert and Sullivan, "The Mikado." And to em- 
phasize his point, he repeated this twice more. 

Looking through the ponderous tomes which have been 
written by serious-minded "economists" men who ostensi- 
bly are social scientists I have been struck by the great 
quantity of nonsense which has passed under the guise of 
political economy. Especially ridiculous are the objections 
leveled against Henry George and his "single tax" proposal. 
A number of the critics, shouting denunciations, seem to 
think they prove their point, like Ko-Ko, in merely re- 
peating their cavils. 

It is my purpose here to criticize the various critics of 
Henry George, and to answer their objections. But since 
their name is legion, and a number of them parrot what 
the standard "authorities" have already professed, I shall 
pick out only the best-known of these and, after classify- 
ing their objections, proceed to refute them. My refuta- 
tions will be presented in a series of articles, of which this 
is the first. After individual economists have been an- 
swered, I will then summarize the objections which appear 
most often, arrange them in as few groups as practicable, 
and answer them collectively. 

F. W. Taussig 

(Frank William Taussig was born in 1859. He died this year 
(1940). Among the high positions held by this famous American 
economist were those of editor-in-chief of the Quarterly Journal of 
Economics and Chairman of the U. S. Tariff Commission (1917-19). 
He was a professor of Economics at Harvard from 1882 to 1935, 
and the author of many books on economics ED.) 

I follow no set order in presenting these authorities. 
I shall do that only when summarizing at the end of the 
series. I begin with the first prosecutor, F. W. Taussig 
(recently deceased). He states his objections to the single 
tax in his "Principles of Economics," Volume II (third 
edition, Macmillan, 1936), on pp. 80-82. This noted 
economist criticizes George's remedy by interposing the 
following so-called obstacles: 

1 There is the difficulty of measuring the invest- 
ment made in the soil, and the normal return on it. In 
other words, rent is inextricably intermixed with the 
complex process of tilling the soil, and of maintaining 
its fertility. If rent is to be carved out of the final 
produce, how can you be sure that it doesn't cut into 
the amount due to labor for its work? 

2 The single tax will have the tendency to discourage 
the tenant to cultivate the soil, for the more he produces. 

the more will the government take from him in the tax ; 
while, at present, the owner of the soil receives the best 
stimulus to the best use of the land from the knowledge 
that all he tills will go to him. 

3 It is admitted that if the nation at its birth had 
started owning land, it might be all right. But once 
private ownership arises, as it has arisen all over the 
world with the birth of each country, it would be social- 
istic to change such private ownership, especially since 
it has acted as a spur for the advance of agricultural arts. 
4 The author does not object, however, to the col- 
lection by society of all the rent that will arise hereafter. 
In fact, he feels it might be all right, except that it would 
call for high intelligence and scrupulous honesty among 
public officials. A dull or corrupt administration would 
work great harm, and would probably lead to the aban- 
donment of the whole program. 

And so, while the writer admits a certain injustice in 
permitting private ownership of land, he feels a greater 
injustice would be worked upon the people if land were 
owned socially, and therefore picks, as it seems to him, the 
lesser of the two evils. 

Looking upon the four obstacles as a whole, I would say- 
that there is really only one objection presented, the rest 
being but detailed subdivisions. However, we shall accept 
Taussig's classifications, and attempt to attack each of them. 


Beginning with the first, we might observe that this 
objection is the one most commonly used by the standard 
economists, and one which Henry George himself foresaw. 
We shall therefore allow him to answer it : 

". . . For admitting that it is impossible invariably to 
separate the value of land from the value of improvements, 
is this necessity of continuing to tax some improvements 
any reason why we should continue to tax all improve- 
ments? If it discourage production to tax values which 
labor and capital have intimately combined with that of 
land, how much greater discouragement is involved in tax- 
ing not only these, but all the clearly distinguishable values 
which labor and capital create? 

"But, as a matter of fact, the value of land can always 
be readily distinguished from the value of improvements. 
In countries like the United States there is much valuable 
land that has never been improved; and in many of the 
States the value of the land and the value of improvements 
are habitually estimated separately by the assessors, though 
afterward reunited under the term real estate. Nor where 



ground has been occupied from immemorial times, is there 
any difficulty in getting at the value of the bare land, for 
frequently the land is owned by one person and the build- 
ings by another, and when a fire occurs and improvements 
are destroyed, a clear and definite value remains in the 
land. In the oldest country in the world no difficulty what- 
ever can attend the separation, if all that be attempted 
is to separate the value of the clearly distinguishable 
improvements, made within a moderate period, from the 
value of the land, should they be destroyed." ("Progress 
and Poverty", Fiftieth Anniversary Edition, pp. 425-6.) 

George goes on to explain that this is all that justice 
requires. Absolute accuracy would be impossible. Each 
generation builds tor itself, and is not concerned whether 
the improvements of today will pass into the value of the 
land tomorrow. Each new generation inherits the work 
of the previous generations. 

I might add, in further refutation, that if there are two 
practically identical parcels of land side by side in a 
community, and one is developed, while the other is not. 
both would have to pay an identical rent to the government, 
under the single tax plan, such rent being based upon the 
extent of the demand for land, and not upon the improve- 
ments on it. Whatever is produced by labor (on marginal 
land) would not be taxed. 


The second objection could be taken to mean two differ- 
ent things, and we shall therefore reply to both of them. 
If Taussig means that the reason the people will discontinue 
cultivating the soil is because it is hard to distinguish 
between the value of the land and the value of their own 
production, and that they might therefore be taxed on what 
they produced, then I will reply by pointing out that this 
is really the first objection, and that we have already 
answered it. If he means that they will be discouraged 
from production because of the uncertainty of tenure, then 
I will reply: (a) that in a rent- collecting state, tenure will 
never be disturbed, so long as rent is paid; and (b) that 
even today, lease tenants, and in many cases, tenants with- 
out leases, have worked improvements upon the land. Far 
from being discouraged from cultivating land under the 
single tax, the tenant will be encouraged to improve the 
land, knowing of a certainty that the result of his increased 
efforts will truly belong to him, whereas under the system 
which now prevails he as certainly knows that "all he tills 
will go to him" (Taussig), after the various tax-gatherers 
have taken their shares. 

Also, in the second objection, I wish to take issue with 
the assertion that the owner of the soil receives a stimulus 
to put the land to the best use. On the contrary, it has 
been our sad experience to observe that the owner often 
keeps his land unfilled and uncultivated, because of the 

speculative gains he anticipates without the necessity of 
any toil on his part. Under common ownership of land, 
he will be forced to use the land, or forego it from the 
consequent inability to pay rent. It should be emphasized 
that Taussig refers throughout to agricultural land only. 
Our remedy would apply to all land, rural and urban alike. 


The third objection is plain nonsense. The author's 
opinion that public ownership of the land at the beginning 
of a nation's life might be well and good, but should not 
now be practiced, is ridiculous. Why, if it would be all 
right at the beginning, should it not be all right now ? Does 
the economist mean to imply that a mere status quo should 
be relied upon to "justify" a wrong? 

Taussig also justifies private ownership of land on 
historic grounds. If it arose all over the world, for him 
it must be valid. In making an estimate of this kind, he 
is guilty of serious acts of omission. History also shows 
that there have been wars without end, depressions, misery, 
poverty, religious strife, plagues, epidemics, and ruthless 
persecutions. Must these also be accepted because history 
discloses they have existed since time immemorial? As a 
matter of fact, at the beginning of each country, common 
ownership of land is least needed, since there is still enough 
free land to limit the advantages which accrue from the 
appropriation of superior land. I am not now justifying 
that private land-ownership in new countries is harmless, 
but merely exposing the illogic of Taussig's assertion. 

By calling the proposed change "socialism," Taussig 
evidently supposes that he has forever silenced the believers 
of Henry George. Name-calling means nothing. The func- 
tion of the definition is the important thing. Nor is it now 
necessary to dispute in detail the contention that Georgeism 
is socialism. I will take that up in a subsequent article. Suf- 
fice to say for the moment that it is not. 


The fourth objection is farcical. Here Taussig is in 
favor of the idea of permitting the state to collect future 
rents. Therefore, he believes (summarizing the third and 
the fourth objections) that "single tax" is good when 
applied to ancient times; and is also good when applied to 
any future increment. But if it is good for both extremes, 
why should it not be good throughout and for all time, and 
for all rents? Why, if private ownership is wrong, must 
we appropriate only future unearned increments? That 
would leave the basic wrong unremedied, and allow to 
remain the injustice which is admitted. 

Besides and here he squarely contradicts himself if it 
is so difficult to determine what portion of tilled land is 
personal property, how would it be possible lo determine 
what part of future "rent" might or might not include 



personal property, in addition to the increment in the value 
of land itself? 

Our noted economist seems to believe that the single 
tax is good in the respect embraced in his last two para- 
graphs, but feels that it would be difficult to attain honesty 
and intelligence from public officials, and therefore, the 
plan would fail. However, if that were so, we could use 
the same argument in advising against the use of electricity, 
because a great injustice is being inflicted by the people 
selling it to us. If that were so, we should refuse to take 
any more cancer treatments because the specialist we 
employed was inefficient. And yet, ridiculous as these 
examples must appear, they are equally applicable to the 
notion that even though a theory might be correct, it would 
fail because those who administered it might be dishonest. 

In truth, under a system where wealth would tend to be 
equalized, the reasons for dishonesty, and even lack of 
intelligence, in public officials would tend to disappear. 
And if the officials did prove to be incapable, in a com- 
munity where every one understood his civic relations 
this would merely result in a change of administrators. 
And a just plan, as advocated by George, where all will 
have a stake in the government, must presuppose the 
evelopment of such an intelligent and wide-awake com- 

I trust I have dispatched the contentions of Taussig. 
In future issues 1 shall examine other luminaries who share 
,-ith him the spotlight of economic "knowledge." 

The Land Question 
In Roumania and Hungary 

[LLUMINATING as to the causes of misery and there- 
fore of strife and war is the article on the leading article 
page of the Glasgow Herald, September 4. At the time of 
writing the author spoke of the extraordinary wave of feel- 
ing which was sweeping over Transylvania. It had its roots 
in something deeper than national patriotism. It is the land 
hunger of the peasant who, hardly more than a serf before 
the last war, was first granted land of his own and an 
ndependent existence under the Roumanian Government, 
iid who sees this independence threatened by union with a 
auntry where semi- feudal conditions still exist. 
For obvious reasons politicians on neither side have cared 
dwell upon this problem. But Dr. Maniu, who started 
fe himself as a landless peasant under the old Hungarian 
jime, understands it very well. His personal character 
and his well-known love for his native Province have gained 
him a powerful following, not only among the Roumanians 
of the north, but quite possibly among the younger Hun- 
garian peasants who are loath to return, for purely senti- 
mental reasons, to the state of landless dependence which 
will almost certainly be their lot under Hungarian rule. 

Thanks to the Agrarian Reform brought in by Roumania 
after the last war, each Transylvanian peasant could own his 
own small croft, and was not obliged to work for a return 
in kind from his Hungarian overlord. It is safe to assume 
that this condition of affairs will not long remain once most 
of Transylvania is in Hungarian hands again. The Magyar- 
Transylvania noble families, which include those of Count 
Teleki, Count Bethlen, and other leaders of Hungarian 
Nationalism, have long felt exceedingly bitter at Roumanian 
partition of their once-great estates among the peasants 
after the last war. 

For 20 years now those families have looked across the 
frontier and seen their relatives in Hungary proper enjoy- 
ing the privileges long superseded in the modern world. 
Now, however, the new frontiers will enclose them safely 
in Greater Hungary, and it will probably be only a question 
of time before the antique Hungarian system of land tenure 
will once more restore their estates to them in full at the 
expense of Roumanian and Hungarian peasant alike. 

The land problem, too, was at the root of Hungary's 
indignant refusal of Roumania's first offer of an exchange 
of populations. Probably the fulfilment of this offer was 
dreaded by the Transylvanians themselves as much as any 
frontier changes, however drastic. The mere transference 
of the Magyar minority across the border would have taken 
no account of the estates and small holdings left behind 
them, land which in the aggregate came to a handsome 
proportion of Hungarian-Transylvania nobles' old property. 
The peasants themselves could have been under no delusion 
that Hungary would treat them any better than she has 
treated her own landless population; while their influx into 
the already over-populated rural villages, where it is some- 
times a problem to devise labor for all, would merely have 
brought hardship to the districts concerned, as well as dire 
poverty to the transplanted. Exchange of populations only 
works where there is nothing to lose. (Land & Liberty) 

TT^ROM J. Rupert Mason we have just received the fol- 
-^- lowing : "Oklahoma voted November 5th on a graduat- 
ed land tax law, and the vote was 408,559 yes to 196,711 no. 
But, because this got on the ballot as an initiative measure , 
it needed a majority of all votes cast that day, which it miss- 
ed by just a few hundred. Tom Cheek led the fight as presi- 
dent of the Oklahoma Farmers' Union. I am told that nearly 
all the Oklahoma papers viciously opposed it, so the vote 
result is all the more significant. This may be a tonic for 
some Georgeists who are suffering from a what's-the-use 
complex. I am told that a similar measure was voted the 
same day in North and South Dakota, but haven't the vote 

FREE COPY of LAND AND FREEDOM is an invitation 
to become a subscriber. 



Honore Daumier 

TJONORE DAUMIER was a remarkable French artist 
**- of the nineteenth century who drew political cartoons 
for various liberal periodicals. Though regarded as simply 
a clever caricaturist in his day, he is now recognized to be 
one of the world's great artists, with a brilliant gift of 
deep insight into humanity. His keen pictorial comments 
on the issues of his day have a universal quality they are 
also comments on our own day. He seems to have touched 
eternal verities. 

Daumier was deeply concerned with the welfare of the 
people. He was angered over their oppression, and lashed 
out against their oppressors. Because he championed the 
cause of the "common man," he is claimed by the Marxists 
as an artistic champion of the "class struggle." In truth, 
however, Daumier comes nearer to Georgeist than to 
Marxist thought. Were he alive today, it is not unlikely 
that he would embrace the Georgeist cause. The short- 
coming in the Marxist claim is evidenced by his cartoons 
depicting Commerce as champion of the right of initiative 
and enterprise in industry. What Daumier did stand for 
was Democracy and Freedom, Justice and Tolerance. 

Honore Daumier was born at Marseilles in 1808. Most 
of his life was spent in illustration for such journals as 
La Silhouette, Le Monde Illustre, La Caricature, and 
Charivari. He was once imprisoned for a caricature of 

COMMERCE (to Politicians) : Gentlemen, when are you 
going to finish playing that game? . . . I'm getting tired of 
paying all the expenses of your party ! 

"The present method of taxation . . . operates upon energy, ana 
industry, and skill, and thrift, like a fine upon those qualities." 

Progress and Poverty. 

King Louis Philippe. He died, nearly blind, in 1879. 

Mr. Anthony Bertram has written an essay on Daumier, 
some of which will be worth quoting here : 

"Daumier chose to display their (the people's) wrongs, 
their sufferings, their sorrows. Outside the crowd there 
are the lawyers, the soldiers, the rulers; them he shows as 
the cause of wrongs, sufferings, and sorrows. At least, 
that was how, as a political cartoonist, he saw them ; but 
he gave them such individuality, such intense vitality, that 
we realize that they also are Tom, Dick and Harry, though 
for the moment they are playing the part of this or the other 
abstraction, the law, the army or the ruling class. It is 
this reality, this individuality of his people, that makes 
Daumier's exposure of a topical grievance into an exposure 
of all humanity. 

"From the stuffy little offices of radical journals, from 
prison, from the barricades, from his garret, Daumier 
looked out on a vast concourse of human heings. . .To the 
world he was a poor persecuted hack ; but his kingdom was 
all mankind." 

The Daumier cartoons reproduced here are from Chari- 
vari, and they range in date from 1850 to 1870. We present 
them through the kindness of Mr. Francis Neilson. The 
cartoons are accompanied with quotations from Henrv 
George, to illustrate the similarity in thought. 

COMMERCE (to Politicians) : How do you expect me to 
make headway if you always hold me back? 

"These are the substitution of governmental direction for the play 
of individual action, and the attempt to secure by restriction what 
can better be secured by freedom." 

Progress and Poverty 




jtfl*JJq.l..Olf ..' . 


"Under all forms of government the ultimate power lies with the 
masses . . . The working-men of the United States may mold to their 
will legislatures, courts and constitutions. Politicians strive for 
their favor and political parties bid against one another for their 

Protection or Free Trade. 

my money 

My field plundered. . . my horse taken. 

ilen. . . That's what they call patriotism ! 

'That, as declared by the French Assembly, public misfortunes 
and corruptions of government spring from ignorance, neglect or 
contempt of human rights, may be seen from whatever point we 
look." Social Problems. 


See, my friend, I take this 5-franc piece out of this 
pocket (tax of 45 centimes), and I pass it over to your 
other pocket (tax on salt) ... It is then very clear that 
you're a httndred sous to the advantage. . . Cri, craque \ . . 
The trick is done ! 

LIBERTY (to War) : Pardon, my dear, let's try out my 
powers before yours ! . . . 

"Who is Liberty that we should doubt her; that we should set 
bounds to her, and say, 'Thus far shall thou come and no farther!' 
Is she not peace? is she not prosperity? is she not progress?" 

The American Republic. 



Georgeism, Thomism, And The Catholic Question 


(An article on "Georgeism and Thomism" by Mr. Ludlow 
appeared in the March-April 1940 issue of LAND AND FREEDOM. In 
that article, the author discussed the possibility of a mutual 
assimilation of the doctrines of the followers of Henry George and 
those of Thomas Aquinas. Tn the present treatment, Mr. Ludlow 
elaborates his ideas. ED.) 

riiHERE is nothing novel in suggesting Thomistic bor- 
-*- rowing from another philosophic system. For, after 
all, the Thomist is an eclectic he has borrowed much, 
and that from divergent and often strange sources. The 
founder of his system preferred Aristotle to the Christian 
Augustine -- not, it is true, Aristotle in synthesis -- but 
Aristotle as laying the rational foundation upon which a 
true synthesis could be based. And I say a true synthesis 
could only then come because Aristotle lacked knowledge 
of revelation a corrective that must be taken into account 
if any really full and vital outlook (other than the med- 
iocrity of a "golden mean") is to be reached. Aristotle, 
as it were, waited for Thomas Aquinas to crown and en- 
large and correct his philosophical system. And this was 
done within the framework of Catholicism. For with the 
transformation of the nationalist Judaic revelation into the 
universal message of Christianity it was seemly that a 
philosophical system admitting the objective and universal 
should be utilized as the rational foundation from which 
one could then proceed to higher things. Nor is it strange 
that the Christian Aquinas leaned toward the pagan Stag- 
irite it was to be expected that a revelation bursting the 
bonds of Judaism should assimilate the Gentile as well as 
the Jewish outlook. The Roman Church has always beer, 
the great assimilator. At the risk of scandalizing some she 
has not hesitated to use what was true and beautiful in the 
pagan creeds, while at the same time keeping the riches of 
Israel in her bosom. I have heard it said why does the 
Roman Church approve of Aristotle and not Plato? And 
the answer is, of course, that she sanctions what is true in 
both Aristotle and Plato, but that most of her children feel 
that Aristotle laid the more solid foundation upon which 
the "higher things" might rest. 

Because the Thomist is an eclectic, his system is not yet 
complete. Or rather, let us say he has the framework 
part of it is filled in and a great deal more remains to be 
filled. It may take years or even centuries of dispute be- 
fore this or that is dropped into its proper niche within 
this framework. There is no need to despair entirely if 
there seems to be no indication of any great understanding 
between Georgeists and Thomists. For the Thomist is slow 
to enthusiasm, holds emotional response in distrust and, 
because he has a long memory, looks upon no economic 

1 1 1 u a i 

: and 

system as fully proved. For those whose outlook stops 
at the borders of reason there will be more trust in a pro- 
fessed cure here and now than for those looking "sub 
specie aeternitatis." The combination of these elements in 
Catholicism works unrest in many a soul. The mentally 
healthy will try to hit the right balance, but many there 
are who will not be able to do this and to whom the Church 
extends an uneasy indulgence. 

Catholicism and Thomism are not synonymous terms 
allegiance to one is no guarantee of allegiance to the other 
nevertheless it is within the larger framework of Catho- 
licism that the Thomist philosophy works itself out. So 
it is that the acts of ecclesiastical authority will have bear- 
ing on the question of assimilation. And that, of course, 
brings up the McGlynn affair. In Catholic circles (par- 
ticularly in Jesuit circles) we hear much of Dr. McGlynn's 
excommunication and small mention of his eventual vindi- 
cation, and to these we can only extend the reminder of 
the excommunication of Thomas Aquinas and his eventual 
vindication - - sometimes the Church has wrestled wit' 
angels. But, after all, there is a contradiction (or apj: 
ently one) between the usual school of Catholic thought 
that of the Georgeists. And that does not lie in the land 
doctrine rather does it lie in the question of what econom- 
ics is and whether man wakes his economic laws or dis- 
covers them. 

Thomas Aquinas did not regard either politics or econom- 
ics as physical sciences but rather as branches of ethics 
treating them as subdivisions of moral theology. He held 
that they dealt with human actions and were therefore 
susceptible of moral judgment and so did not admit of 
treatment as given to laws of medicine or chemistry. 
Henry George felt quite otherwise. He contended that 
there was indeed a science of political economy and that 
it was a natural science and that iis laws were discovered, 
not made, and that therefore they were to be treated as one 
would treat the laws of mechanics and physics. This does 
not mean that George ruled ethics out of economics far 
from it. But ethical considerations, with him, did not 
enter into economic law as such. Rather, these laws work- 
ed out automatically and inevitably, like the law of gravi- 
tation. Ethical judgment concerned itself with how man 
used these laws. George held that natural economic law 
tended to the common good if left untouched and he judged 
unethical the attempt to interfere with these laws be it 
the socialist attempt at planning or the attempt to manipu- 
late economic law to benefit the few. In this, his viewpoint 
differs sharply from that of the Malthusian-minded econc 
mists. For these latter also, economics was a physics 



science, but a science whose working out tended, not as 
George held, to the common good, but rather to the benefit 
of the few at the top. For them there was no ethical 
judgment, either in relation to economics in itself or in 
man's actions. For George there was no ethical judgment 
in relation to economics in itself (as there is no ethical 
judgment of the law of gravitation) but there was ethical 
judgment in regard to man's manipulation of these laws. 
For the Thomist, ethical judgment enters both fields that 
of personal action and that of economics proper, since for 
them man makes his economic system. 

This, then, and not the land dispute, is the question that 
offers the more fundamental difficulty does man make or 
discover the economic law ? And if the question cannot be 
dissolved, can there still be made a working agreement 
among Thomists who assert the former and Georgeists who 
teach the latter? 

Another disagreement more fundamental than that of 
the land question is that concerning freedom. Regulation 
is never desirable in itself if we must have it, then let it 
be because it leads to a truer freedom than otherwise. And 
so one approaches the Georgean concept of freedom in 
economic life and intellectual life with favorable bias. This 
preparation of mind is a necessary preliminary to any in- 
vestigation. It is sheerest fiction to say that we can ap- 
proach problems disinterestedly. Time spent on the ques- 
Ki of disinterested versus interested investigation would 
as wasted as that spent on the question of motivated 
i ,^. sus unmotivated actions. If nothing else prevents a 
disinterested investigation, our very physical make-up does 
so. A man disapproves of many things from a sour stom- 
ach or he is "intellectually" convinced of the absurdity of 
ethical standards, because he prefers unlawful sensual 
pleasure. Once, a young man came to the Cure d'Ars to 
argue against the Faith. He was advised the confessional, 
after which he could no longer remember what his "intellec- 
tual difficulties" had been. A man does not approach the 
problem of immortality, or of the existence of God, or the 
permanence of the marriage bond, in a disinterested way 
he hopes for one answer rather than another. This is no 
necessary hindrance to discovering truth because the very 
idea of truth must contain the psychological make-up of 

: man in it and, if we can emancipate ourselves from mere 
prejudice as distinguished from a natural and legitimate 
"interestedness" we need feel no hesitancy but that man is 

1 1 capable of finding truth. 

The Thomist is predisposed to admit the necessity of 

limited freedom the Georgeist at times talks of "unlimit- 

1 ed" freedom, but a second thought usually shows him the 

fallacy of this, especially when it's a question of "unlimit- 
1 ed" freedom for the landlord. But the idea of freedom as 

an end in itself towards which the economic system should 

aim persists in Georgean literature. And there is the truth 
in it that if the common good is best served by a free 
economy then we need the free economy. But the end is 
the common good, not freedom. The most perfect physi- 
cal pleasure of which we are capable here is the act of 
coition in which body and soul are surrendered to another, 
so that volitional freedom itself is inoperative during the 
unitive act. And in that parallel act which is the perfect 
consummation of eternal happiness the coitional surren- 
der to God which is the Beatific Vision freedom has found 
its object and is assimilated. So that neither the perform- 
ance of the earthly act of union or its divine counterpart 
count on freedom as an end; rather it is the means making 
possible the end and becomes inoperative with the attain- 
ment of that end. 

This holds true of the economic life also. If there is 
any purpose in having a free system, it is to serve the 
common good. Georgeism remains little more than a nicely 
worked out plan or an exercise in logic unless it can demon- 
strate its worth and be considered both as a practical sys- 
tem and a system conducive to the physical and spiritual 
good of the community. Freedom is always desirable and 
preferable as a means to any end. If the end be temporal 
it must foster freedom (forced coitional union is rape); 
if it be eternal it must postulate freedom as a condition to 
that end (one attains the Beatific Vision voluntarily or not 
at all). 

These two problems, then the nature of economics and 
the nature of freedom form the basis for discussing 
Georgeism, Thomism and the Catholic Question. Let us 
hope they will be thrashed out by competent Thomists and 
Georgists, and not remain just material for a short article 
to gather dust in Limbo. 


(Greek^Sixth Century B. C.) 

"IT^OR noble minds, the worst of miseries, 
*- Worse than old age, or wearisome disease, 
Is Poverty. From Poverty to flee 
From some tall precipice into the sea, 
It were a fair escape to leap below! 
In Poverty, dear Kyrnus, we forego 
Freedom in word and deed, body and mind; 
Action and thought are fetter'd and confin'd. 
Let me then fly, dear Kyrnus, once again ! 
Wide as the limits of the land and main, 
From these entanglements ; with these in view, 
Death is the lighter evil of the two. 



The Battle Of The Towns 

English Municipal Campaigns 


OOME of the finest hours in English history, when not 
taken up with crowns and dynasties, have been those 
which tell of the long struggle for freedom of the boroughs, 
towns and cities. John Richard Green, in his "Short His- 
tory of the English People," says: "In the silent growth 
and elevation of the English people the boroughs led the 
way . . . The rights of self-government, of free speech in 
free meeting, of equal justice by one's equals, were brought 
safely across the ages of tyranny by the burghers and shop- 
keepers of the towns." 

This was written of the period from the Norman Con- 
quest onwards. The struggle was against tolls, privileges 
and monopolies of all kinds. "Land," says Green, "was 
from the first the test of freedom, and the possession of 
land was what constituted the townsman." But he goes 01. 
to say: "In England the landless man who dwelled in a 
borough had no share in its corporate life; for purposes of 
government or property the town was simply an association 
of the landed proprietors within its bounds." So that, 
against the merchant guilds composed of the landed burgh- 
ers, there arose the craft guilds of the landless town- 
workers. "The longest and bitterest strife of all," we read, 
"was naturally at London. Nowhere had the territorial con- 
stitution struck so deeply, and nowhere had the landed 
oligarchy risen to such a height of wealth and influence." 
About the year 1196 it was "the unfair assessment levied on 
the poor, and the undue burthens which were thrown on the 
unenfranchised classes, which provoked the first serious dis- 

This discontent exists tmremedied at the present time. 
"Unfair assessments levied on the poor" are still the main 
feature of municipal life. The complete freedom of the 
English towns in local affairs is yet to be won. It is hardly 
credible that the great cities which sprang up after the In- 
dustrial Revolution, almost as rapidly as the American 
cities described by Henry George Manchester, Glasgow, 
Birmingham, Liverpool, each with a million inhabitants 
have no local option in the method of raising their munici- 
pal revenue. The assessments levied on the poor towns- 
people are as unfair as in 1196. Local authorities are bound 
by statutes passed in Queen Elizabeth's time 340 years ago. 
The Industrial Revolution and the Great War have made 
no difference in that. In the valuation of property no dis- 
tinction is allowed to be made between the land and the 
improvements upon it. The site and the super-structure 
must be taken together, and no attempt is made to assess 
the true economic value of the land alone. This unscientific 
provision may have made little difference in Elizabeth's 


day. It is working havoc in the finances of the great in- 
dustrial and commercial centres of modern times. 

The huge totals of municipal indebtedness constitute a 
second National Debt, imposing an enormous burden of in- 
terest payments, which falls mainly on the small house- 
dwellers. The level of local taxation, or "rates," rises in- 
exorably in spite of the strictest economy and the reduction 
of necessary social services. Vacant land and vacant prop- 
erty escapes local taxation, and owners of valuable city sites 
are thus encouraged to withhold their land from its i un- 
economic use. Thus the community can neither use the land 
it has made valuable, nor secure the values it has created 

A striking example of the effect of these local taxation 
laws is shown by the Bill passed last year enabling munici- 
palities to exempt from local taxes any increases in the value 
of properties due to the erection of Air- Raid Shelters ( See 
Land and Liberty, June 1938, p. 82). Special legislation 
was thus required to free our local authorities from the 
obligation they would have been under to impose local taxes 
upon the value of the people's protection from bombs. Thus 
the Government also admits that taxation levied on improve- 
ments discourages the making of them. But it is only pro- 
tection against bombs that is to be now encouraged protec- 
tion against rain and cold, the houses which people need to 
live in, are still to be taxed and rated as before. 

It is no wonder that in the face of such anomalies there 
has grown up a public sentiment in this country for the 
principle of land value taxation for local as well as national 
purposes. A principal evidence of this is the long agitation 
of the municipalities for freedom to levy taxes (or "rates") 
on land values separately from improvements. The nu- 
merous resolutions in favor of this change, and the action j 
taken in following them up, would not have been carried! 
out by Councillors and M. P.'s if it were not for their heir" 
pressed forward by their constituents. 

The people of this country are as much awake to 
"aggression" of land-monopoly as they are to the outsic 
aggressor. The ceaseless work of educating the public in 
Henry George's principles has been carried on by the United 
Committee and all its associated Leagues until there is now 
a wide appreciation of our basic principle. It is no mere 
"rating reform" that is in question but a step forward in 
the struggle of the towns and their citizens for fundamenta 

I guess our American friends would consider it a great 
thing if any of their cities were doing as Cardiff did in 
1935 taking a definite lead on this question; passing it ; 



resolution in favor of this fundamental change ; inviting all 
other municipalities to a Conference demanding the neces- 
sary legislation ; and communicating its declarations far and 
wide. Here is one instance of the "campaign", and it is 
only fair to remember work done by the United Committee, 
and by the International Union for the Taxation of Land 
Values, in support of the Cardiff initiative. It should be 
repeated that such action as that of Cardiff could not have 
been undertaken but for the urge of public opinion already 

Since 1919, to go no farther back, resolutions calling for 
power to levy local taxes on land values have been passed 
by more than 235 local authorities, including such great 
cities as London, Glasgow and Cardiff. Not only has this 
individual action been taken, but a number of them have 
from time to time organized Conferences of Municipal 
Authorities, as in the case of Cardiff, for the purpose of 
influencing Parliament to grant them the necessary powers. 
Many have set up special "Rating" (local taxation) Com- 
mittees to investigate the question, and have published valu- 
able Reports, such as that of Sheffield in 1928, now one of 
the publications (No. 77) of the Henry George Foundation 
of Great Britain. Like other municipalities Sheffield had a 
long and bitter experience of the exactions of city landlords 
when land was required for schools, playing grounds, hos- 
pitals, and other public purposes. The city saw the values 
it was creating by its public expenditure being diverted into 
private channels by our effete taxation laws. It had good 
reason for its Report which has had a wide and influential 
circulation. Similar Reports were made by Newcastle-on- 
Tyne, Stoke on Trent, and others. 

Special mention should be made of the Report on the 
question of the Finance Committee of the London County 
Council and the Bill which was its consequence. Just as, 
when the Land Value Tax in the 1931 Budget was repealed, 
a large number of municipalities passed resolutions of pro- 
test, so, when the L. C. C.'s Bill was being considered by 
Parliament, numbers of local authorities sent up resolutions 
of support. 

This incident in the age-long battle of the towns is one 
of the most significant. In 1936 the London County Council, 
that great and influential body, decided to demand legislation 
from the Government to enable it to tax land values. But 
its demand was refused by a Parliament in which the 
influence of landowners is paramount. The Council then 
decided to prepare and introduce a Bill of its own which 
would have been a "Private Bill" since it applied only to its 
own area. Again the Council was frustrated. It will be 
appreciated what great importance attached to this determi- 
nation shown by our greatest local government body and 
how its fortunes were followed by the rest of the country. 
The landed interests, whilst they opposed the proposal in 
the press, knew of course that a majority would vote against 

it in the House of Commons, but they shunned any debate 
on it in the House, as they knew it could only help the 
agitation in the country for the land value policy. They 
therefore secured a ruling by the Speaker that such a pro- 
posal could not proceed by way of a Private Bill. For the 
time being the issue was decided on a technicality of pro- 

It should be mentioned that Mr. F. C. R. Douglas, who 
is chairman of the L. C. C. Finance Committee, and now, 
happily, a Member of Parliament, took a leading and 
determining part in all these proceedings. There can be no 
doubt that his statesmanship, his quiet, persistent, and genial 
conduct of controversy and debate from beginning to end 
were largely responsible for this triumph for our movement. 
Warm tributes were paid him by opponents as well as by 
friends. It has been well said that there are two ways of 
hitting a fellow, one is in the solar plexus, the other is by 
way of a pat on the back. One is the way of a certain type 
of propagandists, of angering and estranging their oppo- 
nents. The other is that which has resulted from the L.C.C. 
debates. The Labor Party came to see the virtue of land 
value "rating", and schemes like the local income tax and 
other palliatives have been killed stone dead so far as London 
is concerned. The adoption of the land value principle for 
local taxation by the London Labor Party has done more 
to turn them toward the appreciation of the Henry George 
solution of the poverty problem than reams of wordy debate 
with its "ad hoc" fling at Socialism. A case in point : The 
representative of an important assessment authority called 
recently at the United Committee offices. He said he had 
been an ardent and uncompromising Socialist but now as a 
practical man, obliged to look into the "rating" problem, he 
has come to see that the Henry George plan is the right one. 

The important thing in the L. C. C.'s Bill was not the "rate 
in the pound" (i. e. the percentage of the tax levy) ; it was 
the fact of the Bill itself and the principle it stood for, the 
fact of the London County Council challenging a reaction- 
ary House of Commons, the fact of the nation-wide propa- 
ganda that came out of the Bill. The echoes of that fight 
have by no means died down. The war itself has not 
suspended the agitation. On July 31, the Derby Town 
Council on the recommendation of its Audit and Finance 
Committee passed a resolution urging the Government to 
empower local authorities to levy local taxes on site value. 
On the same day a similar resolution was debated by the 
Smethwick Town Council. The reports of these debates are 
given in Land & Liberty for September 1940. And so the 
battle of the towns goes on, war or no war, justifying the 
words of A. W. Madsen at the time of the L. C. C. ruling: 
"The determination of the municipalities and of the advo- 
cates and friends of the land value policy to knock still 
louder at the door of Parliament has been powerfully stim- 
ulated by this setback, hastening the day when the Govern- 
ment in power must enact the necessary legislation". 



A Challenge To Pessimism 

By W. R. B. 

N its generous and frank presentation of views of the 
* speakers at the recent Henry George Congress, the 
September-October LAND AND FREEDOM offers sad, if salu- 
tary, testimony to the present state of progress towards 
Henry George's goal the governmental collection of the 
Rent and the abolition of Taxation. 

However, the noticeable disuse of the term "single tax," 
which some may regard as of very minor importance, 
should be distinctly encouraging to others. In 1934, a con- 
tributor noted that in the previous issue the factor Rent 
had been mentioned four or five times, while the term 
"single tax" had appeared no less than 138 times. In the 
last issue (except for a dozen appearances in the names 
of Single Tax Clubs) the term is used only 10 times. One 
may rejoice to think that it may become obsolete in another 
year or two, removing the embarrassment of explaining 
that "the single tax isn't a tax, anyway it is Rent." 

Otherwise, Georgeists may well be filled with consterna- 
tion if they reflect seriously upon the direction in which 
they are moving. Henry J. Foley in your "The Road 
Ahead" number, believes "that in our efforts to spread the 
doctrine of Henry George, we are now engaged in sweep- 
ing back the tides." Benjamin C. Marsh, after citing exist- 
ing conditions and trends, said : "Readers may think I have 
painted a rather dark picture. I hope events may prove 
me wrong, but I doubt it." Sanford J. Benjamin said: 
"There is a dangerous growth of optimism among Geor- 
geists at present which bodes ill for the success of the 
movement." He cites as reasons for his apprehension thai 
"the conditions of a privileged economy do not permit 
peaceful reform," that "Georgeists fail when they speak 
about peaceful solution of the world's evil through the 
ballot." He quotes Marx as authority for the view that 
"Transfer to power can only be accomplished through 
force," and asks: "How can we expect that Georgeists wili 
not have to take up arms to free the land?" 

But those who think they see the bright star of Henry 
George's goal ; who think that through the years they have 
been plodding towards it ; who, within their lights, have 
striven to dispel the fog which obscured it from others, 
should search their souls as they read the following para- 
graph from Mr. Benjamin's "The Price of Freedom." 

"First, no special privilege is as time honored by rich 
and poor alike as land ownership. In fact the privilege 
of owning land is considered a successful goal. One 
does not have to be a Georgeist in order to predict that 
land owners would fight land reform. The Spanish 
civil war was essentially an uprising of landlords when 
the government attempted to break up their estates ; 


and far from acknowledging the right of the people to 
cultivate the land, the so-called democratic nations 
backed the insurrectionists. It should not be overlooked 
that, in order to hold on to their privilege, the land 
owners called in foreign soldiers a lesson Georgeists 
should ponder when they think of achieving their reform 
in any one country." 

Where has it more clearly been implied that Georgeists 
are a body of land reformers, a minority in opposition, 
fighting against "landlordism" which they see as evil, in- 
stead of for the governmental collection of the Rent which 
they know is righteous? This evidence of obsession with 
"land" disinters ideas which have lain dead since the days^ 
of "Progress and Poverty." Whose task, but that of Geor- 
geists, to revivify them? Let us look at some of them as 
questions to be answered. 

To begin with, why do Georgeists antagonize, or want 
to fight, landlords:' Will there not of necessity always he 
landlords to administer the land to which they hold titles? 
Will not landlords be necessary to collect the Rent from 
tenants and to turn it over to the government, together 
with the Rent they themselves owe to society in the services 
which society renders to both of them? Why inconsistently 
call landlords, "land owners" ? Do Georgeists believe there 
are such things as land owners? Is that the reason they 
can look forward only to the necessity of taking the land 
away from landlords by force? If they will mistakenly 
call landlords by that name, a number of questions are 
bound to arise in the minds of the ignorant. How arc 
these questions to be answered ? 

Would Georgeists object because an automobile owner 
gets the Rent paid for the use of his automobile? If not, 
why should they object because a land owner gets the 
Rent paid for the use of his land ? Would they contend '' 
that the public should get the Rent paid for the use of an 
automobile owner's automobile? If not, on what grounds 
would they contend that the public should get the Re 
paid for the use of a land owner's land? On the otl- 
hand, would Georgeists contend that the land owner she 
not get the Rent because he does not own the land? If 
would they contend that the public should get the Rent 
because the public owns the land? Does the question as 
to who shall get the Rent rest upon a decision as to who 
owns the land? 

Georgeists should know that the so-called land owner's 
claim to ownership, weak as it is, is far stronger than that 
of the public. He usually can submit a title deed in legal 
evidence of ownership, which in most instances is more 
than the public can do. Would Georgeists contend tht't 



so-called land owners should not get the Rent because they 
are fewer than non-land owners; hence, that (in a demo- 
cratic country!) a majority, properly propagandized, could 
vote to take the land (and the Rent) away from a minority 
by taxation? Do they agree with so-called land owners 
that for the public to get the Rent by taxation is to "con- 
fiscate" the land of these land owners? 

If force is to be the arbiter in this case, Georgeists should 
know that the decision will go to these land owners, who 
have all of the legal, educational, financial and military, 
power in their hands: and that to oppose this power means 
persecution and civil war. But do Georgeists agree with 
those they call land owners that a nation, by conquering 
the people of another nation, becomes owner of the land 
of the conquered people? That to be patriotic, people 
should be willing to fight to get the land of another people, 
or to hold it for their own land owners? That to live on 
this earth some people either must fight, or pay, other 
people before the land can be used? 

Do Georgeists agree with those they call land owners, 
that holders of titles to areas of land, to that extent, are 
owners of the earth owners of climates, views, mines, 
forests, harbors, rivers, soils? That fighting for, or paying 
for, land affects the land? That people pay Rent because 
the earth, with all of its natural elements and forces, exists? 
That people pay Rent for the use of the land? Why longer 
"kick against the pricks"? Does hope lie in this direction? 

But there is hope ! The star which Henry George beheld 
still shines. Its penetrating rays illumine still farther 
reaches of the path which he discerned. Shall men not 
venture nearer to the goal he sought; beyond the point 
which he attained? Would he not bid them push on? 
Men know not the purposes of creation. They never may 
know how men came to inhabit this earth. But they 
know, if they are to live, that their livelihoods must be 
toiled from the earth ; that they must have access to the 
provisions of nature the land. Therefore, men want 
land ! So desperately do men want land that, down through 
the ages, if not otherwise to be had, men have fought and 
still fight to possess the land. If, as a result of accumu- 
lated knowledge and experience, men learned that it was 
not necessary to burn buildings to provide themselves with 
roast pig, may not the accumulated knowledge and experi- 
ence of the present day teach them wisdom as to how to 
obtain their livelihoods without fighting, or paying, to 
possess the land? 

Is it possible that any considerable number of Georgeists 
are becoming merely another group such as socialists or 
communists blindly, fanatically, adhering to still another 
"ism," hypocritically denouncing the evil doctrine of Karl 
Marx of the inevitability of a class war between Labor and 
Capital, while, as short-sightedly, propounding a doctrine 
no less evil, the inevitability of a class war between land- 

lords and non-landlords; that people must continue to be 
plunged into new hatreds and civil war? Have any consider- 
able number of Georgeists lost faith in the power of Truth 
and Justice to bring Peace to this world ? 

Can this explain the paradox, that while a great 
array of eminent men, for decades, have acclaimed the 
outstanding mentality of Henry George, and the luminous 
quality of his social philosophy, they have ignored its 
possible implications, and have refused to investigate the 
causes of its lack of practicality in the progress of civiliza- 
tion? These discuss endlessly the relations of Labor and 
Capital, and the use and productivity of the land, but 
tacitly ignore the essentiality of the factor Rent which is 
present in every social and economic problem. Is it a 
consequence of the failure to search out the true nature 
and significance of Rent, that people have resorted to every 
variety of Socialism communism, fascism, nazism, New 
Dealism, and a host of other "isms ;" that they have dis- 
carded the tenets of the Declaration of Independence and 
the Constitution of the United States, and no longer crave 
the personal freedom and individual initiative of true 
American democracy? 

In view of the present social and political chaos, would 
it not be wise, for the moment, for those who call them- 
selves Georgeists, to hold in abeyance the prejudice that 
Rent is due to the relative productivity of nature, that it 
is a "gift of nature" without cost to mankind; and instead, 
(as worthy of investigation) to view it as a measure of 
the worth, only, of social and governmental advantages 
advantages produced at the cost of human toil and neces- 
sary to the procurement and use of the provisions of 
nature? Whatever the cost of a title to land, it is, after 
all, the cost of the tiile, not the cost of the land. Land is 
not produced, furnished or changed, by an exchange of 
wealth for a title to land. 

By processes no man could devise or energize, the mys- 
terious elements and forces of nature bring forth the fruits 
of the land. Their growth costs men nothing. But to 
possess these fruits the results of this inexplicable meta- 
morphosis men must toil. If they toil not, these "incre- 
ments," due to the ceaseless processes of nature, will, as 
men say, wither away, when by no manner of toil can men 
possess them. The "gifts of nature" are free to men to 
possess, but to possess them men must toil. For mankind 
there is no "unearned increment." 

In the light of this reasoning, Hope returns! Rent be- 
comes compensation, solely, for the labor and capital ex- 
pended in providing social and governmental services. 
Security of possession of land, attested by a title deed, is 
one, and only one, service of government. Without this 
service, a title deed would have neither value nor efficacy 
as protection of the results of toil on, or in, the land to 
(Continued on page 190) 



Signs of Progress 


Robert Schalkenbach Foundation 


CALENDAR Last year, about Christmas time, the Foun- 
dation published its first Henry George wall calendar. The 
idea proved extremely popular and was an effective instru- 
ment of propaganda. Many people wrote us during the 
year, after seeing this calendar in homes and offices, and 
some of these inquirers are now making their own study 
of our philosophy. The success of the calendar has justified 
our making another one for 1941. It will feature a hand- 
some photogiaph of Henry George taken at the height of 
his career. It was generously loaned from her own 
collection by Henry George's daughter, Anna George de 
Mille. The date pad will carry inspiring quotations culled 
from the golden treasury of George's books. The calendar 
will again sell at twenty-five cents. 

CHRISTMAS GIFTS The giving of George books as 
Christmas gifts is a time-honored custom which has started 
thousands of people on the road to clear economic thinking. 
To encourage this type of giving we are offering special 
prices on quantity purchases. For instance, five dollars 
will purchase a full set of the George books in uniform 
bindings and a copy of "The Philosophy of Henry George," 
by Dr. George R. Geiger. Five dollars and seventy-five 
cents will purchase ten copies of our one dollar edition of 
"Progress and Poverty." 

We are wrapping books to be given as Christmas presents 
in gay holly paper, with greeting tags attached. Individual 
attention is paid to all gift orders. Last year, about 500 
books were sent out from the Foundation as Christmas 
gifts. This year, we are trying to reach the 1000 mark. 

BOOK DEALF.RS -We have been very much encouraged by 
the lively interest on the part of our good friends, the book 
dealers. In the past few weeks, as a result of a special 
campaign, 200 books were placed with 20 new dealers, who 
had hitherto not deemed it worthwhile to stock Henry 
George books. It is worthy of note that dealers in small 
towns are now welcoming "Progress and Poverty." 

FOSTER vs. GEORGE Along with thousands of our friends 
who had hoped for Mr. George's election to the Hall of 
Fame this year, we suffered the disappointment (relative, 
of course) of learning that the vote was given to Stephen 
Foster, writer of American folk songs. Sharing honors 
with Henry George in the "near the top candidates," was 
Thomas Paine. He received fifty votes to George's forty- 

THE SCHOOLS Last year the Foundation developed a 
lively interest in the Georgeist philosophy by circularizing 
the high school teachers of economics. This work had 
such splendid results that we extended our campaign this 
autumn to include normal schools throughout the country. 
Not only are we selling books to the teachers themselves, 
but are receiving requests for study material to be used in 
class. Also worthy of mention is the fact that several new 
colleges have introduced "Progress and Poverty" in their 
economics courses. 

And now, in closing, let me extend the Season's Greetings 
and best wishes for a happy and busy 1941. 

American Association 
For Scientific Taxation 

Readers will recall the "Legislative Plan of Action," 
prepared by the Association, which appeared in our Septem- 
ber-October issue in abridged form. It was a proposed 
Amendment to the Constitution of the State of New York, 
and was intended to serve as a model for proposing the 
Georgeist reform in legislative assemblies. 

Since its partial appearance in the last issue of LAND 
AND FREEDOM, the full, unabridged Plan was printed in the 
form of galley proofs and sent to numerous persons promi- 
nent in Georgeist, civic and educational work, for sugges- 
tions and criticism. The general response was enthusiastic, 
and the Association was gratified to observe the care with 
which the Plan was read and criticised. It is thus assuming 
the form of a cooperative work, and will undoubtedly be an 
important contribution toward the legislative adoption of 
the Georgeist proposals. Following are excerpts from some 
of the many letters received : 

"The Plan seems to me to be of great merit and I want to 
wish you all success with it. I am one of those who have 
been waiting more than fifty years for such action as this." 

Henry Ware Allen, Author. 

"If I could share your optimism as to the possibility of 
bringing about the taxation reforms which you advocate 
with the speed you desire and also that these reforms in 
state and local taxation would completely abolish unemploy- 
ment and poverty, I should say that you have done an excel- 
lent job of draftsmanship in the proposed constitutional 
amendment and legislation." Harold S. Bultenheim, 
Editor, The American City. 

"I cannot see any way to improve this very excellent 
piece of work." William E. Clement, Secretary, Ben- 
jamin Franklin Research Society. 



"I appreciate your sending me the galleys of 'A Legis- 
lative Plan of Action.' ... J do not believe that anybody 
should be able to derive revenue from the mere ownership 
of land. But I do not believe that tax measures are the 
most efficient way of handling the situation. It seems to 
me that the direct and most effective way would be for 
society to recover the actual title of all land from private 
holders. . . . Why not strike directly at the root of the 
tree?" Prof. Henry Pratt Fairchild, Chairman, Dept. of 
Economics, Nw York University. 

"It is so evident to me that you and your associates have 
spent so much thought and labor upon your proposed legis- 
lation that even though you have invited criticism and 
suggestion?, it would be presumptuous for me to suggest 
any amendments without previously explaining that I fully 
realize you may have excellent reasons for preferring the 
text and the details as already given." Albert Firmin, 
former Postmaster, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

"The amendments, the bill, and the comment are compos- 
itely a succinct statement of Georgean economics; and 
mixed in a way I never before encountered in legislation. 
A splendid propaganda as well as legislative document. "- 
Charles H. Ingersoll, President, Manhattan Single Tax 

"I think the general plan of not trying to do the whole 
tiling too quickly is sound." Benjamin C. Marsh, Execu- 
tive Secretary, People's Lobby, Washington, D. C. 

"I question the value of attempting to write Georgeism 
into law until Georgeists themselves have a more concrete 
program. I don't think that merely shifting taxes from 
improvements to land will do any good. I think it has 
done considerable barm in other places." Paul Peach, 
Associate Editor, The Freeman. 

The Association is now at work carefully sorting and 
sifting the many suggestions and criticisms offered. When 
the final draft is put into shape, it will be published in 
pamphlet form as "A Legislative Framework for the 
Philosophy of Henry George." A wide distribution is 
anticipated, as well as concrete results in legislative halls. 
It should he understood here that the Plan, or Framework, 
is not being presented as a mere fiscal measure. It is a 
legislative embodiment of the full Georgeist philosophy in 
all its strength. 

An Amendment to the Constitution of the United States 
is also being projected. As soon as the work on the State 
Plan is completed, the Association will endeavor to frame 
a model Amendment for the Federal Government, covering 
all the legal and Constitutional points necessary. 

The American Association for Scientific Taxation, under 
the direction of Messrs. Walter Fairchild, Harry C. 
Maguire, and Charles Jos. Smith, has its tentative head- 
quarters ai the office of LAND AND FREEDOM, 150 Nassau 
Street, New York, N. Y. Communications to the Associ- 
ation should be addressed care of this magazine. 

Henry George School of Social Science 

Two new and very interesting series of lectures have 
been scheduled for the new auditorium of the School. One 
is a series of six lectures on "The Forerunners of Henry 
George," delivered Friday evening, beginning November 
15, by Mr. H. D. Bloch. In this series, Mr. Bloch reviews 
the theory of the land question as presented by thinkers 
who anticipated George, such as Confucius, Spinoza, Locke, 
the Physiocrats, Smith, Ricardo, Mill, Marx, Spencer, 
Ogilvie, and Dove. The second series of lectures, delivered 
on Tuesday evenings beginning December 3, is on "Origins 
of the Capitalist Crisis," by Mr. Will Lissner. The 
admission charge for this latter series is $1.00. In a series 
of three talks, Mr. Lissner proposes to outline historically 
the rise of the capitalist system, the factors in it that are 
favorable to the development of a free society, and the 
factors that it must rid itself of in order to overcome its 
present crisis. 

A new course in "Progress and Poverty" opened the 
week of October 28, with good attendance. Another 
course opens the week of January 27, 1941, and a campaign 
is already under way to secure many students. One of the 
methods being used is the urging of every friend and 
graduate to secure one student for the School. 

The extension courses continue to build up. Particularly 
remarkable is the progress of the Boston and the New 
Jersey extensions. 'I he latter has already secured a head- 
quarters at Newark. Chicago continues its sustained 
activity, and its Speakers Bureau is taking the Windy City 
by storm. 

The School of Democracy 

Within the very short time it has been in existence, the 
School of Democracy has already shown signs of growth 
and progress. Classes are held at headquarters (1165 
Broadway, New York, in the office of the Manhattan 
Single Tax Club), and there are extension classes at Belle- 
rose and Brighton Beach. In addition, questions and 
answers for a correspondence course have been worked out. 
The text-book used in the courses is "The Economic 
Democracy," by Horace J. Haase, who is teaching the 
classes. Mr. Haase is ably assisted by Cecil C. Tucker, 
who is serving as Executive Secretary of the School. 

A Library has been established. It has been greatly 
augmented by a contribution of three hundred pieces of 
literature from Mrs. Amalia Du Bois, consisting of books, 
pamphlets and back files of LAND AND FREEDOM. The 
Library also arranges to lend the text-book to students at 
ten cents a week. If the student wishes to purchase the 
book later, whatever rental he paid will be deducted from 
the price. 



Manhattan Single Tax Club 

In furtherance of the plan of extending the activity of 
this Club in its new quarters, one meeting a week is being 
held Mondays from 8:30 to 10:30 P. M. Remember the 
address- 1165 Broadway, New York City; entrance at 2'-< 
West 27th Street ; one flight up. 

Following is a list of lecture and debate subjects, and 
speakers, for the ensuing eight weeks : 

Dec. 9 "Organization, Local and National," Lecture by 
President Ingersoll. "Is 'Single Tax' a Good Name for 
Our Movement?" Debate. 

Dec. 16 "Coordination of Organization and Teaching,'' 
Lecture by Harry Haase. "Should Politics as Well as 
Economics Be Taught?" Debate. 

Dec. 23 "How Can We Spread M. S. T. C. Activities?" 
Lecture by Grace Isabel Colbron. "Step-by-Step Versus 
All-at-Once," Debate. 

Dec. 30 "What State Movements Are Best?" Lecture 
by Alfred N. Chandler. "What Progress Have Political 
Movements Made?" Debate. 

Jan. 6 "How Can National Organizations Serve the 
Henry George School ?" Lecture by Nathan Hillman. "How 
Many Kinds of Rent are There?" Debate. 

Jan. 13 "Do We Waste Time on Interest, the Wage 
Fund, and Malthus?" Lecture by Cecil C. Tucker. "Does 
Rent Enter Into Price, or a Tax on Rent ?" Debate. 

Jan. 20 "Can the Money Question be Linked With the 
Land Question?" Lecture by President Ingersoll. "Co- 
operation With the New Deal, Labor Unions, etc." Debate. 

Jan. 27 "What is the Ultimate Government Under Free- 
dom?" Lecture by Harry Weinberger. "Must Government 
Always Rely on Force?" Debate. 

The above program may be taken as a model for organ- 
ization of branches of the National Single Tax Association 
which is affiliated with the Club. Branches or chapters 
should he active in every sizeable community. 


Mr. Jim Busey continues to publish his sparkling journal. 
Four changes have been made recently. The name of the 
paper has been changed to Alaska Frontier; it appears in a 
larger format ; the publication address has been changed to 
Valdez, Alaska ; and the subscription price has been reduced 
to $1.00 per year. 

Good, sound Georgeist philosophy appears regularly in 
Alaska Frontier, and this is balanced by informative, newsy 
articles, humor, and many pithy little gems of wisdom. 
That Mr. Busey succeeds in making his presentation 
popular is evidenced by the fact that the September-October 
issue of Alaska Frontier was sold out on the news-stands. 

The paper is "devoted to Alaska, to Alaska's problems 
and to the Freedom for which Alaska stands," and carries 
as a slogan on the front page : "To Open Alaska Industry, 
Open Alaska Lands." The articles are of such general 
interest, that it would be well worth while for you to 
subscribe to this paper, no matter where you may be. As 
stated above, the subscription price is $1.00, and the address 
is: Alaska Frontier, Valdez, Alaska. 


The Australian Georgeists are constant in their efforts to 
keep the question of land reform open in legislatures and 
before the public. Mr. E. J. Craigie, Member of the House 
of Assembly for Flinders, and President of the Interna- 
tional Union for Land Value Taxation and Free Trade, 
takes every opportunity to uphold Georgeist principles. 
There was a debate in the House recently, concerning a 
Bill granting the Broken Hill Proprietary Co. power to fix 
terms for a water line supplied to the Whyalla district. The 
B. H. P. is already a monopoly concern, and Mr. Craigie 
constantly directed attention to the fact that this Bill would 
increase their monopolistic powers. However, the Bill was 
passed by a majority of seven, despite Mr. Craigie's bra\e 

Also important to our Australian friends, and part of 
their program, is Proportional Representation. They have 
had a little more success with this reform. The People's 
Advocate of October 21 reports that the Bill for the adop- 
tion of Proportional Representation in connection with the 
South Australian elections was advanced another stage on 
October 9, when the second reading was carried by 20 votes 
to 16. Mr. Craigie also carries on the work for P. R. in the 
House of Assembly. 

The Henry George League of New South Wales con- 
tinues its varied activities, among which is conducting the 
School of Social Science. In an article on the School in 
The Standard, Mr. G. H. McCredie reports: "The School is 
purely an educational body, and it is a most important ad- 
junct to the Henry George League. It was formed by 
Messrs. W. A. Dowe and J. Brandon about three years ago, 
and since that time approximately 300 students have passed 
through it. Of this number about 10 have remained as 
leaders or instructors. 

"It is now the work of the Henry George League, which 
embraces the School of Social Science, to bring the phi- 
losophy of Henry George before the people in such an at- 
tractive manner as to excite their interest sufficiently to 
make them desire to take a course of study of economic 

On the program of the Henry George League is a series 
of weekly discussions and debates. One of these discus- 
sions, held October 28, was on Gaston Haxo's "Theory of 
Interest," which appeared in our July-August issue. 




Our Danish comrades are still laboring for the Cause! 
For some months that is, since the German occupation of 
Denmark we did not hear about Georgeist work in that 
little country. Recently, however, they have resumed send- 
ing us their excellent quarterly publication, Grundskyld, 
which has not been suspended. In the June and October is- 
sues of this journal, which we have just received, our Dan- 
ish friends tell us of their thoughts and activities during the 
dark months. They have not wavered in their faith and 
work, and their tone is one of hope. 

In the June issue, J. L. Bjorner has an article on "Our 
Faith and Our Power." In it he sets forth the position of 
Georgeists in the world today. "Is there no hope?" he asks 
in concluding, and answers, "Yes ! We are engaged in a 
great work of economic enlightenment, and already many 
have been taught the importance of a free society. We must 
never cease in our work. We are the Apostles of today 
the future depends on our Faith and our Power." 

The June issue also carried a notice of two important be- 
quests. One is from a prominent person, Alfred Pedersen, 
who has left a legacy for education in social economy. 200 
Kronen a year will be given to any student recognized by the 
Left Wing Youth or the Henry George Foundation. The 
other is a gift of 25,000 Kronen received by the Henry 
George Foundation. The Foundation now has 40,000 
Kronen, and all the money is used for non-partisan educa- 
tional work. 

In the October issue of Grundskyld appears the address 
of F. Folke at the grave of Abel Brink on September 2, the 
birthday of Henry George. On the grave-stone of Brink, at 
his own request, are carved the words, "Jorden for Foiket" 
("The Land for the People"). "This," said Folke, "stands 
up against the opposing thought, 'Jorden for de Maegtige' 
('The Land for the Mighty')." 

Tn another article in the same issue, Mr. Folke offers 
some thoughts on tine present situation. "The trouble 
today," he says, "is that the countries did not hearken to 
the need for true economic freedom. We, in our little 
country, are not free from blame. Have we preserved 
freedom ? What we need is an awakening. We Georgeists 
must carry on the fight for economic freedom." 

Jakob Lange has published a new work, "Socialokonomi" 
("Social Economy"). It is a Georgeist book, and in it 
Henry George is quoted extensively. The Okoteknlsk 
Hojskole (which is the name given to the Danish Henry 
George School) has asked the author to work out a manual 
for the book, for the use of the students. 

The Hojskole reports favorable progress. It has been in 
existence for three seasons, and has already taught over 
1000 students. This Fail it entered its fourth season, and is 
growing more and more influential. 



"The Economic Democracy" by Horace Joseph Haase. Orlin Tre- 
maine Company, New York. 1940. 400 pp. $2.25. 

With the advantage of, among other things, some seventy years of 
criticism of Henry George, Mr. Haase launches forth into a fresh 
elucidation of the social sciences. He directs his appeal less to the 
dreameis after Utopia than to a generation who, taught in the harsh 
school of the materialistic sciences, require of the social philosopher 
the same kind and degree of evidence that they demand of those who 
demonstrate the simplest propositions of physics and chemistry. 

The pace of the book is set in the seven-page chapter on definitions. 
The attention of the reader is invited to the fact that "a scientific 
definition is a description of a phenomenon, as well as the explanation 
of the meaning of a term," and that "thus within any one science 
the question of definitions resolves itself into a question of logic." 
The scientific procedure consists of nothing more than observation, 
classification, assignment of an exclusive nomenclature, and the 
determination of causal relationships. 

Mr. Haase does not differ from Henry George in any important 
conclusion. From one end to the other his book is a cold, merciless 
condemnation of the private collection of land values. But if nothing 
more could be said, it might well be asked, "Why, then, write another 

The purpose is exhibited in the pattern. Strongly influenced 
by Dove, and under the necessity of adhering to his definition of 
a definition, Mr. Haase rigidly excludes from each branch of the 
subject all phenomena that are not peculiar to it. Thus we have 
the science of economics, dealing with the production of wealth; the 
science of political economy, dealing with exchange and the phe- 
nomena to which exchange gives rise; the science of sociology, 
concerning the ethical relations between men in their commercial 
dealings; and the science of politics, "treating of the natural laws 
governing the regulation of man's conduct by men." 

This breakdown of the subject matter yields a perspective of the 
entire field of the social sciences which lays the axe to a good deal 
of fruitless quibbling. Of more specific interest, however, is Mr. 
Haase's elucidation of the nature and relation of utility and value; 
his simplification of distribution by classing interest as the wages 
of the capitalist and rent as the wages of society; his identification 
of Individualism and true Socialism, and the consequent discarding 
of the latter term as superfluous and, in its present connotation, 
misleading; and his demonstration that while planning is obviously 
necessary as a prelude to action, the character of the plan determines 
whether its fruits will be freedom or slavery. 

"The Economic Democracy" makes no pretense of competing for 
George's place in the hearts of men. No knowledge that can ever 
come to light will dim the lustre of that man's fame. Yet the tempe. 
of the times makes it advisable to divest these extremely contro- 
versial subjects of even the most fleeting suspicion of personal 
sponsorship and emotional bias. This is true even of the doctrines 
of Jesus Christ. People have been betrayed by opinion and seduced 
by appeal to their sympathy until at last they have turned their faces 
from anything but the most incontrovertible fact. 

The presentation of the argument for land-value taxation in 
textual form is never wasted effort. The volume under consideration 
is filled with up-to-date material and references with which tlu- 
modern student will have become familiarized through his newspaper 
reading. And after the process of the true democracy has been 



developed step by step, the student is presented with a Platform of 
Freedom, containing specific application of principles to practice, and 
he is invited to cooperate in the movement through an existing 
organization with which he is made acquainted. 

In addition to the original contributions mentioned above, the book 
is roughly a combination of "Progress and Poverty", "The Science 
of Political Economy", and "Democracy Versus Socialism". The 
style in parts is somewhat labored, in parts inspired, on the whole 
unemotional. In the crucible of classroom work some few defects 
may rise to the surface. Nevertheless, in the opinion of this writer, 
its method of treatment makes it superior as a teaching text to 
"Progress and Poverty". It has the approval of many substantial 


"When Loneliness Conies," by George A. Glenn, M. D. Published by 
the Author, Suite 632 Empire Building, Denver, Color. 1940. 309 pp. 

Dr. Glenn, besides being a senator of Colorado, has his own 
practice in Denver, is surgeon to Physicians and Surgeons Hospital, 
Professor of Anatomy and Demonstrative Clinical Surgery, College 
of Physicians and Surgeons, and has served in many other insti- 
tutions and hospitals. 

Dr. Glenn has been watching the growing neurasthenia that has 
rapidly crept over civilization. He discusses in this all too brief 
book the vast comglomerated alliance between the medical profession 
and the pharmaceutical supply houses that preys on the physical and 
mental ills of mankind with pills and nostrums. He understands, 
too, that land monopoly has a blighting effect on the people in 
civilized society. "In reviewing history," he says, "we perceive that 
in the primitive state all land is comparatively free and afforded by 
the Creator for the use of men, to labor and live on. Whereas with 
the encroachment of organized 'civilized' people the free land is 
ruthlessly seized from the native inhabitants and direct ownership 
claimed by the invading Government. After this aggrandizement, 
sabotage occurs, and all the fer