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THE  LOEB  CLASSICAL  LIBRARY 

rOUNDED    BY    JAMES    LOEB,    LL.D. 

EDITED    BY 
t  T.    E.    PAGE,    C.H.,    LITT.D. 

fE.   CAPPS,  pn.D.,   LL.D.     tW.  H.  D.  ROUSE,  litt.d. 
L.  A.  POST,  l.h.d.  E.  H.  WARmNGTON, 

M.A.,    F.R.HIST.SOC. 


LUCIUS  ANNAEUS  FLORUS 

EPITOME   OF    ROMAN    HISTORY 

cornelius  nepos 


LUCIUS    AN^^AEUS 
FLO^     S 

EPITOME    OF        \\L  V    HISTORY 

CORNELIUS  NEPOS 


LONDON 

WILLIAM   HEINEMANN   LTD 

CAMBRIDGE,    MASSACHUSETTS 

HARVARD     UNIVERSITY     PRESS 

MCMLX 


PA 

(oOo^O  p^^jj  Printed,  1929 

A  «  Eeprinted,  1947,  1960 


^'      JUL14  1351 


!  ! 


7()258l^^ 


PEINTED    IN    GREAT    BRITAIN 


CONTENTS 

LUCIUS   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

PAGE 

Introduction — 

The  Author ix 

TheWork x 

The  Text xii 

Bibhography xv 

Text  and  Translation 2 

Index 699 


NEPOS 

Introduction  : 

The  Life  and  Works  of  Nepos     ...  355 

The  Manuscripts 361 

Biographical  Note 363 

Sigla 365 

The    Book     on    the     Great    Generals     of 

FoREiGN  Nations 367 

V 


CONTENTS 

Pagb 

Preface 368 

I.    MlLTlADES    . 

.     372 

II.  Themistocles 

.     388 

III.  Aristides   . 

.     408 

IV.  Pausanias    . 

.     412 

V.    ClMON 

.     422 

VI.  Lysaxder   . 

.     428 

VII.  Alcibiades 

.     434 

VIII.  Thrasybulus      . 

.     458 

IX.    CONON 

.     466 

X.  DioN   . 

.     474 

XI.   Iphicrates 

.     492 

XII.  Chabrias     . 

.     496 

XIII.  Timotheus  . 

.     502 

XIV.  Datames      . 

.     510 

XV.  Epaminondas 

.     530 

XVI.  Pelopidas   . 

.     550 

XVII.  Agesilaus    . 

.     558 

XVIII.    EUMENES        . 

.     572 

XIX.  Phocion      . 

.     596 

XX.    TlMOLEON       . 

.     604 

XXI.  On  Kings    . 

.     612 

XXII.  Hamilcar    . 

.     618 

XXIII.  Hannibal     . 

.       .     624 

ExcERPT  from  the  Book  on  Latin  Historians 

XXIV.  Cato 64S 

XXV.  Atticus 652 

Fragments 692 

Index 729 


VI 


LUCIUS  ANNAEUS 
FLORUS 

EPITOME   OF    IIOMAN    HISTORY 


WITH   AN   ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  BY 

EDWARD   SEYMOUR    FORSTER,  M  A. 

PROFESSOR    OF   GREEK    IN   TUE    UNIVERBITy    OF   SKEFFIELD 


TO 

MY   WIFE 


INTRODUCTION 


The  Author 

Remarkably  little  is  known  of  the  author  of 
tlie  Epitome  ;  even  his  correct  name  is  quite 
uncertain.  Most  recent  editors  give  him  the  name 
of  L.  Annaeus  Florus,  which  is  found  in  the  title 
of  the  work  in  the  Codex  Palatinus  894,  rejecting 
the  name  Juhus  Florus,  which  occurs  in  the  title 
of  the  Codex  Bambergensis,  on  the  grounds  that  the 
absence  of  any  praenomen  is  suspicious  and  that  the 
name  Juhus  may  well  be  due  to  a  corruption.^  It 
is  not  impossible,  however,  that  none  of  the  titles 
given  in  the  MSS.  are  correct,  and  that  the  author 
of  the  Epitome  is  identical  with  the  P.  Annius  Florus 
who  was  a  poet  and  a  friend  of  Hadrian  (Spartianus, 
Hadr.  16)  and  author  of  the  Dialogue  VergiUus  orator 
an  poeta,  part  of  the  introduction  of  which  has  been 
preserved  in  a  MS,  at  Brussels  and  is  appended  to 
the  editions  of  Halm  and  Rossbach.  He  may  have 
been  a  relative  of  Seneca,  Lucan  and  Pomponius 
Mela.  The  Brussels  fragment  gives  us  some  bio- 
graphical  detail  about  its  author.  He  was  born,  we 
are  told,  in  Africa  and  as  a  boy  took  part  at  Rome 
under  Domitian  in  the  CapitoHne  Competition,  but 
was  unsuccessful  owing  to  favouritism  ;  in  disgust  at 

*  See  Rossbach  in  the  Teubner  text,  pp.  xliii. 


INTRODUCTION 

his  failure^  he  travelled  abroad  for  a  time^  eventually 
settling  down  at  Tarraco  in  Spain  and  adopting  the 
profession  of  letters.  He  must  subsequently  have 
migrated  to  in  Rome  in  the  principate  of  Hadrian. 

The  Epitome  itself  contains  no  internal  evidence 
about  the  Hfe  of  its  author  except  as  to  the  date  at 
which  he  composed  the  work.  He  states  (I.  Introd., 
8)  that  a  period  of  not  much  less  than  two  hundred 
years  had  elapsed  since  Caesar  Augustus  {a  Caesare 
Augusto  in  saeculujji  nostj-ujn  haucl  multo  minus  anni 
ducenti).  It  is  difficult  to  decide  how  to  interpret 
the  words  a  Caesare  Augusto.  It  would  perhaps  be 
most  natural  to  take  27  b.c,  the  date  of  the  founda- 
tion  of  the  Principate,  as  the  Jioruit  of  Augustus,  in 
which  case  the  composition  of  the  Epitome  would 
fall  in  the  Principate  of  Marcus  AureHus.  If,  on 
the  other  hand,  we  may  take  the  birth  of  Augustus 
in  63  B.c.  as  the  beginning  of  the  period  of  two 
hundred  years,  the  date  of  the  composition  wiU  fall 
in  the  second  half  of  the  Principate  of  Hadrian,  a 
date  which  is  consistent  with  the  identification  of 
the  author  as  the  Hterary  friend  of  Hadrian. 

The  Work 

The  Epitojjie  is  an  abridgment  of  Roman  History 
with  special  reference  to  the  wars  waged  by  the 
Roman  people  from  the  foundation  of  the  city  down 
to  the  age  of  Augustus.  In  the  MSS.  it  is  described 
as  an  epitome  of  Livy,  and  no  doubt  owes  much  to 
that  author,  who  is  sometimes  quoted  verbatim,  but 
Livy  is  by  no  means  the  only  source,  and  Florus 
frequently  makes  statements  which  are  at  variance 
with   those    of  Livy.      The    works   of   SaUust   and 

X 


INTRODUCTION 

Caesar  were  certainly  employed  by  the  epitomist, 
and  there  are  reminiscences  of  Vergil  and  Liican. 
There  is  reason  to  suppose  the  Histories  of  the  elder 
Seneca  were  also  used  as  a  source.  It  is  probable 
that  Florus  imitated  the  division  of  the  history  of 
Rome  into  four  ages — infancy,  youth,  manhood 
and  old  age — from  this  writer,  who,  according  to 
Lactantius  {bist.  Div.  VII,  15,  4),  employed  this 
division. 

The  work  was  deliberately  j)lanned  as  a  panegyric 
of  the  Roman  people,  and  interprets  events,  wherever 
it  is  possible,  in  a  sense  favourable  to  the  Romans. 
The  author  is  strikingly  free  of  any  political  bias, 
except  that  in  the  Civil  VVar  he  appears  to  side  with 
Julius  Caesar  rather  than  with  Pompeius. 

The  Bamberg  MS.  adopts  a  division,  which  has 
been  followed  by  most  editors,  into  two  books, 
the  first  dealing  with  the  growth  and  establishment 
of  the  empire,  and  the  second  with  its  decline,  the 
Gracchan  age  forming  the  line  of  division. 

Though  not  ineflfective  as  giving  a  general  sketch 
of  Roman  History,  the  work  is  inaccurate  in  detail 
and  full  of  inconsistencies  and  errors  both  chrono- 
logical  and  geograpliical.  The  author  possesses  a 
certain  literary  gift,  often,  however,  marred  by  a 
strong  tendency  to  rhetoric,  which,  though  occasion- 
ally  felicitous,  more  frequently  shows  itself  in 
fantastic  exaggeration  and  empty  bombast.  The 
author's  love  of  brevity  too  often  leads  to  obscurity, 
and  the  constant  insertion  of  exclamatory  remarks 
and  the  poverty  of  vocabulary  are  irritating 
characteristics. 

The  Epitome  once  enjoyed—  perhaps  owing  to  its 
rhetorical  character — a  considerable  popularity  and 


INTRODUCTION 

was  widely  used  as  a  school-book  as  late  as  the  end 
of  the  seventeenth  century.  The  Elzevir  Press 
alone  pnbUshed  six  editions  between  the  years  1638 
and  1674. 


The  Text 

It  is  now  generally  recognized  that  the  best  MS. 
of  Florus  is  the  Codex  Bamhergejisis  E  III  22  {B), 
which  dates  from  the  beginning  of  the  ninth  century. 
Its  importance  was  first  pointed  out  by  Seebode 
in  1821,  but  Otto  Jahn  was  the  first  editor  to  make 
fuU  use  of  it  in  the  Teubner  edition  of  1852.  It 
has  also  been  collated  by  Halm  and  Rossbach.  It 
is  written  on  parchment  and  contains  also  the 
History  of  Dares  Phrygius  and  the  Bi-eviaiium  of 
Festus. 

Tlie  Codex  Bamhergensis  ends  abruptly  at  profundo, 
ten  words  before  the  end  of  II,  33,  and  the  pre- 
ceding  passage  beginning  at  recreatus,  twenty-six 
words  before  the  end  of  II,  32,  is  written  in  rather 
darker  ink  by  a  later  hand  {B^),  which  also  added 
several  omitted  passages  (l,  Introduction  1,  Populus 
to  3,  videajitur ;  II,  1,  1,  seditionum  to  2,  gentium  ; 
II,  29,  sarmatae  to  pacem  ;  II,  30,  34,  tres  legiones  to 
36,  patronos ;  II,  31,  Haec  to  victoria  Juit,  and 
inserted  the  headings  and  Hsts  of  chapters,  besides 
making  minor  corrections  throughout  the  text.  It 
seems  certain  that  B^  had  the  same  original  before 
him,  adding  passages  where  B  had  been  unable 
to  decipher  the  MS.,  and  making  corrections 
where  B  had  erred ;  his  readings,  therefore,  are 
to  be  regarded  as  worthy  of  every  consideration. 
Another  hand  (B^)  made  a  smaller  number  of  less 
xii 


INTRODUCTION 

important  corrections  in  the  eleventh  or  twelfth 
century. 

The  Codex  Bamberoeiisis  stands  in  a  class  byitself; 
the  other  existing  MSS.  belong  to  one  family.  The 
oldest  of  these  is  the  Codex  Palatinns  Latiyws  S94:  (.V), 
formerly  in  the  Library  of  the  Monastery  of  St. 
Nazarius  at  Lorsch^  and  therefore  often  known  as 
the  Codex  Nazarianus.  It  is  written  on  parchment 
and  dates  from  the  end  of  the  ninth  century.  It 
has  corrections,  no  doubt  taken  from  the  same  arche- 
type,  by  the  same  hand  that  wrote  the  original^  and 
by  a  later  hand  of  the  twelfth  century  which  some- 
times  emends  small  errors  but  more  often  introduces 
corrupt  readings.  It  has  been  collated  by  Jahn  (in 
a  somewliat  summary  manner),  by  Wolflinn  and  by 
Rossbach 

The  third  MS.  of  first-rate  importance  is  the 
Codex  Leidensis  Fossianus  14  {L),  ^vritten  on  parch- 
ment  in  a  fine  hand  of  the  eleventh  century.  It  is 
closely  related  to  N,  but  contains  too  many  dis- 
crepancies  to  be  derived  directly  from  it. 

Other  MSS.  of  the  same  class  are  : — 

The   Codex  Palatimis  Heidclhergensis  1568  (^Palai.) 

of  the  eleventh  century; 
The  Codex  HarLeianus  2620  {HarL),  in  the  British 

Museum,  of  the  thirteenth  century  ; 
The     Codex    Monacensis    6392     (Monac.)    of    the 

eleventh  century  ; 
The  Codex  Parisinus  5802  {Paris.  5802),  which  is 

known  to  have  been  used  by  Petrarch,  and 

the  Codex  Parisinus  7701  {Paris.  7701),  both 

of  the  twelfth  century. 
The  Codex  Leidensis  Vossianus  11  (Foss.) ;  and 


INTRODUCTION 

The  Codex  Vratislaviensis  Rehdigeranus  R78 
(Rehd.),  of  the  fifteenth  century  but  con- 
taining  some  excellent  corrections, 

Another  important  authority  for  the  text  of 
Florus  is  the  work  of  the  historian  Jordanes  (1),  a 
Goth,  who  in  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century 
wrote  a  work  entitled  De  summa  temporum  vel  origine 
aciibusque  gentis  Romanoriun,  in  which  he  made  ex- 
tensive  use  of  Florus;  he  copies  him,  with  a  few 
omissions  and  alterations,  for  the  period  down  to  the 
Macedonian  wars  (Florus^  I,  1-28),  and  again  for 
the  Parthian  war  (I,  46),  the  war  against  Antony 
and  Cleopatra  (II,  21),  and  the  wars  of  Augustus 
(II,  22-27).  Although  the  MS.  of  Florus  which 
Jordanes  used  was  much  older  than  B,  it  was  closely 
allied  to  it  and  has  many  faults  in  common  with  it, 
and  only  occasionally  provides  a  better  reading. 
Jordanes  is  a  somewhat  uncertain  guide :  he  him- 
self  confesses  that  he  was  agrammaticus,  and  he 
sometimes  misunderstands  hisauthorities  ;  but  where 
he  confirms  the  reading  of  B,  as  he  often  does,  his 
testimony  is  of  great  value.  His  work  has  been 
preserved  in  several  MSS.,  of  which  the  Codex 
Heidelbergensis  and  the  Codex  Pollingensis  are  the 
most  important. 

For  the  text  of  the  present  edition  B  is  taken  as 
the  basis,  and  the  apparatus  criticus  aimsat  giving  the 
authority,  whether  of  an  MS.  or  of  an  editor,  for 
any  important  variations  from  the  readings  of  B 
which  have  been  inserted  in  the  text.  In  order 
not  to  overburden  the  apparatus  criticns,  where  the 
reading  of  B  has  been  adopted,  none  of  the  variants 
which  may  be  presented  by  the  other  MSS.  are 
xiv 


INTRODUCTION 

usually  mentioned,  and  small  corrections  of  ortho- 
graphy  have  not  been  noted.  Readers  wlio  require  a 
complete  apparatus  cnticus  should  consult  the  edition 
of  Rossbach. 

BlBLIOGRAPHY 

The  following  are  the  principal  editions  of 
Florus : — 

Editio  Princeps,  without  date  or  place  (Paris, 
circa  1470). 

Addus :  Venice,  1521. 

E.  Vinetus  :  Poitiers,  1554. 

C.  Salmasius  :  Heidelberg,  1609. 

J.  Freinsheim  :  Strassburg,  1632. 

J.  G.  Graevius  :  Utrecht,  1680. 

C.  A.  Duker  :  Leyden,  1722. 

G.  Seebode  :  Leipzig,  1821. 

O.  Jahn  :  Leipzig,  1852. 

C.  Halm  :  Leipzig,  1854. 

O.  Rossbach  :  Leipzig^  1896. 

Florus   has  been   translated    into  English    by  J. 

Davies    (1670;    a    version    which    was    re-issued  in 

1672  with  corrections  by  Casaubon)^  and  by  J.  S. 
Watson  in  Bohn's  Classical  Library. 

I  wish  to  express  my  warmest  thanks  to  my 
colleague,  Professor  W.  C.  Summers,  Firth  Pro- 
fessor  of  Latin  in  the  University  of  Sheffield, 
who  kindly  read  through  the  translation  in  MS. 
His  suggestions  have  enabled  me  to  make  im- 
provements  on  practically  every  page  of  the  book. 

Edw.  S.  Forster, 


LUCIUS   ANNAEUS    FLORUS 


L.   ANNAEI    FLORI 

EPITOMAE  DE  TITO   LIVIO   BELLORVM 
0:^INIVM  ANNORVM  DCC  LIBRI  II 


Capita  Libri  I^ 

I.  A  Romulo  tempora  regum  Vll. 

II.  Anacec^alaeosis  eorum  temporum. 

III.  De  mutatioue  rei  publicae. 

IIII.  Bellum  Etruscum  cum  rege  Porsenna. 

V.  Bellum  Latinura. 

VI.  Bellum  cum  Etruscis  Faliscis  Veientibus  Fi- 
denatibus. 

VIL  Bellum  Gallicum. 

VIII.  Bella  Gallica. 

VIIII.  Bellum  Latinum. 

X.  Bellum  Sabinum. 

XI.  Bellum  Samniticum. 

XII.  Bellum  Etruscum  Samniticum  Gallicum. 

XIII.  Bellum  Tarentinum. 

XIIIL  Bellum  Picens. 

XV.  Bellum  Sallentinum. 

XVI.  Bellum  Volsiniense. 

XVII.  De  seditionibus. 

XVIII.  Bellum  Punicum  primum. 

XVIIII.  Bellum  Liguricum. 

XX.  Bellum  Gallicum. 

XXI.  Bellum  IUyricum. 

XXII.  Bellum  Punicum  secundum. 

XXIII.  Bellum  Macedonicum  primum. 

^  Epithoma  luli  Flori  de  Tito  Liuio  *  bellorum  omnium  • 
annorum  septingentorum  *  libri  •  N  *  duo  •  feliciter  B :  L  ' 
Annei  •  Flori  •  epitoma  de  Tito  Liuio  •  incipit  liber  primus  * 
lege  feliciter  N:  Incjpit  liber  primus  epitomarum  Annei 
Flori  •  detitoliuio  L, 
2 


LUCIUS    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

THE  TWO  BOOKS  OF  THE  EPITOME,  EXTRACTED 
FROM  TITUS  LIVIUS,  OF  ALL  THE  WARS  OF 
SEVEN  HUNDRED  YEARS 


The  Chapters  of  Book  I 

I.  The  Period   of  the  Seven    Kings,    beginning 

with  Romulus. 

II.  Recapitulation  of  the  rule  of  the  Seven  Kings. 

III.  On  the  change  of  government. 

IIII.  The  Etruscan  War  against  King  Porsenna. 

V.  The  Latin  ^Yar. 

VI.  The  Warwith  the  Etruscans,  Falisci,  Yeientines 
and  Fidenates. 

VIL  The  War  with  the  Gauls. 

VIII.  Further  Wars  with  the  Gauls. 

VIIIL  The  Latin  War. 

X.  The  Sabine  War. 

XI.  The  Samnite  War. 

XII.  The  War  against  the  Etruscans,  Samnites  and 
Gauls. 

XIII.  The  Tarentine  War. 

XIIII.  The  Picenian  War. 

XV.  The  Sallentine  War. 

XVI.  The  Volsinian  War. 

XVII.  Of  Civil  Discords. 

XVIII.  The  First  l\inic  War. 

XVIIII.  The  Ligurian  War. 

XX.  The  Gallic  War. 

XXI.  The  Illyrian  War. 

XXII.  The  Second  Punic  War. 

XXIII.  The  First  Macedonian  War. 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

XXIIII.  Bellum  SjTiacum  regis  Antiochi. 

XXV.  Bellum  Aetolum. 

XXVI.  Bellum  Histricum. 

XXVTI.  Bellum  Gallograecum. 

XXVin.  Bellum  Macedonicum  secundum. 

XXVIIII.  Bellum  IUyricum  secundum. 

XXX.  Bellum  Macedonicum  tertium. 

XXXI.  Bellum  Punicum  tertium. 

XXXII.  Bellum  Achaicum. 

XXXIII.  Res  in  Hispania  gestae. 

XXXIIII.  Bellum  Xumantinum. 

XXXV.  Bellum  Asiaticum. 

XXXVI.  Bellum  lugurthinum. 

XXXVII.  Bellum  AUobrogum. 

XXXVIII.  Bellum  Cimbricum  Teutonicum  Tigurinum. 

XXXVIIII.  Bellum  Thracicum. 

XL.  Bellum  Mithridaticum. 

XLI.  Bellum  piraticum. 

XLII.  Bellum  Creticum. 

XLIII.  Bellum  Balearicum. 

XLIIII.  Expeditio  in  Cyprum. 

XLV.  Bellam  Gallicum. 

XLVI.  Bellum  Parthicum. 

XLVII.  Anace^alaeosis. 


I.  A  RoMVLo  Tempora  Regvm  Septem 
PopuLUS  Romanus  a  rege  Romulo  in  Caesarem 
Augustum  septingentos  per  annos  tantum  operum 
pace  belloque  gessit,  ut^  si  quis  magnitudinem 
imperii  cum  annis  conferat,  aetatem  ultra  putet. 
2  Ita  late  per  orbera  terrarum  arma  circumtulit,  ut 
qui  res  illius  legunt  non  unius  populi,  sed  generis 
humani  facta  condiscant.  Tot  in  laboribus  pericu- 
lisque  iactatus  est,  ut  ad  constituendum  eius  im- 
4 


BOOK     I.    INTROD. 


XXIIII. 

The  Syrian  War  against  King  Antiochua. 

XXV. 

The  Aetolian  War. 

XXVI. 

The  Istiian  War. 

XXVII. 

The  Gallo-Greek  War. 

XXVIII. 

The  Seoond  Macedonian  War. 

XXVIIII. 

The  Second  Illvrian  War. 

XXX. 

The  Third  Macedonian  War. 

XXXI. 

The  Third  Punic  War. 

xxxir. 

The  Achaean  War. 

XXXIII. 

Operations  in  Spain. 

XXXIIII. 

The  Numantine  War. 

XXXV. 

The  Asiatic  War. 

XXXVI. 

The  Jugurthine  War. 

XXXVII. 

The  War  with  the  Allobroges. 

XXXVIII. 

The   War  with    the    Cimbri,    Teutones    and 

Tigurini. 

XXXVIIII. 

The  Thracian  War. 

XL. 

The  Mithridatic  War. 

XLI. 

The  War  against  the  Pirates. 

XLII. 

The  Cretan  War. 

XLIII. 

The  Balearic  War. 

XLIIII. 

The  Expedition  to  Cyprus. 

XLV. 

The  Gallic  War. 

XLVI. 

The  Parthian  War. 

XLVII. 

Recapitulation. 

I.  The  Period  of  the  Seven  Kings,  beginning 

^VITH    RoMULUS 

The  Roman  peo})le  during  the  seven  hundred 
years,  from  the  time  of  King  Romulus  down  to  that 
of  Caesar  Augustus,  achieved  so  much  in  peace  and 
war  that,  if  a  man  were  to  compare  the  greatness 
of  their  empire  with  its  years,  he  would  consider  its 
size  as  out  of  all  j)roportion  to  its  age.  So  widely 
have  they  extended  their  arms  throughout  the 
world,  that  those  who  read  of  tlieir  exploits  are 
learning  the  history,  not  of  a  single  people,  but  of 
the    human  race.      By   so    many  toils    and    dangers 


L.   ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

perium    contendisse    Virtus    et    Fortuna   videantur. 

3  Qua  re  cum,  si  quid  aliud,  lioc  quoque  operae 
pretium  sit  cognoscere,  tamen  quia  ipsa  sibi  obstat 
magnitudo  rerumque  diversitas  aciem  intentionis 
abrumpit^  faciam  quod  solent,  qui  terrarum  situs 
pingunt :  in  brevi  quasi  tabella  totam  eius  imaginem 
amplectar,  non  nihil,  ut  spero,  ad  admirationem 
principis  populi  conlaturus,  si  pariter  atque  insemel 
universam  magnitudinem  eius  ostendero. 

4  Si  quis  ergo  populum  Romanum  quasi  unum 
hominem  consideret  totamque  eius  aetatem  per- 
censeat,  ut  coeperit  utque  adoleverit,  ut  quasi  ad 
quandam  iuventae  frugem  pervenerit,  ut  postea 
velut    consenuerit,    quattuor    gradus    processusque 

5  eius  inveniet.  Prima  aetas  ^  sub  regibus  fuit  prope 
per  annos  quadringentos,  quibus  circum  urbem  ipsam 
cum  finitimis  luctatus  est.      Haec  erit  eius  infantia. 

6  Sequens  a  Bruto  Collatinoque  consuUbus  in  Appium 
Claudium  Quintum  Fulvium  consules  centum  quin- 
quaginta  annis  patet,  quibus  Italiam  subegit.  Hoc 
fuit     tempus    viris     armis    incitatissimum,    ideoque 

7  quis  adulescentiam  dixerit.  Deinceps  ad  Caesarem 
Augustum  centum  et  quinquaginta  anni,  quibus 
totum  orbem  pacavit.     Hic  iam  ipsa  iuventus  imperii 

8  et   quasi  robusta  maturitas.      A  Caesare  Augusto  in 

^  gradus — aetas  NL :  quattuor  gradibus  romae  aetas  B. 

^  i.e.  as  geographers  represent  the  world  in  a  map. 

^  This  number  is  clearly  wrong,  since  Brutus  and  Collatinus 
were  Consuls  in  509  b.c,  Appius  Claudius  and  Quintus 
Fulvius  in  212  b.o. 


BOOK      I.    INTROD. 

have  they  been  buffeted  that  Valour  and  Fortune 
seem  to  have  competed  to  estabHsh  the  Roman 
empire.  So,  as  the  history  of  Rome  is  especially 
worthy  of  study,  yet  because  the  very  vastness  of 
the  subject  is  a  liindrance  to  the  knowledi^e  of  it, 
and  the  diversity  of  its  topics  distracts  the  keenness 
of  the  attention,  I  intend  to  follow  the  example  of 
those  who  describe  tlie  geography  of  the  earth,  and 
include  a  complete  representation  of  my  subject  as  it 
were  in  a  small  picture.^  I  shall  tlius,  I  hope,  con- 
tribute  something  to  the  admiration  in  which  this 
illustrious  people  is  held  by  displaying  their  greatness 
all  at  once  in  a  single  view. 

If  anyone  were  to  contemplate  the  Roman  people 
as  he  would  a  single  individual  and  review  its  whole 
Hfe,  how  it  began,  how  it  grew  up,  how  it  arrived  at 
wliat  may  be  called  the  maturity  of  its  manhood, 
and  how  it  subsequently  as  it  were  reached  old  age, 
he  will  find  that  it  went  through  four  stages  of  pro- 
gress.  The  first  period^  when  it  was  under  the  rule 
of  kings,  lasted  for  nearly  four  hundred  years,  during 
which  it  struggled  against  its  neighbours  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  the  capital.  This  period  will 
be  its  infancy.  its  next  period  extends  from  the 
consulship  of  Brutus  and  Collatinus  to  that  of  Appius 
Claudiusand  Quintus  Fulvius,  aspace  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty  years,^  during  which  the  Roman  people 
subjugated  Italy.  It  was  an  age  of  extreme  activi- 
ties  for  its  soldiers  and  their  arms,  and  may  tlierefore 
be  caHed  its  youth.  The  next  period  is  the  hundred 
and  fifty  years  down  to  the  time  of  Augustus  Caesar, 
during  which  it  spread  peace  throughout  the  world. 
This  was  the  manhood  and,  as  it  were,  the  robust 
maturity  of  the  empire.     From  the  time  of  Caesar 

7 


L.  ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

saeculum  nostrum  haud  multo  minus  anni  ducenti, 
quibus  inertia  Caesarum  quasi  consenuit  atque 
decoxit,  nisi  quod  sub  Traiano  principe  movit 
lacertos  et  praeter  spem  omnium  senectus  imperii 
quasi  reddita  iuventute  reviruit. 

1  Primus  ille  et  urbis  et  imperii  conditor  Romulus 

2  fuit,  Marte  genitus  et  Rhea  Silvia.  Hoc  de  se 
sacerdos  gravida  confessa  est,  nec  mox  fama  dubi- 
tavit,  cum  AmuUi  regis  imperio  iactatus  in  pro- 
fluentem    cum    Remo    fratre    non   potuit   extingui. 

3  Si  quidem  et  Tiberinus  amnem  repressit,  et  relictis 
catulis  lupa  secuta  vagitum  uber  admovit  infantibus 
matremque  egit.  Sic  repertos  apud  arborem  Fau- 
stulus    regii    gregis    pastor    tulit    in    casam    atque 

4  educavit.  Alba  tum  erat  Latio  caput,  luli  opus ; 
nam  Lavinium  patris  Aeneae  contempserat.  Ab  his 
Amullius  iam  septima  subole  regnabat,  fratre  pulso 

5  NumitorCj  cuius  ex  filia  Romulus.  Igitur  statim 
prima  iuventutis  face  patruum  ab  arce  deturbat, 
avum  reponit.  Ipse  fluminis  amator  et  montium, 
apud  quos  erat   educatus,  moenia  novae   urbis  agi- 

G  tabat.     Gemini  erant ;  uter  auspicaretur  et  regeret, 


See  Introduction,  p.  x. 


BOOK    I.  I. 

Augustus  down  to  our  own  age  there  has  been  a  period 
of  not  much  less  than  two  hundred  years/  during 
which,  owing  to  the  inactivity  of  the  emperors,  the 
Roman  people,  as  it  were,  grew  old  and  lost  its 
potency,  save  that  under  the  rule  of  Trajan  it  again 
stirred  its  arms  and,  contrary  to  general  expectation, 
again  renewed  its  vigour  with  youth  as  it  were 
restored. 

1.  The  first  founder  both  of  the  city  and  of  the 
empire  was  Romulus,  the  son  of  Mars  and  Rhea 
Silvia.  That  Mars  was  his  father  the  priestess  con- 
fessed  when  she  was  pregnant,  and  presently  common 
report  no  longer  doubted  it  when,  by  order  of  King 
AmuHus,  Romulus  was  thrown  with  his  brother 
Remus  into  the  river :  but  his  Hfe  could  not  be 
destroyed  ;  for  not  only  did  the  Tiber  stay  its  stream, 
but  a  she-wolf  left  her  young  to  follow  the  infants' 
cries,  offered  them  her  udder  and  played  the  part 
of  mother  to  them,  Finding  them  in  these  circum- 
stances  under  a  tree,  Faustulus,  the  shepherd  of  the 
royal  flock,  took  them  to  his  cottage  and  brought 
them  up.  Alba  was  at  that  time  the  chief  city  of 
Latium,  having  been  built  by  lulus ;  for  he  had 
disdained  Lavinium,  the  city  of  his  father  Aeneas. 
Amulius,  of  the  seventh  generation  from  Aeneas  and 
lulus,  was  reigning,  having  driven  out  his  brother 
Numitor,  whose  daughter  was  mother  of  Romulus. 
Romulus,  therefore,  in  the  first  ardour  of  youth, 
expelled  his  uncle  from  the  citadel  and  restored  his 
grandfather.  He  himself,  being  a  lover  of  the  river 
and  mountains  amongst  which  he  had  been  brought 
up,  conceived  the  idea  of  building  a  new  city.  As 
he  and  Remus  were  twins,  they  resolved  to  call  in 
the  help  of  the  gods  to  decide  which  of  them  should 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

adhibere  placuit  deos.     Remus  montem  Aventinum, 
hic   Palatinum    occupat.      Prius   ille    sex    vulturios, 

7  hic  postea,  sed  duodecim  videt,  Sic  victor  augurio 
urbem    excitat,    plenus    spei    bellatricem    fore ;    id 

8  adsuetae  sanguine  et  praeda  aves  poUicebantur.  Ad 
tutelam  novae  urbis  sutficere  vallum  videbatur,  cuius 
dum  angustias  Remus  increpat  saltu,  dubium^  an 
iussu  fratrisj  occisus  est :  prima  certe  victima  fuit 
munitionemque  urbis  novae  sanguine  suo  conse- 
cravit. 

Imaginem  urbis  magis  quam  urbem  fecerat ;   in- 

9  colae  deerant.  Erat  in  proximo  lucus  ;  hunc  asylum 
facit,  et  statim  mira  vis  hominum ;  Latini  Tuscique 
pastores,  quidam  etiam  transmarini,  Pliryges  qui  sub 
Aenea,  Arcades  qui  sub  Evandro  duce  influxerant. 
ita    ex    variis    quasi    elementis    congregavit    corpus 

10  unum^  populumque  Romanum  ipse  fecit  rex.^  Erat 
unius  aetatis  populus  virorum.  Itaque  matrimonia 
a  finitimis  petita,  quia  non  inpetrabantur,  manu 
capta  sunt.  Simulatis  quippe  ludis  equestribus  vir- 
gines,  quae  ad  spectaculum  venerant,  praedae  fuere  : 
et    haec    statim    causa    bellorum.      Pulsi    fugatique 

11  Veientes.     Caeninensium   captum  ac   direptum    est 

^  increpat   saltu  dubium   NL :    increpat   saltu   transiluit 
dubium  B. 

*  rex  lordanis  cod.  Eehd.  :  res  BINL. 

lO 


BOOK    I.  I. 

inaugurate  the  city  and  rule  tbere.  Remus  took  his 
stand  on  the  Aventine,  Romulus  on  the  Palatine 
hill.  Remus  first  observed  six  vultures,  Romulus 
was  after  him  in  time  but  saw  twelve.  Being  tlius 
victorious  in  augury,  he  began  to  build  the  city,  full 
of  hope  tliat  it  would  prove  warlike  ;  for  the  birds, 
accustomed  to  blood  and  prey^  seemed  to  indicate 
this.  It  was  thought  that  a  rampart  was  enough 
for  the  protection  of  tlie  new  city.  In  derision 
of  its  small  size  Remus  leaped  over  it  and  was  put 
to  death  for  doing  so,  whether  by  his  brother's  order 
or  not  is  uncertain  ;  at  any  rate  he  was  the  first 
victim  and  hallowed  the  fortification  of  the  new  city 
wath  his  blood. 

Romulus  had  brought  into  being  the  idea  of  a  city 
rather  than  an  actual  city ;  for  inhabitants  were 
lacking.  There  was  in  the  neighbourhood  a  grove, 
and  this  he  made  a  place  of  refuge  ;  and  immediately 
an  extraordinary  number  of  men  flocked  thither — 
Latin  and  Tuscan  shepherds^  and  even  men  from 
across  the  sea,  Phrygians  who  had  entered  the  country 
under  Aeneas^  and  Arcadians  who  had  come  with 
Evander,  Thus  he  gathered  together  a  single  body 
consisting  of  various  ingredients  and,  as  king,  him- 
self  created  the  Roman  people.  But  a  population 
consisting  solely  of  men  could  only  last  for  a  single 
hfetime  ;  wives  w^ere,  therefore,  demanded  from  the 
neighbouring  peoples  and,  when  they  were  refused, 
were  seized  by  force.  For,  a  pretence  being  made 
of  holding  horse-races,  the  maidens  who  had  come 
to  look  on  were  carried  ofT.  This  immediately  gave 
rise  to  wars.  The  Veientines  were  defeated  and 
put  to  flight;  the  city  of  Caenina  was  captured 
and  plundered.     Moreover,  Romulus  with   his  own 

if 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

oppidum.     Spolia   insuper    opima    de    rege   Agrone 

12  Feretrio  lovi  manibus  suis  rex  reportavit.  Sabinis 
proditae  portae  per  virginem  Tarpeiam.  Haee  do- 
lose  ^  pretium  rei  quae  gerebant  in  sinistris  peti- 
verat,  dubium  clipeos   an  armillas  ;  illi,  ut  et  fidem 

13  solverent  et  ulciscerentur,  clipeis  obruere.  Ita 
admissis  intra  moenia  hostibus,  atrox  in  ipso  foro 
pugna,  adeo  ut  Romulus  lovem  oraret,  foedam 
suorum    fugam   sisteret ;     hinc    templum    et    Stator 

14  luppiter.  Tandem  furentibus  intervenere  raptae 
laceris  comis.  Sic  pax  facta  cum  Tatio  foedusque 
percussum,  secutaque  res  mira  dictu,  ut  relictis 
sedibus  suis  novam  in  urbem  hostes  demigrarent 
et  cum  generis  suis  avitas  opes  pro  dote  sociarent. 

15  Auctis  brevi  viribus,  hunc  rex  sapientissimus  statum 
rei  publicae  inposuit :  iuventus  divisa  per  tribus  in 
equis  et  armis  ad  subita  belli  excubaret,  consilium 
rei  publicae  penes  senes   esset,  qui   ex  auctoritate 

16  patres,  ob  aetatem  senatus  vocabantur.^  His  ita 
ordinatis  repente,  cum  contionem  haberet  ante 
urbem  aput    Caprae  paludem,  e   conspectu   ablatus 

17  est.      Discerptum  aliqui  a  senatu  putant  ob  asperius 

^  haec  dolose  Rossbachius  :  non  dolo  sed  puella  BI:    nec 
dolos  sed  puella  N. 

2  vocabantur :  vocabatur  B I. 


^  Jupiter  as  the  "  Striker"  of  his  enemies. 

2  The  King  of  the  Sabines. 

3  i.e.  men  between  the  ages  of  twenty  and  forty. 
*  Senatus  from  senes,  "old  men." 

12 


BOOK    I.  I. 

hands  bore  to  Jupiter  Feretrius  ^  the  "  spoils  of 
honour "  won  from  their  king  Agron.  To  the 
Sabines  the  gates  of  Rome  were  betrayed  by  the 
maiden  Tarpeia.  She  had  craftily  demanded  as  the 
reward  of  her  act  the  objects  which  they  carried  on 
their  left  arms — it  is  doubtful  whether  the  words 
meant  their  shields  or  their  bracelets ;  they,  in  order 
both  to  fulfil  their  promise  and  to  take  vengeance  upon 
her,  overwhelmed  her  with  their  shields.  The  enemy 
having  been  thus  admitted  within  the  walls,  so  fierce 
a  battle  took  place  in  the  very  forum  that  Romulus 
prayed  to  Jupiter  to  stay  the  disgraceful  flight  of  his 
men  ;  in  commemoration  of  this  a  temple  was  erected 
and  Jupiter  received  the  title  of  "the  Stayer  of 
flight."  At  last  the  women  who  had  been  carried 
oft",  with  their  hairs  dishevelled,  interposed  between 
the  furious  combatants.  Thus  peace  was  made  and 
a  treaty  concluded  with  Tatius  ^ ;  and  a  wonderful 
event  followed^  namely^  that  the  enemy  left  their 
homes  and  migrated  to  the  new  city  and,  by  way 
of  dowering  their  daugliters,  shared  their  ances- 
tral  wealth  with  their  sons-in-law.  Their  strength 
rapidly  growing,  the  king  very  Misely  imposed  the 
following  new  organization  upon  the  State :  the 
young  men^  were  divided  into  tribes  and  were  to 
keep  watch  with  arms  and  horses  against  any  un- 
expected  attack^  while  the  poHcy  of  the  State  was 
to  be  in  the  hands  of  the  old  men,  who  were  called 
*^fathers"  from  the  authority  which  they  exercised, 
and  from  their  age  "  the  senate."*  After  making 
these  arrangements,  Romulus  was  suddenly  borne 
away  from  human  sight  while  he  was  holding  an 
assembly  near  the  lake  of  the  She-goat.  Some 
ttiink  he  was  torn  to  pieces  by  the  Senate  because 

13 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

ingenium ;  sed  oborta  tempestas  solisque  defectio 
18  consecrationis  speciem  praebuere.  Cui  mox  lulius 
Proculus  fidem  fecit,  visum  a  se  Romulum  adfirmans 
augustiore  forma  quam  fuisset ;  mandare  praeterea 
ut  se  pro  numine  acciperent ;  Quirinum  in  caelo 
vocari;  placitum  dis  ut  gentium  Roraa  poteretur. 
2  Succedit  Romulo  Numa  Pompilius,  quem  Curibus 
Sabinis   agentem   ultro  petiverunt   ob  inclitam  viri 

2  religionem.  Ille  sacra  et  caerimonias  omnemque 
cultum  deorum  inmortalium  docuit,  ille  pontifices, 
augures,  Salios   ceteraque   sacerdotia^  annumque   in 

3  duodecim  menses^  fastos  dies  nefastosque  discripsit^^ 
ille  ancilia  atque  Palladium,  secreta  quaedam  im- 
perii  pignora,  lanumque  geminum,  fidem  pacis  ac 
belli,  in  primis  focum  Vestae  virginibus  colendum 
dedit,  ut  ad  simulacrum  caelestium  siderum  custos 
imperii  flamma  vigilaret :  haec  omnia  quasi  monitu 

4  deae  Egeriae,  quo  magis  barbari  acciperent.  Eo 
denique  ferocem  populum  redegit,  ut,  quod  vi  et 
iniuria  occuparat  imperium_,  religione  atque  iustitia 
gubernaret. 

3      Excipit  Pompilium  Numam  Tullus  Hostilius,  cui 

^  discripsit  NI :  descripsit  BL. 


1  Priests  of  Mars. 

2  The  sacred  shields  "vvere  said  to  have  fallen  from  heaven, 
and  were  in  the  charge  of  the  Salii  in  the  Teniple  of  Mars  ; 
the  Palladiuin,  an  iniage  of  Pallas  (Minerva),  was  reputed 
to  have  been  saved  at  the  sack  of  Troy. 

14 


BOOK    I.  I. 

of  his  excessive  harshness ;  but  a  storm  which  arose 
and  an  echpse  of  the  sun  created  the  impression  that 
he  had  been  deified.  This  behef  was  strengthened 
when  JuHus  Proculus  declared  that  Romulus  had 
appeared  to  him  in  a  form  more  majestic  than  he 
had  possessed  in  his  hfetime^  and  also  commanded 
that  they  should  regard  him  as  a  deity_,  and  declared 
that  his  name  in  heaven  was  Quirinus,  and  that  it 
was  the  will  of  the  gods  that  Rome  should  rule  over 
the  world. 

2.  The  successor  of  Romulus  was  Numa  PompiHus, 
whom,  while  he  was  living  at  Cures  in  the  territory 
of  the  SabineSj  the  Romans  of  their  own  accord 
invited  to  become  kinff  owing  to  the  fame  of  his 
piety.  He  instructed  them  in  sacred  rites  and 
ceremonies  and  all  the  Avorship  of  the  immortal 
gods ;  he  estabHshed  pontiffs^  augurs,  the  SaHi,^ 
and  the  other  priesthoods ;  he  divided  the  year 
into  twelve  months  and  appointed  the  days  upon 
which  the  courts  could  and  could  not  meet ;  he 
gave  them  the  sacred  shields  and  the  Palladium/ 
the  mystic  tokens  of  empire^  and  the  double-faced 
JanuSj  the  symbol  of  peace  and  war ;  above  all  he 
handed  over  the  care  of  the  hearth  of  Vesta  to 
the  Vestal  Virgins,  that  the  flame^  imitating  the 
heavenly  stars,  might  keep  guardian  watch  over  the 
erapire.  All  these  arrangements  he  attributed  to 
the  advice  of  the  goddess  Egeria^  so  that  his  bar- 
barous  subjects  might  accept  them  with  greater 
willingness.  In  a  word^  he  induced  a  fierce  people 
to  rule  with  piety  and  justice  an  empire  which  tliey 
had  acquired  by  violence  and  injustice. 

3.  Numa  PompiHus  was  succeeded  by  Tullus 
HostiliuSj  to    whom    the    kingship    was    voluntarily 

15 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

in    honorem    virtutis     regnum    ultro    datum.      Hic 
omnem    militarem    disciplinam    artemque     bellandi 

2  condidit.  Itaque  mirum  in  modum  exercitata^ 
iuventute  provocare  ausus  Albanos^  gravem  et   diu 

3  principem  populum.  Sed  cum  pari  robore  frequen- 
tibus  proeliis  utrique  comminuerenturj  misso  in  con- 
pendium  bello,  Horatiis  Curiatiisque,  trigeminis 
hinc   atque    inde     fratribus,    utriusque    popuU    fata 

4  permissa  sunt.  Anceps  et  pulchra  contentio  exituque 
ipso  mirabilis.  Tribus  quippe  illinc  volneratis,  hinc 
duobus  occisis^  qui  supererat  Horatius  addito  ad 
virtutem  dolo,  ut  distraheret  hostem,  simulat  fugam 
singulosque,  prout  sequi  poterant,  adortus  exuperat. 

5  Sic — rarum  ahas  decus — unius  manu  parta  victoria 
est,  quam  ille  mox  parricidio  foedavit.  Flentem 
spolia  circa  se  sponsi  quidem,  sed  hostis,  sororem 
viderat.      Hunc     tam   inmaturum    amorem    virginis 

6  ultus  est  ferro.  Citavere  leges  nefas,  sed  abstuHt 
virtus  parricidium,^  et  facinus  infra  gloriam  fuit. 

Nec  diu  in  fide^  Albanus.     Nam  Fidenate  bello 
missi*    in    auxiUum    ex    foedere    medii    inter   duos 

7  expectavere  fortunam.  Sed  rex  calUdus  ubi  inch'nare 
socios  ad    hostem  videt^   toUit  animos,  quasi   man- 

^  exercitata    lordanis    cod.    Emmeranus  :     exercitate    B: 
exercita  X. 

^  ■pa.rr\cid\nm  lordanis  cod.  Emmeranvs:  'pa.rricidcim  B I N L. 

'  nec  diu  in  fide  L  I :  nec  desit  deinde  B. 

*  missi  L  :  misit  B  N I. 
i6 


BOOK    I.  I. 

offered  out  of  respect  for  his  worth.  It  was  he  who 
founded  all  miHtary  discipline  and  the  art  of  war- 
fare.  So  when  he  had  wondrously  trained  the 
soldiers  of  Kome,  he  ventured  to  challenge  the 
Albans,  an  important  and  for  a  long  time  a  leading 
people.  But  when  both  sides,  possessed  of  equal 
strength,  were  becoming  weakened  by  frequent 
battles,  the  fortunes  of  the  two  peoples  were  en- 
trusted,  as  a  method  of  shortening  the  war,  to  the 
Horatii  and  Curiatii,  triplets  of  brothers  on  either 
side.  Itwas  a  well-contested  and  noble  struggle  and 
remarkable  in  the  manner  of  its  end.  For  when 
three  had  been  wounded  on  one  side  and  two  killed 
on  the  other,  the  surviving  Horatius,  adding  craft 
to  valour^  pretended  flight  in  order  to  separate  his 
adversaries,  and  attacking  them  singly,  in  the  order 
in  which  they  were  able  to  follow  him,  overcame 
them.  In  this  way  (an  honour  rarely  won  on  any 
other  occasion)  victory  was  achieved  by  one  man's 
hand — a  hand  which  he  soon  afterwards  sullied  by 
murder.  He  had  noticed  his  sister  weeping  because 
he  wore  the  spoils  of  one  who,  though  he  was  her  be- 
trothed,  was  her  country's  foe.  The  maiden's  girUsh 
affection  he  punished  with  the  sword.  Justice 
arraigned  the  crime,  but  his  valour  saved  him  from 
the  penalty  for  murder,  and  his  guilt  was  accounted 
less  than  the  glory  which  he  had  won. 

The  Alban  people  were  not  long  true  to  their 
allegiance.  For  in  the  war  against  Fidenae  the 
contingent  sent  according  to  the  treaty  remained 
neutral  and  waited  to  see  what  fortune  would 
bring.  But  the  crafty  king,  when  he  saw  that  his 
allies  were  incHned  to  join  the  enemy^  raised  the 
spirit  of  his  men  by  giving  out  that  they  did  so  by 

,....B  '1 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

dasset :  spes  inde  nostris,  metus  hostibus.      Sic  fraus 

8  proditorum  irrita  fuit.  Itaque  hoste  victo  ruptorem 
foederis  Mettum  Fufetium  religatum  inter  duos 
currus  pernicibus  equis  distrahit,  Albamque   ipsam 

9  quamvis  parentem^  aemulam  tamen  diruit,  cum 
prius  omnes  opes  urbis  ipsumque  populum  Romam 
transtuHsset ;  prorsus  ut  consanguinea  civitas  non 
perisse,  sed  in  suum  corpus  redisse  rursus  videretur. 

4  Ancus    deinde   Marcius,  nepos    Pompilii   ex    fiUa, 
2  pari  avo^  ingenio.      Igitur  et  muro  moenia  amplexus 

est,  et  interfluentem  urbi  Tiberinum  ponte  cora- 
misit,  Ostiamque  in  ipso  maris  fluminisque  confinio 
coloniam  posuit ;  iam  tum  videUcet  praesagiens 
animo  futurum  ut  totius  mundi  opes  et  commeatus 
illo  velut  maritimo  urbis  hospitio  reciperentur. 

5  Tarquinius  postea  Priscus,  quamvis  transmarinae 
originis.  regnum  ultro  petens  ^  accepit  ob  industriam 
atque    elegantiam ;    quippe    qui    oriundus   Corintho 

2  Graecum  ingenium  Italicis  artibus  miscuisset.  Hic 
et  senatus  maiestatem  numero  ampHavit,  et  centuriis 
tribus  auxit  equites^  quatenus  Attius  Naevius 
numerum  augeri  *  prohibebat,  vir  summus  augurio. 

3  Quem  rex  in  experimentum  rogavit,  fierine  posset, 

^  pari  avo  F.  E.  Koehlerus :  pravo  X :  raro  B. 
2  petens :  potens  B. 
2  equites  uAd.  lahnius. 
*  augeri  L I :  augure  B. 

1  From  Liv.  I.  36,  2  (cp.  Cic.  de  rep.  2,  36),  it  is  clear  that 
Tarquinius  had  wished  to  add  three  new  centuries,  but, 
owing  to  Attius'  opposition,  had  to  be  content  with  doubhng 
the  number  of  knights  in  each  century  (cp.  Mommsen, 
Staatsrecht,  III.  p.  107').  Centuriis  must,  therefore,  be  a 
dative,  or  else  we  must  read  (^iii)  cerUiiriis  with  Sauppe 

i8 


BOOK    I.  r. 

his  orders ;  this  aroused  hope  in  the  miiids  of  our 
soldiers  and  fear  in  those  of  the  enemy.  Thus  the 
deceit  of  the  traitors  proved  fruitless.  So  after  the 
defeat  of  the  enemy  Tullus  bound  Mettus  Fufetius^ 
the  violator  of  the  treaty,  betvveen  two  cliariots, 
and  tore  him  asunder  with  swift  horses.  The  city  of 
Alba  itself,  the  parent  of  Rome  but  also  its  rival,  he 
destroyed,  after  lirst  transferring  all  its  wealth  and 
the  inhabitants  themselves  to  Rome,  in  order  that 
thus  a  kindred  State  might  seem  not  to  have 
perished  but  to  have  been  reunited  to  the  body  to 
which  it  belonged. 

4.  The  next  king  was  Ancus  Marcius,  a  grandson 
of  PompiHus  through  his  daughter,  a  raan  of  a  dis- 
position  like  that  of  his  grandfather.  He  both 
surrounded  the  city  with  a  wall  and  built  a  bridge 
over  the  Tiber  which  flows  through  it.  He  also 
planted  a  colony  at  Ostia  where  tiie  sea  and  river 
join,  even  then  evidently  foreseeing  that  it  would 
form  as  it  were  the  maritime  store-house  of  the 
capital  and  would  receive  the  wealth  and  supplies 
of  the  whole  world. 

5.  After  him  Tarquinius  Priscus,  though  sprung 
from  a  country  across  the  seas,  petitioned  for  the 
kingdom  on  his  own  account,  and  obtained  it  be- 
cause  of  his  industry  and  refinement ;  for,  having 
been  born  at  Corinth,  he  had  combined  the  intellect 
of  a  Greek  with  the  quaHties  of  an  Italian.  He 
augmented  the  dignity  of  the  senate  by  raising  its 
numbers  and  increased  the  number  of  knights  in 
the  three  centuries,  since  Attius  Naevius,  a  man 
mucli  skilled  in  augury,  forbade  the  number  of 
centuries  to  be  increased.^  By  way  of  testing  this 
man,   the   king  asked    him   whether   what    he    had 

19 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

4  quod  ipse  mente  conceperat.  Ille  rem  expertus 
augurio,  posse  respondit.  "  Atqui  hoc  "  inquit  "agi- 
taram,  an  ^  cotem  illam  secare  novacula  possem  "  ;  ^ 

5  et  augur  ^'potes  ergo,"  inquit,  et  secuit.  Inde 
Romanis  sacer  auguratus.  Neque  pace  Tarquinius 
quam  bello   promptior ;  duodecim   namque    Tusciae 

6  populos  frequentibus  armis  subegit.  Inde  fasces, 
trabeae,  curules,  anuli,  phalerae,  paludamenta, 
praetextae,  inde  quod  aureo  curru,  quattuor  equis 
triumphatur,  togae  pictae  tunicaeque  palmatae, 
omnia  denique  decora  et  insignia,  quibus  imperii 
dignitas  eminet,^  sumpta  sunt. 

6  Servius  Tullius  deinceps  gubernacula  urbis  in- 
vadit,  nec  obscuritas  inhibuit  quamvis  m.atre  serva 
creatum.  Nam  eximiam  indolem  uxor  Tarquinii 
Tanaquil  liberaliter  educaverat,  et  clarum  fore  visa 

2  circa  caput  flamma  promiserat.  Ergo  inter  Tar- 
quinii  mortem  adnitente  regina  substitutus  in  locum 
regis    quasi    m    tempus,    regnum    dolo    partum    sic 

3  egit  industrie,  ut  iure  adeptus  videretur.  Ab  hoc 
populus  Romanus  relatus  in  censum,  digestus  in 
classes,  decuriis  atque  collegiis  distributus,  sum- 
maque  regis  sollertia  ita  est  ordinata  res  publica, 
ut    omnia    patrimonii,    dignitatis/    aetatis,    artium 

*  a.n  07)1.  Bl.  2  possem  :  possej5/. 

3  ea  ante  sumpta  add.  B :  del.  lahnim. 
*  dignitatis  :  dignitas  B. 

20 


BOOK    I.   I. 

conceived  in  his  mind  was  possible  of  execution.  He 
made  trial  by  augury  and  replied  that  it  was  possible. 
"  Well,  but  tliat  I  had  thought  of,"  replied  the  king, 
"  was  this,  whether  I  could  cut  this  whetstone  with  a 
razor."  To  which  the  augur  repHed,  "Then  you  can 
do  it  "  ;  and  the  king  cut  it.  Hence  augury  became  a 
sacred  practice  among  the  Romans.  Tarquinius  was 
quite  as  able  in  war  as  in  peace  ;  for  he  subdued  the 
twelve  peoples  of  Etruria  by  frequent  attacks.  It 
was  from  themthat  were  derived  the  fasces,  robes  of 
State,  official  chairs,  rings,  horse-trappings,  military 
cloaks,  purple-bordered  togas,  the  practice  of  riding 
in  triumph  in  a  gilded  car  drawn  by  four  horses^ 
embroidered  robes  and  tunics  adorned  with  palms — 
in  fact  all  the  ornaments  and  insignia  which  serve 
to  emphasize  the  dignity  of  office. 

6.  Servius  TulHus  next  entered  upon  the  govern- 
ment  of  the  city,  nor  was  the  obscurity  of  his  birth 
(for  his  mother  was  a  slave)  any  hindrance  to  his 
advancement.  For  Tanaquil,the  wife  of  Tarquinius, 
had  trained  his  extraordinary  abiHties  by  a  iiberal 
education,  and  had  foretold  his  future  distinction 
from  a  flame  which  was  seen  playing  round  his 
head.  And  so,  through  the  effbrts  made  by  the 
queen  M-iien  Tarquinius  was  on  his  death-bed_,  he 
was  put  in  the  king's  place  on  the  pretence  of  a 
temporary  measure,  and  filled  the  position,  thus 
obtained  by  craft,  with  so  much  diHgence  that  he 
seemed  to  have  acquired  it  by  right.  It  was  by 
him  that  the  Roman  people  were  entered  on  a 
census-roll  and  arranged  in  classes,  being  distributed 
into  divisions  and  corporations,  and  by  the  king's 
extraordinary  skill  the  State  was  so  organized  that 
all  distinctions  of  inheritance,  dignity,  age^  employ- 

91 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

officiorumque  discrimina  in    tabulas   referrentur,  ac 
sic  ^  maxima  civitas  minimae  domus  diligentia  con- 
tineretur. 
7       Postremus    fuit    omnium    regum    TarquiniuS;,    cui 

2  cognomen  Superbo  ex  moribus  datum.  Hic  regnum 
avitum,  quod  a  Servio  tenebatur,  rapere  maluit 
quam  expectare^  missisque  in  eum  percussoribus 
scelere   partam   potestatem   non    melius  egit    quam 

3  adquisiverat.  Nec  abhorrebat  moribus  uxor  Tullia, 
quae,  ut  virum  regem  salutaret,  supra  cruentum 
patrem   vecta   carpento   consternatos   equos   exegit. 

4  Sed  ipse  in  senatum  caedibus,  in  plebem  verberibus, 
in  omnis  superbia,  quae  crudelitate  gravior  est 
bonis,  grassatus,  cum  saevitiam  domi  fatigasset,  tan- 

5  dem  in  hostes  conversus  est.  Sic  valida  Latio  op- 
pida  capta  sunt,  Ardea,   Ocricohim,   Gabii,^  Suessa 

6  Pometia.  Tum  quoque  cruentus  in  suos.  Neque 
enim  filium  verberare  dubitavit,  ut  simulanti  trans- 

7  fugam  apud  hostis  hinc  fides  esset.  Cui  Gabiis,  ut 
voluerat,  recepto  et  per  nuntios  consulenti,  quid 
fieri  vellet,  eminentia  forte  papaverum  capita  vir- 
gula  excutiens,  cum  per  hoc  interficiendos  esse 
principes  vellet  intellegi,  quasi^  superbia  sileret,* 
respondit  tamen.      De    manubiis   captarum    urbium 

8  templum  erexit.     Quod  cum  inauguraretur,  ceden- 

1  sic  :  si  B. 

2  Gabii  N :  gravii  B. 

3  quasi  Titzius:  qua  BI:  quae  N L. 
*  sileret  Hauptius  :  sic  codd. 

22 


BOOK    1.  I. 

ment  and  office  were  committed  to  registers,  and 
thus  a  great  State  was  ruled  with  the  exactitude 
of  a  small  household. 

7.  The  last  of  all  the  kings  was  that  Tarquinius 
to  whom  the  name  of  Superbus  was  given  on 
account  of  his  character.  He  preferred  to  seize 
rather  than  to  wait  for  the  kingdom  of  his  grand- 
father  which  was  held  by  Servius,  and,  having  sent 
assassins  to  murder  him,  administered  the  power 
thus  won  br  crime  no  more  righteously  than  he 
had  acquired  it.  His  wife  Tullia  was  of  like 
character^  and,  driving  in  her  chariot  to  hail  her 
husband  as  king,  forced  her  affrighted  horses  over 
the  bloodstained  corpse  of  her  father.  Tarquinius 
himself  struck  at  the  senate  with  executions,  at 
the  plebs  by  scourging  them,  at  all  by  his  pride, 
which  good  men  think  more  oppressive  than  cruelty. 
When  he  had  exhausted  his  brutality  at  home,  he 
at  last  turned  his  attention  to  his  enemies.  Thus 
the  powerful  cities  in  Latium  were  captured,  Ardea, 
Ocricolum,  Gabii,  Suessa  Pometia.  At  the  same 
time  he  was  bloodthirsty  towards  his  own  family  ;  for 
he  did  not  hesitate  to  scourge  his  son,  in  order  that, 
by  pretending  to  be  a  deserter^  he  might  inspire  the 
confidence  of  the  enemy.  When  his  son  had  been 
welcomed  at  Gabii,  as  he  had  intended^  and  consulted 
him  by  messengers  as  to  what  action  he  wished  to  be 
taken^  he  replied,  it  is  true,  but  in  such  a  way  as 
to  give  the  impression  that  his  pride  forbade  him 
to  speak,  by  knocking  ofF  with  his  staff  the  heads 
of  some  of  the  poppies  which  happened  to  be  taller 
than  the  rest,  thus  signifying  that  the  leading  men 
were  to  be  put  to  death.  He  erected  from  the 
spoils  of  the  captured  cities  a  temple,  at  the  consecra- 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

tibus  ceteris  dis  mira  res  dicitur  extitisse  :  restitere 
9  luventas  et  Terminus.  Placuit  vatibus  contumacia  ^ 
numinum,  si  quidem  firma  omnia  et  aeterna  pollice- 
bantur.  Sed  illud  horrentius,  quod  molientibus^ 
aedem  in  fundamentis  humanum  repertum  est 
caput,  nec  dubitavere  cuncti  monstrum  pulcher- 
rimum    iniperii    sedem   caputque    terrarum   promit- 

10  tere.  Tam  diu  superbiam  regis  populus  Romanus 
perpessus  est,  donec  aberat  ^  libido ;  hanc  ex  liberis 

11  eius  inportunitatem  tolerare  non  potuit.  Quorum 
cum  alter  ornatissimae  feminae  Lucretiae  stuprum 
intulisset,  matrona  dedecus  ferro  expiavit,  imperium 
regibus  abrogatum. 

IL  AnacE(^alaeosis  de  Septem  Regibvs 
8       Haec    est   prima  aetas    populi    Romani   et   quasi 
infantia,  quam  habuit  sub  regibus  septem,  quadam 
fatorum  industria  tam  variis  ingenio,  ut  rei  publicae 

2  ratio    et     utilitas    postulabat.       Nam    quid    Romulo 
ardentius  ?    tali    opus    fuit,    ut    invaderet    regnum. 

3  Quid   Numa  religiosius  ?    Ita  res  poposcit,  ut  ferox 

4  populus    deorum    metu    mitigaretur.       Quid?     ille 

^  contumacia  :  contumatiain  B. 
2  molientibus  :  moventibus  B. 
^  aberat :  aderat  B. 

24 


BOOK    1.  i.-ii. 

tion  of  whicli  the  marvel  is  said  to  have  occurred 
that,  -vvhile  the  other  gods  permitted  its  erection/ 
Juventas  and  Terminus  refused  to  give  way.  The 
obstinacy  of  these  deities  pleased  the  seers,  since 
they  gave  promise  that  the  \vhole  building  would 
be  strong  and  eternal.  A  more  alarming  incident 
was  the  discovery  of  a  human  head  in  the  founda- 
tions  when  they  were  building  the  temple  ;  but  no 
one  doubted  that  it  was  a  most  favourable  omen, 
portending  that  here  would  be  the  seat  of  an  empire 
and  the  capital  of  the  world.  The  Roman  people 
tolerated  the  king's  pride  as  long  as  it  was  not 
accompanied  by  unlawful  passion ;  but  outrage 
of  this  kind  on  the  part  of  his  sons  they  could  not 
endure,  and  when,  after  one  of  them  had  offered 
violence  to  Lucretia,  a  woman  of  the  highest  rank, 
she  atoned  for  her  dishonour  by  stabbing  herself, 
the  rule  of  the  king  was  abolished  for  ever. 

II.     Recapitulation    of    the    Rule    of    the    Seven 

KlNGS 

8.  The  period  of  its  rule  under  the  Seven  Kings 
forms  the  first  age  and,  as  it  were,  the  infancy  of 
the  Roman  people.  These  kings,  by  a  dispensation 
of  fate,  possessed  just  such  a  variety  of  qualities 
as  the  circumstances  and  advantage  of  the  State 
demanded.  For  where  could  greater  boldness  be 
found  than  in  Romulus  ?  Such  a  man  was  needed 
to  seize  the  kingship.  Who  was  more  pious  than 
Numa  }  Circumstances  demanded  such  a  man  in 
order  that  the  temper  of  a  barbarous  people  might 
be    tamed    by  the    fear  of  the  gods.     Again,  how 

^  cp.  Liv.  i,  55,  cum  omnium  sacellorum  exauguraiiones 
admitterent  aves,  in  Terminifano  non  addixere. 

2; 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

militiae  artifex  Tullus  bellatoribus  viris  quam  neces- 
sarius,  ut  acueret  ratione  virtutem.  Quid  ?  aedi- 
ficator  Ancus,  ut  urbem  colonia  ^  extenderet,  ponte 

5  iungeret,  muro  tueretur.  lam  vero  ornamenta  Tar- 
quinii  et  insignia  quantam  principi  populo  addide- 

6  runt  ex  ipso  habitu  dignitatem.  Actus  a  Servio 
census  quid  effecit,  nisi  ut  ipsa  se  nosset   Romana 

7  res  publica  ?  Postremo  Superbi  illius  inportuna 
dominatio  non  nihil^  immo  vel  plurimum  profuit. 
Sic  enim  effectum  est,  ut  agitatus  iniuriis  populus 
cupiditate  libertatis  incenderetur.^ 


in.    De  Mvtatione  Rei  Pvblicae 

9  Igitur  Bruto  Collatinoque  ducibus  et  auctoribus, 
quibus  ultionem  sui  moriens  matrona  mandaverat, 
populus  Romanus  ad  vindicandum  hbertatis  ac 
pudicitiae  decus  quodam  quasi  instinctu  deorum 
concitatus  regem  repente  destituit,  bona  diripit, 
agrum  Marti  suo  consecrat^  imperium  in  eosdem 
Ubertatis  suae  vindices  transfert,  mutato  tamen  et 

2  iure  et  nomine.  Quippe  ex  perpetuo  annuum^ 
placuit,  ex  singulari  duplex^  ne  potestas  sohtudine 
vel  mora  corrumperetur,  consulesque  appellavit  pro 

^  colonia  :  coloniam  B. 

^  incenderetiir :  incendetur  B, 

3  anniium  L I :  annum  B. 


1  Ostia.  *  Lucretia. 

^  Brutus  and  Collatinus. 


26 


BOOK    I.  ii.-iii. 

necessary  to  a  nation  of  warriors  was  Tullus,  the 
creator  of  the  army.  that  he  might  temper  their 
valour  by  discipHne  !  Again,  how  necessary  was 
Ancus,  the  builder,  to  give  the  city  a  colony  ^  to 
expand  it,  a  bridge  to  unite  it,  and  a  wall  to 
protect  it  I  Further,  how  much  did  the  ornaments 
and  insignia  of  Tarquinius  add  to  the  dignity  of  a 
sovereign  people  in  its  very  dress  I  What  was  the 
effect  of  the  census  carried  out  by  Servius  but  that 
the  Roman  State  should  be  made  aware  of  its 
own  strength  ?  Finally,  the  outrageous  tyranny  of 
Tarquinius  Superbus  was  of  some^  nay^  of  great 
service  ;  for  its  result  was  that  the  people,  exasperated 
by  the  wrongs  which  he  inflicted  upon  them,  were 
fired  with  a  desire  for  hberty. 

III.  On  the  Change  of  Government 

9.  And  so  under  the  leadership  and  guidance  of 
Brutus  and  Collatinus,  to  whom  the  dying  matron  ^ 
had  entrusted  the  avengingof  her  wrong,  the  Roman 
people,  as  though  urged  by  an  impulse  from  heaven 
to  assert  the  honour  of  insulted  Hberty  and  chastity, 
suddenly  deposed  the  king,  plundered  his  posses- 
sions^  dedicated  his  lands  to  their  god  Mars,  and 
transferred  the  rule  to  these  same  champions  of 
their  freedom,^  with  a  change,  however,  both  of 
powers  and  title.  For  it  was  resolved  that  it  should 
be  an  annual  instead  of  a  perpetual  office,  and  that 
it  should  be  exercised  by  two  instead  of  by  one,  lest 
any  abuse  of  power  should  arise  through  its  posses- 
sion  by  a  single  person  or  for  a  long  period  of 
time ;  and  these  men  they  caHed  consuls  instead  of 
kings,  in  order  that  they  might  be  mindful  that  they 

27 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

regibus,  ut   consulere  civibus  suis    se^  debere  me- 

3  minissent.  Tantumque  libertatis  ^  novae  gaudium 
incesserat,^  ut  vix  mutati  status  fidem  caperent* 
alterumque  ex  consulibus,  Lucretiae  maritum,  tan- 
tum  ob  nomen  et  genus  regium  fascibus  abrogatis 

4  urbe  ^  dimitteret.  Itaque  substitutus  Horatius  Publi- 
cola  summo  studio  adnisus  est  ad  augendam  ^  liberi 
populi  maiestatem.  Nam  et  fasces  ei  pro  contione 
summisit,  et  ius  provocationis  adversus  ipsos  dedit, 
et  ne  specie  arcis  ofFenderet  eminentis  '^  aedis  suas 

5  in  plana  ^  summisit.  Brutus  vero  favori  civium 
etiam  domus  suae  clade  et  parricidio  velificatus  est. 
Quippe  cum  studere  revocandis  in  urbem  ^  regibus 
liberos  suos  comperisset,  protraxit  in  forum  et 
contione  media  virgis  cecidit,  securi  percussit,  ut 
plane  publicus  parens  in  locum  liberorum  adoptasse 
sibi  populum  videretur. 

6  Liber  iam  hinc  populus  Romanus  prima  adversus 
exteros  arma  pro  libertate  corripuit,  mox  pro  finibus, 
deinde  pro  sociis,  tum  gloria  et   imperio,   lacessen- 

7  tibus  ^^  adsidue  usquequaque  finitimis  ;  quippe  cum 
patrii  soli  glaeba  nuUa,  sed  statim  hostile  pomerium, 
mediusque  inter  Latium  atque  Etruscos  quasi  in 
quodam  bivio  conlocatus  omnibus  portis  in  hostem 

1  se  adcl.  Ealmius.  ^  libertatis  :  libertati  B. 

3  incesserat :  incenserat  ^.  *  caperent;  caperet^. 

^  urbe:  urbem^/^V.  ^  augendam :  augendum  j5. 

'  eminentis  i\^:  aeminenti  5.  ^  plana:  planas  ^. 

'  urbem :  urbe  B. 
^^  imperio,  lacessentibus :  imperium  lacescentibus  B. 

28 


BOOK    I.  III. 

must  consult  the  interests  of  their  fellow-citizens. 
So  great  a  delight  in  this  new-found  hberty  had 
taken  possession  of  the  people  that  they  could 
scarcely  beHeve  in  their  changed  condition,  and 
deprived  one  of  the  consuls,  the  husband  of  Lucretia, 
of  the  fasces  and  expelled  him  from  the  city  because 
he  bore  the  name  of  the  royal  house  and  was  related 
to  it.  And  so  Horatius  PubHcola,  who  was  chosen 
in  his  place,  strove  with  the  utmost  zeal  to  promote 
the  dignity  of  the  newly-freed  people ;  for  he 
lowered  the  ftisces  before  them  in  the  pubHc 
assembly  and  granted  them  the  right  of  appeal 
against  the  decisions  of  himself  and  his  coHeague. 
He  also  removed  his  abode  to  the  level  part  of  the 
city,  lest  he  should  offend  by  appearing  to  occupy 
a  commanding  position.  Brutus,  on  his  part,  courted 
the  favour  of  the  citizens  even  by  the  ruin  and 
slaughter  of  his  own  family  ;  for,  having  discovered 
that  his  own  sons  were  eager  to  restore  the  kings 
to  the  city,  he  dragged  them  into  the  forum  and,  in 
the  pubHc  assembly,  beat  them  with  rods  and  then 
beheaded  them,  so  that  he  might  appear  in  the 
guise  of  the  father  of  the  State  who  had  adopted 
the  people  in  place  of  his  own  children. 

The  Roman  people,  henceforward  free,  took  up 
arms  against  other  nations,  first  to  secure  their 
Hberty,  then  to  extend  their  bounds,  afterwards  in 
defence  of  their  aHies,  and  finaHy  to  win  glory  and 
empire  ;  for  they  were  continuaHy  harassed  by  their 
neighbours  on  every  side,  since  they  possessed  not  a 
clod  of  soil  of  their  own,  but  the  land  immediately 
outside  their  waHs  belonged  to  enemies,  and,  being 
placed  as  it  were  at  the  meeting-place  of  two  roads 
between  Latium  and  Etruria,  they  met  the  enemy 

29 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

8  incurreret ;  donec  quasi  contagio  quodam  per  sin- 
gulos  itum  est  et  proximis  quibusque  correptis 
totam  Italiam  sub  se  redegerunt. 


IIIL  Bellvm  Etrvscvm  Cvm  Rege  Porsenna 

10  PuLsis  urbe  regibus  prima  pro  libertate  arma 
corripuit.  Nam  Porsenna  rex  Etruscorum  ingen- 
tibus   copiis  aderat  et   Tarquinios  manu  reducebat. 

2  Hunc  tamen^  quamvis  et  armis  et  fame  urgueret 
occupatoque  laniculo  in  ipsis  urbis  faucibus  incu- 
baret,  sustinuit,  reppulit,  novissime  etiam  tanta 
admiratione  perculit,  ut  superior  ultro  cum  paene 

3  victis  amicitiae  foedera  feriret.  Tunc  illa  tria 
Romani  nominis^  prodigia  atque  miracula,  Horatius, 
Mucius,  Cloelia,  qui  nisi  in  annalibus  forent,  hodie 

4  fabulae  viderentur.  Quippe  Horatius  Cocles  post- 
quam  hostes  undique  instantes  solus  summovere 
non  poterat^  ponte  rescisso  transnatat  Tiberim  nec 

6  arma  dimittit.  Mucius  Scaevola  regem  per  insidias 
in  castris  ipsius  adgreditur,  sed  ubi  frustrato  circa 
purpuratum  eius  ictu  tenetur,  ardentibus  focis  inicit 

6  manum  terroremque  geminat  dolo.     *^  En,  ut  scias/' 

^  illa    tria    Romani    nominis    Koehlerus:    illa   in   romani 
nominis  B:    illa  romana  XL. 

^  His  mistake  was  due  to  the  fact  that  the  attendant  waa 
pari  {cum  rege)fere  ornatu  (Liv.  II.  12,  7). 

30 


BOOK    I.  iii.-iin. 

outside  all  their  gates.  Finally,  spreadiiig  just  as  a 
fever  spreads,  they  attacked  their  enemies  one  by 
one  and,  by  continually  fastening  on  the  nearest 
of  them,  brought  the  whole  of  Italy  under  their 
sway. 

IIII.  The  Etruscax  War  against  King  Porsenna 

10.  The  first  arms  which  the  Roman  people  took 
up  after  the  expulsion  of  the  kings  were  for  the 
defence  of  their  hberty.  For  Porsenna,  king  of  the 
Etruscans,  arrived  with  a  huge  army  and  was  eager 
to  restore  the  Tarquinii  by  force.  Although  he 
pressed  hard  upon  them  both  with  arms  and  with 
famine  and,  having  seized  the  Janiculum^  held  the 
very  approacli  to  the  city,  they  withstood  and  re- 
pelled  him  and  finally  inspired  him  with  such 
admiration  that,  in  spite  of  his  superior  strength, 
he  actually  concluded  a  treaty  of  friendship  with 
an  all  but  conquered  enemy.  It  was  on  this 
occasion  that  those  three  prodigies  and  marvels  of 
Rome  made  their  appearance,  Horatius,  Mucius  and 
Cloeha,  who^  were  they  not  recorded  in  our  annals, 
would  seem  fabulous  characters  at  the  present  day, 
For  Horatius  Cocles,  finding  that  he  could  not  alone 
drive  back  the  enemies  who  threatened  him  on 
every  side,  after  the  bridge  had  been  broken  down_, 
swam  across  the  Tiber  without  abandoning  his  arms. 
Mucius  Scaevola  by  a  stratagem  attempted  an  attack 
upon  the  king  in  his  own  camp,  and  when  he  was 
seized  after  aiming  a  blow  by  mistake  at  his  purple- 
clad  attendants,^  placed  his  hand  in  a  blazing  fire 
and  by  a  crafty  device  doubled  the  king's  alarm. 
*'  Behold,"  he  said,  "^  and  know  from  what  sort  of 

31 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

inquit,  "  quem  virum  effugeris  ;  idem  trecenti  iuravi- 
mus";  cum  interim — inmane  dictu — hic  interritus, 

7  ille  trepidaret,  tamquam  manus  regis  arderet.  Sic 
quidem  viri ;  sed  ne  qui  sexus  a  laude  cessaret, 
ecce  et  virginum  virtus.  Una  ex  opsidibus  regi 
datis  elapsa  custodiam/  Cloelia^  per  patrium  flumen 

8  equitabat.  Et  rex  quidem  tot  tantisque  virtutum 
territus  monstris  valere  liberosque  esse  iussit.  Tar- 
quinii  tamen  tam  diu  dimicaverunt,  donec  Arruntem 
filium  regis  manu  sua  Brutus  occidit  superque  ipsum 
mutuo  volnere  expiravit,  plane  quasi  adulterum  ad 
inferos  usque  sequeretur. 


V.    Bellvm  Latinvm 

11  Latim  quoque  Tarquinios  adserebant  aemulatione 
et  invidia,  ut  populus  qui  foris  dominabatur  saltim 
domi  serviret.  Igitur  omne  Latium  Mamilio  Tuscu- 
lano    duce    quasi    in    regis    ultionem    tollit    animos. 

2  Apud  Regilli  lacum  dimicavit  diu  Marte  vario,  donec 
Postumius  ipse  dictator  signum  in  hostis  iaculatus 
est — novum  et  insigne  commentum — ,  ut  inde  re- 

3  peteretur.2     Cossus  equitum  magister  exuere  frenos 

^  datis  elapsa  custodiam  Tollitcs:  data  etlapsa  custodiae 
B :  data  elapsa  custodiam  Z. 

2  ut  inde  repeteretur  lahnius:  ut  inde  ipse  peteretur  B: 
uti  peteretur  NL. 

^  riorus  here  by  mistake  substitutes  the  name  of  Cossus 
as  master  of  the   horse  on   this  occasion  for  that  of  Titus 

32 


BOOK    I.  iiii.-v. 

a  man  you  have  escaped ;  three  hundred  of  us  have 
sworn  to  attempt  the  same  deed."  Meanwhile, 
incredible  to  relate,  Mueius  was  unafraid,  but  the 
king  was  startled  as  though  his  own  hand  were 
burning.  So  much  for  the  valour  of  the  men  ;  but 
that  neither  sex  might  lack  praise,  lo  and  behold, 
maidens  too  showed  valour.  Cloelia,  one  of  the 
hostages  handed  over  to  the  king,  escaped  from  her 
guards  and  swam  on  horseback  through  the  river 
of  her  native  city.  The  king,  indeed,  alarmed  at 
all  these  prodigies  of  valour,  bade  the  Homans  fare- 
well  and  told  them  to  keep  their  freedom.  The 
Tarquinii,  however,  continued  the  struggle  until 
Brutus  with  his  own  hand  killed  Arruns,  the  king's 
son,  and  fell  dead  on  his  body  from  a  wound  dealt 
him  by  his  foe,  as  though  he  would  pursue  the 
adulterer  even  to  the  infernal  regions. 

V.   The  Latin  War 

11.  The  Latins  also  supported  the  Tarquins  in 
a  spirit  of  rivalry  and  jealousy  towards  the  Romans, 
wishing  that  a  people  which  was  gaining  dominion 
abroad  might  at  any  rate  be  slaves  at  home.  AU 
Latium,  therefore,  under  the  leadership  of  MamiHus 
of  Tusculum,  summoned  up  their  courage  under  the 
pretence  of  avenging  the  king.  A  battle  was  fought 
at  Lake  Regillus,  for  a  long  time  with  shifting  for- 
tune,  until  Postumius,  the  dictator,  himself  adopted 
the  new  and  remarkable  strataffem  of  hurlingf  a 
standard  among  the  enemy,  in  order  that  it  might 
be   recovered.     Cossus,^  the   master   of  the    horse, 

Aebutiua.  A.  CorneHus  Cossus  was  master  of  the  horse  to 
the  dictator  AemiHus  Mamercinus  in  426  b.c. 

33 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

imperavit — et   hoc  novum — quo  acrius  incurrerent. 

4  Ea  denique  atrocitas  proelii  fuit,  ut  interfuisse 
spectaculo  deos  fama  tradiderit.  Duo  in  candidis 
equis  iuvenes  more  siderum  praetervolaverunt ; 
Castorem  atque  Pollucem  nemo  dubitavit.  Itaque 
et  imperator  ipse  veneratus  est  pactusque  victoriam 
templa  promisit  et  reddidit,  plane  quasi  stipendium 
commilitonibus  dis. 

5  Hactenus  pro  libertate,  mox  de  finibus  cum 
isdem    Latinis   adsidue    et    sine  intermissione   pug- 

6  natum  est.  Cora  ^ — quis  credat  ? — et  Alsium  terrori 
fuerunt;  Satricum  atque  Corniculum  provinciae.     De 

7  Verulis  et  Bovillis  pudet,  sed  triumphavimus.  Tibur, 
nunc    suburbanum,   et    aestivae    Praeneste    deUciae 

8  nuncupatis  in  CapitoUo  votis  petebantur.  Idem 
tunc  Faesulae  quod  Carrhae  nuper,  idem  nemus 
Aricinum    quod    Hercynius    saltus,    Fregellae    quod 

9  Gesoriacum^^  Tiberis  quod  Euphrates.  Coriolos 
quoque — pro  pudor — victos  ^  adeo  gloriae  fuisse,  ut 
captum  oppidum  Gnaeus  Marcius  Coriolanus   quasi 

10  Numantiam  aut  Africam  nomini  indueret.*  Extant 
et  parta  de  Antio  spolia,  quae  Maenius  ^  in  suggestu 
fori   capta    hostium    classe    suffixit — si    tamen    illa 

^  Cora  Rehd.  :  sora  B  I :  Ora  L. 

*  Gesoriacum:  gesoria  ;    cumiY:  gersoriacum  L:  caesori- 
acum  B I. 

3  victos  :  victus  B. 

*  indueret:  induere  ^:  induceret  A". 

5  Maenius  :  menius/:  menenius  5:  moenibus  A^. 

1  See  p.  211. 
34 


BOOK    I.  V. 

ordered  the  cavalry  to  discard  tlieir  bits — anotber 
new  device — in  order  tbat  tbey  niigbt  cbarge  witb 
greater  vigour.  So  desperate  was  tbe  figbt  at  bist 
tbat  a  tradition  bas  been  banded  down  tbat  gods 
were  present  as  spectators.  Two  young  men  on 
wbite  borses  sped  over  tbe  battle-field  Hke  stars 
across  tbe  beavens  ;  and  no  one  doubted  tbat  tbey 
were  Castor  and  Pollux.  Tbe  Roman  commander, 
tberefore,  bimself  prayed  to  tbem  and,  bargaining 
for  victory,  promised  tbem  a  temple,  and  carried 
out  his  promise  as  tbougb  in  payment  to  tbe  gods 
who  were  his  comrades  in  arms. 

Hitherto  tbey  had  fought  for  tbeir  freedom ; 
they  presently  were  at  war  with  tbese  same  Latins, 
persistently  and  witbout  intermission,  in  defence 
of  tbeir  frontier.  Cora  (thougb  it  seems  incredible) 
and  Alsium  were  formidable  :  Satricum  and  Corni- 
culum  were  provinces.  Over  Verulae  and  Bovillae, 
1  am  ashamed  to  say  it — but  we  triumphed.  Tibur^ 
now  a  suburban  retreat,  and  Praeneste,  now  a 
cbarming  summer  resort_,  were  attacked  after  the 
offering  of  solemn  vows  in  the  Capitol.  Faesulae 
meant  tbe  same  to  us  tben  as  Carrhae  ^  lately 
meant;  the  Arician  Wood  corresponded  to  the 
Hercynian  Forest^^  Fregellae  to  Gesoriacum/  tbe 
Tiber  to  tbe  Eupbrates.  The  capture  of  CorioU — 
alas  for  the  shame  of  it ! — was  regarded  as  so 
glorious  an  achievement  that  Gnaeus  Marcius  be- 
came  Coriolanus,  taking  tbe  city  into  bis  name,  as 
though  he  bad  conquered  Numantia  or  Africa.  Spoils 
won  from  Antium  still  exist^,  which  Maenius  fixed 
up  on  the  tribunal  of  the  forum  after  tbe  capture 
of  the  enemies'  fleet — if  it  can  be   called  a   fleet, 

»  See  p.  337.  ^  See  pp.  205,  337. 

35 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

classis,  nam  sex  fuere  rostratae.     Sed  hic  numerus 
illis  initiis  navale  bellum  fuit. 

11  Pervicacissimi  tamen  Latinorum  Aequi  et  Volsci 

12  fuere  et  cotidiani,  ut  sic  dixerim,  hostes.  Sed  hos  ^ 
praecipue  Titus  Quinctius  domuit^  ille  dictator  ab 
aratro,  qui  obsessa  et  paene  iam  capta  Manili  consulis 

13  castra  egregia  victoria  recuperavit.  Medium  erat 
tempus  forte  sementis,  cum  patricium  virum  innixum 
aratro  suo  lictor  in  ipso  opere  deprehendit.  Inde 
in  aciem  profectus,  victos,  ne  quid  a  rustici  operis 
imitatione  cessaret,  more  pecudum  sub  iugum  misit. 

14  sic  expeditione  finita  rediit  ad  boves  rursus  trium- 
phalis    agricola — fidem    numinum — qua    velocitate. 

15  Intra  quindecim  dies  coeptum  peractumque  bellum, 
prorsus  ut  festinasse  dictator  ad  relictum  opus 
videretur. 


VI.     Bellvm     cvm     Etrvscis     Faliscis     Veientibvs 

FlDENATIBVS 

12       Adsidui    vero   et   anniversarii    hostes   ab    Etruria 

fuere    Veientes,   adeo    ut    extraordinariam   manum 

adversus  eos  promiserit  privatumque  gesserit  bellum 

gens    una    Fabiorum.      Satis  superque    nota   clades. 

2  Caesi  apud  Cremeram  trecenti,  patricius  exercitus; 

^  sed  ho8  om.  B. 
$6 


BOOK    I.  v.-vi. 

tbr  it  consisted  of  only  six  beaked  ships.  In  those 
primitive  days,  however,  a  fleet  of  that  number  was 
enouoh  for  a  war  at  sea. 

But  the  most  persistent  of  the  Latins  were  tlie 
Aequi  and  Volsci,  who  were,  if  I  may  use  the 
phrase,  the  everyday  enemies  of  Rome.  These 
were  subdued  chiefly  by  Titus  Quinctius,  the  dictator 
who  was  summoned  from  the  plough  and  by  a 
famous  victory  rescued  the  camp  of  the  consul 
MauiUus,  which  was  beleagueredand  ahiiost  captured. 
It  happened  to  be  the  middle  of  the  season  of 
sowing,  when  the  Hctor  found  the  patrician  actually 
at  work  bending  over  his  plough.  Setting  out 
thence  to  the  battle-fleld,  in  order  that  he  might 
keep  up  the  tradition  of  his  rustic  employment, 
he  made  his  conquered  enemies  pass  like  cattle 
under  the  yoke.  The  campaign  being  concluded, 
this  farmer  who  had  enjoyed  a  triumph  returned 
to  his  oxen,  and,  ye  Heavens,  with  what  speed ! 
For  the  war  was  begun  and  finished  within  fifteen 
days,  so  that  it  seemed  for  all  the  world  as  if  the 
dictator  had  hurried  back  to  finish  the  work  which 
he  had  left. 

VI.  The  War  with  the  Etruscans,   Falisci, 
Veientines  and  Fidenates 

12.  From  the  direction  of  Etruria  the  Veientines 
were  persistent  enemies  who  attacked  each  year ; 
so  much  so  that  the  single  family  of  the  Fabii 
undertook  to  fomi  a  special  force  and  waged  a 
private  war  against  them.  The  disaster  which  befell 
them  is  well,  all  too  well^  known.  Near  Cremera 
three    hundred    of    them,    an    army    of    patricians, 

37 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

itaque  scelerato  signata^  nomine  quae  proficiscentes 

3  in  proelium  porta  dimisit.  Sed  ea  clades  ingentibus 
expiata  victoriis,  postquam  per  alios  atque  alios 
robustissima  capta  sunt  oppida,  vario  quidem  eventu. 

4  Falisci    sponte    se    dediderunt,    crematae    suo   igne 

5  FidenaCj  direpti  funditus  deletique  Veientes.  Fa- 
lisci  cum  obsiderentur,  mira  est  visa  fides  imperatoris, 
nec  inmerito,  quod  ludi  magistrum,  urbis  proditorem, 
cum  his  quos  adduxerat  pueris  vinctum  sibi  ultro  remi- 

6  sisset.  Eam  namque  vir  sanctus  et  sapiens  veram  scie- 
bat  esse  victoriam,  quae  salva  fide  et  integra  dignitate 

7  pareretur.  Fidenae  quia  pares  non  erant  ferro,  ad 
terrorem  movendum  facibus  armatae  et  discoloribus 
serpentium  in  modum  vittis  furiali  more  proces- 
serant ;  sed  habitus  ille  feraUs  eversionis  omen  fuit. 

8  Vei  quanta  res  fuerit.  indicat  decennis  obsidio.  Tum 
primum  hiematum  sub  pelUbus,  taxata  stipendio 
hiberna,  adactus  miles    sua  sponte  iure  iurando  ne 

9  nisi  capta  urbe  remearet.  Spolia  de  Larte  Tolumnio 
rege  ad  Feretrium  triumpho  reportata.^  Denique 
non  scaUs  nec  inruptione,  sed  cuniculo   et   subter- 

10  raneis  doHs  peractum  urbis  excidium.     Ea  denique 

^  itaque  scelerato  signata  Koehlerus:  it  scel.  signat  B :  et 
scel.  signata  X. 

2  ad  Feretrium  triumpho  reportata  Jahnius :  afiferret 
triumphum  reportaret  B. 

38 


BOOK    I.  VI. 

were  slain,  and  so  the  gate  which  sent  them 
forth  to  the  battle  was  branded  with  the  name 
of  the  Evil  Gate.  But  for  this  disaster  atonement 
was  made  by  great  victories_,  when  the  strongest 
cities  were  captured  under  different  leaders  and 
with  different  results.  The  FaHsci  surrendered 
voluntarily ;  Fidenae  was  consumed  by  its  own 
flames ;  Veii  was  thoroughly  pkmdered  and  des- 
troyed.  When  the  Falisci  were  being  besieged, 
the  honourable  conduct  of  the  Roman  commander 
was  a  subject  of  admiration,  and  not  without 
reason ;  for  he  actually  sent  back  in  chains  a  school- 
master  who  offered  to  betray  the  city,  together 
with  the  boys  whom  he  had  brought  with  him. 
For,  being  a  man  of  integrity  and  wisdom,  he  knew 
that  the  only  true  victory  is  that  which  is  won  with 
untainted  honour  and  unimpaired  dignity.  The 
people  of  Fidenae^  not  being  a  match  for  the  Romans 
with  the  sword,  had  armed  themselves  with  torches 
and  had  put  on  vari-coloured  fillets  resembling 
serpents,  in  order  to  inspire  terror,  and  had  marched 
forth  like  furies ;  but  their  funereal  attire  was  an 
omen  of  their  overthrow.  The  ten  years'  siege 
which  Veii  sustained  is  an  indication  of  its  strength. 
It  was  the  first  occasion  on  which  a  Roman  army 
spent  the  winter  under  tents  of  skin,  and  winter 
service  was  compensated  by  special  pay,  and  the 
soldiers  at  their  own  suffffestion  were  bound  under 
an  oath  not  to  return  until  the  city  had  been 
captured.  The  spoils  won  from  Lars  Tolumnius, 
the  king,  were  brought  back  in  triumph  and 
dedicated  to  Jupiter  Feretrius.  In  the  end  the 
fall  of  the  city  was  brought  about,  not  by  scahng- 
ladders  or  assault,  but  by  a  mine  and  underground 

39 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

visa  est  praedae  magnitudo,  cuius  decima  ^  Apollini 
Pythio  mitteretur,  universusque  populus  Romanus 
11  ad  direptionem  urbis  vocaretur.  Hoc  tunc  Vei  fuere. 
Nunc  fuisse  quis  meminit?  Quae  reliquiae?  Quod 
vestigium  ?  Laborat  annalium  fides,  ut  Veios  fuisse 
credamus. 

VIL    Bellvm  Gallicvm 

13       Hic    sive    invidia    deum    sive    fato    rapidissimus 
procurrentis     imperii    cursus     parumper     Gallorum 

2  Senonum  incursione  supprimitur.  Quod  tempus 
populo  Romano  nescio  utrum  clade  funestius  fuerit, 

3  an  virtutis  experimentis  speciosius.  Ea  certe  fuit 
vis  calamitatis,  ut  in  experimentum  inlatam  putem 
divinitus,  scire  volentibus  inmortalibus  dis,  an 
Romana  virtus  imperium  orbis  mereretur. 

4  Galli  Senones,  gens  natura  ferox,  moribus  incon- 
dita,  ad  hoc  ipsa  corporum  mole,  perinde  armis 
ingentibus,  adeo  omni  genere  terribilis  fuit,  ut  plane 
nata  ad  hominum  interitum,  urbium  stragem  vide- 

5  retur.  Hi  quondam  ab  ultimis  terrarum  oris  et 
cingente  omnia  Oceano  ingenti  agmine  profecti, 
cum  iam  media  vastassent,  positis  inter  Alpes  et 
Padum  sedibus,  ne  his  quidem  contenti  per  Italiam 

*  decima  lahnius :  decumae  codd. 
40 


BOOK    I.  vi.-vH. 

strataorems.  Lastly,  the  booty  appeared  so  rich  that 
a  tithe  of  it  was  sent  to  Pythian  Apollo,  and  the 
whole  of  the  Roman  people  was  summoned  to 
plunder  the  city.  Siich  was  Veii  in  those  days. 
Who  now  ever  reraembers  its  former  existence } 
What  remains  or  traces  of  it  are  left  ?  Our  trust 
in  our  annals  has  a  difficult  task  to  make  us  believe 
that  Veii  ever  existed. 

VII.   The  VVar  with  the  G.auls 

13.  At  this  point,  owing  to  the  envy  of  the  gods 
or  a  decree  of  fate^  the  rapid  pro^ress  of  the  grow- 
ing  empire  was  checked  for  a  while  by  the  invasion 
of  the  Gallic  Senones.  Whether  tliis  period  should 
rather  be  considered  harmful  to  the  Roman  people 
through  the  disasters  which  it  brought^  or  glorious 
owing  to  the  tests  which  it  gave  of  their  valour,  I 
cannot  say.  At  any  rate  the  force  of  calamity  was 
such  that  I  can  only  think  that  it  was  intiicted 
upon  them  by  heaven  as  a  test,  because  the  immortal 
gods  wished  to  know  whether  Roman  valour  deserved 
the  empire  of  the  world. 

The  GaUic  Senones  were  a  naturally  wild  race  and 
quite  uncivihzed ;  moreover,  by  their  vast  stature 
and  proportionately  huge  arms  and  all  sorts  of  other 
circumstances,  they  inspired  such  terror  that  they 
seemed  created  for  the  destruction  of  human  Hfe 
and  the  ruin  of  cities.  Having  originally  set  out 
with  a  huge  host  from  the  remotest  shores  of  earth 
and  the  all-encircling  ocean,  after  they  had  laid 
waste  all  the  intervening  land,  they  settled  between 
the  Alps  and  the  Po,  and  then,  not  content  even 
with  this  territory,  they  began  to  wander  through 

41 


L.   ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

6  vagabantur ;  tum  Clusium  urbem  obsidebant.  Pro 
sociis  ac  foederatis  Romanus  intervenit ;  missi  ex 
more  legati.      Sed  quod  ius  apud  barbaros  ?  Ferocius 

7  agunt,  et  inde  certamen,  Conversis  igitur  a  Clusio 
Romamque  venientibus  ad  Aliam  flumen  cum  exer- 
citu  Fabius  consul  occurrit.  Non  temere  foedior 
clades ;    itaque   hunc    diem    fastis   Roma    damnavit. 

8  Fuso  exercitu  iam  moenibus  urbis  propinquabant. 
Erant  nulla  praesidia.      Tum  igitur  sic,  ut  numquam 

9  alias^  apparuit  vera  illa  Romana  virtus.  lam  primum 
maiores  natu,  amplissimis  usi  honoribus,  in  forum 
coeunt,    ibi    devovente    pontifice    dis    se^    manibus 

10  consecrant,  statimque  in  suas  quisque  aedes  regressi, 
sic  ut  in  trabeis  erant  et  ampUssimo  cultu,  in  curu- 
libus  sellis  sese  reposuerunt,  ut,  cum  venisset  hostis, 

11  in  sua  quisque  dignitate  moreretur.  Pontifices  et 
flamines  quidquid  religiosissimi  in  templis  erat  partim 
in   doleis  defossa  terra   recondunt,  partim    inposita 

12  plaustris  secum  Veios  auferunt.  Virgines  simul  ex 
sacerdotio  Vestae  nudo  pede  fugientia  sacra  comi- 
tantur.  Tamen  excepisse  fugientis  unus  ex  plebe 
fertur  Albinius^^  qui  dejiositis  uxore  et  Uberis  virgines 
in  plaustrum  recepit.     Adeo  tunc  quoque  in  ultimis 

*  se  om.  B. 

^  Albinius  Liv.  V.  40:  Atinius  B:  Albinus  L. 

42 


BOOK    I.  VII. 

Italy ;  finally  they  besieged  the  city  of  Clusium. 
The  Romans  intervened  on  behalf  of  their  allies 
and  confederates ;  and,  according  to  the  usual 
custom,  ambassadors  were  sent  to  protest.  But 
what  sense  of  justice  could  be  expected  from  bar- 
barians  ?  They  only  acted  with  greater  ferocity, 
with  the  result  that  an  open  conflict  ensued.  The 
Senones  turned  away  from  Clusium  and,  as  they 
marched  upon  Rome,  were  met  by  the  consul  Fabius 
with  an  army  at  the  river  Alia.  One  could  not  easily 
find  a  more  disgraceful  defeat,  and  so  Rome  has  set 
a  black  mark  against  that  day  in  its  calendar.  The 
Roman  army  having  been  routed,  the  enemy  were 
approaching  the  walls  of  the  city,  and  there  was 
no  garrison.  It  was  then,  as  upon  no  other  occa- 
sion,  that  the  true  Roman  valour  showed  itself. 
In  the  first  place  the  older  men  who  had  held  the 
highest  offices  collected  in  the  forum  and  there 
consecrated  themselves  to  the  infernal  deities,  the 
chief  pontiff  performing  the  ceremony ;  they  then 
immediately  returned  each  to  his  own  house  and^ 
still  clad  in  their  official  robes  and  richest  attire, 
they  seated  themselves  in  their  curule  chairs,  so 
that,  when  the  enemy  arrived,  they  might  all  die 
with  proper  dignity.  The  pontiffs  and  priests  dug 
holes  and  buried  some  of  the  most  sacred  objects 
which  were  in  the  temples  and  carried  off  others 
with  them  on  waggons  to  Veii.  At  the  same  time 
the  virgins  of  the  priesthood  of  Vesta,  barefooted, 
accompanied  the  sacred  objects  in  their  flight.  It 
is  said,  however,  that  a  plebeian,  Albinius,  assisted 
the  virgins  in  their  escape,  and  having  set  down 
his  wife  and  children,  received  them  in  his  waggon  ; 
to  such  an  extent,  even  in  the  utmost  extremities, 

43 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

religio  publica  privatis  adfectibus  antecellebat.  lu- 
13  ventus  vero,  quam  satis  constat  vix  mille  hominum 
fuisse,  duce  Manlio  ^  arcem  Capitolini  montis  insedit, 
obtestata  ipsum  quasi  praesentem  lovem,  ut  quem 
ad  modum  ipsi  ad  defendendum  templum  concur- 
rissent,  ita  ille  virtutem  eorum  numine  suo  tueretur. 
U  Aderant  interim  Galli  apertamque  urbem  primo 
trepidi,  ne  quis  subesset  dolus^  mox,  ubi  solitudinem 
vident,  pari  clamore  et  impetu  invadunt.  Patentis 
passim  domos  adeunt.  Ibi  sedentes  in  curulibus 
suis  praetextatos  senes  velut  deos  geniosque  vene- 
rati,  mox  eosdem,  postquam  esse  homines  liquebat, 
alioquin  nihil  respondere  dignantes  pari  vaecordia 
mactant,  facesque    tectis  iniciunt,  et   totam  urbem 

15  igni  ferro  manibus  exaequant.  Sex  mensibus  bar- 
bari — quis  crederet  ? — circa  montem  unum  pepen- 
derunt,  nec  diebus  modo,  sed  noctibus  quoque  omnia 
experti ;  cum  tamen  Manlius  nocte  subeuntis  clan- 
gore  anseris  excitatus  a  summa  rupe  deiecit,  et  ut 
spem  hostibus  demeret,  quamquam  in  summa  ^  fame, 
tamen  ad  speciem  fiduciae  panes  ab  arce  iaculatus 

16  est.  Et  stato  quodam  die  per  medias  hostium 
custodias  Fabium  pontificem  ab  arce  dimisit,  qui 
sollemne    sacrum    in    Quirinali    monte    conficeret. 

^  Manlio :  Manilio  B. 
2  rupe — summa  om.  B. 


*  i.e.  tutelar  deities  of  the  place. 


44 


BOOK    I.  VII. 

did  the  respect  for  religion  prevail  over  personal 
affection,  A  band  of  young  men,  whose  number  is 
generally  held  to  have  beeii  scarcely  a  thousand, 
under  the  leadership  of  Manlius,  took  up  a  position 
on  the  citadel  of  the  Capitoline  hill,  havins;  called 
upon  Jupiter  himself,  as  though  he  were  there  in 
very  presence,  to  defend  their  valour  as  they  them- 
selves  had  met  to  guard  his  temple.  Meanwhile 
the  Gauls  arrived  and  entered  the  open  city,  at 
first  in  alarm  lest  some  hidden  stratagem  was  in 
the  background,  but  afterwards,  when  they  saw  no 
one  about,  with  equal  noise  and  impetuosity.  They 
approached  the  houses,  whicli  were  everywhere 
open  :  here  they  were  overawed  by  the  elders  in 
their  purple-edged  robes  seated  in  their  curule 
chairs  as  though  they  were  gods  and  genii ;  ^  but 
presently,  when  it  was  obvious  that  they  were 
mortals,  and  when,  besides^  they  disdained  to  answer 
a  word,  they  slaughtered  them  all,  acting  with  the 
same  brutahty,  and  hurled  torches  into  the  houses 
and  razed  the  whole  city  to  the  ground  with  fire 
and  sword  and  the  labour  of  their  hands.  For  six 
months  (who  could  credit  it .')  the  barbarians  clung 
round  that  single  hill,  making  every  kind  of  attempt 
upon  it  by  night  as  well  as  by  day.  Manhus,  on 
his  part,  roused  by  the  cries  of  a  goose,  hurled 
them  from  the  top  of  the  rock  as  they  were  chmb- 
ing  up  at  night  and,  in  order  to  deprive  the  enemy 
of  their  hopes,  though  he  was  suffering  the  ex- 
tremities  of  famine,  cast  down  loaves  of  bread  from 
the  citadel  so  as  to  create  the  impression  that  he 
was  confident.  Also  on  the  appointed  day  he  sent 
Fabius  the  pontiff  through  the  midst  of  the  enemys 
guards  to  perform  a  solemn  sacrifice  on  the  Quirinal 

45 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

Atque   ille   per  media  hostium  tela  incolumis   re- 
ligionis  auxilio  redivit  propitiosque  deos  renuntiavit. 

17  Novissime  cum  iam  obsidio  sua  barbaros  fatigasset, 
mille  pondo  auri  recessum  suum  venditantes,  idque 
ipsum  per  insolentiam,  cum  ad  iniqua  pondera 
addito  adhuc  gladio  superbe  ^'^vae  victis "  ^  incre- 
parent,  subito  adgressus  a  tergo  Camillus  adeo 
cecidit,  ut  omnia  incendiorum  vestigia  Gallici  san- 

18  guinis  inundatione  deleret.  Agere  gratias  dis  in. 
mortalibus  ipso  tantae  cladis  nomine  libet.  Pasto- 
rum  casas  ignis  ille,  et  flamma  paupertatem  Romuli 
abscondit.  Incendium  illud  quid  egit  aliud,  nisi  ut 
destinata  hominum  ac  deorum  domicilio  civitas  non 
deleta    nec    obruta^  sed    expiata  potius   et  lustrata 

19  videatur  ?  Igitur  post  adsertam  a  Manlio,^  restitutam 
a  Camillo  urbem  acrius  etiam  vehementiusque  in 
finitimos  resurrexit. 


VIII.   Bella  Gallica 

Ac  primum  omnium  illam  ipsam  Gallicam  gentem 
non  contentus  moenibus  expulisse^  cum  per  Italiam 
naufragia  sua  latius  traherent^  sic  persecutus  est 
duce  Camillo,  ut  hodie  nuUa  Senonum  vestigia 
20  supersint.  Semel  apud  Anienem  trucidati,  cum 
singulari      certamine      Maulius     aureum     torquem 

^  superbe    "  vae  victis  "  Aldus  {cf.  Liv.  V.  48):   insuper 
victis  B  :  superbe  victis  N L. 

^  a  maulio  L  :  amillio  B :  a  manilio  N. 

46 


BOOK    I.  vii.-viii. 

Hill ;  he  returned  safely,  protected  by  the  sacred 
character  of  his  mission,  through  the  enemies' 
weapons,  and  announced  that  the  gods  were  pro- 
pitious.  Finally,  when  the  barbarians  had  been  worn 
out  by  their  ovin  siege-operations  and  were  offering  to 
depart  for  a  payment  of  1000  pounds  of  gold  (mak- 
ing  their  offer,  moreover,  in  an  insolent  manner  by 
throwing  a  sword  into  the  scale  to  make  the  weights 
unfair,  and  uttering  the  proud  taunt  '^  Woe  to  the 
vanquished  I  "),  Camillus,  suddenly  attacking  them 
from  the  rear,  made  such  a  shiughter  as  to  wipe 
out  all  traces  of  the  burning  of  the  city  with  the 
deluge  of  GalUc  blood.  \Ve  are  inclined  to  thank 
the  gods  that  the  destruction  of  the  city  was  so  com- 
plete ;  for  they  were  the  huts  of  shepherds  that  the 
fire  overwhehned^  and  the  flames  buried  Romulus* 
poor  Uttle  settlement.  What  other  effect  then  did 
the  fire  produce  except  that  the  city,  destined  to  be 
the  abode  of  men  and  of  gods,  seemed  not  so  much 
to  have  been  destroyed  and  overthrown  as  to  have 
been  sanctified  and  purified  ?  Thus,  when  the  city 
had  been  saved  by  Manlius  and  restored  by  Camillus, 
the  Roman  people  rose  up  again  against  their 
iieighbouring  foes  with  increased  vigour  and  force. 

VIII.     FuRTHER    WaRS    WITH    THE     GaULS 

FiRST  of  all,  not  content  with  having  driven  away 
this  particular  tribe  of  the  Gauls  from  the  walls, 
Camillus  followed  them  so  closely,  as  they  were 
dragging  their  shattered  remains  across  Italy,  that 
to-day  no  trace  is  left  of  the  Senones.  On  one 
occasion  a  slaughter  of  them  took  place  on  the 
River  Anio,  during  which,  in  single  combat,  Manhus 
took  from  a  barbarian,  among  other  spoils,  a  torque 

47 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

barbaro  inter  spolia  detraxit^  unde  Torquati.  Ite- 
rum  Pomptino  agro,  cum  in  simili  pugna  Valerius, 
insidente  galeae  sacra  alite  adiutus,  tulit  spolia  ;  et 
21  inde  Corvini.  Nec  non  tamen  post  aliquot  annos 
omnis  reliquias  eorum  in  Etruria  ad  lacum  Vadi- 
monis  Dolabella  delevit,  ne  quis  extaret  ex  ea 
gente,  qui  ^  incensam  a  se  Romanam  urbem 
gloriaretur. 

VIIII.     Bellvm  Latinvm 

14  CoNVERSUs  a  Gallis  in  Latinos  Manlio  Torquato 
Decio  Mure  consulibus,  semper  quidem  aemulatione 
imperii  irifestos,  tum  vero  contemptu  urbis  incensae, 
cum  ius  civitatis  partem  imperii  ^  et  magistratuum  ^ 
poscerent,  apud  Capuam  proeliis  congredi  audentes.* 

2  Quo  tempore  quis  cessisse  hostem  mirabitur  .''  Cum 
alter  consulum  filium  suum,  quia  contra  imperium 
pugnaverat,   quamvis    victorem    occiderit    ostende- 

3  ritque  plus  esse  in  imperio  quam  in  victoria  ;  alter 
quasi  monitu  deorum  capite  velato  primam  ante 
aciem  dis  manibus  se  devoverit^  ut  in  confertissima 
se  hostium  tela  iaculatus  novum  ad  victoriam  iter 
sanguinis  sui  limite  aperiret. 

^  qui  L  :  quae  BIX. 

2  partem  imperii  RosshacMus :  pari  imperio  BI, 
"  ma,g\Btva.tn\\m  Rosshachius '.  magistratum  ^. 
*  audentes  Mommsenus  :  auderent  codd. 
48 


BOOK    I.  viii.-viiii. 

of  gold,  which  gave  their  name  to  the  family  of  the 
Torqiiati.  On  another  occasion,  in  the  Pomptine 
territorv,  in  a  similar  fight  Valerius,  aided  by  a 
sacred  bird  which  settled  on  his  helmet,  won  spoils 
from  the  foe,  and  from  this  incident  the  Corvini 
derived  their  name.^  Moreover,  some  years  later, 
near  the  Lake  of  Vadimo  in  Etruria,  Dolabella 
destroyed  all  that  remained  of  the  tribe,  so  that 
none  might  survive  of  the  race  to  boast  that  he  had 
burnt  the  city  of  Rome. 

VIIII.    The  Latin  War 

14.  In  the  consulship  of  Manlius  Torquatus  and 
Decius  Mus,2  the  Romans  turned  tlieir  attention 
from  the  Gauls  to  the  Latins,  who,  always  their 
foes  through  rivalry  of  empire,  at  this  time_,  in  their 
contempt  for  the  burnt  city,  demanded  the  rights 
of  citizenship  and  a  share  in  the  government  and 
pubHc  otfices,  and  dared  to  meet  them  in  battle  at 
Capua.  Who  will  wonder  that  on  this  occasion  the 
enemy  yielded^  when  one  of  the  consuls  put  his 
own  son  to  death,  though  he  had  been  victorious, 
because  he  had  fought  against  his  order  (thus 
showing  that  to  enforce  obedience  was  more  important 
than  victory),  while  the  other  consul,  as  though  acting 
upon  a  warning  from  heaven,  with  veiled  head  de- 
voted  himself  to  the  infernal  gods  in  front  of  the 
army,  in  order  that,  by  hurling  himself  where  the 
enemy's  weapons  v.ere  ^^liickesl,  he  might  open  up  a 
new  path  to  victory  along  the  track  of  his  own  life- 
blood  } 

^  Corvinus  from  corvus,  a  crow. 
*  340  B.c. 

49 

F.N-C 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

X.     Bellvm  Sabinvm 

15  A  Latims  adgressus  est  gentem  Sabinovum,  qui 
immemores  factae  sub  Tito  Tatio  adfinitatis  quodam 

2  contagio  bellis  se  Latinis  adiunxerant.  Sed  Curio 
Dentato  consule  omnem  eum  tractum,  qua  Nar, 
Anio,     fontes    Velini,     Hadriano    tenus     mari    igni 

3  ferroque  vastavit.  Qua  victoria  tantum  hominum, 
tantum  agrorum  redactum  est  in  potestatem,  ut 
in  utro  plus  esset  nec  ipse  posset  aestimare  qui 
vicerat. 

XL     Bellvm  Samniticvm 

16  Precibus    deinde    Campaniae    motus    non  pro  se, 

2  sed  eo  speciosius  pro  sociis  Samnitas  invadit.  Erat 
foedus  cum  utrisque  percussum,  sed  hoc  Campani 
sanctius  et  prius  omnium  suorum  deditione  fecerunt ; 
sic  ergo  Romanus  bellum  Samniticum  tamquam  sibi 
gessit. 

3  Omnium  non  modo  Italiae,  sed  toto  orbe 
terrarum  pulcherrima  Campaniae  plaga  est.  Nihil 
molHus   caelo :    denique  bis   floribus   vernat.      Nihil 

4  uberius  solo :  ideo  Liberi  Cererisque  certamen 
dicitur.      Nihil    hospitalius    mari  :    hic    illi    nobiles 


1  Seep.  13. 

2  290  B.C. 


50 


BOOK    I.   x.-xi. 


X.   TnE  Sabixe  War 


15.  After  the  Latins  they  attacked  the  race  of 
the  Sabines,  who,  forgetful  of  the  relationship 
formed  under  Titus  Tatius,^  had  become  as  it  were 
infected  by  the  spirit  of  the  Latins  and  had  joined 
in  their  wars.  During  the  consulship  of  Curius 
Dentatus,-  the  Romans  laid  waste  with  fire  and 
sword  all  the  tract  of  country  which  is  enclosed  by 
the  Nar,  the  Anio  and  the  sources  of  the  \  elinus, 
and  bounded  by  the  Adriatic  Sea.  By  this  con- 
quest  so  large  a  population  and  so  vast  a  territory 
was  reduced,  that  even  he  who  had  won  the  victory 
could  not  tell  which  was  of  the  greater  importance. 

XL   The  Samnite  War 

16.  Next,  moved  by  the  prayers  of  the  Cam- 
panians,  the  Romans  attacked  the  Samnites,  not 
on  their  own  behalf  but,  what  is  more  honourable, 
on  that  of  their  allies.  A  treaty  had  been  made 
with  both  nations,  but  that  made  with  the  Cam- 
panians  was  more  formal  and  older,  having  been 
accompanied  by  the  surrender  of  all  their  posses- 
sions.  Thus  the  Romans  entered  upon  war  with 
the  Samnites  as  though  they  were  fighting  for 
themselves. 

The  district  of  Campania  is  the  fairest  of  all 
regions  not  only  in  Italy  but  in  the  whole  world. 
Nothing  can  be  softer  than  its  climate  :  indeed  it 
has  spring  and  its  flowers  twice  a  year.  Nowhere 
is  the  soil  more  fertile  ;  for  which  reason  it  is  said 
to  have  been  an  object  of  contention  between  Liber 
and  Ceres.     Nowhere  is  the  coast  more  hospitable, 

51 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

portus  Caieta,  Misenus,  tepentes  fontibus  Baiae, 
5  Lucrinus  et  AvernuS;,  quaedam  maris  otia.  Hic 
amicti  ^  vitibus  montes  Gaurus,  Falernus,  Massicus 
et  pulcherrimus  omnium  Vesuvius,  Aetnaei  ignis 
C  imitator.  Urbes  ad  mare  Formiae,  Cumae,  Puteoli, 
Neapolis,  Herculaneum,  Pompei,  et  ipsa  caput 
urbium     Capua,     quondam     inter     tres     maximas^ 

7  numerata.  Pro  hac  urbe,  his  regionibus  populus 
Romanus  Samnitas  invadit^  gentem,  si  opulentiam 
quaeras,  aureis  et  argenteis  armis  et  discolori  veste 
usque  ad  ambitum  ornatam  ^  ;  si  fallaciam^  saltibus 
fere  et  montium  fraude  grassantem ;  si  rabiem  ac 
furorem,  sacratis  *  legibus  humanisque  hostiis  in 
exitium  urbis  agitatam ;  si  pertinaciam,  sexies  rupto 

8  foedere  cladibusque  ipsis  animosiorem.  Hos  tamen 
quinquaginta  annis  per  Fabios  ac  Papirios  patres 
eorumque  liberos  ita  subegit  ac  domuit,  ita  ruinas 
ipsas  urbium  diruit^  ut  hodie  Samnium  in  ipso 
Samnio    requiratur    nec     facile    appareat    materia 

9  quattuor  et  viginti  triumphorum.  Maxime  tamen 
nota  et  inlustris  apud  Caudinas  furculas  ex  hac 
gente     clades     Veturio       Postumioque      consulibus 

10  accepta   est.      Cluso  per  insidias   intra   eum  saltum 
exercitu,   unde   non    posset    evadere,   stupens  tanta 

^  amicti :  aniici  B. 

2  2)ost  maximas  aM.  BINL  romam  carthaginemque,  del. 
Haujytiiu^. 

3  omatam  lord.  Cod.  Bamb. ,  Eeinsius  :  armatam  BI. 
*  sacratis  :  sacris  BI. 

1  321  B.c. 
52 


BOOK    I.  XI. 

which  contains  the  famous  harbours  of  Caieta, 
Misenus,  Baiae  with  its  hot  springs,  and  the  Lucrine 
and  Avernian  Lakes  where  the  sea  seems  to  enjoy 
perpetual  repose.  Here  are  the  vine-clad  mountains 
of  Gaurus,  Falernus  and  Massicus,  and  Vesuvius, 
the  fairest  of  them  all,  which  rivals  the  fires  of  Etna. 
Towards  the  sea-coast  lie  the  cities  of  Formiae. 
Cumae,  Puteoli,  Naples,  Herculaneum  and  Pompeii, 
and  Capua,  queen  among  cities,  formerly  accounted 
among  the  three  greatest  in  the  world.  It  was  on 
behalf  of  this  city  and  these  regions  that  the  Roman 
people  attacked  the  Samnites,  a  race  whicli,  if  you 
would  know  its  wealth,  was  clad,  even  to  the  point 
of  ostentation,  in  gold  and  silver  armour  and  motley- 
coloured  raiment ;  if  you  would  learn  its  craft,  it 
usually  attacked  its  foes  from  its  defiles  and  the 
ambushes  of  its  mountains  ;  if  you  would  know  its 
rage  and  fuiy,  it  was  hounded  on  by  its  hallowed 
laws  and  human  sacrifices  to  destroy  our  city  ;  if 
you  would  know  its  obstinacy,  it  had  been  exasper- 
ated  by  a  treaty  six  times  broken  and  by  its  very 
disasters.  In  fifty  years,  however,  under  the  leader- 
ship  of  two  generations  of  the  Fabii  and  Papirii^ 
the  Romans  so  thoroughly  subdued  and  conquered 
this  people  and  so  demolished  the  very  ruins  of 
their  cities  that  to-day  one  looks  round  to  see 
where  Samnium  is  on  Samnite  territory,  and  it  is 
difficult  to  imagine  how  there  can  have  been 
material  for  twenty-four  triumphs  over  them.  Yet 
a  most  notable  and  signal  defeat  was  sustained  at 
the  hands  of  this  nation  at  the  Caudine  Forks  in 
the  consulship  of  Veturius  and  Postumius.^  The 
Roman  army  having  been  entrapped  by  an  ambush 
in  that  defile  and  being  unable  to  escape,  Pontius 

53 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

occasione  dux  hostium  Pontius  Herennium  patrem 
consuluit.  Et  ille,  mitteret  omnes  vel  occideret, 
11  sapienter  ut  senior  suaserat :  hic  armis  exutos 
mittere  sub  iugum  maluit,  ut  nec  amici  forent 
beneficio  et  post  flagitium  hostes  magis.  Itaque  et 
consules  statim  magnifice  voluntaria  deditione 
turpitudinem  foederis  dirimunt,  et  ultionem  flagitans 
miles  Papirio  duce — horribile  dictu — strictis  ensibus 
per  ipsam  viam  ante  pugnam  furit  ;  et  in  congressu 
arsisse  omnium  oculos  hostis  auctor  fuit.  Nec 
prius  finis  caedibus  datus^,  quam  iugum  et  hostibus 
et  duci  capto  reposuerunt. 

XII.  Bellvm  Etrvscvm  Samniticvm  Gallicvm 
17  Hactenus  populus  Romanus  cum  singulis  gentibus, 
mox  acervatim  ;  sic  tamen  quoque  par  omnibus  fuit. 
Etruscorum  duodecim  popuh,  Vmbri  in  id  tempus 
intacti,  antiquissimus  Italiae  populus,  Samnitium 
rehqui  in  excidium  Romani  nominis  repente 
2  coniurant.  Erat  terror  ingens  tot  simul  tanto- 
rumque  populorum.  Late  per  Etruriam  infesta 
54 


BOOK    I.  xi.-xii. 

the  commander  of  the  enemies'  forces,  dumbfounded 
at  tlie  opportunity  offered  to  him,  asked  the  advice 
of  his  father  Herennius.  The  latter,  with  the 
wisdom  of  advanced  years,  had  advised  him  either 
to  let  them  all  <^o  free  or  else  to  slay  them  all ; 
Pontius  preferred  to  strip  them  of  their  arms  and 
send  them  under  the  yoke,  so  that  they  were  not 
made  his  friends  by  an  act  of  kindness  but  rendered 
bitterer  enemies  by  the  affront  put  upon  them. 
The  result  was  that  the  consuls  by  a  generous  act 
of  devotion  immediately  wiped  out  the  disgrace  of  the 
treaty  by  voluntarily  surrendering  themselves;  and 
the  soldiers,  under  the  leadership  of  Papirius,  calling 
for  vengeance,  rushed  furiously  along  (horrible  to 
relate)  with  their  swords  drawn  as  they  advanced 
before  they  came  to  blows,  and,  when  the  encounter 
took  place,  the  enemy  affirmed  that  the  eyes  of  all 
the  Romans  blazed  with  fire.  Nor  was  an  end  put 
to  the  slaiigliter  until  they  retaliated  by  making 
the  enemy  and  the  captured  general  pass  under 
the  yoke. 

XII.    The   War   against  the    Etruscans,   Samxites 

AND    GaULS 

17.  Hitherto  the  Roman  people  had  waged  war 
against  single  nations ;  they  soon  had  to  meet  a 
combined  attack.  Yet  even  so  they  were  a  match 
for  them  all.  Twelve  tribes  of  the  Etruscans,  the 
Umbrians,  the  most  ancient  people  in  Italy  and  up 
to  that  time  unassailed  in  war,  and  the  survivors 
of  the  Samnites  suddenly  conspired  together  to 
destroy  the  very  name  of  Rome.  The  simultaneous 
attack  of  so  many  powerful  peoples  caused  the 
greatest    terror.      The    hostile    standards    of    four 

55 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

3  quattuor  agminum  signa  volitabant.  Ciminius  * 
interim  saltus  in  medio,  ante  invius  plane  quasi 
Caledonius  vel  Hercynius,  adeo  tum  terrori  erat, 
ut  senatus   consuli  denuntiaret  ne  tantum    periculi 

4  ingredi  auderet.  Sed  nihil  horum  terruit  ducem, 
quin  fratre  praemisso  exploraret  accessus.  Ille  per 
noctem    pastorali    habitu    speculatus    omnia    refert 

5  tutum  iter.  Sic  Fabius  Maximus  periculosissimum 
bellum  sine  periculo  explicuit.  Nam  subito  in- 
conditos  atque  palantis  adgressus  est  captisque 
superioribus    iugis  in    subiectos    suo    iure   detonuit. 

6  Ea  namque   species  fuit  illius  belli,  quasi  in  terri- 

7  genas  e  caelo  ac  nubibus  tela  iacerentur.  Nec 
incruenta  tamen  illa  victoria.  Nam  oppressus  in 
sinu  vallis  alter  consulum  Decius  more  patrio 
devotum  dis  manibus  optuHt  caput,  sollemnemque 
familiae  suae  consecrationem  in  victoriae  pretium 
peregit. 

XIIL  Bellvm  Tarentinvm 
18  Sequitur  bellum  Tarentinum,  unum  quidem 
titulo  et  nomine,  set  victoria  multiplex.  Hoc 
enim  Campanos,  Apulos  atque  Lucanos  et  caput 
belli  Tarentinos,  id  est  totam  Italiam,  et  cum  iis 
omnibus  Pyrrhum,  clarissimum  Graeciae  regem,  una 
^  Ciminius  :  Cyminiu8  Eehd.  man.  sec. :  geminius  BIN. 

S6. 


BOOK    I.  xii.-xiii. 

armies  fluttered  far  and  wide  through  Etruria, 
Meanwhile  the  Ciminian  forest,  which  lay  between 
Rome  and  Etruria,  and  which  was  formerly  as  path- 
less  as  the  Caledonian  or  the  Hercynian  forest, 
inspired  such  terror  that  the  senate  forbade  the 
consul  to  venture  to  face  its  perils.  But  no  such 
warning  could  frighten  the  general  from  recon- 
noitring  a  passage  by  sending  forward  his  brother, 
who,  disguised  as  a  shepherd,  by  night  spied  out 
the  land  and  brought  back  news  of  a  safe  route. 
In  this  way  Fabius  Maximus  brought  a  most 
dangerous  war  to  a  close  without  running  any 
danger ;  for  he  suddenly  attacked  the  enemy  as 
they  were  disordered  and  stragghng,  and  having 
captured  commanding  heights,  launched  his  thunders 
at  his  own  pleasure  on  the  enemy  below — a  species 
of  warfare  which  resembled  the  hurling  of  weapons 
upon  the  giants  from  the  heaven  and  clouds  above. 
But  it  was  not  a  bloodless  victory,  for  one  of  the 
consuls,  Decius,  being  surprised  in  the  bend  of  a 
valley,  following  the  example  of  his  father,  offered 
his  life  as  a  sacrifice  to  the  gods  below,  and  thus 
by  performing  an  act  of  devotion,  which  was 
habitual  in  his  family,  paid  the  price  of  victory. 

XIII.    The  Tarentine  War 

18.  Next  followed  the  Tarentine  war,  in  name 
and  title  a  single  campaign^  but  manifold  in  its 
victories ;  for  it  involved  as  it  were  in  a  single  ruin 
alike  the  Campanians,  the  Apulians  and  the  Lucanians 
and  the  Tarentines,  who  were  the  original  cause  of 
it — in  fact,  the  whole  of  Italy — and,  besides  all  these, 
Pyrrhus,  the  most   renowned  ruler  in  Greece.     It 

57 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

veluti  ruina  pariter  involvit,  ut  eodem   tempore  et 
Italiara     consummaret    et    transmarinos     triumphos 

2  auspicaretur.  Tarentus,  Lacedaemoniorum  opus, 
Calabriae  quondam  et  Apuliae  totiusque  Lucaniae 
caputj  cum  magnitudine  et  muris  portuque  nobilis, 

3  tum  mirabilis  ^  situ.  Quippe  in  ipsis  Hadriani 
maris  faucibus  posita  in  omnis  terras,  Histriam, 
Illyricum,  Epiron,  Achaiam,  Africam,  Siciliam  vela 
dimittit.  Inminet  portui  ad  prospectum  maris 
positum    theatrum,     quod    quidem     causa    miserae 

4  civitati  fuit  omnium  calamitatium.  Ludos  forte 
celebrabat,  cum  adremigantes  litori  Romanas  classes 
vident,  atque  hostem  rati  emicant,   sine  discrimine 

5  insultant.  Qui  enim  aut  unde  Romani  ?  Nec 
satis.  Aderat  sine  mora  querellam  ferens  legatio. 
Hanc  quoque  foede  per  obscenam  turpemque  dictu 

6  contumeliam  violant ;  et  hinc  bellum.  Sed  ap- 
paratus  horribiUs,  cum  tot  simul  populi  pro 
Tarentinis  consurgerent  omnibusque  vehementior 
Pyn'hus,  qui  semigraecam  ex  Lacedaemoniis  con- 
ditoribus  civitatem  vindicaturus  cum  totis  viribus 
Epiri,  ThessaUae,  Macedoniae  incognitisque  in  id 
tempus  elephantis  mari  terra,  viris  equis  armis, 
addito  insuper  ferarum  terrore  veniebat. 

7  Apud  Heracleam  Campaniae  fluviumque  Lirim 
Laevino  consule  prima  pugna,  quae  tam  atrox  fuit 
ut    Ferentaneae    turmae    praefectus    Obsidius,    in- 

1  mirabiUs  N  lahnius  :  mirabiU  Bl. 

1  280  B.c. 
5S: 


BOOK    1.  XIII. 

thus  at  the  same  time  completed  the  subjugation  of 
Italy  and  inaugurated  the  triumphs  of  Rome  beyond 
the  sea.  Tarentum,  built  by  the  Lacedaemonians, 
formerly  the  capital  of  Calabria,  ApuHa  and  all 
Lucania,  is  famous  for  its  size,  its  walls  and  its 
harbour,  and  admired  for  its  situation ;  for  lying 
at  the  very  exit  of  the  Adriatic  it  sends  forth  its 
ships  to  all  lands,  to  Istria,  Illyricum,  Epirus, 
Achaea,  Africa  and  Sicily.  The  theatre  lies  imme- 
diately  above  the  harbour  in  such  a  position  as  to 
command  a  view  of  the  sea,  and  this  was  the  cause 
of  all  the  misfortunes  which  befell  the  unhappy 
city.  They  happened  to  be  celebrating  a  festival 
when  they  saw  the  Roman  fleet  rowing  towards  the 
shore,  and  thinking  that  they  were  enemies,  they 
rushed  out  and  began  to  hurl  indiscriminate  insults 
at  them,  asking  who  the  Romans  where  and  wlience 
they  had  come.  Xor  was  this  all ;  for  when  an 
embassy  immediately  came  and  lodged  a  complaint, 
they  foully  atfronted  them  also  by  a  shameful  and 
indecent  insult.  The  result  was  a  declaration  of 
war.  The  preparations  inspired  terror,  so  numerous 
were  the  peoples  who  rose  in  the  defence  of  the 
Tarentines,  of  whom  the  most  active  was  Pyrrhus, 
who  came  to  protect  a  city  which  was  half  Greek 
through  its  Lacedaemonian  founders,  with  all  the 
forces  of  Epirus,  Thessaly  and  Macedonia,  and  with 
elephants,  till  then  unknown  in  Italy,  threatening 
Rome  by  land  and  sea,  with  men,  horses  and  arms 
and  the  added  terror  of  wild  beasts. 

The  first  battle  was  fought  in  the  consulship  of 
Laevinus  ^  at  Heraclea  in  Campania,  near  the  river 
Liris,  and  was  so  fierce  that  Obsidius,  the  com- 
mander  of  the  Ferentanean  squadron,  charged  the 

59 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

vectus    in    regem,  turbaverit    coegeritque   proiectis 

8  insignibus  proelio  excedere.  Actum  erat,  nisi 
elephanti,  converso  in  spectaculum  bello,  procu- 
currissent,  quorum  cum  magnitudine  tum  deformi- 
tate  et  novo  odore  simul  ac  stridore  consternati 
equi,  cum  incognitas  sibi  beluas  amplius  quam 
erant    suspicarentur,   fugam    stragemque    late    de- 

9  derunt.  In  Apulia  deinde  apud  Asculum  melius 
dimicatum  est  Curio  Fabricioque  consulibus.  lam 
quippe  terror  beluarum  exoleverat,  et  Gaius 
Numicius  quartae  legionis  hastatus  unius  proboscide 

10  abscisa  mori  posse  beluas  ostenderat.  Itaque  in 
ipsas  pila  congesta  sunt,  et  in  turres  vibratae  faces 
tota  hostium  agmina  ardentibus  ruinis  operuerunt, 
nec  ahas^  cladi  finis  fuit  quam  nox  dirimeret, 
postremusque   fugientium    rex    ipse    a    satellitibus 

11  umero  saucius  in  armis  suis  referretur.  Lucaniae 
suprema  pugna  fuit  Arusinis  quos  vocant  campis, 
ducibus  isdem  quibus  superius ;  sed  tum  tota 
victoria.     Exitum,    quem    datura   virtus  fuit,   casus 

12  dedit.  Nam  provectis  in  primam  aciem  rursus 
elephantis,  unum  ex  eis  puUum  adacti  in  caput 
teli  gravis  ictus  avertit ;  qui  cum  per  stragem 
suorum  recurrens  stridore  quereretur,  mater  agnovit 

^  alias    Salmasius  :    alius    codd. :    citius   Sauppitcs :    ante 
Aldus :  prius  Mommsenus. 

1  279  B.c. 

6o 


BOOK    I.  xiH. 

king  and  put  him  to  flight,  forcing  him  to  throw 
away  his  royal  insignia  and  leave  the  battle-field. 
AU  was  over^  had  not  the  elepliants  come  uj)  and 
turned  the  battle  into  a  wild-beast  show  ;  for  the 
horses,  frightened  by  tlieir  huge  bulk  and  ugliness 
and  also  by  their  strange  smell  and  trumpeting, 
imagining  the  unfamihar  monsters  to  be  more 
formidable  than  they  really  were,  caused  panic  and 
destruction  far  and  wide.  A  second  and  more  suc- 
cessful  engagement  took  place  in  the  consulship 
of  Curius  and  Fabricius^  at  Asculum  in  Apulia. 
By  this  time,  to  be  sure,  the  terror  inspired  by 
the  monsters  had  passed  away,  and  Gaius  Numucius, 
a  front-rank  soldier  of  the  fourth  legion,  had  shown, 
by  cutting  off  the  trunk  of  one  of  them,  that  the 
monsters  were  mon-tal.  And  so  javelins  were  con- 
centrated  against  them,  and  torches,  hurled  against 
the  towers  which  they  carried,  covered  all  the  ranks 
of  the  enemy  with  flaming  ruins.  The  slaughter 
was  brought  to  an  end  only  when  night  separated 
the  armies,  and  the  king,  the  last  to  desert  the 
field,  was  himself  carried  away  by  his  attendants 
on  his  own  shield  wounded  in  the  shoulder.  The 
last  engagement  was  fought  under  the  leaders 
already  mentioned  above  on  the  so-called  Arusine 
Plains  in  Lucania.  On  this  occasion  the  Romans  won 
a  complete  victory.  Chance  brought  about  a  result 
which  valour  otherwise  would  have  secured.  For, 
when  the  elephants  again  moved  forward  into  the 
front  rank,  a  young  one  that  happened  to  be  among 
them  was  struck  a  heavy  blow  on  the  head  with  a 
spear  and  turned  round ;  and  when  it  was  hurrying 
back  through  the  confused  mass  of  its  fellows, 
trumpeting  with   pain,    its  dam  recognized  it    and 

6i 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

et  quasi  vindicaret  exiluit,   tum  omnia  circa  quasi 

13  hostilia  gravi  mole  permiscuit.  Ac  sic  eaedem 
ferae,  quae  primam  victoriam  abstulerunt,  secundam 
parem  fecerunt^  tertiam  sine  controversia  tradide- 

14  runt.  Nec  vero  tantum  armis  et  in  campo^  sed 
consiliis  quoque  et  domi  ^  cum  rege  Pyrrho  dimi- 
catum  est.  Quippe  post  primam  victoriam  intellecta 
vir  callidus  virtute  Romana  statim  desperavit  armis 

15  seque  ad  dolos  contulit.  Nam  interemptos  cre- 
mavit^  captivosque  indulgenter  habuit  et  sine  pretio 
restituit,  missisque  legatis  in  urbem  omni  modo 
adnisus  est  ut  facto   foedere    in    amicitiam    recipe- 

16  retur.  Sed  et  bello  et  pace  et  foris  et  domi 
omnem  in  partem  Romana  virtus  tum  se  adprobavit, 
nec  alia  magis  quam  Tarentina  victoria  ostendit 
populi     Romani    fortitudinem,    senatus    sapientiam, 

17  ducum  magnanimitatem.  Quinam  illi  fuerunt  viri 
quos  ab  elephantis  primo  proelio  obtritos  accepi- 
mus?  Omnium  vulnera  in  pectore,  quidam  hosti- 
bus  suis  morte  sua  conmortui,  omnium  in  manibus 
ensis,  et  relictae  in  voltibus  minae,  et  in  ipsa  morte 

18  ira  vivebat.  Quod  adeo  Pyrrhus  miratus  est  ut 
diceret  "  o  quam  facile  erat  orbis  imperium  occu- 
pare,  aut  mihi  Romanis  militibus  datis,  aut  me  rege 
Homanis ! "     Quae     autem     eorum     in     reparando 

^  intra  urbem  ante  cum  add.  codd. :  del.  lahnius. 
62 


BOOK    I.  XIII. 

left  her  place  to  defend  it,  causing  by  her  vast  biilk 
as  great  a  disturbance  around  her  as  if  she  were 
attacking  the  enemy.  Tiius  the  same  beasts  which 
deprived  the  Romans  of  their  first  victory  and 
equaHzed  tlie  second  battle,  gave  them  undoubted 
victory  in  the  third  fight.  And  it  was  not  only 
with  arms  and  on  the  battle-field  that  the  struggle 
\vith  King  Pyrrhus  was  carried  on,  but  also  by 
intrigue  at  home ;  for  after  his  first  victory  the 
wily  king,  recognizing  the  valour  of  the  Romans, 
immediately  gave  up  hope  of  mihtary  success  and 
had  recourse  to  craft.  For  he  burnt  the  bodies  of 
the  slain,  treated  his  prisoners  with  indulgence 
and  gave  them  back  without  ransom,  and  send- 
ing  ambassadors  to  Rome  strove  by  every  device 
to  obtain  a  treaty  and  be  admitted  to  friend- 
ship.  But  in  peace  and  war,  at  home  and  abroad, 
Roman  valour  proved  its  worth  in  everv  respect ; 
and  the  victory  in  the  Tarentine  war^  more  than 
any  other,  showed  the  bravery  of  the  Roman 
people,  the  wisdom  of  the  senate  and  the  mag- 
nanimity  of  the  generals.  For  what  kind  of  men 
were  those  who^  we  are  told,  were  trampled  under- 
foot  by  the  elephants  in  the  first  battle?  The 
wounds  of  all  of  them  were  upon  their  chests ; 
some  shared  death  with  their  foes,  all  had  their 
swords  still  in  their  hands^  a  threatening  mien 
still  marked  their  featureS;,  and  their  anger  yet 
Hved  even  in  death.  So  struck  was  Pyrrhus  with 
admiration  that  he  exclaimed,  "  How  easy  were 
it  for  me  to  win  the  empire  of  the  world  if  I 
had  an  army  of  Romans,  or  for  the  Romans  to 
win  it  if  they  had  me  as  their  king  I "  Again, 
how   great  must   have    been  their  promptitude    in 

63 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

19  exercitu  festinatio  ?  Cum  Pyrrhus  "  video  me  "  ^ 
inquit  "  plane  procreatum  Herculis  semine,  cui 
quasi    ab   angue   Lernaeo  tot  caesa   hostium  capita 

20  quasi  de  sanguine  suo  renascuntur."  Qui  autem 
ille  senatus  fuit,  cum  perorante  Appio  Caeco  pulsi 
cum  muneribus  suis  ab  urbe  legati  interroganti  regi 
suo,  quid  de  hostium  sede  sentirent,  urbem  templum 
sibi  visam,  senatum  regum  esse  concessum  ^  confite- 

21  rentur  ?  Qui  porro  ipsi  duces  ?  Vel  in  castris,  cum 
medicum  venale  regis  caput  offerentem  Curius 
remisit,  Fabricius  oblatam  sibi  a  rege  imperii  partem 

22  repudiavit ;  vel  in  pace,  cum  Curius  fictilia  sua 
Samnitico  praeferret  auro,  Fabricius  decem  pondo 
argenti    circa     Rufinum    consularem      virum     quasi 

23  luxuriam  censoria  gravitate  damnaret.  Quis  ergo 
miretur  his  moribus  ea  virtute  militum  victorem® 
populum  Romanum  *  fuisse,  unoque  bello  Tarentino 
intra  quadriennium  maximam  partem  Italiae,  fortis- 
simas    gentes,    opulentissimas    urbes   uberrimasque 

24  regiones  subegisse  ?  Aut  quid  adeo  fidem  superet, 
quam  si  principia  belli  cum  exitu  conferantur  ? 
Victor  primo  proelio  Pyrrhus,  tota  tremente  Cam- 
pania  Lirim  Fregellasque  populatus,  prope  captam 
urbem  a  Praenestina  arce  prospexit  et  a  vicensimo 

1  video  me  L  Voss.  Rehd.  Palat.  :  idem  omne  BN. 
'  2  concessum  add.    Aldus,   cf.  Plut.    Pyrrh.    19,    Liv.   ix, 
17,  14. 

3  victorem  NL  :  exercitum  B. 

*  populum  romanum  NL  :  populi  romani  B. 

H 


BOOK    I.  xni. 

replacing  their  losses !  For  Pyrrhus  said,  "  I 
plainly  see  that  I  am  sprung  of  the  seed  of  Her- 
cules,  when  I  see  all  these  heads  of  foes  cut  off 
springing  up  again  from  their  blood  as  they 
sprang  from  the  Lernaean  hydra."  Again,  what 
was  the  character  of  the  senate  ?  When,  on  the 
proposal  of  Appius  Caecus,  the  ambassadors  of 
Pyrrhus  had  been  expelled  from  the  city  with  their 
presents  and  the  king  asked  them  what  they 
thought  of  tlie  abode  of  their  enemies.  they  con- 
fessed  that  the  city  seemed  to  them  to  be  a  temple 
and  the  senate  an  assembly  of  kings.  Again,  what 
kind  of  men  were  their  generals .''  Even  in  the 
field,  Curius  sent  back  the  physician  who  offered 
the  head  of  Pyrrhus  for  sale,  and  Fabricius  refused 
a  share  in  his  kingdom  offered  to  him  by  the  king ; 
in  peace,  Curius  preferred  his  earthenware  vessels 
to  Samnite  gold,  and  Fabricius,  with  all  the  authority 
of  the  censorial  office,  stigmatized  as  a  luxury  the 
possession  of  Rufinus,  a  man  of  consular  rank,  of 
ten  pounds  of  silver.  Who  then  can  wonder  that 
with  such  moral  principles  and  such  military  valour 
the  Roman  people  were  victorious,  and  that,  in 
their  single  war  against  the  Tarentines,  they  sub- 
dued,  within  the  space  of  four  years,  the  greater 
part  of  Italy,  the  bravest  nations,  the  richest  cities 
and  the  most  fertile  regions  ?  Or  what  can  be 
more  incredible  than  the  contrast  presented  by  the 
beginning  of  the  war  and  its  conclusion  ?  Pyrrhus 
victorious  in  the  first  battle,  while  all  Campania 
trembled,  laid  waste  the  banks  of  the  Liris  and 
Fragellae,  looked  forth  from  the  city  of  Praeneste 
upon  a  Rome  which  he  had  all  but  captured,  and,  at 
a  distance  of  only  about  twenty  miles,  fiUed  the  eyes 

6$ 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

lapide    oculos   trepidae    civitatis    fumo    ac    pulvere 

25  inplevit.  Eodem  postea  bis  exuto  castris,  bis  saucio 
et  in  Graeciam  suam  trans  mare  ac  terras  fugato, 
pax  et  quies  et  tanta  de  opulentissimis  tot  gentibus 

26  spolia^  ut  victoriam  suam  Roma  non  caperet.  Nec 
enim  temere  ullus  pulchrior  in  urbem  aut  speciosior 

27  triumphus  intravit.  Ante  hunc  diem  nihil  praeter 
pecora  Vulscorum,  greges  Sabinorum,  carpenta 
Gallorum,  fracta  Samnitium  arma  vidisses  :  tum  si 
captivos  aspiceres,  Molossi,  Thessali,  Macedones, 
Brittius,  Apulus  atque  Lucanus ;  si  pompam.  aurum, 
purpura^     signa,    tabulae     Tarentinaeque     deUciae. 

28  Sed  nihil  Hbentius  populus  Romanus  aspexit  quam 
illas,  quas  ita  timuerat^  cum  turribus  suis  beluas, 
quae  non  sine  sensu  captivitatis  summissis  cervicibus 
victores  equos  sequebantur. 


Xlin.        BeLLVM    PlCENsl 

19  Omnis  mox  Itaha  pacem  habuit — quid  enim  post 
Tarentum  auderent? — nisi  quod  ultro  persequi 
2  socios  hostium  placuit.  domiti  ergo  Picentes  et 
caput  gentis  Asculum  Sempronio  duce^  qui  tremente 
inter  proelium  campo  Tellurem  deam  promissa  aede 
placavit, 

*  PicENs  N :  Pycekse  B. 
66 


BOOK    I.  xiii.-xiiii. 

of  the  trembling'  citizens  with  liis  smoke  and  dust. 
Yet  afterwards,  when  this  same  king  had  twice  had 
his  camp  captured  and  had  been  twice  wounded  and 
had  been  driven  as  a  fugitive  over  sea  and  land 
back  to  his  own  land  of  Greece,  peace  and  tranquillity 
ensued,  and  so  rich  a  spoil  was  gathered  from  so 
many  wealthy  races  that  Rome  could  not  contain 
the  fruits  of  her  victory.  Scarcely  ever  did  a  fairer 
or  more  glorious  triumph  enter  the  city.  Up  to 
that  time  the  only  spoils  which  you  could  have 
seen  were  the  cattle  of  the  \'olscians,  the  flocks  of 
the  Sabines^  the  waggons  of  the  Gauls^  the  broken 
arms  of  the  Samnites  ;  now  if  you  looked  at  cap- 
tives,  they  were  Molossians,  Thessalians,  Mace- 
donians,  Bruttians,  Apulians  and  Lucanians  ;  if  you 
looked  upon  the  procession,  you  saw  gold,  purple 
statueS;  pictures  and  all  the  luxury  of  Tarentum. 
But  upon  nothing  did  the  Roman  people  look  with 
greater  pleasure  than  upon  those  huge  beasts,  which 
they  had  feared  so  much^  with  towers  upon  their 
backs,  now  following  the  horses  which  had  van- 
quished  them,  with  heads  bowed  low  not  wholly 
unconscious  that  they  were  prisoners. 

XIIII.    The  Picenian  War 

19.  Then  all  Italy  enjoyed  peace — for  who  could 
venture  upon  resistance  after  the  defeat  of  Tarentum  ? 
— except  that  the  Romans  thought  fit  themselves  to 
punish  those  who  had  been  the  alHes  of  their  enemies. 
The  people  of  Picenum  were  therefore  subdued  and 
their  capital  Asculum  was  taken  under  the  leadership 
of  Sempronius,  who,  when  an  earthquake  occurred  in 
the  midst  of  the  battle,  appeased  the  goddess  Earth 
by  the  promise  of  a  temple. 

67 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 


XV.     Bellvm  Sallentinvm 


20       Sallentim    Picentibus    additi    caputque  regionis 

Brundisium  inclito  portu   M.    Atilio   duce.  In  hoc 

certamine   victoriae  pretium  templum  sibi  pastoria 
Pales  ultro  poposcit. 


XVI.     Bellvm  Volsiniense 

21  PosTREMi  Italicorum  in  fidem  venere  Volsinli,  opu- 
lentissimi  Etruscorum,  inplorantes  opem  adversus 
servos  quondam  suos,  qui  libertatem  a  dominis  datam 
in  ipsos  erexerant  translataque  in  se  re  publica 
dominabantur.  Sed  hi  quoque  duce  Fabio  Gurgite 
poenas  dederunt. 


XVII.     De  Seditionibvs 

22  Haec  est  secunda  aetas  populi  Romani  et  quasi 
adulescentia,  qua  maxime  viruit  et  quodam  flore 
virtutis  exarsit  ac  ferbuit.  Itaque  inerat  quaedam 
adhuc  ex  pastoribus  feritas,  quiddam  adhuc  spirabat 
2  indomitum.  Inde  est,  quod  exercitus  Postumium 
imperatorem,  infitiantem  quas  promiserat  praedas, 
facta  in  castris  seditione  lapidavit ;  quod  sub  Appio 
Claudio   noluit  vincere   hostem,  cum    posset ;  quod 

68 


BOOK    I.  xv.-xvii. 

XV.  The  Sallentine  War 

20.  The  Sallentines  and  Brundusium,  the  capital 
of  their  country,  with  its  famous  harbour,  shared 
the  fate  of  the  people  of  Picenum  at  the  hands  of 
the  Romans  under  the  leadership  of  Marcus  Atihus. 
During  this  struggle  Pales,  the  goddess  of  shepherds, 
demanded  further  for  herself  a  temple  as  the  price  of 
xictory. 

XVI.  The  Volsinian  War 

21.  The  last  of  the  Itahans  who  came  under  the 
protection  of  Rome  were  the  Volsinians,  the  richest 
of  all  the  Etruscans,  who  asked  for  help  against 
those  who  had  formerly  been  their  slaves  and  had 
used  against  their  masters  the  Uberty  which  the 
latter  had  granted  to  them,  and,  having  shifted  the 
power  to  themselves,  were  playing  the  tyrants  in 
the  State  ;  they  too  were  punished  by  the  Romans 
under  the  leadership  of  Fabius  Gurges. 

XVII.  Of  Civil  Discords 

22.  This  period  forms  the  second  age,  which  may 
be  called  the  youth,  of  the  Roman  people,  during 
wliich  it  was  most  vigorous,  and  showed  tire  and 
heat  in  the  flower  of  its  strength.  Hence  there 
was  still  in  it  a  certain  spirit  of  ferocity  inherited 
from  shepherd  ancestors,  and  an  untamed  spirit 
yet  breathed.  Hence  it  was  that  the  armymutinied 
in  cainp  and  stoned  the  general  Postumius,  when 
he  denied  them  the  spoils  which  he  had  pro- 
mised ;  that  under  Appius  Claudius  they  refused 
to  defeat  the  enemy  when  it  was  in  their  power  to 

69 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

duce    Volerone    detrectantibus    plerisque    militiam, 

3  fracti  consulis  fasces.  Inde  clarissimos  principes, 
quod  adversarentur  voluntati  suae,  exulatione 
multavit,  ut  Coriolanum  colere  agros  iubentem — 
nec  minus  ille  ferociter  iniuriam  armis  vindicasset, 
nisi  quod  iam  inferentem  signa  filium  mater  Veturia 

4  lacrimis  suis  exarmavit ; — ut  ipsum  Camillum,  quod 
inique  inter  plebem  et  exercitum  divisisse  Veientem 
praedam  videretur.  Sed  hic  melior  Veis  ^  in  capta 
urbe    consenuit  et  mox    supplices    de    hoste   Gallo 

6  vindicavit.  Cum  senatu  quoque  vehementius  aequo 
bonoque  certatum  est,  adeo  ut  relictis  sedibus 
solitudinem  et  interitum  patriae  suae  minaretur. 
23  Prima  discordia  ob  inpotentiam  feneratorum. 
Quibus  in  terga  quoque  serviliter  saevientibus,  in 
sacrum  montem  plebs  armata  secessit  aegreque,  nec 
nisi  tribunos  impetrasset,  Meneni  Agrippae,  facundi 

2  et  sapientis  viri^  auctoritate  revocata  est.  Extat 
orationis  antiquae  satis  efficax  ad  concordiam  fabula, 
qua  dissedisse  quondam  humanos  dixit  artus,  quod 
omnibus    opere   fungentibus    solus    venter    inmunis 

*  Veis  Seebodius  :  vis  B. 
70 


BOOK    I.  XVII. 

do  so  ;  that  when  under  the  leadership  of  V^olero 
many  refused  to  serve,  the  consurs  fasces  were 
broken.  Hence  it  was  that  they  punished  with 
exile  their  most  illustrious  chiefs,  because  they 
opposed  their  will  ;  Coriohmus,  for  example,  when 
he  ordered  them  to  till  their  fields  (and  he  would 
have  avenged  his  wrongs  by  force  of  arms  with 
even  greater  severity^  if  his  mother  Veturia  had 
not  disarmed  him  by  her  tears  when  he  was 
ah'eady  advancing),  and  Camillus  himself,  because 
he  was  thought  to  have  divided  the  spoils  of  Veii 
unfairly  between  the  people  and  the  army.  Camil- 
lus,  however,  a  truer  patriot,  lived  to  grow  old  in 
the  city  of  Veii  which  he  had  captured,  and  after- 
wards  took  vengeance  on  behalf  of  those  who 
implored  his  aid  against  the  GauHsh  foe.  Wifeh 
the  senate,  too,  there  were  struggles  which  went 
beyond  all  justice  and  right,  since  the  people  even 
left  their  homes  and  threatened  their  country  with 
desolation  and  ruin. 

23.  The  first  dispute  was  due  to  the  tyranny  of 
the  usurers.  When  these  actually  vented  their  fury 
upon  their  persons  as  though  they  were  slaves,  the 
common  people  took  up  arms  and  seceded  to  the 
Sacred  Mount,  and  were  with  difficulty  induced  to 
return  (and  then  only  after  their  demand  for  a  tribune 
had  been  granted)  at  the  instance  of  the  eloquent 
and  wise  Menenius  Agrippa.  The  fable,  quite  in 
the  old  style  of  oratory,  which  was  most  efficacious 
in  promoting  concord_,  is  still  remembered,  in  which 
he  said  that  the  members  of  the  human  body  once 
revolted,  on  the  ground  that,  while  they  all  per- 
formed  their  functions,  the  stomach  alone  lived 
without  doing  any  duty,  but  afterwards,  when  they 

71 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

ageret ;  deinde  moribundos  ea  seiunctione  redisse 
in  gratiam,  quando  sensissent  quod  eius  opera  redactis 
in  sanguinem  cibis  inrigarentur. 

24  Secundam  in  urbe  media  decemviratus  libido 
conflavit.  Allatas  a  Graecia  leges  decem  principes 
lecti  iubente  populo  conscripserant,  ordinataque  erat 
in  duodecim  tabulis  tota  iustitia,  cura  tamen  traditos 

2  fasces  regio  quodam  furore  retinebant.  Ante  ceteros 
Appius  eo  insolentiae  elatus  est,  ut  ingenuam 
virginem  stupro  destinaret,  oblitus  et  Lucretiae  et 

3  regum  et  iuris  quod  ipse  conposuerat.  Itaque  cum 
oppressam  iudicio  filiam  trahi  in  servitutem  videret 
Virginius  pater,  niliil  cunctatus  in  medio  foro  manu 
sua  interfecit,  admotisque  signis  commilitonum  totam 
eam  dominationem  obsessam  armis  in  carcerem  et 
catenas  ab  Aventino  monte  detraxit. 

25  Tertiam  seditionem  excitavit  matrimoniorum 
dignitas,  ut  plebei  cum  patriciis  iungerentur;  qui 
tumultus  in  monte  laniculo  duce  Canuleio  tribuno 
plebis    exarsit.      26.   Quartam  honorum  cupido,    ut 

2  plebei  quoque  magistratus  crearentur.  Fabius 
Ambustus    duainim    pater   alteram  Sulpicio  patricii 


BOOK    I.  XVII. 

found  themselves  dying,  owing  to  their  separation 
from  it,  they  returned  to  a  good  understanding  with 
it,  because  they  found  that  its  service  -was  to 
convert  food  into  the  blood  \vliich  flows  in  them. 

24.  The  second  disagreement  occurred  in  the 
very  centre  of  the  city  and  was  caused  by  the  lust 
of  the  Decemvirate.  Ten  eminent  citizens  had  been 
chosen  by  order  of  the  people,  and  had  jointly 
drawn  up  a  code  of  laws  derived  from  Greece,  and 
the  whole  system  of  justice  had  been  arranged  upon 
twelve  tables ;  but  they  afterwards  still  retained, 
in  the  lawless  spirit  of  the  kings,  the  fasces  which 
had  been  entrusted  to  them.  Appius  attained  such 
a  spirit  of  insolence  beyond  all  the  rest  that  he 
destined  a  free-born  maiden  for  dishonour,  forgetful 
of  Lucretia  and  the  kings  and  the  code  which  he 
had  himself  helped  to  draw^  up.  And  so  when 
Virginius,  the  maiden's  father,  saw  his  daughter 
being  dragged  away  to  slavery  after  an  unjust 
sentence,  without  a  moment's  delay  he  slew  her 
in  the  midst  of  the  forum  with  his  own  hand  and, 
moving  up  companies  of  his  fellow-soldiers,  sur- 
rounded  the  whole  band  of  tyrants  with  an  armed 
force  and  dragged  them  from  the  Aventine  Hill 
to  prison  and  chains. 

25.  The  third  insurrection  was  caused  by  the  ques- 
tion  of  marriage-dignity,  arising  from  the  demand 
that  plebeians  should  intermarry  with  patricians. 
This  disturbance  burst  into  flames  on  the  Hill  of 
Janiculum  at  the  instigation  of  Canuleius,  the 
tribune  of  the  people.  26.  The  fourth  insurrection 
was  due  to  the  desire  for  office  and  the  demand 
that  magistrates  should  be  elected  from  among  the 
plebeians  also.     Fabius  Ambustus  was  the  father  of 

73 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

3  sanguinis  dederat,  alteram  plebeius  Stolo  sibi  iunxit. 
Qua  1  quodam  tempore,  quod  lictoriae  virgae  sonum 
ignotum    penatibus    suis    expaverat^    a    sorore    satis 

4  insolenter  inrisa,  iniuriam  non  tulit.  Itaque  nanctus 
tribunatum  honorum  et  niagistratuum  consortium 
quamvis  invito  senatui  extorsit. 

5  Verum  in  ipsis  seditionibus  principem  populum 
non  inmerito  suspexeris.  Si  quidem  nunc  libertatem, 
nunc  pudicitiam,  tum  natalium  dignitatem,  tum 
honorum  decora  et  insignia  vindicavit^  interque 
haec  omnia  nullius  acrior  custos  quam  libertatis  fuit, 

6  nullaque  in  pretium  eius  potuit  largitione  corrumpi, 
cum  ut  in  magno  et  in  dies  maiore  populo  interira 

7  perniciosi  cives  existerent.  Spurium  ^  largitione, 
Cassium  agraria  lege  suspectum  regiae  dominationis 
praesenti  morte  multavit.  Ac  de  Spurio  quidem 
supplicium  pater  ipsius  sumpsit,  hunc  Quinctii 
dictatoris   imperio  in  medio  foro  magister  equitum 

8  Servilius    Ahala   confodit.      Manlium  vero  Capitolii 

vindicem,  quia  plerosque  debitorum  liberaverat  altius 

et  incivilius  se  efferentem^  ab  illa  ipsa  quam  defend- 

erat  arce  deiecit. 

^  qua  add.  Halmius. 

2  Spurium  iiiseruit  Salmasius. 


BOOK    I.  XVII. 

two  daughters,  one  of  whom  he  had  given  in 
marriage  to  Sulpicius,  a  man  of  patrician  blood, 
while  Stolo,  a  plebeian,  had  wedded  the  other.  Tlie 
wife  of  the  latter  having  been  the  object  of  some- 
what  insolent  laughter  on  the  part  of  her  sister 
because  she  had  been  alarmed  by  the  sound  of  the 
hctor's  start"  (a  sound  which  was  unfamiliar  to  her 
in  her  own  home),  Stolo  could  not  endure  the 
affront.  And  so,  when  he  obtained  the  tribunate, 
he  extorted  from  the  senate,  against  their  will,  a 
share  in  pubHc  offices  and  magistracies. 

Even  in  these  insurrections  one  may  admire,  not 
without  good  reason,  this  sovereign  people,  since 
at  one  time  it  championed  hberty,  at  another 
chastity,  at  another  the  dignity  of  birth,  at  another 
the  riffht  to  distinctions  and  insignia  of  office,  and 
among  all  these  things  was  a  zealous  upholder  of 
nothing  so  mucli  as  of  liberty,  and  could  not  be 
corrupted  by  any  kind  of  bribery  to  put  it  up  for 
sale,  although^  as  was  to  be  expected  in  a  large  and 
daily  increasing  community,  dangerous  citizens  arose 
from  time  to  time.  The  people  punished  by  im- 
mediate  execution  Spurius  and  Cassius,  who  were 
suspected  of  aiming  at  the  royal  power,  the  former 
through  his  excessive  largesses,  the  latter  by  his 
agrarian  law.  The  punishment  of  Spurius  was 
undertaken  by  his  own  father^  while  Cassius  was 
stabbed  in  the  middle  of  the  forum  at  the  order 
of  Quinctius,  the  dictator,  by  Servilius  Ahala,  the 
master  of  the  horse.  Manlius  too,  the  saviour  of 
the  Capitol,  they  hurled  from  the  very  citadel  which 
he  had  himself  defended,  when  he  began  to  behave 
in  a  manner  too  arrogant  and  ill-fitting  a  private 
citizen  on  the  strength  of  having  set  free  a  number 
of  debtors. 

75 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

9  Talis  domi  ac  foris,  talis  pace  belloque  populus 
Romanus  fretum  illud  adulescentiae,  id  est  secundam 
imperii  aetatem  habuit,  in  qua  totam  inter  Alpes 
fretumque  Italiam  armis  subegit. 

XVin.    Bellvm  Pvnicvm  Primvm 

II,  1  DoMiTA  subactaque  Italia  populus  Romanus  prope 
quingentensimum  annum  agens,  cum  bona  fide 
adolevisset,  si  quod  est  robur,  si  qua  iuventas,  tum 
ille  vere  robustus  et  iuvenis  par  ^  orbi  terrarum  esse 
2  coepit.  Ita — mirum  et  incredibile  dictu — qui  prope 
quingentis  annis  domi  luctatus  est — adeo  difficile 
fuerat  dare  Italiae  caput — his  ducentis  annis  qui 
secuntur  Africam,  Europam,  Asiam,  totum  denique 
orbem  terrarum  belHs  victoriisque  peragravit. 

II,  2  Igitur  victor  Italiae  populus  Romanus  cum  ad 
fretum  usque  venisset,  more  ignis,  qui  obvias  ^  popu- 
latus    incendio     silvas     interveniente    flumine    ab- 

2  rumpitur,  paulisper  substitit.  Mox  cum  videret 
opulentissimam  in  proximo  praedam  quodam  modo 
Italiae  suae  abscissam  ^  et  quasi  revolsam,  adeo 
cupiditate  eius  exarsit,  ut,  quatenus  nec  mole  iungi 
nec  pontibus  posset,  armis  belloque  iungenda  et  ad 

3  continentem  suam  revocanda  bello  videretur.     Sed 

*  et  iuvenis  par  Eahnius  :  iuvenis  et  par  B. 

*  ob^ias  NL  :  cunctas  B. 

3  abscissam  L  Halmius  :  abscisam  BN. 

^  The  Straita  of  Messina. 
j6 


BOOK    I.  xvii.-xvm. 

Such  vvere  the  Roman  people  at  home  and  abroad, 
in  peace  and  in  war,  as  it  passed  through  the 
stormy  waters  of  its  youth,  that  is  to  say,  the  second 
age  of  its  empire,  during  which  it  subdued  by  force 
of  arms  all  Italy  between  the  Alps  and  the  Straits.^ 

XVIII.  The  First  Punic  War 

1.  Italy  having  been  subdued  and  conquered, 
the  Roman  people,  having  almost  reached  its  five 
hundredth  year,  since  it  can  truly  be  said  to  have 
reached  maturity^  was  now  robust  and  vigorous — 
if  ever  there  is  robustness,  if  ever  vigour,  in  a  State 
— and  became  a  match  for  the  whole  world.  Thus 
arose  the  wonderful  and  incredible  phenomenon 
that  a  people,  which  had  struggled  in  its  own 
country  for  five  hundred  years  (so  difficult  had  it 
been  to  establish  supremacy  in  Italy),  during  the 
next  two  hundred  years  overspread  Africa^  Europe 
and  Asia  and,  finally,  the  whole  world  with  its  wars 
and  victories. 

2.  The  Romans,  then,  victorious  over  Italy,  having 
now  extended  their  bounds  to  the  Straits,  halted 
for  a  space,  like  a  fire,  wliich,  having  laid  waste  the 
woods  that  lie  in  its  course,  is  held  up  by  an  inter- 
vening  river.  But  soon,  seeing  in  their  neighbour- 
hood  a  most  wealthy  prey  which  seemed  some- 
how  to  have  been  rent  away  and  as  it  were  torn 
from  their  own  land  of  Italy,  they  were  kindled 
with  so  strong  a  desire  for  its  possession  that, 
since  it  could  not  be  attached  to  by  a  mole  or 
a  bridge,  they  resolved  that  it  should  be  reunited 
by  arms  and  warfare,  and  thus  restored  to  the 
continent  to  which  it  belonged.     But  lo !  the  ffites 

77 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

ecce,  ultro  ipsis  viam  pandentibus  fatis,  nec  occasio 
defuit^  cum  de  Poenorum  inpotentia  foederata 
Siciliae  civitas  Messana  quereretur.  Adfectabat 
autem  ut  Romanus  ita  Poenus  Siciliam^  et  eodem 
tempore  paribus  uterque  votis  ac  viribus  imperium 

4  orbis  agitabat.  Igitur  specie  quidem  socios  iuvandi, 
re  autem  sollicitante  praeda^  quamquam  territaret 
novitas  rei^  tamen — tanta  ^  in  virtute  fiducia  est — 
ille  rudiSj  ille  pastorius  populus  vereque  terrester 
ostendit  nihil  interesse  virtutis^  equis  an  navibus, 
terra  an  mari  dimicaretur. 

6  Appio  Claudio  consule  primum  fretum  ingressus 
est  fabulosis  infame  monstris  aestuque  violentum ; 
sed  adeo  non  est  exterritus_,  ut  illam  ipsam  ruentis 
aestus  violentiam  pro  munere  amplecteretur,^  sta- 

6  timque  ac  sine  mora  Hieronem  Syracusanum  tanta 
celeritate  devicit,  ut  ille  ipse  prius  se  victum  quam 
hostem  videret  fateretur. 

7  Duillio  ^  Cornelioque  consulibus  etiam  mari  con- 
gredi  ausus  est.  Tum  quidem  ipsa  velocitas  classis 
conparatae  victoriae  auspicium  fuit.  Intra  enim 
sexagesimum  diem  quam  caesa  silva  fuerat  centum 
sexaginta  navium  classis  in  anchoris  stetit,  ut  non 
arte  factae,  sed  quodam  munere  deorum  conversae 

8  in  naves  atque  mutatae  arbores  viderentur.      Proelii 
•  vero  forma  mirabilis,   cum  illas   celeris  volucrisque 

^  tamen  tanta  Koss, :  tanta  tamen  BNL. 

2  quod  velocitas  navium  mari  iuvaretur  post  amplectitur 
add.  BL 

3  Duillio  :   ad  uilio  B  :  diullio  L  :  duellio  7. 

1  264  B.c.  2  260  B.c. 

78 


BOOK    I.  XVIII. 

themselves  opened  a  way  and  an  opportunity  was 
offered  by  the  complaints  which  Messana,  a  Sicihan 
State  allied  by  treaty  to  Rome,  made  about  the 
tyrannical  beliaviour  of  the  Carthaginians.  This 
people,  Hke  the  Romans,  coveted  Sicily,  and  both 
nations  at  the  same  time  with  equally  strong  desires 
and  equal  forces  were  aiming  at  the  empire  of  the 
world.  On  the  pretext,  therefore,  of  aiding  their  alHes, 
but  really  stimulated  by  the  desire  for  spoil^  this  rude, 
pastoral  people^  whose  proper  element  was  the  land, 
although  the  strangeness  of  the  undertaking  alarmed 
them,  yet  (so  great  is  the  confidence  inspired  by 
courage)  showed  that  for  the  brave  it  is  a  matter 
of  inditference  whether  the  fight  is  waged  on  horse- 
back  or  on  shipboard,  on  land  or  on  sea. 

In  the  consulship  of  Appius  Claudius  ^  they  first 
launched  the  ships  across  that  strait^  so  ill-famed 
for  fabulous  monsters  and  swept  by  so  violent  a 
current.  Yet  so  Httle  were  they  alarmed  that  they 
welcomed  the  violence  of  the  rushing  tide  as  a 
godsend,  and  immediately  without  delay  defeated 
Hiero  of  Syracuse  with  a  suddenness  that  made  him 
confess  that  he  was  defeated  before  he  set  eyes 
upon  the  enemy. 

In  the  consulship  of  DuilHus  and  CorneHus  ^ 
they  ventured  to  meet  the  enemy  at  sea  also.  On 
this  occasion  the  very  speed  with  which  they  had 
constructed  their  fleet  was  an  omen  of  victory ;  for 
within  sixty  days  of  the  feHing  of  the  timber,  a 
fleet  of  a  hundred  and  sixty  vessels  rode  at  anchor, 
80  that  it  seemed  as  if  the  trees  had  not  been 
made  into  ships  by  the  art  of  man,  but  changed 
and  altered  thereto  by  a  dispensation  of  heaven. 
The  ordering  of  the  battle  too  was  wonderfui,  since 

79 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

hostium  navis  hae  graves  tardaeque  conprehende- 
rent.  Longe  illis  nauticae  artes^  detorquere  remos 
9  et  ludificari  fuga  rostra.  Iniectae  enim  ferreae 
manus  machinaeque  vaUdae^  ante  certamen  multum 
ab  hoste  derisae,  coactique  hostes  quasi  in  soUdo 
decernere.  Victor  ergo  apud  Liparas  mersa  aut 
fugata  hostium  classe  primum  iUum  maritimum  egit 

10  triumphum.  Cuius  quod  gaudium  fuit^  cum  DuiUius 
imperator,  non  contentus  unius  diei  triumpho,  per 
vitam  omnem,  ubi  a  cena  rediret,  praelucere  funaUa 
et     praecinere     sibi     tibias     iussit,     quasi     cotidie 

11  triumpharet.  Prae  tanta  huius  victoria  leve 
damnum  ^  fuit  alter  consulum  interceptus  Asina 
CorneUus,  qui  simulato  coUoquio  evocatus  atque  ita 
oppressus,  fuit  perfidiae  Punicae  documentum. 

12  Calatino  dictatore  fere  omnia  praesidia  Poenorum 
AgrigentOj  Drepanis,  Panhormo,  Eryce  Lilybaeoque 

13  detraxit.  Trepidatum  est  semel  circa  Camerinensium 
saltum,  sed  eximia  virtute  Calpurni  Flammae  tribuni 
miUtum  evasimus.  Qui  lecta  trecentorum  manu 
insessum  ab  hostibus  tumulum  occupavit  atque 
moratus  hostes  est,^  dum  exercitus  omnis  evaderet. 

U  Ac  sic  pulcherrimo  exitu  Thermopylarum  et  Leoni- 
dae  famam  adaequavit,  hoc  inlustrior  noster,  quod 

^  leve  damnum  :  leve  huius  proelii  damnum  codd. 
^  est  add.  lahnius. 

^  remos  retorquere  is  the  manoeuvre  of  sweeping  away  the 
oars  by  brushing  against  the  enemy's  ahip ;  cp.  Polyb.  xvi. 
4,  14,  rapcrovs  irapaffvpeiv. 

Bo 


BOOK    I.  XVIII. 

the  heavy,  slow  Roman  vessels  came  to  grips  with 
the  swift  and  active  craft  of  the  enemy.  Xought 
availed  their  usual  manoeuvres  of  sweeping  away 
the  enemy's  oars^  or  frustrating  their  charge  by 
flight ;  for  grappling-irons  and  strong  appliances, 
which  before  the  battle  had  caused  mucii  derision 
on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  fastened  upon  their 
ships  and  obliged  them  to  fight  as  it  were  upon 
dry  land.  Thus  victorious  off  the  Liparae  Islands, 
after  sinking  or  routing  the  enemys  fleet,  they 
celebrated  their  first  naval  triumph.  And  how  great 
was  their  joy  !  Duillius,  who  had  been  in  command, 
not  content  with  a  single  day's  triumph,  throughout 
his  life,  when  he  returned  from  supper.ordered  torches 
to  be  lighted  and  pipes  to  play  before  him  by  way 
of  celebrating  a  daily  triumph.  In  comparison  with 
Duillius'  great  victory,  the  death  of  the  other  consul, 
Cornelius  Asina,  in  an  ambush  was  a  trifling  loss  ;  but 
his  invitation  to  a  pretended  conference  and  conse- 
quent  seizure  was  a  good  example  of  Carthaginian 
treachery. 

In  the  dictatorship  of  Calatinus  the  Romans 
expelled  almost  all  the  Carthaginian  garrisons — 
from  Agrigentum,  Drepanum,  Panormus,  Eryx  and 
Lilybaeum.  On  one  occasion  there  was  a  panic  in 
the  forest  of  Camerina,  but  by  the  extraordinary 
bravery  of  Calpurnius  Flamma,  a  miHtary  tribune, 
we  extricated  ourselves.  He,  with  a  chosen  band 
of  three  hundred  men,  seized  a  knoll,  which  was 
beset  by  the  enemy,  and  so  delayed  them  long 
enough  to  give  the  whole  army  time  to  escape. 
By  the  glorious  result  of  his  action  he  equalled  the 
fame  of  Leonidas  at  Thermopylae,  the  Roman  hero 
being  more  illustrious  in  that  he  survived  his  great 

8i 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

expeditioni  tantae  superfuit,^  licet  nihil  inscripserit 
sanguine. 

15  Lucio  Cornelio  Scipione  consule.^  cum  iam  Sicilia 
suburbana  esset  populi  Romani  provincia,  serpente 
latius  bello  Sardiniam  adnexamque  Corsicam  transiit. 

16  Olbiae  hic,  ibi  Aleriae  ^  urbis  excidio  incolas  terruit, 
adeoque  omni  terra  et  mari  Poenos  purgavit,  ut  iam 
victoriae  nihil  nisi  Africa  ipsa  restaret. 

17  Marco  Atilio  Regulo  duce  iam  in  Africam  navi- 
gabat  bellum.  Nec  defuerant  qui  ipso  Punici  maris 
nomine  ac  terrore  deficerent,  insuper  augente 
Nautio  tribuno  metum,  in  quem,  nisi  paruisset, 
securi    destricta    imperator  metu    mortis   navigandi 

18  fecit  audaciam.  Mox  deinde  ventis  remisque  pro- 
peratum  est,  tantusque  terror  hostici  adventus 
Poenis    fuit,     ut    apertis    paene     portis     Carthago 

19  caperetur.  Prooemium  *  belli  fuit  civitas  Clipea ; 
prima  enim  a  Punico  litore  quasi  arx  et  specula 
procurrit.       Et   haec    et    trecenta   amplius    castella 

20  vastata  sunt.  Nec  cum  hominibus,  sed  cum  monstris 
quoque  dimicatum  est,  cum  quasi  in  vindictam 
Africae  nata  mirae  magnitudinis  serpens  posita  apud 

21  Bagradam    castra    vexaverit.       Sed    omnium    victor 

*  ut  supervixit  add.  B^  et  supervixit  add.  KL  "post 
superfuit. 

^  consule  aSA.  lahnins. 

3  ibi  Aleriae  Salmctsius :  ibi  alte  B  :  baleriae  NL  :  ibi 
ateriae  /. 

*  prooemium  belli  lahnius :  prima  premium  (proemium  /) 
belli  B  :  prima  belli  praemium  NL. 

^  Florus  here  confuses  Leonidas  with  another  Spartan 
hero,  Othryades,  who,  being  the  sole  survivor  of  the  three 
hundred  Spartans  wlio  fought  against  the  Argives  for  the 
possession  of  Thyrea,  slew  himself  on  the  battle-field  after 

32 


BOOK    I.  XVIII. 

exploit,  though  he  did  not  write  anvthing  iii  his  own 
blood.i 

In  the  consulship  of  Lucius  Cornelius  Scipio,^ 
when  Sicily  was  already  a  suburban  province  of  the 
Roman  people,  the  war  spread  further,  and  they 
crossed  over  to  Sardinia  and  the  adjoining  island  of 
Corsica.  They  terrified  the  inhabitants  by  the 
destruction  of  Olbia  in  the  former  island  and  Aleria 
in  the  latter,  and  so  completely  cleared  hind  and 
sea  of  the  Carthaginians  that  only  Africa  itself  still 
remained  to  be  conquered. 

Under  the  leadership  of  Marcus  AtiHus  Regulus 
the  war  was  now  transferred  to  Africa.  Tliere 
had  been  some,  however,  who  quailed  at  the  very 
mention  of  the  Punic  sea  and  the  terror  which  it 
inspired,  their  alarm  being  further  increased  by 
the  tribune  Xautius ;  but  tlie  general,  by  threaten- 
ing  him  with  the  axe  if  he  refused  to  obey^,  inspired 
them  with  courage  for  the  journey  through  the 
fear  of  death.  AU  haste  was  then  made  with  sails 
and  oars,  and  the  approach  of  the  enemy  so 
alai-med  the  Carthaginians  that  the  gatesof  Carthage 
were  almost  opened  and  the  city  captured.  The 
war  began  with  the  taking  of  Chpea,  which  projects 
as  a  citadel  or  watch-tower  from  the  Carthaginian 
coast.  This  and  three  liundred  other  fortresses 
were  destroyed.  But  the  Romans  had  to  contend 
not  only  with  human  beings^  but  also  with  monsters  ; 
for  a  serpent  of  wondrous  size^  whicli  seemed  to  have 
been  created  for  the  defence  of  Africa,  harassed  their 
camp  on  the   Bagradas.     But  Regulus,  everywhere 

writing  in  blood  on  his  shield  that  Thj-rea  belonged  to  the 
Spartans  (Herod.  I.  82.  7). 
2  259  B.c. 

83 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

Regulus  cum  terrorem  nominis  sui  late  circumtulisset 
cumque  magnam  vim  iuventutis  ducesque  ipsos  aut 
cecidisset  ^  aut  haberet  in  vinculis,  classemque 
ingenti  praeda  onustam  et  triumpho  gravem  in 
urbem  praemisisset,  iam  ipsam,  caput  belli,  Cartha- 
ginem   urguebat  obsidio  ipsisque  portis  inhaerebat. 

22  Hic  paululum  circumacta  fortuna  est,  tantum  ut 
plura  essent   Romanae   virtutis   insignia^  cuius  fere 

23  magnitudo  calamitatibus  adprobatur.  Nam  con- 
versis  ad  externa  auxilia  hostibus^  cum  Xanthippum 
ilUs  ducem  Lacedaemon  misisset,  a  viro  militiae 
peritissimo  vincimur — foeda  clades  Romanisque  usu 
incognita — vivus  in  manus  hostium  venit  fortissimus 
imperator.  Sed  ille  quidem  par  tantae  calamitati 
fuit ;    nam    nec    Punico    carcere    infractus    est    nec 

24  legatione  suscepta.  Quippe  diversa  quam  hostis 
mandaverat   censuit,  ne  pax   fieret,  ne  commutatio 

25  captivorum  reciperetur.  Sed  nec  illo  voluntario  ad 
hostis  suos  reditu  nec  ultimo  sive  carceris  seu  crucis 
suppHcio  deformata  maiestas ;  immo  his  omnibus 
admirabilior  quid  aliud  quam  victor  de  victoribus 
atque  etiam,  quia  Carthago  non  cesserat^  de  fortuna 

26  triumphavit?  Populus  autem  Romanus  multo 
acrior  intentiorque  pro  ultione  ReguU  quam  pro 
victoria  fuit. 

27  Metello  igitur  consule  spirantibus  altius  Poenis  et 

^  cecidisset  lordanis  cod.  Polling. :  coepisset  B :    cepisset 
NI. 

1  250  B.o. 
84 


BOOK    I.  XVIII. 

victorious,  having  spread  far  and  wide  the  terror 
of  his  name  and  having  slain  or  holding  as  })risoners 
a  hirije  number  of  the  enemy's  troo})s  and  even 
of  their  generals,  and  having  sent  in  advance  to 
Rome  a  tieet  laden  ^vith  immense  spoils  and  fuU 
of  material  for  a  triumph,  was  already  threatening 
Carthage  itself,  the  author  of  the  war,  with  blockade 
and  pressing  hard  upon  its  very  gates.  At  this  point 
tlie  breeze  of  fortune  veered  somewhat,  but  only 
in  order  to  provide  more  evidence  of  the  Roman 
valour,  the  greatness  of  which  is  more  often  put 
to  the  proof  by  misfortunes.  For  when  the  enemy 
had  resorted  to  foreign  aid  and  Lacedaemon  had 
sent  Xanthippus  to  be  their  general,  we  were 
defeated  by  a  very  skilful  leader — a  disgraceful 
disaster  such  as  the  Romans  had  never  before 
experienced — and  the  brave  commander-in-chief  fell 
ahve  into  the  enemies'  hands.  13ut  he  proved 
himself  able  to  face  such  a  calamity ;  his  spirit  was 
not  broken  either  by  a  Carthaginian  prison  or  by 
the  mission  to  Rome  which  he  undertook.  For, 
contrary  to  the  instructions  of  the  enemy,  he  ex- 
pressed  an  opinion  against  making  peace  or  consent- 
ing  to  an  exchange  of  prisoners.  His  voluntary 
return  to  his  enemies  and  his  final  sufferings, 
whether  in  prison  or  on  the  cross,  in  no  way 
suUied  his  dignity  ;  nay,  rendered  by  all  this  only 
the  more  worthy  of  admiration,  what  did  he  do 
but  triumph  victorious  over  his  victors  and,  since 
Carthage  had  not  yielded,  over  Fortune  herself? 
The  Roman  people,  on  their  part,  were  even  more 
eager  and  intent  on  avenging  Regulus  than  oa 
obtaining  a  victory. 

In  the  consulship,  therefore,  of  Metellus,^  when 


L.   ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

reverso  in  vSiciliam  bello,  apud  Panliormum  sic  hostes 
cecidit,     ut    nec  ^    amplius    eara    insulam     adgredi 

28  cogitarent.  Argumentum  ingentis  victoriae  centum 
circiter  elephantorum  captivitas,  sic  quoque  magna 
praeda,  si  gregem  illum  non  bello^  sed  venatione 
cepisset. 

29  Appio  Claudio  consule  non  ab  hostibus,  sed  a  dis 
ipsis  superatus  est,  quorum  auspicia  contempserat, 
ibi  2  statim  classe  demersa,  ubi  ille  praecipitari 
pullos  iusserat,  quod  pugnare  ab  iis  vetaretur. 

30  Marco  Fabio  Buteone  consule  hostium  ^  classem 
iam  in  Africo  mari  apud  Aegimurum  in  Italiam  ultro 

31  navigantem  cecidit.  Quantus^  o,  tum  triumphus 
tempestate  intercidit^  cum  opulenta  praeda  classis 
adversis  acta  ventis  naufragio  suo   Africam  et  Syrtis 

32  et  ^  omnium  interiacentium  ^  insularum  htora  im- 
plevit !  Magna  clades^  sed  non  sine  ahqua  principis 
populi  dignitate^  interceptam  tempestate  victoriam 
et  triumphum  perisse  ^  naufragio.  Et  tamen  cum 
Punicae  praedae  omnibus  promontoriis  insuHsque 
fluitarent,  populus  Romanus  et  sic  triumphavit. 

33  Lutatio  Catulo  consule  tandem  bello  finis  inpo- 
situs  apud  insulas^  quibus  nomen  Aegatae,  nec  maior 

34  aUas  in  mari  pugna.  Aderat  quippe  commeatibus, 
exercitu,  propugnacuHs^  armis  gravis   classis    et   in 

^  ut  nec  L  :  ut  ne  X:  ne  £1. 

2  ibi  IX :  ab  his  B. 

3  hostiura  post  Aegimurum  poni/  BI. 
*  et  add.  Bentleius. 

5  interiacentium  Bentlcius  :  imperiagentium  codd. 


^  249  B.c.     His  name  was  Pubhus,  not  Appius,  Clandius. 
2  245  B.c,  3  An(j  not  the  enemy.  *  242  b.o. 

86 


BOOK    I.  xviii. 

the  Carlha<rinians  became  bolder  and  the  war 
had  been  transferred  back  to  Sicily,  the  Romans 
inflicted  such  a  defeat  upon  their  foes  at  Panormus 
that  they  gave  up  all  thought  of  further  attacks 
upon  the  island.  The  extent  of  their  victory  is 
proved  by  the  capture  of  about  a  hundred  elepliants 
— a  vast  prey  even  if  they  had  captured  them  not  in 
war  but  in  the  chase. 

In  the  consulship  of  Appius^  Claudius  the 
Romans  were  defeated  not  by  the  enemy  but  by 
the  gods,  whose  auspices  he  had  despised,  their 
fleet  being  immediately  sunk  on  the  spot  where 
Appius  Claudius  had  ordered  the  sacred  chickens 
to  be  thrown  overboard,  because  he  was  warned 
by  them  not  to  fight. 

In  the  consulship  of  Marcus  Fabius  Buteo^  they 
defeated  the  enemy's  fleet  near  Aegimurus  in  the 
African  sea,  while  it  was  actually  sailing  against 
Italy.  But  what  a  triumph  was  ruined  by  the 
storm  which  then  occurred^  when  the  fleet,  loaded 
with  rich  booty,  driven  by  contrary  winds,  covered 
Africa^  the  Syrtes  and  the  shores  of  all  the  inter- 
jacent  islands  with  its  wreckage  !  A  great  calamity 
indeed  !  but  it  did  not  fail  to  redound  to  the  honour 
of  an  imperial  people  that  it  was  a  storm  ^  which 
had  intercepted  their  victory,  and  a  shipwreck  M-hich 
had  destroyed  their  triumph.  And,  seeing  that  the 
Carthaginian  spoil  floated  ofi"  every  promontory  and 
island,  even  so  the  Roman  people  triumphed. 

In  the  consulship  of  Lutatius  Catuius  ^  the  war 
was  at  last  brought  to  a  close  near  the  islands  called 
the  Aegatae.  No  greater  fight  was  ever  fought  at 
sea.  For  the  enemy's  fleet  came  up  loaded  with 
suppHes,  troopSj  towers  and  arms  ;  indeed  you  might 

87 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

ea    quasi    tota    Carthago ;    qiiod    ipsum   exitio  fuit. 

35  Romana  classis  prompta,  levis,  expedita  et  quodam 
genere  castrensis  ad  similitudinem  pugnae  equestris 
sic  remis  quasi  habenis  agebatur,  et  in  hos  vel  illos 
ictus  mobilia  rostra  speciem  viventium  praeferebant. 

36  Itaque  momento  temporis  laceratae  hostium  rates 
totum  inter  Siciliam  Sardiniamque  pelagus  naufragio 

37  suo  operuerunt.  Tanta  denique  fuit  illa  victoria,  ut 
de  excindendis  ^  hostium  moenibus  non  quaereretur. 
Supervacuum  visum  est  in  arcem  murosque  saevire, 
cum  iam  in  mari  esset  deleta  Carthago. 


XVIIIL    Bellvm  Ligvricvm 

iij  3  Peracto  Puiiico  bello  secuta  est  brevis  sane  quasi 
ad  recuperandum  spiritum  requies,  argumentumque 
pacis  et  bona  fide  cessantium  armorum  tum  primum 
post  Xumam  clausa  porta  lani  fuit ;  deinceps  statim 

2  ac  sine  mora  patuit.  Quippe  iam  Ligures^  iam 
Insubres  Galli,  nec  non  et  Illyrici  lacessebant, 
sitae  sub  Alpibus,  id  est  sub  ipsis  Italiae  faucibus 
gentes,  deo  quodam  incitante  adsidue,  ne  rubiginem 

3  ac  situra  scilicet  arma  sentirent.  Denique  utrique 
cotidiani  et  quasi  domestici  hostes  tirocinia  militum 
inbuebant,  nec  aliter  utraque  gente  quam  quasi 
cote  quadam  populus  Romanus  ferrum  suae  virtutis 
acuebat. 

^  excindendis  Halmius  ;  excidendis  codd. 
S8 


BOOK    I.  XVIII. -xviiii. 

say  that  all  Carthage  was  on  board  it.  And  it  was 
this  that  caused  its  ruin  ;  for  the  Homan  fleet,  easily 
handled,  light  and  unencumbered  and  in  a  way 
resembling  a  land  army,  was  guided  by  its  oars  just 
as  horses  are  guided  by  their  reins  in  a  cavalry 
engagement,  and  the  beaks  of  the  ships,  moving 
rapidly  to  ram  now  this  foe  and  now  that,  presented 
the  appearance  of  Hving  creatures,  And  so  in  a 
moment  of  time  the  enemy's  vessels  were  cut  to 
pieces  and  covered  the  whole  sea  between  Sicily 
and  Sardinia  with  their  wreckage.  In  a  word,  so 
great  was  the  victory  that  no  question  was  raised 
of  demoUshing  the  enemy's  walls ;  it  seemed  super- 
fluous  to  vent  their  fury  on  a  citadel  and  walls  when 
Carthage  had  ah'eady  been  destroyed  upon  the  sea. 

XVIIII.    The  Ligurian  War 

3.  The  Carthaginian  war  being  ended,  a  period 
of  rest  ensued,  brief,  indeed,  for  the  Roman  people 
to  recover  their  breath.  As  a  proof  of  peace  and 
a  genuine  cessation  of  hostihties^  the  door  of  the 
Temple  of  Janus  was  closed  for  the  first  time  since  the 
reign  of  Numa  ;  but  immediately  afterwards  it  was 
quickly  opened  again.  For  first  the  Ligurians  and 
then  the  Insubrian  Gauls,  and  also  the  lllyrians, 
races  living  at  the  foot  of  the  Alps,  that  is,  at  the 
very  entrance  of  Italy,  began  to  give  trouble  at  the 
continual  instigation  of  some  god,  who  feared  that 
Rome's  arms  should  suffer  from  rust  and  decay.  In 
a  word,  both  these  races,  continually  active  and,  as 
it  were,  at  our  very  doors,  provided  our  recruits  with 
practice  in  warfare,  and  the  Roman  people  sharpened 
the  edge  of  their  valour  on  these  two  people  as  on 
the  whetstone. 

89 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

4  Liguras,  imis  Alpium  iugis  adhaerentis  inter 
Varum  et  Magram  flumen  inplicitosque  dumis 
silvestribus,  maior  aliquanto  labor  erat  invenire  quam 
vincere.  Tuti  locis  et  fuga,  durum  atque  velox 
genuSj    ex    occasione    latrocinia    magis    quam    bella 

5  faciebant.  Itaque  cum  diu  multumque  eluderent  ^ 
Saluvii,^  Deciates,^  Oxubii/  Euburiates,^  Ingauni, 
tandem  Fulvius  latebras  eorum  igni  saepsit,  Baebius 
in  plana  deduxit,  Postumius  ita  exarmavit,  ut  vix 
reliquerit  ferrum  quo  terra  coleretur. 


XX.    Bellvm  Gallicvm 

II,  4  Gallis  Insubribus,  et  his  accolis  Alpium,  animi 
ferarum,  corpora  plus  quam  humana  erant,  sed — 
experimento  deprehensum  est,  quippe  sicut  primus 
impetus    eis  maior   quam   virorum   est,   ita  sequens 

2  minor  quam  feminarum — Alpina  corpora  umente 
caelo  educata  habent  quiddam  simile  nivibus  suis  : 
quum  mox  ^  caluere  pugna,  statim  in  sudorem  eunt 

3  et  levi  motu  quasi  sole  laxantur.  Hi  saepe  et  alias 
et  Brittomaro  duce  non  prius  posituros  se  baltea 
quam  Capitolium  ascendissent  iuraverant.  Factum 
est ;    victos    eiiim   Aemilius    in    Capitolio    discinxit. 

4  Mox  Ariovisto  duce  vovere  de  nostrorum  militum 
praeda     Marti    suo    torquem.       Intercepit    luppiter 

^  eluderent :  ludere  B  :  eluderet  XL. 

2  Saluvii :  salui  B  :  saltus  XL  :  saltu  viis  /. 

3  Deciates  :  decilates  BI :  deciate  L, 

*  Oxubii :  exuuii  B. 

^  Euburiates  :  et  buriates  B, 

*  quum   mox  scripsi :    quam 
mox  ut  NL  :  cum  vix  Bezzenhergerus. 

90 


BOOK    I.  xviiii.-xx. 

The  Ligurians,  who  dwelt  close  to  the  foot  of  the 
Alps  between  the  rivers  Varus  and  Magra,  encircled 
by  thickly-wooded  uudergroAvth,  were  rather  more 
difhcult  to  find  than  to  conquer.  Protected  by  their 
position  and  their  faciUties  for  escape^  this  hardy 
and  active  race  carried  on  depredations  rather  than 
war,  as  occasion  allowed.  And  so  after  their  tribes, 
the  Sahivii,  the  Deciates,  the  Oxubii,  the  Euburiates, 
and  the  Ingauni  had  long  successfully  eluded  defeat, 
Fulvius  at  hist  surrounded  their  lairs  with  a  rins"  of 

o 

fire,  Baebius  brought  them  down  into  the  plains, 
and  Postumius  so  thoroughly  disarmed  them  as 
scarcely  to  leave  them  any  iron  to  till  the  soil. 

XX.    The  Gallic  War 

4.  The  Insubrian  Gauls,  who  also  dwelt  near  the 
Alps,  possessed  the  spirit  of  wild  beasts  and  stature 
greater  than  human^  but,  as  experience  proved — 
for  just  as  their  first  onslaught  was  mightier  than 
that  of  men,  so  their  subsequent  attack  was  feebler 
than  that  of  women — the  bodies  of  the  Alpine  races, 
reared  in  a  moist  cHmate^  have  a  certain  similarity 
to  their  own  snows,  for  as  soon  as  they  become 
heated  in  the  fray,  they  immediately  break  into 
sweat  and  are  dissolved  by  slight  exertion,  as  snow 
is  melted  by  the  sun.  As  often  on  previous  occa- 
sions,  so  when  Brittomarus  was  their  leader,  they 
swore  that  they  would  not  doff  their  belts  until 
they  had  scaled  the  Capitol.  And  so  it  came  to 
pass  ;  for  Aemilius  defeated  them  and  ungirt  them 
on  the  Capitol.  Soon  afterwards,  when  Ariovistus 
was  their  leader,  they  vowed  to  dedicate  to  their 
War-god  a  necklet  made  from  the  spoils  of  our 
soldiers.     Jupiter  intercepted  their  dedication ;  for 

91 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

votum  ;  nam  de  torquibus  eorum  aureum  tropaeum 
5  lovi  Flaminius  erexit.  Viridomaro  rege  Romana 
arma  Volcano  promiserant.  Aliorsum  vota  cecide- 
runt;  occiso  enim  rege  Marcellus  tertia  post  Romulum 
patrem  Feretrio  lovi  opima  suspendit. 


XXI.    Bellvm  Illyricvm 

II,  5     Illvrii  seu  Liburni  sub  extremis  Alpium  radicibus 
agunt  inter  Arsiam  Titiumque^  flumen,  longissime 

2  per  totum  Hadriani  maris  litus  efFusi.  Hi  regnante 
Teutana  muliere  populationibus  non  contenti  licentiae 

3  scelus  addiderunt.  Legatos  quippe  nostros,  ob  ea 
quae  deliquerant  iure  agentes,  ne  gladio  quidem, 
sed  ut  victimas  securi  percutiunt,  praefectos  navium 
igne  comburunt  ;  idque,  quo  indignius  foret,  mulier 

4  imperavit.  Itaque  Gnaeo  Fulvio  Centimalo  ^  duce 
late  domantur.  Strictae  secures  in  principum  colla 
legatorum  manibus  litavere. 


XXII.    Bellvm  Pvnicvm  Secvndvm. 

u,  6  PosT  primum  Punicum  bellum  vix  quadriennii 
requies  :  ecce  alterum  bellum,  minus  quidem  spatio 
— nec  enim  amplius  decem  et  octo  annos  habet — , 
sed  adeo  cladium  atrocitate  terribilius,  ut  si  quis 
conferat  damna  utriusque   populi,  similior  victo  sit 

1  Titiumque  :  titullumque  B  :  titulumque  /. 

2  Centimalo  :    gentimalo^/:    Cent\ima,l\im  appellant  fast. 
Capit.  CILI^,  p.  456. 

92 


BOOK    I.  xx.-xxii. 

Flaminius  set  up  in  honour  of  Jupiter  a  golden 
trophy  made  from  their  necklets.  During  the  reign 
of  Viridomarus  they  had  promised  to  offer  up  Roman 
armour  to  Vulcan  ;  but  their  vows  turned  out  other- 
wise,  for  their  king  was  slain  and  Marcellus  hung 
up  in  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Feretrius  the  spolia 
ophna  for  the  second  time  since  father  Romulus 
had  done  so. 

XXI.    The  Illyrian  War 

5.  The  Illyrians,  or  Liburnians,  dwelt  at  the  very 
roots  of  the  Alps  between  the  rivers  Arsia  and 
Titius  and  spread  widely  along  the  coast  of  the 
Adriatic  Sea.  Under  the  rule  of  their  queen 
Teutana^  not  content  with  depredations,  they  added 
crime  to  lawlessness.  When  our  ambassadors  came 
to  protest  against  their  delinquencies^  they  slew 
them,  not  with  the  sword,  but  Hke  sacrificial  victims, 
with  the  axe,  and  burnt  to  death  the  commanders 
of  our  ships.  To  make  their  action  still  more  in- 
sulting,  it  was  a  woman  that  gave  the  order.  They 
were,  therefore,  thoroughly  subdued  by  an  army 
under  Gnaeus  Fulvius  Centimalus ;  and  the  axe 
wielded  against  the  necks  of  the  chiefs  made  atone- 
ment  to  the  shades  of  our  ambassadors. 

XXII.    The  Second  Punic  War 

6.  After  the  First  Punic  War  there  was  peace 
for  barely  four  years,  and  then,  lo,  a  second  war  broke 
out,  less  indeed  in  duration — for  it  lasted  not  more 
than  eighteen  years — but  so  much  more  terrible 
in  the  awfulness  of  the  calamities  which  it  involved, 
that,  if  one  were  to  compare  the  losses  on  both 
sideSj  the  people  which   conquered  was  more   like 

93 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

2  populus  ille  qui  vicit.  Urebat  nobilem  populum 
mare  ablatum^  raptae  insulae^  dare  tributa,  quae 
iubere   consueverat.     Hinc  ultionem  puer  Annibai 

3  ad  aram  patri  iuraverat,  nec  morabatur.  Igitur  in 
causam  belli  Saguntos  electa  est,  vetus  Hispaniae 
civitas  et  opulenta  fideique  erga  Romanos  magnum 

4  quidem  sed  triste  monimentum,  quam  in  libertatem 
communi  foedere  exceptam  Annibal,  causas  novorum 
motuum  quaerens,  et  suis  et  ipsorum  manibus 
evertit,    ut    Italiam    sibi    rupto    foedere     aperiret. 

5  Summa  foederum  Romanis  religio  est ;  itaque  ad 
auditum  sociae  civitatis  obsidium,  memores  icti  cum 
Poenis  quoque  foederis,  non  statim  ad  arma  pro- 
curruntj  dum    prius    more    legitimo    queri    malunt. 

■6  Saffuntini   interim  iam  novem  mensibus  fessi  fame 

o 

machinis  ferro,  versa  denique  in  rabiem  fide 
inmanem  in  foro  excitant  rogum,  tum  desuper  se 
suosque  cum  omnibus  opibus  suis  ferro  et  igne 
7  corrumpunt.  Huius  tantae  cladis  auctor  Annibal 
poscitur.  Tergiversantibus  Poenis  dux  legationis 
''  quae  "  inquit  "  mora  est  ?  "  [Fabius]  ^  "  in  hoc 
ego  sinu  bellum  pacemque  porto ;  utrum  ehgitis  ? '' 
Succlamantibus     bellum,    "  bellum    igitur "    inquit 

^  Fabius  del.  Graevius. 
94 


BOOK    I.  xxir. 

one  that  had  been  defeated.  A  high-spirited  people 
chafed  at  its  exclusion  from  the  sea,  the  seizure 
of  its  islands  and  the  payment  of  tribute  which  it 
had  been  accustomed  to  demand  from  otliers.  Hence 
Hannibal,  while  still  a  boV;,  had  sworn  to  his  father  at 
the  altar  that  he  would  exact  vengeance  ;  and  he  was 
not  slow  to  do  so.  Saguntum,  therefore,  was  chosen 
as  a  pretext  for  war,  an  ancient  and  wealthy  Spanish 
city,  a  notable  but  sad  example  of  loyalty  towards 
the  Roman  people.  This  city,  although  it  had  been 
granted  special  immunity  under  a  common  treaty, 
Hannibal,  seeking  pretexts  for  fresh  disturbances, 
destroyed,  partly  by  his  own  hands  and  partly  by 
those  of  the  citizens  themselves,  in  order  that,  by 
the  violation  of  the  treaty,  he  might  open  to  himself 
the  path  to  Italy.  The  Romans  are  most  scrupulous 
in  their  observation  of  treaties ;  and  so,  on  hearing 
of  the  siege  of  an  aUied  city,  mindful  of  the  treaty 
which  had  also  been  signed  by  the  Carthaginians, 
they  did  not  immediately  rush  to  arms,  but  pre- 
ferred  first  to  lodge  a  complaint  in  a  legal  form. 
Meanwhile  the  Saguntines,  worn  out  bynine  months 
of  ftmiine,  the  assaults  of  machines  and  the  sword, 
their  loyalty  at  last  turning  to  rage,  piled  up  a  huge 
pyre  in  the  middle  of  the  market-place  and,  on  the 
top  of  it,  destroyed  with  fire  and  the  sword  themselves 
and  their  famihes  together  with  all  their  possessions. 
The  surrender  of  Hannibal  was  demanded  as  the 
author  of  this  great  calamity.  When  the  Cartha- 
ginians  prevaricated,  the  chief  of  the  embassy 
exclaimed,  ^"  Why  this  delay  ?  In  the  folds  of  this 
robe  I  bear  war  and  peace  ;  which  do  you  choose  ?  " 
And  when  they  cried  out  "  War,"  he  answered, 
''Take  war  then,"  and  shaking  out  the  front  of  his 

95 


L.    ANXAEUS    FLORUS 

"accipite."  Et  excusso  in  media  curia  togae  gre- 
mio  non  sine  horrore,  quasi  plane  sinu  bellum  ferret, 
efFudit. 

8  Similis  exitus  belli  initiis  fuit.  Nam  quasi  has 
inferias  sibi  Saguntinorum  ultimae  dirae  in  illo 
publico  parricidio  incendioque  mandassent,  ita 
manibus  eorum  vastatione  Italiae^  captivitate  Africae, 
ducum    et    regum    qui    id    gessere    bellum    exitio 

9  parentatum  est.  Igitur  ubi  semel  se  in  Hispania 
movit  illa  gravis  et  luctuosa  Punici  belli  vis  atque 
tempestas  destinatumque  Romanis  iam  diu  fulmen 
Saguntino  igne  conflavit,  statim  quodam  impetu 
rapta  medias  perfregit  Alpes  et  in  Italiam  ab  illis 
fabulosae  altitudinis  nivibus  velut  caelo  missa 
descendit. 

10  Ac  primi  quidem  impetus  turbo  inter  Padum 
atque  Ticinum  valido  statim  fragore  detonuit.  Tum 
Scipione  duce  fusus  exercitus  ;  saucius  etiam  ipse 
venisset  in  hostium  manus  imperator,  nisi  protectum 
patrem  praetextatus  admodum  filius  ab  ipsa  morte 

11  rapuisset.  Hic  erit  Scipio,  qui  in  exitium  Africae 
crescit,  nomen  ex  malis  eius  habiturus. 

12  Ticino  Trebia  succedit.  Hic  secunda  Punici  belli 
procella  desaevit  Sempronio  consule.  Tum  calli- 
dissimi  hostes,  frigidum  et  nivalem  nancti  diem,  cum 

1  218  B.c. 
96 


BOOK    I.  XXII. 

toga  in  the  midst  of  the  senate-house,  he  spread 
it  out  with  a  gesture  which  did  not  fail  to  produce 
the  alarm  which  might  have  been  expected  had 
he  really  carried  war  in  its  folds. 

The  course  of  the  war  resembled  its  beginning  ; 
for,  as  though  the  last  curses  of  the  Saguntines  at 
their  public  self-immolation  and  burning  had  de- 
manded  such  funeral  rites,  atonement  was  made 
to  their  shades  by  the  devastation  of  Italy,  the 
subjugation  of  Africa  and  the  destruction  of  the 
leaders  and  kings  who  waged  the  war.  As  soon^ 
therefore,  as  the  dire  and  dismal  stress  and  storm  of 
the  Punic  War  had  arisen  in  Spain  and  had  forged 
in  the  flames  of  Saguntum  the  thunderbolt  which 
had  long  been  destined  to  fall  upon  the  Romans, 
immediately,  hurried  along  by  some  compelling  force, 
it  burst  its  way  through  the  midst  of  the  Alps  and 
swooped  down  upon  Italy  from  those  snows  of  fabulous 
heights  like  a  missile  hurled  from  the  skies. 

The  tempest  of  the  first  assault  crashed  with  a 
mighty  roar  between  the  Padus  and  the  Ticinus. 
The  Roman  army  under  Scipio  was  scattered,  and 
the  general  himself  would  have  fallen  wounded  into 
the  enemy's  hands  had  not  his  son,  still  a  mere 
youth,  protected  his  father  and  rescued  him  from 
the  very  jaws  of  death.  This  youth  was  destined 
to  be  that  Scipio  who  grew  up  to  be  the  conqueror 
of  Africa  and  was  to  win  a  title  of  honour  from  its 
misfortunes. 

After  the  battle  of  Ticinus  came  that  of  Trebia. 
It  was  here  that  in  the  consulship  of  Sempronius,^ 
the  second  storm  of  the  Punic  War  wreaked  its 
fury.  On  this  occasion  the  crafty  enemy,  finding 
the  day  cold  and  snowy,  after  warming  themselves 

97 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

se  ignibus  prius  oleoque  fovissent — horribile  dictu — 
homines  a  meridie  et  sole  venientes,  nostra  nos  hieme 
vicerunt. 

13  Thrasymennus  lacus^  tertium  fulmen  Annibalis, 
imperatore  Flaminio.^  Ars  nova  Punicae  fraudis ; 
quippe   nebula  lacus  palustribusque  virgultis  tectus 

14  equitatus  terga  subito  pugnantium  invasit.  Nec  de 
dis  possumus  queri.  Inminentem  temerario  duci 
cladem  praedixerant  insidentia  signis  examina  et 
aquilae  prodire  nolentes  et  commissam  aciem 
secutus  ingens  terrae  tremor ;  nisi  illum  horrorem 
soli  equitum  virorumque  discursus  et  mota  vehe- 
mentius  arma  fecerunt. 

15  Quartum  id  et  ^  paene  ultimum  volnus  imperii 
Cannae,  ignobilis  ApuHae  vicus  ;  sed  magnitudine 
cladis  emersit  et  sexaginta  mihum  caede  parta 
nobilitas.  Ibi  in  excidium  infehcis  exercitus  dux, 
terra,    caelum^    dies,   tota   rerum    natura    consensit. 

16  Si  quidem  non  contentus  simulatis  transfugis 
Annibalj,  qui  mox  terga  pugnantium  ceciderunt,* 
insuper  callidus  imperator  in  patentibus  campis 
observato  loci  ingenio,  quod  et  sol  ibi  acerrimus 
et  plurimus  pulvis  et  eurus  ab  oriente  semper  quasi 
ex    constituto,    ita     instruxit    aciem^    ut,     Romanis 

^  Flarainio  N :  flamminino  BL  :  flamminio  /. 

2  et  scripsi  :  est  codd. 

^  ceciderunt  Aldus  :  ceciderant  BIL. 

^  The  standards  were  only  with  difficulty  pulled  out  of 
the  ground  in  which  they  were  fixed  (Liv.  XXII,  3,  12). 

9» 


BOOK    I.  XXII. 

at  their  fires  and  oiling  themselves,  defeated  us 
(horrible  to  relate)  though  they  came  from  the 
warmth  of  the  southern  sunshine,  hy  the  aid  of 
our  own  winter, 

Hannibars  third  thunderbolt  was  launched  at 
Lake  Trasimene,  where  Flaminius  commanded  the 
Romans.  Here  Carthaginian  craft  devised  a  new 
stratagem  ;  for  their  cavahy;  under  the  cover  of  a 
mist  from  the  hike  and  the  undergrowth  of  the 
marshes,  suddenly  attacked  the  rear  of  our  fighters. 
Nor  can  we  blame  the  gods ;  for  swarms  of  bees 
settHng  on  our  standards  and  the  reluctance  of 
the  eagles  to  advance/  and  a  violent 'earthquake 
M-hich  ensued  upon  the  beginning  of  the  engage- 
ment — unless,  indeed,  it  was  the  rush  of  horses  and 
men  and  tiie  unusually  violent  clash  of  arms  which 
caused  this  trembhng  of  the  earth — had  warned  its 
rash  commander  of  the  impending  disaster. 

The  fourth  and  ahnost  mortal  wound  received  by 
the  Roman  Empire  was  dealt  at  Cannae,  an  in- 
significant  Apulian  village,  which  emerged  from  its 
obscurity  as  the  scene  of  a  great  disaster  and  gained 
fame  from  the  slaughter  of  60,000  men.  There  the 
general,  the  battle-field,  the  atmosphere  and  the 
weather — in  fact,  all  nature — conspired  to  bring 
about  the  destruction  of  the  unhappy  army.  For 
the  wily  Hannibal,  not  content  with  sending  pre- 
tended  deserters  who  presently  fell  upon  the  rear 
of  the  fighters,  having,  moreover,  noticed  the 
character  of  the  ground  in  the  open  plains  (where 
the  sun  is  very  hot  and  the  dust  abundant  and  the 
wind  blows  constantly,  as  though  on  a  fixed  prin- 
ciple,  from  the  east)  drew  up  his  army  in  such  a 
way  that,  while  the  Romans  had  all  these  factors 

99 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

adversus    haec    omnia    obversis,    secundum    caelum 

17  tenens  vento  pulvere  et  sole  pugnaret.  Itaque  duo 
maximi  exercitus  caesi  ad  hostium  satietatem^  donec 
Annibal  diceret  militi  suo  "parce  ferro."  Ducum 
fugit  alter,  alter  occisus  est ;  dubium,  uter  maiore 
animo  :      Paulum     puduit,    Varro    non     desperavit. 

18  Documenta  cladis  cruentus  aliquandiu  Aufidus^  pons 
de  cadaveribus  iussu  ducis  factus  in  torrente  Ver- 
gello^    modii    duo     anulorum     Carthaginem     missi 

19  dignitasque  equestris  taxata  mensura.  Dubium 
deinde  non  erit  quin  ultimum  illum  diem  habitura 
fuerit  Roma  quintumque  intra  diem  epulari  Annibal 
in  Capitolio  potuerit^  si,  quod  Poenum  illum  dixisse 
Maharbalem    Bomilcaris  ferunt^   Annibal    quem    ad 

20  modum  sciret  ^dncere^  sic  uti  victoria  scisset.  Sed 
tum  quidem  illum,  ut  dici  volgo  solet,  aut  fatum 
urbis   imperaturae    aut    ipsius  mens  mala   et  aversi 

21  a  Carthagine  di  in  diversum  abstulerunt.  Cum 
victoria  posset  uti,  frui  maluit,  relictaque  Roma 
Campaniam  Tarentumque  perrexit ;  ubi  mox  et 
ipsius    et    exercitus  ^    ardor    elanguit^  adeo  ut  vere 

22  dictum  sit  Capuam  Annibali  Cannas  fuisse.  Si 
quidem  invictum  Alpibus  indomitumque  armis  Cam- 
pani — quis  crederet  ? — soles  et  tepentes  fontibus 
Baiae  subegerunt. 

1  et  ipsius  et  exercitus  Bukerus  :  et  ipse  et  ipsius  exerci- 
tus  B. 

loo 


BOOK    I.  xxri. 

against  them,  he  himself  fought  with  the  elements 
on  his  side,  aided  by  the  wind,  the  dust  and  the 
sun,  Thus  two  great  Roman  armies  were  slaughtered 
till  the  enemy  were  satiated  and  Hannibal  bade  his 
soldiers  stay  their  swords.  One  of  our  generals  fled, 
the  other  was  captured.  It  is  difficult  to  decide 
which  showed  the  greater  courage  :  Paulus,  who 
was  ashamed  to  survive,  or  Varro,  who  refused  to 
despair.  As  proofs  of  the  vastness  of  the  slaughter 
the  Aufidus  for  a  long  time  ran  with  blood  ;  a  bridge 
of  corpses  was  constructed  by  order  of  the  general 
over  the  torrent  of  Vergellus  ;  two  pecks  of  rings 
were  sent  to  Carthage  and  the  services  of  the 
equestrian  order  thus  estimated  by  measure.  After 
this  no  doubt  will  be  entertained  that  Rome  would 
have  seen  its  last  day  and  Hannibal  might  within 
five  days  have  feasted  on  the  Capitol,  if  (as  they  say 
Maharbal,  the  Carthaginian,  the  son  of  Bomilcar, 
observed)  he  had  known  how  to  use  his  victory  as 
well  as  he  knew  how  to  obtain  it.  However,  at 
the  time,  as  is  generally  said,  either  the  destiny  of 
Rome  as  the  future  ruler  of  the  world,  or  Hannibars 
mistaken  judgment,  and  the  hostiUty  of  the  gods  to 
Carthage,  diverted  him  elsewhere.  When  he  might 
have  exploited  his  victory,  he  preferred  the  enjoy- 
ments  which  it  offered  and,  neglecting  Rome, 
marched  to  Campania  and  Tarentum,  where  the 
vigour  both  of  himself  and  of  his  army  soon 
languished  to  such  an  extent  that  it  has  been 
remarked  with  truth  that  "  Capua  was  HannibaFs 
Cannae."  For,  though  it  is  scarcely  credible,  the 
sunshine  of  Campania  and  the  hot  springs  of  Baiae 
overcame  liim  who  had  been  undefeated  by  the 
Alps  and  unconquered  on  the  battle-field. 

lOI 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

23  Permissum  est  interim  respirare  Romanis  et  quasi 
ab  inferis  emergere.  Arma  non  erant :  detracta 
sunt    templis.      Deerat   iuventus  :    in  sacramentum 

24  liberata  servitia.  Egebat  aerarium  :  opes  suas  sena- 
tus  in  medium  libens  protulit,  nec  praeter  quod  in 
buUis  singulisque  anulis  erat  quicquam  sibi  auri 
reliquerunt.     Eques  secutus  exemplum  imitataeque 

25  equitem  tribus.  Denique  vix  suffecere  tabulae,  vix 
scribarum  manus   Laevino   Marcelloque    consulibus, 

26  cum  privatorum  opes  in  publicum  referrentur.  Quid 
autem.''  In  eligendis  magistratibus  quae  centu- 
riarum  sapientia,  cum  iuniores  a  senioribus  consilium 
de  creandis  consulibus  petiverunt.  Quippe  adver- 
sus  hostem  totiens  victorem,  tam  callidum,  non 
virtute   tantum,    sed    suis    etiam   pugnare    consiliis 

.    oportebat. 

27  Prima  redeuntis  et,  ut  ita  dixerim,  revivescentis 
imperii  spes  Fabius  fuit,  qui  novam  de  Annibale 
victoriam  commentus  est^  non  pugnare.  Hinc  illi 
cognomen  novum  et  rei  publicae  salutare  Cunctator ; 
hinc  illud  ex  populo,  ut  imperii  scutum  vocaretur. 

28  Itaque  per  Samnium  totum,  per  Falernos  Gaura- 
nosque  saltus  sic  maceravit  Annibalem,  ut^  quia 
frangi   virtute    non    poterat,    mora   comminueretur. 

29  Inde  Claudio   Marcello   duce   etiam  congredi  ausus 


1  Golden  ornaments  which  free-bom  Roman  children  wore 
suspended  round  their  neeks. 

2  210  B.C. 

102 


BOOK    I.  xxii. 

Meanwhile  the  Romans  had  the  opportunity  to 
recover  their  breath  and  rise,  as  it  were,  from  the 
dead.  They  had  no  arms  ;  theytookdown  the  arms 
fixed  up  in  the  temples.  They  had  no  men  ;  slaves 
were  set  free  and  took  the  oath  of  service.  The 
treasury  was  empty  ;  the  senators  voluntarily  offered 
their  wealth  to  the  State,  retaining  not  a  particle 
of  gokl  except  in  the  hidlae  ^  and  in  the  single  ring 
which  each  of  them  wore.  The  example  of  the 
senate  was  followed  by  the  knights,  who,  in  their 
turn,  were  imitated  by  the  tribes,  with  the  result 
that  when,  in  the  consulship  of  Laevinus  and 
Marcellus,2  the  resources  of  private  individuals  were 
poured  into  the  public  treasury,  the  registers  and  the 
hands  of  the  clerks  scarcely  sutficed  to  record  them. 
Furthermore,  what  wisdom  the  centuries  showed  in 
the  choice  of  magistrates,  when  the  younger  men 
sought  from  their  seniors  advice  about  the  election 
of  the  consuls  I  For  against  a  foe  so  often  victorious 
and  so  crafty  it  behoved  them  to  fight  not  only  with 
courage  but  with  stratagem  also  on  their  side. 

The  first  hope  of  the  Empire,  as  it  began  to 
recover  and,  so  to  speak,  return  to  life,  was  Fabius, 
who  devised  a  new  method  of  defeating  Hannibal — 
by  not  fighting  him.  Hence  he  received  a  new 
title,  significant  of  the  way  in  which  he  saved  the 
State,  namely,  Cunctator  ('^' the  Delayer  ") ;  hence 
too  the  people  paid  him  the  tribute  of  calling 
him  "  the  Shield  of  the  Empire."  And  so  through 
the  whole  of  Samnium  and  the  Falernian  and 
Gauran  forests  he  so  wore  Hannibal  down  that, 
since  he  could  not  be  broken  by  valour,  he  was 
reduced  by  delay.  Then,  under  the  leadership  of 
Claudius  Marcellus,  they  at  last  ventured  to  meet 

103 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

est :  comminus  venit  et  perculit^  in  Campania  sua 

30  et  ab  obsidione  Nolae  urbis  exclusit.  Ausus  et 
Sempronio  Graccho  duce  per  Lucaniam  sequi 
et  premere  terga  cedentis,  quamvis  tum — o 
pudor  !  ^ — servili  pugnaret  exercitu  ;  ^  nam  huc- 
usque  tot  mala  conpulerant.      Sed  libertate  donati 

31  fecerunt  de  servis  se  virtute  *  Romanos.  O  horri- 
bilem  in  tot  adversis  fiduciam  I  O  singularem 
animum  ac  spiritum  populi  Romani !  Tam  artis 
adflictisque  rebus,  ut  de  Italia  sua  dubitare^  de- 
buisset,    ausus    tamen    est    in     diversa    respicere, 

32  cumque  hostis  in  iugulo^  per  Campaniam  Apuham- 
que  volitaret  mediaque  "^  de  Italia  Africam  faceret, 
eodem  tempore  et  hunc  sustinebat  et  in  Siciliam, 
Sardiniam,  Hispaniam  divisa  per  terrarum  orbem 
arma  mittebat. 

33  Sicilia  mandata  Marcello.  Nec  diu  restitit ;  tota 
enim  insula  in  una  urbe  superata  est.  Grande  illud 
et  ante  id  tempus  invictum  caput,  Syracusae, 
quamvis     Archimedis    ingenio    defenderentur,     ali- 

34  quando  cesserunt.  Longe  ilH  triplex  murus  toti- 
demque  arces,  portus  ille  marmoreus  et  fons  cele- 
bratus  Arethusae  ;  nisi  quod  hactenus  profuere,  ut 
pulchritudini  victae  urbis  parceretur. 

*  percuHt  Salmasius :  perpuHt  BI :  pepuHt  N. 

2  o  pudor  / :  pudor  B  :  o  pudor  manu  NL. 

3  exercitu/:  exercitum  5. 

*  de  servis  se  virtute  Salmasius:  de  servitute  codd. 
^  dubitare  /:  decedere  B. 

^  hostis  in  iugulo  / :  hosti  singulo  B. 
'  mediaque  Heinsius  :  medianique  codd. 

104 


BOOK    I.  XXII. 

him  in  battle ;  they  came  to  close  quarters  with 
him,  smote  him  in  his  beloved  Campania,  and  forced 
him  to  abandon  the  sie^i^e  of  Nola.  They  also 
ventured,  under  the  leadership  of  Sempronius 
Gracchus,  to  pursue  him  througli  Lucania,  and  to 
press  hard  upon  his  rearguard  as  he  retired^  though 
on  this  occasion  they  fought  liim  with  an  army  of 
slaves — a  sad  disgrace  ;  for  their  many  misfortunes 
had  reduced  them  to  this  expedient.  But  these 
men,  presented  with  their  Hberty,  made  themselves, 
by  their  valour,  Romans  instead  of  slaves.  How 
amazing  was  the  confidence  of  the  Roman  people 
amid  so  many  adversities  I  How  extraordinary 
their  courage  and  spirit !  Though  their  fortunes 
were  so  reduced  and  brou":ht  low  that  thev  mi":ht 
well  have  had  misgivings  about  their  own  land  of 
Italy,  they  yet  ventured  to  turn  their  eyes  in  various 
other  directions ;  and  while  the  enemy^  clinging  to 
their  very  throat,  were  rushing  hither  and  thither 
through  Campania  and  ApuHa  and  creating  another 
Africa  in  the  very  heart  of  Italy,  they  not  only 
withstood  them  but  at  the  same  time  spread  their 
troops  over  the  face  of  the  earth,  sending  them 
to  Sicily,  Sardinia  and  Spain. 

Sicily  was  the  area  assigned  to  Marcellus  ;  and 
it  did  not  long  resist  him ;  for  the  whole  island  was 
subjugated  by  the  defeat  of  a  single  city.  Syracuse, 
the  mighty  and  hitherto  unconquered  capital, 
though  it  was  defended  by  the  genius  of  Archimedes, 
at  length  yielded.  Of  no  avail  were  its  triple  walls, 
its  three  citadels,  its  harbour  of  marble  and  the 
celebrated  Fountain  of  Arethusa  ;  the  only  advan- 
tage  which  they  conferred  was  that  the  beauties 
of  the  conquered  city  were  spared. 

105 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

35  Sardiniam  Gracchus  arripuit.  Sed  nihil  illi 
gentium  feritas  Insanorumque — nam  sic  vocantur — 
inmanitas  montium  profuere.  Saevitum  in  urbes 
urbemque  urbium  Caralim,  ut  gens  contumax 
vilisque  mortis  saltem  desiderio  patrii  soli  doma- 
retur. 

36  In  Hispaniam  missi  Gnaeus  et  Publius  Scipiones 
paene  totam  Poenis  eripueiant^  sed  insidiis  Punicae 
fraudis  oppressi  rursum  amiserant,  magnis  quidem 
illi  proeliis  cum  Punicas  opes  cecidissent.  Sed 
Punicae  insidiae  alterum  ferro  castra  metantem, 
alterum,    cum    vix^    evasisset    in   turrem,    cinctum 

37  facibus  oppresserant.  Igitur  in  ultionem  patris  ac 
patrui  missus  cum  exercitu   Scipio,  cui  iam  grande 

38  de  Africa  nomen  fata  decreverant,  bellatricem  illam, 
viris  armisque  nobilem  Hispaniam^  illam  seminarium 
hostilis  exercitus^  pusilli  illam  iam  ^  Annibalis  erudi- 
tricem — incredib!le  dictu — totam  a  Pyrenaeis  monti- 
bus  in  Herculis  columnas  et  Oceanum  recuperavit, 

39  nescias  citius  an  felicius.  Quam  velociter,  quattuor 
anni  fatentur ;  quam  facile,  vel  una  civitas  probat. 
Eodem  quippe  quo  obsessa  est  die  capta  est^, 
omenque  ^  Africanae  victoriae  fuitj  quod  tam  facile 

40  victa  est  Hispaniae  Carthago.  Certum  est  tamen 
ad     profligandam     provinciam     maxime     profecisse 

1  vix  Rosshachius  :  \'\m  B. 

2  pusilli  illam    iam  :    pusilli   iam    B :    illam    NL :    illara 
iam   /. 

3  omenque  :  nomenque  B  :  omnemque  LI. 

io6 


BOOK    I.  XXII. 

Gracchus  seciired  Sardinia  ;  the  savagery  of  the 
inhabitants  and  the  vastness  of  the  Mad  Mountains 
— for  such  is  their  name — availed  it  nothing.  Its 
cities,  including  CaraUs,  the  capital,  were  treated 
with  severity,  that  a  race  which  was  obstinate  and 
contemptuous  of  life  might  at  any  rate  be  tamed  by 
the  loss  of  the  soil  wliich  it  cultivated. 

The  two  Scipios,  Gnaeus  and  Publius,  were  sent 
into  Spain  and  had  wrested  practically  the  wliole 
of  the  country  from  tlie  Carthaginians  ;  but,  sur- 
prised  by  the  wiles  of  Carthaginian  craft^  they  had 
lost  it  again,  although  they  had  defeated  their  forces 
in  important  battles.  But  the  stratagems  of  the 
Carthaginians  had  overwhehned  one  of  them  by 
attacking  him  as  he  was  measuring  out  a  camp^  and 
the  other  by  surrounding  him  with  flames  in  a  tower 
to  which  he  had  with  difficulty  escaped.  And  so  a 
third  Scipio,  for  whom  the  fate  had  already  destined 
a  great  name  to  be  won  in  Africa,  was  sent  with  an 
army  to  avenge  his  father  and  uncle,  and  recovered 
the  whole  of  Spain  (an  almost  incredible  feat)  from 
the  Pyrenees  to  the  Pillars  of  Hercules,  that  land 
of  warriors,  so  famous  for  its  heroes  and  its  warlike 
exploits,  that  nursery  of  the  enemy's  forces  which 
had  taught  the  youthful  Hannibal  the  art  of  war. 
It  is  difficult  to  say  which  was  greater^  his  speed  or 
his  good  fortune.  To  his  speed,  the  four  years  of 
his  operations  bear  witness  ;  the  ease  of  his  conquest 
is  proved  by  the  example  of  a  single  city^  which  was 
captured  on  the  very  day  on  which  the  siege  began, 
while  it  was  an  omen  of  future  victory  in  Africa  that 
the  Spanish  Carthage  was  so  easily  subdued.  It  is 
certain,  however,  that  the  remarkable  austerity 
of  the  general  contributed  greatly  to  the  subjugation 

107 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

singularem  ducis  sanctitatem^  quippe  qui  captivos 
pueros  puellasque  praecipuae  pulchritudinis  barbaris 
restitueret,  ne  in  conspectum  suum  quidem  passus 
adduci;,  ne  quid  de  virginitatis  integritate  delibasse 
saltem  oculis  videretur. 

41  Haec  in  diversa  terrarum  populus  Romanus,  nec 
ideo  tamen  visceribus  Italiae  inhaerentem  summovere 
poterat  Annibalem.  Pleraque  ad  hostem  defece- 
rant,    et    dux    acerrimus    contra    Romanos    ItaUcis 

42  quoque  viribus  utebatur.  lam  tamen  eum  plerisque 
oppidis  et  regionibus  excusseramus,  iam  Tarentum 
ad  nos  redierat^  iam  et  Capua,  sedes  domus  et 
patria  altera  Annibalis,  tenebatur,  cuius  amissio 
tantum   Poeno  duci   dolorem    dedit,    ut    inde    totis 

43  viribus  Romam  converteretur.  O  populum  dignum 
orbis  imperio  dignumque  omnium  favore  et  admira- 
tione  hominum  ac  deorum  !  Conpulsus  ad  ultimos 
metus  ab  incepto  non  destitit,  et  de  sua  urbe 
sollicitus  Capuam  tamen  non  omisit ;  sed  parte 
exercitus  sub  Appio  consule  rehcta,  pai-te  Flaccum 
in  urbem  secuta^  absens  simul  praesensque  pugnabat. 

44  Quid  ergo  miramur  moventi  castra  a  tertio  lapide 
Annibali  iterum  ipsos  deos — deos  inquam^  nec  fateri 

45  pudebit — restitisse  ?  ^  Tanta  enim  ad  singulos  ilUus 
motus  vis  imbrium  effusa  est,  tanta  ventorum 
violentia  coorta  est,  ut  divinitus  hostem  summoveri 
non  a  caelo^  sed  ab  urbis  ipsius  moenibus  et  Capi- 

^  Testitisse  post  deos  inser.  B. 

^  i.e.  as  after  Cannae. 

2  As  were  the  Giants  in  the  legend.  .  .  .> 

io8 


BOOK    I.  XXII. 

of  the  province  ;  for  he  restored  to  the  barbarians 
some  captive  boys  and  girls  of  extraordinary  beauty 
without  having  allowed  them  to  be  brought  into  his 
presence,  lest  even  by  a  glance  he  should  seem  to 
have  sullied  their  virgin  purity. 

Though  sucli  were  their  achievements  in  various 
other  parts  of  the  world,  the  Romans  were  yet 
unable  to  dislodge  Hannibal,  who  still  held  his  grip 
upon  the  very  vitals  of  Italy.  Many  places  had 
deserted  to  the  enemy,  whose  indefatigable  leader 
was  employing  Italian  aid  also  against  the  Romans. 
VVe  had,  however,  by  this  time  driven  Hannibal  out 
of  many  towns  and  districts  ;  Tarentum  had  already 
returned  to  our  side,  and  Capua,  his  headquarters, 
his  home  and  his  second  fatherland  (the  loss  of 
which  caused  the  Carthaginian  leader  such  grief 
that  he  promptly  directed  his  whole  forces  against 
Rome)  was  in  our  hands.  How  well  did  the  Roman 
people  deserve  the  empire  of  the  world  and  the 
favour  and  admiration  of  all,  both  gods  and  men  I 
Compelled  to  fear  the  worst,  they  did  not  abandon 
their  purpose,  and,  though  alarmed  for  their  own 
city,  did  not  lose  their  hold  upon  Capua ;  but.  part 
of  their  army  having  been  left  there  under  the 
Consul  Appius  and  the  rest  having  followed  Flaccus 
to  the  capital,  they  fought  at  home  and  aMay  from 
home  at  the  same  time.  Why  then  are  we  surprised 
that,  when  Haniiibal  was  moving  his  camp  forward 
from  the  third  milestone,  the  gods,  the  gods,  I  say 
(and  we  shall  feel  no  shame  in  admitting  their  aid), 
again  ^  resisted  his  progress  ?  For,  at  each  advance 
of  his,  such  a  flood  of  rain  fell  and  such  violent  gales 
arose  that  he  seemed  to  be  repelled  by  the  gods 
not  from  heaven,^  but   from  the   walls  of   the  city 

109 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

46  tolio  videretur,  Fugit  et  cessit  et  in  ultimum  se 
Italiae     recepit    sinum,    cum    urbem    tantum    non 

47  adoratam  reliquisset.  Parva  res  dictu  sed  ad 
magnanimitatem  populi  Romani  probandam  satis 
efficax,  quod  illis  ipsis  quibus  obsidebatur  diebus 
ager,  quem  Annibal  castris  insederat,  venalis  Romae 

48  fuit  hastaeque  subiectus  invenit  emptorem.  Voluit 
Annibal  contra  imitari  fiduciam  subiecitque  argenta- 
rias  urbis  tabernas  ;  nec  sector  inventus  est.  ut  scias 
etiam  praesagia  fatis  adfuisse. 

49  Xihil  actum  erat  tanta  virtute,  tanto  favore  etiam 
deorum,  si  quidem  ab  Hispania  Hasdrubal  frater 
Annibalis    cum    exercitu    novo,   novis  viribus,   nova 

50  belli  mole  veniebat.  Actum  erat  procul  dubio,  si 
vir  ille  se  cum  fratre  iunxisset.  Sed  hunc  quoque 
iam  tum  quom^  ab  Alpe  descenderat,  apud  Me- 
taurum  castra  metantem  Claudius  Nero  cum  Livio 

51  Sahnatore  debellat.  Nero  in  ultimum  Italiae  angu- 
lum  2  summoverat  Annibalem,  Livius  in  diversissi- 
mam  partem,  id  est  in  ipsas  nascentis  Itahae  fauces 

52  signa  converterat.  Tanto,  id  est  omni^  qua  longissi- 
ma  est  ^  ItaHa,  solo  interiacente,  quo  consilio,  qua 
celeritate  consules  castra  coniunxerint,  inopina- 
tumque   hostem  conlatis  signis  oppresserint,  neque 

53  id  fieri  Annibal  senserit,  difficile  dictu  est.  Certe 
Annibal  re  cognita  cum  proiectum  fratris  caput  ad 
sua   castra   vidisset,  ^'  agnosco "    inquit    "  infeHcita- 

1  iatn  tum  quom  Rosshachius :  tantum  quod  codd. 

2  in     ultimum    Italiae    angulum    Halmius  :     in    uhimo 
Itahae  angulo  codd,. 

3  est  / :  fuit  B. 

IIO 


BOOK    I.  xxir. 

itself  and  the  Capitol.  Hannibal  fled  and  departed, 
withdrawing  to  tlie  furtlierniost  corner  of  Italy, 
abandoning  the  city,  the  object  ahnost  of  his  worsliip. 
It  is  a  small  detail  but  rather  a  striking  proof  of 
the  stout-heartedness  of  the  Komans  that,  during  the 
ver}'  days  when  tlie  city  was  being  besieged^  the 
land  upon  which  Hannibal  had  set  up  his  camp 
came  up  for  sale  at  Rome,  and,  on  being  put  up  for 
auction,  found  a  purchaser.  Hannibal  on  his  part, 
wishing  to  imitate  this  confidence,  put  up  for  sale 
the  banking  estabUshments  in  the  city  ;  but  no 
bidder  could  be  found,  a  fact  which  shows  that 
future  events  cast  their  shadow  before  them. 

All  this  valour  and  even  the  powerful  support 
of  the  gods  had  produced  no  result,  since  Hasdrubal, 
HannibaFs  brother,  was  coming  from  Spain  with  a 
new  army,  new  strength  and  new  resources  for  war  ; 
the  fate  of  Rome  had  certainly  been  sealed  if  he 
had  effected  a  junction  with  his  brother.  However, 
when  Hasdrubal  had  just  descended  from  the  Alps, 
as  he  was  planning  out  a  camp  near  the  Metaurus, 
Claudius  Nero,  together  with  Livius  SaHnator,  de- 
feated  him  also.  ISero  had  driven  Hannibal  into  the 
uttermost  corner  of  Italy,  while  Livius  had  advanced 
to  the  very  opposite  end  of  the  country,  the  very 
entrance  of  the  Italian  frontier.  Since  so  vast  a 
space,  the  utmost  length  of  Italy,  lay  between  them, 
it  is  difficult  to  do  justice  to  the  skill  and  speed  with 
which  the  consuls  joined  their  forces  and,  with  their 
combined  armies,  surprised  their  unsuspecting  foe 
without  HannibaFs  knowing  that  they  were  doing 
so.  Hannibal,  at  any  rate,  on  learning  what  had 
happened  by  seeing  his  brother's  head  thrown  into 
his   camp,  exclaimed,  "  I   recognize   the  ill-luck  of 

III 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

tem    Carthaginis."     Haec    fuit    illius  viri    non  sine 
praesagio  quodam  fati  inminentis  prima  eonfessio. 

54  lam  certum  erat  Annibalem  etiam  ipsius  con- 
fessione  posse  vinci ;  sed  tot  rerum  prosperarum 
fiducia  plenus  populus    Romanus  magni  aestimabat 

55  asperrimum  hostem  in  sua  Africa  debellare.  Duce 
igitur  Scipione  in  ipsam  Africam  tota  mole  con- 
versus    imitari    coepit    Annibalem    et     Italiae    suae 

56  clades  in  Africa  vindicare.  Quas  ille^  dii  boni, 
Hasdrubalis  copias  fudit,  quos  Syphacis  Numidici 
regis  equitatus  I  Quae  quantaque  utriusque  ^  castra 
facibus  inlatis  una  nocte  delevit !  Denique  iam  non 
a  tertio   lapide^   sed  ipsas   Carthaginis    portas  obsi- 

57  dione  quatiebat.     Sic  factum  ut  inhaerentem  atque 

58  incubantem  Italiae  extorqueret  Annibalem.  Non 
fuit  maior  sub  imperio  Romano  dies  quam  ille,  cum 
duo  omnium  et  antea  et  postea  ducum  maximi  ^ 
duces,  ille  Italiae^  hic  Hispaniae  victor^  conlatis 
comminus  signis  direxere  aciem.  Sed  et  conlo- 
quium  fuit  inter  ipsos  de  legibus  pacis,  et  steterunt 

59  diu  inutua  admiratione  defixi.       Ubi   de    pace  non 

60  convenit,  signa  cecinere.  Constat  utriusque  con- 
fessione  nec  melius  instrui  aciem  nec  acrius  potuisse 
pugnari  ;     hoc    Scipio    de    Annibalis,    Annibal    de 

61  Scipionis  exercitu  praedicaverunt.      Sed  tamen  Anni- 

^  post  utriusque  add.  clasis  i5,  classis  /. 
*  maximi  / :  maxime  BN. 
112 


BOOK    I.  wii. 

Carthage."     This   was  his  first    confession,    fraught 
with  foreknowledge  of  approaching  failure. 

It  was  now  certain  that  Hannibal,  even  by  his 
own  confession,  could  be  defeated  ;  but  the  Roman 
people^  full  of  the  confidence  inspired  by  so  much 
success,  set  great  store  upon  defeating  their  bitterest 
enemy  on  his  own  soil  of  Africa.  Under  the  leader- 
ship,  therefore,  of  Scipio,  they  directed  the  whole 
mass  of  their  forces  upon  Africa  itself  and  began  to 
imitate  the  example  of  Hannibal  and  avenge  upon 
Africa  the  disasters  which  had  befallen  their  own 
hmd  of  Italy.  Ye  gods,  what  forces  of  Hasdrubal, 
what  cavalry  of  Syphax,  king  of  Numidia^  did  Scipio 
put  to  flight  I  What  mighty  camps  of  both  these 
leaders  did  he  destroy  in  a  single  night  by  bringing 
firebrands  against  them  !  At  last^  not  at  three  miles 
distance  but  by  a  close  siege,  he  shook  the  very 
gates  of  Carthage.  He  thus  succeeded  in  making 
Hannibal  release  his  grip  upon  Italy,  to  which  he 
was  still  clinging  and  over  which  he  still  brooded. 
In  the  whole  history  of  the  Roman  Empire  there 
was  no  more  notable  occasion  than  when  the  two 
generals.  greater  than  any  before  or  since,  the  one 
the  conqueror  of  Italy^  the  other  of  Spain,  drew  up 
their  armies  for  a  pitched  battle.  But  first  a  con- 
ference  was  held  between  them  about  terms  of 
peace,  and  they  stood  for  a  while  motionless  in 
mutual  admiration.  When,  however,  no  agreement 
was  reached  about  peace,  the  signal  was  given  for 
battle.  It  is  agreed  from  the  admission  of  both 
sides  that  no  armies  could  have  been  better  arrayed 
and  no  battle  more  obstinately  coutested ;  Scipio 
acknowedged  this  about  HannibaFs  army  and 
Hannibal  about  that  of  Scipio.      But  Hannibal  had 

F.N.E 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

bal    cessit,    praemiumque    victoriae    Africa    fuit    et 
secutus  Africam  statim  terrarum  orbis. 

XXIII.    Bellvm  Macedomcvm  Primvm 

11,7  PosT  Carthaginem  vinci  nerainem  puduit.  Statim 
Africam  secutae  sunt  gentes^  Macedonia^  Graecia, 
Syria    ceteraque     omnia    quodam    quasi    aestu     et 

2  torrente  fortunae^  sed  primi  omnium  Macedones^ 
adfectator  quondam  imperii  populus.  Itaque 
quamvis  tum  Philippus  regno  praesideret,  Romani 
tamen  dimicare  sibi  cum  rege  Alexandro  videbantur. 

3  Macedonicum  bellum  nomine  amplius  quam  specta- 

4  tione  gentis  fuit.  Causa  coepit  a  foedere  PhiHppi, 
quo  rex  iam  pridem  dominantem  in  Italia  Annibalem 
sibi  socium  iunxerat ;  postea  crevit  inplorantibus 
Athenis  auxiUum  contra  regis  iniurias,  cum  ille 
ultra    ius    victoriae    in    templa   et  aras   et    sepulcra 

5  ipsa  saeviret.  Placuit  senatui  opem  tantis  ferre 
supplicibus.  Quippe  iam  gentium  reges,  duces, 
popuH,  nationeSj  praesidia  sibi   ab    hac   urbe   repe- 

6  tebant.  Primum  igitur  Laevino  consule  populus 
Romanus     lonium    mare    ingressus^    tota    Graeciae 

7  litora  velut  triumphanti  classe  peragravit.  Spolia 
quippe  Siciliae,  Sardiniae,  Hispaniae,  Africae  prae- 

1  210  B.o. 
114 


BOOK    I.  xxii.-xxiii. 

to  yield,   and  Africa  became  the    prize  of  victory ; 
and  the  whole  world  soon  foUowed  the  fate  of  Africa. 


XXIII.  The  First  Macedonian  War 

7.  After  the  conquest  of  Carthage,  no  nation  felt 
ashamed  of  being  conquered.  The  peoples  of 
Macedonia.  Greece,  Syria  and  all  the  other  countries 
iinmediately  followed  in  the  wake  of  Africa,  as  if 
borne  along  by  the  flood  and  torrent  of  fortune.  Of 
all  these  the  first  were  the  Macedonians,  a  people 
who  had  once  aimed  at  imperial  power ;  and  so, 
though  at  the  time  King  Philip  occupied  the  throne, 
the  Romansnevertheless  felt  as  if  they  were  fighting 
against  King  Alexander.  The  Macedonian  War 
gained  importance  rather  from  its  name  than  from 
any  consideration  of  the  nation  with  whom  it  was 
waged.  The  original  cause  of  the  war  was  a  treaty 
by  which  Philip  had  joined  himself  in  alliance  witli 
Hannibal  at  a  time  when  he  had  long  been  domina- 
ting  Italy.  Subsequently  an  additional  pretext  was 
afforded  when  the  Athenians  implored  help  against 
the  injuries  of  the  king,  who  was  venting  his  fury, 
beyond  any  rights  which  victory  conferred,  on  their 
temples,  altars  and  even  sepulchres.  The  senate 
resolved  to  grant  help  to  such  important  suppliants  ; 
for  by  this  time  kings  and  leaders,  peoples  and 
nations  of  the  world  were  beginning  to  seek  protec- 
tion  from  this  city.  In  the  consulship  of  Laevinus,^ 
therefore,  the  Roman  people  first  entered  the  lonian 
Sea  and  coasted  along  all  the  shores  of  Greece  with 
their  fleet  in  a  kind  of  triumphal  procession  ;  for 
they  bore  in  the  front  of  their  vessels  the  trophies  of 
Sicily,  Sardinia,  Spain  and  Africa,  and  the  bay  tree 

"5 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

ferebatj  et  manifestam  victoriam   nata  in  praetoria 

8  puppi  laurus  pollicebatur.  Aderat  sponte  in 
auxilium  Attalus  rex  Pergamenorum,  aderant  Rho- 
dii^  nauticus  populus,  qui   navibus  a  mari,^   consul 

9  a  terris  omnia  equis  virisque  quatiebat.  Bis  victus, 
bis  fugatus  rex,  bis  exutus  castris,  cum  tamen 
nihil  terribilius  Macedonibus  fuit  ipso  volnerum 
aspectu^  quae  non  spiculis  nec  sagittis  nec  ullo 
Graeculo  ferro,  sed  ingentibus  pilis  nec  minoribus 

10  adacta  gladiis  ultra  mortem  patebant.  Enimvero 
Flaminino  ^  duce  invios  antea  Chaonum  montes 
Aoumque  ^  amnem  per  abrupta  *  vadentem  et  ipsa  ^ 

11  Macedoniae  claustra  penetravimus.  Introisse  victo- 
ria  fuit.  Nam  postea  numquam  ausus  congredi  rex 
ad    tumuloSj  quos  Cynocephalas  vocant,  uno  ac  ne 

12  hoc  quidem  iusto  proelio  opprimitur.  Et  illi  quidem 
consul  pacem  dedit  regnumque  concessit,  mox,  ne 
quid  esset  hostile,  Thebas  et  Euboeam  et  grassantem 
sub  Nabide  ^  tyranno  suo  Lacedaemona  conpescuit. 

13  Graeciae  vero  veterem  statum  reddidit,  ut  legibus 

14  viveret  suis  et  avita  libertate  frueretur.  Quae 
gaudia,  quae  vociferationes  fuerunt,  cum  hoc  forte 
Nemeae  in  theatro  quinquennalibus  ludis  a  prae- 
cone     caneretur  !      Quo    certavere    plausu !       Quid 

15  florum    in   consulem    profuderunt  I     Et  iterum  ite- 

^  qui  navibus  a  mari  Freinshemius  :  quibus  a  mari  codd. 

^  Flaminino :  flamminio^/:  flaminio  i\''i. 

^  Aoumque  Vinetus :  savum  que  B  :  dumque  A^L  :  saum- 
que  /. 

*  abrupta  L  :  abruta  B. 

^  et  ipsa  NL  :  ad  ipsa  B :  et  ad  ipsa  /, 

^  sub  Xabide:  sub  nam  |  bide  B:  sum  mauide  Xi  summa 
uide  L. 
ii6 


BOOK    I.  xMii. 

which  sprouted  on  the  prow  of  the  flan^ship  promised 
certain  victory.  Attalus,  king  of  Pcr<:^amon,  was 
there  of  liis  own  accord  to  help  us  ;  tlie  Hliodians 
were  there,  a  naval  people  who  spread  consterna- 
tion  everywhere  at  sea  with  their  ships,  as  did 
the  consul  on  land  with  his  horsemen  and  foot- 
soldiers.  King  PhiHp  was  twice  defeated,  twice 
driven  into  flight,  twice  despoiled  of  his  camp ; 
but  nothing  caused  the  Macedonians  greater  fear 
than  the  sight  of  their  wounds,  which,  having  been 
dealt  not  with  darts  or  arrows  or  any  Greek  weapon 
but  by  huge  javelins  and  no  less  Inige  swords,  gaped 
wider  than  was  necessary  to  cause  death.  Indeed 
under  the  leadership  of  Flamininus  we  penetrated 
into  the  mountains  of  the  Chaonians,  hitherto  impass- 
able,  and  the  river  Aous  which  flows  through  deep 
gorges,  the  very  gates  of  Macedonia.  To  have 
effected  an  entrance  into  this  country  meant  victory  ; 
for  afterwards  the  king^  who  had  never  ventured  to 
meet  us  in  the  field,  was  overwhelmed,  near  the  hills 
which  they  call  Cynoscephalae,  in  a  single  engage- 
ment  which  could  hardly  be  called  a  regular  battle. 
To  PhiUp,  then,  the  consul  granted  peace  and  restored 
to  him  his  kingdom,  and  afterwards,  that  no  foe  might 
remain,  subdued  Thebes  and  Euboea  and  Lacedae- 
mon,  which  attempted  resistance  under  its  tyrant 
Nabis.  To  Greece  Flamininus  restored  its  ancient 
constitution,  that  it  might  live  under  its  old  laws  and 
enjoy  its  ancestral  liberty.  What  joy  there  was, 
what  cries  of  delight  there  were,  when  this  proclama- 
tion  was  made,  as  it  happened^  at  the  quinquennial 
games  in  the  theatre  at  Nemea !  How  they  vied 
with  one  another  in  their  applause  !  What  flowers 
they  showered  upon  the  consul !     Again  and  again 

117 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

rumque  praeconem  repetere  voeem  illam  iubebant, 
qua  libertas  Achaiae  pronuntiabatur,  nec  aliter  illa 
consulari  sententia  quam  modulatissimo  aliquo 
tibiarum  aut  fidium  cantu  fruebantur. 

XXIIII.  Bellvm  Syrl\cvm  Regis  Antiochi 
11^8  Macedoniam  Asia^  statim  et  regem  Philippum 
Antiochus  excepit  quodam  casu,  quasi  de  industria 
sic  adgubernante  fortuna,  ut  quem  ad  modum  ab 
Africa  in  Europam^^  sic  ab  Europa  ^  in  Asiam  ultro 
se  suggerentibus  causis  imperium  procederet,  et 
cum    terrarum    orbis    situ     ipse    ordo    victoriarum 

2  navigaret.  Non  aliud  formidolosius  fama  bellum 
fuit ;  quippe  cum  Persas  et  orientem,  Xerxen  atque 
Darium    cogitarent,   quando   perfossi    invii    montes, 

3  quando  velis  opertum  mare  nuntiaretur.  Ad  hoc 
caelestes  minae  territabant,  cum  umore  continuo 
Cumanus    Apollo    sudaret ;    sed    hic    faventis  Asiae 

4  suae  numinis  timor  erat.  Nec  sane  viris  opibus 
armisque  quicquam  copiosius  Syria  ;  sed  in  manus 
tam  ignavi  regis  inciderat,  ut  nihil  fuerit  in 
Antiocho   speciosius  quam    quod   a   Romanis  victus 

5  est.     Inpulere    regem    in    id   bellum    illinc   Thoas, 

Aetoliae    princeps,     inhonoratam     apud     Romanos 

querens  adversus   Macedonas  militiae  suae  societa- 

*  Asia  add.  Halmius.  ^  Europam  L  :  Achaiam  B. 

'  Europa  :  Achaia  B. 
Il8 


BOOK    I.  XXIII. -xxiiii. 

thev  bade  the  herald  repeat  the  declaration  hy 
which  the  Hberty  of  Achaea  was  proclaimed  ;  and 
thev  took  as  much  dehght  in  the  consuTs  decision  as 
in  the  most  harmonious  concert  of  pipes  and  strings. 


XXIIII.  The  SvniAN  War  against  King  Antiochus 

8.  AsiA  then  immediately  took  the  place  of 
Macedonia,  and  Antioclius  that  of  King  Philip,  a 
mere  coincidence  making  it  seem  as  if  fortune 
designedly  so  arranged  matters  that,  just  as  the 
empire  had  advanced  from  Africa  into  Europe,  so 
now,  owing  to  causes  which  spontaneously  presented 
themselves,  it  should  spread  from  Europe  into  Asia, 
and  that  the  series  of  victories  might  follow  a 
geographical  sequence.  Report  never  represented 
any  war  as  more  formidable  than  this,  as  the  Romans 
bethought  them  of  the  Persians  and  the  East,  of 
Xerxes  and  Darius,  of  the  days  when  impassable 
mountains  were  said  to  have  been  cut  through  and 
the  sea  hidden  with  sails.  Moreover,  threats  from 
heaven  alarmed  them ;  for  the  statue  of  Apollo 
at  Cumae  was  in  a  constant  sweat,  though  it 
was  really  due  to  the  fear  of  the  god  in  his  affec- 
tion  for  his  beloved  Asia.  No  land  indeed  is 
richer  than  Syria  in  men,  resources  and  arms, 
but  it  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  so  poor- 
spirited  a  king  that  the  most  notable  fact  about 
Antiochus  was  his  conquest  by  the  Romans.  The 
two  persons  who  instigated  the  king  to  under- 
take  this  war  were,  on  the  one  hand,  Thoas,  prince 
of  Aetolia,  who  complained  that  he  liad  not  received 
due  credit  from  the  Romansforthe  support  given  by 
his  army  against  the  Macedonians,  and,  on  the  other 

119 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

tem,  hinc  Annibal,  qui   in   Africa   victus^  profugus 
et  pacis  inpatiens  hostem  populo  Romano  toto  orbe 

6  quaerebat.  Et  quod  illud  fuisset  periculum,  si  se 
consiliis  eius  rex  tradidisset^  id  est  si  Asiae  wibus 
usus  fuisset  miser  Annibal  ?  Sed  rex  suis  opibus 
et  nomine  regio  fretus  satis  habuit  bellum  movere. 

7  Europa  iam  dubio  procul  iure  belli  ad  Romanos 
pertinebat.  Hic  Lysimachiam,  urbem  in  litore 
Thracio    positam    a    maioribus    suis,    Antiochus    ut 

8  hereditario  iure  repetebat.  Hoc  velut  sidere 
Asiatici  beUi  mota  tempestas.  Sed  maximus  regum, 
contentus  fortiter  indixisse  bellum,  cum  ingenti 
strepitu  ac  tumultu  movisset  ex  Asia,  occupatis 
statim  insulis   Graeciaeque   litoribus    otia    et    luxus 

9  quasi  victor  agitabat.  Euboan  insulam  continenti 
adhaerentem  tenui  freto  reciprocantibus  aquis 
Euripus  abscindit.  Hic  ille  positis  aureis  sericisque 
tentoriis  sub  ipso  freti  murmure,  cum  praefluentes 
aquae  tibiis  fidibusque  concinerent,  conlatis  undique 
quamvis  per  hiemem  rosis,  ne  non  aliquo  genere 
ducem    agere    videretur,^    virginum     puerorumque 

10  dilectus  habebat.  Talem  ergo  regem  iam  luxuria 
sua  debellatum  Acilio  Glabrione  consule  populus 
Romanus  in  insula  adgressus  ipso   statim  adventus 

^  agere  videretur  om.  B. 


^  Cicero  uses  a  similar  figure  [jpro  Murena,  17). 

2    191  B.C. 
I20 


BOOK    I.  xxiiii. 

hand,  Hannibal^  who,  defeated  in  Africa,  now  a 
fugitive  and  unable  to  rest  in  peace,  was  scouring 
the  whole  world  to  find  an  enemy  to  fight  against 
the  Roman  people.  And,  indeed,  how  great  would 
have  been  the  peril  if  King  Antiochus  had  entrusted 
himself  to  his  guidance  and  the  unhappy  Hannibal 
had  had  all  the  resources  of  Asia  at  his  command  I 
The  king,  however,  confident  in  his  own  powers 
and  royal  title,  thought  it  enough  merely  to  set 
war  in  motion.  Europe  without  doubt  belonged  to 
the  Romans  by  right  of  conquest ;  yet  Antiochus 
demanded  back,  as  of  hereditary  right,  a  European 
city,  Lysimachia,  which  had  been  founded  by  his 
ancestors  on  the  coast  of  Thrace.  This  acfion,  Hke 
the  rising  of  some  star,^  stirred  up  the  storm  of  war 
in  Asia.  This  mightiest  of  kings,  however,  content 
with  his  bold  declaration  of  war,  marched  out  of 
Asia  with  loud  noise  and  tumult,  and  immediately 
seizing  the  islands  and  coasts  of  Greece,  spent  his  time 
in  ease  and  luxury  as  though  he  had  ah-eady  won  the 
day.  The  island  of  Euboea,  lying  close  to  the  main- 
land,  is  separated  therefrom  by  the  narrow  straits  of 
the  Euripus,  whose  waters  continually  ebb  and  flow. 
Here  he  set  up  his  tents  of  cloth  of  gold  and  silk 
within  the  very  sound  of  the  straits,  whose  waters  as 
they  flowed  past  murmured  in  harmony  with  the 
music  of  pipes  and  strings,  and  having  collected  roses, 
although  it  was  winter,  from  every  quarter,  that  he 
might  seem  in  some  way  at  any  rate  to  act  the 
general,  held  his  levies  of  maidens  and  boys.  Against 
this  king  then,  already  defeated  by  his  own  luxury, 
the  Roman  people,  in  the  consulship  of  AciHus 
Glabrio,^  advanced  while  he  was  in  the  island,  and 
immediately   drove    him    into    flight    by    the    mere 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

11  sui  nuntio  coegit  ab  insula  fugere.  Tam  praeci- 
pitem  apud  Thermopylas  adsecutus,  locum  tre- 
centorum  Laconum  speciosa  clade  memorandum,  ne 
ibi   quidem   fiducia  loci  resistentem,  mari  ac  terra 

12  cedere  coegit.  Statim  et  e  vestigio  itur  in  Syriam. 
Classis  regia  Polyxenidae  Annibalique  commissa — 
nam  rex  proelium  nec  spectare  poterat, — duce 
Aemilio  Regillo,  adremigantibus  Rhodiis  tota  lace- 

13  ratur.  Xe  sibi  placeant  Athenae ;  in  Antiocho 
vicimus  Xerxen,  in  Aemilio  Alcibiaden  aequavimus^ 

14  Epheso  Salamina  pensavimus.  Tum  consule  Sci- 
pione,  cui  frater^  ille  modo  victor  Carthaginis 
Africanus,  aderat  voluntaria  legatione^  debellari 
regem   placet.     Et  iam  toto  cesserat  mari^  sed  nos 

15  imus  ulterius.  Maeandrum  ad  amnem  montemque 
Sipylum  castra  ponuntur.      Hic  rex,  incredibile  dictu 

16  quibus  auxiUiSj  quibus  copiis  consederat.  Trecenta 
milia  peditum,  equitum  falcatorumque  curruum  non 
minor  numerus.  Elephantis  ad  hoc  inmensae 
magnitudinis,   auro    purpura    argento   et  suo  ebore 

17  fulgentibuSj  aciem  utrimque  vallaverat.^  Sed  haec 
omnia  praepedita  magnitudine  sua,  ad  hoc  imbre, 
qui  subito  superfusus  mira  feHcitate  Persicos  arcus 
corruperat.2     Primum  trepidatio^  mox  fuga,  deinde 

18  triumphus   fuerunt.     Victo   et  supplici  pacem  par- 

^  vallaverat :  vallaverant  NL :  variaverat  B. 
2  corruperat :  perruperat  B. 

122 


BOOK    I.  X 


XIIII. 


announcement  of  their  approach.  Tliey  pursiied 
him  in  his  headlong  flight,  and  at  Thermopylae,  a 
spot  memorable  for  the  glorious  defeat  of  the  three 
hundred  Spartans  (even  this  scene  did  not  inspire 
him  with  confidence  enough  to  make  a  stand)^  forced 
him  to  own  them  victors  by  land  and  sea.  Then 
instantly,  without  delay,  they  set  out  for  Syria.  The 
royal  Heet  entrusted  to  the  charge  of  Polyxenidas 
and  Hannibal — for  the  king  could  not  even  bear  to 
look  upon  a  battle — was  completely  destroyed  by  the 
Romans  under  Aemilius  Regillus^  with  the  aid  of  the 
Rhodian  fleet.  Let  not  Athens  be  over-proud  :  in 
Antiochus  we  defeated  a  Xerxes  ;  in  Aemilius  we 
liad  the  equal  of  an  Alcibiades  ;  at  Ephesus  we 
rivalled  Salamis.  Then^  under  the  consul  Scipio, 
whose  brother,  the  great  Africanus^  the  recent 
conqueror  of  Carthage,  was  serving  voluntarily  under 
him  as  second-in-command,  it  was  decided  utterly 
to  defeat  King  Antiochus.  He  had  entirely  aban- 
doned  the  sea,  but  we  carried  the  war  beyond  it, 
and  our  camp  was  pitched  near  the  river  Maeander 
and  Mount  Sipylus.  Here  the  king  had  taken  up  a 
position  with  an  incredible  number  of  auxiHaries  and 
other  troops.  He  had  300,000  foot-soldiers  and  an 
equal  number  of  cavahy  and  chariots  armed  with 
scythes.  He  hadalso  protected  both  his  Hanks  with 
elephants  of  huge  size,  brilliant  with  gold,  purple 
and  silver  and  the  sheen  of  their  own  ivory.  But 
all  this  great  force  was  embarrassed  by  its  very  size, 
as  well  as  by  a  shower  of  rain,  which,  suddenly 
descending,  had,  by  a  piece  of  wonderful  good  luck, 
destroyed  the  efficiency  of  the  Persian  bows.  First 
there  was  panic,  then  flight,  and  finally  complete 
triumph.     To  the  conquered  and  suppUant  Antiochus 

123 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

temque    regni    dari   placuit  eo  libentius,  quod  tam 
facile  cessisset. 


XXV.    Bellvm  Aetolvm 
11, 9     Syriaco    bello    successit,    et    debebat,    Aetolum. 
Victo  quippe  Romanus  Antiocho  faces  Asiatici  belli 
persequebatur.       Ergo     Fulvio    Nobiliori    mandata 

2  ultio  est.  Hic  protinus  caput  gentis  Ambraciam, 
regiam  Pyrrhi,  machinis  quatit.      Secuta  deditio  est. 

3  Aderant    Aetolorum    precibus    Attici^    Rhodii,    et 

4  memineramus  auxilii  :  sic  placuit  ignoscere.  Serpsit 
taraen  latius  in  proximos  bellumj  omnisque  late 
Cephallenia,  Zacynthos  ^  et  quidquid  insularum  in 
eo  mari  inter  Ceraunios  montes  iugumque  Maleum 
Aetoli  belli  accessio  fuerunt. 


XXVL  Bellvm  Histricvm 

n,  10  HisTRi  secuntur  Aetolos  ;  quippe  bellantes  eos 
2  nuper  adiuverant.  Et  initia  pugnae  hosti  prospera 
fuerunt,^  eademque  exitii  causa.  Nam  cum  Gnaei 
Manlii^  castra  cepissent  opimaeque  praedae  incu- 
barent^  epulantes  ac  ludibundos  plerosque,  qui  aut 
ubi  essent  prae  poculis  nescientes,  Appius  Pulcher 

^  omnisque   late    Cephallenia,    Zacynthos    Freinshemius: 
omnemque  late  Cephalleniam,  Zacynthon  codd. 
2  fuerunt :  fuerant  B. 
^  Manlii :  manilii  £ :  mali  XL. 

124 


BOOK  I.  xxiiii.-xxvi. 

it  was  decided  to  grant  peace  and  a  portion  of  his 
kingdom,  and  this  all  the  more  willingly  because  he 
had  yielded  so  easily. 

XXV.  TiiE  Aetolian  War 

9.  The  Syrian  war  was  followed,  as  it  was  bound 
to  happen,  by  an  Aetolian  war  ;  for  after  the  con- 
quest  of  Antiochus,  the  Romans  pursued  those  who 
had  kindled  the  war  in  Asia.  And  so  the  task  of 
vengeance  was  committed  to  Fulvius  NobiHor.  He 
immediately  attacked  Ambracia,  the  capital  of  the 
nation  and  the  royal  abode  of  Pyrrhus,  with  his 
engines  of  war.  Its  surrender  quickly  followed. 
The  Athenians  and  Rhodians  supported  the  supplica- 
tions  of  the  AetoHans,  and  we  remembered  their 
former  services  and  decided  to  pardon  them. 
Hostilities,  however,  spread  niore  widely  among 
the  neighbouring  peoples  ;  and  all  Cephallenia  and 
Zacynthus  and  all  the  islands  in  that  sea  between 
the  Ceraunian  mountains  and  Cape  Malea  were 
involved  in  the  x\etoHan  war. 


XXVI.  The  Istrian  War 

10.  Th E  Istrians  were  dealt  with  after  the  AetoHans, 
for  they  had  recently  assisted  them  in  war.  The 
beginnings  of  the  struggle  were  favourable  to  the 
enemy,  and  this  very  success  was  the  cause  of  their 
ruin.  For  when  they  had  captured  the  camp  of 
Gnaeus  ManHus  and  were  gloating  over  their  rich 
spoil,  Appius  Pulcher  fell  upon  most  of  them  feast- 
ing  and  enjoying  themselves  and  so  deep  in  their 
cups  that  they  were  unconscious  and  did  not  know 

125 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

invadit.  Sic  cum  sanguine  et  spiritu  male  partam 
revomuere  victoriam.  Ipse  rex  Aepulo  i  equo  inposi- 
tus,  cum  subinde  crapula  et  capitis  errore  lapsaret, 
captum  sese  vix  et  aegre,  postquam  expergefactus 
est,  didicit. 


XXVII.    Bellvm  Gallograecvm 

II,  11    Gallograeciam  quoque    Syriaci  belli   ruina  con- 

2  volvit.  Fuerint  inter  auxilia  regis  Antiochi,  an  fuisse 
cupidus  triumphi   Manlius  Vulso  ^  simulaverit,  du- 

3  bium ;  at  certe^  negatus  est  victori  triumphus,  quia 
causam  belli  non  adprobavit.  Ceterum  gens  Gallo- 
graecorum,  sicut  ipsum  nomen  indicio  est,  mixta 
et  adulterata  est :  reliquiae  Gallorum,  qui  Brenno 
duce    vastaverant    Graeciam,    orientem     secuti,    in 

4  media  Asiae  parte  sederunt  ;  itaque,  uti  frugum 
semina*  mutato  solo  degenerant,  sic  illa  genuina 
feritas     eorum     Asiatica     amoenitate    moUita    est. 

5  Duobus  itaque  proeliis  fusi  fugatique  sunt,  quamvis 
sub  adventu  hostis  relictis  sedibus  in  altissimos  se 
niontes  recepissent.  Tolostobogi^  Olympum,  Tecto- 
sagi  Magabam  ^  insederant.  Utrimque  fundis  sa- 
gittisque  detracti  in  perpetuam  se  pacem  dediderunt. 

6  Sed   alligati   miraculo  quidam  "^  fuere,  cum  catenas 

^  Aepulo  Livius,  XLI.  11  :  apulo  BXL. 

2  Manlius  Vulso  Mommsenus  :  visos  B :    aneos  visos  NL : 
visus  /. 

3  at  certe  lahnius :  hac  |  perte  B :  certe  NL. 
*  semina  :  seminam  B. 

^  Tolostxibogi :  colos  cobegi  B :  colosobegit  I. 

^  Magabam  E.  Miiellerus :  magabant  B :  magaba  L 

'  quidam  :  quodara  codd, 

126 


BOOK    I.  XXVI. -XXVII. 

where  they  were.  Thus,  as  they  yiclded  iip  their 
blood  and  breath,  they  disgorged  the  ill-gotten 
spoils  of  victory.  Their  king  Aepulo  himself,  who  had 
been  placed  upon  a  horse,  from  which  he  frequently 
fell  iii  his  intoxicated  and  dizzy  condition,  Mas  with 
difficulty  at  last  made  to  understand,  when  he  woke 
up,  that  he  was  a  prisoner. 

XXVII.  The  Gallo-Greek  War 

11.  The  disastrous  termination  of  the  Syrian  war 
involved  Gallo-Graecia  also.  Whether  its  inhabitants 
had  really  been  among  the  auxiliaries  of  King 
Antiochus^  or  whether  ManUus  Vulso,  in  his  eager- 
ness  for  a  triumph,  had  pretended  that  they  were  so^ 
is  uncertain.  In  any  case,  though  he  was  victorious, 
he  was  refused  a  triumph,  because  the  Romans  did 
not  approve  of  the  pretext  under  which  he  had  gone 
to  war.  The  race  of  the  Gallo-Greeks^  as  their  very 
name  implies,  was  of  mixed  and  confused  origin  ; 
they  were  the  remnants  of  those  Gauls  who  had  laid 
Greece  waste  under  the  leadership  of  Brennus^  and 
then,  taking  an  easterly  direction,  settled  in  the 
middle  of  Asia.  And  so,  just  as  seeds  of  cereals 
degenerate  in  a  different  soil,  so  their  natural  ferocity 
was  softened  by  the  mild  climate  of  Asia.  They 
were,  therefore,  routed  and  put  to  flight  in  two 
engagements,  although,  at  the  approach  of  the 
enemy,  they  had  left  their  homes  and  retired  to  the 
highest  mountains.  The  Tolostobogi  had  occupied 
Olympus,  the  Tectosagi  Magaba.  Dislodged  from 
both  these  places  by  sHngs  and  arrows,  they  surren- 
dered  under  a  promise  of  perpetual  peace.  Some 
of  them,  however,  after  they  had  been  bound,  caused 
astoiiishment    by    trying    to    sever    their    bonds    by 

127 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

morsibus  et  ore  temptassent,  cum  offocandas  invicem 
fauces  praebuissent.  Nam  Orgiacontis  regis^  uxor 
a  centurione  stuprum  passa  ^  memorabili  exemplo 
custodiam  evasit,  revolsumque  adulteri  hostis  caput 
ad  maritum  reportavit. 


XXVIII.    Bellvm  Macedonicvm  Secvndvm 

iij  12    DuM  aliae  aliaeque  gentes  Syriaci  belli  secuntur 

2  ruinam,  Macedonia  rursus  se  erexit.  Fortissimum 
populum  memoria  et  recordatio  suae  nobilitatis 
agitabatj  et  successerat  Philippo  filius  Perses^  qui 
semel   in   perpetuum  victam  esse  Macedoniam  non 

3  putabat  ex  gentis  dignitate.  Multo  vehementius 
sub  hoc  Macedones  quam  sub  patre  exurgunt. 
Quippe  Thracas  in  res^  suas  traxerant,  atque  ita 
industriam  Macedonum  viribus   Thracum,  ferociam 

4  Thracum  disciplina  Macedonica  temperavere.  Ac- 
cessit  his  consilium  ducis,  qui  situm  regionum 
suarum  a  summo  speculatus  Haemo,  positis  per 
abrupta  *  castris,  ita  Macedoniam  suam  armis  ferro- 
que    vallaverat,    ut    non    rehquisse    aditum    nisi    a 

5  caelo  venturis  hostibus  videretur,  Tamen  Marcio 
Philippo  consule  eam  ^  provinciam  ingressus  populus 
Romanus,  exploratis  diUgenter  accessibus  per  Ascu- 
rida^paludem  Perrhaebosque  tumulos  illa  volucribus 

*  regis  om.  B.  ^  passa  om.  BI. 

^  res  lahnius:  vires  codd.  *  abrupta  :  abruta  codd. 

^  eam  Heinsiiis  :  nam  codd. 

^  Ascurida  Heinsius  ;   cf.  Livius  XLIV.  2,   3:  astudam  B: 
astundam  NL. 

»  186  B.c. 
128 


BOOK    I.  xxvii.-wviii. 

biting  thera  with  their  teeth  and  offerinfr  their 
throats  to  one  another  to  be  strangled.  Tlie  wife  of 
their  king  Orgiacon,  who  had  suffered  violation  at 
the  hands  of  a  centurion,  achieved  the  remarkable 
exploit  of  escaping  from  custody  and  carrving  to  her 
husband  the  head  of  her  Hcentious  foe  which  she  had 
cut  ofF. 


XXVI II.  The  Second  Macedoxian  War 

12.  While  nation  after  nation  was  involved  in  the 
disaster  of  the  Syrian  war,  Macedonia  again  raised 
her  head.  The  memory  and  recollection  of  its  former 
greatness  spurred  that  valiant  people  to  action. 
Also  PhiHp  had  been  succeeded  by  his  son  Perses, 
M-ho  thought  that  it  ill  accorded  with  the  high 
repute  of  the  nation  that  Macedonia,  once  conquered, 
should  remain  for  ever  conquered.  Under  his 
leadership^  therefore,  the  Macedonians  rose  with 
much  more  vigour  than  under  his  father.  They  had 
induced  the  Thracians  to  support  their  efforts  and 
had  thus  tempered  the  Macedonian  persistence 
with  Thracian  energy^  and  Thracian  savagery  with 
Macedonian  discipUne.  A  further  advantage  was 
the  skill  of  their  leader.  who^  having  surveyed  the 
topography  of  his  territory  from  the  summit  of 
Mount  Haemus.  pitched  his  camp  in  an  inaccessible 
spot,  and  so  fortified  his  reahii  with  arms  and  the 
sword  that  he  seemed  to  have  left  no  means  of  access 
except  to  an  enemy  who  should  descend  from  the 
sky.  But  the  Roman  people,  under  the  consul 
Marcius  Pliilippus/  having  entered  the  province  and 
having  carefully  explored  the  approaches  by  the 
Lake  of  Ascuris  and  the   Perrhaebian    Mountains, 

129 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

quoque,    ut   videbantur,    invia    accessit,    regemque 
securum    et  nihil  tale    metuentem  subita  belli  in- 

6  ruptione  deprehendit.  Cuius  tanta  trepidatio  fuit, 
ut    pecuniam    omnem    in    mare    iusserit    mergi   ne 

7  periretj  et  classem  cremari  ne  incenderetur.  Paulo 
consule,  cum  maiora  et  crebriora  essent  inposita 
praesidia,  per  aHas  vias  Macedonia  deprensa  est, 
summa    quidem    arte    et  industria  ducis,   cum    alia 

8  minatus  alia  inrupisset.  Cuius  adventus  ipse  adeo 
terribilis  regi  fuit,    ut   interesse    non  auderet,   sed 

9  gerenda  ducibus  bella  mandaverit.  Absens  ergo 
victus  fugit  in  maria  insulamque  Samothracen,  fretus 
celebri  religione,  quasi  templa  et  arae  possent 
defendere,  quem  nec  montes  sui  nec  arma  potuissent. 

10  Nemo  regum  diutius  amissae  fortunae  conscientiam 
retinuit.  Supplex  cum  scriberet  ad  imperatorem 
ab  illo  quo  confugerat  templo  nomenque  epistolae 
notaret  suum,  regem  addidit.     Sed  nec  reverentior 

11  captae  maiestatis  alius  Paulo  fuit.  Cum  in  con- 
spectum  venisset  hostis,  in  tribunali  recepit  et 
conviviis     adhibuit    Uberosque     admonuit    suos    ut 

12  fortunam,  cui  tantum  liceret,  revererentur.  Inter 
pulcherrimos  hunc  quoque  populus  Romanus  de 
Macedonia  duxit  ac  vidit  triumphum^  quippe  cuius 

13  spectaculo  triduum  impleverit.     Primus  dies  signa 


^  For  the  paradox  cp.  Martial,  II,  80  : 

Hostem  cum  fugeret,  se  Fannius  ipse  perejnit. 
Hic,  rogo,  non  furor  est,  ne  moriare,  mori? 
2   182  B.C. 

130 


BOOK    I.  XXVIII. 

effected  an  entrance  over  heights  which  seemed 
inaccessible  even  to  birds,  and  by  a  sudden  inroad 
surprised  the  kiiio;,  who  thought  liimself  safe  and 
feared  no  such  attack.  Such  was  his  alarin  that  he 
ordered  all  his  money  to  be  throwii  into  the  sea, 
lest  it  should  be  lost,^  and  his  fleet  to  be  burned,  lest 
it  should  be  set  on  fire.  Under  the  consul  Paulus,^ 
after  hirger  and  more  frequent  garrisons  had  been 
established,  other  methods  were  used  to  take 
Macedonia  by  surprise  through  the  remarkable  skill 
and  perseverance  of  the  general,  who  threatened 
an  attack  at  one  point  and  broke  through  at 
another.  His  mere  approach  so  alarmed  the  king 
that  he  did  not  dare  to  take  an  active  part  in  the 
war,  but  committed  the  management  of  it  to  his 
generals.  Being  defeated,  therefore,  in  his  absence 
he  fled  to  the  sea,  and  to  the  island  of  Samothrace, 
relying  on  the  well-known  sanctity  of  the  place,  as 
though  temples  and  altars  could  protect  one  whom 
his  own  mountains  and  arms  had  been  unable  to 
save.  No  king  ever  clung  more  tenaciously  to  the 
memory  of  the  great  position  which  he  had  lost. 
When  he  wrote  to  the  Roman  general  as  a  supphant 
from  the  temple  in  which  he  had  taken  refuge  and 
signed  the  letter  with  his  name^  he  added  the  title 
of  king.  On  the  other  hand,  no  one  ever  showed 
more  respect  than  Paulus  for  captured  majesty. 
When  his  enemy  came  into  his  presence,  he  received 
him  upon  his  tribunal^  invited  him  to  his  own  table, 
and  warned  his  own  children  to  respect  Fortune 
whose  power  was  so  great.  The  triumph  in  honour 
of  the  conquest  of  Macedonia  was  among  the  most 
splendid  which  the  Roman  people  ever  held  and 
witnessed.     The  spectacle  occupied  three  days ;  on 

131 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

tabulasque^     sequens     arma     pecuniam     transvexit, 
tertius   captivos   ipsumque  regem  adtonitum  adhuc 

14  tamquam  subito  malo  et  stupentem.  Sed  multo 
prius  gaudium  victoriae  populus  Romanus  quam 
epistulis  victoris  praeceperat.  Quippe  eodem  die, 
quo  victus  est  Perses  in  Macedonia^  Romae  cogni- 

15  tum  est,  cum  duo  iuvenes  candidis  equis  apud 
luturnae  lacum  pulverem  et  cruorem  abluebant. 
Hi  nuntiavere.  Castorem  et  Pollucem  fuisse  credi- 
tum  volgo,  quod  gemini  fuissent ;  interfuisse  bello, 
quod  sanguine  maderent ;  a  Macedonia  venire,  quod 
adhuc  anhelarent. 


XXVIin.    Bellvm  Illyricvm  Secvndvm 

II,  13  Macedonici  belli  contagio  traxit  Illyrios ;  si  qui- 
dem,^  ut  Romanum  a  tergo  distringerent,  a  Perse 
2  rege  conducti  pecunia  militaverunt.  Sine  mora  ab 
Anicio  praetore  subiguntur.  Scodram,^  caput  gentis, 
delesse  suffecit ;  statim  secuta  deditio  est.  Denique 
hoc  bellum  ante  finitum  est  quam  geri  Romae 
nuntiaretur. 


XXX.    Bellvm  Macedonicvm  Tertivm 

11,14  QuoDAM  fato,  quasi  ita  convenisset  inter  Poenos 
et  Macedonas  ut  tertio  quoque  vincerentur,  eodem 

1  si  qvLidem  lahnius  :  ipsi  quidem  BN:  sed  ipsi  quidemZ. 
'  Scodram  :  scoriadam  B :  scordam  NL. 
132 


BOOK    I.  xxviii.-xxx. 

the  first  day  the  statues  and  pictures  were  displayed 
in  procession,  on  the  iiext  day  the  arms  and  treasure, 
on  the  third  duy  the  captives,  including  the  king 
himself,  who  seemed  still  to  be  dazed  and  stupefied 
by  the  suddenness  of  the  disaster.  But  the  Roman 
people  had  already  received  the  glad  news  of  the 
victory  long  before  it  was  announced  by  the 
victorious  generars  despatches.  For  it  was  known 
in  Rome  on  the  very  day  on  which  Perses  was 
defeated  through  the  presence  of  two  young  men 
with  white  horses  washing  off  dust  and  gore  at  the 
pool  of  Juturna.  These  brought  the  news^  and  were 
popularly  believed  to  have  been  Castor  and  PoUux 
because  they  were  twins_,  and  to  have  taken  part  in 
battle  because  they  were  dripping  with  blood,  and 
to  come  from  Macedonia  because  they  were  still  out 
of  breath. 

XXVIIII.    The  Second  Illyrian  War 

13.  The  contagion  of  the  Macedonian  war  in- 
volved  the  Illyrians^  since  they  served  as  mer- 
cenaries  in  the  pay  of  King  Perses  in  order  to  cause 
a  diversion  in  the  rear  of  the  Romans.  They  were 
subjugated  without  delay  by  the  praetor  Anicius. 
It  sufficed  to  destroy  Scodra,  their  capital.  and  their 
submission  immediately  foUowed.  Indeed,  the  end 
of  the  war  occurred  before  the  news  that  it  had 
begun  could  reach  Rome. 

XXX.    The  Third  Macedonian  War 

14.  By  a  dispensation  of  fate  which  made  it  seem 
as  if  the  Carthaginians  and  Macedonians  had  made 
compact  together  that    they   should    both    be   con- 

^33 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

2  tempore  utrique  arma  moverunt.  Sed  prior  iugum 
excutit  Macedo,  aliquanto  quam  ante  gravior,  dum 

3  contemnitur.  Causa  belli  prope  erubescenda. 
Quippe  regnum  pariter  et  bellum  vir  ultimae  sortis 
Andriscus  invaserat,  dubium  liber  an  servus,  mer- 
cennarius  certe  ;  sed  quia  vulgo  Philippus  ex 
similitudine  Philippi  Persae  filii  vocabatur^^  regiam 
formam^     regium     nomen,    animum     quoque     regis 

4  implevit.  Igitur  dum  haec  ipsa  contemnit  populus 
Romanus,  luventio  praetore  contentus,  virum  non 
Macedonicis  modo  sed  Thraciae  quoque  auxiliis 
ingentibus  validum  temere  temptavit,  invictusque  ^  a 
veris  regibus^  ab  illo  imaginario    et    scaenico   rege 

6  superatus  est.  Sed  consul  Metellus  amissum  cum 
legione  praetorem  plenissime  ultus  est.  Nam  et 
Macedoniam  servitute  multavit  et  ducem  belli, 
deditum  ab  eo  ad  quem  confugerat  Thraciae  reguio, 
in  urbem  in  catenis  reduxit^  hoc  quoque  illi  in  malis 
suis  indulgente  fortuna^  ut  de  eo  populus  Romanus 
quasi  de  rege  vero  triumpharet. 

^  Philippus  ex  similitudine  Philippi  Persae  filii  voeabatur 
Sauppiv.s:  philippus  persae  filius  vocabatur^ :  philippus  ex 
similitudine  philippi  pseudo  fihppus  (phihppus  L)  vocabatur 
NL. 


BOOK    I.  XXX. 

quered  for  a  third  time,  both  nations  began  hostilities 
at  the  same  time.  The  Macedonians  were  the  first 
to  tlirow  off  the  yoke,  havino;  grown  far  more  formid- 
able  than  before,  because  they  were  treated  with  con- 
tempt.  The  cause  of  the  war  almost  makes  one 
blush  for  shame.  Andriscus,  a  man  of  the  lowest 
origin,  had  seized  the  throne  and  begun  war  at  the 
same  moment.  It  is  uncertain  whether  he  was  a 
freeman  or  a  slave,  but  he  had  certainly  served  as 
a  hired  labourer;  however,  being  popularly  called 
PhiHp  from  his  resemblance  to  Phihp^  son  of  Perses^ 
he  suppHed  a  royal  presence^  a  royal  name  and  a 
royal  spirit  as  well.  The  Roman  people  then, 
despising  all  these  pretensions  and  considering  the 
praeter  Juventius  as  a  match  for  him,  rashly  engaged 
him  \\*hen  he  was  strongly  supported  not  only  by 
the  Macedonians  but  by  vast  numbers  of  Thracian 
auxiharies,  and  though  they  had  never  been  beaten 
by  real  kings,  were  defeated  by  this  pretended  and 
stage-play  monarch.  However,  ample  vengeance 
was  taken  by  the  consul  Metellus^  for  the  loss  of  the 
praetor  and  his  legion.  For  he  not  only  punished 
the  Macedonians  by  enslaving  them^  but  also  brought 
back  in  chains  to  the  city  the  instigator  of  the  war, 
who  was  surrendered  to  them  by  a  Thracian  prince 
with  whom  he  had  taken  refuge.  Fortune,  how- 
ever,  thus  far  smiled  upon  him  in  his  misfortune 
that  the  Roman  people  triumphed  over  him  as 
though  he  had  been  a  real  king. 

1  168  B.c. 

^  invictusque  a  veris  regibus  Freimhemius :  iuvictusque 
non  a  veris  regibus  sed  NL :  invahdus  que  non  veris  regibus 
sed^. 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

XXXI.  Bellvm  Pvnicvm  Tertivm 

u,  15  Tertium  Punicum  bellum  et  tempore  exiguum 
(nam  quadriennio  patratum^  est)  et  in  comparatio- 
nem  priorum  minimum  labore  (non  enim  tam  cum 
viris  quam  cum  ipsa  urbe  pugnatum  est)  sed  ^  plane 
maximum  eventu  :    quippe  tandem  Carthago  finita 

2  est.  Atquin  si  quis  trium  temporum  momenta 
consideret,  primo  commissum  est  Punicum  bellum, 

3  profligatum  secundo,  tertio  vero  confectum  est.  Sed 
huius  causa  belli^  quod  contra  foederis  legem  ad- 
versus  Numidas    quidem,  sed  parassent  classem   et 

4  exercitum.  Frequens  autem  Massinissa^  finis  terri- 
tabat;  sed  huic  ut  bono  socioque  regi  favebatur. 
Cum  de  bello  sederet,  de  belli  fine  tractatum  est. 
Cato   inexpiabili   odio  delendam  esse   Carthaginem, 

5  et  cum  de  alio  consuleretur,  pronuntiabat,  Scipio 
Nasica  servandam,  ne  metu  ablato  aemulae  urbis 
luxuriari     felicitas  *     inciperet ;      medium     senatus 

6  elegit,  ut  urbs  tantum  loco  moveretur.  Nihil  enim 
speciosius  videbatur  quam   esse   Carthaginem,  quae 

7  non  timeretur.  Igitur  Manilio  Censorinoque  con- 
sulibus  populus  Romanus  adgressus  Carthaginem 
spe  pacis  iniecta  traditam  a  volentibus  classem  sub 

8  ipso  ore  urbis  incendit.     Tum  evocatis  principibus, 

1  patratiim  :  raptum  B.  ^  sed :  et  B, 

^  Massinissa /aAna/.s:  massinissae  ^3"Z/. 
*  urbis  post  felicitas  BNL. 


1  149  B.c. 
136 


BOOK    I.  XXXI. 

XXXI.    The  Third  Plnic  War 

15.  The  Third  Punic  War  was  brief  in  its  duration 
(for  it  was  brought  to  an  end  within  four  years),  and 
much  less  difficult  in  comparison  with  the  earlier 
wars  (for  it  was  fought  not  so  much  against  an  army 
in  the  field  as  against  the  city  itself).  In  its  results, 
however,  it  was  by  far  the  most  important,  for  at 
last  an  end  was  made  of  Carthage.  If  one  considers 
the  significance  of  the  three  periods,  the  first  saw 
the  beginning  of  the  war,  the  second  saw  it  given 
a  decisive  turn,  the  third  saw  its  final  end.  The 
pretext  of  the  war  was  that^  contrary  to  an  article 
in  the  treaty,  the  Carthaginians  had  equipped  a  fleet 
and  army — though  it  was  only  against  the  Numidians. 
Massinissa,  it  is  true,  caused  frequent  alarms  on  their 
frontier ;  but  the  Romans  supported  this  monarch  as 
a  good  friend  and  ally.  Deciding  upon  war,  they 
discussed  what  was  to  happen  when  it  was  con- 
chided.  Cato,  with  implacable  hatred^  kept  declaring, 
even  when  he  was  consulted  on  other  subjects,  that 
Carthage  must  be  destroyed.  Scipio  Nasica  thought 
that  it  ought  to  be  preserved,  lest,  if  the  fear  of  the 
rival  city  were  removed,  prosperity  should  begin  to 
have  a  demoraUzing  elfect.  The  senate  decided 
upon  the  middle  course^  namely,  that  the  city  should 
merely  be  removed  to  another  site ;  for  they  could 
imagine  nothing  which  redounded  more  to  their 
credit  than  that  Carthage  should  still  exist,  but  a 
Carthage  which  they  need  not  fear.  And  so,  in  the 
consulship  of  Manihus  and  Censorinus/  the  Roman 
people  attacked  Carthage  and  burnt  within  the  very 
sight  of  the  city  the  fleet  which  had  been  voluntarily 
surrendered  because  hopes  of  peace  had  been  raised. 
They  then  summoned  the  chief  citizens  and  ordered 

137 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

si  salvi  esse  vellentj  ut  migrarent  finibus  imperavit. 
Quod  pro  rei  atrocitate  adeo  movit  iras_,  ut  extrema 
mallent.  Comploratum  igitur  publice  statim  et  pari 
9  voce  clamatum  est  "ad  arma/'  seditque  sententia 
quoquo  modo  rebellandum  ;  non  quia  iam  spes  ulla 
superessetj  sed  quia  patriam  suam  mallent  hostium 

10  quam  suis  manibus  everti.  Qui  rebellantium  fuerit 
furor^  vel  hinc  intellegi  potest,  quod  in  usum  novae 
classis  tecta  domuum  resciderunt ;  in  armorum 
officinis  aurum  et  argentum  pro  aere  ferroque 
conflatum  est,  in  tormentorum  vincula  crinis  suos 
matronae    contulerunt.       Mancino    deinde   consule 

11  terra  marique  fervebat  obsidio.  Operti  portus, 
nudatus  est  primus  et  sequens^  iam  et  tertius  murus, 
cum    tamen    Byrsa,    quod    nomen    arci    fuit,    quasi 

12  altera  civitas  resistebat.  Quamvis  profligato  urbis 
excidio  tamen  fatale  Africae  nomen  Scipionum 
videbatur.  Igitur  in  alium  Scipionem  conversa  res 
publica  finem  belli  reposcebat.  Hunc  Paulo  Mace- 
donico  procreatum  Africani  illius  magni  filius  in  ^ 
decus  gentis  adsumpserat,  hoc  scilicet  fato,  ut,  quam 

13  urbem  concusserat  avus,  nepos  eius  eVerteret.  Sed 
quem  ad  modum  maxime  mortiferi  morsus  solent 
esse  morientium  bestiarum,  sic  plus  negotii  fuit  cum 
semiruta     Carthagine     quam     cum    integra.      Con- 

14  pulsis  in  unam  arcem  hostibus  portum  quoque  mari 

1  in  om.  B. 

^  Cf.  Liv.  XXII.  53,  4,  despercUa  et  complorata  republica. 
>38 


BOOK    I.  xxxi. 

them  to  leave  Carthaginian  territory,  if  they  wished 
to  save  their  lives.  Tliis  demand,  by  its  severity, 
so  kindled  their  wrath  that  they  preferred  to  suffer 
any  extremity.  And  so  they  immediately  gave  up 
all  hope  of  the  national  cause,^  and  with  one  voice 
the  cry  was  raised,  "  To  arms  !  "  and  it  was  resolved 
to  resist  by  every  means  in  their  power — not  that 
any  hope  remained,  but  because  they  preferred  that 
their  country  should  be  ruined  by  the  hands  of  the 
enemy  rather  than  by  their  own.  Their  spirit  of 
furious  resistance  may  be  understood  from  the  facts 
that  they  tore  off  the  roofs  of  their  houses  for  material 
to  construct  a  new  Heet,  and  that,  in  the  munition 
factories,  gold  and  silver  were  melted  down  instead 
of  bronze  and  iron,  while  the  women  contributed 
their  liair  to  form  cords  for  the  engines  of  war. 
Under  the  consul  Mancinus  a  hot  siege  was  kept 
up  by  land  and  sea.  The  harbours  were  blocked 
up  ;  the  first,  then  the  second,  and  finally  the  third 
wall  was  dismantled  ;  but  the  Byrsa,  as  they  called 
their  citadel,  held  out  like  a  second  city.  Though 
the  destruction  of  the  city  was  thus  as  good  as 
certain,  yet  it  seemed  as  if  fate  required  a  Scipio 
to  make  an  end  of  Africa,  The  State,  therefore, 
turned  to  another  Scipio  and  demanded  that  he 
should  complete  the  war.  This  man,  the  offspring  of 
Paulus  Macedonicus,  had  been  adopted  by  the  son 
of  the  great  Africanus  for  the  glory  of  the  family, 
for  the  grandson  was  destined  by  fate  to  overthrow 
the  city  which  his  grandfather  had  shattered.  But, 
just  as  the  bite  of  a  dying  animal  is  always  most 
deadly,  even  so  Carthage,  half  destroyed,  caused 
more  trouble  than  when  it  was  whole.  VVhile  the 
enemy   had    been    driven    into    the   sole    remaining 

139 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

Romanus  obstruxerat.  Illi  alterura^  sibi  portum  ab 
alia  urbis  parte  foderunt,  nec  ut  fugerent  ;  sed  qua 
nemo  illos  nec  evadere  posse  credebat^inde  quasi  nata^ 

15  subito  classis  erupit,  cum  interim  iam  diebus,  iam  nocti- 
bus  nova  aliqua  moles^  nova  machina^  nova  perditorum 
hominum  manus  quasi  ex  obruto  incendio  subita  de 

16  cineribus  flamma  prodibat.  Deploratis  novissime 
rebus  triginta  sex  miha  virorum  se  dediderunt,  quo 

17  minus  credas^  duce  Hasdrubale.  Quanto  fortius 
femina  et  uxor  ducis  I  Quae  conprehensis  duobus 
liberis  a  culmine  se  domus  in  medium  misit  in- 
cendium,   imitata  reginam    quae   Carthaginem  con- 

18  didit.  Quanta  urbs  deleta  sit^  ut  de  ceteris  taceam, 
de  ignis  mora  probari  potest.  Quippe  per  continuos 
decem  et  septem  dies  vix  potuit  incendium  extingui 
quod  domibus  ac  tempUs  suis  sponte  hostes  inmise- 
rant ;  ut,  quatenus  urbs  eripi  Romanis  non  poterat, 
triumphus  arderet. 


XXXn.  Bellvm  Achaicvm 

II,  16  Ql'asi  saeculum  illud  eversionibus  urbium  curreret, 
Carthaginis  ruinam  statim  Corinthus  excepit,  Achaiae 
caput^  Graeciae  decus,  inter  duo  maria,  lonium  et 
Aegaeum,  quasi  spectaculo  exposita.     Haec — facinus 

^  alterum  XL  :  autem  B,  ^  nata  :  nota  B. 

140 


BOOK    I.  xxxi.-.vxxii. 

strongbold,  the  Romans  had  also  blocked  up  the 
harbour  from  the  sea.  The  Carthaginians  thereupon 
excavated  another  harbour  on  another  side  of  the 
city,  though  not  with  the  object  of  escaping ;  but  at 
a  point  \vhere  no  one  imagined  that  they  could  break 
out,  a  fleet^  as  it  were,  sprang  suddenly  into  birtli 
and  salHed  forth,  while  at  the  same  time^  now  by 
day  and  now  by  night,  some  new  structure  or  engine 
of  war  or  some  fresh  band  of  desperate  men  started 
forth  like  a  sudden  flame  from  the  ashes  of  a  buried 
fire.  When  the  position  finally  became  hopeless, 
36;,000  men  led — though  it  is  scarcely  credible — by 
Hasdrubal  surrendered  themselves.  How  much 
braver  was  the  conduct  of  a  woman,  the  wife  of  the 
commander,  who,  with  her  two  children  in  her  arms, 
hurled  herself  from  the  roof  of  her  house  into  the 
midst  of  the  flames,  following  the  example  of  the 
queen  who  founded  Carthage  !  ^  How  mighty  was 
the  city  which  was  destroyed  is  shown,  to  mention 
only  a  single  fact^  by  the  long  duration  of  the  fire  ; 
for  it  was  only  after  seventeen  days  of  continual 
effort  that  the  flames  were  with  difficulty  put  out 
wliich  the  enemy  had  themselves  kindled  in  their 
houses  and  temples,  in  order  that,  since  the  city 
could  not  be  saved  from  the  Romans,  the  material 
for  a  triumph  might  be  burnt. 

XXXH.    The  Achaean  War 

16.  As  though  that  age  could  only  run  its  course 
by  the  destruction  of  cities,  the  ruin  of  Carthage 
was  immediately  followed  by  that  of  Corintli,  the 
capital  of  Achaea,  the  glory  of  Greece,  set  for  all 
men  to  behold  between  the  lonian  and  Aegean  seas. 

*  i.c.  Dido. 

141 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

indignum — ante  oppressa  est  quam  in  numero  certo- 

2  rum  hostium  referretur.  Critolaus  causa  belli,  qui 
libertate    a   Romanis  data   adversus   ipsos   usus  est 

3  legatosque  Romanos^  dubium  an  et  manu,  certe 
oratione  violavit.  Igitur  Metello  ordinanti  tum^ 
maxime  Macedoniam  ^  mandata  est  ultio ;  et  hine 
Achaicum  bellum.  Ac  primum  Critolai  manum 
Metellus    consul   per  patentis    Elidos  campos    toto 

4  cecidit  Alphio.  Et  uno  proeHo  peractum  erat 
bellum ;  iam  enim  urbem  ipsam  terrebat  obsidio ; 
sed — fata     rerum — cum     Metellus     dimicasset,     ad 

6  victoriam  Muramius  intervenit.^  Hic  alterius  ducis 
Diaei  ^  late  exercitum  sub  ipsis  Isthmi  faucibus  fudit 
geminosque  portus  sanguine  infecit.  Tum  ab  incoUs 
deserta    civitas     direpta     primum^    deinde     tuba  ^ 

6  praecinente  deleta  est.  Quid  signorum,  quid  ve- 
stium  quidve  tabularum  raptum  incensumque  atque 
proiectum  est !  Quantas  opes  et  abstulerit  et  cre- 
maverit,  hinc  scias,  quod  quidquid  Corinthii  aeris 
toto  orbe  laudatur  incendio  superfuisse  comperimus. 

7  Nam  et  aeris  notam  pretiosiorem  ipsa  opulentissimae 
urbis  fecit  iniuria,^  quia  incendio  permixtis  plurimis 
statuis  atque  simulacris  aeris  auri  argentique  venae 
in  commune  fluxerunt. 

^  tum :   cum  codd. 

^  Macedoniam  :  Macedoniae  codA. 

2  intervenit  Woelfflinus  :  inuenit  B. 

*  Diaei  Pighius  :  dinei  B :  dignitate  NL. 

^  tuba  L.  Voss.  Palat. :   turba  BN. 

^  iniuria  :  syniuria  B  :  ruina  Hauptius. 

1  Head  of  the  Achaean  League. 
142 


BOOK    I.  XXXII. 

Tliis  city,  by  an  act  unwortliy  of  the  Romans,  was 
overwhelmed  betore  it  could  be  accounted  in  the 
number  of  their  dechired  enemies.  The  cause  of 
the  war  was  the  action  of  Critolaus/  who  used 
against  the  Romans  the  liberty  which  they  them- 
selves  had  granted,  and  insulted  the  Roman  am- 
bassadors,  certainly  by  his  words  and  perhaps  also 
by  personal  violence.  The  task  of  vengeance  was 
therefore  entrusted  to  Metellus,  who  just  at  the 
time  was  settling  matters  in  Macedonia.  Thus  the 
Achaean  war  began.  First  of  all  the  consul  Metellus  ^ 
defeated  the  forces  of  Critolaus  all  along  the  Alpheus 
in  the  wide  plains  of  Elis.  The  war  was  thus  finished 
by  a  single  battle,  and  a  siege  already  threatened  the 
city  itself;  but — so  fate  decreed — though  Metellus 
had  fought  the  battle,  Mummius  interposed  to  reap 
the  fruits  of  the  victory.  He  completely  routed  the 
army  of  the  other  general,  Diaeus,  in  the  very  neck 
of  the  Isthmus  and  dyed  the  twin  harbours  with 
blood.  The  city,  deserted  by  its  inhabitants,  was 
first  plundered  and  then  destroyed  at  a  signal  given 
by  trumpets.  What  a  vast  quantity  of  statues, 
garments  and  pictures  was  carried  off,  burnt,  and 
thrown  away  !  How  great  was  the  wealth  which  was 
plundered  or  burnt  may  be  judged  from  the  fact 
that  we  are  told  that  all  the  Corinthian  bronze- 
work,  which  enjoys  so  high  a  repute  throughout  the 
world,  was  a  survival  from  the  conflagration.  For 
the  damage  inflicted  on  this  rich  city  in  itself  caused 
a  higher  value  to  be  placed  upon  Corinthian  bronze, 
because,  by  the  melting  together  of  countless  statues 
and  images  by  the  tiames,  brass,  gold  and  silver  ore 
were  fused  into  one  common  mass. 

2  Consul  in  146  b.c. 

143 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

XXXIIL    Res  in  Hispania  Gestae 

ii^  17  ^^T   Carthaginem  Corinthus,   ita    Corinthum  Nu- 
mantia  secuta  est ;  nec  deinde  orbe  toto  quicquam 

2  intactum  armis  fuit.  Post  illa  duo  clarissimarum  ^ 
urbium  incendia  late  atque  passim,  nec  per  vices, 
sed  simul  pariter  quasi  unum  undique  bellum  fuit ; 
prorsus  ut  illae  ^  quasi  agitantibus  ventis  diffudisse 
quaedam  belli  incendia  orbe  toto  viderentur. 

3  Hispaniae  numquam  animus  fuit  adversum  nos 
universae  consurgere,  numquam  conferre  vires  suas 
libuit,  neque  aut  imperium  experiri  aut  libertatem 
tueri  suam  publice.  Alioquin  ita  undique  mari 
Pyrenaeoque   vallata  est,  ut  ingenio  situs  ne    adiri 

4  quidem  potuerit.  Sed  ante  a  Romanis  obsessa  est 
quam  se  ipsa  cognosceret,  et  sola  omnium  provincia- 

5  rum  vires  suas  postquam  victa  est  intellexit.  In 
hac  prope  ducentos  per  annos  dimicatum  est  a 
primis  Scipionibus  in  primum  Caesarem  Augustum, 
non  continuo  nec  cohaerenter,  sed  prout  causae 
lacessierant^  nec  cum  Hispanis  initio,  sed  cum 
Poenis  in  Hispania ;  inde  contagium  serpens  ^ 
causaeque  bellorum. 

6  Prima  per  Pyrenaeum  iugum  signa  Romana 
Publius  et  Gnaeus  Scipiones  intulerunt  proeliisque 
ingentibus  Annonem  et  Hasdrubalem  fratres  Anni- 
balis  ceciderunt ;     raptaque   erat  impetu   Hispania, 

1  clarissimarum  Freinshemiii.s  :  clarissima  codd. 

2  illae  :  ille  BN  :  favillae  lahnius  :  scintillae  Woelfflinus. 

3  serpens  Moimnsenus :  ad  series  B  :  et  series  NL. 

144 


BOOK    I.  XXXIII. 


XXXIII.    Operations  in  Spain 

17.  As  the  fate  of  Corinth  foUowed  upon  that  of 
Carthage,  so  the  fate  of  Numantia  followed  upon 
that  of  Corinth  ;  and  thereafter  not  a  single  place 
in  the  whole  world  was  left  unassailed  by  the  arms 
of  Rome.  After  the  burning  of  these  two  famous 
cities,  a  single  war  was  waged  far  and  wide  every- 
where  at  once,  and  not  merely  against  one  nation 
after  another ;  so  that  it  seemed  as  if  these  two 
cities.  as  by  the  action  of  winds,  had  scattered  the 
flames  of  war  over  the  whole  world. 

Spain  as  a  whole  never  had  any  desire  to  rise 
against  us  ;  it  never  thought  of  ])itting  its  strength 
against  us,  and  either  making  a  bid  for  empire  or  a 
united  defence  of  its  liberty.  Otherwise  it  is  so 
well  protected  on  all  sides  by  the  sea  and  the 
Pyrenees  that,  owing  to  its  geographical  conforma- 
tion,  it  would  be  unassailable.  But  it  was  beset  by 
the  Romans  before  it  recognized  its  own  possi- 
biUties,  and  was  tlie  only  one  of  the  provinces  that 
discovered  its  strength  only  after  it  had  been  de- 
feated.  Fighting  continued  in  Spain  over  a  period 
of  nearly  two  hundred  years,  from  the  earliest  of  the 
Scipios  down  to  the  first  Caesar  Augustus,  yet  not 
continuously  and  without  intermission,  but  at  the 
call  of  circumstances  ;  and  the  first  hostilities  were 
directed  not  against  the  Spanish  but  against  the 
Carthaginians  in  Spain,  from  whom  the  contagion 
spread  and  who  were  the  cause  of  all  the  wars. 

The  two  Scipios,  PubHus  and  Gnaeus,  bore  the 
first  Roman  standards  over  the  Pyrenees,  and 
defeated  Hanno  and  Hasdrubal,  the  brothers  of 
Hannibal,  in   important    encounters.      Spain    would 

P.N.F 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

nisi  fortissimi  viri  in  ipsa  victoria  sua  oppressi 
Punica  fraude  cecidissent,  terra  marique    victores. 

7  Igitur  quasi  novam  integramque  provinciam  ultor 
patris  et  patrui  Scipio  ille  mox  Africanus  invasit, 
isque  statim  capta  Carthagine  et  aliis  urbibus,  non 
contentus  Poenos  expulisse,  stipendiariam  nobis 
provinciam  fecit,  omnes  citra  ultraque  Hiberum 
subiecit  imperio,  primusque  Romanorum  ducum 
victor  ad  Gades  et  Oceani  ora  pervenit.      Plus  est 

•8  provinciam  retinere  quam  facere.  Itaque  per  partes 
iam  huc,  iam  illuc  missi  duces,  qui  ferocissimas  et  in 
id  tempus  liberas  gentes  ideoque  inpatientes  iugi 
multo   labore   nec    incruentis    certaminibus    servire 

9  docuerunt.  Cato  ille  censorius  Celtiberos,  id  est 
robur  Hispaniae,  aliquot  proeliis  fregit.  Gracchus, 
pater  ille  Gracchorum,  eosdem  centum  et  quinqua- 

10  ginta  urbium  eversione  multavit.  Metellus  ille,  qui 
ex  Macedonia  cognomen  meruerat,  et  Celtibericus 
fieri  meruit^  cum  et  Contrebiam  ^  memorabili  ce- 
pisset     exemplo     et     Nertobrigae  ^    maiore    gloria 

11  pepercisset.  Lucullus  Turdulos  atque  Vaccaeos, 
de  quibus  ille  Scipio  posterior  singulari  certamine, 

12  cum  rex  fuisset  provocator,  opima  rettulerat.  Deci- 
mus  Brutus  aliquanto  latius  Celticos  Lusitanosque  et 

1  Contrebiam  :  cantabriam  B  :  cum  |  trebiam  L. 
^  Xertobrigae  :  nectobricae  B  :  nersobrigis  L. 

^  New  Carthage,  the  modern  Cartagena. 
146 


BOOK    I.  XXXIII. 

have  been  carried  by  assault  had  not  the  gallant 
Roman  leaders,  in  the  hour  of  victory,  been  sur- 
prised  and  killed  by  Carthaginian  craft,  when  tliey 
had  been  successful  by  land  and  sea.  And  so,  tliat 
other  Scipio,  afterwards  to  be  known  as  Africanus, 
coming  to  avenge  his  father  and  uncle,  entered  as 
it  were  a  new  and  unimpaired  province.  After 
immediately  capturing  Carthage  ^  and  other  cities, 
not  content  with  having  expelled  the  Carthaginians, 
he  made  Spain  into  a  province  paying  tribute  to 
Rome,  and  subdued  all  the  inhabitants  on  both  sides 
of  the  Iberus,  and  was  the  first  Roman  general  to 
reach  Gades  and  the  shores  of  the  Ocean  as  a 
conqueror.  It  is  easier  to  create  than  to  retain  a 
province.  Generals  were,  therefore,  sent  to  deal 
with  the  inhabitants  in  detail,  now  to  this  region 
and  now  to  that,  who,  with  much  toil  and  after 
sanguinary  encounters,  taught  submission  to  savage 
races  who  had  hitherto  been  free  and  were, 
therefore,  impatient  of  the  yoke.  Cato,  the 
well-known  censor,  broke  the  resistance  of  the 
Celtiberians,  the  flower  of  Spanish  manhood,  in 
several  battles.  Gracchus,  the  famous  father  of  the 
Gracchi,  punished  the  same  race  by  the  destruction 
of  a  hundred  and  fifty  cities.  Metellus,  who  had 
won  in  Macedonia  the  title  of  Macedonicus,  deserved 
also  that  of  Celtibericus,  after  he  had  achieved  a 
notable  exploit  in  the  capture  of  Contrebia  and  liad 
gained  still  greater  glory  by  sparing  Nertobriga. 
Lucullus  conquered  the  Turduli  and  Vaccaei,  from 
whom  the  younger  Scipio  had  won  the  spolia  opima  in 
a  single  combat  to  which  their  king  had  challenged 
him.  Decimus  Brutus  conquered  a  much  wider 
district,  which   included  the   Celts  and  Lusitanians 

^47 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

omnis  Callaeciae  populos  formidatumque  militibus 
flumen  Oblivionis,  peragratoque  victor  Oceani  litore 
non  prius  signa  convertit  quam  cadentem  in  maria 
solem  obrutumque  aquis  ignem  non  sine  quodam 
sacrilegii  metu  et  liorrore  deprendit. 

13  Sed  tota  certaminum  moles  cum  Lusitanis  fuit  et 
Numantinis.  Nec  inmerito.  Quippe  solis  gentium 
Hispaniae  duces  contigerunt.  Fuisset  et  cum 
omnibus  Celtiberis^  nisi  dux  illius  motus  initio  belli 
vi  ^  oppressus  esset.  summi  vir-  astus  et  audaciae,  si 

14  processisset,  Olyndicus,  qui  hastam  argenteam  qua- 
tiens  quasi  caelo  missam  vaticinanti  similis  omnium 
in  se  mentes  converterat.  Sed  cum  pari  temeritate 
sub  nocte  castra   consulis  adisset,   iuxta   tentorium 

15  ipsum  pilo  vigilis  exceptus  est.  Ceterum  Lusitanos 
Viriatus  erexit,  vir  calliditatis  acerrimae.  Qui  ex 
venatore  latro,  ex  latrone  subito  dux  atque  imperator 
et,  si  fortuna  cessisset,  Hispaniae  Romulus,  non 
contentus  libertatem  suorum  defendere,  per  quat- 
tuordecim  ^  annos  omnia  citra  ultraque  Hiberum  et 

16  Tagum  igni  ferroque  populatus,  castra  etiam  prae- 
torum  et  praesidia  ^  adgressus,  Claudium  Vnimanum 
paene  ad  internicionem  exercitus  cecidit^  et  insignia 
trabeis  et  fascibus  nostris  quae  ceperat  in  montibus 

^  vi  lahnius  :  x\t  B. 

2  summi    vir    astus    et    audaciae    scripsi:    summae    uir 
audaciae  B  :  summus  uir  astutus  et  audaciae  NL. 
^  quattuordecim :  quattuor  B  :  XIIll  NL. 
*  praesidia  Halmius  :  praesidium  codd. 
^  cecidit  et  Freinshemius :  cecidisset  codd. 

^  Also  called  the  Limaea  (Strabo,  III,  p.  153). 
148 


BOOK    I.  XXXIII. 

and  all  tlie  peoples  of  Callaecia  and  the  River  of 
Oblivioii/  much  dreaded  by  the  soldiers,  and,  after 
marching  victorious  along  the  shores  of  the  Ocean, 
did  not  turn  back  until,  not  without  a  certain  dread 
of  impiety  and  a  feeling  of  awe,  he  beheld  the  sun 
sinking  into  the  sea  and  its  fires  quenched  in  tlie 
Avaters. 

But  the  chief  trouble  in  the  contest  lay  with  the 
Lusitanians  and  the  Numantines,  and  not  without 
reason  ;  for  they  were  the  only  Spanish  tribes  that 
possessed  leaders.  There  would  have  been  trouble  also 
with  all  the  Celtiberians  had  not  the  leader  of  their 
risinij,  Olvndicus — a  man  of  g-reat  craft  and  darinff, 
if  only  fortune  had  favoured  him — been  put  out  of 
the  way  early  in  the  war.  This  man,  brandishing  a 
silver  spear  which  he  claimed  had  been  sent  from 
heaven,  and  behaving  like  a  prophet,  had  attracted 
general  attention;  but  having^  with  corresponding 
temerity,  approached  the  consuFs  camp  under  the 
cover  of  night,  he  ended  his  career  by  the  javelin  of 
a  sentry  close  to  the  very  tent  of  the  consul.  The 
Lusitanians  were  stirred  to  revolt  by  Viriatus,  a  man 
of  extreme  cunning,  who  from  being  a  hunter 
became  a  brigand,  and  from  a  brigand  suddenly 
became  a  leader  and  general,  and,  if  fortune  had 
favoured  him,  would  have  become  the  Romulus  of 
Spain.  Not  content  with  defending  the  liberty  of 
his  countrymen,  for  fourteen  years  he  laid  waste 
with  fire  and  sword  all  the  land  on  both  sides  of  the 
Iberus  and  Tagus  ;  attacked  the  camps  of  the  praetors 
and  the  Roman  garrisons ;  defeated  Claudius  Uni- 
manus,  almost  completely  exterminating  his  army ; 
and  fixed  up  in  his  native  mountains  trophies  adorned 
with    the    official    robes    and    fasces    which   he    had 

149 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

17  suis  tropaea  fixit.^  Tandem  et  eum  ^  Fabius  Maximus 
consul  oppresserat ;  sed  a  successore  Popilio  violata 
victoria  est.  Quippe  qui  conficiendae  rei  cupidus, 
fractum  ducem  et  extrema  deditionis  agitantem  per 
fraudem  et  insidias  et  domesticos  percussores  ad- 
gressus,  hanc  hosti  gloriam  dedit,  ut  videretur  aliter 
vinci  non  posse. 

XXXIIIL    Bellvm  Nvmantinvm 

II,  18  Numantia  quantum  Carthaginis,  Capuae,  Corinthi 
opibus  inferior,  ita  virtutis  nomine  et  honore  par 
omnibus,  summumque,  si  vero  aestimes,   Hispaniae 

2  decus.  Quippe  quae  sine  muro,  sine  turribus, 
modice  edito  in  tumulo  apud  flumen  sita,  quattuor 
miUbus  Celtiberorum  quadraginta  exercitum  per 
annos  undecim  sola  sustinuit,  nec  sustinuit  modo, 
sed  saevius  aliquando  ^  perculit  pudendisque  foederi- 
bus  adfecit.  Novissime,  cum  invictam  esse  constaret^ 
opus  fuit  eo  qui  Carthaginem  everterat. 

3  Non  temere,  si  fateri  licet,  ulHus  causa  belli 
iniustior.     Segidenses,  socios  et  consanguineos  suos, 

4  Romanorum  manibus  elapsos,  exceperant.*  Habita 
pro  his  deprecatio  nihil  valuit.  Cum  se  ab  omni 
bellorum  contagione  removerent,  in  legitimi  foederis 
pretium  iussi  arma  deponere.      Hoc  sic  a   barbaris 

1  fixit  Freinshemius :  fixisset  codd. 

2  et  eum  scripsi  :  etiani  codd. 

^  aliquando  Lipsius :  aliquanto  codd. 
^  exceperant  :  susceperant  B. 


BOOK    I.  XXXIII. -xxxiiii. 

captured  from  us.  At  last  Fabius  Maximus  had 
overcome  him  also  ;  but  his  victory  was  spoilt  by  the 
conduct  of  his  successor  Popilius,  who,  in  his  eager- 
ness  to  finish  the  campaign,  assailed  the  enemy 
leader^  when  he  was  already  defeated  and  was 
contemplating  the  final  step  of  surrender,  by  craft 
and  stratagem  and  private  assassins,  and  so  gave 
him  the  credit  of  seeming  to  have  been  invincible  by 
any  other  method. 

XXXIIII.     The  Numantine  War 

18.  NuMANTiA,  however  inferior  in  wealth  to  Carth- 
age,  Capua  and  Corinth,  in  respect  of  valour  and 
distinction  was  the  equal  of  any  of  them,  and,  if 
one  judges  it  aright,  was  the  greatest  glory  of  Spain. 
This  city,  without  any  walls  or  fortifications  and 
situated  on  only  a  slight  eminence  on  the  banks  of 
a  stream,  with  a  garrison  of  4;,000  Celtiberians,  held 
out  alone  against  an  army  of  40,000  men  for  eleven 
years,  and  not  only  held  out  but  repulsed  its  foes 
with  considerable  vigour  on  several  occasions  and 
drove  them  to  make  discreditable  terms.  Finally, 
when  they  found  that  the  city  was  undefeated,  they 
were  forced  to  call  in  the  general  who  liad  over- 
thrown  Carthage. 

Scarcely  ever,  if  the  truth  may  be  confessed,  was 
the  pretext  for  any  war  more  unjust.  The  Numan- 
tines  had  harboured  their  allies  and  kinsmen  the 
Segidians  who  had  escaped  from  the  hands  of  the 
Romans.  The  intercession  which  they  made  on 
their  behalf  })rodaced  no  result.  When  they  offered 
to  withdraw  from  all  participation  in  the  war,  they 
were  ordered  to  lay  down  their  arms  as  the  price 
of  a  regular  treaty.     This  demand  was  interpreted 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

acceptum,  quasi  manus  absciderentur.  Itaque 
statim  Megaravico  fortissimo  duce  ad  arma  conversi. 
Pompeium  proelio  adgressi,  foedus  tamen  maluerunt, 
cum  debellare  potuissent ;  Hostilium  deinde  Manci- 
6  num  :  hunc  quoque  adsiduis  caedibus  ita  subegerunt, 
ut   ne    oculos    quidem    aut    vocem    Numantini    viri 

6  quisquam  sustineret.  Tamen  cum  hoc  quoque 
foedus   maluere,   contenti    armorum   manubiis,   cum 

7  ad  internicionem  saevire  potuissent.  Sed  non  minus 
Numantini  quam  Caudini  iUius  foederis  flagrans 
ignominia  aut  pudore  populus  Romanus  dedecus 
quidem  praesentis  flagitii  deditione  Mancini  expiavit, 

8  ceterum  duce  Scipione,  Carthaginis  incendiis  ad 
excidium  urbium  inbuto,  tandem  etiam  in  ultionem 
excanduit.       Sed   tum    acrius    in    castris    quam    in 

9  campo,   nostro    cum    miUte   quam  cum    Numantino 

10  proeUandum  fuit.  Quippe  adsiduis  et  iniustis  et 
servilibus  maxime  operibus  adtriti  ferre  plenius 
vallum,  qui  arma  nescirent,  luto  inquinari,  quia 
sanguine  nollent,  iubebantur.  Ad  hoc  scorta, 
calones,   sarcinae   nisi    ad    usum   necessariae   ampu- 

11  tantur.  Tanti  esse  exercitum  quanti  imperatorem 
vere    proditum    est.       Sic    redacto    in    discipHnam 


1  Mancinus  was  placed  unarmed  and  bound  before  the 
gates  of  Xumantia,  but  the  Numantines  refused  to  take  him 
prisoner  (Vell.  Pater.  II,  1,  5). 

2  Cp.  Liv.  Epit.  57  (where  the  incident  is  referred  to) : 
militem  triginta  ditrum  frumenta  ac  septenos  vallos  ferre 
coegit. 


BOOK    I.  x.wiiii. 

by  the  barbarians  as  equivaleut  to  the  ciitting  off  of 
their  hands ;  and  so  they  immediately  had  recourse 
to  arms  under  the  leadership  of  the  brave  Megara- 
vicus.  They  attacked  Pompeius,  but,  when  they 
might  have  utterly  defeated  him,  they  preferred  to 
conclude  a  treaty.  They  next  attacked  HostiHus 
Mancinus ;  him  too  they  reduced  by  inflicting  con- 
tinual  losses  upon  him,  so  that  no  one  could  endure 
even  to  look  in  the  eyes  or  hear  the  voice  of  a 
Numantine.  Xevertheless,  when  tiiey  might  have 
wreaked  their  fury  in  wholesale  destruction^  they 
preferred  to  make  a  treaty  with  him,  being  content 
to  despoil  his  men  of  their  arms.  But  the  Roman 
people,  as  much  incensed  at  the  dishonour  and 
shame  of  this  Numantine  treaty  as  they  had  been  at 
that  of  the  C^udine  Forks,  wiped  out  the  disgrace  of 
the  disaster  of  the  moment  by  surrendering  Mancinus 
to  the  enemy,^  and  then,  under  the  leadership  of 
Scipio,  who  had  been  trained  for  the  destruction  of 
cities  by  the  burning  of  Carthage,  at  last  their  desire 
for  vengeance  burst  into  flames.  At  first  he  had  a 
harder  struggle  in  the  camp  than  in  the  field,  and 
more  with  our  own  soldiers  than  with  the  Numan- 
tines  ;  for,  worn  out  with  continual^excessive  and,for 
the  most  part,  servile  tasks,  on  the  ground  that  they 
did  not  know  how  to  fight  they  were  ordered  to 
carry  more  than  the  usual  number  of  stakes,-  and 
because  tliey  refused  to  stain  themselves  with  bloodj 
they  were  bidden  to  befoul  themselves  with  mud. 
In  addition  to  this,  the  women  and  camp-followers 
and  all  the  baggage  except  what  was  absolutely 
necessary  were  dispensed  with.  It  is  a  true  proverb 
which  says  that  a  general  has  the  anny  which  he 
deserves.     The  troops  having  been  thus  reduced  to 

^53 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

milite   commissa  acies,  quodque    nemo   visurum    se 
umquam  speraverat  factum,  ut  fugientes  Numantinos 

12  quisquam  videret.  Dedere  etiam  se  volebant,  si 
toleranda  viris  imperarentur.  Sed  cum  Scipio  veram 
vellet  et  sine  exceptione  victoriam,  eo  necessitatum 
conpulsi  primum  ut  destinata  morte  in  proelium 
ruerent,  cum  se  prius  epulis  quasi  inferiis  implevis- 
sent  carnis  semicrudae  et  caeliae ;  ^  sic   vocant  in- 

13  digenam  ex  frumento  potionem.  Intellectum  ab 
imperatore  consilium,  itaque  non  est  permissa  pugna 
morituris.  Cum  fossa  atque  lorica  quattuorque 
castris  circumdatos  fames  premeret,  a  duce  orantes 
proelium^    ut    tamquam    viros    occideret,    ubi    non 

14  impetrabant,  placuit  eruptio.  Sic  conserta  manu 
plurimi  occisi,  et  cum  urgueret  fames,  aliquantisper 
inde  vixerunt^  Novissime  consilium  fugae  sedit ; 
sed    hoc  quoque    ruptis    equorum   cingulis  ^  uxores 

15  ademere,  summo  scelere  per  amorem.  Itaque 
deplorato  exitu  in  ultimam  rabiem  furoremque 
conversi,  postremo  Rhoecogene  duce  se,  suos, 
patriam  ferro  veneno,  subiecto  igne  undique  pere- 

16  gerunt.  Macte  *  fortissimam  et  meo  iudicio  beatissi- 
mam  in  ipsis  mahs  civitatem.  Adseruit  cum  fide 
socios,  populum  orbis  terrarum  viribus  fultum  tam 
parva  manu  aetate  tam  longa  sustinuit.     Novissime 

1  caeliae  NL  :  praellae  B.  ^  vixerunt :  vicerunt  B. 

3  cingulis :  singuli  B. 

*  esse  post  macte  add.  codd.  del.  Aldus. 

1  A  kind  of  beer  ;  cf.  Pliny  N.H.  XXH.  25.  82. 

2  This  interpretation  of  inde  is  confirmed  by  the  account 
given  by  Val.  Max.  YII.  6,  2. 

154 


BOOK    I.  xxxiiii. 

discipline,  a  battle  was  fought,  and  the  sight  of  the 
Numantines  in  flight,  which  no  one  had  even  expected 
to  see,  was  actually  reahzed.  They  were  wilhng  to 
surrender  if  conditions  were  imposed  to  which  men 
of  spirit  could  submit.  But  since  Scipio  desired  a 
complete  and  unquahfied  victory,  they  were  first 
reduced  to  the  necessity  of  rushing  into  the  fray 
resolved  to  die,  after  they  had  first  gorged  themselves 
with,  as  it  were,  a  funeral  banquet  of  half-raw  flesh 
and  caelia}  a  name  which  they  give  to  a  local  drink 
made  from  corn.  Their  intention  was  perceived  by 
the  general,  and  so,  ready  though  they  were  to  die, 
no  opportunity  was  given  them  of  fighting.  When 
famine  pressed  hard  upon  them — for  they  were 
surrounded  by  a  trench  and  breastwork  and  four 
camps — they  begged  the  general  to  allow  them  to 
engage  him,  so  that  he  might  slay  them  like  men, 
and,  when  their  request  was  refused,  they  deter- 
mined  to  make  a  sortie.  This  resulted  in  a  battle  in 
which  very  many  of  them  were  slain  and.  as  hunger 
pressed  them  hard,  they  hved  for  a  while  on  the 
dead  bodies.^  Finally,  they  made  up  their  minds  to 
flee,  but  this  was  prevented  by  their  wives.  who  cut 
the  girths  of  their  horses — a  grievous  wrong.  but  due 
to  their  affection.  Despairing,  therefore,  of  escape 
and  in  a  revulsion  of  rage  and  fury,  they,  at  last, 
under  the  leadership  of  Rhoecogenes,  made  an  end 
of  themselves,  their  famihes  and  their  native  city 
with  the  sword,  with  poison  and  with  a  general  con- 
flagration.  All  glory  to  a  brave  city,  a  city  blessed, 
so  it  seems  to  me,  even  in  its  misfortunes  ;  for  it 
loyally  helped  its  aUies  and  with  so  small  a  force 
withstood  for  so  long  a  period  a  people  which  was 
supported    by   the    resources    of  the    whole    world. 

155 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

maximo  duce  oppressa  civitas  nullum  de  se  gaudium 
17  hosti  reliquit.  Unus  enim  vir  Numantinus  non 
fuit  qui  in  catenis  duceretur  ;  praeda,  ut  de  pauper- 
rimis,  nulla :  arma  ipsi  cremaverunt.  Triumphus 
fuit  tantum  ^  de  nomine. 
II,  19  Hactenus  populus  Romanus  pulcher^  egregius, 
pius_,  sanctus  atque  magnificus ;  reliqua  saeculi,  ut 
grandia  aeque,  ita  vel  magis  turbida  et  foeda, 
crescentibus    cum  ipsa  magnitudine  imperii   vitiis  ; 

2  adeo  ut.  si  quis  hanc  tertiam  eius  aetatem  trans- 
marinam,  quam  ducentorum  annorum  fecimus, 
dividat,  centum  hos  priores,  quibus  Africam, 
Macedoniam_,  Siciliam,^  Hispaniam  domuit,   anreos, 

3  sicut  poetae  canunt,  iure  meritoque  fateatur,  centum 
sequentes  ferreos  plane  et  cruentos  et  si  quid 
immanius ;  quippe  qui  lugurthinis,  Cimbricis^  Mith- 
ridaticis,  Parthicis,  piraticis  belHs,  GaUicis  atque 
Germanicis^  quibus  caelum  ipsum  gloria  ascendit, 
Gracchanas  Drusianasque  caedes,  ad  hoc  serviUa 
beUa    miscuerint     et,     ne    quid    turpitudini    desit, 

4  gladiatoria.  Denique  in  se  ipse  conversus  Marianis 
atque  SuUanis/  novissime  Pompei  et  Caesaris  mani- 
bus,  quasi  per    rabiem    et    furorem — nefas  l — semet 

5  ipse  laceravit.  Quae  etsi  *  iuncta  inter  se  sunt 
omnia  atque  confusa,  tamen  quo  meUus  appareant, 

^  tantum  :  tantus  B. 

2  Siciliam  om.  B :  Syriam  lahnius. 

3  Sullanis  :  Sillanis  B. 

*  quae  etsi  L.  Voss :  quasi  B  :  quaesi  N. 

iS6 


BOOK    I.  xxxini. 

Having  been  finally  overcome  bj  the  greatest  of 
generals,  it  left  the  enemy  no  cause  for  exultation  :  for 
not  a  single  Numantine  nv^is  left  to  be  led  in  triuniph 
asa  prisoner  ;  the  city,  being  pooi%  provided  no  spoil ; 
their  arms  they  themselves  burned.  Only  the  name 
of  tlie  city  remained  over  which  they  could  triumph. 
19.  Hitherto  the  Roman  people  had  been  glorious, 
ilhistrious,  humane,  upright  and  high-minded  ;  tlie 
rest  of  their  history  during  this  period,  though 
equally  grand,  was  more  disturbed  and  disgraced  bv 
the  vices  which  increased  with  the  verv  greatness  of 
their  empire ;  so  much  so  that,  if  one  were  to  sub- 
divide  this  third  age,  which  saw  conquests  beyond 
the  seas  and  to  which  we  have  allotted  tv.o  hundred 
years,  he  would  reasonably  and  justly  admit  that 
the  first  hundred  years,  during  which  they  sub- 
dued  Africa,  Macedonia^  Sicily  and  Spain,  might  be 
named,  in  the  language  of  the  poets,  golden,  and 
the  following  hundred  years  an  age  of  iron  and 
bloodshed  or  whatever  is  still  more  terrible.  For 
these  years  included  not  only  the  Jugurthine, 
Cimbrian,  Mithridatic,  Parthian  and  piratical  wars, 
and  the  wars  in  Gaul  and  Germany  (when  the 
glory  of  Rome  rose  to  the  very  heavens),  but  the 
murders  of  the  Gracchi  and  Drusus,  and  also  the 
wars  against  the  slaves,  and  also  (that  nothing  might 
be  wanting  to  their  infamy)  those  against  the  gladia- 
tors.  Lastly,  the  Romans,  turning  upon  themselves, 
as  though  in  madness  and  fury,  rent  themselves  to 
pieces — a  crime  indeed — by  the  hands  of  the  Marian 
and  Sullan  parties,  and  finally  by  those  of  Pompeius 
and  Caesar.  These  events,  though  they  are  closely 
connected  and  invol  ved  withone  another,  nevertheless, 
in  order  that  they  may  be  set  forth  more  clearly,  and 

157 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

simul  et  ne  scelera  virtutibus  obstrepant,  separatim 
referentur/  priQsque,  ut  coepimus,  iusta  illa  et  pia 
cum  exteris  gentibus  bella  memorabimus,  ut  magni- 
tudo  crescentis  in  dies  imperii  appareat ;  tum  ad 
illa  civium  scelera  turpesque  et  inpias  pugnas 
revertemur. 


XXXV.    Bellvm  Asiaticvm 

iij  20  VicTA  ad  occasum  Hispania  populus  Romanus 
ad  orientem  pacem  agebat,  nec  pacem  modo,  sed 
inusitata  et  incognita  quadam  felicitate  relictae 
regiis    hereditatibus    opes    et    tota   insemel    regna 

2  veniebant.  Attalus  rex  Pergamenorum,  regis 
Eumenis  filius^  socii  quondam  commilitonisque 
nostri,  testamentum  reliquit :  "  Populus  Romanus 
bonorum   meorum  heres  esto.      In  bonis  regiis  haec 

3  fuerunt."  Adita  igitur  hereditate  provinciam 
populus  Romanus  non  quidem  bello  nec  armis,  sed, 

4  quod  aequiuSj  testamenti  iure  retinebat.  Sed  hanc 
difficile  dictu  est  utrum  facilius  amiserit  populus 
Romanus  an  recuperaverit.  Aristonicus,  regii 
sanguinis  ferox  iuvenis,  urbis  regibus  parere  con- 
suetas  partim  facile  sollicitat,  paucas  resistentis, 
Myndon^^  Samon,  Colophona  vi  recepit ;  Crassi 
quoque  praetoris  cecidit^  exercitum  ipsumque  cepit. 

^  referentur  Halmius  :  perferentur  codd. 
*  Myndon  :  myndam  B.         ^  cecidit  EeM.  :  caede  codd. 

^  fuerunt  appears  to  be  a  sort  of  epistolary  perfect :  "  were, 
when  I  made  my  will." 

IS8 


BOOK    I.  xxxiiii.-xxxv. 

also  that  the  crimes  may  not  obscure  the  virtues,  shall 
be  related  separately.  And  so,  in  the  first  j)lace,  in 
accordance  ^vith  our  original  plan,  we  will  describe 
the  just  and  honourable  wars  waged  against  foreign 
nations,  in  order  that  the  greatness  of  the  daily 
increasing  empire  may  be  made  manifest ;  and  after- 
wards  we  will  turn  to  the  crimes  and  to  the  dis- 
graceful  and  impious  struggles  of  the  citizens  amongst 
themselves. 

XXXV.   The  Asiatic  War 

20.  When  Spain  had  been  conquered  in  the  West, 
the  Roman  people  had  peace  in  the  East ;  and  they 
not  only  had  peace,  but,  by  an  unparalleled  and  un- 
heard-of  dispensation  of  fortune,  wealth  was  left  to 
them  by  royal  bequests  and  whole  kingdoms  at  a 
time  passed  into  their  hands.  Attalus,  king  of  Per- 
gamon,  son  of  King  Eumenes,  who  had  been  our 
former  ally  and  supporter  in  war,  left  a  will  which 
said,  "  Let  the  Roman  people  be  heir  to  my  estate  : 
the  following  possessions  now  constitute  the  royal 
property."  ^  Entering,  therefore,  into  this  inheri- 
tance,  the  Roman  people  took  possession  of  a  pro- 
vince  not  by  war  or  force  of  arms  but,  what  is  more 
equitable,  by  the  right  conferred  by  a  will.  It  is 
difficult  to  say  whether  the  Roman  people  lost 
or  recovered  this  province  with  greater  ease. 
Aristonicus,  a  high-spirited  young  man  of  the  royal 
blood,  easily  won  over  some  of  the  cities  which  had 
been  accustomed  to  obey  the  kings,  and  compelled 
a  few  others — Myndos,  Samos  and  Colophon — which 
refused  to  join  him.  He  also  defeated  the  army 
of  the  praetor  Crassus  and  captured  its  commander. 

159 


L.   ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

5  Sed  ille  memor  et  familiae  et  Romani  nominis 
custodem  ^  barbarum  virgula  excaecat  et  in  exitium 

6  sui,  quod  volebat^  ita  concitat.  Mox  a  Perperna 
domitus   et    captus   et    per    deditionem    in   vinculis 

7  habitus.  Aquilius  Asiatici  belli  reliquias  confecit, 
mixtis — nefas — veneno  fontibus  ad  deditionem  qua- 
rundam  urbium,  Quae  res  ut  maturam^  ita  infamem 
fecit  victoriam,  quippe  cum  contra  fas  deum  mores- 
que  maiorum  medicaminibus  inpuris  in  id  tempus 
sacrosancta  Romana  arma  violasset. 


XXXVL    Bellvm  Ivgvrthinvm 

iii^  1  Haec    ad    orientem ;     sed    non    ad    meridianam 
plagam   eadem   quies.     Quis   speraret  post  Cartha- 

2  ginem  aliquod  in  Africa  bellum  ?  Atquin  non 
leviter  se  Numidia  concussit,  et  fuit  in  lugurtha 
quod  post  Annibalem  timeretur,  Quippe  rex  calli- 
dissimus  populum  Romanum  armis  invictum  opibus 
adgressus  est ;    citra   spem   omnium   fortuna  cessit, 

3  ut  rex  fraude  praecipuus  fraude  caperetur.  Hic, 
Massinissa  avo,  Micipsa  patre  per  adoptionem^  cum 
interficere  fratres  statuisset  agitatus  regni  cupidi- 
tate^  nec  illos  magis  quam  senatum  populumque 
Romanum,  quorum  in  fide   et  in  cUentela  regnum 

^  sui  post  custodem  delevi. 
i6o 


BOOK    I.  x.\xv.-x\xvi. 

The  latter,  however,  not  forgetful  of  the  traditions 
of  his  family  and  of  the  Roman  name,  blinded  with 
a  stick  the  barbarian  who  was  guarding  him  and 
thus  provoked  him,  as  was  his  purpose,  to  put  him 
to  death.  Aristonicus  was  soon  afterwards  over- 
come  by  Perperna  and  taken  prisoner,  and  was 
kept  in  chains  after  resigning  his  claims.  Aquilius 
finally  brought  the  Asiatic  war  to  a  close  by  the 
wicked  expedient  of  poisoning  the  springs  in  order 
to  procure  the  surrender  of  certain  cities.  This, 
though  it  hastened  his  victory,  brought  shame  upon 
it,  for  he  had  disgraced  the  Roman  arms,  which  had 
hitherto  been  unsullied,  by  the  use  of  foul  drugs 
in  violation  of  the  laws  of  heaven  and  the  practice 
of  our  forefathers. 

XXXVI.   The  Jugurthine  War 

1.  So  much  for  events  in  the  East ;  in  the  South 
there  was  not  the  same  tranquillity.  Who.  after  the 
fate  of  Carthage,  could  expect  another  war  to  arise 
in  Africa  ?  Yet  Numidi.i  bestirred  herself  in  a 
serious  effort,  and  there  was  something  in  Jugurtha 
to  make  him  an  object  of  dread  as  the  successor  of 
Hannibal.  This  crafty  king  used  his  wealth  to 
attack  the  Roman  people  when  they  were  invincible 
with  arms.  Contrary  to  general  expectation,  fate 
decreed  that  a  king  pre-eminent  in  stratagem  should 
himself  be  ensnared  by  a  stratagem.  Jugurtha,  the 
grandson  of  Massinissa  and  the  adopted  son  of 
Micipsa,  having,  in  his  hurry  to  possess  kingly 
power,  determined  to  put  his  brothers  to  death,  was 
less  afraid  of  them  than  of  the  Roman  senate  and 
people,  in  whose  allegiance  and  under  whose  pro- 
tection  the  kingdom  then  was  ;  he,  therefore,  relied 

i6i 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

erat,    metueret,    primum    scelus    mandat    insidiis. 

4  Potitus  Hiempsalis  capite  cum  se  in  Adherbalem 
convertisset  isque  Romam  profugisset,  missa  per 
legatos  pecunia  traxit  in  sententiam  suam  senatum. 

5  Et  haec  eius  fuit  de  nobis  prima  victoria.  Missos 
deinde,  qui  regnum  inter  illum  Adherbalemque 
dividerent,  similiter  adgressus,  cum  in  Scauro  ipsos 
Romani  imperii  mores  expugnasset^  inchoatum  nefas 

6  perfecit  audacia.  Sed  non  diu  latent  scelera.  Cor- 
ruptae  nefas   legationis  erupit,  placuitque  persequi 

7  bello  parricidam.  Primus  in  Numidiam  Calpurnius 
Bestia  consul  inmittitur ;  sed  rex,  peritus  fortius 
adversus  Romanos  aurum  esse  quam  ferrum^  pacem 

8  emit.  Cuius  flagitii  reus  cum  interveniente  publica 
fide  a  senatu  arcesseretur,  pari  audacia  et  venit  et 
conpetitorem  imperii    Massivam  inmisso  percussore 

9  confecit.  Haec  altera  contra  regem  causa  belli  fuit. 
Igitur  sequens  ultio  mandatur  Albino.  Sed  huius 
quoque — pro  dedecus — frater  ita  corrupit  exercitum, 
ut  voluntaria  nostrorum  fuga  vinceret  Numida 
castrisque  poteretur,  addito  etiam  turpi  foedere  in 
pretium  salutis,  quo  ^  quos  emerat  dimisit  exercitus. 

10  Tandem   in    ultionem     non    tam    imperii     Romani 

*  quo  Perizonius  :  quod  codd. 


1  Consul  in  111  B.c. 

2  Aulus  Albinus,  who  was  left   in  Africa,  as  pro-praetor 
(Sall.,  Jug.  38). 

162 


BOOK    I.  xxxvi. 

on  treachery  in  the  commission  of  his  first  crime. 
Having  possessed  himself  of  the  head  of  Hiempsal, 
he  had  turned  his  attention  to  Adlierbal,  who  had 
fled  to  Rome,  and  sending  ambassadors  viith  money 
he  won  over  the  senate  to  his  side.  This  was  his 
first  victory  over  us.  Adopting  similar  methods 
with  the  commissioners  who  had  been  sent  to 
partition  the  kingdom  between  him  and  Adherbal, 
and  having  carried  by  assault  the  very  embodiment 
of  the  character  of  the  Roman  Empire  by  bribing 
Scaurus,  he  trusted  to  audacity  to  complete  the  evil 
with  which  he  had  begun.  But  crimes  do  not  long- 
remain  undetected.  The  scandal  of  the  bribed 
commission  carae  to  lightj  and  it  was  resolved  to 
begin  hostilities  against  tlie  raurderer  of  his  own 
kinsman.  The  consul  Calpurnius  Bestia  ^  was  the 
first  general  to  be  sent  against  Numidia  ;  but  the 
king,  who  knew  by  experience  that  gold  was  more 
efficacious  against  the  Romans  than  steel,  purcliased 
peace  from  him.  Jugurtha,  being  accused  of  this 
criminal  action  and  having  been  summoned  to 
appear  before  the  senate  under  promise  of  safe- 
2onductj  showed  equal  effrontery  in  coming  to 
Rome  and  sending  an  assassin  and  murdering 
Massiva,  his  rival  for  the  throne.  This  act  was  an 
additional  pretext  for  war  against  the  king.  The 
vengeance  that  was  to  follow  was  entrusted  to 
Albinus.  But  his  brother  ^  too  (shameful  to  relate) 
so  corrupted  the  array  that,  through  the  spontaneous 
flight  of  our  troops,  the  Numidian  was  victorious  and 
gained  possession  of  our  camp.  This  was  followed 
by  a  disgraceful  treaty  fixing  the  terms  of  their 
safety,  under  which  he  allowed  the  armies  which 
he  had  brought  to  depart.     At  last  Metellus  arose 

163 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

quam  pudoris  Metellus  adsurgit,  qui  callidissime 
hostem  nunc  precibus  nunc  minis^  iam  simulata 
iam  vera  fuga  eludentem  artibus  suis  adgressus  est. 
il  Agrorum  atque  vicorum  populatione  non  ^  contentus  ^ 
in  ipsa  Numidiae  capita  impetum  fecit ;  et  Zamam 
quidem   frustra  adsiluit,^  ceterum    Tlialam,  gravem 

12  armis  thensaurisque  regiis,*  diripuit.  Tunc  urbibus 
exutum  regem  et  iam  finium  suorum  regnique 
fugitivum  per  Mauros  atque  Gaetuliam  sequebatur. 

13  Postremo  Marius  auctis  admodum  copiis,  cum  pro 
obscuritate  generis  sui  capite  censos  sacramento 
adegisset,  iam  fusum  et  saucium  regem  adortus,  non 
facilius  tamen  vicit  quam  si  integrum  ac  recentem. 

14  Hic  et  urbem  ab  Hercule  conditam  Capsam^  in 
media  Africa  siti  anguibus  harenisque  vallatam^ 
mira  quadam  felicitate  superavit,  et  saxeo  inditam 
monti  Molucham  ^  urbem  per  Ligurera  aditu  arduo 

15  inaccessoque  penetravit.  Mox  non  ipsum  modo, 
sed  Bocchum  quoque  Mauretaniae  regem,  iure 
sanguinis     Numidas     vindicantem,     apud     oppidum 

16  Cirtam  graviter  cecidit.  Qui  ubi  diffisus  rebus  suis 
ahenae  cladis  accessio  fieri  timet,  pretium  foederis 

17  atque  amicitiae  regem  facit.  Sic  fraudulentissimus 
regum  fraude  gener  soceri  sui  in  insidias  deductus 

^  non  add.  Aldus.  ^  contentus  :  contemptus  wf?t^, 

3  adsiluit  Freudenbergiits  :  diuoluit  B  :  diu  uoluit  XL. 
*  regiis  Halniius:  regii  B:  regis  NL. 
^  Molucham  Aldus:  molucam  B. 

^  The  incident  is  described  by  Sallust  {Jug.  93,  2). 
164 


BOOK    I.  x.vxvi. 

to  defend  not  so  much  the  might  as  the  honour 
of  the  Roman  Empire.  With  great  skill  he  used 
their  own  wiles  against  the  enemy,  who  sought  to 
delude  him  now  with  entreaties  and  now  with 
threats,  at  one  moment  by  pretended  and  at  another 
by  actual  flight.  Not  content  with  laying  waste  the 
fields  and  villages^  he  attacked  the  principal  cities 
of  Xumidia.  He  was  unsuccessful  indeed  in  his 
assaultu{)on  Zama,  but  plunderedThala,  a  storehouse 
of  arms  and  royal  treasures.  He  then  pursued  the 
king,  stripped  of  his  cities  and  now  a  fugitive  from 
his  country  and  kingdom^  through  Mauretania  and 
GaetuUa.  Finally,  Marius  with  considerably  in- 
creased  forces  (for,  acting  as  one  would  expect  a 
low-born  man  to  act,  he  had  forced  the  lowest  class 
of  citizens  to  enlist),  though  he  attacked  the  king 
when  he  was  already  routed  and  wounded,  did  not, 
however,  defeat  him  any  more  easily  than  if  his 
strength  had  been  fresh  and  unimpaired.  Marius 
not  only  captured,  by  a  wonderful  stroke  of  good 
fortune.  the  city  of  Capsa  founded  by  Hercules  in 
the  middle  of  Africa,  defended  by  Avaterless  tracts, 
snakes  and  sand,  but  he  also  penetrated,  thanks  to 
a  Ligurian  soldier/  to  Molucha,  a  city  built  on  a 
rocky  height,  the  approach  to  whicli  was  steep 
and  inaccessible.  Presently  he  defeated  not  only 
Jugurtha  himself  but  also  Bocchus,  king  of 
Mauretania,  who  from  ties  of  kinship  was  supporting 
the  Numidians,  near  the  city  of  Cirta.  Bocchus, 
apprehensive  about  his  own  interests  and  afraid 
of  being  involved  in  another's  ruin,  offered  the 
})erson  of  Jugurtha  as  the  price  of  a  treaty  and 
friendship.  Thus  the  most  treacherous  of  kings  was 
entrapped  by  the  treachery  of  his  own  father-in-law 

i6S 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

Sullae^  in  manum  traditur,  tandemque  opertum 
catenis  lugurtham  in  triumpho  populus  Romanus 
18  aspexit.  Sed  ille  quoque,  quamvis  victus  ac  vinctus, 
vidit  urbem,  quam  venalem  et  quandoque  perituram, 
si  habuisset  emptorem,  frustra  cecinerat.  lam,  ut 
venalis  fuisset,  habuit  emptorem  ;  cum  illum  eva- 
serat,  certum  erat  non  esse  perituram. 


XXXVII.   Bellvm  Allobrogvm 

III,  2    Sic  ad  meridiem  populus  Romanus.    Multo  atrocius 
et  multiphcitermagis  aseptentrione  venientem  *  *  *.2 

2  Nihil  hac  plaga  infestius.  Atrox  caelum,  perinde 
ingenia.  Omni  igitur  tractu  violentus  hostis,  a 
dextris  atque  laevis  et  a  medio  septentrionis 
erupit. 

3  Prima  trans  Alpes  arma  nostra  sensere  Saluvii, 
cum  de  eis  fidissima  atque  amicissima  civitas  Mas- 

4  silia  quereretur ;  Allobroges  deinde  et  Arveni,  cum 
adversus  eos^  similes  Haeduorum  querellae  opem  et 
auxilium  nostrum  flagitarent :  utriusque  *  victoriae 
testes  ^  Isara  et  Vindelicus  amnes  et  inpiger  flumi- 

5  num  Rhodanus.  Maximus  barbaris  terror  elephanti  ^ 
fuere,  inmanitati  gentium  pares.  Nihil  tam  con- 
spicuum  in  triumpho  quam  rex  ipse  Bituitus '  dis- 

^  sullae  N :  sillae  B. 

"  hicunam  post  venientem  indicavit  Mommsenus :  saevitum 
vel  saeviente  Aldus:  venit  malum  vel  exitium  RosshachiiLS, 
3  eos  add.  Voss.  Rehd.  Moymc.  Palat. 
.*  utriusque /aA'/wus:  vari usque  corfd. 
^  tQ%tes  D II  krrus:  testis  cofZcZ. 
®  elephanti  N  L  :  elephantis  B. 
'  Bituitus  :  vituitus  B :  bis  visus  N  L, 

i66 


BOOK    I.  XXXVI. -XXXVII. 

and  handed  over  to  Sulla,  and  at  last  the  Roman 
people  saw  Jugurtha  led  in  triumph  loaded  with 
chains  ;  and  he  himself,  too,  conquered  and  in  chains, 
saw  the  city  of  which  he  had  vainly  prophesied  that 
it  could  be  bought  and  would  one  day  perish  if  it 
could  find  a  purchaser.  In  Jugurtha  it  had  a 
purchaser — if  it  had  been  for  sale  ;  but  once  it  had 
escaped  his  hands^  it  was  certain  that  it  was  not 
doomed  to  perish. 

XXXVII.  The  War  with  the  Allobroges 

2.  So  much  for  the  activities  of  the  Roman  people 
in  the  South.  A  much  more  formidable  and  wide- 
spread  danger  threatened  them  from  the  North.^ 
Nothing  is  more  inclement  than  this  region.  The 
climate  is  harsh,  and  the  disposition  of  the  inhabi- 
tants  resembles  it.  Along  the  whole  extent^  on  the 
right  and  left  and  in  the  centre  of  the  country  to 
the  north,  violent  foes  broke  forth. 

The  Saluvii  felt  the  first  shock  of  our  arms  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Alps^  when  the  loyal  and  friendly 
city  of  Marseilles  complained  of  their  behaviour. 
The  Allobroges  and  Arveni  were  next  attacked, 
when  similar  complaints  against  them  on  the  part 
of  the  Aedui  demanded  our  help  and  assistance. 
The  rivers  Isara  and  VindeHcus  and  the  Rhone, 
swiftest  of  streams,  can  bear  witness  to  the  victories 
which  we  won  over  each  of  them.  Our  elephants, 
whose  ferocity  matched  that  of  the  barbarians, 
caused  great  alarm  amongst  them.  The  most  con- 
spicuous  figure  in  the  triumph  was  King   Bituitus 

*  The  reading  here  is  uncertain  (see  critical  note),  but  the 
general  sense  is  clear. 

167 


L,    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

coloribus  in  armis  argenteoque  carpento,  qualis 
6  pugnaverat.  Utriusque  victoriae  quod  quantumque 
gaudium  fuerit,  vel  hinc  aestimari  potest,  quod  et 
Domitius  Ahenobarbus  et  Fabius  Maximus  ipsis 
quibus  dimicaverant  locis  saxeas  erexere  turres,  et 
desuper  exornata  armis  hostilibus  tropaea  fixerunt, 
cum  hic  mos  inusitatus  fuerit  nostris.  Numquam 
enim  populus  Romanus  hostibus  domitis  victoriam 
exprobravit. 

XXXVIII.     Bellvm    CiMBRicvM    Tevtonicvm     Tig- 

VRINVM 

111^3    CiMBRi,  Teutoni  atque  Tigurini  ab  extremis  Gal- 
liae  profugi,  cum  terras  eorum  inundasset  Oceanus, 

2  novas  sedes  toto  orbe  quaerebant,  exclusique  et 
Gallia  et  Hispania  cum  in  Italiam  demigrarent, 
misere  legatos  in  castra  Silani^  inde  ad  senatum, 
petentes  ut  Martius  populus  aHquid  sibi  terrae 
daret  quasi  stipendium^  ceterum  ut  vellet  manibus 

3  atque  armis  suis  uteretur.  Sed  quas  daret  terras 
populus  Romanus  agrariis  legibus  inter  se  dimi- 
caturus  ?    Repulsi  igitur,  quod  nequiverant  precibus, 

4  armis  petere  coeperunt.^  Sed  nec  primum  impetum 
barbarorum  Silanus,  nec  secundum  Manilius,  nec 
tertium  Caepio  sustinere  potuerunt ;  omnes  fugati, 

5  exuti  castris.  Actum  erat,  nisi  Marius  illi  saeculo 
contigisset.  IUe  quoque  non  ausus  congredi  statim 
militem  tenuit  in  castris,  donec  invicta  illa  rabies 

^  coeperunt :  ceperunt  B :  constituunt  N  L. 
i68 


BOOK    I.  xxxvii.-xxxviii. 

himself,  iii  his  vari-coloured  arms  and  silver  chariot, 
just  as  he  had  ap})eared  in  battle.  The  great  joy 
caused  by  both  tliese  victories  may  be  judged  from 
the  fact  that  both  Domitius  Ahenobarbus  and  Fabius 
Maximus  set  up  towers  of  stone  on  the  actual  sites 
of  the  battles  which  tliey  had  fought,  and  fixed  on 
the  top  of  them  trophies  adorned  with  the  enemy's 
arms.  This  practice  was  unusual  with  our  generals ; 
for  tlie  Roman  people  never  cast  their  defeats  in  the 
teeth  of  their  conquered  eiiemies. 

XXXVIII.  The  War  with  the  Cimbri,  Teutones 

AND    TlGURlNI 

3.  The  Cimbri^  Teutones  and  Tigurini,  fugitives 
from  the  extreme  parts  of  Gaul,  since  the  Ocean 
had  inundated  their  territories,  began  to  seek  new 
settlements  throughout  the  world,  and  excluded 
from  Gaul  and  Spain,  descended  into  Italy  and  sent 
representatives  to  the  camp  of  Silanus  and  thence 
to  the  senate  asking  that  ^'^the  people  of  Mars 
should  give  them  some  land  by  way  of  pay  and  use 
their  liaiids  and  weapons  for  any  purpose  it  wished." 
But  what  land  could  the  Roman  people  give  them 
when  they  were  on  the  eve  of  a  struggle  amongst 
themselves  about  agrarian  legislation  ?  Thus 
repulsed  they  began  to  seek  by  force  of  arms  what 
they  had  failed  to  obtain  by  entreaties.  Silanus 
could  iiot  withstand  the  first  attack  of  the  barbarians, 
nor  Manilius  the  second,  nor  Caepio  the  third  ;  they 
were  all  routed  and  their  camps  captured.  There 
would  liave  been  an  end  of  Rome  if  that  age  had 
not  had  the  good  fortune  to  possess  Marius.  Evea 
he  did  not  dare  to  meet  the  enemy  immediately, 
but    kept  his  soldiers  in  camp  until  the  irresistible 

169 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

et  impetus,  quem  pro  virtute  barbari  habent,  con- 

6  senesceret.  Recessere  igitur  increpantes  et — tanta 
erat  capiendae  urbis  fiducia — consulentes,  si  quid  ad 
uxores  suas  mandarent,  Nec  segnius  quam  minati 
fuerant  tripertito  agmine  in  Alpes,  id  est  claustra 

7  Italiae,  ferebantur.  Marius  mira  statim  velocitate 
occupatis  compendiis  praevenit  hostem,  prioresque 
Teutonas  sub  ipsis  Alpium  radicibus  adsecutus  in 
loco  quem  Aquas  Sextias   vocant  quo — fidem^  nu- 

8  minum — proeho  oppressit !  Vallem  fluviumque 
medium  hostes  tenebant^  nostris  aquarum  nulla 
copia.  Consultone  id  egerit  imperator,  an  errorem 
in    consihum    verterit,    dubium ;    certe    necessitate 

9  acta  virtus  victoriae  causa  fuit.  Nam  flagitante 
aquam  exercitu,^  "  Si  viri  estis/'  inquit  "  en,  ilUc 
habetis,"  Itaque  tanto  ardore  pugnatum  est,  ea 
caedes  hostium  fuit,  ut  victor  Romanus  cruento 
flumine    non    pUis    aquae     biberit    quam    sanguinis 

10  barbarorum.  Certe  rex  ipse  Teutobodus^^  quaternos 
senosque  equos  transiUre  soUtus,  vix  unum,  cum 
fugeret,  ascendit,  proximoque  in  saltu  conprehensus 
insigne  spectaculum  triumphi  fuit.  Quippe  vir  pro- 
ceritatis  eximiae  super  tropaea  sua  eminebat. 

11  Sublatis  funditus  Teutonis  in  Cimbros  convertitur, 

^  quo  fidem  Salmasius :  pro  fide  B  :  qua  fide  L. 

2  flagitante  aquam  exercitu :  flagitantem  aquam  exercitum 
B. 

3  Teutobodus :  teuto  vocatus  B  :  teutobocus  NL. 

170 


BOOK    I.  xxxvrii. 

furv  and  rage,  which  in  barbarians  takes  the  place 
of  courage,  spent  itself.  The  barbarians,  therefore, 
made  oti',  jeering  at  our  men  and — such  was  their 
confidence  that  they  would  capture  Rome — advising 
them  to  give  them  any  messages  which  they  had  for 
their  wives.  With  a  speed  which  amply  fulfilled 
their  threats,  they  bore  down  towards  the  Alps, 
which  form  the  barriers  of  Italy,  in  three  detach- 
ments.  Marius  with  wonderful  celerity  immediately, 
by  taking  shorter  routes,  outstripped  the  enemy, 
and  coming  upon  the  Teutones  first  at  the  very 
foot  of  the  Alps,  what  a  defeat  he  inflicted  upon 
them,  ye  heavenly  powers,  at  the  place  called 
Aquae  Sextiae !  The  enemy  held  the  vailey  and 
the  river  flowing  through  it,  while  our  men  had  no 
water-supply.  It  is  uncertain  whether  the  general 
acted  designedly  or  whether  he  converted  a  mistake 
into  a  stratagem ;  at  any  rate  the  valour  of  the 
Romans  under  the  constraint  of  necessity  gave  them 
victory.  For  when  the  men  demanded  water, 
Marius  replied,  "  If  you  are  men,  there  it  is  yonder 
for  you."  With  such  ardour,  then,  did  they  fight 
and  such  was  the  slaughter  of  the  enemy  that  the 
victorious  Romans  drank  quite  as  much  barbarian 
gore  as  water  from  the  blood-stained  stream.  Their 
king,  Teutobodus  himself,  who  had  been  accustomed 
to  vault  over  four  or  even  six  horses,  could  scarcely 
find  one  to  mount  when  he  fled,  and  having  been 
captured  in  a  neighbouring  forest  was  a  striking 
figure  in  the  triumphal  procession  ;  for,  being  a 
man  of  extraordinary  stature,  he  towered  above  the 
trophies  of  his  defeat. 

The   Teutones   having    been    thus    absolutely  de- 
stroyed,  attention  was  next  directed  to  the  Cimbri. 

171 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

Hi  iam — quis  crederet? — per  hiemem,  quae   altius 
Alpes   levat,  Tridentinis  iugis  in    Italiam  provoluti 

12  veluti^  ruina  descenderant.  Atesim^  flumen  non 
ponte  nec  navibus,  sed  quadam  stoliditate  barbarica 
primum  corporibus  adgressi^  postquam  retinere 
amnem    manibus    et    clipeis    frustra    temptaverant, 

13  ingesta  silva  obrutum  transiluere.  Si  statim  infesto 
agmine  urbem  petissent,  grande  discrimen ;  sed  in 
Venetia,  quo  fere  tractu  Italia  mollissima  est^  ipsa 
soli  caelique  clementia  robur  elanguit.  Ad  hoc 
panis  usu  carnisque  coctae  et  dulcedine  vini  miti- 

14  gatos  Marius  in  tempore  adgressus  est.  Venere 
ipsi — nam  metus  in  barbaris  nulla  vestigia — et^ 
diem  pugnae  a  nostro  imperatore  petierunt ;  et 
sic  proximum  dedit.  In  patentissimo,  quem  Raudium 
vocant,  campo  concurrere.  Inde  miha  sexaginta 
quinque  cecidere,  hinc  trecentis  minus ;  per  omnem 

15  diem  conciditur  barbarus.  Istic  quoque  imperator 
addiderat  virtuti  dolum,  secutus  Annibalem  artem- 
que  Cannarum ;  primum  nel)ulosum  nanctus  diem, 
ut  hosti  inopinatus  occurreret,  tum  ventosum  quo- 
que,  ut  pulvis  in  oculos  et  ora  ferretur,  tum  acie 
conversa  in  orientem,  ut,  quod  ex  captivis  mox 
cognitum   est,  ex    splendore    galearum   aere   reper- 

16  cusso^  quasi  ardere  caelum  videretur.     Nec  minor 

^  veluti  a/M.  N.  Heinsius. 

2  Atesim  Salinasius :  adesim  B  :  ad  hostes  in  XL. 

3  locus  valde  corruptus:  est — vestigia  om.  B:  venere — 
vestigia  077i.  L :  venere  illi  quam  et  in  barbaris  multa 
vestigia  ceteri  :  venere  ipsi — nam  metus  in  barbaris  nulla 
vestigia — et  etc.  Halraius. 

*  aere  repercusso  lahnius :  aere  percusso  B. 

172 


BOOK    1.  xxxviii. 

This  people,  though  it  is  scarcely  credihle,  had  already 
descended  during  the  winter  (vvhich  increases  the 
height  of  the  Alps)  from  the  Tridentine  ranges  like 
an  avalanche  into  Italy.  Attempting  at  first  to 
cross  the  river  Atesis,  not  by  a  bridge  or  in  boats,  but, 
with  the  stupidity  of  barbarians,  by  swimming,  when 
they  liad  vainly  tried  to  stem  the  current  with  their 
hands  and  shields,  they  blocked  it  by  hurling  trees  into 
it,  and  so  crossed.  If  they  had  immediately  marched 
upon  Rome  with  hostile  intent,  the  danger  would 
have  been  great ;  but  in  \^enetia,  a  district  in  which 
the  Italian  chmate  is  almost  at  its  softest,  the  very 
mildness  of  the  country  and  of  the  air  sapped  their 
vigour.  When  they  had  been  further  demoralized 
by  the  use  of  bread  and  cooked  meat  and  the  delights 
of  wine^  Marius  opportunely  approached  them.  They 
came  of  their  own  accord — for  the  barbarians  have 
no  trace  of  fear^ — and  asked  our  general  to  name 
a  day  for  the  battle  ;  and  so  he  appointed  the 
morrow.  The  armies  met  in  a  very  wide  plain  which 
they  call  the  Raudian  Plain.  On  the  side  of  the 
enemy  65,000  men  fell,  on  our  side  less  than  300  ; 
the  slaughter  of  the  barbarians  continued  all  day. 
On  this  occasion  too  our  general  had  added  craft  to 
courage,  imitating  Hannibal  and  his  stratagem  at 
Cannae.  For,  in  the  first  place,  the  day  he  had 
chosen  M-as  misty^  so  that  he  could  charge  the  enemy 
unawares,  and  it  was  also  windy,  so  that  the  dust 
was  driven  into  the  eyes  and  faces  of  the  enemy ; 
finally,  he  had  drawn  up  his  line  facing  the  west,  so 
that,  as  was  afterwards  learned  from  the  prisoners, 
the  sky  seemed  to  be  on  fire  with  the  ghnt  reflected 
from   the    bronze    of   the    Roman    helmets.     There 

^  The  text  here  is  very  uncertain  ;  see  critical  note. 

173 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

cum    uxoribus  eorum  pugna  quam  cum  ipsis    fuit ; 
cum  obiectis  undique  plaustris  atque  carpentis  altae 

17  desuper  securibus  contisque  pugnarent.  Perinde 
speciosa  mors  earum  fuit  quam  pugna.  Nam  cum 
missa  ad  Marium  legatione  libertatem  ac  sacerdotium 
non  inpetrassent  (nec  fas  erat)^  suffocatis  elisisque 
passim  infantibus  suis  aut  mutuis  concidere  vul- 
neribus  aut  vinculo  e  crinibus  suis  facto  ab  arboribus 

18  iugisque  plaustrorum  pependerunt.  Boiorix  ^  rex 
in  prima  acie  dimicans  inpigre  nec  inultus  occiditur. 

Tertia    Tigurinorum  manus,   quae    quasi    in    sub- 
sidio  Noricos  insederat  Alpium  tumulos,  in  diversa 

19  elapsa  fuga  ignobili  et^  latrociniis  evanuit.  Hunc 
tam  laetum  tamque  felicem  liberatae  Italiae  adserti- 
que  imperii  nuntium  non  per  homines,  ut  solebat, 
populus  Romanus  accepit^  sed  per  ipsoSj  si  credere 

20  fas  est,3  deos.  Quippe  eodem  die  quo  gesta  res 
est  visi  pro  aede  Pollucis  et  Castoris  iuvenes 
laureatas  praetori  litteras  dare,  frequensque  in 
spectaculo     rumor    victoriae    Cimbricae.*     *     *     * 

21  ^' feliciter ! "  dixit.  Quo  quid  admirabilius,  quid 
insignius  fieri  potest?  Quippe  velut  elata  montibus 
suis    Roma    spectaculo    belli    interesset,    quod    in 

^  Boiorix  :  Boleris  BL  :  bo  eloris  N . 
a  et  SL  :  e  B. 

*  si  credere  fas  est :  fas  est  si  credere  B. 

*  post  Cimbricae  lacunam  statuit  lahnius. 

^  They  had  asked  to  be  sent  as  a  gift  to  the  Vestal  Virgina 
and  promised  to  take  vows  of  chastitj'  (Val.  Max.  VI,  1). 
*  There  is  a  iacuna  in  the  text  at  this  point. 

174 


BOOK    I.  XXXVIII. 

was  quite  as  severe  a  struggle  with  the  women-folk 
of  the  barbarians  as  with  the  men  ;  for  they  had 
formed  a  barricade  of  their  waggons  and  carts  and, 
mounting  oii  the  top  of  it,  fought  with  axes  and 
pikes.  Their  death  was  as  honourable  as  their 
resistance  ;  for  when,  after  sending  a  delegation  to 
Marius,  they  had  failed  to  secure  their  Hberty  and 
to  be  made  priestesses  ^ — a  request  which  could  not 
lawfully  be  granted — they  strangled  all  their  infants 
or  dashed  them  to  pieces,  and  themselves  either  fell 
by  wounds  inflicted  by  one  another,  or  else,  making 
ropes  of  their  own  hair,  hanged  themselves  on  trees 
or  the  yokes  of  their  waggons.  Their  king  Boiorix 
fell  fighting  energetically  in  the  forefront  of  the 
battle,  and  not  witliout  having  inflicted  vengeance 
on  his  foes. 

The  third  body,  consisting  of  the  Tigurini,  who 
had  taken  up  their  position  as  a  reserve  force  among 
the  Norican  ranges  of  the  Alps,  dispersing  in  different 
directions,  resorted  to  ignoble  flight  and  depredations 
and  finally  vanished  away.  The  joyful  and  happy 
news  of  the  deliverance  of  Italy  and  the  salvation  of 
the  empire  was  received  by  the  Roman  people  not, 
as  usual,  through  human  agency  but  from  tlie  lips  of 
the  gods  themselves,  if  we  may  believe  the  tale. 
For  on  the  same  day  as  that  on  which  the  battle  was 
fought,  young  men  were  seen  to  present  to  the  praetor 
a  despatch  decked  with  laurels  in  front  of  the  temple 
of  PoUux  and  Castor,  and  the  rumour  of  a  victory  over 
the  Cimbri  spread  far  and  wide  through  the  theatre. 
...  2  exclaimed,  "  May  it  be  a  good  omen."  What 
could  be  more  wonderful  or  remarkable  than  this  ? 
For  just  as  though  Rome,  raised  aloft  on  her  hills, 
was  present  watching  the  battle,  the  people  in  the 

175 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

gladiatorio  munere  fieri  solet.  uno  eodemque  mo- 
mento,  cum  in  acie  Cimbri  succumberent^  populus 
in  urbe  plaudebat. 

XXXVIin.    Bellvm  Thracicvm 

iii^  4  PosT  Macedonas,  si  dis  placet,  Thraces  rebellant, 
illi  quondam  tributarii  Macedonum  ;  nec  in  proximas 
modo  provincias  contenti  incurrere,  Thessaliam 
atque  Dalmatiam,  in  Adriaticum  mare  usque  vene- 
runt ;  eoque  fine  retenti/  quasi  interveniente  natura. 

2  contorta  in  ipsas  aquas  tela  miserunt.  Nihil  interim 
per  id  omne  ^  tempus  residuum  crudelitatis  fuit  in 
captivos  saevientibus  :  Utare  dis  sanguine  humano, 
bibere  in  ossibus  capitum,  cuiusque  modi  ludibriis 
foedare  mortem  tam  igni  quam  fumo,  partus  quoque 

3  gravidarum  mulierum  extorquere  tormentis.  Sae- 
vissimi  omnium  Thracmn  Scordisci  fuere,  sed  calli- 

4  ditas  quoque  ad  robur  accesserat :  siivarum  et 
montium  situs  cum  ingenio  consentiebant.  Itaque 
non  fusus  modo  ab  his  aut  fugatus,  sed — simile^ 
prodigio — omnino  totus  interceptus  exercitus  quem 

5  duxerat  Cato.  Didius  vagos  et  libera  populatione 
diffusos  intra  suam  reppulit  Thraciam.  Drusus 
ulterius  egit  et  vetuit  transire  Danuvium.  Minucius 
toto  vastavit  Hebro,  multis  quidem  amissis^  dum  per  * 

^  retenti  Graevius  :  contenti  codd. 

2  per  id  omne  :  peridomne  L  :  perdi  omne  N  :  per  imperium 
donec  £. 

3  simile  AMus  :  simili  BL. 
*  per  om.  B. 


1  Cp.    Cicero,  in   Verr.  II,   i,    17  (45),   where  torture    by 
fumigation  is  described. 

176 


BOOK    I.   xxxviii.-xxxviiii. 

city  were  raising  the  usual  applause  wliich  is  given  at 
a  gladiatorial  show  at  the  very  monient  when  the 
Cimbri  were  falling  on  the  field  of  battle. 

XXXVIIII.   TnE   Thracian    War 

4.  After  the  Macedonians  (iieaven  save  the  mark), 
the  Tiiracians,  former  tributaries  of  the  Macedonians, 
rebelled  and,  not  content  with  making  incursions 
merely  iiito  the  neighbouring  provinces  of  Thessaly 
and  Dalmatia,  jienetrated  as  far  as  the  Adriatic ; 
checked  by  the  boundary  which  it  formed,  since 
nature  apparently  stayed  tlieir  advance,  tliey  hurled 
tlieir  weapons  against  the  very  waters.  Throughout 
the  period  of  their  advance  they  left  no  cruelty 
untried,  as  they  vented  their  fury  on  their  prisoners  ; 
they  sacrificed  to  the  gods  with  human  blood ; 
they  drank  out  of  human  skulls ;  by  every  kind  of 
insult  inflicted  by  burning  and  fumigation  ^  they 
made  death  more  foul ;  they  even  forced  infants 
from  their  mothers'  wombs  by  torture.  The  cruellest 
of  all  tlie  Thracians  were  the  Scordisci,  and  to  their 
strength  was  added  cunning  as  well ;  their  haunts 
among  the  woods  and  mountains  harmonized  well 
with  their  fierce  temper.  An  army,  therefore,  was 
not  only  routed  and  put  to  flight  by  them,  but — what 
ahnost  seemed  like  a  miracle — entirely  cut  up  under 
the  command  of  a  Cato.  Didius,  finding  them  wander- 
ing  about  and  dispersed  in  undisciplined  plundering, 
drove  them  back  into  their  own  land  of  Thrace. 
Drusus  forced  them  still  further  and  prevented  them 
from  recrossing  the  Danube.  Minucius  laid  waste 
all  the  country  along  the  Hebrus,  losing,  however, 
many  of  his  men  as  they  rode  across  a  river  covered 

F.N.G 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

6  perfidum  glacie  flumen  equitatur.  Volso  Rhodopen 
Caucasumque  ^  penetravit.  Curio  Dacia  tenus  venit, 
sed  tenebras  saltuum  expavit.  Appius  in  Sarmatas 
usque    pervenit,    Lucullus    ad     terminum    gentium 

7  Tanain  lacumque  Maeotim.  Nec  aliter  cruentissimi 
hostium  quam  suis  moribus  domiti.  Quippe  in 
captivos  igni  ferroque  saevitum  est ;  sed  nihil 
barbaris  atrocius  visum  est  quam  quod  abscisis 
manibus  relicti  vivere  superstites  poenae  suae 
iubebantur. 


XL.    Bellvm  Mithridaticvm 

III,  5  PoNTicAE  gentes  a  septentrione  in  sinistrum  iacent, 
a  Pontico  cognominatae  mari.  Harum  gentium 
atque  regionum  rex  antiquissimus  Aeetas,^  post 
Artabazes,  a  septem    Persis  oriundus,  inde  Mithri- 

2  dates,  omnium  longe  maximus.  Quippe  cum  quat- 
tuor  Pyrrho,  tredecim  ^  anni  Annibali  suffecerint, 
ille  per  quadraginta  annos  restitit,  donec  tribus 
ingentibus  bellis  subactus  feUcitate  Sullae/  virtute 

3  Luculli,  magnitudine  Pompei  consumeretur.  Causam 
quidem  illius  belli  praetenderat  apud  Cassium  lega- 
tum,  adtrectari  terminos  suos  a  Nicomede  Bithyno  ; 
ceterum  elatus  animis  ingentibus  Asiae    totius    et, 

*  Caucasumque  :  cauca  umque  B :  Haemumque  lahnius. 
2  Aeetas  :   cetas  N :  aetas  B  :  etas  L. 

2  tredecim  B  :  quattuordecim  NL. 

*  Sullae :  syllae  NL  :  sillae  B. 

^  The  mention  here  of  the  Caucasus  is  a  good  example  of 
the  gross  exaggeration  in  which  Floriis  sometimes  indulges. 

2  The  meaning  apparently  is  that  the  Pontus  (Black  Sea) 
was  regarded  as  lying  to  the  left  of  ships  sailing  to  Asia. 

.78 


BOOK    I.  xxxviiii.-xL. 

with  treacherous  ice.  Volso  penetrated  to  Rhodoj^e 
and  the  Caucasus.^  Curio  reached  Dacia,  but  shrank 
froni  its  gloomy  forests.  Appius  advanced  as  far 
as  the  Sarmatians,  while  Lucullus  reached  the 
Tanais,  the  boundary  of  those  tribes,  and  Lake 
Maeotis.  These  savage  enemies  could  only  be 
reduced  by  the  employment  of  their  own  methods 
against  them  ;  severe  cruelties  were  inflicted  upon 
the  captives  by  fire  and  the  sword,  but  nothing  was 
regarded  by  the  barbarians  as  more  horrible  than 
that  they  should  be  left  with  their  hands  cut  off  and 
be  forced  to  survive  their  punishment. 

XL.     The  Mithridatic  VVar 

5.  The  Pontic  races  He  to  the  North  on  the  left^ 
and  derive  their  name  from  the  sea  of  Pontus.  The 
earliest  king  of  these  regions  and  races  was  Aeetas, 
after  him  came  Artabazes,  who  was  sprung  from  one  of 
the  seven  Persians,^  and  then  came  Mithridates,  by  far 
the  greatest  of  their  rulers  ;  for,  while  four  years 
sufficed  to  defeat  Pyrrhus  and  thirteen  to  defeat 
Hannibal,  Mithridates  resisted  for  forty  years^  until, 
defeated  in  three  great  wars,  he  was  brought  to 
nought  by  the  good  fortune  of  Sulla,  the  valour  of 
Lucullus  and  the  might  of  Pompeius.  He  had 
alleged  to  our  ambassador  Cassius  as  the  cause  of 
the  war  that  his  frontiers  were  being  violated  by 
Nicomedes,  king  of  Bithynia;  but,  in  fact,  carried 
away  by  boundless  ambition,  he  was  consumed  by  a 

^  Polyb.  V.  43,  2  says  "  Mithridates  boasted  that  he  was 
a  descendant  of  one  of  the  seven  Persians  who  destroyed  the 
Magus"  (see  Herod.  III,  61),  "  and  that  he  had  received 
from  his  forefathers  in  direct  succession  the  dominion  along 
the  Black  Sea  originally  bestowed  upon  them  by  Darius." 

179 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

4  si  posset;  Europae  cupiditate  flagrabat.  Spem  ac 
fiduciam  dabant  nostra  vitia.  Quippe  cum  civilibus 
bellis  distringeremurj  invitabat  occasiOj  nudumque 
latus    imperii     ostendebant    procul     Marius,    Sulla, 

5  Sertorius.  Inter  haec  rei  publicae  vulnera  et  hos 
tumultus  repente  quasi  captato  tempore  in  lassos 
simul  atque  districtos  subitus  turbo  Pontici  belli  ab 
ultima  veluti  specula  septentrionis  erupit. 

6  Primus  statim  impetus  belli  Bithyniam  rapuit, 
Asia  inde  pari  terrore  correpta  est,  nec  cunctanter 
ad  regem   ab    urbibus  nostris  populisque    descitum 

7  est.  Aderat^  instabat,  saevitia  quasi  virtute  ute- 
batur.  Nam  quid  atrocius  uno  eius  edicto^  cum 
omnes  qui  in  Asia  forent  Romanae  civitatis  homines 
interfici  iussit }  tum  quidem  domus,  templa  et  arae, 

8  humana  omnia  atque  divina  iura  violata  sunt.  Sed 
hic  terror  Asiae  Europam  quoque  regi  aperiebat. 
Itaque  missis  Archelao  Neoptolemoque  praefectis, 
excepta  Rhodo,  quae  pro  nobis  firmius  stetit,  ceterae 
Cyclades,   Delos,  Euboea  et  ipsum    Graeciae   decus 

9  Athenae  tenebantur.  Italiam  iam  ipsamque  urbem 
Romam  regius  terror  adflabat.  Itaque  L.  Sulla 
festinat,  vir  armis  optimus,  parique  violentia  ruentem 

10  ulterius  hostem  quadam  quasi  manu  reppuHt.  Pri- 
mumque  Athenas  urbem^ — quis  crederet  ? — frugum 
i8o 


BOOK    I.  XL. 

burning  desire  to  possess  himself  of  all  Asia  and,  if 
he  could.  of  Europe  also.  Our  weaknesses  gave  him 
hope  and  confidence  ;  for  a  temptiiiCT  opportunity  was 
offered  while  we  were  preoccupied  by  civil  wars,  and 
the  activities  of  Marius,  Sulla  and  Sertorius  made  it 
known  far  and  wide  that  the  flank  of  the  empire 
was  unprotected.  While  the  State  was  thus  wounded 
and  distracted,  suddenly,  as  though  it  had  chosen 
the  opportune  moment,  the  tempest  of  the  Pontic 
war  broke  forth  from  the  furthest  outpost  of  the 
Xorth  atjainst  a  people  who  were  both  wearv  and 
preoccupied. 

The  first  assault  immediately  won  Bithynia  ;  where- 
upon  Asia  was  seized  by  a  general  panic,  and  with- 
out  delay  our  cities  and  peoples  revolted  to  the  king. 
He  was  on  the  spot,  he  was  insistent,  he  practised 
cruelty  as  though  it  were  a  virtue.  For  what  could 
be  more  outrageous  than  that  one  decree  of  his  by 
which  he  gave  orders  for  the  murder  of  all  those  in 
Asia  who  were  of  Roman  citizenship .-  At  the  same 
time  the  sanctity  of  private  houses,  temples  and 
altars,  and  all  hiws,  human  and  divine,  were  violated. 
The  alarm  thus  inspired  in  Asia  also  opened  to  the 
king  the  gates  of  Europe.  He,  therefore,  sent  his 
generals,  xArchelaus  and  Neoptolemus,  and  (except 
Rhodes,  which  supported  us  more  lovallv  than  ever) 
all  the  Cyclades,  Delos,  Euboea  and  Athens  itself, 
the  glory  of  Greece,  were  occupied.  The  dread  of 
the  king  now  spread  to  Italy  and  Rome  itself.  Our 
great  commander,  Sulla,  therefore,  hastened  to 
oppose  him  and,  as  he  advanced  with  violence  un- 
abated,  stayed  his  further  progress  by,  as  it  were,  a 
mere  gesture  of  the  hand.  First,  he  compelled 
Athens,  where  corn  was  first  discovered,   by  siege 

iSi 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

parentem,  obsidione  ac  fame  ad  humanos  cibos 
conpulit ;  mox  subrutus  Piraei  portus  sex  aut 
amplius  muris  cinctus.  Postquam  domuerat  ingra- 
tissimos  hominum,  tamen,  ut  ipse  dixit,  in  honorem 

11  mortuorum  sacris  suis  famaeque  donavit.  Mox  cum 
Euboea  atque  Boeotia  praesidia  regis  depuHsset,^ 
omnis  copias  uno  apud  Chaeroniam,  apud  Orcho- 
menon  altero  bello  dissipavit,  statimque  in  Asiam 
transgressus  ipsum  opprimit.  Et  debellatum  foret, 
nisi    de    Mithridate    triumphare    cito    quam   vere 

12  maluisset.  Ac  tum  quidem  hunc  Asiae  statum 
SuUa  dederat.  Ictum  cum  Ponticis  foedus,  recepit 
Bithyniam  a  ^  rege  Nicomedes,  Ariobarzanes  ^  Cappa- 
dociam,  Asia  rursus  nostra,  ut  coeperat^  Mithridates 
tantum  *  repulsus.    Itaque  non  fregit  ea  res  Ponticos, 

13  sed  incendit.  Quippe  rex  Asia  et  Europa  quodam 
modo  inescatus  non   iam    quasi   aUenas,^    sed,  quia 

14  amiserat,  quasi  raptas  ^  beUi  iure  repetebat.  Igitur 
ut  extincta  parum  fideUter  incendia  maiore  flamma 
revivescunt,  ita  iUe  de  integro,  auctis  maiorem  in 
modum  copiis,  tota  denique  regni  sui  mole  in  Asiam 
rursus  mari  terra  fluminibusque  veniebat. 

15  Cyzicus,^  nobiUs  civitas^  arce,  moenibus,  portu 
turribusque  marmoreis  Asiaticae  plagae  Utora  inlus- 
trat.     Hanc  iUe  quasi  alteram  Romam  toto  invaserat 

1  depuUsset :  dispulisset  BL.  *  a :  et  B. 

3  Nicomedes,  Ariobarzanes  :  nichomede  abariobar  zenae  B. 

♦  tantum  :  tantus  B. 

5  alienas  .   .   .  raptas  scripsi :  alienam  .   .  .  raptam  codd. 

®  Cyzicus  ■.  ci  zicus  B  :  Cyzicum  NL. 

182 


BOOK    I.  XL. 

and  famine  (the  story  is  scarcely  credible)  to  feed 
on  human  flesh  ;  then  the  harbour  of  Piraeus, 
surrounded  by  six  or  more  walls,  was  destroyed, 
When  he  had  subdued  the  most  ungrateful  of  men, 
he  nevertheless  (to  use  his  own  words)  '*' spared 
them  because  of  their  shrines  and  past  glory,  as  an 
act  of  respect  towards  their  dead  forefathers." 
Then,  when  he  had  driven  the  king's  garrisons  out 
of  Euboea  and  Boeotia,  he  scattered  the  whole  of 
his  forces  in  one  battle  at  Chaeronea  and  in  another 
at  Orchomenus,  and  then,  immediately  crossing  over 
into  Asia,  overwhehned  the  king  himself.  The  war 
would  have  been  brought  to  an  end  if  Sulla  had  not 
preferred  a  speedy  rather  than  a  thorough  triumph 
over  Mithridates.  The  following  was  the  state  of 
affairs  which  Sulla  had  estabUshed  in  Asia :  a  treaty 
was  made  with  the  people  of  Pontus ;  Bithynia  was 
handed  over  by  Mithridates  to  Nicomedes,  Cappa- 
docia  to  Ariobarzanes,  Asia  was  again  ours,  as  before  ; 
but  Mithridates  had  been  only  repulsed.  This  con- 
dition  of  affairs,  so  far  from  breaking  the  spirit  of  the 
people  of  Pontus,  only  inflamed  them  ;  for  the  king, 
lured  on  as  it  were  by  the  bait  of  Asia  and  Europe, 
now^  sought  to  recover  them  by  right  of  arms,  as 
thou£ch  thev  did  not  belonff  to  others  but  had  been 
snatched  from  him,  because  he  had  failed  to  retain 
his  conquests.  And  so,  just  as  fire  not  w^hoUy 
extinguished  bursts  forth  again  into  greater  flames,  so 
Mithridates,  with  greatly  increased  forces  and  indeed 
with  the  whole  weight  of  his  kingdom,  overran  Asia 
afresh  by  land  and  sea  and  river. 

The  noble  city  of  Cyzicus  with  its  citadel,  walls, 
harbour  and  marble  towers  is  the  glory  of  the  coast 
of  Asia.     This  he  had  attacked  with  all  his  forces, 

183 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

16  bello.  Sed  fiduciam  oppidanis  resistendi  nuntius 
fecit,  docens  adventare  Lucullum,  qui — horribile 
dictu — per  medias  hostium  naves  utre  suspensus  et 
pedibus    iter    gubernans,    videntibus    procul    quasi 

17  marina  pristis  evaserat.  Mox  clade  conversa,  cum 
ex  mora  obsidii  regem  fames  et  ex  fame  pestilentia 
urgueret^  recedentem  LucuUus  adsequitur  adeoque 
cecidit,^  ut    Granicus    et    Aesepus^  amnes    cruenti 

18  redderentur.  Rex  calHdus  Romanaeque  avaritiae 
peritus  spargi  aurum  a  fugientibus  et  pecuniam 
iussit,  qua  sequentes  moraretur.  Nec  felicior  in 
mari  quam  terra  fuga.  Quippe  centum^  amplius 
navium  classem  apparatu  belU  gravem  Pontico  * 
mari  adgressa  tempestas  tam  foeda  strage  laceravit, 

19  ut  navaHs  belli  instar  efficeret^  planeque  ut  Lucullus 
quodam  cum    fluctibus  procellisque  commercio    de- 

20  bellandum  tradidisse  regem  ventis  videretur.  Ad- 
tritae  iam  omnes  validissimi  regni  vires   erant.  sed 

21  animus  malis  augebatur.  Itaque  conversus  ad 
proximas  gentes  totum  paene  orientem  ac  septen- 
trionem  ruina  sua  involvit.  Hiberi,  Caspii,  Albani 
et  utraeque  soUicitantur  Armeniae^  per  quae  omnia 
decus    et    nomen    et    titulos    gloriae     Pompeio    suo 

22  Fortuna  quaerebat.  Qui  ubi  novis  motibus  ardere 
Asiam    videt   aliosque   ex   ahis   prodire  reges,  nihil 

1  cecidit  L  :  caedit  B :  caecidit  N. 

*  Aese]ix\5  Salmasiics:  aesopus  coo?c?. 
'  centuin  om.  B. 

*  Pontico:  iu  pontico  iV^L :  pontu  ^. 


Greater  and  Lesser  Armenia. 


184 


BOOK   I.  xL. 

as  though  it  were  a  second  Rome.  But  a  messenger 
who,  by  an  extraordinary  feat,  had  made  his  way 
through  the  midst  of  the  enemy's  fleet  buoyed  up 
by  an  inflated  skin,  steering  with  his  feet  and  pre- 
senting  to  distant  observers  the  appearance  of  some 
sea-monster,  had  inspired  the  towiispeople  with  con- 
fidence  to  resist  by  the  news  of  Lucullus'  approach. 
Soon  afterwards,  when  ill-fortune  went  over  to  the 
king's  side  and,  owing  to  the  length  of  the  siege, 
faraine  afliicted  him  and  pestilence  as  a  result  of 
famine,  he  retreated.  Lucullus  followed  him  and 
dealt  him  so  lieavy  a  blow  that  the  rivers  Granicus 
and  Aesepus  ran  with  blood.  The  crafty  king,  M-ho 
had  had  experience  of  Roman  avarice,  ordered  that 
gold  and  money  should  be  scattered  in  their  path  by 
his  flying  troops  in  order  to  delay  his  pursuers.  His 
flight  by  sea  was  no  more  fortunate  than  by  land  ; 
for  a  tempest  which  arose  in  the  Black  Sea  attacked 
his  fleet  of  more  than  a  hundred  ships  laden  with 
material  of  war,  and  shattered  them  with  such 
terrible  loss  as  to  produce  the  effect  of  a  naval  defeat 
and  make  it  appear  as  if  Lucullus,  by  some  compact 
with  the  waves  and  storms.  had  handed  over  the 
king  to  the  wind  to  be  defeated.  All  the  resources 
of  his  powerful  kingdom  were  now  exhausted,  but 
his  misfortunes  only  served  to  raise  his  spirit.  Turn- 
ing,  therefore,  to  the  neighbouring  peoples  he  in- 
volved  almost  the  whole  of  the  East  and  the  North 
in  his  ruin.  The  Iberians,  the  Caspians,  the  Al- 
banians,  and  both  the  Armenian  peoples  ^  were 
ralUed  to  his  cause,  Fortune  thus  seeking  fresh 
opportunities  to  win  honour,  fame  and  new  titles  of 
glory  for  her  favourite  Pompeius.  He,  seeing  that 
fresh  flames  of  rebellion  were  being  kindled  in  Asia 

i8s 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

cunctandum  ratus,  priusquam  inter  se  gentium 
robora  coirent,  statira  ponte  navibus  facto  omnium 
ante  se  primus  transiit  Euphratem  regemque  fugi- 
entem    media    nanctus    Armenia — quanta    felicitas 

23  viri — uno  proelio  confecit.  Nocturna  ea  dimicatio 
fuit  et  Luna  in  partibus.  Quippe  quasi  commilitans 
cum^  dea  a  tergo  se  hostibus,  a  facie  Romanis 
praebuisset,    Pontici   per  errorem    longius    cadentis 

24  umbras  suas  quasi  hostium  corpora  petebant.  Et 
Mithridates  quidem  nocte  illa  debellatus  est.  Nihil 
enim  postea  valuit,^  quamquam  omnia  expertus 
more  anguium,  qui  optrito  capite  postremum  cauda 

25  minantur.  Quippe  cum  efFugisset  hostem  Colchis 
tenus,  iungere  Bosporon,  inde  per  Thracen  Mace- 
doniamque  et  Graeciam   transilire^  sic   Italiam   nec 

26  opinatus  invadere — tantum  cogitavit.  Sed  defectione 
civium  Pharnacisque  filii  scelere  praeventus  male 
temptatum  veneno  spiritum  ferro  expulit. 

27  Gnaeus  interim  Magnus  rebellis  Asiae  reliquias 
sequens  per  diversa  gentium  terrarumque  volitabat. 
Nam  sub  orientem  secutus  Armenios,  captis,  ipso 
capite  gentis^  Artaxatis,  supplicem  ^   iussit  regnare 

28  Tigranen.  At  in  septentrione  Scythicum  iter  tam- 
quam  in  mari  stellis  secutus  Colchos  cecidit^  ignovit 
Hiberiae,  pepercit  Albanis.    Regem  horum  ^  Oroden  ^ 

1  quasi  post  cura  add.  B.  *  valuit  om.  B. 

3  captis,  ipso  capite  gentis,  Artaxatis  NL  :  captae  geutia 
atrapens  supplicem  ceteris  omissis  B. 

*  horum  (rraevius  :  colchorum  codd. 

•  Oroden  :  orhozen  B. 

i86 


BOOK    I.  xL. 

and  that  one  king  after  another  was  rising,  con- 
sidered  that  he  ouglit  not  to  delay,  and  before  tlie 
nations  could  consolidate  their  strength,  built  a 
bridge  of  boats  over  the  Euphrates,  and  was  the 
first  to  cross  that  river  by  this  means,  and  coming  up 
with  the  king  as  he  was  fleeing  through  the  middle 
of  Armenia,  defeated  him,  with  his  usual  good  luck, 
in  a  single  battle.  The  engagement  took  place  at 
night,  and  the  moon  took  sides  in  it ;  for  when  the 
goddess,  as  if  fighting  on  Pompeius'  side,  had  placed 
herself  behind  the  enemy  and  facing  the  Romans, 
the  men  of  Pontus  aimed  at  their  own  unusually  long 
shadows,  thinking  that  they  were  the  bodies  of  their 
foes.  That  night  saw  the  final  defeat  of  Mithridates  ; 
for  he  never  again  effected  anything,  although,  Hke 
a  snake,  which,  though  its  head  is  crushed,  threatens 
to  the  last  with  its  tail,  he  tried  every  exi^edient. 
For,  after  escaping  from  the  enemy  to  the  Colchians, 
he  formed  a  plan  (though  it  remained  only  a  plan)  of 
bridging  the  Bosporus  and  then  crossing  through 
Thrace,  Macedonia  and  Greece  and  making  a  sudden 
inroad  in  Italy ;  but,  baulked  by  the  desertion  of 
his  subjects  and  the  treachery  of  his  son  Pharnaces, 
he  ended  by  the  sword  a  life  which  he  had  in  vain 
tried  to  destroy  with  poison. 

Meanwhile  Gnaeus  Pompeius  Magnus,  pursuing 
the  remnants  of  rebellious  Asia,  was  hastening 
through  nations  and  lands  lying  far  apart.  Follow- 
ing  the  Armenians  eastward  he  captured  Artaxata, 
the  very  capital  of  that  race,  and  bade  Tigranes, 
who  implored  his  pardon,  retain  his  kingdom.  To 
the  North,  following  the  route  to  Scythia  by  the 
stars,  as  sailors  steer  at  sea,  he  defeated  the  Colchians, 
pardoned   the    Iberians,  and   spared   the  Albanians. 

187 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

positis  sub  ipso  Caucaso  castris  iussit  in  plana  descen- 
dere^  at  Arthocen^  qui  Hiberis  imperabatj^  obsides 
liberos  dare ;  Oroden  ^  etiam  muneravit^  ultro  ab 
Albania  sua  lectum  aureum  et  alia  dona  mittentem. 

29  Nec  non  in  meridiem  verso  agmine  Libanum  Syriae 
Damascumque  transgressus  per  nemora  illa  odorata, 
per  turis  et  balsami  silvas  Romana  signa  circumtulit. 

30  Arabes,  si  quid  imperaret,  praesto  fuere.  Hiero- 
solyma^  defendere  temptavere  ludaei ;  verum  haec 
quoque  et  intravit  et  vidit  illud  grande  inpiae  gentis 
arcanum  patens,  sub  aurea  vite  caelum.*  Dissiden- 
tibusque  de  regno  fratribus  arbiter  factus  regnare 
iussit     Hyrcanum  ;    Aristobolum,     quia      renovabat 

31  imperium,  in  catenas  dedit.  Sic  Pompeio  duce 
populus  Romanus  totam,^  qua  latissima  est,  Asiam 
pervagatus,  quam  extremam  imperii  habebat  pro- 
vinciam  mediam  fecit.  Exceptis  quippe  Parthis, 
qui  foedus  maluerunt,  et  Indis,  qui  adhuc  nos  nec 
noverant,  omnis  Asia  inter  Rubrum  et  Caspium 
et  Oceanum  Pompeianis  domita  vel  oppressa  signis 
tenebatur. 

^  post  imperabat  acld.  et  codd.,  del.  lahnius, 

'  Oroden  :  horolen  B. 

3  Hierosolyma  :  ierosolimam  B  :  hierosolymam  N, 

*  vite  :  vitae  B. 

^  totam  :  tota  B  :  totum  (-am  man.  sec.)  iV. 

i88 


BOOK    I.  XL. 

Having  pitched  his  camp  at  the  very  foot  of  the 
Caucasus,  he  ordered  their  king,  Orodes^  to  descend 
into  the  plain,  while  he  comnianded  Artlioces,  who 
was  ruler  of  the  Iberians,  to  hand  over  his  children 
as  hostages  ;  he  even  rewarded  Orodes,  who  actually 
sent  a  golden  bed  and  other  gifts  from  his  kingdom 
of  Albania.  Furtliermore,  turning  his  army  south- 
wards,  he  passed  through  the  Lebanon  in  Syria  and 
through  Damascus,  and  bore  the  Roman  standards 
through  the  famous  scented  gioves  and  woods  of 
frankincense  and  balm.  He  found  the  Arabs  ready 
to  carry  out  any  orders  which  he  might  give.  The 
Jews  attempted  to  defend  Jerusalem  ;  but  this  also 
he  entered  and  saw  the  great  secret  of  that  impious 
nation  laid  open  to  view,  the  heavens  beneath  a 
golden  vine.^  Being  appointed  arbitrator  between 
tne  two  brothers  who  were  disputing  the  throne, 
he  decided  in  favour  of  Hyrcanus  and  threw  Aristo- 
bolus  into  prison,  because  he  was  seeking  to  restore 
his  power.  Thus  the  Roman  people,  under  the 
leadership  of  Pompeius,  traversed  the  whole  of  Asia 
in  its  widest  extent  and  made  w^hat  had  been  the 
furthest  province  into  a  central  province  ;  ^  for  with 
the  exception  of  tiie  Parthians,  who  preferred  to 
make  a  treaty,  and  the  Indians,  who  as  yet  knew 
nothing  of  us,  all  Asia  between  the  Red  and  Caspian 
Seas  and  the  Ocean  was  in  our  power_,  conquered  or 
overawed  by  the  arms  of  Pompeius. 

^  That  is,  the  image  of  the  God  of  the  Sky  (Jehovah); 
cf.  Juvenal,  VI,  545  :  interpres  lcguvi  Solymarum  et  magna 
sacerdos  \  arboris  ac  siimmi  fida  internuntia  caeli  :  see  also 
Perrot  and  Chipiez,  Hist.  de  Vart  dans  Vantiq.^  II,  fig.  8,  235. 

*  i.e.  brought  under  Roman  rule  territory  beyond  the 
province  of  Asia. 

189 


L.   ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

XLL  Bellvm  Piraticvm 
111,6    Interim  cum  populus  Romanus  per  diversa  terra- 
rum  districtus  est,  Cilices  invaserant  maria  sublatis- 
que  commerciis,  rupto  foedere  generis  humani,  sic 

2  maria  bello  quasi  tempestate  praecluserant.  Auda- 
ciam  perditis  furiosisque  latronibus  dabat  inquieta 
Mithridaticis  proeliis  Asia,  dum  sub  alieni  belli 
tumultu  exterique  regis  invidia  inpune  grassantur. 

3  Ac  primum  duce  Isidoro  contenti  proximo  mari 
Cretam  inter  atque  Cyrenas  et  Achaiam  sinumque 
Maleum,    quod    ab    spoliis    aureum     ipsi    vocavere, 

4  latrocinabantur.  Missusque  in  eos  Publius  Servilius, 
quamvis  leves  et  fugaces  myoparonas  gravi  et  Martia 

5  classe  turbaret,  non  incruenta  victoria  superat.  Sed 
nec  mari  summovisse  contentus,  validissimas  urbes 
eorum  et  diutina  praeda  abundantes,  Phaselim  et 
Olympum  evertit  Isaurosque  ipsam  arcem  CiUciae, 
unde  conscius  sibi  magni  laboris  Isaurici  cognomen 

6  adamavit.  Non  ideo  tamen  tot  cladibus  domiti 
terra  se  continere  potuerunt ;  sed  ut  quaedam 
animaha,  quibus  aquam  terramque  incolendi  gemina 
natura  est,  sub  ipso  hostis  recessu  inpatientes  soli 
190 


BOOK    I.  xLi. 

XLI.    The  War  against  the  Pirates 

6.  In  the  meantime^  while  the  Roman  people 
were  preoccupied  in  various  parts  of  the  world,  the 
CiHcians  had  invaded  the  seas,  and,  making  inter- 
course  impossible  and  interrupting  the  peace  of  the 
world,  had  by  their  warlike  operations  caused  the 
same  result  as  a  tempest  in  closing  the  seas  to 
tratfic.  The  disturbed  condition  brought  about  in 
Asia  by  the  Mithridatic  wars  engendered  a  spirit 
of  daring  in  these  abandoned  and  desperate  robbers, 
who,  under  the  cover  of  the  confusion  caused  by  a 
war  in  which  they  took  no  part  and  the  odium 
against  a  foreign  prince,  ranged  over  the  seas  with 
impunity.  At  first,  under  their  leader  Isodorus^  they 
confined  their  operations  to  the  neighbouring  sea 
and  committed  their  depredations  between  Crete 
and  Cyrenae  and  Achaea  and  the  sea  off  Cape  Malea, 
which,  from  the  richness  of  the  spoil  which  it  yielded, 
they  themselves  named  the  Golden  Sea.  Publius 
Servilius  was  sent  against  them^and^  although  with  his 
heavy  and  well-equipped  ships  of  war  he  defeated  their 
light  and  elusive  brigantines,  he  won  a  by  no  means 
bloodless  victory,  Not  content,  however,  with  having 
driven  them  off  the  seas,  he  overthrew  their  strongest 
cities^full  of  spoil  collected  over  a  long  period,  PhaseHs, 
Olympus  and  the  cityof  the  Isauri,the  verystronghold 
of  Cilicia,  from  which,  conscious  of  the  greatness  of 
his  achievement,  he  assumed  the  title  of  Isauricus. 
But  the  pirates,  though  overcome  by  so  many  dis- 
asterS;,  would  not  on  that  account  confine  themselves 
to  the  land,  but,  Hke  certain  animals  whose  nature 
fits  them  equally  well  for  living  in  the  sea  and  on 
the  earth,  as  soon  as  ever  the  enemy  had  gone  away, 

191 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

in  aquas  suas  resiluerunt,  et  aliquanto  latius  quam 
prius  Siciliae  quoque  litora  et  Campaniam  nostram 

7  subito  adventu  terrere  voluerunt.  Sic  Cilix  dignus 
victoria  Pompei  visus  est  et  Mithridaticae  provinciae 
factus  accessio.  IUe  dispersam  toto  mari  pestem 
semel    et    in    perpetuum    volens   extinguere    divino 

8  quodam  apparatu  adgressus  est.  Quippe  cum  classi- 
bus  et  suis  et  socialibus  Rhodiorum  abundaret^ 
pluribus   legatis    atque  praefectis   utraque   Ponti  et 

9  Oceani  ora  conplexus  est.  GeUius  Tusco  mari 
inpositus,  Plotius  Siculo  ;  Atilius  ^  Ligusticum  sinum, 
Pomponius  ^  GalHcum  obsedit,  Torquatus  Balea- 
ricum,  Tiberius  Nero  Gaditanum  fretum,  qua 
primum  maris  nostri  limen  aperitur ;  Lentulus 
xMarcellinus  Libycumj^  Aegyptium^  Pompei  iuvenes 

10  Hadriaticum,  Varro  Terentius  Aegaeum  et  lonicum^* 
Pamphylium  Metellus,  Asiaticum  Caepio ;  ipsas 
Propontidos  fauces  Porcius  Cato  sic  obditis  navibus 

11  quasi  porta^  obseravit.  Sic  per  omnis  aequoris 
portus^  sinus^  latebras,  recessus^  promontoria,  freta, 
paeninsulas  quidquid  piratarum  fuit  quadam  indagine 

12  inclusum  est.  Ipse  Pompeius  in  originem  fontem- 
que  belU   Ciliciam  ;  nec    hostes  detractavere  certa- 

13  raen.      Non  ex  fiducia,  sed  quia  oppressi  erant,  ausi 

^  Atilius  Gronovius  :  gratillus  B  :  gratillius  NL. 

2  Pomponius  DuTcerus  :  Pompeius  codd. 

3  MarceUinus  Libycum  scripsi :  Libj^cum  Marcellinus  codd. 
*  lonicum  Ormerodius  :  Ponticum  et  codd. 

^  porta  Lipsius  :  portam  coddj. 

^  The  reading  and  punctuation  adopted  in  this  passage  are 
those  of  Professor  H.  A.  Ormerod,  who  in  an  article  published 
in  Liverpool  Annals  of  Archaeology,  Vol.  X,  pp.  46  ff.,  has 
cleared  up  the  whole  question  of  the  distribution  of  Pompeius' 
forces  in  the  campaign  of  67  b.c. 

192 


BOOK    I.  xLi. 

impatient  of  remaining  ashore  they  launched  forth 
again  upon  thcir  natural  element,  the  sea,  and,  ex- 
tending  their  operations  over  a  far  wider  area  than 
before^  were  eager  to  create  a  panic  on  the  coasts 
of  Sicily  and  our  own  Campania  by  a  sudden  attack. 
Cihcia  was,  tlierefore^  deemed  worthy  of  being  con- 
quered  by  Pompeius  and  was  added  to  liis  sphere  of 
operations  against  Mithridates.  Pompeius,  determin- 
ing  to  make  an  end  once  and  for  all  of  the  pest 
which  had  spread  over  the  wliole  sea,  approached 
his  task  with  almost  superhuman  measures.  Having 
at  his  disposal  an  ample  force  both  of  his  own  ships 
and  of  those  of  our  alHes  the  Rhodians,  he  extended 
his  operations  from  the  mouth  of  the  Black  Sea  to 
that  of  the  Ocean  with  the  aid  of  numerous  com- 
manders  and  captains.  GelHus  was  placed  in  charge 
of  the  Tuscan  Sea^  Plotius  over  the  SiciHan  Sea ; 
AtiHus  occupied  the  Ligurian  Gulf,  Pomponius  the 
GaUic  Gulf ;  Torquatus  commanded  in  the  Balearic 
waters.  Tiberius  Nero  in  the  Straits  of  Gades,  where 
the  thresliold  of  our  sea  opens  ;  Lentulus  MarcelHnus 
watched  over  the  Libyan  and  Egyptian  Seas, 
the  young  sons  of  Pompeius  over  the  Adriatic^  Ter- 
entius  Varro  over  the  Aegean  and  lonian  Seas^ 
Metellus  over  the  PamphyHan,  and  Caepio  over  the 
Asiatic  Sea,  while  Porcius  Cato  sealed  the  verv  mouth 
of  the  Propontis  with  ships  stationed  so  close  to  one 
another  as  to  form,  as  it  were,  a  gate.^  Thus^  in 
every  harbour,  bay,  slielter^  creek,  promontory,  strait 
and  peninsula  in  the  sea^  every  single  pirate  was 
enclosed  as  it  were  in  a  net.  Pompeius  himself 
proceeded  against  CiHcia,  the  origin  and  source  of 
the  war ;  nor  did  the  enemy  refuse  an  engagement, 
though  their  boldness  seemed  to  be  inspired  not  so 

193 


L.   ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

videbantur ;  sed  nihil  tamen  amplius,  quam  ut  ad 
primum  ictum  concurrerent.  Mox  ubi  circumfusa 
undique  rostra  viderunt^^  abiectis  statim  telis  remis- 
que  plausu  undique  pari,  quod  supplicantium  signum 

14  fuit,  vitam  petiverunt.  Non  alia  tam  incruenta 
victoria  usi  umquam  sumus,  sed  nec  fidelior  in  poste- 
rum  reperta  gens  ulla  est ;  ^  idque  prospectum  singu- 
lari  consilio  ducis,  qui  maritimum  genus  a  conspectu 
longe  removit  maris  et  mediterraneis  agris  quasi 
obligavit,  eodemque  tempore  et  usum  maris  navibus 

15  recuperavit  et  terrae  homines  suos  reddidit.  Quid 
prius  in  hac  mirere  victoria  ?  velocitatem  ?  quadra- 
gensimo  die  parta  est.  An  felicitatem?  ne  una 
quidem  navis  amissa  est.  An  vero  perpetuitatem  ? 
amplius  piratae  non  fuerunt. 


XLIL  Bellvm  Creticvm 

III,  7  Creticum  bellum,  si  vera  volumus,  [nos  fecimus]  * 
sola  vincendi  nobilem  insulam  cupiditas  fecit. 
Favisse     Mithridati    videbatur  ;    hoc    placuit    armis 

2  vindicare.  Primus  invasit  insulam  Marcus  Antonius 
cum  ingenti  quidem  victoriae  spe  atque  fiducia, 
adeo  ut  pluris  catenas   in  navibus  quam  arma   por- 

3  taret.  Dedit  itaque  poenas  vaecordiae.  Nam 
plerasque  naves  intercepit  hostis,  captivaque  corpora 
religantes  velis  ac  funibus  suspendere,  ac  sic  velifi- 

^  viderunt :  viderent  B. 

*  reperta  gens  ulla  est  om.  B. 

^  nos  fecimus  secl.  lahnitis. 

194 


BOOK    I.  xLi.-xLii. 

mucli  by  confidence  as  by  the  knowledge  that  they 
were  hard  pressed.  However,  they  did  no  more 
than  meet  the  first  onslaught ;  for  as  soon  as  they 
saw  the  beaks  of  our  shij)s  all  round  them,  they 
immediately  tlirew  down  their  weapons  and  oars^ 
and  with  a  general  clajiping  of  hands,  which  was 
their  sign  of  entreaty,  begged  for  quarter.  We 
never  gained  so  bloodless  a  victory^  and  no  nation 
was  afterwards  found  more  loyal  to  us.  This  was 
secured  by  the  remarkable  wisdom  of  our  com- 
mander,  who  removed  this  maritime  people  far  frora 
the  sight  of  the  sea  aiid  bound  it  down  to  the 
cultivation  of  the  inland  districts,  thus  at  the  same 
time  recovering  the  use  of  the  sea  for  shipping  and 
restoring  to  the  land  its  proper  cultivators.  In  this 
victory  what  is  most  worthy  of  admiration  ?  Its 
speedy  accompUshment — for  it  was  gained  in  forty 
days — or  the  good  fortune  which  attended  it — for 
not  a  single  ship  was  lost — or  its  lasting  effect — for 
there  never  were  any  pirates  again  ? 

XLII.    The  Cretan  War 

7.  The  Cretan  war,  if  the  truth  is  to  be  told^  was 
due  solely  to  our  desire  to  conquer  that  famous 
island.  It  was  thought  to  have  supported  Mithri- 
dates,  an  offence  which  we  resolved  to  punish  by 
force  of  arms.  Marcus  Antonius  made  the  first 
attack  upon  the  island  with  such  expectation  of 
victory  and  confidence  that  he  carried  more  fetters 
than  arms  on  board  his  ships.  And  so  he  paid  the 
penalty  of  his  rashness  ;  for  the  enemy  cut  off  most 
of  his  ships  and  hung  the  bodies  of  their  prisoners 
from  the  sails  and  tackle  ;  and  then  spreading  their 

195 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

cantes    triumphantium    in    modum    Cretes    portibus 

4  suis  adremigaverunt.  Metellus  deinde  totam  in- 
sulam  igni  ferroque  populatus  intra  castella  et  urbes 
redegit,  Cnoson  Eleuthernan  ^  et,  ut  Graeci  dicere 

5  solent,  urbium  matrem  Cydoneam  ;  adeoque  saeve 
in  captivos  consulebatur,^  ut  veneno  se  plerique  con- 
ficerent.  alii  deditionem  suam  ad  Pompeium  absen- 

6  tem  mitterent.  Et  cum  ille  res  in  Asia  gerens  eo 
quoque  praefectum  misisset  Antonium  in  alienam  ^ 
provinciam,  inritus  fuit,  eoque  infestior  Metellus  in 
hostes  ins  victoris  exercuit,  victisque  Lasthene  et 
Panare,  Cydoneae  ducibus,  victor  rediit.  Nec  quic- 
quam  tamen  amplius  de  tam  famosa  victoria  quam 
cognomen  Creticum  reportavit. 


XLIIL  Bellvm  Balearicvm 

iii^  8  QuATENUs  Metelli  Macedonici  domus  bellicis  agno- 
minibus  *  adsueverat,  altero  ex  liberis  eius  Cretico 
facto  mora  non   fuit   quin    alter  quoque    Balearicus 

2  vocaretur.  Baleares  per  id  tempus  insulae  piratica 
rabie  maria  corruperant.  Homines  feros  atque 
silvestres  mireris  ausos  a  scopuHs  suis  saltem  maria 

3  prospicere.  Ascendere  etiam  inconditas  rates  et 
praeternavigantes  subinde  inopinato  impetu  terruere. 

4  Sed  cum  venientem  ab  alto  Romanam  classem  pro- 

^  Eieuthernan  :  aetery  threan  B  :  et  erj-thream  X. 

*  consulebatur  :  consolebatur  B  :  consulabatur  N. 
^  alienam  Mommsenus  :  aliam  B. 

*  atrnominibua  :  bacnominibus  B  :  nominibus  NL, 


196 


BOOK    I.  xLii.-xLiii. 

sails  the  Cretans  retiirned  in  triumph  to  their 
harbours.  Metellus  subsequently  laid  waste  the 
whole  island  with  fire  and  sword  and  drove  the 
inhabitants  into  their  strongholds  and  cities,  Cnossus, 
Eleutherna  and  Cydonia,  the  mother  of  cities,  as  the 
Greeks  usually  call  it.  So  severe  were  the  measures 
which  he  took  against  the  ])risoners  that  most  of 
them  put  an  end  to  themselves  with  poison,  while 
others  sent  an  offer  of  surrender  to  Pompeius  across 
the  sea.  Pompeius,  although  while  in  command  in 
Asia  he  had  sent  his  officer  Antonius  outside 
his  sphere  of  comraand  to  Crete,  was  powerless  to 
act  in  the  matter^  and  so  Metellus  exercised  the 
rights  of  a  conqueror  with  all  the  greater  severity 
and,  after  defeating  the  Cydonian  leaders,  Lasthenes 
and  Panares,  returned  victorious  to  Rome.  How- 
ever,  from  his  remarkable  victory  he  gained  nothing 
but  the  title  of  Creticus. 

XLIII.    The  Balearic  War 

8,  Seeing  that  the  family  of  Metellus  Macedonicus 
had  become  accustomed  to  the  assumption  of  sur- 
names  won  in  war,  after  one  of  his  sons  had  become 
Creticus,  it  was  not  long  before  the  other  received 
the  name  of  Balearicus.  The  Balearic  islanders  at 
this  period  had  ravaged  the  seas  with  their  piratical 
outrages.  You  may  wonder  that  savages  who  dwelt 
in  the  woods  should  venture  even  to  look  upon  the 
sea  from  their  native  rocks,  but  they  actually  went 
on  board  roughly  constructed  ships,  and  from  time 
to  time  terrified  passing  ships  by  attacking  them 
unexpectedly.  When  they  had  espied  the  Roman 
fleet  approaching  from  the  open  sea,  thinking  it  an 

197 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

spexissent,  praedam  putantes^  ausi  etiam  occurrere, 
et  primo  impetu  ingenti  lapidum  saxorumque  nimbo 

5  classem  operuerunt.  Tribus  quisque  fundis  proe- 
liantur.  Certos  esse  quis  miretur  ictus,  cum  haec 
sola  genti  arma  sint,  id  unum  ab  infantia  studium.^ 
cibum  puer  a  matre  non  accipit/  nisi  quem  ipsa 
monstrante   percusserit.     Sed    non   diu    lapidatione 

6  Romanos  terruere.  Nam  postquam  comminus  ven- 
tum  est  expertiquerostra  et  pila  venientia,  pecudum 
in  morem  clamore  sublato  petiverunt  fuga  litora, 
dilapsique  in  proximos  tumulos  quaerendi  fuerunt 
ut  vincerentur. 

XLIin.  ExPEDiTio  iN  Cyprvm 
III,  9     Aderat  fatum  insularum.      Igitur  et  Cypros  re- 
cepta  sine    bello.      Insulam  veteribus  divitiis  abun- 

2  dantem  et  ob  hoc  Veneri  sacram  Ptolemaeus  regebat. 

3  Sed  divitiarum  tanta  erat  fama,  nec  falso_,  ut  victor 
gentium  populus  et  donare  regna  consuetus,  P. 
Clodio  tribuno  plebis  duce,  socii  vivique  regis  con- 

4  fiscationem    mandaverit.      Et    ille     quidem    ad    rei 

5  famam  veneno  fata  praecepit.  Ceterum  Porcius 
Cato  Cyprias  opes  Liburnis  per  Tiberinum  ostium 
invexit.  Quae  res  latius  aerarium  populi  Romani 
quam  ullas  triumphus  implevit. 

^  accipit  :  accepit  B. 
19S 


BOOK    I.  XLiii.-xLiiii. 

easy  prey,  they  actually  dared  to  assail  it,  and  at  the 
first  onslaught  covered  it  with  a  shower  of  stones 
and  rocks.  They  fight  with  three  sHngs  apiece ; 
and  who  can  wonder  that  their  aim  is  so  accurate, 
seeing  that  this  is  their  only  kind  of  arm  and  its 
employment  their  sole  pursuit  from  infancy  ?  A 
boy  receives  no  food  from  his  mother  except  what 
he  has  struck  down  under  her  instruction.  But  the 
alarm  caused  among  the  Romans  by  their  slinging 
of  stones  did  not  last  long  ;  when  it  came  to  close 
fighting  and  they  experienced  the  attack  of  the 
beaks  of  our  ships  and  our  javeUns,  they  raised  a 
bellowing  like  cattle  and  fled  to  the  shore,  and 
scattering  among  the  neighbouring  hills  had  to  be 
hunted  down  before  they  could  be  conquered. 

XLIIII.    The  Expedition  to  Cyprus 

9.  The  fate  of  the  islands  was  sealed ;  and  so 
Cyprus  too  was  taken  over  without  any  fighting. 
This  island,  rich  in  ancient  wealth  and  therefore 
dedicated  to  V^enus,  was  under  the  rule  of  Ptolemy. 
But  such  was  the  fame  of  its  riches  (and  not  without 
cause)  that  a  people  which  had  conquered  nations 
and  was  accustomed  to  make  gifts  of  kingdoms 
ordered,  on  the  proposal  of  Publius  Clodius,  the 
tribune  of  the  people,  that  the  property  of  a  king, 
aUied  to  tliemselves  and  stiU  Uving,  should  be  con- 
fiscated.  Ptolemy,  on  hearing  the  news  of  this, 
anticipated  fate  by  taking  poison,  and  Porcius  Cato 
brought  the  wealth  of  Cyprus  in  Liburnian  gaUeys 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber.  This  replenished  the 
treasury  of  the  Roman  people  more  effectively  than 
any  triumph. 

199 


L.    ANNAELS    FLORUS 

XLV.   Bellvm  Gallicvm 

III,  10    AsiA  Pompei  manibus  subacta  reliqua,  quae  resta- 
bant    in    Europa,    Fortuna    in    Caesarem    transtulit. 

2  Restabant  autem  inmanissimi  gentium  Galli  atque 
Germani  et  quamvis  toto  orbe  divisi,  tamen  quia 
vincere  libuit,  Britanni. 

Primus  Galliae  motus  ab  Helvetiis  coepit,  qui 
Rhodanum  inter  et  Rhenum  siti,  non  sufficientibus 
terris  venere  sedem  petitum_,  incensis  moenibus  suis ; 

3  hoc  sacramentum  fuit,  ne  redirent.  Sed  petito 
tempore  ad  deliberandum,  cum  inter  moras  Caesar 
Rhodani  ponte  rescisso  fugam  abstulisset,  statim 
bellicosissimam    gentem    sic    in    sedes    suas,    quasi 

4  greges  in  stabulum  pastor,  reduxit.  Sequens  longe 
longeque  cruentior  pugna  Belgarum,  quippe  pro 
libertate  pugnantium.  Hic  cum  multa  Romanorum 
militum  insignia,  tum  illud  egregium  ipsius  ducis, 
quod,  nutante  in  fugam  ^  exercitu,  rapto  fugientis  e 
manu  scuto  in  primam  volitans  aciem  manu  proelium 

5  restituit.      Inde  cum  Venetis  etiam  navale  bellum, 

sed  maior  cum  Oceano  quam  cum  ipsis  navibus  rixa. 

Quippe  illae  rudes  et  informes  et  statim  naufragae, 

cum  rostra  sensissent ;  sed  haerebat  in  vadis  pugna^ 

1  fugam  Rhed.  :  fuga  cet. 
200 


BOOK    I.  xLv. 


XL\^    The  Gailic  War 


10.  AsiA  having  been  subdued  by  the  mifrht  of 
Pumpeius,  fortune  handed  over  to  Caesar  all  that 
remained  to  be  conquered  in  Europe.  Those  who 
were  still  left  were  the  most  formidable  of  all  races, 
the  Gauls  and  the  Germans,  and  also  the  Britons ; 
for  we  were  minded  to  conquer  them,  although  they 
are  a  whole  world  away. 

The  first  disturbance  began  with  the  Helvetii, 
who,  being  settled  between  the  Rhone  and  the 
Rhine  and  being  possessed  of  insufficient  territory, 
came  to  ask  us  for  new  lands  after  burning  their 
cities,  an  act  which  stood  for  an  oath  that  they 
would  not  return.  But  Caesar,  after  asking  for 
time  to  consider  their  request,  having  during  the 
intervai  prevented  their  escape  by  breaking  down 
the  bridge  over  the  Rhone,  immediately  drove  back 
this  warlike  nation  to  its  former  abode,  as  a  shepherd 
drives  his  flocks  into  the  fold.  Next  followed  a  far 
more  sanguinary  struggle  with  the  Belgae,  since  they 
were  fighting  for  their  freedom.  In  this,  v.hile 
there  were  many  notable  exploits  on  the  part  of 
Roinan  soldiers,  a  remarkable  feat  was  performed 
by  the  geiieral  himself;  for  when  his  troops  were 
wavering  and  on  the  point  of  retiring,  snatching  a 
shield  out  of  the  hand  of  a  retreating  soldier,  he 
rushed  to  the  front  line  and  by  his  own  efforts 
restored  the  battle.  Next  came  a  naval  war  with 
the  Veneti ;  but  it  was  a  struggle  rather  against 
the  ocean  than  against  the  enemy's  fleet.  For  their 
vessels  were  rude  and  clumsy  and  went  to  pieces  as 
soon  as  they  had  felt  the  beaks  of  our  ships ;  but 
the  battle  was  obstructed  by  the  shallow  water,  since 

20I 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

cum    aestibus    solitis    in    ipso    certamine    subductus 

6  Oceanus  intercedere  bello  videretur.  Illae  quoque 
accessere  diversitates  pro  gentium  locorumque 
natura,  Aquitani^  callidum  genus,  in  speluncas  se 
recipiebant  :  iussit  includi ;  Morini  dilabebantur  in 
silvas  :  ^    iussit     incendi.       Nemo     tantum     feroces 

7  dixerit  Gallos :  fraudibus  agunt.  Indutiomarus 
Treveros^  Ambiorix  concitavit  Eburones.  Utrique, 
absente  Caesare  coniuratione  facta^  invasere  legatos. 

8  Sed  ille  fortiter  a  Dolabella  summotus  est,  relatum- 
que  regis  caput ;  hic  insidiis  in  valle  dispositis  dolo 
perculit.  Itaque  et  castra  direpta  sunt  et  Aurun- 
culeium^  Cottam  cum  Titurio^  Sabino  legatos 
amisimus.  Nec  ulla  de  rege  mox  ultio ;  quippe 
perpetua  trans  Rhenum  fuga  latuit. 

9  Nec  Rhenus  ergo  inmunis  ;  nec  enim  fas  erat  ut 

10  liber  esset  receptator  hostium  atque  defensor.  Et 
prima  contra  Germanos  iUius  pugna  iustissimis 
quidem  ex  causis.      Haedui  de  incursionibus  eorum 

11  querebantur.  Quae  Ariovisti*  regis  superbia !  cui 
cum  legati  dicerent  '^^  veni  ad  Caesarem/'  et  '^quis 
est  Caesar  ?  "   et  "  si  vult^  veniat  "  inquit,  et  ^^quid 

12  ad  illum,  quid  agat  nostra  Germania  ?  num  ego  me 
interpono  Romanis  ? "  Itaque  tantus  gentis  novae 
terror   in    castris^    ut   testamenta   passim    etiam    in 

1  Morini   dilabebantur  in  silvas    Vinetus :   morabantur  ia 
silvis  B  :  nec  mora  dilabebantur  in  silvas  iV. 

2  Aurunculeium  Perizonius  :  aurum  ablatum  codd. 
^  Titurio  :  tirio  B. 

*  Ariovisti :  tario  bisti  B  :  ario  iusti  L. 

202 


BOOK    I.  XLV. 

the  ocean,  retiring  with  usual  fall  of  tide  in  the  very 
middle  of  the  engagement,  seemed  to  take  part  in 
the  striiggle.  The  operations  of  the  war  varied  with 
the  nature  of  the  people  and  the  country.  The 
crafty  Aquitani  betook  themselves  to  caves  ;  Caesar 
ordered  that  they  should  be  blockaded  there.  The 
Morini  scattered  amongst  their  forests ;  Caesar 
ordered  that  the  forests  should  be  burnt.  Let  no 
one  say  that  the  Gauls  are  mere  savages,  for  they 
can  act  with  cunning.  Indutiomarus  stirred  up 
the  Treveri,  Ambiorix  the  Eburones.  In  Caesar's 
absence  these  two  tribes  banded  together  and 
attacked  the  lieutenant-generals.  Indutiomarus  was 
bravely  repulsed  by  Dolabella,  and  his  head  was 
brought  back  to  the  camp.  Ambiorix,  however, 
defeated  us  by  the  stratagem  of  an  ambush  set  in  a 
valley,  with  the  result  that  our  camp  was  plundered 
and  we  lost  the  lieutenant-generals  Aurunculeius 
Cotta  and  Titurius  Sabinus.  No  immediate  vengeance 
was  taken  upon  the  king,  who  eluded  our  vigilance 
by  perpetual  flight  across  the  Rhine. 

The  Rhine,  therefore,  was  notleft  unattacked  ;  for 
indeed  it  was  not  right  that  it  should  harbour  and 
protect  our  enemies  with  impunity.  The  first  battle 
against  the  Germans  on  this  river  was  fought  on  the 
most  just  of  pretexts  ;  for  the  Aedui  complained  of 
their  incursions.  And  how  great  was  the  insolence 
of  King  Ariovistus  I  When  our  ambassadors  told 
him  to  come  to  Caesar,  he  replied,  "  VVho  is  Caesar  ? 
Let  him  come  to  me  if  he  Hkes  :  what  does  it  matter 
to  him  what  we  in  Germany  do .''  Do  I  interfere 
with  the  Romans  ? "  So  great  was  the  alarm 
inspired  in  the  camp  by  this  unknown  people,  that 
there  was  a  ffeneral   makino:  of  wills  even  in   the 

203 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

principiis    scriberentur.      Sed    illa    inmania    corpora 
quo  maiora  erant,  eo  magis  gladiis  ferroque  patue- 

13  runt.  Qui  calor  in  proeliando  militum  fuerit,  nullo 
magis  exprimi  potest  quam  quod,  elatis  super  caput 
scutis  cum  se  testudine  barbarus  tegeret^  super  ipsa 
Romani  scuta  salierunt,  et    inde  in   iugulos  gladiis 

14  descendebant.  Iterum  de  Germano  Tencteri  ^ 
querebantur.  Hic  vero  iam  Caesar  ultro  Mosellam  ^ 
navali  ponte  transgreditur  ipsumque  Rhenum  et 
Hercyniis  hostem  quaerit  in  silvis  ;  sed  in  saltus  ac 
paludes    gens    omnis    diffugerat.      Tantum    pavoris 

15  incussit  intra  ripam  subito  Romanus  visus.^  Nec 
semel  Rhenus,  sed  iterum  quoque,  et  quidem  ponte 
facto  penetratus  est.  Maior  aliquanto  trepidatio. 
Quippe  cum  Rhenum  suum  sic  ponte  quasi  iugo 
captum  viderent,  fuga  rursus  in  silvas  et  paludes_, 
et,  quod  acerbissimum  Caesari  fuit,  non  fuere  qui 
vincerentur. 

16  Omnibus  terra  marique  peragratis  respexit  Ocea- 
num  et,  quasi  hic  Romanis  orbis  non  sufficeret,  alte- 
rum  cogitavit.  Classe  igitur  conparata  Britanniam 
transit  mira  celeritate  ;  quippe  qui  tertia  vigilia  cum 
Morinorum   solvisset  ^  a  portu,   minus   quam  medio 

17  die  insulam  ingressus  est.  Plena  erant  tumultu 
hostico  ^    litora^    et   trepidantia   ad    conspectum  rei 


^  Tencteri :  genteri  B  :  centeri  NL  :  treviri  Aldus. 

2  Mosellam  Monac.  :  musellam  B  :  massiliam  NL. 

3  Romanus  visus  Rosshachius  :  romana  vis  ^.V. 

*  cum     Morinorurn     solvisset     Halmius :     com    morinos 
movisset  B  :  marino  solvisset  {ovi.  cum)  NL. 
^  hostico  :  hostilico  (U  in  margine  additum)  B, 

204 


BOOK    I.  XLV. 

camp  square.  But  the  vaster  the  stature  of  our 
eiiemies,  the  more  ^vere  they  exposed  to  our  swords 
and  other  weapons.  The  ardour  of  our  soldiers  in  the 
fray  cannot  be  better  ilhistrated  than  by  the  fact  that, 
when  the  barbarians  })rotected  themselves  by  forming 
a  "  tortoise  "  with  their  shields  raised  over  their  heads, 
the  Romans  actually  leaped  on  the  top  of  the  shields 
and  from  there  fell  upon  their  throats  with  their 
swords.  Furtlier  comphiints  against  the  Germans  were 
brought  by  the  Tencteri.  On  this  occasion  Caesar 
took  the  initiative  and  crossed  the  Moselle  by  a 
bridge  of  boats  and  made  for  the  Rhine  itself  and 
the  enemy  in  the  Hercynian  forests  ;  but  the  whole 
tribe  liad  fled  away  to  their  woods  and  marshes,  so 
great  was  the  panic  caused  by  the  appearance  of  the 
Romans  on  the  further  bank  of  the  river.  Nor  was 
this  the  only  occasion  on  which  the  Rhine  was 
crossed,  but  he  penetrated  across  it  a  second  time 
by  a  bridge  which  he  had  built.  The  alarm  of  the 
enemy  was  ever  greater  this  time  ;  for  when  they 
saw  their  Rhine  placed  as  it  were  a  prisoner  under 
the  yoke  of  the  bridge,  they  fled  again  to  their 
woods  and  marshes  and,  to  Caesar's  bitter  disappoint- 
ment,  no  enemy  remained  to  be  conquered. 

Having  penetrated  everywhere  by  iand  and  sea, 
he  turned  his  gaze  towards  the  ocean  and,  as  if 
this  world  of  ours  sufl^ced  not  for  the  Romans,  set 
his  thoughts  on  another.  He,  therefore,  collected  a 
fleet  and  crossed  over  to  Britain  with  wonderful 
speed  ;  for  starting  from  the  harbour  of  the  Morini 
at  the  third  watch  he  disembarked  upon  tlie  island 
before  midday.  The  shores  were  crowded  with  a 
confused  throng  of  the  enemy,  and  their  chariots 
were  hurrying  to  and  fro  in  panic  at  the  strange 

205 


L.   ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

novae  carpenta  volitabant.  Itaque  trepidatio  pro 
victoria  fuit.  Arma  et  obsides  accepit  a  trepidis, 
et  ulterius   isset^  nisi   inprobam    classem    naufragio 

18  castigasset  Oceanus.  Reversus  igitur  in  Galliam, 
classe  maiore  auctisque  copiis  in  eundem  rursus 
Oceanum  eosdemque  rursus  Britannos.  Caledonas 
secutus  in  silvas  unum  quoque  e  '^  regibus  Casueila- 

19  num^  in  vincla  dedit.  Contentus  his  (non  enim 
provinciae,  sed  nomini  studebatur)  cum  maiore  quam 
prius  praeda  revectus  est,  ipso  quoque  Oceano 
tranquillo  magis  et  propitio,  quasi  inparem  ei  se 
fateretur. 

20  Sed  maxima  omnium  eademque  novissima  coniu- 
ratio  fuit  Galliarum^  cum  omnis  ^  pariter  Arvernos 

21  atque  Biturigas^  Carnuntas  simul  Sequanosque  con- 
traxit*  corpore  armis  spirituque  terribilis^  nomine 
etiam  quasi  ad  terrorem  conposito^  Vercingetorix. 
Ille  festis  diebus  et  conciliabulis,  cum  frequentissi- 
mos  in  lucis  haberet,  ferocibus  dictis  ad  ius  pristi- 

22  num  libertatis  erexit.  Aberat  tunc  Caesar  Ravennae 
dilectum  ageris,  et  hieme  creverant  Alpes  :  sic 
interclusum  putabant  iter.  Sed  ille  qualis  erat  ad 
nuntium  rei  feUcissima  temeritate  ^  per  invios  ad  id 
tempus  montium  tumulos,  per  intactas  vias  et  nives, 

^  e:  et  B. 

2  Casuellanum  Hossbachius  {c/.    Dio,    XL.    2,   3,   Polyaen, 
VIII.  23,  5) :  cas  |  uella  B  :  cavelianis  NL. 

3  omnis  N :  omues  L. 

*  po-^t  contraxit  add.  hi  B,  ille  NL. 

^  feHcissiraa  temeritate  Salmasius  :  felicissimae  temeritatis 
codd. 

2o6 


BOOK    I.  XLV. 

sight  before  their  eyes.  Tliis  panic  was  as  good  as  a 
victory  for  Caesar,  who  received  arms  and  hostages 
from  his  frightened  foes  and  would  have  advanced 
further  if  the  ocean  liad  not  taken  vengeance  on  his 
presumptuous  fleet  by  wrecking  it.  He,  therefore, 
returned  to  Gaul  and  then,  with  a  larger  fleet  and 
increased  forces,  made  another  attempt  against  the 
same  ocean  and  the  same  Britons.  Having  pursued 
them  into  the  Caledonian  forests,  he  made  one  of 
their  kings,  Casuellanus,  a  prisoner.  Content  with 
these  achievements  (for  he  sought  a  reputation 
rather  than  a  province)  he  returned  with  greater 
spoil  than  before,  the  veryocean  showing  itself  more 
calm  and  propitious^  as  though  it  confessed  itself 
unequal  to  opposing  him. 

The  greatest,  and  at  the  same  time  the  last,  of  all 
the  risings  in  Craul,  took  place  when  Vercingetorix,  a 
chief  formidable  alike  for  his  stature,  his  skill  in 
arms,  and  his  courage,  endowed  too  with  a  name 
which  seemed  to  be  intended  to  inspire  terror, 
formed  a  league  aHke  of  the  Arverni  and  Bituriges, 
and  at  the  same  time  of  the  Carnuntes  and  Sequani. 
He  at  their  festivals  and  councils,  when  he  found 
them  collected  in  their  greatest  crowds  in  their 
groves,  roused  them  by  his  ferocious  harangues  to 
vindicate  their  ancient  rights  of  freedom.  Caesar 
was  absent  at  the  time  holding  a  levy  at  Ravenna, 
and  the  Alps  had  been  swollen  by  winter  snows  ; 
hence  they  thought  that  his  passage  was  blocked. 
But  Caesar,  starting  just  as  he  was  on  the  receipt 
of  the  news,  by  a  most  successful  act  of  daring 
made  his  way  across  Gaul  with  a  Hght-armed 
force  through  ranges  of  mountains  never  before 
crossed  and  over    ways    and    snows    never    trodden 

207 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

expedita  manu  emensus  Galliamj  et  ex  distantibus 
hibernis  castra  contraxit,  et    ante  in   media   Gallia 

23  fuit,  quam  ab  ultima  timeretur.  Tum  ipsa  capita 
belli  adgressus  urbes,  Avaricum  ^  quadraginta 
milium  propugnantium  [sustulit],^  Alesiam  ducen- 
torum    quinquaginta    milium    iuventute    subnixam 

24  flammis  adaequavit.  Circa  Gergoviam  Avernorum 
tota  belli  moles  fuit.  Quippe  cum  octoginta  milia 
muro  et  arce  et  abruptis  ripis  defenderent  maximam 

25  civitatem,  vallo  sudibus  et  fossa  inductoque  fossae 
flumine,  ad  hoc  decem  et  octo  castellis  ingentique 
lorica  circumdatam  primum  fame  domuit,  mox 
audentem  eruptiones    in    vallo  sudibusque  concidit, 

26  novissime  in  deditionem  redegit.  Ipse  ille  rex, 
maximum  victoriae  decus,  supplex  cum  in  castra 
venisset,  equum  et  phaleras  et  sua  arma  ante 
Caesaris  genua  proiecit.  "  Habe/' ^  inquit,  "  fortem 
virum,  vir  fortissime,  vicisti." 


XLVI.  Bellvm  Parthicvm 

III,  11  DuM  Gallos  per  Caesarem  in  septentrione  debel- 
lat,  ipse  interim  ad  orientem  grave  volnus  a  Parthis 
populus  Romanus  accepit.  Nec  de  fortuna  queri 
2  possumus ;  caret  solacio  clades.  Adversis  et  dis  et 
hominibus  cupiditas  consulis  Crassi,  dum  Parthico 
inliiat    auro,    undecim    strage     legionum    et   ipsius 

1  Avaricum  :    salaricum  B :   alvaiicum   iV :    aviaricum    in 
alvaricum  mut.  L. 

2  sustulit  secl.  lahnius. 

^  habe  Petrarca  :  habes  codd. 

2o8 


BOOK    I.  xLv.-xLvi. 

before,  and  collected  his  troops  from  distant  winter 
quarters  and  was  in  the  middle  of  Gaul  before  the 
terror  of  his  approach  had  reached  its  borders. 
Attacking  the  cities  which  were  the  headquarters  of 
the  enemy's  forces.  he  burnt  to  the  ground  Avaricum, 
which  was  defended  by  40^,000  men,  and  Alesia, 
which  had  a  garrison  of  250,000.  All  the  most 
important  operations  were  concentrated  round 
Gergovia  in  the  territory  of  the  Averni.  This 
mighty  city,  defended  by  a  wall  and  citadel  and 
steep  river-banks,  had  a  garrison  of  80.000  men. 
Caesar,  surrounding  it  with  a  rampart,  a  paHsade  and 
a  trench,  into  which  he  admitted  water  from  the 
river,  and  also  eighteen  towers  and  a  huge  breast- 
work,  first  reduced  it  by  starvation ;  and  then,  when 
the  defenders  attempted  to  make  sallies,  cut  them 
down  at  the  ramparts  and  pahsades,  and  finally 
reduced  them  to  surrender.  The  king  himself,  to 
crown  the  victory,  came  as  a  suppliant  to  the  camp, 
and  placing  before  Caesar  his  horse  and  its  trapping 
and  his  own  arms,  exclaimed^  "  Receive  these  spoils ; 
thou  thyself,  bravest  of  men^  hast  conquered  a  brave 
enemy." 

XLVI.  The   Parthian  War 

11.  While  in  the  north  the  Roman  people  by  the 
hand  of  Caesar  were  conquering  the  Gauls,  in  the 
east  they  received  a  serious  blow  from  the  Parthians. 
Nor  can  we  complain  of  fortune ;  for  it  was  a 
disaster  which  admitted  of  no  consolation.  Both 
gods  and  men  were  defied  by  the  avarice  of  the 
consul  Crassus,  in  coveting  the  gold  of  Parthia,  and 
its  punishment  was  the  slaughter  of  eleven  legions 

20Q 
F.N.  H  ^ 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

3  capite  multata  est.  Et  tribunus  plebi  Metellus 
exeuntem  ducem  hostilibus  ^  diris  devoverat,  et  cum 
Zeugma    transisset    exercitus,    rapta    subitis    signa 

4  turbinibus  hausit  Euphrates,  et  cum  apud  Nice- 
phorium  castra  posuisset,  missi  ab  Orode  ^  rege  legati 
nuntiavere;,    percussorum    cum     Pompeio    foederum 

5  Sullaque  meminisset.  Regiis  inhians  ille  thensauris, 
nihil  ne   imaginario  quidem   iure,  sed   Seleuciae  se 

6  responsurum  esse  respondit.  Itaque  dii  foederum 
ultores  nec  insidiis  nec  virtuti  hostium  defuerunt. 
lam  primunij  qui  solus  et  subvehere  commeatus  et 
munire  poterat  a  tergo,  reUctus  Euphrates,  dum 
simulato  transfugae  cuidam  Mazarae^  Syro  creditur. 

7  Tum  ^  in  mediam  camporum  vastitatem  eodem  duce 
ductus    exercitus^    ut    undique    hosti    exponeretur. 

8  Itaque  vixdum  venerat  Carrhas,  cum  undique  prae- 
fecti  regis  Silaces  et  Surenas  ^  ostendere  signa  auro 
sericisque  vexilHs  \ibrantia.  Tunc  sine  mora  cir- 
cumfusi  undique  equitatus  in  modum  grandinis 
atque   nimborum  densa  pariter   tela  fuderunt.     Sic 

9  miserabih  strage  deletus  exercitus.  Ipse  in  con- 
loquium  solHcitatus,  signo  dato  vivus  hostium  in 
manus  incidisset,  nisi  tribunis  rehictantibus  fugam 
ducis  barbari  ferro  occupassent.      [Sic  quoque  rela- 

10  tum    caput   ludibrio   hostibus  fuit.]®     FiUum    ducis 

1  hostilibus  :  hostibus  B.  ^  Orode  :  herode  B. 

^  Mazarae  :  mazare  BL. 

*  tum  om.  B  :  dum  L. 

^  Surenas  ^Wt65:  sirenas  B:  syrenas  iVL. 

^  sic — fuit  secl.  lahnius. 

1  The  text  adds  :  "  Thus  his  head  was  carried  back  and 
treated  with  mockery  by  the  enemy."  These  words  are  out 
of  place  here,  and  a  similar  statement  occurs  in  its  proper 
place  a  few  Unes  further  on. 

2IO 


BOOK    I.  xLvi. 

and  the  loss  of  his  own  life.  For  Metelhis,  the 
tribune  of  the  people,  had  called  down  terrible 
curses  on  the  general  as  he  was  leavin^  Rome  ;  and 
after  the  army  had  passed  Zeugma,  the  Euphrates 
swallowed  up  the  standards,  wliich  were  swej^t  away 
by  its  swirling  eddies ;  and  when  Crassiis  had 
pitched  his  camp  at  Nicephorium,  ambassadors 
arrived  from  King  Orodes  with  a  message  bidding 
him  remember  the  treaties  made  with  Pompeius  and 
Sulla.  Crassus,  who  coveted  the  royal  treasures, 
answered  not  a  word  that  had  any  semblance  of 
justice,  but  merely  said  that  he  would  give  liis  reply 
at  Seleucia.  The  gods,  therefore,  who  punish  those 
who  violate  treaties,  did  not  fail  to  support  either 
the  craft  or  the  valour  of  our  enemies.  In  the  first 
place,  Crassus  deserted  the  Euphrates^  which  provided 
the  sole  means  of  transporting  his  suppHes  and  pro- 
tecting  his  rear,  trusting  to  the  advice  of  a  pre- 
tended  deserter,  a  certain  Syrian  named  Mazaras. 
Next,  again  under  the  same  guidance,  the  army  was 
conducted  into  the  midst  of  vast  plains^  to  be 
exposed  to  enemy  attacks  from  every  side.  And  so 
he  had  scarcely  reached  Carrhae,  when  the  king's 
generals,  Silaces  and  Surenas^  displayed  all  around 
him  their  standards  fluttering  with  gold  and  silken 
pennons  ;  then  without  delay  the  cavalry,  pouring 
round  on  all  sides,  showered  their  weapons  as  thick 
as  hail  or  rain  upon  them.  Thus  the  army  was 
destroyed  in  lamentable  slaughter.  The  consul 
himself,  invited  to  a  parley,  would  on  a  given 
signal  have  fallen  aUve  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  had  not  the  barbarians,  owing  to  the 
resistance  of  the  tribunes,  used  their  swords  to 
prevent  his  escape.^     The  generaFs  son  they  over- 

211 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

paene  in  conspectu  patris  idem  telis  operuerunt. 
Reliquiae  infelicis  exercitus,  quo^  quemque  rapuit 
fuga,  in  Armeniam,  Ciliciara  Syriamque  distractae, 
vix  nuntium  cladis  rettulerunt.  Caput  eius  recisum 
cum  dextera  manu  ad  regem  reportatum  ludibrio 
fuit^  neque  indigno.  Aurum  enim  liquidum  in 
rictum  oris  infusum  est^  ut  cuius  animus  arserat  auri 
cupiditate,  eius  etiam  mortuum  et  exsangue  corpus 
auro  ureretur. 


XLVII.  Anace*alaeosis 

ui,  12  Haec  est  illa  tertia  ^  aetas   populi  Romani  trans- 
marina,   qua   Italia  progredi  ausus  orbe    toto  arma 

2  circumtulit.  Cuius  aetatis  superiores  centum  anni 
sancti,  pii  et,  ut  diximus,  aurei^  sine  flagitio,  sine 
scelere,  dum  sincera  adhuc  et  innoxia  pastoriae 
illius  sectae  integritas,,  dumque  Poenorum  hostium 
inminens     metus    disciplinam    veterem    continebat. 

3  Posteri  centum^  quos  a  Carthaginis,  Corinthi  Nu- 
mantiaeque  excidiis  et  Attali  regis  Asiatica  here- 
ditate  deduximus  in  Caesarem  et  Pompeium  secu- 
tumque  hos,  de  quo  dicemus^,^  Augustum,  ut  claritate 
rerum  belHcarum  magnifici^  ita  domesticis  cladibus 

4  miseri  et  erubescendi.  Quippe  sicut  Galliam, 
Thraciam,    Cihciam,    Cappadociam,    uberrimas   vali- 

*  quo  om.  B. 

2  tertia  om.  B. 

3  dicemus  Voss.  Palat. :  dicimus  cet. 

212 


BOOK    I.  xLvi.-xLvii. 

vhelmed  with  missiles  ahiiost  within  his  fatlier's 
sight.  The  remnantsof  the  unhappy  armv%  scattered 
wlierever  their  tiight  took  them,  through  Armenia, 
Cilicia  and  Syria,  scarcely  even  brought  back  the 
news  of  the  disaster.  The  head  of  Crassus  was  cut 
off  and  with  his  right  hand  was  taken  back  to  the 
king  and  treated  with  mockery  which  was  not 
undeserved ;  for  molten  gold  was  poured  into  his 
gaping  mouth,  so  that  the  dead  and  bloodless  flesh  of 
one  whose  heart  had  burned  with  lust  for  gold  was 
itself  burnt  with  gold. 


XLVII.   Recapitulation 

12.  SucH  are  the  events  overseas  of  the  third 
period  of  the  history  of  the  Roman  people,  during 
which,  having  once  ventured  to  advance  outside 
Italy,  they  carried  their  arms  over  the  whole  world. 
The  iirst  hundred  years  of  this  period  were  pure  and 
humane  and,  as  we  have  said,  a  golden  age,  free 
from  vice  and  crime,  while  the  innocence  of  the  old 
pastoral  Hfe  was  still  untainted  and  uncorrupted,  and 
the  imminent  threat  of  our  Carthaginian  foes  kept 
alive  the  ancient  discipUne.  The  following  hundred 
years,  which  we  have  traced  from  the  destruction  of 
Carthage,  Corinth  and  Numantia  and  the  inheritance 
of  the  Asiatic  Kingdom  of  Attalus  down  to  the  time 
of  Caesar  and  Pompeius  and  of  their  successor 
Augustus,  with  whose  history  we  still  have  to  deal, 
were  as  deplorable  and  shameful  owing  to  internal 
calamities  as  they  were  illustrious  for  the  glory  of 
their  mihtary  achievements.  For_,  just  as  it  was 
honourable  and  glorious  to  have  won  the  rich  and 
powerful    provinces    of    Gaul,    Thrace,    Cilicia    and 

213 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

dissimasque  provincias,  Armenios  etiam  et  Britannos, 
ut   non    in    usum,    ita    ad    imperii    speciem   magna 

5  nomina  adquisisse  pulchrum  ac  decorum  :  ita  eodem 
tempore  dimicasse  domi  cum  civibus,  sociis,  mancipiis, 
gladiatoribus  totoque  inter   se   senatu  turpe   atque 

6  miserandum.  Ac  nescio  an  satius  ^  fuerit  populo 
Romano  Sicilia  et  Africa  contento  fuisse,  aut  his 
etiam  ipsis  carere  ^  dominanti  in  Italia  sua,  quam 
eo  magnitudinis  crescere,  ut  viribus  suis  conficeretur. 

7  Quae  enim  res  alia  civiles  furores  peperit  quam 
nimiae  felicitates  ?     Syria  prima  nos  victa  corrupit, 

8  mox  Asiatica  Pergameni  regis  hereditas.  Illae  opes 
atque  divitiae  adflixere  saeculi  mores,  mersamque 
vitiis  suis  quasi  sentina  rem  publicam  pessum 
dedere.  Unde  enim  populus  Romanus  a  tribunis 
agros  et  cibaria  flagitaret  nisi  per  famem  quam  luxus 
fecerat.^     Hinc  ergo  Gracchanae^  prima  et  secunda 

9  et  illa  tertia  Apuleiana  seditio.  Unde  iudiciariis 
legibus  divulsus  ab  ^  senatu  eques  nisi  ex  avaritia, 
ut  vectigaHa  rei  publicae  atque  ipsa  iudicia  in 
quaestu    haberentur  ?       Hinc    Drusus    et    promissa 

10  civitas  Latio  et  per  hoc  arma  sociorum.  Quid 
autem?  Bella  serviha  unde  nobis  nisi  ex  abun- 
dantia    familiarum  ?       Unde    gladiatorii    adversum 

1  an  satius :  ac  satis  B.  ^  carere :  parcere  B. 

3  Gracchanae  Idhniui  :  gracchana  et  L :  grachana  et  B. 
*  ab  :  at  B. 

214 


BOOK    I.  xLvii. 

Cappadocia  as  well  as  the  territory  of  the  Armenians 
and  Britons,  which,  tliough  tliey  served  no  practical 
purpose,  constitutcd  important  titles  to  imperial 
greatness  ;  so  it  was  disgraceful  and  deplorable  at 
the  same  time  to  have  fought  at  home  with 
fellow-citizens  and  allies,  with  slaves  and  gladiators, 
and  the  whole  senate  divided  against  itself.  Indeed 
I  know  not  whether  it  would  not  have  been  better 
for  the  Roman  people  to  have  been  content  with 
Sicily  and  Africa,  or  even  to  have  been  without 
these  and  to  have  held  dominion  only  over  their  own 
land  of  Italy,  than  to  increase  to  such  greatness  that 
they  were  ruined  by  their  own  strength.  For  what 
else  produced  those  outbursts  of  domestic  strife  but 
excessive  prosperity  ?  It  was  the  conquest  of  Syria 
which  first  corrupted  us,  followed  by  the  Asiatic 
inheritance  bequeathed  by  the  king  of  Pergamon. 
The  resources  and  wealth  thus  acquired  spoiled  the 
morals  of  the  age  and  ruined  the  State,  which  was 
engulfed  in  its  own  vices  as  in  a  common  sewer. 
For  what  else  caused  the  Roman  people  to  demand 
from  their  tribunes  land  and  food  except  the  scarcity 
which  luxury  had  produced  }  Hence  arose  the  first 
and  second  Gracchan  revolutions  and  the  third  raised 
by  Apuleius.  What  was  the  cause  of  the  violent 
division  between  the  equestrian  order  and  the 
senate  on  the  subject  of  the  judiciary  laws  except 
avarice,  in  order  that  the  revenues  of  the  State  and 
the  law-courts  themselves  might  be  exploited  for 
profit  .^  Hence  arose  the  attempt  of  Drusus  and 
the  promise  of  citizenship  to  the  Latins,  which 
resulted  in  war  with  our  allies.  Again,  what  brought 
the  servile  wars  upon  us  except  the  excessive  size  of 
our  establishments .'     How  else  could  those  armies 

215 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

dominos  suos  exercitus,  nisi  ad  conciliandum  plebis 
favorem    effusa  largitio,   duni    spectaculis    indulget, 

11  supplicia  quondam  hostium  artem  faceret?^  lam 
ut  speciosiora  vitia  tangamus^  nonne  ambitus  honorum 

12  ab  isdem  divitiis  concitatus  ?  Atquin  inde  Mariana, 
inde  Sullana  tempestas.  Aut  magnificus  apparatus 
conviviorum  et  sumptuosa  largitio  non  ab  opulentia 

13  paritura  mox  egestatem  ?  Haec  CatiUnam  patriae 
suae  inpegit.  Denique  illa  ipsa  principatus  et 
dominandi  cupido  unde  nisi  ex  nimiis  opibus  venit? 
Atquin  haec   Caesarem  atque  Pompeium  furialibus 

14  in  exitium  rei  pubHcae  facibus  armavit.  Hos  igitur 
omnis  domesticos  motus  separatos  ab  externis 
iustisque  bellis  ex  ordine  persequemur. 

^  artem  f aceret  lahnius :  arte  f ecere  B :  artem  facit  NL. 


2l6 


BOOK    I.  xLvir. 

of  gladiators  have  arisen  against  their  masters,  save 
that  a  profuse  expenditure,  which  aimed  at  con- 
ciliating  the  favour  of  the  common  people  by 
indulging  their  love  of  shows,  had  turned  what  was 
originally  a  method  of  punishing  enemies  into  a 
competition  of  skill  ?  Again,  to  touch  upon  less 
ugly  vices,  was  not  ambition  for  office  also  stimulated 
by  wealth  ?  Why,  it  was  from  this  the  Marian  and 
Sullan  disturbances  arose.  Again,  were  not  the 
sumptuous  extravagance  of  banquets  and  the  profuse 
largesses  due  to  a  w^ealth  which  was  bound  soon  to 
produce  want  ?  It  was  this  too  that  brought  CatiHne 
into  collision  with  his  country.  Finally,  whence  did 
the  lust  for  power  and  domination  arise  save  from 
excessive  wealth  ?  It  was  this  which  armed  Caesar 
and  Pompeius  with  the  fatal  torches  which  kindled 
the  flames  that  destroyed  the  State.  We  will, 
therefore,  now  describe  in  their  order  all  these 
domestic  disturbances  as  distinct  from  foreign  wars 
properly  so  called. 


217 


L.    ANNAEI    FLORI 

EPITOMAE   DE   TITO   LIVIO  BELLORVM 
OMXIVM   AXXORVM   DCC 


LlBER   II 

Capita  Libri  II 

I.  De  legibus  Gracchanis. 

n.  Seditio  Ti.  Gracchi.i 

III.  Seditio  C^  Gracchi, 

IIII.  Seditio  Apuleiana. 

V.  Seditio  Drusiana. 

VI.  Bellum  adversus  socios. 

VII.  Bellum  servile. 

VIII.  Bellum  Spartacium. 

VIIII.  Bellum  civile  Marianum. 

X.  Bellum  Sertorianum. 

XI.  Bellum  civile  sub  Lepido. 

XII.  Bellum  Catilinae. 

XIII.  Bellum  civile  Caesaris  et  Pompei. 

XIIII.  Bellum  Caesaris  Augusti. 

XV.  Bellura  Mutinense. 

XVI.  Bellum  Perusinum.     Triumviratus. 

XVII.  Bellum  Cassi  et  Bruti. 

XVIII.  Bellum  cum  Sexto  Ponipeio. 

XVIIII.  Bellum  Parthicum  sub  Ventidio. 

XX.  Bellum  Parthicum  sub  Antonio. 

XXI.  Bellum  cum  Antonio  et  Cleopatra. 

XXII.  Bellum  Noricum. 

XXIII.  Bellum  Illyricum. 

XXIIII.  Bellum  Pannonicum. 

XXV.  Bellum  Delmaticum. 

XXVI.  Bellum  Moesum. 

*  Seditio  Ti.  Gracchi  add.  lahnius, 

*  C.  add.  lahnius. 
218 


LUCIUS   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

THE  EPITOME,  EXTRACTED  FROM  TITUS  LIVIUS, 
OF  ALL  THE  WARS  OF  SEVEN  HUNDRED 
YEARS 

Thb  Second  Book 
Thk  Chaptebs  of  Book  II 

I.  On  the  Gracchan  Laws. 

11.  The  Revolution  of  Tiberius  Gracchus. 

III.  The  Revolution  of  Gaius  Gracchus. 

IIII.  The  Revolution  of  Apuleius. 

V.  The  Revolution  of  Drusus. 

VI.  The  War  against  the  Allies. 

VII.  The  Servile  War. 

VIII.  The  War  against  Spartacus. 

VIII  [.  The  Civil  War  of  Marius. 

X.  The  War  with  Sertorius. 

XI.  The  Civil  War  under  Lepidus. 

XII.  The  War  against  Catiline. 

XIII.  The  Civil  War  between  Caesar  and  Pompeius, 

XIIII.  The  War  of  Caesar  Augustus.^ 

XV.  The  War  round  Mutina. 

XVI.  The  War  round  Perusia.     The  Triumvirate. 

XVII.  The  War  against  Cassius  and  Brutus. 

XVIII.  The  War  against  Sextus  Pompeius. 

XVini.  The  Parthian  War  under  Ventidius. 

XX.  The  Parthian  War  under  Antonius, 

XXI.  The  War  against  Antonius  and  Cleopatra. 

XXII.  The  Xoriean  War. 

XXIII.  The  IUvrian  War. 

XXIIII.  The  Pannonian  War. 

XXV.  The  Dalmatian  War. 

XXVI.  The  Moesian  War. 


^  Called  in  the  text  "  The  State  under  Caesar  Augustus." 

219 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

XXVII.  Bellum  Thracicum. 

XXVIII.  Bellum  Dacicum. 

XXVIIII.  Bellum  Sarmaticum. 

XXX.  Bellum  Germanicum. 

XXXI.  Bellum  Gaetulicum. 

XXXII.  Bellum  Armenicum. 

XXXIII.  Bellum  Cantabricum  et  Asturicum. 

XXXIIII.  Pax  Parthorum  et  consecratio  Augusti. 


I.  De  Legibvs  Gracchanis 
III,  13  Seditionum  omnium  causas  tribunicia  potestas  ex- 
citavit,  quae  specie  quidem  plebis  tuendae,  cuius  in 
auxilium  comparata  est,  re  autem  dominationem  sibi 
adquirens,  studium  populi  ac  favorem  agrariis,  fru- 
mentariis,    iudiciariis    legibus    aucupabatur.      Inerat 

2  omnibus  species  aequitatis.  Quid  tam  iustum  enim 
quam  recipere  plebem  sua  a  patribus,  ne  populus 
gentium   victor  orbisque  possessor    extorris    aris  ac 

3  focis    ageret  ?       Quid    tam    aequum    quam    inopem 

4  populum  vivere  ex  aerario  suo  ?  Quid  ad  ius  ^ 
libertatis  aequandae  magis  efficax  quam  ut  senatu 
regente     provincias      ordinis     equestris     auctoritas 

5  saltem  iudiciorum  regno  niteretur  ?  ^  Sed  haec 
ipsa  in  perniciem  redibant,  et  misera  res  publica  in 

6  exitium  ^  sui  merces  erat.  Nam  et  a  senatu  in 
equitem  translata  iudiciorum  potestas  vectigalia,  id 

1  quid  ad  ius  :  quid  satius  B  :  quid  ius  L. 

2  niteretur  :  uteretur  B. 

3  in  exitium  :  inexilium  B. 

220 


BOOK    II.  I. 

XXVII.  The  Thracian  War. 

XXVIII.  The  Dacian  War. 

XXVIIII.  The  Sarmatian  War. 

XXX.  The  German  War. 

XXXI.  The  Gaetuliau  War. 

XXXII.  The  Armenian  War. 

XXXIII.  The  War  with  the  Cantabrians  and  Asturians. 

XXXIIII.  The  Peace  with  Parthia  and  the  Deification  of 
Augustus. 

I.  On  the  Gracchan  Laws 

13.  The  original  cause  of  all  the  revolutions  was 
the  tribunicial  power,  which,  under  the  pretence  of 
protecting  the  common  people_,  for  whose  aid  it  was 
originally  established,  but  in  reality  aiming  at  domi- 
nation  for  itself,  courted  popular  support  and  favour 
by  legislation  for  the  distribution  of  lands  and  corn 
and  the  disposal  of  j  udicial  power.  All  these  measures 
had  some  appearance  of  justice.  For  what  could  be 
fau-er  than  that  the  commons  should  receive  from 
the  senate  what  was  really  their  own,  so  that  a 
people,  who  had  been  victorious  over  the  nations 
and  possessed  the  whole  world^  might  not  live 
banished  from  their  own  altars  and  hearths  ?  VVhat 
could  be  juster  than  that  a  people  in  want  should 
be  maintained  from  its  own  treasury  ?  What  could 
better  conduce  to  secure  equal  liberty  for  all  than 
that,  while  the  senate  controlled  the  provinces,  the 
authority  of  the  equestrian  order  should  rest  at  least 
on  the  possession  of  judicial  power  ?  Yet  these 
very  measures  resulted  in  the  ruin  of  RomC;  and  the 
wretched  State  became,  to  its  own  destruction,  an 
object  of  bargaining.  For  the  transference  of  the 
judicial  power  from  the  senate  to  the  equestrian  order 
reduced  the  revenues,  the  ancestral  wealth   of  the 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

7  est  imperii  patrimonium,  subprimebat,  et  emptio 
frumenti  ipsos  rei  publicae  nervos  exhauriebat, 
aerarium ;  et  reduci  plebs  in  agros  unde  poterat 
sine  possidentium  eversione,  qui  ipsi  pars  populi 
erantj  et  iam  ^  relictas  sibi  a  maioribus  sedes  aetate 
quasi  iure  possidebant  ? 


n.    Seditio  Tiberi  Gracchi 

III,  14  Primam  certaminum  facem  Ti.^  Gracchus  accen- 

2  dit,  genere,  forma,  eloquentia  facile  princeps.  Sed 
hic,  sive  Mancinianae  deditionis,  quia^  sponsor 
foederis  fuerat,  contagium  timens  et  inde  popularis, 

3  sive  aequo  et  bono  ductus,  quia  depulsam  agris  suis 
plebem  miseratus  est,  [ne  populus  gentium  victor 
orbisque  possessor  laribus  ac  focis    suis   exularet,]  * 

4  quacumque  mente  rem  ausus  ingentem  est.  Post- 
quam^  rogationis  dies  aderat,  ingenti  stipatus 
agmine   rostra  conscendit,   nec  deerat    obvia  manu 

5  tota  inde  nobilitas  ;  et  tribuni  in  partibus.  Sed  ubi 
intercedentem  legibus  suis  C.  Octavium  videt 
GracchuS;  contra  fas  collegii,  ius  ^  potestatis,  iniecta 

1  et  iam  lahnius  :  et  tam  £ :  et  tamen  NL. 

2  Ti.  add.  Aldus. 

3  deditionis,  quia  :  seditionis  qua  ^. 

*  ne  populus — exularet  secl.  Gruierus. 

^  est.  postquam  Halmius :  sed  postquam  B. 

^  ius  :  iuris  B. 

1  See  p.  153. 

2  Theae  words  occur  in  the  previous  chapter  and  should 
probably  be  omitted  here. 

222 


BOOK    II.  i.-TT. 

empire,  while  tlie  purchase  of  corn  was  a  drain  on 
the  treasury,  tlie  very  Hfe-blood  of  the  State  ;  and 
how  could  the  common  people  be  restored  to  the 
land  without  dispossessing  those  who  were  in  occu- 
pation  of  it,  and  who  were  themselves  a  part  of  the 
people  and  held  estates  bequeathed  to  them  by  their 
forefathers  under  the  quasi-legal  title  of  prescriptive 
right  ? 

II.  The  Revolution  of  Tiberius  Gracchus 

14.  The  first  flame  of  contention  was  kindled  by 
Tiberius  Gracchus,  whose  descent,  personal  attrac- 
tions  and  eloquence  made  him  undoubtedly  the 
leading  man  of  his  time.  Either  because  he  was 
afraid  of  being  involved  in  Mancinus'  surrender^  (for 
he  had  been  a  surety  for  the  performance  of  the 
treaty)  and  therefore  joined  the  popular  party,  or 
because  he  acted  from  motives  of  justice  and  right, 
pitying  the  commons  who  were  deprived  of  their 
own  lands  [so  that  a  people  who  had  been  victorious 
over  the  nations  and  possessed  the  whole  world 
might  not  be  exiled  from  their  own  hearths  and 
homes],^  whatever  his  motives,  he  ventured  to  take 
a  very  serious  step.  When  the  day  for  bringing 
forward  the  bill  was  at  hand,  he  ascended  the  rostra 
surrounded  by  a  large  following ;  and  the  nobihty 
were  all  there  to  resist  him  with  their  supporters,  and 
the  tribunes  ^  were  on  their  side.  But  when  Gracchus 
saw  that  Gaius  *  Octavius  was  going  to  veto  his 
proposals,  he  laid  hands  upon  him,  contrary  to  the 
rights  of  the  tribunicial  college  and  the  privileges  of 

^  i.e.  the  other  tribunes  of  the  people. 
*  He  is  called  Marcus   Octavius  by   Livy,   Appian    and 
Plutarch. 

223 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

manu  depulit  rostris^  adeoque  praesenti  metu  mortis 

6  exterruit,  ut  abdicare  se  magistratu  cogeretur.  Sic 
triumvir  creatus  dividendis  agris,  cum  ad  perpetranda 
coepta  die  comitiorum  prorogari  sibi  vellet  im- 
perium,   obvia    nobilitas    manu    eorum,    quos    agris 

7  moverat.  Caedes  a  foro  coepit ;  inde  cum  in 
Capitolium  profugisset  plebemque  ad  defensionem 
salutis  suae  manu  caput  tangens  hortaretur,  prae- 
buit  speciem  regnum  sibi  et  diadema  poscentis, 
atque  ita  duce  Scipione  Nasica,  concitato  in  arma 
populo^  quasi  iure  oppressus  est. 


III.    Seditio  C.  Gracchi 
III,  15  Statim  et  mortis  et  legum  fratris  sui  vindex  non 

2  minore  impetu  incaluit  C.  Gracchus.  Qui  cum 
pari  tumultu  atque  terrore  plebem  in  avitos  agros 
arcesseret,  et  recentem  Attali  hereditatem  in  ali- 

3  menta  populo  polliceretur,  iamque  nimius  et  in- 
potens  ^  altero    tribunatu    secunda    plebe  volitaret, 

4  obrogare  ^  auso  legibus  suis  Minucio  tribuno,  fretus 

^  inpotens  Heinshts :  potens  codd. 
2  obrogare  Vinetus  :  abrogare  codd, 

224 


BOOK    II.  ii.-iii. 

the  office,  and  expelled  him  from  the  rostra,  and  so 
frightened  him  with  the  instant  threat  of  death  that 
he  was  forced  to  retire  from  his  office.      Ha\  inir  thus 

o 

obtained  his  election  as  one  of  the  three  com- 
missioners  for  distributing  land,  when,  at  the  meet- 
ing  of  the  comitia  he  demanded  the  prolongation  of 
his  term  of  office  in  order  to  carry  out  the  work 
which  he  had  begun,  the  nobiHty  opposed  him  with 
the  help  of  those  whom  he  had  expelled  from  their 
lands.  The  slaughter  began  in  the  forum ;  then 
when  he  had  taken  refuge  in  the  Capitol  and  was 
urging  the  commons  to  come  to  the  defence  of  his 
person,  with  the  gesture  of  touching  his  head  with  his 
hand,  he  gave  rise  to  the  idea  that  he  was  demanding 
the  kingship  and  a  royal  diadem.  The  people,  there- 
fore,  under  the  leadership  of  Scipio  Nasica^  having 
been  roused  to  take  up  arms,  he  was  put  to  death 
with  some  show  of  legahty. 

III.    The   Revolution  of  Gaius  Gracchus 

15.  Immediately  after  this  Gaius  Gracchus  was 
fired  with  an  equal  zeal  to  avenge  his  brother's 
murder  and  to  champion  his  proposals.  By  similar 
methods  of  disturbance  and  terrorism  he  incited  the 
commons  to  seize  the  lands  of  their  forefathers,  and 
promised  that  the  inheritance  recently  received  from 
Attalus  should  be  used  to  feed  the  people,  and 
becoming  headstrong  and  tyrannical  on  the  strength 
of  his  second  election  to  the  tribunale,  he  was  pursu- 
ing  a  successful  course  with  the  support  of  the 
common  people.  When,  however.  the  tribune 
Minucius  ventured  to  obstruct  the  passage  of  his 
proposals^  relying  on  the  help  of  his  supporters  he 

225 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

comitum  manu  fatale  familiae  suae  Capitolium 
invasit.  Inde  proximorum  caede  depulsus  cum  se 
in  Aventinum  recepisset,  inde  quoque  obvia  senatus 
manu  ab  Opimio  consule  oppressus  est.  Insultatum 
quoque  mortis  reliquiis,  et  illud  sacrosanctum  caput 
tribuni  plebis  percussoribus  auro  repensatum. 


IIII.  Seditio  Apvleiana 

iii^  16  NiHiLO  minus  Apuleius  Saturninus  Gracchanas 
adserere  leges  non  destitit.  Tantura  animorum 
viro  Marius  dabat,  [qui]  ^  nobilitati  semper  inimicus, 
consulatu  suo  praeterea  confisus.  Occiso  palam 
comitiis  A.  Ninnio  conpetitore  tribunatus,  subrogare 
conatus  est  in  eius  locum  C.  Gracchum,  hominem 
sine  tribu,   sine    notore,   sine  nomine ;  sed   subdito 

2  titulo  in  familiam  ipse  se  adoptabat.  Cum  tot 
tantisque  ludibriis  exultaret  inpune,  rogandis 
Gracchorum  legibus  ita  vehementer  incubuit,  ut 
senatum  quoque  cogeret  in  verba  iurare,  cum 
abnuentibus  aqua  et  igni  interdicturum  minaretur. 

3  Unus  tamen  extitit,  qui  mallet  exihum.  Igitur  post 
MetelH  fugam  omni  nobilitate  perculsa  cum  iam 
tertium  annum  dominaretur,  eo  vesaniae  progressus 
est,  ut  consularia  quoque  comitia  nova  caede  tur- 

4  baret.     Quippe  ut  satellitem  furoris  sui   Glauciam 

^  qui  seclusi. 

1  Consul  in  121  b.c. 

2  The  name  is  uncertain :  Appian  {Bell.  Civ.  28)  calls  him 
Nonius,Valerius  Maxiraus  (IX.  7,  3)  Nunnius. 

»  Of  100  B.c. 

226 


BOOK    II.  iii.-iiii. 

seized  the  Capitol  -vvhich  had  already  proved  so  fatal 
to  his  family.  Being  driven  thence,  after  the  loss  of 
his  adherents,  he  betook  himself  to  the  Aventine, 
where,  being  assailed  by  a  body  of  senators,  he  was 
put  to  death  by  the  consul  Opimius.^  Insults  were 
also  offered  to  his  remains  after  his  death,  and  a 
price  was  paid  to  his  assassins  for  the  sacred  head  of 
a  tribune  of  the  people. 

II II.    The   Revolution  of  Apuleius 

16.  Apuleius  Saturninus  continued  nevertheless 
to  i)romote  the  Gracchan  proposals ;  so  great  was 
the  encouragement  given  him  by  Marius,  always  a 
bitter  opponent  of  the  nobihty  and  relying,  more- 
over,  on  his  position  as  consul.  Aulus  Ninnius,^  his 
rival  for  the  tribunate,  having  been  openly  murdered 
at  the  elections,  Apuleius  attempted  to  introduce 
in  his  place  Gaius  Gracchus,  a  man  without  a  tribe, 
without  anyone  to  vouch  for  him  and  without  a  name, 
who  by  a  forged  title  tried  to  foist  himself  upon 
the  Gracchan  family.  Revelling  unchecked  in  all 
these  outrageous  acts  of  violence,  Apuleius  devoted 
himself  so  zealousy  to  passing  the  proposals  of  the 
Gracchi  that  he  even  compelled  the  senate  to  take 
an  oath  in  their  support  by  threatening  that  he 
would  obtain  a  sentence  of  banishment  against  those 
who  refused.  There  was  one,  however,  who  pre- 
ferred  exile,  namely,  Metellus.  After  his  departure, 
when  all  the  nobihty  were  thoroughly  cowed,  Apu- 
leius,  now  in  the  third  year  of  his  tyranny,  became  so 
utterly  reckless  that  he  even  disturbed  the  consular 
elections^  by  a  fresh  murder.  For  in  order  to  obtain 
the  election  as  consul  of  Glaucia,  a  supporter  of  his 

227 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

consulem  faceret,  C.  Memmium  ^  conpetitorem 
interfici  iussit^  et  in  eo  tumultu  regem  se  a  satelliti- 
bus  2  suis  appellatum  laetus  accepit.  Tum  vero  iam 
conspiratione  senatus,  ipso  quoque  iam  Mario 
consule,  quia  tueri  non  poterat,  adverso,  directae 
in  foro  acies  ;  pulsus  inde  Capitolium  invasit.  Sed 
cum  abruptis  fistulis  obsideretur  senatuique  per 
legatos  paenitentiae  fidem  faceret,  ab  arce  de- 
gressus  cum  ducibus  factionis  receptus  in  curiam 
est.  Ibi  eum  facta  inruptione  populus  fustibus 
saxisque  opertum  in  ipsa  quoque  morte  laceravit. 


V.    Seditio  Drvsiana 

III,  17  PosTREMO  Livius  Drusus  non  tribunatus  modo 
viribus,  sed  ipsius  etiam  senatus  auctoritate  to- 
tiusque    Italiae    consensu    easdem    leges    adserere 

2  conatus,  dum  alium  captat  ex  alio,  tantum  conflavit 
incendium,  ut  nec  ^  primam  illius  flammam  *  posset 
sustinere  et  subita  morte  correptus  hereditarium  in 

3  posteros  suos  bellum  propagaret.  ludiciaria  lege 
Gracchi  diviserant  populum  Romanum  et  bicipitem 
ex  una  fecerant  civitatem.  Equites  Romani  tanta 
potestate  subnixi,  ut  qui  fata  fortunasque  principum 

1  C.  Memmium  :  publium    mummium  B :  c.  menmium  L : 
c.  memmium  ^V^ :  cf.  Liv.  per.  69,  Sall.  lug.  27,  2. 

2  se  a  satellitibus  Halmius :  exatellitibus  B. 

3  nec  Vinetus :  ne  codd. 

*  primam  illius  flammam  lahnius      prima   illius   flamma 
codd. 

228 


BOOK    II.  iiii.-v. 

insane  policy,  he  ordered  the  murder  of  his  opponent 
Gaius  Memmius,  and  in  the  confusion  which  followed, 
heard  himself  with  pleasure  hailed  as  king  by  his 
foUowers.  Then  at  last  the  senators  leagued  them- 
selves  against  him,  and  Marius  himself,  now  consul, 
finding  that  he  could  no  longer  protect  him,  turned 
against  him,  and  the  two  parties  faced  one  another 
under  arms  in  the  forum.  Driven  from  the  forum 
Apuleius  seized  the  Capitol.  When  he  was  besieged 
there  and  the  water-supply  had  been  cut  off,  he 
made  the  senate  beUeve,  through  his  representatives, 
that  he  repented  of  what  he  had  done,  and  coming 
down  from  the  citadel  with  the  chief  men  of  his 
party  was  received  in  the  senate  house.  Here  the 
people,  bursting  their  way  in,  overwhelmed  him 
with  sticks  and  stones  and  tore  him  to  pieces  at  the 
very  moment  of  his  death. 

V.    The  Revolution  of  Drusus 

17.  Lastlv,  Livius  Drusus,  relying  not  only  upon  the 
powers  of  the  tribunate  but  also  upon  the  authority  of 
the  senate  itself  and  the  general  agreement  of  all 
Italy,  tried  to  carry  out  the  same  proposals,  and  by 
courting  one  party  after  another,  kindled  so  violent 
a  combustion  that  he  could  not  withstand  even  its 
first  outburst,  and  carried  off  by  sudden  death,  left 
the  struggle  as  an  inheritance  to  his  successors.  The 
Gracchi  by  their  judiciary  law  had  created  a  cleavage 
in  the  Roman  people  and  had  destroyed  the  unity  of 
the  State  by  giving  it  two  heads.  The  Roman 
knights,  relying  on  the  extraordinary  powers/  which 
placed  the  fate  and  fortunes  of  the  leading  citizens 

*  i.e.  the  control  of  the  law-courts. 

229 


L.   ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

haberent  in  manu,  interceptis  vectigalibus  pecula- 
bantur  suo  iure  rem  publicam  ;  senatus  ^  exilio 
Metelli,  damnatione   Rutili  debilitatus  omne  decas 

4  maiestatis  amiserat.  In  hoc  statu  rerum  pares 
opibus  animis  dignitate  (unde  et  nata  Livio  Druso 
aemulatio)  ^    equitem  ^     Servilius    Caepio,    senatum 

6  Livius  Drusus  adserere.  Signa,  aquilae  et  vexilla 
deerant :  ceterum  sic  urbe  in  una  quasi  in  binis 
castris  dissidebatur.  Prior  Caepio  in  senatum  im- 
petu    facto    reos    ambitus    Scaurum     et    Philippum 

6  principes  nobilitatis  elegit.  His  ut  motibus  resis- 
teret,  Drusus  plebem  ad  se  Gracchanis  legibus, 
isdemque  *  socios  ad  plebem  spe  civitatis  erexit. 
Extat^  vox  ipsius,  nihil  se  ad  largitionem  ulli 
reliquisse,  nisi   si   quis   aut  caenum  dividere   vellet 

7  aut  caelum.  Aderat  promulgandi  dies,  cum  subito 
tanta  vis    hominum    undique    apparuit,  ut  hostium 

8  adventu  obsessa  civitas  videretur.  Ausls  tamen 
obrogare  legibus  consul  Philippus,  sed  adprehensum 
faucibus  viator  non  ante  dimisit  quam  sanguis  in  os 

9  et  oculos  redundaret.  Sic  per  vim  latae  iussaeque 
leges.  Et  pretium  rogationis  statim  socii  flagitare, 
cum    inparem    Drusum    aegrumque    rerum   temere 

^  senatus  L  Voss.  Monac.  Palat. :  pilatus  B. 

2  unde  et  nata  Livio  Druso  aemulatio  Graevius:  unde  et 
nataliura  druso  aemulatio  accesserat  B :  uude  et  natalivio 
druso  aemulatio  accesserat  i\'. 

3  equitem  Foss.  Rehd. :  equitatem  B :  aequitum  NL. 
*  isdemque  :  eiadem  NL. 

5  extat  L  :  exat  B. 


^  P.  Rutiliua  Rufus,  the  honest  legatus  of  A.  Scaevola  in 
Asia,  was  unjustly  condemned  and  exiled  in  92  B.c. 

2  It  is  impossible  to  keep  up  in  English  the  play  upon  the 
words  caenum  and  caelum. 

230 


BOOK    II.  V. 

in  their  hands,  were  plundering  the  State  at  their 
pleasure  by  erabezzlini:^  the  revenues  ;  the  senate, 
crippled  by  the  exile  of  Metellus  and  the  condemna- 
tion  of  Rutihus/  had  lost  every  appearance  of  dig- 
nity.  In  this  state  of  affairs  ServiUus  Caepio  and 
Livius  Drusus,  men  of  equal  wealth,  spirit  and  dig- 
nity — and  it  was  this  which  inspired  the  emulation 
of  Livius  Drusus — supported,  the  former  the  knights, 
the  latter  the  senate.  Standards,  eagles  and  banners 
were,  it  is  true,  lacking ;  but  the  citizens  of  one  and 
the  same  city  were  as  sharply  divided  as  if  they 
formed  two  camps.  First  of  all  Caepio,  attacking 
the  senate,  singled  out  Scaurus  and  Philippus,  the 
chief  men  of  the  nobihty,  and  prosecuted  them  for 
bribery.  In  order  to  counteract  this  move,  Drusus 
ralHed  the  comraons  to  his  support  by  the  bait  of 
the  Gracchan  laws,  and  used  the  same  means  to  rally 
the  alHes  to  the  support  of  the  commons  by  the  hope 
of  receiving  the  citizenship.  A  saying  of  his  has 
survived,  that  "  he  had  left  nothing  for  anyone  else 
to  distribute,  unless  he  wished  to  share  out  the  mire 
or  the  air."2  The  day  for  the  proraulgation  of  the 
bills  was  at  hand,  when  on  a  sudden  so  vast  a  multi- 
tude  appeared  on  all  sides  that  the  city  seemed  to 
be  beset  by  a  hostile  force.  PhiHppus  the  consul,^ 
nevertheless,  ventured  to  oppose  the  biHs ;  but  the 
tribune's  attendant  seized  him  by  the  throat  and  did 
not  let  go  until  blood  poured  into  his  mouth  and 
eyes.  Thus  the  biHs  were  brought  forward  and 
passed  by  violence.  Thereupon  the  alHes  inimedi- 
ately  demanded  the  price  of  their  support ;  but 
death  carried  ofF  Drusus,  who  was  unequal  to  the 
occasion  and  weary  of   the  disturbance    which   he 

'  Consul  in  91  b.c. 

231 


L.   ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

motarum  matura,  ut  in  tali  discrimine,  mors  abstulit. 
Nec  ideo  [minus]  ^  socii  promissa  Drusi  a  populo 
Romano  reposcere  armis  desierunt. 


VL    Bellvm  Adversvm  Socios 

III,  18  SociALE  bellum  vocetur  licet,  ut  extenuemus 
invadiam,  si  verum  tamen  volumus,  illud  civile 
bellum  fuit.  Quippe  cum  populus  Romanus  Etruscos, 
Latinos  Sabinosque  sibi  miscuerit  et  unum  ex  omni- 
bus  sanguinem  ducat,  corpus  fecit  ex  membris  et  ex 

2  omnibus  unus  est ;  nec    minore    flagitio   socii  intra 

3  Italiam  quam  intra  urbem  cives  rebellabant.  Itaque 
cum  ius  civitatis,  quam  viribus  auxerant,  socii 
iustissime  postularent,  quam  in  spem  eos  cupidine 

4  dominationis  Drusus  erexerat,  postquam  ille  do- 
mestico  scelere  oppressus  est,  eadem  fax,  quae  illum 
cremavit,  socios  in    aniia    et   expugnationem    urbis 

5  accendit.  Quid  hac  clade  tristius  ?  Quid  calamito- 
sius  ?  Cum  omne  Latium  atque  Picenum,  Etruria 
omnis    atque     Campania,     postremo     Italia     contra 

8  matrem  suam  ac  parentem  urbem  consurgeret ;  cum 
omne  robur  fortissimorum  fidelissimorumque  socio- 
rum  sub  suis  quisque  signis  haberent  municipalia 
illa  prodigia,  Poppaedius  ^  Marsos  et  <Paelignos>', 
Latinos  Afranius,*  Vmbros  Plotius,^  Egnatius  Etrus- 

7  cos,^  Samnium  Lucaniamque  Telesinus;  cumregum'' 

^  minus  seclusit  Perizonius. 

2  Poppaedius  (cf.  Liv.  per.  76,   C.I.L.  x.  220,  417,  Appian, 
Bell.  Civ.  1.  40,  etc. ) :  poppedius  BL  :  poppedios  N. 

3  Paelignos  add.  Kellerhauerus. 

*  Afranius :  affranius  N:  afrienus  B. 
5  Plotius  Tollius :  totos  B :  totus  NL. 
®  Egnatius  Etruscos  Lipsius  :  senatos  et  consules  B. 
'  regum  :  rerum  B  :  regnum  L. 
232 


BOOK    II.  v.-vi. 

had  rashly  aroused — a  death  opportune  at  sucli  a 
crisis.  But  for  all  that  the  alhes  did  iiot  cease  to 
demand  from  the  Ronian  people  by  force  of  arms 
the  privileges  promised  by  Drusus. 

VI.   The  War  against  the  Allies 

18.  Though  we  call  this  war  a  war  against  allies, 
in  order  to  lessen  the  odium  of  it,  yet,  if  we  are  to 
tell  the  truth_,  it  was  a  war  against  citizens.  For 
since  the  Roman  people  united  in  itself  the  Etruscans, 
the  Latins  and  the  Sabines,  and  traces  the  same 
descent  from  all  alike,  it  has  formed  a  body  made  up 
of  various  members  and  is  a  single  people  composed 
of  all  these  elements  ;  and  the  alhes,  therefore,  in 
raising  a  rebellion  within  the  bounds  of  Italy, 
committed  as  great  a  crime  as  citizens  who  rebel 
within  a  city.  So  when  the  alhes  very  justly 
demanded  the  rights  of  citizenship,  for  which  Drusus, 
in  his  desire  for  power,  had  encouraged  them  to 
hope  as  members  of  a  State  which  they  had  aggrand- 
ized  by  their  exertions,  the  same  brand  which  had 
consumed  him  kindled  the  allies,  after  he  had  fallen 
through  the  perfidy  of  his  fellow-citizens,  to  take 
up  arms  and  attack  the  city.  What  could  be  sadder, 
what  more  disastrous  than  this  calamity  ?  All  Latium 
and  Picenum,  all  Etruria  and  Campania^  and  finally 
all  Italy  rose  against  their  mother  and  parent  city. 
The  flower  of  our  bravest  and  most  trusted  alhes 
were  led,  each  under  their  several  standards,  by  the 
most  eminent  leaders  from  the  country  towns, 
Poppaedius  commanding  the  Marsians  and  PaeHgni, 
Afranius  the  Latins,  Plotius  the  Umbrians,  Egnatius 
the    Etruscans,    and    Telesinus   the    Samnites    and 

233 


L.    AXNAEUS    FLORUS 

et  gentium  arbiter  populus  ipsum  se  regere  non 
posset,  et  victrix  Asiae  et  Europae  a  Corfinio  Roma 
adpeteretur. 

8  Primum  fuit  belli  consilium,  ut  in  Albano  monte  ^ 
festo  die  Latinarum  lulius  Caesar  et  Marcius 
Philippus  consules  inter  sacra  et  aras  immolarentur. 

9  Postquam  id  nefas  proditione  discussum  est,  Asculo 
furor  omnis  erupit,^  jn  ipsa  quidem  ludorum  fre- 
quentia  trucidatis  qui  tunc  aderant  ab  urbe  legatis. 

10  Hoc  fuit  inpii  belli^  sacramentum.  Inde  iam 
passim  ab  omni  parte  Italiae,  duce  et  auctore  belli 
discursante  Poppaedio/  diversa  per  populos  et  urbes 

11  signa  cecinere.  Nec  Annibalis  nec  Pyrrhi  fuittanta 
vastatio.  Ecce  Ocriculum,  ecce  Grumentum,  ecce 
Faesulae,  ecce  ^  Carseoli,  Aesernia,  Nuceria,^  Picentia 
penitus '    ferro    et    igne    vastantur.      Fusae    Rutili 

12  copiae,  fusae  Caepionis.  Nam  ipse  lulius  Caesar, 
exercitu  amisso,  cum  in  urbem  cruentus  referretur, 
miserabili   funere  mediara  per  urbem   viam    fecit,^ 

13  Sed  magna  populi  Romani  fortuna,  et  semper  in 
malis  maior,  totis  denuo  viribus  consurrexit ;  ad- 
gressique  singulos  populos  Cato  discutit  Etruscos, 
Gabinius   Marsos,   Carbo  Lucanos,    SuHa  Samnites ; 

14  Pompeius    vero    Strabo  ^    omnia    flammis    ferroque 

^  consiUum,  ut  in  Albano  monte  RosshacMus  :  in  Albano 
monte  consiliura  ut  B. 

2  erupit :  eripuit  B.  '  inpii  belli :  imbellis  B. 

*  Poppaedio  :  poppedio  NL  :  pompeio  B. 

^  Grumentum,  ecce  Faesulae,  ecce :  crumentum  ecce 
pessulae  et  B. 

^  Aesernia,  l^\xcev\a,  lahnius :  reserat  anuceria  5:  res  erat 
nuceria  X. 

'  Picentiapenitus  J7awp<i!<5:  picenti  moenibus  5. 

8  mediam  per  urbem  viara  fecit  scripsi :  mediam  urbem 
per  viam  fecit  codd. 

*  Strabo  ovi.  B. 

234 


BOOK    II.  VI. 

Lucanians.  The  people  who  had  been  the  arbiters 
of  the  fates  of  kini^s  and  nations  failed  to  riile  them- 
selves,  and  Rome,  the  conqueror  of  Asia  and  Europe, 
was  attacked  from  Corfinium. 

The  first  plan  of  campaign  was  to  murder  the 
consuls,  Julius  Caesar  and  Marcius  Philippus  ^  on  the 
Alban  Mount  amid  the  sacrifices  and  altars  at  the 
celebration  of  the  Latin  Festival.^  This  crime 
having  been  defeated  by  betrayal,  the  fuU  fury  of 
the  rising  broke  out  at  Asculum,  where  representa- 
tives  who  were  present  at  the  time  from  Rome  were 
butchered  amid  the  crowd  which  had  gathered  for 
the  games.  This  act  served  as  the  oath  which 
pledged  them  to  civil  war.  Thereupon  from  all 
sides  the  various  calls  to  arms  rang  out  through  the 
peoples  and  cities  of  every  part  of  Italy,  as  Poppaedius, 
the  leader  and  instigator  of  the  war^  hurried  from 
place  to  place.  The  devastation  wrought  by  Hannibal 
and  Pyrrhus  was  less  serious.  Lo  I  Ocriculum, 
Grumentum,  Faesulae,  Carseoli,  Aesernia,  Nuceria 
and  Picentia  were  utterly  laid  waste  by  fire  and  sword. 
The  forces  both  of  Rutihus  and  of  Caepio  were 
routed.  Julius  Caesar  himself,  after  the  loss  of  his 
army,  being  brought  back  still  dripping  with  blood, 
was  borne  through  the  midst  of  the  city  with  pitiable 
funeral  rites.  But  the  great  good  fortune  of  the 
Roman  people,  never  so  great  as  in  the  hour  of 
misfortune,  asserted  itself  afresh  in  all  its  vigour. 
Attacking  the  various  peoples  separately,  Cato 
scattered  the  Etruscans,  Gabinius  the  Marsians, 
Carbo  the  Lucanians,  and  Sulla  the  Samnites,  while 
Pompeius   Strabo  wasted    the    whole    country    with 

^  Consuls  in  91  b.c.  '  sc.  feriarum. 

235 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

populatus  non  prius  finem  caedium  fecit,  quam 
Asculi  eversione  manibus  tot  exercituum,  consulum 
direptarumque  urbium  dis  litaretur  utcumque.^ 


VII.    Bellvm  Servile 

III,  19  Etsi    cum   sociis — nefas — cum   liberis  tamen    et 
ingenuis  dimicatum  est :  quis  aequo  animo  ferat  in 

2  principe  populo  bella  servorum  ?  Primum  servile 
bellum  inter  initia  ^  urbis  Herdonio  duce  Sabino  in 
ipsa  urbe  temptatum  est,  cum  occupata  tribuniciis 
seditionibus  civitate  Capitolium  obsessum  est  et  a 
consule  receptum ;  sed  hic  tumultus  magis  fuit 
quam  bellum.  Mox  imperio  per  diversa  terrarum 
occupato,    quis    crederet    Siciliam    multo    cruentius 

3  servili  quam  Punico  bello  esse  vastatam?  Terra 
frugum  ferax  et  quodam  modo  suburbana  provincia 
latifundiis  civium  Romanorum  tenebatur.  Hic  ad 
cultum  agri  frequentia  ergastula  catenatique  cultores 

4  materiam  bello  praebuere.  Syrus  ^  quidam  nomine 
Eunus  ^ — magnitudo  cladium  ^  facit,  ut  memine- 
rimus — fanatico  furore  simulato,  dum  Syriae  deae 
comas   iactat,   ad   libertatem  et    arma    servos    quasi 

^  utcumque  db  initio  proximi  capitis  huc  transposuit  Lipsius  i 
id  qualitercumque  7?. 

*  inter  initia:  in  italia  B. 
3  SjTus :  sirus  B. 

*  Eunus  :  conus  B. 

5  cladium :  gladium  BN:  claudium  L, 


236 


BOOK    II.  vi.-vii. 

Hre  and  sword  and  did  not  make  an  end  of  slauf^hter 
until,  by  the  destruction  of  Asculuin,  he  made 
atonement  in  some  measure  to  the  shades  of  so 
many  armies  and  consuls  and  to  the  gods  of  the 
devastated  cities. 

VII.  The  Servile  War 

19.  Although  we  fought  with  alHes — in  itself  an 
impious  act — yet  we  fought  with  men  who  enjoyed 
liberty  and  were  of  free  birth  ;  but  who  could 
tolerate  with  equanimity  wars  waged  by  a  sovereign 
people  against  slaves  ?  The  first  attempt  at  war  on 
the  part  of  slaves  took  place  in  the  city  itself  in  the 
early  days  of  its  history  under  the  leadership  of 
Herdonius  the  Sabine.  On  this  occasion,  while  the 
State  was  taken  up  with  the  troubles  caused  by  the 
tribunes,  the  Capitol  was  besieged  and  aftervvards 
rescued  by  the  consul  ;  but  it  was  a  local  rising  rather 
than  a  war.  It  is  difficult  to  beUeve  that,  at  a  later 
date,  while  the  forces  of  the  empire  were  engaged  in 
various  parts  of  the  world,  Sicily  was  far  more 
cruelly  laid  waste  in  a  war  against  slavesthan  during 
the  Punic  VVar.  This  land^  so  rich  in  corn,  a 
province  lying,  as  it  were,  at  our  very  doors,  was 
occupied  by  large  estates  in  the  possession  of  Roman 
citizens.  The  numerous  prisons  for  slaves  employed 
in  tilHng  the  soil  and  gangs  of  cultivators  who 
worked  in  chains  provided  the  forces  for  the  war. 
A  certain  Syrian  named  Eunus  (the  seriousness  of 
our  defeats  causes  his  name  to  be  remembered), 
counterfeiting  an  inspired  frenzy  and  waving  his 
dishevelled  hair  in  honour  of  the  Syrian  goddess, 
incited  the  slaves  to  arms  and  hberty  on  the  pretence 

237 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

5  numinum  imperio  concitavit ;  idque  ut  divinitus 
fieri  probaret,  in  ore  abdita  nuce  quam  sulphure 
et  igni  stipaverat,  leniter  inspirans  flammam  inter 

-6  verba  fundebat.  Hoc  miraculum  primo  duo  milia 
ex  obviis,^  mox  iure  belli  refractis  ergastulis  sexa- 
ginta  amplius  milium  fecit  exercitum ;  regisque, 
ne  quid  mali  deesset^  decoratus  insignibus  castella, 

7  vicos,  oppida  miserabili  direptione  vastavit.  Quin^^ 
illud  quoque  ultimum  dedecus^  belli,  capta  sunt 
castra  praetorum — nec  nominare  ipsos  pudebit — 
castra  Manlii,  Lentuli,  Pisonis,  Hypsaei.*  Itaque 
qui  per  fugitivarios  abstrahi  debuissent,  praetorios 
duces  profugos  proelio  ipsi  sequebantur.  Tandem 
Perperna    imperatore    supplicium    de    eis    sumptum 

;8  est.  Hic  enim  victos  et  apud  Hennam^  novissime 
obsessos  cum  fame  quasi  pestilentia  consumpsisset, 
reliquias  latronum  compedibus,  catenis  crucibusque 
punivit ;  fuitque  de  servis  ovatione  contentus,  ne 
dignitatem  triumphi  servili  inscriptione  violaret. 

9       Vixdum  respiraverat  insula,  cum  statim    Servilio 

praetore    a    Syro  ^    reditur    ad     Cilicem.       Athenio 

pastor   interfecto  domino   familiam  ergastulo   Hber- 

10  atam    sub    signis    ordinat.       Ipse    veste    purpurea 

^  ex  obviis  Il^hd.  :  exobulis  NL,  om.  B. 
2  quin  :  quid  B. 
^  dedecus  :  decus  B. 
*  Hypsaei :  hypsei  NL :  ipse  B. 
^  Hennam  :  bennam  B. 

^  Serviho  praetore  a  Syro  Momrasenus :    servile  et  asyro 
B :  servi.  et  a  syro  NL. 

238 


BOOK    II.  VII. 

of  a  command  from  tlie  gods.  In  order  to  prove 
that  he  was  actiiig  under  divine  ins})iration^  lie 
secreted  in  his  mouth  a  nut  which  he  had  filled  witli 
sulphur  aiid  fire,  and,  by  breathing  gently,  sent  forth 
a  riame  as  he  spoke.  This  miracle  first  of  all  collected 
2,000  men  from  those  whom  he  encountered,  but 
presently,  when  the  prisons  had  been  broken  open 
by  force  of  arms,  he  formed  an  army  of  more  than 
60,000  men.  Adorning  himself — in  order  to  fill  up 
the  cup  of  his  wickedness — Avith  the  insignia  of 
royalty,  he  laid  waste  fortresses,  villages  and  towns 
with  pitiable  destruction.  Nay,  even  the  camps  of 
the  praetors  were  captured — the  most  disgraceful 
thing  than  can  occur  in  war  ;  nor  will  I  shrink  from 
mentioning  the  names  of  these  commanders,  who 
were  Manlius,  Lentulus,  Piso  and  Hypsaeus.  Thus 
those  who  ought  to  have  been  hauled  aw^ay  by  the 
overseers,  themselves  pursued  praetorian  generals 
in  flight  from  the  battle-field.  At  last  punishment 
was  inflicted  upon  them  under  the  leadership  of 
Perperna,  who,  after  defeating  them  and  finally 
besieging  them  at  Enna,  reduced  them  by  famine  as 
efrectually  as  by  a  plague  and  requited  the  surviving 
marauders  with  fetters,  chains  and  the  cross.  He 
was  content  with  an  ovation  for  his  victory  over 
them,  so  that  he  might  not  suUy  the  dignity  of  a 
triumph  by  the  mention  of  slaves. 

Scarcely  had  the  island  recovered  itself,  when,  in 
the  praetorship  of  ServiHus,  the  command  suddenly 
passed  from  tlie  hands  of  a  Syrian  into  those  of  a 
CiHcian.  A  shepherd,  Athenio,  having  murdered 
his  master,  released  the  slaves  from  their  prison  and 
formed  them  into  an  organized  force,  Himself 
arrayed  in  a  purple  robe,  carrying  a  silver  sceptre 

239 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

argenteoque  baeulo  et  regium  in  morem  fronte 
redimita  non  minorem  quam  ille  fanaticus  prior 
conflavit  exercitum^  acriusque  multo,  quasi  et  illum 
vindicaret^  vicos^  oppida^  castella  diripiens,  in  sersos 
infestius    quam    in    dominos^    quasi    in    transfugas^ 

11  saeviebat.  Ab  hoc  quoque  praetorii  exercitus  fusi^ 
capta  Servili  castra^  capta  Luculli.  Sed  Titus 
Aquilius  Perpernae  usus  exemplo^  interclusum 
hostem  commeatibus  ad  extrema  conpulit  commi- 
nutasque  copias  fame  armis  facile  delevit ;  dedi- 
dissentque   se,  nisi  suppliciorum   metu  voluntariam 

12  mortem  praetuUssent.  Ac  ne  de  duce  quidem  sup- 
plicium  exigi  potuit,  quamvis  vivus  in  manus 
venerit ;  quippe  dum  circa  adprehendendum  eum 
a  multitudine  contenditur,  inter  rixantium  manus 
praeda  lacerata  est. 


VIII.    Bellvm  Spartacivm 

iii,  20  Enimvero  et  servilium  armorum  dedecus  feras ; 
nam  etsi  per  fortunam  in  omnia  obnoxii,  tamen 
quasi  secundum  hominum  genus  sunt  et  in  bona 
libertatis  nostrae  adoptantur  :  bellum  Spartaco  duce 

2  concitatum  quo  nomine  appellem  nescio ;  quippe 
cum  servi^  militaverint,  gladiatores  imperaverint, 
illi  infimae  sortis  homines,  hi  pessumae  auxere 
ludibriis  calamitatem  Romanam. 

3  Spartacus,     Crixus,    Oenomaus    effracto     Lentuli 

^  in   servos   infestius   quam   in   dominos    RossbacMvs :    in 
dominos  quam  in  servos  infestius  (quam  om.  NL)  codd. 
2  servi :  serviliberi  B. 

^  Other  authorities  give  his  name  as  Manius  Aquilius. 
*  i.e.  b}'  manumission. 

240 


BOOK    II.  vii.-viii. 

and  cro^vned  like  a  king,  he  collected  an  army  qnite 
as  large  as  that  of  his  fanatical  predecessor,  and  with 
even  greater  enerory,  on  the  pretext  of  avenging 
him,  j)lundering  villages,  towns  and  fortresses,  vented 
his  fury  with  even  greater  violence  upon  the  slaves 
than  upon  their  masters,  treating  them  as  renegades. 
He  too  routed  praetorian  armies  and  captured  the 
camps  of  Serv^ilius  and  Luculkis.  But  Titus  ^  Aquilius 
following  the  example  of  Perperna,  reduced  the 
enemy  to  extremities  by  cutting  ofF  their  supplies 
and  easily  destroyed  their  forces  in  battle  when  they 
were  reduced  by  starvation.  They  would  have 
surrendered,  had  they  not,  in  their  fear  of  ])unish- 
ment,  preferred  voluntary  death.  The  penalty  could 
not  be  inflicted  upon  their  leader,  although  he  fell 
alive  into  their  hands  ;  for,  while  the  crowd  was 
quarrelling  about  his  apprehension,  the  prey  was 
torn  to  pieces  in  the  hands  of  the  disputants. 

VIII.  The  VVar  against  Spartacus 

20.  OxE  can  tolerate,  indeed,  even  the  disgrace  of 
a  war  against  slaves ;  for  although,  by  force  of 
circumstances,  they  are  liable  to  any  kind  of  treat- 
ment,  yet  they  form  as  it  were  a  class  (though  an 
inferior  class)  of  human  beings  and  can  be  admitted  ^ 
to  the  blessings  of  Hberty  which  we  enjoy.  But  I 
know  not  what  name  to  give  to  the  war  which  was 
stirred  up  at  the  instigation  of  Spartacus  ;  for  the 
common  soldiers  being  slaves  and  their  leaders  being 
gladiators — the  former  men  of  the  humblest,  the 
latter  men  of  the  worse,  class — added  insult  to  the 
injury  which  they  inflicted  upon  Rome. 

Spartacus,  Crixus  and  Oenomaus,  breaking  out  of 

241 

F.N,  1 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

ludo  cum  triginta  aut  amplius  eiusdem  fortunae 
viris  erupere  Capua ;  ^  servisque  ad  vexillum  ^ 
vocatis  cum  statim  decem  milia  amplius  coissent, 
homines  modo   efFugisse   contenti,  iam  et  vindicari 

4  volebant.  Prima  sedes  velut  rabidis  beluis  mons* 
Vesuvius  placuit.  Ibi  cum  obsiderentur  a  Clodio 
GlabrOj  per  fauces  cavi  montis  vitineis  delapsi 
vinculis  *  ad  imas  eius  descendere  radices  et  exitu 
inviso^    nihil    tale    opinantis     ducis    subito    impetu 

5  castra  rapuerunt ;  inde  aHa  castra,  Vareniana,® 
deinceps  Thorani ;  totamque  pervagantur  Campa- 
niam.  Nec  villarum  atque  vicorum  vastatione  con- 
tenti     Nolam     atque     Nuceriam,    Thurios  "^    atque 

6  Metapontum  terribili  strage  populantur.  Adfluen- 
tibus  in  diem  copiis  cum  iam  esset  iustus  exercitus, 
e  viminibus  pecudumque  tegumentis  inconditos 
sibi  clipeos   et   ferro   ergastulorum   recocto   gladios 

7  ac  tela  fecerunt.  Ac  ne  quod  decus®  iusto  deesset 
exercitui,  domitis  obviis  etiam  gregibus  paratur 
equitatus,  captaque  de  praetoribus  insignia  et  fasces 

8  ad  ducem  detulere.  Nec  abnuit  ille  de  stipendiario 
Thrace  miles,  de  milite  desertor,  inde  latro,^  deinde 

^  Capua :  capviam  B. 

2  ad   vexillum :    ad   auxilium  B:    ad  vexillum  ad  (et  L) 
auxilium  NL. 

3  velut  rapidis  beluis  mous  RosshacMus:  velut  belhis  mons 
B:  velut  arauiris  mons  XL. 

*  delapsi  vinculis :  dilapsi  ungulis  B, 
^  inviso :  indiviso  B :  inuno  NL. 
^  castra  posL  Vareniana  add.  B. 
'  Thurios :  thauros  B :  turios  NL, 
^  decus :  dedecus  B. 

242 


BOOK    II.  VIII. 

the  gladiatorial  school  of  Lentulus  with  thirty  or 
rather  more  men  of  the  same  occupation,  escaped 
from  Capua.  When,  by  summoning  the  slaves  to 
their  standard,  they  had  quickly  collected  more 
than  10,000  adherents,  these  men,  who  had  been 
originally  content  merely  to  have  escaped,  soon 
began  to  wisli  to  take  their  revenge  also.  The  first 
position  which  attracted  them  (a  suitable  one  for 
such  ravening  monsters)  was  Mt.  Vesuvius.  Being 
besiegedhere  byClodius  Glabrus,  theyshd  by  means 
of  ropes  made  of  vine-twigs  through  a  passage  in  the 
hollow  of  the  mountain  down  into  its  very  depths, 
and  issuing  forth  by  a  hidden  exit,  seized  the  camp  of 
the  general  by  a  sudden  attack  which  he  never 
expected.  They  then  attacked  other  camps,  that  of 
Varenius  and  afterwards  that  of  Thoranus  ;  and  they 
ranged  over  the  whole  of  Campania.  Not  content 
with  the  plundering  of  country  houses  and  villages, 
they  laid  waste  Nola,  Nuceria,  Thurii  and  Meta- 
pontum  with  terrible  destruction.  Becoming  a 
regular  army  by  the  daily  arrival  of  fresh  forces, 
they  made  themselves  rude  shields  of  wicker-work 
and  the  skins  of  animals^  and  swords  and  other 
weapons  by  melting  down  the  iron  in  the  slave- 
prisons.  That  nothing  might  be  lacking  which  was 
proper  to  a  regular  army,  cavalry  was  procured 
by  breaking  in  herds  of  horses  which  they 
encountered,  and  his  men  brought  to  their  leader 
the  insignia  and  fasces  captured  from  the  praetors, 
nor  were  they  refused  by  the  man  who,  from  being 
a  Thracian  mercenary,  had  become  a  soldier,  and 
from  a  soldier  a  deserter,  then  a  highwayman,  and 

'  inde  latro  NL  :  de  latro  B. 

243 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

9  in  honorem  ^  virium  gladiator.  Quin  2  defunctorum 
quoque  proelio  ducum  funera  imperatoriis  ^  cele- 
bravit  exsequiis,  captivosque  circa  rogum  iussit 
armis  depugnare^  quasi  plane  expiaturus  omne 
praeteritum    dedecus,  si    de    gladiatore    munerarius 

10  fuisset.  Inde  iam  consulares  *  quoque  adgressus 
in     Appenino     Lentuli     exercitum      cecidit,    apud 

11  Mutinam  Publi  Crassi  castra  delevit.  Quibus  elatus 
victoriis    de    invadenda    urbe     Romana — quod    satis 

12  est  turpitudini  nostrae — deliberavit.  Tandem  enim 
totis  imperii  viribus  contra  myrmillonem  consur- 
gitur^  pudoremque  Romanum  Licinius  Crassus 
adseruit ;    a    quo    pulsi    fugatique — pudet    dicere — 

13  hostes  in  extrema  Italiae  refugerunt.  Ibi  circa 
Brittium  angulum  clusi,^  cum  fugam  in  Siciliam 
pararent  neque  navigia  suppeterent^  ratesque  ex 
trabibus  et  dolia  conexa  virgultis  rapidissimo  freto 
frustra  experirentur,  tandem  eruptione  facta  digna 

14  viris    obiere    morte    et,    quod    sub    gladiatore    duce 

oportuit,    sine   missione   pugnatum    est.      Spartacus 

ipse    in    primo    agmine    fortissime    dimicans    quasi 

imperator  occisus  est. 

^  honorem  Rehd.  :  honore  cet. 
2  quin  Freinsheynius :  quia  ^ :  qui  NL. 
^  imperatoriis  :  imperatorum  B. 
*  consulares  NL :  consularem  cet. 
^  consurgitur  NL :  consurgunt  cet. 
244 


BOOK    II.  VIII. 

finally,  thanks  to  his  strength,  a  gladiator.  He  also 
celebrated  the  obsequies  of  his  officers  vho  had 
fallen  in  battle  with  funerals  like  those  of  Roman 
generals,  and  ordered  his  captives  to  Hght  at  their 
pyres,  just  as  though  he  wished  to  wipe  out  all  his 
past  dishonour  by  having  become,  instead  of  a 
gladiator,  a  giver  of  gladiatorial  shous.  Next,  actually 
attiicking  generals  of  consular  rank,  he  inflicted 
defeat  on  the  armv  of  Lentulus  in  the  Apennines  and 
destroyed  the  camp  of  Publius  ^  Cassius  at  Mutina. 
Elated  by  these  ^ictories  he  entertained  the  project — 
in  itself  a  sufficient  disgrace  to  us — of  attacking  the 
city  of  Rome.  At  last  a  combined  effort  was  made, 
supported  by  all  the  resources  of  the  empire,  against 
this  gladiator,  and  Licinius  Crassus  vindicated  the 
honour  of  Rome.  Routed  and  put  to  flight  by  him^ 
our  enemies — 1  am  ashamed  to  give  them  this  title 
— took  refuge  in  the  furthest  extremities  of  Italy. 
Here,  being  cut  off  in  the  angle  of  Bruttium  and 
preparing  to  escape  to  Sicily,  but  being  unable  to 
obtain  ships,  they  tried  to  launch  rafts  of  beams  and 
casks  bound  too-ether  with  withies  on  the  swift 
waters  of  the  straits.  Failing  in  this  attempt,  they 
finally  made  a  sally  and  met  a  death  worthy  of  men, 
fighting  to  the  death  ^  as  became  those  who  were 
commanded  by  a  gladiator.  Spartacus  himself  fell, 
as  became  a  general,  fighting  most  bravely  in  the 
front  rank. 

^  The  inferior  MSS.  read  Gaius,  whieh  is  supported  by 
other  authorities. 

^  Sine  missione  is  a  technical  term  from  the  gladiatorial 
contests. 

^  clusi :  f usi  B. 

245 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 


VIIIL    Bellvm  Civile  Marianvm 

111,21  Hoc  deerat  unum  populi  Romani  malis,  ut  iam 
ipse  intra  se  parricidale  telum  domi  stringeret,  et 
in    urbe    media    ac    foro    quasi    harena    cives    cum 

2  civibus  suis  gladiatorio  more  concurrerent.  Aequiore 
animo  utcumque  ferrem,  si  plebei  duces  aut,  si 
nobiles,  mali  saltem  ducatum  sceleri  praebuissent. 
Tum  vero — pro  facinus — qui  viri  I  qui  imperatores  ! 
decora  et  ornamenta  saeculi  sui,  Marius  et  SuUa, 
pessimo  facinori  suam  etiam  dignitatem  prae- 
Ijuerunt. 

3  Bellum  civile  Marianum  sive  Sullanum  tribus,  ut 
sic  dixerim,  sideribus  agitatum  est.  Primum  levi 
et  modico  tumultu  magis  ^  quam  bello,  intra  ipsos 

4  dumtaxat  armorum  duces  subsistente  saevitia  ;  mox 
atrocius    et    cruentius,    per    ipsius    viscera    senatus 

5  grassante  victoria  ;  ultimo  non  civicam  modo,  sed 
hostilem  quoque  rabiem  supergressum  est,  cum 
armorum  furor  totius  Italiae  viribus  niteretur,  eo 
usque  odiis  saevientibus,^  donec  deessent  qui  occide- 
rentur. 

6  Initium  et  causa  belli  inexplebilis  honorum  Marii 
fames,  dum  decretam  Sullae  provinciam  Sulpicia 
lege  sollicitat.  Sed  inpatiens  iniuriae  statira  Sulla 
legiones  circumegit,  dilatoque  Mithridate  Esquilina  ^ 

^  magis  scripsi :  maiore  codd. 

2  peiactum  est  post  saevientibus  add.  B. 

3  Mithridate  Esquilina  RehcL:  mithridates  quilla  B : 
mithridate  escylia  N. 

1  i.e.  falls  into  three  periods  of  stress  and  storm,  the  rise 
of  certain  constellations,  such  as  Arcturus  and  the  Pleiades, 
being  proverbial  for  occasioning  tempests. 

246 


BOOK    II.  viiii. 


VIIII.    The  CiviL  War  of  Marius 

21.  The  only  thing  still  wanting  to  complete  the 
misfortiines  of  the  Roman  people  was  that  they 
should  draw  the  sword  upon  each  other  at  home, 
and  that  citizens  should  fight  against  citizens  in  the 
midst  of  the  city  and  in  the  forum  like  gladiators  in 
the  arena,  It  would  be  possible  to  bear  the  calamity 
with  greater  equanimity,  if  plebeian  leaders,  or 
leaders  who,  if  noble,  were  yet  bad  men,  had  taken 
the  chief  part  in  such  wickedness.  On  this  occasion 
(alas  for  the  crime  of  it !)  what  heroes,  M-hat  generals 
they  were — Marius  and  Sulla,  the  pride  and  glory  of 
their  age — who  even  gave  the  support  of  their  high 
position  to  the  very  worst  of  misdeeds  ! 

The  Marian  or  Sullan  civil  war  was  waged  under 
three  different  constellations/  if  I  may  use  the 
expression.  In  the  first  period  the  conflict  was  of  the 
nature  of  a  mild  and  unimportant  rising  rather  than 
a  war,  the  cruelty  being  confined  to  the  leaders  of 
the  two  parties ;  then  it  became  a  more  bitter  and 
cruel  struggle,  in  which  the  victory  struck  at  the 
very  heart  of  the  senate  ;  finally,  all  the  bounds  of 
the  rage^  not  merely  of  citizen  against  citizen,  but  of 
enemv  against  enemy,  were  exceeded,  the  fury  of 
war  being  supported  by  all  the  resources  of  Italy, 
and  hatred  venting  its  cruelty  till  none  remained  to 
be  slain. 

The  origin  and  cause  of  the  war  was  Marius' 
insatiable  desire  for  office,  which  led  him  to  seek,  by 
means  of  the  law  of  Sulj)icius,  the  province  allotted 
to  Sulla.  The  latter,  unable  to  tolerate  this  injury, 
immediately  wheeled  round  his  legions,  and  post- 
poning  the  war  against  Mithridates,  poured  his  army 

247 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

Collinaque     porta    geminum    urbi    agmen    infudit. 

7  Jnde  cum  consules  Sulpicius  et  Albinovanus  obie- 
cissent  catervas  suas,  et  saxa  undique  a  moenibus 
ac  tela  iacerentur,  ipse  quoque  iaculatus  incendia 
viam  fecit  arcemque  Capitolii^  quae  Poenos  quoque, 
quae  ^    Gallos    etiam    Senonas    evaserat^  quasi    cap- 

8  tivam  victor  insedit.  Tum  ^  ex  consulto  senatus  ad- 
versariis  hostibus  iudicatis  in  praesentem  tribunum 
aliosque  diversae  factionis  iure  saevitum  est ; 
Marium  servilis  fuga  exemit,  immo  fortuna  alteri 
bello  reservavit. 

9  Cornelio  Cinna  Gnaeo  Octavio  consulibus  male 
obrutum  resurrexit  incendium,  et  quidem  ab  ip- 
sorum  discordia,  quom  ^   de  revocandis  quos  senatus 

10  hostes  iudicaverat  ad  populum  referretur ;  cincta 
quidem  gladiis  contione,  sed  vincentibus  quibus 
pax  et  quies  potior,  profugus  patria  sua  Cinna 
confugit  ad  partes.  Rediit  ab  Africa  Marius  clade 
maior ;     si    quidem    carcer     catenae,    fuga    exilium 

11  horrificaverant  dignitatem.  Itaque  ad  nomen  tanti 
viri  late  concurritur,  servitia — pro  nefas — et  ergas- 
tula  armantur^  et  facile  invenit  exercitum  imperator. 

12  Itaque    vi   patriam    reposcens,   unde    vi    fuerat   ex- 

1  quae  ad.d.  Halmius. 

2  tum  L.  Voss.  Palat :  cura  BN. 

3  quom :  quam  B. 


^  Neither  Sulpicius  nor  Albinovanus  were  consuls  ;   Sul- 
picius  was  tribune  in  88  B.C. 
2  87  B.G. 


248 


BOOK    II.  viiii. 

in  two  columns  through  the  Esquiline  and  Colline 
Gates.  When  the  consuls  Sulpicius  and  Albinovanus  ^ 
had  thrown  tlieir  troops  in  his  way,  and  stones  and 
weapons  were  beino^  hurled  on  all  sides  from  the 
walls,  Sulla  himself  also  forced  a  passage  by  hurling 
burning  brands  and  occupied  the  citadel  of  the 
Capitol,  which  had  escaped  capture  by  the  Cartha- 
ginians  and  GalHc  Senones,  like  a  victorious  general 
in  a  captive  city.  Tlien  after  his  adversaries  had 
been  declared  enemies  of  the  State  by  a  decree  of 
the  senate,  he  took  violent  measures,  under  the  form 
prescribed  by  law,  against  the  tribune  who  was 
withiii  reach  and  other  members  of  the  opposing 
faction.  Marius  saved  himself  by  flight  like  that  of 
a  runaway  slave,  or  rather  fate  preserved  him  to 
fight  another  day. 

In  the  consulship  of  Cornelius  Cinna  and  Gnaeus 
Octavius,^  the  flames,  which  had  been  imperfectly 
extinguished,  burst  forth  afresh,  owing,  indeed,  to  a 
difference  of  opinion  between  the  consuls  themselves, 
when  the  question  of  recalling  those  whom  the 
senate  had  declared  enemies  was  referred  to  the 
people.  The  assembly  met  armed  with  swords,  but 
when  those  prevailed  who  preferred  peace  and  quiet, 
Cinna  fled  from  his  country  and  joined  his  confeder- 
ates.  Marius  returned  from  Africa,  all  the  greater 
for  his  misfortunes,  since  his  imprisonment  and 
chains,  his  flight  and  exile  had  added  a  certain  awe  to 
his  high  reputation.  So  at  the  name  of  so  famous  a 
general  men  flocked  from  far  and  near ;  recourse 
was  had  to  the  disgraceful  expedient  of  araiing 
slaves  and  convicts  ;  and  the  general  had  no  difficulty 
in  finding  an  army.  In  thus  seeking  to  return  by 
violence  to  the  country  from   which   he   had   been 

249 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

pulsus,  poterat  videri  iure  agere,  nisi  causam  suam 
saevitia  corrumperet.  Sed  cum  dis  hominibusque 
infestus  rediret^  statim  primo  impetu  cliens  et 
alumna    urbis     Ostia^     nefanda     strage    diripitur. 

13  Mox  in  urbem  quadruplici  agmine  intratur.  Di- 
visere  copias  Cinna,  Marius,  Carbo,  Sertorius.  Hic 
postquam  manus  omnis  Octa\i  depulsa  laniculo 
est,  statim  ad  principum  caedem  signo  dato  ali- 
quanto   saevius  quam  vel   in   Punica  urbe  saevitur. 

14  Octavi  consulis  caput  pro  rostris  exponitur,  Antonii 
consularis  in  Mari  ipsius  mensis.  Caesar  et^ 
Fimbria  in  penatibus  domuum  ^  suarum  trucidantur, 
Crassi  pater  et  filius  in  mutuo  alter  alterius  aspectu. 
Baebium    atque     Numitorium    per    medium    forum 

15  unci   traxere   carnificum.       Catulus  se   ignis   haustu 

16  ludibrio  hostium  exemit.  Merula  flamen  Dialis  in 
CapitoHo  lovis  ipsius  oculos  venarum  cruore  res- 
persit.  Ancharius  ipso  vidente  Mario  confossus 
est,  quia    fatalem   illam    scihcet    manum    non    por- 

17  rexerat  salutanti.  Haec  tot  senatus  funera  intra 
kalendas  et  idus  lanuarii  mensis  septima  illa  Marii 
purpura  dedit.  Quid  futurum  fuit^  si  annum  con- 
sulatus  implesset? 

18  Scipione  Norbanoque  consuHbus  tertius  ille  turbo 
civiHs    insaniae    toto    furore    detonuit,  quippe    cum 

^  urbis  Ostia :  urbs  urbis  hostia  B. 
'  Caesar  et  NL :  caesare  B. 
2  domuum  lahnius :  domus  B. 


^  i.e.  Marius  had  told  his  followers  to  kill  anyone  whose 
salute  he  did  not  return. 
«  86  B.c. 
»  83  B.o. 

250 


BOOK    II.  viiii. 

driven  by  violence,  Marius  might  seem  to  have  acted 
justly,  but  that  he  disjjraced  his  cause  by  cruelty. 
But  returning  at  enmity  with  gods  and  men,  he 
directed  his  first  onslaught  against  Ostia,  a  city 
dependent  upon  Rome,  and  her  foster-child,  which 
he  laid  waste  with  impious  destruction.  Soon  after- 
wards  the  city  was  entered  by  four  detachments 
distributed  under  the  command  of  Cinna^  Marius, 
Carbo  and  Sertorius.  When  all  Octavius'  troops  had 
been  dislodged  from  the  Janiculum,  immediately, 
at  a  given  signal^  they  wreaked  their  fury  in  the 
slaughter  of  the  leading  citizens  with  even  greater 
cruelty  than  even  in  a  Carthaginian  city.  The 
head  of  the  consul  Octavius  was  displayed  on  the 
rostra,  that  of  Antonius^  an  ex-consul,  on  Marius' 
own  table.  Caesar  and  Fimbria  were  butchered  at 
the  household  shrines  of  their  own  homes.  The 
elder  and  younger  Crassus  were  slain  in  the 
sight  of  one  another.  Baebius  and  Numitorius 
were  dragged  through  the  forura  on  the  hooks  of 
the  executioners.  Catulus  saved  himself  from  the 
insults  of  his  enemies  by  swallowing  fire.  Merula, 
the  priest  of  Jupiter  in  the  Capitol^  bespattered  the 
visage  of  the  god  himself  with  the  blood  from  his 
veins.  Ancharius  was  stabbed  in  the  presence  of 
Marius  himself,  because,  forsooth^  when  he  saluted 
him,  Marius  had  not  stretched  out  to  him  the  hand 
which  was  to  decide  his  fate.^  AU  these  deaths  of 
senators  were  the  result  of  Marius'  seventh  consul- 
ship2  between  the  Ist  and  the  9th  of  January. 
What  would  have  happened  if  he  had  completed  his 
full  year  of  office  ? 

In  the  consulship  of  Scipio  and  Norbanus,^  the 
third  storm  of  civil  rage  broke  forth  in  all  its  fury. 

251 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

hinc  octo  legiones,^  quingentae  cohortes  starent  in 
armis,  inde  ab  Asia  cum  victore  exercitu  Sulla  pro- 
peraret.  Et  sane  cum  tam  ferox  in  Sullanos  Marius 
fuisset,  quanta  saevitia  opus  erat^  ut  Sulla  de  Mario 
vindicaretur  ?  Primum  apud  Capuam  sub  amne 
Vulturno  signa  concurrunt^,  et  statim  omnis  Nor- 
bani  fusus  exercitus,  statim  Scipionis  copiae  ostentata 
spe  pacis  oppressae.  Tum  Marius  iuvenis  et  Carbo 
consules  quasi  desperata  victoria^  ne  inulti  perirent, 
in  antecessum  sanguine  senatus  sibi  parentabant, 
obsessaque  curia  sic  de  senatu  quasi  de  carcere  qui 
iugularentur  educti.  Quantum^  funerum  in  foro, 
in  circo,  in  penitis  3  templis  !  nam  Mucius  Scaevola 
pontifex  Vestalis  amplexus  aras  tantum  non  eodem 

22  igne  sepeUtur.  Lamponius  *  atque  Telesinus,  Sam- 
nitum  duces,  atrocius  Pyrrho  et  Annibale  Campaniam 
Etruriamque  populantur,  et   sub  specie  partium  se 

23  vindicant.  Apud  Sacriportum  Collinamque  portam 
debellatae  omnes  hostium  copiae  ;  ibi  Marius,  hic 
Telesinus  oppressi.  Nec  idem  tamen  caedium  qui 
belU  finis  fuit.  Stricti  enim  et  in  pace  gladii, 
animadversumque  in  eos,  qui  se  sponte  dediderant. 
Minus  est,  quod  apud  Sacriportum,  apud  CoUinam 
septuaginta    miUa   ampUus    SuUa   concidit :     beUum 

1  inde  post  legiones  add.  BNL,  del.  lahnius. 

2  quantum  lahniits:  quantum  id  B:  quid  NL. 

3  ipenitis  Rossbachius :  penitentibus  5  :  patentibus  .AT^Zr. 

*  Lamponius    (cp.    Appian,    BeU.    Cii:    I.    40 ;    Plutarch, 
Stdla,  29j :   lucius  amponius  B:  lamponius  L. 

^  Consuls  in  82  B.C. 
252 


BOOK    II.  viiii. 

On  the  one  side  stood  eight  legions  and  500  cohort 
in  arms,  while  on  the  other  side  Sulla  was  hastening 
back  from  Asia  with  his  victorious  army.  And,  in- 
deed,  since  Marius  had  acted  so  cruelly  towards  tlie 
supporters  of  Sulla,  what  cruelty  was  needed  that 
Sulla  might  take  vengeance  upon  Marius  ?  Their 
forces  first  met  at  the  River  Vulturnus  near  Capua  ; 
the  whole  army  of  Xorbanus  was  immediately  routed 
and  Scipio's  forces  were  promptly  overwhelmed  after 
hopes  of  peace  had  been  held  out  to  them.  Then 
the  consuls,  the  younger  Marius  and  Carbo,^  as 
though  despairing  of  victory  and  desirous  of  not 
perishing  unavenged,  offered  sacrifice  beforehand 
to  their  own  shades  with  the  blood  of  the  senate  ; 
the  senate-house  was  besieged  and  the  senators  were 
led  out  thence  for  execution  as  from  a  prison.  What 
countless  deaths  took  place  in  the  forum,  the  circus 
and  the  innermost  recesses  of  the  temples  I  Mucius 
Scaevola,  the  priest  of  Vesta,  clinging  to  the  altar  of 
the  goddess,  was  ahiiost  buried  in  the  flames  which 
burnt  upon  it.  Lamponius  and  Telesinus.  the 
leaders  of  the  Samnites,  were  laying  waste  Campania 
and  Etruria  with  even  more  brutality  than  Pyrrhus 
or  Hannibal,  and  were  exacting  vengeance  on  their 
own  account  under  the  pretence  of  helping  their 
cause.  But  all  the  enemy's  forces  were  defeated, 
those  under  Marius  at  Sacriportus,  those  under 
Telesinus  at  the  Colhne  Gate.  However,  the  end 
of  the  fighting  was  not  also  the  tnd  of  the  kilhng ; 
for  even  after  peace  was  made,  swords  were  drawn 
and  punishment  was  inflicted  upon  those  who  had 
surrendered  voluntarily.  The  slaughter  of  iDore 
than  70,000  men  by  Sulla  at  Sacriportus  and  the 
ColUne  Gate  was  a  lesser  crime,  for  it  was  what  one 

253 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

erat.     Quattuor  milia  deditorum  inermium  civium 

25  in  Villa  Publica  interfici  iussit :  isti  tot  in  pace  non 
plures  sunt?  Quis  autem  illos  potest  conputare, 
quos  in  urbe  passim  quisquis  voluit  occidit?  Donec 
admonente  Fufidio  ^  vivere  aliquos  debere,  ut  essent 
quibus  imperaretj  proposita  est  ingens  illa  tabula, 
et  ex  ipso  equestris  ordinis  flore  ac  senatu  duo  milia 
electi_,2  qui  mori  iuberentur  :  novi  generis  edictum. 

26  Longum  post  haec  referre  ludibrio  habita  fata 
Carbonis^  fata^  Sorani,  Plaetorios  atque  Venuleios,* 
Baebium  sine  ferro  ritu  ferarum  inter  manus  lani- 
atum,  Marium,  ducis  ipsius  fratrem,  apud  Catuli  sepul- 
crum  oculis  effossis^  manibus  cruribusque  effractis 
servatum  aliquandiu,  ut  per  singula  membra  more- 

27  retur.  Possis  singulorum  hominum  ferre  poenas  : 
municipia  ItaHae  splendidissima  sub  hasta  venie- 
runt,  Spoletium^  Interamnium,  Praeneste,  Florentia. 

28  Nam  Sulmonem,  vetus  oppidum  socium  atque 
amicum — facinus  indignum — non  expugnat  aut 
obsidet  iure  belH ;  sed  quo  modo  morte  damnati 
duci  iubentur^  sic  damnatam  civitatem  iussit  Sulla 
deleri. 

1  Fufidio  Dukerus :  forfidio  B :  furfidio  NL. 

2  ac — electi  om.  B. 

'  fata  .   .   .  fata :  f acta  .  .   .  facta  B. 
*  Plaetorios  atque  Venuleios :  plaetorius  atque  venuleius 
B. 


254 


BOOK    II.  viiii. 

expects  in  war.  But  he  ordered  4,000  unarmed 
citizens  who  had  been  surrendered  to  be  slain  in  the 
Villa  Pubhca.^  Do  not  all  these  4,000  slain  in  peace 
really  outnumber  those  other  70,000  ?  Who  can 
compute  the  total  of  those  whom  anyone,  who  wished 
to  do  so,  slew  in  various  parts  of  the  city  r  At  last, 
when  Fufidius  advised  that  some  men  ought  to  be 
allowed  to  live  in  order  that  Sulla  might  have  some- 
one  to  whom  to  give  orders,  that  vast  proscription- 
Hst  was  put  up,  and  from  the  flower  of  the  equestrian 
order  and  the  senate  2,000  men  were  chosen  and 
condemned  to  death.  It  was  an  edict  for  which 
there  was  no  precedent.  It  would  be  tedious  after 
this  to  relate  the  insulting  end  of  Carbo  and 
Soranus,  the  deaths  of  Plaetorii  and  Venuleii ;  how 
Baebius  was  torn  to  pieces,  not  by  the  sword,  but  by 
men's  hands,  Uke  a  wild  beast ;  and  how  Marius, 
the  brother  of  the  general,  after  his  eyes  had  been 
gouged  out  at  the  tomb  of  Catulus,  was  kept  ahve 
for  some  time  after  his  hands  and  legs  had  been 
broken  off,  so  that  he  might  die  limb  by  limb.  One 
could  endure  the  punishment  of  individuals,  but  the 
most  renowned  towns  of  Italy  were  put  up  to 
auction — Spoletium,  Interamnium,  Praeneste,  Flo- 
rentia.  As  for  Sulmo,  an  alHed  and  friendly  city 
of  long  standing,  Sulla,  instead  of  storming  or 
besieging  it  according  to  the  rules  of  warfare,  com- 
mitted  an  act  of  base  injustice  in  coiidemning  the 
city  and  ordering  its  destruction,  even  as  those  who 
are  condemned  to  death  are  ordered  to  be  led  to 
execution. 

^  A  building  in  the  Campus  Martius  used  for  the  enter- 
tainment  of  foreign  ambassadors. 


255 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

X.    Bellvm  Sertorianvm 

II,  22  Bellum  Sertorianum  quid  amplius  quam  Sullanae 
proscriptionis  hereditas  fuit  ?  Hostile  potius  an  civile 
dixerim  nescio,   quippe  quod    Lusitani  Celtiberique 

2  Romano  gesserint  duce.  Exul  et  profugus  feralis 
illius  tabulae,  vir  summae  quidem  sed  calamitosae 
virtutis  malis  suis  maria  terrasque  permiscuit ;  et 
iam  Africae,  iam  Balearibus  insulis  fortunam  ex- 
pertus  usque  in  Oceanum  Fortunatasque  Insulas 
penetravit    consiliis,    tandem     Hispaniam    armavit. 

3  Viro  cum  viris  facile  convenit.  Nec  alias  magis 
apparuit  Hispani  militis  vigor  quam  Romano  duce. 

4  Quamquam  ille  non  contentus  Hispania  ad  Mithri- 
datem    quoque     Ponticosque    respexit  ^     regemque 

5  classe  iuvit.  Et  quid  futurum  fuit  satis  tanto  hosti, 
cui    uno    imperatore    resistere    res      Romana    non 

6  potuit.^  additus  Metello  Gnaeus  Pompeius.  Hi 
copias  adtrivere  viri,  prope  tota  Hispania  per- 
secuti.  Diu  et  ancipiti  semper  acie  pugnatum  est ; 
nec  tamen  prius  bello  quam  suorum  scelere  et 
insidiis  extinctus  est.^  Prima  per  legatos  habita 
certamina,    cum    hinc     Domitius    et    Thorius,    inde 

7  Hirtulei  proluderent ;  mox  his  apud  Segoviam,  iUis 
apud  Anam  flumen  oppressis,  ipsi  duces  comminus 
invicem   experti    apud    Lauronem    atque    Sucronem 

^  respexit :  perrexit  B. 

2  hi — extinctus  est  lahnius  et  Ealmius'.  hic  copias  adtri- 
verant  viri  diu  et  ancipiti  semper  acie  pugnatum  est.  Nec 
tanien  prius  bello  quam  suoriun  scelere  et  insidiis  extinctus 
est.  Copiaseius  prope  tota  hispania  persequuti  diu  et  varia 
semper  acie  domaverunt  B:  hi  copias  viri  diu  et  ancipitis 
(ancipiti  L)  semper  acie  adtribuere  (adtrivere  L)  nec  tamen 
prius  bello  quam  suorum  scelere  et  insidiis  extinctus  copias 
eius  prope  tota  (totas  L)  hispania  persecuti  diu  et  ancipiti 
semper  acie  donaverunt  KT.. 
256 


BOOK    II.  X. 


X.  The  War  wiTH  Sertorius 

22.  What  was  the  war  with  Sertorius  except  an 
inheritance  from  the  Sullan  proscription  ?  I  know 
not  whether  to  call  it  a  war  against  enemies  or  a 
civil  war,  for  it  was  waged  by  the  Lusitani  and  Celti- 
beri  under  a  Roman  leader.  Sertorius,  an  exile  and 
fugitive  from  that  fatal  proscription-Hst,  a  man  of 
great,  but  ill-starred,  valour,  involved  seas  and  lands 
in  his  personal  misfortunes.  Having  tried  his 
fortune  at  one  time  in  Africa_,  at  another  time  in 
the  Balearic  Islands,  he  extended  his  plans  to  include 
the  Ocean  and  Fortunate  Isles^  and  finally  armed 
Spain.  A  brave  man  easily  unites  with  other  brave 
men  ;  and  the  energy  of  the  Spanish  soldiers  never 
appeared  to  better  advantage  than  under  a  Roman 
leader.  Yet  Spain  was  not  enough  for  him,  and  he 
turned  his  gaze  towards  Mithridates  and  the  people 
of  Pontus  and  helped  the  king  with  his  fleet.  Why 
should  such  a  general  have  Hmited  his  ambitions, 
when  the  Roman  State  could  not  withstand  him  with 
one  general  only  ?  Gnaeus  Pompeius  was  therefore 
sent  to  help  MeteUus.  They  wore  down  his  forces, 
pursuing  him  over  almost  the  whole  of  Spain.  The 
fighting  continued  for  a  long  time,  always  with 
doubtful  result ;  and  his  defeat  was  due  not  so  much 
to  operations  in  the  field  as  to  the  crime  and  treachery 
of  his  own  foUowers.  The  first  engagements  were 
fought  by  Heutenant-generals,  Domitius  and  Thorius 
commencing  operations  on  one  side  and  the  HirtuJei 
on  the  other.  After  the  defeat  of  the  latter  at 
Segovia  and  of  the  former  at  the  River  Ana,  the 
generals  themselves  tried  their  strength  in  combat 
and    suffered   equal   disasters   at  Lauro    and    Sucro. 

257 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

aequavere  clades.     Tum  illis  ad  populationes  agro- 

8  rum^^  his  ad  urbium  excidia  conversis^  misera  inter 
Romanos  duces  Hispania   discordiae  poenas  dabat ; 

9  donec  oppresso  domestica  fraude  Sertorio,  victo 
deditoque  Perperna,  ipsae  quoque  in  Romanam 
fidem  venere  urbes  Osca,  Termes,^  Vlia,  Valentia, 
Auxuma  et  in  fame  nihil  non  experta  Calagurris. 
Sic  recepta  in  pacem  Hispania.  Victores  duces 
externum  id  magis  quam  civile  bellum  videri 
volueruntj  ut  triumpharent. 


XI.    Bellvm  Civile  Svb  Lepido 

III,  23  Marco  Lepido  Quinto  Catulo  consuhbus  civile 
bellum  paene  citius  oppressum  est  quam  inciperet : 
sed     quantulacumque     fax     ilHus    motus    ab     ipso 

2  SuUae  rogo  exarsit.  Cupidus  rerum  novarum  per 
insolentiam  Lepidus  acta  tanti  viri  rescindere 
parabat ;  nec  inmerito,  si  tamen  posset  sine  magna 

3  clade  rei  publicae.  Nam  cum  iure  belli  Sulla 
dictator  proscripsisset  inimicos,  qui  supererant 
revocante  Lepido  quid  aliud  quam  ad  bellum 
vocabantur  ?  Cumque  damnatorum  civium  bona 
addicente  SuUa  quamvis  male  capta  iure  tamen 
tenerentur,^    repetitio    eorum   procul    dubio    labe- 

1  ad   populationes   agrorum :    apopulatione   sacrorum   B : 
ad  populationem  agrorum  NL. 

2  Termes,  Vlia   Salmasius   et   lahnius:  tergaest   cum   B: 
termestudia  NL. 

2  tenerentur  add.  DuTcerus. 

25» 


BOOK    II.  x.-xi. 

Then  one  army  devoting  itself  to  laying  waste 
the  country  and  the  other  to  the  destruction  of  the 
cities,  unhappy  Spain  was  punished  for  Rome's 
quarrels  at  the  hands  of  the  Roman  generals,  until, 
after  Sertorius  had  been  brought  low  by  treachery 
in  his  own  camp  and  Perperna  had  been  defeated  and 
given  up^  the  cities  also  of  Osca,  Termes,  Uha, 
Valentia,  Auxuma  and  Calagurris  (the  last  after 
suffering  all  the  extremities  of  starvation)  themselves 
entered  in  allegiance  with  Rome.  Thus  Spain  was 
restored  to  peace.  The  victorious  generals  desired 
that  the  struggle  should  be  considered  a  foreign 
rather  than  a  civil  war  in  order  that  they  might 
celebrate  a  triumph. 

XI.    The  Civil  War  under  Lepidus 

23.  In  the  consulship  of  Marcus  Lepidus  and 
Quintus  CatuluSj^  a  civil  war  wh^ch  arose  was  sup- 
pressed  almost  as  soon  as  it  began.  Yet  the  spark 
which  kindled  this  disturbance,  however  insignificant 
sprang  from  the  funeral  pyre  of  Sulla.  Lepidus, 
desirous  of  change  in  affairs,  presumptuously  prepared 
to  rescind  the  acts  of  that  great  man  ;  and  his  action 
might  have  been  justified,  if  only  he  could  have 
carried  it  out  without  involving  the  State  in  a  great 
disaster.  For  since  Sulla  in  his  dictatorship^  on  the 
strength  of  his  victory,  had  proscribed  his  enemies, 
for  what  possible  purpose,  except  for  war,  were  the 
survivors  recalled  by  Lepidus  ?  And  since  the  estates 
of  the  condemned  citizens^  assigned  to  others  by 
Sulla,  though  wrongfully  seized^  were  yet  held  under 
a  foi-m  of  law,  the  demand  for  their  restoration  un- 
^  78  B.c. 

259 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

4  factabat  compositae  civitatis  statum.  Expediebat 
ergo  quasi  aegrae  sauciaeque  rei  publicae  quiescere 
quomodocumque,  ne^    volnera   curatione  ^    ipsa  re- 

5  scinderentur.  Ergo  cum  turbidis  contionibus  velut 
classico  civitatem  terruisset,  profectus  in  Etruriam 

6  arma  inde  et  exercitum  urbi  admovebat.  Sed  iam 
Mulvium  pontem  collemque  laniculum  Lutatius  ^ 
Catulus  Gnaeusque  Pompeius,  Sullanae  dominationis 

7  duces  atque  signiferi,  alio  exercitu  insederant.  A 
quibus  primo  statim  impetu  retro  pulsus  hostisque 
a  senatu  iudicatus  incruenta  fuga  Etruriam,  inde 
Sardiniam    recessit,    ibique    morbo    et    paenitentia 

8  interiit.  Victores  quoque,  quod  non  temere  alias 
in  civilibus  bellis,  pace  *  contenti  fuerunt. 

XIL    Bellvm  Catilinae 

1111,1     Catilinam  luxuria  primumj  tum  ^   hinc   conflata 

egestas  rei  familiaris,  simul  occasio,  quod  in  extremis 

finibus    mundi    arma     Romana    peregrinabantur,    in 

nefaria     consilia    opprimendae     patriae     suae     con- 

2  pulere.®      Senatum    confodere,    consules    trucidare, 

distringere     incendiis     urbem,     diripere     aerarium, 

totam    denique    rem    publicam    funditus    tollere    et 

quidquid  nec   Annibal    videretur   optasse,  quibus — 

^  ne  om.  B.  ^  curatione :  cutio  B. 

'  Lutatius :  latius  B.  *  pace  :  pacis  B. 

5  tum :  cum  B:  Xu  N,  ^  conpulere :  contulere  B. 
260 


BOOK    II.  xi.-xir. 

doubtedly  tended  to  disturb  the  condition  of  the 
State  now  tranquilHzed.  It  was  expedient,  tliere- 
fore,  that  the  sick  and  wounded  State  should  by 
some  means  or  other  be  allowed  to  rest,  lest  its 
wounds  should  be  torn  open  by  the  very  attempt  to 
heal  them.  Lepidus,  therefore,  having  alarmed  the 
State  by  his  excited  harangues,  which  seemed  like  a 
trumpet-call,  set  out  for  Etruria  and  thence  directed 
his  arms  and  troops  against  Rome.  But  Lutatius 
Catulus  and  Gnaeus  Pompeius,  who  had  been  leaders 
and  standard-bearers  under  Sulla's  domination,  had 
already  occupied  the  Mulvian  Bridge  and  the  Hill 
of  Janiculum  Avith  another  army.  Having  been 
immediately  driven  back  by  these  generals  at  his  first 
onslaught  and  declared  an  enemy  by  the  senate,  he 
fled  without  further  bloodshed  to  Etruria  and  thence 
to  Sardinia,  where  he  died  of  disease  and  remorse. 
The  victors  were  content  with  restoring  peace,  a 
thing  which  has  rarely  happened  in  civil  wars. 

XII.    The  War  against  Catiltne 

1.  It  was,  in  the  first  place,  his  personal  ex- 
travagance  and  then  his  consequent  lack  of  means, 
combined  with  the  favourable  opportunity  offered  by 
the  absence  of  the  Roman  armies  in  the  uttermost 
quarters  of  the  world,  that  induced  Catiline  to 
entertain  the  nefarious  design  of  overthrowing  his 
country.  And  what  men  were  his  associates  (oh, 
the  wickedness  of  it)  in  his  attempt  to  murder  the 
senate,  to  assassinate  the  consuls,  to  set  fire  to  the 
city  in  various  places,  to  plunder  the  treasury  and, 
in  a  word,  utterly  to  overturn  the  whole  State  and 
entertain  every  kind  of  design  of  which  not   even 

261 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

3  o  nefas — sociis  adgressus  est  I  Ipse  patricius ;  sed 
hoc  minus  est :  Curii^  Porcii,  Sullae,  Cethegi, 
Autronii,  Varguntei  atque  Longini,  quae  fami- 
liae !  quae  senatus  insignia !  Lentulus  quoque 
tum  cum  maxime  praetor.      Hos  omnis  inmanissimi 

4  facinoris  satellites  habuit.  Additum  est  pignus 
coniurationis  sanguis  humanus^  quem  circumlatum 
pateris  bibere  :    summum   nefas^  ni  ^  amplius  esset, 

5  propter  quod  biberunt.  Actum  erat  de  pulcherrimo 
imperio,  nisi  illa  coniuratio  in  Ciceronem  et 
Antonium    consules    incidisset,    quorum    alter    in- 

6  dustria  rem  patefecit,  alter  manu  oppressit.  Tanti 
sceleris    indicium  per    Fulviam  emersit^   vilissimum 

7  scortum,  sed  patriciis  innocentius.  Consul  habito 
senatu  in  praesentem  reum  peroravit;  sed  non 
amplius  profectum,  quam  ut  hostis  evaderet  seque 
tum^    palam   ac   professe  incendium  suum  restinc- 

8  turum  ruina  minaretur.  Et  ille  quidem  ad  prae- 
paratum  a  Manlio  in  Etruria  exercitum  proficiscitur 
signa  inlaturus  urbi.  Lentulus,  destinatum  familiae 
suae  Sibyllinis  versibus  regnum  sibi  vaticinans,  ad 
praestitutum  a  Catilina  diem  urbe  tota  viros,  faces, 

9  tela  disponit.  Nec  civili  conspiratione  contentus 
legatos^    Allobrogum,    qui    tum    forte   aderant,    in 

^  ni:  -ne  B.  ^  tum :  cura  B. 

2  legatos  Halmius'.  legatis  NL:  om.  B. 

262 


BOOK    II.  xri. 

Hannibal  seems  to  have  thought !  He  himself  was 
a  patrician,  but  that  was  a  minor  consideration,  A 
Curius,  a  Porcius,  a  Sulla,  a  Cethegus^  an  Autronius, 
a  Vargunteius  and  a  Longinus — what  men  of  family 
and  high  senatorial  distinction  I — and  Lentulus,  too, 
while  actually  holding  the  office  of  praetor^  all  these 
he  had  as  accompUces  in  his  atrocious  crimes.  Human 
blood,  which  they  handed  round  in  bowls  and  drank, 
was  used  as  a  pledge  to  bind  the  conspirators  together 
— in  itself  an  act  of  the  utmost  wickedness,  were 
not  the  object  for  which  they  drank  it  still  more 
wdcked.  There  would  have  been  an  end  of  our 
glorious  empire,  had  not  the  conspiracy  happened 
to  fall  into  the  consulship  of  Cicero  and  Antonius^ 
of  whom  the  former  by  his  dihgence  laid  bare  the 
plot^  while  the  latter  suppressed  it  by  force  of  arms. 
Information  about  the  outrageous  crime  came  to  light 
through  Fulvia^  a  worthless  prostitute,  but  less 
blameworthy  than  her  patrician  associates.  The 
consul,  having  called  the  senate  together,  made  a 
speech  against  the  accused,  who  was  present ;  but 
the  only  result  of  his  action  was  that  his  enemy  left 
Rome,  and  as  he  went,  threatened  openly  and  with- 
out  disguise  that  he  would  extinguish  the  flames 
which  he  had  kindled  in  general  ruin.  He  set  out 
for  the  army  which  Manlius  had  already  prepared  in 
Etruria,  intending  to  march  upon  the  city.  Lentulus, 
prophesying  for  himself  the  kingship  which  the 
SibylUne  verses  foretold  should  belong  to  his  family^ 
disposed  throughout  the  city  men,  torches  and  arms 
ready  for  the  day  prearranged  by  CatiUne.  Not 
content  with  a  conspiracy  in  which  only  Romans 
were  involved,  he  incited  tlie  representatives  of  the 
Allobroges,  who  happened   to  be   in   Rome  at  the 

263 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

arma  sollicitat.  Isset  ^  ultra  Alpes  furor,  nisi  altera 
proditione  Volturci  praetoris  litterae  tenerentur. 
Statim  Ciceronis  imperio  iniecta  est  barbaris  manus  ; 

10  palam  praetor  in  senatu  convincitur.  De  sup- 
plicio  agentibuSj  Caesar  parcendum   dignitati,  Cato 

11  animadvertendum  pro  scelere  censebant.  Quam 
sententiam  secutis  omnibus  in  carcere  parricidae 
strangulantur.  Quamvis  parte  coniurationis  op- 
pressa,  tamen  ab  incepto  Catilina  non  destitit ; 
infestis    ab     Etruria    signis    patriam    petens     obvio 

12  Antonii  exercitu  opprimitur.  Quam  atrociter  di- 
micatum  sit,  exitus  docuit.  Nemo  hostium  bello 
superfuit ;  quem  quis  in  pugnando  ceperat  locum, 
eum  amissa  anima  corpore  tegebat.  Catilina  longe 
a  suis  inter  hostium  cadavera  repertus  est,  pul- 
cherrima  morte,  si  pro  patria  sic  concidisset. 

XIII.    Bellvm  Civile  Caesaris  et  Pompei 

iiu,  2     Iam  toto  orbe  paene  pacato  maius  erat  imperium 

Romanum,   quam    ut   ullis    exteris    viribus    opprimi 

posset.       Itaque  invidens  fortuna  principi  gentium 

2  populo    ipsum    illum   in    exitium    sui  armavit.     Ac 

^  sollicitat.     Isset   Hahnius :    sollicitatis.     Sed  B :    soUi- 
eitatiset.     Isset  ^V:  sollicitatis  isset  L. 

^  i.e.  Lentulus. 
264 


BOOK    II.  xii.-xiii. 

time,  to  take  up  amis.  The  rage  for  conspiracy 
v.oiild  have  passed  beyond  the  Alps  had  not  a  letter 
from  the  praetor  ^  been  intercepted  by  another  be- 
trayal,  this  time  on  the  part  of  V^olturcius.  By 
Cicero's  orders  the  barbarians  were  immediately 
arrested,  and  the  praetor  was  openly  proved  guilty 
in  the  senate.  When  tlie  question  of  punishment 
was  discussed,  Caesar  expressed  the  ojiinioD  that  the 
conspirators  ought  to  be  spared  on  account  of  their 
position  ;  Cato  thought  that  they  ought  to  be 
punished  in  accordance  with  their  crime.  There 
was  a  general  agreement  in  favour  of  the  latter 
course,  and  the  traitors  were  strangled  in  prison. 
Though  part  of  the  conspiracy  was  thus  put  down, 
CatiHne  did  not  abandon  his  designs  ;  but,  as  he  was 
marching  against  the  city  from  Etruria  with  hostile 
intent,  he  was  surprised  by  the  army  of  Antonius. 
The  result  of  the  battle  showed  how  desperate  was 
the  fighting  ;  not  a  single  one  of  the  enemy  survived, 
and  each  man's  lifeless  body  covered  the  spot  at 
which  he  had  taken  his  post  in  the  battle.  CatiHne 
was  discovered  far  in  front  of  his  fellows  amid  the 
dead  bodies  of  his  foes,  thus  dying  a  death  which 
would  have  been  glorious  if  he  had  thus  fallen 
fighting  for  his  country. 

XIII.   The  Civil  War  between  Caesar  axd 

POMPEIUS 

2.  Almost  the  whole  world  having  been  now 
subjugated,  the  Roman  Empire  was  too  strong  to 
be  overcome  by  any  foreign  power.  Fortune,  there- 
fore,  envying  a  people  that  was  sovereign  of  the 
world,  armed  it  to  its  own  destruction.     The  fury  of 

265 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

Mariana  quidem  Cinnanaque  rabies  iam  intra  urbem 
praeluserat/  quasi  si  experiretur.     Sullana  tempestas 

3  latius,  intra  Italiam  tamen,  detonuerat.  Caesaris 
furor  atque  Pompei  urbem  Italiam^  gentes  nationes, 
totum  denique  qua  patebat  ^  imperium  quodam 
quasi  diluvio  et  inflammatione  corripuit,  adeo  ut  non 

4  recte  tantum  civile  dicatur,  ac  ne  sociale  quidem, 
sed  nec  externum,  sed  potius  commune    quoddam 

6  ex  omnibus  et  plus  quam  bellum.  Quippe  si  duces 
eius  inspicias,  totus  senatus  in  partibus  ;  si  exercitus, 
hinc  undecim  legiones,  inde  decem  et  octo,  flos 
omnis  et  robur  Italici  sanguinis ;  si  auxilia  sociorum, 
hinc  Gallici  Germanique  dilectus,  inde  Deiotarus, 
Ariobarzanes,  Tarcondimotus,  Cotys  et  Rhascypolis,^ 
omne  Thraciae,  Cappadociae,    Macedoniae,  Ciliciae, 

6  Graeciae  totiusque  robur  orientis  ;  si  moram  belH, 
quattuor  anni,  sed  *  pro  clade  rerum  breves ;  ^  si 
locum  et  spatium,®  commissum  est  intra  Italiam, 
inde  se  in  Galliam  Hispaniamque  deflexit  re- 
versumque  ab  occasu  totis  viribus  in  Epiro  Thessa- 
liaque  consedit ;  hinc  in  Aegyptum  subito  transi- 
luit,  inde  respexit  Asiam,  Africae  incubuit,  postremo 

7  in  Hispaniam  regyravit  "^  et  ibi  aliquando  defecit. 
Sed   non   et  odia   partium  finita  cum  bello.      Non 

^  praeluserat  Graevius  :  praecluserat  B  :  precluxerat  L. 

2  totum  denique  qua  patebat :  totumque  potibat  B  :  totum 
denique  patebat  L. 

^  Tarcondimotus,  Cotys  et  Rhascj^polis  :  tarcondi  motus 
cotys  et  thascypolis  B. 

*  anni,  sed  :  annis  sed  B :  anni  et  L. 

^  breves  Halmius:  breve  B:  breve  tempus  NL. 

•  ubi  j)Ost  spatium  del.  Perizonius. 

'  regyravit :  regiravit  L :  regnavit  B. 

^  Cp.  Lucan,  Phars.  I.   1,  Bella  per  Emathios  plus  quam 
civilia  campos. 
266 


BOOK    II.  XIII. 

Marius  and  Cinna  had,  indeed,  formed  a  prelude, 
and  as  it  were  a  preliminary  trial,  within  the  city  ; 
the  thunder  of  the  storm  raised  by  Sulla  had  rolled 
over  a  wider  area,  but  within  the  coiifines  of 
Italy.  The  rage  of  Caesar  and  Pompeius^  like  a 
flood  or  a  fire,  involved  the  city  and  Italy,  and  then 
tribes  and  nations,  and  finally  the  whole  extent  of 
the  empire.  It  cannot,  therefore,  justly  be  called 
merely  a  civil  war,  nor  a  war  between  alUes,  nor  yet 
a  foreign  war,  but  was  rather  a  war  with  all  these 
characteristics  and  sometlnng  worse  than  a  war.^ 
If  one  looks  at  the  leaders,  the  whole  senate  was 
ranged  on  one  side  or  the  other ;  if  one  considers 
the  forces  engaged,  on  one  side  were  eleven  legions, 
on  the  other  eighteen,  all  the  flower  and  strength 
of  ltaly's  manhood ;  if  one  looks  at  the  aid  given 
by  the  allies,  one  finds  on  one  side  the  levies  of 
Gaul  and  Germany,  on  the  other  side  Deiotarus, 
Ariobarzanes,  Tarcondimotus,  Cotysand  Rhascypolis,^ 
all  the  strength  of  Thrace,  Cappadocia,  Macedonia, 
Cihcia,  Greece  and  the  whole  East.  If  one  considers 
the  duration  of  the  war,  it  lasted  for  four  years,  a 
short  period  in  view  of  the  destruction  which  it 
wrought.  If  one  looks  at  the  ground  and  space 
which  it  covered,  it  began  in  Italy,  it  next  directed 
its  course  into  Gaul  and  Spain,  and  then,  returning 
from  the  West,  settled  in  fuU  force  upon  Epirus  and 
Thessaly ;  thence  it  suddenly  leaped  across  into 
Egypt,  whence  it  cast  a  backward  glance  upon  Asia, 
brooded  over  Africa,  and  finally  wheeled  back  into 
Spain,  where  at  last  it  died  out.  But  the  close  of 
the  war  did  not  see  the  end  of  party  hatred,  which 

'  For  these  naraes  see  Index. 

267 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

enim  prius  quieverunt,  quam  in  ipsa  urbe  medio 
senatu  eorum^  qui  victi  erant,  odia  victoris  se  caede 
satiarent. 

8  Causa  tantae  calamitatis  eadem  quae  ^  omnium, 
nimia  felicitas.  Si  quidem  Quinto  Metello  Lucio 
Afranio  ^  consulibus  cum  Romana  maiestas  toto  orbe 
polleret  recentesque  victorias,  Ponticos  et  Armenios 
triumphos,  in  Pompeianis  theatris  Roma  cantaret, 
nimia  Pompei  potentia  apud  otiosos,  ut  solet,  cives 

9  movit  invidiam.  Metellus  ob  inminutum  Cretae 
triumphum,  Cato  adversus  potentes  semper  obliquus 
detrectare  Pompeio  actisque  eius  obstrepere.  Hic 
dolor    transversum    egit    et    ad    praesidia    dignitati 

10  paranda  inpulit.  Forte  tunc  Crassus  genere,  divitiis, 
dignitate  florebat,  ut  ^  vellet  tamen  auctioris  opes  ; 
C.  Caesar  eloquentia  et  spiritu,  ecce  iam  et  con- 
sulatu  adlevabatur  ;  Pompeius  tamen  inter  utrumque 

11  eminebat.  Sic  igitur  Caesare  dignitatem  conparare, 
Crasso  augere,  Pompeio  retinere  cupientibus,  omni- 
busque  pariter    potentiae    cupidis  de  invadenda  re 

12  publica  facile  convenit.  Ergo  cum  mutuis  viribus 
in  suum  quisque  decus  niterentur,  Galliam  Caesar 
invadit,  Crassus  Asiam,  Pompeius  Hispaniam  :  tres 
maximi  exercitus,  et  in  his  orbis  imperium  societate 

^  eadem  quae  Aldus  :  eademque  codd. 
*  Afranio :  Africano  B.  ^  ut  add.  Mommsenus. 

1  60b.c. 

2  The  leaders  of  his  defeated  enemies  had,  by  Pompeius* 
orders,  not  been  allowed  to  figure  in  Metellus'  triumph. 

3  59  B.c. 

268 


BOOK    11.  XIII. 

did  not  subside  until  the  rancour  of  those  who  had 
been  defeated  sated  itself  with  the  murder  of  the 
victor  in  the  city  itself,  in  the  midst  of  the  senate. 

The  cause  of  this  great  calamity  was  the  same 
Nvhich  caused  all  our  calamities,  namely,  excessive 
good  fortune.  In  the  consulship  of  Quintus  Metellus 
and  Lucius  Afranius,^  when  the  majesty  of  Rome 
held  sway  throughout  tiie  world  and  Rome  was 
celebrating  in  the  tlieatres  of  Pompeius  her  recent 
victoriesand  her  triumphs  over  the  peo})lesof  Pontus 
and  Armenia,  the  excessive  power  enjoyed  by  Pom- 
peius  excited^  as  often  happens,  a  feehng  of  envy 
among  the  ease-loving  citizens.  Metellus,  because 
his  triumph  over  Crete  was  shorn  of  its  splendour,^ 
and  Cato,  who  always  looked  askance  upon  those  in 
power,  began  to  decry  Pompeius  and  clamour  against 
his  measures.  Annoyance  at  this  drove  Pompeius 
into  opposition  and  induced  him  to  seek  support  for 
his  position.  Crassus  happened  at  this  time  to  be 
at  the  heigiit  of  a  reputation  due  to  his  birth,  wealth 
and  the  high  offices  which  he  had  held^  and  yet  he 
wished  to  increase  his  riches  ;  Gaius  Caesar's  fame 
for  eloquence  and  courage  was  now  enhanced  by  his 
tenure  of  tlie  consulship  ;  ^  but  Pompeius  occupied  a 
higher  position  than  either  of  them.  Caesar,  there- 
fore,  being  desirous  of  winning^  Crassus  of  increasing, 
and  Pompeius  of  retaining  his  position,  and  all  aUke 
being  eager  for  power^  readily  came  to  an  agreement 
to  seize  tlie  government.  So^  each  striving  with  the 
support  of  the  others  to  win  glory  for  himself^  Caesar 
entered  upon  the  government  of  Gaul,  Crassus  upon 
that  of  Asia,  and  Pompeius  upon  that  of  Spain. 
Tliey  possessed  three  great  armies,  and  the  rule  of 
the  whole  world  was  vested  in  these  by  association 

269 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

13  trium  principum  occupatur.  Decem  annos  traxit 
ista  dominatio  ex  fide,  quia  mutuo  metu  tenebantur. 
Crassi  morte  apud  Parthos,  morte  luliae  Caesaris 
filiae,  quae  nupta  Pompeio  generi  socerique  con- 
cordiam     matrimonii    foedere     continebat,     statim 

14  aemulatio  erupit.  lam  Pompeio  suspectae  Caesaris 
j'  opes  et  Caesari  Pompeiana  dignitas  gravis.  Nec  ille 
>^^.v>^  ferebat  parem,  nec  hic  superiorem.      Pro  nefas  !     Sic 

de  principatu  laborabant,  tamquam  duos   tanti  im- 

15  perii  fortuna  non  caperet.  Ergo  Lentulo  Mar- 
celloque  consulibus  rupta  primum  coniurationis 
fides.^  De  successione  Caesaris  senatus,  id  est 
Pompeius,  agitabat,  nec  ille  abnuebat,  si  ratio  sui 

16  proximis  comitiis  haberetur.  Ut  daretur  consulatus 
absenti,  quem  decem  tribuni  favente  Pompeio  nuper 
decreverant,  dissimulante  eodem  negabatur  :  veniret 

17  et  peteret  more  maiorum.  Ille  contra  flagitare 
decreta,  ac,  nisi  fides  permaneret,  non  remittere 
exercitum.  Ergo  ut  in  hostem  decernitur.  His 
Caesar  agitatus  statuit  praemia  armorum  armis 
defendere. 

18  Prima  civilis  belli  harena  Italia  fuit,  cuius  arces 
levibus   praesidiis    Pompeius   insederat ;    sed    omnia 

^  primum  coniurationis  fidesZfaZm*ws:  prima  coniurationis 
fide  codd. 

1   49  B.G. 

270 


BOOK    II.  XIII. 

of  the  three  leaders.  This  domination  lasted  for  ten 
years  in  accordance  with  their  compact,  because  they 
were  restrained  by  fear  of  one  another.  But  when 
Crassus  had  fallen  fighting  against  the  Parthians,  and 
JuHa,  who,  as  Caesar's  daughter  and  the  wife  of 
Pompeius,  by  this  bond  of  marriage  maintained 
friendly  relations  between  father-in-law  and  son-in- 
law,  had  died,  rivalry  immediately  broke  out.  Caesars 
power  now  inspired  the  envy  of  Pompeius,  while 
Pompeius'  eminence  was  offensive  to  Caesar ;  Pom- 
peius  could  not  brook  an  equal  or  Caesar  a  superior. 
Oh,  the  wickedness  of  it !  They  strove  for  the  first 
place,  as  though  the  fortunes  of  a  great  empire  could 
not  find  room  for  both  of  them.  And  so,  in  the 
consulship  of  Lentulus  and  Marcellus/  the  bond  of 
agreement  was  first  broken.  The  senate — in  other 
words,  Pompeius — began  to  agitate  for  the  appoint- 
ment  of  a  successor  to  Caesar,  and  he  was  not  in- 
cHned  to  object  provided  that  his  name  should  be 
considered  at  the  coming  elections.  The  granting 
of  the  consulship  to  him  in  his  absence,  which  the 
tribunes  of  the  people  had  recently  decreed  with 
the  support  of  Pompeius,  was  now  refused  through 
secret  machinations  on  the  part  of  Pompeius,  and  it 
was  urged  that  he  should  come  and  stand  as  a  can- 
didate  in  accordance  with  ancient  precedent.  Caesar, 
on  the  other  hand,  demanded  that  the  decree  should 
be  put  into  execution,  and  refused  to  disband  his 
army  unless  the  compact  held  good.  A  decree  was, 
therefore,  passed  declaring  him  a  public  enemy. 
Caesar,  exasperated  at  this,  determined  to  defend 
by  arms  the  prizes  which  he  had  won  by  arms. 

The    first    arena  of  the  civil  war  was   Italy,  the 
strongholds  of  which   Pompeius  had  occupied  with 

371 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

19  subito  Caesaris  impetu  oppressa  sunt.  Prima  Ari- 
mino  signa  cecinerunt.  Tum  pulsus  Etruria  Libo, 
Vmbria  Thermus,  Domitius  Corfinio.  Et  peractum 
erat  bellum  sine   sanguine,  si  Pompeium   Brundisii 

20  opprimere  potuisset.  Et  ceperat ;  sed  ille  per 
obsessi  claustra  portus  nocturna  fuga  evasit.  Turpe 
dictu  :  modo  princeps  patrum,  pacis  bellique  modera- 
tor.  per   triumphatum   a  se   mare    lacera   et   paene 

21  inermi  nave  fugiebat.  Nec  Pompei  ab  Italia  quam 
senatus  ab  urbe  fuga  turpior  :  ^  quam  paene  vacuam, 
metu  Caesar  ingressus  consulem  se  ipse  fecit. 
Aerarium  quoque  sanctum,  quod  quia  tardius 
aperiebant  tribuni  iussit  effringi,  censumque  et 
patrimonium  populi  Romani  ante  rapuit  quam 
imperium. 

22  Pulso  fugatoque  Pompeio  maluit  prius  ordinare 
provincias  quam  ipsum  sequi.    Siciliam  et  Sardiniam, 

23  annonae  pignera,  per  legatos  habet.  Nihil  hostile 
erat  in  Gallia ;  pacem  ipse  fecerat.  Sed  ad  His- 
panienses  Pompei  exercitus  transeunti  per  eam  duci 
portas  claudere  ausa  Massilia  est.  Misera  dum 
cupit  pacem,  belli  metu  in  bellum  incidit ;  sed  quia 
tuta    muris     erat,    vinci     eam     sibi    iussit    absenti. 

^  fuga  turpior  Gruterus :  fugatur  prior  BNL. 

^   For  the  year  48  B.c. 
272 


BOOK    II.  xni. 

light  garrisons  ;  but  Caesar's  sudden  attack  carried 
all  betbre  it.  The  first  trumpet-call  was  sounded  at 
Ariminum  ;  Libo  was  driven  outof  Etruria,  Thermus 
from  Umbria,  Domitius  from  Corfinium.  The  war 
would  have  terminated  without  bloodshed  if  Caesar 
could  have  surprised  Pompeius  at  Brundisium  ;  and 
he  would  have  captured  him,  if  he  had  not 
escaped  by  niglit  through  the  entrance  of  the 
beleaguered  harbour.  A  shameful  tale,  he  who  was 
but  hitely  head  of  the  senate  and  arbiter  of  peace 
and  war  fleeing,  in  a  storm-beaten  and  ahnost 
dismantled  vessel,  over  the  sea  which  had  been  the 
scene  of  his  triumphs.  The  flight  of  the  senate  from 
the  city  was  as  discreditable  as  that  of  Pompeius 
from  Italy.  Caesar  on  his  entrance  into  Rome  found 
it  almost  deserted  owing  to  the  fear  which  he 
inspired,  and  made  himself  consul.^  When  the 
tribunes  showed  themselves  slow  in  unlocking  the 
sacred  treasury,  he  ordered  it  to  be  broken  open, 
thus  taking  possession  of  the  revenue  and  inherit- 
ance  of  the  Roman  people  before  he  assumed  the 
government. 

Pompeius  being  routed  and  in  flight,  Caesar 
preferred  to  set  the  provinces  in  order  before  he 
pursued  him.  Sicily  and  Sardinia^  which  insure  our 
corn  supply,  he  secured  by  his  Heutenant-generals. 
There  was  no  hostiUty  in  Gaul,  where  he  himself 
had  estabHshed  peace.  Marseilles,  however^  as  he 
was  passing  through  on  his  way  to  attack  Pompeius' 
armies  in  Spain^  dared  to  close  its  gates  to  him  ;  the 
luckless  city,  desirous  of  peace,  became  involved  in 
war  through  its  dread  of  war.  But  since  it  was 
protected  by  walls,  he  gave  orders  that  it  should  be 
reduced  for  him  in  his  absence.     This,  though  only 

F.N.K 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

24  Graecula  civitas  non  pro  moUitia  nominis  et  vallum 
rumpere  et  incendere  machinas  ausa,  etiam  congredi 

25  navibus  ;  sed  Brutus,  cui  mandatum  erat  bellum, 
victos  terra  marique  perdomuit.  Mox  dedentibus 
se  omnia  ablata  praeter  quam  potiorem  omnibus 
habebant  libertatem. 

26  Anceps  variumque  sed  incruentum  in  Hispania 
bellum  cum  legatis  Gnaei  Pompei,  Petreio  et 
Afranio^  quos  Ilerdae  castra  habentes  apud  Sicorim 
amnem    obsidere    et    ab    oppido    intercludere     ad- 

27  greditur.  Interim  abundatio  verni  fluminis  com- 
meatibus  prohibebat :  sic  fame  castra  temptata  sunt, 

28  obsessorque  ipse  quasi  obsidebatur.  Sed  ubi  pax 
fluminis  redit,  et  ^  populationibus  et  pugnae  ^ 
campos  aperuit,  iterum  ferox  instat  et  cedentes  ad 
Celtiberiam  consecutus  aggere  et  vallo  et  per  haec 

29  siti  ad  deditionem  conpulit.^  Sic  citerior  Hispania 
recepta  est,  nec  ulterior  moram  fecit.  Quid  enim 
una  post  quinque  legiones  ?  Itaque  ultro  cedente 
Varrone  Gades,  fretum,  Oceanus,  omnia  felicitatem 
Caesaris  sequebantur. 

30  Aliquid  tamen  adversus  absentem  ducem  ausa 
Fortuna    est    circa    Illyricum*    et    Africam,^    quasi 

31  de  industria  prospera  eius  adversis  radiaret;^  quippe 
cum  fauces  Adriani  maris  iussi  '^  occupare  Dolabella 

1  et  acld.  Salmasius.  ^  pugnae  :  pugna  BL. 

'  conpulit :  contulit  B. 

*  Ill^-ricum  :  illirium  B :  iUiricum  L. 

5  moranti  j^ost  Africam  add.  B. 

®  radiaret :  radiarent  B :  radiarentur  NL. 

''  iussi :  iussit  B, 

274 


BOOK    II.  XIII. 

a  Greek  city,  failing  to  justify  its  reputation  for 
effeminacy,  had  tbe  courage  to  break  through  the 
enemy's  circumvallations  and  to  burn  their  engines 
of  war  and  even  to  engage  them  at  sea.  But  Brutus, 
to  whom  the  operations  had  been  entrusted,  defeated 
and  overcame  them  by  land  and  sea.  They  quickly 
surrendered  and  were  deprived  of  everything  which 
they  possessed  except  tlie  most  valued  of  all  their 
possessions,  their  Hberty. 

In  Spain  an  indecisive  war  with  varying  success, 
but  without  heavy  bloodshed,  was  fought  against 
Petreius  and  Afranius,  the  lieutenant-generals  of 
Gnaeus  Pompeius,  whom,  while  they  were  encamped 
at  Ilerda  on  the  river  Sicoris,  Caesar  attempted  to 
besiege  and  cut  off  from  the  town.  Meanwhile  the 
flooding  of  the  river  in  the  spring  prevented  him 
from  obtaining  supplies  ;  thus  his  camp  was  threat- 
ened  with  starvation,  and  the  besieger  was  himself 
as  it  were  besieged.  When,  however,  the  river 
resumed  its  tranquil  course  and  opened  the  country 
to  ravaging  and  fighting,  he  again  fiercely  attacked 
the  enemy  and,  when  they  retreated  into  Celtiberia, 
followed  them  up  and  reduced  them  to  surrender  by 
ditch  and  rampart  and  consequent  lack  of  water. 
Thus  Hither  Spain  was  recovered,  nor  did  Further 
Spain  delay  Caesar  long  ;  for  what  could  one  legion 
do  after  five  had  been  defeated  ?  After  the 
voluntary  surrender  of  Varro,  Gades,  the  Straits  and 
the  Ocean  all  obeyed  Caesar's  lucky  star. 

Fortune,  however,  venturedsome  opposition  to  the 
absent  leader,  namely,  in  Illyricum  and  Africa,  as 
though  on  purpose  to  make  his  successes  more 
glorious  in  contrast  with  failure  elsewhere.  For 
when  Dolabella  and  Antonius,  who  had  been  ordered 

275 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

et  Antonius,  ille  IUyrico,  hic  Curictico^  litore  castra 
posuissentj  iam  maria  late  tenente  Pompeio,  repente 
legatus     eius     Octavius     Libo     ingentibus  ^    copiis 

32  classicorum  utrumque  circumvenit.  Deditionem 
fames  extorsit  Antonio.  Missae  quoque  a  Basilo  ^ 
in  auxilium  eius  rates,  quales  inopia  navium  fecerat^* 
nova    Pompeianorum    arte    Cilicum    actis   sub   mari 

33  funibus  captae  quasi  per  indaginem.  Duas  tamen 
aestus  explicuit.  Una^  quae  Opiterginos  ferebat,  in 
vadis  haesit  memorandumque  posteris  exemplum  ^ 
dedit.  Quippe  vix  mille  iuvenum  manus  circumfusi 
undique  exercitus  per  totum  diem  tela  sustinuit,  et 
cum  exitum  virtus  non  haberet,  tandem,^  ne  in 
deditionem  veniret^  hortante  tribuno  \'ulteio  mutuis 

34  ictibus  inter  se  concurrit.  In  Africa  quoque  par  et 
virtus  et  calamitas  Curionis  fuit^  qui  ad  recipiendam 
provinciam  missus,  pulso  fugatoque  Varo  "^  superbus, 
subitum  lubae  regis  adventum  equitatumque  Mauro- 
rum  sustinere  non  potuit.  Patebat  victo  fuga  ;  sed 
pudor  suasit,  ut  amissum  sua  temeritate  exercitum 
morte  ^  sequeretur. 

35  Sed  iam  debitum  par  Fortuna  flagitante  sedem 
bello  Pompeius  Epiron  elegerat ;  nec  Caesar  mora- 

36  batur.      Quippe  ordinatis  a  tergo  omnibus,  quamvis 

^  Curictico :  currictico  L  :  syretico  B. 

2  ingentibus  :  genibus  B. 

'  a  Basilo  Asulanus :  ablatio  B:  ablasio  NL, 

*  fecerat :  fecerant  B. 

5  exemplum  Freinshemius  :  exitum  codd. 

*  tandeni  lahnius  :  tamen  codd. 
'  Varo  :  varro  B. 

^  morte  :  mortis  B. 

276 


BOOK   II.  XIII. 

to  hold  the  entrance  to  the  Adriatie,  liad  encamped, 
the  former  on  the  lllyrian  coast  and  the  httter  on  the 
shore  near  Curicta,  at  a  time  when  Pompeius  enjoyed 
a  wide  command  of  the  sea,  the  hitter's  heutenant- 
general  Octavius  Libo  suddenly  surrounded  both  of 
them  with  large  forces  from  the  fleet.  Famine 
compelled  Antonius  to  surrender.  Some  rafts  sent 
to  his  assistance  by  Basilus — as  good  a  substitute  as 
he  could  make  for  the  lack  of  ships — were  captured, 
as  in  a  net,  by  means  of  ropes  drawn  along  under 
the  water,  a  new  device  on  the  part  of  some  Cilicians 
in  Pompeius'  service.  The  tide,  however,  floated  two 
of  them  off ;  but  one  of  them,  wliich  carried  troops 
from  Opitergium,  went  aground  on  the  shallows  and 
provided  an  incident  worthy  of  record  in  history.  A 
band  of  barely  1,000  men  withstood  for  a  whole 
day  the  weapons  of  an  army  which  had  completely 
surrounded  them,  and  when  their  valour  procured 
no  way  of  escape,  at  last,  at  the  exhortation  of  the 
tribune  Vulteius,  in  order  that  they  might  not  be 
forced  to  surrender,  they  fell  upon  one  another  and 
died  by  the  blows  of  their  fellows.  In  Africa  too 
Curio  showed  Hke  bravery  and  met  with  a  Hke 
disaster.  Sent  to  recover  that  province  and  elated 
at  having  routed  Varus  and  put  him  to  flight,  he 
was  unable  to  resist  a  sudden  attack  of  King  Juba 
and  the  Moorish  cavalry.  A  way  of  flight  was  open 
to  the  defeated  general,  but  shame  induced  him  to 
share  the  fate  of  an  army  which  had  been  lost 
through  his  rashness. 

But,  Fortune  now  demanding  that  the  destined 
pair  of  combatants  should  meet,  Pompeius  had 
chosen  Epirus  as  the  scene  of  operations,  and  Caesar 
was  not  slow  to  face  him.     Having  set  all  things  in 

277 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

hiemps   media    prohiberet    tempestate,    ad    bellum 

37  navigavit;  positisque  ad  Oricum  castris,  cum  pars 
exercitus  ob  inopiam  navium  cum  Antonio  relicta 
Brundisii  moram  faceret,  adeo  inpatiens  erat,  ut 
ad  arcessendos  eos  ardente  ventis  mari,  nocte  con- 
cubia,  speculatorio  navigio  solus  ire  temptaverit. 
Extat  ad   trepidum   tanto  discrimine  gubernatorem 

38  vox  ipsius,  "  Quid  times  ?  ^  Caesarem  vehis."  Con- 
0^^^.^^  tractis  in  unum  undique  omnibus  copiis  positisque 
^'  comminus    castris    diversa    erant    ducum    consilia. 

Caesar  pro  natura  ferox  et  conficiendae  rei  cupidus 

39  ostentare  aciem,  provocare,  lacessere ;  nunc  obsi- 
dione  castrorum,  quae  sedecim  miUum  vallo  obduxe- 
rat — sed  quid  iis  ^  obesset  obsidio,  qui  patente  mari 

40  omnibus  copiis  abundarent  t — nunc  expugnatione 
Dyrrachi  inrita,  quippe  quam  vel  ^  situs  inexpugna- 
bilem  faceret ;  ad  hoc  adsiduis  in  eruptione^  hostium 
proeliis,  quo  tempore  egregia  virtus  Scaevolae 
centurionis   emicuit,   cuius  in    scuto    centum  atque 

41  viginti  tela  sederunt ;  iam  vero  urbium  direptione 
sociarum,  cum  Oricum  et  Gomphos  et  aUa  casteUa  ^ 

42  ThessaUae  vastaret.  Pompeius  adversus  haec  nectere 
moras,  tergiversari,  sic  hostem  interclusum  undique 

*  quid  times  orn.  B.  ^  iis :  is  B. 
'  vel :  \\b  B. 

*  in  eruptione  :  inruptione  B  :  ineruptionem  L, 
^  casteUa  om.  B. 

278 


BOOK    11.  XIII. 

order  in  his  rear,  although  mid-winter  impeded  his 
passage  with  a  storm,  he  sailed  to  war,  and  having 
pitched  his  camp  at  Oricum  and  finding  that  the 
absence  of  part  of  his  army,  which  had  been  left 
behind  at  Brindusium  with  Antonius  owing  to  lack 
of  ships^  was  delaying  operations,  he  was  so  impatient 
that,  though  a  gale  was  raging  at  sea,  he  attempted  to 
cross  in  the  depth  of  the  night  alone  in  a  Hght  recon- 
noitring  boat  to  keep  them  ofF.  His  remark  to  the 
master  of  the  vessel,  who  was  alarmed  at  the  great- 
ness  of  the  risk.  has  come  down  to  us  :  ''  Why  are  you 
afraid  ?  You  have  Caesar  on  board."  AU  their  forces 
having  been  collected  together  from  every  side  and 
their  camps  pitched  close  to  one  another,  the  plans  of 
the  two  generals  were  very  different.  Caesar, 
naturally  aggressive  and  eager  to  obtain  a  decision, 
displayed  his  troops  in  line  of  battle  and  provoked  and 
challenged  the  enemy.  At  one  time  he  blockaded 
Pompeius'  camp,  which  he  had  surrounded  with  a 
rampart  sixteen  miles  in  circumference  ;  but  what 
harm  could  a  siege  do  to  an  army  which,  from  its 
command  of  the  sea,  could  obtain  suppHes  of  every 
kind  in  abundance  }  At  another  time  he  made  an 
attack  on  Dyrrhachium,  but  in  vain,  since  its  very 
site  alone  rendered  it  impregnable  ;  and,  furtlier,  he 
constantly  encountered  with  the  enemy  whenever 
they  made  a  sally — wlien  extraordinary  bravery  was 
displayed  by  the  centurion  Scaevola,  in  whose  shield 
a  hundred  and  twenty  weapons  were  lodged — 
and,  finally^  plundered  the  cities  which  had  allied 
themselves  with  Pompeius,  laying  waste  Oricum, 
Gomphi  and  other  fortresses  of  Thessaly.  Against 
these  movements  Pompeius  contrived  delays  and 
subterfuges,  and   tried   to  wear   down  the   enemy, 

279 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

inopia  commeatuum  terere,  usque  dum  ardentissimi 

43  ducis  consenesceret  impetus.  Nec  diutius  profuit 
ducis  salutare  consilium.  Miles  otium,  socii  moram, 
principes  ambitum  ducis  increpabant.  Sic  praecipi- 
tantibus  fatis  proelio  sumpta  Thessalia  est,  et 
Philippicis   campis  urbis/  imperii,   generis  humani 

44  fata  commissa  sunt.  Numquam  uUo  loco  tantum 
virium  populi  Romani,  tantum  dignitatis  Fortuna 
respexit  :    trecenta    amplius    milia    hinc    vel     illinc 

45  praeter  auxilia,  reges  et  senatum.  Numquam 
inminentis  ruinae  manifestiora  prodigia :  fuga 
victimarum,  examina  in  signis,  interdiu  tenebrae. 
Dux  ipse  in  nocturna  imagine  plausu  theatri  sui  in 
modum  -  planctus  circumsonatus  et  mane  cum  puUo 

46  pallio — nefas — apud  principia  conspectus  est.  Num- 
quam  acrior  neque  alacrior  exercitus  Caesaris  fuit ; 
inde  classica  prius,  inde  tela.  Adnotatum  quoque 
committentis  aciem  Crastini  pilum.  qui  mox  adacto 
in  os  gladio — sic  inter  cadavera  repertus  est — 
libidinem  ac  rabiem   qua  pugnaverat  ipsa  novitate 

47  volneris  praeferebat.  Sed  nec  minus  admirabilior 
illius  ^  exitus  belli.  Quippe  cum  Pompeius  adeo 
equitum  copia  abundaret,  ut  facile  circumventurus 

^  urbis  :  orbis  B. 

2  plausu    theatri   sui   in   modum    Mommsenus :    plausum 
theatrisui  audiens  in  modum  B. 
^  illius  :  ullius  B. 

^  Florus,  like  Virgil  {Georg.  I.  490),  seems  to  imply  that  the 
battle  of  Pharsalia  was  fought  on  the  same  ground  as  the 
battle  of  Philippi.  The  confusion  is  doubtless  due  to  the  fact 
that  these  two  decisive  battles  were  both  fought  within  the 
space  of  a  few  3'ears  in  the  Roman  province  of  Macedonia. 

280 


BOOK    II.  XIII. 

who  were  hemmed  in  oii  all  sides,  by  depriving 
them  of  their  supplies,  and  waited  for  the  inoment 
when  the  zeal  of  the  impetuous  general  should 
die  down.  But  Pompeius'  salutary  plan  did  not 
avail  him  very  lontr  ;  the  soldiers  complained  of 
his  inactivity,  the  allies  of  the  length  of  the  war,  the 
nobles  of  the  ambition  of  their  leader.  The  fates 
thus  forcing  on  an  issue,  Thessaly  was  chosen  as  the 
scene  of  the  battle,  and  the  destiny  of  the  city, 
the  empire  and  the  human  race  was  entrusted  for 
decision  to  the  plains  of  Philippi.^  Never  did 
Fortune  see  so  much  of  the  might  and  dignity  of  the 
Roman  people  coUected  in  one  place  ;  more  than 
300^000  men  were  assembled  in  the  two  armies  as 
well  as  auxiliary  troops,  kings  and  senate.  Never 
were  the  portents  of  impending  disaster  more 
clearly  manifest,  victims  escaping  from  slaughter, 
bees  swarming  upon  the  standards,  and  darkness 
coming  on  in  the  daytime.  Pompeius  himself 
dreamed  that  he  was  surrounded  in  his  own  theatre 
by  a  clapping  of  hands  which  resembled  the  beating 
of  breasts,  and  in  the  morning  appeared  at  his  head- 
quarters  clad  in  a  dark  cloak — an  omen  of  misfortune. 
Caesar's  army  was  never  more  eager  and  alert,  and 
it  was  from  his  side  that  the  first  trumpet-call  was 
sounded  and  the  first  weapons  were  discharged.  The 
javelin  of  Crastinus  was  noted  as  that  of  the  man 
who  started  the  battle,  and  the  strangeness  of  the 
wound  which  he  received — he  was  found  among  the 
dead  with  a  sword  thrust  into  his  mouth — showed 
the  zeal  and  rage  with  which  he  had  fought.  Nor 
was  the  issue  of  the  campaign  less  wondrous  ;  for 
although  Pompeius  had  such  a  superiority  in  cavalry 
that  he  thought   he  could   easily   surround    Caesar, 

281 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

sibi    Caesarem    videretur,    circumventus    ipse    est. 

48  Nam  cum  diu  aequo  Marte  contenderentj  iussuque 
Pompei  fusus  ^  a  cornu  erupisset  equitatus^  repente 
hinc  signo  dato  Germanorum  cohortes  tantum  in 
effusos  equites  fecere  impetum,  ut  ilH  esse  ^  pedites, 

49  hi  ^  venire  in  equis  viderentur.  Hanc  stragem 
fugientis  equitatus  levis  armaturae  ruina  comitata 
est ;  tunc  terrore  latius  dato_,  turbantibus  invicem 
copiis,  reliqua  strages  quasi  una  manu  facta  est ; 
nec  ulla  res  magis  exitio  fuit  quam  ipsa  exercitus 

60  magnitudo.  Multus  in  eo  proelio  Caesar  fuit 
mediusque  inter  imperatorem  et  miUtem.  Voces 
quoque  obequitantis  acceptae,  altera  cruenta,  sed 
docta  et  ad  victoriam  efficax  "  miles  faciem  feri  I " 
altera    ad   iactationem  conposita   "  parce   civibus  ! " 

51  cum  ipse  sequeretur  felicem  utcumque  in  maHs 
Pompeium,  si  eadem  ipsum  quae  *  exercitum  eius 
fortuna  traxisset.  Superstes  dignitatis  suae  vixit, 
ut  cum  maiore  dedecore  per  Thessalica  Tempe  equo 
fugeret,  ut  una  navicula  Lesbon  applicaret,  ut  ^ 
Syedris  ^    in     deserto     CiHciae    scopulo    fugam    in 

62  Parthos,  Africam  vel  Aegyptum  agitaret,  ut  denique 
Pelusio  litore  imperio  viHssimi  regis,  consiliis  spa- 
donum  et,  ne  quid  maHs  desit^  Septimii  desertoris 

^  8ui  post  fusus  add.  B.  ^  esse  :  essent  B. 

3  hi :  ulH  B. 

*  ipsum  quae  :  ipsumque  BL. 

^  applicaret,  ut  RossbacMus  :  applicarentur  et  B. 

^  Syedris  Salmasiics :  hedris  codd. 

282 


BOOK    II.  XIII. 

he  was  himself  surrounded.  For  when  the  fight 
had  continued  for  a  long  time  without  advantage 
to  either  side  and,  by  Poinpeius'  order,  his  cavalry 
had  poured  fortli  in  an  onslaught  from  the  wing, 
suddenly  at  a  given  signal  the  German  cohorts  made 
so  violent  an  attack  from  that  quarter  on  the  cavalry  as 
they  rushed  out  that  the^latter  seemed  but  infantry, 
while  their  assailants  seemedto  be  mounted  on  horse- 
back.  The  slaughter  of  the  retreating  cavalry  was 
accompanied  by  the  destruction  of  the  Hght  infantry  ; 
then  the  panic  extended  further  and,  one  body  of 
troops  spreading  confusion  to  another,  the  slaughter 
of  the  rest  was  accomplished  as  though  by  one  sweep 
of  the  hand^  and  the  very  size  of  the  army  contri- 
buted  more  than  anything  to  its  destruction. 
Caesar  was  everywhere  in  the  battle  and  combined 
the  functions  of  a  general  and  of  a  common  soldier. 
Some  of  his  remarks  too,  made  as  he  rode  about,  are 
preserved.  One  of  them^  "  Soldiers,  strike  the  foe 
in  the  face/'  was  cruel  but  judicious  and  conducive 
to  success.  Another,  ^*  Spare  your  fellow-citizens/' 
uttered  when  he  was  himself  pursuing  Pompeius 
(who  would  have  been  lucky  in  his  misfortunes  if  the 
same  fate  which  overtook  his  army  had  fallen  upon 
himself ),  was  intended  merely  as  a  boast.  As  it  was, 
Pompeius  survived  his  honours,  only  to  suffer  the  still 
greater  disgrace  of  escaping  on  horseback  through 
the  Thessalian  Tempe  ;  of  reaching  Lesbos  with  one 
small  vessel ;  of  meditating  at  Syedra^  on  a  lonely 
rock  in  CiHcia,  an  escape  to  Parthia,  Africa  or  Egypt ; 
and  finally  of  dying  by  murder  in  the  sight  of  his 
wife  and  children  on  the  shores  of  Pelusium,  by 
order  of  the  most  contemptible  of  kings  and  by  the 
advice  of  eunuchs,  and,  to  complete  the  tale  of  his 

283 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

sui  gladio  trucidatus   sub  oculis  uxoris  suae  libero- 
rumque  moreretur. 
63       Quis  non  peractum  esse  cum  Pompeio  crederet  ? 
Atquin  acrius  multo  atque   vehementius  Thessalici 

54  incendii  cineres  recaluerunt.      Et  in   Aegypto  qui- 

55  dem  adversus  Caesarem  sine  partibus  bellum.  Quippe 
cum  Ptolemaeus,  rex  Alexandriae,  summum  civilis 
belli  scelus  peregisset  et  foedus  amicitiae  cum 
Caesare  medio  Pompei  capite  sanxisset^  ultionem 
clarissimi    viri    manibus    quaerente  ^    Fortuna  causa 

56  non  defuit.  Cleopatra,  regis  soror,  adfusa  Caesaris 
genibus  partem  regni  reposcebat.  Aderat  puellae 
forma^  [et]  quae  duplicaretur  ex  illo,  quod  talis 
passa  videbatur  iniuriam,  <et>2odium  ipsius  regis, 

57  qui  Pompei  caedem  ^  partium  fato^  non  Caesari 
dederat,    haud    dubie    idem  *  in    ipsum    ausurus,  si 

58  fuisset  occasio.^  Quam  ubi  Caesar  restitui  iussit 
in  regnum,  statim  ab  isdem  percussoribus  Pompei 
obsessus    in    regia    quamvis   exigua    manu    ingentis 

59  exercitus  molem  mira  virtute  sustinuit.  Ac  primum 
proximorum  aedificiorum  atque  navalium  ®  incendio 
infestorum  hostium  tela  summovit^  mox  in  paenin- 
sulam  Pharon  subitus  evasit ;  inde  depulsus  in  maria 
mira  feHcitate  ad  proximam  classem  enatavit,  relicto 

^  ultionem  clarissirai  viri  manibus  quaerente  Fortuna  : 
ultionem  quaemanibus  clarissimi  viri  omnibus  quaerente 
fortunae  B. 

2  et  post  forma  secl.  et  ante  odium  add.  duhitanter  Ross- 
bachiiis. 

3  Pompeii  caedem :  pompeium  regem  B :  pompeio  aedem 
N :  pompeii  cedem  L. 

*  idem  om.  B.  ^  fuisset  occasio  :  ruisset  hoccasio  B. 

®  atque  navalium  om.  B. 
284 


BOOK    II.  XIII. 

misfortunes,  by  the  sword  of  Septimius,  a  deserter 
from  his  own  army. 

With  the  death  of  Pompeius,  who  could  but  sup- 
pose  that  the  war  was  over  ?  Yet  the  embers  of  the 
conflagration  in  Thessaly  burst  forth  again  in  flames 
with  far  greater  fury  and  violence.  In  Egypt,  in- 
deed,  a  war  broke  out  against  Caesar  whicli  had  no 
connection  with  party  faction.  Since  Ptolemaeus^ 
king  of  Alexandria,  had  perpetrated  the  crowning 
atrocity  of  the  civil  war  and  liad  sealed  a  treaty  of 
friendship  with  Caesar  by  means  of  Pompeius' 
murder,  fate  called  for  vengeance  for  the  shade  of  so 
illustrious  a  victim  ;  and  an  occasion  soon  presented 
itself  Cleopatra,  the  king's  sister,  threw  herseif  at 
Caesar's  feet  and  asked  for  the  restoration  of  part  of 
the  kingdom.  He  was  moved  by  the  beauty  of  the 
damsel,  which  was  enhanced  by  the  fact  that,  being 
so  fair,  she  seemed  to  have  becn  wronged,  and 
by  hatred  for  the  king  himself,  who  had  sacrificed 
Pompeius  to  the  fortunes  of  a  faction  and  not  out  of 
any  consideration  for  Caesar,  against  whom  he  would 
certainly  have  made  the  same  attempt  if  occasion 
had  arisen.  When  Caesar  ordered  that  Cleopatra 
should  be  restored  to  the  throne,  he  was  immedi- 
ately  surrounded  in  the  palace  by  those  who  had 
assassinated  Pompeius,  but,  though  he  had  only  a 
small  body  of  troops^  he  resisted  with  wonderful 
bravery  the  pressure  of  a  vast  army.  First  of  all, 
by  setting  fire  to  the  neighbouring  buildings  and 
docks  he  kept  the  missiles  of  his  assailants  at  a 
distance  ;  then  he  made  a  sudden  sally  and  occupied 
the  peninsula  of  Pharos.  Driven  thence  into  the 
sea  he  succeeded,  with  wonderful  good  fortune,  in 
swimming  to  the  nearer  vessels  of  the  fleet,  leaving 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

quidem    in    fluctibus     paludamento    seu    fato    seu 
consilio,  ut  illud  ingruentibus  hostium  telis  saxisque 

60  peterettir.  Tunc  receptus  a  classicis  suis,  undique 
simul  hostes  adortus  de  inbelli  ac  perfida  gente 
iusta  generi  manibus  dedit.  Quippe  et  Theodotus 
magister  auctorque  totius  belli,  et  ne  virilia  quidem 
portenta^  Pothinus  atque  Ganymedes  diversa  per 
mare  et  terras  fuga  morte  consumpti.  Regis  ipsius 
corpus  obrutum  limo  repertum  est  in  aureae  loricae 
honore. 

61  In  Asia  quoque  novus  rerum  motus  a  Ponto, 
plane  ^  quasi  de  industria  captante  fortuna  hunc 
Mithridatico  regno  exitum,  ut  a  Pompeio  pater,  a 

62  Caesare  fihus  vinceretur.  Rex  Pharnaces  magis 
discordiae  nostrae  fiducia  quam  suae  virtutis  infesto 

63  in  Cappadociam  agmine  ruebat.  Sed  hunc  Caesar 
adgressus  uno  et,  ut  sic  dixerim,  non  toto  proelio 
obtrivit,  more  fulminis,  quod  uno  eodemque  mo- 
mento  venit,  percussit,  abscessit.  Nec  vana  ^  de  se 
praedicatio  est  Caesaris,  ante  hostem  victum  esse 
quam  visum. 

'64  Sic  cum  exteris ;  at  in  Africa  cum  civibus  multo 
atrocius  quam  in  Pharsaha.  Hic  reUquias  partium 
naufragarum  quidam   fugae    aestus  expulerat ;    nec 

■€5  reUquias    diceres,  sed    integrum    bellum.      Sparsae 

^  plane  om.  B.  *  vana  :  una  B, 

286 


BOOK    II.  XIII. 

his  cloak  behind  him  in  the  water,  either  through 
luck  or  by  design,  that  it  might  be  a  target  for  the 
shower  of  missiles  and  stones  thrown  by  the  enemy. 
Having  been  taken  on  board  by  the  sailors  of  the 
fleet,  he  attacked  his  foes  on  all  sides  at  once  and 
exacted  vengeance  for  the  shade  of  his  son-in-law 
from  that  cowardly  and  treacherous  people.  Theo- 
dotus,  the  director  and  instigator  of  the  whole  war, 
and  Pothinus  and  Ganymedes,  monsters  who  were 
not  even  men,  met  their  deaths  after  fleeing  in 
different  directions  over  sea  and  land.  The  body  of 
the  king  himself  was  found  buried  in  mud,  dis- 
tinguishable  by  his  golden  coat  of  mail. 

In  Asia  too  a  fresh  disturbance  arose  from  Pontus, 
fortune  as  it  were  designedly  seeking  thus  to  make 
an  end  of  the  kingdom  of  Mithridates,  in  order  that 
his  son  might  be  conquered  by  Caesar  just  as  the 
father  had  been  defeated  by  Pompeius.  King 
Pharnaces,  relying  rather  upon  our  internal  feuds 
than  upon  his  own  valour,  invaded  Cappadocia  with 
a  hostile  force.  Caesar  attacked  him,  and  in  a 
single  battle — or,  if  I  may  use  the  expression,  in 
part  of  a  battle — crushed  him  like  a  thunderbolt 
which  in  one  and  the  same  moment  has  come,  has 
struck  and  has  departed.  Caesar's  boast  was  no  vain 
one  when  he  said  that  the  enemy  was  defeated 
before  he  was  seen, 

So  mucli  for  foreign  enemies ;  in  Africa  Caesar 
had  a  much  more  bitter  struggle  against  his  fellow- 
countrymen  than  at  Pharsalia.  It  was  on  the  coast 
of  Africa  that  the  tide  of  flight  had  cast  ashore  the 
remnants  of  the  shipwrecked  faction — remnants, 
indeed,  one  can  hardly  call  them,  but  rather  material 
for  a  fresh  war.     Their  forces  had  been  scattered 

287 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

magis  quam  oppressae  vires  erant ;  auxerat  sacra- 
mentum  ipsa  clades  imperatoris,  nec  degenerabat 
ducum  successio.  Quippe  satis  ample  sonabant  ^ 
in  Pompeiani  nominis  locum  Cato  et  Scipio.  Ac- 
cessit    copiis    Mauretaniae    rex    luba,    videlicet    ut 

66  latius  vinceret  Caesar.  Nihil  ergo  inter  Pharsaliam 
et  Thapson,  nisi  quod  amphor  ;  eoque  acrior 
Caesareanorum  impetus  fuit^  indignantium  post 
Pompeium  crevisse  bellum  ;  denique,  quod  alias 
numquam,   ante  imperium   ducis    sua    sponte   signa 

67  cecinerunt.  Strages  ^  a  luba  coepit,  cuius  elephanti 
bellorum  rudes  et  nuperi  ^  a  silva  consternati  subito 
clangore  Htuorum  in  suos  sese  circumegere.  Statim 
exercitus  in  fugam,  nec  duces  fortiores  *  quam  ut 
effugerent.      Non  inconspicua  tamen  mors  omnium. 

68  lam  Scipio  nave  fugiebat ;  sed  adsecutis  hostibus 
gladium  per  viscera  exegit  et,  ubi  esset  quodam 
requirente,    respondit  hoc  ipsum^   "  Bene   se  habet 

69  imperator."  luba  cum  se  recepisset  in  regiam^ 
magnifice  epulatus  est  postero  die  cum  Petreio  fugae 
comite  superque  mensas  et  pocula  interficiendum  se 
ei  praebuit.  Ille  et  regi  sufFecit  et  sibi,  cum 
interim  semesi  in  medio  cibi  et  parentalia  fercula 

^  sonabant :  sonabat  B :  sanabant  L. 

*  et  primum  ante  strages  add.  B. 
^  nuperi  Heitisius  :  nuper  codd. 

*  fortiores  scripsi :  fortius  codd. 


^  i.e.  they  had  an  additional  obhgation  to  avenge  Pompeius' 
death. 

288 


BOOK    II.  XIII. 

rather  than  defeated,  and  the  fate  of  their  leader 
had  in  itself  confirmed  the  obHgation  of  their  oath,^ 
and  they  were  no  degenerate  leaders  who  succeoded 
him  ;  for  the  names  of  Cato  and  Scipio  had  a 
sufficiently  imposing  sound  to  take  place  of  that  of 
Pompeius.  Juba,  king  of  Mauretania,  also  joined 
their  forces,  apparently  in  order  that  Caesar  might 
spread  his  conquests  still  more  widely.  There  "was 
no  difference  between  Pharsalia  and  Thapsus,  except 
that  the  latter  was  on  a  larger  scale  ;  also  the  attack 
of  Caesar's  troops  was  all  the  more  vigorous  because 
they  were  indignant  that  the  war  had  assumed 
greater  dimensions  since  Pompeius'  death.  Further- 
more,  the  trumpeters  gave  the  signal  for  the  attack  of 
their  own  accord  before  receiving  the  generaVs 
order — a  thing  which  happened  on  no  other  occasion. 
The  defeat  began  with  Juba,  whose  elephants,  un- 
accustomed  to  war  and  only  recently  brought  from 
the  woods,  panic-stricken  at  the  sudden  noise  of  the 
trumpets,  wheeled  round  and  charged  their  own 
side.  The  army  immediately  turned  to  flight,  nor 
were  the  generals  too  brave  to  flee ;  the  deaths, 
however,  of  all  of  them  were  remarkable.  Scipio 
was  escaping  on  a  ship,  but,  when  the  enemy  came  up 
with  him,  he  thrust  a  sword  right  through  his  vitals  ; 
and  when  someone  inquired  where  he  was,  he 
rephed,  ^^All  is  well  with  the  general."  Juba, 
having  reached  his  palace,  held  a  sumptuous  banquet 
the  following  day  with  Petreius,  the  companion  of 
his  flight,  and  at  the  table,  in  the  midst  of  his  cups, 
offered  himself  to  die  at  his  hands.  Petreius  had 
courage  enough  for  the  king  and  himself,  and  the 
half-consumed  meats,  their  funeral  feast,  on  the 
table  before  them,  were  drenched  with  the  blood  of 

289 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

70  regio  ^  simul  Romanoque  sanguine  madebant.  Cato 
non  interfuit  bello.  Positis  apud  Bagradam  castris 
Vticam  veluti  altera  Africae  claustra  servabat.     Sed 

71  accepta  partium  clade  nihil  cunctatus,^  ut  sapiente 
dignum  erat^  mortem  sibi  etiam  laetus  accivit.  Nam 
postquam  filium  comitesque  ab  amplexu  dimisit,  in 
noctem  lecto  ad  lucernam  Platonis  libro,  qui  in- 
mortalitatem    animae  docet,  paulum   quieti  dedit; 

72  tunc  circa  primam  vigiliam  stricto  gladio  revelatum 
pectus  semel  iterumque  percussit.  Ausi  post  hoc 
virum  medici  violare  fomentis.  Ille  passus,  dum 
abscederent,  rescidit  plagas  secutaque  vi  sanguinis 
moribundas  manus  in  ipso  volnere  reliquit,  quod 
ipse  bis  fecerat. 

73  Quasi  numquam  esset  dimicatum,  sic  arma  rursus 
et  partes,  quantoque  Africa  supra   Thessaliam  fuit, 

74  tanto  Africam  superabat  Hispania.  Plurimum  quan- 
tum  favoris  partibus  dabat  fraternitas  ducurn  et  pro 

75  uno  duos  stare  Pompeios.  Itaque  nusquam  atrocius 
nec  tam  ancipiti  Marte  concursum  est.  Primum  in 
ipso  ostio  Oceani  Varus^  Didiusque  legati  conflixere. 
Sed  acrius  fuit  cum  ipso  mari  quam  inter  se  navibus 
bellum,  siquidem,  quasi  furorem  civicum*  castigaret, 

76  Oceanus  utramque  classem  naufragio  cecidit.  Qui- 
nam  ille  horror,  cum  eodem  tempore  fluctus,^  pro- 
cellae,  viri,  naves,  armamenta  ^  confligerent !  Adde 
situs  ipsius  formidinem,  vergentia''    in   unum    hinc 

^  fercula  regio  :  pericula  quaeregio  B. 

2  est  post  cunctatus  add  B.  ^  Varus  :  varius  B. 

*  civicum  :  civium  B  :  avicum  L. 

5  fluctus  :  fluctibus  B  :  fructus  NL. 

®  armamenta :  arma  et  arraenta  B. 

'  vergentia  ;  urgentia  B. 

1  The  Phaedo. 
290 


BOOK    II.  XIII. 

the  king  and  the  Roman.  Cato  was  not  present  at  the 
fighting ;  having  pitched  his  camp  on  the  Bagradas, 
he  was  holding  Utica  as  a  second  line  for  the 
defence  of  Africa.  When,  however,  he  received  the 
news  of  the  defeat  of  his  party,  he  did  not  hesitate 
but  cheerfully,  as  became  a  philosopher,  called  death 
to  his  aid.  Having  embraced  and  dismissed  his  son 
and  the  members  of  his  staff,  and  having  read  far 
into  the  night  by  the  Hght  of  a  lamp  the  book  of 
Plato  which  treats  of  the  immortality  of  the  soul,^ 
he  slept  for  a  while  and  then,  about  the  first  watch, 
drew  his  sword  and  once  and  again  struck  his  bared 
breast.  After  this  the  doctors  with  their  fomenta- 
tions  must  needs  lay  their  vulgar  hands  upon  this 
hero  :  he  endured  it  until  they  departed,  and  then 
tore  the  wounds  open  and,  a  rush  of  blood  ensuing, 
left  his  dying  hands  iii  the  wound  which  he  had 
twice  dealt  himself. 

Just  as  though  there  had  been  no  fighting  hitherto, 
warfare  and  party  spirit  broke  out  afresh,  and  Spain 
outdid  Africa,  just  as  Africa  surpassed  Thessaly. 
The  Pompeian  party  gained  greatly  in  popularity 
from  the  fact  that  its  leaders  were  brothers,  and 
that  two  Pompeii  took  the  place  of  one.  Nowhere, 
therefore,  were  the  encounters  more  bitter  or  the 
results  so  doubtful.  First  Varus  and  Didius,  the 
lieutenant-generals,  fought  at  the  very  mouth  of 
the  Ocean.  But  the  ships  had  a  harder  struggle 
against  the  sea  than  against  one  another ;  for  the 
Ocean,  as  though  it  were  punishing  the  madness  of 
civil  war,  destroyed  both  fleets  by  shipwreck.  VVhat 
a  dread  conflict  was  that  in  which  waves,  storms, 
men,  ships  and  arms  all  strove  together  at  the  same 
time !     Mark  too  the  terrible  nature  of  the  battle- 

291 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

Hispaniae^  inde  Mauritaniae  litora^  mare  et  intesti- 
num  et  externum  inminentesque  Herculis  speculas, 
cum    omnia    undique    simul    proelio    et    tempestate 

77  saevirent.  Mox  circa  obsidionem  urbium  utrimque 
discursum  est^  quae  miserae  inter  hos  atque  illos 
duces  societatis  Romanae  ^  poenas  dabant.      Omnium 

78  postrema  certaminum  Munda.  Hic  non  pro  cetera 
felicitate,  sed  anceps  et  diu  triste  proelium,  ut  plane 

79  videretur  nescio  quid  deliberare  ^  Fortuna.  Sane 
et  ipse  ante  aciem  maestior  non  ex  more  Caesar, 
sive^  respectu*  fragilitatis  humanae,  sive  nimiam 
prosperorum  suspectam  habens  continuationem,  vel 
eadem  timens,  postquam  idem  esse  coeperat  quod 
Pompeius ;  et  ^  in  ipso  proelio^  quod  nemo  umquam 

80  meminerat^  cum  diu  pari  Marte  acies  nihil  ampUus 
quam  occiderent,  in  medio  ardore  pugnantium  subito 
ingens  inter  utrosque    silentium,  quasi   convenisset 

81  et  hic  ^  omnium  sensus  esset,  ^^quo  usque  illud  .'' " 
Novissime  "^  inusitatum  Caesaris  oculis  nefas  :  post 
quattuordecim  annos  probata  veteranorum  manus 
gradum  retro  dedit,  quos,  etsi  nondum  fugerant^ 
apparuit  tamen  pudore  magis  quam  virtute  resistere. 

82  Itaque  ille  ablegato  equo  similis  furenti  primam  in 
aciem  procurrit.      Ibi  prensare  fugientis^  confirmare 

1  Romanae :  romae  B. 

2  deliberare  :  liberare  B. 

'  Caesar  sive  :  caesaris  sue  B  :  cesar  sui  L. 

*  respectu  :  respectum  B  :  respectus  NL. 

5  et  lahnius  :  sed  codd.  *  hic  NL  :  in  hic  B. 

'  illud  ?  novissime  :  illum  novissime  B  :  novissime  illud  NL. 

^  f  ugerant  Eeinsius  :  f  ugerat  codd. 

292 


BOOK    II.  XIII. 

field — the  shores  of  Spain  closing  in  on  one  side  and 
those  of  Mauretania  on  the  other,  an  outer  and  an 
inner  sea,  and  the  Watch-towers  of  Hercules  over- 
hanging  them,  while  all  around  was  the  rage  of 
battle  and  of  storm.  Soon  after  this  both  sides 
scattered  in  different  directions  to  besiege  the  un- 
happy  cities,  which,  between  the  leaders  on  one  side 
and  the  other,  paid  a  heavy  price  for  their  alliance 
with  Rome.  The  final  struggle  took  place  at  Munda. 
On  this  occasion  Caesars  usual  good  fortune  was  lack- 
ing,  and  the  struggle  was  for  a  long  time  doubtful  and 
anxious ;  so  much  so  that  Fortune  seemed  clearly  to 
be  deliberating  some  strange  issue.  Caesar  himself 
too  before  the  battle  was  unusually  depressed,  either 
from  a  consideration  of  human  weakness,  or  because 
he  felt  doubtful  whether  his  good  luck,  having  lasted 
so  long,  would  continue,  or  else  because,  having 
started  on  the  same  career  as  Pompeius,  he  feared 
that  the  same  fate  might  befall  him.  In  the  battle 
itself  too  an  incident  occurred  which  was  unparalleled 
in  men's  memory  :  when  the  two  armies,  being  evenly 
matched,  had  long  been  simply  cutting  one  another 
down,  suddenly,  at  the  height  of  the  battle,  silence 
fell  upon  both  hosts,  as  though  by  mutual  agreement 
and  as  if  everyone  was  asking  himself  "  What  was  to 
be  the  end  of  it  all?"  Finally,  an  unaccustomed 
disgrace  presented  itself  to  Caesar's  eyes  :  his  tried 
band  of  veterans,  after  fourteen  years  of  service, 
gave  ground,  and  though  they  had  not  gone  so  far  as 
to  flee,  yet  it  was  obvious  that  shame  rather  than 
valour  made  them  resist.  Sending  away  his  horse, 
Caesar  rushed  forward  like  a  madman  to  the  forefroiit 
of  the  battle,  where  he  seized  hold  of  those  who 
were  fleeing,  heartened  the  standard-bearersj  uttered 

293 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

signiferos,  orare  hortari  increpare^  per  totum  denique 

83  agmen  oculis  manibus  clamore  volitare.  Dicitur  in 
illa  perturbatione  et  de  extremis  agitasse  secum  ma- 
nifestoque  voltu  fuisse,  quasi  occupare  mortem  manu 
vellet ;  nisi  ^  cohortes  hostium  quinque  per  trans- 
versam  aciem  actae,  quas  Labienus  periclitantibus 
castris  praesidio  raiserat,  speciem  fugae  praebuissent. 

84  Hoc  aut  et  ^  ipse  credidit  aut  dux  callidus  arripuit 
in  occasionem,  et  quasi  in  fugientes  et  iam  victos  ^ 
simul  et  suorum  erexit  animos  et  hostis  percuht. 
Nam  et  hi,  dum  se  putant  vincere,  fortius  sequi,  et 
Pompeianij  dum  fugere  credunt  suos,  fugere  coepe- 

85  runt.  Quanta  fuerit  hostibus  caedendis  ^  ira  rabies- 
que  victoribus,  sic  aestimare  posses,^  quod  a  proeUo 
profugi  cum  se  Mundam  recepissent,  et  Caesar 
obsideri  statim  victos  ®  imperasset,  congestis  cada- 
veribus  agger  efFectus  est,  quae  pilis  traguHsque  "^ 
confixa    inter     se     tenebantur^ — foedum     etiam    in 

86  barbaros.  Sed  videlicet  victoriam  desperantibus 
Pompei  Uberis,  Gnaeum  proeho  profugum,  crure 
saucium,^  deserta  et  avia  petentem  Caesonius  apud 
Lauronem    oppidum    consecutus,   pugnantem — adeo 

87  nondum  desperabat — interfecit ;  Sextum  fortuna  in 

1  quod  post  nisi  add.  codd.  praeter  Rehd. 

2  aut  et :  autem  et  B, 

^  iam  victos  lahnius  :  invictos  B. 

*  caedendis  B^ :  caedentis  B. 
5  posses  scripsi  :  posset  B. 

*  victos  :  victor  B. 

'  pilis   traguHsque  RosshachiiLS :   plaustri  straguHsque  B . 
pilis  iacuHsque  NL. 

294 


BOOK    II.  XIII. 

prayers,  exhortations  and  rebukes,  and,  in  a  word, 
dashed  this  way  and  that  through  the  ranks  with 
glances,  gestures  and  shouts.  In  the  turmoil  he  is 
even  said  to  have  meditated  making  an  end  of 
himself  and  to  have  shown  clearly  by  his  expression 
that  he  wished  to  take  his  own  life  ;  only,  at  that 
moment,  five  cohorts  of  the  enemy,  which  had  been 
sent  by  Labienus  to  protect  the  camp,  which  was  in 
danger,  crossed  the  battle-field  and  suggested  an 
appearance  of  flight.  Caesar  either  actually  believed 
that  the  enemy  was  fleeing  or  else  craftily  made  use 
of  the  incident  and  gave  them  heart  against  an 
enemy,  who  they  thought  was  fleeing  and  already 
conquered,  while  he  discouraged  the  foe.  His 
men,  thinking  that  they  were  winning  the  day, 
followed  more  boldly,  while  the  Pompeians,  think- 
ing  that  their  own  side  was  in  flight,  began  to 
flee.  How  great  was  the  rage  and  fury  of  the 
victors  in  the  slaughter  of  the  enemy  can  be  gathered 
from  the  fact  that,  when  the  fugitives  had  retreated 
to  Munda,  and  Caesar  immediately  ordered  that  his 
conquered  foes  should  be  besieged,  a  rampart  was 
constructed  of  corpses  piled  up  and  held  together  by 
the  javelins  and  missiles  which  were  thrust  through 
them — an  expedient  which  would  have  been  horrible 
even  if  it  had  been  used  against  barbarians.  Pom- 
peius'  sons  ciearly  had  no  longer  any  hope  of  victory  ; 
Gnaeus  Pompeius,  a  fugitive  from  the  battle-field 
and  wounded  in  the  leg,  was  overtaken,  as  he  was 
seeking  some  solitary  and  inaccessible  place  of 
refuge,  by  Caesonius  near  the  town  of  Lauro,  and 
was  killed,  still  showing  enough  spirit  to  resist ; 
Fortune  allowed  Sextus  Pompeius  to  remain  hidden 

*  crure  saucium  :  cruore  avium  B  :  crure  saucio  NL. 

295 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

Celtiberia  interim  abscondit  aliisque  post  Caesarem 
bellis  servavit. 

88  Caesar  in  patriam  victor  invehitur,  primum  de 
Gallia  triumphum  trahens :  hic  erat  Rhenus  et 
Rhodanus  et  ex  auro  captivus  Oceanus.  Altera 
laurus  Aegyptia  :    tunc    in    ferculis    Nilus,    Arsinoe 

89  et  ad  simulacrum  ignium  ardens  Pharos.  Tertius 
de  Pharnace  currus  et  Ponto.  Quartus  lubam  et 
Mauretaniam  et  bis  subactam  ostendebat  Hispaniam. 
PharsaHa  ^  et  Thapsos  et  Munda  nusquam.  Et 
quanto  maiora  erant,  de  quibus  non  triumphabat  I 

90  Hic  aUquando  finis  armis  fuit ;  reliqua  pax  in- 
cruenta  pensatumque  clementia  bellum.  Nemo 
caesus  imperio  praeter  Afranium  (satis  ignoverat 
semel)  et  Faustum  Sullam  (docuerat  generos  timere 
Pompeius)    fiUamque     Pompei    cum     parvulis  ^    ex 

91  SuUa  2  (hic  posteris  cavebatur).  Itaque  non  ingratis 
civibus  omnes  in  principem  congesti  honores  :  circa 
templa  imagines,  in  theatro  distincta  radiis  corona, 
suggestus  in  curia,  fastigium  in  domo,  mensis  in 
caelo,  ad  hoc  pater  ipse  patriae  perpetuusque  dic- 
tator,    novissime,    dubium    an    ipso  volente/  oblata 

^  Pharsalia  :  pharsaliam  B. 

2  cum  parvulis  Perizonius :  et  parvulus  B :  cum  patruolia 
N:  cum  patruelis  L. 

3  ex  SuUa  N:  exylla  BL. 
*  volente  om.  B. 

^  Arsinoe,  sister  of  Cleopatra,  actually  jBgured  in  the  pro- 
cession  (Dio  Cass.  XLIII,  19). 

2  Pompeius,  having  raarried  Julia,  was  son-in-law  of 
Caesar  ;  but  Faustus  Sulla  was  no  relative  by  marriage  to 
Caesar,  having  married  a  daughter  of  Pompeius  by  another 
wife,  Julia  liaving  been  childless. 

3  Hirtius,  de  bell.  Afric.  95,  states  that  Caesar  pardoned 
Pompeius'  daughter  and  her  children. 

296 


BOOK    II.  XIII. 

for  thc  moment  in  Celtiberia  and  preserved  him  to 
fiffht  affaiii  after  Caesars  time. 

Caesar  returned  home  victorious  and  celebrated  a 
triumph  first  over  Gaul^,  in  which  figured  the  Rhine 
aiid  the  Khone  and  the  captive  Ocean  represented 
in  gold.  A  second  triumph  was  celebrated  for  the 
conquest  of  Egypt  ;  on  this  occasion  the  Nile, 
Arsinoe/  and  the  Pharos  hghted  with  a  semblance 
of  flames  was  displayed  on  moving  platforms.  A 
third  procession  celebrated  the  victory  over  Phar- 
naces  of  Pontus ;  a  fourth  set  forth  the  defeat  of 
Juba  and  Mauretania  and  the  two  conquests  of 
Spain.  Pharsalia,  Thapsus  and  Munda  made  no 
appearance  ;  yet  how  much  greater  were  the  victories 
for  which  he  had  no  triumph  ! 

At  this  point  there  was  at  last  an  end  of  fighting  ; 
the  ensuing  peace  was  free  from  bloodshed,  and 
clemency  made  atonement  for  war.  Xo  one  was  put 
to  death  by  Caesar's  orders  except  Afranius  (it  was 
enough  that  Caesar  had  once  pardoned  him)  and 
Faustus  Sulla  (for  the  example  of  Pompeius  had 
taught  Caesar  to  be  afraid  of  sons-in-law),'^  and 
Pompeius'  daughter  and  her  children  by  SuUa,^ 
as  a  precaution  for  posterity.  His  fellow-citizens 
were  not  ungrateful  and  heaped  every  kind  of 
honour  upon  him  as  sole  ruler.  Statues  of  him 
were  set  up  in  the  temples ;  in  the  theatre  he 
wore  a  crown  adorned  with  rays ;  he  had  a  raised 
chair  in  the  senate-house  ;  a  high  gable  was  added 
to  his  house  ;  a  month  in  the  calendar  was  named 
after  him.  Iii  addition  to  this  he  was  called  Father 
of  his  Country  and  Perpetual  Dictator.  Finally — 
though  it  is  doubtful  whether  it  was  by  his  own  wish 
— he  was  offered  the  insignia  of  royalty  in  front  of 

297 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

92  pro  rostris  ab  Antonio  consule  regni  insignia.  Quae 
omnia  velut  infulae  in  destinatam  morti  victimam 
congerebantur.  Quippe  clementiam  principis  vicit 
invidia,    gravisque    erat    liberis    ipsa    beneficiorum 

93  potentia.  Nec  diutius  lata^  dominatio  est,  sed 
Brutus  et  Cassius  aliique  patres  consensere  in  caedem 

94  principis.  Quanta  vis  fati  I  Manaverat  late  coniu- 
ratio,  libellus  etiam  Caesari  datus  eodem  die,  nec 
perlitare  centum  victimis  potuerat.      V^enit  in  curiam 

95  tamen  expeditionem  Parthicam  meditans.  Ibi  in 
curuli  sedentem  eum  senatus  invasit,  tribusque  et 
viginti  volneribus  ad  terram  datus  est.  Sic  ille,  qui 
terrarum  orbem  civili  sanguine  impleverat,  tandem 
ipse  sanguine  suo  curiam  implevit. 


XIIII.   Res  svb  Caesare  Avgvsto 

iiiijS  PopuLus  Romanus  Caesare  et  Pompeio  trucidatis 
redisse  in  statum  pristinum  libertatis  videbatur.      Et 

2  redieratj  nisi  aut  Pompeius^  liberosaut  Caesar  here- 
dem  reliquissetj  vel,  quod  utroque  perniciosius  fuit, 
si  non  collega  quondam,  mox  aemulus  Caesareanae 
potentiae,^  fax  et  turbo  sequentis  saeculi  superfuisset 

3  Antonius.  Quippe  dum  Sextus  paterna  repetit, 
trepidatum  toto  mari ;  dum  Octavius  mortem  patris 

4  ulciscitur,    iterum    fuit    movenda    Thessalia ;    dum 


1  lata: 
298 


dilata  B.  ^  aut  Pompeius  :  ad  pompeii  B. 

3  potentiae  :  potentiam  B. 


BOOK    II.  xiii.-xiiii. 

the  rostra  by  the  consul  Antonius.  But  all  these 
things  were,  as  it  were,  decorations  heaped  upon  a 
victim  doomed  to  die  ;  for  the  envy  which  he 
inspired  influenced  men  more  than  his  clemency, 
and  his  very  power  to  confer  favours  was  intolerable 
to  free  citizens.  His  rule  was  not  long  endured; 
Brutus  and  Cassius  and  other  senators  conspired 
together  to  kill  their  leader.  How  powerful  is  fate  ! 
The  plot  had  become  widely  known ;  on  the  very  day 
fixed  for  its  execution,  written  information  of  it  had 
been  presented  to  Caesar,  and,  though  he  sacrificed 
a  hundred  victims,  he  had  been  unable  to  obtain 
favourable  omens.  Yet  he  came  into  the  senate- 
house  thinking  of  his  campaign  against  Parthia. 
As  he  was  seated  there  in  his  curule  chair  the 
senators  attacked  him,  and  he  was  borne  to  the 
ground  wounded  in  twenty-three  places.  Thus  he 
who  had  filled  the  whole  world  with  the  blood  of 
his  fellow-citizens  at  last  filled  the  senate-house 
with  his  own. 

XIIII.  The  State  under  Caesar  Augustus 

3.  The  Roman  people,  after  the  murders  of  Caesar 
and  Pompeius,  seemed  to  have  returned  to  their 
former  state  of  liberty ;  and  they  would  have  done 
so  if  either  Pompeius  had  left  no  children  or  Caesar 
no  heir,  or,  what  was  still  more  fatal  than  either  of 
these  circumstances,  if  Antonius,  once  Caesar's 
colleague  and  afterwards  his  rival  in  power^  had  not 
survived  to  cause  fire  and  storm  in  the  succeeding 
age.  For  Sextus  Pompeius  sought  to  recover  his 
father's  inheritance,  with  the  result  tliat  there  was 
alarm  over  the  whole  sea  ;  Octavius  sought  to  avenge 
his  father's  death,  and   Thessaly   was  again  to  be 

299 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

Antonius  vario  ingenio  aut  successorem  Caesaris 
indignatur  Octavium  aut  amore  Cleopatrae  desciscit 
in  regem  ^  ***  .  Nam  aliter  salvus  esse  non  potuit, 

5  nisi  confugisset  ad  servitutem.  Gratulandum  tamen 
ut  in  tanta  perturbatione  est,  quod  potissimum  ad 
Octavium  Caesarem  Augustum  summa  rerum  redit, 
qui  sapientia  sua  atque  soUertia  perculsum  undique 

6  ac  perturbatum  ordinavit  imperii  corpus^  quod  haud 
dubie  numquam  coire  et  consentire  potuisset,  nisi 
unius  praesidis  nutu  quasi  anima  et  mente  regeretur. 

7  Marco  Antonio  Publio  Dolabella  consulibus  imperium 
Romanum  iam  ad  Caesarem  transferente  fortuna 
varius  et  multiplex  motus  civitatis  fuit.  Quodque 
in    annua    caeli    conversione  ^    fieri    solet,    ut    mota 

8  sidera  tonent  ac  suos  flexus  tempestate  significent, 
sic  tum  Romanae  dominationiSj  id  est  humani 
generis,  conversione  penitus  intremuit  omnique 
genere  discriminum,  civiUbus,  externis,  servilibus 
terrestribus  ac  navalibus  bellis  omne  imperii  corpus 
agitatum  est. 


XV.  Bellvm  Mvtinense 

iiii,  4  Prima  civiHum  motuum  causa  testamentum  Cae- 
saris  fuit,  cuius  secundus  heres  Antonius,  praelatum 
sibi  Octavium  furens^  inexpiabile  contra  adoptionem 

^  post  regem  spatium  vaxuum  octo  circiter  lUterarum  B. 
2  conversione  :  conversatione  B. 

300 


BOOK    II.  xiiii.-xv. 

disquieted  ;  Antonius,  fickle  as  ever,  either  refused 
to  tolerate  Octavius  as  the  successor  of  Caesar,  or 
else,  for  love  of  Cleopatra,  degenerated  into  a  king, 
and  .  .  .  ^  For  tlie  Roman  people  could  find  no 
salvation  except  by  taking  refuge  in  subservience, 
It  was,  however,  a  ground  for  congratulation  that,  in 
that  great  upheaval,  the  chief  power  passed  into  the 
hands  of  none  other  than  Octavius  Caesar  Augustus, 
who  by  his  wisdom  and  skill  restored  order  in  the 
body  of  the  empire,  everywhere  paralyzed  and 
confused,  which  certainly  would  never  have  been 
able  to  achieve  colierence  and  harmony  unless  it  had 
been  controUed  by  the  will  of  a  single  ruler  which 
formed,  as  it  were,  its  soul  and  mind.  In  the  consul- 
ship  of  Marcus  Antonius  and  Publius  Dolabella,^ 
wliile  fortune  was  ah'eady  transferring  the  Roman 
Empire  to  Caesar,  diverse  and  manifold  confusion 
afflicted  the  State.  Just  as,  in  the  annual  revolutions 
of  the  heavens,  the  constellations  by  their  move- 
ments  cause  thunder  and  make  known  their  chansres 

o 

of  position  by  storms,  so,  in  the  change  which  came 
over  the  Roman  dominion,  that  is,  the  whole  world, 
the  body  of  the  empire  trembled  through  and  through 
and  was  disturbed  by  every  kind  of  peril,  by  wars, 
civil,  foreign,  and  against  slaves,  by  land  and  by 
sea. 

XV.  The  War  round  Mutina 

4.  The  first  cause  of  civil  dissension  was  Caesar's 
will ;  for  his  second  heir,  Antonius,  furious  because 
Octavius  had  been  preferred  to  himself,  had  engaged 
in  an   implacable    war    to  prevent  the  adoption   of 

^  There  is  a  lacuna  in  the  best  MS.  at  this  point. 
2  44B.C. 

3or 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

2  acerrimi  iuvenis  susceperat  bellum.  Quippe  cum 
intra  octavum  decimum  annum  tenerum  et  obnox- 
ium  et  opportunum  iniuriae  iuvenem  videret,  se 
plenae  ^  ex  commilitio  Caesaris  dignitatis,  lacerare 
furtis  2  hereditatem^^  ipsum  insectari  probris,  cunctis 

3  artibus  cooptationem  luliae  gentis  inhibere^  denique 
ad  opprimendum  iuvenem  palam  arma  moliri^  et  iam 
parato  exercitu  in  Cisalpina  Gallia  resistentem  moti- 

4  bus  suis  Decimum  Brutum  obsidere.  At  *  Octavius 
Caesar^  et  aetate  et  iniuria  favorabilis  et  nominis 
maiestate  quod  sibi  induerat,  revocatis  ad  arma 
veteranis,  privatus — quis  crederet  ?  ^ — consulem  ad- 

5  greditur,  obsidione  Mutinae  liberat  Brutum,  Anto- 
nium  exuit  castris.  Tunc  quidem  etiam  manu 
pulcher  apparuit.  Nam  cruentus  et  saucius  aquilam 
a  moriente  signifero  traditam  suis  umeris  in  castra 
referebat. 


XVL  Bellvm  Pervsinvm 

jaiii,5  Alterum  bellum  concitavit  agrorum  divisio,  quod 

2  Caesar  veteranis  patris  pretium  militiae  persolvebat. 

Semper    alias    Antonii    pessimum    ingenium    Fulvia 

tum  ^    gladio    cincta    virilis    militiae    uxor   agitabat. 

Ergo  depulsos  agris  colonos  incitando  iterum  arma 

^  se  plenae  scripsi:  is  plenae  B  :   'se'  plene  L. 

*  furtis  :  viri  fortis  B :  fortis  (o  in  u  mut.)  L. 
3  et  heredem  ante  hereditatem  add.  B. 

*  obsidere.     At  lahnius  :  obsiderat  B  :  obsidebat  NL. 
5  crederet :  credere  B. 

^  tum  Mommsenus  :  ut  B, 

302 


BOOK    II.  XV. -XVI. 

that  high-spirited  youth.  Looking  upon  Octavius, 
who  was  under  eigliteen  years  of  age,  as  a  lad  of 
tender  years  and  a  fit  and  easy  victim  of  injustice, 
and  upon  himself  as  enjoying  all  the  prestige  of  his 
long  service  with  Caesar,  Antonius  proceeded  to 
destroy  his  inheritance  by  embezzlement,  to  pursue 
him  with  personal  insults^  and  to  hinder  his  adoption 
into  the  Juhan  family  by  every  device  in  his  power ; 
finally^  he  took  up  arms  openly  with  the  object  of 
crushiug  his  youthful  rival  and,  having  formed  an 
army,  besieged  Decimus  Brutus,  who,  in  Cisalpine 
Gaul,  was  opposing  his  movements.  Octavius  Caesar, 
however,  winning  popularity  from  his  youth,  his 
wrongs,  and  the  dignity  of  the  name  which  he  had 
assumed,  recalled  the  veterans  to  arms,  and — what 
is  scarcely  credible — though  he  was  holding  no 
office,  attacked  the  consul,  released  Brutus  by  re- 
lieving  Mutina,  and  captured  Antonius'  camp.  On 
this  occasion  indeed  he  also  showed  his  gallantry 
by  an  act  of  personal  courage  ;  for,  though  bleeding 
and  wounded,  he  took  an  eagle  from  the  hands  of  a 
dying  standard-bearer  and  bore  it  back  upon  liis 
shoulder  to  the  camp. 

XVI.  The  War  round  Perusia 

5.  The  distribution  of  lands  to  the  soldiers  was 
the  cause  of  another  war ;  for  Caesar  assigned  land 
to  his  father's  veterans  as  a  reward  for  their  services. 
Though  the  nature  of  Antonius  was  always  evil,  on 
this  occasion  his  wife  Fulvia,  girding  herself  with 
the  sword  of  her  husband's  service,  egged  him  on 
yet  more.  He  had,  therefore,  stirred  up  further 
hostiUties  by  rousing  the  farmers  who  had  been  dis- 

303 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

3  cierat.^  Hic  vero  iam  non  ^  privatis,  sed  totius 
senatus  sufFragiis  iudicatum  hostem  Caesar  adgressus 
intra  Perusiae  muros  redegit^  conpulitque  ad 
extrema  deditionis  turpi  et  nihil  non  experta  fame. 


Trivmviratvs 

[111,6  CuM  solus  etiam  gravis  paci/  gravis  rei  publicae 
esset  Antonius,  quasi  ignis  incendio  Lepidus 
accessit.  Quid  ^  contra  duos  consules,  duos  exer- 
citus  ?  Necesse  fuit  venire  in  cruentissimi  foederis 
societatem.     Diversa     omnium    vota,     ut     ingenia. 

2  Lepidum  divitiarum  cupido,  quarum  spes  erat  ex 
perturbatione  rei  pubHcae,  Antonium  ultionis  ^  de 
his  qui  se  hostem  iudicassent,  Caesarem  inultus 
pater    et    manibus     eius    graves    Cassius    et    Brutus 

3  agitabant.  In  hoc  velut  foedus  pax  inter  tres  duces 
conponitur.  Apud  Confluentes  inter  Perusiam  et 
Bononiam  iungunt  manus,  et  exercitus  consalutant. 
Nullo  bono  more  triumviratus  invaditur,  oppressaque 
armis  re  pubhca  redit  Sullana  proscriptio,  cuius  atro- 
citas  nihil  insignius  "^  habet  quam  numerum  centum 

4  et  quadraginta  senatorum.  Exitus  foedi,  truces, 
miserabiles  toto  terrarum  orbe  fugientium.  Quis 
pro  indignitate  ingemescat,  cum   Antonius  Lucium 

^  arma  cierat  Hauptius'.  in  arma  revocaverat  j5  :  in  arma 
ierat  NL. 

2  non  om.  B.  ^  redegit  L  :  redigit  B. 

*  gravis  paci  (rin.  B.  ^  quid  Graevius :  cui  B. 

^  uhionis  :  ultionem  B. 

'  insignius  Mommsenus:  in  se  minus  codd. 

^  i.e.   that  of  the  previous  triumvirate  of  JuHus  Caesar, ' 
Pompeiiis  and  Crassus. 


BOOK    II.  XVI. 

possessed  of  their  lands.  He  was  thereupon  declared 
a  public  enemy  not  merely  in  the  judgment  of 
private  citizens  but  by  the  votes  of  the  whole 
senate,  and  Caesar,  attacking  him,  drove  liim  within 
the  walls  of  Perusia,  and  by  the  humiliating  device 
of  starvation,  against  which  he  tried  every  expedient, 
finally  reduced  him  to  surrender. 

The  Triumvirate 

6.  Although  Antonius  by  himself  was  a  sufficient 
menace  to  peace  and  to  the  State,  Lepidus  joined 
him  and  thus,  as  it  were,  added  fire  to  fire.  What 
could  be  done  against  two  consuls  and  two  armies  ? 
Caesar  was  forced  to  become  a  party  to  a  horrible  com- 
pact.  The  three  leaders  were  as  different  in  their  aims 
as  in  their  characters.  Lepidus  was  actuated  by  a 
desire  for  wealth,  which  he  might  expect  to  gain 
from  confusion  in  the  State ;  Antonius  desired 
vengeance  upon  those  who  had  declared  him  an 
enemy  ;  Caesar  was  spurred  on  by  the  thought  that 
his  father's  death  was  still  unpunished  and  that  the 
survival  of  Cassius  and  Brutus  was  an  insult  to  his 
departed  spirit.  Under  a  compact  for  these  objects 
peace  was  concluded  between  the  three  leaders.  At 
Confluentes  between  Perusia  and  Bononia  they 
joined  hands,  and  the  armies  saluted  one  another. 
The  formation  of  the  triumvirate  followed  a  bad 
precedent,^  and  with  the  overthrow  of  the  constitu- 
tion  by  arms,  the  Sullan  proscription  came  back. 
Its  most  remarkable  act  of  atrocity  was  the  murder 
of  as  many  as  a  hundred  and  forty  senators.  Shock- 
ing,  brutal  and  pitiable  deaths  in  every  part  of  the 
world  awaited  those  who  escaped.  VVhat  lamenta- 
tion  can  do  justice  to  the  disgrace  involved  in  the 

30.5 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

Caesarem  avunculum  suum,  Lepidus  Lucium  Paulum 

5  fratrem  suum  proscripserint  ?  Romae  ^  capita  cae- 
sorum  proponere  in  rostris  iam  usitatum  erat ;  verum 
sic  quoque  civitas  lacrimas  tenere  non  potuit,  cum 
recisum  Ciceronis  caput  in  illis  suis  rostris  videret, 
nec    aliter    ad    videndum    eum^    quam    solebat   ad 

6  audiendum,  concurreretur.  Haec  scelera  in  Antonii 
Lepidique  tabulis  :  Caesar  percussoribus  patris  con- 
tentus  fuit,  ideo  ne^  si  inulta  fuisset,  etiam  iusta 
eius  caedes  haberetur. 

XVIL  Bellvm  Cassi  et  Brvti 
iiii,  7  Brutus  et  Cassius  sic  Caesarem  quasi  Tarquinium 
regem  depulisse  ^  regno  videbantur^^  sed  libertatem, 
quam  maxime  restitutam  voluerunt,  illo  ipso  parri- 

2  cidio  perdiderunt.  Igitur  caede  perfecta  cum  vete- 
ranos  Caesaris^  nec  inmerito,  timerent,  statim  e 
curia  in  Capito]ium  confugerant.  Nec  illis  ad 
ultionem  deerat  animus,  sed  ducem  nondum  habe- 

3  bant.  Igitur  cum  apparereL  quae  strages  rei  pubHcae 
inmineret,  displicuit  ultio^  cum  caedes  inprobaretur. 

4  Igitur  Ciceronis  consiHis  aboHtione  decreta,  ne 
tamen  pubHci  doloris  oculos  ferirent,  in  provincias 
ab  iHo  ipso  quem  occiderant  Caesare  datas,  Syriam 

*  Romae  :  romanae  B.  ^  depulisse  :  depulisset  B. 

*  videbantur :  videbatur  B. 

3<^6 


BOOK    II.  xvi.-xvii. 

proscription  by  Antonius  of  his  uncle  Lucius  Caesar^ 
and  of  his  brother  Lucius  Paulus  by  Lepidus  ?  It 
had  long  been  customary  to  expose  on  the  roslra  at 
Rome  the  heads  of  those  who  had  been  executed ; 
but,  even  so,  the  citizens  could  not  restrain  their 
tears  when  they  saw  the  severed  head  of  Cicero  on 
those  very  rostra  which  he  had  made  his  own^  and 
men  rushed  to  gaze  upon  him  as  once  they  were 
wont  to  crowd  to  listen  to  him.  These  crimes  were 
the  result  of  the  proscription-lists  of  Antonius  and 
Lepidus ;  Caesar  contented  himself  with  proscribing 
his  father's  murderers,  for  fear  lest  his  death  might 
be  considered  to  have  been  deserved  if  it  had 
reraained  unavenged. 

XVIL  The  War  against  Cassius  and  Brutus 

7.  Brutus  and  Cassius  seemed  to  have  cast  forth 
Caesar  from  the  throne  like  another  King  Tarquin  ; 
yet  by  that  very  act  of  murder  they  destroyed  that 
liberty,  the  restoration  of  which  was  their  dearest 
wish.  After  the  deed  had  been  committed^  being, 
not  without  reason^  afraid  of  Caesar's  veterans^  they 
had  immediately  left  the  senate-house  and  taken 
refuge  in  the  Capitol.  They  were  not  without  the 
courage  to  avenge  Caesar,  but  they  were  as  yet 
without  a  leader.  Soj  since  it  was  manifest  what  a 
calamity  was  threatening  the  State,  the  idea  of  ven- 
geance  was  rejected,  though  the  murder  met  with 
disapprobation.  Therefore  although  on  the  advice  of 
Cicero  an  amnesty  was  passed,  yet,  to  avoid  offend- 
ing  the  gaze  of  the  sorrowful  populace,  the  murderers 
had  withdrawn  to  Syria  and  Macedoiiia,  the  provinces 
which  had  been  assigned  to  them  by  Caesar,  the 

307 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

et  Macedoniam  concesserant.     Sic  vindicta  Caesaris 
dilata  potius  quam  oppressa  est. 

5  Igitur  iam  ordinata  magis  ut  poterat  quam  ut 
debebat  inter  triumviros  re  publica,  relicto  ad  urbis 
praesidium  Lepido,  Caesar  cum  Antonio  in  Cassium 

6  Brutumque  succingitur.  IUi  comparatis  ingentibus 
copiis  eandem  illam,  quae  fatalis  Gnaeo  Pompeio 
fuit,  harenam  insederant.     Sed  nec  tum  ^  inminentia 

7  cladis  destinatae  signa  latuerunt.^  Nam  et  signis 
insedit  examen  et  adsuetae  cadaveruTn  pabulo  volu- 
cres  castra  ^    quasi    iam    sua   circumvolabant,   et  in 

8  aciem  prodeuntibus  obvius  Aethiops  *  nimis  aperte 
ferale  signum  fuit.  Ipsique  Bruto  per  noctem,  cum 
inlato  lumine  ex  more  aliqua  secum  agitaret,  atra 
quaedam  imago  se  obtulit  et,  quae  esset  interrogata, 
"  Tuus  "     inquit    "  malus    genius/'    ac  ^  sub    oculis 

9  mirantis  evanuit.  Pari  in  meliora  praesagio  in 
Caesaris  castris  omnia  aves  victimaeque  promiserant. 
Sed  nihil  illo  praestantius,  quod  Caesaris  medicus 
somnio  admonitus  est,^  ut  Caesar  castris  excederet, 

10  quibus  capi  inminebat ;  ut  factum  est.  Acie  namque 
commissa  cum  pari  ardore  aHquandiu  dimicatum 
foret_,  et '  quamvis  duces  inde  praesentes  adessent, 
hinc  alterum  corporis  aegritudo,  illum  metus  et 
ignavia   subduxissent,    stabat^    tamen    pro    partibus 

1  tum  :  tot  B. 

2  inminentia  cladis  destinatae  signa  latuerunt  N :  imrai- 
nentia  destinate  cladis  latuerunt  B. 

2  castra  om.  B.  *  Aethiops  :  aethiope  B. 

5  ac  :  hoc  B.  ^  est  om.  BX.  '  et  om.  BN. 

^  stabat  Sabnasius :  staret  B  :  starent  NL, 

^  See  note  on  p.  280.  ^  Augustus. 

^  Antonius.     Plutarch    {vit.    Ant.    28)    merely   observes, 
*' According  to  some,  Antonius  was  absent  from  the  battle 

308 


BOOK    II.  XVII. 

verv  man  whom  tliey  had  murdered.     Thus  revenge 
for  Caesar  was  delayed  rather  than  stifled. 

Tlie  governing  power  having  been  distributed 
between  tlie  triumvirs  rather  as  it  could  be  than 
it  should  be,  Caesar  and  Antonius  prepared  to 
make  war  on  Cassius  and  Brutus,  while  Lepidus 
remained  behind  to  guard  the  capital.  Brutus  and 
Cassius,  having  collected  vast  forces,  had  occupied 
the  same  ground  as  had  been  fatal  to  Gnaeus 
Pompeius.^  On  this  occasion  too  threatening  signs 
of  impending  disaster  were  not  lacking.  A  swarm 
of  bees  settled  on  the  standards  ;  the  birds  which 
usually  feed  upon  corpses  flew  round  the  camp^  as 
though  it  were  already  their  prey  ;  and  an  Ethiopian 
who  met  the  troops  as  they  were  marching  to  battle 
was  only  too  clearly  an  omen  of  disaster.  Also,  while 
Brutus  himself  was  meditating  at  night,  according  to 
his  custom,  with  a  lamp  at  his  side^  a  gloomy  phantom 
presented  itself,  and  on  being  asked  who  it  was 
repUed,  "I  am  your  evil  genius/'  and  then  vanished 
from  his  wondering  sight.  In  Caesar's  camp  birds 
and  victims  had  with  equal  clearness  given  every 
promise  of  better  fortune.  The  most  striking 
incident  was  that  Caesar's  physician  was  warned  in  a 
dream  that  Caesar  should  quit  his  camp,  which  was 
on  the  point  of  being  captured.  And  this  actually 
happened  ;  for  when  the  battle  had  begun  and  both 
sides  had  been  fighting  for  some  time  with  equal 
ardour  and,  though  on  one  side  both  generals  were 
presentj  on  the  other  side  one  ^  had  been  kept  away 
by  illness,  the  other  ^  by  fear  and  cowardice,  yet  the 

and  did  not  reach  the  tield  until  his  men  were  ah-eady  in 
pursuit  of  the  enemy." 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

invicta  fortuna  et  ultoris  et  qui  vindicabatur,  ut^ 
exitus   proelii   docuit.     Primum   adeo   anceps    fuit, 

11  ut — par  utrimque^  discrimen — capta  sint^  hinc 
Caesaris  castra,  inde  Cassi.*  Sed  quanto  efficacior  est 
fortuna,  quam  virtus  !  Et  quam  verum  est,  quod 
moriens  <Brutus>  ^  efflavit,  non  in  re,  sed  in  verbo 
tantum  esse  virtutem  !     Victoriam  illi  proelio  error  ^ 

12  dedit.  Cassius,  inclinato  cornu  suorum,  cum  captis 
Caesaris  castris  rapido  impetu  recipientes  se  equites 

13  videret,  fugere  arbitratus  evadit  in  tumulum.  Inde 
pulvere  et  strepitu,  etiam  nocte  vicina  eximentibus 
gestae  rei  sensum,  cum  speculator  quoque  in  id 
missus  tardius  nuntiaret,  transactum  de  partibus 
ratus  uni  ex  proximis    auferendum  praebuit    caput. 

14  Brutus  cum  in  Cassio  etiam  suum  animum  perdi- 
disset,  ne  quid  ex  constituti  fide  resignaret,  (ita 
enim  non  superesse  '  bello  convenerat)  ipse  quoque 
uni  comitum   suorum  confodiendum  praebuit  latus. 

15  Quis  sapientissimos  ac  fortissimos  viros  non  miretur 
ad  ultimum  non  suis  manibus  usos  ?  Nisi  hoc  quoque 
ex  persuasione  ^  sectae  fuit,  ne  violarent  manus,  sed 
in  amoHtione  fortissimarum  piissimarumque  animarum 
iudicio  suoj  scelere  aUeno  uterentur. 

1  ut  om.  B. 

2  utrimque  Palat.  Eehd.  :  utrumque  BN. 

3  sint  S^pengelius  :  sunt  codd. 

*  Cassi  :  classi  B :  cassii  N :  cassias  L. 

5  Brutus  add.  Tollius  :  c/.  Dio  Cass.  XLVII,  49. 

"  error  :  errore  B. 

'  superesse  :  superesset  B. 

®  persuasione  X :  suasione  B. 

^  This  quotation  is  singularly  inept,  since  virtus  was  used 
by  Brutus  in  the  sense  of  moral  virtue,  whereas  Florus 
interprets  it  in  the  sense  of  military  valour. 

310 


BOOK    II.  XVII. 

invincible  good  fortune  both  of  the  avenger  and  of 
him  who  \vas  being  avenged  supported  their  cause, 
as  the  result  of  the  battle  proved.  At  first  the  issue 
was  so  doubtful  that,  danger  threatening  both  sides 
ahke,  the  camp  of  Caesar  was  captured  on  the  one 
hand  and  that  of  Cassius  on  the  other.  But  how 
much  more  powerful  is  fortune  than  valour,  and  how 
true  it  is,  as  the  dying  Brutus  said  with  his  last 
breath.  that  virtue  exists  not  in  reahty  but  in  name 
only  !  1  A  mistake  decided  the  victory  in  this  battle. 
Cassius,  at  a  moment  when  the  wing  of  his  army  had 
given  way^  on  seeing  the  cavalry  returning  at  full 
speed  after  the  capture  of  Caesar's  camp,  thought 
that  they  were  in  flight  and  made  his  way  to  some 
higher  ground.  Here,  when  the  dust  and  confusion 
and  the  approaching  darkness  prevented  him  from 
seeing  what  had  happened^  and  a  scout  whom  he 
had  sent  out  to  obtain  news  was  slow  in  bringing  it, 
thinking  that  his  cause  was  lost,  he  made  one  of 
those  who  were  standing  by  cutoffhis  head.  Brutus, 
having  lost  his  second  self  by  the  death  of  Cassius, 
in  order  that  he  might  not  fail  in  carrying  out  every 
detail  of  their  compact  (for  it  had  been  agreed  that 
neither  of  them  should  survive  the  battle),  presented 
his  side  to  one  of  his  companions  that  he  might 
plunge  his  sword  into  it.  Who  can  but  wonder 
that  these  wise  and  brave  men  did  not  die  by  their 
own  hands  ?  But  it  was  perhaps  a  further  example 
of  their  adherence  to  their  philosophic  principles, 
that  they  should  not  stain  their  hands  with  blood, 
but  that,  for  the  destruction  of  their  brave  and  pious 
Hves,  though  the  decision  to  die  was  their  own,  they 
should  employ  the  hands  of  others  to  execute  the 
crime. 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

XVin.  Bellvm  cvm  Sexto  Pompeio 

iiii^  8  SuBLATis  percussoribus  Caesaris  supererat  Pompei 
domus.  Alter  iuvenum  in  Hispania  occiderat,  alter 
fuga  evaserat  contractisque  infelicis  belli  reliquiis, 
cum  insuper  ergastula  armasset,  Siciliam  Sardiniam- 
que  habebat ;  iam  et  classe  medium  mare  insederat. 

2  O  quam  diversus  a  patre  !  Ille  Cilicas  extinxerat,  hic 
se  piratica  tuebatur.  Puteolos,^  Formias,  Vultur- 
num,  totam  denique  Campaniam,  Pontias  et  Aena- 
riam/  ipsa  Tiberini  fluminis  ora  populatus  est. 
Subinde  congressus  ^  Caesaris  naves  et  incendit  et 
demersit ;  *  nec  ipse  tantum,  sed  Menas  ^  et  Mene- 
crates,  foeda  servitia,  quos  classi  praefecerat,  prae- 

3  dabundi  ^  per  litora  cuncta  voHtabant.  Ob  haec 
tot  prospera  centum  bubus  auratis  Peloro  Htavit 
spirantemque  equum  cum  auro  in  fretum  misit,  dona 
Neptuno,'  ut  se  maris  rector  in  suo  mari  regnare 
pateretur.  Eo  denique  discriminum  ventum  est,  ut 
foedus  et  ^  pax  cum  hoste — si  modo  hostis  Pompei 

4  filius — tamen  feriretur.  Quantura  id,  sed  breve 
gaudium  fuit,  cum  in  Baiani  litoris  mole  de  reditu 
eius  et  bonorum  restitutione  convenit,  cumque  invi- 
tante  ipso  in  navem  discubitum  est,  et  ille  sortem 
suam    increpitans     "  hae     sunt"     inquit     "carinae 

^  tuebatur.     Puteolos  Bezzenhergerus :  turbatur  per  («=^n 
=  projprium  nomen)  puteolos  B, 
2  Aenariam  :  tenariam  B. 
^  congressus  :  congressas  B. 

*  demersit :  emersit  B.  ^  Menas  :  mensas  B. 

*  praedabundi  Halmius  :  praedendi  B. 

'  hoc  putabant  ^os^  Neptuno  add.  B,  del  Hauptius. 
8  et :  ut  B. 

^  Medium  mare  seems  to  mean  the  sea  in  the  middle  of  the 
Roman  Empire,  i.g.  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Italy. 

312 


BOOK    II.  xviii. 

XVIII.    The  War  against  Sextus  Pompeius 

8.  Though  Caesar's  assassins  had  been  thus  re- 
moved,  Pompeius'  family  still  survived.  One  of  his 
young  sons  had  fallen  in  Spain,  but  the  other  had 
escaped  by  flight,  and  after  collecting  the  survivors 
of  their  unsuccessful  war  and  also  arming  the  slave- 
prisons,  was  holding  Sicily  and  Sardinia.  He  had 
also  already  occupied  the  central  sea  ^  with  his  fleet. 
But  how  great  the  difference  between  him  and  his 
father !  The  latter  had  exterminated  the  Cihcian 
pirates,  his  son  protected  himself  by  piracy.  He 
ravaged  Puteoli,  Formiae,  Vulturnum,  in  a  word,  the 
whole  coast  of  Campania,  the  Pontine  marsheSj 
Aenaria  and  even  the  mouth  of  the  river  Tiber. 
Then,  meeting  with  Caesar's  fleet,  he  burnt  and 
sank  it ;  and  not  only  Pompeius  himself^  but  also 
Menas  and  Menecrates,  base  slaves  whom  he  had 
put  in  command  of  his  fleet^  made  sudden  raids  in 
search  of  plunder  along  all  the  coasts.  In  return 
for  all  these  successes  he  made  a  sacrifice  of  a 
hundred  bulls  with  gilded  horns  at  Pelorum  and 
flung  a  living  horse  with  an  offering  of  gold  into  the 
straits  as  gifts  to  Neptune,  in  order  to  induce  the 
ruler  of  the  sea  to  allow  him  to  reign  in  his  domain. 
At  last  the  danger  became  so  great  that  a  treaty  of 
peace  was  concluded  with  the  enemy — if  a  son  of 
Pompeius  can  be  called  an  enemy.  How  great  was 
the  joy  (tliough  it  was  short-Hved)^  when  an  agree- 
ment  was  made  on  the  embankment  on  the  shores 
of  Baiae  permitting  his  return  and  the  restitution  of 
his  property,  and  when,  at  his  invitation,  they  dined 
on  board  his  ship,  and  raiHng  against  his  fate,  he 
said,  "There  are  keels  [caruiae)  where  I  live  " — a 

313 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

meae  "  ;  haud  incomitei^  quodj  cum  in  celeberrima 
parte  urbis  Carinis  pater  eius  habitasset,  ipsius 
0  domus  et  penates  in  navi  penderent.  Sed  inportu- 
nitate  ^  Antonii,  et  Pompeianorum  bonorum,  quorum 
sector  ille  fuerat,  praeda  devorata,  possessio  manere 
non  poterat ;  detrectare  coepit  foederis  pactum. 
Itaque  itum  ^  ad  arma  rursus,  et  iam  totis  ^  imperii 
viribus  classis  in  iuvenem  conparata  est,  cuius  molitio 

6  ipsa  magnifica.  Quippe  interciso  Herculanae  \dae 
limite  refossisque  litoribus  Lucrinus  lacus  mutatus 
in  portum  eique  interrupto  medio  additus  est  Aver- 
nus,    ut   in   illa   aquarum*   quiete    classis    exercita 

7  imaginem  belli  navalis  agitaret.  Tanta  mole  belli 
petitus  in  Siculo  freto  iuvenis  oppressus  est,  magni- 
que  famam  ducis  ad  inferos  secum  tulisset,  si  nihil 
temptasset  ulterius  ;  nisi  quod  magnae  indolis  signum 

8  est  sperare  semper.  Perditis  enim  rebus  profugit 
Asiamque  velis  petit,  venturus  ^  ibi  in  manus  hostium 
et  catenas  et^  quod  miserrimum  est  fortibus  viris,  ad 

9  hostium  arbitrium  sub  percussore  moriturus.     Non 

1  inportunitate  Idhnius  :  inportu  B. 
'  itum  Ealmius  :  inille  B. 
3  et  iam  totis  Halmhi^  :  et  intotis  B. 
*  illa  aquarum  :  illae  quarum  B. 
^  venturus  :  ventus  B. 

1  It  is  impossible  to  keep  up  the  play  upon  the  word 
carinae  (keels),  which  was  also  the  name  of  a  district  of 
Rome. 


BOOK    II.  xviii. 

witty  remark,^  seeing  that  his  father  had  lived 
in  Carinae,  the  most  fashionable  quarter  of  the 
capital,  while  his  own  home  and  his  household  gods 
tossed  in  a  ship.  But  owing  to  the  incivihty  of 
Antonius  and  because  the  spoil  from  Pompeius' 
property,  of  which  Antonius  had  been  the  purchaser, 
had  been  squandered,  the  entry  of  Sextus  into 
possession  of  his  estates  could  not  be  sustained ; 
thus  Pompeius  began  to  back  out  of  the  pact  of 
agreement.  So  recourse  was  had  to  arms  again,  and 
a  fleet  was  now  equipped  with  all  the  resources  of 
the  Empire  against  the  young  leader.  Preparations 
for  it  were  made  on  a  magnificent  scale ;  for  by 
cutting  through  the  track  of  the  Herculean  Way 
and  digging  up  the  shore,^  the  Lucrine  Lake  was 
turned  into  a  harbour  and  the  Lake  of  Avernus 
added  to  it  by  cutting  away  the  ground  between,  in 
order  that  manceuvring  on  these  quiet  waters  the 
fleet  might  practise  a  semblance  of  naval  warfare. 
The  young  commander  was  brought  to  action  by 
this  superior  force  and  defeated  in  the  Sicilian 
straits,  and  would  have  carried  with  him  to  the 
grave  the  reputation  of  a  great  leader  if  he  had 
attempted  nothing  further ;  but  it  is  a  characteristic 
of  genius  never  to  lose  hope.  When  his  position 
became  desperate,  he  fled  away  and  made  sail  for 
Asia,  only  to  fall  there  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy 
and  to  suffer  imprisonment  and  undergo  the  most 
wretched  fate  which  can  befall  a  brave  man, 
namely,  death  by  the  sword  of  the  executioner  at  the 
bidding  of  his  foes.     There  had  been  no  such  pitiable 

'  i.e.  by  removing  the  narrow  strip  of  land  which  separated 
the  Lucrine  Lake  from  the  sea  and  carried  the  road  (Via 
Herculea)  between  Baiae  and  Puteoli. 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

alia  post  Xerxen  miserabilior  fuga.  Quippe  modo 
trecentarum  quinquaginta  navium  dominus  cum  sex 
septemve  fugiebat  extincto  praetoriae  ^  navis  lumine, 
anubs  in  mare  abiectis,  pavens  atque  respectans,  et 
tamen  non  timens  nisi  ne  periret. 


XVIIIL  Bellvm  Parthicvm  svb  Ventidio 

(III,  9  QuAMvis  in  Cassio  et  Bruto  partes  sustulisset,  in 
Pompeio  totum  partium  nomen  abolevisset,  nondum 
tamen  ad  pacis  stabilitatem  profecerat  Caesar,  cum 
scopulus     et    nodus     et    mora    publicae    securitatis 

2  superesset  Antonius.  Nec  ille  defuit  vitiis  quin 
periret,  immo  omnia  expertus  ambitu  ^  et  luxuria 
primum  hostes,  deinde  cives,  tandem  etiam  saeculum 
terrore  ^  liberavit. 

3  Parthi  clade  Crassiana  altius  animos  erexerant 
civilesque  populi  Romani  *  discordias  laeti  accepe- 
rant.^     Itaque   ut   prima  adfulsit  occasio,   non   du- 

4  bitaverunt  erumpere,  ultro  quidem  invitante  La- 
bieno,  qui  missus  a  Cassio  Brutoque — qui  furor 
scelerum — soUicitaverat  hostes  in  auxiUum.  Et  illi 
Pacoro  duce,  regio  iuvene,   dispulerant   Antoniana 

^  praetoriae :  portitoriae  B  :  praetorio  NL. 

2  ambitu  :  ambitus  B. 

3  saeculum  terrore  Ealmius :  terrore  saeculum  B. 
*  populi  Romani :  populus  romanus  B. 

^  regi  post  acceperant  add.  B. 


1  The  meaning  appears  to  be  that  Sextus  Pompeius  threw 
awaj^  his  rings  so  that  he  might  not  be  recognized  by 
them  if  he  were  captured.  Some  commentators  think  that 
the  reference  is  to  the  fetters  worn  by  the  rowers  {anulus 

316 


BOOK    II.  xviii.-xviiii. 

flight  since  that  of  Xerxes ;  for  he  who  had  been 
but  lately  lord  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  ships  fled 
with  six  or  seven  and  with  the  lights  extinguished 
on  his  flagship,  after  throwing  his  rings  ^  into  the 
sea,  casting  anxious  looks  behind  him,  though  his 
only  fear  was  lest  he  should  fail  to  meet  with  death. 

XVIIII.    The  Parthian  War  under  Ventiuius 

9.  Although,  by  the  defeat  of  Cassius  and  Brutus, 
Caesar  had  demoHshed  the  republican  faction  and,  by 
conquering  Pompeius,  had  compietely  wiped  out  its 
very  name,  still  he  had  not  achieved  a  stable  peace, 
as  long  as  Antonius  still  survived,  a  rock  in  his  path, 
an  unsolved  problem.  an  obstacle  ^  to  pubHc  security, 
However,  owing  to  his  vices^  he  did  not  fail  to  work 
his  own  destruction ;  nay  more,  by  trying  every 
expedient  to  which  his  ambition  and  luxury  prompted 
him^  he  freed  first  his  enemies,  then  his  fellow- 
citizens,  and  finally  the  age  in  which  he  lived,  from 
any  fear  which  he  had  inspired. 

The  disaster  of  Crassus  had  further  increased  the 
confidence  of  the  Parthians,  and  they  had  heard 
with  joy  of  the  internal  discords  of  the  Roman 
people.  So,  as  soon  as  there  was  a  gleam  of  hope, 
they  did  not  hesitate  to  break  out,  being  actually 
invited  to  do  so  by  Labienus^  who  had  becn  sent  to 
Parthia  by  Cassius  and  Brutus,  and — such  was  their 
mad  fury — had  urged  the  enemies  of  Rome  to  assist 
them.  Under  the  leadership  of  Pacorus^  a  young 
prince,  they  had  driven  out  the   garrisons   of  An- 

is  used  by  Martial  xiv.  169,  in  thia  sense),  which  were 
removed  that  thej'  might  niake  no  noise. 

2  Xodits  et  viora  is  clearly  a  reminiscence  of  Vergil,  Aen. 
X.  428,  pugnae  nodumque  Tnoramque. 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

praesidia;  Saxa  legatus  ne  veniret  in  potestatem 
6  gladio  ^  impetravit.  Denique  ablata  Syria  emanabat 
latius  malum,  hostibus  sub  auxilii  specie  sibi  vin- 
centibuSj  nisi  Ventidius,  et  hic  legatus  Antonii, 
incredibili  felicitate  et  Labieni  copias  ipsumque 
Pacorum  et  omnem  Parthicum  equitatum  toto  ^  inter 

6  Oronten  et  Euphraten  sinu  late  cecidisset.  Viginti 
amplius  miUum  fuit.  Nec  sine  consilio  ducis,  qui 
simulato  metu  adeo  passus  est  hostem  castris  suc- 
cedere,  donec  absumpto  iactus  spatio  adimeret  usum 

7  sagittarum.  Rex  fortissime  dimicans  cecidit.  Mox 
circumlato  eius  per  urbes,  quae  desciverant,  capite 
Syria  sine  bello  recepta.  Sic  Crassianam  cladem 
Pacori  caede  pensavimus. 


XX.  Bellvm  Parthicvm  svb  Antonio 

liii,  10  ExPERTis  invicem  Parthis  atque  Romanis,  cum 
Crassus  et  Pacorus  utrimque  virium  mutuarum 
documenta  fecissent,  pari  rursus  reverentia  integrata 
amicitia,  et  quidem  ab  ipso  foedus  Antonio  cum 
2  rege  percussum.  Sed — inmensa  vanitas  hominis — 
dum  titulorum  cupidine  Araxen  et  Euphraten  sub 
imaginibus  suis  legi  concupiscit,  neque  causa  neque 

^  gladio  Vossius :  claudio  B :  aclaudio  NL. 
*  equitatum  toto  :  et  que  tantum  totum  B. 

318 


BOOK    II.  xviiii.-xx. 

tonius,  and  the  latter's  lieutenant-general  Saxa  owed 
it  to  his  sword  that  he  did  not  fall  into  their  hands. 
At  length  Syria  was  snatched  from  us,  and  the 
trouble  was  Hke  to  spread  more  widely — the  enemy 
making  conquests  for  themselves  on  the  pretence  of 
helping  others — had  not  Ventidius,  another  Heuten- 
ant-general  of  Antonius,  with  raarvellous  good  hick 
severely  defeated  the  forces  of  Labienus  and  Pacorus 
himself  and  all  the  Parthian  cavalry  over  the  whole 
area  between  the  Euphrates  and  the  Orontes,  The 
defeated  force  numbered  more  than  20,000.  The 
defeat  was  not  inflicted  without  a  stratagem  on  the 
part  of  the  general,  who,  under  a  pretence  of  panic, 
allowed  the  enemy  to  approach  so  close  to  the  camp 
that  he  prevented  them  from  making  use  of  their 
arrows  by  depriving  them  of  room  to  shoot.  The 
king  died  fighting  with  great  gallantry.  After  his 
head  had  been  carried  round  the  cities  which  had 
revolted,  Syria  was  recovered  without  further  fight- 
ing.  Thus  we  obtained  compensation  for  the  disaster 
of  Crassus  by  the  slaughter  of  Pacorus. 

XX.    The  Parthian  War  under  Antomus 

10.  Now  that  the  Parthians  and  Romans  had 
made  trial  of  one  another,  and  Crassus  and  Pacorus 
had  given  proof  of  the  strength  of  either  side,  friend- 
ship  was  renewed  on  the  basis  of  mutual  respect, 
and  a  treaty  actually  concluded  with  the  king  by 
Antonius  himself.  But  such  was  the  exceeding 
vanity  of  the  man  that,  in  his  desire  for  fresh  titles 
of  honour,  he  longed  to  have  the  Araxes  and 
Euphrates  inscribed  beneath  his  statues,  and, 
without  any  pretext  or   design  and    without    even 

319 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

consilio   ac   ne  imaginaria   quidem   belli  indictione, 
quasi    hoc    quoque    ex    arte    ducis    esset    obrepere, 

3  relicta  repente  Syria  in  Parthos  impetum  facit. 
Gens  praeter  armorum  fiduciam  calHda  simulat 
trepidationem  et  in  campos  fugam.  Et  hic  statim 
quasi  victor  sequebatur,  cum  subito  nec  magna 
manus  ex  inproviso  et  iam  in  ^  fessos  via  sub  vespere 
velut  nimbus  erupit.     Missis  undique  sagittis  duas  ^ 

4  legiones  operuerunt.  Nihil  acciderat  in  compara- 
tionem  cladis,  quae  in  posterum  diem  inminebat, 
nisi  intervenisset  deum  miseratio.  Unus  ex  clade 
Crassiana  Parthico  habitu  castris  adequitat  et  salute 
Latine  data,  cum  fidem  ipso  sermone  fecisset,  quid 

5  inmineret  edocuit ;  iam  adfuturum  cum  omnibus 
copiis  regem  ;  irent  retro  peterentque  montis  :  sic 
quoque  hostem  fortasse  non  defore.  Atque  ita 
secuta    est    minor    vis    hostium    quam     inminebat ; 

G  adfuit  tamen.  Deletae  reliquae  copiae  forent,  nisi 
urguentibus  tehs  in  modum  grandinis  quidam  forte 
quasi  docti  procubuissent  in  genua  miUtes,  et  elatis 
supra  capita  scutis  caesorum  speciem  ^  praebuissent. 

7  Tunc  Parthus  arcus  inhibuit.      Dein  rursus  cum  se 

^  in  0771.  B.  ^  duas  :  suas  B. 

3  speciem  :  specie  B. 
320 


BOOK    II.  XX. 

a  pretended  declaration  of  war,  just  as  if  it 
were  part  of  the  art  of  generalship  to  attack  by 
stealth,  he  left  Syria  and  made  a  sudden  attack  upon 
the  Parthians.  The  Parthians,  who  were  crafty  as 
well  as  confident  in  their  arms,  pretended  to  be 
panic-stricken  and  to  fly  across  the  plains.  An- 
tonius  immediately  followed  them,  thinking  that  he 
had  already  won  the  day,  when  suddenly  a  not  very 
large  force  of  the  enemy  unexpectedly  burst  forth, 
like  a  storm  of  rain,  upon  his  troops  in  the  evening 
when  they  were  weary  of  marching,  and  over- 
whelmed  two  legions  with  showers  of  arrows  from 
all  sides.  No  disaster  had  ever  occurred  comparable 
with  that  which  threatened  the  Romans  on  the 
following  day,  if  the  gods  in  pity  had  not  intervened. 
A  survivor  from  the  disaster  of  Crassus  dressed  in 
Parthian  costume  rode  up  to  the  camp,  and  having 
uttered  a  salutation  in  Latin  and  thus  inspired  trust 
by  speaking  their  language.  informed  them  of  the 
danger  that  was  threatening  them.  The  king,  he 
said,  would  soon  be  upon  them  with  all  his  forces ; 
they  ought,  therefore,  to  retreat  and  make  for  the 
mountains,  though,  even  so,  they  would  probably 
have  no  lack  of  enemies  to  face.  The  result  was 
that  a  smaller  body  of  the  enemy  than  was  antici- 
pated  came  up  with  them.  However,  it  did  come 
up  with  them,  and  the  rest  of  their  forces  would 
have  been  destroyed,  had  not  some  of  the  soldiers, 
as  though  they  had  been  drilled  to  it,  by  chance 
kneeled  down,  when  the  missiles  fell  like  hail  upon 
them,  and  raising  their  shields  above  their  heads 
presented  the  appearance  of  dead  men ;  where- 
upon  the  Parthians  refrained  from  further  use  of 
their  bows.     Then,  when  the  Romans  rose  up  again, 

321 


L.    ANNAEUS  FLORUS 

Romani  extulissent,  adeo  res  miraculo  fuit,  ut  unus 
ex  barbaris  miserit  vocem  "  Ite  et  bene  valete, 
Romani  I  Merito  vos  victores  fama  gentium  loqui- 
tuTj  qui  Parthorum  tela  fugistis."     Non  minor  ^  ex 

8  via  postea  quam  ab  hostibus  accepta  clades.  Infesta 
primum  siti  regio,  tum  quibusdam  salmacidae 
infestiores,^    novissime    quae    iam    ab   invahdis   et 

9  avide  hauriebantur  ^  noxiae  etiam  dulces  fuere. 
Mox  et  ardores  per  Armeniam  et  nives  per  Cappa- 
dociam  et  utriusque  caeh  subita  mutatio  pro  pesti- 

10  lentia  fuit.  Sic  vix  tertia  parte  de  sedecim  legioni- 
bus  rehqua,  cum  argentum  eius  passim  dolabris 
concideretur,  et  *  subinde  inter  moras  mortem  ab 
gladiatore  suo  flagitasset  egregius  imperator,  tandem 
perfugit  in  Syriam,  ubi  incredibili  quadam  mentis 
vaecordia  ferocior  ahquanto  factus  est,  quasi  vicisset, 
quia  evaserat. 

XXI.  Bellvm  cvm  Antonio  et  Cleopatra 

iiii,  11  FuROR  Antonii  quatenus  per  ambitum  non  poterat 
interire,  luxu  et  hbidine  extinctus  est.  Quippe  cum 
post  Parthos  exosus  arma  in  otio  ageret,  captus 
amore  Cleopatrae  quasi  bene  gestis  rebus  in  regio 
2  se  sinu  reficiebat.  Hinc  muher  Aegyptia  ab  ebrio 
imperatore  pretium  hbidinum  Romanum  imjDerium  ^ 

^  minor  :  minora  B. 

2  salmacidae  infestiores  Halmius  :   salmacidae  fluvius  in 
B  :  salmacidis  fluvius  infestior  M. 

3  hauriebantur  :  hauriebat  B  :  hauriebatur  NL. 
*  et  om,  B.  ^  pretium — imperium  om.  B. 

322 


BOOK    II.  xx.-xxi. 

it  seemed  so  like  a  miracle  that  one  of  the  barbarians 
cried  out,  "  Depart,  Romans^  and  farewell  ;  rumour 
deservedly  calls  you  victorious  over  tlie  nations, 
since  you  have  escaped  the  weapons  of  the  Par- 
thians."  The  subsequent  losses  of  the  Romans  on 
the  march  were  quite  as  heavy  as  those  inflicted  by 
the  enemy.  In  the  first  place  the  lack  of  water  in 
the  district  was  fatal,  but  still  more  fatal  to  some 
was  the  brackish  water  which  they  drank ;  and, 
finally,  even  fresh  water  was  harmful  when  drunk 
with  avidity  by  the  soldiers  in  their  already  debih- 
tated  condition.  Afterwards  the  heat  in  Armenia 
and  the  snows  of  Cappadocia  and  the  sudden  change 
from  one  cHmate  to  another  were  as  destructive  as  a 
plague.  Thus^  when  scarcely  a  third  part  of  the 
sixteen  legions  was  left,  and  his  silver  plate  had 
been  cut  up  with  hatchets  and  distributed,  and  the 
famous  general  had  on  several  occasions  begged  his 
sword-bearer  to  put  him  to  death^  he  at  last  reached 
Syria  in  flight.  where,  by  an  extraordinary  perversion 
of  mind,  he  grew  even  more  self-confident,  for  all 
the  world  as  if,  by  escaping,  he  had  won  the  day. 

XXI.   The  War  against  Antonius  and  Cleopatra 

11.  The  madness  of  Antonius,  since  it  could  not 
be  laid  to  rest  by  the  satisfaction  of  his  ambition, 
was  brought  to  an  end  by  his  luxury  and  licentious- 
ness.  After  the  Parthian  expedition  he  acquired  a 
loathing  for  war  and  lived  a  life  of  ease,  and  a  slave 
to  his  love  for  Cleopatra,  rested  in  her  royal  arms  as 
though  all  had  gone  well  with  him.  The  Egyptian 
woman  demanded  the  Roman  Empire  from  the 
drunken  general  as  the  price   of  her  favours ;   and 

323 


L.   ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

petit ;    et    promisit    Antonius,   quasi   facilior  ^  esset 

3  Partho  Romanus.  Igitur  coepit  non  sibi  domina- 
tionem  parare  nec  tacite,  sed  patriae,  nominis,  to- 
gae^  fascium  oblitus  totus  in  monstrum  illud  ut 
mente,  ita  amictu  ^  quoque  cultuque  desciverat. 
Aureum  in  manu  baculum,  in  latere  acinaces, 
purpurea   vestis   ingentibus  obstricta  gemmis  :  dia- 

4  dema  deerat^  ut  regina  rex  et  ipse  frueretur.  Ad 
primam  novorum  motuum  famam  Caesar  a  Brundisio 
traiecerat,  ut  venienti  bello  occurreret,  positisque 
castris  in  Epiro  omne  litus  Actiacum^  Leucada  ^ 
insulam    montemque    Leucaten    et    Ambracii    sinus 

5  cornua  infesta  classe  succinxerat.  Nobis  quadrin- 
gentae  amplius  naves,  ducentae  *  minus  hostium  ; 
sed  numerum  magnitudo  pensabat.  Quippe  a  senis  ^ 
in  novenos  remorum  ordines,  ad  hoc  turribus  atque 
tabulatis  adlevatae  castellorum  vel  urbium  specie, 
non    sine   gemitu  maris   et  labore    ventorum    fere- 

6  bantur  ;  quae  quidem  ipsa  moles  exitio  fuit.  Cae- 
saris  naves  a  binis  remigum  in  senos  nec  ampHus 
ordines  creverant ;  itaque  habiles  in  omnia  quae 
usus  posceret,  ad  impetus  et  recursus  flexusque 
capiendos.  illas  graves  et  ad  omnia  praepeditas 
singulas  plures  adortae  missilibus,  simul  rostris,  ad 

7  hoc  ignibus  iactis  ad  arbitrium  ®  dissipavere.  Nec 
uUa  re  ^  magis  hostilium  copiarum  apparuit  magni- 

^  facilior  :  felicior  B. 

2  amictu  Freinshemius  :  animo  codd. 

^  l-eucada  Rossbachius:  leucadam  ^. 

•  non  post  ducentae  codd.,  del.  Titzius. 

^  a  senis  :  adenis  B.  ^  ad  arbitrium  om.  B. 

'  re  :  re3  B, 

324 


BOOK    II.  XXI. 

this  Antonius  promised  her,  as  though  the  Romans 
were  more  easily  conquered  than  the  Parthians.  He, 
therefore,  began  to  aim  at  sovereignty — though  not 
for  himself — and  that  in  no  secret  manner ;  but, 
forgetful  of  his  country,  his  name,  his  toga  and  the 
emblems  of  his  office,  he  soon  completely  degenerated 
into  the  monster  which  he  became^  in  feeHng  as  well 
as  in  garb  and  dress.  In  his  hand  was  a  golden 
sceptre,  at  his  side  a  scimitar ;  he  wore  a  purple 
robe  studded  with  huge  gems ;  a  crown  only  was 
lacking  to  make  him  a  king  dallying  with  a  queen. 
At  the  first  rumour  of  his  latest  proceedings  Caesar 
had  crossed  over  from  Brundisium  to  meet  the 
approach  of  war^  and,  pitching  his  camp  in  Epirus, 
had  surrounded  all  the  shore  of  Actium,  the  island 
of  Leucas,  Mount  Leucate  and  the  promontories 
enclosing  the  Ambracian  Gulf  with  a  formidable 
fleet.  We  had  more  than  four  hundred  ships,  the 
enemy  less  than  two  hundred ;  but  their  size  com- 
pensated  for  their  numerical  inferiority.  For  having 
from  six  to  nine  banks  of  oars  aud  also  rising  high 
out  of  the  water  with  towers  and  platforms  so  as 
to  resemble  castles  or  cities,  they  made  the  sea 
groan  and  the  wind  labour  as  they  moved  along. 
Their  very  size,  indeed,  was  fatal  to  them.  Caesar's 
ships  had  from  two  to  six  banks  of  oars  and 
no  more  ;  being,  therefore,  easily  handled  for  any 
manoeuvre  that  might  be  required^  whether  for 
attacking,  backing  water  or  tacking,  they  scattered 
at  their  will  the  opposing  vessels,  which  were  clumsy 
and  in  every  respect  unwieldy,  several  of  them 
attacking  a  single  ship  with  missiles  and  with  their 
beaks,  and  also  with  firebrands  hurled  into  them. 
The  vastness  of  the  enemy's  forces  was  never  more 

325 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

tudo  quam  post  victoriam.  Quippe  inmensae  classis 
naufragium  bello  factum  toto  mari  fluitabat,  Ara- 
bumque  et  Sabaeorum  et  mille  Asiae  gentium 
spolia  purpura  auroque  inlita   adsidue  mota  ventis 

8  maria  revomebant.^  Prima  dux  fugae  regina  cum 
aurea  puppe  veloque  purpureo  in  altum  dedit.     Mox 

9  secutus  Antonius,  sed  instare  vestigiis  Caesar. 
Itaque  nec  praeparata  in  Oceanum  fuga  nec  munita 
praesidiis  utraque  Aegypti  cornua^  Paraetonium 
atque  Pelusium,  profuere  :  prope  manu  tenebantur. 
Prior  ferrum  occupavit  Antonius^  regina  ad  pedes 
Caesaris  provoluta  temptavit  oculos  ducis.  Frustra 
quidem  ;  nam  pulchritudo  infra  ^  pudicitiam  princi- 

10  pis  fuit.  Nec  illa  de  vita,  quae  offerebatur,  sed  de 
parte  regni  laborabat.  Quod  ubi  desperavit  a 
principe  servarique  se  triumpho  vidit,  incautiorem 
nancta  custodiam   in  mausoleum  se   (sepulchra  re- 

11  gum  ^  sic  ^  vocant)  recepit.^  Ibi  maximos,  ut 
solebat,  induta  cultus  in  referto  odoribus  solio 
iuxta  suum  se  conlocavit  Antonium,  admotisque 
ad  venas  serpentibus  sic  morte  quasi  somno  soluta  ® 
est. 

iiii,  12  Hic   finis   armorum   civilium :    reliqua   adversus 

exteras    gentes,     quae    districto    circa    mala    sua ' 

2  imperio  diversis  orbis  emicabant.     Nova  quippe  pax, 

1  revomebant :  removebant  B. 

2  infra  Aldus:  intra  codd. 

3  regum  :  regem  B.  *  sic  om.  B. 
^  recepit :  recipit  BNL. 

^  soluta  :  resoluta  cod.  lordanis  Polling. :  victa   B. 
'  districto  circa  mala  sua  :  destricto  circa  asa  sua  B. 

^  Plutarch  [vit.  Ant.  89)  tells  us  that  a  project  was  discussed 
of  dragging  the  Egj^ptian  fleet  over  the  Isthmus  of  Suez 
into  the  Red  Sea  and  escaping  to  found  a  new  kingdom. 

326 


BOOK    II.  xxr. 

apparent  than  after  the  victory  ;  for,  as  a  result  of 
the  battle,  the  wreckage  of  the  huge  Heet  Hoated 
all  over  the  sea,  and  the  waves,  stirred  by  the  winds, 
continually  yielded  up  the  purple  and  gold-be- 
spangled  spoils  of  the  Arabians  and  Sabaeans  and 
a  thousand  other  Asiatic  peoples.  The  queen  led 
the  retreat,  putting  out  into  the  open  sea  in  her 
golden  vessel  witli  purple  sails.  Antonius  soon 
followed  her,  but  Caesar  was  hard  upon  his  tracks. 
And  so  neither  their  preparations  for  flight  into  the 
Ocean.i  nQi-  their  occupation  of  the  two  promontories 
of  Egypt,  Paraetonium  and  Pelusium,  with  garrisons 
availed  them  aught ;  they  were  almost  within  Caesar's 
grasp.  Antonius  was  the  first  to  seize  the  sword  of 
asuicide  ;  the  queen^  casting  herself  at  Caesar's  feet, 
tried  to  attract  his  glances,  but  in  vain,  for  her 
beauty  was  unable  to  prevail  over  his  self-control. 
Her  efforts  were  aimed  not  at  saving  her  Ufe,  which 
was  freely  offered  to  her,  but  at  obtaining  a  portion 
of  her  kingdom.  Despairing  of  winning  this  from 
Caesar  and  perceiving  that  she  was  being  reserved 
to  figure  in  his  triumph,  profiting  by  the  carelessness 
of  her  guard,  she  betook  herself  to  the  Mausoleum, 
as  the  royal  sepulchre  is  called.  There,  having  put 
on  the  elaborate  raiment  which  she  was  wont  to 
wear,  she  placed  herself  by  the  side  of  her  beloved 
Antonius  in  a  coffin  filled  with  rich  perfumes,  and 
applying  serpents  to  her  veins  thus  passed  into 
death  as  into  a  sleep. 

12.  Thus  the  civil  wars  came  to  an  end  ;  the  other 
wars  were  waged  against  foreign  nations  and  broke 
out  in  different  quarters  of  the  world  while  the 
empire  Avas  distracted  by  its  own  troubles.  Peace 
was    a    new    state    of    aiiairs,   and    the    proud    and 

327 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

necdum  adsuetae  frenis  servitutis  tumidae  gentium 
inflataeque  cervices  ab  inposito  nuper  iugo  resilie- 
bant.  Ad  septentrionem  conversa  ferme  plaga 
ferocius  agebat,  Norici,  Illyrii,  Pannonii,  Delmatae, 
Moesi,^    Thraces    et  Daci,^   Sarmatae    atque    Ger- 


XXIL  Bellvm  Noricvm 

NoRicis  animos  Alpes  dabant,  quasi  in  rupes  et 
nives  bellum  non  posset  ascendere  ;  sed  omnes  illius 
cardinis  populos,  Breunos,  Vcennos  ^  atque  Vinde- 
licos,  per  privignum  suum  Claudium  Drusum  pacavit. 
Quae  fuerit  Alpinarum  gentium  feritas,  facile  est  vel 
per  mulieres  ostendere,  quae  deficientibus  telis 
infantes  suos  adflictos  iiumi  *  in  ora  militum  adversa 
miserunt. 


XXIII.  Bellvm  Illyricvm 

Illyrii  quoque  sub  Alpibus  agunt  imasque  valles 
earum  et  quaedam  quasi  claustra  custodiunt  abruptis 
torrentibus  inplicata.  In  hos  expeditionem  ipse 
sumpsit  fierique  pontes  imperavit.  Hic  et  aquis 
et  hoste  turbantibus,  cunctanti  ad  ascensum  miHti 
scutum  de  manu  rapuit  et  viam  primus  ingressus 
est.  Tum  agmine  secuto  cum  subrutus  multitudine 
pons    succidisset,    saucius  ^     manibus     et    cruribus, 

^  Moesi :  misi  B.  *  Daci :  claci  B. 

3  Breunos,  Vcennos  Rosshachius :  brennos,  cennos  B. 

•  humi  I,  om.  B. 

*  saucius  Aldus:  sauciis  BL 

328 


BOOK    II.  xxi.-xxiii. 

hausrhty  necks  of  the  nations,  not  yet  acciistomed 
to  the  reins  of  servitude,  revolted  ai>ainst  the  yoke 
recently  imposed  upon  them.  It  was  in  particular 
the  northern  region,  where  dwelt  the  Noricans,  the 
Illyrians,  the  Pannonians,  the  Dalmatians,  the  Moe- 
sians,  the  Thracians  and  Dacians,  the  Sarraatians  and 
Germans^  that  showed  the  most  spirit. 

XXII.    The  Norican  War 

The  Alps  gave  confidence  to  the  Noricans,  who 
imagined  that  war  could  not  reach  their  rocks  and 
snows ;  but  Caesar,  by  the  hand  of  his  stepson 
Claudius  Drusus,  subdued  all  the  nations  in  that 
quarter,  the  Breuni,  the  Ucenni  and  the  Vindelici. 
How  savage  these  Alpine  peoples  were  is  proved  by 
the  action  of  their  women,  who,  when  missiles  failed, 
dashed  out  the  brains  of  their  own  children  against 
the  ground  and  hurled  them  in  the  faces  of  the 
soldiers. 

XXIII.    The  Illyrian  War 

The  Illyrians  also  live  at  the  foot  of  the  Alps  and 
keep  watch  over  the  depths  of  their  valleys  and  the 
barriers  fomied  there  by  the  windings  of  precipitous 
torrents.  Caesar  himself  undertook  an  expedition 
against  them  and  gave  orders  for  the  building  of 
bridges.  It  was  here  that,  in  the  confusion  caused 
by  the  water  and  the  enemy,  he  snatched  a  shield 
from  the  hand  of  a  soldier  who  was  hesitating  to 
mount  the  bridge,  and  was  the  first  to  cross.  When 
the  army  followed  him  and  the  bridge  had  collapsed, 
broken  down  by  the  number  of  persons  upon  it, 
Caesar,  wounded  in  the  hands  and  legs,  his  comeli- 

329 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

speciosior^  sanguine  etipso  periculo  augustior^  terga 
hostium  percecidit. 

XXIIIL   Bellvm  Pannonicvm 

8  Pannonii  duobus  acribus  fluviis^  Dravo  Savoque 
vallantur.  Populati  proximos  intra  ripas  se  re- 
cipiebant.      In  hos  domandos  Vinnium  misit.     Caesi 

9  sunt  in  utrisque  fluminibus.  Arma  victorum  non  ex 
more  belli  cremata,  sed  rupta^  sunt  et  in  profluentem* 
data,  ut  Caesaris  nomen  eis  qui  resistebant  sic 
nuntiaretur. 


XXV.  Bellvm  Delmaticvm 

10  Delmatae  plerumque  sub  silvis  agebant ;  unde  in 

11  latrocinia  promptissimi.  Hos  iam  pridem  Marcius 
consul  incensa  urbe  Delminio  ^  quasi  detruncaverat, 
postea  Asinius  PoUio  gregibus,  armis,  agris  multa- 
verat — hic   secundus   orator — sed    Augustus   perdo- 

12  mandos  Vibio  mandat^  qui  efferum  genus  fodere 
terras  coegit  aurumque  venis  repurgare  ;  quod 
alioquin  gens  omnium  stupidissima  ^  eo  studio,  ea 
diligentia  anquirit,'  ut  illud  in  usus  suos  eruere 
videantur. 

^  speciosior  :  specior  B :  speciosiore  N, 

2  augustior  :  auctior  BI. 

3  rupta  liossbachius :  capta  codd. 

*  profluentein:    profluente  B :  profluentes  NL, 
^  Delminio  :  deiminio  B. 
^  stupidissima  Graevius :  cupidissima  codd. 
'  anquirit  Vinetus  :  adquirit  codd. 


BOOK    II.  xxiii.-xxv. 

ness  enhanced  by  his  blood  and  liis  dignity  by  his 
very  danger^  dealt  the  enemy  a  heavy  blow  in  the 
rear. 

XXIIII.    The  Pannonian  War 

The  Pannonians  are  protected  by  two  swiftly- 
Howing  rivers,  the  Drave  and  the  Save  ;  after  ravag- 
ing  the  territory  of  their  neighbours,  they  used  to 
withdraw  behind  the  banks  of  these  streams.  Caesar 
sent  Mnnius  to  subdue  them,  and  they  were  defeated 
on  both  rivers.  The  arms  of  the  conquered  enemy 
were  not  burnt,  as  was  the  usual  custom  in  war, 
but  broken  to  pieces  and  hurled  into  the  current, 
that  the  fame  of  Caesar  might  thus  be  announced 
to  those  who  were  still  resisting. 

XXV.    The  Dalmatian  War 

The  Dalmations  for  the  most  part  lived  in  the 
forests^  whence  they  frequently  made  predatory 
raids.  Marcius  the  consul  had  already  ^  crippled 
them  by  burning  Delminium,  their  capital ;  after- 
wards  Asinius  PoUio — the  second  greatest  of  Roman 
orators- — had  deprived  them  of  their  flocks^  arms 
and  territory ;  Augustus  entrusted  the  task  of  com- 
pletely  subjugating  them  to  Vibius,  who  forced  this 
savage  people  to  dig  the  earth  and  to  melt  from  its 
veins  the  gold,  which  this  otherwise  most  stupid  of 
peoples  seeks  with  such  zeal  and  diUgence  that  you 
would  think  they  were  extracting  it  for  their  own 
purposes. 

^  In  156  B.c. 

2  i.e.  second  only  to  Cicero,  with  whom  he  is  compared  by 
Quintilian,  x.  1,  113.  Some  commentators  regard  hic  secundus 
orator  as  a  gloss. 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

XXVL    Bellvm  Moesicvm  ^ 

13  MoESi  2  quam  feri,  quam  truces  fuerint^  quam 
ipsorum    etiam  barbari    barbarorum  horribile  dictu 

14  est.  Unus  ducum  ante  aciem  postulato  silentio 
"qui     vos    estis  ?  "     inquit.       Responsum     invicem 

15  "  Romani  gentium  domini."  Et  ille  "  ita "  inquit 
"  fiet,  si  nos  viceritis."  Accepit  omen  Marcus  ^ 
Crassus.  Illi  statim  ante  aciem  inmolato  equo 
concepere    votum_,    ut  caesorum    extis  *    ducum    et 

16  litarent  et  vescerentur.  Deos  audisse  crediderim  : 
nec  tubas  sustinere  potuerunt.  Non  minimum 
terroris  incussit  barbaris  Cornidius  ^  centurio  satis 
barbarae,  efficacis  tamen  apud  tales  homines  stolidi- 
tatis,  qui  foculum  gerens  super  cassidem^  agitatum 
motu  corporis,  flammam  velut  ardenti  capite  fundi- 
tabat. 

XXVII.    Bellvm  Thracicvm 

17  Thraces  antea  saepe,  tum  maxime  Rhoemetalce  ^ 
rege  desciverant.  Ille  barbaros  et  signis  militaribus 
et  disciplina,  armis  etiam  Romanis  adsueverat ;  sed 
a  Pisone  perdomiti  in  ipsa  captivitate  rabiem  osten- 
dere.  Quippe  cum  catenas  morsibus  temptarent, 
feritatem  suam  ipsi  puniebant. 

1  MoESicuM  :  Mysicum  B. 

2  Moesi  N^I:  niysi  ^A'. 

^  Marcus  Monach. :  marcius  BN  :  martius  L. 
*  extis  :  exitus  B. 

^  Cornidius  :  chornidius  B  :  Comidius  Mommsenus, 
®  Rhoemetalce :  rhemetalce  B. 


BOOK    II.  xxvi.-xxvii. 

XXVI.    The  MoKsiAN  War 

It  is  a  repulsive  task  to  describe  the  savagery  and 
cruelty  of  the  Moesians  and  their  barbarity  sur- 
passing  that  of  all  other  barbarians.  One  of  their 
leaders,  after  calling  for  silence,  exclaimed  in  front 
of  the  hostj  "  Who  are  you  ?  "  And  when  the  reply 
was  given,  ^*  We  are  Romans,  lords  of  the  world/' 
'^So  you  will  be,"  was  the  answer,  "if  you  conquer 
us."  Marcus  Crassus  accepted  the  omen.  The 
Moesians  immediately  sacrificed  a  horse  in  front  of 
the  army  and  made  a  vow  that  they  would  offer  up 
and  feed  upon  the  vitals  of  the  slaughtered  leaders 
of  their  enemies.  1  can  well  beUeve  that  the  gods 
heard  their  boast,  for  they  Avould  not  even  endure  the 
sound  of  our  trumpets.  No  little  terror  was  inspired 
in  the  barbarians  by  the  centurion  Cornidius,  a  man 
of  rather  barbarous  stupidity,  which,  however,  was 
not  without  effect  upon  men  of  similar  character ; 
carrying  on  the  top  of  his  helmet  a  pan  of  coals 
which  were  fanned  by  the  movement  of  his  body, 
he  scattered  flame  from  his  head,  which  had  the 
appearance  of  being  on  fire. 

XXVII.   The  Thracian  War 

Though  the  Thracians  had  often  revolted  before, 
their  most  serious  rising  had  taken  place  now  under 
King  Rhoemetalcis.  He  had  accustomed  the  bar- 
barians  to  the  use  of  military  standards  and  dis- 
cipline  and  even  of  Roman  weapons.  Thoroughly 
subdued  by  Piso,  they  showed  their  mad  rage  even 
in  captivity ;  for  they  punished  their  own  savagery 
by  trying  to  bite  through  their  fetters. 

333 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 


XXVIII.    Bellvm  Dacicvm 


18  Daci  montibus  inhaerent.  Inde  Cotisonis  ^  regis 
imperiOj  quotiens  concretus  gelu  Danuvius  iunxerat 

19  ripas,  decurrere  solebant  et  vicina  populari.  Visum 
est  Caesari  Augusto  gentem  aditu  difficillimam  sum- 
movere.  Misso  igitur  Lentulo  ultra  ulteriorem 
perpulit  ripam  ;  citra  praesidia  constituta.  Sic  tum 
Dacia  non  victa,  sed  summota  atque  dilata  2  est. 


XXVIIII.  Bellvm  Sarmaticvm 

20  Sarmatae  patentibus^  campis  inequitant.  Et  hos 
per  eundem  Lentulum  prohibere  Danuvio  satis  fuit. 
Nihil  praeter  nives  pruinasque  et  silvas  habent. 
Tanta  barbaria  estj  ut  nec  intellegant  pacem. 

XXX.     Bellvm  Germanicvm 

21  Germaniam  quoque  utinam  vincere  tanti  non  pu- 
tasset !     Magis   turpiter  amissa   est  quam    gloriose 

22  adquisita.  Sed  quatenus  sciebat  patrem  *  suum  C. 
Caesarem  bis  transvectum  ponte  Rhenum  quaesisse 
bellum,  in  illius  honorem  concupierat  facere  pro- 
vinciam  ;  et  factum  erat,  si  barbari  tam  ^  vitia  nostra 
quam  imperia  ®  ferre  potuissent. 

^  Cotisonis :  gotisoni  B. 

2  dilata  :  deleta^:  dilatata  L. 

3  patentibus :  iacentibus  B.  *  patrem  :  patroni  B. 
^  barbari  tam :  barbarieam  B.         ^  quam  imperia  om,  B. 

334 


BOOK    II.  xxviii.-xxx. 

XXVIII.    The  Dacian  War 

The  Dacians  cling  close  to  the  mountains,  whence, 
whenever  the  Daiiube  froze  and  bridged  itself,  under 
the  command  of  their  King  Cotiso,  they  used  tomake 
descents  and  ravage  tiie  neighbouring  districts. 
Though  they  were  most  difficult  to  approach,  Caesar 
resolved  to  drive  back  this  people.  He^  tlierefore, 
sent  Lentulus  and  pushed  thein  beyond  the  further 
bank  of  the  river ;  and  garrisons  were  posted  on  the 
nearer  bank.  On  this  occasion  then  Dacia  was  not 
subdued,  but  its  inhabitants  were  moved  on  and 
reserved  for  future  conquest. 

XXVI III.    The  Sarmatian  War 

The  Sarmatians  range  on  horseback  over  wide- 
spreading  plains.  Them  too  it  was  deemed  sufficient 
to  debar  from  access  to  the  Danube,  and  Lentulus 
was  entrusted  with  this  task  also.  Their  territory 
consists  entirely  of  snow,  ice  and  forest.  So  bar- 
barous  are  they  that  they  do  not  even  understand 
what  peace  is. 

XXX.    The  German  War 

It  could  be  wished  that  Caesar  had  not  set  such 
store  on  conquering  Germany  also.  Its  loss  was  a 
disgrace  which  far  outweighed  the  glory  of  its  ac- 
quisition.  But  since  he  was  well  aware  that  his 
father,  Gaius  Caesar,  had  twice  crossed  the  Rhine 
by  bridging  it  and  sought  hostilities  against  Germany, 
he  had  conceived  the  desire  of  making  it  into 
a  province  to  do  him  honour.  His  object  would 
have  been  achieved  if  the  barbarians  could  have 
tolerated  our  vices  as  well  as  they  tolerated  our  rule. 

335 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

23  Missus  in  eam  provinciam  Drusus  primos  domuit 
Vsipetes,  inde  Tencteros  ^  percurrit  et  Catthos. 
Nam  Marcomannorum  spoliis  et  insignibus  quendam 

24  editum  tumulum  in  tropaei  modum  excoluit.  Inde 
validissimas  nationes  Cheruscos  Suebosque  et  Si- 
cambros  pariter  adgressus  est^  qui  viginti  centurioni- 
bus  in  crucem  actis  hoc  velut  sacramento  sumpserant 
bellum,  adeo  certa^  victoriae  spe^  ut  praedam  in 
anticessum   pactione^   diviserint.*     Cherusci   equos, 

25  Suebi  aurum  et  argentura,  Sicambri  captivos  ele- 
gerant  ;  sed  omnia  retrorsum.  Victor  namque 
Drusus     equos,     pecora^    torques     eorum     ipsosque 

26  praedam  divisit  et  vendidit ;  et  praeterea  in  tutelam 
provinciae  praesidia  atque  custodias  ubique  disposuit 
per  Mosam  flumen,  per  Albin^  per  Visurgin.  In 
Rheni  quidem  ripa  quinquaginta  amplius  castella 
direxit.      Bormam  et  Gesoriacum^  pontibus  iunxit 

27  classibusque  firmavit.  Invisum  atque  inaccessum 
in  id  tempus  Hercynium  saltum  patefecit.  Ea 
denique  in  Germania  pax  erat,  ut  mutati  homines, 
aha    terra^  caelum    ipsum    mitius  moUiusque   soHto 

28  videretur.  Denique  non  per  adulationem,  sed  ex 
meritis,  defuncto  ibi  fortissimo  iuvene,  ipse,®  quod 
numquam  ahas_,  senatus  cognomen  ex  provincia 
dedit. 

1  Tencteros :  cenceros  B. 

*  certa  :  certae  B. 

3  in  anticessum  pactione :  ante  pactionem  B :  inantices- 
sum  L. 

*  diviserint:  diviserunt  5  :  dividerent  X. 

^  Gesoriacum  :  caesoria  cum  B :  gesogiam  cum  N :  genoso 
niam  cum  L. 


BOOK    II.  XXX. 

Drusiis  was  sent  into  the  province  and  conquered 
the  Usipetes  first,  and  then  overran  the  territory  of 
the  Tencturi  and  Catthi.  He  erected,  by  way  of  a 
trophy,  a  high  mound  adorned  with  tlie  spoils  and 
decorations  of  the  Marcomanni.  Xext  he  attacked 
simultaneously  those  powerful  tribes,  the  Cherusci, 
Suebi  and  Sicambri,  who  had  begun  hostiUties  after 
crucifying  twenty  of  our  centurions,  an  act  which 
served  as  an  oath  binding  them  together,  and  with 
such  confidence  of  victory  that  they  made  an  agree- 
ment  in  anticipation  for  dividing  the  spoils.  The 
Cherusci  had  chosen  the  horses,  the  Suebi  the  gold 
and  silver,  the  Sicambri  the  captives.  Everything, 
however,  turned  out  contrariwise  ;  for  Drusus,  after 
defeating  them^  divided  up  their  horses,  their  herds, 
their  necklets  and  their  own  persons  as  spoil  and 
sold  them.  Furthermore,  to  secure  the  province  he 
posted  garrisons  and  guard-posts  all  along  the  Meuse, 
Elbe  and  Weser.  Along  the  banks  of  the  Rhine  he 
disposed  more  than  five  hundred  forts.  He  built 
bridges  at  Borma  and  Gesoriacum,  and  left  fleets  to 
protect  them.  He  opened  a  way  through  the  Her- 
cynian  forest,  which  had  never  before  been  visited 
or  traversed.  In  a  word,  there  was  such  peace  in 
Germany  that  the  inhabitants  seemed  changed,  the 
face  of  the  country  transformed,  and  the  very  cHmate 
milder  and  softer  than  it  used  to  be.  Lastly,  when 
the  gallant  young  general  had  died  there,  the  senate 
itself,  not  from  flattery  but  as  an  acknowledgment 
of  his  merit,  did  him  the  unparalleled  honour  of 
bestowing  upon  him  a  surname  derived  from  the 
name  of  a  province. 


F.N.   M 


•  ipse  Perizoniiut :  ipsi  codd. 

337 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

29  Sed  difficilius  est  provincias  obtinere  quam  facere  ; 

30  viribus  parantur^  iure  retinentur.  Igitur  breve  id 
gaudium.  Quippe  Germani  victi  magis  quam 
domiti   erant,  moresque   nostros  magis  quam  arma 

31  sub  imperatore  Druso  suspiciebant  ;  postquam  ille 
defunctus  est^  Vari  Quintilli  libidinem  ac  superbiam 
haud  secus  quam  saevitiam  odisse  coeperunt,  Ausus 
ille  agere  conventum,  et  in  Catthos^  edixerat,  quasi 
violentiam  ^  barbarorum  lictoris  virgis    et  praeconis 

32  voce  posset  inhibere.  At  illi,  qui  iam  pridem  ro- 
bigine  obsitos^  enses  inertesque  maererent  equos, 
ut  primum    togas  et  saeviora  armis   iura  viderunt, 

33  duce  Armenio  ^  arma  corripiunt ;  cum  interim  tanta 
erat  Varo  pacis  fiducia,  ut  ne  prodita  quidem  ^  per 
Segestem  ®    unum ''    principum     coniuratione    com- 

34  moveretur.  Itaque  inprovidum  et  nihil  tale  me- 
tuentemexinproviso  adorti;,cum  ille — o  securitas — ad 
tribunal  citaret^  undique  invadunt ;  castra  rapiuntur, 

35  tres  legiones  opprimuntur.  Varus  perditas  res  ^ 
eodem  quo  Cannensem  diem  Paulus  et  fato  est  et  ® 

36  animo  secutus.  Nihil  illa  caede  per  paludes  perque 
silvas  cruentiuS;,  nihil  insultatione  barbarorum 
intolerabiliuSj  praecipue  tamen   in   causarum  patro- 

1  in  Catthos  {vel  Chaucos)  edixerat  Rosshachius:  incauto 
sedixerat  B  :  incastos  sedi  rexerat  N  :  incastris  se  direxerat 
L :  incaiitius  edixerat  Ealmius. 

2  violentiam  :  vinolentia  B. 

3  obsitos  Eehd. :  oblitos  BN. 

*  Armenio  NL :  ar  meno  B. 

^  prodita  quidem  lahnius:  perdita  quidem  aut  pro- 
dita  B. 

*  Segestem  L  :  segentem  B.  '  unum  :  unius  B. 
8  perditas  res  N :  perdi  castra  B. 

33^ 


BOOK    II.  XXX. 

But  it  is  more  difficult  to  retain  than  to  create 
provinces ;  they  are  won  by  force,  they  are  secured 
by  justice.  Tlierefore  our  joy  was  short-lived  ;  for 
the  Germans  had  been  defeated  rather  than  subdued, 
and  under  the  rule  of  Drusus  they  respected  our 
moral  quaHties  rather  than  our  arms.  After  his 
death  they  began  to  detest  the  licentiousness  and 
pride  not  less  than  the  cruelty  of  QuintilHus  Varus. 
He  had  the  temerity  to  hold  an  assembly  and  had 
issued  an  edict  against  the  Catthi,  just  as  though  he 
could  restrain  the  violence  of  barbarians  by  the  rod 
of  a  Hctor  and  the  proclamation  of  a  herald.  But 
the  Germans  who  had  long  been  regretting  that 
their  swords  were  rusted  and  their  horses  idle,  as 
soon  as  they  saw  the  toga  and  experienced  laws 
more  cruel  than  arms,  snatched  up  their  weapons 
under  the  leadership  of  Armenius.  Meanwhile 
Varus  was  so  confident  of  peace  that  he  was  quite 
unperturbed  even  when  the  conspiracy  was  betrayed 
to  him  by  Segestes,  one  of  the  chiefs.  And  so 
when  he  was  unprepared  and  had  no  fear  of  any 
such  thing,  at  a  moment  M'hen  (such  was  his  confi- 
dence)  he  was  actually  summoning  them  to  appear 
before  his  tribunal,  they  rose  and  attacked  him  from 
all  sides.  His  camp  was  seized,  and  three  legions 
were  overwhehiied.  ^^arus  met  disaster  by  the 
same  fate  and  with  the  same  courage  as  Paulus  on 
the  fatal  day  of  Cannae.  Xever  was  there  slaughter 
more  cruel  than  took  place  there  in  the  marshes 
and  woods,  never  were  more  intolerable  insults 
inflicted    by    barbarians,    especiaUy    those    directed 

^  Paulus  et  fato  est  et  NL :  diem  potuisse  fassus  est 
ex  B. 

339 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

37  nos.  Aliis  oculos,  aliis  manus  amputabant,  uni  os 
obsutum^  recisa  prius  lingua,  quam  in  manu  tenens 

barbarus   "  tandem  "  ait   "  vipera   sibilare   desisti.'' 

38  Ipsius  quoque  consulis  corpus,  quod  militum  pietas 
humi  abdiderat_,  efFossum.  Signa  et  aquilas  duas 
adhuc  barbari  possident,  tertiam  signifer,  prius  quam 
in  manus  hostium  veniret,  evolsit  mersamque  intra 
baltei  sui  latebras  gerens  in  cruenta  palude  sic 
latuit.      Hac   clade   factum,   ut    imperium,  quod  in 

39  Utore  Oceani  non  steterat/  in  ripa  Rheni  fluminis 
staret. 


XXXL  Bellvm  Gaetvlicvm 

40  Haec  ad  septentrionem  :  sub  meridiano  tumultua- 
tum  magis  quam  bellatum  est.  Musulamos  atque 
Gaetulos,  accolas  Syrtium,  Cosso  duce  compescuit ; 
unde  illi  Gaetulici  nomen  latius  quam  ipsa  victoria. 

41  Marmaridas  atque  Garamantes  Quirinio  ^  subigendos 
dedit.  Potuit  et  ille  redire  Marmaricus,  sed 
modestior  in  aestimanda  victoria  fuit. 


XXXn.  Bellvm  Armenicvm 

42       Ad  orientem   plus  negotii  cum   Armeniis.     Huc 
alterum  ex  Caesaribus,  nepotibus  suis,  misit.     Ambo 

^  non  steterat  Baehrensius  :  constiterat  codd. 
*  Quirinio:   quirjnio  N  om,    B:    curinio  L  Voss.  Monac 
Palat. 

340 


BOOK    II.  xxx.-xxxii. 

against  the  legal  pleaders.  They  put  out  the  eyes 
of  some  of  them  and  cut  off  the  hands  of  otliers ; 
they  sewed  up  the  mouth  of  one  of  them  after  first 
cutting  out  his  tongue,  which  one  of  the  barbarians 
held  in  his  hand,  exclaiming,  "  At  last,  you  viper, 
you  have  ceased  to  hiss."  The  body  too  of  the 
consul  himself,  which  the  dutiful  affection  of  the 
soldiers  had  buried,  was  disinterred.  As  for  the 
standards  and  eagles,  the  barbarians  possess  two  to 
this  day ;  the  third  eagle  was  wrenched  from  its 
pole,  before  it  could  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  by  the  standard-bearer,  who,  carrying  it 
conoealed  in  the  folds  round  his  belt,  secreted  him- 
self  in  the  blood-stained  marsh.  The  result  of  this 
disaster  was  that  the  empire,  which  had  not  stopped 
on  the  shores  of  the  Ocean,  was  checked  on  the 
banks  of  the  Rhine. 

XXXI.  The  Gaetulian'  War 

SucH  were  the  operations  in  the  north  ;  in  the 
south  there  were  risings  rather  than  wars.  Augustus 
put  down  the  Musulami  and  GaetuHans  who  dwell 
near  the  Syrtes,  through  the  agency  of  Cossus,  who 
thus  gained  the  name  of  Gaetulicus,  a  title  more 
extensive  than  his  actual  victory  warranted.  He 
entrusted  the  subjugation  of  the  Marmarides  and 
Garamantes  to  Quirinius,  who  likewise  might  have 
returned  with  the  title  of  Marmaricus,  had  he  not 
been  too  modest  in  estimating  his  victory. 

XXXII.  The  Armenian  War 

In  the  east  the  Armenians  caused  more  trouble. 
Hither  Gaesar  sent  one  of  the  Caesars,  his  grandsons. 

341 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

fato  breves,  sed  alter  inglorius.  Massiliae  quippe 
morbo  Lucius  solvitur,  in  Syria  Gaius  ex  volnere 
occubuit^  cum    Armeniam^  ad   Parthos    se    subtra- 

43  hentem  in  ius  ^  recepit.  Armenios  victo  rege 
Tigrane^  in  hoc  unum  servitutis  genus  Pompeius 
adsueverat,  ut  rectores  a  nobis  acciperent.  Inter- 
missum   ergo   ius    per    hunc    recuperatum    non    in- 

44  cruento,  nec  multo  *  tamen  certamine.  Quippe 
Dones,  quem  rex  Artageris  ^  praefecerat,  simulata 
proditione  adortus  virum  intentum  libellO;,  quem  ut 
thensaurorum  rationes  continentem  ipse  porrexerat, 
stricto  repente  ferro  subiit.     Et  tunc  quidem  Caesar 

45  recreatus^  est  ex  volnere  in  tempus,  sed  *  *  *.' 
Ceterum  barbarus  undique  infesto  exercitu  oppressus 
gladio  etpyra^in  quam  se  percussus^  inmisit/  super- 
stiti  etiam  nunc  Caesari  satisfecit. 

XXXin.    Bellvm  Cantabricvm  et  Astvricvm 

46  SuB  occasu  pacata  erat  fere  omnis  Hispania,  nisi 
quam  Pyrenaei  desinentis  scopulis  inhaerentem 
citerior  adluebat^^  Oceanus.     Hic  duae  vaHdissimae 

^  Armeniam:  armenia  B. 
2  in  ius  lahnius:  ipsos  B. 
'  victo  rege  Tigrane  :  victor  gentis  Tigranen  B. 

*  multo :  ulto  B :  multa  L. 

^  Artageris  G.  Fosaius :  artaxer  ser  par  this  B  i  artaxatis 

N:  artasatis X. 

*  recreatus — profundo  (60,  6)  scripsit  B^ 
'  lacunam  indicavit  lahnius. 

*  percussus  :  percussu*  B"^. 

^  inmisit :  summisit  B^ :  immisit  L. 
^"  adluebat :  abluebat  B^ :  alluebat  L, 

342 


BOOK    II.  xxxii.-xxxiii. 

Both  were  cut  ofF  in  early  life,  one  witliout  having 
distinguished  himself ;  for  Lucius  died  of  disease  at 
Marseilles,  while  Gaius  perished  in  Syria  by  a  wound 
rcceived  while  recovering  Armenia,  which  was 
transferring  its  allegiance  to  Parthia.  Pompeius, 
after  defeating  Tigranes,  had  accustomed  the 
Armenians  to  a  state  of  bondage  which  merely 
obhged  them  to  accept  rulers  appointed  by  Rome. 
The  exercise  of  this  right,  which  had  been  inter- 
rupted,  was  re-estabhshed  by  Gaius  Caesar  after  a 
struggle  which,  thougli  not  serious,  involved  some 
loss  of  life.  For  Dones,  whom  the  king  had  ap- 
pointed  governor  of  Artagerae,^  pretending  to  betray 
his  master,  attacked  the  general  while  he  was  en- 
gaged  in  examining  a  document,  which  he  had  himself 
handed  to  him  as  containing  a  Hst  of  the  treasures,  and 
suddenly  struck  him  with  his  drawn  sword.  Caesar 
recovered  from  the  wound  for  the  time  being  but 
.  .  .2  His  barbarian  assailant,  beset  on  all  sides  by 
the  angry  soldiers,  made  atonement  to  the  still 
surviving  Caesar  ;  for  he  fell  by  the  sword,  and  was 
burnt  upon  the  pyre  on  which  he  hurled  himself 
after  he  was  stabbed. 

XXXIII.    The   War  against  the  Cantabrians   and 

ASTURIANS 

In  the  west  almost  all  Spain  had  been  subjugated, 
except  that  part  which  adjoins  the  chffs  where 
the  Pyrenees  end  and  is  washed  by  the  nearer 
waters  of  the  Ocean.^     Here  two  powerful  nations, 

^  The  Artageira  of  Strabo  XI,  p.  529. 
2  There  is  a  lacuiia  in  the  text  at  this  point. 
^  The  Ocean  being  regarded  as  a  broad  stream,  the  Atlantic 
shores  of  Spain  form  its  nearer  bank. 

343 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

gentes^Cantabri  et  Astures,inmunes  imperii  agitabant. 

47  Cantabrorum  et  prior  et  acrior  et  magis  pertinax  in 
rebellando  animus  fuit^  qui  non  contenti  libertatem 
suam  defendere  proximis  etiam  imperitare  tempta- 
bant    Vaccaeosque    et    Turmogos    et     Autrigonas^ 

48  crebris  incursionibus  fatigabant.  In  hos  igitur, 
quia  2  vehementius  agere  nuntiabatur,  non  est 
mandata  expeditio,  sed  sumpta.  Ipse  venit  Segi- 
samam,  castra  posuit,  inde  tripertito  exercitu  totam 
Cantabriam  amplexus  efferam  gentem  ritu  ferarum 

4©  quasi  quadam  cogebat  indagine.  Nec  ab  Oceano 
quies^  cum  infesta  classe  ipsa  quoque  terga  hostium 
caederentur.  Primum  adversus  Cantabros  sub 
moenibus  Bergidae  proeliatum.  Hinc  statim  fuga 
in  eminentissimum  Vindium^  montem,  quo  maria 
prius    Oceani    quam    arma    Romana    ascensura    esse 

60  crediderant.  Tertio  Aracelium  oppidum  magna 
virepugnat;*  captum  tamen.  Postremo  fuit  Medulli 
montis  obsidio,  quem  perpetua  decem  et  octo  milium 
fossa  conprehensum  undique  simul  adeunte  Romano 
postquam  extrema  barbari  vident^  certatim  igne, 
ferro  inter  epulas  ^  venenoque,  quod  ibi  volgo  taxo  ^ 
exprimitur,  praecepere '  mortem,  seque  pars  maior 
a^  captivitate,    quae    morte    gravior    ad   id    tempus 

51  indomitis     videbatur^     vindicaverunt.        Haec     per 

^  Autrigonas  Salmasius:  aurigantes  B^ :  aurigonaa  NL. 
2  quia  :  qua  B^.  ^  Vindium :  vinnium  B^. 

*  repugnat :  oppugnat  B^.  ^  inter  epulas  om.  B^. 

*  taxo  scripsi :  taxeo  B'^. 

'  praecipere  N  :  praecoepere  B^. 
'  maior  a :  magis  {pm.  a)  B^. 

344 


BOOK    II.  XXXIII. 

the  Cantabrians  and  the  Asturians,  Hved  in  freedom 
from  the  rule  of  Rome.  The  Cantabrians  rose  first 
and  were  more  energetic  and  obstinate  in  their 
rebellion  ;  not  content  with  defending  their  liberty, 
they  tried  also  to  dominate  their  neighbours  and 
harassed  the  V^accaei,  the  Turmogi  and  the  Autri- 
gones  by  frequent  raids.  The  news  of  their  unusual 
activity  induced  Caesar  himself  to  undertake  an 
expedition  instead  of  entrusting  it  to  another.  He 
came  personally  to  Segisama,  where  he  pitched  his 
camp,  and  then,  dividing  his  army  into  three  parts, 
enveloped  the  whole  of  Cantabria  and  enclosed  its 
fierce  people  like  wild  beasts  in  a  net.  Nor  did  he 
give  them  any  peace  on  the  side  of  the  Ocean  ;  for 
they  were  also  assailed  in  the  rear  by  the  attacks  of 
his  fleet.  The  first  battle  against  the  Cantabrians 
was  fought  under  the  walls  of  Bergida.  From  here 
they  fled  to  the  lofty  peak  of  Mount  Vindius,  to 
which  they  had  thought  the  Roman  army  was  less 
likely  to  ascend  than  the  waters  of  the  Ocean. 
Next  the  town  of  Aracelium  offered  a  stout  resist- 
ance,  but  was  eventually  taken.  The  last  incident 
was  the  siege  of  Mount  Medullus.  When  it  had  been 
surrounded  by  a  continuous  earthwork  extending 
over  eighteen  miles  and  the  Romans  were  closing  in 
upon  it  on  every  side,  the  barbarians,  seeing  that 
their  last  hour  had  come,  vied  with  one  another  in 
hastening  on  their  own  deaths  in  the  midst  of  a 
banquet  by  fire  and  the  sword  and  a  poison  which  is 
there  commonly  extracted  from  the  yew-tree.  Thus 
raost  of  them  saved  themselves  from  a  captivity 
which  was  deemed  more  grievous  than  death  itself 
by  men  who  had  hitherto  never  been  conquered. 
Caesar  received  the  news  of  these  operations,  which 

345 


L.   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

Antistium^     Furniumque^     legatos    et     Agrippam 
hibernans  in  Tarraconis^  maritimis  Caesar    accepit. 

52  Mox  ipse  praesens  hos  deduxit  montibus,  hos 
obsidibus  astrinxit,  hos  sub  corona  iure  belH  venun- 

53  dedit.  Digna  res  lauro^  digna  curru  *  senatui 
visa  est;   sed  iam  tantus  erat  Caesar,  ut  triumpho 

54  augeri  contemneret.  Astures  per  id  tempus  ingenti 
agmine  a  montibus  niveis  descenderant.  Nec 
temere  sumptus  barbaris  videbatur  hic  impetus ; 
sed  positis  castris  apud  Asturam^  flumen  trifariam 
diviso    agmine     tria      simui     Romanorum    adgredi 

55  parant  castra.  Fuissetque  anceps  et  cruentum  et 
utinam    mutua    clade   certamen   cum    tam  fortibus, 

56  tam  ^  subito,  tam  cum  consilio  venientibus,  nisi 
Brigaecini^  prodidissent,^  a  quibus  praemonitus 
Carisius  cum  exercitu  advenit.  Pro  victoria  fuit 
oppressisse    consilia,    sic^    quoque     non     incruento 

57  certamine.  ReUquias  fusi  exercitus  validissima 
civitas  Lancea  excipit,  ubi  cum  locis  adeo  certatum 
est,  utj  cum  in  captam  urbem  faces  poscerentur,  aegre 

58  dux  impetraverit  veniam,  ut  victoriae  Romanae 
stans  potius  esset  quam  incensa  monumentum. 

*  Antistium :  antatium^i:  antestium  Z. 

2  Fumiumque :  firmumque  B^. 

3  in  Tarraconis :  in  terra  tonis  B^ :  intarrachonis  X:  in- 
terraconis  L. 

*  digna  curru  :  dignas  currus  B^. 

*  Asturam :  astaram  B^ :  scuram  NL.  ■ 
^  tam  L  Voss.  Behd.  :  quam  B^. 

'  Brigaecini :  dri  caecini  B^ :  drigaecini  N :  drigenici  L. 

^  prodidissent :  providissent  B^. 

8  tamen  post  sic  add.  B^N  :  orn.  lahnius. 

1  This  is  the  only  sense  which  can  be  extracted  from  the 
words  utinam  nuitua  clade  which  is  read  by  all  MSS.  ;  but 
utinam  is  possibly  corrupt. 

346 


BOOK    II.  XXXIII. 

were  carried  oiit  by  Antistius  and  Furnius^  his 
lieutenant-generals,  and  Agrippa,  while  he  was 
wintering  on  the  coast  at  Tarraco.  Himself  arriving 
quickly  on  tlie  scene,  he  brought  some  of  the 
inhabitants  down  from  the  mountains,  secured  the 
fidelity  of  others  by  taking  hostages,  and  sold  others, 
by  right  of  conquest,  into  slavery.  His  success  was 
considered  by  the  senate  to  be  worthy  of  a  laurel 
crown  and  a  triumphal  chariot ;  but  Caesar  was  now  so 
mighty  that  he  despised  any  glory  that  a  triumph 
could  bestow.  The  Asturians  meanwhile  had  come 
down  from  the  snow-clad  mountains  in  a  vast  host. 
This  attack  seems  not  to  have  been  undertaken 
without  consideration  by  the  barbarians  ;  but  they 
pitched  their  camp  at  the  river  Astura  and^  dividing 
their  forces  into  three  parts^  prepared  a  simultaneous 
attack  on  the  three  camps  of  the  Romans.  With 
such  brave  enemies  attacking  suddenly  and  with  so 
well-conceived  a  plan  the  struggle  would  have  been 
doubtful  and  bloody — and  I  would  I  could  think 
that  the  losses  on  both  sides  would  have  been  equal  ^ 
— had  not  the  Brigaecini  acted  as  traitors  and  had 
not  Carisius  arrived  with  his  army  as  a  result  of  their 
warninss.  To  have  frustrated  the  enemv's  desig-ns 
meant  victory,  though^  even  so,  the  struggle  was  a 
bloody  one.  The  well-fortified  city  of  Lancea 
opened  its  gates  to  the  remains  of  the  defeated 
army ;  here  such  efforts  were  needed  to  counteract 
the  natural  advantage  of  the  place,  that  when  fire- 
brands  were  demanded  to  burn  the  captured  city^  it 
was  only  with  difficulty  that  the  general  won  mercy 
for  it  from  the  soldiers,  on  the  plea  that  it  would 
form  a  better  monument  of  the  Roman  victory  if  it 
were  left  standing  than  if  it  were  burnt. 

347 


L.    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 

59  Hic  finis  Augusto  bellicorum  certaminum  ^  fuit, 
idem  rebellandi  finis  Hispaniae.  Certa  mox  fides 
et  aeterna  pax,  cum  ipsorum  ingenio  in  pacis  artes  ^ 
promptiore,  tum  consilio  Caesaris,  qui  fiduciam 
montium  timens  in  quos  se  recipiebant,  castra  sua, 

60  quia  in  plano  erant,  habitare  et  incolere  iussit ;  ibi 
gentis  esse  concilium,  illud  observari^  caput.  Fave- 
bat  consilio  natura  regionis ;  circa  enim  omnis 
aurifera  *  est  et  chrysocoliae  ^  miniique  et  aliorum 
colorum  ferax.  Itaque  exerceri  solum  iussit.  Sic 
Astures  ^  nitentes  in  profundo  opes  suas  atque 
divitias^  dum  aliis  quaerunt,  nosse  coeperunt. 


XXXniL    Pax  Parthorvm  et  Consecratio 

AVGVSTI 

61  Omnibus  ad  occasum  etmeridiem  pacatis  gentibus, 
ad  septentrionem  quoque,  dum  taxat  intra  Rhenum 
atque  Danuvium,  item  ad  orientem  intra  Cyrum ' 
et  Euphraten,  illi  quoque  reliqui,  qui  inmunes 
imperii  erant^  sentiebant  tamen  magnitudinem  et 
victorem^    gentium   populum    Romanum^    revere- 

62  bantur.  Nam  et  Scythae  misere  legatos  et  Sarmatae 
amicitiam  petentes.  Seres  etiam  habitantesque  sub 
ipso  sole  Indi,  cum  gemmis  et  margaritis  elephantos 
quoque  inter  munera  trahentes,  nihil  magis   quam 

1  bellicorum  certaminum :  belli  civilium  certamin  B^. 

2  artes :  arte  B^ :  partes  NL. 

3  observari :  observare  B^. 

*  aurifera  :  auriferae  B^. 

*  chrysocoUae :  cbriso  calle  B^. 

*  Astures  X^ :  astare  B^. 

'  Cyrum  :  ecyrum  N  :  circum  L. 

®  victorem  Aldus  :  victoriam  codd. 

'  populum  Romanum  Aldus :  populi  Romani  codd. 


BOOK    II.  XXXIII. -xxxiiii. 

This  was  the  end  of  Augustus'  campaigns  as  well 
as  of  the  rebellion  in  Spain.  After  this  we  were 
abie  to  rely  on  the  loyalty  of  the  Spaniards,  and 
uninterrupted  peace  ensued  as  a  result  both  of  their 
natural  disposition  for  the  arts  of  peace  and  also  of 
the  wise  measures  taken  by  Caesar^  -who,  dreading 
the  confidence  inspired  by  the  mountains  into  which 
they  were  wont  to  retire,  ordered  them  to  occupy 
and  cultivate  the  district  in  the  plain  where  his 
camp  had  been ;  he  urged  that  the  council  of 
the  nation  should  be  held  there  and  the  place 
regarded  as  the  capital.  The  natural  advantages  of 
the  place  favoured  his  plan  ;  for  the  whole  district 
bears  gold  and  is  rich  in  chrysocolla,'^  vermiHon  and 
other  pigments  ;  he,  thereforC;,  ordered  that  the  soil 
should  be  tilled.  Thus  the  Astures^  digging  deep 
into  the  ground  in  search  of  riches  for  others,  gained 
their  first  knowledge  of  their  own  resources  and 
wealth. 

XXXII II.    The  Peace  with   Parthia  and  the  Dei- 

FICATION    OF    AUGUSTUS 

Now  that  all  the  races  of  the  west  and  south  were 
subjugated^  and  also  the  races  of  the  north^  tbose  at 
least  between  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube.  and  of  the 
east  between  the  Cyrus  and  Euphrates^  the  other 
nations  too,  who  were  not  under  the  rule  of  the 
empire,  yet  felt  the  greatness  of  Rome  and  revered 
its  people  as  the  conqueror  of  the  world.  For  the 
Scythians  and  the  Sarmatians  sent  ambassadors 
seeking  friendship ;  the  Seres  ^  too  and  the  Indians, 
who  live  immediately  beneath  the  sun,  though  they 

*  A  green  pigment.  *  Chinese. 

349 


L.    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

longinquitatem  viae  inputabant — quadriennium  in- 
pleverant ;    et    iam  ^    ipse    hominum    color    ab    alio 

63  venire  caelo  fatebatur.  Parthi  quoque,  quasi  vic- 
toriae  paeniteret,^  rapta  clade  Crassiana  signa  ultro 

64  rettulere.  Sic  ubique  certa^  atque  continua  totius 
generis  humani  aut  pax  fuit  aut  pactio/  aususque 
tandem  Caesar  Augustus  septingentesimo  ab  urbe 
condita  anno  lanum  geminum  cludere,  bis  ante  se 
clusum  sub  Numa  rege  et  victa  primum  Carthagine. 

65  Hinc  conversus  ad  pacem  pronum  in  omnia  mala 
et  in  luxuriam  fluens  saeculum  gravibus  severisque 
legibus  multis  coercuit,  ob  haec  tot  facta  ingentia 

66  dictus  imperator  perpetuus  et  pater  patriae.  Trac- 
tatum  etiam  in  senatu^  an,  quia  condidisset  imperium, 
Romulus  vocaretur ;  sed  sanctius  et  reverentius 
visum  est  nomen  Augusti,  ut  scilicet  iam  tum,  dum 
colit  terras,  ipso  nomine  et  titulo  consecraretur. 

*  iam  Mommsenus  :  tamen  codd. 

2  paeniteret  Rehd.  :  pertineret  N :  permaneret  L  Monac. 
'  certa  Freinshemius :  cuncta  codd. 

*  pactio  L  Palat.  :  paccio  Voss.  Monac.  Rehd.  :  factio  N. 

^  Strictl}'  speaking  the  3-ear  of  the  closing  of  the  temple  of 
Janus  (29  B.c)  was  a.u.c.  725, 


350 


BOOK    II.  xxxiiii. 

brought  elephants  amonfifst  their  gifts  as  well  as 
precious  stones  and  pearls,  regarded  their  long 
journey,  in  the  accom})hshment  of  \vhich  they  had 
spent  four  years,  as  the  greatest  tribute  which  they 
rendered  ;  and  indeed  their  complexion  proved  that 
they  came  from  beneath  another  sky.  The  Parthians 
too,  as  though  they  repented  of  their  victory,  volun- 
tarily  returned  the  standards  which  they  had  won 
at  the  time  of  Crassus'  defeat.  Thus  everywhere 
throughout  the  inhabited  world  there  was  firmly- 
estabUshed  and  uninterrupted  peace  or  truce,  and 
Caesar  Augustus  ventured  at  last,  in  the  seven 
hundredth  year  since  the  foundation  of  the  city/  to 
ciose  the  double  doors  of  the  temple  of  Janus,  which 
had  previously  been  shut  on  two  occasions  only,  in 
the  reign  of  Numa  and  after  the  first  defeat  of 
Carthage.  Next,  devoting  himself  to  securing  tran- 
quilHty,  by  many  strict  and  severe  enactments  he 
restrained  an  age  which  was  prone  to  every  vice 
and  readily  led  into  luxury.  For  all  these  great 
achievements  he  was  named  Perpetual  Imperator 
and  Father  of  his  Country.  It  was  also  discussed  in 
the  senate  whether  he  should  not  be  called  Romulus, 
because  he  had  estabHshed  tlie  empire ;  but  the 
name  of  Augustus  was  deemed  more  holy  and 
venerable,  in  order  that,  while  he  still  dwelt  upon 
earth,  he  might  be  given  a  name  and  title  which 
raised  him  to  the  rank  of  a  deity. 


351 


i      COKNELIUS  NEPOS 


WITH  AN  ENGLISH  TRAXSLATION  BT 

JOHN   C.    ROLFE,  Litt.D. 

DNIVERSITY   OF   PENNSYLVANIA 


INTRODUCTION 


The  Life  axd  Works  of  Cornelius  Nepos 

CoRXELius  Nepos  (his  praenomen  is  unknown)  was 
born  in  Cisalpine  Gaul,  the  native  land  of  Catullus, 
Vergil  Livy  and  the  PHnys.  The  elder  Pliny  speaks 
of  him  as  Padi  accola}  and  since  \ve  know  that  he  was 
a  native  of  that  part  of  Cisalpine  Gaul  which  took  its 
name  fi'om  the  Insubres,^  it  has  been  conjectured 
that  his  birthplace  was  Ticinum,  the  modern  Pavia. 

The  dates  of  his  birth  and  death  are  not  known 
with  certainty.  He  appears  to  have  Hved  from 
about  99  to  about  2-i  b.c.  ;  for  we  know  that  he  sur- 
vived  Atticus,  who  died  in  32  b.c,  and  that  he  Hved 
to  an  advanced  age.  The  elder  PHny  twice  refers  ^ 
to  '*  CorneHus  Nepos,  qui  divi  Augusti  principatu 
obiit." 

Nepos  took  up  his  residence  in  Rome  early  and 
spent  the  greater  part  of  his  Hfe  there.  He  seems  to 
have  had  an  independent  fortune  and  to  have  devoted 
his  entire  attention  to  Hterary  work.  He  apparently 
took  no  part  in  poHtical  Hfe ;  at  least,  we  know  from 
one  of  PHny's  letters  that  he  was  not  of  senatorial 
rank.*     He  exchanged  letters  with  Cicero  ^  and  he 

1  IJ.E.  iu.  127. 

*  PHny,  Ejpist.  iv.  28.  1 ;  cf.  Cicero,  ad  Fam.  xv.  16.  1, 

ViV.^.ix.  137;  X.  60.  *  v.  3.  6. 

^  Macrob.  Sat.  ii.  1.  14;  Suet.  Jul.  55;  etc. 

355 


INTRODUCTION 

was  intimate  with  Atticus  after  the  latter's  return 
from  Athens  in  65  b.c.  Catullus  dedicated  a  book 
of  poems  to  him  in  compHmentary  Unes.^ 

A  reference  of  Fronto  ^  seems  to  indicate  that 
Nepos,  like  his  friend  Atticus,  was  a  pubhsher,  as 
well  as  a  writer,  of  books. 

Nepos  was  a  prohfic  author  in  several  branches  of 
literature.  The  greater  part  of  his  works  has  been 
lost  and  is  known  to  us  only  through  references  of 
other  wTiters.     The  hst  is  as  follows : 

Love  Poems,  mentioned  by  the  younger  PHny  in 
the  letter  cited  above.^ 

Chronica,  referred  to  by  Catullus  in  his  dedication. 
This  wwk  comprised  in  three  books  an  outHne 
of  the  histor>^  of  the  world  from  the  earhest 
times  to  about  54  b.c.  Like  the  Liber  Annalis  * 
of  Atticus,  it  was  of  a  chronological  character. 

Exempla,  a  collection  of  anecdotes  arranged  under 
various  captions,  hke  the  Factorum  et  Dictorum 
Memorahilium  libri  IX  of  Valerius  Maximus,  and 
intended  for  the  use  of  rhetoricians.  A  fifth 
book  is  cited  by  Gelhus.^  It  must  have  been 
pubhshed  after  43  b.c^ 

A  Life  of  Cato,  mentioned  by  Nepos  himself.'' 

A  Life  of  Cicero,^  apparently  composed  after  the 
death  of  the  orator. 

A  treatise  on  Geography,  kno^vn,  though  not  by 
title,  from  references  of  the  elder  PHny  and 
Pomponius  Mela.  The  former  speaks  of  it  as 
uncritical.^ 

1  Catull.  1.  2  page  20,  6,  Naber  (i.  p.  169,  L.C.L.). 

3  V.  3.  6.             *  Nepos,  xxiii.  13.  1.             =  vi.  18.  11. 

«  Suet.  Aug.  77.  '  xxiv.  3.  5.           «  Gell.  xv.  28.  2. 
»  N.H.  V.  4. 

356 


INTRODUGTION 

De  Firis  Illustrihus,  in  at  least  sixteen  books.^ 
Nepos  arranged  his  biographies  in  groups  of  two 
books  each.  The  lirst  book  of  every  group 
included  the  distinguished  men  of  foreign  nations, 
for  the  most  part  Greeks ;  the  second,  those  of 
Rome.  From  references  of  Nepos  himself  and 
others  ^  the  categories  of  generals,  historians, 
kings  and  poets  have  been  determined.  What 
the  other  four  were  is  uncertain ;  philosophers, 
orators,  statesmen  and  grammarians  have  been 
suggested.  The  reference  of  GelHus  ^  to  Book  xii 
with  reference  to  a  Roman  historian  is  variously 
explained,  some  assuming  an  error  in  the  text 
of  Gelhus ;  others,  that  an  introductory  book 
of  a  general  character  preceded  and  introduced 
the  pairs  of  Hves. 

Of  this  work  we  have  the  entire  book  De  Excel- 
lentibus  Ducibus  Exierarum  Ge?itium,  and  two  hves 
from  the  book  De  Historicis  Latinis,  besides  a  few 
fragments.  The  former  was  for  a  long  time  beheved 
to  be  the  work  of  AemiHus  Probus,  a  grammarian  of 
the  time  of  Theodosius  II  (a.d.  408-450)  on  account 
of  an  epigram  of  his  which  appears  in  some  of  the 
manuscripts  after  the  Life  of  Hannibal. 

It  reads  as  follows : 

Vade,  hber,  nostri  fato  mehore  memento; 

Cimi  leget  haec  dominus,  te  sciat  esse  meum. 
Nec  metuas  fulvo  strictos  diademate  crines, 

Ridentes  blandum  vel  pietate  oculos. 

^  Cbarisius,  i.  141.  13  K.,  cit€S  the  sixteenth  book. 
2  Xepos,  X.  3.  2;    xxi.  1.  1;    xxiii.  13.  4;   Suet.  vit.  Ter.  iii. 
(ii.  p.  457,  L.C.L.). 
'  xi.  8.  5. 

357 


INTRODUGTION 

Cominunis  cunctis  hominem,  sed  regna  tenere 

Se  meminit ;   vincit  hinc  magis  ille  homines. 
Ornentur  steriles  fragiU  tectura  hbelli; 

Theodosio  et  doctis  carmina  nuda  placent. 
Si  rogat  auctorem,  paulatim  detege  nostrum 

Tunc  domino  nomen ;   me  sciat  esse  Probum. 
Corpore  in  hoc  manus  est  genitoris  avique  meaque; 

Fehces,  dominum  quae  meruere,  manus.^ 

Go  forth,  my  book,  and  under  a  better  destiny  be 
mindful  of  me.  When  my  Lord  shall  read  this,  let 
him  know  that  you  are  mine.  Fear  not  the  golden 
diadem  that  binds  his  locks,  his  eyes  smiUng  ^\dth 
kindness  and  goodness.  Gracious  to  all,  he  remem- 
bers  that  he  is  a  mortal  man,  but  a  man  who  rules  an 
empire  ;  thus  he  binds  men  the  closer.  Let  the  frail 
covering  of  useless  books  be  adorned,  but  to  Theo- 
dosius  and  the  cultured  unadorned  songs  are  pleasing. 
If  he  ask  for  the  author,  then  gradually  reveal  my 
name  to  my  Lord.  Let  him  know  that  I  am  Probus.^ 
In  this  work  is  the  hand  of  my  father,  my  grandfather 
and  myself.  Happy  the  hands  that  have  found 
favour  with  my  Lord. 

As  early  as  the  sixteenth  century  it  was  sho^\Ti  that 
the  author  of  the  book  on  Great  Generals  must  have 
belonged  to  the  later  days  of  the  Repubhc  and  the 
beginning  of  the  Empire.^  Furthermore,  the  resem- 
blances  in  language  and  style  to  the  hves  of  Cato 

1  rollowed  in  codd.  A  and  P  by  "  Aemilii  (Emilii,  P) 
Probi  de  excellentibus  ducibus  exterarum  gentium  liber 
explicit." 

2  The  Honest  Man. 

3  See,  for  example,  xviii.  8.  2  ;  xvii.  4.  2 ;  viii.  2.  4 ; 
i.  6.  2. 

353 


INTRODUCTION 

and  Atticus,  which  have  come  down  to  us  under  the 
name  of  CorneHus  Nepos,  are  so  great  as  to  leave  no 
doubt  that  they  are  the  work  of  the  same  writer. 
Aemihus  Probus,  following  in  the  footsteps  of  his 
grandfather  and  his  father,  was  apparently  the  editor 
of  a  collection  of  Selected  Lives  from  the  De  Viris 
Illus*ribus  of  Nepos. 

The  entire  work  was  pubhshed  before  the  death  of 
Atticus  in  32  b.c,  probably  in  34:  or  35.  At  some 
time  before  27  b.c.  a  second  edition  was  issued,^  in 
which  the  brief  extract  On  Ki?igs  and  the  lives  of 
Datames,  Hamilcar  and  Hannibal  seem  to  have  been 
added  to  the  existing  collection  and  additions  made 
to  the  biography  of  Atticus.  Thus  the  first  edition 
contained  only  Greeks  and  Romans. 

According  to  his  o^\ti  statement,^  Nepos  wrote 
biography  and  not  history,  and  it  is  as  the  oldest 
existing  biographical  work  that  has  come  down  to  us 
under  the  name  of  its  author  that  the  surviving  part 
of  the  De  Viris  Illustrihus  may  claim  a  modest  place 
in  the  history  of  Hterature.  The  Hves  were  addressed 
to  the  general  pubHc  ^  rather  than  to  scholars,  and 
their  purpose  was  to  entertain  and  at  the  same  time 
point  a  moral.  They  therefore  should,  and  in  the 
majority  of  instances  do,  belong  to  the  Peripatetic 
type,  represented  by  the  Parallel  Lives  of  Plutarch. 
Nepos  faUs  far  short  of  Plutarch  as  a  biographer ;  he 
preceded  him  in  comparing  Romans  vdXh.  foreigners, 
although  in  this  method  of  gratifying  Roman  national 

1  See  XXV.  19.  1.  Octavian  is  everywhere  referred  to  as 
Caesar,  never  Tvith  the  title  Augustus,  conferred  on  him  in 
27  B.c. 

2  XVi.  1.  1. 

3  SeePraef.  1-7;  xv.  1.  1;  etc. 

359 


INTRODUCTION 

pride  he  had  himself  been  anticipated  by  Varro  ^  and 
other  wTiters  of  the  period.^ 

Nepos  was  not  skilled  in  the  art  of  composition, 
and  as  a  result  his  work  presents  a  combination  of 
nearly  all  possible  types  of  biography.^  Besides  the 
Peripatetic  biographies  we  have  brief  summaries  in 
the  Alexandrine-philological  manner  (Cimon,  Conon, 
Iphicrates,  Chahrias  and  Ti^notheus),  and  eulogies 
{encomia  or  laudationes)  either  in  an  approximation  * 
to  the  conventional  form  taught  in  the  schools  of 
rhetoric  and  based  on  the  virtues  of  the  hero  {Epa- 
minondas),  or  with  a  superficial  resemblance  to  the 
Agesilaus  of  Xenophon  and  based  upon  the  hero's 
exploits  (Agesilaus),  The  Atticus,  which  is  also  a 
eulogy,  is  unique  in  being  originally  wTitten  of  a 
person  who  was  still  Hving;  after  his  death,  as  has 
been  said,  it  was  somewhat  changed.  It  is  in  the 
main  of  the  type  represented  by  Xenophon's  Agesi- 
laus  and  the  brief  laudation  of  Germanicus  in 
Suetonius'   Caligula.^ 

Nepos  writes  as  a  rule  in  the  "  plain  "  style.^  His 
vocabulary  is  Hmited,  and  he  expresses  himself 
ordinarily  in  short  sentences.  The  results  of  rhe- 
torical  training  are  sho^ra  in  his  attempts  to  adorn 
his  narrative,  especially,  although  not  consistently,* 
in  more  elevated  passages,  when  he  depicts  the 
virtues  of  his  heroes  '^  or  puts  speeches  into  their 
mouths.     He  occasionally  attempts  long  periods,  but 

^  In  the  Imagines. 

2  See,  for  example,  Cic.  Tusc.  Disp.  i.  1. 

3  Leo,  p.  210. 

*  He  is  rarely,  if  ever,  consistent  in  the  use  of  any  hterary 
form  or  rhetorical  device. 

°  i-vii.  *  See  Gellius,  vi.  14. 

'  E.g.  XV.  3. 

360 


INTRODUCTION 

is  obviously  not  at  home  in  them.  His  principal 
rhetorical  devices  are  rhythmical  clausulae,  aUitera- 
tion  and  antithesis.  The  last-named  figure  is  used  to 
such  excess  that  his  sentences  are  frequently  over- 
loaded  at  the  beginning,  and  end  weakly.  Although 
he  was  a  contemporary  of  Caesar  and  Cicero,  his 
Latinity  belongs  with  that  of  Varro  and  the  writers 
of  the  supplements  to  Caesar's  Civil  War.  He  has 
some  archaisms,  numerous  colloquial  words  and 
expressions,  and  some  words  that  are  common  to  him 
and  writers  of  a  later  date.  He  has  httle  variety  in 
his  diction ;  in  particular  he  uses  nam  and  enim  to  an 
extent  which  taxes  the  ingenuity  of  a  translator. 
He  is  also  fond  of  the  pronoun  hic,  probably  owing  to 
the  influence  of  the  Alexandrine  biographers.^ 

Although  Nepos  makes  direct  mention  of  Thucy- 
dides,  Xenophon's  Agesilaits,  Plato's  Sympos^ium, 
Theopompus,  Dinon,  Timaeus,  Silenus,  Sosylus, 
Polybius,  Sulpicius  Bhtho,  Atticus  and  the  writings 
of  Hannibal,  it  is  obvious  that  he  rarely,  if  ever, 
made  first-hand  use  of  those  authorities.  The 
material  which  he  needed  for  his  Greek  subjects  was 
available  in  the  biographical  Hterature  of  that 
country,^  such  as  the  works  of  Antigonus  of  Carystus, 
Hermippus  and  Satyrus.  In  the  biographies  of 
Romans,  which  are  lost  except  for  the  Cato  and  the 
Atticus,  he  may  have  depended  to  a  greater  extent 
on  historical  sources,  although  he  had  predecessors 
in  \'arro  and  Santra. 

The  Maxuscripts 

The  best  manuscripts  of  Nepos  are  no  longer  in 
existence.     The  codex  Parcensis  (P),  so  named  from 

1  See  Leo,  p.  217.  2  gge  xv.  4.  6. 

361 


INTRODUCTION 

the  Abbey  of  Parc,  was  discovered  and  collated  by 
Roth.  It  belonged  to  the  fifteenth  century,  but 
represented  an  older  tradition  than  the  earher 
Sangallensis  and  Guelferhytanus.  It  found  its  way  to 
the  hbrary  of  Louvain,  where  it  disappeared  during 
the  late  war.  The  collation  of  Roth  is  preserved  in 
the  pubhc  hbrary  of  Basle.  Of  about  the  same  age 
and  value,  so  far  as  it  goes,  is  a  manuscript  variously 
known  as  the  codex  Danielinus  or  Gifanianus  (Dan. 
or  Gif.),  which  was  formerly  at  St.  Benoit  sur  Loire, 
but  has  been  lost  sight  of  since  the  sixteenth  century. 
Many  of  its  readings  have  been  more  or  less  imper- 
fectly  preserved  in  the  margin  of  the  edition  of 
Langueil  (1543).  In  many  cases  they  are  so  similar 
to  those  of  the  codex  Guelferbytanus  Gudianus,  166, 
{A)  of  the  twelfth  or  thirteenth  century,  that  Chate- 
lain  1  thought  it  possible  that  codex  A  was  actually 
the  famous  DanieUnus.  Other  manuscripts  of  value 
are  the  Sangallensis  (B),  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
the  Monacensis,  88,  (-V/),  wTitten  at  Uhn  in  1482,  and 
a  manuscript  of  the  Collegium  Romanum  (R).  The 
Utrecht  edition  of  1542  (u)  represents  a  special 
tradition  and  was  ranked  among  the  manuscripts  by 
Roth  and  Halm. 

For  other  manuscripts  added  by  Gemss,  Winsted 
and  Guillemin,  which  occasionally  furnish  good 
readings,  see  the  Hst  of  sigla.  All  the  existing 
codices  have  the  same  lacuna  at  vi.2.3  and  a  number 
of  obvious  errors  in  common,  and  hence  are  descended 
from  the  same  archetype,  assumed  to  be  a  minuscule 
manuscript  not  earher  than  the  eleventh  century. 
They  are  classified  as  follows  by  Guillemin  :  (1)  Dan.- 
Gif.,  P,  A,  ^,  TT ;  (2)  B,  /x ;  (3)  u ;  (4)  R,  M,  F,  X. 

^  PaUographie  de  classiques  latins,  ii.  p.  clxxxii. 
362 


INTRODUCTION 

Owing  to  the  lack  of  reliable  manuscripts  and  the 
fact  that  Nepos  has  been  so  extensively  used  in  the 
schools  of  ancient,  as  well  as  of  modern,  times, 
editors  have  been  very  free  in  making  emendations 
and  transpositions,  and  in  assuming  the  existence  of 
lacunae.  The  extremes  of  conservatism  and  the 
reverse  are  perhaps  illustrated  by  the  editions  of 
Winsted  and  Guillemin.  In  this  edition  the  manu- 
script  reading  has  been  kept  wherever  it  seemed 
possible  to  do  so ;  in  the  words  of  Winsted  (Praef.) : 
"  Nepotis  hbrum  hmatiorem  quam  ipse  reliquit 
reddere  veritus  sum."  Deviations  from  the  codices, 
except  in  the  case  of  obvious  and  generally  accepted 
corrections,  have  been  indicated  in  the  critical  notes. 

BlOGRAPHICAL    NoTE 

The  ediiio  princeps  of  Nepos  was  published  at 
Venice  in  1471 ;  it  was  followed  by  the  editio  Juniina 
of  1525  and  the  Utrecht  edition  of  1542.  Of  critical 
editions  may  be  mentioned  :  Lambin,  Aemilii  Probi  et 
Cornelii  Nepotis  quae  supersunt,  Paris,  1569 ;  Roth, 
with  prolegomena  of  Rinck,  Basle,  1841 ;  Nipperdey, 
BerHn,  1867 ;  Halm,  Leipzig,  1871 ;  Fleckeisen, 
Leipzig,  1884;  Winsted,  Oxford,  1904;  and 
Guillemin,  with  a  translation  into  French,  Paris, 
1923.  The  best  commentary  is  that  of  Nipperdev, 
Berhn,  1849  (ed.  2  by  Lupus,  BerHn,  1879).  The 
school  editions  in  various  languages  are  very 
numerous,  such  as  Nipperdey's  abridgment  for  the 
use  of  schools,  of  which  an  eleventh  edition  by 
C.  Witte  appeared  in  1913 ;  that  of  Browning, 
Oxford,  1868  (ed.  3  by  Inge,  1887);  and  that  of 
O.  Wagner,  Leipzig,  1922.     Nepos'  style  is  treated 

363 


INTRODUCTION 

by  B.  Lupus,  Der  Sprachgehraiich  des  Cornellus  Nepos, 
Berlin,  1876,  and  in  the  preface  to  the  Nipperdey- 
Witte  edition ;  and  his  branch  of  literature  by  Fr. 
Leo,  Die  Griechisch-romische  Biographie,  Leipzig, 
1901,  and  D.  R.  Stuart,  Epochs  of  Greek  and  Roman 
Biography,  Berkeley,  California,  1928. 


364 


SIGLA 

- '  l  =  Codex  Danielinus  or  Gifanianus. 
Gif.  j 

P  =  Codex  Parcensis,  fifteenth  century. 

A  =  Codex  Guelferbytanus  Gudianus  166,  twelfth  to 

thirteenth  century. 
B  =  Codex  Sangallensis,  fourteenth  century. 
M=  Codex  Monacensis,  1482. 
R  =  Codex  Collegii  Romani,  thirteenth  century. 
H  =  Codex  Haenehanus,  1469. 
Leid.  =  Codex  Leidensis  Boeclerl. 
Leid.  11=  Codex  Leidensis. 
Can.  =  Codex  Bodleianus  Canonici  Lat.  159,  fifteenth 

century. 
V  =  Codex  Vindobonensis,  fifteenth  century. 
2  =  Codex  Strozzianus  (Florence). 
F  =  Codex  Claromontanus  259,  fifteenth  century, 
0  =  Codex  Parisinus  5826,  fifteenth  century. 
fx  =  Codex  Parisinus  6143,  fifteenth  century. 
A  =  Codex  Parisinus  5837,  fifteenth  century. 
TT  =  Codex    Parisinus    (Arsenal    Library),    fifteenth 

century. 
u  =  Utrecht  edition  of  1542. 
Nipp.  =  Nipperdey. 
Fleck.  =  Fleckeisen. 
Guill.  =  Guillenun. 


365 


i 


THE  BOOK  OF  CORXELIUS  XEPOS 


B  ON  THE 

GREAT  GENERALS  OF  FOREIGN  NATIONS 


CORNELII  NEPOTIS 

LIBER   DE  EXCELLENTIBUS   DUCIBUS 
EXTERARUM   GENTIUM 

PRAEFATIO 

1  NoN  dubito  fore  plerosque,  Attice,  qui  hoc  genus 
scripturae  leve  et  non  satis  dignum  summorum 
virorum  personis  iudicent,  cum  relatum  legent  quis 
musicam  docuerit  Epaminondam,  aut  in  eius  virtu- 
tibus   commemorari,  saltasse   eum  commode   scien- 

2  terque  tibiis  cantasse.  Sed  hi  erunt  fere  qui  expertes 
Utterarum     Graecarum     nihil     rectum,     nisi     quod 

3  ipsorum  moribus  conveniat,  putabunt.  Hi  si  didi- 
cerint  non  eadem  omnibus  esse  honesta  atque 
turpia,  sed  omnia  maiorum  institutis  iudicari,  non 
admirabuntur  nos  in  Graiorum  virtutibus  exponendis 

4  mores  eorum  secutos.  Neque  enim  Cimoni  fuit 
turpe,  Atheniensium  summo  viro,  sororem  ger- 
manam  habere  in  matrimonio,  quippe  cum  cives 
eius  eodem  uterentur  instituto ;  at  id  quidem  nostris 
moribus  nefas  habetur.  Laudi  in  Creta  ^  ducitur 
adulescentuUs    quam    plurimos    habuisse    amatores. 

1  Creta,  Valckenaer;   Graecia,  31 SS. 

1  See  XV.  2.     In  the  Notes  and  Index  the  Lives  are  referred 
to  by  number. 

2  V.  1.  2. 

368 


THE  BOOK  OF  CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

ON   THE 

GREAT  GENERALS  OF  FOREIGN  NATIONS 


PREFACE 

I  DOUBT  not,  Atticus,  that  many  readers  will  look 
upon  this  kind  of  writing  as  trivial  and  unworthy  of 
the  parts  played  by  great  men,  when  they  find  that 
I  have  told  who  taught  Epaminondas  music  or  see 
it  mentioned  among  his  titles  to  fame  that  he  was 
a  graceful  dancer  and  a  skilled  performer  on  the 
flute.^  But  such  critics  will  for  the  most  part  be 
men  unfamiHar  with  Greek  letters,  who  will  think  no 
conduct  proper  which  does  not  conform  to  their 
own  habits.  If  these  men  can  be  made  to  under- 
stand  that  not  all  peoples  look  upon  the  same  acts 
as  honourable  or  base,  but  that  they  judge  them  all 
in  the  hght  of  the  usage  of  their  forefathers,  they  will 
not  be  surprised  that  I,  in  giving  an  account  of  the 
merits  of  Greeks,  have  borne  in  mind  the  usage  of 
that  nation.  For  example,  it  was  no  disgrace  to 
Cimon,  an  eminent  citizen  of  Athens,  to  have  his 
own  sister  to  wife,^  inasmuch  as  his  countrymen 
followed  that  same  custom ;  but  according  to  our 
standards  such  a  union  is  considered  impious.  In 
Crete  it  is  thought  praiseworthy  for  young  men  to 
have  had  the  greatest  possible  number  of  love  afFairs. 

F.v.  N  369 


CORXELIUS   NEPOS 

Nulla    Lacedaemoni    \-idua    tam    est    nobilis,    quae 

5  non  ad  cenam  ^  eat  mercede  conducta.  Magnis  in 
laudibus  tota  fere  fuit  Graecia  \-ictorem  01\Tnpiae 
citari ;  in  scaenam  vero  prodire  ac  populo  esse 
spectaculo  nemini  in  eisdem  gentibus  fuit  turpitudini. 
Quae  omnia  apud  nos  partim  infamia,  partim  humilia 
atque  ab  honestate  remota  ponuntur. 

6  Contra  ea  pleraque  nostris  moribus  sunt  decora 
quae  apud  illos  turpia  putantur.  Quem  enim  Roma- 
norum  pudet  uxorem  ducere  in  convivium?  Aut 
cuius  non  mater  famihas  primum  locum  tenet  aedium 

7  atque  in  celebritate  versatur  ?  Quod  multo  fit  aliter 
in  Graecia ;  nam  neque  in  convivium  adhibetur  nisi 
propinquorum,  neque  sedet  nisi  in  interiore  parte 
aedium,  quae  gynaeconitis  appellatur,  quo  nemo 
accedit  nisi  propinqua  cognatione  coniunctus. 

8  Sed  hic  plura  persequi  cum  magnitudo  voluminis 
prohibet,  tum  festinatio  ut  ea  exphcem  quae  exorsus 
sum.  Qua  re  ad  propositum  veniemus  et  in  hoc 
exponemus  hbro  de  vita  excellentium  imperatorum. 

1  cenam,  PA;  scenam,  the  other  3ISS.;  obscena  ineat, 
0.  Wagner;   moeccum,  L.  Havet. 

1  Cenam  is  probably  corrupt,  but  no  satisfactory  emenda- 
tion  has  been  proposed.  The  suggestion  of  Wagner,  "  to 
indulge  in  promiscuous  intercourse,"  seems  the  best  one;  see 
the  critical  note. 

2  The  reference  is  primarily  to  the  atrium,  but  also  to 
other  rooms  to  which  guests  were  admitted;  primum  locum 
is  contrasted  with  interiore  parte. 


370 


PRAEFATIO,  4-8 

At  Lacedaemon  no  woman  without  a  husband,  how- 
ever  distinguished  she  may  be,  refuses  to  go  to  a 
dinner-party  as  a  hired  entertainer.^  Almost  every- 
where  in  Greece  it  was  deemed  a  high  honour  to 
be  proclaimed  victor  at  Olympia ;  even  to  appear 
on  the  stage  and  exhibit  oneself  to  the  people  was 
never  regarded  as  shameful  by  those  nations.  With 
us,  however,  all  those  acts  are  classed  either  as 
disgraceful,  or  as  low  and  unworthy  of  respectable 
conduct. 

On  the  other  hand,  many  actions  are  seemly 
according  to  our  code  which  the  Greeks  look  upon 
as  shameful.  For  instance,  what  Roman  would 
blush  to  take  his  wife  to  a  dinner-party  ?  What 
matron  does  not  frequent  the  front  rooms  ^  of  her 
dwelling  and  show  herself  in  public  ?  But  it  is  very 
different  in  Greece ;  for  there  a  woman  is  not 
admitted  to  a  dinner-party,  unless  relatives  only  are 
present,  and  she  keeps  to  the  more  retired  part 
of  the  house  called  "  the  women's  apartment,"  to 
which  no  man  has  access  who  is  not  near  of  kin. 

But  further  enlargement  of  this  topic  is  impossible, 
not  only  because  of  the  extent  of  my  proposed  work, 
but  also  by  my  haste  to  treat  the  subject  that  I 
have  chosen.  I  shall  therefore  come  to  the  point 
and  shall  \^Tite  in  this  book  of  the  lives  of  celebrated 
commanders. 


371 


I.  MILTIADES 

1.  MiLTiADES,  Cimonis  filius,  Atheniensis,  cum  et 
antiquitate  generis  et  gloria  maiorum  et  sua  modestia 
unus  omnium  maxime  floreret  eaque  esset  aetate  ut 
non  iam  solum  de  eo  bene  sperare,  sed  etiam  con- 
fide/e  cives  possent  sui  talem  eum  futurum  qualera 
cognitum  iudicarunt,  accidit  ut  Athenienses  Cherso- 

2  nesum  colonos  vellent  mittere.  Cuius  generis  cum 
magnus  numerus  esset  et  multi  eius  demigrationis 
peterent  societatem,  ex  his  delecti  Delphos  delibera- 
tum  missi  sunt,^  quo  potissimum  duce  uterentur. 
Namque  tum  Thraeces  eas  regiones  tenebant,  cum 

3  quibus  armis  erat  dimicandum.  His  consulentibus 
nominatim  Pythia  praecepit  ut  Miltiadem  impera- 
torem  sibi  sumerent :  id  si  fecissent,  incepta  prospera 
futura. 

4  Hoc  oraculi  responso  Miltiades  cum  delecta  manu 
classe  Chersonesum  profectus,  cum  accessisset  Lem- 
num  et  incolas  eius  insulae  sub  potestatem  redigere 

1  The  MSS.  except  Leid.  add  qui  consulerent  Apollinem. 

^  He  claimed  descent  from  Aeacus,  son  of  Zeus ;  for  similar 
family-trees  cf.  Suet.  Galba  2;    Vesp.  12. 

2  A  general  term  for  a  peninsula;  here  the  Thracian 
Chersonesus  is  meant,  tbe  modem  Gallipoli  peninsula. 

2  In  chapters  1  and  2  Nepos  confuses  Miltiades  with  his 
uncle  of  the  same  name.     The  responses  of  the  oracle  were 

372 


1 


I.  MILTIADES 

1.  MiLTiADES,  the  Athenian,  son  of  Cimon,  because 
of  the  antiquity  of  his  family,^  the  fame  of  his 
ancestors,  and  his  own  unassuming  nature,  was  the 
most  distinguished  man  of  his  day.  He  had  reached 
a  time  of  hfe  when  he  not  only  inspired  high  hopes 
in  his  fellow-citizens,  but  even  gave  them  confidence 
that  he  would  be  the  kind  of  man  that  they 
found  him  on  longer  acquaintance,  when  it  chanced 
that  the  Athenians  ^vished  to  send  a  colony  to  the 
Chersonesus.2  Since  the  number  of  ehgible  citizens 
was  large  and  many  wished  to  take  part  in  that 
migration,  a  deputation  from  their  number  was  sent 
to  Delphi,  to  inquire  who  would  be  the  best  leader 
to  choose.  For  at  that  time  the  Thracians  were  in 
control  of  those  regions,  and  a  contest  ^\ith  them 
was  inevitable.  To  the  envoys  who  consulted  her 
the  Pythia  named  Miltiades  ^  and  bade  them  take 
him  as  their  commander,  declaring  that  if  they  did 
so,  their  enterprise  would  be  successful. 

It  was  owing  to  that  response  of  the  oracle  that 
Miltiades,  accompanied  by  a  carefully  selected 
band,  set  sail  vrith  a  fleet  for  the  Chersonesus. 
Having  reached  Lemnos  ^  and  \\dshing  to  bring  the 

usually  vague  or  ambiguous,  like  the  well-known  aio  tCy 
Aeacide,  Romanos  vincere  posse,  given  to  King  Pyrrhus  of 
Epirus. 

*  Xepos  everywhere  has  the  Latin  forms  of  Greek  names 
and  uses  the  Roman  names  for  the  Greek  gods. 

373 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

vellet    Atheniensium,    idque    Lemnii    sua    sponte  ^ 

5  facerent  postulasset,  illi  irridentes  responderunt 
tum  id  se  facturos,  cum  ille,  domo  navibus  pro- 
ficiscens,  vento  aquilone  venisset  Lemnum;  hic 
enim   ventus,   ab   septentrionibus   oriens,  adversum 

6  tenet  Athenis  proficiscentibus.  Miltiades,  morandi 
tempus  non  habens,  cursum  derexit  quo  tendebat, 
pervenitque  Chersonesum. 

2.  Ibi  brevi  tempore  barbarum^  copiis  disiectis, 
tota  regione  quam  petierat  potitus,  loca  castellis 
idonea  communiit,  multitudinem  quam  secum  duxerat 
in  agris  conlocavit  crebrisque  excursionibus  locuple- 

2  ta\it.  Neque  minus  in  ea  re  prudentia  quam 
fehcitate  adiutus  est ;  nam  cum  virtute  miUtum 
devicisset  hostium  exercitus,  summa  aequitate  res 
constituit  atque  ipse  ibidem  manere  decre\dt.     Erat 

3  enim  inter  eos  dignitate  regia,  quamvis  carebat 
nomine,  neque  id  magis  imperio  quam  iustitia  con- 
secutus ;  neque  eo  setius  Atheniensibus,  a  quibus 
erat*  profectus,  officia  praestabat.  Quibus  rebus 
fiebat  ut  non  minus  eorum  voluntate  perpetuum^ 
im.perium  obtineret  qui  miserant,  quam  illorum  cum 
quibus  erat  profectus. 

4  Chersoneso  tah  modo  constituta  Lemnum  reverti- 
tur  et  ex  pacto  postulat  ut  sibi  urbem  tradant.  Ilh 
enim  dixerant,  cum  vento  borea  domo  profectus  eo 

^  sponte  ut,  u  ;  idque  ut,  Cobd. 

2  barbarum,  Dan.  PA  ;   iht  other  MSS.  have  barbarorum. 

2  perpetuum  Pluijgers;  perpetuo,  2ISS. 

^  There  were  two  cities  on  Lemnos,  Hephaistia  and  Myrina. 
374 


I.  MILTIADES,  I.  4-ir.  4 

inhabitants  of  that  island  under  the  sway  of  the 
Athenians,  he  demanded  of  the  Lemnians  that  they 
should  voluntarily  accept  that  condition.  They 
repHed  ironically  that  they  would  do  so,  whenever 
he  should  set  sail  from  his  home  and  come  to  Lemnos 
driven  by  Aquilo.  But  that  wind,  since  it  blows 
from  the  north,  is  dead  ahead  for  those  who  sail 
from  Athens.  Miltiades,  having  no  time  to  lose, 
kept  on  to  his  destination  and  arrived  at  the  Cher- 
sonesus. 

2.  There  he  soon  dispersed  the  forces  of  the 
barbarians,  and  having  gained  possession  of  the 
entire  region  that  he  had  in  view,  he  fortified  strategic 
points  with  strongholds,  settled  on  farms  the  com- 
pany  which  he  had  brought  with  him,  and  enriched 
them  by  frequent  raids.  In  that  whole  enterprise 
his  success  was  due  not  less  to  statesmanship  than 
to  good  fortune ;  for  when,  thanks  to  the  valour  of 
his  soldiers,  he  had  vanquished  the  enemy,  he 
organized  the  colony  with  the  utmost  impartiahty 
and  decided  to  make  his  own  home  there.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  he  enjoyed  the  rank  of  king  among 
the  colonists  without  having  that  title,  an  honour 
which  he  owed  to  his  justice  no  less  than  to  his 
position  of  authority.  Nevertheless,  he  continued 
to  do  his  duty  by  the  Athenians,  who  had  sent  him 
to  Thrace  ;  and  as  a  result  he  retained  permanent 
authority,  no  less  with  the  consent  of  those  who 
had  sent  him  than  of  those  who  had  taken  part  in 
the  expedition. 

After  the  Chersonesus  was  thus  organized,  Milti- 
ades  returned  to  Lemnos  and  demanded  the  sur- 
render  of  the  city  ^  according  to  the  agreement. 
For  they  had  said  that  they  would  give  themselves 

375 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

pervenisset,  sese  dedituros;  se  autem  domum 
6  Chersonesi  habere.  Cares,  qui  tum  Lemnum  incole- 
bant,  etsi  praeter  opinionem  res  ceeiderat,  tamen 
non  dicto,  sed  secunda  fortuna  adversariorum  capti, 
resistere  ausi  non  sunt  atque  ex  insula  demigrarunt. 
Pari  felicitate  ceteras  insulas  quae  Cyclades  nomin- 
antur  sub  Atheniensium  redegit  potestatem. 

3.  Eisdem  temporibus  Persarum  rex  Darius  ex 
Asia  in  Europam  exercitu  traiecto  Scythis  bellum 
inferre  decrevit.  Pontem  fecit  in  Histro  flumine, 
qua    copias     traduceret.      Eius    pontis,    dum    ipse 

2  abesset,  custodes  reliquit  principes  quos  secum  ex 
lonia  et  Aeohde  duxerat;  quibus  singuUs  illarum^ 
urbium  perpetua  dederat  imperia.  Sic  enim  facil- 
Hme  putavit  se  Graeca  Ungua  loquentes  qui  Asiam 
incolerent  sub  sua  retenturum  potestate,  si  amicis 
suis  oppida  tuenda  tradidisset;  quibus  se  oppresso 
nulla  spes   salutis  relinqueretur.     In  hoc  fuit  tum 

3  numero  Miltiades.^  Hic,  cum  crebri  adferrent  nuntii 
male  rem  gerere  Darium  premique  a  Scythis,  hortatus 
est  ^  pontis  custodes  ne  a  fortuna  datam  occasionem 

4  Hberandae  Graeciae  dimitterent.  Nam  si  cum  iis 
copiis  quas  secum  transportarat  interisset  Darius, 
non  solum  Europam  fore  tutam,  sed  etiam  eos  qui 
Asiam  incolerent  Graeci  genere  hberos  a  Persarum 
futuros   dominatione  et  periculo.     Id  *   facile   effici 

1  illarum,  Andresen;  ipsarum,  MSS. 

2  Miltiades,  Halm ;  M.  cui  illa  custodia  crederetur,  2ISS. 

3  Most  MSS.  huve  Miltiades  before  hortatus  est. 
*  id,  Halm ;   id  et,  Mu ;   et,  the  other  31 SS. 

1  Only  Hephaistia  surrendered  without  opposition. 

2  Nepos'  statement  is  inaccurate.  Lemnos  is  not  one  of 
the  Cyclades,  and  it  waa  Conon  who  reduced  the  islands  of 
the  Aegean. 


I.  MILTIADES,  II.  4-III.  4 

up  whenever  he  left  his  home  and  came  to  them 
before  a  north  wind ;  but  now,  as  he  reminded 
them,  he  had  his  home  in  the  Chersonesus.  To  the 
Carians,  who  at  that  time  dwelt  in  Lemnos,  the 
situation  was  an  unexpected  one ;  nevertheless, 
since  they  were  trapped  not  so  much  by  their  promise 
as  by  the  good  fortune  of  their  opponents,  they  did 
not  dare  to  resist,^  but  left  the  island.  Miltiades 
had  equal  success  in  bringing  the  remaining  islands 
known  as  the  Cyclades  into  the  power  of  the 
Athenians.2 

3.  At  that  same  period  of  time  King  Darius  b.c.  513 
decided  to  lead  an  army  from  Asia  into  Europe  and 
make  war  on  the  Scythians.  He  built  a  bridge 
over  the  river  Hister  for  the  transport  of  his  troops 
and  entrusted  the  guard  of  that  bridge  during  his 
absence  to  men  of  rank  whom  he  had  brought  -v^ith 
him  from  lonia  and  AeoUs.  To  each  of  those  men 
he  had  given  the  permanent  rule  of  a  city  in  the 
region  from  which  each  had  come.  For  in  that  w^ay 
he  hoped  most  easily  to  retain  under  his  sway 
the  Greek-speaking  peoples  dwelhng  in  Asia,  if  he 
entrusted  the  charge  of  their  towns  to  friends  of 
his,  who  would  have  no  hope  of  safety  in  case  he 
were  overthrowTi.  Among  these  at  that  time  was 
Miltiades.  He,  learning  from  numerous  sources  that 
Darius  was  meeting  with  no  success  and  was  hard 
pressed  by  the  Scythians,  urged  the  defenders  of  the 
bridge  not  to  lose  the  opportunity  that  fortune  had 
given  them  of  freeing  Greece.  For  if  Darius  and  the 
forces  which  he  had  taken  with  him  should  perish, 
not  only  would  Europe  be  safe,  but  also  the  dwellers 
in  Asia  who  were  of  Greek  descent  would  be  freed 
from  the   Persian  yoke   and  menace.     That  result 

377 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

posse :  ponte  enim  rescisso,  regem  vel  hostium  ferro 
vel  inopia  paucis  diebus  interiturum. 

5  Ad  hoc  consilium  cum  plerique  accederent,  Histi- 
aeus  Milesius  ne  res  conficeretur  obstitit,  dicens  non 
idem  ipsis,  qui  summas  imperii  tenerent,  expedire 
et  multitudini,  quod  Darii  regno  ipsorum  niteretur 
dominatio ;  quo  exstincto,  ipsos,  potestate  expulsos, 
civibus  suis  poenas  daturos.  Itaque  adeo  se  abhor- 
rere  a  ceterorum  consiUo,  ut  nihil  putet  ipsis  utihus 

6  quam  confirmari  regnum  Persarum.  Huius  cum 
sententiam  plurimi  essent  secuti,  Miltiades,  non 
dubitans  tam  multis  consciis  ad  regis  aures  consiUa 
sua  perventura,  Chersonesum  reliquit  ac  rursus 
Athenas  demigravit.  Cuius  ratio  etsi  non  valuit, 
tamen  magno  opere  est  laudanda,  cum  amicior 
omnium  Hbertati  quam  suae  fuerit  dominationi. 

4.  Darius  autem,  cum  ex  Europa  in  Asiam  redis- 
set,  hortantibus  amicis  ut  Graeciam  redigeret  in 
suam  potestatem,  classem  quingentarum  navium 
comparavit  eique  Datim  praefecit  et  Artaphernem 
iisque  ducenta  peditum,  decem  milia  equitum 
dedit,  causam  interserens  se  hostem  esse  Athenien- 
sibus,  quod  eorum  auxiUo  lones  Sardis  expugnassent 
2  suaque  praesidia  interfecissent.  IIU  praefecti  regii 
classe  ad  Euboeam  appulsa  celeriter  Eretriam  cepe- 
runt  omnesque  eius  gentis  cives  abreptos  in  Asiam 


^  He  did  not  return  until  some  years  later,  in  493  B.c. 
2  This  was  in  499  b.c.  during  the  lonian  revolt,  before 
Darius'  Scythian  expedition. 


378 


I.  MILTIADES,  III.  4-iv.  2 

could  easily  be  accomplished ;  for  the  bridge  once 
destroyed,  within  a  few  days  the  kinp^  would  fall 
victim  either  to  the  enemy's  steel  or  to  famine. 

That  plan  met  with  the  approval  of  a  great  many, 
but  Histiaeus  of  Miletus  opposed  its  execution, 
pointing  out  that  he  and  his  colleao^ues,  who  held 
high  command,  were  not  in  the  same  situation  as 
the  common  people,  since  their  authority  was  bound 
up  ^^ith  the  sovereignty  of  Darius ;  if  the  king 
should  be  killed,  their  power  would  be  wrested 
from  them  and  they  would  be  exposed  to  the  venge- 
ance  of  their  fellow-citizens.  Therefore  he  was  so 
far  from  approving  the  plan  proposed  by  the  rest 
that  he  believed  nothing  to  be  more  to  their  advan- 
tage  than  the  maintenance  of  the  Persian  rule. 
When  the  opinion  of  Histiaeus  met  with  general 
approval,  Miltiades,  feehng  sure  that  ^vith  so 
many  ^^-itnesses  his  proposal  would  come  to  the 
king's  ears,  left  the  Chersonesus  and  returned  to 
x\thens.^  His  design,  although  it  failed,  is  none 
the  less  deserving  of  high  praise,  since  he  was  more 
interested  in  the  pubhc  freedom  than  in  maintaining 
his  own  power. 

4.  Now  Darius,  having  returned  from  Europe 
to  Asia  and  being  urged  by  his  friends  to  reduce 
Greece  to  submission,  got  ready  a  fleet  of  five 
hundred  ships  and  put  it  under  the  command  of 
Datis  and  Artaphernes,  giving  them  in  addition 
two  hundred  thousand  foot  and  ten  thousand  horse- 
men.  He  alleged  as  a  pretext  for  his  hostihty  to 
the  Athenians  that  it  was  \\ith  their  help  that  the 
lonians  had  taken  Sardis  and  slain  his  garrison.^ 
Those  officers  of  the  king,  having  landed  on  Euboea,  -ioob.c. 
quickly  took  Eretria,  carried  off  all  the  citizens  of 

379 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

ad  regem  miserunt.  Inde  ad  Atticam  accesserunt 
ac  suas  copias  in  campum  Marathona  deduxerunt; 
is  est  ab  ^  oppido  circiter  milia  passuum  ^  decem. 

3  Hoc  tumultu  Athenienses  tam  propinquo  tamque 
magno  permoti,  auxiUum  nusquam  nisi  a  Lacedaemo- 
niis  petiverunt  Phidippumque,  cursorem  eius  generis 
qui  hemerodromoe  vocantur,  Lacedaemonem  mise- 
runt,   ut  nuntiaret  quam   celeri   opus   esse   auxiho. 

4  Domi  autem  creant  decem  praetores,  qui  exercitui 
praeessent,  in  iis  Miltiadem ;  inter  quos  magna  fuit 
contentio,    utrum    moenibus    se  ^    defenderent    an 

5  obviam  irent  hostibus  acieque  decernerent.  Unus 
Miltiades  maxime  nitebatur  ut  primo  quoque  tem- 
pore  castra  fierent:  id  si  factum  esset,  et  civibus 
animum  accessurum,  cum  viderent  de  eorum  virtute 
non  desperari,  et  hostes  eadem  re  fore  tardiores,  si 
animadverterent  auderi  *  adversus  se  tam  exiguis 
copiis  dimicari. 

5.  Hoc  in  tempore  nulla  civitas  Atheniensibus 
auxilio  fuit  praeter  Plataeenses ;  ea  mille  misit 
mihtum.     Itaque  horum  adventu  decem  milia  arma- 

2  torum  completa  sunt,  quae  manus  mirabih  flagrabat 
pugnandi  cupiditate.  Quo  factum  est  ut  plus  quam 
collegae   Miltiades  valeret.      Eius   ergo  auctoritate 

3  impulsi,  Athenienses  copias  ex  urbe  eduxerunt 
locoque  idoneo  castra  fecerunt.     Dein  postero  die 

1  abest,  R;   abest  ab,  Aldus. 

2  passuum,  w;   passus,  MSS. 

3  se,  added  hy  Lambin. 

4  auderi,  Lambin  and  some  inferior  MSS;  the  hest  MSS, 
have  audere. 


1  Couriers  who  could  run  for  whole  days  and  cover  great 
distances.     Phidippides,  which  was  the  correct  form  of  the 

380 


I.  MILTIADES,  IV.  2-v.  3 

that  place,  and  sent  them  to  the  king  in  Asia.  Then 
they  kept  on  to  Attica  and  led  their  forces  into  the 
plain  of  Marathon,  which  is  distant  about  ten  miles 
from  Athens. 

The  Athenians,  though  greatly  alarmed  by  this 
hostile  demonstration,  so  near  and  so  threatening, 
asked  help  only  from  the  Lacedaemonians,  sending 
Phidippus,  a  courier  of  the  class  known  as  "  all-day 
runners,"  ^  to  report  how  pressing  was  their  need  of 
aid.  But  at  home  they  appointed  ten  generals  to 
command  the  army,  including  Miltiades ;  among 
these  there  was  great  difference  of  opinion,  whether 
it  were  better  to  take  refuge  within  their  walls  or 
go  to  meet  the  enemy  and  fight  a  decisive  battle. 
Miltiades  alone  persistently  urged  them  to  take  the 
field  at  the  earliest  possible  moment ;  stating  that  if 
they  did  so,  not  only  would  the  citizens  take  heart, 
when  they  saw  that  their  courage  was  not  distrusted, 
but  for  the  same  reason  the  enemy  would  be  slower 
to  act,  if  they  reahzed  that  the  Athenians  dared 
to  engage  them  with  so  small  a  force. 

6.  In  that  crisis  no  city  gave  help  to  the  Athenians 
except  the  Plataeans.  They  sent  a  thousand 
soldiers,  whose  arrival  raised  the  number  of  com- 
batants  to  ten  thousand.-  It  was  a  band  inflamed 
with  a  marvellous  desire  for  battle,  and  their  ardour 
gave  Miltiades'  advice  preference  over  that  of  his 
coUeagues.  Accordingly,  through  his  influence  the 
Athenians  were  induced  to  lead  their  forces  from 
the  city  and  encamp  in  a  favourable  position.     Then, 

name,  is  said  to  have  covered  the  140  miles  between  Athens 
and  Sparta  in  48  hours. 

*  This  is  what  Xepos  seems  to  say;  but  there  were  10,000 
Athenians  and  1000  Plataeans. 

381 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

sub  montis  radicibus  acie  regione  ^  instructa  non 
apertissuma  ^ — namque  arbores  multis  locis  erant 
rarae  ^ — proelium  commiserunt  hoc  consilio,  ut  et 
montium   altitudine   tegerentur   et   arborum   tractu 

4  equitatus  hostium  impediretur,  ne  multitudine 
clauderentur. 

Datis  etsi  non  aequum  locum  videbat  suis,  tamen 
fretus  numero  copiarum  suarum  ccnfiigere  cupiebat, 
eoque  magis  quod,  priusquam  Lacedaemonii  sub- 
sidio  venirent,  dimicare  utile  arbitrabatur.     Itaque 

5  in  aciem  peditum  centum,  equitum  decem  miha 
produxit  proeliumque  commisit.  In  quo  tanto  plus 
virtute  valuerunt  Athenienses,  ut  decemplicem 
numerum  hostium  profligarint,  adeoque  perter- 
ruerint  ut  Persae  non  castra,  sed  naves  petierint. 
Qua  pugna  nihil  adhuc  exstitit  *  nobiiiiis  ;  nulla  enim 
mnquam  tam  exigua  manus  tantas  opes  prostravit. 

6.  Cuius  victoriae  non  ahenum  videtur  quale 
praemium  Miltiadi  sit  tributum  docere,  quo  facihus 

2  intellegi  possit  eandem  omnium  civitatum  esse 
naturam.  Ut  enim  popuh  Romani  honores  quondam 
fuerunt  rari  et  tenues  ob  eamque  causam  gloriosi, 
nunc    autem    efFusi    atque    obsoleti,    sic   ohm   apud 

3  Athenienses  fuisse  reperimus.  Namque  huic  Milti- 
adi,  quia  Athenas  totamque  Graeciam  hberarat, 
tahs  honos  tributus  est :  in  porticu,  quae  Poecile 
vocatur,  cum  pugna  depingeretur   Marathonia,   ut 

^  regione,  Roth;   e  regione,  MSS, 

2  non  apertissuma,  Both;  nona  (nova,  Dan.  tt;  nana,  A  6) 
partis  (partem,  tt)  summa,  Dan.  PAdfru;  non  apertis 
Bumma,  B ;  nova  arte  vi  summa,  31 ;  in  parte  montis  summa,  R. 

^  namque  .  .  .  rarae  follows  commiserunt  in  the  MSS. 

*  exstitit,  Halm;   est  his  (hiis),  MSS. 

^  Pentelicon. 
382 


I.  MILTIADES,  V.  3-vi.  3 

on  the  following  day,  the  araiy  was  drawn  up  at  the 
foot  of  the  mountain  ^  in  a  part  of  the  plain  that 
was  not  wholly  open — for  there  were  isolated  trees 
in  many  places — and  they  joined  battle.  The  pur- 
pose  was  to  protect  themselves  by  the  high  moun- 
tains  and  at  the  same  time  prevent  the  enemy's 
cavalry,  hampered  by  the  scattered  trees,  from 
surrounding  them  with  their  superior  numbers. 

Although  Datis  saw  that  the  position  was  not 
favourable  to  his  men,  vet  he  was  eaffer  to  ensraffe, 
trusting  to  the  number  of  his  troops ;  and  the  more 
so  because  he  thought  it  to  his  advantage  to  give 
battle  before  the  Lacedaemonian  reinforcements 
arrived.  Therefore  he  led  out  his  hundred  thousand 
foot  and  ten  thousand  horse  and  began  the  battle. 
In  the  contest  that  ensued  the  Athenians  were  so 
superior  in  valour  that  they  routed  a  foe  of  tenfold 
their  own  number  and  filled  them  with  such  fear 
that  the  Persians  fled,  not  to  their  camp,  but  to  their 
ships.  A  more  glorious  victory  was  never  before 
Mon ;  for  never  did  so  small  a  band  lay  low  so  great 
a  power. 

6.  It  does  not  seem  out  of  place  to  tell  what 
reward  was  given  to  Miltiades  for  that  victory,  in 
order  that  it  may  the  more  readily  be  understood 
that  the  nature  of  all  states  is  the  same.  For  just 
as  among  the  people  of  Rome  distinctions  were 
formerly  few  and  shght  and  for  that  reason  glorious, 
Mhile  to-day  they  are  lavish  and  worthless,  so  we 
flnd  it  to  have  been  at  Athens  in  days  gone  by. 
For  the  sole  honour  that  our  Miltiades  received  for 
having  won  freedom  for  Athens  and  for  all  Greece 
was  this  :  that  when  the  picture  of  the  battle  of 
Marathon    was    painted    in    the    colonnade    called 

383 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

in  decem  praetorum  numero  prima  eius  imago 
4  poneretur  isque  hortaretur  milites  proeliumque 
committeret.  Idem  ille  populus,  postea  quam  maius 
imperium  est  nactus  et  largitione  magistratuum 
corruptus  est,  trecentas  statuas  Demetrio  Phalereo 
decre^dt. 

7.  Post  hoc  proelium  classem  LXX  navium 
Athenienses  eidem  Miltiadi  dederunt,  ut  insulas 
quae  barbaros  adiuverant  bello  persequeretur.  Quo 
imperio   plerasque   ad   officium   redire   coegit,   non- 

2  nullas  vi  expugnavit.  Ex  his  Parum  insulam  opibus 
elatam  cum  oratione  reconciUare  non  posset,  copias 
e  navibus  eduxit,  urbem  operibus  clausit  omnique 

3  commeatu  privavit ;  dein  vineis  ac  testudinibus 
constitutis,  propius  muros  accessit.  Cum  iam  in  eo 
esset  ut  oppido  potiretur,  procul  in  continenti  lucus 
qui  ex  insula  conspiciebatur  nescio  quo  casu  nocturno 
tempore  incensus  est.     Cuius  flamma  ut  ab  oppidanis 

4  et  oppugnatoribus  est  visa,  utrisque  venit  in  opin- 
ionem  signum  a  classiariis  regis  datum.  Quo  factum 
est  ut  et  Parii  a  deditione  deterrerentur  et  Miltiades, 
timens  ne  classis  regia  adventaret,  incensis  operibus 
quae  statuerat,  cum  totidem  navibus  atque  erat 
profectus  Athenas  magna  cum  offensione  civium 
suorum  rediret. 

6  Accusatus  ergo  est  proditionis,  quod,  cum  Parxmi 
expugnare  posset,  a  rege  corruptus  infectis  rebus 

^  Literally,  "the  many-coloured  colonnade "  (sc.  sioa). 
It  was  adomed  with  paintings  by  Polygnotus  and  other 
great  artists,  and  later  was  the  place  of  meeting  of  the  Stoics. 

2  Nepos  confuses  Athenian  and  Roman  customs.  At 
Athens  such  largess  came  from  the  state  and  not  from  the 
magistrates. 

3  Nepos  substitutes  for  iir\xa.vrifxaTa  in  the  account  of 
Ephorus  the  Roman  devices  in  use  in  his  own  time. 

384 


I.  MILTIADES,  VI.  3-vii.  5 

Poicile,^  his  portrait  was  given  the  leading  place 
among  the  ten  generals  and  he  was  represented  in 
the  act  of  haranguing  the  troops  and  giving  the 
signal  for  battle.  But  that  same  people,  after  it 
had  gained  greater  power  and  was  corrupted  by 
the  largess  of  the  magistrates,^  voted  three  hundred 
statues  to  Demetrius  of  Phalerum. 

7.  After  that  battle  the  Athenians 
entrusted  Miltiades  with  a  fleet  of  seventy  ships, 
in  order  to  make  war  on  the  islands  that  had  given 
help  to  the  barbarians.  While  holding  that  com- 
mand  he  compelled  many  of  the  islands  to  return 
to  their  allegiance,  but  with  some  he  had  to  resort 
to  force.  Among  the  latter  the  island  of  Paros 
was  so  confident  of  its  strength  that  it  could  not  be 
brought  to  terms  by  argument.  Therefore  Miltiades 
disembarked  his  troops,  invested  the  city  with  siege- 
works,  and  completely  cut  off  its  supphes.  Then 
he  set  up  his  mantlets  and  tortoise-sheds  ^  and 
advanced  against  the  walls.  He  was  on  the  point 
of  taking  the  town,  when  a  grove,  which  was  some 
distance  off  on  the  mainland  but  visible  from  the 
island,  by  some  chance  caught  fire  one  night.  When 
the  flames  were  seen  by  the  besiegers  and  the  towns- 
people,  both  parties  thought  it  a  signal  given  by 
the  king's  marines.  The  result  was  that  the  Parians 
were  kept  from  surrendering,  while  Miltiades,  fear- 
ing  that  the  king's  fleet  was  approaching,  set  fire 
to  the  works  that  he  had  constructed,  and  returned 
to  Athens  with  all  the  ships  which  he  had  taken 
with  him,  to  the  great  vexation  of  his  fellow-citizens. 

In  consequence,  he  was  accused  of  treason,  on  the 
ground  that,  when  he  might  have  taken  the  city, 
he  had  been  bribed  by  the  king  and  had  left  without 

385 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

discessisset.  Eo  tempore  aeger  erat  vulneribuSj 
quae  in  oppugnando  oppido  acceperat.  Itaque 
quoniam  ^  ipse  pro  se  dicere  non  posset,  verba  fecit 
6  frater  eius  Stesagoras.^  Causa  cognita,  capitis 
absolutus  pecunia  multatus  est,  eaque  lis  quinqua- 
ginta  talentis  aestimata  est,  quantus  in  classem 
sumptus  factus  erat.  Hanc  pecuniam  quod  solvere 
in  praesentia  non  poterat,  in  vincla  publica  coniectus 
est  ibique  diem  obiit  supremum. 

8.  Hic  etsi  crimine  Pario  est  accusatus,  tamen 
alia  causa  fuit  damnationis.  Namque  Athenienses 
propter  Pisistrati  t}Tannidem,  quae  paucis  annis 
ante    fuerat,    nimiam^    civium    suorum    potentiam 

2  extimescebant.  Miltiades,  multum  in  imperiis  mag- 
nisque  *  versatus,  non  videbatur  posse  esse  privatus, 

3  praesertim  cum  consuetudine  ad  imperii  cupiditatem 
trahi  ^ideretur.  Nam  Chersonesi  ^  omnes  illos  quos 
habitarat  annos  perpetuam  obtinuerat  dominationem 
tyrannusque  fuerat  appellatus,  sed  iustus.  Non  erat 
enim  vi  consecutus,  sed  suorum  voluntate,  eamque 
potestatem  bonitate  retinebat.  Omnes  autem  et 
dicuntur   et  habentur   tyranni,   qui   potestate   sunt 

4  perpetua  in  ea  civitate  quae  hbertate  usa  est.  Sed 
in  Miltiade  erat  cum  summa  humanitas  tum  mira 
communitas,  ut  nemo  tam  humihs  esset  cui  non  ad 


1  cum,  u. 

2  Stesagoras,  Longueil ;   Sagoras,  etc,  2ISS. 

3  nimiam,  Gemss;  omnium,  MSS. 

*  magistratibusque,  J/  E  u. 

*  Chersonesi,  some.  inferior  MS8. ;  Cliersonesso,  A  B  P  R 
Can;   in  Chersoneso,  Fleck. 


^  The  truth  of  the  statement  is  doubtful.     Herodotus  saya 
nothing  about  it. 


386 


I.  MILTIADES,  VII.  5-viii.  4 

accomplishing  his  purpose.  At  the  time  Miltiades 
was  disabled  by  wounds  which  he  had  suffered  in 
the  attack  on  the  town,  and  since  for  that  reason  he 
could  not  plead  his  own  cause,  his  brother  Stesagoras 
spoke  in  his  behalf.  When  the  trial  was  concluded, 
Miltiades  was  not  condemned  to  capital  punish- 
ment,  but  to  pay  a  fine,  the  amount  of  which  was 
fixed  at  five  hundred  talents,  the  sum  which  had 
been  spent  on  the  fleet  under  his  command.  Since 
he  could  not  pay  the  fine  at  once,  he  was  put  in  the 
state  prison,  and  there  met  his  end.^ 

8.  Although  it  was  the  affair  of  Paros  that  led 
to  the  accusation  of  Miltiades,  there  was  another 
reason  for  his  condemnation ;  for  the  Athenians, 
because  of  the  tyranny  which  Pisistratus  had  held 
some  years  before,^  dreaded  excessive  power  in 
the  hands  of  any  citizen.  They  did  not  think  it 
possible  that  Miltiades,  who  had  held  so  many  and 
such  important  mihtary  commands,  would  be  able 
to  conduct  himself  as  a  private  citizen,  especially 
since  habit  seemed  to  have  given  him  a  taste  for 
power.  In  the  Chersonesus,  for  example,  during 
all  the  years  of  his  residence  there  he  had  enjoyed 
uninterrupted  sovereignty.  He  had  been  called 
tyrant,  but  he  was  a  just  one,  since  he  owed  his 
power,  not  to  force,  but  to  the  consent  of  his  sub- 
jects,  and  retained  it  as  a  result  of  his  virtue.  But 
all  men  are  called  tyrants,  and  regarded  as  such, 
who  hold  permanent  rule  in  a  city  which  has  enjoyed 
a  democratic  form  of  government.  But  in  Miltiades 
there  was  not  only  the  greatest  kindhness,  but  also 
such  remarkable  condescension  that  no  one  was  so 

2  Pisistratus  and  his  sons  Hippias  and  Hipparchus  were 
tyrants  from  560  to  510  b.c. 

387 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

eum  aditus  pateret;  magna  auctoritas  apud  omnis 
civitatis,  nobile  nomen,  laus  rei  militaris  maxima. 
Haec  populus  respiciens  maluit  illum  innoxium  plecti 
quam  se  diutius  esse  in  timore. 


II.  THEMISTOCLES 

1.  Themistocles,  Neocli  nlius,  Atheniensis.  Huius 
vitia  ineuntis  adulescentiae  magnis  sunt  emendata 
virtutibus,    adeo   ut   anteferatur   huic   nemo,   pauci 

2  pares  putentur.  Sed  ab  initio  est  ordiendus.  Pater 
eius  Neocles  generosus  fuit.  Is  uxorem  Acarnanam 
civem  duxit,  ex  qua  natus  est  Themistocles.  Qui 
cum  minus  esset  probatus  parentibus,  quod  et 
Uberius   vivebat   et   rem   famiharem   neglegebat,   a 

S  patre  exheredatus  est.  Quae  contumeha  non  fregit 
eum,  sed  erexit;  nam  cum  iudicasset  sine  summa 
industria  non  posse  eam  exstingui,  totum  se  dedidit 
rei  pubHcae,  diUgentius  amicis  famaeque  serviens. 
Multum  in  iudiciis  privatis  versabatur,  saepe  in 
contionem  popuU  prodibat ;  nulla  res  maior  sine  eo 
gerebatur;     celeriter   quae    opus    erant   reperiebat, 

4  facile  eadem  oratione  expUcabat,  neque  minus  in 
rebus  gerendis  promptus  quam  excogitandis  erat, 
quod  et  de  instantibus,  ut  ait  Thucydides,  verissime 
iudicabat  et  de  futuris  calUdissime  coniciebat.  Quo 
factum  est  ut  brevi  tempore  iUustraretur. 
38S 


II.  THEMISTOCLES,  i.  1-4 

humble  as  not  to  be  admitted  to  his  presence.  He 
had  great  influence  with  all  the  Greek  states,  a 
famous  name,  and  great  renown  as  a  soldier.  Having 
in  mind  these  advantages  of  his,  the  people  preferred 
that  he  should  suffer,  though  innocent,  rather  than 
that  they  should  continue  to  be  in  fear. 


II.  THEMISTOCLES 

1.  Themistocles,  son  of  Neocles,  the  Athenian. 
This  man's  faults  in  early  youth  gave  place  to  such 
great  merits  that  no  one  is  ranked  above  him  and 
few  are  thought  to  be  his  equals.  But  we  must 
begin  our  account  of  his  life  at  the  beginning.  His 
father  Neocles  was  of  high  birth.  He  marri  id  an 
Acarnanian  w^oman  possessing  the  rights  of  citizen- 
ship,  who  became  the  mother  of  Themistocles.  The 
son  displeased  his  parents  by  Uving  too  lawlessly 
and  neglecting  his  property,  and  in  consequence 
was  disinherited  by  his  father.  But  this  affront, 
instead  of  breaking  his  spirit,  aroused  his  ambition. 
For  believing  that  such  a  disgrace  could  be  wiped 
out  only  by  the  greatest  industry,  he  devoted  all 
his  time  to  pubUc  life,  doing  his  best  to  gain  friends 
and  distinction.  He  took  a  prominent  part  in  civil 
suits,  and  often  came  forward  to  speak  in  the  public 
assembly ;  no  business  of  importance  was  transacted 
without  him ;  he  was  quick  to  see  what  was  needed 
and  able  to  express  his  views  clearly.  Furthermore, 
he  was  no  less  active  in  carrying  out  his  plans  than 
he  had  been  in  devising  them,  because,  as  Thucy- 
dides  expresses  it,  he  judged  present  events  with 
great  exactness  and  divined  the  future  with  remark- 
able  skill.     As  a  result  he  soon  became  famous. 

389 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

2.  Primus  autem  gradus  fuit  capessendae  rei 
publicae  bello  Corcyraeo ;  ad  quod  gerendum  praetor 
a  populo  factus,  non  solum  praesenti  bello,  sed  etiam 

2  reliquo  tempore  ferociorem  reddidit  civitatem.  Nam 
cum  pecunia  publica,  quae  ex  metallis  redibat, 
largitione  magistratuum  quotannis  interiret,  ille 
persuasit  populo  ut  ea  pecunia  classis  centum  navium 

3  aedificaretur.  Qua  celeriter  efFecta,  primum  Corcy- 
raeos  fregit,  deinde  maritimos  praedones  consectando 
mare  tutum  reddidit.  In  quo  cum  divitiis  ornavit, 
tum  etiam  peritissimos  belli  navalis  fecit  Athenienses. 

4  Id  quantae  saluti  fuerit  universae  Graeciae  bello 
cognitum  est  Persico.  Nam  cum  Xerxes  et  mari 
et    terra   bellum   universae    inferret    Europae    cum 

5  tantis  copiis  ^  quantas  neque  ante  nec  postea  habuit 
quisquam — huius  enim  classis  mille  et  ducentarum 
navium  longarum  fuit,  quam  duo  miha  onerariarum 
sequebantur;      terrestres     autem     exercitus     DCC 

6  peditum,  equitum  CCCU  fuerunt ; — cuius  de  adventu 
cum  fama  in  Graeciam  esset  perlata  et  maxime 
Athenienses  peti  dicerentur  propter  pugnam  Mara- 
thoniam,  miserunt  Delphos  consultum  quidnam  face- 
rent  de  rebus  suis. 

7  DeUberantibus  Pythia  respondit  ut  moenibus 
hgneis  se  munirent.  Id  responsum  quo  valeret  cum 
intellegeret  nemo,  Themistocles  persuasit  consihum 
esse  Apolhnis,   ut  in  naves   se  suaque   conferrent: 

8  eum  enim  a  deo  significari  murum  hgneum.  Tah 
consilio  probato,  addunt  ad  superiores  totidem  naves 

^  copiis  eam  invasit  (eam  copiis,  MFK;  eam  omitted  hy 
R),  M  R  w  F  \ ;    copiis  venit,  fj.  V  and  other  inferior  MSS. 

^  The  sUver  miaes  at  Laurium,  in  the  southem  part  of 

Attica. 

2  See  note  2,  p.  384. 

390 


II.  THEMISTOCLES,  ii.  i-8 

2.  The  first  step  in  his  pubhc  career  came  in 
connection  with  the  war  with  Corcyra;  chosen 
general  by  the  people  to  carry  on  that  contest,  he 
inspired  the  Athenians  with  greater  courage,  not 
only  at  that  time,  but  also  for  the  future.  For 
while  the  pubhc  funds  which  came  in  from  the 
mines  ^  every  year  were  being  squandered  by  the 
magistrates  ^  in  largess,  he  persuaded  the  people 
to  use  that  money  to  build  a  fleet  of  a  hundred 
ships.  The  fleet  was  quickly  built,  and  with  it  he 
first  humbled  the  Corcyreans,  and  then  made  the 
sea  safe  by  ridding  it  of  pirates.  In  that  way  he 
made  the  Athenians  not  only  rich,  but  highly  skilled 
also  in  naval  warfare.  How  much  this  meant  to  the 
safety  of  all  Greece  became  evident  during  the 
Persian  invasion  ;  for  when  Xerxes  was  making  war  4S0  b.o. 
upon  all  Europe  by  land  and  sea  with  greater  forces 
than  any  man  ever  possessed  before  or  since — he 
had  a  fleet  of  twelve  hundred  ships  of  war,  attended 
by  two  thousand  transports,  together  with  a  land 
force  of  seven  hundred  thousand  foot  and  four 
hundred  thousand  horse ; — after  the  news  of  his 
coming  had  reached  Greece,  and  it  was  said  that 
Athens  was  the  special  object  of  his  attack  because 
of  the  battle  of  Marathon,  the  people  sent  to  Delphi 
to  inquire  what  measures  they  ought  to  take. 

The  Pythia  repHed  to  the  envoys  that  they  must 
defend  themselves  by  wooden  walls.  When  no  one 
could  understand  what  the  oracle  meant,  Themisto- 
cles  convinced  the  people  that  Apollo's  advice  was 
that  they  should  take  to  their  ships  with  all  their 
possessions ;  for  that  was  what  the  god  meant  by 
a  wooden  wall.  Having  adopted  that  plan,  they 
added    to    the    fleet    already    mentioned    an    equal 

391 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

triremes  suaque  omnia  quae  moveri  poterant  partim 
Salamina,!  partim  Troezena  ^  deportant  ;  arcem 
sacerdotibus  paucisque  maioribus  natu  ad^  sacra 
procuranda  tradunt,  reliquum  oppidum  relinquunt. 

3.  Huius  consilium  plerisque  civitatibus  displicebat 
et  in  terra  dimicari  magis  placebat.  Itaque  missi 
sunt  delecti  cum  Leonida,  Lacedaemoniorum  rege, 
qui  Thermopylas  occuparent  longiusque  barbaros 
progredi    non    paterentur.     Hi    vim    hostium    non 

2  sustinuerunt  eoque  loco  omnes  interierunt.  At 
classis  communis  Graeciae  trecentarum  navium,  in 
qua  ducentae  erant  Atheniensium,  primum  apud 
Artemisium  inter  Euboeam  continentemque  terram 
cum  classiariis  regis  conflixit.  Angustias  enira 
Themistocles  quaerebat,  ne  multitudine  circuiretur. 

3  Hic  etsi  pari  proeHo  discesserant,  tamen  eodem  loco 
non  sunt  ausi  manere,  quod  erat  periculum  ne,  si 
pars    navium    adversariorum    Euboeam    superasset, 

4  ancipiti  premerentur  periculo.  Quo  factum  est  ut 
ab  Artemisio  discederent  et  exadversum  Athenas 
apud  Salamina  classem  suam  constituerent. 

4.  At  Xerxes,  ThermopyHs  expugnatis,  protinus 
accessit  astu  *  idque  nulHs  defendentibus,  interfectis 

2  sacerdotibus  quos  in  arce  invenerat,  incendio  dele^it. 
Cuius  flamma  perterriti  classiarii  cum  manere  non 
auderent  et  plurimi  hortarentur  ut  domos  suas 
discederent  moenibusque  se  defenderent,  Themisto- 

*  Salaminam,  MSS.,  and  so  elsewhere. 
2  Troezenam,  3ISS. 

^  ad,  an  unknown  critic  in  Lambin  ;  ac,  2ISS. 

*  astu,  21  on.  433 ;  astum,  A  B  M  P  Ru;  ad  astu,  suggested 
hy  Halm. 


II.  THEMISTOCLES,  ii.  8-iv.  2 

number  of  triremes,and  transported  all  their  movable 
property  either  to  Salamis  or  Troezene.  The  citadel 
they  left  in  charge  of  the  priests  and  a  few  of  the 
older  citizens,  who  were  to  attend  to  the  sacred 
rites ;    the  rest  of  the  city  they  abandoned. 

3.  Many  of  the  states  did  not  approve  of  Themisto- 
cles'  plan,  but  preferred  to  fight  on  land.  Accord- 
ingly,  a  band  of  picked  men  was  sent  with  Leonidas, 
king  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  to  hold  Thermopylae 
and  prevent  any  further  advance  of  the  barbarians. 
They,  however,  could  not  resist  the  enemy's  attack, 
but  in  that  pass  they  all  perished.  But  the  common 
fleet  of  Greece,  consisting  of  three  hundred  ships, 
of  which  two  hundred  belonged  to  Athens,  first 
engaged  with  the  king's  marines  off  Artemisium, 
between  Euboea  and  the  mainland.  For  Themisto- 
cles  chose  a  narrow  place,  in  order  not  to  be  sur- 
rounded  by  superior  numbers.  Although  the  result 
of  that  battle  was  indecisive,  the  Greeks  neverthe- 
less  did  not  venture  to  hold  their  ground,  because 
there  was  reason  to  fear  that  if  a  part  of  the  ships 
of  their  opponents  should  round  Euboea,  they  would 
be  exposed  to  attack  on  both  sides.  They  therefore 
retired  from  Artemisium  and  stationed  their  fieet 
at  Salamis,  over  against  Athens. 

4.  Now  Xerxes,  having  forced  the  pass  at  Thermo- 
pylae,  at  once  marched  upon  Athens,  and  since  it 
was  without  defenders,  he  massacred  the  priests 
whom  he  found  on  the  citadel  and  destroyed  the 
city  by  fire.  The  fiames  of  the  burning  town  so 
terrified  the  soldiers  on  the  fleet,  that  they  did  not 
dare  to  hold  their  position,  but  the  greater  number 
recommended  withdrawing  to  their  homes  and 
taking    refuge    within    their    walls.     Themistocles 

393 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

cles  unus  restitit  et  universos  pares  esse  posse  aiebat, 
dispersos  testabatur  perituros,  idque  Eurybiadi,  regi 
Lacedaemoniorum,  qui  tum  summae  imperii  prae- 

3  erat,  fore  adfirmabat.  Quem  cum  minus  quam 
vellet  moveret,  noctu  de  servis  suis  quem  habuit 
fidelissimum   ad  regem  misit,  ut  ei  nuntiaret  suis 

4  verbis  adversarios  eius  in  fuga  esse :  qui  si  disces- 
sissent,  maiore  cum  labore  et  longinquiore  tempore 
bellum  confecturum,  cum  singulos  consectari  coge- 
retur:  quos  si  statim  aggrederetur,  brevi  universos 
oppressurum.     Hoc     eo     valebat,     ut     ingratiis     ad 

5  depugnandum  omnes  cogerentur.  Hac  re  audita, 
barbarus,  nihil  doh  subesse  credens,  postridie  ahenis- 
simo  sibi  loco,  contra  opportunissimo  hostibus,  adeo 
angusto  mari  conflixit,  ut  eius  multitudo  navium 
explicari  non  potuerit.  Victus  ergo  est  magis  etiam 
consiho  ThemistocH  ^  quam  armis  Graeciae. 

5.  Hic  etsi  male  rem  gesserat,  tamen  tantas 
habebat  reliquias  copiarum,  ut  etiam  tum  iis  oppri- 
mere  posset  hostes.  Iterum  ab  eodem  gradu 
depulsus  est.  Nam  Themistocles,  verens  ne  bellare 
perseveraret,  certiorem  eum  fecit  id  agi,  ut  pons 
quem  ille  in  Hellesponto  fecerat  dissolveretur  ac 
2  reditu  in  Asiam  excluderetur,  idque  ei  persuasit. 
Itaque  qua  sex  mensibus  iter  fecerat,  eadem  minus 

^  Themistocli,  A  ;  -clei,  P;  Themistoclis,  the  other  MSS. 

^  In  xvii.  4.  4  Nepos  gives  the  time  as  a  year.  It  actually 
was  four  months  (Hdt.  viii.  51)  and  the  return  took  forty-five 
days  {id.  viii.  115^ 

394 


II.  THEMISTOCLES,  iv.  2-v.  2 

alone  objected,  saying  that  united  they  could  be  a 
match  for  the  Persians,  but  insisting  that  if  they 
should  separate,  they  would  all  be  lost;  and  he 
assured  Eurybiades,  king  of  the  Lacedaemonians, 
who  held  the  chief  command  at  the  time,  that  what 
he  said  was  true.  And  when  he  had  less  influence 
on  the  Spartan  than  he  hoped,  he  sent  the  most 
faithful  of  his  slaves  by  night  to  the  king,  to  take 
word  to  him  in  the  name  of  Themistocles  that  his 
enemies  were  on  the  point  of  flight :  if  they  should 
disperse,  it  would  require  longer  time  and  greater 
effort  to  end  the  war,  since  he  would  be  obhged  to 
attack  each  city  separately ;  but  if  he  advanced 
upon  them  at  once,  he  would  quickly  destroy  them 
all.  Themistocles'  design  was  to  compel  all  the 
Greeks  to  fight  a  decisive  battle  against  their  wdll. 
When  the  barbarian  received  the  message,  he  did 
not  suspect  any  deception,  and  although  the  position 
was  most  unfavourable  for  him,  but  highV  advan- 
tageous  for  the  enemy,  he  joined  battle  on  the 
foUowing  day  in  so  narrow  a  part  of  the  sea  that  it 
was  impossible  to  manneuvre  his  immense  number 
of  ships.  Hence  he  was  defeated,  thanks  to  Themisto- 
cles'  strategy  even  more  than  to  the  arms  of  Greeoe 
5.  Although  the  king  lost  that  battle,  he  still 
had  so  many  troops  left  that  with  them  he  might 
even  then  have  overwhelmed  the  Greeks.  A  second 
time  he  was  baffled  by  the  same  man ;  for  Themisto- 
cles,  fearing  that  Xerxes  would  continue  the  war, 
informed  him  that  a  plan  w^as  on  foot  to  destroy  the 
bridge  which  he  had  made  over  the  Hellespont  and 
thus  cut  ofF  his  return  to  Asia.  The  king  was  con- 
vinced  of  the  truth  of  the  report,  and  so,  while  he 
had   taken   six   months   to   make   the  journey,^   he 

395 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

diebus  triginta  in  Asiam  reversus  est  seque  a  Themis- 
tocle  non  superatum,  sed  conservatum  iudica^it. 
3  Sic  unius  viri  prudentia  Graecia  liberata  est 
Europaeque  succubuit  Asia.  Haec  altera  victoria, 
quae  cum  Marathonio  possit  comparari  tropaeo. 
Nam  pari  modo  apud  Salamina  parvo  numero 
navium  maxima  post  hominum  memoriam  classis 
est  de\icta. 

6.  Magnus  hoc  bello  Themistocles  fuit  neque 
minor  in  pace.  Cum  enim  Phalerico  portu  neque 
magno  neque  bono  Athenienses  uterentur,  huius 
consiHo  triplex  Piraei  portus  constitutus  est  iisque-'- 
moenibus    circumdatus    ut   ipsam    urbem    dignitate 

2  aequiperaret,  utiUtate  superaret.  Idem  muros 
Atheniensium  restituit  praecipuo  suo  periculo. 
Namque  Lacedaemonii,  causam  idoneam  nacti 
propter  barbarorum  excursiones  qua  negarent  opor- 
tere  extra  Peloponnesum  ullam  urbem  muros  ^ 
habere,  ne   essent  loca  munita,  quae  hostes  possi- 

3  derent,  Athenienses  aedificantes  prohibere  sunt 
conati.  Hoc  longe  aho  spectabat  atque  videri 
volebant.  Athenienses  enim  duabus  victoriis,  Mara- 
thonia  et  Salaminia,  tantam  gloriam  apud  omnes 
gentis  erant  consecuti,  ut  intellegerent  Lacedaemonii 

4  de  principatu  sibi  cum  iis  certamen  fore.  Qua  re 
eos  quam  infirmissimos  esse  volebant.  Postquam 
autem  audierunt  muros  instrui,  legatos  Athenas 
miserunt,   qui   id   fieri   vetarent.     His   praesentibus 

1  iisque,  Scheffer;  isque,  MSS. 

2  muros,  B,  Leid.  II ;   the  other  MSS.  omit. 

1  That  is.  the  first  rank  among  the  Greek  states  and  the 
chief  command  in  time  of  war,  then  held  by  the  Lacedae- 
monians. 


II.  THEMISTOCLES,  v.  2-vi.  4 

returned  to  Asia  over  the  same  route  in  less  than 
thirty  days,  convinced  that  he  had  not  been  con- 
quered,  but  saved,  by  Themistocles. 

Thus  through  the  cleverness  of  one  man  the 
hberty  of  Greece  was  assured  and  Asia  succumbed 
to  Europe.  This  is  a  second  victory  which  may  be 
matched  with  the  triumph  at  Marathon ;  for  at 
Salamis  in  hke  manner  a  small  number  of  ships 
completely  vanquished  the  greatest  fleet  within  the 
memory  of  man. 

6.  Themistocles  showed  greatness  in  that  war 
and  no  less  greatness  when  peace  came.  For  while 
the  Athenians  were  using  the  harbour  of  Phalerum, 
which  was  neither  large  nor  good,  through  his  advice 
the  triple  port  of  the  Piraeus  was  constructed,  and 
fortified  with  such  strong  walls  that  it  equalled 
Athens  herself  in  splendour  and  surpassed  her  in 
utiHty.  Themistocles  also  rebuilt  the  walls  of  Athens  479-8 
at  great  personal  risk.  For  the  Lacedaemonians,  ^"^" 
having  found  a  specious  reason  in  the  invasions  of 
the  barbarians  for  saying  that  no  city  outside  of  the 
Peloponnesus  ought  to  have  walls,  namely,  that 
there  might  be  no  fortified  places  for  the  enemy  to 
get  into  their  hands,  tried  to  interrupt  the  Athenians 
in  their  work.  Their  motive  was  not  at  all  what 
they  wished  it  to  appear.  The  fact  was  that  the 
Athenians  by  their  two  victories  at  Marathon  and 
Salamis  had  gained  such  prestige  all  over  Greece 
that  the  Lacedaemonians  knew  that  it  was  with 
them  that  they  must  contend  for  the  hegemony.^ 
Therefore  they  ^^ished  the  Athenians  to  be  as  weak 
as  possible,  and  as  soon  as  they  learned  that  the 
walls  were  rising,  they  sent  envoys  to  Athens,  to 
put  a  stop  to  the  work.     While  the  deputation  was 

397 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

6  desierunt  ac  se  de  ea  re  legatos  ad  eos  missuros 
dixerunt.  Hanc  legationem  suscepit  Themistocles 
et  solus  primo  profectus  est ;  reliqui  legati  ut  tum 
exirent,  cum  satis  alti  tuendo  muri  exstructi  vide- 
rentur,!  praecepit:  interim  onmes,  servi  atque  liberi 
opus  facerent  neque  ulli  loco  parcerent,  sive  sacer 
sive  privatus  esset  sive  publicus,^  et  undique  quod 
idoneum  ad  muniendum  putarent  congererent.  Quo 
factum  est  ut  Atheniensium  muri  ex  sacellis 
sepulcrisque  constarent. 

7.  Themistocles  autem  ut  Lacedaemonem  venit, 
adire  ad  magistratus  noluit  et  dedit  operam  ut 
quam    longissime    tempus    duceret,    causam    inter- 

2  ponens  se  collegas  exspectare.  Cum  Lacedaemonii 
quererentur  opus  nihilo  minus  fieri  eumque  in  ea  re 
conari  fallere,  interim  reliqui  legati  sunt  consecuti. 
A  quibus  cum  audisset  non  multum  superesse 
munitionis,  ad  ephoros  Lacedaemoniorum  accessit, 
penes  quos  summum  erat  imperium,  atque  apud  eos 
contendit  falsa  iis  esse  delata :  qua  re  aequum  esse 
illos  viros  bonos  nobilesque  mittere  quibus  fides 
haberetur,  qui  rem  explorarent ;   interea  se  obsidem 

3  retinerent.  Gestus  est  ei  mos,  tresque  legati  functi 
summis  honoribus  Athenas  missi  sunt.  Cum  his 
collegas  suos  Themistocles  iussit  proficisci  iisque 
praedixit  ut  ne  prius  Lacedaemoniorum  legatos 
dimitterent  quam  ipse  esset  remissus. 

^  satis  .  .  .  viderentur,  Heerwagen;  satis  altitudo  muri 
extructa  videretur,  MSS. 

2  sive  sacer  sive  prophanus  sive  privatus  esset  sive  publicus, 
M  and  some  injerior  MSS. 

^  Sacer  is   contrasted  vith  privatus  and  publicus  (=  pro- 
fanus),  but  perhaps  the  reading  of  cod.  M  (see  crit.  note)  i 
right;   cf.  Cic.  Verr.  iv.  2  and  v.  1. 


11.  THEMISTOGLES,  vi.  4-vii.  3 

present,  the  Athenians  desisted,  saying  that  they 
would  send  envoys  to  Lacedaemon  to  discuss  the 
matter.  That  mission  Themistocles  undertook  and 
set  out  at  first  alone,  giving  orders  that  the  rest  of 
the  envoys  should  not  follow  until  the  M'alls  seemed 
to  have  risen  high  enough  to  defend  :  that  in  the 
meantime  all,  bond  and  free,  should  push  the  work, 
sparing  no  place,  whether  sacred  or  public  or  private,^ 
but  getting  together  from  every  hand  whatever 
they  thought  suitable  for  a  fortification.  That  is 
the  reason  why  the  walls  of  Athens  were  made  of 
shrines  and  tombs. 

7.  But  when  Themistocles  came  to  Lacedaemon, 
he  at  first  refused  to  appear  before  the  magistrates, 
and  did  his  best  to  gain  as  much  time  as  possible, 
pretending  that  he  was  waiting  for  his  coUeagues. 
While  the  Lacedaemonians  were  protesting  that  the 
work  was  going  on  just  the  same,  and  that  he  was 
trying  to  deceive  them  about  it,  meanwhile  the  rest  of 
the  envoys  arrived.  When  Themistocles  heard  from 
them  that  not  much  of  the  fortification  remained 
unfinished,  he  went  before  the  ephors  of  the  Lacedae- 
monians,  in  whose  hands  was  the  supreme  power,  and 
declared  in  their  presence  that  they  had  been  mis- 
informed  :  therefore  it  was  just  that  they  should 
send  reliable  men  of  high  position,  in  whom  they 
had  confldence,  to  investigate  the  matter ;  in  the 
meantime  they  might  hold  him  as  a  hostage.  His 
proposition  was  accepted,  and  three  deputies,  who 
had  held  the  highest  offices,  were  sent  to  Athens. 
Themistocles  directed  his  colleagues  to  return  with 
them  and  charged  them  not  to  allow  the  envoys  of 
the  Lacedaemonians  to  return,  until  he  himself  had 
been  sent  back. 

399 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

4  Hos  postquam  Athenas  pervenisse  ratus  est,  ad 
magistratum  senatumque  Lacedaemoniorum  adiit 
et  apud  eos  liberrime  professus  est  Athenienses  suo 
consilio,  quod  communi  iure  gentium  facere  possent, 
deos  publicos  suosque  patrios  ac  Penates,  quo 
facilius  ab  hoste  possent  defendere,  muris  saepsisse 

5  neque  in  eo  quod  inutile  esset  Graeciae  fecisse. 
Nam  illorum  urbem  ut  propugnaculum  oppositum 
esse   barbaris,    apud    quam   iam   bis    classes    regias 

6  fecisse  naufragium.  Lacedaemonios  autem  male  et 
iniuste  facere,  qui  id  potius  intuerentur  quod  ipsorum 
dominationi  quam  quod  universae  Graeciae  utile 
esset.  Qua  re,  si  suos  legatos  recipere  vellent  quos 
Athenas  miserant,  se  remitterent;  ahter  illos 
numquam  in  patriam  essent  recepturi. 

8.  Tamen  non  effugit  ci\ium  suorum  in^idiam. 
Namque  ob  eundem  timorem  quo  damnatus  erat 
Miltiades  testularum  suffragiis  e  civitate  eiectus, 
2  Argos  habitatum  concessit.  Hic  cum  propter  multas 
eius  virtutes  magna  cum  dignitate  viveret,  Lacedae- 
monii  legatos  Athenas  miserunt,  qui  eima  absentem 

^  Here  and  in  iv.  4.  3  Nepos  uses  the  singular  magistratum 
of  the  college  of  five  ephors  or  *'  overseers."  The  "  senate  " 
is  the  yepouaia,  the  corresponding  body  at  Sparta,  consisting 
of  twenty-eight  elders  {yepovTes)  and  the  two  kings.  Other 
Roraan  terms  applied  to  Greek  institutions  are  nobiles  (7.  2) 
and  honorihus  (7.  3). 

2  An  institution  established  by  Cleisthenes  after  the 
expuLsion  of  the  Pisistratidae.  The  Prytanies  and  the 
popular  assembly  (e/c/cATjo-ia)  must  first  determine  whether 
such  a  step  was  necessar}-.  If  they  decided  in  the  affirmative, 
each  citizen  wrote  on  a  potsherd  [ocrpaKov,  whence  the 
term  "  ostracism  ")  the  name  of  the  man  whom  he  wished 
to  banish.  The  one  who  had  the  greatest  number  of  votes 
recorded  against  him,  provided  the  total  number  of  voters 
was  6000,  was  obUged  to  leave  the  city  within  ten  days  for  aQ 

400 


II.  THEMISTOCLES,  vii.  4-viii.  2 

As  soon  as  he  thought  that  the  deputation  had 
reached  Athens,  he  appeared  before  the  magis- 
trates  ^  and  the  senate  of  the  Lacedaemonians  and 
confessed  to  them  with  the  utmost  frankness  that 
the  Athenians,  by  his  advice,  and  taking  advantage 
of  the  rights  granted  by  the  common  law  of  nations, 
had  encircled  with  walls  the  gods  of  all  Greece,  of 
their  native  city  and  of  their  homes,  in  order  the 
more  easily  to  defend  them  against  the  enemy ; 
and  that  in  so  doing  they  had  acted  for  the  best 
interests  of  Greece.  For  their  city,  he  said,  was 
Hke  an  outpost  in  the  path  of  the  barbarians,  and 
upon  it  the  king's  fleets  had  already  twice  suffered 
ship^^TCck.  But  the  Lacedaemonians  were  acting 
wrongfully  and  unjustly  in  having  in  view  rather 
what  contributed  to  their  own  supremacy  than  to 
the  welfare  of  Greece  as  a  whole.  Therefore,  if 
they  ^vished  to  recover  their  envoys  which  they  had 
sent  to  Athens,  they  must  let  him  go ;  otherwise 
they  would  never  get  them  back  again  in  their 
native  land. 

8.  In  spite  of  all,  Themistocles  could  not  escape 
the  distrust  of  his  fellow-citizens ;  but  because  of 
the  same  feeling  of  apprehension  that  had  led  to 
the  condemnation  of  ^liltiades  he  was  banished 
from  the  city  by  the  shard-vote  ^  and  went  to  hve  in 
Argos.  There  because  of  his  many  accomplish- 
ments  he  Hved  in  great  distinction,  until  the  Lacedae- 
monians    sent    envoys    to    Athens,^    to    accuse   him 

exile  of  ten,  later  of  five,  years,  but  •without  loss  of  rank  or 
property.  If  the  number  of  votes  did  not  amount  to  6000, 
no  action  was  taken.  Cf.  v.  3.  1,  -where  the  Greek  name 
WTTpaKiiT/j.6s  is  given. 

'  In  471  B.c,  or  according  to  others  in  468  or  467. 

P.s  o  401 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

accusarent,    quod   societatem    cum   rege    Perse    ad 

3  Graeciam  opprimendam  fecisset.  Hoc  crimine 
absens  proditionis  damnatus  est. 

Id  ut  audivit,  quod  non  satis  tutum  se  Argis 
v-idebat,  Corcyram  demigravit.  Ibi  cum  cives  ^  prin- 
cipes  animadvertisset  timere  ne  propter  se  bellum 
iis  Lacedaemonii  et  Athenienses  indicerent,  ad 
Admetum,  Molossum  regem,  cum  quo  ei  hospitium 

4  erat,  confugit.  Huc  cum  venisset  et  in  praesentia 
rex  abesset,  quo  maiore  reUgione  se  receptum 
tueretur,  filiam  eius  parvulam  adripuit  et  cum  ea 
se  in  sacrarium  quod  summa  colebatur  caerimonia 
coniecit.     Inde   non  prius   egressus   est,   quam  rex 

5  eum  data  dextra  in  fidem  reciperet,  quam  praestitit. 
Nam  cum  ab  Atheniensibus  et  Lacedaemoniis 
exposceretur  pubhce,  suppHcem  non  prodidit  monuit- 
que  ut  consuleret  sibi :  difficile  enim  esse  in  tam 
propinquo  loco  tuto  eum  versari.  Itaque  Pydnam 
eum  deduci  iussit  et  quod  satis  esset  praesidii  dedit. 

6  Hic  in  navem  omnibus  ignotus  nautis  escendit. 
Quae  cum  tempestate  maxima  Naxum  ferretur, 
ubi  tum  Atheniensium  erat  exercitus,  sensit  Themis- 
tocles,  si  eo  pervenisset,  sibi  esse  pereundum.  Hac 
necessitate   coactus    domino   navis    quis    sit   aperit, 

^  cives,  H.  J.  Mulhr ;  eius,  MSS. ;  eius  principes  civitatis, 
uM. 

^  This  imposed  a  sacred  and  binding  obligation  to  protect 
a  guest  against  his  enemies.  Thucydides  says  that  Admetus 
was  not  a  friend  of  Themistocles,  whence  some  editors  insert 
non  after  erat. 

2  Thucydides  says  that  it  was  a  son,  and  some  editors 
change  filiam  to  filium;  but  the  deviations  of  Nepos  frora 
the  historical  sources  are  too  numerous  to  mention  in  detail. 

^  In  473  B.c,  warring  against  the  cities  that  had  revolted 
from  the  Athenian  league. 

402 


II.  THEMISTOCLES,  viii.  2-6 

behind  his  back  of  having  conspired  with  the  king 
of  Persia  to  enslave  Greece.  On  this  charge  he  was 
found  guilty  of  high  treason  without  a  hearing. 

As  soon  as  he  learned  of  this,  Themistocles  decided 
that  he  was  not  sufficiently  safe  in  Argos  and  with- 
drew  to  Corcyra.  When  he  perceived  that  the 
leading  citizens  of  that  place  were  fearful  that  the 
Lacedaemonians  and  Athenians  would  declare  war 
upon  them  because  of  his  presence,  he  took  refuge 
with  Admetus,  king  of  the  Molossians,  with  whom 
he  had  relations  of  guest-friendship.^  Having  arrived 
there  when  Admetus  was  away  from  home,  in  order 
that  his  host  might  be  under  the  greater  obhgation 
to  receive  and  protect  him  he  caught  up  the  king's 
little  daughter  ^  and  hastened  -v^ith  her  into  the 
household  shrine,  which  was  regarded  with  the 
greatest  veneration ;  and  he  would  not  come  out 
again  until  the  king  gave  him  his  right  hand  and 
received  him  under  his  protection.  And  Admetus 
kept  his  promise ;  for  when  the  Athenians  and 
Lacedaemonians  made  an  official  demand  for  Themis- 
tocles,  Admetus  did  not  surrender  the  suppliant; 
he  advised  him,  however,  to  take  measures  to  pro- 
tect  himself,  saying  that  it  would  be  difficult  for 
him  to  remain  in  safety  in  a  place  so  near  to  Greece. 
Accordingly,  the  king  had  him  taken  to  Pydna, 
gi^ing  him  such  escort  as  he  deemed  sufficient. 

There  Themistocles  embarked  on  a  ship  without 
being  known  to  any  of  the  crew.  When  the  vessel 
was  driven  by  a  violent  storm  towards  Naxos,  where 
the  Athenian  army  was  at  the  time,^  Themistocles 
understood  that  if  he  landed  there  he  was  lost. 
Therefore  of  necessity  he  made  himself  kno>vn  to 
the  captain  of  the  ship,  adding  many  promises  if  he 

403 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

7  multa  pollicens,  si  se  conservasset.  At  ille  claris- 
simi  viri  captus  misericordia,  diem  noctemque  procul 
ab  insula  in  salo  navem  tenuit  in  ancoris  neque 
quemquam  ex  ea  exire  passus  est.  Inde  Ephesum 
pervenit  ibique  Themistoclen  exponit.  Cui  ille  pro 
meritis  postea  gratiam  rettuUt. 

9.  Scio  plerosque  ita  scripsisse,  Themistoclen 
Xerxe  regnante  in  Asiam  transisse.  Sed  ego  potis- 
simum  Thucydidi  credo,  quod  aetate  proximus  de 
iis  qui  illorum  temporum  historiam  reliquerunt,  et 
eiusdem  civitatis  fuit.  Is  autem  ait  ad  Artaxerxen 
eum    venisse    atque    his    verbis    epistulam   misisse : 

2  "  Themistocles  veni  ad  te,  qui  plurima  mala  omnium 
Graiorum  in  domum  tuam  intuH,  quam  diu  mihi 
necesse  fuit  adversum  patrem  tuum  bellare  patriam- 

3  que  meam  defendere.  Idem  multo  plura  bona  feci, 
postquam  in  tuto  ipse  et  ille  in  periculo  esse  coepit ; 
nam  cum  in  Asiam  reverti  vellet,  proeUo  apud 
Salamina  facto,  Utteris  eum  certiorem  feci  id  agi, 
ut  pons  quem  in  HeUesponto  fecerat  dissolveretur 
atque    ab    hostibus    circumiretur ;     quo    nuntio    iUe 

4  periculo  est  Uberatus.  Nunc  autem  confugi  ad  te, 
exagitatus  a  cuncta  Graecia,  tuam  petens  amicitiam  ; 
quam  si  ero  adeptus,  non  minus  me  bonum  amicum 
habebis,  quam  fortem  inimicum  iUe  expertus  est. 
Te  ^  autem  rogo,  ut  de  iis  rebus,  quas  tecum  con- 
loqui  volo,  annuum  mihi  tempus  des  eoque  transacto 
ad  te  venire  patiaris." 

1  te,  Fhck;   id  B,  Leid.  II;   ea,  the  other  MSS. 

1  i.  137.  3fif. 

2  Artaxerxes  Macrochir;   see  xxi.  1.  3. 

^  Thucydides  says,  5ta  t^v  (ttjv  <piXiav,  "  because  of  my 
friendship  for  you." 

404 


II.  THEMISTOCLES,  viii.  7-ix.  4 

would  save  his  life.  The  sailor,  filled  with  pity  for 
so  distinguished  a  man,  for  a  day  and  a  night  kept 
his  ship  at  anchor  out  at  sea  far  off  from  the  island, 
and  would  not  allow  anyone  to  leave  her.  Then  he 
went  on  to  Ephesus  and  there  landed  Themistocles, 
who  afterwards  requited  him  for  his  services 

9.  I  am  aware  that  many  have  written  that 
Themistocles  passed  over  into  Asia  durino;  the  reign 
of  Xerxes,  but  I  prefer  to  believe  Thucydides, 
because  among  the  \\Titers  who  have  left  a  history 
of  those  times  he  was  most  nearly  contemporary 
^dth  Themistocles,  besides  being  a  native  of  the 
same  city.  Now  he  says  ^  that  it  was  to  Artaxerxes  - 
that  Themistocles  came,  and  that  he  sent  a  letter  to 
the  king  in  the  following  words :  "  I,  Themistocles, 
have  come  to  you,  the  man  of  all  the  Greeks  who 
brought  the  most  ills  upon  your  house,  so  long  as 
it  was  necessary  for  me  to  war  against  your  father 
and  defend  my  native  land.  But  I  also  did  him 
many  more  favours,  so  soon  as  I  began  to  find  myself 
in  safety  and  he  was  in  danger.  For  when  he 
^\ished  to  return  to  Asia  after  ha^ing  fought  the 
battle  at  Salamis,  I  informed  him  by  letter  of  the 
enemy's  plot  to  destroy  the  bridge  which  he  had 
made  over  the  Hellespont  and  to  cut  ofF  his  retreat ; 
and  it  was  that  message  which  saved  him  from 
danger.  But  now  I  have  sought  refuge  with  you, 
hounded  as  I  am  by  all  Greece,  seeking  your  friend- 
ship ;  3  if  I  obtain  it,  you  will  have  in  me  as  good 
a  friend  as  I  was  a  courageous  foeman  of  Xerxes. 
But  M-ith  regard  to  the  matters  about  which  I  yrish. 
to  confer  \Wth  you,  I  ask  you  to  allow  me  a  year's 
delay  and  let  me  come  to  you  at  the  end  of  that 
time." 

405 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

10.  Huius  rex  animi  magnitudinem  admirans 
cupiensque  talem  virum  sibi  conciliari,  veniam  dedit. 
Ille  omne  illud  tempus  litteris  sermonique  Persarum 
se  dedidit;  quibus  adeo  eruditus  est,  ut  multo 
commodius  dicatur  apud  regem  verba  fecisse  quam 

2  ii  poterant  qui  in  Perside  erant  nati.  Hic  cum 
multa  regi  esset  pollicitus  gratissimumque  illud,  si 
suis  uti  consiliis  vellet,  illum  Graeciam  bello  oppres- 
surum,  magnis  muneribus  ab  Artaxerxe  donatus, 
in  Asiam  rediit  domiciliumque  Magnesiae  sibi  con- 

3  stituit.  Namque  hanc  urbem  ei  rex  donarat,  his 
quidem  verbis,  quae  ei  panem  praeberet — ex  qua 
regione  quinquaginta  talenta  quotannis  redibant — 
Lampsacum  autem,  unde  vinum  sumeret,  Myunta,^ 
ex  qua  obsonium  haberet. 

Huius  ad  nostram  memoriam  monumenta  manse- 
runt   duo :     sepulcrum   prope   oppidum,   in   quo   est 

4  sepultus,  statua  ^  in  foro  Magnesiae.  De  cuius 
morte  multimodis  apud  plerosque  scriptum  est,  sed 
nos  eundem  potissimum  Thucydidem  auctorem 
probamus,  qui  illum  ait  Magnesiae  morbo  mortuum 
neque  negat  fuisse  famam,  venenum  sua  sponte 
sumpsisse,  cum  se  quae  regi  de  Graecia  opprimenda 

5  polhcitus  esset  praestare  posse  desperaret.  Idem 
ossa  eius  clam  in  Attica  ab  amicis  sepulta,  quoniam 
legibus  non  concederetur,  quod  proditionis  esset 
damnatus,  memoriae  prodidit. 

^  Myunta,  Aldus;    the  3ISS.   usuaUy  have  corruptions  of 
proper  names,  which  will  not  always  be  noted. 
2  statua,  Fleck;   statuae,  MSS. 

^  This  is  one  of  Xepos'  frequent  exaggerations ;  cf.  Thuc. 
i.  138  and  Plut.  Thern.  29. 

2  Used  in  the  Roman  sense  of  a  part  of  Asia  Minor. 

^  Ohsoniarn    included    everj-thing    that    was    eaten    with 
bread  by  way  of  relish ;   with  the  Greeks,  especiaUy  fish. 
406 


II.  THEMISTOCLES,  x.  1-5 

10.  The  king,  admiring  his  high  spirit,  and  eager 
to  win  the  friendship  of  such  a  man,  granted  his 
request.  Themistocles  devoted  all  that  time  to 
the  Uterature  and  language  of  the  Persians,  in 
which  he  became  so  well  versed  that  he  is  said  to 
have  spoken  in  much  better  style  before  the  king 
than  those  could  who  were  natives  of  Persia.^ 
Themistocles  made  many  promises  to  the  king,  of 
which  the  most  welcome  was,  that  if  Artaxerxes 
would  consent  to  follow  his  advice,  the  king's  arms 
would  subjugate  Greece.  Then,  after  receiving 
many  presents  from  the  monarch,  he  returned  to 
Asia  2  and  took  up  his  residence  at  Magnesia ;  for 
the  king  had  given  him  that  city,  with  the  remark 
that  it  would  furnish  him  with  b]»ead  (the  annual 
revenue  of  the  district  was  five  hundred  talents), 
also  Lampsacus,  to  supply  him  with  wine,  and 
Myus,  to  furnish  the  rest  of  his  fare.^ 

Two  memorials  of  this  man  have  endured  to  our 
own  day  :  his  tomb  near  the  town  in  which  he  was 
buried,'*  and  his  statue  in  the  Forum  at  Magnesia. 
Of  his  death  many  different  accounts  are  given  by 
numerous  writers,  but  once  more  I  prefer  to  accept 
the  testimony  of  Thucydides.  That  historian  says 
that  Themistocles  died  a  natural  death  at  Magnesia, 
admitting,  however,  that  there  was  a  report  that 
he  had  poisoned  himself,  because  he  despaired  of 
being  able  to  keep  his  promises  to  the  king  with 
regard  to  the  subjugation  of  Greece.  Thucydides 
has  also  stated  that  Themistocles'  bones  were  buried 
in  Attica  by  his  friends  secretly,  since  his  interment 
there  Mas  contrary  to  law,  because  he  had  been 
found  guilty  of  treason. 

*  That  is,  Magnesia. 

407 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

III.  ARISTIDES 

1.  Aristides,  Lysimachi  filius,  Atheniensis,  aequalis 
fere  fuit  Themistocli  itaque  cum  eo  de  principatu 

2  contendit ;  namque  obtrectarunt  inter  se.  In  his 
autem  cognitum  est  quanto  antistaret  eloquentia 
innocentiae.  Quamquam  enim  adeo  excellebat 
Aristides  abstinentia,  ut  unus  post  hominum  memor- 
iam,  quem  quidem  nos  audierimus,  cognomine  lustus 
sit  appellatus,  tamen  a  Themistocle  conlabefactus, 
testula   illa    exsiho    decem   annorum   multatus    est. 

3  Qui  quidem  cum  intellegeret  reprimi  concitatam 
multitudinem  non  posse,  cedensque  animadvertisset 
quendam  scribentem  ut  patria  pelleretur,  quaesisse 
ab  eo  dicitur  qua  re  id  faceret  aut  quid  Aristides 

4  commisisset  cur  tanta  poena  dignus  duceretur.  Cui 
ille  respondit  se  ignorare  Aristiden,  sed  sibi  non 
placere    quod    tam    cupide    elaboxasset    ut    praeter 

5  ceteros  lustus  appellaretur.  Hic  decem  annorum 
legitimam  poenam  non  pertuht.  Nam  postquam 
Xerxes  in  Graeciam  descendit,  sexto  fere  annc 
quam  erat  expulsus,  popuh  scito  in  patriam  restitutus 
est. 

2.  Interfuit  autem  pugnae  navah  apud  Salamina, 
quae  facta  est  prius  quam  poena  hberaretur.  Idem 
praetor  fuit  Atheniensium  apud  Plataeas  in  proeho 
quo  Mardonius  fusus  barbarorumque  exercitus  inter- 

2  fectus    est.     Neque    ahud    est    uUum    huius    in    re 

1  See  note  2,  p.  400. 

2  According  to  one  version  of  the  story,  the  man  could  not 
write  and  Aristides  wrote  his  own  name  f or  him  on  the  shard. 

408 


III.  ARISTIDES,  I.  i-ii.  2 

III.  ARISTIDES 

1,  Aristides  the  Athenian,  son  of  Lysimachus, 
was  of  about  the  same  age  as  Theniistocles,  and 
consequently  disputed  with  him  the  first  rank  in 
the  state  ;  for  they  were  rivals.  In  fact,  the  history 
of  these  two  men  makes  clear  the  extent  to  which 
eloquence  has  the  advantage  of  integrity.  For 
although  Aristides  so  excelled  in  honesty  that  he  is 
the  only  one  within  the  memory  of  man — at  least, 
so  far  as  we  have  heard — who  was  given  the  title 
of  "  the  Just,"  yet  his  influence  was  undermined  by 
Themistocles  aiid  he  was  exiled  for  ten  years  by 
that  well-known  process  known  as  the  shard-vote.^ 
Aristides  himself,  when  he  reaUzed  that  the  excited 
populace  could  not  be  quieted,  and,  as  he  was  with- 
drawing,  saw  a  man  in  the  act  of  voting  that  he 
should  be  banished,  is  said  to  have  asked  him  why 
he  did  so,  and  what  Aristides  had  done  to  be  thought 
deserving  of  such  a  punishment.  To  which  the  man 
repHed  that  he  did  not  know  Aristides,  but  that  he 
was  displeased  because  he  had  worked  so  hard  to 
be  distinguished  from  other  men  by  the  surname  of 
"  the  Just."  2  Aristides  did  not  complete  the  legal 
penalty  of  ten  years ;  for  when  Xerxes  descended 
upon  Greece,  in  about  the  sixth  year  of  his  exile, 
he  was  restored  to  his  native  land  by  decree  of  the 
people. 

2.  Aristides  took  part  besides  in  the  naval  battle 
at  Salamis,  although  it  was  fought  before  his  recall. 

He  was  also  general  of  the  Athenians  at  Plataea  479  b.o. 
in   the    battle    in    which    Mardonius    was    defeated 
and  the  army  of  the  barbarians  was  slaughtered. 
Although  there  is  no  other  brilhant  exploit  in  his 

409 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

militari  illustre  factum  quam  huius  ^  imperii  memoria, 
iustitiae  vero  et  aequitatis  et  innocentiae  multa,  in 
primis  quod  eius  aequitate  factum  est,  cum  in  com- 
muni  classe  esset  Graeciae  simul  cima  Pausania — 
quo  duce  Mardonius  erat  fugatus — ut  summa 
imperii  maritimi  ab  Lacedaemoniis  transferretur  ad 
3  Athenienses ;  namque  ante  id  tempus  et  mari  et 
terra  duces  erant  Lacedaemonii.  Tum  autem  et 
intemperantia  Pausaniae  et  iustitia  factum  est 
Aristidis,  ut  omnes  fere  civitates  Graeciae  ad 
Atheniensium  societatem  se  apphcarent  et  adversus 
barbaros  hos  duces  deligerent  sibi. 

3.  Quos  quo  facihus  repellerent,  si  forte  bellum 
renovare  conarentur,  ad  classis  aedificandas  exer- 
citusque  comparandos  quantum  pecuniae  quaeque 
civitas  daret  x\ristides  delectus  est  qui  constitueret, 
eiusque  arbitrio  quadringena  et  sexagena  talenta 
quotannis  Delum  sunt  conlata ;  id  enim  commune 
aerarium     esse     voluerunt.     Quae     omnis     pecunia 

2  postero  tempore  Athenas  translata  est.  Hic  qua 
fuerit  abstinentia,  nuUum  est  certius  indicium  quam 
quod,^  cum  tantis  rebus  praefuisset,  in  tanta  pauper- 

3  tate  decessit,  ut  qui  efferretur  vix  rehquerit.  Quo 
factum  est  ut  fihae  eius  pubhce  alerentur  et  de 
communi  aerario  dotibus  datis  conlocarentur.  De- 
cessit  autem  fere  post  annum  quartum  quam 
Themistocles  Athenis  erat  expulsus. 

^  eius,  Halm. 

2  quod,  added  hy  Lamhin. 


1  He  was  one  of  the  generals  at  Marathon,  and  later 
against  the  Persians  in  Cvprus  and  on  the  Hellespont;  cf. 
iv.  2.  1. 

410 


III.  ARISTIDES,  II.  2-III.  3 

military  career  except  the  memory  of  tliat  com- 
mand,^  there  are  many  instances  of  his  justice, 
equity  and  integrity ;  in  particular,  that  it  was  due 
to  his  equity,  Mhen  he  was  on  the  fleet  of  the  Greek 
alhes  in  company  with  Pausanias,  the  general  who 
had  routed  Mardonius,  that  the  supremacy  of  the 
sea  passed  from  the  Lacedaemonians  to  the  Athen- 
ians.  Until  then,  indeed,  the  Lacedaemonians  had 
held  the  lead  on  land  and  sea,  but  at  that  time  the 
arrogance  of  Pausanias  and  the  justice  of  Aristides 
led  almost  all  the  Greek  cities  to  seek  aUiance  with 
the  Athenians  and  choose  them  as  their  leaders 
against  the  barbarians. 

3.  In  order  to  repel  the  Persians  more  easily,  if 
by  any  chance  they  should  attempt  to  renew  the 
war,  Aristides  was  appointed  to  determine  how 
much  money  each  state  should  contribute  for  the 
purpose  of  building  fleets  and  raising  armies  ;  and  in 
accordance  with  his  decision  four  hundred  and  sixty 
talents  Mcre  deposited  each  year  at  Delos.  That 
place  was  selected  as  the  treasury  of  the  league,  but 
later  2  all  that  money  was  transported  to  Athens. 
There  is  no  more  certain  proof  of  Aristides'  in- 
tegrity  than  the  fact  that,  although  he  was  entrusted 
A\ith  the  management  of  such  important  affairs,  he 
left  so  httle  money  at  his  death,  that  there  was 
hardly  enough  to  pay  his  funeral  expenses.  The 
result  was  that  his  daughters  were  supported  by 
the  state  and,  when  they  married,  were  provided 
^vith  dowTies  from  the  pubhc  treasury.  Aristides 
died  about  four  years  after  Themistocles  had  been  468  b.o. 
banished  from  Athens. 

2  In  the  time  of  Pericles;    quae  omnis  pecunia  means  the 
contributions  as  a  whole,  except  what  had  been  expended. 

411 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

IV.  PAUSANIAS 

1.  Pausanias  Lacedaemonius  magnus  homo,  sed 
varius  in  omni  genere  "sitae  fuit ;   nam  ut  virtutibus 

2  eluxit,  sic  vitiis  est  obrutus.  Huius  illustrissimum 
est  proelium  apud  Plataeas.  Namque  illo  duce 
Mardonius,  satrapes  regius,  natione  Medus,  regis 
gener,  in  primis  omnium  Persarum  et  manu  fortis  et 
consilii  plenus,  cum  CC  milibus  peditum,  quos 
viritim  legerat,  et  XX  equitum  haud  ita  magna 
manu  Graeciae  fugatus  est,  eoque  ipse  dux  cecidit 

3  proeUo.  Qua  victoria  elatus,  plurima  miscere  coepit 
et  maiora  concupiscere.  Sed  primum  in  eo  est 
reprehensus,  quod  ^  ex  praeda  tripodem  aureum 
Delphis  posuisset  epigrammate  scripto,^  in  quo 
haec  erat  sententia :  suo  ductu  barbaros  apud 
Plataeas  esse  deletos  eiusque  victoriae  ergo  ApolUni 
id  ^  donum  dedisse.  Hos  versus  Lacedaemonii 
exsculpserunt  neque  ahud  scripserunt  quam  nomina 
earum  civitatum  quarum  auxilio  Persae  erant  victi. 

2.  Post  id  proeUum  eundem  Pausaniam  cum 
classe  communi  Cyprum  atque  Hellespontum  mise- 
runt,    ut    ex    iis    regionibus    barbarorum    praesidia 

2  depelleret.  Pari  fehcitate  in  ea  re  usus,  elatius  se 
gerere  coepit  maioresque  appetere  res.  Nam  cum 
Byzantio    expugnato_  cepisset   complures    Persarum 

1  quod,  u  and  some  inferior  MSS. ;  quod  cum,  A  B  M  P  R; 
cum,  Xipp. 

2  inscripto,  cod.  Vat.  3170,  Fleck. 
'  id,  added  by  Fleck. 


1  In  reaUty  he  was  a  Persian  and  son-ia-law  of  Darius, 
father  of  Xerxes. 

2  The  bronze  serpents  that  supported  the  tripod,  inscribed 
on  their  coils  with  the  names  of  the  cities,  are  now  in  Con- 

412 


IV.  PAUSANIAS,  I.  i-ii.  2 

'   IV.  PAUSANIAS 

1.  Pausanias  the  Lacedaemonian  was  a  great 
man,  but  untrustworthy  in  all  the  relations  of  hfe ; 
for  while  he  possessed  conspicuous  merits,  yet  he 
was  overloaded  Avith  defects.  His  most  famous 
exploit  was  the  battle  of  Plataea ;  for  it  was  under 
his  command  that  Mardonius,  a  Mede  by  birth, 
satrap  and  son-in-law  of  the  king,^  among  the  first 
of  all  the  Persians  in  deeds  of  arms  and  wise  counsel, 
with  an  army  of  two  hundred  thousand  foot-soldiers 
that  he  himself  had  selected  man  by  man,  and 
twenty  thousand  horsemen,  was  routed  by  a  com- 
paratively  small  force  of  Greeks ;  and  in  that  battle 
the  leader  himself  fell.  Puffed  up  by  this  victory^ 
Pausanias  began  to  engage  in  numerous  intrigues 
and  form  ambitious  designs.  But  first  of  all  he 
incurred  criticism  by  consecrating  at  Delphi  from 
the  spoils  a  golden  tripod,  on  which  was  a  metrical 
inscription  to  this  purport :  that  it  was  under  his  lead 
that  the  barbarians  had  been  destroyed  at  Plataea 
and  that  because  of  that  victory  he  gave  that  gift 
to  Apollo.  Those  verses  the  Lacedaemonians  erased 
and  put  in  their  place  only  the  names  of  the  cities 
with  whose  help  the  Persians  had  been  defeated.^ 

2.  After  that  battle  Pausanias  again  commanded 
the  allied  Greeks,  being  sent  with  a  fleet  to  Cyprus 
and  the  Hellespont  to  dislodge  the  garrisons  of  the 
barbarians  from  those  regions.  Having  enjoyed 
equal  good  fortune  in  that  expedition,  he  began  ta 
act  still  more  arrogantly  and  to  entertain  still  loftier 
ambitions.  In  fact,  having  at  the  taking  of  Byzantium 
captured    several    Persian    nobles,    including    some 

stantinople.     Thucydides  (i.   132.  2)  does  not  say  that  the 
tripod  was  of  gold;    that  adjective  is  from  Diodorus  (xi.  33). 

4IS 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

nobiles  atque  in  his  nonnullos  regis,propinquos,  hos 
clam  Xerxi  remisit,  simulans  ex  vinclis  publicis 
effugisse,  et  cum  his  Gongylum  Eretriensem,  qui 
litteras  regi  redderet,  in  quibus  haec  fuisse  scripta 

3  Thucydides  memoriae  prodidit :  "  Pausanias,  dux 
Spartae,  quos  Byzanti  ceperat,  postquam  propinquos 
tuos  cognovit,  tibi  muneri  misit  seque  teciun  adfini- 
tate  coniungi  cupit;    qua  re,  si  tibi  videtur,  des  ei 

4  filiam  tuam  nuptum.  Id  si  feceris,  et  Spartam  et 
ceteram  Graeciam  sub  tuam  potestatem  se  adiuvante 
te  ^  redacturum  polhcetur.  His  de  rebus  si  quid 
geri  volueris,  certum  hominem  ad  eum  mittas  face, 
cum  quo  conloquatur." 

5  Rex,  tot  hominum  salute  tam  sibi  necessariorum 
magno  opere  gavisus,  confestim  cum  epistula  Arta- 
bazum  ad  Pausaniam  mittit,  in  qua  eum  conlaudat 
ac  2  petit  ne  cui  rei  parcat  ad  ea  efficienda  quae 

6  ponicetur :  si  perfecerit,  nulUus  rei  a  se  repulsam 
laturum.  Huius  Pausanias  voluntate  cognita,  alac- 
rior  ad  rem  gerendam  factus,  in  suspicionem  cecidit 
Lacedaemoniorum.  Quo  ^  facto  domum  revocatus, 
accusatus  capitis  absohitur,  multatur  tamen  pecunia ; 
quam  ob  causam  ad  classem  remissus  non  est. 

3.  At  ille  post  non  multo  sua  sponte  ad  exercitum 
rediit  et  ibi  non  calhda,  sed  dementi  *  ratione  cogi- 
tata  patefecit ;    non  enim  mores  patrios  solum,  sed 

^  te,  adcUrl  hy  Bosius ;   se  adiuvante  se,  Can. 

*  ac,  added  hy  FlecJc ;  petit,  omitted  hy  Gemss. 
'  quo,  u  ;    in  quo,  3ISS. 

*  non  stolida  sed  dementi,  MSS. ;  non  caUida  without  sed 
dementi,  Gemss;   non  modo  non  c.  sed  d.,  Wagji^r. 


^  That  is,  -vnthout  being  appointed  commander. 
414 


IV.  PAUSANIAS,  II.  2-III.  I 

relatives  of  the  king,  he  seeretly  sent  them  back  to 
Xerxes,  pretending  that  they  had  eseaped  from  the 
state  prison  ;  and  with  them  he  dispatched  Gongylus 
the  Eretrian,  who  was  to  dehver  to  the  king  a  letter. 
which,  as  Thucydides  has  told  us,  contained  the 
foUowing  message  :  "  Pausanias,  the  Spartan  general, 
as  soon  as  he  learned  that  certain  prisoners  that  he 
took  at  Byzantium  were  your  relatives,  has  sent 
them  to  you  as  a  gift,  and  desires  to  ally  himself 
with  your  family.  Therefore,  if  it  please  you,  give 
him  your  daughter  to  wife.  If  you  do  so,  he  guaran- 
tees  that  with  your  help  he  will  bring  Sparta  and  all 
Greece  under  your  sway.  If  you  desire  to  consider 
this  proposal,  see  that  you  send  him  a  trustworthy 
man  ^^'ith  whom  he  may  confer." 

The  king,  greatly  pleased  at  the  recovery  of  so 
many  intimate  relatives,  at  once  sent  Artabazus  to 
Pausanias  with  a  letter,  in  which  he  thanked  the 
Spartan  and  begged  him  to  spare  no  pains  to  accom- 
plish  what  he  promised,  saying  that  if  he  succeeded, 
there  was  nothing  that  the  king  would  refuse  him. 
When  Pausanias  knew  the  monarch's  intentions,  he 
devoted  himself  with  greater  energy  to  perfecting 
his  plans,  and  thus  excited  the  suspicions  of  the 
Lacedaemonians.  In  consequence,  he  was  recalled 
and  tried  for  his  hfe,  and  although  he  escaped  death, 
he  was  compelled  to  pay  a  fine,  and  because  of  that 
he  was  not  sent  back  to  the  fleet. 

3.  But  not  long  afterwards  Pausanias  returned  to 
the  army  on  his  ovm.  account,^  and  there  he  revealed 
his  designs  in  a  manner  that  was  rather  insane  than 
adroit.2     For  he  abandoned,  not  only  the  customs 

^  Nepos'  strivLng  for  antithesis  carries  him  too  far,  but 
no  change  seems  necessary;   cf.  the  crit.  note. 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

2  etiam  cultum  vestitumque  mutavit.  Apparatu  regio 
utebatur,  veste  Medica ;  satellites  Medi  et  Aegyptii 
sequebantur  ;   epulabatur  more  Persarum  luxuriosius 

3  quam  qui  aderant  perpeti  possent ;  aditum  petenti- 
bus  conveniundi  non  dabat,  superbe  respondebat, 
crudeliter  imperabat.  Spartam  redire  nolebat ;  Colo- 
nasj  qui  locus  in  agro  Troade  est,  se  contulerat ;  ibi 
consilia  cum  patriae  tum  sibi  inimica  capiebat. 

4  Id  postquam  Lacedaemonii  rescierunt,  legatos  cum 
clava  ad  eum  miserunt,  in  qua  more  illorum  erat 
scriptum :    nisi  domum  reverteretur,  se  capitis  eum 

5  damnaturos.  Hoc  nuntio  commotus,  sperans  se 
etiam  tum  pecunia  et  potentia  instans  periculum 
posse  depellere,  domum  rediit.  Huc  ut  venit,  ab 
ephoris  in  vincla  publica  est  coniectus ;  licet  enim 
legibus  eorum  cui^is  ephoro  hoc  facere  regi.  Hinc 
tamen  se  expedivit,  neque  eo  magis  carebat  sus- 
picione ;  nam  opinio  manebat  eum  cum  rege  habere 
societatem. 

6  Est  genus  quoddam  hominum  quod  Hilotae  voca- 
tur,  quorum  magna  multitudo  agros  Lacedaemo- 
niorum    coUt    servorumque    munere    fungitur.     Hos 

7  quoque  soUicitare  spe  Ubertatis  existimabatur.  Sed 
quod  harum  rerum  nuUum  erat  apertum  crimen  quo 


^  The  (TKvraK-fi,  a  means  of  secret  communication  used  by 
the  Spartan  ephors.  When  a  king  or  general  left  home,  he 
•was  given  a  staS,  or  cyhndrical  piece  of  wood,  exactly  similar 
to  one  in  the  possession  of  the  ephors.  When  they  wished 
to  communicate  with  him,  they  "vround  a  narrow  strip  of 
leather  in  a  spiral  around  the  stafF,  and  wTote  their  message 
on  it  along  the  length  of  the  staflf.  When  the  thong  was 
unrolled,  only  detached  letters  or  fragments  of  words  were 
seen;  but  the  person  addressed  could  read  the  message  by 
using  his  staff.     See  Gellius,  xvii,  9.  6  £f. 

416 


IV.  PAUSANIAS,  III.  1-7 

of  his  country,  but  even  its  manner  of  life  and  dress, 
He  assumed  royal  splendour,  the  Medic  garb ; 
Persian  and  Egyptian  attendants  foUowed  him. 
He  dined  in  the  Persian  ftishion,  more  extravagantly 
than  his  associates  could  tolerate.  He  refused 
to  give  audience  to  those  who  wished  to  meet 
him,  returned  haughty  answers,  and  exercised  his 
authority  cruelly.  He  refused  to  return  to  Sparta, 
but  went  to  Colonae,  a  place  in  the  region  of  the 
Troad;  there  he  nourished  plans  that  were  ruinous 
not  only  to  his  country  but  to  himself. 

As  soon  as  the  Lacedaemonians  learned  of  his 
conduct,  they  sent  envoys  to  him  with  the  stafF,^ 
on  which  it  was  written  after  their  fashion  that  if 
he  did  not  return  home,  they  would  condemn  him  to 
death.  Troubled  by  this  message,  and  hoping  that 
even  then  he  could  avert  the  threatening  danger  by 
his  money  and  his  prestige,  he  returned  to  Sparta. 
On  his  arrival  he  was  imprisoned  by  the  ephors ; 
for  according  to  the  laws  of  Sparta  any  ephor  ^ 
may  so  treat  a  king.^  However,  he  succeeded  in 
effecting  his  release,  but  he  was  none  the  less  under 
suspicion ;  for  the  opinion  persisted  that  he  had  an 
understanding  w^ith  the  Persian  king. 

There  is  a  class  of  men  called  Helots,  who  are 
very  numerous ;  they  till  the  fields  of  the  Lace- 
daemonians  and  perform  the  duties  of  slaves.  These 
too  Pausanias  was  believed  to  be  tempting  by  the 
promise  of  freedom.  But  because,  in  spite  of  these 
circumstances,   there  was   no   direct   charge   which 

2  It  could  be  done  only  by  the  entire  coUege  of  ephors 
(five  in  number),  and  at  the  time  when  Nepos  •wrote  there 
were  no  kings  at  Sparta. 

3  Pausanias  was  guardian  of  the  young  king  Pleistachus, 
and  hence  acting  as  regent. 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

coargui  posset,  non  putabant  de  tali  tamque  claro 
viro  suspicionibus  oportere  iudicari  et  exspectan- 
dum,  dum  se  ipsa  res  aperiret. 

4.  Interim  Argilius  quidam  adulescentulus,  quem 
puerum  Pausanias  amore  venerio  dilexerat,  cum 
epistulam  ab  eo  ad  Artabazum  accepisset  eique  in 
suspicionem  venisset  aliquid  in  ea  de  se  esse  scrip- 
tum,  quod  nemo  eorum  redisset  qui  super  tali  causa  ^ 
eodem  missi  erant,  vincla  epistulae  laxavit  signoque 
detracto  cognovit,  si  pertulisset,  sibi  esse  pereun- 

2  dum.  Erant  in  eadem  epistula  quae  ad  ea  pertine- 
bant  quae  inter  regem  Pausaniamque  convenerant. 
Has  ille  litteras  ephoris  tradidit. 

3  Non  est  praetereunda  gra\-itas  Lacedaemoniorum 
hoc  loco ;  nam  ne  huius  quidem  indicio  impulsi  sunt 
ut  Pausaniam  comprehenderent,  neque  prius  vim 
adhibendam  putaverunt,  quam  se  ipse  indicasset. 
Itaque  huic  indici  quid  fieri  vellent  praeceperunt. 

4  Fanum  Neptuni  est  Taenari,  quod  violari  nefas 
putant  Graeci.  Eo  ille  index  ^  confugit  in  araque 
consedit.  Hanc  iuxta  locum  fecerunt  sub  terra, 
ex  quo  posset  exaudiri,  si  quis  quid  loqueretur  cum 

6  ArgiUo.  Huc  ex  ephoris  quidam  descenderunt. 
Pausanias  ut  audivit  ArgiUum  confugisse  in  aram, 
perturbatus  venit  eo.  Quem  cum  supphcem  dei 
videret   in   ara   sedentem,   quaerit   causae   quid  sit 

^  (cum)  suber(a)t  ali(qua)  causa,  Wagner. 
*  index,  omitted  hy  Heerwagen. 

^  Super,  =  dCf  is  suspicious;  Wagner'8  emendation 
("whenever  there  was  any  occasion")  ia  attractive;  see 
crit.  note. 

418 


IV.  PAUSANIAS,  III.  7-iv.  5 

could  be  brought  against  him,  the  Lacedaemonians 
thought  that  a  man  of  his  position  and  distinction 
ought  not  to  be  brought  to  trial  because  of  mere 
suspicions,  but  that  they  ought  to  wait  until  the 
truth  revealed  itself. 

4.  Meanwhile  a  young  man  of  Argilus,  \vith  whom 
when  a  boy  Pausanias  had  had  a  love  affair,  having 
received  from  him  a  letter  for  Artabazus,  suspected 
that  it  contained  some  allusion  to  himself,  since 
none  of  the  messengers  who  had  been  sent  on 
similar  errands  ^  had  ever  retumed.  Accordingly, 
he  loosened  the  cord  of  the  letter,  broke  the  seal, 
and  found  that  if  he  should  dehver  it,  he  was  doomed 
to  death ;  the  letter  also  contained  references  to 
the  agreement  between  Pausanias  and  the  king. 
This  letter  the  young  man  handed  over  to  the 
ephors. 

We  must  not  fail  to  observe  the  dehberateness  of 
the  Lacedaemonians  on  this  occasion.  Even  this 
man's  testimony  did  not  lead  them  to  arrest  Pau- 
sanias,  but  thev  thought  that  no  violence  ought  to 
be  offered  him  until  he  actually  betrayed  himself. 
Accordingly,  they  made  known  to  this  informer 
what  he  was  to  do.  There  is  at  Taenarum  a  temple 
of  Neptune,  which  the  Greeks  deem  it  impious  to 
^dolate.  To  this  that  informer  fled  and  seated  him- 
self  upon  the  altar.  Near  by  they  made  a  subter- 
ranean  chamber,  from  which  anyone  who  talked 
\vith  the  Argilian  could  be  overheard,  and  there 
some  of  the  ephors  concealed  themselves.  When 
Pausanias  heard  that  the  ArgiHan  had  taken  refuge 
at  the  altar,  he  went  there  in  a  state  of  great  anxiety  ; 
and  finding  him  seated  on  the  altar  in  the  attitude 
of  a  suppUant  of  the  god,  he  asked  his  reason  for 

419 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

tam  repentini  consilii.  Huic  ille  quid  ex  litteris 
6  comperisset  aperit.  Modo  ^  magis  Pausanias  per- 
turbatus  orare  coepit  ne  enuntiaret  nec  se  meritum 
de  illo  optime  prqderet :  quod  si  eam  veniam  sibi 
dedisset  tantisque  implicatum  rebus  sublevasset, 
magno  ei  praemio  futurum. 

5.  His  rebus  ephori  cognitis,  satius  putarunt  in 
urbe  eum  comprehendi.  Quo  cum  essent  profecti 
et  Pausanias  placato  Argilio,  ut  putabat,  Lacedae- 
monem  reverteretur,  in  itinere,  cum  iam  in  eo  esset 
ut  comprehenderetur,  ex  vultu  cuiusdam  ephori, 
qui  eum  admoneri  cupiebat,  insidias  sibi  fieri  intel- 

2  lexit.  Itaque  paucis  ante  gradibus  quam  qui  eum 
sequebantur,  in  aedem  Minervae  quae  Chalcioicos 
vocatur  confugit.  Hinc  ne  exire  posset,  statim 
ephori    valvas    eius    aedis    obstruxerunt    tectumque 

3  sunt  demoHti,  quo  celerius  sub  divo  interiret.  Dicitur 
eo  tempore  matrem  Pausaniae  vixisse  eamque  iam 
magno  natu,  postquam  de  scelere  filii  comperit,  in 
primis  ad  fihum  claudendum  lapidem  ad  introitum 

4  aedis  attuHsse.  Hic  cum  semianimis  de  templo 
elatus  esset,  confestim  animam  efflavit.^  Sic  Pau- 
sanias  magnam  belU  gloriam  turpi  morte  maculavit. 

5  Cuius  mortui  corpus  cum  eodem  nonnulh  dicerent 

^  tanto  or  multo,  Lamhin;   quo,  Fleck. 
2  Hic  .  .  .  efBavit  after  maculavit  in  3ISS. ;    transposed 
hy  Fleck. 


1  For  this  use  of  modo  Halm  compared  Sallust,  Jug.  47.  3 
and  15.  1;  or  it  may  simply  mean  "  then  "  ("  now  "  trans- 
ferred  to  the  past). 

2  Since  they  did  not  venture  to  violate  the  shrine ;  see  4.  4. 

3  Lady  of  the  Brazen  House,  so  called  because  her  temple 
was  overlaid  with  plates  of  bronze.     The  goddess  was  Athena, 

420 


IV.  PAUSANIAS,  IV.  5-v.  5 

such  a  sudden  determination.  The  youth  told  him 
what  he  had  learned  from  the  letter.  Pausanias, 
still  more  ^  disturbed,  began  to  beg  him  not  to 
betray  one  who  had  always  deserved  well  of  him ; 
adding  that  if  he  would  do  him  that  favour  and  aid 
him  in  the  great  difficulty  in  which  he  found  himself, 
he  would  reward  him  generously. 

5.  Upon  getting  this  evidence  the  ephors  thought 
it  would  be  better  to  arrest  him  in  Sparta.^  When 
they  had  left  the  place,  and  Pausanias,  having  won 
over  the  Argilian,  as  he  thought,  was  on  his  wav  to 
Lacedaemon,  in  the  course  of  the  journey,  just  as 
he  was  on  the  point  of  being  arrested,  from  the 
expression  of  one  of  the  ephors,  who  wished  to 
Marn  him,  he  perceived  that  they  had  designs  upon 
him.  Accordingly,  he  took  refuge  in  the  temple  of 
Minerva,  surnamed  Chalcioikos,^  outstripping  his 
pursuers  by  only  a  few  steps.  To  prevent  his 
leaving  the  place,  the  ephors  at  once  blocked  up 
the  doors  of  the  temple  and  destroyed  its  roof,* 
in  order  that  he  might  the  sooner  die  from  exposure 
to  the  open  heavens.  It  is  said  that  Pausanias' 
mother  Mas  Hving  at  the  time,  and  that  having 
learned  of  her  son's  guilt,  in  spite  of  her  great  age 
she  was  among  the  first  to  bring  a  stone  to  the 
entrance  of  the  temple,  to  immure  her  own  child. 
He  was  half  dead  when  taken  from  the  precinct  and 
at  once  breathed  his  last.  Thus  it  was  that  Pau- 
sanias  dishonoured  his  glorious  career  by  a  shameful 
end.     After    his    death   some    said   that   his    body 

but  Nepos,  as  usual,  uses  the  Roman  equivalent ;  see  note  4, 
p  373. 

*  According  to  Thucydides  (i.  134),  it  was  not  the  temple, 
but  a  building  within  the  sacred  precinct,  in  which  Pausanias 
sought  asylum. 

421 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

inferri  oportere  quo  ii  qui  ad  supplicium  essent  dati, 
displicuit  pluribus,  et  procul  ab  eo  loco  infoderunt 
quo  erat  mortuus.  Inde  posterius  dei  ^  Delphici 
responso  erutus  atque  eodem  loco  sepultus  est  ^  ubi 
vitam  posuerat. 


V.  CIMON 

1.  Cimon,  Miltiadis  filius,  Atheniensis,  duro  admo- 
dum  initio  usus  est  adulescentiae ;  nam  cum  pater 
eius  Utem  aestimatam  populo  solvere  non  potuisset 
ob  eamque  causam  in  vincHs  publicis  decessisset, 
Cimon  eadem  custodia  tenebatur  neque  legibus 
Atheniensium  ^    emitti   poterat,   nisi   pecuniam   qua 

2  pater  multatus  erat  solvisset.  Habebat  autem  in 
matrimonio  sororem  germanam  suam,  nomine  Elpini- 
cen,  non  magis  amore  quam  more  ductus ;  namque 
Atheniensibus  Hcet  eodem  patre  natas  uxores  ducere. 

3  Huius  coniugii  cupidus  CaUias  quidam,  non  tam 
generosus  quam  pecuniosus,  qui  magnas  pecunias  ex 
metalhs  fecerat,  egit  cum  Cimone  ut  eam  sibi 
uxorem  daret :  id  si  impetrasset,  se  pro  illo  pecuniam 

4  soluturum.  Is  cum  talem  condicionem  aspernaretur, 
Elpinice  negavit  se  passuram  Miltiadis  progeniem  in 
vinchs  publicis  interire,  quoniam  prohibere  posset, 

^  dei,  added  hy  Lamhin.  ^  est,  added  hy  Fleck. 

3  Atheniensium,  Lambin ;  Atheniensibus,  MSS. 

^  A  ravine  near  Sparta,  called  KaLabas. 

2  The  passage  is  obscure  and  perhaps  corrupt.  Since 
Thucydides  says  that  Pausanias  was  first  buried  near  the 
KaidSas,  'procul  may  mean  "  hard  by,"  as  in  Horace,  Sat.  ii. 
6.  105  and  Epist.  i.  7.  32,  and  quo  erat  mortuus  may  be  a 
gloss.  The  death  of  Pausanias  took  place  soon  after  the 
condemnation  of  Themistocles ;  see  ii.  8.  2,  and  note  3. 

422 


V.  GIMON,  I.  1-4 

ought  to  be  taken  to  the  spot  set  apart  for  the 
burial  of  criminals ;  ^  but  the  majority  opposed  this, 
and  he  was  buried  at  a  distance  from  the  place 
where  he  had  died.-  Later,  in  consequence  of  an 
oracle  of  Delphic  Apollo,  he  was  exhumed  and 
interred  on  the  very  spot  where  he  had  ended 
his  hfe. 

V.  CIMON 

1.  Cimon,  the  Athenian,  son  of  Miltiades,  in  his 
early  youth  suffered  great  trouble ;  for  since  his 
father  had  been  unable  to  pay  the  fine  imposed  upon 
him  by  the  people,  and  therefore  had  died  in  the 
state  prison,^  the  son  also  was  kept  in  confinement ; 
and  the  laws  of  Athens  did  not  allow  lum  to  be  set 
at  hberty  unless  he  paid  the  amount  of  his  father's 
fine.*  Now,  he  had  married  his  own  sister  Elpinice, 
led  as  much  by  the  custom  of  his  country  as  by 
affection  ;  ^  for  it  is  lawful  for  the  Athenians  to  marry 
sisters  born  of  the  same  father."  His  wife's  hand 
was  sought  by  a  certain  Callias,  wbo  was  rich  but 
not  of  high  birth  and  had  made  a  great  deal  of 
money  from  the  mines."^  He  pleaded  with  Cimon 
to  give  Elpinice  to  him  as  his  wife,  saying  that  on 
that  condition  he  would  pay  the  fine.  CaUias 
scorned  such  a  proposal,  but  Elpinice  declared  that 
she  would  not  allow  the  son  of  Miltiades  to  die  in 
the  state  prison,  when  she  had  the  power  to  pre- 

3  See  i.  7.  6,  and  the  note. 

^  This  is  not  true;  he  sufFered  aTiij.[a,  which  deprived  him 
of  most  of  the  privileges  of  citizenship. 

5  It  seems  impossible  to  reproduce  the  word-play,  amore 
.  .  .  more. 

«  Cf.  Praef.  4.  '  See  note  1,  p.  390. 

423 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

seque    Calliae    nupturam,    si    ea    quae    polliceretur 
praestitisset. 

2.  Tali  modo  custodia  liberatus,  Cimon  celeriter 
ad  principatum  pervenit.  Habebat  enim  satis  elo- 
quentiae,  simimam  liberalitatem,  magnam  pruden- 
tiam  cum  iuris  ci^ilis  tum  rei  militaris,  quod  cum 
patre  a  puero  in  exercitibus  fuerat  versatus.  Itaque 
hic  et  populum  urbanum  in  sua  tenuit  potestate  et 
apud  exercitum  plurimum  valuit  auctoritate. 

2  Primum  imperator  apud  flumen  Strjonona  magnas 
copias  Thraecum  fugavit,  oppidum  Amphipolim  con- 
stituit  eoque  decem  miha  Atheniensium  in  coloniam 
misit.  Idem  iterum  apud  Mycalen  Cypriorum  et 
Phoenicum  ducentarum  na\dum  classem  devictam 
cepit  eodemque  die  pari  fortuna  in  terra  usus  est. 

3  Namque  hostium  navibus  captis,  statim  ex  classe 
copias   suas    eduxit   barbarorumque   maximam   vim 

4  uno  concursu  prostra\it.  Qua  victoria  magna  praeda 
potitus  cum  domum  reverteretur,  quod  iam  nonnullae 
insulae  propter  acerbitatem  imperii  defecerant,  bene 
animatas   confirmavit,   aUenatas   ad   officium   redire 

6  coegit.  Scyrum,^  quam  eo  tempore  Dolopes  inco- 
lebant,  quod  contumacius  se  gesserant,  vacuefecit, 
sessores  veteres  urbe  insulaque  eiecit,  agros  civibus 
di\isit.     Thasios  opulentia  fretos  suo  adventu  fregit. 

^  Scyrum,  w,  and  some  inferior  31 SS. ;  Cyprmn,  MSS. 

^  This  was  not  at  Mycale,  but  at  the  river  Euiymedon  in 
Pamphylia  in  468  b.c.  ;  the  victory  at  Mycale  was  won  by 
Leotychides  and  Xanthippus  in  479  b.c. 

424 


V.  CIMON,  I.  4-II.  5 

vent  it,   but  that  she   would  marry   Callias,  if  he 
would  keep  his  promise. 

2.  Having  in  this  way  gained  his  freedom,  Cimon 
quickly  rose  to  the  first  rank  in  the  state  ;  for  he 
had  a  fair  amount  of  eloquence,  extreme  generosity, 
and  wide  knowledge  both  of  civil  law  and  of  the 
miUtary  art,  since  from  boyhood  he  had  accom- 
panied  his  father  on  his  campaigns.  He  therefore 
gained  control  over  the  city  populace  and  had  great 
influence  with  the  army. 

In  his  first  command  he  routed  a  large  force  of 
Thracians  at  the  river  Strymon,  and  founded  the 
town  of  Amphipolis,  to  which  he  sent  ten  thousand 
Athenians  to  establish  a  colony.  On  a  second 
occasion,  ofF  Mycale,^  he  totally  defeated  a  fleet  of 
two  hundred  Cypriote  and  Phoenician  ships,  and 
captured  them.  On  the  same  day  he  had  equal 
good  fortune  on  land ;  for  after  taking  the  ships 
of  the  enemy,  he  at  once  landed  his  soldiers  and  in 
a  single  onset  annihilated  a  huge  force  of  barbarians. 
As  he  was  on  his  way  home,  having  acquired  a  great 
amount  of  booty  by  his  victory,  he  found  that  some 
of  the  islands  had  already  revolted  because  of  the 
severity  of  the  Athenian  rule ;  whereupon  he 
assured  the  loyalty  of  those  that  were  well  disposed 
and  compelled  the  disaffected  to  renew  their  allegi- 
ance.  Scyros,  which  at  that  time  was  inhabited  by  c  473 
the  Dolopians,  he  emptied  of  its  population,  because 
of  their  arrogant  conduct,  driving  the  earlier  occu- 
pants  from  the  city  and  from  the  island  and  dividing 
their  lands  among  citizens  of  Athens.  He  broke  the 
power  of  the  Thasians,  self-confident  because  of  their 
wealth,  by  his  mere  arrival,^  and  from  the  proceeds 

2  As  a  matter  of  fact  they  resisted  from  467  to  465  b.c. 

425 


j.o. 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

His  ex  manubiis  arx  Athenarum,  qua  ^  ad  meridiem 

vergit,  est  ornata. 

3.  Quibus  rebus  cum  unus  in  civitate  maxime  flo- 
reret,  incidit  in  eandem  invidiam  quam  pater  suus 
ceterique  Atheniensium  principes ;  nam  testarum 
sufFragiis,  quod  ilH  oo-TpaKia-fxov  vocant,  X  annorum 

2  exsilio  multatus  est.  Cuius  facti  celerius  Athenienses 
quam  ipsum  paenituit ;  nam  cum  ille  animo  forti 
invidiae  ingratorum  civium  cessisset  bellumque  Lace- 
daemonii  Atheniensibus  indixissent,  confestim  notae 

3  eius  virtutis  desiderium  consecutum  est.  Itaque  post 
annum  quintum  quam  expulsus  erat  in  patriam  revo- 
catus.  est.  Ille,  quod  hospitio  Lacedaemoniorum 
utebatur,  satius  existimans  contendere  ^  Lace- 
daemonem,  sua  sponte  est  profectus  pacemque  inter 

4  duas  potentissimas  civitates  conciUavit.  Post,  neque 
ita  multo,  Cyprum  cum  ducentis  navibus  imperator 
missus,  cum  eius  maiorem  partem  insulae  devicisset, 
in  morbum  impUcitus  in  oppido  Citio  est  mortuus. 

4,  Hunc  Athenienses  non  solum  in  bello,  sed  etiam 
in  pace  diu  desideraverunt.  Fuit  enim  tanta  hber- 
ahtate,  cum  compluribus  locis  praedia  hortosque 
haberet,  ut  numquam  in  iis  custodem  posuerit^ 
fructus  servandi  gratia,  ne  quis  impediretur  quo 
minus  eius  rebus,  quibus  quisque  vellet,  frueretur. 

2  Semper  eum  pedisequi  cum  nummis  sunt  secuti,  ut, 

*  qua,  Magius;   quae,  MSS. 

2  concedere,  B^;  verbis  contendere,  Sloane  327  and  Can- 
tahr.;  concedere  quam  armis  contendere,  Halm;  verbis 
quam  armis  contendere,  Gitlhauer. 

2  posuerit,  Cohet ;  imposuerit,  MSS. 

^  On  the  difEerence  between  praeda  and  manuhiae  see 
Gellius  xiii.  25. 

2  See  note  2,  p.  400.  ^  See  note  1,  p.  402. 

426 


V.  CIMON,  II.  5-iv.  2 

of  the  booty  ^  he  fortified  the  south  side  of  the 
Athenian  Acropohs. 

3.  Having:  become  through  these  exploits  the  most 
distinguished  man  of  his  city,  he  incurred  the  same  c.  461 
distrust  as  his  father  and  the  other  leading  men  of  ^'^' 
Athens,  and  by  the  shard-vote,^  which  they  call 
ostracism,  he  was  banished  for  a  term  of  ten  years. 
But  the  Athenians  repented  of  their  action  sooner 
than  he  did  himself;  for  after  he  had  shown  his 
fortitude  by  yielding  to  the  suspicions  of  his  ungrate- 

ful  fellow-citizens,  the  Lacedaemonians  began  war 
with  the  Athenians,  who  at  once  felt  the  need  of 
Cimon's  well-known  prowess.  Therefore  Cimon  was 
recalled  to  his  native  land  only  four  years  after  his 
banishment.  Then,  having  a  guest-friendship  ^  with 
the  Lacedaemonians,  and  thinking  it  better  to  go  to 
Lacedaemon,  he  set  out  on  his  own  responsibiUty 
and  brought  about  peace  between  two  powerful 
states.*  Afterwards,  but  not  much  later,  being  sent 
as  commander-in-chief  to  Cyprus  with  two  hundred 
ships,  after  conquering  the  greater  part  of  the  island 
he  was  taken  ill  and  died  in  the  town  of  Citium.^ 

4.  For  a  long  time  the  Athenians  missed  Cimon, 
not  only  in  war,  but  in  peace  as  well.  For  he  was 
so  generous  that,  having  estates  and  gardens  in 
numerous  places,  he  never  set  a  guard  over  them  to 
protect  the  fruits,  since  he  did  not  wish  to  prevent 
anyone  from  enjoying  any  part  of  his  property  that 
he  wished.^     Pages  always  followed  him  with  money, 

*  Cimon's  recall  -vras  in  457  b.c,  the  peace  with  Lace- 
daemon  not  until  451. 

^  It  was  during  the  siege  of  that  town  in  449  b.c. 

^  The  same  story  is  told  by  Aristotle,  'Ad.  UoK.  27.  3,  who 
says  that  this  liberaHty  was  a  political  device,  to  strengthen        ^ 
him  against  his  chief  rival,  Pericles. 

427 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

si  quis  opis  eius  indigeret,  haberet  quod  statim  daret, 
ne  difFerendo  videretur  negare.  Saepe,  cum  aliquem 
ofFensum  fortuna  ^  \dderet  minus  bene  vestitum,  suum 

3  amiculum  dedit.  Cotidie  sic  cena  ei  coquebatur,  ut, 
quos  invocatos  vidisset  in  foro,  omnis  devocaret,  quod 
facere  nuUo  die  ^  praetermittebat.  Nulli  fides  eius, 
nuUi  opera,  nulli  res  familiaris  defuit ;  multos  locuple- 
tavit ;    complures  pauperes  mortuos,  qui  unde  effer- 

4  rentur  non  reliquissent,  suo  sumptu  extulit.  Sic  se 
gerendo  minime  est  mirandum,  si  et  \dta  eius  fuit 
secura  et  mors  acerba. 


VI.  LYSANDER 

1.  Lysander  Lacedaemonius  magnam  reliquit  sui 
famam,  magis  felicitate  quam  virtute  partam ; 
Atheniensis  enim  in  Peloponnesios  sexto  et  vicesimo 
2  anno  bellum  gerentes  confecisse  apparet.  Id  qua 
ratione  consecutus  sit  haud  ^  latet ;  non  enim  virtute 
sui  exercitus,  sed  immodestia  factum  est  adver- 
sariorum,  qui,  quod  dicto  audientes  imperatoribus 
suis  non  erant,  dispalati  in  agris  reUctis  navibus  in 
hostium  venerunt  potestatem.  Quo  facto  Atheni- 
enses  se  Lacedaemoniis  dediderunt. 

1  fortunae,  Fleck.;  fortuito,  Nipperdey;  forte  tunica,  0. 
Wagner. 

2  nullo  die,  Nipperdey ;   nullum  diem,  MSS. 

3  haud  added  hy  Halm;  neque  id  qua  .  .  .  latet,  Nipper- 
dey ;  latet  neminem,  Kellerhauer. 

1  Another  exaggeration ;  according  to  Plut.  Cim.  10,  he 
entertained  only  the  poor  of  his  own  deme  (Lakiadai)  who 
came  to  Athens ;  cf .  Aristotle,  l.  c. 

428 


VI.  LYSANDER, 


I.    1-2 


so  that  if  anyone  had  necd  of  immediate  help  he 
might  have  something  to  give  at  once,  for  fear  that 
by  delay  he  might  seem  to  refuse.  Often,  when  he 
chanced  to  have  met  a  man  who  was  ill-treated  by 
fortune  and  poorly  clad,  he  gave  him  his  cloak. 
Every  day  he  had  such  an  abundant  dinner  pre- 
pared  that  he  could  entertain  all  whom  he  saw  in 
the  market-place  who  had  not  been  invited  by 
others  ^ ;  and  this  he  never  failed  to  do  each  day. 
No  one  asked  in  vain  for  his  protection,  no  one  for 
his  services,  no  one  for  his  financial  aid  ;  he  enriched 
many,  and  buried  at  his  omti  expense  a  great  number 
who  had  died  so  poor  that  they  had  left  nothing  to 
pay  for  their  funerals.  Such  being  his  conduct,  it 
is  not  surprising  that  his  Hfe  was  free  from  trouble 
and  his  death  deeply  regretted. 

VI.  LYSANDER 

1.  Lysander  the  Lacedaemonian  left  a  great 
reputation,  gained  rather  by  good  fortune  than  by 
merit.  There  is  no  doubt,  indeed,  that  he  put  an 
end  to  the  power  of  the  Athenians,  who  had  been 
warring  against  the  Peloponnesians  for  twenty-six 
years,2  but  how  it  was  that  he  effected  it  is  no 
secret.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  was  due,  not  to  the 
valour  of  his  army,  but  to  the  lack  of  discipline  of 
his  opponents,  who  did  not  obey  their  generals, 
but,  leaving  their  ships  and  scattering  about  the 
country,  fell  into  the  power  of  the  enemy.^  As 
a  result,  the  Athenians  surrendered  to  the  Lace- 
daemonians. 

2  It  was  the  twenty-seventh  year  of  the  -war. 
'  At  the  battle  of  Aegospotamoi,  404  b.c. 

429 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

3  Hac  \actoria  Lysander  elatus,  cum  antea  semper 
factiosus  audaxque  fuisset,  sic  sibi  indulsit,  ut  eius 
opera  in  maximum  odium  Graeciae   Lacedaemonii 

4  pervenerint.  Nam  cum  hanc  causam  Lacedaemonii 
dictitassent  ^  sibi  esse  belli,  ut  Atheniensium  impo- 
tentem  dominationem  refringerent,  postquam  apud 
Aeg^os  flumen  Lysander  classis  hostium  est  potitus, 
nihil  ahud  moHtus  est  quam  ut  omnes  civitates  in 
sua  teneret  potestate,  cum  id  se  Lacedaemoniorum 

5  causa  facere  simularet.  Namque  undique  qui 
Atheniensium  rebus  studuissent  eiectis,  decem  dele- 
gerat  in  una  quaque  civitate,  quibus  summum 
imperium  potestatemque  omnium  rerum  committeret. 
Horum  in  numerum  ^  nemo  admittebatur,  nisi  qui 
aut  eius  hospitio  contineretur  aut  se  ilUus  fore 
proprium  fide  confirmarat. 

2.  Ita  decemviraU  potestate  in  omnibus  urbibus 
constituta,  ipsius  nutu  omnia  gerebantur.  Cuius  de 
crudeUtate  ac  perfidia  satis  est  unam  rem  exempU 
gratia   proferre,    ne    de    eodem   plura   enumerando 

■2  defatigemus  lectores.  Victor  ex  x\sia  cum  revertere- 
tur  Thasumque  divertisset,  quod  ea  civitas  praecipua 
fide  fuerat  erga  Athenienses,  proinde  ac  si  non  ^  iidem 
firmissimi  solerent  esse  amici  qui  constantes  fuissent 

3  inimici,  pervertere  eam  concupivit.  Vidit  autem, 
nisi  in  eo  occultasset  voluntatem,  futurum  ut  Thasii 
dilaberentur  consulerentque  rebus  suis.  .  .  .* 

3.  Itaque  hi  decemviralem  iUam  ^  potestatem  ab 

^  dictitassent,  u ;  dictassent,  MSS. 

*  numerum,  u;  numero,  MSS. 

'  non,  u  in  the  margin;  the  MSS.  omit. 

*  u  indicates  a  lacuna ;  see  Introd.  p.  364. 

^  illam,  Pii;  omitted  by  Halm;  pot.  illam,  Leid.;  suam 
pot.,  A  B  B  F  6;  suam  pot.  sui,  M. 

430 


VI.  LYSANDER,  i.  3-111.  i 

Lysander  was  elated  by  that  victory,  and  while 
even  before  that  he  had  always  been  reckless  and 
given  to  intrigue,  he  now  went  so  far  that  owing  to 
him  the  Lacedaemonians  came  to  be  bitterlv  hated 
by  all  Greece.  For  although  they  had  insisted  that 
their  reason  for  making  war  was  to  put  an  end  to 
the  tyrannical  rule  of  Athens,  no  sooner  had  Lysander 
captured  the  enemy's  fleet  at  Aegospotamoi  1  than 
it  became  his  sole  aim  to  hold  all  the  Greek  states 
under  his  control,  pretending  that  he  was  acting  in 
the  interests  of  the  Lacedaemonians.  To  that  end, 
having  everywhere  expelled  those  who  favoured 
the  x\thenians,  he  had  chosen  in  each  state  ten 
men  to  be  entrusted  with  the  chief  power  and  the 
direction  of  all  affairs ;  among  that  number  only 
those  were  included  who  were  connected  with 
Lysander  by  ties  of  hospitaUty,  or  had  taken  oath 
that  they  would  be  his  men. 

2.  When  decemviral  authority  had  thus  been 
estabhshed  in  all  the  cities,  everything  was  done  in 
accordance  with  Lysander's  'v^dll.  Of  his  cruelty  and 
treachery  it  is  enough  to  cite  a  single  instance  by 
way  of  illustration,  rather  than  weary  my  readers 
by  enumerating  more  of  the  same  kind.  When  he 
was  returning  from  Asia  after  his  victory,  he  turned 
aside  to  go  to  Thasos,  because  that  city  had  been 
especially  loyal  to  the  Athenians ;  and  quite  for- 
getting  that  those  who  have  been  the  most  deter- 
mined  enemies  are  usually  the  strongest  friends,  he 
wished  to  destroy  the  city.  But  he  reahzed  that 
unless  he  concealed  his  design,  the  Thasians  would 
take  flight  and  try  to  save  their  property.^  .  .  . 

3.  Therefore  the  Lacedaemonians  abolished  that 

1  Or  Goat'3  River.  •  See  Introd.  p.  364. 

431 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

illo  constitutamsustulerunt.  Quo  dolore  incensus,iniit 
consilia  reges  Lacedaemoniorum  toUere.  Sed  sentie- 
bat  id  se  sine  ope  deorum  facere  non  posse,  quod 
Lacedaemonii  omnia  ad  oracula  referre  consuerant. 

2  Primum  Delphicum  ^  corrumpere  est  conatus.  Cum 
id  non  potuisset,  Dodonam  adortus  est.  Hinc  quoque 
repulsus,  dixit  se  vota  suscepisse  quae  lovi  Hammoni 
solveret,  existimans  se  Afros  facilius  corrupturum. 

3  Hac  spe  cum  profectus  esset  in  Africam,  multum 
eum  antistites  lovis  fefellerunt ;  nam  non  solum 
corrumpi  non  potuerunt,  sed  etiam  legatos  Lace- 
daemonem  miserunt,  qui  Lysandrum  accusarent 
quod    sacerdotes    fani    corrumpere    conatus    esset. 

4  Accusatus  hoc  crimine  iudicumque  absolutus  sen- 
tentiis,  Orchomeniis  missus  subsidio  occisus  est  a 
Thebanis  apud  HaUartum. 

5  Quam  vere  de  eo  foret  iudicatum,  oratio  indicio 
fuit  quae  post  mortem  in  domo  eius  reperta  est,  in 
qua  suadet  Lacedaemoniis  ut  regia  potestate  disso- 
luta  ex  omnibus  dux  dehgatur  ad  bellum  gerendum, 
sed  sic  2  scripta,  ut  deum  videretur  congruere  senten- 
tiae,  quam  ille  se  habiturum  pecunia  fidens  non 
dubitabat.  Hanc  ei  scripsisse  Cleon  Halicarnasius 
dicitur. 

4.  Atque  hoc  loco  non  est  praetereundum  factum 
Pharnabazi,  satrapis  regii.  Nam  cum  Lysander 
praefectus  classis  in  bello  multa  crudeliter  avareque 

1  Delphicum,  Roth ;  Delphi,  Dan.  A  B  21  P  R  F  \;  Delphos, 
u  /x ;   Delphicos,  Bir. 

2  sic,  Wolfflin;  the  MSS.  omit. 


^  This    happened   after    the    battle    at   Aegospotamoi   in 
404  B.c. 

432 


VI.  LYSANDER,  iii.  i-iv.  i 

decemviral  government  which  he  had  estabhshed ; 
whereupon,  inflamed  with  anger,  he  plotted  to 
aboHsh  the  royal  power  at  Lacedaemon.  He  was 
aware,  however,  that  success  was  impossible  without 
the  help  of  the  gods,  since  it  was  the  custom  of  the 
Lacedaemonians  to  consult  the  oracles  on  all  matters 
of  state.  First  he  attempted  to  bribe  the  Delphic 
oracle.  Faihng  in  that,  he  made  an  attempt  on 
Dodona.  There  too  suffering  repulse,  he  alleged 
that  he  had  made  vows  which  he  must  pay  to  Jupiter 
Hammon,  supposing  that  he  could  succeed  better 
with  the  Africans.  In  that  hope  he  went  to  Africa, 
but  the  priests  of  Jupiter  greatly  disappointed  him ; 
for  far  from  allowing  themselves  to  be  seduced,  they 
even  sent  envoys  to  Lacedaemon,  to  accuse  Lysander 
of  attempting  to  bribe  the  priests  of  the  temple. 
Arraigned  on  that  charge,  he  was  acquitted  by  the 
vote  of  the  jurors  ;  but  being  sent  to  help  the  people 
of  Orchomenos,  he  was  slain  by  the  Thebans  near  396  b.c. 
Haliartus. 

How  well  founded  the  charge  against  him  was  is 
shown  by  a  speech  which  was  found  in  his  house 
after  his  death.  In  it  he  advises  the  Lacedaemonians 
to  abohsh  the  rule  of  kings  and  select  a  mihtary 
leader  from  the  whole  body  of  citizens ;  but  the 
speech  was  so  worded  that  it  appeared  to  be  in 
conformity  with  the  advice  of  the  gods ;  and  that 
advice  he  felt  sure  of  securing,  trusting  to  the  power 
of  money.  The  speech  is  said  to  have  been  written 
for  him  by  Cleon  of  Hahcarnasus. 

4,  In  this  connection  I  must  not  fail  to  mention 
what  was  done  by  Pharnabazus,  satrap  of  the  king.^ 
After  Lysander,  while  commander  of  the  fleet,  had 
committed  many  acts  of  cruelty  and  greed,  and  sus- 

r...  P  «3 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

fecisset  deque  eis  rebus  suspicaretur  ad  cives  suos 
esse  perlatum,  petiit  a  Pharnabazo  ut  ad  ephoros  sibi 
testimonium  daret,  quanta  sanctitate  bellum  gessisset 
sociosque  tractasset,  deque  ea  re  accurate  scriberet : 
magnam  enim  eius  auctoritatem  in  ea  re  futuram. 

2  Huic  ille  Uberahter  poUicetur ;  hbrum  grandem 
verbis  multis  conscripsit,  in  quibus  summis  eum 
effert  ^  laudibus.  Quem  cum  hic  legisset  probasset- 
que,  dum  signatur,  alterum  pari  magnitudine,  tanta 
simihtudine  ut  discerni  non  posset,  signatum  sub- 
iecit,  in  quo  accuratissime  eius  avaritiam  perfidiam- 

3  que  accusarat.  Hinc  ^  Lysander  domum  cum  redisset, 
postquam  de  suis  rebus  gestis  apud  maximum 
magistratum  quae  voluerat  dixerat,  testimonii  loco 
hbrum  a  Phamabazo  datum  tradidit.  Hunc  submoto 
Lysandro  cum  ephori  cognossent,  ipsi  legendum 
dederunt.     Ita  iUe  imprudens  ipse  suus  fuit  accusator. 


VII.  ALCIBIADES 

1.  Alcibiades,  Chniae  fihus,  Atheniensis.  In  hoc 
quid  natura  efficere  possit  \-idetur  experta;  constat 
enim  inter  omnes  qui  de  eo  memoriae  prodiderunt 
nihil  iho  fuisse  excehentius  vel  in  vitiis  vel  in 
2  virtutibus.  Natus  in  amphssima  civitate  summo 
genere,  omnium  aetatis  suae  multo  formosissimus ; 
ad    omnes    res    aptus    consihique    plenus — namque 

1  effert,  B  M  R;   fert,  Dan.  P  A  u. 

2  hinc,  M ;   hunc,  the  other  MSS. ;  deleted  by  Fleck. 

434 


VII.  ALCIBIADES,  i.  1-2 

pected  that  news  of  them  had  reached  the  ears  of 
his  countrymen,  he  asked  Pharnabazus  to  give  him 
a  letter  to  present  to  the  ephors,  testifying  to  the 
scrupulous  manner  in  which  he  had  conducted  the 
war  and  treated  the  aUies,  with  a  detailed  account 
of  his  conduct;  for  he  declared  that  the  satrap's 
influence  would  carry  great  weight.  The  Persian 
readily  gave  him  his  promise  and  wrote  a  weighty 
scroll  in  many  words,  praising  Lysander  in  the 
highest  terms.  This  the  Spartan  read  and  approved, 
but  while  it  was  being  sealed,  another  scroll  of  equal 
size,  so  similar  that  the  two  could  not  be  distin- 
guished,  had  akeady  been  sealed  and  was  sub- 
stituted  for  the  first  one ;  and  this  contained  a  fully 
detailed  account  of  Lysander's  avarice  and  treachery. 
When  Lysander  had  returned  home  from  Asia  and 
had  submitted  his  OMn  account  of  his  conduct  before 
the  chief  magistrates,^  by  way  of  proof  he  proffered 
the  letter  given  him  by  Pharnabazus.  When  the 
ephors,  after  dismissing  Lysander,  had  read  the 
satrap's  screed,  they  gave  it  to  him  to  peruse. 
Thus  the  man,  without  knowing  it,  was  his  own 
accuser. 

VII.  ALCIBIADES 

1.  Alcibiades,  the  Athenian,  son  of  Clinias.  In 
this  man  Nature  seems  to  have  tried  to  see  what 
she  could  accomplish ;  for  it  is  agreed  by  all  who 
have  written  his  biography  that  he  was  never 
excelled  either  in  faults  or  in  virtues.  Born  in  the 
most  famous  of  cities  of  a  very  noble  family,  he  was 
by  far  the  handsomest  man  of  his  time.  He  was 
skilled  in  every  accomplishment  and  of  abundant 
1  See  note  1,  p.  400. 

435 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

imperator  fuit  summus  et  mari  et  terra — disertus, 
ut  in  primis  dicendo  valeret,  quod  tanta  erat  com- 
mendatio  oris  atque  orationis,  ut  nemo  ei  posset  ^ 

3  resistere ;  dives ;  cum  tempus  posceret,  laboriosus, 
patiens^;  liberalis,  splendidus  non  minus  in  vita 
quam    victu ;     affabilis,    blandus,    temporibus    calli- 

4  dissime  ser\dens  :  idem,  simul  ac  se  remiserat  neque 
causa  suberat  qua  re  animi  laborem  perferret, 
luxuriosus,  dissolutus,  libidinosus,  intemperans  re- 
periebatur,  ut  omnes  admirarentur  in  uno  homine 
tantam  esse  dissimilitudinem  tamque  diversam 
naturam. 

2.  Educatus  est  in  domo  Pericli — privignus  enim 
eius  fuisse  dicitur — eruditus  a  Socrate.  Socerum 
habuit  Hipponicum,  omnium  Graeca  hngua  loquen- 
tium  3  ditissimum ;  ut,  si  ipse  fingere  vellet,  neque 
plura  bona  eminisci  *  neque  maiora  posset  consequi, 

2  quam  vel  natura  vel  fortuna  tribuerat.  Ineunte 
adulescentia  amatus  est  a  multis  amore  Graecorum, 
in  iis  Socrate,  de  quo  mentionem  facit  Plato  in 
Symposio.  Namque  eum  induxit  commemorantem 
se    pernoctasse    cum    Socrate    neque    aliter    ab    eo 

3  surrexisse  ac  fiUus  a  parente  debuerit.  Posteaquam 
robustior  est  factus,  non  minus  multos  amavit,  in 
quorum    amore,  quoad    licitum    est   odiosa,^  multa 

1  posset,  Nipp. ;  dicendo  posset,  31 SS. ;  dicenti,  Bardili. 

^  cum  .  .  .  patiens,  put  after  idem  by  Guill. 

^  Graeca  lingua  loquentium,  Heusinger;  Graecae  linguae 
eloquentia,  MSS. 

^  emimscifHeusinger;  reminisci,  ^/^SaS.  ;  comminisci,  Xz';5p. 

5  quoad  .  .  .  odiosa  (odiose,  u)  put  after  referremus  by 
Guill. 


^  The  relationship  was  not  so  close  as  that. 


VII.  ALCIBIADES,  i.  2-11.  3 

ability  (for  he  was  a  great  commander  both  on  land 
and  sea)  ;  in  eloquence  he  was  numbered  among  the 
best  orators,  since  his  deUvery  and  his  style  were  so 
admirable  that  no  one  could  resist  him.  He  was 
rich ;  energetic  too,  when  occasion  demanded,  and 
capable  of  endurance ;  generous,  magnificent  not 
only  in  pubhc,  but  in  private,  hfe  ;  he  was  agreeable, 
gracious,  able  to  adapt  himself  with  the  greatest 
tact  to  circumstances  :  but  yet,  so  soon  as  he 
relaxed  his  eiforts  and  there  was  nothing  that  called 
for  mental  exertion,  his  extravagance,  his  indiffer- 
ence,  his  hcentiousness  and  his  lack  of  self-control 
were  so  evident,  that  all  men  marvelled  that  one 
man  could  have  so  varied  and  contradictory  a 
character. 

2.  He  was  brought  up  in  the  home  of  Pericles  (for 
he  is  said  to  have  been  his  step-son  ^),  his  teacher 
was  Socrates.  His  father-in-law  was  Hipponicus,  the 
richest  man  of  all  Greek-speaking  lands.  In  fact,  if 
he  himself  had  tried  to  determine  the  conditions  of 
his  Hfe,  he  could  not  have  imagined  more  blessings, 
or  acquired  greater  advantages,  than  either  Nature 
or  Fortune  had  bestowed  upon  him.  In  early  youtb 
he  was  beloved  by  many,  after  the  Greek  fashion, 
including  Socrates,  as  Plato  mentions  in  his  Ba?iquet. 
For  Plato  represented  him  as  saying  that  he  had 
spent  the  night  with  Socrates,  and  had  left  his  bed 
as  a  son  ought  to  leave  that  of  his  father.  When  he 
grew  older,  he  had  an  equally  great  number  of  love 
affairs,  in  which  he  showed  great  elegance  and  wit, 
so  far  as  that  was  possible  in  hateful  practices  ;  ^  I 

2  Guill.'stransfer  of  this  phrase  after  referrenius  is  ingenious, 
but  calls  for  licet  instead  of  licitum  est;  odiosa  is  doubtless 
corrupt. 

437 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

delicate  iocoseque  fecit ;  quae  referremus,  nisi  maiora 
potiora  haberemus. 

3.  Bello  Peloponnesio  huius  consilio  atque  auctori- 
tate  Athenienses  bellum  Syracusanis  indixerunt.  Ad 
quod  gerendum  ipse  dux  delectus  est,  duo  praeterea 

2  collegae  dati,  Nicias  et  Lamachus.  Id  cum  appara- 
retur,  prius  quam  classis  exiret,  accidit  ut  una  nocte 
omnes  Hermae  qui  in  oppido  erant  Athenis  deice- 
rentur  praeter  unum,  qui  ante  ianuam  erat  Ando- 
cidi  ^ — itaque  ille  postea  Mercurius  Andocidi  ^  voci- 

3  tatus  est.  Hoc  cum  appareret  non  sine  magna 
multorum  consensione  esse  factum,  quae  non  ad 
privatam,  sed  publicam  rem  pertineret,  magnus 
multitudini  timor  est  iniectus  ne  qua  repentina  vis 

4  in  civitate  exsisteret,  quae  libertatem  opprimeret 
popuH. 

Hoc  maxime  convenire  in  Alcibiadem  videbatur, 
quod  et  potentior  et  maior  quam  privatus  existima- 
batur ;    multos  enim  UberaUtate  devinxerat,  plures 

5  etiam  opera  forensi  suos  reddiderat.  Qua  re  liebat 
ut  omnium  oculos,  quotienscumque  in  pubhcum 
prodisset,  ad  se  converteret  neque  ei  par  quisquam 
in  civitate  poneretur.  Itaque  non  solum  spem  in  eo 
habebant  maximam,  sed  etiam  timorem,  quod  et 
obesse  plurimum  et  prodesse  poterat.     Aspergebatur 

1  Andocidi,  Bosius;   the  MSS.  have  various  corruptions. 

2  Andocidi,  Halm;   cf.  note  1. 

1  Square  pillars  surmounted  by  a  bust  of  Hermes,  as  god 
of  traffic,  and  placed  on  the  streets  in  various  parts  of  the 
city. 

438 


VII.  ALCIBIADES,  ii.  3-111.  6 

would  give  an  account  of  these  if  I  did  not  have 
other  and  more  important  topics. 

3.  In  the  Peloponnesian  war  it  was  due  to  his  415  b.c. 
influence  and  advice  that  the  Athenians  declared 
war  on  Syracuse ;  and  to  conduct  that  war  he  him- 
self  was  appointed  general,  along  with  two  coUeagues, 
Nicias  and  Lamachus.  In  the  midst  of  the  prepara- 
tions,  before  the  fleet  sailed,  it  happened  that  on 
one  and  the  same  night  all  the  Hermes-pillars  ^  in 
the  city  of  Athens  were  thro^vn  down  except  one ; 
that  one  was  before  the  door  of  Andocides,  and 
hence  it  was  afterwards  called  the  Mercury  ^  of 
Andocides.  Since  it  was  obvious  that  such  an  out- 
rage  could  have  been  committed  only  by  the  com- 
mon  effort  of  numerous  accomplices,  and  since  this 
seemed  to  be  directed  rather  against  the  state  than 
against  individuals,  the  people  were  filled  ^vith  great 
apprehension,  fearing  the  outbreak  of  some  sudden 
disturbance  in  the  state,  designed  to  overthrow  their 
freedom. 

These  suspicions  seemed  to  point  especially  to 
Alcibiades,  because  he  was  regarded  as  too  powerful 
and  too  great  to  be  content  with  a  private  station ; 
for  he  had  won  the  devotion  of  many  men  by  his 
generosity,  and  had  made  a  still  greater  number  his 
debtors  by  help  in  the  courts.  The  result  was,  that 
whenever  he  appeared  in  public,  he  drew  all  eyes 
upon  himself,  and  no  one  of  the  citizens  was  con- 
sidered  his  equal.  And  so  he  not  only  fiUed  them 
with  the  highest  hopes,  but  also  with  profound  appre- 
hension,because  he  was  capable  of  doing  a  great  deal 
of  harm,  as  well  as  a  great  deal  of  good.     His  reputa- 

2  The  Roman  god  who  was  identified  with  Hermes;  cf. 
note  4,  p.  373. 

439 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

etiam  infamia,  quod  in  domo  sua  facere  mysteria 
dicebatur,  quod  nefas  erat  more  Atheniensium ; 
idque  non  ad  religionem,  sed  ad  coniurationem  per- 
tinere  existimabatur. 

4,  Hoc  crimine  in  contione  ^  ab  inimicis  compella- 
batur.  Sed  instabat  tempus  ad  bellum  proficiscendi. 
Id  ille  intuens  neque  ignorans  civium  suorum  con- 
suetudinem,  postulabat,  si  quid  de  se  agi  vellent, 
potius  de  praesente  quaestio  haberetur  quam  absens 

2  invidiae  crimine  accusaretur.  Inimici  vero  eius 
quiescendum  in  praesentia,  quia  noceri  ei  ^  non 
posse  intellegebant,  et  illud  tempus  exspectandum 
decreverunt   quo   is  ^    exisset,   ut   absentem    aggre- 

3  derentur ;  itaque  fecerunt.  Nam  postquam  in 
Siciliam  eum  pervenisse  crediderunt,  absentem  quod 
sacra  violasset  reum  fecerunt. 

Qua  de  re  cum  ei  nuntius  a  magistratu  in  Siciliam 
missus  esset,  ut  domum  ad  causam  dicendam  rediret, 
essetque  in  magna  spe  provinciae  bene  administran- 
dae,  nonparere  noluit  et  in  trierem  quae  ad  eum  erat 

4  deportandum  missa  ascendit.  Hac  Thurios  in  Italiam 
pervectus,  multa  secum  reputans  de  immoderata 
civium  suorum  Hcentia  crudeHtateque  erga  nobiles, 
utihssimum  ratus  impendentem  evitare  tempestatem, 
clam   se   ab   custodibus   subduxit   et   inde   primum 

^  The  best  31 SS.  have  contentione  (-em). 
2  noceri  ei,  Bardili;  nocere,  31  u  ;  noceri,  tlie  other  3ISS. 
2  quo,  Lamhin,  omitting  is;    quo  si,  MSS.;   quo   classis, 
Fleck. 

^  The  Eleusinian  mysteries,  which  were  celebrated  at 
Eleusis  in  Attica  with  great  secrecy,  in  honour  of  Demeter 
and  Persephone. 

2  That  is,  he  used  the  secrecy  of  the  meetings  for  plots  of 
revolution. 

440 


VII.  ALCIBIADES,  iii.  6-iv.  4 

tion  was  also  assailed  because  it  was  said  that  he 
celebrated  the  mysteries  ^  in  his  own  house,  which 
was  impious  by  the  tradition  of  the  Athenians ;  and 
it  was  thought  that  he  did  so,  not  from  rehgious,  but 
revolutionary,  motives.^ 

4.  It  was  this  charge  that  was  brought  against 
him  by  his  enemies  in  the  pubhc  assembly.  But  the 
time  was  at  hand  for  beginning  the  campaign,  and 
Alcibiades,  having  that  circumstance  in  mind,  and 
knowing  the  ways  of  his  fellow-citizens,^  begged 
them,  in  case  they  intended  to  take  any  action  against 
him,  to  conduct  the  investigation  while  he  was 
present,  rather  than  bring  forward  in  his  absence 
charges  inspired  by  mahce.  His  enemies,  however, 
thought  it  best  to  keep  quiet  for  the  present,  since 
they  knew  that  they  could  not  harm  him,  and  wait 
for  the  time  of  his  departure,  in  order  to  attack 
him  behind  his  back.  And  that  is  what  they  did; 
for  as  soon  as  they  beheved  that  he  had  reached 
Sicily,  they  charged  him  in  his  absence  with  profana- 
tion  of  sacred  rites. 

Because  of  this,  a  message  was  sent  to  Alcibiades 
in  Sicily  by  the  authorities,  ordering  him  to  return 
home  and  present  his  defence ;  and  although  he  had 
high  hopes  of  success  in  his  mission,  he  was  unwilhng 
to  disobey  the  order  and  embarked  on  the  trireme 
that  had  been  sent  to  bring  him  back.  In  this  he 
was  taken  to  Thurii  in  Italy,  and  there  pondering 
deeply  on  the  unbridled  hcence  of  his  fellow-citizens, 
and  their  cruelty  to  men  of  high  rank,  he  deemed  it 
best  to  avoid  the  threatening  storm ;  so  he  eluded 
his  guards  and  made  his  escape,  first  to  Ehs,  and 

»  Cf.  i.  8  and  u.  8.  1. 

441 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

6  Elidem,  dein  Thebas  venit.  Postquam  autem  se 
capitis  damnatum  bonis  publicatis  audivit,  et,  id 
quod  usu  ^  venerat,  Eumolpidas  ^  sacerdotes  a  populo 
coactos  ut  se  devoverent,  eiusque  devotionis  quo 
testatior  esset  memoria,  exemplum  in  pila  lapidea 
incisum  esse  positum  in  publico,  Lacedaemonem 
demigravit. 

6  Ibi,  ut  ipse  praedicare  consuerat,  non  adversus 
patriam,  sed  inimicos  suos  bellum  gessit,  qui  ^  iidem 
hostes  essent  civitati  '^  nam  cum  inteUigerent  se  pluri- 
mumprodesseposse  reipublicae,  ex  ea  eiecisseplusque 

7  irae  suae  quam  utilitati  communi  paruisse.  Itaque 
huius  consilio  Lacedaemonii  cum  Perse  rege  amici- 
tiam  fecerunt,  dein  Deceleam  in  Attica  munierunt, 
praesidioque  ibi  perpetuo  posito,  in  obsidione  Athenas 
tenuerunt.  Eiusdem  opera  loniam  a  societate  aver- 
terunt  Atheniensium.  Quo  facto  multo  superiores 
bello  esse  coeperunt. 

5.  Neque  vero  his  rebus  tam  amici  Alcibiadi  sunt 
facti  quam  timore  ab  eo  ahenati ;  nam  cum  acerrimi 
viri  praestantem  prudentiam  in  omnibus  rebus  cogno- 
scerent,  pertimuerunt  ne  caritate  patriae  ductus 
ahquando  ab  ipsis  descisceret  et  cum  suis  in  gratiam 
rediret.  Itaque  tempus  eius  interficiundi  quaerere 
2  instituerunt.  Id  Alcibiades  *  diutius  celari  non 
potuit ;  erat  enim  ea  sagacitate  ut  decipi  non  posset, 

1  quod  numquam  antea  usu,  Cobet. 

2  Eumolpidas,  u;    Olympidas,  etc.,  MSS. 
2  qui,  P;    quod,  the  otker  MSS. 

*  Alcibiades,  Gesner;   Alcibiadi,   MSS. 


^  Priests  employed  in  the  Eleusinian  mysteries,  descendants 
of  Eumolpus,  the  reputed  founder  of  the  mysteries. 

442 


VII.  ALCIBIADES,  iv.  4-v.  2 

then  to  Thebes.  But  as  soon  as  he  learned  that  hc 
had  been  condemned  to  death  and  his  property  con- 
fiscated,  and  that  the  priests  known  as  Eumolpidae  ^ 
— an  action  for  which  there  was  precedent — had  been 
compelled  by  the  people  to  pronounce  a  curse  upon 
him,  and  that  to  perpetuate  the  memory  of  that 
curse  a  copy  had  been  inscribed  upon  a  stele  of  stone 
and  set  up  in  a  pubhc  place,  he  went  to  Hve  in 
Lacedaemon. 

There,  as  he  himself  used  to  declare,  Alcibiades 
waged  war,  not  against  his  country,  but  against  his 
personal  enemies,  since  they  were  also  the  enemies 
of  their  country ;  for  although  they  knew  that  he 
could  be  of  great  service  to  the  state,  they  had 
caused  his  banishment,  having  an  eye  rather  to  their 
own  resentment  than  to  the  pubhc  welfare.  Thus 
it  was  by  his  advice  that  the  Lacedaemonians  made  4i2  b.c. 
friends  with  the  king  of  Persia,  and  then  fortified 
Decelea  in  Attica  and  placed  a  permanent  garrison  413  b.c. 
there,  thus  holding  Athens  in  a  state  of  siege.  It 
was  through  him  too  that  the  Lacedaemonians 
separated  the  lonian  cities  from  their  aUiance  with 
the  Athenians,  after  which  Sparta  began  to  have 
great  advantage  in  the  war. 

5.  Yet  by  these  services  the  Lacedaemonians  were 
not  so  much  attached  to  Alcibiades  as  they  were 
led  to  fear  and  disHke  him,  Indeed,  reahzing  the 
surpassing  and  many-sided  abih'ty  of  that  most 
energetic  of  men,  they  feared  that  one  day,  led  by 
love  of  country,  he  might  turn  from  them  and 
become  reconciled  with  his  own  citizens.  They 
therefore  resolved  to  seek  an  opportunity  for 
assassinating  him.  That  design  could  not  long  be 
concealed  from   Alcibiades;    for  his   keenness   was 

443 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

praesertim  cum  animum  attendisset  ad  cavendum. 
Itaque  ad  Tissaphernem,  praefectum  regis  Darii,  se 

3  contulit.  Cuius  cum  in  intimam  amicitiam  per- 
venisset  et  Atheniensium,  male  gestis  in  Sicilia  rebus, 
opes  senescere,  contra  Lacedaemoniorima  crescere 
videret,  initio  cum  Pisandro  praetore,  qui  apud 
Samum  exercitum  habebat,  per  internuntios  conlo- 
quitur  et  de  reditu  suo  facit  mentionem.  Erat 
enim  eodem  quo  Alcibiades  sensu,  populi  potentiae 

4  non  amicus  et  optimatium  fautor.  Ab  hoc  destitutus, 
primum  per  Thrasybulum,  Lyci  fihum,  ab  exercitu 
recipitur  praetorque  fit  apud  Samum ;  post,  sufFra- 
gante  Theramene,  popuh  scito  restituitur  parique 
absens  imperio  praeficitur  simul  cum  Thrasybulo  et 
Theramene. 

5  Horum  in  imperio  tanta  commutatio  rerum  facta 
est,  ut  Lacedaemonii,  qui  paulo  ante  victores  vigue- 
rant,  perterriti  pacem  peterent.  Victi  enim  erant 
quinque  proehis  terrestribus,  tribus  navahbus,  in 
quibus    ducentas    naves    triremes    amiserant,    quae 

6  captae  in  hostium  venerant  potestatem.  Alcibiades 
simul  cum  collegis  receperat  loniam,  Hehespontum, 
multas  praeterea  urbes  Graecas,  quae  in  ora  sitae 
sunt  Asiae,^  quarum  expugnarant  complures,  in  iis 
Byzantium,  neque  minus  multas  consiho  ad  amici- 
tiam  adiunxerant,  quod  in  captos  clementia  fuerant 

7  usi.  Ita  praeda  onusti,  locupletato  exercitu,  maximis 
rebus  gestis,  Athenas  venerunt. 

1  Thraciae,  Nipp, 


^  He  was  govemor  of  Lydia  and  Caria  under  Dariiii?  Xothus 
(424-405  B.c). 

444 


VII.  ALCIBIADES,  v.  2-7 

such  that  he  could  not  be  deceived,  especially  when 
he  had  made  up  his  mind  that  he  must  be  on  his 
guard.  Accordingly,  he  took  refuge  with  Tissa- 
phernes,  one  of  the  prefects  of  king  Darius.^  Having 
won  the  Persian's  intimate  friendship,  and  perceiving 
that  the  power  of  Athens  was  waning  after  the 
reverse  in  Sicily,  while  that  of  Lacedaemon  was 
growing,  he  first  conferred  through  intermediaries 
with  Pisander,  a  general  who  had  an  army  at  Samos, 
hinting  at  the  possibiUty  of  his  return  to  Athens ; 
for  Pisander  held  the  same  poUtical  opinions  as 
Alcibiades,  being  no  friend  to  popular  government 
but  favouring  the  aristocrats.  ^leeting  with  no 
encouragement  from  him,  Alcibiades  was  first  411  b.c. 
received  by  the  army  through  Thrasybulus,  son  of 
Lycus,  and  made  general  at  Samos ;  later,  with  the 
support  of  Theramenes,  he  was  restored  by  vote  of 
the  people  and  in  his  absence  was  given  equal 
powers  with  Thrasybulus  and  Theramenes. 

During  the  command  of  these  three  men  such  a 
change  of  fortune  took  place  that  the  Lacedaemon- 
ians,  who  shortly  before  were  flushed  with  success, 
now  in  terror  sued  for  peace.  In  fact,  they  had  lost  410b.c. 
five  battles  on  land  and  three  on  the  sea,  and  the 
latter  had  cost  them  two  hundred  triremes,  which 
were  captured  and  came  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy.  Alcibiades,  acting  with  his  coUeagues,  had 
recovered  lonia,  the  HeUespont,  and,  besides,  many 
Greek  cities  situated  on  the  coast  of  Asia ;  several 
of  these  they  had  stormed,  including  Byzantium ; 
but  of  quite  as  many  they  had  secured  the  aUiance 
by  their  good  judgment  in  showing  mercy  to  their 
prisoners.  So,  ladened  ^^-ith  booty,  and  having  en- 
riched  the  army,  they  returned  to  Athens  in  triumph.  408  b.c. 

445 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

6.  His  cum  obviam  universa  civitas  in  Piraeum  de- 
scendisset,  tanta  fuit  omnium  exspectatio  visendi 
Alcibiadis,  ut  ad  eius  triremem  vulgus  conflueret, 

2  proinde  ac  si  solus  advenisset.  Sic  enim  populo  erat 
persuasum,  et  adversas  superiores  et  praesentes 
secundas  res  accidisse  eius  opera.  Itaque  et  Siciliae 
amissum  ^  et  Lacedaemoniorum  victorias  culpae  suae 
tribuebant,  quod  talem  virum  e  civitate  expulissent. 
Neque  id  sine  causa  arbitrari  videbantur ;  nam  post- 
quam    exercitui    praeesse    coeperat,    neque    terra 

3  neque  mari  hostes  pares  esse  potuerant.  Hic  ut  e 
navi  egressus  est,  quamquam  Theramenes  et  Thrasy- 
bulus  iisdem  rebus  praefuerant  simulque  venerant 
in  Piraeum,  tamen  unum  omnes  illum  proseque- 
bantur,2  et,  id  quod  numquam  antea  usu  venerat 
nisi  Olympiae  victoribus,  coronis  aureis^  taeniisque* 
vulgo  donabatur.  Ille  lacrimans  talem  benevolen- 
tiam  civium  suorum  accipiebat,  reminiscens  pristini 
temporis  acerbitatem. 

4  Postquam  astu  ^  venit,  contione  advocata  sic  verba 
fecit,  ut  nemo  tam  ferus  fuerit  quin  eius  casui 
inlacrimarit  ^  inimicumque  iis  se  ostenderit  quorum 
opera  patria  pulsus  fuerat,  proinde  ac  si  alius  populus, 

^  amissum  imperium,  tt  F  2,  Voss.  A ;  exercitum  in  S. 
amissum,  Fleck. 

2  prosequebantur,  Muretus;   persequebantur,  MSS. 

^  laureis,  We-stermann. 

*  taeniisque,  Mxiretus;  aeneisque,  MSS.;  see  note,  p.  447. 
Perhaps  we  should  read  coronis  aureis  aeneisque  statuis  (c/. 
xvi.  5.  5). 

^  astu,  M  d  fx;  astum  (hastum),  Dan.  A  B  P  Ru  F  \;  in 
astu,  Nipp. 

^  casui  (causam,  u;  casnm,  Dan.  P  A  B  E)  inlacrumarit 
(lacrumarit,  Dan.  Pu;  lacrimarit,  AB;  lachrymarit,  B), 
Halm ;  casu  illacumarit,  Nipp. 

446 


VII.  ALCIBIADES,  vi.  1-4 

6.  The  whole  city  went  down  to  the  Piraeus  to 
meet  them ;  but  so  strong  and  so  universal  \vas  the 
desire  of  seeing  Alcibiades  that  the  people  gathered 
about  his  trireme  exactly  as  if  he  had  come  alone. 
In  fact,  the  people  were  convinced  that  it  was  to 
him  that  their  former  disasters  and  their  present 
successes  were  due.  Consequently,  they  blamed 
themselves  for  the  loss  of  Sicily  ^  and  the  victories 
of  the  Lacedaemonians,  because  they  had  banished 
so  great  a  man  from  the  state.  And  they  seemed  to 
have  grounds  for  that  opinion ;  for  no  sooner  had 
he  bcen  put  in  command  of  the  army  than  the 
enemy  had  been  outmatched  by  land  and  by  sea. 
When  Alcibiades  disembarked,  although  Thrasybulus 
and  Theramenes  had  shared  in  the  command  and 
had  come  to  the  Piraeus  with  him,  it  was  Alcibiades 
alone  that  all  the  people  escorted,  and  crowns  of 
gold  and  iillets  -  were  showered  upon  him  every- 
where,  a  thing  which  had  never  happened  before 
except  to  victors  at  Olympia.  He  received  these 
tokens  of  his  fellow-citizens'  devotion  with  tears  in 
his  eyes,  as  he  recalled  their  cruelty  in  the  past. 

As  soon  as  he  arrived  in  the  city,  the  assembly 
was  convoked  and  he  spoke  in  such  terms  that 
there  was  none  so  hard-hearted  as  not  to  weep  at 
his  lot  and  give  vent  to  their  anger  against  those 
who  had  caused  his  exile — ^just  as  if  it  had  been 

^  Atnissu^,  "  loss,"  does  not  occur  elsewhere,  and  perhaps 
some  word  or  pKrase  has  been  lost ;   see  the  crit.  note. 

2  All  the  editors,  so  far  as  I  know,  read  either  coronis  aureis 
oeneisque,  or  caronis  laureis  iaeniisque.  Since  Plutarch  {Alc. 
33)  says  that  golden  crowns  were  given  him  in  the  assembly, 
and  since  fillets  (or  ribbons;  Suet.  Nero  25.  2)  were  common 
offerings,  while  bronze  crowns  are  not  mentioned  anywhere, 
I  have  read  coronis  aureis  taeniisque ;  see  crit.  note. 

447 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

non  ille  ipse  qui  tum  flebat,  eum  sacrilegii  damnasset. 
6  Restituta  ergo  huic  sunt  publice  bona,  eidemque  illi 
Eumolpidae  sacerdotes  rursus  resacrare  sunt  coacti 
qui  eum  devoverant,  pilaeque  illae  in  quibus  devotio 
fuerat  scripta  in  mare  praecipitatae. 

7.  Haec  Alcibiadi  laetitia  non  nimis  fuit  diuturna, 
Nam  cum  ei  omnes  essent  honores  decreti  totaque 
res  publica  domi  bellique  tradita,  ut  unius  arbitrio 
gereretur,  et  ipse  postulasset  ut  duo  sibi  collegae 
darentur,  Thrasybulus  et  Adimantus,  neque  id  nega- 
tum  esset,  classe  in  Asiam  profectus,  quod  apud 
Cymen  minus  ex  sententia  rem  gesserat,  in  invidiam 
recidit ;  nihil  enim  eum  non  efficere  posse  ducebant. 

2  Ex  quo  fiebat  ut  omnia  minus  prospere  gesta  culpae 
tribuerent,  cum  aut  emn  neglegenter  aut  malitiose 
fecisse  loquerentur,  sicut  tum  accidit ;  nam  cor- 
ruptum  a  rege  capere  Cymen  noluisse  arguebant. 

3  Itaque  huic  maxime  putamus  ^  malo  fuisse  nimiam 
opinionem  ingenii  atque  virtutis ;  timebatur  enim 
non  minus  quam  diUgebatur,  ne  secunda  fortuna 
magnisque  opibus  elatus,  tyrannidem  concupisceret. 
Quibus  rebus  factum  est  ut  absenti  magistratum 
abrogarent  et  ahum  in  eius  locum  substituerent. 

4  Id   ille   ut   audivit,    domum   reverti   noluit   et   se 

^  putamus,  u;  imputamus,  MSS. 

^  This  city  was  in  Asia  Minor,  near  Lesbos.  Although  it 
was  an  ally  of  Athens,  Alcibiades  had  attacked  it  and  plun- 
dered  its  territories;  but  he  had  been  unable  to  take  the 
city  itself. 

448 


VII.  ALCIBIADES,  vi.  4-vii.  4 

another  people,  and  not  those  who  were  then  shed- 
ding  tears,  that  had  condemned  him  for  impiety. 
Accordingly,  his  goods  were  restored  to  him  at  the 
state's  expense,  and  the  Eumolpidae,  the  same 
priests  who  had  pronounced  the  curse  upon  him, 
were  compelled  to  retract  it,  while  the  pillars  upon 
which  the  curse  had  been  inscribed  were  thrown  into 
the  sea. 

7.  But  this  joy  of  Alcibiades  was  of  none  too  long 
duration.  When  all  possible  honours  had  been  voted 
him  and  all  the  business  of  the  state  at  home  and 
abroad  had  been  entrusted  to  him  alone,  to  be  man- 
aged  as  he  wished,  and  he  had  asked  that  two  col- 
leagues,  Thrasybulus  and  Adimantus,  be  given  him 
and  his  request  was  granted,  he  set  out  for  Asia  with 
a  fleet ;  and  having  been  less  successful  at  Cyme  ^ 
than  was  hoped,  he  again  fell  into  disfavour ;  for  407  b.c. 
the  people  thought  that  there  was  nothing  that  he 
could  not  accomplish.  Consequently,  they  attributed 
all  reverses  to  his  fault,  declaring  that  he  had  shown 
either  negligence  or  treachery.  And  that  was  Mhat 
happened  in  this  instance ;  for  they  said  that  he 
had  not  tried  to  take  Cyme,  because  he  had  been 
bribed  by  the  king.  Therefore  I  am  convinced  that 
nothing  was  more  to  his  disadvantage  than  the 
excessive  confidence  in  his  ability  and  valour ;  for 
his  countrymen  feared  him  no  less  than  they  loved 
him,  thinking  that  he  might  be  carried  away  by 
good  fortune  and  great  power,  and  wish  to  become 
tyrant.  The  result  of  this  was,  that  while  he  was 
away  from  Athens,  they  deprived  him  of  his  office 
and  appointed  another  -  in  his  place. 

As  soon  as  Alcibiades  heard  of  that  action,  he 

*  Namely,  Conon. 

449 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

Pactyen^  contulit  ibique  tria  castella  communiit, 
Ornos,  Bizanthen,  Neontichos,  manuque  conlecta, 
primus  Graecae  ^  civitatis  in  Thraeciam  introiit, 
gloriosius  existimans  barbarorum  praeda  locupletari 
6  quam  Graiorum.  Qua  ex  re  creverat  cum  fama  tum 
opibus,  magnamque  amicitiam  sibi  cum  quibusdam 
regibus  Thraeciae  pepererat. 

8.  Neque  tamen  a  caritate  patriae  potuit  recedere. 
Nam  cum  apud  Aegos  flumen  Philocles,  praetor 
Atheniensium,  classem  constituisset  suam  neque 
longe  abesset  Lysander,  praetor  Lacedaemoniorum, 
qui  in  eo  er8«t  occupatus  ut  bellum  quam  diutissime 
duceret,  quod  ipsis  pecunia  a  rege  suppeditabatur, 
contra    Atheniensibus    exhaustis    praeter    arma    et 

2  naves  nihil  erat  super,  Alcibiades  ad  exercitum  venit 
Atheniensium  ibique  praesente  vulgo  agere  coepit: 
si  vellent,  se  coacturum  Lysandrum  dimicare  aut 
pacem  petere  spopondit^;  Lacedaemonios  eo  nolle 
classe  confligere,  quod  pedestribus  copiis  plus  quam 

3  navibus  valerent ;  sibi  autem  esse  facile  Seuthem, 
regem  Thraecum,  deducere  ut  eum  terra  depelleret ; 
quo  facto,  necessario  aut  classe  conflicturum  aut 
bellum  compositurum. 

4  Id  etsi  vere  dictum  Philocles  animadvertebat, 
tamen  postulata  facere  noluit,  quod  sentiebat  se, 

1  Pactyen,  Ortel;  Omos,  Lipsius;  Bizanthen,  Xeontiehos, 
Is.  Voss.     The  MSS.  Imve  various  corruptions. 

2  Graecae,  u ;   Graeciae,  MSS. 

3  spopondit,  Heerwagen;  spondet,  Wiggers;  respondit, 
A  P;  responderet  (-ent,  M)  B  M  R  6  K;   u  and  Cohet  omit. 

45^ 


VII.  ALCIBIADES,  vii.  4-viii.  4 

gave  up  any  thought  of  returning  home  and  went  to 
Pactye,  where  he  fortified  three  strongholds,  Orni, 
Bizanthe  and  Neontichos ;  then  gathering  a  band  of 
followers,  he  was  the  first  member  of  a  Greek  state 
to  penetrate  Thrace,  thinking  it  more  glorious  to 
enrich  himself  by  pillaging  the  barbarians  than  the 
Greeks.  Through  this  enterprise  he  increased  both 
in  fame  and  in  wealth,  besides  gaining  the  intimate 
friendship  of  some  of  the  kings  of  Thrace. 

8.  In  spite  of  all,  Alcibiades  could  not  renounce 
his  love  for  his  country  ;  indeed,  when  Philocles,  the 
Athenian  general,  had  brought  his  fleet  to  anchor 
near  Aegospotamoi,  and  Lysander,  the  Lace- 
daemonian  commander,  who  was  not  far  off,  was 
making  every  effort  to  prolong  the  war,  because 
money  was  being  supplied  to  his  countrymen  by  the 
Persian  king,  while  the  Athenians,  at  the  end  of  their 
resources,  had  nothing  left  but  their  arms  and  their 
ships,  Alcibiades  came  to  the  Athenian  army. 
There,  in  the  presence  of  the  common  soldiers,  he 
began  to  plead  with  them,  pledging  himself,  if  they 
wished,  to  compel  Lysander  either  to  fight  or  sue 
for  peace  ;  he  said  that  the  Lacedaemonians  did  not 
wish  a  naval  battle,  because  their  land  forces  were 
stronger  than  their  fleet ;  but  that  it  would  be  easy 
for  him  to  induce  Seuthes,  king  of  the  Thracians,  to 
drive  Lysander  from  the  land  ;  and  that  would  obhge 
the  Spartan  either  to  engage  with  his  fleet  or  end 
the  war. 

Although  Philocles  ^  understood  that  what  Alcibi- 
ades  said  was  true,  he  nevertheless  did  not  choose  ta 

^  There  \rere  five  other  generals,  including  Conon,  but 
Philocles  held  the  chief  command  on  that  day;  Diodorus 
xiii.  106.  1. 

451^ 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

Alcibiade  recepto,  nullius  momenti  apud  exercitum 
futurum  et,  si  quid  secundi  evenisset,  nullam  in  ea 
re  suam  partem  fore,  contra  ea,  si  quid  adversi  acci- 

5  disset,  se  unum  eius  delicti  futurum  reum.  Ab  hoc 
discedens,  Alcibiades  "  Quoniam,"  inquit,  "  victoriae 
patriae  repugnas,  illud  moneo,  ne  ^  iuxta  hostem 
castra  habeas  nautica ;  periculum  est  enim,  ne 
immodestia  mihtum  vestrorum  ^  occasio  detur  Lysan- 

6  dro  vestri  opprimendi  exercitus."  Neque  ea  res 
illum  fefellit;  nam  Lysander  cum  per  speculatores 
comperisset  vulgum  Atheniensium  in  terram  praeda- 
tum  exisse  navesque  paene  inanes  rehctas,  tempus 
rei  gerendae  non  dimisit  eoque  impetu  bellum  totum 
delevit. 

9.  At  Alcibiades,  victis  Atheniensibus  non  satis 
tuta  eadem  loca  sibi  arbitrans,  penitus  in  Thraeciam 
se  supra  Propontidem  abdidit,  sperans  ibi  facillime 

2  suam  fortunam  occuli  posse.  Falso.  Nam  Thraeces, 
postquam  eum  cum  magna  pecunia  venisse  sense- 
runt,  insidias  fecerunt  qui  ea  quae  apportarat  abstu- 

3  lerunt,  ipsum  capere  non  potuerunt.  Ille,  cernens 
nullum  locum  sibi  tutum  in  Graecia  propter  poten- 
tiam  Lacedaemoniorum,  ad  Pharnabazum  in  Asiam 
transiit,  quem  quidem  adeo  sua  cepit  humanitate,  ut 
eum  nemo  in  amicitia  antecederet.  Namque  ei 
Grynium  dederat,  in  Phrygia  castrum,  ex  quo 
quinquagena  talenta  vectigaUs  capiebat. 

^  ne,  added  by  Ridenaiier;  omitted  in  M8S. 
2  vestrorum  .  .  .  vestri,   Dan.  P  A  dir  /ul;    nostrorum  .  .  . 
nostri  (nostrorum  militum,  B),  the  other  3ISS. 

452 


VII.  ALCIBIADES,  viii.  4-ix.  3 

do  what  he  asked,  becaiise  he  saw  that  if  the  exile 
were  taken  back,  he  himself  would  be  of  no  import- 
ance  in  the  army ;  also  that  in  the  event  of  success 
he  would  be  given  no  credit,  while  if  any  reverse 
was  suffered,  he  alone  would  be  held  responsible. 
As  he  left  him,  Alcibiades  said :  "  Since  you  do  not 
>\ish  victory  for  your  country,  I  give  you  this  bit  of 
advice ;  do  not  keep  your  naval  camp  near  the 
enemy ;  for  there  is  reason  to  fear  that  the  lack  of 
disciphne  of  your  soldiers  may  give  Lysander  an 
opportunity  of  crushing  your  army."  And  he  was 
not  mistaken ;  for  when  Lysander  had  learned 
through  scouts  that  a  great  part  of  the  Athenian 
soldiers  had  gone  ashore  to  pillage,  leaving  the 
ships  almost  empty,  he  did  not  let  the  chance  for 
action  shp,  and  by  his  attack  he  brought  the  whole 
war  to  an  end. 

9.  But  Alcibiades,  thinking  that  after  the  defeat 
of  the  Athenians  he  was  not  altogether  safe  in  his 
present  residence,  withdrew  far  into  Thrace  and  went 
into  hiding  beyond  the  Propontis,  thinking  that  there 
his  existence  might  most  easily  be  concealed.  But 
he  was  mistaken;  for  as  soon  as  the  Thracians 
learned  that  he  had  come  there  with  a  large  amount 
of  money,  they  laid  a  trap  for  him  ;  and  they  were 
successful  in  carrying  off  what  he  had  brought  with 
him,  although  they  could  not  take  the  man  himself. 
Then,  perceiving  that  no  place  In  Greece  was  safe 
for  him  because  of  the  power  of  the  Lacedaemonians, 
he  took  refuge  in  Asia  with  Pharnabazus,  whom  he 
so  captivated  by  his  personal  charm,  that  he  became 
the  Persian's  dearest  friend.  In  fact  Pharnabazus 
gave  him  Grynium,  a  stronghold  of  Phrygia,  from 
which  he  received  a  yearly  revenue  of  fifty  talents. 

453 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

4  Qua  fortuna  Alcibiades  non  erat  contentus  neque 
Athenas  victas  Lacedaemoniis  servire  poterat  pati. 
Itaque  ad  patriam  liberandam  omni  ferebatur  cogi- 

5  tatione.  Sed  videbat  id  sine  rege  Perse  non  posse 
fieri  ideoque  eum  amicum  sibi  cupiebat  adiungi, 
neque  dubitabat  facile  se  consecuturum,  si  modo 
eius  conveniundi  habuisset  potestatem.  Nam  Cyrum 
fratrem  ei  bellum  clam  parare  Lacedaemoniis  adiu- 
vantibus  sciebat;  id  si  aperuisset,  magnam  se 
initurum  gratiam  videbat. 

10.  Hoc  cum  moUretur  peteretque  a  Pharnabazo 
ut  ad  regem  mitteretur,  eodem  tempore  Critias 
ceterique  tyranni  Atheniensium  certos  homines  ad 
Lysandrum  in  Asiam  miserant,  qui  eum  certiorem 
facerent,  nisi  Alcibiadem  sustuHsset,  nihil  earum 
rerum  fore  ratum,  quas  ipse  Athenis  constituisset ; 
qua  re,  si  suas  res  gestas  manere  vellet,  illum  perse- 

2  queretur.  His  Laco  rebus  commotus  statuit  accu- 
ratius  sibi  agendum  cum  Pharnabazo.  Huic  ^  ergo 
renuntiat  quae  regi  cum  Lacedaemoniis  essent,  nisi 
Alcibiadem    \dvum    aut    mortuum    sibi    tradidisset. 

S  Non  tulit  hunc  satrapes  et  violare  clementiam  quam 
regis  opes  minui  maluit. 

Itaque  misit  Susamithren  et  Bagaeum  ad  Alci- 
biadem  interficiendum,   cum   ille   esset  in  Phrygia 

4  iterque  ad  regem  compararet.     Missi  clam  vicinitati 

1  huic  societatem,  3ISS. ;  societatem  deleted  hy  Schott,  huic 
by  Leutsch. 

^  This  was  now  Artaxerxes  II,  surnamed  Mnemon  (405- 
362  B.c). 

»  See  vi.  1.  5.  ^  See  4.  7. 

454 


VII.  ALCIBIADES,  ix.  4-x.  4 

Alcibiades,  however,  was  not  contented  with  his 
present  lot,  nor  could  he  endure  the  idea  that  Athens 
was  vanquished  and  enslaved  to  the  Lacedaemonians. 
In  consequence,  all  his  thoughts  were  set  upon  free- 
ing  his  country.  It  was  clear  to  him,  however,  that 
he  could  accomphsh  nothing  without  the  aid  of  the 
Persian  king,^  and  for  that  reason  he  desired  to  win 
his  friendship.  And  he  felt  confident  of  so  doing, 
if  only  he  could  have  the  opportunity  of  meeting 
him.  For  he  knew  that  the  king's  brother  Cyrus 
was  secretly  planning  to  make  war  upon  Artaxerxes 
^vith  the  help  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  and  he  per- 
ceived  that  if  he  should  give  information  of  that 
plot,  he  would  win  great  gratitude. 

10.  At  the  very  time  that  Alcibiades  was  making 
this  plan  and  urging  Pharnabazus  to  send  him  to  the 
king,  Critias  and  the  other  tyrants  of  Athens  had 
sent  trusty  messengers  to  Asia,  to  inform  Lysander 
that  unless  he  got  rid  of  Alcibiades,  none  of  the 
arrangements  which  he  had  made  at  Athens  ^  would 
be  permanent.  Therefore,  if  he  wished  what  he 
had  done  to  be  lasting,  he  must  try  to  capture  the 
fugitive.  These  threats  disturbed  the  Laconian, 
who  made  up  his  mind  that  he  must  deal  more 
decidedly  with  Pharnabazus ;  he  therefore  threat- 
ened  to  renounce  the  agreement  between  the  king 
and  the  Lacedaemonians,^  unless  Pharnabazus  would 
dehver  Alcibiades  into  his  hands  ahve  or  dead. 
The  satrap  could  not  hold  out  against  him,  and 
preferred  to  do  violence  to  the  laws  of  humanity 
rather  than  see  the  king's  power  lessened. 

Pharnabazus  therefore  sent  Susamithres  and 
Bagaeus  to  kill  Alcibiades,  while  he  was  in  Phrygia 
and  was  preparing  to  go  to  the  king.     These  emis- 

455 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

in  qua  tum  Alcibiades  erat  dant  negotium  ut  euni 
interficiant.  Illi,  cum  ferro  aggredi  non  auderent, 
noctu  ligna  contulerunt  circa  casam  eam,i  in  qua 
quiescebat,  eamque  succenderunt,  ut  incendio  con- 

5  ficerent,  quem  manu  superari  posse  diffidebant.  Ille 
autem  ut  sonitu  flammae  est  excitatus,  etsi  gladius 
ei  erat  subductus,  familiaris  sui  subalare  telum 
eripuit.  Namque  erat  cum  eo  quidam  ex  Arcadia 
hospes,  qui  numquam  discedere  voluerat.  Hunc 
sequi  se  iubet  et  id  quod  in  praesentia  vestimen- 
torum  fuit  adripit.     His  in  ignem  eiectis,  flammae 

6  vim  transiit.  Quem  ut  barbari  incendium  effugisse 
viderunt,  telis  eminus  missis  interfecerunt  caputque 
eius  ad  Pharnabazum  rettulerunt.  At  muher  quae 
cum  eo  vivere  consuerat  muhebri  sua  veste  con- 
tectum,  aedificii  incendio  mortuum  cremavit  quod 
ad  vivum  interimendum  erat  comparatum.  Sic 
Alcibiades  annos  circiter  XL  natus  diem  obiit 
supremum. 

11.  Hunc  infamatum  a  plerisque  tres  gravissimi 
historici  summis  laudibus  extulerunt :  Thucydides, 
qui  eiusdem  aetatis  fuit,  Theopompus,  post  ahquanto 
natus,  et  Timaeus  ;  qui  quidem  duo  maledicentissimi 
nescio  quo  modo  in  illo  uno  laudando  consenserunt.^ 
2  Namque  ea  quae  supra  scripsimus  de  eo  praedicarunt 
atque   hoc   amphus :     cum   Athenis,   splendidissima 

^  cassLva.  ea,m,  Shoppius ;  saLmmea,m,  Dan.  A  P  6 ;  samineam, 
M  R  K;  sarmeam,  B. 

2  consenserunt,  R;  conseierunt,  M  u;  consuerunt,  Dan. 
A  u  in  margin;   consueverunt,  P;   consentiunt,  Halm;   etc. 


^  Lit.,  "  a  weapon  carried  under  the  arm." 

2  This  friend  is  mentioned  by  Xepos  alone;  cf.  Plut.  Alc.  31. 

^  He  was  at  least  forty-five. 


456 


VII.  ALCIBIADES,  x.  4-xi.  2 

saries  secretly  instructed  those  who  dwelt  near  the 
place  where  Alcibiades  then  was  to  slay  him.  They, 
however,  did  not  dare  to  attack  him  openly,  but  by 
night  piled  wood  about  the  house  in  which  he  slept 
and  set  fire  to  it,  in  order  to  destroy  in  that  way  a 
man  whom  they  had  no  hope  of  being  able  to  over- 
come  by  arms.  But  when  Alcibiades  was  awakened 
by  the  crackHng  flames,  although  his  sword  had  been 
filched  from  him,  he  seized  a  dagger  ^  belonging  to  a 
friend ;  for  he  had  with  him  a  guest-friend  from 
Arcadia,  who  had  always  refused  to  leave  him.-  This 
man  Alcibiades  ordered  to  follow  him,  and  catching 
up  whatever  clothing  there  was  at  hand,  he  threw  it 
upon  the  fire  and  dashed  through  the  raging  flames. 
When  the  barbarians  saw  that  he  had  escaped  the 
fire,  they  hurled  weapons  at  him  from  a  distance 
and  thus  killed  him ;  then  they  took  his  head  to 
Pharnabazus.  But  a  woman  who  used  to  hve  with 
him  covered  the  corpse  with  one  of  her  robes  and 
burned  it  in  the  fire  which  consumed  the  house, 
the  very  fire  that  had  been  designed  to  burn  the 
occupant  aHve.  Thus  Alcibiades  met  his  end  at404B.c. 
the  age  of  about  forty  years.^ 

11.  Although  his  reputation  has  been  assailed  by 
many  writers,  Alcibiades  has  been  highly  praised  by 
three  authoritative  historians :  Thucydides,  who 
belonged  to  the  same  period,  Theopompus,  who  was 
born  somewhat  later  than  he,  and  Timaeus.  These 
last  two,  who  are  strongly  incHned  to  abuse,  some- 
how  agree  in  praising  that  one  man.  For  it  is  they 
that  are  my  authority  for  what  I  have  previously  * 
WTitten  about  him,  as  weU  as  for  the  foUowing  ap- 
praisement :  although  he  was  a  native  of  Athens,  most 

*  In  chapters  1  and  2. 

457 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

civitate,  natus  esset,  omnes  splendore  ac  dignitate 

3  superasse  vitae ;  postquam  inde  expulsus  Thebas 
venerit,  adeo  studiis  eorum  inservisse,  ut  nemo  eum 
labore  corporisque  viribus  posset  aequiperare — omnes 
enim  Boeotii  ^  magis  firmitati  corporis  quam  ingenii 

4  acumini  inserviunt ; — eundem  apud  Lacedaemonios, 
quorum  moribus  summa  virtus  in  patientia  pone- 
batur,  sic  duritiae  se  dedisse,  ut  parsimonia  victus 
atque  cultus  omnes  Lacedaemonios  vinceret ;  fuisse 
apud  Thraecas,  homines  vinolentos  rebusque  veneriis 

5  deditos :  hos  quoque  in  his  rebus  antecessisse ; 
venisse  ad  Persas,  apud  quos  summa  laus  esset 
fortiter  venari,  luxuriose  vivere  :  horum  sic  imitatum 
consuetudinem,  ut  iUi  ipsi  eum  in  iis  maxime  admira- 

6  rentur.  Quibus  rebus  eifecisse  ut,  apud  quoscumque 
esset,  princeps  poneretur  habereturque  carissimus. 
Sed  satis  de  hoc  ;  rehquos  ordiamur. 

VIII.  THRASYBULUS 
1.  Thrasybulus,  Lyci  fihuSj  Atheniensis.  Si  per 
se  virtus  sine  fortuna  ponderanda  sit,  dubito  an  hunc 
primum  omnium  ponam ;  illud  sine  dubio  :  neminem 
huic  praefero  fide,  constantia,  magnitudine  animi,  in 
2  patriam  amore.  Nam  quod  multi  voluerunt  paucique 
potuerunt  ab  uno  tyranno  patriam  hberare,  huic 
contigit  ut  a  triginta  oppressam  tyrannis  e  servitute 

*  Boetii,  MSS.,  here  and  elsewhere. 
458 


VIII.  THRASYBULUS,  i.  1-2 

magnificent  of  cities,  he  surpassed  all  his  fellow- 
citizens  in  the  elegance  and  distinction  of  his  manner 
of  Ufe.  When  he  was  banished  and  went  to  Thebes, 
he  so  adapted  himself  to  the  ways  of  that  city  that 
no  one  could  equal  him  in  bodily  strength  and  en- 
durance  (for  the  Boeotians  as  a  whole  aim  to  excel 
in  strength  of  body  rather  than  in  keenness  of  in- 
tellect).  At  Lacedaemon,  where  custom  assigned  the 
greatest  merit  to  endurance,  this  same  man  cultivated 
austerity  to  such  a  degree  that  he  surpassed  all  the 
Lacedaemonians  in  the  plainness  of  his  table  and  the 
simpUcity  of  his  hfe.  Among  the  Thracians,  a  people 
given  to  drunkenness  and  lust,  he  surpassed  even  the 
Thracians  in  those  vices.  He  came  to  the  Persians, 
where  the  highest  renown  was  gained  by  being  a 
daring  hunter  and  an  extravagant  Hver,  and  there 
he  so  adapted  himself  to  their  customs  that  even  the 
natives  were  filled  with  admiration  of  his  success  in 
these  things.  It  was  in  this  way  that  he  held  the 
first  rank  wherever  he  Hved,  as  well  as  being  greatly 
beloved.  But  enough  of  him ;  let  us  pass  to  the 
other  men. 

VIII.  THRASYBULUS 

1,  Thrasybulus,  the  Athenian,  son  of  Lycus.  If 
merit  were  to  be  estimated  absolutely,  without  refer- 
ence  to  fortune,  I  rather  think  that  I  should  rank 
this  man  first  of  all.  Thus  much  is  certain :  I  put 
no  one  above  him  in  sense  of  honour,  in  steadfast- 
ness,  in  greatness  of  soul  and  in  love  of  country. 
For  while  many  have  wished,  and  a  few  have  been 
able,  to  free  their  country  from  a  single  tyrant,  it 
was  his  good  fortune  to  restore  his  n-ative  land  from 
slavery  to  freedom  when  it  was  under  the  heel  of 

459 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

3  in  libertatem  vindicaret.  Sed  nescio  quo  modo,  cum 
eum  nemo  anteiret  his  virtutibus,  multi  nobilitate 
praecucurrerunt.  Primum  Peloponnesio  bello  multa 
hic  sine  Alcibiade  gessit,  ille  nullam  rem  sine  hoc ; 
quae  ille  universa  naturaU  quodam  bono  fecit  lucri. 

4  Sed  illa  tamen  omnia  communia  imperatoribus 
cum  miUtibus  et  fortuna,  quod  in  proehi  concursu 
abit  res  a  consiUo  ad  vdces  vimque  pugnantium.^ 
Itaque  iure  suo  nonnulla  ab  imperatore  miles, 
plurima  vero  fortuna  vindicat  seque  hic  ^  plus  valu- 
isse  quam  ducis  prudentiam  vere  potest  praedicare. 

5  Quare  iUud  magnificentissimum  factum  proprium  est 
ThrasybuU;  nam  cum  triginta  tyranni  praepositi  a 
Lacedaemoniis  servitute  oppressas  tenerent  Athenas, 
plurimos  civis,  quibus  in  beUo  parserat  fortuna, 
partim  patria  expuUssent  partim  interfecissent, 
plurimorum.  bona  pubUcata  inter  se  divisissent,  non 
solum  princeps,  sed  etiam  solus  initio,  beUum  iis 
indixit. 

2.  Hic  enim  cum  Phylen  confugisset,  quod  est 
casteUum  in  Attica  munitissimum,  non  plus  habuit 
secum  triginta  de  suis.  Hoc  initium  fuit  salutis 
Atticorum,  hoc  rdbux  Ubertatis  clarissimae  civitatis. 
2  Neque  vero  hic  non  contemptus  est  primo  a  tyrannis 
atque  eius  soUtudo.     Quae  quidem  res  et  iUis  con- 

1  ad  vices  vimque  p.,  scripsi;  ad  vices  rerum  vimque  p., 
Ortmann;  ad  vires  vimque  ip.,  P  A  B  21  u;  ad  vires  usque 
(undique)  p.,  Leid.  M;  ad  vires  nostrum  cuiusque  p.,  R; 
virtutemque  p.,  Lambin;  ad  vires  casusque,  omitting  p., 
Guill. 

2  hic,  Lamhin ;  his,  3ISS. 

^  The  phrase  ad  .  .  .  pugnantium,  as  it  stands  in  the 
MSS.,  is  undoubtedly  corrupt;  for  various  emendations  see 
the  crit.  note. 

460 


VIII.  THRASYBULUS,  i.  2-11.  2 

thirty  tyrants.  Biit  somehow  or  other,  while  no  one 
surpassed  him  in  the  virtues  that  I  have  named, 
many  men  have  outstripped  him  in  renown.  To 
begin  with,  in  the  Peloponnesian  war  he  often  won 
victories  without  the  aid  of  Alcibiades,  the  latter 
never  without  his  help ;  but  Alcibiades  by  some 
innate  gift  gained  the  credit  for  everything. 

But  after  all,  commanders  share  every  such 
success  with  their  soldiers  and  ^vdth  Fortune,  since 
after  battle  has  been  joined,  the  issue  depends 
rather  on  the  luck  and  the  fighting  spirit  of  the 
soldiers  than  on  skill.^  Hence  the  soldier  justly 
claims  some  share  in  his  commander's  glory,  and 
Fortune,  a  large  share ;  in  fact,  she  can  fairly  boast 
that  more  was  due  to  her  in  such  cases  than  to  the 
commander's  abiUty.  That  is  why  the  glorious  deed 
of  which  I  am  going  to  speak  belongs  wholly  to 
Thrasybulus.  Thirty  tyrants,  appointed  by  the 
Lacedaemonians,  held  Athens  in  a  condition  of 
slavery.  Of  the  citizens  whom  fate  had  spared 
during  the  war,  they  had  driven  a  great  many  from 
their  native  land  or  put  them  to  death  ;  of  many 
they  had  confiscated  and  shared  the  property. 
Thrasybulus  was  not  only  the  first  to  make  war 
upon  them,  but  in  the  beginning  he  was  the  only 
one. 

2.  Now,  when  he  had  taken  refuge  in  Phyle, 
which  is  a  well-fortified  stronghold  in  Attica,  he 
had  with  him  not  more  than  thirty  followers.  This 
was  the  cradle  of  salvation  for  the  people  of 
Attica,  this  was  the  citadel  of  the  hberty  of  a 
glorious  state.  In  fact,  Thrasybulus  was  at  first  an 
object  of  contempt  to  the  tyrants,  as  well  as  his 
handful  of  foUowers ;  and  it  was  that  very  fact  that 

461 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

temnentibus  perniciei  et  huic  despecto  saluti  fuit; 
haec  enim  illos  segnes  ad  persequendum,  hos  autem, 
tempore   ad   comparandum   dato,   fecit   robustiores. 

3  Quo  magis  praeceptum  illud  omnium  in  animis  esse 
debet,  nihil  in  bello  oportere  contemni  neque  sine 

4  causa  dici  matrem  timidi  flere  non  solere.  Neque 
tamen  pro  opinione  Thrasybuli  auctae  sunt  opes ; 
nam  iam  tum  ilUs  temporibus  fortius  boni  pro  liber- 

5  tate  loquebantur  quam  pugnabant.  Hinc  in  Piraeum 
transiit  Munychiamque  munivit.  Hanc  bis  tyranni 
oppugnare  sunt  adorti,  ab  eaque  turpiter  repulsi, 
protinus  in  urbem,  armis  impedimentisque  amissis, 
refugerunt. 

6  Usus  est  Thrasybulus  non  minus  prudentia  quam 
fortitudine  ;  nam  cedentes  violari  vetuit — cives  enim 
civibus  parcere  aequum  censebat — neque  quisquam 
est  vulneratus  nisi  qui  prior  impugnare  voluit. 
Neminem  iacentem  veste  spoliavit,  nil  attigit  nisi 
arma  quorum  indigebat,  quaeque  ad  victum  pertine- 

7  bant.  In  secundo  proeUo  cecidit  Critias,  dux  tyran- 
norum,  cum  quidem  adversus  Thrasybulum  fortissime 
pugnaret. 

3.  Hoc  deiecto  Pausanias  venit  Atticis  auxiho,  rex 
Lacedaemoniorum.  Is  inter  Thrasybulum  et  eos 
qui  urbem  tenebant  fecit  pacem  his  condicionibus : 
ne  qui  praeter  triginta  tyrannos  et  decem,  qui 
postea  praetores  creati  superioris  more  crudehtatis 
erant    usi,    adficerentur    exsiho    neve    bona    pubh- 

1  Quidem  implies  that  valour  would  not  be  expected  from 
Critias. 

2  He  was  king  from  408  to  394  B.c. 

462 


VIII.  THRASYBULUS,  ii.  2-111.  i 

proved  the  ruin  of  those  who  scorned  him  and  won 
the  safety  of  the  object  of  their  contempt;  for  it 
made  his  enemies  slow  to  attack  and  strengthened 
his  forces  by  giving  them  time  for  preparation. 
From  this  it  follows  that  all  men  oiight  to  bear  in 
mind  this  thought,  that  in  war  nothing  should  be 
scorned,  and  that  it  is  a  true  saying  that  the  mother 
of  one  who  knows  what  fear  is  seldom  has  cause  to 
weep.  And  yet  Thrasybulus'  forces  did  not  grow  so 
rapidly  as  he  hoped,  for  even  then  in  those  days 
good  citizens  were  readier  to  speak  for  liberty  than 
to  fight  for  it.  From  Phyle  he  went  to  the  Piraeus 
and  fortified  Munychia.  That  place  the  tyrants 
twice  tried  to  take,  but  they  suffered  an  ignominious 
repulse  and  at  once  fled  to  the  city  with  the  loss  of 
their  arms  and  baggage. 

Thrasybulus  showed  no  less  judgment  than 
courage ;  for  he  forbade  injuring  those  who  had 
surrendered  (he  thought  it  right  for  citizen  to  spare 
citizen),  and  no  one  was  wounded  who  did  not 
strike  the  first  blow.  He  stripped  no  dead  bodv  of 
its  clothing,  touched  nothing  save  the  arms  which  he 
needed,  and  whatever  could  be  made  use  of  as  food. 
In  a  second  battle  Critias  fell,  chief  of  the  tyrants, 
and  that,  too,^  just  as  he  was  fighting  most  vahantly, 
face  to  face  with  Thrasybulus. 

3,  When  Critias  had  fallen,  Pausanias,  king  of  the  403  b.c. 
Lacedaemonians,^  came  to  the  aid  of  the  Athenians. 
He  concluded  a  peace  between  Thrasybulus  and  the 
occupants  of  the  city  on  the  following  terms :  that 
except  for  the  thirty  tyrants  and  ten  others  who 
had  been  put  in  power  later  and  had  shown  the  same 
cruelty  as  their  predecessors,  no  one  should  be 
punished  with  exile  or  confiscation  of  property ;  and 

463 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

carentur ;  rei  publicae  procuratio  populo  redderetur. 

2  Praeclarum  hoc  quoque  Thrasybuli,  quod  reconciUata 
pace,  cum  plurimum  in  civitate  posset,  legem  tulit 
ne  quis  ante  actarum  rerum  accusaretur  neve  multa- 

3  retur,  eamque  illi  obU^ionis  appellarunt.  Neque 
vero  hanc  tantum  ferendam  curavit,  sed  etiam  ut 
valeret  efFecit.  Nam  cum  quidam  ex  iis  qui  simul 
cum  eo  in  exsiho  fuerant  caedem  facere  eorum 
vellent  cum  quibus  in  gratiam  reditum  erat  publice, 
prohibuit  et  id  quod  poUicitus  erat  praestitit. 

4.  Huic  pro  tantis  meritis  honoris  ^  corona  a 
populo  data  est,  facta  duabus  virgulis  oleaginis ; 
quam  quod  amor  civium  et  non  vis  expresserat, 
nullam    habuit    invidiam    magnaque     fuit    gloria.^ 

2  Bene  ergo  Pittacus  ille,  qui  in  ^  septem  sapientum 
numero  est  habitus,  cum  Mytilenaei  multa  milia 
iugerum  agri  ei  muneri  ^  darent,  "  NoUte,  oro  vos," 
inquit,  "  id  mihi  dare,  quod  multi  invideant,  plures 
etiam  concupiscant.  Qua  re  ex  istis  nolo  ampHus 
quam  centum  iugera,  quae  et  meam  animi  aequita- 
tem  et  vestram  voluntatem  indicent  "  ;  nam  parva 
munera  diutina,  locupletia  non  propria  esse  consue- 

3  runt.  Illa  igitur  corona  contentus,  Thrasybulus 
neque  amphus  requisivit  neque  quemquam  honore 

^  honoris  causa,  Q  ir  iiV  "2.  and  u  in  margin. 

2  cum  magnaque,  GuHl. ;   magnaeque  gloriae,  u. 

3  in,  added  hy  Xipp. 

*  ]Mitileni  ei  (mut-,  P;  ei  mitylenei,  R;  ei  myt-,  M)  m. 
milia  iugerum  et  agri  (agri  et,  M  Ru)  munera,  Dan.  A  B  21 P R; 
corrected  by  Fleck. 


^  Cf.  Val.  Max.  iv.  1.  ext.  4,  haec  ohlivio  quam  Athenienses 
amnestian  vocant. 

464 


VIII.  THRASYBULUS,  iii.  i-iv.  3 

that  the  administration  of  the  government  should  be 
restored  to  the  people.  Another  noble  action  of 
Thrasybulus  was  this  :  when  peace  was  made  and  he 
held  the  chief  power  at  Athens,  he  proposed  a  law 
providing  that  with  reference  to  what  had  been  done 
in  the  past  no  one  should  be  accused  or  punished  ;  and 
they  called  that  law  "  the  law  of  amnesty."  ^  And 
he  not  only  saw  to  it  that  the  law  was  passed,  but 
also  that  it  was  enforced;  for  whenever  anyone  of 
those  who  had  been  in  exile  with  him  wished  to  put 
to  death  those  who  had  been  officially  pardoned,  he 
prevented  it  and  remained  true  to  what  he  had 
promised. 

4.  In  recognition  of  these  great  services  he  was 
presented  by  the  people  with  an  honorary  crown 
made  of  two  olive-branches.  And  since  that  crown 
was  a  token  of  the  love  of  his  fellow-citizens  and  was 
not  wrung  from  them  by  force,  it  excited  no  envy, 
but  brought  him  great  glory.  For  Pittacus,  who  was 
numbered  among  the  Seven  Sages,  well  said,  when 
the  people  of  Mytilene  wished  to  make  him  a  present 
of  many  thousand  acres  of  land :  "  Do  not,  I  beg  of 
you,  give  me  a  gift  that  may  excite  the  jealousy  of 
many  and  the  cupidity  of  still  more.  But  out  of 
what  you  offer  I  desire  no  more  than  one  hundred 
acres,2  which  will  be  a  token  of  my  moderation  and 
your  good-will."  And  indeed,  as  a  rule,  small  gifts 
are  lasting,  lavish  ones  are  not  permanent.  So  with 
that  crown  Thrasybulus  was  content;  he  asked  for 
nothing  more,  and  he  thought  that  no  one  was  more 

2  The  iugerum  -vras  a  Roman  measure  equal  to  about  two- 
thirds  of  an  acre;  according  to  Plutarch,  Pittacus  measured 
the  amount  which  he  would  accept  by  the  distance  that  he 
could  hurl  a  spear. 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

se  antecessisse  existimavit.  Hic  sequenti  tempore, 
cum  praetor  classem  ad  Ciliciam  ^  appulisset  neque 
satis  diligenter  in  castris  eius  agerentur  vigiliae,  a 
barbaris,  ex  oppido  noctu  eruptione  facta,  in  taber- 
naculo  interfectus  est. 


IX.  CONON 

1.  Conon  Atheniensis  Peloponnesio  bello  accessit 
ad  rem  publicam,  in  eoque  eius  opera  magni  fuit; 
nam  et  praetor  pedestribus  exercitibus  praefuit  et 
praefectus  classis  res  ^  magnas  mari  gessit.  Quas  ob 
causas  praecipuus  ei  honos  habitus  est.  Namque 
omnibus  unus  insulis  praefuit,  in  qua  potestate  Pheras 

2  cepit,  coloniam  Lacedaemoniorum.  Fuit  etiam  ex- 
tremo  Peloponnesio  bello  praetor,  cum  apud  Aegos 
flumen  copiae  Atheniensium  ab  Lysandro  sunt  de- 
victae.  Sed  tum  afuit,  eoque  peius  res  administrata 
est;    nam  et  prudens  rei  militaris  et  diHgens  erat 

3  imperator.  Itaque  nemini  erat  iis  ^  temporibus 
dubium,  si  adfuisset,  illam  Athenienses  calamitatem 
accepturos  non  fuisse. 

2.  Rebus  autem  adflictis,  cum  patriam  obsideri 
audisset,   non   quaesivit   ubi  ipse  tuto  viveret,  sed 

1  Ciliciam,  Longueil;   Siciliam,  MSS. 

2  magnas  mari  victorias,  P ;  magnas  mari  res,  Nipp. 

3  Ms,  2ISS. 

^  He  was  slain  by  the  inhabitants  of  Aspendus  in  Pam- 
phylia,  who  were  exasperated  at  the  riotous  conduct  of  his 
soldiers. 

466 


IX.  CONOX,  I.   i-ii.   I 

highly  honoured  than  he.  At  a  later  time,  as  com- 
mander  of  a  fieet>,  he  landed  in  Cilicia ;  .  there  his 
camp  was  not  guarded  with  sufficient  care,  and  when 
the  barbarians  had  made  a  sortie  by  night  from  one 
of  their  towns,  he  was  killed  in  his  tent.^  3S8  b.c. 

IX.  CONON 

1.  Conon  the  Athenian  began  his  pubHc  career  at 

the  time  of  the  Peloponnesian  war,  and  in  that  war  413  b.c. 
he  rendered  important  service ;  for  he  commanded 
the  land  forces  with  the  rank  of  general,  and  as 
admiral  of  the  fleet  he  did  great  deeds  on  the  sea. 
In  recognition  of  this  an  unusual  honour  was  con- 
ferred  upon  him ;  he  was  given  sole  charge  of  all 
the  islands,  and  while  holding  that  commission  ^  he 
took  Pherae,  a  colony^  of  the  Lacedaemonians.  He 
was  also  commander-in-chief  at  the  close  of  the 
Peloponnesian  war,  when  the  Athenian  forces  were 
defeated  by  Lysander  at  Aegospotamoi ;  but  he  was 
absent  at  the  time,  and  in  consequence  the  affair 
was  badly  managed ;  for  he  was  skilled  in  military 
science  and  a  careful  commander.  Hence  no  one 
who  Hved  in  those  times  doubted  that,  if  he  had 
been  present,  the  Athenians  would  not  have  suffered 
that  disaster. 

2.  But  when  the  calamity  came  and  he  heard  that 
his  native  city  was  in  a  state  of  siege,  he  looked 
about  for  a  place,  not  where  he  could  himself  hve  in 

2  The  islands  between  Greece  and  Asia  Minor  are  meant. 
Conon  never  had  such  a  commission.  He  took  Pherae  in 
393  B.C.,  when  he  was  in  the  service  of  the  Persian  king; 
see  4.  2  ff. 

3  "  Colony  "  is  used  in  the  Roman,  not  the  Greek,  sense; 
Pherae  had  been  made  subject  to  Sparta. 

467 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

unde  praesidio  posset  esse  civibus  suis.  Itaque  con- 
tulit  se  ad  Pharnabazum,  satrapem  loniae  et  Lydiae 
eundemque  generum  regis  et  propinquum ;  apud 
quemut  multum  gratia  valeret  multolabore  multisque 

2  efFecit  periculis.  Nam  cum  Lacedaemonii,  Athenien- 
sibus  devictis,  in  societate  non  manerent  quam  cum 
Artaxerxe  fecerant,  Agesilaumque  bellatum  misis- 
sent  in  Asiam,  maxime  impulsi  a  Tissapherne,  qui 
ex  intimis  regis  ab  amicitia  eius  defecerat  et  cum 
Lacedaemoniis  coierat  societatem,  hunc  adversus 
Pharnabazus  habitus  est  imperator,  re  quidem  vera 
exercitui  praefuit  Conon  eiusque  omnia  arbitrio  gesta 

3  sunt.  Hic  multum  ducem  summum  Agesilaum 
impedivit  saepeque  eius  consiUis  obstitit,  neque  vero 
non   fuit   apertum,    si   ille    non   fuisset,   Agesilaum 

4  Asiam  Tauro  tenus  regi  fuisse  erepturum.  Qui 
postea  quam  domum  a  suis  civibus  revocatus  est, 
quod  Boeoti  et  Athenienses  Lacedaemoniis  bellum 
indixerant,  Conon  nihilo  setius  apud  praefectos  regis 
versabatur  iisque  omnibus  magno  erat  usui. 

3.  Defecerat  a  rege  Tissaphernes,  neque  id  tam 
Artaxerxi  quam  ceteris  erat  apertum ;  multis  enim 
magnisque  rneritis  apud  regem,  etiam  cum  in  officio 
non  maneret,  valebat.  Neque  id  erat  mirandum,  si 
non  facile  ad  credendum  adducebatur,  reminiscens 
2  eius    se    opera    Cyrum    fratrem    superasse.     Huius 

1  The  so-called  Corinthian  war,  395-387  b.c. 

2  At  Cunaxa,  401  b.c;  see  vii.  9,  5,  above. 

468 


IX.  CONOiN,  II.  i-iii.  2 

safety,  but  from  which  he  could  be  a  defence  to  his 
fellow-citizens.  So  he  went  to  Pharnabazus,  satrap 
of  lonia  and  Lydia,  who  was  also  son-in-law  of  the 
king  and  his  near  relative,  with  whom  he  succeeded 
in  winning  great  influence  by  hard  toil  and  many 
dangers.  For  the  Lacedaemonians,  after  vanquish- 
ing  the  Athenians,  did  not  remain  true  to  the 
aUiance  which  they  had  concluded  with  Artaxerxes, 
but  sent  Agesilaus  to  Asia  to  make  war,  being 
especially  influenced  by  Tissaphernes,  one  of 
Artaxerxes'  intimate  friends,  who,  however,  had 
betrayed  his  king's  friendship  and  come  to  an  under- 
standing  with  the  Lacedaemonians.  Against  him 
Pharnabazus  was  nominally  commander-in-chief,  but 
in  reality  Conon  headed  the  army  and  everything 
was  done  as  he  directed.  He  proved  a  serious 
obstacle  to  that  great  general  Agesilaus  and  often 
thwarted  him  by  his  strategy ;  in  fact,  it  was  evident 
that  if  it  had  not  been  for  Conon,  Agesilaus  would 
have  deprived  the  king  of  all  Asia  as  far  as  the  Taurus. 
Even  after  the  Spartan  was  summoned  home  by  his 
countrymen,  because  the  Boeotians  and  Athenians 
had  declared  war  ^  upon  the  Lacedaemonians, 
Conon  none  the  less  continued  his  relations  with  the 
king's  prefects  and  rendered  them  all  great  assistance. 
3.  Tissaphernes  had  revolted  from  the  king,  but 
that  was  not  so  clear  to  Artaxerxes  as  it  was  to  all 
others  ;  for  because  of  many  important  services  the 
satrap  retained  his  influence  with  his  sovereign,  even 
after  he  had  ceased  to  be  faithful  to  him.  And  it  is 
not  surprising  that  the  king  was  not  easily  led  to 
beheve  in  his  treachery,  remembering,  as  he  did, 
that  it  was  thanks  to  him  that  he  had  overcome  his 
brother   Cyrus.^     In    order   to    accuse    the   traitor, 

469 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

accusandi  gratia  Conon  a  Pharnabazo  ad  regem 
missus,  posteaquam  venit,  primum  ex  more  Persarum 
ad  chiliarchum,  qui  secundum  gradum  imperii  tene- 
bat,  Tithrausten  accessit  seque  ostendit  cum  rege 

3  conloqui  velle.  Nemo  enim  sine  hoc  admittitur.^ 
Huic  ille,  "  Nulla,"  inquit,  "  mora  est,  sed  tu  deli- 
bera,  utrum  conloqui  mahs  an  per  htteras  agere  quae 
cogitas.  Necesse  est  enim,  si  in  conspectum  veneris, 
venerari  te  regem  (quod  Trpoa-Kvvqo-iv  iUi  vocant).^ 
Hoc  si  tibi  grave  est,  per  me  nihilo  setius  editis 
mandatis  conficies  quod  studes."  Tum  Conon  "  Mihi 
vero,"  inquit,  "  non  est  grave  quemvis  honorem 
habere  regi,  sed  vereor  ne  civitati  meae  sit  opprobrio, 
si,  cum  ex  ea  sim  profectus  quae  ceteris  gentibus 
imperare  consuerit,  potius  barbarorum  quam  ilhus 
more  fungar."  Itaque  quae  huic  volebat  scripta 
tradidit. 

4.  Quibus  cognitis,  rex  tantum  auctoritate  eius 
motus  est,  ut  et  Tissaphernem  hostem  iudicarit  et 
Lacedaemonios  bello  persequi  iusserit  et  ei  permiserit 
quem  vellet  ehgere  ad  dispensandam  pecuniam.  Id 
arbitrium  Conon  negavit  sui  esse  consihi,  sed  ipsius, 
qui   optime   suos   nosse   deberet;     sed   se   suadere, 

2  Pharnabazo  id  negotii  daret.     Hinc  magnis  muneri- 

^  nemo  .  .  .  admittitur,   put   after   vocant   by   Cohet;    hy 
oihers  after  regem,  omitting  quod  .  .  .  vocant. 
2  quod  .  .  .  vocant,  omitted  hy  Wolflinn. 

^  The  king's  bodyguard,  the  ix-n\o<p6poi,  so  called  because 
the  butts  of  their  spears  were  adorned  with  golden  apples. 

470 


IX.  CONON,  iii.  2-iv.  2 

Conon  was  sent  to  the  king  by  Pharnabazus  and  as 
soon  as  he  arrived,  he  went  iirst,  according  to  the 
Persian  ciistom,  to  Tithraustes,  chief  of  the  Thou-  395  b.c. 
sand,^  who  held  the  highest  power  next  to  the  king, 
and  explained  that  he  wished  an  interview  \vith  the 
monarch.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  no  one  is  admitted 
to  the  royal  presence  without  that  formaUty. 

Tithraustes  replied  to  his  request :  "  There  is 
nothing  to  prevent,  but  do  you  consider  whether 
you  prefer  a  personal  interview  rather  than  to  com- 
municate  what  you  have  in  mind  by  letter.  For  it 
is  essential,  if  you  come  into  his  presence,  to  do 
homage  to  the  king  (which  the  Greeks  call 
Trpoa-Kvirja-L^).  If  that  is  repugnant  to  you,  you  may 
equally  well  accompHsh  M-hat  you  wish  through  me, 
by  instructing  me  as  to  your  -wishes."  To  this 
Conon  answered :  "  To  me  personally  it  is  not 
repugnant  to  pay  any  possible  honour  to  the  king, 
but  I  fear  that  my  country  may  be  shamed  if, 
having  come  from  a  state  which  is  accustomed  to 
command  the  other  nations,  I  should  conform  rather 
to  the  customs  of  barbarians  than  of  Athens." 
Accordingly,  he  ^^Tote  out  what  he  wished  and 
handed  it  to  the  satrap. 

4.  When  the  king  had  read  the  communication, 
Conon's  prestige  had  so  much  weight  with  him  that 
he  pronounced  Tissaphernes  an  enemy  and  com- 
missioned  Conon  to  carry  on  the  war  with  the  Lace- 
daemonians,  authorizing  him  to  chose  anyone  he 
wished  as  his  paymaster.  To  make  that  choice, 
Conon  declared,  was  not  his  province,  but  that  of 
the  king,  who  ought  to  know  his  own  subjects  best ; 
but  his  recommendation  was  that  the  position  be 
given  to  Pharnabazus.     Then,  after  receiving  valu- 

471 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

bus  donatus  ad  mare  est  missus,  ut  Cypriis  et 
Phoenicibus  ceterisque  maritimis  civitatibus  naves 
longas  imperaret  classemque,  qua  proxima  aestate 
mare  tueri  posset,  compararet,  dato  adiutore  Pharna- 

3  bazo,  sicut  ipse  voluerat.  Id  ut  Lacedaemoniis  est 
nuntiatum,  non  sine  cura  rem  administrant,  quod 
maius  bellum  imminere  arbitrabantur  quam  si  cum 
barbaro  solum  contenderent ;  nam  ducem  fortem. 
prudentem^  regiis^  opibus  praefuturum  ac  secum 
dimicaturum  videbant,  quem  neque  consilio  neque 

4  copiis  superare  possent.  Hac  mente  magnam  con- 
trahunt  classem ;  proficiscuntur  Pisandro  duce. 
Hos  Conon  apud  Cnidum  adortus,  magno  proeUo 
fugat,  multas  naves  capit,  complures  deprimit.  Qua 
victoria  non  solum  Athenae,  sed  etiam  cuncta  Graecia 
quae  sub  Lacedaemoniorum  fuerat  imperio  hberata 

5  est.  Conon  cum  parte  navium  in  patriam  venit, 
muros  dirutos  a  Lysandro  utrosque,  et  Piraei  et 
Athenarum,  reficiendos  curat  pecuniaeque  quin- 
quaginta  talenta,  quae  a  Pharnabazo  acceperat, 
civibus  suis  donat. 

5.    Accidit  huic  quod  ceteris  mortaUbus,  ut  incon- 

sideratior  in  secunda  quam  in  adversa  esset  fortuna. 

Nam  classe  Peloponnesiorum  de\dcta,  cum  ultum  se 

iniurias  patriae  putaret,pluraconcupivit  quam  efficere 

2  potuit.    Neque  tamen  ea  non  pia  et  probanda  fuerunt, 

1  et  prudentem,  Ealm;    prudenter,  TFeicZner,  GuilL;   pru- 
dentemque,  u.  ^  regis,  31 SS. 


1  See  n.  2,  p.  467. 

2  Athens  recovered  its  freedom  in  403  b.c.  ;  the  Lacedae- 
monians  now  lost  their  hegemony  over  the  islands  and  the 
Greek  cities  of  Asia. 

472 


IX.  CONON,  IV.  2-v.  2 

able  presents,  Conon  was  sent  to  the  seacoast,  to 
levy  ships  of  war  on  the  Cypriotes,  Phoenicians  and 
other  maritime  states,^  and  to  fit  out  a  fleet  with 
which  in  the  following  summer  he  could  make  the 
sea  safe ;  Pharnabazus  was  appointed  to  help  him, 
as  Conon  himself  had  asked.  When  this  was  re- 
ported  to  the  Lacedaemonians,  they  made  their  pre- 
parations  with  care,  thinking  that  a  more  serious 
war  threatened  them  than  if  the  contest  was  merely 
with  the  barbarian  alone ;  for  they  saw  that  a  brave 
leader  was  going  to  direct  the  king's  power  with 
foresight,  and  that  they  would  have  an  adversary 
who  would  be  their  equal  both  in  skill  and  in  power. 
Because  of  this  conviction  they  got  together  a  great 
fleet  and  set  sail  under  the  command  of  Pisander. 
But  they  were  attacked  by  Conon  off  Cnidus  and  394  b.c. 
put  to  flight  in  a  great  battle ;  many  of  their  ships 
were  taken,  several  were  sunk.  That  victory 
secured  the  freedom,  not  only  of  Athens,-  but  of  all 
the  Greek  states  which  were  under  the  rule  of  the 
Lacedaemonians.  Conon  ^^ith  a  part  of  his  ships 
w^ent  to  his  native  city,  saw  to  the  rebuilding  of  the 
walls  both  of  the  Piraeus  and  of  Athens,  which  had  393  b.c. 
been  destroyed  by  Lysander,  and  gave  to  his  fellow- 
citizens  the  sum  of  fifty  talents,  which  he  had 
received  from  Pharnabazus. 

5.  But  Conon  had  the  same  experience  as  the  rest 
of  mankind,  and  showed  less  wisdom  in  good  fortune 
than  in  adversity.  For  after  his  decisive  victory 
over  the  fleet  of  the  Peloponnesians,  thinking  that  he 
had  avenged  his  country's  ^\Tongs,  he  entertained 
ambitions  beyond  his  powers.  These,  however, 
were  both  patriotic  and  commendable,  since  he 
desired  to  increase  the  strength  of  his  native  land  at 

473 


GORNELIUS  NEPOS 

quod  potius  patriae  opes  augeri  quam  regis  maluit. 
Nam  cum  magnam  auctoritatem  sibi  pugna  illa 
navali  quam  apud  Cnidum  ^  fecerat  constituisset  non 
solum  inter  barbaros,  sed  etiam  omnes  Graeciae 
civitates,  clam  dare  operam  coepit,  ut  loniam  et 
Aeoliam  restitueret  Atheniensibus. 

3  Id  cum  minus  diligenter  esset  celatum,  Tiribazus, 
qui  Sardibus  praeerat,  Cononem  evocavit,  simulans 
ad  regem  eum  se  mittere  velle  magna  de  re.  Huius 
nuntio  parens  cum  venisset,  in  vincla  coniectus  est, 

4  in  quibus  aliquamdiu  fuit.  Inde  nonnulli  eum  ad 
regem  abductum  ibique  eum  perisse  scriptum  re- 
liquerunt.  Contra  ea  Dinon  historicus,  cui  nos 
plurimum  de  Persicis  rebus  credimus,  efFugisse 
scripsit ;  illud  addubitat,  utrum  Tiribazo  sciente  an 
imprudente  sit  factum. 


X.     DION 

1.  Dion,  Hipparini  filius,  Syracusanus,  nobili  genere 
natus,  utraque  impUcatus  tyrannide  Dionysiorum. 
Namque  ille  superior  Aristomachen,  sororem  Dionis, 
habuit  in  matrimonio,  ex  qua  duos  filios,  Hipparinum 
et  Nisaeum,  procreavit  totidemque  fihas,  nomine 
Sophrosynen  et  Areten,  quarum  priorem  Dionysio 
fiUo,  eidem  cui  regnum  rehquit,  nuptum  dedit, 
alteram,  Areten,  Dioni. 
2  Dion  autem  praeter  nobilem  ^  propinquitatem 
generosamque  ^  maiorum  famam  multa  alia  ab  natura 
habuit  bona,  in  iis  ingenium  docile,  come,  aptum  ad 

1  Gnidum,  31 SS. 

2  nobilem  and  generosam  transposed  hy  Dederich. 

1  The  term  applied  by  the  Greeks  to  the  King  of  Persia. 
474 


X.  DION,  I.  1-2 

the  expense  of  that  of  the  great  king.^  Tor  since 
the  famous  naval  battle  that  he  had  fought  off  Cnidos 
had  given  him  hiijh  standing,  not  only  \vith  the 
barbarians,  but  with  all  the  Greek  states  as  well,  he 
began  to  plot  the  restoration  of  lonia  and  Aeoha 
to  the  Athenians, 

Since  his  design  was  not  concealed  with  sufficient 
care,  Tiribazus,  governor  of  Sardis,  summoned 
Conon,  pretending  that  he  -s^ished  to  send  him  to  the 
king  on  a  mission  of  importance.  Conon  obeyed  the 
summons,  but  on  his  arrival  he  vras  thrown  into 
prison  and  remained  in  confinement  for  some  time. 
Then,  as  some  writers  say,  he  was  taken  to  the  king 
and  there  met  his  end ;  Dinon,  on  the  contrary,  an 
historian  in  whose  account  of  Persian  affairs  we  have 
the  most  confidence,  has  ^^Titten  that  he  made  his 
escape ;  but  he  is  in  doubt  whether  it  was  with  or 
without  the  connivance  of  Tiribazus. 

X.     DION 

1.  Dion,  son  of  Hipparinus,  of  Syracuse,  sprung 
from  a  noble  family,  was  connected  with  the  t^Tanny 
of  both  the  Dionysii ;  for  the  elder  Dionysius  married 
Aristomache,  Dion's  sister ;  by  her  he  had  two 
sons,  Hipparinus  and  Xisaeus,  and  the  same  number 
of  daughters,  Sophrosyne  and  Arete.  Of  these 
daughters  he  gave  the  former  in  marriage  to 
Dionysius,  the  son  to  whom  he  left  his  throne,  the 
latter,  Arete,  to  Dion. 

Dion,  however,  besides  that  illustrious  relationship 
and  the  distinguished  renown  of  his  ancestors, 
possessed  many  natural  advantages,  including  a 
receptive    mind,    aifability,    and    aptitude    for    the 

475 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

artes  optimas,  magnam  corporis  dignitatem,  quae 
non  minimum  commendat,^  magnas  praeterea  divitias 
a  patre  relictas,  quas  ipse  tyranni  muneribus  auxerat. 

3  Erat  infimus  Dionysio  priori,  neque  minus  propter 
mores  quam  adfinitatem.  Namque  etsi  Dionysii 
crudelitas  ei  displicebat,  tamen  salvum  propter 
necessitudinem,  magis  etiam  suorum  causa  studebat. 
Aderat  in  magnis  rebus,  eiusque  consilio  multum 
movebatur  tyrannus,  nisi  qua  in  re  maior  ipsius  cupi- 

4  ditas  intercesserat.  Legationes  vero  omnes  quae 
essent  illustriores  per  Dionem  administrabantur ; 
quas  quidem  ille  diligenter  obeundo,  fideliter  ad- 
ministrando     crudelissimum     nomen     tyranni     sua 

5  humanitate  leniebat.^  Hunc  a  Dionysio  missum 
Karthaginienses  suspexerunt,^  ut  neminem  umquam 
Graeca  lingua  loquentem  magis  sint  admirati. 

2.  Neque  vero  haec  Dionysium  fugiebant ;  nam 
quanto  esset  sibi  ornamento,  sentiebat.  Quo  fiebat 
ut  uni   huic  maxime  indulgeret  neque   eum   secus 

2  dihgeret  ac  filium ;  qui  quidem,  cum  Platonem 
Tarentum  venisse  fama  in  SiciUam  esset  perlata, 
adulescenti  negare  non  potuerit  quin  eum  accerseret, 
cum  Dion  eius  audiendi  cupiditate  flagraret.  Dedit 
ergo  huic  veniam  magnaque  eum  ambitione  Syracusas 

3  perduxit.  Quem  Dion  adeo  admiratus  est  atque 
adamavit,  ut  se  ei  totum  traderet.  Neque  vero 
minus  ipse  Plato  delectatus  est  Dione.  Itaque  cum  a 
Dionysio  ^  crudeliter  violatus  esset,  quippe  qui  eum  ^ 

^  commendat,  Lamhin ;  commendatur,  MSS. 

*  leniebat,  Lambin;   tenebat,  3ISS.;   tegebat,  irfiFu. 
^  sic  suspexenmt,  Fleck. 

*  Dionysio,  PA^BRM;  Dionysio  tyramio,  A^^u;  tyranno, 
Ni^pp. 

5  qui  eum,  Pluygers ;  quem,  MSS. 

476 


X.  DION,  I.  2-II.  3 

highest  accomphshments ;  great  personal  dignity, 
which  is  not  the  least  of  recommendations ;  large 
means  too,  left  him  by  his  father,  which  he  had 
himself  increased  through  the  gifts  of  the  tyrant. 
He  was  intimate  with  the  elder  Dionysius  as  much 
because  of  his  character  as  their  relationship ;  for 
although  he  disapproved  of  the  tyrant's  cruelty,  yet 
his  safety  was  dear  to  him  on  account  of  their  kinship, 
and  still  more  so  for  the  sake  of  his  own  family.  He 
assisted  Dionysius  in  important  matters  of  business, 
and  the  tyrant  was  strongly  influenced  by  his  advice, 
except  when  some  especially  ardent  desire  of  his  own 
had  turned  the  scale.  In  fact,  all  embassies  of  special 
distinction  were  conducted  through  Dion,  and  since 
he  entered  upon  them  with  care  and  managed  them 
scrupulously,  he  lessened  the  tyrant's  reputation  for 
cruelty  by  his  own  kindhness.  When  he  was  sent  by 
Dionysius  to  Carthage,  he  was  so  honoured  that  no 
native  of  Greece  ever  excited  greater  admiration. 

2.  Now  all  this  did  not  escape  the  notice  of  Diony- 
sius,  for  he  was  aware  of  the  honour  conferred  upon 
him  by  his  relative.  In  consequence,  he  favoured 
Dion  beyond  all  others  and  loved  him  Hke  a  son.  Sr> 
when  the  report  made  its  way  to  Sicily  that  Plato  had 
come  to  Tarentum,  he  could  not  refuse  the  young 
man's  request  to  invite  the  philosopher  to  his  court, 
since  Dion  had  an  ardent  longing  to  hear  him. 
Therefore  he  gratified  the  youth's  desire  and 
brought  Plato  to  Syiacuse  in  great  state.  Him 
Dion  so  admired  and  loved  that  he  devoted  himself 
to  him  heart  and  soul.  And,  indeed,  Plato  for  his 
part  was  no  less  deUghted  with  Dion ;  so  much  so 
that,  although  he  had  been  cruelly  wronged  by 
Dionysius,  who  had  ordered  him  to  be  sold  as  a 

477 


GORNELIUS   NEPOS 

*  venumdari  iussisset,  tamen  eodem  rediit  eiusdem 
Dionis  precibus  adductus. 

4  Interim  in  morbum  incidit  Dionysius.  Quo  cum 
gravi  1  conflictaretur,  quaesivit  a  medicis  Dion,  quem 
ad  modum  se  haberet,  simulque  ab  iis  petiit,  si  forte 
in  maiore  esset  periculo,  ut  sibi  faterentur ;  nam 
velle  se  cum  eo  conloqui  de  partiendo  regno,  quod 
sororis  suae  filios  ex  illo  natos  partem  regni  putabat 

5  debere  habere.  Id  medici  non  tacuerunt  et  ad 
Dionysium  filium  sermonem  rettulerunt.  Quo  ille 
commotus,  ne  agendi  esset  Dioni  potestas,  patri 
soporem  medicos  dare  coegit.  Hoc  aeger  sumpto,  ut 
somno  sopitus,  diem  obiit  supremum. 

3.  Tale  initium  fuit  Dionis  et  Dionysii  simultatis, 
eaque  multis  rebus  aucta  est.  Sed  tamen  primis 
temporibus  aliquamdiu  simulata  inter  eos  amicitia 
mansit.  Cum  Dion  non  desisteret  obsecrare  Diony- 
sium  ut  Platonem  Athenis  arcesseret  et  eius  consiliis 
uteretur,  ille,  qui  in  ahqua  re  vellet  patrem  imitari, 

2  morem  ei  gessit.  Eodemque  tempore  Philistum 
historicum  Syracusas  reduxit,  hominem  amicum  non 
magis  tyranno  quam  tyrannis.^  Sed  de  hoc  in  eo 
Ubro  plura  sunt  exposita  qui  de    historicis    Graecis 

3  conscriptus  est.  Plato  autem  tantum  apud  Dionysium 
auctoritate  potuit  valuitque  eloquentia,  ut  ei  per- 
suaserit     tyrannidis     facere     finem     libertatemque 

^  graviter  vel  gravius,  w  inwar^m.        ^  tyrsbnnidi,  Ascensius. 

^  He  had  been  banished  by  the  elder  Dionysius;  see 
Plutarch,  Dion,  13  ff. 

478 


X.  DION,  II.  3-III.  3 

slave,  he  nevertheless  returned  to  that  same  land, 
led  once  more  by  the  entreaties  of  Dion. 

Meanwhile  Dionysius  had  fallen  ill,  and  as  he  grew  '■ioi  u.o 
worse,  Dion  inquired  of  the  physicians  how  he  was> 
at  the  same  time  begging  them,  if  the  king  chanced 
to  be  in  greater  danger,  not  to  conceal  it  from  him ; 
for  he  said  that  he  ^Wshed  to  confer  with  Dionysius 
about  dividing  the  kingdom,  beheving  that  the  sons 
of  his  own  sister,  as  children  of  the  king,  ought  to 
have  a  share  in  the  realm.  This  request  the 
physicians  did  not  keep  secret,  but  reported  what 
had  been  said  to  the  younger  Dionysius.  The  latter, 
disquieted  by  the  information,  compelled  the 
physicians  to  give  his  father  a  soporific,  in  order 
that  Dion  might  have  no  opportunity  for  a 
conference ;  and  when  the  patient  had  taken  the 
drug,  he  seemed  to  fall  asleep  and  died  without 
awakening. 

3.  Such  was  the  beginning  of  the  hostihty  between 
Dion  and  Dionysius,  and  it  was  aggravated  by  many 
circumstances.  At  first,  however,  they  remained 
friends  outwardly  for  a  time,  and  when  Dion  did  not 
cease  to  beg  Dionysius  to  summon  Plato  from 
Athens  and  avail  himself  of  the  philosopher's  advice, 
the  tyrant,  who  wished  to  follow  his  father's  example 
in  some  particular,  granted  the  request.  At  the 
same  time  he  recalled  ^  the  historian  PhiUstus  to 
Syracuse,  a  man  who  was  no  more  friendly  to  the 
tyrant  than  to  tyrants  in  general.  But  about  him  I 
have  given  fuller  particulars  in  the  book  which  I 
wTote  on  the  Greek  historians.  As  for  Plato,  such 
was  his  influence  over  the  tyrant,  and  so  great  was 
the  effect  of  his  eloquence,  that  he  persuaded 
Dionysius  to  put  an  end  to  his  tyranny  and  restore 

47? 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

reddere     Syracusanis.      A    qua    voluntate    Philisti 
consilio  deterritus  aliquanto  crudelior  esse  coepit. 

4.  Qui  quidem  cum  a  Dione  se  superari  videret 
ingenio,  auctoritate,  amore  populi,  verens  ne,  si  eum 
secum  haberet,  aliquam  occasionem  sui  daret  oppri- 
mendi,  navem  ei  triremem  dedit,  qua  Corinthum 
deveheretur,  ostendens  se  id  utriusque  facere  causa, 
ne,  cum  inter  se  timerent,  alteruter  alterum  prae- 

2  occuparet.  Id  cum  factum  multi  indignarentur 
magnaeque  esset  invidiae  tyranno,  Dionysius  omnia 
quae  moveri  poterant  Dionis  in  navis  imposuit  ad 
eumque  misit.  Sic  enim  existimari  volebat  id  se 
non   odio   hominis,   sed   suae   salutis   fecisse   causa. 

3  Postea  vero  quam  audivit  eum  in  Peloponneso 
manum  comparare  sibique  bellum  facere  conari, 
Areten,  Dionis  uxorem,  alii  nuptum  dedit  fihumque 
eius    sic    educari   iussit,    ut   indulgendo   turpissimis 

4  imbueretur  cupiditatibus.  Nam  puero,  priusquam 
pubes  esset,  scorta  adducebantur,  vino  epulisque 
obruebatur,   neque   ullum   tempus    sobrio   rehnque- 

5  batur.  Is  usque  eo  vitae  statum  commutatum  ferre 
non  potuit,  postquam  in  patriam  rediit  pater — 
namque  appositi  erant  custodes,  qui  eum  a  pristino 
victu  deducerent — ut  se  de  superiore  parte  aedium 
deiecerit  atque  ita  interierit.     Sed  illuc  revertor. 

5.  Postquam  Corinthum  pervenit  Dion  et  eodem 
perfugit  HeracHdes,  ab  eodem  expulsus  Dionysio, 
480 


X.  DION,  III.  3-v.  I 

their  frcedom  to  the  Syracusans ;  but  he  was  dis- 
suaded  by  the  advice  of  Phihstus  and  began  to  show 
considerably  greater  cruelty  than  before. 

4.  Since  Dionysius  perceived  that  he  was  surpassed 
by  Dion  in  abihty,  in  influence,  and  in  the  affections 
of  the  people,  he  feared  that,  if  he  kept  his  rival  near 
him,  he  might  furnish  an  opportunity  for  his  own 
doAvnfall.  Accordingly,  he  gave  him  a  trireme  in  366  n.c 
which  to  sail  to  Corinth,  explaining  that  he  did  so 

for  both  their  sakes ;  for  since  they  feared  each 
other,  there  was  danger  that  one  might  take  advan- 
tage  of  the  other.  Since  that  action  excited  wide- 
spread  indignation  and  great  hatred  of  the  tyrant, 
Dionysius  loaded  all  Dion's  movable  property  into 
ships  and  sent  it  to  him,  wishing  to  give  the  impression 
that  he  had  been  actuated,  not  by  hatred  of  his  rival, 
but  by  regard  for  his  own  safety.  But  when  he 
learned  that  the  exile  was  levying  a  force  in  the 
Peloponnesus  and  planning  to  make  war  upon  him, 
Dionysius  gave  Dion's  wife,  Arete,  in  marriage  to 
another,  and  caused  his  son  to  be  brought  up  under 
such  conditions  that,  as  the  result  of  indulgence,  he 
developed  the  most  shameful  passions.  For  before 
he  had  grown  up,  the  boy  was  supplied  with  cour- 
tesans,  gorged  with  food  and  wine,  and  kept  in  a 
constant  state  of  drunkenness.  When  his  father 
returned  to  his  native  land,  the  youth  found  it  so 
impossible  to  endure  the  changed  conditions  of  his 
hfe — for  guardians  were  appointed  to  wean  him 
from  his  former  habits — that  he  threw  himself  from 
the  top  of  his  house  and  so  perished.  But  I  return 
to  my  subject. 

5.  After  Dion  arrived  in  Corinth,  he  found  that 
Heraclides  also  had  taken  refuge  there ;  he  too  had 

481 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

qui  praefectus  fuerat  equitum,  omni  ratione  bellum 

2  comparare  coeperunt.  Sed  non  multum  proficiebant, 
quod  multorum  annorum  tyrannis  ^  magnarum  opum 
putabatur;    quam  ob  causam  pauci  ad  societatem 

3  periculi  perducebantur.  Sed  Dion,  fretus  non  tam 
suis  copiis  quam  odio  tyranni,  maximo  animo  duabus 
onerariis  navibus  quinquaginta  annorum  imperium, 
munitum  quingentis  longis  navibus,  decem  equitum 
centumque  peditum  milibus,  profectus  oppugnatum 
— quod  omnibus  gentibus  admirabile  est  visum — adeo 
facile  perculit,  ut  post  diem  tertium,  quam  Siciliam 
attigerat,2  Syracusas  introierit.  Ex  quo  intellegi 
potest  nullum  esse  imperium  tutum  nisi  benevo- 
lentia  munitum. 

4  Eo  tempore  aberat  Dionysius  et  in  Italia  classem 
opperiebatur  adversariorum,  ratus  neminem  sine 
magnis    copiis    ad    se    venturum.     Quae    res    eum 

5  fefellit.  Nam  Dion  iis  ipsis  qui  sub  adversarii 
fuerant  potestate  regios  spiritus  repressit  totiusque 
eius  partis  Siciliae  potitus  est  quae  sub  Dionysii 
fuerat  potestate  parique  modo   urbis   Syracusarum 

6  praeter  arcem  et  insulam  adiunctam  oppido,  eoque 
rem  perduxit,  ut  talibus  pactionibus  pacem  tyrannus 
facere  vellet :  Siciliam  Dion  obtineret,  Italiam 
Dionysius,  Syracusas  ApoUocrates,  cui  maximam 
fidem  uni  habebat  Dionysius.^ 

1  tyrannis,  Lambin ;  tyrannus,  MSS. 

2  attigerat,. 4 Wus;  attigevit,  MSS. 

'  Dionysius,  Lambin;  'Dion,  MSS.  {deleted  hy  Heusinger)', 
a  lacuna  before  or  after  Dion  is  suspected  by  many. 

^  Dionysius  I  had  reigned  thirty-eight  years,  from  406  to 
367  B.c,  and  his  son,  so  far,  ten  years. 

2  That  is,  Ortygia.  The  citadel  was  on  this  island,  which 
was  joined  to  the  rest  of  the  city  by  a  mole. 

482 


X.  DION,  V.  1-6 

been  banished  by  Dionysius,  whose  cavalry  he  had 
formerly  commanded.  The  two  exiles  began  to 
make  active  preparations  for  war,  but  they  did  not 
accomplish  much,  since  the  rule  of  the  tyrants  was 
of  so  many  years'  standing  ^  that  it  was  regarded  as 
very  powerful,  and  consequently  few  could  be  induced 
to  share  in  so  dangerous  an  undertaking.  Never- 
theless  Dion,  relying  less  upon  his  own  resources  than 
on  hatred  of  the  tyrant,  although  he  had  but  two 
transports,  saUied  forth  with  the  greatest  courage  to 
attack  a  dynasty  of  fifty  years'  duration,  defended 
by  five  hundred  war-ships,  ten  thousand  horsemen 
and  a  hundred  thousand  foot.  And  he  so  easily 
overthrew  his  opponents — a  success  which  filled  all 
nations  with  amazement — that  two  days  after  land- 
ing  in  Sicily  he  entered  Syracuse ;  which  goes  to 
show^  that  no  rule  is  secure  which  is  not  founded 
upon  the  devotion  of  its  subjects. 

At  that  time  Dionysius  was  away  from  home, 
awaiting  the  enemy's  fleet  in  Italy ;  for  he  thought 
that  no  one  M'ould  come  against  him  without  great 
forces.  But  he  was  mistaken ;  for  Dion  with  those 
very  people  who  had  been  under  the  heel  of  his 
opponent  broke  the  king's  pride  and  gained  possession 
of  all  that  part  of  Sicily  which  Dionysius  had  ruled, 
as  well  as  of  the  city  of  Syracuse,  except  the  citadel 
and  island^  that  formed  a  part  of  the  town.  So 
successful  was  he,  in  fact,  that  the  tyrant  consented 
to  make  peace  on  the  following  terms :  Sicily  was  to 
fall  to  Dion,  Italy  ^  to  Dionysius,  and  Syracuse 
to  Apollocrates,  who  was  especially  trusted  by 
Dionysius.'* 

8  That  is,  the  part  of  southern  Italy  which  had  fallen  into 
the  power  of  the  Dionysii.  *  See  the  critical  note. 

483 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

6.  Has  tam  prosperas  tamque  inopinatas  res  con- 
secuta  est  subita  commutatio,  quod  fortuna,  sua 
mobilitate,  quem  paulo  ante   extulerat  demergere 

2  est  adorta.  Primum  in  filio  de  quo  commemoravi 
supra  suam  vim  exercuit.  Nam  cum  uxorem 
reduxisset,  quae  alii  fuerat  tradita,  filiumque  vellet 
revocare    ad    virtutem    a    perdita    luxuria,    accepit 

3  gravissimum  parens  vulnus  morte  filii.  Deinde 
orta  dissensio  est  inter  eum  et  Heraclidem.  qui,  quod 
ei  ^  principatum  non  concedebat,  factionem  compa- 
ravit.  Neque  is  minus  valebat  apud  optimates, 
quorum  consensu  praeerat  classi,  cum  Dion  exercitum 

4  pedestrem  teneret.  Non  tulit  hoc  animo  aequo 
Dion,  et  versum  illum  Homeri  rettulit  ex  secunda 
rhapsodia,  in  quo  haec  sententia  est  :  non  posse 
bene  geri  rem  pubUcam  multorum  imperiis.  Quod 
dictum  magna  invidia  consecuta  est ;  namque 
aperuisse   videbatur    omnia   in    sua   potestate    esse 

5  velle.  Hanc  ille  non  lenire  obsequio,  sed  acerbitate 
opprimere  studuit,  Heraclidemque,  cum  Syracusas 
venisset,  interficiundum  curavit. 

7.  Quod  factum  omnibus  maximum  timorem 
iniecit ;  nemo  enim  illo  interfecto  se  tutum  putabat. 
Ille  autem,  adversario  remoto,  Ucentius  eorum  bona 
quos  sciebat  adversus  se  sensisse  mihtibus  dispertivit. 

2  Quibus  di^dsis,  cum  cotidiani  maximi  fierent  sump- 
tus,    celeriter    pecunia    deesse    coepit,    neque    quo 

^  qui   quod  ei,  FlecJ:.;    qui  quod,  B,  Xipp.;    qui  quidem, 

MSS. 

1  See4.  3. 

2  That  is,  Iliad  ii.  204:  ovk  dyadov  TToXvKOipavLri,  eis  Koipavos 
earco,  €ls  ^aciXevs.  The  word  rhapsodia  (pci/ro/Sia)  meant 
originally  "  a  recital  of  Epic  poetry,"  but  was  applied  by  the 
Romans  to  the  books  of  Homer. 

484 


X.  DION,  VI.  i-vii.  2 

6.  This  success,  so  great  and  so  unexpected,  was 
followed  by  a  sudden  change,  since  Fortune,  with 
her  usual  fickleness,  proceeded  to  bring  down  the 
man  whom  she  had  shortly  before  exalted.  First, 
she  showed  her  cruelty  in  connection  with  the  son  of 
whom  I  have  previously  spoken ;  for  when  Dion  had 
recovered  his  wife,  who  had  been  handed  over  to 
another,^  and  was  trying  to  recall  his  son  from  his 
abandoned  wantonness  to  a  hfe  of  virtue,  he  suffered 
in  the  death  of  that  son  the  wound  most  painful  for 
a  father.  Next,  dissension  arose  between  him  and 
HeracHdes,  who,  unwilling  to  yield  the  first  place  to 
Dion,  formed  a  party  against  him.  Heraclides  had 
no  less  influence  with  the  aristocrats  than  Dion,  and 
by  them  he  was  unanimously  chosen  to  command  the 
fleet,  while  Dion  retained  the  land  forces.  This 
situation  Dion  could  not  bear  with  patience,  but 
quoted  the  well-known  verse  of  Homer  from  his 
second  book,^  of  which  the  purport  is,  that  a  state 
cannot  be  well  governed  when  there  are  many  in 
authority.  This  saying  of  his,  since  it  seemed  to 
show  that  he  aimed  at  supreme  power,  excited  great 
dissatisfaction,  a  dissatisfaction  which  he  did  not  try 
to  lessen  by  mildness,  but  to  crush  out  by  severity ; 
and  when  Heraclides  had  come  to  Syracuse,  he  con- 
trived  to  have  him  assassinated. 

7.  That  act  filled  all  men  with  extreme  fear ;  for 
after  Heraclides  had  been  killed,  no  one  felt  safe. 
But  Dion,  having  rid  himself  of  his  rival,  with  still 
greater  lawlessness  divided  among  his  soldiers  the 
property  of  those  whom  he  knew  to  be  opposed  to 
him.  After  distributing  that  money,  as  his  daily 
expenses  were  very  great,  he  soon  began  to  be  in 
need  of  funds,  and  there  was  nothing  on  which  he 

485 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

manus  porrigeret  suppetebat,  nisi  in  amicorum 
possessiones.  Id  eius  modi  erat,  ut,  cum  milites 
3  reconciliasset,  amitteret  optimates.  Quarum  rerum 
cura  angebatur  et,  insuetus  male  audiendi,  non 
animo  aequo  ferebat  de  se  ab  iis  male  existimari 
quorum  paulo  ante  in  caelum  fuerat  elatus  laudibus. 
Vulgus  autem,  oflPensa  in  eum  militum  voluntate, 
liberius  loquebatur  et  tyrannum  non  ferendum 
dictitabat. 

8.  Haec  ille  intuens  cum  quem  ad  modum  sedaret 
nesciret,  et  quorsum  evaderent  timeret,  Callicrates 
quidam,  civis  Atheniensis,  qui  simul  cum  eo  ex 
Peloponneso  in  Siciliam  venerat,  homo  et  callidus  et 
ad  fraudem  acutus,  sine  ulla  rehgione  ac  fide,  adiit 

2  ad  Dionem  et  ait  :  eum  magno  in  periculo  esse 
propter  offensionem  populi  et  odium  militum,  quod 
nullo  modo  evitare  posset,  nisi  aUcui  suorum  negotium 
daret  qui  se  simularet  ilU  inimicum.  Quem  si  in- 
venisset  idoneum,  facile  omnium  animos  cogniturum 
adversariosque  sublaturum,  quod  inimici  efus  dissi- 
denti  ^  suos  sensus  aperturi  forent. 

3  Tali  consiUo  probato,  excepit  has  partes  ipse 
CalHcrates  et  se  armat  imprudentia  Dionis.  Ad  eum 
interficiundum     socios     conquirit,     adversarios    eius 

4  convenit,  coniuratione  confirmat.  Res,  multis  con- 
sciis  quae  gereretur,  elata  defertur  ad  Aristomachen, 
sororem   Dionis,   uxoremque   Areten.     Illae   timore 

1  dissidenti,  Bremi,  F  K ;  dissidentis,  most  MSS. ;  dissidentes 
irBRu. 

1  The  man's  name  was  really  CaUippus. 
486 


X.  DION,  VII.  2-viii.  4 

could  lay  his  hands  except  the  possessions  of  his 
friends.  The  result  of  his  conduct  was,  that  when 
he  had  won  back  the  soldiers,  he  lost  the  support 
of  the  aristocracy.  The  anxiety  caused  by  these 
difficulties  broke  him  down,  and  since  he  was  not 
accustomed  to  criticism,  he  could  not  endure  being 
thought  ill  of  by  those  who  but  a  short  time  before 
had  exalted  him  to  the  skies  with  their  praises.  The 
common  people  too,  now  that  he  had  lost  the  good- 
will  of  the  soldiers,  spoke  their  minds  more  freely 
and  insisted  that  a  tyrant  could  not  be  tolerated. 

8.  Dion,  aware  of  all  this  discontent,  not  knowing 
how  to  allay  it,  and  fearing  its  possible  result,  was 
approached  by  one  CaUicrates,^  a  citizen  of  Athens, 
who  had  come  with  him  to  Sicily  from  the  Pelopon- 
nesus,  a  man  both  clever  and  skilled  in  deceit,  utterly 
without  scruple  or  sense  of  honour.  He  went  to  Dion 
and  said  :  "  You  are  in  great  peril  because  of  the  ill- 
feeUng  of  the  people  and  the  hostihty  of  the  soldiers. 
This  you  can  escape  in  only  one  way,  that  is,  by 
instructing  some  one  of  your  friends  to  pretend  to  be 
your  enemy.  If  you  can  hit  upon  the  right  man,  it 
will  be  easy  for  him  to  acquaint  himself  with  the 
feelings  of  the  public  and  get  rid  of  those  who  are 
hostile  to  you,  since  your  foes  will  disclose  their  rcal 
sentiments  to  an  enemy  of  yours." 

This  plan  was  approved,  and  CaUicrates  himself 
took  the  proposed  part  and  armed  himself  at  the 
expense  of  Dion's  heedlessness.  To  bring  about  his 
death,  he  sought  accompHces,  addressed  himself  to 
Dion's  enemies,  and  secured  their  loyalty  by  an 
oath.  The  plot,  since  many  were  implicated  in  it, 
was  revealed  and  came  to  the  ears  of  Aristomache, 
Dion's    sister,    and   of   his    wife,  Arete.     The    two 

487 


CORXELIUS  NEPOS 

perterritae  conveniunt  cuius  de  periculo  timebant. 
At  ille  negat  a  Callicrate  fieri  sibi  insidias,  sed  illa 
6  quae  agerentur  fieri  praecepto  suo.  Mulieres  nihilo 
setius  Callicratem  in  aedem  Proserpinae  deducunt 
ac  iurare  cogunt  nihil  ab  illo  periculi  fore  Dioni. 
Ille  hac  rehgione  non  modo  non  est  deterritus,  sed 
ad  maturandum  concitatus  est,  verens  ne  prius  con- 
sihum  aperiretur  suum,  quam  cogitata  perfecisset. 

9.  Hac  mente  proximo  die  festo,  cum  a  conventu 
se  remotum  Dion  domi  teneret  atque  in  conclavi 
edito  recubuisset,  consciis  facinoris  loca  munitiora 
oppidi  tradit,  domum  custodiis  saepit,  a  foribus  qui 

2  non  discedant  certos  praeficit,  navem  triremem 
armatis  ornat  Philostratoque,  fratri  suo,  tradit 
eamque  in  portu  agitari  iubet,  ut  si  exercere  remiges 
vehet,  cogitans,  si  forte  consihis  obstitisset  fortuna, 

3  ut  haberet  qua  fugeret  ad  salutem.  Suorum  autem 
e  numero  Zacynthios  ^  adulescentes  quosdam  ehgit 
cum  audacissimos  tum  viribus  maximis,  iisque  dat 
negotium,  ad  Dionem  eant  inermes,  sic  ut  con- 
veniendi  eius  gratia  ^-iderentur  venire.     li  propter 

4  notitiam  sunt  intromissi.  At  ilh  ut  hmen  eius  ^ 
intrarant,  foribus  obseratis,  in  lecto  cubantem 
invadunt,  colhgant ;  fit  strepitus,  adeo  ut  exaudiri 
posset  foris. 

5  Hic,  sicut  ante  saepe  dictum  est,  quam  invisa  sit 

1  Zacynthios,  u,  in  margin;  Zaguntios,  etc.,  MS8. 
*  aedis,  Wagner. 


1  It  was  the  festival  of  Proserpina,  the  goddess  by  whom 
Callicrates  had  swom. 

*  Cf.  5.  3.  The  other  instances  probably  appeared  in  the 
lost  books  De  Begibus. 

488 


X.  DIOX,  VIII.  4-ix.  5 

women,  filled  with  terror,  went  to  find  the  man  for 
whose  safety  they  feared  ;  but  he  said  that  CaUicrates 
was  not  plotting  against  him,  but  was  acting;  in 
accordance  with  his  directions.  In  spite  of  that,  the 
women  took  CalHcrates  to  the  temple  of  Proserpina 
and  forced  him  to  swear  that  Dion  would  be  in  no 
danger  from  him.  But  the  conspirator,  far  from 
being  turned  from  his  purpose  by  such  an  oath,  was 
urged  to  greater  haste,  for  fear  that  his  design 
should  be  disclosed  before  he  had  accompUshed  his 
purpose. 

9.  With  that  end  in  view,  on  a  holiday  which  soon 
followed,^  when  Dion  had  remained  at  home  to  avoid 
the  crowd  and  had  lain  down  in  an  upper  room, 
Calhcrates  delivered  to  his  accomplices  the  more 
strongly  fortified  parts  of  the  town,  surrounded  the 
palace  with  guards,  and  chose  trusty  men  to  keep 
constant  watch  at  the  doors.  He  then  equipped  a 
trireme  ^Wth  armed  men  and  committed  it  to  his 
brother  Philostratus,  with  orders  to  row  up  and  down 
in  the  harbour,  as  if  he  were  engaged  in  training  his 
oarsmen,  so  that  if  by  any  chance  Fortune  thwarted 
his  purpose,  he  might  have  the  means  of  saving 
himself  by  flight.  Then  from  the  number  of  his 
followers  he  chose  some  young  men  from  Zacynthos, 
who  were  both  very  daring  and  very  strong,  and 
directed  them  to  go  to  Dion  unarmed,  so  that  it 
might  appear  that  they  were  coming  to  pay  him  a 
visit.  The  youths,  since  they  were  acquaintances, 
were  admitted ;  but  no  sooner  had  they  crossed  his 
threshold  than  they  locked  the  door,  rushed  upon 
Dion  as  he  lay  in  bed,  and  held  him  fast.  The  noise 
that  they  made  could  be  heard  outside. 

In  this  instance  too,  as  has  often  been  saidbefore,^ 

489 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

singularis  potentia  et  miseranda  vita,  qui  se  metui 
6  quamamarimalunt,  cui\isfacileintellectufuit.  Nam- 
que  ipsius  ^  custodes,  si  propitia  ^  fuissent  voluntate, 
foribus  effractis  servare  eum  potuissent,  quod  illi 
inermes  telum  foris  flagitantes  vivum  tenebant.  Cui 
cum  succurreret  nemo,  Lyco  quidam  Syracusanus 
per  fenestras  gladium  dedit,  quo  Dion  interfectus 
est. 

10.  Confecta  caede,  cum  multitudo  visendi  gratia 
introisset,  nonnulli  ab  insciis  pro  noxiis  conciduntur. 
Nam  celeri  rumore  dilato  ^  Dioni  vim  adlatam,  multi 
concurrerant,  quibus  tale  facinus  displicebat.  li 
falsa    suspicione    ducti    immerentes    ut    sceleratos 

2  occidunt.  Huius  de  morte  ut  palam  factum  est, 
mirabiliter  vulgi  mutata  est  voluntas  ;  nam  qui  vivum 
eum  tyrannum  vocitarant,  eidem  liberatorem  patriae 
tyrannique  expulsorem  praedicabant.  Sic  subito 
misericordia  odio  successerat,  ut  eum  suo  sanguine 

3  ab  Acherunte,  si  possent,  cuperent  redimere.  Itaque 
in  urbe  celeberrimo  loco,  elatus  publice,  sepulcri 
monumento  donatus  est.  Diem  obiit  circiter  annos 
quinquaginta  quinque  natus,  quartum  post  annum 
quam  ex  Peloponneso  in  Siciliam  redierat. 

^  ipsius,  Halm ;  illi  ipsi,  MSS. 

2  propitia,  R;  propria,  the  otlier  MSS, ;  prompta,  Halm. 

3  clilato,  Lamhin ;  delato,  MSS. 


^  These  guards  are  obviously  not  the  same  as  those  men- 
tioned  in  9.  1.  That  Dion  had  guards  outside  his  door  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  the  Zacynthian  youths  had  to  be 
recognized  before  they  were  admitted. 

490 


X.  DION,  IX.  5-x.  3 

the  hatred  of  absolute  power  and  the  wetched 
hfe  of  those  who  prefer  to  be  feared  rather  than 
loved  was  readily  apparent  to  all ;  for  Dion's  own 
guards,^  if  they  had  been  well  disposed,  might  have 
broken  open  the  door  and  saved  him,  since  he  was 
still  ahve  in  the  hands  of  his  assailants,  who  were 
unarmed  and  calUng  for  a  weapon  from  without. 
But  when  no  one  came  to  his  help,  one  Lyco,  a 
Syracusan,  passed  a  SM'ord  through  the  windows,^ 
and  with  it  the  tyrant  was  slain. 

10.  After  the  murder  had  been  committed  and  a 
crowd  had  flocked  in  to  see  the  sight,  several  men 
were  killed  by  mistake,  in  the  beUef  that  they  had 
done  the  deed.  For  the  rumour  that  violence  had 
been  offered  to  Dion  quickly  spread,  and  many 
hastened  to  the  spot  to  whom  such  a  crime  was 
abhorrent.  These  it  was  who,  misled  by  suspicion, 
slew  the  innocent  in  place  of  the  guilty.  No  sooner 
was  Dion's  death  made  known  than  the  sentiment  of 
the  people  changed  in  a  remarkable  manner.  For 
those  who  had  called  him  a  tyrant  while  he  was 
ahve  now  insisted  that  he  had  saved  his  country  and 
freed  it  from  a  tyrant.  Hence,  on  a  sudden,  pity 
succeeded  to  hatred,  and  the  people  would  have 
redeemed  him  from  Acheron,had  it  been  possible,  at 
the  price  of  their  own  blood.  x\nd  so  he  was  buried 
in  the  most  frequented  part  of  the  city  at  pubhc 
expense,  and  the  place  of  his  burial  was  marked  by  a 
monument.  He  died  at  the  age  of  about  fifty-five,  353  b.c. 
three  years  after  returning  from  the  Peloponnesus 
to  Sicily. 

2  Since  Dion  was  in  an  upper  room,  the  sword  must  have 
been  passed  from  the  window  of  an  adjacent  house;  hence 
fenestras,  instead  oi  fenestram.  It  is  true  that  the  account  of 
Plutarch  {Dion  57)  differs  from  that  of  Nepos. 

491 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

XI.  IPHICRATES 

1.  Iphicrates  Atheniensis  non  tam  magnitudine 
rerum  gestarum  quam  disciphna  miUtari  nobihtatus 
est.  Fuit  enim  tahs  dux,  ut  non  solum  aetatis  suae 
cum  primis  compararetur,  sed  ne  de  maioribus  natu 

2  quidem  quisquam  anteponeretur.  Multum  vero  in 
bello  est  versatus,  saepe  exercitibus  praefuit,  nus- 
quam  culpa  male  rem  gessit ;  semper  consiUo  vicit 
tantumque  eo  valuit,  ut  multa  in  re  militari  partim 

3  nova  attulerit,  partim  meUora  fecerit.  Namque  ille 
pedestria  arma  mutavit.  Cum  ante  illum  impera- 
torem  maximis  chpeis,  brevibus  hastis,  minutis  gladiis 

4  uterentur,  ille  e  contrario  peltam  pro  parma  fecit — 
a  quo  postea  peltastae  pedites  appellantur — ut  ad 
motus  concursusque  essent  leviores,  hastae  modum 
duplicavit,  gladios  longiores  fecit.  Idem  genus 
loricarum  mutavit^  et  pro  sertis  atque  aeneis 
hnteas  dedit.  Quo  facto  expeditiores  mihtes  red- 
didit ;  nam  pondere  detracto,  quod  aeque  corpus 
tegeret  et  leve  esset  curavit. 

2.  Bellum  cum  Thraecibus  gessit,  Seuthem, 
socium  Atheniensium,  in  regnum  restituit.  Apud 
Corinthum  tanta  severitate  exercitui  praefuit,  ut 
nullae    umquam    in    Graecia    neque    exercitatiores 

2  copiae  neque  magis  dicto  audientes  fuerint  duci,  in 

^  mutavit,  u;  the  31 SS.  omit. 

^  The  clipeu-s  and  parma  were  round  shields;  the  pelte,  a 
light,  crescent-shaped  shield.  Nepos  apparently  uses  pro 
parma,  instead  of  pro  clipeo,  for  the  sake  of  the  alUteration. 

2  In  the  Corinthian  war,  393  to  391  b.c. 
492 


XI.  IPHICRATES,  I.  i-ii.  2 


XI.    IPHICRATES 


1.  Iphicrates,  the  Athenian,  gained  renown  by 
his  great  deeds,  but  still  more  by  his  knowledge 
of  the  art  of  war;  for  not  only  was  he  a  leader 
comparable  with  the  greatest  of  his  own  time, 
but  not  even  among  the  men  of  earlier  days  was 
there  anyone  who  surpassed  him.  Indeed,  a  great 
part  of  his  hfe  was  spent  in  warfare,  he  often 
commanded  armies,  and  he  never  lost  a  battle 
through  his  own  fault.  It  was  always  by  knowledge 
of  war  that  he  gained  his  victories,  and  his  knowledge 
was  so  great  that  he  introduced  many  novelties  in 
miUtary  equipment,  as  well  as  many  improvements. 
For  example,  he  changed  the  arms  of  the  infantry. 
While  before  he  became  commander  they  used  very 
large  shields,  short  spears  and  httle  swords,  he  on 
the  contrary  exchanged  peltae,  or  Thracian  shields,^ 
for  the  round  ones  (for  which  reason  the  infantry 
have  since  been  called  peltasts),  in  order  that  the 
soldiers  might  move  and  charge  more  easily  when 
less  burdened.  He  doubled  the  length  of  the  spear 
and  increased  that  of  the  swords ;  he  changed  the 
character  of  their  breastplates,  giving  them  hnen 
ones  in  place  of  bronze  cuirasses  or  chain  armour. 
In  that  way  he  made  the  soldiers  more  active ; 
for  while  he  diminished  the  weight  of  their  armour, 
he  contrived  to  protect  their  bodies  equally  well 
without  overloading  them. 

2.  He  waged  war  with  the  Thracians  ;  he  restored  389  b.c. 
Seuthes,  an  ally  of  the  Athenians,  to  his  throne.      At 
Corinth  ^  such  was  the  strictness  of  his  command  of 

the  army,  that  no  troops  in  Greece  were  better  drilled 
or  more  obedient  to  their  leader ;  and  he  made  them 

493 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

eamque  consuetudinem  adduxit  ut,  cum  proelii 
signum  ab  imperatore  esset  datum,  sine  ducis  opera 
sic  ordinatae  consisterent,  ut  singuli  peritissimo  ab 

3  imperatore  dispositi  viderentur.  Hoc  exercitu  moram 
Lacedaemoniorum  interfecit,  quod  maxime  tota 
celebratum  est  Graecia.  Iterum  eodem  bello  omnes 
copias  eorum  fugavit,  quo  facto  magnam  adeptus  est 

4  gloriam.  Cum  Artaxerxes  Aegyptio  regi  bellum 
inferre  voluit,  Iphicraten  ab  Atheniensibus  ducem 
petivit,  quem  praeficeret  exercitui  conducticio,  cuius 
numerus  duodecim  mihum  fuit.  Quem  quidem  sic 
omni  discipUna  miUtari  erudivit,  ut  quemadmodum 
quondam  Fabiani  mihtes  vere  ^  Romani  appellati 
sunt,    sic    Iphicratenses    apud   Graecos    in    summa 

5  laude  fuerint.  Idem  subsidio  Lacedaemoniis  pro- 
fectus,  Epaminondae  retardavit  impetus ;  nam  nisi 
eius  adventus  appropinquasset,  non  prius  Thebani 
Sparta  abscessissent,  quam  captam  incendio  deles- 
sent. 

3.  Fuit  autem  et  animo  magno  et  corpore  im- 
peratoriaque  forma,  ut  ipso  aspectu  cuivis  iniceret 
2  admirationem  sui,  sed  in  labore  nimis  remissus 
parumque  patiens,  ut  Theopompus  memoriae  pro- 
didit ;  bonus  vero  civis  fideque  magna.  Quod  cum 
in  ahis  rebus  declaravit,  tum  maxime  in  Amyntae 
Macedonis  Uberis  tuendis.  Namque  Eurydice,  mater 
Perdiccae  et  PhiUppi,  cum  his  duobus  pueris,  Amynta 

^  vere,  added  hy  Wagner. 


^  A  mora  consisted  of  from  400  to  900  men. 

2  Doubtless  referring  to  Q.  Fabius  Maximus  Cunctator, 
the  opponent  of  Hannibal.  Wagner  cites  Livy  xxii.  14.  11, 
vir  ac  vere  Bomanus.  Romani  alone  sometimes  has  the  same 
force;  e.g.  Livy  vii.  13.  9,  etc. 

494 


XI.  IPHICRATES,  II.  2-III.  2 

form  the  habit,  when  the  signal  for  battle  had  been 
given  by  the  commander,  without  waiting  for  an 
officer's  command  to  take  their  places  in  such  good 
order  that  each  man  seemed  to  have  been  assigned 
his  position  by  a  most  skilful  general.  It  was  with 
that  army  that  he  annihilated  a  reo^iment  ^  of  the 
Lacedaemonians,  a  feat  which  was  highly  praised  all 
over  Greece.  On  another  occasion  in  that  same  war 
he  put  all  their  forces  to  flight,  an  exploit  by  which 
he  gained  great  glory.  When  Artaxerxes  wished 
to  make  war  on  the  king  of  Egypt,  he  asked  the 
Athenians  for  Iphicrates  as  one  of  his  generals,  to 
command  an  army  of  twelve  thousand  mercenaries. 
That  army  the  Athenian  trained  so  thoroughlv  in  all 
varieties  of  military  discipUne,  that  just  as  in  days  of 
old  the  soldiers  of  Fabius  ^  were  called  true  Romans, 
so  "  soldiers  of  Iphicrates  "  became  a  title  of  the 
greatest  honour  among  the  Greeks.  Again,  having 
gone  to  the  aid  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  he  thwarted  S69  b.c. 
the  designs  of  Epaminondas  ;  for  if  his  arrival  had  not 
been  imminent,  the  Thebans  would  not  have  left 
Sparta  until  they  had  taken  and  burned  the  city.^ 

3.  He  had,  in  addition  to  nobility  of  soul  and  great 
size  of  body,  the  aspect  of  one  born  to  command,  so 
that  his  appearance  alone  inspired  admiration  in  all 
men ;  but,  as  Theopompus  has  recorded,  he  was  not 
steadfast  enough  in  effort  and  he  lacked  endurance : 
nevertheless,  he  was  a  good  citizen  and  the  soul  of 
honour.  This  was  manifest  both  on  other  occasions 
and  especially  in  protecting  the  children  of  Amyntas,  ses  b.o. 
the  Macedonian ;  for  after  his  death  Eurydice,  the 
mother   of    Perdiccas    and   Philippus,   took   refuge 

2  Cf.  xvii.  6.  1,  where  Agesilaus,  more  justly,  has  credit  for 

this. 

495 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

mortuo,    ad    Iphicraten    confugit    eiusque    opibus 

3  defensa  est.  Vixit  ad  senectutem,  placatis  in  se 
suorum  civium  animis.  Causam  capitis  semel  dixit, 
bello  sociali,  simul  cum  Timotheo,  eoque  iudicio  est 
absolutus. 

4  Menesthea  filium  rehquit  ex  Thraessa  natum,  Coti 
regis  fiUa.  Is  cum  interrogaretur  utrum  pluris, 
patrem  matremne,  faceret,  "  Matrem,"  inquit.  Id 
cum  omnibus  mirum  videretur,  at  ille  "  Merito," 
inquit,  "  facio ;  nam  pater,  quantum  in  se  fuit, 
Thraecem  me  genuit,  contra  ea  mater  Atheniensem." 

XII.  CHABRIAS 
1.  Chabrias  Atheniensis.  Hic  quoque  in  summis 
habitus  est  ducibus  resque  multas  memoria  dignas 
gessit.  Sed  ex  iis  elucet  maxime  inventum  eius  in 
proelio  quod  apud  Thebas  fecit,  cum  Boeotis  subsidio 
2  venisset.  Namque  in  eo  victoria  fidentem  summum 
ducem  Agesilaum  fugatis  iam  ab  eo  conducticiis 
catervis  coercuit,^  rehquam  phalangem  loco  vetuit 
cedere  obnixoque  genu  scuto,  proiecta  hasta  im- 
petum  excipere  hostium  docuit.  Id  novum  Agesilaus 
contuens   progredi  non  est  ausus  suosque  iam  in- 

1  coercuit,  added  hy  Wagner. 

1  The  so-called  Social  War,  357-355  b.c.     See  xiii.  3.  1. 

2  Cotys  (Cotyis)  is  the  proper  form  of  the  name. 

3  Eeliquam  'phalangem  obviously  does  not  mean  "  the  rest 
of  the  phalanx,"  but  the  "  rest  (of  the  army,  namely)  the 

496 


XII.  CHABRIAS,  I.  1-2 

with  Iphicrates  ^\ith  these  two  boys,  and  was  de- 
fended  with  all  his  power.  He  hved  to  a  good  old 
age,  enjoying  the  devotion  of  his  fellow-citizens. 
Only  once  did  he  have  occasion  to  defend  himself 
against  a  capital  charge ;  that  was  diiring  the  war 
x^ith  the  alhes,^  in  company  \dth  Timotheus,  and 
he  was  acquitted. 

He  left  a  son  Mnestheus,  the  offspring  of  a  Thracian 
woman,  the  daughter  of  King  Cotus.^  When 
Mnestheus  was  once  asked  whether  he  thought  more 
of  his  father  or  of  his  mother,  he  answered :  "  My 
mother."  When  everyone  expressed  surprise  at  his 
reply,  he  added  :  "  I  have  good  reason  for  that ;  for 
my  father  did  everything  in  his  power  to  make  me  a 
Thracian  ;  my  mother,  on  the  contrary,  made  me  an 
Athenian." 

XII.  CHABRIAS 

1.  Chabrias,  the  Athenian.  This  man  also  was 
rated  as  one  of  the  greatest  of  commanders  and  did 
many  deeds  worthy  of  record.  But  especialiy 
briUiant  among  these  was  his  device  in  the  battle 
which  he  fought  near  Thebes,  when  he  came  to 
^he  aid  of  the  Boeotians.  On  that  occasion,  though  37Sb.c. 
the  consummate  leader  Agesilaus  felt  sure  of  victory, 
since  he  had  already  put  to  flight  the  throngs  of 
mercenaries,  Chabrias  checked  him,  forbade  the 
phalanx,  which  was  left^  unsupported,  to  abandon 
its  position,  and  instructed  the  soldiers  to  receive 
the  enemy's  onset  with  buckler  on  knee  and  lance 
advanced.  On  seeing  these  novel  tactics,  Agesilaus 
did  not  dare  to  attack,  but  although  his  forces  had 

phalanx  "  ;  cf.  reliquos  Pisidas,  xiv.  6.  7.  Alius  is  sometimes 
used  in  the  same  way ;   see  Class.  Phil.  xxiii.  pp.  60  ff. 

p  497 

F.N.  R 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

3  currentes  tuba  revocavit.  Hoc  usque  eo  tota 
Graecia  fama  celebratum  est,  ut  illo  statu  Chabrias 
sibi  statuam  fieri  voluerit,  quae  publice  ei  ab 
Atheniensibus  in  foro  constituta  est.  Ex  quo  factum 
est  ut  postea  athletae  ceterique  artifices  suis  ^  stati- 
bus  in  2  statuis  ponendis  uterentur,  cum  victoriam 
essent  adepti. 

2.  Chabrias  autem  multa  in  Europa  bella  admini- 
stravit,  cum  dux  Atheniensium  esset ;  in  Aegypto 
sua     sponte     gessit.      Nam     Nectenebin     adiutum 

2  profectus,  regnum  ei  constituit.  Fecit  idem  Cypri, 
sed  pubhce  ab  Atheniensibus  Euagorae  adiutor  datus, 
neque  prius  inde  discessit,  quam  totam  insulam  bello 
devinceret ;  qua  ex  re  Athenienses  magnam  gloriam 

3  sunt  adepti.  Interim  bellum  inter  Aegyptios  et 
Persas  conflatum  est.  Athenienses  cum  Artaxerxe 
societatem  habebant,  Lacedaemonii  cum  Aegyptiis, 
a  quibus  magnas  praedas  Agesilaus,  rex  eorum, 
faciebat.  Id  intuens  Chabrias,  cum  in  re  nulla 
Agesilao  cederet,  sua  sponte  eos  adiutum  profectus, 
Aegyptiae  classi  praefuit,  pedestribus  copiis  Agesi- 
laus. 

3.  Tum  praefecti  regis  Persae  legatos  miserunt 
Athenas,  questum  quod  Chabrias  adversum  regem 
bellum  gereret  cum  Aegyptiis.  Athenienses  diem 
certam  Chabriae  praestituerunt,  quam  ante  domum 
nisi  redisset,  capitis  se  illum  damnaturos  denuntia- 
runt.     Hoc   ille   nuntio   Athenas   rediit,   neque   ibi 

^  suis,  MacMichael  and  Ruhner  ;   iis,  M8S. 
2  in,  added  in  u. 


^  See  xvii.  7.  2  and  8.  6.     The  narration  of  events  in  2  and 
3.  1  is  confused  and  inexact. 


498 


XII.  CHABRIAS,  I.  2.-III.  I 

already  begun  the  charge,  he  sounded  the  recall. 
This  manoeuvre  became  so  famous  all  over  Greece 
that,  when  a  statue  was  pubhcly  erected  to  Chabrias 
in  the  agora  at  Athens,  he  chose  to  be  represented 
in  that  position.  The  result  was  that  after  that 
time  athletes,  and  artists  as  well,  adopted  appro- 
priate  attitudes  for  the  statues  which  were  set  up  in 
their  honour  when  they  had  won  victories. 

2.  Now  Chabrias  carried  on  many  wars  in  Europe 
as  general  of  the  Athenians  ;  in  Egypt  he  made  war 
on  his  own  responsibiUty.  For  having  gone  to  the 
aid  of  Nectenebis,  he  secured  for  him  the  possession 
of  his  throne.  He  did  the  same  thing  in  Cyprus,  but 
in  that  case  he  was  officially  appointed  by  the 
Athenians  to  aid  Euagoras  ;  and  he  did  not  leave  the 
island  until  he  had  completely  conquered  it,  an 
exploit  by  which  the  Athenians  gained  great  fame. 
In  the  meantime  war  broke  out  between  the  Egyp- 
tians  and  the  Persians.  The  Athenians  had  an 
aUiance  with  Artaxerxes ;  the  Lacedaemonians 
sided  with  the  Egyptians,  from  M'hom  their  king 
Agesilaus  was  making  large  sums  of  money.^ 
Chabrias,  seeing  this,  and  not  wishing  to  yield  the 
palm  to  Agesilaus  in  anything,  went  on  his  own 
responsibihty  to  the  aid  of  the  Egyptians  and  was 
made  commander  of  their  fleet,  while  Agesilaus  led 
the  land  forces. 

3.  Then  the  prefects  of  the  Persian  king  sent 
envoys  to  Athens,  to  remonstrate  because  Chabrias 
was  warring  against  their  king,  acting  as  an  ally  of 
the  Egyptians.  The  Athenians  appointed  a  fixed 
time  for  Chabrias  to  return  home,  declaring  that  if 
he  did  not  obey,  they  would  condemn  him  to  death. 
In  consequence  of  this  threat  he  returned  to  Athens, 

499 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

2  diutius  est  moratus  quam  fuit  necesse.  Non  enim 
libenter  erat  ante  oculos  suorum  civium,  quod  et 
vivebat  laute  et  indulgebat  sibi  liberalius  quam  ut 

3  invidiam  vulgi  posset  effugere.  Est  enim  hoc  com- 
mune  vitium  in  magnis  liberisque  civitatibus,  ut  in- 
vidia  gloriae  comes  sit ;  et  libenter  de  iis  detrahunt 
quos  eminere  videant  altius,  neque  animo  aequo 
pauperes  aUenam  opulentium  intuuntur  fortunam. 
Itaque  Chabrias,  quoad  ei  hcebat,  plurimum  aberat. 

4  Neque  vero  solus  ille  aberat  Athenis  Ubenter,  sed 
omnes  fere  principes  fecerunt  idem,  quod  tantum  se 
ab  invidia  putabant  afuturos,^  quantum  a  conspectu 
suorum  recesserint.  Itaque  Conon  plurimum  Cypri 
vixit,  Iphicrates  in  Thraecia,  Timotheus  Lesbo, 
Chares  Sigeo,  dissimiUs  quidem  Chares  horum  et 
factis  et  moribus,  sed  tamen  Athenis  et  honoratus  et 
potens. 

4.  Chabrias  autem  periit  bello  sociaU  taU  modo. 
Oppugnabant  Athenienses  Chium.  Erat  in  classe 
Chabrias  privatus,  sed  omnes  qui  in  magistratu  erant 
auctoritate  anteibat,  eumque  magis  miUtes  quam  qui 
2  praeerant  aspiciebant.  Quae  res  ei  maturavit 
mortem.  Nam  dum  primus  studet  portum  intrare 
gubernatoremque  iubet  eo  derigere  navem,  ipse  sibi 
perniciei  fuit ;  cum  enim  eo  penetrasset,  ceterae  non 

*  afuturos,  Fleck;  futuros,  most  3ISS.;  abfuturos,  u  V, 

*  In  356  B.c. ;   see  n.  1,  p.  496. 

'  That  is,  he  was  not  commander-in-chief ;    he  seems  to 
have  commanded  a  trireme. 

500 


XII.  CHABRIAS,  III.  i-iv.  2 

but  remained  there  no  longer  than  was  absolutely 
necessary.  For  he  did  not  care  to  be  under  the  eyes 
of  his  fellow-citizens,  because  he  was  Hving  elegantly 
and  indulging  himself  too  generously  to  be  able  to 
avoid  the  distrust  of  the  common  people.  In  fact, 
it  is  a  common  fault  of  great  states  which  enjoy 
freedom  that  jealousy  waits  upon  glory  and  that  the 
people  take  pleasure  in  humbUng  those  Mnom  they 
see  rising  above  the  level  of  their  fellows.  Those  of 
moderate  means  cannot  regard  with  patience  the 
good  fortune  of  others  who  are  rich.  And  it  was  for 
that  reason  that  Chabrias,  as  long  as  he  was  able 
to  do  so,  frequently  absented  himself. 

And  Chabrias  was  not  the  only  one  who  was  glad 
to  leave  Athens,  but  almost  all  the  leading  men  felt 
as  he  did,  beheving  that  they  would  be  free  from 
suspicion  to  the  extent  that  they  withdrew  from 
the  sight  of  their  countrymen.  Accordingly,  Conon 
spent  a  good  part  of  his  Hfe  in  Cyprus,  Iphicrates  in 
Thrace,  Timotheus  in  Lesbos,  and  Chares  at  Sigeum  ; 
it  is  true  that  Chares  difFered  from  the  others  in 
actions  and  character,  but  nevertheless  he  was  both 
honoured  and  influential  in  Athens. 

4.  Now  Chabrias  lost  his  hfe  during  the  Social 
War^  in  the  following  manner.  The  Athenians  were 
attacking  Chios.  With  the  fleet  was  Chabrias  in  a 
private  capacity,^  but  his  influence  was  greater  than 
that  of  all  who  held  command,  and  the  soldiers 
looked  to  him  rather  than  to  their  chiefs.  That 
position  of  influence  hastened  his  death ;  for  desir- 
ing  to  be  the  first  to  enter  the  port,  he  ordered  his 
steersman  to  direct  his  ship  to  that  point.  In  that 
way  he  brought  about  his  own  destruction  ;  for  when 
he  had  forced  his  way  in,  the  rest  of  the  ships  did  not 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

sunt  secutae.  Quo  facto  circumfusus  hostium  con- 
cursu  cum  fortissime  pugnaret,  navis  rostro  percussa 
3  coepit  sidere.  Hinc  refugere  cum  posset,  si  se  in 
mare  deiecisset,  quod  suberat  classis  Atheniensium 
quae  exciperet  natantes,  perire  maluit  quam  armis 
abiectis  navem  relinquere,  in  qua  fuerat  vectus.  Id 
ceteri  facere  noluerunt,  qui  nando  in  tutum  per- 
venerunt.  At  ille,  praestare  honestam  mortem 
existimans  turpi  vitae,  comminus  pugnans  teUs 
hostium  interfectus  est. 


XIII.    TIMOTHEUS 

1.  Timotheus,  Cononis  fiHus,  Atheniensis.  Hic  a 
patre  acceptam  gloriam  multis  auxit  virtutibus  ;  fuit 
enim  disertus,  impiger,  laboriosus,  rei  mihtaris  peritus 

2  neque  minus  civitatis  regendae.  Multa  huius  sunt 
praeclare  facta,  sed  haec  maxime  illustria.  Olyn- 
thios  et  Byzantios  bello  subegit.  Samum  cepit;  in 
quo  oppugnando  superiore  bello  Athenienses  mille 
et  ducenta  talenta  consumpserant,  id  ille  sine  ulla 
pubUca  impensa  populo  restituit.  Adversus  Cotum 
bella  gessit  ab  eoque  mille  et  ducenta  talenta  praedae 

3  in  pubUcum  rettuUt.  Cyzicum  obsidione  Ubera^-it. 
Ariobarzani  simul  cum  Agesilao  auxiUo  profectus 
est,  a  quo  cum  Laco  pecuniam  numeratam  accepisset, 
iUe  cives  suos  agro  atque  urbibus  augeri  maluit  quam 

1  In  444-439  B.c,  when  Samos,  which  had  revolted  from 
Athens,  was  reduced  by  Pericles. 

*  See  note  2,  p.  496.  ^  Cf.  xvii.  7.  2. 

502 


XIII.  TIMOTHEUS,  i.  1-3 

follow.  Consequently  he  was  surrounded  by  the 
enemy  coming  from  all  sides,  and  although  he 
fought  vahantly,  his  ship  was  rammed  and  began  to 
sink.  Even  then  Chabrias  might  have  escaped  by 
thro\^ing  himself  into  the  sea,  since  the  Athenian 
fleet  was  at  hand  to  pick  up  swimmers ;  but  he  pre- 
ferred  to  die  rather  than  throw  away  his  arms  and 
abandon  the  ship  in  which  he  had  sailed.  The  rest 
did  not  share  that  feeUng,  but  saved  themselves  by 
swimmino;.  He,  however,  thinkins;  an  honourable 
death  preferable  to  a  shameful  hfe,  was  slain  by 
the  enemy's  weapons  in  hand-to-hand-combat. 

XIII.    TIMOTHEUS 

1.  Timotheus,  the  Athenian,  son  of  Conon.  This 
man  increased  by  his  many  accomphshments  the 
glory  which  he  had  inherited  from  his  father ;  for  he 
was  eloquent,  energetic  and  industrious ;  he  was 
skilled  in  the  art  of  war  and  equally  so  in  states- 
manship.  Many  are  his  illustrious  deeds,  but  the 
following  are  the  most  celebrated;  his  arms  were 
victorious  over  the  Olynthians  and  the  Byzantines ; 
he  took  Samos,  and  although  in  a  former  war  the 
Athenians  had  spent  twelve  hundred  talents  in  the 
siege  of  that  town,^  he  restored  it  to  the  people 
without  any  expense  to  the  state.  He  waged  war 
against  Cotus  -  and  gained  booty  to  the  value  of 
twelve  hundred  talents,  which  he  paid  into  the 
pubhc  treasury.  He  freed  Cyzicus  from  a  blockade. 
With  Agesilaus  he  M-ent  to  the  aid  of  Ariobarzanes, 
and  while  the  Laconian  accepted  a  cash  payment 
for  his  services,^  Timotheus  preferred  that  his 
fellow-citizens  should  have  additional  territory  and 
cities,  rather  than  that  he  should  receive  a  recom- 

503 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

id  sumere  cuius  partem  domum  suam  ferre  posset. 
Itaque  accepit  Crithoten^  et  Sestum. 

2.  Idem  classi  praefectus  circumvehens  Pelo- 
ponnesum,  Laconicen  populatus,  classem  eorum 
fugavit,  Corcyram  sub  imperium  Atheniensium  rede- 
git  sociosque  idem  adiunxit  Epirotas,  Athamanas, 
Chaonas    omnesque    eas    gentes,    quae    mare    illud 

2  adiacent.  Quo  facto  Lacedaemonii  de  diutina  con- 
tentione  destiterunt  et  sua  sponte  Atheniensibus 
imperii  maritimi  principatum  concesserunt,  pacem- 
que  his  legibus  constituerunt,  ut  Athenienses  mari 
duces  essent.  Quae  victoria  tantae  fuit  Atticis 
laetitiae,   ut  tum  primum    arae    Paci    pubUce    sint 

3  factae  eique  deae  pulvinar  sitinstitutum.  Cuius  laudis 
ut  memoria  maneret,  Timotheo  pubhce  statuam  in 
foro  posuerunt.  Qui  honos  huic  uni  ante  id  tempus 
ccntigit,  ut,  cum  patri  populus  statuam  posuisset, 
filio  quoque  daret.  Sic  iuxta  posita  recens  fihi 
veterem  patris  renovavit  memoriam. 

3.  Hic  cum  esset  magno  natu  et  magistratus  gerere 
desisset,  bello  Athenienses  undique  premi  sunt  coepti. 
Defecerat  Samus,  descierat  Hellespontus,  Phihppus 
iam  tum  valens,  Macedo,^  multa  mohebatur ;  cui 
oppositus  Chares  cum  esset,  non  satis  in  eo  praesidii 

1  Crithoten,  Gebhard;  Crithonem,  etc,  MSS. 

*  Maeedo,  omitted  by  Bosius;  put  after  Ptdlippus  by  Lupus; 
Guill.  oniits  Phihppus. 

^  Pnlvinar  is  the  cushion  on  which  the  image  of  the  goddess 
was  placed,  in  order  that  offerings  might  be  set  before  her. 
Altars  to  Peace  had  existed  earlier,  the  new  departure  was  the 
annual  offering. 

2  According  to  Demosthenes  (xx.  70),  Conon  was  the  first  to 
be  honoured  with  a  statue,  after  Harmodius  and  Aristogeiton. 

^  The  reference  is  to  the  Social  War  of  357-355  B.c.  Nepos 
is  inaccurate  in  the  details. 


XIII.  TIMOTHEUS,  i.  3-111.  i 

pense  of  which  he  could  bear  a  part  home  with 
him.  Accordingly,  he  was  given  Crithote  and 
Sestus. 

2.  Again  put  in  command  of  the  fleet,  he  sailed  375  b.c. 
around  the  Peloponnesus  and  pillaged  the  land  of 

the  Laconians,  put  their  fleet  to  flight,  and  brought 
Corcyra  under  the  sway  of  Athens  ;  he  also  joined  to 
Athens  as  alhes  the  Epirotes,  Athamanes,  Chaones, 
and  all  the  peoples  bordering  on  that  part  of  the  sea. 
Thereupon  the  Lacedaemonians  gave  up  a  long- 
continued  contest,  and  voluntarily  yielded  to  the  374  b.c. 
Athenians  the  first  place  in  maritime  power,  making 
peace  on  terms  which  acknowledged  the  supremacy 
of  Athens  on  the  sea.  That  victory  filled  the  people 
of  Attica  ^^-ith  such  great  joy  that  then  for  the  first 
time  an  altar  msls  pubUcly  consecrated  to  Peace  and 
a  feast  estabhshed  in  her  honour.^  In  order  to  per- 
petuate  the  memory  of  so  glorious  a  deed,  the 
Athenians  set  up  a  statue  of  Timotheus  in  the  agora, 
at  the  cost  of  the  state.  This  was  an  honour  which 
had  fallen  to  him  alone  of  all  men  up  to  that  time, 
namely,  that  when  the  state  had  erected  a  statue  to  a 
father,  a  son  received  the  same  tribute.'  Thus  the 
new  statue  of  the  son,  placed  beside  that  of  the  father, 
revived  the  memory  of  the  latter,  which  had  now 
grown  old. 

3.  When  Timotheus  was  advanced  in  years  and 
had  ceased  to  hold  ofiice,  war  began  to  threaten  the 
Athenians  from  every  quarter :  Samos  had  revolted, 
the  Hellespont  had  seceded,^  Phihp  of  Macedon,  who 
was  even  then  powerful,  was  making  many  plots. 
Against  the  last-named  Chares  ^  had  been  sent,  but 
was  not  thought  capable  of  defending  the  country. 

*  He  is  mentioned  also  in  xii.  3.  4.  and  xix.  2.  3. 

505 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

2  putabatur.  Fit  Menestheus  praetor,  filius  Iphicratis, 
gener  Timothei,  et  ut  ad  bellum  proficiscatur  decerni- 
tur.  Huic  in  consilium  dantur  duo,  usu  sapientiaque 
praestantes,^  pater  et  socer,  quod  in  his  tanta  erat 
auctoritas,  ut  magna  spes  esset  per  eos  amissa  posse 

3  recuperari.  Hi  cum  Samum  profecti  essent  et 
eodem  Chares,  illorum  adventu  cognito,  cum  suis 
copiis  proficisceretur,  ne  quid  absente  se  gestum 
videretur,  accidit,  cum  ad  insulam  appropinquarent, 
ut  magna  tempestas  oriretur ;  quam  evitare  duo 
veteres   imperatores   utile    arbitrati,   suam   classem 

4  suppresserunt.  At  ille  temeraria  usus  ratione  non 
cessit  maiorum  natu  auctoritati,  velut  ^  in  sua  manu 
esset  fortuna.  Quo  contenderat  pervenit,  eodemque 
ut  sequerentur  ad  Timotheum  et  Iphicraten  nuntium 
misit. 

Hinc  male  re  gesta,  compluribus  amissis  navibus,  eo 
unde  erat  profectus  se  recepit  Htterasque  Athenas 
pubUce  misit,  sibi  prochve  fuisse  Samum  capere,  nisi 

5  a  Timotheo  et  Iphicrate  desertus  esset.  Populus 
acer,  suspicax  ob  eamque  rem  mobiUs,  adversarius  ^ 
invidus — etiam  potentiae  in  crimen  vocabantur  ^ 
— dornum  revocat ;  accusantur  proditionis.  Hoc 
iudicio  damnatur  Timotheus  hsque  eius  aestimatur 
centum  talentis.  Ille  odio  ingratae  civitatis  coactus, 
Ghalcidem  se  contuUt. 

^  After  praestantes  the  MSS.  have  quorum  consilium 
uteretur ;  deleted  hy  Halm, 

2  velut,  Heusinger;  et  ut  and  et,  MSS. ;  et  ut  si,  u. 

2  adversariis,  Wagner. 

*  etiam  .  .  .  vocabantur,  omitted  hy  Halm ;  etenim  poten- 
tia  .  .  .  vocabatur,  Andresen  [Gitlhauer). 

^  This  sentence  is  difficult  and  probably  cornipt;  see  the 
crit.  notes.     On  potentiae  .  .  .  vocabantur  cf.  i.  8.  1 ;  ii.  8.  1. 

506 


XIII.  TIMOTHEUS,  iii.  1-5 

Menestheus,  son  of  Iphicrates  and  son-in-law  of 
Timotheus,  was  made  general,  and  it  was  decided 
that  he  should  undertake  that  war.  He  was  given 
as  advisers  two  men  eminent  for  their  experience  and 
wisdom,  his  father  and  his  father-in-law,  since  they 
hadsuchhigh  standing  as  to  inspire  strong  hopes  that 
through  them  what  had  been  lost  might  be  recovered. 
The  three  then  sailed  for  Samos,  and  Chares,  who 
had  been  advised  of  their  comincr,  went  with  his 
forces  to  the  same  place,  in  order  that  nothing  might 
seem  to  have  been  done  M'ithout  his  presence.  As 
they  were  drawing  near  to  the  island,  it  chanced  that 
a  great  storm  arose,  and  the  two  old  generals, 
thinking  it  best  to  avoid  it,  anchored  their  fleet. 
But  Chares,  adopting  a  bold  course,  did  not  heed 
the  advice  of  his  elders,  believing  that  he  was  the 
master  of  fortune.  He  arrived  at  his  destination, 
and  sent  word  to  Timotheus  and  Iphicrates  to  join 
him. 

Then,  having  sufFered  defeat  and  lost  a  number  of 
his  ships,  he  returned  to  the  place  from  which  he  had 
set  out  and  sent  an  official  report  to  Athens,  alleging 
that  he  could  easily  have  taken  Samos  if  he  had  not 
been  left  in  the  lurch  by  Timotheus  and  Iphicrates. 
The  Athenians,  being  impulsive,  distrustful  and 
therefore  changeable,  hostile  and  envious  (moreover, 
the  men  who  were  accused  were  powerful),  summoned 
them  all  back  home.^  They  were  cited  to  appear  in 
court  and  accused  of  treason.  Timotheus  was  found 
guilty  and  his  fine  was  fixed  at  one  hundred  talents. 
Whereupon,  driven  by  indignation  at  his  country's 
inffratitude,  he  withdrew  to  Chalcis.^ 


*o' 


*  In  355  B.c. ;  he  died  the  same  year. 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

4.  Huius  post  mortem  cum  populum  iudicii  sui 
paeniteret,  multae  novem  partes  detraxit  et  decem 
talenta  Cononem,  filium  eius,  ad  muri  quandam 
partem  reficiendam  iussit  dare.  In  quo  fortunae 
varietas  est  animadversa.  Nam  quos  avus  muros  ex 
hostium  praeda  patriae  restituerat,  eosdem  nepos 
cum  summa  ignominia  familiae  ex  sua  re  familiari 

2  reficere  coactus  est.  Timothei  autem  moderatae 
sapientisque  vitae  cum  pleraque  possimus  proferre 
testimonia,  uno  erimus  contenti,  quod  ex  eo  facile 
conici  poterit  quam  carus  suis  fuerit.  Cum  Athenis 
adulescentulus  causam  diceret,  non  solum  amici 
privatique  hospites  ad  eum  defendendum  convener- 
unt,  sed  etiam  in  iis  lason,  tyrannus  ThessaUae,  qui 

3  illo  tempore  fuit  omnium  potentissimus.  Hic  cum  in 
patria  sine  sateUitibus  se  tutum  non  arbitraretur, 
Athenas  sine  ullo  praesidio  venit  tantique  hospitem 
fecit,  ut  mallet  ipse  ^  capitis  periculum  adire  quam 
Timotheo  de  fama  dimicanti  deesse.  Hunc  adversus 
tamen  Timotheus  postea  popuH  iussu  bellum  gessit, 
patriae  sanctiora  iura  quam  hospitii  esse  duxit. 

4  Haec  extrema  fuit  aetas  imperatorum  Athenien- 
sium,  Iphicratis,  Chabriae,  Timothei,  neque  post 
illorum  obitum  quisquam  dux  in  illa  urbe  fuit  dignus 
memoria. 

5  Venio  nunc  ad  fortissimum  virum  maximique 
consilii      omnium      barbarorum,     exceptis     duobus 

1  ipse,  Wolfflin ;  se,  MSS. 


^  This  was  in  373  b.c.  ;  as  Timotheus  was  then  forty  years 
of  age,  adv.lescentulus  is  used  without  diminutive  force,  as  is 
not  unusual  in  colloquial  speech, 

*  Hospites  were  those  in  other  states  with  whom  he  had 
relations  of  guest-friendship ;   see  note  1,  p.  402. 

508 


XIII.  TIMOTHEUS,  iv.  1-5 

4.  After  his  death  the  people  repented  of  the 
sentence  they  had  passed  upon  Timotheus,  remitted 
nine-tenths  of  the  fine,  and  required  his  son  Conon 
to  pay,  for  repairing  a  part  of  the  city  wall,  only  ten 
talents.  In  this  event  we  see  the  inconsistency  of 
Fortune ;  for  the  very  walls  which  his  grandfather 
had  restored  to  his  country  from  booty  taken  from 
the  enemy  the  younger  Conon  was  compelled  to 
repair  from  his  own  estate  with  great  dishonour  to 
his  family.  Now  Timotheus  lived  a  well-regulated 
and  wise  hfe  ;  although  I  might  give  many  proofs  of 
this,  I  shall  content  myself  with  one,  from  which  it 
may  easily  be  imagined  how  dear  he  was  to  his 
friends.  When  he  was  a  young  man  ^  and  was 
involved  in  a  law-suit  at  Athens,  not  only  did  his 
friends  at  home  and  those  abroad  ^  in  private  station 
flock  to  his  defence,  but  among  the  latter  was  none 
other  than  Jason,  tyrant  of  Thessaly,  at  that  time  the 
most  powerful  of  all  such  rulers.  That  great  man, 
although  he  did  not  think  himself  safe  even  in  his 
own  country  without  guards,  came  to  Athens  without 
a  single  attendant,  being  so  devoted  to  his  guest- 
friend  that  he  preferred  to  risk  his  own  \ife  rather 
than  fail  Timotheus  when  he  was  defending  his 
honour.  Yet  Timotheus  afterwards,  by  order  of 
the  people,  made  war  upon  this  very  Jason,  regard- 
ing  the  rights  of  his  country  as  more  sacred  than 
those  of  hospitality. 

The  era  of  Athenian  generals  came  to  an  end  with 
Iphicrates,  Chabrias  and  Timotheus,  and  after  the 
death  of  those  eminent  men  no  general  in  that  city 
was  worthy  of  notice. 

I  now  pass  to  the  bravest  and  ablest  man  of  all  the 
barbarians,   with   the   exception    of    thc    two   Car- 

509 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

6  Karthaginiensibus,  Hamilcare  et  Hannibale.  De 
quo  hoc  plura  referemus,  quod  et  obscuriora  sunt 
eius  gesta  pleraque  et  ea  qu^e  prospere  ei  cesserunt, 
non  magnitudine  copiarum,  sed  consilii,  quo  tum 
omnes  superabat,  acciderunt;  quorum  nisi  ratio 
explicata  fuerit,  res  apparere  non  poterunt. 


XIV.    DATAMES 

1.  Datames,  patre  Camisare,  natione  Care,  matre 
Scythissa  natus,primum  mihtum  in^  numero  fuit  apud 
Artaxerxen  eorum  qui  regiam  tuebantur.  Pater 
eius  Camisares,  quod  et  manu  fortis  et  bello  strenuus 
et  regi  multis  locis  fideUs  erat  repertus,  habuit  pro- 
vinciam  partem  CiUciae  iuxta  Cappadociam,  quam  in- 

2  colunt  Leucosyri.  Datames,militare  munusfungens, 
primum  quahs  esset  aperuit  in  bello  quod  rex  adver- 
sus  Cadusios  gessit.  Namque  hic,  multis  mihbus 
regiorum  interfectis,-  magni  fuit  eius  opera.  Quo 
factum  est,  cum  in  eo  bello  cecidisset  Camisares,  ut  ^ 
paterna  ei  traderetur  provincia. 

2.  Pari  se  virtute  postea  praebuit,  cum  Autophro- 
dates  iussu  regis  bello  persequeretur  eos  qui  defece- 
rant.  Namque  huius  opera  hostes,  cum  castra  iam 
intrassent,  profligati  sunt  exercitusque  rehquus  con- 
servatus  regis  est ;  qua  ex  re  maioribus  rebus  praeesse 

^  in,  added  by  Fleck. ;  in  before  militum,  Nipp. 

2  multis  .  .  .  interfectis,  put  after  intrassent  (2.  1)  by 
Cobetyfollowed  with  variations  by  Guill. 

3  ut,  added  by  Heusinger. 

^  Since  2.  4  seems  to  indicate  that  the  mother  of  Datames 
was  a  Paphlagonian,  some  take  Scythissa  as  her  name. 


XIV.  DATAMES,  i.  i-ii.  i 

thaginians,  Hamilcar  and  Hannibal.  About  him  I 
shall  give  the  more  details,  because  the  greater 
number  of  his  exploits  are  less  familiar  and  because 
his  successes  were  due,  not  to  the  greatness  of  his 
forces,  but  to  his  strategy,  in  which  he  excelled  all 
the  men  of  his  day.  And  unless  the  true  imvardness 
of  these  successes  be  explained,  his  career  cannot  be 
understood. 

XIV.    DATAMES 

1.  Datames,  son  of  Camisares,  a  Carian  by  nation- 
ahty,  born  of  a  Scy thian  mother,i  began  his  career  as 
one  of  the  corps  of  soldiers  who  guarded  the  palace 
of  Artaxerxes.2  His  father  Camisares,  because  of 
his  personal  bravery  and  valour  in  war,  and  because 
he  had  on  many  occasions  proved  his  loyalty  to  the 
king,  governed  that  part  of  Cilicia  which  adjoins 
Cappadocia  and  is  inhabited  by  the  Leucosyri,  or 
"  White  Syrians."  Datames,  while  serving  as  a 
soldier,  first  showed  his  quality  in  the  war  which  the 
king  waged  against  the  Cadusii,  in  which,  although 
many  thousands  of  the  king's  troops  were  slain,  his  c.  380 
services  were  of  great  value.  The  consequence  was, 
that  since  Camisares  had  fallen  in  the  course  of  that 
war,  Datames  became  governor  of  his  father's 
province. 

2.  He  later  showed  himself  equally  valiant  when 
Autophrodates,  at  the  king's  command,  was  making 
war  upon  the  peoples  that  had  revolted.  For  when 
the  enemy  had  already  entered  the  Persian  camp,  it 
was  owing  to  Datames  that  they  were  routed  and  the 
rest  of  the  king's  army  was  saved.  And  because  of 
that  exploit  he  began  to  be  entrusted  \s-iih  more 

'  Artaxerxes  Mnemon,  as  everywhere  in  xiv. 

5" 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

2  coepit.  Erat  eo  tempore  Thuys  dynastes  Paphla- 
goniae.  antiquo  genere,  ortus  a  Pylaemene  ^  illo  quem 
Homerus  Troico  bello   a  Patroclo  interfectum  ait. 

3  Is  regi  dicto  audiens  non  erat.  Quam  ob  causam  bello 
eum  persequi  constituit  eique  rei  praefecit  Datamen, 
propinquum  Paphlagonis  ;  namque  ex  fratre  et  sorore 
erant  nati.  Quam  ob  causam  Datames  primum 
experiri  voluit  ut  sine  armis  propinquum  ad  officium 
reduceret.  Ad  quem  cum  venisset  sine  praesidio, 
quod  ab  amico  nullas  vereretur  insidias,  paene 
interiit;    nam  Thuys   eum   clam  interficere   voluit. 

4  Erat   mater  cum  Datame,  amita  Paphlagonis.     Ea 

5  quid  ageretur  resciit,  fihumque  monuit.  Ille  fuga 
periculum  evitavit  bellumque  indixit  Thuyni.  In 
quo  cum  ab  Ariobarzane,  praefecto  Lydiae  et  loniae 
totiusque  Phrygiae,  desertus  esset,  nihilo  segnius 
perseveravit  vivumque  Thuyn  cepit  cum  uxore  et 
Hberis. 

3.  Cuius  facti  ne  prius  fama  ad  regem  quam  ipse 
perveniret,  dedit  operam.  Itaque  omnibus  insciis 
eo  ubi  erat  rex  venit  posteroque  die  Thuyn,  hominem 
maximi  corporis  terribilique  facie,  quod  et  niger  et 
capillo  longo  barbaque  erat  promissa,  optima  veste 
texit,  quam  satrapae  regii  gerere  consuerant,  omavit 
etiam  torque  atque  armiUis  aureis  ceteroque  regio 
2  cultu ;     ipse    agresti    dupHci    amiculo    circumdatus 

*  Pylaemene,  Aldus. 

^  In  Iliad  v.  576  he  is  said  to  have  been  slain  by  Menelaus. 
512 


XIV.  DATAMES,  ii.  i-iii.  2 

important  commands.  At  that  time  there  was  a 
prince  of  Paphlagonia  called  Thuys,  of  an  old  family, 
being  a  descendant  of  that  Pylaemenes  who,  accord- 
ing  to  Homer,  was  slain  by  Patroclus  in  the  Trojan 
war.^  He  did  not  own  obedience  to  the  king,  Mho  for 
that  reason  determined  to  make  war  upon  him.  He 
gave  the  management  of  the  campaign  to  Datames, 
who  was  a  near  relaiive  of  the  Paphlagonian  ;  for  the 
father  of  the  one  and  the  mother  of  the  other  were 
brother  and  sister.  That  being  the  case,  Datames 
wished  first  to  try  to  recall  his  kinsman  to  his  duty 
without  resort  to  arms.  But  having  come  to  him  with- 
out  an  escort,  because  he  feared  no  treachery  from  a 
friend,  Datames  all  but  lost  his  Ufe  ;  for  Thuys  tried 
to  kill  him  secretly.  Datames  was  accompanied  by  his 
mother,  who  was  the  maternal  aunt  of  the  Paphla- 
gonian  ;  she  learned  of  the  plot  and  warned  her  son, 
who  escaped  the  danger  by  flight  and  declared  war 
upon  Thuys.  Although  in  the  course  of  that  war 
Datames  was  deserted  by  Ariobarzanes,  governor  of 
Lydia,  lonia  and  all  Phrygia,  he  kept  on  with  un- 
diminished  vigour  and  took  Thuys  aUve,  along  with 
his  ^^ife  and  children. 

3.  Datames  took  pains  to  prevent  the  news  of  his 
success  from  reaching  the  king  before  his  own  arrival. 
Therefore,  without  the  knowledge  of  anyone,  he 
came  to  the  place  where  the  king  was,  and  on  the 
following  day,  he  dressed  up  Thuys — who  was  a  man 
of  huge  size  and  fearful  aspect,  being  very  dark, 
with  long  hair  and  f^o^^ing  beard — putting  on  him 
the  fine  raiment  which  the  king's  satraps  are  accus- 
tomed  to  wear,  adorning  him  too  with  a  neck-chain 
and  bracelets  of  gold  and  the  other  habihments  of  a 
king.     Datames  himself,  wearing  a  peasant's  double 

513 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

hirtaque  tunica,  gerens  in  capite  galeam  venatoriam, 
dextra  manu  clavam,  sinistra  copulam,  qua  vinctum 
ante  se  Thuynem  agebat,  ut  si  feram  bestiam  captam 
duceret. 

3  Quem  cum  omnes  conspicerent  propter  novitatem 
ornatus  ignotamque  formam  ob  eamque  rem  magnus 
esset     concursus,    fuit    non    nemo    qui    agnosceret 

4  Thuyn  regique  nuntiaret.  Primo  non  accredidit 
itaque  Pharnabazum  misit  exploratum.  A  quo  ut 
rem  gestam  comperit,  statim  admitti  iussit,  magno 
opere  delectatus  cum  facto  tum  ornatu,  imprimis 
quod  nobiUs  rex  in  potestatem  inopinanti  venerat. 

5  Itaque  magnifice  Datamen  donatum  ad  exercitum 
misit,  qui  tum  contrahebatur  duce  Pharnabazo  et 
Tithrauste  ad  bellum  Aegyptium,  parique  eum  atque 
illos  imperio  esse  iussit.  Postea  vero  quam  Pharna- 
bazum  rex  revocavit,  illi  summa  imperii  tradita  est.^ 

4.  Hic  cum  maximo  studio  compararet  exercitum 
Aegyptumque  proficisci  pararet,  subito  a  rege 
litterae  sunt  ei  missae,  ut  Aspim  aggrederetur,  qui 
Cataoniam  tenebat ;   quae  gens  iacet  supra  Cihciam, 

2  confinis  Cappadociae.  Namque  Aspis,  saltuosam 
regionem  castelhsque  munitam  incolens,  non  solum 
imperio  regis  non  parebat,sed  etiam  finitimas  regiones 

3  vexabat  et  quae  regi  portarentur  abripiebat.  Da- 
tames  etsi  longe  aberat  ab  eis  regionibus  et  a  maiore 
re    abstrahebatur,    tamen    regis    voluntati    morem 

^  tradita  sunt,  Dan.  A  BP. 
5H 


XIV.  DATAMES,  iii.  2-iv.  3 

cloak  and  a  shaggy  tiinic,  with  a  hunter's  cap  on  his 
head,  in  his  right  hand  a  club  and  in  the  left  a  leash 
to  which  Thuys  -svas  attached,  drove  the  Paph- 
laijonian  before  him  as  if  he  were  brino-incr  in  a  wild 
beast  that  he  had  captured. 

When  their  strange  garb  and  the  unusual  appear- 
ance  of  the  captive  had  attracted  all  eyes,  and  in 
consequence  a  great  crowd  had  gathered,  someone 
recognized  Thuys  and  informed  the  king-.  At  first, 
Artaxerxes  was  incredulous  and  so  sent  Pharnabazus 
to  investigate.  Having  learned  the  truth  from  him, 
he  at  once  ordered  the  two  to  be  admitted,  greatly 
pleased  with  the  capture  and  the  masquerade,  in 
particular  because  the  notorious  king  had  come  into 
his  power  sooner  than  he  expected.  Accordingly, 
he  rewarded  Datames  munificently  and  sent  him  to 
the  army  which  was  then  being  mustered  under 
Pharnabazus  and  Tithraustes  for  the  war  in  Egypt,  c.  378 
giving  him  equal  authority  with  the  two  Persians.  ^'^' 
In  fact,  when  the  king  later  recalled  Pharnabazus, 
the  chief  command  passed  to  Datames. 

4.  While  Datames  was  busily  engaged  in  organiz- 
ing  this  army  and  preparing  to  embark  for  PLgypt, 
suddenly  a  letter  was  sent  to  him  by  the  king,  order- 
ing  him  to  attack  Aspis,  the  ruler  of  Cataonia ;  that 
country  Hes  beyond  Cilicia,  next  to  Cappadocia. 
The  reason  for  the  attack  was,  that  Aspis,  dwelhng 
in  a  region  that  was  wooded  and  fortified  with  strong- 
holds,  far  from  acknowled2:in£^  alleg-iance  to 
Artaxerxes,  even  overran  the  regions  neighbouring 
to  Persia  and  carried  off  what  was  being  brought  to 
the  king.  Datames  was  far  distant  from  the  regions 
in  question  and  was  drawn  in  the  opposite  direction 
by  a  more  important  enterprise ;  but  nevertheless  he 

515 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

gerendum  putavit.  Itaque  cum  paucis,  sed  \aris 
fortibus  navem  conscendit,  existimans,  quod  accidit, 
facilius  se  imprudentem  parva  manu  oppressurum 
quam  paratum  quamvis  magno  exercitu. 

4  Hac  delatus  in  Ciliciam,  egressus  inde,  dies  noctes- 
que  iter  faciens  Taurum  transit  eoque  quo  studuerat 
venit.  Quaerit  quibus  locis  sit  Aspis  ;  cognoscit  haud 
longe  abesse  profectumque  eum  venatum.  Quae  dum 
speculatur,  adventus  eius  causa  cognoscitur.  Pisidas 
cum  iis  quos  secum  habebat  ad  resistendum  Aspis 

5  comparat.  Id  Datames  ubi  audivit,  arma  sumit,  suos 
sequi  iubet ;  ipse  equo  concitato  ad  hostem  vehitur. 
Quem  procul  Aspis  conspiciens  ad  se  ferentem 
pertimescit  atque  a  conatu  resistendi  deterritus 
sese  dedidit.  Hunc  Datames  vinctum  ad  regem 
ducendum  tradit  Mithridati. 

5.  Haec  dum  geruntur,  Artaxerxes,  reminiscens  a 
quanto  bello  ad  quam  parvam  rem  principem  ducum 
misisset,  se  ipse  reprehendit  et  nuntium  ad  exercitum 
Acen  misit,  quod  nondum  Datamen  profectum 
putabat,  qui  diceret  ne  ab  exercitu  discederet.  Hic 
priusquam  perveniret  quo  erat  profectus,  in  itinere 
2  convenit  qui  Aspim  ducebant.  Qua  celeritate  cum 
magnam  benevolentiam  regis  Datames  consecutus 
esset,  non  minorem  invidiam  auUcorum  excepit, 
quod  illum  unum  pluris  quam  se  omnes  fieri  videbant. 


^  A  warlike  and  independent  people  of  that  region,  who 
served  as  mercenaries. 

2  Son  of  Artaxerxes;  see  10.  1. 


516 


XIV.  DATAMES,  iv.  3-v.  2 

thought  that  he  ought  to  do  what  the  king  desired. 
He  therefore  embarked  upon  a  ship,  taking  with 
hira  only  a  few,  but  brave,  soldiers,  beheving — as 
turned  out  to  be  the  case — that  it  would  be  easier  to 
crush  his  enemy  with  a  small  force  by  taking  him  oiF 
his  guard,  than  with  any  possible  numbers  when  he 
was  ready  to  defend  himself. 

SaiUng  to  Cihcia  and  disembarking  there,  Datames 
marched  day  and  night,  crossed  the  Taurus,  and 
arrived  at  his  destination.  On  inquiring  where 
Aspis  was,  he  learned  that  he  was  not  far  off,  and 
that  he  had  gone  a-hunting.  While  Datames  was 
considering  what  to  do,  the  reason  for  his  arrival 
became  kno^\Ti,  and  Aspis  prepared  to  resist  him 
with  the  Pisidians  ^  in  addition  to  the  soldiers  that 
he  had  with  him.  When  Datames  heard  of  this, 
he  took  up  arms,  ordered  his  men  to  follow;  he 
himself  rode  at  fuU  speed  to  meet  the  enemy. 
Aspis,  catching  sight  of  him  afar  off,  as  he  rushed 
upon  him,  was  seized  with  fear,  and  abandoning  any 
thought  of  resistance,  gave  himself  up.  Datames 
put  him  in  irons  and  delivered  him  to  Mithridates  ^ 
to  be  taken  to  the  king. 

5.  While  all  this  was  going  on,  Artaxerxes,  re- 
membering  from  how  important  a  war  he  had  sent  his 
leading  general  on  so  insignificant  an  errand,  thinking 
that  Datames  had  not  yet  started,  sent  a  messenger 
to  the  army  at  Ace,  telling  him  not  to  leave  the  army  ; 
but  before  the  messenger  arrived  at  his  destination, 
he  met  on  the  way  those  that  were  bringing  Aspis  to 
the  king.  Although  by  that  rapid  action  Datames 
gained  high  favour  with  Artaxerxes,  he  incurred 
equally  great  jealousy  from  the  courtiers,  because 
they  reahzed  that  he   was   more   highly   esteemed 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

Quo  facto,  cuncti  ad  eum  opprimendum  consenserunt. 

3  Haec  Pandantes,  gazae  custos  regiae,  amicus  Datami, 
perscripta  ei  mittit,  in  quibus  docet  eum  in  magno 
fore    periculo,   si    quid    illo    imperante    adversi    in 

4  Aegypto  accidisset.  Namque  eam  esse  consuetudi- 
nem  regiam,  ut  casus  adversos  hominibus  tribuant, 
secundos  fortunae  suae.  Quo  fieri  ut  facile  im- 
pellantur  ad  eorum  perniciem  quorum  ductu  res  male 
gestae  nuntientur.  Illum  hoc  maiore  fore  in  dis- 
crimine,  quod,  quibus  rex  maxime  oboediat,  eos 
habeat  inimicissimos. 

5  Talibus  ille  litteris  cognitis,  cum  iam  ad  exercitum 
Acen  venisset,  quod  non  ignorabat  ea  vere  scripta, 
desciscere   a   rege   constituit.     Neque   tamen   quic- 

6  quam  fecit  quod  fide  sua  esset  indignum.  Nam 
Mandroclem  Magnetem  exercitui  praefecit;  ipse 
cum  suis  in  Cappadociam  discedit  coniunctamque 
huic  Paphlagoniam  occupat,  celans  qua  voluntate 
esset  in  regem.  Glam  cum  Ariobarzane  facit 
amicitiam,  manum  comparat,  urbes  munitas  suis 
tuendas  tradit. 

6.  Sed  haec  propter  hiemale  tempus  minus 
prospere  procedebant.  Audit  Pisidas  quosdam  ^ 
copias  adversus  se  parare.  FiUum  eo  Arsidaeum 
cum  exercitu  mittit ;  cadit  in  proelio  adulescens. 
Proficiscitur  eo  pater  non  ita  cum  magna  manu, 
celans  quantum  vulnus  accepisset,  quod  prius  ad 
hostem  pervenire  cupiebat,  quam  de  male  re  gesta 

*  quosdam,  Lupus;   quasdam,  3IS3. 


XIV.  DATAMES,  v.  2-vi.  i 

than  any  of  them.  Because  of  that  they  all  united 
in  a  conspiracy  to  ruin  him.  Of  this  plot  Pandantes, 
keeper  of  the  royal  treasure,  who  was  a  friend  of 
Datames,  gave  him  full  information  in  a  letter,  teUing 
him  that  he  would  be  in  ^reat  dano-er  if  he  suffered 

o  o 

any  check  during  his  command  in  Egypt.  He  added 
that  it  was  the  habit  of  kings  to  attribute  disasters 
to  men,  but  success  to  their  own  good  fortune ;  that 
consequently  they  were  easily  led  to  bring  about 
the  ruin  of  those  who  were  reported  to  have 
suffered  defeat  ;  and  that  Datames  would  be  in  the 
greater  peril  because  he  had  the  bitter  enmity  of 
those  who  had  special  influence  with  the  king. 

When  Datames  had  read  that  letter,  although  he 
had  already  reached  the  army  at  Ace,  knowing  that 
what  had  been  written  him  was  true,  he  determined 
to  leave  the  king's  service.  Yet  he  did  nothing  to 
stain  his  honour  ;  for  he  put  Mandrocles  of  Magnesia 
in  command  of  the  army,  and  he  himself  with  his  own 
men  went  off  to  Cappadocia  and  took  possession  of 
the  neighbouring  district  of  Paphlagonia,  conceahng 
his  feehngs  towards  the  king.  Then  he  secretly 
came  to  an  understanding  ^^ith  Ariobarzanes, 
gathered  a  band  of  soldiers.and  entrusted  the  fortified 
cities  to  the  protection  of  his  friends. 

6.  But  because  of  the  winter  season  these  prepara- 
tions  did  not  advance  rapidly.  Hearing  that  some 
of  the  Pisidians  were  amiing  troops  against  him,  he 
sent  his  son  Arsidaeus  with  an  army  to  meet  them, 
and  the  young  man  fell  in  the  battle  that  followed. 
Then  the  father  set  out  against  them  with  not  so 
very  large  a  force,  conceahng  the  severe  wound  that 
he  had  suffered,  because  he  wished  to  encounter 
the  enemy  before  the  report  of  the  defeat  came  to  his 

519 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

fama  ad  suos  perveniret,  ne  cognita  filii  morte  animi 

2  debilitarentur  militum.  Quo  contenderat  pervenit 
iisque  locis  castra  ponit,  ut  neque  circumiri  multi- 
tudineadversariorum  posset  neque  impediri  quominus 
ipse  ad  dimicandum  manum  haberet  expeditam. 

3  Erat  cum  eo  Mithrobarzanes,  socer  eius.  praefectus 
equitum.  Is,  desperatis  generi  rebus,  ad  hostes 
transfugit.  Id  Datames  ut  audivit,  sensit  si  in 
turbam  exisset  ab  homine  tam  necessario  se  rehctum, 

4  futurum  ut  ceteri  consihum  sequerentur.  In  vulgus 
edit  suo  iussu  Mithrobarzanem  profectum  pro 
perfuga,  quo  facihus  receptus  interficeret  hostes ;  qua 
re  rehnqui  eum  par  non  esse  et  omnes  confestim 
sequi.  Quod  si  animo  strenuo  fecissent,  futurum  ut 
adversarii  non  possent  resistere,  cum  et  intra  vallum 

5  et  foris  caederentur.  Hac  re  probata  exercitum 
educit,    Mithrobarzanem   persequitur,   qui    cum    ad 

6  hostes  pervenerat,  Datames  signa  inferri  iubet.  Pisi- 
dae,  nova  re  commoti,  in  opinionem  adducuntur 
perfugas  mala  fide  compositoque  fecisse,  ut  recepti 
maiori  essent  calamitati.  Primum  eos  adoriuntur. 
Ilh  cum  quid  ageretur  aut  qua  re  fieret  ignorarent, 
coacti  sunt  cum  iis  pugnare  ad  quos  transierant,  ab 
iisque  stare  quos  rehquerant;    quibus  cum  neutri 

520 


XIV.  DATAMES,  vi.  i-6 

men,  for  fear  that  the  news  of  his  son's  death  might 
affect  the  soldiers'  spirits.  He  arrived  at  his 
destination  and  pitched  his  camp  in  such  a  position 
that  he  could  not  be  surrounded  by  the  superior 
numbers  of  his  adversaries  nor  prevented  from  having 
his  own  force  ready  for  battle. 

He  had  with  him  Mithrobarzanes,  his  father-in- 
law,  as  commander  of  his  cavalry,  but  he,  regarding- 
the  position  of  his  son-in-law  as  desperate,  deserted 
to  the  enemy.  When  Datames  heard  of  this,  he 
knew  that  if  it  was  bruited  about  that  he  had  been 
forsaken  by  a  man  so  nearly  related  to  him,  all  the 
rest  would  foUow  the  example.  He  therefore  cir- 
culated  the  report  that  it  was  by  his  command  that 
Mithrobarzanes  had  gone,  under  pretence  of  desert- 
ing,  in  order  that  he  might,  once  received  by  the 
enemy,  destroy  them  the  more  easily ;  therefore  it 
would  not  be  right  to  abandon  him,  but  all  ought  to 
follow  him  at  once.  If  they  would  act  vigorously, 
the  enemy  would  be  unable  to  resist,  since  they  would 
be  assailed  inside  and  outside  of  their  intrenchments. 
When  this  idea  met  with  favour,  he  led  out  his  army 
and  pursued  Mithrobarzanes  ;  and  when  the  deserter 
had  reached  the  enemy,  Datames  gave  the  order  to 
attack.  The  Pisidians,  surprised  by  this  strange 
manoeuvre,  were  led  to  beheve  that  the  deserters  had 
acted  in  bad  faith  and  by  prearrangement,  in  order 
that  when  received  among  the  enemy  they  might 
cause  a  greater  disaster.  First  they  attacked  the 
deserters,  and  since  the  latter  did  not  understand 
what  was  going  on  or  why  it  was  done,  they  were 
forced  to  fight  against  those  to  whom  they  had 
deserted  and  side  with  those  whom  they  had  aban- 
doned ;  and  since  neither  army  showed  them  any 

521 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

7  parcerent,  celeriter  sunt  concisi.  Reliquos  Pisidas 
resistentes  Datames  invadit;  primo  impetu  pellit, 
fugientis  persequitur,  multos  interficit,  castra 
hostium  capit. 

8  Tali  consilio  uno  tempore  et  proditores  perculit  et 
hostes  profligavit  et,  quod  ad  perniciem  suam  fuerat 
cogitatum,  id  ad  salutem  convertit.  Quo  neque 
acutius  ullius  imperatoris  cogitatum  neque  celerius 
factum  usquam  legimus. 

7.  Ab  hoc  tamen  viro  Sysinas,  maximo  natu  filius, 
desciit  ad  regemque  transiit  et  de  defectione  patris 
detulit.  Quo  nuntio  Artaxerxes  commotus,  quod 
intellegebat  sibi  cum  viro  forti  ac  strenuo  negotium 
esse,  qui  cum  cogitasset,  facere  auderet  ^  et  prius 
cogitare  quam  conari  consuesset,  Autophrodatem  in 

2  Cappadociam  mittit.  Hic  ne  intrare  posset,  saltum 
in   quo   CiUciae   portae   sunt    sitae    Datames   prae- 

3  occupare  studuit.  Sed  tam  subito  copias  contrahere 
non  potuit.  A  qua  re  depulsus  cum  ea  manu,  quam 
contraxerat,  locum  dehgit  talem,  ut  neque  cir- 
cumiretur  ab  hostibus  neque  praeteriret  adversarius 
quin  ancipitibus  locis  premeretur,  et,  si  dimicare  eo 
vellet,  non  multum  obesse  multitudo  hostium  suae 
paucitati  posset. 

8.  Haec  etsi  Autophrodates  videbat,  tamen  statuit 
congredi  quam  cum  tantis  copiis  refugere  aut  tam  diu 

2  uno    loco    sedere.     Habebat    barbarorum    equitum 

*  et  cum  cogitasset,  facere  auderet,  'put  after  consuesset  hy 
Andresen  and  others. 

^  See  note  on  reliquam  phalangem  xii.  1.  2  (p.  496). 
522 


XIV.  DATAMES,  vi.  6-viii.  2 

niercy,  they  were  quickly  cut  to  pieces.  The 
Pisidians,  who  remained,^  continued  to  resist,  but 
Datames  fell  upon  them,  routed  them  at  the  first 
onset,  pursued  the  fugitives,  kiUing  many  of  them, 
and  captured  the  enemy's  camp. 

By  this  stratagem  Datames  at  the  same  time 
punished  the  traitors  and  vanquished  the  enemy, 
thus  making  the  plot  which  had  been  devised  for  his 
ruin  the  means  of  his  safety.  Never  have  I  read  any- 
where  of  a  cleverer  stratagem  of  any  commander, 
or  one  which  was  more  speedily  executed. 

7.  Yet   this   man   was   deserted   by   Sysinas,   his  363-7 
eldest  son,  who  went  over  to  the  king  and  reported  ^*^' 
to  him  his  father's  defection.     The  news  of  this  dis- 
turbed  Artaxerxes,  since  he  knew  that  he  had  to 

do  with  a  brave  and  energetic  man,  who,  when  he  had 
reflected,  had  the  courage  to  carry  out  his  plan,  and 
was  in  the  habit  of  reflecting  before  acting.  Accord- 
ingly,  he  sent  Autophrodates  to  Cappadocia.  To 
prevent  him  from  entering  the  country,  Datames 
wished  to  occupy  the  wooded  gorge  in  which  the 
Cihcian  Gates  are  situated  ;  but  he  could  not  muster 
his  forces  with  sufficient  speed.  Thwarted  in  that, 
with  the  band  which  he  had  assembled  he  chose  a 
position  where  he  could  not  be  surrounded  by  the 
enemy,  one  which  his  opponent  could  not  pass 
without  being  caught  in  an  unfavourable  situation ; 
and  if  the  latter  decided  to  fight  there,  the  enemy's 
great  numbers  would  not  have  much  advantage  over 
his  own  small  force. 

8.  Although  Autophrodates  reahzed  the  situation, 
he  nevertheless  determined  to  engage  rather  than 
retreat  with  so  great  a  force  or  linger  for  so  long  a  time 
in  one  spot.     Of  barbarians  he  had  twenty  thousand 

523 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

XX,  peditum  G,  quos  illi  Cardacas  appellant,  eius- 
demque  generis  III  funditorum,  praeterea  Cappa- 
docum  VIII,  Armeniorum  X,  Paphlagonum  V,  Phry- 
gumX,LydorumV,  Aspendiorum  et  Pisidarum  circiter 
III,  Cilicum  II.  Captianorum  totidem,  ex  Graecia 
conductorum  III,  levis  armaturae  maximum  nu- 
merum. 

3  Has  adversus  copias  spes  omnis  consistebat  Datami 
in  se  locique  natura;  namque  huius  partem  non 
habebat  vicesimam  militum.  Quibus  fretus  con- 
flixit  adversariorumque  multa  miha  concidit,  cum  de 
ipsius  exercitu  non  ampUus  hominum  mille  cecidisset. 
Quam  ob  causam  postero  die  tropaeum  posuit,  quo 

4  loco  pridie  pugnatum  erat.  Hinc  cum  castra  movisset 
semperque  inferior  copiis  superior  omnibus  proeUis 
discederet,  quod  numquam  manum  consereret,  nisi 
cum  adversarios  locorum  angustiis  clausisset,  quod 
perito  regionum  caUideque  cogitanti  saepe  accidebat, 

5  Autophrodates,  cum  bellum  duci  maiore  regis 
calamitate  quam  adversariorum  videret,  pacem 
amicitiamque  hortatus  est,  ut  cum  rege  in  gratiam 

6  rediret.  Quam  ille  etsi  fidam  non  fore  putabat, 
tamen  condicionem  accepit  seque  ad  Artaxerxem 
legatos  missurum  dixit.  Sic  bellum  quod  rex 
adversus  Datamen  susceperat  sedatum  est.  Auto- 
phrodates  in  Phrygiam  se  recepit. 

9.  At  rex,  quod  implacabile  odium  in  Datamen 


^  A  Greek  word  «-apSa/cey,  a  translation  of  the  term  applied 
by  the  Persians  to  mercenary  soldiers  belonging  to  the  bar- 
barian  tribes  of  the  Persian  empire. 


XIV.  DATAMES,  viii.  2-ix.  i 

horse  and  a  himdred  thousand  foot,  of  the  troops 
that  the  Persians  call  Cardaces,^  besides  three 
thousand  slingcrs  of  the  same  nationahty ;  and  in 
addition,  eight  thousand  Cappadocians,  ten  thousand 
Armenians,  five  thousand  Paphlagonians,  ten 
thousand  Phrygians,  five  thousand  Lydians,  about 
three  thousand  Aspendians  and  Pisidians,  two 
thousand  Cilicians,  the  same  number  of  Captiani, 
and  three  thousand  Greek  mercenaries,  along  with 
an  enormous  number  of  hght-armed  troops. 

For  encountering  these  forces  Datames'  sole  hope 
lay  in  himself  and  in  the  nature  of  his  position  ;  for  he 
had  not  a  twentieth  part  as  many  men.  Relying  upon 
such  forces  as  he  had,  he  accepted  battle  and  slew 
many  thousands  of  his  adversaries,  while  of  his  own 
army  he  lost  not  more  than  a  thousand  men.  To 
commemorate  his  victory,  he  erected  a  trophy  on 
the  follo^^ing  day  on  the  spot  where  he  had  fought 
the  day  before.  Then  he  moved  his  camp  and  de- 
parted,  having  come  ofFvictor  in  all  his  engagements, 
although  always  outnumbered,  since  he  never  joined 
battle  except  whenhe  had  shut  his  foes  in  some  narrow 
defile  ;  which  often  happened,  owing  to  his  knowledge 
of  the  country  and  his  skilful  strategy.  Then 
Autophrodates,  seeing  that  to  prolong  the  war  was 
more  disastrous  to  the  king  than  to  his  adversaries, 
urged  peace  and  friendship,  and  reconcihation  with 
the  king.  And  although  Datames  had  no  faith  in  the 
king's  sincerity,  he  nevertheless  accepted  the 
proposal  and  promised  to  send  envoys  to  Artaxerxes. 
Thus  the  war  which  the  king  had  made  upon  Datames 
came  to  an  end.  Autophrodates  withdrew  into 
Phrygia. 

9.  The    king,    however,    having    conceived    im- 

525 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

susceperat,  postquam  bello  eum  opprimi  non  posse 
animadvertit,  insidiis  interficere  studuit ;    quas  ille 

2  plerasque  evitavit.^  Sicut,  cum  ei  nuntiatum  esset 
quosdam  sibi  insidiari,  qui  in  amicorum  erant  numero, 
— de  quibus,  quod  inimici  detulerant,  neque  creden- 
dum  neque  neglegendum  putavit, — experiri  voluit 

3  verum  falsumne  sibi  esset  relatum.  Itaque  eo 
profectus  est,  in  quo  itinere  futuras  insidias  dixerant. 
Sed  elegit  corpore  ac  statura  simillimum  sui  eique 
vestitum  suum  dedit  atque  eo  loco  ire  quo  ipse  con- 
suerat  iussit ;  ipse  autem  ornatu  vestituque  militari 
inter  corporis  custodes  iter  facere  coepit. 

4  At  insidiatores,  postquam  in  eum  locum  agmen 
pervenit,  decepti  ordine  atque  vestitu,  impetum  in 
eum  faciunt  qui  suppositus  erat.  Praedixerat  autem 
iis  Datames  cum  quibus  iter  faciebat  ut  parati  essent 

5  facere  quod  ipsum  vidissent.  Ipse,  ut  concurrentes 
insidiatores  animum  advertit,  tela  in  eos  coniecit. 
Hoc  idem  cum  universi  fecissent,  priusquam  per- 
venirent  ad  eum  quem  aggredi  volebant,  confixi 
conciderunt. 

10.  Hic  tamen  tam  callidus  vir  extremo  tempore 
captus  est  Mithridatis,  Ariobarzanis  filii,  dolo. 
Namque  is  pollicitus  est  regi  se  eum  interfecturum, 
si  sibi  2  rex  permitteret  ut  quodcumque  vellet  liceret 

1  evitavit,  Nipp.  (vitavit,  ed.  11,  Witte);  vitavit,  MS8, 

2  sibi,  Ortmann ;  ei,  2ISS. 
526 


XIV.  DATAMES,  ix.  i-x.  i 

placable  hatred  of  Datames  and  finding  that  he  could 
not  get  the  better  of  him  in  war,  tried  to  kill  him  by 
treachery ;  but  Datames  escaped  many  of  his  plots. 
For  example,  when  it  was  reported  to  him  that 
certain  men  were  conspiring  against  him  Avho  were 
included  among  his  friends,  he  thought  that  charges 
against  friends,  made  by  their  personal  enemies, 
ought  neither  to  be  beUeved  nor  disregarded ;  but 
he  wished  to  flnd  out  whether  what  had  been  re- 
ported  to  him  was  true  or  false.  Accordingly,  he 
set  out  for  the  place  on  the  road  to  which  it  was 
reported  that  the  ambuscade  would  be  laid.  But  he 
selected  a  man  who  closely  resembled  him  in  figure 
and  stature,  dressed  him  in  his  own  costume,  and 
directed  him  to  take  the  place  in  the  Hne  which  he 
himself  usually  occupied.  Then  Datames,  equipped 
and  dressed  hke  a  common  soldier,  began  the  march 
among  his  body-guard. 

Now  the  traitors,  when  the  army  reached  the 
appointed  place,  misled  by  his  place  in  the  Une  and 
his  costume,  made  their  attack  upon  the  man  who 
had  taken  Datames'  place.  But  Datames  had 
ordered  those  with  whom  he  was  marching  to  be 
ready  to  do  what  they  saw  him  doing,  and  he,  as 
soon  as  he  saw  the  traitors  rushing  forward,  hurled 
weapons  at  them ;  and  since  the  whole  troop  did  the 
same,  before  the  assassins  could  reach  the  man  whom 
they  A^ished  to  attack  they  all  fell,  pierced  with 
wounds. 

10.  Yet  this  man,  cunning  as  he  was,  finally  fell 
victim  to  the  craft  of  Mithridates,  the  son  of  Ario- 
barzanes ;  for  he  had  promised  the  king  to  kill 
Datames,  provided  the  king  would  allow  him  to  do 
with  impunity  anything  that  he  chose,  and  would  give 

527 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

impune  facere  fidemque  de  ea  re  more  Persarum 

2  dextra  dedisset.  Hanc  ut  accepit  a  rege  missam, 
copias  parat  et  absens  amicitiam  cum  Datame  facit, 
regis  provincias  vexat,  castella  expugnat,  magnas 
praedas  capit,  quarum  partim  suis  dispertit,  partim 
ad  Datamen  mittit ;   pari  modo  complura  castella  ei 

3  tradit.  Haec  diu  faciundo  persuasit  homini  se 
infinitum  adversus  regem  suscepisse  bellum,  cum 
nihilo  magis,  ne  quam  suspicionem  ilH  praeberet 
insidiarum,  neque  colloquium  eius  petivit  neque  in 
conspectum  venire  studuit.  Sic  absens  amicitiam 
gerebat,  ut  non  beneficiis  mutuis,  sed  communi  odio 
quod  erga  regem  susceperant  contineri  viderentur. 

11.  Id  cum  satis  se  confirmasse  arbitratus  est, 
certiorem  facit  Datamen  tempus  esse  maiores  res 
parari  et  bellum  cum  ipso  rege  suscipi,  deque  ea  re, 
si  ei  \-ideretur,  quo  loco  vellet  in  colloquium  veniret. 
Probata  re,  colloquendi  tempus  sumitur  locusque  quo 
2  conveniretur.  Huc  Mithridates  cum  uno  cui  maxime 
habebat  fidem  ante  aUquot  dies  venit  compluri- 
busque  locis  separatim  gladios  obruit  eaque  loca 
diUgenter  notat.  Ipso  autem  colloquii  die  utrique 
locum  qui  explorarent  atque  ipsos  scrutarentur 
mittunt ;   deinde  ipsi  sunt  congressi. 

1  The  messenger  gave  his  right  hand  to  Datames  as  the 
king's  representative ;  cf.  Justin.  xi.  15.  3,  dextram  fert; 
Xen.  Cyro^y.  iv.  2.  7,  (pipei  5e|iaj';  etc.  The  custom  of 
sending  a  representation  of  a  hand  as  a  token  (Tac.  Hist.  i. 
54 ;  ii.  8)  is  a  later  one. 

528 


XIV.  DATAMES,  x.  i-xi.  2 

him  a  pledge  to  that  effect  in  the  Persian  fashion  with 
his  right  hand.  When  he  had  received  that  pledge 
from  the  king's  messenger,^  Mithridates  prepared 
his  forces  and  made  friends  with  Datames  without 
meeting  him.  He  then  began  to  raid  the  king's 
provinces  and  storm  his  fortresses,  gaining  a  great 
amount  of  booty,  of  which  he  divided  a  part  among 
his  soldiers  and  sent  a  part  to  Datames  ;  he  like- 
wise  handed  over  several  fortresses  to  the  Carian. 
By  continuing  this  conduct  for  a  long  time  he 
convinced  Datames  that  he  was  engaged  in  im- 
placable  war  against  the  king,  while  nevertheless, 
to  avoid  exciting  any  suspicion  of  treachery, 
he  neither  sought  an  interview  with  his  intended 
victim,  nor  did  he  try  to  meet  him  face  to  face. 
From  a  distance  he  played  the  part  of  a  friend,  in 
such  a  way  that  they  seemed  to  be  united,  not  by 
mutual  services,  but  by  the  common  hatred  which 
they  felt  for  the  king. 

11.  When  Mithridates  thought  that  he  had  made 
his  enmity  to  the  king  sufficiently  evident,he  informed 
Datames  that  it  was  time  to  raise  greater  armies 
and  make  war  directly  on  Artaxerxes ;  and  he 
invited  him  to  hold  a  conference  about  that  matter, 
if  he  approved,  in  any  place  that  he  wished.  The 
proposition  was  accepted,  and  a  time  and  place 
appointed  for  their  meeting.  Mithridates  went  to 
the  spot  several  days  in  advance,  with  a  single  com- 
panion  in  whom  he  had  the  greatest  confidence  ;  and 
in  several  different  places,  which  he  carefully  marked, 
he  buried  swords.  And  on  the  very  day  of  the 
meeting  both  parties  sent  men  to  examine  the  place 
and  search  the  generals  themselves ;  then  the  two 
met. 

F.N.  s  ^    ^ 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

3  His  cum  aliquamdiu  in  colloquio  fuissent  et  diversi 
discessissent  iamque  procul  Datames  abesset, 
Mithridates,  priusquam  ad  suos  perveniret,  ne  quam 
suspicionem  pareret,  in  eundem  locum  revertitur 
atque  ibi  ubi  telum  erat  infossum  resedit,^  ut  si 
lassitudine  cuperet  adquiescere,  Datamenque  revo- 
cavit,  simulans    se    quiddam    in    colloquio    esse   ob- 

4  litum.  Interim  telum  quod  latebat  protulit  nuda- 
tumque  vagina  veste  texit  ac  Datami  venienti  ait 
digredientem  se  animadvertisse  locum  quendam,  qui 
erat  in  conspectu,  ad  castra  ponenda  esse  idoneum. 

-5  Quem  cum  digito  demonstraret  et  ille  respiceret, 
aversum  ferro  transfixit  priusque  quam  quisquam 
posset  succurrere,  interfecit.  Ita  ille  vir,  qui  multos 
consilio,  neminem  perfidia  ceperat,  simulata  captus 
<est  amicitia. 

XV.  EPAMINONDAS 

1.  Epaminondas,  Polymnidis  ^  filius,  Thebanus.  De 
hoc  priusquam  scribimus,  haec  praecipienda  videntur 
lectoribus,  ne  alienos  mores  ad  suos  referant,  neve  ea 
quae  ipsis  le\aora  sunt  pari  modo  apud  ceteros  fuisse 
2  arbitrentur.  Scimus  enim  musicen  nostris  moribus 
abesse  a  principis  persona,  saltare  vero  etiam  in 
vitiis  poni;    quae  omnia  apud  Graecos  et  grata  et 

^  iafossum  resedit,   Heusinger ;    repostum  insedit,   Can. ; 
impostum  resedit,  Dan.AP ;  impositum  resedit,  the  other  21 SS. 
2  Polymnidis,  Heusinger;    Polymni,  MSS. 


1  On  the  form  of  this  Life  see  Introd.,  p.  360. 

2  Cf.  Praef.  2.  ^  See  Cic.  pro  Mur.  13. 


530 


XV.  EPAMINONDAS,  i.  1-2 

After  they  had  conferred  there  for  some  time,  they 
departed  in  opposite  directions ;  but  when  Datames 
was  already  a  considerable  distance  away,  Mithri- 
dates,  in  order  not  to  arouse  any  suspicion,  returned 
to  the  place  of  meeting  before  joining  his  attendants, 
and  sat  down  at  a  spot  where  a  weapon  had  been 
buried,  as  if  he  were  tired  and  wished  to  rest ;  then 
he  called  Datames  back,  pretending  that  he  had 
overlooked  something  in  the  course  of  the  con- 
ference.  In  the  meantime  he  took  out  the  hidden 
sword,  drew  it  frori  its  sheath,  and  concealed  it 
under  his  cloak.  When  Datames  came,  Mithridates 
said  to  him  that  just  as  he  was  leaving  he  had  noticed 
a  spot,  visible  from  Mhere  they  sat,  which  was  suit- 
able  for  pitching  a  camp.  He  pointed  out  the  place, 
and  as  Datames  turned  to  look  at  it,  the  traitor 
plunged  the  sword  into  his  back  and  killed  him 
before  anyone  could  come  to  his  help.  Thus  that  362  b.c. 
great  man,  who  had  triumphed  over  many  by 
strategy,  but  never  by  treachery,  fell  a  victim  to 
feigned  friendship. 

XV.  EPAMINONDAS 

1.  Epaminondas,  the  Theban,  son  of  Polymnis.^ 
Before  writing  about  tliis  man,  I  think  I  ought  to 
warn  my  readers  not  to  judge  the  customs  of  other 
nations  by  their  o\\ti,-  and  not  to  consider  conduct 
which  in  their  opinion  is  undignified  as  so  regarded 
by  other  peoples.  We  know,  for  example,  that 
according  to  our  ideas  music  is  unsuited  to  a  per- 
sonage  of  importance,whiledancing  is  even  numbered 
among  the  vices ;  ^  but  with  the  Greeks  all  such 
accomphshments   were   regarded   as   becoming   and 

531 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

3  laude  digna  ducuntur.  Cum  autem  exprimere 
imaginem  consuetudinis  atque  vitae  velimus  Epa- 
minondae,     nihil     videmur     debere     praetermittere 

4  quod  pertineat  ad  eam  declarandam,  Qua  re  dice- 
mus  primum  de  genere  eius,  deinde  quibus  disciplinis 
et  a  quibus  sit  eruditus,  tum  de  moribus  ingeniique 
facultatibus  et  si  qua  alia  memoria  digna  erunt, 
postremo  de  rebus  gestis,  quae  a  plurimis  animi  ^ 
anteponuntur  virtutibus. 

2.  Natus  igitur  patre  quo  diximus,  genere  honesto, 
pauper  iam  a  maioribus  relictus  est,^  eruditus  autem 
sic  ut  nemo  Thebanus  magis.  Nam  et  citharizare  et 
cantare  ad  chordarum  sonum  doctus  est  a  Dionysio, 
qui  non  minore  fuit  in  musicis  gloria  quam  Damon 
aut  Lamprus,  quorum  pervulgata  sunt  nomina, 
cantare  tibiis  ab  Olympiodoro,  saltare  a  Calliphrone. 

2  At  philosophiae  praeceptorem  habuit  Lysim  Taren- 
tinum,  Pythagoreum  ;  cui  quidem  sic  fuit  deditus,  ut 
adulescens  tristem  ac  severum  senem  omnibus 
aequahbus  suis  in  famiharitate  anteposuerit ;  neque 
prius  eum  a  se  dimisit,^  quam  in  doctrinis  tanto 
antecessit  condiscipulos,  ut  facile  intellegi  posset 
pari   modo   superaturum   omnes   in   ceteris   artibus. 

3  Atque  haec  ad  nostram  consuetudinem  sunt  levia  et 
potius  contemnenda ;  at  in  Graecia,  utique  oHm, 
magnae  laudi  erant. 

4  Postquam  ephebus  est  factus  et  palaestrae  dare 
operam  coepit,  non  tam  magnitudini  virium  servivit 

^  animi,  Koene;   omnium,  3ISS. 

*  est,  added  hy  Halm,  Fhck. ;   after  natus,  Nipp. 

3  dimisit,  Nipp. ;  dimiserit,  MSS. 


XV.  EPAMINONDAS,  i.  2-11.  4 

even  praiseworthy.  Since,  then,  I  wish  to  portray 
the  hfe  and  habits  of  Epaminondas,  it  seems  to  me 
that  I  ought  to  omit  nothing  which  contributes  to 
that  end.  Therefore  I  shall  speak  first  of  his  family, 
then  of  the  subjects  which  he  studied  and  his 
teachers,  next  of  his  character,  his  natural  quahties, 
and  anything  else  that  is  worthy  of  record.  Finally, 
I  shall  give  an  account  of  his  exploits,  which  many 
\vTiters  consider  more  important  than  mental 
excellence. 

2.  Well  then,  he  was  born  of  the  father  whom  I 
have  mentioned ;  his  family  was  an  honourable  one, 
but  had  been  in  moderate  circumstances  for  some 
time ;  yet  in  spite  of  that  he  received  as  good  an 
education  as  any  Theban,  Thus  he  was  taught  to 
play  the  lyre,  and  to  sing  with  an  instrumental 
accompaniment,  by  Dionysius,  who  in  the  musical 
world  was  equal  in  reputation  to  Damon  or  Lamprus, 
whose  names  are  known  everywhere.  He  learned 
to  play  the  pipes  from  Olympiodorus  and  to  dance 
from  Calhphron.  In  philosophy  he  had  as  his  master 
Lysis  of  Tarentum,  the  Pythagorean,  and  to  him  he 
was  so  attached  that  in  his  youth  he  was  more 
intimate  with  that  grave  and  austere  old  man  than 
Mith  any  of  the  young  people  of  his  oavti  age  ;  and  he 
would  not  allow  his  teacher  to  leave  him  until  he  so 
far  surpassed  his  fellow-students  in  learning,  that  it 
could  readily  be  understood  that  in  a  similar  way  he 
would  surpass  all  men  in  all  other  accomphshments. 
Now  these  last,  according  to  our  views,  are  trivial,  or 
rather,  contemptible ;  but  in  Greece,  especially  in 
bygone  days,  they  were  highly  esteemed. 

As  soon  as  Epaminondas  attained  mihtary  age  and 
began  to  interest  himself  in  physical  exercise,  he 

533 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

quam  velocitati ;  illam  enim  ad  athletarum  usum, 
hanc  ad  belU  existimabat  utilitatem  pertinere. 
5  Itaque  exercebatur  plurimum  currendo  et  luctando 
ad  eum  finem,  quoad  stans  ^  complecti  posset  atque 
contendere.  In  armis  vero  plurimimi  studii  con- 
sumebat. 

3.  Ad  hanc  corporis  firmitatem  plura  etiam  animi 
bona  accesserant.  Erat  enim  modestus,  prudens, 
gravis,  temporibus  sapienter  utens,  peritus  beUi, 
fortis  manu,  animo  maximo,  adeo  veritatis  diligens, 

2  ut  ne  ioco  quidem  mentiretur.  Idem  continens, 
clemens  patiensque  admirandum  in  modum,  non 
solum  popuH,  sed  etiam  amicorum  ferens  iniurias ; 
in  primis  commissa  celans,  quod  ^  interdum  non 
minus  prodest  quam  diserte  dicere,studiosusaudiendi ; 

3  ex  hoc  enim  facilUme  disci  arbitrabatur.  Itaque 
cum  in  circulum  venisset  in  quo  aut  de  re  publica 
disputaretur  aut  de  philosophia  sermo  haberetur, 
numquam  inde  prius  discessit,  quam  ad  finem  sermo 
esset  adductus. 

4  Paupertatem  adeo  facile  perpessus  est,  ut  de  re 
pubhca  nihil  praeter  gloriam  ceperit.  Amicorum 
in  se  tuendo  caruit  facultatibus,  fide  ^  ad  aUos 
sublevandos   saepe   sic   usus   est,   ut  iudicari  possit 

5  omnia  ei  cum  amicis  fuisse  communia.  Nam  cum 
aut  civium  suorum  aUquis  ab  hostibus  esset  captus 
aut  virgo  amici  nubiUs,  quae  propter  paupertatem 

1  quoad  stans,  u ;  quo  adstans,  MSS. 

2  quodque,  Eiismer. 

^  isclem,  21.  Haupt;  idem,  Nipp. 


1  See  crit.  note. 

'  After  the  manner  of  the  Pythagoreans ;  see  Gell.  i.  9.  12. 


534 


XV.  EPAMINONDAS,  ii.  4-111.  5 

aimed  less  at  great  strength  than  at  agility ;  for  he 
thought  that  the  former  was  necessary  for  athletes, 
but  that  the  latter  would  be  helpful  in  warfare. 
Accordingly,  he  trained  himself  thoroughly  in  run- 
ning  and  ^\Testhng,  but  in  the  latter  only  to  the 
extent  of  being  able,  while  still  standing,  to  seize  his 
opponent  and  contend  Mith  him.  But  it  was  to  the 
use  of  arms  that  he  devoted  his  greatest  eiforts. 

3.  To  the  bodily  strength  that  he  thus  acquired 
there  were  added  still  greater  mental  gifts ;  for  he 
was  temperate,  prudent,  serious,  and  skilful  in  taking 
advantage  of  opportunities  ;  practised  in Mar,  of  great 
personal  courage  and  of  high  spirit ;  such  a  lover  of  the 
truth  that  he  never  hed  even  in  jest.  Furthermore, 
he  was  self-controlled,  kindly,  and  forbearing  to  a 
surprising  degree,  putting  up  with  ^\Tongs,  not  only 
from  the  people,  but  even  from  his  friends ;  he  was 
most  particular  in  keeping  secrets,  a  quaUty  which 
is  sometimes  no  less  valuable  than  eloquence,  and  he 
was  a  good  hstener ;  for  he  thought  that  to  be  the 
easiest  way  of  acquiring  information.  Therefore, 
whenever  he  was  in  a  gathering  where  there  was  an 
argument  about  affairs  of  state  or  philosophical  dis- 
cussion,  he  never  left  until  the  conversation  was 
ended. 

He  found  it  so  easy  to  endure  narrow  means  that 
from  his  pubhc  services  he  gained  nothing  but  glory, 
and  he  dechned  to  use  the  wealth  of  his  friends  for 
his  own  necessities.  In  aiding  others,  on  the  con- 
trary,  he  made  such  use  of  their  trust  ^  in  him  that 
one  might  suppose  that  he  and  his  friends  shared  all 
their  possessions  in  common.^  For  if  anyone  of  his 
fellow-citizens  had  been  taken  by  the  enemy,  or  if 
a  friend's  daughter  was  of   marriageable  age  but 

535 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

collocari  non  posset,  amicorum  consilium  ^  habebat  et 
quantum  quisque  daret  pro  facultatibus  imperabat. 
6  Eamque  summam  cum  confecerat,^  priusquam^  acci- 
peret  pecuniam,  adducebat  eum  qui  quaerebat  ad 
eos  qui  conferebant,  eique  ut  ipsi  numerarent  faciebat, 
ut  ille  ad  quem  ea  res  perveniebat  sciret  quantum 
cuique  deberet. 

4.  Temptata  autem  eius  est  abstinentia  a  Diome- 
donte  Cyziceno ;  namque  is  rogatu  Artaxerxis  regis 
Epaminondam  pecunia  corrumpendum  susceperat. 
Hic  magno  cum  pondere  auri  Thebas  venit  et 
Micythum  adulescentulum  quinque  talentis  ad 
suam  perduxit  voluntatem,  quem  tum  Epami- 
nondas  plurimum  dihgebat.*  Micythus  Epami- 
nondam  convenit  et  causam  adventus  Diomedontis 

2  ostendit.  At  iUe  Diomedonti  coram  "  Nihil,"  inquit, 
"  opus  pecunia  est ;  nam  si  rex  ea  vult  quae  Thebanis 
sunt  utiha,  gratiis  facere  sum  paratus ;  sin  autem 
contraria,  non  habet  auri  atque  argenti  satis.  Namque 
orbis    terrarum    divitias    accipere    nolo    pro   patriae 

3  caritate.  Tu  quod  me  incognitum  temptasti  tuique 
similem  existimasti  non  miror  tibique  ignosco ;  sed 
egredere  propere,  ne  ahos  corrumpas,  cum  me 
non  potueris.  Et  tu,  Micvthe,  argentum  huic  redde, 
aut,  nisi  id  confestim  facis,  ego  te  tradam  magis- 

4  tratui."  Hunc  Diomedon  cum  rogaret,  ut  tuto  exiret  ^ 
suaque  quae  attulerat  hceret  eflferre,  "  Istud 
quidem,"  inquit,  "  faciam,  neque  tua  causa,  sed  mea, 

^  conciUum,  AUus.        ^  confecerat,  Halm;  fecerat,  31 SS. 
3  potiusquam,  Halm;  Fleck,  added  ipse. 
*  quem  .  .  .  diligeha.t,  put  after  adulescentulum  by  Pluygers. 
^  exire,  ed.  Brixiana. 

^  Magistratui  is  used  collectively ;  cf.  ii.  7.  4  and  the  note 
(p.  400). 

53^ 


XV.  EPAMINONDAS,  iii.  5-iv.  4 

could  not  be  wedded  because  of  lack  of  means,  he 
took  counsel  of  his  friends  and  fixed  the  amount  of 
the  contribution  which  each  was  to  make,  adapting 
the  sum  to  the  contributor's  means.  And  having 
made  up  the  necessary  amount,  before  taking  the 
money  he  presented  the  one  who  was  in  need  to  the 
contributors,  in  order  that  the  man  who  received 
help  might  know  how  much  he  owed  each  one. 

4.  His  integrity  was  tested  by  Diomedon,  ofseSB.c. 
Cyzicus,  who,  at  the  request  of  King  Artaxerxes,  had 
undertaken  to  bribe  Epaminondas.  Diomedon  came 
to  Thebes  with  a  great  amount  of  gold,  and  with  five 
talents  won  the  support  of  a  young  man  named 
Micythus,  to  whom  Epaminondas  was  greatly 
attached  at  that  time.  Micythus  went  to  Epami- 
nondas  and  explained  the  reason  for  Diomedon's 
coming.  But  the  great  man  dealt  with  the  Persian 
face  to  face,  saying :  "  There  is  no  need  of  money ; 
for  if  what  the  king  wishes  is  to  the  interest  of  the 
Thebans,  I  am  ready  to  do  it  free  of  charge ;  but  if 
the  contrary  is  true,  he  has  not  gold  and  silver 
enough ;  for  I  would  not  take  all  the  riches  in  the 
world  in  exchange  for  my  love  of  country.  As  for 
you,  who  do  not  know  me,  I  am  not  surprised  that 
you  have  tried  to  tempt  me  and  believed  me  to  be  a 
man  Uke  yourself,  and  I  forgive  you ;  but  leave  here 
at  once,  so  that  you  may  not  corrupt  others,  since 
you  have  failed  with  me.  And  you,  Micythus,  give 
this  man  back  his  money ;  and  if  you  do  not  do  so 
immediately,  I  shall  hand  you  over  to  the  magi- 
strates."  ^  When  Diomedon  asked  that  he  might  go 
away  in  safety  and  be  allowed  to  take  the  money  that 
he  had  brought  with  him,  Epaminondas  rephed: 
"  I  will  grant  your  request,  not,  however,  for  your  sake, 

537 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

rie,  si  tibi  sit  pecunia  adempta,  aliquis  dicat  id  ad 
me  ereptum  pervenisse,  quod  delatum  accipere 
noluissem." 

5  A  quo  cum  quaesisset  quo  se  deduci  vellet,  et  ille 
Athenas  dixisset,  praesidium  dedit,  ut  tuto  per- 
veniret.  Neque  vero  id  satis  habuit,  sed  etiam  ut 
inviolatus  in  navem  escenderet  per  Chabriam 
Atheniensem,    de    quo    supra   mentionem    fecimus, 

6  efFecit.  Abstinentiae  erit  hoc  satis  testimonium. 
Plurima  quidem  proferre  possimus,  sed  modus  adhi- 
bendus  est,  quoniam  uno  hoc  volumine  vitam  excel- 
lentium  virorum  complurium  concludere  consti- 
tuimus,  quorum  res  ^  separatim  multis  mihbus 
versuum  complures  scriptores  ante  nos  exphcarunt. 

5.  Fuit  etiam  disertus  ut  nemo  ei  Thebanus  par 
esset  eloquentia,  neque  minus  concinnus  in  bre^itate 
respondendi    quam    in    perpetua    oratione    ornatus. 

2  Habuit  obtrectatorem  MenecHden  quendam,  indidem 
Thebis,  et  adversarium  in  administranda  re  pubhca, 
satis  exercitatum  in  dicendo,  ut  Thebanum  scihcet; 

3  namque  iUi  genti  plus  inest  virium  quam  ingenii.  Is 
quod  in  re  miUtari  florere  Epaminondam  videbat, 
hortari  solebat  Thebanos  ut  pacem  bello  anteferrent, 
ne  iUius  imperatoris  opera  desideraretur.  Huic  ille 
"  FaUis,"  inquit,  "  verbo  civis  tuos,  quod  eos  a  bello 
avocas  ^ ;     otii   enim   nomine   servitutem   conciHas ; 


*  res,  added  hy  Eichter. 

2  avocas,  u,  Lanibin;  evocas,  AISS.;  revocas,  Kloiz. 


538 


XV.  EPAMINONDAS,  iv.  4-v.  3 

but  for  my  own ;  for  I  fear  that  if  your  money  should 
be  taken  from  you,  someone  might  say  that  the  sum 
which  I  had  refused  when  it  was  oftered  as  a  gift 
had  come  into  my  hands  through  confiscation." 

Epaminondas  then  asked  the  Persian  where  he 
\^*ished  to  be  taken,  and  when  Diomedon  named 
Athens,  he  gave  him  an  escort,  to  secure  his  safe 
arrival.  And  he  was  not  even  satisfied  with  that,  but 
through  Chabrias,  the  Athenian,  of  whom  I  have 
already  spoken,  he  saved  Diomedon  from  being 
molested  before  he  embarked.  Of  Epaminondas' 
integrity  this  will  be  sufficient  proof.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  I  might  cite  a  great  many  instances,  but  I  must 
use  restraint,  since  I  have  planned  in  this  one  volume 
to  include  the  Hves  of  several  distinguished  men,  to 
whose  individual  deeds  various  writers  before  me 
have  devoted  many  thousand  Hnes. 

5.  Epaminondas  was  also  so  good  a  speaker  that 
no  Theban  equalled  him  in  eloquence,  and  he  was  not 
less  clever  in  brief  answers  than  brilhant  in  a  set 
speech.  He  had  a  detractor  in  the  person  of  one 
Meneclides,  also  a  native  of  Thebes  and  his  rival  in 
the  administration  of  the  state,  who  too  was  a 
practised  speaker,  at  least  for  a  Theban ;  for  that 
people  possesses  more  bodily  strength  than  mental 
ability.^  This  man,  observing  that  warfare  brought 
glory  to  Epaminondas,  used  to  urge  the  Thebans  to 
seek  peace  rather  than  Avar,  in  order  that  they  might 
not  need  the  aid  of  that  great  man  as  their  com- 
mander.  To  him  Epaminondas  said :  "  You  are 
deceiving  your  fellow-citizens  by  using  the  ^vTong 
word,  M-hen  you  dissuade  them  from  war;  for  under 
the  name  of  peace  it  is  slavery  that  you  are  recom- 
1  Cf.  vii.  11.  3. 

539 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

4  nam  paritur  pax  bello.  Itaque  qui  ea  diutina  volunt 
frui,  bello  exercitati  esse  debent.  Qua  re  si  prin- 
cipes  Graeciae  vultis  csse,  castris  est  vobis  utendum, 
non  palaestra." 

5  Idem  ille  Meneclides  cum  huic  obiceret  quod 
liberos  non  haberet  neque  uxorem  duxisset,  max- 
imeque  insolentiam,  quod  sibi  Agamemnonis  belli 
gloriam  videretur  consecutus :  at  ille  "  Desine," 
inquit,  "  Menechda,  de  uxore  mihi  exprobrare  ;  nam 
nuUius  in  ista  re  minus  uti  consiho  volo."     Habebat 

6  enim  Meneclides  suspicionem  adulteri.  "  Quod 
autem  me  Agamemnonem  aemulari  putas,  falleris. 
Namque  ille  cum  universa  Graecia  vix  decem  annis 
unam  cepit  urbem,  ego  contra  ea  una  urbe  nostra 
dieque  uno  totam  Graeciam,  Lacedaemoniis  fugatis, 
Uberavi." 

6.  Idem  cum  in  conventum  venisset  Arcadum,  pe- 
tens  ut  societatem  cum  Thebanis  et  Argivis  facerent, 
contraque  CalUstratus,  Atheniensium  legatus,  qui 
eloquentia  omnes  eo  praestabat  tempore,  postularet 
ut  potius  amicitiam  sequerentur  Atticorum,  et  in 
oratione  sua  multa  invectus  esset  in  Thebanos  et 

2  Argivos  in  iisque  hoc  posuisset,  animum  advertere 
debere  Arcades  quales  utraque  civitas  cives  pro- 
creasset,  ex  quibus  de  ceteris  possent  iudicare : 
Argivos  enim  fuisse  Orestem  et  Alcmaeonem  matri- 
cidas ;    Thebis   Oedipum   natum,   qui,   cum  patrem 

3  suum  interfecisset,  ex  matre  Uberos  procreasset : 
huic  in  respondendo  Epaminondas,  cum  de  ceteris 

1  At  Leuctra,  371  b.c.  *  See  Gell.  iii.  13.  2  S. 


XV.  EPAMINONDAS,  v.  3-vi.  3 

mending.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  peace  is  won  by  war ; 
hence  those  who  wish  to  enjoy  it  for  a  long  time 
ought  to  be  trained  for  war.  Therefore  if  you  wish 
to  be  the  leading  city  of  Greece,  you  must  frequent 
the  camp  and  not  the  gymnasium." 

When  this  same  MenecHdes  taunted  him  with  not 
having  children  or  marrying,  and  especially  with 
arrogance  in  thinking  that  he  had  equalled  Aga- 
memnon's  renowTi  in  war,  Epaminondas  answered : 
"  Cease,  MenecUdes,  to  taunt  me  about  marriage ; 
there  is  no  one  whose  example  in  that  regard  I 
should  be  less  wilUng  to  foUow"  ;  and,  in  fact,  Mene- 
cUdes  was  suspected  of  adultery.  "  Further,  in 
supposing  that  I  regard  Agamemnon  as  a  rival,  you 
are  mistaken ;  for  he,  with  aU  Greece  at  his  back, 
needed  fuUy  ten  years  to  take  one  city,  while  I,  on 
the  contrary,  with  this  city  of  ours  alone,  and  in  a 
single  day,  routed  the  Lacedaemonians  and  freed  all 
Greece."  ^ 

6.  Again,  when  he  had  entered  the  assembly  of 
the  Arcadians,  urging  them  to  conclude  an  alUance 
with  the  Thebans  and  Argives,  CaUistratus,  the 
envoy  of  the  Athenians  and  the  most  eloquent  orator 
of  that  time  ^  advised  them  rather  to  aUy  themselves 
with  the  people  of  Attica,  and  in  his  speech  made 
many  attacks  upon  the  Thebans  and  Argives.  For 
example,  he  declared  that  the  Arcadians  ought  to 
bear  in  mind  the  character  of  some  of  the  citizens 
that  those  two  cities  had  produced,  since  from  them 
they  could  form  an  estimate  of  the  rest.  Thus  from 
Argos  came  Orestes  and  Alcmaeon,  the  matricides ; 
from  Thebes,  Oedipus,  who,  after  kiUing  his  father, 
begot  children  from  his  mother.  In  replying  to  him 
Epaminondas,  after  having  first  discussed  the  other 

541 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

perorasset,  postquam  ad  illa  duo  opprobria  pervenit, 
admirari  se  dixit  stultitiam  rhetoris  Attici,  qui  non 
animadverterit,  innocentes  illos  natos  domi,  scelere 
admisso  cum  patria  essent  expulsi,  receptos  esse  ab 
Atheniensibus. 
4  Sed  maxime  eius  eloquentia  eluxit  Spartae  legati 
ante  pugnam  Leuctricam.  Quo  cum  omnium 
sociorum  convenissent  legati,  coram  frequentissimo 
conventu  sic  Lacedaemoniorum  tyrannidem  coarguit, 
ut  non  minus  illa  oratione  opes  eorum  concusserit 
quam  Leuctrica  pugna.  Tum  enim  perfecit,  quod 
post  apparuit,  ut  auxiho  Lacedaemonii  sociorum 
privarentur. 

7.  Fuisse  patientem  suorumque  iniurias  ferentem 
civium,  quod  se  patriae  irasci  nefas  esse  duceret,  haec 
sunt  testimonia.  Cum  eum  propter  invidiam  cives 
sui  praeficere  exercitui  noluissent  duxque  esset 
delectus  belli  imperitus,  cuius  errore  eo  esset  deducta 
illa  multitudo  militum  ut  omnes  de  salute  perti- 
mescerent,  quod  locorum  angustiis  clausi  ab  hostibus 
obsidebantur,  desiderari  coepta  est  Epaminondae 
diligentia;    erat  enim  ibi  privatus  numero    mihtis. 

2  A  quo  cum  peterent  opem,  nullam  adhibuit  memor- 
iam  contumeliae  et  exercitum  obsidione  hberatum 

3  domum   reduxit  incolumem.     Nec   vero   hoc   semel 
fecit,    sed   saepius.     Maxime    autem   fuit   inlustre, 

542 


XV.  EPAMINONDAS,  vi.  3-vii.  3 

questions,  finally  came  to  these  two  taunts.  He  was 
amazed,  he  said,  at  the  foUy  of  the  Attic  orator, 
who  did  not  understand  that  those  men  were  all 
blameless  at  the  time  of  their  birth  in  their  native 
land,  but  after  they  had  committed  their  crimes  and 
had  been  exiled  from  their  country,  they  had  found 
asylum  with  the  Athenians. 

But  his  most  briUiant  display  of  eloquence  was  at 
Sparta,  as  envoy  before  the  battle  of  Leuctra.  For  371  b.c. 
when  the  representatives  of  all  the  aUies  had 
assembled  there,  in  the  presence  of  that  great  throng 
he  denounced  the  despotism  of  the  Lacedaemonians 
in  such  terms  that  he  did  not  shake  the  Spartan 
power  more  by  the  battle  of  Leuctra  than  by  that 
famous  address.  For  it  was  then — as  afterwards 
became  clear — that  he  succeeded  in  depriving  the 
Lacedaemonians  of  the  support  of  their  aUies. 

7.  That  he  was  patient  and  submitted  to  the 
injustice  of  his  fellow-citizens  because  he  thought  it 
impious  to  show  anger  towards  his  country,  appears 
from  the  following  evidence.  The  Thebans  because 
of  jealousy  had  refused  to  make  him  commander  of 
their  armyandhadchosen  a  leader  without  experience 
in  warfare.  When  the  man's  blunder  had  resulted  36S  b.c. 
in  making  that  large  force  of  soldiers  fearful  of  their 
safety,  since  they  were  shut  up  in  a  narrow  defile  and 
blackaded  by  the  enemy,  they  came  to  feel  the  need 
of  Epaminondas'  carefulness ;  and  he  was  present, 
as  it  happened,  serving  as  a  soldier  without  a 
commission.  When  they  appealed  to  him  for  help, 
he  entirely  overlooked  the  shght  that  he  had  suffered, 
freed  the  army  from  siege,  and  led  it  home  in  safety. 
And  this  he  did  not  once,  but  very  often. 
Conspicuous  among  these  was  the  time  when  he  led 

543 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

cum  in  Peloponnesum  exercitum  duxisset  adversus 
Lacedaemonios  haberetque  collegas  duos,  quorum 
alter  erat  Pelopidas,  vir  fortis  ac  strenuus. 

Hi  cum  criminibus  adversariorum  omnes  in 
invidiam  venissent  ob  eamque  rem  imperium  iis 
esset  abrogatum  atque  in  eorum  locum  alii  praetores 

4  successissent,  Epaminondas  populi  scito  non  paruit 
idemque  ut  facerent  persuasit  collegis,  et  bellum 
quod  susceperat  gessit.  Namque  animadvertebat, 
nisi  id  fecisset,  totum  exercitum  propter  praetorum 

5  imprudentiam  inscitiamque  belli  periturum.  Lex 
erat  Thebis,  quae  morte  multabat,  si  quis  imperium 
diutius  retinuisset  quam  lege  praelinitum  foret. 
Hanc  Epaminondas  cum  rei  pubUcae  conservandae 
causa  latam  videret,  ad  perniciem  civitatis  conferri  ^ 
noluit  et  quattuor  mensibus  diutius  quam  populus 
iusserat  gessit  imperium. 

8.  Postquam  domum  reditum  est,  collegae  eius 
hoc  crimine  accusabantur.  Quibus  ille  permisit  ut 
omnem  causam  in  se  transferrent  suaque  opera 
factum  contenderent,  ut  legi  non  oboedirent.  Qua 
defensione  illis  periculo  Hberatis,  nemo  Epaminondam 
responsurum  putabat,  quod  quid  diceret  non  haberet. 
2  At  ille  in  iudicium  venit,  nihil  eorum  negavit  quae 
adversarii  crimini  dabant,  omniaque  quae  collegae 
dixerant  confessus  est  neque  recusavit  quominus 
legis  poenam  subiret ;  sed  unum  ab  iis  petivit,  ut 
in  periculo  ^  suo  inscriberent : 

*  conferri,  Fleck;  conferre,  MSS. 

2  periculo,  21 SS.;  sepulcro,  Aldus  et  exc.  Pat.;  breviculo, 
Eeerwagen. 

^  For  this  meaning  of  periculum  see  Cic.  Verr.  iii.  183,  eorum 
hominum  tidei  tabulae  publicae  periculaque  magistratuum 
committuntur. 

544 


XV.  EPAMINONDAS,  vii.  3-viii.  2 

the   army  to  the   Peloponnesus   against  the   Lace-  370  b.c. 
daemonians  and  had  two  colleagues,  one  of  whom  was 
Pelopidas,  a  man  of  courage  and  energy. 

All  these  generals  had  become,  through  the  charges 
of  their  opponents,  objects  of  suspicion,  and  for 
that  reason  their  command  had  been  taken  from 
them  and  other  leaders  had  been  appointed  in  their 
place.  Epaminondas  refused  to  obey  the  people's 
decree,  persuaded  hiscolleagues  to  follow  hisexample, 
and  continued  the  war  which  he  had  begun ;  for  he 
knew  that  unless  he  did  so,  the  entire  army  would  be 
lost,  owing  to  the  incapacity  of  the  generals  and  their 
ignorance  of  warfare.  There  was  a  law  at  Thebes 
which  punished  with  death  anyone  who  had  retained 
a  command  beyond  the  time  provided  by  that  law. 
Since  Epaminondas  realized  that  the  law  in  question 
had  been  passed  for  the  safety  of  his  country,  he  did 
not  wish  it  to  contribute  to  the  ruin  of  the  state ; 
consequently,  he  retained  his  command  for  four 
months  longer  than  the  time  fixed  by  the  people. 

8.  After  they  returned  home,  his  colleagues  were 
brought  to  trial  for  their  disobedience.  Epa- 
minondas  allowed  them  to  throw  the  entire  responsi- 
bility  upon  him  and  to  urge  in  their  defence  that  it 
was  due  to  him  that  they  had  disobeyed  the  law. 
That  plea  freed  themfrom  danger,  and  noone  thought 
that  Epaminondas  would  put  in  an  appearance,  since 
he  had  nothing  to  say  in  his  defence.  But  he  came 
into  court,  denied  none  of  the  charges  of  his 
opponents,  admitted  everything  that  his  colleagues 
had  said,  and  did  not  refuse  to  submit  to  the  penalty 
named  in  the  law.  He  made  only  one  request  of  the 
judges,  namely,  that  they  should  enter  the  following 
record  of  his  sentence.^ 

545 


GORNELIUS  NEPOS 

3  "  Epaminondas  a  Thebanis  morte  multatus  est, 
quod  eos  coegit  apud  Leuctra  superare  Lacedae- 
monios,  quos  ante  se  imperatorem  nemo  Boeotorum 

4  ausus  fuit  ^  aspicere  in  acie,  quodque  uno  proelio 
non  solum  Thebas  ab  interitu  retraxit,  sed  etiam 
universam  Graeciam  in  Hbertatem  vindicavit  eoque 
res     utrorumque     perduxit,    ut     Thebani    Spartam 

5  oppugnarent,  Lacedaemonii  satis  haberent,  si  salvi 
esse  possent,  neque  prius  bellare  destitit  quam, 
Messene  restituta,  urbem  eorum  obsidione  clausit." 

Haec  cum  dixisset,  risus  omnium  cum  hilaritate 
coortus  est,  neque  quisquam  iudex  ausus  est  de  eo 
ferre  suffragium.  Sic  a  iudicio  capitis  maxima 
discessit  gloria. 

9.  Hic  extremo  tempore  imperator  apud  Manti- 
neam  cum  acie  instructa  audacius  instaret  hostes, 
cognitus  a  Lacedaemoniis,  quod  in  unius  pernicie  eius 
patriae  sitam  putabant  salutem,  universi  in  unum 
impetum  fecerunt  neque  prius  abscesserunt  quam 
magna  caede  multisque  occisis  fortissime  ipsum  Epa- 
minondam  pugnantem,  sparo  eminus  percussum,  con- 

2  cidere  viderunt.  Huius  casu  aliquantum  retardati 
sunt  Boeotii,  neque  tamen  prius  pugna  excesserunt 

3  quam  repugnantes  profligarunt.  At  Epaminondas 
cum  animadverteret  mortiferum  se  vulnus  accepisse 
simulque,  si  ferrum,  quod  ex  hastih  in  corpore 
remanserat,  extraxisset,  animam  statim  emissurum, 
usque  eo  retinuit,  quoad  renuntiatum  est  vicisse 
Boeotios.     Id    postquam    audivit,    "  Satis,"    inquit, 

*  sit,  Halm;  est,  cod.  Marcianiia, 
54^ 


XV.  EPAMINONDAS,  viii.  3-ix.  3 

**  Epaminondas  was  condemned  to  death  by  the 
Thebans  because  at  Leuctra  he  compelled  them  to 
vanquish  the  Lacedaemonians,  whom  before  he  took 
command  no  Boeotian  had  dared  to  face  in  battle, 
and  because  in  a  single  contest  he  not  only  saved 
Thebes  from  destruction,  but  also  secured  freedom 
for  all  Greece  and  so  changed  the  situation  of  the 
contending  parties  that  the  Thebans  attacked  the 
I^acedaemonians,  while  the  Lacedaemonians  were 
satisfied  with  being  able  to  save  themselves ;  and  he 
did  not  bring  the  war  to  an  end  until  by  the  restora- 
tion  of  Messene  he  placed  Sparta  in  a  state  of 
siege." 

When  he  had  said  this,  there  was  laughter  and 
merriment  throughout  the  assembly  and  no  juror 
ventured  to  vote  for  his  condemnation.  Thus  from 
a  capital  charge  he  gained  the  greatest  glory. 

9.  Finally,  when  commander  at  Mantinea,  in  the 
heat  of  battle  he  charged  the  enemy  too  boldly.  He 
wasrecognizedby  the  Lacedaemonians,  andsince  they 
believed  that  the  death  of  that  one  man  would  ensure 
the  safety  of  their  country,  they  all  directed  their 
attack  at  him  alone  and  kept  on  until,  after  great 
bloodshed  and  the  loss  of  many  men,  they  saw 
Epaminondas  himself  fall  vahantly  fighting,  struck 
do^vn  by  a  lance  hurled  from  afar.  By  his  death  the  362  b.c. 
Boeotians  were  checked  for  a  time,  but  they  did  not 
leave  the  field  until  they  had  completely  defeated  the 
enemy.  But  Epaminondas,  reaHzing  that  he  had 
received  a  mortal  wound,  and  at  the  same  time  that 
if  he  drew  out  the  head  of  the  lance,  which  was 
separated  from  the  shaft  and  fixed  in  his  body,  he 
would  at  once  die,  retained  it  until  news  came  that  the 
Boeotians  were  victorious.     As  soon  as  he  heard  that, 

547 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

*'  vixi;  invictus  enim  morior."     Tum,  ferro  extracto, 
confestim  exanimatus  est. 

10.  Hic  uxorem  numquam  duxit.  In  quo  cum  rep- 
rehenderetur  a  Pelopida,  qui  filium  habebat  in- 
famem,  maleque  eum  in  eo  patriae  consulere  diceret, 
quod  Uberos  non  relinqueret,^  "  Vide,"  inquit,  "  ne 
tu  peius  consulas,  qui  talem  ex  te  natum  relicturus 

2  sis.  Neque  vero  stirps  potest  mihi  deesse  ;  namque 
ex  me  natam  relinquo  pugnam  Leuctricam,  quae 
non  modo  mihi  superstes,  sed  etiam  immortahs  sit 

3  necesse  est."  Quo  tempore  duce  Pelopida  exsules 
Thebas  occuparunt  et  praesidium  Lacedaemoniorum 
ex  arce  expulerunt,  Epaminondas,  quam  diu  facta 
est  caedes  civium,  domo  se  tenuit,  quod  neque  malos 
defendere  volebat  neque  impugnare,  ne  manus 
suorum  sanguine  cruentaret ;  namque  omnem  civilem 
victoriam  funestam  putabat.  Idem,  postquam  apud 
Cadmeam^  cum  Lacedaemoniis  pugnari  coeptum  est, 
in  primis  stetit. 

4  Huius  de  virtutibus  vitaque  satis  erit  dictum,  si 
hoc  unum  adiunxero,  quod  nemo  ibit  ^  infitias  :  Thebas 
et  ante  Epaminondam  natum  et  post  eiusdem 
interitum  perpetuo  aheno  paruisse  imperio,  contra 
ea,  quam  diu  ille  praefuerit  rei  pubhcae,  caput 
fuisse  totius  Graeciae.  Ex  quo  intellegi  potest 
unum  hominem  pluris  quam  civitatem  fuisse. 

^  quod  liberos  non  relinqueret  after  diceret,  Puteanus; 
after  reprehenderetur,  MSS. 

2  Cadmeam,  Aldus;   Achademiam  (Academiam),  JJSS. 

3  ibit,  Can.,  Halm;  it,  ut,  id,  eat,  MSS. 


XV.  EPAMINONDAS,  ix.  3-x.  4 

he  cried :  "  I  have  lived  long  enough,  since  I  die 
unconquered."  Then  he  drew  out  the  iron  and  at 
once  breathed  his  last. 

10.  Epaminondas  never  took  a  wife.  Because  of 
this  he  was  criticized  by  Pelopidas,^  who  had  a  son  of 
evil  reputation ;  for  his  friend  said  that  the  great 
Theban  did  a  wrong  to  his  country  in  not  leaving 
children.  Epaminondas  repHed ;  "  Take  heed  that 
you  do  not  do  her  a  greater  \\Tong  in  leaving  such  a 
son  as  yours.  And  besides,  I  cannot  lack  offspring ; 
for  I  leave  as  my  daughter  the  battle  of  Leuctra, 
which  is  certain,  not  merely  to  survive  me,  but  even 
to  be  immortal."  When  the  exiles,  led  by  Pelopidas, 
took  Thebes  and  drove  the  Lacedaemonian  garrison 
from  the  citadel,  so  long  as  the  citizens  were  being 
slain  Epaminondas  remained  in  his  house,^  since  he 
was  unwilling  either  to  aid  the  traitors  or  to  fight 
against  them,  from  reluctance  to  stain  his  hands 
with  the  blood  of  his  countrymen ;  for  he  thought 
that  every  victory  won  in  a  civil  war  was  pernicious. 
But  as  soon  as  the  combat  began  ^Wth  the  Lace- 
daemonians  at  the  Cadmea,  he  stood  in  the  fore- 
front. 

Enough  will  have  been  said  of  this  great  man's 
virtues  and  of  his  life,  if  I  add  this  one  thing,  which 
nobody  will  deny.  Before  the  birth  of  Epaminondas, 
and  after  his  death,  Thebes  was  subject  constantly  to 
the  hegemony  ^  of  others  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  so 
long  as  he  was  at  the  head  of  the  state,  she  was  the 
leading  city  of  all  Greece.  This  fact  shows  that 
one  man  was  worth  more  than  the  entire  body  of 
citizens. 

1  Cf.  5.  5.  *  Cf.  xvi.  4.  L 

3  See  note  1,  p.  396. 

549 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

XVI.  PELOPIDAS 

1.  Pelopidas  Thebanus,  magis  historicis  quam  vulgo 
notus.  Cuius  de  virtutibus  dubito  quem  ad  modum 
exponam,  quod  vereor,  si  res  explicare  incipiam, 
ne  non  ^itam  eius  enarrare,  sed  historiam  ^idear 
scribere;  sin  tantum  modo  summas  attigero,  ne 
rudibus  Graecarum  Htterarum  minus  dilucide  appar- 
eat  quantus  fuerit  ille  vir.  Itaque  utrique  rei 
occurram,  quantum  potuero,  et  medebor  cum  satietati 
tum  ignorantiae  lectorum. 

2  Phoebidas  Lacedaemonius  cum  exercitum  Olyn- 
thum  duceret  iterque  per  Thebas  faceret,  arcem 
oppidi,  quae  Cadmea  nominatur,  occupavit  impulsu 
paucorum  Thebanorum,  qui  adversariae  factioni  quo 
facihus  resisterent,  Laconum  rebus  studebant,  idque 

3  suo  privato,  non  publico  fecit  consilio.  Quo  facto 
eum  Lacedaemonii  ab  exercitu  removerunt  pecunia- 
que  multarunt,  neque  eo  magis  arcem  Thebanis 
reddiderunt,  quod  susceptis  inimicitiis  satius  duce- 
bant  eos  obsideri  quam  hberari ;  nam  post  Pelopon- 
nesium  bellum  Athenasque  devictas  cum  Thebanis 
sibi  rem   esse   existimabant   et   eos   esse   solos   qui 

4  adversus  resistere  ^  auderent.  Hac  mente  amicis 
suis  summas  potestates  dederant  alteriusque  factionis 
principes  partim  interfecerant,  ahos  in  exsihum 
eiecerant ;  in  quibus  Pelopidas  hic,  de  quo  scribere 
exorsi  sumus,  pulsus  patria  carebat. 

^  se  sistere,  Andresen. 


^  Nepos  makes  it  clear  here  that  he  is  not  an  historian,  but 
a  biographer,  and  that  he  dwells  upon  the  virtues  of  his 
subjeets  as  models  for  conduct ;  also  that  he  is  addressing 
the  general,  unlearned,  pubiic. 


XVI.  PELOPIDAS,  I.  1-4 

XVI.  PELOPIDAS 

1.  Pelopidas,  the  Theban,  is  better  known  to 
historians  than  to  the  general  public.  I  am  in  doubt 
how  to  give  an  account  of  his  merits ;  for  I  fear  that 
if  I  undertake  to  tell  of  his  deeds,  I  shall  seem  to  be 
WTiting  a  history  rather  than  a  biography  ;  but  if  I 
merely  touch  upon  the  high  points,  I  am  afraid  that  to 
those  unfamiUar  with  Grecian  Hterature  it  will  not  be 
perfectly  clear  how  great  a  man  he  was.  Therefore 
I  shall  meet  both  difficulties  as  well  as  I  can,  having 
regard  both  for  the  weariness  and  the  lack  of  informa- 
tion  of  my  readers.^ 

When  Phoebidas,  the  Lacedaemonian,  was  leading 
his  army  to  Olynthus  and  went  by  way  of  Thebes,  he  382  b.c 
took  possession  of  the  citadel  of  the  town,  called 
the  Cadmea,  at  the  instigation  of  a  few  Thebans,  who, 
in  order  the  more  easily  to  resist  the  party  of  their 
opponents,  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians  ;  but  he  did  this  on  his  own  initiative  and  not  at 
the  direction  of  his  state.  Because  of  this  act  the 
Lacedaemonians  deprived  him  of  his  command  and 
condemned  him  to  pay  a  fine,  but  for  all  that  they  did 
not  return  the  citadel  to  the  Thebans,  thinking  that, 
having  incurred  their  enmity,  it  was  better  to  keep 
them  in  a  state  of siege  than  to  free  them.  Indeed,  after 
the  Peloponnesian  war  and  the  defeat  of  Athens  they 
iooked  upon  the  Thebans  as  rivals  and  as  the  only 
people  that  would  dare  to  resist  them.  Owing  to 
this  feehng,  they  had  given  the  highest  offices  at 
Thebes  to  their  sympathizers,  and  had  either  put  to 
death  or  exiled  the  leading  men  of  the  opposite 
faction.  Among  these  this  Pelopidas,  about  whom 
I  have  begun  to  wTite,  had  been  driven  from  his 
native  land  into  exile. 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

2.  Hi  omnes  fere  Athenas  se  contulerant,  non  quo 
sequerentur  otium,  sed  ut,  quem  ^  ex  proximo  locum 
fors   obtulisset,   eo   patriam   recuperare   niterentur. 

2  Itaque,  cum  tempus  est  visum  rei  gerendae,  com- 
muniter  cum  iis  qui  Thebis  idem  sentiebant  diem 
delegerunt  ad  inimicos  opprimendos  civitatemque 
Uberandam    eum    quo    maximi    magistratus    simul 

3  consuerant  epulari.  Magnae  saepe  res  non  ita 
magnis  copiis  sunt  gestae,  sed  profecto  numquam 
tam  ab  tenui  initio  tantae  opes  sunt  profligatae  ;  nam 
duodecim  adulescentuli  coierunt  ex  iis  qui  exsilio 
erant  multati,  cum  omnino  non  essent  amplius 
centum,  qui  tanto  se  ofFerrent  periculo.  Qua 
paucitate  percussa  est  Lacedaemoniorum  potentia. 

4  Hi  enim  non  magis  adversariorum  factioni  quam 
Spartanis  eo  tempore  bellum  intulerunt,  qui  principes 
erant  totius  Graeciae ;  quorum  imperii  maiestas, 
neque  ita  multo  post,  Leuctrica  pugna  ab  hoc  initio 
perculsa  concidit. 

6  Illi  igitur  duodecim,  quorum  dux  erat  Pelopidas, 
cum  Athenis  interdiu  exissent,  ut  vesperascente 
caelo  Thebas  possent  pervenire,  cum  canibus  venaticis 
exierunt,^  retia  ferentes,  vestitu  agresti,  quo  minore 
suspicione  facerent  iter.  Qui  cum  tempore  ipso 
quo  studerant  pervenissent,  domum  Charonis  dever- 
terunt,^  a  quo  et  tempus  et  dies  erat  datus. 

3.  Hoc  loco  Ubet  interponere,  etsi  seiunctum  ab  re 

1  quem,  Madvig;  quemque,  MS8. 

2  exierunt,  omitted  hy  Ricider,  Guill. 

3  deverterunt,  Lambin;   devenerunt,  MSS. 


^  The  festival  of  the  Aphrodisia,  at  the  end  of  the  term  of 
office  of  the  three  annually  elected  polemarchs. 


XVI.  PELOPIDAS,  II.  i-iii.   I 

2.  Nearly  all  those  who  had  been  banished  took 
refuge  in  Athens,  not  in  order  to  hve  in  idleness,  but 
to  make  an  etfort  to  recover  their  native  land  at  the 
very  first  opportunity  that  fortune  offered.  Accord- 
ingly,  as  soon  as  they  thought  that  the  time  for  action 
had  come,  with  those  of  their  fellow-citizens  in 
Thebes  who  had  the  same  sentiments  they  agreed 
upon  a  time  when  they  were  to  surprise  their  enemies  379  b.c. 
and  free  the  city,  choosing  the  day  on  which  the  chief 
magistrates  were  in  the  habit  of  meeting  at  a 
banquet.^  Great  things  have  often  been  accompHshed 
with  not  so  very  great  forces,  but  surely  never  did  so 
humble  a  beginning  result  in  the  overthrow  of  so 
mighty  a  power.  For  only  a  dozen  young  men  came 
together  of  those  who  had  been  punished  with  exile, 

and  there  were  not  more  than  a  hundred  in  all  to 
confront  so  great  a  peril.  Yet  it  was  by  that  small 
number  that  the  power  of  Lacedaemon  was 
shattered.  For  they  made  war,  not  more  upon  the 
party  of  their  opponents  than  on  the  Spartans,  and 
that  too  when  the  Spartans  were  the  masters  of  all 
Greece.  But  Sparta's  imposing  power,  after  being 
shaken  by  this  enterprise,  soon  afterward  fell  in  ruins 
at  the  battle  of  Leuctra. 

Those  twelve  heroes,  then,  led  by  Pelopidas,  left 
Athens  by  day,  in  order  to  be  able  to  reach  Thebes  at 
nightfall.  They  took  with  them  hunting  dogs  and 
nets,  and  More  the  garb  of  peasants,  that  their 
expedition  might  attract  less  attention.  At  tlie  very 
time  that  they  had  planned  they  arrived  at  Thebes, 
and  went  to  lodge  at  the  house  of  Charon,  the  man 
who  had  named  the  day  and  hour. 

3.  Here  I  should  hke  to  digress,  although  it  has  no 
direct  connection  with  my  narrative,  to  point  out  how 

553 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

proposita  est,  nimia  fiducia  quantae  calamitati  soleat 
esse.  Nam  magistratuum  Thebanorum  statim  ad 
aures  pervenit  exsules  in  urbem  venisse.  Id  illi 
vino  epulisque  dediti  usque  eo  despexerunt,  ut  ne 

2  quaerere  quidem  de  tanta  re  laborarint.  Accessit 
etiam  quod  magis  aperiret  eorum  dementiam. 
Adlata  est  enim  epistula  Athenis  ab  Archino  uni  ^  ex 
his,  Archiae,  qui  tum  maximum  magistratum  Thebis 
obtinebat,  in  qua  omnia  de  profectione  eorum  per- 
scripta  erant.  Quae  cum  iam  accubanti  in  convi\-io 
esset  data,  sicut  erat  signata,  sub  pulvinum  subiciens, 

3  "  In  crastinum,"  inquit,  "  differo  res  severas."  At 
ilh  omnes,  cum  iam  nox  processisset,  vinolenti  ab 
exsulibus  duce  Pelopida  sunt  interfecti.  Quibus 
rebus  confectis,  vulgo  ad  arma  hbertatemque  vocato, 
non  solum  qui  in  urbe  erant,  sed  etiam  undique 
ex  agris  concurrerunt,  praesidium  Lacedaemoniorum 
ex  arce  pepulerunt,  patriam  obsidione  Hberarunt, 
auctores  Cadmeae  occupandae  partim  occiderunt, 
partim  in  exsihum  eiecerunt. 

4.  Hoc  tam  turbido  tempore,  sicut  supra  docuimus, 
Epaminondas,  quoad  cum  civibus  dimicatum  est, 
domi  quietus  fuit.  Itaque  haec  hberandarum 
Thebarum  propria  laus  est  Pelopidae,  ceterae  fere 
2  communes  cum  Epaminonda.  Namque  in  2  Leuctrica 
pugna,  imperatore  Epaminonda,  hic  fuit  dux  delectae 

^  uni,  Bosius;  uno,  3ISS.  (viro,  Can.). 
2  in,  Can.,  Lamhin ;   the  other  JISS.  omit. 

^  He  was  one  of  the  Boeotarchs,  or  representatives  of  the 
cities  of  the  Boeotian  league,  of  which  Thebes  had  two. 

554 


XVI.  PELOPIDAS,  III.  i-iv.  2 

great  danger  there  usually  is  in  excessive  confidence. 
For  it  came  at  once  to  the  ears  of  the  Theban  magis- 
trates  that  the  exiles  had  arrived  in  the  city ;  but 
busy  as  they  were  in  drinking  and  feasting,  they 
considered  the  news  so  unimportant  that  they  did  not 
even  take  the  trouble  to  inquire  into  a  matter  of  such 
moment.  Another  thing  made  their  folly  still  more 
apparent ;  for  a  letter  was  brought  from  Athens, 
written  by  Archinus  to  one  of  their  number,  Archias, 
who  at  the  time  was  the  chief  magistrate  in  Thebes,^ 
in  which  fuU  details  of  the  expedition  were  given. 
The  letter  was  handed  to  Archias  when  he  had 
already  taken  his  place  at  the  banquet,  but  without 
breaking  the  seal  he  put  it  under  his  pillow,  with  the 
remark:  "  Serious  matters  may  wait  until  to- 
morrow."  Now  all  those  magistrates,  in  the  course 
of  that  night,  were  slain  in  their  cups  by  the  exiles, 
headed  by  Pelopidas.  That  done,  the  people  were 
called  to  arms  and  to  hberty ;  they  hastened  to  the 
spot,  not  only  from  the  city,  but  from  all  the  country- 
side,  drove  the  Lacedaemonian  garrison  from  the 
citadel,  and  freed  their  country  from  oppression. 
Of  those  who  had  caused  the  occupation  of  the 
Cadmea  some  were  slain,  others  driven  into  exile. 

4.  During  this  time,  so  full  of  trouble,  Epami- 
nondas,  as  I  have  already  said,^  remained  quietly  at 
home,  so  iong  as  the  contest  was  with  fellov»--citizens. 
Hence  this  glorious  deed  of  freeing  Thebes  belongs 
wholly  to  Pelopidas,  but  almost  all  the  rest  of  his 
renown  was  shared  with  Epaminondas.  For 
example,  in  the  battle  of  Leuctra,  although  Epami- 
nondas  was  commander-in-chief,  Pelopidas  was  the 

2  Cf.  XV.  10.  3. 

555 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

manus  quae  prima  phalangem  prostravit  Laconum. 
3  Omnibus  praeterea  periculis  eius^  adfuit — sicut, 
Spartam  cum  oppugnavit,  alterum  tenuit  cornu — 
quoque  Messena  celerius  restitueretur,  legatus  in 
Persas  est  profectus.  Denique  haec  fuit  altera 
persona  Thebis,  sed  tamen  secunda  ita  ut  proxima 
esset  Epaminondae. 

5.  Conflictatus  autem  est  etiam  adversa  fortuna. 
Nam  et  initio,  sicut  ostendimus,  exsul  patria  caruit  et, 
cum  ThessaUam  in  potestatem  Thebanorum  cuperet 
redigere  legationisque  iure  satis  tectum  se  arbi- 
traretur,  quod  apud  omnes  gentes  sanctum  esse 
consuesset,  a  tyranno  Alexandro  Pheraeo  simul  cum 

2  Ismenia  comprehensus  in  \incla  coniectus  est.  Hunc 
Epaminondas  recuperavit,  bello  persequens  Alexan- 
drum.  Post  id  factum  numquam  animo  placari 
potuit  in  eum  a  quo  erat  violatus.  Itaque  persuasit 
Thebanis    ut    subsidio    Thessahae    proficiscerentur 

3  tyrannosque  eius  expellerent.  Cuius  belU  cum  ei 
summa  esset  data  eoque  cum  exercitu  profectus 
esset,   non   dubita\it,   simul   ac   conspexit   hostem, 

4  confligere.  In  quo  proeUo  Alexandrum  ut  animad- 
vertit,  incensus  ira  equum  in  eum  concitavit  proculque 
digressus  a  suis,  coniectu  telorum  confossus  concidit. 
Atque  hoc  secunda  victoria  accidit ;  nam  iam  incUna- 

6  tae  erant  t}Tannorum  copiae.  Quo  facto  omnes 
ThessaUae  civitates  interfectum  Pelopidam  coronis 
aureis  et  statuis  aeneis  Uberosque  eius  multo  agro 
donarunt. 

^  eius,  ndded  hy  Halm. 

^  The  so-called  Sacred  Band  of  300  heavy-armed  soldiers, 
in  which  pairs  of  intimate  friends  fought  side  by  side. 

2  Pelopidas  went  to  Persia  in  367  B.c. ;  Messene  had  been 
restored  (that  is,  made  an  independent  state)  in  370  B.c. 

556 


XVI.  PELOPIDAS,  IV.  2-v.  5 

leader  of  the  select  corps  ^  that  was  first  to  break  the 
Lacedaemonian  phalanx.  Moreover,  he  shared  in  all 
his  other  dangers  (thus  in  the  attack  on  Sparta  he 
commanded  one  wing),  and  in  order  to  hasten  the 
restoration  of  Messene,  he  went  as  an  envoy  to  the 
Persians.2  In  short,  he  was  one  of  the  two  great 
citizens  of  Thebes,  and  although  he  was  second,  yet 
he  was  next  to  Epaminondas. 

5.  But  Pelopidas  contended  also  with  ill  fortune ; 
for  in  the  beginning,  as  I  have  stated,  he  was  driven 
from  his  country  into  exile,  and  when  he  wished  to 
bring  Thessaly  under  the  sway  of  Thebes  and  thought  368  b.c. 
that  he  was  amply  protected  by  the  inviolabiUty  of 
ambassadors,  since  that  was  observed  sacredly  by  all 
nations,  he  was  arrested  with  Ismenias  by  Alexander, 
tyrant  of  Pherae,  and  thrown  into  prison.  He 
was  rescued  by  Epaminondas,  who  made  Mar  upon 
Alexander.  After  that  experience  Pelopidas  could 
never  be  reconciled  with  the  man  who  had  outraged 
him,  and  it  was  for  that  reason  that  he  persuaded  the 
Thebans  to  go  to  the  aid  of  Thessaly  and  free  it  of  its 
tyrants.  When  he  had  been  given  the  chief  command 
in  that  war  and  had  set  out  with  his  army,  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  join  battle  immediately  on  catching  sight 
of  the  enemy.  In  the  action  that  followed,  intlamed 
with  ^^Tath  at  the  very  first  sight  of  Alexander,  he 
spurred  his  horse  against  the  tyrant,  and  being  thus 
separated  some  distance  from  his  men,  he  fell, 
struck  down  by  a  shower  of  weapons.  This  hap- 
pened  in  the  fuU  tide  of  victory,  for  the  tyrants'  forces 
had  already  given  way.  Because  of  that  exploit  all 
the  states  of  Thessaly  presented  the  dead  Pelopidas 
with  cro^vns  of  gold  and  statues  of  bronze,  and  his 
children  with  a  great  amount  of  land. 

557 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

XVII.  AGESILAUS 

1.  Agesilaus  Lacedaemonius  cum  a  ceteris  scriptori- 
bus  tum  eximie  a  Xenophonte  Socratico  conlaudatus 
est ;  eo  enim  usus  est  familiarissime. 

2  Hic  primum  de  regno  cum  Leotychide,  fratris 
filio,  habuit  contentionem.  Mos  erat  ^  enim  a 
maioribus  Lacedaemoniis  traditus,  ut  duos  haberent 
semper  reges,  nomine  magis  quam  imperio,  ex 
duabus  famihis  Proch  et  Eurysthenis,  qui  principes 

3  ex  progenie  Hercuhs  Spartae  reges  fuerunt.  Horum 
ex  altera  in  alterius  famihae  locum  regem^  fieri  non 
hcebat ;  ita  suum  utraque  retinebat  ordinem.  Primum 
ratio  habebatur,  qui  maximus  natu  esset  ex  hberis  eius 
qui  regnans  decessisset ;  sin  is  virile  secus  non  reh- 
quisset,   tum   dehgebatur   qui   proximus   esset  pro- 

4  pinquitate.  Mortuus  erat  Agis  rex,  frater  Agesilai; 
fihum  rehquerat  Leotychidem.  Quem  ihe  natum 
non  agnorat,  eundem  moriens  suum  esse  dixerat. 
Is  de  honore  regni  cum  Agesilao,  patruo  suo,  con- 

5  tendit  neque  id  quod  petivit  consecutus  est ;  nam 
Lysandro  sufFragante,  homine,  ut  ostendimus  supra, 
factioso  et  iis  temporibus  potente,  Agesilaus  antelatus 
est. 

2.  Hic  simul  atque  imperii  potitus  est,  persuasit 
Lacedaemoniis  ut  exercitus  emitterent^  in  Asiam 
behumque  regi  facerent,  docens  satius  esse  in  Asia 
quam  in  Europa  dimicari.  Xamque  fama  exierat 
Artaxerxen  comparare  classes  pedestresque  exerci- 

2  tus,  quos  in  Graeciam  mitteret.    Data  potestate  tanta 

1  erat,  FlecJc. ;  est,  MSS.  ^  regem,  added  ly  Fleck. 

3  exercitum  et  se  mitterent,  Guill. 

^  Artaxerxes  Mnemon  is  meant. 
5S8 


XVII.  AGESILAUS,  i.  i-ii.  2 

XVII.  AGESILAUS 

1.  Agesilaus  the  Lacedaemonian  was  praised,  not 
only  by  all  other  historians,  but  in  particular  by 
Xenophon,  the  disciple  of  Socrates,  whose  intimate 
friend  he  was. 

He  began  by  having  a  dispute  about  the  throne 
with  Leotychides,  his  brother's  son;  for  it  was  the 
custom  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  handed  down  from 
their  forefathers,  always  to  have  two  kings  (whose 
power,  however,  was  rather  nominal  than  real)  from 
the  famihes  of  Procles  and  Eurysthenes,  who  Mere 
descendants  of  Hercules  and  the  first  kings  at  Sparta. 
It  was  not  lawful  for  one  of  these  to  be  made  king  from 
one  family  in  place  of  the  other  ;  so  each  family  kept 
its  order  of  succession.  Consideration  was  first  given 
to  the  eldest  of  the  children  of  the  one  who  had  died 
upon  the  throne  ;  but  if  he  had  left  no  male  offspring, 
then  his  nearest  relative  was  chosen.  Now  King  Agis, 
the  brother  of  Agesilaus,had  died,  leaving  a  son  Leoty-  399  b.c. 
chides ;  he  had  not  acknowledged  the  boy  at  his 
birth,  but  on  his  death-bed  he  declared  that  he  was 
his  son.  He  it  was  that  disputed  the  title  of  king  with 
his  uncle  Agesilaus,  but  he  was  unsuccessful ;  for 
thanks  to  the  support  of  Lysander,  a  man,  as  we  have 
already  shown,  who  at  that  time  was  ambitious  and 
poMerful,  Agesilaus  was  preferred. 

2.  As  soon  as  Agesilaus  was  in  possession  of  the 
throne,  he  persuaded  the  Lacedaemonians  to  send 

out  armies  to  Asia  and  make  war  upon  the  king,  396  b.c. 
pointing  out  that  it  would  be  better  to  fight  in  Asia 
than  in  Europe  ;  for  the  rumour  had  gone  forth  that 
Artaxerxes  ^  was    equipping  a  fleet  and  land  forces 
to  send  to  Greece.     As  soon  as  permission  was  given 

559 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

celeritate  usus  est,  ut  prius  in  Asiam  cum  copiis  per- 
venerit  quam  regii  satrapae  eum  scirent  profectum. 
Quo  factum  est  ut  omnes  imparatos  imprudentesque 

3  ofFenderet.  Id  ut  cognovit  Tissaphernes,  qui  sum- 
mum  imperium  tum  inter  praefectos  habebat  regios, 
indutias  a  Lacone  petivit,  simulans  se  dare  operam 
ut  Lacedaemoniis  cum  rege  conveniret,  re  autem 
vera    ad    copias    comparandas,    easque    impetravit 

4  trimenstres.  luravit  autem  uterque  se  sine  dolo 
indutias  conservaturum. 

In   qua  pactione   summa   fide  mansit  Agesilaus ; 
contra    ea    Tissaphernes    nihil    ahud    quam    bellum 

5  comparavit.  Id  etsi  sentiebat  Laco,  tamen  iusiuran- 
dum  servabat  multumque  in  eo  se  consequi  dicebat, 
quod  Tissaphernes  periurio  suo  et  homines  suis 
rebus  abahenaret  et  deos  sibi  iratos  redderet,  se 
autem,  conservata  rehgione,  confirmare  exercitum, 
cum  animadverteret  deum  numen  facere  secum 
hominesque  sibi  concihari  amiciores,  quod  iis 
studere  consuessent  quos  conservare  fidem  viderent. 

3.  Postquam  indutiarum  praeteriit  dies,  barbarus 
non  dubitans,  quod  ipsius  erant  plurima  domiciha  in 
Caria  et  ea  regio  iis  temporibus  <multo  putabatur 
locupletissima,  eo  potissimum  hostes  impetum 
2  facturos,  omnes  suas  copias  eo  contraxerat.  At 
Agesilaus  in  Phrygiam  se  convertit  eamque  prius 
depopulatus  est  quam  Tissaphernes  usquam  se 
moveret.     Magna     praeda     mihtibus     locupletatis, 

^  The  statement  is  true  of  Lydia  rather  than  of  Caria. 
560 


XVII.  AGESILAUS,  ii.   2-111.  2 

him,  Agesilaiis  acted  with  such  rapidity  that  he 
arrived  in  Asia  with  his  forces  before  the  king's 
satraps  knew  that  he  was  on  his  way.  The  result 
was  that  he  surprised  them  all  and  caught  them  all 
unprepared.  As  soon  as  his  arrival  became  known  to 
Tissaphernes,  who  then  held  the  chief  authority 
among  the  king's  governors,  he  asked  the  Laconian 
for  a  trucC;  under  pretext  of  trying  to  reconcile  the 
Lacedaemonians  and  the  king,  but  actually  for  the 
purpose  of  mustering  his  forces ;  and  he  obtained  a 
truce  of  three  months.  The  two  parties  took  oath 
that  they  would  loyally  observe  the  armistice. 

That  promise  Agesilaus  kept  with  the  utmost 
scrupulousness;Tissaphernes,on  the  contrary,devoted 
all  his  time  to  preparing  for  M-ar.  Although  the 
Laconian  knew  this,henevertheless  kept  his  oath  and 
said  that  in  so  doing  he  gained  a  great  advantage, 
since  Tissaphernes  by  his  perjury  not  only  turned  men 
against  him  but  also  incurred  the  MTath  of  the  gods ; 
while  he,  on  the  contrary,  by  keeping  his  pledge, 
inspired  confidence  in  his  army,  because  they  saw 
that  they  had  the  favour  of  the  gods,  while  men  were 
more  sympathetic  towards  them,  since  they  com- 
monly  side  with  those  whom  they  see  keeping  their 
faith. 

3.  As  soon  as  the  period  of  the  truce  came  to  an 
end,  since  the  barbarian  had  many  palaces  in  Caria 
and  that  region  in  those  times  was  regarded  as  by 
far  the  richest  part  of  the  kingdom,^  he  felt  sure  that 
it  was  against  this  that  the  enemy  would  be  most  likely 
to  direct  their  attack.  Accordingly  he  massed  all  his 
troops  there.  But  Agesilaus  turned  towards  Phrygia 
and  laid  that  country  waste  before  Tissaphernes 
could  make  any  move.     The  great  booty  enriched  his 

F.N.  T  ^ 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

Ephesum  hiematum  exercitum  reduxit  atque  ibi 
officinis  armorum  institutis,  magna  industria  bellum 
apparavit.  Et  quo  studiosius  armarentur  insignius- 
que  ornarentur,  praemia  proposuit  quibus  donarentur 

3  quorum  egregia  in  ea  re  fuisset  industria.  Fecit 
idem  in  exercitationum  generibus,  ut,  qui  ceteris 
praestitissent,  eos  magnis  adficeret  muneribus. 
His  igitur  rebus  effecit  ut  et  ornatissimum  et  exercita- 
tissimum  haberet  exercitum. 

4  Huic  cum  tempus  esset  visum  copias  extrahere  ex 
hibernacuUs,  vidit,  si  quo  esset  iter  facturus  palam 
pronuntiasset,  hostis  non  credituros  aliasque  regiones 
praesidiis  occupaturos  neque  dubitaturos  aliud  eum  ^ 

5  facturum  .ac  pronuntiasset.  Itaque  cum  ille  Sardis 
iturum  se  dixisset,  Tissaphernes  eandem  Cariam 
defendendam  putavit.  In  quo  cum  eum  opinio 
fefellisset  victumque  se  vidisset  consiho,  sero  suis 
praesidio  profectus  est ;  nam  cum  illo  venisset,  iam 
Agesilaus,    multis     locis    expugnatis,    magna    erat 

6  praeda  potitus.  Laco  autem  cum  videret  hostis 
equitatu  superare,  numquam  in  campo  sui  fecit 
potestatem  et  iis  locis  manum  conseruit  quibus  plus 
pedestres  copiae  valerent.  Pepuht  ergo,  quotiens- 
cumque  congressus  est,  multo  maiores  adversariorum 
copias  et  sic  in  Asia  versatus  est,  ut  omnium  opinione 
victor  duceretur. 

4.  Hic  cum  iam  animo   meditaretur  proficisci  in 

1  eum,  P  u;  esse,  the  other  MSS. 
562 


XVII.  AGESILAUS,  iii.  2-iv.  i 

soldiers,  and  Agesilaus  led  his  army  back  to  Ephesus 
for  the  winter ;  there  he  established  manufactories  of 
arms  and  prepared  for  war  with  great  energy.  And  in 
order  that  the  arms  might  be  made  with  greater  care 
and  adorned  more  artistically,  he  oifered  rewards  to 
those  who  showed  the  greatest  energy  in  their  manu- 
facture.  He  followed  the  same  plan  with  regard  to 
various  forms  of  exercise,  giving  handsome  prizes  to 
those  who  excelled  their  fellows  ;  and  in  that  way  he 
succeeded  in  having  an  army  both  finely  equipped 
and  excellently  trained. 

When  it  appeared  to  him  to  be  time  to  lead  his  395  b.c. 
troops  from  their  winter  quarters,  he  saw  that  if  he 
openly  announced  in  advance  where  he  was  going 
to  march,  the  enemy  w  ould  not  beheve  him  and  would 
post  their  garrisons  in  other  regions,  feehng  sure  that 
he  would  do  something  different  from  what  he  had  said. 
And  in  fact,  when  he  announced  that  he  would  march 
upon  Sardis,  Tissaphernes,  as  before,  thought  that  it 
was  Caria  that  he  ought  to  defend.  And  when  he  was 
mistaken  in  that,  and  saw  that  he  had  been  outwitted, 
he  was  too  late  in  going  to  the  defence  of  his  country- 
men  ;  for  when  he  arrived  at  the  spot,  Agesilaus  had 
ah-eady  stormed  many  places  and  got  possession  of 
a  great  amount  of  booty.  Moreover,  since  the 
Laconian  perceived  that  the  enemy  were  superior  in 
cavalry,  he  always  avoided  meeting  them  on  level 
ground,  but  joined  battle  in  places  where  infantry  was 
more  effective ;  and  so,  whenever  he  engaged,  he 
routed  far  superior  forces  of  his  opponents,  and 
conducted  his  campaigns  in  Asia  in  such  a  manner 
that  in  the  judgment  of  all  men  he  was  regarded  as 
the  victor. 

4.  Agesilaus  was  already  planning  to  march  against 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

Persas  et  ipsum  regem  adoriri,  nuntius  ei  domo  venit 
ephororum  missu,^  bellum  Athenienses  et  Boeotos 
indixisse  Lacedaemoniis  :  qua  re  venire  ne  dubitaret. 

2  In  hoc  non  minus  eius  pietas  suspicienda  est  quam 
\drtus  belHca;  qui  cum  victori  praeesset  exercitui 
maximamque  haberet  fiduciam  regni  Persarum 
potiundi,  tanta  modestia  dicto  audiens  fuit  iussis 
absentium  magistratuum,  ut  si  privatus  in  comitio 
esset  Spartae.     Cuius  exemplum  utinam  imperatores 

3  nostri  sequi  voluissent !  Sed  illuc  redeamus.  Age- 
silaus  opulentissimo  regno  praeposuit  bonam  existi- 
mationem  multoque  gloriosius  duxit  si  institutis 
patriae  paruisset,  quam  si  bello  superasset  Asiam. 

4  Hac  igitur  mente  Hellespontum  copias  traiecit 
tantaque  usus  est  celeritate  ut,  quod  iter  Xerxes 
anno  vertente  confecerat,  hic  transierit  XXX  diebus. 

5  Cum  iam  haud  ita  longe  abesset  a  Peloponneso, 
obsistere  ei  conati  sunt  Athenienses  et  Boeotii 
ceterique  eorum  socii  apud  Coroneam ;  quos  omnes 
gravi  proelio  ^icit. 

6  Huius  victoriae  vel  maxima  fuit  laus,  quod,  cum 
plerique  ex  fuga  se  in  templum  Minervae  coniecissent 
qaaerereturque  ab  eo  quid  iis  vellet  fieri,  etsi  ahquot 
vulnera  acceperat  eo  proeHo  et  iratus  videbatur 
omnibus  qui  adversus  arma  tulerant,  tamen  antetuht 

1  missu,  A  Dan.  {written  above)  and  u  in  margin;   iussu,  A 
{written  above)  and  the  other  21 SS. 


1  See  ix.  2.  4. 

2  As  Roman  writers  frequently  do,  Xepos  usea  the  Roman 
term  comitium  for  the  corresponding  plaee  in  Sparta,  either 
the  Ephoreium,  the  place  of  meeting  of  the  ephors,  or  perhaps 
the  agora. 


564 


XVII.  AGESILAUS,  iv.  i-6 

the  Persians  and  attack  the  king  himself,  when  a 
message  from  home  arrived,  sent  by  the  ephors,  that 
the  Athenians  and  Boeotians  had  declared  war  upon 
the  Lacedaemonians ;  ^  that  he  must  therefore 
return  at  once.  At  this  juncture  his  patriotism  is 
no  less  to  be  admired  than  his  valour  in  war ;  for 
although  he  was  at  the  head  of  a  victorious  army  and 
had  the  fullest  confidence  in  his  abiHty  to  conquer 
the  kingdomof  Persia,heshowedasmuchdeference  in 
obeying  the  orders  of  the  magistrates,  far  away  as 
they  were,  as  if  he  had  been  a  private  citizen  in  the 
Ephoreium  ^  at  Sparta.  An  example  that  I  only 
wish  our  generals  had  been  wiUing  to  follow  !  ^  But 
let  us  return  to  our  subject.  Agesilaus  preferred 
good  repute  to  the  richest  of  kingdoms,  and  thouarht 
it  far  more  glorious  to  conform  to  the  customs  of  his 
native  land  than  to  vanquish  Asia  by  his  arms. 
Because  of  that  feehng,  then,  he  led  his  forces  across 
the  Hellespont,  and  showed  such  speed  that  in  thirty 
days  he  completed  the  march  which  had  occupied 
Xerxes  for  an  entire  year.*  He  was  already  nearing 
the  Peloponnesus,  when  the  Athenians,  the  Boeotians  394  b.c. 
and  their  alHes  attempted  to  stop  him  at  Coronea  ; 
but  he  defeated  them  all  in  a  sanguinary  battle. 

Of  that  victory  the  most  glorious  feature  was  this  : 
many  of  the  fugitives  had  rushed  into  the  temple  of 
Minerva,^  and  when  Agesilaus  was  asked  what  he 
wished  to  be  done  with  them,  although  he  had 
received  several  wounds  in  the  battle  and  was 
obviously  incensed  with  all  those  Mho  had  borne  arms 
against  Sparta,  yet  he  subordinated  his   anger  to 

'  Referring  to  JiiHus  Caesar,  Antony  and  Octavian,  all  of 
whpm  had  refused  to  obey  the  senate. 
^'See  note  on  ii.  5.  2.  ^  See  n.  3,  p.  420. 

~  565 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

7  irae  religionem  et  eos  vetuit  violari.  Neque  vero 
hoc  solum  in  Graecia  fecit,  ut  templa  deorum  sancta 
haberet,  sed  etiam  apud  barbaros  summa  religione 

8  omnia  simulacra  arasque  conserva\at.  Itaque  praedi- 
cabat  mirari  se  non  sacrilegorum  numero  haberi 
qui  supplicibus  eorum  ^  nocuissent,  aut  non  graviori- 
bus  poenis  adfici  qui  religionem  minuerent,  quam 
qui  fana  spoliarent. 

5.  Posthocproeliumconlatumomne  bellumestcirca 
Corinthum   ideoque    Corinthium  ^     est    appellatum. 

2  Hic  cum  una  pugna  decem  milia  hostium  Agesilao 
duce  cecidissent  eoque  facto  opes  adversariorum 
debihtatae  viderentur,  tantum  afuit  ab  insolentia 
gloriae,  ut  commiseratus  sit  fortunam  Graeciae,  quod 
tam  multi  a  se  victi  vitio  adversariorum  concidissent : 
namque  illa  multitudine,  si  sana  mens  esset,  Graeciae 

3  suppHcium  Persas  dare  potuisse.  Idem  cum  adver- 
sarios  intra  moenia  compuUsset  et  ut  Corinthum 
oppugnaret  multi  hortarentur,  negavit  id  suae 
virtuti  convenire :  se  enim  eum  esse  dixit  qui  ad 
oificium   peccantes   redire   cogeret,   non    qui   urbes 

4  nobiUssimas  expugnaret  Graeciae.  "  Nam  si,"  inquit, 
"  eos  exstinguere  voluerimus  qui  nobiscum  adversus 
barbaros  steterunt,  nosmet  ipsi  nos  expugnaverimus, 
illis  quiescentibus.  Quo  facto  sine  negotio,  cum 
voluerint,  nos  oppriment." 

6.  Interim  accidit  illa  calamitas  apud Leuctra^  Lace- 
daemoniis.     Quo  ne  proficisceretur,  cum  a  plerisque 

1  deorum,  Magius  and  B  as  a  correction. 

2  Corinthium,  Ascensius  and  u;  Coiinthum,  JilSS. 
^  Leuctra,  u;   Leuctram,  MSS.  (Leuctrum,  B). 


*  Until  387  b.o. 


566 


XVII.  AGESILAUS,  iv.  6-vi.  i 

respect  for  religion  and  forbade  their  being  injured. 
And  it  was  not  in  Greece  alone  that  he  held  the 
temples  of  the  gods  sacred,  biit  among  the  barbarians 
also  he  was  most  scrupiilous  in  sparing  all  their 
statues  and  altars.  Indeed,  he  openly  declared  that 
he  was  surprised  that  those  who  had  injured  their 
suppHants  who  had  taken  refuge  in  such  places  were 
not  regarded  as  guilty  of  sacrilege,  or  that  those  were 
not  more  severely  punished  who  made  light  of 
sacred  obligations  than  those  who  robbed  temples. 

6.  After  this  battle  ^  the  entire  war  centred  about 
Corinth  and  hence  was  kno\ra  as  the  Corinthian  war. 
There  in  a  single  battle  under  the  lead  of  Agesilaus 
ten  thousand  of  the  enemy  were  slain,  and  in  conse- 
quence  of  that  disaster  the  power  of  his  adversaries 
seemed  to  be  shattered.  Yet  he  was  so  far  from 
feeling  boastful  arrogance,  that  he  lamented  the 
fortune  of  Greece,  because  through  the  fault  of  his 
opponents  his  victory  had  cost  the  Hves  of  so  many  of 
her  citizens  :  for  vdih  that  great  number,  if  the  Greeks 
had  been  sensible,  they  might  have  been  able  to  take 
vengeance  on  the  Persians.  Again,  when  he  had 
driven  his  foes  within  the  walls  and  many  were 
urging  him  to  attack  Corinth,  he  said  that  such  an  act 
was  unworthy  of  his  valour ;  for  it  was  his  part  to 
recall  to  their  duty  those  who  had  gone  astray,  not  to 
storm  the  most  famous  cities  of  Greece.  "  For," 
said  he,  "  if  we  set  about  destroying  those  who  have 
stood  side  by  side  ^\-ith  us  against  the  barbarians,  we 
ourselves  shall  triumph  over  one  another,  while  they 
quietly  look  on.  That  done,  they  will  crush  us 
without  difficulty,  whenever  they  ^^ish." 

6.  In  the  meantime  that  famous  disaster  at  Leuctra  371  b.o. 
befell  the  Lacedaemonians.     Not  ^Wshing  to  embark 

567 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

ad  exeundum  premeretur,  ut  si  de  exitu  divinaret, 
exire  noluit.^  Idem,  cum  Epaminondas  Spartam 
oppugnaret  essetque  sine  muris  oppidum,  talem  se 
imperatorem  praebuit,  ut  eo  tempore  omnibus 
apparuerit,  nisi  ille   fuisset,   Spartam  futuram  non 

2  fuisse.  In  quo  quidem  discrimine  celeritas  eius 
consilii  saluti  fuit  universis.  Nam  cum  quidam 
adulescentuli,  hostium  adventu  perterriti,  ad  The- 
banos  transfugere  vellent  et  locum  extra  urbem 
editum  cepissent,  Agesilaus,  qui  perniciosissimum 
fore  videret  si  animadversum  esset  quemquam  ad 
hostis  transfugere  conari,  cum  suis  eo  venit  atque, 
ut  si  bono  animo  fecissent,  laudavit  consiUum  eorum, 
quod  eum  locum  occupassent ;    se  quoque  id  ^  fieri 

3  debere  animadvertisse.  Sic  adulescentis  simulata 
laudatione  recuperavit  et,  adiunctis  de  suis  comitibus, 
locum  tutum  rehquit.  Namque  ilH,  aucto^  numero 
eorum  qui  expertes  erant  consiUi,  commovere  se  non 
sunt  ausi  eoque  Ubentius,  quod  latere  arbitrabantur 
quae  cogitaverant. 

7,  Sine  dubio  post  Leuctricam  pugnam  Lacedae- 
monii  se  numquam  refecerunt  neque  pristinum 
imperium  recuperarunt,  cum  interim  numquam 
Agesilaus  destitit  quibuscumque  rebus  posset  patriam 
2  iuvare.  Nam  cum  praecipue  Lacedaemonii  indi- 
gerent  pecunia,  ille  omnibus  qui  a  rege  defecerant 

^  exire  noluit,  MSS. ;  valetudinem  excusavit,  Halm ;  ex. 
senectutem,  Fleck;  aegrotare  se  finxit  et  hefore  cum  a 
plerisque,  suggested  hy  Radermacher ;  exire  noluit  idem,  cum 
.  .  .  tamen  talem  {addmg  recusavit  after  premeretur), 
Wagner. 

2  et  se  id  quoque,  2ISS.;  et,  omitted  hy  Andresen ;  quoque 
put  after  id  in  ed.  Vulpiana. 

3  aucti,  Bosius. 

568 


XVII.  AGESILAUS,  vi.  i-vii.  2 

on  that  campaign,  although  he  was  urged  by  many 
to  go,  as  if  he  divined  the  outcome  he  refused  to  do 
so.^  Again,  when  Epaminondas  was  attacking 
Sparta  and  the  city  was  without  walls,  he  showed 
himself  so  able  a  commander,  that  it  was  evident  to 
all  that  if  it  had  not  been  for  him  Sparta  would  at 
that  time  have  ceased  to  exist.^  In  fact,  in  that 
critical  situation  it  was  his  quickness  of  wit  that  saved 
all  the  citizens.  For  some  young  men,  panic-stricken 
by  the  arrival  of  the  enemy,  wished  to  desert  to 
the  Thebans  and  had  taken  possession  of  an  elevated 
place  outside  the  city  ;  then  Agesilaus,  reaHzing  that 
the  knowledge  that  anyone  was  trying  to  go  over  to 
theenemy  would  be  most  dangerous,  joined  them  with 
his  troops  and  commended  their  good  judgment  in 
occupying  such  a  position,  pretending  to  beheve  that 
they  had  done  so  with  good  intent,  and  saying  that  he 
too  had  seen  the  advisabiHty  of  such  a  step.  Thus 
by  his  pretended  praise  he  won  back  the  young  men, 
and  by  joining  with  them  some  of  his  own  com- 
panions  he  left  the  position  safe.  For  they,  when 
the  number  of  those  who  were  not  impHcated  in  the 
plot  w^as  increased,  did  not  dare  to  make  any  move, 
and  remained  quiet  the  more  wiUingly  because  they 
thought  that  their  real  designs  were  not  knoA^Ti. 

7.  It  is  beyond  question  that  after  the  battle  of 
Leuctra  the  Lacedaemonians  never  recovered  their 
strength  or  regained  their  former  hegemony,  although 
in  the  meantime  Agesilaus  never  ceased  to  aid  his 
country  in  whatever  way  he  could.  For  example, 
when  the  Lacedaemonians  were  above  aU  in  need  of 
funds,  he  went  to  the  help  of  all  those  who  had 

^  The  sentence  is  an  awkward  one;  see  the  crit.  note. 
"  See  note  3,  p.  495. 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

praesidio   fuit;    a   quibus  magna  donatus  pecunia 

3  patriam  sublevavit.  Atque  in  hoc  illud  imprimis 
fuit  admirabile,  cum  maxima  munera  ei  ab  regibus 
ac  dynastis  civitatibusque  conferrentur,  quod  nihil 
umquam    domum    suam    contulit,    nihil    de    \actu, 

4  nihil  de  vestitu  Laconum  mutavit.  Domo  eadem 
fuit  contentus  qua  Eurysthenes,  progenitor  maiorum 
suorum,  fuerat  usus ;  quam  qui  intrarat  nullum 
signum  libidinis,  nullum  luxuriae  videre  poterat, 
contra  ea  plurima  patientiae  atque  abstinentiae. 
Sic  enim  erat  instructa,  ut  in  nulla  re  differret  a^ 
cuiusvis  inopis  atque  privati. 

8.  Atque  hic  tantus  vir  ut  naturam  fautricem  ha- 
buerat  in  tribuendis  animi  virtutibus,  sic  maleficam 
nactus  est  in  corpore  fingendo ;  nam  et  statura 
fuit  humiU  et  corpore  exiguo  et  claudus  altero  pede. 
Quae  res  etiam  nonnullam  adferebat  deformitatem, 
atque  ignoti,  faciem  eius  cum  intuerentur,  contemne- 
bant ;    qui   autem  virtutes   noverant  non  poterant 

2  admirari  satis.  Quod  ei  usu  venit,  cum  annorum 
LXXX  subsidio  Tacho  in  Aegyptum  iisset  et  in  acta 
cum  suis  accubuisset  sine  ullo  tecto  stratumque 
haberet  tale,  ut  terra  tecta  esset  stramentis  neque 
huc  amplius  quam  pelHs  esset  iniecta,  eodemque 
comites  omnes  accubuissent  vestitu  humiU  atque 
obsoleto,  ut  eorum  ornatus  non  modo  in  iis  regem 
neminem  significaret,  sed  homines  non  beatissimos 
esse  suspicionem  praeberet. 

3  Huius  de  adventu  fama  cum  ad  regios  esset  perlata, 
celeriter  munera  eo  cuiusque  generis  sunt  adlata. 

^  a,  added  hy  Cohet. 


1  Cf.  xii.  2.  3. 

2  Agesilaus  was  of  the  line  of  Procles,  not  Eurysthenes. 


570 


XVII.  AGESILAUS,  vii.  2-viii.  3 

revolted  against  the  great  king,  and  when  they  gave 
him  large  sums  of  money  he  devoted  it  to  the  service 
of  his  country.  And  a  trait  of  his  that  was  especially 
worthy  of  admiration  was  this  :  although  lavish  gifts 
were  bestowed  upon  him  by  kings,  princes  and 
nations,  he  never  took  anything  home  with  him,i 
and  made  no  change  in  the  manner  of  hfe  and  dress 
usual  with  the  Laconians.  He  was  content  with  the 
same  house  that  had  been  used  by  Eurysthenes,  the 
first  of  his  Une^  on  entering  it,  no  sign  of  Hcence,  no 
sign  of  luxury  was  visible,  but  on  the  contrary  many 
indications  of  austerity  and  frugality ;  in  fact,  in  its 
equipment  the  house  did  not  differ  from  that  of  any 
private  citizen  of  humble  means. 

8.  But  although  Nature  had  favoured  this  great 
man  in  bestowing  quaUties  of  mind,  in  fashioning  his 
body  he  found  her  unkindly;  for  he  was  short  of 
stature,  of  slender  frame,  and  lame  in  one  foot. 
These  defects  made  him  somewhat  ill-favoured,  and 
strangers,  who  judged  him  from  his  appearance,  were 
apt  to  look  upon  him  vn.th  contempt ;  but  those  who 
knew  his  good  quahties  could  not  sufficiently  admire 
him.  That  was  his  experience  when,  at  the  age  of 
eighty,  he  had  gone  to  the  help  of  Tachos  in  Egypt.  361  b.c. 
He  had  taken  his  place  at  meat  with  his  men  on  the 
shore,  ^vithout  any  shelter  and  having  for  a  couch 
straw  spread  on  the  ground  and  covered  with  nothing 
but  a  skin ;  and  there  too  aU  his  companions  recUned 
beside  him  in  plain  and  weU-worn  clothing.  Their 
appearance,  far  from  suggesting  that  there  was  a 
king  among  them,  would  indicate  that  they  were  men 
of  no  great  wealth. 

When  the  report  of  the  Spartan's  arrival  had  reached 
the  king's  officers,  they  hastened  to  bring  to  his  camp 

571 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

His    quaerentibus    Agesilaum    vix    fides    facta    est, 

4  unum  esse  ex  iis  qui  tum  accubabant.  Qui  cum 
regis  verbis  quae  attulerant  dedissent,  ille  praeter 
vitulinam  et  eius  modi  genera  obsonii  quae  praesens 
tempus  desiderabat,  nihil  accepit ;  unguenta,  coronas 
secundamque  mensam  servis  dispertiit,  cetera  referri 

5  iussit.  Quo  facto,  eum  barbari  magis  etiam  con- 
tempserunt,  quod  eum  ignorantia  bonarum  rerum 
vilia  potissimum  sumpsisse  arbitrabantur. 

6  Hic  cum  ex  Aegypto  reverteretur,  donatus  ab 
rege  Nectanabide  ducentis  viginti  talentis,  quae  ille 
muneri  populo  suo  daret,  venissetque  in  portum  qui 
Menelai  vocatur,  iacens  inter  Cyrenas  et  Aegyptum, 

7  in  morbum  implicitus  decessit.  Ibi  eum  amici,  quo 
Spartam  facilius  perferre  possent,  quod  mel  non 
habebant,  cera  circumfuderunt  atque  ita  domum 
rettulerunt. 


XVIII.  EUMENES 

1.  Eumenes  Cardianus.  Huius  si  virtuti  par  data 
esset  fortuna,  non  ille  quidem  maior  exstitisset  ^ — 
quod  magnos  homines  virtute  metimur,  non  fortuna  ^ 
2  — sed  multo  illustrior  atque  etiam  honoratior.  Nam 
cum  aetas  eius  incidisset  in  ea  tempora  quibus 
Macedones  florerent,  multum  ei  detraxit  inter  eos 

^  exstitisset,  added  hy  Halm ;  fuisset,  Lambin, 
2  quod  .  .  .  fortuna  after  honoratior,   JISS. ;    transposed 
by  Playgcrs. 

^  The  bodies  of  Spartan  kings  who  died  abroad  were  iisually 
embalmed  in  honey.  The  friends  of  Agesilaus  substituted 
melted  wax. 

572 


XVIII.  EUMENES,  i.  1-2 

gifts  of  every  kind.  When  they  inquired  for  Age- 
silaus,  they  could  hardly  beheve  that  he  was  one  of 
those  who  were  then  at  meat.  When  they  offered 
him  in  the  name  of  the  king  what  they  had  brought, 
he  refused  everything  except  some  veal  and  similar 
kinds  of  food  which  his  circumstances  made  necessary  ; 
perfumes,  garlands  and  desserts  he  distributed 
among  his  servants,  the  rest  he  ordered  to  be  taken 
back.  Such  conduct  led  the  barbarians  to  hold  him 
in  still  greater  contempt,  since  they  supposed  that  he 
had  made  his  choice  through  lack  ojp  acquaintance 
with  fine  things. 

When  Agesilaus  was  on  his  way  back  from  Egypt 
after  having  received  from  King  Nectenebis  two 
hundred  and  twenty  talents  to  give  as  a  gift  to  his 
country,  on  arriving  at  the  place  called  the  Port  of 
Menelaus,  situated  between  Cyrene  and  Egypt,  he 
fell  ill  and  died.  Thereupon  his  friends,  in  order  that 
his  body  might  the  more  readily  be  taken  to  Sparta, 
ha^-ing  no  honey,^  covered  it  with  wax  and  thus  bore 
it  to  his  native  land. 

XVIII.  EUMENES 

1.  Eumenes  of  Cardia.^  If  this  man's  merit  had 
been  attended  by  equal  good  fortune,  he  would  not, 
it  is  true,  have  turned  out  greater  (for  we  measure  a 
man's  greatness  by  his  merit  and  not  by  his  fortune), 
but  he  would  have  been  much  more  famous  and  even 
more  honoured.  For  his  hfetime  fell  in  the  period 
when  the  Macedonians  were  at  the  height  of  their 
power,  and  hving  as  he  did  in  their  country,  it  was 

2  A  different  person,  of  course,  from  Eumenes  of  Pergamum, 
mentioned  in  xxiii.  11. 

573 


GORNELIUS  NEPOS 

viventij  quod  alienae  erat  civ-itatis,  neque  aliud  huic 

3  defuit  quam  generosa  stirps.  Etsi  ille  domestico 
summo  genere  erat,  tamen  Macedones  eum  sibi 
aliquando  anteponi  indigne  ferebant,  neque  tamen 
non  patiebantur ;  vincebat  enim  omnes  cura,  vigi- 
lantia,  patientia,  calliditate  et  celeritate  ingenii. 

4  Hic  peradulescentulus  ad  amicitiam  accessit 
Philippi,  Amyntae  filii,  brevique  tempore  in  intimam 
pervenit    famiharitatem ;     fulgebat    enim    iam    in 

5  adulescentulo  indoles  virtutis.  Itaque  eum  habuit 
ad  manum  scribae  loco,  quod  multo  apud  Graios 
honorificentius  est  quam  apud  Romanos.  Namque 
apud  nos,  re  vera  sicut  sunt,  mercennarii  scribae 
existimantur ;  at  apud  illos  e  contrario  ^  nemo  ad  id 
officium  admittitur  nisi  honesto  loco,  et  fide  et 
industria  cognita,  quod  necesse  est  omnium  consiho- 

6  rum  eum  esse  participem.  Hunc  locum  tenuit 
amicitiae  apud  Philippum  annos  septem.  IUo 
interfecto,  eodem  gradu  fuit  apud  Alexandrum 
annos  tredecim.  Novissimo  tempore  praefuit  etiam 
alterae  equitum  alae,  quae  Hetaerice  appellabatur. 
Utrique  autem  in  consiho  semper  adfuit  et  omnium 
rerum  habitus  est  particeps. 

2.   Alexandro  Babylone  mortuo,  cum  regna  singuHs 

famiUaribus  dispertirentur  et  summa  tradita  esset 

tuenda  eidem  cui  Alexander  moriens  anulum  suum 

2  dederat,  Perdiccae — ex  quo  omnes  coniecerant  eum 

^  e  contrario,  i?,  Lanibin ;  contrario,  the  other  MSS. 


1  That  is,  from  a  noble  Macedonian  family. 

'  This  applies  only  to  such  exceptional  positions  as  that  of 
Eumenes.  There  were  similar  positions  in  Rome;  thus 
Horace  was  offered  the  post  of  secretary  to  the  Emperor 
Augustus  (Suet.  Vit.  Hor.). 

574 


XVIII.  EUMENES,  i.  2-11.  2 

greatly  to  his  disadvantage  that  he  was  a  native  of  a 
foreign  state ;  for  he  lacked  nothing  except  noble 
descent.^  Although  he  was  of  the  highest  rank  in 
his  o-WTi  country,  yet  the  Macedonians  were  indignant 
that  he  was  sometimes  preferred  to  them ;  but  they 
were  obhged  to  put  up  with  it,  since  he  excelled  them 
all  in  dihgence,  in  watchfulness  and  in  endurance,  as 
well  as  in  skill  and  mental  alertness. 

Eumenes,  when  very  young,  became  the  friend  of  312b.:) 
Phihp,  son  of  Amyntas,  and  soon  grew  very  intimate 
with  the  king,  being  conspicuous  even  in  his  youth  for 
his  high  character.  Therefore  Phihp  kept  him  near 
his  person,  in  the  capacity  of  secretary,  a  position 
much  more  highly  honoured  among  the  Greeks  than 
with  the  Romans.  With  us,  indeed,  scribes  are 
considered  hirehngs,  as  in  fact  they  are ;  in  Greece, 
on  the  contrary,  no  one  is  accepted  for  such  a  position 
unless  he  is  of  respectable  family  and  of  proven 
fidehty  and  ability,  since  he  is  necessarily  acquainted 
\\ath  all  his  superior's  plans.^  This  position  of 
friendship  with  Phihp  Eumenes  held  for  seven  years. 
When  PhiHp  was  assassinated,  he  held  the  same  rank 
with  Alexander  for  thirteen  years.  During  the  latter  33*1-32.3 
part  of  that  time  ^  he  commanded  one  of  the  two  ^-^* 
corps  of  cavalry  known  as  "  The  Band  of  Comrades." 
Moreover,  he  was  always  asked  for  his  advice  by 
both  kings  and  given  a  share  in  all  their  affairs. 

2.  When  Alexander  died  at  Babylon,  his  provinces  323  b.c. 
were  divided  among  his  friends  and  the  supreme 
power  was  committed  to  the  care  of  Perdiccas,  to 
whom  Alexander  on  his  death-bed  had  given  his  ring. 
From  this  act  of  Alexander's  all  had  inferred  that  he 

8  That  is,  after  325  b.c. 

575 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

regnum  ei  commisisse,^  quoad  liberi  eius  in  suam 
tutelam  pervenissent ;  aberat  enim  Crateros  et 
Antipater.  qui  antecedere  hunc  videbantur ;  mortuus 
erat  Hephaestio,  quem  unum  Alexander,  quod 
facile  intellegi  posset,  plurimi  fecerat.  Hoc  tempore 
data  est  Eumeni  Cappadocia,  sive  potius  dicta ;  nam 

3  tum  in  hostium  erat  potestate.  Hunc  sibi  Perdiccas 
adiunxerat  magno  studio,  quod  in  homine  fidem  et 
industriam  magnam  videbat,  non  dubitans,  si  eum 
pellexisset,  magno  usui  fore  sibi  in  iis  rebus  quas 
apparabat.  Cogitabat  enim,  quod  fere  omnes  in 
magnis  imperiis  concupiscunt,  omnium  partis  corri- 

4  pere  atque  complecti.  Neque  vero  hoc  ille  solus 
fecit,  sed  ceteri  quoque  omnes  qui  Alexandri  fuerant 
amici.  Primus  Leonnatus  Macedoniam  praeoccu- 
pare  destinavit.^  Hic  multis  magnisque  polhcita- 
tionibus  persuadere  Eumeni  studuit,  ut  Perdiccam 

5  desereret  ac  secum  faceret  societatem.  Cum  per- 
ducere  eum  non  posset,  interficere  conatus  est;  et 
fecisset,  nisi  ille  clam  noctu  ex  praesidiis  eius  effu- 
gisset. 

3.  Interim  conflata  sunt  illa  bella  quae  ad  inter- 
necionem  post  Alexandri  mortem  gesta  sunt,  omnes- 
que  concurrerunt  ad  Perdiccam  opprimendum. 
Quem  etsi  infirmum  videbat,  quod  unus  omnibus 
resistere  cogebatur,  tamen  amicum  non  deseruit 
2  neque  salutis  quam  fidei  fuit  cupidior.  Praefecerat 
hunc  Perdiccas  ei  parti  Asiae  quae  inter  Taurum 
montem  iacet  atque  Hellespontum,  et  illum  unum 
opposuerat  Europaeis  adversariis ;    ipse  Aegyptum 

1  cominisisse,  Benecke;  commisisse  vel  commendasse, 
Leid.  A  P  B  B  F  \  /x;  commendaisse,  tt  M  u  {u  in  margin  has 
"  al.  commisisse  "). 

"  destinavit,  u ;   praedestinavit  ( — averat,  M),  MSS. 


XVIII.  EUMENES,  ii.  2-111.  2 

had  entrusted  the  rule  to  Perdiccas  until  his  own 
children  should  come  of  age ;  for  Craterus  and 
Antipater  Avere  not  present,  who  obviously  had 
better  claims  than  PerdJccas  ;  Hephaestion  was  dead, 
whom  Alexander  esteemed  most  of  all,  as  could 
readily  be  seen.  At  that  time  Cappadocia  was 
given  to  Eumenes,  or  rather,  promised  to  him,  since 
it  was  then  in  possession  of  the  enemy.  Perdiccas 
had  made  every  efFort  to  win  his  friendship,  reahzing 
the  man's  great  loyalty  and  abihty,  and  had  no  doubt 
that,  if  he  should  gain  his  regard,  Eumenes  would  be 
yery  useful  to  himin  carrying  out  his  plans  ;  for  it  was 
his  design  to  do  what  almost  all  who  hold  great  power 
aspire  to,  namely,  seize  the  shares  of  all  the  others 
and  unite  them.  But  he  was  not  the  only  one  who 
had  this  design,  for  it  was  entertained  by  all  the  rest 
who  had  been  friends  of  Alexander.  First,  Leon- 
natus  proposed  to  usurp  Macedonia,  and  tried  by 
many  lavish  promises  to  induce  Eumenes  to  desert 
Perdiccas  and  form  an  aUiance  with  him.  FaiUng  in 
that,  Leonnatus  tried  to  kill  Eumenes,  and  would 
have  succeeded  if  his  intended  yictim  had  not  eluded 
his  guards  by  night  and  made  his  escape. 

3.  Meanwhile  those  notorious  wars  of  extermina- 321  b.o. 
tion  broke  out  which  followed  the  death  of  Alexander, 
and  all  united  in  an  attack  upon  Perdiccas,  to  rid 
themselves  of  him.  Although  Eumenes  saw  the 
weakness  of  his  friend's  position,  in  being  obliged  to 
resist  all  the  others  single-handed,  yet  he  did  not 
desert  him  nor  desire  safety  at  the  expense  of 
loyalty.  Perdiccas  had  made  him  governor  of  the 
part  of  Asia  lying  between  the  Taurus  mountains 
and  the  Hellespont  and  had  left  him  to  face  his 
European  opponents  alone ;   he  himself  had  gone  to 

577 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

oppugnatum  adversus  Ptolemaeum  erat  profectus. 

3  Eumenes  cum  neque  magnas  copias  neque  firmas 
haberet,  quod  et  inexercitatae  et  non  multo  ante 
erant  contractae,  adventare  autem  dicerentur  Helles- 
pontumque  transisse  Antipater  et  Crateros  magno 
cum  exercitu  Macedonum,  viri  cum  claritate  tum 
usu  belli  praestantes — Macedones  vero  milites   ea 

4  tum  erant  fama,  qua  nunc  Romani  feruntur ;  etenim 
semper  habiti  sunt  fortissimi,  qui  summi^  imperii 
potireacur — Eumenes  intellegebat,  si  copiae  suae 
cognossent  adversus  quos  ducerentur,  non  modo  non 
ituras,  sed  simul  cum  nuntio  dilapsuras. 

6  Itaque  hoc  ei  visum  est  ^  prudentissimum,  ut  deviis 
itineribus  milites  duceret,  in  quibus  vera  audire  non 
possent,  et  iis  persuaderet  se  contra  quosdam  bar- 

6  baros  proficisci.  Itaque  tenuit  hoc  propositum  et 
prius  in  aciem  exercitum  eduxit  proeliumque  com- 
misit,  quam  milites  sui  scirent  cum  quibus  arma 
conferrent.  EfFecit  etiam  illud  locorum  praeoccu- 
patione,  ut  equitatu  potius  dimicaret,  quo  plus 
valebat,  quam  peditatu,  quo  erat  deterior. 

4.  Quorum  acerrimo  concursu  cum  magnam  partem 
diei  esset  oppugnatum,^  cadit  Crateros  dux  et 
Neoptolemus,  qui  secundum  locum  imperii  tenebat. 

2  Cum  hoc  concurrit  ipse  Eumenes.  Qui  cum  inter 
se  complexi  in  terram  ex  equis  decidissent,  ut  facile 
intellegi  possent  inimica  mente  contendisse  animoque 
magis    etiam    pugnasse    quam    corpore,    non    prius 

^  summi,  Madvig ;  summam,  Dan.  A  31  P  E;  summa,  B  u. 
2  ei  visum  est,  Nipp. ;   eius  f uit,  MSS. 
^  pugnatum,  u. 

578 


XVIII.  EUMENES,  iii.  2-iv.  2 

Egypt,  to  war  against  Ptolemy.  The  troops  of 
Eumenes  were  neither  numerous  nor  strong,  since 
they  had  been  enrolled  not  long  before  and  lacked 
training ;  moreover,  it  was  said  that  Antipater  and 
Craterus,  two  men  eminent  both  for  their  reno^^Ti  and 
their  mihtary  experience,  had  crossed  the  Hellespont 
with  a  great  army  of  Macedonians.  In  those  days 
the  Macedonian  soldiers  had  the  reputation  that  the 
Romans  now  enjoy,  since  those  have  always  been 
regarded  as  of  the  greatest  valour  who  rule  the  whole 
world,  and  Eumenes  understood  that  if  his  troops 
knew  against  whom  they  were  being  led,  they  would 
not  only  refuse  to  go,  but  immediately  on  hearing 
the  news  would  melt  away. 

It  therefore  seemed  wisest  to  lead  the  soldiers 
over  by-ways,  where  they  could  not  learn  the  truth, 
and  make  them  beheve  that  they  were  marching 
against  some  barbarian  tribe  or  other.  And  so  well 
did  Eumenes  carry  out  this  plan,  that  his  army  was 
already  dra^^Ti  up  and  had  begun  the  battle  before 
the  soldiers  knew  with  whom  they  were  to  fight. 
He  also,  by  choosing  his  ground  in  advance  of  the 
enemy,  made  the  brunt  of  the  battle  fall  on  his 
cavalry,  in  which  he  was  the  stronger,  rather  than 
on  the  infantry,  in  which  he  was  inferior. 

4.  They  engaged  for  a  greater  part  of  a  day  in  a 
fierce  struggle,  in  which  Craterus  fell,  the  leader 
of  the  enemy,  as  well  as  Neoptolemus,  who  was 
second  in  command.  With  the  latter  Eumenes  fought 
hand  to  hand.  When  the  two  had  grappled  and  had 
fallen  from  their  horses  to  the  ground,  it  could 
easily  be  seen  that  they  were  personal  enemies,  and 
that  their  contest  was  one  of  the  spirit  even  more 
than  of  body ;  for  they  could  not  be  separated  until 

579 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

distracti  sunt  quam  alterum  anima  relinqueret. 
Ab  hoc  aliquot  plagis  Eumenes  vulneratur  neque 
eo  magis  ex  proelio  excessit,  sed  acrius  hostis  institit. 

3  Hic  equitibus  profligatis,  interfecto  duce  Cratero, 
multis  praeterea  et  maxime  nobilibus  captis,  pedester 
exercitus,  quod  in  ea  loca  erat  deductus  ut  invito 
Eumene  elabi  non  posset,  pacem  ab  eo  petit.  Quam 
cum  impetrasset,  in  fide  non  mansit  et  se,  simul  ac 
potuit,  ad  Antipatrum  recepit. 

4  Eumenes  Craterum  ex  acie  semivivum  elatum 
recreare  studuit;  cum  id  non  posset,  pro  hominis 
dignitate  proque  pristina  amicitia — namque  illo 
usus  erat  Alexandro  vivo  familiariter — amplo  funere  ^ 
extulit  ossaque  in  Macedoniam  uxori  eius  ac  Uberis 
remisit. 

5.  Haec  dum  apud  Hellespontum  genintur,  Per- 
diccas  apud  Nilum  flumen  interficitur  ab  Seleuco  et 
Antigene,^  rerumque  summa  ad  Antipatrum  defertur. 
Hic  qui  deseruerant,  exercitu  sufFragium  ferente, 
capitis  absentes  damnantur,  in  iis  Eumenes.  Hac 
ille  perculsus  plaga,  non  succubuit  neque  eo  setius 
bellum  administravit.  Sed  exiles  res  animi  magni- 
tudinem,   etsi   non   frangebant,   tamen   minuebant. 

2  Hunc  persequens  Antigonus,  cum  omni  genere 
copiarum  abundaret,  saepe  in  itineribus  vexabatur, 
neque  umquam  ad  manum  accedere  licebat  nisi  iis 

3  locis  quibus  pauci  multis  possent  resistere.  Sed 
extremo    tempore,    cum    consilio    capi    non   posset, 

^  funere,  M  R  A  {written  dbove) ;  munere,  the  other  MSS- 
2  Antigene,  Van  Staveren;   Antigono,  MSS. 
580 


XVIII.  EUMENES,  iv.  2-v.  3 

one  of  the  two  had  been  killed.  From  his  opponent 
Eumenes  suffered  several  wounds,  but  he  did  not 
on  that  account  leave  the  field,  but  attacked  the 
enemy  with  renewed  vigour.  Then,  after  the 
cavalry  had  been  routed,  their  leader  Craterus  killed, 
and  many  prisoners  taken  besides,  including  men  of 
very  high  rank,the  enemy's  infantry  was  decoyed  into 
a  position  from  which  it  could  not  escape  without  the 
consent  of  Eumenes,  and  sued  for  a  truce.  Having 
obtained  it,  they  did  not  keep  faith,  but  returned  as 
soon  as  possible  to  Antipater. 

Eumenes  tried  to  cure  Craterus,  who  had  been 
carried  off  the  field  still  hving ;  when  that  proved 
impossible,  bearing  in  mind  the  high  position  of  the 
deceased  and  their  former  friendship  (for  the  two  had 
been  intimate  during  the  Hfetime  of  Alexander)  he 
gave  him  a  funeral  with  great  ceremony  and  sent  his 
ashes  to  his  wife  and  children  in  Macedonia. 

5.  \\Tiile  these  events  were  taking  place  at  the 
Hellespont,  Perdiccas  was  slain  near  the  river  Nile 
by  Seleucus  and  Antigenes,  and  the  supreme  power 
passed  to  Antipater.  Then  those  who  had  not  sided 
with  the  new  ruler  were  condemned  to  death  in  their 
absence  by  vote  of  his  army,  including  Eumenes. 
He,  although  the  blow  was  a  heavy  one,  did  not 
succmTib  to  it,  but  continued  none  the  less  to  carry 
on  the  war ;  but  his  slender  resources,  although  they 
did  not  break  his  high  spirit,  nevertheless  impaired 
it.  Antigonus  pursued  him,  but  although  he  had  320  b.c. 
an  abundance  of  troops  of  every  kind  and  often 
harassed  Eumenes  on  the  march,  he  never  succeeded 
in  engaging  him  in  battle  except  in  places  where  a 
few  could  resist  great  numbers.  At  last,  however, 
though   he   could   not   be   taken   off  his   guard  by 

581 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

multitudine  circumitus  est.  Hinc  tamen,  multis  suis 
amissis,  se  expedi\it  et  in  castellum  Phrygiae,  quod 
Nora  appellatur,  confugit. 

4  In  quo  cum  circumsederetur  et  vereretur  ne,  uno 
loco  manens,  equos  militares  perderet,  quod  spatium 
non  esset  agitandi,  callidum  fuit  eius  inventum  quem 
ad  modum  stans  iumentum  concalfieri  exercerique 
posset,  quo  libentius  et  cibo  uteretur  et  a  corporis 

5  motu  non  removeretur.  Substringebat  caput  loro 
altius  quam  ut  prioribus  pedibus  plene  terram  posset 
attingere,  deinde  post  ^  verberibus  cogebat  exsultare 
et  calces  remittere ;    qui  motus  non  minus  sudorem 

6  excutiebat,  quam  si  in  spatio  decurreret.  Quo 
factum  est,  quod  omnibus  mirabile  est  visum,  ut 
aeque  nitida  iumenta  ex  castello  educeret,  cum 
complures    menses    in    obsidione    fuisset,    ac    si    in 

7  campestribus  ea  locis  habuisset.  In  hac  conclusione, 
quotienscumque  voluit,  apparatum  et  munitiones 
Antigoni  alias  incendit,  alias  disiecit.  Tenuit  autem 
se  uno  loco  quam  diu  hiems  fuit,  quod  castra  sub 
divo  habere  non  poterat.  Ver  appropinquabat ; 
simulata  deditione,  dum  de  condicionibus  tractat, 
praefectis  Antigoni  imposuit  seque  ac  suos  omnis 
extraxit  incolumis. 

6.  Ad  hunc  Olympias,  mater  quae  fuerat  Alexandri, 
cum  htteras  et  nuntios  misisset  in  Asiam,  consultum 
utrum  regnum  ^  repetitum  in  Macedoniam  veniret — 
2  nam  tum  in  Epiro  habitabat — et  eas  res  occuparet, 
huic  ille  primum  suasit  ne  se  moveret  et  exspectaret 
quoad  Alexandri   fiUus   regnum   adipisceretur ;    sin 

1  pastum,  Wagner.  ^  regnum,  added  hy  Nipp. 

^  That  is,  the  front  part  of  its  body. 
*  Namely,  Alexander,  son  of  Roxane. 

582 


XVIII.  EUMENES,  v.  3-vi.  2 

strategy,  Eumenes  was  surrounded  by  superior 
numbers.  Yet  he  made  his  escape  with  the  loss 
of  many  of  his  men,  and  took  refuge  in  a  fortified 
place  in  Phrygia,  called  Nora. 

Being  besieged  there  and  fearing  that  by  remaining 
in  one  place  he  might  ruin  the  horses  of  his  army, 
because  there  was  no  room  for  exercising  them, 
Eumenes  hit  upon  a  clever  device  by  which  an  animal 
standing  in  one  place  might  be  warmed  and  exercised, 
so  that  it  would  have  a  better  appetite  and  not  lose 
its  bodily  activity.  He  drew  up  its  head^  with  a 
thong  so  high  that  it  could  not  quite  touch  the  ground 
xNith  its  forefeet,  and  then  forced  it  by  blows  of  a  whip 
to  bound  and  kick  out  behind,  an  exercise  which 
produced  no  less  sweat  than  running  on  a  race- 
course.  The  result  was  that,  to  the  surprise  of  all, 
the  animals  were  led  out  of  the  fortress  after  a  siege 
of  several  months  in  as  good  condition  as  if  he  had 
kept  them  in  pasture.  During  this  blockade,  as  often 
as  he  ^vished,  he  set  fire  to  some  part  of  the  works  and 
fortifications  of  Antigonus  and  threw  down  others. 
Furthermore,  he  remained  in  the  same  place  as  long 
as  the  winter  lasted,  because  he  could  not  camp  in 
the  open.  When  spring  drew  near,  pretending  a 
surrender,  he  outwitted  Antigonus'  ofRcers  while  the 
terms  were  under  discussion,  and  made  his  escape 
without  the  loss  of  a  man. 

6.  To  Eumenes,  when  he  was  in  Asia,  Olympias,  319  b.o. 
the  mother  of  Alexander,  had  sent  a  letter  and 
messengers,  to  ask  his  advice  as  to  coming  to  Mace- 
donia  to  claim  the  throne  (for  she  was  then  hving  in 
Epirus)  and  to  make  herself  ruler  there.  He  advised 
her  above  all  things  to  make  no  move,  but  to  wait  until 
Alexander's  son  2  gained  the  throne ;  but  if  she  was 

583 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

aliqua  cupiditate  raperetur  in  Macedoniam,  oblivi- 
sceretur  omnium  iniuriarum  et  in  neminem  acerbiore 

3  uteretur  imperio.  Horum  illa  nihil  fecit  nam  et  in 
Macedoniam  profecta  est  et  ibi  crudelissime  se  gessit. 
Petit  autem  ab  Eumene  absente  ne  pateretur 
Philippi  domus  ac  famihae  inimicissimos  stirpem 
quoque  interimere,  ferretque  opem  Uberis  Alexandri. 

4  Quam  veniam  si  daret,  quam  primum  exercitus 
pararet  quos  sibi  subsidio  adduceret.  Id  quo  facilius 
faceret,  se  omnibus  praefectis  qui  in  officio  manebant 
misisse    htteras,    ut    ei    parerent    eiusque    consiUis 

5  uterentur.  His  rebus  Eumenes  permotus,  satius 
duxit,  si  ita  tuhsset  fortuna,  perire  bene  meritis 
referentem  gratiam  quam  ingratum  vivere. 

7.  Itaque  copias  contraxit,  bellum  adversus  Antigo- 
num  compara^it.  Quod  una  erant  Macedones 
complures  nobiles,  in  iis  Peucestes,  qui  corporis 
custos  fuerat  Alexandri,  tum  autem  obtinebat 
Persidem,  et  Antigenes,  cuius  sub  imperio  phalanx 
erat  Macedonum,  invidiam  verens — quam  tamen 
effugere  non  potuit — si  potius  ipse  ahenigena  summi 
2  imperii  potiretur  quam  ahi  Macedonum,  quorum  ibi 
erat  multitudo,  in  principiis  Alexandri  nomine 
tabernaculum  statuit  in  eoque  sellam  auream  cum 
sceptro  ac  diademate  iussit  poni  eoque  omnes 
cottidie  convenire,  ut  ibi  de  summis  rebus  consiUa 
caperentur ;     credens    minore    se    invidia    fore,    si 


1  The  body-guard  of  Alexander  was  an  oflBcial  of  high  rank. 
*  "  The    others,    of    the    (that    is,    •  who    were')    Mace- 
donians"  ;  Eumenes  was  not  a  Macedonian. 


584 


XVIII.  EUMENES,  vi.  2-vii.  2 

strongly  drawn  towards  Macedonia,  to  forget  all  her 
WTongs  and  not  exercise  her  power  with  too  great 
severity  against  anyone.  She  adopted  neither  of 
these  recommendations ;  for  she  proceeded  to 
Macedonia  and  conducted  herself  there  most  cruelly. 
Then  she  besought  Eumenes,  who  was  far  away,  not 
to  allow  the  bitter  enemies  of  Philip's  house  and 
family  to  destroy  his  stock  as  well,  but  to  bear  aid  to 
the  children  of  Alexander.  If  he  M-ould  grant  her 
prayer,  she  said,  he  must  equip  armies  and  lead  them 
to  her  assistance  as  soon  as  possible.  In  order  to 
make  that  easier,  she  had  sent  letters  to  all  the 
governors  who  had  remained  loyal,  instructing  them 
to  obey  him  and  follow  his  directions,  Deeply 
moved  by  these  communications,  Eumenes  thought 
it  better,  if  such  were  Fortune's  will,  to  lose  his 
life  in  requiting  kindnesses  than  save  it  by  ingrati- 
tude. 

7.  Accordingly,  he  mustered  his  forces  and  pre- 
pared  to  make  war  upon  Antigonus.  Since  he  had 
with  him  a  number  of  Macedonian  nobles,  including 
Peucestes,  formerly  Alexander's  body-guard  ^  and 
then  governor  of  Persia,  and  Antigenes,  commander 
of  the  Macedonian  phalanx,  he  feared  ill-feeling 
(which  after  all  he  could  not  escape)  if  he,  a  foreigner, 
should  hold  the  chief  command  rather  than  one  of  the 
Macedonians,^  of  whom  there  were  very  many 
there.  He  therefore  set  up  a  tent  at  the  army 
headquarters  in  the  name  of  Alexander,  and  gave 
orders  that  there  should  be  placed  in  it  the 
golden  throne  with  the  sceptre  and  diadem,  and 
that  all  should  meet  there  daily,  in  order  to 
make  it  the  place  where  matters  of  highest  moment 
were   discussed.     For   he   believed   that   he   would 

585 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

specie  imperii  nominisque  simulatione  Alexandri 
3  bellum  videretur  administrare.  Quod  efFecit ;  ^  nam 
cum  non  ad  Eumenis  principia.  sed  ad  regia  con- 
veniretur  atque  ibi  de  rebus  deliberaretur,  quodam 
modo  latebat,  cum  tamen  per  eum  unum  gererentur 
omnia. 

8.  Hic  in  Paraetacis  cum  Antigono  conflixit,  non 
acie  instructa,  sed  in  itinere,  eumque  male  acceptum 
in  Mediam  hiematum  coegit  redire.  Ipse  in  finitima 
regione   Persidis   hiematum   copias   divisit,   non   ut 

2  voluit,  sed  ut  militum  cogebat  voluntas.  Namque 
illa  phalanx  Alexandri  Magni,  quae  Asiam  pera- 
grarat  deviceratque  Persas,  inveterata  cum  gloria 
tum  etiam  Hcentia,  non  parere  se  ducibus,  sed 
imperare  postulabat,  ut  nunc  veterani  faciunt  nostri. 
Itaque  periculum  est  ne  faciant  quod  ilU  fecerunt, 
sua  intemperantia  nimiaque  hcentia  ut  omnia 
perdant  neque  minus  eos  cum  quibus  fecerint,  quam 

3  adversus  quos  steterint.  Quod  si  quis  illorum  vete- 
ranorum  legat  facta,  paria  horum  cognoscat  neque 
rem  ullam  nisi  tempus  interesse  iudicet.  Sed  ad 
illos  revertar.  Hibema  sumpserant  non  ad  usum 
belH,  sed  ad  ipsorum  luxuriam,  longeque  inter  se 

4  discesserant.  Hoc  Antigonus  cum  comperisset  intel- 
legeretque  se  parem  non  esse  paratis  adversariis, 
statuit  ahquid  sibi  consihi  novi  esse  capiendum. 

Duae  erant  viae  qua  ex  Medis,  ubi  ille  hiemabat, 
ad     adversariorum     hibernacula     posset     pervi^niri. 

1  efiFecit,  Heusinger;  et  fecit,  MS3, 
586 


XVIII.  EUMENES,  vii.  2-viii.  4 

arouse  less  jealousy  if  he  seemed  to  carry  on  the  war 
with  the  mere  appearance  of  leadership,  and  pre- 
tended  to  act  in  the  name  of  Alexander.  And  so  it 
turned  out ;  for  since  they  met  and  held  council, 
not  at  the  headquarters  of  Eumenes,  but  at  those 
of  Alexander,  Eumenes  remained  to  a  certain  extent 
in  the  background,  while  in  fact  everything  was  done 
by  his  direction  alone. 

8.  He  fought  with  Antigonus  at  Paraetacae,  not  317  b.c. 
in  order  of  battle,  but  while  on  the  march,  and  having 
worsted  him,  compelled  him  to  return  to  Media  to 
pass  the  winter.  He  for  his  part  in  the  neighbouring 
region  of  Persia  distributed  the  winter  quarters  of 
his  soldiers,  not  according  to  his  own  wishes,  but 
as  their  desires  dictated.  For  that  famous  phalanx 
of  Alexander  the  Great,  which  had  overrun  Asia  and 
conquered  the  Persians,  after  a  long  career  of  glory  as 
well  as  of  hcence  claimed  the  right  to  command  its 
leaders  instead  of  obeying  them,  even  as  our  veterans 
do  to-day .  And  so  there  is  danger  that  our  soldiers  may 
do  what  the  Macedonians  did,  and  ruin  everything  by 
their  Hcence  and  lawlessness,  their  friends  as  well  as 
their  enemies.  For  if  anyone  should  read  the  history 
of  those  veterans  of  old,  he  would  recognize  a  parallel 
in  our  own,  and  decide  that  the  only  difFerence  is 
one  of  time.  But  let  me  return  to  those  of  former 
days.  They  had  chosen  their  w^inter  quarters  with 
an  eye  rather  to  their  own  pleasure  than  to  the 
requirements  of  war,  and  w^ere  widely  separated. 
WTien  Antiochus  learned  of  this,  knowing  that  he 
was  no  match  for  his  opponents  when  they  were  on 
their  guard,  he  decided  to  resort  to  some  new  plan. 

There  were  two  roads  leading  from  Media,  where 
he   was   wintering,   to   the   winter   quarters   of  the 

587 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

6  Qaarum  brevior  per  loca  deserta,  quae  nemo  incolebat 
propter  aquae  inopiam,  ceterum  dierum  erat  fere 
decem ;  illa  autem  qua  omnes  commeabant  altero 
tanto  longiorem  habebat  anfractum,  sed  erat  copiosa 

6  omniumque  rerum  abundans.  Hac  si  proficisceretur, 
intellegebat  prius  adversarios  rescituros  de  suo 
adventu  quam  ipse  tertiam  partem  confecisset 
itineris ;    sin  per  loca  sola  contenderet,  sperabat  se 

7  imprudentem  hostem  oppressurum.  Ad  hanc  rem 
conficiendam  imperavit  quam  plurimos  utris  atque 
etiam  culleos  comparari ;  post  haec  pabulum ; 
praeterea  cibaria  cocta  dierum  decem,  ut  quam 
minime  fieret  ignis  in  castris.  Iter  quo  habeat  ^  omnis 
celat.     Sic  paratus,  qua  constituerat  proficiscitur. 

9.  Dimidium  fere  spatium  confecerat,  cum  ex  fumo 
castrorum  eius  suspicio  adlata  est  ad  Eumenem 
hostem  appropinquare.  Conveniunt  duces  ;  quaeri- 
tur  quid  opus  sit  facto.  Intellegebant  omnes  tam 
celeriter  copias  ipsorum  contrahi  non  posse,  quam 

2  Antigonus  adfuturus  videbatur.  Hic,  omnibus  titu- 
bantibus  et  de  rebus  summis  desperantibus,  Eume- 
nes  ait,  si  celeritatem  veHnt  adhibere  et  imperata 
facere,  quod  ante  non  fecerint,  se  rem  expediturum. 
Nam  quod  diebus  quinque  hostis  transisse  posset,  se 
effecturum  ut  non  minus  totidem  dierum  spatio 
retardaretur ;  qua  re  circumirent,  suas  quisque 
contraheret  copias. 

3  Ad  Antigoni  autem  refrenandum  impetum  tale 
capit  consiUum.     Certos  mittit  homines  ad  infimos 

^  quo  habeat,  Niyp. ;   quod  (quot,  B^  R)  habebat,  3ISS. 

^  The  soldiers,  because  of  the  cold,  disobeyed  Antiochus 
and  built  fires  at  night;  it  was  the  light  from  these,  rather 
than  the  smoke,  that  betrayed  him. 

588 


XVIII.  EUMENES,  viii.  5-ix.  3 

enemy.  The  shorter  of  these  was  through  desert 
regions,  which  because  of  lack  of  water  were  unin- 
habited,  but  it  was  a  journey  of  only  about  ten  days  ; 
the  other,  however,  which  everyone  used,  was  a 
circuitous  route  of  twice  that  length,  but  rich  in 
suppHes  and  abounding  in  all  kinds  of  commodities. 
If  he  marched  by  the  latter  road,  he  knew  that  his 
opponents  would  be  informed  of  his  coming  before 
he  had  gone  a  third  part  of  the  way  ;  but  if  he  made  a 
quick  march  through  the  desert,  he  hoped  to  sur- 
prise  the  enemy  and  rout  him.  With  that  end  in 
view,  he  ordered  the  greatest  possible  number  of 
bladders  as  well  as  leathern  bags  to  be  procured,  then 
forage,  and  finally  cooked  food  for  ten  days,  ^^lshing 
to  make  the  fewest  possible  camp-fires.  He  concealed 
his  proposed  route  from  everyone.  Thus  prepared, 
he  set  out  by  the  road  which  he  had  selected. 

9.  He  had  covered  nearly  half  the  distance,  when 
the  smoke  from  his  camp  ^  led  Eumenes  to  suspect 
that  the  enemy  were  approaching.  He  held  a 
meeting  with  his  generals ;  they  dehberated  as  to 
what  should  be  done.  It  was  evident  to  all  that 
their  own  troops  could  not  be  assembled  quickly 
enough  to  meet  the  arrival  of  Antigonus.  At  this 
juncture,  when  all  were  in  a  panic  and  beheved  that 
they  were  lost,  Eumenes  said  that  if  they  would  act 
quickly  and  obey  his  orders,  which  they  had  not 
done  before,  he  would  save  the  day.  For  whereas 
the  enemy  had  but  five  days'  journey  left,  he  would 
contrive  to  delay  them  at  least  as  many  days  longer ; 
therefore  his  officers  must  go  about  and  each  coUect 
his  own  troops. 

Now,  to  check  the  speed  of  Antiochus  he  devised 
the  foUowing  plan.     He  sent  trustworthy  men  to  the 

589 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

montes,  qui  obvii  erant  itineri  adversarioriun,  iisque 
praecipit  ^  ut  prima  nocte  quam  latissime  possint 
ignes    faciant    quam    maximos    atque    hos    secunda 

4  vigilia  minuant,  tertia  perexiguos  reddant  et,  assimu- 
lata  castrorum  consuetudine,  suspicionem  iniciant 
hostibus  iis  locis  esse  castra  ac  de  eorum  adventu 
esse  praenuntiatum ;  idemque  postera  nocte  faciant, 

5  Quibus  imperatum  erat  diUgenter  praeceptum 
curant.  Antigonus  tenebris  obortis  ignes  conspica- 
tur;    credit  de  suo  adventu  esse  auditum  et  adver- 

6  sarios  illuc  suas  contraxisse  copias.  Mutat  con- 
silium  et,  quoniam  imprudentes  ^  adoriri  non  posset, 
flectit  iter  suum  et  illum  anfractum  longiorem 
copiosae  viae  capit  ibique  diem  unum  opperitur  ad 
lassitudinem  sedandam  militum  ac  reficienda  iumenta, 
quo  integriore  exercitu  decerneret. 

10.  Sic^    Eumenes    callidum    imperatorem    vicit 
consiho  celeritatemque  impedivit  eius,  neque  tamen 

2  multum  profecit ;  nam  invidia  ducum,  cum  quibus 
erat,  perfidiaque  Macedonum  veteranorum,  cum 
superior  proelio  discessisset,  Antigono  est  deditus, 
cum  exercitus  ei  ter  ante  separatis  temporibus  iuras- 
set  se  eum  defensurum  neque  imiquam  deserturum. 
Sed  tanta  fuit  nonnullorum  virtutis  obtrectatio,  ut 
fidem  amittere  mallent  quam  eum  non  perdere. 

3  Atque  hunc  Antigonus,  cum  ei  fuisset  infestissi- 
mus,  conservasset,  si  per  suos  esset  licitum,  quod 
ab    nullo  se  plus  adiuvari  posse  intellegebat  in  iis 

1  praecipit,  Lambin;   praecepit,  IISS. 

*  impnidentes,  Lamhin;   imprudentem,  MSS. 

^  sic,  Heusinger;   hic,  MSS. 


1  For  iumenta  in  this  sense  cf .  5.  4. 
590 


XVIII.  EUMENES,  ix.  3-x.  3 

foot  of  the  mountains  which  crossed  the  enemy*s 
hne  of  march,  with  orders  to  hght  great  fires  in  the 
early  part  of  the  night  over  the  widest  possible 
space  and  let  thcm  die  down  in  the  second  watch, 
In  the  third  watch  they  must  let  them  nearly  go  out, 
and  thus,  by  imitating  what  was  usual  in  a  camp,  lead 
the  enemy  to  suspect  that  Eumenes  was  encamped 
there,  and  that  their  coming  had  been  reported ; 
and  they  must  do  the  same  on  the  following  night. 
Those  to  whom  these  orders  had  been  given  executed 
them  to  the  letter.  Antigonus  saw  the  fires  at  night- 
fall ;  he  beheved  that  his  coming  was  known  and 
that  his  foes  had  massed  their  forces  there  to  meet 
him.  He  altered  his  plan,  and  since  he  thought 
that  he  could  not  attack  them  unawares,  he  changed 
his  course  and  chose  the  longer  detour  where  suppUes 
were  plentiful,  halting  where  he  was  for  one  day  to 
rest  his  men  and  refresh  his  horses,^  in  order  to  fight 
with  his  army  in  better  condition. 

10.  Thus  it  was  that  Eumenes  outwitted  a  crafty 
general  and  checked  his  rapid  advance,  but  it  did 
not  profit  him  greatly ;  for  through  the  j  ealousy  of 
his  fellow-generals  and  the  treachery  of  the  Mace- 
donian  veterans,  although  he  was  victorious  in  the 
battle,  he  was  betrayed  into  the  hands  of  Antigonus.  316b.c. 
And  yet  the  army  had  on  three  separate  occasions 
before  that  sworn  to  defend  him  and  never  desert 
him.  But  some  of  them  were  so  ill-disposed  towards 
true  worth,  that  they  preferred  to  break  their  oath 
rather  than  not  to  ruin  him. 

Yet  after  all,  Antigonus  would  have  saved  him, 
although  Eumenes  had  been  his  bitter  enemy,  if  his 
associates  would  have  consented,  knowing  as  he  did 
that  no  one  could  render  him  greater  assistance  in 

591 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

rebus  quas  impendere  iam  apparebat  omnibus. 
Imminebant  enim  Seleucus,  Lvsimachus,  Ptolemaeus, 
opibus  iam  valentes,  cum  quibus  ei  de  summis  rebus 
4  erat  dimicandum.  Sed  non  passi  sunt  ii  qui  circa 
erant,  quod  videbant  Eumene  recepto  omnes  prae 
illo  parvi  futuros.  Ipse  autem  Antigonus  adeo  erat 
incensus,  ut  nisi  magna  spe  maximarum  rerum  leniri 
non  posset. 

11.  Itaque  cum  eum  in  custodiam  dedisset  et  prae- 
fectus  custodum  quaesisset,  quem  ad  modum  servari 
vellet,  "  Ut  acerrimum,"  inquit,  "  leonem  aut  fero- 
cissimum   elephantum  " ;     nondum   enim   statuerat, 

2  conservaret  eum  necne.  Veniebat  autem  ad  Eume- 
nem  utrumque  genus  hominum,  et  qui  propter  odium 
fructum  ocuUs  ex  eius  casu  capere  vellent,  et  qui 
propter  veterem  amicitiam  colloqui  consolarique 
cuperent,  multi  etiam,  qui  eius  formam  cognoscere 
studebant,  quahs  esset  quem  tam  diu  tamque  valde 
timuissent,  cuius  in  pernicie  positam  spem  habuissent 
victoriae. 

3  At  Eumenes,  cum  diutius  in  vinchs  esset,  ait  Ono- 
marcho,  penes  quem  summa  imperii  erat  custodiae, 
se  mirari  qua  re  iam  tertium  diem  sic  teneretur; 
non  enim  hoc  convenire  Antigoni  prudentiae,  ut 
sic  deuteretur  victo  ^ :   quin  aut  interfici  aut  missum 

4  fieri  iuberet.  Hic  cum  ferocius  Onomarcho  loqui 
videretur,  "  Quid?  Tu,"  inquit,  "  animo  si  isto 
eras,  cur  non  in  proeho  cecidisti  potius   quam  in 

1  uteretur  devicto,  Nipp. 

592 


XVIII.  EUMENES,  x.  3-xi.  4 

the  crisis  that  all  now  perceived  to  be  imminent.  For 
AntiiJTonus  was  menaced  by  Seleiicus,  Lysimachus 
and  Ptolemy,  men  ah-eady  po«;sessed  of  formida])le 
power,  with  whom  he  must  iight  for  the  supremacy. 
But  his  associates  would  not  consent.because  thev  saw 
that  if  he  should  be  reconciled  with  Eumenes,  they 
would  all  be  of  small  account  in  comparison  with  that 
great  man.  And  besides,  Antigonus  himself  was 
so  incensed  that  he  could  not  be  appeased  except  by 
great  hope  of  the  greatest  advantages. 

11.  Therefore,  when  he  had  put  Eumenes  in 
prison,  and  the  commander  of  the  guards  had  asked 
how  he  wished  him  to  be  guarded,  Antigonus  replied  : 
"  Like  the  fiercest  of  Uons  or  the  most  savage  of 
elephants."  For  he  had  not  yet  made  up  his  mind 
whether  to  spare  his  hfe  or  not.  Xow,  Eumenes 
was  visited  by  two  classes  of  men,  those  who  because 
of  hatred  wished  to  feast  their  eyes  on  his  misfortune, 
and  those  who  because  of  long-standing  friendship 
desired  to  talk  with  him  and  console  him  ;  there  were 
also  many  who  were  eager  to  see  how  he  looked, 
what  manner  of  man  it  was  that  they  had  feared  so 
long  and  so  mightily,  that  on  his  downfall  had 
depended  their  hope  of  victory. 

But  Eumenes,  after  having  been  in  prison  for 
some  time,  said  to  Onomarchus,  who  held  the  chief 
command  of  the  guards,  that  he  was  surprised  that 
he  had  been  thus  confined  for  three  full  days ;  that 
it  was  not  in  accordance  with  Anti^iSttt^  usual 
M*isdom  thus  to  mistreat  a  defeated  enemy ;  why 
did  he  not  bid  him  be  executed  or  set  free  ?  Since 
it  seemed  to  Onomachus  that  this  remark  was  over- 
arrogant,  he  retorted :  "  Well,  if  that  was  your 
feehng,  why  did  you  not  die  in  battle  rather  than 

..K.0  593 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

5  potestatem  inimici  venires  ?  "  Huic  Eumenes : 
"  Utinam  quidem  istud  evenisset !  Sed  eo  non 
accidit,  quod  numquam  cum  fortiore  sum  congressus  ; 
non  enim  cum  quoquam  arma  contuli,  quin  is  mihi 
succubuerit."  Neque  id  erat  falsum ;  non  enim  virtute 
hostium,  sed  amicorum  perfidia  decidit  ^  .  .  .^  nam  et 
dignitate  fuit  honesta  et  viribus  ad  laborem  ferendum 
firmis  neque  tam  magno  corpore  quam  figura  venusta. 
12.  De  hoc  Antigonus  cum  solus  constituere  non 
auderet,  ad  consihum  rettuht.  Hic  cum  omnes  primo 
perturbati  admirarentur  non  iam  de  eo  sumptum 
esse  supphcium,  a  quo  tot  annos  adeo  essent  male 
habiti,  ut  saepe  ad  desperationem  forent  adducti, 

2  quique  maximos  duces  interfecisset,  denique  in  quo 
uno  tantum  esset,  ut,  quoad  ille  viveret,  ipsi  securi 
esse  non  possent,  interfecto  nihil  habituri  negotii 
essent ;  postremo,  si  ilh  redderet  salutem,  quaerebant 
quibus  amicis  esset  usurus ;   sese  enim  cum  Eumene 

3  apud  eum  non  futuros.  Hic  cognita  consihi  voluntate 
tamen  usque  ad  septimum  diem  dehberandi  sibi 
spatium  rehquit.  Tum  autem,  cum  iam  vereretur 
ne  qua  seditio  exercitus  oriretur,  vetuit  quemquam 
ad  eum  admitti  et  cottidianum  victum  removeri 
iussit ;    nam  negabat  se  ei  vim  adlaturum  qui  ah- 

4  quando  fuisset  amicus.  Hic  tamen  non  amphus 
quam  triduum  fame  fatigatus,  cum  castra  moverentur, 
insciente  Antigono  iugulatus  est  a  custodibus. 

1  non  enim  .  .  .  decidit  after  falsum,  FlecTc. ;  non  enim  .  .  . 
decidi  ajter  succubuerit,  MS8. 

2  A  lacuna  after  falsum  was  inferred  hy  Buchner;  Heusinger 
and  Brerni  deleted  nam  .  .  .  venusta;  Vonck  put  et  viribus 
.  .  .  firmis  after  nam. 

^  See  the  crit.  note. 
594 


XVIII.  EUMENES,  xi.  4-xii.  4 

fall  into  the  hands  of  your  enemy  ?  "  To  which 
Eumenes  answered:  "  Would  that  what  you  say 
had  happened;  but  the  reason  that  it  did  not  is 
because  I  have  never  encountered  a  foeman  stronger 
than  myself;  for  I  have  never  joined  battle  with 
anyone  that  he  did  not  yield  to  me."  And  that  was 
true,  since  it  was  not  the  enemy's  valour,  but  a 
friend's  treachery,  that  undid  him  ^  .  .  .  for  he 
had  an  imposing  appearance,  powers  of  endurance 
that  enabled  him  to  bear  hardship,  and  a  graceful 
figure  rather  than  great  size  of  body. 

12.  Since  Antigonus  did  not  dare  to  decide  the 
fate  of  his  enemy  on  his  o^^-n  responsibility,  he  referred 
the  matter  to  a  council.  In  that  assembly  all  were 
at  first  disturbed,  wondering  at  the  delay  in  executing 
a  man  from  whom  they  had  suffered  so  much  during 
so  many  years,  that  they  had  often  been  reduced  to 
despair,  and  who  had  slain  their  greatest  generals; 
in  short,  the  only  man  who,  so  long  as  he  hved,  could 
threaten  their  peace  of  mind,  and  whose  death  would 
relieve  them  from  all  trouble.  Finally,  they  asked, 
if  Antigonus  spared  him,  on  what  friends  could  he  rely  ? 
For,  they  said,  they  would  not  remain  in  his  service  in 
company  -v^ith  Eumenes.  Antigonus,  after  learning 
the  decision  of  the  council,  nevertheless  allowed  him- 
self  a  period  of  six  days  for  reflection.  But  then, 
beginning  to  fear  the  outbreak  of  a  revolt  in  the  army, 
he  forbade  anyone  to  have  access  to  the  prisoner,  and 
gave  orders  that  he  should  be  deprived  of  his  daily 
food ;  for  he  declared  that  he  would  not  do  violence 
to  a  man  who  had  once  been  his  friend.  However, 
Eumenes  had  not  suffered  hunger  for  more  than  two 
days  when,  as  they  were  moving  camp,  he  was  strangled 
by  his  guards  without  the  knowledge  of  Antigonus. 

595 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

13.  Sic  Eumenes  annorum  V  et  XL,  cum  ab  anno 
vicesimo,  uti  supra  ostendimus,  septem  annos 
Philippo  apparuisset,  tredecim  apud  Alexandrum 
eundem  locum  obtinuisset,  in  his  unum  equitum 
alae  praefuisset,  post  autem  Alexandri  Magni 
mortem  imperator  exercitus  duxisset  summosque 
duces  partim  reppulisset,  partim  interfecisset,  captus 
non  Antigoni  virtute,  sed  Macedonum  periurio 
talem  habuit  exitum  \itae.     In  quo  quanta  omnium 

2  fuerit  opinio  eorum  qui  post  Alexandrum  Magnum 
reges  sunt  appellati  ex  hoc  facillime  potest  iudicari, 

3  quod,  nemo  Eumene  vivo  rex  appellatus  est,  sed 
praefectus,  eidem  post  huius  occasum  statim  regium 
ornatum  nomenque  sumpserunt,  neque,  quod  initio 
praedicarant,  se  Alexandri  hberis  regnum  servare, 
praestare  voluerunt,  et,  uno  propugnatore  sublato, 
quid  sentirent  aperuerunt.  Huius  sceleris  principes 
fuerunt  Antigonus,  Ptolemaeus,  Seleucus,  Lysima- 
chus,  Cassandrus. 

4  Antigonus  autem  Eumenem  mortuum  propinquis 
eius  sepehendum  tradidit.  Hi  militari  honestoque 
funere,  comitante  toto  exercitu,  humaverunt  ossaque 
eius  in  Cappadociam  ad  matrem  atque  uxorem 
Uberosque  eius  deportanda  curarunt. 


XIX.  PHOCION 

1.  Phocion  Atheniensis  etsi  saepe  exercitibus 
praefuit  summosque  magistratus  cepit,  tamen  multo 
eius  notior  est  integritas^  vitae  quam  rei  mihtaris 

1  est  integritas,  u,  Fleck. ;  integ.  est,  31. ;  the  other  AISS. 
omit  est. 


596 


XIX.  PHOCION,  I.  I 

13.  Thus  it  was  that  Eumenes  at  tlie  age  of  forty-  gig  b  c. 
five,  havino^  from  his  twentieth  year  served  Phihp, 
as  I  said  above,  having  held  the  same  position  with 
Alexander  for  thirteen  years,  and  having  during 
that  time  commanded  a  corps  of  cavahy  for  a  year ; 
having  been,  after  the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great, 
at  the  head  of  an  aiTny  and  either  defeated  or  slain 
the  greatest  generals,  fell  victim,  not  to  the  valour 
of  Antigonus,  but  to  the  false  witness  of  the  Mace- 
donians,  and  ended  his  Hfe  as  I  have  described.  How 
high  he  stood  in  the  estimation  of  all  those  who  after 
the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great  assumed  the  title 
of  king  may  most  easily  be  judged  from  the  fact 
that  while  Eumenes  hved  no  one  was  called  king, 
but  only  prefect.  But  after  his  death  those  same 
men  at  once  assumed  the  state  and  name  of  king, 
and  no  one,  as  all  had  professed  in  the  beginning, 
attempted  to  maintain  that  he  was  keeping  the 
throne  for  the  children  of  Alexander,  but  after 
getting  rid  of  their  only  champion,  the  rivals  dis- 
closed  their  real  designs.  The  leaders  in  that  crime 
were  Antigonus,  Ptolemy,  Seleucus,  Lysimachus 
and  Cassander. 

^AntiSoliuc,  however,  sent  the  body  of  Eumenes 
to  his  relatives  for  buriak  They  gave  him  a  funeral 
worthy  of  a  soldier  and  an  eminent  man,  which  was 
attended  by  all  the  army ;  and  they  had  his  ashes 
taken  to  his  mother,  wife  and  children  in  Cappadocia. 

XIX.  PHOCION 

1.  Phocion,  the  Athenian,  although  he  often 
commanded  armies  and  held  the  highest  offices, 
yet  was  much  better  known  for  the  integrity  of  his 

597 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

labor.     Itaque  huius  memoria  est  nulla,  illius  autem 
magna  fama,  ex  quo  cognomine  Bonus  est  appellatus. 

2  Fuit  enim  perpetuo  pauper,  cum  divitissimus  esse 
posset  propter  frequentis  delatos  honores  potesta- 

3  tesque  summas,  quae  ei  a  populo  dabantur.  Hic  cum 
a  rege  Philippo  munera  magnae  pecuniae  repudiaret 
legatique  hortarentur  accipere  simulque  admonerent, 
si  ipse  iis  facile  careret,  Hberis  tamen  suis  prospiceret, 
quibus  difficile  esset  in  summa  paupertate  tantam 

4  paternam  tueri  gloriam,  his  ille  "  Si  mei  similes 
erunt,  idem  hic,"  inquit,  "  agellus  illos  alet  qui  me 
ad  hanc  dignitatem  perduxit;  sin  dissimiles  sunt 
futuri,  nolo  meis  impensis  illorum  ali  augerique 
luxuriam." 

2.  Idem  ^    cum    prope    ad    annum    octogesimum 
prospera  pervenisset  fortuna,   extremis  temporibus 

2  magnum  in  odium  pervenit  suorum  civium,  primo 
quod  cum  Demade  de  urbe  tradenda  Antipatro 
consenserat  eiusque  consiUo  Demosthenes  cum 
ceteris  qui  bene  de  re  pubUca  meriti  existimabantur 
popuh  scito  in  exsihum  erant  expulsi.  Neque  in  eo 
solum  offenderat,  quod  patriae  male  consuluerat,  sed 

3  etiam  quod  amicitiae  fidem  non  praestiterat.  Namque 
auctus  adiutusque  a  Demosthene  eum  quem  tenebat 
ascenderat  gradum,  cum  adversus  Charetem  eum 
subornaret ;  ab  eodem  in  iudiciis,  cum  capitis  causam 

^  idem,  Schoppius;   eidem,  MSS. 


^  Honores  are  magistracies ;    potestates  is  a  more  general 
term.     Both  are  Roman  terms  ;  cf.  n.  2,  p.  5G4. 
^  That  is,  at  the  expense  of  his  good  name. 
^  The  second  reason  follows  in  §  4. 
*  See  xii.  3,  1,  and  note  4. 


598 


XIX.  PHOCION,  I.  i-ii.  3 

life  than  for  his  work  as  a  soldier.  And  so  no  one 
remembers  the  latter,  while  the  former  is  widely 
known  and  led  to  his  surname  of  "  The  Good."  In 
fact,  he  was  always  in  moderate  circumstances, 
although  he  might  have  acquired  great  wealth 
because  of  tlie  frequent  offices  and  commissions 
which  the  people  conferred  upon  him.^  When  he 
had  refused  the  gift  of  a  large  sum  of  money  from 
King  Philip,  the  king's  envoys  urged  him  to  take 
it,  at  the  same  time  reminding  him  that  even  if  he 
himself  could  readily  do  without  such  things,  yet 
he  ought  to  consider  his  children,  who  would  find  it 
difficult  "svith  narrow  means  to  live  up  to  the  great 
glory  inherited  from  their  father.  But  he  replied 
to  them :  "  If  they  are  hke  me,  they  will  live  on  this 
same  httle  farm  which  has  brought  me  to  my  present 
rank ;  but  if  they  are  going  to  be  difFerent,  I  do  not 
wish  their  luxury  to  be  nourished  and  grow  at  my 
expense."  ^ 

2.  After  good  fortune  had  attended  him  almost 
to  his  eightieth  year,  at  the  end  of  his  hfe  he  incurred  322  b.c. 
the  bitter  hatred  of  his  fellow-citizens ;  at  first,^ 
because  he  had  made  an  agreement  with  Demades 
to  turn  the  city  over  to  Antipater,  and  because  it 
was  by  his  advice  that  Demosthenes  and  the  rest 
who  were  thought  to  have  served  their  country  well 
had  been  exiled  by  decree  of  the  people.  And  in 
the  latter  instance  he  was  censured,  not  merely  for 
having  acted  contrary  to  the  interests  of  his  country, 
but  also  for  disloyalty  to  a  friend.  For  it  was  through 
the  aid  and  support  of  Demosthenes  that  Phocion 
had  reached  the  rank  that  he  enjoyed,  having  gained 
the  orator's  secret  support  against  Chares ;  ^  he  had 
also  on  several  occasions  been  defended  by  Demos- 

599 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

diceret,  defensus  aliquotiens,  liberatus  discesserat. 
Hunc  non  solum  in  periculis  non  defendit,  sed  etiam 
prodidit. 

4  Concidit  autem  maxime  uno  crimine,  quod,  cum 
apud  eum  summum  esset  imperium  populi  iussu  ^  et 
Nicanorem,  Cassandri  praefectum,  insidiari  Piraeo 
Atheniensium  a  Dercylo  moneretur  idemque  ^  postu- 
laret  ut  provideret  ne  commeatibus  civitas  privaretur, 
huic  audiente  populo  Phocion  negavit  esse  periculum 

5  seque  eius  rei  obsidem  fore  poUicitus  est.  Neque 
ita  multo  post  Nicanor  Piraeo  est  potitus,  sine  quo 
Athenae  omnino  esse  non  possunt.^  Ad  quem  recupe- 
randum  cum  populus  armatus  concurrisset,  ille  non 
modo  neminem  ad  arma  vocavit,  sed  ne  armatis 
quidem  praeesse  voluit. 

3.  Erant  eo  tempore  x\thenis  duae  factiones, 
quarum  una  popuh  causam  agebat,  altera  optimatium. 
In  hac  erat  Phocion  et  Demetrius  Phalereus.  Harum 
utraque  Macedonum  patrociniis  utebatur ;  nam 
populares  Polyperchonti  favebant,  optimates  cum 
2  Cassandro  sentiebant.  Interim  a  Polyperchonte 
Cassandrus  Macedonia  pulsus  est.  Quo  facto  populus 
superior  factus,  statim  duces  adversariae  factionis 
capitis  damnatos  patria  propuht,  in  iis  Phocionem  et 
Demetrium    Phalereum,    deque    ea    re    legatos    ad 

1  iussu,  added  hy  Andrc-sen. 

2  idemque,  ?i;   eidemque,  3ISS. 

^  Transposed  by  Kraffert;  after  voluit  m  31 SS.;  put  after 
insidiari  Piraeo  by  Guill.  (Ddderlein),  loho  puts  Atheniensium 
after  populi. 

1  That  of  (TTpa.Tr]y6s,  or  general. 

2  Although  the  Piraeus  had  been  destroyed  in  the  first 
l^Iithridatic  war,  the  harbour  Tvas  still  important  in  the  time 
of  Nepos.     For  the  position  of  this  phrase  see  the  crit.  note. 

6oo 


XIX.  PHOCION,  II.  3-III.  2 

thenes,  when  charged  with  capital  offences,  and  had 
been  acquitted.  This  benefactor  Phocion  not  only 
did  not  defend  in  time  of  danger,  but  he  even 
betrayed  him. 

But  his  downfall  was  due  particularly  to  one  3i; 
offence,  committed  when  he  held  the  highest  office 
in  the  gift  of  the  people.^  On  that  occasion,  being 
warned  by  Dercylus  that  Nicanor,  one  of  Cassander's 
prefects,  was  plotting  an  attack  on  the  Piraeus  of 
the  Athenians,  and  being  urged  to  take  heed  that 
the  state  should  not  be  deprived  of  supphes,  Phocion 
repHed  in  the  hearing  of  the  people  that  there  was 
no  danger  and  promised  to  assume  all  responsibihty. 
Not  long  afterwards  Nicanor  got  possession  of  the 
Piraeus,  without  which  Athens  cannot  ^  exist  at 
all;  and  when  the  people  united  to  recover  it  by 
force,  Phocion  not  only  issued  no  call  to  arms,  but 
refused  to  take  command  of  the  people  when  they 
had  armed  themselves. 

3.  There  were  at  Athens  at  that  time  two  parties, 
one  of  which  favoured  the  populace,  the  other  the 
aristocrats.  To  the  latter  belonged  Phocion  and 
Demetrius  of  Phalerum.  Both  these  parties  depended 
upon  the  patronage  of  the  Macedonians ;  for  the 
popular  party  sided  with  Polyperchon,  the  aristocrats 
with  Cassander.  While  these  events  were  going 
on,  Cassander  was  driven  from  Macedonia  by  Poly- 
perchon.  When  that  happened,  the  people,  having 
gained  the  upper  hand,  at  once  outlawed  the 
leaders  of  the  opposing  party  and  drove  them  from 
Athens,^  including  Phocion  and  Demetrius  of 
Phalerum ;  then  with  reference  to  that  action  they 

2  Some  were  banished;  others  were  condemned  to  death 
and  fled  from  the  city. 

6oi 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

Polyperchontem  misit,  qui  ab  eo  peterent  ut  sua 

3  decreta  confirmaret.  Huc  ^  eodem  profectus  est 
Phocion.  Quo  ut  venit,  causam  apud  Philippum 
regem  verbo,  re  ipsa  quidem  apud  Polyperchontem 
iussus  est  dicere  ;  namque  is  tum  regis  rebus  praeerat. 

4  Hic  ab  Agnone  accusatus,  quod  Piraeum  Nicanori 
prodidisset,  ex  consiHi  sententia  in  custodiam  con- 
iectus,  Athenas  deductus  est,  ut  ibi  de  eo  legibus 
fieret  iudicium. 

4.  Huc  ut  perventum  est,  cum  propter  aetatem 
pedibus  iam  non  valeret  vehiculoque  portaretur, 
magni  concursus  sunt  facti,  cum  ahi,  reminiscentes 
veteris  famae,  aetatis  misererentur,  plurimi  vero  ira 
exacuerentur  propter  proditionis  suspicionem  Piraei 
maximeque  quod  adversus  populi  commoda  in  senec- 

2  tute  steterat.  Quare  ne  ^  perorandi  quidem  ei  data 
est  facultas  et  dicendi  causam.  Inde  iudicio  legi- 
timis  quibusdam  confectis  damnatus,  traditus  est 
undecimviris,  quibus  ad  supphcium  more  Athenien- 

3  sium  pubUce  damnati  tradi  solent.  Hic  cum  ad 
mortem  duceretur,  obvius  ei  fuit  Euphiletus,  quo 
famihariter  fuerat  usus.  Is  cum  lacrimans  dixisset 
"  O  quam  indigna  perpeteris,  Phocion  !  "  huic  ille 
"  At  non  inopinata,"  inquit;  "  hunc  enim   exitum 

4  plerique  clari  viri  habuerunt  Athenienses."     In  hoc 

^  huc,  Lambin;    hoc,  MSS. 

2  quare  ne,  Nipp. ;  quo  harene,  A  P;  qua  de  re  ne,  the  other 
MSS. 

^  This  was  Philippus  Arrhidaeus,  half-brother  and  nominal 
successor  of  Alexander  the  Great. 
602 


XIX.  PHOCION,  III.  2-iv.  4 

sent  envoys  to  Polyperchon,  to  beg  him  to  confirm 
their  decrees.  Phocion  also  went  to  Polyperchon. 
On  his  arrival  he  was  ordered  to  plead  his  cause, 
ostensibly  before  King  Phihp,^  but  actually  before 
Polyperchon ;  for  he  then  had  the  management  of 
the  king's  affairs.  Phocion  was  accused  by  Hagnon 
of  having  betrayed  the  Piraeus  to  Nicanor,  was 
imprisoned  by  the  decision  of  the  council,  and  was 
then  taken  to  Athens,  in  order  that  he  might  there 
be  judged  according  to  the  laws  of  the  Athenians. 

4.  When  he  arrived  in  the  city,  he  was  now  unable 
to  proceed  on  foot  because  of  his  age,  and  was  taken 
to  the  court  in  a  carriage.  A  great  crowd  collected, 
some  of  whom  remembered  his  past  glory  and  pitied 
his  years,  although  the  greater  number  were  filled 
with  bitter  anger  because  of  their  suspicion  that  he 
had  betrayed  the  Piraeus,  and  especially  because 
in  his  old  age  he  had  opposed  the  interests  of  the 
people.  In  consequence,  he  was  not  even  given 
the  opportunity  of  making  a  speech  and  of  pleading 
his  cause.  Then  he  was  condemned  by  the 
court,  after  certain  legal  forms  had  been  observed, 
and  was  tumed  over  to  the  Eleven,  who,  according 
to  the  custom  of  the  Athenians,  regularly  have 
official  charge  of  the  punishment  of  the  condemned.^ 
As  he  was  being  led  to  execution,  he  was  met  by 
Euphiletus,  who  had  been  his  intimate  friend. 
When  the  latter  said  with  tears  in  his  eyes :  "  Oh, 
how  unmerited  is  the  treatment  you  are  suffering, 
Phocion !  "  the  prisoner  rephed :  "  But  it  is  not 
unexpected ;  for  nearly  all  the  distinguished  men 
of  Athens  have  met  this  end."     Such  was  the  hatred 

2  They  had  charge  of  executions,  which  were  actually 
performed  by  an  executioner. 

603 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS  T  X 

tantum  fuit  odium  multitudinis,  ut  nemo  ausus  sit 
eum  liber  sepelire.     Itaque  a  servis  sepultus  est. 

XX.  TIMOLEON 

1.  Timoleon  Corinthius.  Sine  dubio  magnus 
omnium  iudicio.hic  vir  exstitit.  Namque  huic  uni 
contigit,  quod  nescio  an  nulli,^  ut  et  patriam  in  qua 
erat  natus,  oppressam  a  tyranno  liberaret,  et  a 
Syracusanis,  quibus  auxilio  erat  missus,  iam  invetera- 
tam  servitutem  depelleret  totamque  Siciliam,  multos 
annos  bello  vexatam  a  barbarisque  oppressam,  suo 
adventu  in  pristinum  restitueret. 

2  Sed  in  his  rebus  non  simphci  fortuna  conflictatus 
est  et,  id  quod  difficihus  putatur,  multo   sapientius 

3  tuht  secundam  quam  adversam  fortunam.  Nam  cum 
frater  eius  Timophanes,  dux  a  Corinthiis  delectus, 
tyrannidem  per  miUtes  mercennarios  occupasset 
particepsque  regni  ipse  posset  esse,  tantum  afuit  a 
societate  sceleris,  ut  antetulerit  civium  suorum 
Hbertatem  fratris  saluti  et  parere  legibus  quam  im- 

4  perare  patriae  satius  duxerit.  Hac  mente  per  haru- 
spicem  communemque  adfinem,  cui  soror  ex  iisdem 
parentibus  nata  nupta  erat,  fratrem  tyrannum  inter- 
ficiundum  curavit.  Ipse  non  modo  manus  non  attuUt, 
sed  ne  aspicere  quidem  fraternum  sanguinem  voluit. 
Nam  dum  res  conficeretur,  procul  in  praesidio  fuit, 
ne  quis  satelles  posset  succurrere. 

^  nulli,  TT^  (n  deleted  hy  second  hand),  Lamhin;   ulli,  MSS. 


^  Since  he  Kad  been  executed  for  high  treason,  he  could  not 
be  buried  within  the  limits  of  Attica ;  see  V^al.  Max.  v.  3.  ext. 
3 ;  Plut.  Phoc.  37. 

2  365  or  364  b.c. 

604 


XX.  TIMOLEON,  i.  1-4 

of  the  people  for  him,  that  no  freeborn  man  venturcd 
to  bury  him ;  and  so  he  was  buried  by  slaves.^ 

XX.  TLMOLEON 

1.  Timoleon,  the  Corinthian.  Without  doubt  this 
man  has  shown  himself  great  in  the  estimation  of  all. 
For  he  alone  had  the  good  fortune,  which  I  am 
inchned  to  think  fell  to  the  lot  of  no  one  else,  to 
free  the  land  of  his  birth  from  a  tyrant's  oppression, 
to  rescue  the  Syracusans,  whom  he  had  been  sent  to 
help,  from  long-continued  slavery,  and  by  his  mere 
arrival  to  restore  all  Sicily  to  its  former  condition, 
after  it  had  for  many  years  been  harassed  by  wars 
and  subject  to  barbarians. 

But  in  the  course  of  these  events  he  had  to  struggle 
yriih  varied  fortune,  and  he  did  what  is  regarded 
as  especially  difficult,  that  is,  showed  himself  far 
wiser  in  prosperity  than  in  adversity.  For  when 
his  brother  Timophanes,  who  had  been  chosen  general 
by  the  Corinthians,  made  himself  tyrant  with  the 
aid  of  mercenary  troops,^  although  Timoleon  might 
have  shared  in  his  power,  so  far  was  he  from  partici- 
pating  in  the  crime,  that  he  valued  the  liberty  of  his 
fellow-citizens  above  his  brother's  Hfe  and  con- 
sidered  obedience  to  its  laws  preferable  to  ruhng 
over  his  country.  Owing  to  that  feehng,  through 
the  aid  of  a  soothsayer  and  of  a  relative  by  marriage, 
the  husband  of  their  own  sister,  he  caused  the  death 
of  the  tyrant,  his  own  brother.  He  himself  not  only 
did  not  lay  hands  upon  him,  but  he  did  not  wish 
even  to  look  upon  his  brother's  blood ;  for  while 
the  deed  was  being  done  he  was  some  distance 
away,  keeping  guard  to  prevent  any  palace  guard 
from  coming  to  the  tyrant's  aid. 

605 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

5  Hoc  praeclarissimum  eius  factum  non  pari  modo 
probatum  est  ab  omnibus  ;  nonnulU  enim  laesam  ab  eo 
pietatem  putabant  et  invidia  laudem  virtutis  obtere- 
bant.  Mater  vero  post  id  factum  neque  domum  ad 
se  filium  admisit  neque  aspexit  quin  eum  fratricidam 

6  impiumque  detestans  compellaret.  Quibus  rebus  ille 
adeo  est  commotus,  ut  nonnumquam  vitae  finem 
facere  voluerit  atque  ex  ingratorum  hominum  con- 
spectu  morte  decedere. 

2.  Interim  Dione  Syracusis  interfecto,  Dionysius 
rursus  Syracusarum  potitus  est.  Cuius  adversarii 
opem  a  Corinthiis  petierunt  ducemque  quo  in  bello 
uterentur  postularunt.  Huc  Timoleon  missus,  in- 
credibiH   fehcitate    Dionysium   tota   SiciUa   depuHt. 

2  Cum  interficere  posset,  noluit  tutoque  ut  Corinthum 
perveniret  effecit,  quod  utrorumque  Dionysiorum 
opibus  Corinthii  saepe  adiuti  fuerant,  cuius  benigni- 
tatis  memoriam  volebat  exstare,  eamque  praeclaram 
victoriam  ducebat  in  qua  plus  esset  clementiae  quam 
crudehtatis  ;  postremo  ut  non  solum  auribus  accipere- 
tur,  sed  etiam  ocuhs  cerneretur  quem  et  ex  quanto 

3  regno  ad  quam  fortunam  detuhsset.  Post  Dionysii 
decessum  cum  Hiceta  behavit,  qui  adversatus  erat 
Dionysio  ;  quem  non  odio  tyrannidis  dissensisse,  sed 
cupiditate  indicio  fuit  quod  ipse,  expulso  Dionysio, 
imperium  dimittere  noluit. 

4  Hoc  superato,  Timoleon  maximas  copias  Kartha- 


1  346  B.c.     Dionysius  the  Younger  is  meant. 

2  344  B.o. 


6o6 


XX.  TIiMOLEON,  i.  5-11.  4 

Tliis  glorious  deed  of  his  did  not  meet  with  equal 
approval  from  all;  for  some  thought  that  he  had 
been  false  to  fraternal  loyalty  and  through  jealousy 
disparaged  the  glory  of  his  exploit.  As  for  his 
mother,  after  that  act  she  Mould  not  admit  her  son  to 
her  presence,  and  she  never  saw  him  without  calhng 
him  an  impious  fratricide  and  cursing  him.  This 
treatment  so  affected  Timoleon  that  he  sometimes 
thought  of  ending  his  Hfe,  and,  since  men  were 
ungrateful,  of  leaving  their  presence  by  death. 

2.  In  the  meantime  Dion  had  been  killed  at 
Syracuse  and  Dionysius  had  again  gained  possession 
of  the  city.^  His  opponents  sought  aid  from  Corinth 
and  asked  for  a  leader  to  conduct  the  war.  Timoleon 
was  sent  to  them  and  with  incredible  good  fortune 
drove  Dionysius  from  all  Sicily.^  Although  he 
might  have  put  the  tyrant  to  death,  he  did  not 
choose  to  do  so,  but  enabled  him  to  reach  Corinth 
in  safety ;  for  the  Corinthians  had  often  been  aided 
by  the  power  of  the  two  Dionysii,  and  he  wished 
the  memory  of  that  kindness  to  endure ;  moreover, 
he  considered  that  the  most  glorious  victory  was  one 
which  was  marked  by  greater  mercy  than  cruelty. 
Finally,  he  wished  men,  not  only  to  hear,  but  to  see 
with  their  own  eyes,  what  a  tyrant  he  had  overcome 
and  from  what  great  power  to  how  humble  a  fortune 
he  had  reduced  him.  After  the  departure  of 
Dionysius,  Timoleon  made  war  upon  Hicetas,  who 
had  been  the  tyrant's  opponent;  but  that  his 
hostiUty  to  Dionysius  was  due  rather  to  ambition 
than  to  hatred  of  tyranny  was  shown  by  the  fact 
that  after  the  tyrant  was  driven  from  his  throne, 
Hicetas  refused  to  renounce  the  supreme  power. 

After  overcoming  Hicetas,  Timoleon  routed  a  huge 

607 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

giniensium  apud  Crinissum  flumen  fugavit  ac  satis 
habere  coegit  si  liceret  Africam  obtinere,  qui  iam 
complures  annos  possessionem  Siciliae  tenebant. 
Cepit  etiam  Mamercum,  Italicum  ducem,  hominem 
belHcosum  et  potentem,  qui  tyrannos  adiutum  in 
Siciham  venerat. 

3.  Quibus  rebus  confectis,  cum  propter  diuturni- 
tatem  beUi  non  solum  regiones,  sed  etiam  urbes 
desertas  videret,  conquisivit  quos  potuit  primum 
Siculos,  dein  Corintho  arcessivit  colonos,  quod  ab  iis 

2  initio  Syracusae  erant  conditae.  Civibus  veteribus 
sua  restituit,  novis  bello  vacuefactas  possessiones 
divisit,  urbium  moenia  disiecta  fanaque  deserta 
refecit,  civitatibus  leges  Ubertatemque  reddidit;  ex 
maximo  bello  tantum  otium  totae  insulae  conciliavit, 
ut  hic   conditor  urbium   earum,   non   ilU   qui   initio 

3  deduxerant,  videretur.  Arcem  Syracusis,  quam  mu- 
nierat  Dionysius  ad  urbem  obsidendam,  a  fundamentis 
disiecit,  cetera  tyrannidis  propugnacula  demohtus  est 
deditque  operam,  ut  quam  minime  multa  vestigia 
servitutis  manerent. 

4  Cum  tantis  esset  opibus,  ut  etiam  invitis  imperare 
posset,  tantum  autem  amorem  haberet  omnium 
Siculorum,  ut  nullo  recusante  regnum  obtinere,^ 
maluit  se  dihgi  quam  metui.  Itaque,  cum  primum 
potuit,  imperium  deposuit  ac  privatus  Syracusis,  quod 

^  obtinere,  Freinshem;  obtineret,  MSS.;  obtinere  liceret, 
Heerwagen. 

6o8 


XX.  TIMOLEON,  ii.  4-111.  4 

force  of  Carthaginians  at  the  river  Crinissus  and 
compelled  them  to  be  satisfied  with  being  allowed 
to  possess  Africa,  after  they  had  for  many  years 
been  masters  of  Sicily.  He  also  made  a  prisoner  of 
an  ItaUan  general  called  Mamercus,  a  warUke  and 
powerful  man,  who  had  come  to  Sicily  to  aid  the 
tyrants. 

3.  After  these  exploits,  seeing  that  because  of  the 
long  duration  of  the  war  not  only  the  country 
districts  but  also  the  cities  were  deserted,  he  first 
hunted  up  what  Sicilians  he  could  and  then  sum- 
moned  settlers  from  Corinth,  because  in  the  begin- 
ning  Corinthians  had  founded  Syracuse.  To  the 
former  citizens  he  restored  their  property,  to  the  new 
ones  he  distributed  the  estates  that  had  become 
vacant  as  the  result  of  war  ;  he  repaired  the  shattered 
walls  of  the  cities  and  the  deserted  temples,  and 
restored  to  the  states  their  laws  and  Hberty ;  after 
a  terrible  war  he  won  such  complete  peace  for  the 
whole  island,  that  he  was  regarded  as  the  founder 
of  those  cities  rather  than  the  men  who  had  first 
established  the  colonies.  The  citadel  of  Syracuse, 
which  Dionysius  had  fortified  as  a  menace  to  the 
city,  he  destroyed  from  its  foundations ;  the  other 
strongholds  of  the  tyranny  he  demohshed,  taking 
care  that  the  fewest  possible  traces  of  slavery  should 
survive. 

Although  Timoleon's  power  was  so  great  that  he 
might  have  ruled  his  fellow-citizens  even  against 
their  vn\\,  and  although  he  possessed  the  affection 
of  all  the  Sicilians  to  such  a  degree  that  he  might 
have  mounted  the  throne  without  opposition,  he 
preferred  to  be  loved  rather  than  feared.  There- 
fore,  as  soon  as  he  could,  he  laid  dowTi  his  office  and 

609 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

5  reliquum  vitae  fuit,  vixit.  Neque  vero  id  iniperite 
fecit ;  nam  quod  ceteri  reges  imperio  potuerunt,  hic 
benevolentia  tenuit.  Nullus  honos  huic  defuit,  neque 
postea  res  ulla  Syracusis  gesta  est  publice,  de  qua 
prius  sit  decretum  quam  Timoleontis  sententia  cog- 

6  nita.  Nullius  umquam  consilium  non  modo  ante- 
latum,  sed  ne  comparatum  quidem  est.  Neque  id 
magis  benevolentia  factum  est  quam  prudentia. 

4.  Hic  cum  aetate  iam  provectus  esset,  sine  ullo 
morbo  lumina  oculorum  amisit.  Quam  calamitatem 
ita  moderate  tulit,  ut  neque  eum  querentem  quis- 
quam  audierit  neque  eo  minus  privatis  publicisque 

2  rebus  interfuerit.  Veniebat  autem  in  theatrum, 
cum  ibi  conciHum  popuU  haberetur,  propter  valetu- 
dinem  vectus  iumentis  iunctis,  atque  ita  de  vehiculo 
quae  videbantur  dicebat.  Neque  hoc  ilH  quisquam 
tribuebat    superbiae ;     nihil    enim    umquam    neque 

3  insolens  neque  gloriosum  ex  ore  eius  exiit.  Qui 
quidem,  cum  suas  laudes  audiret  praedicari,  num- 
quam  ahud  dixit  quam  se  in  ea  re  maxime  dis  agere 
gratias  atque  habere,  quod,  cum  SiciHam  recreare 
constituissent,  tum  se  potissimum  ducem  esse  voluis- 

4  sent.  Nihil  enim  rerum  humanarum  sine  deorum 
numine  geri  putabat ;  itaque  suae  domi  sacellum 
Automatias  constituerat  idque  sanctissime  colebat. 

5.  Ad  hanc  hominis  excellentem  bonitatem  mira- 
biles  accesserant  casus ;  nam  proeha  maxima  nataH 
6io 


XX.  TIMOLEON,  iii.  4-v.  i 

lived  the  rest  of  his  hfe  as  a  private  citizen  of  Syracuse. 
And,  indeed,  he  acted  wisely  in  so  doing;  for  the 
authority  which  others  enjoyed  by  becoming  kings 
he  gained  through  good-will.  There  was  no  office 
that  was  not  conferred  upon  him,  and  after  that 
time  no  pubhc  action  was  taken  at  Syracuse  without 
first  learning  what  Timoleon  thought  about  it. 
Not  only  was  no  one's  advice  never  preferred  to 
his,  but  no  one  else's  was  ever  even  considered. 
And  that  was  due  less  to  good-will  than  to  dis- 
cretion. 

4.  When  he  was  already  advanced  in  years,  without 
sufFering  any  disease  he  lost  the  sight  of  his  eves. 
This  affliction  he  endured  with  such  patience  that 
no  one  ever  heard  him  complain,  nor  did  he  because 
of  it  cease  to  busy  himself  \\-ith  private  and  pubhc 
affairs.  Moreover,  he  came  to  the  theatre,  when 
the  assembly  of  the  people  was  held  there,  riding 
behind  a  pair  of  mules  because  of  his  infirmity, 
and  gave  his  opinion  without  leaving  his  carriage. 
And  no  one  regarded  this  as  arrogance  on  his  part ; 
for  nothing  either  arrogant  or  boastful  ever  passed 
his  hps.  In  fact,  when  he  heard  his  praises  sounded, 
he  never  said  but  one  thing,  namely,  that  the 
main  reason  why  he  was  particularly  thankful  to 
the  gods  and  felt  most  grateful  to  them  was  this, 
that  when  they  had  resolved  to  restore  Sicily,  they 
had  chosen  him  in  preference  to  all  others  to  be 
their  instrument.  For  he  beheved  that  nothing  in 
human  affairs  happened  without  the  design  of  the 
gods ;  and  for  that  reason  he  had  estabhshed  in  his 
house  a  shrine  of  Fortune,  which  he  venerated  most 
rehgiously. 

5.  To  this  surpassing  goodness  of  the  man  were 

611 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

suo  die  fecit  omnia,  quo  factum  est  ut  eius  diem 

2  natalem  festum  haberet  universa  Sicilia.  Huic  qui- 
dam  Laphystius,^  homo  petulans  et  ingratus,  vadi- 
monium  cuni  vellet  imponere,  quod  cum  illo  se  lege 
agere  diceret,  et  complures  concurrissent,  qui  pro- 
cacitatem  hominis  manibus  coercere  conarentur, 
Timoleon  oravit  omnes  ne  id  facerent.  Namque  id 
ut  Laphystio  et  cuivis  Hceret,  se  maximos  labores 
summaque  adiisse  pericula.  Hanc  enim  speciem 
hbertatis  esse,  si  omnibus,  quod  quisque  vellet,  legibus 

3  experiri  hceret.  Idem,  cum  quidam  Laphystii 
similis,  nomine  Demaenetus,  in  contione  populi  de 
rebus  gestis  eius  detrahere  coepisset  ac  nonnulla 
inveheretur  in  Timoleonta,  dixit  nunc  demum  se  voti 
esse  damnatum ;  namque  hoc  a  dis  immortahbus 
semper  precatum,  ut  talem  hbertatem  restitueret 
Syracusanis  in  qua  cuivis  hceret  de  quo  vellet  quod 
vellet  impune  dicere. 

4  Hic  cum  diem  supremum  obisset,  pubhce  a  Syra- 
cusanis  in  gymnasio  quod  Timoleonteum  appeUatur, 
tota  celebrante  Siciha,  sepultus  est. 

XXI.  DE   REGIBUS2 

1.  Hi  fere  fuerunt  Graecae^  gentis  duces  qui 
memoria  digni   videantur,  praeter  reges ;    namque 

^  Laphystius,  Longueil;    Lamistius,  etc.,  3ISS. 

2  Joined  in  ihe  MSS.  to  the  Life  of  Timoleon,  first  separated 
from  it  hy  Caelius  Curio,  with  the  title  "  Be  Regihus  brevis 
notatio.^' 

^  Graecae,  u;  Graeciae,  2ISS. 

5l2 


XXI.  OX    KIXGS,  I.  I 

added  remarkable  instances  of  good  luck.  Thus  he 
fouf^rht  his  most  important  battles  without  exception 
on  his  birthday,  and  in  consequence  all  Sicily  cele- 
brated  that  day  as  a  pubhc  festival.  Once  when  a 
certain  Laphystius,  a  quarrelsome  and  ungrateful 
fellow,  wished  to  issue  a  summons  against  him, 
saying  that  he  desired  to  go  to  law  with  him, 
many  citizcns  had  come  together  and  were  attempt- 
ing  to  check  the  man's  effrontery  by  force  ;  but 
Timoleon  begged  them  all  to  desist,  saying  that 
this  was  just  the  reason  why  he  had  undergone 
great  toil  and  extreme  danger,  in  order  that 
Laphystius,  or  anyone  else,  might  be  allowed  to  do 
just  that  thing.  For  that  was  the  ideal  of  hberty, 
when  all  were  allowed  to  resort  to  law  for  any  purpose 
that  anyone  wished.  Again,  when  a  man  hke 
Laphystius,  Demaenetus  by  name,  in  an  assembly 
of  the  people  had  begun  to  disparage  Timoleon's  acts 
and  made  some  attacks  upon  him,  he  declared  that 
at  last  his  vow  was  fulfilled  ;  for  he  had  always  prayed 
the  immortal  gods  to  restore  such  hberty  to  the  Syra- 
cusans  that  anyone  might  be  allowed  with  impunity 
to  say  what  he  wished  on  any  subject  he  -s^ished. 

When  he  ended  his  hfe,  he  was  buried  at  pubhc 
expense  by  the  Syracusans  in  the  gymnasium  called 
Timoleonteum,^  and  all  Sicily  attended  his  funeral. 

XXI.  ON   KIXGS 

1.  These  have  been  about  all  the  generals  of  the 
Greek  nation  who  seem  worthy  of  mention,  with 
the  exception  of  kings ;   for  upon  kings  I  have  been 

^  He  vras  buried  in  the  agora,  and  the  gymnasium  waa 
buih  afteiTvards  at  the  place  where  he  was  interred;  see  Plut. 
Tim.  39. 

613 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

eos   attingere   noluimus,   quod   omnium  res   gestae 

2  separatim  sunt  relatae.  Neque  tamen  il  admodum 
sunt  multi.  Lacedaemonius  autem  Agesilaus  no- 
mine,  non  potestate  fuit  rex,  sicut  ceteri  Spartani. 
Ex  iis  vero  qui  dominatum  imperio  tenuerunt  excel- 
lentissimi  fuerunt,  ut  nos  iudicamus,  Persarum  Cyrus 
et  Darius,  Hystaspi  filius,  quorum  uterque  privatus 
virtute  regnum  est  adeptus.  Prior  horum  apud 
Massagetas  in  proelio  cecidit,  Darius  senectute  diem 

3  obiit  supremum.  Tres  sunt  praeterea  eiusdem 
generis  :  Xerxes  et  duo  Artaxerxae,^  Macrochir 
cognomine  ^  et  Mnemon.  Xerxi  maxime  est  illustre, 
quod  maximis  post  hominum  memoriam  exercitibus 

4  terra  marique  bellum  intuHt  Graeciae.  At  Macro- 
chir  praecipuam  habet  laudem  ampUssimae  pulcher- 
rimaeque  corporis  formae,  quam  incredibih  ornavit 
virtute  belli ;  namque  illo  Perses  nemo  manu  fuit 
fortior.  Mnemon  autem  iustitiae  fama  floruit ;  nam 
cum  matris  suae  scelere  amisisset  uxorem,  tantum 

5  indulsit  dolori,  ut  eum  pietas  vinceret.  Ex  his  duo 
eodem  nomine  morbo  naturae  debitum  reddiderunt, 
tertius  ab  Artabano  praefecto  ferro  interemptus  est. 

2.  Ex  Macedonum  autem  gente  duo  multo  ceteros 
antecesserunt  rerum  gestarum  gloria :  PhiHppus, 
Amyntae  filius,  et  Alexander  Magnus.     Horum  alter 

^  Artaxerxae,  Heusinger;  Artaxerxe,  PA;  Artaxerxes, 
B  R  M. 

^  cognomine,  Nipp.;  quoque,  ABMPV;  que,  R;  omitted 
in  u. 

^  In  the  book  entitled  De  Regihus  Exterarum  Gentium;  see 
Introd.,  p.  359.  In  his  seeond  edition  (see  Introd.,  p.  361) 
Xepos  here  added  an  account  of  some  kings  who  were  also 
great  generals. 

2  That  is,  kings  who  were  also  generals. 

614 


XXI.  ON    KINGS,  I.  i-ii.  I 

unwilling  to  touch,  because  the  history  of  all  of  them 
has  been  related  in  another  place.^  But,  after  all, 
these  -  are  not  very  numerous.  Now  Agesilaus,  the 
Lacedaemonian,  had  the  title,  but  not  the  power,  of  a 
king,  as  was  true  of  the  other  Spartans  of  that  rank. 
But  of  those  who  joined  to  their  title  absolute 
dominion,  the  most  eminent  in  my  estimation  were  558-529 
the  Persians  Cyrus  and  Darius,  son  of  Hystaspes,  both  521-543 
of  whom  were  private  citizens  who  attained  royal  b.c. 
power  through  merit.  Of  these  the  former  fell  in 
battle  in  the  land  of  the  Massagetae  ;  Darius  died  of 
old  age.  There  are  besides  three  other  eminent  kings 
of  the  same  nation :  Xerxes  and  the  two  Artaxerxes,  485-464 
surnamed  Macrochir,  or  "  Long-hand,"  and  Mnemon,  ^"^* 
or  "  of  Good  Memory."^  Xerxes  owes  his  fame  in 
particular  to  having  made  war  on  Greece  by  land 
and  sea  with  the  greatest  armies  within  the  memory 
of  man ;  but  Macrochir  is  principally  kno^Mi  for  his 
imposing  and  handsome  figure,  which  he  enhanced 
by  incredible  valour  in  war ;  for  no  one  of  the  Persians 
excelled  him  in  deeds  of  arms.  Mnemon,  on  the 
contrary,  was  celebrated  for  his  justice ;  for  when 
he  had  lost  his  wife  through  the  crime  of  his  mother, 
he  confined  the  indulgence  of  his  resentment  within 
the  bounds  of  fihal  piety.*  Of  these  kings  the  two 
that  bore  the  same  name  paid  their  debt  to  nature 
as  the  result  of  disease ;  the  third  was  murdered  by 
his  prefect  Artabanus. 

2.  Now,  among  the  people  of  Macedonia  two 
kings  far  surpassed  the  rest  in  the  glory  of  their 
deeds :    Phihp,  son  of  Amyntas,  and  Alexander  the 

3  Macrochir  reigned  from  464  to  425;   Mnemon,  from  405 
to  359  B.c. 
*  He  banished  her  to  Babylon. 

615 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

Babylone  morbo  consumptus  est,  Philippus  Aegiis  a 
Pausania,  cum  spectatum  ludos  iret,  iuxta  theatrum 
occisus  est.     Unus  Epirotes,  Pyrrhus,  qui  cum  populo 

2  Romano  bellavit.  Is  cum  Argos  oppidum  oppug- 
naret  in  Peloponneso,  lapide  ictus  interiit.  Unus 
item  Siculus,  Dionysius  prior.  Nam  et  manu  fortis 
et  beUi  peritus  fuit  et,  id  quod  in  tyranno  non  facile 
reperitur,  minime  Hbidinosus,  non  luxuriosus,  non 
avarus,  nullius  denique  rei  cupidus  nisi  singularis  per- 
petuique  imperii  ob  eamque  rem  crudelis  ;  nam  dum 
id  studuit  munire,  nulUus  pepercit  vitae,  quem  eius 

3  insidiatorem  putaret.  Hic  cum  virtute  tyrannidem 
sibi  peperissert,  magna  retinuit  felicitate  ;  maior  enim 
annos  sexaginta  natus  decessit,  florente  regno. 
Neque  in  tam  multis  annis  cuiusquam  ex  sua  stirpe 
funus  vidit,  cum  ex  tribus  uxoribus  hberos  procreasset 
multique  ei  nati  essent  nepotes. 

3.  Fuerunt  praeterea  magni  reges  ex  amicis  Alexan- 
dri  Magni,  qui  post  obitum  eius  imperia  ceperunt,  in 
iis  Antigonus  et  huius  fiHus  Demetrius,  Lysimachus, 

2  Seleucus,  Ptolemaeus.  Ex  his  Antigonus  in  proeUo, 
cum  adversus  Seleucum  et  Lysimachum  dimicaret, 
occisus  est.  Pari  leto  adfectus  est  Lysimachus  ab 
Seleuco  ;  namque,  societate  dissoluta,  bellum  inter  se 

3  gesserunt.  At  Demetrius,  cum  fiUam  suam  Seleuco 
in  matrimonium  dedisset  neque  eo  magis  fida  inter 
eos  amicitia  manere  potuisset,  captus  beUo  in  custodia 

^  It  was  a  tile,  hurled  from  a  housetop  by  a  woraan. 
2  See  X,  passim. 

6i6 


XXI.  ON   KIXGS,  II.  i-iii.  3 

Great.     Of  these  the  latter  died  a  natural  death  at  35»-336 
Babylon ;     Philip    was    murdered   by    Pausanias    at  33C-323 
Acgiae  near  the  theatre,  when  he  was  on  his  way    ^-^- 
to  see  the  plays.     There  was  one  celebrated  Epirote 
king,   Pyrrhus,   who   made   war   upon  the   Romans.  c'»:-^:^ 
When  he  was  attacking  Argos,  a  town  in  the  Pclo-    ^'"^' 
ponnesus,  he  was  killed  by  a  blow  from  a  stone.^ 
There  was   also  one  great  Sicilian  king,  the   elder 
Dionysius ;   for  he  was  personally  valiant  and  skilled  400-367 
in  warfare,  and  besides — a  quaUty  rarely  found  in  a    ^'^* 
tyrant — he   was    free    from   Hcentiousness,    extrava- 
gance  and  avarice,  in  a  word,  from  all  passions  except 
that  for  absolute  and  permanent  dominion.     That, 
however,  led  to  cruelty ;    for  in  his  desire  to  make 
his  power  secure  he  spared  no  one  whom  he  suspected 
of  threatening  it.     Having  made  himself  tyrant  by 
valour,    he    retained    his    power    with    great    good- 
fortune.'-     He  was  more  than  sixty  years  old  when 
he  died,  leaving  his  realm  in  a  prosperous  condition. 
And  in  all  those  years  he  did  not  witness  the  death 
of  any   one   of  his    descendants,    although    he  had 
begotten  children  from  three  wives  and  had  a  great 
number  of  grandchildren. 

3.  There  were  besides  many  kings  among  the 
friends  of  Alexander  the  Great,  who  assumed  their 
power  after  his  death,  including  Antigonus  and  his 
son  Demetrius,  Lysimachus,  Seleucus  and  Ptolemy. 
Of  these  Antigonus  was  slain  in  battle,  fighting 
against  Seleucus  and  Lysimachus.  A  Uke  death  3oi  b.c. 
overtook  Lysimachus  at  the  hands  of  Seleucus ;  for  28I  B.a 
they  broke  off  their  alUance  and  warred  with  each 
other.  But  Demetrius,  after  giving  his  daughter 
in  marriage  to  Seleucus,  without  thereby  ensuring  the 
permanence  of  their  friendship,  was  taken  captive  and 

617 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

4  socer  generi  periit  a  morbo.  Neque  ita  multo  post 
Seleucus  a  Ptolemaeo  Cerauno  dolo  interfectus  est, 
quem  ille  a  patre  expulsum  Alexandrea  alienarum 
opum  indigentem  receperat.  Ipse  autem  Ptole- 
maeus,  cum  vivus  filio  regnum  tradidisset,  ab  illo 
eodem  vita  privatus  dicitur. 

5  De  quibus  quoniam  satis  dictum  putamus,  non 
incommodum  videtur  non  praeterire  Hamilcarem  et 
Hannibalem,  quos  et  animi  magnitudine  et  calliditate 
omnes  in  Africa  natos  praestitisse  constat. 


XXII.  HAMILCAR 

1.  Hamilcar,  Hannibalis  filius,  cognomine  Barca, 

Karthaginiensis,  primo  Poenico  bello,  sed  temporibus 
extremis,  admodum  adulescentulus  in  Sicilia  praeesse 

2  coepit  exercitui.  Cum  ante  eius  adventum  et  mari 
et  terra  male  res  gererentur  Karthaginiensium,  ipse 
ubi  adfuit,  numquam  hosti  cessit  neque  locum  nocendi 
dedit,  saepeque  e  contrario,  occasione  data,  lacessivit 
semperque  superior  discessit.  Quo  facto,  cum  paene 
omnia  in  SiciHa  Poeni  amisissent,  ille  Erycem  sic 
defendit,  ut  bellum  eo  loco  gestum  non  videretur. 

3  Interim  Karthaginienses,  classe  apud  insulas  Aegatis 
a  C.  Lutatio,  consule  Romanorum,  superati,  statue- 
runt  belh  facere  finem  eamque  rem  arbitrio  permi- 
serunt  Hamilcaris. 


1  In  the  book  De  Regibus  Exterarxim  Gentium. 

2  C.  Lutatius  Catulus,  called  Catulus  in  §  5. 


6i8 


XXII.  HAMILCAR,  i.  1-3 

died  a  natural  death  in  the  custody  of  his  son-in-law.  2S3  b.c. 
And  not  very  long  after  that  Seleucus  -was  treacher- 
ously  killed  by  Ptolemaeus,  surnamed  Ceraunus  or  2so  b.c. 
"  the  Thunderbolt,"  to  whom,  when  he  was  exiled  by 
his  father  from  Alexandria  and  was  in  need  of  help 
from    others,    Seleucus    had    given    asyhmi.      But 
Ptolemaeus  himself,  having  made  over  his  kingdom 
to  his  son  while  still  hving,  by  him,  they  say,  was  283  b.c. 
put  to  death. 

Since  I  think  that  I  have  said  enough  about  these 
kings,^  it  seems  fitting  not  to  pass  over  Hamilcar 
and  Hannibal,  who  are  generally  admitted  to  have 
surpassed  all  men  of  African  birth  in  greatness  of 
soul  and  in  sagacity. 

XXII.  HAMILCAR 

1.  Hamilcar  the  Carthaginian,  son  of  Hannibal  and 
surnamed  Barca,  in  the  first  Punic  war,  but  Mhen  it 
was  nearly  ended,  was  first  put  in  command  of  an 
army  in  Sicily,  when  he  was  a  very  young  man. 
Although  before  his  arrival  the  Carthaginians 
were  faring  badly  by  land  and  sea,  wherever  he  was 
present  in  person  he  never  yielded  to  the  enemy 
or  gave  them  a  chance  to  do  harm ;  on  the  contrary, 
he  often  attacked  them,  when  opportunity  ofFered, 
and  invariably  came  off  victor,  Besides  that,  when 
the  Carthaginians  had  lost  ahnost  everything  in  Sicily, 
he  defended  Eryx  with  such  success  that  one  might 
have  thought  that  there  had  been  no  war  in  that 
quarter.  In  the  meantime  the  Carthaginians,  after 
being  defeated  in  a  naval  battle  off  the  Aegates  241  b.o. 
islands  by  Gaius  Lutatius,^  the  Roman  consul,  deter- 
mined  to  put  an  end  to  the  war  and  gave  Hamilcar 
full  powers  to  conduct  the  negotiations. 

619 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

IUe  etsi  flagrabat  bellandi  cupiditate,  tamen  paci 
4  serviundum  putavit,  quod  patriam  exhaustam  sumpti- 
bus  diutius  calamitates  belli  ferre  non  posse  intelle- 
gebat,  sed  ita  ut  statim  mente  agitaret,  si  paulum 
modo  res  essent  refectae,  bellum  renovare  Romanos- 
que  armis  persequi,  donicum  aut  virtute  vicissent  aut 
6  victi  manus  dedissent.  Hoc  consilio  pacem  conci- 
lia\-it,  in  quo^  tanta  fuit  ferocia,  cum  Catulus  negaret 
bellum  compositurum,  nisi  ille  cum  suis,  qui  Erycem 
tenuerunt,  armis  relictis,  Sicilia  decederent,  ut,  suc- 
cumbente  patria,  ipse  periturum  se  potius  dixerit, 
quam  cum  tanto  flagitio  domum  rediret  ;  non  enim 
suae  esse  virtutis  arma  a  patria  accepta  adversus 
hostes  adversariis  tradere.  Huius  pertinaciae  cessit 
Catulus. 

2.  At  ille  ut  Karthaginem  venit,  multo  aliter  ac 
sperarat  rem  publicam  se  habentem  cognovit. 
Namque  diuturnitate  externi  mah  tantum  exarsit 
intestinum   bellum,    ut   numquam    in   pari    periculo 

2  fuerit  Karthago  nisi  cum  deleta  est.  Primo  mercen- 
narii  mihtes,  qui  adversus  Romanos  fuerant,  descive- 
runt,  quorum  numerus  erat  XX.  Hi  totam  abaUena- 
runt    Africam,    ipsam    Karthaginem    oppugnarunt. 

3  Quibus  maUs  adeo  sunt  Poeni  perterriti,  ut  etiam 
auxiiia  ab  Romanis  petierint,  eaque  impetrarint. 
Sed  extremo,  cum  prope  iam  ad  desperationem  perve- 
nissent,  Hamilcarem  imperatorem  fecerunt. 

^  in  quo,  w;   in  qua,  21 SS. 
620 


XXII.  HAMILCAR,  i.  3-11.  3 

Thoiig-h  he  biirned  with  desire  for  war,  yet  Hamilcar 
thought  that  he  ought  to  strive  for  peace ;  for  he 
knew  that  his  country  was  in  financial  straits  and 
could  no  longer  support  the  disasters  of  war.  But 
in  so  doing  he  at  once  began  to  plan  to  renew  the 
war,  if  only  Carthage  should  recover  a  Httle  strength, 
and  to  bear  arms  against  the  Romans  until  his 
countrymen  won  the  victory  by  their  valour  or  were 
defeated  and  gave  up  the  contest.  It  was  with 
that  end  in  view  that  he  conducted  the  negotiations, 
in  the  coiirse  of  which  he  was  so  self-confident  that, 
when  Catulus  declared  that  he  would  not  cease 
from  war  unless  his  opponent  and  all  those  who 
defended  Eryx  would  lay  dowTi  their  arms  and  leave 
Sicily,  he  declared  that  his  country  should  fall  and 
he  himself  perish  before  he  would  return  home  in 
such  disgrace ;  for  it  was  unworthy  of  his  courage 
to  surrender  to  her  foes  the  arms  which  he  had 
received  from  his  country  to  use  against  her  enemies. 
And  such  was  his  obstinacy  that  Catulus  yielded. 

2.  But  when  he  came  to  Carthage,  he  learned 
that  the  state  was  in  a  far  different  condition  than 
he  had  hoped ;  for  by  the  long-continued  ill-fortune 
abroad  so  serious  a  civil  war  had  been  kindled  that  240-238 
Carthage  was  never  in  so  great  danger  except  when  ^'^' 
the  city  was  destroyed.  To  begin  ^vith,  the  mer- 
cenary  soldiers  whom  they  had  used  against  the 
Romans  had  revolted,  to  the  number  of  twenty 
thousand  men.  They  roused  all  Africa  to  rebellion 
and  even  attacked  Carthage.  By  these  troubles 
the  Carthaginians  were  so  greatly  alarmed  that 
they  even  asked  help  of  the  Romans,  and  obtained 
it.  But  finally,  being  almost  reduced  to  despair, 
they  made  Hamilcar  commander-in-chief.  232  b.c. 

621 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

4  Is  non  solum  hostis  a  muris  Karthaginis  removit, 
cum  amphus  centum  milia  facta  essent  armatorum, 
sed  etiam  eo  compuht  ut,  locorum  angustiis  clausi, 
plures  fame  quam  ferro  interirent.  Omnia  oppida 
abahenata,  in  iis  Uticam  atque  Hipponem,  valentis- 

6  sima  totius  Africae,  restituit  patriae.  Neque  eo  fuit 
contentus,  sed  etiam  fines  imperii  propagavit,  tota 
Africa  tantum  otium  reddidit,  ut  nullum  in  ea  bellum 
videretur  multis  annis  fuisse. 

3.  Rebus  his  ex  sententia  peractis,  fidenti  animo 
atque  infesto  Romanis,  quo  faciUus  causam  bellandi 
reperiret,  effecit  ut  imperator  cum  exercitu  in  His- 
paniam  mitteretur,  eoque  secum  duxit  fiUum  Hanni- 

2  balem  annorum  novem.  Erat  praeterea  cum  eo 
adulescens  illustris,  formosus,  Hasdrubal,  quem 
nonnuUi  diligi  turpius  quam  par  erat  ab  Hamilcare 
loquebantur ;  non  enim  maledici  tanto  viro  deesse 
poterant.  Quo  factum  est  ut  a  praefecto  morum 
Hasdrubal  cum  eo  vetaretur  esse.  Huic  ille  filiam 
suam  in  matrimonium  dedit,  quod  moribus  eorum  non 

3  poterat  interdici  socero  genero.  De  hoc  ideo  men- 
tionem  fecimus.  quod,  Hamilcare  occiso,ille  exercitui 
praefuit  resque  magnas  gessit  et  princeps  largitione 
vetustos  pervertit  mores  Karthaginiensium  eiusdem- 
que  post  mortem  Hannibal  ab  exercitu  accedit  im- 
perium. 

^  This  official  is  mentioned  nowhere  else. 

2  This  law  also  is  mentioued  hy  Xepos  alone. 

3  From  229  to  221  b.c. 
622 


XXII.  HAMILCAR,  ii.  4-111.  3 

That  general  not  only  drove  the  enemy  from  the 
walls  of  Carthage,  although  they  now  numbered 
more  than  a  hundred  thousand  armed  men,  but 
even  succeeded  in  shutting  them  up  in  a  narrow 
defile,  where  more  of  them  died  of  hunger  than  by 
the  sword.  All  the  disaffected  towns,  among  which 
were  Utica  and  Hippo,  the  strongest  places  in  all 
Africa,  he  restored  to  his  country.  And  not  content 
with  that,  he  even  extended  the  Carthaginian 
frontiers,  and  brought  about  such  a  state  of  peace 
all  over  Africa  as  to  make  it  seem  that  there  had 
been  no  war  there  for  many  years. 

3.  After  finishing  these  tasks  to  his  satisfaction, 
confident  in  spirit  and  hating  the  Romans,  with  the 
view  of  more  readily  finding  a  pretext  for  war,  he 
contrived  to  be  sent  to  Spain  in  command  of  an  237  b.c. 
army,  and  with  him  he  took  his  son  Hannibal,  then 
nine  years  old.  He  was  accompanied  also  by  a  dis- 
tinguished  and  handsome  young  man,  Hasdrubal  by 
name,  whom  some  said  that  Hamilcar  loved  less 
honourably  than  was  proper;  for  so  great  a  man 
could  not  escape  being  slandered.  Because  of  that 
charge  the  censor  of  morals  ^  forbade  Hasdrubal 
to  be  with  Hamilcar ;  but  the  general  gave  the 
j'Oung  man  his  daughter  in  marriage,  since  according 
to  the  code  of  the  Carthaginians  a  father-in-law 
could  not  be  denied  the  society  of  his  son-in-law.^ 
J  have  spoken  of  Hasdrubal  because,  when  Hamilcar 
was  killed,  he  commanded  the  army  ^  and  accom- 
phshed  great  things,  but  he  was  the  first  by  gifts  of 
money  to  undermine  the  old-time  morals  of  the 
Carthaginians ;  it  was  after  his  death  too  that 
Hannibal  succeeded  to  the  chief  command  by  choice 
of  the  army. 

623 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

4.  At  Hamilcar,  posteaquam  mare  transiit  in  Hi- 
spaniamque  venit,  magnas  res  secunda  gessit  fortuna ; 
maximas   bellicosissimasque   gentes   subegit,  equis, 

2  armis,  viris,  pecunia  totam  locupletavit  Africam.  Hic 
cum  in  Italiam  bellum  inferre  meditaretur,  nono  anno 
postquam  in  Hispaniam  venerat,  in  proelio  pugnans 

3  adversus  Vettones  occisus  est.  Huius  perpetuum 
odium  erga  Romanos  maxime  concitasse  videtur 
secundum  bellum  Poenicum ;  namque  Hannibal, 
filius  eius,  assiduis  patris  obtestationibus  eo  est  per- 
ductus,  ut  interire  quam  Romanos  non  experiri 
mallet. 

XXIII.  HANXIBAL 

1.  Hannibal,  Hamilcaris  filius,  Karthaginiensis.  Si 
verum  est,  quod  nemo  dubitat,  ut  populus  Romanus 
omnes  gentes  virtute  superarit,  non  est  infitiandum 
Hannibalem  tanto  praestitisse  ceteros  imperatores 
prudentia  quanto  populus  Romanus  antecedat  forti- 

2  tudine  cunctas  nationes.  Nam  quotienscumque  cum 
60  congressus  est  in  Italia,  semper  discessit  superior. 
Quod  nisi  domi  civium  suorum  invicjia  debilitatus 
esset,  Romanos  videtur  superare  potuisse.  Sed 
multorum  obtrectatio  de^icit  unius  virtutem. 

3  Hic  autem,  velut  hereditate  relictum,  odium 
paternum  erga  Romanos  sic  conservavit,  ut  prius 
animam  quam  id  deposuerit,  qui  quidem,  cum  patria 
pulsus  esset  et  alienarum  opum  indigeret,  numquam 
624 


XXIII.  HANNIBAL,  i.  1-3 

4.  But  Hamilcar,  after  crossing  the  sea  and  coming 
into  Spain,  did  great  deeds  through  the  favour  of 
fortune.  He  subdued  mighty  and  warHke  nations 
and  enriched  all  Africa  with  horses,  arms,  men  and 
money.  As  he  was  planning  to  carry  the  war  into 
Italy,  in  the  ninth  year  after  his  arrival  in  Spain,  he 
fell  in  battle,  fighting  against  the  Vettones.  It 
was  this  man's  inveterate  hatred  of  Rome  that 
seems  to  have  been  the  special  cause  of  the  second 
Punic  war.  For  his  son  Hannibal  was  so  affected 
by  his  father's  constant  entreaties  that  he  preferred 
to  die  rather  than  fail  to  measure  his  strength 
against  the  Romans. 

XXIII.  HANNIBAL 

1.  Hannibal  the  Carthaginian,  son  of  Hamilcar. 
If  it  be  true,  as  no  one  doubts,  that  the  Roman  people 
have  surpassed  all  other  nations  in  valour,  it  must 
be  admitted  that  Hannibal  excelled  all  other  com- 
manders  in  skill  as  much  as  the  Roman  people  are 
superior  to  all  nations  in  bravery.  For  as  often  as 
he  engaged  with  that  people  in  Italy,  he  invariably 
came  ofF  victor;  and  if  his  strength  had  not  been 
impaired  by  the  jealousy  of  his  fellow-citizens  at 
home,  he  would  have  been  able,  to  all  appearance, 
to  conquer  the  Romans.  But  the  disparagement 
of  the  multitude  overcame  the  courage  of  one  man. 

Yet  after  all,  he  so  cherished  the  hatred  of  the 
Romans  which  had,  as  it  were,  been  left  him  as  an 
inheritance  by  his  father,  that  he  would  have  given 
up  his  hfe  rather  than  renounce  it.  Indeed,  even 
after  he  had  been  driven  from  his  native  land  and 
was  dependent  on  the  aid  of  foreigners,  he  never 

F.N.  X  ^^S 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

destiterit  animo  bellare  cum  Romanis.  2.  Nam  ut 
omittam  Philippum,  quem  absens  hostem  reddidit 
Romanis,  omnium  iis  temporibus  potentissimus  rex 
Antiochus  fuit.  Hunc  tanta  cupiditate  incendit 
bellandi,  ut  usque  a  rubro  mari  arma  conatus  sit 
inferre  Itahae. 

2  Ad  quem  cum  legati  venissent  Romani,  qui  de  eius 
voluntate  explorarent  darentque  operam  consiHis 
clandestinis  ut  Hannibalem  in  suspicionem  regi  addu- 
cerent,  tamquam  ab  ipsis  corruptus  aha  atque  antea 
sentiret,^  neque  id  frustra  fecissent  idque  Hannibal 
comperisset  seque  ab  interioribus  consiliis  segregari 

3  vidisset,  tempore  dato  adiit  ad  regem,  eique  cum 
multa  de  fide  sua  et  odio  in  Romanos  commemorasset, 
hoc  adiunxit:  "  Pater  meus,"  inquit,  "  Hamilcar 
puerulo  me,  utpote  non  amphus  novem  annos  nato, 
in  Hispaniam  imperator  proficiscens,  Karthagine  lovi 

4  optimo  maximo  hostias  immolavit.  Quae  divina  res 
dum  conficiebatur,  quaesivit  a  me  vellemne  secum 
in  castra  proficisci.  Id  cum  hbenter  accepissem  atque 
ab  eo  petere  coepissem  ne  dubitaret  ducere,  tum  ille, 
*  Faciam,'  inquit, '  si  mihi  fidem  quam  postulo  dederis/ 
Simul  me  ad  aram  adduxit  apud  quam  sacrificare 
instituerat  eamque  ceteris  remotis  tenentem  iurare 
iussit  numquam  me  in  amicitia  cum  Romanis  fore. 

6  Id  ego  iusiurandum  patri  datum  usque  ad  hanc 
aetatem  ita  conservavi,  ut  nemini  dubium  esse  debeat 
quin   rehquo    tempore    eadem   mente    sim   futurus. 

1  corruptus  ,  .  .  sentiret,  Bosius ;  corruptum  .  .  .  sentire, 

MSS. 


1  Philip  V,  of  Macedon  (220-179  b.c). 

2  From  215  to  205  b.c. 

3  The  Persian  Gulf.  *  192  B.c. 
626 


XXIII.  HAXNIBAL,  i.  3-11.  5 

ceased  to  war  with  the  llomans  in  spirit.  2.  For 
not  to  mention  Phihp,^  whom  from  afar  he  made  an 
enemy  of  the  Romans,-  he  fired  Antiochus,  the  most 
powerful  of  all  kings  in  those  times,  with  such  a 
desire  for  war,  that  from  far  away  on  the  Red  Sea  ^ 
he  made  preparations  to  invade  Italy."* 

To  his  court  came  envoys  from  Rome  to  sound  his 
intentions  and  try  by  secret  intrigues  to  arouse  his 
suspicions  of  Hannibal,  alleging  that  they  had 
bribed  him  and  that  he  had  changed  his  sentiments. 
These  attempts  were  not  made  in  vain,  and  when 
Hannibal  learned  it  and  noticed  that  he  was  excluded 
from  the  king's  more  intimate  councils,  he  went  to 
Antiochus,  as  soon  as  the  opportunity  offered,  and 
after  caUing  to  mind  many  proofs  of  his  loyalty  and 
his  hatred  of  the  Romans,  he  added :  "  My  father 
Hamilcar,  when  I  was  a  small  boy  not  more  than 
nine  years  old,  just  as  he  was  setting  out  from 
Carthage  to  Spain  as  commander-in-chief,  ofifered  up 
victims  to  Jupiter,  Greatest  and  Best  of  gods.^ 
While  this  ceremony  was  being  performed,  he  asked 
me  if  I  would  like  to  go  ^\ith  him  on  the  campaign. 
I  eagerly  accepted  and  began  to  beg  him  not  to 
hesitate  to  take  me  with  him.  Thereupon  he  said: 
'  I  will  do  it,  provided  you  \^-ill  give  me  the  pledge 
that  I  ask.'  With  that  he  led  me  to  the  altar  on 
which  he  had  begun  his  sacrifice,  and  having  dis- 
missed  all  the  others,  he  bade  me  lay  hold  of  the 
altar  and  swear  that  I  would  never  be  a  friend  to  the 
Romans.  For  my  part,  up  to  my  present  time  of 
life,  I  have  kept  the  oath  which  I  swore  to  my  father 
so  faithfully,  that  no  one  ought  to  doubt  that  in  the 
future  I  shall  be  of  the  same  mind.     Therefore,  if 

^  Really  to  Baal,  the  great  god  of  the  Carthaginians. 

627 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

6  Quare  si  quid  amice  de  Romanis  cogitabis,  non  impru- 
denter  feceris,  si  me  celaris ;  cum  quidem  bellum 
parabis,  te  ipsum  frustraberis,  si  non  me  in  eo  princi- 
pem  posueris." 

3.  Hac  igitur  qua  diximus  aetate  cum  patre  in  Hi- 
spaniam  profectus  est,  cuius  post  obitum,  Hasdrubale 
imperatore  suffecto,  equitatui  omni  praefuit.  Hoc 
quoque  interfecto,  exercitus  summam  imperii  ad 
eum  detulit.    Id  Karthaginem  delatum  publice  com- 

2  probatum  est.  Sic  Hannibal  minor  V  et  XX  annis 
natus  imperator  factus,  proximo  triennio  omnes  gentes 
Hispaniae  bello  subegit,  Saguntum,  foederatam 
civitatem,    \-i    expugnavit,   tres    exercitus    maximos 

3  comparavit.  Ex  his  unum  in  Africam  misit,  alterum 
cum  Hasdrubale  fratre  in  Hispania  reliquit,  tertium 
in  Italiam  secum  duxit.  Saltum  Pyrenaeum  transiit ; 
quacumque  iter  fecit,  cum  omnibus  incolis  conflixit, 
neminem  nisi  victum  dimisit. 

4  Ad  Alpes  posteaquam  venit,  quae  Italiam  ab  Gallia 
seiungunt,  quas  nemo  umquam  cum  exercitu  ante  eum 
praeter  Herculem  Graium  transierat — quo  facto  is 
hodie  saltus  Graius  appellatur — Alpicos  conantes 
prohibere  transitu  concidit,  loca  patefecit,  itinera 
muniit,  effecit  ut  ea  elephantus  omatus  ire  posset 
qua  antea  unus  homo  inermis  vix  poterat  repere. 
Hac  copias  traduxit  in  Itahamque  pervenit. 


1  In  reality,  he  was  twenty-six. 

2  The  origin  of  the  name  is  uncertain;    it  may  come  from 
some  imknown  tribe. 

628 


XXIII.  HANNIBAL,  ii.  6-111.  4 

you  have  any  kindly  intentions  with  regard  to  the 
Roman  people,  yoii  will  be  wise  to  hide  tliem  from 
me ;  but  when  you  prepare  war,  you  will  go  counter 
to  your  own  interests  if  you  do  not  make  me  the 
leader  in  that  enterprise." 

3.  Accordingly,  at  the  age  which  I  have  named, 
Hannibal  went  with  his  father  to  Spain,  and  after 
Hamilcar  died  and  Hasdrubal  succeeded  to  the 
chief  command,  he  was  given  charge  of  all  the 
cavahy.  When  Hasdrubal  died  in  his  turn,  the 
army  chose  Hannibal  as  its  commander,  and  on  their 
action  being  reported  at  Carthage,  it  was  officially  221  b.c. 
confirmed.  So  it  was  that  when  he  was  less  than 
twenty-five  years  old,^  Hannibal  became  commander- 
in-chief ;  and  within  the  next  three  years  he  subdued 
all  the  peoples  of  Spain  by  force  of  arms,  stormed 
Saguntum,  a  town  alUed  with  Rome,  and  mustered  219  b.c 
three  great  armies.  Of  these  armies  he  sent  one 
to  Africa,  left  the  second  with  his  brother  Hasdrubal 
in  Spain,  and  led  the  third  with  him  into  Italy.  He 
crossed  the  range  of  the  Pyrenees.  Wherever  he 
marched,  he  warred  Mlth  all  the  natives,  and  he  was 
everywhere  victorious. 

When  he  came  to  the  Alps  separating  Italy  from 
Gaul,  which  no  one  before  him  had  ever  crossed  with 
an  army  except  the  Grecian  Hercules — because 
of  which  that  place  is  called  the  Grecian  Pass  - — 
he  cut  to  pieces  the  Alpine  tribes  that  tried  to  keep 
him  from  crossing,  opened  up  the  region,  built  roads, 
and  made  it  possible  for  an  elephant  with  its  equip- 
ment  to  go  over  places  along  which  before  that  a 
single  unarmed  man  could  barely  creep.  By  this 
route  he  led  his  forces  across  the  Alps  and  came 
into  Italy. 

629 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

4.  Conflixerat  apud  Rhodanum  cum  P.  Comelio 
Scipione  consule  eumque  pepulerat.  Cum  hoc  eodem 
Clastidi  apud  Padum  decemit  sauciumque  inde  ac 

2  fugatum  dimittit.  Tertio  idem  Scipio  cum  collega 
Ti.  Longo  apud  Trebiam  adversus  eum  venit.  Cum 
his  manum  conseruit  utrosque  profligavit.     Inde  per 

3  Ligures  Appenninum  transiit,  petens  Etruriam.  Hoc 
itinere  adeo  gra\i  morbo  adficitur  oculorum,  ut  postea 
numquam  dextro  aeque  bene  usus  sit.  Qua  valetu- 
dine  cum  etiam  tum  ^  premeretur  lecticaque  ferretur, 
C.  Flaminium  consulem  apud  Trasumenum  cum 
exercitu  insidiis  circumventum  occidit,  neque  multo 
post  C.  Centenium  praetorem  cum  delecta  manu 
saltus  occupantem. 

4  Hinc  in  Apuliam  pervenit.  Ibi  obviam  ei  venerunt 
duo  consules,  C.  Terentius  et  L.  Aemilius.  Utriusque 
exercitus  uno  proeUo  fugavit,  Paulum  consulem 
occidit  et  aliquot  praeterea  consulares,  in  his  Cn.^ 
Servilium  Geminum,  qui  superiore  anno  fuerat  consul. 

6.  Hac  pugna  pugnata,  Romam  profectus  nullo  re- 
sistente,  in  propinquis  urbi  ^  montibus  moratus  est. 
Cum  aliquot  ibi  dies  castra  habuisset  et  Capuam 
reverteretur,  Q.  Fabius  Maximus,  dictator  Romanus, 
2  in  agro  Falerno  ei  se  obiecit.  Hic,  clausus  locorum 
angustiis,  noctu  sine  ullo  detrimento  exercitus  se 
expedivit  Fabioque,  calHdissimo  imperatori,  dedit 
verba ;   namque  obducta  nocte  sarmenta  in  cornibus 

^  etiam  tum,  R  M ;  etiamnum,  A  u ;  etiam  nunc,  B ;  nimium, 
P. 

2  Cn.  Lambin;  P.,  31 SS. 
»  urbi,  Fleck. ;   urbis,  AISS. 

630 


XXIII.  HANNIBAL,  iv.  i-v.  2 

4.  He  had  already  fought  at  the  Rhone  with 
Publius  ComeHus  Scipio,  the  consul,  and  routed 
him ;  \viih  the  same  man  he  engaged  at  Clastidium 
on  the  Po,  wounded  him,  and  drove  him  from  the 
field.  A  third  time  that  same  Scipio,  with  his 
colleague  Tiberius  Longus,  opposed  him  at  the 
Trebia.  With  those  two  he  joined  battle  and  routed  21G  b.c. 
them  both.     Then  he  passed  through  the  country 

of  the  Ligurians  over  tlie  Apennines,  on  his  way  to 
Etruria.  In  the  course  of  that  march  he  contracted 
such  a  severe  eye  trouble  that  he  never  afterwards 
had  equally  good  use  of  his  right  eye.  While  he 
was  still  suffering  from  that  complaint  and  was  carried 
in  a  Htter,  he  ambushed  the  consul  Gaius  Flaminius 
vrith  his  army  at  Trasumenus  and  slew  him ;  and  217  b.c. 
not  long  afterwards  Gaius  Centenius,  the  praetor, 
who  was  holding  a  pass  with  a  body  of  picked  men, 
met  the  same  fate. 

Next,  he  arrived  in  ApuHa.  There  he  was  opposed 
by  two  consuls,  Gaius  Terentius  and  Lucius  AemiUus,  216  b.c. 
both  of  whose  armies  he  put  to  flight  in  a  single 
battle ;  the  consul  Paulus  was  slain,  besides  several 
ex-consuls,  including  Gnaeus  ServiUus  Geminus,  who 
had  been  consul  the  year  before. 

5.  After  having  fought  that  battle,  Hannibal 
advanced  upon  Rome  without  resistance.  He  halted 
in  the  hills  near  the  city.  After  he  had  remained  in 
camp  there  for  several  days  and  was  returning  to 
Capua,  the  Roman  dictator  Quintus  Fabius  Maximus  211  b.c. 
opposed   himself  to   him   in   the    Falernian   region. 

But  Hannibal,  although  caught  in  a  defile,  extricated 
himself  by  night  without  the  loss  of  any  of  his  men, 
and  thus  tricked  Fabius,  that  most  skilful  of  generals. 
For  under  cover  of  night  the  Carthaginian  bound 

631 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

iuvencorum  deligata  incendit  eiusque  generis  multi- 
tudinem  magnam  dispalatam  immisit.  Quo  repen- 
tino  obiecto  visu  ^  tantum  terrorem  iniecit  exercitui 
Romanorum,  ut  egredi  extra  vallum  nemo  sit  ausus. 

3  Hanc  post  rem  gestam  non  ita  multis  diebus  M.  Minu- 
cium  Rufum,  magistrum  equitum  pari  ac  dictatorem 
imperio,  dolo  productum  in  proelium,  fugavit.  Ti. 
Sempronium  Gracchum,  iterum  consulem,  in  Lucanis 
absens  in  insidias  inductum  sustulit.  M.  Claudium 
Marcellum,  quinquiens  consulem,  apud  Venusiam 
pari  modo  interfecit. 

4  Longum  est  omnia  enumerare  proelia.  Qua  re 
hoc  unum  satis  erit  dictum,  ex  quo  intellegi  possit 
quantus  ille  fuerit :  quamdiu  in  Itaha  fuit,  nemo  ei  in 
acie  restitit,  nemo  adversus  eum  post  Cannensem 
pugnam  in  campo  castra  posuit. 

6.  Hinc  invictus  patriam  defensum  revocatus, 
behum  gessit  adversus  P.  Scipionem,  fihum  eius^  quem 
ipse  primo  apud  Rhodanum,  iterum  apud  Padum, 

2  tertio  apud  Trebiam  fugarat.  Cum  hoc,  exhaustis 
iam  patriae  facultatibus,  cupivit  impraesentiarum 
bellum  componere,  quo  valentior  postea  congredere- 
tur.     In  colloquium  convenit,  condiciones  non  con- 

3  venerunt.  Post  id  factum  paucis  diebus  apud  Zamam 
cum  eodem  conflixit;  pulsus — incredibile  dictu — 
biduo  et  duabus  noctibus  Hadrumetum  pervenit,  quod 

1  obiecto  visu,  C.  W.  Nauck ;  obiectu  viso,  MSS. 

2  S.  filium  eius  (eius  omitted  by  M)  RM FXu;  filium  eius 
omitted  hy  PA  BniJ.;   S.  f.  eius  Scipionis,  Nipp. 


1  Nepos  should  have  written  his  and  quintum;  see  GeUius, 
X.  1. 

2  The  battle  actually  took  place  on  the  day  after  fche 
conference. 

632 


XXIII.  HANNIBAL,  v.  2-vi.  3 

faggots  to  the  horns  of  cattle  and  set  fire  to  them, 
then  sent  a  great  number  of  animals  in  that  condition 
to  wander  about  in  all  directions.  The  sudden 
appearance  of  such  a  sight  caused  so  great  a  panic 
in  the  Roman  army  that  no  one  ventured  to  go  out- 
side  the  entrenchments.  Not  so  many  days  after  this 
exploitjwhen  Marcus  Minucius  Rufus,master  of  horse, 
had  been  given  the  same  powers  as  the  dictator, 
he  craftily  lured  him  into  fighting,  and  utterly 
defeated  the  Roman.  Although  not  present  in 
person,  he  enticed  Tiberius  Sempronius  Gracchus, 
who  had  been  twice  consul,^  into  an  ambuscade  in  212  b.c. 
Lucania  and  destroyed  him.  In  a  similar  manner,  at 
Venusia,  he  slew  Marcus  Claudius  Marcellus,  who  was  208  b.c. 
holding  his  fifth  consulship.^ 

It  M'ould  be  a  long  story  to  enumerate  all  his 
battles.  Therefore  it  will  suffice  to  add  this  one 
fact,  to  show  how  great  a  man  he  was  :  so  long  as  he 
was  in  Italy,  no  one  was  a  match  for  him  in  the  field, 
and  after  the  battle  of  Cannae  no  one  encamped 
face  to  face  with  him  on  open  ground.  ^^^.,.^.^^^>.is^ 

6.  Then,  undefeated,  he  was  recalled  to  defend  his  202  b.o. 
native  land ;  there  he  carried  on  M'ar  against  Pubhus 
Scipio,  the  son  of  that  Scipio  whom  he  had  put  to 
flight  first  at  the  Rhone,  then  at  the  Po,  and  a  third 
time  at  the  Trebia.  With  him,  since  the  resources 
of  his  country  were  now  exhausted,  he  wished  to 
arrange  a  truce  for  a  time,  in  order  to  carry  on  the 
war  later  with  renewed  strength.  He  had  an  inter- 
view  with  Scipio,  but  they  could  not  agree  upon 
terms.  A  few  days^  after  the  conference  he  fought 
with  Scipio  at  Zama.  Defeated — incredible  to  relate  202  b.c. 
— he  succeeded  in  a  day  and  two  nights  in  reaching 
Hadrumetum,    distant     from     Zama     about     three 

633 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

4  abest  ab  Zama  circiter  milia  passuum  ^  trecenta.  In 
hac  fuga  Numidae  qui  simul  cum  eo  ex  acie  excesse- 
rant  insidiati  sunt  ei,  quos  non  solum  efFugit,  sed 
etiam  ipsos  oppressit.  Hadrumeti  reliquos  e  fuga 
conlegit,  novis  dilectibus  paucis  diebus  multos 
contraxit.  \ 

7.  Cum  in  apparando  acerrime  esset  occupatus, 
Karthaginienses  bellum  cum  Romanis  composuerunt. 
Ille  nihilo  setius  exercitui  postea  praefuit  resque  in 
Africa  gessit  ^  usque  ad  P.  Sulpicium  C,  AureHum  con- 

2  sules.  His  enim  magistratibus  legati  Karthaginienses 
Romam  venerunt,  qui  senatui  populoque  Romano 
gratias  agerent,  quod  cum  iis  pacem  fecissent  ob 
eamque  rem  corona  aurea  eos  donarent  simulque 
peterent  ut  obsides  eorum  Fregelhs  essent  captivique 

3  redderentur.  His  ex  senatus  consulto  responsum 
est  :  munus  eorum  gratum  acceptumque  esse; 
obsides  quo  loco  rogarent  futuros;  captivos  non 
remissuros,  quod  Hannibalem,  cuius  opera  susceptum 
bellum  foret,  inimicissimum  nomini  Romano,  etiam- 
nunc  cum  imperio  apud  exercitum  haberent  itemque 

4  fratrem  eius  Magonem.  Hoc  responso  Karthaginien- 
ses  cognito,  Hannibalem  domum  et  Magonem  revo- 
carunt.  Huc  ut  rediit,  rex^  factus  est,  postquam 
praetor  ^  fuerat  anno  secundo  et  vicesimo — ut  enim 
Romae  consules,  sic  Karthagine  quotannis  annui  bini 
reges  creabantur. 

^  passuum,  Ascensius,  Can. ;   passus,  the  other  MSS. 
2  After  gessit  the  MSS.  have  itemque  Mago  frater  eius; 
deleled  hy  Bosius. 

^  rex,  Heusinger;  praetor,  MSS. 

*  praetor,  Heusinger  (imperator,  Nipp.);    rex,  MSS. 

634 


XXIII.  HANNIBAL,  vi.  3-vii.  4 

hundred  miles.  In  the  course  of  that  retreat  the 
Numidians  who  had  left  the  field  with  him  laid  a 
trap  for  him,  but  he  not  only  eluded  them,  but  even 
crushed  the  plotters.  At  Hadrumetum  he  ralHed 
the  survivors  of  the  retreat  and  by  means  of  new  levies 
mustered  a  large  number  of  soldiers  within  a  few 
days. 

7.  While  he  was  busily  engaged  in  these  prepara- 
tions,  the  Carthaginians  made  peace  with  the  Romans.  201  b.c. 
Hannibal,  however,  continued  after  that  to  command 
the  army  and  carried  on  war  in  Africa  until  the  consul- 
ship  of  PubUus  Sulpicius  and  Gaius  Aurehus.  For  2003.0. 
in  the  time  of  those  magistrates  Carthaginian  envoys 
came  to  Rome,  to  return  thanks  to  the  Roman  senate 
and  people  for  having  made  peace  with  them;  and 
as  a  mark  of  gratitude  they  presented  them  with  a 
golden  cro^wTi,  at  the  same  time  asking  that  their 
hostages  might  Hve  at  Fregellae  and  that  their 
prisoners  should  be  returned.  To  them,  in  accord- 
ance  with  a  decree  of  the  senate,  the  following  answer 
was  made  :  that  their  gift  was  received  with  thanks ; 
that  the  hostages  should  live  where  they  had  re- 
quested;  that  they  would  not  return  the  prisoners, 
because  Hannibal,  who  had  caused  the  w^ar  and  was 
bitterly  hostile  to  the  Roman  nation,  still  held  com- 
mand  in  their  army,  as  well  as  his  brother  Mago. 
Upon  receiving  that  reply  the  Carthaginians  recalled 
Hannibal  and  Mago  to  Carthage.  On  his  return 
Hannibal  was  made  a  king,^  after  he  had  been 
general  for  twenty-one  years.  For,  as  is  true  of 
the  consuls  at  Rome,  so  at  Carthage  two  kings  were 
elected  annually  for  a  term  of  one  year. 

^  Really,  one  of  the  highest  magistrates  at  Carthage,  called 
8uf[ete3,  or  judges. 

635 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

5  In  eo  magistratu  pari  diligentia  se  Hannibal 
praebuit  ac  fuerat  in  bello.  Namque  effecit  ex  novis 
vectigalibus  non  solum  ut  esset  pecunia  quae  Romanis 
ex  foedere  penderetur,  sed  etiam  superesset  quae  in 

6  aerario  reponeretur.  Deinde  ^  M.  Claudio  L.  Furio 
consulibus,  Roma  legati  Karthaginem  venerunt. 
Hos  Hannibal  ratus  sui  exposcendi  gratia  missos, 
priusquam  iis  senatus  daretur,  navem  ascendit  clam 

7  atque  in  Syriam  ad  Antiochum  perfugit.  Hac  re 
palam  facta,  Poeni  naves  duas  quae  eum  compre- 
henderent,  si  possent  consequi,  miserunt,  bona  eius 
pubhcarunt,  domum  a  fundamentis  disiecerunt,  ipsum 
exsulem  iudicarunt. 

8.  At  Hannibal  anno  tertio  ^  postquam  domo  pro- 
fugerat,  L.  Corneho  Q.  Minucio  consuhbus,  cum 
quinque  navibus  Africam  accessit  in  finibus  Cyrenaeo- 
rum,  si  forte  Karthaginienses  ad  behum  Antiochi  spe 
fiduciaque  inducere  posset,  cui  iam  persuaserat  ut 
cum  exercitibus  in  Itaham  proficisceretur.  Huc 
2  Magonem  fratrem  excivit.  Id  ubi  Poeni  resciverunt, 
Magonem  eadem  qua  fratrem  absentem  adfecerunt 
poena.  lUi,  desperatis  rebus,  cum  soHissent  naves  ac 
vela  ventig  dedissent,  Hannibal  ad  Antiochum  per- 
venit.  De  Magonis  interitu  duplex  memoria  prodita 
est :  namque  ahi  naufragio,  ahi  a  servohs  ipsius  inter- 

^  The  MSS.  have  anno  post  praeturam  after  deinde ;  deleied 
hy  Fleck. ;   praeturam  deleted  hy  HeiLsinger. 
2  quarto,  Nipp. 


^  The   Carthaginian    body  corresponding   to    the    Roman 
senate. 

636 


XXIII.  HANNIBAL,  vii.  5-viii.  2 

In  that  office  Hannibal  gave  proof  of  the  same 
energy  that  he  had  sho^\Ti  in  war.  For  by  means  of 
new  taxes  he  provided,  not  only  that  there  should  be 
money  to  pay  to  the  Romans  according  to  the  treaty, 
but  also  that  there  should  be  a  surphis  to  be  deposited 
in  the  treasury.  Then  in  the  follo^^ing-  year,  when 
Marcus  Claudius  and  Lucius  Furius  were  consuls,  196  b.c. 
envoys  came  to  Carthage  from  Rome.  Hannibal 
thought  that  they  had  been  sent  to  demand  his  sur- 
render ;  therefore,  before  they  were  given  audience 
by  the  senate,^  he  secretly  embarked  on  a  ship  and 
took  refuge  \\-ith  King  Antiochus  in  Syria.  When 
this  became  kno^Mi,  the  Carthaginians  sent  two  ships 
to  arrest  Hannibal,  if  they  could  overtake  him  ;  then 
they  confiscated  his  property,  demohshed  his  house 
from  its  foundations,  and  declared  him  an  outlaw. 

8.  But  Hannibal,  in  the  third  -  year  after  he  had 
fled  from  his  country,  in  the  consulship  of  Lucius 
Comehus  and  Quintus  Minucius,  with  five  ships  landed  193  b.c. 
in  Africa  in  the  territories  of  Cyrene,  to  see  M'hether 
the  Carthaginians  could  by  any  chance  be  induced 
to  make  war  by  the  hope  of  aid  from  King  Antiochus, 
whom  Hannibal  had  already  persuaded  to  march 
upon  Italy  Mith  his  armies.  To  Italy  also  he  dis- 
patched  his  brother  Mago.  When  the  Carthaginians 
learned  this,  they  inflicted  on  Mago  in  his  absence 
the  same  penalty  that  Hannibal  had  suffered.  The 
brothers,  regarding  the  situation  as  desperate,  raised 
anchor  and  set  sail.  Hannibal  reached  Antiochus ; 
as  to  the  death  of  Mago  there  are  two  accounts ; 
some  have  \\Titten  that  he  was  ship^Tecked ;   others, 

*  According  to  the  usual  Roman  method  of  reckoning  it 
would  be  the  fourth  year,  and  Nipperdey  emended  tertio  to 
quarto. 

637 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

3  fectum  eum  scriptum  reliquerunt.  Antiochus  autem 
si  tam  in  agendo  ^  bello  consiliis  eius  parere  voluisset, 
quam  in  suscipiendo  instituerat,  propius  Tiberi  quam 
Thermopylis  de  summa  imperii  dimicasset.  Quem 
etsi  multa  stulte  conari  videbat,  tamen  nulla  deseruit 

4  in  re.  Praefuit  paucis  navibus,  quas  ex  Syria  iussus 
erat  in  Asiam  ducere,  iisque  adversus  Rhodiorum 
classem  in  Pamphylio  mari  conflixit.  Quo  cum  multi- 
tudine  adversariorum  sui  superarentur,  ipse  quo 
cornu  rem  gessit  fuit  superior. 

9.  Antiocho  fugato,  verens  ne  dederetur,  quod  sine 
dubio  accidisset,  si  sui  fecisset  potestatem,  Cretam  ad 
Gortynios  venit,  ut  ibi  quo  se  conferret  consideraret. 

2  Vidit  autem  vir  omnixmi  calHdissimus  in  ^  magno  se 
fore  periculo,  nisi  quid  providisset,  propter  avaritiam 
Cretensium;  magnam  enim  secum  pecuniam  portabat, 
de   qua   sciebat   exisse   famam.     Itaque   capit   tale 

3  consiUum.  Amphoras  complures  complet  plumbo, 
simimas  operit  auro  et  argento.  Has,  praesentibus 
principibus,  deponit  in  templo  Dianae,  simulans  se 
suas  fortunas  illorum  fidei  credere.  His  in  errorem 
inductis,  statuas  aeneas,  quas  secum  portabat,  omni  ^ 
sua  pecunia  complet  easque  in  propatulo  domi  abicit. 

4  Gortynii  templum  magna  cura  custodiunt,  non  tam  a 

1  agendo,  MSS.;  cf.  SaUust,  Or.  Cott.  11  _{p.  412,  L.C.L.) 
belli  ab  aliis  acti  ratio ;  gerendo,  Lambin. 

2  in,  added  by  Fleck. 

3  omni,  Xipp. ;   omnes,  MSS. 

^  He  was  defeated  at  Thermopylae  in  191  b.c. 
638 


XXIII.  HANNIBAL,  viii.  2-ix.  4 

that  he  was  killed  by  his  o^\ti  slaves.  As  for  Antio- 
chus,  if  he  had  been  as  wilHng  to  follow  Hannibars 
advice  in  the  conduct  of  the  war  as  he  had  been  in 
declaring  it,  he  would  not  have  fought  for  the  rule 
of  the  world  at  Thermopylae,i  but  nearer  to  the 
Tiber.  But  although  Hannibal  saw  that  many  of  the 
king's  plans  were  unwise,  yet  he  never  deserted  him. 
On  one  occasion  he  commanded  a  few  ships,  which 
he  had  been  ordered  to  take  from  Syria  to  Asia,  and 
with  them  he  fought  against  a  fleet  of  the  Rhodians  in 
the  PamphyHan  Sea.  Although  in  that  engagement 
his  forces  were  defeated  by  the  superior  numbers  of 
their  opponents,  he  was  victorious  on  the  wing  where 
he  fought  in  person. 

9.  After  Antiochus  had  been  defeated,  Hannibal,  190  b.c. 
fearing  that  he  would  be  surrendered  to  the  Romans 
— as  undoubtedly  would  have  happened,  if  he  had 
let  himself  be  taken — came  to  the  Gortynians  in 
Crete,  there  to  deliberate  where  to  seek  asylum. 
But  being  the  shrewdest  of  all  men,  he  realized  that 
he  would  be  in  great  danger,  unless  he  devised  some 
means  of  escaping  the  avarice  of  the  Cretans ;  for 
he  was  carrying  with  him  a  large  sum  of  money,  and 
he  knew  that  news  of  this  had  leaked  out.  He 
therefore  devised  the  following  plan :  he  filled  a 
number  of  large  jars  ^\dth  lead  and  covered  their 
tops  with  gold  and  silver.  These,  in  the  presence  of 
the  leading  citizens,  he  deposited  in  the  temple  of 
Diana,  pretending  that  he  was  entrusting  his  property 
to  their  protection.  Having  thus  misled  them,  he 
filled  some  bronze  statues  which  he  was  carrying  with 
him  \vith  all  his  money  and  threw  them  carelessly 
down  in  the  courtyard  of  his  house.  The  Gortynians 
guarded  the  temple  with  great  care,  not  so  much 

639 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

ceteris  quam  ab  Hannibale,  ne  ille  inscientibus  iis 
tolleret  secumque  duceret. 

10.  Sic  conservatis  suis  rebus,  Poenus  illusis 
Cretensibus  omnibus,  ad  Prusiam  in  Pontum  pervenit. 
Apud  quem  eodem  animo  fuit  erga  Italiam  neque 
aliud  quicquam  egit  quam  regem  armavit  et  exercuit  ^ 

2  adversus  Romanos.  Quem  cum  videret  domesticis 
opibus  minus  esse  robustum,  conciliabat  ceteros  reges 
adiungebat  bellicosas  nationes.  Dissidebat  ab  eo 
Pergamenus   rex    Eumenes,    Romanis    amicissimus, 

3  bellumque  inter  eos  gerebatur  et  mari  et  terra.  Sed 
utrobique  Eumenes  plus  valebat  propter  Romanorum 
societatem.^  Quo  magis  cupiebat  eum  Hannibal 
opprimi ;  quem  si  removisset,  faciliora  sibi  cetera 
fore  arbitrabatur. 

Ad   hunc    interficiundum   talem   iniit    rationem. 

4  Classe  paucis  diebus  erant  decreturi.  Superabatur 
na\dum  multitudine  ;  dolo  erat  pugnandum,  cum  par 
non  esset  armis.  Imperavit  quam  plurimas  venenatas 
serpentes  vivas  conligi  easque  in  vasa  fictilia  conici. 

5  Harum  cum  effecisset  magnam  multitudinem,  die 
ipso  quo  facturus  erat  navale  proelium  classiarios 
convocat  iisque  praecipit,  omnes  ut  in  unam  Eumenis 
regis  concurrant  navem,  a  ceteris  tantum  satis  habeant 
se  defendere.     Id  illos  facile  serpentium  multitudine 

6  consecuturos.     Rex  autem  in  qua  nave  veheretur  ut 

^  exacuit,  Heinrich. 

2  sed  .  .  .  societatem,  transposed  hy  Fleck. ;  after  opprimi 
in  A!SS. 


^  Prusias  was  king  of  Bithj^nia.     Why  he  was  in  Pontus  is 
not  stated. 

^  See  note  1,  p  .573. 

640 


XXIII.  HANNIBAL,  i.x.  4-x.  6 

against  others  as  against  Hannibal,  to  prevent  him 
from  taking  anything  without  their  knowledge  and 
carrying  it  ofF  with  him. 

10.  Thus  he  saved  his  goods,  and  having  tricked  all 
the  Cretans ,  the  Carthagi  nian  j  oined  Prusias  in  Pontus.^ 
At  his  court  he  was  of  the  same  mind  towards  Italy 
and  ffave  his  entire  attention  to  amiino;  the  kinfj  and 
traininof  his  forces  to  meet  the  Romans.  And  seeino: 
that  Prusias'  personal  resources  did  not  give  him 
great  strength,  he  won  him  the  friendship  of  the  other 
kings  of  that  region  and  aUied  him  with  warUke 
nations.  Prusias  had  quarrelled  ^^ith  Eumenes, 
king  of  Pergamum,^  a  strong  friend  of  the  Romans, 
and  they  were  fighting  with  each  other  by  land  and 
sea.  But  Eumenes  was  everywhere  the  stronger 
because  of  his  alliance  with  the  Romans,  and  for  that 
reason  Hannibal  was  the  more  eager  for  his  over- 
throw,  thinking  that  if  he  got  rid  of  him,  all  his  diifi- 
culties  would  be  ended. 

To  cause  his  death,  he  formed  the  following  plan. 
Within  a  few  days  they  were  intending  to  fight  a 
decisive  naval  battle.  Hannibal  was  outnumbered 
in  ships ;  therefore  it  was  necessary  to  resort  to  a 
ruse,  since  he  was  unequal  to  his  opponent  in  arms. 
He  gave  orders  to  collect  the  greatest  possible  number 
of  venomous  snakes  and  put  them  aUve  in  earthenware 
jars.  When  he  had  got  together  a  great  number 
of  these,  on  the  very  day  when  the  sea-fight  was  going 
to  take  place  he  called  the  marines  together  and  bade 
them  concentrate  their  attack  on  the  ship  of  Eumenes 
and  be  satisfied  with  nnerely  defending  themselves 
against  the  rest ;  this  they  could  easily  do,  thanks 
to  the  great  number  of  snakes.  Furthermore,  he 
promised  to  let  them  know  in  what  ship  Eumenes  was 

641 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

scirent  se  facturum ;  quem  si  aut  cepissent  aut  inter- 
fecissent,  magno  iis  pollicetur  praemio  fore. 

11.  Tali  cohortatione  militum  facta,  classis  ab  utris- 
que  in  proelium  deducitur.  Quarum  acie  constituta, 
priusquam  signum  pugnae  daretur,  Hannibal,  ut  pa- 
lam  faceret  suis  quo  loco  Eumenes  esset,  tabellarium 

2  in  scapha  cum  caduceo  mittit.  Qui  ubi  ad  naves 
adversariorum  pervenit  epistulamque  ostendens,  se 
regem  professus  est  quaerere,  statim  ad  Eumenem 
deductus  est,  quod  nemo  dubitabat  quin  aliquid  de 
pace  esset  scriptum.  Tabellarius,  ducis  nave  de- 
clarata  suis,  eodem  unde  erat  egressus  se  recepit. 

3  At  Eumenes  soluta  epistula  nihil  in  ea  repperit  nisi 
quae  ad  irridendum  eum  pertinerent.  Cuius  etsi 
causam  mirabatur  neque  reperiebat,^  tamen  proeHum 
statim  committere  non  dubitavit. 

4  Horum  in  concursu  Bithynii  Hannibahs  praecepto 
universi  navem  Eumenis  adoriuntur.  Quorum  \iin 
rex  cum  sustinere  non  posset,  fuga  salutem  petiit, 
quam  consecutus  non  esset,  nisi  intra  sua  praesidia 
se  recepisset,  quae  in  proximo  Htore  erant  conlocata. 

6  Rehquae  Pergamenae  naves  cum  adversarios  preme- 
rent  acrius,  repente  in  eas  vasa  fictiUa  de  quibus 
supra  mentionem  fecimus  conici  coepta  sunt.  Quae 
iacta  initio   risum   pugnantibus   concitarunt,   neque 

6  qua  re  id  fieret  poterat  intellegi.  Postquam  autem 
naves  suas  oppletas  conspexerunt  serpentibus,  nova 
re  perterriti,  cum  quid  potissimum  vitarent  non  vide- 

^  reperiebat,  Lambin;   reperiebatur,  MSS. 
642 


XXIII.  HANNIBAL,  x.  6-xi.  6 

sailing,  and  to  give  them  a  generous  reward  if  they 
succeeded  in  either  capturing  or  kilHng  the  king. 

11.  After  he  had  encouraged  the  soldiers  in  this 
way,  the  fleets  on  both  sides  were  brought  out  for 
battle.  When  they  were  dra^Mi  up  in  hne,  before 
the  signal  for  action  was  given,  in  order  that  Hannibal 
might  make  it  clear  to  his  men  where  Eumenes  was, 
he  sent  a  messenger  in  a  skiff  with  a  herald's  stafF. 
\Vhen  the  emissary  came  to  the  ships  of  the  enemy, 
he  exhibited  a  letter  and  said  that  he  was  looking 
for  the  king.  He  was  at  once  taken  to  Eumenes, 
since  no  one  doubted  that  it  was  some  communica- 
tion  about  peace.  The  letter-carrier,  having  pointed 
out  the  commander's  ship  to  his  men,  returned  to  the 
place  from  which  he  came.  But  Eumenes,  on  open- 
ing  the  missive,  found  nothing  in  it  except  what  was 
designed  to  mock  at  him.  Although  he  wondered  at 
the  reason  for  such  conduct  and  could  not  find  one, 
he  nevertheless  did  not  hesitate  to  join  battle  at 
once. 

When  the  clash  came,  the  Bithynians  did  as 
Hannibal  had  ordered  and  fell  upon  the  ship  of 
Eumenes  in  a  body.  Since  the  king  could  not  resist 
their  force,  he  sought  safety  in  flight,  which  he 
secured  only  by  retreating  ^^ithin  the  entrenchments 
which  had  been  thrown  up  on  the  neighbouring  shore. 
When  the  other  Pergamene  ships  began  to  press  their 
opponents  too  hard,  on  a  sudden  the  earthenware 
jars  of  which  I  have  spoken  began  to  be  hurled  at 
them.  At  first  these  projectiles  excited  the  laughter 
of  the  combatants,  and  they  could  not  understand 
what  it  meant.  But  as  soon  as  they  saw  their  ships 
filled  with  snakes,  terrified  by  the  strange  weapons 
and  not  knowing  how  to  avoid  them,  they  turned 

643 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

rent,  puppes  verterunt^  seque  ad  sua  castra  nautica 
7  rettulerunt.  Sic  Hannibal  consilio  arma  Pergameno- 
rum  superavit,  neque  tum  solum,  sed  saepe  alias 
pedestribus  copiis  pari  prudentia  pepulit  adver- 
sarios. 

12.  Quae  dum  in  Asia  geruntur,  accidit  casu  ut 
legati  Prusiae  Romae  apud  T.^  Quinctium  Flamini- 
num  ^  consularem  cenarent,  atque  ibi  de  Hannibale 
mentione  facta,  ex  iis  unus  diceret  eum  in  Prusiae 

2  regno  esse.  Id  postero  die  Flamininus  senatui 
detulit.  Patres  conscripti,  qui  Hannibale  vivo  num- 
quam  se  sine  insidiis  futuros  existimarent,  legatos  in 
Bithyniam  miserunt,  in  iis  Flamininum,  qui  ab  rege 
peterent    ne    inimicissimum    suum    secum    haberet 

3  sibique  dederet.  His  Prusia  negare  ausus  non  est ; 
illud  recusavit,  ne  id  a  se  fieri  postularent  quod  adver- 
sus  ius  hospitii  esset :  ipsi,  si  possent,  comprehende- 
rent ;  locum,  ubi  esset,  facile  inventuros.  Hannibal 
enim  uno  loco  se  tenebat,  in  castello  quod  ei  a  rege 
datum  erat  muneri  idque  sic  aedificarat,  ut  in  omnibus 
partibus  aedificii  exitus  haberet,  sciUcet  verens  ne 
usu  veniret  quod  accidit. 

4  Huc  cum  legati  Romanorum  venissent  ac  multi- 
tudine  domum  eius  circumdedissent,  puer,  ab  ianua 
prospiciens,  Hannibali  dixit  plures  praeter  con- 
suetudinem  armatos  apparere.  Qui  imperavit  ei  ut 
omnes  fores  aedificii  circumiret  ac  propere  sibi 
nuntiaret  num   eodem  modo   undique   obsideretur. 

^  verterunt,  Nipp.  ;  averterunt,  MSS.  ;  converterunt, 
Bachner. 

2  T.,  Magius;   L.,  MSS. 

3  riamininum,  Lambin;   riamminium,  etc,  MSS. 


1  The  praesidia  of  §  4. 


644 


XXIII.  HANNIBAL,  xi.  6-.xii.  4 

their  ships  about  and  retreated  to  their  naval  camp.^ 
Thus  Hannibal  overcame  the  arms  of  Pcrgamum  by 
strategy ;  and  that  was  not  the  only  instance  of  the 
kind,  but  on  many  other  occasions  in  land  battles 
he  defeated  his  antagonists  by  a  similar  bit  of 
cleverness. 

12.  While  this  was  taking  place  in  Asia,  it  chanced 
that  in  Rome  envoys  of  Prusias  were  dining  \vith 
Titus  Quinctius  Flamininus,  the  ex-consul,  and  that  183  b.o. 
mention  being  made  of  Hannibal,  one  of  the  envoys 
said  that  he  was  in  the  kingdom  of  Prusias.  On  the 
following  day  Flamininus  informed  the  senate.  The 
Fathers,  beUeving  that  while  Hannibal  Hved  they 
would  never  be  free  from  plots,  sent  envoys  to 
Bithynia,  among  them  Flamininus,  to  request  the 
king  not  to  keep  their  bitterest  foe  at  his  court,  but 
to  surrender  him  to  the  Romans.  Prusias  did  not 
dare  to  refuse ;  he  did,  however,  stipulate  that  they 
woukl  not  ask  him  to  do  anything  which  was  in 
violation  of  the  laws  of  hospitahty.  They  them- 
seh-es,  if  they  could,  might  take  him;  they  would 
easily  find  his  place  of  abode.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
Hannibal  kept  himself  in  one  pkice,  in  a  stronghold 
which  the  king  had  given  him,  and  he  had  so  arranged 
it  that  he  had  exits  in  every  part  of  the  building, 
e^idently  being  in  fear  of  experiencing  what  actually 
happened. 

When  the  envoys  of  the  Romans  had  come  to  the 
place  and  surrounded  his  house  with  a  great  body  of 
troops,  a  slave  looking  out  from  one  of  the  doors 
reported  that  an  unusual  number  of  armed  men  were 
in  sight.  Hannibal  ordered  him  to  go  about  to  all 
the  doors  of  the  building  and  hasten  to  inform  him 
whether  he  was  beset  in  the  same  way  on  everv  side. 

645 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

5  Puer  cum  celeriter  quid  esset  renuntiasset  omnisque 
exitus  occupatos  ostendisset,  sensit  id  non  fortuito 
factum,  sed  se  peti  neque  sibi  diutius  vitam  esse 
retinendam.  Quam  ne  alieno  arbitrio  dimitteret, 
memor  pristinarum  virtutum,  venenum  quod  semper 
secum  habere  consuerat  sumpsit. 

13.  Sic  vir  fortissimus,  multis  variisque  perfunctus 
laboribus,  anno  adquievit  septuagesimo.  Quibus 
consulibus  interierit  non  convenit.  Namque  Atticus 
M.  Claudio  Marcello  Q.  Fabio  Labeone  consulibus 
mortuum  in  Annali  suo  scriptum  reliquit,  at  Polybius 
L.  Aemilio  Paulo  Cn.  Baebio  Tamphilo,  Sulpicius 
autem  Blitho  P.  Corneho  Cethego  M.  Baebio  Tam- 

2  philo.  Atque  hic  tantus  vir  tantisque  belhs  districtus 
non  nihil  temporis  tribuit  htteris.  Namque  ahquot 
eius  hbri  sunt,  Graeco  sermone  confecti,  in  iis  ad 
Rhodios  de  Cn.  Manhi  Volsonis  in  Asia  rebus  gestis. 

3  Huius  behi  gesta  multi  memoriae  prodiderunt,  sed 
ex  iis  duo,  qui  cum  eo  in  castris  fuerunt  simulque 
vixerunt,  quam  diu  fortuna  passa  est,  Silenus  et 
Sosylus  Lacedaemonius.  Atque  hoc  Sosylo  Hannibal 
htterarum  Graecarum  usus  est  doctore. 

4  Sed  nos  tempus  est  huius  hbri  facere  finem  et 
Romanorum  exphcare  imperatores,  quo  facihus, 
coUatis  utrorumque  factis,  qui  viri  praeferendi  sint 
possit  iudicari.i 

1  For  the  vp.rses  added  in  A  P  and  a  few  other  MSS.  see 
Introd.,  pp.  359/. 

^  In  a  ring;  cf.  Juvenal  x.  164,  sed  ille  Cannarum  vindex 
ac  tanti  sanguinis  ultor,  anulus. 

2  In  183  B.c.  Hannibal  was  sixty-three  years  old. 

3  See  XXV.  18.  1. 

*  Cn.  Manlius  Volso  defeated  the  Gauls  in  Asia  Minor  in 
189  B.C.,  and  in  the  foUov^dng  year  brought  about  peace  with 

646 


XXIII.  HANNIBAL,  xii.  5-xiii.  4 

The  slave  having  quickly  reported  the  facts  and  told 
him  that  all  the  exits  were  guarded,  Hannibal 
knew  that  it  was  no  accident ;  that  it  \\  as  he  whom 
they  were  after  and  he  must  no  longer  think  of 
preserving  his  Hfe.  But  not  wishing  to  lose  it  at 
another's  will,  and  remembering  his  past  deeds  of 
valour,  he  took  the  poison  which  he  always  carried 
about  his  person.i 

13.  Thus  that  bravest  of  men,  after  having  per- 
formed  many  and  varied  labours,  entered  into  rest 
in  his  seventieth  ^  year.  Under  what  consuls  he  died 
is  disputed.  For  Atticus  has  recorded  in  his  Annals  ^ 
that  he  died  in  the  consulate  of  Marcus  Claudius  1S3  b.c. 
Marcellus  and  Quintus  Fabius  Labeo ;  Polybius,  132  b.c. 
under  Lucius  Aemihus  Paulus  and  Gnaeus  Baebius  isi  e.c. 
Tamphilus ;  and  Sulpicius  BUtho,  in  the  time  of 
PubHus  CorneHus  Cethegus  and  Marcus  Baebius  Tam- 
philus.  And  that  great  man,  although  busied  with 
such  great  wars,  devoted  some  time  to  letters ;  for 
there  are  several  books  of  his,  ^^Titten  in  Greek, 
among  them  one,  addressed  to  the  Rhodians,  on  the 
deeds  of  Gnaeus  ManHus  \  olso  in  Asia.*  Hannibars 
deeds  of  ai-ms  have  been  recorded  by  many  wTiters, 
among  them  two  men  who  were  ^^ith  him  in  camp  and 
Hved  with  him  so  long  as  fortune  aHowed,  Silenus 
and  Sosylus  of  Lacedaemon.  And  it  was  this  Sosylus 
whom  Hannibal  employed  as  his  teacher  of  Greek. 

But  it  is  time  for  us  to  put  an  end  to  this  book  and 
give  an  account  of  the  Roman  generals,  to  make  it 
possible  by  comparing  their  deeds  with  those  of  the 
foreigners  to  judge  which  heroes  ought  to  be  given 
the  higher  rank. 

Antiochus.  The  Bhodians  had  joined  with  the  Romans  in 
the  campaigns. 

647 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 
XXIV.  CATO 

EXCERPTUM    E    LIBRO    CORNELII    NEPOTIS    DE    LATINI9 
HISTORICIS 

1.  M.i  Cato,  ortus  municipio  Tusculo,  adules- 
centulus,  priusquam  honoribus  operam  daret,  ver- 
satus  est  in  Sabinis,  quod  ibi  heredium  a  patre 
rehctum  habebat.  Inde  hortatu  L.  Valerii  Flacci, 
quem  in  consulatu  censuraque  habuit  coUegam,  ut 
Sl.  Perpenna  censorius  ^  narrare  sohtus  est,  Romam 

2  demigravit  in  foroque  esse  coepit.  Primum  stipen- 
dium  meruit  annorum  decem  septemque.  Q.  Fabio 
M.  Claudio  consuhbus  tribunus  miUtum  in  Siciha 
fuit.  Inde  ut  rediit,  castra  secutus  est  C^  Claudii 
Neronis,  magnique  opera  eius  existimata  est  in 
proeHo  apud  Senam,  quo  cecidit  Hasdrubal,  frater 

3  Hannibalis.  Quaestor  obtigit  P.  Africano  consuh, 
cum  quo  non  pro  sortis  necessitudine  vixit ;  namque 
ab  eo  perpetua  dissensit  vita.     Aedihs  plebi  factus 

4  est  cum  C.  Helvio.  Praetor  provinciam  obtinuit 
Sardiniam,  ex  qua  quaestor  superiore  tempore  ex 
Africa  decedens,  Q.  Ennium  poetam  deduxerat, 
quod  non  minoris  aestimamus  quam  quemhbet 
amphssimum  Sardiniensem  triumphum. 

2.  Consulatum    gessit    cum    L.    Valerio    Flacco. 

1  M.,  ^  ;   the  otker  MSS.  omit. 

2  censorius,  Magius ;    censorinus,  A  B  P  R. 

3  C.    Lambin;    P.,  MSS. 

^  More  commonly  known  as  the  battle  of  the  Metaurus 
river,  207  b.c. 

^  P.  Scipio  Africanus,  the  conqueror  of  Hannibal. 

^  The  relations  of  a  quaestor  to  the  consul  or  praetor  under 
whom  he  served  were  like  those  of  a  son  to  his  father;  cf. 
Cic.  Div.  in  Caec.  61. 

648 


XXIV.  CATO,  I.  i-ii.   I 
XXIV.  CATO 

AN    EXTRACT    FROM    THE    BOOK    OF    CORNELIUS    NEPOS    ON 
L.VTIN    HISTORIANS 

1.  Marcus  Cato,  born  in  the  town  of  Tusculum,  in 
his  early  youth,  before  entering  on  an  official  career, 
lived  in  the  land  of  the  Sabines,  since  he  had  there 
an  hereditary  property,  left  him  by  his  father.  Then, 
^^ith  the  encouragement  of  Lucius  Valerius  Flaccus, 
later  his  colleague  in  the  consulship  and  the  censor- 
ship — as  Marcus  Perpenna,  the  ex-censor,  was  fond  of 
mentioning — he  moved  to  Rome  and  entered  public 

hfe.     He  served  his   first  campaign  at  the  age   of2i5B.c. 
seventeen.     In  the  consulate  of  Quintus  Fabius  and  125  b.c. 
Marcus  Claudius  he  was  tribune  of  the  soldiers  in 
Sicily.      On    his   return   from   there   he  joined   the 
army  of  Gaius  Claudius  Nero  and  won  high  praise  in 
the  battle  at  Sena,i  in  which  Hasdrubal,  the  brother  of 
Hannibal,  fell.     As  quaestor  the  chance  of  the  lot 
assigned  him  to  the  consul  PubHus  Africanus,-  Mith 
whom  he  did  not  hve  as  the  intimacy  of  their  associa- 
tion  demanded  ;  ^  for  he  disagreed  with  him  through- 
out  his  whole  Hfe.     He  was  chosen  plebeian  aedile  199  b.c. 
with  Gaius  Helvius.     As  praetor  he  was  allotted  the 
province  of  Sardinia,  from  which  at  an  earher  time,  198  b.c. 
when  leaving  Africa  after  his  quaestorship,  he  had 
brought  the  poet  Ennius  to  Rome — an  act  which,  in 
my  opinion,  was  no  less  glorious  than  the  greatest 
possible  victory  in  Sardinia.^ 

2.  He  was  consul  \vith  Lucius  Valerius  Flaccus,  195  b.c. 

*  That  Ennius  came  back  with  Cato  was  mere  chance. 
Cato  was  bitterly  opposed  to  the  tendencies  which  Ennius 
represented. 

649 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

Sorte  provinciam  nactus  Hispaniam  citeriorem,  exque 

2  ea  triumphum  deportavit.  Ibi  cum  diutius  mora- 
retur,  P.  Scipio  Africanus  consul  iterum,  cuius  in 
priore  consulatu  quaestor  fuerat,  voluit  eum  de 
pro\-incia  depellere  et  ipse  ei  succedere ;  neque  hoc 
per  senatum  efficere  potuit,  cum  quidem  Scipio 
principatum  in  civitate  obtineret,  quod  tum  non 
potentia,  sed  iure  res  pubUca  administrabatur.  Qua 
ex  re  iratus  senatui,  consulatu  ^  peracto,  privatus  in 

3  urbe  mansit.  At  Cato,  censor  cum  eodem  Flacco 
factus,  severe  praefuit  ei  potestati ;  nam  et  in  com- 
plures  nobiles  animadvertit  et  multas  res  novas  in 
edictum  addidit  qua  re  luxuria  reprimeretur,  quae 

4  iam  tum  incipiebat  pullulare.  Circiter  annos  octo- 
ginta,  usque  ad  extremam  aetatem  ab  adulescentia, 
rei  pubHcae  causa  suscipere  inimicitias  non  destitit. 
A  multis  temptatus,  non  modo  nullum  detrimentum 
existimationis  fecit,  sed  quoad  vixit  virtutum  laude 
crevit. 

3.  In  omnibus  rebus  singulari  fuit  industria ;  nam 
et  agricola  sollers  et  peritus  ^  iuris  consultus  et 
magnus  imperator  et  probabihs  orator  et  cupidis- 

2  simus  htterarum  fuit.  Quarum  studium  etsi  senior 
adripuerat,  tamen  tantum  progressum  fecit,  ut  non 
facile   reperiri  possit   neque   de   Graecis   neque   de 

3  Itahcis  rebus  quod  ei  fuerit  incognitum.  Ab  adules- 
centia  confecit  orationes.  Senex  historias  scribere 
instituit.     Earum   sunt  hbri  septem.     Primus   con- 

1  consulatu,  added  by  Bosius, 

2  peritus,  Klotz;   rei  publicae  peritus,  3ISS. 

1  Tlie  censor's  edict  contained  numerous  standing  provisions 
{edictum  tralaticium)  handed  down  from  his  predecessors,  to 
which  new  ones  were  added  from  time  to  time. 

650 


XXIV.  CATO,  II.  i-iii.  3 

and  being  allotted  the  province  of  Hither  Spain,  from  m  b.o. 
it  won  a  triumph.  When  he  hngered  there  somewhat 
too  long,  PubHus  Scipio  Africanus,  then  consul  for 
the  second  time — in  his  former  consulship  Cato  had 
been  his  quaestor — wished  to  force  him  to  leave  the 
province,  in  order  himself  to  succeed  him.  But  the 
senate  would  not  support  Scipio  in  the  attempt, 
although  he  was  the  leading  man  in  the  state,  because 
in  those  days  the  government  was  administered,  not 
by  influence,  but  by  justice.  Therefore  Scipio  was  at 
odds  Mith  the  senate  and,  after  his  consulship  M'as 
ended,  he  Uved  the  Ufe  of  a  private  citizen  in  Rome. 
But  Cato  was  chosen  censor,  once  more  with  Flaccus  184  b.c. 
as  his  coUeague,  and  administered  the  office  ^Wth 
severity;  for  he  inflicted  punishment  upon  several 
nobles,  and  added  to  his  edict  ^  many  new  provisions 
for  checking  luxury,  which  even  then  was  beginning 
to  grow  rank,  For  about  eighty  years,  from  youth  to 
the  end  of  his  Ufe,  he  never  ceased  to  incur  enmity 
through  his  devotion  to  his  country.  But  although 
often  attacked,  he  not  only  suffered  no  loss  of  reputa- 
tion,  but  as  long  as  he  Uved  the  fame  of  his  virtues 
increased. 

3.  In  aU  Unes  he  was  a  man  of  extraordinary 
activity ;  for  he  was  an  expert  husbandman,  an  able 
jurist,  a  great  general,  a  praiseworthy  ^  orator  and 
greatly  devoted  to  letters.  Although  he  took  up 
Uterary  work  late  in  Ufe,  yet  he  made  such  progress 
that  it  is  not  easy  to  find  any  thing  either  in  the  history 
of  Greece  or  of  Italy  which  was  unknown  to  him. 
From  early  youth  he  composed  speeches.  He  was 
abeady  an  old  man  when  he  began  to  wTite  history, 
of  which  he  left   seven   books.     The  first  contains 

"  Cato  was  the  greatest  orator  of  his  time. 

651 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

tinet  res  gestas  regum  populi  Romani,  secundus  et 
tertius  unde  quaeque  civitas  orta  sit  Italica;  ob 
quam  rem  omnes  Origines  videtur  appellasse.  In 
quarto    autem    bellum    Poenicum    est    primum,    in 

4  quinto  secundum.  Atque  haec  omnia  capitulatim 
sunt  dicta;  reliquaque  bella  pari  modo  persecutus 
est  usque  ad  praeturam  Ser.  Galbae,  qui  diripuit 
Lusitanos.  Atque  horum  bellorum  duces  non  nomi- 
navit,  sed  sine  nominibus  res  notavit.  In  iisdem 
exposuit  quae  in  Italia  Hispaniisque  aut  fierent  aut 
viderentur  admiranda ;  in  quibus  multa  industria  et 
diUgentia  comparet,  nulla  doctrina. 

5  Huius  de  vita  et  moribus  plura  in  eo  Hbro  perse- 
cuti  sumus  quem  separatim  de  eo  fecimus  rogatu 
T.  Pomponii  Attici.  Qua  re  studiosos  Catonis  ad 
illud  volumen  delegamus. 


XXV.  ATTICUS 

1.  T.  Pomponius  Atticus,  ab  origine  ultima  stirpis 
Romanae  generatus,  perpetuo  a  maioribus  acceptam 

2  equestrem  obtinuit  dignitatem.  Patre  usus  est 
dihgente  et,  ut  tum  erant  tempora,  diti  imprimisque 
studioso  Htterarum.  Hic,  prout  ipse  amabat  litteras, 
omnibus    doctrinis    quibus    puerilis    aetas    impertiri 

3  debet  filium  erudivit.  Erat  autem  in  puero  praeter 
docilitatem  ingenii  summa  suavitas  oris  atque  vocis, 

^  This  extract  is  therefore  only  a  brief  summary  of  his  larger 
work,  put  in  to  make  his  list  of  Roman  Historians  complete, 
just  as  the  brief  extract  XXI,  De  Regihus,  is  added  to  make 
his  list  of  Generals  of  Foreign  Nations  complete;  see  note  1, 
p.  614. 

652 


XXV.  ATTICUS,  I.  1-3 

an  account  of  the  kings  of  the  Roman  people ;  the 
second  and  third,  the  origin  of  all  the  states  of  Italy 
— and  it  seems  to  be  for  that  reason  that  he  called 
the  entire  work  The  Origins.  Then  in  the  fourth  book 
we  have  the  first  Punic  war,  and  in  the  fifth,  the 
second.  AU  this  is  told  in  summary  fashion,  and  he 
treated  the  other  wars  in  the  same  manner  down  to 
the  praetorship  of  Servius  Galba,  who  plundered  the  Ioob.o. 
Lusitanians.  In  his  account  of  all  these  wars  he 
did  not  name  the  leaders,  but  related  the  events 
without  mentioning  names.  In  the  same  work  he 
gave  an  account  of  noteworthy  occurrences  and 
sights  in  Italy  and  the  Spains  ;  and  in  it  he  showed 
great  industry  and  carefulness,  but  no  learning. 

Concerning  this  man's  Ufe  and  character  I  have 
given  fuller  details  in  the  separate  book  which  I 
devoted  to  his  biography  at  the  urgent  request  of 
Titus  Pomponius  Atticus.  Therefore  I  may  refer 
those  who  are  interested  in  Cato  to  that  volume.^ 

XXV.  ATTICUS 

1.  Titus  Pomponius  Atticus,  descended  from  the 
most  ancient  Roman  stock,^  never  abandoned  the 
equestrian  rank  which  he  had  inherited  from  his 
ancestors.  His  father  was  attentive  to  business  and 
rich  for  those  days.  He  was  besides  particularly 
interested  in  hterature,  and  because  of  his  o^xn  love 
of  letters,  trained  his  son  in  all  the  studies  essential 
for  the  education  of  the  young.  Moreover,  the  boy 
had,  in  addition  to  a  capacity  for  learning,  a  most 

2  The  Pomponii  claimed  descent  from  Pompo,  a  son  of 
King  Numa.  Such  fanciful  family  trees  were  not  uncommon ; 
cf .  e.g.  Suet.  Galba,  2 ;    Vesp.  12. 

653 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

ut  non  solum  celeriter  acciperet  quae  tradebantur, 
sed  etiam  excellenter  pronuntiaret.  Qua  ex  re  in 
pueritia  nobilis  inter  aequales  ferebatur  clariusque 
exsplendescebat  quam  generosi  condiscipuli  animo 
4  aequo  ferre  possent.  Itaque  incitabat  omnes  studio 
suo,  quo  in  numero  fuerunt  L.  Torquatus,  C.  Marius 
filius,  M.  Cicero  ;  quos  consuetudine  sua  sic  devinxit, 
ut  nemo  iis  perpetuo  ^  fuerit  carior. 

2.  Pater  mature  decessit.  Ipse  adulescentulus 
propter  adfinitatem  P.  Sulpicii,  qui  tribunus  plebi 
interfectus  est,  non  expers  fuit  illius  periculi ;  namque 
Anicia,     Pomponii     consobrina,     nupserat     Servio,^ 

2  fratri  Sulpicii.  Itaque  interfecto  Sulpicio,  postea- 
quam  vidit  Cinnano  tumultu  civitatem  esse  pertur- 
batam  neque  sibi  dari  facultatem  pro  dignitate 
vivendi  quin  alterutram  partem  offenderet,  dissociatis 
animis  ci\ium  cum  alii  Sullanis,  alii  Cinnanis  faverent 
partibus,  idoneum  tempus  ratus  studiis  obsequendi 
suis,  Athenas  se  contulit.  Neque  eo  setius  adules- 
centem  Marium  hostem  iudicatum  iuvit  opibus  suis, 

3  cuius  fugam  pecunia  sublevavit.  Ac  ne  illa  pere- 
grinatio  detrimentum  aliquod  adferret  rei  famihari, 
eodem  magnam  partem  fortunarum  traiecit  suarum. 

Hic  ita  vixit,  ut  universis  Atheniensibus  merito 

4  esset  carissimus ;    nam  praeter  gratiam,  quae  iam 

^  perpetua,  A,  Voss.  I ;   perpetua  vita,  Fleck. 

2  Servio,  Lambin;   M.  Servilio,  Leid.;   M.  Servio,  the  other 

3ISS. 


^  In  88  B.c.  he  eaused  the  command  in  the  war  against 
I^Iithridates  to  be  transferred  from  Sulla  to  Marius. 

654 


XXV.  ATTICUS,  I.  3-II.  4 

agreeable  enunciation  and  quality  of  voice,  so  that 
he  not  only  quickly  learned  passages  that  were  set, 
but  also  declaimed  them  admirably.  Hence  in  child- 
hood  he  was  conspicuous  among  those  of  his  own  age, 
and  showed  greater  superiority  than  his  high-born 
schoolfellows  could  accept  with  indifference.  Con- 
^equently,  he  inspired  them  all  with  a  spirit  of  rivalry ; 
and  among  them  were  Lucius  Torquatus,  the  younger 
Gaius  Marius,  and  Marcus  Cicero,  ^^ith  all  of  whom 
he  became  so  intimate  that  as  long  as  he  lived  no  one 
was  dearer  to  them. 

2.  His  father  died  early.  He  himself,  when  a  mere 
youth,  because  he  was  related  by  marriage  to  Publius 
Sulpicius,  who  was  killed  while  tribune  of  the  com- 
mons,i  was  involved  in  the  same  danger ;  for  Anicia, 
cousin  german  of  Atticus,  had  married  Servius, 
the  brother  of  Sulpicius.  Therefore,  after  Sulpicius 
had  been  killed,  seeing  that  the  state  was  in  dis- 
order  because  of  the  rebelUon  of  Cinna,  and  that  no 
opportunity  was  given  him  of  living  as  his  rank 
demanded  ^\-ithout  offending  one  or  the  other  faction 
— for  the  feelings  of  the  citizens  were  at  variance, 
some  favouring  the  party  of  Sulla,  the  others  that  of 
Cinna — he  thought  it  was  a  favourable  opportunity 
for  gratifying  his  tastes,  and  went  to  Athens.  But  S6 : 
nevertheless  when  the  younger  Marius  had  been 
pronounced  a  public  enemy,  he  aided  him  with  his 
resources  and  facilitated  his  fliorht  bv  furnishincr 
money.  And  in  order  that  his  sojourn  abroad  might 
not  inflict  any  loss  upon  his  property,  he  transported 
a  great  part  of  his  fortunes  to  Athens. 

There  he  lived  in  such  a  manner  that  he  was 
deservedly  very  dear  to  all  the  Athenians.  For  not 
to  mention  his  influence,  which  was  great  even  in 

655 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

in  adulescentulo  magna  erat,  saepe  suis  opibus 
inopiam  eorum  publicam  levavit.  Cum  enim  versu- 
ram  facere  publice  necesse  esset  neque  eius  con- 
dicionem  aequam  haberent,  semper  se  interposuit, 
atque  ita,  ut  neque  usuram  umquam  iniquam  ^  ab 
iis  acceperit  neque  longius  quam  dictum  esset  debere 

5  passus  sit.  Quod  utrumque  erat  iis  salutare ;  nam 
neque  indulgendo  inveterascere  eorum  aes  alienum 
patiebatur    neque    multiplicandis    usuris    crescere. 

6  Auxit  hoc  officium  aUa  quoque  Hberalitate ;  nam 
universos  frumento  donavit,  ita  ut  singuUs  VI  ^ 
modii  tritici  darentur,  qui  modus  mensurae  medimnus 
Athenis  appellatur. 

3.  Hic  autem  sic  se  gerebat,  ut  communis  infimis, 
par  principibus  videretur.  Quo  factum  est  ut  huic 
omnes  honores,  quos  possent,  publice  haberent 
civemque  facere  studerent ;  quo  beneficio  ille  uti 
noluit,  quod  consulti  ^  ita  interpretantur  amitti  civi- 

2  tatem  Romanam  alia  ascita.  Quamdiu  affuit,  ne 
qua  sibi  statua  poneretur  restitit,  absens  prohibere 
non  potuit.  Itaque  ahquot  ipsi  et  Pihae  *  locis 
sanctissimis  posuerunt ;  hunc  enim  in  omni  pro- 
curatione  rei  pubhcae  actorem  auctoremque  habe- 

3  bant.  Igitur  primum  illud  munus  fortunae,  quod  in 
ea  urbe  potissimum  natus  est  in  qua  domicihum 
orbis  terrarum  esset  imperii,  ut  eandem  et  patriam 
haberet  et  domum ;  hoc  specimen  prudentiae,  quod, 
cum  in  eam  se  civitatem  contuhsset  quae  antiquitate, 

1  umquam  iniquam  Gottschalck ;  numquam  A  B  R  H  {H 
before  usuram) ;    umquam,  the  other  MSS. 

2  sex,  Faernus ;   septem  or  VII,  JISS. ;   seni,  Fleck. 
^  consulti,  Wagner;  nonnuUi,  MSS. 

*  Piliae,  Lambin;  Phidiae  (Fid-),  MSS.;  ipsi  efiSgies, 
Wagner. 

^  There  is  a  word-play  on  opibus  and  inopia. 
656 


XXV.  ATTICUS,  II.  4-III.  3 

his  youth,  he  often  relieved  their  public  necessities 
by  his  wealth.i  For  example,  when  the  state  needed 
to  negotiate  a  loan  and  could  not  do  so  on  fair  termSj 
he  always  came  to  the  rescue,  and  in  such  a  way 
that  he  never  exacted  from  them  excessive  interest, 
nor  would  he  allow  them  to  remain  in  debt  beyond 
the  stipulated  time.  And  both  those  conditions  were 
to  their  advantage,  since  he  did  not  by  indulgence 
allow  their  debt  to  grow  old,  nor  yet  to  increase  by 
the  pihng  up  of  interest.  He  added  to  this  service 
still  another  act  of  generosity ;  for  he  made  a  dis- 
tribution  of  grain  to  the  entire  people,  giving  each 
man  six  bushels  of  wheat,  the  equivalent  of  the 
measure  which  at  Athens  is  called  a  medimnus. 

3.  Furthemiore,  his  conduct  in  Athens  was  such 
that  he  showed  himself  gracious  to  the  humble  and 
on  an  equaUty  with  the  great.  The  result  was  that 
the  state  conferred  upon  him  all  possible  honours  and 
wished  to  make  him  a  citizen  of  Athens.  But  that 
favour  he  declined  to  accept,  because  the  jurists  hold 
that  if  one  becomes  a  citizen  elsewhere.  Roman 
citizenship  is  lost.  So  long  as  he  was  in  x\thens, 
he  opposed  the  erection  of  any  statue  in  his  honour ; 
but  he  could  not  prevent  it  after  he  left.  And  so 
they  set  up  several  to  himself  and  Piha  ^  in  their 
most  sacred  places ;  for  they  found  him  an  adviser 
and  a  help  in  all  the  administration  of  their  state. 
Thus  in  the  first  place  it  was  a  gift  of  fortune  that 
he  was  born  in  no  other  city  than  that  which  was  the 
abode  of  universal  empire,  and  that  it  was  at  once 
his  native  Land  and  his  home.  And  it  was  a  mark 
of  his  ^Wsdom  that  when  he  had  gone  to  the  city  wliich 

2  The  wife  of  Atticus ;  the  MSS.  give  the  name  of  an  other- 
\rise  unknown  Phidias. 

657 

F.N.  Y 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

humanitate  doctrinaque  praestaret  omnes  unus  ei 
fuit  ^  carissimus. 

4.  Huc  ex  Asia  Sulla  decedens  cum  venisset, 
quam  diu  ibi  fuit,  secum  habuit  Pomponium,  captus 
adulescentis  et  humanitate  et  doctrina.  Sic  enim 
Graece  loquebatur,  ut  Athenis  natus  videretur; 
tanta  autem  suavitas  erat  sermonis  Latini,  ut  appare- 
ret  in  eo  nativum  quemdam  leporem  esse,  non 
ascitum.     Idem   poemata   pronuntiabat   et    Graece 

2  et  Latine  sic  ut  supra  nihil  posset  addi.  Quibus 
rebus  factum  est  ut  Sulla  nusquam  eimi  ^  ab  se 
dimitteret  cuperetque  secum  deducere.  Qui  cum 
persuadere  temptaret,  "  Noli,  oro  te,"  inquit  Pom- 
ponius,  "  adversum  eos  me  velle  ducere  cum  quibus 
ne  contra  te  arma  ferrem,  Itaham  reliqui."  At 
Sulla,  adulescentis  officio  collaudato,  omnia  munera 
ei  quae  Athenis  acceperat  proficiscens  iussit  deferri. 

3  Hic  complures  annos  moratus,  cum  et  rei  famihari 
tantum  operae  daret  quantum  non  indihgens  deberet 
pater  familias,  et  omnia  rehqua  tempora  aut  htteris 
aut    Atheniensium    rei    pubhcae    tribueret,    nihilo 

4  minus  amicis  urbana  officia  praestitit ;  nam  et  ad 
comitia  eorum  ventitavit,  et  si  qua  res  maior  acta 
est,  non  defuit.  Sicut  Ciceroni  in  omnibus  eius 
pericuhs  singularem  fidem  praebuit;  cui  ex  patria 
fugienti  HS  ^  ducenta  et  quinquaginta  miha  donavit. 

1  fuit,  Heusinger;  fuerit,  3ISS. 

2  eum,  added  by  Lambin, 

'  HS,  Lambin;  sextertia(-cia),  MSS. 

658 


XXV.  ATTICUS,  III.  3-iv.  4 

surpassed  all  others  in  antiquity,  culture  and  learn- 
ing,  he  was  dearer  to  it  than  all  other  men. 

4.  When  Sulla  had  come  to  Athens  on  his  way  home 
from  Asia,  so  long  as  he  remained  there  he  kept 
Atticus  with  him,  attracted  by  the  young  mans 
refinemcnt  and  culture.  For  he  spoke  Greek  so 
well  that  one  would  have  thought  that  he  had  been 
born  in  Athens,  while  on  the  other  hand  he  used 
the  Latin  language  with  such  grace  that  it  was  clear 
that  the  elegance  of  his  diction  was  native  and  not 
the  result  of  study.  He  recited  poems,  too,  both  in 
Greek  and  in  Latin,  in  a  manner  which  left  nothinsr 
to  be  desired.  The  effect  of  this  was,  that  SuUa 
would  not  be  parted  from  him  and  wished  to  take 
him  in  his  company  to  Rome.  But  when  he  tried 
to  persuade  him,  Atticus  answered :  "  Do  not,  I 
pray  you,  try  to  lead  me  against  those  with  whom  I 
refused  to  bear  arms  against  you  but  preferred  to 
leave  Italy."  Whereupon  Sulla  praised  the  young 
man  for  his  sense  of  duty  and  gave  orders,  when 
he  left,  that  all  the  gifts  that  he  had  received  in 
Athens  should  be  taken  to  Atticus. 

During  his  residence  of  many  years  in  Athens, 
Atticus  gave  to  his  property  as  much  attention 
as  was  the  duty  of  a  careful  head  of  a  family  and 
devoted  all  the  rest  of  his  time  either  to  literature 
or  to  the  public  business  of  the  Athenians.  At  the 
same  time  he  rendered  service  to  his  friends  in  Rome  ; 
for  he  always  appeared  on  the  occasion  of  their 
candidacy  for  office,  and  was  at  hand  whenever  any 
important  action  was  taken.  Thus  to  Cicero  in  all 
his  times  of  peril  he  showed  unparalleled  loyalty,  and 
when  the  orator  was  on  his  way  to  exile,  he  made 
him  a  present  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 

659 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

6  Tranquillatis  autem  rebus  Romanis,  remigravit 
Rom^am,  ut  opinor  L,  Cotta  et  L.  Torquato  con- 
sulibus ;  quem  discedentem  ^  sic  universa  civitas 
Atheniensium  prosecuta  est,  ut  lacrimis  desiderii 
futuri  dolorem  indicaret. 

5.  Habebat  avunculum  Q.  Caecilium,  equitem 
Romanum,  familiarem  L.  Luculli,  divitem,  difficillima 
natura ;  cuius  sic  asperitatem  veritus  est,  ut  quem 
nemo  ferre  posset,  huius  sine  ofFensione  ad  summam 
senectutem    retinuerit    benevolentiam.      Quo  facto 

2  tuht  pietatis  fructum.  Caecihus  enim  moriens  testa- 
mento  adoptavit  eum  heredemque  fecit  ex  dodrante  ; 
ex  qua  hereditate  accepit  circiter  centiens  sestertium. 

3  Erat  nupta  soror  Attici  Q.  Tulho  Ciceroni,  easque 
nuptias  M.  Cicero  conciharat,  cum  quo  a  condis- 
cipulatu  vivebat  coniunctissime,  multo  etiam  famih- 
arius  quam  cum  Quinto ;  ut  iudicari  possit  plus  in 
amicitia  valere  simihtudinem  morum  quam  adfini- 

4  tatem.  Utebatur  autem  intime  Q.  Hortensio,  qui 
iis  temporibus  principatum  eloquentiae  tenebat,  ut 
intehegi  non  posset  uter  eum  plus  dihgeret,  Cicero 
an  Hortensius ;  et,  id  quod  erat  difficihimum,  efficie- 
bat  ut  inter  quos  tantae  laudis  esset  aemulatio  nuUa 
intercederet  obtrectatio  essetque  tahum  virorum 
copula. 

6.  In  re  pubhca  ita  est  versatus,  ut  semper  optima- 

1  discedentem,  Aldus;   diem,  MSS. 

^  It  is  strange  that  Xepos  did  not  verify  this  date  by  ques- 
tioning  Atticus.  The  sentence  may  have  been  added  in  his 
second  edition. 

66o 


XXV.  ATTICUS,  IV.  5-vi.  i 

sestcrces.  After  calm  had  been  established  at  Rome 
he  returned  to  the  city,  in  the  consulship,  I  beHeve,^ 
of  Lucius  Cotta  and  Lucius  Torquatus.  When  he  left  65  b.c. 
Athens,  all  the  citizens  attended^  him,  showing 
by  tears  the  grief  that  they  would  feel  at  losing 
him. 

5.  His  maternal  uncle  was  Quintus  Caecilius,  a 
Roman  knight  and  a  friend  of  Lucius  Lucullus,  rich 
but  very  hard  to  please.  Atticus  treated  the  sour- 
tempered  old  man  with  such  deference,  that  although 
no  one  else  could  endure  him,  his  nephew  retained 
his  good-will  without  giving  him  any  offence  until  he 
reached  extreme  old  age.     By  such  conduct  he  reaped 

the  fruits  of  his  devotion  ;  for  Caecilius  on  his  death-  53  b.c. 
bed  adopted  him  by  will  and  made  him  heir  to  three- 
fourths  of  his  estate ;  and  his  share  came  to  about 
ten  million  sesterces.  Atticus'  sister  was  married  to 
Quintus  TuUius  Cicero ;  the  marriage  was  arranged 
by  Marcus  Cicero,  with  whom  Atticus  had  Hved  in  the 
closest  intimacy  from  the  time  when  they  were 
schoolfellows,  much  more  intimately  than  with 
Quintus  ;  which  shows  that  Ukeness  of  character  is  of 
more  weight  in  friendship  than  family  alliances. 
He  was  also  a  close  friend  of  Quintus  Hortensius, 
who  in  those  days  held  the  first  rank  in  eloquence — 
so  dear  a  friend  that  it  was  uncertain  which  loved 
him  the  better,  Cicero  or  Hortensius.  He  even 
accomphshed  the  difficult  task  of  preventing  any  ill- 
feeUng  between  those  rivals  for  a  position  of  such 
glory,^  and  was  the  bond  of  union  between  those  great 
men. 

6.  In  public  hfe  he  so  conducted  himself  as  always 

^  On  his  way  to  the  ship. 

^  That  is,  the  first  rank  in  eloquence. 

66 1 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

rum  partium  et  esset  et  existimaretur.  neque  tamen 
se  civilibus  fluctibus  committeret,  quod  non  magis 
eos   in   sua  potestate   existimabat   esse   qui   se   his 

2  dedissent,  quam  qui  maritimis  iactarentur.  Honores 
non  petiit,  cum  ei  paterent  propter  vel  gratiam  vel 
dignitatem,  quod  neque  peti  more  maiorum  neque 
capi  possent,  conservatis  legibus,  in  tam  efFusi 
ambitus  largitionibus  neque  geri  ^  e  re  publica  sine 

3  periculo  corruptis  civitatis  moribus.  Ad  hastam 
pubhcam  numquam  accessit.  Nullius  rei  neque 
praes  neque  manceps  factus  est.  Neminem  neque 
suo  nomine  neque  subscribens  accusavit,  in  ius  de 

4  sua  re  numquam  iit,  iudicium  nullum  habuit.  Mul- 
torum  consulum  praetorumque  praefecturas  delatas 
sic  accepit,  ut  neminem  in  provinciam  sit  secutus, 
honore  fuerit  contentus,  rei  famiharis  despexerit 
fructum :  qui  ne  cum  Q.  quidem  Cicerone  voluerit 
ire  in  Asiam,  cum  apud  eum  legati  locum  obtinere 
posset.  Non  enim  decere  se  arbitrabatur,  cum 
praeturam  gerere  noluisset,  adseclam  esse  praetoris. 

6  Qua  in  re  non  solum  dignitati  ser\-iebat,  sed  etiam 
tranquillitati,  cum  suspiciones  quoque  vitaret  crimi- 
num.     Quo  fiebat  ut  eius  observantia  omnibus  esset 

^  geri,  added  by  Lambin. 


1  Optimarum  partium  is  equivalent  to  optimatium  partium, 
the  self-applied  designation  of  the  senatorial  party. 

2  The  hasta  puhlica  was  a  spear  set  up  to  announce  the  sale 
of  booty  taken  in  war.  Then  it  came  to  denote  a  public 
auction  of  any  kind. 

3  That  is,  he  took  no  part  in  the  farming  of  the  revenues, 
either  as  a  principal  hiuniceps)  or  as  a  surety  or  bondsman 
(praes) ;  the  latter  shared  in  the  profits. 

*  These  were  positions  of  the  third  rank  under  govemors 
of  provinees,  the  second  rank  being  that  of  the  legatus.     They 

662 


XXV.  ATTICUS,  VI.  1-5 

to  be,  and  to  be  regarded  as  being,  on  the  side  of  the 
best  men,^  yet  he  did  not  trust  himself  to  the  waves 
of  civic  strife,  since  he  thought  that  those  who  had 
dehvered  themselves  up  to  them  had  no  more  control 
of  themselves  than  those  who  were  tossed  on  the 
billows  of  the  sea.  He  did  not  seek  offices,  although 
they  were  open  to  him  either  through  influence  or 
merit,  because  they  could  not  be  canvassed  for  in  the 
traditional  way,  nor  gained  amid  such  unHmited 
bribery  and  corruption  without  violence  to  the  laws, 
nor  administered  to  the  advantage  of  the  state  with- 
out  risk  in  so  debauched  a  condition  of  pubhc  morals. 
He  was  never  present  at  an  auction  sale  of  confiscated 
property.-  He  never  acted  as  a  public  contractor  or 
a  surety.^  He  accused  no  one  either  in  his  own  name 
or  in  partnership  with  another.  He  never  went  to  law 
about  his  own  property,  he  never  acted  as  judge.  He 
accepted  the  prefectures  *  oifered  him  by  numerous 
consuls  and  praetors  on  the  condition  that  he  should 
accompany  no  one  to  his  province,  being  content  with 
the  honour  and  disdaining  to  increase  his  means. 
He  would  not  even  consent  to  go  with  Quintus 
Cicero  ^  to  Asia,  although  he  might  have  had  the  post  6i  b.o. 
of  his  heutenant-governor.  For  he  did  not  think 
it  becoming,  after  having  decHned  a  praetorship,  to 
become  the  attendant  of  a  praetor.  In  so  acting 
he  had  an  eye,  not  only  to  his  dignity,  but  to  his  peace 
of  mind  as  well,  since  he  thus  avoided  even  the 
suspicion  of  wrong-doing.^  The  result  was  that  his 
attentions  were   more   highly  valued  by  all,  since 

were  commonly  held  by  Roman  knights  and  offered  numerous 
opportunities  for  personal  protit. 

^  He  was  propraeter  in  61  b.c, 

^  That  is,  of  maladministration  in  the  provinces. 

663 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

carior,  cum  eam  officio,  non  timori  neque  spei  tribui 
viderent. 

7.  Incidit  Caesarianum  civile  bellum.  Cum  habe- 
ret  annos  circiter  sexaginta,  usus  est  aetatis  vacatione 
neque  se  quoquam  movit  ex  urbe.  Quae  amicis  suis 
opus  fuerant  ad  Pompeium  proficiscentibus,  omnia 
ex  sua  re  familiari  dedit,  ipsum  Pompeium  coniunc- 

2  tum  non  olfendit.  Nullum  ab  eo  habebat  orna- 
mentum,  ut  ceteri,  qui  per  eum  aut  honores  aut 
divitias  ceperant ;  quorum  partim  invitissimi  castra 
sunt  secuti,  partim  summa  cum  eius  offensione  domi 

3  remanserunt.  Attici  autem  quies  tanto  opere  Caesari 
fuit  grata,  ut  victor,  cum  privatis  pecunias  per 
epistulas  imperaret,  huic  non  solum  molestus  non 
fuerit,  sed  etiam  sororis  fihum  et  Q.  Ciceronem  ex 
Pompei  castris  concesserit.  Sic  vetere  instituto 
vitae  effugit  nova  pericula. 

8.  Secutum  est  illud  tempus,^  occiso  Caesare,  quo  ^ 
res  pubhca  penes  Brutos  videretur  esse  et  Cassium 

2  ac  tota  civitas  se  ad  eos  convertisse  \-ideretur.  Sic 
M.  Bruto  usus  est,  ut  nullo  ille  adulescens  aequah 
famiharius  quam  hoc  sene,  neque  solum  eum  princi- 

3  pem  consihi  haberet,  sed  etiam  in  convictu.  Excogi- 
tatum  est  a  quibusdam,  ut  privatum  aerarium 
Caesaris  interfectoribus  ab  equitibus  Romanis  con- 
stitueretur.  Id  facile  effici  posse  arbitrati  sunt,  si  ^ 
principes  eius  ordinis  pecunias  contuhssent.     Itaque 

1  Lllud  tempus,  Cod.  Mon.  433;  tempus  omitted  by 
ABH  Bd\. 

2  quando,  B;  quom,  Fleck. 

3  si,  Nipp. ;  si  et,  MSS. 


^  That  is,  lie  remained  neutral. 

'  Namelv,  Marcus  and  Decimus  Brutus. 


664 


XXV.  ATTICUS,  VI.  5-viii.  3 

they  saw  that  they  were  inspired  by  a  desire  to  be 
of  service  and  not  by  fear  or  hope. 

7.  Caesar's  civil  war  broke  out  when  Atticus  was  49  b.c. 
about  sixty  years  old.     He  took  advantage  of  the 
exemption  due  his  years  and  did  not  stir  from  the 
city.     Whatever  his  friends  needed  when  they  went 

out  to  join  Pompey  he  supplied  from  his  o^vn  means, 
and  he  escaped  giving  ofFence  to  Pompey  himself.^ 
He  had  no  emolument  at  his  friend's  hands,  as 
the  rest  had  who  through  him  had  gained  either 
offices  or  riches,  some  of  whom  joined  his  army  most 
reluctantly,  while  others  bitterly  ofFended  him  by 
remaining  at  home.  Moreover,  Atticus'  neutrahty 
so  gratified  Caesar,  that  after  his  victory,  when  he 
made  written  demand  of  contributions  from  private 
citizens,  he  not  only  caused  Atticus  no  trouble, 
but  even  granted  to  his  entreaties  the  pardon  of  his 
nephew  and  of  Quintus  Cicero,  who  were  in  Pompey's 
camp.  Thus  by  the  long-standing  poHcy  of  his  \ife 
he  avoided  the  new  dangers, 

8.  There  followed  that  period  after  the  death  of  4iB.c. 
Caesar,  when  the  govemment  was  apparently  in  the 
hands  of  the  Brutuses^  and  Cassius,  and  all  the  state 
seemed  to  have  espoused  their  cause.  Atticus'  rela- 
tions  with  Marcus  Brutus  were  such,  that  there  were 
none  of  his  own  age  with  whom  the  younger  man  was 
more  intimate  than  with  the  old  knight,^  whom  he 
made,  not  only  his  chief  adviser,  but  also  his  boon 
companion.  Certain  men  had  formed  the  plan  of 
making  up  a  private  fund  for  the  assassins  of  Caesar 
through  the  Roman  knights.  They  thought  that 
their  purpose  could  easily  be  effected,  if  the  leading 
men  of  that  order  would  contribute.     Accordingly, 

^  Brutus  was  thiity-four,  and  Atticus  was  tliirty-one  years 
his  senior. 

66^ 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

appellatus  est  a  C.  Flavio,  Bruti  familiari,  Atticus, 

4  ut  eius  rei  princeps  esse  vellet.  At  ille,  qui  ofRcia 
amicis  praestanda  sine  factione  existimaret  semper- 
que  a  talibus  se  consiliis  removisset,  respondit :  si 
quid  Brutus  de  suis  facultatibus  uti  voluisset,  usurum 
quantum  eae  paterentur,  sed  neque  cum  quoquam 
de  ea  re  collocuturum  neque  coiturum.  Sic  ille 
consensionis  globus  huius  unius  dissensione  disiectus 
est. 

5  Neque  multo  post  superior  esse  coepit  Antonius, 
ita  ut  Brutus  et  Cassius  destituta  tutela  ^  pro\1n- 
ciarum,  quae  iis  dicis  ^  causa  datae  erant  a  consule, 
desperatis  rebus,  in  exsilium  proficiscerentur  ;  neque 
eo    magis    potenti    adulatus     est    Antonio    neque 

6  desperatos  reliquit.^  Atticus,  qui  pecuniam  simul 
cum  ceteris  conferre  noluerat  florenti  illi  parti,  ab- 
iecto  Bruto  Italiaque  cedenti  HS  *  centum  milia 
muneri  misit.  Eidem  in  Epiro  absens  trecenta 
iussit  dari. 

9.  Secutum  est  bellum  gestum  apud  Mutinam. 
In  quo  si  tantum  eum  prudentem  dicam,  minus 
quam   debeam   praedicem,   cum  ille   potius   divinus 

^  destituta  tutela,  H;  the  other  MSS.  omit;  omissa  cura, 
Halm. 

2  dicis,  Cuiacius;   necis,  MSS. 

3  neque  .  .  .  reliquit,  transposed  hy  Guill. ;  after  dari, 
2ISS. 

*  HS,  Lambin;  sextertia  (-cia),  MSS. 


^  Provinciaruyn  here  has  the  meaning  of  "  spheres  of  duty  " ; 
Brutus  was  to  send  grain  to  Rome  from  Asia,  Cassius  from 
Sicily. 

2  They  had  left  Rome  through  fear  of  Caesar's  veterans, 
although  as  praetors  it  was  unlawf ul  for  them  to  be  absent 

666 


XXV.  ATTICUS,  VIII.  3-ix.  i 

Gaius  Flavius,  a  friend  of  Brutus,  appealed  to 
Atticus  to  consent  to  take  the  initiative  in  the  enter- 
prise.  He,  however,  thinking  that  he  ought  to  render 
service  to  his  friends,  but  not  join  parties,  and  having 
consistently  held  aloof  from  such  measures,  rephed 
that  if  Brutus  wished  to  make  any  use  of  his  means,  he 
might  do  so  to  the  hmit  of  his  resources,  but  that  he 
would  neither  confer  with  anyone  on  the  subject  nor 
meet  with  anyone.  Thus  the  unanimity  of  that  cHque 
was  broken  by  the  disagreement  of  this  one  man. 

Not  long  after  that,  Antony  began  to  gain  the 
upper  hand,  to  such  a  degree  that  Brutus  and  Cassius 
ceased  to  perform  the  duties  ^  which  had  been 
assigned  them  as  a  pretext^  by  the  consul,  and  in 
utter  despair  went  into  exile.^  But  Atticus  did  not 
the  more  on  that  account  flatter  the  power  of  Antony 
or  abandon  the  lost  cause.  In  fact,  the  man  who  had 
dechned  to  join  with  the  rest  in  contributing  money 
when  the  party  was  prosperous,  after  Brutus  had 
fallen  from  power  and  was  leaving  Italy  sent  him  a 
gift  of  a  hundred  thousand  sesterces ;  and  again, 
when  Brutus  was  in  Epirus,*  he  sent  orders  from  Rome 
that  three  hundred  thousand  more  be  given  to  the 
regicide. 

9.  After  that  came  the  w^ar  at  Mutina.     In  the  43 
course  of  which  if  I  were  merely  to  say  that  he  showed 
foresight,  I  should  give  him  less  credit  than  I  ought, 
since  it  was  more  properly  divination,  if  the  term 

from  the  city  for  more  than  ten  days.  To  conceal  the  real 
reason  for  their  departure,  Antony  had  given  them  the  charge 
mentioned  in  note  1. 

3  That  was  their  version  of  their  action ;  in  reality,  they  took 
possession  of  Syria  and  Macedonia,  which  had  been  assigned 
them  as  provinces  by  Caesar,  and  prepared  for  war. 

*  Atticus  had  a  large  estate  in  Epirus;   see  14.  3. 

667 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

fuerit,  si  divinatio  appellanda  est  perpetua  naturalis 
bonitas,  quae  nullis  casibus  agitur  neque  minuitur. 

2  Hostis  Antonius  iudicatus  Italia  cesserat ;  spes 
restituendi  nulla  erat.  Non  solum  inimici,  qui  tum. 
erant  potentissimi  et  plurimi,  sed  etiam  qui  adver- 
sariis  eius  se  dabant  et  in  eo  laedendo  aliquam 
consecuturos  sperabant  commoditatem,  Antonii 
familiares  insequebantur,  uxorem  Fuhdam  omnibus 
rebus  spoliare  cupiebant,  liberos  etiam  exstinguere 
parabant. 

-o  Atticus  cum  Ciceronis  intima  familiaritate  uteretur, 
amicissimus  esset  Bruto,  non  modo  nihil  iis  indulsit 
ad  Antonium  violandum,  sed  e  contrario  familiares 
eius  ex  urbe  profugientes,  quantum  potuit,  texit, 

4  quibus  rebus  indiguerunt,  adiuvit.  P.  vero  Volumnio 
ea  tribuit,  ut  plura  a  parente  proficisci  non  potuerint. 
Ipsi  autem  Fulviae,  cum  litibus  distineretur  magnis- 
■que  terroribus  vexaretur,  tanta  diligentia  officium 
^uum  praestitit,  ut  nullum  illa  steterit  vadimonium 
sine  Attico,  Atticus  ^  sponsor  omnium  rerum  fuerit. 

«  Quin  etiam,  cum  illa  fundum  secunda  fortuna  emisset 
in  diem  neque  post  calamitatem  versuram  facere 
potuisset,  ille  se  interposuit  pecuniamque  sine  faenore 
sineque  ulla  stipulatione  credidit,  maximum  existi- 
mans  quaestum  memorem  gratumque  cognosci 
^imulque  aperiens^  se  non  fortunae,  sed  hominibus 
solere  esse  amicum. 

6  Quae  cum  faciebat,  nemo  eum  temporis  causa 
facere  poterat  existimare  ;  nemini  enim  in  opinionem 

7  veniebat  Antonium  rerum  potiturum.     Sed  sensim 

1  Atticus,  added  hy  Lambin;   hic,  Bosius. 

*  aperiens,  Hofman-Peerlkamp ;   aperire,  3ISS. 

^  He  went  to  join  Lepidus  in  Cisalpine  Gaul. 
668 


XXV.  ATTICUS,  IX.  1-7 

di^ination  ought  to  be  applied  to  an  invariable  natural 
goodness  which  is  shaken  or  diminished  by  nothing 
that  happens.  When  Antony  was  judged  a  pubhc 
enemy  and  had  left  Italy,i  no  one  expected  to  see 
his  power  restored.  Not  only  his  personal  enemies, 
who  were  then  very  numerous  and  powerful,  but 
also  those  who  joined  his  opponents  and  hoped  to 
gain  some  advantage  by  injuring  him  persecuted 
his  friends,  tried  to  rob  his  wife  Fulvia  of  all  her 
possessions,  and  were  even  preparing  to  destroy  his 
children. 

Although  Atticus  was  very  intimate  with  Cicero 
and  a  close  friend  of  Brutus,  so  far  was  he  from  being 
induced  to  help  them  injure  Antony,  that  on  the 
contrary  he  protected  the  latter's  friends  as  much  as 
he  could  in  their  flight  from  the  city,  and  gave  them 
what  help  they  required.  To  Publius  Volumnius, 
indeed,  he  rendered  as  great  service  as  could  come 
from  a  parent.  Further,  to  Fulvia  herself,  when  she 
was  distracted  by  lawsuits  and  tomiented  by  great 
anxiety,  he  was  so  unremitting  in  his  attentions,  that 
she  never  appeared  in  court  without  Atticus,  Atticus 
was  her  surety  in  all  cases.  Nay,  more,  when  she 
had  bought  an  estate  in  the  time  of  her  prosperity 
with  a  fixed  date  for  payment,  and  after  her  reverses 
was  unable  to  negotiate  a  loan,  he  came  to  the  rescue 
and  lent  her  the  money  without  interest  and  without 
any  contract,  considering  it  the  greatest  profit  to  be 
kno^^-n  as  mindful  and  grateful,  and  at  the  same  time 
desiring  to  show  that  it  was  his  way  to  be  a  friend  to 
mankind  and  not  to  their  fortunes. 

In  so  doing  he  could  not  be  suspected  by  any- 
one  of  being  a  time-server ;  for  no  one  had  any  ideai 
that  Antony  would  regain  his  power.     But  gradually 

669. 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

is  a  nonnullis  optimatibus  reprehendebatur,  quod 
parum  odisse  malos  cives  videretur.  Ille  autem, 
vir  ^  sui  iudieii,  potius  quid  se  facere  par  esset 
intuebatur  quam  quid  alii  laudaturi  forent. 

10.  Conversa  subito  fortuna  est.  Ut  Antonius 
rediit  in  Italiam,  nemo  non  magno  in  periculo 
Atticum  putarat  propter  intimam  familiaritatem 
Ciceronis  et  Bruti.  Itaque  ad  adventum  impera- 
torum  de  foro  decesserat,  timens  proscriptionem, 
latebatque  apud  P.  Volumnium,  cui,  ut  ostendimus, 
paulo  ante  opem  tulerat — tanta  varietas  iis  tempori- 
bus  fuit  fortunae,  ut  modo  hi,  modo  iUi  in  summo 
essent  aut  fastigio  aut  periculo — habebatque  secum 
Q.  GelUum  Canum,  aequalem  simiUimumque  sui. 
Hoc  quoque  sit  Attici  bonitatis  exemplum,  quod 
cum  eo,  quem  puerum  in  ludo  cognorat,  adeo  con- 
iuncte  vixit,  ut  ad  extremam  aetatem  amicitia  eorum 
creverit. 

Antonius  autem,  etsi  tanto  odio  ferebatur  in 
Ciceronem,  ut  non  solum  ei,  sed  etiam  omnibus 
eius  amicis  esset  inimicus  eosque  vellet  proscribere, 
multis  hortantibus,  tamen  Attici  memor  fuit  officii, 
et  ei,  cum  requisisset  ubinam  esset,  sua  manu 
scripsit,  ne  timeret  statimque  ad  se  veniret  :  se 
eum  et  ilUus  causa  ^  Canum  de  proscriptorum 
numero  exemisse.     Ac  ne  quod  periculum  incideret, 

1  vir,  addidi,  hut  cf.  Suet.  Tib.  18.  1. 

2  illius  causa,  Mon.  433;  illius  omitted  by  B;  causa,  by 
most  MSS. 


^  The  opposite  of  honi  {cive-s)  (cf.  note  1,  p.  662)  from  the 
point  of  view  of  the  optimates. 
2  See  9.  3-5. 


670 


XXV.  ATTICUS,  IX.  7-x.  5 

criticism  of  him  arose  from  some  of  the  aristocrats, 
because  in  their  opinion  he  was  not  sufficiently  hostile 
to  bad  citizens.^  But  Atticus,  being  a  man  of 
independent  judgment,  had  an  eye  rather  to  what  it 
was  right  for  him  to  do  than  to  what  others  were 
Hkely  to  commend. 

10.  There  came  a  sudden  change  of  fortune. 
Antony  returned  to  Italy,  and  there  was  no  one  but 
thought  that  Atticus  was  in  extreme  danger  because 
of  his  intimacy  with  Cicero  and  Brutus.  Therefore, 
on  the  eve  of  the  arrivalof  the  triumvirs  he  had  retired 
from  pubhc  Hfe,  fearing  proscription,  and  was  in 
hiding  at  the  house  of  Pubhus  Volumnius,  to  whom, 
as  I  have  stated,  he  had  shortly  before  rendered  aid — 
such  were  the  changes  of  fortune  in  those  times  that 
now  these,  now  those,  were  at  the  summit  of  power 
or  the  extremity  of  danger— -and  he  had  with  him 
Quintus  Gelhus  Canus,  a  man  of  his  cwn  age  and 
of  very  similar  opinions.  This  too  is  an  indication 
of  Atticus'  good-heartedness,  that  he  hved  in  such 
harmony  \\-ith  this  man,  whom  he  had  known  as  a  boy 
in  school,  that  their  friendship  increased  constantly 
up  to  extreme  old  age. 

Antony  felt  such  hatred  of  Cicero  that  he  was 
the  personal  enemy,  not  only  of  the  orator  himself, 
but  of  all  his  friends,  and  desired  to  proscribe  them — 
a  course  to  which  many  urged  him.  But  never- 
theless  he  was  mindful  of  the  services  rendered  him 
by  Atticus.2  Therefore,  when  he  learned  where 
Atticus  was,  he  wrote  to  him  with  his  own  hand, 
telhng  him  not  to  be  afraid  but  to  come  to  him  at 
once ;  that  he  had  erased  his  name,  and  for  his  sake 
that  of  Canus,  from  the  hst  of  the  proscribed.  And 
that  no  danger  might  befall  him — for  this  happened 

671 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

quod  noctu  fiebat,  praesidium  ei  misit.  Sic  Atticus 
in  summo  timore  non  solum  sibi,  sed  etiam  ei  quem 
carissimum  habebat  praesidio  fuit.  Neque  enim 
suae  solum  a  quoquam  auxilium  petit  salutis,^  ut 
appareret  nuUam  seiunctam  sibi  ab  eo  velle  fortunam. 
6  Quod  si  gubernator  praecipua  laude  effertur,-  qui 
navem  ex  hieme  marique  scopuloso  servat,  cur  non 
singularis  eius  existimetur  prudentia  qui  ex  tot 
tamque  gravibus  procelUs  civilibus  ad  incolumitatem 
pervenit  ? 

11.  Quibus  ex  malis  ut  se  emersit,  nihil  aUud  egit 
quam  ut  quam  ^  plurimis,  quibus  rebus  posset,  esset 
auxilio.  Cum  proscriptos  praemiis  imperatorum 
vulgus  conquireret,  nemo  in  Epirum  venit  cui  res 
ulla    defuerit,    nemini    non    ibi    perpetuo    manendi 

2  potestas  facta  est ;  quin  etiam  post  proelium  Philip- 
pense  interitumque  C.  Cassii  et  M.  Bruti  L,  lulium 
Mocillam  praetorium  et  fihum  eius  Aulumque 
Torquatum  ceterosque  pari  fortuna  perculsos  insti- 
tuit  *  tueri  atque  ex  Epiro  iis  omnia  Samothraciam 
supportari  iussit.^     Difficile  est  omnia  persequi  et 

3  non  necessarium.  IUud  unum  intellegi  volumus, 
illius  hberahtatem  neque  temporariam  neque  calh- 

4  dam  fuisse.  Id  ex  ipsis  rebus  ac  temporibus  iudicari 
potest,  quod  non  florentibus  se  venditavit,  sed 
afllictis    semper    succurrit ;     qui    quidem    Serviham, 

^  After  salutis  the  MSS,  have  sed  conixmcti,  which  was 
deleted  by  Vielhaber;  neque  .  .  .  coniuncti,  deleted  by  Eber- 
hard. 

2  eflfertur,  Evssner ;  fertur,  3ISS. 

3  quam,  added  by  Grasberger. 

*  instituit,  Lambin;   instituerit,  MSS. 
5  iussit,  Lambin;   iusserit,  MSS. 

1  See  note  on  8.  6  (p,  667). 
672 


XXV.  ATTICUS,  X.  5-xi.  4 

at  night — he  sent  him  an  escort.  Thus  it  was  that 
Atticus  in  a  time  of  extreme  anxiety  saved  not  only 
himself  but  also  his  dearest  friend.  For  he  did  not 
seek  aid  from  anyone  for  his  o^^-n  safety  alone,  thus 
making  it  clear  that  he  desired  no  good  fortune  that 
was  not  shared  by  his  friend.  But  if  that  pilot  is 
extolled  with  the  highest  praise  who  saves  his  ship 
from  the  storm  in  a  rock-strewn  sea,  why  should  not 
that  man's  skill  be  regarded  as  M-ithout  parallel,  who 
from  such  numerous  and  terrible  civil  tempests  comes 
safe  into  port  ? 

11.  Once  escaped  from  those  evils,  Atticus'  sole 
effort  was  to  help  as  many  as  possible  in  whatever 
manner  he  could.  At  a  time  when  the  rewards  offered 
by  the  triumvirs  caused  a  general  hounding  of  the 
proscribed,  no  one  came  to  Epirus  ^  who  did  not  get 
everything  that  he  needed,  no  one  who  was  not 
given  the  opportunity  of  Hving  there  permanently. 
Nay,  more,  after  the  battle  of  PhiHppi  and  the  death  42  b.c 
of  Gaius  Cassius  and  Marcus  Brutus  he  undertook 
to  protect  the  ex-praetor  Lucius  JuHus  MociUa  and 
his  son,  as  weH  as  Aulus  Torquatus  and  the  other 
victims  of  the  same  iU-fortune,  ordering  that  aH 
that  they  needed  should  be  sent  for  them  from 
Epirus  to  Samothrace.  It  is  difficult  to  enumerate 
everything,  and  needless  besides.  This  one  thing  I 
^^•ish  to  make  clear,  that  his  generosity  was  neither 
time-serving  nor  calculated.^  This  may  be  inferred 
from  the  circumstances  themselves  and  from  the 
times,  because  he  never  bought  the  favour  of  those 
in  power,  but  always  succoured  the  afflicted ;  for 
example,  he  showed  no  less  regard  to  ServiHa,  the 

2  Here,  as  elsewhere,  Xepos  gives  Atticus  too  much  credit. 
The  keynote  of  his  character  appears  in  6.  o,  tranquillitati 
servicbat, 

673 


GORNELIUS  NEPOS 

Bruti  matrem,  non  minus  post  mortem  eius  quam 
florentem  coluerit. 

5  Sic  liberalitate  utens  nullas  inimicitias  gessit, 
quod  neque  laedebat  quemquam,  neque,  si  quam 
iniuriam  acceperat,  non  malebat  oblivisci  quam 
ulcisci.  Idem  immortali  memoria  percepta  retine- 
bat  beneficia :  quae  autem  ipse  tribuerat,  tam  diu 
meminerat    quoad   ille    gratus    erat    qui    acceperat. 

6  Itaque  hic  fecit  ut  vere  dictum  \ddeatur : 

Sui  cuique  mores  fmgunt  fortunam  hominibus. 

Neque  tamen  ille  prius  fortunam  quam  se  ipse  finxit, 
qui  cavit  ne  qua  in  re  iure  plecteretur. 

12.  His  igitur  rebus  effecit  ut  M.  Vipsanius 
Agrippa,  intima  famiharitate  coniunctus  adulescenti 
Caesari,  cum  propter  suam  gratiam  et  Caesaris 
potentiam  nulHus  condicionis  non  haberet  potes- 
tatem,  potissimum  eius  dehgeret  adfinitatem  prae- 
optaretque     equitis     Romani     fiUam     generosarum 

2  nuptiis.  Atque  harum  nuptiarum  concihator  fuit 
— non  est  enim  celandum — M.  Antonius,  triumvir 
rei  pubhcae  constituendae.^  Cuius  gratia  cum 
augere  possessiones  posset  suas,  tantum  afuit  a 
cupiditate  pecuniae,  ut  nulla  in  re  usus  sit  ea,  nisi  in 
deprecandis  amicorum  aut  pericuhs  aut  incommodis. 

3  Quod  quidem  sub  ipsa  proscriptione  perihustre 
fuit.     Nam  cum  L.  Saufei  equitis  Romani,  aequahs 

*  constituendae,  added  hy  Lambin. 


^  The  author  of  this  iambic  senarius  is  unknown;    it  is 
attributed  by  Cicero  {Parad.  v.  34)  to  sapiens  poeta. 
2  Oetavian,  the  future  emperor  Augustus. 

674 


XXV.  ATTICUS,  XI.  4-xii.  3 

mothcr  of  Brutus,  after  her  son's  death  than  at  the 
height  of  her  prosperity. 

Practising  generosity  in  that  way,  he  made  no 
enemies  ;  for  he  never  wronged  anyonc,  and  if  he 
had  suffered  any  injury,  he  preferred  to  forget  it 
rather  than  take  vengeance.  He  had  besides  an 
unfaiHng  memory  for  kindnesses  received ;  but  as 
for  those  which  he  himself  bestowed,  he  remembered 
them  only  so  long  as  the  recipient  was  grateful. 
Thus  he  showed  the  truth  of  the  ada^e  : 

o 

'Tis  each  man's  character  his  fortune  makes.^ 

And  yet,  before  fashioning  his  fortune,  Atticus  so 
fashioned  his  character  as  to  make  it  impossible  for 
him  ever  to  be  injured  justly. 

12.  It  was  by  such  conduct,  then,  that  he  led  Marcus 
Vipsanius  x\grippa,  the  intimate  friend  of  the  young 
Caesar,2  although  through  his  own  influential  position 
and  the  power  of  Caesar  he  might  have  made  anv 
match  he  desired,  to  choose  an  aUiance  by  marriage 
with  the  family  of  Atticus,  and  prefer  the  daughter  of 
a  Roman  knight  to  women  of  noble  birth.  And  the 
one  who  arranged  the  marriage  (we  must  admit  it)  ^ 
was  Marcus  Antonius,  one  of  the  triumvirs  for  re- 
organizing  the  government ;  but  although  Antony's 
influence  might  have  increased  his  possessions, 
Atticus  was  so  far  fi-om  desiring  money,  that  he  never 
resorted  to  that  influence  except  to  save  his  friends 
from  danger  or  annoyance. 

This,  in  fact,  was  clearly  evident  at  the  verv  time  v. 
of  the  proscriptions.     For  example,  Lucius  Saufeius, 

3  This  apologetic  remark  is  due  to  the  fact  that  when 
Xepos  wrote,  Octavian  and  Antony  were  at  odds;  the 
marriage  was  probably  arranged  in  37  b.c. 

675 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

sui,  qui  complures  annos,  studio  ductus  philosophiae, 
Athenis  habitabat  habebatque  in  Italia  pretiosas 
possessiones,  triumviri  bona  vendidissent  consuetu- 
dine  ea  qua  tum  res  gerebantur,  Attici  labore  atque 
industria  factum  est  ut  eodem  nuntio  Saufeius  fieret 
certior    se    patrimonium    amisisse    et    recuperasse. 

4  Idem  L.  luhum  Cahdum,  quem  post  Lucretii  Catul- 
Hque  mortem  multo  elegantissimum  poetam  nostram 
tuhsse  aetatem  vere  videor  posse  contendere,  neque 
minus  virum  bonum  optimisque  artibus  eruditum ; 
quem  post  proscriptionem  equitum  propter  magnas 
eius  Africanas  possessiones  in  proscriptorum  numerum 
a  P.  Volumnio,  praefecto  fabrum  Antonii,  absentem 

5  relatum  expedivit.  Quod  in  praesenti  utrum  ei 
laboriosius  an  gloriosius  fuerit,  difficile  est  ^  iudicare, 
quod  in  eorum  periculis  non  secus  absentes  quam 
praesentes  amicos  Attico  esse  curae  cognitum  est. 

13.  Neque  vero  ille  vir  minus  bonus  pater  famihas 
habitus  est  quam  civis ;  nam  cum  esset  pecuniosus, 
nemo  illo  minus  fuit  emax,  minus  aedificator.  Neque 
tamen  non  in  primis  bene  habitavit  omnibusque 
2  optimis  rebus  usus  est ;  nam  domum  habuit  in  colle 
Quirinah  Tamphilianam,  ab  avunculo  hereditate 
rehctam,  cuius  amoenitas  non  aedificio,  sed  silva 
constabat — ipsum  enim  tectum  antiquitus  consti- 
tutum   plus   sahs    quam   sumptus   habebat — in   quo 

1  est,  Fleck. ;  f uit,  MSS. 

1  The  tenses  in  13-18  indicate  that  those  chapters  were 
revised  in  Nepos'  second  edition. 

676 


XXV.  ATTICUS,  XII.  3-xiii.  2 

a  Roman  knight  of  the  same  age  as  Atticus,  who 
because  of  his  devotion  to  philosophy  had  lived  for 
several  years  in  Athens,  had  valuable  possessions  in 
Italy.  When  the  triumvirs  sold  his  property,  after 
the  manner  in  which  things  were  done  at  that  time, 
it  was  due  to  the  efforts  and  energy  of  Atticus  that 
the  same  messenger  brought  Saufeius  news  of  the 
loss  of  his  property  and  of  its  recovery.  He  was 
equally  helpful  to  Lucius  Julius  Calidus,  who  since 
the  death  of  Lucretius  and  Catullus  is,  I  think  I  may 
truly  say,  by  far  the  most  graceful  poet  that  our  age 
has  produced,  in  addition  to  being  a  good  man  and 
endowed  with  the  highest  culture.  This  Calidus, 
after  the  proscription  of  the  knights  was  completed, 
because  of  his  extensive  possessions  in  Africa  was 
added  to  the  list  by  Publius  Volumnius,  Antony's 
chief  of  engineers,  although  he  was  out  of  the  country  ; 
but  he  was  saved  by  Atticus.  Whether  this  conduct 
caused  Atticus  more  trouble  at  the  moment  or  gave 
him  greater  glory,  it  is  not  easy  to  decide,  since  at 
the  time  of  the  perils  of  these  men  it  became  kno^^Ti 
that  his  friends,  whether  present  or  absent,  were  the 
object  of  his  care. 

13.  And  indeed  this  great  man  was  considered  ^  to 
be  as  good  as  head  of  a  family  as  he  w^as  as  a  citizen. 
For  although  he  had  an  abundance  of  money,  no 
one  was  less  inclined  to  excess  in  buying  or  in  build- 
ing.  At  the  same  time,  he  had  as  fine  a  dwelling  as 
anyone,  and  he  enjoyed  the  best  of  everything. 
He  had  his  home  on  the  Quirinal  in  the  villa  built  by 
Tamphilus,  which  was  left  him  in  his  uncle's  will, 
the  charm  of  which  consisted  less  in  its  construction 
than  in  its  park;  for  the  building  itself  was  put  up 
in  early  times  and  was  rather  tasteful  than  costly. 

677 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

nihil  commutavit,  nisi  si  quid  vetustate  coactus  est. 

3  Usus  est  familia,  si  utilitate  iudicandum  est,  optima ; 
si  forma,  vix  mediocri.  Namque  in  ea  erant  pueri 
litteratissimi,  anagnostae  optimi  et  plurimi  librarii, 
ut  ne  pedisequus  quidem  quisquam  esset  qui  non 
utrumque  horum  pulchre  facere  posset;  pari  modo 
artifices   ceteri,   quos   cultus   domesticus   desiderat, 

4  apprime  boni.  Neque  tamen  horum  quemquam  nisi 
domi  natum  domique  factum  habuit ;  quod  est 
signum  non  solum  continentiae,  sed  etiam  dihgentiae. 
Nam  et  non  intemperanter  concupiscere  quod  a 
plurimis  videas  continentis  debet  duci,  et  potius 
industria^    quam   pretio  parare   non  mediocris    est 

5  dihgentiae.  Elegans,  non  magnificus,  splendidus, 
non  sumptuosus ;  omnisque  dihgentia  munditiam, 
non  adfluentiam  adfectabat.  Supellex  modica,  non 
multa,  ut  in  neutram  partem  conspici  posset. 

6  Nec  praeteribo,  quamquam  nonnulhs  leve  visum 
iri  putem,  cum  in  primis  lautus  esset  eques  Romanus 
et  non  parum  hberahter  domum  suam  omnium 
ordinum  homines  invitaret,  scimus  non  amphus  quam 
terna  miha  ^  peraeque  in  singulos  menses  ex  ephe- 

7  meride  eum  expensum  sumptui  ferre  sohtum.  Atque 
hoc  non  auditum,  sed  cognitum  praedicamus ;  saepe 
enim  propter  famiharitatem  domesticis  rebus  inter- 
fuimus. 

14.  Nemo  in  convivio  eius  ahud  acroama  audivit 
quam  anagnosten,  quod  nos  quidem  iucundissimum 

^  industria   .    .    .    diligentiae,   Nipp. ;    diligentia  .  .  .  in- 
dustriae,  MSS. 

2  milia  aeris,  AISS.;   aeris  omitted  hy  Manutius. 

678 


XXV.  ATTICUS,  XIII.  2-xiv.  i 

But  he  made  no  chanp-es  in  it,  except  such  as  lapse  of 
time  compelled.  He  had  slaves  that  were  excellent 
in  point  of  efficiency,  although  in  personal  appearance 
hardly  mediocre  ;  for  there  were  among  them  servants 
who  were  highly  educated,  some  excellent  readers 
and  a  great  number  of  copyists ;  in  fact,  there  was 
not  even  a  footman  who  was  not  expert  in  both  those 
accomplishments.  In  the  same  way,  the  other  artisans 
required  by  the  management  of  a  house  were  of  first- 
rate  quahty.  In  spite  of  this,  however,  he  possessed 
no  slave  who  was  not  born  in  his  house  and  trained  at 
home,  which  is  a  sign,  not  only  of  his  self-control, 
but  also  of  his  spirit  of  economy.  For  not  to  desire 
immoderately  what  you  see  coveted  by  many  ought 
to  be  considered  a  mark  of  self-control,  and  to  acquire 
property  by  labour  rather  than  by  money  is  a  token 
of  no  slight  regard  for  economy.  He  was  tasteful 
rather  than  magnificent,  distinguished  rather  than 
extravagant ;  and  all  his  efForts  were  in  the  direction 
of  elegance,  not  of  excess.  His  furniture  was  modest, 
not  abundant,  so  that  it  attracted  attention  in  neither 
direction. 

I  shall  not  pass  over  the  fact,  although  I  suppose 
that  some  will  regard  it  as  trivial,  that  although  he 
was  one  of  the  richest  of  the  Roman  knights,  and  with 
no  httle  generosity  invited  to  his  house  men  of  all 
ranks,  we  know  from  the  entries  in  his  day-book  that 
he  consistently  hmited  his  expenses  to  not  more 
than  three  thousand  sesterces  each  month.  And 
this  I  state  not  from  hearsay,  but  from  actual  know- 
ledge ;  for  because  of  our  intimacy  I  was  often 
famihar  wdth  the  details  of  his  domestic  hfe. 

14.  No  one  at  a  dinner-party  of  his  heard  any- 
thing  but  a  reader,  which  is  the  most  agreeable  form 

679 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

arbitramur;     neque    umquam    sine    aliqua   lectione 
apud  eum  cenatum  est,  ut  non  minus  animo  quam 

2  ventre  convivae  delectarentur.  Namque  eos  voca- 
bat,  quorum  mores  a  suis  non  abhorrerent.  Cum 
tanta  pecuniae  facta  esset  accessio,  nihil  de  cottidiano 
cultu  muta\-it,  nihil  de  vitae  consuetudine,  tantaque 
usus  est  moderatione  ut  neque  in  sestertio  viciens, 
quod  a  patre  acceperat,  parum  se  splendide  gesserit 
neque  in  sestertio  centiens  adfluentius  vixerit,  quam 
instituerat,    parique    fastigio    steterit    in    utraque 

3  fortuna.  Nullos  habuit  hortos,  nullam  suburbanam 
aut  maritimam  sumptuosam  villam,  neque  in  Italia, 
praeter  Arretinum  et  Nomentanum,  rusticum  prae- 
dium,  omnisque  eius  pecuniae  reditus  constabat  in 
Epiroticis  et  urbanis  possessionibus.  Ex  quo  cog- 
nosci  potest  usum  eum  pecuniae  non  magnitudine, 
sed  ratione  metiri  soHtum. 

15.  Mendacium  neque  dicebat  neque  pati  poterat. 
Itaque  eius  comitas  non  sine  severitate  erat  neque 
gravitas  sine  faciUtate,  ut  difficile  esset  intellectu 
utrurn  eum  amici  magis  vererentur  an  amarent. 
Quidquid  rogabatur,  rehgiose  promittebat,  quod 
non  HberaUs,  sed  levis  arbitrabatur  polUceri  quod 
2  praestare  non  possent.  Idem  in  nitendo  quod  semel 
adnuisset  tanta  erat  cura,  ut  non  mandatam,  sed 
suam  rem  videretur  agere.  Numquam  suscepti 
negotii  eum  pertaesum  est;  suam  enim  existima- 
tionem   in   ea   re   agi   putabat,   qua   nihil   habebat 

^  By  the  inheritance  from  his  uncle;   see  5.  2. 
'  He  did,  however,  have  a  viila,  as  we  see  from  Cicero, 
ad  Att.  xii.  36.  2  and  elsewhere. 

68o 


XXV.  ATTICUS,  XIV.  i-xv.  2 

of  entertainment,  at  least  in  my  opinion  ;  and  dinner 
was  neverserved  at  his  house  without  reading  of  some 
kind,  so  that  his  guests  enjoyed  the  gratification  ot 
the  mind  as  well  as  of  the  appetite.  For  he  invited 
those  whose  tastes  did  not  differ  from  his  own.  When 
that  great  addition  was  made  to  his  fortune,^  he  made 
no  change  in  his  daily  habits,  none  in  his  manner  of 
hfe ;  in  fact,  he  showed  such  moderation  that  he  did 
not  hvewithout  distinction  on  the  two  milHonsesterces 
which  he  received  from  his  father,  nor  on  ten  milhons 
more  extravagantly  than  before ;  but  he  maintained 
the  same  elevation  with  both  fortunes.  He  had  no 
gardens,  no  expensive  villa  -  in  the  suburbs  or  on 
the  sea,  no  country  estates  in  Italy  except  his  pro- 
perties  at  Arretium  and  Nomentum ;  all  his  income 
came  from  his  possessions  in  Epirus  and  in  the  city 
of  Rome.  From  this  it  can  be  seen  that  it  was  his 
habit  to  regulate  his  expenses,  not  by  the  amount 
of  his  wealth,  but  by  reason. 

16.  He  never  hed,  nor  could  he  tolerate  falsehood. 
Hence  his  affabihty  was  tempered  with  austerity 
and  his  diofnitv  bv  ofood-nature,  so  that  it  was  diffi- 
cult  to  know  whether  his  friends  felt  for  him  greater 
love  or  respect.  Whenever  anything  was  requested 
of  him,  he  was  circumspect  in  promising,  because 
he  thought  that  to  make  a  promise  that  one  could 
not  keep  was  a  mark  of  weakness  rather  than  of 
generosity.  He  was  also  so  careful  in  endeavouring 
to  carr\^  through  what  he  had  once  consented  to  under- 
take,  that  he  seemed  to  be  attending,  not  to  another's 
commission,  but  to  an  affair  of  his  own.  He  never 
wearied  of  an  enterprise  which  he  had  once  under- 
taken ;  for  he  thought  that  his  oa^ti  reputation  was 
involved,  and  there  was  nothing  that  he  held  dearer. 

681 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

3  carius.  Quo  fiebat  ut  omnia  Ciceronum,  Catonis 
Marci,  Q.  Hortensii,  Auli  Torquati,  multorum  prae- 
terea  equitum  Romanorum  negotia  procuraret.  Ex 
quo  iudicari  poterat  non  inertia,  sed  iudicio  fugisse 
rei  publicae  procurationem. 

16.  Humanitatis  vero  nullum  adferre  maius  testi- 
monium  possum,  quam  quod  adulescens  idem  seni 
Sullae  fuit  ^  iucundissimus,  senex  adulescenti  M. 
Bruto,  cum  aequalibus  autem  suis  Q.  Hortensio  et 
M.   Cicerone  sic  vixit,^  ut  iudicare  difficile  sit  cui 

2  aetati  fuerit  aptissimus.  Quamquam  eum  praecipue 
dilexit  Cicero,  ut  ne  frater  quidem  ei  Quintus  carior 

3  fuerit  aut  familiarior.  Ei  rei  sunt  indicio  praeter 
eos  libros  in  quibus  de  eo  facit  mentionem,  qui  in 
vulgus  sunt  editi,  XVI  ^  volumina  epistularum,  ab 
consulatu  eius  usque  ad  extremum  tempus  ad 
Atticum  missarum ;  quae  qui  legat  non  multum 
desideret   historiam   contextam    eorum    temporum. 

4  Sic  enim  omnia  de  studiis  principum,  vitiis  ducum, 
mutationibus  rei  publicae  perscripta  sunt,  ut  nihil 
in  iis  non  appareat  et  facile  existimari  possit  pru- 
dentiam  quodam  modo  esse  divinationem.  Non 
enim  Cicero  ea  solum  quae  vivo  se  acciderunt  futura 
praedixit,  sed  etiam  quae  nunc  usu  veniunt  cecinit 
ut  vates. 

17.  De  pietate  autem  Attici  quid  plura  com- 
memorern  ?     Cum  hoc  ipsum  vere  gloriantem  audie- 

1  f uit,  Fhck. ;   fuerit,  MS8. 

2  vixit,  FhcTc. ;   vixerit  MSS. 

3  XVI,  Aldus;   XI,  MSS. 

^  Cato  Uticensis,  great-grandson  of  Cato  the  Censor.  The 
inversion  of  the  names  is  unusual,  but  not  unexampled.  Nepos 
seems  to  have  tried  to  vary  the  forms  of  the  names  in  this  list — 
if  the  text  is  sound. 

682 


XXV.  ATTICUS,  XV.  2-x^'ii.  i 

Hence  it  was  that  he  manafred  all  the  business  affairs 
of  the  Ciceros,  of  Marcus  Cato,^  of  Quintus  Horten- 
sius,  of  Auhis  Torquatus.  and  of  many  Roman  knights 
besides ;  and  from  this  it  may  be  judged  that  it  was 
not  from  indolcnce,  but  from  conviction  that  he  held 
aloof  from  atlairs  of  state. 

16.  To  his  amiabiUty  I  can  bring  no  stronger  testi- 
mony  than  to  say  that  when  he  was  a  young  man  he 
was  greatly  beloved  by  the  aged  Sulla,  and  when  he 
was  old,  by  the  young  Marcus  Brutus ;  and  with  the 
men  of  his  ovm  age,  Quintus  Hortensius  and  Marcus 
Cicero,  his  relations  were  such  that  it  is  difficult  to 
determine  with  what  time  of  hfe  he  was  most  con- 
genial.  And  yet  it  was  Cicero  who  loved  him  more 
than  all  others,  so  much  so  that  not  even  his  brother 
Quintus  was  dearer  to  the  orator  or  more  intimate. 
This  is  shown,  not  only  by  those  pubUshed  works  in 
which  Cicero  mentions  him,  but  also  by  the  sixteen 
volumes  of  letters  sent  to  Atticus  from  the  time  of 
his  consulship  to  the  end  of  his  Ufe.-  One  who  reads 
these  does  not  feel  great  need  of  a  connected  history 
of  those  times  ;  for  such  complete  details  are  given  of 
the  rivahy  of  the  chief  men,  the  faults  of  the  leaders, 
the  changes  of  government,  that  there  is  nothing 
that  they  do  not  make  clear,  and  it  may  readily  appear 
that  Cicero's  foresight  Avas  almost  divination.  For  he 
not  only  predicted  the  events  that  actuaUy  happened 
during  his  Ufetime,  but,  Uke  a  seer,  foretold  those 
which  are  now  being  experienced.^ 

17.  Why  should  I  say  more  about  Atticus'  devotion 
to  his  family  than  this  ?     He  himself,  in  my  hearing, 

2  Really,  from  68  b.c,  jSve  years  after  the  consulship,  to 
44  B.c,  the  year  before  Cicero's  death. 

3  This,  like  many  of  Xepos'  statements,  is  exaggerated. 

683 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

rim  in  funere  matris  suae,  quam  extulit  annorum 
XC,  cum  esset  ^  VII  et  LX,  se  numquam  cum  matre 
in  gratiam  redisse,  numquam  cum  sorore  fuisse  in 

2  simultate,  quam  prope  aequalem  habebat.  Quod 
est  signum  aut  nullam  umquam  inter  eos  queri- 
moniam  intercessisse,  aut  hunc  ea  fuisse  in  suos 
indulgentia,  ut,  quos  amare  deberet,  irasci  iis  nefas 

3  duceret.  Neque  id  fecit  natura  solum,  quamquam 
omnes  ei  paremus,  sed  etiam  doctrina;  nam  princi- 
pum  philosophorum  ita  percepta  habuit  praecepta, 
ut  iis  ad  vitam  agendam,  non  ad  ostentationem 
uteretur. 

18.  Moris  etiam  maiorum  sumraus  imitator  fuit 
antiquitatisque  amator,  quam  adeo  dihgenter  habuit 
cognitam,  ut  eam  totam  in  eo  volumine  exposuerit 

2  quo  magistratus  ordinavit.^  Nulla  enim  lex  neque 
pax  neque  bellum  neque  res  illustris  est  popuU 
Romani,  quae  non  in  eo  suo  tempore  sit  notata,  et, 
quod  difficiUimum  fuit,  sic  famiharum  originem 
subtexuit,   ut   ex    eo   clarorum   virorum   propagines 

3  possimus  cognoscere.  Fecit  hoc  idem  separatim 
in  ahis  hbris,  ut  M.  Bruti  rogatu  luniam  famiham 
a  stirpe  ad  hanc  aetatem  ordine  enumeraverit, 
notans  qui  ^  a  quoque  ortus,  quos  honores  quibusque 

4  temporibus  cepisset ;  pari  modo  Marcehi  Claudii  de 
MarceUorum,    Scipionis    Cornelii    et   Fabii    Maximi 

^  cum  ipse  esset,  Dietsch. 

2  ordinavit,  J.  G.  Voss;   ornavit,  31 SS. 

3  quis,  Wolfflin;   but  cf.  xvii.  1.  3  {Nipp.-W.). 


^  This  is  the  work  referred  to  in  xxiii.  13.  1,  in  suo  Annali. 
It  was  published  in  47  b.c.  It  gave  a  histoiy  of  Rome,  prob- 
ably  to  49  b.c,  with  the  names  of  the  cunile  magistrates  of 
each  year. 

684 


XXV.  ATTICUS,  XVII.  i-xviii.  4 

justly  prided  himself  at  the  fiineral  of  his  mother, 
whom  he  biiried  at  the  age  of  ninety,  being  himself 
sixty-seven,  that  he  had  never  had  occasion  to  seek  a 
reconciliation  with  his  mother,  and  had  never 
quarrelled  with  his  sister,  who  was  about  his  own  age. 
That  is  an  indication  either  that  no  cause  of  com- 
plaint  ever  arose  among  them,  or  else  that  he  was  so 
indulgent  towards  them  as  to  think  it  impious  to  get 
angrj^  with  those  whom  it  was  his  duty  to  love.  And 
this  conduct  was  due,  not  only  to  Nature,  although  we 
all  obey  her,  but  also  to  training;  for  he  had  so 
thoroughly  mastered  the  precepts  of  the  great 
philosophers,  that  he  made  use  of  them  in  the  conduct 
of  his  life  and  not  merely  for  display. 

18.  He  was  a  great  imitator  of  the  customs  of  the 
men  of  old  and  a  lover  of  the  early  times,  of  which 
he  had  such  a  thorough  knowledge  that  he  gave  a  full 
account  of  them  in  the  work  in  which  he  set  down  the 
chronological  order  of  the  magistrates.^  For  there 
is  no  law,  no  treaty  of  peace,  no  war,  no  illustrious 
deed  of  the  Roman  people,  which  is  not  mentioned  in 
that  work  at  its  proper  date,  and — a  most  difficult 
task — he  has  so  worked  out  the  genealogies  of  the 
famihes,  that  from  it  we  can  learn  the  descendants 
of  our  famous  men.  He  has  treated  this  same  subject 
by  itself  in  other  books  ;  for  example,  at  the  request 
of  Marcus  Brutus  he  gave  an  account  of  the  Junii 
in  order,  from  their  origin  down  to  our  own  time, 
noting  the  parentage  of  each  member  of  the  family 
and  the  offices  which  he  had  held,  with  their  dates. 
He  did  the  same  at  the  request  of  Claudius  Marcellus 
for  the   Marcelli,  at  that  of  Cornehus  Scipio  -  and 

2  Scipio  Africanus  the  younger,  who  was  an  Aemilius  adopted 
by  a  Scipio. 

685 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

Fabiorum  et  Aemiliorum.  Quibus  libris  nihil  potest 
esse  dulcius  iis  qui  aliquam  cupiditatem  habent 
notitiae  clarorum  virorum. 

5  Attigit  quoque  poeticen,  credimus,  ne  eius  expers 
esset  suavitatis.  Namque  versibus  ^  qui  honore 
rerumque     gestarum     amplitudine     ceteros     populi 

6  Romani  praestiterunt  exposuit  ita,  ut  sub  singulorum 
imaginibus  facta  magistratusque  eorum  non  ampUus 
quaternis  quinisque  ^  versibus  descripserit ;  quod 
vix  credendum  sit  tantas  res  tam  breviter  potuisse 
declarari.  Est  etiam  unus  Hber  Graece  confectus, 
de  consulatu  Ciceronis. 

19.  Hactenus  Attico  vivo  edita  a  nobis  sunt. 
Nunc,  quoniam  fortuna  nos  superstites  ei  esse  voluit, 
reliqua  persequemur  et,  quantum  potuerimus,  rerum 
exemphs  lectores  docebimus,  sicut  supra  signifi- 
cavimus,   suos   cuique   mores   plerumque   conciliare 

2  fortunam.  Namque  hic,  contentus  ordine  equestri 
quo  erat  ortus,  in  adfinitatem  pervenit  imperatoris, 
Divi  filii,  cum  iam  ante  famiUaritatem  eius  esset 
consecutus  nulla  aha  re  quam  elegantia  vitae,  qua 
ceteros    ceperat   principes    civitatis    dignitate    pari, 

3  fortuna  humiliores.  Tanta  enim  prosperitas  Caesa- 
rem  est  consecuta,  ut  nihil  ei  non  tribuerit  fortuna 
quod   cuiquam   ante   detulerit,    et   conciharit   quod 

4  nemo  adhuc  civis  Romanus  quivit  consequi.     Nata 

^  namque  de  viris,  Halm;   namque  versibus  de  iis,  Kijpp. 
2  quinisve,  Bosius. 


^  The/magrinesof  Varrowas  a  simiIarwork,andtheso-called 
epitaphs  in  Gellius  i.  24  are  believed  by  some  to  have  come 
from  Varro's  book.  At  any  rate,  these  and  the  epitaphs  of  the 
Scipios  give  an  idea  of  what  could  be  said  of  a  man  in  four  or 
five  lines. 

686 


XXV.  ATTICUS,  XVIII.  4-xix.  4 

Fabius  Maximus  for  the  Fabii  and  the  Aemihi. 
There  can  be  no  more  agreeable  reading  than  these 
books  for  tliose  who  have  any  desire  to  know  the 
history  of  distinguished  men. 

He  also  dipped  into  poetry ;  in  order,  I  suppose, 
to  have  a  taste  of  its  charm.  For  he  celebrated  in 
verse  those  men  who  in  distinction  and  in  the  great- 
ness  of  their  exploits  surpassed  the  rest  of  the  Roman 
people,  recording  under  the  portrait  of  each  of  them 
his  deeds  and  his  honours  in  not  more  than  four  or 
five  verses ;  this  he  did  so  well  that  it  could  hardly 
be  beheved  that  such  important  events  coUid  be 
described  so  briefly.^  There  is  also  a  single  book 
of  his  written  in  Greek,  on  Cicero's  consulship. 

19.  Here  ends  what  I  -s^Tote  during  the  Ufetime  of 
Atticus.-  Now,  since  it  was  Fortune's  decree  that  I 
should  survive  him,  I  will  linish  the  account,  and  so 
far  as  I  can,  ^^ill  show  my  readers  by  examples  that 
as  a  rule — as  I  indicated  above  ^ — it  is  the  character 
of  every  man  that  determines  his  fortune.  Thus, 
although  Atticus  was  content  -vWth  the  equestrian 
rank  to  which  he  was  born,  he  attained  relation- 
ship  by  marriage  with  the  emperor,  son  of  the 
deified  JuUus,  after  having  previously  won  his  friend- 
ship  through  no  other  cause  than  the  refinement  of 
his  hfe,  by  which  he  had  charmed  other  great  men, 
of  equal  worth  but  of  less  lcfty  estate.  For  such 
prosperity  attended  Caesar,  that  Fortune  refused 
him  nothing  which  she  had  conferred  on  anyone  else 
and  granted  him  what  up  to  our  time  no  other  Roman 
citizen  has  been  able  to  gain.     Furthermore,  Atticus 

2  Chapters  19  and  20  were  added  in  the  second  edition; 
see  Introd.  p.  361. 

3  See  11.  6. 

687 


CORNELIUS  NEPOS 

est  autem  Attico  neptis  ex  Agrippa,  cui  virginem 
filiam  conlocarat.  Hanc  Caesar  vix  anniculam  Ti. 
Claudio  Neroni,  Drusilla  nato,  privigno  suo,  despon- 
dit ;  quae  coniunctio  necessitudinem  eorum  sanxit, 
familiaritatem  reddidit  frequentiorem. 

20.  Quamvis  ante  haec  sponsalia  non  solum  cum 
ab  urbe  abesset,  numquam  ad  suorum  quemquam 
litteras  misit  quin  Attico  scriberet  quid  ageret,  in 
primis  quid  legeret  quibusque  in  locis  et  quam  diu 

2  esset  moraturus,  sed  etiam  cum  esset  in  urbe  et 
propter  infinitas  suas  occupationes  minus  saepe  quam 
vellet  Attico  frueretur,  nullus  dies  temere  inter- 
cessit  ^  quo  non  ad  eum  scriberet,  cum  modo  aliquid 
de  antiquitate  ab  eo  requireret,  cum  modo  ^  aliquam 
quaestionem     poeticam     ei     proponeret,     interdum 

3  iocans  eius  verbosiores  eliceret  epistulas.  Ex  quo 
accidit,  cum  aedis  lo^as  Feretrii  in  Capitolio,  ab 
Romulo  constituta,  vetustate  atque  incuria  detecta 
prolaberetur,  ut  Attici  admonitu  Caesar  eam  reficien- 

4  dam  curaret.  Neque  vero  a  M.  Antonio  minus 
absens  litteris  colebatur,  adeo  ut  accurate  ille  ex 
ultumis    terris  ^    quid    ageret    curae    sibi    haberet 

5  certiorem  facere  Atticum.  Hoc  quale  sit,  facihus 
existimabit  is  qui  iudicare  poterit  quantae  sit  sapien- 
tiae  eorum  retinere  usum  benevolentiamque,  inter 
quos  maximarum  rerum  non  solum  aemulatio,  sed 
obtrectatio  tanta  intercedebat,  quantam  fuit  inter- 
cedere  *   necesse  inter  Caesarem  atque  Antonium, 

1  intercessit,  Lambin  and  Cod.  Schotti;  intercesserit,  the 
other  MSS. 

2  cum  modo,  Leid. ;  quo  mo,  A ;  quo  non,  the  other 
MSS. 

3  ex  ultumis  (ultimis,  Roth)  terris,  Aldiis;  exul  tum  (cum, 
B  H)  his  terris,  A  B  U;   exul  cum  litteris,  F  R. 

688 


XXV.  ATTICUS,  XIX.  4-xx.  5 

had  a  grand-daughter  by  Agrippa,  to  whom  he  had 
united  his  daughter  in  her  first  marriage.  This 
grand-daughter,  when  she  was  barely  a  year  old, 
Caesar  betrothed  to  his  stepson  Tiberius  Claudius 
Nero,  son  of  Drusilla,  a  union  which  sealed  the  friend- 
ship  of  the  ruler  with  Atticus  and  made  their  inter- 
course  more  frequent. 

20.  Even  before  this  betrothal,  when  Octavian  was 
absent  from  the  city,  he  never  sent  a  letter  to  any 
one  of  his  friends  without  letting  Atticus  know  what 
he  was  doing,  in  particular  what  he  was  reading,  where 
he  was  going,  and  how  long  he  intended  to  stay  ;  and 
even  when  he  was  in  Rome,  but  because  of  his  count- 
less  engagements  could  not  enjoy  Atticus'  society  as 
often  as  he  wished,  hardly  even  a  single  day  passed 
that  he  did  not  write  to  him,  now  asking  some  question 
about  ancient  history,  now  putting  before  him  some 
difficult  passage  in  the  poets,  sometimes  in  jesting 
fashion  trying  to  induce  him  to  write  longer  letters. 
It  was  owing  to  that  intimacy  that  when  the  temple 
of  Jupiter  Feretrius,  which  had  been  built  on  the 
Capitol  by  Romulus,  through  lapse  of  time  and  neglect 
was  without  a  roof,  and  was  falhng  into  ruin,  Caesar 
was  led  by  Atticus'  advice  to  have  it  restored.  Mark 
Antony  too,  although  far  away,  carried  on  a  corre- 
spondence  with  Atticus,  and  even  took  pains  to  send 
him  word  from  the  ends  of  the  earth  of  what  he  was 
doing.  What  this  means  will  more  easily  be  under- 
stood  by  one  who  can  judge  how  great  tact  it  requires 
to  retain  the  intimacy  and  good-will  of  men  who  were 
not  only  rivals  in  affairs  of  the  greatest  importance, 
but  also  such  enemies  as  Caesar  and  Antony  inevit- 

*  intercedere,  Aldus;  incidere,  3ISS.,  omitted  hy  Bosius. 

689 

t.N.   Z 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

cum  se  uterque  principem  non  solum  urbis  Romae, 
sed  orbis  terrarum  esse  cuperet. 

21.  Tali  modo  cum  Yll  et  LXX  annos  complesset 
atque  ad  extremam  senectutem  non  minus  dignitate 
quam  gratia  fortunaque  crevisset — multas  enim 
hereditates  nulla  alia  re  quam  bonitate  consecutus 
est^ — tantaque  prosperitate  usus  esset^  valetudinis, 

2  ut  annis  triginta  medicina  non  indiguisset,  nactus 
est  morbum,  quem  initio  et  ipse  et  medici  con- 
tempserunt;     nam    putarunt    esse    tenesmon,    cui 

3  remedia  celeria  faciliaque  proponebantur.  In  hoc 
cum  tres  menses  sine  uUis  doloribus,  praeterquam 
quos  ex  curatione  capiebat  consumpsisset,  subito 
tanta  vis  morbi  in  imum  ^  intestinum  prorupit,.  ut 
extremo  tempore  per  iumbos  fistulae  puris  eruperint. 

4  Atque  hoc  priusquam  ei  accideret,  postquam  in 
dies  dolores  accrescere  febresque  accessisse  sensit, 
Agrippam  generum  ad  se  accersi  iussit  et  cum  eo 
L.     Cornehum     Balbum     Sextumque     Peducaeum. 

5  Hos  ut  venisse  vidit,  in  cubitum  innixus,  "  Quantam," 
inquit,  "  curam  dihgentiamque  in  valetudine  mea 
tuenda  hoc  tempore  adhibuerim,  cum  vos  testes 
habeam,  nihil  necesse  est  pluribus  verbis  com- 
memorare.  Quibus  quoniam,  ut  spero,  satisfeci, 
me  nihil  rehqui  fecisse  quod  ad  sanandum  me 
pertineret,  rehquum  est  ut  egomet  mihi  consulam. 
Id  vos  ignorare  nolui ;    nam  mihi  stat  alere  morbum 

6  desinere.     Namque  his  diebus  quidquid  cibi  sumpsi, 

1  est,  added  hy  Fleckeisen,  before  consecutus,  Lambin. 

2  esset,  Lambin;  est,  MSS. 

3  imum,  Ascensius;   unum,  MSS. 

6qo 


XXV.  ATTICUS,  XX.  5-xxi.  6 

ably  became,  when  each  desired  to  be  the  ruler,  not 
only  of  the  city  of  Rome,  but  of  the  whole  world. 

21.  In  this  fashion  Atticus  completed  seventy-seven 
years,  and  up  to  that  advanced  age  increased  in 
dignity,  as  well  as  in  importance  and  fortune — for  he 
acquired  many  inheritances  through  no  other  cause 
than  his  good  quahties.  He  also  enjoyed  such 
excellent  health  that  for  thirty  years  he  required  no 
medical  treatment.  But  just  at  that  time  he  fell 
ill  of  a  complaint  of  which  at  first  both  he  himself  and 
his  physicians  made  hght ;  for  they  thought  it  was  a 
dysentery,  for  which  speedy  and  easy  remedies  were 
usually  available.  When  he  had  suffered  from  this 
trouble  for  three  months  without  any  pain  except 
what  was  caused  by  his  treatment,  suddenly  such  a 
violent  form  of  the  disease  attacked  his  rectum,  that 
finally  fistulas  discharging  pus  broke  out  through  the 
lower  part  of  his  back. 

Even  before  this  occurred,  feeling  a  daily  increase 
of  pain  attended  with  fever,  he  gave  orders  that  his 
son-in-law  Agrippa  should  be  summoned,  and  with 
him  Lucius  Cornelius  Balbus  and  Sextus  Peducaeus. 
As  soon  as  he  saw  that  they  had  arrived,  raising  him- 
self  upon  his  elbow,  he  said:  "  How  much  care  and 
attention  I  have  devoted  to  trying  to  restore  my 
health  at  this  time,  it  is  not  necessary  for  me  to 
tellyou  at  more  length,  since  you  have  been  witnesses 
to  my  efforts.  Having  by  these,  as  I  hope,  satisfied 
you  that  I  have  left  nothing  undone  which  would 
tend  to  restore  me,  it  remains  for  me  to  consider 
my  own  welfare.  I  did  not  wish  you  to  be  ignorant 
of  my  purpose  ;  for  I  am  resolved  to  cease  to  nourish 
my  malady.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  whatever  food  I 
have  taken  during  these  last  days,  by  prolonging  my 

691 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

ita  produxi  vitam  ut  auxerim  dolores  sine  spe  salutis. 
Qua  re  a  vobis  peto,  primum  ut  consilium  probetis 
meum,  deinde  ne  frustra  dehortando  impedire 
conemini." 

22.  Hac  oratione  habita,  tanta  constantia  vocis 
atque  vultus,  ut  non  ex  vita,  sed  ex  domo  in  domum 

2  videretur  migrare,  cum  quidem  Agrippa  eum  flens 
atque  osculans  oraret  atque  obsecraret  ne  id  ^  quod 
natura  cogeret  ipse  quoque  sibi  acceleraret,^  et, 
quoniam  tum  quoque  posset  temporibus  superesse, 
se  sibi  suisque  reservaret,  preces  eius  taciturna  sua 

3  obstinatione  depressit.  Sic  cum  biduum  cibo  se 
abstinuisset,  subito  febris  decessit  leviorque  morbus 
esse  coepit.  Tamen  propositum  nihilo  setius  peregit 
itaque  die  quinto  postquam  id  consiUum  inierat, 
pridie  Kal.  Apriles  Cn.  Domitio  C.  Sosio  consuUbus 

4  decessit.  Elatus  est  in  lecticula,  ut  ipse  praescrip- 
serat,  sine  ulla  pompa  funeris,  comitantibus  omnibus 
bonis,  maxima  vulgi  frequentia.  Sepultus  est  iuxta 
viam  Appiam  ad  quintum  lapidem  in  monumento 
Q.  CaeciUi,  avuncuh  sui. 

FRAGMENTA 

1.  Verba  ex  epistula  Cornehae  Gracchorum  matris 
ex  hbro  Corneh  Nepotis  de  Latinis  Historicis  ex- 
cerpta.^ 

1.  Dices  pulchrum  esse  inimicos  ulcisci.  Id  neque 
maius   neque   pulchrius   cuiquam   atque   mihi    esse 

^  ne  id,  Lambin;   ne  ad  id,  3ISS. 

2  A  and  B  have  a  blank  space  of  about  half  a  line  after 
acceleraret. 

^  Cod.  Gif.,  according  to  Savaro  and  Patavius. 

1  For  the  meaning  of  bonis,  see  note  1,  p.  670. 
692 


FRAGMENTS,  i.  i 

life  has  increased  my  suffering  without  hope  of  a  cure, 
Therefore  I  be<T  you,  first,  that  you  approve  my  resolu- 
tion ;  then,  that  you  do  not  try  by  useless  exhorta- 
tions  to  shake  it." 

22.  When  he  had  finished  this  speech  with  such 
firmness  of  voice  and  expression  that  he  seemed,  not 
to  be  quitting  Hfe,  but  moving  from  one  dwelling  to 
another,  Agrippa  for  his  part  with  tears  and  kisses 
begged  and  implored  him  not  to  hasten  by  his  own 
act  the  decree  of  nature,  but  since  even  then  it  was 
possible  that  he  might  survive  the  crisis,  to  preserve 
his  hfe  for  his  own  sake  and  that  of  his  loved  ones ; 
but  Atticus  discouraged  his  prayers  by  his  obstinate 
silence.  Accordingly,  when  he  had  abstained  from 
food  for  two  days,  on  a  sudden  the  fever  abated  and 
the  disease  began  to  be  less  violent.  Xevertheless, 
he  persisted  in  his  resolution,  and  so  died,  on  the  fifth 
day  after  he  had  made  his  decision,  which  was  the 
thirty-first  of  March,  in  the  consulship  of  Gnaeus 
Domitius  and  Gaius  Sosius.  He  was  carried  to  the 
grave  in  a  modest  htter,  as  he  himself  had  directed, 
without  any  funeral  procession,  but  attended  by  all 
the  good  citizens  ^  and  a  great  throng  of  the  commons. 
He  was  buried  near  the  fifth  milestone  of  the  Appian 
Wav  in  the  tomb  of  Quintus  CaeciHus,  his  maternal 
uncle. 

FRAGMENTS 

1.  Extract  from  a  letter  of  CorneHa.  mother  of  the 
Gracchi,  from  the  book  of  CorneHus  Nepos  on  the 
Latin  Historians. 

1 .  You  wiU  say  that  it  is  glorious  to  take  vengeance 
on  one's  enemies.  That  seems  to  no  one  greater  and 
more  glorious  than  it  does  to  me,  but  only  if  it  can  be 

693 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

videtur,  sed  si  liceat  re  publica  salva  ea  persequi. 
Sed  quatenus  id  fieri  non  potest,  multo  tempore 
multisque  partibus  inimici  nostri  non  peribunt,  atque 
uti  nunc  sunt  erunt  potius  quam  res  publica  pro- 
fligetur  atque  pereat. 

Eadem  alio  loco. 

2.  Verbis  conceptis  deierare  ausim,  praeterquam 
qui  Tiberium  Gracchum  necarunt,  neminem  inimi- 
cum  ^  tantum  molestiae  tantumque  laboris,  quantum 
te  ob  has  res,  mihi  tradidisse ;  quem  oportebat 
omnium  eorum  ^  quos  antehac  habui  Hberos  partis  ^ 
tolerare  atque  curare  ut  quam  minimum  solHcitudinis 
in  senecta  haberem,  utique  quaecumque  ageres,  ea 
velles  maxime  mihi  placere  atque  uti  nefas  haberes 
rerum  maiorum  adversum  meam  sententiam  quic- 
quam  facere,  praesertim  mihi  cui  parva  pars  vitae 
superest.  Ne  id  quidem  tam  breve  spatium  potest 
opitulari,  quin  et  mihi  adversere  et  rem  pubHcam 
profliges  ?  Denique  quae  pausa  erit  ?  ecquando 
desinet  famiHa  nostra  insanire  ?  ecquando  modus 
ei  rei  haberi  poterit  ?  ecquando  desinemus  et  haben- 
tes  et  praebentes  molestiis  insistere  ?  *  ecquando 
perpudescet  miscenda  atque  perturbanda  re  pubHca  ? 
Sed  si  omnino  id  fieri  non  potest,  ubi  ego  mortua  ero, 
petito  tribunatum ;  per  me  facito  quod  lubebit, 
cum  ego  non  sentiam.  Ubi  mortua  ero,  parentabis 
mihi  et  invocabis  deum  parentem.  In  eo  tempore 
non  pudet  te  eorum  deum  preces  expetere,  quos 
vivos     atque     praesentes    reHctos     atque     desertos 

^  inimicum,  omitted  by  Gif.  ( ?).  ^  meorum,  Eoth. 

2  partis  eorum,  MSS. ;   omitted  in  ed.  of  Savaro. 
*  insistere,  Nipp. ;    desistere,  MSS. 

1  For  multis  partihus  =  multo,  see  Cic.  Epist.  i.  2. 2,  miUtis 
pariibus  plures;   and  viii.  9.  3. 

2  Witli  habentes  and  praebentes  supply  molestia^  from 
molestiis. 

694 


FRAGMENTS,  i.  1-2 

done  without  injury  to  one's  country.  But  inasmuch 
as  that  cannot  be,  long  and  surely  ^  shall  our  enemies 
not  perish  but  remain  as  they  now  are,  rather  than 
that  our  country  should  be  ruined  and  perish. 
Another  passage  from  the  same  letter : 
2.  I  would  not  hesitate  to  take  oath  in  set  terms  that 
except  for  the  murderers  of  Tiberius  Gracchus  no 
enemy  has  caused  me  so  much  annoyance  and 
trouble  as  you  have  because  of  these  events — you  who 
ought,  as  the  only  survivor  of  all  the  children  that  I 
have  had  in  the  past,  to  have  taken  their  place  and 
to  have  seen  to  it  that  I  had  the  least  possible  anxietv 
in  my  old  age ;  you,  who  ought  to  have  wished  that 
all  your  actions  should  above  all  be  agreeable  to  me, 
and  should  consider  it  impious  to  do  anything  of 
great  importance  contrary  to  my  advice,  especiallv 
when  I  have  so  brief  a  portion  of  my  hfe  left.  Can- 
not  even  that  brief  span  aid  me  in  preventing  you  from 
opposing  me  and  ruining  your  country?  Finally,  where 
will  you  make  an  end  ?  Will  our  family  ever  cease 
from  madness  ?  Will  it  ever  be  possible  to  observe 
moderation  ?  ^  Shall  we  ever  cease  to  insist  on  causing 
and  sufFering  trouble  ?  Shall  we  ever  be  ashamed  of 
embroihng  and  harassing  our  country  ?  ^  But  if  any 
change  is  impossible,  sue  for  the  tribunate  after  I  am 
dead  ;  do  whatever  you  like,  so  far  as  I  am  concerned. 
when  I  shall  no  longer  be  aware  of  it.  When  I  am  no 
more,  you  will  ofter  funerary  sacrifices  in  my  honour, 
and  invoke  the  god  of  our  family.  Are  you  not 
ashamed  at  that  time  to  ask  for  the  prayers  of  those 
as  gods,  whom  you  abandoned  and  deserted  when  they 
were   ahve   and   present   with   ycu  ?  *      May   great 

^  Miscmda  afque  perfurbanda  re  puhlica  is  ablative  of  cause ; 
for  the  construction  cf.  Plautus,  Bacch.  379. 

*  The  di  parentes  were  the  shades  of  deceased  ancestors. 

695 


CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

habueris?  Ne  ille  sirit  luppiter  te  ea  perseverare 
nec  tibi  tantam  dementiam  venire  in  animum.  Et 
si  perseveras,  vereor  ne  in  omnem  vitam  tantum 
laboris  culpa  tua  recipias  uti  in  nullo  tempore  tute 
tibi  placere  possis. 

2.  Cornelius  Nepos  in  libro  De  Historicis  Latinis 
de  laude  Ciceronis.^ 

1.  Non  ignorare  debes  unum  hoc  genus  Latinarum 
Utterarum  adhuc  non  modo  non  respondere  Graeciae, 
sed  omnino  rude  atque  inchoatum  morte  Ciceronis 
reUctum.  Ille  enim  fuit  unus  qui  potuerit  et  etiam 
debuerit  historiam  digna  voce  pronuntiare,  quippe 
qui  oratoriam  eloquentiam  rudem  a  maioribus  accep- 
tam  perpohverit,  philosophiam  ante  eum  incomptam 
Latinam  sua  confirmarit  ^  oratione.  Ex  quo  dubito, 
interitu  eius  utrum  res  pubhca  an  historia  magis 
doleat. 

Idem. 

2.  Locuples  ac  divina  natura,  quo  maiorem  sui 
pareret  admirationem  ponderatioraque  sua  essent 
beneficia,  neque  uni  omnia  dare  nec  rursus  cuiquam 
omnia  voluit  negare. 

3.  Nepos  Cornehus  ad  .  .  .  Ciceronem  ita  scribit.^ 
Tantum  abest  ut  ego  magistram  esse  putem  vitae 
philosophiam  beataeque  vitae  perfectricem,  ut  nulhs 
magis  existimem  opus  esse  magistros  vivendi  quam 
plerisque  qui  in  ea  disputanda  versantur.  Mdeo 
enim  magnam  partem  eorum  qui  in  schola  de  pudore 
et  continentia  praecipiant  argutissime,  eosdem  in 
omnium  ibidinum  cupiditatibus  vivere.'* 

1  On  the  first  page  of  Cod.  Gudferbytanus  Crudianus,  278, 
saec.  xiii,  of  Cicero's  '^  Philippics."  Apparently  formed  part 
of  the  preface  of  the  book  **  De  Historicis  Latinis.'^ 

2  confirmarit,  Lieberkilhn;   confirmavit,  3ISS. 

3  Lactantius,  Inst.  Div.  iii.  15.  10. 

*  See  for  other  brief  quotations  Suetonius  and  Gellius,  Index, 
8.V.  Cornelius  Nepos. 
696 


FRAGMENTS,  i.  2-111.  i 

Jupiter  forbid  you  to  persist  in  that  course  or  to  allow 
such  madness  to  enter  your  mind.  But  if  you  do 
persist,  I  fear  that  through  your  own  fault  you  may 
bring  such  trouble  upon  your  whole  Hfe  that  you  can 
never  make  peace  with  yourself. 

^         2.  Eulogy  of  Cicero  from  the  book  of  Cornehus 

f    Nepos  on  the  Latin  Historians. 

f  1.  You  ought  not  to  be  unaware  that  this  ^  is  the 
only  branch  of  Latin  Uterature  that  even  in  my  OAvn 
time  cannot  be  compared  with  what  the  Greeks 
accompHshed,  and  that  it  was  left  wholly  rude  and  un- 
finished  by  the  death  of  Cicero.  For  he  was  the  only 
man  who  could,  or  even  sought  to,  give  history  a 
worthy  utterance,  since  he  highly  polished  the  rude 
eloquence  handed  down  from  our  forefathers,  and 
gave  Latin  philosophy,  which  before  his  time  was 
uncouth,  the  finish  of  his  style.  Which  leads  me  to 
doubt  whether  his  loss  brought  greater  grief  to  our 
country  or  to  history. 

2.  Another  extract  from  the  same  ; 

Bountiful  and  divine  mother  Nature,  in  order  to 
win  greater  admiration  and  make  a  better  distribu- 
tion  of  her  gifts,  has  chosen  neither  to  give  every- 
thing  to  one  man,  nor,  on  the  contrary,  to  refuse 
everything  to  anyone. 

3.  Cornehus  Nepos  ^vTote  as  follows  to  Cicero : 
So  far  am  I  from  thinking  that  philosophy  can  teach 

how  to  Hve  and  is  the  perfecter  of  a  happy  hfe,  that 
I  beheve  that  none  have  more  need  of  learning  how 
to  hve  than  the  greater  number  of  those  who  are 
engaged  in  teaching  philosophy.  In  fact,  I  observe 
that  a  great  part  of  those  same  men  who  in  the  schools 
argue  most  subtly  about  moderation  and  self-restraint 
pass  their  Uves  a  prey  to  all  the  passions. 

*  Xamely,  history. 

697 


IXDEX 
TO   LUCIUS   ANXAEUS   FLORUS 


ACHAEA,    191;     trade    of    Tarentum 

with,  59 ;   liberty  of,  proclaimed, 

119 
Achaean   League,   Critolaus   head   of 

the,  143 
Achaean  War,  141  ff. 
M'.  Acilius  Glabrio  (consul  191  B.C.), 

drives  Antiochus  out  of  Euboea, 

121 
Actium,  battle  of,  325-7 
Adherbal,  brother  of  Jugurtha,  flies  to 

Rome,  163  ;    ordered  to  Bhare  his 

kingdom  with  Jugurtha,  ib. 
Adriatic   Sea,   the,    51,    59,    93,    177; 

the  sons  of  Pompeius  command 

there   against   the   pirates,    193; 

Dolabella   and  Antonius  occupv 

the  entran^-e  of,  277-9 
Aedoi,  Gallic  tribe,  ask  help   against 

the   AUobroges,    167;     complain 

against  the  Germans,  203 
Aeetas,  first  king  of  Pontus,  179 
Aegatae  Islands,  the,  o2  Sicily,the  Car- 

thaginians  defeated  near,  87 
Aegean   Sea,   141 ;    Varro  commands 

there  against  the  pirates,  193 
Aegiirurus,  island  near  Carthage,  the 

Carthaginians  defeat^d  near,  87 
M.  Aemilius  Lepidus  (consul  78  B.C.), 

Btirs    up    civil    war,    259;     put 

down  by  Pompeius  and  Catulus, 

ib. 
M.   Aemilius  Lepidus,  triiunvir  with 

Caesar      and      Antonius,      305; 

proscribes  his  brother  L.  Aemilius 

Paulus,  307  ;   left  to  guard  Rome, 

309 
L.  Aemilius  Papus  (consul  225  B.C.), 

defeats  the  Gauls,  91 
L.  AemiLius  Paulus  (consul  216  B.C.), 

killed  at  Cannae,  101;   compared 

with  Varus,  339 
L.     Aemilius     Paulas     Macedonicus, 

defeats    Perses,    131 ;     father    of 

Scipio  the  younger,  139 
L.  Aemilius  Paulus,  proscribed  by  his 

brother  Lepidus,  307 

FLORUS. 


L.  Aemilius  Regillus,  defeats  the  fleet 

of  Antiochus,  123 
M.     Aemilius     Scaurus,     bribed     by 

Jugiutha,  163 ;  accused  by  Caepio, 

231 
Aenaria,    island    off    Campania,    iaid 

waste  by  Sextus  Pompeius,  313 
Aeneas,    arrival    of,    in    Italy,     11 ; 

founds  Lavina,  9 
Aepulo,  King  of  the  Istrians,  captured 

by  Appius  Pulcher,  127 
Aequi,     Latin     tribe,     defeated     by 

T.  Quinctius,  37 
Aesepus,   river   of  Mysia,   nms  with 

blood  after  the  defeat  of  Mithri- 

dates,  185 
Aesernia,  Samnite  town,  laid  waste  in 

Social  War,  235 
Aetolia,     Thoas     prince     of,     urges 

Antiochus  against  the  Romans 

119 
Aetolians,  the,  defeated  and  pardoned, 

125 
L.  Afranius,  in  his  consulship  (60  B.C.) 

Rome  held  sway  over  the  whole 

world,  269 ;    serves  under  Pom- 

peius  and  sturenders  to  Caesar, 

275 ;   put  to  death  by  Caesar,  297 
T.  Afranius,  leader  of  theLatins  in  the 

Social  War,  233 
Africa.  35,  77,  87,  107.  157,  161,  165, 

215,    257,    275,    283;     trade    of 

Tarentum    with,    59;    hostOities 

transferred  to,  in  Ist  Punic  War, 

83,  in  the  2nd  Punic  War,  113; 

the  pledge  of  victory  in  the  2nd 

Punic  War,  115;    operations  in, 

during  the  Civil  War,  267,  277, 

287,  291 
Africanus  see  Scipio. 
Agrigentum,    Sicilian    town,    Cartha- 

ginian  garrison  expelled  from,  81 
Agrippa  see  Menenius,  Vipsanitis 
Agron,King  of  Caenina,  Romulus  wins 

the  spolia  opima  from,  13 
Alba,  Latin  town,  founded  by  lulus,  9; 

destroyed  by  TuUus  Hostilius  and 


699 


INDEX   TO   LUCIUS   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 


its    inhabitants    transferred    to 

Rome,  19 
Alban  Mount,  Latin  Festival  on  the, 

235 
Albanians,  the,  tribe  of  the  Caucasus, 

help  ilithridates,  185;    defeated 

and  pardoned  by  Pompeius,  187 
L.  Albinius,  helps  the  Testal  Virgins 

to  escape  during  Gallic  inrasion, 

43 
P.  Albinovanus,  resists  Sulla,  2-49 
Albinus  see  Postumiu^ 
Alcibiades,  123 
AJeria.  city  of  Corsica,  destroyed  in 

Ist  Punic  War,  83 
AJesia,    Gallic    town,    destroyed    by 

Caesar,  209 
Alexander  the  Great,  115 
Alexandxia,  capital  of  Egypt,  Caesar 

at,  285-7 
Alia.  the,  river  of  Latium,  defeat  of 

the  Gauls  at,  43 
AUobroges,    the,    Galiic    tribe,    con- 

quered,    167;     Catiline  intrigues 

with  the  ambassadors  of,  263-5 
Alpheus,  the,  river  of  Greece,  defeat  of 

Critolaus  at,  143 
AJps.  the,  41,  77,  89,  91,  93,  97,  101, 

]11,  167,  171,  173,  175,  207,  263, 

329 
Alsium,  city  of  Etruria,  takes  part  in 

Latin  war,  35 
Ambiorix,  stirs  up  the  Eburones  to 

revolt,  203 
Ambracia,  district  of  northem  Greece, 

subdued    by    Fxilvius    Xobihor, 

125 
Ambracian  Gulf,  occupied  by  Octarius, 

325 
Amulius,  king  of  Latium,  expels  and 

Eucceeds  his  brother  Numitor,  9 ; 

exposes  Eomulus  and  Eemus,  ib. 
Ana.  river  of  Spain,  scene  of  the  defeat 

of  the  Hirtulei,  257 
Ancharius,  kiUed  by  order  of  Marius, 

251 
AncuE  llarcius,   king  of    Eome,   bis 

reign,  19;   his  buUding  activities, 

ib.,  27 
Andriscus,  pretender  to  the  throne  of 

Macedonia,    defeats   the   praetor 

Juventius,     135;      captured     by 

Metellus  and  taken  to  Eome,  ib. 
AniciuB,  praetor,  subdues  the  Hlyrians, 

133 

700 


Anio,  the,  river  of  Latium,  defeat  of 
the  Gauls  at,  47 

Annals,  Eoman,  stories  of  Horatius 
Cocles,  Mucius  Scaevola  and 
Cloelia  in,  31 ;  account  of  Teii  in, 
41 

Antiochus  the  Great,  king  of  Syria, 
127;  hisdefeatbytheEomanshis 
only  claim  to  'fame,  119;  his 
dealings  with  Hannibal,  121 ; 
claims  Lysimachia,  ib. ;  driven 
from  Greece,  123 ;  his  fleet  sunk, 
ib.\  defeated  by  Scipio  in  the 
Maeander,  ib. ;  receives  back  his 
kingdom  from  the  Eomans,  125 

C.  Antistius,  legatus  of  Augustus  in 
Spain,  347 

Antium,  Latin  town,  spoil  captured 
at,  35 

C.  Antonius,  brother  of  the  triumvir, 
holds  the  entrance  of  the  Adriatic 
in  the  Civil  War,  277 ;  reduced  to 
surrender,  ib. 

C.  Antonius  Hybrida  (consul  63  B.C.), 
helps  to  suppress  the  Catilinarian 
conspiracy,  265-5 

M.  Antonius.'  attacks  Crete,  195-7; 
beheaded  by  Marius,  251 

M.  Antonius.  triumvir,  left  by  Caesar 
at  Brundisiimi,  279 ;  offers  royal 
insignia  to  Caesar,  297-9 ;  consul 
with  DoIabeUa,  301;  his  op- 
position  to  Octavius,  »*.,  303; 
besieges  Decimus  Brutus  at 
Mutina,  ib. ;  his  camp  captured  by 
Octavius.  ib. ;  influence  upon  him 
of  his  wife  Fulvia,  ib. ;  declared  a 
public  enemy  and  besieged  at 
Perusia,  305;  makes  peace  with 
Octavius  and  Lepidus,  ib.\  pro- 
Bcribes  his  tmcle,  307;  joins 
Octavius  against  Brutus  and 
Cassius,  309 ;  buys  up  Pompeius* 
property,  315;  a  hindrance  to 
peace,  317  ;  his  legatus  Ventidius 
defeats  the  Parthians,  319  ;  makes 
peace  with  the  Parthians,  ib. ; 
again  makes  war  on  the  Parthians 
and  is  defeated,  ib. ;  takes  refuge 
in  Syria,  ib. ;  his  love  for  Cleo- 
patra,  301,  323;  his  defeat  at 
Actium,  325  ;  his  suicide,  327 

Aous,  the,  river  of  Epirus,  crossed  by 
Flamininus  during  his  invasion 
of  Macedonia,  117 


INDEX   TO    LUCIUS   ANNAEUS    FLORUS 


Apennine  Mts.,  the,  def  eat  of  Spartacos 

in,  2i5 
ApolJo,   Pythian,  tithe  of  the  Gallic 

spoils  sent  to,  41 ;    his  statue  at 

Cumae,  119 
Appius  see  Claudius 
L.  Apuleius  Satuminus,  cause  of  his 

sedition,     215;       supports     the 

Gracchan    laws,    227;     his    two 

yeare'     domination,     ib.;       his 

death,  229 
Apulia,    Tarentum,    capital    of,    59; 

Asculum,  a  city  of,  61;   Cannae, 

a  vUlage  of,   99  ;    Hannibal    in, 

105 
Apulians,  the,  tribe  of  southem  Italy, 

involved  in  the  Tarentine  War, 

57;      figure     in     triumph     over 

Tarentum,  67 
Aquae  Sextiae,  town  of  southern  Gaul, 

victory     of     Marius     over     the 

Teutons  at,  171 
M'.  Aquilius  (consul  129  B.C.),  finishes 

otf  the  Asiatic  War,  161 
T.    Aquilius    (consul    101    B.C.),    his 

victory  in  the  Servile  War,  241 
Aquitani,  tribe  of  Gaul,  defeated  by 

Caesar,  203 
Arabian  spoils  captured   at  Actium, 

327 
Arabs,  the,  submit  to  Pompeius,  189 
Aracelium,  Spanish  town,  captured  by 

Augustus,  345 
Araxes,  river  of  Armenia,  319 
Arcadians,    settle    in    Latium    undct 

Evander,  11 
Archelaus,  general  of  Mithridates,  181 
Archimedes,     his     devices     for     the 

defence  of  Syracuse,  105 
Ardea,     Latin     town,     captured     by 

Tarquinius  Superbus,  23 
Axethusa,  fountain  of,  at  Syracuse,  105 
Arician  Forest,  in  Latium,  dreaded  by 

the  Romans,  35 
AriTTiinnTTi,  city  of  Umbria,  saw  the 

beginning  of  the  Civil  War,  273 
Ariobarzanes  I,  king  of  Cappadocia, 

restored    to   his    kingdom,    183; 

A.  in,  supports  Pompeius  in  the 

Civil  War,  267 
Ariovistus,    king    of    the    Insubrian 

Gauls,  91 ;  defeated  by  Flaminius, 

93 
Ariovistus,    king    of    the    Germans, 

defies  the  Romans,  203 


Aristobolus,  king  of  the  Jews,  im- 
prisoncd  by  Pompeius,  189 

Aristonicus  of  Pergamon,  his  war  with 
the  Romans,  159 ;  defeated  and 
taken  prisoner,  161 

Armenia,  215;  Mithridates  seeks  help 
from,  185;  Pompeius  defeats 
Mithridates  in,  187;  the  remnant 
of  Crassus'  army  takes  refuge  in, 
213;  subjugated  by  Pompeius, 
267 ;  Antonius  retreats  through, 
323;  war  of  Augustus  against, 
341-3 

Armenius,  leader  of  the  Germans, 
defeats  Varas,  339 

AiTuns,  son  of  Tarquinius  Superbus, 
his  death,  33 

Arsia,  river  of  IUyria,  93 

Arsinoe,  sister  of  Cleopatra,  led  in 
Caesar's  triumph,  297 

Artabazus,  king  of  Pontus,  1 79 

Artagerae,  city  of  Parthia,  343 

Artaxata,  capital  of  Armenia,  captured 
by  Pompeius,  187 

Arthoces,  king  of  the  Iberians,  de- 
feated  bj  Pompeius,  189 

Arusine  Plains,  in  Lucania,  scene  of 
the  defeat  of  Pyrrhus.  61 

Arverni,  Gallic  tribe,  dofoated  bv 
the  Romans,  167;  rebel,  20?"; 
their  capital  Gergovla  s-.irreuders 
to  Caesar,  209 

Asculum,  Apulian  city,  scene  of  a 
battle  against  Pyrrhus,  61 

Asculum,  capital  of  the  Picenians, 
taken  by  Sempronius,  67 ;  a 
centre  of  the  Social  War,  235; 
destroyed  by  Pompeius  Strabo, 
237 

Ascuris,  Lake  of,  in  Thessalv,  129 

Asia,  119,  121,  125,  193;  Mithridates 
orders  the  murder  of  all  Roman 
citizens  in,  181 ;  settlement  of , 
by  SuIIa,  183;  operations  of 
Pompeius  against  Mithridates  in, 
185  ff. ;  becomes  a  Roman 
province,  189;  Sextus  Pompeius 
flees  to,  315 

Asiatic  War,  the,  159  f. 

Asina  see  Cornelius 

Asinius  Pollio,  orator,  defeats  the 
Dalmatians,  331 

Astura,  the,  Spanish  river,  347 

Asturians,  Spanish  tribe  outside  the 
Eoman  Empire,  attack  the  camp 

70I 


INDEX   TO    LUCIUS   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 


of   Angnstus   and   are   defeated, 

347 
Atesis,  river  of  Northem  Italy,  crossed 

by  the  Cimbri.  173 
Atbenians,  the,  plead  for  the  Aetolians, 

125 
Athenio,  leader  in  the  Servile  TVar, 

lays   waste   Italy,    239;     defeats 

the  Romans,  but  is  captured  and 

tom  to  pieces,  241 
Athens,    123 ;     implores   aid    against 

PhiUp    ni    of    Macedon,    115; 

besieged  by  Sulla,  ib.;    captured 

and  pardoned,  183 
A.  Atilius  Calatinus,  dictator,  drives 

the   Carthaginian    garrisons   out 

of  Sicily,  81 
M.    Atilius    Regulus,    conquers    the 

Sallentines,  69;    sails  to  Africa, 

83;     ahnost   captures   Carthage,' 

ib. ;  captured  by  Xanthippus,  85 ; 

sent  to  Rome  and  advises  against 

exchange  of  prisoners,  ib. ;  suffers 

death  by  torture  at  Carthage,  ib. 
Atilius,  commands  against  the  pirates 

in  the  Ligurian  Gulf,  193 
Attalus  II,  king  of  Pergamon,  allied 

with   the    Romans    in   the    7th 

Macedonian  War,  117 
Attalus     TII,     king     of     Pergamon, 

bequeaths   his   Mngdom    to   the 

Eomans,  159 ;    bad  effect  of  his 

bequest,  213,  215;    C.  Gracchus 

proDosed  to  use  his  bequest  to 

feed  the  plebs,  225 
Attius  Nevius,  augur,  19 
P.  Attius  Varus,  defeated  by  Curio, 

277 ;  fights  against  the  Caesarians 

in  Spain,  291 
Aufidus,  the,  Apulian  river,  runs  with 

blood  after  Cannae,  101 
Augury,  at  the  foundation  of  Eome, 

11;       officially     recognized     by 

Numa,  15 ;  sMlI  of  Attius  Nevius 

in,  19 
Augustus  see  Julius 
Aurtmculeius  Cotta,  legatus  of  Caesar, 

caught  in   an   ambush   by   Am- 

biorix,  203 
Auspices,  contemptuotisly  treated  by 

Claudius  Ptilcher,  87 
Autrigones,    Spanish   tribe,    attacked 

by  the  Cantabrians,  345 
P.  Autronius,  adherent  of  Catiline,  263 
Auxuma,      Spanish      town,      enters 

702 


Roman     aUegiance     after     the 

Sertorian  War,  259 
Avarictun,    Gallic    town,    bnmt    by 

Caesar,  209 
Aventine    HiU,  the,   Remus  on,  11 ; 

Virginius   drives   the    DecemvirB 

from,  73 ;   C.  Gracchtis  retires  to, 

227 
Avemian     Lake,    in     Campania,     a 

favottrite  resort,   53 ;    joined   to 

the  Lucrine  Lake,  315 

0.  Baebitis,  drives  the  Ligorians  into 

the  plain,  91 
M.  Baebitis,  put  to  death  by  Marius, 

251,  255 
Bagradas,  the,  river  of  North  Africa, 

camp  of  Regtiltis  on,  83;    camp 

of  Cato  on,  291 
Baiae,    city    of    Campania,    its    hot 

springs,  53;    Hannibal  at,  101; 

Octavius    and     Antonius     meet 

Sexttis  Pompeitis  at,  313 
Balearic  Sea,  allotted  to  Torquatus  in 

war    against   the    ttrates,    193; 

defeat  of  the  B.  pirates,  197-9; 

Sertoritis  in  the  B.  Tslands.  257 
Balearictis  see  Q.  CaeciliiLs  Melellus 
Basilu3,sends  help  to  C.  Antonitis,  277 
Belgae,  the,  GaUic  tribe,  201 ;  Caesar's 

battle  against,  201 
Bergida,     Spanish     town,     Augustus 

defeats  the  Cantabrians  near,  345 
Bithynia,     district    of    Asia    Minor, 

overnm     by    Mithridates,     181; 

restored  to  Nicomedes,  183 
Bituitus,    king    of    the    AUobroges, 

tigtires  in  Roman  triumph,  167 
Bituriges,     Gallic    tribe,     side    with 

Vercingetortx,  207 
Black  Sea  see  Pontus 
Bocchus,  king  of  Mauretania,  defeated 

by   Marius   at   Cirta,   165;    stir- 

renders  Jugtutha,  ib. 
Boeotia,     district    of    Greece,    SuUa 

drives  Mithridates'  garrisons  out 

of,  183 
Boiorix,  king  of  the  Ctmbri,  kiUed  in 

battle,  175 
BomUcar,     Carthaginian,    father    of 

Maharbal,  101 
Bononia,  city  of  Northera  Italy,  305 
Borma,  city  of  the  Ubii,  Drusus  at,  337 
Bosporus,  the,  Mithridates'  project  of 

a  bridge  across,  187 


INDEX   TO    LUCIUS    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 


Bovillae,  town  of  Latium,  captureJ  in 

Latin  War,  35 
Brennus,    Gaulish    leader,    overruns 

Greece,  127 
Breuni,    Norican    tribe,    reduced    by 

Druaus,  329 
Brigaeciui,  Spauish  tribe,  betray  the 

Asturians  to  Augustus,  347 
Britaiu,    position    of,    201 ;      Cacsar 

crosses    to,    205,     crosses    to,    a 

second  time,  207  ;   its  acquisition 

a  title  of  glory,  215 
Brittomarus,  Gaulish  leader,  91 
Bronze,  Oorinthian,  143 
Bruudisium,  taken  by  M.  Atilius,  69 ; 

Antonius  left  by  Caesar  at,  279; 

Octavius  at,  325 
Bruttiaus,  tribe  of  S.  Italy,  figure  in 

triumph  over  Tarentum,  67 
Bruttium,  town  of  S.  Italy,  Spartacus 

at,  245 
Brutus  see  Junius 
Byrsa,  citadel  of  Carthage,  defence  of , 

139 

L.  Caecilius  Metellus  (consul  251  B.C.), 
defeata  the  Carthaginians  at 
Panormus,  85 

Q.  CaecUius  Metellus  Balearicus 
(consul  123  B.C.),  receives  title 
irom  his  victory  in  the  Balearic 
Islands,  197 

Q.  Caecilius  Metellus  Creticus  (consul 
60  B.C.),  his  cruel  treatment  of  the 
defeat€d  Cretans,  197;  receives 
title  of  Creticus,  ib.;  opposes 
Pompeiu-s,  267 

Q.  Caecilius  Metellus  Macedonicus 
(consul  168  B.C.),  defeats  the 
Macedonian  pretender,  135; 
defeats  CWtolaus  in  the  Achaean 
War,  143;  captures  Contrebia 
and  spares  Nertobriga,  147; 
distinctions  in  his  family,  197 

Q.  Caecilius  Meteilus  Numidicus, 
defeats  and  pursues  Jugurtha, 
165 ;  refuses  oath  to  Saturninus 
and  goes  into  exile,  227  ;  a  loss  to 
the  senate,  231 

Q.  Caecilius  Mctellus  Pius  (consul 
57  B.C.),  commands  against  the 
yiratcs  in  the  Pamphvlian  Sea, 
193 

Oaecilius  Metellus,  tribune,  calls  dowo 
cursea  on  M.  Crassus,  211 


Caelia,  a  kind  of  becr  made  in  Spain, 

155 
Caenina,  town  of  Latium,  destroyed  by 

Romulus,  11 
Caepio  see  Seriilius 
Caesar  see  Julius 
Caesonius,    puts     Cn.   Pompeiufl    the 

younger  to  death,  295 
Caieta,  sea-port  town  of  Campania,  53 
Calabria,  Tarentum  capital  of,  59 
Calagurris,     Spauish     town,     enters 

Koman     allegiance      after      the 

Sertorian  War,  259 
Calatinus  see  Atilius 
Caledonian   Forest,  the,   in   Scotlino, 

57;    Caesar  pursues  CasueUauus 

through,  207 
Callaecia,  Spanish  district,  reduced  by 

Decimus  Brutus,  149 
L.  Calpumius  Bestia  (consul  111  B.C.), 

sent    to    Numidia,    there    he    is 

bribed  by  Juguxtha,  163 
Calpurnius  Flanima,  military  tribune, 

saves  the   Roman   army   in   the 

forest  of  Camerina,  81 ;  compared 

with  Leonidas,  ib. 
Calpurnius   Piso,    praetor,   his   camp 

captured  in  the  Servile  War,  239 
L.  Calpumius  Piso  (consul  15  B.C.), 

subdues  the  Thracians,  333 
Camerina,  Sicilian  town,  the  Carthagi- 

nians  surround  the  Romans  in  the 

forest  of,  81 
CamiUus  see  Furizis 
Campania,  district  of  S.  Italy,  asks 

help   against  the   Samnites,   51 ; 

fertility  of,  ib. ;    involved  in  the 

Tarentine    War,    57;     battle    at 

Heraclea  in,  59;    laid  waste  by 

Pyrrhus,  65 ;  Hannibal's  anny  in, 

l('l ;   defeat  of  Hanuibal  in,  105 ; 

threatened   by  the   ptrates,  191; 

takes  part  in  the  Social  War,  233 ; 

Spartacus  in,  243  ;   laid  waste  by 

the    Samnites,    253,    by    Sextua 

Pompeius,  313 
Cannae,  village  of  Apulia,  defeat  of 

the    Romans   at,    99,    173,    339; 

Capua  "  HannibaFs  C.,"  101 
Cantabrians,      the,      Spanish      tribe, 

independent   until    the    time    of 

Augustus,   343 ;    their  rebellious 

spirit,  ib.;    battle  against,  near 

Bergida,  345  ;  flee  to  Mt.  Vindius, 

ib.;    Buicide  of  many  C.  on  Mt. 


INDEX   TO   LUCIUS   ANNAEUS    FLORUS 


Medullas,  ib. ;  Augustus  dislodges 
them  from  the  mountains  and 
subdues  them,  347 

C.  Canuleius  (tribune  of  the  plebs 
445  B.C.),  heads  the  secession  to 
the  Janiculom,  73 

Capitol,  the,  at  Rome,  35,  101,  111; 
defended  by  Manlius  against  the 
GauJs,  45;  Manlius  hurled  from, 
75;  Aemilius  disarms  the  Gauls 
there,  91;  Ti.  Gracchus  takes 
refuge  on,  225;  seized  by  C. 
Gracchus,  227;  by  Apuleius 
Saturninus,  229;  besieged  by 
Herdonius  in  the  Ist  SerrOe  War, 
237;  occupied  by  Sulla,  249; 
Merula  slain  there,  251 ;  Caesar's 
murderers  escape  to,  307 

Cappadocia,  district  of  Asia  Minor, 
recovered  by  Ariobarzanes,  183; 
added  to  the  Roman  Empire,  213  ; 
supports  Pompeius  in  the  Civil 
War,  267 ;  invaded  by  Pharnaces, 
287;  diflBculties  of  Antonius  in, 
during  his  retreat  from  Parthia, 
323 

Capsa,  African  city,  captured  by 
Marius,  165 

Capua,  city  of  Campania,  151;  once 
one  of  the  world's  three  greatest 
cities,  53  ;  battle  with  the  Latins 
at,  49;  Hannibal  at,  101; 
Spartacus  escapes  from,  243 ; 
Sulla  defeats  Norbanus  near,  253 

Caralis,  Sardinian  town,  severe  treat- 
ment  of,  by  Gracchus,  107 

Carbo  see  Papirius 

Carinae,  a  quarter  of  Eome,  315 

T.  Carisius,  commands  under  Augus- 
tus  against  the  Cantabrians,  347 

Camuntes,  the,  Gallic  tribe,  join 
Vercingetorix  against  Caesar,  207 

Carrhae,  citv  of  Mesopctamia,  defeat 
of  Crassus  at,  35,  211 

Carseoli,  Latin  town,  laid  waste  in  the 
Social  War,  235 

Carthage,  African  city,  151,  213 ; 
ftlmost  captured  by  Eegulus,  83 ; 
besieged  by  Scipio,  113 ;  fate  of, 
discussed  in  the  Senate,  137; 
siege  of,  139 ;   capture  of,  141 

Carthage,  Spanish  city  captured  by 
Scipio,  147 

Carthaginians,  the,  tyrranical  conduct 
of,  in  Sicily,  79 ;   defeated  ofE  the 

704 


Lipari  Islands,  81 ;  their  garrisons 
driven  out  of  Sicily,  ib. ;  confined 
in  Africa,  83 ;  put  Eegulus  to 
death,  85;  defeated  at  Aegi- 
murus,  87;  and  at  the  Aegatae 
Islands,  ib. ;  refuse  to  surrender 
Hannibal  after  the  destraction  of 
Saguntum,  95;  lose  most  of 
Spain,  107;  bravery  of  their 
women,  141 

Caspian  Sea,  the,  189 

Caspians,  the,  Armenian  tribe,  help 
Mithridates,  185 

C.  (or  P.)  Cassius,  his  camp  near 
Mutina  destroyed  by  Spartacus, 
245 

C.  Cassius,  conspires  with  Bratus  and 
other  senators  to  MU  Caesar.  299 ; 
Octavius  and  Antonius  prepare 
vengeance  upon,  307 ;  his  defeat 
at  Pbilippi  and  death,  309,  311; 
his  philosophical  principles,  ib. 

L.  Cassius,  legatus  against  Mithridates, 
179 

L.  Cassius  Longinus,  support^r  of 
Catiline,  263 

Cassius  Viscellinus,  put  to  death  for 
atming  at  royal  power,  75 

Castor  and  Pollux,  at  the  battle  of 
Lake  Regillus,  35;  announce  in 
Rome  the  victory  over  the 
Macedonians,  133  ;  announce  the 
victory  over  the  Cimbri,  175 

CasueUanus,  British  Mng,  captured  by 
Caesar,  207 

Catilina  see  Sergius 

Cato  see  Porcius 

Catthi,  German  tribe,  subdued  by 
Drasus,  337;  edict  of  Varas 
against,  339 

Catulus  see  Lutatius 

Caucasus  Mts.,  the,  Volso  penetrates 
as  far  as,  179;  C.  Pompeius 
encamps  near,  189 

Caudine  Forks,  the,  in  Samnium, 
defeat  of  the  Romans  at,  53,  153 

Celtiberia,  district  of  Spain,  Caesai 
pursues  Petreius  and  Afranius 
into.  275 ;  Sextus  Pompeius  hides 
in,  295-7 

Celtiberians,  the,  Spanish  tribe, 
defeated  by  Cato  the  Censor  and 
Metellus,  147;  death  of  their 
chief  Olyndicus,  149 ;  garrison 
Numantia,151;  help  Sertorius,257 


INDEX   TO    LUCIUS    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 


Celtibericus,  a  title  deserved  bv 
MeteUos,  U7 

Celts,  Spanish  tribe,  conquered  by 
D.^cimus  Brutus,  147 

Censorinus  see  Marcius 

CephaUenia,  island  in  the  lonian  Sea, 
involved  in  the  Aetolian  War.  125 

Ceraunian  Mts.,  the,  in  lUyria,  125 

Ceres,  her  contest  with  Bacchus  for 
Campania,  51 

Cethegus  see  Comelins 

Chaeronea.  town  of  Boeotia,  defeat  of 
Mithridates  at.  183 

Chaouian  Mts.,  in  Epirus,  penetrated 
by  Flamininus,  117 

Cherusci,  G^rman  tribe,  attacked  by 
Drusus,  337 

Chrysocolla,  green  pigment  found  in 
'Asturia,  3-19 

Cicero  see  TuUius 

Cilicia,  district  of  Asia  Minor,  Isaura 
capitil  of,  191  ;  survivors  of 
Crassus'  army  in,  213;  Rome 
gains  credit  from  the  subjugation 
of.  ib. ;  supports  Pompeius  in  ihe 
Civil  War,  267;  Pompeius  flies 
to,  283 

Cilicians.  the,  their  piracy,  191  f. ;  put 
down  by  Pompeius.  193  ff.,  313 

Cimbri,  G-allie  tribe,  their  migration, 
169;  their  successes  against  the 
Roman  generals,  ib. ;  Marius 
marchesagainstthem,  171;  cross 
the  river  Atesis,  173  ;  defeated  on 
the  Raudian  Plain,  ib.\  their 
womenfolk  resist,  175 ;  their 
defeat  miraculously  announced 
in  Rome,  ib. 

Ciminian  Forest,  the,  in  Etruria,  57 

Cincinnatus  see  Quinciius 

Cinna  see  Comelius 

Cirta,  city  of  Numidia,  Marius  defeats 
Jugiirtha  and  Bocchus  near,  165 

Civil  War,  between  Marius  and  Sulla, 
247  fE. ;  between  Caesar  and  Pom- 
peius,  265  ff. 

Appius  Claudius  Caecus,  rejects  the 
ambassadors  of  Pyrrhus,  65 

A.ppius  Claudius  Pulcher  (consul 
249  B.C.),  despises  the  auspices 
and  is  defeated,  87 

Appius  Claudiua  Pulcher  (consul 
212  B.C.),  7  ;  commands  the  army 
left  behind  at  Cannae,  whife 
Hannibal  marches  on  Rome,  lu9 


Appius  Claudius  Pulcher  (consul 
79  B.C.),  penptrates  as  far  as  the 
Parmatians,  179 

Appius  Claudius  Sabinus  Regillensia 
(consul  264  B.C.),  mutiny  in  the 
army  of,  69;  defeats  Hiero  of 
Syracuse,  79 

Claudius  Dnisus  Xero,  stepson  of 
Augustus,  subjugates  the  Nori- 
cans,  329,  and  Germans,  337; 
his  death  in  Germany,  i6. ; 
German  respect  for,  339 

C.  Claudius  Marcellus,  the  triumvirate 
ends  iu  his  consulship  (49  B.C.), 
271 

M.  Claudius  Marcellus  (consul  222  B.C.), 
wins  the  spotia  opima  from 
Viridomarus,  93  ;  defeats  Hanni- 
bal  in  Campania,  103 ;  subdues 
Sicilv.  105 

C.  Claudius  Xero  (consul  207  B.C.), 
defeats  Hasdrubal,  111;  drives 
Hannibal  into  Bruttium,  ib. 

Ti.  Claudius  Xero,  commands  against 
the  pirates  in  the  Bay  of  Gades, 
193 

Claudius  Unimanus,  defeated  by 
Viriatus,  149 

Cleopatra,  sister  of  Ptolemy  XII, 
restored  by  Caesar,  285 ;  her  love 
for  Antonius,  301 ;  Antoniustakes 
refuge  with  her  after  his  defeat 
by  the  Parthians,  323-5;  leads 
the  flight  from  Actiura,  327  ;  fails 
to  captivate  Octavius,  ib. ;  her 
death,  ib. 

Clipea,  sea-port  town  of  Africa, 
capttu-ed  by  Regulus,  83 

P.  Clodius  (tribune  of  the  plebs 
58  B.C.),  proposes  the  confiscation 
of  the  wealth  of  the  king  of 
Cyprus,  199 

Clodius  Glabnis,  unsuccessful  against 
Spartaeus,  243 

Cloelia,  31 ;  escapes  across  the  Tiber 
from  captivity,  33 

Clusium,  city  of  Etruria,  besieged  by 
the  Senones,  43 

Cnossos,  city  of  Crete,  197 

Cocles  see  Horatius 

Colchians,  the,  people  of  Pontus, 
Mitliridates  takes  refuge  with, 
187;  defeated  by  Pompeius,  i6. 

Coilatinus  see  Tarquinius 

CoIIine  Gate  of  Rome,  the,  SuUa  enters 


INDEX   TO   LUCIUS    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 


by,  249;    defeats  Marius  at  the 

battle  of,  253 
Colophon,  city  of  lonia,  captured  by 

Aristonicus,  159 
Confluentes,  in  N.  Italy,  meeting  of 

Antonius,  Caesar  and  Crassus  at, 

305 
Contrebia,  Spanish  town,  captured  by 

MeteUus,  147 
Cora,    Latin    town,    early    enemy    of 

Rome,  35 
Corfinium,   Samnit«  town,  centre  of 

the    Social    War,    235;     Caesar 

drives  Domitius  out  of,  273 
Corinth,  city  of  Greece,  145,  151,  213  ; 

the  Tarquinii  sprung  from,   19 ; 

theglory  of  Greece,  141 ;  destroyed 

by  Mummius,  143 ;  its  wealth,  ib. 
Coriolanus  see  Marcius 
Corioli,  Volscian  town,  captured  by 

Gn.   ^farcius,    who   receiTes   the 

title  of  Coriolanus,  35 
C.   Cornelius    Cethegus,   adherent  of 

Catiline,  263 
C.  Comelius  Cinna,  267 ;  consul  at  the 

outbreak  of  the  war  with  Marius 

(87  B.C.),  leaves  Rome  to  join  his 

confederates,  249  ;retumsto  Eome 

with  Marius,  251 
A.   Cornelius   Cossus,   Master   of  the 

Horse,  33 
P.    Cornelius    Dolabella   (consul    283 

B.C.),  defeats  the  Gauls  at  Lake 

Vadimo,  49 
P.    Cornelius    DolabeUa,    legatus    of 

Caesar,  defeatslndutiomarus,  203 ; 

sent    by    Caesar    to     hold    the 

entrance  of  the  Adriatic,  275-7 
P.    Coraelius    DolabeUa    (consul    44 

B.C.),    his    consulship    sees    the 

triumph  of  Octavius,  301 
Cn.     Cornelius     Lentulus     Clodianus 

(consul    72    B.C.),    defeated    by 

Spartacus,  245 
Cn.     Lentulus     Batiatus,     Spartacus 

escapes     from     his     gladiatorial 

school,  243 
Cn.    Lentuhis    Cossus,    defeats    the 

ilusulami  and    Gaetulians,  341 ; 

receives  the  title  of  Gaetulicus,  ib. 
L.    Lentulus    CYus   (consul    49    B.C.), 

his  year  of  oflfice  saw  the  rupture 

between   Caesar   and   Pompeius, 

271 
P.   Lentulus   MarceUinuB,  legatus    of 

706 


Pompeius,  commands  against  the 
pirates  in  the  Libyan  and 
Egyptian  Seas,  193 

P.  Lentulus  Sura,  associate  of  CatUine, 
263  ;  prophecy  about  his  famUy, 
ib. ;  plots  in  the  city,  ib. 

Lentulus,  defeats  the  Dacians  and 
drives  the  SarmatianB  from  the 
Danube.  335 

Lentulus,  praetor,  his  camp  is 
captured  in  the  Servile  War,  239 

L.  Cornelius  Merula,  flamen  dialis,  put 
to  death  by  Marius.  251 

P.  Comelius  Eufinus  (consul  290  B.C.), 
condemned  by  the  Censor  Fabri- 
cius  for  possessing  ten  pounds  of 
sUver,  65 

P.  Comelius  Scipio  Asina  (consul 
260  B.C.),  the  Eomans  mcet  the 
Carthasrinians  at  sea  in  his  year 
of  ofiice,  79;  kiUed  by  the 
Carthaginians  in  an  ambush,  81 

L.  Comelius  Scipio  (consul  259  B.C.), 
subdues  Corsica  and  Sardinia,83  ; 
Carthaginians  confined  in  Africa 
in  his  year  of  oQice,  ib. 

P.  Cornelius  Scipio  (consul  218  B.C.), 
defeated  by  Hannibal  at  the 
Ticinus,  and  his  life  saved  by  hia 
son,  97;  with  his  brother  wrests 
most  of  Spain  from  the  Cartha- 
ginians,  107 ;  his  death,  ib. ;  his 
successes  in  Spain,  145 

Cn.  Cornelius  Scipio,  brother  of  P. 
Scipio,  successful  against  the 
Carthaginians  in  Spain,  107.  145 ; 
treacherously  kUled,  107 

L.  Comeliui  Scipio  (consul  83  B  C), 
251;   defeated  by  Sulla,  253 

P.  Scipio  Africanus  Major,  as  a  youth 
saves  his  father  at  the  battle  of 
the  Ticinus,  97;  recovers  Spain, 
107 ;  captures  Carthage  in  Spain, 
ib.,  147;  his  high  character,  107; 
transfers  the  war  to  Africa,  113; 
defeats  Hannibal,  ib..  115; 
serves  under  his  brother  against 
Antiochus,  123 ;  grandfather  of 
Scipio  Africaims  Minor,  139; 
avenges  his  father  and  uncle,  147 

P.  Scipio  AfricanuB  Minor,  son  of 
Paulus  Macedonicus,  adopted 
by  the  Scipiones,  139;  destroys 
Carthage,  141 ;  wins  the  spolia 
opima    from    the    king    of     the 


INDEX    TO    LUCIUS    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 


Vaccaei,  147 ;  captores  Xumantia, 
153,  155 

L.  Scipio  AsiaticuB,  defeats  Antiochus 
on  the  Maeander,  123 

P.  Scipio  Nasica  (consul  162  B.C.), 
opposes  the  destruction  of  Car- 
tha^e,  137 

P.  Scipio  Nasica  (consnl  138  B.C.), 
suppresses  the  rising  under 
Ti.  Gracchus,  225 

P.  Cornelius  Scipio  Nasica,  commands 
for  Pompeius  in  Africa,  defeated 
at  Thapsus,  289 

L.  Cornelius  Sulla,  175,  217,  259,  267, 
305;  Jugurtha  betrayed  to,  165; 
besieges  and  capturos  Athens, 
181-3;  defeats  Mithridates  at 
Chaeronea  and  Orchomenus,  183  ; 
spares  Athens,  ib. ;  pacifies  Asia, 
ib. ;  his  treaty  with  the  Parthians 
repudiated  by  Crassus,  211; 
defeats  the  Samnites  in  the 
Social  War,  235;  plunges  his 
country  into  civil  war,  247 ; 
Marius  demands  the  province 
assigned  to,  ib.;  S.  puts  off  war 
with  Mithridates  and  occupies  the 
Capitol,  2-49;  returns  victorious 
from  Asia,  253 ;  defeats  Nor- 
banus  and  Scipio,  ib.;  victorious 
at  Sacriportus  and  the  Colline 
Gate,  ib. ;  his  proscriptions.  255 ; 
orders  the  destruction  of  Sulmo, 
ib. 

Faustus  Sulla.  son  of  L.  Comelius 
Sulla.  put  to  death  with  his 
children  by  Caesar,  297 

Servius  and  Publius  SuJla,  adherents 
of  Catiline,  263 

Conni  ulum.  Latin  town,  once  formid- 
able  to  Rome,  35 

Cornidius,  centurion,  his  conduct  in 
the  battle  aigainst  the  Moesians, 
333 

Corsica.  subdued  by  L.  Comelius 
Scipio,  83 

Corvinus  see  Valerius 

Cossns  see  Comelius 

Cotiso,  king  of  the  Dacians,  335 

Cotta  see  Anrunculeius 

Cotys,  Thracian  prince,  supports 
"Pompeius  in  the  CiviJ  War.  267 

Crassus  see  Licinius 

Crastinus,  throws  the  flrst  weapon  at 
the  battle  of  Pharsalia,  281 


Cremera,     the,     river     of     Etruria, 

slaughter  of  the  Fabii  at,  37-9 
Cretan  War,  cause  of,  191 
Cretc,  in  the  war  against  the  pirates, 

191;    Bubducd  by  Metellus,  197, 

2C7 
Oeticus,  title  bestowed  on  Metellus, 

197 
Critolaus,     leader    of    the    Achaean 

League,    ill-treats    Iloman    am- 

bassadors,  143 ;  defeated  by  Metel- 

lus,  ib. 
Crixus,  associate  of  Spartactxs,  241 
Cumae,  town  of  Campania,  statue  of 

Apollo  at,  119 
Chinctator  see  Fabius 
Curiatii,    the,    their    fight    with    the 

Horatii,  17 
Cures,    Sabine    town,    the    home    of 

Numa,  15 
Guricta,  island  and  town  off  Illyria, 

Antonius  encamps  at,  277 
Curio  see  Scribonius 
M'.  Curius  Dentatus  (consul  290  B.C.), 

defeats  the  Sabines,  51 ;    defeats 

Pyrrhus  at  Asculum,  61 ;   refuses 

to  accept  the  betrayal  of  Pyrrhus, 

65;       prefers      earthenware      to 

Samnite  gold,  ib. 
Q.  Curius,  adherent  of  Catiline,  263 
Cvclades.  the  islands  of  the,  occupied 

by  Mithridates.  181 
Cvdonea,    Cretan   city,   captured   by 

Metellus,  193 
Cynoscephalae,     town    of    Thessaly, 

defeat  of  Philip  III  of  Macedon 

at,  117 
Cyprus,    captured    without    fighting, 

199 ;  its  wealth  brought  to  Eome, 

ib. 
Cyrenae,  city  of  N.  Africa,  191 
Cyrus,  the,  river  of  Armenia,  349 
Ciyzicus,  city  of  Mvsia,  un^ucces?fully 

attacked  by  Mithridates,  183-5 

Dacia,  Curio  advances  as  far  as,  179 
Dacians,  the  329  ;  driven  beyond  the 

Danube  by  Lentulus,  335 
Dalmatia,  Thracian  inroads  into,  177; 

its   capital    burned   by   Marcius, 

331 ;     subdued    by    Vibius,    ib. ; 

gold-mines  in,  ib. 
Damascus,  c  ty  of  Svria,  Pompeius  at, 

189 
Danube,  the  river,  Drusus  preventsthe 

707 


INDEX   TO   LUCIUS   ANNAEUS    FLORUS 


Thracians  from  crossiDg,  177 ;  the 

DaciansdriTenbeyond,  335;  boua- 

dary  of  the  Roman  Empire,  349 
Darius,  king  of  Persia,  119 
Decemvirs,  the,  their  conduct  causes 

civil  discord,  119 
Deciates,  the,  Liguriantribe,  operations 

against.  91 
L.  Decidius  Saxa.  legatus  of  Antonius, 

commits  suicide,  319 
P.    Decius    Mus    (consul    340    B.C.), 

devotes  himseLf  in  the  Latin  War, 

49 
P.    Decius    Mus    (consul    312    B.C.), 

derotes  himself  in  the  Etruscan 

War,  57 
Deiotams,   Thracian   chieftain,   sup- 

ports  Pompeius  in  the  Civil  War, 

267 
Dehninium,     capital     of     Dahnatia, 

burnt  by  Marcius,  331 
Delos,    Greek    island,    occupied    by 

Mithridates,  181 
Diaeus.  leader  of  the  Achaean  League, 

defeated  by  Mummius,  143 
C.   Didius,  legatus   of   Caesar,  fights 

against  the  Pompeians  in  Spain, 

291 
T.  Didius  (consul  98  B.C.),  defeats  the 

Thra^ians,  177 
Dido,  Queen  of  Carthage,  141 
Dolabella  see  Cornelius 
Cn.    Domitius   Ahenobarbus   (consul 

122  B.C.),  defeats  the  AUobroges, 

169 
L.    Domitius    Ahenobarbus    (consul 

54  B.C.),  driven  by  Caesar  from 

Corfinium,  273 
Domitius,  legatus  of  Pompeius  and 

Metellusin  the  Sertorian  War,  257 
Dones,     Parthian     general,     wounds 

Gaius,  the  grandson  of  Augustus, 

343 
Drave,  the,  river  of  Xoricum,  protects 

the  Pannonians,  331 
Drepanum,   Sicilian  town,   Calatinus 

expels  the  Carthaginians  from,  81 
Drusus  see  Claudius,  Livius 
C.    Duillius  (consul    260    B.C.),   com- 

mands  against  the  Carthaginians, 

79 ;  wins  the  battle  ofE  the  Lipari 

Islands,  81 
Dyrrhachium,    city    of    Epirus,    un- 

successfully  attacked  by  Caesar, 

279 

708 


Eburones,  the,  Gallic  tribe,  rebel  under 

Ambiorix,  203 
Egeria,  gives  advice  to  Xuma,  15 
E^-natius,  leader  of  the  Etruscans  in 

the  Social  War,  233 
Egypt,  267,  283;    Caesar  in,  285-7; 

Caesar's     triumph     over,     297; 

Caesar  pursues  Antonius  to,  327 
Egyptian    Sea,    the,    Lenttilus   Mar- 

ceUinus   commands   against  the 

piratesin,  193 
Elbe,  the,  river  of  Germany,  Dnisus 

establishes  garrison  on,  337 
Elephants,  tinknown  to  the  Eomans 

before  the  time  of  Pyrrhus,  59; 

at  the  battle  of  Heraclea,  61 ;   at 

the  battle  of  Asculum,  ib. ;  at  the 

battle  of  the  Arusine  Plaias,  ib. ; 

in  the  triumph  over  Tarentum, 

67 ;  capture  of ,  at  Panormus,  87 ; 

in  the  army  of  Antiochus,  123; 

used  against  the  Allobroges,  167 ; 

at  the  battle  of  Thapsus,  289; 

gift  of,  sent  by  the  Indians  to 

Augustus,  351 
Eleutherna,  city  of  Crete,  captured  by 

Metellus,  197 
Elis,  district  of  S.  Greece,  Metellus 

defeats  Critolaus  in,  143 
Enna,  town  of  Sicily,  defeat  of  the 

slaves  at,  239 
Ephesus,  city  of  lonia,  defeat  of  the 

Syrians  at,  123 
Epirus,  district  of  N.  Greece,  its  trade 

with  Tarenttun,  59 ;  the  kingdom 

of  Pyrrhus,  59 ;    scene  of  opera- 

tions"  in  the  Civil  War,  267,  277 ; 

Octaviusin,  325 
Eryx,  mountain  and  town  of  SicDy, 

Calat  inus  dri  ves  t  he  Carthaginians 

from,  81 
EsquUine  Gate,  the,  SuHa  enters  Rome 

through,  249 
Ethiopian,  omen  of  an,before  PMlippi, 

309 
Etna,  Mt.,  in  SicDy,  53 
Etruria,  district  of  Italy,  29,  37,  57, 

69 ;    war  of  Tarquinius  Priscus 

against,  21 ;  Dolabella  defeats  the 

Gauls  in,  49 ;  rises  against  Rome 

in  the  Social  War,  233 ;  laid  waste 

by     the     Samnites,     253;      M. 

Lepidus  in,  261 ;    Manhus  com- 

mands  the  army  of  Catilinein,263 ; 

Libo  driven  by  Caesarfrom,  273 


INDEX   TO   LUCIUS   ANNAEUS    FLORUS 


Etruscans,  thc,  Italian  people,  flock 
to  Rome  in  the  time  of  Komulus, 
11 ;  Persenna  king  of,  tries  to 
restore  the  Tarquins,  31;  their 
unsuccessful  war  against  Rome, 
55-7  ;  defeated  by  Cato,  235 

Evander,  ArcadianB  settle  in  Latium 
under,  11 

Euboea,  Greek  island,  suhdued  by 
Flamininus,  117;  Antiochus  in, 
121 ;  occupied  by  Mithridatos, 
181 ;  Sulla  expels  Mithridates' 
garrisons  from,  183 

Euburiates,  Ligurian  tribe,  operations 
agaixist,  91 

Eumenes  II,  king  of  Pergamon, 
father  of  Attalus  IIT,  159 

Eunus,  leader  in  the  Servile  War,  237 ; 
captures  Roman  camps,  239 ; 
defeated  by  Perpema,  ib. 

Euphrates,  the,  river,  35,  319 ;  crossed 
by  Sulla,  187;  swallows  up  the 
standards  of  Crassus,  211 ;  Crassus 
rashly  advances  beyond,  ?&.; 
boundary  of  the  Roman  Empire, 
349 

Euripus,  the,  strait  between  Euboea 
and  the  mainland,  121 

rabii,the  family  of  the,their  private 

war  against  Veii,  37  ;  their  defeat 

at  the  Cremera,  ib. ;  two  genera- 

tions   of,  Bubdue  the    Samnites, 

53 
Q.  Fabius  Ambustus,  defeated  at  the 

battle  of  Aiia,  43 
M.    Fabius    Ambustus    marries    one 

daughter  to  a  patrician,  another 

to  a  plebeian,  73 
M.  Fabius  Buteo,  the  Carthaginians 

are  defeated  at  Aegimurus  in  his 

consulship  (245  B.C.),  87 
C.    Fabius    Dorso,   sacrifices   on   the 

Quirinal  during  the  siege  of  Rome 

by  the  Gauls,  45 
Fabius  Gurges,  defeats  the  Volsinians, 

69 
Q.     Fabius     Maximus     AUobrogicus, 

erects  trophy  over  the  Gauls,  169 
Q.    Fabius   Maximus   Cunctator,   his 

successful  policy  againstHannibal 

103 
Fabius  Maximus  Rullianus,  crosses 

the  Ciminian  Forest  and  defeats 
Q.    the  Etruscans,  57 


Q.      Fabius     Maxiraus      Servilianus 

(consul  142  B.C.),  defeats  Viriatus, 

149 
0.  Fabricius  Luscinus(consul  279  B.C.), 

commands  against  Pyrrhus,  61 ; 

refuscs  ofler  from   Pyrrhus,  65; 

as  censor,  ib. 
Faesulae,  Etruscan  town,  formidable 

in  the  Latin  War,  35;   destroyed 

in  the  Social  War,  235 
Falernian  Forest,  the,  Fabius  harasses 

Hannibal  in,  103 
Falernus,    mountain    of     Campania, 

vineyards  on,  53 
Falisci,  the,  Etruscan  tribe,  surrender, 

39 
Faustulus,     royal     shepherd,     finds 

Romulus  and  Remus,  9 
Ferentanean     squadron,    the,    drives 

Pyrrhus  from  the  battle-field  of 

Heraclea,  59-61 
Feretrius  see  Jupiter 
Fidenae,  Etruscan  town,  war  against, 

17;  captured,  39 
C.   Firabria,    flamen     diahs,   put    to 

death  by  Marius,  251 
Flaccus  see  Fulvius 
Flamininus  see  Quinctius 
C.  Flaminius(consul  223  and  217  B.C.), 

erects  a  trophy  o ver  the  Gauls,  93  ; 

defeated    by  Hannibal  at   Trasi- 

mene,  99 
Florentia,  city  of  Etruria,  put  up  for 

sale,  255 
Formiae,  city  of  Campania,  53;    laid 

waste  by  Sextus  Pompeius,  313 
Fortunate  Islands  (Canary   Islands), 

ofE  AV.  coast  of  Africa,  257 
Fragellae,  town  of  Latium,  formidable 

in  the  Latin  War,  35;  laid  waste 

by  Pyrrhus,  65 
Mettus  Fufetius,  king  of  Alba,  tom 

to  pieces  by  Tullus  Hostilius,  19 
Fufidius,  his  adviceto  Sulla,  255 
Fulvia,  wife  of  Antonius,  incites  her 

husband,  303 
Fulvja,  courtesan,  gives  information 

against  Catiline,  263 
Cn.      Fulvius      Centimalus     (consul 

229  B.C.),  successful  against  the 

Ligurians,  91 ;   and  Illvrians,  93 
Q.  Fulvius  Flaccus  (consul  212  B.C.), 

leads  part  of  the  army  besieging 

Capua  to  Rome,  109 
M.  Fulvius  Nobilior  (consul  189  B.C.), 

709 


INDEX   TO   LUCIUS   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 


receives  surrender  of  the  Aetolians, 

125 
M.  Furius  Camillus,  defeats  the  G-auls 

andsavesRome,  47;  pursues  the 

Senones,  ib. ;  accused  of  dividing 

unfairly  the  spoUs  of  Veii,   71; 

settles  at  Veii,  ib. 
C.Furnius,  legatus  of  Augustusagainst 

the  Cantabrians,  347 

Gabii,  town  of  Latium,  captured  by 
Tarquinius  Superbus,  33 

A.  Gabinius,  defeats  the  Marsi  in  the 
Social  War,  235 

Oades,  Spanish  town,  Scipio  Africanus 
ilajor  at,  147 ;  surrenders  to 
Caesar,  275 ;  Tiberius  Nero  com- 
mands  in  sea  of  Gr.  against  the 
piratea,  193 

Oaetulia,  district  of  N.  Africa, 
Metellus  pursues  Jugurtha 
through,  165;  subdued  by 
Cossus,  341 

•Gaetuli  cus,title  of  Cn .  Lentulus  Cossus, 
341 

Oallic  Sea,  the,  M.  Pomponius  com- 
mands  against  the  pirates  in,  193 

Gallo-Greek=  (Galatians),  people  of 
Asia  Minor,  thetr  origin,  127  ;  in- 
volved  in  the  Syrian  War,  i6. ; 
surrender  to  the  Romans,  ib. 

Games.  rape  of  the  Sabines  at  the,  11 ; 
at  Tarentum,  59 ;   at  Nemea,  117 

Ganvmedes,  E^yptian  eunuch,  his 
death,  287  " 

Garamantes,  people  of  N.  Africa, 
subdued  by  Quirinius,  341 

Gauls.  the,  71,  127,  213;  war  with, 
41  ff.,  91  ff.;  thetr  unsuccessful 
attack  on  Rome,  4-5-7  ;  defeated 
at  Capua,  49;  spoils  of,  67; 
Caesar'8  campaigns  a^ainst, 
201  ff. ;  engage  on  Caesar's  side 
in  the  Civil  War,  267;  Caesar's 
triumph  over,  297.  See  also  Cim- 
bri,  Insubres,  Senones,  Teutones 

Gauran  Forest,  the,  in  Campania, 
Fabius  harasses  Hannibal  in,  103 

Gaurus,  Mt.,  in  Campania,  vineyards 
on,  53 

L.GeIliusPoblicola,commands  against 
the  pirates  in  the  Tuscan  Sea,  193 

Gergoria,  capital  of  the  Avemi,  re- 
duced  by  Caesar,  209 

Germans,  the,  201 ;  their  huge  stature. 

710 


203;  battle  with  Caesar,  205; 
Caesar  pursuea  them  through  the 
Hercynian  Forest,  ih.;  put  to 
flight  Pompeius'  cavalry  at 
Pharsalia,  283  ;  Augustus'  desire 
to  conquer  them,  335 ;  conquered 
by  Drusus,  337;  revolt  under 
Axmenius  and  defeat  Varus  and 
three  legions,  339-341 

Germanv,  the  levies  of ,  support  Caesar 
in  "the  Civil  War,  267;  the 
disgrace  of  the  loss  of,  335 ;  eSect 
of  Drusus'  conquest  upon,  337 

Gesoriacum,  city  of  the  Morini,  35; 
Drusus  builds  a  bridge  at,  337 

Gladiators,  Spartacus  heads  a  risins  of, 
241  ff. 

Glaucia  see  Servilius 

Gold,  Parthian,  209;  found  in 
Dalmatia,  331 ;  in  Spain,  349 

"  Golden  Age  "  of  Roman  history,  157, 
213 

"  Golden  Sea,"  191 

Gomphi,  town  of  Thessaly,  laid  waste 
by  Caesar,  279 

GraccLus  see  Sempronius 

Granicus,  the,  river  of  the  Troad, 
runs  with  blood  after  the  defeat 
of  Mithridates,  185 

Greece,  141,  181,  187;  Roman  laws 
derived  from,  73;  shores  of, 
traversed  by  Laevinus,  115; 
restored  to  its  former  constitution 
by  Flamininus,  117;  its  islands 
andshoresoccupiedbyAntiochus, 
121 ;  laid  waste  by  the  Gauls 
under  Brennus,  127;  supports 
Pompeius  in  the  Civil  War,  267 

Grumentum,  city  of  Lucatda,  laid 
waste  in  the  Social  War,  235 

Haemus,  Mt.,  in  Thrace,  Perses 
survevs  his  realm  from,  129 

Hannibal,"l45, 161, 173, 179,  235,  253 ; 
his  oath  against  the  Romans,  95 ; 
destroys  Saguntum,  ib. ;  demand 
for  his  surrender  refused,  ib. ;  wins 
the  battles  of  Ticinus  and  Trebia, 
97,  Trasimene  and  Cannae,  99 ; 
fails  to  erploit  his  successes  and 
retires  to  S.  Italy ,  101 ;  operations 
of  Fabius  against,  103 ;  move- 
ments  in  Campania,  Lucania  and 
Apulia,  105 ;  enlists  Italian  aid, 
109;     marchea    on    Eome,    ib.; 


INDEX   TO   LUCIUS   ANNAEUS    FLORUS 


withdraws    to     S.     Italy,     111 ; 

receives     news     of     Hasdrubal's 

defeat,   i6. ;     leaves   Italy,    113; 

defeated    by    Scipio,    115;     his 

treaty  with  Philip  of  Macedon,  ib. ; 

ur^es    Antiochus     against     the 

Romans,     121 ;      serves     under 

Antiochus,  123 
Hanno,  Carthaginian  leader,  defeatcd 

by  P.  aud  Cn.  Scipio  in  Spain,  145 
Hasdrubal,     brother     of     Hannibal, 

marches  from   Spain  into   Italy 

and  is  defeated  at  the  Metaunis, 

111;     defeated   in   Africa,    113; 

surrenders      at     the      siege     of 

Carthage,  141 
Hebrus,  the,  river  of  Thrace,  its  banks 

devastated  by  Minucius,  177 
Helvetii,  the,  Gallic  tribe,  rebel  and  are 

driven  back  by  Caesar,  201 
Heraclea,  city  of  Campania,  scene  of  a 

battle  iu  the  Tarentine  War,  59 
Herculaneum,  city  of  Campania,  53 
Herculean  Way,  the,  near  Baiae,  cut 

through,  315 
Hercules,     Pyrrhus    claims     descent 

from,    65;     the    Pillars    of,    1(J7, 

293  ;   Capsa  foundeti  by,  lt35, 
Hercynian  Forest,  the,in  Germany,  35, 

57;  Caesar  pursues  the  Germans 

through,    205;      opened    up    by 

Drusus,  337 
Herdonius,  Sabine,  leader  in  the  Servile 

War,  237 
Herrenius,    father    of    Pontius    the 

Sabine  general,  55 
Kiempsal,  brother  of  Jugurtha,  who 

murders  him,  163 
Hiero   II,   of   Syracuse,   defeated   by 

Appius  Claudius,  79 
Hirtuleli,  the,  legati  of  Sertorius,  257 
Horatii,    three     brothers,    champion 

pLome  against  the  Curiatii,   17; 

thetr  sister  put  to  death,  ib. 
Horatius  Cocles,  swims  the  Tiber,  31 
M.     Horatius     Publicola,     appointed 

consul  in  place  of  Collatinus,  29 
TuUus   Hostilius,  succeeds  Numa  as 

kir.g   of    Kome,    15;     introduces 

miiitaryscienceanddiscipline,  17, 

27;     challenges    the    people    of 

Alba,  17 ;   conquers  Fidenae,  ib. ; 

kQls  Mettus  Fuf  etius,  19  ;  destroys 

Alba,  ib. 
C.      Hostilius      Mancinus,      besieges 


Carthage,  139;  his  treaty  with 
theNumantines,153;  surrendered 
to  the  Xumantines,  ib.,  223 

Hypsaeus,  his  camp  captured  in  the 
Servile  War,  239 

Hyrcanus,  set  up  by  Pompeius  as  king 
of  the  Jews,  189 

Iberians,  the,  tribe  of  the  Caucasus, 

assist  Mithridates,  185  ;   defeated 

and  pardoned  by  Pompeius,  187 
Iberus,   the,    river    of    Spain,   Scipio 

subdues  the  tribes  along,  147  ;  its 

banks  laid  waste,  149 
Herda,    Spanish    city,    besieged    by 

Caesar,  275 
Illyria,  trade  of  Tarentum  with,  59  ; 

defies  the  Romans,  89,  93;    sub- 

jugated    by    Cu.    Fulvius   Centi- 

malus,     ib. ;      involved     in     the 

Macedonian  War  and  subdued  by 

Anicius,  133  ;    Dclabella  encamps 

on  the  shores  of,  277  ;  conquered 

by  Augustus,  329 
Indians,  the,  know  nothing    of    the 

Romans,  189 ;  live  directly  under 

the    sun,    349;     send    glfts    to 

Augustus,  351 
Indutiomarus,  stirs  up  the  Treviri  to 

revolt,  203 
Ingauni,    Ligurian    tribe,    operations 

against,  91 
Insubres,  Galhc  tribe  living  at  the  foot 

of  the  AIps,  89 ;   defeated  by  the 

Eomans,  91 
Interamnium,  Italian  city,  put  up  to 

auction,  255 
lonian  Sea,  the,  141 ;  Terentius  Varro 

commands  against  the  pirates  in, 

193 
Isara,  river  of  Gaul,  scene  of  the  defeat 

of  the  Allobroges,  167 
Isauri,  people  of  Cilicia,  defeated  by 

P.  Servilius,  191 
Isauricus,  titlegranted  to  P.  Servilius, 

191 
Isodorus,  leader  of  the  pirates,  191 
Isthmus   of   Corinth,  the,  victory   of 

Mummius  near,  143 
Istrians,   the,    north    Adriatic   tribe, 

their  trade  with  Tarentum,  59 ; 

assist  the  Aetolians,   125;    con- 

quered  by  Appius  Pulcher,  ib, 
Italy  passim 
lulus,  Bon  of  Aeneas,  f  ounds  Alba,  9 

711 


INDEX   TO    LUCIUS   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 


Janiculam,  the,  hill  at  Rome,  occupied 
by  Porseiina,  31 ;  secession  of  the 
plebs  to,  73;  Marius  drives 
Octavius  from,  251 ;  occupied  by 
Pompeius  and  Catulus,  261 

Janus,worship  of,  instituted  bTXuma, 
15,  89,  351 ;  his  temple  closed  at 
end  of  Ist  Punic  War,  89,  351,  by 
Augustus,  ib. 

Jerusalem,  captured  by  Pompeius.  189 

Juba  I,  king  of  Mauretania,  Curio 
retreats  before,  277;  joins  the 
army  of  Scipio  and  Cato.  289  ;  Lis 
elephants  at  the  battle  of  Thapsus, 
ib.;  his  death,  ib.\  Caesar's 
triumph  over,  297 

Jugurtha,  king  of  Numidia,  war  with, 
161  ff. ;  resolves  to  kill  his 
brothers,  161 ;  bribes  the  senate, 
163 ;  purchases  peace  from 
Bestia,  ib. ;  puts  Massiva  to 
death,  ib. ;  defeats  Aibinus,  ib. ; 
flees,  pursued  by  Metellus,  165 ; 
defeated  at  Cirta,  ib. ;  betrayed 
by  Bocchus,  ib. ;  led  in  Eoman 
triumph,  167 

Julia,  daughter  of  Caesar  and  wife 
of  Pompeius,  271 

Sextus  Julius  Caesar  (consul  91  B.C.), 
plot  against,  235 :  defeated  in  the 
Social  War,  ib. 

L.  Julius  Caesar,  proscribed  by  his 
nephew  Antonius,  307 

C.  Julius  Caesar,  213,  217,  335; 
reduces  the  Helvetii,  201 ;  his 
personal  bravery  against  the 
Belgae,  ib. ;  defeats  the  Aquitani 
and  Morini,  203;  his  legati 
attacked  by  the  Treviri  and 
Eburones,  ib.\  summons  Ario- 
vistus,  ib. ;  crosses  the  Rhine  to 
attack  the  Germans,  205 ;  in 
Britain,  i&. ;  returns  to  Britain 
with  a  large  force,  207 ;  holds  a 
levy  at  Ravenna,  ib. ;  bums 
Avaricum,  209  ;  storms  Gergovia, 
ib. ;  receives  surrender  of  Ver- 
cingetorix,  ib. ;  favours  mercy  to 
the  Catilinarianconspirators,  265 ; 
fatal  effect  of  his  rivalry  with 
Pompeius,  267  ;  consui  in  59  B.C., 
269 ;  his  daughter  Julia  married 
to  Pompeius,  271 ;  determines  to 
defend  his  position  by  arms,  ib. ; 
enters  Eome  and  makes  himself 


consul,  273;  breaks  open  the 
treasury,  ib. ;  sets  the  provinces 
in  order,  ib. ;  orders  the  reduction 
of  Marseilles,  ib.;  compels 
Petreius  and  Afranius  to  sur- 
render  in  Spain,  275 ;  meets  with 
checks  in  Illyria  and  Africa,  ib. ; 
sets  out  for  the  war  in  Epirus, 
277;  attacks  Dyrrhachium,  279; 
defeats  Pompeius  at  Pharsalia, 
281 ;  in  Egypt,  285 ;  makes  a 
treaty  with  Ptolemy  and  restores 
Cleopatra,  ib.;  narrowly  escapes 
death  at  Alexandria,  ih. ;  defeats 
Pharnaces,  287;  defeats  the 
Pompeians  at  Thapsus,  289,  and 
at  Munda,  293-5;  returns  in 
triumph  to  Rome,  297;  his 
clemency,  ib. ;  honours  heaped 
upon  him,  ib.;  murdered  in  the 
senate-house,  299 ;  effect  of  his 
death,  299-301 ;  his  veterans 
rewarded  by  Octavius,  303 

C.  Caesar,  put  to  death  by  Marius, 
251 

C.  Caesar,  grandson  of  Augustus,  sent 
against  the  Armenians,  341 ;  dies 
of  a  wound  in  S^Tia,  343 

L.  Caesar,  grandson  of  Augustus,  dies 
at  Marseilles,  343 

Octavius  Caesar  Augustus,  5,  7,  145, 
213;  his  de,sire  to  avenge 
Caesar's  death,  299;  Antonius 
refusesto  tolerate  0.'sposition  as 
heir  of  Caesar,  301,  303;  O. 
relieves  ilutina  and  captures 
Antonius'  camp,  ib.\  distributes 
land  to  Caesar's  veterans.  ib.\ 
compels  Antonius  to  surrender  at 
Perusia,  305;  forms  the  2nd 
Triumvirate,  ib. ;  proscribes  only 
Caesar'smurderers,  307 :  prepares 
to  advance  against  Brutus  and 
Cassius,  309;  omens  before  the 
battle  of  Philippi,  ib.\  his  camp 
captured,  but  he  is  finaUy 
victorious,  311 ;  his  fleet  bumt  by 
Sextus  Pompeius,  313 ;  makes  a 
temporary  peace  with  Sextus 
Pompeius,  ib.  \  after  vast  pre- 
parations,  he  defeats  Sextus 
Pompeius  in  the  Sicilian  Straits, 
315;  cannot  secure  peace  wiiile 
Antonius  survives,  317;  meets 
Antonius  at  Actium  and  defeats 


712 


INDEX   TO    LUCIUS    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 


him,  325;  follows  Antonius  to 
Egypt,  where  he  withstands  the 
wiles  of  Cleopatra,  327;  sends 
Dnisus  to  subdue  the  Norici,  329  ; 
conquers  the  Illyrians,  ib. ;  scnds 
Vinnius  affainst  the  Pannonians, 
331,  Vibius  against  the  Dal- 
matians,  333,  and  Lentulus 
against  the  Dacians,  335 ;  drives 
the  Sarmatians  beyond  the 
Danube,  ib. ;  wishes  to  make 
Germany  a  province,  ib. ;  sends 
Drusus,  to  Germany,  337;  sends 
Cossus  asainst  the  Musulami  and 
Gaetulians,  and  Quirinius  against 
the  Marmarides  and  Garamantes, 
341 ;  sends  his  grandson,  C. 
Caesar,  to  Armenia,  ib. ;  issuccess- 
ful  against  the  Cantabrians  and 
Asturians,  343-9 ;  closes  the 
temple  of  Janus,  351 ;  his  wise 
legislation,  ib. ;  named  Perpetual 
Imperator  and  Father  of  his 
Country,  ib. 

Julius  Proculus,  his  vision  of  Romulus, 
13 

L.  Junius  Brutus,  consul  in  509  B.C. 
with  Collatinus,  7,  27;  helps  to 
put  down  the  kings,  ib. ;  puts  his 
own  son  to  death,  29;  dies  in  a 
duel  with  Amins,  33 

D.  Junius  Bnitus  Callaecus,  defeats 
the  Celts  and  Lusitanians,  147 

D.  Junius  Brutus,  subjugates  Mar- 
seilles,  275  ;  besieged  by  Antonius 
at  Mutina,  303;  relieved  by 
Octavius,  ib. 

M.  Junius  Brutus,  305,  317 ;  conspires 
with  Cassius  and  other  senators  to 
kill  Caesar.  299 ;  departs  for  his 
province,  307 ;  his  dying  words, 
and  philosophic  principles,  311 

M.  Jimius  Silanus  (consul  109  B.C.), 
petition  of  the  Cimbri  to,  169; 
defeated  by  the  Cimbri,  ih. 

Jupiter,  45;  J.  "  Feretrius,"  Romulus 
ofEers  spolia  opima  to,  13,  spoils 
of  Lars  Tolumnius  dedicated  to, 
39,  Marcelhis  offers  spolia  opima 
to,  93 ;  J.  "  Stator,"  origin  of  the 
title,  13 ;  golden  trophy  from  the 
spoils  of  the  Gauls  dedicated  to, 
by  Flaminius,  93;  statue  of, 
bespattered  with  the  blood  of 
Merula,  251 


Juturna,    the    lake    of,    Castor    and 

Pollux  at,  133 
Juventas,  Roman  deity,  opposes  the 

erection    of     a   temple    by   Tar- 

quinius  Superbus,  25 
P.  Juventius,  praetor,  defeated  by  the 

pretender  Andriscus,  135 

T.Labienus,commands  thePompeians 

at  the  battle  of  Munda,  295 
Q.    Labienus,    sent    by    Brutus    and 

Cassius  to  Parthia,  317  ;  defeated 

by  Ventidius,  319 
Lacedaemon  see  .Sparta 
Laevinus  see  Valerius 
Lamponius,  Samnite  leader,  lays  waste 

Campania  and  Etruria,  253 
Lancea,  Spanish  town,  captured  and 

spared  by  Augustus,  347 
Lars  Tolumnius  see  Tolumniiis 
Lasthenes,  Cretan  leader,  defeated  by 

Metellus,  197 
Latin    Festival,    235;     L.   shepherds 

among  the  earliest  inhabitants  of 

Rome.  11 
Latins,  the,   Italian  people,  support 

the  Tarquinii,   33;    defeated   at 

Lake     Regillus,    ib.;     continual 

wars   between   the    L.    and   the 

Romans,  35  ;  the  war  with  the  L., 

49  ;    aUied  with  the  Sabines,  51 ; 

promised     the     citizenship     by 

Drusus,  215;    rise  against  Rome 

in  the  Social  War,  233 
Latium,  district  of  Italy,  its  capital 

Alba,  9 ;    its  cities  captured  by 

Tarquinius  Superbus,  23 
Lauro,  Spanish  town,  sceue  of  a  battle 

against  Sertorius,  257;    death  of 

Cn.  Pompeius  the  younger  there, 

295 
Lavinium,   Latin   town,   founded   by 

Aeneas,  9 
Lebanon,     the,     district     of     Syria, 

Pompeius  traverses,  1S9 
Lentulus  see  Cornelius 
Leonidas,the  hero  of  Thermopylae,  81 
Lepidussee  Aemilius 
Leruaean  Hydra,  the,  Pyrrhus  com- 

pares  his  enemies  to,  65 
Lesbos,     Aeolian     island,     flight     of 

Pompeius  to,  283 
Leucas,    island    in    the   lonian    Sea, 

occupied  by  Octavius,  325 
Leucate,  Mt.,  onisland  of  Leucas,  325 


INDEX   TO   LUCIUS   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 


Liber    (Bacchus),    liis    contest    with 

Ceres  for  the  lordship  of  Cam- 

pania,  51 
Libo  see  Scribonius 
Liburnian  galleys,  199 
Libomians  (or  Illvrians),  put  Eoman 

ambassadors  to  death,  93 ;    con- 

quered  by  Fulvius  Centimalus,  ib. 
Libyan  Sea,  the,  Lentulus  Marcellinus 

commands  in,  against  the  pirates, 

193 
M.    Licinius    Crassus,  triumrir,    269, 

317,  319  ;  defeats  Spartacus,  245  ; 

covets  the  gold  of  Parthia,  209; 

cursed  by  the  tribune  of  the  plebs 

on  leaving  Rome,  211;    ignores 

the  treaty  with  the  Parthians,  ib. ; 

defeated"at  Carrhae  and  MHed, 

213,  351;    effect  of  his  death  on 

Pompeius   and   Caesar,    271;     a 

survivor    from    his    defeat    aids 

Antonius,  321 
M.     Licinius     Crassus,     legatus     of 

Augustus  against  the  Moesians, 

333 
P.  Licinius  Crassus  (consul  131  B.C.), 

defeated  by  Aristonicus,  159 
P.  Licinius  Crassus  (consul  97  B.C.), 

and   his   son,  put   to   death   by 

Marius,  251 
L.  Licinius  Lucullus  (consul  151  B.C.), 

defeats  the  Turduli  and  Vaccaei, 

147 
L.  LiciniusLucullus.  hiscamp  captured 

in  the  Servile  War,  241 
L.    Licinius   Lucullus    Ponticus,   his 

successes     against     Mithridates, 

179;  saves  Cyzicus,  185 
M.  Licinius  Lucullus  (consul  73  B.C.), 

advances  to  the  Tanais  and  Lake 

Maeotis,  179 
C.    Licinius    Stolo,    married    to    the 

daughter  of  Fabius  Ambustus,  75 
Ligurian  Gulf,  the,  Atilius  commands 

in,    against    the    pirates,     193; 

L.     soldier     guides     Marius     at 

Molucha,  165 
Ligurians,  the,  tribe  of  N.  Italy,  defy 

Rome,  89  ;   more  difBcult  to  find 

than  to  conquer,  91 
Lilybaeum,  town  of  Sicily,  Calatinus 

drivesthe  Carthaginiansout  of,  81 
Liparae    Islands,    the,    near     Sicily, 

defeat  of  the  Carthaginians  by 

Duilius  off,  81 


Liris,  the,  river  of  Campania,  battle 
near,  in  Tarentine  War,  59;  ita 
banks  laid  waste  by  Pyrrhus, 
65 

M.  Livius  Drusus  (consul  112  B.C.), 
prevents  the  Thracians  from 
crossingthe  Danube,  177 

M.  Livius  Drusus  (tribune  of  the 
plebs  91  B.C.),  215;  tries  to 
re-enactthe  Gracchan  laws,  229; 
a  saying  of  his,  231;  carries  his 
laws  by  violence,  ib. ;  his  death, 
ib.;  the  aliies  claim  the  fulfilment 
of  his  promises,  333 

M.  Livius  Salinator  (consul  207  B.C.), 
commands  against  Hasdrubal  at 
the  Metaurus.  111 

Longinus  see  Cassius 

Lucania,  district  of  S.  Italy,  Tarentum 
capital  of ,  59  ;  operations  against 
Pyrriius  in,  61 ;  Sempronius 
Gracchus  ptirsues  Hannibal 
through,  105;  Telesinus  com- 
mands  in,  during  the  Social  War, 
233 

Lucanians,  people  of  S.  Italy,  involved 
in  the  Tarentine  War,  57;  figure 
in  the  triumph  over  Tarentum, 
67;  defeated  by  Carbo  in  the 
Social  War,  235 

Lucretia,  rape  of,  25,  27,  73,  her  htis- 
band  exiled,  29 

Lucrine  Lake,  in  Campania,  53 ;  con- 
nected  with  Lake  Avernus,  315 

Lucullus  see  Licinius 

Lusitanians,  the,  Spanish  tribe,  de- 
feated  by  Brutus,  147 ;  roused  to 
hostilities  by  Tiriatus,  149 ;  take 
part  in  the  Sertorian  War,  257 

C.  Lutatius  Cattilus,  the  Ist  Punic  War 
ends  in  his  constilship  (242  B.C.), 
87 

Q.  Lutatius  Catulus  (consul  102  B.C.), 
commitssuicide,  251 ;  the  brother 
of  Marius  slain  on  his  tomb,  255 

Q.  Lutatius  Cattilus,  consul  with 
Lepidus  (78  B.C.),  259;  helps 
Pompeius  to  put  down  Lepidus, 
261 

Lysimachia,  city  of  Thrace,  claimed 
by  Antiochus,  121 

Macedonia,  187,  307 ;  Philip  IH,  king 
of,  115, 117, 129 ;  Perses,  king  of, 
129-33 


7^4 


INDEX   TO    LUCIUS    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 


Macedonian  War,   Ist,  115  ff.;    2nd, 

129  ff.;   3rd,  133  f. 
Macedonians,  177;    in  the  anuy   of 

Pyrrhus,     59 ;      fi^re     in     the 

triumph     over     Tarentum,     67; 

support   Pompeius   in   the   Civil 

War,  267 
*'  Mad  Mountains,"  in  Sardinia,  107 
Maeander,  the,  river  of  Asia  Minor, 

Roman  camp  on,  123 
Spurius   Maelius,    put    to    death    on 

charge  of  bribery,  75 
C.  Maenius  (consul  338  B.C.),  sets  up 

spoil  of  Antium  in  tlie  forum,  35 
Maeotis,  the,  Lake  of,  in  Sarmatia, 

Lucullus  reaches,  179 
Magaba,mountainofGralatia,occupied 

by  the  Tectosagi,  127 
Magra,the,  river,  one  of  the  boundaries 

of  Liguria,  91 
Maharbal,    Carthaginian,  his   saying 

about  Hannibal,  101 
Malea,  cape  of  S.  Greece,  125,  191 
Mamilius,  of  Tusculum,  stirs  up  the 

Latins  to  avenge  Tarquinius,  33 
Mancinus  see  Hostilius 
Manilius  (consul  458  B.C.),  his  camp 

recovered  by  Cincinnatus,  37 
Manilius,  defeated  by  the  Cimbri,  169 
M'.  Manilius  (consul  1-19  B.C.),  burns 

the    fleet    surrendcred    by    the 

Carthaginians,  137 
A.  Manlius,  raises  an  army  in  Etniria 

for  Catiiine,  263 
M.  Jranlius,  holds  the  Capitol  against 

the   Gauls,   45 ;     himself   hurled 

from  the  Capitol,  75 
T,  Manhus  Torquatus(consul  340  B.C.), 

wins  his  title  from  the  defeat  of  a 

Gaul,  47  ;   commands  against  the 

Latins,  49  ;  puts  his  son  to  death 

for  disobedience,  ib. 
Manhus  Torquatus,  commands  against 

the  pirates  in  the  Balearic  Sea, 

193 
A.  Manliua  Volso   (censul  178  B.C.), 

his     camp     capfured     by     the 

Istrians,  125 
Cn.  Manhus  Volso  (consul  189  B.C.), 

refused     a     triumph     over     the 

Gallo-Greeks,  127 
Manlius  Volso,  penetrates  to  Rhodope 

and  the  Caucasus,  1 79 
Manhus,  praetor,  his  camp  captured 

in  the  Servile  War,  239 


Marcellus  see  Claudius 

L.  MarciusCensorinu3(consul  149  B.C.), 
burns  the  fleet  surrendered  by 
the  Carthaginians,  137 

Cn.  Marcius  Coriolanus,  wins  his  title 
by  the  capture  of  Corioli,  35; 
desists  from  his  march  on  Ilome 
at  the  request  of  his  mother,  71 

C.  Marcius  Figulus  (consul  156  B.C.), 
burns  Delminium,  the  capital  of 
Dahnatia,  331 

Q.  Marcius  Philippus  (consul  186  B.C.), 
defeats  Perses,  king  of  Macedonia, 
129,  130 

L.  Marcius  Philippus  (consul  91  B.C.), 
accused  of  bribery,  231 ;  opposea 
the  proposals  of  Drusus,  ib. ;  plot 
of  the  allies  to  kill  him,  235 

Marcomanni,  the  German  tribe, 
Drusus  erects  a  trophy  over,  337 

C.  Marius,  181,  217,  267;  receives 
command  against  Jugurtha,  165 ; 
captures  Capsa  and  Molucha,  ib. ; 
defeats  Bocchus  at  Cirta,  ib.', 
Baves  Rome  from  the  Gauls,  169 ; 
defeats  the  Teutones  at  Aquae 
Seitiae,  171;  defeats  the  Cimbri 
at  the  RaudianPlain,173  ;  refuses 
the  prayer  of  the  Cimbrian 
women,  175;  encourages  Satur- 
ninus,  229;  consul,  ib.\  his 
insatiable  desirefor  officeacause 
of  civil  war,  247 ;  goes  into 
exile  in  Africa  to  escape  Sulla'8 
vengeance,  249  ;  his  return,  ib. ; 
enters  Rome  with  Cinna,  Carbo 
and  Sertorius,  251;  puts  many 
citizens  to  death,  ib. ;  his  7th 
consulship,  ib. ;  Sulla'8  vengeance 
on  his  partisans,  253 

C.  Marius,  the  younger  (consul  82  B.C.), 
defeated  at  Sacriportus,  253 

C.  Marius  Gratidianus,  murdered  by 
order  of  SuIIa,  255 

Marmarides,  the,  Libyan  tribe,  de- 
feated  by  Quirinius,  341 

Marseillos,  city  of  S.  Gaul,  appeals  to 
Rome  against  thc  Saluvii,  167; 
closes  its  gates  to  Caesar,  273; 
captured  by  Brutus,  275 ;  Lucius 
Caesar,  grandsonof  Augustus,diea 
there,  3J3 

Marsi,  the,  Italian  tribe,  take  part  in 
the  Social  War,  233 ;  defeated  by 
Gabinius,  235 


INDEX   TO    LUCIUS   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 


Mars,  27,  169 ;  father  of  Romulus  and 

Remus,  9 
Massicus,  Mt.,  in  Campania,  53 
Massinissa,  king  of  Numidia,  threatens 

the  Carthaeinians,  137 ;    grand- 

father  of  JugTirtha.  161 
Massiva,  put  to  death  by  Jugurtha,  163 
Mauretania,  district  of  X.  Africa,  293  ; 

Metellus        pursues        Jugurtha 

through,     165;      Jugurtha     and 

Bocchus  defeat€d  at  Cirta  in,  ih. ; 

Juba,  king  of,   helps  Pompeius, 

289  ;  Caesar  triumphs  over,  297 
Mausoleum,  the,  at  Alexandria,  scene 

of  Cleopatra's  death,  327 
Mazaras.    Syrian    deserter,    deceives 

Crassus"  211 
Medullus,  Mt.,  in  Cantabria,  captured 

by  Augustus,  345 
Megaravicus,  commands  at  Xumantia, 

153 
C.  Memmius,  his  murder  ordered  by 

Saturninus,  229 
Menas  and  Menecrates,  freedmen  of 

Sextus  Pompeius,  313 
Menenius       Agrippa,      secures       the 

return    of   the    plebs    from    the 

Sacred  Mt.,  71 
Merula  see  Comelius 
Messana,   city   of  Sicily,   appeals   to 

Rome  against  the  Carthaginians, 

79 
Metapontum,  city   of  S.   Italy,   laid 

waste  by  Spartacus,  243 
Metauras,  the,  river  of  S.  Italy,  scene 

of  the  defeat  of  Hasdrubal,  111 
Metellus  see  Caeciliui 
Mettus  see  Fitfetiits 
Meuse,  the,  river  of  Germany,  Drusus 

establishes  garrisons  along,  337 
Micipsa,  adoptive  father  of  Jugurtha, 

161 
M.  Minucius  Rufus  (consul  110  B.C.), 

lays  waste  Thrace,  177 
M.   Minucius   Rufus  (tribune  of  the 

plebs  121  B.C.).  opposes  the  laws 

of  C.  Gracchus,  225 
M.    Minucius    Thermus,    legatus    of 

Pompeius,  driven  out  of  Umbria, 

273 
Misenus,  harbour  of  Campania,  53 
Mithridates  VI,  king  of  Pontus,  247, 

287 ;  resists  the  Romans  for  forty 

years,    179;     his    designs    upon 

Asia  and  Europe,  181 ;  orders  the 


7 


massacre  of  Roman  citizens  in 
Asia,  ih. ;  defeated  at  Chaeronea 
and  Orchomenus,  183  ;  retums  to 
Asia,  ih.;  unsuccessfully  attacks 
Cyzicus,t6. ;  defeatedbyLucullus, 
185 ;  involves  all  the  East  in  his 
ruin,  ih. ;  defeated  by  Pompeius, 
1S7;  meditates  the  invasion  of 
Italy,  ib.',  commits  suicide,  i6. ; 
the  Cretans  accused  of  supporting 
him,  195 ;  naval  assistance  given 
to.  bv  Sertorius,  257 

Mithridatac  War,  the,  179  fif.,  191 

Moesi,  the,  Thracian  people,  169; 
defeated  by  CYassus,  333 

Molossians,  the,  tribe  of  Epirus, 
figure  in  the  triumph  over 
Tarentum,  67 

Molucha,  city  of  Mauretania,  stormed 
by  Marius,  165 

Moorish  cavalry,  help  Pompeius  in  the 
Civil  War,  277 

Morini,  the,  Belgian  tribe,  defeated  by 
Caesar,  203 ;  Caesar  embarks  for 
Britain  from  their  harbour,  205 

Moselle,  the,  river  of  Gaul,  bridged  by 
Caesar,  205 

C.  Mucius  Scaevola,  risks  his  lif  e  in  the 
camp  of  Porsenna,  31 

Q.  Mucius  Scaevola,  Pontifex  Maxi- 
mus,  put  to  death  by  Marius,  253 

Scaevola,  centurion  of  Caesar,  his 
bravery,  279 

Mulvian  Bridge,  the,  over  the  Tiber, 
occupied  by  Pompeius  and 
Catulus,  261 

L.  Munamius  (consul  146  B.C.),  defeats 
Diaeus,  the  Achaean  leader,  and 
captures  Corinth,  143 

Munda,  Spanish  citv,  scene  of  Caesar'8 
last  battle,  293;  the  defeat«d 
Pompeians  besieged  there,  295; 
does  not  figure  in  Caesar's 
triumph,  297 

Musulami,  the,  African  tribe,  defeated 
by  Cossus,  341 

Mutina,  city  of  N.  Italy,  Spartacna 
destroys  the  camp  of  C.  Cassiu3 
near,  245;  Octavius  raises  the 
siege  of,  303 

Myndus,  city  of  Caria,  captured  by 
Aristonicus,  159 

Nabis,  Spartan  leader,  defeated  by 
Flamininus,  117 


INDEX   TO    LUCIUS    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 


Kaples,  53 

Nar,  tho,  river  of  Umbria,  its  banks 

laid  waste  by  Curius  Dentatus,  51 
Nautius,militarytribune,inproasPsthe 

Koman  dread  of  the  sea-passage 

to  Carthage.  83 
Nemea,  city  of  S.  Greece,  frecdom  of 

Greece  proclaimed  at,  117 
Neoptolemus,  general  of  Mithridat«^s, 

occupies  the  Greek  islands  and 

Athens,  181 
Neptune,  Sextus  Pompeius  sacrifices  a 

huUto,  313 
Nertobriga,   Spanish  town,  captured 

and  spared  by  Metelhis,  147 
Nicephorium,  city    of    Mesopotamia, 

Crassus  encamps  at,  211 
Nicomedes    III,    king    of    Bithynia, 

complaius    against    Mithridates, 

179  ;  his  kingdom  restored  to  him 

by  SuUa,  183 
Nile,    the   river,    figures   in    Caesar'3 

triumph,  297 
A.  Ninnius,  candidate  for  the  tribu- 

nate,  killed  by  Saturninus,  227 
Nola,   city    of    Campania,    Marcelius 

drives  Hannibal  from,  105 
Norbanus  see  Junins 
Norican  Alps,  the,  occupied  by  the 

Tigurini,  175 
Norici,    Alpine    tribe,    subdued    by 

Claudius  Drusus,  329 
Nuceria,  citv  of  Campania,  laid  waste 

in    the"   Social    War,     235,     by 

Spartacus,  243 
Numa  see  Pompilius 
Numantia,    Spanish   town,   35,    213 ; 

"  the  glory  of  Spain,"  holds  out 

for  eleven  years  against  40,000 

assailants,     151;      required    the 

conqueror  of  Carthage  to  capture 

it,  ib. ;  difficulties  of  Scipio  before, 

153;   its  capture  no  cause  of  joy 

to  the  victors,  157  ;   no  prisoners 

taken  at,  ib. 
Numantines,  the,  the  only  Spaniards 

to    produce    competent    leaders, 

149  ;   protect  the  Segidians,  151 ; 

defeat  Pompeius  and  Mancinus, 

153 ;  theirdesperatecourage,  155  ; 

burn  their  city  and  slay  them- 

selves,  ib. 
C.  Numicius,  soldier  of  the  4th  legion, 

cuts  off  an  elephanfs  trunk  at  the 

battle  of  Asculum,  61 


Numidia,  district  of  N.  Africa,  113, 
137,  161;  Calpurnius  Bestia  sent 
to,  163;  its  cities  attacked  by 
Metellus.  IGo 

Numitor,  grandfather  of  Romulus, 
driven  out  by  his  brother  Amu- 
lius,  9 

C.  Numitorius,  put  to  death  by 
Marius,  251 

Oblivion,    the    Eiver    of,    in    Spain, 

inspires   alarm    in   the   array    of 

D.  Brutus,  149 
Obsidius,  leader  of  the  Ferentanean 

squadron  at  the  battle  of  Heraclea, 

59 
Ocean,  the,  189,  193,  257,  275,  291, 

327,   341,   343,   345;     its  shorea 

first    reached     by    Scipio,     147; 

figures  in  Caesar's  triumph,  297 
Ocricolum,  city  of  Latium,  captured 

by  Tarquinius  Superbus,  23 ;  laid 

waste  in  the  Social  War,  235 
Octavius  see  Julius 
C.  (or  M.)  Octavius  (tribuue  of  the 

plebs    133    B.C.),    forced    by    Ti. 

Gracchus   to   retire   from  office, 

223 
Cn.    Octavius,    the    Marian    troubles 

break     out     in     his     consulship 

(87  B.C.),  249 ;    his  troops  driven 

by  Marius  from  the  Janiculum, 

251 ;    his  head   exposed   on  the 

rostra,  ib. 
Octavius  Libo,  legatus  of  Pompeius, 

surrounds     Dolabella     and     An- 

tonius,  277 
Oenomaus,  adherent  of  Spartacus,  241 
Olbia,  citv  of  Sardinia,  destroved  in 

the  Ist  Punic  War,  83 
Olvmpus,  citv  of  Cilicia,  destroved  by 

P.  Serrifius,  191 
Olympus.  Mt.,  in  Asia,  occupied  by  the 

Tolostobogi,  127 
Olvndicus,  leader  of  the  Celtiberi,  his 

death.  149 
L.    Opimius  (consul   121   B.C.),   sup- 

presses  C.  Gracchus,  227 
Opitergini,  tribe  of  N.  Italy,  side  with 

Caesar  in  the  Civil  War,  277 
Orchomenus,   citv   of   Boeotia,   Sulla 

defeats  Mithridates  at,  183 
Orgiacon,   Galatian   king,   exploit   of 

the  wife  of,  129 
Oricum,     city     of     Epirus,     Caesar 

717 


INDEX   TO    LUCIUS   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 


encamps  at,  279;    laid  wast€  by 

Caesar,  t6. 
Orodes,     king     of     the     Albanians, 

rewarded  by  Pompeius,  189 
Orodes,  king  of  tbe  Parthians,  sends 

ambassadors  to  Crassus,  211 
Oront€s,  the,  river  of  Syria,  319 
Osca.  Spanish  town,  surrenders  aft€r 

the  Sert-orian  War,  259 
Ostia,   port   of   Rome,   colonized   by 

Ancus  Marcius,  19  ;  laid  waste  by 

Marius,  251 
Oiubii,  the,  Ligurian  tribe,  operations 

against,  91 

Pacorus,  Parthian  leader,  expels  the 

garrisons     of     Antonius,      317; 

defeated  by  Tentidius,  319 
Padus,  river  of  N.  Italy,  the  Senones 

occupy  the  district  between  the 

P.  and  the  Alps,  41 ;   Hannibars 

operations  between  the   P.   and 

the  Ticinus,  97 
Paeligni,  the,  Italian  tribe,  take  part 

in  the  Social  War,  233 
Palatine  Hili,  the,  at  Rome,  Eomulus 

watches  for  auspices  on,  11 
Pales,  goddess  of    shepherds,  temple 

dedicated  to,  69 
Palladium,  the,  symbol  of  Empire,  15 
Pamphylian  Sea,"  the,  Metellus  com- 

mands  against  the  pirates  in,  193 
Panares,  Cretan  leader,  defeated  by 

Metellus,  197 
Pannonians,  the,  people  of  Hlyria,  329 ; 

protect€d  by  the  Drave  and  Save, 

331 ;   defeated  by  Vinnius,  ib. 
Panormus,   city   of   Sicily,   Calatinus 

drives  the  Carthaglnians  f rom,  81 ; 

the  Carthaginians  defeated  at,  87 
Papirii,  the,  conquerors  of  the  Sam- 

nites,  53 
Papirius  Carbo,  dcfeats  the  Lucanians 

in  the  Social  War,  235 
Cn.  Papirius  Carbo  (consul  82  B.C.), 

enters    Eome   with   Marius   and 

Cinna,    251 ;     puts    senators    to 

death,  253  ;   his  death,  255 
L.  Papirius  Oursor  (consul  320  B.C.), 

sends   the    Samnites   under   the 

yoke,  55 
Paraetonium,  promontory  of  Egypt, 

fortifled  by  Antonius,  327 
Parthians,  the,  make  a  treaty  with 

Pompeius,    189;    Crassus    covets 


their  wealth,  209 ;  defeat  Oassus 
at  Carrhae,  211;  Pompeius 
meditates  flight  to,  283;  Caesar 
contemplates  attack  upon,  299; 
effect  of  Crassus'  defeat  upon, 
317  ;  Labienus  sent  to  win  tbem 
over,  ib.;  they  drive  out  the 
garrisons  of  Antonius,  ib.;  they 
are  defeated  by  Ventidius,  319; 
they  defeat  Antonius,  321-3; 
they  return  the  standards  cap- 
tured  at  Carrhae,  351 

Paulus  see  Aemilim 

Pelorum,  promontory  of  Sicily,  laid 
waste  by  Sextus  Pompeius,  313 

Pelusium,  Egyptian  town,  Pompeius 
killed  at,  283;  fortified  by 
Antonius,  327 

Pergam.on,  Asiatic  kingdom,  allied 
to  Rome,  117  ;  bequeathed  to  the 
Eoman  people  by  Attalus  II,  159, 
213,215 

M.  Perpema  (consul  130  B.C.),  defeats 
and  captures  Aristonicus,  161; 
bis  successes  in  the  Servile  War, 
239 

M.  Perperna,  legatus  of  Sertorius,  his 
defeat,  259 

Perrhaebian  Mts.,  in  Epirus,  crossed 
by  the  Eomaus  in  the  advance  to 
Macedonia,  129 

Perses,  king  of  Macedonia,  son  of 
Philip  III,  chafes  against  the 
defeat  of  Macedonia,  129 ;  sur- 
prised  by  Marcius  Philippus,  131 ; 
hands  over  his  army  to  his 
generals  and  flees  to  Samothrace, 
ib.;  flgures  in  the  triumph  of 
Paulus,  133;  the  news  of  his 
defeat  reaches  Rome  on  the  same 
day,j6. ;  apretenderimpersonates 
his  son  Philip,  135 

Persians,  119;  Artabazus  descended 
from  one  of  the  "  Seven  P.'s," 
179;  in  the  army  of  Antiochus, 
123 

Perusia.  Etruscan  town,  Antonios 
besieged  by  Caesar  in,  305 

M.  Petreius,  legatus  of  Pompeius, 
besieged  by  Caesar,  surrenders, 
273;  comniits  suicide,  289 

Phamace?,  son  of  Mithridates,  his 
treachery  against  his  father,  287; 
defeated  by  Caesar,  ib.\  figures 
in  Caesar's"triumph,  297 


718 


INDEX    TO    LLXIUS    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 


Pharoe,  peninsoJa  and  lighthouse  at 

Alexandria,    Caesar   escapes    to, 

285;      represented     in     Gaesar'8 

triuinph,  297 
Pharsalia,  inXhessaly,  battleof,  281-3, 

2S7,    2S9;     does    not    figure    in 

Caesar's  triumph,  297 
Phaselis,  Cilician  town,  destrored  by 

P.  Servilius,  191 
Philip  III,  king  of  Maoedonia,  119; 

allies  himself  with  Hanaibal,  115 ; 

ihe  Athenians  seek  aid  against, 

ib.;     twice     defeated,    117;    his 

kingdom    restored    to    him    by 

Flaraininus,  ib. ;  succeeded  by  his 

son  Perses,  129 
Philip,  son  of  Perses,  king  of  Mace- 

donia,     impersonated     by     the 

pretender  Andriscus,  135 
Philippi,  in  E.  Macedonia,  battle  of, 

201,  3U9-311 
Philippus  see  Marciuj 
Phrygians,  the,  Asiatic  people,  reach 

Latium  under  Aeneas,  11 
Picentes,  the,  Italian  tribe,  conquered 

by  Sempronius,  67 
Picentia,  Italian  town,  laid  waste  in 

the  Social  War,  235 
Picenum,    dLstrict    of    Italy,    revolts 

against  Eome  and  is  subdned,  67 ; 

tiikes  part  in  the  Social  War,  233 
Piraeus,  port  of  Athens,  destroved  by 

SuUa, 1S3 
Pirates,     the,      snccessful      war      of 

Pompeius   against,    191  S.,   313 ; 

in  the  Balearic  Islands,  197-9 
Piso  see  Calpurniiis 
Plaetorii,  the,  put  to  death  by  SnUa, 

255 
Plato,  the  Phaedo  of,  read  by  Cato 

before  his  suicide,  291 
Plautius  Hypsaeus,  praetor,  his  camp 

captured  in  the  Serviie  War,  239 
Piotius,  commands  in  the  Sicilian  Sea 

against  the  virates,  193 
Plotius,  leader  of  the  Umbrians  in  the 

Social  War,  233 
Po,  the  river,  see  Padus 
Pollux  see  Castor  and  Polhtx 
Polysenidas,    admiral   of   Antiochus, 

defeated   by   Aemilius   Keeillus, 

123 
Pometia,  town  of  Latium,  captured  by 

Tarquinius  Superbus,  23 
Pompeii,  city  of  Campania,  53 


Cn.  Pompeius  Magnus,  179,  201,  211, 
213,  217,  2S7,  293,  299,  309,  313, 
315,  343;  the  favourite  of 
Fortune,  185;  defeats  Mithri- 
dates,  1S7;  seitles  the  East,  ib., 
189;  at  Jerusalem,  i6. ;  makes 
Asia  a  Roman  pro^-ince,  ib.; 
given  command  against  the 
pirates,  193;  his  dispositions 
against  the  pirates,  ib.\  his 
victory  over  the  pirates,  195; 
sends  M.  Antonius  to  Crete,  197; 
helps  to  defeat  S--^norius,  257-9; 
puts  down  Lepidus,  261;  the 
fatal  effects  of  his  rivalry  with 
Caesar,  267;  hissupportersin  the 
Civil  War,  t6.;  MetelJus  opposes 
his  acts,  269;  he  goes  to  Spain, 
ib.:  married  to  Juiia,  Caesar's 
daughter,  271;  secures  that  the 
consulshiip  is  refused  to  Caesar, 
xb.\  escapes  from  Erundisium, 
273 :  Caesar  opposes  his  legati  in 
Spain,  ib. ;  he  holds  the  sea,  277 ; 
he  chooses  Epirus  as  the  scene  of 
operations,  ib.:  cuts  off  Caesar's 
supplies,  2SI;  is  defeated  at 
Pharsalia,  2S?;  escapes  and  is 
put  to  death  by  a  deserter  at 
Pelusium,  ib.:  treachery  of 
Ptolemaeustowardshim,  285;  his 
adherents  defeated  at  Thapsus, 
289,  and  Munda,  293;  his 
daughter  put  to  death  by  Caesar, 
297 

Cn.  Pompeitis  the  yoimger,  commsnds 
in  the  Adriatic  against  the  pirates, 
193;  in  Spain,  291;  killed  by 
Caesonius  at  Lauro,  295,  313 

Sextus  Pompeius,  291 ;  commauds  in 
the  Adriatic  against  the  pirates, 
193;  escapestoCeltiberia,  295-7; 
seeks  to  recover  his  father's 
inheritance,  299 ;  in  Sicily  and 
Sardinia,  313;  lays  waste  the 
coast  of  Italy  and  bums  Caesar'8 
fleet,  ib.:  makes  a  temporary 
treaty  with  Caesar  at  Eaiae,  ib.; 
defeated  off  Sicily,  315;  escapes 
to  Asia  and  is  killed,  ib. 

Q.  Pompeius  Strabo,  his  successes  in 
the  Social  War,  235;  destroys 
Asculum,  237 

Noma  Pompilius,  king  of  Rome,  19, 
25,  89;    Eucceeds  Romulus,  15; 

719 


INDEX   TO    LUCIUS   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 


introduces  rites  and  ceremonies, 
establishes  the  worship  of  Janus, 
ib. ;  receives  advices  from  Egeria, 
ib. ;  succeeded  by  Tullus  HostUius, 
ib. 

M.  Pomponius,  commands  in  the 
Gallic  Gulf  against  the  pirates, 
J93 

Pontine  marshes,  in  Latium,  laid  waste 
by  Sextus  Pompeius,  313 

Pontius,  Samnite  general,  defeats  the 
Puomans  at  the  Caudine  Forks, 
55-7 

Pontius  Telesinus,  commands  the 
Samnites  and  Lucanians  in  the 
Social  War,  233;  !ays  waste 
Campania  anJ  Etruria,  253;  is 
defeated  hv  SuUa,  ib. 

Pontus,  the,  (Black  Sea),  179,  193; 
wreck  of  ilithridates'  fleet  in,  185 

Pontus,  district  of  Asia  Mnor, 
kingdom  of  Mithridates,  179  ff.; 
of  Phamaces,  287 

Popilius,  treacherouslr  puts  Viriatua 
to  death,  149 

Poppaedius,  commands  the  Marsians 
iu  the  Social  War,  233-5 

M.  Porcius  Cato,  the  Censor,  urges  the 
destruction  of  Carthage,  137; 
defeats  the  Celtiberi,  147 

0.  Porcius  Cato  (consul  114  B.C.), 
his  army  is  cut  ofE  by  the  Scordisci, 
177 

L.  Porcius  Oato  (consul  89  B.C.), 
defeats  the  Etruscans  in  the 
Social  War.  235 

M.  Porcius  Cato,  commands  in  the 
Propontis  against  the  pirates, 
193;  brings  home  the  spoils  of 
Cyprtis,  199;  urges  the  punish- 
ment  of  the  Catilinarian  con- 
3[)irators,  265;  his  opposition  to 
those  in  power,  267;  fights  for 
Pompeius  in  Africa,  289;  holds 
Utica,  291 ;   his  suicide  there,  ib. 

M.  Porcius  Laeca,  adherent  of 
Catiline,  263 

Porsenna,  king  of  the  Etruscans, 
attempts  to  restore  the  Tar- 
quinii,  31 ;  Scaevola  visits  his 
camp,  ib.;  Clo^lia,  a  hostage, 
escapes  from  his  camp,  33;  he 
retires,  ib. 

A..  Postumius  Kegillensis,  dictator, 
defeats  the  Latins,  33 

720 


M.  Postumius  Hegillensis,  military 
tribune,  stoned  by  his  men,  69 

A.  Postumius  Albinus,  propraetor, 
corrupts  the  army  in  Africa,  163 

L.  PostamiusAlbinus(con5ul  234B.C.), 
disarms  the  Liguria'15,  91 

Spiu-ius  Postumius  Albinus  (consul 
321  B.C.),  defeated  at  the  Caudine 
Forks,  53 

Spurius  Postumius  Albinus,  sent 
agatnst  Jugiulha,  163 

Pothinus,  Alexandrine  eunuch,  his 
death,  287 

Praeneste,  town  of  Latium,  formidable 
in  the  Latin  War,  35;  Pyrrhus 
views  Rome  from,  65 ;  put  up  for 
auction,  255 

Propontis,  the  (Sea  of  Marmora),  Cato 
commands  in,  against  the  pirates, 
193 

Ptolemaeus  Xn,  king  of  Alesandria, 
brother  of  Cleopatra,  makes  a 
treaty  with  Caesar  after  the  death 
of  Pompeius,  285;  besieges 
Caesar  in  the  palace,  ib.;  his 
death,  287 

Ptolemaeus,  king  of  Cyprus,  deprived  of 
his  wealth  by  the  Romans,  199; 
poisons  himself,  ib. 

Publilius  Volero,  heads  a  mutiny,  71 

Punic  Sea,  dreaded  bv  the  Romans,  83 

Punic  Wars,  Ist,  77' ff.;  2nd,  93  ff.; 
3rd, 137  ff. 

Puteoli,  city  of  Campania,  53 ;  laid 
waste  by  Sextus  Pompeius,  313 

Pyreuees,  Mts.,  107,  343 ;  first  crossed 
by  the  Spiciones 

Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus,  helps  the 
Tarentines,  57-9;  defeated  at 
Heraclea,  59;  wotmded  at 
Asculum,  61 ;  Roman  intrigues 
against,  63  ;  his  sayings  about  the 
Romans,  ib.;  Fabricius  refuses 
the  offer  of  P.'s  doctor  to  betray 
him,  ib.;  views  Rome  from 
Praeneste,  ib.;  flees  to  Greec«, 
67  ;  his  palace  at  Ambracia,  125  ; 
resists  for  four  years,  179;  hia 
devastation  of  Italv  compared 
with  that  of  the  Social  War,  235, 
and  with  that  of  the  war  betweea 
Sulla  and  Marius,  253 

Pythian  Apollo  see  Apollo 

T.    Quinctius    Cincinnatus,   dictator, 


INDEX    TO    LUCIUS    ANNAEUS    FLOllUS 


sammoned  from  the  plough, 
defeats  the  Aequi  and  Volsri, 
37  ;  orders  Ahala  to  kill  Cassius, 
75 

r.  Qulnctius  Flaminiiuis  (consul 
198  B.C.),  defeats  Philip  III  at 
Cynoscephalae,  117;  restorcs 
former  constitution  in  Greece,  ib. ; 
gratitude  of  the  Greeks  to,  ib. 

P.  Quintilius  Varus,  his  cruelty  in 
Germany,  339 ;  plots  against  him, 
ib.;  his  defeat  bv  the  Germans, 
ib. ;   his  death,  341 

Quirinal,  the,  hiU  at  Eome,  Fabius 
sacrifices  upon,  duriug  the  siege 
by  the  Gauls,  45 

Quirinius,  defeats  the  Marmarides 
and  Garamantes,  341 

Quirinus,  title  of  Eomulus,  15 

Raudian  Plain,  the,  in  Liguria,  Marius 
defeats  the  Oimbri  at,  173 

Ravemia,  city  of  Cisalpine  Gaul, 
Caesar  holds  a  levy  at,  207 

Red  Sea,  189 

Regillus,  Lake,  in  Latium,  defeat  of 
the  Latins  at,  33 

Regillus  see  AemilUis 

Regulus  see  Atilius 

Remus,  exposed  with  Romulus,  9; 
sees  six  vultures  from  the 
Aventine  Hill,  11 ;  his  death,  i6. 

RhascjTJoIis,  Thracian  chief,  aids 
Pompeius  in  the  Civil  War,  267 

Rhea  Silvia,  mother  of  Romulus  and 
Remus,  9 

Rhrne,  the,  river  of  Germany,  201 ; 
Ambiorix  hides  beyond,  203; 
crossed  by  Caesar,  205;  again 
bridged,  ib.\  figures  in  Caesar's 
triumph,  297;  Drusus  builds 
forts  along,  337 ;  boundary  of  the 
Roman  Empire  after  the  defeat 
of  Varus,  341,  349 

Rhodians,  the,  islanders  of  the  Aegean, 
help  the  Romans  against  Philip 
ni,  117,  and  against  Antiochus, 
123 ;  ask  mercy  for  the  conquered 
Aetolians,  125;  help  the  Romans 
against  Mithridates,  181 ;  against 
the  pirates,  193 

Rhodope,  Mt.,  of  Paeonia,  crossed  by 
Volsco,  179 

Rhoecogenes,  leader  of  tte  Numan- 
tines,  155 


FLORUS. 


Ehoemetalcus,  king  of  Thrace,  rcvolts, 
333 

Rhone,  the,  river  of  Gaul,  the  AIIo 
broges  are  defeated  near,  167; 
Caesar  at  the  bridge  ovt  r,  2()1  ; 
figurcs  in  Cacsar's  triumph,  2tt7 

Rome,  Roman  people,  'pasxiin 

Romulus,  founder  of  Eome,  5,  25; 
son  of  Mars  and  Ehea  Silvia,  9; 
unsuccessfully  exposed,  ib. ;  found 
and  brought  up  by  Faustulus,  ib. ; 
restores  his  grandfather  Numitor, 
ib.\  plans  Eome,  ib.;  wins 
contest  of  augury,  11 ;  establishcs 
the  asylum,  ib. ;  becomes  king  of 
Eome,  ib.\  wins  the  spolial 
opima,  13,  93;  his  suecessful 
prayer  to  Jupiter  in  the  battle 
against  the  Sabines,  13;  makes 
peace  with  Tatius,  ib. ;  organizes 
the  State,  ib.;  disappears  from 
human  sight,  ib. ;  appears  to  Julius 
Proclus,  15;  succeeded  by  Numa, 
ib.;  the  title  of  E.  suggested  for 
Augustus,  351 

Eufinus  see  Comelius 

P.  Eutilius  Lupus  (consul  90  B.C.), 
defeated  in  the  Social  War,  235 

P.  Eutilius  Eufus  (consul  105  B.C.), 
condenmation  of,  231 

Sabaeans,  the,  Arabian  tribe,  spoils  of, 
captured  at  Actium,  327 

Sabines,  the,  Italian  tribe,  67 ; 
Tarpeia  betrays  the  gates  of 
Eome  to,  13  ;  emigrate  to  Eome, 
ib.;  Numa  summoned  from  the 
S.  town  of  Cures,  15  ;  subdued  by 
Curius  Dentatus,  51 ;  take  part 
in  the  Social  War,  233  ;  Herdonius 
the  S.,  leader  in  the  Senile  War, 
237 

Sacred  Mt.,  the,  in  Latium,  secession 
of  the  plebs  to,  71 

Sacriportus,  Volscian  town,  the 
Tounger  Marius  is  defeated  by 
SuUa  at,  253 

Saguntum,  Spanish  city,  chosen  by 
Hannibal  as  apretext  forwar,95; 
its  inhabitants  destroy  tliem- 
sclves  and  their  property,  ib.,  97 

Salamis,  battle  of,  123 

Salii,  pricsts,  cstablislied  by  Numa,  15 

Sallentines,  the,  Calabrian  tribe, 
Bubdued  by  M.  Atilius,  69 

721 


F.N.A  A 


INDEX   TO    LUCIUS    ANNAEUS   FLORUS 


5aluvii,the,  Ligurian  tribe,  operations 
against,  91 ;  the  Msissiliana 
complain  of  their  inroads,  167 

Samnites,  the,  Italian  people,  65,  67; 
attacked  by  the  Romans  at  the 
raquest  of  the  Campanians,  51 ; 
their  character,  53  ;  defeated  by 
the  Fabii  and  Papirii,  ib. ;  defeat 
the  Romans  at  the  Caudine 
Forks,  ib. :  sent  beneath  the  yoke, 
ib.;  conspire  with  the  Etruscans 
and  rmbrians  against  Rome,  ib. ; 
defeated  by  Sulla  in  the  Social 
War,  235;  fight  in  the  Marian 
Civil  War  under  Lamponius  and 
Telesinus,  253 

Sanmium,  district  of  Italy,  Fabius 
harasses  Hannibal  in,  103 

Samos,  A^ean  Island,  captured  by 
Axistonicus,  159 

Samothrace,  Aegean  island,  Perses 
escapes  to,  131 

Sardinia,  89,  115;  occupied  by  the 
Eomans  in  the  Ist  Punic  War,  83  ; 
Bubjugated  by  Gracchus  in  the 
2nd  Punic  War,  107;  Lepidus 
retires  to,  261 ;  secured  by  Caesar 
at  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War, 
273  ;  Sextus  Pompeius  in,  313 

Sarmatians,  the,  Scythian  tribe, 
Appius  penetrates  as  far  as,  179; 
cause  trouble  in  the  north,  329; 
driven  from  the  Danube  by 
Lentulus,  335 ;  send  ambassadors 
to  Augustus,  349 

Satricum,  Latin  town,  35 

Satuminus  see  Apuleius 

Save,  the,  river  of  Pannonia,  331 

Saxa  see  Decidius 

Scaevola  see  Mucius 

Scaurus  see  Aemilius 

Scipio  see  Comelius 

Scodra,  capital  of  Hlyria,  destroyed, 
133 

Scordisci,  the,  Thracian  tribe,  cut  off 
the  army  of  Cato,  177;  defeated 
by  Didius,  ib. 

0.  Scribonius  Curio  (consul  76  B.C.), 
reaches  Dacia,  179 

0.  Scribonius  Curio,  legatus  of 
Caesar  in  Airica,  his  bravery  and 
fate,  277 

L.  Scribonius  Libo,  legatus  of  Pom- 
peius,  driven  by  Caesar  out  of 
Etruria,  273 

722 


Scythians,  the,  187 ;  send  ambassadora 
to  Augustus,  349 

Segestes,  German  chief,  betrays  the 
conspiracy  of  Armenius  to  Varus, 
339 

Segidians,  the,  Spanish  tribe,  their 
cause  upheld  by  the  Kumantines, 
151 

Segisama,  Spanish  town,  Augustus  at, 
345 

Segovia,  Spanish  town,  Domitius  and 
Thoranns  defeated  at,  257 

Seleucia,  city  on  the  Tigris,  211 

C.  Sempronius  Gracchus,  215,  227, 
229;  seeks  to  vLndicate  his 
brother,  225 ;  promises  tbe  plebs 
land  and  the  inheritancc  of 
Attalus,  ib.;  his  2nd  tribunate, 
ib.;  occupies  the  Capitol,  227; 
defeated  by  Opimius  on  the 
Aventine  and  killed,  ib.;  his 
murderers  rewarded,  ib. 

G.  Gracchus,  pretender,  put  f  orward  by 
Satuminus,  227 

Ti.  Sempronius  Gracchus  (consul 
215  B.C,),  pursues  Hannibal 
through  Lucania,  105;  secures 
Sardinia,  107 

Ti.  Sempronius  Gracchus,  father  of  the 
Qracchi  (consul  177  B.C.),  over- 
comes  the  Celtiberians,  147 

Ti.  Sempronius  Gracchus,  215,  227, 
229;  kindJes  the  first  torch  of 
revolution,  223 ;  acts  as  surety  f  or 
the  treaty  of  Mancinus,  ib.; 
deposes  his  coUeague  Octavius, 
ib.;  created  triumvir  for  the 
distribution  of  land,  225;  takes 
refuge  in  the  Capitol,  ib.;  put 
down  by  Scipio  Nasica,  ib. 

P.  Sempronius  Longus,  the  battle  of 
Trebia  is  fought  in  his  consulship 
(218  B.C.),  97 

P.  Sempronius  Sophus  (consul  268 
B.C.),  subdues  the  Picenians,  67 

Senones,  Gallic  tribe,  249;  a  danger 
to  the  growing  empire,  41 ;  march 
on  Eome,  defeating  the  Eomans 
at  the  Alia,  43 ;  besiege  the 
Capitol,  45 ;  defeated  by  CamiUus, 
47 

L.  Septunius,  puts  Pompeins  to  death, 
285 

Sequani,  the,  Gsillic  tribe,  incited  to 
rebellion  by  Vercingetorix,  207 


INDEX    TO    LUCIUS    ANNAEUS   FLOUUS 


Beres,  the  (Ohinese),  send  presenta  to 
Augustus,  349 

L.  Sergius  Catilina,  the  cause  of  his 
rising,  217, 261 ;  his  adherents,  ib. ; 
denounced  in  the  senate  by 
Oicero,  263 ;  joins  Manlius  in 
Etruria,  ib.;  defeated  by  An- 
tonius  and  killed  on  the  fieid,  2G5 

Q.  Sertorius,  181;  ent^rs  Rome  v\ith 
Marius  and  Cinna,  261 ;  goes  into 
eiile  as  a  swom  enemy  of  Rome, 
257;  arms  Spain,  ib.\  helps 
Mithridat«s,  ib.\  defeated  by 
Metellus  and  Pompeius,  t6. ; 
treacherously  killed,  259 

Serrile  War,  the,  215,  237  ff. 

Q.  Servilius  Ahala,  Master  of  the 
Horse,  puts  Cassins  to  death,  75 

Q.  Servilius  Oaepio  (consul  106  B.C), 
fails  to  check  the  Cimbri,  169 

Q.  Servilius  Oaepio,  rival  of  Livius 
Drusns,  accuses  Scaurus  and 
Philippus  of  bribery,  231 ;  his 
forces  defeated  in  the  Social  War, 
235 

Servilius  Caepio,  commands  off  Asia 
against  the  pirates,  193 

0.  Servilius  Qlaucia,  adherent  of 
Satuminus,  227 

P.  Servilius  Vadia  Isauricus,  defeats 
the  Cilicians  and  captures  Isaura, 
191 

3ervilius,  praetor,  his  camp  captured 
in  the  Servile  War,  239,  241 

3erviu3  Tullins,  king  of  Rome, 
succeeds  Tarquinius  Priscus,  21 ; 
reorganizes  the  State,  ib.,  27; 
murdered  by  Tarquinius  Super- 
bus,  23;  his  daughter  Tullia 
drives  over  his  dead  body,  ib. 

3ibylline  Verses,  the,  prophecy  about 
the  family  of  Lentulus  in,  263 

Bicambri,  the,  German  tribe,  subdued 
by  Drasus,  337 

Sicilian  Sea,  the,  Plotius  commands 
against  the  pirates  in,  193 ; 
S.  Straits,  the,  Sextus  Pompeius 
defeated  in,  315 

Sicily,  89,  115,  215,  245;  trade  of 
Tarentum  with,  59 ;  coveted  both 
by  Rome  and  by  Oarthage,  79 ; 
Carthaginian  garrisons  driven 
from,  81;  becomes  a  Roman 
provinc«,  87;  subjugated  by 
Marcellus  in  the  2nd  Punic  War, 


105;  threatened  by  the  pirates, 
193;  devastated  in  the  Servile 
War,  237  ;  secured  by  Caesar 
at  the  outbreak  of  the  Civii 
War,  273;  Seitus  Pompeius  in, 
313 

Sicoris,  the,  Spanish  river,  Afranius 
and  Petreius  eucamp  near,  275 

Silaces,  Parthian  general,  defeats 
Crassus  at  Carrhae,  211 

Silanus  see  Junius 

Sipylus,  Mt.  in  Asia  Minor,  occupied 
by  Antiochus,  123 

Social  War,  the,  233  ff. 

Soranus,  put  to  death  by  Sulla,  255 

Spain,  operations  in,  during  2nd  Punic 
War,  97;  Hasdrubal  marches 
from,  into  Italy,  111 ;  operations 
in,  145  ff.;  becomes  a  Roman 
province,  147 ;  operations  agaiost 
Sertorius  in,  257-9 ;  triumph  over, 
297 ;  war  of  Augustus  in,  343  ff. ; 
its  loyalty  after  defeat  by 
Augustus,  349 

Sparta,  Tarentum  a  colony  of,  59; 
Xanthippus  sent  from,  to  help 
the  Carthaginians,  85;  subdued 
by  Plamininus,  117 

Spartacus,  his  early  career,  241 ; 
breats  out  of  the  gladiatorial 
school  at  Capua,  t6.;  occupies 
Mt.  Vesuvius,  243;  defeats 
Lentulus,  245 ;  destroys  the 
camp  of  Cassius,  ib. ;  meditates 
an  attack  on  Rome,  ib. ;  def eated 
by  Crassus  and  killed  in  battle,  ib. 

Spartans,  the,  bravery  of,  at  Thermo- 
pylae,  123 

Spoletium,  Umbrian  town,  put  up  to 
auction,  255 

Spurius  see  Maelius 

Stator,  title  of  Jupiter,  origin  of  the 
name,  13 

Stolo  see  Licinius 

Strabo  see  Pompeius 

Sucro,  Spanish  town,  Pompeiua 
defeated  by  Sertorius  near,  257 

Suebi,  German  tribe,  conquered  by 
Drusus,  337 

Suessa  Pometia,  Latin  town,  captured 
by  Tarquinius  Superbus,  23 

Sulla  see  Cornclius 

Sulmo,  Italian  town,  destroyed  by 
Sulla,  255 

Serviua  Sulpicius  (consul   361   B.C.), 


INDEX   TO    LUCIUS   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 


mamed  to  daughter  of  Fabius 
Ambustus,  75 

P.  Sulpicius  Rufus,  proposes  that 
Sulla's  province  be  given  to 
Marius,  247;   opposes  SuUa,  249 

Surenas,  Parthian  general,  at  the 
battle  of  Carrhae,  211 

Syedra,  a  deserted  rock  in  Cilicia, 
Pompeius  at,  283 

Syphax,  kins  of  Numidia,  his  cavalry 
pnt  to  fllght  by  Scipio,  113 

Syracuse,  city  of  Sicily,  Hiero  II  of, 
defeated'by  Appius  Claudius,  79; 
captured  and  spared  bv  Marcellus, 
105 

Syria,  115,  213,  307;  its  wealth  and 
strength,  119;  Antiochus,  ex- 
pelled  from  Greece,  retums  to, 
123;  Pompeius  in,  189;  de- 
moralizing  effect  of,  upon  the 
Romans,  215;  recovered  by 
Ventidius,  319;  Antonius  takes 
refuge  in.  i&. ;  C.  Caesar,  grand- 
son  of  Augustus,  dies  in,  343 

Syrian  goddess,  the,  237 

Syrian  War,  the,  119  fiE.;  involves 
Galatia,  127,  and  other  nations, 
129 

Syrtes,  Gulf  on  the  N.  coast  of  Africa, 
wreck  of  the  Roman  fleet  there 
in  the  Ist  Punic  War,  87;  tribes 
on  its  coasts  defeated  by  Cossus, 
341 

Tagus,    the,     Spanish    river,     lands 

beyond,  laid  waste  by  Viriatus, 

149 
Tanais,  the,  Scythian  river,  Lucullus 

reaches,  179 
Tanaquil,  wif  e  of  Tarquinius  Superbus, 

21 
Tarcondimotus,  Cilician  chief  tain.  sup- 

ports  Pompeius  in  the  Civil  War, 

267 
Tarentum,  city  of  S.  Italy,  67;    de- 

scribed,    59 ;     the    war    against, 

57  ff. ;  Hannibal  at,  101 ;  retums 

to     Roman     aUegiance     in     the 

2nd  Punic  War,  109 
Tarpeia,  betrays  the  gates  of  Rome  to 

the  Sabines,  13;   her  death,  ib. 
Tarquinii,  the,  Porsenna  attempts  to 

restore,   31 ;    supported   by   the 

Latins,  33 
Tarquiniufl    Priscus,   21;    his  Greek 

724 


origin,  19 ;  becomes  king  of  Rome, 
ib.;  increases  the  senate  and 
knights,  ib.;  his  test  of  Attius 
Nevius  the  augur,  ib. ;  institutes 
distinctions  and  badges  of  ofiBce, 
21,27 

Tarquinius  Superbus,  last  king  of 
Rome,  23,  307;  wins  the  kingdom 
by  treachery,  23 ;  his  wife  Tuliia, 
ib.;  having  sated  his  cruelty  at 
home,  tums  to  his  enemies,  16.; 
scourges  his  son,  ib.;  erects  a 
temple,  ib.;  deprived  of  the 
kingship,  25;  his  injustice 
kindles  a  desire  for  liberty,  27 

Sextus  Tarquinius,  goes  to  Gabii  under 
the  pretence  of  a  deserter,  23; 
his  rape  of  Lucretia,  25 

L,  Tarquinius  CoIIatinus  (consul 
509  B.C.),  7,  27;  the  Romans 
under  his  leadership  pnt  down  the 
kings,  ib. ;  one  of  the  first  consuls, 
ib. ;  exiled,  29 

Tarraco,  Spanish  town,  Augustus  at, 
347 

T.  Tatius,  Romulus  makes  peace  with, 
13  ;  the  Sabines  forget  his  treaty 
with  Rome,  51 

Tectosagi,  the,  Gallo-Greek  tribe; 
surrender  to  the  Romans,  127 

Teiesinus  see  Pontivs 

Tempe,  valley  of  Thessaly,  Pompeius 
flees  through,  283 

Tencteri,  the,  tribe  on  the  Rhine, 
complain  against  the  Germans, 
205 ;  their  territory  overrun  by 
Drusus,  337 

C.  Terentius  Varro,  refuses  to  despair 
after  Cannae,  101 

M.  Terentius  Varro,  commands  in  the 
Aegean  and  lonian  Seas  against 
the  pirates,  193;  surrenders  to 
Caesar  in  Further  Spain,  275 

Termes,  Spanish  city,  retums  to 
Roman  allegiance  after  the 
Sertorian  War,  259 

Terminus,  Roman  deity,  opposes  the 
erection  of  a  temple  by  Tar- 
quinius  Superbus,  25 

Teutana,  queen  of  the  Illyrians,  orders 
the  murder  of  Romanambassadors, 
93 

Teutobodus,  king  of  the  Teutones, 
figures  in  Roman  trinmph,  171 

Teutones,  the,  GalUc  tribe,  refugecs 


INDEX   TO    LUCIUS    ANNAEUS    FLORUS 


from  the  furthest  part  of  Gaul, 
169  ;  offer  to  serve  the  Romans  as 
mercenaries,  ib.;  defeat  Silanus, 
Maoilius  and  Caepio,  ib.;  march 
towards  the  Alps,  171;  defeated 
by  Marius  at  Aquae  Sextiae  and 
utterly  destroyed,  ib. 

Thala,  Numidian  city,  plundered  by 
MeteUus,  165 

Thapsus,  African  town,  scene  of  defeat 
of  the  Pompeians  by  Caesar,  289 ; 
does  not  figure  in  Caesar's  triumph, 
297. 

Thebes,  city  of  Boeotia,  conquered  by 
Flamininus,  117 

Theodotus,  instigator  of  the  Alex- 
andrine  War,  put  to  death,  287 

Thermopylae,  the  battle  of,  81 ; 
Antiochus  fails  to  make  a  stand 
at,  123 

Thermus  see  Minucius 

Thessalians,  the,  people  of  N.  Greece, 
help  Pyrrhus,  59  ;  figure  in  the 
triumph  over  Tarentum,  67 

Thessaly,  district  of  N.  Greece,  299 ; 
incursion  of  the  Thracians  into, 
177;  Caesar  lays  waste  the 
fortresses  of,  279;  scene  of 
hostilities  in  the  Civil  War,  281, 
291;  Pompeius'  flight  through, 
283 

Thoas,  Aetolian  prince,  urges  Antiochus 
against  the  Romans,  119 

Thoranus,  his  camp  seized  by  Sparta- 
cus,  243 

Thorius,  legatus  of  Pompeius  in  the 
Sertorian  War,  257 

Thrace,  187;  Lysimachia,  a  city 
of,  121 ;  Andriscus  takes  refuge 
in,  135;  Didius  drives  the 
Scordisci  into,  177;  its  conquest 
a  glory  to  Rome,  213;  supports 
Pompeius  in  the  Civil  War,  267 

Thracians,  the,  help  Perses,  king  of 
Macedonia,  129,  and  the  pre- 
tender  Andriscus,  135;  rebel, 
177;  the  Scordisci  the  most 
savagetribeof,  t6.;  reduced,  178; 
rebel  under  Rhoemetalcis  and  are 
subdued  by  Piso,  333 

Thurii,  city  of  S,  Italy,  laid  waste  by 
Spartacus,  243 

Tiber,  the,  river  of  Rome,  35,  199; 
eiposure  of  Romulus  and  Remus 
Ln,  9 ;  bridged  by  Ancus  Marcius, 


19;    Bwum   by   Foratius  Cocles, 

31,   and   by   Cloelia,  33;    mouth 

of,  ravaged  by  Sertus  Pompeius, 

313 
Tibur,  town  of  Latium,  attacked  in 

the  Latin  War,  35 
Ticinus,  the,  river  of  N.  Italy,  Hanni- 

bal's  victory  at,  97 
Tigranes,  king  of  Armenia,  defeated 

by  Pompeius,  187 
Tigurini,     the,     Gallic     tribe,     169; 

dispersed  by  the  Romans,  175 
Titius,  the,  river  of  IUyria,  93 
Q.  Titurius  Sabinus,  legatus  of  Caesar, 

ambushed  by  Ambiorii,  203 
Tolostobogi,   Gailo-Greek   tribe,   sur- 

render  to  Rome,  127 
Tolumnius,  Lars,  king  of  Veii,  spoils 

won  from,  39 
Torquatus  see  ilanlius 
Trajanus  see  Ulpiris 
Trasimene,  Lake  in  Etruria,  defeat  of 

the  Romans  by  Hannibal  at,  99 
Trebia,  the,  river  of  N.  Italy,  scene  of 

baltle  against  Hannibal,  97 
Treviri,     the,     Gallic    tribe,     attack 

Caesar's  legati,  203 
Tridentine    AIps,    the,    the    Cimbri 

descend  into  Italy  from,  173 
Tullia,  wife  of  Tarquinius  Superbus, 

drives  over  her  father's  corpse,  23 
M.   TuIIius   Cicero   (consul   63   B.C.), 

puts      down      the      Catilinarian 

conspiracy,  263 ;  accuses  Catiline 

in   the   senate,   ib.;     orders   the 

arrest    of    the    ADobroges,    265; 

proposes  an  amnesty  for  Caesar's 

murderers,  ib. ;  put  to  death  and 

his  head  exposed  on  the  rostra, 

307 
Tullus  see  Eostilius 
Turduli,  the,  Spanish  tribe,  subdued 

by  Lucullus,  147 
Turmogi,  the,  Spanish  tribe,  attacked 

by  the  Cantabrians,  345 
Tuscan   Sea,   the,   Gellius  commanda 

against  the  pirat«s  in,  193 
Tuscan  see  Etruscan 
Tusculum,  town  of  Latium,  Mamilius 

of,  commands  in  the  Latin  War, 

33 

Ucenni,    the,    tribe    of    the    Norici, 

subdued  by  Drusus,  329 
tJIia,   Spanish   town,   enters    Roman 


INDEX   TO    LUCIUS   ANNAEUS   FLORUS 


allegiance,    after    the    Sertorian 

War,  259 
M.  Ulpius  Trajanos,  emperor,  rerival 

of  Eome  under  his  rule,  9 
Umbria,  district  of  X .  Italy,  Thermus, 

legatus  of  Pompeius,  driven  out 

of,  273 
Umbrians,  the,  the  oldest  people  of 

Italy,  conspire  against  Rome,  55  ; 

commanded    bv   Plotius   in    the 

Social  War,  233 
Usipetes,    the,    German    tribe,    first 

subdued  by  Drusus,  337 
Utica,  city  of  N.  Africa,  Cato  commits 

suicide  at,  291 

Taccaei,  the,  Spanish  tribe,  subdued 

by  LucuUus,   147;    attacked  by 

the  Cantabrians,  345 
Vadimo,  lake  in  Etruria,  defeat  of  the 

remnant    of    the    Grauls    at,    by 

Dolabella,  49 
Yalentia,  Spanish  town,  enters  Roman 

allegiance  after  the  Sertorian  War, 

259 
M.  Valerius  Corvinus,  wins  his  title  in 

fight  with  a  Gaul,  49 
M.  Valerius  Laevinus  (consul  210  B.C.), 

private     contributions     to     the 

public  treasury  during  his  year 

of  office,  103,  and  first  entry  of 

the  Eomans  into  the  lonian  "Sea, 
115 
P.  Valerius  Laevinus,  consul  when  the 

battle   of   Heraclea   was  fought 

(280  B.C.),  59 
Varenius,    his    camp    captured    by 

Spartacus,  263 
Vai>;unteius,    adherent    of    Oatiltne, 

2G3 
Varos  see  Attius,  Quintilius 
Varus,  the,  river  of  S.  Gaul,  91 
Veientines.  Latin  people,  defeated  by 

Romulus,  11;   persistent  enemies 

of  Rome,  37 ;  defeat  the  Fabii  at 

the  Cremera,  ib. 
Veii,  Latin   town,   besi^ed   for  ten 

years,  39;    captured  by  a  mine, 

ib.;   ita  total  disappearance,  41; 

saored    objects    carried    thither 

during  the   Gallic  invasion,   43; 

Camillus  accused  of  unfairdivision 

of  the   spoils   of,   71;    Camillus 

settles  at,  ib. 
Velinns,  lake  in  Sabine  temtory,  51 


Veneti,  the,  Grallic  tribe,  Caesar's  naval 

operations  against,  203 
Venetia,  city  of  N.  E.  Italy,  possesses 

the  softest  cUmate  tn  Italy,  193 
P.    Ventidius,    legatus    of    Antonius, 

defeata  Labienus    and    Pacorus, 

319 
Veuuleii,    the,     victims     of     Sulla'8 

proscription,  225 
Venus,  Cyprus  sacred  to,  199 
Vercingetorix,  stirs  up  the  G-auls  to 

revolt,    207;     comes    as    a   sup- 

pliant  to  Caesar's  camp,  209 
Vergellus,  the,  stream  near  Cannae, 

bridge  of  corpses  made  over,  by 

HannJba],  101 
Verulae,  Latin  town,  triumph  cf  the 

Romans  over,  35 
Vesta,     her     hearth     entrusted     by 

Kimia  to  the  Vestal  Virgins,  15; 

altar  of,  43 
Vesuvius,     Mt.     of     Camparda,    53; 

occupied  by  Spartacus,  243 
Veturia,  mother  of  Coriolanus,  disarms 

Mm  by  her  tears,  71 
T.  Veturius  Calvtnus  (consul  321  p.c), 

defeated  by  the  Samnites  at  the 

Caudine  Forks,  53 
C.    Vibius    Postumus,    defeats    the 

Dalmatians,  331 
Villa  Publica,  at  Rome,  255 
Vtndelici,  the,  tribe   of  the   Xorici, 

defeated  by  Drusus,  329 
Vindelicus,  the,  river  of  Gaul,  witness 

to  the  victory  over  the  Allobroges 

and  Arvemi,  167 
Vindius,  Mt.,  in  Spain,  the  Cantabrians 

take  refuge  on,  345 
Vinnius,  sent  by  Augustus  to  subdue 

Pannonia,  331 
M.    Vipsanius    Agrippa,    commands 

nnder  Angustus  in  Spatn,  347 
L.  Viiginius,  puts  his  own  daughter  to 

death,  73 
Viriatus,  stirs  up  the  Lusitanians  to 

revolt,  149;  lays  waste  Spain  for 

four  years,  ib.\    defeats  Claudius 

Unimanus.     ib.\     defeated     by 

Fabius,   151 ;    treacherously  put 

to  death  by  Popilius,  ib. 
Viridomarus,  Ganlish  ktng,  93 
Visurgis,  the,  (Weser),  German  river, 

Dmsus    places  garrisons    aloM, 

337 
Volero  see  Publiliut 


726 


INDEX   TO    LUCIUS  ANNAEUS    FLORUS 

Volscian?.  the,  Latin  tribe,  defeated  bv  Vultumua,    the,    riyer    of   Samnium, 
T.    Quinctius,    37;     their   cattlo  scene     of     the     first     hostilities 

figure  in  Roman  triumph,  67  between  Sulla  and  Marius,  253 

Volsinii,    the,    the    richest    tribe    of 

Etruria,  the  last  Italiaus  to  enter  Xanthippus,  Spartan  general,  sent  to 
Roman  allegiance,  69  help  the  Carthaginians,  85 

Volso  see  Manlixis  Xenes,  king  of  Persia,  119,  123,  317 

T.  Volturcius,  betravs  Catiline,  265 

Vulcan,  Viridomarus  vows  to  offer  up  Zacvnthus,  island  in  the  lonian  Sea, 
Roman  spoil  to,  93  involved  in  the  Aetolian  War,  125 

Vulteius,  militarv  tribime,  his  braverv,  Zama,     city     of     Numidia,     vainJy 
277               "                                  "  attacked  by  iietellus,  105 

Vultumum,  city    of    Campania,  laid  Zeugma,  city  of  Syria,  Cra&sus  crossed 
waste  by  Soxtus  Pompeius,  313  the  Euphrates  at,  211 


727 


INDEX 

TO   CORNELIUS   NEPOSi 


ACARNANUS  civis,  n.  1.  2.     A  citizen 

of     Acarnania,     the     westernmost 

provLnc«  of  Central  Greece 
Ace,    XIV.    5.    1,    5.     A    seaport    of 

Phoenicia,  later  called  Ptolemais  or 

Acca ;   now  St.  Jean  d'Acre 
Acheruns,  i.  10.  2.     Another  form  of 

Acheron,    a    river    of    the    Lower 

World 
Actaei,  Vin.  2.  1.     A  name  applied  to 

the  people  of  Attica  from  Acte,  the 

coast  of  that  country 
Adimantns,  vn.  7.  1.     An  Athenian 

naval  commander 
Admetus,   n.   8.    3.     A   king   of   the 

Molossians  in  Epirus 
Aegates  insulae,   xxn.    1.    3.     Three 

islands  in  the  Mediterranean  Sea, 

west  of  Sicily  near  Lilybaeum 
Aegiae,  XXI.  2.  1.     A  town  of  Mace- 

donia,  also  calle  1  Eiessa 
Aegos  flumen,  vi.  1.  4  ;  vn.  8.1;  ix. 

1.  2.  The  Latin  translation  of 
Aiyo?  TTOTo/iot  (Goat's  rivers),  a 
town  on  the  eastern  coast  of  the 
Thxacian  Chersonese 

Aegyptii,  xn.  2.  3  (bis);  3.  1 
Aegyptius,  -a,  -um,  adj.  from  Aegyp- 
tus  ;   bellum,  xrv.  3.  5 ;   classis,  xn. 

2.  3  ;  rex,  XI.  2.  4 ;  satellites,  IV.  3.  2 
Aegyptus,  xn.  2.  1 ;   XIV.  4.  1 ;   5.  3 ; 

xvn.  8.  2,  6  (fet«);  xvra.  3.  2 
Aemilii,  XXV.  18.  4 
Aemiiius  Paulus,  L.,  xxm.  4.  4  (bis). 

Consul  in  216  B.C.,  slain  at  Cannae 
Aemiliu8Paulus,L.,xxin.  13.1.     Con- 

sulin  182  B.c. 
Aeolia,   IX.   5.   2.     Another  form   of 

Aeolis 
Aeolis,  I.  3.  1.     A  country  of  western 

Asia  Minor,  north  of  lonia 
Afri,  VI.  3.  2 


Africa,  VI.  3.  3;   XX.  2.  4;   XXI.  3.  5; 

xxn.  2.  2,  4,  5;   4.  1  ;   xxm.  3.  3; 

7.1;  8.1;  XXIV.  1.4 
Africanae  possessioncs,  XXV.  12.  4 
Africanus,  see  Comelius 
Agamemnon,  xv.  5.  5,  6 
Agesilaus  (XVII),  IX.  2.  2,  3  (bis) ;  xn. 

1.2;  2.Z(ter);  xm.  1.3;  XVII.  1.  1, 

3-5;  2.4;  3.2,5;  4.3;  6.2;  7.1; 

8.  3 
Agis,  xvn.  1.  4.     A  king  of  Sparta, 

brother  of  Agesilaus 
Agnon ,  XTY  .3.4.  Hagnon ,  an  At  henian 

orator,   mentioned   also   by    Quin- 

tilian,  II.  17.  15;    by  other  writ^ra 

called  Hagnonides 
Agrippa,  see  Vipsanius 
Alcibiades   (VII),    vu.    1.    1;     3.    4; 

5.1-3,6;  6.1;  7.1;  8.2,4,5;  9.1, 

4;  10.  1-4,  6;  vm.  1.  3 
Alcmaeon,  XV.  6.  2.     Son  of  Amphia- 

raus  and  Eriphyle.     Tn  obedience  to 

the  command  of  his  father  he  killed 

his  mother,  who  by  treachery  had 

caused  Amphiaraus  to  take  part  in 

the  expedition  of  the  Seven  against 

TLebes,  during  which  he  met  hia 

death 
AlexanderMagnus,  xvm.  1. 6 ;  2. 1  (bis), 

2,  4;   3.  1;   4.  4;   6.  1-3;   7.  1,  2; 

8.2;  13.  1-3;  XXT.  2.  1;   3.1 
Alexander  Pheraeus,  XVI.  5. 1,  2,  4 
Alexandrea,  XXI.  3.4.     Alexandria,  at 

the  mouth  of  the  Nile 
Alpes,  xxm.  3.  4 
Alpici,  xxm.  3.  4.     Dwellers  in  the 

Alps 
Amphipolis,  V.  2.  2.     A  city  of  Mace- 

donia,  on  the  river  Strymon 
Amyntas,  XI.  3.  2  (bis);    XVUl.  1.  4; 

XXI.    2.    1.     King    of    Macedonia, 

grandfather  of  Alexander  the  Great 


^  The  references  are  to  the  number  of  the  Life,  followed  by  the  chaptcr  and 
section  ;  e.g.  X.  5. 1  =  Life  of  Dion.  chapter  5,  section  1. 

729 


INDEX   TO   CORNELIUS   NEPOS 


iaidocides,  vn.  3.  2  (bis).  A  celebrated 
Athenian  orator,  also  general  in  the 
time  of  the  Peloponnesian  war 

Anicia,  xxv.  2.  1 

Annales,  XXlll.  13.  1.  A  work  of  T. 
Pomponius  Atticus;  see  note  1, 
p.  6S4. 

Antigenes,  xvm.  5.  1 ;   7.1 

Antigonu8,XVin.  5.  2,  7(bis);  7.  1 ;  8. 
1,4;  9.  1,3,  5;  10.  2-4;  11.  3;  12. 
1,4;  13.1,3,4;  XXI.  3.  1,2.  One 
of  Alexander'8  greatest  generals. 
He  became  king  of  Syria  and  was 
slain  in  the  battle  of  Ipsus,  301  B.C. 

Antiochus,  XXTTT.  2.  1 ;  7.  6;  8.  1-3; 
9.  1.  Antiochus  ni,  or  the  Great, 
king  of  Syria 

Antipater,  xvm.  2.  2;  3.  3;  4.  3; 
5.  1;  XIX.  2.  2.  A  friend  and 
general  of  PhiUp  and  later  of  Alex- 
ander  the  Great.  After  the  latter'8 
death  he  made  himself  king  of 
Macedonia.      He  died  in  319  E.C. 

Antonius.  M.,  XXV.  8.  5,  6 ;  9.2  (bis), 
3,  6;  10.  1,  4;  12.  2;  20.  4,  5, 
Mark  Antony,  the  triumvir 

Apollo,  n.  2.  7;  rv.  1.  3 

ApoUocrates,  X.  5.  6.  Eldest  son  of 
Dionysius  the  younger,  tyrant  of 
Syracuse 

Appenninus,  xxm.  4.  2 

Appia,  via,  XXV.  22.  4.  The  Appian 
Way,  runrdng  in  a  south-easterly 
direction  from  Rome  to  Capua 

Aprilis,  Kalendae,  XXV,  22.  3.  The 
first  day  of  April 

Apulia,  xxm.  4.  4.  A  district  in  the 
south-eastem  part  of  Italy 

Arcades,  XV.  6.  1,  2.  The  people  of 
Arcadia 

Arcadia,  vn.  10.  5.  A  district  of 
Greece,  situated  in  the  centre  of  the 
Peloponnesus 

Archias,  XVI.  3.  2.  Boeotarch  at 
Thebes  in  379  B.C. 

Archinus,  xn.  3.  2 

Arete,  X.  1.  1  (615);  4.  3;  8.  4. 
Daughter  of  Dionysius  the  elder, 
tyrant  of  Syracuse,  and  wife  of  Dion 

Argi,  see  Argos 

Argiiius,  IV.  4.  1,  4,  5;  5.  1.  A 
native  of  ArgUus,  a  city  of  Thrace 
near  the  Strjnmonian  Gulf 

Argivi,  XV.  6. 1  (bis).  The  inhabitants 
of  Argolis 


Argos,  only  nom.  and  acc.  neut.,  also 

Argi,   -orum,   m.   pl.,  n.   8.   1,   3; 

XXI.  2.  2.    The  chief  city  of  Argolis 

in   the  north-eastem  part  of  the 

Peloponnesus 
Ariobarzanes,  xm.  1.  3;    xrv.  2.  5; 

5.  6;  10.  1.  Satrap  of  Lydia,  lonia 

and  Phrvgia  under  Artaxerxes  11 
Aristides  (in),  m.  1-4 ;  2.3;  3.1 
Aristomache,  X.  1.  1 ;   8.  4.     Sister  of 

Dion  and  wife  of  Dionysius  the  elder 
Armenii,  XTV.   8.   2.     Inhabitants  of 

Armenia,  a  country  south  of  the 

Gaucasus  Mountains 
Arretinum  praedium,  XXV.  14.  3.     An 

estate  at  Arretium,  a  town  in  the 

eastem  part  of  Etruria;    modem 

Arezzo 
Arsidaeus,  XIV.  6.  1.     Son  of  Datames 
Artabanus,   XXI.    1.    5.      Brother    of 

Darius  I. 
Artabazus,  rv.  2.  5 ;  4.  1.    A  Persian 

satrap 
Artaphemes,    I.    4.    1.     Nephew    of 

Darius  Hystaspis;    one  of  the  two 

commanders    of    the    Persians    at 

Marathon 
Artaxerxes  I,  Macrochir,  n.  9.  1 ;   10. 

2;    XXI.  1.  3,  4.     Son  of  Xerxes; 

Mng  of  Persia  from  465  to  424  B.C. 
Artaxerxes  11,  Mnemon,  IX.  2.  2  ;  3. 1 ; 

XI.  2.  4 ;  xn.  2.  3 ;  xiv.  1.  1 ;  5.1; 

7.  1;    8.  6;   XV.  4.  1;    xvn.  2.  1; 

XXI.  1.3,4.     Son  of  Darius  Nothus ; 

king  of  Persia  from  405  to  362  B.C. 
Artemisium,  n.  3.2, 4.     Apromontory 

at  the  north-ea-tem  end  of  tbe  island 

of  Euboea 
Asia,  I.  3.  1,  2,  4 ;  4.  1,  2 ;  n.  5.  1-3 ; 

9.  1,3;   10.  2;   vi.  2.  2;   vn.  5.  6; 

7.  1;  9.3;  10.1;  rs.  2.  2,  3;  xvn. 
2.1,2;  3.6;  4.3;  xvm.  3.  2;  6.1; 

8.  2;  xxm.  8.  4;  12.  1;  13.  2; 
XXV.  4.  1 ;  6.4.  Asia,  referring  to 
Asia  as  distingnished  from  Europe, 
to  Asia  Minor,  or  to  the  Eoman 
province 

Aspendii,  XTV.  8.  2.     The  people  of 

Aspendos,  a  town  of  Pamphylia 
Aspis,  XTV.  4.  1,  2,  4,  5;    5.   1.     A 

satrap  of  Cataonia  in  southern  Cap- 

padocia 
Athamanes,  xm.  2.  1.     A  people  of 

Epirus  dwelling  near  the  bonndary 

of  Acamania  and  Aetolia 


INDEX   TO   CORNELIUS   NEPOS 


Athenae,  1.  1.  5;  3.6;  7.4;  n.  3.  4; 
6.  4;  7.  3,  4,  6;  8.  2;  m.  3.  1,  3; 
V.  2.  5;  vn.  3.  2;  4.7;  9.4;  10.1; 
11.2;  VUI.  1.5;  IX.  4.  4,  5;  X.  3. 1; 
xn.  3.  1  (bis),  4  (bis);  xnr.  3.  4;  4. 

2,  3;  XV.  4.  5;  x^i.  1.  3;   2.  1,  5; 

3.  2;   XIX.  2.  5;   3.  1,  4;   XXV.  2.  2, 
6;  4.1,2;   12.3 

Athenienses,  Praef.  4;   I.  1.  4;   2.  3, 

5;  4.  1,  3;   5.  1,  2,  5;  6.  2;   7.  1 ; 

8.  1;   n.  2.  3,  6;    3.  2;   6.  1-3,  5; 

7.4;  8.3,5,6;  in.  2.  1-3;  V.  1.  1, 

2;  2.2;  3.  1,  2(6w);  4.1;  VI.  1. 1, 

2,  4,  5;  2.  2;  vn.  3.  1,  6;  4.  7;  5. 

3;  8.  1,2,  6;  9.1;  10.1;  EX.  2.  3  ; 

2.   2,   4;  XI.   2.   1,   4;   xn.   1.   3; 

2.  1,  2  (bis),  3;   3.  1;  4.  1,  3;  xin. 

1.  2;  2.  1,  2(ftu«);  3.  1;  4.  4;  XV. 

6.1,  3 ;  xvn.  4. 1,  5 ;  XIX.  2.4;  4.2; 

XXV.   2.   3;   4.  3,   5;    nri   Atheni- 

enses,  XIX.  4.  3 ;  Atheniensis,  1. 1. 1 ; 

n.  1. 1;  m.  1. 1;  v.  1. 1;  vn.  1.1; 

vm.  1.1;  IX.  1.  1 ;  xi.  1.  1 ;  3.4; 

xn.  1, 1 ;  xm.  1. 1 ;  xv.  4.  5 ;  xrx. 

1.  1 ;  civis,  X.  8.  1 
Attica,  l.  4.  2 ;   n.  10.  5 ;    vn.  4.  7 ; 

vm.  2. 1 
Attici,  vm.  3. 1 ;  xm.  2.2;  XV.  6. 1 
Atticus,  rhetor,  XV.  6.  3 
Atticus,  see  Pomponius 
Augustus,  see  lulius 
Aurelius  (Cotta),  C,  xxm.  7. 1.     C!on- 

sul  in  200  B.C. 
(Aurelius)  Cotta,  L.,  XXV.  4.  5.    Con- 

suJ  in  65  B.C. 
Automatia,  XX.  4.  4.     A  goddess  who 

determined    events    regardless    of 

men'8    efforts;     corresponding    to 

Bona  Fortuna  of  the  Romans 
Autophrodates,  XIV.  2.  1 ;   7.  1;   8.  1, 

5,     6.     Satrap     of     Lydia     under 

Artaierxes  n 


B 


Babylon,  xvm.  2.  1 ;  XXI.  2.  1.    The 

chief   city    of   Babylonia,   on   the 

Euphrates  river 
Baebius  Tamphilus,  Cn.,  xxm.  13.  1. 

Consul  in  182  B.C. 
Baebius  Tamphilus,  M.,  xxm.  13.  1. 

Consul  in  181  B.C. 
Ba^^^aeus,  vn.  10.  3.    A  Persian 
Baibus,  see  ComeliuB 


Barca,  xxn.  1.1.    Surnsime  of  Hamil- 

car 
Bisanthe,  see  Bizanthe 
Bithynia,  XXIII.  12.  2.     A  province  on 

the  northern  coast  of  Asia  Minor 
Bithynii,  xxm.  11.  4.     The  people  of 

Bithynia 
Bizanthe  or  Bisanthe,  vn.  7.  4.     A 

city  of  Thrace,  on  the  Propontis 
Blitho,  see  Sulpicius 
Boeoti  or  Boeotii,  vu.  11.  3 ;  IX.  2.  4 ; 

xn.  1.  1;  XV.  8.  3;  9,2,3;  XVU.  4. 

1,  5.     The  people  of  Boeotia 
Bonus,XIX.  1. 1.     Surname  of  Phocion 
Brutus,  see  lunius;   Bruti,  XXV.  8.  1, 

referring  to  D.  and  M.  Brutus;   see 

lunius 
Byzantii,  xm.  1.  2.     The  people  of 

Byzantium 
Byzantium,  IV.  2.  2,  3 ;   VU.  5.  6.     A 

city  of  Thrace  on  the  Bosphorus, 

modem  Constantinople 


Cadmea,  XV.  10.  3;   xvi.  1.  2;    3.  3. 

The  citadel  of  Thebes,  built,  accord- 

ing  to  tradition,  by  the  Phoenician 

Cadmus 
Cadusii,  XIV.  1.  2.     A  race  of  moun- 

taineers   dwelling    on    the    south- 

western  shore  of  the  Caspian  Sea 
Caecilius,  Q.,  XXV.  5.   1,   2;     22.   4. 

Uncle  of  Atticus 
Caesar,  see  lulius 
Caesarianum  belluin,  XXV.  7.  1.     The 

civil    war    between    Pompey    and 

Caesar,  ended   in   48   B.C.   by   the 

battle  of  Pharsalus 
Calidus,  see  lulius 
Callias,    V.     1.     3,     4.     A     wealthy 

Athenian 
Callicrates,  X.  8. 1,  3-6.     An  Athenian 
Calliphron,  XV.   2.   1.     A  teacher  of 

dancing 
Callistratus,  XV.  6.  1.     An  Athenian 

orator  who  died  in  363  B.C. 
Camisares,  XIV.  1.  1,  2.     The  father  of 

Datames 
Cannensis  pugna,   XXm.   5.   4.     The 

battle  fought  in  216  B.C.  at  Cannae, 

a  plate  in  A{  ulia  iiear  the  mouth  of 

the  Aulidus 
Canus,  see  Qcliius 


731 


INDEX   TO   CORNELIUS   NEPOS 


Capitolium,  XXV.  20.  3.     The  Capitol, 

a  temple  on  the  south-western  part 

of   the    Capitoline    hill    at    Rome, 

dedicated    to    Jupiter,    Juno    and 

Minerva ;  also  the  hill  on  which  the 

temple  stood 
Cappadoces,  XTV.  8.  2.    The  people  of 

Cappadocia 
Cappadocia,  XIV.  1.  1;   4.  1;   5.  6 ;   7. 

1;    XVIU.  2.  2;    13.  4.     A  country 

in  the  eastem  part  of  Asia  Minor 
Captiani,   XIV.    8.    2.     An   unknown 

people  of  Asia 
Capua,  xxm.  5.  1.     The  principal  city 

of  Campania,  136  miles  south-eEist 

of  Rome 
Car,  XIV.  1.  1;    Cares,  I.  2.  5.    The 

people  of  Caria 
Cardaces,  XIV.  8.  2.     A  force  of  mer- 

cenaries   recruited   from    the    bar- 

barians  of  the  Persian  empire.     The 

word    was    said    to    mean    "  The 

Valiant " 
Cardianus,  XVUI.  1.  1.     A  native  of 

Cardia,    a   town    of   the   Thracian 

Chersonese 
Caria,  xvn.  3.  1,  5.     A  province  in  the 

south-westem  part  of  Asia  ilinor, 

south  of  Lydia 
Carthaginienses,  see  Karthaginienses 
Carthago,  see  Karthago 
Cassandrus,  xvm.  13.  3;    XIX.  2.  4; 

3.    1,    2.     Son   of   Antipat«r.     He 

became  ruler  of  Greece  and  Mace- 

donia  after  the  death  of  his  father 

and  died  in  279  B.C. 
Cassius  (Longinus),  C,  XXV.  8.  1,  5; 

11.    2.     The    author    of   the    con- 

spiracy  against  Caesar 
Cataonia,  Xiv.   4.   1.     A   division  of 

southern  Cappadocia,  afterwards  a 

part  of  Cappadocia 
Cato,  see  Porcius 
Catullus,  see  Valerius 
Catalus,  see  Lutatius 
Centenius,  C,  XXIU.  4.  3.     A  Roman 

praetor,  defeated   by   Hannibal  in 

216  B.C. 
Ceraunus,  see  Ptolemaeus 
Cethegus,  see  Cornelius 
Chabrias  (XII),  XII.  1.  1,  3;    2.  1,  3; 

3.  1  (bis),  3;   4.  1  (bis);   xin.  4.  4; 

XV.  4.  5 
Chalcioicos,  IV.  5.  2.     A  surname  of 

Minervaj  see  note  3,  p.  420. 

732 


Chalcis,  xin.  3.  5.     The  chief  city  of 

the  island  of  Euboea 
Chaones,  xm.   2.   1.     The  people  of 

Chaonia,     a     country     in     north- 

western  Epirus 
Chares,  xn.  3.  4  ihis)\   xiu.  3.  1,  3; 

XIX.  2.  3.     An  Athenian  general  of 

the  time  of  Philip  II  of  Macedon. 

He  appsirently  fell  in  the  battle  of 

Chaeronea,  338  B.C. 
Charon,  XVI.  2.  5.     A  Theban 
Chersonesus,  I.  1.  1,  4,  6;    2.  4  (bis); 

8.  3;  see  note  2,  p.  372. 
Chius,  xn.   4.   1.     An  island   in  the 

Aegean  Sea,  near  the  coast  of  lonia 
Cicero  and  Cicerones,  see  Tullius 
Cilices,    xrv.    8.    2.    The    people    of 

Cilicia 
Cilicia,  vra.  4.4;   XIV.  1.  1;    4.  1,  4. 

A  province  in  the  south-eastern  part 

of  Asia  Minor.     Ciliciae  portae,  XTV. 

7,    2.      A    mountain-pass    in    the 

eastera    part    of    Cilicia,    leading 

through  the  Taurus  Mountains  to 

Cappadocia 
Cimon,  I.  1.  1.     Father  of  Miltiades 
Cimon  (V),  Praef.  4;    V.  1.  1  (bis),  3; 

2.1."  Son  of  Miltiades 
Cinnanus,    -a,    -um,    adj.    from    (L. 

Cornelius)  Cinna,  the  colleague  of 

Marius  in  his  contest  with  Sulla; 

partes,  XXV.  2.  2 ;  tumultus,  XXV.  2.  2 ; 

see  note 
Citium,  V.  3.  4.     A  seaport  in  the 

south-eastern  part  of  the  island  of 

Cyprus 
Clastidium,  xxm.  4.   1.     A  town  in 

Cisalpine  Gaul 
aaudius  Marcellus,  C,  XXV.   18.   4. 

Consul  in  50  B.C. 
Claudius  Marcellus,  M.,  xxm.  5.  3; 

XXIV.  1.  2.     Five  times  consul,  first 

In  222  B.C.,  when  he  won  the  spolia 

opima ;    he  captured   Syracuse  in 

212   B.C.,   and   fell  in   battle  with 

Hannibal  in  208 
Claudius  Marcellus.  M.,  xxm.  7.  6; 

13.  1.     Consul  in  196  and  183  B.C. 
Claudiup  Nero,  C,  XXIV.  1 .  2.     Consul 

in  207  B.C.,  when  he  defeated  Has- 

drubal  at  the  Metaurus  river 
Claudius    Nero,    Ti.,    XXV.     19.     4. 

Emperor  of  Rome  from  14  to  37  A.D. 
Cleon,  VI.  3.  6.     A  rhetorician  of  Hali- 

caraassus  in  Caria 


INDEX  TO   CORNELIUS   NEPOS 


Clinias,  vil.  1. 1.     Father  of  Alcibiiidea 
Gnidus,  IX.   4.   4;    6.   2.     A  city   of 

Caria 
Colonae,  iv.   3.  3.      A  town  of  the 

Troad,  in  north-west€rn  Asia  Minor 
Conon  (IX),  ix.  1.1;  2.  2,  4 ;  3.2,4; 

4.  1,  4,  5;   5.  3;   xn.  3.  4;   xm.  1. 

1;  4.1 
Conon,  xm.  4.  1.    Son  of  Timotheus 
Corcyra,   n.    8.    3;     xm.    2.    1.     An 

island  in  the  lonian  Sea,  west  of 

Epirus,  moderu  Corfu 
Corcyraei,  n.   2.   3.    The   people   of 

Corcyra 
CorcTraeum  bellum,  n.  2.  1 
Corinthii,  XX.  1.  1,  3;    2.  1,  2.     The 

people  of  Corinth 
Corinthius,     -a,     -um,     &di.     from 

Corinthus,  XX.  1.  1;    bellum,  xvu. 

5.1 
C-orinthus,  X.  4.  1;    5.  1;    XI.  2.  1 ; 

XVII.  5.  1,  3;  XX.  2.  2;  3.  1 
Cornelia,    Frag.    1.     Mother    of    the 

Gracchi 
Cornelius    Balbus,    L.,    XXV.    21.    4. 

Consul  in  40  B.C. 
Comelius  Cethegus,  P.,  xxm.  13.  1. 

Consul  in  181  B.C.  

Cornelius  (Meruia),   L.,   XXIII.   8.   1. 

Consul  in  193  B.C. 
Cornelias   Scipio,  P.,  xxm.  4.  1,   2. 

Consul  in  218  B.C.     He  fell  in  battle 

in  Spain  in  212 
(Comelius)     Scipio     Africanus,     P., 

xxm.  6.  1;   xxrv.  l.  3;  2.  2  (bis). 

The  conqueror  of  Hannibal 
Cornelius    Scip'0,    P.,    XXV.    18.    4. 

Consul  in  52  B.C.     He  was  adopted 

by  Q.  Caecilius  Metellus  Pius  and 

thereafter      called      Q.      Caecihus 

itetellus  Pius  Scipio 
(Cornelius)  Suila,  P.,  XXV.  4.  1,  2  (bis); 

16. 1.     Dictator  at  Rome  from  82  to 

79  B.C. 
Coronea,  xvn.  4.  5.     A  town  in  the 

central    part    of    Boeotia,    where 

Agesilaus    defeated    the    Boeotians 

and  Athenians  in  394  B.C. 
Cotta,  see  Aurelius 
Cotus,  XT.  3.  4  ;  xm.  1.  2  (see  note,  p. 

496).     A  Thracian  prinee 
Crateros,  xvm.  2.2;   3.3;   4.1,  3-4. 

One  of  Alexandcr'8  generals 
Creta,  Praef .  4;  xxm.  9.  1,     A  large 

island  south-east  of  Greece 


Cretenses,  xxm.  9.  2;    10.  1.    The 

people  of  Cret€ 
Criuis8us,XX.2.  4.     A  river  of  western 

Sicily,  near  Segesta. 
Crithote,  XIII.  1.  3.     A  town  on  the 

eastem    ooast    of     the    Thracian 

Chersoncse 
Critias,  vn.  10.  1 ;  vm.  2.  7.     Chief  of 

the  Thirty  Tyrants  at  Athens 
Cyclades,  l.  2.  5.     A  group  of  islands 

about  Delos  in  the  Aegean  Sea 
Cyme,  vn.  7.  1,  2.     A  town  of  Aeolis 

on  the  westcrn  coast  of  Asia  Minor, 

not  far  f rom  Smyrna 
Cyprii,  v.  2.  2 ;   IX.  4.  2.     The  people 

of  Cyprus 
Cyprus,  IV.  2.  1 ;   v.  3.  4 ;   xn.  2.  2 ; 

3.  4.     A  large  island  at  the  eastern 

end    of    the    Mediterranean    Sea, 

south  of  Asia  Minor 
Cyrenae,  xvn.  7.  6.     A  Greek  city  on 

the  northern  coast  of  Africa 
Cyrenaei,  xxm.  8.  1.     The  people  of 

Cvrenae. 
Clyrus  (Maior),  XXI.  1.  2.     Founder 

of  the  Persian  monarchy ;  he  ruled 

from  559  to  529  B.C. 
Cyrus  (Minor),  vn.  9.  5  ;   IX.  3.  1.     A 

Persian  prince  who  tried  to  make 

himself  king  in  place  of  his  brother 

Artaxerxes  II ;    defeated  and  slain 

at  Cunaxa  in  401  B.C. 
Cyzicenus,   XV.    4.    1.    A   native   of 

Cyzicus 
Cyzicus,  xra.  1.  3.    A  town  on  the 

northern   coast   of  Mysia   on   the 

Propontis 


Damon,    XV.    2.    1.    An    Athenian 

musician 
Darius,  I.  3.  1,  3-5;   4.  1;   XXI.  1.  2 

(bis).     Darius  I,  son  of  Hystaspis, 

king  of  Persia  from  521  to  485  C.C. 
Darius,  vn.  5.  2.     Darius  II,  Nothus, 

king  of  Persia  from  424  to  405  E.C. 
Datames  (XIV),  xrv.  1.1,2;  2.3  (bis), 

4;   3.5;  4.  3,  5(6w);   5.1-3;   6.3, 

5,  7;   7.  2;   8.  3,  6;   9.  1,  4;   10.  1, 

2(bis);   11.  1,  Z(bis),  4 
Datis,  I.  4.  1 ;  5.  4.     One  of  the  two 

Persian  commanders  at  Marathon 
Decelea,  vn.  4.  7.     A  place  in  the 

northern  part  of  Attica 


733 


INDEX   TO   CORNELIUS   NEPOS 


Delphi,  I.  1.  2;  n.  2.  6;  IV.  1.  3.  A 
town  in  Phocis  in  central  Greece, 
seat  of  the  oracle  of  Apollo 

Delphicus,  -a,  -um,  adj.  from  Delphi : 
deiLS,  IV.  5.  5 ;  oraculum,  VI.  3.  2 

Delus,  m.  3.  1.  Delos,  the  centre  of 
the  Cyclades  in  the  Aegean  Sea 

Demades,  xrx.  2.  2.  An  Athenian 
orator  contemporary  with  Demos- 
thenes 

Demaenetus,  XX.  5.  3.  A  Syra- 
cusan 

Demetrius  Phalereus,  l.  6.  4;  XTX.  3. 
1,  2.  Demetrius  of  Phalerum, 
famous  as  orator,  statesman, 
philosopher  and  poet.  He  lived 
from  345  to  about  283  B.C.,  and 
govemed  Athens  for  Cassander  from 
317  to  307 

Demetrius  (Poliorcetes),  XXI.  3.  1,  3. 
Demetrius,  the  Taker  of  Cities.  He 
made  himself  ruler  of  Macedonia  in 
294  B.C.,  but  was  deposed  and 
imprisoned  by  Seleucus ;  he  died  in 
284  B.C. 

Demosthenes,  XIX.  2.  2,  3.  The 
celebrated  Athenian  orator  (381- 
322  B.C.) 

Dercylus,  XIX.  2.  4.  An  Athenian 
envoy 

Diana,  xxm.  9.  2 

Dinon,  IX.  5.  4.  The  author  of  a  his- 
tory  of  Persia;  he  lived  about  350 
B.c. 

Diomedon,  XV.  4.  1,  2,  4.  A  man  of 
Cyzicus 

Dion  (X),  X.  1. 1  (ter),  2, 4 ;  2.  2.  3  (ter), 
4,  5;  3.  1  (bis);  4.  1-3;  5.  1,  3,  5, 
6;  6.  3,  4;  8.  1,  3-5;  9.  1,  3,  6; 
10.1;  XX.  2.  1 

Dionysii,  X.  1. 1 ;  XX.  2.  2 

Dionysius  (ilaior),  x.  1,  3  (bis),  5 ;   2. 

1,  4 ;  XX.  2.  2 ;  XXI.  2.  2.     Tyrant  of 
Syracuse  from  405  to  367  b'.C. 

Dionysius  (Minor),  X.  1.1;  2.5;  3.1 
(bis),  3 ;  4.  2 ;  5.  1,  4,  5,  6  (bis) ;  XX. 

2.  1  (bii),  3  (ter);    3.  3.     Tyrant  of 
Syracuse  from  367  to  344  B.C. 

Dionvsius,  XV.  2.  1.     A  musician  of 

Thebes 
Dodona,  VI.  3.  2.     A  city  of  Epirus 

with   a  celebrated  oracle  of  Zeus 

(Jupit«r) 
Dolopes,  V.  2.  5.    A  Thessalian  people, 

settled  also  in  the  island  of  Scyrua 

734 


Domitius,  Cn.,  XXV.  22.  3.  Consul  in 
32  B.C. 

Drusilla,  XXV.  19.4.  Surname  of  Livia 
Drusilla,  wLfe  of  the  emperor 
Augustus  and  mother  of  Tiberiua 


EUs,  vn.  4.  4.    A  division  of  Greece, 

in  the  north-western  part  of  the 

Peloponnesus 
Elpinice,   V.    1.    2,    4.     Daughter   of 

Miltiades ;  sister  and  wtfe  of  Conon 
Ennius,   Q.,   XXIV.   1.   4.     The  cele- 

brated  Roman  epic  and  dramatic 

poet  (239-169  B.C.) 
Epaminondas  (XV),  Praef .  1 ;    XI.  2. 

5 ;  XV.  1.  1,  3 ;  4. 1 ;  5.  3 ;  6.  3 ;  7. 

1,  3,  5;   8.  1,  3;   9.  1,  3;   10.  3,  4; 

XVI.  4.  1  (bii),  2,  3 ;  5.2;  xvn.  6.  1 
Ephesus,  n.  8.  7;   xvn.  3,  2.    A  city 

on  the  western  coast  of  Asia  Minor, 

famous  for  its  temple  of  Artemis 

(Diana) 
Epirotes,  sing.  (sc.  rex),  XXI.  2.  2.     Of 

Epirus,  Epirote;    plur.,  xm.   2.1. 

The  people  of  Epirus 
Epiroticae  possessiones,  XXV.  14.  3 
Epirus,xvm.  6. 1;  XXV.  8.6;  11.1,2. 

A    country   north-west   of   central 

Greece  and  west  of  Thessaly 
Eretria,  l.  4.  2.     A  city  of  Euboea 
Eretriensis,  IV.    2.   2.     A   native   of 

Eretria 
Eryx,  xxn.  1.  2,  5.     A  mountain  of 

north-western  Sicily,  famous  for  its 

temple  of  Venus 
Etruria,  xxm.   4.   2.     A  country  of 

Italy,  north-west  of  Eome,  modem 

Tuscany 
Euagoras,  xn.  2.  2.     King  of  Salamia 

in  Cyprus 
Euboea,  l.  4.  2;   n.  3.  2,  3.    A  large 

island    off    the    eastern    coast    of 

Boeotia  and  Locris 
Eumenes  (XVin),  xvra.  1.1;  2.  2,  4 ; 

3.3,4;  4.1-4;  5.1;  6.3,5;  7.3; 

9.  1,2;  10  1,4;  11.2,3,  5;  12.  2; 

13.1,2 
Eumenes,  xxm.  10.  2,  3,  5;   11.  l^. 

Eumenes  11,  king  of  Pergamum  f rom 

197  to  158  B.C. 
Eumolpidae,  VU.  4.  5 ;  6.  5.     A  family 

of  priests  at  Athene ,  descendants  of 


INDEX  TO   CORNELIUS   NEPOS 


Eamolpus,  the  reputed  founder  of 

the  Eleusinian  mysteriea 
Euphiletus,  xrx.  4.  3.     An  Athenian 
Europa,  I.  3.  1,  4 ;  4,  1 ;  11.  2.  4 ;  6.  3  ; 

xn.  2. 1 ;  xvn.  2. 1 
Europaei  adversarii,  xvin.  3.  2 
Eurybiades,    n.    4.    2.    A    Spartan 

admiral 
Eurydice,  XI.  3.  2.     Mother  of  Philip 

II,  king  of  Macedon 
EurTsthenes,XVn.  1.  2;  7.  4.     A  king 

of  Sparta 

P 

Fabiani  milites,  XI.  2.  4.    Soldicrs  of 

Fabius,    referring    to    Q.     Fabius 

Maiimus  Cunctator  ;  see  note. 
Fabii,  XXV.  18.  4 
Fabius  Labeo,  xxni.  13. 1.     Consul  in 

183  B.C. 
Fabius     Maiimus     (Cunctator),     Q., 

xxm.   5.   1,   2;    XXIV.   1.   2.     Ap- 

pointed  dictator  in  217  B.C.  after 

the   battle   at   Lake   Trasumenus; 

famous  for  his  policy  of  delay  in 

dealing  with  Haimibal 
Fabius    Maximus,    Q.,    XXV.    18.    4, 

Consul  in  45  B.C. 
Falernus  ager,  xxm.  5.  1.     A  district 

in     north-western    Campania    and 

south-eastern  Latium,  famous  for 

its  wine 
Feretrius,  XXV.  20.  3.     A  surname  of 

Jupiter,  as  Q-od  of  Trophies 
Flaccus,  see  Valerius 
Flamininus,  see  Quintius 
Flaminius,  C,  XXIII.  4.  3.     Consul  in 

217  B.C. ;   defeated  by  Hannibal  at 

Lake  Trasumenus 
Flavius,  C,  XXV.  8.  3.     A  friend  of 

Brutus 
Fregeilae,  xxm.  7.  2.     A  city  in  south- 

eastem  Latium  on  the  river  Liris 
Fulvia,  XXV.  9.  2,  4.     Wife  of  Mark 

Antony 
Farius,  L.,  xxm.  7.  6.     Consul  in  196 

B.C. 


Galba,  see  Sulpicius 

Gallia,  xxm.  3.  4 

Gelhus  Canus,  Q.,  XXV.  10. 

friend  of  Atticus 
Geminus,  see  Servilius 


Gongylus,  IV.  2.  2.     An  Eretrian 
Gortynii,  xxm.  9. 1,  4.     The  people  of 

Gortyn,  a  city  of  Crete 
Gracchus,  see  ScmproiiiuB 
Graece,  XXV.  4.  1  (6w) ;   18.  G.     Adv. 

to  Graccus 
Graeci,  I.  3.  4;  IV.  4.4;  vn.  2.  2;  XI. 

2.  4;  XV.  1,  2.     TheGreeks 
Graecia,  Praef.  5,7;    I.  3.  3 ;    4.1; 

6.  3;  II.  2.  4,  6;   3.  2;  4.  5;   5.  3; 

7.4,6;  8.  2;  9.4;   10.  2,4;  m.  1. 

5;  2.  2,  3;  rv.  1.  2;   2.  4;  VI.  1.  3; 

VII.  9.  3;  IX.  4.  4;  5.2;  XI.  2.  1,3; 

xn.  1.  3 ;  XIV.  8.  2 ;  xv.  2.  3 ;  5.  4, 6 

(bis)\  8.4;  10.4;  xvi.  2.  4;  xvn. 

2.  1;  4.  7;   5.  2  (6w),  3;  XXI.  1.  3; 

Frag.  2.  1 
Graecus,  -a,  -um,  adj.  to  Graecia: 

civitas,  vn.  7.  4;    IX.  5.  2;    gens, 

XXI.  1.  1;  historici,  X.  3.  2;  lingua, 

I.  3.  2;   vn.  2.  1;   X.  1.  5;   litterae, 

Praef.  2;   XVI.  1.  1;    xxm.  13.  3; 

res,  XXIV.  3.  2;  sermo,  xxm.  13.  2; 

urbes,  vn.  5.  6 
Graii,  Praef.  3;    n.  9.  2;    vn.  7.  4; 

xvm.  1.  5.     An  old  form  equivalent 

to  Graeci 
Graius,-a,  um,adj.toGraii :  Hercules, 

xxm.  3.  4. ;  saltiii,  xxm.  3.  4 
Grynium,    vn.    9.    3.     A    town    of 

Phrygia,  famous  for  its  temple  of 

Apollo 


Hadrumetum,  xxm.  6.  3,  4.     A  city 

of  northern  Africa,  not  far  from 

Carthage 
Haliartus,  VI.  3.  4.     A  city  of  Boeotia, 

on  Lake  Copais 
Halicarnasius,  VI.  3.  5.     A  native  of 

Halicamassus,  a  city  of  Caria. 
Hamilcar  (XXII),  xm.  4.  5 ;    XXI.  3. 

5;  xxn.  1.  1,  3;  2.  3;  3.  2,  3;  4.1; 

xxm.    1.    1;     2.    3.    Father    of 

Hannibal 
Hammon,  VI.   3.   2.     A  siu-name  of 

Jupiter;   really  an  Egyptian  deity, 

Amon    or    Amun,    identified    with 

Jupiter  by  the  Eomans 
Hannibal,    xxn.    1.    1.    Father    of 

Hamilcar 
Hannibal  (XXIII),  xm.  4.  5 ;   XXI.  3. 

5;  xxn.  3.  1,  3;  4.  3;  xxm.  1.  1 

(6w);  2.  2(6w);  3.2;  7.4,6;  8.1, 


735 


INDEX   TO   CORNELIUS   NEPOS 


2;  9.4;  10.3;  11.1,4,7;  12.1-4; 
13.  3;  XXIV.  1.  2 

Hasdrubal, XXU.  3.  2  (bis)\  xxm.  3. 1. 

Brother-m-law  of  Hannibal 
Hasdrubal,  XXlH.  3.  3;    xxrv.  1.  2. 

Brother  of  Hannibal 
Hellespontus,  n.  5.  1;   9.  3;  IV.  2.  1 ; 

vn.  5.  6;   xm.  3.  1;    xvn.  4.  4; 

xvm.  3.  2,  3  ;   5.  1.     The  strait  be- 

tween  the  Aegean  Sea  and  the  Pro- 

pontis,  the  modern  Dardanelles 
Helvius,     C,     XXIV.     1.     3.     Cato'3 

colleague  in  the  aedileship 
Hephaestio,    xvm,     2.     2.     One    of 

Alexander'B  generals 
Heraclides,   x.    5.    1;     6.    3,    5.    A 

Syracusan 
Hercules,  xvn.  1.  2 ;  xxiil.  3.  4 
Hermae,  vn.  3.  2 ;  see  note 
Hetaerice  ala,  xvm.  1.  6.     A  troop  of 

Alexander's  cavalry 
Hicet  as ,  XX.  2 .  3 .     Tyrant  of  Leontin  i , 

a  city  of  Sicily  near  Syracuse 
Hilotae,  IV.  3. '6.    The  serfs  of  the 

Spartans 
Hipparinus,  X.  1. 1.     Father  of  Dion. 
Hipparinus,  X.  1. 1.     Son  of  Dionysius 

the  elder 
Hippo,   XXTT.   2.   4.     A   city   on   the 

northem  coast  of  Africa,  west  of 

Carthage 
Hipponicus,  VII.  2.  1.     Father-in-law 

of  Alcibiades 
Hispania,  xxn.  3.1;   4.  1,  2 ;    xxm. 

2.   3;    3.   1-3;    Hispania   Citerior, 

XXTV.  2.  1;   Ilispaniae,  XXTV.  3.  4. 

The  two  provinces  of  Spain  in  the 

time  of  Cato 
Hister,  I.  3. 1.     A  name  applied  by  the 

Greeks  to  the  Danube,  and  by  the 

Romans  to  the  lower  part  of  that 

river,  the  upper  part  being  called 

Danubiua 
Histiaeus,  I.  3.  5.     Tyrant  of  Miletus 
Homerus,  X.  6.  4 ;  XIV.  2.  2 
Hortensius,  Q.,  XXV.  5.  4  (bis);  15.  3  ; 

16.  1 
Hystaspes,    XXI.    1.    2.    Father    of 

Darius  I,  king  of  Persia 


lason,  xm.  4.  2.  Jason,  tyrant  of 
Pherae  in  Thessaly  from  378  to 
370  B.O. 


lones,  I.  4.  1.     The  louians,  inhabi- 

tants  of  lonia 
lonia,  I.  3.  1 ;  vn.  4.  7 ;  5.6;  IX.  2. 1 ; 

5.  2 ;   XIV.  2.  5.     A  country  in  the 

west-central   part   of   Asia   Minor, 

bordering  on  the  Aegean  Sea 
Iphicratenses,  XI.   2.   4.     Soldiers  of 

Iphicrates 
Iphicrates  (XI),  XI.  1.  1;   2.  4;   3.  2; 

xn.  3.  4;  xm.  3.  2,  4(6w);   4.4 
Ismenias,  xn.  5.  1.     A  Theban 
Italia,  vn.  4.  4 ;  X.  5.  4,  6 ;  XXIL  4.  2 ; 

xxm.  1.  2;  2.1;  3.  3,  4(6i.s);  5.4; 

8.1;  10.1;  XXIV.  3.  4;  xxv.  4.  2; 

8.6;  9.2;  10.  1;   12.3;   14.  3 
Italicus,  -a,   -um,   adj.  from  Italia  : 

civitas,  XXIV.  3.  3;    dux,  XX.  2.  4 ; 

res,  XXIV.  3.  2 
(lulius)  Caesar,  (C),  XXV.  7.  3 ;  8. 1,  3. 

The  dictator 
(lulius)     Caesar    (Octavianus),     (C), 

XXV.  12.  1  (bis);    19.   3,  4;    20.   5. 

Afterwards  the  emperor  Augustus 
lulius    Calidus,   L.,   XXV.    12.    4.     A 

Roman  poet 
lulius  Mocilla,  L.,  XXV.  11.  2 
lunia  familia,  XXV.  18.  3 
(lunius)  Brutus,  M.,  XXV.  8.  1-6 ;    9. 

3;    10.  1;    11.  2,  4;    16.  1;    18.  3. 

AVith    Cassius,   head    of   the    con- 

spiracy  against  Caesar 
(lunius)  Brutus  (Albinus),  (D.),  XXV.  8. 

1  (included  in  the  word  Bruti) 
lustus,  m.  1.  2,  4.    A  sumame  given 

to  Aristides 


Karthaginienses,  x.  1.  5;   xm.  4.  5 
XX.  2.  4;  xxn.  1.  2,  3;  3.3;  xxin 
7.  1.  4;    8.  1;    legati,  xxm.  7.  2 
Karthaginiensis,  xxn.  1.  1 ;    XXin. 
1.  1 

Karthago,  xxn.  2.  1,  2  (6w),  4;  xxm. 
2.3;  3.  1;  7.4,6 


Labeo,  see  Fabius 

Lacedaemon,  Praef.  4  ;  I.  4.  3 ;   n.  7. 

1;  IV.  5.  1;   V.  3.  3;   Vl.  3.  3;  vn. 

4.  6.     The  chief  city  of  Laconia  in 

the     Bouth-eastem     part     of     the 

Pelopomiesua 


736 


INDEX   TO   CORNELIUS   NEPOS 


LacedaeinoQii,  I.  4.  3 ;  6.  4 ;  n.  3.  1 ; 

4.  2;  6.  2,  3;  7.  2,  3,  6;  8.  2,  3,  5; 

m.  2.  2,  3;   IV.  1.4;   2.  6;   3.  4,  6  ; 

4.  3;   V.  3.  2,  3;   VI.  2,  3,  4  (bis); 

3.  1  (bis),  5 ;  vn.  4.  7 ;  6.  3,  5  ;  6.2; 

8.1,2;   9.3-5;   10.2;    11.4(6(5); 

vra.  1.5;  3.1;  IX.  1.  1;  2.2,4;  4. 

1,  3,  4;  XI.  2.  3,  5;   XIl.  2.  3;   Xlll. 

2.2;XV.5.6;  6.  4(6w);  7.  3  ;  8.  3,4; 

9.  1;  10.  3;  xvi.  1.  3;  2.  3;   3.  3; 

xvn.   1.  2;    2.   1,  3;    4.  1;    6.  1; 

7.  1,  2;    Lacedaemonius,  IV.  1.  1; 

VI.  1.  1 ;  XVI.  1.2;  xvn.  1.  1 ;  XXI. 

1.  2;   xxm.  13.  3 
Laco,  vn.  10.  2 ;  xiu.  1.3;  xvu.  2.  3, 

5;    3.  6;   Lacones,  xiv.  1.  2;    4.  2; 

xvn.  7.  3.     Laconian,  Spartan 
Laconice,  xm.  2.  1.     Another  name 

for  Laconia 
Lamachus,  vn.   3.   1.     An  Athenian 

general 
Lampras,   XV.    2.    1.     A    teacher    of 

music  at  Athens 
Lampsacus,    n.    10.    3.     A    city    of 

Mysia,  on  the  Hellespont 
Laphystius,    XX.    5.    2    (6w),    3.     A 

Syracusan 
Latine,  XXV.  4.  1.     Adv.  to  Latinus 
Latinus,  -a,  -um,  adi.  from  Latium  : 

lilterae,    Frag.    2.    1 ;     philosophia, 

Frag.  2.  1 ;   sermo,  XXV.  4.  1 
Lemnii,  1. 1.  4.     The  people  of  Lemnos 
Lemnus,  I.  1.  4,  5;   2.  4,  5.     Lemnos, 

an  idland  in  the  northem  part  of  the 

Aegean  Sea 
Leonidas,  n.  3.  1.     King  of  Sparta; 

he  fell  at  Therraopylae  in  480  B.C. 
Leonnatus,     xvm.     2.     4.    One     of 

Alexander's  generals 
Leotychides,  XVII.  1.  2,  4.     Nephew 

of  AgesUaus  and  son  of  Agis,  king  of 

Sparta 
Lesbus,  xn.  3.  4.     Lesbos,  an  island 

in  the  Aegean  Sea,  near  the  coast  of 

Mvsia 
Leucosyri,    XIV.    1.    1.     The    White 

Syrians,   a   name    applied   to   the 

inhabitants  of  Cappadocia 
Leuctra,  XV.  8.3 ;  xvn.  6.  1.     A  town 

of  Bocotia,  scene  of  the  defeat  of  the 

Lacedaemonians  by    Epaminondas 

in  371  B.C. 
Leuctrica  pugna,  XV.  6.  4  (6w) ;  10.  2 ; 

XVI.  2.  4;    4.  2;    xvn.  7.  1.     See 

Leuctra 


(Licinius)   Lucullus,   L.,    .XXV.    5.    1. 

Consul  in  74  B.C. 
Ligures,  xxm.  4.  2.     The  people  of 

Liguria,  in  the  south-western  part  of 

Cisalpine  Gaul 
Lonpus,  see  Sempronius 
Lucani,  XXIII.   5.   3.     The  people  of 

Lucania,     a     division     of     south- 

western  Italy,  south-east  of  Cam- 

pania  and  Samnium 
Lucretius,    CT.),    XXV.    12.    4.     The 

celebrated  Roman  poet  (circ.  99  to 

55  B.C.) 
LucuIIus,  see  Licinius 
Lusitani,  XXTV.  3.  4.     The  people  of 

Lusitania,  nearly  corresponding  to 

modem  Portugal 
Lutatius    Catulus,  C,    .XXll.   1.   3,   5 

(bis).  Consul  in  241  B.C. 
Lyco,  X.  9.  6.  A  Syracusan 
Lycus,  vn.  5.  4 ;  vm.  1.  1.     Father  of 

Thrasybulus 
Lydi,  XIV.  8.  2.     The  people  of  Lydia 
Lydia,  IX.  2.  1 ;  xrv.  2.  5.     A  country 

in  the  central  westem  part  of  Asia 

Minor 
Lysander  (YI),  vi.  1.  1,  3,  4 ;   3.  3  ;   4. 

1,  3  (bis);  vn.  8.  1,  2,  5,  6;   10.  1; 

rx.  1.  2;  4.  5;  xvn.  1.  5 
Lysimachus,  xvm.  10.  3 ;  13.3;  xxi. 

3.  1,  2  (bis).     One  of  Alexander'e 

generals 
Lysis,    XV.     2.     2.     A    Pythagorean 

philosopher  from  Tarentum 


Macedo,  Xl.  3.  2;    xm.  3.  1;    ^face- 

dones,  xvm.  1.  2,  3  ;  3.  3  ;  7.  1  (ter); 

10.  2;   13.  1;   XIX.  3.  1;   XXI.  2.  1; 

milites,  xvm.  3.  4 
Macedonia,  xvm.  2.4;  4.  4 ;  6.  1-3 ; 

XIX.  3.  2 
Macrochir,  see  Artaxerxes  I 
Magnes,    xrv.    5.    6.    A    native    of 

Magnesia 
Magnesia,  n.  10.  2-4.     A  city  of  Caria, 

on  the  river  Meander 
Mago,  xxm.  7.  3,  4;    8.  1.  2  (bis). 

Brother  of  Hannibal 
Mamercus,    XX.     2.     4.     Tyrant    of 

Catana,  in  Sicily 
Mandrocles,    XIV.    5.    6.    A    Peraian 

general  under  Artaxerxea  n 


737 


INDEX  TO   CORNELIUS   NEPOS 


(Manlius)  Torquatus,  L.,  XXV.  1.  4; 

4.  5.     Consul  in  65  B.C. 
(Manlius)  Torquatus,  A.,  XXV.  11.  2; 

15.3 
Manlius    Volso,    Cn.,    xxm.    13.    2. 

Consul  in  189  B.C. 
Mantinea,  XV.  9.  1.     A  city  of  Arcadia 
Marathon,  I.  4.   2.     A  plain  on  the 

eastem  coast  of  Attioa 
Marathonius,    -a,     -um,     adj.     from 
Marathon :  pugna,  T.  6.  3;   n.  2.  6; 
tropaeum,  II.  5.  3 ;   victoria,  n.  6.  3 
Marcelli,  XXV.  18.  4 
Marcellus,  see  Claudius 
Mardonius,m.  2. 1,  2 ;  IV.  1,  2.     Com- 
mander  of  the  Persians  at  Plataea 
in  479  B.C. 
Marius,  C,  XXV.  1.  4;    2.  2.     Son  of 

the  famous  ilarius 
Massagetae,    XXI.    1.  2.     A  nomadic 
people  of  Scythialivinginthe  plains 
north-east  of  the  Caspian  Sea 
Maximus,  see  Fabius 
Media,    xvm.    8.    1.     A    country    of 
Asia,  on  the  southern  coast  of  the 
Caspian  Sea 
Medica  vestis,  IV.  3.  2 
Medus,  IV.  1.  2;    Medi,  xvm.  8.  4; 

Medi  satellites,  IV.  3.  2 
Meneclides.XV.  5.  2,  5  (fer).  A  Theban 

orator 
Menelai  portus,  xvn.  8.  6.  A  harbour 
on  the  northern  coast  of  Africa, 
between  Egypt  and  Cyrenae,  where 
Menelaus,  was  said  to  have  landed 
on  his  wav  home  f rom  Troy 
Menestheus^  XI.  3.  4;  xm.  3.  2.     Son 

of  Iphricrates 
Mercurius,  vn.  3.  2 

Messena,  xvr.  4.  3,  or  Messene,  XV.  8.  5. 

Capital  of  Messenia  in  the  south- 

western  part  of  the  Peloponnesus, 

restored  by  Epaminondas  in  369  B.C. 

Micythus,  XV.  4.  1  (bis),  3.     A  Theban 

youth 
Milesius,  I.  3.  5.    A  native  of  Miletus, 
a  city  on  the  westem  coast  of  Asia 
Minor 
Miltiades  (I),  l-  1-  1,  3,  4,  6;   3.  2,  6; 
4.4,5:   5.2;  6.1,3;  7.1,4;   8.2, 
4;  n.  8. 1;  V.  1. 1,  4 
Minerva,  IV.  5.  2 ;   xvn.  4.  6 
Minucius    Rufus,    M.,    xxm.    5.    3. 
Mast€r   of   horse   with    Q.    Fabius 
Maximus 


Minucius  (Thermus),  Q.,  XXTIT.  8.   1. 

Consialin  193  B.C. 
Mithridates,  XIV.  4.  5 ;  10. 1 ;  11.  2,  3. 

An  otiicer  of  Datames 
Mithrobarzanes,  XIV.  6.  3-5.    Father- 

in-law  of  Datames 
Mnemon,  see  Artaxerxes  II 
Mocilla,  see  lulius 

Molossi.  n.  8.  3.     A  people  of  Epirus 
Munychia,  vm.  2.  5.     A  peninsula  on 

the  coast  of  Attica  near  Athens, 

forming  a  harbour  also  called  Muny- 

chia 
Mutina,  XXV.  9. 1.     A  city  of  CisalpLne 

Gaul,  modera  Modena 
Mycale,  V.  2.2.     A  promontory  on  the 

coast  of  lonia  opposite  Samos 
Mytilenaei,  vm.  4.  2.     The  people  of 

MytUene,  the  priucipal  city  of  the 

island  of  Lesbos 
Myus,  n.  10.  3.    A  city  of  Caria,  on 

the  river  Meander 

N 

Naxus,  n.  8.  6.    Naxos,  the  largest  of 

the  Cyclades 
Nectanabis  or  Nectenebis,  xn.  2.  1; 

XVH.  8.  6.     A  king  of  Egypt  in  the 

first  half  of  the  fourth  century  B.C. 
Neocles,  n.  1. 1,  2.     Father  of  Themis- 

tocles 
Neontichos,   vn.    7.    4.     A   town    of 

Thrace  on  the  Propontis 
Neoptolemus,   xvm.    4.    1.     One    of 

Alexander's  generals 
Neptimus,  IV.  4.  4 
Nero,  see  Claudius 
Nicanor,  XIX.  2.  4,  5 ;  3.  4.    A  Mace- 

donian  officer 
Nicias,  vn.  3. 1.    An  Athenian  states- 

man  and  general  at  the  time  of  the 

Peloponnesian  war 
Nilus,  xvm.  5.  1.     The  Nile 
Nisaeus,  X.  1. 1.     Son  of  Dionysius  the 

elder,  of  Syracuse 
Nomentaniun  praedium,  XXV.  14.  3. 

An  estate  at  Nomentum,  a  town  in 

the    Sabine  district    noith-east    of 

Rome 
Nora,  xvm.  5.  3.     A  fortress  on  the 

boundary    between   Lycaonia    and 

Cappadocia 
Numidae,  xxm.  6.  4.     Inhabitants  of 

Numidia  in  northem  Af  rica 


INDEX   TO   CORNELIUS   NEPOS 


Oedipus,  XV.  6.  2.     Son  of  Laius,  king 

of  Thebes 
Olympia,  Praef.  5 ;  VII.  6.  3.     A  place 

in  Elis  in  the  north-western  part  of 

the  Peloponnesus,  the  scene  of  the 

Olyrnpic  games 
Olympias,   xnn.    6.    1.    Mother    of 

AJexander  the  Great 
Olympiodorus,  XV.  2. 1.    A  teacher  of 

Epaminondas 
Olynthii,  nn.  1.  2.    The  people  of 

Olynthus 
Olynthus,  XVI.  1.  2.     A  town  of  irace- 

donia  in  the  Chalcidian  peninsula 
Onomachus,    xvm.    11.    3,    4.     An 

officer  of  Antigonus 
Orchomenii,  VI.  3.  4.     The  people  of 

Orchomenos,  a  city  of  Boeotia 
Orestcs,  xv.  6.  2.     Son  of  Agamemnon 

and  Clyt€mnestra 
Origtnes,  XXTV.  3.  3,    The  historical 

work  of  Cato  the  Censor 
Omi,  vn.  7.4.    A  town  of  Thrace 


Pactye,  vn.  7.  4.     A  city  of  Thrace  on 

the  Propontis 
Padus,  xxm.  4. 1 ;  6. 1.    The  Po  river 
Pamphylium  mare,  xxiii.  8.  4.     The 

sea    that    washes    Pamphylia,    a 

country  on  the  southem  shore  of 

Asia    Minor,    between    Lycia    and 

Cilicia 
Pandantes,  xrv.  5.  3.    Treasurer  of 

Artaienes  II 
Paphlago,  XIV.  2.  3,  4.     A  native  of 

Paphlagonia 
Paphlagonia,   xrv.    2.    2;     5.    6.      A 

province  on  the  northera  coast  of 

Asia  Minor 
Paraetacae,  xviil.  8.  1.    The  people 

of     Paraetacene,    a    mountainous 

region  on  the  northem  frontier  of 

ancient  Persia 
Parii,  I.  7.  4.    The  natives  of  Paros 
Parium  crimen,  I.  8.  1 
Parus,  I.  7.  2,  6.     Paros,  one  of  the 

Cyclades,  famous  for  its  marble 
Patroclos,  xiv.   2.   2.     Cousin    and 


Intimate  friend  of  Achilles,  accord- 

ing  to  Nepos,  killed   by   Hector; 

according  to  Homer,  by  Menelaua 
Paulus,  see  Acmilius 
Pausanias  (IV),  ni.  2.  2,  3 ;   IV.  1.  1; 

2.  1,3,6,6;  4.  1-3,  5,6;   5.  1 
Pausanias,    vni.    3.    1.     A    king    of 

Sparta  at  the  time  of  the  Pelopon- 

ncsian  war 
Pausanias,  XXI.  2.  1.     The  murderer 

of  Philip  II 
Pax,  xra.  2.  2.    Peace,  personified  as 

a  goddess 
Peducaeus,  Sex,  xxv.  21.  4.    A  friend 

of  Atticus 
Pelopidas  (XVI),  XV.  7.  3 ;   10.  1,  3 ; 

XVI.  1.1,  4;  2.5;  3.3;  4.1;  5.5 
Peloponnesii,  vi.  1.  1 ;  ix.  5.  1 
Peloponnesium  bellum,  VII.  3.  1 ;  vra. 

1.  3;   IX.  1.  1,  2;   XVI.  1.  3.    The 

contest  for  the  hegemony  in  Greece 

between   Athens   and    Sparta;     it 

lasted  from  431  to  404  B.C. 
Peloponnesus,  n.  6.  2;  X.  4.  3;   8.  1; 

10.  3 ;  xra.  2.1;  xv.  7.  3 ;  xvn.  4. 

5 ;  XXI.  2.  2.    Southern  Greece,  now 

the  Morea 
Perdiccas,    XI.     3.     2,    Brother     of 

Philip  n   and  his  predecessor  as 

king  of  Macedonia 
Perdiccas,  xvra.  2.  1,  3,  4;    3.  1,  2; 

5.  1.     One  of  Alexander's  generals 
Pergameni,  xxm.  11.  7.    The  people 

of  Pergamum,  a  city  of  Mysia  in 

north-western  Asia  Minor,  near  the 

site  of  Troy 
Pergamenus,  -a,  -nm,  adj.  from  Per- 

gamum :    naves,  xxra.  11.  5;    rex, 

xxm.  10.  2 
Pericles,Vil.2.1.    The  great  Athenian 

statesman;   he  was  at  the  head  of 

the  state  from  461  until  his  death  in 

429  B.C.         

Perpenna,  M.,  XXIV.  1.  1 

Persae,  I.  3.  1,  4,  5;   5.  5;  n.  10.  1; 

IV.  1.  2,  4:   2.  2;   3.  2;   vn.  11.  5; 

rx.  3.  2;    xn.   2.   3;    xiv.   10.   1; 

XVI.  4.  3;  xvn.  4. 1,  2;  5.2;  xvra. 

8.  2;  XXI.  1.  2 
Perses,  adj. :    nemo,  XXJ.  1.  4;    rex, 

n.  8.  2;  vn.  4.  7;  9.  5;  xn.  3.  1. 

Persian 
Persicus,  -a,  -um,  adj.;   bellum,  n.  2. 

4;  res,  rx.  5.  4 
Persis,  n.  10.  1;    XVra.  7.  1;    8.  1. 

739 


?^. 


-INDEX   TO   CORNELIUS   NEPOS 


Persia,  a  country  of  Asia  north  of 

the  Persian  Gulf 
Peucestes,  xvni.  7.  1.     One  of  Alex- 

an(ier'8  body-guard 
Phalereus,  tee  Demetrius  I 
Phalericus  portus,  n.   6.   1.     One  of 

the  seaports  of  Athens 
Pharnabazus,  VI.  4.  1  (fiis\  3 ;   vn,  9. 

3;  10.  1,  2,  6;  rx.  2.  1,  2;  3.  2;  4. 

1,  2,  5;  XIV.  3.  4,  5.  A  Persian 
satrap  who  governed  the  north- 
western  provinces  of  Asia  Minor 
from  412  to  377  B.C. 

Pherae,  IX.  1.  1.     A  town  of  Messenia 
Pheraeus,  XVI.   5.   1.     Of  Pherae,  a 

townin  the  eastern  part  of  Thessaly 
Phidippus,1. 4. 3.     A  f  amous  Athenian 

courier 
Philippense    proelium,    XXV.    11.    2. 

The  battle  at  Philippi,  a  town  of 

Macedonia,  42  B.C. 
Philippus.  XT.  3.  2;  xin.  3.  1;  xvm. 

1,4,6;  6.3:  13.1;  xix.  1.  3;  xxi. 

2.  1  Q)is).  Philip  II,  king  of  Mace- 
donia  from  360  to  336  B.C. ;  father 
of  Alexander  the  Great 

PhUippus,  xxra.  2.  1.     Phiiip  V,  king 

of  Macedonia  from  220  to  197  B.C. 
Philippus    (Arrhidaeus),    XIX.    3.    3. 

Illegitimate  son  of  Philip  II.     He 

was   made  king   of   Macedonia   in 

323  B.C.  as  Philip  III,  and  was  put 

to  death  by  Olympias  in  317 
Philistus,  X.  3.  2,  3.    An  historian  of 

Syracuse 
Philocles,  VH.  8.  1,  4.     An  Athenian 

general 
Philostratus,  X.  9.  2.     A  Syracusan 
Phocion  (XIX),  XIX.  1.  1;  2.  4;  3.  1, 

2(6ts);  4.3 
Phoebidas,    XVL    1.    2.     A    Spartan 

general 
Phoenicos,  V.  2.  2  ;  IX.  4.  2.     Natives 

of  Phoenicia  on  the  eastern  coast  of 

the  Medittrranean  Sea 
Phryges,     XIV.     8.     2.     Natives     of 

Phryeria 
Phrygia,  vn.  9.  3 ;   10.  3 ;    XIV.  2.  5  ; 

8.  6;   xvn.  3.  2;   xvm.  5.  3.     An 

inland  province  in  the  westem  part 

of  Asia  Minor 
Phyle,  vra.  2. 1.  A  fortressin  Attica  on 

the  Boeotian  f  rontier 
Pilia,  XXV.  3.  2.     Wife  of  Attlcua 
Piraeus.ll.G.  1;  VU.6.1,3;  vm.2.6; 

740 


LX.  4.  5;   XIX.  2.  4,  5;  3.  4;  4.1. 

The  principal  seaport  of  Athens. 
Pisander,    vn.    5,    3.     An    Athenian 

general 
Pisander,    IX.     4.     4.       A     Spartaa 

general 
Pisidae,  XIV.  4.  4;    6.  1,  6,  7;    8.  2. 

Inhabitants    of   Pisidia,    a    moun- 

tainous  country  in  the  southern  part 

of  Asia  Minor 
Pisistratus,  I.  8.  1.     Tyrant  at  Athens 

for  three  periods  between  560  and 

527  B.C. 
Pittacus,  vm.  4.  2.     A  sage  of  Mity- 

lene,  one  of  the  Seven  Wise  Men  of 

Greece 
Plataeae,  ra.  2. 1 ;  IV.  1.2,3.  Plataea, 

a  town  in  the  southern  part  of  Boeo- 

tia 
Plataeenses,  I.  5.  1.    The  people  of 

Plato,  vn.  2.  2 ;   X.  2.  2,  3 :    3.  1,  3. 

The  celebrated  Greek  philosopher, 

who  lived  from  429  to  about  348  B.O. 
Poicile,  I.  6.  3 ;  see  note 
Poeni,  xxn.  1.  2;    2.  3;   xxra.  7.  7; 

8.   2;    Poentis,  xxra.  10.  1.    The 

Carthaginians,  so  caUed  because  of 

their  Pboenician  origin 
Poenicum  bellum,  xxn.  1.  1;    4.  3; 
XXIV.  3.  3 
VPoIybius,  xxra.  13.  1.    A  celebrated 
^      historian  of  Megalopolis  in  Arcadiai, 

sent  as  a  hostage  to  Rome  in  169  B.C. 
Polymnis,     XV.     1.     1.    Father     of 

Epaminondas 
Polyperchon,  XIX.    3.    1-3.     One   of 

AIexander's  generals 
Pompeius  (Magnus),  Cn.,  XXV.   7.  1 

(bis),  3.     Pompey  the  Great 
Pomponius     Atticus,     T.,      (XXV), 

Praef.  1;  xxra.  13.  1;  xxiv.  3,  5; 

XXV.  1.1:2.  1;  4.1,2;  5.3;  7.3; 

8.  3.  6;    9.  3,  4  (6w);    10.  1,  3-5; 

12.  3,  5;    16.  3;    17.  1;    19.  1,  4; 

20.  1-4 
Pontus,  xxra.  10.  1.     A  country  of 

north  eastern  A=ia  Minor,  south  of 

tl.e  Pontus  Euxinus,  or  Black  Sea 
Porcius  Cato  (Censorius),  M.  (XXIV), 

XXIV.  1.  1;  2.  3;  3.5. 
(Porcius)  Cato  (Uticensis),  M.,  XXV. 

15.  3.     Great-grandson  of  Cato  the 

Censor;    he  committed  Buicide  at 

Utica  iii  46  B.C. 


INDEX   TO   CORNELIUS   NEPOS 


Procles,  xvn.  1.  2.     Founders  of  one 

of  the  lines  of  Spartan  kinjra 
Propontis,  vil.  9.  1.     A  sea  botween 

the  EiLxine  and  tbe  Thraciau  Bos- 

phorus,  now  caJled  the  Sea  of  Mar- 

mora 
Proseriina.  X.  8.  5 
Prusias  or  Prusia,  xxm.  10.  1 ;   12.1 

{bis),  3.     A  king  of  Bithvnia 
Ptolemaeus,  xvui.  3.  2 ;   10.  3  ;  13.  3  ; 

XXI.   3,   1,   4.     Ptolemy  I,  son  of 

liagiis,  one  of  Alex:ander'e  generals, 

afterwards  king  of  Egypt 
PtoJemaeus  Ceraunus,  XXI.  3.  4.     Son 

of  Ptolemy  I;    he  became  king  of 

Macedonia  in  280  B.C.,  but  died  in 

battle  the  next  year 
Pydna,n.  8.5.     A  town  of  ilacedonia, 

in  Pieria  on  the  Tbermaic  Gnlf 
Pylaemenes,   XIV.   2.   2.     A   king   of 

Paphlagonia   at   the   time    of   the 

Trojan  war 
Pyrenaeus  saltus,  XX lU.  3.  3.      The 

Pyrenees  mountains 
Pyrfbus,  XXI.  2.  2.     King  of  Epirus, 

killed  at  Argos  in  272  B.C. 
Pythagoreus,    XV.    2.    2.     A    Pjtha- 

gorean  or  follower  of  Pythagoras, 

the  celebrated  philosopher,  bom  at 

Samos  in  550  B.c. 
Pythia,  I.  1.  3  ;  n.  2.  7.     The  priestess 

of  the  Delphic  oracle 


QuinctioB  Flamininus,  T.,  xxm.  12. 

1,    2.     Conqueror   of   Philip    V    of 

Macedon  in  197  B.C. 
Quirinalis   collis,    XXV.    13.    2.     The 

Quirinal  hlll  at  Eome 


P. 


Rhodanus,  rxm.   4.   1;    6.   1.    The 

Rhone 
Rhodii,    XXIJI.    8.    4  ;     13.    2.     The 

people  of  Rhodes,  an  island  soutb  of 

the  westem  part  of  Asia  Minor 
Roma,  xxra.  5.1;    7.  2,  4,  6 ;   12.  1 ; 

XXIV.  1.  1;  XXV.  4.  5;  20.5 
Romani,  Praef.  6;   xvm.  1.  5;   3.  4; 

XXII.  1.  3,  4;    2.  2,  3;    3.  1 ;    4.  3 

(6tj);  xxm.  1.  2,  3  (bisy,  2.  3,  4,  6; 

6.2;   7.1,5;  10.1-3;   12.4;  13.4 
Bomanas,  -«^  -um,  adj.  from  Roma  : 


ciris,  XXV.  19.3;  civitas,  XXV.  3.  1 ; 
dictator,xxw.  5. 1  ;  equcs,  XXV.  5.1 ; 
12.  1,3;  13.  6  ;  15.  3 ;  equiUs,  XX\. 
8.  3;  legali.  XXIII.  2.  1;  nomen, 
xxm.  7.  3;   popidus,  I.  6.  2:   XXI. 

2.  2;   xxm.  1.  1  (bis);   7.  2;   XXIV. 

3.  3 ;  XXV.  18.  2,  5 ;  res,  xxv.  4.  6 ; 
stirps,  XXV.  1.  1 

Romulus,  XXV.  20.  3 

Rubrum  mare,  xxm.  2.  1.  The  Red 
Sea,  a  narae  applied  to  the  Red 
Sea  and  to  the  Persian  Gulf  by  the 
Romans 

Rufus,  see  Minucius 


Sabini,  xxiv.  1.  1.    The  Sabines;    a 

people  of  Central  Italy,  nortb-east 

of  Latium 
Saguntuni,  xxra.  3.  2.     A  town  in  the 

eastern  part  of  Spain  near  the  coast 
Salaminia  victoria,  n.  6.  3 
Salamis,n.  2.  8;  3.4;  5.3;  9.3;  III. 

2.  1.     An  island  in  the  Saronic  Gulf, 

near  Athens 
Samothracia,XXV.  11.  2.     Anislandin 

the  nortbern  part  of  the  Aegean  Sea, 

opposite  the  mouth  of  the  river 

Hebrus 
Samus,  vn.  5.  3,  4 ;  xm.  1.2;  3. 1,  3, 

4.     Samos,  an  island  on  the  westem 

coast     of     Asia     Minor,     opposite 

Ephesus 
Sardes  or  Sardis,  I.  4.  1 ;    rx.  5.  3 ; 

XVII.  3.  5.     The  capital  of  Lydia 
Sardinia,  XXTV.  1.  4.     An  island  west 

of  Italy 
Sardiniensis  triumpbus,  XXIV.  1.  4 
Saufeius,  L.,  XXV.  12.  3.     A  friend  of 

Atticus 
Scipio,  see  Comelius 
Scyrus,   V.   2.   5.     An   island   in   the 

Aegean  Sea,  north-east  of  Euboea 
Scytbae,  l.   3.   1,   3.     The  people  of 

Scythia,  a  country  north-east  of  the 

Caspian  Sea 
Scythissa,    XIV.    1.    1.    A    Scythian 

woman 
Seleucus,  xviii.  5.  1 ;    10.  3;    13.  3; 

XXI.   3.   1,   2   (bis),   3,   4.     One  of 

AIesander'8     generals,     afterwards 

king  of  Syria  and  founder  of  the 

dynasty  of  the  Seleucids 


741 


'^x>' 


INDEX  TO   CORNELIUS   NEPOS 


r 


(Sempronius)  Longus,  Ti.,  xxm.  4.  2. 

Consul  in  218  B.C. 
Sempronius  Gracchus,  Ti.,  XXm.  5.  3. 

Consul  in  213  B.C. 
(Sempronius)  Gracchus,  Ti.,  Frag.  1.  2. 

Tribune  of  the  commons  in  133  B.C. 
Sena,  xxrv.  1.2.    Atownof  Umbriain 

north-eastcrn  Italy 
Servilia,  xxv.  11.  4.    Mother  of  M, 

lunius  Brutus 
Servilius  Geminus,  Cn.,  xxni.  4.  4. 

Consul  in  217  B.C. 
Sestus,  xirr.  1.  3.      A  town  on  the 

eastem  coast  of  the  Thracian  Cher- 

sonese,  opposite  Abydos 
Seuthes,  vn.  8.  3 ;  Xl.  2, 1.    A  Thracian 

king 
Sicilia,  vn.  4.  3  (bis) ;  5.  3 :  6.  2 ;  X.  2. 

2;  5.3,5,6;  8.1;  10.3;  xx.  1. 1; 

2.  1,  4  (bis);  4.  3;  5.  1,  4;  xxn.  1. 

1,  2,  5 ;  XXIV,  1.  2 
Siculi,  XX.  3.  1,  4 ;  Siculos,  XXI.  2.  2. 

Sicilian 
Sigeum,  xn.  3.  4.     A  promontory  and 

city  of  the  Troad,  in  north-westem 
1   Asia  Minor 
Silenus,  x.Mll.  13.  3.    A  Greek  his- 

torian 
Socrates,  vn.  2.  1,  2  (bis).    The  cele- 

brated  Athenian  philosopher  (469- 

399  B.C.) 
Socraticus,  xvn.  1.  1.    A  disciple  of 

Socrates 
Sophrosyne,   x.    1.    1.     Daughter   of 

Dionysius  the  elder  of  Syracuse,  and 

wife  of  Dionysius  the  yoimger 
Sosius,  C,  XXV.  22.  3.     Consul  in  32 

B.C. 
Sosylus,  xxm.  13.  3  (bis).    A  Greek 

historian 
Sparta,  rv.  2.  3,  4 ;  3.  3 ;  XI.  2.  5 ;  XV. 

6.  4;   8.  4:   XVI.  4.  3;   xvil.  1.  2; 

4.  2;  6.  1  (bis);  8.  7.    The  capital 

of  Laconia 
Spartani,  XVI.  2.  4;    xxi.  1.  2.    The 

citizens  of  Sparta 
Spinther,  see  Cornelius 
Stesagoras,  l.  7.  5.     Brother  of  Milti- 

ades 
Strymon,  V.  2. 2.    One  of  the  principal 

rivers  of  Thrace 
Sulla,  see  Comelius 
Sullanae  partes,  XXV.  2.  2 
Sulpicius,  P.,  xxm.  7.  1.    Consul  in 

200  B.C. 


C  Sulpicius  Blitho,  xxm.  13. 1.  A  Boman 

historian 
(Sulpicius)  Galba,  Ser.,   xxiv.    3.   4. 

Governor  of  Lusitania  in  151  B.C. 
Sulpicius  (Rufus),  P.,  XXV.  2.  1  (bis), 

2.    Tribune  of  the  commons  in  88 

B.C. 
(Sulpicius   Rufus),   Ser.,  xxv.    2.   1. 

Brother  of  P.  Sulpicius  Rufus 
Susamithres,  vn.  10.  3.     A  Persian 
S-rmposium,  a  work  of  Plato 
sVracusae,  X.  2.  2;    3.  2 ;   5.  3,  5,  6; 

6.  5 ;  XX.  2. 1  (bis) ;  3.  1,  3-5.     The 

famous  city  on  the  eastem  coast  of 

SiciJy 
Syracusani,  vn.  3.  1 ;   X.  3.  3 ;  XX.  1. 

1;    5.  3,  4;    St/racuiaiiu-s,  X    1.  1; 

9.6 
Syria,  xxin.  7.  6;    8.  4.     A  coimtry 

in  Asia  between  the  Euphratesand 

the  Mediterranean 
Sysinas,  xrv.  7.  1.    Son  of  Datames 


Tachus,  xvu.  8.  2.    King  of  Egypt  in 

362  B.C. 
Taenaram,  IV.  4.  4.     A  promontory  of 

Laconia,  on  the  south-eastfim  shore 

of  the  Peloponnesus 
Tamphiliana  domus,  XXV.  13.   2.    A 

house  built  by  Baebius  Tamphilius 

and  later  owned  by  Atticus 
Tamphilus,  see  Baebius 
Tarentinus,  XV.   2.   2.     A  native  of 

Tarentum 
Tarentum,  X.  2.  2.     A  city  of  Calabria 

in  southem  Italy,  on  the  Gulf  of  Tar- 

entum 
Tauras,  IX.  2.  3  ;  xrv.  4.  4 ;  xvm.  3.  2. 

A  range  of  mountains  in  the  south- 

eastem  part  of  Asia  Minor 
Terentius   (Varro),    C,   xxm.    4.    4. 

Consui  in  216  B.C. 
Thasii,V.  2.  5;    VI.  2.  3.     The  people 

of  Thasos 
Thasus,  VI.  2.  2.     An  island  in  the 

northern  part  of  the  Aegean  Sea, 

near  the  coast  of  Thrace 
Thebae,  vn.  4.  4;    11.  3;    xn.  1.  1; 

XV.  4.  1;    5.  2;    6.  2;    7.  5 ;    8.  4; 

10.  3,  4;   XVI.  1,  2;   2.  2,  5;    3.  2; 

4.  1,  3.    Thebes,  the  chief  city  of 

Boeotia 


742 


o 


INDEX  TO   CORNEUUS  NEPOS 


Thebani,  VI.  3.  4;  XI.  2.  5;  XV.  4.  2; 

5.3:  6.  1(6m);  8.3,4;  XVI.  1.  2,  3 

(bis);    3.  1;    5.  1,  2;    X\TI.  6.  2; 

Thebanui,  XV.  1.  1;    2.  1 ;    5.  1,  2; 

XVI.  1.  1 
Themistocles  (11),  n.  1.  1,  2 ;  2.  7  ;  3. 

2;  4.2,5;  5.  1,2;  6.  1,6;  7.1,3; 
■^      8.6,7;  9.1,2;  m.1.1,2;  3.3 
,  Theopompus,  vn.  11.  1;   .XI.  3.  2.     A 

celebrated  historian  of  Cliios  of  tbe 

fourth  century  B.c. 
Theramenes,  vn.  5.  4  (6m);  6.3.     An 

Athenian   general    and   statcsman, 

one  of  the  Tbirty  Tyrants 
Thermopylae,  n.  3. 1 ;  4. 1 ;  xxm.  8.  3. 

A  pass  through  Mt.  Oeta,  on  the 

Bouthern  frontier  of  Thessaly 
Thessalia,  xm.  4.  2;   XVI.  5.  1,  2,  5, 

The   eastem   division   of  northern 

Greece 
Thraeces  or  Threces,  I.  1.  2 ;  V.  2.  2 ; 

vn.  8.  3;    9.  2;    11.  4;    xi.  2.  1 ; 

Thraex  or  Threx,  XI.  3.  4.     Tbra- 

cian 
Thraecia,  Threcia  or  Thracia,  vn.  7.  4, 

5;     9.   1;    xn.   3.   4.     A    country 

north-east  of  Greece  and  east  of 

Macedonia 
Thraessa   or   Thressa,   XI.    3.    4.    A 

Thracian  woman 
Thrasybulua  (VIII),  vn.   5.  4  (bis); 

6.3;  7.1;  vra.1.1,5;  2.4,6,7;  3. 
O  1»  2 ;  4.  3 

rrhucydides,  n.  1.  4;  9.  1;  10.  4;  iv. 
^     2.    2;     Vll.    11.    1.     The    famoua 

Athenian  bistorian  of  tbe  Pelopon- 

nesian  war;    be  lived  from  471  to 

about  400  B.C. 
Thurii,  vn.  4.  4.     A  city  in  the  south- 

westem  part  of  Lucania 
Thuys,  XIV.  2.  2,  3,  5  (bis);    3.  1-3. 

A  Paphlagonian  prince 
r  Tiberis,  xxm.  8.  3 

Timaeua,  vn.  11.  1.     A  Sicilian  bis- 
^       torian,  who  lived  from  352  to  256 

Timoieon  (XX),  XX.  1.  1 ;  2.  1,  4;  3. 

5;  5.2,3 
Timoleonteum  gymnasium,  XX.  5.  4; 

see  note 
Timopbanes,  XX.   1.   3.    Brotber  of 

Timoleon 
Timotheus  (Xni),  XI.  3.  3 ;  xn.  3.  4 ; 

xra.  1.  1 ;  2.  3  ■;  3.  2,  4  (bis),  5 ;  4.  2, 

3  (bis),  4 


Tiribazus,   IX.    5.    3,    4.     A    Persian 

satrap 
Tissaphemes,  vn.  5.2;  IX.  2.  2 ;  3.1; 

4.  1 ;  xvn.  2.  3-5  ;   i.  2.  5.     A  Per- 

sian  satrap   under   Darius  II   and 

Artaxerxes  II 
Tithraustcs,  IX.  3.  2;    XIV.  3.  5.     A 

Persian  general 
Torquatus,  see  Manlius 
Trasumenus,  XXIII.  4.  3.     A  lake  in 

Etruria 
Trebia,  xxra.  4.  2 ;   6.  1.     A  river  in 

Cisalpine  Gaul,  a  tributary  of  the 

Padus 
Troas  ager,  IV.  3.  3.     The  country 

about  Troy ;  tbe  Troad 
Troezen,   n.    2.    8.     A    city    in   the 

soutb-eastem  part  of  Argolis 
Troicum  bellum,  XIV.  2.  2 
TuUius  Cicero,  M.,  XXV.  1.  4;    4.  4; 

5.3,4;  9.3;  10.1,4;  15.3;  16.1, 

2,4;   18.6;  Frag.  2.  1 
Tiillius  Cicero,   Q.,  XXV.   5.   3   (bis); 

6.  4;   7.  3;   16.  2;   Cicerones,  xxv. 

15.  3         

Tusculum,  xxrv.  1.   1.    A  town  of 

Latium,  about  fifteen  miles  south- 

east  of  Rome 


Utica,  xxn.  2.  4.  A  town  on  the 
northera  coast  of  Airica,  about 
twenty-seven  miles  north-west  of 
Carthage 


(Valerius)  Catullus,  XXV.  12.  4.  The 
famous  lyric  poet  (87-54  B.C.) 

Talerius  Flaccus,  L.,  XXIV.  1. 1 ;  2. 1, 3 . 
Colleague  of  Cato  Censorius  in  bis 
consulsbip  (199  B.C.)  and  censorsbip 
(184  B.C.) 

Venusia,xxra.  5.  3.  Atownof  Apulia 
near  tbe  Lucanian  frontier 

Vettones,  xxn.  4.  2.  A  people  of 
Lusitania  

Vipsanius  Agrippa,  M.,  XXV.  12.  1; 
19.  4;  21.  4;  22.  2.  Son-in-Iaw, 
general  and  minister  of  Augustus 

Volso.  see  Manlius 

Volumnius,P.,XXV.  9.  4;  10.2;  12.4 


743 


INDEX  TO   CORNELIUS   NEPOS 

X  z 

Xenophon,  xrn.  1.  1.     An  Athenian,  Zacynthji,  X.  9,  3.     Of  Zacynthas,  an 

celebrated  as  a  writer  and  for  his  island  ofl  the  coast  of  Elis,  modern 

conduct  of  the  retreat  of  the  ten  Zante 

thousand  in  400  B.C.  Zama,  xxm.  6.  3  {bis).     A  town  of 

Xerxes,  n.  2.  4 ;  4.  1 ;  9.  1 ;  ni.  1.  5 ;  Kumidia    on    the   frontier    of   the 

IV.   2.   2 ;    XVII.   4.   4 ;    XXI.   1.   3  territory  of  Canhage,  the  scene  of 

(bvs).     Kiug  of  Persia  from  485  to  the  defeab  of  Ilannibal  by  Scipio  io 

465  B.C.  202  B.C. 


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Hesiod  and  the  Homeric  Hy]sins.     H.  G.  Evelyn  White. 
Heppocrates  and  the  Fragments  of  Heracleitus.  W.  H.  S. 

Jones  and  E.  T.  Withington.     4  Vols. 
HoMER  :  Tltad.     A.  T.  Murray.     2  Vols. 
HoMER  :   Odyssey.     A.  T.  Murray.     2  Vols. 
IsAEUS.     E.  S.  Forster. 

IsocRATES.     George  Xorlin  and  LaRue  Van  Hook.     3  Vols. 
St.  John  Damascene  :  Barlaajvi  and  Ioasaph.     Rev.  G.  R. 

Woodward  and  Harold  Mattingly. 
Josephus.     H.  St.  J.  Thackeray  and  Ralph  Marcus.     9  Vols. 

Vols.  I-VII. 
JuLiAN.     Wilmer  Cave  Wright.     3  Vols. 
LoNGUS :     Daphnis    and    Chloe.     Thornley's    translation 

revised  by  J.  M.  Edmonds ;    and  Partheious.     S.  Gase- 

lee. 
LuciAN.     8  Vols.     A.  M.  Harmon.     Vols.  I-V.     K.  Kilbum. 

Vol.  VI. 
Lycophron.     CJ.  Callimachus. 
Lyea  Graeca.    J.  M.  Emonds.     3  Vols. 

6 


THE  LOEB  CLASSICAL  LIBRARY 

Lysias.     W.  R.  M.  Lamb. 

Manetho.     W.  G.  Waddell ;  PTOLEiiY  :  Teteabiblos.     F.  E. 

Robbins. 
Marcus  Aurelius.     C.  R.  Haines. 
Menandeb.     F.  G.  Allmson. 
MiNOB    Attic    Orators.     2    Vols.     K.    J.    Maidment    and 

J.  0.  Burtt. 
NoNNOS  :  DiONYSiACA.     W.  H.  D.  Rouse.     3  Vols. 
Oppla-N,  Colluthus,  Tryphiodorus.     A.  W.  Mair. 
Papyri.     Non-Literary  Selections.     A.  S.  Hunt  and  C.  C. 

Edgar.     2  Vols.     Literary  Selections  (Poetry).     D.  L. 

Page. 

PaRTHENIUS.      Cf.  LONGUS. 

Pausantas  :   Description  of  Greece.     W.  H.  S.  Jones.     5 

Vols.  and  Companion  Vol.  arranged  by  R.  E.  Wvcherlev. 
Philo.     10  Vols.     Vols.  I-V.     F.  H.  Colson  and  Rev.  G.  H. 

Whitaker  ;  Vols.  VI-IX.     F.  H.  Colson. 

Two    Supplementary    Vols.     Translation    only    from    an 
Armenian  Text.     Ralph  Marcus. 
Philostratus  :  The  Life  of  Apollonius  of  Tyana.     F.  C. 

Conybeare.     2  Vols. 
Philostratus  :    Imagines  ;    Callistratus  :    Descriptions. 

A.  Fairbanks. 
Philostratus    and    Eunapius  :     Lives   of   the   Sophists. 

Wilmer  Cave  Wright. 
Pindar.     Sir  J.  E.  Sandys. 
Plato  I :  EuTHYPHRO,  Apology,  Crito,  Phaedo,  Phaedrus. 

H.  N.  Fowler. 
Plato  II  :  Theaetetus  and  Sophist.     H.  N.  Fowler. 
Plato  III  :    Statesman,  Philebus.     H.  N.  Fowler ;    loN. 

W.  R.  M.  Lamb. 
Plato    IV :     Laches,    Protagoras,    Meno,    Euthydemus. 

W.  R.  M.  Lamb. 
Plato  V  :   Lysis,  Syimposium,  Gorgias.     W.  R.  M.  Lamb. 
Plato    VI  :     Cratylus,    Parmenides,    Greater    Heppias, 

Lesser  Hippla-S.     H.  N.  Fowler. 
Plato  VII :   Timaeus,  Critias,  CLiropno,  Menexenus,  Epi- 

STULAE.     Rev.  R.  G.  Bury. 
Plato  VIII  :    Ch.\rmides,  Alciblades,   Hipparciius,   The 

LovERS,  Theages,  Minos  and  Epinomis.     W.  R.  M.  Lamb. 
Pi^TO  :   Laws.     Rev.  R.  G.  Bury.     2  Vols. 
Plato  :   Republic.     Paul  Shorey.     2  Vols. 


THE  LOEB  CLASSICAL  LIBRARY 

Plutarch  :  MoBALiA.     15  Vols.     Vols.  I-V.     F.  C.  Babbitt ; 

Vol.  VI.     W.  C.  Helmbold  ;   Vol.  VII.     P.  H.  De  Lacv  and 

B.  Einarson  ;   Vol.  IX.     E.  L.  Minar,  Jn.,  F.  H.  Sandbach, 

W.  C.  Helmbold ;   Vol.  X.     H.  N.  Fowler  ;    Vol.  XII.  H. 

Cherniss  and  W.  C.  Helmbold. 
Plutarch  :  The  Parallel  Lives.     B.  Perrin.     11  Vols. 
PoLYBius.     W.  R.  Paton.     6  Vols. 

Procopius  :  History  of  the  Wars.     H.  B.  Dewing.     7  Vols. 
Ptolemy  :  Tetrabiblos.     Cf.  IVL^netho. 
Quintus  Smyrnaeus.     A.  S.  Way.     Verse  trans. 
Sextus  Empiricus.     Rev.  R.  G.  Bury.     4  Vols. 
SoPHOCLES.     F.  StoiT.     2  Vols.     Verse  trans. 
Strabo  :  Geography.     Horace  L.  Jones.     8  Vols. 
Theophrastus  :   Characters.     J.  M.  Edmonds  ;   Hebodes, 

etc.     A.  D.  Knox. 
Theophrastus  :    Enquiry  into  Plants.     Sir  Arthur  Hort. 

2.  Vols. 
Thucydides,     C.  F.  Smith.     4  Vols. 
Tryphiodorus.     Cf.  Oppian. 

Xekophon  :  Cyropaedia.     Walter  Miller.     2  Vols. 
Xenophon  :    Hellenica,  Anabasis,  Apology,  and  Sympo- 

SIUM.     C.  L.  Brownson  and  0.  J.  Todd.     3  Vols. 
Xenophon  :    Memorabilia  and  Oeconomicus.     E.  C.  Mar- 

chant. 
Xenophon  :  ScRiPTA  MiNORA.     E.  C.  Marchant. 

VOLUMES  in  preparation 


GREEK  AUTHORS 


Aristotle  :  HiSTORY  OF  Animals.     A.  L.  Peck. 
Plotinus.     A.  H.  Armstrong. 

LATIN   AUTHOES 


Babrius  and  Phaedrus.     B.  E.  Perry. 

DESCRIPTIVE  PROSPECTUS  ON  APPLICATION 


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