UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
IN
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
Vol. 14, No. 1, pp. 1-154 January 10, 1918
THE LANGUAGE
OF THE SAL1NAN INDIANS
BY
J. ALDEN MASON
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS
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University of California Publications in
VOLUME XIV
1918-1919
A. L. KROEBER
EDITOR
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS
BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA
INDEX*
Agates, 376.
Agua Caliente Indians. See Cupefio
Indians.
Alaska Indians, culture of, 368.
Algonkin linguistic stock, 250-251.
Arcata, California, 248.
Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory,
sites or deposits, 255, 256-257,
258, 260-261, 275-281; classes of
remains, 279-281; illustrations of,
opp. 414, 416, 424, 428.
Gunther island shellmound (site
67), 337-386, 352; environment,
337; size, shape, composition,
339-345; vertebrate remains, 345;
age, 347; human remains, 350;
material culture, 357.
Arrow tree, 252, 253; picture of, opp.
410.
Artifacts of the Wiyot Indians, 280,
387-392. See also Implements.
Athapascan Indians, 251-256; plant
names, 234; geographical names,
284, 285, 290-292.
Barrett, S. A., 437.
Basketry, 386.
"Battle-grounds," Indian, 257.
Beads, use of, by Wiyot Indians, 386.
Bear shamans, 209-211.
Blue Lake, Indian settlements near,
263-265.
Bodega, Spanish explorer, 241.
Bone, objects of, 382-384.
Bucksport, California, 248.
Burials, Indian, 254, 350, 351-353,
367-368, 386. See also Cremation.
Cahuilla Indians, totems of, 169, 170,
186; clan and moiety organiza-
tion, 186-188, 215, 216, 219;
myths, 188; list of clans, 189-191.
California, aboriginal population, esti-
mates, 298-305; treatment of,
308-311, 317-329, 334-337; reser-
vation system, 311-316; massacres
by the whites in 1860, 329-334.
See also under Indian and names
of Indian tribes.
Moieties, clans, and totems in, 215-
219; map showing locations of,
opp. 215; varieties of moiety or-
ganization, 215; distribution of
clan organization, four groups,
216, 217; affinity and ultimate
origin of, 218; problem of totem-
ism, 219.
Cardium, 280.
Charmstones, 255.
Chert, formation in Humboldt bay
region, 279; implements of, 357,
359, 360, 361, 375.
Chilula Indians, 251-253; the "Arrow
Tree," 252.
Chukchansi Indians, 216.
Chumash Indians, 216.
Chunut Indians, 216.
Clan names; Luiseno, 203; of women:
Piman, 176, 219; Shoshonean
(Serrano), 180; Yuman, 157-161,
162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 219.
Clans and Moieties in Southern Cali-
fornia, 155-219; Indian inform-
ants on, 164, 166, 167, 172, 176,
187, 192, 209 note, 211.
day, objects of, 377-380.
Clowns, in Indian dance ceremonies,
457.
Composition of Gunther Island shell-
mound, 339-344, 346. See also
Gunther island.
Copper, 242.
Cocopa Indians, 156, 216; clans of,
158, 159-161; women's clan
names, 162, 163, 164, 165; clan
customs, 166; totem beliefs, 166.
Colorado river Indian tribes, 156,
215, 216.
Coulter, 5.
Cremation, 347, 353.
Culture, material, of Indians in Wiyot
Territory, 357-392. See also
Artifacts; Implements; Names of
materials, etc.
Cupeno Indians, 170; clan and moiety
organization, 192-199, 216; to-
tems, 192, 193; clans and parties
of, 193-195; ceremonies and cus-
toms, 196-198; myths, 199-201.
Curtis, E. S., acknowledgment, 157;
cited and quoted on Piman clan
system, 174-176.
Dances (dance ceremonies), 174, 196,
208, 213, 268, 269, 282, 461, 462,
464, 472; ceremonial objects,
441-442; Tuya dances, 447, 454,
457, 460; Moki dance, 451; sweat
dances, 454, 461; Toto dance
songs, 481. See also Orations;
Wintun Indians.
de la Cuesta, A., 5.
* Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., XIV.
[503]
Index
Diegueno Indians, 156; clan features
of, 167, 216; list of clans of, 167-
168, 174; clan customs, 168-169;
culture and origin myth of the
Southern Diegueno, 169-172.
Northern Diegueno, clans, 172-173;
clan customs, 173.
Dixon, E. B., 5.
Dixon and Kroeber, cited, 250.
Drake, Francis, 241.
Eel river, Indian settlements on, 271-
272.
Emeryville, shellmound, 347.
Ethnobotany of Humboldt bay re-
gion, 231-235; Wiyot plant names
and uses, 232; Athapascan plant
names, 234.
Ethnogeography and Archaeology of
the Wiyot Territory, 221-436.
See also Wiyot Territory.
Eureka, Indian villages near town
of, 266-269.
Exogamy, 166, 167, 169, 173, 177, 178,
180, 186, 193, 213.
Fauna of Humboldt bay region, 235-
251; mammals, 235; birds, 237;
fish, 237; mollusks, 239; other
fauna, 240.
Ferrelo, Spanish explorer, 241.
Flint, 256; implements of, 358, 359,
360, 361; illustrated, opp. 420,
422; in Gunther island shell-
mound, 376.
Gabrielino Indians, 216.
Gambling songs, Indian, 483, 484.
Gashowu Indians, 216.
Genetic Relationship of the North
American Indian Languages, 489-
502; early studies of, 489-490;
list of linguistic stocks in North
America, 490; fundamental re-
semblances, morphological, 490-
491; with reference to specific
tracts, 491 ; three subgroups sug-
gested, 492; ethnological consid-
erations, 492; data demonstrat-
ing, 493-502.
Geographical names used by Indians:
Athapascan, 284, 285, 290-292;
Yurok, 297-298; Wiyot, 284-285,
286-290, 292-296.
Geology of the Humboldt bay region,
279-280.
Gifford, E. W., 155.
Glen Cove, shellmound, 347.
Goddard, P. E., cited, 255, 264.
Gould and Yates, 5.
Gunther island, massacre on, 263, 268.
Gunther island shellmound, 225, 266, '
268, 283, 352; archaeology of,
337-386; environment, size, and
shape, 337; composition, 339;
vertebrate remains, 345; age,
347; .human remains, 350; mate-
rial culture, 357.
Hale, N., 5.
Harrington, J. P., acknowledgment,
157.
Henshaw, H. W., 5.
Hesi ceremony. See Wintun Hesi
ceremony.
Hokan family of Indian languages, 5.
Hopi Indians, 219.
Horn, objects of, 380-381.
Hudson Bay Company, 247.
Human remains in shellmounds, 350.
Human sacrifice among Indians, 368,
372.
Humboldt bay, discovery of, 245; In-
dian settlements on, 269-271;
early map of, opp. 406.
Humboldt bay region, 226-248, 279-
280; physiography, 226; forest,
228; prairie, 230; Indian trails,
230; ethnobotany, 231; discovery
and settlement, 241.
Humboldt city, 270.
Hustenate, shellmound described by
Schumacher, 349, 352, 354, 356.
Implements of the Wiyot Indians,
280, 357-375.
Indian Commissioners for California,
1851, report of, 298; various esti-
mates of its members as to abo-
riginal population, 299-301.
Indian ceremonial systems, 438, 440.
See also Wintun Hesi ceremony;
Wintun Indians.
Indian languages, Hokan, and Isko-
man, groups, 5; vocabularies of,
5. See also Genetic Eelationship,
. etc.; Salinan Indians, Language
of.
Indian reservation system in Cali-
fornia, 311-316.
"Indian Wars" in California, 309-
311.
Iron, 242.
' ' Iskoman ' ' group, of Indian lan-
guages, 5.
Juaneno Indians, 216.
Kamia Indians, clan names, 158, 159,
161, 162, 164, 167.
Kawaiisu Indians, 216.
Klamath river, 248.
Kohuana Indians, clan names, 156-
162.
Kroeber, A. L., 5; cited, 250, 269,
282; acknowledgment, 155, 157.
Kroeber and Dixon, E. B., cited, 250.
Lindsey, W. E., ited, 259.
Loud, L. L., 221.
[504]
Index
Luiseno Indians, non-totemic, 201;
organization, 201-202, 216; clan
names, 202, 203-205; parties, 206-
208, 212; customs, 208-212, 213;
bear shamans, 209-211; myths,
212; individual names, 214.
McKee expedition of 1851, 298-300,
301.
Macoma nasuta, 280.
Mad river, Wiyot Indian settlements
on, 258-263.
Mad river slough, Wiyot Indian set-
tlements on, 265-266.
Maidu Indians, ceremonial dance sys-
tem, 440; ceremonial clown, 457.
Maricopa Indians, clan names, 156-
162.
Mason, J. Alden, 1.
Massacres of, 1860, 270, 272, 274, 329-
334; at Gunther island, 263, 268.
Matthole Indians, 256.
Maurelle, cited, 245.
Miwok moieties, 176, 215; clan names,
202; personal names, 219.
Mohave Indians, clans of, 156-161;
women's clan names, 164-165;
clan organization, 216.
Moieties, and Clans, of Southern Cali-
fornia^ 155-219.
Moki, ceremonial dance, cloak for,
442; the dance, 451; speeches,
476-479.
Mono moiety organization, 215.
Mythology (mythological interest),
myths, among the Wiyot Indians,
281-284; among the Athapascan
Indians, 283, 284.
Mytilus calif ornianus, 280.
edulis, 280.
Nongatl Indians, 255.
Nutunutu Indians, 216.
Obsidian in Humboldt bay region,
243, 280, 376; ceremonial blades,
knives, etc., 357, 358, 359, 360,
361; illustrated, opp. 420.
Ophthalmia among Wiyot Indians,
278.
Orations, in Indian dance ceremonies,
452, 460, 462, 465, 473, 475-482
(Bole Ho), 476.
Papago Indians, totemic clans in,
174-177; clan names, 219.
Paphia, 280.
Pestles, sandstone, 361-363; figures
of, 389.
Pima Indians, totemic clans of, 174-
176; clan names, 219.
Piman clans. See Papago Indians;
Pima Indians.
Porno Indians, ceremonial clowns of,
457.
Powell, J. W., 5.
Powers, S., cited, 253, 254, 256.
Quartz, 376.
Eadin, P., 489.
Eussell, F., cited and quoted, on Pima
clan system, 174, 176.
Eussians, The, on the Pacific Coast,
245.
Salinan Indians, The Language of the,
1-154; early work on, 4-6; In-
dian informants, 4; dialect of, 6;
phonology, 7-17; morphology, 18-
58; texts, 59-120; vocabulary,
121-154. See also pages 1-3.
Sandstone, 376; implements, 361-375,
379.
San Francisco bay, shellmounds, 245.
Sapir, E., 5.
Saxidomus, 280.
Schizothaerus, 280.
Schumacher, Paul, cited, 349.
Sequoia sempervirens, 228.
Serrano Indians, 170; clan and moiety
organization, 178-182, 216, 219;
totems, 178; clan names, 179-180;
clan customs, 180-182; myths,
182-186.
Shamans, bear, 209-211.
Shell, objects of, 384-386; figures
showing, 385.
Shellmounds. See Emeryville; Glen
Cove; Gunther island; San Fran-
cisco bay.
Shoshonean Indians, 155, 167, 168,
170.
Shoshonean clans and moieties, 177-
214. See also Cahuilla Indians;
Cupeno Indians; Luiseno Indians;
Serrano Indians.
Siliqua patula, 280.
Sinkyone Indians, 256.
Sitjar, Fray Buenaventura, 5.
Slave-killers, 366-375; figures of, 371,
373, opp. 430.
Slavery among the Indians, 366-367,
368.
Sparkman, P. S., acknowledgment,
203.
Steatite, 376.
Surf-fishing sites, 278-281.
Sweat dances, 454-461.
Tachi Indians, 216.
Taylor, A. S., 5.
Telamni Indians, 216.
Totemic Indian clans, 155, 156-161,
163, 164, 166, 169, 170, 174-176,
177.
Totemism, in California, origin, 219;
development of, in moiety organ-
ization, 219; expressed in names
of individuals, 219.
Toto ceremony of the Wintun Indians,
438, 439.
[505]
Index
Trinidad bay, 242; Spanish accounts
of Indians on, 242-243; English
accounts of Indians on, 244-245;
discovery and accounts of, by gold
seekers, 247-248.
Tiibatulabal Indians, 216.
Tuya, ceremonial dance, 447, 454, 460;
costumes, 446, 447.
Vancouver, George, English explorer,
244.
Vertebrate remains in Gunther island
shellmound, 345-346.
Vizcaino, 241.
Vocabularies of Indian languages, 5.
Waterman, T. T., 5.
Wechikhit Indians, 216.
Whilkut Indians, 253-255.
Winship, Captain J., discovery of
Humboldt bay, 245-247.
Wintun Hesi Ceremony, 437-488; In-
dian information, 440; detailed
description of ceremony of 1906,
441-482 ; the " hand " or " grass ' '
game, 482. See also Dances; Win-
tun Indians.
Wintun Indians, territory, languages,
culture relationship, mortuary cus-
toms, 438; ideas regarding the
world, 463; "hand" or "grass"
game, 482.
Ceremonial system, 438-441; major
ceremonies, Toto and Hesi, pur-
pose of, 438; relative importance,
439; minor ceremonies, 439;
dances, 439; assemblies, 439;
Toto ceremony, 439-440.
Wiyot geographical names, 284-285,
286-290, 292, 296.
Wiyot house, description of, 264, 267;
figures showing, 267.
Wiyot Indians, leading men of, 260;
ophthalmia among, 278; estimates
of population, 298-305, 392.
Wiyot Territory, Ethnogeography
and Archaeology of, 221-436;
boundaries, 249; Indian neigh-
bors, 249-256; map of, opp. 402.
Ethnogeography, 256-337; descrip-
tion of settlements, 258-285;
archaeological sites, 275; sites for
surf -fishing, 278; places of mytho-
logical interest, 281; geographical
names: Wiyot, 286, 292; Atha-
pascan, 290; Yurok, 297; aborig-
inal population, 298. See also
Archaeology of the Wiyot Ter-
ritory.
Yates and Gould, 5.
Yokut moiety organization, 215, 219;
lack of, in certain peoples, 216.
Yuma Indians, clans of, 156-161;
women 's clan names, 162, 163,
164, 165, 167; clan organization,
216.
Yuman clans, features common to,
156. See also Cocopa Indians;
Kamia Indians; Kohuana In-
dians; Maricopa Indians; Mohave
Indians; Yuma Indians. See also
Clan names of women.
Yurok Indians, early Spanish accounts
of, 242-243; settlements of, 249-
250; social relations with Wiyot
Indians, 250; linguistic relations,
250-251; geographical names, 297,
298; burial customs, 353.
[506]
CONTENTS
NUMBER 1. The Language of the Salinan Indians, J. Aides Mason, pages 1-154.
NUMBER 2. Clans and Moieties in Southern California, Edward Winslow Gifford,
pages 155-219.
NUMBER 3. Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory, Llewellyn
L. Loud, pages 221-436, plates 1-21.
NUMBER 4. The Wintun Hesi Ceremony, S. A. Barrett, pages 437-488, plates
22-23.
NUMBER 5. The Genetic Relationship of the North American Indian Languages,
Paul Eadin, pages 489-502.
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
IN
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
Vol. 14, No. 1, pp. 1-154 January 10, 1918
THE LANGUAGE OF THE SALINAN INDIANS
BY
J. ALDEN MASON
CONTENTS
PAGE
INTRODUCTION 4
PART I. PHONOLOGY 7
Phonetic system 7
Vowels 7
Quality 8
Nasalization 8
Voiceless vowels 8
Accent 9
Consonants 9
Semi-vowels 9
Nasals 10
Laterals 10
Spirants 10
Stops 11
Affricatives 12
Table of phonetic system 13
Phonetic processes 13
Vocalic assimilation 13
Syncope : 14
Reduplication 14
Onomatopoeia 15
Metathesis 15
Dissimilation 16
Elision 16
Phonetic differences in dialect 17
PART II. MORPHOLOGY 18
Etymology 18
Nominalizing suffixes 18
Verbalizing suffixes 20
Adjectivizing suffixes 21
Nominal etymological prefixes 21
Grammatical structure 22
Noun and verb 22
Plural . 22
2 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
PAGE
The Noun 29
Nominal prefixes 29
Pronominal possession 30
Pronominal system 32
Independent pronouns 32
Locative pronouns 33
Table of pronominal forms 33
The Verb _ 34
Proclitics 34
Temporal proclitics 34
Interrogative proclitics 35
Proclitic pronominal subject 36
Prefixes 37
Transitive, intransitive, nominal 38
Imperative 40
Negative 41
Interrogative 42
Conditional _ 43
Dependent ~ 44
Purposive 44
Substantive 45
Verb stem 45
Objective pronouns 46
Passive forms 48
Suffixes 48
Enclitics 50
Cjuasi-enclitics 50
Tense enclitics 52
Enclitic pronominal subject 54
Adverbs 54
Temporal adverbs 55
Locative adverbs 55
Other parts of speech 57
Prepositions 57
Adjectives 57
Demonstratives 58
Conjunctions 58
PART III. TEXTS 59
Dialect of San Antonio 1 60
Prairie-Falcon, Kaven and Coyote 60
Analysis 64
Prairie-Falcon and White Owl 67
Cricket and Mountain Lion 69
Great Hawk and the Cold 73
The Animals and God 76
The Pelican 77
Coyote and the Salt Water .'. 79
The Beginning of the World 81
The Theft of Fire 82
How People Were Made 83
The Tar Man 84
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 3
PAGE
Prairie-Falcon and Woodpecker 85
Coyote and Wildcat 86
Coyote and Hare 87
Coyote and Kabbit 88
Coyote and Bull 88
Coyote and the Sun 90
The Sun and the Moon 91
Prairie-Falcon, Xui and the Serpent 92
The Murderers 93
The Eainmaker 94
The Mountain-Lion Hunt 94
A Forest Fire 97
A Trip to San Francisco 98
Toy and Bluejay 99
The Elk 101
The Fight 102
Dialect of San Miguel 104
The Beginning of the World 104
The Theft of Fire 105
The Tar Woman 108
Prairie-Falcon and Elf 110
The Serpent 112
The Elf and the Bear 114
The Old People 117
The Eclipse 118
The Tornado 118
The Famine Year 119
The Earthquake 120
PART IV. VOCABULARY 1 21
Nominal stems 122
Animals * 122
Body parts 126
Botanical terms 128
Manufactured objects 130
Natural phenomena 132
Personal terms 133
Abstract and miscellaneous terms 135
Verbal stems 137
Adjectival stems 149
Various stems - 151
Demonstrative articles 151
Temporal adverbs 152
Locative adverbs 152
Descriptive adverbs 153
Numerals 153
Conjunctions 154
Interjections 154
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol.14
INTRODUCTION
This study of the dialects composing the Salinan linguistic group
was begun in September, 1910, when I made a visit to the neighbor-
hood of the old Mission of San Antonio in Monterey County, where
live the few remaining members of this group. Here a little work
was done with the oldest member of each of the two divisions, Jose
Cruz of the Antoniaiio and Perfecta Encinales of the Migueleilo
dialect. An incomplete acquaintance with Spanish, the medium of
communication, coupled with a lack of satisfactory interpreters and
other disappointing circumstances, rendered this visit not wholly prof-
itable. Consequently arrangements were later made by which Pedro
Encinales, one of the middle-aged Indians, visited San Francisco,
where I worked with him from Thanksgiving until Christmas. During
this time Dr. T. T. Waterman made some researches on the phonetics
of the language with the help of various mechanical apparatus.
Unfortunately the informant was found to be totally ignorant of all
mythology, and the few texts received from him were rather poor.
The month of January, 1911, was spent in linguistic work upon the
material received.
For five years I was unable to continue my researches upon Salinan,
but these were again taken up in January, 1916, to continue through-
out that year. A second trip was made to the region of Jolon,
Monterey County. In the intervening years Jose Cruz and Perfecta
Encinales were found to have died, but better linguistic informants
were found in the persons of David Mora, a pure Antoniaiio Indian,
and Maria Ocarpia, a pure Migueleno. An unexpectedly good series
of mythological texts were secured from these. Another old Indian,
Juan Quintana, was found to be an unsatisfactory linguistic informant,
but gave a number of mythological stories in Spanish, which were
translated into Salinan by Maria Encinales, a sister of Pedro, and by
David Mora.
Furthermore, all the extant linguistic material from other sources
has been examined in the preparation of this paper. This collection
was begun more than a century ago with the preparation of a vocab-
ulary and phrase-book of the language of the Indians of Mission San
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 5
Antonio by the founder of the Mission, Fray Buenaventura Sitjar.
The manuscript was sent to "Washington by the indefatigable A. S.
Taylor and published by J. G. Shea. 1 In 1821 Felipe Arroyo de la
Cuesta, the author of the grammar and phrase-book of Mutsun, took
a vocabulary from the Salinan Mission, which is preserved in Santa
Barbara. A transcription was made by Gatschet and deposited in
Washington. Coulter recorded a short vocabulary from San Antonio, 2
and Hale a short vocabulary from San Miguel. 3 Yates and Gould
collected in 1887 a San Miguel vocabulary, which is now in the pos-
session of the Bureau of American Ethnology, and Alexander S. Taylor
recorded short vocabularies and phrases. 4 All of these vocabularies
have been examined and compared, but with the exception of Sit jar's
they are of small value.
The first really intensive and modern work on Salinan was done
by H. W. Henshaw in 1884, when he was engaged in determining the
linguistic affinities of the California Indians for Major Powell and
the Bureau of American Ethnology. 5 Henshaw 's material was kindly
loaned by the Bureau, together with all other Salinan linguistic
material in its possession, and has been of great value.
Dr. A. L. Kroeber visited the region in 1902, and formulated his
ideas concerning the language in a paper. 6 Both this and his manu-
script notes have been studied. The phonetic data of Dr. Waterman
have also been studied and the chief results noted.
Recently Drs. Dixon and Kroeber have united Salinan with Chu-
mash in an "Iskoman" group, 7 which, in turn, they have subsequently
come to regard as part of the Hokan family. This reclassification has
been accepted by several American anthropologists and many Salinan
words have been included by Dr. Sapir in his comparative paper. 8
1 Buenaventura Sitjar, Vocabulary of the Language of San Antonio Mis-
sion, California (in Shea's Library of American Linguistics) (New York, 1861).
2 Coulter, Journal of the London Eoyal Geographical Society; copied in
Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, II, 129, 1848.
s Horatio Hale, in Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, n, 126,
1848.
* A. S. Taylor, The Indianology of California, in California Farmer (San
Francisco, 1860), passim.
s J. W. Powell, Indian Linguistic Families, Seventh Annual Eeport, Bureau
of American Ethnology, Washington, p. 101, 1891.
e A. L. Kroeber, Languages of the Coast of California South of San Fran-
cisco, present series, n, 43-47, 1904.
7 E. B. Dixon and A. L. Kroeber, New Linguistic Families yfl California,
American Anthropologist, n.s. xv, 647-655, 1913.
s Edward Sapir, The Position of Yana in the Hokan Stock, present series,
xin, 1-34, 1917.
6 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
The Salinan language comprises the two surviving dialects of the
missions of San Antonio and San Miguel. These two dialects are
mutually intelligible with little difficulty. Regarding the prehistoric
tribal divisions, conjectures only can be made.
For all non-linguistic data on the Salinan Indians the reader is
referred to my ethnological paper. 9
8 J. A. Mason, The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians, present series, x,
97-240, 1912.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians
PART I. PHONOLOGY
PHONETIC SYSTEM
The Salinan dialects are characterized phonetically by a rather
harsh acoustic effect. In this they differ radically from the flowing
and musical Costanoan languages to the north, but bear a superficial
resemblance to the Yokuts and Chumash to the east and south. The
two Salinan dialects differ very slightly in phonetics, that of San
Miguel being apparently more accentuated in its harsh character,
possibly by reason of closer contact with the latter-named extraneous
languages, or possibly due merely to peculiarities of the informant.
Naturally this harsh character is far more evident when the words
are given slowly with the careful enunciation inevitable to the re-
cording of native language. In rapid speech much of this harshness,
which is evidently due rather to the frequency of glottal stops and
surd stops with glottalization than of guttural consonants, is softened.
The phonetic orthography used is based on the Report of the
Committee of the American Anthropological Association on Phonetic
Transcription of Indian languages. 10 A few minor changes have been
made from the recommendations of this committee to suit the pecu-
liarities of the language and to facilitate preparation and printing.
VOWELS
Salinan appears to make use of eight fundamental vowels. These
are:
a mid-mixed narrow. This is the broad or Italian a found in Spanish cara and
approximated in English father. When short in quantity it approaches
more closely the vocalic sound of American not.
a, mid-back narrow. This approaches closely the vocalic sound of but. In
actual practice these two a sounds have frequently been confused.
e mid-front narrow. Nearly as narrow as English say and probably as
narrow as Spanish beber. It is generally but not invariably long in quantity.
e mid-front wide. Like English men.
I high-front narrow. Nearly as narrow as English meet; frequently long
in quantity.
i high-front wide. As in pretty. The wide e and i are difficult to analyze.
When quantitatively long the vowel is invariably heard as e and certain
short vowels are invariably heard so. Other short vowels are invariably
heard as i but the greater number are heard as e or i indeterminately. In
such cases the vowel as originally written, either e or i has been retained.
Palatogram tests show the closest occlusion for the narrow i, less for the
indeterminate e-i and least for the wide e.
10 Smithson. Inst. Misc. Pub., 2415, 1916.
8 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
o mid-back wide round. Intermediate wide-narrow with a greater tendency
toward wideness, somewhat as in boy.
u high -back wide round. Approximately as in put. The o-u vowels present
the same difficulties as the e-i vowels and are frequently confused, o is
generally certain, especially when of doubled length. Certain other vowels
are heard invariably as wide u; these appear to be always of short length.
But yet others are heard as intermediate between o and u and when of
double length as an ou diphthong, approximately as in American so. As
in the case of the indeterminate e-i vowel, this has been written as either
o or u according to the auditory impression received.
e Indeterminate vowel found in Migueleno in rapid speech; related to
Antoniano a.
Summary :
I u
180
e a
e a
QUANTITY
Consonantal quantity is of small importance in Salinan, and it is
dubious whether or not it exists. Vocalic quantity is marked and
inherent in the stem? and particles. Such doubled length is repre-
sented by a raised period following the vowel, as :
a-
NASALIZATION
Vocalic nasalization plays an unimportant part and is found only
in connection with a nasal consonant. It is apparently more marked
in the case of m than of n, but is naturally not consummated in the
case of surd nasals. It is never very marked in character, but is
possibly more evident in the Migueleno dialect. It is denoted by a
hook under the vowel thus affected (iota subscript), as:
a
VOICELESS VOWELS
Vowels become unvoiced, or nearly unvoiced, in Salinan when final
in a sentence or when following an aspiration. A different but nearly
indistinguishable phenomenon is found when an aspiration, though
not truly a vowel, assumes the tinge of the preceding vowel. Voiceless
vowels appear to be more characteristic of Migueleno than of
Antoniano. They are distinguished by the use of small capital char-
acters, as:
A
Weakly articulated vowels are closely related to voiceless vowels,
but have a definite sonant resonance. They occur in the same positions
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 9
as voiceless vowels, and the difference may be purely fortuitous. They
are represented by superscript vowels of a smaller font, as :
P tt
ACCENT
Stress accent is quite noticeable in Salinan, and appears to be
inherent in the roots and particles and inexplicable by any rules.
Frequently, however, a word bears primary and secondary stress
accents of nearly equal force which may be confused. Primary stress
accent is denoted by an acute accent mark, secondary accent by a grave
accent mark after the vowel thus stressed, as:
ft A
Pitch accent is found, but is not of morphological significance; it
is likewise inherent in certain syllables, generally of particles and
grammatical elements. Thus the proclitic tarn, "then", and the
enclitic ten, "again", generally bear an inflection of a slightly higher
pitch. Such is marked by an acute accent mark over the vowel, as :
a
It appears to be more characteristic of the Migueleno dialect.
Hesitation in the flow of voice and in general any interruption
between two normally connected sounds is represented by a period
separating these elements, as :
a.i, m.o
This is frequently indistinguishable from and confused with a weak
glottal stop.
Aspiration, when distinct from or weaker than the aspirate }i, is
denoted by a reversed superscript comma, as :
M<
CONSONANTS
The general rules of phonetic orthography employed in the writing
of vowels are followed also with consonants. Thus small capitals are
used for the voiceless or surd forms of consonants normally voiced,
and superscript characters for those which are abnormally weakly
voiced.
Semi-vowels '
y, Y, w, w The semi-vowels w and y are both employed.
y is probably always a resultant from an i glide preceding another
vowel, and is generally initial or intervocalic; it is rare. The voiceless
Y is even rarer.
w on the other hand appears to be a fundamental sound, the occlusion
being firmer than with the vocalic u. The voiceless w is rare. Both w
and Y appear to be more common in Migueleno.
10 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
Nasals
m, M, n, N, i) The bilabial and the linguo-dental nasals are frequent in Salinan
but the palatal nasal is rare and of secondary production, n is very
dental in place of articulation. Final m and less frequently n often
occur with simultaneous glottal occlusion; in such position they are
purely sonant.
Nasals are found as sonant, partially surd and entirely surd. It is
most probable that these are merely variations from one fundamental
sound affected by phonetic laws, but a few aberrant forms hint that
possibly two fundamental elements should be recognized. In intervocalic
position the nasals are purely sonant; in initial position the kymograph
records show them to be frequently unvoiced during a large part of the
attack; in final position they are shown to be unvoiced during the latter
half of the occlusion. As members of consonantal combinations they par-
take of the nature of the companion sound, being sonant when in com-
bination with another sonant, slightly unvoiced when preceding a surd
and almost entirely unvoiced when following a surd, particularly an
aspirate. The pure surd forms are very rare and found only in excep-
tional conditions. These kymograph results are compiled from records
of a number of cases but the individual records vary greatly; it is
difficult to find any two exactly alike.
Laterals
I, L The lateral / sounds are articulated in practically the same place as the
English I, i.e., they are linguo-alveolars. The voiceless form seems,
according to the palatogram records, to require a more extensive occlu-
sion than the sonant. In final position, sonant I is frequently accom-
panied by a simultaneous glottal stop.
As in the case of the nasals, two forms are distinguished, the sonant
and the surd, with intermediate variants. All these are probably deriva-
ations from one fundamental element through the operation of phonetic
laws. Thus intervocalic I is invariably sonant, as is medial I in com-
bination with a sonant. All other cases display varying amounts of
surdness and sonancy with the exception of initial L before a surd which
is purely surd. The surd character generally proves less by experiment
than by auditory impression and the same is true of other elements which
vary between surd and sonant. The surd character may possibly be
slightly accentuated in the Migueleno dialect.
Spirants
<f>, ft, y, s, c, x, "h The voiceless bilabial spirant and its voiced correspondent |3
are developed from the intermediate stop p in rapid speech. <j> develops
when p is followed by a surd, j8 when it is followed by a sonant or a
vowel. The palatal sonant spirant 7 is a similar development from the
intermediate stop fc.
The linguo-dental and the linguo-alveolar sibilants s and c approxi-
mate the sounds s and sh in English. Palatograms of these sounds show
a slight difference in place of articulation, that of s extending a little
farther forward than that of c. There is probably less difference between
these two sounds than between their correspondents in English. Both
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 11
occur only as surd except that the sonancy of a contiguous sound may
intrude very slightly upon them.
The palatal spirant x has been frequently confused with the glottal
spirant h or ' . x appears to occur more often with nominal and verb
stems and other important elements, h more often with particles, pronouns
and elements of lesser importance, x is articulated rather gutturally; its
harshness is most accentuated in final position, less in initial position,
and least in medial position. It is invariably surd.
Stops
Stopped consonants are found in Salinan in three fundamental varie-
ties and in five positions. These are: intermediate surd-sonant, aspirate
and glottalized; bilabial, linguo-dental, linguo-alveolar, palatal and glottal.
In the latter position, only one variety is possible. The intermediate form
furthermore varies as sonant, pure intermediate and surd. The kymo-
graph records display all five varieties. In the case of the sonants, sound
vibrations commence before the release from the occlusion; these are
rare. In the case of the intermediates sonancy commences at the moment
of release. With the surds, sonancy begins an appreciable moment after
release, during the rise of the oral needle. In the case of aspirates
sonancy begins after a marked expulsion of breath, at the crest or dur-
ing the fall of the oral needle. In the case of glottalized stops the glottis
is closed at the time of oral occlusion and the larynx raised to cause a
compression. The oral occlusion is then released, causing an explosion
of the compressed air, the glottis is subsequently released and voice fol-
lows. The explosion, though very marked auditorily, makes little impres-
sion on the kymograph. '
b, B, p, p* , p' The bilabial stop occurs in the three fundamental and two
derived forms above mentioned. In the surd- sonant forms it is difficult
to decide which of the three is fundamental; the ear hears most often
unaspirated surds while the kymograph detects all three forms with a
preponderance of intermediates. Pure sonant & has been found only in
the case of the demonstrative article pe, but many times in this case,
both as initial and intervocalic. It is furthermore frequently reduced
to the spirant v. But other records detect it as intermediate or, rarely,
as surd in identical positions. Eecords of all other words show either inter-
mediacy or surdness, frequently with a slightly noticeable hiatus between
release and sonancy. In final position the kymograph shows no release,
though the ear imagines one; the occlusion is generally long and firm.
The same phenomenon occurs when an intermediate stop is the first
member of a consonantal combination.
The symbol B (intermediate) has never been used in the accompany-
ing forms and texts, the symbol b (sonant) but rarely.
The aspirate p< is normally less marked than in English but occasionally
as much so; it is of less frequent occurrence than the unaspirated surd.
There is a longer hiatus between the release and the commencement of
sonancy during which breath, possibly modified by glottal stricture, is
released.
The glottalized p' is the explosive articulation common to many
Pacific Coast languages. It is not frequent in Salman nor of marked
force, except in emphatic utterance.
12 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and EtJin. [Vol.14
t, t< , t' In the linguo-dental series the tip of the tongue is pressed against
the roots of the teeth. There appear to be no sonants and marked aspira-
tion and glottalized forms are rare. By far the greater number of cases
are intermediates or unaspirated surds. The hiatus following the glot-
talized form is very slight.
r, t, P, t' The linguo-alveolar stop is one found in many Calif ornian languages.
The place of articulation is slightly more alveolar than for the dental
but the difference is caused more by the manner of release than by place
of articulation. The occlusion is firmer and more extensive, the release
slower, causing a semi-affricative effect approximating tc and ty. It is
practically identical, however, with the English combination tr but more
truly affricative, a simple sound. The sonant variety is unknown in this
position also, the most common forms being the intermediate and the
unaspirated surd.
In rapid speech in initial and intervocalic position, this form is fre-
quently reduced to the rolled r. In the former case this is as in English,
untrilled, the tip of the tongue merely approaching the roof of the mouth,
but in the latter case there is a single flip of the tongue as in the Spanish
single r. The palatogram record shows the typical grooved r occlusion.
The other varieties, the aspirate and the glottalized articulations,
need no comment. Both are pronounced more strongly than is the case
with the dental t.
g, Q, Tc, fc', fc' In point of articulation the palatal stops are approximately the
same as in English, but may be a little more guttural, particularly when
preceding a back vowel, in which cases q was sometimes written in text.
As with the other stops, the fundamental varieties are intermediate,
aspirate and glottalized. But as with the bilabial stop, pure sonants and
surds are also found. The former has been met with in the case of only
one particle, but frequently in this ease, that of the particle gas. This
is always heard either as sonant or as voiced spirant. All other cases are
either intermediate or unaspirated surd.
The aspirated and glottalized forms require no comment except that
the former is occasionally reduced to the spirant x under favorable condi-
tions. They are not forcibly articulated.
The glottal stop is of a rather different nature from the other stopped con-
sonants in that it frequently modifies and accompanies them. It may
occur in medial or final position or simultaneously with certain other
consonants, particularly nasals and laterals, but is never initial. In final
position it is of marked strength, but less so medially. Frequently also
it occurs simultaneously with a vowel in which case the vowel is weakly
rearticulated following the stop. This gives a strangulated effect to the
vowel. Frequently it has been difficult to decide whether a glottal stop
is present or whether there is merely a hiatus which should be expressed
by a period.
Affricatives
ts, ts<, ts' The affricative ts is found most frequently in the glottalized form,
the sibilant following the stop without hiatus and before the release of
the glottis. As such it is very marked. It may also occur as unaspirate
and aspirate but examples are few and equivocal.
1918]
Mason: The Language of tlie Salinan Indians
13
tc, tc* , tc' The affricative tc is less common than ts in the glottalized form,
and is less forcibly articulated. It occurs most commonly as surd with
slight aspiration; both unaspirate and aspirate have been written but
are probably variants of one form.
TABLE OF SALINAN PHONETIC SYSTEM
Semi-vowel
Sonant
Surd
Nasal
Sonant
Surd
Lateral
Sonant
Surd
Spirant
Sonant
Surd
Stop
Sonant
Intermed.-surd
Aspirate
Glottalized
Affricative
Surd
Glottalized
Labial
w
w
m
M
P
P<
P'
Dental
t
t<
t'
ts
ts'
Alveolar
7
Y
t
t<
t'
tc
tc :
Palatal
Glottal
k
k<
k'
PHONETIC PROCESSES
Phonetic processes on the whole are not of great importance in
Salinan, and the few found seem to be more or less sporadic and not
amenable to formulated rules.
VOCALIC ASSIMILATION
The stem vowels of certain words undergo a modification and
change in inflection and conjugation, apparently not in accordance
with any rule, as :
with possessive prefix
with 2 plural possessive
with possessive (S) 11
with possessive
(S)
plural
with possessive
(M)
11 (S) denotes data taken from Sitjar's Vocabulary; (A) Antoniano dialect;
(M) Migueleno dialect; when not otherwise noted, forms are from the dialect
of San Antonio.
t-a-m
house
t-e-m
-om
-im
akata
blood
ekata
a-xak
bone
exak
xutcai
dog
xosten
-itco
t-cik
knife
t-ca-k
14 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
The initial vowel of stems commencing in a vowel is ordinarily
assimilated or contracted to the vowel of the prefixed pronominal
possessive. Thus in the second person plural the stem vowel is assim-
ilated to 0:
t-a-m
house
t-e-mo
his house
t< k-omhaL
your houses
epxo
his mother
t'k-opex
your mother
tm-itax
thy urine
tok-otax
your urine
tm-ik 'es
thy robe
t'k-ok'es
your robe
t-a-k 'at
wood
tk-o-k 'at
your wood
Occasionally similar changes are found with other prefixes, as :
t-itol brother t-atol our brother
ek-o father tm-ik thy father
t-iken nest oken nest? (interrog.)
m-icim drink! k-ostem drink! (pi.)
tit-acim to drink
SYNCOPE
Syncope is commonly employed in Salinan. An unaccented short
vowel frequently is so reduced as to be practically or entirely non-
existent. It is difficult to determine except by mechanical experi-
mentation whether the vowel is entirely lost or only abbreviated.
After an aspirate it generally becomes a surd vowel, in other cases
weakly articulated or entirely lost. Some examples are :
spanat hide sapanto its hide
awaten flies awatneL flies
t-opinito fat t-upento fat
t-icok'alo ear t-ick'olo ear
sukaMo lungs skoilo lungs
The majority of cases of syncope are of the vowels e and i.
KEDUPLICATION
Morphological reduplication is absent, but lexical reduplication is
found in certain cases, principally with animate nouns. Such are :
tc 'emtcem bat
tciktcik fish-hawk
tsintsin sand
nene' grandmother
tata father
ONOMATOPOEIA
Stems of onomatopoetic nature are rare and are confined to names
of animals with a characteristic cry, as :
tciktcik fish-hawk
kak'a crow
lemem'
bee
elmi 'm
leat'
duck (M)
elpat '
cik'nai
fish-spear
sk 'in-ai
simtan
children (S)
sme-ten
lice
winter, year
elci'taneL
1918] Mason : The Language of the Salinan Indians 15
METATHESIS
Metathesis, although of rather frequent occurrence in Salinan, is
probably of secondary nature. The majority of cases are of the initial
syllable le.
bee (S)
duck (M)
fish-hook
children (M)
years
DISSIMILATION
Dissimilation is practically negligible in Salinan. But one case
was noted:
mamampik pull it out! kamant'apik pull them out!
The occasional reduction of stops to spirants has already been
noted under the head of phonetics, p is reduced to v and p ( to /;
k to y and k r to x.
ELISION
A few cases of elision have been found which might better be inter-
preted as the reappearance, when in expanded form, of a lost final
consonant. Thus a final nasalized vowel will be expanded to vowel
plus n.
ketca-' great tiketca'no his size
Similarly the final p of a stem in the Migueleno dialect, which is
normally lost or replaced by a glottal stop in the Antoniafio form,
frequently reappears in the latter dialect when the stem is expanded.
ticxe'xe' feet ticxe-ple'to their feet
tcxa' stone tcxa'paneL stones
PHONETIC DIFFERENCES IN DIALECT
At the present time the Salinan language is spoken in two slightly
variant dialects, mutually intelligible on short acquaintance, but it is
probable that the former divisions of the stock were different. 12 The
few surviving members of the stock have intermarried to such an
extent that no purity can be claimed for either dialect. Dr. H. W.
Henshaw was informed in 1884 that only five natives spoke the San
Antonio dialect in its purity, the speech of the others being more or
less tinged with the characteristics of the Migueleno idiom. Never-
12 Ethnology, p. 104.
16 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlm. [Vol. 14
theless certain regular differences may be determined by a study of
the forms of the dialects in bulk.
The general phonetic differences of the dialects have already been
noted ; the probable greater harshness of Migueleno and the use of the
indeterminate vowel 8 being the most evident.
The most striking lexical divergence between the two groups is
that a p in Migueleno, in any possible position, is frequently lost in
Antoniano or replaced by a glottal stop. A few of many examples
are:
Antoniano Migueleno
ac elk p 'ac
a'kata blood pakata
axa'k bone paxa'k
at' oak p'at'
as son p 'as
tcxa ' stone cxap
ka' acorn k'ap'
tits' e"wu tail (his) t-its'e"p
t'icele" fingernail icilip
ticxe"wu foot (his) ticxe'p
taa' ' deer taa' 'p
sa'nat' hide spanat
lea't ' duck elpa't '
t'a"ak head to'paka
ta'ai' ashes top'ai
But:
epxo mother (his) e'xo'
The Migueleno final p frequently reappears as w in the Antoniano
form of the 3d singular possessive, as shown in two of the above
examples. Its reappearance as p has already been noted (p. 15).
Stems in Antoniano frequently possess a final a not found in the
Migueleno forms. Whether the latter have lost an original final vowel
or the former added a suffix is not apparent.
Antoniano Migueleno
ta-ma" men ta-m
le'ma sky lem
pena'na milk pena'n
to-'kena day to-'ken
tuipe'ya raft, boat tuwipe'
tapleya fire-drill teneple' '
tcala blackbird teal
But:
t'a."ak head to'paka
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salman Indians 17
Antoniafio forms occasionally possess a final n, missing in
Migueleno, as:
awa-'ten fly a-we-te'
stan ' leaf sta
k'enin acorn bread k'one'
saiya'n rainbow saiya-pa '
All of these forms are more or less doubtful.
An intervocalic n frequently disappears in Antoniano, as :
sam' cat, lynx snam
sai'yu eagle snai
tekalt eggs tetek-neL
taple'ya fire-drill teneple' '
Practically every stem differs in some characteristic in the two
dialects, but these differences seem to be generally irregular and not
amenable to or explicable by any rule. Even those given above are
more or less problematical, and, with the exception of the frequent
loss of the Migueleno p, all seem to be contradicted by as many or
more exceptions than examples.
18 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
PART II. MORPHOLOGY
In general characteristics Salinan bears a superficial resemblance
to certain Calif ornian languages, but differs radically from the syn-
thetic languages of certain other parts of North America. Its most
striking feature is its apparent irregularity combined with compara-
tive morphological simplicity. It is with the greatest difficulty that
any given element is isolated and assigned a definite idea. In its
irregularity and comparative simplicity it gives an impression very
much like the English, that of a language which has become simplified
and lost much of its grammatical mechanism, and which in this process
has achieved considerable irregularity.
There is on the whole an absence of the polysynthesis characteristic
of many American languages; most of the different elements of
language are denoted by means of independent words and the nominal
and verbal complexes are comparatively simple. The great mass of
diverse sentiments are expressed by independent roots of restricted
meaning rather than by a modification of roots of rather vague signi-
fication by means of etymological and grammatical particles.
The various morphological processes are accomplished by means
of prefixes, suffixes, and infixes.
ETYMOLOGY
The usual Salinan root may consist of any number of syllables of
any phonetic constitution. The normal root is confined to one of the
several parts of speech, as noun, verb, adjective, pronoun, adverb, or
particle. Others may function in two or more categories, generally
by reason of slight changes in form by means of suffixation of etymo-
logical elements.
NOMINALIZING SUFFIXES
Verb stems are nominalized by the suffixation of certain ele-
ments, as:
1. -i, (M.., wci), nominalizing , abstract.
met'ik-i' race k-mit'ik run
ti-kauw-i sleep kau sleep
kVL-i' a fight k'a'aL-a' fight
p-eta-k-i' ' the making p-eta' 'ko make
1918]
Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians
19
ts 'en-l-i'
amusements
k-ts'e-n-u'
enjoy
lam-a-i'
food
k-lam
eat
lam-a-u"wi
food (M)
t-ici-wei
draught (M)
k-ici-m
drink
yete-we"
earthquake (M) yi'te' e
t-oxoyota/i' life (M)
k-o'xoyo-ta-p'
quake
live
This is probably the same as an abstract nominalizing suffix given
frequently by Sit jar as ya or y'a.
t 'upint-e'y 'a corpulence topinit-o fat
tipn-iy'a pain (in abstract) tipin pain
t-anim-ike'ya pardon k-anem give pardon
t-akc-uwa"yu his thirst k-akc-a' be thirsty
t-alil-k-e'ya question p-ale'1-ek ask
t-atsintc-ey 'a unction k-atsintc-a anoint
When suffixed to adjectival stems the particle appears in the form
of -ni'.
xumo.-ni' quarrel (M) xomo quarrelsome, mean
ts'ep-ha-ni" thanks ts'ep good
2. -te, -tee, -a-tc'e, agentive.
ki'-kau-yel-a-tc'e' great sleepers
ke' '-kau-iy-a-'tce
k-licxai-t 'ic
k-icim-te
k-amt'a--tce
k-amt' i-t-cwan
k'-malox-a-'tce
kau
sleep
sleeper
rain-maker
licxai
rain
drinker
icim
drink
hunter
amte
hunt
fisher
amte-cwan
hunt fish
jumper
malox
jump
Another but rarer agentive form seems to be :
3. -mak, agentive.
robber
speakers
k-atcen-mak
k-ac-tel-m-il-ak
k< -La'm-m-a-il-ak'
eaters
aten
as
lam
rob
speak
eat
Other apparent nominalizing etymological suffixes, examples of
which are not sufficiently frequent to warrant classification, are :
ta-lam-xat
food
lam
eat
pa-xat '
dance
pa--ka, pa-ta
dance
t-a-'s-e-tiL
language
as
speak
ti-kak-eL
song
ka-k 'a
sing
t-eta' '"k-OL
fire-drill
eta' ' a k-o
make, do
t-itsipx-aiut 'i
rebirth (S)
etseipex
be born
macal-a'k
morning star
maca-L
burn
maeal-e'
flames
moce"
charcoal
20
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
Other miscellaneous and occasional suffixes are affixed to nouns
and modify their sense in various ways ; some of them might be inter-
preted differently had we more complete data. Thus certain cases
may really be examples of nominal stem composition, the combination
of two nominal stems.
t-ema-i-c
village, rancheria
t-ema
house
cxap-alat
pebble
cxap
stone
skoi-kne'ya
beard
sxkoi' '
beard
sul-at
animal's testicles
sol
testicles
cowa-to
poison of snake
cowa
skunk.
hu.-ma't'aL-ta
white people
ma't< ai>
white
kesiyu'k-La
sweetness
kesiyu'k'
sweet
t'o.l
heap
t'oi
mountain
lua-nelo
slave
lua
man
lua-nilayo
overseer
lua
man
t-icxe-xe'
tracks
t-icxe
foot
skan-iltai
rib
skan
belly
axak-elteya
rheumatism
axak
bone
ti-tca-wen
foam
tea
water
ti-cxo-kutcin
mud
ca-tole
dew
VERBALIZING SUFFIXES
Certain elements are occasionally suffixed to nominal stems to
change them to verbs which predicate actions or conditions intimately
connected with the sense of the nominal stem. There are two im-
portant and unequivocal suffixes of this class as well as several more
or less uncertain.
A suffix of not absolutely definite significance appears to denote
possession of the noun, or to predicate the action or condition ex-
pressed by it. It may possibly be akin to the abstractive prefix no. 1.
4. -e, 4, possessive, attributive.
k< -sotopn-e have a guardian
k'-co'wa-n-i catch fish
k< tsaxel-e snow
(?)
tc'umya-1-e'
ts 'a'k< aiy-e
k-akat-e
k '-epx-ai
k'-ek-e-l-e
The particle is found frequently in Sit jar:
akut-k'at-e not grassy k'at
ke-teka'lt-e have eggs -tekalet
sotopen-o
guardian
cwa-n
fish
tsa'xeL
snow
tc 'umyeL
ice
ts 'a'k' ai
wind
akata
blood
epax
mother
ek
father
grass
egg
litse-we-ko
marry a woman
litse
luwa-we
marry a man
luwa
k-lua-ni
marry a man
lua
lewa-sai'-ni
married man
se
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 21
The suffixes -we and -ni, of which examples are given below, evi-
dently carry a similar signification and probably are related.
woman
man
man
wife
The second suffix predicates the manufacture of the noun thus
qualified.
5. -te, -tene, -ate, manufacture.
ke-seZfco-te-ne make a fence selko fence (Sp. cerca)
(ke-selJc-ne)
k< -co-'luk'-te-ne make holes co.'luk' holes
m-isxa-'te-L urinate! t-isxaiL urine
hek-upint-ate I fatten myself upinit fat
A few other cases of apparent verbalizing etymological suffixes,
taken principally from Sitjar, are:
head
fat
pinenuts
meeting
genitals
branches
wife
ADJECTIVIZING SUFFIXES
A few cases have been found in which suffixes appear to form
adjectives from nominal or other stems:
taka-lau capable taka-t trade, work
k-exak-op bony axak bone
NOMINAL ETYMOLOGICAL PREFIXES
Several elements of definite meaning are prefixed to nominal stems
and qualify their meaning; it is possible that these are petrified ex-
amples of nominal stem composition:
6. tee-, ce-, cte-, old, aged.
ctelu-wa" old man lu-wa" man
tcilu-wai" old man (M) lu-wai" man
eelte" old woman litse" woman
tcene" old woman (M) lene" woman
taa'k-a
nod
t<a."k-o
k-upint-emak
eat fat
t-upinit
tarn
hunt pinenuts
to
to-we
fetch pinenuts
timuy-ak
convene
timuy-o
sol-eko
feel genitals
sol
ke-cetene-no
fetch branches
cetene
sen-eu
marry a woman
sen
saiyan-emo
marry a woman
22 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
7. il-, 1-, seasonal.
ilpal, LpaL spring (summer)
line', il-e' summer
ilka-p autumn
iltee winter
A few other sporadic cases have been found which may be inter-
preted either as unusual prefixes or, probably more truly, as examples
of stem composition :
tetsas-kap acorn-meal kap acorn
tne-paku upper arm puku arm
ma-poko thigh puku arm
we-lak' world lak' ground, land
GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURE
NOUN AND VEEB
As with every language, the important parts of Salinan speech are
the noun and the verb. These are never combined as with many
American languages, and the stems are normally different and unre-
lated. Those cases in which nominal and verbal stems are connected
have already been considered under etymology. Neither nouns nor
verbs are subjected to a great amount of morphological modification
and inflection. On the contrary, the majority of inflections, declension,
and conjugation are expressed by means of independent adverbs and
particles. The stem is modified in very few directions, but these are
for the most part very fundamental and frequent, affecting practically
every stem.
Plural
One of the most striking peculiarities of Salinan is the development
of the plural. Every noun, verb, and adjective must display in its
form its number, the plural of the verb conveying ordinarily the idea
of repetition as frequentative or iterative, and frequently implying
plurality of the pronominal subject or object.
The methods of plural formation fall into several different types,
but the details are very variant and almost inexplicable. The two
principal methods are by suffixes and by infixes. As subdivisions may
be differentiated the various elements employed, which are, generally
speaking, composed of one or more of the three elements t, n, and I.
The majority of stems permit of but one plural form, and it seems
to be impossible to determine which of the many types of plural
formation any given stem will follow. But certain other stems permit
1918] Mason: The Language of the Kalinan Indians 23
of several different forms, according to the several types of plural.
It is probable that each of them carries a slightly different significance,
such as distributive and iterative, but it has not been possible to
differentiate them according to meaning. Thus the following plural
forms of one stem, claimed to be of identical meaning, were given :
ta-m house tama-'neL
tamelax
ta-ma-ten
temhal
ta-ma-tenax
ta-ma-niLax
tamaNiLten
exoxo' brain exoxa'lax
exotenax
exoten
icxe-'u foot icxepa-'l
icxe'xe '
icxe-ple't
Similar varied plural forms are found with certain verbal stems,
though possibly in less degree:
a-m(k) kill, be able a-mkNe"lk
a-mt 'elik
a-mxot'e
amaue guard, preserve amaulic
amaucelte
amaucelayo
Most of these varied forms are from Sit jar, suggesting that the
different classes of plural formerly had an active functional value,
but that these have now become lost or static, resulting in great irreg-
ularity. An insight is given into the solution of the problem by the
following excerpt from Sit jar :
kaxo'-ta A man hunts an animal
kaxo'-ten A man hunts many animals
kaxo-to'ta Many men hunt an animal
kaxo'-nilet Many men hunt many animals
The various types of plural formation with their elements are :
8. -ten, iterative plural.
The suffix -ten possibly should not be regarded as a true plural,
but generally functions as such. Suffixed to either nouns or verbs, it
means "another", "again", and evidently carries an iterative sig-
nificance. In the example given just above from Sitjar it denotes
plurality of object and singularity of subject, one of the phases of the
24 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
iterative, but examples taken from linguistic texts do not support this
explanation. This particle generally carries a slightly raised pitch
accent, -ten. Thus :
wa'kit wakit-ten frogs
a'xa-k a'xa-k-ten bones
tatcuaniL tatcuaniL-ten stars
ketca ketca-ten big
Jcristia'no Jcristiano-ten Christians
ta-sko'mcuka''yi'k-ten but do not tread again
k'al-ten-a we will fight again
p< cola/tko-ten he treed him again
ta-'mulox-ten he jumped again
When other nominal suffixes or inflections are used with this plural
the plural sign precedes such endings, as :
kotos-na kotos-ten-na noises
oxot-o oxot-ten-o his testicles
Two other pluralizing suffixes are evidently akin to the suffix -ten:
-tenax and -tenat. These are used solely with nominal forms, and
principally with names of animals. They occur rarely.
9. -tenax, nominal plural.
taiL-tenax fleas
tamuL-tenax pumas
10. -tenat, nominal plural.
map '-tenat rabbits
ska-k '-tenat crows
as-tenat elks
Lk 'a' -tenat coyotes
lua '-tenat males
tama-tenat men
asak-tenat flints
ts 'akai'-tenat winds
A large class of nouns, many apparently irregular, form their
plurals by the suffixation or infixation of a particle containing an n
element, frequently also with a t element, and probably related to -ten.
xutc xosten dogs
celte sle-ten old women
tcini' tcinten old women
saxe saxtin birds
simla' sem 'ta'n boys
litse" le-tse-n women
lene" le'ntsen women (M)
t'o-s t'os-en brothers
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 25
t-etiya t-etiyen arrows
ts'axe'L ts'ax-an-eL snows
tcumieL tcumi-an-eL ices
kiyo'te ' kiyo't-n-e ' shake
ko'yi ' ko't< ne reply
The plural suffix -lax is also used solely with nouns or adjectives.
Like -ten, it is of very frequent occurrence.
11. -lax, nominal plural.
tepen-lax-o his belly
topoi-lax-o his knees
ketpoi-lax cedars
ts 'open-lax spiders
ke '-kau-iatce-lax sleepers
k< pat '-lax hard
kesiyuk '-lax sweet
Occasionally -ax is used alone. Compare the -ax of -ten-ax.
i 'katn-ax-o . anuses
k'-ts'ep-ax good
Another very common class of plural suffixes is that ending in -el.
There are several varieties of this suffix.
12. -el, -ne^, -anei*, -nanei>, -teij, plural,
-el alone is comparatively rare.
tcak-el knives
smat-el beautiful
A far more common suffix is -weL :
elk 'a-neL coyotes
tik'e-neL lice
telek-nel-o their mouths
tetalak-nel-o his horns
at-neL acorns
apek-nel-op good
-ane~L is probably a phonetic variation of the above :
t'elow'-a'NeL storms
titol-anel brothers
saiy-aneL eagles
tcxap-anel stones
-nanei> is occasional :
eskaiya-naneL raccoons
toolec-naneL squirrels
cumk 'om-o-naneL squirrels
26 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
-teLt is occasional:
to-'kena-teL days
smakai-ya-teL nights
ka'-teL acorns
Apparent phonetic irregularities in the use of this suffix are :
tepaL tepa 'neL tongues
ta'kat tak 'aneL sticks
toxo toxo-lanel wolves
taasx-o taasx-aknel-o livers
lice' elci'-tanel winters
akata akat-nel-o bloods
taa' ' taa'-tneL deer
at' at-nelat acorns
ka ' ka-t< -nelat' oaks
Many verbs also form their plurals by the addition of a suffix
which contains the element I; these forms are undoubtedly related to
the nominal plural forms in -el. The vowel of this verbal suffix is very
variable.
kac-il sit down
ka'mes-il call
kaiya-L go
lam-x-al eat
yom-al see
pamat'-el chase off
A probably related element is the suffix -let, containing the same
sound I; it is found most frequently with nouns, occasionally with
verbs.
13. -let, -elet, plural.
topok-let-o his arms
exak-let bones
sk'ot-elet serpents
ticok 'al-et-o his ears
itol-ilete brothers
tipxat-elt-o his entrails
k 'wak-elt-a long
kak '-elt-a sing
Seeming irregularities in the use of plural suffixes involving the
element I are :
mat'-elak animals, meats
t-icxe-p-lip feet
Probably related to the suffixes in I are the pluralizing infixes in
-1-. These are found more commonly with verbs, less often with nouns.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 27
The element, generally in combination with a vowel, is interpolated
within the apparent stem of the word, generally before the final vowel
or before the last syllable.
14. -1-, 41-, -el-, -al-, plural.
texiwaiy-o texiw-il-aiy-o their hearts
ts 'waketi' ' ts 'waket-il-i ' hats
hak'i hak'-el-i bows
makawi' ' makaw-il-i ' flowers
katcenmak katcenm-il-ak robbers
k< pat 'ak k< pat '-il-ak dancers
kLe' 'tax kLe' 't-al-ax sharp
takat tak-el-at-o trades
t-al-akat-o (S)
kaua kau-l-a be robust
ka-set ka-s-il-e name
katsintca katsinte-el-a anoint
k'aLi' k'al-el-i' fight
xata xat-L-a weep
k'mit'ik k'mit'-L-ik run
Judging from Sit jar's example above quoted, it would seem that
this element denotes plurality of subject and object. Other examples
refute this hypothesis. Minor irregularities in the use of the -I- infix
are:
ke'o ke-la'-o knuckles
epeselet epesel-elm-et enemies
inexa' ine-lk-xa parents
anemtak anem-til-tak pardon
komop kom-ol-op finish
k 'aLa k 'aL-el-a-'kot fight
paitceko paitc-ilt-eko visit
The iterative phase is most commonly expressed by the infix -t-,
generally with accompanying vowel. As in the case of -1-, it is normally
interposed before the final vowel or syllable of the stem. It is found
with both nouns and verbs, but far more frequently with the latter.
It is very common. Sit jar's example above quoted would seem to
suggest that this infix denotes plurality of subject with singularity of
object. Certain other examples dispute this, as, for instance :
pa'le'ltko he asked them several times
15. -t-, -te-, iterative plural.
kola'le' kola-t-Le' penises
teteyini' ' teteyi-ti-nai arrows
kaxap kaxa-te-p corpse, dead
tikelele tikelil-t-e round
28 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
kwi'le '
kwi'1-t-e'
straight
kma'lox
kma'1-t-ox
jump
ma-
ma-tele '
carry
kco'lukne
kco'luk-te-ne
make holes
mamampik
kaman-t 'a-pik
take out
anem
ane-te-m
remain
tas-il-o
tas-t-il-o
names
pale 'Iko
pa'le '1-t-ko
inquire
In a few cases
, principally of nouns,
the plural is formed by the
infixation of an aspirate -h-, frequently
with repetition of the stem
vowel.
16. -h-, plural.
t-a' 'k-o
t-ahak-o
heads
to-le't-o
le'het
teeth
me'n-o
mehen-o
hands
sokent-o
sukehenet
eyes
kau
kaxau
sleep
k-na'ye '
k-na'hye '
yank away
k-La'm-aiyak k-Lam-ahyak
eaters
Plurals which
apparently follow none
of the above categories are :
t-e-nt-o
xenet
teeth
taken
ta'nta
shamans
lua
lua-yato
males (S)
tciluai
cteluai
old men (M)
steluwa '
steluwi'
old men (A)
koiyakten-o
lokoiyini
beards
sla'
sla'at
basket
istau "
iskunta'm
girls
stexa '
senta'n
boys
Tcuwaiyo
kuyata
horses
ats-o
its-ak-o
presas (S).
titcu.-o
titeu-ak-o
breasts (S)
atcaka
atcakoi
times( S)
kLa
kLapat
broken
ts 'epen
ts 'epeyitini
small
k<tai
k< taiyai
stink
liyax
litax
shoot
m-icim
k-ostem
drink
komiyota
ko 'kiutne
lie down
k< se'yine
k< se'ne
walk
The foregoing examples demonstrate the great irregularity and
complexity as well as the great importance of the Salinan plural. It
is not impossible that a very intensive study might elucidate phonetic
laws governing these cases, and also, assign various significations to
the different classes; at present the irregularity would seem to be
due to historical or other fortuitous causes unexplainable without an
extended comparative philological study.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 29
THE NOUN
The Salinan noun invariably stands in independent position; it
is never incorporated in the verb and is seldom used in apposition to
any particle in the verbal complex. It is varied in form only for
plural number and possessive case and in certain etymological re-
lations. Gender and the other grammatical cases are expressed by
independent means. The etymological and plural modifications have
already been treated ; it remains to consider pronominal possession and
one other minor grammatical phenomenon.
NOMINAL PREFIXES
One of the most puzzling and equivocal features of Salinan is a
prefix t-. It stands in close analogy to the verbal prefixes p- and k-,
to be considered later. It is prefixed to most nouns derived from
verbs, and on this account should possibly be considered as an etymo-
logical element were it not for the fact that practically all other
etymological elements are suffixed. Moreover, it, or a similar prefix,
is found with most pronominal possessive prefixes and with certain
forms of the verb. Examples of t- as a nominalizing prefix are given
below ; its other functions will be considered later.
17. t-, nominal
prefix.
t-olol-a'iyo
his flute
k-o'lo-l-i<
play flute
t-olal-a'iyu
his shame
k-o'la'l-e'
be ashamed
t-a-'s-o
his name
k-ajs-et
be called
t-ecxai
dawn
k-ecxai
to dawn
ti-ka-'keL
song
ka/k'a
sing
t-au-yi
heat
k-au-yak
be hot
t-alel-k-eya
question
p-alel-k-o
ask
t-atce-x
seat
k-atce-k
sit down
With certain nominal stems, principally those denoting terms of
relationship, a prefix a- is found, which seems to have no definite sig-
nificance unless it may be an abstract possessive form. Many of these
are forms taken from Sitjar, the same stems occurring in modern usage
without this prefix.
18. a-, nominal.
a-ton-o his younger sister ton' my younger sister
a-pe-u his elder sister pe my elder sister
a-tos-o his younger brother tos my younger brother
a-kay-o his elder brother kai my elder brother
30 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
a-xalau-o his grandfather xa'la my grandfather
axomo foster father
apai mother
ama grandfather
asa'k' o ' uncle
a-kom-lua'we unmarried woman lua' ' man
a-lua-nil-ayo overseer lua" man
a'teloi friend
a-laxam door, entrance
z-mis-'ayo mass (Sp. misa)
PRONOMINAL POSSESSION
Pronominal possession is expressed by the prefixation, or in certain
persons the suffixation, of elements only distantly related to the inde-
pendent forms of the personal pronouns. The prefixes are closely
welded to the nominal stem and the combination is normally without
phonetic change, except as noted below. The elements of the first and
second persons are prefixed, those of the third person suffixed. The
pronominal possessive prefixes with examples are given below ; they
are practically identical in the two dialects.
Singular
1
(t)-
2
tm-, turn-, tme-
3
(t) '-o
Plural
1
ta(t)-
2
tk-, tuk-, tko-
3
(t) -ot, (t)
Nominal stems beginning in a consonant require little comment.
The bare stem expresses the first person singular possessive, the bare
stem with suffix -o or -ot the third personal possessives. The other
persons take the prefixes turn-, to-, and tuk-:
sa-'nat' my hide tasa-'nat' our hide
tumsa-'nat' thy hide tuksa-'nat' your hide
sana'to his hide sana't'ot their hide
Stems ending in -a normally change this to -o in the third person :
t'me-'ma thy house te-mo' his house
The suffix -o of the third person generally takes the stress accent
and stems ending in -o distinguish their third personal possessives by
this method alone.
ta-'mo my boss ia-mo' his boss
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 31
Stems ending in -i take a y glide before the -o suffix ; stems ending
in -u take a w glide.
tololi' my flute tolola'yo his flute
tu my face tu-wo' his face
Nominal stems commencing in any vowel except a- take the nominal
prefix t- (no. 17) in the first and third persons. In the case of the first
person plural this follows the pronominal to,-, forming the prefix tat-.
Thus in every case the first personal plural possessive form is equiv-
alent to the first personal singular form plus the prefix ta. The accent
generally falls on this prefix. In the second person nominal stems
commencing in vowels take the possessive prefixes tm- and tk-.
It will be noticed that the prefixes of the second person invariably
contain the initial sound t- (frequently heard as t-). As this element
is not found with the pronominal forms of this person in the other
classes, it is probable that this is the same nominal prefix t-.
tu my face tatu our face
tmu- they face tku your face
tu-wo' his face tuhe'not their faces
Except in the cases of stems commencing in a- and monosyllabic
stems, the initial stem vowel is dissimilated to e- in the case of the
second person singular and o- in the case of the second person plural ;
this suggests that these vowels are intrinsic to the pronominal forms.
Cf. the stem for "dog", absolute xutc:
ti-'tco my dog ta'titc our dog
t' me-'tco thy dog t' ko'tco your dog
ti-tco' his dog ti-'tcot their dog
Nominal stems commencing in a- display several irregularities.
They retain this vowel unchanged in the second personal forms.
Certain examples take the nominal prefix t-:
ta-k my head ta'tak our head
t'ma-k thy head t'ka'k your head
ta-'ko hia head ta'kot' their head
Others do not take this prefix :
a'xak my bone ta-'xak our bone
tuma'xak thy bone tuka'xak your bone
axa'ko his bone axa'kot' their bone
It is probable that those which do not take the nominal prefix are
either reduced from an original initial pa- (p. 16), or else composed
with the nominal prefix a- (no. 18).
32 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
In the third person plural an optional form is the use of the
singular suffix -o followed by the appropriate independent pronoun
heyo't, "they". It is possible that the difference between these two
forms may be that between the normal possessive and the distributive.
But examples are equivocal, as :
t-etc-a-'t-o their dogs
t'-e-'tc-ot every one's dog
t-e-'m-ot their house
cpoke't-o-t' every one's hair
luwuy-iya-t-o their respective husbands
In the first and last examples there seems to be a suffix -a-t em-
ployed. Another element of similar portent seems to be a prefix ku-:
ko'-otc-te' every man's dog
tat-ku'-fcwwai every man's horse
The suffix -f ye ' in such instances means each :
ko'-otc-te' every man's dog
po.'fea-t'is' each cow
The adjective pronouns "mine", "thine", etc., are supplied by the
independent forms, generally with the substantive verb appended.
PRONOMINAL SYSTEM
The pronouns function in the Salinan dialects in independent and
affixed forms, the latter being closely welded to the stem. There are
several different series of forms, more or less divergent, but in the
majority of cases displaying some resemblance inter se.
INDEPENDENT PEONOUNS
The independent pronouns occur mainly as subjective, less often
as emphatic or appositional forms for the objective or possessive. The
forms in the two dialects differ to some extent :
Singular Antoniano Migueleno
1 he- 'k' (kek) k'e'
2 mo ' mo '
3 heyo" heo'
Plural
1 ha-'k< (kak) k'a'
mo-rn mom
3 heyo-' 't hewo' 't
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 33
These independent forms are frequently affixed to the verb as
enclitics or proclitics to represent the subjective relation ; they will be
more thoroughly treated under the caption of verbs.
The other forms of the personal pronouns function as true prefixes
or suffixes, integral elements of the complex in which they stand. The
possessive nominal prefixes have already been considered ; the objective
suffixes will be treated under the analysis of the verbal complex. It
remains to consider a special oblique or locative form.
LOCATIVE PEONOUNS
These are a special group used only after locative prefixes or
prepositions. They show for the most part genetic relationship with
the independent forms, but are somewhat variant. The form of the
second person plural is not absolutely certain, for lack of sufficient
examples. The forms employed are:
Singular
1 k'e
2 me
3 ke'o
Plural
1 k'a
2 ko
3 kewa'L
Thus:
tewa-'kok 'e near me
akeme' where art thouf
umke'o up to him
ump'ak'a beyond us
akeamko where ye will be
makewa'L to them
TABLE OF PEONOMINAL FOEMS
Although some of the forms of the personal pronoun have not yet
been considered, a table of the various forms is appended below for
purposes of comparison. It will be seen that, though there is a super-
ficial resemblance between all classes, yet the variations are great.
Practically every form shows resemblance with some other, yet it can
not be said that any of the classes fall together as opposed to others,
except, of course, the enclitic and proclitic forms of the independent.
The objective and possessive forms are possibly the more variant.
34 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
Singular Independent Proclitic Objective Locative Possessive
hp'k
A
ak
-k'e
IlC ix
mo'
m
ka
-me
tum-
hevo' '
o, ko
-keo
-0
WJ V*
ha'k
a
7
t'ak
-k'a
ta-
mom
(om)
t'kam
-ko
tuk-
hevo' 't
ot, kot
-kewa'L
-ot
THE VERB
As with most American Indian languages, the Salinan verb is the
crux of the sentence, but it does not play the all-important part that
it does in many of them. The Salinan verb normally displays within
its complex the number of the pronominal subject and the number
and person of the pronominal object. It may also show certain
etymological and modal phenomena, but tense only incidentally.
The etymological relations have already been considered, as has
the question of the number of the verbal stem; the other relations
remain to be elucidated.
The verbal stem is modified by prefixes, infixes, and suffixes, to a
lesser extent by the affixation of enclitics and proclitics. The infixes
are concerned exclusively with pluralization and have been already
considered; the prefixes express the principal modal qualifications,
the suffixes the lesser ones. The various appurtenances of the verbal
complex: proclitics, prefixes, suffixes, and enclitics will be considered
in this order.
PROCLITICS
For the sake of convenience in nomenclature, certain preposed
elements are termed ' ' proclitic ' ' in order to distinguish them from the
modal prefixes. In certain respects, however, as they are never found
independently and may carry the accent, they might better be termed
"prefixes of the first class/'
The verbal proclitics are divided into two classes, temporal and
interrogative.
Temporal Proclitics
A number of proclitics introduce temporal clauses, preceding the
pronominal subject. The principal ones are me-, ma-, ~be-, le-, and
kacta-, all meaning ' ' when. ' '
1918] , Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians .'{5
19. me-, "when," indefinite time.
me-t-amp' when it rises
me'-t'ya when it is finished
me'-p-t 'ekaxo when he kills
me-p-a-'lxo whenever he wished
me'-t-k< onlox whenever people came
me-yam-tem when I see my house
me-t-epts'e'n when they stung him
me"e.-ka-wi' whenever I get sleepy
me-cko when I am
me'-t-a'mt' ele' (M) when they go to hunt
The prefix ma- probably differs only phonetically from me-:
ma'-yaL when we go
ma'-paLa when we dance
ma'-yomal when they see
20. be-, "when," definite past time.
bC'-ya' when I went
be-tom-he"k when I fell
21. le-, "when," indefinite past time.
le-yax when I came
Li-ctexa-e.'n when I was a boy
le-sko (M) when I was (small)
le-t-eta-ha'pu (M) when it was made
This proclitic is probably related to the temporal adverb of past
time, lelo.
22. kacta-, "when?" temporal interrogative.
kacta-m-amp when will you finish?
kacta'-umulop' when will we finish?
kacta-m-ka'ka when will you sing?
kacta-t-iyax when will he come?
kacta-konox when will I arrive?
There are several other possible temporal proclitics but examples
are insufficient to establish their case.
With the temporal proclitics should probably also be considered
the particle tarn, ram, or am, "then," one of the most frequent con-
nectives.
Interrogative Proclitics
Interrogative proclitics are few in number and genetically related
to independent forms. In addition to the temporal interrogative given
just above there are two adverbial forms : ake-, ' ' how ? ' ' and mena'ko-,
"why?", and two pronominal forms: ta-, "who?" and tas-, "what?"
36 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
23. ake-, "what?" "where?" "which?" "how?" interrogative
adverb.
ake-nota-'siL what shall we do?
akl-'c what is there?
ake-t'm-e.'ke' where art thou going?
ake-'am' whither?
ake-me-'nax-ta whence dost thou come now?
akl-ca' how art thou?
ake-te-ke'o where is he going?
ake'ho' (M) which is it?
ake-ta'ti' (M) what shall we do?
ake-to'n-ho' (M) which is this?
ake-ton-ke'u (M) where is he?
aki'-teno-p^a'mka(M) where is he who is going to kill thee?
The particle ton in the last three Migueleno examples is of doubt-
ful nature.
24. mena'ko-, (M) miyo'k, "why?" interrogative advert.
me-'nak< -t< -kom-i'ye why don't you go?
mi'yo 'k-to-ku'm-icsx (M) why don't you eat it?
The same particle is also used as conjunctive "because" and as an
interjection.
25. to-, (M) tek'a'-, "who?" "which?" "whose?" animate inter-
rogative pronoun.
ta-p-k< -t-aten-ko who stole it?
ta-'ru-p' which of (them) ?
ta--kera-'ne whose?
ta-ko-'-otce-wa-xo'tc whose dog is this?
ta--lwa"- which is the better man?
ta--p< -iem-o'< who knows?
te'k'a' (M) who is he?
te-k'o (M) who is ?
26. tas-, (M) taltom', "what?" "which?" inanimate interrogative
pronoun.
ta-'s-ten no'vi' what is that which ?
ta-s-tm-a-'lox what do you wish?
ta's-ta-'va' what were they which ?
ta-'s-t'm what (animal)? what (did he say)?
taLtum, ta'ltom' (M) what is it?
talt'Ma" (M) what saidst thou?
PROCLITIC PRONOMINAL SUBJECT
The pronominal subject of a verb is typically not expressed in the
verbal complex but rather by the use of the independent form of the
personal pronoun, generally following the verb and sometimes enclitic
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 37
to it. These independent forms have already been considered (p. 32)
and the enclitics will be treated following verbal suffixes. When the
verb expresses the third person it frequently stands alone without
pronoun and also occasionally in the case of the other persons when no
confusion will ensue. In a few cases when, due to special conditions,
the independent pronoun precedes the verb, it may become coalesced
with the verb in rapid speech and thus act as a proclitic. This
phenomenon is rare and inconsequential.
But in certain constructions the pronominal subject becomes an
integral part of the verbal complex. As such it is much reduced or
abbreviated in form. Thus certain verbal proclitics and prefixes
always require the pronominal first or second personal subject between
themselves and the verbal stem. Such are the temporal proclitics and
the negative and interrogative prefixes. These reduced subjective
forms are :
Singular Plural
1. e 1. a
2. m 2. (om)
me"-e--ka'W-i' when I get sleepy
ke'ra' k-e-koL I am not hungry
kacta-m-amp when will you finish?
u-m-kaka are you singing?
ke'ra' k-a-suxtox we are not afraid
There are no forms for the third person and that of the second
person plural is doubtful.
PEEFIXES
Prefixed to the verbal stem may stand one or more of ten elements
which signify modal relations. These are for the greater part the
more abstract and general ideas, the more particular ones being
expressed by suffixes. They are generally prefixed directly to the
verbal stem though a few of them interpose the pronominal subject
between themselves and the stem. But the combination is complete ;
there is no suggestion of the nature of proclitics. Some of them are
mutually exclusive, while others permit of combination with other
prefixes.
These ten verbal prefixes are of the greatest importance in Salinan
morphology. The majority of verbs display one or more of these
elements in their complexes. The first three undoubtedly are the most
recurrent features in the language and their elucidation supplies the
most difficult feature of Salinan grammar. The remaining seven are
38 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
more or less clear and unequivocal in meaning. For convenience in
arrangement and nomenclature, each element has been assigned a
number, a definite form, and an explanatory title. But in many cases,
as the imperative and interrogative, the element appears to be pro-
nominal in nature, and in others, as for instance the transitive, intran-
sitive and nominal, the titles given by no means adequately explain
the meaning and nature of these elements.
The ten prefixes with their approximate forms and significances
are:
27. p-, transitive
28. k-, intransitive
29. t-, nominal
30. m-, imperative
31. ko-, negative
32. o-, interrogative
33. ta-, conditional
34. en-, dependent
35. na-, purposive f
36. se-, substantive
Transitive, Intransitive, Nominal
The three prefixes, 27p-, 28 k-, and 29 t- supply the most striking
and at the same time the most elusive feature of Salinan morphology.
The majority of verbs contain one of the three elements. But their
great frequency only lends added difficulty to the elucidation of their
proper values. If they have any absolute meaning it has eluded the
present writer for many years. For convenience in nomenclature the
titles as above given have been assigned to them for reasons which
will be given below. But the titles are applicable to only a restricted
number of cases and many examples absolutely refute the suggested
explanations. It is possible that they are the vestiges of a once fully
functional process, now petrified in its irregularity, or else broken
down with the approaching extinction of the language.
The three prefixes are mutually exclusive ; only one of them may
occur in any verbal complex.
The sign p- frequently precedes stems with an object, generally
personal, while k- may precede the same stem when used intransitively.
k- also normally precedes stems when used passively, most intrinsically
intransitive verbs and most adjectives. On this account these two pre-
fixes have been designated by the terms ' ' transitive ' ' and intransitive. ' '
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 39
k-ecxai' ' I woke up t-ecxai' ' dawn
k< -ts 'axe'le it snows ts 'ahe'L snow
k< -t 'e'pine he is fat t 'e'pen fat
k-iltee-wi'a winter is coming i'ltce winter
k-cta'ne it is budding ctan ' leaf
k-'a'mes he shouted p-'a'mes-ak he cried to me
k-a-wiyak'ce' it is hot p-a'wi-lo-ko she heated it
k-e'nai he hurt himself p-e'nai-ko I wounded him
k-ospolo'x he commanded p-espolo'x-o he seized it
But many cases are found in which p- introduces an intransitive
phrase and k- a transitive one.
p' -iem.o' I think
p-ikele-'ntx-o he circled around
p-a'lx-o he wished (to)
p-a'mk-o I am able
k-a'met'i he hunted for him
k-ena/y-ok he wounded him
k-tc'a-uye' they sought him
k-mala.-k they told him
Many of these apparent cases of the use of k- for the transitive
may truly be passives.
One of the few features of practical certainty regarding these two
prefixes is that the p- prefix nearly invariably takes the suffix -o or -ko
as its third personal objective form while the objective form in -k
occurs exclusively with the k- prefix.
In many cases the difference between the p- and k- prefixes appears
to be that between singular and plural subject.
p-a-ke"n-o
p' -me-'t-o-teN
Ma'ita-ko
p'ha-'iya-k
p-as-iem (M)
I thought
he tried again
he told them
he paid me
he was named
k-a-ki'n-yi '
k' -me-'ti
k' -maltau-k
ke-p' ha'iyak
k-a's-ile
they thought
they try
they told them
they paid me
they are named
It is possible that the above cases are also passives, that construc-
tion being preferred with plural subjects.
When the prefix p- precedes a stem commencing in m the com-
bination results in a surd M, the p disappearing.
Many different hypotheses have been advanced and considered
concerning the nature of the p- and k- prefixes, but none of them
seems to be applicable to every case.
The prefix t- seems to be an alternative form for either of the above
prefixes. It is termed "nominal" merely because its form is the
same as that of the nominal prefix no. 17 and there may be some con-
40 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
nection between them. This prefix seems to be found in two circum-
stances: it may stand initial as a prefix to certain stems which ordi-
narily utilize it, or it may replace one of the other prefixes when pre-
ceded by another prefix or proclitic.
The verbs which ordinarily take the t- prefix initially are prin-
cipally verbs of motion :
t< -ia he went
t'-iax he came
Occasionally, though rarely, other stems, principally those com-
mencing in a vowel, are found with the prefix t- in initial position.
But the most frequent use of t- is in place of one of the other prefixes
after another prefix or proclitic. The prefixes p- and Jt- are generally
not found following other prefixes. They do occur under certain
conditions :
am-p-ia'tleko he sent them
am-k< -Na-'yi ' he fled
But in the great majority of cases, particularly with stems com-
mencing in a vowel, after the proclitic tarn (ram, am), me and the
other temporal and interrogative proclitics, the negative and the other
verbal prefixes and the preposition, the transitive and intransitive pre-
fixes are replaced by t-.
ta'm-t-a-lel-a'ik f they asked him p-ale'1-ko he asked him
ta'm-t-amp it came out k-a-'mp'Lo it came out
ra'm-t' -xwen he arrived xwe'nelax they arrived
am-t'-yax he came yax come!
me'-t-amt' ele< (M) when they hunt k-a'mti' (M) he was hunting
me-t-amp' when it came out p-a-ma'mp'ko he took it out
me-t-epts'e'n when they stung him am-k-epts'en-la'ik they stung him
me'nak-t-kum-sa mo" why don't you speak? k'-sa' he spoke
ko'-t-amai he could not ko'-p-amko I can not
ti-t-a-'leyix if they wish p-a'lxo I wish
ti-t-a-'mpta' to come out k-a-'mp'Lo it came out
Imperative
The imperatives are confined to the second person ; other forms are
always academic and theoretical. It is very difficult to formulate the
exact rules for the use of the imperative, as puzzling and apparently
inexplicable exceptions to any rule are found, but the normal system
seems to be :
Mason : The Language of the tialinan Indians 41
Singular positive imperatives make use of the bare verbal stem if
it commences with a consonant, or of the stem plus the prefix m- if it
begins with a vowel. This prefix m- is very probably the m of the
second personal singular pronoun. Singular negative constructions
employ the prefix hum- in all cases.
Plural imperatives are scarce in the data secured but the prefix k-
appears to be used in the majority of cases, the stem in the plural form
in other cases.
A few examples seem to suggest that the m- and k- prefixes are
used with transitive verbs, the bare stem with intransitives, but excep-
tions to this hypothesis are likewise found.
30. m-, k-, imperative.
k'ak'a sing!
xa'la shoot him!
male-'ntax remember it!
m-i'cim drink!
m-et 'eyine' 'k shoot him !
m-ult'i'k cut him!
m-ama'mpek draw it!
ku'-m-xa-t^ do not cry!
ko'-m-icax do not eat!
ko'-m-pt 'ika ' do not beat her!
ko-m-eck'wala do not cut yourself!
yaxte'L come on!
k-osteM mom drink!
k<-ts'e'ik< go and see him!
k'-mit'ka-tek drive them off!
The imperative takes its third personal pronominal object in -ik,
never in -o or -Jco:
k-a'mamp-ik take it out!
a'mes-ik shout to him!
m-alel-ik ask him!
Negative
The negative is expressed in two ways in Salinan : by the indepen-
dent negative ke'ra' and by the negative verbal prefix. The two are
normally used jointly, probably to avoid possible confusion with the
intransitive prefix k-, as:
ke'ra' koxo-'ye' he did not reply
31. ko-, negative.
The normal negative prefix seems to be the element k followed by
the proclitic form of the subject pronoun. An alternative explanation
42 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
might be that the negative prefix is k- and that when required by
phonetic laws the proclitic pronoun is interpolated. In either case the
result is the same. As the third person is by far the more common in
running text, the most frequent form of the negative is ko-; this again
may be the true form of the prefix, the others assimilated to other
vowels.
Verbal stems beginning in a consonant, form their negatives by the
prefixation of the negative element k plus the proclitic form of the
pronominal subjects, forming the prefixes :
Singular Plural
1 ke 1 ka
2 kum 2 (kum)
3 ko 3 kot<, ko
Thus:
ke'ra' ke-k'a-'k'a I will not sing
ke'ra' kum-ketca' you art not large
ko-ts'e'no he is not happy
ke'ra' ka-suxtax we are not afraid
kot'-ko'nox they did not arrive
Verbal stems commencing in a vowel seem to be less regular. In
the first person the vowels of the pronominal subject and the stem
appear to fuse, but not according to rule ; in the second person, the
prefix ending in a consonant, no change is necessary; in the third
person singular one of the other verbal prefixes, generally p, is inter-
polated ; in the third person plural the .same prefix kot is generally
retained. Frequently the sole difference between the singular and
plural is in the use of the plural verb stems. When confusion is likely
to ensue, the independent prefix ke'ra' is also used, as:
k-a-'mko I am not able
kum-'a'mes you did not cry
ko-p-a-'mko he is not able
k-amxo-t'e we were not able
ke'ra' ka-a'cax-t 'elix we will not eat
(k' o-k< -a'mko you are not able)
me'nak t'kom-iye why don't you go?
kot-amai they are not able
k-yam-anel-ak they did not see me
Interrogative
The interrogative is expressed in Salinan by the prefixation to the
verbal stem of the reduced proclitic form of the pronominal subject.
Since in running text the third personal interrogative is by far the
1918]
Mason: The Language of the Salman Indians
43
most common, the third personal element is arbitrarily adopted as the
sign of the interrogative.
The prefixed elements are :
Singular
1 e
2 um
3 o
32. o-, interrogative.
e-ki' he'k am I going?
um-ki' mo' are you going?
o-ki' heyo' is he going?
om-ya'mcep
um-petxa'u
um-ka'xa-ulo<
o-una'<
o'-yo'
o-ko'nsele
Plural
1 a
2 (um)
3 o
a-kiya'L ha'k
um-ki'aL mom'
o-kia'L heyo't
do you see?
have you it I
are you asleep?
this one?
is it this?
will (he) sell
are we going?
are you going?
are they going?
The negative interrogative is formed by the interrpgative prefix
followed by the negative prefix, as :
o-ko'-p-enai won't he hurt (me)?
The interrogative is used in many eases of doubt or possibility but
where no question is asked:
o'-yema'
o-yo' '16
o'yo' '16
o'-t'ika
o'-tica-'rnko
who might be seen
(to see) if he is there
(to see) where he is
(go) to see if there is
(I wish) I were able to
o-pa/mko
o'-t' amai
(he tries) to be able to
(they try) to be able to
The same or a similar prefix appears to be used for the vocative, as :
o-k'ewe'L O, West Wind!
Hello, friend!
o'-ta'mi-Tco
o-cetelua' '
Say, old man!
Conditional
Conditional constructions are expressed by the use of a prefix t-
with following vowel. In the majority of cases this vowel is assim-
ilated to agree with the following vowel of stem or prefix, but other
cases seem to show no regularity. In a few cases the vowel may be
that of the subjective pronoun.
44
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
33. t(a), conditional.
ta'-amka se
ta-ko'm-a-mko
t r an-t'i-itxa-'-tic se
te-etxa' se
ti-ko-t-ep' eL
ti-'a'pau-te<
ti-ki'e-k' a-ka-
tic-ta'-a'mka se
to-ko-lecxai-ta
if I am able
(asked) if he could
if I had
if I have them, when
if it is not filled
if I overtake him
if I don't sing
if I were able
if it does not rain
I have them
Dependent
Dependent clauses of purpose, intent, doubt, possibility, following
verbs of command and similar constructions are introduced by the
prefix en- ( em, $, in, iy, an, on, um, etc. ) .
34. en-, dependent.
(commanded) to go
in order to sleep
to please myself
i n order to see
in order to tell
so that it entered
(said) to come
to see if I can
(sh-3 whom [) seek
(he who) speaks
what I may desire
(commanded) to make
(commanded) to stop it
(go) to see
so that not to fight
so that not
en-t'-ya'
en-ka'u
e-'n-i-ts 'e-na' '
<en-ts'e"n
'en-tico-'p
em-k< -cu-'lukne
em-ya'<
em-e'tikas (M)
em-tc'au
em-sek'
tas-em-a-'lox
e m -p-eta'ko
m -p-etc'e-ko
I'N-t-i 'ts 'e-k<
j?7-kera"-k 'a' Li"
' iyj-kera '-racrake
an-p-alelek (S)
q,n-ti-xo't 'op'
a/-a/mko
oN-p-apa.'yu
on-e'-p-o'x
um-ta-'ne (M)
if I ask
(let me) pass
(to see) if I can
in order to copulate
in order to enter
(told) to give
Purposive
Another prefix of somewhat similar significance but much rarer
than en- is na. In the majority of cases it appears to introduce
dependent clauses of purpose. Its characteristic vowel seems to be
modified by that of the pronominal subject.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 45
35. na-, purposive.
na-acak in order to eat
n-um-ye"m that you may know
na-paLa let us dance
na-k'a'ltena they are fighting
Substantive
A prefix of very dubious nature is se-. In some cases it appears to
be an independent auxiliary verb, either preceding or following the
main verb. (Cf. four of the examples of the conditional prefix.)
But ordinarily it precedes the verb and may be considered either as
prefix or proclitic. In many cases it appears to have a substantive
value and consequently is thus named, though in many other examples
its exact value is problematical.
36. se-, substantive.
se-a'telo 'i thou art my companion
se-ke'ra ' no
se-k-ts'e'p thus it is worth
se-ko-ts'e'p it is not good
se-k< -La'm-a-ilak' they are gourmands
se-k-sa-'teL they used to speak
se-ka' 'wu.ox he slept
se-ka'wu-cko" he was sleeping
se-k'i-cxa'lo- ' he was afraid
se-k'-ce'tep'-Lo he was already dead
se-p-astcene"ko he lost it
se-p-eta"ko he must respect
se- 'Mma'wu-mo" and thou carriest it
se-k-icxa"-u-mo ' they will eat thee
se-ki-lo' he went
se-cko" he remained
se-p' -xa'p< ko he dug
se-k'o'lpax it sprung up
VEEB STEM
Following the verbal proclitics, the proclitic subjective pronoun
and the prefixes comes the verb stem. Little need be said about this.
A complete list of verbal stems is given in the vocabulary. They are
of many phonetic types and apparently of no standard form. The
exact form of any verbal stem is frequently difficult to determine in
the absence of numerous paradigms, due to the practical universality
of certain affixes with certain stems. Thus it has been impossible to
determine in many cases whether an initial p, k, m, or t is a part of the
stem or not. Such dubious elements have ordinarily been placed in
parentheses and all hapax legomena have been starred.
46 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and JSthn. [Vol. 14
Verbal stems are varied by means of infixes and suffixes to form
the plural. These have already been treated under pluralization
(p. 22). Pluralization of the verbal stem may denote any form of
duplication: plurality of the subject or the object, or iterative,
habitual or repetitive action. The context generally determines the
exact meaning.
A few examples by Sitjar suggest that a change in the character
of a stem vowel may denote the frequentative :
p-amo f leko give alms frequently p-ama f leko give alms
m-amo"lek Give alms thus! m-ama*lek Give alms!
OBJECTIVE PRONOUNS
Immediately after the verb stem follows the pronominal object.
This is expressed by suffixing to the verb stem pronominal elements
more or less closely related to the other forms of the personal pronoun.
The combination seems to be closer than in the case of the enclitic sub-
jective forms. When a personal pronominal object is indicated the
subject is always expressed by the independent form. The objective
pronouns of the Antoniafio dialect are :
Singular
1 aic, hak
2 ka
3 o, ko
Plural
1 t'ak
2 t'kam
3 ot, kot, tko
The simple forms need no explanation :
p-ale-'l-hak mo' thou asked me
p-ale-'l-ka' he'k I asked thee
p-ale-'l-ko mom you asked him
p-ale-'l-t'ak heyo" he asked us
p-ale-'l-t'kam ha'k we asked you
p-ale-'l-kot heyo"t they asked them
mo' p-cik 'a'iy-ak thou kicked me
heyo" p-cik 'ai'ka he kicked thee
he'k p-eik'ai'-ko I kicked him
heyo"t p-cik 'ai'l-t 'ak they kicked us
heyo" p-cik 'ai'-t'kam he kicked you
mo' p-cik 'ai'-ko heyo"t thou kicked them
The forms of the first and second person require absolutely no
comment but those of the third person are more variable.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 47
Third personal objective forms are -o, -ko, -xo, -tko, -oi, ~kot, -xot,
-tkot and -k. With a few inexplicable exceptions, forms involving the
element o are found only in connection with the verbal prefix p-, those
ending in -k only in connection with the verbal prefix A;-.
The forms -o, -ko and -xo are probably phonetic variants of one
form and the same may be said for the forms -ot, -kot and -xot:
p-eta"-ko he made it
p-ise'1-xo he carried all
p-axo.'t-o he smoked him out
p-eik 'ai'-kot I kicked them
pesno'-xot you heard them
p-iam-ot he saw them
Of these the forms -ko and -kot are by far the most frequent. Just
what is the difference between the objective form in -ko and that in
-o is not clear; it is possible that the forms in -xo are really -o pre-
ceded by an x of the verbal stem, but they are unexpectedly frequent.
Between the singular and plural forms of the third person objec-
tive there is considerable interchange. It will be noticed that the
differentiating element between the similar persons of the different
numbers is in every case the element t, probably related to the plural
infix t (no. 15). Thus it appears that the forms of the third person
singular may be used optionally for the plural if the third person
plural independent pronoun is added. The plural infix or suffix t is
also more or less optional when the subject is plural, forming the suffix
-tko or tkot. The following examples of third personal objectives will
well illustrate the variability possible:
ke 'k p-iam-o I saw him
ram-p< -iax-te-ko then he brought another
p-t 'a-k< io'-xo he killed them
p-eik 'ai'-ko heyo"t I kicked them
heyo' ' p' -iam-aNe'lko heyo' 't he saw them
ram-p' -ts 'e-n-tko he observes them
p-cik 'ai'-tko I kicked them
p'-ia'm-o't' they met him
p-esno'-xot heyo' ' they heard him
mom p'-yam-ot heyo"t you saw them
p-cik 'ai'-kot he kicked them
Some of these forms may be paradigms incorrectly given, but the
mass of material seems to show no uniformity, the third personal ele-
ment ko or o being used for either number and the pluralizing element
t added to form kot or tko for either plural subject or object, the inde-
pendent forms being added in apposition in case of possible confusion.
48 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and EtJin. [Vol. 14
Passive Forms
Frequently, particularly when the pronominal subject is plural
and especially with an object of the first person, the passive construc-
tion is preferred to the active. Generally either the independent form
of the subjective accompanies the construction or else the agentive
phrase "by him," "by them" is appended.
The passive verbal complex requires the prefix k- instead of p-
and the objective prefixes end in -k instead of in -o or -ko. The forms
are -aiyik (-aiyak, -i'yax) in the singular and -t 'aiyik in the plural.
k-ci'k 'aiy-aiyik he'k te hiyo"t I am kicked by them
heyo' 't p-cik 'ai'y-ak they kick me
k-alel-aiyik mo' thou art asked
heyo"t p-ale'1-ka' they ask thee
ram-male'nt-a'iyax then it was remembered
malent-xo he remembered it
yom-al-t 'aiyik ha'k we were met
heyo"t p-yam-al-t'ak ha'k they saw us
k-ale'1-t 'ayik mom' ye are asked
heyo' 't p-ale'1-t 'kam they asked you
heyo"t k-ci'k 'ail-taiyik they are kicked
heyo"t p-ci'k 'ail-tko they kicked them
SUFFIXES
The elements of the verbal complex following the stem and the
objective pronoun are rather difficult to classify. Certain of them
appear to be true suffixes, generally expressing modal distinctions
and others, such as temporal qualifiers and the pronominal subject,
are normally independent and, when combined in the verbal complex,
evidently serve only as enclitics. Others appear to fall in the class of
enclitics as regards their meaning but are not found in independent
position. These have arbitrarily been classed as enclitics. The modal
suffixes will first be considered.
There are four elements which may be considered as true verbal
suffixes expressing various modal distinctions. These are passive,
causative, and two desiderative forms.
37. -a', (M) -ap, passive, reflexive.
t-eta-x-a' which should be done
ra'm-t'-eta-h-a' and it was done
me'-p-am-k-a' how you may be killed
ko-yem-a" he was not seen
k-yam-a he"k I was seen
mo-t-as-io-a-ko (S) thy being named
1918]
Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians
49
p-esnai' '-ya
a'me-t-etax-a'p (M)
le-t-etah-a'pu (M)
m-ax-ap (M)
la'lu-a'p (M)
mi's-lip-ap (M)
he was heard
and it was done
when it was done
climb up! (ax place)
he departed (la'lu-o leave)
stinking (mis smell)
38. -at, -t, (-te), causative.
yema-t-a-'k (S)
am-p-ia-'-t-ko
yax-te'-k'
k<-mit'k-a-'t-ek<
p-aktci-u-at-ak (S) they made me thirsty
p-col-a-'t' -ko-ten he treed him again
m-anem-t-ak (S) pardon me!
Possibly:
k-a-'s-et* he is named
show me!
he sent them
bring him!
ne chased them off
p'-iem-et'
ame-t< -ya'
yax
k< -mi't 'ik
k-akca'
k-COL
ik-a'nem
k-a-'s-e
(S)
i will see you
he went
come on!
I run
he is thirsty
he climbed
snail I remain?
they call
39. -ce', desiderative, substantive.
The suffix -ce' is doubtless related to the prefix se- and is equally
difficult to analyze correctly. A number of cases undoubtedly express
a substantive meaning, identical with prefix se- when used as a sub-
stantive. Yet others appear to express some psychological idea such
as desire, generally being suffixed to verbs which are themselves
dependent on some verb of desire, thought or some similar concept.
It is therefore not a true desiderative. It is quite possible that both
here and in the case of prefix se- the substantive forms should be
eliminated and placed in a separate category as constituting a different,
though homonymous element.
ctelwa"-l-e"k-ce'<
ka-'wiya-k' -ce'
kauya-c-e'k
ta'me-la-'p'-se-to' (M)
p-alox-he' 'k-ce '
p-alox-nel-kek-ce
p-alxo-ce'
p-aLxo-xek-ce
ram-ko-'-neka '-ce '
ta-a-'mela-'i-ce'
p-i-se-'lxo-k'sa'-ce'
ku-t< ia.'-t< -ia '-lo-'-ce '
ram-k' tr-ts 'e-'nu '-k< sa-lo-'ce '
p-a-ke' 'n-u-k' sa-lo-'ce '
malentxo-ce'
I am getting to be an old man
it is very hot
I am hot
and there was the raven again
a desire, I desire
desires
a desire
I would like to (but can 't)
he did not wish to
(he wanted) them to be killed
(he tried to carry) them all
he did not wish to go yet
then he was very contented
he thought that
he remembers
50 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
40. -ya', desiderative.
The suffix -ya' is a rather dubious and rare suffix but the few exam-
ples of it found seem to carry a desiderative significance.
ra-ko"-icxai'-ya' that it did not wish to dawn yet
kwa-'haliya f I wish to kill
ki'-at '-ya-lo-he' 'k I wish to go now
te-ce'tep'-ya' he was as if dead
ko-citip'-yA' he did not die
k-iyax-eL-yi they wish to come
ENCLITICS
There are six particles of varied significance which are never found
in independent position but always suffixed to a verb or, rarely, to
some other part of speech. These might possibly be considered as
verbal suffixes were it not that their meanings are rather different
from those of the true verbal suffixes and more akin to those of the
true enclitics. These may be termed the quasi-enclitics ; they express
modal and temporal qualifications. The true proclitics, which are
normally found in independent position are the tense elements and
the pronominal subject.
Quasi-enclitics
41. -ten', (M) ton', iterative.
The verbal suffix or enclitic -ten' in Antoniafio, -ton' in Migueleiio
is doubtless akin to the nominal plural ten' (no. 8) and indicates
"again," "another."
ra-ke'ra'-te'n'-lo' (he told them) that there was no more
p-a-'lxo-teN I want more
ka-'u-ten' he also slept
k'-t'o'xo-ke-teN he was also a murderer
p' -Ne' ' e wu-teN he seized him again
ko-citip-ten ' he did not die again
na'lye-ton' (M) they await another
ne'lj-to'N (M) he also seized it
noi'yo'ton' (M) he went to gather again
42. -ts'e, iterative.
The verbal enclitic -ts'e appears to mean also "again," "another,"
and the difference in meaning from -ten' is not apparent.
ra'm'-ecxa-i-ts'e it dawned again
ra'm-t' -ia-ts 'e he went again
ra-m-sma'k'ai-ts'e and it became night again
ra'm-t'i-cko-ts'e and he was there again
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 51
ta'm-tiea-k-ts'e' and he began again
p-eta" a ko-ts'e' he did (evil) again
ca-ke-ni'-ts'i they aimed again
k'a-'ltena-lo-ts' we will fight again
no'<-k<e-ts'a (M) 1 first
p' -mat 'axo-tsa I used to tamp them
p-ya-'m-ts'e I used to look
43. -fia, distributive.
The enclitic fia' means "each," "every" and when suffixed to
verbs gives to them a distributive significance.
k-otco-xna-gas-t'ia' he ran dripping
te-to"m-t<io' wherever it dropped
t'oL-t'ia every one
44. -an, (M) -ani, expletive.
An enclitic -an or -ani is frequently suffixed to imperative and
other forms of verbs, apparently as a mere expletive, though it may
be akin to the future particle. It is frequently translated by the
Spanish "pues. "
ya'x-tek '-cm well, let it come!
ts'ep'-ct.n well, good!
m-i'cxo'-ha"k t -a'N it is better that thou eat me
ma 'we-'xe '-an-k< sa" place thyself firmly!
ka'xaw-an they slept
xai-pa'ko-a'Ni (M) well, impel thyself!
There remain two quasi-enclitics which appear to refer to tense ;
at least the examples of them suggest no uniformity except that of
past intransitive tense. The main tense signs are independent adverbs
and only sporadically enclitic, while these two forms appear never to
occur independently or to be related to any independent adverbial
form. They partake therefore of the nature of enclitics and are occa-
sionally suffixed to other parts of speech than verbs. No difference
between them has been discerned.
45. -tek', (M) -tek, past intransitive.
, ce'tep-te'k' he died
ce'tep'-na'as-te'k' he died
ke'ra'-te'k'-ksa he was not seen
ts'a'telo-m-tek'-k'sa' it became cold
t'o'loinox-tek' it is finished
ta'mi-ya.-tek (M) he went (to bring)
ta'mi-yax-tek (M) I came
tame-xwe-n-tek he arrived
tame-lam-tek and he ate
The enclitic -to' is found principally in the Migueleiio dialect.
52 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
46. -to, (M) -to', past intransitive.
raM-t< -ia-'-to soon he went
t< i-k-iya-'-to who knows where they went
p-ecxai'-to '" (M) it dawned
me-p-ecxad-to' (M) in the morning
ta'me-lam-tek-t' o e (M) and I ate
tame-nal-k< e'-t< o ' (M) I filled myself
ki-ke.'to' (M) I went
neij-k'e-to' (M) he went to fetch
toi'x-to' (M) another
Tense Enclitics
Absolute tense is normally expressed in Salinan by means of inde-
pendent adverbial particles. These normally follow the verb and
frequently are interposed between the preceding verb stem and the
following enclitic pronominal subject; in this case the three are fre-
quently combined by elision into a single complex. The same particles
are frequently suffixed to other parts of speech and give to them the
same qualifications of tense.
Past tense is normally expressed by the particle le-16, le-lu-, lei, lo',
(M) le-16 1 '. This is generally reduced in the enclitic forms.
47. -lo, -le', -leu', -1-, past tense.
ki-lo-he"k I went
ki-he"k-lo I went
ki-l-e"k I went
ra-ko-t' -ia-'-lo and they did not go
ko'-yema '-lo' they did not find him
k< -ce-'pa '-lo' 1 he became afraid
p-yam-hek-lelo I saw her before
k-amt'e-1-ek now I can hunt
nap<-Le" (M) he cooked this
kewe-ts'na-le" (M) he comes shouting
sekelelep-le'ij ' (M) . he enveloped it
yent< xo-le'lj ' (M) he almost overtook him
ki'y ax-leu' (M) he is coming
Some instances of the same enclitic suffixed to words other than
verbs are :
k'Lu'wa-16 long ago
ha"k-lo now from henceforth
ke'ra'-lo there is no more
k'o'nxa-lo' it was already late
ma-keu-leL where they were
rump* a-ke/u-lo-ta ' there where he is
lo.'ra ' already
ctelwa' '-1-e 'k-ee'< I am an old man already
1918] Mason: The Language of the tsalinan Indians 53
Present time is normally not expressed in the verbal complex;
when required it is denoted by the independent adverb taha or to,-,
(M) tana' '. The idea expressed seems to be that of proximate time,
either just passed or approaching. Very rarely is this element found
as a verbal enclitic in the form of -ta.
48. -ta, present tense.
ki-yax-ta he is coming now
hek-ta-p-iam-o I am going to see him
k< -yam-o-l-ek-ta I saw him just now
In combination with other parts of speech it occurs also :
me-sma'kai-ta tonight
na-ta.-sma'kai tonight
me-ko'nxa-ta this afternoon
Future time is expressed by the adverb no-no, or non. appearing
as enclitic in the verbal complex in the form no or n.
49. -no, -n-, future tense.
kI-'-n-e'k< I am going
ki'-no-hek I am going
ki-he'k-no I am going
tc 'a-'uye '-no" they seek him
te-t* -iya-no'' in order to go
ake-t<me-'-ke'-no'< where are you going?
nap'-no'na (M) it is cpoked
xa-ta-no-k'e" (M) i am going to weep
p-a'mtak-no' (M) he will seize them
ki'yax-no" (M) there he comes
pt'eka--n-ek heyo" he will kill me
pt 'eka-n-he"kiyax he win kill you
pt'eka-n he"k I will kill him
me-'to-n-e'k' I will try it
tas-k-co'une.-n-ek' i am going to kindle it
ki--n-e"k< I go
The same particle is also found suffixed to other parts of speech :
ka's-no just now
k< Lu'wa '-no'-p< a little time passed
A more or less dubious particle which apparently denotes future
time, possibly more distant than no is mas.
50. -mas, future tense.
hek-mas-p-yam-o I will see
ke'ra '-mas-ko-licxai' ' it will not rain forever
xa'ta-mas-he'k I will weep
54 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol.14
A few uniform examples secured by Henshaw from the Migueleno
dialect suggest that position may be of some importance in the deter-
mination of tense. Thus in several examples the pronoun is suffixed
for the present tense and prefixed for the past. It is a question how
much reliance is to be placed on this material.
seku-ke-meka I am talking ke-seku-meka I was talking
hati-ke-meka I am crying ke-maka-hata I was crying
kaka-ke-maka I am singing ke-maka-kaka I was singing
In the material of Sitjar and Henshaw many verb endings are
found which are not explicable by any of the above rules and do not
appear to be parts of the verb stem. A few such examples are also
found in the present textual material. It has been necessary to dis-
regard these sporadic irregularities since not sufficient examples of
any instance have been found to warrant formulation and inclusion
here would only tend to confuse the work of Salinan comparisons.
ENCLITIC PRONOMINAL SUBJECT
As has before been remarked, the pronominal subject, in independ-
ent position and form, normally follows the verb. But in rapid speech
tense adverbs and the pronominal subject tend to become abbreviated
and to coalesce with the verb stem, forming a complex. Practically,
this phenomenon is limited to the first person singular which is abbre-
viated to -ek. The first personal plural form does not seem to abbre-
viate to -ak, possibly to avoid confusion with the first personal singular
objective pronoun -ak. The forms of the second person, commencing
as they do with a consonant, are not susceptible of abbreviation and
the third personal pronominal subjective forms are ordinarily not
expressed.
ctelwa"-l-e'k-ce I am an old man already
tas-k-co'une.-n-ek' but I will kindle it
ADVERBS
Independent adverbs play an important part in Salinan, owing to
the paucity, in the verbal complex, of particles expressing adverbial
concepts. Thus most of the locative and temporal relations are
expressed by independent adverbs. Lists of these adverbs will be
found in the vocabulary. In a few cases adverbs are composed with
prefixes; these will be given below.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 55
TEMPOEAL ADVEBBS
A particle me- when prefixed to temporal nouns or adverbs denotes
time when. It is undoubtedly the same element as the verbal prefix
me- "when," (no. 19).
51. (19) me-, time when.
me-t 'oL-to'kena'-ten another day
me'-t'ol-lice" the following year
me-Lpa'L in the summer
me'-smakai tonight
me-ko'nxa' this afternoon
me'-ecxai in the morning
me-t'oL-ten the next time
me'-t 'oL-k 'we'L another time
t< a'CNe'L-me' sometimes
Similarly a nominal prefix no- appears to denote definite time in
the past.
52. no-, time when (past).
no-ko'nxa' yesterday
no-icxai' ' this morning
no-wa.na" yesterday morning
no-tcieyo yesterday
no-p'a' day before yesterday
LOCATIVE ADVEKBS
Locative constructions are expressed in three ways.
The broader and more general relations expressed by many Eng-
lish prepositions are in Salinan expressed by an independent or procli-
tic particle tu (less often te, ti), evidently related to the prepositional
te. In such cases it means "in," "on," "from," "onto," "upon,"
"to," "by," "up," "into," "over," "within," etc. Either rest or
motion is implied. In many, possibly most cases, it appears as turn,
rarely as tumd, the difference in meaning from tu being not evident.
The second class of locative constructions comprises the more gen-
eral locative adverbs such as "here" and "there."
The third class comprises the more definite adverbs, generally
expressed by prepositions in English, such as "down," "beneath,"
"beside," "within," etc. Lists of both of these classes are given in
the vocabulary. Many of these are nominal in character and require
a locative adverbial or prepositional prefix. These prefixes seem to
be varying combinations of four elements: tu (ru or ti), ma, um
and pa.
56
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
53. ma-, place whither, place where.
ma-le-mo' over, above
ma-la-'k'o at the foot, below
ma-t-ika'ko up
ma-t-icxe'wu at the foot
ma-t'uLni on the hill
ma,-swida to the city
ma-ke'u to where they were
ma-te-mo' on the house
ma-k'e'weL to the north
ma-pxa'nol at the south
ma/ there
54. tuma-, place ivhither.
tu-ma-kLi-he"
tu-ma-k 'e-'nax
down
whither I had come
55. um-, place where.
um-te'ma
um-titc V 'ma
um-le'saM
um-la-'mka
em-k 'we'L
em-t'ka'teno
in my house
on his back
at Morro
at the beach
through the world
on the buttocks
56. turn-, rum-, hom-, place where.
rum-t'ca" in the water
hom-t< -a" a ko on his head
tum-tetoke'u from there
tum-tce'N outside
57. umpa-, rumpa-, tumpa-, place ivhither, place where.
umpa-k 'e' e -nax where I came
umpa-f k-o'ma at, to your houses
umpa.-tc'a" to the water
ump< a-ka-le-lu- where you were
tumpa, rumpa there, thither
58. tu-, ru-, place whither.
tu-wr '
tu-wi-tce'n
ti-sk 'am
hither
outside
close by
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 57
OTHER PARTS OF SPEECH
PEEPOSITIONS
The connective prepositional relations, as distinguished from the
locative prepositional relations are expressed by the omnipresent
particle te. This is most frequently translated by the English preposi-
tion "to," but also by "of," "from," "with," "in," "by," "than,"
' ' that, " " for, ' ' and others. It expresses most of the oblique case rela-
tions of the Latin genitive, dative and ablative, the infinitive and
participial relations, besides following most verbs of thinking, desiring,
trying, beginning, ceasing, ability, knowing, purpose, etc. Its normal
form seems' to be te or ti, but the vowel is very often assimilated to the
vowel of the following stem as ta, to or tu. It similarly often combines
with the particle pe to tup and with the pronoun mo to turn. Examples
of its use are innumerable in the texts. They include such construc-
tions as :
He finished from work We began to shoot
I wish to eat I told him to do it
I shot with an arrow I think that he will come
You know it to be bad Better man than you
In order to sleep It was given for her
Why did he go? He came to us
Some of my arrows Go with him
Was killed by them I am able to shoot
He tried to run Makes no difference to me
It is full of atole
ADJECTIVES
As in the case of many or most American languages, the adjective
partakes very largely of the character of the verb and might possibly
be considered as a verb, though lacking many typically verbal func-
tions. Thus "blue flower," "strong man," "warm day" are syntac-
tically rather "the flower is blue," "the man is strong," "the day is
warm." Adjectival roots thus normally bear the intransitive verbal
prefix k and are susceptible of change to denote the singular or plural
number to agree with their qualified noun. They lack the tense-mode
affixes peculiar to verbs.
58 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
Several good examples of the inter-relation between adjectival and
other stems are :
k-i/sil-e' all
p-i-se-'l-xo (carried) all
m-isil-i (tell) all!
k-ecxo'n-e poor
p-ecxo'n-ect it pains you
tet-ecxo'n-i' the poor one
In two of these cases an adjectival suffix -e appears to be present ;
this is not found in a sufficient number of examples to warrant its
formulation as a rule. A large number of apparently adjectival stems
are given in the appended vocabulary.
DEMONSTEATIVES
The principal demonstratives "this," "that," "these," "those,"
are employed very frequently, pe, "that," "those" generally serving
as equivalent to the English definite or indefinite article. They are
invariable in form as regards number. Full lists will be given in the
vocabulary.
CONJUNCTIONS
Conjunctions or connectives are of considerable importance in
Salinan and frequently used. They are generally prefixed as procli-
tics. A list of them will be found in the vocabulary.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 59
PART III. TEXTS
The texts following are appended as material illustrative of con-
nected Salinan speech. Interlinear translations are given following
as closely as possible the sense and order of the Salinan original, and
free translations are appended for a fuller understanding of the con-
text, and because of the interest they bear to mythological and folk-
lore studies. Both the dialects of San Antonio and of San Miguel are
represented, the former composing the first part and the majority of
the material.
The Migueleno texts were all taken in 1916 from Maria Ocarpia,
an elderly woman living at the "reservation" at the foot of Santa
Lucia Peak, a little north of San Antonio Mission. All of the texts
secured from her are original and the great majority are of myth-
ological importance. It is doubtful if the dialect is represented in its
aboriginal purity, but undoubtedly no better material is securable at
present.
The Antoniailo texts are a more heterogeneous body. First in order
in the following material are the texts of David Mora, a pure Anton-
iafio Indian. These also probably represent as pure a dialect as is
procurable at present. These texts supply the bulk of the material
and are for the most part original, and of considerable mythological
interest. Two texts at the end of this group were translated into
Salinan by the informant from the Spanish originals taken from Juan
Quintana, an aged Indian unavailable for linguistic purposes. They
are of mythological value but the native form and syntax can not be
above suspicion of Spanish influence.
The balance of the material was given by Pedro and Maria Encin-
ales, members of the best known surviving Salinan family. The father,
Eusabio Encinales, was of the San Antonio group but the mother, Per-
fecta, belonged to the other division and spoke Migueleno. It is gen-
erally admitted that the language spoken by the children is rather
hybrid and must therefore not be taken as a standard. Moreover they
are quite ignorant of stories of mythological value. First in this group
are a series of texts, mostly short, given by Maria Encinales. They
were translated into Salinan from the Spanish of Juan Quintana and
are included because of their mythological value and because voluntary
60 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
text material was rather scanty. But they should not be regarded
as standard. Last are a series of texts secured from Pedro Encinales,
the first informant used. All but one of these were secured in the
fall of 1910 in San Francisco, the one exception being secured in 1916.
Most of them were voluntary but only a few of any mythological inter-
est. Three were translated from mythological texts secured from other
linguistic groups and already used several times in similar circum-
stances with other Californian languages.
The reader is referred to page 186 of the author's ethnological
paper for a discussion of Salinan mythology. In the appended mytho-
logical material the importance of cosmogonical legends is again
demonstrated, an interesting point being the widely variant forms
which a myth may assume even among closely related and contiguous
groups, as witness the variant forms for the "Beginning of the
World," "The Theft of Fire" and other myths of this type. These
kinds of myths are of widespread occurrence on the Pacific Coast.
Apparently of more local interest are the incidents, evidently parts
of an important culture epic, relating the adventures of the culture
heroes, Prairie-Falcon and Raven, in ridding the country of maleficent
characters. The explanatory element, already referred to in the
former paper, is again well exemplified in the accompanying material.
DIALECT OF SAN ANTONIO
PEAIEIE-FALCON, EAVEN AND COYOTE is
kLa'p-ai /?ehiyo-'t ra^mt' ia-'teL xo't'Lop' ro r pt'e-mo'
Are three the they. Then went they, passed by his house.
ra-'mt'e'i belk'a' k'ts'e'ik' nacte-lwa" k' cau Vena-'ni
Then said the coyote, "Go see this old man, is dancer!
polo'x tato-'ki po'lox ra'mteta'k' ka'c-el o r smahate'L
Enter within ! Enter ! ' ' Then said, ' ' Sit down, beauties ! ' '
ra'mt' 6 pa-ta" 'nts'e/' e n ro/3ata-'ma' sniahate'L
Then said, "Dance in order to see by the men beautiful."
ra'mt'e' 6 af ctelwa"le'k ce'me-'tone'k' a"a-mko
Then said, "All right, old man already I. Try will I if can
ti'ca-'wena-ni ka-'wiyak' ce ' na'taa' taskco'une-nek'
to dance. Hot is now, but kindle will I.
ra"me-t ripa-'ta ra'mpet'e-ko tetsV'wu ra'mtica-k'
Then try to dance." Then straightened his tail, then lifted
is Told by David Mora, 1916. Cf. Ethnology, p. 193.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 61
tipa-'ta pike'le-ntxo me'ca-k' tupke-'wu ita-ma sk'amksa"
to dance. Whirled around continually to where men, close more
me'ca-k' tuptuhe'nu peta-ma" t'ka'teno becuwa'
continually to their faces the men his anus the skunk.
ra'mteta'k yax rask'a'm ksa yaxten k'sa
Then said, "Come to close more! Come again more
rask'a-'mk'sa' we'tenk'sa" pa-'lxo tep'a'lo ramha'la'
to close more!" ? Wished to fire. Then threw
tu/3eka-'wi tc'xa" ke'na-yok' k'sa' emk' cu-'lukne
with the hot stone. Hit him more so that entered hole.
ra'me'het'e/nxa' ra'mtV 6 aha' peLk'a" xomo" Iwa"
Then ran around. Then said, "Yes! The coyote bad man!
xai'ya' tema-'t'u ra'mt' xwene-lax pese-mta'N ' amte/?eck 'an
Many to kill!" Then arrived they the children. Then said the hawk,
semta'N teskl-'ntui' me'na'ko tuksu'nun kara'mas
"Children, to be thin why your legs! Not more,
ko'tap'e-L name-'n ra'me-ti' teta-'poi 'yx peticxe-ple'to
not fill this hand!" Then tested to feel their feet.
amko'tapeL ra'mtetaij n laik' rake'ra 'ten 'lo' kera-lo"
And not filled. Then said to not again already, not already.
ra'mMot'oxo ra'mpl e i-t' xo ramtoki kwa-'p r nia'lo-L
Then squeezed them, then threw them to within sweathouse. Flew
taa'so rumto-'ki taa'u' ra'mtetak' peLk'a' ma"nten'ri N
helplessly to within fire. Then told the coyote, "Come also here!"
ra'mti tame'na'ko ti'ya'ten' te-'le' po'xra' ramko'neka 'ce '
Then said, "Then why to go also?" "Hurry! Enter!" Then not obeyed.
ra'mtispa'lax kli"yai'yax rurato-'ke taa'u' amkLo-'L
Then seized, threw to within fire. Then burnt
ro/3e belk'a xomo'lwa' pa-'lxo ra'a'mela'i terete'
by the the coyote. Bad man! Desired to be killed. Therefore said,
polo'x ko'te'ik'sa' xomo" Iwa" pa-'lxo taa'mela-'ice '
"Enter!" Not said more. Bad man! Desired that be killed
yo" u ra'Mt'ia-teL ramko'lo-li' t'ia" bela" pe'snai'yax
he. Then went they, then played flute. Went the raven. Heard
a'ha-ti' tu^tulola'iyo bela" ra'mte'ta'k taa'steN
music of his flute the raven. Then said, "What again
no'vi' k Vines ta-koi'yu' nuk'a'xa-t'i Iwa" ra^ke'rum'
this which cried! Not it is music man! Then wherefrom
ke-no'xo pek'a'xa-te teti'cupax k'sa peaha-ti"
comes the music?" To hear more the music.
ramko'tictok'sa' ra'ke rakot'ia-lo ra'ke SC'NJ' kas
Then not seen more anywhere; to not go already anywhere; walked only
62 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
tepa'sia-lten' yo' k'a'le'p bela" ramku'yema' akaa-'su
to stroll again. He lost himself the raven. Then not was seen. "What think
me'na'ku tika'lep ramktc 'a-'uye ' ramko'yema 'M kete-ke"wu
why to lose?" Then sought, then not found went where.
tc 'a-'uye' me'ca-k yo' ram-ale-'nta 'iyax teno-'nanax
Sought continually he. Then remembered to collect
pet' a xa-'yuxten tc 'a-'uye' no' t'a-penya' yora'M
the bears. Sought ? gathering. He then
ta'na-ta 'iyax teho't'ap' ca-xa'ta ca-ke"nu t'ia"
allowed them to pass. "Open mouth!" Pointed, went.
ra-'mp' iaxteko t'oLten' ca-xa'ta' p'ca-'ke'nu t'ia" pexwe'n
Then brought another. "Open mouth!" Pointed, went the arrive.
xot'o'p yaxte'k'ten t'oL ra'mt'e' peselo-T k Vines
Passed. "Bring another one!" Then told the mouse, shouted
t'iya'x ra'mt'e ' ka'xai telwane' ra'ts'am-is CO-' U L
to come. Then said, "Afraid! Strong!" Then shouted, climbed up,
t'ia'x telwane' ka-mxwe'n petaxai" ra'mt'i' peselo-'i'
came strong. Arrived the bear. Then said the mouse,
ka'xk'o' na' setelwane' a'mca-ke-ni a'mt'e'ta'k ea-xa'ta'
"Careful! This is strong!" Then pointed, then said, "Open mouth!"
ra'mt'i' te'peN tu'le-t ka"a-mko te'ca-'xata'
Then said, "Hurts tooth! Not able to open mouth."
ra'mca-ke-ni'tsT ca-xa'ta' skomo" gas amk'ne'ka'
Then pointed again. "Open mouth little only!" Then obeyed;
peta"ko k'su-'lukni ka'skumu petee'lko a'mteta'k
made opening only small the his mouth. Then said,
a"imya" ra'mhala' umckVyu Lk Vlt' epak' sat' ya'
"Go ahead!" Then used his talons; went rolling down.
'amteta'k beselo-'i ma 'a" cko"ra' mo'piem'6' tumti-"u
Then told the mouse, "Carry him! Is here! Thou knowest thy ability."
ki'ca-k ma'a-'wu pi-se-'lxo k'sa'ce' ramko'pa-mko
Went carried all more. Then not could;
ke<tc' o-'plo' ra-'mp' ts 'e-'ntko emk'we'L akaa-'so o'yema'
tired already. Then watches in world who sees.
ra'mp' ia-'mo betoo'wu k'so-'menxa' ko'la'le toptoo'wu
Then sees the his face stretched. Ashamed of his face.
rume'pia-'mo ramko'niyi' tetia" make' e wu bexai'ya'
Then sees it; then afraid to go where they the many.
ra-'mpox ru^to'ke k'af ko'ho-ma' to<tolola 'iyu
Then enters to within grass, hides of his shame.
ko'iyema 'lo' gas yo'loptiat'a'iyo
Not is seen already only. He went away.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salman Indians 63
The three friends Prairie-Falcon, Eaven and Coyote passed by the
house of Skunk. Then Coyote said, ' ' Let 's go in and see this old man,
the dancer. Come on in ! " He wanted Skunk to kill them. They
went inside and Skunk said, ' ' Sit down, my good fellows ! ' ' Then said
Coyote, "Please dance, so that these gentlemen may see it." Skunk
said, "All right; I am getting pretty old, but I'll try to dance. But
it 's very hot ; I '11 light the fire and then try to dance ! ' ' Then he
straightened his tail out, lifted it and began to dance. He whirled
around, continually bringing his anus closer to the faces of the friends.
"Come closer!" he cried. "Come closer!" For he wished to shoot
his poison at them. Then Kaven threw a hot stone at him so that it
entered his anus. He ran around in pain. Then he cried out, "Yes,
this Coyote is a bad man; many has he killed." Then he died.
Then came the children of Skunk who were little birds. Prairie-
Falcon said, "Children, why are your legs so thin? They wouldn't
fill my hand ! ' ' He seked their legs to feel them and they did not fill
his hand. "No," he said, "there is no more." He seized them tight
and threw them into the sweathouse. Blindly they flew around into
the fire.
Then said Prairie-Falcon to Coyote, "Come here also!" "Why
should I come?" asked Coyote, frightened. "Come on! Hurry up!"
But Coyote did not obey. And Prairie-Falcon seized him and threw
him into the fire when he was burnt. A bad man was Coyote ; he
wished the others to be killed and so said "Enter!" at the house of
Skunk. But he said no more; he was a bad man for wanting the
others to be killed.
Away they went, Raven playing his magic flute. All the people
heard the music of Raven's flute and said, "What is that noise?
Surely it is not human music! From where comes this music?"
More clearly sounded the music but suddenly it ceased and was not
heard anywhere. The people wandered about but could not find
him; Raven had been lost. "Why do you think he has lost himself?"
they asked. They hunted for him but could not find him ; they hunted
him everywhere. Then Prairie-Falcon bethought himself of the bears
and decided to collect them; he sought them out and gathered them
together, for he suspected that one of them had eaten Raven. He
made them pass by him one by one. "Open your mouth !" he ordered
and pointed his arrow at them. Then he inspected their mouths. One
by one they went and another came. "Open your mouth!" and he
pointed again. "Bring another one!" Finally there remained only
64 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
one ; Prairie-Falcon told Mouse to call to him to come. But Mouse said,
' ' I am afraid ! He is too strong ! " At last Bear came, climbing up
and shouting loudly. Then said Mouse, "Be careful! This one is
very strong!" Prairie-Falcon ordered him "Open your mouth!"
and pointed his arrow. "My tooth hurts," said Bear. "I can't
open my mouth ! ' ' Then he pointed his arrow again. ' ' Open it just
a little ways!" Bear obeyed and opened his mouth a very little bit.
"Go ahead!" he said. Then Prairie-Falcon stuck in his talons and
Bear went rolling down, dead. Then said Prairie-Falcon to Mouse,
"Carry him away! There he is; you know your strength!" Mouse
endeavored to carry Bear away whole, but he could not ; he became
tired. Therefore his nose is stretched out and he goes through the
world watching who notices it. He is ashamed of his face. When he
sees it he is afraid to go where there are many people. Therefore he
keeps in the grass and hides for shame. And he is never seen; he
went away.
Analysis
To give a clearer idea of the nature of the language an analysis
of the foregoing text is presented below. Many of the constructions
are doubtful; in such cases the most doubtful have been assigned a
question mark, the others given the explanation which seems most
probable.
The following symbols are employed in the analysis :
S denotes the stem, verbal or nominal
adj denotes an adjective
adv denotes an adverb
art denotes the article (demonstrative)
con denotes a conjunction or connective
dem denotes a demonstrative
int denotes an interjection
loc denotes a locative adverb
neg denotes the negative
num denotes a numeral adverb
pre denotes a preposition
pro denotes a proclitic
plu denotes the plural, when this is irregular
tern denotes a temporal adverb
The various numbers from 1 to 58 refer to the numbers given the
morphological elements in the preceding grammar.
The pronouns are denoted by a combination of three elements;
the numbers 1, 2 and 3 for the persons, s and p for the singular and
1918]
Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians
65
plural numbers, and i for the independent, s for the subjective, p for
the possessive, I for the locative, o for the objective and pas for the
passive, as:
Iss first person singular subject
2po second person plural object
3ppas third person plural passive
k-Lap-ai
28-num
ram-t' e 'i
pro-S
p-ol-ox
S-14-S
/?e-hiyo-t
art-3pi
be-lk 'a
art-S
ram-t' -ia-teL
pro 29-S-12
xof -L-op' ro-p-t' -e-m-o
S-14-S 58-art-17-S-3sp
k'-ts'e-ik<
30-S-3so
na-cte-lwa'
dem-6-S
ram-te ' e
pro-S
ram-f e ' e
pro-S
ti'-ca-wena-ni
pre-S
ra'-me-t
pro-S
ti-pa-ta
pre-S
sk 'am-ksa'
loc-adv
be-cuwa
art-S
k'sa
adv
ram-hal-a
pro-S-37
ta-to-ki
pre-loc
pa-ta'
s
p-ol-ox
S-14-S
ar
int
ram-te-ta 'k' k-ac-el
pro-S-3po 28-S-12
'n-ts'e/- e n ro-/3a-ta-ma '
pre-dem-S
me-t-on-ek'
34-S-44
cte-lwa '-1-e 'k-ce
6-S-47-lss-39
k-a-wiy-ak' -ce '
28-S-lso-39
ri-pa-ta ram-p-et'e-k-o
pre-S pro-27-S-3so
p-ikele-n-t-xo meca-k'
S-49-lss
nataa'
tern
k' -cauwena-ni
28-S
o-sma-ha-t-eL
32-S-16-S-12
sma-ha-t-eL
S-12-S-12
a '-a-mk-o
34-S-3so
tas-k-coune-n-ek'
con-28-S-49-lss
ram-te-ta 'k
pro-S-3po
ra-sk 'a-m-k' sa'
pre-loc-adv
tu-/?e-k-a-wi
pre-art-28-S
27-S-15-S adv
meca-k' tu-p-t-u-hen-u
adv 58-art-17-S-plu-3sp
yax ra-sk 'am
S pre-loc
weten-ksa ?
S-adv
t-cxa '
17-S
em-k' -cu-lukne ram-ehet 'e/nxa ram-t' e ' e
34-28-S pro-S pro-S
xomo' Iwa' xaiya' t-ema-fu
adj S adv pre-S
pe-se-mtaN ' amte-^e-ck 'an semtaN
art-Splu pro-S-art-S Splu
tuk-sunun kara '-mas ko-t-ap' e-L
2pp-S neg-adv 31-29-S
te-ta-p-oi'-yax pe-t-icxe-p-let-o am-ko-t-apeL
pre-S-37-3ppas art-17-S-13-3sp pro-31-29-S
t-ets' e 'w-u
17-S-3sp
tu-p-ke-wu
58-art-3sl
pe-ta-ma'
art-S
ram-t-ica-k'
pro-29-S
i-ta-ma
t 'katen-o
S-3sp
yax-ten
S-41
te-p'-al-o
pre-27-S-3so
k'sa'
adv
pe-Lk'a'
int art-S
ram-t' -xwen-e-lax
pro-29-S-ll
te-skl-ntui ' mena 'ko
pre-adj 24
na-me-n ram-me-t-i '
dem-S pro-S-?
ram-te-ta-u n la-ik '
pro-S-plu-14-3po
p-alx-o
27-S-3so
k-ena-y-ok'
28-S-3so
66
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
ram-p-l e i-t' -x-o
pro-27-S-15-S-3po
56-loc
ram-te-tak'
pro-S-3so
ti-ya-ten '
pre-S-41
k-li 'y-ai '-yax
28-S-3 7-3 spas
be-lk 'a xomo-lwa '
adj-S
ko-te 'i-k' sa'
31-S-adv
raM-t' -ia-teL
pro-29-S-12
ram-Mot 'ox-o
pro-S-3po
rum-to-ki t-aau '
56-loc 17-S
ram-ti ta-mena 'ko
ra-kera '-ten '-lo' kera-lo'
pre-neg-41 47 neg-47
rum-toki kwa-p< ma-lo-L taaso
S S-14-S adv
pe-Lk 'a ma 'n-ten-ri
art-S int-41-loc pro-S pre-24
te-le' pox-ra' rarn-ko-neka '-ce ' ram-t-isp-a '-1-ax
S S-loc pro-31-S-39 pro-29-S-37-12-3pas
rum-to-ke t-aau' am-k-LO-L ro-/3e
56-loc 17-S pro-28-S pre-art
ra'-am-el-a'i
pre-S-12-37
xomo 1 iwa' p-a-lx-o ta-am-el-a- 'i-ce '
adj S
ram-k-olo-l-i' t' -ia' be-la '
pro-28-S-4 29-S art-S
'iy-o' be-la' ram-te'-ta'k
rt-S pro-S-3so
nu-k '-axa-t 'i Iwa'
dem-28-S S
art-S
p-ol-ox
S-14-S
yo' u
3si
p-a-lx-o
27-S-3so
Iwa'
aha-ti '
S
pre-art-17-S-l-3sp
k- 'ames ta-ko-iyu '
28-S pre-31-3si
k-e-noxo pe-k '-axa-te
28-S art-28-S
terc-te '
con-S
27-S-3so pre-S-12-37-39
pesn-ai 'yax
S-3 7-3 spas
taas-teN
26-8
no-v
dem-?
rarj-ke-rum'
pro-23-56
ra'ke
loc
3si4
ram-ko-tic-t-o-k' sa'
pro-31-S-15-S-adv
kas te-pasia-l-ten'
con pre-S-41
aka-a-su mena 'ku
23-S 24
ke-te-ke 'wu
23-pre-3sl
te-no-nan-ax
pre-S-3ppas
ta-ana-t-a 'i-yax
pre-S-3 7-3ppas
ra-m-p' -iax-te-ko
pro-27-S-38-3so
xot 'op
S
k- 'ames t' i-yax
28-S pre-S
yo-ran
3si-con
29-S
29-S
pe-selo-i !
art-S
te-ticu-p-ax k' sa
pre-S- ?-3spas adv
ra-ko-t' -ia-lo ra 'ke
pre-31-29-S-47 loc
k'-ale'p be-la'
28-S art-S
ti-k-alep ram-k-tc 'a-u-ye '
pre-28-S pro-28-S-plu
tc 'a-u-ye ' meca-k yo
S-plu adv 3si
tc 'a-u-ye '
S-plu
te-hot'ap'
pre-S
t 'oL-ten '
num-8
pe-aha-ti'
art-S
pe-t' a xa-y-uxten
art-S-8
pe-xwen
art-S
ca-xata '
S
ca-xata'
S
t'OL
num
ram-t' e ' k-axai
pro-S 28-S
yax-tek' -ten
S-38-41
Splu
ram-ku-yem-a '
pro-31-S-37
ram-ko-yem-a 'M
pro-31-S-37
ram-male-nt-a 'i-yax
pro-S-37-3spas
t'-a-pen-ya'
17-8-1
ca-ke 'n-u
S-3so
p' -ca-ke 'n-u
27-S-3so
ram-t' e '
pro-S
telwane
adj
110
49
1918]
Mason : The Language of the Salinan Indians
67
ra-ts- 'am-is CO- U L t'-iax telwane
pro-29-S S 29-S adj
ram-t'i' pe-selo-i*" k-axk'o' na 5
pro-S art-S 28-S dem
am-t' e '-ta 'k ca-xata' ram-t'i' tepeN
S pro-S S
ram-ca-ke-n-i '-ts T ca-xata'
pro-S-4-42 S
p-eta '-ko
27-S-3so
pro-S-3so
te'-ca-xata'
pre-S
am-k' -neka '
pro-28-S
am-te-ta 'k a' imya
pro-S-3so int
' am-te-ta 'k be-selo-i
pro-S-3so art-S
ki-ca-k
8-1
ka-m-xwen pe-taxai '
pro-S art-S
se-telwane am-ca-ke-n-i
36-adj pro-S-4
t-ule-t ka '-a-m-ko
17-S 31-S-3so
skomo' gas
adv adv
k' -su-lukni kas-skumu pe-t-eelk-o
28-S con-adv art-17-S-3sp
ram-hal-a ' um-ck 'a u '-yu Lk 'el-t' e-pa-k' sa-t' -ya
pro-S-37 55-S-3sp S-15-S-adv-29-S
Ma a-wu
S-3so
p-i-se-1-xo
27-S-3so
' o-p-lo' ra-m-p r -ts 'e-n-t-ko
28-S-47 pro-27-S-?-15-3so
cko '-ra '
S-loc
k' sa-ce '
adv-39
em-k 'WCL
55-S
mo -p-iem- o
2si-27-S-3so
tum-ti- 'u
2sp-S
ram-ko-p-a-m-ko
pro-31-27-S-3so
aka-a-so
23-S
o-yem-a
32-S-37
ram-p -ia-m-o
pro-27-S-3so
rum-me-p-ia-m-o
pro-19-27-S-3so
pe-t-oo-wu k' -so-men-xa '
art-17-S-3sp 28-S-37
k-ola '1-e ' to-p-t-oo-wu
28-S-4 pre-art-17-S-3sp
ra-m-pox
pro-S
koi-yem-a '-lo'
31-S-37-47
ram-k-oniyi '
pro-28-S
ru-</>-toke k ? at'
58-art-loc S
te-t'-ia<
pre-29-S
ma-ke e wu
53-3sl
be-xaiya'
art-adv
k-oho-m-a'
28-S-37
to-</)-t-olol-a 'i-yu
pre-art-17-S-l-3sp
gas yo'-lo-p-t'-ia-t'-a'i-yo
adv 3si-47-?-29-S-?-37-3si
PEAIKIE-FALCON AND WHITE OWL 1*
teci'k' ka'met'i ru^asna-'k' paxo-'to me'ca-k ramka-' a k'a
White Owl hunted for the kangaroo rat. Smoked it constantly. Then sang :
ts Vxwa-nle'to ti'cxeple'to ticxeple'to ts'o'xwa-nle'to
"Shrunk his foot! His foot shrunk!"
ra'mpesnai 'ya tu</>sk'a'n' ra'mti' 1 yo' p'ia-'mo ce'lo'
Then was heard by the hawk. Then told, "He knows already
ke e wu' tice'tep ra'Mti'ts'omyac pet'ika-kelu ra'mwa-ti"
where to die." Then liked the his song. Then told
tik'a-'k'a ramkai"yax to-loli" rumti-lek'
to sing. Then put flute in hole the flute.
ra'mta-mumpai'i ta'au'u tit'o"n ta'mwa-ti'
Then drew out fire to burn. Then ordered to sing.
peto-loli' '
rik-ak' a
"Told by David Mora, 1916; cf. p. 110.
68 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
ramkopa-lxo tipa'lo pet'ika'keL bek' Epe'snai 'ya tupEskVn
Then not wished to use the song, that heard by the hawk.
prem.6' tisa'l-i' petikake'1-o ko r pa-'lxo tep'a-lo
Knew that disliked the his song; not desired to use
pet'ka-ke'lo heyo" palo'wu ka-'k'ano" ts'ututuya'
the his song he used. Sang, "Tsututuya!
sk'a-'manleto ra^mteta-ko'iyo ' bet'oLten t'ika-'keL
Skamanleto! " Then said, "Not that! The other song
stiyo'Van' ra-'mti' kestiyo'Van' tamka'sno tumxa'lanon
beautiful!" Then said, "Is beautiful then only thy use just now!"
ake-'mxa'lanon anka'snostiyo"win o u na" kap 8 tika-'kelo
"What to use just now?" "Only just now beautiful! " "This is the his song?"
aa' yo' u va' t'a'u-ye' te-le'k' ta'mta-lelaik o'yo'
"Yes, that one." Seek hole. Then asked "Is that?"
'amti' ka'ra' ake'rum sa^xwelyo'x ke-'wu nama't'
Then said, "No!" "Where?" "Smooth-edged, where these animals."
ra'mtc 'auye ' k'ie'ma' pete-lek' ramticpa'n ' bek'at'
Tlien hunted, was seen the hole. Then removed the grass
rupto'me-lo pete-le'k' ra'mtetak wike-'u ramt~uxwen
from the its edge the hole. Then told, "Here!" Then came
pehiyo" ra y mt'eyo" na" a r mtetak-a-ka ra'mk'a-k'a
the he. Then told him this then to sing. Then sang.
ra'mtetak ko'iyo' ramti ake-'rumten tar;ka'snotumha'lan6n
Then said, "Not that!" Then said, "Which again?" "That only thy use
just now! "
ake^emha'la ta^ga'snostiyo'Ven ramka-'k'a ramtetak
' ' What to use ? " "That only just now beautiful ! ' ' Then sang. Then said,
koi'yo' ake'rum. ten' tanga-'sno notumha'lano-' v n6' o-na"
' ' Not that ! " " Which then ? " " That only just now. Thy use just now ! " " Is this ? ' '
yo'ovi' k'a-k'a paxo-'to cko" a^mtetak mena-ni'
"That is." Sang. Smoking it was. Then said, "Come close
ksa' tisk'am pa-'T/ko tita-'mpta' ka'xa-nlo 'ksa-lo" ts'e'ik
more near! Can to emerge now!" Shouted loud already, "Look
k'sa' tisk'a'm ya-'ko tuma'pa-u' yo" ra'mxot' pet'a'a'u
very close! Watch to catch he!" Then blew the fire.
anpena-ne'u 'ksa cko' ra'mxot rume' ramkLo-'oL pecuke'nto
Then approached very was. Then blew then. Then burnt the his eye.
ka'xa-tela' k'sa' t'o'Ne-wu k'sa' cuke-ntu ka'xa-tela'
Wept very. Scratched thus his eye. Wept,
t'ya' rumle-m ramtetak' me"na-ko tetecxo-ni' naka'met'i
went upwards. Then said, "Because poor this hunter;
ke'cxo-nelwa' '
poor man!"
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salman Indians 69
White Owl was hunting for kangaroo-rats ; he constantly smoked
their holes to drive them out. He was feeling happy for he had
found the body of Little Hawk and he sang "His foot is shrunk!
His foot is shrunk!" Prairie-Falcon was looking for his younger
brother and overheard White Owl's song. "He knows where he died"
said Prairie-Falcon to himself; he wanted to hear the song again and
told him to sing again. He went to the other end of the hole and
inserted his magic flute and sucked out the smoke.
White Owl did not want to sing the song over because he knew it
would anger Prairie-Falcon. So he sang instead "Tsututuya!
Skamanleto!" Then said Prairie-Falcon, "No! Not that one! The
other beautiful song ! It is beautiful, the song you sang a moment
ago." "Which one?" "The beautiful one you sang just now!"
' ' This song ? " " Yes, that one ! "
Prairie-Falcon looked for the kangaroo-rat's hole. "Is it this
one?" he asked. "No!" "Where then?" "The one with the
smooth edge, where the animals are." Prairie-Falcon hunted and
found the hole; he removed the grass from the edge of the hole.
"Here it is!" he said. Then came White Owl. Again Prairie-Falcon
asked him to sing and he sang the meaningless song again. "Not
that one ! " " Which one ? " " The one you sang just now. " " Which
one?" "The beautiful one." Then White Owl sang again. "Not
that one ! " " Which, then ? " " The one you sang just now. " " This
one?" "Yes, that one." Then White Owl sang it.
The hole was smoking. Then Prairie-Falcon said, "Come closer!
He may come out now ! ' ' Then he shouted loudly, ' ' Look very close !
Watch and catch him ! ' ' White Owl put his head very close. Then
Prairie-Falcon blew with his magic flute from the other end of the
hole. The smoke and fire came out and covered White Owl's head.
His eyes were badly burnt and he wept and rubbed his eyes. He
wept and flew upwards. Then said Prairie-Falcon, "Because of this
you will be a poor inoffensive hunter, a sorry man!" And White
Owl's eyes are still black.
CEICKET AND MOUNTAIN LION
xo't'up' beta"muL ru<te-mo" beta"muL ramko'p'iem.o'
Passed the puma by the his house. The puma then not knew
tita-m tip' ha'topa-'fca p<cuk 'a 'iko betip' hatopa-'ka ra-'mtekatop'
that house of her dung cow. Trod it the of her dung cow. Then came
rumtcen ra-'mte' me'naV rumco'k 'a 'iyik mate-mo' nata-ma'
to outside. Then said, "Why to tread on their house these men?"
Told by David Mora, 1916.
70 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
ra'mti' beta"muL uwi" k'arme' a' a/' tact' ma-'lox
Then said the puma, ' ' Here we walk. " " Yes, what thy desire
rumco'ka'yi'k nate-'ma ruma-'lox ruma-'x k'a'Li"
to tread this house? To desire to start fight?
yaxtele'k' t'me'so-lta-to ri'cxa'i yo'ra'k'a-Ltena' 'entico-'p
Come thy soldiers tomorrow! Go to fight to see
ta-lwa" ma'a'wuhek loeti'solta-to' yo'ke' w ra'yema-lt'e'
who man. Bring I the soldiers where to see,
yo'ra'ma'me-'t' ra'rnf xwene- 'lax ra'mteta'k ru<Lk'a emya"
to test." Then they came, then said to the coyote to go
ts'e'ntek' oyo"16 ra'mpa-leLko petc'e-T haa' maLtak
see if there already. Then asked him the cricket. "Yes, tell him
rume' entiyaxte-'L rume' ramki' ra'mti' betee-T
then to come then!" Then went, then said the cricket
ru<f>tisolta-to' k' mit 'ka-'tek' palwa" ampia-'tko ka'k'cu
to his soldiers, "Chase him off that man!" Then sent two
leme'm' amkepts 'enla- 'ik emt'ka'teno amk'na-'yi' me'tepts 'e 'n
bees. Then stung him on his rump. Then fled when stung.
amk' Me't W sa tipa-'lxo tito'k'onox t'xwento rumtc'a"
Then ran much to desire to reach soon to water,
tipa-'lxo rimo'kLop belime"m tercto'p'o'inox rumtc'a"
to desire to drown the bees. Therefore dove in water.
pa'lxotela- u wa betep'isri-" klu'wa' teti'ca-k rumtc'a"
Wished to stop the pain. Long to be in water.
yo'ra'mla-wa' betep'Ni' k'luwa' teticko" rumtca"
Then stopped the pain. Long to be in water.
kot'ia-'t'ia' lo-'ce' k'ce-'pa' lo" k' Lu'wa 'ga-s ra'mta-mp
Not wished to go already; afraid already. Long only then left
tet'iyano" teMa-'lta-ko tetickol'lo ra'mt'konox ra'mtatc 'a- u wi '
to go to tell him that there was. Then came, then met
t'uxwe'nto ru<ta'muL a'mta-lela'ik' oyo"16' 'aa'te'
at 'last with the puma. Then was asked if there already. "Yes,
cko'l'lo' ro/?a" ra'mka 'ase-'lo ra-^kaa-'sna k'wo'slop' k'sa"
is already there!" Then added already, "Then but this powerful very!
ta-Viem'o" tati'ca-kai' kwu'slop k'olop ra-'mti'
Who knows to go? Strong very!" Then said
beta"muL ka'me-'t' rome" ra 'mi-'tel-ak ra'mti' petaxai"
the puma, "Try then to beat them!" Then said the bear,
kera' ko'teni-lak tehe-"k' t'o"Ne'wu he-'k' yo' ra'mt'ia-teL
"No! No difference to me! Eub I." He then went,
ka'tc'a-uli' yo 'ra'mti' beta"muL he'l-a' kutc 'e'lnocri
encountered. Then said the puma, "Wait! Stop here!
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 71
ki-he'k' IN ti'ts'e-k' ko'nox tu<ke'u rupre' tc'el'
Go I to see." Arrived at place of king cricket.
ra'mte' peta"muL oyo'lo" af ramo-'mce' ra^kaa'snayo'lo"
Then said the puma if he already. ' ' All right then you! Then but there already!
kaa'st'ka-'me-t'rum' 'amp'ia-'tleko rume' tisolta-teno
But we will try it." Then sent then soldiers.
mi-telau'k' k'sa' betaxai" t'o'Ne'wu k'sace' kaske'ra'
Stung him much the bear. Eubbed much but not
ti-'t'u xwe'nksa" gacko" a-'mti' beLk'a' xala" mpa-tc'a"
did. Came more only were. Then said the coyote, "Jump in water! "
a'mt'iya kMe-'t'ik k'so,' t'ia' ramko'timxoya-k roptep'Ni"
Then went running, but went. Then not endured the pain.
xwe-n ga-'cko beleme'm' ki'sile' lo' gas umtika"wu
Arriving only were the bees all already only on his hide.
ra^mkick'e-le' loga's me'ca-k ra-'mte' peLkV kop'oiteno'x
already only continually. Then said the coyote, "Jump
yo'ra'ka-mk'Ne-'lik kick'e-"le' ga-s me'ca-k
in water! Or to be killed!" Eolled only constantly
betaxai" becuwa" ce'tep'ya me'ca-k ta-'i lo'ga-s
the bear. The skunk dying constantly, pest already only.
amk'Na-'iyi' beLk'a t'o'Lga- v s ke-'u tiha'la' ra'mt'ia'
Then fled the coyote, one only place to sting. Then went,
ku'yema' lo' ti-ke"wu ta'mye-ma' besto" ra'mhala-t'i'
not seen already to place. Then seen the fox. Then stung,
tet'ia-'yu yo' BeLk'a" amk'Na-'yi' k'sa" a'mteta'k
thought him the coyote. Then fled swift. Then said,
ko'mna-yi' mitela-'tak' ramke'ra' ko'pt'a-co ko'telkele-^xa'
' ' Don 't run ! ' ' Attacked. Then no not noticed. Not returned
k'sa" me-iyo" gas bet'ala"iyu ko'tapa-uye' ki- ra'ke'
more. Same only the his appearance. Not overtook. Went there.
ramk' o'ne-t 'ak betc'e-1' pece-"wu beta"muL ra'mteta'k
Then won the cricket; beat him the puma. Then told
peta"muL ta-lwa" homo" uska'he"k< raga-'smo' i-n
the puma, "Who man? Thou or I?" "Surely thou more
l u wa" tihe-"k' ts'epVn tuhe'k' luwa" rumo"
man than I!" "Good! That I man than thou!
ta-sko'mcuka-'yi'kten te'mha-'lo na< ta-ma' numye'm'
But don't tread again their houses these men. In order to know
t' u xo'mo rumco'ka'yik temha-lo nata-ma' meca-'k' ga-s
how bad to trample their houses these men. Always only
e n ts'ep' t'mi'ca-kai' fkera" k'a'Li" kots'ep' tiki'c^i'
to be good thy going to not fight. Not good to be thus.
72 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
gasme'ca-k ke'ra' ke'tc'a-uwe' na'xumo-'ni' ke'ra' ke-'u
Only always no not I seek the evil. No where
ti'o-'wahLik me'ca-k he"k' me'ca-k ra-nmo" xo't'up
to molest constantly I. Always and thou passest
mo" ruwi ta-ke" ranhe-"k ke'^'ni' kica-k tu-wi'
thou to here road, and I walk going here
tee'mo pike-'lentxo he'k' me'ca-k wl tee'mo kera'
his house. Circle I always here his house. No,
ke'ya t'ik'wa" ko'kic mo' ki- to-'kena-teL rumse-'ni'
not I go afar; not like thou go. Days, thy going
ko'kic he'k' ki'yoote' cko' he'k' gas tuwi" tee'mo
not like me. Not I move, am I only here his house.
me"e-ka-wi pox he'k' umto'ki ka'uhek' ke'ra' k'sa'
When I am sleepy enter I to within, sleep I. No more.
ka"a-ke'N k'sa' tet'rya'x ta-'rake" t'e"yo-' he'k' tuwi'
Not think more to come anyone. Alone I here
k'e ts'ep' sma'kai
me. Good . night! "
Mountain Lion was passing by the house of Cricket; he did not
know that the cow dung was a house and trampled upon it. Then
Cricket came out and said, "Why do you trample upon men's
houses?" "I walk where I please," returned Mountain Lion. "Yes,
but why do you want to trample on my house ? Do you want to start
a fight ? All right ! Let your soldiers come tomorrow and we 11 have
a fight to see who is the better man ! I '11 bring my soldiers anywhere
to make the test. ' '
Mountain Lion went home and gathered his soldiers, who were
all the animals. They all came. Then he told Coyote to go and see
if Cricket was ready. The latter went, and asked Cricket if he was
ready. "Yes," said Cricket. "Tell him to come!" Coyote left and
Cricket said to his soldiers, who were the bees, "Chase this fellow
away ! " And he sent two bees after him ; they stung him on his rump.
When they stung him Coyote fled; he ran headlong in his desire to
reach water and drown the bees. Then he dove into the water to
lessen his pain and stayed a long time swimming in the water. At
last the pain stopped but he did not wish to go; he was afraid. He
was in the water a long time. At last he came out and went to inform
Mountain Lion that Cricket was ready for him.
Coyote arrived and at last met Mountain Lion who asked him if
Cricket was ready. "Yes," said he. "They are already there!"
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 73
Then he added, "But they are very powerful. Who knows what we
can do ? They are very strong. " " Nevertheless we will try to defeat
them," said Mountain Lion. Bear laughed derisively and said, "No,
they make no difference to me ! I '11 just rub myself all over and
brush them off!" So they went. Then said Mountain Lion, "Wait
here ! I will go and look. " So he went and soon arrived at the camp
of King Cricket. He inquired if they were ready. "All right! You
fellows! We will try it !"
Then Cricket sent forward his soldiers; they attacked Bear in
swarms. He brushed himself vigorously but could not rid himself of
them ; more came every moment. Then Coyote cried from his hiding-
place, ' ' Make for the water ! ' ' Bear ran ; he could not endure the
pain. The arriving bees covered his hide. He rolled over and over
in the dirt. Coyote cried to him, ' ' Jump in the water ! Or you will
be killed!" Bear rolled continually. Skunk, the pest, was dying
too. Then Coyote fled, one sting was enough for him. He ran and
was not seen again. Then the bees caught sight of Fox ; they thought
he w r as Coyote and stung him. "Don't run!" they cried to him,
attacking him. But he took no notice of their entreaties and fled
not to return. They did not overtake him.
And so Cricket won the fight ; he defeated Mountain Lion. Then
he said to him, "Now who is the better man, you or I?" "Surely
you are a better man than I ! " said Mountain Lion. ' ' Good ! I am
a better man than you ! And now never again go trampling on peo-
ple 's houses. You ought to know how evil it is to step on men's houses.
It is good not to fight, but not good to be as you were. I never seen
trouble anywhere and no one must molest me. You shall always
wander along the roads and I will pass my time in the house. I con
stantly walk about my house ; I never go far away, not like you.
Every day you travel far, not like me. I do not wander much ; I am
always in my house. When I get sleepy I go inside and go to bed.
That 's all. I do not think that anybody may come ; I am alone here
by myself. Good night ! ' '
GREAT HAWK AND THE COLD i
la-'mka ta-stmetxa' txa-'uhe'k li'cxai taxts'a-kai'
"South, what thy possession?" "Have I rain and wind
taxtc'umye'L ta'mtebespe-k' yaxtek'an ra'mt'ia ru^ke'uta-'k 'at'
and ice! " Then said the hawk, "Let them come! " Then went to where tree
k'e-'L k' o'noxrumt' k' a'ko ru^ku'sululna 'tak 'at ram'ck'o'
dry. Came to its top of the straight tree. Then was
Told by David Mora, 1916.
74 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
rinasma'k' ai tamxwe'n bele'cxai tax ts'a-kai' tax
through this night. Then came the rain and wind and
tc'umye'L ta"mecxai ramkts'e-nu' bespe-k' te'icxa'i
ice. Then dawned. Then content the hawk to dawn.
ra"mpa a le- 'Iko va'p'ha-nlo ta v ct'met'a-'wu ra'mti' bep'ha-'nlo
Then asked him that east, "What thy possession?" Then said the east
pet' ha-'wuhe V pets'a-kai tax tc'umye'L yaxtekVn
"Have I the wind and ice!" "Let them come!"
ra'mt'ia tse'ru<jf>ke- r wuc6 ra'm'ecxa-its'e ra'mpa-le-'lko
Then went again to where was. Then dawned again. Then asked him
va'le'c ra-nmo" tast'met'xa' ra'mte' bele-'c
that north, "And thou? What thy possession?" Then said the north,
pet' ha-'wuhe"k' ts'a-ka'i taxle'cxai taxtc 'umye'L yaxte'k'an
"Have I wind and rain and ice!" "Let them come!"
ka' bespe-k' ra'mt'ia tsVru/?me-yo" ta-k'at
said the hawk. Then went again to same tree.
ramsma'kaits 'e ramt'xwen pets'a-kai' taxpetc 'umye'L
Then night again. Then came the wind and the ice.
ramk'uts'e-'nu k'salo-'ce' pa-ke"nu k'salo-'ce' te'ho'ne-tak
Then contented very already; thought very already that would win.
ra'mte rupk'ewe'L ra-nmo" ok'ewe'L tactmet'xa'
Then said to the west, "And thou? O West, what thy possession?"
ra-'mte pek'ewe'L pet' xa-'wuhe"k' le'cxai tax ts'axe'L
Then said the west, "Have I rain and snow,
k'eune'L taxts'a-kai' taxwatc 'umye'L yo 'ra'mte' pespe-'k'
hail and wind and that ice!" Then said the hawk
rako"icxai 'ya 'te^ksa-j" kept 'a" ksa'luk'o'lup' xwe'n
that not wished to dawn yet. "I am cold already very! " Came
k'sa-j-Tjk'o'lup' bek'eune'L amkept 'a-'k' sa k'oluplo
more yet much the hail. Then was cold more much already.
xwe'nksa lok'ol-up' k'eune'L tca'aten amkept 'a-"k' sa
Came more already much hail great. Then was cold more
lok'olop' ra7/ko"icxayak' sa.i'n k'olop' , n xwe'nk'sa
much already. Then not dawned more yet much. Then came more
lopts'axeL yo'ra-'mtom' met'xwen pets'a-kai tamk'me't'o u lo
already snow. And fell. When came the wind then thick already
pets'axe'L meH'xwen ts'a-k'ai yo'ra'mto'M tc 'umya-' a le '
the snow. When came wind then fell icicles
loyas/3eke-'wu ra'm'ecxai ra'mteta'k keten.a-'so naspe-'k'
already only the his place. Then dawned, then said, "What befell this hawk?
nok'i-'c t'ko'ticko' ce'tep'Ma'aste'k' ke'ra' te'k'ksa'
Seems that not is, has died! No appears
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 75
ko'f ico-pra'ke' ter'a'-ke'N tice'tep ka'me-'t ra'tsY'k'
not anywhere. Therefore think that dead. Try to see
oTicko' tu^tet' o 'ina-'so o'ticko' k'o'nlox k'we'L
if is on the his seat, if is." Arrived people
ru<ke-'wu a mko'ye-ma ' r a'mts'e"n pet'o'oi'yu peta-'k'at
to the his place. Then not seen. Then looked the its trunk the tree.
ramku'yema' ra'mteta'k cko" mas ra'la-'ko pa'ts'a'xe'L
Then not seen. Then said , "Is more below that snow;
noki-'crum' ket'me'l pats'axe-'L ka'me-'ta xa'pek' o'ticko'
seems mass that snow. Try dig if is."
ra-mcko" yo'ra'mteta'krume' ce'tepte'k' ts Vtelo-mtek 'k' sa'
Then was. Then said then, "Died! Was cold very.
ter c to'm yo 'ramteta V t Vloinoxtek ' bek' la'k' Mak' ye^mno'
Therefore fell. " Then said, "Finished the brave one! Henceforth
rapt Via' kl'ya-te' ce'tepto'wa-f 16 pepeta"ko t' ika-'pt 'ela
to be cold always. Dead he already who made that not be cold.
t'oL ka'tap'nehe' no" ra 'ko-'mat' eltene ' no' tita'te'k 'es
One must henceforth to buy now blankets.
ce'tep to'wa-tLo tu/3epeta" a ko tika-p't'ela' ha"klo piem.o'
Died already this who made that not be cold. We already know
ta'tica-kai '
to go."
Great Hawk wished to test whether the weather was mild enough
to be endured by the people without the aid of blankets. So he went
to the South and said, "South, what have you got?" "I have rain
and wind and ice!" replied the South. "Let them come!" said
Great Hawk and he went and perched on top of his favorite dead
tree. All night it rained and blew and froze. At last it downed and
Great Hawk was well content. Then he went to the East and said,
"East, what have you?" "I have wind and ice!" replied the East.
"Let them come!" said Great Hawk, and he went to his favorite
place again. All night it blew and froze but when it dawned he
was well content and went to the North. "And you, North, what
have you?" "I have wind and rain and ice!" "Let them come!"
said Great Hawk and he went to the same tree again. Then again
it became night and the wind and ice came. But at last it dawned
again and Great Hawk was very happy ; he thought he would get the
better of the winds.
Then Great Hawk went to the West and said, "And you, O West,
what have you?" Then the West replied, "I have rain and snow,
76 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
hail and wind and ice ! " " Send them along ! ' ' said Great Hawk and
he went to his tree again. All night long the blizzard continued and
Great Hawk said, ' ' It doesn 't want to dawn yet ; I 'm very cold ! ' '
And yet came more hail and it became colder. And great hail-stones
fell. And it did not dawn yet. And then fell more snow. When the
wind came the snow w r as very deep, and great icicles formed on Great
Hawk's perch.
At last it dawned and the people said, "What has happened to
Great Hawk ? It seems he is not around ; has he died ? He does not
appear anywhere, so we think he must be dead. Let's go and see if
he is on his accustomed seat. ' ' Then the people came to the place but
Great Hawk was not to be seen. They searched the trunk of the tree
but could not find him. Then someone said, "There is something
beneath the snow; it seems that there is a heap there. Let's dig to
see what it is." And there was Great Hawk. Then they said, "He
is dead ! It was very cold and therefore he fell. The brave one is
dead ! ' ' they said. ' ' Hereafter it will always be cold ; he who wished
it not to be cold is dead! Now we must buy blankets; he is dead
who would have it not cold. Now we know what we must do. ' '
THE ANIMALS AND GOD IT
pekuwa-'yu sepastcene 'ku bek'e'nca-ni repa'mt'a'k
The horse beseeched the God to kill him.
ra'teta'k ke'ra' atelo'yo'mo" yo'puato'wi' meca-k
Then said, "No, his friend, thou. He commands always;
sekts 'e'pgact' ko'ka-mko yo 'puwato'wi ' sepeta' ' a komo
is good only that not kill him. He commands, shouldst do thou
tume'p' ua-'tuwi ' ruma" a telo'i sekots'ep' rume'ta'k k'i'cvi'
then commands thy friend. Is not good to do thus.
ki'cho-ni yas tuma'Helo 'imo yo'puatowi' tako'myaM
Is poor only thy friend thou; he commands. And dost not see
ka'ra' t'ika'wu pecxo'mect wa-to'wi' gas sea'telo'itu'wa-tMo"
not to be pity command; only is friend who commands thou.
terc'kic'vi' se'Ma'wumo' rumat' Ma-'lxo ti'k'e'wu mo"
Therefore thus is carry him thou to thy desire, his place. Thou
ticxe'Vu yo 'te'rcts 'e'p t' ikomt 'i'kax ta'ml'ko-mo'
his foot. Therefore good that not thou killest him, friend thou.
ke'cvitenmot' iheyo" ts 'ep' kact' rp' ua-'tui ' 'ii/kera' rasrake
So art also thou of him. Good only to command so that not anything
xumo-ni '
evil."
Told by David Mora, 1916.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 77
pemaT sepastc 'ene" e koten bek' e'nca-niL tipa'mk' NG ' e Lko
The beast begged him also the God to kill them
na't'u-t'a-'L pa-'lxo tipo'taxlele 'eko 'ensa-mo'x ra'mteta'k
this people. Wished to gore them in order to die. Then told
ru<k< e'nca-niL ke'ra' mo' lamxa'to me'pam-ka'
by the God, "No, thou his food. When kills thee
ko'p'tc'e-wa-nuwi' rako'ki-cmo" pt 'a-'kioxomo x yas seke'ra'
not thrown away, then not like thou. Killest him thou only; is not
fme"envi" tumt 'a-'k' iax kera' ko'micax pecxont 'a' 'womo 'yds
thy need to kill. No, not thou eatest. Poor killest thou only,
rako'kichiyo' T ruma'ma'i sekicxa"umo'yas tu^hlyo't'
that not like them to kill. Art eaten thou only by them. ' '
The Horse begged God for permission to kill men. But God
replied, " No ! You are his friend ; he must command you always. It
is better that you do not kill him. It is his place to command, yours
to do your friend's orders. It is not good to do as you ask. Your
friend is poor also. Do you not see that it is not painful to be com-
manded when it is your friend who commands you? Therefore you
must carry him to the place where he wishes; you are his foot. So
it is not well that you should kill him, for he is your friend. Like-
wise you are a friend of his. It is well that he should command you
and that you should not do him any harm. ' '
The Ox also begged God for permission to kill people ; he wished
to gore them so that they would die. But God replied, "No, you are
his food. When they kill you they do not throw you aside. You
would not do that ; you would only kill them. You have no need to
kill them for you could not eat them. You would only kill the poor
f ellows ; you would not do as they, for they kill you merely to eat you. ' '
THE PELICAN is
le-lo" bete-'u ktu'xo-ke tetVwat' k'wa-'kV
Long ago the pelican was murderer of people. Long
betee'lko me'tk'onlox k'weL se"Mate'la' w u rumte e mo'
the his bill. When came people, invited them to his house
enhot'Lo'p' tenasma'k'ai ke'taij n laik' ckotet 'oLtica" a wu
to pass for this night. Told him was one his daughter.
ke'tau n la-ik' kaxa'u tenalets'e" ke'ra' ko'xaiyi'
Told him, "Sleep with this woman! No! Not be afraid!"
18 Told by David Mora, 1916; translated from Spanish of Juan Quintana.
78 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
ts'ep' ka'xawan tu/3ake-'wulits 'e' anheyo" ka-'uten
"Good!" Slept at that her place woman. And he slept also
tupsk'a'myas rume'yema-ni 'klo tet'o'xo-ten' yo 'ra'mk 'O-L bete-'u
at the near only. When knew already to snore, then arose the pelican.
tamt'iya'x resk'a-'m bete-'u ramkla'pai pa-'le'ltko
Then went to near the pelican. Then three asked him,
umka'xa-ulo' umka'xa-ulo' umka'xa-ulo' rampe'na-iko
' ' Art sleeping already ? Art sleeping already ? Art sleeping already ? Then wounded
ru<tee'lko rumtaa-'wo k'sa' ki'cvi' ti-'t' u' rats ' a
with the his bill in his heart much. Thus is to do always
pamk'nelko t'o'wat' yo'ra'mt'k'onlox bela" tax/2esk'an
killed people. Then arrived the raven and the hawk.
pe"snai'yax tit'icko' toxo-ke' ramca'moca-i 'k tast'ma'lox
Heard that was murderer. Then greeted him, "What thy desire?"
yo 'ra'mha' te ' yo 'ra'mtetau n la 'ik kaxa'u kakclo"ux
Then remained. Then told them, "Sleep both together
tu/3a 'keu'ctou-" ramka'wu.ox tickomo-yas amke'ta-te'
in that her place girl." Then slept little only. Then made
tet'o'xo-ten /Mits'e-" seka'Vu.ox an'Ma'iko raerake'
to snore. The woman slept; gave her something
enka'u yo 'ra'mt' a 'ya,x fa-'kat' k'e-'L ru^ke r uha-'L
to sleep. Then put logs dry in the places.
yamke'ta'i tito'xo-ten tik'i-'c t'o'wut' yo'ramk'o-L
Then made to snore to resemble people. He then arose
/?elwa" yo'ra'mt'e' ki-ne"k' pt'a-'k'ioxo yo'ra'mt'iyax
the man. He then said, "Go will I kill them!" He then went
t'iskVm yoramt'i' ka'xa-ulo ka'xa-ulo ka'xaulo
to near. He then said, "Sleep already? Sleep already? Sleep already?"
yo'ra'mpena-iko peta-'kat' ramka'p' axtenop ksa'
He then struck the log. Then split entirely
peta"ako yo'ra'mtitc'o'mnox tita'xap yo'ra'mte'
the his head. He then fell dead. She then said
belits'e-' k'i'cva' ki-'ya-te' t'ika" a wu t'lpa-mko
the woman, "Thus was always to do to kill
t'o'wut'
people.
Long ago Pelican was a murderer of the people. His bill was very
long. When people came by he would invite them to pass the night
in his house. He would tell them that he had a daughter and would
say to them, "You may sleep with the woman; don't be afraid!"
1918]
Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians
79
"Good!" the visitor would reply. Then the stranger would sleep
with the daughter. Pelican slept close by and when he heard his
guest snore he would arise and go there and ask three times, "Are
you asleep? Are you asleep? Are you asleep?" And if he got no
answer he would drive his long bill into his heart and kill him. That
was the way he always killed people.
At last one day Raven and Prairie-Falcon came by; they had
heard that there was a murderer there. He greeted them and asked
them what they wished. They replied that they wished shelter for
the night. Pelican agreed and they remained. He said to them, "You
may both of you sleep with the girl ! " So they lay with the girl but
slept only a little. Then they pretended to snore. The girl was
sound asleep for they. had given her something to make her sleep
soundly. Then they put two logs of dry wood in their places and hid
themselves. They caused the logs to snore like people. Then Pelican
arose and said, "I will go and kill them!" He came close by and
asked, "Are you asleep? Are you asleep? Are you asleep?" And
as he received no answer he gave a hard stroke with his bill. He hit
the log and split his head all to pieces. He fell dead. Raven and
Prairie-Falcon then awoke the woman who said, "That is the way he
always did in order to kill people ! ' '
COYOTE AND THE SALT WATEE
kakca' kopia-'mo tc'a'
thirsty. Not saw it water.
Lk'a kakca' kopia-'mo tc'a' ra-'mt'i y a rumco-k'a'
Coyote thirsty. Not saw it water. Then went to stream
tita'ciM k'mi't'ik' pete' a" ra r mke-'l peco-'k'a'
to drink. Ean the water. Then dried the stream.
r a'mtc'ehe-'na' peLk'a' ra-'mt' iyaten ra'mke-lts'e tce'he-na'
Then angered the coyote. Then went again, then dried again. Angered,
ko-'la-wa' takcuwa' 51 yu ra' Male-'ntxo teli'he' tumsk'em
not quenched his thirst. Then remembered to go to sea.
kl-'rumsk' e-m titacim tc'a' ka'cim ro<^tc'a"
Went to sea to drink water. Drank of the water
kesio'hol ra'mtese-'na' tupt'micimo tc'a' yo'no'
salty. Then sick from the drinking water. He "Good!"
ra'mla-wa' ta'kcuwa'i tickumo" yo'ra-'m'pNewu'
Then quenched thirst little. He then seized it
peha"ko tax tet'eyina'i ta'mt'ia tetamet'i cumk'o"m
the his bow and arrows. Then went to hunt squirrels.
Told by David Mora, 1916; translated from Spanish of Juan Quintana.
80 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
ra'mt' ierumkeu xa'iya te-le'k' tepe'me-'lko pecumk 'o'm '
Then went to where many holes to catch them the squirrels.
ra'mtam pet'oL cumk'om' ra'mpa-lxo tepe't'eine-'ko
Then came out the one squirrel. Then desired to shoot it.
ra'msa-teL wi-t'e'peno ra'mts'okox pecumk 'om' tc'e'xe-na
Then murmured in his bowels. Then frightened the squirrel. Angered
peLk'a' me'na-ko tits'o'kox pecumk 'om ta'mtam
the coyote because to frighten the squirrel. Then emerged
t'olten ts'o'koxten pe-lk'a' tc'e'xe-nalo-ts' pa-ma'mpko
another, frightened again. The Coyote angered was again. Drew out
petse'uto tet 'eyinai ' yu ta-'mto'xot/ Nap' betika'no
the point of his arrow. Then ripped the his bowels.
yo 'ramta'xap yo 'ra-mpet 'e'yine 'korumle-m yora-'myema' ' m
He then died. He then shot arrow upwards. He then was seen
tupckVn ko'yema' pelk'a' ta'mwa'Li' pexo-pneL
by the hawk. Not was seen the coyote. Then sent the vulture
tetc'a-uye' ra-myo" p'ia-'mo ra v mpokolca-'ko
to seek. Then he saw him. Then reported
tu/?esk Vn ' tamt 'oke-lax
to the hawk. Then revived him.
Coyote was thirsty and could not find any water. He went to a
distant stream to drink where the water was running. As he bent
over to drink, the water ceased running and the stream dried up.
This made Coyote angry but he went to another stream where the
water was running also. This also dried up as he tried to drink and
he became more angry at not being able to quench his thirst. Then
he remembered that there was plenty of water in the sea, so went to
the shore and drank some of the salty water. It made him a little
sick but he said, ' ' Good ! ' ' for it had quenched his thirst a little.
Then he took his bow and arrows and went to hunt squirrels; he
went to a place where there were many squirrel holes in order to
catch them. At last one squirrel came out and he prepared to shoot
it. But his bowels made a noise and the squirrel caught fright and
ran away. At that Coyote was very angry because the squirrel had
become frightened. Then emerged another; Coyote's bowels mur-
mured again and again the squirrel fled. Then Coyote became very
angry; he took an arrow-point and ripped open his bowels. Just
before he fell dead he shot an arrow high into the sky. This was seen
by Prairie-Falcon but he could not see Coyote so he sent Vulture to
find him. The latter found him and reported to Prairie-Falcon who
came and revived him.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 81
THE BEGINNING OF THE WORLD 20
lelo" k'lu'wa'lo' lice' ka-'mp' beck'e'M ka-'wi
Formerly, long ago years, rose the sea. Hot
k'sa' ko'potot'na' pap'ene" e ko ki'sile' hoMk'we'L
very, boiled. Covered all world,
ki'sile' beket'po'i ta-s besantalusi'a ke'ra'
all the mountains but the Santa Lucia; no
kopap'he'ne-ko k'lo'x ki-c ka-'k'cu ticxe'he'
not covered it. Was high about ' two feet
teyoxana"yu pete' a' ra-'mt' cko ' besai'yu rumt' ik' a'ko
above the water. Then was the eagle on its summit
bekit'po'i yo'ra'mti' besai'yu ru/?elaa't' tako'ma-mko
the mountain. He then said the eagle to the duck, ''Not art able
rumiya' rumne"tc'xo" ra'mt'i' a/' pa-'mko he"k'
to go to fetch earth?" Then said "Yes! Can I!"
ra'mpox umtoo'ke beck'e'm ra'nkep' tc' o'p' ke'ra'
Then entered to within the sea. Then tired, no,
ko't'uxwen ra'mt'a-mp' ra'mf iyaten p'me-'toteN ripo'x
not arrived. Then came up; then went again, tried again to enter
tumto'ke bete' a' ra'mp'Ne' e wu skomu' tc'xo" ra'mt'a-mp'
to within the water. Then seized little mud. Then arose
rumle-mo' peck'e'm tasme-'t'k'onox sek' ce'tep' LO
to its top the sea. But when arrived was dead already.
tanbesai'yu pa-ma'mp'ko skomo' tcxo" ru<^>t' icele"wu
And the eagle took it little earth of the his nails.
ra'Mp't'o'xNe'wu bet'icxo' ta a 'm polt'e-"ko p'Le-'to
Then rolled it the earth. Then cut it pieces.
peta" a ko ki-'ca' a'mpeta' a ko kefne'l' roySe'tWiya'
Made it four. Then made balls of the one every.
ra'Mp'Ll-" i xo t'oLt'ia' tu/?e' ket'me'l' p'ok'ica"
Then threw them one every of the balls to four
na"xo humk'weL yo'ra'm c-ap' peck'e-m
points* of world. It then sank the sea.
yo'ra'mt'eta-ha' reki-'c lo nata'a' humk'weL ke'ta-ha'
It then was made to resemble already the today world. Were made
baket'po'i tax co-'k'ateN tax ckoN ta-M fiya'
the mountains and streams and gullies. Then went
beck'en rump'ake-'ulota' nata'a' ta-s me't 'oLk WL
the sea to the place already now today. But when one time
ta'pa-mko rita'xapte-he ' beli'cxai tax taXapte-he'
to be able to end the rain and to end
20 Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana, 1916.
Cf. Ethnology, p. 190; present paper, p. 104.
82 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlm. [Vol. 14
umk'we'L teN taxrice't' Lip' k'we'L tanbeck'e'M
world again and to die people. And the sea
seka-'mp' teN yo 'ramt' uxapte-'he ' umk 'we'L
rises again. It then ends world.
Many long years ago before there were any people on the earth
the sea suddenly rose, boiling hot and flooded the whole world. It
covered all the mountains except Santa Lucia Peak which remained
about two feet above water. And there on the summit gathered all the
animals with Eagle as their chief. Then he said to Duck, "Cannot
you dive down and bring some earth?" "Yes," replied Duck. "I
can do it. " So he dove in the sea. But before he reached the bottom
he became tired and had to come up again. Once again he entered
the water and tried to reach the bottom. At last he reached bottom
and seized a little bit of mud. Then he came up to the top again but
when he arrived he was dead from lack of air. But Eagle took the
earth that remained beneath his nails and rolled it into a lump. Then
he cut it into 'four pieces and made balls of them. Then he threw
one of the balls to each of the four cardinal points of the world.
Then the sea sank and the world became as it is today. The moun-
tains and the streams and the gullies were made and the sea retired
to where it is today.
But some time in the future the rains may end and the world will
end again and the people will die. The sea will rise again and the
world will come to an end.
THE THEFT OF FIEE 21
lelo" ke'ra' ta'aV tasta-cne'L t'u-t'a'L
Long ago no fire but some people
pet'xa-'wu taVu ra'mteta'k' ake'nota'a'siL ra'mt'i'
had fire. Then said, "What to do?" Then said
pesna-'k' hek pa-'mko te''ne" . taVu' ta-'mteta'k
the rat, "I can to fetch fire." Then said,
ake'tumti-"yu rumne" he'k p'iem.o" tii"o ra'mt'iya
"How thy ability to fetch?" "I know to do." Then went,
k'Mi't'ik' k'sa' ra'mt' k' o'nox rumke'u peta-cne'L
ran hard. Then arrived to their place the other
t'o u t'a-'L ra-'molox ramoce" pa-'xo petitsV' e wo rumta'a'u'
people. Then jumped in flames, put the his tail in fire.
ta'maca-L raMt'ia-'to teme't'ik pa'xaiyo tec-a'p'
Then lighted, then went to run. Feared that extinguish
21 Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana, 1916.
Cf. p. 105.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 83
petowo"iyu a'mtok' o'nox tiko'c-a'p' t'uxwento tecu-' u ne'
the his light. Then arrived to not extinguish. Finally kindled
rumke /w u tika-mpo"t*
in place their field.
Long ago the people had no fire, but some other distant people
possessed it. So they said, ' ' What shall we do ? " Then the Kangaroo-
rat said, "I can go and fetch fire!" "You!" they said. "How can
you fetch fire?" "I know what to do," he replied. So he ran hard
until he arrived at the camp of the people who had fire. He jumped
in the fire and his tail, which was then long and bushy, caught fire.
Then he ran away with the people in pursuit. He was afraid that
the fire would go out before he arrived but he managed to arrive with
the tail still burning. So the people kindled their fires from this and
ever since have possessed fire. But Kangaroo-rat's tail is no longer
bushy.
HOW PEOPLE WEEE MADE 22
besai'yu pa-'xo t'oL lits'e" rumke-'wu beLk'a'
The eagle placed her one woman in his place the coyote
oNpapa-' ! yu pa-'lxo temo'lox tu/31its'e" k'a'
in order to cohabit with her. Desired to mount to the woman. Said
/Jesai'yu molo'xrena' lits'e" ra'mpeta' a ko tan
the eagle, "Mount to this woman!" Then made. Then
me't'ump' tamMe-'ce' teci'tip tu^ke-'wu belits'e'
when finished then half to die in her place the woman.
ra'mt'ryax besai'yu rip' co-'ke ' e no' ra'mp'La' a wu pelits'e"
Then came the eagle to revive him. Then left her the woman.
komp'Lo' teheyo" ra'mtV beLk'a' me'na'kono'
Finished already with her. Then said the coyote, "Ah, how
te'ts'e'po na' lits'e" k'ts'e'p k' pe-'ptelop' lu'wa'yas
to be good this woman! Is good too much." Time only
teticko" tece'tep'ya' ran la-'ut'a' ke'ra' lo'
to be dead. Then left. No already
ko't'ise ti'ckoi' k'Lu'wa'nop' tiskumu" ta'mtica-kts V
not strong to be. Time was little Then began again
beLk'a' temo'lox ro/2elits 'e' taske'ra'lo' ko'citip'ya'
the coyote to mount to the woman. But not already not died.
ki'cnak' ts 'e'p' k'a' beLk'a' ke'ra' kocitipten'
"Thus this is good!" said the coyote. "No not die again!
22 Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana, 1916.
Of. Ethnology, p. 190, 191; present paper, -p. 104.
84 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
me-'mten k'ts'e'pLo" kl'cvi' ran teta-xa' bet 'o u t 'a-L
Now is good already thus is then to make the people!"
ra'mtV besai'yu kts'e'p' k'o'lop'
Then said the eagle, "Is good very."
Eagle placed a woman with Coyote that he might cohabit with
her. He had just formed her and as yet she had not been tested.
Coyote desired to mount the woman. Then Eagle said, ' ' Mount this
woman!" Coyote obeyed but when he had finished he was nearly
dead. Eagle came and revived him. Then Coyote retired and said,
' ' Ah, the woman is good ; she is too good ! ' ' He was dead only a
short while; then he retired. He was still very weak. A short time
passed and again Coyote desired to mount the woman. But this time
he did not die. "Now it is all right," said Coyote. "I did not die
again ! Now it is good ; this is the way to make people ! ' ' Then said
Eagle, "Very good!"
THE TAB-MAN 23
le-lo' t'oLk'we'L cko" t'oL t'o'xo-ke pef xa-'wu
Long ago one time was one murderer. Had it
t'oL cla" ka'p'e-L sma'k' ko'potot' icna ' me-Tuxwen
one basket filled asphalt, boiled. When came
ta-'ra'ke ra-ts' p'ca-'mo'cko akl-'c we'e'sxa
anybody there greeted him, "Howdy, cousin!"
pespolo'xo peme-'no ra'mp'Lixo rumtoo'ke besma'k'
Seized him the his hand. Then threw him to within the tar.
ramt'xwen rume' beckVn tax bela- a " ra-'mca-moca 'yi 'k
Then came then the hawk and the raven. Then was greeted.
ra'mtispa 'lax beme-'no peckVn pespolo'xo pet'olme-'no
Then seized the his hands. The hawk seized it the one his hand
tanbela" a pespolo'xo teN pet'olme-'no ra'mllya 'iyax
and the raven seized it again the one his hand. Then was thrown
tumtoo'ke besma'k' ra'mt'o"N besma'k' tu/3eta-ki"
to within the tar. Then kindled the tar by the making
ta'a'u' ke"taT ta'a'u' ru/2eteta' a koL ra'mna-yi'
fire. Made fire with the fire-drill. Then fled
bekt'o'xo-ke peke'lent'xo kl-'sili' humk'we'L ko'tco-xna'
the murderer. Circled all through world. Dropped
gas t'i</ pesma'k' tanbeke-'u teto'm' t'ia'
only each the tar. And the place to fall every
23 Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana, 1916.
Cf. Ethnology, p. 194; present paper, p. 108.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 85
besma'k' sek'o'lpax saxe-T ump'a-'wu beket'poT
the tar, sprung up mescal. Its other side the mountain
ka-'se tisantalusi'a yo 'ra'mcetep' bekt'o'xo-ke ramump'a'
named of Santa Lucia he then died the murderer. Then there
ra'mt' icko ' kite' a/ ' saxe-T
then are large mescal.
Once upon a time long ago there was a man who murdered the
people. He had a basket full of boiling tar and when anybody would
come by he would greet him and say, "Hello, cousin!" Then he
would offer to shake hands with him and as soon as he took his hand
he would throw him into the boiling tar. Prairie-Falcon and Raven
were scouring the country to find and kill all the murderers and came
to him. He greeted them and extended his hands. Prairie-Falcon
seized one and Raven the other and they threw him into the boiling
tar. Then they set fire to the tar with their fire-drills. All ablaze the
murderer ran all over the country with the blazing tar dropping. And
everywhere that a drop of tar fell sprang up a plant of mescal. On
the other side of Santa Lucia Peak the murderer died and there are
great quantities of mescal.
PEAIEIE -FALCON AND WOODPECKEK 2*
bela-" taxckVn p'ia-'mo't' petc'a'm' ak-i-'c
The raven and hawk saw the woodpecker. "Howdy,
octelua" tastumta-' a ket p'xe-'cohe"k' pe.axa-'ko't
old man! What thy deed?" "Bury I the their bones
bet'o u t'a'L ksa-'moxlo p'xa'p'ko cko" p'xe-'co
the people died already." Digging was burying
onko'tico-p' pe.axa-'k'teno ts'ep' tanbela' a ' p<Ne" e wu
in order not to see the their bones. Good! And the raven seized it
t'oL k'Ma't'a-L ts'ep' octelua" p' Ma-'kahe"k< na'
one white. "Good! Old man, give thee I this!
ma'xra't'mo"na'Yi ta'mtV xai'ya' ts 'e'p' ha-ni ' ra'mpa-xo
Put on thy waist." Then said, "Many thanks!" Then placed it.
ra'mpeta' a ko k'ts'e'p' ke'ra' ko'tipt'ak'ai'yx tas
Then made him good; no not was killed. But
me-'luwa' ta'mpeta' a ko ts'e xumo" p'wa-'to'
afterwards then made him again bad. Sent
besmeko'i' tept'aTko betVwut 'yo' terctee'xai'ya'
the rattlesnake to sting the people. He therefore fierce
nata 'a' besme-koT
today the rattlesnake.
2* Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana, 1916.
86 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
Raven and Prairie-Falcon met Woodpecker. "Hello, old man!
What are you doing?" "I am burying the bones of the people who
have died!" For Woodpecker was also a murderer of the people.
He was digging a hole in order to bury the bones so that they could
not see the bones of the people he had killed and eaten. Then Raven
seized something white like a handkerchief and said, ' ' Good ! Old
man, I'm going to give you this present. Put it around your waist!"
"Many thanks!" said Woodpecker, and he put the cloth around his
waist. At first it did Woodpecker no harm but later it bewitched
him and made him die. They did this because Woodpecker was evil
and had sent Rattlesnake to sting the people. It is on this account
that Rattlesnake is dangerous today.
COYOTE AND WILDCAT 25
beLk'a' p'la-'mo e-' e ts' pa-'lxo rept'e'kaxo
The coyote saw pinacate. Desired to kill him.
ra'mt'e' beLk'a' tact' mi'yo 'k' wet' a' a miko kite' a
Then said the coyote, "What thy doing, friend?" Standing
cko' beLk'a' ra'mts'ok'ox e-' e ts' ra'mt'i' cko"
was the coyote. Then frightened pinacate. Then said "Am
he'k' riyo" k 'a'lsalhe"k' ko' rumke'u lime'm' ya'x
I here praying I." Was their place wasps. "Come!
alsa-'L riyo" tamt'i' peLk'a' '$a/ palxohe'V
Pray here!" Then said the coyote, "Yes! Wish I
te^pi'snox ta'mt'i' ts'ep' ra^mpa-'xo betick'o'lo
to hear!" Then said, "Good!" Then placed the his ear
tumsk'a-'m ru/?eke-'wu beleme'm' a'mt'i' kesna"
to close to the place the wasps. Then said, "Is true!"
k'Lu'wa'nop' reticko" ra'mna-yi' pe'e-'ts' tambeLk'a'
Long time to remain. Then fled the pinacate. Then the coyote
sep'xa'p'ko peke-'wu beleme"m ta'mta-melep'
dug the place the wasps. Then came out.
ra'mtep'ts'e'nla'ik homt'a" a ko kepts 'e'nla 'yik k'o'lop'
Then stung him on his head. Was stung much.
ke'ta'f tina-'yi' pe.e-'ts' peta"ako tiko'lu-ne'
Made to flee the pinacate; made him fool.
Coyote saw Wildcat and wanted to kill him. So he asked, "My
friend, what are you doing?" He was standing close by. Then
Wildcat was frightened and replied, "I am praying here. Listen to
25 Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana, 1916.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 87
the congregation ! ' ' For there was a hive of wasps. ' ' Come and
pray ! ' ' said Wildcat. ' ' Surely ' ' said Coyote. ' ' I want to hear it ! "
' ' Good ! ' ' said Wildcat. Then Coyote put his ear to the ground near
the wasps' nest. "To be sure!" he exclaimed. He remained there a
long time listening while Wildcat fled. Then he began to dig the
wasps' nest. They swarmed out and stung him all over his head;
he was stung very badly. Wildcat caused him to run away ; he made
a fool of him.
COYOTE AND HAEE 20
le-lo" k'm'wa'16' lic-e' bek-oT k't'o'xo-ke teN
Long ago, very long ago years the hare was murderer also
tet'uwut' tanbeLk'a' pa-'lxo tept'e'kaxo bek-ol'
of people. And the coyote wished to kill the hare.
tan belk'a' k'ts'e'p* k'o'lop' tepe't 'e 'yine"ko k'a belk'a'
And the coyote was good very to shoot arrows. Said the coyote,
cko'ra' ts'ep' p' t 'e'kaxone 'k' tanbekoT seka'wucko"
"Is good! Kill him will II" And the hare sleeping was.
tant'o'L cteluwa" Lk'a' k'a" micko" rite u wai"yu
And one aged coyote said, "Be here, this side!"
ra'mticko' ra'mp'ia-'mo ra'mpet 'eine-ko tcik taske'ra'
Then was; then saw him. Then shot arrow. Chile! But no,
ko'pena-iko ra'mpeta' a ko t'a'a'u' bekoT tept'o"nko
not hit him. Then made fire the hare to burn him
belk'a' me't'e"ne"k< k<sa< k'wa" k'a" pe'e'ko'
the coyote. "Shoot him more distant!" said the his father
beLk'a' tanbet'a'a'u' seka'tanop' taske'ra' ko'tapau-ye'
the coyote. And the fire spread, but no, not overtook.
tan ku'we'nox ke'ra' ko'citip' ka'tc' a-mp' a ' k'o'lop'
Then returned. No, not died. Was evil very
bekoT
the hare.
Many years ago Hare also was a murderer of the people. But
Coyote wished to kill him and eat him. And Coyote was a fine shot
with bow and arrow. So he said, ' ' All right ! I '11 go and kill him ! ' '
He crept up and found Hare asleep. Coyote's father, an old man,
went along with him and said, ' ' Remain here, on this side ! ' ' Coyote
saw Hare and shot an arrow at him. Chik! But he did not hit him.
Then Hare awoke and made a fire to burn Coyote. For he was a
26 Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana, 1916.
88 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
great magician. "Shoot him from farther away!" shouted Coyote's
father. The fire spread rapidly but did not overtake Coyote. He
returned alive. Hare was a very evil man.
COYOTE AND EABBIT 27
beLk'a' pa-'lxo restl'yo'wan kic bema'p' ra'mt'e'
The coyote desired to beautiful like the rabbit. Then said
a v ketumti-"yo tet'xa'uwut' ba'tumla-'k'of ta-mt'i'
"What thy deed to yellow that thy neck?" Then said
pema'p' pox he'k' kl'ya-te' ruMte'le'k' tamt'e'
the rabbit, "Enter I always in holes!" Then said
beLk'a' poxne 'kiya-t' e ' rumte-le'k' ra'mt'iya bema'p'
the coyote, ' ' Enter will I always in holes. ' ' Then went the rabbit,
p'Ne" e wu k'a-'t' ra'mpopo 'xo ' tumte-le'k^ ke-' e wo
brought hay. Then threw it in hole his place
peLk'a' ra'mpa-xo ta'a'u' ran yo 'terctet' Axa'wut'
the coyote. Then put fire. Then he therefore yellow
beLk 'a'
the coyote.
Coyote wanted to be as beautiful as Rabbit. So he asked him,
"What did you do to have such a yellow shoulder?" Rabbit was
afraid of Coyote and told him, "Why, my neck is yellow because I
am always going into holes in the ground. " " Good ! ' ' said Coyote.
"Then I'll go into holes too!" So he found a hole and went in.
Then Rabbit went and got some hay and threw it into the hole behind
Coyote. Then he set fire to it. Coyote was badly burnt in trying to
get out of the hole and on this account has a yellow patch behind his
ears.
COYOTE AND BULL 2s
beLk'a' pa-'lxo tepi'cxo beto-'lo tarn humt'a' a k'e'
The coyote desired to eat the bull. Then in road
ra'mp'iya-mo ~beto-'lo tax kepole-'ka ta'mt'e' akl-'c
then saw him, the bull and the sheep. Then said, "Howdy,
o'ta'mi-ko a'ket' me-'ke 'no' make-'ra' ke-yas ta'mt'iyo.
friend! Where thy going now?" "To such place only." Then went
pelk'a' ta'mpa-lxo tepept 'e'kaxo pa-'lxo tepi'cxo
the coyote; then desired to kill him. Desired to eat.
k'o'k'ol'cele' fiya' me'na' a kon6< tets'e'p* pa'tuma"a-tela'
Conversed went. "Ah, how to be good that which carriest
27 Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana, 1916.
28 Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana, 1916.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 89
fiya'xra' k'io't'Ne' frya'x ta'sta-' a va' tuma"a
there, shaking there! What are to carry
fryax ka'ke'lt'a me'na'k' umpa-'lxo ha$ k'oV
there?" "Testicles, why thy wish?" "Yes, hungry
he"k' k'o'lop' taM pet 'a'kha- 'ko keto-'lo betuma"awu
I very!" Then cut them the bull the his cargo,
ka'ke'lt'a p'na-'keto beLk'a' rant'xwe'nto tepi'cxo
testicles. Gave him the coyote. Then at once ate them.
me'na- ' a kono' tits'e'p' tako'mnaL ke'ra' pa-'lxoteN
"Ah, how to be good!" "Not thou filled?" "No, desire more
he'k' tas ke'ra' lo' ra'me-yo" pa-'lxo IN tepept'e'kaxo
I but no already!" Then he desired still to kill him.
'a n loeto-'lo sek'icxa'lo-' k'a' pa-'lxo IN
Then the bull feared, said, "Desires still
tipa'mha'k' tuma-'lox rumna'L mi'cxo'ha'k' aN
to eat me!" Thy desire to fill, eat me then
ki'sili ts'e'p' pa'mkohe'k' te 'i'cxo u 'ka ' kl"sili'
all!" "Good! Can I to eat thee all!"
ra'mt'e' beto-'l mitc'a"ra' caxa'ta'yas one' e po'x
Then said the bull, "Stand here! Open mouth only to enter
ta't'me-'lek' ts'e'p' ra'mca-xata ' peta"ako k'sa"
in thy mouth." "Good!" Then opened mouth, made it very
kite' a-' betee'lko pa-'lxo repe'penxo ki-'sili' ma'we-'xe'
large the his mouth. Desired to swallow all. "Stand
ank'sa' ra'mt'iyax temi't'ik' bepole-'k ra'mp 'otaxle-ko
firm!" Then came to run the sheep. Then butted him
umtee'lko ra'mp 5 Li'^xo ka'p' haxtenop' peta"ako yo'ra'M
in his mouth. Then tumbled, smashed the his head. He then
ce'tep beLk'a' ra'mt'ia' beto-'lo ke'ra' ko'citip
died the coyote. Then went the bull. No, not died.
p'Ne" e wuteN beka'ke'lt'a pa- a 'xoten ra'mt' larume
Seized again the testicles, placed them again. Then went away.
Coyote was desirous of eating Bull. One day he met him and Kam
in the road and greeted them, "Hello, old friend! Where are you
going?" "To such and such a place" replied Bull. Coyote went
with them for he desired to kill Bull and eat him. They walked along
conversing. Finally Coyote said, "Ah, how good, those things you
are carrying there shaking look! What are they?" "My testicles"
replied Bull. "Why, do you want them?" "Surely! I'm awfully
hungry!" So Bull cut off the things he carried, his testicles, and
90 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol.14
gave them to Coyote who immediately ate them. "Ah, how good
they are !" he said. "Aren't you full?" asked Bull. "No, but there
aren 't any more ! ' ' And he still wanted to kill Bull.
Then Bull w r as afraid and said to himself, "He still wants to kill
me!" So he turned to Coyote and said, "If you want to be full, you
had better eat me whole ! " " Fine ! I can eat you whole ! " " All
right," said Bull. "Stand there and open your mouth so that I can
jump into it ! " " Good ! ' ' said Coyote. And he opened his mouth
very wide; he wanted to swallow Bull whole. "Stand firm!" said
Bull and he motioned to Ram. The latter ran hard and butted Coyote
so hard in the mouth that he fell down with his head smashed. Soon
he died. Thus Bull did not die. He went and cut open Coyote and
took out his testicles and put them on again. Then he went away.
COYOTE AND THE SUN 29
beLk'a' peta"ko cko" xa" a k'o rumtitake"wu
The coyote making was his arrow in his road
pena" ta'mt'ryax pena" we'ten le-ta'na'
the sun. Then came the sun about noon.
ra'mt'uxwen tumke-wu beLk'a peta" a ko cko'
When arrived to his place the coyote making was
xa"k'o cko' tuwo"iyu' temlt'o tipa-'uj^o-ko
his arrow. Was his fire with which to heat it.
rampet' xa-'wu smak' temi'tV tepa't'unk'a-xo ramfi'
Then had tar with which to stick. Then said
bena" tast'ml'yo'k riyo" ra'mtV peta" a ko he'k'
the sun, "What thy doing here?" Then said, "Make I
xak' cko'yas bena" pts'e" e ko kite 'a cko'
arrow." Was only the sun watched. Stopped was
riskumu' ra'mt'i' ts'ep' meta"k nacxomck'i"
little. Then said, "Good! Make me this favor
tume'ta'k' rixo't'up' he'l-a ra'mt'i' /3elk'a'
to permit me to pass!" "Wait!" then said the coyote.
ra'mtitc'a gac-ko bena" ke'ra' ko'se-ne' ts'ep'
Then stopped only was the sun, no not journeyed. "Good!
manata'x antixo't'up' ranke'ra 'ko'sa ' beLk'a'
Allow me to pass!" Then no, not spoke the coyote.
ra'mt' ickots 'e skumu' ra'mt'e' rume' Lk'a' ts'ep
Then was again little. Then said finally coyote, ' ' Good
20 Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana. 1916.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 91
a-n ta'mtitc'a ra'mp'Ne'wu pexa"k'o tax pekisili'
now." Then arose, then took the his arrow and the all.
tanbena" sekl'lo' tanbeLk'a' secko"yas peta'' a ko
And the sun went already and the coyote was only making
cko ' xa' 'k 'o
was his arrow.
Coyote was making arrows in the sun's path. About noon the
sun came along and when he came to the place, Coyote was making
arrows there. There was his fire to heat the arrows and he had tar
with which to stick on the point. Then the sun said, "What are you
doing here?" And Coyote replied, "I am making arrows!" Then
the sun stopped still a little while and watched him. Then he said,
"Good ! And now please let me pass." "Wait a couple of moments"
replied Coyote and the sun waited a little longer without continuing
his journey. "Good!" he said again. "Let me pass!" But Coyote
did not answer and the sun waited a little longer. At last Coyote
said, "All right now!" And he arose and, took his arrows and every-
thing. The sun continued his journey and Coyote continued making
his arrows.
THE SUN AND THE MOON so
le-16' seksa-'teL kl'sili' pena" tax tats'o-'opi'
Long ago they spoke all, the sun and the moon
taxbetatcwa-'niL ki-'sili' pema'tVlak ta'mtV bena"
and the stars, all the animals. Then said the sun,
nat'o u t'a-'L se k' La'ma-ilak' k'o'lop' k'La'mhaL
"This people are eaters very. Eat they
gaski'ya-te' ke'ra' ke"yamk'a' tik'a-weL ra'mho'yi'
only continually. No, not I see them to sleep." Then replied
betats 'o'pi ' ke'ra' ke'ra' ku'kicvi' ki'kauyela-tc 'e '
the moon, "No! No, not thus is! Are sleepers!
k'a'weL gas ki'ya-te' me"yima' Ne' e lk' ke'ra'
Sleep only continually! When see them no
ki 'yamk' a' ' tila'mhaL
not I see them to eat"
Long ago everything was able to converse, the sun, the moon, the
stars and all the animals. Then the sun said, "These humans are
great eaters ; they eat all the time ; I never see them sleep ! ' ' But the
moon replied, "No, it is not so! They are great sleepers; they sleep
all the time. When I look I never see them eating ! ' '
so Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana, 1916.
92 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
PRAIRIE-FALCON, XUI AND THE SERPENT si
cko'
Was
ckak ' sotope'no pexu'i
crow, his guardian the Xui,
to' 'xo-ke
murderer of
tet 'a'uwat '
people.
p'le'ixo u-mp' a-'ulak ' p'i'cho kats'a-Ne'L
Threw them other side ground. Ate them little birds.
mo-pa'k'
Laurel
sko"
was on
mat 5 o'Lni ' ck Vn La/
hill. Hawk raven walked.
k'se"Ne'
Sought
k'tc'a'uye'
pexu'i
the Xui.
ta-'miyema' pesk'a'k' k'ma'lauk
Then seen the crow. Told him seated
ka'ciL
mat 'o'Lni
on hill.
yo' metco-'k'a'
"Ah! Be quiet! Shoot now!'
hala'tome
' Then went
a'mt' yaL
tome' ' p' Li-'yaiyix a'metitca '
then. Was thrown. then alighted the
peto-lo-lai'yo' ame't'ya
his flute. Then went
bila" yo' hala'tome mo"ts'a hala'rome a'mep'alo
the raven. "Ah! Shoot now! Thou next! Shoot now! " Then shot him.
pale-'lko pe-t'a-'ko ta-li-ye" xwen pesk'a'n taxLa/'
Asked him, tied him serpent. Came the hawk and raven.
tc'a'uye ta-li-ye" ka't'a-pelt'a k'ye'ma yo' k'a'
Sought serpent striped. Was seen. "Ah!" said
pesk'a'n La' yo na t'ma-'lox k'ai'isaiik'
the hawk raven. "Ah! This thy desire!" Was spied.
ke't'eyini-k mo-'ts'a yo' me-tco"ka' k'a'tume"
Shot him. "Thou next! Ah! Be careful! " said then.
a-na-x y e" yo-lo" k' iyaxlo-'ba ' ts'a'kai" k'a-'tume'
"Run! Ah! Already comes already that wind!" Said then
ku'mxa-t'a p'enla-'k'o te'lp'a' p' ye'nt' onoha'k
"Don't cry! Quick! Hurry! Approach will we!
k' o'loxlo-ha'k" male-'ntax tumtca'xaL ki-'yaxng' cko-T
Arrive already we! Remember thy power Come will snake!
yo' hala'tome mama'mpek t'mi'cik' mult'i'k'
Ah! Shoot now! . Draw thy knife! Cut him
packoT yo-lo"
that snake! Ah!"
Crow was the guardian of Xui, the murderer of the people. The
latter used to kill them by throwing them over the hill where some
little black birds would eat them. There was laurel on the hill.
Prairie-Falcon and Raven came along looking for Xui in order to
kill him. Crow saw them and told Xui that they were there on the
hill. "Be quiet now!" said Prairie-Falcon. "Now hit him!" They
si Told by Jose Cruz, revised by Pedro Encinales, 1910. Cf. Ethnology, p.
192; present paper, pp. 93, 110, 112.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 93
went closer but Xui seized Prairie-Falcon and threw him over his
head. But Prairie-Falcon possessed a magical flute and alighted on
this without injury. Then Raven came up. "Hit him! It's your
turn now ! Hit him ! ' ' Then Raven took good aim and knocked Xui 's
head off.
Then Prairie-Falcon and Raven came in search of the great striped
Serpent. They saw him. " Ah !" said they. "This is the fellow we
are after!" Prairie-Falcon shot at him but Serpent spied them.
"Now it is your turn! Be careful!" cried Prairie-Falcon. Then
Raven shot also but they did not kill him. "Run!" yelled Prairie-
Falcon. ' ' Here comes Wind ! " So they fled with Wind and Serpent
in pursuit. "Don't cry!" said Prairie-Falcon to Raven. "Quick!
Hurry! We are getting there! Now we are there! Don't forget
your magic ! Here comes the snake ! Hit him. Draw your knife and
cut the snake ! That 's the way ! ' '
THE MUEDEEEES 32
tatcwa-'niL k'tumlo' niacila-'k' tumle-mo' meTya
Star fell already, morning star from above. When came
mk'we'L kl-'yax peckVn k'ci't'ijp nat'au'wat'
to earth came the hawk. Dead this people.
k' t Vke-lax a'met'auwat' nadio's peta"ko nat'au'wat'
Eevived then people. This God made this people.
t'oL tcxa" ka'ciL xu'i k'satap'ni' ska-'k'
One rock named Xui had guardian crow.
p'Li-'xo nat'au'wat' tila'n co-talai" t'ol ticxe'wu
Threw them this people to eat. Limestone one his foot
k'a'k'a
sang.
In the beginning the morning star fell from heaven. When it
reached earth then came Prairie-Falcon and found the people dead.
Then he revived the people. But it was God who made people.
There was a rock named Xui who had Crow as guardian. He
used to kill people by throwing them over his head so that they might
be eaten. And another murderer was a one-footed character of lime-
stone who always sang a song before he killed people.
32 Told by Jose Cruz, revised by Pedro Encinales, 1910. Of. Ethnology, p.
192; present paper, pp. 92, 110.
94 . University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
THE KAINMAKEB ss
cko' ctelua" klicxa-i't 'ic peta-'k le'cxai
Was old man rain-maker. Made it rain
me r pa-'lxo a'mti' pa-'tel kospolo'x pestelua" empeta-'ko
when wished. Then said Padre, ' ' Seize the old man to make
lecxai taa' tokolecxa-ita sekot'ak' takoxwete-lek
rain now! If not rains now tie him, and punish him.
tikotep'eL titc'a" ta'koxwete-lek k'ts'ep' take'metumka-'s
If not fill of water, to punish him. " "Is good, I try
a'a/mko amk'a-k'a tamtump' pai' tumle-'m
if can." Then sang, then came cloud in sky.
a-mt'uk' pet'e'lo-wa' a'mtuxwen tume' belicxai
Then thundered the thunder. Then came then the rain
k'atapNe-xe' beli'cxai kera ko'luwa' tamtep'ena-t'eL
hard. The rain no not late. Then filled them
bepale-'lten t'ma-'xo bepa-'tei, kma-la'k' pestelua"
the barrels that placed the Padre. Told the old man
m petc'e-ko pali'cxai k'la-uwi' tamte' toku'ka-luxten
to stop it that rain. Left it. Then said that not wish again,
ke'ra' k Vlop' lo-'va '
no enough already!
Long ago there was an old shaman who had a reputation as a rain-
maker who could make rain whenever he wished. One year there
was a long drought and the Padre of the Mission said, ' ' We will test
his powers." He gave orders that the old man should be caught and
brought before him. Then he said to him, "If you do not make it
rain so that it will fill these barrels I will have you tied and whipped. ' '
" It is good, " replied the shaman, " I will try. " Then he sang. Soon
the sky became overcast with clouds and it thundered. Then came
the rain furiously ; it did not delay long. The barrels which the
Padre had placed were filled quickly. Then he told the man to stop
the rain. And it stopped. "We do not wish any more," he said.
"No, there is enough already!"
THE MOUNTAIN LION HUNT 34
ke'se-Zfcotene hak' peta'ka ka-'mpo ta'maiyaL
Fence-making we, made camp. Then went,
me-'cxai petcamna'xo hak' t'oL at' ta'mat'uina-'pik
morning. Felled it we one oak. Then sawed it up.
Told by Pedro Encinales, 1916. Cf. Ethnology, p. 195.
Told by Pedro Encinales, 1910.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 95
ptVkofna- hak< baVt' a'maxt 'e-lix po-'lpola
Bored we that oak. Then inserted powder,
a-'mat'oka' a'mf axatcnap tamataksta-'nte ta'maco-'me
then lighted, then split. Then made posts. Then shouted.
ta'mexapik peta'ko hak< k' co-'luk' tene ta'mat'ek
Then dug; made we holes. Then inserted
pesta-'nte ta'mamat'ux ta-'maxtelektume ba.ala-'mbre
the posts. Then tamped. Then fastened next the wire.
amko'molop' hak' tup' ta-'taLxwa-Lnai ' ta-'maiya-L
Then quit we from the our work. Then went
tumta't' ka-'mpo ta'makaxau ta-'mecxai' a-'matak
to our camp, then slept. Then dawned, then made
ta-'lemxat ta'maLamxaLtume ko'molop' hak' tala'mxaL
our food. Then ate next, finished we to eat.
a'met'ya pe'a's tumak' t' u'Lne ptsVko tax pete-'etco
Then went the son to hill, observed it and the his dog
sai'yu k'a'se ko't'konax i-n tumake'u besai'u
eagle nesting. Not arrived yet to where the eagle.
ta'miyema' peta-'muL xo't'up' ka-s tupek'ci-'kat'i'
Than saw the puma. Passed only on the slope.
a'mpama-t'ko peti-'itco ampco'la-t'ko tet'oL at'
Then chased him the his dog. Then treed him up one oak.
kyo'xun pete-'etco a'mt'yax pa'a's ptsVeko
Barked the his dog. Then came that son, sought him.
ta^mp' ya-'mo ta-'muL t a/m P' amesak ta-'me-ya te-ts'e'k'
Then saw him puma. Then called me. Then went to see;
ke'konax i-n ta-'mulox peta-'muL k'na-'ye' a x pama-'t'ko
not I arrived yet. Then sprang the puma. Ban. Then chased him
te-'etco pama-'t'ko tumta-'ke ta-'kata tampuwe-'nt' xo
the his dog. Chased him to within woods. Then returned.
ta-^mp'cola-'at'koten me-yo" baaT ta-'raamesik ba'a's
Then treed him again same that oak. Then called him the son.
ke'ra ko'xoye' ampake-'no hek' tetipt'e'nlo
No, not answered. Then thought I that wounded already
tupeta'muL ta-'met 'iyinek tameka-'cak' mek' ta-'mulo-xten
by the puma. Then shot him. Then missed him. Then sprang again.
a'met'ya ki- a'mt'yak pexu'tc pama-'t'ko
Then went, went. Then went the dog. Chased him.
kok' te Vp' LO pexo'tc tax peta-'muL ko'met'ik'Lo
Was tired already the dog and the puma. Not ran already.
tax pexo'tc peta-'muL p'k'e'pot'a'u t'yax pexo'tc
And the dog the puma followed him. Went the dog.
96 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
peta-'muL ta- v mpcola-'t' koten me-yo" bea't' bekeyuco'tcoL
The puma then treed again same the oak the where climbed.
ta-'mamesikten ba'a's ta-'mxo-yi' ta'mtuxweN ta-'menek'
Then called him again the son. Then replied, then came. Then said,
met'eyine'k ta'mt'ye' ke'ra' skl'tana naha'k'
"Shoot him!" Then went. No, small this rifle.
ko't' uxapta' bata-'muL met 'eyine-'k' mo' ta-'met 'eyinek
Not dead that puma. "Shoot him, thou!" Then shot him,
ta-'mtoM
then fell
tume'
then. Killed
pa-'mkohak'
him we then.
tume
Then carried
ta'mama-
tumta'm
to house.
ta'malau
Then removed
/ j i
his hide. Then
ta-'mayopik' tume
staked it then.
ta'mamaa
Then carried
;t'umholo'N p'xanse-'
to Jolon, sold it we
ko hak'
the Redmond.
bere'dmond.
We were making fence-posts and made a camp. One morning we
went and felled an oak tree. We sawed it into lengths and bored
holes in it. Then we put powder in the holes and set it off. It split
and then we made posts of it. Then we dug holes in the ground and
put the posts in. We tamped the posts and fastened the wire on
them. Then we left the work and went to our camp to sleep.
The next day we made breakfast and ate it. When we had finished
my son went up on the hill with his dog to see an eagle which was
nesting there. Before they arrived where the eagle was they saw
the mountain-lion passing by on the slope. The dog chased him and
treed him in an oak. The dog barked so that my son came after him.
Then he saw the mountain-lion and called to me. I also went to see
but before I arrived there the lion jumped and ran with the dog after
him. He chased him into the woods and back again and treed him
again in the same oak. Then I called to my son but he did not answer
and I thought he had been wounded by the lion. Then I shot but
missed him and he sprang again and again the dog chased him. The
dog was tired but still followed the lion and treed him again in the
same oak he had climbed before. Then I called to my son again and
he answered and came. "Shoot him!" he cried and I did so, but my
rifle was very small and I did not kill him. "You shoot him!" I
cried and the boy shot him. Then he fell ; we killed him. We carried
him to the house and skinned him. We staked the hide and dried it
and then we carried it to Jolon and sold it to Mr. Redmond.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 97
A FOEEST FIEE 35
septie'mbre ta-'mticko' ta'a'u' ketca/ ko-'mai'ye
September, then was fire great. Began
rumceme-'ni ' ta'mt'konax peta'taa-'wo p'neti'lt'ek
in Eeliz Canon. Then came the our boss. Brought us,
he'nrl dan ba.a's tax bet'o's ta'maiya-L kLa'pai
Henry Dunn, that son and the younger brother. Then went three
tenuwa-na" ta-'makonnox tumtika-'ko bela'k' ta'ts'e'k'
of morning. Then arrived to its summit the ground to see
peta'a'u' ke'ra ka-'kaxau ta-'kalamhaL ta ke'ra
the fire. No, not slept and not ate and no
ta-'k'es k'ecxai'yaL hak' gas tupeco-'k'a ku-'wate
blankets. Dawned we only in the gully. Bad!
tax kesimo'n ka'stro lu'is sko'sya tax pe'a's
And the Simon Castro, Luis Seocia and the son
k'Lo'xLano r ce' hak' ka'mxot'e raxo't'Lop' tup'tateY
burnt almost. We not able to pass by the smoke.
ta'mackoL' k'e-'Lp'a hak' ka-'ke-nilu ' ralo'xLa
Then were, halted we. Thought already that burn.
ke'ra ka-'mxote taxo't'Lop' k'Lu'walu snWkai
No, not able to pass. Long already night.
ta'mxot'up' peta'a'u' ke'ra ka'lamhaL ta'maiyaM
Then passed the fire. No, not ate. Then saw
cwa"N ski'ntai' ta'macaxt 'e- 'lik' yolo' ta'lamxat'be
fishes small. Then ate them, it already our food the
ta-me'ta met'o'L to-'kena 'ten ' me'smakai' ta'm'alamhaL
until on one day again. When night then ate;
ko'nlox hak' tumt&'tfkampo ko'neL hak tup' ta'a'u'
arrived we to our camp. Escaped we from the fire.
ts'ep tat'ca-'kai adio's ta'a'u'
Good our sleep. Good-bye, fire!
In September there was a great forest fire which began in Reliz
Canon. Our boss, Henry Dunn, came and got me, my son and my
younger brother. We went at three o'clock in the morning and
arrived at the ridge and saw the fire. We did not sleep and had
nothing to eat and no blankets. When it dawned we were alone in
the gully; it was very bad. Simon Castro, Luis Seocia and my son
were almost burnt to death for we were unable to pass through, the
35 Told by Pedro Encinales, 1910; University of California Museum of Anthro-
pology, phonograph record, 14-1583.
98 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
smoke. We were halted and thought that we would be burnt for we
were unable to pass. After a long night the fire passed by. We had
nothing to eat but at last saw some little fishes and ate them. That
was all we had until the next day. At night we ate and returned
to our homes, having escaped from the fire. And we had a good
sleep. Good bye, fire !
A TEIP TO SAN FEANCISCO se
leya'x tumte-'ma ko-'maiyu hek' tumxolo' n
When came to my house left I from Jolon.
ta-'maiyan peta-'meko aketa-'sona me'san ta-'maiyam
Then saw the my friend. What his name this? Mason. Then saw
me'san petcau'waiik me'konax k'o'nxa-16 ta'mp' yemet 'ik
Mason. Was met. When arrived late already. Then saw me,
ma-'t'ik tumte-'mo ko'nlox hak' tumta-'M p' ma-'t'ik
took me to his house. Arrived we to house. Took me
maswida' tats'ek pets'enli' p'ya'mhek' xai'ya'
to city to see the amusements; saw I many
t'a'uwut' p'ma-H'e'k ta-'mekonax make'u ts'enll'
people. Took me. Then arrived to where amusements
ketca"ten le-ta'no sma'kai ta'maiya-L tup'ta-'m
great. Half night then came to the house.
tame-'cxai' ta'metaLxwaLtenax t'oL to-'kena' snia'kai
Then morning then worked one day. Night
ta'tsaiyaL umswida' maa'tak heyo" ta'ts'aiyaL
to go to city. Took me he. Went
me-'cxai' tumta-'m k' ta'lxualtenax hak' t'ol
at morning to house, worked we one
to-'kena me'sniakai ta'tsaiyaL tats'e'k ts'enll'
day. At night to go to see amusements.
me'cxai' ta'tsak'e-lp'a tamk'mai'ya hek' tumt'o'Lten pwe'blo
In morning returned. Then went I to one again town,
o'kland ko'kcu a'maiya-L tumpa' ta'tsak 'e-'lpa
Oakland, two then went there. Then returned
me'sniakai tumta-'m kl'yaLhak' me'sniakai tats'e-'k
at night to house. Went we at night to see
pets'enli krsaliriya'M stiyo'wanlax
the amusements. All to see beautiful!
When your messenger came to my house I started from Jolon. On
arriving in San Francisco I met my friend what's his name?
36 Told by Pedro Encinales, 1910 ; University of California Museum of Anthro-
pology, phonograph record, 14-1582.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salman Indians 99
Mason ; I met Mason. He met me. It was already late when I arrived.
Then he took me to his house ; we arrived there. Then he took me to
the city to. see the amusements ; I saw many people. We came to where
there were great amusements. At midnight we returned to the house.
In the morning we worked all day and at night he took me to the city
again. In the morning we went again to the house and worked all
day. At night we went to see the amusements again and returned in
the morning. The next day we two went to another town, Oakland and
at night returned to the house. That night we went again to see the
amusements and saw them all; they were beautiful.
IOY AND BLUEJAY37
yoi tax pa-t'o-'so skl-'tana pewi-tcele" kmai'yaL
loy and that her younger brother small the bluejay lived
tumpa' t'oL smak'ai kiya'xteL pekci'tLip'
there. One night came the dead.
k'o-'mat'iirik t'oL se-'wo-t yoi pelits'e' k 'o-'matiliik'
Was bought one their wife. loy the woman purchased
t'eheyo't' pexe'nes ket'xai'ya' tupekce'tLep' cko"
by them. The beads possessed by the dead were
tenotili" t'eheyo" kLu'waw 8 le-1 nasma'kai tumpa'
to give for her. Married already this night there..
ta-'mto'okenatume' ta'mt'ya heyo" pewi-tcile" cko-
Then day next then went she. The bluejay was
tumpa' me't'oL lice" ta'mt'e ki-he'k' tiitc'a-'u
there for one year. Then said, " Go I to seek
pepe-' ketca/ pale'lko t'oLt'ya' tupetikaT et pa-'lxo
the elder sister large." Asked one every of the trees. Wished
tp'ye'mo akeH'eke'o heyo" peka'xap ki-
to know, "What his place he the dead?" Went
tupi-'kilentxo pale'lko t'oLt 'ya' tupekca'xtene ke'ta'
to return. Asked him one every of the birds. No,
ko-'set'aiik heyo" pale'lko t'uxwe'nto t'oL tcxa"
not answered. He asked finally one rock.
heyo" pse-'ko heyo" ma-'hak' peti'cxa' ta'maaf
He told him he, ' ' Give me the money, then carry
mo' tumpa" pxai'iko ta'maaf tumpa" maatela'uo
thee there!" Paid him, then carried there, carried him
pekei'tLlip' petcxa" tax pewi-tcile" kya'xteL tet'oL
the dead. The rock and the bluejay came to one
37 Translated by Pedro Encinales, 1910. Cf . Boas, Chinook Texts, p. 161 ;
Kroeber, The Yokuts Language, present series, n, 275; The Washo Language,
iv, 303.
100 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
temai-'ic ke'ta' tateT t s petama-'niL a'mt'ya-'L
village. No smoke from the houses. Then went
petixapi'cxo ta' m peketca-'le-'lo ta-'m a-m heyo"
the last house the large already house. Then he
p'ya-'ma tate't tumpa' a-m heyo" ki- t'uma'
saw smoke there. Then he went there.
ta^mp'ya-'mo peape'u ketca-' a: pet'o's skl-'tana
Then saw her the his elder sister large. "Ah! the younger brother little!"
heyo" pse-'eko heyo" akeme-'naxta umka'xap' mo'
She told him he, "Whence thou comest now? Art dead thou?"
heyo" ksa ke'ra' ka'xap' petcxa" maat'ak
He said, "No, not dead. The rock carried me
tuwi' xtiteV'ma ta-^mpo'maiyeu tope'lextLo t'oLt'ya'
here on back!" Then began to open one every
tupet'ama-'niL t'oLt'y*/ tupeta-'m kap' xe'na-teL axa-kten'
of the houses. One every of the house was full bones!
t'oL ta-"ko ka'xap' t'oLke'u tupeape'u ketcg/
One head dead near place of the his elder sister large.
heyo" pse-'ko heyo" tast'ma'lox tum.e'tak'
He told her, "What thy desire to do
naaxa-'ten tena t 'axa'ko
these bones of these heads?"
Toy and her younger brother Blue jay lived together. One night
the ghosts came to buy a wife and Toy was the woman they purchased.
They gave their beads for her. That night she was married there and
the next day they took her away with them. Blue jay lived alone for
a year and then he got lonely and said, "I will go and seek my elder
sister." So he inquired of every one of the trees, wanting to know,
"Where do people go when they die?" But they could not tell him.
So he returned and asked every one of the birds. But they could not
inform him either. At last he asked a rock which said to him, ' ' Give
me your money and I will carry you there." So Blue jay paid him
all his money and the rock carried him to the country of the dead.
The rock and Bluejay came to a village. But there was no smoke
coming out of the houses. They went to the large house at the end of
the village and there he saw smoke. So he went in and there was his
elder sister. "Ah!" she said. "It is my little brother! How did
you get here? Are you dead?" "No," he replied. "I am not dead.
This rock carried me here on his back. ' ' Then he began to open every
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salman Indians 101
one of the houses. And every one was full of bones ! One skull was
very close to his elder sister. So he said to her, "What do you want
me to do with these bones and skulls?"
THE ELK 38
k'Lu-'walu k'o-'lap xwan ane'w 8 tax pemarm
Long ago very Juan his grandmother and the Maria.
p'se-'ko ki'ya-te' tetye' teta'mt'e ta.a'c ki-'sile
Told him always to go to hunt the elk. Every
too'kana' kl tupa'mkneLko acte'n pt'i'kaxo ki'ya-te'
day went to kill them elk. Killed them always
Lk'a'neL pt'e'kaxo ki'ya-te' cumk'o'm' t'a-CNe'L
coyotes; killed them always squirrels. Some
me pt'e'kaxo sk'almo'k' pa-'mko tet'ya" tetamte
times killed mice! Could to go to hunt
ki-'ya-te' ki-ten met'oLten ta'mticko' tupela'k' heyo"
always. Went again on one again. Then was on the land. He
kVmes yax tika'mpo acne'L k'a-'ltena' hak'
cried, "Come to field, Elk! Fight we,
k'pa'La hak' peta-'take kiya'x tumtce'N cko' t'oL
dance we!" The something came to outside. Was one
map' naluwa' yo' pse-'ko pemap' heyo" ke'ta'
rabbit! This man he told the rabbit he, "No!
k'e'etak'a pet'mi'ck'oLet ki-c kutca'i, pet'aa'ko
Not I called thee! The thy ears resemble spoons, the its handle
k'wa-'keLta pema'p' xa-'ta a-'mt'ya tump'a-'wu
long! ' ' The rabbit wept. Then went to other side
ta-'kata xa-'ta pema'p' ta'mamesten kiyaxte'L
woods. Wept the rabbit. Then cried again, "Come
tuwitcen tup&ka-'mpo o acte'n
to here outside, to that field, O Elk!"
Long, long ago Juan lived with his grandmother Maria. She always
told him to go and hunt elk. Every day he went out to kill elk, but he
always killed only coyotes and squirrels. Sometimes he killed mice.
But nevertheless he always went out to hunt. One day he went again
to the hunting country and cried, "Come on out into the open, Elk!
We will fight and dance ! ' ' Then something came out of the woods ;
it was a rabbit ! Then the man said to the rabbit, ' ' I didn 't call you !
Your ears are like spoons with long handles ! ' ' Then the rabbit wept
38 Translated by Pedro Encinales, 1910.
102 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
and went into the woods again. But Juan remained and cried again,
' ' Come on out into the open, Elk ! ' '
^
THE FIGHT 39
t'oL k'weL t'i-y 8 ' teVmt'e tetaa" amp'ya-'m
One time went to hunt of deer. Then saw
hek' t'ol t'aa/' kas ko'p' yemeT ak pa-ke'n hek'
I one deer. Only not saw me. Think I
tuko'p' me-sowaiik me'nak'o petsa-kai" sexo-mo" pet'eyine'k
that not was smelled because the wind was bad. Shot him
hek' taa/' t' u P' xa 'k' pet'eyine'k hek' umtexiwai'yo
I deer with the bow. Shot him I in his heart.
amki-' hek' tuma' ta-'mo-maiyi' to'o't'iitina-pik
Then went I there. Then began to cut him up.
pesno'xo hek' ksa-'teL tuma' t'ick'ema'L peksa-'teL
Heard I speaking there. Tulareiios the speakers.
kya'maNeLak' heyo-'t' a'memet'ik' tumak'e-'nax t'upe
Not saw me they. Then ran to where came to the
a'teloi ka'ctakonax make'u pa'a'teloi ampse-'ko hek^
friend. When arrived to him that friend then told him I
heyo" a'teloi pa-ke'n hek' tet'i fi'ck'e-maL
him, "Friend, think I to be Tularenos
pekya'xt'eL t'iha'k' pt'a'kixo hak' heyo-T tarn
the comers to us! Kill them we them!" Then
pa'a'teloi pse-'hak heyo" ' n pt'a-'kixo hak'
that friend told me he, "Yes! Kill them we!
k'tce'henmilak hak' heyo-'t' se xai'ya t'an hak'
Are brave we! They are many and we
se ko'kcu kas kasko'f amai' ta-pt'a'k'taiax kaske'ra'
are two only. But not able to kill us! Only no,
ko'tce-henmilak pa-ke'nohe'k' t'eheyo'f ksa'ktox
not are brave! Think I that they afraid
ma'yomalt'ai'ik' pe.a'teloi pse-'hak heyo" ta-m hak'
when are seen! " The friend told me he. Then we
ka'cil t'oo'ke k'a-'t' ta-m petxa'u hek' petice'ko
seated into brush. Then had I the his knife
pa'a'teloi ma-'kit' ohek' ta-cNe'L t' upete't 'eyitinai ' t'oL
that friend, gave him I some of the arrows. One
t'ick'e'M kya'x t'umt'ewa-'ko pek'a-' a'mpet'eyineko
Tulareno came to beside the us. Then shot him
39 Translated by Pedro Eneinales, 1910 ; Cf . Kroeber, The Washo Language,
present series, iv, 302.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 103
hak' heyo" ta'met 'eyinek coke'nto t' ampa 'a'teloi
we him. Then shot him his eye. Then that friend
pet 'eyine-'ko pet'i'peno t' a^mkitcamnox ka'xap' a-'memet 'ik<
shot him the his belly. Then fell dead. Then ran
umke'o heyo" polt'e-'ko hek' tup't'i'cik pet'a-'ko
to where he. Cut it I with the knife the his head.
ta'mtyaxte^L pet'i'ckema r L t'oma t' a- x momai'ye ' tak Vltena '
Then came the Tularefios there. Then began to fight!
pet 'eyitinek' hak' a'met 'eyinek' t'oL t'eheyo't'
Shot them we. Then shot one of them.
ta^mame'sik heyo-'t' yaxte'L . ke'ra' ka-'suxtax mom
Then cried them, "Come! No, not afraid you!
nao-m k'o'k'a-mko tuko't 'eyine-t' ax t'upe t'ko'tMyinai
You not able to shoot us with the your arrows!
pet'eyine-'t'kam hak' ka'xatep mo-'mta' pse-'t'ko
Shoot you we! Dead you soon!" Told them
hek' tel.i-'n k'tsVktox tupesk'a-'mo k' ts Vktoxak'
I while yet were afraid to the near. Feared me
pa-'mko keti' hak' ko'kculo teheyo-'t' t'oL
killed because we two already of them. One
t'eheyo-'f pet 'eyine-'ko ksa' pe'a'teloi k'ma'Ltox
of them shot him very the friend. Jumped
hak' kVk'ot'na-'pelt'e hak' ta'mt'yax petet 'o-'iyiN
we, dodged we. Then came the arrows
t'et'ewai'yu ki-'sile pa'a'teloi pt'e'kaxo hak' t'oL
to his side all that friend. Killed we one
ticke-'m t'ya' t'iha'k ta'mamet'Lik mask'a-'mkeu
Tularefio each of us. Then ran to near him.
ta-'m.met' Lik tumatce'N k'e-'po-t'ilau hak' heyo-'t'
Then ran to distance. Followed them we them.
ko'xom'tela' kasp'a'mko hak' k'i'ca' t'eheyo-T xai'ya'
Escaped they but killed we four of them. Many
heyo-'t' pake-'no hek' tet'o'e t^-ma" ta'mauLt'ek'
they. Think I that ten men. Then cut
kl-'sile' petaxa'ko peki'ca' tama/ n ' ka'xatep' pa'a'teloi
all the their heads the four men dead. That friend
k'e'nai' me-'no ta-'m'oma-iyi' tai'ya'L tumta-'m
wounded his hand. Then began to go to house.
ta-'maiya-L t' umat' a-'t' e-ma t'a'pa'tna
Then came to our houses, and danced.
104 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
Once I went out to hunt deer. I saw one and he didn't see me. I
think he didn't smell me because the wind was blowing the other way.
So I shot him with my bow and arrow. I got him in the heart. Then I
went up to him and began to cut him up. But while I was busy there
I heard somebody speak. It was a party of Tulareilos who were speak-
ing. But they didn't see me. So I ran back to where I had left my
friend and said to him, ' ' Friend, I think that there are some Tulareiios
coming up to us. Let 's kill them ! ' ' And my friend replied, ' ' Yes, we
can kill them all right ! We are brave men. They are many and we
are only two but just the same they won't be able to kill us! They
aren't brave; I think they'll be afraid when they see us." That's
what my friend said to me.
So we went into the brush. I took my friend 's knife and I gave him
some of my arrows. Then one of the Tulareiios came near us and we
shot him. I shot him in the eye and my friend hit him in the belly.
He fell dead and I ran up to him and cut his head off with my knife.
Then the other Tularenos came up and we began to fight. We shot at
them and hit one of them. Then I yelled out, "Come on ! We aren't
afraid of you ; you can't shoot us with your arrows ! We'll shoot you ;
you'll all be dead pretty soon." That was what I said to them while
they were afraid to come close. They were afraid because we had
killed two of them already. One of them kept shooting at my friend.
But we jumped and dodged and all the arrows passed by on the side.
Then each of us killed another Tulareiio and ran up to them. Then
they fled to a distance and we followed them. The rest of them
escaped but we killed four of them. They were very many; I think
there were ten men.
Then we cut off the heads of the four slain men and then started
out for our house. My friend was wounded in the hand. And when
we came to the house we had a great celebration and dance.
DIALECT OF SAN MIGUEL
THE BEGINNING OF THE WOELD *o
letetaha'pu wela-'k' t' a'miyax-olap V ta'mico-L
When made was the earth then came the sea. Then rose
tot'op'o'iya xolap'e" ke'kaxosna'it' o ' t'up'o'iya ketc'a"
to the mountain the sea. Was the eagle then mountain great.
40 Told by Maria Ocarpia, 1916. Said to be version of San Antonio. Of. Ethn-
ology, 190; present paper, pp. 81, 83.
1918] Mason : The Language of the Salinan Indians 105
ta'meyexotc' ene" ta'meyaxhot' a 'muL ta'met'e't hosna'f
Then came the old woman. Then came the puma; then said the eagle,
umta-'net' Me'cax patalok'e' hopVta'L tamet'e't
"Wilt thou give thy whiskers? Lassoo it I the basket." Then said
tot'a-xwe'n' xosna'i ne"cxo' ta'mepetak tuhela'k'
to the dove the eagle, "Fetch earth!" Then made of the earth
hosna'i ta'mepetakto lene" toteta'p'koL la'pai
the eagle. Then made did woman of elder, three
a'metetaxap ho'lene" a'mepuxumk' uwa'p' ta'mete't
then made the woman. Then entered in sweat house. Then said
hockVn' ni"hoti'tc'e-lak yikV we'amas ki-' ma'a'u
the hawk, "Fetch the barsalillo! Go!" The coyote went bring
hotc'e-'lak kera" ku-" w huwu 'titc 'e-lak ta'mekik' et' u '
the barsalillo. "No! Not is my barsalillo!" Then went did,
keno-'lk' e'to ' tamepeta'ko lama-'ta komoleple" hot'epo-'t'
sweated did. Then made bower, finished the people
totenake't' o ' ta'metetai p 'e'nap 'e '
made did. Then made fiesta.
The old Woman of the Sea was jealous of Eagle and wished to be
more powerful than he. So she came towards him with her basket in
which she carried the sea. Continually she poured the water out of
the basket until it covered all the land. It rose nearly to the top of
Santa Lucia Peak where were gathered Eagle and the other animals.
Then Eagle said to Puma, "Lend me your whiskers to lassoo the
basket." He made a lariat out of the whiskers of Puma and lassoed
the basket. Then the sea ceased rising and the old woman died.
Then said Eagle to Dove, "Fetch some earth!" Then Eagle made
the world of the mud brought by the dove. Then he took three sticks
of elder and formed from these a woman and two men. But still they
had no life. They all entered the sweat-house. Then said Prairie-
Falcon, "Fetch my barsalillo! Coyote went to bring it but brought a
load of different wood. " No ! " said Prairie-Falcon. ' ' That is not my
barsalillo/' and Coyote had to go again. Then they all sweated. After
sweating the eagle blew on the elder-wood people and they lived. Then
they made a bower of branches and held a great fiesta.
THE THEFT OF FIEE 4i
sa'nenexoc-kYn ho'toxwa't'o' hockVn wa'lual' t'a'so'
Married the hawk, the mother-in-law his the hawk bullbat, her name.
tc'ine" p'a'lxo' tepokot 'hoto ' hot'e-le'm' ta'miye
Old woman wished to kill him did the son-in-law. Then went
4i Told by Maria Ocarpia, 1916. Cf. p. 82.
106 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
hockVn peta"ko' hot'iope" he'kV totoxwa-'to'
the hawk made her the grubs. Said to his mother-in-law.
ta'miye hockVn hosene /u ' ki-' ne'ij' ho.e'xo'
Then went the hawk the his wife, "Go bring the her mother. "
kit'o' p'i'cxo't tiope" ta'melicxai ta'miyex hotc'ene"
Went did, ate they grubs. Then rained, then came the old woman
ta'xo p'aso umte-mo" ta'metekamkua'pi hosna'i'
and the her child to her house. Then were in sweat-house the eagle
ta'xohelk 'a' tamecmak' ai't' o ' umkwa'p' 1 li'cxaifo'
and the coyote. Then darkened did in sweat -house. Eained did
kite' a/' ta'mexwent' o ' tc'ine" ake'laxa mak'e'weL
great. Then came did old woman. "Where door?" "To north."
ake'laxa map'xa'nol laxa'M ta'met'e't hotc'ene"
"Where door?" "To south door." Then said the old woman,
hi'k'a'no" klk'e" neu'ke' lap'e" tamet' ikat' o '
"Swear now, go I, bring I sea!" Then was then
le'cxai ke'rako'p' ecxai ta'metetaka wetelo" yikV
rain; no, not dawned. Then told martin, "Go
rnnle'm o't'ika hotc'anone" me-'n' ta'menact'o'
aloft if is the light." Went, then returned did,
ta'metet ha-' keka' tc'anone' no" he'ka' hosnaT
then said, "Yes, is light." "Good!" said the eagle.
yike'wesna'k ni' t'a'a'u' wesnak ta'metiko'nox
"Go the kangaroo-rat, bring fire the kangaroo-rat." Then arrived
hosna"k cme-"L tot'a'a'u' ta'mecap hot'uma'u'
the kangaroo-rat, beaten of the fire. Then extinguished the cargo.
ta'mexwenosna''kto' ta'metet yikVto' xo-"mi kl-'to'
Then arrived the kangaroo-rat did. Then told, ' ' Go roadrunner ! ' ' Went did
OXO"MI pa-'xo ta'a'u' t'ucma-'i' a'mexwento'
the roadrunner. Put it fire in cheeks. Then arrived did,
ta'meteta'k kera" ko'xwen k'u'tex tulama'u w
then said, "No, not arrived." Eemained with food.
ta'metetak howe-telo" yiki'umle-'m ta'met' okono'xo-
Then told the martin, ' ' Go aloft ! ' ' Then arrived
hosa-'xe ki ne'ij' ta'a'u' t'a'miyex hotc'anone"
the bird, went brought fire. Then came the light.
hosa-'xe ma 'aumt' ee'lko ' ta'a'u' p'ecxa'ito' xa'ta
The bird carried _in his beak fire. Dawned did; wept
hot'a'muL ta'mete V osnaT mi'yo'k fumxa-'ta yi'ke"
the puma. Then said the eagle, "Why thy weeping? Go
tc'a'u taa'V akiti" p'oxe'm' omtipo-'t 'tecko"
hunt deer!" "How make sinew?" "Thou not human art!
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salman Indians 107
ma-mo'c hot'me'ma't tamexa-'ta hoto-xo"tu' komxa-'ta
Preserve the thy meat." Then wept the wolf did. "Don't weep!
yike' tc'a'u-' humui" aketi' puxe'm' omtipo't'
Go hunt the antelope !" "How make sinew?" " Thou not human
ti'cko mi'cax timi't'ik mixa-'tato' xo-peNe'L
art! Eat running!" And wept did the vulture.
tc Vuhopa'mat aketihopoxe'm ' mi'caxka ta'meteto
' ' Seek the carrion ! " " How make the sinew ? " " Eat only ! ' ' Them told did
'elk 'a yike" aketihopoxe'm' mepe'noxka
coyote, "Go!" "How make the sinew?" "Gulp only!"
Long ago when all the animals were people Prairie-Falcon was
married and his mother-in-law was Bullbat. She wished to kill her
son-in-law. Prairie-Falcon went out to make her some grubs to eat,
as the animals in this time could make whatever they wanted. Then
he said to his wife, "The grubs are ready; bring your mother." So
they went and ate grubs. Then it began to rain and the old woman
and her daughter returned to the house.
Eagle and Coyote were in the sweat-house when it became dark
and rained hard; the old woman couldn't find the door in the dark-
ness. 413 ' ' Where is the door f " she asked. ' ' To the north ! ' ' But she
could not find it. ''Where is the door?" she demanded again. "To
the south!" Then the old woman became furiously angry and said,
' ' I swear I will go and bring the sea ! ' ' And she went away.
Many days passed and it did not dawn but rained continually.
Then said Eagle to Martin, "Fly up to see if there is any light."
Martin flew high in the sky and finally returned and said, "Yes, there
is light." "Good!" said Eagle. "Go, Kangaroo-rat and bring it!"
Kangaroo-rat went and stole some fire from those who were guarding
it. They fought with him but he wrapped the fire around him with a
white bandage. On this account he still has a white band around his
body. But the fire went out during the long journey and Kangaroo-
rat arrived fruitless. Then said Eagle, "Go thou, Roadrunner!"
Eoadrunner went and secured the fire and put it in his cheeks. But
he liked it so much he remained there eating fire. On this account he
has red cheeks. Then they said, after waiting, "He did not arrive
there." So they said to Martin, "Go up thou!" Martin went and
brought fire in his beak. Then there was light and it dawned.
Then Puma wept because he was hungry and cold; he was the
king of the animals. But Eagle said, "Why dost thou weep? Go
4ia Of. E. W. Gifford, ' ' Miwok Myths, ' ' this series, XII, 290.
108 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
hunt deer! Thou shalt not be human!" "But how shall I treat
them?" inquired Puma. "Guard everything thou catchest!" And
Wolf also wept. "Don't weep!" said Eagle. " Go hunt antelopes !"
"How shall I treat them?" "Eat them running! Thou art not
human ! " And Vulture also wept. ' ' Seek carrion ! ' ' commanded
Eagle. ' ' How shall I treat it ? " " Merely eat it ! " And Coyote wept
also. " Go ! " " How shall I treat my food ? " " Just gulp it down ! ' '
THE TAR- WOMAN "
t'a'miye hockVn ta'l-o' hola'p' ya'mo'
Then went the hawk. Accompanied the raven. Saw her
hotc'a'he' ta'metet hockVn umpet'xa'u otolole" ha/
the Chahe. Then said the hawk, "Hast thou got the flute?' "Yes.
ta'ltom' t'mi'txa taltumt' ica'xal te'msaxten xa'wela'k'
What thine, thy possession? What thy power?" "Nephews, far the land;
ma'xap umti'tc'o'M ta'menutohotolole" ta'metaxap
get up on shoulder. ' ' Then seized did the flute ; then got up
umtitc'o'm' ka'xap ta'metet way away e' xe'sekola'
on shoulder. Got up. Then said, "Wayawaye! Hesekola!
kew e ts'its'tena tewi'le-tek ta'me.axa-'ta hot'olole"
Cries this which kill I!" Then got up on the flute;
ta'metom' hola-'p'i ta'mecauwat ta'meneuto-ck 'an
then fell the raven; then black. Then seized did the hawk
hotaca'x ta'memoloxotc' ene-" hotc'axe' lexala-' taxle
the feather. Then jumped the old woman, the Chahe. "Grandfather!" And
already
ti't'oLpet po'xtela'k' hotc'axe" k'o'Lpex lo-'lk'"
scalded. Entered in earth the Chahe. Came out, "Burnt I!"
k'o'Lpext'Ma' hofi-ko" u pisi'lxo' wela'k' k'o'lpex
Sprouted mescal everywhere whole the earth. Sprouted
peyexte-'to' ka-'xwen ho-t ? Ma' peke'lentxo wela-'k'
its seed; many the mescal. Circled the earth.
lectiko"' smak' tumla'luo ta'metika' t'Ma ketca-'
South-west tar then left it. Then is mescal great.
we-k'e'weL hute't' xaptep hotc'ine-" huke'u' mtana"
At north ended the old woman, the place. Now
kite-'mna sikililip niaka-" to-cko'N'E he'u'
sounds encircle; now implanted she
te-ta'xaptep ki-'silip to'toxoyota-'i ' tau'me taxa'ptep
to finish all life until ends
42 Told by Maria Ocarpia, 1916. Cf. Ethnology, p. 194; present paper, p. 84.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 109
umk'wa'L tetVnkox okete'a/' ot'a-To' otc'ene/'
world. Planted the great the fruit. The old woman
he'u' le'uxo' k'e'wel ke'u' hu'tet' axaptep
she is north, there. Ended
hapok' e'lec
the story.
In former times there was an old woman known as Chahe. Her
stomach was a basket full of boiling tar which she carried on her
shoulder. She would inveigle people to approach her and then throw
them into the boiling tar where they were digested. One day she was
seated on a hill waiting for someone to pass by. Then there came
Prairie-Falcon accompanied by his uncle Raven. They saw Chahe
and Prairie-Falcon said, "Have you got your flute?" "Yes," said
Raven. ' ' "What charms have you ? ' ' For both of the friends possessed
magic flutes which aided them in everything they undertook.
When Chahe saw them she said, ingratiatingly, "Nephews, you
have a long journey to go. Better get up on my shoulder and let me
carry you. ' ' So they flew up on their flutes and sat on her shoulder ;
she was very tall. Then she sang :
Wayawaye ! Hesekola !
It is crying, that which I am going to kill !
Then they stood up on their flutes but Raven missed his balance
and fell into the basket of tar. That is the reason he is so black ; before
this Raven was as beautiful as Prairie-Falcon. But the latter reached
down and caught Raven by one feather and hauled him out and
revived him. Then they pulled out their fire drills and set fire to the
tar. Chahe jumped as the fire touched her and cried out, "Oh, grand-
father!" Her skin began to peel off and she ran about furiously.
She ran into the earth in her endeavor to extinguish the fire, and then
came out again. ' ' I am burning up ! " she cried. All over the earth
she ran leaving drops of burning tar, and every place where the tar
fell there sprouted the mescal. Much tar fell to the southwest and
there is a great mescal. Her course fiinally ended in the north where
she still is heard running in circles. And so she will continue all her
life to the end of the world, dropping seeds of mescal. There is still
the old woman in the north.
My story is ended.
110 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
PEAIEIE-FALCON AND ELF 4s
ta'miyax umtake" otcilwa'iyi teci'k' ka'ro'
Then came in road the old man barn owl. ?
kamti' he'k'a maka/' ta'miyax hock 'an k'e'sko'
Hunted, said ? Then came the hawk spying.
tamik'a-'ka tcilwa'i he'k'a maka/' k'a'ka totewo'ts 'o '
Then sang old man, said ? Sang, "With feather
kakeV ticxe'po' hoskVmAa'n' wi wi wi
hangs his foot the elf! Wheel Wheel Wheel"
a'met' ica'to ta'metika howetcele" hik'a te'k'a
Then walked did. Then was the bunting said, "Who is
mi'slipap ta'meyax ki-' hoskama'a'n' ko'mop cxa'p
smells himself?" Then came went the elf, made himself rock.
ta'met 'etepai ha'lap ta'a'u' kecme"L ta'met' xauwat
Then said, "Throw fire." Threw. Then became yellow
hot'icu" tamexa-'ta' umk'wa'p a'mtepeL ka'pel
the his breast Then wept in sweat-house. Then filled, filled
hotica-'to' a'metikonox umtiti'lk'o 'otoca-'to hock YD
the his tears. Then arrived to his head the his tears the hawk.
a'miyix ki-'to' ta'meto'yokapto ' a'miyi ki-'to'
Then came went did. Then revived did. Then went, went did.
me'topokapto ' ta'meyi hoskVn keuke' xilap'to'
When revived did then went the hawk where braves did.
tameka-'to' hotcine" pasie'M xui ka'natapato"
Then was there the old woman named Xui. Was pounding
pe"Li ke'ra' cuke'nt'o ta'meye kixola'p'to' loko'xo'
pil. No her eyes. Then went, went the raven did, snatched it,
pamo" hope"L a'miyaxtoN tamiki-'yahock 'an ko'tisen
ate it the pil. Then came again then came the hawk, "Be careful! "
h'" yu'wan nape'L' a'mipacai'yo pane' tamipopa-'uto'
' ' Yes. Sweet this pil ! " Then raised it pestle. Then seized it did.
me'ten p'o'caito' hop'a'NE ta'mipopa-'uto' hola-'p'
When again raised did the pestle. then seized it did the raven.
ta'metet omya'mcep ta'miyehock Vn papo'xo me'neno'
Then said, "Dost see?" Then went the hawk, put in his hand.
ta'mepopa-uto ' hotits Vlto ' ta'mexotko' ta'mela-'p 'seto '
Then seized did the tip of his wing. Then blew him, then raven was there.
a'miyito' ki-'to' ya'ma ocka'k' pVmas te'metet
Then went did, went did, saw the crow. Shouted, then told,
he'k'a' ki'yaxno" tepot 'ha'lap ' hotika'uwi amet'o'xoN
said, ' ' Come soon people ! ' ' The sleepiness. Then snored,
43 Told by Maria Oearpia, 1916. Cf . Ethnology, p. 192 ; present paper, pp.
67, 92, 93.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 111
ka'uwi kl'ka ucokonoi' ta'kenco" xu'tia hota'a'p
slept. Was the great owl, doctor was. Sick the deer
kitcV ta'metet me'nok'eko' hota'ken ta'met'et
great. Then said, "Go to see I him the doctor." Then said
hocokenoV akfteno^pa'mka anato'poka eme-'tikas
the great owl, "Where he who kills thee? Allow head to see if can
te-tc'o'ino"
suck will ! ' '
Old man Barn-Owl came along the road ; he had been hunting with
the aid of his magic feather with which he killed his game. Prairie-
Falcon came after him,spying. Then the old man sang:
Because of my feather,
Elf hangs by his foot !
Wheel Wheel Wheel
For he had caught Elf and hung him up by one foot in his sweat-
house so as to kill him. Then he went away.
Then Prairie-Falcon went to the sweat-house and wept; he wept
so long that the house filled with his tears, they reached the head of
Elf hanging there and revived him.
Elf was seated smelling his arms when Bunting came by and
laughed and said, "Who is this who is smelling himself?" At that
Elf went and turned himself into stone. Then Prairie-Falcon got
angry and said, ' ' I will throw fire at him ! ' ' He did so, and for that
reason Bunting's breast is yellow to this day.
Then, after reviving Elf, Prairie-Falcon went to meet the other
brave animals. There was an old woman named Hui who was pound-
ing pil in a mortar. She had no eyes. Raven was there putting his
foot in the mortar and stealing some pil. Prairie-Falcon came along
and said, ' ' Take care ! " " Yes, ' ' replied Raven, ' ' but this pil is very
sweet!" Whenever she raised the pestle Raven would seize a hand-
ful of pil. "Do you not see?" he said. At last Raven was a moment
slow and Hui pounded him in the mortar. Then Prairie-Falcon
reached in his talons and caught him by the tip of the wing and pulled
him out. He blew on him and Raven assumed his present shape.
Prairie-Falcon then went and encountered Crow who cried to
him, ' ' The Humans are coming now ! ' ' Prairie-Falcon caused him to
sleep and snore.
Great-Owl was a medicine-man. The big Deer was sick and said,
"I will go and see the doctor." Then said Great Owl, "Who is the
man who is trying to kill you? Let me suck your head."
112 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol. 14
THE SEEPENT4*
ke'ka' hotinele" p'i'cxo' hot'ipo't' petak'a'u
Was the serpent. Ate him the Indian. Named him.
pet'xa'u' hot'ukV'Yi hutema'it' o ' tela'Mi ta'mepesno'xo '
Had it the whirlwind that gave did to eat. Then heard him
hock 'an' ta'metet aketa'ti he'k'a' hola'p' kYlau'
the hawk. Then said, "How to do?" Said the raven, "How many
tumtc'a'haL pet'xa'uk'e/ tike'ra' kopa'utek hock'o't
thy powers?" "Have I that no not overtake me the snake.
pet'xa'u kVu' toti'pe'N np nak'e" ha'kic
Have it where quick." "Good! This I two
la'pai t'opo' ! yela ke'u' t'ica'xal ake'ho' a-some-'nekA
three mountains. There power. " " Where the ? " " Asomeneka
hoke'u' aketo'nho' a-'sumloiya' MI tanmo" ha/
the place." "Where again the?" "Asumloyam. And thou?" "Yes.
pa'xok'e" tei'tc'ai' no' aketunke'u umle'saM
Place I neck!" "Good! Where again place?" "At Morro,
tomele'u' t'ca'haL no' poxk'e'to' nu."i me-'no
last power." "Good! Enter I did. Good is. Let's see
nok'xa' hock'ot tik'a'mento' ki'yalto' co'keneock'o't
we the snake that we saw did. ' ' Went they did, awoke the snake.
mecu'ke-nock 'of tu ' ke'we-ts'na ta'met'uk' hots'ak'a'i
When awoke the snake did shouted. Then broke the wind.
yot'me' wi't'nak t'u'k' hots'aka'i t'ak'ak'o'
"Come now, nephew!" Broke the wind, felled.
no' na'i' kat'me' ki'yax leu' hock'o't
"Good! Eun! Let's go now!" Came then the snake.
leM kera/' lak' xaipa'ko' pa'mtakna' 119
"Up!" "No! Down!" "Summon strength! Seize this! Good!"
klyaxle'u' kewe-ts 'nale" hotinele" male'ntax t'me
Came then, shouted the serpent. "Eemember pray!"
np xaiya'L kaxot'Lop t'me xa-'tanokV
"Good! Went passed then!" "Weep will I."
ko'mxa-ta lale'x tumtc' a-'haL no' he'la
"Don't weep! Throw thy power! Good! Wait!
loiyamka'ka' keutc'a'haL ^- na'i' leM n^
Mountain is there power!" "Yes! Eun up! Good!
male'nt'xo k'e-' umle'saM no' k'a na'i'
Eemember it I at Morro!" "Good!" said "Eun!
mel' koptc'eplo kewe'aca' xaipa'koa'Ni pa'mtak
ahead!" "Tired already, uncle!" "Summon strength please! Seize
44 Told by Maria Ocarpia, 1916. Cf. Ethnology, p. 193; present paper, p. 92.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 113
nonack'ot len t'me-'ke' ta'ml'to' klyalumle-'M
will this snake! Up! Go!" Then went did, went upwards,
ko't'atnoxto' ta'meteeThock'at'to' ka- a loto' k'e'l-o'
went headlong did. Then preceded the snake did. Was already did. Enveloped
hole'san ta'metko'nox tVinox umt'ika'ko' hock'o't
the Mono. Then arrived, settled on peak. The snake
se'kelelep leV hock'o't ye'nt' xole'ij ' ta'metot 'oinop
enveloped then. The snake caught him then. Then jumped
hockVn' ta'mepeta-no hotitomu'i' ta'mepoko't'o'to'
the hawk. Then seized the charm. Then killed him did;
k'i'ca' t'a'kai' hock'o't he'u 'wa'tikasmeko'i
four pieces the snake. Therefore are rattlesnakes,
tacni'L wa"tika' tet'xa'ptep le' tinele"
others; therefore are. Died already serpent.
hewucwa-'t 'oxo ' hotikalno' ka'xwen ne"wo't
Therefore poison the flesh. many got they
co'watot ta'miyax helk'a' ne'uto'N co'wato
poison. Then came coyote, got also poison.
ta'mitika hosku'ntui' smiko-'i umla'mka he"k'a'
Then are the little rattlesnakes at shore Said
hock'o't ku'xo 1 yo-tap ' kiyax ce'tep taLk'e'
the snake, "Live always. Die I
le'u' kasko'xo-yoita'p
already, but they live."
Once there was an animal which ate the Indians and was called
Serpent. The whirlwind was his protector and brought him food.
Prairie-Falcon heard of him and said, "What shall we do?" "How
many powers have you ? ' ' asked Raven. ' ' I have one so fast that the
snake will not be able to catch me." "Good!" "In two or three
different mountains, there are my powers." "Where?" asked Prairie-
Falcon. "At Asomeneka." "And the other?" "At Asumloyam."
(Both mountains are near to Cholam where the snake also lived.)
' ' And you ? " " Oh, I '11 risk my neck anywhere ! " " Good ! Where
is your power?" "At the Morro; that is the last power." "Good!
I have been there ; that 's all right. Let 's go and see the snake. ' '
They went and the snake awoke, and when he awoke he cried out
for the whirlwind. "Come along, nephew!" cried Prairie-Falcon.
Along came the wind, felling everything in its path. ' ' Good ! Eun ! !
Come on ! ! ! ' 'shouted Prairie-Falcon and they fled across country with
the snake and the wind close behind them. "Fly up!" yelled one.
114 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
"No, down!" shouted the other. "Summon up your strength or he
will catch us ! Good ! ' ' Serpent came yelling. ' ' Just remember your
powers, ' ' entreated Prairie-Falcon. ' ' Good ! They have passed. " "I
am going to cry," said Raven. "No! Don't cry! Cast your spell!
Good ! " " Wait a moment ; there in the mountains are my powers ! ' '
' ' Yes, fly up ! Good ! I remember mine at the Morro. " " Good ! ' ' said
the Raven. ' ' Fly ahead ; I am tired, uncle ! " " Just summon all
your strength or the snake will get us ! Fly up ! Go ! " And they
flew towards Morro with the snake in pursuit. They flew upwards,
headlong, before the serpent. He wrapped himself around the Morro
from beneath and the allies seated themselves on the top. He had
almost caught them when up jumped Prairie-Falcon and seized his
charm. With it he cut the snake into four pieces and killed him.
And from these four pieces were formed the snakes of today. On
this account there are rattlesnakes and others; therefore their flesh
is poison. Many snakes got their poison thus. Coyote also came and
secured poison. There are many little rattlesnakes at the coast near
Morro. The old snake said, ; ' They shall live forever ; I have died, but
they will live."
THE ELF AND THE BEAE
ke'kato hotaa"pi ho.e-'xo' hoskamaxa'n'
Was then the deer, the his mother the elf.
ta'mexwen hot'Axa'i' umtantc 'a-'ut' mike he/' k''
Then came the bear. "Wilt permit hunt thy lice?" "Yes." "I
etc'a'u-' np- tc'a'wo k'e' miyok toku'micax
hunt; now hunt them I." "Why dost not thou eat?"
ke'ra' ke'rcax wa'kat't'a'L no' k'e-ts'a yi'x
"No, not I eat toads!" "Good! I first!" "Come!
etc'a'u' t' mi'ke' a'mp'icxotu' umla'k'aiyo a'meco-ka'
Catch thy lice!" Then bit her did in her neck. Then ripped
t'e'peno ta'metik Vtopto ' hoskam a ha'n' a'metica-
her belly. Then was there the elf. Then went
hot'Axai" p'i'cxo' ta'meti 'thoskam Vn ce-'ta ticxe-'po'
the bear, ate her. Then said the elf, "Scabby his feet,
sko'nt'o'yi' coke'ntV t'u'moi-ne' tits' e"p kake'tV
little his eyes stubby tail!" said did.
tok'apeWwi mopkVt'o' a'meya-kike-tu kikeumke'unene"
Within the hollow stone grew did. Then went did, went to where grandmother,
45 Told by Maria Ocarpia, 1916. Cf. E. W. Gifford, "Miwok Myths," this
series, XII, 286, 333.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 115
osaya-'pa' mop'ke-'to' umke'unene" a'mek'ate'k
the rainbow. Grew did, there where grandmother. Then fight
hot'eLxo' ta'mete't honene" ko'milyo-ta
the thunder. Then said the grandmother, "Do not select him now!
xa'i pena'ika kera/' ku'penaiyako ha-' mono"
Bad! Wound thee!" "No! Not wound me! "Yes! Thou now!
kumt' Me'na-iko kecxoneka' tipucxa'f ta'me-ta
Not thy wounding? Art weak only." "At dawn then test
hot'ilxo' p'ama'sko kV tepucxa'i ta'miyax
the thunder. Call him I!" At dawn then came
t'e'Lxo' oko'penaiyaxto' cuka'iyelak kasko'penaiyak
thunder. "Not wounded me did; kicked me but not wounded me."
ka'ceL tamhe/ij to'mel' wela'k' kera' k'e-lap'kV
Tested then to end of world. "No, wrap I
tusie-'t' tc'ka'ten' sieT nene-" ma'xtop'ai'
in feather, red feather, grandmother." "Put ashes
umti'kau' misxa-'teL okepenaiyak ole'cxai' no'
on body! Urinate!" "Not wound me the rain!" "Good!
ma'menip ki-le'cxai a'metamenep ka'menept'o'
Come out!" Went rain. Then came out, came out did.
kace'i t'iTo' a'mekept'a a'mecitipto ' kept'g,'
Tried to do. Then was cold, then died did. Was cold.
tametetoanij' ko'milio-ta nak'olciyip ta'metan 'to '
Then said the his grandmother, ' ' Don 't concern thyself these things ! ' ' Then
arose did,
te'miyi' k'l-t'o' tc'a'wo' le-' pokot'xo e-'xo' lya-'mo'
then went, went did. Sought him previously killed her his mother. Saw them
hakisme-'teno' tamepokot 'xo ho-sku'nt' ui ' hotaxa-'iyak'ten'
two his children. Then killed them the little ones, the bears,
papa'to' pani'kV ta'ntica hotAxai' xa'pko'
roasted them, gave him. Then wandered the bear, dug,
k'o-tc'e'L taminap'Le" a'mexwen mi'caxna nata'pata
cacomites. Then cooked then. Then came. "Eat this, this which roasted."
a'mepicxoto' ta'metitowetcele" te'k'a' pi'cxo'
Then ate did. Then said the bunting, "Who is eats him
pa'so' talt'na" kera/' nate'ko'iYi kicksa'na
his son?" "What thy remark? No, this root resembles
ticxi'po' napVs le'ut'iie ta'mete't ake"
his foot the son." When went then said, "Where
tikiaT onosme-'ten nop'no'na kotc'e'L ts'axwen'
then went did the children? Cooked these cacomites! Dried
116 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
no'na tametet howe-tcele" k|k'' pema't'ko
this!" Then said the bunting, "Go I, follow him
k' e' poko't 'xoke-" tia'pautec kera'm&s kea'pa-u
I, kill him I if overtake him! No more, not I overtake him.
kerako't' a-te me'tok' e
No, not has, try I!"
Once there was a doe, the mother of an elf. A bear came and said,
1 ' Let me louse you. " "All right. " "I will hunt for them. ' ' So the
bear loused the doe but threw the lice away. "Why don't you eat
them?" asked the doe. "I can't eat toads!" replied the bear.
' ' Good ! ' ' said the doe. ' ' Then I will. " " Come and catch your lice, ' '
said the bear. He was angry at her and when she came bit her on
the neck and killed her. Then he ripped open her belly and out came
the elf. But the bear continued eating the doe. Then said the elf,
' ' Scabby will be your feet, your eyes small, your tail stubby ! ' '
In a little cave the elf grew up. At last he decided to go to his
grandmother, the rainbow, and there grew more. Then he decided
to fight with the thunder. But his grandmother said, "Don't bother
with him; he is evil and will harm you." "No," said the elf, "he
can 't hurt me ! " " What ! Who are you that he can not harm you ?
You are weak." "In the morning," said the elf, "I will try con-
clusions with the thunder. I will shout to him ! " At dawn came the
thunder and they fought. "He did not wound me," said the elf.
"He kicked me but did not hurt me." And he pursued him to the
end of the world. ' ' I will wrap myself in a red feather, grandmother. ' '
"Put ashes all over your body and urinate," she advised him. "The
rain will not hurt me," said he. "Good!" he cried. "Come out,
rain ! ' ' The rain came and it was very cold, so cold that the elf died,
but revived again. Then said his grandmother, "Don't bother your-
self about these things ! ' '
Then he arose and went to seek him who had killed his mother long
before, the bear. He found the two cubs and killed and roasted them.
The bear was away digging out cacomites. When he came, the elf
said to him, ' ' Eat this food which I have cooked. ' ' And the bear ate
it. Then cried the bunting, "Who is this who eats his children?"
"What did you say?" asked the bear. "Yes, this root resembles my
child's foot!" Then the elf fled and the bear moaned, "Where have
my children gone? They are cooked and dried with cacomites!"
Then he said to the bunting, ' ' I will go and follow him, and I will kill
him if I overtake him. I am afraid I will not overtake him, but I
willtry."
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 117
THE OLD PEOPLED
le-lo" hoti'pota" a'L hokot' i'cnoma-ic umk'we'L
Long ago the people the not believed in world.
kieNo'ma-ic hot'ixai" pi'cxo-t hotana't ki-'sili'p
Believed the bear. Ate they the seed. All
k'ona-'ka t'Mi'cxot le-lo" hot' ipotaha-'L kicxo-'tene
root ate they long ago the people. Were poor
hot' ipotaha'L le-lo" ts 'ka'te-laxka-" kera' pante'lo-t
the people long ago. Naked, no pantaloons.
pi'cxot kas tepaste'n' pe'cxo-t kas taa'p'
Ate they only root, ate they only deer
tmi'cxo't ki-'sili'p' hawaT a xoyo-tela 'p ' homat'e'lak
to eat. All therefore lived they the animals
tuwela-'k' koxo'yo-tela'pt'o' t'o-sa'xten' kicxa'u'
in this land; they lived did the birds. They ate
mu'i' hot'ipo't' tax map' ke'ta-i lime'N
antelope, the Indian, and rabbit. They made blanket
hutik'e-'so't tacne'L me'tamt' ele' pet'ene-'k'o'
the to protect. Some when hunted they shot him
hopVc a'mepe'cxoto top'a'c ta'mepetakt' ona'siL
the elk. Then ate him did the elk. Then made did the acorn mush.
ta'mepetak to-ni'su' t'o-kVmta' tc'e e 'lo'to'
Then made did the skirt of the tule, wrapped him did
hopa'so' pa-'xo' totc'aname" tc'a-'mo' hopa'so'
the her child, put him in the cradle, wrapped him the her child.
ta'miyi ki-'to' ma'a-'u' hopa'so' ' umtitc Vm '
Then went, went did, carried him, the her child on back;
maVwu hop'e-'talo' ua-'wel ne'ij' he-Lka"
carried him the carrying basket. Went bring wild seeds,
ne'i}' hopa'siL no'iyo'ton' k'a'p' pVpex
brought the chia, gathered again acorn, china oak.
a'mlyax mt'a-'M po-L xwe'nto' la'mto' kera'
Then came to house, roasted, arrived did, ate did. Not
kuyumts'e-'na'i hu-ma't'aLta pa'xa-iyot na'i'
not knew the whites; afraid they, ran
humt'opo'iyela' ci'tLip t'a-cNe'L pu'lux umte-'lik' ten
into mountains; died they. Some entered into caves.
Long ago the people did not believe in the world; they believed
in (like ?) the bear. They ate all kind of seeds and roots and were
very poor. They were naked and wore no trousers; they ate only
46 Told by Maria Ocarpia, 1916.
118 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
roots and venison. Then all the animals lived in this land and all the
birds. The Indians ate antelope and rabbit. They made blankets to
protect themselves from the cold. Some hunters were able to shoot
elk and ate them. They made acorn mush. They made dresses of
tule. The women wrapped up their children and put them in the
cradle and carried them on their backs. They also took their carrying
baskets and gathered wild seeds, chia and acorns from the china oak.
When they returned they roasted the seeds and ate them. They were
not familiar with the white people and were frightened when they
came. They escaped into the mountains; some died and some hid in
caves.
THE ECLIPSED
kekake'msgli's lelo" ce'tipona" cmak'a-'i
Was I in San Luis formerly. Dead the sun, dark,
ts'ne'teL me-'ten' poxna" ta-meti'c r o'p hona"
cold. When again rose sun then beheld the sun.
cxa'lhotipo-"t ' ta'me.alsa-'lotipota'ha-L ka-ki'nyi'
Frightened the people. Then prayed the people, thought
tiyino" umk'waL p cxai'to' u tamets 'e-'tenhotiput' a-L
that finish world. Dawned then. Then content again the people,
iia'lyeton ' to'ixto ' ce'tep' na' '
awaited again one more dead sun.
I was in San Luis Obispo when there was an eclipse. It was dark
and chill. When the sun rose, it appeared eclipsed. The people were
frightened and prayed ; they believed that the end of the world had
come. Then the sun came out again and they were relieved, awaiting
the next eclipse.
THE TOENADQ48
ya'mo ke hots'a-kaT ts'a'kai k'e'weL
Saw I the wind. Wind north,
ts'a'kai p'a-'noP ki'k 'ate-tep' hots'akai p'a-'noL
wind south, they contended the wind south.
ta'mecxa'lo-t' cxa'lok'e na'ik'e tum'peti-'ocko't'
Then frightened, frightened I, ran I. Then fell the snake
t'ca' me-p 8/ cxai ta'metumts'ahe'L cmot' ts'ahe'L
water. When dawned, then fell snow, thick snow.
a'metom' k'a'une'L mepecxa-ito' ta'melalua'p
Then fell hail. When dawned did then ceased.
na' ts'a-'lamkwaL ta'miya-tek ne'uk'e- t'a-'kata
Sun clear. Then went I, brought I wood.
47 Told by Maria Ocarpia, 1916.
48 Told by Maria Ocarpia, 1916.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 119
ta'meco-n' t'a'a'u' w ta-'melalo xo-'tapai' tamiya-tek
Then kindled fire. Then threw out the ashes. Then went I
tene" t'ca' neuk'et'ca' a'mexwe-ntek tene"
to fetch water. Brought I water. Then arrived I to fetch
t'ca' ta'me-tak xolama'u' wi ta'melamtekt' o'
water. Then made the food. Then ate I did;
tamenal-kVt'o' ta'miya-tek kike-'to' nuk'eto'
then filled I did. Then went I; went I did. Brought I did,
pehetc 'na'p' koke ta-'katA ta'miyaxtekt'o' naye'mk'e'
chopped I wood. Then came I did, brought I
ta-'katA umti'tc 'o 'p
wood on shoulder.
I saw the winds ; the north wind and the south wind battled. Then
I was frightened and ran. Torrents of rain fell. When the morn-
ing dawned there was snow, thick snow. And the hail fell. When it
dawned they ceased, and the sun came out clear. Then I went and got
wood and kindled the fire. Then I threw out the ashes and went to
get water. When I arrived with the water I cooked breakfast. Then
I ate and became filled and then went and chopped wood and brought
it to the house on my shoulder.
THE FAMINE YEAE
le-lo" k'a-no' lice' ckomolice" kerale'cxai'
Long ago thin year, bad year, no rain.
la'pai lice' tike'rala-mau' pe'cxo-t paxa'k
Three year that no food. Ate they bones
ma't'a-L t'ot'o-'iyo' t'oxo'L pamo" tamepetaktona'sii,
white pounded mortar. Ate, then made acorn mush
topatVk kerama"t kerataa"p k 'aneketc' a-"
manzanita. No animals, no deer. Thin great.
kicxa-'uo seneste'L toke'cxo-tene ' tipotaha'L tameti'ka '
They ate alfilerillos. Poor people. Then was
t'of tc'ine" poku't'xo' t'o'ix yu
one old woman killed him one her son,
pi'cxo' papa-'to' ko'Lt'a'L opa'so'
ate him, roasted him. Was hungry the her sou. Then came
o'asa-'kV ta'mepeteneto ' o'ape-'u' la'pai tit'e'ni'
the his uncle; then shot arrows did the her brother three arrows,
pecxo'pa'so' lale-'xo' oko'xe-'cto' pe'cxo' xelk'a"
ate him her son. Shot her, not buried did, ate her coyote.
k'ane-" ketcVlelo" otipotaha-'L okucitLip
Scarcity great formerly. The people not they died,
o Told by Maria Ocarpia, 1916.
120 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
oknad'yal' umla-'mka pi'cxo-t ho-cmaiyi'k'
the that lived on coast; ate they the abalones,
tc'a'haliltena' umticu" W) 't keralama'u' powa-'tka
thin in their breasts. No food, seaweed
t'mi'cxo'
to eat.
Once there was a famine year, a bad year. For three years there
was no rain and no food. They ate bleached bones pounded in the
mortar, and acorn mush made of manzanitas. There were no deer and
no meat ; it was a great famine. The poor people ate alfilerillo seeds.
One old woman killed and roasted and ate her son ; was very hungry.
Then her brother came and killed her with three arrows because she
had eaten her child. They did not bury her but left her to be eaten
by the coyotes. It was a great famine. But the people who lived on
the shore did not die because they ate abalones. But even they were
thin because they had nothing but seaweed to eat.
THE EAKTHQUAKEso
leskosna'tpeteko' kekai'yot 'ewe" yi'te' 6 hola'k'
When was child was earthquake. Shook the ground;
ke'xitc'nop hola-'k' umticu' w ec t'a-'M ka'kinyi'
split the ground at Cholam. Then we thought
feyimkwe'L cxa'lhoka' lu'wale' wu lice' teka'melep
that would end world. Frightened we. Long ago years. To come out
hocwa"Nto te-la'k' ketc'a" yite' e lak' humaT
the fish did of ground. Great earthquake. The animals
cxa'lho' hotc'xa" t'oyetewe' t'ola-'k' hota-'kata
frightened the water of the quaking of the earth. The trees,
hop'at'ne'lat ko'xote'p tela-'k' ce-'p'etep' alasa-'ltenex
the oaks they bent to earth. Frightened, prayed they
p 'te'lo-to
bellies.
When I was a child there was an earthquake ; the earth shook and
the ground cracked in Cholam. "We were frightened and thought that
the end of the world had come. It was many years ago. The fish
came out of the ground ; it was a great earthquake. The animals were
frightened at the water from the earthquake. The oak trees bent to
the earth and the people were frightened and fell on their faces and
prayed.
Told by Maria Ocarpia, 1916.
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 121
PART IV. VOCABULARY
In the preparation of the present discussion, all the data available
were collected and transferred to card-index and arranged under their
respective stems. As the data were large, a considerable body of mate-
rial was thus secured which is presented in the following pages both
for the better understanding of the accompanying texts and for pur-
poses of comparison with other Indian languages. Unfortunately it
will never be of any practical value, as the Salinan dialects are doomed
to extinction in a very few years.
Practically all the material here presented is from three sources,
the forms collected by myself from the surviving natives in recent
years, those recorded by Sitjar more than a century ago and published
in his Vocabulary and those recorded by Henshaw in 1884 for the
Bureau of American Ethnology. To these have been added a very
small number from the vocabularies of De la Cuesta, Yates and Gould,
Coulter and Taylor. The forms recorded by Henshaw are for the
most part phonetically correct and required but few and uniform
changes to make them conform to the most modern phonetic usage.
The largest extant vocabulary of Salinan is that of Fray Buena-
ventura Sitjar, for a long time the resident padre of San Antonio
Mission. This is quite large but almost inaccessible to the student on
account of the faulty system of orthography employed. Practically all
the characters of the English alphabet with the exception of v and w
are found, and in addition, many superscript characters, characters
crossed by others and by lines, besides various diacritical marks such
as asterisks, crosses, acute and grave accents and subscript accents,
compounded characters and other similar usages. Comparison shows
that no uniformity has been followed in the orthography, rendering
the work quite useless for one unacquainted with the language.
Most of the characters naturally have the approximate value of
their correspondents in Spanish but the sounds not found in Spanish
require some explanation.
The alveolar stop t evidently gave Sitjar his greatest trouble and
has been written most variantly as z, c, zp, tz, tzz, tzp, ts, pc, ch, c
crossed by a line, etc.
The fortis stop was generally expressed by an asterisk after the
vowel.
122 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
The alveolar sibilant c was written as x, ch or z.
The dental sibilant s is found as s, z, ss, zz, etc.
z has been found standing for t, tzz for is, x for is, x for 8, etc.
Most of the other phonetic peculiarities, such as qu and c for k,
g and j for x, ch for tc, etc., are explicable by the ordinary usages of
Spanish.
An initial consonantal cluster is generally preceded by a preposed
vowel, evidently on the analogy of Spanish.
On the whole the orthography is so irregular that little reliance
can be placed on its accuracy unless checked up by modern researches.
When this is done it is seen that the change in the language has been
very slight in the century and more which has intervened since the
completion of the vocabulary.
Sit jar's vocabulary has therefore been transcribed to phonetic
characters as accurately as possible following the evidence presented
in cases where the modern form has been preserved. In the majority
of cases, forms taken from Sitjar and absent in the modern material
are accompanied by the sign (S).
In a few cases of possible confusion, forms from the San Miguel
dialect have been accompanied by the sign (M).
The lexical forms have first been arranged in their several cate-
gories as nouns, verbs and so forth, and in some cases further sub-
divided. They have then been arranged in several columns giving the
Antoniano form, the Miguelefio form, the plural form, which unless
specially noted is from the Antoniano dialect, and finally the meaning.
In these columns the ordinary alphabetic order has been followed for
convenience in consultation.
In very many cases, due to a lack of sufficient forms and to the
presence of prefixes, infixes and suffixes, the exact form has been
impossible to determine. In such cases the doubtful elements are
enclosed within parentheses. In the case of verbal stems, those occur-
ring only once, and for this reason of doubtful accuracy, are preceded
by an asterisk.
ANIMALS
Antoniano
Migueleno
Plural
awa.'ten
a-we-te"
awa-'tneL
cat'
ca'knil
cra'knil
ca-xwe
sa-xe
ca-xten
Meaning
fly
bullhead-fish
Lewis woodpecker
bird
ska'tata cko-'tato ground-owl, gray titmouse
1918]
Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians
123
Antoniaiio
Migueleno
Plural
Meaning
ck'an
ck'an'
prairie-falcon
cka-k'
cka-k '
ska.'k 'tenat
crow
ck'ot
ck'ot
sk 'o'teLet
snake, worm, grub
clot
gull
cmaiyi'k '
abalone
cukunui' '
cokonoi"
horned-owl
cuwa'<
cowa'
cuwa" NeL
skunk
cu-mk'o'm'
camko"m
cumk 'omona'neL
squirrel
cu'n'cun'
small ducks
swan
cwa' 'N
cwa-ne't
fish
swakaka'
cwa-kek 'a' '
lizard
e'ceee
ee'cesi
gopher
emace'
male squirrel
e-ts'
pinacate
etskutcha'ten
tarantula-hawk
tik'e"
i'ke
tik'eneL
louse
ilka't
ilka't
ant
kalep 'a'n
kelep 'a'n
Mexican bluebird
l;ats'a-ne'L
small birds
kalau
blue-crested jay
kalwatcai'
k'aluatc'a'i
house-finch
ka'lak'
kalak'
kalak' ne'L
goose, crane
kaca'p
mosquito
kacala'
kaculo'
grasshopper
kiope'ts
Lawrence 's goldfinch
k'cu'i
kitcili'tna
kingfisher
klau'it
band-tailed pigeon
kol'
ICOL
kolane'L
hare
kocai'ye
tarantula
k 'aiya'k'
mountain-quail
kiltau'
k'elt'u"
red abalones
la'kana
spider
La'ma
gray rabbit
la"
lap'
raven
lape'
tarantula-hawk
leat'
helpa't'
leat 'ten
duck
Ime'm'
leme' 'm
wasps, bees
le'ponta
teal
le'rporti
le-'rpati
Gambel's sparrow
Lk'a'
helk 'a'
elk 'ane'L
coyote
elk 'a'lekten
loina'
t'lai
Canada goose
lowe'cat'
small antelope
ma'kiL
ma'kel
rat
map'
map'
map 'tenat
rabbit
map 'a-'nel
masau'hal
masau'wel
eel
matse'ko
mats 'e'ko '
chipmunk
ma'ts 'we'l'
humming bird
mu'i'
mu'i '
v
antelope
naivok '
clams
124
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
Antoniano
Migueleno
Plural Meaning
naka'k
pocket-gopher
note'
young antelope
ac
p'ac
acte'n, elk
astenat
pela.'k-a'
pala-'kok '
California woodpecker
patalti
two-pronged buck
pe-'lts'e
humming bird
pete'ts
ruby-crowned wren
pi'ukutc
lark finch
p< u'lxoi'
sucker
sam'
snam
wildcat
santsn
black ant
sapele'
shrike
sektaLkna
one-pronged buck
senese
stinking ant
septa'L
unidentified fish
senkahl
senk 'OL
snake
sepo
doe
selo-'i'
mouse
siata'nil
swallow
sit
set'
canon finch
sik
red-headed woodpecker
sitaipin
animal
skalo'
whippoorwill
skele'le
skele-'le
sparrow-hawk
ska-'u
blue crane
sk'e-"n
shellfish
skaiya' '
s 'kai'ya
skaiyana'neL raccoon
sk 'almo'k '
sk 'almok '
sk 'almok 'oten rat
slipe'pe
green-winged teal
smate-'xan
quail
smo'kat
smo'ket
bee
srne-koi'
smekoi'
smekoiiten rattlesnake
smohel
female skunk
smokok 'e'
smokike'
mole
smie
cat
sai'yu
snai
saiyane'L eagle
sna-k
sna'k
kangaroo-rat, tusa
soko'ko
soko'ko
butterfly
so'ha
spotted faun
sopokan
very small ant
spe-k'
spi-k'
red-tailed hawk
sp' oko' '
burrowing owl
sto'
sto'
fox
sumhe
young squirrel
stamaka'la
bat
suhao'ye
bat
swe'ho
swi-'yo
black-shining flycatcher
swaa'
male coyote
ta-lwa-'x
crane
ta'lmui
worm
1918]
Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians
125
Antoniano
Migueleno
Plural
Meaning
taka'la
nuthatch
ta'nukupel
Lawrence 's goldfinch
tapte'L
crane
tena'k
woodpecker
tepee'
male antelope
tosik'
teci'k'
ticik 'neL
owl
te.'u
tewe'
pelican
tik' mo"
pigeon
time'hai
worm
titc'k
te 'tc '
great California vulture
t' ma'cax
badger
t'G-'i
seal
t< o-'io
badger
t'sne
sea-otter
t'a'i
whale
t'ai'
tahi
bluejay
ta-yiL
taiyeL '
tayiLtena'x
flea
taitc 'a-'tak
crab
taJi-ye"
serpent
ta' 'muL
t' a 'muL
ta' 'multenax
puma
taa"
taa' 'p
taatne'L
deer
tapilale
bat
ta-xwe'ne'
t' a-xwe'n '
turtledove
taxai' '
t< Axai' '
taxai'yukten
bear
tawai
taws'
tawaiiten
turtle
tetiyau'
t< eteyau
tetiyauuten
salmon
tike'
t 'ike' '
kingbird
t'i-kola'
small frog
tinele"
serpent
t'iope"
grubs, worms
t' oiyslo' '
mountain lizard
tooloc
to-lo'c
toolecna'ner.
gray squirrel
t< o-'xo
to-xo' '
t' o-'xolanel
wolf
tea
tea
curved-bill thrush
tca'la
teal
Brewer's blackbird
tc 'am '
tc'a'Mi
red-shafted woodpecker
tc'e.l'
cricket
tc'ele'u'
bluejay
tc 'e'mtcem
bat
tcik'
tc'iktcik
fishhawk
tcpana'hi
taau'
caterpillar
ts 'aike' '
mottled snake
ts V 'L
yellow-bellied woodpecker
ts 'e't' enek '
owl
ts'ope'n
sopne't
ts 'ope'nlax
spider
wakeno'
red-winged blackbird
wa-'kit
wa'kat '
wakitten
frog
*wa'kot 't' a'L
wa'lwal '
bullbat
wa'tc
watc'
Oregon bunting
wau
white goose
126
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
Antoniano
Higueleno
Plural
Meaning
witcele' '
wetcele' '
bluejay, bunting
we-telo"
martin
we'tok
woodpecker
xaii'k
mussel
xalau' '
crane
xane'o
ground tit
xakele'
xapailo' '
lizard
atce'tc
xatca'tc '
yellow-billed magpie
xom
xo-' 'mi
roadrunner, ground
cuckoo
ho'mlik'
quail
xopne'l
xo-pNe'L
red-headed vulture
xutc
xutca-i
xoste'n
dog
BODY PAETS
a-pela-'i
amel
finger, toe
a-' 'ak
o-'p'ak
axa-'k
head
aa'cx
a ex
aasxaknel
liver
axwe'm
axwenlax
skin, hide
a-'u
animal's heart
ca'lo
shell of egg
ca'MteL
corpse
cipainism
sole
cma-'i
cheek
ckV'il
cukaiel
lung
cuke-'net
coke'net'
eye
co'wat
poison of snake
co'wan
cuwa'n
calf of leg
cu-la-'t', so-lo
sola^'xo
testicles
cpai'atak
beard
eiwi's
spine
e-'lek<
elik
elekne'l
mouth
e.'net'
e'nenat
xe'net
nose
e'ntat
ear
ecax
aca'x
ecaxneL
feathers, whiskers
etala-k
etalakneL
antlers
etca-i'
ei'tc 'ai '
etcaiila-'x
neck
ita' '1
e'taL
shoulder
epa-'l
i'paL
epa'ne'L
tongue
e-xiwai'
e-xiwilai
heart
exoxo'
ihoho'
exoxa'lax
brain
exoten
exotenax
exas
body
ewa'la
ewa'l
fish scales
ets< e' 'u
its' e' 'p
ets< e'wulax
tail
icaha-'l
isxa-L
urine
icxe-'u
icxe.'p
icxepa-'l
foot
icxe"e, icxe'xe'
iexe-ple't
icele' '
i'cilip'
isi'lewula'x
nails
1918]
Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians
127
Antoniano
Migueleno
Plural
Meaning
ico"
icu"
breast
ickV'ol
icok 'alet
ear
ikau' '
ikau'
body
ika'n
ika'
belly
ita-la'k'
horn
ita'c
urine
its 'a'lto '
point of wing
ihalte'ya
saliva .
ka'ke 'It 'a
testicles of animal
kacwatni'lea
ke'cxauL
eyelash, eyelid
ke'o
kelao
knuckle
ko/la'le'
ko-'latLe'
penis
k'uwoke-'t*
ko'naki't
hair
kuma'n
belly of fish
la'k'oi'
la'k 'ai
neck
lamha't
dung
le-'wet'
lips
Lko/ik' ten '
lokoiyini'
beard
lo'kon
lu'kana
rump
lo'taL
palm
ma'pok
ma'puk'
thigh
mas
pubic hair
mat'
ma't<
ma't'e'lak'
meat, flesh, animal
m,ata-'n
mata'n
matane'l
limb
me-'n
me'nen
mee'n
hand
eno"ol
noL
penis
notapka'eo
dung
o'oi'
trunk, body
uca't
oca-'t
ucate'l
tears
o'na'a'i'
waist
otewo'ts 'o '
feather
o'xot
oxote'n
testicles
a.'kat'
pa-'kata
akat' Ne'L
blood
akainai'
pakenai'
animal 's womb
a'katcanai
paktaina '
thumb, big toe
p' xat<
p'xat
p' xa'teLet
excrement, intestines
pa'telpai
third finger or toe
axa-'k'
paxa'k
axa-kten
bone
axa-'kLet
pa'mat
carrion
pena-'no
pena'n
milk
pe-nik 'a-i
throat
oxwe'm '
p'oxe'm'
tendon, ligament
setilkai'
ske'nluwe
first finger
sie't'
feather
skan
stomach
aske't, sw7t
skaniltai,
rib
kane'lt 'o
askwe't, swot
heel, sole, talons
skoikne'
sxkoi' '
chin, beard
smo'kutu
animal's windpipe
sni'pik
bones of wing
128
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
Antoniafto
Migueleno
Plural Meaning
so'non
sa'nau
leg
sa'tik
soti'k
elbow
sa.'nat'
spa'nat
skin, hide
se'kel
spe'keL
eyebrow
spoke't
spoke't
fur, haii-
spuk
muscle
suluknai'
tooth
taknat
takna't
sweat
tamai
third toe
fan
animal's tongue
te-rwa'k
second toe
titaka'L
te4ek' EneL
egg
tema'i
bird 's entrails
te'rk
tie'k
animal's gall
teteka'i
tete'ka
animal's joint
tetse'lei
titsele'l
rattles of snake
tikai'e
bird's crest
tilta'l
breast of fish
titertikup
knuckle
tito'k
second finger
titc V 'mo '
ti'tcV'm
back
titcai
wrist
toho'l
to'hul
lung, gizzard
tolola'i
animal 's windpipe
tulalna'i
bird's crest
ta-L
ta-xL
forehead
ta-t
t'aL
skin, hide, flesh
t'e'pen
t 'e'pen
tepenla'x belly
t'ka'ten
t'ka'tna-x buttocks, anus
to'poi
t' o'p' oi
topoiilax knee
t Vpuk
t 'ne'puk'
topokLe't arm, wing
t 'caknel gills
tce'nya
glans penis
tcokelti'nai
ankle
uca-t'
lips
ule.'t<
oi'Lit
le-'het teeth
u-
u-
face
uprent
upe'nt
fat
xapi'cucwe-t
navel
awu' 'L
ayexte'ya
ca'l
ck 'ua'
ca'tala
atLo-'s
awuL '
BOTANICAL TEEMS
axone'L
ayextel 'i'ya
ca'ltine
wild oats
bark
tule
seed
bud
quijara de pala
large soap-root
clover
brush
1918]
Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians
129
Antoniano
Migueleno Plural
Meaning
ctan'
stanane'L
leaf
elpo'no
blackberries
he-Lka"
wild seeds
k'a-t'
kat k 'atsane'l
hay, grass
k 'a-'ciL
sunflower
k 'a'mta'
tule
k'a'
kap' ka'te'L
acorn
ka'pitc '
small young oaks
k'e
k'e
large pine nut
k 'e-'ciapowat
fern root
k 'eso'i '
tuna
ketipui
ketipoilax
cedar
ko 'iyi
root
k 'olopopo'
melon
k 'ona.'ka
bulb, wild potato
kotc 'e'L
cacomite
ku'katak
forest
makawi' '
makewe' makawili' '
flower
matai' 'YI
milkweed
mo-noi"Yl
toloaehe
mopa'k'
laurel
mucuelit
ivy
o.pis
wild grape
pa'siL
pa'siL
chia
p 'a'pex
post oak
at'
p'a-"t atne'L
white oak
*p 'at' ne'lat
pat' ax
pat' a'k pat' axten
manzanita
askle't
paxa'kiL
live oak
poca"
buckeye
pesxe't
willow
petL
grass
peyexte'to '
seedlings
powa'tka
seaweed
pamputen
fruit
tenpute's
fruit
saxe't
mescal
seneste'L
alfilerillos
smat
brush
smo'
acorn
smo'kumeL
clover
sxau'wit'
acorn
tana't
seeds
tana'st
wicker
tate'
grains
tetai'
small soap-root
teta'p' ko-L
elderberries
tepa's
tepa'so
root
t' io'i
oak
t'i'pi'
acorn
t'Ma
mescal
130
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
Antoniano
Migueleiio
Plural
Meaning
t' ema's
grass
tema-'L
milkweed
t' onawa' '
grass for baskets
toipen
gooseberries
taiya'c
flower of mescal
ta.'ka'at'
ta-'kata
tak'ane'L
wood
tala' 'M
toela'm
tobacco
to'pin
tamoina'co
stump of tree
tata
ta/t'o'
fruit
tepasteN
root
tetaco
tita'cu
juice
t<0<
t<0<
totene'l
pine nuts
toki
brush
tc 'e.'lak
barsalillo
fceV
pine
tc' o'Le
wood for pipe
ts 'eta'kiL
chuckberries
xa'ke
spine
xo'le
acorn
hasliT
live oak
ha'siL
acorn
MANUFACTUEED OBJECTS
ai'ye<
wooden pestle
a'cime
a'cime
paper, book
a'ne-n
pillow
taaneka
apenik
necklace
aso'L
cord, line, string
alokoni'ya
alokotini'ya
oven
eenome' '
comb
(t)eik<
tca-k
tca-k' CL
knife
cenii'
cik' Enai'
fish-spear
cla<
cla'
cla 'at
coil basket
clemiy 'a
ele-mi-'
coat
co'pa
needle
cotols'
feather headdress
e'tapalepi
breech-cloth
(t)a'in, (t)e-m
(t')a-M
tama-'neL
house
ta-ma-ten
ta'Tna-tenax
ta-ma-niLax
tamaNiLten
elkai'tingey 'a
door
(t)e'tak
(t)eta'xk
awl
ek'es
blanket
et 'oi 'yiN '
et 'eyini' '
et 'eyitinai'
arrow
icemet
bed
ioko'c
breech-cloth
itxau'
cane
kanelt' &'
storage-basket
k 'ualane'l
kanelt' &'
jewelry
1918]
Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians
131
Antoniano
Migueleno Plural
Meaning
keluktu'xne
keluktuxtine
prison
kitpe'lel
paint
kitpekle'y 'a
ligature
k'enin
k'one"
acorn-bread
kua.p'
k'uwap'
sweat-house
laha'm
laxa'M
door
lemi', lime'N
rabbit-skin blanket
moxweto
sack, bag
mawe'ya'
net-sinker
mosiwe'
fish-pole
asi'l
na'siL
acorn atole
client
whiskey
o'nus
o-ni'su'
skirt
oxwa't
moccasins
ame'ya
pana'me
quiver
payosne' '
whistle
pane', p'on'E
pestle
pape'ye
beads
paxuwe'
bow
pasuwe'r
doll
p VtaL
carrying-basket
peu."
bones for game
pili
pe'Li
pil
umawi' '
pomnawo' ! b
arrow-straightener
salinhe'ya
fish-net
sa-ma'k'
winnowing-tray
sap' k' a'ts '
seed-granary
sas
acorn-meal
sekeuetni'a
olla, pot
setami'ya
cap
sikara'na
clothes
ska'pe, sk 'a'pe'
tray, cooking-basket
sone'y 'a
snuff
sokai'kis
su-kaikis
floor
spok 'ai'xa ' a
drinking-cup
t 5 a'iL
trap
ta'tukat
meal of seeds
teca"
basket
tecoino'
basket-game
tokausno' 'o
small pots
tski'wi
bed
t< e'ltoL
hunting-net
t 'enika'ntec
bridge
taple'ya
t' eneple' '
fire-sticks
ti'cxa'
money
te'penca
tipintea
whiskey
tet 'amnai
tet 'aut 'one' '
rattles
ticxlele'
doll
t'kamatr
shallow grave
t'aa'k
handle
t< a'uun, t< o-'nt
t'an9
pipe
132
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and EtJin. [Vol. 14
Antoniano
Migueleno
Plural
Meaning
taua't
bar, drill
tau'usi.'a'
bed
tayu'wic
well
teme'
temele'u
instrument
to-na'L
seed-beater
lopai
fish-basket
topo's
twined-basket
t< xo'l
t< OXO'L
mortar
to'wi 'i
tuwipe'
towiyili''
raft, boat
tc'aname"
baby-carrier
tcelela'o
leggings
tc'oxo'k
cocoon-rattle
tcu'leye
isley
tcueyke' 'ya
trap
tsa'ta
blanket
tse'uto
arrow-point
ts 'wa'keti' '
ts'wa-ke-te"
ts'wa-ketili"
hat
wumetamu'
wall
xak'e'i', xak'
xak 'CL
bow
xak 'ten
xrt'nis
xe'nes
beads
NATUEAL
PHENOMENA
aiyate'ya
garden
asak 'a
asak 'te'nat
flint
(t)ca', tc'a'
1/ea',t'ca',te'xa'
water
capawe'
tide
ck'eM
sea, ocean
ckoN
ckonane'l
glade, cave
co-'k'a'
so'k 'a
co'ka 'at^N
river, brook
co'kEte'nat
co'xwaL
red stone
cotalai'
c 'pa'talai
limestone
(t)cxo'
cxo'
(t)cxo-neL
earth, ground
(t)cxa'
cxap
(t)ca'paNeL
stone, pebble, rock
euy
fire carried
icxai
esxai
morning, day
iki-n
tike'n
iki-nil
nest
ilpoi
lake
iotilak
yetewe
iotNela-'k'
earthquake
kaiya'ma
white clam-shells
kapili'nsa
tide
ke 'eune'L
k 'a 'une'L
hail
ka'we
sun, heat
ket'Me'l'
lump, ball
ket 'poi'<
hill
ke'yix
forest
k'ci-'kat'i'
k' ci.'k 'et' yi
slope
k'co-'luxne
calaknai'
k'co-'luktene
hole, cave, hollow
kutat '
buckskin
lak'
la-k'
country, land
1918]
Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians
133
Antoniano
Migueleno
Plural
Meaning
leia'
lap V '
wave, sea
le'ma
Lem
sky
Lo"to'
clay
loiyam
mountain
lu'a, lu'e a
luaten, lue a ten
path, trail
macala'k
macila'k
morning star
macita'ma
shade, shadow
moce"
moce'
mucale'
charcoal, flames
moc 'o-'no
mound, hill
na'
na'
sun
pa-'i- '
pa-'y '
cloud
saiya' 'N
saiya'pa '
rainbow
smak'
smak'
asphaltum, tar
sma'k' ai
cma'k* a-'i
sma'kaiyateL
night
sokanto
lightning
spe'het
soot
ta'pit
ta'pnit
storm
telukutca'
spring of water
t'en
prairie
t< ila-'xten
rancho, farm
tukalalo'pi-cte'
garden
t' uLne
bill
ta'a'u'
t'a'a'u 5
ta 'a'uneL
fire
ta-kai' '
takai'
salt
ta-ke' '
take' '
road
tcayi'ya
tapaiye'
dust
ta'te-t
tatet'
smoke
tatsuwa'n
tatcwa-'niL
stars
tatcwa-'niLten
tats'o/opi'
tats 'o/pe '
moon
te.le'k'
*te-'lik' t^n
holes, caves
t'e'lowa'
t 'e'Lxo '
t 'eluwa 'NCL
thunder
t 'elowile
toko'i
t<i.k<o"Yi
whirlwind
ta'a'i
tapai', top'ai'
ashes
tpoi, tpo-1, tso'la
t'op' o'iya
*t 'opo'iyela '
mountain
t- o-'poiyip
Pleiades
tc 'ewuni' '
tc 'anone' '
light of day
tc 'umye'L
teo-mia'L
tcumiane'L
ice
ts 'a-kai'
ts 'a-kai"
ts 'akaite'nat
wind
ts 'ahe-'L
ts 'ahe'L
ts 'axaneL
snow
ts 'ensiL
tsi'ntsin
sand
ts 'opo'
sa'pa
ts'oponeL
fog, frost
emk 'we'L
umk 'we'L
world
xaipke'ya
escarbason
PERSONAL TERMS
ama' '
ama"
paternal grandfather
ane'wu
aneij'
grandmother
apai' '
apa'i
mother
ape-'u'
brother
134
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn.- [Vol. 14
Antoniano
Migueleno
Plural
Meaning
sa-k
asa-'k'
uncle, mother 's elder
brother
apa'c
father's younger sister
a'teloi, aya.oi
aya.eloi
companion
atu'kai
lord, senor
a'xomo
foster father
epeselet
epesele'lmet
enemy
e'pex
exo', e'pex
mother
e'sxa
tomasa'xo
*te'msoxten
cousin, younger sister 's
child (nephew)
e'xwat
oxwa't'
mother-in-law
iko'lu-ne'
fool
i'la
friend
inexa'
inelkxa
relation
ienxe'
parent
insaka'
insakte'n
godson, adopted son
ito'l
itolane'l
brother
kact 'elmak'
hact 'elmilok
talker
ka-i
ka-iyo' '
elder brother
kano'dile
trader
k< e'nca-niL
God
ket 'ne'
white people
keue'aca'
uncle
k'weL
people
la
laN
husband
lemikela't
lamek' nela-T
Coast Indians
La'pae
father's elder brother
lets'e"
lene' '
lee'tsen
woman
lu-wa' '
lu-wai'
*luaya'to
male, man
mace'l
great-grandchild
mone"
mother's younger brother
or sister
nene' '
nene"
grandparents
nunenxa-yo
congregation
pas
father's elder sister
pe'
pepe'
elder sister
as
pa'so', p'a'so
*pa'seii
child, son
ek<
pexk
ekxe'l
father
se
SCN
se-ts'e'n
wife
see'l
girls
sepxa-'
child
setilka'i
great-great-grandchild
ska'ata"
sk 'ata'ten
infant
sk'amaxa n'
elf, dwarf
sna'tpeteko'
little girl
sotopen
pet, guardian
ste-xa' '
se-mta'N
boy
*sme-'ten
stau", ctou-"
su'kumku
skunta-'m
girl, maiden
ta'iyaL
tema'k
grandchild
takacau'
tekica'
twins
1918]
Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians
135
Antoniano
Migueleno
Plural
Meaning
ta'
okV
father's younger brother
ta'kin
ta'ken
k'ta-'nta
shaman
ta-k
te'nak
child of elder brother
ta'leu
brother-in-law
h ta-ma"
ta-m
tarn 'a'ten
man
te-le"
tata'
father
te'pacek
child of younger brother
te'takwa
slave
tica"au, ti'co
daughter
t< icke'M
t'ickema'L
Tularenos
tienkha
tie'neLxa
friend, family
timta'L
elder brother's wife
timu'yo
congregation
t'ON
t'on
younger sister
tos, t'o-s
tos
t 'o'sen
younger brother
tuke'wi
te'mai '
daughter-in-law
tutai'yucap
blacksmith
taxate'y 'a
gathering of Indians
t'ela-t'Nel
brothers
te'leM
t'e-le'm'
son-in-law
t'o-'wat', teho't
tepo-"t'
t'u-t'a-'L
Indians, natives
*tipota'ha-L
*tepot'ha'lap'
tinaihi, titcon
titco'nel
enemy
t< o'xo-ke
murderer
tcaiya' '
tena'iyaL
grandchild
celte' '
tc' ene' '
slee'ten
old woman
*tci'nten
steluwa' '
tcilwai'Yi
steluwi' '
old man
t< sa-'iniya
former wife
wa't' nak
nephew
xa.la' ', axala'u
xala-'
maternal grandfather
hapti'
widower
hensi'
trader, peddler
he'uwukultcaguLastel
interpreter
ABSTEACT AND
MISCELLANEOUS TEEMS
ani'ya '
liberality
ats
a'tsten
booty
atceco'
health
a'xa-ti' '
music
t' ica-'kai
ca-l
*t< ica'xal
dream, revelation,
amulet, luck
cele'
north wind
exomck 'i' '
favor
e/ke'
direction, journey
elka-'p
-
autumn
elpa'L, LpaL
spring, (summer, har-
vest)
e'nex
bead measure
e' 'envi'
necessity
136
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
Antoniano
Migueleno
Plural Meaning
e'u
pain, inconvenience
ickonmitce'y 'a
love-sickness
iewutcni'y'a
temptation
line'
summer
itomu'i '
magic wand, revelation
kai'e
kayte carriage, bringing
kane'a
kane'
cold, influenza
k 'aitupke'y 'a
k 'a'itupkele'ya disenterring
kauo'mtop
year
ka-'keL
ka-'kel
ka-'keltenax song
ka'u
custom
k 'ane'nxa
thing above
kemi'li
amulet
ke'o
place, locality
ketpa-'t
snake-bite
k 'ewe'L
k VWCL
north, (west)
kitse'na
reflection
kla'mta,
kalam
sore, scar
klamte'ya
konetco
place
ko-'nxa'
poknoyaluna'
afternoon, evening
koto'sna'
koto'stena noise
kato, coto
place
kwa'lwai
swelling, inflammation
k'wa'l
season
kwa'l
*k 'olciyip thing
la-e'y'a
pity, compassion
la-'mka
la-'mka
west, on coast, (south,
north)
le-ta'na'
leta'kna
noon
le-c
lee
east, (north, south)
lice'
lice' '
elci'taneL year, winter
lo'le 1
women 's dance
mano
place, position
me'seamtca'
west wind
metsiliu
perforation
na' 'xo
quarter, cardinal point
nek
proposition
nowa-na' '
nowana'p '
morning
oa'ik
ablution
p< a-'nlo
p'xa-'nol
south, (east)
paxat '
dance
pok
sickness
p 'e'nap 'e '
fiesta, celebration
p< Le-'to
pieces, bits
sawine'
dance
sewananhai
health
skael
skwa'l
scar, cut
sokani'ya
vision
ta'kat
takelet, talakat work, trade
ta'LxwaLnai'
work
1918]
Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians
137
Antoniano
Migueleno Plural
Meaning
taka'
gift
tauiye'
fever
tawa't
east wind
ten.a-'so
happening
tesene'o
sickness
tewia't
tewililiat
promise
tiat< aula '
wound
tipin, tipni'ya
pain
V ica-'kai
sleep
timni'y 'a
sickness
titaku
northwest
tehoni'
tihoni'
medicine
toye'm
cause
tu'o
composition,
manner
tewa'cyu
first half of
moon
t'a'kai'
pieces, bits
tatil
cold
tekeko
summit
tinai'o
flight
to-'kena'
to-'kan to'kena-teL
day
tokne'
smallpox
tuxtine
hells
tcaka
tcakoi
time
tcinimakwe'
lie
tcap
sickness
tce'e'y'a
mark, sign
tsip
tsipe'ti
pomp
tsoke'
battle
wate'
law
pia, hia
half of cardinal point
xapa'tco
division
xiwe'i
men's dance
xolowes
diarrhoea
xomu'nilit
sins
xo'tapleta^na
xotapluleta'pna
afternoon
xuiwai'
xuyiliwai'
soul, memory
, thought
VERBAL STEMS
(k)a'
ka, a'
&, (k)a-n,
(S)
(k)a'h'a
a'cik'mek
a'cek
a'ceP
a'ciL
acame
(S)
aik 'nop
(S)
aiktinop
ai'tim
(S)
aitilme'
(S)
aitilta'k
(ke')a'yomic
(S)
(ke')ayc
say, decide, permit
conceive (animal)
hit by shooting
sit, seat, (test, try)
write
be tired, faint
enclose
divide, distribute
138
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
Antoniano
Migueleno
Plural
Meaning
ai(k),
(S)
ayi'lik
defend, protect, retain
ait (em)
(S)
aitil(me), ayilit
guard, defend, intercede
a'yom
(S)
a 'ylom, ayomil
hinder, defend
akca'
akcela'
be thirsty
*(k)ake'l'
hung, be hung
a^'ke'n
a-ki'nyi '
a-'ke'n
think
a-'le'l(k)
a-'le'lt(k)
ask, inquire
aJe, 'alo-m
ale(k)
alilo-m, alele
teach, learn
aleknox
(S)
enter, introduce
(m)ale'n
(S)
unite, combine
a-lx
a-'liyax, a-'lile
desire, love, want
alsa-'L
alsa-'l(o)
alsa-'ltenex (M) pray (Sp. rezar?)
amalek
(S)
amolek
give alms, assist
(p)ama-t'
(p)ema-'t
(p)amat'el
chase, expel
a'menep
(S)
defecate
amaitila'
(S)
amaitiltina'
reconcile, make peace
'a'mes
a'mas
a'mesiL
shout, cry, yell
a'male
(S)
gather food
a-mt' e
o'mti'
a-'mt' ele
hunt
amettine (S)
araitci
(S)
amitcinmak
lie, tell untruth
amauc (S)
a-mo'e
amaulic
guard, preserve
amaucelte
amaueelayo
ama
amo"
ama
eat, suck gruel
a-m(k)
a'mk
a-mkNe' 'Ik
be able, can, kill
a^mt 'elik
a-mxot'e
a-m(p)
a-'menep
a-melep
arise, leave
a-mamp
amant 'ap
extract, withdraw
a'nat(ax)
leave free
a'nem
(S)
a'netem
remain
anemt(ak)
(S)
ane'mtilt(ak)
pardon
*(p)ani'k<o'
give
'(ra)a"n
pass, enter
*(k)a'nata
pound, pulverize
(k)apale'
(S)
place in line
t ( P )apa.' 1
copulate
(a)pak'a
(S)
close (door)
a'pa-t
roast, tatemar
(a)pamak'e
(8)
love
(a)pa-uye'
CaVpa-u
overtake, catch
(a) pane'
(S)
apatene
kiss
(k)a'p'axtenop
smash, shatter
(a)pena'x
(S)
(a)penilax
receive
(a)p<ene"(k)
apeinatile(k)
fill, cover with water
a'peL, ep'eL
a'pel, epeL
ep' ena-teL
fill
apokop (S)
(t)o'pokap
apeknelop
be well, cure
apoi'lek
(S)
gather, collect
'a'se
bear, give birth
a'si(k)
(S)
reserve, guard
1918]
Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians
139
Antoniano
Migueleno
Plural
Meaning
a-'se
as
a-'sile
name, call
(p)astcene"-(k)
beg, prohibit
*a-'su, (m)as
think
*(p)ata'lok<e'
lassoo
a'tanop
ot 'oinop
rise, jump
(k)atn,(k)atipn
>
(k)a'tap'nehe'
hurt, torment, oblige
(k)atce (S)
(k)aten
rob, steal
a't'unk'a-x,
stick, fasten
atno'x
atepnek
(S)
speak rapidly
ate 'a- u wi '
ate 'a-uli '
meet, encounter
(m)atcakat
(S)
be outside
atce'weltek (S)
be cast, stretched
ateixtei(n)
18)
beg
atsintca
(S)
atsintcela
anoint
*atsatak
(S)
cook, make food
autce, otee
(S)
autcele
aid, assist
a-x
ax
a'yax
place, put, seat
a'xai
a'xa-iyot (M)
fear, be afraid
(p)axaya'u
(S)
separate, divide
*(k)a'xa-nla'
shout
a'xap, axa-'ta
climb, rise
a'xap
ci'xaptep
a'xatep
die
*a.'xat 'a
touch
axatcnap
e'xtc 'nop
split, part
*(k)a'xk<o'
be careful
(p)axo.'t
axoten
hunt burrowing animals
axotot
axo'nilet
axt 'elik
insert, pour, fasten
"(m)a'we-'xe,
stand firm, resist
exwe (S)
au'we, a'wen
aewetenelo (S)
prepare, approach
awi
be hot, heat
C
ca-ke' 'n
point, aim
ca-'moc(k)
salute, greet
cumwel, camle'
samal
be blind
cap'
cap
extinguish, put out
ca-wena-ni
dance (ceremonial?)
*ca-xa'ta'
open mouth
ce/pa 'lo<
ce-'p'etep< (M)
be afraid, fear
cetene
(S)
cetenele
bud, sprout, bear leaves
ce'tep
ci'tip
ce'tLip
die
ce'wili '
ce'wilt' e
lie down
(i)cko'
(i)eko
ckol
be, be there
*cme- 'L
beat, strike
*co-ka'
tear, split
co-'ke"no t
cukintile (S)
open eyes, awake
140
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
Antoniano
co-'lukne
co'me(n)
co'k 'a 'iyik
CO-' U L
co'une, cu-'ne'
(i)cxa'lo'
Migueleno
CO-L
co-n'
cxa'lo
Plural
cukai'yel (M)
cu-na'tilt
sxa'lho
Meaning
go through hole
haul, drag, stretch, creep
kick, trample
climb, chase up
kindle, light
be afraid, frighten
E
*(p)ece-"u
defeat, gain
e'ck 'waL
cut, saw, hit
eck 'op
(S)
sew
*eiha'na
(S)
give
(p)eya'nekx
(8)
(p)eyalenkx
visit
*(p)eine
(S)
sting, pick, bite
*eipastas
(S)
arrive, overtake
he'k'a'
tell, say
eka, ika'
be, exist, be there
*ekatop<
go outside
ekona', ako'ne
(S)
add water
(k)ela'utptila.'pek (S)
(k)elautptilila-'pek
be cut
e-1'
go ahead
eleknox
(S)
conceive
elut 'na'pek
pray
(e)ma.'t<
kill
emek
(S)
make cross
e'na-i
enai
wound, oblige
ena-ni' '
observe, look around
* 'nek
decide, say
*(t)enk'itox
(S)
season, make spicy
(k)ecna' (S)
(k)eno'l
sweat
eoni
onile
give medicine
epe'nxo
epe'nox
swallow, gulp
ept'a"
ept 'a'
a-pt'e'la'
be cold
(e)pt'en
(ke)pt'enil
scratch, wound
epts 'e 'n
epts'enla'
sting, bite
ep' tc< o-'p'
optc 'ep
become tired, tire
ese'l
(S)
esele'l
impede, obstruct
espolo'x
catch, seize
eta"
eta
make
etak 'a'
etak 'a'
etakLi
call, shout
etatj n la
say, be said
et 'eyine'
et 'ene'
et 'eyitine'
shoot with arrow
*(p)ete-le"
see
etxau'
etxau '
etxautilau'
have, possess
(e)t'a-'k
tie, bind
(p)etot'
spear
et'e-k
et'a'kox
at'ek
stand, remain, halt
*e-tc 'o'i
suck
*etco'ka'
be quiet
(k)e'we4s'na
(k) e'wets 'its 'tena'
cry, scream
1918]
Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians
141
Antoniano
Migueleno
Plural
Meaning
ewia'mic
(S)
ewila'mic
presume
ewiate
(S)
ewiliate
do right, not to sin
*e'het'-i7xa'
fly around
exoyuem
(S)
exoyuem
think
e'xwaL
oxwete-le
grind, pound, hit
I
ia, ie
ia, ie
ial
go
ia-'tek
ia-'tek
ia-'tlek
send
iam, iem
ia-m
iema-lt'e'
see
iamaNeLk
iem'6
ium
know
iemat
(S)
iematil
show
ia.'k
guard
*(k)i'au
(S)
take, extract
iau(k)
(S)
do
*ia'utc
(S)
touch, tickle
iax, iex
iax, iex
iaxteL
come
ica-k
ica
ica-kai'
go, walk, wander
icx
icx
ecxot
eat
(i)cepix
pretend
(ki)c(a)k'e-le'
roll, revolve
(ke)ck'a'lax
'icxai '
'ecxai'
'ecxai'yaL
dawn, arise at dawn
icim
ictem, ostem
drink
icko'ne
(S)
be cruel
icno'mic
i'cnomadc
icno'ma-ic (M)
believe
(t)ico-'p
(t)i'c r o'p
determine, find out
*(t)icpa"n
remove, cut (grass)
* iema-ni 'k
(S)
begin, commence
ienk
contain
ie'nto
ie'nt'xo
approach, overtake
iete
(S)
be sent
(k)iewilte'
(S)
argue, quarrel
(t<)ika"wu
do customarily
iak'owe (S)
(k)i'k'ate-
fight, battle
ilik
(S)
laugh
*(m)ilyo-ta
pay attention to
(il)k'elpa,
Lk 'elt' epa
return, turn around
k'et'p'a
elk 'ile-'nxa '
return, turn around
ekele'ntxo,
return, turn around
ikile'nxa
ilk 'ita
ik 'e/so '
cover over
*imanila' (S)
visit
imxoya-k
iraxoue'le (S)
await, wait, rest
ineitil
(S)
contradict, reject
inemil
(S)
inemilte'
endanger, lack
iyo'hun
bark, cry
(a)yo'p(ik)
yop'L(ik)
stake, implant
142
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
Antoniano
Migueleno
Plural
Meaning
io'tsp
(S)
fornicate
ioxt
(S)
stir
ise.'na'
isi'tina
be ill, sick
isol
be compassionate
isxa-'teL
urinate
*(k)ite.'mna
sound
*(k)itpetmak
(S)
bite, chew
itca', Itc 'a',
etc 'e-
i' 'tciL
halt, stop, straighten
ica-, itcu
lift, rise, surpass
*(k)itca
prepare
itco'mnox
ctcumtonox
fall, fell
itc 'okmai
(S)
speak proudly
itc, ic, exe'
(S)
iceL
hate
*(k)itcu'mtilai(k)
(S)
lie, mistake
i'tse
(S)
introduce, enter
(k)itsipex
(S)
vaporize
i.'ts 'omyac
love, like
itsoye'
(S)
lift up high
itsi
(S)
break wind
itspaka
(S)
itspakayile
join
*iwa'nmak
(S)
amuse, divert
iyi
end, finish
*(k)i'yit'iL
fight, battle
i' 'yo-te '
yi'te'
io't'Ne
shake, move
*(k)ixa'ya
(S)
be angry, quarrel
ixa'te
(S)
do well
K
*(k)ai'yax
drop
(k)ayik
(S)
receive
k'a'ina'
k'a'itena'
play
ka-k 'a
k' a-'ka
ka-k'La
sing
(k) ak 'a'ye
(S)
(k)ak'a'yile
be inclined to
(e)k'au'a,
(S)
(e)k'a.'ltin'a
agree, (be seated)
k'a-l'a
k 'a' La
k'a-Ltena'
fight, battle
(k)a'lep,
(k)alo'lop (S)
lose, forget
(k)e'lep
(k)a'mau
(S)
(k)ameytile
be together, join
k 'amle'
(S)
peep, peer, squint
k'apk
(S)
kapil
sweep, erase
*(k<)arme'
wander, stroll
ka-u
kau'wi
ka'xa-u
sleep
*(k)a'wa
(S)
be lacking
*(k)auke'
taste, like
*(k)aunop
(S)
finish, end
(k')e-'L
dry up
k'e.'lo'(p)
tie, bind .
k 'epot 'au
k'epo-t'ilau
follow, pursue
1918]
Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians
143
Antoniano
Migueleno
ke-sk
k'esk
*(k)etaye'te
(k)e-'yita'
k Vtipek
ki.
(S)
(k)aite
(S)
ki, i
ki-c
k 'itipa
k<o-l'
(S)
ko'L
k Vlik
k'o-L
(S)
k'o'lpax
k'o'k'ol'ce
k 'o'Lpex
k' o'nox
k'o'mate(k)
k 'unip
(k)uptun
(S)
(S)
*(k<)u'tex
(ke)la'ye
*la-ye'
(S)
(S)
lal
lam
lam
(k)La'
(k)La-'t'ne
la-wa' '
(k)La'patene
la-'lua'
lei
*(ke)lekema'k
(k)LeM'
li'cxai
(S)
(S)
le'cxai '
li.xo'
lale-'xo'
lo-L
lo-l
loxo, lok'o
luane
lu'etce
(ke)luk'ua'la
*lum
loko'xo '
(S)
(S)
(S)
(S)
ma'ca-L
(k)Mad
ma-k
mak
* (ke) makwoxtel
(S)
ma-L
maL
male-'ntax
male'ntox
mala-k
ma'le
*(m)a'nketso
ma-t
(S)
(S)
Plural
(k)e-'yiteL
k 'e'telapek
kiya-L
k 'ilipa
ko.'la
k 'olitak
ko'nlox, ko'lox
ko-'mat' elte
(k)uptinil
L
(ke)lea'ite
lay in e'
lamhaL
(k)La'pat
(k)La-'t'tene
la-u-
(k) limit'
liya 'iyax, li-t' xo
lo-'xLa
luanile
lu'etcile
Meaning
spy, watch
present, deliver, devote
laugh, shout
banish, exile
go
resemble, like
march
be hungry
guard
lift, arise
arise, spring up
converse, speak
arrive, reach
buy
desire
scratch
eat
be merciful
move, shake
eject, throw out
eat
break, be broken
swim
release, separate, leave
forsake, abandon, divorce
requite, revenge
fall
rain
throw, cast, hit
burn oneself
seize, squeeze, grasp
know
serve
heed, pursue
separate fire
M
maltintak (S) blaze, burn
(k)Ma-'iyal' (M) live, possess home
ma-tak
ma'lo-L
maltintak (S)
malta-k
ma-telau
give
sigh, breathe deeply
fly
remember, think
advise, say
doubt
insert, add
fill oneself
144
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
Antoniano.
Migueleno
Plural
Meaning
ma-' 'a
ma'a-'u'
ma-tele'
bring, carry, raise
*me
sleep
mene' (S)
me-'n'
go to bring
(t)me< (nak)
go to see
me-'s
mi'slip
mest
smell, scent
(a')me-'t
me-'t
try, attempt
me-t 'au'
feel
*(tam) e-'tca
arise, get up
*(ke)mi'ltop
(S)
lightning
*mitac
(S)
make
nri-'tel-ak
mi-'tela-tak'
defeat, beat
mi't'ik
mi't'ik
mi't 'Lik
run, flee
mie
(S)'
milic
celebrate, entertain
*(i)mo'kLop
drown
molo'x
molox
ma'ltox
jump
map
mopke/
grow, increase
mopxi'
be obliged
mot 'u'xo
tighten
moupx
(S)
molopx
strengthen
*mue'teko
(S)
watch, observe
N
*(e)nac
dismount
na-'yi'
nai
na-ihyi' '
flee, run
*naye'm
bring (wood)
na-'lo
na'lyeton' (M)
await, wait for
naL
nal
fill oneself, satiate
(ke)na'me
(S)
(ke)namo'ten
heat, warm oneself
nep (S)
nap'
cook
ne'ka'
nixla' (S)
obey
ne'
ne'
ne'wo't (M)
take, seize, bring
(ki)neutile
(S)
(ki)neutilte
change, move
newiox,
(pe)noyo'xo
(S)
(pe)no'toxo
assent, agree
(ki)ni'ya
take away, rob
(e)no-'nanax
no'iyo '
(e)nuntilentaxo
(S)
collect, gather
*nok'i-'c
appear
no'le
(S)
no'lele
run
(o)noie
(S)
(o)no'te
dare
(e)notili'
trade, barter, pay
notx
push away
*(e)nota"asiL
do
(e)notcene'
(S)
(o)notcen'e'te
draw near, communicate
(e)no'xo
(i)naxtilo (S)
come
*(ko)amo
(S)
move oneself
*(t)o-cko'n'E
be fastened
oi
(S)
oyil
learn, determine, know
1918]
Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians
145
Antoniano
Migueleno
Plural
Meaning
o'ye
(S)
remain, be left
o-ye'
ot'Ne'
respond, reply
o'yote
(S)
uyio'tine
move
okot 'nap
okot 'napelte
dodge
oko't'o'
kill
ok 'wa'te
(S)'
ok 'wa'tile
flatter, applaud
o'la'le'
be ashamed
olek, k'alok'
(S)
ole'palk
break
o'lo.li'
olole' '
play flute
olt 'ek
cut, fell
o'maiye '
o'mayau (S)
begin, commence, leave
o'ma
(S)
divide
*omia'm
(S)
meet
*o'miyo-te'
o' 'kiut' ne '
support oneself, rest
omp
o'mop
omolop
finish, cease, end
(k)o-n
(k)o-'neL
escape, leave
onai'ye
(S)
encircle with belt
*(p)onataksa
(S)
send, order
*(k)o'niyi'
be afraid, ashamed
*ontcamaua'te
(S)
believe, suggest
opoi'
opa' 'u
op' oiteno'x
enter, insert, throw in
(k)o'potot'na
'
boil
(e-'k)o-sna'
(e-'k)ostena ;
whistle
*(t)otenake'
become, make oneself
(k)otia'
(S)
(k)otilia'
be indisposed
*otokinek
pound, hammer
o-tatLe',
o't ? atnox
o'taxjele '
butt, gore, dive
otaxle-'
*(k)o'tco-xnct'
drop, fall
(i)ox, (x)ox
(S)
approach
o'xoyo-te'
o'xoyo-ta'p
o'xoiyo-tela '
live, exist
o'xo-ma'
o'xom'tela'
hide
o'xwetel (S)
o'xote 'p
whip, beat, punish
P
(p)aye'm
(S)
carry, bear
(p)aitcik
(S)
(p)aitciltek
visit, communicate
pa-ta, pa-ka
pa'tLa, pa'xLa
dance
(p)a'lek
(S)
heat, warm
*(p)amtinik
(S)
see
(p)aso'kau
scratch
(p)ats'ok'
a'u
*(p<)ca-ko'
chop
* (p)eina'x
(S)
see
(p)ele-'t'o
(p)e'lextLo
open
(p)e'me. '1
use, select
*penLa-'k'o
hustle
(p)esk'o'na
cook
pesno'xo
pesno'xo '
pesnelo'xo
hear, listen
146
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
Antoniano
pe'sene
pex
*(p)exe'ko
*pi'
*(p)iematilo'xo
*(p)ipta'tiko
*(p)itca-lta'naxo
okoleca'
(p)o'nek
pox
psa'lo
pxa-i
Migueleno
*(p) eta.no
(S)
(S)
(S)
(S)
(S)
(p')ocai'
pok' e'lec
*(p)o.L
(S)
pox
*p 'te'lo-to
Plural
pe'sintLe
polox
pxaiyiL
Meaning
think
seize, grasp
be born, come out
reject, separate
be (substantive)
suffer
bite, grind
dream
lift, raise
advise, notify
toast
insert, introduce
enter, go down
decide, resolve
fall on stomach
pay
sa
(i)sa'li
saiyene
se
*sekot 'ak '
se-
se'ni'
*sitetenop
*sole'k
sa'nene
(S)
(S)
S
sa-teL
sa'le-lte :
sa-'mox
se
se' NI '
speak
hate
die (many)
marry a woman
be, are (substantive, at-
tributive)
tie, bind
tell, say to
walk
arrive at summit
feel genitals
tad
taiyai
stink, smell
tale (S)
ta'lo '
talte
accompany
ta'LxwaL
ta'lxwaltenax
work
*tama'nepek
remove, abstract
*tapen
stroke
tawa
(S)
tau'la
remain, delay
*t'e'yo'
be alone
*te.'le'
hustle
tepen
pain, hurt
'
tl.'
do
ti'a
(S)
tiila
offend
*tico.
ticto
(not) see, hear, observe
*(e)ti'cxaLta
play
ti'li
(S)
tiili
dispatch, send
*ti't< oLpet
fight, contest
*ti-'tCON
refuse, decline
*ti'ixai
like, wish
1918]
Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians
147
Antoniano
Migueleno
Plural
Meaning
*t 'ola.'so
exclaim
*tpx
(S)
gather
torn'
turn'
to'met
fall
*tom, turn
(S)
agree, assent
tu'pex
(S)
tu'lpex
scent, give good odor
T
t< a-'co
ta'cila (S)
take notice, constrain,
press
*tal
(S)
scrub, smooth
*tam
(S) ,
ta-m
hunt pine nuts
*(k'ot)a'mek'ulentax (S)
lift a fallen object
*(et)an'
arise, get up
*t< a-penya '
collect, gather
*(t<)a.te
have, be
*(p)t'a-'x
pour out
te' '
t'e'
tetak
tell, say to
*te'yiteno
shout, acclaim
(p)t'e'kax
t 'ak< ak' o '
(pe)tVkha-'k
break off, saw off, stab,
shoot
(p)t'eka
(p)t'aki
kill
(p)t'etoyo
t 'of o-'iyo '
pound, pulverize
*(e)t'etepai
shoot, throw, cast
*(t)eni.lak
be worth, valuable
Via-'
wish, desire
tica
(S)
tici'la
sigh
*ticmi'
(S)
discharge
*(ke)ti'cnop
(S)
(ke)tictinop
gather food
*(p)t'iyena'pak
t' iitenla'pk
cut one's head off, de-
capitate
*(p)t'ika.'l
strike, beat
timti't
(S)
take, seize
tiowe
(S)
titinowe
be happy
*tipaxa
(S)
remove oneself
*titspiptup
(S)
fall
*toku'mko-
continue
t'o'ina-'so
t'u'inox
perch, sit above
t'o'ke-lax
t 'okeltenax
revive
t 'o'loinox
tpoleitina'x (S)
finish, end
t 'o'Ne-wu
rub, scratch oneself
t< O'N
ptuuniko (S)
burn
t'o'xON
t Vxo-tSn '
snore
*topoile
(S)
topoilile
kneel
t' uina'pik
tuinila'pek (S)
saw, be torn up
t'uk'
t'uk'
t'oka'
crash, thunder, smash
(p)t'u'kotna-
bore
TC
(i)tca'klax
(S)
(i)tca'kiltax
nail, fasten
tc 'a-'uwe '
t-c'a-'u'
tc 'a-'uye '
seek, hunt
t'a-u'
148
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlm. [Vol 14
Antoniano Migueleno Plural
tc'e.'lo', tc'a.'mo'
Meaning
wrap up, swaddle
tc'upk, tcakomo
(S)
tca'komel
wash
*tea'wate
(S)
lose senses
*tc'e-wa-nuwi'
tce'welte"e (S)
be upheld, thrown
tc'ehe.'na'
be angry
*tci'pk
(S)
desire, detain
*tcuileu
(S)
tcukle'u
divide
tcutna'x,
(S)
fix, insert, extract
tcutnepek
TS
ts'a-ts'i
be wet, damp
(pe)tseina'k
(S)
sell
*tsetmiwe'liko
(S)
do
ts'e-n', ts'e.'k
see, observe, watch
ts'e-'nu'
ts'e.'ten (M)
like, enjoy, be happy
tsepex
(S)
give birth, break
(ke) tsiknop
(8)
(ke)tsiktinop
burst, smash
tsVtel
ts 'ne'teL
be cold
(ke)tsikna
(S)
(ke)tsi'ktina
breathe
tsil
(S)
suffer, pain
*(pe)tsimia'm
(S)
dress
ts'ok'ox
tsa'ktox
frighten, be afraid
ts 'o'xwan
ts 'oxwen '
shrivel, dry
U-W
wa.'xaL, o.'wahL
wi'le'
wo-'xaLtenax
kill
*wo<Li'
send, dispatch
*(k)walita'tce
(S)
boil vigorously
*
wa-'wel
go to bring
wa-t
watil (S)
send
wenx, we'ten,
welnex (S)
return
we-ntx
wi'pu
wi-'tup
give however
*
umtan
permit, give
upk 'i'na,
(S)
twist, twine
umk 'ina
(S)
utneka'lik
beat, strike, thrash
utca-k
lend
*(k)utc'e'l
halt, stop
X
(ol)xa', (it)xa
(S)
withstand, bear
xac
ka'ciL
sit down, be seated
*(epe)xayit
(S)
hate
*xai'yaL (M)
go
xa-i
(S)
xa'yeL
doubt
xa'la, ha'la
use, shoot
xam, xap
xameL
end, finish
(p)xanse
ko'nsele
sell
1918]
Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians
149
Antoniano
Migueleno
Plural
Meaning
xa'pek
xa'pko '
dig, excavate, climb
xa-'ta
xa-'ta
xa'La
weep
*ha-te'
remain
xe/co
xe-c
xeclu (S)
inter, bury
he'la
he'la
await
xo'wia
(S)
xoiolua
breathe, live
*ho'yi'
say
*xoyu'k '
(S)
soften
(h)o'ne-t,
defeat, beat
(k)o'ne-t'
xot'
xotk
blow
xo't 'op
xo't'Lop (M)
pass by
xwen
xwe-n
xwene 'lax
arrive
ADJECTIVAL STEMS
(k)ama'cu
sweet
(ke)ama-'uk
(S)
(ke)ama-'ulik
pious, compassionate
(k)atululna
(S)
straight (road)
(k)a'tca-mp'a'
(k)a-'tca-tenapa
mean, fierce, brave
(k)apa'mak
(S)
(k)apa'melmak
simple, benevolent
(k)axa'ntee
(S)
angry, passionate
(k)a'wa
,(S)
(k)a'ula
robust, healthy
ca-'xa'NE
(k)ca-'xa'tena'
blue
ce.'ta
scabby
(ku)cu'k
su'ko
deaf
(e)cmic
(S)
poor
co'wut'
cauwat
eo'watLax
black
(k)e'sene'
bad
ecxo-ni'
icxo-ne
e'cxo-tene'
poor, thin, feeble
(k)esiyu'k'
(k)esiyuk'lax
sweet
(t)emitcu'k'o
(S)
holey
(k)eslo'hol
salty
(k)esna"
true
(k)etca."
(k)etc'a."
(k)etca"aten
large, great
(k)etpenik
(S)
(k)etpenilek
stony, rough
(k)icxo'a
(S)
covered
(k)i'le
(S)
lazy
(k)imoupxa
(S)
(k)imoupxela
valiant
(k)i'notopa'
(S)
different, distinct
(k')io'x
high (above water)
(k)ita'lna
first quarter (moon)
(k)itcka-'ten
tc'ka'ten'
(k)itcka-'te-lax
red
(k)itetse'nxa
expert, crafty
(k)itcmila
(S)
(k)itcmi'lita
transparent
(k)itspilil
(S)
painted
(k)i'tcowok'a
(S)
(k)i'tcowota
rich
(k)itsto'lne
(S)
(k)itsto'ltine
twisted
(k)i'wun
savory, tasty
150
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
Antoniano
Migueleno
Plural
Meaning
k 'a'ye
disobedient
k 'ak 'anxa
(S)
coagulated
k 'atapNe-'xe '
heavy (rain)
k'nap
k'nap
ripe
k'ockwe'top
(S)
kockwe'tilop
thin
k'wa-'ka
k'wa-'kelt'a
long, tall
(k)la'k'Mak'
brave, valiant
lakulem
lower
le-ma'lem
upper
lama'yu
lamai
right
la'pai
left
(k)Le"tax
(k)Le"talax
sharp
letapyele
last quarter (moon)
(ke)lu'tca
(S)
(ke)lutca'aten
dumb
(k)loi
lame, crippled
ma't 5 aL
ma't' a-L
(k ( )ma'talta
white
(k<)me't'o u
cmo't
heavy, deep (snow)
mup
(S) '
large (child)
ok 'elo
o'kel
left
(k)osweak
(S)
agile
(t)oti'pe'N
rapid
(k)omux
(S) '
elder
(ke)otca'
(S)
(ke)otce'la
benevolent, pious
(k)owa'te
(S)
difficult
(k')pat'
(k')pa't'Lax
hard
pi'nxa
(S)
good, successful (thing)
sa-x
(S)
sakehe'L
good (person)
sa'xwelyo'x
smooth-edged
sep
right
ski.'ntui '
sku'nt' ui '
small, thin, lesser
skl'tana
sko'tan
small
skusna
half (moon)
(e)sluteya'mo
(S)
( e ) sluteya'moten
short, bent (with age)
smat
smat
smahate'L
beautiful
(k')so.'le'
sad
spukita
upper
stiyo' 'owan
stiyo-'wanlax
pretty, graceful
swa'nan
swa'nan
lonesome
(k)te'k'a
stikwau
young, new
ta'kata
new (moon)
te.'le 'pMi
full
tele'sa
lower
telwane'
strong, fierce
timoen
lame
tinkxa
ti'nelkxa
dear, beloved
t'ise
strong, able
tolep
sad
toyo'weto
(S)
wise
tunu'iko
red-winged
ta'to
(S)
tatotne'l
foreign, strange
t< a'wut
t< xauwat
yellow
tU.'kilele'
t'i.'kelilte'
round
1918]
Mason : The Language of the Salinan Indians
151
Antoniano Migueleno
tixa'yo (S)
(kom)tek' (S)
(kom)teko'lnox (S)
(k')t'pelel
Plural Meaning
tixa'yout ordinary
(kom)taka'i (in) corrupt
(kom)) teko'ltinox (un ) penetrated
(k')t'pe'le.lta striped
tukilnu
full (moon)
t'u'moi-ne'
docked
*tc'a'haliltena'
thin, famished
tcamauk
(S)
haughty
tc< a'pa-iyine
tc' a'paiyitine '
wide
(k')tcVp
tired
tcehen(mak)
tce'henmilak
irritable, mean
e-li'to
(S)
equal
ts 'a-'lamkwaL
clear (sky)
ts'ep
ts'ep
ts Vpax
good, well
(k<)ts'e'pen>
ts 'e'peyitini
small
(k')ts'eteL
cold
ts 'ka'teJaxka-' 5
naked
(k)u'sululna'
(k)esulutina'
straight (tree)
(k)umtica'
brown
(k)u'wate
very bad
(k)wi'le'
(k)wi'lte'
straight
wi'lapne
right
(k)wi'tcen'
smoky
(k')wo'slop'
strong, numerous
(e)xai'
xai
brave
xilap '
valiant, brave
xii-nig."
ckomo
xomoNe'L
ferocious, bad
xu'tia, ku'tia
sick, ill
yu'wan
sweet
VARIOUS STEMS
DEMONSTEATIVE AETICLES
*aswai
*aswa
this, these
keca' '
kVlau'
how many?
kiputa
kipu'tila
last
(k)I.'si]e'
(k)I.'sili'p
all, every
mas
ta-cne'L
somebody, someone
me-yo' '
same
na
na, no'na
this, these
pe
he, we
the, that, that which,
those
pa
lift
that, those
*se-'t'kam
each
tama'ya
ta'maila
next
t'ya
each
toy Vwe
(S)
teyo 'o'we
alone, sole
ta'crake ',
tace'Ltake
some, something
ta/rake
xai'ya'
many
152
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol.14
TEMPOEAL ADVEEBS
il-a, ilta
I-n
ke'tka
kisa', kwits
ki-'ya-t'e'
ki/yax
(k)Lu-'wa'
ko'kai
le-lo', lo'
moka."
me'cak
me-yo"
na-ta-'
*noee"
nomimo
nopaha'
noko'nxa '
notie'WA
no-no*. non, no 5
tana'
taha', ta-
tel.I/n
tats', rats 'a
t< ikisna' '
tupa'ha
tume', rume'
t< uxwe'nto
tcu
(proclitic)
(S)
(enclitic)
(S)
(S)
(proclitic)
(S)
(enclitic)
(Mig., enclitic)
(proclitic)
(enclitic)
(S., proclitic)
(enclitic)
(Mig., enclitic)
(enclitic)
(enclitic)
(proclitic)
(enclitic)
(S)
soon, presently, after
soon, afterwards
yet, still
already
always
always
always will
much, long
yet
formerly
now
continually
continually
now
soon, almost
before
day before yesterday
yesterday
yesterday
soon, some time, now
now
now
while, during
always, continually
continually
day after tomorrow
then, following
presently, soon
in the beginning
LOCATIVE ADVEEBS
Antoniano
ke'u
ma'ye
nepa', nepe'
na'ye, tonai'
ra 'ke'
pa
t< lya'x
wa'
wi
k 'eJi'cxo
kid'he'
la-'ko
General
Migucleno
*hu
(S)
(8)
(8)
lak'
Particular
beneath
down
down, below
Meaning
indefinite place, there
there, ahi
there, por alia
there, alii, alia
here, aqui
somewhere
there, here
there, oM
there, distant
here, aqui, acd
(icxe', foot)
1918]
Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians
153
Antoniano
le-mo"
p'au
pepoxo
sk 'a-m
t'OL
tewa-'ko
tewai'yu
texopi'cxo
teyoxana' 'yu
tika'ko
titco'mo
to.'ke
to'me-lo
tceN
Migueleno
(S)
Meaning
over, on, above
beyond
beneath
near, beside
near
beside, near
at side of
at the edge of
at the surface of
above, over, at top
behind
in, within
at the end of, edge
outside, out
(noun, other side?)
(noun side?)
(noun side?)
(noun edge?)
(noun surface?)
(ta'ak, head)
(ti'tcom', back)
\noun end?)
DESCEIPTIVE ADVEEBS
letano
kai'yik*
ka-'xwen
k Vlop
koyu'p
k'sa
misa'tik
pe-'ptelop'
pe-'nle
skomo'
tewai'
tikts 'e'p' ksa
tutisi
tce'e
tcitso
(Mig.)
half
slowly
much
very, much, enough
easily
more, very, entirely, truly, well
strongly
too much
swiftly
slightly
half, partly
uselessly
thus
truly
only, solely
NUMEBALSsi
Antoniano
t'OL
Migueleno
t VixYU
Meaning
1
ka'k< cu
xa'kic
2
kLa'pai
k'i'ca'
la'pai
k'i'ca'
3
4
o'Lt< au
olta-'to
5
paia/neL
to'
caa'neL
paya'teL
t'e'p
ca't' CL
6
7
8
te'tet' o' 'e
t' o' 'e
t' o' 'etaxt 'OL
te'tet' o'paL
t' O'paL
9
10
11
la'paikca '
la'paikcataxt
woco'co
'OL
12
13
14
la'paioLt' au
k'pec
"Numerical System" in
15
16
Ethnology, p. 134.
si Cf . discussion on
154
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14
CONJUNCTIONS
Antoniano
Migueleno
he'u'wa't
i-n, yoin
kas
kas
kasi'no, maxa'ya
(S)
ki-c
ki-c
ki'ri, keti'
me'na'ko
mi'yo 'k
peti'yo
(S)
te'rcte, terc
tayopa
(S)
tka-
(S)
ti
(S)
tarn, ram, am
tan, ran, an
tan
tana'i-t
tax
ta'xo
uska' '
Meaning
therefore
more than (comparison)
but, only
if not
like, resembling
because
why? ah! because
like, as
therefore
although
in case
also
then, next
and, but
although
and
INTEEJECTIONS
a" imya"
ha-'kse
ko'tisen (Mig.)
ka-, koa-'
ke'ra', ka'ra'
me-'mten
mai
no<
yo'
yaha
go ahead!
all right!
yes!
no!
be careful!
come on!
no!
now then!
come!
good!
now! he!
hurrah!
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS - (CONTINUED)
VoL 7. 1. The Emeryville Shellniound, by Max TJhle. Pp. 1-106, plates 1-12, with
38 text figures. June, 1907 _ _ 1.26
2. Recent Investigations bearing upon the Question of the Occurrence of
Neocene Man in the Auriferous Gravels of California, by William
J. Sinclair, Pp. 107-130, plates 13-14. February, 1908 _. 6
3. Porno Indian Basketry, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 133-306, plates 15-30,
231 text figures. December, 1908 * _... 1.76
4. Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Eegicn, by N. 0. NeiBon.
Pp. 309-G56, plates 32-34. December, 1909 '. 50
5. The Ellis Landing Shellmound, by N. 0. Nelson. Pp. 357-426, plates
S6-50. April, 1910 7S
Index, pp. 427-443.
Vol. 8. 1. A Mission Eecord of the California Indians, from a Manuscript in the
Bancroft Library, by A. L. Kroebcr. Pp. 1-27. May, 1908 .25
2. The Ethnography of the Cahuilla Indians, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 29-
68, plates 1-15. July, 1908 _ 75
S. The Religion of the Luisefio and Dieguefio Indians of Southern Cali-
fornia, by Constance Goddard Dubois. Pp. 69-186, plates 16-19.
June, 1908 1.26
4. The Culture of the Luisefio Indians, by Philip Stedman Sparkman.
Pp. 187-234, plate 20. August, 1908 .. .50
5. Notes on Shoshonean Dialects of Southern California, by A. L. Kroe-
ber. Pp. 235-269. September, 1909 35
6. The Eeligious Practices of the Dieguefio Indians, by T. T. Waterman.
Pp. 271-358, plates 21-28. March, 1910 80
Index, pp. 3f. 9-369.
VoL 9. 1. Tana Testa, by Ed-ward Sayir, together with Yana Myths collected by
Roland B. Dixon. Pp. 1-235. February, 1910 ..., 2.50
2. The Chumash and Costanoan Languages, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 237-
271. November, 1910 35
S. The Languages of tho Coast of California North of San Francisco, by
A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 273-435, and map. April, 1911 _... 1.50
Index, pp; 437-439.
Vol. 10. 1. Phonetic Constituents of the Native Languages of California, by A.
L. Kroeber. Pp. 1-12. May, 1911 10
2. The Phonetic Elements of the Northern Paiute Language, by T. T.
Waterman. Pp. 13-44, plates 1-5. November, 1311 45
S. Phonetic Elements of the Mohave Language, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp.
45-96, plates 6-20. November, 1911 65
4. The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians, by J. Alden Maso-j. Pp. 97-
2'0, plates 21-37. December, 1912 1.75
5. Papago Verb Stems, by Juan Dolores. Pp. 241-263. August, 1913 25
6. Notes on the Chilula Indians of Northwestern California, by Pliny
Earl Goddard. Pp. 265-288, plates 38-41. April, 1914 30
7. Chilula Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 289-379. November,
1914 1.00
Index, pp. 381-385.
Vol. 11. 1. Elements of the Kato Language, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-176,
plates 1-45. October, 1912 , 2.00
2. Phonetic Elements of the Dieguefio Language, by A. L. Kroeber and
J. P. Harrington. Pp. 177-188. April, 1914 10
3. Sarsi Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 189-277. February, 1915.... 1.00
4. Serian, Tequistlatecan, and Hokan, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 279-290.
February, 1915 10
B. Dichotomous Social Organization in South Central California, by Ed-
ward Winslow Gifford. Pp. 291-296. February, 1916 .05
6. The Delineation of the Day-Signs in the Aztec Manuscripts, by T. T.
Waterman. Pp. 297-398. March, 1916 1.00
7. The Mutsun Dialect of Costanoan Based on the Vocabulary of De la
Ouesta, by J. Alden Mason. Pp. 399-472. March, 1916 70
Index, pp. 473-479.
VoL 12. 1. Composition of California Shellmounds, by Edward Winslow Gifford.
Pp. 1-29. February, 1916 .. SO
2. California Place Names of Indian Origin, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp.
31-69. June, 1916 40
3. Arapaho Dialects, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 71-138. June, 1916 70
4. Miwok Moieties, by Edward Winslow Gifford. Pp. 139-194. June,
1916 55
5. On Plotting the Inflections of the Voico, by Cornelius B. Bradley. Pp.
195-218, plates 1-5. October, 1916 25
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