UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
IN
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
Vol. 9, No. 3, pp. 273-435 April 29, 191 1
THE LANGUAGES OF THE COAST OF
CALIFORNIA NORTH OF
SAN FRANCISCO
BT
A. L. KROEBER
JSancrof;
BERKELEY
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Vol 1 1. Life and Culture of the Hupa, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-88;
plates 1-30. September, 1903 ..................................................................... S 1 - 25
2. Hupa Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 89-368. March, 1904 .......... 3.00
Index, pp. 369-378.
Vol 2 1 The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave, by William J. Sinclair.
Pp. 1-27; plates 1-14. April, 1904 .................................... -40
2. The Languages of the Coast of California South of San Francisco, by
A L Kroeber. Pp. 29-80, with a map. June, 1904 ............................... GO
3. Types of Indian Culture in California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 81-103.
June, 1904 ...................................................... ..... ---" <25
4 Basket Designs of the Indians of Northwestern California, by A. L.
Kroeber. Pp. 105-164; plates 15-21. January, 1905 ........... ................ 75
5. The Yokuts Language of South Central California, by A. L. Kroeber.
Pp. 165-377. January, 1907 ...................................................................... 2>25
Index, pp. 379-393.
Vol 3 The Morphology of the Hupa Language, by Pliny Earle Goddard.
344 pp. June, 1905 ................................................................... 3>5
Vol 4 1. The Earliest Historical Relations between Mexico and Japan, from
original documents preserved in Spain and Japan, by Zelia Nuttall.
Pp. 1-47. April, 1906 .................................................................. - ........... - >6
2 Contribution to the Physical Anthropology of California, based on col-
lections in the Department of Anthropology of the University of
California, and in the U. S. National Museum, by Ales Hrdlicka.
Pp. 49-64, with 5 tables; plates 1-10, and map. June, 1906 ............ 75
3 The Shoshonean Dialects of California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 65-166.
February, 1907 ........................................................... - ..... - ......... --- llBO
4 Indian Myths from South Central California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp.
167-250. May, 1907 ............................. ._.-_-. .70
5 The Washo Language of East Central California and Nevada, by A. L.
Kroeber. Pp. 251-318. September, 1907 ....................................... .----. -
6. The Religion of the Indians of California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 319-
356. September, 1907 ..................................... - ........................................... 50
Index, pp. 357-374.
Vol 5 1 The Phonology of the Hupa Language; Part I, The Individual Sounds,
by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-20, plates 1-8. March, 1907 ........... 35
2. Navaho Myths, Prayers and Songs, with Texts and Translations by
Washington Matthews, edited by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 21-63.
September, 1907 .................................................................. ~"""~
3 Kato Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 65-238, plate 9. December,
4 The Material Culture of the Klamath Lake and Modoc Indians of
Northeastern California and Southern Oregon, by S. A. Barrett.
Pp. 239-292, plates 10-25. June, 1910 .................................... "" OQ'Q"
5 The Chimariko Indians and Language, by Roland B. Dixon. Pp. 29-i
380. August, 1910 ..................
Index, pp. 381-384.
Vol 6 1. The Ethno-Geography of the Porno and Neighboring Indians, by Sam-
uel Alfred Barrett. Pp. 1-332, maps 1-2. February, 1908 -..--------- S- 25
2 The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians, by Samuel Alfred
Barrett. Pp. 333-368, map 3. Tv/r^t
3 On the Evidence of the Occupation of Certain Regions by the Miwok
Indians, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 369-380. Nos. 2 and 3 in one cover.
February, 1908 ...............................................................................................
Index, pp. 381-400. ...
Vol. 7. 1. The Emeryville Shellmound, by Max Uhle. Pp. 1-106, plates 1-12, with
38 text figures. June, 1907 ............................................................... ; '
2. Recent Investigations bearing upon the Question of the Occurrence ,
Neocene Man in the Auriferous Gravels of California, by William
J.Sinclair. Pp. 107-130, plates 13-14. February, 1908 ..... ......... -35
3. Porno Indian Basketry, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 133-306, plates 15-30,
231 text figures. December, 1908 ...... """"^i^-
4. Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Region, by N. C. 1, ^
5 The P EuL 09 LTn%S at Shenmound, b^N.c'. Nelson:"' Pp. 357-426, plates
36-50. April, 1910 ..................
Index, pp. 427-441.
LINGUISTIC FAMILIES
or
NORTHERN CALIFORNIA
DIALECTS SHOWN ON THE MAP
Miivok: 1, 2, 3, Southern, Central, Northern Sierra; 4, Plains; o, 6, Southern,
Western Coast; 7, Lake. Porno: 8, Eastern; 9, Northern. Yuki: 10, Wappo; 11,
Coast; 12, Huchnom. Yurok: 13, Coast. Karok: 14, Upper. Athabascan: 15, Hupa;
16, Tolowa. Shasta: 17, Atsugewi (Hat Creek); 18, Achomawi (Pit River).
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
IN
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
Vol. 9, No. 3, pp. 273-435 April 29, 191 1
THE LANGUAGES OF THE COAST OF
CALIFORNIA NORTH OF
SAN FRANCISCO
BY
A. L. KROEBEE.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
INTRODUCTION 276
MIWOK 278
I. The Northern Sierra Dialect 278
Phonetics 279
Structure 280
Plural 280
Cases 280
Pronouns 282
Pronominal Affixes 283
Verb 287
Verb Stems 288
Demonstratives 290
Numerals 290
Subordination 290
Order of Words 291
Text 291
II. Miwok Dialects 292
Comparative Phonetics 293
Plural 295
Case Endings 297
Pronominal Forms _ 297
Meaning of the Subjective Forms 300
Use of the Subjective Forms 301
Special Peculiarities 302
Costanoan Connections 306
Demonstratives 308
Verb ... .. 309
274 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
PAGE
Comparative Etymology 311
Phrases 313
Texts 316
Central Sierra Dialect 316
Southern Sierra Dialect 317
Southern Coast Dialect 318
Summary 319
POMO 320
Phonetics 321
Grammatical Methods 323
Nouns ; 324
Pronouns 325
Demonstratives 327
Interrogatives 330
Adjectives 330
Adverbs 331
Numerals 332
Verbs 332
Composition and Derivation 340
Verb Stems 341
Text 343
Northern Porno 346
YUKI 348
Phonetics 348
Grammatical Processes 350
Derivative Suffixes of Nouns 352
Suffixes of Number and Gender 353
Case Suffixes 355
Derivative Verb Suffixes 357
Syntactical Verb Suffixes 362
Suffixes and Structure 365
Noun 366
Pronoun 366
Adjective 368
Numerals 368
Connectives 369
Verb 370
Sentence 372
Vocabulary 372
Text 375
General Character of the Language 381
Wappo 381
WIYOT 384
Phonetics , 384
Reduplication 387
Composition 387
Derivation 388
Pronoun . - 391
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 275
PAGE
Demonstratives 394
Noun 395
Verb 395
Particles 395
Prefixes 396
Suffixes '. 399
Adjectives 401
Numerals 401
Order of Words 401
Alphabetical List of Affixes 402
Prefixes 402
Suffixes 403
Texts 404
Crow 404
Pelican 405
Skunk 405
Vocabulary 406
Nouns 406
Verbs 411
Adjectives 412
Adverbs _ _. 413
Pronouns 413
Numeral Stems 413
YUROK 414
Phonetics 415
Structure 419
Pronoun 419
Noun 421
Verb 421
Numerals 423
Texts 424
Woxpekumeu 424
Pulekuqwerek 425
Buzzard 425
Summary 426
KAROK 427
Phonetics 427
Structure 428
Noun 430
Pronoun 431
Verb 431
Adjective 433
Numerals 433
Text .. ... 434
276 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
INTRODUCTION.
To Mrs. Phoebe A. Hearst, whose generosity began ten years
ago to secure for the University of California a valuable series
of anthropological museum collections, and has since supported
an Ethnological and Archaeological Survey of California, the
credit is due for the following pages.
The paper completes the preliminary studies of a grammatical
nature made by the author among the languages of California
since 1901. Taken in conjunction with his previous articles in
this series and those prepared by other investigators working
for the University, together with the studies made of several
languages of northeastern California by Dr. R. B. Dixon, and
the two or three works published before Mrs. Hearst enabled the
University to turn its attention to the field, the present paper
brings the knowledge of the subject to a point where at least some
information is available on the structure of practically every
linguistic family in the state.
The territory covered by the present treatise is that lying
between the Coast range and the sea from San Francisco to the
northern boundary of the state. Two languages in this area have
previously been monographically treated in the present series
of publications : the Athabascan family as represented by Hupa,
by Dr. Goddard, 1 and Chimariko, an isolated stock, by Dr.
Dixon. 2 These are accordingly not included here. Those sketched
are, in order from south to north, Miwok, Porno, Yuki, Wiyot,
Yurok, Karok. Further studies of Yurok are in progress; and
the author hopes to continue a more detailed examination of
Yuki and Karok. No attempt at an exhaustive treatment of these
languages has therefore been made : the descriptions of them are
preliminary. The accounts given of the other three languages
make use of all the information that has been gathered, and are
therefore somewhat fuller.
It must be clearly understood that while languages may be
spoken of, it is really linguistic families that are dealt with.
1 III, 1905.
2 V, 293-380, 1910.
1911] Eroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 277
Where several languages are unquestionably kindred, one of the
group has been selected for grammatical investigation. Thus
the Porno family comprises seven distinct dialects or languages,
as evinced by a comparison of vocabularies. As a comparative
grammatical study of seven languages is a larger task than was
feasible for a preliminary investigation, the Eastern dialect has
been chosen to represent the six others, which it undoubtedly
does approximately typify in all essentials. In the same way the
descriptions of Yuki and Miwok apply each primarily to one
language selected from the several constituting the family. So
far everything shows that kindred languages in California are
very similar in structure, however much they differ in a large
proportion of their vocabulary.
278 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and EtTin. [Vol. 9
MIWOK.
As information has been obtained on several Miwok dialects,
it seems most practical first to devote a special and more detailed
consideration to the best-known of these idioms without refer-
ence to its congeners, and then, in a following section, to review
and compare all the dialects of the family, both with reference
to one another and to their connection with the Costanoan
languages, as these now appear to be perhaps genetically related
to Miwok. 3
Indians of Miwok family held the territory from the Golden
Gate northward to beyond the limits of Marin county, as far as
Bodega bay, so that this language was the first to be encountered
as the coast is followed northward from San Francisco. A second
area of Miwok speech was situated in the Coast range, south of
Clear lake. The third, largest, and most important division of
the family, and the only one to which the name Miwok in its
narrower and original sense properly applies, is neither in the
coast region nor north of San Francisco, but occupies the western
slope of the Sierra Nevada range between Cosumnes and Fresno
rivers. 4
I. THE NORTHERN SIERRA DIALECT.
The form of Miwok specially discussed here is the so-called
Amador dialect, the northerly of three constituting the Sierra
division of the family. The material was obtained in 1908 from
the late Eph Cummings of West Point, Calaveras County, and is
supplemented by notes, more elaborate on some points, that were
secured at Jackson and San Andreas in 1900 by Dr. A. M. Tozzer,
and are available through the courtesy of Mr. C. P. Bowditch and
Professor R. B. Dixon. Certain inconsistencies in orthography
are due to the fact that the material is from two observers.
s Present series, IX, 237-271, 1910.
* S. A. Barrett, present series, VI, 1-332 and maps, 333-368 and map,
1908.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 279
PHONETICS.
The phonetics are of the simple Californian type. The vowels
are a; i, e, o, u, all open ; and o, u, the quality of which is indis-
tinct, and which might be written o, u. Surd and sonant stops
are difficult to distinguish, at least as much so as in Costanoan
and more than in Yokuts or Porno. The surd stops are rather
forcibly articulated. There are interdental or dental and alveolar
t and d; the former occur in debe, cut, tolokocu, three, damman,
south; the latter apparently in tuina, jump, and doklo, strike.
While the existence of two series of dentals is common in Cali-
fornian languages, the difference between them is usually greater
than in this language, the posterior series being formed more
nearly palatally than in Miwok. Dr. Barrett distinguishes three
t's t, t, T but in many cases appears to have written t for T
where interdental t occurs. The two positions of the dentals have
not been distinguished orthographically in these notes. K is
formed rather far back. X, spirant of k, is usually heard more
nearly like h and is probably the same sound ; n, the nasal of k,
occurs, but not initially. There is 1 but no r. Glottal stops occur
but are not prominent. Consonants are frequently lengthened or
doubled ; n, m, c, k, have been observed thus : kanni, I.
kg n
t- d- c j
t d s z n
P b
w, y, h, 1, ', tc, dj
No words begin or end in two consonants. Juxtapositions of
consonants are rare also in words, and in most cases are visibly
due to composition, derivation, or affixion.
The stress accent of words does not tend so strongly as in some
languages to rest on the penult, but may be found on any
syllable between the first and the last. The numerals to sixteen
illustrate: lu"ti, odi'ko, tolo'kocu, oyi"sa, ma'coka, te'mmoko,
ke'nnekakw, ka'winta, wo"e, na'a'tca, lu"sagena, o'diksagena,
tolo"teakw, kolo'kaku, yu"ali, o'yodo. It seems that long vowels
and vowels followed by a glottal stop or doubled consonant
generally bear the accent, which is well marked.
280 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
STRUCTURE.
The majority of noun and verb stems are disyllabic. Neither
etymological duplication nor grammatical reduplication is con-
spicuous. There seems to be little vocalic mutation. Position
plays an unimportant part syntactically. There is apparently
no prefix in the language, even preposed pronouns such as those
of Yuki and Yokuts being lacking. Grammatical form is there-
fore expressed almost wholly by suffixes.
PLURAL.
The plural of animate nouns is expressed by -k, sometimes -ko.
Thus nafia-k, men, occa-k, women, ole'tcu-k, coyotes, tcummeto-k
or tcummeto-ko, southerners. Numerals referring to animate
nouns also take the ending : oyica-k tune-ko-nti, four daughter-s-
my. It is also further found on miko, ye, from singular mi, and
in the subjective and possessive suffixes of the same person, -tok
and -moko. It appears also on demonstrative and interrogative
stems, as ne-kko-n, their, of these, and mana-ko-n, somebody's.
The term gotcayakko, town, from gotca, house, evidently con-
tains the suffix. Nouns ending in the diminutive -ti show some
irregularity: nafia-ti-koko, boys; uya-guta-k, old men, and
ona-guta-k, old women, from uya-ti and ona-ti.
Inanimate nouns lack indication of plurality. Efforts made
to determine a modification in verbs according to plurality of
either subject or object were fruitless.
CASES.
There are two purely syntactical cases, an objective -i and a
possessive -n, which have an extensive use. The objective is not
only regularly employed on the object noun, animate or in-
animate, but on numerals and verbs used objectively, as masi
yinanakama tolokocu-i, we killed three, and gudjikcuangum
muli-a-i, I do not wish to sing. It is also used on nouns con-
nected with a prepositional adverb, as in lilamadoyi gotca-i, on
top of the house. The ending may perhaps also be sought in
umedj-i, yesterday, kauleba-i, tomorrow, and willa-i, constantly.
The possessive case-suffix is used not only in the noun, but
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 281
also in the independent pronoun and demonstrative : kannw-n,
my, mi-nw-ii, your, ne-cw-n, his, this one's, itci-n, our, mana-ko-ii,
somebody 's. When two nouns are possessively related, the posses-
sive pronoun as well as the possessive case may be, or is usually,
employed: palaia-n hake-cu, close to the ocean, ocean's its edge;
kannu-ii sake-nti-n occa-cu, my my-friend's his-wife, the latter
construction recalling Yokuts yiwin an limk-in, wife his prairie-
falcon's. It will be seen that the possessive case-suffix is added
both to the plural and the pronominal suffixes. The same is true
of the objective: uye'ayi-ko-i, white men; sake-t, my friend,
objective sake-nt-i. Added to a verb with attached subjective
suffix, the possessive case renders it subordinate : utcux-ce-te-n,
when I had stayed, stay-did-I-when ; tolyok-cuke-te-n wnu-ce-nti,
after listening I returned. Yokuts uses the locative case -u in
exactly parallel constructions. The possessive is also frequently
used on the noun or pronoun subject of a verb, apparently when
this is in some way dependent : Kelsi-ri unu-kuke-te-co, Kelsey
his-bringing-me ; tolyok-cuke-nti hayapo-ko-n liwakcoko, I-heard
captains' speaking; kannw-n tuyan-at, I jumped; itci-n yulu-tcu
umedji, we bit yesterday; sake-nti-n huwata-co, my friend ran,
my friend's running. Verbs with the potential suffix -uni also
may have their subjects in the possessive: mina-n tuyan-uni-na,
can you jump ; kannu-n tuyan-uni-t, I can jump.
Like almost all languages of California, Miwok possesses
locative and instrumental suffixes. Those determined by the
author are a general locative -to, an ablative -mo, a terminalis -m,
and an instrumental -su. The only other forms obtained are
separate postposed words, such as unuk, from, wbuk, for, on
account of, or preposed prepositional adverbs governing the noun
in the objective case, like the above mentioned lilamadoyi, on
top of.
sawalo-to, on Saturday gotca-mrao, from the house
lelotu-to, on the railroad mokelumne-m, to Mokelumne
isako-to, there sanhose-im, to San Jose
ne-to, here no'-m, there
imaga-to, indoors sawa-m, on the rock
min-to, where gudji-su, with a knife
gotcayakko-to, to town cawa-su, with a stone
mokelumne-mo, from Mokelumne leka-su, with a stick,
imaka-ma, from there
282 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
Dr. Tozzer found the following suffixes :
-to, superessive -ko'-ta, ko-ta, comitative, with
-mo, ablative or at
-m, -am, inessive -pa, terminalis
-pa-zo, instrumental -ta, for
It seems that the meaning of the suffixes is not precise, the
locative being used to denote the ablative and terminative rela-
tions and vice versa.
Dr. Tozzer also gives a number of pronominal forms. These
consist of the full form of the pronoun, followed by the case-
ending, to which in turn a suffix form of the pronoun is added.
kani-to-te, on me (I-on-my) ikazo-mo-ko, from him
mi-ta-ni, for you mi-ko-ni, at you
kani-am-te, in me itci-ko-me, with us
It is not certain whether each of these expressions forms one or
two words. Possibly kani to-te should be read for kani-to-te.
The suffix ko-ta or ko-ta loses its second syllable -ta in these
pronominal forms.
PRONOUNS.
The pronominal forms of Miwok have been most fully deter-
mined by Dr. Tozzer, without whose full paradigms their nature
would have remained obscure at many points.
As in other American languages, the independent personal
pronouns and the affixed pronominal elements, or as we might
say, the pronouns and the inflections for person, are quite dis-
tinct in Miwok. As in most languages that possess both classes
of elements, the independent pronouns are used chiefly for
emphasis, when they are actually tautological, or in elliptical
and unsyntactical constructions.
In some languages the longer independent words are clearly
expansions of the affix or "inflectional" forms, which must be
regarded as primary. In other languages the affixed elements
are probably reductions of the originally independent and
separate pronouns. In Miwok the two classes of forms are evi-
dently of unrelated origin. They show, at least in the singular,
no similarity whatever.
The independent pronouns, which are throughout treated and
declined like nouns, are :
Subjective
Objective
S 1
kanni
S 2
mi '
mini
S 3
[ikazo
ikazo-i
P 1
itci, maci
P 2
miko
miko-i
P 3
[ikako
ikako-i
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 283
Possessive
kannw-n
miim-ii
ikazit-n]
itci-n, maci-fi
miko-n
ikakit-n]
The forms for the third person are demonstrative.
While Dr. Tozzer gives maci, us, as the objective of itci, we,
the difference between the two forms is apparently one of
duality and plurality respectively, or possibly of inclusion and
exclusion of the second person.
The first person subjective together with the object of the
second, is expressed by the enclitics mu-cu, I thee, and mu-tok-cu.
I you.
yina mucu', I kill you
huwate-ne mucu', I make you run
kutcikcu mutokcu, I like you
PRONOMINAL AFFIXES.
The ' ' inflectional ' ' forms, contrary to the prevailing tendency
of American languages, are suffixed.
Their most remarkable feature is that the subjective suffixes
of the verb show three distinct forms, each used only with cer-
tain modes and tenses. The three tense-forms of one person are
often entirely dissimilar. One set of forms is employed only
for the present and perfect tenses. Another is used with two
preterite tenses. Still another, the most common, is used after
all other temporal and modal suffixes. This, called hereafter the
first form, is perhaps primary, as the objective suffixes of the
verb, and in part the possessive suffixes added to nouns, are
almost identical. Several of the possessive suffixes, however,
resemble the preterite subjective suffixes more closely.
Possessive Objective Subjective 1 Subjective 2 Subjective S
Future,
Passive, etc.
Preterite
Present and
Perfect
SI
-t, -nti
-t, -te
-t, -te
-nti
-ma, -m
82
-no
-n, -ni
-n, -ni
-no
-8
S3
-co
-k, -ko, -wo
-k, -ko,
-co
-WO
PI
-ted, -ma (si)
-m, -me
-me, -m
-tco, -ma(f)
-ti
P2
-moko, -miko
-tok, -tokni
-tok, -tokni
-muko
-toksu
P3
-ko r -kon
-ko, -k
-ko
-ko
-pu
284 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
Contrasting with the independent pronoun, the suffixes almost
throughout possess forms for the third person.
"When both subject and object are expressed in the verb, the
objective suffix precedes.
Examples of the possessive suffixes :
gotea-t, my house
occa-t, my wife
hana-t, my hair
oyaji-nw, your name
anei-no, your son
leka-sit, his stick
occa-cii, his wife
hana-tcit, our hair
gotca-moko, your house
hana-kon, their hair, somebody's hair
The possessive suffixes follow the plural ending; case-endings
usually but not always follow the possessive suffixes.
sake-nt-i, my friend (objective)
sake-nti-n, my friend's
occa-i-nw, your wife (objective)
tune-ko-t, my daughters
The first or primary form of the subjective suffixes is em-
ployed after the future suffix -i, the passive -si, the usitative
-imi, the potential -uni, and at least certain combinations of past
suffixes, such as -ke-ce or -kco, and -ce-k.
The second form is either attached directly to the stem to
express a recent past tense ; or it is added to the preterite suffixes
-ce or -ke, which appear to indicate a more remote past.
The third form, when immediate to the stem, indicates present
time. It also follows the past suffix -naka, which Dr. Tozzer
interprets as a perfect.
First form of subjective suffixes:
huwat-imi-t, I run constantly
wokec-i-t, I shall go
dobomi-n, you are crazy
yulu-in a, will you bite?
muli-i-tok a, will you sing?
muli-i-me, we shall sing
yulu-yi-m, we shall bite
hakaine-cakdco-t, I was hungry
itei top-i-me, we shall hit
itci a hakaine-cak-me, were we hungry?
miko a hakaine-i-tokni, will ye be hungry?
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 285
haline-i-ko, they will be sick
haline-imi-su-n, you used to be sick
katce-ca-zo liwa-ni-ko, he said he would talk
haline-i-tok ane, ye might be sick
tokla-bosa-i-te, I shall hit myself
itci osati ete-ksoi-m, we had a girl
itci osati ete-ma-yi-m, we shall have a girl
tcuku yak-te, or yako-zo-te, I had a dog
tiwa-i-ko sumnenu-i, they will bring a hat (sombrero)
wentete-i-me, we shall sell (Sp. vender)
owo-i-ko, they will eat
kani mata-si-te, I am shot
mini mata-si-yi-ni, you will be shot
kani mata-si-zo-te, I was shot
tokala-si-zo-te, I was hit
tokala-si-te, I am hit
itci yiloa-si-me, we are bitten
miko yiloa-si-zo-tokni, ye were bitten
kalto-i-te, I shall dance
hakaine-imi-so-te, I used to be hungry
hakaine-pa 6wo-i-te, if I am hungry, I will eat
masi hakaine-pa-k, owo-i-me, if we are hungry we will eat
hakaine-nit owo-ni-no, if you were hungry, you would eat
ndka-ni-zo, wokoe-i-te, if it rains ("its raining"), I shall go
Second form of subjective suffixes:
huwata-nti, I ran
hedea-no, did you see?
yitna-nu, did you kill?
yulu-tcu, we bit
yulu-ce-tco, we bit
goyoka-te-no, you looked at me
hwla-te-nu, you cut me
yulu-te-co, he bit me
ika-zo tope-zo, he hit
miko tope-muko, ye hit
tokla-te-zo, he hit me
mini tokla-ni-zo, he hit you
ika-zo-i tokla-ko-zo, he hit him
masi nana etea-me-zo, the man saw us
toloye-nti liwa-zo, I heard her talking
moa-se-nti wona-zo, I met him walking
moa-tokni-zo wona-muko, he met you walking
moa-te-no wona-nti, you met me walking
haline-so-tco, we were sick
tiwa-nti or tiwa-se-nti, I bought
wentete-no or wentete-ka-no, you sold
mi owo-no, you ate
owo-tco, we ate
minii-n a haline-ke-no, were you sick?
286 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
haline-ke-tco a itci-fi, were we sick?
kalto-zo, he danced
eteya-ko-nti, I saw him.
muli-ni-no tuyana-nti, when you sang ("your singing"), I jumped
moa-in-te mega wone-no, I will meet you walking
kani ane topu-pa-nti, I think I was hit
Third form of subjective suffixes :
goyoku-m, I look
hiila-mu, I cut
hedeyi-m, I see
nrukcu-ma, I go
huwate-ma, I run
yina-naka-ma, I killed
huwate-ti, let us run
uhu-ti, let us drink
min-to yina-naka-tok, where did ye kill?
muli-saino-ma, I wish to sing
muli-saino-ano-ma, I do not wish to sing
hoyako-wo, he is laughing
tokla-bosa-s, you hit yourself
mi a hakaine-s, are you hungry?
hakaine-ti, we are hungry
ika-ko hakaine-pu, they are hungry
mi tope-s tcuku-i, you are hitting the dog
kani a hakaine-naka-ma, have I been hungry?
katco-wo haline-wo, he says he is sick
haline-toksu, ye are sick
ika-ko woko-saino-pu, they wish to go
kani hoyak-saino-ma, I want to laugh
muli-saino-wo, he wishes to sing
tiwa-vro somnenu-i, he buys a hat
tiwa-naka-pu, they bought
wentete-ma pulaka-i, I am selling the basket
6wo-s, you are eating
mata-pu, they are killing
mata-naka-wo, he killed
kalto-pu, they are dancing
eteya-te-wo, he sees me
eteya-ni-ma, I see you
kani ane topu-pa-ma, I think I am hit
Examples of objective forms, additional to those already given :
goyoka-ni-t, I saw you
hiila-ni-t, I cut you
kutcikce-waco-ni-t, I did not like you
goyoka-te-no, you look at me
hwla-c-te-ko, he stabbed me
wiku-te-cu, his taking me
dobe-tii, tcupta-nto, throw it at me!
goyoke-to, look at me!
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 287
VERB.
The "inflection" of the verb for person consists of the
addition of the pronominal affixes just discussed.
The following derivational, modal, and temporal elements,
all suffixes, have been found:
-ne, causative
-ce, -kce, -caino, desiderative
-imi, continuative
-uni, -ani, potential
-anu, -cewa, negative
-bo, -bo-sa, reflexive
-ce, -cu, -ke, -kco, -cak, past
-naka, past, perhaps perfect
-i, future
-si, -pa, passive
Dr. Tozzer sometimes writes the potential or dubitative ani
as a separate particle before or after the verb. The subject of
the verb in the potential usually has the possessive case-suffix.
The order of suffixes is: derivative, modal, temporal. The
desiderative and negative precede those that express mode and
tense. The potential, the passive, and the usitative come before
the preterite and future suffixes. Last of all in the verb are the
objective and then the subjective designations of person.
huwate-ne-i-t, I will make him run
goyok-cu-m, I want to see
mi' a tuina-kco, do you wish to jump?
tuina-kce-anu-m, I do not wish to jump
uhu-kca-nu mi', you do not wish to drink
uhuk-imi, he drinks constantly
tuyan-imi-t, I jump constantly
yina-an-uni-t kannw-n, I cannot kill him
tuyan-cewa-t, I do not jump
kutei-kce-anu-m, I do not like him (good-wish-not-I)
yina-ciwa-cd-n, you did not kill it
kaune-naka-ma, I shouted
liwa-ni-nd a, can you talk?
howato-ni-kd a, can they run?
wdke-bo-sa-nti, I burned myself
heka-bo, to wash one's self
sakizd-bo, to comb one's self
288 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
The suffix -ne, to be distinguished from causative -ne, has
verbal force on adjective or intransitive stems.
kutci-ne-ma, I am good
hakai-ne-ma, I am hungry
hali-ne-ma, I am sick
The interrogative is indicated by the particle a. This is
regularly the second word in the sentence; but far from being
enclitic, usually carries the heaviest accent in the phrase.
Instances occur among examples previously given.
In certain verbs the stem in the future appears to end in a
consonant, while in the past and present a final vowel appears.
In some instances this is brought about by a shift of the second
stem-vowel to a place after the final consonant.
Present and Past Future
wukcu- wokec-i
kaune- kauin-i
huwate- huwat-i
tuyane- tuyan-i
yila- yil-i
tope- top-i
eteya etey-i
In Northern Sierra Miwok the verb is certainly as truly
conjugated or inflected as in any Indo-European language. The
existence of three forms of personal endings whose employment
depends on ideas of tense, and the differentiation of all of these
from the independent pronouns, make it impossible to describe
the language as "agglutinating."
VERB STEMS.
Verb stems are generally disyllabic, unless those so far
determined should ultimately prove to contain affixes of motion,
shape, direction, or instrument, of which possibility there is no
present indication whatever.
ame, give birth doklo, tokla, strike with fist,
ameto, beg knock down
dekma. tekme, kick duka, dttka, pierce
depa, cut ete, etea, eteyo, hete, hideye,
dobe, throw see, look at
dobome, crazy etepo, lie on stomach
1911]
Krocber : Languages North of San Francisco.
289
hakai, hungry
ball, sick
haye, touch
heka, wash
henne, ask for
hili, pinch
hinuwo, gamble grass game
hdge, bet
hotse, hiccough
hdya, laugh
hukaye, smell
hupa, roll
huwa-epo, hasten
huwa-te, run
huya, start, leave, arrive
huyaku, strike
hwla, stab
kalte, dance
kata, shut
kauin, kaune, shout
kelpe, swallow
kole-nak, cough
kona, bark
kope, open
koyok, goyok, see, look
kopa, pull
kusu, sit with stretched leg
kute, kuta, gute, push, knock
with hand
kuyage, whistle
late, suck
latci, chop (Spanish la hacha,
the ax)
lepa, bury
liwa, talk
lokta, sneeze
lometa, fall
lutsu, ascend
mata, shoot, kill (Spanish
matarf)
moa, meet
mole, spill
motea, hide
muli, moli, sing
mulagu, wash face
nawu, dress
nepye, swallow
nete, count
nipito, sit with folded leg
noted, notcu, cry, whine
nuzu, mizu(t), undress
okye, make basket
ole, dig
d'wd, eat, bite
pakal, pay (Spanish pagar)
petafie, throw away
pilapa, pinch
puu, squat
sakizd, comb
sdtcaya, shine
sd'tceld, lie on side
sutwa, break a string
takya, hit with stick, whip
taswa, break
temanu, cross
tiwa, buy
tizd'ye, scratch
toloye, hear
td'tci, believe, wish
tuka, spit
tupi, press
tuyan, tuina, jump
tcamza, die
tcime, climb
tcunuza, slide
tcupta, throw endwise
uhu, drink
uku, enter
uktcu, dream
unu, come, return
utcu, stay
weli, catch
welza, hunt for
wentete, sell (Spanish vender)
wilano, steal
wokec, wukuc, wokcu, go
woke, burn
wokle, swallow
wona, walk
yana, sleep, lie on back
yild, yila, yulu, bite
yina, yunu, kill
yiya, shake
ydtki, hang
yuhu, swing
yutme, claw
290 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
DEMONSTRATIVES.
The stems corresponding to this and that are ne and no. Ne
and no have been found, both as substantives and adjectives,
only with the ending -i; as adverb, here, ne occurs with the
ending -to, -kkato. From no is derived no'-m, there. The pos-
sessive case of both stems is formed by the ending -cw-fi com-
pare mi-nw-n, from mi, you. The possessive plural is ne-ko-n
and no-kko-n.
Another demonstrative stem denotive either of greater dis-
tance than no, or of reference rather than position, appears
to be i-.
iga-c-i naiia-i, that man
imaka-ma, there, from there
isako-to, there
To these forms are related Dr. Tozzer's ika-zo and ika-ko,
usually given in translation for "he" and "they." "He" also
appears several times as igas or iga.
The interrogatives are mana, who, ti'nw, what, mini, where,
mitan, when. Min-to is used for mini when the sentence contains
a verb. Somebody's is mana-ko-n, somewhere mini-mta. How
large, is miniwitci ; how, is mitciksu.
NUMERALS.
The numerals, when accompanying animate nouns, take the
plural suffix: oyica-k. They also receive case suffixes: tolokocu-i.
They also enter into composition: toloko-ma-i, oyica-ma-i, three
times, four days; toloko'-me, Ave three, three persons. "Each"
is -ameni : otiko-ameni, two each.
SUBORDINATION.
Dependent clauses have been mentioned as being indicated
by the possessive case-suffix. Either this is added to the subject,
the verb receiving a possessive instead of a subjective pro-
nominal ending, so that the construction is really nominal-
possessive; or, to express a temporal clause, the case-suffix is
added to the verb, pronominal ending and all.
mina-n yulu-no, (I saw) your your-biting
sake-nti-n huwata-co, my friend ran, literally, my friend's running
tolyok-cu-ke-te-n, after I had listened, literally, of my listening
1911]
Eroeber: Languages North of San Francisco.
291
ORDER OF WORDS.
The order of words in the sentence is not rigid. The verb
sometimes is first, sometimes last. Local modifier and object
both precede and follow the verb. Connective words have not
been observed.
Sawalo-to
On Saturday
mokelumne-m
To Mokelumne Hill
wolucprinu-m
to Valley Spring.
huya-ke-nti
I arrived
wiku-ke-te-cti
his taking me
polaia-fi hake
TEXT.
hoya-na-ke-nti stedji-to tcume-nti
I started. On the stage I rode.
huya-ke-nti mokelumne-mo wukuc-it
I arrived. From Mokelumne Hill I went
wolucprinu-mo tcume-nti lelotu-to
From Valley Spring I rode on the railroad.
sanhose-im wolucprinu-mo sanhose-mo
at San Jose from Valley Spring. From San Jose
Kelsi-n tcummatc wukucu imaka-ma
Mr. Kelsey's south went. From there
-cii wiikuc-e-nti imaka-ma huya-yi-ke-nti
its close
I went.
From there
I went
maunthomoni-mo tolokocu oyisa-i tanalo-i uke-nti
to Mt. Hermon three four tunnels I went through
huya-ke-t isako-to maunthomon-mo toloko-mai utcu-se-nti
I arrived there at Mt. Hermon. Three days I stayed.
tolyok-cu-ke-nti hayapo-ko-n liwa-kco-ko tolyok-cu-ke-te-n
I listened chiefs' their speaking. After listening
wnu-ce-nti sanhose-m hwya-ke-nti Kelsi-n unu-ku-ke-te-co
I returned. At San Jose I arrived Mr. Kelsey's his bringing me
sanfransisko-mo imaka-ma toloko-mai oyica-mai utcux-se-nti
to San Francisco.
There
three days
four days
I stayed.
heteyi-yi-ke-nti coke-i lapicayu-i wcwmati heteye-nti
I saw
anything,
wafia-ko-i
many
uye 'ayi-ko-i co 1
Americans,
heteye-nti
I saw.
wukuc-e-nti hii
I went <
haiapo-to
at chief
ututi kotca-i
large house.
fish, bear I saw,
cowu-ko-i heteye-nti sakacti-ko-i
shows I saw, circuses
m-m toloko-mai utcuk-ce-te-n
east three days after staying
292 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
II. MIWOK DIALECTS.
Dr. Barrett, in determining the three areas formerly occupied
by the Miwok, 5 has established also the principal dialects. In
the coast region immediately north of the Golden Gate, two
closely related dialects are spoken, called by Dr. Barrett the
Marin or Southern Coast and the Bodega or Western Coast
dialects. The speech of the Lake county area is not very
divergent from these, and constitutes the Lake or Northern
Coast dialect. All the Coast dialects form a unit as compared
with the Interior division. This group is divisible first of all
into a Plains or Northwestern dialect on the one hand, and a
group of foothill or Sierra dialects on the other. The Sierra
group consists of three dialects, a Northern or Northeastern, a
Central, and a Southern ; or respectively Amador, Tuolumne, and
Mariposa. Of these the Southern is the most divergent though
less so from the two others than the Plains language. The
Northern and Central dialects are similar, though evidently not
to the same degree as the Marin and Bodega on the Coast. Minor
subdialectic differences, as within the Mariposa dialect, are slight.
So much is apparent from a comparison of the vocabularies
collected for the purpose. Grouping together the Marin and
Bodega dialects on account of their close affiliation, the main
linguistic divisions of the Miwok, with their designations by
Dr. Barrett and Dr. C. Hart Merriam, 6 are the following:
Lake or Northern Coast ; Dr. Merriam 's Tuleamme.
Marin-Bodega or Southern and Western Coast ; Dr. Merriam 's Hookooeko,
including the Lekahtewutko and Olamentko.
Plains or Northwestern Sierra; Dr. Merriam 's Mewko, comprising the
Mokozumne, Mokalumne, Ochehak, and others.
Amador or Northeastern or Northern Sierra; Dr. Merriam 's Northern
Mewuk.
Tuolumne or Central Sierra; Dr. Merriam 's Middle Mewuk.
Mariposa or Southern Sierra; Dr. Merriam 's Southern Mewuk.
s Miwok is the name applied to themselves by the people of the interior
only. It was so used by Stephen Powers. Powell, in his appendix to
Powers, called both Miwok and Costanoan people Mutsun. Subsequently,
in "Indian Linguistic Families," he abandoned Mutsun and called the
Miwok family Moquelumnan.
Am. Anthr., n.s. IX, 338-357 and map, 1907.
1911] Kroeoer: Languages North of San Francisco. 293
So far as is possible in simple series, this order represents
both the geographical position of the dialects, in order from
northwest to southeast, and their linguistic similarities. Thus
the Lake seems more removed than the other Coast dialects from
the interior division. The Plains dialect is the nearest of the
interior division, lexically as well as geographically, to the Coast
division. Within the interior group the contiguous Northern
Sierra is the most similar, and the remote Southern Sierra the
most dissimilar, to the Plains dialect.
Grammatical material for comparison of the various Miwok
dialects is available in Dr. Barrett's vocabularies and the miscel-
laneous earlier ones; in notes made by the author on five of the
dialects; in information collected by Professor E. B. Dixon on
the Central Sierra dialect and kindly placed at the writer's
disposal; and in Gatschet's article on the grammar of the
Southern Sierra dialect. 7
COMPARATIVE PHONETICS.
All four of the interior dialects possess and u. The Coast
dialects lack these sounds, 8 which are also wanting in the
Costanoan languages. This difference is a reflection of linguistic
environment. Besides the interior Miwok, the Maidu, Yokuts,
and Chumash, all in contact with Shoshonean languages, have
these characteristically Shoshonean vowels. Nearer the coast,
Yuki, Porno, and Wintun lack them.
At least e and o are open in quality.
Sonant stops are difficult to distinguish from surds in all
Miwok dialects, as in Costanoan, the two classes being less differ-
entiated than in Maidu, Washo, and Porno, in which their
relation is more nearly as in English.
In the interior dialects the two positions of t are close
together, and the sounds difficult to distinguish. In the Coast
i Specimen of the Chumeto Language. American Antiquarian, V, 72,
173, 1883.
s As written by Dr. Barrett. The writer has recorded kanni or kannit,
I, kawul or kawtil, night, huma, huma, or homa, no, untti-ko, people. In
the Plains dialect 6 and u are perhaps also of less distinct quality than in
the Sierras, as an obscure o and u were generally recorded instead.
294 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
idiom, one t is dental, the other, represented by t-, post-alveolar
or palatal, almost like the affricative tc, so that the difference
between the two sounds is more readily perceptible, as in Cos-
tanoan.
In the Coast dialect the impression was received that s and c
may be but one sound.
Doubling or lengthening of consonants, already mentioned as
found in Northern Sierra, occurs frequently in all dialects,
though but irregularly recorded. Compare Central Sierra mulli,
sing, Plains uccu, drink, Coast elli, see, luppu, stone.
The posterior palatal nasal n occurs medially in the three
Sierra dialects, but is replaced by n in Coast and Plains. Com-
pare Sierra and Plums:
one kene kenatii (Coast kene)
knee hofioyu honoi
leg tufiu tuna
earthhouse hafii hanepu
The dialects actually on the Coast, that is Marin and Bodega,
at times show a y corresponding to 1 of Lake, Plains, and Sierra.
koya, girl, L kola
koyo, leg, L, P, S kolo
meye, bird, L mele
oye, coyote, L, P, S ole, ole-
Another, more irregular, correspondence is of n, 1, t, y, s.
two: ot-, oy-, os-
large: utu-, unu- oya-
white man: uten-, alen-, utel-
tongue: nepit, letip (with metathesis)
As Dr. Barrett has pointed out, s frequently changes to h in
the Southern Sierra dialect.
No dialect shows words either beginning or ending in more
than one consonant. In the Sierra dialects almost all words that
may be supposed to be stems, such as simple nouns, end vocali-
cally. On the plains and coast the corresponding words often
end in consonants.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 295
nose, Sierra huku, Coast and Plains huk
tooth, Sierra kutu, Coast and Plains kut
night, Sierra kawulu, Coast and Plains kawul
water. Sierra kiku, Coast and Plains kik
louse, Sierra ketu, Coast ket, Plains ken
tongue, Sierra nepitu, Coast letip, Plains nepit
It is probable that the Sierra final vowel -u is secondary, and
that the original form of the stem of such words ended con-
sonantal! y.
In Southern Sierra some consonantally-ending words do not
show the final -u of the two northern Sierra dialects, but this
may be the effect of slurred pronunciation. The northern
dialects present -u even on such stems as honoi, knee, melnai,
wasp, lapisai, fish.
While their stems thus end vocalically, the three Sierra
dialects however possess grammatical suffixes that are conson-
antal, such as -t, my, -n, the possessive case, -m, the terminalis,
and -k, the plural.
In all dialects simple nouns and verb stems are rarely mono-
syllabic.
PLURAL.
The usual plural of animate nouns 9 is -k in Central as in
Northern Sierra; Plains, Coast, and Lake show -ko, of which
occasional instances have also been given in Northern Sierra.
The Southern Sierra idiom alone possesses a totally different
formation for the plural, of which no trace has appeared in any
other dialect, just as no instance of -k has been found in Southern
Sierra. 10 The plural of nouns is formed in this dialect most
frequently by -ya, sometimes by -ti or -yati ; the plural of verbs
and adjectives usually by -ti. In the formation of the plural
in nouns, there is probably usually a change of accent, resulting
at times in the dropping or moving of vowels. Occasionally
there are irregularities.
9 Inanimate nouns show the suffix only occasionally.
10 That is, in the noun, except hiso, hair, plural hiso-k. The pro-
nominal and demonstrative forms miko, neiko, iniko, no doubt contain the
suffix.
296 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
ami-ya-nti, my mothers
oha-ya-nti, my wives
huggo-ya, heads
nito-ya, noses
yane-ya, bows
tisso-ya, tisso-ti, hands
noaha-ti, knives (Spanish)
utcu-ti, houses
yiita-yati, evenings
lokka-yati, summers
hika-yati, deer,
nan-taya, men (naiia)
ox-taya, women (oxa)
tuhuhi-ti, black
oyani-ti, large
huate-ti, run (plural subject)
ua-ti, eat (plural object)
uhhu-ti, drink (plural object)
Numerous other instances are given in Gatschet's vocabu-
lary. 11
The following illustrate the shift of the accent :
your nail, ha'la-no, pi. hala'-ya-no
your belly, otce'-no, pi. otee-ya'-no
bow, ya'we, pi. yawe'-ya
ax, la'tca, pi. latca'-ya (Sp. la hacha)
sun, wa'tu, pi. watu'-ya
star, tcala'to, pi. tcaltu'-yate
fly, u'tcum, pi. utcmu'-ya
salmon, ko'sum, pi. kosmu'-ti
Southern Sierra nouns take the plural whether animate or
inanimate ; the -k, -ko suffix of the other dialects has been found
chiefly on stems denoting animate beings.
The radical difference of the Southern Sierra dialect from
all others in the formation of the plural is remarkable. The
suffixion of -ya with shift of accent and occasional modification
of the word, recalls the Yokuts plural in -i or -a with accom-
paniment of similar though more developed changes. The suffix
-ti suggests the Salinan plural, which while irregular is most
frequently produced by the suffixion, or apparent infixion near
the end of the word, of 1 or t. Yokuts is adjacent to the
Southern Sierra dialect, and Salinan is not far distant. A
11 Powers, Contrib. N. A. Ethnol., Ill, 539, 1877.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 297
plural of verbs such as Southern Sierra possesses is found in
Salinan and in Costanoan, 12 but no trace of anything of the kind
appears in the material collected by Drs. Tozzer, Dixon, and
the author in the other Miwok dialects.
CASE ENDINGS.
The principal case-suffixes are:
S. Sierra C. Sierra N. Sierra Plains S. Coatt Costanoan
Objective -i -i -i -tc -tc,-t- -c, -se, -e, -ne
Possessive -ii -n -n -nu, -xno -n
Locative -to, -t -t -to -to -tak, -tka, -ta
Ablative -mu -mo -mo -mu -mo )
,. > -m, -me. -mo 13
Termmahs -m, -ma -m, -am -m -m' e -m 17 J
Instrumental -s -s -su -cu -cu -sum, -um, -yum
Comitative -li -ko'ta
The significance of several of the suffixes does not appear to
be rigidly limited even within any one dialect.
An ending -wit or -win, sometimes replacing or replaced by
-m, has been found on terms of direction in almost all dialects.
Southern and Central Sierra olo-win, "west," Northern Sierra olo-wit,
Plains etca-wit.
Coast olo-m, Lake olo-m-wali, "south."
Southern and Central Sierra hisu-m, hihu-m, "east," Northern Sierra
hisu-m, hisu-wit, Plains huke-wit.
Southern Sierra ne-win, "east, upstream."
PRONOMINAL FORMS.
The known pronominal forms in the several dialects have
been brought together in the appended table.
It appears that the four interior dialects agree in expressing
all indications of person, except in the independent or emphatic
12 By the suffixion or infixion of -s, in the Mutsun or San Juan Bautista
dialect.
is General locative
i* Given as superessive.
IB Given as inessive.
i Locative and comitative also.
IT On olo-m, south.
298 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
pronoun, by suffixes. On the coast this synthetic trait largely
disappears. It is true that the subjective and possessive pro-
nouns are prefixed and the objective suffixed in the Southern
Coast dialect, but the affixion of all is quite loose, and perhaps
better described as accentless collocation.
A second distinctive feature of the interior dialects is the
existence of three series of subjective suffixes, the choice between
which is dependent on tense and mode. In the Northern Sierra
dialect that series which has been designated as the first is
practically identical with the objective suffixes, the second with
the possessive, while the third is distinct from both. In Central
Sierra and Plains, the first series is also essentially a duplicate
of the objective forms. An equivalent of the Northern second
series has not yet been found in Plains, while the Central second
series is entirely different from the Northern, and but partially
similar to its own possessive suffixes. The third series, which is
everywhere unconnected with either possessive or objective
forms, is characterized by -m in the first person singular, -s in
the second singular, and -p in the third plural. It is found with
but little variation in Plains, Northern, and Central Sierra, and
seems to be represented also in Southern Sierra.
On the coast, there is no indication of three subjective series,
as indeed might be expected from the analytical or at most
loosely synthetic character of the pronominal forms. In the
table, the subjective prefixes of the Southern Coast dialect have
been coordinated with the second subjective series only because
of their identity with the possessive prefixes; it is not certain
that they correspond genetically to the interior second series
more than to the first or third.
4
S. Sierra C. Sierra N. Sierra Plains S. Coast
Independent
I
kanni
kanni
kanni
kanni
kanni
thou
mi
mi'
mi'
mi'
mi'
we
mahi
masi 18
maci
maci 1 '
mako
/><; 4- 4
f\ 4- 1 -f / i Ir
1 +/!
i + ni
ye miko miko miko moko 20 miko
18 Or otim.
19 Maci-mi-tc, objective plural.
20 Or moko-tokni.
1911]
Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco.
299
S. Sierra
C. Sierra
N. Sierra
Plains
S. Coast
Possessive
my -nti
-kan
-nti, -t
-ka
ka-
thy -nu
-n
-no
-nu, -in
un-
his -hu
-s
-co
-cu, -ic
ue-
our -ti
-ti
-ma
-mac
ma-
f ni
tilr
.
-ici
your
-LlK
-mok
-moko
-mok
mikon
their -hu
-k
-ko
-ik
Subjective 1
I
-t
-t, -te
-t
thou -ni
-n
-n, -ni
-n
he
-k a
L- VA
-K, -KO,
we -m
-m
-m, -me
-m
ye -toxni
-ton
-tok, -tokni
they
-k 22
-ko
-k
Subjective 2
I
-k 28
-nti*
ka-, k>
thou
-s
-no
un-
he
-co
UC-, C-
we
-kti
-ma
ma-
-ktitc
-teo
ye
-ktos
-muko
mikon-
they
-P
-ko
Subjective 3
I -ma, -m
-m
-m, -ma
-m
thou
-s
-s
he
-wo
we
-ti
-ti
-mac
-titc
ye
-tos
-toksu
-tokun
they -pu
P
-pu
-P
Objective
me
-t
-t, -te
-t, -ti
-kanni 21
thee
-n
-n, -ni
-n, -ni
-mi
him
-k, -ko, -wo
-t,
us
-m
-m, -me
-muk
-mako
you
-ton
-tok, -tokni
them
-k, -ko
I-tJiee musu
mos
mucu
cima
I-you
mutos
mutokcu
cimatoku
21 Found only after the future suffix -i.
22 Takes the form -ko after the future suffix -i.
as The second series subjective do not correspond in Central and
Northern Sierra.
2* The single subjective series, in the Coast dialect, is identical with
the possessive prefixes.
26 Evidently the objective forms of the Coast dialect are merely the
independent pronouns suffixed or postposed to the verb.
300 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
MEANING OF THE SUBJECTIVE FORMS.
The three distinct series of subjective affixes suggest a feature
which is found in other languages and has sometimes been
erroneously interpreted. In some American tongues the sub-
jective personal elements used with the verb are partly or wholly
the same as the possessive forms employed with nouns. In other
idioms certain of the subjective elements, especially the in-
transitive ones, resemble the objective forms or are identical
with them. An explanation that is plausible rather than sub-
stantial has repeatedly been made for such phenomena. It is
said that in such languages the verb is essentially a noun, or the
intransitive verb in reality impersonal and transitive, the form
"I eat" being literally "my eating," and "I am sick" more
correctly "it is sick to me." This view must be vigorously
opposed on general grounds, except where it is capable of proof
by specific evidence. It would be just as reasonable to interpret
"my food" as "I food." Our own Aryan languages of course
do not permit the phrase "I food" as they do allow "my eat-
ing," but this circumstance is of no moment in an American
tongue. It is saner, if less enticing, to look upon the several
series of pronominal forms that many languages possess, as
essentially significant only of person, and as primarily undiffer-
entiated as to subjective, possessive, and objective relation. In
certain types of language such differentiation of form may serve
no purpose and may therefore not occur. In other cases the
presence of two or more pronominal elements in the same word,
or perhaps other circumstances, may cause the existence of
several series of forms to be necessary or advantageous. When-
ever, in such languages, a word contains only one pronominal
element, as in the possessed noun or the intransitive verb, it
must then be a matter of indifference to intelligibility which
form is drawn upon. "I," "my," and "me" in the native
words for "I eat," "my food," and "bites me" would in such
case not mean the same as their Aryan equivalents, but would
only be indicative of the first person, their grammatical force
being a function rather of their position in the word or phrase,
the part of speech to which they were joined, its logical meaning
3911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 301
or some similar circumstance. As a matter of fact there are
abundant instances of identity respectively of possessive and
objective, possessive and transitive subjective, and intransitive
and transitive subjective pronominal forms, which no one would
think of explaining by Indo-European analogy.
It may be objected that even in synthetic languages the co-
existence of several series of pronominal elements would be
impossible except as they originated from a difference in function
such as that provided by the subjective, objective, and posses-
sive relations. But the ultimate origin of the several sets of
pronominal forms can probably be ascertained in but few
languages, and is therefore generally a matter of pure specula-
tion. Even if the original meaning of a form translatable by
"I eat" had been, in any particular idiom, "my eating," it
would be a grave error to assume, in the absence of direct and
positive evidence, that it still possessed that meaning. There is
normally little connection, in any language, between the present
force of a word or affix and its "original" function and meaning.
Miwok bears on this general question through the fact that
at least in certain dialects one of its series of subjective pro-
nominal elements resembles the objective, another the possessive,
while the third, differing from both, might be interpreted as
distinctively subjective. The form employed depends, however,
on the tense and mode of the verb. As it would be absurd to
assert, because an essentially objective form is used with the
future suffix, a possessive with the preterite, and a subjective
only with the present, that therefore the future is impersonal,
the past a noun, and the present a verb, it can only be said that
there are three sets of pronominal elements which have no differ-
entiation of meaning to accord with their divergence in form.
USE OF THE SUBJECTIVE FOEMS.
"While at least two of the three series of subjective pronominal
suffixes agree closely in several dialects, there is variation in the
affixes of tense and mode by which their choice is determined.
302 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
First Series.
Second Series:
Third Series.
Northern Sierra
-i, future
-si, passive
-imi, usitative
-uni, potential
-ke-ce, kco, past
-ce-k, past
stem, past
-ce, past
-ke, past
stem, present
-na-ka, past
Central Sierra
-i, future
-ke-so, past
-fie, past or
present
-teo-sa, tco-ka,
recent past
-se, past
-ke, past
stem, past
-na, -fie-na, past
or present
stem, present
-ted', present
ew-an-ko, nega-
tive present
Plains.
-ca, future
-ma, past
-tu, past
The second
series has not
been found in
this dialect .
stem, present
-ka, past
Perhaps the most conspicuous difference is that the preterites
-ce and -ke require the second form in Northern and the first
in Central Sierra. It must be recalled, however, that the forms
of the second series are not homologous in these two dialects.
8 l
S 2
S 3
SPECIAL PECULIAEITIES.
Central Sierra. The independent pronouns in full are :
Subjective
kani
mi'
[neal
masi, otimei
D 1 masi, otim
P 1
P 2
P 3
otitcik
miko
[nekoal, inikal
Objective
kanii
minii
neial
mikoi
nekoial, isakoi
Possessive
kanu-n
minu-fi
nesu-n, nosu-n, inisu-n]
otime-n
otitciku-n
miku-n
noku-n]
The forms given as of the third person are demonstrative, and
are derived from the stems ne, no, and ini or isa. The ending
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco, 303
-al has not been found in Northern Sierra, and appears to be
animate.
Professor Dixon's material in this dialect brings out the
difference between the dual and plural of the first person, which
in Northern Sierra could only be suspected from the presence of
the two forms masi and itci. Itci does not occur in Professor
Dixon's notes, but its characteristic element tc appears in
oti-tci-k, as compared with oti-m, we two, in which -m evidently
represents masi. The final -k of otitcik is the suffix of plurality.
It is curious that a language should possess a dual in only one
person of the pronoun. It seems reasonable to believe that the
true distinction between the two forms is rather one of inclusion
and exclusion of the second person, which has happened to
coincide in the informant's mind, or in some of the examples
given, with the difference between a dual and plural. The
strange forms oti-m and oti-tci-k 26 confirm this supposition, as
they are evidently both derived from oti-ko, two. Further, in
many languages that possess a separate inclusive form of the first
person plural, this is phonetically more similar to the second
person plural than to the first person exclusive. So the Central
"dual" masi, essential element m, parallels mi, you, and miko, ye.
On the other hand, in Dakota, according to Riggs, 27 an in-
clusive form of the first person is restricted to a dual significance,
while the exclusive is plural.
Four of the linguistic families adjacent to Miwok Wintun,
Maidu, Washo, and Yokuts also show a pronominal dual, and
besides these, so far as known, no others in California, 28 except
Chumash which is in contact with Yokuts.
In the possessive the form for the first person is -kan, instead
of Northern -nti or -t. It is certain that a mistake has not been
made because Professor Dixon's informant knew the form -nti,
but gave it as characteristic of the Southern Sierra dialect, which
is correct. Evidently the Central dialect, like the Plains idiom,
2 Confirmed by Southern Sierra otit-i.
ZT Contrib. N. Am. Ethn., IX, 10, 1893.
28 The Shasta dialects nearest to Maidu show dual forms of the pro-
nominal verb affixes only. Dixon, The Pronominal Dual in the Languages
of California, Boas Anniversary Volume, 80, 1906.
304 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
replaces the suffix form -t or -nti, which has parallels in the per-
sonal endings of verbs, by a suffixed abbreviation of the inde-
pendent pronoun kanni. It is curious that adjacent dialects
differ, and separated ones agree, in this point.
Usually the order of objective and subjective suffixes is the
same as in Northern Sierra: -ni-t, I-thee; -tokni-t, I-you; -t-an,
thou-me. There is however one set of forms that seem to place
the objective suffix last : -pu-t, -pu-n, -pu-m, -pu-ton, they-me,
-thee, -us, -you.
The possessive suffixes are added to verbs which are the object
of another verb, the suffix denoting the logical subject of the
subordinate verb.
teloteo-ke-t mulli-s, I heard him singing, literally, I-heard his-singing
soye-ne-ni-t howata-n, I saw you running, literally, I-saw-you your-
running
ne-al soye-teo-t howata-kan, he sees me running, literally, he sees-me
my-running
The Central subjective suffixes of the first series added to a
substantive or interrogative imply the verb substantive.
hayapo-t, chief- 1, I am chief
mana-n, who-you, who are you?
mini-n, where-you, where are you?
Plains. An unexplained form -ikam, meaning they-me,
occurs in kanni heat-ikam, they will hit me.
The imperative plural shows an ending -tc : uce-tc, drink !
A suffix -k may denote the object of the third person in the
imperative : pata-k, strike him ! 29
Elements similar to the subjective suffixes of the first series
are added to the independent pronouns before case-suffixes :
maci-mi-tc, us; itcu-me-m, with us; kanni-ti-m, with me. This
contrasts with the Northern Sierra idiom, in which the locative
element follows the pronoun, while the affixed pronominal
element is added to this.
Coast. An ending -t-, -it-, occurs on transitive forms with
pronominal object of the third person : oke-mmi-t-, strike him ! ;
k-tcamate-pu-it-, I have it ; k-oke-ka-t-, I struck him.
29 Compare Costanoan : San Juan Bautista, imperative plural, -yuts ; Mon-
terey, imperative with object of third person singular, -nk.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 305
It has been said before that the subjective and possessive
elements in this dialect are probably not true prefixes, but
accentless particles or proclitics. They are at times audible as
final sounds of the preceding word with which they have no
grammatical connection.
kenum-unye-s oke-kanni, constantly he hits me
eke-m-ka-n tcama-no-ni-n cumuki, from where do you take your pipe?
nit-u-n cumuki, this is your pipe
eke-to-ni-n huyena-c, where were you born?
eke-cu-k lanta, where is my bow?
homa-k iolum-oti nome, no, I eat rabbits
That these forms are particles is made more probable from
the circumstance that they precede the word with which they
stand in syntactical relation, while the Interior equivalents are
suffixes. It is difficult to understand how a truly incorporated
element could change from suffix to prefix, whereas it is readily
intelligible that if once a suffix becomes sufficiently detached
from the stem to be properly a particle or enclitic, an alteration
of idiom without grammatical change may cause it to be proposed.
General. The m which in Miwok is the base of the inde-
pendent pronouns of the second person is the usual designation
of this person in California. K for the first person is common
in south central California, appearing in Miwok and Costanoan,
Salinan, Chumash, the Tiibatulabal branch of Shoshonean, and
the southernmost or Buena Vista dialectic division of Yokuts.
The elements of the Miwok suffixes are on the other hand without
parallel : m and t for the first person, n and s for the second,
and s and k for the third, are quite unique in California. 30
The coexistence of and yet thorough difference between the
independent pronouns and the pronominal affixes in the interior
dialects of Miwok, is almost without parallel among the languages
of California, except Wiyot and Yurok; and even in these the
possessive affixes resemble the independent pronoun. The restric-
tion of pronominal affix forms to a suffixed position is also
unusual. Most the languages that resemble Miwok in the pos-
session of case-suffixes and in general phonetic character, treat
so Athabascan n of the second person is the only similarity. It is prob-
ably necessary to travel as far as the Dakota before encountering m for
the first and n for the second person, and then as prefixes.
306 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
their pronominal elements as independent words, or at most
proclitics or enclitics. Even the affixing languages of California,
such as Athabascan, Washo, Chumash, Salinan, and Shoshonean,
prefix. The only suffixing languages, besides Yurok and Wiyot
in northernmost California, which are of quite a different type
of structure and phonetics, are Yana and Wintun, which latter
further resembles Miwok in that its suffixed series has nothing
in common, in form, with the independent pronoun. 31 The
Wintun suffixes are, however, much more restricted than those of
most Miwok dialects, being only subjective, and alike in singular
and plural.
COSTANOAN CONNECTIONS.
In view of the fact that the Miwok and Costanoan languages
now seem more probably than not to be genetically related as
one stock, 32 a comparison of their pronominal forms is desirable.
It is clear that as the Miwok interior dialects are compared
with the Costanoan idioms, there is a fundamental difference in
their employment of pronominal elements, Miwok being elabor-
ately synthetic and Costanoan almost purely analytical. As long
as the interior Miwok languages were the only ones known, the
divergence on this point seemed so insuperable as to render more
than doubtful any lexical evidence as to relationship. It
appeared that the suffix forms constituted the original pro-
nominal apparatus of the Miwok language, and that its inde-
pendent pronouns, which are obviously identical with those of
Costanoan, had been borrowed from that family.
The acquisition of material in the Coast dialect has however
altered the situation, in revealing a language which is un-
doubtedly Miwok, but more nearly analytic than synthetic in its
employment of pronouns. There can thus no longer be objection
to a recognition of Costanoan as a branch of Miwok on the score
of divergence of pronominal usage, especially as even Costanoan
is not absolutely free from traces of synthetic forms. 33 As the
two groups of dialects agree in all other revealed points of essen-
tial structure, and as they hold a certain lexical element in
31 E. B. Dixon, in Putnam Anniversay Volume, 468, 1909.
32 Present series, IX, 237-271, 1910.
ss Present series, II, 72, 73, 1904.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 307
common, their relationship can not be questioned except on the
ground that the etymological identities may appear insufficient
in number. In this case the structural resemblances might be
explained as due to contact and influence, and common words as
borrowed. Both groups of tongues are however still imperfectly
known, and as they agree in perhaps one fourth of the words
which may reasonably be assumed to have been determined as
stems, it is likely that only fuller data are needed to increase
this proportion. At any rate there no longer exist any gram-
matical obstacles to a belief in the genetic unity of the two
divisions.
The conditions existing within the larger family as to pro-
nominal matters, may be described thus. The Sierra Miwok
dialects have a full array of synthetic forms, and analytic or
separate pronouns are superfluous and emphatic. The Plains
dialect is also synthetic, but may possess a somewhat reduced
apparatus. Coast Miwok is between a synthetic and analytic
stage. It lacks most of the Sierra forms, and it is difficult to
decide whether its elements are prefixes or particles. Costanoan
is distinctly analytic, employing ordinarily only the independent
pronominal stems, but it retains vestiges of synthetic forms in
the imperative.
It seems most reasonable to consider the Sierra synthetic
structure as more original, and to regard this as having been
lost in successively increasing degrees, but never entirely, in
Plains, Coast Miwok, and Costanoan. Theoretically the opposite
explanation is equally logical, but does not fit the facts as well.
If the synthetic machinery were a late growth, it would hardly
be so uniform. Compare the Coast Miwok second and third
persons in n and c, which are quite isolated in that dialect but
recur in the interior. Lexical divergence proves the Coast dialect
to have been detached from the interior for a considerable period.
Identical forms could hardly have originated independently in
two separate regions.
That Coast Miwok k of the first person on the other hand has
its source in the independent pronoun kanni and not in the
Miwok affix forms t and m, proves nothing, for once a loosening
of the synthetic system has set in, it is not unnatural that
308 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
abbreviated forms of the independent stems should begin to
replace the affixual stems even before these have become entirely
analytical.
Assuming then, a Miwok-Costanoan family, and the chain of
relationship, as established on structural and on the whole con-
firmed on lexical grounds, to be : Sierra, Plains, Coast, Costanoan,
it is evident that the interior Miwok dialects, which have gener-
ally been thought to be geographically in closest contact with
the Costanoan languages, 34 are linguistically the farthest removed
from them. The gap is bridged by the Coast Miwok dialects,
which lie to the northw r est of both. This fact is of primary im-
portance in any speculation concerning the origin or movements
of the stock.
It is curious that an analogous situation is encountered
among the Yokuts. The Indians of that family lived in parallel
and contiguous stretches of mountain and plain, each division
possessing its own group of dialects. In the south the foothill
and valley dialects are markedly different. As one proceeds
north, the divergence becomes less marked, and finally is almost
effaced. In this family also, therefore, the chain of relationship
revealed by language runs from south to north and back to the
south, so that the most divergent dialects are in geographical
contact. The Yokuts division into mountain and plains groups,
which are linked only at the northern end, can be paralleled by
a geographical separation of the Miwok-Costanoan family into
an interior and coast division, also united at their northern
extremity.
DEMONSTRATIVES.
Demonstratives are developed from three stems : ne and no,
this and that, and i-, appearing as ini, iti, ika, isa, which appar-
ently is a radical of reference rather than of direction or dis-
tance, and therefore possesses somewhat the character of a per-
sonal pronoun of the third person.
Interrogatives and relatives are fairly constant, the principal
stems being man, who, min, where, and hi or ti, what.
3* They may really have been separated from them by a strip of Yokuts
territory embracing the west side of the lower San Joaquin valley.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 309
SS CS NS P C L
this ne ne, ne-al nei ne ni
no no
iti
that
no
noi
no
no
that ini
ini
it-i
i-
isa-
isa-
i-
ika-
imo
ima-
\\lio mana
mana
mana
manti
manti
where
mini
mini
mini-
eke 85
what
tinu
ti'nit
hiti
hinti
In Central and Northern Sierra all these stems take the
plural suffix -ko, the objective -i, and the possessive -n, though
the latter is added to ne, no, and ini only with the addition of
-cu : ini-cu-n. Central -al seems to be a separate particle denotive
of animateness ; it follows case and number endings : ne-su-n al,
ini-k al, ne-ko-i al.
In the Plains dialect the suffix -cu appears in both subject and
object: no-cu, no-cu-tc, i-cu, i-cu-tc. Other forms are no-ko,
objective no-ko-tc, those; ne'-im, here, no-m, there, mini-m,
where; hiti-tc, what, objective.
Coast Miwok ni-t-u, this, is perhaps the equivalent of Plains
ne-cu. Other forms are: ni-to, here; no-to, it-i-to, there; it-i-ko,
they; hinti-tc, what, objective; eke-m, from where; eke-to, at
where.
VERB.
The verb formatives, which are all suffixes, show a similar
range in all Miwok dialects and in Costanoan, but the individual
suffixes used differ in the several dialects. Many of the blanks
in the accompanying list can no doubt be filled. The Central
material contains no data on causative, desiderative, continuative,
or passive, the Northern no noun-agent forms, and the Plains
and Coast forms are still more incomplete.
Meaning C. Sierra N. Sierra Plains Coast
causative -ne -nuku -ne
desiderative -ce, -kce, -caino -caiku
desiderative (welak)
continuative -imi
purposive ( f ) -ukna, mt-o-
85 Compare Wintun heke-, who, where.
310 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
potential
-ni
-uni, -ani
negative
-ew-an-ko
-aim
negative
-ewa
-cewa
reflexive
-po-sa
-bo, -bo-sa
past
-se
-ce, -cu
past
-ke
-ke
past
-naka
past
-keso
-kco, cak
present
-ted
recent past
-tco-sa
recent past
-tco-ke
past
past
past or present
-fie, -na, -ne-na
present
future
-i
-i
future
passive
-si, -pa
intransitive
verbifying
-fie
-ne
noun agent
-pe
excessive
noun agent
while
-mu i
after
-se i
-ka
-ne-po(?)
-ka
-ma
-tu
-ca
-up
-api
-ak
Southern Sierra. Suffixes of mode and tense are almost un-
known. Gatschet gives -t as indicating a preterite, but it is not
certain that this is not the suffix expressing plurality of the
object. For the future he gives -iku or -eku. His text contains
the Central Sierra past suffix -ne.
Central Sierra. The ''potential" has conditional force:
noka-ni-s wo-ewa-yi-t, if it rains I will not go
tokla-ni-t-an howat-it, if you hit me I shall run
takya-ni-ma-s yona-im, if he strikes us we will kill him
The interrogative is a, identical in use with the Northern
form.
The forms -mu i, while, and -se i, after, contain the pro-
nominal suffixes. As these otherwise follow all modal and tem-
poral affixes, the final -i is likely to be the objective case-suffix,
used to denote clause subordination. The use of the possessive
case for a similar purpose, as in the Northern dialect, is illus-
trated in the Central text below.
1911] Eroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 311
Plains. The preterite suffix -wa of other dialects has in this
language a past usitative force. The negative is expressed by the
independent preposed particle ket, similar to Southern Sierra
ken, and Costanoan ekwe, kue.
Coast. The desiderative welak is itself a verb, which pre-
cedes or follows the verb which it accompanies. The negative is
a preposed particle ela or opu. The suffix -ukna, and the pre-
posed particle mt-o, may be purposive, future, or andative,
having been obtained with the meaning "to go to" do something.
Interrogation is indicated by the particle op, usually op-un with
the pronoun of the second person.
A common suffix, which has not been included in the preced-
ing list, is -pu, used only when an object accompanies the tran-
sitive verb. It may be pronominal compare -pu of the third
person plural in the interior, or allied to the reflexive -po, -po-sa
of other dialects. The Coast reflexive -ne-po seems to contain the
same element.
The analytic character of the Coast dialect is reflected in the
tense-suffixes as well as in the affixual pronouns. The past -ka
and present -up are commonly suffixed or postposed, but occa-
sionally precede the verb.
nitetei ka-k-etc, yesterday I slept
ka-n-iolum, you ate
manti-ka waya-mi, who gave it to youf
kenum-up-c-yolum, constantly you eat
As -ka or -ke occurs in the interior dialects, it is clearly an
affix which has become an enclitic on the Coast, or an originally
separate particle which has been degraded into a suffix in all
other dialects, according as the several Miwok languages may
have developed in an analytic or synthetic direction.
COMPARATIVE ETYMOLOGY.
Names of groups of people end in -tci in the Southern Sierra
dialect, in -umni in the Plains. 36 In the three Sierra dialects
derivatives signifying persons are formed from terms of direc-
a This ending, which appears also in Yokuts and Maidu, has been dis-
cussed in the present series of publications, VI, 340, 379, 1908, and in the
American Anthropologist, n.s., VIII, 662, 1906.
312 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
tion by the addition of a vowel, usually -o, accompanied some-
times by modification of the final consonant. In the plural, with
the ending -ko or -k in the north, and -ya in the south, such terms
become designations of groups of people.
tcummate, south; tcuinmet-o, plural tcummet-o-ko, or tcumet-o,
plural tcumte-ya, southerner,
damman or dammalin, north; dammul-e, plural dammul-e-k or
damlu-ya, northerner,
hisum or hisuwit, hihum, east; hicut-o, plural hicut-o-ko or hi't-o-ya,
easterner,
olowit or olowin, west; olowit-o, plural olowit-o-ko or olwi-ya,
westerner.
On the Coast the vowel is omitted: kan-win-ko, northerners;
compare tamal-ko, bay people.
A diminutive found on such words as boy, girl, old man, old
woman, coyote, is -tcki, -tcu in the South, -ti in Central and
Northern Sierra, -tci in the Plains, -mbula occurs with diminu-
tive meaning on several inanimate nouns in Northern Sierra.
In the Southern Coast dialect many nouns in the absolute
form or subjective end in -s, which is ordinarily lost in the
objective and is lacking from Western Coast and Lake.
man, tai-c, objective tai-t-u
woman, kulei-c, objective kulei-t- (Maidu kule)
old man, oyi-s, objective oyi-t-
old woman, potei-s (Barrett), objective potci-t-
basket, ewi-c, objective ewi-t-
A noun-ending -s or -c is frequent in several Costanoan
dialects.
Adjectives of color consist, in all dialects of the interior
division, of monosyllabic stems which are finally reduplicated.
To the reduplicated syllable is appended an -i in the Sierra"
dialects, the vowel of the stem in Plains.
Southern Sierra: yodj-odj-i, red
tuh-uh-i, black
Central Sierra: gul-ul-i, black
gel-el-i, white
Northern Sierra: wet-et-i, red
Plains: pud-ud-u, white
kul-ul-u, black
wet-et-e, red
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 313
Coast adjectives of color end in -ta: ulu-ta, red, mulu-ta or
loko-ta, black, poto-ta, white.
Duplication occurs in color adjectives in the Lake dialect :
mul-u-mul, black, awa-awa, red. Other adjectival stems appear
in duplicated form in all dialects : Plains, wel-wel, good, tcu-tcu-i,
sweet; Northern Sierra, tcu-tcu-yu, sweet; Central Sierra, ut-ut-i,
large; Lake, tsum-tsum, sweet, koi-koi, bitter; Coast, un-un-i,
large, kai-kai, bitter.
PHRASES.
Southern Sierra:
yohe, kill!
yohu-ma, I kill
yohu-musu, I will kill you
kani yoha-k oxxa-i, I kill a woman
huine-mu, hina-mu, do you see me?
huine-mesu, hina-musu, I see you
hilai-fii-ma, do you fear met
hilai-ak-ak, I fear
hakai-ak-ak, hulwa-k, hungry
oxxa-n utcu-hu, woman's her house
tcuku-n utcu-hu, dog's his house
ne, this, ne-to, here
ini, that, ini-m, ini-to, there
Central Sierra:"
teuku-kan yolla issako-i nana-i, my dog bit that man
ne'i nafia yona-na tcuku-i-kan, this man killed my dog
tcuku-u suki-s, dog's tail-Ms
tceak tcuku-i-kan sawa-s, I hit my dog with a stone
sawa-i hata-na-k kiko-m, I threw a stone in the water
wani utcu-t, in the house
mana-li onotu-ton, with whom did you comet
6'po-ti-li onotu-m, I came with my father
ne al haloine, he is sick
haloine-ke-so-t, I was sick
mil osemo haloine-i-n, you will be sick
oti-m haloine-ewan-ko-ti, we two shall not be sick
oti-tci-k tunna-na-ktitc, we are cold
mii tunna-se-n, you were cold
osemo tunna-i-ko, they will be cold
haqai-fie-ke-m oti-m, we two were hungry
osemo haqai-ne-i-k, he will be hungry
nawato-s-a mii, are you tired f
nawato-m, I am tired
T Dr. K. B. DLxon.
314 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
so'yo-sa-k mos, I see you
issako soyo-tco-t, he sees me
hani miko-i tokla-motos, I hit you
tokla-n, he hits you
masi tokla-ni-mas, we are hitting you
masi soyo-ne-na-k-ni-mas, we see you
tekmo-po-sa-s, you are kicking yourself
tekmo-msi-tos, ye kick each other
mana-i tokla-na-s, whom did you hit?
tinu ne, what is this?
tinu-s takya-na-n, with what did you hit?
toye-mu-i wosa-k, while he slept, I went away
owo-se-te-i luk-sa-s, after I ate, you came
mulli-se-te-i toye-na, after I sang, he slept
toye-ku-m, I am sleepy
toye-ti, let us sleep
mii a howatu-n, did you run?
kani soi-ne-na-k ne-su-n howata-s, I saw him running
ne-al soiye-ne-te howata-kan, he saw me running
mulli-pe, singer.
kalan-pe, dancer
Plains :
tcama-caiku-m, I wish to eat
tcama-ma-t, I ate
tcama-ca, he will eat
icu tcama-mu unu, he eating-from comes
no-ku uccu-p, they drink
unu-m uccu-mu, I come from drinking
ucce-tc, drink, ye!
uccu-ca-tokun, ye will drink
pata-t, strike me!
pata-muk, strike us
kanni pata-cima, I strike you
heat-nuku-cima, I make you strike him
heat-nuku-caiku-ma, I want you to make him strike
icu pata-n, he strikes you
ket heta-cima, I do not strike you
tcica-tu-n, you saw
ket kiwai-m tcico-tc, not can-I see
hiti-tc ono-nu, what are you doing?
umiy-a tcama-tc, do you like food?
ket umiy-im, I do not like it
manti anit-u-ni, who gave it to you?
mini-m okicca-tu-n, where were you born?
lema-ka-p, they used to dance
hana-ka-p hanepu-tc, they used to have a sweat-house
wtiim-tci, old man
ole-tci, ole-na, coyote
haye-m cewole-xnw, near the ocean (at-proximity ocean's)
1911] Krocber: Languages North of San Francisco. 315
ocoo-xno kotca-ic, woman 's her house
cawe-no haulo-co, friend 's his arrow
teloko-te epali-tc, three jackrabbits (obj.)
ocooc-itc, woman (obj.)
ocoox-mo, with the woman
mini-mu, from where?
mi '-m kanni, you-with I, you and I
ne-im kanni, he and I
ata-tci-m-ka, brother-with-my
Southern Coast :
ele'u-api-ko, fishermen
mit-a-ko-n kotca, Indians' house
kotca-n wea, inside the house
kotca-n lile, on the house
kik hawin-to, near the water
kik-to, in the water
hewai-to k-uyeno-ke, I was born at the beach
k-oni-ni it-i kotca-mo, I came from that house
luppu-c, with a stone
kono-su, with a bow
tumai-to, with a stick
k-ute-ka-mi, I saw you
k-oke-ka-t-, I struck him
us-koya-ka, he sang
akal-utc kon kawul-o-ke, long-ago they used-to-dance
uc-yolum-up, he eats
k-welak-op-iolum, I want to eat
un-hinti-po, what have you?
k-ucu-pu kik, I drink water
k-ute-po no-t. kulei-t., I see the woman
uc-elli-po-mako, he sees us
oke-mmi kanni-tc, hit me!
elli-mmi kannu, look at me
miko koya-mmi, sing, yel
ule-mi-kan, free me!
hinti-tc-op-un elli, what do you see?
op-un elli-mako, are you looking at us?
op-un oke ute-s kawul, can you see at night?
yolum-api, comedor
yolum-ak, comelon
mat-aw-ak, hablador
kenum-utc-opu-k cukum-welak, constantly I wish to smoke
(i)kon kawul-ukna awe, van a bailar mafiana
k-unya ok-nepo, I struck myself
c-yolum-ne-t-, he made him eat
c-kawul-ne-we-ukna-t-, he made him dance
nako-mt-o koya, vamos a cantar
316 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
TEXTS.
Dr. Dixon secured a short text in the Central Sierra dialect,
which is here given, followed by Gatschet's published specimen
of the Southern idiom, and a Lord's Prayer in Coast Miwok.
The latter occurs in two versions, 38 which however are clearly
derived from a single source. They have been combined and
translated. Gatschet's text has been slightly systematized and
conformed in orthography to the present work; the internal
structure of words has been indicated so far as possible by
hyphens; and the translation has been rendered somewhat more
literally than in the original. Peculiarly, all the existing Miwok
texts are very similar in brevity and narrowness of range, and,
excepting the Lord's Prayer, even in subject matter.
CENTEAL SIEERA DIALECT.a
wunuto-so-t
I went hunting
tuku-se-t
I shot
kene-mei
Once
wakal-mo
to the river.
kaulupa-i
In morning
itanok kosumai-so-m
Then we fished.
ew T a-ne-pa-k enatosu
when we got none, and
wele-so-m temoka-i
we caught six
owoya-i
deer.
owoya-i
deer.
woe-so-m
we went,
toyese-so-m
We slept
imo-ok
from there
olo-win loklo-m
below to plains
itanok hakai-ne-pa-k
Then I got hungry,
kosumoy i -ke-so-m
we fished
motam kene-i
half way one
woe-so-m isak-mo
we went to that.
ewa-ka-so-m 40 kosumo-i
kene-i
One
woule-t
I came home.
tamal-in
north
kawole-i
night.
hoya-ke-so-m
We got there.
hakai-ke-so-m
We got none fish. We were hungry
hoiyenon kosumoiyi-ke-so-m itanok
next day we went fishing. Then
kosumo-i enatosu wooltu-me-n 41
fish and returned
hinsaiemes wuntoyi-ke-so-m owoya-i kene-i toko-tu-me-n
at noon. We went hunting, deer one our-killing
6'toti oyise-nepai sumito-i itanok wilu-se-so-m
large four-prong fat. Then we were filled.
ssDuflot de Mofras, II, 391.
39 By Dr. E. B. Dixon.
40 Compare the negative suffix -ewa.
*i "Of our returning. ' '
1911]
Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco.
317
SOUTHERN SIERRA DIALECT."
tcumte-ya
Chumteya
maise-i 43
maize,
hunema
fishing.
warai-ko 43
sheep
utu
Thick
tuhuhi
black,
tcinepitki
short,
oha-ya
women
huato
run,
hawa-t
on rock.
utcu-pu
live
aiye-to
on flat
hale-ya-t
in mountains.
ken
not
ne-ok
These
oni
have.
hiso-k
hair
nito-hu
their nose
laut
skin
upha
swim,
weyanu
plant
natu
accurately
tuhuhi
black.
papas-i
potatoes,
tugo
shoot.
halgi
hunting
i-ok
They
weyanu
Plant
uo-po
they-eat
waka 43
cattle
tcinipitki
short
hugu-to-hu
on their had.
oyani
large,
yutotci
brown.
upha
Swim
esele-te
children
tcumte-ya
Chumteya
aitu keiie 44
all. Some
kene 4
some
ken
not
hapka
climb
suku
paint
lama-i
tree.
laut-M-i
ne-ok
These
utu
skins.
kene 44
some
humna
bead,
sekea-hu
their- (?)
aitu
All
kotan
distant
huhu-i
wood
hame-pu
they cover,
kefie-t
In one
kutcotc
bone
ulato
long
awuha
needle
humna-ho
their-bead,
tisso-no
finger.
kula
coal.
Many
kene 44
some
suku
Paint
poxau
wear
hunto-ya-hi
Their eyes
hupeto-ho
their neck
wakalmato-t
in river,
onadju
fast
ken suku
not paint
hasanu-i
abalone-shell,
ewuya
Without
pama
smoke
kumsol ulato
shell long
oki-ta-ho troxot
on their chin three
nawasu-hu wu
theirdressas go.}
kahu-i kanni hui-ne-ma miwi ken
tobacco. I I have seen people not
utcu-yu tolle-m aitu tuye-nu oisa oyani
live, on earth all sleep, four large
huyu-t oyani utcu-t utcu-pu tolle-s
in fire. Large house-in they live, with earth
huyu kaweni-m tulu-ma haksi wuksa
fire in-middle, through hole smoke goes.
utcu aitu tamu lu-pu
house all. Differently they speak.
42 Gatschet, work cited.
43 Spanish.
4* Literally: "one."
45 Compare Central Sierra dialect negative suffix -ewa.
318 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
SOUTHERN COAST DIALECT.
Chocouyem, Rio del Sacramento : Api maeo su lileeo ma n6nas
Joukiousm, San Rafael: Api maco sa lile"to man^nas
mi au6s omai macono mi taucuchs oyopa mi tauco chaquenit
mi aues onia macono michauka oiopa mitauka chakenit
opii neyatto chaquenit opu liletto. Tu maco muye genum ji naya
opu negate chakenit opu lilSto tumako muye quenunje naya
macono sucuji sulia macono mas6cte chague mat opu ma suli
macono sucuji sulia mac6no masojte chake mat opu ma suli
mayaco. Macoi yangia ume omutto, u!6mi macono omu incapo.
mayaco maco yangia ume omut ulemi macono omu in capo.
Nette esa Jesus.
Netenti Jesus.
api
father
TRANSCRIPTION AND TRANSLATION.
ma-ko su lile-to
our sky-in,
oni-a 1 mako-no 2 mi taulmtc 3 oyo-pa 4
come our thy (rule), (be done)
tcake-nit 6 opu wea-to 7 tcake-nit
opu
like
mako
us
suli-a 9
forgive
suli
forgive
ule-mi
free-thou
muye
all
mako-no 2
our
ma-ya-ko
our (debtors),
mako-no 2
our
mi awes
thy name,
mi tau-ko 5
thy (wills)
lile-to tu
earth-on like sky-in
kenum hi 8 waya mako-no suku-hi
constantly day give our ,
ma-sokte tcake-nit opu ma
our (sins) like we
mako-i yani-a huma omu-to
us (lead) not bad-to.
omu
evil
inkapo
10
nete ese Jesus
NOTES.
1 The suffix of oni-a reappears below in suli-a and yani-a, possibly also
in oyop-a.
2 Perhaps the possessive mako-n, our ; the context seems to demand " us. "
3 Readings taucuchs and chauka ; perhaps confusion with following tauko.
4 Stem perhaps oyo ; a passive suffix -pa occurs in Northern Sierra Miwok.
5 Probably plural in -ko.
6 Tcake mako, asi como nosotros; tcake-tu taic, like a man; tcake-tc
hayuca, like a dog; opu recalls the present-tense suffix -op.
? Readings neyatto and negato for ueyato; wea is earth,
s Hi, sun, day.
s Suli is literally to pity. For the suffix -a see note 1.
10 Hinkapo, cinkapo, lo hizo.
1911] Kroebcr: Languages North of San Francisco. 319
SUMMARY.
In most respects Mi wok is a language of the analytic and
uncomplex Central Californian type. This appears in its simple
phonetics, simple verb and sentence-structure, the presence and
nature of case-suffixes, and the character of the plural in the
noun. Adverbial, spatial, and instrumental ideas have not been
found to be expressed by affixes to verbs. Complex derivational
and etymological processes so-called polysynthesis, redupli-
cation, and vowel change, are little developed; the principal
structural device being suffixation.
These characteristics are common to all Miwok dialects and
are shared by the Costanoan languages, which, on lexical con-
siderations, are probably to be considered as genetically related
to Miwok. In pronominal elements of both nouns and verbs, and
to a certain extent in the modo-temporal affixes of verbs, there
is however a wide difference between the interior Miwok
languages on the one hand and the Coast Miwok and Costanoan
dialects on the other, the former being suffixing and synthetic,
the latter proposing and analytic. The synthetic dialects seem to
be more representative of the original structure of the language.
Their most pronounced peculiarity is the possession of three
distinct series of subjective pronominal suffixes of verbs, each
restricted to use in connection with certain suffixes of mode and
tense. All Miwok and Costanoan languages are entirely
without prefixes.
320 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
POMO.
The territory of the Porno Indians is south of that of the
Yuki, and centers about the present Mendocino, Sonoma, and
Lake counties, of which it comprises the greater part. It has
recently been fully described in a paper published in this series
by Dr. S. A. Barrett, who has in this connection also made an
exhaustive determination of the dialectic divisions of the family.
These are seven in number, with one additional slight sub-
dialect. A comparison of vocabularies of the seven dialects shows
the following degrees of affinity among them. The Northern and
Central dialects, which are but little differentiated, seem to
represent most nearly the original form of the language, as the
other dialects resemble these two more nearly than one another.
Least divergent from the Northern- Central form of speech are
the Eastern dialect and a group consisting of the Southwestern
and the Southern dialects, with the additional sub-dialect of the
latter. The two most divergent dialects, the Southeastern and
Northeastern, are spoken in territories most remote from the
heart of the Porno area, and by people in contact with foreign
languages. The Northeastern is probably a direct development
from the Northern-Central group, and in a different direction
from the Southeastern, for the two dialects have less in common
with one another than with any others.
The material here presented was obtained in 1902 and 1903
from Raymond Brown and Thomas Mitchell, and is from the
Eastern dialect, spoken on the shores of the greater part of
Clear lake. Dr. Barrett's vocabularies show that this dialect
differs from the Northern and Central almost as markedly in
verbal endings as in vocabulary. In fact it seems that we have
really to reckon with seven Porno languages rather than mere
dialects.
Porno belongs to the Central Californian morphological type
of languages characterized by structural transparency and
failure to use pronouns as grammatical machinery. It resembles
Yuki in this regard. The differences between the two linguistic
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 321
stocks are however great. Yuki uses only suffixes, Porno employs
prefixes and suffixes. Porno not only possesses whole classes of
affixes that have no parallels in Yuki, such as verbal instru-
mental, but uses its affixes with wider and at the same time
more concrete meaning than the majority of comparatively vague
Yuki suffixes possess. Special features of Porno, such as a sex
gender, are lacking in Yuki. The nature and employment of
demonstratives are very different. On the whole the two
languages have but few points of structure in common, other
than such as are of a general Central Californian character.
Porno often shows an unexpected richness of structural
development. Thus the noun, where we should perhaps first
look for it, is ordinarily without any designation of plurality.
But a few substantives denoting persons show different stems for
the plural. Several others possess a plural formed by a suffix -a.
A considerable number of verbs have different stems in singular
and plural. Several pairs of very frequently used suffixes of
verbs express respectively the singular and the plural of the
subject. Relatives by marriage are addressed in the plural as a
sign of respect a trait found also in the nearby southern
Athabascan languages by Dr. Goddard. 46 The plural is also
expressed in animate nouns by the use of certain demonstratives.
The pronouns show plural forms. Altogether the expression of
plurality is much more developed than might at first sight
appear, or than is the case in Yuki, where nouns are better
provided with suffixes of plurality. A similar condition exists
in regard to the expression of other grammatical ideas.
PHONETICS.
The phonetics of Porno are simple in that the language con-
tains no sounds that are obscure or that do not occur in a con-
siderable proportion of the languages of mankind, and in that
the sounds are little modified by such processes as composition
and suffixation. There are no combinations of more than two
consonants, and even these quite clearly do not appear in stems.
48 P. E. Goddard, Kato Texts, present series, V, 143, 1909. See also
E. Sapir, Yana Texts, ibid., IX, 101, note 150, 1910.
322 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
Dr. Barrett has discussed the phonetics of all the Porno
dialects. Certain differences between his statements and those
made here are explained by the fact that only one dialect is here
presented. Other differences are individual, the result of two
independent inquiries, neither of them final, and of slightly
divergent orthographies. While Dr. Barrett's renderings are
probably more correct, they could have been substituted for the
author's only in part; for the sake of consistency it has there-
fore been necessary in the present account to retain the forms
originally written by the author.
The vowels of the Eastern dialect are a, e, i, o, u ; e and o
being open. The vowels are sometimes short and obscure ; never
nasalized, strongly aspirated, or organically of doubtful quality.
The most frequent vowel is a, next i. The proportionate
occurrences are a 40, i 25, e 15, u 10, o 5, ai 5 times. It will be
seen that front vowels are more common than back, and i and u
than e and o.
The consonants include series corresponding to p, t, tc
(English ch), k, and q (velar). The p, t, and tc series include
surd, sonant, nasal except of course for tc, and the stressed or
fortis surd represented by a following apostrophe. The k series
comprises surd, sonant, and fortis, lacks the nasal, but includes
both surd and sonant fricative, x and g', the latter an ortho-
graphy that has but little justification but which it has seemed
best to retain for the sake of consistency and because no more
appropriate character is included in the available facilities for
printing. The same sounds were written in the q series: q, G,
q', X, G' ; but it is doubtful whether all actually occur. A t-
like Yuki palatal t-, almost intermediate in sound between t and
tc, also d- and t-', were occasionally heard and written, but must
as yet be regarded as doubtful. Ts and dz were also heard, but
they may be only tc and dj. S and c (sh) bear the relation
usual in Indian languages. Their sonants j and z were written,
but are denied by Mr. Barrett. R is trilled and sometimes
related to t. Ordinary 1 calls for no comment; I is surd 1, not
affricative, and is Dr. Barrett's L. Y, w, and h occur; and two
sounds written hy and hr seem to represent simple sounds, either
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 323
distinct or only occasional modifications of initial y and r; com-
pare I, originally written hi and xl.
Sonant stops were not heard finally; surds between vowels
were frequently heard as sonants: mib-al for mip-al, beg-ibax
for bek-ibax. These phenomena may partly be due to Indo-
European apperception, but they seem to have some Porno
foundation, as mit becomes mir-al, evidently for mid-al. Dr.
Barrett also writes no final g, d, or b.
Words most frequently begin with consonants. Three words
out of four end in a vowel, which may be taken also as the
proportion in stems. This fact alone accounts for much trans-
parence of word structure. At least k, tc, t, p, n, m, x, 1, r occur
finally.
There is no system of vowel mutations, but the vowel of a
suffix is sometimes assimilated to that of the stem, especially in
verbs. Thus -hiba, preterite, becomes diko-hoba, garma-haba,
kuhu-huba, o'ane-heba.
Ui, eye, becomes yu-xa, eye- water, tears
The accent of words is rather well marked. In nouns it fre-
quently falls on the last syllable : balai', blood, qala'l, liver, cima',
ear, xawa's, chin, masa'n, terrible, musu', hair. This would be
impossible in Yuki. In verbs the accent is generally on the stem
syllable, irrespective of the number of affixes.
GRAMMATICAL METHODS.
Internal modifications of stems do not occur as an expression
of grammatical form. Reduplication is either etymological or
confined to a few parts of speech, such as verbs, in which it
expresses repetition or continuation. Position is pretty well
fixed, the verb coming last, the object after the subject, a pos-
sessive noun, adverb, or subordinate clause before its grammatical
regent. The principal means of grammatical expression is, as
in most languages, affixation. Infixes have not been found;
suffixes are more numerous than prefixes, but in the verb the
latter are both frequent and important. About seventy-five
affixes have been determined. Of these a third are verbal prefixes
and a third verbal suffixes.
324 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
NOUNS.
The noun is formally as undeveloped in Porno as in most
American languages. Its principal affixes are a long series of
adverbial postpositions or locative case-endings.
-u, in
-xam, in, into
-bai, in
-kate, at, to, by, near
-a, -ya, at
-n, to
-mil, to
-1, -alal, -nalal, to, toward
-awa, from, in
-w-ina, on
-yu, under
-xo-wa, before
-na-uwa, behind
-ki, for
-imak, in company with
-i, -ya, -iyai, with, by means of
Examples :
me-awa, from here
ba-y-awa, from there
me-a, here, at this
xale-na, on tree
bihyatsuxai-yai, with fingers
bo-1, westward
gayu-1, upward
dano-nalal, up-hill-ward
mo-bai, in a hole
gai-na, on the ground
xo-xam, in the fire
xabe-wina, on the rock
xabe-yu, under rock
xabe-i, with a stone
bihya-i, with the hand
musu-i, with hair
xai-yai, with a stick
tce-una, on a chair
ca-u, in the house
oa-kate, next to the house
oa-xowa, before the house
ca-nauwa, behind the house
ga-u-wawa, inside, indoors
ga-u-waki, from in the house
hegibax napo-mil, to their own town
wi-wina Zok-a, fell on me
gayu-lal galina-lal, up to the sky
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 325
As will be seen, these endings are suffixed also to pronouns,
demonstratives and adverbs. When an enclitic demonstrative
follows the noun, this particle and not the noun receives the
case-ending.
mo-he-bai, in the hole
xa-he-bai, in the water
la-he-mak, together with the sun
xo-he-mil, into the fire
masan-ek-himak,<' with a white man
Such locative endings as these are common in Central Cali-
fornian languages, but are usually accompanied by two or three
syntactical case-suffixes, as in Yuki, Maidu, Wintun, Yokuts,
Mi wok, and Shasta. In Porno, syntactical case-suffixes are absent,
except on names of persons and terms of relationship, which
share a possessive -ibax and perhaps an objective -al with pro-
nouns and demonstratives.
wimaca-ibax oa, my father-in-law's house
sulig' am-ibax oa, Sulig'am's house
A vocative of terms of relationship is formed by -a.
mex-a, older brother!
tsets-a, mother's brother!
Expression of plurality in the noun by a suffix is confined
to a few nouns denoting persons. The plural of animate nouns
is usually expressed through accompanying demonstrative
elements.
person, cauk, pi. hiba-ya
woman, da, pi. o'ara-ya; ya-o'ara, deserted wife
old woman, da-G'ara, pi. mac'atcur-a.
old man, butsi-gi, pi. butsi-a, butsi-yaya
young man, cela, pi. cela-ya
relatives, o< ametcgi-a
PRONOUNS.
The Porno pronoun is typically Central Californian. It is
never incorporated, has no abbreviated or affix form, is syntacti-
cally a noun, and shows a regular development for person,
number, and case. As in Yuki, there is no real third person,
demonstratives being used.
* The h of -himak probably represents an aspiration of the preceding
k. Compare notes 49 and 50.
326 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
Subject Object Possessive
1 ha wi, u wa-x
2 ma mi mi-bax
3 m. mi-p mi-p-al mi-p-ibax
3 f. mi-t mi-r-al mi-r-ibax
1 pi. wa wa-1 wa-ibax
2 pi. ma-1 ma-1 ma-ibax
3 pi. bek bek-al bek-ibax
Mip and mit are he and she, if distant, invisible, or of
indefinite reference ; mep and met are used for proximity or
visibility.
The pronouns are evidently derived from a stem wa for the
first person and ma for the second; diversified by -al and -ibax
for objective and possessive. 47 The singular objective formed
by change of a to i is interesting. It may be due to a lack of
separate stems for singular and plural and an unconscious desire
to express the distinction. Such a feeling seems to have led to
the modification of the first person to ha in the singular, and the
adoption of the objective mal to indicate the subjective of the
second person plural.
As evidenced by the examples already given, pronouns can
appear with the locative case-suffixes of the noun. These are
added to the objective forms of the pronouns.
As in Yuki, terms of relationship furnish the only exception
to the rule that the pronouns are not abbreviated or affixed. The
possessive pronouns used with such words are, again as in Yuki,
prefixed and apparently objective in form.
With terms of relationship only :
my, wi-, wi-ma-
thy, mi-
his, mip-i ha-, mip-i ha-mi-
our, wa-i ma-, wa-i-
your, ma-i mi-, ma-i ha-mi-
their, bek-i ha-, bek-i ha-mi-
47 The forms given by Dr. Barrett in volume VI, page 64, of this series
show that the Eastern dialect agrees with the others in having ma for
the pronoun of the second person. For I and we the normal Porno forms
are a and ya, in place of Eastern ha and wa. Southeastern, the Lower
Clear Lake dialect, alone has wi for we. This dialect is also the only one
that seems to share with the Eastern the possessive suffix -ibax; South-
eastern wibax explains the origin of Eastern wax. The other dialects
show a possessive suffix -ke: au-ke, ke, my; mi-ke, m-ke, thy; ya-ke, our.
Instead of mi-p and mi-t the usual Porno forms for he and she seem to be
mu and man. Compare the Northern Porno forms given below.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 327
For instance, wima-mex, my older-brother. The ordinary
possessives are used only when possession is to be emphasized :
two persons, each denying the relationship of the other to a third
person, might say, wax mex ba e, my older-brother he-is.
DEMONSTRATIVES.
Demonstratives are numerous, frequently used, and important
in Porno. Me is this, u that. Ba, that, is more common and
more indefinite than u, being often best translated by the English
article, though almost always somewhat more specific of refer-
ence. It is used alone or added to u as u-ba. The apparently
contradictory form me-ba has also been found, perhaps for
me-baya, this there. An unexplained demonstrative ku-ba also
occurs. Me, this, is the base of the pronouns of the third person
singular, formed by the addition of -p for males and -t for
females. For "it," me, this, or ba, that, is used, if expression
is necessary. The original demonstrative form, and probably
meaning, of the sex-differentiated forms, are better preserved in
mep, met, indicating nearness; mip and mit appear to be modi-
fications of these, with corresponding modification of meaning
from demonstrative to pronominal significance, as is indicated
not only by their expressing distance as opposed to the proximity
of mep and met, but by their being less specifically endowed with
deiktic reference of any kind. This development of quasi-pro-
nominal forms from the demonstrative expressing proximity is
interesting because unusual. In Yuki and Yokuts the indefinite
demonstrative of distance fulfills the function of the pronoun
of the third person ; just as Latin ille, not hie, grow into Romance
the and he.
The demonstratives not only take the numerous locative and
instrumental case-suffixes, but, together with the personal pro-
nouns, are the chief recipients of the objective suffix -al and the
possessive -ibax. This restriction of use of these two syntactical
case-suffixes differentiates them in character from the correspond-
ing case-endings of for instance Yuki, Maidu, and Yokuts. The
length of -ibax makes it look little like a genuine syntactical
case. The objective -al may be related to the directive-termina-
328 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
tive -1 or -alal. The possessive has also a benef active meaning:
wa-x is my or for me.
me hee, this one
u gai he, that land
u-ba gai he, that land
mep ba hikiba, he-is-the-one-who it did
u-ba-ya, there
u-mip, he, distant
o-he-mip, he, more distant
o-ya ba ihiba, there it was
O-G< ai, that-one too
me-G'ai, this-one also
u-ba-c'a balai ba e, there blood that is
me ba balai he e G'ida-o'ida-k, that blood is red
dakir u-ba Gauk e, great that man is
u-ba mi-kate hee, that one by you
u-ba-ibax, his
ku-ba sandia hee dabekmakme, those melons divide ye!
The ordinary demonstratives precede the noun; but he and
ek follow and are more or less enclitic. He, or hee, means the
or this; its omission makes the noun translatable by its English
equivalent with the indefinite article a.
When an animate noun is subject of a transitive verb, he
alone is not used with it. Either the personal pronoun must be
added, forming a tautological he-mip; or ek, yek, is postposed.
In the plural ek is replaced by the quasi-pronominal bek, to
which it is no doubt related either in origin or by analogy. Bek
is not confined to the subjective, and shows the form bek-al and
bek-ibax.
o-ba gai he, that land
o-he-mip, he, distant
kui hee, not that one!
tee hee, which onef
uba hee, that one
mibax noaha hee da mi mara, your knife do you like?
winhawa yek wi kadakhiba, my friend me cut
masa'n ek G'ai hi'ntil ek G'ai wa guma kilmawakhiba, white-man
and Indian we fought-together
ha bekal kilwahiba, I them fought
ba masan he mip wi kadakhiba, that white-man he me cut
me xa hee dakir xa-mo'-e, this water very deep is
ba' ha masa'n hee gutcia-i pako'hoba, that I white-man the knife-
with stabbed
mex bek wi marakiaika, my-elder-brothers they me like
mex milbax ek wi marakiale, my-elder-brothers one-of-them me likes
1911] Eroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 329
The enclitic he is no doubt related to hi, hi-bax, he-k-ibax,
his own, their own. Perhaps the reflexive k'e-hei, self, is also
related to he. Ba-bax, his, bek-ibax, their, contrast with hi-bax,
he-k-ibax.
mi-p hi-bax cawi di-ko-y-a, he struck his own boy
mi-p ba-bax oawi di-ko-y-a, he struck his (ejus) boy
mi-p mip-ibax cawi di-ko-y-a, he struck his (ejus) boy
bek heg-ibax Gawi di-ko-yak-i, they struck their own boy
Hi has sometimes relative force: ie'anxa gunula hemip hi
hola kidi-1-ba xabe-na pidiakele, then Coyote he which sack he-
carried rock-on broke.
The element hi also occurs in combination with bek when
relatives by marriage (except brothers-in-law or sisters-in-law)
are addressed or spoken of. As already mentioned, such rela-
tives address each other throughout with plural forms as a sign
of respect. Bek would therefore take the place of ek; but the
form usually found is hi-bek, or hi-bek-al. Use of singular ek or
yek implies that the marriage has terminated in a separation.
If however the wife has died, her husband continues to address
her relatives with the respectful hi-bek. Such forms seem even
to take the place of personal pronouns: bekal, them, meaning
you, much like German Sie.
wimaca yekal, my ex-parent-in-law
wimaca hibekal, my parent-in-law, or parent of my dead wife
bekal hane, parent-in-law, say!
kanhimi mal butsigi hibekal, say, ye old-man them (say, father-in-
law!)
Besides hi, u is sometimes combined with bek :
kanhimi ubek, say, my daughter-in-law!
kanhimi wimaca hubek, say, my mother-in-law!
The use of the plural in this connection does not however go
beyond demonstrative and inflectional elements. Only singular
noun stems and verb stems are used. Thus, mal da-o' ara hibekal,
ye old- woman them, not maa'atcura, old women; gok-mi,
"stehen Sie," a singular stem with plural ending, as compared
with gok-im, "stehe du," and pilik-mi, "stehet ihr!"
Enclitics or suffixes expressing indefiniteness are -o'a, -lal,
-ula, -laye. Informants translate these by "kind" or "sort."
330 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
Kuyula, others, seems to be kui, not, and -ula, kind, -laye seems
to be most specifically indefinite.
haiu-laye wi G'anehiba, some dog me bit
daiawal-ula, young women, young-woman-kind
masa'n-ulu, masan o'omtsa-la, whites, plural of masan, white-man
kaiu-la mipal G< aneheba, dog-kind them bit
ha masan-ula-1 ganud-ed-elhiba, I a-white-man (or, to-the-whites)
was telling something.
Other indefinites are mil-bax, one of, selected from; kumu,
all; o'omtsa, many; dolema, several, literally four-five, dol-lema.
Xon-al is one another, objective.
eau G'omtsa lia, people many died
oau nudal-dal-a G'omtsa e, persons dead many are (lying about)
wal gumu lia-y-eg'a, we all shall-die
dolema pit 'ahaba G< araya, several there-were women
wax haiu mil-bax ek wi G'ania, one of my dogs bit me
buragal G'ai ha guta'haba bice' G'ai xotc, bice he mil-bax ha gali
go'xhiba, bear I saw deer also two, deer of -them I one shot
INTERROGATIVE S.
Interrogatives, also used as indefinites and relatives, are am,
ki, and tee. Am is who?, what?, something, which, someone, he
who. Ki-a is who? Tee-he is which one? tce-a, somewhere,
where ?
ha am boolhiba, I something was hunting
kia da ba, who is that?
kia da mi kadake, who you cut?
tee hee, which one?
me hee, this one
am ba da ma marakiala, what-for that you like?
masan ki am yeheka, he has done something wonderful
tee xabe hee da baten-e, which rock is the largest?
ha am xadim milbax ha sididioi, I what biting of I swallow
am cauk da ma gar-k-a, what-kind-of-a person do you see?
ADJECTIVES.
The adjective is more frequently found in duplicated form
than any other part of speech. An attributive ending is -k,
which is no doubt the same suffix as a -k making nouns of verbs.
Adjective stems used as predicates seem to end in -k-i or -e,
which is possibly a slurring of the verbal present tense-suffix -a,
sometimes heard as -e. Many adjectives show neither ending.
1911] Kroebcr: Languages North of San Francisco. 331
e, ha haiu c'ida-c'ida-k gar-hiba, yes, I saw a red dog
wax haiu hee c'ida-G'ida-ki, my dog is red
haiu pit 'au, a white dog
ha pit'auw-e, I am white
Ga-hiem-k, one who watches a house (compare ga-hiem-xale, house-
watcher, as a permanent occupation)
xo batln ha garhiba, fire large I saw
pit'au-k bawe e, it is the white one
gili-gili-k, black
ADVERBS.
Adverbs and conjunctions, so far as expressed by separate
words, call for little comment. Interrogation is expressed by the
particle da, at the head of the sentence, or preceding the pro-
nouns. The negative is similarly expressed by kui, and not by
any affix of the verb. Le occurs in optative phrases translated
by "let us." Conjunctions answering to English "and" and
"or" are o'ai, postposed, and he, preposed. Both often occur in
pairs, like English both . . . and, either ... or. There are no
connectives or introductory particles corresponding to those
which are so important in Yuki and Washo. This lack of intro-
ductory words is so complete as to make it difficult to separate
one sentence from the next in texts.
da, interrogation
kui, no, not
&, yes
le, optative
min, thus (cf. me, this)
isa, thus
maco, like
dakere, very (dakir, great, extreme, adj.)
si, very, strongly, fast, hard
ikwita, perhaps
bitemayau, always
namk ', always, constantly
tibalc' amak, often
co, now
to, now, immediate future
co-a-da-mal, to-day (da, sun)
to-a-da-wal, to-day
da-ka, yesterday
duwe-m, to-morrow (duw-ina, at night)
dok, long ago, sometime, ever
yu, already
yu-1, a while ago
ya-yu, for a time
yu-pa, again
332 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
NUMERALS.
The numerals in all the Porno dialects have been given in
Dr. Barrett's paper in this series, and analyzed in a comparative
paper on the numeral systems of California. 48 The Porno
numeral system seems to be quinary-vigesimal, and the Porno
territory to be the center of an area in northern California over
which this system has to some extent spread; but in the higher
numbers, on the other hand, the Porno vigesimal method has in
some dialects yielded before the influence of the decimal counting
of neighboring people. The adverbial numeral is formed by -nai,
"times."
xotc-i-nai, twice
lema-nai, five times
VERBS.
The Porno verb is completely non-pronominal, that is, non-
incorporative.
It seems that in most American languages using both prefixes
and suffixes, the affixes to the verb, barring pronominal elements,
tend to precede the stem when they are comparatively concrete
or non-formal in significance, and to follow it as they are more
purely grammatical or modal. Porno is no exception. Adverbial
and instrumental ideas are embodied in prefixes, conceptions of
tense, mode, and number in suffixes.
Many affixes are readily distinguished as such ; but there are
some elements whose nature, whether affix or stem, is uncertain.
Di and be have the appearance of being affixes denoting singu-
larity or plurality of the object of the verb ; but it is more likely
that they are indefinite stems, meaning to move one and to move
several, which are used in verbal complexes whose specific force
is due more to their affixes than to these stems. A similar con-
trasting pair are -p and -m, appearing to refer respectively to
position, pointing, or intransitiveness, and to motion, putting,
or transitiveness.
48 E. B. Dixon and A. L. Kroeber, Numeral Systems of the Languages
of California, American Anthropologist, n.s., IX, 676, 686, 1907.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 333
ha cau-du-di-kil-hiba, I drove-(him)-in-repeatedly
ha oau-du-be-kil-hiba, I drove-(them)-in-repeatedly
wa oau-du-di-kima, we drove-(him)-in
wa cau-du-be-kima, we drove- (them) -in
mi ha cau-du-di-kil-hiba, thee I drove-in-repeatedly
mal ha oau-du-be-kil-hiba, you I drove-in-repeatedly
wi bihya-xam ba ca-di-m-im, me hand-in that shove-through!
wi bihya-xam ba ca-be-m-im, me hands-in that shove-through!
bo-1 ca-be-p-ki-mi, west point-them!
ca-di-p-ki-m, move it, point it!
ca-di-m-ki-m, move it, cause it to travel!
Some affixes occur in contrasting pairs : kul-, gur ; di-, co- ;
di-, ke- ; -1, -k ; -ma, -ki.
Adverbial prefixes are the most loosely connected with the
verb, and sometimes are heard as separate words. Thus oa-u-,
or ga-u-, in, into, and oa-1 or ga-1, into, to or in the house, are
evidently formed from oa, house, and the case-suffixes -u, in, and
-1, to. The terminative or directive -1 appears also in xo-1-, out ;
compare the adverb xo, out. Ku-1- and li-1-, away, off, probably
show the same element. This is the more probable from the fact
that, excepting these -1- forms and two prefixes gur- and mar-
showing -r-, all ascertained prefixes, whether adverbial or instru-
mental, end in vowels.
Ga-u-, ga-u-, in, into
Ga-1-, ga-1-, in house, to house, into
xo-1-, out
li-1, away
ku-1, away
ku-r, gu-r, toward
mar-, down
gayu-, up
xamal-, back
tsa-, away
ca-, through
ma-, across, opposite
Examples :
gur-uhu-m, come here!
le xamal-pil-iba, let us go back!
gal-uhu-i ha, I went home
ca-t'ol-im, punch it through!
lil-ani-a, threw it (away)
kul-ani-m, throw it away!
me-a gur-ma-hu-m, here come-across!
o-ya lil-ma-hu-m, there go-across!
334 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
dadai xol-pili-mi, on-the-path go-ye-off!
gur-ma-biki-m, face here!
kul-ma-gadi-ba, let us run across to there
mar-pile-li, they went down
gayu-gap-ki, jumped up
Gal-oho-le, come home
me-a xol-pili-a, here they-came
bek tsa-pili-a, they went-away
The terms of direction co, east, bo, west, yo, south, kuhu-,
north, may be included among prefixes, as they are at times fused
with the verb-stem.
ha co-hu-bae, I am going east (uhu, go)
This is however not always the case.
ha bo am boo-1-hiba, I in-the-west something was-hunting
Gayu, up, is also both independent adverb and prefix.
Instrumental prefixes are numerous. There seem to be
several that have not yet been positively determined. They
specify actions performed with parts of the body, with spatial
parts of objects or objects of certain shape, and with objects of
certain properties, such as softness. They are of course used
almost entirely with stems denoting motion or dynamic actions.
di-, with something round
co-, with something long
pi, with an edge moving broadside (ax)
ga-, with an edge drawn lengthwise
G<a-, with two edges, with the teeth
si-, with the mouth, with the tongue
du-, da- with the hand, with the fingers
mi-, ma-, with the hand, with the foot
ba-, with the head or parts of the head
pa-, with the end, point
ki-, with a hard thing
gu-, with a soft thing
ca-, with the end or point ( ca-, through)
The following seem to denote not the instrument but the
object of the action.
di-, a round object (cf. instrumental di-)
k'e-, a long object
In this connection may also be mentioned an element pu-,
found in several verbs denoting breathing ; though whether it is
instrumental prefix or stem is not certain.
1911] Kroebcr: Languages North of San Francisco. 335
Examples :
ha mi xai-yai co-ol-bae, I you stick-with will-throw-at
co-xa, to saw, cut with a long object
ha mip-al xabe-i di-ko-hoba, I him stone-with struck
di-dak-g'a, split, as one stone with another
pi-xa, to cut with an ax, chop
pi-t 'ap-ki-a, slapped, skinned, chipped off
pi-dak-g'a, split
ga-xa, to cut or saw off with a knife
ga-xar-a, shaves off
ga-gap-ki, to split by pressing with a knife
G'a-wa-1-hiba, ate, chewed
G'a-ne-hiba, bit
o'a-xa, to cut with scissors
G'a-tadadak, flatten with the teeth
G'a-bec-ki, cut off a soft object with the teeth, with scissors, or by
rolling a wheel over it
si-G'al-a, licks it off
si-wor-ki-m, stir it with the tongue!
du-tadadak, squeeze flat with the fingers
du-dak-G'a. split with finger-nails
du-t 'a, touch with hand or fingers
da-G'al-a, rubs off with hand
du-yi, count, teach, show
mi-yi, count
mi-sax-ki-hiba, kicked
ma-hut-ki, break by pressure of feet
ma-les-ki, crush with the foot
ma-tadadak, flatten with the foot
ma-lat-ki, crush with the hand
ma-wor-ki-m, stir with the foot!
ba-ko-hoba, butted, hit with the head
ba-gap-ki, split with the teeth, by pecking with the bill
ba-t'a, touch with the head or tongue
ba-t-a, tell
ba-qo, tell
ba-tsan, preach
ba-yi, teach
pa-ko, stab
pa-les-ki, crush as with a pestle
ki-tadadak, flatten with a stick
ki-luk-hiba, rubbed it on with a stick or brush
ki-les-ki, to smear with a hard object
ki-o'el-a, rubs off with a board
gu-luk-hiba, rubbed it on with a rag
gu-o'al-a, wipes it off with skin, rags, paper, or meat
ca-t'a-m, touch it with the end!
di-ma, to hold a round object
k'e-ma, to hold a long object
k 'e-la, carries a long one
336 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
A prefix gado- seems to denote "with the shoulder," while
the noun kidi, back, is used both as a prefix and as a verb mean-
ing to carry on the back, much as in English we "shoulder" a
burden.
gado-la, carry an object on the shoulder
bihya-xam ba gado-mi, hand-on that hold-ye!
kidi-la, carry an object on the back
kidi-ga, hold on the back
gau-kidi-m, carry it indoors on your back!
Suffixes express tense and mode and make verbal nouns. There
are also a transitive, a causative, a frequentative ; four suffixes of
number ; and, strange to say, a suffix with the meaning ' ' around, ' '
where one would expect a prefix. It is likely that the real
or former meaning of this suffix was modal, not spatial. The
suffixes of number in transitive verbs refer to the subject and
not the object. The suffixes of tense and mode follow the others.
There seems to be no inchoative, the independent verb bayipki,
begin, being used as an auxiliary. While the fact that the
speaker makes his statement on the authority of others is
expressed by the suffix -li, a particle xa usually also accompanies
such statements.
-1, singular subject
-k, -aki, plural subject
-ki, singular subject (less frequent)
-ma, plural subject (less frequent)
-mli, -mal, around
-kil, frequentative, continuative
-ki, -xi, transitive
-G'a, -c'era, causative
-a, present, immediate past
-hiba, past
-hi, past, less frequently used
-eo'a, future
-bae, purposive future, conditional intentive
-kima, usitative past, continuative perfect .
-ne, -ni, apparentative, "must have"
-nki, putative
-li, quotative, "dubitative"
-kile, past (quotative?)
-aeli, conditional
-m, imperative
-mi, imperative, plural subject
-xale, agent, habitual
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 337
-k, agent, verbal noun, attributive adjective
-e, -k-i, predicative adjective
-pi, -pila, if, until
-witca, although
gaia, after
-mak, have, to be provided with
Examples:
G'a-wa-ik-mi, eat ye!
wa mai G'a-wa-ik-a, we food eat
mai ha G'a-wa-1-e, food I eat
wi mara-ki-aik-a, me they-like
ha mara-ki-al-a, I like-them
ba u mara-haba, that me pleased
Zok-a, it dropped!
Zok-ane, it must have fallen
tee-ami Gauk da ma pa-ko-y-aeli, what-kind-of man (interrog.) you
stab-would f
pa-ko-yeo'a, will stab
ha pa-ko-y-aeli-hiba, I would-have-stabbed-him
wi sinem-pila, I if-had-been-able
wi da ma gar-a, me do you see?
wi da ma gar-ma, me do you (father-in-law) see?
wa mi gar-ma, we thee see
ha mai gar-ki-ba, I you saw
xa am nis yehek-li, it-is-said something evil he-has-done
wa bici kil-o'a-yaki-hi, we a-deer hang-made
cik-ma, they say
ha cik-a, I said
mip am boo-1-aeli, he something could-hunt
mip xa am boo-li, he it-is-said something hunted
bek am boo-yaki-a, they hunted
bek xa am boo-yake-li, they hunted, they say
ha kuhul-uhu-bae, I north-go-will
ha o'ai am boo-yeo'a, I also something hunt-shall
mip am guhu-nki, he something is-reported-to-be-eating
me-a buci buragal wal-ine, here some-time-ago bear must-have-passed
guma-kil-ma-wa-k-hiba, fought together
mal-inki, is going about (without having been seen)
gaki-G'a, make sit down
gap-ki-o'a, cause to jump
guhu-xi, make eat
kilwa-xi, make him fight
kil-ma-wa-k-G' a-bae, will make them fight
yiba-mak, has a tail
a-mak, it has horns
pidik-a, it is dark
pidik-a-yeo'a, it is getting dark, it will soon be dark
pidi-pida-nki, it looks dark
wa gap duhye-ki-bae, we jumping cease-will
338 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
ha am boo-1 duhye-bae, I hunting cease-will
ha mi mer-G'a-bae, I you lie-cause-will, I will leave you here
ha mi ba d-ed-e-1-kil-hiba, I you that told-continually
wa mi d-ed-e-ik-a, or d-ed-e-yaki-a, we you tell
wi am bayi-1-xale, me something teaches-who, my teacher
wal am bayi-k-xale, our teachers
bek wi bayi-k-a, they me teach
ha si-hyil-k-hiba, I vomited
wa pucul-m-a, we blow
durhic* a-y-aki-a, they cheated
xo-kidi-mli-m ba, fire-carry-around that!
da ma wi-nalal gur-ak-ae'a, will you me-to carry-it?
yowa-1 kide-G'a-m, carry it down!
Gaw-uhu-m, enter thou!
Gau-pili-mi, enter ye!
ha gai-na mer-G' aki-hi, I ground-on lay-down
e ha yu guhu-hu, yes I already have-eaten
gamal-kil-hi, he sat continually
bek ca-uwa tsa-pili-hi, they home-from away-went
wi xapid-a-nki, I am sorry
wi xapid-a-pi, please
ha xapid-a-ki-al-hiba, I pitied
wi xapid-a-ki-aik-mi, me pity-ye!
G'awi yo-G'a-m, boy become-make-yourself !
mip G'awi yo-kil-hiba, he boy became-always
kil-a, it hangs
xale-na ha kil-hiba, tree-on I hung
xale-na ha tcasulem kil-G' a-haba, tree-on I a-rope hung
xale-na ha k'ehei kil-G' a-ki-hiba, tree-on I self made-to-hang
ma wi manak-akwi-pila, you me pay-not-if
wi mara-ki-al-pi mip, toadamal wi hetc-bae, me likes-if he, to-day
me visit-will
xa xa mipal-wina ne-mle-li, water it-is-said him-over covered-around
wi lil-uhu-G'a-m, let me go!
wi ba-ya lil-uhu-ne-heba, I was going there (said if action was
invisible, as through blindness)
Ga-hiem-xale, permanent house-watcher
Ga-hiem-k, occasional house-watcher
da ma hiem-kima, did you formerly-always-watch-it?
cak-im wax, kill-it for-me!
ha buragal cox-witca ha com-hiba, I bear shot-at-though I missed
ha mi manak-bae wi ma baqo-pila, I you pay-will me you inform-if
ha mi manak-pila, di ma wi baqo-y-aele, I you paid-if, you me
inform-could?
ha pa-sax-ki-gaia ha kul-uhu-huba, I hit-after I off -went
me-a dad-ui-mal-im, here creep-around!
wa mi gar-ma-kima-haba xaiumi, we you saw-constantly formerly
ha dok G'omtsa mel-kil-hiba intca ha butsegi yu e to, I formerly
much used-to-know but I old-man already am now
1911] h'roeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 339
Occasionally the tense suffix is detached from the verb and
added to the negative kui or akui.
ha yul buragal com-witca ha kui-hiba cox, I formerly a-bear missed-
but I not-did shoot
The reciprocal is expressed by the plural suffix -ma, sometimes
with xon-al added.
ba ki xonal da-bek-ma-kima, they used to parcel out to one another
xonal wa kil-ma-wa-k-hiba, we fought each other
masan-ek-G'ai hintil-ek-G'ai wa guma-kil-ma-wa-k-hiba, white-man-
and Indian-both we fought-each-other
Duplication is not so common in the verb as in the adjective,
but is not infrequent. It indicates repetition or continuation;
duplication of only part of the stem reduplication does not
seem to be usual.
wi ganu-ganuk-im, speak to me!
cauk mudal-dal-a c'omtsa e, many people are dead
wa gumu mudal-dal-aka-oG'a, we all shall die.
d-ed-e-1-a, tells
maru-maru-m, tell myths!
mati-mati-ki-m, fill it full!
wi pira-pira-m, fan me quickly! (wi pili-m, fan me!)
da mi xadu-xadum-a, do you dream?
xa-tsibo-tsibok-pila, water-bubbles-if
ha gap-ki-a, I jump! ha gap-gap-ki-a, I make several jumps
wa gap-ma, gap-gap-ma, we ibid.
There are instances that resemble incorporation of the noun-
object, but they cannot be positively set down as such. The
object often immediately precedes the verb ; it is unmarked by a
case-suffix ; and like most words it commonly ends in a vowel and
therefore readily runs into one sound-complex with the following
verb without actually being united with it.
xo-kidi-mli-m ba, fire-carry-around that!
xai-kil-G'a, stick-hang-make, to institute a dance
xai-bat-en-kil-c'a-yake-le, make a big dance
xai-dakal-ake-le, finished dancing
There are also instances of what appear to be compound verbs,
but which are perhaps only two verbs in juxtaposition, the first
lacking tense-mode suffixes and in subordination to the second.
sima-negi-m, sleep! sleep-go-to!
sima-mer-hiba, sleeping lay
340 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
The following verbs show different stems in singular and
plural. There are no doubt others. Those that are transitive are
usually used in the plural form if the object is plural. Verbal
suffixes of plurality, on the other hand, refer to the subject even
in transitive verbs.
die, mudal, plural mudal-dal, lia
kill, duli, dut., plural eak
eat, guhu, plural G'a-wa
stand, gok, yuhu, G<o, plural pil, c'ula
sit, ga, plural napo
lie, mer, plural gudem, pid
hang, kil, plural liki, pubi
give, die' a, plural sixa, silax
run, aga, plural gadi
walk, wal, mal, plural pil
go, uhu, plural pili
hold, ma, plural subject, sa
Certain verbs, especially of mental or physiological action,
are used with their subject in the objective case unless they are
specially provided with the transitive suffix. This is one of the
specific features in which Porno resembles Yuki.
wi mi mara', I like you
ha mi mara-ki-al-a, I like you
wi si-hyil-a-eG< a-nki, I feel that I shall vomit
ha si-hyil-bae, I will make myself vomit
COMPOSITION AND DERIVATION.
The list of adverbs that has been given shows that there is
derivation in Porno. The process is not conspicuous in the
language because its function in the verb is nearly filled by the
adverbial-instrumental prefixes which have been discussed among
grammatical elements, and because in the noun composition
appears largely to take the place of derivation. Compounds like
yu-xa, eye-water, cima-mo, ear-hole, xa-hola, day-sack, bihya-
tsuxai, hand-fingers, xama-tsuxai-hrik, toe-nails, are frequent.
Affixes deriving nouns from substantival or verbal stems, such
as are important in Yuki and in many other languages, have not
been found. Hya is wind or blow, bati arrow or shoot, kidi back
or carry. The order of composition is the most common
American one: the determining noun precedes, the determining
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 341
verb follows, the regent noun : xa-t-om, waves ; xai-t-ada-t-ada-ya,
stick-flat, boards; q'us-dalutegi, baby-wrap, placenta. That
noun-composition is of much importance, is evident from words
denoting parts of the body. Hya, bone, kidi, back, kidi-hya,
back-bone; t'a, buttocks, t'a-mo, anus; g'o or g'o-mo, navel;
tsi 'me, hair, fur, ai-tsi 'me, pubic hair, ui-tsi 'me, eye-lash ; ui-kui,
eye-brow, ui-mo, face. Bihya, hand, perhaps contains mi-, with
the hand or foot, and hya, bone; xama, foot, may contain the
element ma-, synonymous with mi-. Da-o'ol is kidney, ya-c'ol
testicle. Tsida is skin, xa-tsida mouth, xa-tsutsu beard.
Mi-hya-kabo, throat, suggests hya, wind, blow. Names of animals
show some reduplication; gigi, otter, ba-zim-zim, chipmunk.
Noun-stems can be used as verbs, and verb-stems as nouns ; maru
is both a myth and to tell myths; xo, fire, xo-ki, to make fiery,
to become angry; na-sima-gaiai, rear-sleep-place-of, rear-bed-
room, from na, back of house, opposite door, sima, to sleep, and
probably instrumental -yai, of gai, earth.
VERB STEMS.
The following verb stems or near-stems have been determined.
Some of these can occur without adverbial and instrumental
prefixes; others have been found only in connection with these
prefixes. Some stems are of quite indefinite meaning, depending
for their specific meaning on an instrumental prefix. Thus ba-ko
to butt, pa-ko to stab, mi-ko to kick, di-ko to strike with a round
or square object; ba-yi to teach, mi-yi to count, du-yi to show,
teach, or count. Other stems are limited, without any prefixes,
to actions performed on certain classes of objects, as an, to throw
a long or flat object, ban, to throw a small or round object.
Others which appear to be limited instrumentally, are so prob-
ably only in translation : ak and ap, to carry in the hand and to
carry in the arms, probably mean to carry a small object and
to carry a long or large one.
aga, run (sing.) ban, throw a round object, put
ak, carry in the hand bar, babar, deceive
an, throw a long or flat object bas, rub, smudge
ap, carry in the arms or held bati, shoot
against the body bayipki, begin
342 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
bee, cut off
bill, suck, eat mush
bo ', boo, hunt
bol, pour
bot, shatter, split by throwing
cak, eaka, kill (plur. obj.)
cal, visit
cama, say no, dissuade
cik, say
cok, hear
com, shoot at, miss
cudim, come
sup 'at, jerk off
dad-ui, creep
dak, split
da-ko, catch
dal, break up by pounding
dawi, stuff, put in
dec', take, carry
didik, stop
di-G'a, give (sing, obj.)
dika, start to
die', diq, swallow
doc, strike
dop, cut off
duhye, stop, cease
duix, urge
duli, dut-, kill (sing, obj.)
dur-hi, du-dur, cheat
dut-, tie up, roll up
d-aq, mash
d-ed-e, tell
djo, peck
ga, sit (sing.)
gadi, run (plur.)
ganuk, speak (cf. ni, nu.)
gap, split
gap, jump
gar, see
gik, jab, strike
gubi, put in
gudem, lie (plur. of animate
beings)
guden, shoot (plur.)
guhu, eat (sing, obj.)
gule, complete, do entirely
guta, find, see
oa-ma, oa-ki, sit (sing.)
codo, roll
Gox, shoot and hit
ma-Gox, shout
G'a, gamble
G<a, fill, be full
o'ada, hate
G'al, wipe, rub off
G< al, lift
G'ana, drive
G'atc, whittle off
G'a-wa, eat (plur. obj.) cf.
G< a, full
G'a-wim, build house
G'o, gok, stand, be (sing, of
inanimate objects)
G'oki, drink
c'ula, stand (plur.) ,
hetc, visit, see, look
hiem, watch
ho, draw up, bunch
hu, do
hut, crack, split, shatter
hya, blow, be wind
hyek, end
hyil, vomit
kadi, come, reach, go
ki, pick up, lift, carry, bring
kia, dance
kidi, carry on back
kil, be hanging (sing.)
ko, strike
kul, fear
k'em, be, continue
k'iuk, cool
la, carry
lat, mash
lekida, glad
les, smear, flatten, mash
lex, melt, dissolve
lia, die, dead (plur.)
liki, hang (plur.; trans, and
intrans.)
lorn, make noise
lox, tie, roll up
luk, rub on
iok, drop in
ma, hold (sing, subj.)
ma-bi, ma-yap, face, look
madi, fill tight, jam
maca, search, look for
1911]
Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco.
343
m;ik, raise a liquid
mal, = wal
mad-u, Buck blood
iii:uia k. pay
maru, tell traditions
maxar, cry
me, know
mer, lie (sing.)
mihyam, be reluctant, stingy
minam, full, fill
mondo, pile up
mudal, die, dead
Miumu, try
napo. sit (plur.)
ne, overflow, float
ne, bite
negi, nek, go to
ni, nu, say, speak
nu-wa, urge
ok, answer
ol, throw at
padi, swim
pawil, curl, wrap
pibak, come, appear
pid, lie (plur.)
pid-ak, pad-ak, break
pi-li, pi-ra, fan
pil, stand, walk (plur.)
pili, go (plur.)
pit'e, full
pu-cen, pu-t'am, take breath
pu-cul, blow
pu-c'a, whistle
pubi, hang (plur. of intrans.
subj. or trans, obj.)
pudi, steal
puhye, slow, slack (cf. hyek)
pusut. cool
qo, tie, make hang
ba-qo, tell
sa, hold (plur. subj.)
sam, make fire
sax, strike, hit
sima, sleep
sixa, silax, give (plur. obj.)
tadadak, flatten, squeeze
t'a, touch, overtake
t'ap, slap, skin, chip, split off,
whittle
t'es, cut off, whittle
t'ik, remain at
tsa, chew
ba-tsan, preach
tsari, be angry
tseixki, be sorry
tsibok, bubble
tsom, finish, die
bi-tcu, gnaw off
uhu, go, come (sing.)
wa, chew, eat (plur. obj.)
wa, wal, mal, walk, go, pass
wor, stir
xa, cut, cut off
xadum, dream
si-xal, cry
xapida, pity, be sorry
xar, shave
xaxak, ask, require
xe, sing
yehe, do
yi, teach, count, show
yo, become
yuhu, stand (sing.)
Dok xa
Long ago it In said
xatunu'dal-o' ai
a species of lizard and
TEXT,
napo'-kil-i ba-y-a'wa
town-eontinually-was. That-from
tara'o' ai xa co-1
wasp it is said east-ward
boo'-iak-le duw-i'na oai
bunted (pi.) night-at.
wi'axo baca'latso G' ai
star* Pleiades and
pidi'-k 'em-ide
Dark continued,
kui k'e'ra-kil-e
not were.
la
xa
. it is said
bice'
deer
ku'i
not
bat-i'-ai
Arrow-with
344 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
boo'-yake-le bice' xatunu'dal-ek aVolde-le
hunted deer lizard-he using deer mask (?)
co'-pil-eli co'-danu-na bice' maaa'-ik co'-lila
east-went (pi.) East-mountain-on deer seeking, east-far
bice' guta-yakl'-kui mmidai'xa xatunu'dal-he-mip
deer seeing-(pl.)-not, at that time lizard-he
co xaa' guta-le ba-y-awa xa qama'1-pil-eli
east light saw. That-from it is said back-went (pi.),
bice boo-ik baXa'-yaki napo'-na ga'1-pil-eli
deer hunting leaving, town-to home-went
he'g-ibax napo'-mil hi-ibax qaug-ula-1 xa-dje-dje-li
their town-to. His people told
co hi xaa' guta i'a'an-xa kunu'la bii'tcige
east he day saw. Then Coyote old man
xa-nariwa qa co'-pil-ele 49 xaa'-hola ba
turtle and(?) east-went (pi.) daylight-sack that
pudi'-bae 50 pil-a'li pil-a'li co co'-pil-eli mm
steal-would. Went (pi.) went east east-went, thus
pil-a'li pil-a'li duw-ina tarao'ay-ek o'ai
went, went, night-at wasp-he and
xa-na'riwa-G* ai pil-a'li etc. . . .
turtle-and went,
kunu'la bu'tcige he-mi'p hi-mara-xa yox-kil-e
Coyote old man he what-desired made-always ;
cela-yoa'an aawi'-o' a-yoa' an bu'tcige-o' a-yoo' an am
young-man-became, boy-became old-man-became, what
ba du'rnio' a-l-ba napu'-na xo'-l-pil-eli xanariwa-i-himak
that cheat-would. Town-to to (?) went turtle-with.
mm xa marakai xo'-l-pil-eli bai xa cawi-k
Thus dance-honse to-went. There boy-s
xotc napo-le marake-bai kunu'la he-mi'p xa
two lived dance-house-in. Coyote he
qa'w-oho-le qa'w-uhu-io' a o'awi-k he-be'k-al nme'Xi-le
in- went; in-go-would. Boys them asked,
guhula-bax ganu-k-le ba-ia wax oawi-k-ula a'm da
north-of spoke there: "My boys, what (int.)
uba ki'-l-a 51 niVane-le kunu'la he-mip I'o'an-xa
that hangs?" Said Coyote he. Then
49 Heard as cop-hil-ele. Evidently p is well aspirated.
50 Heard as bap-hudi-ba.
si The equivalent in Eastern Porno is here substituted. The original
Northern Porno runs: awl-qawia qota awel cilina'.
Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 345
oawi'-k-he-bek wa'-l ku'i-hiba kiba ba-baqd'-o' -aki wa-1
boys-they: "Us not tell (pi. ); us
ki-mana-k-pila-ga xa-ele ba wa ba-baqo'-yaki-ba mm
pay-if, it we tell- (pi.) -will. Thus
wa-1 ni'k-bek ha'rik-bek tse'ts-bek ce'x-bek
us mothers, fathers, mothers' brothers, mothers' sisters ,
g'a'ta-bek ga'ts-bek vva-1 bayi'-k-iba intcaxa
mothers' mothers, mothers' fathers, us instructed." Nevertheless
yu-pa kunu'la he-ralp nine'-Xi-le kunula
again Coyote he asked: (As above.) Coyote
he-mip nini'-nine-le pucu'i ca-be-p-ki
he kept asking. " Shell -ornaments making- them-move-through
wa'-l cima'-mo ca-be'-m-pila'-k'axa wa
us ear-hole through-them-put-if-then we
ba-baqo'-yaki-ba ia'an-xa kunu'-la he-mip hola-k'alu'l
tell (pi.) -will." Then Coyote he bag-dry
ki-di'-m-du-li ba'-ibax-ka pucu'i cima'-mo ca-be'-m-li
carried. That-of shells ear-hole put through
cawi-k-he-be'g-al ba-qo-ba am-bai' ia'an-xa baqo'-yake-li
boys-them tell-would what-in. Then told:
kunu'la ho'la-bai kunula hola-yai xaa'-hola ba-e
"Coyote, bag-in. Coyote, bag-with, light-bag that is,"
ni'nxalola oawi'-k- 'e-bek io'an-xa kunu'la he-mip
said boys-they. Then Coyote he
maxar-bayipke-le hi-bax oawi-k hola-iyai ki-xaa'-hola
cry-began, his-own boys bag-with light-bag
ki-o' a-o' a-yagi i'za ba-baku'min nm k'e'm-li mm
stuff (pretended). Thus was sorry. Then it-was. Thus
k'e'm-i xa-duwe'-k-li kunula butcegi he-mip xo-aga-le
it-was night-was. Coyote old man he out-ran
napo'-na cauk ku'i-dai xa-ele xa-du'we-k-le
town-at people not- (?) . Night was.
duwe'-k-an-xaki ma'rakai ki-xo'-sam-age-li xo-limba
Night-after-then dance-house fire-built (pi.). Fire-fan
min-pill'-ma ki-xo'-muhye-age-li xo-pusut-xanXa
thus fanned-each-other. Fire-cooled (pi.). Fire-cooled.
kunula butcige he-mip yo'o'ai oau-dad-u'-ile
Coyote old man he made himself honse-ln-came.
oa-uwa xaki bat 'a-y-ag^-le butcige hee da-ko'-me
House from then called (pi.): "Old man the catch-ye!
346 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
xo-ba ku'm-bae na-G'oni-mi xaki dako'-yage-li
Pire-in fall-might. At-back-lay-him ! " Then caught (pi.).
i'o'an-xa cabe'-yo k'a ha me'r-i-kil-hiba
Then " Center-post-ander I lie-always,"
yu'-cua ba-ba'r-hia' a-i 6' 6' min xakilo'le
he deceived. "Yes, yes," thus said,
heg-al kuma ma'l-hee mee'1-ma-kwi
them-to enemy ? -the knowing- (pi.) not.
NORTHERN POMO.
The following grammatical forms of the Northern Porno
dialect have been ascertained:
PRONOUN.
Subjective
Objective
Possessive
SI.
82.
a
ma
wito, tou
mito
ke
mil
S3m.
f.
n.
mou
man
mowal
madal
mul
mowa
mada
PI.
P2.
ya
ma
yal
yaa
P3.
pou
powa
Before terms of relationship the subjective forms are used
instead of the possessive.
CASE ENDINGS.
-nemu, nemi, in -yo, under (deep, hole)
-nemutu, from -diyi, with, near
-qa, to -wi, with, by means of
-mina, on
VERB PREFIXES.
ca-, with the side
pa-, with the end
ma-, with the foot
mi-, with the hand
pi-, by a falling edge
ci-, by a drawing edge
tea-, tcake-, with a severing or scraping motion
ka-, with a severing motion into a soft object
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 347
VERB SUFFIXES.
-ta, interrogative, usually enclitic to first word
-m, imperative, singular and plural
-ti, past and present
-tcaddi, future
-da, desiderative
-ka, -kai, causative
-tci, (f)
-ka, (f)
-n, ()
It appears that while a large proportion of the grammatical
elements of the Northern and Eastern dialects are different, the
plan of structure is essentially the same in the two languages.
348 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
YUKI.
The territory and divisions of the Yuki have been described
in previous publications of the Department, especially in Dr. S.
A. Barrett's ' ' Ethno-Geography of the Porno Indians." 52 This
work contains also vocabularies of the four principal Yuki
languages. These are the Yuki proper, in the drainage of the
Middle Fork of Eel river, that is to say, in the vicinity of the
present Round Valley reservation; the Huchnom, on South Eel
river; the Coast Yuki on the ocean west of the Yuki; and the
Wappo, to the south in the Geyserville-Calistoga region. The
Coast Yuki and the Wappo are separated, respectively by the
Athabascan Kato and by the Porno, from the Yuki proper and
the Huchnom. Dialectic differentiations occur within Yuki
proper and Wappo. Of the four languages, Wappo is the most
divergent. The dialect here reviewed is Yuki proper.
PHONETICS.
The phonetic system of Yuki is simple. It lacks velars, but
has two classes of t sounds, one being distinctly palatal (t-),
almost approximating English ch, the other interdental (t). Tc,
equivalent to English ch, is treated by the language as if it were
a single sound. In addition there are labials and post-palatals,
the latter apparently formed somewhat farther back in the mouth
than the ordinary English k sounds. This makes stops in five
positions, if the affricative tc is included. For each of these
positions there is also a stressed fortis surd, but no sonant stop. 528
There are also no fricatives other than s and c. The only nasals
are n and m. The k-nasal, fi, does not occur as an organic sound,
52 vi, 1-332, 1908.
52 To be exact, the ' ' surd ' ' stops are weakly aspirated and partially
sonant, probably during the explosion, when they are initial or followed
by a vowel; but fully surd, and strongly aspirated, when final. Theoreti-
cally gup and uk< would therefore be as correct an orthography as
kup and uk. Since "g" and "k'" are however only variations due
to position, and are organically the same sound, and as there is no other
k in the language except fortis k', the designation of both the initial
and final sound by k seems justified. It may be added that exactly the
same relation between initial and final stopped consonants exists in the
Shoshonean dialects and probably in a number of other American languages.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 349
but is found occasionally before k as an assimilation from m or n.
There appears to be only one n for the two t sounds. An 1 occurs,
but there is no r. S and c appear to be two distinct sounds, but
are similar.
k k! (ft)
to tc !
t- t- ! 8, c
t t! n
p p! m
1, w, y, h or ' , '
The vowels are five in number : i, a, a", o, and u. They are all
full sounds. 0, which is rather uncommon, is open. E does not
seem to occur as an original sound, but i takes on several varying
shades and sometimes comes nearer e than i. These forms of i
have been represented, as heard, by i and e. All the vowels may
occur followed by an aspiration, indicated by ', or by a glottal
stop, shown by '. The vowels when long do not change quality,
but are frequently doubled. All double vowels that have been
written without an intervening apostrophe or hyphen are equiva-
lent to a single long vowel. Vowels that occur between stems and
suffixes to prevent contact of two consonants are sometimes more
or less obscure. The sound i is most frequently employed in
this way.
All the vowels and all the consonants occur both initially and
finally. Final h, y, and w result in aspirated vowels or in
diphthongs.
Combinations of consonants, and true diphthongs, do not
occur at the beginning or end of words nor in stems. Conse-
quently there are no combinations of more than two consonants
even in composition and derivation. When consonants are
brought in contact by the union of stems, they either remain
unmodified, as in miit-lamciim, sky-shaman ; or there is an
assimilation as in a n mmis, from a n p mis; or a short vowel is
inserted, as in tat-i-si-mil. The first process is quite common.
The second, where the first two of the consonants is modified, is
unusual, occuring chiefly when one of the consonants is nasal.
P-m becomes m or more strictly mm. N-l and perhaps t-1 become
1. Mk and nk become iik. In accordance with the phonetic
character of the language, which is averse to modifications of
350 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
stem syllables, these assimilations are however often not made in
careful speech, both consonants being pronounced. The third
process, that of the intercalation of a short vowel, which is
usually i or obscure e, but occasionally o or u after an o or u
sound, is also quite common. It occurs before s, n, p, and other
consonants ; in most cases before verbal suffixes.
Diphthongs are not radical, as no stems have been found con-
taining a dipthong followed by a consonant. Stems ending in a
diphthong therefore really consist of a vowel followed by y or
w; nau n is na n w, iu is iw.
Just as vowels are sometimes inserted between consonants in
the process of derivation, so unaccented vowels are sometimes
dropped between two mutually compatible consonants; kam-o'l,
panther, kam-1-itc, wild cat.
In rapid speech there are a few contractions, such as of the
common preterite suffix -wi to -u.
There is no vocalic harmony or interinfluence of vowels.
It will be seen that phonetic changes are slight and do little
to disguise the structure of compounded or derived words.
The phonetics of Yuki can therefore be characterized as un-
usually simply and rigid. With all this quality and the pre-
dominance of monosyllabic stems, which lead to structural
transparency, there is however no approach to a monosyllabic
character phonetically. A word of several syllables is usually a
distinct unit to the ear, so that the difference between affixes and
independent particles is usually not difficult to determine.
GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES.
Practically the only morphological process of the language is
suffixation. By this means the language carries on all its gram-
matical business. Prefixes and infixes do not occur. Redupli-
cation and vocalic mutation are as good as absent. Position or
order of words is determined by custom, but can have no gram-
matical significance, as suffixes are regularly used for every
grammatical relation that could be expressed by position. The
combination of this unity of grammatical means with the rigidity
of phonetics, makes the structure of the language unusually
simple.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 351
Composition of independent stems is frequent. Between two
nouns, the qualifier precedes the qualified, as in English. When
a noun is combined with a verb, adjective, or adverb, the noun-
element however invariably precedes. For English round-house
Yuki would say house-round. Certain stems are used both as
independent words and as suffixes. Such is mik'al, around.
Similarly the common demonstrative ki, that, enters into relative
suffixes of verbs.
on-yu, earth-quake
mil-hap, deer-song
kitcil-wok, flint-dance
hul-uk, eye-water
hul-wak, eye-shake (loose woman)
nan uk, mouth-water
uk-hot-, water-large (ocean)
al-kat, wood-flat (board)
While there are noun-deriving and verb-forming suffixes,
and while their employment is frequent, the presence of a
suffix is not necessary to the use of a noun or verb stem in
grammatical construction. Many nouns, such as on, earth, or uk,
water, are used as naked stems, and verb stems can appear as
imperatives and in other constructions without any suffix.
Verb stems can also be used as nouns denoting the action of
the verb, as in English. Nevertheless, the distinction between
nouns and verbs is clear. All words in the language, except
structureless adverbs and connectives, are, grammatically con-
sidered, either nouns or verbs, pronouns being functional equiva-
lents of nouns, and adjectives of verbs.
The range of ideas expressed by the suffixes which constitute
the one means of grammatical structure in the language, and of
which about seventy-five have been determined, is comparatively
restricted. Including those that are semi-etymological or deriva-
tive, they may be classified into : ( 1 ) derivative suffixes of nouns ;
(2) suffixes expressing number and gender of nouns and adjec-
tives, and suffixes of pronouns; (3) case-suffixes expressing
syntactical, instrumental, and local relations; (4) verbal suffixes
of a derivative nature; (5) verbal suffixes expressing modal,
temporal, and participial relations.
As in Yokuts, the vowels of almost all suffixes are either i or a.
352 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
DERIVATIVE SUFFIXES OF NOUNS.
Derivative suffixes of nouns are not very many, but several
occur with great frequency. Some definitely denote the agent or
instrument, but others appear to have no specific meaning.
-mo'l, -o'l. A very common suffix denoting the instrument or
actor, equivalent to English -er, but added to noun-stems as well
as to verbs.
pa n tc-mo '1, pencil, "marker"
lil-yim-o'l, stove, "metal-fire-instrument"
lo'-mo'l, throat, "cougher"
nam-mo '1, bed, ' ' lie-er ' '
-am, a very frequent suffix on both noun and verb stems.
Sometimes it means "partaking of the nature of," "that which
is somewhat like." More often it has no meaning of its own
that can be determined. Most of the stems on which it occurs
are not used without it, even in composition or derivation. It
is especially frequent on stems denoting animals and parts of the
body. It is not unlikely that this derivational -am is originally
the same as the collective suffix -am or -lam and the verbal
usitative or continuative -am. An -am found on adjectives is
probably also connected.
uk-am, swamp (uk, water)
ol-am, brush, brushy place (ol, tree)
on-am, earth-worm (on, earth)
on-poy-am, mole
ay-am, buzzard (a n y, glide)
tit-am, mountain
cam-am, raccoon
sum-am, brains
katc-am, bad
tat-am, pretty (tat, good)
k'il-am, striped
tik-am, smooth
ha"tc-am, hard, strong, durable
-il.
kitc-il, flint
-is.
lop-is, jackrabbit
-nom, people of.
uk-om-nom, Yuki of Eound Valley
lil-cik-nom, a Yuki division ( rock-black-people)
hutc-nom, Huchnom, Tatu, or Kedwood Indians
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 353
SUFFIXES OF NUMBER AND GENDER.
-/, -a, plural, -i is the more common, but any noun is always
used only with either -i or -a. No relation between the vowel of
the noun and of the suffix is discernible. Nouns taking the
objective suffix -a use -i for the plural. This plural suffix is
confined to nouns denoting animals and plants, and to semi-
pronominal stems.
mil-i, deer
su's-i, ducks
tc 'op-i, flies
p'al-p'o-i-l, butterflies (for p'al-p'ol-i)
mil-i, white-oaks
cip-i, willows
hiM. all
-mac-i, plural of demonstratives
cup-a, blackbirds
tok-a, fleas
koy-a, gophers
ku's-a, geese
tcup-a, blackbirds
-s, plural suffix of a few nouns denoting persons ; also of per-
sonal pronouns.
p, singular suffix corresponding to -s.
na-ip, girl; na-es, girls
iw-op, man; iw-is, men
mus-p, woman; mus (for mus-s), women
mi, thou; mo-s, ye
a'-p, I; u-s, we
-mac, or -mas, is added to the stem of demonstratives in form-
ing the plural.
ki, that; ki-mac-i, these
-am, -lam, collective. It is the regular plural suffix of certain
words denoting persons and ending in a suffix. It also forms
the usual plural of certain inanimate nouns, such as house, in
which the collective or distributive and plural meanings are apt
to coincide ; and of compound nouns containing an adjective.
ot-is-am, old women (ot)
iw-is-ma'-lam, young men (iw-o-ma')
ha"-lam, houses (ban)
pa'k-am, one each (pa"k, one)
354 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
atc-sil-am, pieces of skin
ha n w-hot.-am, whales (fish-large)
hi-hot.-am, large branches
ol-hot.-am, redwood trees
titam-hot.-am, high mountains
atwa n cit ha n son-lam, fierce dogs
-itc, apparently primarily a diminutive, is also a collective, a
distributive, and, through idiom, the plural of one noun denot-
ing persons.
k'aml-itc, wild cat (k'amo'l, panther)
a n s-itc, red (a n s, blood)
tat-itc, pretty (tat, good)
nu-itc, also nu, gravel
su-itc, fish in general
k 'il-itc, fish-roe
op-itc-am, in two heaps (op-i, two)
al-k 'at-tc-am, in each board
hal-itc, children (sak, child)
-a, animate of numerals and adjectives,
op-a, two
molm-a, three
puhitc-a, a short person (puhitc, short)
cik-a, a black one
-i, inanimate suffix of numerals. It is used also when the
numerals do not refer to any specific objects, or when they refer
to nouns denoting animate objects but in the objective case. The
stem pa n , one, animate irregularly pa n -k, inserts w : pa n -w-i.
op-i, two
molm-i, three
-p, reflexive, on demonstratives,
ki-p, himself, from ki, that one, he
-moc, used before the plural suffix in the reflexive demonstra-
tive; perhaps the same as -mac similarly used in non-reflexive
demonstratives.
ki-moc-ey-at, of themselves
-el, may or may not be used on the word for I.
a n p-el or a n p, I
-in, may or may not be used on the word for my.
it-in or it, my
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 355
CASE-SUFFIXES.
-a, objective. Used on nouns, pronouns, and demonstratives,
but only when animate. It may be conjectured that this suffix is
the same in origin as the animate -a of numerals and adjectives,
but there is nothing to prove such identity.
musp-a, woman
hulk'o-a, coyote
an-kun-a, ray father
lopc-a, jackrabbit
hil-a, all
ko'l-a, Wailaki
-c or -s, objective case, found only on mi, thou; the same as
the Costanoan and Wintun objective suffix of the personal
pronoun.
-at, possessive of nouns, pronouns, and demonstratives,
animate and inanimate. It is invariably used.
pila"t.-at, sun's
hulk 'o-at coyote 's
ki-at, his, that one's
us-at, our
-ok, instrumental,
lac-ok, with an ax
kutci-ok, with a knife
-a, instrumental. No difference in meaning between -ok and
-a is perceptible. Some nouns use one and some the other,
mipat-a, with the hand
on-a, with earth
-la, instrumental of demonstratives. Perhaps related to -a as
-lam, collective-plural, is to -am.
ki-la, with that
-op, locative. Precise meaning: "on"; but also used as a
vaguer locative "at." Added to verbs, it subordinates them and
means "when." "At the seeing" is "when he saw."
hay-op, in carrying-sack
pi-mo '1-op, with, on, flute
nihin-a'1-op, at the door
uk-op, on the water
ban-op, on the house
on-op, on the ground
356 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
-ki, -k, -i, general locative, in, on, at.
ha n te-ki, on the house floor
hutc-ki, out-doors
u'-ki, in the water
tciu-ki, in the acorn-granary
ki-k, in that, in there
-am, -m, inessive. Used on certain words, such as ban, house,
and on demonstratives, as a general locative to the exclusion of
-ki. Most other words take -ki but do not use -am.
ki-m, there, literally, that-in
han-am, in the house
-t-a is a locative of wide or indefinite meaning found only on
demonstratives. The difference between it and -m is not clear,
ki-t-a, there
-pis, ablative.
im-pis, from where
-wit, terminalis, to, toward.
ku< tki-wit, toward the north
-k'il, terminalis, to, toward,
han-k'il, to the house
k'ol-k'il, to the other side
no-namliki-k 'il, to where he lived
-han, -ha n hin, subessive, under,
uk-han, under water
uk-ha n hin, under water
lil-ha n hin, under the rock
-itc-ki, juxtapositive, next to, near. Probably the diminutive
-itc with the locative -ki. A similar -itc-op is also found,
lil-itc-ki, by the rock
mil-tcotc-itc-op, by the pounded meat
-mik'al, around. Is used also as an independent word,
yim-mik 'al, around the fire
on-mik 'al, around the world
-kite, only, resembles the case-suffixes in being added chiefly to
nouns, but its function is of course quite different,
eic-kitc, only squirrels
kit-kite, nothing but bones
These suffixes show a complete transition from purely formal
or grammatical case-endings, such as the objective, through loca-
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 357
tive suffixes such as -op or -ki, to whole stems used as suffixes
with prepositional meaning. The employment of all is however
exactly alike; so that if the designation of "case" is denied to
-mik'al, around, and -op, on, it must also be denied to objective -a
and possessive -at.
DERIVATIVE VERB SUFFIXES.
The verb suffixes that are derivative rather than grammatical,
in that they affect the meaning of the verb more than its relation
to other words in the sentence, form the largest, most difficult,
and in some ways most characteristic class of suffixes in the
language. It is especially in this class that suffixes of indefinite
meaning are numerous. Some of this vagueness of significance
will undoubtedly become dissipated by more thorough knowledge
of the language. Nevertheless it is quite clear that certain
suffixes, whose precise meaning has been ascertained, at times
have this their proper force only in a vague degree. It is in
accord with this feature of these suffixes that there are almost
none with concrete meanings such as describe direction or kind
of motion and situation, or the class of object or instrument of
action. None of these suffixes indicate that the action is per-
formed with the hand, foot, head, or any other part of the body ;
none of them refer to the shape or position of objects ; and when
they refer to motion they do not specifically describe it with such
meanings as up, down, towards the center, towards the outside,
in a rolling manner, and so on, but indicate that a motion is made
to do something, that the action of the verb is accompanied by
motion, that there is motion toward, that there is a going to per-
form an action, that the action is repeated, or that it is involun-
tary. In other words, such Yuki suffixes are abstract or con-
ceptional, not visual or dynamic. It is not unlikely that this
condition is connected with the restriction of these and other
affixed elements exclusively to a suffixed position, for it appears
that specific and concrete affixes of motion, position, and instru-
ment occur chiefly in those American languages that employ
prefixes as well as suffixes, and that at least part of them usually
are prefixes. Yuki contrasts with Porno in this respect as
358 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
Eskimo, Shoshonean, and Yokuts contrast with Algonkin,
Athabascan, Siouan, Chinook, and Washo.
Many of the derivative Yuki suffixes seem to be used with
certain stems as a matter of habit or idiom rather than to serve
any definite purpose or to express any specific meaning.
-kut forms an occasional inchoative. This suffix is also an
independent stem meaning the beginning or end; kut-kin is
''root." Possibly -kut is to be regarded as an independent
auxiliary receiving the tense suffixes and postposed to the stem
of the principal verb, rather than as an actual suffix. A more
common inchoative is the suffix -lam.
o '-t-kut-mik, will begin to suck
-im, to try to, is an independent verb-stem that similarly
appears occasionally as a suffix.
hilyu-si-im-wi, tried to make sick
-lau* has the force of English can, and is either an inde-
pendent verb or a suffix.
a n p mis na"w-i-lau< -k, I can see you
a n p lau< -k, I can
-cilo is a frequent suffix with the meaning "appearing to."
Often it can be translated by "as it were, " or "it seems. ' '
This suffix often has sufficient stress-accent to furnish some
justification for considering it an independent word; but no
other words intervene between it and the verb-stem to which it
refers. There is usually nothing but accent and phonetic feeling
to determine whether such forms as yiiki-ciloo-wi are one word
or two; the two words if separate would stand in the same
position and have the same form, the first being in that case
participially subordinate to the second : ' ' playing he appeared. ' '
The same can be said of the other elements already mentioned;
they may be regarded either as suffixes, as final members of com-
pound binary verbs, or as finite auxiliary verbs governing a
participial or stem form of another verb. At the same time the
inserted i of yiik-i-ciloo-wi and na n w-i-lau' -k seems to show that
the forms in question are really suffixes ; the verb stems being yik
and na n w.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 359
-law has the meaning of making a motion to perform the
action indicated by the verb stem.
muk-law-e-tl-wi, moved to seize with the mouth, tried to bite
a' -law-e-tl-u, made a motion to seize
-n, appearing also as -in, -en, is a frequent suffix whose force
in most cases is not clear. Where it has a definite meaning this
is generally similar to that of -law, the preceding.
na n w-in-ek, goes to see
wiit-in, go to work
-lit is of unknown meaning.
t.au n -lit-in-ma-mil, came to make war on them
yuu-lit-e-y-am, doing foolishly
yi-lit-eya-mil, played together
ham-lit-mil, wanted
na n w-e-lit-ei-mi, saw them
lak-si-lit-in-iak-mil, drove him out
-ma denotes motion toward. This suffix has a tendency to
follow other suffixes of the derivative class. An -m, which trans-
forms the stem ko, go, into ko-m, to come, is probably only a
form of the same suffix.
kup-ma, come pointing
wo '-ma, coming toward
la"l-ma, creep to
un-ma-wi, brought
-k is somewhat indefinite in force. It appears to be used with
intransitive verbs to indicate an action, as contrasted with a state,
of the conception implied by the verb stem. This suffix must
not be confounded with the tense-suffix -k or -ik, which it always
precedes.
cu'-a, remain!
cu'-k-a, sit down!
a"p cu'-ik, I sit
a"p cu'-k-ik, I seat myself
-is, continuative, iterative.
-ak, -yak, single action, contrasting with -is.
-am, -yam, continuative, habitual usitative.
-kil, single action, or repeated action at a single period, con-
trasting with -am.
These four suffixes are very common. In some cases they have
the specific force given for each, but often their meaning is
360 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
indefinite or connotive and their use largely a matter of estab-
lished habit. Li, to kill, rarely occurs without -ak. Most
languages would not go out of their way to express the fact that
the idea of killing ordinarily implies a single act, one unrepeat-
able on the same object. As between -is and -am, the former
apparently has more often a definite force. As between -ak and
-kil, the former would seem to denote usually an unrepeated or
instantaneous action, the latter a repeated or longer action but
one limited to a single period as opposed to a habitual act.
suup-ak-mil, threw once
suup-is-u, threw repeatedly
ha n wai-s-am-ek, eat customarily, use as food
koo-y-am-mil, walked (about for some time)
kaa n k-am-ik, it (continues to) come (to me; for instance, money)
ha n wai-kil-mil, ate it
-t-il, to cause to, to have for, to make to be, to want to do, to
direct to do.
p'oi-t-il, put in (p'oi, in)
pa n tc-t-il, write (pa"tc, mark)
cu< -t-il-mil, made him stay
ha n waii-tal-mil, fed him
-sil appears to emphasize the idea of motion without describ-
ing it, leaving this to the verb stem,
ti-sil-wi, jumped
cu'-sil-mil, sat down (cu% be at, sit)
lak-sil-yak-mil, emerged
kap-sil-ik, enters
-lit, reflexive or reciprocal action.
ima n -lil-mil, said to one another
mis kipat huc-lil-ha, do you like yourself?
-mil, meaning unknown. Not to be confounded with the final
tense or syntactical suffix -mil.
pi-mil-mil, played flute (pi-mo '1, flute)
a"p ko-mil-ik, I am going
ki-mil-mil, said
-il, meaning unknown.
an-il-ma-mil, brought him there
mat-il, shoot
wit-il-mil, turned
lak-il-i, emerged
It is possible that there is some connection between -kil, -t-il,
-sil, -lil, -mil, and -il.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 361
-m appears to indicate involuntary, inanimate actions and
automatic motions or sounds.
a n t-ai n -ra-ik, shoes creak
k'o-m-ek, flutters
yu-m-i, is swinging, dangling
ii yite-m-ik, I tremble
kan-m-i, it swells
tima al ha"k-m-i, the wood splits of itself
woyam lak-m-i-wi, smoke came out
-lam is the usual inchoative or inceptive, -kut is also in-
choative.
te'u'-lam-ek, begins to sprout (tcV-t-ek, is sprouting)
in-lam-ha mis, are you sleepy!
mit ii huuc-lam-ek, I am falling in love with you
-si, -s, is the ordinary causative, -t-il and -t-1 are also causative.
a"p tat-e-si-wi, I made it
hilyu-si-pa, will make sick
-tan or -ta n l, negative. This is nothing but the ordinary in-
dependent negative ta n l used as a suffix. This negative can be
used as verb with tense-suffixes : ta n l-k, it is not so.
ha n tc 'am-ta"l, is not strong
ii hana-tal-k, I do not believe it
t'um-ta n l-k, it is not raining
wil-ta n l-a-mil, did not fear
in-ta"l-a-han, though not sleeping
kotam-tan-mil, did not go
-t-l, transitive, intentional, causative action.
-t, intransitive, unintentional, not causative action.
These two suffixes are very common. Sometimes they are
specifically contrasted, in which case the intransitive verb with -t
is used as it were impersonally, with its logical subject in the
objective case, whereas the subject of the corresponding volun-
tary or causative form is in the subjective. Almost any intransi-
tive verb-stem unaccompanied by a derivative suffix seems to be
able to take on -t without specially adding to its meaning. In
ko-t, go, the -t is either purely habitual or the result of a desire
to parallel the derivative ko-m, come.
nam-i-t-mil, dropped, fell down in death
nam-tl-mil, laid it down
muk-law-e-t-mil, (involuntarily the hungry Coyote, unable to re-
strain himself) snapped at it
362 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
muk-law-e-tl-wi, tried to seize it with his mouth
ii o'-t-ik, I vomit (me comes out of mouth)
a n p o'-tl-ik, I spit out (I make come out of mouth)
tcatcol-t-ik, is budding
ko-t-wi, went
kap-t-mil, went in
a n -e-t-mil, rolled
huuu-t-mil, stopped
huuu-tl-i, stop doing something
a'-tl-i, seize it!
lak-tl-mil, throw out (lak, emerge)
ko-tl-mil, put in (ko, be in)
SYNTACTICAL VERB SUFFIXES.
This class of suffixes express tense, mode, and participial and
subordinating relations. As distinguished from the group of
derivative affixes just discussed, they may be designated as modo-
temporal. In their position in the verb, they always follow the
derivative suffixes.
-wi, -u, ordinary past time.
-witc, completed past.
-pa, future.
-mik, less common than the last, perhaps expresses an im-
mediate futurity or a future intent.
-ik, -ek, -k, is generally translatable by the present tense of
English. It may imply continuance. It makes verbs of adjec-
tival stems.
-mil, lacks specific reference to time, indicating primarily that
the verb to which it is attached is modally finite. Many Yuki
sentences, especially in narrative, contain several verbs. These
may be expressedly relative or participial, or may lack any
grammatical suffix and thereby be subordinate to the finite verb
which is the last in the sentence. In discourse or quotations this
final finite verb bears one of the tense or mode suffixes; in con-
tinuous narration or description, whether past or present,
aoristic -mil takes the place of such a tense-suffix in the finite
verb.
ko-m-wi, came
li-ak-u, killed
1911] Kroeber : Languages North of San Francisco. 363
mi'-witc koi, has been there before
a n pel ko-witc, I was walking
hilyu-t-pa, will be sick
a"p ko-t-pa, I shall go
amis o< -t-mik, I will suck you
amis li-mik, I will kill you
sak-mik, she will have a child
tc 'uu< -t-ik, is sprouting
la'-t-ik, it breaks
tcatcol-t-ik, is budding
a"p koo-t-ik, I go
ii ham-ek, I wish
hanot-k, is heavy
nau n -mil, saw
koo-t-mil, came
-ha, interrogative.
im-wit mi ko-t-ha, where do you go?
mis yau n -ha, do you think?
tat mi yik-i-ha, did you play well?
mai" mi' -ha, who is?
-es-tc and -am-s, quotatives. Usually followed by -ik. These
suffixes specifically express quotation. To indicate that myths
and narratives rest on tradition and not on personal experience,
a particle ii is used instead of these suffixes.
wok-es-tc-ik, dances, they say
intcam-es-tc-ek, they say, it is said
luwate pok-et-am-s-ik, the gun exploded, we hear
ko-am-s-ik, is coming, they say
-a, the usual imperative suffix. It is used on certain stems, and
after -k, -ak, -t, -is, and other suffixes. Other stems, and the
suffixes -am, -tl, -kil, -t-il, -lil, -sil, -il, and others, express the
imperative without any suffix. A final -i after -tl and other end-
ings seems to be only a phonetic increment, being found also in
the unsuffixed participial or modeless form of many verbs.
t-an-hil-s-a, make him draw it out!
uk-s-a, wet him!
un-t-a, carry!
koo-t-a, go!
cu'-k-a, sit down!
tii-k-a, jump!
o'-u-k-a, run!
364 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
cu'-a, stay!
mi' -a, be!
k'i'-a, be quiet!
ha n wai-s-am, use as food!
hutop-in, go hunt!
in-i, sleep!
wit-il, turn!
yac-kil, stand!
haa-t<il, hold!
a'-tl-i, take!
wok-tl-i, wok-tl, sing
Subordinate relation is of two kinds, that which is translatable
by English conjunctions and that which is translatable by
English relatives. Suffixes indicating the first kind of subordina-
tion are :
-op, the locative case-suffix of nouns, when added to a verb
gives the meaning ' ' when. ' '
-kit-, "while" or "when"; probably derived from the demon-
strative ki; possibly the demonstrative locative ki-t-a, at that,
there.
-ika, if, when, also seems demonstrative in form.
-han, although, even though. This may be the noun-suffix
-han, under.
ina n i hil ta n l-op, day all not-at, when there was no daylight
k'in-ik-op, when crying
hau-lam-op, shine begin when, at daylight
al wan-ek-op, when they gathered wood
wok-si-kit., while dancing
hap-si-li-kit-, when enters
ko-m-ika a-mis tcan-i-pa, if (when) you come, I will give it to you
ha n waii-s-am-ika mia caia-lau'-k, if we eat, we can live
hot.-kil-han ha"te 'am-ta"l, although large, he is weak
The relative suffixes are of some length, and although fre-
quent have not become entirely clear. They contain two chief
elements: first, -nam, followed by -1 or -li ; second, -ki. Often
these two elements are combined. The -ki is nothing but the
ordinary demonstrative pronoun, ki, that. The -nam-1 element is
not so clear. Nam is the root for the idea of lying ; but no con-
nection of meaning is traceable between this root and the relative
suffix -nam. The chief relative suffixes found are :
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 365
-nam-li-ki, who or which. The verb with this relative ending
takes the objective, possessive, and plural suffixes exactly like the
demonstrative ki.
-nam-li-ki-t-a, -nam-li-kii-k, etc., "where," literally "at
which."
-mi-ki, "when."
-nam-li, -nam-il.
-nam-l-on.
Examples :
k'am-o'l imei-namli-kii k'an-hoot- namli-ki-t-ei k'an-hoop ii
Panther spoken-had-who voice-big, then voice-light
imei-mil
spoke.
yuu-yam-namli-kii rail k'ap-ii-yak-mil
As they had done deer he killed.
t'uu-namli-kii-k tu-ak-mil
Put-where-was he put it.
k 'am-o'l-iw-ot nam-namli-ki-a li-ak-i
Panther-man-old lay-who, he killing ....
noo' -namli-kii-k 'il an-i-tl-t-i-mil
Lived-where-to he brought it.
SUFFIXES AND STRUCTURE.
The suffixes here enumerated total about seventy-five, and
there are no doubt others. Omitting such as are purely etymo-
logical, like the noun-suffixes -is, -il, and -nom; those found only
on one word, like -el, -in, and -c of the personal pronoun ; those
like -mik'al, cilo, and lau' which occur also as independent
words and might justifiably be regarded as being only unaltered
enclitic postpositions or auxiliary verbs; and those which like
reflexive -moc and non-reflexive -mac of demonstratives, and
noun-derivative -am and collective -am, are probably identical;
there are however only some fifty or sixty. Even some of these,
which are clearly suffixes, like the negative -ta n l and the relative
-ki, are used also as independent words.
Owing to the reduction of all grammatical processes to one,
that of suffixation, it stands to reason that the structure of the
366 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
language, other than for a few matters of idiom, position of
words, and purely relational syntax, is all contained in the fore-
going list of suffixes.
It remains only to review the nature and forms of the various
parts of speech by recapitulating the functions of the various
suffixes used with each.
NOUN.
The Yuki noun may be a simple stem, a compound noun con-
sisting of two or more stems, a derivative from a verbal stem by
means of a suffix, or a simple verb stem like English "trade."
Except in terms of relationship it is never united into one word
with a pronoun or a pronominal element. It is not reduplicated
nor modified for any expression of gender. It is modified only
for the indication of ideas related to number and case. There
is a plural suffix -i or -a for names of animals and plants.
Several other suffixes have a limited use, on words denoting
persons and inanimate nouns, to express singular, plural, col-
lectivity, distribution, and a diminutive. There are two gram-
matical cases, an objective restricted to animate nouns and a
possessive. There are a considerable number of instrumental and
local suffixes, varying in character from case endings to post-
posed prepositions that can also be used as independent words.
PRONOUN.
The Yuki pronoun is grammatically a noun. Except on terms
of relationship it is never used as an affix. Its suffixes of number
and case are for the most part those of the noun.
The personal pronouns are restricted to first and second
persons. The third person, if necessary, is expressed by a demon-
strative. There is no dual, but inclusive and exclusive forms
are distinguished in the first person plural. As is common in
American languages, the inclusive is formed from the stem of
the second person. This stem is m. The stem of the first person
seems to be vocalic.
Subjective
Objective
S 1.
a"-p, a n p-el
I
S 2.
mi
mi-s
P 1. excl.
us
us-a
P 1. inch
mi
mi-a
P 2.
mos
mos-i-a
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 367
Possessive
it, it-in
ml-t
us-at
mi-at
moB-i-at, mo-t
The s in u-s and mo-s is evidently the same as the plural -s in
iw-is, men, and other nouns denoting persons. Compare the
-mas helping to form the plural of demonstratives. Similarly the
-p in a n -p appears to be a designation of the singular, as in mus-p,
woman.
Demonstratives are only two, ka, this, and ki, that. Ka
specifically indicates nearness. Ki when specific expresses dis-
tance. It is, however, more frequently used as a general in-
definite demonstrative, as a pronoun of the third person, and as
an article. It also forms the base for the reflexive, which is
derived by the suffix -p. Finally, ki is used as a relative suffix
of verbs.
The demonstratives are used both as substantives and as
attributive adjectives. They are not altered to express any dis-
tinction of gender or animation. Their case and number suffixes
are on the whole those of the noun, with certain differences. In
the plural mas or mac is added to the stem before the regular
suffix of number -i or the case suffixes. The instrumental suffix
is -la, instead of -a or -ok. Certain of the locative suffixes of the
noun do not appear on the demonstratives, which possess others,
such as -t-a, not found on the noun.
Subj.
Obj.
Poss.
Loc.
this
ka
ka-a
ka-at
ka-k, ka-t-a
that, the, he
ki
ki-a
ki-at
ki-k, ki-t-a,
ki-m
he himself
ki-p
ki-p-at
these
ka-mas-i
those, they
ki-mas-i
ki-mas-a
ki-mas-at
they themselves
ki-mos-i-at
Interrogatives and indefinites are :
mai, who? someone
hai", what?
iyi, iyon, what? something
hai n -mas, how?
im, where?
368 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
The personal pronouns are more closely joined to terms of
relationship, to which they form proclitics or prefixes, than to
other words. The objective forms are used to indicate possession.
Mis-k'un, thy father, is literally thee-father. His before terms
of relationship is kim-. A few terms of relationship, mostly
beginning with k, show an-, modified to an, instead of ii for my.
ADJECTIVE.
The adjective is really a verb. This is clear from its position
in compound nouns, where its place is that of the verb after the
modified noun, whereas a qualifying substantive precedes the
modified one. When used as a verb the adjective usually
assumes the indefinite or present suffix -ik. When attributive to
a noun the adjective is used without suffix. Ordinarily the
attributive adjective is not modified for case or number, although
occasionally the adjective instead of the noun receives a case
suffix properly belonging to the latter. A number of adjectives
end in the noun-forming suffix -am. An adjective attributive to
an animate noun receives the suffix -a. When provided with this
suffix, the adjective, like the numeral, can also be used as a noun
denoting an animate being.
puhitc, short
al puhitc, short stick
puhite-k, is short
iwis puhitc-a, short men
puhitc-a, a short person
NUMERALS.
The numeral system is thoroughly quaternary, or more strictly
octonary. It has already been published. 53 The numeral systems
of the other dialects of the family show no trace of this system
of counting by fours and multiples of fours, but are quinary,
decimal, and vigesimal. There are numeral roots only for one,
two, and three. All the higher numerals are composite words
descriptive of the method of counting. Above three the numerals
do not seem to be used with suffixes. Below three they ordinarily
53 E. B. Dixon and A. L. Kroeber, Numeral Systems of the Languages
of California, American Anthropologist, n.s., IX, 663-690, 1907.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 369
end in -i, for which -a can be substituted when the numeral is
used as a noun and refers to animate beings. The animate for
one is pa n -k instead of pa n -wa.
CONNECTIVES.
There are few conjunctions in the English sense of the word
except na n , which is used to connect words and long sentences.
Subordinating conjunctions are replaced by relative and modal
suffixes of the verb, which permit a complicated sentence struc-
ture. On the other hand, connective words which cannot be
exactly parallelled in English are important.
The most frequent of these connectives are sa n and si, which
can be used independently or as a base for other connectives.
They form a contrasting pair. Sa n indicates that the subject of
the sentence which it opens is the same as the subject of the
preceding sentence. Si indicates a corresponding change of
subject. These two particles enable the speaker to narrate at
great length complicated and varying reciprocal actions of two
persons without any designation of them, by either noun or pro-
noun, after their first mention.
In narrative in which the "dubitative" ii is used it is added
to sa n and si.
A number of other elements suffixed or added to sa" and si
express various shades of meaning of time and sequence. In
narrative or description not based on personal experience these
forms are further enlarged by the dubitative ii.
-k, forming si-k, sa n -k, si-k-ii, sa n -k-ii, is about equivalent to
"and," implying that the action of the verb in the sentence
which it introduces is contemporaneous with the action of the
verb in the preceding sentence.
-m, forming si-m-ii, etc., may be translated "and finally." It
indicates that the action expressed in the preceding verb, after
having continued for some time, is completed, with the implica-
tion that something more or less expected is now to take place.
-kit-, forming si-kit-, sa n -kit-ii, etc., is equivalent to "and
then." It usually indicates the completion of the action described
in the previous sentence. It is not unlikely that this element is
related to the demonstrative ki.
370 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
-ka n , forming si-ka n , etc., can often be translated as ' 'there-
upon," denoting that the action expressed in the preceding sen-
tence still continues in the next.
A stem so- is also used as a base for forming several con-
nectives. The words derived from it seem to indicate the relation
of the ideas in two adjacent sentences, rather than the identity
or difference of their subjects as expressed by sa" and si. So-p
is translatable as "and," also "on account of that." So-n is
' ' but. ' ' So-m is also found.
There are a number of other connectives, such as kop-han,
sa n -kop, si-mo-n, si-mo-p, si-k-on, whose meaning is not yet clear.
VERB.
The Yuki verb is by far the most complex part of speech in
the language, but its study offers less difficulty than might be
anticipated, on account of the scarcity of phonetic changes in
derivation and suffixation, and also because the root invariably
forms the first part of the word. One other feature makes the
verb much simpler than in many American languages : the total
lack of any form of incorporation or pronominal affixation. The
verb is built up from the stem by suffixes, those nearest the stem
being derivative, those at the end of the word modal or temporal.
The average verb may be said to consist of a monosyllabic stem
followed by one or two derivational suffixes and one or more
suffixes of tense, mode, or subordination, with the insertion of
phonetic vowels, usually i, between adjacent consonants.
The derivative suffixes do most to characterize the verb. Some
of them are ordinary causatives, inchoatives, or intransitives, such
as are customary in American Indian languages. Others, how-
ever, are either much more indefinite, or convey such subtle
shades of meaning, that their precise force does not become
apparent even from a considerable number of examples. That
this vagueness exists in most of the derivatives whose function
is not yet clear, is probable from the presence of this quality in
several very common suffixes. Thus -t-1 at times is a full causa-
tive, at times expresses voluntary or deliberate action, and again
at other times merely makes the verb transitive. The -is and -ik
pair and -kil and -am pair of suffixes show a similar variability
1911] Kroebcr: Languages North of San Francisco. 371
of definiteness of force. In some cases they specifically indicate
repetition, duration, or singleness of action, but in a greater
number of cases these ideas are only indirectly or indefinitely
implied. It is noticeable that suffixes of this nature usually
occur in contrasting pairs. The number of derivative suffixes so
far determined is not very large. There are almost certainly
others, but it does not seem that the total number in the language
can be very extensive.
Final suffixes of verbs may all be called modal or temporal,
but form several groups. A number specifically indicate tense,
such as the preterite -wi and the future -pa. The use of any of
these suffixes, however, implies that the verb is finite. Another
group of suffixes specifically indicate mode, such as the impera-
tive, the interrogative, and the attributive participle. The suffix
-mil constitutes a third group. It replaces the finite tense end-
ings but is itself indefinite as to time, indicating merely that the
verb to which it is added is the principal or finite verb of the
sentence. Another class is formed by subordinating modal
suffixes, whose force is generally equivalent to that of some
English conjunction. Some of these are only case suffixes of
nouns, such as -op, when, literally at or on. Finally there is a
consequential group of relative suffixes. Several elements enter
into these, the most conspicuous being the demonstrative ki,
which is always final. These relative suffixes furnish an im-
portant means toward a complex subordinating sentence struc-
ture. At the same time the stem, with or without derivative
suffix, but free from any suffix of the modal temporal class, is
also used as a subordinate verb.
Reduplication is nearly lacking in the verb. There is also no
indication of number either for subject or object. Only one case
of stem differentiation for number, of the kind occurring in
Porno, Washo, Athabascan, Shoshonean, and other languages, has
been found: nam-tl, to lay one object, pin-tl, to lay several
objects. The two stems may however really mean to lay and to
scatter.
An idiom of the language provides the use of the subject in
the objective case for a large class of verbs. When such verbs
are transitive the object is put in the possessive case. "I hear
372 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
you" is therefore translated "Me hear your." Every verb of
mental action belongs to this class of quasi-impersonal verbs.
The idea of mental action is however extended so as to include
states of the body and conditions of the person expressed by
adjective stems, as well as certain actions of the body that are
involuntary or conceived of as such. This class of verbs there-
fore includes those denoting to like, fear, hate, sorrow, rejoice,
think, know, be hungry, sleepy, sick, alive, dead, born, provided
with, without, hiccup, vomit, be good, large, small, or angry.
ii miit nanak '-u, I knew you
hulk'o-a ha n l-t-mil, Coyote heard
a n c-t-mil k'amlitc-a, became warm the wild-cat
SENTENCE.
The Yuki sentence is frequently complex, several participial
or relative clauses preceding the finite verb. The relation of
sentences is indicated with considerable nicety of expression by
the introductory or connective particles. The order of words is
pretty definitely fixed, but is only idiomatic, all syntactical rela-
tions, except the distinction between inanimate subject and
object, being clearly expressed by the grammatical suffixes. The
subject precedes the verb. The object may follow or precede
the verb. The adjective, whether attributive or predicative,
follows the noun. The same relation of order exists when
adjective or verb are combined into one word with the noun.
Connective particles head the sentence. Subordinate clauses
usually precede the principal clause.
VOCABULARY.
With few exceptions the words of Yuki are either mono- -
syllabic or resolvable into monosyllabic stems and suffixes.
Many disyllabic nouns whose full etymology is uncertain contain
a derivative suffix or a monosyllabic element of known meaning,
proving the unknown stem to be also monosyllabic. So many
polysyllabic words can be resolved in the same manner that it is
difficult to refrain from the conclusion that all the elements of
the language are monosyllabic. For example, mil-on-tit-am, elk,
is composed of mil, deer; on, earth, tit, high, forming the com-
1911]
Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco.
373
pound noun ontit, mountain ; which in turn is made an adjective,
mountainous, by the derivative suffix -am.
A vocabulary comprising the most common nouns of the
language has been given by Dr. S. A. Barrett, in his cited paper
in the sixth volume of the present series. A list of the principal
verb stems determined is appended.
in, sleep
a% hold, take
a", be
a", roll
a"l, contract
a n pli, trade
ac, urinate
at, fasten
a n t.ai n , creak, squeak
aw, lack
ay, crawl, slide
ha, hold, carry
ha, flow
ha", split
ha", rub
ha", build
ha n l, hear
ham, say, tell, desire
han, stick on, fit
hana, think, believe
hate, sneeze
haw, like, desire
ha n wai, eat
ha n y, search, look for
hik, go together
hil, emerge, draw out, drag
hilyu, sick
him, move
hiw, spill
hok, flay
hu, stop, end, begin
hukol, wash
hul, spin
hum, glad
hum, fly about
hue, love
hut 'op, hunt
im, say
im, become
im, try
ka", slip on
ka n k, become, make
kan, swell
kan, kneel
kan, ka'y, talk
kap, enter
ki, leave, release
k'i', be quiet
kil, say
kil, have in mind, be angry
k'in, pity, whine, cry, stink, rot
kit, follow
kit-, slice
kit., neigh, crow, howl, rattle
kiw, ask
ko, go
k'o, be in
k'ol, die, shrivel
k'om, resound
kop, growl
kus, spout, blow
kut, begin, first
k'utc, stretch
la', break, crack
lak, emerge
la"l, step, go on four legs
latc, squeal, crack
lau' , lawh, be able
li, kill
lik, swallow, drown
lit, touch
lo', cough
lu, descend, chop
luk, project, punch
mam, grow
ma"t, shoot
mi, drink
374 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
mi% be
min, lie, doubt
mit'an-k, hate
mop, gather
mot, gamble
mot-, join, be pressed
muk, bite, seize with mouth
muc, laugh, smile
mutc-u, squeak, titter
muy, copulate
na n , press, hold down
naham, crazy
nanak, know
nam, lie
naso, roar, sough
naw, see
nay, pull
ni, have cavity
no', live
num, smash, mash
o% vomit, spit
o< , run
ok'ol, hollow
pa, lift, rise
pa n ky, shout
pan, hang
pan, fall, stumble
pa n tc, mark
pi, track
pi, whistle
pi-it, mark, notch
pit- ', close, shut
pok, burst, crack, pop
pohotc, contract
pul, miss, not hit
putc, blow
sa', fail, unable
sak, child, bear
sat-, have for
sa'w, call, sing, cry
sa n y, defecate
sil, tear, rip
sot-, scratch, cut
sup, throw
ca n -c, bite
ca-y, chew
ca n t, split, shave
cay, alive
cilo, resemble
cim, paint
cit, spark snaps
cite, split, whittle
ciw, ripple
coy, stuff
cu', sit, stay, go down
ta, float, drown
ta n , lick
ta n , find, appear
ta n l, menstruate (=not?)
ta n l, win, beat (=not?)
ta-m, enter
tas, snare, trap
tat, make, good
ta n y, tie to
ta n y, cut
ti, cut off
ti, hurt, pain
ti, fly, jump
tik, paint
tik, coil
tiw, run to, move to
tiw, glad
tok, knot, joint
top, tie together
tot, consume
t'ot, slip out
tot-, fall
tot-, play ball
t 'u, push, lay
tu, brush, comb
tuk, strike, reach
tul, perforate
tut, rub off, scrape
tutc, pound
t-a n k, scrape, shave, clean
t-an, plug, close
tca-k, slap, whip
tc 'al, pull
tcan, give
tcatc, bud
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 375
tc'i, twist wim, roar
tci, tcay, rattle wit, work
tcik, roll wit, turn
tcin, pinch wit-, throw
tcip, squeeze out witc, knock over
tciy, flash, glitter we', walk, go
tc'u', sprout wok, dance, sing
tcuk, fall off wos, bend, stoop, animal stands
wum, stir
u, fear
u, bring ya, climb, ascend
u', sew ya", stand, stick
uk, bark, howl ya", blaze
uc, wrinkle, shrink ya"w, think
yi, yik, play
wa"k, pay yitc, tremble
wa n k, disjoint yo-a, have
wan, mix, soft yu, shake, swing, dangle
wa n tc, tell, instruct yu, do, happen
wil, pass by
The number of homonyms is great. A random example :
kil, say
kil, angry, bear in mind
-kil, verbal suffix
-k'il, toward, noun-suffix
k'il-, seed
k'il, coal
k 'il-, striped
k 'il-, crooked
k 'il, son, daughter
k 'il, element occuring in words for widower, ghost
There are very few reduplicated or duplicated words and few
that are onomatopoetic. The presence or absence of these two
phenomena is usually coincident. Most of the languages of Cali-
fornia show a number of onomatopoetically reduplicated words.
TEXT.
k'a'm-1-itc ii mil-t'u yii-k-i'k-am ii i'm-pis
Wild-cat it is said deer-heart playing, somewhere-from
hul-k'o'i na'u nt -mil sa n -e'i ai n -it wo'o'-ma na"
<'<>votr looked. And gradually walked-toward and
si-i'i ki-ma'c-nam-i'1-k ei ha n ca' a"-ii su'up-is ii
and what-he-did, again slope-on throwing,
376 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
yii-k-i'-mil
played.
se-e i im-pis
And somewhere-from
ki-ma'c-k ii
doing-that,
ei
se-e i an
And always
ki hul-k 'o'i ei
that Coyote
yii-k-i-nam-i'1-kon
wbat-he-was-playing
ki'w-is-mil i'iyi
asked: "What
k 'a'm-1-ite i'i-yi
Wild-eat: "What
ka cu'uh-uk
here sit, ' '
kai n t a n p na n ' w-i'-wi
long I
ki hul-k 'o'i
that Coyote
yi'i-k-i-mil
played.
se-e i
And
ha n 'ye t 'a n -sa-tl-mil si-i'i
now made-himself-be-found. And
na'u n ' -mil
looked.
ha n 'ye
now
k 'am-l-itc
Wild-eat
hul-k'o'i
Coyote
se-ei
And
a n p
I
11
i'iyi
something
suup-is-u
kept-throwing."
su'up-is-ha ii
was-throwing?"
ei a"-ii ii
slope-on
ta n l-k kup
not-so,
kii
saw
si-ei k 'a'm-1-itc
smooth
i'iyi
"What
a n p
i
11
that
ku'up-a
sister's-son
ya'u n -ha
regards?"
a n p mis
I yon,
k 'a'm-1-ite
Wild-cat
huu'u-t-mil se-e'i
stopped. And
cinki-mi kup yii-k-i-cilo'o-wi
? -you sister's son play-appeared-to?"
a n p yu'u-y-am-ha tanha n 'l-k
I was-doing ? Nothing-it-is ;
i'mei-mil ta n l-k ta n lk kup
said. "Not-it-is, not-it-is, sister's son,
mi tat-e'itc neyu' ka'i
you pretty
ei i'mei-mil
And Wild-cat said :
i'mei-mil sa n -e'i po'-hot- ha '-nam-il-ki'i
said. And oak-gall had-whieh
su'up-ak-mil se-e'i hul-k'o'i ta n l-k
threw (once). And Coyote: "Not-so,
ka'i n t a n p na n w-i'-wi i'mi-ye-kit-
I watched," said-when,
cu'uh-sil-mil se-ei
sat-down. And:
sak a n p mi'hi
Baby I am,
kup kii yi'i-k-a
sister's son, that play!
long
61
sister's-son,
k 'a'm-1-itc
Wild-cat
iit haik 'a'i-ha
me think-foolish?
sa n -e'i li's
And: "Come,
nyi
"What
yu'
makes
ku'up-a
sister's son
si-ka n '
Then
kup na'u n -ni
sister's-son, will watch."
ii ha n ye' kii
now that
hul-k'o'i
Coyote
ei
si-e i
And
mil-t'u'
deer-heart
na'u n -mil
watched.
ki-pa'u n -kot
back
a -ei se-e i
slope-on. And
suup-a'k-mil a' '-ei se-e'i
threw (once) slope-on. And
hul-k'o'a muk-la'w-e-t-mil sop-ei
Coyote involuntarily-moved-to-snap-it. For-that
k 'in-i'tc-tl-mil sa n -e'i ha n 'ye ha'a-t-il-mil
almost-cried. And now took.
ha n ye' kii
now that
suup-a'k-mil-
threw (once)
se-e'i ha n ca'
And again
a n -i'c-t-i ei
rolling,
k 'a'm-1-itc
Wild-cat
kai n t ii miit
1 Long I you
1911]
Krocber: Languages North of San Francisco.
377
na n na'k-u si-e'i hul-k Vi
knew." And Coyote:
kup k'on a n p kup
sister's-son; only I, sister's-son,
sai-ki'1-u se-e'i lis kup
almost-did " And: "Come, sister's-son,
i'mei-mil hul-k 'o'i sak a n p
said Coyote. "Baby I
ya'u n -ha ii i'mei-mil se-e'i
thinks?" said. And
su'up-ak-mil se-e'i a n -e'-t-mil
threw (once). And rolled.
mu'k-tl-mil sa n -e'i ha n 'tc-tl-mil
snapped-it. And split-it.
k 'in-i-a'k-mil se-e'i ki-pa'u n ii
cried. And together
sa n -e'i
ta n l-k ta n l-k
" It-is-not-so, it-is-not-so,
yi'-miwa'a-tl
play-help
kup ei
sister's-son,"
ku'up-a
sister's son
and:
sa n -e'i
And
tco' kup tco'
" Here, sister's-son, here,
tcan-e'-mil se-e'i
gave. And
se-ei ki-pa'u n -kil a' n -lam-i ei
And back-to ward roll-beginning,
ha n 'ye lik-i'-t-mil . si-e'i
now swallowed. And
k'i'n-t-ii-mil si-kit-i'i k'o'l-k'il
cried. And then back-toward
mis
you
lis
hurry,
mi'hi
am,
ha n ca' a' '-ei
again slope-on
se-e'i a' n -lam-i ei
And, roll-beginning,
sop-ei k 'a'm-1-itc
Wild-cat
tcan-e'-mil
gave,
i'mei-mil
said.
su'up-ak-mil
threw (once).
muk-tl-ki ei
snapping-it
ha'n-k'il
house-to
ko'o-t-mil
For-that
motc-sa ei
pressing
kup
sister's son,"
a n 'ta n
again
ha n ye'
now
k 'a'm-1-itc
Wild-cat
hul-k Vi
Coyote
se-e'i k 'a'm-1-itc
And Wild-cat
nam-nam-li-ki'i ii
lay-which
ki-mac-i mil-hut 'o'op-in-nam-li-kit- se-e'i
those deer-hunt-go-whilc.
ha n 'l-t-mil sa n -e'i a n ta n '
heard. And again
han-ku'ut-iy-it- ha'-mil se-e'i
house-back-near listened. And
se-e'i hamlatc-ki ya'-i-t-i ei
And smoke-hole-at
se-e'i k 'a'm-1-itc
And Wild-cat
p 'ii-mil-a'k-mil
played (once).
went
ki'm-la'n ki-ma'c-at mil-p 'i'i-mo '1
his-own-brothers of-those deer-flute
ha"-ma ei p 'ii-mi'1-mil kim-la'n
taking, whistled his-own-brothers
a n ta n ' hul-k 'o'-a
And again Coyote
wo'o '-ma-mil sa n -e'i
walked-toward. And
kan-u'uk pii-mi'1-mil
talk- water whistled.
ha n 'ye ta n 'sa-tl-mil
now sbowed-himself.
ei ha '-ma'-n-kil ei
picking-up
climbing
ki'w-i-pi'i-mo '1
elder-flute
378 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
PARTIAL ANALYSIS.
k 'am-l-ite, Wild eat, from k 'am-o '1, panther, and the diminutive suffix -ite.
ii, particle used in myths to indicate that the narrative does not rest on
the personal experience of the narrator.
mil-t'u, deer-heart, composite of two independent stems as in English.
yii-k-i-k-am, playing, from stem yi, play, appearing usually with an un-
known suffix -k; -i-, euphonic, to separate the two -k- suffixes; -k,
suffix indicating action, not a condition; -am, suffix expressing
on verbs a more or less definite continuative. The word is the
predicate of k'am-1-itc, wild-cat, but lacking a tense or mode
suffix is participial and subordinate to nau"' -mil, saw.
ii, ' ' dubitative " particle described above.
im-pis, from somewhere, from im, interrogative where, here used in-
definitely, and ablative suffix -pis.
hul-k'oi, Coyote. The composition is not clear: hul is eye, k'oi is gopher,
regarded as the characteristic food of the coyote.
nau"' -mil, looked, from stem na n < w, to see, here used intransitively, and
suffix mil, used in narrative in place of tense-suffixes to indicate
the finite verb of the sentence, but lacking specific temporal indica-
tion.
sa D -ei, introductory particle, composed of sa", opposed to si, and indicat-
ing that the subject of the verb introduced is the same as that of
the finite verb in the last sentence, and the ' ' dubitative ' ' particle ii.
ai"-it, gradually, apparently derived from verbal stem a n y, to glide, by a
suffix -it or -t of unknown meaning, perhaps found also in kai n t,
long ago.
woo '-ma, walked toward, from verb stem wo ', to walk, go, and
suffix -ma expressing motion toward. As frequently, there are no
tense or mode suffixes following this suffix, so that the verb is to
be regarded as participial, connected by na n , "and," with the
participial form suup-is, throwing; and with it subordinate to the
finite verb yii-k-i-mil, played.
na", and, connecting the participial clauses containing woo 'ma and
suup-is; usually only a connective of words.
si-ii, introductory particle, composed of si, opposed to sa n , and indicating
that the subject of the verb introduced is different from the
subject of the preceding verb; and the particle ii. Sa n -ii and si-ii
are ordinarily used only at the head of complete sentences, so that
they can be translated by introductory "and"; here they head
two parts of the same sentence and are therefore connected by
the conjunction na n , and.
ki-mac-nam-il-k, what he did, relative verbal form; derived by the final
tense suffix -k, indicating an indefinite present and having verbi-
fying force; and by the relative suffix nam-li or nam-il, of unknown
origin; from a stem ki-mae, primarily demonstrative, from ki, that,
and mac, probably meaning in such manner; the combined form
having the meaning thus (?) and being used with the plural suffix
-i as the regular plural, kimaci, those, of ki, that; but here em-
ployed as a verb-stem, as in the form ki-mac-k below.
ei = ii.
haca, again.
a'-ii, on the slope, from a', slope, and locative suffix -i, probably a form
of -ki, at.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 379
suup-is, throwing, from sup, throw, and suffix -is indicating repeated
action; without tense or mode suffix, and therefore participial,
coordinated with woo '-ma by na n and subordinated to yii-k-i-mil.
ii.
yii-k-i-mil, played, from stem yi with its usual derivative suffix -k,
euphonic -i-, and finite suffix -mil.
se-ei, introductory particle indicative of change of subject,
im-pia, somewhere-from, as above
ki, that, ordinary demonstrative, equivalent to "the," "he, she or it,"
and (when contrasted with ka, this) "that"; here attributive to
hul-k 'oi, Coyote, and equivalent to ' ' the " or " the before-mentioned. ' '
hul-k 'oi, Coyote, subject of nau n '-mil.
nau D < -mil, looked, from stem na n ' w, as before.
se-ei, introductory particle indicative of another change of subject. The
subject of the last sentence having been Coyote, it is Wild-cat in
the present sentence. There is no noun or pronoun or any repre-
sentative of the subject in this sentence.
an, always, constantly.
ki-mac-k, doing that, verbal participle formed by the verbalizing present-
suffix -k from the stem ki-mac, from the common demonstrative ki,
that; perhaps literally "thus-ing. " Compare ki-mac-nam-il-k above.
ii.
yii-k-i-mil, played, as above.
se-ei, indicates change of subject, a return to Coyote.
ha"ye, now; possibly from one root with ha n ca, again, occurring above.
ki, that, the, as above with hul-k 'oi.
hul-k 'oi, Coyote.
ei = ii.
ha"ye, now, tautological.
t 'a n -sa-tl-mil, showed himself, literally, made himself be found. Stem
t'a", find; -sa-, evidently related to causative suffix -si-, a similar
form appearing in motc-sa- below; -tl-, frequent transitive-intentional-
causative suffix; -mil, suffix of finite verb.
si-ii, indicates change of subject to Wild-cat again.
k'am-1-itc, Wild-cat.
yii-k-i-nam-il-kon, that which he was playing, objective relative parti-
ciple. Yii-k-i as before, -nam-il, relative suffix of verbs, -kon,
final relative suffix apparently in the objective case.
ei = ii.
huuu-t-mil, stopped, from stem huu'u, to stop, apparently related to hu',
begin, by an unknown process of derivation; -t-, intransitive or
involuntary suffix opposed to -tl-; -mil, suffix of finite verb.
se-ei, indicating change of subject.
hul-k 'oi, Coyote.
kiw-is-mil, asked, from kiw, ask; -is, frequentative suffix, often of distinct
iterative meaning, as in suup-is above, but here apparently merely
habitually used with the stem kiw; -mil, suffix indicating finite verb.
iiyi, what, interrogative.
cinki, meaning unknown; iiyi-cinki-mi is a frequent interrogative phrase.
mi, you, personal pronoun, second person singular, here somewhat enclitic
to cinki, but as a matter of accent, not construction; grammatically
an independent word, subject of the sentence.
kup, sister's son; here an appelation, appositional to mi, you.
380 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
yii-k-i-eiloo-wi, appeared to play; from yii-k-i, from usual form yii-k of
stem yi, as above; ciloo, to seem, resemble, be like, used as an inde-
pendent verb stem and more frequently as a suffix with the force of
an auxiliary verb, like lau% be able, and im, try; -wi, ordinary past
tense-suffix used in direct discourse, its place being taken in narrative
by -mil.
se-ei, announcing another change of subject. '
k'am-1-itc, Wild-cat, subject of imeimil, said, at the end of the quotation
beginning with the following word.
iiyi, what, interrogative, object of the verb yuu-y-am-ha, did.
a n p, I, independent pronoun occurring both in this form and as a n p-el;
subject of yuu-y-am-ha.
yuu-y-am-ha, was doing; from stem yu, to do; -y- phonetic glide frequent
before the suffixes -am and -ak after unaspirated vowels; -am, suffix
usually having a continuative or iterative force, as here; -ha final
interrogative suffix, displacing the tense-suffix.
tanha n l-k, it is nothing or it is not so, verbal derivative by the present-
tense suffix -k from an enlargement by unknown derivation from
the stem tan or ta n l, no, not. Ta n l-k occurs with the same meaning
in the next sentence.
a n p, I, subject of following cuuh-uk, sit.
ka, here, strictly "this," demonstrative pronoun of proximity. Ka may
in this sentence form a compound with the following cuuhuk,
ka-cuuhuk, I sit here; one should expect the usual locative form
kat-a, at this, here.
euuh-uk, am sitting, from stem cu<, and present suffix -ik, the u of the
suffix being obscure.
ii, dubitative particle, here indicating the cessation of the direct dis-
course in which it is not used, and the resumption of the narrative.
imeimil, said, predicate of k'am-1-itc above, the entire intervening quota-
tion with three finite verbs being logically the object. Formed
by the suffix -mil indicating the finite verb in narrative, from
imei, probably composed of stem im- and euphonic -i- to separate
final m of the stem and initial m of the suffix.
ta n l-k, it is not so, from ta n l, no, not, and present or verbilizing suffix -k.
ta n l-k, it is not so.
kup, sister's son, appelation.
kai n t, for a long time.
a n p, I, subject of the following verb.
na nt w-i-wi, looked, was looking, as above. Probably intransitive here,
as the following clause, which logically is its object, is not sub-
ordinated to it but also contains a finite verb.
iiyi, something, interrogative what? here used indefinitely, object of mi-
suup-is-u, you threw; possibly equivalent to a relative connecting
na"w-i-wi and suup-is-u, though such a construction would not be
characteristic.
mi, you, subject of suup-is-u.
tat-eitc, pretty, from tat, good, and diminutive suffix -ite; also tat-am;
attributive to iiyi, something.
neyu, smooth, in the same construction as tat-eitc.
ka'i, I
suup-is-u, kept throwing, predicate of mi, from sup, throw, suffix -is
expressive of iteration or continuation, and final past-tense suffix
-wi, as in na n 'w-i-wi, here as often contracted to -u.
si-ei, particle introducing a new sentence which will have a different
subject from the last.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 381
GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE LANGUAGE."
The most important characteristics of the Yuki language may
be said to be the following : phonetic simplicity, both as regards
the limited number of sounds and the absence of accumula-
tion of either consonants or vowels ; phonetic rigidity or immuta-
bility, evident particularly in the lack of modification of stem or
affix elements as these are brought together; a strongly mono-
syllabic character of the elements of the language, which does
not, however, prevent the formation of words of some length;
the absence of reduplication; the use of suffixation as the only
structural or grammatical means employed; the presence of a
moderate number of suffixes but the rigid restriction of these,
apart from a few noun-forming endings, to designations of
number in nouns, of case and locative relations in nouns, of
auxiliary, derivative, and general adverbial ideas in the verb,
and of the relations of mode and tense in the verb ; the absence
of affixes, particles, or classifiers denoting shape, kind of motion,
substance, or instrument; complete absence of any form of
incorporation or pronominal affixation; a clear distinction of
all words into either nouns, verbs, or adverbs, pronouns and
demonstratives being nouns, adjectives verbs; a well developed
subordinating sentence structure; the expression of delicate
shades of relation between sentences by a series of connectives;
and the lack of an absolute differentiation of stem and suffix, as
shown by the use of certain stems also in the latter capacity.
WAPPO.
A few phonetic and grammatical notes obtained on the
Wappo dialect reveal certain identities with Yuki proper and
a number of interesting divergences. Dr. S. A. Barrett has
shown that the Wappo language is spoken in five dialects, or
more properly sub-dialects, as the differences are scarcely per-
ceptible. The notes here given are on the Northwestern or
Russian river sub-dialect.
5* Compare Boas Memorial Volume, 64-79, 1906.
382 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
Phonetically Wappo is very similar to Yuki, both the con-
stituent sounds and their characteristic combinations being almost
identical. The principal differences are the absence of nasalized
vowels from Wappo and the presence of a series of sonant stops
corresponding to the surds. These have not been recognized by
Dr. Barrett. As they had been written in a Wappo vocabulary
obtained by the author previous to Dr. Barrett's studies, par-
ticular attention was therefore subsequently given to the ques-
tion of their occurrence, at the time when the information was
secured on which the present notes are based. It is however true
that the sonants are less different from the surds than is the
case in English.
As in Yuki, both ordinary and fortis surd stops occur, k', t',
p', t-' tc', and ts' having been heard. Glottal stops are marked
and frequent. E and o are open, but i and u seem to be close.
The pronouns differ from those of Yuki chiefly in that the
possessive, objective, and independent or unsyntactical forms are
identical, and somewhat different from the subjective forms. The
possessive pronouns are prefixed or preposed. A possessive and
objective of the third person singular is de. The pronouns so
far as obtained are :
Subj. Obj. Poss. Indep.
1 s. a I i I
2 s. mi mi ml mi
3 s. de de
1 p. isi isa isa
2 p. imsa misa
The demonstratives are he' and we' and thus unrelated to
Yuki ka and ki. Another apparent demonstrative is tse. Self is
rendered by mai.
Nouns show a plural, of persons only, in -te. The locative and
instrumental suffixes determined are :
-ti, -i, instrumental
-mi, -me, at, in, referring to time
-tu, -ta, at, in, referring to time
-bi, from, of
-deimu, on
-ompi, under
The tense suffixes for the present, past, and future are -wi, -ta,
1911J Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 383
and -si. Of these the present suffix has a past meaning in Yuki ;
the future in Yuki is -pa, not -si ; the Wappo past, -ta, is not
known from Yuki. The imperative is formed by a suffix -e,
either with or without a prefixed or preposed ina. The optative
of the first person plural is indicated by the suffix -si, which is
probably the future tense sign, with or without the imperative
prefix ma. Interrogation is expressed by the final suffix -ha, as
in Yuki. The negative is -laxki, la'k. The use of this form is
interesting, as it appears to be the Yuki potential suffix or
auxiliary verb lau', lauh. A suffix -la, with or without ho pre-
posed to the verb, may be a continuative. Other verbal forms of
undetermined significance are -uk and a preposed or prefixed o-.
The dubitative or quotative particle ii of Yuki, and the intro-
ductory particles or connective words that are so conspicuous in
that language, have not been observed. There is no trace of them
in the recorded text of a myth.
The general appearance of the verb, place of the pronouns
before it, and the relative order of words in the sentence, closely
parallel Yuki.
Specimen phrases :
k 'u-ye, k 'uw-e, run !
a ho-k 'uw-ala, I am running, I ran
mi I nau-e-ta-ha, did you see me?
a' mi nau-ta-la'k, I did not see you.
a de hakce-laxk, I do not like him.
I okani I hakce, my friend likes me
de a k'ewi naw-i-si, I shall see him to-morrow
bata a mi nau-wi, I see you now.
isi ma-k 'uw-e-si, let us run
a ma k 'uw-e-hakce-laxki, I do not want to run
ma-ba-e, eat!
isi-ba-e-si, let us eat.
u a' o-ba-ta, already I ate
o-ba-uk, eat
he' utci a' o-ba-e-si, this night I will eat
i okani o-ba-ta-laxki sumi, my friend did not wish to eat yesterday
a lel-i ml o-tcap-i-si, I will strike you with a rock
384 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
WIYOT.
The Wiyot occupied the Coast from the Bear River mountains
north as far as to Little river. Inland they held only to the
first watershed. Humboldt bay and the lowest course of Eel
river were the most important points in their territory, which
was one of the most restricted held by any linguistic family in
America. The Wiyot call their language Sulatelak. Those
about Humboldt bay call themselves Wiki-daredaliL, from Wiki,
the name of the Humboldt bay district. The Mad river portion
of their territory they call Patawat, and the country about
lower Eel river Wiyat or Wiyot. Viard, a name that has been
applied to them, is a rendering of Wiyot. The Yurok call them
Weyet and the Karok use a similar term. They have been
erroneously called Wishosk, Wic'ack having been interpreted as
the designation given them by their Athabascan neighbors. It is
the term which they apply to these Athabascan neighbors, wici
meaning interior.
The Wiyot language, which does not appear to be dialectically
differentiated, is rather difficult phonetically and grammatically.
Material was recorded from six or eight individuals, none of
whom proved a satisfactory linguistic informant. Several texts
that were secured throw little light on the structure of the
language because they are loosely translated, because the in-
formants were unable to render adequate assistance in the
analysis of the expressions contained in them, and because the
sentences in the texts consist chiefly of independent verbs, so
that they present little context.
PHONETICS.
Wiyot is spoken indistinctly and lacks the phonetic clarity
characteristic of the three languages previously considered in
this paper. The vowels have but little saturation of quality, and
are frequently slurred so as to be obscure, a feature which has
been indicated by small capital letters. E and o are open.
Nasalized vowels and a, o, ii do not occur.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 3S.1
The consonants are :
k k' g g '
t t' d s n
P p' b m
1, L, r, c, to, is, y, w, h,'
There are no velars. Surd and sonant stops are easily con-
fused. There are no fricatives outside of the s class, except
g', which appears to be a final and medial modification of g.
A nasal in the k position does not occur. S and c (sh), as well
as ts and tc, do not seem to have sonant equivalents. Surd or
lateral L, often affricative, is perhaps at other times only a con-
tinuant. The r is rather soft, though less dorso-palatal than
Yurok r. It is less trilled than Porno or Karok r. The fortes
surds are not very strongly exploded. Glottal stops, ', are fre-
quent. Initial w is frequently heard as m, v, or b. It is there-
fore probable either that w is habitually spoken with much less
rounding of the lips than in English, or that besides w there
exists a sound kindred to bilabial v. Owing to uncertainty on
this point, only w has been written, though v was often recorded.
Yurok w approaches v in quality, and Karok possesses v but no w.
Wiyot is of the small number of California linguistic families
that permit combinations of consonants both initially and finally
and in stems. The variety of such initial and final combinations
is however quite restricted, nor are medial combinations con-
spicuously frequent. Initial collocations are : kw, which is pos-
sibly a development of a simple sound; cw and sw; pi and
perhaps bl; tk, tck, and tsk. LW, tew, tw, kc, and kL have also
been recorded, but so rarely that their occurrence cannot be
looked upon as positively determined. Final combinations are
kw, tk, and tck. Besides, tw, ks, and sk have been heard once
each ; pc on two names of places in Yurok territory ; and pL in
several instances. The rarer uncorroborated occurrences, both
initially and finally, must be considered doubtful on account of
the habit of many speakers frequently to slur unaccented vowels.
It is however clear that kw, tk, and tck are found both at the
beginning and end of words; and that k, t, p, tc, c, s, and L, in
other words surds, comprise the consonants that occur in first
position, and that k, c, s, w, 1, and L occur in second place in
386 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
combinations. In the interior of words, where composition and
derivation bring other consonants into juxtaposition, there is
less restriction on combinations, but the component elements are
frequently heard separately.
All sounds in the language occur initially and finally, with
the following exceptions: Vowels and n are not found at the
beginning of words, and the sonant stops g, d, b, besides of course
h, y, w, not at the end. It should be added that final vowels are
not common. There are a few instances of initial vowels, all in
words which appear to be of other than Wiyot origin : ikti 'n,
also recorded as hiktl'n and kti'n, Klamath river; eckapc, Gold
Bluff, Yurok ecpeu, also in Yurok territory ; itesi, small shells,
perhaps obtained by the Wiyot in trade; iewetck, silver. That
n does not occur initially is connected with a certain relation
betwen it and r and 1. The absence of the sonant stops d and b
from final position is possibly due to imperfect apperception
rather than to actual non-occurrence. G however seems to
become continuant, g' , when final. This may be due to influence
of Yurok, in which g is always a continuant.
E, 1, and n are closely related. Each has been recorded in
place of the others.
haluwi, haruwi, boat
-helel, -heler, on numerals
kac-werar, small house, rat-welar, large house
gu-dalew-iL, gu-danow-en, stand
won-e'l, wor-e'r, his arm
meledal, hi-meredal, walk
ritwe-lakwil, ritwe-wacuk-rakwil, crescent-shaped
laliL, rariL, stream
' What seems to be original n changes to r or 1 when initial,
reappearing after a prefix ending in a vowel. The same process -
seems sometimes to occur finally, but may be a conversion of r
to n before an added vowel.
rawili, right, ka-nawili, not right, left
riewom-ot, kwi-niewom, kill
-tiar, -tian-ik, suffix of possessive pronouns
yi-dar, my father, dan-e'l, his father
k-elir, your eye, w-elin-e'l, his eye
It is rather striking that vowels are rarely final and never
initial.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 387
Phonetically Wiyot agrees with Yurok and contrasts con-
spicuously with Yuki, Porno, Karok, Chimariko, Yana, Maidu,
Wintun, Miwok, Costanoan, Esselen, Washo, and Yokuts, whose
enunciation is distinct and whose stems are free from combina-
tions of consonants. Nevertheless the indistinctness of speech,
the slurring of vowels, and the accumulation of consonants, are
not excessive in Wiyot, and are more moderate than in certain
more northern languages of the Pacific Coast and than in English.
REDUPLICATION.
Reduplication is not abundant. It occurs in certain onomato-
poetic verbs, at times in iterative verbs and in adjectival stems,
and is occasionally used to indicate rhetorical emphasis. It is
thus word-forming rather than grammatical.
da '-da 'kwa, snore
tsi-tsir, sneeze
da-dakak, thunder
cak-cakw-iL, he is sick, eakw-irak, sickness
dak-dakw-iL, it is crossed
daru-dalu-i, all
gabitcirakw tci-wera-wera-wera-kw, it is too bad!
It is apparent that in onomatopoetic verbs the initial syllable
is reduplicated as far as the vowel; in other cases an entire
syllable or stem is duplicated. There appear to be a few nouns
that are normally reduplicated, such as tcatcitckiri, mud-hen,
but there is no trace of reduplication expressing a plural or col-
lective-distributive. Iterative reduplication in verbs is uncommon.
COMPOSITION.
In composition of two nouns, the determining precedes the
determined; but any other part of speech determining a noun
follows it in composition.
p'let-kacamale, rocks-small, Little River
p 'leta-caweti, rocks-white, Glendale
wits-karerer, canine-wild, coyote
wopL-akatkera, redwood-branches
dikwa-motwiL, white-man-woman
ritsowel-ailokwe, night-moon
wene-welir, sky-eyes, stars
gatsire-weliL, crow-foot
388 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
If however a term of direction is united with a noun, it pre-
cedes. It seems that such terms are prefixes, and that the
process of combination is one of derivation rather than of com-
position when these elements are added to nouns.
wici-dikwa, inland-spirit
gudatri-gakwiL, above-old-man
In a number of compounds only part of the elements can be
positively determined.
haluwi-tulaliyutxu, Medilding village at Hupa,55 (haluwi, boat)
da-Lak-dale-waiyits, come-in-ship dog, native dog (Lak, ship; waiyits,
dog)
cawet-oc-iL, bald-eagle (cawet, white; -iL, suffix of third person)
cawet-colig-iL, brant
dela-bel-iL, killer-whale (bel, to fish)
mes-wululel, fire-place (mes, fire)
swaptil-haluwi-laliL, Vance Mill (haluwi, boat; laliL, stream)
ta-boderuc-datige-raliL, Lindsey Creek (boderuc, brodiaea roots)
we-tapiis, thumb (we's, hand, fingers)
guts-er-ol, fresh water (guts, good, ho'l, water)
gotso-wen, day (go 'ts-, one, or guts, good, wen, sky)
weni-crenim-iL, mole (wen, sky, which according to myth the mole
supported)
Formations similar to bahuvrihis or possessive compounds
occur.
baLe-ranaLa, Chinaman (baL, hair; raLa, long)
twanagit-erowak, sheep (blanket-make)
DERIVATION.
Word-forming derivatives that have been determined are
suffixes, except terms of direction, which are prefixed.
-ate, -hats, -wdts, diminutive :
bac-ats, small flat basket
hutcwatc-hate, small cooking basket
haluwi-wats, small boat
p 'let-wits-hats, p'lets-wats, small rocks
rariL-wats, small stream
wetc-atc, buds
wlt-c-atc, small alder-trees
watcewaiawatc-hats, small clam shells used as ornaments
ss Medilding means ' ' boat-place ' ' in Hupa, as it is accessible only by
boats.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 389
-tar, on terms of color :
mes-iar-etk, red (mes, fire)
siswa-ial-ewe-Lak, brown (siswa, black)
-Ldk, on terms of color :
dukap-Lak, yellow
kika-i.ak, red
mes-iera-Lak-er, red
siswe-Lak-an, black
dukap-Layak-an, green
baduduwi-Lak, dust-color
Limaiusele re-Lak-er, blue-jay color-it-is, blue
-gaLet, on adjectives of appearance :
coyuwo-geLet, striped
tcwetc-gaLet, plaid
detcatc-gaLet, spotted
-lak, language :
sulate-lak, Wiyot language
wicl-lak, Athabascan language
denakwate-lak, Yurok language
guradaliLrakwe-lak, Karok language
-welel, -helel, on numerals above four :
we 's-ag-eleL, 5 (we's, hand)
dakLiluk-elel, 6
halu-welel, 7
hiowita-welel, 8
meceruk-welel, 9
rulok-helel, 10
ritawa-helel, 20
rikwa-helel, 30
rama-helel, 40
we 'sohele-welel, 50
dakLilukhele-welel, 60
haluhele-welel, 70
hlwitahele-welel, 80
mecerukhele-welel, 90
gutseswani-helel, 100
From 50 to 90 this suffix appears twice on each stem.
There are several noun-endings :
-wil.
gu-wil, person (cf. guwi, man)
di-wel-a, di-wil-e, somebody, another
ir, probably for -in.
wel-ir, eye (wel, see)
390 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
-&.
maL-ak, salmon, food (maL, waL, pL, eat)
-S.
we '-s, hand (cf. we-tapiis)
p'let-s, p'let-k, rock
-t.
cwa-t, bow (swala, shoot)
-VL, the ending of the third person on verbs, forms numerous
nouns. The stems from which these are derived are in many cases
undetermined, but seem to be verbal.
tiger-iL, unmarried man
tserar-iL, unmarried woman
kakeraw-iL, woman
gakw-iL, old man
coor-eL, index finger ("pointer")
radapir-iL, glutton
rakwulir-iii, wolf
kanapel-iL, grizzly-bear ("biter")
cawet-oe-iL, bald-eagle
dakaks-iL, gun
dawiLar-iL, glass
dawiL-wiw-iL, mirror
kagotsikc-iL, lamp
As the last examples as well as several previous ones can
show, Wiyot is not at all averse to the formation of new words
to denote new objects. The majority of the languages of Cali-
fornia tend to adopt Spanish or English words.
Several endings have been found on verbs of related mean-
ing, but it is uncertain whether they are deriving suffixes added
to stems or themselves verbs.
-tskarer.
rari-tskarer, shave, plane
bitcewe-tskarer, peel
Leriwoke-tskarer, peel
ci-tskarer, flay
-uiyer.
twe-Layer, cut, notch
ka-Layer, whittle
hawe-Layer, mash
gutwaiap-Layer, brush
Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 391
Terms of direction precede other word-elements, as before
stated. To the examples already given can be added :
dat-kasiL, top of head
curi-laka, west, ocean
Stems of terms of direction are :
wur, north
at, teatc, south
cur, west, across the ocean
tinie, wici, east, interior, upland
dat, up, above
When forming independent words, these are employed with
either of the prefixes rak- and ivik-.
rak-wur, north
wik-tcatc, wik-at, south
wik-cur, west
rak-tinie, wik-tinie, rak-dat, east
PRONOUN.
The Wiyot pronoun is incorporated, to use the customary
terminology. In other words, it is not a pronoun at all but a
pronominal element which is normally affixed to other stems. The
independent pronoun occurs only unsyntactically, as in answer
to questions, or emphatically, when it is used in addition to the
pronominal affixes and is syntactically superfluous.
The possessive elements are chiefly prefixed, and show some
similarity to the independent pronouns. The subjective and
objective elements are always suffixed, and differ entirely both
from the possessive and independent forms and from each other.
The objective element precedes the subjective, thus standing
nearer the stem of the verb.
Subjective Objective Possessive Independent
1.
11 ATT
, -u, -ow
rn- VI -56
^ j J
yil
2.
-it"
-as
ku-
kil
3.
-iL
-a
(hu-) e'l
1.
-itak-"
, -u, -ow
(hu-) ik
hinar, winar
2.
-itawa"
-aswa, -wa
kiluwa ku-
kiluwa
3.
-iL
-a
(hu-) e'l
r,6 yi- only before terms of relationship.
" -at, -atak, -atawa are also found.
392 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
The independent pronouns of the first and second person,
yil and kil, have evidently been influenced by mutual analogy.
Comparison with the possessive prefixes ru- and ku- makes it
appear that 1 or r, representing n, is the original element of yil,
and k of kil. In this case the pronominal stems would agree
with those of Yurok, where nek and qel are I and you but the
possessives ne- and qe- shown n and q to be fundamental.
A form yil-il, me, has been found.
There is no independent pronoun of the third person, and the
possessive is indicated by the suffix -e'l.
The first person subjective and objective is often indicated
by absence of suffix. 58 An -u or -ow also occurs. The second
person is -it or -at, subjective, and -as objective. The third
person is respectively -iL and -a.
The plural is variously formed. In the third person it does
not differ from the singular. The second person uniformly adds
a suffix -wa; thus, kil-u-wa, independent; kil-u-wa ku-, posses-
sive; -it-a-wa or -at-a-wa, subjective; -as-wa, sometimes merely
-wa, objective. The independent form of the first person is hinar
or winar. The possessive is a suffix -ik, which reappears in the
subjective -itak or -atak, of which the first element resembles the
second person -it-. The plural of the first person objective is the
same as the singular.
Neither the subjective, objective, nor possessive series possess
any common elements which may be interpreted as indicative of
these relations. It is probably analogizing that has led subjective
-it and -iL, objective -as and -a, and possessive ru- and ku- to
share respectively the vowels i, a, and u.
kilwa-ya wul-al-itwa, were you (pi.) walking?
gul-ag' -it-ya, are you going back?
hi-gelaw-a, I beat him
cu waL-itak, let us eat!
do-pL-iL, he is eating
hi-wel-a, I saw him
hi-wel-aswa, I saw you (pi.)
hinar hi-wel-u-L, he saw us
hi-wel-as-iL, he saw you
Le hi-wel-uw-ituwa, you (pi.) have seen me
58 In Mohave the first person is also denoted by absence of pronominal
affixes.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 393
bokin-ow-it, you hit me
wu-bokin-as, I will hit you
wi-kanap-is, I will bite you
wi-t-as, I will feed you
garewack-iL, he is bad
winar wa-kale-waL-u, we will not eat
LC hi-kanap-a-it, did you bite it?
The suffix -a-, him, plus -it, you, seems to be usually con-
tracted to -et : hi-wel-et, you saw him.
A suffix -il is sometimes found before subjective suffixes of the
first and second person. It occurs also between the objective of
the first person -ow and the subjective -iL of the third person.
raL-el-at, you are large
hi-wel-ow-il-iL, he saw me
makL-erakw-il-atawa, you (pi.) are large
The first person possessive shows an exceptional yi- instead
of regular ru- before certain terms of relationship. This yi-
appears to be an abbreviation of the independent pronoun yil.
It will be recalled that Porno and Yuki have been found to use
a separate class of possessives with terms of relationship.
In the case of body-parts, there are also certain peculiar-
ities. Many such words begin with an m or w, which seems to
be a pronominal element denoting indefiniteness of possessive
reference. In some of these terms the first and second persons
are expressed by the addition of the prefixes ru- and ku- before
the m or w. Such are weliL, foot, we's, hand, wee, vagina,
magoks, brain. In other terms initial m- disappears before r- and
k- of the first and second persons: m-a'n, pubic hair, r-a'n;
m-elak, testicle, k-elak; m-elir, eyes, k-elir, w-elin-e'l.
Other body-part terms show an initial element wat- : wat-hel,
tail, wat-hewet, head, wat-wi, heart, ra-wat-kai, skin, wat-kerat,
bone, wat-melok, ear. This element is also retained with the
personal prefixes: ra- wat-kerat, my bones, hu-wat-kerat-i '1, his
bones.
Still other words denoting parts of the body show neither
initial m- nor wat- : sakwer, lungs, dgat, penis, baaL, hair.
A few words show unexpected forms : m-etere, nose in general,
detere, my nose, kil detere, your nose, detere- '1, his nose; kawik,
wat-kawik, blood, r-atkawik, k-atkawik, my, your blood; haluwi,
boat, ru-d-aluwi, ku-d-aluwi, my, your boat.
394 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
DEMONSTRATIVES.
Demonstratives are gic, this, and guru, gur, or gu, that. As
in Yuki, the term for that has also some use as a demonstrative
of reference, without idea of distance. Gic is used only to
express specific proximity. When attributive the demonstratives
are proclitic to the noun. A third form, gwilel, occurs with the
meaning of he.
gun, he, she
gic, this one
gu-tem-iL, the one sitting there
gu-dalew-iL, that one standing there
guru waiyits, that dog
guru gudatri-gakwiL, that above-old-man
gic-garewackiL, this bad one
gwilel hu-waiyits-e '1, her dog
gwilel kanap-el-iL, he was biting
Tciwa means thus, so, that, he who. A related form tcigon
or tcigur, him, them, that, appears to be objective. There always
appears to be implication of previous reference.
tciwi anel-iL, that is what he said
tciwi dalow-iL, she lives there
kil-ia tciwira ha-tsitsir-iL, you-was-it who sneezed?
tciwa daretw, I think so
yil-il tciwa-hakil, to me he did it
tciwa-wiL delaker, always did thus
kiluwa-ya dicgaam-et tcigon, do-you (pi.) like him!
tcigur hi-wel-a, them I-saw
Interrogatives are ciwa, duwa or dawa, and kwaLwa or WULC,
meaning what and where, how and why. The ending -wa of these
interrogatives occurs also in the demonstrative tciwa; the stems
are therefore probably ci, da, and kwaL or WUL.
ciwa, what?
duwa, what?
duwa kil ka-wol, where is your house?
duwa wulal-iL motwiL, where went the woman?
duwa dekLelaliL, where is the chief?
ciwa kac-welan ka-wol, how small is your house?
kwaLwa riewom-ot-ogam, with what did you kill him?
kwaLwa wuLe miL kale-waL-e, why do you not eat?
"Another" is hikeLe'l, or diwile, somebody. HikeL-e'l per-
haps bears the possessive suffix of the third person.
All is daru, preposed to the verb. More frequently however
ru- enters as a prefix into the verb-complex.
1911] Krocber: Languages North of San Francisco. 395
NOUN.
The Wiyot noun is scarcely affected by grammatical con-
siderations. It is not reduplicated, and is free from the expres-
sion of number, gender, or case, excepting only one general
locative suffix -akw.
p'let-wakw, on the rock
pak-akw, on the ocean
mes-akw, in the fire
halowi-wakw, in a boat
datheri plet-wakw, on top of the rock
peL-wakw, place in a house beside the* door
wal-akw, in the morning
wiril-akw, to-day
VERB.
Pronominal elements are always suffixed to the verb. On the
other hand temporal, modal, and adverbial relations are expressed
by prefixes. Similarly the independent adverb precedes the stem.
Adverbial prefixes generally follow temporal ones. The scheme
of the verb is thus: prefix of tense, prefix of manner, stem,
objective pronominal element, subjective pronominal element.
Prefixes express several past tenses, a future, and a con-
tinuative; a conditional, a subordinate mode, and one form of
imperative; the negative; the idea of all; and probably several
designations of motion. Suffixes, which predominate in word-
formation and in indications of person, are less important in
verb structure. Those determined express a causative, an impera-
tive, an instrumental, and a reflexive. Several other suffixes
occur on intransitive and adjective stems, and seem to serve to
render these respectively predicative or attributive. There
appear to be several prefixes of motion that have not yet been
fully determined; but in general there is little specific expres-
sion, by means of affixes to verbs, of kind of action, location, or
instrumentality.
PARTICLES.
gitga is an adverbial particle indicative of futurity and prob-
ably of intention. It usually follows the verb.
wa-keL-am gitga, I will look for him
kanap gitga, I will bite
rogal-ia gitga gul-ow-at, soon will you come back!
396 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
The interrogative is an enclitic particle, ia or ya, always
attached to the first word of the sentence. 59
kil-ia dicgam-at guru guwi, you, do you like that man?
gur-ia dekLelaliL, is he a chief?
kuna-ya hi-les-at, yesterday did you go by boat?
dicgaw-it-ia, do you like me?
yil-ya bokin-ew-It, me, did you hit me?
kiluwa-ya dicgam-et tcigon, ye do you like him?
Le 1-it-waL-et-hia, are you sleepy?
co or cu is an optative particle, always at the head of the
sentence.
co gaw-ak-o, let us start
cu wala, I wish I had it
cu wirate, let me drink
cu gawitwadak, let us go to sleep
cu, or cuku-, has negative optative force without the employ-
ment of the usual negative prefix.
giLa, cuku-laliswu, enough, let us stop singing!
cu pugakwiLini, do not touch it!
cu ratse-tsaw-inik, kLet, do not touch it, it is hot!
cuku-kawi giLa, stop working!
cuku-rerir, you must not do it any more!
Le, sometimes heard as La, expresses the completed past. It
always precedes the verb, and is sometimes heard as a separate
syllable, sometimes as a prefix. It is therefore probably a pro-
clitic particle.
La-wit, I have slept
ciwa La-gira-gerak, what have you done?
winar Le-ru-ge-da-pL-o, we have all finished eating
Le hi-kanap-et, did you bite it?
La-gera-le-wel-as, I did not see you
Le-rewaLa, it is day
Le-kilowa Le-waL-e, have ye eaten?
4
PEEFIXES.
hi- is the prefix of ordinary past time.
hi-ow-iL, he came
hi-wel-as, I saw you
hi-esatal, I met
hi-rakcem-iL, she pursued him
kuna hi-les, yesterday I went by boat
69 In Miwok and Ute-Chemehuevi the interrogative is -a and -ia, and is
also the second word in the sentence. Yuki has a verbal suffix -ha.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 397
na- seems also to denote past time.
na-do-pL-et, you have been eating
na-yu-wel-as, I saw you
na-Le-weratc, I have drunk already
wi-, wa-, indicates the future,
wi-kanap-is, I shall bite you
wa-detigeliswiw-iL, he -will swim
wi-gera-dilegana, 1 shall not become angry
wi-letkalegal-iL, he will fall
kil-ia wo-bel-at, shall you fish?
do- is a continuative.
do-bel-iL, he fished
do-pL-a, I am eating
do-low-iL, they are hanging
daru do-pL-iL, they are all eating
to- or da- occurs often. Its significance is uncertain. In
many cases it seems to be frequentative, iterative, or usitative.
da-laLal-iL, he jumps about
da-lakwet yil, I was coughing
da-digwidiwiri, I am sitting
hinar da-ridipu, we live together
ta-hokawoweluL, whenever a whale stranded
da-kul-ow-iL, always returned
ta-weldelaker, always whipped him
da-kictawil-iL, constantly asked for food
da-wuwokwiwi, have you been training yourself!
kul- means back, again, return. It is placed between the tense-
prefix and the verb stem.
hi-kul-ow-iL, he came back
kul-ag-iL, went again
La-ka-kul-aker, did not do any more
dal- is of undetermined meaning. It occurs in several verbs
implying repeated motion.
dal-an-iL, dal-anew-iL, buzz, hum
dal-adeler, ring
da-dal-ak-wer, works
hil-, perhaps 1-, is undetermined.
hil-ag-iL, went
hil-uluwu, takes
gawel-, undetermined.
gawel-alak, I will move away
gawel-ag-iL, they went
hi-gawel-uw-iL, they came
398 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
let- apparently defines motion in some way.
let-kaleg< al-iL, roll
dak-let-athanagat, boil violently
let-kalegal, fall
ru-, occurring also in the independent word daru, all, has the
same significance when a prefix. It usually refers to the subject,
but also to the object. As a prefix it follows the tense prefixes.
winar Le-ru-ge-da-pL-6, we are all done eating
hinar ru-raL-el, we are all large
ru-rat-er gowil, all the people are large
ru-ga-pL-u, will eat
wi-ru-bokina-wa, I will eat you all
gawe- is inchoative.
gawe-rowetger-iL, it is becoming dry
gawu-betser, it is becoming dry
gawe-rewaLar, it begins to be day
gera-, g'ra-, ga-, or ka- makes the negative. It also follows
the tense-prefixes.
gera-lit-waLa, I am not sleepy
g 'ra-la-waL-i, I do not want to eat
gwa-gets-Lak, it is not cold
g 'ra-dicga-gem yulewe-tsk, I do not like the white ones
wi-gera-dilegana, will not be angry
La-gera-le-wel-as, I did not see you
gera-lu-de-dicga-ge, I do not like him
ka-dicgaw-ir-ia miL yil, don't you like me?
wi-gera-t-as-a, I cannot feed you
ka-, prefix, combined with -ii,ya, suffix, forms an occasional
imperative.
ka-wa-detigeliswiw-iLya, swim!
ka-Lal-iLya, jump!
ka-lakwet-ere-iLya, cough!
ka-, neither negative nor imperative, is a frequent prefix of
entirely undetermined force. It does not seem to be temporal.
ya-, yaya- makes the protasis of conditional sentences.
ya-kau-kanap-il, if you do not bite me
yaya-kwa-dawikw-il, if you do not visit me
The demonstrative gu, and probably kic also, are used as
prefixes to a verb that is subordinated to another,
yu-wel-as gu-bokin-ew-it, I saw you hitting me
La-gera-le-wel-as kic-1-ow-et, I did not see you coming
gu-dalew-iL wi-bokin-awa, him standing there I will strike
g 'ra-wilrekwa-wi gu-kanap-it, I feel sorry that you hit me
Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 399
The imperative does not seem to be regularly formed. Some
verbs show the ka iLya mentioned, a few -i, a few -ig' or -ag' ,
and others the stem, as kanap, bite!
ka-le-waL-i, eat!
gul-ag'-ig', go home!
swala-g' -ag' , shoot!
waL-ag', eat!
SUFFIXES.
-dtho seems to be causative.
hi-da-tem-atho, made him sit
tem-athu, made them sit
du-tem-atho, name of the isosceles triangle element in basket pat-
terns; the Yurok is wereq 'en, sitting.
-wi, -wiwi is reflexive. A more or less pronominal character
may be the cause of its final position.
iwowok-wiw-iL, trained himself
dicgaw-iw-iL, he likes himself
kil-ia wi-dukL-wiwi, did you look at yourself?
dawiL-wiw-iL, looking-glass
What is probably the same suffix occurs normally on a number
of verb stems. On some of these its force is clear, on others less
intelligible.
hie-wi, eat (transitive)
gos-wiwi, swim
de-tigelis-wiw, swim
weta-wi, satisfied
rakwa-wi, pity
tawik-wi, visit
gidid-iw, digwidi-wi, sit
dale-wi, dano-wi, stand
-ut denotes that the action of the verb is performed with an
instrument. It is added to the verb, but has the force of an
instrumental case on the noun denoting the instrument.
hi-swale-wut cwat, I shot him with a bow
kwaLwa riewom-ot-agem, with what did you kill himf
dagakciL riewom-ot, a gun I killed him with
bumipel da-haka-wut hi-niewu, a knife with I killed him
~er, -erer occurs frequently on numerals, adjectives, intransi-
tive verbs, transitive verbs without an object, and nouns. It
appears to have something of the force of a verb substantive.
400 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
guts-er, rit-er, rikw-er, one, two, three
ra't-er, he is large, they are large
detel-er, stab
gawu-bets-er, it is becoming dry
kacam-er, small
Lelewit-er, round
botcgawin-er, scratched
ka-wiluw-er, is hollow
gatslag-erer, end
wits-kar-erer, coyote
-erakw, -rakw, -nakw has similar force.
makL-erakw-iL, he is small
gots-herakw gu-tigeriL, he is a good-looking young man
ru-magoks gots-herakw, my brain is good
guts-erakw-iL, good
ga-bitc-irakw-iL, he is bad
guts-hi-nakw, is good
guts-ka-nakw, is not right
-pt has been found on color adjectives, apparently when they
are attributive.
hi-yu-wel-a yulewa-pti holakw', I saw a white deer
siswa-pt waiyits, black dog
holakw' riewom siswa-pt-ile, deer I killed a black one
-tk, or tsk, seems to make adjectives predicative or substantive,
herowedi-tk, the moon is shining
kike-tk, kike-tsk, red
mes-iare-tk, mes-iare-tsk, red
p 'letk bele-tk, rock is flat
hiwana-tk, square
yuwetke-tk, five-cornered
siswa-tk, small black seeds
dicgaame yulewe-tsk, I like the white ones
-u, of uncertain force, also occurs on adjectives,
siswa-u, black
ra'L-a-u, long, high (ra't, ra'L, large)
kacew-a-u, short (kacam-er, small)
-nim, meaning unknown.
tawakwiLi-nim-iL, pushed him
hi-tiekwa-nim-iL, broke him
-ikwal, unknown.
da-tem-ikwal, sat down
gul-ag' -ekwal, went home
akome-tal-ikwal, go back
ha-maL-ekwel gitga, we shall eat
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 401
ADJECTIVES.
Stems translatable by English adjectives offer more com-
plexity than is usual in Californian languages. They appear quite
regularly with suffixes, among which have been mentioned -er,
-erer, -erakw, -rakw, -nakw, verbifying or equivalent to the verb
substantive, -tk and -tsk, predicative or substantive, -pt attribu-
tive, and -u. There are also a number of derivative suffixes,
chiefly found on adjectives of color and appearance, such as -iar,
-Lak, gaLet. There are other complications. Thus the stem ra't,
large, appears under the following forms : ra 't-er, or ra 't-ekw-iL,
he is large, it is large, they are large; ra'L-el, ra'L-el-at, I am
large, you are large; p'letk ra't-etk, large rock; ra't-eter, large
(redwood tree) ; ra'tse, largely, much, very; ra'iau, long;
ra'iaw-iL, it is long; ra'i/e-, much, on verbs. Adjective stems are
not usually reduplicated, as is often the case in Porno, Miwok,
and other Californian and American languages.
NUMERALS.
As already stated, the numerals from five to ten and from
twenty to forty bear the suffix -helel or -welel. On fifty, sixty,
seventy, eighty, and ninety, the suffix is repeated. The numerals
from one to four usually end in -er, whether used in non-
syntactical counting or qualifying animate or inanimate nouns.
One occurrence without this suffix is of go't, ritwe, rikwo, one,
two, three, denoting persons, instead of the usual go'ts-er or
gu'tser, rit-er or ritw-er, rik-er or rikw-er. When years are
referred to, the numerals have a suffix -eu or -ayu; for days, -dk
or -wdk -. gu 'ts-ayu, ritw-eu ; rikw-eu, ramak, we 's-agele-wak.
These suffixes are of significance as evidence of the existence of
numeral classifiers, such as are abundant in Yurok.
ORDER OF WORDS.
The order of words as regards noun and verb is not fixed.
Both subject and object at times precede and at times follow the
verb. Adverbs, interrogatives, and pronouns precede the verb
and usually open the sentence. The interrogative particle ia is
always attached to the initial word.
402 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
ALPHABETICAL LIST OF AFFIXES.
PEEFIXES.
cu-, on verbs, prohibitive, negative optative
euku-, see cu-
cur-, west, across ocean
da-, see ta-
dal-, on verbs, undetermined
dat-, up, above
do-, continuative
ga-, see gera-
gawe-, on verbs, inchoative
gawel-, on verbs, undetermined
gera-, on verbs, negative
g'ra, see gera-
gul-, see kul-
gu-, that, the, demonstrative; on verbs, subordinating
hi-, on verbs, past
hi!-, on verbs, undetermined
hu-, sometimes accompanies the possessive suffixes of the first person
plural or third person singular and plural
ka-, see gera-
ka-, on verbs, undetermined
ka-, with suffix -iLya, on verbs, imperative
ku-, possessive of second person
kul-, on verbs, back, again
let-, on verbs, undetermined
La-, see Le-
Le-, particle, with verbs, completed action
m-, indefinite possession, on words denoting body parts
na-, on verbs, past
rak-, on terms of direction
ru-, on verbs, all
ru-, possessive of first person singular
ta-, on verbs, perhaps usitative or iterative
tinie-, east
tcatc-, south
wa-, see wi-
wat-, etymological, on some body-terms
wi-, on verbs, future
wici-, east, inland
wik-, on terms of direction
wur-, north
ya-, on verbs, if
yaya-, see ya-
yi-, possessive of first person singular on terms of relationship
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 403
SUFFIXES.
-a, on verbs, third person objective
-ag<, see -ig<
-ak, on numerals, denotes days
-akw, on nouns, general locative
-as, on verbs, second person singular objective
-aswa, on verbs, second person plural objective
-at, see -it
-atak, see -itak
-atawa, see -itawa
-atho, on verbs, causative
-ate, diminutive
-ayu, see -eu
-e'l, possessive of third person
-er, probably equivalent to verb substantive
-erakw, see -er
-erer, see -er
-eu, on numerals, denotes years
-gaLet, derivative, on terms of appearance
-hats, see -ate
-helel, see -welel
-i, on verbs, imperative
-ia, enclitic particle, interrogative
-iar, derivative on terms of color
-ik, possessive of first person plural
-ikwal, on verbs, undetermined
-il, before subjective suffixes of first and second person
-il, on independent pronoun of first person, perhaps objective
-it, on verbs, third person subjective; also agent, and noun formative
-iLya, with prefix ka-, imperative
-ir, derivative noun-ending
-is, see -as
-it, on verbs, second person singular subjective
-itak, on verbs, first person plural subjective
-itawa, on verbs, second person plural subjective
k, derivative noun-ending
-lak, derivative, denoting language
-Lak, derivative on terms of color
-nakw, see -er
-nim, on verbs, undetermined
-ow, on verbs, first person singular subjective, singular and plural
objective
-pt, on adjective stems, perhaps attributive
-rakw, see -er
-s, derivative noun-ending
-t, derivative noun-ending
-tk, on adjective stems, perhaps predicative or substantive
-tsk, see -tk
404 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
-u, see -ow
-u, on adjective stems, undetermined
-ut, on verbs, instrumental
-wa, ending of demonstratives and interrogatives
-wa, denotes the plural on suffixes of the second person; also itself used
for -aswa
-wak, see -ak
-wakw, see -akw
-wats, see -ate
-welel, on numerals from five up
-wi, on verbs, reflexive and medial
-wil, derivative noun-ending
-wiwi, see -wi
-ya, see -ia
TEXTS.
CROW.
gatsir
Crow
hi-wu'1-ag' -!L
he went to.
dol-61-o'w-iL
he took
kerawaga'tkari
Porpoises
diwe-ru'lakame
"What did you do with
daTsw-daru'dakw
they are with."
gul-u'w-iL tsek
came back a child.
gu-ra'tcetck
that boy.
wule-ba'iakriL
relative-in-law
curi-la'kau
(Across)ocean
curi-la'kau
(across.) ocean
hi-le's-iL
he went by boat.
ri'kar woperaga'tck 'c-iL
two. He put them
wuperaga'tskc-iL
he put.
tsek
the children?"
gatsir
Crow
gatsiri
Crow
gwa'tc-el
His mother
dewu-tem-a'Lel ' hi-la'g-iL
he put." Hetold(?)
hi-wo'kura-Le'kanem-iL gatsiri
She caught him. Crow
wule-ba'iakriL
relative-in-law
tsa'ki
Children
p 'le't-wakw
on the rocks.
hi-kol-6'w-iL
He came back.
go'tsker-e '1
Their grandmother
gu-ku'nan
That night
da'wim-iL
asked
p 'let-wak
on the rocks-
dil hi-ra'kce'm-iL
Eagle. She pursued him.
hi-kol-6'twui dil
she brought back. Eagle
katsir-ie'1-iL
Crow said:
dil wi'wa-1
eagle his wife (?)
godam-i'L di'le
ran off. Eagle
ya'gitemo't-iL yil-il
he told: "Me
d 'ane'r-iL
did it.
mesi-da'lidaks
she put
mes-akw
In the fire
mes-a'kwi
in the fire.
hi-da-tem-a'tho
she put him.
hi-ka'-tawa'l-iL
He died.
da't-kasiL
The top of his head
1911]
Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco.
405
PELICAN.
do-be'1-iL
fished
tcawera'tci
Pelican
tcawera'tciL
Pelican
du'-bel-iL
fished.
dakanewo'wi
he stole
hi-6'w-iL
came.
wa-keLa'm
" I will look for him
yitawa'ne
" Why do you do it ? Do it no more!"
dagl'weg' i
with dip-net.
kawu'kamer-iL
stole.
dlwi'l
Others
dlwi'le
The others'
di'le
Eagle
ina'g'-iL
ina'g'-iL
He thought:
iy-u'w-iL
came
SO
dil hi-La'k-iL
Eagle went to him.
yo'ckan da-g' a'tge 'negeL
he tore, he tore him to pieces.
so ka'-pel-iL
Fished
gu'ts-hi'nakw
He was good.
hi-kawe't-6
He gave them food.
guts-hi'nakw
He was good.
gu'ts-ayuta'yeg' er-ak w so
for one year.
guts-ka'-nakw
He thought: '' It is not good."
gl'tka da'kiyiwoi dil '
I will, fishing with a dip-net." Eagle
cuku-re'rir tcawera'tci hanew '
to Pelican he told.
tcawera'tci-ika'n hi-t'ki'n
Pelican he seized. He pulled,
takwlya'kw 'ter hi-nl'ewa-k
He made fire. He killed him.
di'wilA hi-ka-kuweye'1-iL
the others, were not afraid any longer.
hama'-pe'l-i dile rawera'miL
Fished Eagle's relatives.
ga'-pel-iL tcaweratci ka-guwa' '-pe'l-iL
They fished. Pelican no longer fished.
SKUNK.
bo'tcwi
Skunk
piLwa'tkotii
Flies
ra' 'ter
large.
reg' i'L
anus (?)
hi'-lew-iL
danced,
bo'tcwi
Skunk.
tcewa'-rakw
thus did,
wa-we'tom-iL
went to get
dara'kw
sick
mi'l-iL tciwa
medicine-man that
bo'tcwi da'herakw sak-sa'kw-iL
Skunk was sick, sick.
o-si'lakw-e '1 tcewa'-dakw-reg' -iL
his-pain there was in.
dakdi'skew-iL kana' 'p-iL
went to the other side of him, bit (sucked). Wished to kill him
hi-nieyaw-er me' 'lakw hi-ewi'wela'kw-iL
He killed Elk. Rubbed their hands in joy
sak-sa'kw-iL
sick.
me' 'lakw
Elk
bo'tcwi
Skunk
me' 'lakw
Elk
bo't-iL
406 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
piLwa'tkotii
Flies.
ha-ma/L-ekwel
" We eat
gitka
shall
me' 'lakw
Elk,
hi-mi'w-akwel
wi-ri'ewaw-er
me' 'lakw
bo'tcwi
eat
the killed
Elk."
Skunk
rer-I'L bo'tcwi kuwe'notw-iL
did it. Skunk was well.
piLwa'tkotii
Flies
wita' V-IL
rejoiced.
hi-ka'waw-iL
They cut it up
bu'mi 'pel
with a knife,
piLwa'tkotii
Flies,
bo'tcwi
Skunk.
yi'-waL-iL
They ate.
hi-ku'1-ag' -!L
They went home.
VOCABULARY.
No Wiyot vocabulary has been published since the three
printed or reprinted in Powers, 60 which suffer from faulty ortho-
graphy and imperfect acquaintance with the language. As no
other studies of Wiyot have since that time been undertaken,
the author's material is here given, in spite of its no doubt fre-
quent inaccuracies, in order to render available for comparative
purposes, at least until some more thorough study of the
language shall have been made, a more extended body of words
than are now accessible.
NOUNS.
Persons :
kowil, guwil, personal
kowi, guwi, man
motwiL, kakerawiwiL,
kawotc, woman2
gakwiL, old man3
ceruki, old woman
tigeriL, young man, bachelor
tserariL, young woman,
ratcetck, boy
watcer, girl
tsk, tcik, tsak, child
hetca, baby
wise-pelei, married man
wisiL, married woman
gwatw, widower, widow
wakawe, divorced, separated
woman
dekLelaliL, chief
miliL, danelatwiL, medicine
man
cokwirak, cirawakw, ghost,
dead ancestor*
dikwa, tikwa, white man,
poison, spirit
keldmiL, weramiL, relative
eo Tribes of California, Contrib. N. Am. Ethn., Ill, 478, 1877, Appendix,
Linguistics, by J. W. Powell.
61 Cf. diwile, another.
2 Of. motw, woman 's front dress. Kawotc perhaps means wife.
83 Probably from gakw, to know.
4 Cakw, sick, die.
1911J
Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco.
407
dar, dan-, father; son
gwatc, mother
reka, daughter
d&k, darewerekere, brother,
sister
bitcotcker, grandfather
gdtcker, grandmother
ag6Lek, grandchild
wetserakw, son-in-law
maiakriL, relative by mar-
riage
Body-parts :
metere, detere, nose
melir, welin-, eye 65
melul, mouth
niept, teeth
wat-melok, ear
mit, tongue
djipLiL, beard
mclokai.. throat
wat-wet, head
baL, paL, hair
we's, hand
mokec, fingers
we 'tapis, thumb
cor-eL, index finger
tsewawiL, little finger
metkan, nail
wo'r, wo'n, arm
daletokeru, elbow
taLcokra, shoulder
weliL, foot
tckatc, leg
lawel, knee
mel, body, flesh
meweriL, flesh, fat
watswetsaa, breast
weser, woman 's breast, milk
dau, tau, belly
doguganakw, navel
hodiLere, umbilical cord
duwerec, buttocks
dgat, penis
melak, testicles
bee, vagina
cak, clitoris
hatageriL, womb
ma'n, pubic hair
watw, heart
tcegeL, liver
heL, intestines
magoks, brain
sakwer, lungs
wat-kerat, bone
kawik, wat-kawik, blood
wat-kai, skin
hapLakw, sinew
b6kaweriL, tendon
hil, urine
me'l, excrement
betsakw, semen
wetsaL, saliva
walept, fur, feathers
wat-hel, tail
wat-6tk, fin
wat-iLat, shell
merar, horn
wat-udatkawi, egg
t.-i i k.-uini. breath
halokic, -taldkic, shadow
tciwarin, name
silak, pain
Mammals :
me 'lakw, elko
haLakw, h61akw, deer
ta 'wila, buck
but-caweti, white deer7
tsetsgeruLigerer, bear
makw, kanapeliL, grizzly
rakwuLiriL, wolf
witskererar, witkaL, coyote' 8
waiyits, waiyets, dog
halikwiliL, fox
sekseswiL, otter
dikwagawi, fisher^
s Wei, to see.
The ending -lakw is common to these two terms.
T Cawet is white.
Kanap-el-iL is biter.
c Witskererar is wild dog. Cf. wild cat below.
TO Dikwa is poison, white man.
408 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
ra 'raweic, tcweLig' atcatci,
raccoon
gd'miri, mink
teigereLariL, civet-cat
botcwi, butciwi, skunk
datgaeaniL, datkaLaniL,
panther
datsgagererar, wild-cat
tsugatLaiugoner, weasel
wit 'hot, gray squirrel
seles, becduliL, chipmunk
Letc, wood-rat
tseretshigarer, wood-mouse
yacucagatck, gopher
weni-crenimiL, mole 71
da'kere, sea-otter
gumayoliL, sea-lion
matswaptsire, seal
kerawagatkari, porpoise
delabeliL, killer-whale 72
kimak, dayugele, whale
Birds :
tsutskie, bird
di'l, eagle
cawetociL, bald eagle 73
cataoc, condor
butsera, buzzard
guletsol, tcanitc, gokwera,
bletsul, hawks
gatsir, crow
ranatwuloiyokit, raven
tcakakeLhitcatc, blackbird
tcera, Limayusele, bluejay
pltanatinu, metsig'e, robin 7 *
tsigwatsharawi, kingfisher
tseweLiksi, swan
tcaiuwetcg, goose
katgeragiL, cawetcoligiL,
brant 7 s
tcatcitckiri, mud-hen
pane'r, crane
gugitcetck, gull
ma 'g' es, shag
tcaweratei, pelican
Other Animals:
gatcu, rattlesnake
haretc, garter-snake
halunasi, red snake
tcitcgiwetcg, turtle
matakwiL, lizard
kwakw, frog
maLak, salmon
go 'taw, lamprey-eel
hut, surf -fish
tcaptcuc, halibut
tcgerits, flounder
tau'gel, rock cod
witiwlnuwi, herring
wi'welil, gawui, small fish
mo'er, shark
cagitsrer, dogfish
rit, mekar, gatewac,
tsayunuwatcke, clams
wuletat, razor clam
hiwaklegak, cockle
hiwat, haliotis
tsar, mussels in bay
witcac, mussels in ocean
bituwecanagiL, salt water
snail
butcatc, land snai! 7
tcomack, large slug
piLwatkoti, fly
gats, bee
bie, mosquito
tcirawaukw, butterfly
swalen, dragon-fly
tckLare, grasshopper
spina 'g< aralu, larva of locust
dakLa'lin, flea
heikw, louse
botkanawiyuc, spider
giLeswaL, spider-web
yotu, maggot
kwekipLakarer, centipede
mireL, angleworm
Lwuregat'i, crab
gl'bas, small red crab
7 1 Wen, sky, which according to myth the mole supported.
7 2 Bel, to catch fish.
73 Cawet, white.
7 * Cf. mes, fire, red.
75 From maL, waL, pL, eat. MaLak also means food.
7 -ate, diminutive.
1911]
Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco.
409
maLakeL, sand-worm
wutwuciL, squid
daegalwagigatckarer, jelly-
fish
wuduyuwetk, sea-urchin"
tkayukis, star-fish
miplatk, cuwatpiyag' apkwi,
holothurian or sea-anemone
Plants:
wanakw, talewiL, taleg' iL,
tree
mati, wood
hawig' erak, grass, herbs,
medicine
gutcweratc, pletkapleiwun,
leaves? 8
wetcatc, buds*8
dakw, pitch
mukweti, pine
dap, dak, spruce
mopel, wopL, redwood
wit, alder
tigeL, willow
legoLes-weL, hazel
himene-weL, Xerophyllum
tenax grasses
tigwametsha-weL, Wood-
war dia fernTB
sdpitk, tule
we 'taw, salmon-berry
mip, blackberry
md'kel, huckleberry
mikwel, salal-berry
kiwatchokwere, thimble-
berry
bdderuc, Brodiaea roots
weL, bldkat, bokitchere,
rapcaue, edible roots
katsera, soap-root
mdt, acorn
ga'mak, acorn-soup
rakwiyidag' eral, wild oats
Ldkai, ecerawen, mokerits,
raladethen, edible seeds
Nature :
wen, wirudala, sky
kek, clear sky
gotso-wen, day^o
tarn, gitcai-ailokwe, sun
ritsowel-ailokwe, moon
ritsowal, night
wene-welir, gumeratck,
daruitwl, stars'i
gutcetcguciL, Pleiades2
wai'were'iL, morning star
liptau, cloud
dalaLwala, rainbow
daliLak, lightning
dadakak, delalater, thunder
tamutcikere '1 LakuluwiL,
sun-dog 83
hekw, snow
bd'ware, rain
ho'l, weratci, gutser-ol,
waters*
pak, salt water, ocean
waLa, hot water
hiegawi, cold water
ha'Lak, steam
laliL, rariL, stream, river
rariL-wats, small streamss
betaw, spring
batwar, freshet
mes, wes, fire
bi'wur, smoke
lag' erak, 16 'erak, land
patut, earth, soil
tetwuka, mud
77 Said to mean round.
TS -ate, diminutive: for pletkapleiwun cf. p'letk, rock, bel, flat,
blaiatck, wedge, mi-platk, holothurian.
TO -weL may refer to use as basket material.
so One-sky, or good-sky f
si Wene-welir, sky-eyes; gumeratek, cf. gomera, soft, weak.
sz Cf. ratcetck, boy; the Pleiades are thought to be girls.
8 Sun his boy holds.
8* Guts-er-ol, good water; weratc, drink.
85 -ate, diminutive.
410 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
letkak, sand
pLetk, p'letk, rock
rakdat, tanatgak, ralitgat,
mountains
Objects :
mol, house
kac-werar, small house 87
hikawa, sweat-house
mes-wululel, fireplace g 8
haldwi, ha'luwi, boat
daL, ship
men, paddle
hutcwate, cooking basket
hutcwatc-hatc, small cook-
ing basket 89
gi, woman's basketry cap
rael, bitweliL, open-work
basketry plate
bas, large flat close-woven
basket
bac-ats, same, smallerss
kaluwo, conical open-work
carrying basket
kiwelauL, basketry dipper
bitu, basket mortar
dilul, storage basket for
acorns
dali'Len, small storage bas-
ket with cover
hitwokwakerawiL, flat sift-
ing basket
cwat, bow 9
tsapi, arrow
kuluwu, quiver
bumi'pel, knife
meL, ax
blaiatck, elkhorn wedge 91
betgl, stone maul
tul, stone pestle
waLawinewok, slender stone
pestle
wetsecraweL, metsecakerawiL,
slab mortar
gamak-watkar, cooking
stone 9 2
gawelotgalewiL, digging-
stick
watk, tule mat
dewi'pen, dewi'peliL, string,
twine
matop, netting shuttle
kas-weL, mesh-measure 9 3
da-giweg'iL, a dip-net
rathe-giweriL, a dip-net for
surf-fish 9 *
teaweratc, do'iw, dip-net for
salmon in streams
gut-wera, dip-net for lam-
prey-eels 9 ^
gucager, gill-net for herring
cagatagere, gill-net for sal-
mon
hephagwar, gill-net for trout
dalosun, gill-net for sturgeon
ha 'ker, hakere, woman 's
back dress
motw, rewunakwiL, woman's
front dress 9 "
rulen, clothes 97
twanagit, woven blanket
keswakt,, steatite
gwageretna, black obsidian
86 Cf . rak, prefix of terms of direction, dat, up.
87 Kac-, small.
ssMes, fire.
89 -ate, diminutive,
so Cf . swala, shoot.
i Cf . bel, wide, flat.
2Ga'mak, acorn-soup.
a Perhaps kac-, small.
94 Evidently large-giweriL; ra't, large.
95 Cf. go 'taw, lamprey-eel.
96 Cf. motw-iL, woman.
97 Cf. rulen, nulen, undress.
1911]
Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco.
411
tsagawila, red obsidian
b6tcu-caweti, white flint 98
kral, blue rock
reni, dentalium shell cur-
rency
gutserakw, small dentalia
used as beads
kag, shell disk beads
itesi, Lum, small univalve
shells used as beads
dikwa-lenewiL, glass beads
siswatk, yew-seed beads
gutcicakwi, pine-nut beads
VERBS.
Human Relations and Occupa-
tions :
tsew, give
tawik-wi, visit
gameratc, play
rulen, -nulen, undress
wunakwa, steal
dabor, lie
himan, mark, write
bel, catch fish
niewom, kill
swa-la, shoot
t, give food
l.-i I in. receive food
kictawil, beg
da-wim, ask
anitw, pay
we 'la, buy
halewu, olewu, dolewu,
danee 101
Mental Action:
inag', think
daretw, twa, think, remem-
ber
gakw, know
dicgam, like
wet, satisfied
rag, want, desire
wipac, gatsepi, gambling
sticks
d&pcer, gambling bones, of
Southern type
maLeL, pipe
kakwesiw, medicine-man 's
feather head-dress
wat-welat, medicine-man 's
swallowing feather**
dlkwa, dikwa-g'eL, poison
Latsik, myth
waLel, path, road, trail
tceg'ak, corner
guts-ewan,- one fathomioo
dilegana, angry
rakwa, sorry, pity
wil, fear
kiLat, hurt, pain
Senses :
athera, smell
Lephai, taste
tsaw, pugakw, touch
kwace, hear
wil, wel, see
dukL, look at
keL, look for, seek
Performed with Organs:
hanew, iel, anel, delani,
atel, say, tell
tsowes, shout
bawerats, whisper
lalisw, sing
waL, maL, pL, eat
hie-wi, eat somethingioz
weratc, drink
beLokel, spit
kanap, bite
tsitsir, sneeze
da'kwa, snore
lakwet, cough
likw, rikw, cry, weep
gakwiLet, sweat
s Cawet, white.
Cf . wat- on body-part terms.
100 Cf. guts-es-wani-helel, one hundred.
101 Cf. dale-wi, stand.
102 - w i reflexive-medial suffix.
412 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
Bodily Condition:
datw, alive
cakw, sick, die
tawal, dakw, dead, die
it, wit, nit, sleep, dream
watap, resemble
kawi, make
aki, do, affect
Bodily Position and Motion:
dikweL, lie
dale-wi, dano-wi, stand 1 " 2
tern, gididwi, digwidiwi,
ak, ag<, a'l, go, move
ow, owi, yowi, ohwi, come
les, travel in boat
hiLak, enter water
gos-wi, tigelis-wi, swimioz
rakcem, pursue
gudam, flee
Lai, jump
atkag'an, creep
unas, crawl
takerawae, kneel
Bodily Action:
yock, ack-ar, tkin, tear, pull,
rip
ti'n, wakw, push
tiar, meet, strike
bokin, da-kwicile, hit, strike
da-tele, stab
da-kwage, slap
kiedal, take, pick
otw, bringios
wolew, get!3
kanew, catches
olowo, uluwu, catch, holdios
tawi, wawi, butcher
cits, flay
Dynamic and Spatial:
musaw, gadawal, stick
pelal, cawat, tiekwa, break,
open, cut
pawal, split
dokap, dokaw, crack
welu, wilu, hollow
butc, scratch
lawil, scrape
kaleg'-al, roll, turn
wayit, bend
cwik, move
low, dakwes, komal, hang
komat, blow
picar, swell
tweL, twerie, letka-, fall,
descend
nole, rise, lift
lip, extinguish
ADJECTIVES.
ra 't, ra 'L, large, long
kac, kacam, small, short
guts, good
gare-wack, ga-bite, bad,
rough, strongio*
leg, heavy
ca'p, light
badag'a, hard
gomera, soft, weak
kLet, hot
gets, cold
bel, flat, wide
io3 Perhaps contain suffix or stem -ew.
io* Gera-, ga-, negative prefix.
105 From mes, fire.
gatseLak, sharp
capo, straight
Le'pi, rotten
pitag', bitter
wukagiw, rich
cawanakw, ga-gitgakw, poor
mes-iar, kika, red 105
cawet, yulewa, white
siswa, black
dukaL, dukapL, blue, green,
yellow
1911]
Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco.
413
ADVERBS.
he, yes
kin. no
wai, is that sof
tawiL, always
swawi, very, extremely
rogaL, soon
wigiL, now
wa, far
dat, up
tcwi, behind
wur, north
at, tcate, south
cur, west, across the ocean
wic, tini, east, interior, up-
land
dalil, indoors
geru, gat'gaLil, outdoors
kuna, yesterday
gowai, to-morrow
wiril-akw, to-day 1 "'
wal-akw, in the morning
gau-kuna, in the eveningioi
kil, you
hinar, winar, we
gic, this
gu, guru, that
PRONOUNS.
tci-wa, that, so, thus
ci-wa, du-wa, what, where
kwaL-wa, WULO, how, why
diwile, hikeL-, another
NUMERAL STEMS.
go't-, gu'ts-, one
rit-, ritw-, two
rik-, rikw-, three
riaw-, ram-, four
we's-ag'-,
dekLi-luk, six
halu, seven
hiowita, eight 10 o
mece-rok, nine 11( >
ru-lok, ten
io Perhaps related to wen, wiru-dala, sky, day.
io7 Cf. kuna, yesterday.
Jos From we's, hand.
io Perhaps related to four.
no Cf. -rok of mece-rok, -lok of ru-lok, and -luk of dekLi-luk.
414 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
YUROK.
The Yurok inhabited the coast from the mouth of Little river
to Wilson creek, six miles north of the mouth of the Klamath
river; and the Klamath from its mouth to about six miles above
the inflow of the Trinity. There are sometimes said to have been
four Yurok dialects, that talked along the Klamath being
numerically the most important, while three coast dialects, differ-
ing in increasing degree with the distance from the river, were
spoken in the vicinity of Gold Bluff, Orick, and Trinidad. The
coast Yurok have suffered great diminution of numbers and are
now much mixed with river Yurok. A final determination of the
coast dialects has therefore not been made, but such material as
is available seems to show only one divergent dialect on the
coast from Stone Lagoon south to Trinidad, and this not very
different from the speech along the river. The present account
is based on the river dialect.
The Yurok have been visited and investigated by the author
at various times between 1900 and 1908. A considerable body of
texts has been recorded, but there has not yet been opportunity
to elucidate from these the grammatical principles governing the
language. The account here given therefore consists only of
such grammatical notes as were made incidentally to the record-
ing of the texts, and is introduced principally to enable a com-
parison of Yurok with Wiyot. To the ear the two languages are
more similar than any others adjacent, and the suggestion was
long ago made 111 that they might be genetically related. The
preparation some years ago of a comparative paper on the Native
Languages of California, 112 revealed a morphological resemblance
between Yurok and Wiyot in most of the points then considered.
This structural similarity is extended by the examination made
here, and is undeniably close.
Whether the two languages are related is however another
question. A running acquaintance with both reveals but few
in Latham, Trans. Philol. Soe. London, 1856, 84. Opuscula, 343.
112 E. B. Dixon and A. L. Kroeber, Am. Anthr., n.s. V., 1, 1903.
1911] Eroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 415
words that are similar. Such are mes, mets, fire; welir, welin,
eye; go'ts-er, qo't- or qo'ts-, one. 113 This number is so small that
unless it is materially increased by further comparison, the
resemblances must be regarded as due either to accident or to
borrowing. A systematic comparison cannot be made until both
languages are farther analyzed and the stems and elements of
words, which in most cases are complex, are determined. For
instance Wiyot welir, eye, is undoubtedly connected with the
stem wel, to see; but in Yurok welin fails to correspond with
ne'g'wo, see; so that borrowing is suggested in this instance.
That two languages belong to the same morphological type or
group, does not by any means prove them genetically related in
America. A common origin can be asserted only on the basis of
lexical correspondence. Loose unification of languages that may
be entirely distinct, based only on general or partial grammatical
similarities, is unwarranted. The structural resemblances between
Yurok and Wiyot are however so close and often so detailed, as
will be seen, as to create a presumption that lexical and genetic
relationship may ultimately be established ; and if not, to make it
certain that morphological interinfluences between the two
languages have greatly modified one or both.
Yurok, more properly yuruk, is a Karok word meaning down-
stream. The designation Weitspekan is derived from we'tspekw,
more properly we'tspuc, now Weitchpec, one of the numerous
villages of the Yurok. The Yurok have no name for themselves
other than OL, people.
PHONETICS.
In the phonetic determinations, assistance was rendered by
Professor P. E. Goddard with mechanical experiments, by Mr.
T. T. Waterman, and by Dr. E. Sapir.
Yurok vowel qualities are very shifting and often indeter-
minate. There seem to be six vowels, all of peculiarly broad or
open quality.
I is so open as to be often heard as e. E is also very open,
so much so as to be at times the aural equivalent of a in English
us It is tempting also to compare Wiyot rit-, two, and rik-, three, with
Yurok ni- or na-, two and naxkc, three, as initial n- becomes r- in Wiyot.
416 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
bad. A, often written a, is usually between the two sounds as
pronounced in father and bad by Americans, but may be heard
as either. O is near English aw, sometimes with even more of
an a quality. U is also very open. Close vowels do not occur.
The sixth vowel is a vocalic r, here represented by er. In
its formation the tip of the tongue is bent upward; the tongue
meets the palate farther back than in English. Like the related
consonantal r of the language, this sound is not trilled and pos-
sesses the peculiar quality of English r, as compared with the
various forms of continental r, in an exaggerated degree.
Unaccented e and o are often hard to distinguish and one is
frequently replaced by the other in Coast Yurok as compared
with the river dialect. E is often followed by a glide, e 1 .
Analogous is a u , in rapid speech o.
Glottal stops are abundant. In many stems they are organic.
In addition they frequently appear after vowels which close
syllables, whenever such syllables are stressed or articulation is
forcible. In rapid continuous speech these stops disappear. Thus
tinica, what is it, may often be heard as ti'ni'ca' when emphati-
cally uttered. An organic stop gives the impression of dis-
tinctly doubling the vowel which it follows : pa ', water, is heard
as pa' a or pa 'a.
A complete cessation of sound formation in the middle of
words is not infrequent: wec,ona, world, ololekwic,o 'I, person,
we ! n,tsa u kc, woman. It seems likely that such pauses mark
etymological divisions.
There are two series of stops, both surd, the ordinary and the
fortis. English surd and sonant stops are pronounced alike by
the Yurok. The ordinary surd stops are more aspirated when
final than when followed by a vowel: nepui, but almost nep'.
The fortes, or stops accompanied by glottal stop, are of only
moderate strength.
K and q, palatal and velar k, both occur, but it is uncertain
whether they represent organically different sounds or are
divergent formations of the same sound influenced by adjacent
vowels. In any case k is most frequently audible before i and u,
q before e, a, o. K u or qw is frequent, and is felt as a simple
sound.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 417
T is formed against the lower edge of the teeth and sometimes
is clearly interdental.
There is one s sound, written c, intermediate between s and sh,
perhaps nearer the latter. In ts, which is the equivalent of a
simple sound, the s element appears to be more pointed than in
the usual c. Yurok g is always a continuant, but not harsh. X,
the surd continuant corresponding to g', is limited to combina-
tions with following surds, such as k, p, c, and has not been
observed initially or finally. It is distinctly harder than a mere
ordinary aspiration, h or ', but appears to be only a parasitic
development before certain surds: naxkceiL, Woxpekumeu.
There are three 1 sounds: 1, I, and L. The first, 1, is sonant
and audibly similar to English 1, but a mechanical analysis by
Dr. Goddard indicates a suddenness of approach in the formation
of the sound, which is found also in Hupa I. 114 . The second, I, is
a not very common surd continuant found after glottal stops:
qo 'Zqolatswin, ohonecqwetso 7. The third, L, is a surd affricative.
In some instances the t-approach is weak, and the sound is almost
wholly continuant. Wiyot L was also often heard with this
quality.
W is sometimes produced with less protrusion or rounding of
the lips than English w. It therefore has something of the
quality of bilabial v, and initial unaccented we and wo are often
hard to distinguish from o or u.
Surd m, n, and r occur finally after glottal stops. 118 Con-
sonantal sonant r has the peculiar quality already ascribed to
vocalic er. N, m, y, and h require no comment.
The sounds of the language may be represented as follows :
i, e, a, o, u, er
1, e, a, 6, 11, er
q q' U) g' qw
k k' k"
t t' c n n ts ts!
p p' mm
r, r, 1, I, L
w > y " ( it
pause (,)
4 Present series, V, 9, 12, 1907.
us Compare ibid., 10.
418 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
The stress accent of words is often well balanced between
several syllables and often marked on one or two. Accent is
however less a matter of intensity or loudness of sound, than a
rise in pitch and a holding of the accented syllable, which is
manifested in lengthening of the vowel or doubling of the pre-
ceding or following consonant. Accent is however not deter-
mined by organic length of vowels, and often falls on syllables
that are intrinsically short. The dwelling of the voice, and its
rise of pitch, on the accented syllable, give a peculiar and pleas-
ing quality to Yurok speech.
Doubling of consonants is frequent, but whether it occurs
only in connection with the accent or also organically, is not
certain. In place of ww and 11, g'w and II seem to occur.
Initial consonant combinations occur, but their scope is
limited. The principal observed initially are tsp, tsq, kn, kr, pr,
tm, ck, ct, cr, cl, cm, Lm, Lq. These give as the first member
of initial combinations q, k, ts, t, p, c, and L, or surds only; and
as the second, q, k, t, p, r, 1, n, m, or stops, nasals, and r and 1.
Ts and qw are to be regarded as simple sounds. Final combina-
tions do not occur except with c as second member. This is
found most frequently after k, so that kc may represent what is
to the Yurok a simple sound like qw and ts. The imperative
suffix -c is however added to stems ending in p, n, r, and other
consonants. Endings like ern, erm, erL, ert, consist of the single
consonants n, m, L, t, following the single vowel here represented
by er. Yurok initial combinations are more numerous than those
of Wiyot, but Wiyot possesses more that are final.
Vocalic assimilation occurs to some extent: ne-craats, my
quiver, wo-croots, his quiver; yots, boat, ne-yots or ne-yets, my
boat; erner-heL, at Erner, wo-croots-OL, in his quiver, pa'a-iL,
in the water, okapol-iL, in the brush. Other instances will be
found among the numerals below. There is a particular ten-
dency for er to assimilate other syllables to itself. Most words
in which er occurs contain it in from two to four or in all
syllables: qerxtsper', neryerwert, cermeryer. When one vowel
of a word changes to er, most the others usually become er also :
lo'og'e, ler'erg'er, black.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 419
STRUCTURE.
Reduplication is less marked than duplication : qots-qots,
worm; tseix-tsei-uc, mosquito, compare tseix-keni, small;
nius-mus, cow; we-tseq '-tseq '-oa, striped pattern. In connected
texts neither reduplication nor duplication is frequent.
Composition and derivation are abundant. Adjective stems
precede noun stems in composition : pelin-tsiek, large-dentalium.
In accord with the pronominal structure of the language, com-
pounds containing a possessive are common : qoqonewuL-we-
tspeg'a, long his ears, mule. "Words are also compounded or
derived with nouns as first element : nepui-cnec, otter, nepui,
salmon; Lqeliqera, mole, Lqel, earth; merwuci-clei, a species of
lizard, which is thought to bite the navel, merwuci. Derived
nouns, as in most languages, are formed by suffixes: nep, eat,
nepui, food, salmon. Terms of direction are always prefixed, as
in Wiyot, Athabascan, Karok, Porno, Wintun, and perhaps other
languages of northern California: petskuk-ceg' ep, up-river
coyote ; puleku-qwerek, down-stream sharp ; woxpe-kumeu, across-
the-ocean widower; pets-ucla, up-river throw.
PRONOUN.
The Yurok pronominal elements, like the Wiyet, are incor-
porative, the independent forms being emphatic or non-syntac-
tical. Also as in Wiyot, possessives are prefixed, subjective or
objective forms suffixed.
The independent pronouns are nek and neka', objective
in -k;its, for the first person, qel or qela', objective qelats, for the
second. There appears to be no pronoun of the third person.
The possessive forms are ne-, no-, my; qe-, qo-, your; we-, wo-,
o-, his; m-, someone's, indefinite. The plural seems to be the
same.
On intransitive verbs the subject is indicated by -k in the
first person and -m in the second.
In transitive verbs the combined objective and subjective
elements determined are -tsek, I you ; -ck, I him ; -tso, I you ; -co,
I them ; -xpa, you me ; -m, you him, you them ; -xpen, he me. It
Independent
Possessive
1.
nek
ne-, no-
2.
qel
qe-, qo-
3.
we-, wo-, o
Indef.
me-, m-
420 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
would seem from these forms that the objective elements are -p,
-ts, -c and the subjective -k, -m, , for the three persons respec-
tively.
The pronominal elements thus are :
Subjective Objective
-k -p
-m -ts
-c
The possessives indicate n and q as the essential elements of
nek and qel. The Wiyot radicals are evidently the same. Q
not occurring in Wiyot, k, in kil and ku-, is the equivalent.
Initial n not being permitted in Wiyot, yil and ru probably
represent original n. The pronominal forms of Yurok and
Wiyot agree in the following points :
They are incorporative. Elements added to nouns are pre-
fixed, those added to verbs suffixed. The prefix and independent
forms are similar to one another, the suffix forms entirely dis-
similar, also differing completely among themselves according
as they are objective or subjective. The objective suffixes pre-
cede the subjective, which are identical whether transitive or
intransitive. There is a form, used with body-part terms, denot-
ing indefiniteness or absence of possession; it is m- in both
languages. The fundamental elements of the possessive and
independent forms in both languages seem to be n for the first
person and k for the second, the former common, the latter
exceptional in American languages and therefore significant.
The suffix forms in the two languages however show no similarity.
Demonstratives show two stem forms, yo and ki. lyo is this,
iyoLko these. Yok is also found. Ku and ki are that, the,
denoting reference rather than distance. Ki is also used rela-
tively: ki ololekwic,o 'I eqlaxLkome, what men tread-on, the
world. With ku and ki compare Wiyot gu-r and gi-c.
Kuc and tin are interrogative. Kuc is what, where. Tin-ica
is what, what kind; tin-pa, which one. The interrogative par-
ticle is hec, postpositive. It is used with verbs; also independ-
ently, when it has the meaning : what is it, is it so.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 421
NOUN.
The Yurok noun like the Wiyot lacks all designation of
number or syntactical case. There is a general locative suffix
-ir,, -aL, -ei,, -OL, corresponding to Wiyot -akw. In addition a
locative -ik has been found in raets-ik, in the fire, Lqel-ik, in the
ground, below, hierk-ik, north, Lep-ek, in the house, pets-ik, up
stream, pul-ik, puleku-k, down stream. Another locative is -ic:
mets-ic, in the fire; \vonoyek-c-ume, sky-in-girl; turip-c-atsin,
inhabitant of Turip. Terms of direction themselves are suffixed
like locative cases: erner-hiqo, opposite Erner; qenek-pul, down
stream from Qenek. Finally there is a suffix or enclitic -meL,
by means of, with, on account of, for. This is however used in
verb complexes as well as on nouns : tetamoc-ek meL tikwoxpen-
ek we-yots, angry-I because broke-I his-boat.
VERB.
The Yurok and Wiyot verbs are similar in function and
structure. Both are distinctly the center of the sentence. In
both prefixes predominate except for the expression of pro-
nominal relations. Adverbial, modal, temporal, and subordinat-
ing ideas are expressed by prefixes. There are also verbal
suffixes, but their significance is for the most part not yet clear.
Even independent adverbs are to some extent drawn into the
verb-complex, which often assumes great length. Such adverbs
always precede the verb stem. Many prefixes cannot be dis-
tinguished from conjunctive or adverbial particles placed before
the verb. They usually precede the verb immediately and are
spoken as one word with it. At other times they are separated
from it by nouns, adverbs, or numerals.
ki-na'eli-hoxkumek, shall two-houses I-build
ki-naxkcemi-wanu'layo, shall three-times I- jump-up
qdlo- 'oi. ki t s-keno-atsi yuuk. it-seems-a-person has-sat-down-indoors
These constructions evidence a compact grouping of the
other constituents of the sentence in the verb-complex, but at the
same time seem to show that at least some of the modal, tem-
poral, or adverbial elements connected with the verb stem are
422 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
not so much actual prefixes as proposed particles closely linked
with the verb which is the central factor of the sentence.
When the subject and object are independent nouns not
brought actually into the verb-complex, they regularly follow it.
This marks them off from nouns whose general relation to the
predicate is adverbial, which normally precede the verb, thus
opening the sentence. The general ' ' appositional ' ' nature of the
sentence is obvious.
The significance of only a part of the verbal prefixes and
suffixes that have been determined in Yurok has become clear.
Such are :
kits-, completed past
ki-, future
tsa-, imperative
nimi-, nimok-, negative
kowits-, negative
wikiLne-, negative
kinek-, when
matseki-, kitatse-, if
alukumi-, because
conini-, because
kit-, he who, when, participle
wictu-, wiit-, that is who, what, how, relative
qolo-, as if, like, appears to
tsyu-, all
Of suffixes, the following are apparent :
-c, imperative
-kwilek, verb substantive, similar to Wiyot -er and related endings.
Prefixes of undetermined meaning are wil-, menex-, numiL-,
tukwile-, kwileki-, niko-, qem-, yokitsnini-, qem-kits-minolini-,
ol-, yikun-, pikoxtsi-, mokwile-, okome-, tsigoL-, ca-, ala-, qet-,
me-, ha-, moc-, kuni-.
Suffixes are -yeg' o or -heg' o, -melek, -exkwun, -pimo, -kwetsok,
-wertsek, -uts, -noxpe, -'m.
The adjective shows a difference for animate and inanimate,
montse, white, animate monterer
cokoto, red, animate cerkerter
lo'og'e, black, animate ler'erg'er
pleli, pelil, large, animate plerer
Altogether a more extensive occurrence of subordination is
visible in sentence structure than in Wiyot. It may be that this
difference is due to the fact that the Yurok texts obtained are a
1911]
Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco.
423
better representation of normal speech and that the sentences in
the Wiyot texts are unduly abridged through the informants'
inability or unfamiliarity in dictating.
NUMERALS.
Numeral stems are used with a variety of classifying suffixes.
This is a feature not recorded of any other Californian language
except Klamath-Modoc, though not uncommon farther north on
the Pacific. The observations made on Wiyot reveal at least
the presence in that language of similar suffixes, though their
extent is undetermined. The following list probably does not
exhaust this class of suffixes in Yurok.
-iL, in counting
-epir, separate dentalium shells" 6
-etani, strings of dentalium shellsii
-er, woodpecker scalps"*
-erpi, obsidian bladesiia
-eriL, white deerskinsn
-o, months, dollars
-emoiL, nights
-en, days, also pernekr hand-measures
-emoi, fathoms
-ixteli, boats, wagons, conveyances
-eli, houses, sweat-houses, nests
-emi, times, occasions, years
In the addition of these suffixes to the numeral stems there
are some apparent irregularities and certain phonetic altera-
tions, including several instances of the vocalic harmony, or
assimilation from suffix to stem, characteristic of the language.
1
2
3
4
Counting
qoore"
ni'iL
naxkceiL
tsoonet,
Dentalium-shells
qooxtepir
nil 'ii [ i i i
naxkcepir
toonepir
Strings of dentalia
qootani
na'aitani
naxkcetani
toonetani
Woodpecker scalps
qererxter
ner 'erxker
nerxkcer
ta 'erner
Obsidians
ner 'erpi
nerxkcerpi
White deerskins
nerxkceriL
Months, dollars
qoxto
no'o
naxkco
toono
Nights
qoxtsemoiL
nil 'it Mu ii i .
naxkcemoiL
tsoonamoiL
Days
qoore"
na'ain
naxkcen
tsoonen
Fathoms
qoxtsemoi
nit 'amoi
naxkcemoi
tsoonamoi
Boats
nil 'aixteli
naxkceixteli
Houses
na'eli
naxkceli
Times
ne'mi
naxkcemi
tsoonemi
Objects of value and mediums of exchange.
424 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
As will be seen, the vowel of the stem for two varies between
a, i, e, o, and er; in four and one t and ts replace each other;
x before t and k is parasitic, and qoore u , the independent word
for one, corresponds to a stem qot-.
How many is expressed by kuc tsameL; how many months
by kuc tamawo; dentalia, kuc tamopir; woodpecker scalps, kuc
termerwer; obsidian blades, kue termerpi.
TEXTS.
WOXPEKUMEU.
qe'nek-ic ho" tu-qwe'nomet-ic atsyeg' u'qwin
At Qenek he was. Outside the sweathouse 117 he sat.
tu-no'L-pu'lukitsro" tep kits-hawe' '-wo 'o'me'pek
The sun was low. 118 He had sweated in the sweathouse,
wie-tu-awetsyu'qwin qwenome't tu-wic-tu-noL
then he sat down outside the sweathouse. There he used to
atsyeg' u'qwin wit ! i'ni-oqw ki- we-tsy e' 'g' wolo
sit. He kept that his flute
lepo'noL mo-no' L-puluki'tsro i'yeger'er 'xcerper '
under the ridge-board. 119 The sun was low. He beat his hair dry. 120
mo-wit-ki'ts-weno 'omo'kciL numi-wo' 'g' ik uki' 'cen
Summer had begun, it was the middle of summer.
kits-numi-mi'kco'to 'm uki' 'cen kits-wic-o 'locon
It was the very middle of summer that he did this.
kits-o'-numi-wic-tu-co'to uqeg' e'camewoLek kiconin-ho'l 'em
Thus he liked to do. He was very sorry for those who would be
ki-6'L tu-wic-tu-e-meL-qe'g' ecamewoL niki'meLtsmeyo'qciL
men. Thus he was sorry for them when it began to be evening.
tu-no'L-wie-tu-e'-meL-rura'w ' wic-tu-e'-meL-tsig' uwolo
Then therefore he began to play 121 the flute on account of that.
OLO' 'm we-tsye'g' wolo wi'c-tu-e'-meL-ru'raw '
He took his flute. Therefore he played.
117 qwenomet is the place outside the small exit of the sweathouse.
us puluk is down-stream, which at Qenek is nearly west. ' ' The sun
was in the west."
us leponoL is the curved board, usually the gunwale of a broken boat,
that covers the ridge of a sweathouse.
120 her'erxcerp is a stick with which the hair is combed or beaten dry
after a bath such as follows sweating.
121 rurawo usually means to sing, but evidently refers to any music.
1911]
Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco.
425
PULEKUQWEREK.
pe'kwan qo'li-atsyu kuc-ki-la'ek wa'iqowo"opo-c
AtPekwan someone sat. "Where shall I travel!" " Cross the river here.
noL-hig' -woon witokwi-nil'L witso-la'ya heL-to-ki-ne'wom
Up hill some distance live two. Travel there. Then you will see
o'lo'meL kowitso-meL-no'xpew '-m ta"o" ta'wi-ki-laek
a house. But do not enter it."
o 'lo'meL o'le 'm
a house. He said :
qo'lin ats-ka'c,a qolo-ni'mok
the other is pounding. It seems not are
tac-kit-ckui ki-kac,a'-wok heL-weno'o-c
' When it is good that which yon are pounding, give it! "
nimo'oxk u heL-weno'o-c
" There is nothing ! Give me
kits-keno-a'tsiyuuk Lo'ope-c
noL-o-ne worn
Then he saw
atskaho'ritse
She is making a basket,
we'lin
their eyes."
ts 'e'xwar
"Here!"
qolo- 'OL
' Very well, I will travel there."
i'-ki-coot
"I will go
a p-new
iinil si-e.
qemq o
more ! "
" It seems a person has sat down indoors."
" Catch him
wi'ctu '-co'neqw
Tims he did.
nu'mitsy-u-nne'p
he ate everything.
meL-ho" pke'tso
he started from.
ha'k wu c le'yole'k u c
he found, gartersnakes,
BUZZAED.
qetqwo'leg' 6'llekwoL
He was still a person.
pule'ku
Down stream (i.e., north)
tu-wictu-me'g' wometso' 'L
From there he came.
Lmeye'pir
rattlesnakes,
wictu-hoco' 'n
Thus he used to do,
werherpqe'rixqe'rni
at the head of the river
tuo'mmmitsyu
Whatever
Lqer'wer'c
salamanders,
Lqwer'ter'q w c kitome'nnik ki-nuwoce'g'onnawoni tu'-na"p
frogs, of every sort different kinds he ate.
niki'tsyu co'k tu-na'p emcik 'i-wena" ki-uqu'rqL
Everything he ate, and also those the foetuses
qe"yur tu-qol-o'nneu wo"pu i'nillolik kina'x
many that he saw into the river that were thrown. Those
ki-wer' 'erg' eriyerwerni we 1 n,tsa' u kc umeyo'maik
the young girls, women, pregnant,
i' 'mi-ckewo'k-ci' '-meL ki-qo'lic-uqo' 'mtsu' 'mek ku '-umeyo'moik
because they did not like anyone to know that they were pregnant,
wit wo'xpuk-e olo't'-ni' ku-u'kc kits-qo 'lco"
then into the river threw them. The child il.-a<l.
426 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
pi'c-tu-wi'ctu-one'p-qam numitsyu'-nnep tu-no'-lla'i
then he ate it also. Everything he ate. He travelled on.
we 'k '-tu-no'-llai co-pe'ts tu-no'-lla'i tu-pe'tsku-c
Here he travelled up-stream. He travelled. Up-stream
o 'hone'cqwetso 'Z-ni'conin ki-nemer' 'wermeri' tu-ni'conini
he arrived. Prom all the streams thus
wictu-co' 'n tu-nu'mitsyu'-nep ketse'g' inu'weceg' o'nnowoni
he did, he ate everything, things of all sorts,
kitse'g' inewoco'k
of any kind.
SUMMARY.
The Yurok language is of the type known as appositional, in
that pronominal, modal, temporal, adverbial, and other elements
are attached to the verb stem, which serves as the center of
grammatical construction, the other words of the sentence being
syntactically connected with it through these affixes. The verb
is therefore complex, the pronominal elements are essentially
affixes, and the grammar of the noun and substantival pronoun
is reduced to a minimum, while the adjective is a verb. The
pronominal elements are suffixed, but most other relations, in-
cluding those of manner and time, are expressed by prefixes to
the verb. The possessive prefixes of the noun, and the emphatic
substantival pronouns, show no similarity to the pronominal
affixes of verbs. Number and syntactical case-relations are not
expressed. Numerals are provided with classifying suffixes.
Derivation is by suffixation, and many nouns are based on verb
stems. The sounds of the language show considerable specializa-
tion of quality, vowels tend to be indeterminate, and accumula-
tions of consonants are radical. In all these respects Wiyot -
agrees with Yurok, though the words of the two languages
appear to be dissimilar.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 427
KAROK.
The Karok language is spoken on the Klamath river above
the Yurok, extending from Red Cap creek to the vicinity of Clear
creek. The largest groups of villages were about Orleans, the
mouth of Salmon river, and the mouth of Clear creek. The
language is uniform, except in the Clear creek region, in the
uppermost part of the territory of the stock, where an unrecorded
dialect is said to be divergent. The Karok have no name for
themselves other than arara, people. Karok, more properly
karuk, in their own tongue means up stream; they occasionally
designate themselves as karuk-v-arara, up-stream people, but
chiefly with reference to the Yurok or yuruk-v-arara.
The following notes were obtained from several informants,
especially Mrs. Bennett and her sister, Miss Jeannette Home.
Only the readily observable traits of the language are presented,
a more thorough study being in progress.
PHONETICS.
The phonetic system of Karok is simple, and presents few
difficulties to a European tongue.
The sounds are :
u o a e i
a A & i
k x
(k-) (x-)
t s n
p f v m
c, tc, r, y, h
The vowels are of distinct quality. E and o are open. Short
vowels are sometimes touched so lightly as to be scarcely audible.
K- and x- are pre-palatal, and perhaps organically different
from k and x. S approximates English th, while c lies between s
and sh. F and v are bilabial, but differ little from the European
labio-dentals. F occurs elsewhere in California only in Esselen
and in two Porno dialects. Karok r is trilled and very different
428 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
from Yurok r. The absence from the language of sonant stops,
lateral sounds, stressed consonants, and w, is notable.
All the sounds of the language occur in all parts of words,
except that r is not initial. E and o are rarely final.
There is little contraction, elision, or euphonic modification
of sounds. A-u sometimes becomes o. Short or ' ' neutral ' ' i may
become infected by preceding u: ki'ri, u'-kuri. R and n, as in
Wiyot, are often equivalent. R becomes n before consonantal
suffixes: ni-psimtarar-ec, u-psimtaran-ti. Similarly final v
changes to m : av-aha, am-ti ; kiv-uni, kim-cur.
Initial and final combinations of consonants do not occur
except in a few doubtful cases. It seems therefore that Karok
agrees with the majority of Californian languages in possessing
only alternations of consonants and vowels in the elements of its
words.
Altogether the phonetics of Karok are as different from those
of Yurok and Wiyot as they possibly could be. There is more
superficial resemblance to Shasta and Chimariko.
STRUCTURE.
Suffixation is the principal grammatical method. Prefixes are
limited to pronominal forms. Reduplication is scarcely gram-
matical. Neither ablaut nor umlaut nor other internal modifica-
tion of stems occurs.
The noun lacks syntactical cases and the pronominal forms
are incorporative. This general fact is the chief resemblance
Karok bears to Yurok.
Both derivations and compositions are found frequently.
Most words are tolerably long, and the verb stems that have
been recognized are more frequently polysyllabic than mono-
syllabic.
The commonest derivative suffix is a diminutive -itc. Yuki,
Wiyot, Hupa, and Yokuts also show diminutives in -itc or -ate.
puf-itc, deer
pihnef-itc, coyote
apxan-tini-ite, hat-wide, American
kit-ate, granddaughter
omuk-itc, near
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 429
tcu-itc, narrow
ac-axna-itc, shallow
anama-tc, small
tunue-itc, small
yam-ate, pretty (yav, good)
kem-itc, old (kern, bad)
Very common is -an or -ar, denoting the agent or instrument,
kivip-an, runner
xuc-ar, thinker, thoughtful
kirih-an-e, fishermen
imafunv-an-c, beggars
tcivtcak-ar, door, the thing for shutting
xuskam-ar, gun
ac-iktav-an, woman, water-carri-er
Other deriving suffixes are :
-ip, on names of trees,
isar-ip, fir
civir-ip, yellow pine
-1C.
kern, bad, kem-ic, evil thing, monster
-aha.
av, eat, av-aha, food
-ram. pancrof t Librttcjj
kiri-vi, sit, kirivi-ram, house
-kirak.
kiri-vi, sit, kirivi-kirak, stool
-vapu, born at, person belonging to.
aksiphirak-vapu, the one born at Trinity Summit
-v-arara, people.
yuruk-v-arara, down-stream people
-/cam, large.
axup-kam, large stick
-kunic, forms adjectives, especially of color, from nouns.
imcaxu-kunic, pitch-like, soft
tcantcaf-kunic, foam-color, white
-ipux, lacking.
xuc-ipux, thoughtless
-ruk, is added to the stems of the five commonest terms of
direction. It suggests the locative ending -ak.
430 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
yu-ruk, down-stream
ka-ruk, up-stream
ca-ruk, towards the stream, down
ma-ruk, away from the stream, up
sie-ruk, across the stream
In composition these words and stems always precede:
sieruk-pihiriv, across-the-water- widower ; ka-timin, up-stream-
dam; yur-ac, down-stream-water, ocean.
NOUN.
The noun is ordinarily without designation of number.
Certain nouns denoting persons, or derived from verbs by the
agent-suffix -an, and certain adjectives, express the plural by -c.
kunih-ara-c, arrows
imafunv-an-c, beggars
tunueite-ic, small ones, children
arara-c, relatives
tipa-hivi-c, brothers
kustar-ivi-c-oc, older sisters
aca-kam-c keitc-ic pa-c, the large rocks
There are no subjective, objective, or possessive case-endings,
but a series of local-instrumental suffixes :
-ak, in, at
-kcu, in
-ava-kam, on, over
-curuk, under
-pimitc, near
-os-kam, before
-vasi-kam, behind
-muk, with
-xakan, in company with
-kus, on account of
Examples :
isarip-ak, on the fir
ic-ak, in the water
nunu-avakam, above us
axup-muk, with wood
yux-kcu, in the ground
aca-curuk, under a rock
aca-pimitc, near a rock
Possessive pronominal elements are prefixed to nouns. A
possessive relation between two nouns is expressed by the pre-
fixion of the pronominal element of the third person to the noun
denoting the possessed object.
aciktavan mu-kiriviram, woman her-house
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 431
PRONOUN.
The pronominal forms are :
Independent Possessive Subjective Objective
1 8.
na
nani-
ni-
na-
2 8.
im
mi-
i-
-ap
3 8.
um
mu-
u-
1 p.
nu
nanu-
nu-
kin-
2 p.
Im-kun
mi-kunu-
kik-
kik ap
3 p.
um-kun
mu-kunu-
kun-
The independent forms are used as the subjects of predicate
nouns and adjectives and for emphasis.
All other forms, except objective of the second person -ap,
are prefixed.
A suffix -un denotes plurality : ni-mah-un-at, I saw them.
The regular use of the subjective prefixes of the third person
even after a noun subject, evinces the feeling of the language for
' ' incorporational ' ' structure of the appositional type.
That the incorporative tendency is however not very strong,
is shown by the fact that subjective and objective prefix elements
are not used together in one verb.
The form nu- denotes that the first person acts on the second :
I-thee.
The substantival possessive pronouns are formed by -upi :
nani-upi, mine.
The commonest demonstrative is pa, indicating reference, not
distance or direction, and nearly with the function of an article.
From it are derived the more specific demonstratives pa-ipa, this,
and pa-ik-u, that. Here and there are o-k and paik-u-k, whose -k
seems to be the locative ending. Kan also means there.
VERB.
The Karok verb is comparatively simple. The subjective or
objective pronominal element is prefixed to the stem; a suffix
indicating spatial relation often follows the stem; and the word
ends in a modal or temporal suffix, or sometimes two. Other
432 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
modal and temporal ideas are expressed by particles which
precede the verb without forming part of it. Instrumental
prefixes are lacking, and the causative, compulsive, transitive,
inceptive, benefactive, and similar affixes common in American
languages are scarcely represented.
Suffixes expressing spatial relations, either of position or of
motion, are:
-ura, up
-uni, down
-fak, down
-varak, down-stream
-arup, -ripa, out
-amni, in, into
-kuri, into
-kiri, into fire, in fire
-furuk, into house
-tako, on
-harav, through
-ka, to
-ra, toward
-cur, off
Modo-temporal suffixes are :
-ti, imperfect, present
-at, -it, -hat, past
-ec, -ic, future
-vani, reflexive
-c, imperative (as in Yurok)
Interrogation is denoted by -um or hen-um, which appear to
be enclitic particles, as in so many other American languages,
since they are attached to other words as well as the verb.
Preposed adverbial particles are:
ip, completed or past action
ta, probably indefinite or imperfect time
tcimi, tci, tcu, optative, future, inceptive, imperative
xatik, tikan, optative
puran, reciprocity
pu, negative
Examples of verb forms :
im-um i-apunmu-ti, you, do you know?
n-aknap-hen-um, did you slap me?
ni-seinati-hec, I shall have woodpecker-scalps
nani-hir6-hec, will be my wife, I will marry
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 433
pasakhi-c, kneel!
tcimi piftcak-c, open it!
tu ne-kim-tako, I fell on
u-pas-ura, he threw up
virax-cur, lick off
mara-kuri-hat, ran down into
no-pas-kiri-hec, I will throw you into the fire
pip-arup, break out
u-ari-furuk, he rushed indoors
ok i-siuru-ra, pull it here
ta ni-kuni-fak, I shoot down
ADJECTIVE.
The adjective resembles the noun rather than the intransitive
verb. It is used predicatively with the independent pronoun,
whereas the verb is employed with subjective prefix: na keitc,
I am large, and na aciktavan, I am a woman, but ni-kivip, I run.
Adjectives and nouns are both subject to the diminutive
suffix -itc. The plural suffix -c is also shared by nouns and
adjectives.
The word for small is anamatc when attributive, ninamitc
when predicative.
NUMERALS.
The numeral system is quinary to ten, from there on decimal.
1 yisa 6 kirivkir
2 axak 7 axa-kinivkir
3 kwirak 8 kwira-kinivkir
4 pis 9 trop-aticram
5 trop 10 trahiara
11 trahiara karu yisa
20 axak-a trahiara
30 kwirak-a trahiara
Trop and trahiara have also been heard tirop and tirahiara
and kwirak as kuyurak.
Distributive numerals are formed by the suffix -mate; axak-
matc, two each.
Numeral classifiers have not been noted.
434 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9
ipacna'van-itc kan
Cat-owl there
tu-a'kun-var 2 ka're-xac
he-hunting-went. And then
caruk to-siu'ru-fak 4
down he-dragged-(it)-down
TEXT.
u'-kuri 1
he lived.
pu'fitc
deer
stip
(to) the shore.
xac
Then
tu-pi-knivi-tak-i'c 6
he-sat-on
to-u-kpo'u-va'rak 7
floated-down-stream .
ka're-xac kan
And then there
8
pa
the
xac
Then
xac
Then
pa-mu-av
that-his-faee
u-pi'ric-hu'ni-va 9
there was brush down it.
xac
Then
pa
the
ni'hatc xac
gently. Then
to-siuru-ri'pa
he-dragged-(it)-out.
a'rar to-kuma'rihivik
person he met,
a'pap u-a'v-ac-hu'ni-va 9 xac
one side water ran down, then
ka're-xac pa pu'fitc
And then the
6'nu-itc kietc
kidney only
xac to'-mnic
he-cooked
ku'kum iman
Again tomorrow
to'-ik-a'r 3 xac
he killed. Then
mu-ve'cur-ak 5
its-horns-on
pu'fitc
deer
deer
tu-pas-i
he-threw.
to-cfi'ri
he-skinned.
a'raa'ra
person
a'pap
one-side
tu-e's-ep
he-took.
xac
Then
xac
Then
to-u-pu-va'ram 10 xac to'-mnic pa u'nu-itc
he-home-went. Then he-cooked the kidney.
tu-a'u 11 ku'kum ima'n tu-p-akun-vara 12 ka're-xac
he-ate. Again tomorrow he-hunting-went. And then
kan u-u'm e ica'vac 6'uk ta-ni-a'ho 13
there he-arrived. "Oh, cousin, here I-have-come.
no'-yuka're-ec 14 pa In pu'fitci I i-e's-a-yl'p-vuti-hat 15
We-will-kill the one deer who you-has-deprived-of."
NOTES.
1 Stem kiri, live, sit, be.
2 Tu- and ti- are at times found for u- and i-, he and you; akun is the
stem; var, more fully varam, to go, is used both as an independent stem
and as a suffixed auxiliary.
3 T6-, for particle ta and pronominal prefix u-.
* T6-, the same; siuru, stem; fak, spatial suffix, down; the object as
well as the tense are not expressed.
B Mu-, possessive prefix of third person; -ak, locative case-suffix.
Tu-, subjective prefix, third person; pi-, meaning unascertained;
knivi, for kinivi, equals kiri-vi, sit, from kiri, as in note 1 ; -tak, for -tako,
on, spatial suffix; -ic, seems to be the future suffix -ec, -ie, though the con-
text calls for a preterite.
1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco. 435
i T6- for ta influenced by following u; u-, he; kpou, float, swim;
-varak, spatial suffix, down-stream.
s Pa-, that, the, customary with the possessive prefix of the third
person mu-.
U-, subjective pronominal element, third person; av, doubtful; ac,
water; -huni, usually -uni, spatial suffix of verbs, down; -va, doubtful.
In u-piric-huni-va, pirie is brush, grass.
10 To-, for ta, before u; u-, he; pu-, uncertain; varam, to go.
11 Au for av, am, to eat.
12 Compare tu-akun-var before; for the prefixed p-, see notes 6 and 10.
is Ta, proposed particle, probably temporal; ni-, I; aho, come.
* 4 No-, more often nu-, we; yukare, stem, to kill, altered from ik-ara
by the u-quality of the prefix; -ec, future suffix.
i 5 !-, you, object; es, stem, to deprive, take; -yip, for -ip or -cip, seems
to denote motion away compare es-ep, above; -vuti, a common suffix,
apparently temporal; -hat, suffix of past time.
University of California,
April 4, 1910.
INDEX'
Achoma'wi, 3, 31. 76, 133, 144, 152,
153, 155, 159, 210, 214.
Ahwastes, 240.
Alameda county, 239.
Algonkin, 258.
Altahmos, 240.
Amador, 278, 292.
American Museum of Natural His-
tory, 4.
Ansaymes, 239.
Apocynum cannabinum, 46.
Aryan, 300.
Athabascan, 276, 305, 306, 321,
348, 358, 371, 384, 389, 419.
Atsuge'wi, 3, 31, 133, 159, 210, 214.
Ausaimas, 239.
Ball 's Ferry, 68.
Bally Mountain, 22, 221.
Barrett, S. A., cited, 240, 242, 260,
279, 292, 293, 294, 320, 322, 323,
326, 332, 348, 373, 381, 382,
Basin Hollow, 107.
Battle creek, 2, 3, 6, 32, 76.
Bat'wi, Sam, 3, 4, 6, 20, 22, 29,
31, 33, 35, 43, 50, 51, 67, 76, 88,
125, 129, 159, 209, 228.
Bear Creek, 68, 125.
Bear River mountains, 384.
Bennett, Mrs., 427.
Big Bend, 160.
Big Meadows Indians, 3.
Big Valley, 159, 160.
Bodega bay, 278, 292.
.Boston, 3.
Bowditch, C. P., 278.
Brodiaea, 409.
Brown, Betty, 3, 4, 43, 45, 60, 103,
129, 132, 133, 136, 140, 149, 159,
160, 178, 197, 198, 200, 206.
Brown, Raymond, 320.
Buena Vista, 305.
Bullskin ridge, 3, 34, 126.
Bully Choop range, 321.
Burney creek, 3.
valley, 71, 159.
Buzzard's Roost, 17, 126. 129.
Caballeria y Collell, 269, 271.
Calaveras county, 278.
California, Ethnological and Arch-
aeological Survey of, 2, 276.
California Farmer, 242.
Calistoga, 348.
Cedar creek, 3.
Charmstones, 271.
Chico Indians, 196.
Chimariko, 261, 276, 387, 428.
Chinook, 358.
Chocouyem, 318.
Chumash, 237, 293, 303. 305, 306.
Chumeto, 293.
Clear creek, 427.
lake, 287, 320, 326.
Clough, 68.
Clover creek, 31, 107, 123.
Coast range, 239, 276, 278.
Coast Yuki, 348.
Cornelias, F. J., 242.
Contra Costa county, 239.
Copper City, 2.
Costanoan, 237, 278, 279, 293, 297,
304, 305, 306, 308, 309, 312, 319,
387.
Cosumnes river, 278.
Coulter, 265.
Cow creek, 6, 68, 69, 74, 107.
Old, 112, 123.
Crater peak, 2.
Cuesta, Felipe Arroyo de la, 237,
239, 242, 249, 250, 252.
Cummings, Eph, 278.
Curtin, Jeremiah, 3, 17, 20, 29, 31,
35, 43, 66. 76, 88, 123. 133, 136,
154, 160, 170, 200, 216, 228, 233.
Curtin, Mrs., 4, 170.
Dakota, 303, 305.
DeMofras, Duflot, 241, 253, 269,
316.
Dixie valley, 159.
Dixon, R. B., 3, 4, 31, 76, 88, 123,
133, 136, 200, 203. 204, 209, 210.
214, 227, 241, 261, 276, 278, 293,
297, 303, 306, 313, 316, 332. A 1 I.
Dolores, 239.
Eel river, 348, 384.
English, 293.
Erner, 418, 421.
Eskimo, 358.
Esselen, 268, 387, 4L'7.
Eulophus pringlei, 177.
Fall City, 155.
* Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., Vol. 9.
[437]
Index.
Fall Kiver, 152, 155, 159.
Indians, 155.
Mills, 155.
Franciscan, 239.
Fresno river, 278.
Gallatin, 241.
Gatschet, A. S., 265, 271, 293, 296,
310, 316.
Geyserville, 348.
Ghost dance, 196.
Glendale, 387.
Goddard, P. E., 276, 321, 415, 417.
Gold Bluff, 386, 414.
Golden Gate, 278, 292.
Hale, 241, 265.
Hat creek, 2, 71.
Indians, 3, 54, 71, 159, 210.
valley, 159.
Hearst, Mrs. Phoebe A., acknowl-
edgment, 276.
Hookooeko, 292.
Home, Miss Jeannette, 427.
Hot Springs Indians, 159.
valley, 159.
Huchnom, 348, 352.
Hurnboldt bay, 384.
Hupa, 276, 388, 428.
Indo-European, 288, 301, 323.
Irvington, 239.
Jackson, 278.
Joukiousme, 318.
Karok, 276, 384, 385, 387, 389, 415,
419.
Kato, 348.
Kato Texts, 321.
Klamath river, 386, 414, 427.
Klamath-Modoc, 423.
Kosh creek, 160.
Kroeber, A. L., cited, 3, 4, 31, 273,
332.
La Purisima, 264.
Lake county, 320.
dialect, 292.
Languages of the Coast of Cali-
fornia North of San Francisco,
273.
Lassen county, 159.
peak, 3.
Latham, 259, 414.
Latin, 327.
Lekahtewutko, 292.
Lindsey creek, 388.
Little, Brown and Company, 4, 170.
Little Cow creek, 2, 34.
Little river, 384, 387, 414.
Loew, 265.
Lord's Prayer, 253, 269, 316.
Mad river, 384.
Maidu, 3, 4, 31, 76, 88, 89, 133, 159,
196, 203, 204, 241, 261, 293, 303,
311, 325, 327, 387.
Marin county, 242, 278, 292.
Mariposa, 292.
Medilding, 388.
Mendocino county, 320.
Mengarini, F, G., cited, 242.
Merriam, C. Hart, cited, 292.
Mewko, 292.
Mewuk, 292.
Mill creek, 3, 33.
Millville, 6, 31, 68, 69, 107, 112.
Mitchell, Thomas, 320.
Miwok, 240, 241, 249, 254, 259,
260, 262, 276, 277, 278 ff., 325,
387, 396, 401.
Modoc, 423.
county, 159.
Mohave, 392.
Mokalumne, 292.
Mokozumne, 292.
Monterey, 237, 239, 240, 241, 242,
249, 250, 251, 252.
Montgomery creek, 2, 3, 6, 17, 126,
133, 206.
Moquelumnan, 259, 262, 292.
Mt. Shasta, 161.
Mutsun, 237, 239, 262, 292, 297.
Oak Eun, 34.
Ochehak, 292.
Olamentko, 292.
Olhones, 240.
Oregon, 34, 203.
Orick, 414.
Orleans, 427.
Patawat, 384.
Phonograph records, 258.
Pit river, 2, 28, 42, 149, 152, 153,
159, 160.
Indians, 3, 54, 144, 153, 214.
Plains dialect, 292.
Polaya, 240.
Polya, 240.
Porno, 240, 241, 276, 277, 278, 293.
348, 357, 371, 385, 387, 393, 401,
419, 427.
Portola, 265.
Powell, J. W., 259, 292, 406.
Powers, Stephen, 77, 242, 259, 265,
292, 296, 406.
Putnam, F. W., 265.
Qenek, 421, 424.
Red Bluff, 221.
Red Cap creek, 427.
Redding, 2, 3, 6, 22, 221.
Redwood Indians, 352.
Riggs, S., 303.
Romance languages, 327.
Romonans, 240.
[438]
Index.
Round Mountain, 2, 6, 17, 123, 140,
188.
Jack, 3, 4, 200, 209, 216.
Round valley, 348, 352.
Rumsen, 240.
Rumsien, 240.
Russian river, 381.
Sacramento river, 2, 3, 6, 28, 221,
318.
valley, 196.
Salinan, 250, 268, 296, 305, 306.
Salmon river, 427.
San Andreas, 278.
San Buenaventura, 238, 264, 265,
269, 271.
San Carlos, 239.
San Francisco, 239, 240, 241, 242,
252, 276, 278.
San Joaquin river, 239.
valley, 308.
San Jose, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242,
250, 251, 253.
San Juan Bautista, 239, 240, 241,
242, 250, 251, 252, 253, 297, 304.
San Luis Obispo, 264, 265, 268,
269.
San Rafael, 318.
Santa Barbara, 264, 265, 269, 270,
271.
Santa Clara, 239, 240, 241, 242,
252, 253.
county, 239.
Santa Cruz, 239, 240, 241, 242, 252.
island, 264, 265, 269.
Santa Ynez, 237, 264, 265, 268,
269, 271.
Sapir, Edward, cited, 321, 415.
Schoolcraft, 242.
Serrano, 268.
Shasta, 261, 303, 325, 428.
county, 2, 6, 129.
Shea, 237.
Shingletown, 76.
Shoshonean, 240, 264, 268, 293,
305, 306, 358, 371.
Sierra Nevada, 263, 278.
dialect, 292.
Siouan, 358.
Siujtu, 270.
Snake Indians, 159.
Soledad, 239, 240, 241, 242.
Songs, 258.
Sonoma county, 320.
Spanish, 250, 263, 271, 390.
Stillwater creek, 216.
Stone Lagoon, 414.
Sulatelak, 384.
Takelma, 34, 203, 210, 227.
Tamarack Road, 69, 125.
''Tar Baby," 227.
Tatu, 352.
Taylor, A., 242, 265.
Tehama, 3, 33.
Terry's sawmill, 17.
Timrneno, 265.
Tozzer, A. M., 278, 282, 283, 284,
287, 290, 297.
Trinidad, 414.
Trinity river, 414.
Summit, 429.
Tiibatulabal, 305.
Tulare valley, 253.
Tuleamme, 292.
Tulomos, 240.
Tuolumne, 292.
Turip, 421.
University or California, Depart-
ment of Anthropology of, 2.
Ute, 31.
Ute-Chemehuevi, 396.
Vance Mill, 388.
Viard, 384.
Wailaki, 355.
Wappo, 348.
Washo, 293, 303, 306, 331, 358, 371,
387.
Waterman, T. T., cited, 415.
West Point, 278.
Weyet, 384.
Wheeler Survey, 265, 271.
Wiki-daredaliL, 384.
Wilson creek, 414.
Wintun, 3, 22, 54, 59, 71, 104, 197,
293, 303, 306, 325, 387, 419.
Wishosk, 384.
Wiyat, 384.
Wiyot, 276, 305, 306, 414, 415, 418,
419, 420, 421, 422, 423, 426, 428.
Woodman, 2.
Woodwardia, 409.
Xerophyllum tenax, 145, 409.
Yana, 250, 306, 387; Central, 2, 6,
200; Northern, 2, 3, 6, 200, 216;
Southern, 6, 7.
Yana Texts, 321.
Yates, L. G., cited, 271.
Yokuts, 31, 240, 241, 250, 253, 261,
268, 271, 279, 280, 281, 293, 296,
303, 308, 311, 325, 327, 358, 387,
428.
Yuchtu, 270.
Yuctu, 270.
Yuki, 240, 250, 276, 277, 280, 293,
320, 321, 322, 323, 325, 326, 327,
331, 340, 387, 393, 394, 396, 428;
Coast, 348.
Yurok, 250, 276, 305, 306, 384, 385,
387, 389, 401, 427, 428, 432.
[439]
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