Skip to main content

Full text of "Works"

See other formats 


•»w 


\ 


b 

THE 


WORKS 


OF 


!'  5M 

NATHANIEL    LARDNER,   D.   D 


WITH  A  LIFE  BY  DR.  KIPPIS. 


IN    TEN    VOLUMES. 


VOL.  IV. 


LONDON: 

JOSEPH  OGLE  ROBINSON,  42,  POULTRY. 

MHCCCX.-S.IX. 


BUNGAY : 

STEREOTYPED  AND  HUNTED  BY  J.  R.  AND  C.  GUILDS. 


CONTENTS  OF  THE  FOURTH  VOLUME, 


PART  II. 


CHAP. 

LXX. 

LXX1. 

LXXII. 

LXXIII. 

LXXIV. 

LXXV. 

LXXVI. 

LXXVII. 

LXXVIII. 

LXXIX. 

LXXX. 

LXXXI. 

LXXXII. 

LXXX1II. 

LXXXIV. 

LXXXV. 

LXXXVI. 

LXXXVII. 

LXXXVIII. 

LXXXIX. 

xc. 

XCf. 
XCII. 
XCIII. 
XCIV. 

xcv. 

XCVI. 
XCVII. 
XCVIII. 
XCIX. 


A.  D.  PAGE 

Constantine  the  Great,  the  First  Christian  Emperor     306  3 

The  Council  of  Nice  325  55 

Eusebius,  Bishop  of  Caesarea  315  69 

Marcellus,  Bishop  of  Ancyra  in  Galatia  320  146 

Eustathius,  Bishop  of  Antioch  ...  149 

Athanasius,  Bishop  of  Alexandria      -  326  15 1 

A  Dialogue  against  the  Marcionites  ...  166 

J-jvencus      -                                      -  345.  168 

Julius  Finnic  us  Maternus       -  ...  169 

Cyril  of  Jerusalem     -                          -  '.  ...  171 

TheAudians                          -            -  -  350  176 

Hilary  of  Poictiers  .  ...  178 

Aerius                                  ...  360  179 

The  Council  of  Laodicea      -            -  363  182 

Epiphanius,  Bishop  in  Cyprus  -  368  185 

The  Apostolical  Constitutions  and  Canons    -  ...  194 

Rheticius,  Bishop  of  Autun  -  340  232 

Triphyllius  .  ...  234 

Fortunatianus  340  236 

Photinus                                .  .341  ibid. 

Eusebius,  Bishop  of  Vercelli             -  -  354  244 

Lucifer,  Bishop  of  Cagliari  in  Sardinia  V  ...  247 

Gregory,  Bishop  of  Elvira  .  355  252 

Phcebadius,  Bishop  of  Agen  .  ...  253 

Caius  Marius  Victorinus  Afer             -  •  .  .  .  254 

Apollinarius,  Bishop  of  Laodicea      -  .  362  257 

Damasus,  Bishop  of  Rome               •  -  ...  275 

Basil,  Bishop  of  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia  -  370  278 

Gregory  Nazianzen                           .  .  ...  284 

Amphilochius,  Bishop  of  Iconium  -  290 


If 


CONTENTS. 


CHAP.  A.  D.  PAGE 

C.  Gregory,  Bishop  of  Nyssa  in  Cappadocia      -  371  295 

CI.  Didymus  of  Alexandria       -  370  300 

CII.  Ephrem  the  Syrian  ...  304 

CHI.  Ebedjesu  1285  324 

CIV.  Pacian,  Bishop  of  Barcelona  374  326 

CV.  Optatus  of  Milevi  ...  327 

CVI.  Ambrose,  Bishop  of  Milan  ...  330 

CVII.  The  Priscillianists    -                                       -  378  337 

CVIII.  Diodorus,  Bishop  of  Tarsus  ...  376 

CIX.  A  Commentary  upon  Thirteen  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles    380  381 

CX.  Philaster,  Bishop  of  Brescia                              -  ...  385 

CXI.  Gaudentius,  Bishop  of  Brescia  ...  388 

CXII.  Sophronius  390  391 

CXIII.  Theodore,  Bishop  of  Mopsuestia  in  Cilicia  394  392 

CXIV.  Jerom  392  403 

CXV.  Rufinus      -                                                  -  397  482 

CXVI.  The  Third  Council  of  Carthage  397  486 

CXVII.  Augustine,  Bishop  of  Hippo  Regius  in  Africa  395  488 

CXVIII.  John  Chrysostom,  Bishop  of  Constantinople  398  534 

CXIX.  Severian,  Bishop  of  Gabala,  in  Syria  401  570 

CXX.  Sulpicius  Severus      -  ...  573 

CXXI.  Chromatius,  Bishop  of  Aquileia  ...  579 

CXXII.  A    Commentary    upon   St.    Mark's    Gospel, 

ascribed  to  Victor,  Presbyter  of  Antioch  ...  581 

CXXIII.  Innocent  I.  Bishop  of  Rome  .  .  .  586 

CXXIV.  Paulinus,  Bishop  of  Nola     -  ...  587 

CXXV.  Pelagius       -                                     -  405  590 


THE 

CREDIBILITY 


GOSPEL     HISTORY, 


OR, 


THE    PRINCIPAL    FACTS    OF    THE    NEW    TESTAMENT    CONo 

FIRMED     BY    PASSAGES    OF    ANCIENT    AUTHORS    WHO 

WERE    CONTEMPORARY     WITH    OUR    SAVIOUR, 

OR    HIS    APOSTLES,    OR    LIVED    NEAR 

THEIR    TIME. 


PART  II. 


VOL.  IVo 


THE 

PRINCIPAL  FACTS 

OF    THE 

NEW    TESTAMENT 

CONFIRMED,  &c. 


CHAP.  LXX. 

CONSTANTINE  THE  GREAT,  THE  FIRST  CHRISTIAN  EMPEROR. 

I.  The  time  and  place  of  Constantino's  birth,  and  the  con 
dition  of  his  mother  Helena.  II.  The  state  of  the  Roman 
empire  in  the  latter  part  of  the  third,  and  the  beginning 
of  the  fourth  century,  with  a  view  of  Constantine's  reign. 
III.  His  conversion  to  the  Christian  religion.  IV.  His 
acts  as  a  Christian,  or  favourer  of  Christians  :  1.  Edicts 
in  favour  of  the  Christians,  soon  after  the  defeat  of  Max- 
entius.  2.  Particular  privileges  for  catholic  Christians, 
and  their  ministers.  3.  Edicts  in  favour  of  the  chris- 
tians,  and  restraining  the  heathens,  after  the  final  defeat 
of  Licinius.  4.  The  council  of  Nice.  5.  Churches  built 
by  Const  antine  and  Helena  in  Palestine.  6.  Of  her  find 
ing  the  cross  at  Jerusalem.  7.  Heathen  people  farther 
restrained,  their  temples  shut  up,  and  some  of  them  de 
molished.  8.  His  treatment  of  heretics.  9.  His  religious 
exercises,  and  laws  for  observing  the  Lord's  day,  for 
abolishing  the  punishment  of  the  cross,  for  prohibiting 
shows  of  gladiators,  and  the  like.  10.  Other  laws  and 
edicts.  V.  His  character.  VI.  The  censures  passed  upon 
several  of  his  actions  examined.  VII.  Remarks  upon  the 
different  treatment  of  catholics,  heretics,  and  heatheti 
people.  VIII.  His  testimony  to  the  sacred  scriptures. 

I.  CONSTANTINE,  called  thea  great,  son  of  Flavius  Valerius 
Constantius,  surnamed  Chlorus,  and  Helena,  was  born  on 

a  His  name  at  length,  in  Latin,  is  Caius  Flavius  Valerius  Aurelius  Claudius 
Constantinus  Magnus. 

B    2 


4  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

the  27th  day  of  February,  in  the  year  of  Christb  272,  or,  as 
some  think,  inc  273,  or  as  others,  ind  274. 

Baronius,6  and  many  others,  have  thought,  that  Constan- 
tine  was  born  in  Britain.  Others/  (which  I  suppose  to  be 
at  present  the  more  common  opinion,)  say,  he&  was  born  at 
Naissus,  now  called  Nissa,  a  town  of  Dardania  in  Illyricum. 

The  opinion,  that  Constantine  was  born  in  Britain,  is 
chiefly  founded  upon  a  passage  in  the  panegyric  of  an 
anonymous  author  to  Maximian  and  Constantine,  spoken  in 
the  year  307;  where  it  is  said,  that'1  Constantine  had  enno 
bled  Britain  by  his  birth.  But  that  expression  may  be  as 
well  understood'  of  his  royal,  as  of  his  natural  birth.  Eu- 
menes  likewise,  in  his  panegyric  to  this  prince,  calls  k  Bri 
tain  happy,  which  first  saw  Constantine  Caesar.  But  the 
meaning,  1  apprehend,  is  not,  that  Britain  first  saw  Constan 
tine,  but  first  saw  him  Caesar:  he  having  been  there  pro 
claimed  Caesar  by  the  soldiers,  immediately  after  his  father's 
death. 

It  is  generally  allowed,  that  Helena,  the  mother  of  Con 
stantine,  was  a  woman  of  a  mean  birth.  And  S.  Ambrose1 
calls  her  stabulariam,  perhaps,  as  being  the  daughter  of  an 
innkeeper. 

Whether  Helena  was  the  lawful  wife  of  Constantius  Chlo- 
rus,  or  only  his  concubine,  is  a  disputable  point :  for  even 

b  Natus  est  tertio  Calendas  Martii  A.  272.  Anno  306,  octavo  Cal.  August!, 
patre  Eboraci  mortuo,  in  imperatorem  levatus  est.  Cav.  H.  L.  in  Constant.  M. 

Natus  est  Constantinus  anno  Ch.  272,  ex  Helena  priori  Constantii  Chlori 
conjuge.  Pagi  Ann.  337.  n.  iv. 

Constantinus — anno  vel  272  vel  273,  natus  est.     Basnag.  306.  n.  iii. 

c  Imprimis  certum  est  Constantinum  natum  esse  anno  circitur  273,  Aure- 
liano  imperante.     Noris.  Diss.  de  M.  Constantini  patria  et  parentibus. 
•    d  Natus  Naisi  Daciae  oppido  A.  C.  274,  die  27  Februarii.     Fabric.  B.  Gr. 
1.  v.  c.  3.  sect.  1. 
.    II  naquit  le  27  Fevrier,  vers  Tan  274.  Tillem.  L'Emp.  Constantin.  Art.  iv.  in. 

e  Ann.  306.  n.  xvi.  f  Pagi.  Crit.  in  Baron.  306.  n.  ix. 

Basnag.  306.  n.  iii.  Cuper  Pr.  ad  Lact.  de  M.  P.  Tillem.  Hist,  des  Emp.  T.  iv. 
P.  i.  Constantin.  Art.  iv.  Noris.  Diss.  de  M.  Constantin.  patr.  et  parent. 

K  Hie  igitur  Constantinus  natus  Helena  matre  vilissima  in  oppido  [forte 
vilissimo  in  oppido.  Cuper.]  Na'iso,  atque  eductus,  quod  oppidum  postea 
magnifice  ornavit.  Excerpta  auctoris  incerti  a  Valesio  edita,  ap.  Amm.  Mar- 
cell,  p.  710.  Lugd.  Bat.  1693.  Vid.  et  Jul.  Finnic.  Mathes.  I.  i.  c.  ult.  et 
Steph.  de  Urbibus.  V.  Nato-of. 

11  Liberavit  ille  [Constantius]  Britannias  servitute :  tu  etiam  nobiles 

illic  oriendo  fecisti.     Paneg.  vi.  sect.  4.  p.  192.  Paris.  1676. 

1  Vid.  Basnag.  306.  n.  iii.  Pagi  306.  c.  xiv.  xv. 

k  O  fortunata,  et  nunc  omnibus  beatior  terris,  Britannia,  quse  Constaritinum 
Cacsarem  prima  vidisti.  Paneg.  vii.  sect.  ix.  p.  207. 

1  Stabulariam  hanc  primo  'fuisse  asserunt,  sic  cognitam  Constantio  scniori. 
qui  postea  regnum  adeptus  est.  Amb.  de  Obit.  Theod.  sect.  42.  p.  120.9. 
T.  ii. 


CONSTANTINE  the  fa 'st  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.         5 

some™  christians,  as  well  as11  heathen  authors,  call  her  con 
cubine,  and  her  son  spurious.  It  may  seem  strange  that 
Ccmstantine  should  succeed  his  father  in  the  empire  without 
dispute,  when  there  were  several  sons  by  a  legal  wife,  if  he 
was  not  legitimate.  But  the  writer  of  the  Paschal  Chronicle 
(who  calls  Constantine  spurious)  assigns  this  reason  for 
it,  that0  all  the  other  children  of  Constantine  were  young 
at  the  time  of  his  death. 

However  beside  that  undisputed  succession,  there  are  se 
veral  reasons  to  think,  Helena  was  the  lawful  wife  of  Con- 
stantius  Chlorus.  If  Constantine  had  been  illegitimate,  he 
would  not  have  been  treated,  when  young,  with  so  much? 
respect  by  Dioclesian  as  he  was.  When  it  was  proposed  to 
choose  new  Cresars,  it  does  not  appear  that^  any  exception 
was  made  to  Constantine,  on  account  of  his  birth.  The  au 
thor  of  a  paneg*yric  pronounced  in  313,  speaks  of  Constan 
tine,  as  thcr  genuine  son  of  Constantius :  which  would 
scarce  have  been  openly  mentioned,  if  there  had  been  any 
ground  for  suspicion  or  contradiction.  And  the  historians, 
who  speak  of  Constantius's  marriage  with  the  daughter  of 
Maximian,  say,  hes  was  divorced  from  his  former  wife.  All 
which  seem  to  be  arguments  of  no  small  force,  for  the  law 
ful  marriage  of  Helena :  and  will  at  least  render  it  probable, 
that  if  she  was  originally  a  concubine  only,  she  was  after 
wards  married  to  Constantius. 

Cardinal  Noris   ingeniously   accounts*   for  Constantine's 

m  Conslantius  sexto  decimo  imperil  anno  diem  obiit  Eboraci.  Post  quern 
filius  ejus  Constantinus,  ex  concubina  Helena  procreatus,  regnum  invadit. 
Hieron.  Chron.  p.  180. 

Kai  tdt%a.To  avrov  o  iraig  avrs  Kwi"ravrij/oc,  ovoOogeK  'EXti/j/f  avnp  ytvo- 
fj,tvog'  ol  yap  cnro  QeoSiopag  avrtp  Te^OtvrtQ  /iifcpoi  inrrjpxov.  Chr.  Pasch.  p. 
278.  A.  B.  Paris.  1688. 

11  KuwravTivoQ  t£  ojtxiXiac  yvvaixoQ  s  crefjivrjQ,  sds  Kara  vofiov  ffvvt\9scrrjg, 
Kiov^avTK})  T(tj  f3affi\fi  yty£VT)p,£VO£.  Zos.  1.  ii.  p.  672. 

Verum  Constantio  mortuo,  Constantinus,  ex  obscuriore  matrimonio  ejus 
filius,  in  Britannia  creatus  est  imperator.  Eutrop.  1.  x.  cap.  2. 

0  Vid.  not.  m.  p  aw  ry  Trpetr/Surfjoy  TUV  (SaaiXtojf 

«  Kai  fTri  SeZia  TraQt^ug.  K.  X.      Euseb.  V.  C.  1.  i.  C.  19. 

1  Vid.  de  M.  P.  cap.  18,  19.  r  Quod  erat  ille  Maximiani  sup- 
positus,  tu  Constantii  Pii  filius.     Paneg.  ix.  c.  14. 

*  Relicta  enim  Helena  priore  uxore,  filiam  Maximiani  Theodoram  duxit 
uxorem.  Vales.  Anonym,  in. 

Prior  Herculii  privignam,  alter  Diocletiano  editam  sortiuntur,  diremptis  p;ri- 
oribus  conjugiis.  Aurel.  Viet,  de  Caesar,  c.  39. 

Tradens  Constantio  Theodoram  Herculii  Maximiani  privignam,  ab- 

jecta  uxore  priori.  Victor.  Epit.  c.  39. 

Ambo  uxores,  quas  habuerunt,  repudiare  compulsi.  Eutrop.  1.  ix. 

1  Cceterum  Helenam  origine  plebeian!  fuisse,  si  antiquioribus  ulia  fides. — 
Haec  \'erisimiliora  fient,  si  primam  in  castris  Constantii  dignitatem  considero- 


6  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

marrying  a  woman  of  mean  condition,  from  the  low  military 
office  he  was  in,  when  young.  And  if  there  is  any  ground 
for  the  story  in"  Nicephorus,  one  might  be  apt  to  think,  that 
Constantius  became  first  acquainted  with  Helena  at  Drepa- 
num  in  Bithynia  :  which  too  might  be  the  place  of  her  birth, 
and  as  is  well  known,  was  afterwards  in  honour  of  her  called 
Helenopolis. 

Constantine,  as  a  dutiful  son,  took  care,  when  emperor, 
that  the  highest  honours  should  be  given  her.  By  his  ap 
pointment/  she  had  the  titles  of  Augusta  and  empress  all 
over  the  empire,  and  medals  were  coined  with  her  head 
upon  them. 

From  Christian  writers  she  w  has  the  character  of  a  dis 
creet,  pious,  and  devout  woman. 

It  has  been  however  insinuated  by  some  to  her  disadvan 
tage,  that  x  she  was  the  occasion  of  Constantine's  neglecting 
for  a  long  time  his  brothers,  sons  of  his  father  Constantius 
by  Theodora.  And  indeed  soon  after  her  death,  they  or 
their  children  had  signal  testimonies  of  regard  from  Con 
stantine.  Nevertheless  it  has  been  thought,  that  it  had  been 
better  for  him  to  have  followed  the  prudent  directions  of  his 
mother  :  for  their  preferments  in  the  issue  proved  fatal  to 
them.  Valesius  y  makes  no  scruple  to  commend  that  part 
of  her  conduct. 

Helena  lived  to  a  great2  age:  she  is  supposed  by  some, 
to  have  died  a  in  the  year  326.  Fabricius,  in  his  Chrono 
logy  of  the  life  of  Constantine,  placeth  her  death  b  in  327, 
as  does  Valesius.0  Tillemont  computes,  thatd  she  died  in 
327,  or  328. 

By  Eusebius  we  are  informed,  that6  she  was  buried  at 
Rome  ;  where  she  died  too,  as  some  think.  Others  say,  she 
did  not  die  there,  because  Eusebius's  account  is,  that  she 
was  conveyed  thither  with  great  funeral  pomp.  It  is,  how- 

mus.  Fuit  enim  primum  Protector.—  Fieri  ergo  potuit,  ut  Constantius  cum  ex 
injuncto  munere  Protectoris  itinerum  custodiis  praeesset,  ac  publicorum  equo- 
rum  stabula,  quae  amplissima  per  Romanum  imperium  publicis  impensis  ser- 
vabantur,  Helenas  stabularii  filiae  pulchritudine  captus,  cum  eadem  nuptias 
iniverit.  Noris.  ubi  supr.  p.  648.  u  Vid.  Niceph.  T.  i.  p.  463,  464. 

v  Euseb.  de  V.  C.  1.  iii.  c.  47.  Vid.  et  c.  43. 


w  -  Sfo^tXac  /3a(TiXswc  StofiXye  jur/rqp.—  'H  /3a<riXic  ^eofff^artj.  Eus. 
de  V.  C.  1.  in.  c.  43.  et  passim.—  viripfiaXXsatj  Qpovi]ati,  ib.  c.  42.—  TIJV  $av- 
fiaffiav.  c.  45.  x  See  Tillemont,  Saint  Helene,  Art.  i.  etConstantin. 

Art.  85.  y  Annot.  ad  Eus.  de  V.  C.  1.  iii.  c.  42. 

z  Eus.  ib.  c.  42.  et  56.  *  Vid.  Pagi  326.  n.  xiv.  xv.  Basnag. 

326.  n.  xi.  b  Lux  Evangelii,  p.  270.  c  Vid.  Ann.  ad 

Eus.  de  V.  C.  1.  iii.  c.  47.  <*  See  him  in  Constantin.  Art.  63.  ct 

Helene,  Art  7.  e   HX«<ry  y8i>  8opv<f>opiy,  art  rr\v  (3a<riXev*ffav 

De  V.  C.  c.  47. 


CONSTANTINE  the  fast  christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.          7 

ever,  allowed  that  her  death  happened  at  no  great  distance 
fromf  Rome. 

II.  It  will  be  of  use,  before  we  proceed  any  farther  in 
the  history  of  Constantine,  to  take  a  general  survey  of  the 
state  of  the  Roman  empire  about  his  time. 

Dioclesian,  a£  man  of  mean  original,  born  at  Dioclea,  an 
obscure  town  in  Dalmatia,  having  signalized  himself  by  his 
valour  and  conduct,  was  proclaimed  emperor,  on  the  17th 
day  of  September,  in  the  year  284.  On  the  first  of  April, 
in  286,  Maximian,  called  Herculius,  born  near  Sirmium  in 
Pannonia,  who  had  been  Coesar  some  time  before,  wash  de 
clared  Augustus,  and  joint  emperor  with  Dioclesian.  This1 
was  done  at  a  place  near  Nicomedia,  the  capital  city  of  Bi- 
thynia. 

On  the  first  of  March  292,  Constantius  Chlorus  and  Gale- 
rius  Maximian k  were  created  Caesars,  by  the  two  fore-men 
tioned  emperors.  And  the  better  to  secure  the  fidelity  of  the 
Causars,  new  marriages  were  concluded  for  them.  Constan 
tius  dismissing  Helena,  mother  of  Constantine,  married 
Theodora,  daughter-in-law  of  Maximian  Herculius.  And 
Galerius  Maximian  married  Valeria,  daughter  of  Diocle 
sian. 

Constantius,  the  first  of  the  two  Caesars,  was  a  man  of  a 
good  family.  Hism  father,  Eutropius,  was  a  nobleman  of 

f  See  Tillemont  in  St.  Helene,  Art.  viii.  et  Basnag.  An.  326.  n.  xi. 

&  Vid.  Pagi  in  Baron.  284.  n.  iv.  Basnag.  Ann.  284.  n.  ii. 

h  Pagi  286.  n.  ii.  Basn.  286.  n.  i.  *  Erat  locus  altus  extra 

civitatem  ad  millia  fere  tria,  in  cujus  summo  Maximianus  ipse  purpuram  sum- 
serat.  De  Mort.  Pers.  c.  19.  k  Pagi  292.  n.  ii.  Basnag.  292.  n.  i.  ii. 

1  Alque  ut  cos  etiam  affinitate  conjungeret,  Conalantius  privignam  Herculii 
Theodoram  accepit,  ex  qua  postea  sex  liberos  Constantini  fratres  habuit.  Ga 
lerius  filiam  Diocletiani  Valeriam.  Ambo  uxores,  quas  habuerunt,  repudiare 
compulsi.  Eutrop.  1.  ix.  c.  22. 

His  de  causis  Julium  Constantium,  Galerium  Maximianum,  cui  cognomen 
Armentario  erat,  creatos  Caesares,  in  affinitatem  vocant.  Prior  Herculii  pri 
vignam,  alter  Diocletiano  editam  sortiuntur,  diremptis  prioribus  conjugiis.  S. 
Aur.  Victor,  de  Caesar,  ib.  c.  39. 

Is  Maximianum  Augustum  effecit.  Constantium  et  Galerium  Maximianum 
cognomento  Armentarium,  Caesares  creavit,  tradens  Constantio  Theodoram 
Herculii  Maximiani  privignam,  abjecta  uxore  priori.  Victor.  Epit.  c.  39. 

Iste  cum  Galerio  a  Diocletiano  Caesar  factus  est.  Relicta  enim  Helena 
priore  uxore,  filiam  Maximiani  Theodoram  duxit  uxorem.  Anon.  Vales,  p.  7  ]  0. 

m  Claudius,  Quintilius,  et  Crispus,  fratres  fuerunt.  Crispi  filia,  Claudia. 
Ex  ea  et  Eutropio,  nobilissimo  gentis  Dardanae  viro,  Constantius  Caesar  est 
genitus.  Trebell.  Poll,  in  Claudio,  n.  13. 

Diocletianus  Maximianum  Herculium  ex  Caesare  fecit  Augustum,  Constan 
tium  et  Maximianum  Caesares,  quorum  Constantius  per  filiam  nepos  Claudii 
traditur.  Eutrop.  1.  ix.  c.  22. 

Constantius  Divi  Claudii  optimi  principis  nepos  ex  fratre.  Anon.  Vales. 
p.  710. 


8  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

Dardania :  His  mother  Claudia,  was  daughter  of  a  brother 
of  the  emperor  Claudius  the  second. 

Constantius  is  highly  commended  byn  Eusebius,  and  has 
a  good  character  likewise  from0  heathen  authors.  By  Clau 
dia  Theodora,  whom  he  now  married,  he  had?  six  children, 
three  sons,  and  as  many  daughters.  Their  names  arei  ge 
nerally  reckoned  to  be  these :  Julius  Constantius,  Dalmatius, 
Anibalius,  Constantia,  Eutropia,  Anastasia. 

Galerius  Maximian,  the  other  Caesar,  was  stirnamedr  Ar- 
mentarius,  because  his  father  was  a  grazier,  or  he  himself 
had  been  so.  Hes  was  born  in  Dacia  near  Sardica. 

Now  the  empire  was  divided  betwixt  those*  four.  Con 
stantius,  as  Caesar,  had  to  his  share  Britain  and  Gaul. 

Under  these  emperors,  and  their  two  Caesars,  began  what 
is  called  Dioclesian's  persecution ;  which  lasted  ten  years, 
or  more,  in  some  parts  of  the  empire,  before  it  wras  univer 
sally  extinguished. 

There  had  been  a  persecution  some  timeu  before,  in  thev 
court  and  the  army,  but  it  became  general  in  the  year  303. 
For  onw  the  23d  day  of  February  in  that  year,  the  church 
of  the  Christians*  at  Nicomedia  in  Bithynia  was  demolished, 
Dioclesian  and  Galerius  being  then  both  in  that  city.  On 

n  H.  E.  1.  viii.  c.  13.  p.  309.  B.  C.  p.  317.  C.D.  De.  Vit.  Const.  1.  i.  c.  13,  14. 

0  Vir  egregius,  et  praestantissimae  civilitatis,  &c.  Eutrop.  Brev.  1.  x.  c.  1. 

P  Ex  qua  postea  sex  liberos  Constantini  fratres  habuit.     Euseb.  Chron.  p. 
178.  Vid.  et  Eutrop.  1.  ix.  c.  22.  et  Anon.  Vales,  p.  710. 
.*»  Vid.  Basnag.  Ann.  306.  n.  2.  Tillem.  Const.  Art.  iii.  Hist.  T.  iv.  p.  130. 

r  Igitur  Constantio,  Armentarioque,  his  succedentibus.  Aurel.  Viet.  c.  40. 
in  Caes. 

Galerius  autem  fuit  (licet  inculta  agrestique  justicia)  satis  laudabilis 
ortus  parentibus  agrariis,  pastor  armentorum :  unde  ei  cognomen  Armentarius 
fuit.     Viet.  Epit.  cap.  40. 

8  Maximianus  Galerius  in  Dacia  hand  longe  a  Sardica  natus.  Eutrop.  1. 
ix.  c.  22. Ortus  Dacia  Ripensi,  ibique  sepultus  est.  Viet.  Epit.  c.  39. 

1  Quasi  partito  imperio,  cuncta  quae  trans  Alpes  Galliae  sunt,  Constantio 
commissa  :  Africa,  Italiaque  Herculio;  Illyricique  ora  ad  usque  Ponti  fretum, 
Galerio  :  Caetera  Valerius  retentavit.     Aurel.  Viet.  Caes.  c.  39. 

u  Vid.  Pagi  Ann.  298.  n.  2. 

v  Tune  ira  furens  sacrificare  non  eos  lantum  qui  sacris  ministrabant,  sed 
universos  qui  erant  in  Palatio,  jussit :  et  in  eos,  qui  detraxissent,  verberibus 
animadvert!,  datisque  ad  praepositos  literis,  etiam  milites  cogi  ad  nefanda  sa- 
crificia  praecepit,  ut  qui  non  paruissent,  militia  solverentur.  Hactenus  furor 
ejus  et  ira  processit,  nee  amplius  quidquam  contra  legem  aut  relierionem  Dei 
fecit.  De  M.  P.  c.  10. 

w  Vid.  Pagi  302.  n.  iii.  v.  Basnag.  303.  n.  v. 

x  Terminalia  deliguntur,  quae  sunt  ad  septimum  kalendas  Martias.  Qui 

dies  cum  illuxisset, ad  ecclesiam  profectus  cum  ducibus  et  tribunis  et 

nttionalibus  venit.  Veniebant  igitur  praetoriani,  acie  structa,  cum  securibus, 

et  rmmissi  undique,  templum  illud  editissimum  paucis  horis  solo  adae- 

quatur.  De  M.  P.  c.  12. 


CONSTANTINE  the  first  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.          9 

the  next  day,  February  24th,  they  edict  against  the  Christians 
was  published.  According"  to  the  writer  ofz  the  book  Of 
the  Deaths  of  Persecutors,  auda  Eusebius,  Galerius  was  the 
chief  author  of  this  persecution.  When  the  edict  had  been 
published  at  Nicomedia,  itb  was  sent  to  Herculius  and  Con- 
stantius,  to  be  put  in  execution  by  them  in  those  parts  of 
the  empire,  which  were  particularly  under  their  care. 
Maximian  Herculius,  in  Italy,  readily0  complied:  but  Con- 
stantius,  though  he  did  not  dare  openly  to  oppose  his  col 
leagues,  moderated d  the  persecution  within  the  extent  of  his 
government. 

In  the  year  305,  Dioclesian  and  Maximian  resigned  the 
empire,  both  on  the  same  day,  being6  the  first  of  May ;  the 
former  at  a  place  near  Nicomedia,  the  latter  at f  Milan.  At 
the  same  time  Constantius  Chlorus,  and  Galerius  Maximian 
were  declared  Augusti  and  emperors,  ands  Maximin  and 
Severus  Caesars.  Dioclesian  after  this  spent  the  remainder 
of  his  days  near  Salonee  in  Dalmatia,  and  died  in  313. 
Maximian  Herculius  retired  for  the  present  to  that  part  of 
Italy  which  was  called  Lucania. 

Maximin  and  Severus  were  bothh  of  Illyricum.  The  for 
mer,  whose1  original  name  was  Daia,  or  Daza,  wask  son  of 

y  Postridie  propositum  est  edictum,  quo  cavebatur,  ut  religionis  illius  ho 
mines  carerent  omni  honore  ac  dignitale,  tormentis  subject!  essent.  Ib.  c.  13. 
in.  z  Cap.  10,  11,  12.  a  H.  E.  1.  viii.  c.  16.  p.  314.  D. 

b  Et  jam  literae  ad  Maximianum  atque  Constantium  commeaverant,  ut 
eadem  facerent.  Eorum  sententia  in  tantis  rebus  exspectata  non  erat.  D.  M. 
P.  c.  15.  c  Et  quidem  senex  Maximianus  libens  per 

Italiam  paruit,  homo  non  adeo  clemens,  Id.  ib. 

d  Nam  Constantius,  ne  dissentire  a  majorum  praeceptis  videretur,  conven- 
ticula,  id  est,  parietes,  qwi  restitui  poterant,  dirui  passus  est :  verum  autem  Dei 
templum,  quod  est  in  hominibus,  incolume  servavit.  D.  M.  P.  c.  15. 

Vexabatur  ergo  universa  terra,  et  preeter  Gallias,  ab  oriente  usque  ad  occa- 
sum  tres  acerbissimae  bestiae  saeviebant.  Id.  c.  16.  Vid.  et  Eus.  H.  E.  1.  viii. 
c.  13.  p.  309.  D.  et  p.  317.  D.  Vit.  Const.  1.  i.  c.  13.  p.  413.  D.  et  cap.  16. 
et  17.  e  Cum  haec  essent  constituta,  proceditur  kalendis 

Maiis.  DeM.  P.c.  19.  in. 

f  Uterque  una  die  private  habitu  imperii  insigne  mutavit :  Nicomedioe  Dio- 
cletianus,  Herculius  Mediolani. — Concesserunt  autem  Salonas  unus,  alter  in 
Lucaniam.  Diocletianus  privatus  in  villa,  quae  haud  procul  a  Salonis  est, 
praeclaro  otio  senuit.  Eutrop.  1.  ix.  c.  27,  28.  Vid.  et  Victor.  Epit.  cap.  39. 

s  Tune  repente  pronuntiat  Severum  et  Maximinum  Caesares.  De  M.  P.  c.  19. 

h  Igitur  Constantio  Armentarioque  his  succedentibus,  Severus  Maximinus- 
que  Illyricorum  indigenes  Caesares.  Aur.  Viet.  c.  40.  in  Caes. 

'  Hunc,  inquit,  ostendens  Daiam  adolescentem  quemdam  semibarbarum, 
quern  recens  jusserat  Maximinum  vocari  de  suo  nomine.  De  M.  P.  c.  18. 

k  Galerius  Maximinus  sorore  Armentarii  progenitus,  veroque  nomine  ante 
imperium  Daza  dictus,  Caesar  quadriennio,  dehinc  per  Orientem  Augustus  tri- 
ennio  fuit :  ortu  quidem  atque  instituto  pastorali,  &c.  Viet.  Epit.  c.  40. 


10  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

a  sister  of  Galerius,  and1  only  a  grazier,  or  feeder  of  cattle, 
as  the  rest  of  the  family  were.  The10  family  of  Severus  is 
unknown. 

The  empire  was11  then  divided  between  Constantius  and 
Galerius,  and  their  Caesars.  Constantius  had  for  his  part 
Italy,  Gaul,  Britain,  Africa,  and  the  other  provinces  of  the 
western  part  of  the  empire ;  Galerius  had  lllyricum,  Thrace, 
Asia,  the  East,  with  Egypt.  Constantius  soon  quitted  Italy, 
and  the  other  provinces  belonging  to  him,  and  gave0  them  to 
Severus,  contenting'  himself  with  Gaul  and  Britain.  Gale 
rius  P  too  kept  only  lllyricum,  Thrace,  and  Asia  ;  yielding  to 
Maximin  the  East,  that  is,  Syria,  and  the  provinces  depend 
ing  upon  it,  together  with  Egypt. 

It  was  expected  by  many,  that*  at  the  resignation  of  Dio- 
clesian,  Constantine  should  have  been  declared  Caesar ;  but 
he  was  passed  by  for  the  sake  of  those  just  mentioned,  andr 
was  kept  by  Galerius,  as  an  hostage  for  the  fidelity  of  Con 
stantius,  as  he  had  been  before  by  Dioclesian.  However,  it 
was  not  very  long  after  this,  before  Constantine  obtained 
leave  of  Galerius  to  depart :  which  he  did  immediately,  and 
though  not  without  difficulty,  yet  bys  great  diligence  and 
prudent  circumspection,  he  got  safe  to  his  father  Constan 
tius :  with  whom  he  was,  when  he  died  at  York  in1  Britain, 
July  25,  306. 

1  Daia  vero,  sublatus  nuper  a  pecoribus  et  silvis,  statim  scutarius,  continue 
protector,  mox  tribunus,  postridie  Caesar,  accepit  Orientem  calcandum  et  con- 
terendum,  &c.  De  M.  P.  c.  1 0. 

n>  Severus  filium  habuit  Severianum,  ubi  constat  ex  cap.  50.  Nomen  uxoris 
et  parentum  incognitum.  Cuperus  in  not.  ad  libr.  De  M.  P.  c.  39.  p.  219. 
Ultraj.  1693. 

n  His  igitur  abeuntibus,  ad  administrationem  rerpublicae,  Constantius  et 
Galerius  Augusti  creati  sunt,  divisusque  inter  eos  Romanus  orbis,  ut  Galliam, 
Italiam,  Africam  Constantius  :  lllyricum,  Asiam,  Orientem  Galerius  obtineret, 
sumtis  duobus  Caesaribus.  Eutrop.  1.  x.  init.  Vid.  et  Eus.  H.  E.  1.  viii.  c.  13. 
p.  309.  B. 

0  Constantius  tamen,  contentus  dignitate  Augusti,  Italia  atque  Africa  ad- 
ministrandae  solicitudinem  recusavit.     Eutrop.  1.  x.  c.  1. 

P  Interea  Caesares  duo  facti,  Severus  et  Maximinus.  Maximino  datum  est 
Orientis  imperium.  Galerius  sibi  lllyricum,  Thraciam,  et  Bithyniam  tenuit. 
Severus  suscepit  Italiam,  et  quidquid  Herculius  obtinebat.  Anon.  Vales,  p.  71 1. 

His  diebus  Constantius  Constantini  pater,  atque  Armentarius,  Caesares,  Au 
gusti  appellantur ;  creatis  Caesaribus  Severe  per  Italiam,  Maximino  Galerii 
sororis  filio  per  Orientem.  Viet.  Epit.  c.  40.  Vid.  et  Zos.  1.  ii.  p.  672. 

1  Vid.  De  M.  P.  c.  19. 

r  Hie  igitur  Constantinus, — obses  apud  Diocletianum  et  Galerium,  sub 
iisdem  fortiter  in  Asia  militavit.  Anon.  Vales,  p.  710. 

Nam  is  a  Galerio,  religionis  specie,  ad  vicem  obsidis  tenebatur.  Aur.  Viet. 
c-  40.  8  Vid.  De  M.  P.  c.  24.  Anonym.  Vales,  p.  710,  711.  Aur. 

Viet.  c.  40.  Viet.  Epit.  c.  41.  Zos.  1.  ii.  p.  672.  Euseb.  V.  Const.  1.  i.  c.20,  21. 

1  It  is  commonly  said  by  learned  modems,  that  when  Constantine  came 


CONSTANTINE  the  first  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.        11 

Constantius  upon  bis  death-bed  appointed  bis  son  Con 
stantine  bis  beir  and  successor,  with  the  s-tyle  and"  titles,  as 
it  seems,  of  emperor  and  Augustus.  And  immediately  upon 
the  death  of  his  father,  Constantine  was  so  proclaimed v  by 
the  soldiers  in  Britain,  inw  the  fourth  year  of  the  persecution. 
But  Galerius  Maximian  would  allow  him  no  higher  title 
than  that  of  Csesar,  which x  Constantine  accepted  for  the 
present. 

On  the  27th  y  of  October,  306,  Maxentius,2  son  of  Max 
imian  Herculius,  who  had  also  married  a  daughter  of  Gale 
rius,  assumed  the  title  of  Augustus  at  Rome.  And  being 
sensible,  that  this  would  displease  Galerius,  he  sends  for  his 
father  Maximian  Herculius,  whoa  thereupon  resumed  the 

to  York,  he  found  his  father  dying.  And  they  have  for  it  the  authority  of  fie 
writer,  De  M.  Persec.  c.  24.  pervenit  ad  patrem  jam  deiicientem,  as  also  Euseb. 
de  V.  C.  1.  i.  c.  21.  et  Zos.  1.  ii.  c.  572.  and  Aurel.  Viet.  Epit.  Et  forte  iisdem 
diebus  ibidem  Constantium  parentem  fata  ultima  perurgebant.  But  Tillemont 
in  Constantin.  art.  vii.  p.  144.  says,  that  this  is  not  exact.  For  Eumenes  in 
the  presence  of  Constantine,  before  the  war  with  Maxentius,  and  probably  in 
309,  says,  that  Constantine  came  to  his  father,  when  he  was  weighing  anchor 
for  Britain.  Cum  ad  tempus  ipsum,  quo  pater  in  Britanniam  transfretabat, 
classi  jam  vela  facienti  repentinus  Urns  adventus  illuxit.  Paneg.  viii.  sect.  7. 
And  the  Anonymous  author,  published  by  Valesius,  says,  that  Constantino 
found  his  father  at  Bologne  ;  and  speaks  of  a  victory,  which  Constantius  ob 
tained  afterwards  over  the  Picts.  Ad  patrem  Constantium  venit  apud  Bono- 
niam. — Post  victoriam  autem  Pictorum  Constantius  pater  Eboraci  mortuus 
est.  Excerp.  p.  711. 

u  Vid.  Basnag.  306.  n.  2.  Pagi  306.  n.  7.  Tillem.  Constantin.  Art.  vii.  T. 
iv.  p.  145. 

v  Pervenit  ad  patrem  jam  deficientem,  qui  ei  militibus  commendato  impe- 

rium  per  manus  tradidit,  &c.  De  M.  P.  c.  24.  Vid.  et  Eus.  H.  E.  1.  viii.  c.  13. 

p.  309.  C.  V.  Const.  1.  i.  c.  21.  Vales.  Anonym,  p.  711.   Socrat.  1.  i.  c.  2.  in. 

w  Quarto  persecutionis  anno  Constantinus  regnare  orsus.  Eus.  Chr.  p.  180. 

x  Cujus  tanta  maturitas  est,  ut  cum  tibi  pater  imperium  reliquisset,  CaBsaris 

tamen  appellatione  contentus,  exspectare  malueris,  ut  idem  te,  qui  ilium,  de- 

clararet  Augustum.  Incerti  Paneg.  ad  Maximian.  et  Constantin.  cap.  5. 

y  Imminebat  dies,  quo  Maxentius  imperium  ceperat,  qui  est  ad  sextum 
kalendas  Novembris.  De  M.  P.  cap.  44. 

z  Erat  autem  Maximian o  [films]  Maxentius,  hujus  Maximiani  gener, — adeo 
superbus  et  contumax,  ut  neque  patrem,  neque  socerum,  solitus  sit  adorare. 
Et  idcirco  utrique  invisus  fuit.  De  M.  P.  c.  18. 

Genuit  ex  Eutropia  Syra  muliere  Maxentium  et  Faustam  conjugem  Con- 
stantini:  cujus  patri  Constantio  tradiderat  Theodoram  privignam,  &c.  Viet. 
Epit.  c.  40. 

a  Patri  suo  post  depositum  impeiium  in  Campania  moranti  purpuram  mittit, 
et  bis  Augustum  nominal.  Ille  vero,  et  rerum  novarum  cupidus,  et  qui  de- 
posuerat  invitus,  libenter  arripuit.  De  M.  P.  c.  26. 

Romae  interea  Pratoriani,  excitato  tumultu,  Maxentium  Herculii  filiurn,  qui 
haud  procul  ab  urbe  in  villa  publica  morabatur,  Augustum  nuncupavenmt : 
quo  nuntio  Maximianus  Herculius  ad  spem  erectus  resumendi  fastigii,  quod 
invitus  amiserat,  Romam  advolavit  a  Lucania,  &c.  Eutrop.  1.  x.  c.  ii.  Vid.  et 
Zos.  1.  ii.  p.  673.  Anon.  Vales,  p.  711. 


1 2  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

purple.  And  in  this  year,  or  theb  beginning"  of  the  year 
following,  307,  Severus,  who,  as  Csesar,  had  to  his  share 
Italy  and  Africa,  was  overcome,0  and  put  to  death. 

Maximian  and  his  son  Maxentius  did  not  long  agree  to 
gether:  Maximiand  therefore,  the  better  to  strengthen  his 
interest,  and  carry  on  his  own  views,  goes  to  Constantine  in 
Gaul :  and  some  time  in  this  year,6  307,  gives  him  in  mar 
riage  f  his  daughter  Fausta ;  Minervina,  the  former  wife  or 
concubine  of  Constantine,  by  whom  he  had&  his  eldest  son 
Crispus,  being*  dead,  as  is  supposed.  And  now,  ash  it  seems, 
Constantine  receives  the  title  of  Augustus  from  Maximian. 

About  this  time  Galerius  [  makes  Licinius,  his  old  ac 
quaintance,  and  of  mean  extraction,  Augustus.  And  now 
there  were  ink  effect  six  emperors;  Maximian,  \vho,  as  we 
said  before,  had  resumed  the  purple,  Galerius,  Constantine, 
Maximian,  Maxentius,  and  Licinius. 

Maximian,  after  a  base  and  unsteady  conduct,  was1  con 
demned  and  put  to  death  by  Constantine's  order  in  310. 
Galerius  died"1  in  311,  of  a  longn  and  grievous  distem- 

b  Vid.  Pagi  307.  n.  5.  Baluz.  not.  ad  libr.  de  M.  P.  c.  27.  p  66. 

c  Auctae  Maxentio  opes,  confirmatumque  imperium.  Severus  fugiens  Ra- 
vennae  interfectus  est.  Eutrop.  1.  x.  c.  3.  Vid.  Zos.  1.  ii.  p.  673.  Aur.  Viet, 
c.  40.  Viet.  Epit.  c.  40. 

d  Herculius  tamen  Maximianus,  post  haec  in  concione  exercitus  filium 
Maxentium  denudare  conatus,  seditionem  et  convicia  militum  tulit.  Inde  ad 
Gallias  profectus  est  dolo  composito,  tamquam  a  filio  esset  expulsus,  ut  Con 
stantino  genero  jungeretur.  Eutrop.  1.  x.  c.  3. 

c  Vid.  Baluz.  ad  libr.  De  M.  P.  c.  27.  p.  66. 

f  proficiscitur  in  Galliam,  ut  Constantinum  partibus  suis  conciliaret 

su39  minoris  filiae  nuptiis.  De  M.  P.  c.  27.  Vid.  et  Zos.  1.  ii.  p.  673,  674. 

s  Filiumque  suum  Crispum  nomine,  ex  Minervina  concubina  susceptum. 
Viet.  Epit.  cap.  41.  Kojvravnvoc  pfv  KaOi^rjffi  Kaiffapa  KpwTrov,  tv  TraXXa- 
KrjQ  avr<i»  ytyovora  WlivepflivrjQ  ovofia.  Zos.  1.  ii.  p.  679.  Vid.  et  Basnag. 
Ann.  326.  n.  i. 

h  Et  tibi,  Constantine,  per  socerum  nonien  imperatoris  accreverit.  Incerti 
Paneg.  Maxim,  et  Const,  cap.  2.  Vid.  et  cap.  5.  et  Basnag.  Ann.  307.  n.  3. 

1  Aderat  ibi  Diocles  a  genero  nuper  accitus,  ut,  quod  ante  non  fecerat,  pnc- 
sente  illo  imperium  Licinio  daret,  substitute  in  Severi  loco.  De  M.  P.  c.  29. 

Per  hoc  tempus  Licinius  a  Galerio  imperator  est  factus,  Dacia  oriundus, 
notus  ei  ex  antiqua  consuetudine,  et  in  bello,  quod  adversus  Narseum  gesserat, 
strenuis  labonbus  et  officiis  acceptus.  Eutrop.  1.  x.  c.  4. 

Licinius  itaque  ex  nova  Dacia  vilioris  originis  a  Galerio  factus  imperator, 
velut  adversum  Maxentium  pugnaturus.  Anon.  Vales,  p.  713.  Vid.  et  Eus.  H. 
E.  1.  viii.  c.  13.  p.  310.  A.  Aur.  Viet.  c.  40.  Viet.  Epit.  c.  40.  Zos.  1.  ii.  p.  674. 

k  Sic  uno  tempore  sex  fuerunt.     De  M.  P.  29. 

1  Moliens  tamen  Constantinum,  reperla  occasione,  interficere,  qui  in  Galliis, 

et  militum  et  provincialium  favore  regnabat. Detectis  igitur  insidiis  per 

Faustam  filiam,  qune  dolum  viro  enuntiaverat,  profugit  Herculius  Massiliam, 
ibique  oppressus.  Eutrop.  1.  x.  c.  3.  Vid.  et  De  M.  P.  c.  29,  30.  Euseb.  II. 
E.  1.  viii.  c.  13.  p.  310.  A.  B.  De  V.  C.  1.  i.  c.  57.  Zos.  1.  ii.  p.  674.  Viet. 
Epit.  c.  40.  "'  Vid.  Pagi  311.  n.  14,  15.  "  Jam  decimus 


CONSTANTINE  the  first  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.       13 

per,  supposed  to  be  inflicted  on  him  as  a  judgment  from 
heaven,  for  his  inhuman  cruelty  to  the  Christians.  Max- 
cntius  was  overcome  by  Constantine,  and  drowned  in  the 
Tiber,0  on  the  27th  of  October,  in  312.  Maximin  died  in 
313:  the  manner  of  his  death  is  particularly  described  P  in 
the  book  Of  the  Deaths  of  Persecutors,  and{i  in  Eusebius. 
I  may  just  add  here,  though  it  was  mentioned  before,  that 
Dioclesian  also  died r  in  the  year  313. 

But  before  the  death  of  Maximin,  in  the  same  year,  313, 
Constantine8  married  his  sister  Constantia  to  Licinius.  And 
as  from  that  time  their  interests  were  united,  so  upon  the 
death  of  Maximin,  the  whole  empire  was  in  their  power,  and 
divided  between  them. 

But  their  friendship  did  not  long  subsist  without1  inter 
ruption.  For  in  the  year"  314,  the  animosity  between  them 
broke  out  into  an  open  war ;  and  two  battles  were  fought, 
the  first  at  Cibalis  in  Pannonia,  the  second  in  Campo  Mar- 
diense,  which  place  is  not  certainly v  known:  immediately 

et  octavus  annus  agitur,  cum  percussit  eum  Deus  insanabili  plaga.  Nascitur  ei 
ulcus  malum  in  inferior!  parte  genitalium,  serpitque  latius,  &c.  De  M.  P.  c. 
33,  34.  Vid.  et  Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  viii.  c.  16,  17. 

Paulloque  post  vulnere  pestilenti  consumptus  est.     Aur.  Viet.  c.  40. 

Galerius  Maximianus  consumtis  genital ibus  defecit.     Viet.  Epit.  c.  40. 

Tune  Galerius  in  Illyrico  Licinium  Caesarem  fecit.  Deinde  illo  in  Panno 
nia  relicto,  ipse  ad  Sardicam  regressus,  morbo  ingenti  occupatus  sic  distabuit, 
ut  aperto  et  putrescente  viscere  moreretur,  in  supplicium  persecutionis  iniquis- 
simae  ad  auctorem  scelerati  praecepti  justissima  paena  redeunte.  Anon.  Vales. 
p.  712. 

0  Ipse  in  fugam  versus  properat  ad  pontem,  qui  intermptus  erat,  ac  mul- 
titudine  fugientium  pressus  in  Tiberim  deturbatur.     De  M.  P.  c  44. 

Ipsum  postremo  adversus  nobiles  omnibus  exitiis  seevientem,  apud  pontem 
Milvium  vicit,  Italiaque  potitus  est.  Eutrop.  1.  x.  c.  4.  Vid.  Viet.  Epit.  c.  40. 
Incerti  Paneg.  Constant.  Aug.  c.  17.  Eus.  H.  E.  1.  ix.  c.  9.  p.  358.  D.  359.  A. 

P  Angore  animi  ac  metu  confugit  ad  mortem,  quasi  ad  remedium  malorum, 
quae  Deus  in  caput  ejus  ingessit. — Et  sic  hausit  venenum,  &c.  De  M.  P.  c.  49. 

1  Eus.  H.  E.  1.  ix.  c.  9.  p.  365,  366.  De  V.  C.  1.  i.  c.  58,  59. 

r  Vid.  libr.  de  M.  P.  c.  42,  43.  Pagi  A.  316.  n.  3,  4,  5.  Basn.  An.  313. 
n.2. 

s  Constantinus,  rebus  in  Urbe  composite,  hyeme  proxima  Mediolanum 
contendit.  Eodem  Licinius  advenit,  ut  acciperet  uxorem.  De  M.  P.  c.  45. 

Sed  oppresso  Maxentio  cum  recepisset  Italiam  Constantinus,  hoc  Licinium 
fcedere  sibi  fecit  adjungi,  ut  Licinius  Constantiam  sororem  Constantini  apud 
Mediolanum  duxisset  uxorem.  Anon.  Vales,  p.  713.  Vid.  et  Eutrop.  1.  x.  c.  5. 
Viet.  Epit.  c.  41.  Eus.  H.  E.  1.  x.  c.  8.  p.  395.  B.  V.  Const.  1.  i.  c.  50. 

e  Ita  potestas  Orbis  Romani  duobus  quaesita :  qui  quamvis  per  Flavii  soro 
rem  nuptam  Licinio  connexi  inter  se  erant,  ob  diversos  mores  tamen  anxie  tri- 
ennium  congruere  quievere.  Aur.  Viet.  c.  41. 

u  Vid.  Pagi  517.  n.  4,  5,  6.  Basn.  214.  n.  1,  2,  3,  4. 

T  My  learned  friend,  Mr.  Ward,  Professor  of  Rhetoric  at  Gresham  College, 
has  favoured  me  with  this  conjecture:  «  May  it  not  be  Margensi  ?  Pliny  men- 
'  tions  the  river  Margis  in  Mcesia,  which  joins  to  Pannonia.  Lib.  iii.  cap.  26. 


14  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

after  which,  peace  was  concluded,  and  a  new  partition  made 
of  the  empire. 

A  second  war  between  them  began  in*  323,  which  was 
concluded  in  3*24,  with  the  entire  defeat  of  Licinius,  who 
was  reduced  to  a  private  condition.  Others  y  place  that  to 
tal  defeat  of  Licinius  in  the  year  323:  and  though  his  life 
was  then  given  him  at  the  intercession  of  Constantia,  he  was21 
put  to  death  in  the  year  324,  or  325. 

This  was  the  end  of  those  civil  wars  in  the  empire,  and 
Constantine  now  became  sole  emperor  both  of  the  East  and 
West.  And  having  reigned  above  thirty  years  from  the 
death  of  his  father  Constantius,  he  died  on  the  day  of  Pen 
tecost,  May  22,  337. 

III.  Having  given  this  general  account  of  the  state  of  the 
Roman  empire,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  third,  and  beginning 
of  the  fourth  century,  and  of  the  reign  of  Constantine,  thea 
first  emperor  of  Rome  who  made  an  open  profession  of  the 
Christian  religion  ;  it  is  fit  we  should  now  distinctly  observe 
some  parts  of  his  history. 

His  conversion  is  a  remarkable  period  in  his  life,  as  well 
as  an  important  event,  in  which  the  Christians  were  greatly 
concerned.  The  time,  occasion,  and  reasons  of  it,  deserve 
our  consideration. 

One  might  have  been  apt  to  think,  that  Constantine 
should  have  received  some  impressions  in  favour  of  the 
Christian  religion  in  the  early  part  of  his  life  ;  for  his  father 
Constantius  is  said  from  the  beginning  of  the  persecution 
to  have  treated  the  Christians  with  mildness,  in  that  part  of 
the  empire  which  was  under  him.  And  Eusebius  says,  that 
b  Constantius  was  a  worshipper  of  the  one  true  God,  and  had 
in  his  palace  Christian  ministers.  It  might  be  also  conjec 
tured,  that  Helena,  mother  of  Constantine,  had  trained  up 
her  son  in  the  principles  of  the  Christian  religion.  And  it 
must  be  owned,  thatc  Theodoret,  in  one  place,  seems  to  sayd 

«  And  in  the  Notitia  Im.  Rom.  we  have  in  the  same  country,  Auxilium  Mar- 
'  gense  Margo.  Where  Margum  is  the  name  of  a  town.  Sect.  30.  Ed.  Labbe. 
'  This  situation  seems  to  suit  the  former  battle.' 

x  Vid.  Pagi  318.  n.  2,  3,  5—8.  Basnag.  324.  n.  1.  325.  n.  2,  3. 

y  See  Tillemont,  in  Constantin.  Art.  48,  49,  50.  and  Note  43,  44. 

'_  Varia  deinceps  inter  eos  bella,  et  pax  reconciliata  rupta  est.  Postremo 
Licinius  navali  et  terrestri  praelio  victus  apud  Nicomediam  se  dedidit,  et  con 
tra  religionem  sacramenti  Thessalonicae  privatus  occisus.  Eutrop.  1.  x.  c.  6. 

*  Vid.  Pagi  Crit.  in  Baron.  A.  D.  244.  n.  iv.—  vii.  et  247.  n.  vi.  —  x. 


b 


povov  p.sv  Qeov  rov  tin  Travruv  adwg,  K.  \.  V.  C.  1.  i.  c.  17.  p.  416. 
C.  Vid.  etc.  27.  p.  421.  C. 

-  rl  TOV  f^fyav  Ttsrov  0o><r?/pa  rfK8<ra,  jcat  rtjv  TJJQ  tvffff3tiag   avr^ 
7rpo<T£veyKH<Ta  rpoQrjv.  Thdrt.  H.  E.  1.  i.  c.  18.  p.  47.  D. 

d  Possibly  Theodoret  means  no  more,  than  that  Helena  nourished  and  che- 


CONSTANTINE  the  first  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.        15 

as  much.  But  yet,  I  think,  it  cannot  but  be  more  reason 
able  for  us,  to  rely  rather  upon  Eusebius;  who  expressly 
makes  it  one  of  the  commendations  of  Constantine,  thatc  he 
taught  his  mother  the  true  religion,  who  before  was  ignorant 
of  it. 

In  order  to  judge  rightly  of  this  matter,  it  may  be  best 
for  us  to  take  Eusebius's  account  at  large ;  who  makes 
Constantine  to  have  chosen  the  God  whom  he  should  wor 
ship,  when  he  was  undertaking  the  war  with  Maxentius,  or 
however  before  he  had  finished  it :  which  warf  began  in 
311,  when  Constantine  was  a  good  deal  above  thirty  years 
of  age. 

The  title  of  the  27th  chapter  of  the  first  book  of  Eusebi- 
us's  Life  of  Constantine  is  thus  :  *  That  Constantine,  weigh- 


better  assistance  than  military  forces, he  sought  fora 

*  God  that  might  be  his  helper.  — He  considered  therefore 
4  with  himself,  what  God  he  should  take  to  be  his  helper. 
'  Whilst  he  was  deliberating  about  that  matter,  this  thought 
'  came  into  his  mind  :  that  all  who  before  him  had  arrived  at 

*  empire,  and  had  placed  their  hopes  in  a  multitude  of  gods, 

*  and  worshipped  them  with  sacrifices  and  offerings,  had  been 
'  at  first  deluded  by  flattering  speeches  composed  to  please 

*  them,  and  by  oracles  that  promised  them  success  and  pros- 
4  perity,  and  afterwards  met  with  an  unfortunate  end  :    nor 
'  were  any  of  their  g'ods  able  to  deliver  them  from  the  cala- 
'  mities  inflicted  on  them  by  the  divine  hand  :  that  his  father 
'  alone,  who  had  taken  a  course  contrary  to  theirs,  and  Imd 

*  condemned  their  error,  ands  worshipped  in  the  whole  of 

*  his  life  the  one  supreme  God,  had  experienced  him  to  be 
'  the  saviour  and  protector  of  his  empire,  and  the  author  of 
4  all  good. — Having  well   considered  these  things,  he  was 

*  convinced,  that  it  was  the  utmost  folly  to  trifle  so  far,  as  to 
4  pay  honour  to  such  gods  as  were  nothing  at  all.     He  there- 
'  fore  determined  to  worship  only  the  God  of  his  father.' 

Eusebius  proceeds  in  the  following  chapter  :  '  He  there- 

rished  her  son's  faith  by  her  devout  exercises  and  pious  example.  So  this 
place  may  be  reconciled  with  another,  where  he  speaks  of  Constantino's  con 
version,  as  the  work  of  heaven  itself.  L.  i.  c.  2.  p.  6.  B. 

e  QvTk)  fJLtv  avrr]v  Ssoaefitj  KaTa^rjffavra,  «/c  sffav  Trportpov,  K.  X.  V.  C.  1. 
iii.  c.  47.  p.  506.  D. 

f  Quinto  tamen  Constantinus  imperii  sui  anno  bellum  adversum  Maxentium 
civile  commovit.  Eutrop.  1.  x.  c.  4. 

g  avrov  Se  TOV  tTreictiva  TWV  6Xwv  &eov  £ia  Traaijc;  r//t>/<ravra  £w7je» 

<rwr/;pa  KO.I  0u\a/ea  rr,r  flaaiXuas,  ayaQa  Tf.  JTCIVTOQ  xoprjyovtvpeaQai.  p.  421.  C. 


16  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

*  fore  called  upon  this  God  in  his  prayers,  earnestly  entreat- 

*  ing-  and    beseeching    him  that   he  would    make    himself 
4  known  to  him,  and  afford  him  his  powerful  aid  in  the  dif- 
4  ficult  affairs  before  him.     Whilst  the  emperor  was  putting 
'  up  these  earnest  prayers  and  supplications,  ah  divine  sign 

*  of  a  most  wonderful   nature  appeared  :  which  thing,  pos- 
4  sibly,  if  related  by  another,  would  not  be  easily  credited. 

*  But  the  victorious  emperor  himself  having  told  it  to  us 

*  who  write  this  history  a  long  time  after,  when  we  had  the 

*  honour  of  his  acquaintance  and  conversation,  and  '  having 

*  likewise  confirmed  it  with   an  oath,  who   can  refuse  his 
'  assent  to  it  ;  especially  when  following  events  have  borne 

*  testimony  to  the  truth  of  it?  He  said  then,  that  about  noon, 
4  when  the  day  was  declining*,  he  saw  with  his  own  eyes  in 

*  the  heavens,  the  trophy  of  the  cross,  placed  above  the  sun, 
4  consisting  of  light,  with  an  inscription  annexed,  BY  THIS 

*  CONQUER  :  that  at  the  sight  of  it,  astonishment  seized 
4  him  and  his  whole   army,  which  then  followed  him  in  a 
4  certain  march,  and  beheld  that  wonderful  sight. 

4  Ink  the  mean  time,  as  he  said,  he  began  to  doubt  with 

*  himself,  what  the  meaning  of  this  should  be  :  but  whilst 

*  he  was  revolving  it  in  his  mind,  and  continued  meditating 

*  upon  it,  at  length  night  came  on.     As  he  slept,  the  Christ 
'  of  God  appeared  to  him  with  that  sign  which  had  appear- 
4  ed  in  the  heavens  ;  and  commanded  him  to  make  a  stand- 
4  ard  resembling  the  sign,  which  he  had  seen  in  the  heavens, 

*  and  to  use  it  as  a  defence  in  the  battle  with  his  enemies. 

*  As1  soon  as  it  was  day,  he  arose,  and  communicated  this 

*  wonderful  thing  to  his   friends.     And   then   sending  for 

*  such  as  worked   in  g*old  and   precious   stones,  he  seated 
4  himself  in  the  midst  of  them,  and  gave  them  a  description 

*  of  the  sign,  and  commanded  them  to  make  one  like  it  in 

*  gold  and  precious  stones  ;  which  also  we  have  seen/ 

The™  standard  is  presently  afterwards  described  by  Eu- 
sebius,  who  thereupon  proceeds  again. 

4  Being"  then  deeply  affected  with  that  wonderful  sight, 
4  and  resolving  to  worship  no  other  God  but  him  that  had 
4  appeared  to  him  :  he  sent  for  some  of  those  that  were  ac- 

irapaSoZoTaTrj.  p.  422.  A. 
TOV  Xoyov,  TIQ  av  afiQifiaXoi  fAtj  t>%i  i 


tiv  ttyrj  tv  avTip  «pavy  vTrtpKtifjiivov  TS  r}\is  -ravpa  Tpoiraiov, 
IK  QIDTOQ  <ruriTa/itvoi/,  -ypa^jjv  re  awry  trvvtrfOai,  \tyu0av,  T«ry  VIKCI'  ^afi(3og 
&  tm  Tip  Sta/ian  Kparr^ffai  avrov  Tt  KO.I  TO  •rpanwriKOV  airav,  o  fir)  ^t\\0fiev({) 
TTOI  TTopttav  ffvvinrtTO  Tt  teat  Sfupov  syivtTO  SaruaroQ.  De  V.  C.  1.  i.  c.  28.  p. 
422.  k  Ib.  c.  29.  '  Ib.  c.  30. 

m  C.  31.  n  C.  32. 


CONSTANTINE  the  first  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.         17 

4  quainted   with  the  mysteries  of  his  doctrine,  and  asked 

*  them  who  that  God  was,  and  what  was  the  meaning"  of  the 
'  sign  he  had   seen.     They  told  him,  that  he  was  God,   the 
4  only-begotten  Son  of  the  one  and  only  God  :  that  the  sign 
'  which  had  appeared  to  him  was  the  symbol  of  immorta- 

*  lity,  and  the  trophy  of  the  victory  obtained   by  him  over 

*  death,  when  he  was  on  earth.     They  informed  him   like- 

*  wise  of  the  causes  of  his  advent,  and  gave  him  accurate 

*  instructions   concerning    his    incarnation.      In   such    dis- 

*  courses  as  these  was  he  taught :  but  he  was  taken  up  with 

*  the  divine  appearance  that  had  been  afforded   him  ;  and 
4  comparing    the   heavenly    vision  with   the    interpretation 
4  given  of  it,  he  was  strengthened  in  his  mind  ;  being0  fully 
4  satisfied,  that  the  knowledge  of  these  matters  had  been 

*  given  by  God  himself.     From  that  time  he  resolved   to 

*  give  himself  to  the  reading  of  the  divine  scriptures.     And 

*  taking  those  priests  of  God  for  his  counsellors,  he  was  per- 

*  suaded  that  the  God  he  had  seen  was  carefully  to  be  wor- 

*  shipped.     Thus  filled  with  good   hopes,  he  undertook  to 

*  extinguish  the  flames  of  tyranny.' 

This  is  the  account  left  us  by  Eusebius,  who  had  it  from 
Constantine  himself.  And  hence  it  is  apparent,  I  think, 
that  Constantino's  conversion,  if  he  is  to  be  credited,  was 
not  the  work  of  men,  or  of  any  Christian  ministers,  but  of 
God  himself,  together  with  the  reflections  he  made  in  his 
own  mind  upon  past  events.  And  so  Theodoret,  agTeeably 
enough  to  this  account  in  Eusebius,  says,  *  that?  Constan- 
4  tine  was  called  not  of  men,  but  from  heaven,  as  the  divine 
4  apostle  Paul  was.' 

We  must,  however,  make  here  some  remarks,  particularly 
upon  the  appearance  of  the  luminous  cross  in  the  heavens. 
For  it  is  quite  denied  by  some,  who  call  it^  a  fiction,  a  stra- 

0  SfodidaicTov  avry  rr\v  TSTCJV  yvumv  irapavai  TrttOofitvog.  ib.  p. 

424.  A.  B. 

p  'O^  KK  a.Tt  avOpojiruv,  sSe  fit  avQpWTTB,  aXX'  spavoQtv,  Kara  TOV  Sttov 
aTTOToXov,  Tt]Q  K\r]fft(jjQ  TUVTTJQ  £TV%£.  Thdrt.  H.  E.  1.  i.  c.  2.  p.  6.  B. 

q  Stratagema  hoc  Constantini  non  minus  scitum,  quam  illud  Philippi  Ma- 
cedonis,  quo  sacrileges  Phocenses  protrivit.  Jacob  Tollius,  in  not.  ad  c.  44. 
libr.  De  M.  P.  p.  267.  Traj.  ad  Rhen.  1693.  Vid.  et  ejusd.  not.  ad  c.  46.  p. 
278,  279. 

Mais  moy, — trouvant,  que  le  Roi  Antigonus,  successeur  d' Alexandra  le 
Grand,  s'est  servi  du  raeme  stratageme,  feignant  d'avoir  vu  au  ciel  une  penta- 
gone,  qui  est  le  symbole  du  salut,  avec  ces  paroles,  *  in  hoc  signo  vinces,'  et 
qu'il  le  fit  peindre  aux  boucliers  de  ses  soldats,  et  gagna  ainsi  le  batailie ;  trou 
vant  aussi,  qu'un  Roi  de  Portugal  a  eu  la  merae  vision  que  Constantin,  et  qu'il 
a  par  la  remporte  la  victoire  sur  ses  ennemis,  j'avoue,  que  je  considere  tous 
ces  miracles  comme  dee  finesses  militaires  des  grands  capitaines.  On  trouvera 
VOL.  IV.  C 


18  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

tagem,  a  political  device  of  Constantine.  It  was  also  look 
ed  upon  to  be  a  pious  fraud  byrsome  in  former  times. 

This  opinion,  as9  Fabricius  assures  us,  has  been  fully  con 
sidered  and  confuted  by  Mr.  Wolff,  in  a  Dissertation  which 
I  have  not  seen ;  though  I  should  have  gladly  perused  it, 
if  I  could  have  met  with  it.  I  mention  it,  however,  that  they 
who  have  an  opportunity  may  consult  it.  If  I  should  com 
mit  any  mistakes  in  the  remarks  which  I  propose  upon  this 
subject,  perhaps  they  may  see  them  corrected  in  the  Disser 
tation  of  that  learned  writer. 

And  indeed  the  cross,  which  is  said  to  have  been  seen  by 
Constantine  in  the  heavens,  is  generally  reckoned  not  only 
a  reality  but  a  miracle.  The  fore-mentioned  great  man,  J. 
A.  Fabricius,  thinks1  it  was  a  natural  phenomenon  in  a 
solar  halo.  He  therefore  allows  and  contends  for  the  re 
ality  of  it,  though  he  does  not  think  it  properly11  mira 
culous. 

I  shall  now  mention  some  observations  upon  this  history, 
which  offer  themselves  to  my  mind. 

1.  This  relation  is  delivered  by  Eusebius  upon  the  sole 
credit  of  Constantine :  whereas  a  thing  of  so  public  a  na 
ture,  could  not  have  rested  upon  his  credit  and  authority 
only,  if  it  had  been  true.  If  such  an  appearance  as  this 
had  happened  about  twenty  years  before  Eusebius  wrote 

dans  tous  les  siecles  une  infinite  de  ces  inventions.  Preface  du  meme  a 
Longin  du  Sublime. 

Johannes  Hoornbeek,  professor  Leydensis  in  Examine  Bullse  Urbani  VIII.  de 
cultu  imaginum  cdito  anno  1653,  a  pagina  181,  somnium  merum  ac  fabulam 
putat  Constantini  visionem  crucis  in  acre.  H.  Norisii.  Opp.  T.  iv.  p.  661. 

Audax  enimvero  nimium  fuit  Jacobus  Oiselius,  qui  in  Thesauro  Numisma- 
tum  antiquorum  pag.  463,  ait,  eum  qui  totum  hoc  negotium  de  cruce  ostensa 
Constantino  ad  pias  veterum  fraudes  retulerit,  parum  a  rei  veritate  aberratu- 
rum.  Baluz.  Annot.  ad  c.  44.  libr.  de  M.  P. 

Et  vid.  omnino  C.  A.  Heummanni  Poec.  Tom.  ii.  p.  50,  &c.  De  Cruce 
Ccelestia  Constantino  M.  conspecta. 

r  Taro  TO  diij-yri^a  TOIQ  p.tv  airi^oiq  pvQoQ  uvat  SoKti  Kai  irXafffia,  roif  $6 
7///€rfpoi£  Soyfj.a<n  Kt\apifffifvov.  Gelaz.  Cyz.  de  Cone.  Nic.  1.  i.  c.  4. 

8  Arguments  caeteris,  quibus  totum  hoc  de  visa  cruce  negotium  prefidenler 
nimis  inter  commenta  adscripserunt  viri  docti,  diatriba  singular!  Witebergae  A. 
1706.  edita  satisfecit  clarissimus  doctrina  atque  ingenio  vir  et  collega  meus 
conjunctissimus.  Jo.  Chr.  Wolfius,  Fabric.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  vi.  p.  18. 

1  Vid.  ejusdem  Exercita  Crit.  qua  disputatur  crucem,  quam  in  crelis  vidisse 
se  juravit  Constantinus  Imp.  fuisse  phenomenon  naturale  in  halone  solari. 
Ap.  Bib.  Gr.  1.  v.  c.  3.  T.  vi.  p.  8,  &c. 

u  At,  si  me  audis,  non  statim  hinc,  quod  faciunt  multi,  crucem  illam,  a 
Constantino  visam,  totam  callidis  adscribes  commentis. — Sed  vere  oblatam 
ipsius  oculis  credes  tot  testibus  antiquis,  Constantino  denique  ipsi,  saltern  ju- 
rato :  neque  tamen  illico  propterea  earn  stupebis  tamquam  rem  miraculis  pro- 
prie  accensendam.  Id.  ib.  p.  9. 


CONSTANTINE  the  first  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  30G.         19 

the  life  of  Constantine,  but  yet  in  his  own  time,  and  espe 
cially  if  it  hail  been  seen  by  the  whole  army  with  astonish 
ment,  he  would  have  been  able  to  call  other  witnesses  to 
vouch  for  the  truth  of  it.  And  out  of  his  dutiful  affection 
for  Constantine,  and  a  just  concern  for  his  honour,  he 
would  not  have  failed  to  add  something1  to  this  purpose: 
that  he  had  heard  the  same  account  from  others,  who  were 
present,  or  who  had  received  it  from  those  who  were  pre 
sent,  and  were  spectators  of  that  wonderful  sight. 

2.  The  oath,  or  oaths  of  Constantine  upon  this  occasion, 
rather  bring  his  relation  into  suspicion.     A  man  of  virtue 
and  reputation  can  seldom  be  under  a  necessity  to  corrobo 
rate  what    he  says  with  an  oath  ;    especially  when   he  is 
speaking  to  a  friend,  who  too,  if  the  thing  were  true,  must 
have  known  it  long  before,  from  the  report  of  general  fame, 
and  many  credible  accounts.     T  put  some  thoughts  of  ano 
ther  relating  to  this  in  thev  margin. 

3.  Eusebius  renders  this  whole  account  suspicious,  by  not 
mentioning1  the  place  of  this  wonderful  sight ;  a  necessary 
and  proper  circumstance  to  be  taken  notice  of  in  such  a  his 
tory.     It  hence  appears  to  me  probable,  that  Eusebius  him 
self  did  not  believe  this  story,  nor  intend  to  vouch  for  the 
truth  of  it.     Constantine's  army,  he  says,  was  following-  him 
in  a  certain  march  :  this  expression  seems  to  me  designed  as 
a  hint  to  the  readers,  not  to  depend  upon  the  truth  of  what 
had  been  said.     So  that  if,  notwithstanding"  this  caution  of 
Eusebius,  any  believe  the  story,  he  is  scarce  accountable 
for  their  mistake :  it  is  to  be  ascribed  to  their  own  credu 
lity. 

4.  There  are  other  things  concerning  the  standard  related 
by  Eusebius,  which  he  also  had  from  Constantine,  and,  I 
think,  are  very  unlikely,  if  not  altogether  incredible.     Our 
historian  says,  thatw   wherever  the  standard   was,  the  ene 
mies  fled :  which  may  have  been  true  enough,  in  many  in 
stances.     It  might  animate  Constantine's  soldiers,  and  ter 
rify  the  enemy.     It  is  added  by  him,  '  Thatx  there  was  a 
'  company  of  fifty  chosen  men,  remarkable  for  strength  of 

*  body,  and  valour  of  mind,  and  piety,  appointed  to  attend 

*  the  standard,  and  to  relieve  each  other  by  turns  in  bear- 

T  Ipse  Eusebius  hanc  objectionem  sentit.  Quapropter  in  V.  C.  c.  22. 
magna  cautione  prsefatur,  rem  admirabilem  esse,  et  vix  credibilem,  nisi  impe- 
rator  ipse,  sed  longo  tempore  post,  ipsi  earn  narrasset,  et  juramento  confirmas- 
set. — Saltern  illud  urgere  licebit  :  Si  totus  exercitus  prodigium  istud  vidit,  quo 
pudore  Eusebius  potuit  praetendere  tanti  in  vulgus  notissimi  ignorantiam  ? 
quo  colore  potent  persuadere  lectori,  id  ob  incredulitatem  debuisse  ab  impo- 
ratore  juramento  confirmari  ?  Observ.  Hallens.  xxiv.  T.  i.  p.  394. 

w  V.  C.  1.  ii.  c.  7.  x  Ib.  c.  8, 

c  2 


20  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

«  ing  it;   and  that  the  person  who  held  it  was  always  safe. 
4  For^  the  salutary  trophy  was  a  safeguard  to  him  that  bore 

*  it  ;    insomuch  that  though  darts  were  cast  at  it,  he  who 
4  bore  the  standard  was  always  unhurt,  the  spear  of  the 
'  standard  receiving  the  darts.     This  was  a  thing  surpass- 

*  ing  all  miracles,  that  the  darts  of  the  enemy  should  light 
1  upon  the  narrow  circumference  of  the  spear,  and  there 
'  stick  fast,  and  the  standard-bearer  be  safe.     Yea,  never 
'  was  any  one  wounded  in  this  service.     This  is  not  our  ac- 
«  count,  but  the  emperor's,  who  among  other  matters  told 
4  this  also  to  us.' 

So  Eusebius  concludes  this  account,  who  but  a  little  be 
fore  had  used  the  like  expressions2  in  this  relation;  thus 
careful  was  he,  not  to  make  himself  answerable  for  the  truth 
of  it,  and  indeed,  this  is  above  all  miracles,  I  mean  above  all 
credible  accounts  of  miracles  ;  that  when  many  darts  were 
thrown,  none  should  strike  the  bearer,  nor  yet  light  upon 
the  upper  part  of  the  standard,  where  was  the  cross,  and 
the  motto,  but  only,  and  always,  upon  the  narrow  circum 
ference  of  the  spear,  or  pole  of  the  standard. 

5.  Lactantius,  or  whoever  was  the  author  of  the  book  Of 
the  Deaths  of  Persecutors,  who  undoubtedly  wrote  a  few 
years  after  this  appearance  in  the  heavens  is  supposed  to 
have  happened,  says  nothing  of  it,  but  onlya  mentions  Con- 
stantine's  dream  or  vision  in  his  sleep.  That  this  author 
speaks  of  nothing  else,  and  that  his  words  are  not  to  be 
understood  of  any  sign  seen  by  Constantine  in  the  sky, 
is  plainly  shown  by  Fabriciusb  himself;  who  observes 
likewise,  that  some  other  authors  besides  mention  the  dream 


y  TH  fo  TO  ffUTTjpiov  rpoTTcriov  atwpsvroc  ^nQ  tfivtro  </>vXaKT?;piov'  u>e  TTO\- 
\atciQ  (3{\u)V  icar'  avrs  Tre^TTOfjLtVdJV,  TOV  p.tv  Qepovra  ci«<ra>££<r0ai*  TO  fie  TH  rpo- 
Train  Copv  &f%f.crQ(u  TO.  (3a\\.o/j.tva.  Kai  rjv  ft  TSTO  iravTOg  etrfictiva  S-ou/iarof, 
7T(i)g  tv  fipaxvTctTy  Trtpujxpiup  TS  Soparog  iKV&fieva  TO.  TWV  TroXt/uwv  /3tX;;,  tv 
avTtp  fiev  Trrjyvvptva  KctTtTreiptTO  —  ov-%  r'i/j,£T(poQ  &  o  Xoyog,  a\X'  avTei  TraXtv 
/foffiXtwg,  tig  riniTipaQ  aicoag  TTOOQ  trtpoiQ  Kai  THTOV  airvfivrjuovevaavTOQ.  Ib. 
C.  9.  z  Tavra  fiaffiXt  VQ  OVTOQ  TOIQ  TTJV  ypa<t>T]V  Trotn/jitvoiQ  - 

v^iytiTo.  Ib.  c.8.  fin.  a  De  M.  P.  c.  44.  Vicl.  intr.  not.  '. 

b  Solet  etiam  pro  confirmanda  hac  re  ad  Lactantium  provocari.  Sed  ille 
de  cruce  visa  in  coalo  tacet.  Solum  somnium  commemorat  libro  de  M.  P. 
cap.  44.  Commonitus  est  in  quiete  Constantinus,  ut  coeleste  signum  Dei  nota- 
ret  in  scutis,  atque  ita  proelium  committeret,  &c.  Posset  quidem  videri  a 
Lactantio  dici  cceleste  signum  Dei,  quasi  in  coelo  ostensum  a  Deo,  et  in  coelo 
a  Constantino  visum.  Verura  qui  hoc  in  dubium  vocaturus  esset,  facile  posset 
efferre  plura  loca  scriptorum  Graccorum,  Latinorumque,  quibus,  sine  ullo 
respectu  ad  Constantini  visionem,  crux  vocatur  signum  coeleste.—  Somnium 
quoque,  quod  miror,  commemorat  non  Johannes  modo  Malala  in  Chionica 
Historia.  1.  ii.  p.  2.  -  sed  quoque  antiquior  longe  Rufinus,  1.  ix.  H.  E.  c. 
9.  et  ex  eo  auctor  Hist.  Miscellae,  xi.  7,  &c.  -  Fabric.  Diss.  Crit.  sect.  3. 
ap.  Bib.  Gr.  ut  sup.  p.  11,  12. 


CONSTANTINE  the  first  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.       21 

only.  Basnage  too  is  clearly  of  opinion,  thatc  this  author 
speaks  only  of  Constantine's  dream,  and  says  nothing-  of  the 
cross  seen  in  the  heavens.  And  he  likewise  observes  the 
silence  of  so  many  other  writers  as  to  that  sight,  that  he 
seems  very  much  to  weaken  the  credit  of  the  thing.  He 
however  allows,  that  Constantine  really  received  a  divine 
admonition  in  his  sleep,  to  make  use  of  the  sign  of  the  cross 
in  his  wars.  But  in  my  mind  he  has  also  overthrown  the 
truth  of  the  vision  in  Constantine's  dream ;  for  this  must 
solely  rest  upon  the  emperor's  word :  but  by  denying1  the 
appearance  of  the  cross  in  the  heavens,  which  Constantine 
confirmed  to  Eusebius  with  an  oath,  he  so  weakens  the 
credit  of  the  emperor,  as  to  this  whole  matter,  that  nothing 
concerning  it  can  be  taken  upon  the  authority  of  his  testi 
mony  only. 

We  may  farther  observe,  that  since  several  ecclesiastical 
historians,  who  wrote  after  Eusebius,  particularly  Rufinus, 
andd  Sozomen,  (as  is  shown  by  Basnage,)  insist  not  upon 
the  appearance  of  the  cross  in  the  heavens ;  there  were  at 
that  time  Christians,  as  well  as  others,  who  either  were  to 
tally  ignorant  of  it,  or  else  did  not  credit  the  account,  as 
related  by  Eusebius  from  Constantine.  Indeed,  it  seems 
not  reasonable  to  believe  the  relation  of  any  one  man,  con 
cerning  a  public  appearance,  which  is  attested  by  no  others. 
Nor  did  Eusebius  himself  believe  it,  as  I  have  sufficiently 
shown  already ;  though  it  must  be  owned,  that  Constantine 
did  his  best  to  impose  upon  his  learned  friend,  the  bishop 
of  Cresarea. 

c  Ac  primum,  Lactantius,  qui  magister  datus  Crispo  Caesari,  familiar!  Con- 
stantini  colloquio  usus  est  sacpius,  de  diurno  crucis  trophaeo  ex  luce  conflato  ne 
verbum  quidem  habet.  Haec  tantum  habet :  commonitus  est  in  quiete  Con- 
stantinus,  ut  cceleste  signum  Dei  notaret  in  scutis,  atque  ita  praelium  commit- 
teret.— Argument!  vires  intendit  Rufinus  in  Eusebianae  Histories  versions : 
Constantinus  vidit  per  soporem  ad  orientis  partem  in  ccelo  signum  crucis  ig- 
neo  fulgore  mtilare.  Dormienti  igitur,  non  vigilanti,  cceleste  signum  Con 
stantino  oblatum  est ;  idque  praedicabat  traditio,  quae  Rufini  tetigit  aures. 
Visi  quoque  diurni  Sozomenus  ignarus  est.  Belli  Maxentiani  curis  districtus 
Constantinus  vidit  in  somnis  signum  crucis  in  ccelo  resplendens.  Sozom.  1.  i. 

c.  3. Denique  ethnicorum  nullus  historicorum  celeberrimae  hujus  vi- 

sionis  meminit. — Itaque  sunt  eruditi,  qui  in  somnio  divinitus  profecto  visam  a 
Constantino  crucis  figuram  existiment,  quorum  unus  Johannes  Columbus  in 
notis  ad  Lactantium.  Basnag.  A.  312.  n.  5. 

d  It  is  true,  that  after  this  account  of  the  vision  in  the  dream,  Sozomen  puts 
down  the  other  story.  But  he  relates  it  upon  the  sole  authority  of  Eusebius, 
and  does  not  confirm  it  as  true.  For  he  introduceth  it  in  this  manner  :  Euse 
bius  indeed  affirms,  that  he  had  heard  the  emperor  say,  with  an  oath,  that  he 
had  seen  the  trophy  of  the  cross  about  noon  when  the  day  was  declining. — 
yt  \it\v  b  IIa^0t\«,  avrx  fyi}<JavToq  evwjuorwe  TS  (BaoiXtios  ctKtjKOivcn 
,  K.  \.  1.  i.  c.  3.  p.  404.  A. 


22  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

This  difference  in  the  account,  together  with  the  silence 
of  so  many  historians,  about  the  sight  in  the  heavens,  is  a 
thing  so  remarkable,  that  some  perhaps  may  have  a  curi 
osity  to  know  the  cause  of  it.  I  shall  therefore  mention  one 
conjecture :  it  is  probable,  that  when  Constantine  first  in 
formed  people  of  the  reason  that  introduced  him  to  make  use 
of  the  sign  of  the  cross  in  his  armies,  he  alleged  nothing 
but  a  dream  for  that  purpose:  but  in  the  latter  part  of  his 
life,  when  he  was  acquainted  with  our  Eusebius,  he  added 
the  other  particular,  of  a  luminous  cross  seen  somewhere  by 
him  and  his  army  in  the  day-time.  And  the  emperor  hav 
ing  related  this,  and  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  Eusebius 
thought  himself  obliged  to  mention  it.  But  the  first  ac 
count  had  been  so  long  and  so  often  told,  that  it  was  gene 
rally  known,  and  the  only  one  that  was  so  known.  Whence 
it  came  to  pass,  that  historians  a  good  while  afterwards  re 
lated  the  vision  in  the  dream,  as  the  original  cause  of  Con- 
stantine's  using  the  cross,  that  being  the  common  and  pre 
vailing  tradition  concerning  it. 

Whether  the  author  of  the  book  Of  the  Deaths  of  Perse 
cutors  makes  any  mention  of  the  sight  of  the  cross  in  the 
heavens,  or  not ;  many  learned  men  think,  that  by  way  of 
conclusion,  they  have  learned  from  him  the  place,  day,  and 
hour  of  the  appearance  to  Constantine,  about  which  there 
have  been  so  many  disputes  ;  and  that  this  author  has  put 
an  end  to  that  controversy,  Ite  happened,  they  say,  in 
Constantine's  camp,  when  he  was  besieging  Rome,  on  the 
26th  day  of  October. 

But  with  due  submission  to  the  judgments  of  so  many 
learned  men,  I  question  whether  this  be  yet  a  clear  point. 
Let  us  then  now  at  last  take  the  words  of  this  writer. 
4  Nowf  the  war  was  begun  between  Maxentius  and  Con- 

e  Constituendum  est,  visionem  illam  crucis  Constantino  ostensae  contigisse 
in  castris,  dum  Romam  obsideret,  vii.  cal.  Novembris  anno  Chr.  312.  Baluz. 
not.  ad  1.  De  M.  P.  c.  44.  p.  97. 

Obtulit  sese  crux  videnda  Constantino  post  prcelia  cum  barbaris  commissa, 
de  quibus  Nazarius  in  Panegyrico  c.  18.  sub  dio  in  castris,  cum  Romam  ob 
sideret,  an.  Chr.  312.  die  vii.  cal.  Nov.  "Hoc  recte  colligit  Steph.  Baluzius. 
Fabr.  Diss.  de  Cmce  Const.  M.  n.  vi.  ap.  B.  Gr.  T.  vi.  p.  15.  Vid  et  Pagi  Crit. 
in  Baron.  312.  n.  5. 

f  Jam  mota  inter  eos  fuerant  arma  civilia.  Et  quamvis  se  Maxentius  Romae 
contineret, — tamen  bellum  per  idoneos  ducos  gerebatur — Dimicatum — et 
Maxentiani  milites  praevalebant,  donee  postea  confirmato  animo  Constantinus, 
et  ad  utrumque  paratus,  copias  omnes  ad  urbem  propius  admovit,  et  e  regione 
pontis  Milvii  consedit.  Imminebat  dies  quo  Maxentius  imperium  ceperat,  qui 
est  ad  sextum  calendas  Novembris,  et  quinquennalia  terminabantur.  Com- 
monitus  est  in  quiete  Constantinus,  ut  cceleste  signum  Dei  notaret  in  scutis, 
atque  ita  prcelium  committerel.  Fecit  ut  jussus  est,  et  transversa  X  litera 


CONSTANTINE  the  first  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.        23 

staiitiue.     Maxentius  himself  continued  at  Rome;  but  lie 

had   good  generals  to   command   his   army. The   two 

armies  engaged,  and  that  of  Maxentius  had  the  better:  yet 
Constantine  afterwards  took  courage,  and  being  prepared 
for  either  event,  marched  all  his  forces  near  to  Rome,  and 
posted  them  opposite  to  the  Milvian  bridge.     The  27th  of 
October  was  now  near,  which  was  the  anniversary  of  Max- 
entius's  empire,  and  his  fifth  year  was  almost  out.     Con 
stantine  was  warned  in  a  dream  to  put  the  divine  heavenly 
mark  [the  sign  of  the  cross]  upon  the  shields  of  the  soldiers, 
and  so  to  give  battle.     He  took  care  to  execute  this,  and 
ordered s  the  letter  X  circumflexed  at  the  top,  denoting  the 
name  of  Christ,  to  be  put  on  all   their  shields.     Having 
taken  this  for  his  distinction,  he  drew  out  his  army.' 
Hence  it  is  argued,  It  being  already  known  from  Euse- 
bius,  that  the  trophy  of  the  cross  was  seen  by  Constantine  in 
the  heavens  in  the  afternoon  :  and  that  the  very  next  night, 
when  he  was  in  doubt  about  the  meaning  of  it,  Christ  ap 
peared  to  him,  as  he  slept,  with  the  sign  that  had  appeared 
in  the  heavens,  and  commanded  him  to  make  a  resemblance 
of  it,  and   use  it  in  his  army  :    therefore  both   the  visions 
happened  in  the  same  place,  and  within  the  space  of  a  few 
hours  of  each  other.     The  fore-mentioned  author  having  as 
sured  us,  that  the  dream,  or  night-vision,  was  in  the  night 
of  the  26th  of  October,  312,  the  appearance  in  the  day-time 
was  also  on  the  26th  of  October.    Soh  Pagi,  and  in  like  man 
ner  other  learned  men,  who  are  of  the  same  opinion. 

But  it  seems  to  me,  that  this  author,  compared  with  Euse- 
bius,  will  not  determine  the  time,  either  of  the  appearance  of 
the  cross  in  the  heavens,  or  of  the  dream.  On  the  27th  day 
of  October,  Constantine  fought  with  Maxentius,  and  over 
came  him.  But  he  could  not  have  the  dream  in  the  pre 
ceding  night,  because  Eusebius  assures  us,  that  the  next 
day  after  the  night-vision,  Constantine  sent  for  men  who 
wrought  in  gold  and  precious  stones,  and  seating  himself  in 
the  midst  of  them,  he  gave  them  directions  for  making  the 
standard.  The  day  succeeding  the  night-vision  therefore 
was  not  a  day  of  battle. 

Farther,  it  is  next  to  impossible,  that  the  shields  of  Con- 
stantine's  soldiers  throughout  his  army,  should  be  marked 

summo  capite  circumflexo  Christo  in  scutis  notavit.  Quo  signo  armatus  exer- 
citus  capit  fermm.  De  M.  P.  c.  44.  in. 

e  The  author's  words  are  obscure.  They  are  thus  explained  by  G.  Cuper 
upon  the  place:  *  Christum  in  scutis  notat :'  id  est,  Christi  nomen,  quod  ex- 
priniitur  per  duas  primas  salutaris  vocis  litevas. 

h  Crit.  in  Baron.  312.  u.  5. 


24  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

with  the  sign  of  the  cross  on  the  27th  of  October,  the  day 
he  fought  with  Maxentius,  if  the  dream  had  happened  but 
the  night1  before. 

Lastly,  I  see  no  reason  so  to  undersand  the  passage  of 
the  fore-cited  author,  as  to  assure  us,  that  the  dream  hap 
pened  in  the  night  before  the  27th  of  October.  He  has  no 
words  that  express  the  time  of  the  dream  ;  and  it  may  be  as 
well  supposed,  according  to  his  account,  that  Constantine 
had  the  dream  before  he  came  to  besiege  Rome,  some  short 
time  after  his  defeat  by  Maxentius :  when,  as  this  writer 
says,  in  bishop  Burnet's  version,  *  Yet  Constantine  for  that 

*  did  not  lose  heart :'  or,  as  the  words  may  be  better  render 
ed,  *  Yet  Constantine  afterwards  took  courage,  and  resolving 

*  to  hazard  all,  he  marched  on  to  the  gates  of  Rome.*     The 
time,  when  Constantine  took  courage,  or  was  strengthened 
in  mind,  seems  to  me,  so  far  as  we  can  judge  from  this 
writer,  as  likely  a  time  as  any,  for  Constantine's  thinking  of 
the  use  of  the  cross :  that  time  was  a  little  before  he  re 
solved  to  march  to  Rome. 

Upon  the  whole  then  it  appears  to  me,  that  this  author 
has  led  us  to  the  time,  when  the  sign  of  the  cross  began  to 
be  made  use  of  by  Constantine  in  his  armies  and  battles. 
It  was  in  the  last  battle  with  Maxentius ;  some  short  time  at 
least  before  which  battle,  and  the  day  of  it,  the  thought  of 
employing  this  sign  must  have  come  into  Constantine's  mind : 
whether  by  divine  revelation  and  admonition,  or  his  own 
politic  contrivance,  let  the  inquisitive  judge,  after  mature 
thought  and  consideration. 

1  do  not  in  the  least  doubt,  but  that  about  the  time  of  his 
victory  over  Maxentius,  or  rather,  probably,  some  time  be 
fore  it,  Constantine  became  a  sincere  Christian,  and  continu 
ed  so  the  remaining  part  of  his  life,  and  educated  his  chil 
dren  in  the  same  belief.  And  his  conversion  might  be  part 
ly  owing  to  his  own  reflections  upon  the  state  of  things,  and 
partly  to  conversation  and  discourse  with  Christian  minis 
ters  and  people  ;  with  whom  Constantine,  son  of  Constantius 
their  friend  and  favourer,  must  have  been  for  some  time 
well  acquainted.  But  I  think,  that  Constantine  was  a  poli 
tician,  as  well  as  a  Christian.  A  change  of  religion  is  attended 

1  This  writer  does  not  speak  of  one  standard  only.  But  he  says,  that  Con 
stantine  was  directed  in  a  dream,  to  «  put  the  heavenly  mark  upon  his  soldiers' 
'  shields.'  Allowing  that  a  single  standard,  adorned  as  Eusebius  describes  it, 
might  be  made  in  the  forenoon,  and  a  battle  fought  afterwards :  yet  it  is  not 
easy  to  conceive,  that  the  soldiers'  shields,  throughout  a  whole  army,  should 
receive  a  new  mark  in  a  few  hours.  Therefore,  in  all  probability,  this  author 
did  not  suppose  the  day  immediately  succeeding  the  dream  to  be  the  day  on 
which  Constantine  fought  with  and  overcame  Maxentius, 


CONSTANTINE  the  first  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.        25 

with  hazards,  and  is  likely  to  expose  men  to  difficulties  of 
which  great  men  especially  are  sensible :  and  Constantine 
was  willing  to  reconcile  the  minds  of  men  to  this  change, 
and  to  secure  himself  therein,  as  well  as  he  could.  He 
might  also  aim  at  making  some  advantage  of  it,  and  im 
proving  it  as  a  mean  of  success  in  his  designs,  and  of  vic 
tory  over  his  enemies.  And  for  those  ends,  the  standard  of 
the  cross,  and  the  mark  of  it  upon  his  soldiers'  shields, 
would  be  of  no  small  service. 

As  for  the  story  which  Constantine  told  Eusebius,  of  the 
perpetual  safety  of  the  standard-bearer  in  the  greatest  dan 
gers,  and  the  darts  of  the  enemies  sticking  fast  in  the  narrow 
circumference  of  the  spear ;  it  must  be  owned,  that  here 
Constantine  over-did  it,  and  exceeded  almost  the  bounds  of 
modesty,  as  well  as  of  all  reasonable  probability.  Some  in 
dulgence  however  is  due  to  Constantine,  with  regard  to  this 
fine  contrivance  of  using  the  salutary  trophy  in  his  battles  : 
we  are  all  apt  to  be  too  fond  of  our  own  inventions. 

I   have   insisted  chiefly  on  the  history  of  Constantine's 
conversion,  which  we  have  left  us  by  Eusebius.     Photius  in 
his  abridgment  of  Philostorgius's   Ecclesiastical   History, 
says,  '  Thatk  writer,  agreeably  to  other  historians,  relates, 
that  the  cause  of  Constantine  the  Great's  conversion  from 
Gentilism  to   Christianity,  was   his  victory  over   Maxen- 
tius.     At  which  time  also,  the  sign  of  the  cross  was  seen 
eastward,  extended  to  a  great  length,  shining  with  a  sur 
prising  brightness,  stars  at  the  same  time  surrounding  it 
like  a  rainbow,  and  composing'  the  form  of  letters  in  the 
Latin  tongue,  expressing  these  words,  By  this  conquer.9 
From  which  I  think  we  may  conclude,  upon  the  authority 
of  that  learned  Patriarch,  that  the  general  account  of  the 
more  ancient  historians  was,  that  Constantine  was  converted 
in  or  about  the  year  312.     Eusebius  makes  Constantine  to 
have  chosen  the  God  whom  he  should  worship  before  the 
victory  over  Maxentius,  as1  does  Sozomen  expressly,  when 
he  relates  the  vision  of  the  cross  in   Constantine's  sleep. 
Philostorgius  says,  that  victory  was  the  cause  of  Constan 
tine's  conversion.     They  are  easily  reconciled  by  only  sup 
posing,  that  the  victory,  which  Constantine  obtained   over 
Maxentius,  confirmed  frhe  dispositions,  which  were  before 
begun  to  be  formed  in  him. 

k  'On  Tr]v  TS  p.eya\a  Kojvravriva  p,eTaf3o\rjv  SK  TTJQ  'EXXrjviSog  3rprj(FKEta£ 
eig  TOV  xpi<riam0yiov,  /cat  UTOQ  TOIQ  aXXotg  00£yyo/jevo£,  airtav  yEvtadai  ava- 
•ypatyti  TT]v  Kara  Ma^Eims  vucrjv,  K.  \.  Philost.  1.  i.  C.  6. 

1  'HviKa  yap  t-rri^paTevffai  Magcvrup  {Se/SsXevtro, — ev  rocavrai£  £«  QpovTicri 
ytvonivo£,  ovap  tide  TO  TS  <ravp8  vt)[J.twv  tv  TQ  apavy  <rt\ayi'Ctiv.  Soz.  1.  i.  C. 
3.  in. 


26  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

Zosimus  says,  that  it  was  not  till  after  the  death  of  Cris- 
pus  and  Fausta,  that  Constantine  became  a  Christian ;  that 
is,  not  before  the  year  325,  or  326.  <  For/  as  hem  says, 

*  Constantine  being*  conscious  to  himself  of  those  bad  ac- 

*  tions,  and  also  of  the  breach  of  oaths,  and  being"  told  by 

*  the  priests  of  his  old  religion,  that  there  was  no  kind  of 

*  purgation  sufficient  to  expiate  such  enormities ;   he  be- 

*  gan  to  hearken  to  a  Spaniard,  named  vEgyptius,  then  at 
'  court,  who  assured  him,  that  the  Christian  doctrine  con- 

*  tained  a  promise  of  the  pardon  of  all  manner  of  sins/ 

But  that  is  a  false  and  absurd  story  ;  and  Sozomen  has" 
a  chapter  on  purpose  to  confute  such  accounts  of  Constan- 
tine's  conversion.     It  is  true,  however,  that  Constantine  was 
not  baptized  till  after  those  events;  which  I  take  to  have 
been,  in  part,  the  foundation  of  that  story.     And  it  is  not 
impossible,  nor  very  improbable,  that  this  might  be  one  rea 
son  of  Constantine's  deferring  his  baptism,  as  he  did,  till 
near  his  death  [though  he  might  also  have  other  reasons] : 
thinking  this  would  be  some  security  to  him,  and  fearing 
lest  he  should  be  guilty  of  some  great  sin  after  baptism,  if 
he  long  survived  it.     Du  Pin  seems  to  have  suspected  some 
such  thing,  when  he  says,   '  It0  may  be  thought  strange, 
that  Constantine  was  not  baptized  till  now.     But  so  it  is : 
and  whether  he  deferred  to  receive  baptism  till  he  was 
ready  to  die,  that  by  that  sacrament  he  might  expiate  all 
his  sins,  and  appear  innocent  before  God,  or  whether  he 
had  any  other  reason  for  that  delay  ;  he  did  not  prepare 
himself  for  baptism,  till  he  found  himself  sick ;  nor  pro 
cure  the  imposition  of  the  hands  of  the  bishops,  for  putting 
him  into  the  rank  of  Catechumens,  till  the  year  337,  a  few 
days  before  his  death/ 

Since,  then,  Constantine  did  so  long  defer  to  receive  bap 
tism,  which  was  well  known  to  be  the  initiating  rite  of  the 
chrislian  religion,  it  is  very  likely,  that  this  delay  may  have 
been  one  ground  of  that  common  opinion  among  heathen 
people  concerning  Constantine's  late  conversion. 

Another  reason  of  that  opinion  may  have  been,  that  after 
the  entire  conquest  and  death  of  Licinius,  (which  also  was 
soon  followed  with  the  death  of  Crispus,)  Constantine  ap 
peared  more  openly  a  Christian,  and  more  vigorously  attack 
ed  heathenism  by  his  edicts,  than  he  had  done  before,  when 
his  empire  was  not  so  completely  settled. 

We  have  now  seen  the  accounts  of  Constantine's  conver 
sion,  which  generally  prevailed.  Whether  it  was  also  in 

ra  Zos.  1.  ii.  p.  685.  «  Soiom.  1.  i.  c.  5. 

0  Bib.  des  Aut.  EC.  T.  ii.  p.  1C. 


CONSTANTINE  ike  firs t  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.        27 

part  a  piece  of  policy,  though   accompanied  with  serious 
conviction,  we  cannot  certainly  say  :  for  if  it  was,  we  are  not 
to  expect  any  hints  of  such  a  reason  in  the  ecclesiastical 
historians  of  those  times,  or  near  them.     But  we  learn  from 
more  than  one  writer,  that  about  the  same  time  Maxentius, 
son  of  the  persecutor  Maximian  Herculius,  and  brother-in- 
law  to  Constantine,  after  his  marriage  with  Fausta,  began  to 
flatter    and    compliment    the    Christians.     Eusebius    says, 
'  Maxentius,' P  son  of  the  forementioned  Maximian,  who  had 
possessed  himself  of  Rome,  at  '  first  made  an  hypocritical 
profession  of  our  religion,  to  please  and  flatter  the  people 
of  Rome;  and  commanded  those  in  subjection  to  him,  to 
forbear   persecuting   the   Christians :    making  a  show   of 
piety,  and  desiring  to  appear  much  more  just  and  mild 
than  his  predecessors.     But  in  time  he  showed  himself  by 
his  actions  to  be  very  different  from  what  was  hoped  of  him/ 
This  was  in  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  therefore  in0!  306, 
or  307.     And  it  must  be  looked  upon  as  an  order  for  re 
straining  the  persecution  of  the  Christians  in  that  part  of  the 
empire,  which  was  then  subject  to  Maxentius;  namely,  at 
Rome,  and  throughout  Italy. 

And  Optatus  speaks  of  an  endr  being  put  to  the  perse 
cution  in  Africa  by  an  edict  of  Maxentius ;  which  probably 
happened  in  the  year8  311,  or*  312,  but  not  before"  311, 
because  Maxentius  was  not  sooner  master  of  Africa,  which 
till  then  was  held  by  Alexander. 

However,  if  there  is  no  positive  evidence,  that  political 
views  and  considerations  had  any  influence  in  the  change  of 
Constantine,  it  is  nevertheless  very  honourable  to  the  Chris 
tian  religion,  and  the  professors  of  it,  both  in  that,  and 
former  times,  that  though  they  had  never  had  the  princes  of 
this  world  on  their  side,  and  they  had  endured  from  their  first 
original  a  variety  of  difficulties,  and  several  open  persecu 
tions,  and  were  now  under  a  severe  persecution,  which  had 
raged  with  great  violence  for  several  years,  in  most  parts  of 
the  Roman  empire  ;  yet  at  this  very  time,  of  those  who  were 
contending  for  worldly  power  and  empire,  one  actually  fa- 


\if.v  ri]V  Ka     J7/*af  iri<ziv  tir  ap£(TKeip  Kai 
ji'  KaGvTTSKpivaTO.     Tavry  rt  TOIQ  innjKooiQ  TOV  Kara 
avuvai  TrpOTarm  &wy/nov,   tvaifitiav   C7rijuop0a£wv,  K.  X..     H.  E.  1.  viii.  C.  14. 
in.  i  Vid.  Pagi  306.  n.  23,  24. 

r  Tempestas  persecutionis  peracta  et  definita  est.  Jubente  Deo,  indulgen- 
tiam  mittente  Maxentio,  christianis  libertas  est  restitute.  Optat.  1.  i.  n.  18. 

*  Prius  deferbuerat  anno  305.  Sed  subinde  recrucluerat,  nee  pax  omnino 
reddita,  nisi  postquam  Maxentius  rerum  in  Africa  potitus  est  anno  311.  Du 
Pin  ad  Optat.  loc.  *  Vid.  Pagi  306.  n.  23. 

u  Vid.  Basn.  Ann.  311.  n.  15 


28  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

voured  and  flattered  them,  and  another  may  be  suspected'' 
to  have  joined  himself  to  them,  partly  from  considerations 
of  interest.  So  greatly  had  this  people  increased  under 
external  disadvantages  of  all  sorts! 

IV.  Having'  thus  related  the  time  and  causes  of  Constan- 
tine's  conversion,  we  will  observe  some  of  his  actions  as 
a  Christian,  or  a  favourer  of  Christians. 

1.  The  author  of  the  book  Of  the  Deaths  of  Persecutors  in 
forms  us,  thatw  Constantine,  immediately  upon  his  becoming 
emperor,  restored  the  Christians  their  liberty.  This  liberty 
must  be  supposed  to  have  extended  over  Britain  and  Gaul, 
which  were  then  under  Constantine.  And  hereby,  I  think, 
must  be  chiefly  intended  liberty  of  public  worship;  for  his 
father,  Constantinus,  had  not  persecuted  them:  all  that  he 
had  allowed  of,  and  consented  to,  was  the  demolition  of 
their  places  of  worship.  If  any  suffered  death  in  his  part 
of  the  empire,  (as  doubtless  some  did,)  it  must  have  been 
owing  to  popular  tumults,  or  the  sentences  of  inferior  offi 
cers  and  magistrates,  without  express  commission  from  him. 

The  next  thing  we  meet  with  in  the  history  of  Constan 
tine,  in  favour  of  the  Christians,  is  an  edictx  published  joint 
ly  by  him  and  Licinius,  in  the  year  312,  probably  at^  Rome, 
soon  after  the  defeat  of  Maxentius.  It  was  also  sent  to 
Maximin  in  the  east,  to  be  published  by  him,  for  the  bene 
fit  of  the  Christians  in  that  part  of  the  Roman  empire.  Eu- 
sebius  calls  it  a  full  and  complete  law  for  Christians.  But 
it  is  not  now2  extant. 

In  the  next  year  313,  another  edict  was  published  by  the 
joint  authority  of  Constantine  and  Licinius,  ata  Milan,  where 
theyb  were  on  account  of  the  marriage  of  Licinius  with 

v  Avant  que  trois  siecles  se  soient  ecoules  depuis  la  mort  de  J.  Christ,  le 
parti  des  Chretiens  est  deja  si  fort,  qu'un  empereur  Tembrasse  sans  craindre 
celui  des  payeris.  II  semble  meme,  que,  bien  loin  d'atfoiblir  par  la  sa  puis 
sance,  il  1'augmenta  et  la  fortifia  par  ce  moien.  Sermons  de  S.  Werenfels,  p. 
27.  1723. 

w  Suscepto  imperio  Constantinus  Augustus  nihil  egit  prius  quam  christianos 
cultui  ac  Deo  suo  redderet.  c.  24. 

x  Kai  £r)  (TTi  TSTOIQ  avroQ  ri  KwwravnvoQ  KOI  rrvv  avr(p  fictffiXtvg  \IKIVIOQ— 
(3u\y  Kai  yvd)p,y  vofiov  virtp  xpi'jiavwv  reXtwrarov  TrXtjpe^aTa  diarv- 
Kai  TOV  vopov  <IVTOV,  Ma%ifiivi[>  TIHV  £7r'  avaToXqg  tOv^v  tn 
vTi,  $i\tav  St  TTOOQ  avTug  i>7roK>pi£o/i£j/y,  £ta7reu7rovrat.  Eus.  H.  E. 
1.  ix.  c.  9.  p.  360.  A.  B. 

y  Secundum  edictum  Mediolani,  ut  suo  loco  videbimus,  prius  loco  incerto 
datum :  videtur  tamen  Romae,  ubi  reliquo  hoc  anno  Constantinus  egit,  pro- 
mulgatum.  Pagi  312.  n.  10. 

z  Vid.  Vales.  Annot.  ad  Eus.  1.  x.  c.  5.  Pagi  312.  n.  10.  314.  n.  9.  Basn. 
313.  n.  10,  11.  *  *Eus.  1.  x.  c.  5.  p.  388.  c.  De  M.  P.  c.  48. 

b  Constantinus,  rebus  in  Urbe  compositis,  hieme  proxima  Mediolanum  con- 
tondit.  Eodem  Licinius,  ut  acciperet  uxorcm — De  M.  P.  c.  45.  in. 


CONSTANTINE  the  first  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.        29 

Constantia,  Constantine's  sister.  .  This  edict  we  still  have 
in  the  original  Latin  in  the  bookc  Of  the  Deaths  of  Perse 
cutors,  and  in  a  Greek  version,  ind  Eusebius's  Ecclesiastical 
History.  Herein6  liberty  is  given  to  Christians  in  parti 
cular,  and  to  all  men  in  general,  to  make  an  undisturbed 
profession  of  their  religious  sentiments.  Moreover  it  is  or 
dained,  that  all  places  of  worship,  which  had  been  taken 
from  the  Christians,  by  whomsoever  then  possessed,  should 
be  restored  to  the  said  Christians  without  delay,  and  without 
any  price  to  be  paid  or  demanded  of  them  on  that  account  : 
and  the  loss,  which  any  might  hereby  suffer,  to  be  referred 
to  the  imperial  judgment,  to  determine  what  amends  should 
be  proper  to  be  made  to  those,  who  were  seized  of  such  places, 
either  by  grant  or  purchase.  It  is  likewise  herein  ordained, 
that  all  other  places,  beside  those  wherein  their  assemblies 
had  been  held,  which  had  belonged  to  any  churches  in  com 
mon,  as  bodies  corporate,  should  be  restored  to  them  with 
out  fraud  or  dispute,  upon  the  terms  before  mentioned. 

2.  There  was  about  the  same  time  a  letter  sent  to  Anuli- 
nus,  proconsul  of  the  province  of  Africa,  signifying,  as  Eu- 
sebius  says,  thatf  the  imperial  beneficence  was  intended  for 
the  catholic  church  only  ;  that  is,  the  places  of  worship,  or 
other  things,  that  had  been  taken  from  the  Christians,  were 
to  be  restored  to  the  catholics. 

There  follows  soon  after  in  Eusebius,  s  the  copy  of  a 
letter  of  Constantine  to  Csecilian,  bishop  of  Carthage; 
wherein  the  emperor  informs  him,  that  he  had  sent  orders  to 
Ursus,  receiver-general  for  Africa,  to  give  a  certain  sum  of 
money  for  the  use  ofh  several  ministers  of  the  genuine  and 
most  holy  catholic  religion,  throughout  all  the  provinces  of 
Africa,  Numidia,  and  each  Mauritania. 

In  the  next  place,  we  have1  a  letter  of  Constantine  to  the 
fore-mentioned  Anulinus,  giving*  immunity  from  civil  or  bur 
densome  offices  to  the  Christian  clergy  within  his  province, 
who  are  of  the  catholic  church,  over  which  Caecilian  presides. 

In  the  year  313,  Constantine  k  appointed  a  synod  at  Rome, 
and  in  314,  another  at  Aries,  to  compose  the  differences  be 
tween  Ccecilian,  bishop  of  Carthage,  and  the  Donatists. 

c  Cap.  48.  d  L.  x.  c.  5. 

e  Vel  in  primis  ordinanda  esse  credidimus,  quibus  divinitatis  reverentia 
continebatur,  ut  daremus  et  christianis  et  omnibus  liberam  potestatem  sequendi 
religionem,  quam  quisque  voluisset.  —  Ut  in  colendo,  quod  quisque  dihgeret, 
habeat  liberam  potestatem.  De  M.  P.  c.  48.! 

fiovy  Ty  Ka9o\iKy  tKK\rj<rig.  TIJV  diopav  StdoffOat  vTrofftjfiiivap,£Voi.  ). 


x.  c.  5.  p.  390.  C.  *  Ib.  c.  6. 

h   'P»jroi£  riffi  TUV  vTrrjpeTtJV  TUQ  tv9tff[j.8  KCII  a 
ib.  p.  293.  A.  J  Ib.  c.  7.  k  Ib.  1.  x.  9.  c.  5.  p.  391,  392. 


30  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

3.  Eusebius  informs  us,  that1  Constantine,  when  possessed 
of  the  whole  empire,  (which  could  not  be  before  the  year 
324,  and  after  Licinius  was  subdued,)  sent  letters  to  all  the 
provinces,  written  in  Greek  and  Latin,  acknowledging  the 
goodness  of  God  to  him,  and  ascribing  his  successes  to  the 
favour  of  divine  providence.  Now  the  provinces  of  the 
east  became  equally  sensible  of  the  emperor's  favour  and 
goodness,  with  the  provinces  of  the  west.  Our  ecclesiastical 
historian  has  left  usm  a  copy  of  Constantine's  edict,  sent 
particularly  to  the  people  of  the  province  of  Palestine,  the 
original  of  which  was  in  his  own  possession.  Herein  the 
emperor  restores  those  who  had  been  banished  or  proscribed 
or  confined  in  islands,  or  who  had  been  condemned  to  the 
mines  or  any  other  public  works.  It  is  herein  ordained, 
that  Christians,  who  had  been  deprived  of  any  military  posts, 
may  resume  them,  or  betake  themselves  to  any  other  kind  of 
life  they  choose,  and  therein  enjoy  repose  and  honour. 
They  who  had  been  condemned  to  slavery  in  the  public 
works,  are  restored  to  freedom,  and  to  all  the  honours  which 
before  they  were  entitled  to.  All  goods,  and  lands,  and 
houses,  which  had  been  confiscated,  are  to  be  restored  to  the 
original  possessors  or  proprietors :  or,  if  they  were  dead, 
whether  martyrs  or  confessors,  to  their  heirs  and  successors. 
If  such,  who  had  been  deprived  of  their  rights,  have  no  re 
lations  left,  the  church  of  the  place  where  they  had  lived  is 
to  be  their  heir,  and  succeed  to  them.  All  these  things, 
whether  lands,  houses,  gardens,  or  country  seats,  are  to  be 
restored,  but  not  the  mean  profits.  This  law  of  restitution 
is  to  be  understood  to  relate  to  public  treasury,  as  well  as 
to  other  possessors.  And  besides  this,  the  cemeteries  are  to 
be  restored  to  the  several  churches  to  which  they  had  be 
longed.  All  which  things,  as"  the  historian  assures  us, 
were  performed  and  executed,  according  to  the  tenor  of  this 
law. 

After  this,  as  the  historian  farther  assures  us,  Constantine 
gave0  the  government  of  the  provinces  chiefly  to  Christians  : 
and  when  any  Gentiles  were  made  governors,  they  were 
prohibited  to  sacrifice  :  which  law  comprehended  not  only 
presidents  of  provinces,  but  also  higher  officers,  and  even 
the  pretorian  prefects.  If  they  were  Christians,  they  were 
required  to  act  according  to  their  principles:  if  they  were 

otherwise  disposed,  yet  the  practice  of  idolatrous  rites  was 

/.    i  .  j  i  * 

forbidden. 

Afterwards  there  were  published P  two  laws  at  the  same 

1  Vit.  Const.  1.  ii.  c.  23.  m  Ib.  c.  24 — 42. 

"  Ib.  c.  43.  o  Ib.  c.  44.  P  C.  45, 46. 


COXSTANTINE  the  first  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.       31 

time,  one  forbidding  the  detestable  rites  of  idolatry,  of  old 
time  used  in  cities  and  villages;  wherein  it  was  enacted, 
that  for  the  future  none  should  erect  statues  of  gods,  or 
practise  divination,  or  offer  any  sacrifice.  The  other  law 
was  for  enlarging  Christian  oratories  and  churches,  or  for 
rebuilding  them  more  lofty,  grand,  and  splendid. 

Moreover,  the  emperor  still  making  progress  in  piety, 
wrote^  an  Oration  against  idolatry;  which  was  sent  to  the 
several  provinces  of  the  empire,  both  in  the  east  and  the 
west.  In  this  Oration  Constantine  says,  thatr  during  tho 
late  persecution  the  barbarians  received  and  entertained 
kindly  the  Christians  that  fled  to  them,  and  allowed  them 
the  liberty  to  worship  God  according  to  their  own  senti 
ments;  which  he  says  was  a  reproach  upon  the  Roman 
name,  in  that  barbarians  were  more  merciful  than  they.  In 
another  part  of  the  Oration  he  expresseth  his  desire,  that8  the 
Gentiles,  who  are  in  error,  may  enjoy  the  same  peace  and 
quiet  with  believers,  as  being  conducive  to  the  bringing  them 
into  the  right  way.  Let  every  one  do,  says  he,  what  his  soul 
desires.  He  wishes  that  all  were  unanimous  in  the  truth, 
and  in  obedience  to  God's  holy  laws :  nevertheless,  if  any 
dissent,  and  withdraw  themselves,  let  them  have  their  tem 
ples  of  lies,  since*  they  chose  them. 

Such  is  that  Oration:  and  Eusebius  assures  us,  that"  the 
emperor  would  sit  up  whole  nights,  employing  himself  in 
study  and  meditation,  for  improving  his  own  mind,  and 
composing  Orations,  which  he  afterwards  spoke  in  numerous 
assembl  ies. 

4.  After  this  Oration,  Eusebius  givesv  an  account  of  some 
differences  and   controversies  among  the  Christians  them 
selves,  which  occasioned  the  calling  of  the  council  of  Nice 
in  325,  where  Constantine  was  present. 

5.  We   have  alsow   an   account   in   Eusebius  of  several 
churches  built  by  Constantino's  order,  and  at  the  public  ex 
pense  ;    as  the  churches  at  Bethlehem,  and  mount  Olivet, 
and  the  church  of  the  [Sepulchre,  called x  also  Anastasis  or 

q  C.  47-60.  r  C.  53. 

s  'O/zotav  TOIQ  iri^evuaiv  oc  7r\avu)fi£voi  %aipoi'rff  \afif3aveTUffav  tiprjvqg  re 
K(ti  r)av\ictQ  cnro\av0iv.  Avrr]  yap  »}  TTJQ  Koiv(oviag  67rai>op0w<ri£,  Kai  TT^OQ 
tvBfiav  ayayav  b£ov  iff^vet'  Mrjdtig  TOV  tTfpov  TrapEj/o^XarW  £Ka<roc,  OTTfp  // 
4'vXr}  j3«Xtrat,  TSTO  teat  7rparr£ra>.  ib.  c.  46. 

1  Oi  5'  (avTug  ct(}>i\KOVTiQ,  t^ovTdJv  j8aXoj«£rot  TO.  rt]g  t^ev^oXoyiag  Tf^iivi]. 
ibid.  u  De  V.  C.  I  iv.  c.  29.  in.  v  Ib.  c.  61—73. 

w  Vid.  de  V.  C.  1.  iii.  c.  25—43. 

x  That  by  the  Martyrion,  or  church  of  the  Sepulchre,  and  Anastasis,  are  to 
be  understood  one  and  the  same  building,  see  Vales,  ad.  1.  iv.  De  V.  C.  c. 
47. 


32  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

the  church  of  the  Resurrection  at  Jerusalem.  Which  last 
was  very  magnificent,  and  was  solemnly  y  consecrated  by 
Constantine's  special  order,  in  the  year  335. 

Eusebius  does  indeed  in  one  place  say,  that2  Helena  built 
two  churches  at  Bethlehem,  the  place  of  our  Saviour's  nati 
vity;  the  other  at  mount  Olivet,  the  place  of  his  ascension. 
But  the  meaning  is  no  more  than  what  is  said  by  him,  just 
before,  thata  Constantine  let  her  have  the  honour  of  found 
ing  or  building  those  churches. 

Nevertheless,  Socrates  b  and  some  other  ancient  writers 
ascribe  to  Helena  the  building  of  all  the  three  fore-mention 
ed  churches  or  temples  in  Palestine.  But  it  must  be  better, 
I  think,  to  rely  upon  Eusebius  himself,  with  whom  also  So- 
zomen  agrees0  entirely.  Besides,  Helena  was  in  that  coun 
try  but  a  very  short  time  :  she  could  not  go  thither  before 
Constantine's  conquest  of  Licinius  in  324.  According  to 
the  course  of  Eusebius's  narration,  this  journey  of  Helena 
was  undertaken  after  the  Council  of  Nice,  which  was  held 
in  325,  and  when  she  was  of  a  great  age  ;  as  is  particularly 
observed  byd  Theodoret.  And  according  to  all  accounts, 
she  died  at  Rome,  or  near  it,  in  326,  or  soon  after. 

6.  It  is  well  known  likewise,  that  Helena  is  said  to  have 
found  at  Jerusalem  the  real  cross  on  which  our  Saviour  suf 
fered.  This  is  related  by  several  writers  of  the  fourth  and 
fifth  centuries  ;  but  with  so  many  different  circumstances,  as 
to  render  the  whole  story  doubtful.  And,  which  is  very  ma 
terial,  there  is  nothing  said  of  it  in  Eusebius  :  his  silence  is 
the  more  remarkable,  because  he  has6  with  great  particularity 
related  the  clearing  of  the  ground  about  the  sepulchre,  and 
expatiates  very  much  in  his  account  of  the  temple  there 
built  by  Constantine.  As  the  silence  of  Eusebius  is  alone 
satisfactory  upon  this  head,  I  forbear  to  confute  at  large 
the  common  accounts  of  the  invention  of  the  cross  ;  and 
only  refer  to  a  few  authors,  whof  seem  to  me  to  have  made 
good  observations  upon  them. 

y  De  V.  C.  1.  iv.  c.  42—45. 

''  -  dvo  vtwc,  a0«jO«'  TOV  \itv  Trpog  Tt#  TJJQ  ytvtaews  ovrpy  TOV  $  fTTt 
TO  Tijg  ava\r)tyt(jjg  opovg.  De  V.  C.  1.  iii.  c.  43.  in. 

Tij£  nrjrpog  —  faaia>vi£tov  TTJV  [ivrjfjujv.  ib.  c.  41. 


b  Socr.  1.  i.  c.  17.  c   Ev  ptpti  de  /cat  'EXevrj  r/  avra 

£vo  vasQ  ({)Ko8onTi<Tt,  K.  X.     Soz.  1.  ii.  c.  2.  in. 

d   AVTTJ  Tdiv  Ttjg  bdonropiag  TTOVWV  avaa^o^tvr},  KOI  TS  yjjpwg  8  \oyiaa  /ifi/i; 
ra  ira9t)'  TTOO  yap  o\iys  rr\q  Te\tVTT)£  cnro(iT)fuav  ravrrjv  frtiXaro,  oydorjKovTS- 

TTJS  fa  TH  (3lS  TO  Tfpfjia  KaTtlXljfaV.     H.  E.   1.   i.   C.   18.  ID. 

e  Vid.  de  V.  C.  1.  iii.  c.  26,  &c. 

f  Vid.  Basnag.  Ann.  326.  n.  ix.  x.  Jacob  Gothofredi  Notie  seu  Disserta- 
tiones  in  Philostorg.  c.  14.  p.  388,  &c.     Witsii  Miscellan.  T.  ii.  Exercita  xii. 


CONSTANTINE  the  fast  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.        33 

Montfaugon  pleased  himself  with  the  thought,  that  in  the 
Commentary  upon  the  Psalms  published  by  him,  Eusebius 
had  referred  £  to  the  miracles,  said  by  Rufinus,  Sozomen, 
and  others,  to  have  been  done  at  Christ's  sepulchre,  when 
Helena  was  at  Jerusalem.  But  I  humbly  conceive,  that 
there  is  no  ground  for  that  supposition  :  Eusebius  says  no 
more  in  hish  Commentary  upon  the  Psalms,  than  he  had 
done  in1  the  Life  of  Constantine.  The  finding,  after  so  long 
a  space  of  time,  the  sepulchre  of  our  Saviour,  which  had 
been  hid  by  rubbish,  and  by  buildings  placed  over  it  by  the 
heathens,  the  raising  a  magnificent  temple  upon  the  spot  by 
the  order  of  an  emperor,  the  journey  of  Helena  to  Jerusalem, 
the  great  concourse  of  people  there,  and  the  other  things, 
appeared  to  him  wonderful  facts,  that  exhibited  to  the  world 
a  proof  of  Christ's  death  and  resurrection,  as  related  by  the 
evangelists,  and  foretold  by  the  prophets.  Valesiusk  un 
derstood  our  author  in  this  manner  :  and  it  was  very  natural 
for  the  Christians  of  that  time,  who  had  been  witnesses  of 
the  sufferings  of  their  brethren,  and  of  the  extreme  con 
tempt  cast  upon  every  thing  that  bore  the  name  of  Jesus,  or 
belonged  to  him,  to  behold.  these  alterations  with  astonish 
ment.  The  fault  was  that  they  were  not  only  surprized  at 
them,  but  were  too  much  pleased  with  the  external  peace, 
splendour,  and  prosperity  of  the  church. 

These  are  thoughts  which  offered  themselves  to  me,  upon 
reading  Eusebius's  Commentary,  and  Montfau^on's  remarks. 
I  have  since  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  Wesselingius's  ob 
servations  upon  this  matter,  in  his  notes1  upon  the  Itinera- 

p.  361  —  369.  Chamier.  Panstrat.  1.  xxii.  c.  4.  Le  Clerc.  Bibl.  Ancien.  et 
Mod.  T.  xvi.  p.  112,  &c. 

e  De  miraculis  in  Sepulchro  et  Martyrio  Christi  editis  ne  verbum  quidem 
habet  Eusebius  in  Vita  Constantini  :  etsi  detectum,  curante  Helena,  Sepulcrum 
et  Martyrium  mernoret  —  verum  hie  de  miraculis  agi  quae  a  Rufino,  Sulpitio 
Severe,  Socrate  —  recensentur,  ne  ambigas.  Mont.  Prselim.  in  Euseb.  Comm. 
in  Ps.  p.  8. 

h   Ei  £e  TIQ  TOV  vsv  eiri^rjaeit  rotg  K00'  jy/xag  a/i</>t  TO  /tvjj/ja,  Kai 


TO.  7-£0£0>7ri<T/x£j'a.  Euseb.  Comm.  in  Ps.  87.  p.  545.  B. 

avTo  $£  \OITTOV  TO  ffe/jivov  Kai  TTavayiov  TIJQ  ffWTrjpia 
Trap'  £\7rt£a  iravav  avsQaivsTO'  KO.I  TOTS.  —  avrnov  —  Sio  jufra  Tt]V  tv 
(TKOT({)  KaracWtv,  avOiQ  em  TO  0w£  irpoyti,  Kai  rote  «TI  $tav  afyiKvxnivoiQ  evapyrj 
7rap£t^£v  opq.v  TWV  avToOt  7T£7rpay)Li£va»v  S'av/jarwv  Tt]v  Joropiav'  epyotg  cnrafftjg 
•ytyMVOTeoiijQ  (jxjjvrig  Trjv  TS  awTrjooQ  ava<za.Giv  p.aoTvpspf.vov.  De  V.  C.  1.  iii.  c. 
28.  Vid.  et  c.  29,  30.  et  26. 

k  Est  autem  hie  hnjus  loci  sensus:  illam  Domini  sepulchri  post  tot  secula 
restitutionem,  re  ipsa  confirmasse  resurrectionem  Domini  nostri.  Vales,  ad 
Euseb.  De  V.  C.  1.  iii.  c.  28. 

1  Et  qui  possunt  ea  hoc  loco  intelligi  ?  Loquitur  de  rebus  stupendis,  quae  ad 
Christi  sepulchnun  et  martyrium  sua  aetate  contigerunt.     Atqui  Martyrium 
VOL.  IV.  D 


34  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

rium  Hierosolymitanum :  who,  I  think,  has  well  confuted 
MontfauCjOn's  argument;  and  has  some  thoughts  not  very"1 
different  from  those  already  insisted  on  by  me.  And  more 
over  observes  not  only  the  silence  of  Eusebius  before  insist 
ed  on,  but  also  then  silence  of  Constantine  in  his  letter  to 
Macarius  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  recommending'  to  him  the 
care  of  erecting  the  designed  temple,  and  the0  silence  of  the 
author  of  the  Itinerary,  who  seems  to  have  written  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  reign  of  Constantine. 

7.  Though  Constantine  expressed  himself  with  so  much 
mildness  in  the  Oration  before  taken  notice  of,  yet  certainly 
he  did  not  intend  to  leave  the  temples  to  the  heathen  people, 
and  let  them  enjoy  their  worship  there.  This  is  inconsistent 
with  some  things  already  transcribed,  in  the  order  in  which 
they  are  mentioned  by  Eusebius. 

And  afterwards,  comparing  Constantine  with  other  empe 
rors,  he  says:  TheyP  commanded  the  temples  to  be  magni 
ficently  adorned  :  he  demolished  them  to  the  foundation,  es 
pecially  such  as  were  most  respected  by  superstitious  peo 
ple.  Moreover  Constantinei  made  very  free  with  the  sta 
tues  of  the  gods,  taking  them  out  of  the  temples,  and  plac 
ing  them  in  the  forum,  and  other  parts  of  the  city  of  Con 
stantinople  :  thereby  serving,  as  the  historian  says,  two  ends, 
both  adorning  the  city,  and  exposing  to  contempt  those  gods 
whose  images  they  were.  And  many  rich  statues  of  the 
gods,  consisting  of  gold  and  silver,  were  melted  down  by 
him. 

Our  historian  has  also  left  us  a  particular  account  of  the 
demolishing  several  heathen  temples  by  Constantine's  order, 
beside  the  depriving'  many  others  of  their  richest  and  most 

illud  nusquam  erat,  cum  ea  fierunt,  quae  evenisse  Sulpitius  atque  alii  prodide- 
runt,  &c.  Pet.  Wesseling.  Annot.  ad  Itinerar.  Hieros.  p.  593,  594. 

m  Ecquid  magis  mirabile  et  stupendum  Judaeis  ac  paganis  esse  poterat, 
quam  Augusti  matrera,  ej  usque  exemplum  imitates  plures,  ad  vilem  antea  et 
despectum  eum  locum,  ut  Christo  Domino  meritum  honorem  haberent,  con- 
fluere ;  mirificis  operibus  ilium  exornari ;  quod  quam  admirandum  utrisque 
fuerit,  ex  Orat.  de  Laudibus  Constantin.  p.  633,  colligas.  Id.  p.  594. 

n  Quam  rem  et  Constantini  imp.  in  ep.  ad  Macarium,  et  Eusebii,  in  his 
locis  et  gestis  recensendis  versati,  silentium  adfirmat.  ib.  p.  593. 

0  Id  vero  maximopere  demiror,  nullam  hie  de  cruce,  Helenae  auspiciis  in- 
venta,  nee  ullam  de  stupendis  operibus,  ejus  virtute  et  contactu  patratLs,  fieri 
raentionem.  Dicemusne  praeterire  ea  scriptorem,  qui  summa  diligentia  ru- 

musculos,  de  locis  Hierosolymitanis  in  vulgus  sparsos,  collegit  ? praeser- 

tim  cum  paucissimis  ante  ejus  in  urbem  Hierosolymitanam  adventum  annis 
facta  ferantur.  Mihi  nihil  aliud  dici  posse  videtur,  quam  ea  miracula,  et  quae 
illis  arctissime  cohaerent,  in  urbe  eo  tempore  nondum  fuisse  audita.  ib.  p.  593. 

p  Oi  fjitv  THQ  vtiitQ  0<\on/io.i£  Koer/mv  tKtXtvov'  o  de  tK  /3aOpwv  KaBypti  T&TWV 
avT(i)v,  TO  /*aAi«ra  Trapa  roic  Sti<7iSaif.iocn  TTO\\H  a£ia.  V.  C.  1.  iii.  c.  1.  p.  483. 
B.  f'  Ib.  1.  iii.  c.  54. 


CONSTANTINE  the  first  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.        35 

respected  ornaments:  asr  a  temple  dedicated  to  Venus  in  a 
grove  .at  Aphcea  in  Phoanicia.  He  says,  it  was  a  kind  of 
school  of  lewdness,  and  all  manner  of  vice,  where  no  grave 
or  modest  people  came.  The  emperor  ordered  it  to  be  total 
ly  demolished,  which  was  done  by  his  soldiers.  A  temple 
of  ./Esculapius  at  ^Egis  in  Cilicia  was  in  like  manner  de 
stroyed  by  the  military  power  at  the  emperor's  command. 
He  does  not  say  that  any  lewdness  was  practised  here. 
However,  this  temple  was  a  means  of  seducing  people,  and 
it  was  much  respected  by  the  philosophers.  At8  one  nod  of 
the  emperor,  as  Eusebius  says,  this  celebrated  wonder  of 
the  egregious  philosophers  lay  flat  upon  the  ground,  being 
pulled  down  by  a  band  of  soldiers.  Besides  these,  there1 
was  another  temple  of  Venus,  a  place  of  much  lewdness, 
destroyed  at  Heliopolis  in  Phoenicia;  and  a  spacious  chris- 
tian  church  was  erected  in  the  room  of  it. 

And  afterwards  Eusebius  expressly  says,  that11  through 
out  the  whole  Roman  empire,  the  doors  of  idolatry  were 
shut  to  the  commonalty  and  to  the  soldiery  ;  and  that  every 
kind  of  sacrifice  was  prohibited.  Again  he  says,  thatv 
there  were  several  laws  published  for  these  purposes,  for 
bidding  sacrifices,  divinations,  raising  statues,  and  the  se 
cret  mysteries  or  rites  of  initiation.  And  he  says  farther, 
thatw  in  Egypt  a  sort  of  priesthood,  consecrated  to  the  ho 
nour  of  the  Nile,  was  entirely  suppressed.  And  though  the 
heathen  people  thereupon  surmised,  that  the  Nile  would  no 
more  overflow  the  fields,  it  rose  the  next  year  very  high, 
and  gave  them  great  plenty. 

However,  it  may  reasonably  be  supposed,  that  the  admo 
nitions  in  the  Oration  against  idolatry  were  of  use  to  prevent 
popular  tumults,  and  the  doing  any  things  of  this  kind, 
which  were  not  authorized  by  the  emperor's  order. 

8.  We  have  likewise  an  account  of  Constantine'sx  treat 
ment  of  heretics,  after  he  had  composed  differences,  and  re 
stored  harmony  in  the  church  of  God:  that  is,  after  the 
council  of  Nice. 

Our  historian  says,  that?  by  a  law  sent  to  the  presidents 
of  provinces,  he  dispersed  and  put  to  flight  all  these  men. 
Beside  the  edict,  the  emperor  gave  those  people  a  salutary 
admonition,  exhorting  them  to  repent  without  delay.  This* 
edict  is  directed  against  the  Novatians,  Valentinians,  Mar- 

r  Ib.  C.  56.  s  'Evi  §e  Vivian  Kara  yr]q  rjTrXsro 


ibid.  l  C.  58.  u  >—$v<Tiac;  re  rpoTrog  oTD/yop&wtro 

V.  C.  1.  iv.  c.  23.  v  C.  25.  w  Ib. 

x  L.  iii.  c.  63—66.  y  Ib.  c.  63.  z  C.  64. 


36  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

cionites,  Paulianists,  and  those  called  Cataphrygians,  and 
all  others,  who  by  private  meetings  endeavour  to  support 
heresies.     Here  the  emperor  condemns  his  past  forbearance, 
as  an  occasion  of  men's  being  seduced  by  these  erroneous 
people.     He  therefore  threatens  to  extirpate  the  roots  of  evil 
by  a  public  animadversion.  «  Wherefore,'  saysa  he, '  since  this 
your  pernicious  wickedness  is  no  longer  to  be  endured,  we 
by  this  present  law  command  you,  that  you  no  more  pre 
sume  to  meet  together.     And  we  have  given  orders,  that 
all  those  places,  where  you  are  wont  to  hold  assemblies, 
should  be  taken  away.     Yea,  our  concern  for  this  matter  is 
such,  that  we  not  only  forbid  you  to  assemble  in  any  public 
place  j  but  we  likewise  forbid  all  assemblies  of  your  fool 
ish  superstition  in  private  houses,  and  in  all  private  places 
whatever.     All  of  you  therefore,  who  have  any  sincere 
love  of  truth,  come  to  the  catholic  church. — And  that  this 
remedy  may  have  its  full  effect,  we  ordain,  that  all  your 
superstitious  conventicles,  I  mean  oratories  of  all  heretics, 
if  it  be  fit  to  call  such  houses  oratories,  be  forthwith  taken 
away,  and  without  any  opposition  delivered  to  the  catholic 
church :  and  that  the  rest  of  your  places  be  adjudged  to 
the  public.     Thus,'  says  our  ecclesiastical  historian, '  theb 
dens  of  heretics  were  laid  open  by  the  imperial  edict,  and 
the  wild  beasts,  the  ringleaders  of  their  impiety,  were  scat 
tered.'      He  adds,  thatc  in  this  edict  orders  were  given 
for  searching  out  their  books.     The  effect  of  all  which  was, 
as  the  historian  says,  that  some  of  those  heterodox  people, 
being  terrified  by  the  emperor's  edict,  renounced  their  errors, 
hypocritically  only,  and  in  that  manner  came  into  the  church, 
whilst  others  of  them  became  sincere  converts. 

This  edict  was  published  ind  326.  Here  is  no  mention 
made  of  Arians.  The  reason  of  it  may  be,  that  their  cause 
had  been  lately  determined,  and  it  was  supposed,  that  suf 
ficient  care  had  been  already  taken  of  them :  or  the  reason 
may  be,  that  there  were  few  who  went  under  that  denomi 
nation.  For  Sozomen  says,  thate  though  the  Arian  scheme 
was  much  discoursed  of,  it  did  not  form  a  separate  people, 
or  make  a  distinct  sect  in  the  time  of  Constantine.  Indeed 
many  who  held  that  sentiment,  kept  their  places  in  the 
church. 

a  Ib.  c.  65.  h  Ib.  c.  66. 

c  ETTW  Si  /cat  SiiptvvaaBai  TU>V  avdpiov  TUQ  /3t/3\ȣ  Sujyopevtv  o  vofiOQ.  C.  66. 
ib.  d  Vid.  Basnag.  Ann.  327.  n.  3. 

e  To  Se  Apew  &>y/*a,  ti  jcai  TroXXotg  ev  TOIQ  Sia\£%iffiv  (ffiradaZiTO,  HTTW  tig 
iSiov  SitKdcpiTO  \aov,  t)  ovofjia  r«  tvpovroq.  Sozom.  1.  ii.  c.  32.  in.  Et  conf. 
Basnag.  Ann.  326.  n.  iv. 


CONSTANTINE  the  first  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.       37 

9.  I  must  pass  over  divers  things  related  by  Eusebius, 
and  observe  only  these  following".  Constantino  i  'constituted 
a  kind  of  church  in  his  own  palace,  and  with  cheerfulness 
led  the  way  to  those  that  assembled  there  with  him.  Taking 
the  sacred  books  in  his  own  hands,  he  attentively  read  and 
meditated  upon  the  divine  oracles:  and  then  recited  the 
usual  prayers  with  the  whole  assembly  of  his  courtiers. 
These  were  public  prayers.  Constantine  besides  prayed^ 
daily  in  private  in  his  own  closet.  In  time  of  war  heh  had 
a  tabernacle,  or  chapel,  at  a  small  distance  from  his  camp  ; 
in  which  he  used  to  pray,  especially  before  a  battle,  for  the 
divine  protection  and  blessing  :  having  at  the  same  time  in 
his  company  a  few  of  his  friends,  who  were  men  of  known 
virtue  and  piety.  He1  taught  even  his  heathen  soldiers  a 
form  of  prayer,  in  which  they  worshipped  the  one  true  God, 
praising  him  for  past  benefits,  and  expressing  their  trust 
in  him  for  the  future  ;  and  praying  particularly  for  the  safe 
ty  of  the  emperor  and  his  family,  and  the  continuance  and 
prosperity  of  his  government.  He  ordained  by  an  edict, 
thatk  the  Lord's  day  should  be  a  day  of  rest  throughout  the 
Roman  empire.  He1  was  present  at  divers  synods  for  mak 
ing  up  differences  between  Christians,  and  earnestly  recom 
mended  to  them  peace  and  friendship.  Hem  would  con 
verse  familiarly  with  Christian  bishops,  and  make  them  sit  at 
his  table.  Hen  was  very  kind  and  bountiful  to  the  poor, 
especially  such  as  fell  into  want  from  plentiful  circumstances. 
He0  likewise  made  donations  of  money  and  lands  to  many 
churches,  and  certain  allowances  to  poor  widows  and  father 
less  children. 

By  Sozomen  we  are  informed,  that?  Constantine  abolished 
the  punishment  of  the  cross,  which  had  been  so  long  used 
by  the  Romans.  This  edict  is  also  mentioned  by0!  a  heathen 
historian  with  commendation.  It  appears  to  have  been  a 
popular  act. 


iv  OVTOIQ  TOLQ  (3a<n\6ioi£  t/c/c\jj(Tiag  9e8  rpOTrov 
TWV  tvdov  tKK\rjma'Cop,tv(t)V'  IIITO.  %£tpa,Q  yeroi  Xaju/Savwi/  Tag 
/3t/3\«£,  Ty  Tdjv  S'EOTTffUTwv  Xoyiwv  Setopiq,  Trpoeravti^e  TOV  vsv,  tiro.  iv%aQ  sv- 
QI<JH&Q  aw  TOIQ  TOV  flaaiXiiov  OIKOV  irXripsaiv  curtSidn.  V.  C.  1.  iv.  c.  17. 

s  Ib.  c.  22.  h  Ib.l.  ii.  c.  12,  14.  '  L.  iv.  c.  19,  20. 

k  L.  iv.  c.  18,  23.  Vid.  et  Soz.  H.  E.  1.  i.  c.  8.  p.  412.  B.  C.  et  Cod.  i.  lib. 
iii.  T.  12.  1.  iiL  l  V.  C.  1.  i.  c.  44. 

m  Ib.  1.  i.  c.  42.  "  Ib.  c.  43.  °  L.  iv.  c.  28. 

p  ApeXti  rot  Trporepor  vtvop,ifffjin'r]v  'Pw/iaiotg  rqv  TH  Tavpa  rt/iwptai',  vopi) 
avii\t  TTIQ  xPWVtwQ  Td)v  diica<;tpu»v.  Sozom.  1.  i.  c.  8.  p.  412.  C. 

q  Eo  pius,  ut  etiam  vetus  vetcrriraumque  supplicium  patibulum  et  cruribus 
suffringendis  primus  removcrit.  Hinc  pro  conditore  aut  deo  creditus.  Aur. 
Viet.  Cses.  cap.  41. 


38  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

He  forbad  r  the  cruel  sports  of  gladiators;  though  his 
authority  was  not  sufficient  to  abolish  them  every  where, 
and  entirely.  There8  was  need  of  repeated  laws  of  Chris 
tian  emperors  for  that  purpose.  He  likewise  appointed, 
that1  criminals,  which  had  been  hitherto  usually  condemned 
to  act  as  gladiators  in  the  public  shows,  should  rather  be 
sent  to  work  in  the  mines. 

10.  I  must  not  allow  myself  to  give  a  particular  account 
of  all  the  synods  held  in  his  time,  nor  of  all  his  epistles, 
edicts,  or  orations.  I  have  already  taken  notice  of  several 
of  them,  and  I  may  have  occasion  to  make  extracts  out  of 
some  more.  A  catalogue  of  Constantine's  epistles  and  ora 
tions  may  be  seen  inu  Cave,  and  v  Fabricius.  Fr.  Baudouin, 
or  Balduinus,  as  we  usually  call  him,  wrote  w  two  books 
concerning  this  emperor's  laws.  And  there  is  a  kind  of  list 
or  collection  of  the  titles  of  his  laws  in  Varenius's  Life  of 
Constantine. 

V.  We  may  now,  I  presume,  be  indulged  the  liberty  of 
drawing  Constantine's  character,  some  outlines  of  it  at  least, 
and  of  making  some  few  general  remarks  upon  his  reign. 

Constantine  was  remarkably  tall,x  of  a  comely  and  ma 
jestic  presence,  and  great  bodily  strength.  It  may  be  con 
cluded  from  the  whole  tenor  of  his  life,  that  he  was  a  person 
of  no  mean  capacity;  the  achievements  and  successes  of 
Constantine  do  not  belong  to  men  of  weak  and  irresolute 
minds.  Indeed,  his?  mind  was  equal  to  his  fortune,  great 

r  ••  HTJ  povopaxuv  /tziai$oviat£  fj.o\vvtiv  rag  iroXtig.  Eus.  de  V.  C.  1. 

iv.  c.  25. 

8  Cruenta  spectacula  in  otio  civili,  et  domestica  quiete,  non  placent.  Qua- 
propter,  quia  omnino  gladiatores  esse  prohibemus.  Cod.  1.  1.  xi.  t.  43.  1. 

1  Cruenta  spectacula  in  otio  civili,  et  domestica  quiete,  non  placent.  Qua- 
propter,  quia  omnino  gladiatores  esse  prohibemus,  eos  qui  forte  delictorum 
causa  hanc  conditionem  atque  sententiam  mereri  consueverant,  metallo  magis 
facies  inservire,  ut  sine  sanguine  suorum  scelerum  pcenas  agnoscant.  Cod. 
Th.  T.  v.  p.  395.  u  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  184,  185. 

v  Bib.  Gr.  T.  vi.  p.  2—7.  et  Lux  Evangelii,  p.  273—294. 

w  Fr.  Balduini  Constantinus  Magnus:  sive  Commentariorum  de  Constan- 
tini  Imp.  Legibus  ecclesiasticis  et  civilibus.  Libri  duo.  Lipsiae.  1727. 

x  —  TO,  r'  aXXo  tido?  TO  peyofQoQ  TS  v7T£p(3a\\ov  [Liv  TSQ  ap^  CIVTOV  airav- 


re  jcaXAei  Ttjg  wpct£,  icai  TU  /utyaXoTrptTm  TTJQ  TH 
V. 


a\icy  TI  pu>nrje  a/*ax«,  K.  X.  Eus.  De  V.  C.  1.  iii.  c.  10.  p.  488.  C.  D.  Vid.  et 
1.  i.  c.  19.  et  de  Mort.  Pers.  c.  18. 

y  Innumerae  in  eo  animi  corporisque  virtutes  claruerunt  ;  militaris  gloriae 
appetentissimus,  fortuna  in  bellis  prospera  fuit  :  verum  ha,  ut  non  superaret 
industriam.  Eutrop.  Brev.  1.  x.  n.  7. 

Constantio  quoque  filius  crat  Constantinus,  sanctissimus  adolescens,  et  illo 
fastigio  dignissimus,  qui  insigni  et  dccoro  habitu  corporis,  et  industria  militari, 
ct  probis  moribus,  et  comitate  singulari,  a  militibus  amaretur,  a  privatis  et 
optaretur.  De  M.  P.  c.  18. 


CONSTANTINE  the  first  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.       39. 

as  it  was.  His  escape  from  Galerius  to  his  father  Constan- 
tius,  is  a  proof  of  considerable  sagacity,  forecast,  and  cir 
cumspection  :  his  valour  had  been  tried  and  approved  more 
than  oncez  in  his  youth,  and  was  conspicuous  on  all  proper 
occasions  throughout  his  whole  life:  hisa  chastity,  together 
with  his  valour,  justice,  and  prudence,  is  commended  by  a 
heathen  panegyrist :  his  many  acts  of  bounty  to  the  poor, 
and  his  just  edicts,  are  arguments  of  a  merciful  disposition, 
and  a  love  of  justice :  he  was  moreover  a  sincere  believer  of 
the  Christian  religion,  of  which  he  first  of  all  the  Roman 
emperors  made  an  open  profession. 

He  is  taxed  by  a  heathen  historian b  with  ambition  and 
prodigality.  He  owns,  however,  that  these  are  the  faults  of 
great  minds :  which  if  Constantine  had  escaped,  he  would 
have  been  perfect. 

Praxagoras,  a  heathen  author,  native  of  Athens,  who,  be 
side  other  works,  wrote  ac  History  of  Constantine,  in  two 
books,  says,  thatd  this  emperor  surpassed  all  his  predeces 
sors  in  all  virtue  and  goodness,  and  in  the  felicity  of  his 
reign. 

VI.  Having  observed  these  virtues  of  Constantine,  and 
other  things,  which  are  to  his  advantage;  a  just  respect  to 
truth  obligeth  us  to  take  notice  of  some  other  things,  which 
seem  to  cast  a  reflection  upon  him. 

Among  these,  one  of  the  chief  is  his  putting  to  death  so 
many  of  his  relations  :  as  Maximian  Herculius  his  wife's  fa 
ther;  Bassianus,  husband  of  his  sister  Anastasia;  Crispus 
his  own  son ;  Fausta,  his  wife ;  Licinius,  husband  of  his 

*•  Fortitudinem  autem  illius  [Constant!!  patris]  jam  turn  in  principiis  conse- 
cutus  es.  Paneg.  vi.  n.  4. 

a  Neque  enim  forma  tantum  in  te  patris,  Constantine,  sed  etiam  continentia, 
fortitudo,  justitia,  prudentia  sese  votis  gentium  praesentant.  Quo  enim  magis 
continentiam  patris  asquare  potuisti,  quam  quod  te  ab  ipso  fine  pueritia3  illico 
matrimonii  legibus  tradidisti,  ut  primo  ingressu  adolescentiae  formares  animum 
maritalem,  nihil  de  vagis  cupiditatibus,  nihil  de  concessis  setati  voluptatibus  in 
hoc  sacrum  pectus  admitteres :  novum  turn  miraculum,  juvenis  uxorius. 
Paneg.  vi.  n.  3,  4. 

b  At  memoria  mea  Constantinum,  quamquam  caeteris  promptum  virtutibus, 
ad  usque  astra  votis  omnium  subvexere.  Qui  profecto,  si  munificentiae  atque 
ambitionis  modum,  bisque  artibus  statuisset,  quibus  praecipue  adulta  ingenia 
gloriae  studio  progressa  longius  in  contrarium  labuntur,  baud  multum  abesset 
deo.  Aur.  Viet.  Caes.  cap.  40. 

Fuit  vero,  ultra  quam  sestimari  potest,  laudis  avidus.     Viet.  Epit.  c.  41. 

c  IIptt£ayO|0«  TS  AQijvats  TTJQ  Kara  TOV  /utyav  Kw^avnvov  l<ropia£  /3t/3Xia 
Svo.  Phot.  Cod.  62.  p.  64.  in. 

Kairoc  rrjv  SrprjffKeiav  'EXXtjvwv,   on  ircury  apery  KOI  KoXoicayaQiy.,  KCII 
iravri  evrvx^rjfiaTi  Travrag  Trpo  avr«  (3tf3a<n\tVKorag  b  fiaaiXtvg 
a7T£Krpin//aro.   ib.  p.  6.5. 


40  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

sister  Constantia ;  and  Licinianus,  or  Licinius  the  younger, 
his  nephew,  and  son  of  the  forementioned  Licinius. 

To  some  of  these  actions  Constantine  was  reduced  by  a 
hard  necessity,  arising  from  the  treacherous  conduct  of  his 
relations,  in  which  therefore  he  is  generally  justified.  For 
the  rest  he  is  blamed,  especially  some  of  the  last ;  which 
is  one  reason,  why  the6  latter  part  of  his  reign  is  not  rec 
koned  equal  to  the  former  part  of  it. 

The  death  of  Maximian  in  310,  hasf  escaped  in  a  manner 
all  censure.  It  was  partly  a  just  punishment  for  past 
crimes,  and  partly  a  necessary  defence  against  future  dan 
gerous  designs  and  attempts. 

In&  314  or  315,  Constantine  put  to  death  Bassianus,  to 
whom  he  had  married  his  sister  Anastasia.  We  have  no  very 
particular  account  of  this  matter;  but  it  is  said,  thath  Con 
stantine  had  discovered,  that  Licinius  had  set  Bassianus 
against  him,  by  means  of  Senecion,  brother  of  the  same  Bas 
sianus,  at  the  time  that  the  emperor  was  designing  favours 
for  him. 

In  325,1  Licinius  was  put  to  death  at  Thessalonica,  after 
that  Constantine  had  reduced  him  to  a  private  condition, 
and  promised  him  his  life.  This  action  is  censured  not  only 
byk  Zosimu*,  but  by  others1  also,  as  contrary  to  the  promise 

e  Verum  insolentia  rerum  secundarum  aliquantum  Constantinum  ex  ilia  fa- 
vorabili  animi  docilitate  mutavit.  Primum  necessitudines  persecutus,  egre- 
gium  virum,  et  sororis  filiura,  commodae  indolis  juvenem,  interfecit ;  mox, 
uxorem ;  post,  numerosos  amicos.  Vir  primo  imperil  tempore  optimis  prin- 
cipibus,  ultimo  mediis  comparandus.  Eutrop.  1.  x.  c.  6,  7. 

f  Cumque  specie  officii,  dolis  compositis  [Herculius]  Constantinum  generum 
tentaret  acerbe,  jure  tandem  interierat.  Aur.  Viet.  Caes.  c.  40. 

Moliens  tamen  Constantinum,  reperta  occasione,  interficere. — Detectis  igitur 
insidiis  per  Faustam  filiam,  quae  dolum  viro  enuntiaverat, — pcenam  dedit  jus- 
tissimo  exitu.  Eutrop.  1.  x.  cap.  3.  Et  vid.  omnino  De  M.  P.  c.  30. 

«  See  Tillem.  Constantin.  art.  36. 

h  Post  aliquantum  deinde  temporis  Constantium  Constantinus  ad  Licinium 
misit,  persuadens  ut  Bassianus  Caesar  fierit,  qui  habebat  alteram  Constantini 
sororem  Anastasiam ;  ut  exemplo  Diocletiani  et  Maximiani  inter  Constanti 
num  et  Licinium  Bassianus  Italiam  medius  obtineret.  Et  Licinio  talia  frus- 
trante,  per  Senecionem  Bassiani  fratrem,  qui  Licinio  fidus  erat,  in  Constanti 
num  Bassianus  armatur.  Qui  tamen  in  conatu  deprehensus,  Constantino 
jubente,  convictuset  stratus  est.  Anon.  Vales,  p.  713. 

1  Vid.  Basnag.  Ann.  325.  n.  3.  Pagi  318.  n.  7,  8.  et  324.  n.  3. 

k  AiKivtov  £e  tig  TTJV  QtffffaXoviKrjv  tKirf^aQt  WQ  fiiutrofjitvov  avToQi  GVV 
a(T0a\«£,  \LIT  8  TroXu  Tag  op««£  Trarijffac;,  (rjv  yap  TUTO  avry  (TW7j0«£,)  ay%ovri 
avrov  TH  %yv  a^mpctrat.  Zos.  1.  ii.  p.  685. 

1  Licinius  Thessalonicae  contra  jus  sacramenti  privatus  occiditur.  Hieron. 
Chr.  p.  181. 

Postremo  Licinius  navali  et  terrestri  proelio  victus  apud  Nicomediam  se 


CONSTANTINE  the  first  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.        41 

which  Constantine  had  made  him,  of  preserving"  his  life.  On 
the  other  hand,  some  attempt  to  justify  it,  upon  account"1 
of  bad  designs,  actually  formed  by  Licinius ;  or  to  excuse 
it,  by11  the  apprehensions  of  designs  to  resume  the  purple 
and  create  disturbances,  contrary  to  engagements.  By  some 
this  matter  is0  past  by,  or?  just  mentioned,  without  either 
censure  or  apology.  Basnage  argues,**  that  there  can  be  no 
good  foundation  for  the  defence  made  by  Socrates,  foras 
much  as  Eusebius  says  nothing  of  Licinius  having  attempt 
ed  any  disturbances  after  his  last  defeat.  Indeed  it  is  ob 
servable,  that  so  many  ancient  writers  charge  Constantine 
with  breach  of  faith  in  this  matter.  Nor  is  it  strange,  that 
some  should  omit  to  pass  any  censure  upon  this  action,  con 
sidering^  the  cruelty,  avarice,  and  other  vices  of  Licinius; 
who  had  in  him  few  agreeable  or  commendable  qualities, 
beside  his  being  a  good  general,  and  a  lover  of  military  dis 
cipline. 

In  326,s  Constantine  put  to  death  his  son  Crispus,  and  his 
nephew  Licinianus,  or  the  younger  Licinius,  who  had  been1 

dedit,  et  contra  religionem  sacrament!  Thessalonicoe  privatus  occisus  est. 
Eutrop.  1.  x.  c.  6. 

m  Socrat.  1.  i.  c.  4. 

n  Sed  Herculii  Maximiani  soceri  motus  exemplo,  ne  iterum  depositam  pur- 
puram  in  perniciem  reipublicae  sumeret,  privatum  jussit  occidi.  Oros.  1.  vii. 
c.  28.  Conf.  Anon.  Vales,  p.  715.  in. 

0  Itaque  Sexennio  post  rupta  pace  apud  Thracas,  Licinius  pulsus  Chalcedona 
concessit.     Ibi  ad  auxilium  sui  Martiniano  in  imperium  cceptato,  una  oppres- 
sus  est.    Aur.  Viet.  Caes.  c.  41. 

p  Dehinc  Constantinus  acie  potior  apud  Bithyniam  adegit  Licinium,  pacta 
salute,  indumentum  regium  orTerre  per  uxorem.  Inde  Thessalonicam  missum, 
paullo  post  eum  Martinianumque  jugulari  jubet.  Hie  Licinius  annum  domi- 
nationis  fere  post  quintum  decimum,  vitae  proxime  sexagesimum,  occiditur. 
Victor.  Epit.  c.  41. 

1  Vellemus  quidem  ea  rebellione  omni  labe  Constantinianam  innocentiam 
liberari.     Verum  enimvero  creditu  difficillimum  est,  Licinium  ad  privatam 
fortunam  redactum  in  bellum  consurrexisse,  quam  Licinii  perfidiam  Eusebius 
non  praeteriisset.     Basn.  325.  n.  3. 

r  ob  diversos  mores  tamen  anxie  triennium  congruere  quiverc. 

Namque  illi  praeter  modum  magnificentia,  huic  parsimonia,  et  ea  quidem 
agrestis  tantummodo  inerat.  Denique  Constantinus  cunctos  hostes  honore  ac 
fortunis  manentibus  texit,  recepitque.  Licinio  ne  insontium  quidem  ac  nobi- 
lium  philosophorum  servili  more  cruciatus  adhibiti  modum  fecere.  Aur.  Viet. 
de  Caesar,  c.  41. 

Avaritiae  cupidine  omnium,  pessimus,  neque  alienus  a  luxu  Venerio,  asper 
admodum,  baud  mediocriter  impatiens  :  infestus  literis,  quas  per  inscitiam  im- 
modicam  virus  ac  pestem  publicam  nominabat,  praecipue  forensem  industriam. 
Agrariis  plane  ac  rusticantibus,  quia  de  eo  genere  ortus  altusquc  erat,  satis 
utilis,  ac  militiae  custos  ad  veterum  institua  severissimus.  Viet.  Epit.  c.  41. 
Vid.  et  Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  x.  c.  3.  p.  396,  397.  De  V.  C.  1.  i.  c.  55. 

8  Vid.  Pagi  324.  n.  3,  4.  325.  n.  48.  Basn.  326.  n.  1,2. 

*  Crispus  et  Constantinus  filii  Constantini,  et  Licinius  adolescens,  Licinii 


42  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

Csesars  ever  since  the  year"  317.     Crispus  had  been  consul 
likewise  in  318,  321,  and  324,  and  Licinianus  in  319. 

Crispus,  son  of  Constantine  by  Minervina,  was  now  at 
least  25  v  years  of  age,  a  person  of  great  qualifications,  who 
had  been  serviceable  to  his  father  in  the  wars  withw  the 
Franks,  and  withx  Licinius.  Many  historians  relate*  the 
unhappy  end  of  this  young  prince.  The  silence  of  Eusebi- 
us  is  reckoned  very  remarkable :  in  his  Ecclesiastical  His 
tory,  he  commends  Crispus;  inz  his  Life  of  Constantine, 
written  several  years  after,  asa  Tillemont  observes,  he  re 
peats  the  same  matters  almost  word  for  word,  but  leaves  out 
all  he  had  said  of  Crispus  :  and  though  he  relates  at  length 
Constantine's  victory  over  Licinius,  in  which  Crispus  had  a 
large  share,  as  he  himself  had  related  in  the  History,  he 
does  not  now  so  much  as  name  him.  These  silences  and 
omissions,  as  the  same  diligent  and  accurate  writer  farther 
adds,  speak  a  great  deal.  For  Eusebius  would  have  ex 
cused  this  thing,  if  he  had  been  able ;  but  he  saw  no  other 
method  he  could  take,  but  to  pass  it  by  in  utter  silence : 
choosing  rather  to  expose  himself  to  the  charge  of  violating 
the  laws  of  history,  than  to  undertake  to  justify  what  all  the 
world  condemned. 

August!  films,  Constantini  ex  sorore  nepos,  Caesares  appellantur.     Eus.  Chron. 
p.  180. 

Filiumque  suum  Crispum  nomine,  ex  Minervina  concubina  susceptum,  item 
Constantinum,  iisdem  diebus  natum  oppido  Arelatensi,  Licinianumque  Licinii 
filium,  mensium  fere  viginti,  Caesares  effecit.  Viet.  Epit.  c.  41. 

Vid.  et  Viet,  de  Caesar,  c.  41.  Idat.  Fast.  Conf.  Zos.  1.  ii.  p.  679.  f.  Anon. 
Vales,  p.  713.f. 

•  Vid.  Pagi  Ann.  315.  n.  3.  et  317.  n.  2.  Basnag.  317.  n.  1. 
v  See  Tillem.  in  Constantin.  Art.  41.  62. 

w  Declarant  ecce  rationem  cupiditatemque  votorum  facta  Crispi  CaDsarum 
Maximi,  in  quo  velox  virtus,  astatis  mora  non  retardata,  pueriles  annos  gloriis 
triumphalibus  occupavit,  &c.  Paneg.  x.  c.  36.  Vid.  et  c.  37. 

x  Constantinus  Caesarem  Crispum  cum  grandi  classe  ad  occupandam  Asiam 
miserat. — Crispus  vero  cum  classe  Constantini  Calipolim  pervenit,  ubi  bello 
maritime  sic  Amandum  vicit,  ut  vix  per  eos,  qui  in  litore  permanserant,  vivus 
Amandus  effugeret.  Anon.  Vales,  p.  714.  Vid.  et  Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  x.  c.  9. 

y  His  cousulibus  occisus  et  Crispus,  et  edidit  vicennalia  Constantinus  Au 
gustus  Romse.  Idat.  Fast. 

Ad  Istriam  duxit  prope  oppidum  Polam,  ubi  quondam  diremtum  Constan 
tini  filium  accepimus  Crispum.  Ammian.  M.  1.  xiv.  c.  11.  p.  63. 

ut  mihi  non  figuratius  Constantini  domum  vitamque  videatur  vel 

pupugisse  versu  gemello  Consul  Ablabius,  vel  momordisse,  disticho  tali  clam 
palatinis  foribus  appenso : 

Saturni  aurea  saecla  quis  requirat  ? 
Sunt  hoec  gemmea,  sed  Neroniana. 

Quia  scilicet  praedictus  Augustus  iisdem  fere  temporibus  exstinxerat  Faustam 
calore  balnei,  filium  Crispum  frigore  veneni.  Apol.  Sidon.  1.  v.  ep  8. 

•  Conf.  H.  E.  1.  x.  c.  9.  et  De  V.  C.  1.  ii.  c.  19. 

•  Constantine,  Art.  62. 


CONSTANTINE  tJtc  first  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.        43 

The  death  of  Crispus  is  ascribed  by  some  historians1'  to 
the  calumnies  of  Fausta.  Zosimus's  account  is,  thatc  he 
was  accused  of  criminal  conversation  with  Fausta,  or  of  at 
tempting1  it.  Gregory  of  Tours  makes  A  the  crime  he  was 
charged  with  to  be  rebellion  ;  in  which  charge  he  supposes 
Fausta  to  have  been  joined  with  him.  Some  historians6  do 
not  seem  to  know  the  reason  of  his  death  ;  which  ignorance, 
or  suspense  possibly,  may  be  ascribed  to  a  respect  for  Con- 
stantine  himself,  or  the  reig'ning  emperor,  in  whose  time 
they  wrote.  Jerom,  in  an  addition,  inserted  by  him  in  Eu- 
sebius's  Chronicle,  condemns  both  the  death  of  Crispus  and 
Licinianus.  *  In  f  this  year,'  says  he,  '  Crispus,  son  of  Con- 
'  stantine,  and  Licinius  the  younger,  son  of  Licinius  and 
'  Constantine's  sister  Constantia,  are  most  cruelly  put  to 
6  death,  in  the  ninth  year  of  their  empire  ;'  that  is,  their 
Ceesarean  empire. 

The  younger  Licinius  could  not  then  be  more  than  a  little 
above  eleven  years  of  age,  if  so  much  :  he  %  is  also  spoken 
of  as  a  hopeful  youth  ;  and  St.  Jerom,  in  the  passage  just 
cited,  calls  his  death,  as  well  as  that  of  Crispus,  a  cruel 
action. 

Next  comes  Fausta,  not  long1  after  the  two  last.  Zosimus 
says,  that  h  Helena  being-  extremely  grieved  for  the  death 
of  Crispus,  excited  Constantino  to  revenge  it  on  Fausta,  the 

b  'On  Qrjai  TOV  "K-wv^avTivov  avtXtiv  TOV  tdiov  Traida,  diaf3o\ai£  TTJQ  nr)Tpvia£ 
avvapiraaQivTa.  Philost.  1.  ii.  c.  4. 

At  Constantinus,  obtento  totius  Roman!  imperil,  mira  bellorum  felicitate, 
regimine,  Fausta  conjuge,  ut  putant,  suggerente,  Crispum  filium  necari  jubet. 
Viet.  Epit.  c.  41. 

c  KpKTTTOv  yap  iraiSa,  rrjs  TS  Katcrapog  (a»£  tipijrai  irpoTtpov}  a£ifa>0evra 

TI/JIIJQ,  tig  vTTo^iav  tXBovTa  ry  Qavzg  r-g  /z/jrpuia  avvtivai, avetXe.  Zos. 

1.  ii.  p.  685.  m. 

d  Hie  Constantinus  anno  vicesimo  imperil  sui  Crispum  filium  veneno, 
Faustam  conjugem  calente  balneo  interfccit :  scilicet,  quod  proditores  regni 
ejus  voluissent.  Gr.  T.  Hist.  Fr.  1.  i.  c.  36. 

e  Quorum  cum  natu  grandior,  incertum  qua  causa,  patris  judicio  occidisset. 
Viet,  de  Cses.  c.  41. 

Sed  inter  haec  latent  causae,  cur  vindicem  gladium,  et  destinatam  in  impios 
punitionem,  Constantinus  imperator  etiam  in  proprios  egit  affectus.  Nam 
Crispum  filium  suum,  et  Licinium  sororis  filium,  interfecit.  Oroe.  1.  vii.  c.  28. 

f  Crispus  filius  Constantini,  Licinius  junior,  Constantiae  sororis  et  Licinii 
filius,  crudelissime  interficiuntur  anno  imperii  sui  nono.  Eus.  Chron.  p.  181. 

8  Primum  necessitudines  persecutus,  Crispum  filium,  egregium  virum,  et 
sororis  filium,  commodse  indolis  juvenem,  interfecit,  mox  uxorem,  post  nume- 
rosos  amicos.  Eutrop.  1.  x.  cap.  6. 

h  TTJQ  Se  Kwvrai/rtva  /iTjrpoc  'EXtvqg  nri  ry  r/jXixsr^J  iraQsi  ^uo-^fpatvao1?;^ 
Kai  ao^erwg  TTJV  avaipeffiv  TH  veu  (f>tp&cri]<;,  KUK<^  TO  KUKOV  ta<raro  ptiZovi'  j3a\a- 
vtiov  yap  wTTtp  TO  perpov  cK7rvpw07jvat  K6\tvcra£,  icai  r«ry  TTJV  Qavrav  evcnro- 
tljTjyaye  vticoav  ytvopivriv.  Zos.  1.  ii.  p.  685. 


44  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

adviser  of  it.  There  is  much  the  same  account J  in  Victors 
Epitome.  Fausta,  however, k  is  accused  by  some  of  adul 
tery  witli  a  very  mean  person  ;  but  that  account  does  not 
appear  well  founded. 

These  are  the  executions,  which  above  all  others  cast  a 
reflection  upon  the  reign  of  Constantine ;  though  there  are 
also  hints  of  the  death  of  some  others  about  the  same  time, 
with  whom  Constantine  had  till  then  lived  in  friendship. 

I  do  by  no  means  think,  that  Constantine  was  a  man  of  a 
cruel  disposition ;  and  therefore  I  am  unwilling  to  touch 
upon  any  other  actions  of  a  like  nature:  as1  his  making 
some  German  princes  taken  captive  fight  in  the  theatre,  and 
sending  the  headm  of  Maxentius  to  Africa,  after  it  had  been 
made11  a  part  of  Constantine's  triumphal  entry  at  Rome. 

At  the  time  of  the  first  affair  Constantine  was  not  a  Chris 
tian  ;  and  but  newly  converted  at  the  time  of  the  other. 
These  things,  too,  may  receive  anjexcuse  from  the  custom  of 
those  times,  and  the  necessity  of  some  outward  severity  at 
the  beginning  of  a  reign,  the  better  to  settle  it,  and  to  deter 
from  farther  attempts.  The  Franks  or  Germans  had  been 
guilty  of  breach  of  faith,  and  therefore  were  punished  for0 
perfidiousness.  And,  by  the  confession  of  ZosimusP  him 
self,  Constantine  used  his  victory  over  Maxentius  merciful 
ly,  and  did  no  more  than  was  necessary  for  his  own  and  the 
public  security. 

As  for  the  deaths  of  his  relations,  of  which  a  distinct  ac 
count  has  been  given,  that  of  Maximian,  as  before  observed, 
seems  a  clear  case:  that  of  Bassianus  lies  in  obscurity;  of 
the  four  last,  the  death  of  Licinius  is  also  doubtful.  And 
what  cause  of  displeasure  there  might  be  against  Fausta,  we 
cannot  certainly  say :  one  might  be  apt  to  suspect,  that  she 
had  been  guilty  of  unfaithfulness  to  the  emperor's  bed,  or 
else  had  greatly  deceived  him  with  regard  to  Crispus,  or 

j  Dehinc  uxorem  Faustam  in  balneas  ardentes  conjectam  interemit,  cum 
eum  mater  Helena  doloreuimio  nepotis  increparet.  Viet.  Epit.  c.  41. 

k  K<pKEivTji'  Se  iraXiv  QuipaOtiffav  TIVI  TWV  Kspawpuv  fjLoi^b)fitvijv,  ry  TS 
X«rpa  ctXtp  aTTOTTviyrjvai  7rpo<ra£ae.  Philost.  I.  ii.  c.  4. 

1  Puberes,  qui  in  manus  venerunt,  quorum  nee  perfidia  erat  apta  militiae, 
nee  ferocia  servituti,  ad  pcenas  spectaculo  dati,  saevientes  bestias  multitudine 
sua  fatigarunt.  Paneg.  vii.  c.  12. 

m  Pari  studio  missum  ejusdem  tyranni  ad  permulcendam  Africam  caput,  ut 
quam  maxime  vivus  afflixerat,  laceratus  expleret.  Nazar.  Paneg.  10.  c.  32. 

n  Sequebatur  hunc  comitatum  suum  tyranni  ipsius  teterrimum  caput.— 
Injiciebantur  vulgo  contumeliosissima?  voces.  Id.  cap.  31. 

0  Vid.  supra  not.  l 

p  'O  Khiv^avrivoc    oXiyo»c  /uev   Tiai  ruv   fTriTrjSfiorartov 
nrtOrjKf.  K.  X.     Zos.  1.  ii.  p.  677. 


CONSTANTINE  the  fast  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.       45 

some  other  matter  of  high  importance.  And  yet  it  must  be 
owned  that  Zosimus*1  does  not  approve  of  her  death  ;  and 
says,  that  Constantine  did  not  mend  the  matter  by  adding 
one  crime  to  another.  And  Apollinarius  Sidonius  reckons1 
the  death  of  Fausta,  as  well  as  of  Crispus,  among  Constan 
tino's  cruel  actions.  The  death  of  Crispus  is  altogether 
without  any  good  excuse ;  so  likewise  is  the  death  of  the 
young  Licinius,  who  appears  not  to  have  been  charged  with 
any  fault,  and  can  hardly  be  suspected  of  any. 

In  order  to  judge  of  the  general  causes  of  these  last  exe 
cutions,  I  think  it  worthy  of  observation,  that  they  all  hap 
pened  very  near  to  one  another ;  when  Constantine  was  come, 
as  it  were,  to  the  top  of  his  fortune,  and  was  in  the  greatest 
prosperity.  And  both8  Zosimus  and*  Eutropius  mentions 
the  pride  of  his  successes,  as  the  cause  and  spring  of  these 
bad  actions.  Here  then  lies  the  general  excuse,  or  alleviation 
of  these  faults.  Prosperity  is  a  dangerous  state,  full  of 
temptation,  and  puts  men  off  their  guard.  Now  also,  it  is 
likely,  Constantine  was  thinking  how  to  secure  the  empire 
in  his  family,  and  perpetuate  the  quiet  possession  of  it,  free 
from  disturbances.  For  this  end,  and  with  this  view,  he 
might  be  too  much  inclined  to  cut  off  both  Licinius  and  his 
son.  And  possibly,  on  the  like  account,  was  too  susceptible 
of  impressions  from  Fausta ;  who  for  the  same  reasons,  that 
Constantine  was  desirous  to  secure  the  empire  in  his  own 
family,  was  also  concerned  to  secure  it  to  his  issue  by 
her. 

Empire  is  esteemed  a  precious  jewel ;  many  are  catching 
at  it ;  and  they  who  are  possessed  of  it,  are  sensible  of  as 
much,  which  causeth  troublesome  and  exorbitant  jealousy. 
It  is  to  be  feared,  that  this  occasioned  the  death  of  Licinius, 
both  father  and  son  ;  and  possibly  had,  some  way  or  other, 
an  influence  in  the  death  of  Crispus. 

We  should  however  be  willing  to  make  allowances  in 
favour  of  princes,  and  especially  of  long  reigns.  It  is 
next  to  impossible,  for  human  wisdom  and  discretion  in  the 
course  of  many  years  filled  with  action,  not  to  be  surprised 
into  some  injustice,  through  the  bias  of  affection,  or  the  spe 
cious  suggestions  of  artful  -and  designing  people.  Though 
therefore,  there  may  have  been  some  transactions  in  this 

q  Vid.  supr.  not.  n.  r  See  before,  p.  42. 

s   ETTti  5'  tig  TTJV  lPa)fjiT]v  aQiKtTO,  fj,fzo£  TTaffrj^  a\a£oviia£,  a<$  i^ia 
Seiv  apZavQai  TTJQ  aatfitiaq'  Kpi<T7rov  yap  Trai^a.  K.  X.  Zos.  1.  ii.  p.  685. 

1  Verum  insolentia  rerum  secundarum  aliquantum  Constantinum  ex  ilia  fa- 
vorabili  animi  docilitate  mutavit.  Primum  necessitudincc  persecutes,  &c. 
Eutrop.  1.  x.  c.  6. 


46  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

reign,  which  cannot  be  easily  justified,  and  others  that  must 
be  condemned  :  yet  we  are  not  to  consider  Constantino  as  a 
cruel  prince  or  a  bad"  man. 

Upon  the  whole  the  highest  stations  of  life  are  not  so  de 
sirable  as  we  imagine  ;  the  happiness  of  them  does  not  com 
pensate  for  all  their  care  and  toil :  and  for  all  those  actions 
necessary  to  keep  them,  which  are  not  consistent  with  inno 
cence.  Great  men  are  rather  to  be  pitied  than  envied. 
They,  however,  who  steadily  pursue  the  good  of  those  who 
are  subject  to  them,  will  have  a  great  reward  for  all  their 
labour  and  care,  and  attention  to  government :  they  are  en 
titled  to  the  highest  honours  from  men,  and  shall  receive  a 
yet  greater  reward  from  God,  the  best  friend  and  truest 
lover  of  mankind. 

VII.  If  we  proceed  to  consider  the  treatment  of  men  un 
der  this  reign,  according  to  their  different  religious  distinc- 

u  Some  have  been  very  severe  in  their  censures  of  Constantine.  They 
who  desire  to  see  an  instance  of  this  may  read  Observat.  Hallens.  xxiv.  Fa- 
bulae  de  Constantino  M.  et  potissimum  de  ejus  christianismo.  Others  have 
passed  a  favourable  judgment  upon  him.  Nor  have  they  scrupled  to  make 
an  apology  for  those  parts  of  his  conduct,  which  are  not  unexceptionable. 
Among  these  latter  are  Balduin.  de  Legib.  Constantini  M.  and  Vitringa  upon 
the  Apocalypse.  From  this  last  I  shall  transcribe  some  observations.  Fuitque 
vere  Constantinus  talis,  qualis  hie  pingitur,  vir  fortis,  et  non  minus  decoro 
corporis  habitu,  quam  animi  magnitudine  et  virtute  insignis.  Vitring.  in  Apoc. 
c.  12.  ver.  1 — 6.  n.  ii.  p.  705.  in.  Fateor  enim,  me  non  videre  qua?  justa 
causa  moveat  christianae  professionis  homines,  cur  tarn  inclementer  de  hoc 
principe  judicent,  in  quo  Eutropius,  ipse  paganus  homo,  ejusque  memoriae,  ut 
constat,  minus  favens,  innumeras  animi  corporisque  virtutes  claruisse  agnoscit. 
Id.  n.  iii.  p.  710.  Csetera  autem  quod  attinet,  si  inter  se  comparemus,  et 
aequa  libremus  lance,  qua?  ab  hac  parte  panegyrici,  Eusebius  et  Eumenius,  in 
ejus  laudem,  ab  altera  obtrectatores  famae  ejus,  Julian  us  et  Zosimus,  in  ejus 
vituperium  scripserunt,  longe  hie  princeps  major  erit  virtutibus,  quam  vitiis. 
Fuerit  enim  supra  modum  munificus,  laudis  amans,  et  quoque,  quod  negare 
nolim,  plus  quibusdam  casibus  tribuens  et  fidens  amicis,  quam  saepe  pruden- 
tia  suadet :  quae  vitia  in  tanti  imperii  et  potestatis  principe  non  sunt  ex  maxi- 
mis:  caetera  imperatorem  praestitit  optumum  et  laudatissimum,  elegantiaj  omnis 
et  literarum  non  patronum  tantutn  sed  et  cultorem.  Quod  enim  ssevitise  quo 
que  et  crudelitatis  ipsi  inuratur  macula,  calumnia  est,  quam  ad  memoriam 
principis  dehonestandum  livor  produxit  paganorum.  Certe  quae  Zosimus  tarn 
de  hoc  vitio,  quam  de  profusa  ejus  liberalitate  et  a<ro>np  scripsit,  ex  invidia  et 
odio  hujus  principis  ab  homine  pagano  vel  maligne  ficta,  vel  in  majus  aucta 
esse,  aequo  et  veri  amanti  lectori  facile  patet.  Quae  enim  de  Crispi  et  Faustaj 
conjugis  nece  habet  ille,  non  tarn  arguunt  Constantini  malitiam  crudelitatem- 
que,  quam  illius  imprudentiam,  qua  factum,  ut  falsis  accusationibus  Faustse 

conjugis facilem  nimis  prabuerit  aurem :  quae  postquam  detectee  fue- 

rint,  quis  mirettir,  tantum  justo  dedisse  dolori,  ut  ab  ea  exegerit  vindictam ?— - 
Certe  si  hoc  vitium  in  principe  regnasset,  non  pauca,  sed  plurima  exempla 
conservata  essent  in  historiu,  quae  spatio  triginta,  et  amplius  annorum,  quo 
summa  imperil  penes  ipsum  fuit,  edidisset.  Nee  neglexissent  gentiles,  iniqui 
omnes  hujus  memorise  principis,  eadem  ad  obscurandam  ejus  laudem  com- 
mittere  posteritati.  Ib.  n.  iv.  p.  712,  713 


CONSTANTINE  the  first  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.       47 

tions  and  denominations,  catholic,  heretic,  and  heathen,  we 
shall  observe  several  things  liable  to  exception. 

The  unequal  treatment  of  catholics  and  heretics,  soon  after 
the  first  ceasing"  of  the  persecution  and  the  opening  of  liberty 
to  the  professors  of  the  Christian  religion,  is  not  to  be  jus 
tified  in  point  of  religion  or  policy.  We  do  not  lay  all  the 
blame  of  this  upon  Constantine.  If  there  be  any  fault,  it  will 
partly  fall  upon  the  Christians,  both  ministers  and  others, 
with  whom  he  advised.  But  it  seems,  that  Constantine  should 
not  have  made  himself  a  party  with  any  of  the  sects,  into 
which  the  Christian  profession  was  then  divided.  It  was  fit, 
that  as  they  had  all  suffered  in  the  late  persecution,  so  they 
should  all  share  in  the  liberty  now  granted.  If  any,  whe 
ther  catholics  or  others,  were  not  contented  with  enjoying 
equal  rights  and  privileges  together  with  their  brethren, 
fellow-creatures,  fellow-sufferers,  and  fellow-subjects,  they 
were  unreasonable  men,  and  showed,  that  they  were  not  to 
be  humoured. 

The  following  treatment  of  those  called  heretics,  when 
Constantine's  government  was  more  firmly  established,  was 
still  more  severe,  and  consequently  more  unreasonable  than 
the  unequal  regards  to  Ccecilian  and  his  party,  and  the  Do- 
natists  in  Africa.  For  then,  as  Eusebius  has  assured  us, 
the  private  assemblies  of  all  heretics,  Valentinians,  Mar- 
cionites,  Cataphrygians,  and  others,  were  prohibited. 

It  is  surprising',  that  our  ecclesiastical  historian  should 
relate  these  things  with  such  manifest  tokens  of  approba 
tion  and  satisfaction.  According  to  that  edict,  Tertullian, 
who  in  the  time  of  the  emperor  Severus  published  so  noble 
an  apology  for  the  Christian  religion  and  its  professors, 
could^not  have  had  liberty  of  public  worship  under  a  Chris 
tian  emperor:  no,  according  to  law,  he  could  not  now,  any 
more  than  in  his  own  time,  have  joined  with  his  friends  in 
the  worship  of  God,  in  the  most  private  place  whatever.  In 
short,  liberty  was  still  given  to  those  only,  who  were  of 
the  emperor's  religion:  and  little  regard  was  had  for  those, 
who  preserved  a  supreme  reverence  for  him,  who  is  King 
of  kings,  Emperor  of  all  emperors,  Sovereign  Lord  of  the 
whole  world,  and  Judge  of  the  thoughts,  reasonings,  and 
determinations,  as  well  as  the  outward  actions,  of  his  rational 
and  intelligent  creatures.  Certainly,  there  remains  a  rest  for 
the  people  of  God  ;  there  is  a  future  recompence  in  another 
world  for  the  strictly  and  inflexibly  virtuous  of  all  deno 
minations.  For  in  this  world  they  scarce  ever  have  secu 
rity  and  protection  ;  but  under  almost  all  governments, 


48  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

without  any  offence  whatever  against  the  state,   they  arc 
treated  as  impious,  profane,  and  disaffected. 

It  cannot  be  reckoned  strange,  that  in  this  place,  and 
upon  occasion  of  this  partiality  toward  Christians  by  the  first 
Christian  emperor,  I  freely  deliver  my  thoughts  upon  it, 
considering  the  said  influence  of  this  precedent :  and  that 
in  consequence  of  it,  and  the  principle  from  which  it  pro 
ceeded,  not  long  after  this,  sometimes  Arians,  sometimes  Ho- 
mousians,  were  under  persecution,  and  all  its  penalties :  or 
else  were  advanced,  without  respect  to  virtue,  only  in  regard 
to  external  agreement  of  opinion  and  denomination,  to  the 
great  prejudice  of  true  religion  and  virtue,  in  every  age  from 
that  time  to  this. 

The  several  laws  of  Constantine  against  heathens  are  not 
to  be  justified.  How  should  Constantine  have  a  right  to 
prohibit  all  his  subjects  to  sacrifice,  and  worship  at  the 
temples?  Would  he  have  liked  this  treatment,  if  some  other 
prince  had  become  a  Christian  at  that  time,  and  he  still  re 
mained  a  heathen1?  What  reason  had  he  to  think,  that  all 
men  received  light  and  conviction  when  he  did?  And  if 
they  were  not  convinced,  how  could  he  expect  that  they 
should  act  as  he  acted  ? 

Now  also  the  Christians,  with  whom  Constantine  advised, 
come  into  a  share  of  blame  with  him.  It  may  be  said,  in 
deed,  that  the  heathen  people  had  given  the  Christians  great 
provocation  by  their  former  terrible  persecutions.  But  did 
not  every  Christian  know,  that  they  ought  to  forgive  inju 
ries?  and  that  they  should  not  return  evil  for  evil?  And 
had  they  not  pleaded  a  right  to  worship  God  according  to 
their  consciences,  thoug'h  the  rest  of  the  world  around  them 
were  of  a  different  sentiment? 

It  may  be  again  said,  that  the  Christians,  or  this  Christian 
emperor,  did  not  put  men  to  death  for  heathenism :  but  this 
is  no  sufficient  apology.  It  would  have  been  strange,  be 
yond  all  instances  of  infatuation,  if  the  Christians  had  return 
ed  all  the  tortures  which  they  had  suffered.  But  indeed  the 
lesser  degree  of  persecution  is  but  a  small  honour  to  the 
Christian  virtue.  For  whatever  was  their  inclination,  it 
could  not  be  prudent  to  exasperate  the  heathens  at  first  by 
laws  of  the  utmost  severity.  But  it  seems,  that  as  Constan- 
tine's  government  and  the  Christian  profession  were  estab 
lished,  the  severity  of  the  laws  against  the  heathen  people 
increased. 

A  prince  has  the  advantage  of  a  right  to  do  many  things 
for  the  service  of  truth  and  virtue.  He  can  protect  men  in 


CONST ANTINE  the  first  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.        49 

detecting  and  exposing  frauds.  He  may  prohibit  nocturnal, 
and  all  secret,  clandestine  assemblies ;  and  may  require  men 
to  perform  their  religious  rites  by  day-light,  and  in  public 
views,  with  their  temple  doors  open.  He  has  the  right  and 
power  of  punishing  evil-doers  of  all  sorts,  and  of  restrain 
ing  and  punishing  all  actions  injurious  to  particular  persons, 
or  contrary  to  good  manners,  and  the  peace  of  society  in 
general.  He  can  protect  and  defend  peaceable,  innocent 
men,  in  their  several  civil  employments,  and  in  their  pursuits 
of  truth,  and  the  profession  of  the  principles  of  religious  or 
philosophic  science.  Nor  have  any  like  him  ability  to  re 
ward  and  encourage  the  virtuous  and  the  skilful.  All  this 
is  the  high  privilege  of  those,  whom  Divine  Providence  in 
trusts  with  the  reins  of  civil  government :  and  he  who  im 
proves  this  prerogative  to  the  utmost,  without  exceeding- 
its  due  bounds  and  limits,  must  be  an  amiable  and  glori 
ous  character.  And  if  this  kind  of  government  had  ob 
tained,  and  been  thankfully  received  and  heartily  approved 
and  applauded  by  Christian  people  for  some  ages,  I  cannot 
but  think,  that  the  religion  of  our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ  would  have  been,  before  now,  the  universal  religion 
of  mankind. 

All  those  things  beforementioned,  a  supreme  magistrate 
has  a  right  to  do  :  but  for  a  prince  to  pull  down  men's  tem 
ples,  where  nothing  is  done  contrary  to  the  peace  of  society, 
to  deprive  them  of  their  statues  and  other  consecrated  orna 
ments,  and  to  forbid  them  to  worship  in  the  way  they  ap 
prove,  and  that  under  heavy  penalties;  what  is  this  but  to 
vindicate,  so  far  as  he  is  able,  by  his  conduct,  all  instances 
of  persecution  in  times  past  ?  and  to  encourage  and  excite 
to  the  like  injustice  in  time  to  come,  all  princes  and  empe- 
perors  toward  such  as  differ  from  them  :  and,  as  it  may  hap 
pen,  those  of  his  own  religion? 

As  the  late  Mr.  Le  Clerc  said,  *  Theyv  that  continued 

*  heathens,  were  no  doubt  extremely  shocked  at  the  manner 
'  in  which  the  statues  of  their  gods  were  treated  ;  and  could 
4  not  consider  the  Christians  as  men  of  moderation.     For,  in 

*  short,  those  statues  were  as  dear  to  them,  as  any  thing, 

*  the  most  sacred,  could  be  to  the  Christians.' 

And,  as  the  same  learned  and  judicious  writer  says  in 
another  place,  speaking  of  the  Christians  below  the  period 
we  are  (as  was  also  the  former  observation):  *  Thusw  the 

*  Christians  went  on,  returning  to  the  heathens  what  they  had 

*  suffered  from  them,  during  the  first  three  centuries ;   in- 

*  stead  of  gaining  them  by  the  patience  and  gentleness,  which 

v  Bibl.  Univ.  T.  15.  p.  54.  w  Bib.  ch.  T.  8.  p.  276. 

VOL.  IV.  E 


50  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

'  they  had  so  much  taught  and  recommended,  when  they 
*  were  the  undermost.' 

It  is  not  a  little  surprising,  that  Eusebius  should  triumph 
over  the  philosophers,  as  he  does,  upon  Constantine's  sol 
diers  pulling*  down  a  temple  of  ^Esculapius  without  being 
hindered  by  that  pretended  deity.  Had  not  Eusebius  often 
heard  with  his  own  ears,  and  read  in  the  history  of  ancient 
martyrs,  the  insults  and  triumphs  of  the  heathens  over  the 
Christians,  that  they  professed  themselves  the  worshippers 
of  the  great,  and  only  true  God,  and  yet  every  body,  that 
pleased,  was  able  to  molest  and  destroy  them,  as  he  saw 
good? 

To  use  the  words  of  bishop  Btirnet,  *  Itx  has  been  often 
observed,  that  though  a  plea  for  moderation  is  the  sanc 
tuary  of  all  the  unfortunate,  yet  their  fortunes  come  no 
sooner  to  be  changed,  but  they  insensibly  get  into  that 
principle,  which  was  so  much  decried  by  themselves, 
when  their  affairs  were  in  an  ill  condition  :  as  if  the  only 
quarrel  they  had  with  persecution  was,  that  they  had  not 
the  managing  of  it  themselves.' 

How  different  is  this  conduct  from  the  principles  and  sen 
timents  recommended  by  Lactantius,  near  the  end  of  the 
last  heathen  general  persecution,  which  the  Christians  suf 
fered  !  whose  argument  upon  this  head  was  at  large  shown 
by  us  some  time^  ago. 

And  how  deplorable  was  the  consequence  !  The  two  pre 
vailing  evils  of  this  reign,  asz  Eusebius  owns,  were  avarice 
arid  hypocrisy.  And  for  certain,  authority  and  force  in 
matters  of  a  religious  nature,  will  multiply  hypocrites. 

Thus  I  have  shown,  that  in  the  time  of  this  first  Christian 
emperor,  there  was  a  treatment  given  to  many  people, 
which  was  not  agreeable  to  strict  justice,  nor  honourable  to 
the  Christian  religion. 

Besides  it  is  likely,  that  a  more  equal  treatment  and  pro 
tection  of  all  sorts  of  people,  who  were  quiet  and  peaceable, 
without  regarding  their  several  speculative  religious  senti 
ments  or  opinions,  would  have  been  more  for  the  peace  of 
the  emperor's  government  ;  and  he  would  also  have  set  an 
example  that  might  have  been  of  great  use  to  Christian  go 
vernments  in  time  to  come. 

In  a  word,  the  conversion  of  Constantine  to  Christianity 

x  Preface  to  the  book  Of  the  Deaths  of  Persecutors,  p.  10. 
y  See  ch.  Ixv. 


Kai  yap  »v  aXqOwg,  Svo  ^aXsTra  TO.VTO.  Kara  TKQ 
TOI  Karevor]ffafitvt  -  upwviiav  T  aXiKrov  rwv  TTJV  tKKXijaiav  i/ 
»cat  TO  xpt'ta^wv  £7ri7r\aTW£  T^Jj/tan^o/xii/wv  ovopa.     DC  V.  C.  1.  iv.  c.  54. 


CONSTANTINE  the  first  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.       51 

was  a  favour  of  Divine  Providence,  and  of  great  advantage 
to  the  Christians  :  and  his  reign  may  be  reckoned  a  blessing 
to  the  Roman  empire  upon  the  whole.  But  there  is  nothing 
perfect  in  this  world  :  oftentimes  advantages  are  not  duly 
improved  ;  and  changes  for  the  better  do  not  fully  answer 
expectations,  nor  turn  out  to  all  the  account  that  might 
have  been  wished. 

From  what  has  been  seen  and  observed  by  us,  it  appears, 
that  the  happiness  of  this  reign  was  not  equal  to  all.  The 
heathens  had  not  liberty  of  worship  ;  for  they  were  forbid 
den  to  sacrifice,  and  all  their  temples  were  shut  up,  which 
must  have  been  exceeding  grievous  to  them.  From  the 
beginning  of  the  liberty  to  the  christians,  some  of  them  too 
felt  the  disagreeable  effects  of  partiality.  And  the  severity 
toward  heretics  increased  :  at  length  these  measures  incom 
moded  by  turns  the  Homousians  and  the  Arians. 

There  was  still  one  thing  more,  which  somewhat  damped 
the  universal  joy  of  the  christians  upon  the  conversion  of 
Constantine,  and  lessened  the  benefit  they  expected  from  it. 
For  the  particular  affection  which  the  christians  in  general 
had  for  Constantine,  was  one  ground  of  the  persecution 
raised  against  them  by  Licinius.  Some  of  the  Christian 
churches  were  pulled  down  or  shut  up  by  his  order,  that 
men  might  not  meet  there  for  their  usual  worship.  *  For/ 
saysa  Eusebius,  *  he  who  gave  this  order,  did  not  think  the 

*  prayers  there  offered  were  for  him,  being  conscious  of  his 

*  own  wickedness.     But  he  thought  we  did  all  for  Constan- 

*  tine,  and  prayed  for  his  prosperity  only.' 

Nay,  the  uncommon  affection  of  the  christians  for  Con 
stantine,  or  the  suspicion  of  it,  was  prejudicial  to  them 
without  the  bounds  of  the  Roman  empire.  It  is  disputed, 
when  the  persecution  in  Persia  began  :  some  place  the  rise 
of  it  in  b  the  year  343,  or  344,  under  Constantius.  But 
Asseman  thinks  itc  began  in  the  year  330,  and  argues  very 
plausibly  d  from  Syrian,  and  other  authors.  Petavius6  was 
of  the  same  opinion,  as  Asseman  also  observes.  Eusebius 
has  inserted  in  the  Life  of  Constantine  f  a  letter,  which  that 
emperor  sent  to  Sapor  upon  that  occasion,  as  it  seems. 


a   '£vvrt\fiffQa.i  yap  8^  ryyeiro  i>7Ttp  avra  ravra  b  T0ia.de  Trpo-rarTwv' 
$av\y  rsro  Xoyi£ojuii/o£'  vTTfp  fo  Xwj"ravrti/8  irpctTTtiv  travra  rjpag,  KO.I  rov 
Qtov  t\£8(T0ai  TrtTrti^o.     Eus.  V.  C.  1.  u.  c.  2.  p.  443.  D. 

b  Vid.  Pagi  343.  n.  3,  4.  et  Basnag.  344.  n.  2,  3. 

c  Haec  aufem  persecutio  coepit  sub  Sapore  anno  Christ!  330,  ut  in  S.  Si- 
meone  Barseboe  statuimus,  duravitque  annis  40,  ut  in  Actis  Martyrum  habe- 
tur,  nimirum  usque  ad  annum  370.  Asseman,  Bib.  Or.  T.  i.  p.  183. 

d  Vid.  eund.  ib.  p.  4—9.  e  Petav.  Rat.  Temp.  Part.  i.  1.  vi.  c.  2. 

f  L.  iv.  c.  9—13. 

E   2 


52  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

Theodorets  too,  has  a  copy  of  it  from  him.  And  Sozomen 
likewise,11  gives  a  particular  account  of  it.  Whatever  was 
the  time  of  this  persecution,  a  notion,  that  the'  Christians  in 
Persia  favoured  the  Roman  empire,  (either  under  Constan- 
tine  or  Constantius,)  was  one  pretence  for  it.  Whether  the 
Christians  gave  any  just  ground  for  such  a  suspicion  or 
charge,  we  cannot  certainly  say.  But  if  they  did,  they  were 
to  blame  :  for  the  Christian  religion  teaches  men  to  be  faith 
ful  subjects  of  the  government  under  which  they  live,  and 
by  which  they  are  protected.  Possibly,  that  charge  against 
the  Persian  Christians  had  no  other  foundation,  but  the  sus 
picions,  or  pretences  and  insinuations  of  ambitious  and  art 
ful,  or  bigoted  and  prejudiced  men  ;  w  ho  had  some  pri 
vate  ends  to  serve,  or  mean  passion  to  gratify  thereby.  But 
if  Constantine,  or  his  successor,  had  protected  the  heathens, 
as  well  as  the  Christians,  in  his  empire,  I  think  he  might 
have  sent  the  king  of  Persia  more  forcible  and  effectual  re 
monstrances  against  that  dreadful  persecution,  than  he  did. 
VTIT.  I  proceed  to  observe  Constantine's  testimony  to  the 
scriptures. 

1.  Eusebius,  giving  an  account  of  Constantine's  conver 
sion,  says,  *  Fromk  that  time  he  resolved  to  give  himself  to 

*  the  reading  of  the  divine  scriptures.' 

2.  We  saw  before  in  a  passage  already  cited,  'that1  Con- 
'  stantine  had  a  kind  of  church  in  his  own  palace,  and  with 

*  cheerfulness  led   the  way  to  those  that  assembled   there 

*  with  him.     Taking  the  sacred  books  in  his  own  hands,  he 
'  attentively  read  and  meditated  upon  the  divine  oracles.' 

3.  Our  historian  drawing  a  comparison  between  former 
emperors  and  Constantine,  says,  *  They™  ordered  the  divine 

*  oracles  to  be  burned  :  he  gave  directions  for  multiplying 
1  copies  of  them,  and  for  magnificently  adorning'  them  at 

*  the  expense  of  the  imperial  treasury.' 

Whether  this  be  something  different  from  what  is  to  be 
presently  taken  notice  of,  or  the  same  with  it,  1  cannot  cer 
tainly  say. 

4.  Constantine  having  enlarged  the  city  of  Byzantium, 
and  consecrated  it  in  the  year  330,  by  the  name  of  Con 
stantinople,  wrote  a  letter  to  our  bishop  of  Csesarea,  to  send 
him  fifty  copies  of  the  sacred  scriptures,  for  the  use  of  the 

R  Thdrt.  1.  i.  c.  25.  h  Soz.  1.  ii.  c.  15. 

Km  £iaj3a\\uffi  7rpo£  2aj3wp»;r  rov  Tore  ficunXta 


OVTO.  T<I>   Kattrapi  'Patuaiwi',  Kai  TO.  Tlfjxrwv  Trpay^iara 
Soz.  i.  ii.  c.  9.  in.  Vid.  et  Assem.  ubi  supr.  p.  183.  a. 

k   Kai  avrog  £'  ij^rj  roig  tvOioig  avayvio^iaai  Trpo(rt%tiv  7j£t8.    De  V.  C.  1.  i. 
c.  32.  '  See  p.  37. 

m  De  V.  C.  1.  iii.  c.  1.  p.  483.  A. 


CONSTANTINE  the  first  Christian  Emperor.     A.  D.  306.        53 

churches  there.     The  letter  probably  was  written  about  the 
year  332,  and  is  to  this  purpose : 

4  The  n  city  that  bears  our  name,  through  the  goodness  of 
Providence,  increases  daily,  and  there  °  will  be  occasion 
for  erecting  in  it  many  churches.  Wherefore  P  we  hope 
you  will  approve  of  our  design,  and  take  care  to  procure 
fifty  copies  of  the  divine  scriptures,  which  you  know  to  be 
necessary  in  churches,  of  fine  parchment,  legible,  and 
easily  portable,  that  they  may  be  the  fitter  for  use,  tran 
scribed  by  such  as  are  most  skilful  in  the  art  of  fair-writ 
ing.  Directions  are  given  to  the  receiver  general  of  the 
province  to  furnish  you  writh  all  things  needful.  By  vir 
tue  of  this  letter  you  may  demand  the  use  of  two  public 
carriages,  for  the  more  commodious  and  speedy  convey 
ance  of  the  fairly  written  books  to  us.  And  if  you  send 
them  by  a  deacon  of  your  church,  he  will  be  made  sensi 
ble  of  our  bounty.  Which  orders/  as  Eusebius  adds, 
were  immediately  obeyed  by  us.  And  1  we  sent  him  ter- 
n ions  and  quaternions  magnificently  adorned,  as  appears 
by  the  emperor's  answer  contained  in  a  letter  sent  to  us 
upon  another  occasion.' 

Valesius  in  his  notes  upon  this  place  says,  that  books 
written  on  parchments  were  generally  bound  up  in  ternibns 
and  quaternions.  The  former  consisted  of  three,  the  latter 
of  four  sheets.  So  that  a  ternion  had  twelve,  a  quaternion 
sixteen  pages.  And  upon  the  last  page  of  these  several 
divisions  was  written  its  number,  1,  2,  3,  and  the  rest. 

It  is  commonly  supposed,  that  hereby  is  to  be  understood 
so  many  copies  of  the  sacred  scriptures  both  of  the  Old  and 
the  New  Testament.  But  I  have  sometimes  suspected,  that 
two  carriages  were  scarce  sufficient  for  fifty  copies  of  the  Bi 
ble,  fairly  written  upon  parchment,  and  handsomely  done  up. 
If  that  were  the  case,  it  might  lead  us  to  think,  that  Con- 
stantine  wrote  only  for  copies  of  the  New  Testament. 

The  tenor  of  Constantino's  letter  leads  us  to  suppose,  that 
these  copies  of  scripture  were  not  for  private  use,  but  for 
the  use  of  churches;  and  probably  for  the  public  readings 
there.  However,  I  may  add,  that  before  the  end  of  the 

'-  De  V.  C.  1.  iv.  c.  46. 

0  Kai  tKK\r}GiaQ  ei/  avry  KaraCKtvaaB^vai  ir\f.isQ.  ibid. 

p  07rw£  av  irtvTrjKovTa  <rw/iara  ev  di^OtpaiQ  eyKaTavKivoiQ  ivavayv(t)<za 

Tt  icai  Trpoc  TTJV  xpjjoiv  £wpra/co/ii<ra,  viro  n^vir^v  KaXAtypa^wv,  Kat  aicpi/3w£ 
TJJV  rexvrjv  €7ri<rajLuvwj/,  ypa^vai  KtXevatiaQ'  TWV  Sciwv  SqXadr]  ypa^wi/,  wv 
/ia\i<ra  TIJV  T  £7Ti<nc£u?jv  Kai  rrjv  xpriviv  TQ  rrjg  e/c»c\»j<Titt£  Xoy^  avayicaia  (ivai 
ib.  p.  544.  A. 


54  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

fourth  century  it  seems  to  have  been  customary,  in  some 
places  at  least,  to  have  a  bible,  or  some  part  of  the  sacred 
scripture,  lodged r  in  some  part  of  the  church,  for  people  to 
read  in  at  their  leisure. 

5.  Eusebius  mentions  it  to  the  honour  of  Constantine, 
that9  he  persuaded  many,  both  men  and  women,  to  seek  the 
true  nourishment  of  their  souls  in  reading  the  holy  scrip 
tures. 

6.  Theodoret  says,  '  that  Constantine  recommended  to  the 
'  bishops  assembled   in  the   council  of  Nice  to  decide  all 
'  things   by  the  scriptures.      It  is  pity,  he  said,  that  now 
*  when  their  enemies  were  subdued,  they  should  differ,  and 
'  be  divided  among  themselves  ;  especially  when*  they  had 
'  the  doctrine  of  the   Holy  Ghost  in  writing.     For,  as  he 
'  added,  the  writings  of  the  evangelists  and  apostles,  and 
'  the  oracles  of  the  ancient  prophets,  clearly  teach  us  how 
'  we  ought  to  think  of  God.' 

So  Theodoret.  But  as  this  is  no  where  distinctly  related 
by  Eusebius,  perhaps  it  may  be  best  not  to  rely  entirely 
upon  this  account. 

7.  1  add  no  more.     This  is  sufficient  to  satisfy  us  of  Con- 
stantine's  sincere  respect  for  the  sacred  scriptures.      Nor 
can  there  be  any  question  made,  but  he  received  all  those 
books  of  scripture,  both  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament, 
which  were  generally  received  by  the  Christians  of  his  time. 

r  Si  quern  sancta  tenet  meditandi  in  lege  voluntas, 
Hie  poterit  residens  sacris  intendere  libris. 

Paulin.  Nolan,  ep.  12.  ad  Severum. 

*  Tif  yvvaia  Kai  fivpia  TrXqOt)  avdpwv  avfTreTrtiice,  Si  tvOewv  avayvuffpaTUV 
XaZtffGai  TWV  TS  <rw/tarog  rpo^wov.  De  Laud.  Constant,  c.  17.  p.  G61.C. 
Kai  ra  iravayis  Trvevfiarog  TTJV  SiSaffKoXtav  avaypanrov  t%ovrag, 
i  yap,  <j)T]ffiv,  /3i/3Xot,  Kai  a7ro<zo\tKai,  Kai  TMV  iraXauttv  Trpo^Tjrwv 
ra  3f(77rio>iarct,  tra^wg  miag,  a  vptj  irtai  TH  $ei&  (baovtiv  eKiraiStvsvi.  Thdrt. 
H.  E.  1.  i.  c.  7.  p.  25.  C.  D. 


The  Council  of  Nice.     A.  D.  325.  55 

CHAP.  LXXI. 

THE  COUNCIL  OF  NICE. 


I.  The  occasion  of  the  Council.  II.  Convened  by  Constan- 
tine.  III.  The  number  of  the  bishops  present.  IV.  Were 
cltiejly  of  the  eastern  part  of  the  Roman  Empire.  V. 
If'/.-o  presided  in  the  Council,  and  the  place  of  meeting. 
VI.  Its  time  and  duration.  VII.  Whether  the  Bible  ivas 
placed  before  them  ?  VIII.  The  points  debated  by  them,, 
with  their  Creed,  Epistle,  and  Canons.  IX.  All  the 
bishops  signed  the  Creed,  except  a  very  few.  X.  The 
sentence  passed  upon  Arius.  XI.  The  judgments  of  an 
cients  and  moderns  upon  this  Council.  XII.  The  deter 
mination  of  the  Council  concerning  Meletius.  XIII.  Con 
cerning  the  time  of  keeping  Easter,  with  remarks.  XIV. 
Concerning  the  Arian  controversy,  with  remarks. 

I.  WHEN  Constantine  became  master  of  the  East,  in  323, 
or  324,  after  the  final  defeat  of  Licinius,  a  warm  controversy 
was  on  foot  in  Egypt  and  the  neighbouring'  countries,  which 
gave  the  emperor  a  great  deal  of  uneasiness.  In  order  to 
puta  an  end  to  it,  and  to  restore  peace  to  the  churches,  he 
sent,  as  b  Eusebius  says,  a  bishop  of  great  note,  (Hosius 
bishop  of  Corduba,  as  Socrates0  informs  us,)  with  a  letter 
addressed  to  the  bishop  Alexander,  and  the  presbyter  Arius, 
the  two  principal  contending  parties.  But  notwithstanding 
the  arguments  and  entreaties  of  the  emperor's  letter,  and  the 
utmost  endeavours  of  the  good  man  who  carried  it,  the  con 
tention,  asd  Eusebius  assures  us,  grew  still  warmer,  and 
spread  wider :  or,  as  Socrates  says,  neither e  Alexander  nor 
Arius  were  softened  thereby,  and  among  the  people  dis 
turbances  increased. 

II.  Whereupon  some  time  in  the  year  324,  Constantine 
sent  letters  unto  the  several  provinces  of  the  empire,  invit 
ing  the  bishops  to  come  and  assemble  themselves  at  Nice 

a  They  who  are  desirous  to  inform  themselves  farther  about  the  council  of 
Nice,  may  consult  Tho.  Ittigi  Hist.  Cone.  Nic.  Tillemont,  Mem.  EC.  T.  vi. 
Pagi  Crit.  in  Baron.  Ann.  325,  327,  340.  and  Basnag.  Ann.  &c.  &c. 

b  De  V.  C.  1.  ii.  c.  61,  &c.  c  Socr.  1.  i.  c.  7.  in. 

d  Ib.  c.  73.  e  OvTt  yap  AXtgai/flpog,  are  Apetog  viro  ruv 

ypa^tvrwv  e/iaXaovrovro.  Socr.  ib.  c.  8.  in. 


56  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

in  Bithynia :  at  the  same  time  giving  orders  also  for  furnish 
ing  them  with  beasts,  or  carriages,  and  for  bearing  the  ex 
penses  of  their  journey.  And  according  to  what  Eusebius 
writes,  «  there  came  thither f  bishops  from  Syria,  Cilicia, 
1  Phoenicia,  Arabia,  Palestine,  Egypt,  Thebais,  Libya,  Me- 

*  sopotamia.     There  was  also  at  the  synod  a  bishop  from 
'  Persia.      Nor  were   there   wanting    some   from    Scythia. 

*  And  the  most  eminent  of  their  bishops  came  also  from 

*  Pontus,  Galatia,  Pamphylia,  Cappadocia,  Asia,  and  Phry- 

*  gia.     Likewise  from  Thrace,  Macedonia,  Achaia,  Epirus. 
'  From  Spain  a  bishop  of  great  note.     The  bishop  of  Rome 

*  did  not  come,  because  of  his  great  age :  but  there  were 
'  presbyters  deputed  by  him.'     Their  names,  in°  Sozomen, 
are  Vito  and  Vincentius. 

III.  The  bishops  who  met  in  this  council,  as  Eusebius 
says,  were  h  more  than  250,  beside  presbyters,  and  deacons, 
acolythists,  and  others,  whose  number  could  not  be  easily 
counted.  Eustathius,  bishop  of  Antioch,  as  cited  by  *  The- 
odoret,  says,  there  were  about  270  bishops.  Athanasius 
reckons  the  numbers  differently.  In  one  place,  he  says, 
they  were  k  31 8,  in  another 1  about  300,  in  other  places  m  300. 
Sozomen  computes  the  number  at  n  about  320.  Socrates, 
transcribing  the  passage  of  Eusebius,  before  referred  to, 
puts  down  °  above  300.  And  afterwards  he  says  they  were 
P318.  Constantine,  in  his  letter  to  the  people  of  Alexan 
dria,  as  exhibited  by  Socrates,  speaks  of  the  synod's  con 
sisting  of  i  more  than  300.  Afterwards  r  of  300.  Theodo- 
ret,  who  cites  the  passage  of  Eustathius  above  referred  to, 
does  himself  count s  them  318.  This  is  the  number  which 
has  been  generally  followed.  And  divers  ancient  writers 
have  observed  a  mystery  in  it,  that  *  the  synod  should  con 
sist  exactly  of  the  same  number  of  men,  with  which  Abra 
ham  u  overcame  his  enemies.  Epiphanius  says,  the  number 
was  318,  asv  appeared  from  the  subscriptions  then  in  being. 
And  yet  Eustathius,  in  Theodoret,  does  most  expressly  say, 

f  De  V.  C.  1.  iii.  c.  6,  7, 8.  Conf.  Socr.  1.  i.  c.  8.  Sozom.  1.  i.  c.  16. 
*  L.  i.  c.  17.  h  De  V.  C.  1.  iii.  c.  8.  *  L.  i.  c.  8.  in: 

k  Ad.  Afr.  Episc.  c.  2.  p.  892.  A. 

1  TpiaKomoi  ?rXaov  t\  tXarTov.  Hist.  Arian.  ad  Monach.  c.  66.  p.  383.  D. 
Oi  ro)v  rpiaKoauov,  K.  X.    Apol.  contr.  Arian.  n.  23.  p.  143.  D.     Twv 

Syi 


rpiaxoanov  TTJV  tyvtyov-  Ib'  n.  25.  p.   144.  F.  Vid.  et  de  Synodis,  num.  43. 
p.  757.  n  Soz.  1.  i.  c.  17.  p.  430.  B. 

0  Socr.  1.  i.  c.  8.  p.  19.  D.  P  Ib.  p.  23.  A. 

1  Socr.  1.  i.  c.  9.  p.  30.  D.  r  Ib.  p.  31.  A. 

»  L.  i.  c.  7.  p.  24.  B.  l  Vid.  Hilar.  de  Synod,  n.  86.  et  118. 

Ambr.  de  Fid.  n.  5.  et  passim.  Liber,  ap.  Socr.  1.  iv.  c.  12.  p.  223.  A.  B. 

Gen.  xiv.  14.  v  wv  KUI  TO.  ovofiara  «£  m  Sivpo 

TpiaKoviwv  dtKa  nai  OKTW  iiriaKOTrwv.  H.  69.  n.  1 1. 


The  Council  of  Nice.     A.  D.  325.  57 

thatw  he  did  not  exactly  know  the  number  :  which  is  some 
what  strange,  if  there  be  any  truth  in  what  Epiphanius 
says, 

The  late  Mr.  Beausobre,  who  did  not  implicitly  embrace 
the  prevailing  opinions  of  the  times  in  which  he  lived,  and 
allowed  himself  to  consider  impartially  what  he  met  with 
in  antiquity,  has  some  thoughts  upon  this  point,  which  may 
be  placed  here.     *  Eusebius,x  who  made  a  great  figure  in 
the  council  of  Nice,  makes  it  not  to  consist  of  more  than 
two  hundred  and  fifty  bishops.     Eustathius  of  Antioch, 
who  complimented  Constantine  in  an  oration,  counts  them 
about  two  hundred  and  seventy. — Athanasius,  who  in  two 
places  says  they  were  three  hundred  more  or  less,  and 
elsewhere  three  hundred,  in  his  letter  to  the  African  bishops 
says  at  length,  they  were  three  hundred  and  eighteen.     I 
suspect,  or  rather  I  make  no  doubt,  but  this  last  place  has 
been  altered.     It  is  not  likely  that  Athanasius,  who  several 
times  expresseth  himself  loosely,  should  in  one  place  be 
so  precise.'    So  that  acute  author.     He  afterwards  observes 
several  other  alterations  of  numbers  in  ancient  authors,  con 
cerning  this  very  matter  ;  and  then  concludes  :  '  If  they  fact 

*  were  capable  of  proof,  I  could  venture  to  be  positive,  that 
'  the  number  of  bishops  present  in  the  council  of  Nice  was 
'  not  fixed  at  three  hundred  and  eighteen,  till  after  the  mys- 

*  tery  of  it  had  been  found  out.* 

IV.  I  hope  I  may  be  excused  for  not  giving  a  particular 
account  of  the  names  and  characters  of  the  bishops,  known 
to  have  been  present  at  the  council :  whether  Homoiisirms, 
or  favourers  of  Arius.     For  this  I  would  refer  to  the  ancient 
z  ecclesiastical  historians  and  their  commentators.     I  would 
nevertheless  observe,  that  the  council  consisted  chiefly  of 
bishops  from  the  several  parts  of  the  East.     It  does  not  ap 
pear  that  there  were  many  out  of  Europe :    or  that  there 
were  any  from  Africa,  exclusive  of  Egypt  and  parts  adja 
cent,  except  Csecilian,  bishop  of  Carthage. 

V.  I   forbear  to  enquire  who   presided   in  the   council ; 
whether  the  legates  of  the  bishop  of  Rome,  or  Eustathius  of 
Antioch,  or  some  other:  and  whoa  complimented  the  em 
peror  in  a  short  oration  upon  his  coming  into  the  assembly ; 
whether  Eustathius  before  named,  or  Eusebius  of  Caesarea : 
as  also  where  the  council  was  held  ;  whether  in  a  church,  or 

w  To  yap  <ra0?£  Sia  TOV  TIJQ  iro\vavdpiag  o^Xov  ow%'  oiog  TE  tifii  ypa^eiv,  Ap. 
Thdrt.  1.  i.  c.  8.  in.  *  Hist,  de  Manich.  T.  i.  p.  529. 

y  Ib.  p.  531.  z  Vid.  Socr.  1.  i.  c.  8,  10,  11,  12,  14,  15. 

Soz.  1.  i.e.  10,  11.  Thdrt.  1.  i.  c.  11. 

4  Vid.  Euseb.  de  V.  C.  1.  iii.  c.  11.  et  Thdrt.  1.  i.  c.  7.  Soz.  1.  i.  c.  19. 


58  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

in  the  emperor's  palace.  They  who  have  a  curiosity  to  be 
satisfied  upon  those  heads,  may  consult  the  authors  referred 
to  in  a  note  at  the  beginning  of  this  chapter. 

VI.  The  council   was  assembled  at  Nice  in  Bithynia  in 
the  year  of  Christ  325.     How  long  it  sat  is  not  absolutely 
certain.     Some  have  made  it  last  two  or  three  years ;  but 
learned  moderns  generally  contract  it  within  a  small  space. 
Basnage  thinks  itb  did  not  continue  longer  than  six  weeks, 
beginning  the  19th  of  June,  and  ending  the  25th  of  July. 
But  for  the  most  part  learned  men  are  of  opinion,  that  it  sat 
somewhat  above  two  months,  beginning  the  19th  of  June, 
and  rising  the  25th  of  August.      So  c  Cave,   and  d  others, 
following  e  Pagi ;  with  whom  Beveridgef  likewise  agrees. 

VII.  Some  have  supposed,  that  e  the  Bible,  or  the  New 
Testament  at  least,  was  placed  upon  a  table  in  the  midst  of 
the  council,  to  intimate  what  was  the  rule  by  which   they 
ought  to  decide.      James   Basnage,  in   his  History  of  the 
Church,  expressly  saysh  so:  which  I  wonder  he  should  do, 
without  referring  to  some  authority.     The  passage  of  The- 
odoret,  alleged  by  mei  elsewhere,  is  no  direct  or  full  proof. 
The  gospels  were  so  placed  in  the  council  of  k  Chalcedon  ; 
which  may  have  been  the  case  likewise  in  this  council  ;  but 
J  do  not  know  of  any  clear  evidence  of  it. 

VIII.  The  three  points  debated  and  determined  there,  as 
appears  from  all   the  ecclesiastical   historians,  and  from  the 
synodical  epistle  of  the  council  itself,  were   the  Arian  con 
troversy  before  mentioned,  the  time  of  keeping  Easter,  and 
the  affair  of  Meletius  in  Egypt. 

There  is  nothing  remaining  of  this  council,  but1  the  creed, 
the  m  synodical  epistle,  and  u  twenty  canons  :  in  °  which  last 

b  Nos  sesqui  fere  raensis  spatio  circumscriptum  esse  putamus — cum  a  Junii 
xix.  quo  synodus  incepit,  ad  usque  Julii  xxv.  spatii  satis  foret  absolvendis  ne- 
gotiis  omnibus,  quorum  patres  una  convenerant.  Basn.  An.  325.  n.  13. 

c  Et  ita  quidem  post  menses  duos,  et  sex  dies,  die  nempe  August!  xxv.  ce- 
leberrimae  huic  synodo  finis  imponitur.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  352. 

d  Vit.  Ittig.  Hist.  Cone.  Nic.  n.  10.  e  Vid.  A.  325.  n.  6,  7. 

f  Bever.  Annot.  in  Can.  Cone.  Nic.  p.  42.  f. 

g  '  Did  not  Constanline  the  emperor,  at  the  opening  of  Ihe  first  general 

*  council,  lay  the  Bible  before  them,  as  the  only  rule,  according  to  which  they 

*  were  to  proceed,  and  this  with  the  approbation  of  all  those  holy  fathers  that 
«  were  assembled  in  that  council  ?'    Tillotson's  Serm.  viii.  Vol.  2.  p.  64.  folio. 

h  Enfin  la  decision — etoit  claire,  et  conforme  a  I1  Evangile  qu'  on  avoit 
place  au  milieu  du  concile,  afin  d'  etre  la  regie  de  la  foi.  Hist,  de  1'Eglise,  T. 
i.  p.  494.  n.  2.  j  See  p.  54. 

k  — 7rpom/i£i>«  tv  Ttp  nt<T({i  TB  ayto>rar«  «ai  a%pavr8  evayytXw.  Labb.  Cone. 
T.  4.  p  93.  C.  »  Vid.  Socrat.  1.  i.  c.  8.  p.  22,  et  25. 

n!  Ap.  Socr.  1.  i.  c.  9.  Thdrt.  1.  i.  c.  9.  n  Thdrt.  1.  i.  c.  8.  f. 

Soz.  1.  i.  c.  23.  in.  Epiph.  H.  69.  n.  11.  p.  735.  A. 

0  Tliat  it  made  no  catalogue  of  sacred  books,  see  Du  Pin.  Diss.  Prelim,  sect. 


The  Council  of  Nice.     A.  D.  325.  59 

there  is  no  catalogue  of  the  books  of  scripture.  But  if  the 
story  of  Paphiiutius,  related  by  P  Socrates,  and  1  Sozomen, 
be  true,  it  may  be  thence  argued,  that  this  council  received 
the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews. 

IX.  All  the  bishops  present  at  the  council   did  at  last 
sign  the  creed,  except  Secundus  bishop  of  Ptolemais,  and 
Theonas  of  Marmarica,  both  in  Egypt.     Sozomen's  account 
is,  *  thatr  at  length  they  all  in  general  decreed,  that  the  Son 
'  was  consubstantial  to  the  Father.     It  was  said,  that  there 
4  were  seventeen  who  at  the  first  favoured  the  doctrines  of 
'  Arius :  but  at  length  most  of  these  came  over  to  the  com- 
*  mon  opinion.'     Socrates  seems  to  say,  that8  there  were  five 
who  stood  out  to  the  last,  and  would   not  receive  the  con- 
substantial    doctrine;    namely,  the  two   Egyptian  bishops 
above  named,  Eusebius  of  Nicomedia,   Theognis  of  Nice, 
and  Maris  of  Chalcedon.     But  the  truth  is,  that  though 
these  three  last  hesitated  for  a  time,  all  subscribed  in  the 
end,  except  Secundus  and  Theonas.     So  Philostorgius  says t 
expressly ;  and  to  the  like  purpose  u  Theodoret :   and  it  is 
manifest  from  the  words  of  the  council  itself,  in v  their  sy 
nod  ical  epistle,  to  be  quoted  presently. 

X.  The  synod  excommunicated   Arius,  and  those  who 
agreed  with  him,  and  forbade  his  going  to  Alexandria,  as 
w  Sozomen  writes.    He  adds,  *  Thex  emperor  banished  Arius, 

and  also  published  an  edict,  that  Arius  and  his  followers 

should  be  esteemed  impious :    that  wherever  any  of  his 

writings  were  found,  they  should  be  burned ;  and  that  if 

after  this  any  were  detected  concealing  his  books,  they 

should  be  liable  to  death.'     Socrates  speaking  of  the  same 

edict  says,  one  part  of  it  was,  that  y  Arius  and  his  followers 

should  be  called  Porphyrians,  as  having  deserved  the  same 

brand  of  infamy,  that  had  been  affixed   on  Porphyry  for 

writing  against  the  Christian  religion. 

This* whole  sentence  therefore  all  the  adherents  of  Arius 
were  involved  in,  equally  with  himself,  except  what  relates 
to  his  writings.  And  every  part  of  this  sentence,  I  think, 
had  been  decreed  before  the  council  broke  up,  and  is  in 
cluded  in  these  modest,  or  artful  expressions  of  the  synodi- 
cal  epistle.  *  Andz  the  things  that  nave  been  decreed  con. 

v.  p.  12.  Tillem.  Concil.  de  Nicee,  art.  xvi.  fin.  Basnage  Hist,  de  TEglise, 
1.  viii.  ch.  8.  n.  1.  P  Socr.  1.  i.  c.  11.  *  Soz.  1.  i.  c.  23. 

r  ffvvtf3rjffav  a\\rj\otg  TTCIVTSQ  01  itpftf,  nai  ofiosffiov  tivai  T<#  irarpi, 

TOV  vlov  £i|/»j0i<ravro.  K.  X.  Soz.  1.  i.  c.  20.  in. 

8  Socr.  1.  i.  c.  8.  p.  23.  A.  B.  l  Vid.  Philost.  1.  i.  n.  8,  9. 

u  Thdrt.  1.  i.  c.  8.  fin.  v  Ap.  Socrat.  1.  i.  c.  9. 

*  Soz.  1.  i.  c.  21.  p.  435.  C.  D.  et  436.  A.  B.  x  Soz.  ibid. 

y  Socr.  1.  i.  c.  9.  p.  32.  A.  B.  «  Ap.  Socr.  ib.  p  28.  A,  B. 


60  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

4  cerniiig  him  either  you  have  already  heard,  or  will  hear; 

*  that  we  may  not  seem  to  insult  a  man,  who  has  received 

*  the  just  reward  of  his  iniquity.     Anda  so  far  as  his  impiety 

*  prevailed,  as  to  draw  into  the  like  perdition  Theonas  of 

*  Marmarica,  and   Secundus  of  Ptolemais.     For  the  same 
'  sentence  has  been  passed  upon  them  and  him.' 

XI.  This  council  has  received  great  commendations  from 
many,  both  ancients  and  moderns.  Athanasius,  agreeably 
to  the  sense  of  many  others  in  his  own  time,  says,  that  one 
council  was  sufficient  without  any  other.b  These  Epipha- 
nius  c  reckoned  to  be  the  two  great  benefits  which  the 
church  received  from  Divine  Providence  by  means  of  Con- 
stantine  :  that  by  calling  the  council  of  Nice,  he  procured  a 
determination  of  faith  against  Arians,  and  a  certain  rule  for 
keeping  Easter. 

By  moderns  thisd  is  said  to  be  not  only  the  first  oecume 
nical  council,  but  also  the  most  celebrated  council,  since 
the  time  of  the  apostles.  It  e  is  the  most  famous,  and  the 
most  venerable  of  all  councils  :  thanf  which  the  church  has 
nothing'  more  illustrious. 

It  has  also  been  censured  by  some  of  former,  as  well  as 
later  ages.  Sabinus,  bishop  of  Heraclea  in  Thrace,  one  of 
those  Arians,  which  were  called  Macedonians,  who  wrote 
a  history  of  councils,  and  is  often  cited  by  Socrates,  called  e 
the  bishops  of  the  council  of  Nice  weak  and  illiterate  men. 
Among  moderns  some  have  not  scrupled  to  say,  that  in  this, 
as  well  as  in  most  other  councils,  party,  passion,  and  in 
trigue,  bore  a  great  sway.  I  put  downh  at  large  in  the 
margin  one  censure  of  this  kind. 


e  ia%vaev  UVTH  rj  affifia,  —  TWV  yap  O.VTWV  Kqiceivoi  TtTV%T]Kaaiv. 
Ap.  Socr.  p.  28.  B. 

b  Tt£  •>}  Xl°aa  T(3)V  Wlfofwt  apiC8<T7j£  r?jg  iv  NiKot^t  y£voju£v»;c  7rpO£  re  TI\V 
Aptiavrjv  Kai  rag  a\\ag  alpfdag  ;  de  Synod,  n.  6.  p.  720.  A.  —  AXXa  fiovov 
KpctTtiTo  tv  vpiv  f)  iv  Nucai^t  Trapse  TTorfpwj'  ojuoXoyjjStKTa  -^L^'IQ  —  Avrr)  yap  rj  tv 
ffiKaKf,  ffvvodoQ  aXrjduig  TjjXoypa^ia  Kara  TracrTjg  aiptotwQ  t<riv.  Ad  African,  n. 
10,  et  11.  p.  899.  D.  c  H.  70.  n.  ix.  p.  821.  B.  C. 

d  CEcumenicarum  prima,  omnium  post  apostolicas  celebratissima  synodus. 
Beverig.  Annot.  p.  42. 

e  Basnag.  Hist,  de  1'Eglise,  liv.  x.  ch.  2.  n.  ii. 

f  -  hunc  Nica3num  patrum  conccssum,  quo  nihil  deinde  unquam 
'.llustrius  habuit  ecclesia.  Balduin.  De  Leg.  Const.  M.  1.  i.  p.  55. 

K  T«c  fitv  ev  Niicai^,  wg  a<f>e\eig  KCII  i^iwrag  Sitavpt.  Socr.  1.  i.  c.  8.  p.  22.  A. 
AXX'  iBitoTag,  Kai  nqtxtiv  yvaxJiv,  TSQ  ticu  avvfX9ovrag  t^Tjffiv.  C.  9.  p.  31.  D. 

h  Quod  ad  caetera  post  [apostolicum]  consecuta  symbola,  quaB  in  conciliis 
cecumenicis,  ut  vocantur,  cusa  fuerunt,  ea,  quia  recentiora  sunt,  cum  his  com- 
parari  non  merentur.  Et,  si  quod  res  est  dicendum  est,  ea  ab  episcopis  inter 
se  magna  cum  semulatione  jurgantibus  et  contendentibus,  ex  fervore,  si  non 
furore,  partiumque  studio  insano  ac  male  feriato,  praecipitata  potius  videri  de- 
bent,  quam  a  compositis  animis  profecta.  Vide  P.  Martyrem,  in  Comm.  in  1 


The  Council  of  Nice.     A.  D.  325.  61 

XII.  Let  us  in  the  next  place  observe  the  several  points 
brought  before  this  council. 

One  was  the  Meletian  controversy,  or  schism.  Of  which 
I  intend  not  to  give  any  farther  account  than  was  done  * 
formerly.  I  only  add,  it  seems  to  me  that  there  could  be 
no  occasion  to  call  a  general  council  for  the  sake  of  it.  It 
might  have  been  determined  by  the  Egyptian  bishops,  and 
their  neighbours. 

XIII.  Another  point  brought  before  them,  and  one  k  oc 
casion  of  their  meeting,  was  the  disagreement  of  the  churches 
in  several  parts  of  the  world  about  the  time  of  keeping  Easter : 
which  the  council   now  determined  should  be  observed  by 
all  on  the  Sunday,  which  followed  immediately  after  the  14th 
of  the  moon,  that  happened  next  after  the  vernal  equinox: 
which  (equinox)  happened  that  year  on  the   21st   day  of 
March. 

Upon  this  we  may  make  several  remarks. 

1.  There  was  no  great  harm  in  appointing  Easter  to  be 
kept  by  Christians  in  general  at  one  and  the  same  time,  pro 
vided  this  rule  was  not  too  rigorously  enforced.  But  gene 
rally,  when  once  determinations  are  made  concerning  the 
most  indifferent  matters  by  a  respected  authority,  the  con 
sequence  is,  that  in  a  short  time  they  are  imposed  with  great 
rigour  and  severity.  Proofs  of  it  in  this  very  case  may  be 
seen  in1  Bingham. 

*2.  There  was  no  necessity  of  a  determination  for  fixing 
the  time  of  keeping  Easter.  Christians  might  have  been 
every  where  left  at  liberty  to  take  the  time  they  liked  best, 

lib.  Reg.  cap.  xii.  Unde  et  eadem  veluti  poma  Eridos  fuerunt  in  ecclesia,  et 
non  litium  tantum  et  rixarum,  sed  trbtissimarum  divisionum,  seditionum,  fac- 
tionum,  et  persecutionum  seminaria  fuerunt.  Exinde  quis  sine  lacrymis  legere 
potest,  quot  contentiones  inter  Orientales  et  Occidentales  ecclesias,  post  con- 
ditum  symbolum  Nicaenum  de  voce  o/nostrts  viguerint. — Videatur  Sozom.  1.  ii. 
cap.  8.  Soci-.  1.  ii.  cap.  37.  Thdrt.  1.  ii.  c.  18,  19,  21.  Episc.  Inst.  Theol. 
1.  iv.  c.  34.  p.  340.  l  See  Vol.  iii.  ch.  Ixi. 

k  Vid.  Euseb.  V.  C.  1.  iii.  cap.  v. 

1  Having  spoken  of  this  controversy,  as  it  had  been  managed  in  the  time  of 
Pope  Victor,  he  adds :  «  But  when  the  great  council  of  Nice  had  once  under- 
'  taken  to  determine  this  matter,  such  a  deference  was  thought  proper  to  be 
«  paid  to  her  decree, — that  from  this  time,  the  opposers  of  the  decree  are  com- 
«•  monly  censured  either  as  heretics  or  schismatics.  The  Audians  railed  at  the 

*  council  of  Nice  for  introducing  a  new  custom — and  made  a  separation  in  the 

*  church — upon  which  Constantine  banished  Audius  their  leader  into  Scythia. 

*  —And  for  this  reason  the  imperial  laws  were  often  very  severe  upon  the 

*  Quartodecimans.     Theodosius  the  Great,  in  one  of  his  laws,  ranks  them  with 
'.  the  Manichees,  forbidding  their  conventicles,  confiscating  their  goods,  ren- 
4  dering  them  intestate,  and  liable  also  to  capital  punishment.1     Bingham's 
Antiq.  B.  xx.  Ch.  v.  vol.  x.  p.  102,  103. 


i: 


62  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

or  not  to  keep  it  at  all.  For,  as  Socrates  says,  itm  was  not 
the  design  of  the  apostles  to  deliver  laws  about  festivals, 
but  to  teach  men  virtue  and  piety.  And  some  learned  and 
acute  men  of  late  times  have  been  of  opinion,  thatn  so  tri 
fling  a  thing  did  not  deserve  all  the  pains  that  was  taken 
about  it :  and  that  the  ancients  were  more  solicitous  to  pro 
cure  an  agreement  than  they  should  have  been. 

3.  Notwithstanding  all  the  care  taken  to  bring  men  to  uni 
formity  in  this  practice,  it  was  not  obtained.     Even  they 
who  were  willing  to  keep  Easter  according  to  the  order  of 
the  council,  differed  in  their  computations.     Bingham  says, 
it  sometimes  happened,  that  °  the   churches  of  one  country 
still  kept  it  a  week,  or  a  month,  sooner  than  others :    of 
which  he  gives  several  instances. 

4.  Once  more,  the  council's  determination  concerning  this 
oint  has  not  been  approved  by  all  moderns,  any  more  than 

by  all  of  that  time.  I  place  some  proofs  of  this  at  the  bot 
tom  of  the  P  page. 

XIV.  But  the  principal  determination  of  the  council  of 
Nice  relates  to  the  Arian  controversy. 

1.  And  the  first  remark  to  be  made  here  is,  thati  their 

m  ZKOTTOC  fjifv  sv  ytyove  TOIQ  aTro-roXotg  e  TTfpi  J7fitpa>v  copracrrucwv  vo/zo0£- 
THV,  a\\a  (3tov  opQov  Kai  ri}v  Sreoatfitiav  tiar}yr]aaaQai.  Socr.  1.  v.  C.  22.  p. 
283.  D. 

11  De  die  Paschae  quaestio  res  levior  videri  poterat.  Superstitiosior  fortassis 
fuit  posteritas  in  hoc  genere,  quam  opus  erat.  Atque  ut  earn  puniret  Deus, 
passus  est,  sensim  vitiata  anni  mensiumque  supputandorum  vera  ratione,  et 
sequinoctiorum  diligenti  consideratione  neglecta,  eo  rem  recidere,  ut  integro 
jwope  mense  imprudentes  plerumque  dissideamus  ab  eo,  quern  Nicaeni  Patres 
praefixerant,  die  Paschae.  Balduin.  de  Leg.  Const.  M.  1.  i.  p.  62,  63. 

0  Bing.  Antiq.  B.  xx.  Ch.  v.  Vol.  9.  p.  107,  &c.  Conf.  Ittig.  Hist.  Cone. 
Nic.  p.  60,  61,  104. 

P  Rectius  facturos  fuisse  theologos  Nicaenos,  si  Pascha,  aeque  ac  Christ! 
festum  natale,  jussissent  eo  die  celebrari,  quo  resurrexisse  credimus  Christum, 
in  quemcunque  diem  hebdomad  is  hoc  festum  incideret,  censet  Lutherus  noster 
in  hbro  de  Conciliisin  T.  vii.  Witteb.  Germ.  f.  478.  Nunc  tamen  morem  tot 
seculis  usitatum  migrandum  esse,  negat.  Recte  etiam  summus  ille  mathemati- 
cus,  Jo.  Bernullius,  in  suo  ad  senatum  Basileensem  response,  de  die,  quo  cele- 
brandum  Pascha,  censet,  negligi  debuisse  tarn  canones  Nicaenos,  quam  operosam 
supputationem  astronomicam  plenilunii  Pascha'lis.  Ejusdem  haec  sunt :  Me- 
lius  fuisset,  si  protestantes  non  essent  secuti  statuta  concilii  Nicaeni,  sed  quern- 
dam  solis  diem  in  principium  veris  incidentem  :  e.  g.  primum  post  eequinoc- 
tium  vernum,  detemiinassent,  ac  decrevissent,  ut  eo  die  annuatim  festum  Pas- 
clmtis  celebretur.  Hoc  methodo  omnes  lites  tolli  possent,  quoe  superfluis  sub- 
tilitatibus  ortum  suum  debent.  Heumann.  Diss.  de  Vero  Paschate,  p.  13.  not. m. 

q  quo  Arianorum  content  io  damnata  est,  cusumque  symbolum,  quo 

Filius  Dei  «  genitus,'  non  '  factus'  Patrique  '  consubstantialis,'  affirmabatur. 
Verum,  neque  hac  definitione,  neque  illorum  exiliis,  qui  subscribere  renuerunt, 
finis  malo  allatus  est.  Quippe  Arian  i,  turn  ultimis  Constantini  annis,  turn  in 


The  Council  of  Nice.     A.  D.  325.  63 

decisions  had  not  the  intended  effect ;  peace  and  unity  were 
not  thereby  restored  to  the  churches.  Of  this  we  have  full 
assurance  from  the  two  ecclesiastical  historians,  Socrates 
and  Sozomen.  The  first  of  which  writes  to  this  purpose  : 

*  Eusebiusr  Pamphilus  says,  that8  soon  after  the  synod,  the 
'  Egyptians  quarrelled  among  themselves ;  though  he  does 

*  not  say  why. — But  as  we  have  perceived  by  several  let- 

*  ters,  which  the  bishops  wrote   to   one  another  after  the 
'  council,  the  word  consubstantial  was  disagreeable  to  some. 
'  And  whilst  they  indulged  too  curious  inquiries  about  that 
(  expression,  they  raised  an  intestine  war  among  themselves, 

<  which  way  be  said  to  have  been  not  unlike  fighting  in  the 
'  dark  :    for  neither  side  seemed  to  know   why  they  re- 

*  preached  each  other.     But  they  who  disliked  the  word 
'  consubstantial,   supposed  that  they  who  approved  of  it, 

*  intended  to  advance  the  sentiment  of  Sabellius,  or  Monta- 

*  nus  :  and  therefore  charged  them  with  blasphemy,  as  *  de- 
'  nying  the  existence  of  the   Son  of  God.     On  the   other 

*  hand,  they  who  were  for  maintaining*  the  term  consubstan- 
«  tial,  supposing  their  adversaries  to  introduce  polytheism, 

*  charged  them  with  a  design  to  revive  heathenism.     Eusta- 

<  thius   bishop  of  Antioch  reproached  Eusebius  with  cor- 
«  rupting  the  Nicene  faith.     Eusebius  answers,  that  he  does 

*  not  at  all  depart  from  that  faith,  and  accuseth  Eustathius 
'  with  introducing  Sabellianism.     By  this  means  they  were 
'  induced  to  write  against  one  another,  as  enemies.     And 
'  though  both  sides  maintained,  that  u  the  Son  of  God  was 
'  a  distinct  person,  and  had  a  proper  existence,  and  owned 
'  one  God  in  three  persons,  they  made  a  shift,  one  knows 

*  not  well  how,  to  differ  with  each  other;  nor  could  they 
'  live  in  peace  and  quietness.'     And  to  the  like  purpose v 
Sozomen. 

The  history  of  the  church  in  the  fourth  century,  fully  jus 
tifies  the  observations  of  those  writers.  In  short,  notwith 
standing  the  professions  made  by  many,  of  a  high  venera 
tion  for  councils,  men  do  not  value  them  any  farther,  than 
they  countenance  their  own  particular  opinions  ;  and  if  they 
are  under  no  restraints  of  external  force,  they  contradict 
their  decisions  without  scruple. 

2.  No  man,  or  number  of  men,  separate,  or  united   in 

primis  sub  Constantino,  Ariano  ipso,  vires  resumsere,  nee  uno  in  concilio  pra- 
valuere.  Turret.  Compend.  H.  E.  p.  33,  34. 

^  Socr.  1.  i.  c.  23.  p.  58.  A.  B.  C.  D.  s  Vid.  de  Vit.  Constantin. 

1.  iii.  c.  23.  *  'Qf  avaipsvra(;  ri\v  vTrafav  TS  'Via  TS  Qe».  ib.  C. 

u  Afi(f>orfpoi  re  Xeyovreg  eWTTOTarov  re.  KOI  twirapyovra  rov  'Yioi>  uvai  r« 
Of»,  tva  TI  Qtov  iv  rpiffiv  vn-o^aaeaiv  &vai  ouoXoyavrff.  K.  \.  p.  58.  D. 

v  L.  ii.  c.  18.  p.  468.  C.  D 


64  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

council,  since  the  times  of  Christ  and  his  apostles,  have  any 
right  to  decide  in  matters  of  faith.  It  is  inconsistent  with 
the  respect  due  to  Jesus  Christ,  to  attempt  it ;  unless  they 
can  show  themselves  to  be  inspired,  and  work  miracles,  to 
manifest  evidently  a  divine  commission.  And  if  any  such 
case  as  that  should  happen,  (which  is  very  unlikely,)  1  think 
that  what  even  such  persons  should  propose,  must  be  tried 
and  examined  by  the  doctrine  of  the  gospel,  delivered  in 
the  New  Testament.  This  is  agreeable  to  many  things  said 
by  our  Lord,  particularly  Matt,  xxiii.  9,  10 ;  "  And  call  no 
man  your  father  upon  the  earth  ;  for  one  is  your  Father, 
which  is  in  heaven.  Neither  be  ye  called  masters  ;  for  one 
is  your  Master,  even  Christ."  Compare  1  Cor.  iii.  11—23. 

3.  The  introducing  force  and  authority  in  matters  of  a 
speculative  nature,  is  subversive  of  true  religion  and  virtue  ; 
for  what  avail  human  decisions,  when  they  are  not  satisfy 
ing  ?  If  you  can  bring  reason  or  scripture  for  any  doctrine, 
men  will  assent ;  but w  to  say,  that  the  bishops  of  such  a 
council  have  so  declared  and  determined,  is  not  convincing : 
therefore  it  ought  not  to  be  expected,  that  men  should  con 
fess  and  act,  as  if  they  were  convinced.  If  you  make  use  of 
any  methods,  beside  those  of  rational  arguments,  to  induce 
men  to  profess  and  act  as  you  desire,  you  do  what  lies  in 
your  power  to  make  them  lie  and  prevaricate.  So  did  this 
council  of  Nice. 

It  has  been  sometimes  said,  that  they  show  their  modera 
tion  in  their  manner  of  speaking,  concerning  the  sentence 
passed  upon  Arius.  But  I  own  I  can  discern  no  such 
thing.  There  may  be  art  and  dissimulation,  but  there  is  no 
real  moderation,  or  sincere  kindness  in  what  they  write. 
Whatever  the  sentence  was,  they  approved  of  it :  if  it  had 
not  been  agreeable  to  their  mind,  Constantine  would  not 
have  banished  Arius,  or  his  adherents.  Moreover,  before 
the  meeting  of  this  council,  Alexander  and  his  synod  had 
excommunicated  Arius,  and  banished  him  from  the  city  of 
Alexandria. 

Thus  this  council  of  Nice  introduced  authority  and  force 
in  the  church,  and  the  affairs  of  religion.  Or,  if  authority 
had  been  introduced  before,  they  now  openly  countenanced 
it,  and  gave  it  a  farther  sanction. 

This  way  of  acting,  may  be  supposed  to  have  been  the 
chief  cause  of  the  ruin  of  the  Christian  interest  in  the  east. 

w  Conciliis  non  majorem,  quam  Aristoteli,  tribuit  auctoritatem  Danhauerus 
in  Hodosophia,  p.  129.  Utrisque  enim  ideo  fidem  habendam,  quod,  quae  sta- 
luerunt,  recte  statuerunt,  et  vel  scripturae  sacrae  vel  ration!  convenienter. 
Heumann.  Diss.  de  vero  Pasch.  p.  13.  not.  m. 


The  Council  of  Nice.     A.  D.  325.  65 

'    fc  • 

This  and  the  like  determinations  of  speculative  doctrines, 
and  the  violent  methods,  by  which  they  were  enforced,  may 
be  reckoned  to  have  paved  the  way  for  Mahometan  ism, 
more  than  any  thing-  else.  By  these  means  ignorance,  and 
hypocrisy,  and  tedious  rituals,  came  to  take  place  of  hones 
ty,  true  piety,  and  undissembled,  spiritual,  and  reasonable 
worship  and  devotion. 

In  about  three  hundred  years  after  the  ascension  of  Jesus, 
without  the  aids  of  secular  power,  or  church  authority,  the 
Christian  religion  spread  over  a  large  part  of  Asia,  Europe, 
and  Africa :  and  at  the  accession  of  Constantine,  and  con 
vening  the  council  of  Nice,  it  was  almost  every  where, 
throughout  those  countries,  in  a  flourishing  condition.  In 
the  space  of  another  three  hundred  years,  or  a  little  more, 
the  beauty  of  the  Christian  religion  was  greatly  corrupted 
in  a  large  part  of  that  extent,  its  glory  defaced,  and  its  light 
almost  extinguished.  What  can  this  be  so  much  owing  to, 
as  to  the  determinations  and  transactions  of  the  council  of 
Nice,  and  the  measures  then  set  on  foot,  and  followed  in 
succeeding  times  ? 

These  impositions  poison  the  waters  of  the  sanctuary  at 
the  very  fountain.  They  require  the  ministers  of  Christ, 
the  officers  of  his  church,  to  subscribe  certain  articles  upon 
pain  of  heavy  forfeitures :  arid  a  subscription  to  these  arti 
cles,  whether  believed  or  not,  gives  a  right  to  preferment. 
If  any  subscribe  what  they  are  not  satisfied  about,  and  so 
enter  into  the  service  of  the  church,  (which  is  very  likely 
to  happen,)  they  gain  and  hold  their  offices  by  the  tenure 
of  hypocrisy.  How  can  religion  flourish  in  this  way  ?  Will 
the  persons  who  have  so  subscribed,  (without  conviction,  or 
against  it,)  be  sincere  and  upright  ever  afterwards  ?  Will 
they,  upon  all  other  occasions,  speak  the  truth  without  fear 
or  favour,  who  have  once  solemnly  and  deliberately  preva 
ricated  $  and  can  others  entirely  confide  in  them  ?  or  can 
they  heartily  reverence  them,  as  upright  and  disinterested 
men? 

The  temptation  upon  some  occasions  must  be  exceeding 
strong,  and  many  specious  things  may  be  offered,  to  put  a 
fair  colour  upon  unrighteousness.  Even  an  appearance  of 
religion  may  concur  with  secular  interest,  to  impose  upon 
the  mind,  and  lead  to  what  is  not  to  be  justified.  Has  a 
person  at  great  expense  of  study  and  labour  qualified  him 
self  for  the  service  of  the  church,  with  a  sincere  view  of 
usefulness  in  an  important  station  ?  how  grievous  must  it 
be,  to  be  after  all  disappointed  and  excluded  !  If  any  ob 
stacles  lie  in  the  way,  there  is  great  danger  of  compliance, 

VOL.  IV.  F 


66  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

not  quite  consistent  with  duty  and   conscience,  provided 
those  bars  cannot  be  removed. 

The  temptation  may  be  still  stronger  to  some,  who  are 
already  settled  in  agreeable  stations.  How  trying  is  this 
case !  This  was  the  case  of  Eusebius,  bishop  of  Caesarea ; 
he  was  in  a  station  of  great  honour  and  usefulness,  beloved 
by  his  people,  and  they  by  him :  moreover  he  might  ima 
gine,  and  reasonably,  that  his  usefulness  as  an  author,  de 
pended  much  upon  his  continuance  in  that  station.  With 
out  the  advantages  which  he  there  enjoyed,  he  could  not 
carry  on  his  various  designs  for  composing  useful  books, 
which  he  hoped  might  be  of  extensive  service  to  the  Chris 
tian  religion,  in  that  and  future  times.  Was  not  this  a 
temptation  to  sign  what  he  did  not  approve  of? 

I  beg  leave,  however,  to  add  here,  that  I  would  be  cau 
tious  of  condemning  particular  persons,  whose  circumstances 
I  am  not  exactly  acquainted  with.  Nor  do  I  absolutely 
condemn  Eusebius:  the  reason  is,  that  he  was  present  at 
the  drawing  up  of  the  Nicene  Creed,  and  declared  in  what 
sense  he  understood  the  word  consubstantial.  This  is  an 
advantage  which  may  not  be  allowed  to  all  :  when  they 
have  not  a  liberty  to  explain  themselves,  it  will  cause  a  di 
versity  of  case. 

Tillemont  has  these  words :  '  It x  was  then,  fear  of  ba 
nishment,  and  of  the  shame  of  having  so  illustrious  an  as 
sembly  the  witness  of  their  ignominy,  that  induced  the 
Arians  to  make  haste  to  renounce  the  doctrines  that  had 
been  condemned,  to  anathematize  them,  and  subscribe  the 
consubstantial  faith,  after  all  the  other  bishops  ;  being  led 
by  Eusebius  of  Nicomedia,  to  confess  with  the  mouth  the 
faith  of  the  church,  without  having  it  in  the  heart,  as  the 
event  showed.' 
How  can  any  man  speak  in  this  manner !  how  can  any 
man  triumph  in  the  falls  of  his  fellow-creatures,  who  has 
any  respect  for  the  Lord  Jesus,  any  love  of  truth  and  sin 
cerity,  any  tenderness  of  conscience,  any  sense  of  equity 
and  goodness  !  Those  Arians  confessed  with  the  mouth,  and 
signed  with  the  hand,  what  they  did  not  believe.  For  that 
they  are  to  be  blamed.  But  how  came  they  to  do  so?  It 
was  owing  to  a  fear  of  ignominy  and  banishment.  But  why 
were  they  put  in  fear  ?  Why  was  a  law  made  to  banish  such 
as  did  not  believe  the  consubstantial  doctrine  ?  They  offend 
ed,  who  signed,  it  is  allowed :  and  are  they  innocent,  who 
laid  before  them  a  temptation  to  sign  ?  Was  there  a  neces 
sity,  that  they  should  be  required  to  sign,  whether  they  be- 
*  Le  Concilc  de  Niece,  Art.  x.  near  the  end,  Mem.  Tom.  vi. 


The  Council  of  Nice.     A.  D.  325.  67 

lieved  or  not?  Can  you  show  any  ground  or  authority  from 
reason,  or  from  Jesus  Christ,  whereby  you  are  allowed  or 
enjoined  to  require  your  brethren  to  sign  certain  speculative 
articles,  whether  they  believe  them  or  not?  Nay,  is  not  this 
quite  contrary  to  the  design  and  example  of  the  Lord  Jesus, 
who  never  proposed  to  men  any  arguments,  but  such  as 
were  suited  to  gain  the  judgment  1  and  who,  when  many 
forsook  him,  who  had  followed  him  for  a  time,  took  that 
opportunity,  to  refer  it  to  the  choice  of  those  who  still 
stayed  with  him,  whether  >  "  they  also  would  go  away?" 

If  any  pretend  it  to  be  of  importance,  that  others  should 
sign  or  profess  certain  doctrines,  supposed  by  them  to  be 
true ;  I  would  answer,  that  sincerity  is  of  yet  greater  im 
portance.  And  you  ought  never  to  endeavour  to  secure 
the  interest  of  speculative  points,  with  the  prejudice  of  what 
is  of  greater  moment,  honesty  and  integrity. 

4.  It  remains,  that  when  this  council  met,  instead  of  de- 
ciding^  by  their  authority,  and  enforcing-  by  worldly  menaces 
or  recompences,  any  speculative  doctrines,  they  should  ra 
ther  have  recommended  forbearance  and  moderation  to  all 
parties. 

They  ought  to  have  advised  men  to  practise  love  and  for 
bearance  one  to  another,  and  should  have  entreated  them,  if 
there  be  any  "  bowels2  and  mercies,"  and  for  the  love  of 
Jesus,  "  to  receive1  one  another  in  love,"  as  the  apostle 
says,  "  but  not  to  doubtful  disputations  :"  that  is,  to  own 
each  other  for  brethren,  and  communicate  together  as  chris- 
tians,  notwithstanding  some  differences  of  opinion.  Or,  if 
any  could  not  persuade  themselves  to  do  this,  that  yet  they 
should  allow  each  other  full  liberty  to  profess  their  princi 
ples,  and  carry  on  their  worship,  according  to  their  own 
sentiments,  in  their  religious  assemblies,  in  their  own  way. 
This  at  least  they  should  have  recommended,  and  with  the 
utmost  earnestness,  as  altogether  reasonable,  agreeable  to 
the  gospel,  and  absolutely  necessary  for  the  honour  of  the 
Christian  name.  And  they  should  have  humbly  recom 
mended  it  to  the  emperor,  to  take  care  accordingly,  and  in 
his  great  wisdom  to  provide,  that  all  who  acted  peaceably 
should  be  protected,  in  the  several  cities  where  they  dwelt: 
and  that  all  who  caused  tumults  and  disturbances,  or  by 
any  outward  act  infringed  the  liberty  of  their  neighbours, 
on  account  of  diversity  of  opinion,  should  be  restrained  and 
punished,  as  the  nature  of  their  offence  required. 

Possibly  some  may  say,  that  such  thoughts  as  these  are 
founded  upon  the  experience  and  observation  of  later  ages  ; 

*  John  vi.  67.  *  Philip,  ii.  2.  a  Rom  xiv.  1. 

F    2 


C8  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

nnd  that  all  this  is  more  than  could  be  reasonably  expected 
of  any  men,  however  wise,  at  that  time. 

To  which  I  answer,  that  it  is  no  more  than  might  have 
been  expected  :  for  it  is  not  more  than  what  men  are  taught 
by  the  common  principles  of  equity.  The  gospel  too, 
teaches  and  enacts  moderation  and  forbearance,  and  con 
demns  all  imposition  on  the  consciences  of  men,  and  all 
force  and  violence  in  things  of  religion. 

Farther,  what  has  been  here  suggested,  is  no  more  than 
what  the  Christians  had  before  demanded  and  expected  of 
heathens  in  power,  as  just  and  reasonable  ;  they  were  there 
fore  self-condemned  in  acting  otherwise.  If  it  was  reason 
able,  that  they  should  be  tolerated  and  protected  by  hea 
then  emperors  ;  much  more  was  it  reasonable  and  evident, 
that  all  other  sects  of  Christians  should  be  tolerated  and 
protected  by  that  sect  which  happened  to  be  the  most  nu 
merous  and  powerful. 

Finally,  for  the  main  part,  this  is  no  other  than  the  advice 
sentb  by  Constantine,  in  his  letter  to  Alexander  and  Arius, 
which  the  bishops  assembled  in  council  should  have  stood 
to.  Nothing  could  have  been  more  for  their  honour,  and 
the  interest  of  religion,  than  for  them  to  have  enforced  with 
all  their  credit,  the  sage,  and  pious,  and  moderate  counsels 
of  the  emperor. 

I  have  taken  all  this  freedom,  thus  to  propose  these 
thoughts.  But  I  do  not  mention  them  so  much  by  way  of 
blame  and  censure,  as  with  a  view  of  amendment ;  that 
Christians  in  general  may  at  length  be  so  wise,  as  to  consult 
the  true  interest  of  their  religion  :  and  hoping,  that  they 
who  are  in  high  stations  in  the  church,  and  nave  a  powerful 
influence,  will  improve  all  opportunities,  and  use  their  best 
endeavours,  that  "  the c  moderation  of  christians  may  be 
known  unto  all  men." 

b  Vid.  Euseb.  de  Vrt.  Const.  1.   ii.  c.  64,  &c.  et  Socr.  1.  i.  c.  7. 
e  Philip,  iv.  5. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Casareo.     A.  D.  315.  69 

CHAP.  LXX1I. 

EUSEBIUS,  BISHOP  OF  C^ESAREA. 


1.  A  brief  account  of  his  life.  II.  His  works.  III.  Ge» 
neral  remarks  upon  his  works.  IV.  Whether  he  was  an 
Arian  ?  V.  His  character.  VI.  Select  passages.  VII. 
Four  passages  concerning  the  books  of  the  New  Testa 
ment.  VIII.  Remarks  upon  those  passages.  IX.  Books 
of  the  New  Testament  received  by  Eusebius  himself.  X. 
Of  the  controverted  and  spurious  writings  mentioned  by 
him.  XL  The  time  of  writing  St.  Matthew9 s  gospel, 
according  to  Eusebius.  XII.  the  language  of  St.  Mat 
thew's  gospel,  and  of  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  XIII. 
Various  readings.  XIV.  Of  the  canon  of  the  Old  Tes 
tament,  received  by  this  writer.  XV.  General  divisions 
of  scripture.  XVI.  Respect  for  the  scriptures.  XVII. 
The  sum  of  his  testimony. 

I.  4  EUSEBIUS,  bishop  of  Csesarea  in  Palestine,'  saysa 
Jerom,  '  a  man  most  studious  in  the  divine  scriptures,  and 
4  together  with  the  martyr  Pamphilus,  very  diligent11  in  mak- 
'  ing*  a  large  collection  of  ecclesiastical  writers,  published 

*  innumerable    volumes,   some    of  which   are    these :    The 

*  Evangelical  Demonstration  in  twenty  books :  The  Evan- 
'  gelical  preparation  in  fifteen  books :    Five  books  of  the 

a  Eusebius,  Caesareae  Palsestinae  episcopus,  in  scripturis  divinis  studiosissimus, 
et  bibliothecae  divinae  cum  Pamphilo  martyre  diligentissimus  pervesti gator, 
edidit  infinita  voluraina,  de  quibus  haec  sunt:  EvayytXucrje  ATrofoi&we  libri 
viginti :  Euayye\uc»;g  TIpoirapaaKtvrjQ  libri  quindecem :  QtotyaviaQ  libri  quin- 
que :  Ecclesiastics  Historise  libri  decem  :  Chronicorum  Canonum  omnimoda 
historia,  et  eorum  E7nro/j?j :  Et  de  Evangeliorum  Diaphonia :  In  Isaiam  libri 
decem  :  Et  contra  Porphyrium,  qui  eodem  tempore  scribebat  in  Sicilia,  ut  qui- 
dam  putant,  libri  triginta,  de  quibus  ad  me  viginti  tantum  pervenerunt : 
ToTrt/ccuv  liber  unus  :  ATroXoytag  pro  Origene  libri  sex  :  De  Vita  Pamphili  libri 
tres  :  De  Martyribus  alia  opuscula  :  Et  in  centum  quinquaginta  Psalmos  eru- 
ditissimi  commentarii,  et  multa  alia.  Floruit  maxime  sub  Constantino  impe- 
ratore  et  Constantio.  Et  ob  amicitiam  Pamphili  martyris  ab  eo  cognomentum 
sortitus  est.  Hieron.  de  V.  I.  c.  81. 

b  That  interpretation  was  justified  formerly.  See  Vol.  iii.  p.  216,  217. 
And  it  is  the  sense  in  which  the  words  were  always  understood,  till  very  lately. 
Says  Valesius,  speaking  of  Pamphilus:  Qui  cum  literarum  sacrarum  singular! 
amore  flagraret,  omnesque  ecclesiasticorum  scriptorum  libros  summo  studio 
coriquireret,  celeberrimam  scholam  ac  bibliothecam  instituit  Ceesareoe.  De  Vit. 
et  Scriptis  Euseb.  Caes.  sub  init 


70  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

4  Theophanie :  Ten  books  of  Ecclesiastical  History  :  Chro 
nical  Canons  of  Universal  History,  and  an  Epitome  of 
them :  and  Of  the  Difference  between  the  Gospels  :  Ten 
books  upon  Isaiah  :  Against  Porphyry,  who  at  the  same 
time  wrote  in  Sicily,  thirty  books  as  some  think,  though 
I  have  never  met  with  more  than  twenty :  Topics  in  one 
book  :  An  Apology  for  Origen  in  six  books :  The  Life  of 
Pamphilus,  in  three  books  :  Several  small  pieces  concern 
ing  the  Martyrs  :  most  learned  Commentaries  upon  the  150 
Psalms,  and  many  other  works.  He  flourished  chiefly 
under  the  emperors  Constantine  and  Constantius.  On  ac 
count  of  his  friendship  with  the  martyr  Pamphilus  he  re 
ceived  his  surname  from  him.' 

Eusebius,  as  is  generally  thought,  and  with  some  good  de 
gree  of  probability,  was  born  at  Caesarea  in  Palestine,  about0 
the  year  270,  or,  as  some  d  think,  sooner.  We  have  no  ac 
count  of  his  parents,  or  who  were  his  instructors  in  early  life. 
Nor  is  there  any  thing  certainly  known  of  his  family  and 
relations  :  for  Pamphilus,  as  is  evident,  was  only  a  friend. 
Arius,  in  a  letter  to  Eusebius  of  Nicomedia,  calls  our  Euse 
bius  hise  brother.  But  I  do  not  think  that  the  word  ought 
to  be  understood  literally.  It  is  not  common  for  two  bro 
thers  to  have  one  and  the  same  name.  Eusebius  of  Nico 
media,  speaking  of  him  of  Cresarea,  calls  himf  his  lord. 
And  the  bishop  of  Csesarea  calls  him  of  Nicomedia  the  great 
£  Eusebius :  but  neither  says  he  was  related  to  the  other. 
Arius  therefore,  it  is  likely,  gives  our  Eusebius  the  title  of 
brother  of  the  other  Eusebius,  as  he  also  was  bishop,  and 
they  were  good  friends,  and  so  intimate,  that  they  were  both 
of  the  same  opinion  upon  the  doctrine  controverted  at  that 
time. 

It  is  somewhat  probable,  though  not  certain,  that  our 
Eusebius  was  ordained  presbyter  by  Agapius,  bishop  of 
Ceesarea,  of  whom  he  has  made  a  very  honourable1'  men 
tion.  He  had  a  long  and  happy  intimacy  with  Pamphilus, 
presbyter  in  that  church,  who  was  imprisoned  in  the  year 
307,  and  obtained  the  crown  of  martyrdom  in  309.  During 
the  time  of  that  imprisonment  Eusebius  was  much  with  his 
friend.  After  the  martyrdom  of  Pamphilus  he  went  to  Tyre, 

c  Natus — circa  annum,  si  divinare  liceat,  270.  Cav.  H.  L.  in  Euseb.  Caes. 

d  Tillemont  argues,  that  he  was  born  about  the  year  264.  Euseb.  Art.  i. 
Vid.  et  Vales,  de  Vit.  et  Script.  Euseb.  Caes.  sub  init. 

e  Evtrtpiog,  o  afc\0o£  as  iv  KaKrapf^e.     Ap.  Thdrt.  1.  i.  c.  5.  p.  21.  A. 

f  ra  SHTITOTU  /us  Ei/crf/3t«.     Ap.  Thdrt.  1.  i.  c.  6.  in. 

E  Trpoe  Evatptov  TOV  ptyav.  Cont.  Marcell.  1.  i.  p.  18.  D.  a\Xa  Kat 

TOV  ptyav  Evvifiiov.  K.  \.  ib.  p.  20.  A. 

h  H.  E.  1.  vii.  c.  32.  b.  288.  C, 


EUSEBIUS?  Bishop  of  Ca>sarca.     A.  D.  315.  71 

where  he  saw'  many  finish  their  testimony  to  Jesus  in  a  glo 
rious  manner.  From  thence,  as  it  seems,  he  k  went  into 
Egypt ;  where  too  he  was  a  spectator  of  the  suffering's  and 
patience  of  many  of  his  fellow-christians  :  where  likewise 
he  seems  to  have  been  imprisoned.  And  because  he  did 
not  suffer,  as  some  others  did,  it  has  been  insinuated,  that l 
he  procured  his  liberty  by  sacrificing  or  some  other  mean 
compliance,  unbecoming  a  Christian.  But  that  is  a  general 
accusation  without  ground.  No  one  was  ever  able  to  spe 
cify  any  mean  act  of  compliance  in  particular,  as  appears 
from  Potamon's  charge  in  Epiphanius.  If m  Eusebius  had 
sacrificed,  or  done  any  thing  like  it,  he  would  not  have  been 
made  bishop  of  Csesarea,  nor  invited  to  the  see  of  Antiocb. 
Eusebius  either  made  Pamphilus  many  visits,  or  was  shut 
up  with  him  in  prison :  and  yet  he  has  never  been  re 
proached,  that  I  know  of,  because  he  did  not  suffer  with 
him.  In  like  manner  he  may  have  been  for  some  time  in 
prison  in  Egypt,  and  released  without  any  thing  dishonour 
able  in  the  "  affair. 

Agapius  succeeded  Theotecnus  in  the  see  of  Csesarea. 
And  it  is  the  more  general  opinion,  that0  Eusebius  succeed 
ed  Agapius  in  315.  But  some  place  P  Agricolaus  between 
Agapius  and  him.  Nevertheless  that  will  not  much  1  pro 
tract  the  time  of  our  author's  episcopate.  This  is  certain, 

1  Vid.  ib.  1.  viii.  c.  7.  p  299.  A.  k  Ib.  c.  8,  9. 

1  Vid.  Epiph.  H.  67.  n.  7.  et  Athan.  Apol.  contra  Arian.  p.  130.  F. 

m  Vid.  Euseb.  in  Cav.  H.  L.  Basnag.  Ann.  326.  n.  18.  Vales,  de  Vit.  et 
Script.  Euseb.  p.  3.  m.  Du  Pin,  Eusebius  de  Cesaree  in  it.  Martin.  Hank. 
de  Byzant.  Hist.  Scriptorib.  in  Vit.  Euseb.  cap.  120. 

"  I  cannot  tell  whether  it  will  not  be  thought  too  trifling  to  observe  the  con 
duct  of  the  Benedictine  editors  of  St.  Athanasius  upon  this  head.  Athanasius 
having  said  in  his  Apology,  that  Eusebius  of  Caesarea  was  accused  by  some  con 
fessors  of  having  sacrificed,  they  put  this  note  at  the  bottom  of  p.  130.  Epi 
phanius  ait,  Eusebium  C.  a  Polemone  ^Egyptio  objurgatum  fuisse -Quae 

fusius  in  Athanasii  vita  agemus.  But  in  their  Vit.  Ath.  p.  21.  having  cited  at 
length  the  passage  of  Epiphanius,  they  add :  Non  desunt  tamen,  qui  Eusebium 
purgare  curent  a  crimine  vel  suspicione  oblati  diis  sacrificii.  Verum  »obis  ad 
ulteriora  properantibus  haec  non  licet  subtilius  explorare.  But  if  Eusebius  had 
been  a  favourite  of  theirs,  I  am  apt  to  think,  they  would  have  stayed  a  while, 
to  offer  a  word  or  two  in  defence  of  him.  And  were  they  not  obliged  by  the 
fore-mentioned  note  to  be  a  little  more  particular  ? 

0  Eusebii,  Caesariensis  episcopi — obitus  recte  hoc  anno  a  Baronio  consigna- 

tnr.  Mortuo  Agapio cum  persecutio  jam  sedata,  et  pax  ecclesise  red- 

dita  esset,  Eusebius  communi  omnium  consensu  in  ejus  locum  substitutus  erat. 

Alii  successorem  Agapii  ponunt. — Verum,  ut  observat  Valesius, Pagi 

340.  n.  23. 

P  Defuncto,  qui  Agapio  successerat,  Agricolao,  quern  vel  invita  Valesii 
chronologia.  retinendum  esse  putamus,  ecclesiac  Csesariensis  episcopatum  iniit 
anno  circiter  315.  Basn.  Ann.  326.  n.  18. 

q  See  the  preceding  note. 


72  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

that  r  he  was  bishop  of  Coesarea  in  320  at  the  latest.  After 
which  we  can  perceive,  that  he  was  present  at  most  of  the 
synods  held  in  that  part  of  the  world.  He  died  in  the  year 
339  or  340. 

I  omit  many  particulars,  desiring  to  be  as  concise  as  pos 
sible.  If  we  had  Eusebius's  life,  written  by  his  successor s 
Acacius,  we  should  have  the  pleasure  to  be  informed  of 
many  thing's  which  we  are  now  ignorant  of. 

IT.  I  must  give  some  account  of  Eusebius's  works : 
though,  for  the  sake  of  brevity,  I  should  have  been  very 
glad  to  be  excused. 

When  an  author's  works  are  somewhat  numerous,  learned 
moderns  generally  speak  in  the  first  place  of  such  as  are 
still  in  being,  then  of  those  which  are  lost.  The  order  of 
time  pleaseth  me  best,  in  this  instance  at  least.  I  therefore 
shall  speak  of  Eusebius's  writings,  extant  and  not  extant, 
all  together  in  the  continued  order  of  time,  so  far  as  I  can 
attain  it.  And  as  I  do  not  reckon  myself  obliged  to  give  a 
particular  account  of  all  his  pieces,  mentioned  in  ancient  au 
thors,  I  refer  to  *  several  learned  moderns,  some  of  which 
have  treated  largely  of  them. 

1.  An  exact  edition  of  Origen's  Hexapla.     This,  so  far  as 
I  recollect,  is  very  seldom"  taken  notice  of  by  learned  mo 
derns  in  their  accounts  of  Eusebius's  works :  but  I  think  it 
should  not  have  been  omitted.     It  is  likely  that  it  was  one 
of  our  author's  first  undertakings.     He  had  the  assistance 
of  Pamphilus  in  this  work ;  which  therefore  we  may  sup 
pose  was  finished  about  the  year  306,  before  that  excellent 
man  and  martyr  came  into  trouble.     I  need  say  nothing  of 
it  here,  having  given  an  account  of  it T  formerly. 

2.  An  Apology  for  Origen  in  six  books  :  in  five  of  which 
he  had  likewise  the  assistance  of  Pamphilus  in  prison.     The 
sixth  was  written  by  Eusebius  alone,  after  the  martyrdom 
of  Pamphilus.     It  was  composed  therefore  in  308  and  300. 
The  first  book  remains  in  a  Latin  translation  of  Rufinus ;  I 
spoke  of  this  work  w  formerly. 

3.  The  Life  of  Pamphilus  in  three  books,  probably  writ 
ten  in  309  or  310,  but  not  extant.     I  have  spoken   suffi 
ciently  of  itx  already. 

4.  A  book  of  the  Martyrs  of  Palestine,  who  suffered  in 

r  See  Tillemont,  in  Eusebius  de  Cesaree,  sect.  ii.  Mem.  Ecc.  Tom.  vii. 

9  Vid.  Socr.  1.  ii.  c.  4.  l  H.  Vales,  de  Vit.  et  Scriptis  Euseb. 

Caesar.  Tillem.  Mem.  E.  T.  vii.  Eusebius,  art.  v.— viii.  Cav.  H.  L.  Fabr.  Bib. 
Gr.  1.  v.  c.  4.  T.  vi.  p.  30,  &c.  Du  Pin,  Bib.  des  Aut.  EC. 

u  It  is  mentioned  by  Du  Pin,  T.  ii.  p.  3.  Y  See  Vol.  iii.  p.  206. 

-  Ibid.  p.  217,  227,  228.  x  Ibid.  p.  Ill,  112. 


EUSEDIUS,  Bishop  of  Cfpsarea.     A.  D.  315.  73 

the  persecution  of  Dioclesian  and  Maximin,  written  about 
the  year  311  or  312.  This  has  been  reckoned  by  some  a 
part  of  the  eighth  book  of  the  Ecclesiastical  History  :  but 
Valesius  has  more  properly  placed  it  by  itself,  after  that 
book,  as  a  supplement  to  it. 

5.  Among1  Eusebius's  works  Jerom  mentioned  several 
small   pieces  concerning  the  Martyrs.     And,  as  Tillernonty 
observes,  '  beside  that  just  mentioned,  there  was  another 

book,  which  Eusebius  quotes  z  several  times  in  his  Eccle 
siastical  History.     It  was  a  collection  of  the  Acts  of  the 
ancient  martyrs,  wherein  he  had  placed  at  length  the  his 
tory  of  the  martyrs  of  Lyons  in  the  4ime  of  Marcus  Anto 
ninus  :    Apollonius   the   Roman    senator   in  the   time  of 
Commodus,  with  his  Apology  :  The  Acts  of  Pionius,  mar 
tyred  at  Smyrna,  and  others.'     But  of  this  work,  asa  just 
hinted,  Eusebius  inserted  several  things,  by  way  of  extract 
at  least,  in  his  Ecclesiastical  History.     This  collection  may 
have  been  made  in  312  or  313,  or  soon  after. 

6.  One  book  against  Hierocles,  who  had  made  a  compa 
rison  of  Apollonius  Tyanaeus  with  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ: 
a  small  piece,  not  mentioned   by  Jerom,  but  undoubtedly 
genuine,  and  still  extant  b  in  the   original  Greek.     It  may 
have  been  composed  in  312  or  313,  or  sooner ;  for  we  do 
not  know  the  exact  time. 

7.  A  Confutation  of  Porphyry  in  thirty  books.     Valesius 
was  of  opinion,  that  this  work  was  not  composed  until  after 
the  Ecclesiastical  History :  because  in  c  the  sixth  book  of 
that  work,  Eusebius  quotes  a  passage  of  Porphyry's  third 
book  against  the  Christians,  without  taking  notice  of  his  own 
answer  to  him.     But  that  argument  does  not  appear  to  me 
decisive.     Eusebius  had  many  fair  occasions  in  several  of 
his  writings  to  refer  to  his  Confutation  of  Porphyry,  but  has 
never  done  so  that  I  remember.      Nevertheless  we  cannot 
hence  conclude,  that  it  was  written  after  all  his  other  works, 
which  is  very  improbable.     Jerom  supposes,  that  Porphyry 
was  living  at  the  same  time  in  Sicily  ;  which  is  an  argu 
ment,  that  he  thought  this  one  of  our  author's  most  early 
performances.     If  it  was  so,  that  may  have  been  one  reason 
why  it  was  not  much  esteemed,  as  being  written  before 
Eusebius  had  attained  to  all   that  maturity  of  knowledge 
and    understanding,  by  which   he  was  afterwards   distin 
guished.     For  that  reason  too  he  might  not  be  disposed  to 

y  Euseb.  de  Caes.  art.  vii.  z r-g  TUP  /i«p-w(xoi>  r'mtv 

KaraTtTctKTcii  auvaywyy.      H.  E.  1.  5.  Procem. Ty  TWV  naprvpwv  auva- 

jyy  Trpog  j^iwv.  ib.  c.  4.  fin.  a  See  note  z. 

b  Ad  Calcem  libr.  de  Dem.  Ev.  p.  511—545.  c  H.  E.  1.  vi.  c.  19. 


74  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

quote  it  himself.  It  is  observable,  that  Apollinarius  wrote 
against  Porphyry  after  him  :  which  may  be  reckoned  an 
argument,  that  in  this  work  Eusebius  had  not  fully  answer 
ed  the  expectation  of  the  public.  Nay,  Philostorgius  made 
no  scruple  to  say,  that d  in  his  books  against  Porphyry, 
Apollinarius  greatly  excelled  our  author.  St.  Jerom,  as  it 
seems,  did  not6  esteem  this  one  of  Eusebius's  best  books.  I 
might  farther  add;  If  this  voluminous  confutation  of  Por 
phyry  had  been  written  after  Eusebius  became  acquainted 
with  Constantine,  it  is  likely  he  would  have  dedicated  it  to 
the  emperor,  and  we  should  have  had  it  distinctly  mentioned 
in  the  life  of  Constantine.  Le  Clerc  f  thought  the  loss  of 
this  work  to  be  the  greatest  loss  we  have  sustained,  as  to 
any  writings  of  this  author.  And  indeed  it  is  very  proba 
ble,  that  we  of  these  times  should  have  been  pleased  to  see 
Porphyry's  objections  in  his  own  words,  as  alleged  by  Eu 
sebius.  In  other  respects,  I  imagine,  it  would  not  have 
equalled  the  remaining  work  of  the  Evangelical  Prepara 
tion,  or  the  still  extant  books  of  the  Demonstration.  After 
all,  I  do  not  know  the  exact  time  when  this  work  was  pub 
lished  ;  but  [  am  inclined  to  think,  it  must  have  appeared 
before  the  council  of  Nice. 

8.  Photius  speaks  of  two  books  of  our  author,  entitled,  & 
'  A  Confutation  and  Apology,  in  which  he  proposes  several 
*  heathen  objections,  and   answers  them  very  well.'     This 
work  is  not  extant ;  nor  do  we  know  the  time  of  writing  it. 
It  deserved,  however,  to  be  mentioned,  as  one  of  the  many 
writings  of  this  bishop,  in  defence  of  the  Christian  religion. 

9.  Five  books  of  the  Theophany,  or  the  coming-  of  the 
Messiah  :  mentioned  by  Jerom  ;  not  extant,  nor  do  we  clear 
ly  know  the  design  of  it. 

10.  Of  the  difference  between  the  Gospels :  mentioned  by 
Jerom;    not  extant,  but  undoubtedly  designed  to  reconcile 
the  seeming  contrarieties  in  the  accounts  of  the  several  evan 
gelists. 

11.  Ten  Evangelical  Canons,  with  a  letter  to  Carpianus, 
showing  what  things  are  related  by  four,  what  by  three, 
what  by  two,  what  by  one.     These  canons,  with  the  letter 
to  Carpianus,  are  usually  prefixed   to  the  best  editions  of 

'On  (j)Tjai,  A7TO\\ivetpiog  Kara  HopQvpiu  ypa^/«g  tin  TTO\V  jcpam    TMV  j;yw- 
vi<Tfievcjv  Evvtfiuf)  KU.T  avr».  Phil.  1.  viii.  c.  15. 

c  Fortissimos  libros  contra  Porphyrium  scribit  Apollinarius.  Ecclesiasticam 
pulchre  Eusebius  historian!  texuit.  Ad  Pammach.  et  Ocean.  Ep.  44.  [al.  C5.] 
p.  342.  supr.  m.  Vide  ejusdem.  Praef.  ad  Dan.  f  Bib.  Univ.  T.  x. 

P-  495.  «  Eu(Tf/5t8  fXtyx*  *at  cnro\oyict£  Xoyot  (W.  K.  X.  Cod. 

13.  p.  11. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Casarea.     A.  D.  315.  75 

the  New  Testament,  and  the  letter  may  be  also  seen  h  else 
where.     We  do  not  know  the  exact  time  of  this  work. 

12.  A  letter  to  Euphration,  mentioned   by  i  Athanasius, 
and  certainly  written  before  the  council  of  Nice. 

13.  St.  Jerom  says,  that  k  Eusebius  and  others  had  large 
ly  explained  the  first  epistle  to  the  Corinthians.     But  whe 
ther  he  intends  a  distinct  work  I  cannot  tell.     However, 
Tillemont's  expressions  are,  that1  he  made  a  large   Com 
mentary  upon  that  epistle. 

14.  Of  the  Fruitful  ness  of  the  Ancients  :  expressly  men 
tioned  by  our  author  in  ra  his  Evangelical  Preparation,  and 
probably  referred  to,  and  intended  by  him,  in  a  passage  of 
the  n  Demonstration. 

15.  The  Evangelical  Preparation,  in   fifteen  books,  as 
mentioned  by  Jerom,  still  extant.     This  work,  as  well  as 
the  Chronicle,  and  the  History,  are  with  great  justice  highly 
commended  by0  Joseph  Scaliger. 

16.  The  Evangelical   Demonstration   in   twenty   books. 
Which  work  Eusebius  promiseth  at  the  end  of  the  former. 
The  last  ten  books  are  lost.     And  until  lately  the  beginning' 
of  the  first,  and  the  conclusion  of  the  tenth,  were  missing  : 
but  were  published  by  FabriciusP  with  great  applause  in 
1725.     This  work  Eusebius  evidently  mentions  at  the  be 
ginning  i  of  his  Ecclesiastical  History,  and  therefore  it  was 
first  written. 

17.  An  Epistle  r  to  the  church  at  Csesarea,  concerning 
his  subscribing  the  Nicene  Creed. 

18.  An  Oration  in  the  twentieth  year  of  Constantino's s 
reign,  325,  pronounced  in  the  presence  of  Constantine  and 
the  fathers  of  the  Nicene  council.     Not  extant. 

19.  The  Chronicle,   in  two   books :    or  as  Jerom  said, 
Chronical  Canons  of  Universal  History,  and  their  Epitome. 
It  is  likely,  that  by  their   Epitome  he  means   the  second 
book,  which  was  shorter  than  the  first,  and  represented  in  a 
summary  way  the  substance  of  it.     In  another  place  this 

h  Vid.  Fab.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  vi.  p.  97,  &c.  *  De  Synodis,  c.  17.  p. 

730.  E.  k  Origenes — Pierius,  Eusebius  Caesariensis — latissime  hanc 

epistolam  interpretati  sunt.  Hieron.  Ep.  31.  [al.  52.]  p.  243.  f. 

1  As  before,  sect.  10.  m  iv  oic  £7iy>ay/i«r£y<ra/«0a 

Trtpi  rr}£  Tb)v  TTaXaiMv  TToXviraidiciQ.  Pracp.  E.  1.  vii.  c.  8.  p.  310.  f. 

"  Dem.  1.  i.  c.  9.  p.  33.  C. 

0  Taceo  auctoris  multiplicem  eruditionem — summain  vetustatis  peritiam,  qui, 
in  omnibus  priscorum  auctorum  monimentis  peregrinatus,  ilium  divinum 
TrpoTrapcKTKtvrjg  thesaurum  collegit.  Prolegom.  in  Chr.  p.  18. 

P  Vid.  Syllab.  auctor.  de  Veritate  Relig.  Christian.  •»  Vid.  H.  E.  1. 

i.  c.  2.  fin.  r  Ap.  Socr.  1.  i.  c;  8.  p.  23,  24.  Thdrt.  1.  i.  c.  12. 

•  Vid.  dc  Vit.  C.  1.  i.  in  Prorem.  et  Vales.  Annot. 


76  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

work  is  called  by  Jerom,1  Chronological  Canons.  The 
original  is  lost,  except  some  fragments  preserved  in  Greek 
authors.  We  have  only  a  Latin  version  of  Jerom,  who  in 
this,  as  well  as  other  things,  is  both  an  author  and  inter 
preter.  His  additions  relate  chiefly  to  the  affairs  of  the 
western  part  of  the  Roman  empire,  with  which  Eusebius 
was  little  acquainted.  The  Chronicle  was  published  in  325, 
as  Pagi  u  says.  And  Jerom  assures  us,  that v  it  came  down 
to  the  twentieth  year  of  Constantine.  Nevertheless  Euse 
bius  refers  to  it  in  w  his  Preparation.  Tillemont  therefore 
thinks  there  must  have  been  two  editions.  But  perhaps  in 
the  Preparation  he  only  speaks  of  the  work  as  then  in  hand, 
though  not  published  :  which  may  well  be  the  case  some 
times  with  an  author  who  writes  much.  The  Chronicle  was 
a  work  of  prodigious  labour  and  learning. 

20.  The  Evangelical  History,  in  ten  books,  published,  as 
it  x  seems,  in  326.     Du  Pin  having  shown  the  importance 
of  this  work  adds  :  4  It  must  be  owned  however,  that?  Eu- 
'  sebius's  History  has  not  all  the  perfection  which  one  could 

*  wish ;  that  it  is  not  written  in  an  agreeable  manner ;  that 
4  it  is  not  exact ;  that  the  author  often  enlarges  on  things 
4  that  might  be   lightly  passed   over,  and   mentions  other 
4  things    succinctly,   which    should    have    been  related   at 

*  large.'     Tillemont  says  :  *  Notwithstanding z  some  defects 

*  which  may  be  observed,  it  will  be  always  a  most  valuable 
4  and  most  important  work,  and  most  useful  to  the  church. 
4  Without  Eusebius  we  should  scarce  have  had  any  know- 
4  ledge  of  the  history  of  the  first  ages  of  Christianity,  or  the 

*  authors  who  wrote  in  that  time.     All  the  Greek  authors  of 
4  the  fourth  century,  who  undertook  to  write  the  history  of 

*  the  church,  have  begun  where  Eusebius  ended,  as  having 

*  nothing  considerable  to  add  to  his  labour.' 

21.  The  Topics,  so  called  in  Jerom's  catalogue  :  consist 
ing  of  two  books,  the  second  of  which   is  still   extant  in 
Greek,  somewhat  altered,  with  Jerom's  version,  who  says, 
4  that a  after  the  Ecclesiastical  History,  and  Chronological 
4  Canons,  Eusebius  published  a  Geographical   Description 

*  of  Judea,  according  to  the  divisions  of  the  several  tribes, 
4  with  a  map  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  temple,  and  proper  de- 

*  scriptions :   and  at  last  this   small   book,  containing  the 

Post  temporum  canones.     Prsef.  ad  lib.  de  Loc.  Hebr. 

An.  325.  n.  51.  "  Vid.  Euseb.  Chr.  p.  4,  et  18  1 . 

iv  TOIQ  Trort]9(iffiv  rifitv  xP°vtKOl£  Kavoaiv.  Pr.  E.  1.  X.  p.  484.  D. 

Pagi  Ann.  326.  n.  8.  *  Bibl.  T.  ii.  p.  5,  6. 

Euseb.  vi.  Mem.  T.  vii.  *  Hier.  Pr.  in  libr.  de  situ  et  nominib. 

locor.  Hebr.  T.  2.  p.  382,  383. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  ofCasarea.     A.  D.  315.  77 

*  names  of  the  cities,  mountains,  and  rivers  of  the  country, 

*  according-  to  the  order  of  the  letters  of  the  alphabet/     It 
was  a  kind  of  dictionary  of  places  mentioned  in  the  scrip 
tures. 

22.  A  Treatise  concerning  Easter,  mentioned  b  by  Euse- 
bius  in  the  Life  of  Constantine,  and  by  Jerom  in  his  Cata 
logue,  in  the  article0  of  Hippolytus.     This  work  is  not  ex 
tant.     It  might  be  written  about  the  year  334. 

23.  An d   Oration  in  praise  of  Constantine,  still   extant, 
spoken  at  Constantinople  in  the  emperor's  presence,  before6 
the  end  of  the  year  335.     It  is  as  much  an  argument  for  the 
truth  of  the  Christian  religion,  as  a  panegyric  upon  the  em 
peror.     It  is,  in  my  opinion,  a  fine  performance :  and  has 
been  already  commended  by  Du  Pin f  for  its  eloquence  and 
politeness,  as  well  as  on  other  accounts. 

24.  A  Description  of  the  s  Church  of  the  Sepulchre  at 
Jerusalem,  and  its  ornaments,  and  the  presents  sent  thither 
by  the  emperor  :  composed  in  335. 

25.  Five  books  against  Marcel lus :  or,  as  they  are  gene 
rally  divided  and  entitled,  Two  books  against  Marcellus, 
and  three  books  of  Ecclesiastical  Theology,  written  in  336  : 
and  Eusebius  handles  his  antagonist  very  roughly.     Mar 
cellus,  he  says,  teaches  Sabellianism,  andh  thereby  aposta 
tizes  from  Christ  and  the  grace  of  the  gospel.     Marcellus 
revives *  the  impious  and   atheistical    heresy  of  Sabellius. 
His  heresy  exceeds  k  all  the  impious  heresies  that  ever  were, 
and  the  like. 

26.  The  Life  of  Constantine,  in  four  books,  written  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  year  337,  or  the  beginning  of  338.     Some 
few  have  denied  this  l  to  be  a  work  of  Eusebius :  but  cer 
tainly  without  all  reason.     It  has  many  internal  characters 
of  genuineness :  for  it  is  entirely  in  Eusebius's  manner,  and 
here  are   letters  of  the  emperor  to  the  author.     Not  only 
m  Socrates,  but  n  Photius  also,  and  other  ancient  writers, 
speak  of  it  as  his.     Jerom's  silence  is  of  no  importance.     He 
owns  that  Eusebius  wrote  many  books  beside  those  ex- 

b  De  V.  C.  1.  iv.  c.  34,  35.  c  De  V.  I.  c.  61. 

d  De  V.  C.  1.  iv.  c.  33,  et  46.  e  Vid.  Pagi  Ann.  335.  iii.  et 

336.  iii.  f  Ubi  supr.  p.  4.  a.  «  Vid.  de  V.  C.  1.  iv. 

c.  33,  et  46.  h  TIJQ  8e  iv  Xpt«ry  yvwatwG  re  teat  %apiTog 

jjXXorpiw/itvog.  Contra  Marcell.  1.  i.  p.  5.  A. 

'  &>f  aQea  KCU  8vo<ref3ri  roX/uwvra.  De  EC.  Th.  1.  i.  c.  5.  p.  63.  C.  D. 

k  Kaivortpov  rj  Kara  Tratrav  aOeov  aiptaiv.  1.  ii.  p.  33.  C. 

I  Vid.  Pagi  Ann.  340.  n.  25. 

m  Socr.  1.  i.  c.  1.  et  1.  v.  c.  22.  p.  285. 

II  Cod.  127.  p.  305. 


78  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

pressly  mentioned  by  him.     This  work  has  been  generally 
reckoned  °  rather  a  panegyric  than  history. 

27.  A  Commentary  upon  the  150  Psalms,  mentioned  and 
commended  by  Jerom  in  his  Catalogue,  but  wanting  in  late 
ages,  till   Montfauc,on  in  the  year  1705  published  it  as  far 
as  the  119th  Psalm.     That  learned  writer  says,  there  isi*  not 
any  the  least  reason  to  doubt  the  genuineness  of  what  is 
published  by  him.     Eusebius  has  no  where  in  his  remain 
ing  works  quoted  this  Commentary  :    for  which  reason  it 
may  be  argued,  that**  it  is  one  of  his  last  works.     It  is  pro 
bable,  that  it  was  written  r  some  good  while  after  the  re 
spect  shown  to  our  Saviour's  sepulchre  at  Jerusalem,  in  326 
or  327. 

28.  A  Commentary  upon  the  prophecies  of  Isaiah,  men 
tioned  by  Jerom  in  his  Catalogue,  and  elsewhere :  publish 
ed  likewise  by  Montfauc,on.      It  seems  to  me,  that  some 
things  not  Eusebius's  have  been  inserted  in  these  Commen 
taries,   especially  in   that  upon  Isaiah,  as  we  now  have  it, 
taken  from  the  Greek  Chains.     Beside  some  things  inserted, 
probably,  afterwards,  there  seem  likewise  to  be  observations, 
or  interpretations,  taken  by  the  author  from  Origen,  or  other 
commentators,  more  ancient  than  himself. 

29.  Fourteen  small  pieces  ins  Latin,  published  by  James 
Sirmond,   who  makes   no    doubt  of  their  being   genuine. 
Cave*  was  rather  inclined  to  think,  they  were  written  by 
Eusebius  Emisenus.     Fabricius11  dislikes  that  opinion,  and 
is  willing  that  our  Eusebius  should  be  reckoned  author  of 
them. 

(1.)  The  first  two  are  against  Sabellius.  *  These,  saysv 
'  Tillemont,  manifestly  oppose  Marcellus,  and  may  have 
*  been  written  by  Eusebius  in  the  latter  part  of  his  life.' 
On  the  other  hand  it  may  be  said  :  What  occasion  had  our 
author  to  write  any  thing  against  Marcellus,  beside  the  five 
books  before  mentioned  ?  I  have  sometimes  suspected,  that 
Eusebius's  known  aversion  for  Sabellianism  induced  some 
transcriber  of  these  pieces,  to  put  his  name  at  the  head  of 
them. 

It  is  generally  allowed  that  they  are  translated  from  the 
Greek.  But  here  are  abundance  of  studied  antitheses,  and 
somew  jingles  of  Latin  words,  as  if  they  were  written  in 

0  Vid.  Socrat.  1.  i.  c.  1.  p.  5.  A.  B.ct  Thdrt.  1.  i.  c.  13.  in. 

P  Vid.  ejusd.  Prelim,  cap.  3.  sect.  i.  ii.  n  Vid.  Montf.  Praelhn. 

cap.  2.  sect.  i.  r  Ib.  c.  3.  sect.  vi.  s  Ap.  Bib.  PP. 

Max.  T.  iv.  init.  l  H.  L.  in  Euseb.  u  Bib.  Gr.  T. 

vi.  p.  I0a  v  As  before,  sect.  9.  w  Mortuus  est,  ut 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  CdEsarea.     A.  D.  315.  79 

that  language.  The  empire  was  become  x  Christian,  when 
these  pieces  were  written. 

(2.)  The  third  piece  is  a  homily  concerning  the  Resur 
rection,  by  Tillemont  reckoned  not  worthy  of  Eusebius. 
However,  here  y  is  a  good  argument  for  a  future  state  from 
reason. 

(3.)  The  fourth,  upon  the  Resurrection  and  Ascension,  is, 
in  the  main,  a  fine  performance.  The  author2  argues  ex 
ceeding  well  for  the  truth  of  Christ's  resurrection,  and  of 
the  Christian  religion  from  the  former  character  of  Christ's 
apostles,  from  the  gifts  of  the  Spirit  poured  down  upon 
them,  and  from  their  conduct  and  success  after  the  cruci 
fixion  of  Jesus. 

(4.)  I  shall  give  no  distinct  account  of  the  rest  of  these 
pieces.  I  shall,  however,  refer  to  some  remarkable  things 
in  them. 

(5.)  Here  are  some  observations'1  upon  the  third  chapter 
of  Zechariah,  and  the  beginning  of  the  book  of  Job,  that  de 
serve  the  notice  of  the  curious. 

(6.)  Moses,  theb  author  says,  was  as  a  lamp  or  candle 
in  a  house:  but  Christ  as  the  sun  enlightens  the  world. 

(7.)  Here  are  references  toc  the  first  chapter  of  St.  Mat 
thew,  St.  Luke,  and  St.  John.  Thed  Acts  of  the  Apostles 
are  much  and  often  quoted.  Ande  the  gospels  are  called 
sacred  and  divine. 

(8.)  He  speaks f  of  the  gospels,  the  Acts,  and  Paul's  epis 
tles,  as  open  to  be  read  by  all  who  please. 

(9.)  He  expresses  a  great  respect  for  the  scriptures,  and 

occideret  mortem.  Condemnatus  est,  ut  condemnaret  corruptelam,  p.  5.  E. 
Misit  filium  obedientem,  ut  salvaret  hominem  inobedientem.  ib.  C. 

x  Adorant  nobiscum  et  reges  et  judices,  p.  2 1 .  C.  Si  autem  reges,  exercitus, 
et  leges  pro  religione  sunt.  p.  22.  C.  *  P.  10.  D.  E.  F. 

z  Unde  et  majora  servata  sunt  mirabilia  post  mortem,  quam  ea  quae 

ante  mortem  sunt  facta. — Si  enim  stant  eorum  templa,  non  resurrexit.  p.  17. 
C.  Putas,  in  quinquaginta  diebus  piscator  rusticanus  ex  vico  studuit  omnem 
linguam  ?  p.  21.  E.  Vid.  et  F.  G.  H.  Cogitaverunt  autem  piscatores  ad  mun- 
dum  exire — sine  literis,  ad  erudites  imperiti,  ignobiles  ad  ingenuos  ?  p.  22.  A. 
B.  C.  Praeconum  autem  abjectio,  ignobilitas,  nulla  doctrina,  egestas,  nume- 
rus  parvus.  ib.  D.  E. 

a  P.  24.  E.  &c.  p.  25.  B.  E. 

b  Quid  valuit  lucerna  Moyses  ? — Si  autem  unum  populum  per  signa  non 
suasit,  Jesus  autem  per  crucem,  per  scandalum,  et  non  per  signa  aut  prodigia, 
mundum  transtulit  ad  Dei  cultum.  Moyses  lucerna  ne  quidem  uni  domui 
sufficit ;  Jesus  autem  sol  justitiae.  p.  20.  D.  c  P.  44.  A.  B. 

d  In  Actibus  enim  scriptum  est  Aposlolorum.  p.  21.  A.  22.  A.  et  passim. 

e  a  sanctis  Evangeliis  et  vere  divinis.  p.  42.  G. 

f  Hi  sunt  gustus  predication um  Domini.  Plena  autem  Evangelia  sunt  vo- 
lentibus  bene  legere:  pleni  Actus  Apostolorum  sunt,  et  epistolae  Pauli.  p. 
23.  D. 


80      -  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

is  fors  having  all  controversies  in  things  of  religion  decided 
by  them. 

III.  Of  all  Eusebius's  works  the  Ecclesiastical  History 
is  the  most  valuable,  but,  as  it  seems  to  me,  the  least  ac 
curate,  of  all  his  large  works,  that  are  come  down  to  us  in 
any  good  measure  entire.  Some  faults  may  be  owing  to 
haste,  others  to  defect  of  critical  skill,  others  to  want  of  can 
dour  and  impartiality.  For  our  great  author,  as  well  as 
most  other  men,  had  his  affections.  He  was  favourable  to 
some  things  and  persons,  and  prejudiced  against  others. 

1.  He  was  a  great  admirer  of  Origen :  in  which  he  was 
in  the  right.     Nevertheless,  he  should  not  have  therefore 
omitted  all  notice  of  Methodius,  because  h  he  was  Origen's 
adversary. 

2.  He  had  a  great  zeal  for  the  Christian  religion :  and  so 
far,  undoubtedly,  he  was  in  the  right.      Nevertheless  he 
should  not  have  attempted  to  support  it  by  weak  and  false 
arguments :  which  a  good  cause  never  needs. 

3.  Agbarus's  letter  to  our  Saviour,  and  our  Saviour's  let 
ter  to  Agbarus,  copied  at  length  in  our  author's  Ecclesias 
tical'  History,  are  much  suspected  by  many  learned  men 
not  to  be  genuine. 

4.  It  is  wonderful,  that  Eusebius  should  think  k  Philo's 
Therapeutae  were  Christians,  and  that l  their  ancient  writings 
should  be  our  gospels  and  epistles. 

5.  Eusebius m  supposes  Josephus  to  speak  of  the  enrol 
ment  at  the  time  of  our  Lord's  nativity,  before  the  death  of 
Herod  the  Great,  related,  Luke  ii.  1 — 4 ;  whereas,  indeed, 
the  Jewish  historian  speaks  of  that  made  after  the  removal 
of  Archelaus,  which  is  also  referred  to  in  Acts  v.  37. 

6.  Our  author"  does  justly  allege  Josephus,  as  confirm 
ing  the  account  which  St.  Luke  gives,  Acts  xii.  of  the  death 
of  Herod  Agrippa.  But  whereas  Josephus  says,  that '  Agrippa 
'  °  casting  his  eyes  upwards  saw  an  owl  sitting  upon  a  cord 
*  over  his  head :'  our  ecclesiastical  historian  says,  he  *  saw 
an  angel  over  his  head.'     I  know  not  what  good  apology 
can  be  made  for  this. 

g  Utinam  solis  scripturis  content!  essemus,  et  lis  nulla  foret.  p.  4.  F.  Quae 
ergo  debent  quaeri  ?  Quae  invenimus  in  scripturis  posita.  Quae  autem  in 
scripturis  non  invenimus  posita,  ea  non  quaeramus.  Si  enim  oporteret  nobis 
esse  cognita,  utique  Spintus  sanctus  posuisset  ea  in  scripturis.  Non  enim  sumus 
sapientiores  a  Spiritu  sancto.  P.  6.  D.  Vid.  et  G. 

h  See  Vol.  iii.  p.  181,  183,  187.  «  L.  i.  c.  13.  p.  31—35. 

k  L.  ii.  c.  17.  p.  53,  et  seq.  '  P.  55.  D. 

m  H.  E.  1.  c.  5.  n  L.  ii.  c.  10.  °  Josephus's 

account,  with  remarks,  may  be  seen  in  Part.  i.  of  this  work.  B.  i.  ch.  i. 
sect.  vi. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Cccsarea.     A.  D.  315.  81 

7.  He  transcribes^1  Josephus's  account  of  Theudas,  as 
confirming*  what  is  said,  Acts  v.  36 ;  whereas  what  Josephus 
says  isi  reckoned  to  be  a  considerable  objection  against  the 
Evangelical  History. 

8.  In  the  Demonstration  he  transcribes  a  passage  of  Jo 
sephus  relating  to  the  wonderful  signs  preceding  the  de 
struction  of  Jerusalem,  and  then  adds,  '  These r  things  he 
writes,  as  happening  after  our  Saviour's  passion  :'  though 
they  did  not  happen  till  above  thirty  years  afterwards.     To 
the  like  purpose  in  the  s  Chronicle.     And  in*  the  Ecclesi 
astical  History,  Eusebius  transcribes  largely  that  passage 
of  Josephus,  as  giving  an  account  of  the  signs  before  the 
Jewish  war.     Concerning  this  matter  may  be  seen  u  Joseph 
Scaliger. 

9.  If  the  testimony  to  Jesus,  as  the  Christ,  had  been  from 
the  beginning1,  in  Josephus's  works,  it  is  strange,  it  should 
never  have  been  quoted  by  any  ancient  apologist  for  Chris 
tianity  ;  and  now  in  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century  be 
thought  so  important,  as  to  be  quoted  by  our  author v  in 
two  of  his  works,  still  remaining. 

10.  There  is  a w  work,  ascribed  to  Porphyry,  quoted  by 
Eusebius,  in  the  Preparation,  and  Demonstration.     If  that 
work  is  not x  genuine,  (as  I  think  it  is  not,)  it  was  a  forgery 
of  his  own  time.     And  the  quoting  it,  as  he  does,  will  be 
reckoned  an  instance  of  want  of  care,  or  skill,  or  candour 
and  impartiality. 

11.  I  formerly  complained  y  of  Eusebius,  for  not  giving 
us  at  length  the  passage  of  Caius,  concerning  the  scriptures 
of  the  New  Testament,  or  however  of  St.  Paul's  epistles. 
But  he  abridged  that,  and  afterwards  transcribed  at  length 
several  passages  z  of  an  anonymous  writer  of  little  worth, 
concerning-  the  followers*  of  Artemon.     It  may  be  reckoned 
somewhat  probable,  that  Eusebius's  aversion  for  Sabellian- 
ism,  and  every  thing  akin  to  it,  led  him  to  pay  so  much 
respect  to  that  author. 

12.  I  add  no  more  at  present.     Many  observations  upon 
this  author's  works  may  be  seen  in  Joseph  Scaliger's  Pro 
legomena  to  the  Chronicle.      Dr.  Heumann  intended5  to 

P  L.  ii.  c.  11.  i  See  Part  i.  of  this  work,  B.  ii.  ch.  vii. 

r  Dem.  Ev.  1.  viii.  402.  D.  s  Chr.  p.  158.  infr.  m. 

1  H.  E.  1.  iii.  c.  8.  u  Prolegom.  p.  12.  m.     Et  Animadv.  in 

Euseb.  p.  186.  Vid.  et  Van  Dale  de  Orac.  Diss.  p.  39,  40. 

Hist,  EC.  1.  i.  c.  xi.     Dem.  Ev.  1.  iii.  p.  124.  w  iiepi  T^Q  etc 

v  0i\o<To0ia£.  x  Conf.  Van  Dale  de  Orac.  Diss.  i.  p.  14,  15. 

See  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxii.  *  H.  E.  1.  v.  c.  28. 

See  those  passages  with  remarks  upon  them.     Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxii. 

alio  tempore,  si  vita  suppeditat,  copiosum  exhibiturus  tibi  judicium 

VOL.  IV.  G 


82  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

write  remarks  upon  the  Ecclesiastical  History  ;  but  I  do 
not  know  that  he  has  published  them  :  if  he  had,  I  should 
have  read  them  with  pleasure. 

IV.  It  has  often  been  disputed  whether  Eusebius  was  an 
Arian.  It  may  be  proper  therefore  for  me  to  refer  to  some 
authors  upon  this  question.  The  ancients  were  not  all  of 
one  mind  here.  Socrates,  in  the  fifth  century,  inserted  an 
Apology  c  for  him  in  his  Ecclesiastical  History. 

Among  moderns  it  is  needless  to  mention  Baronius,  whose 
antipathy  to  this  writer  is  well  known,  Petaviusd  readily 
places  Eusebius  amongst  Arians.  Bull e  vindicates  him. 
Cave f  and  Le  Clerc  %  had  a  warm  controversy  upon  this 
head.  Cave  allows,  *  That  h  there  are  many  unwary  and 
'  dangerous  expressions  to  be  found  in  his  writings/  *  That1 
'  he  has  at  best  doubtful  and  ambiguous  expressions  in  this 

*  controverted  doctrine  :'  '  and  that k  he  was  reckoned  to  be 
'  an  Arian  by  Athanasius,  and   divers  others  his  contempo- 

*  raries,  as  well   as  others  in  the  latter  part  of  the   fourth 
'  century,  and  afterwards.'     Still  he  says,  he l  did  not  hold 
the   peculiar  doctrines  of  Arianism.     Fabricius™  and  Du 
Pinn  do  not  much   differ  from  Cave.     Valesius0  too  was 
favourable  to  our  author.     G.  J.  Vossius  says,  hisp  works 
would  sufficiently  manifest  him  to  have  been  an  Arian,  if 
the  ancients  had  been  silent  about  it.     Of  the  same  opinion 
ivas  i  James  Gothofred.     Tillemont  is  clear,  that r  Eusebius 
showed  himself  an  Arian  by  his  actions  and  his  writings. 
Montfaugon  says  the  same  thing9  exactly  ;  and   earnestly, 
and  at  large,  argues  on  this  side  of  the  question ;  and  that 
he  showed  himself  to  be  an  Arian  as  much  in  his  writings 

de  Eusebii  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  non  perfunctorie  a  me  perlecta.  Heumann. 
Epiat.  Miscell.  T.  ii.  p.  25. 

c  L.  ii.  c.  21.  d  Dogm.  Theol.  T.  2. 1.  i.  cap.  xi.  xii. 

e  Def.  Fid.  Nic.  f  Lives  of  the  Fathers,  in  English.  T.  ii.  et 

H.  L.  et  Diss.  tertia.  De  Eusebii  Caesariensis  Arianismo  et  Epist.  Apolog.  ad 
calcem.  H.  L.  »  See  Bib.  Univ.  T.  x.  p.  379,  &c.  and  Epistolae 

Criticae  in  the  3rd  vol.  of  his  Ars  Critica. 

h  See  Life  of  Eusebius,  in  English,  sect.  xxii.  To  the  like  purpose  in  the 

Dise.  before  referred  to,  p.  43.  a.  m.  Oxon. multa  scriptis  ejus  inesse 

incautius,  durius,  periculosius  dicta — sed  hie  pedem  figo,  hoc  in  me  proban- 
dum  recipio,  Eusebium  non  fuisse  Arianum. 

1  Life  of  Eusebius,  as  before,  sect.  xxii. 

k  In  veteribus  primas  tenent  Athanasius,  Eustathius  Antiochenus,  Marcellus 
Ancyranus,  Epiphanius,  Hilarius,  Hieronymus,  &c.  Diss.  iii.  p.  43.  a.  f. 

1  See  note  h.  m  Bib.  Gr.  T.  vi.  p.  32.  n  Bib.  EC.  T.  ii.  p.  7. 

0  Vid.  de  Vit.  et  Scrip.  Euseb.  Caes.  P  De  Hist.  Gr.  1.  ii.  c.  17. 

1  Vid.  Not.  seu  Dissert,  in  Philostorg.  lib.  i.  c.  8.  p.  28,  &c. 

*  See  Eusebius  de  Cas.  Art.  xii.  M.  E.  T.  vii. 

•  Arianum  probant  tarn  gesta  quam  scripta.     Prselim.  in  Euseb.  Comm.  in 
Ps.  cap.  vi.  sect.  17. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Casarea.     A.  D.  315.  83 

after  the  council  of  Nice,  as  before  it.  As  for  his  subscrib 
ing  the  Nicene  Creed,  he  supposes,  that *  Eusebius  was 
moved  by  worldly  considerations,  and  that  he  did  not  sub 
scribe  sincerely.  *  Which  is  grievous  to  think  :  better  had 
it  been,  that  the  bishops  of  that  council  had  never  met  to 
gether,  than  that  they  should  have  tempted,  and  prevailed 
upon  a  Christian  bishop,  or  any  one  else,  to  prevaricate  and 
act  against  conscience.  Our  blessed  Lord  has  pronounced 
a  woe  upon  those,  by  whom  offences  come,  Matt,  xviii. 
init.  And  I  am  apt  to  think,  that  in  the  end  his  authority 
will  be  found  superior  to  that  of  the  most  respected  of  his 
followers. 

Pagiu  thought  this  to  be  a  very  difficult  question. 

I  presume  it  is  not  requisite  that  I  should  deliver  my  own 
opinion  ;  especially  as  1  have  not  room  to  say  what  would 
be  sufficient  to  the  purpose :  and  in  the  writers  already  re 
ferred  to,  may  be  found  very  good  observations. 

I  once  suspected,  that  in  examining  this  question,  many 
learned  men  were  under  a  bias.  As  Eusebius  was  so  emi 
nent  a  man,  and  well  acquainted  with  the  writings  of  pri 
mitive  Christians,  they  might  be  unwilling  to  have  it  thought, 
that  he  held  a  different  sentiment  upon  the  doctrine  of  the 
Trinity  from  what  they  judged  to  be  right.  But  now  I  am 
desirous  to  drop  that  surmise,  and  to  allow,  that  there  is 
some  real  difficulty  in  deciding  this  question  :  for  surely 
there  must  be,  on  both  sides,  men  wise  enough  to  guard 
against  prejudice.  However,  in  this  I  am  clear,  that  the 
principles  of  religion  may  be  learned  from  reason  and  scrip 
ture  :  and  that  we  ought  not  to  pay  too  much  regard  to  any 
man's  authority,  how  great  soever  he  may  be.  For  what 
Arnobius  says  gloriously  of  the  Christian  religion,  may  be 
said  of  every  important  truth :  it v  trusts  to  its  own  evi- 

1  Objicerc  solent  qui  Eusebii  paries  tutantur,  ipsum  in  Synodo  Nicaena  ry 
o/i08<rif{j  subscripsisse.  Quare  id  non  puto  esse  tanti  ad  ejus  defensionem. 

Quid  enim  exoneratus  metu  fecisset,  experiundi  potestas  non  fuit.  Id.  in  Prsel. 
cap.  vi.  sect.  12.  Ab  exordio  enim  Arianismi  ad  obitum  usque  cum  Arianis 
concordissime  vixit,  nascenti  haeresi  nomen  dedit;  in  Nicaena  Synodo,  quan 
tum  licuit,  catholicis  obstitit.  Sed  qui  adprime  calleret  concedere  tempori, 
demum  cessit  et  subscripsit.  Sic  enim  suadebat  timor,  non  diuturni  magister 
officii.  Qua  enim  mente  id  egerit,  sibi  subditis  populis  sic  enarravit,  ut  sibi 
pristina  repetendi,  sicubi  liceret,  aditum  reliquerit.  ib.  sect.  xvii. 

u  Sed  prorsus  incertum,  an  Arianis  vel  orthodoxis  annumerandus  sit — Han- 
kius  refert — tandemque  concludit,  via  tutissima  videri  illos  incedere,  qui  post 
Synodum  Nicaenam  Eusebium  Arianum  fuisse,  neque  negantibus,  neque  affir- 
mantibus,  accedentes,  judicium  suum  suspendunt.  Tot  ambagious  haec 
quaestio  intricala  est !  Pagi  Ann.  325.  n.  xxxii. 

v  Suis  illis  contenta  est  viribus,  et  veritatis  propriae  fundaminibus  nititur : 
nee  spoliatur  vi  sua,  ctiamsi  nullum  habeat  vindicem.  Arnob.  1.  iii.  in. 

G   2 


84  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

deuce,  and  stands  firm  upon  its  own  bottom  :  whether  any 
man  embrace  it  or  not. 

V.  This  author  was  a  witness  of  the  sufferings  of  the 
Christians  in  the  early  part  of  his  life  ;  and  afterwards  saw 
the  splendour  of  the  church  under  the  first  Christian  em 
perors.  Like  most  other  great  men,  he  has  met  with  good 
report  and  ill  report.  His  w  learning,  however,  and  know 
ledge  of  the  scriptures,  have  been  universally  allowed.  '  It 
'  appears  from  his  works/  says  x  Tillemont,  '  that  he  had  read 
'  all  sorts  of  Greek  authors,  whether  philosophers,  historians, 
*  or  divines,  of  Egypt,  Phoenicia,  Asia,  Europe,  and  Africa.' 
With  a  very  extensive  knowledge  of  literature  he  seems  to 
have  had  the  agreeable  accomplishments  of  a  courtier.  He 
was  both  a  bishop,  and  a  man  of  the  world  :  a  great  author, 
and  a  fine  speaker.  He  must  have  had  a  good  education, 
though  we  have  no  particular  account  of  it.  We  plainly 
perceive  from  his  writings,  that  through  the  whole  course 
of  his  life  he  was  studious  and  diligent  ;  insomuch,  that  it 
is  wonderful  how  he  should  have  leisure  to  write  so  many 
large  and  elaborate  works,  of  different  kinds  ;  beside  the 
discharge  of  the  duties  of  his  function,  and  beside  his  at 
tendance  at  court,  at  synods,  and  the  solemnities  of  dedicat 
ing  churches.  He  was  acquainted  with  all  the  great  and 
learned  men  of  his  time  :  and  had  access  to  the  libraries  at 
y  Jerusalem,  and  z  Ceesarea  :  which  advantages  he  improved 
to  the  utmost.  Some  may  wish  he  had  not  joined  with  the 
Arian  leaders  in  the  hard  treatment  that  was  given  to  Eus- 
tathius,  bishop  of  Antioch,  Athanasius  of  Alexandria,  and 
Marcellus  of  Ancyra.  But  it  should  be  considered,  that  the 
Christian  bishops  in  general,  after  the  conversion  of  Con- 
stantine,  seem  to  have  thought,  that  they  had  a  right  to  de 
pose  and  banish  all  ecclesiastics,  who  did  not  agree  with 
them  upon  the  points  of  divinity  controverted  at  that  time. 
Finally,  though  there  may  be  some  things  exceptionable  in 
his  writings  and  conduct,  I  am  persuaded,  notwithstanding11 
what  some  may  say,  that  he  was  a  good  as  well  as  a  great 
man.  His  zeal  for  the  Christian  religion,  his  affection  for 
the  martyrs,  his  grateful  respect  for  his  friend  Pamphilus, 
his  diligence  in  collecting  excellent  materials,  and  in  com 
posing  useful  works  for  the  benefit  of  mankind,  his  b  caution 


w  —  —  —  avrjp  T(t)v  Stiiiiv  ypa0it»v  /cat  ra>i'  Trap1  'EXXjjpi  troiqTiov  Kai  avyypa- 
Qtuiv  TToXvfiaBe^aTog  i?u»p.  Sozom.  1.  i.  c.  1.  p.  401.  A 

x  Euseb.  de  Ces.  Art.  i.  y  Vid.  H.  Ecc.  1.  vi.  c.  20. 

z  L.  vi.  c.  32.  *  -  -qui  si  quantum  eruditionis,  tantum 

sincerae  fidei  laudem  tulisset,  vix  parem  admitteret.  Montfaucjon,  Prselim.  in 
Euseb.  Comm.  in  PS.  in  it.  "  See  before,  p.  20. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Ccrsarea.     A.  D.  315.  85 

and  scrupulousness  in  not  vouching  for  the  truth  of  Con- 
stantine's  story  of  the  apparition  of  the  cross,  as  well  as 
other  things,  fully  satisfy  me  of  this. 

Du  Pin  c  says,  *  Eusebius  seems  to  have  been  very  dis 
interested,  very  sincere,  a  great  lover  of  peace,  of  truth, 
and  religion.  Though  he  had  close  alliances  with  the 
enemies  of  Athanasius,  he  appears  not  to  have  been  his 
enemy,  nor  to  have  had  any  great  share  in  the  quarrels  of 
the  bishops  of  that  time.  He  was  present  at  the  councils, 
where  unjust  things  were  transacted  against  Eustathius 
and  Athanasius;  but  we  do  not  discern,  that  he  showed 
signs  of  passion  himself,  or  that  he  was  the  tool  of  other 

men's  passions.     He  was  not  author  of  new  creeds, he 

only  aimed  to  reconcile  and  re-unite  parties.     He  did  not 
abuse  the  interest  he  had  with  the  emperor  to  raise  him 
self,  nor  to  ruin  his  enemies,  as  did  Eusebius  of  Nicome- 
dia  ;  but  he  improved  it  for  the  benefit  of  the  church.' 
VI.  I  have  omitted  many  descriptions  of  the  nature  and 
design  of  the  Christian  religion,  to  be  found  in  the  primitive 
writers,  proofs  of  their  good  sense,  and  just  sentiments  of 
religion.     But  I  think  it  not  proper  to  pass  by  every  thing 
of  that  kind  in  this  celebrated  bishop  of  Csesarea. 

1.  The  title  of  the  fourth  chapter  of  the  first  book  of  the 
Ecclesiastical  History  is  to  this  purpose  :  t  That  the  religion 
published  by  Jesus  Christ  to  all  nations,  is  neither  new  nor 
strange.' 

'  For  though,'  says  d  he,  i  without  controversy,  we  are  but 
of  late,  and  the  name  of  Christians  is  indeed  new,  and  has 
not  long  obtained  over  the  world  ;  yet  our  manner  of  life, 
and  the  principles  of  our  religion,  have  not  been  lately  de 
vised  by  us,  but  were  instituted  and  observed,  if  I  may  so 
say,  from  the  beginning  of  the  world,  by  good  men,  accept 
ed  of  God,  from  those  natural  notions  which  are  implanted 
in  men's  minds.  This  I  shall  show  in  the  following  man 
ner  :  It  is  well  known,  that  the  nation  of  the  Hebrews  is 
not  new,  but  distinguished  by  its  antiquity.  They  have 
writings  containing  accounts  of  ancient  men  ;  few  indeed  in 
number,  but  very  eminent  for  piety,  justice,  and  every  other 
virtue.  Of  whom  some  lived  before  the  flood,  others  since, 
sons  and  grandsons  of  Noah  ;  particularly  Abraham,  whom 
the  Hebrews  glory  in  as  the  father  and  founder  of  their 
nation.  And  if  any  one,  ascending  from  Abraham  to  the 
first  man,  should  affirm,  that  all  of  them  who  were  cele 
brated  for  virtue,  were  Christians  in  reality,  though  not  in 
name,  he  would  not  speak  much  beside  the  truth.  For  what 
c  As  before,  Vol.  iii.  p.  13.  d  H.  E.  1.  i.  c.  4.  p.  15.  B.  C.  et  Id. 


86  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

else  does  the  name  of  Christian  denote,  but  a  man,  who  by 
the  knowledge  and  doctrine  of  Jesus  Christ  is  brought  to 
the  practice  of  sobriety,  righteousness,  patience,  fortitude, 
and  the  religious  worship  of  the  one  and  only  God  over  all. 
About  these  things  they  were  no  less  solicitous  than  we  are ; 
but  they  practised  not  circumcision,  nor  observed  sabbaths, 
any  more  than  we :  nor  had  they  distinctions  of  meats  nor 
other  ordinances,  which  were  first  appointed  by  Moses. — 
Whence  it  is  apparent,  that  ought  to  be  esteemed  the  first 
and  most  ancient  institution  of  religion,  which  was  observed 
by  the  pious  about  the  time  of  Abraham,  and  has  been  of 
late  published  to  all  nations,  by  the  direction  and  authority 
of  Jesus  Christ.' 

2.  After  the  same  manner,  our  author  expresseth  himself6 
in  the  second  chapter  of  the  Evangelical  Demonstration, 
published  by  Fabricius.  '  I  have  already  shown  in  the 
Evangelical  Preparation,  that  Christianity  is  neither  hea 
thenism  nor  Judaism;  but  is  a  peculiar  form  of  religion, 
neither  new,  nor  absurd  and  unreasonable,  but  most  ancient, 
observed  by  and  well  known  to  those  who  lived  before 
Moses,  who  were  dear  to  God,  and  renowned  for  piety  and 
virtue.  Nevertheless  it  will  be  proper  here  to  show  briefly, 
what  is  heathenism,  what  Judaism.  Judaism  may  be  defined 
to  be  a  republic  established  according  to  the  law  of  Moses, 
subject  to  the  one  supreme  God.  As  for  heathenism,  it 
may  be  said  to  be  a  superstition,  consisting  of  the  worship 
of  many  gods,  according  to  the  rites  of  several  nations. 
What  then  shall  we  say  of  those  men  before  Moses,  and 
before  Judaism,  who  were  dear  to  God,  of  whom  also  Moses 
makes  mention,  as  Enoch,  to  whom  he  bears  testimony,  that 
"  he  pleased  God,"  Gen.  v.  22,  24.  And  Noah,  of  whom 
he  says,  "  he  was  a  just  man  in  his  generation,"  Gen.  vi.  9. 
And  Seth  and  Japhcth — And  beside  these,  Abraham,  Isaac, 
and  Jacob,  and  Job,  and  others,  who  followed  the  same 
course  of  life.  Were  they  Jews  or  heathens  ?  They  cannot 
be  said  to  have  been  Jews,  since  the  law  of  Moses  was  not 
yet  delivered. — Nor  can  they  be  reckoned  heathens,  since 
they  were  not  involved  in  the  superstition  of  polytheism. — 
Wherefore  there  must  be  a  third  religion,  neither  Judaism 
nor  heathenism,  the  most f  ancient  institution,  and  the  most 
ancient  philosophy,  which  has  been  lately  declared  to  all 
men  throughout  the  world.  He  therefore  who  forsakes  Ju 
daism  or  heathenism,  and  becomes  a  Christian,  embraces 

e  Vid.  Fabric,  de  Verit.  Relig.  Christian,  p.  1 1,  12,  13. 
1  iraXaioTarov  £t'<Tf/3ttac  TroXirfv/ua,  icat  apxaioran;   ptv  TIQ  <f>i\o- 

ffo<f>ui.  K.  \   ib.  p.  14. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  C&sarea.     A.  D.  315.  87 

tliat  law  and  course  of  life,  which  had  been  followed  by  the 
ancient  patriarchs,  friends  of  God  :  which  *  indeed  had  long 
lain  dormant,  but  has  been  now  revived  by  our  Lord  ana 
Saviour,  agreeably  to  the  predictions  of  Moses,  and  the  rest 
of  the  prophets.'  „ 

3.  He  expresseth  himself  again  to  the  like  purpose,  in  the 
fifth  chapter  of  the  same  book  of  the  Demonstration  ;  where 
he  observes,  that  the  law  of  Moses  was  suited  to  the   one 
nation  of  the  Jews  only,  and  them  living  in  their  own  land. 
For  it  could  not  be  obeyed  by  the  Jews  themselves  in  fo 
reign  and  distant  countries,  much  less  by  all  nations  of  the 
earth.     I  say,  having  observed  these  things,  he  adds  :  '  The 
law  andh  course  of  life  instituted  by  our  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ,  is  a  revival  of  the  ancient  religion  before  Moses,  ac 
cording  to  which  Abraham  the  friend  of  God,  and  others 
before  him,  lived.' 

4.  Again,  in  the  Preparation  he  largely  shows,  '  That  'l 
Abraham,  and  good  men  before  him,  had  a  freer  and  more 
rational  religion  than  that  of  Moses,  which  contained  ordi 
nances  about  the  sabbath,  and  annual  festivals,  and  a  multi 
tude  of  rules  about  meats  and  drinks,  and  bodily  purifica 
tions,  troublesome  to  observe.     The  k  ancestors  of  the  Jews 
followed  right  reason,  and  were  truly  pious  :'  that  is,  I  think, 
the  patriarchal   religion  consisted  of  those  principles  and 
duties,  which  are  reasonable  in  themselves,  without  a  mul 
titude  of  positive  appointments;  which  too,  undoubtedly,  is 
the  character  of  the  Christian  religion. 

5.  He  elsewhere  speaks  of  true  religion,  as  the  l  divine 
philosophy  :  '  Jesus  Christ,'  he  says,  *  was  m  no  impostor, 
but  a  philosopher,    and   truly  religious.'      Again,  '  Then 
Christ  of  God  is  the  Saviour  and  Enlightener  of  all  nations, 
a  teacher  of  piety,  an  example  of  sobriety,   the  captain  of 

g  •  fjiaiepov  ((prjffvxaffavTa  %povov,  avOig  avtvtoiffaro.  ibid. 

h  Toisroc  fo  TTt(f>r)vtv  o  Trpog  r«  auTtjpoQ  ripuv  Irjaa  XjOi<ra  vtvofj.oQtTtiiJ.EvoG 
vofJLOQ  re  /cat  /3iof  rr]V  TraXaiorarTjv  KCCI  irptafivrspav  Mw<7£0>£  ivatfiuav  avavtv- 
fiivoe.  K.  X.  Dem.  Ev.  p.  9.  C. 

1  'Eflpaioi  de  irptafivrtpoi  Mwtrtwf  —  tXtvQepov  KCCI  aveiptvov  tvat(3tia£  jcartup- 
Qav  TpoTrov,  (3t<t>  fitv  ry  Kara  rr\v  <j>v0tv  KtKOfffjirifjievoi'  Pr.  Ev.  1.  vii.  c.  6.  p. 
304  D. 

k  -  /eat  Trpo  TO>V  cyypa^wv  avra  vofiuv,  7r\«8£  rfSri  TWV  irpoTraropcov 
Xoyinyzoic,  ivatfitiac,  apery  jcarejco/z»/0ijffav.  ib.  C.  7.  p.  305.  C. 

1   -  Ta%a.[j.tvo£,  KO.I  Tov  iavTS  /3tov  ctva9tivai  TQ  Kara 


Qtov  0i\o<ro0ia.  In.  Ps.  p.  314.  A. 

m   ^»tXoffo0og  apa,  KO.I  a\T)9^g  tvfftfBijg,  7ro\X« 
av  o  va)Tr)p  icai  Ki-piog  rjfj.<ov.     Dem.  Ev.  1.  iii.  p.  127.  A. 


a\T]6aG  ainoc-  In  Ps.  p.  12.  A.  B. 


88  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

righteousness,  the  author  of  all  virtue  and  right  knowledge 
of  God.' 

6.  Christ's  apostles,  when  they  went  abroad  to  convert 
the  world,  did  not  conceal  his  inglorious  death  :  but  related 
that,  as  well  as  his  miracles  and0  philosophical   discourses. 
And  through  the  doctrine  P  of  Christ,  the  church  of  God  all 
over  the  world  has  been  taught  to  offer  thanksgivings  and 
reasonable  services,  without  the  smoke  of  burnt-offerings. 

7.  He  asserts  free-will   very  strongly.     He  says,  that'* 
right  reason  is  given  to  men  with  a  power  to  choose  and  act, 
according  to  the  light  and  instruction  afforded  them,  and 
thereby  to  entitle  themselves  to  great  recompences. 

8.  He  says,  '  thatr  Christ  gave  like   gifts  to  Judas  with 
the  other  apostles  ;  that  once  our  Saviour  had  good  hopes 
of  him,  on  account  of  the  power  of  free-will.     For  Judas 
was  not  of  such  a  nature,  as  rendered  his  salvation  impos 
sible.     Like  the  other  apostles,  he  might  have  been  instruct 
ed  by  the  Son  of  God,  and  might  have  been  a  sincere  and 
good  disciple.' 

9.  He  thinks,  that  9  by  the  law  of  the  Lord,  so  much  com 
mended  and  extolled  in  the  book  of  Psalms,  may  be  meant 
the  law  of  nature,  binding  all  men. 

10.  His  explication1  of  Isa.  Ixiii.  1  —  6,  deserves  to  be 
considered  by  the  curious. 

11.  He  seems  to  say,  that  Christ  is  our  propitiation,  as  he 
has  taught  us  to  propitiate  for  ourselves,  and  expiate  our 
sins  by  repentance  and  new  obedience,  only  offering  rea 
sonable  sacrifices.     Commenting  upon  Psal.  Ixix.  31.  *  In  u 
like  manner  our  Saviour  says  in  the  words  before  us,  I  offer 
not  a  sensible  bullock,  but  a  pure  and  unbloody  sacrifice, 
which  I  have  appointed  in  my  church,  to  be  offered  by  a 
ministry  that  has  neither  fire  nor  blood  :  which  will  be  more 


0  -  rag  Tt  QiXoaofysQ  SitiaaKaXiag  avrs.  Dem.  E.  1.  iii.  p.  137.  D. 
p  -  iv   olq  —  »}   (KK\r)(Tia  T8   0£8  ra£  ev^crpiTiag  Kai   Tag  Xoyucag  KO.I 
aKmrvHQ  Xarpuag  avatyeptiv  rip  0£<j>  iraptiXivptv.  In.  Ps.  p.  385.  A. 

q   Tarov  yap  airaoy  i^v^y  <pvaiKov  vofMov  (3oijQov  avr-g  Kat  avfifiax0^  *T*  rtov 
o  Tdtv  oXbJV  £»7jui«pyo£  i»7T£<r»j<Taro.    '  Ata  \tiv  TS  vofia  TTJV  tvQfiav  avTy 
oSoi''  Sid  Se  TTJQ  avry  Stdwprjutvrjg  aure£8<ri8  t\tv9epia£  Tt]v  TWV 
ctiptoiv  t7raivs  Kcci  (iirodo^ijg  a%iov  aTrotyijvaQ,  ytpwv  TS.  KOI  ptiZovuv 
nra9\uv,  K.  X.  Pr.  Ev.  p.  250.  A.  B.  C.  D. 

r   EirtidrjTrep  icai  avT(f)  o/uoiwg  TOIQ  XOITTOIQ  aTro-roXotf  TWV  iffu)v  fifTfSiSs  \a- 


Sta  TO  Kai  £7r1  avrtp  avTe%s<Tiov.     Ov  jap  i)v 
a\X'  oiog  r£,  qv  SriXTjaag,  o/iotwg  roic  XOITTOIQ  airo^oXoig  fiaOertvOrivai  ry  'Yty  rs 
6£8,  KOI  KaXogicai  ayaOog  fiaBijTrjg  aTTOTtXtiaQai.   In  Ps.  p.  171.  B.  C. 
*  tit]  S1  av  vofiog  Kupi8  icat  o  Kara  tyvviv  vraaiv  avOpwTroiQ 

.  K.  X.  In  Ps.  i.  p.  9.  E.  l  In  Isa.  p.  581,  582. 

In  Ps.  kviii.  p.  386.  B.  C.  Vid.  et  p.  385.  E. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  ofCasarca.     A.  D.  315.  89 

acceptable  to  God,  than  the  bullock  appointed  by  Moses. 
Therefore  it  is  said,"  I  will  magnify  him  with  thanksgiving. 
This  shall  please  the  Lord  more  than  a  young-  bullock  that 
has  horns  and  hoofs."  And  w  indeed  the  high-priests,  and 
the  whole  nation  of  the  Jews,  would  have  obtained  forgive 
ness,  and  the  expiation  of  their  sins,  if,  embracing  the 
new  and  salutary  covenant,  they  had  offered  such  a  sacri 
fice.' 

12.  He  does  sometimes  handsomely  enumerate  our  Sa 
viour's  miracles,*  related  in  the  gospels. 

13.  Eusebius  has  frequent  occasion  in  his  works,  to  ob 
serve  the  vast  progress  of  the  gospel  in  the  world,  which 
he  does  in  a  very  agreeable  manner,  showing  how  great  a 
reformation  it  had  made  in  the  world,  in  respect  to  poly 
theism,   idolatry,  human    sacrifices,   polygamy,   incestuous 
marriages,  and  every  kind  of  dissoluteness.     He  speaks  of 
the  gospel's  having  been  carried  by  the  y  apostles  or  their 
successors   not  only  to  Rome,  but  into   Persia,    Armenia, 
Parthia,  Scythia,  India,  Britain.     So  in  one  place.     In  an 
other  z  he  mentions  Persians,  Scythians,  Indians,  Ethiopians, 
Moors,    Spaniards,    Britons.       In    another    place    he    says, 
*  There  is  noa  nation  or  kingdom,  which  does  not  in  whole, 
or  in  part,  acknowledge  the  glory  of  Christ.'     In  the  third 
book  of  the  Evangelical  Demonstration,  where  he  enlarges 
upon  this  subject,  he  says  :  '  When  b  1  consider  the  power 
of  this  doctrine,  and  that  great  multitudes  of  men  were  per 
suaded,  and  numerous  societies   formed,  by  the  mean   and 
illiterate  disciples  of  Jesus,  and  that  not  in  obscure  and  ig 
norant  places,  but  in  the  most  celebrated  cities,  in  Rome 
itself  the  queen  of  all  other  cities,  in  Alexandria  and  An- 
tioch,  throughout  Egypt  and   Lybia,  Europe  and  Asia,  and 
also  in  villages  and  country  places,  and  in  all  nations  ;  I 
am  obliged,  and  even  compelled  to  inquire  after  the  cause 
of  this,  and  to  acknowledge,   that  they  succeeded  not  in 
their   great    undertaking    any    otherwise,    than    by    divine 
power  surpassing  all  human  ability,  and  the  co-operation 
of  him,  who  said  unto  them,  "  Go  teach  all  nations  in  my 
name." 


KO.I  KaQapfftwc  TWV  ^jLtaprrjjLtevwv  avroiq  oi  ap%ifpti<;, 
Kai  oi  78  travroQ  tQvctc,  ti  KE%pr]VTo  ravrg  ry  Srvauf,  rrjv  Kaivrjv  KCII  crwr^piov 
£iaQriKr]v  TrapadtZapivoi.  ib.  C.  x  Vid.  Dem.  Ev.  1.  iii.  p.  107  —  109. 

y  Dem.  Ev.  1.  iii.  p.  112.  D.  z  In  Ps.  p.  570.  A.  B.  Vid.  ib.  D. 

a  Ov  yap  e<rtj/  8/c  t9vog,  «  /3a<ri\£ia,  77  p,rj  TrpocfKWvaa  rrjv  do%av  78  Xpi«r8,  »; 
UTTO  fJLtpuQ.  In  Ps.  p  657.  A. 

b  AXXa  7TaX.ii/  a^opwv  eig  TTJV  rs  Xoy8  ^vvafiiv,  wg  /Jivpia  irXriQij  ire-rrtiKev, 
KCII  a>£  avvfzrjaav  pvpiavdpot  tKK\i)aiai  irpoq  aceivuv  rwv  «ur«XeTarwv  icat 
aypoi/aoi>  TS  Irjffu  /«a0*jra>v.  tc.  X.  Dem.  Ev.  1.  iii.  p.  138.  B.  C.  D. 


90  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

14.  He  seems  to  say,  that c  still  in  his  time  some  miracles 
were  done,  but  not  many,  nor  of  great  notice.     Yet  after 
wards  he  speaks  of  d  Christians    casting1   out   daemons   in 
Christ's  name.      In  another  place,  having  spoken  of  the 
miracles   related   in    the    gospels,   he  adds  :    *  And e   still 
through  the  doctrine  of  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  men  are 
delivered  from  the  worship  of  daemons,  and  from  a  blind 
and  stupid  respect  for  senseless  idols,  and  obtain  greater 
benefits  than  any  bodily  cures.'     Which,  1  think,  seems  to 
imply,  that  miracles  were  not  then  common,  if  they  had  not 
quite  ceased. 

15.  He  supposes,  that f  Peter  and  John,  as  well  as  Paul 
and  other  apostles,  preached  to  several  nations. 

16.  He   says,   all  *  the    apostles   suffered    martyrdom ; 
which,  ash  Montfaugon  observes,  cannot  be  shown  now. 

17.  In  several  places '  he  interprets  Matt.  v.  3.  of  worldly 
poverty. 

18.  I  do  not  enter  into  the  controversy,  whether  Eusebius 
was  an  Arian.     Nevertheless,  I  shall  transcribe  the  follow 
ing  passages,  though  they  may  seem  to  have  some  relation 
to  it. 

He  speaks  of  the  Spirit,  as  k  made  by  the  Son.  Again, 
'  The ]  Spirit  is  not  of  the  Father,  as  the  Son,  but  is  one  of 
the  things  made  by  the  Son.' 

He  has  some  ways  of  speaking  of  the  Son,  that  are  re 
markable:  as,  thatm  he  was  honoured  with  the  Father's 
deity.  He  says,  *  All  n  the  Father's  grace  was  poured  out 
upon  the  Beloved  :  for  it  was  the  Father  that  spake  in 
him.' 

c   Si  wv  aVTOQ  o  Kvpioe  jy/xwi/  tictn  KM  vvv  olg  av  Kpivtiw  fJiiKpa  TWO, 

Tt]Q  avm  SvvantbiQ  Trapatyaivtiv  tiuiOe.  Dem.  Ev.  1.  Hi.  p.  109.  A. 

d 6  TroTt  tiffin  Stvpo  Trag  daifjuov  KCII  irav  aKaOaprov  irvev/jia — TH  Irjffa 

TO  ovopa  QpiTTti.  ib.  p.  133.  Vid.  et  p.  132.  D. 

e   TSTWV   airavTwv,  icai  TVV  aXXwv  TraOuv  re  icai  appw^rjuaTuv  8ia  rrjg  TS 
T)[i<i>v   Irjaa  Xpira  diSaaKaXiag  tttrm  icai  vvv   aTraXXarrovrai,  TTO\V 
Kara  <ra>^a  idfftiog  Kai  wtytXeiag  a£i8/ievoi.  Dem.  1.  i.  p.  301.  D. 
fitv  av  cnro  'lepsffaXrjfj.  KCU  KujcXy — ITfrpog  ds  iraXtv  t 
Kat  IdiavvrjG  axraurwg  inpwvy  Kai  TIOV  XOITTWV  airo-o\(i>v  eica<70£ 
In  Ps.  p.  352.  D.  E. 

K  In  Ps.  p.  413.  B.  C.  h  Praelim.  cap.  ix.n.  iii. 

j  Vid.  in  Ps.  p.  386.  C.  D.  387.  D.  404.  D.  E.  et  412.  B. 

'O  fo  'Yiof  /novog  TrarpiKy  OtoTtjri  T6Tip,T]fJitvO£  TTOIIJTIKOQ  av  eiij  Kai 

KOg  TT)£  T(t)V  ytV(.T(t)V  aTTClVTUiV KCII  fit  Kat  T1/1Q  7TapaK\nTU  TTVtVUaTOC  W 

De  EC.  Th.  L  iii.  c.  6.  p.  174.  C. 

1  ETTft  fir]  (K  TH  Ilarpog  6/iotwg  ry  "Yty,  Kat  avTO  Ttjv  yevtoiv  ttXrjfav'  tv  dt  TI 
Td)v  Sin  TU  'Y(«  ytvofifvwv  Tvy\avti.  Ibid.  p.  ]  75.  A. 

ra  Vid.  not.  *. 

n  ETrtt  de  TS  ayairriTs  -naaa  »;  Trarpuct;  etg  avrov  (KtwOrj  x«P'f '  *lv  7aP  o 
IIarj?p  XaXwv  tv  'Yty.  In  Ps.  p.  188.  D. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Ccesarea.     A.  D.  315.  91 

Again,  upon  Psal.  Ixxii.  1.  *  This0  righteousness  of  the 
Father  is  given  to  the  king's  son,  of  the  seed  of  David  ac 
cording  to  the  flesh  ;  in  whom,  as  in  a  temple,  dwelled  the 
word,  and  wisdom,  and  righteousness  of  God.' 

Once  more,  referring  to  Isa.  Ixi.  1,  and  Luke  iv.  18. 
'  Showing,'  says  P  he,  '  that  his  was  not  a  bodily  anointing, 
like  that  of  others  ;  but  that  he  was  anointed  with  the  spirit 
of  the  Father's  deity,  and  therefore  called  Christ.' 

The  sense  of  these  three  last  passages,  taken  from  the 
Commentary  upon  the  Psalms,  falls  in  with  the  Nazarene, 
or  Sabellian  scheme.  One  might  suspect,  that  they  are  not 
our  author's  own  :  but  that  he  borrowed  them  from  some 
other  writer,  and  inserted  them  in  his  work  :  which  was  a 
frequent  method  with  Christian  commentators. 

19.  We  must  by  all  means  take  a  fine  passage  of  E use- 
bins  in  his  Evangelical  Demonstration  ;  where,  among  many 
other  just  observations,  proving  the  credibility  of  the  gospel 
history,  against  *»  those  who  refused  to  believe  the  accounts 
of  the  wonderful  works  done  by  our  Saviour,  he  says  : 
*  Ther  apostle  Matthew  does  not  pretend  to  any  honourable 
station  in  the  former  part  of  his  life ;  but  placeth  himself 
among"  publicans,  employed  in  heaping  up  money.  This 
none  of  the  other  evangelists  have  mentioned  ;  not  his  fel 
low-disciple  John,  nor  Luke,  nor  Mark.  But  Matthew  is 
his  own  accuser,  and  dissembles  not  his  former  course  of 
life.  Observe  then,  how  he  expressly  mentions  his  name  in 
the  gospel  written  by  himself:  "  And  as  Jesus  passed  forth 
from  thence,  he  saw  a  man  named  Matthew,  sitting  at  the 
receipt  of  custom  :  and  he  saith  unto  him,  Follow  me.  And 
he  arose  and  followed  him.  And  it  came  to  pass,  as  Jesus 
sat  at  meat  in  the  house,  behold,  many  publicans  came,  and 
sat  down  with  him  and  his  disciples,"  Matt.  ix.  10.  And 
afterwards  in  the  course  of  the  narration,  inserting  a  cata 
logue  of  Christ's  disciples,  he  calls  himself  the  publican. 
For  thus  he  says  :  "  Now  the  names  of  the  twelve  apostles 
are  these;  the  first  Simon,  who  is  called  Peter,  and  Andrew 
his  brother ;  James  the  son  of  Zebedee,  and  John  his  bro 
ther ;  Philip  and  Bartholomew;  Thomas,  and  Matthew  the 
publican,"  Ch.  x.2,3.  Thus  Matthew  out8  of  abundance  of 

0    AVTT]    TOIVVV  fl  TB   UctTpOG  SlKCtlOffWiJ    T(f>    *Yiy  TO   ($O.Gl\Hi)Q    SeSoTCtl,    T(p   SK 

ffTTtpnaTOG  Aavid  Kara  oapKct'  tv  <p  Karytcrjaev,  wcrTrep  tv  va^,  6  TS  Qes  Xoyog, 
Kai  i]  (jo<f>ia  icai  diKaiotrvvr).  In  Ps.  Ixxi.  p.  404.  B. 

p  AidaoKb)v  — TO  fie  trvevfiaTi  Tt]q  Trarpucijg  StoTTjrog  Kt\pifffji,£vovt  KM  diet  TSTO 
Xpi<rov  avjjyopsvfisvov.  In  Ps.  p.  634.  E. 

q  IIpO£  THQ  airiiBsvTaq  ry  TIOV  TS  (T<i)TijpO£  r^idtv  Trspt  rwv  7rapa5o£a>j/  Trpa&wj' 
firjyqaei.  Dem.  Ev.  1.  iii.  c.  5.  p.  109.  C. 

r  Ibid.  p.  119.  D.— 122.  A.  8  At'  virepfio\riv  eTmwcciac.  p.  120.  B. 


92  Credibility  of  Ike  Gospel  History. 

modesty,  hides  not  his  former  course  of  life  :  but  ingenuous 
ly  owns  himself  to  have  been  a  publican,  and  likewise  placeth 
himself  after  his  colleague.  For  whereas  they  were  joined 
two  and  two,  he  with  Thomas,  Peter  with  Andrew,  and 
Philip  with  Bartholomew  ;  he  puts  Thomas  before  himself, 
giving'  the  preference  to  his  fellow-apostle,  as  his  superior  ; 
whilst  the  other  evangelists  have  used  a  different  order.  Ob 
serve  therefore  Luke,  how  he  mentions  Matthew  ;  he  does 
not  call  him  a  publican,  nor  subjoin  him  to  Thomas  ;  but 
knowing  him  to  be  his  superior,  first  mentions  him,  and  then 
Thomas,  as  does  {  Mark  likewise.  The  words  of  the  former 
are  these  :  "  And  when  it  was  day,  he  called  unto  him  his 
disciples,  and  of  them  he  chose  twelve,  whom  also  he  named 
apostles;  Simon,  whom  he  named  Peter,  and  Andrew  his 
brother  ;  James,  and  John  ;  Philip,  and  Bartholomew  : 
Matthew,  and  Thomas,"  Luke  vi.  13—15.  Thus  did  Luke 
prefer  Matthew,  "  even  as  they  had  delivered  things  unto 
him,  who  from  the  beginning  were  eye-witnesses  and  mi 
nisters  of  the  word,"  CD,  i.  2.  You  may  observe  John  to 
be  of  the  same  mind  with  Matthew  ;  for  in  his  epistles,  he 
either  nameth  not  himself  at  all,  or  calls  himself  only  elder, 
no  where  apostle,  or  evangelist.  In  his  gospel  when  he 
speaks  of  him  "  whom  Jesus  loved,"  he  does  not  mention 
himself  by  name.  As  for  Peter,  out  u  of  abundance  of  mo 
desty,  he  thought  not  himself  worthy  to  write  a  gospel  ; 
but  v  Mark,  who  was  his  friend  and  disciple,  is  said  to  have 
recorded  Peter's  relations  of  the  acts  of  Jesus  ;  who,  when 
he  comes  to  that  part  of  the  history,  where  Jesus  asked, 
"  who  men  said  he  was,"  and  then,  what  opinion  they  them 
selves,  his  disciples,  had  of  him?  and  Peter  had  replied, 
that  they  believed  him  to  be  the  Christ  ;  he  does  not  relate 
any  thing  that  Jesus  said  by  way  of  answer  to  this,  except 
that  "  he  charged  them,  that  they  should  tell  no  man  of 
him,"  Mark  viii.  27  —  30.  For  Mark  was  not  present  to  hear 
what  Jesus  said,  and  Peter  did  not  think  fit  to  bear  testi 
mony  to  himself,  by  relating  what  Jesus  said  to  him,  or  of 
him.  Nevertheless,  what  was  said  to  him  is  related  by 
Matthew  in  this  manner  :  "  But  whom  say  ye  that  I  am  ? 
And  Simon  Peter  answered  and  said,  Thou  art  the  Christ, 
the  Son  of  the  living*  God.  And  Jesus  answered,  and  said 
unto  him,  Blessed  art  thou,  Simon  Bar-jona,  for  flesh  and 
blood  has  not  revealed  it  unto  thee,  but  my  Father  which  is 
in  heaven.  And  I  say  unto  thee,  that  thou  art  Peter,  and 


1  See  Mark  iii.  17,  18.  u  -  cV  £w\«/3««c  vTnppoXrjv.  p.  120.  D. 

v    Tsra  Mapjcog  yi/wpi/iog  KOI  tyoiTr}Ti]Q  yt-yova)Q  (nrofjivr)p,ovtvoai  \tytrai  TCI£ 
TK  Tltrps  TTtpi  TWV  7rpa£ewi>  TS  Irjffa  ?ta\t£tf£.  Ibid. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Casarea.     A.  D.  315.  93 

upon  this  rock  I  will  build  my  church,  and  the  gates  of  hell 
shall  not  prevail  against  it.  And  I  will  give  unto  thee  the 
keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven.  And  whatsoever  thou  shalt 
bind  on  earth,  shall  be  bound  in  heaven ;  and  whatsoever 
thou  shalt  loose  on  earth,  shall  be  loosed  in  heaven,"  Matt, 
xvi.  13,  1C— 19.  Though  such  things  were  said  to  Peter 
by  Jesus,  Mark  has  taken  no  notice  of  them,  because,  as  is 
probable,  Peter w  did  not  relate  them  in  his  sermons.  He 
only  said,  "  When  Jesus  put  the  question  to  them,  Peter 
answered  and  said,  Thou  art  the  Christ.  And  he  charged 
them,  that  they  should  tell  no  man  of  him,"  Mark  viii.  29, 
30.  About  those  things  Peter  thought  fit  to  be  silent  ; 
therefore  Mark  also  has  omitted  them.  But  what  concerned 
his  denial  [of  Jesus]  hex  preached  to  all  men,  because 
upon  that  account  he  "  wept  bitterly."  You  will  therefore 
find  Mark  relating  concerning  that  matter  all  these  several 
particulars.  "  And  as  Peter  was  in  the  palace,  there  com- 
eth  to  him  one  of  the  maids  of  the  high-priest.  And  when 
she  saw  Peter,  she  looked  upon  him,  and  said,  And  thou 
wast  with  Jesus  of  Nazareth.  But  he  denied,  saying,  I  know 
not,  neither  understand  I  what  thou  sayest :  and  he  went 
out  into  the  porch,  and  the  cock  crew.  And  a  maid  saw 
him  again,  and  began  to  say  to  them  that  stood  by,  This  is 
one  of  them.  And  he  denied  it  again.  And  a  little  after 
they  that  stood  by  said  again  to  Peter,  Surely,  thou  art  one 
of  them,  for  thou  art  a  Galilean.  But  he  began  to  curse 
and  to  swear,  I  know  not  this  man  of  whom  ye  speak. 
And  the  second  time  the  cock  crew,"  Mark  xiv.  66 — 72. 
These  things  writes  Mark  :  and  y  Peter  testifies  these  things 
of  himself,  for  all  things  in  Mark  are  said  to  be  memoirs  of 
Peter's  discourses.' 

St.  Matthew's  modesty,  in  calling  himself  a  publican, 
when  the  other  evangelists  did  not,  is  taken  notice  of  by  z 
Jerom,  upon  several  occasions,  in  his  works. 

20.  This  learned  Christian  apologist  then  proceeds  to  other 

'v  'On  nrj&  6  lltrpOQ  Tav9\  d>e  tucoc,  ev  raig  avrs  didacwaXiaif;  tfyyoptvfftv. 
p.  121.  B.  C.  x  eiQ  TravTctg  eKrjpv&v  avOpuTTZG.  p.  121.  C. 

y  UerpOQ  Se  ravra  Trtpt  tavra  fiaprvpti.  IlavTa  yap  TO.  Trapa  Map/cy  TS 
17erp«  §ia\t£tb)v  eivai  Xeyerai  a7rojLiv?/jLtov£w/iara.  p.  122.  A. 

z  Caeteri  Evangelistae  in  conjunctione  nominura  primum  ponunt  Matthaeum, 
et  postea  Thomam.  Nee  publicani  nomen  ascribunt,  ne  antiquae  conversa- 
tionis  recordantes  suggillare  Evangelistam  viderentur.  Ille  vero,  ut  supra  dixi- 
mus,  et  post  Thomam  se  ponit,  et  publicanum  appellat.  Hieron.  ad  Matt.  cap. 
x.  Tom.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  34.  f. 

Quod  quidem  et  de  Matthaeo  Evangelista  legimus,  quod  ipse  Matthaeus  se 
dixerit  publicanum  ;  alii  vero  Evangelistae  nomen  publicani  tacuerint,  et  apos- 
tolicam  tantum  posuerint  dignitatem  ;  et  quod  in  conjunct  ion  ibus  apostolorum, 
apud  se,  secundus,  apud  alios  primus  sit.  Id.  in  Is.  cap.  xxxvii.  T.  iii.p.  338. 


94  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

like  excellent  observations,  concerning-  the  credibility  of  the 
evangelical  history.  But  this  may  suffice  to  show  the  good 
sense  of  the  ancient  Christians:  and  that,  as  they  diligently 
studied  the  scriptures,  they  were  also  able  to  make  judi 
cious  remarks  upon  them.  In  short,  we  may  hence  perceive 
that  the  defence  of  the  Christian  religion  was  in  fit  hands. 
They  had  a  good  cause  ;  and  they  showed  it  to  be  so. 
They  had  truth  on  their  side  :  and  they  demonstrated  it  by 
arguments,  suited  to  convince  reasonable  and  serious  men. 

VII.  I  must  transcribe  several  passages  of  this  author 
concerning  the  canon  of  scripture;  and  I  shall  -begin  with 
such  as  appear  to  be  the  most  material. 

1.  The  twenty-fourth  chapter  of  the  third  book  of  the 
Ecclesiastical  History  is  entitled,  Of  a  the  Order  of  the  Gos 
pels.  It  must  be  alleged  here  almost  entire,  only  first  ob 
serving,  that  in  the  preceding  chapter  Eusebius  had  inserted 
a  particular  relation  concerning'  St.  John,  from  Clement  of 
Alexandria.  '  Let  us,'  says  he,  '  observe  the  writings  of 
this  apostle,  which  b  are  not  contradicted  by  any.  And 
first  of  all  must  be  mentioned,  as  acknowledged  of  all,  the 
gospel  according1  to  him,  well  known  to  all  the  churches 
under  heaven.  And  that  it  has  been  justly  placed  by  the 
ancients  the  fourth  in  order,  and  after  the  other  three,  may 
be  made  evident  in  this  manner.  Those  admirable  and  truly 
divine  men,  the  apostles  of  Christ,  eminently  holy  in  their 
lives,  and  as  to  their  minds,  adorned  with  every  virtue,  but 
"  rude  c  in  language,"  confiding  in  the  divine  and  miracu 
lous  power  bestowed  upon  them  by  our  Saviour,  neither 
knew,  nor  attempted,  to  deliver  the  doctrine  of  their  master 
with  the  artifice  and  eloquence  of  words.  But  using1  only 
the  demonstration  of  the  Divine  Spirit  working  with  them, 
and  the  power  of  Christ  performing  by  them,  many  mira 
cles,  they  spread  the  knowledge  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven 
all  over  the  world.  Nor  were  they  greatly  concerned  about 
the  writing  of  books,  being  engaged  in  a  more  excellent 
ministry,  which  was  above  all  human  power.  Insomuch 
that  Paul,  the  most  able  of  all  in  the  furniture  both  of  words 
and  thoughts,  has  left  nothing  in  writing,  beside  d  some 
very  e  short  for  a  very  few]  epistles  :  although  he  was  ac 
quainted  with  innumerable  mysteries,  having  been  admitted 
to  the  sight  f  and  contemplation  of  things  in  the  third  hea- 


*  Iltpt  TYIQ  TctZtwQ  TUV  (  vayytXtwv.  p.  94.  A.  b 

c  Trjv  Se  yXwrrav  iSutirtvovTeg.  p.  94.  C.  confer.  2  Cor.  xi.  6. 
d   -  7r\tov  Totv  /3paxvrarwv  tiri<?o\wr.  p.  94.  D. 
e  See  to  the  like  purpose  Origen,  in  a  passage  formerly  cited,  Vol.  ii.  ch. 
xxxviii.  num.  iv.  f  See  2  Cor.  xii.  2,  3,  4. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Casarea.     A.  D.  315.  95 

ven,  and  been  caught  up  into  the  divine  paradise,  and  there 
allowed  to  hear  unspeakable  words.  Nor  were  the  rest  of 
our  Saviour's  followers  unacquainted  with  these  things,  as 
the  seventy  disciples,  and  many  others,  beside  the  twelve 
apostles.  Nevertheless,  of  all  the  disciples  of  our  Lord, 
Matthew  and  John  only  have  left  us  any  memoirs  :  who 
too,  as  we  have  been  informed,  were  compelled  to  write  by  a 
kind  of  necessity.  For  Matthew  having  first  preached  to  the 
Hebrews,  when  he  was  about  to  go  to  other  people,  delivered 
to  them  in  their  own  language  the  gospel  according  to  him, 
by  that  writing  supplying  the  want  of  his  presence  with 
those  whom  he  was  then  leaving.  And  when  Mark  and 
Luke  had  published  the  gospels  according  to  them,  it  is 
said,  that  John,  who  all  this  while  had  preached  by  word  of 
mouth,  was  at  length  induced  to  write  for  this  reason.  The 
three  first  written  gospels  being  now  delivered  to  all  men, 
and  to  John  himself,  it  is  said,  that  he  approved  them,  and 
confirmed  the  truth  of  their  narration  by  his  own  testimony  :' 
saying,  *  there  was  only  wanting  a  written  account  of  the 
things  done  by  Christ  in  the  former  part,  and  the  beginning 
of  his  preaching.  And  certainly  that  observation  is  very 
true.  For  it  is  easy  to  perceive,  that  the  other  three  evan 
gelists  have  recorded  only  the  actions  of  our  Saviour  for 
one  year  after  the  imprisonment  of  John,  as  they  themselves 
declare  at  the  beginning  of  their  history.  For  after  men 
tioning  the  forty  days'  fast,  and  the  succeeding  temptation, 
Matthew  shows  the  time  of  the  commencement  of  his  ac 
count  in  these  words  :  "  When  %  he  had  heard,  that  John 
was  cast  into  prison,  he  departed  out  of  Judea  into  Galilee." 
In  like  manner  Mark,  "  Now  h  after  that  John,"  says  he, 
"  was  cast  into  prison,  Jesus  came  into  Galilee."  And 
Luke,  before  he  begins  the  account  of  the  acts  of  Jesus, 
gives  a  like  hint  in  this  manner:  that1  "  Herod  added  yet 
this  above  all,  that  he  shut  up  John  in  prison."  For  these 
reasons,  as  is  said,  the  apostle  John  wask  entreated  to  relate 
in  the  gospel  according  to  him,  the  time  omitted  by  the 
former  evangelists,  and  the  things  done  by  our  Saviour  in 
that  space,  before  the  imprisonment  of  the  Baptist.  And 
they  add  further,  that  he  himself  hints  as  much,  saying, 
*'  this1  beginning  of  miracles  did  Jesus  :"  as  also,  when  in 
the  history  of  the  acts  of  Jesus,  he  makes  mention  of  the 
Baptist,  as  still TO  "  baptizing  in  TEnon,  nigh  unto  Salem.** 
And  it  is  thought,  that  he  expressly  declares  as  much,  when 

«  Matt.lv.  12.  h  Marki.  14,  j  Luke  iii.  19,20. 

k   lIapa.K\rj6tVTa  fit)  &v  TSTWV  IvsKa  <j>T]<ri  rov  airo^oXov  lioavvriv.  p.  95.  D. 
John  ii.  11.  n!  lb.  iii.  23. 


96  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

he  says,n  "  For  John  was  not  yet  cast  into  prison."  John 
therefore  in  the  gospel  according  to  him,  relates  the  things 
done  by  Christ,  while  the  Baptist  was  not  yet  cast  into  pri 
son.  But  the  other  three  evangelists  relate  the  things  that 
followed  the  Baptist's  confinement.  Whoever  attends  to 
these  things,  will  not  any  longer  think  the  evangelists  dis 
agree  with  each  other  :  forasmuch  as  the  gospel  according 
to  John  contains  the  first  actions  of  Christ,  whilst  the  others 
give  the  history  of  the  following  time.  And  for  the  same 
reason,  John  has  omitted  the  genealogy  of  our  Saviour  ac 
cording  to  the  flesh,  it  having  been  recorded  before  by 
Matthew  and  Luke  :  but  he  begins  with  his  °  divinity,  which 
had  been  reserved  by  the  Holy  Ghost  for  him,  as  P  the  more 
excellent  person.  This  is  as  much  as  needs  to  be  said  of 
the  gospel  according  to  John.  What  was  the  occasion  of 
writing  the  gospel  according  to  Mark,  has  been  already  1 
shown.  Luke  at  the  beginning  assigns  the  reason  of  his 
writing ;  declaring,  that  whereas  many  others  had  rashly 
undertaken  to  give  a  relation  of  the  matters  which  he  most 
surely  believed  ;  he  thought  himself  obliged,  in  order  the 
better  to  divert  us  from  the  uncertain  relations  of  others,  to 
deliver  in  his  gospel  a  certain  account  of  those  things,  which 
he  was  well  assured  of  from  his  intimate  acquaintance  and 
familiarity  with  Paul,  and  his  conversation  with  the  other 
apostles.  And  thus  much  now  concerning  these  things  :  at 
a  more  proper  season,  we  shall  endeavour  to  show  by  quo 
tations  of  ancients,  what  has  been  said  of  the  same  by  others. 
But  farther,  as  to  the  writings  of  John,  beside  the  gospel, 
the  first  epistle  is  universally  acknowledged,  both  by  those 
of  the  present  time,  and  by  the  ancients.  But  the  other  two 
are  contradicted.  Concerning  the  apocalypse  there  are  to 
this  very  day  different  opinions :  this  controversy  likewise 
will  be  decided  in  a  proper  time,  by  the  testimony  of  the 
ancients.' 

2.  The  title  of  the  next  chapter  is,  Of  the  Scriptures  uni 
versally  acknowledged,  and  those  that  are  not  such. 

'  But,'  saysr  Eusebius,  *  it  will  be  proper  to  enumerate 
here  in  a  summary  way,8  the  books  of  a  New  Testament 
which  have  been  already  mentioned.  And  in  the  first  place 
are  to  be  ranked  the  sacred  four  gospels :  then  the  book  of 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  :  after  that  are  to  be  reckoned  the 
epistles  of  Paul.  In  the  next  place,  that  called  the  first 

n  Ib.  ver.  24.  ° SeoXoytaf.  p.  96.  B. 

P  Ota  uptiTTovi.  ib.  i  Vid.  Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  ii.  c.  15.     And 

see  before  in  this  work,  Vol.  ii.  p.  222.  r  L.  iii.  c.  25.  p.  97. 

?iaOt]KT]c;  ypa$a£.   p.  97.  A. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Casarea.     A.  D.  315.  97 

epistle  of  John,  and  the  [first]  epistle  of  Peter,  are  to  be 
esteemed  l  authentic.  After  these,  is  to  be  placed,  if  it  be 
thought  fit,  the  Revelation  of  John,  about  which  we  shall 
observe  the  different  opinions  at  a  proper  season.  Of  the 
controverted,  but  u  yet  well  known  or  approved  by  the  most, 

5  or  many,]  are  that  called  the  epistle  of  James,  and  that  of 
ude,  and  the  second  of  Peter,  and  the  second  and  third  of 
John  :  whether  they  are  written  by  the  evangelist,  or  another 
of  the  same  name.  Among  the  spurious  are  to  be  placed, 
the  Acts  of  Paul,  and  the  book  entitled  the  Shepherd,  and 
the  Revelation  of  Peter:  and  beside  these,  that  called  the 
Epistle  of  Barnabas,  and  the  book  v  named  the  Doctrines  of 
the  Apostles.  And  moreover,  as  I  said,  the  Revelation  of 
John,  if  it  seem  meet;  which  some,  as  I  have  said,  reject, 
others  reckon  among  the  books  universally  received. 
Among  these  w  also  some  have  reckoned  the  gospel  accord 
ing  to  the  Hebrews,  which  the  Hebrews  who  have  embraced 
Christ  x  make  use  of.  All  these  may  be  reckoned  contro 
verted.  It  was  however  needful,  that  I  should  put  down  a 
catalogue  of  these  also  ;  distinguishing  y  the  scriptures, 
which  according  to  the  ecclesiastical  tradition  are  true,  ge 
nuine,  and  universally  acknowledged,  from  those  others, 
which  are  not  placed  in  the  [New]  Testament,  but  are  con 
troverted,  and  yet  appear  to  have  been  known  to  many  : 
that  by  this  means  we  may  know  these  from  such  as  have 
been  published  by  heretics  under  the  names  of  apostles  :  asz 
containing  the  gospels  of  Peter,  and  Thomas,  and  Matthias, 
and  of  some  others  ;  and  the  acts  of  Andrew  and  John,  and 
other  apostles.  Which  books  none  of  the  ecclesiastical 
writers-in  the  succession  [of  the  apostles]  have  vouchsafed 
to  make  any  mention  of  in  their  writings.  The  style  also 
of  these  books  is  entirely  different  from  that  of  the  apostles  : 
moreover  the  sentiments  and  doctrine  of  those  pieces  are 
different  from  the  true  orthodox  Christianity.  All  which 
things  plainly  show,  that  those  books  are  the  forgeries  of 
heretics.  For  all  which  reasons,  they  are  not  so  much  as  to 
be  reckoned  among  the  spurious,  but  are  to  be  rejected,  as 
altogether  absurd  and  impious.' 

This  is  an  obscure  chapter  :  certainly,  with  a  little  more 


p.  97.  B.  u   Tiov  £'  avTi\tyoit,iV(ov, 

8V  6/^o>£  roig  7roXXoi£.  p.  97.  B.  v   -  Kai  ratf 

at  \eyop,evai  §i$a%ai.   ib.  C.  w  rjSrj  d'  tv  raroig  TIVIQ 

KCII  TO  Ka9'  'E/3pai8£  suayyfXiov  fcarfXi£ai>.   C.  x  --  w  —  xaipsai.  C. 

SiciKpivavreg  raq  ?t  Kara  rrjv  (KKXrjma-iKrjv  TrapaSoaiv  aXrjQtig  Kai 
avwfj.o\oyr)fjitva£  ypa^ac,  Kai  rag  aXAag  ?rapa  ravrag,  SK  tvhaOij- 
v,  aXXa  Kai  avrtXeyo/ufvaf  6/iwg  <5e  ?rapa  7rX«<?otc  ron> 
C.  D.  z  --  Trfifsffaf.  Ib.  D. 


98  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

care,  Eusebius  might  have  expressed  himself  in  a  clearer 
manner.  However,  we  defer  our  remarks,  until  we  have 
seen  some  more  passages. 

3.  The  third  chapter  of  the  same  third  book  of  the  Eccle 
siastical  History  is  entitled,  Of  the  Epistles  of  the  Apostles  ; 
and  is  to  this  purpose  : 

*  One  epistle  then  of  Peter,  called  his  first,  is  universally 
received.  Thisa  the  presbyters  [or  elders]  of  ancient  times 
have  quoted  in  their  writings,  as  undoubtedly  genuine. 
But  that  called  his  second  epistle,  we  have  been  informed, 
[that  is,  by  the  same  tradition  of  the  elders,]  has  not  been 
received  b  into  the  [New]  Testament.  Nevertheless,  appear 
ing  to  many  to  be  useful,  it  has  been  carefully  studied  with 
the  other  scriptures.  But  the  book  entitled  his  Acts,  and 
that  called  the  gospel  according  to  him,  and  that  styled  his 
Preaching,  and  the  Revelation  under  his  name,  we  know 
they  have  not  been  delivered  down  to  us  in  the  number  of 
catholic  writings  ;  forasmuch  as  no  ecclesiastical  writer  of 
the  ancients,  or  of  our  time,  has  made  use  of  testimonies  out 
of  them.  But  in  the  progress  of  this  history  we  shall  make 
it  our  business  to  show,  together  with  the  successions,  [from 
the  apostles,]  what  ecclesiastical  writers  in  every  age  c  have 
used  such  writings  as  these  which  are  contradicted  :  and 
what  they  have  said  with  regard  to  the  scriptures  received 
into  the  New  Testament,  and  acknowledged  by  all,  and  with 
regard  to  those  which  are  not  such.  These  then  are  the 
writings  ascribed  to  Peter,  of  which  I  know  of  but  one 
epistle  only,  that  is  genuine,  and  acknowledged  by  the 
presbyters  of  former  times.  Of  Paul  d  there  are  fourteen 
[epistles]  manifest  and  well  known.  But  yet  there  are 
some  who  reject  that  to  the  Hebrews,  urging  for  their  opi 
nion,  that  it  is  contradicted  by  the  church  of  the  Romans, 
as  not  being  Paul's.  What  has  been  said  of  this  epistle  by 
those  who  were  before  us,  I  shall  show  in  due  time.  Nor 
have  I  understood  the  book  called  his  Acts,  to  be  placed 
among  unquestioned  scriptures.  But  whereas  the  apostle 
himself,  in  his  salutations  at  the  end  of  the  epistle  to  the 
Romans,  makes  mention  among  others  also  of  Hernias,  who, 
it  is  said,  is  the  author  of  the  small  book  called  the  Pastor: 
it  ought  to  be  observed,  that  it  is  contradicted  by  some  :  for 

a   Tavry  £e  icai  ol  traXai  7rp£<r/3wr£poi.  K.  X.  p.  71.  C. 

h   -  «K  evSia9r)Kov  fjitv  tivai  TrapaXj^a/tiev.  p.  72.  A. 


i  bno\oyx[itvwv  ypat/>wv,  icai  baa  irfpi  rwv  [iij  TOI&TWV  avroig  tipjjrai.  p.  72.  B. 
d    T«  de  flauXs  TrotfjjXoi  KCII  Gatig  at  ducaTtaffatQ'  on    £    i 


TIJV  Trpoc;  'E/3pai«g  Trpog  TT]£  'fttftcutt*  eK/cXTjffirtg  u>£  pi]  HctvXu  affav  avrriv 
«  Sticaiov  ayvoeiv.  Ib.  B.  C. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  ofCasarea.     A.  D.  315.  99 

whose  sake  it  cannot  be  placed  among-  those  books  which 
are  universally  received.  But  by  others  it  has  been  judged 
a  most  necessary  book,  especially  for  those  who  are  to  be 
instructed  in  the  rudiments  of  religion.  For  which  reason 
it  is  still,  as  we  know,  publicly6  read  in  the  churches:  and 
I  have  observed  it  quoted  by  some  very  ancient  writers. 
This f  may  suffice  for  an  account  of  the  divine  scriptures, 
both  those  which  are  unquestioned,  and  those  which  are 
not  received  by  all.' 

This  chapter  too  is  inaccurate,  nor  does  it  answer  s  the 
title.  Eusebius  does  not  here  speak  of  all  the  epistles  of 
apostles,  nor  of  all  such  as  were  universally  received.  But 
we  proceed  to  the  next  chapter,  which  perhaps  may  supply 
the  defects  of  this. 

4.  The  fourth  chapter  of  the  same  third  book  of  the  Ec 
clesiastical  History  is  entitled,  Of  the  first  succession  of 
the  Apostles.  I  shall  transcribe  at  large  what  has  here 
also  any  relation  to  our  present  design,  assuring  us  of  the 
genuineness  of  St.  Luke's  two  books,  the  gospel,  and  Acts 
of  the  Apostles,  St.  Peter's  first  epistle,  and  some  other 
things. 

'  Moreover,  that  Paul  in  the  course  of  his  preaching  to 
the  Gentiles,  laid  the  foundation  of  the  churches  "  from  h 
Jerusalem,  and  round  about  unto  Illyricum,"  is  manifest 
both  from  his  own  words,  and  what  Luke  has  related  in  the 
1  Acts.  In  like  manner,  in  what  provinces  Peter,  preaching 
the  gospel  of  Christ  to  those  of  the  circumcision,  delivered 
the  doctrine  of  the  new  covenant,  is  evident  from  his  own 
words  in  that  epistle  of  his,  which,  as  we  have  said,  is  uni 
versally  acknowledged,  and  is  inscribed  by  him  to  the  He 
brews  "  scattered  throughout  Pontus,  and  Galatia,  Oappa- 
docia,  Asia,  and  Bithynia."  But  how  many,  and  who  of 
these  were  genuine  followers  of  the  apostles,  and  approved 
of  as  fit  for  the  pastoral  office  in  the  churches  they  had 
planted,  is  not  easy  to  say ;  excepting  such  as  may  be  col 
lected  from  Paul's  own  words.  For  he  had  a  vast  number 
of  fellow-labourers,  and,  as  he  calls  them,  fellow-soldiers : 
many  of  whom  are  secured  of  everlasting*  remembrance  by 
the  immortal  testimony  he  has  given  to  them  in  his  epistles. 
And  besides,  Luke  in  the  Acts  has  mentioned  them  by  name 

e  'OQtv  rjSrj  KM  ev  fKK\rjffiaiQ  iffptv  avro  St$i)no<ritvijt£vov.  Ib.  B. 

Tavra  fig  Trapa^aaiv  TWV  re  avavripprjTcjv  Kai  TWV  fj,rj  Trapa  irafftv  6/joXoyH- 
[itvwv  Sdwv  ypa/i/zarwv,  uprjaOio.  Ib.  D. 

*  The  titles  were  composed  by  Eusebius  himself,  and  prefixed  by  him  to 
the  several  chapters  of  this  work,  as  we  now  have  them.  So  Valesius  in  his 
Annotations,  p.  1.  h  Rom.  xv.  19. 

1  See  the  Acts,  from  chap.  xiii.  to  xxi. 

H    2 


100  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

among  the  disciples  of  the  apostle.  However  it  is  said,  that 
Timothy  was  the  first  bishop  of  the  church  in  Ephesus,  and 
Titus  of  the  churches  in  Crete.  And  Luke,  who  was  of 
Antioch,  and  by  profession  a  physician,  for  the  most  part  a 
companion  of  Jratll,  who  had  likewise  more  than  a  slight 
acquaintance  with  the  rest  of  the  apostles,  has  left  su,  in  two 
books  divinely  inspired,  evidence  of  the  art  of  healing*  souls, 
which  he  had  learned  from  them.  One  of  these  is  the  gos 
pel,  which  he  professeth  to  have  written  as  k  "  they  deliver 
ed  "  it  to  him,  "  who  from  the  beginning*  were  eye-witnesses 
and  ministers  of  the  word :"  with  all  whom,  he  says  like 
wise,  he  had  been  "  perfectly  acquainted  from  the  very 
first.''  The  other  is  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  which  he 
composed  now,  not  from  what  he  had  received  by  the  re 
port  of  others,  but  from  what  he  had  seen  with  his  own 
eyes.  And  it  is  said,  that  Paul  was  wont  to  refer  to  the 
gospel  according  to  him,  whenever  in  his  epistles,  speaking 
as  it  were  of  some  gospel  of  his  own,  he  says  :  "  According l 
to  my  gospel."  Of  the  rest  of  the  followers  of  Paul,  Cres- 
cens  m  is  said  by  himself  to  have  been  sent  "  into  Gaul"  [or 
Galatia].  "And  Linus,  whom  he  speaks  of  in  n  his  second 
epistle  to  Timothy,  as  being  with  him  in  Rome,  was  appoint 
ed  to  the  bishopric  of  the  church  of  Rome,  next  after  Peter, 
as  was  before  mentioned.  And  moreover  Clement,  who 
was  appointed  the  third  bishop  of  Rome,  is  also  mentioned 
by  Paul  himself,  as0  his  fellow-labourer, and  fellow-soldier. 
And  beside  all  these  is  the  Areopag'ite,  named  Dionysius  : 
whom  Luke  in  theP  Acts  relates  to  have  become  a  believer 
immediately  after  Paul's  speech  to  the  Athenians  at  the 
Areopagus  :  who  is  also  said  by  another  Dionysius,  pastor 
of  the  church  of  Corinth,  one  of  the  ancients,  to  have  been 
the  first  bishop  of  the  church  at  Athens.' 

VIII.  Thus  1  have  put  down  four  chapters  of  our  eccle 
siastical  historian  almost  entire.  I  think  I  need  not  tran 
scribe  any  more  at  length ;  but  we  may  have  occasion  to 
observe  hereafter  divers  other  particular  passages.  At 
present  we  make  a  stand,  to  review  what  we  have  seen. 

1.  These  passag*es  are  to  be  understood,  chiefly,  as  repre 
senting  the  opinions  of  Christians  in  the  time  of  our  author. 

2.  It  seems  evident  from  what  Eusebius  writes,  that  there 
was  not  then  n  any  canon  of  scripture,  or  catalogue  of  the 
books  of  the  New  Testament  established  by  any  authority, 

k  Luke  i.  2,  3.  '2  Tim.  ii.  8.  m  2  Tim.  iv.  10. 

n  —  ver.  21.  °  Philip,  iv.  3.  P  Acts  xvii.  34. 

i  To  (he  like  purpose  Basnage,  who  deserves  to  be  consulted.  Hist,  de 
T  Eglise,  1.  viii.  c.  5.  n.  9,  10,  1 1. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Casarea.     A.  D.  315.  101 

which  was  universally  acknowledged  by  Christians.  Our 
historian  does  not  mention  any  such  thing.  And  besides, 
this  is  so  apparent  from  different  opinions  here  observed,  that 
1  think  it  needless  to  insist  on  a  particular  demonstration  of 
the  truth  of  this  remark. 

3.  The  method  which  Eusebius  himself,  and  others  of  his 
time,  made  use  of,  in  judging  concerning  the  sacred  authority 
of  any  books,  was  to  inquire  after,  and  consider  the  testi 
mony  of  the  ancients,  those  holy  and  venerable  Christians, 
whether  bishops  or  others,  of  former  times,  who  lived  near 
the  age  of  the  apostles.     This  is  a  method,  of  which  we  have 
seen  many  instances  in  authors  before  cited,  and  we  observe 
it  also  in  these  passages  of  Eusebius.     However,  as  to  books 
of  doubtful  authority,  which  had  not  been  much  quoted  by 
the  ancients,  they  did  likewise  examine  their  style  and  doc 
trine,  and  compare  the  things  contained  in  them  with  the 
doctrine,  design,  and  manner  of  the  books  universally  owned 
to  be  of  divine  and  apostolical  authority. 

4.  In  those  passages  of  Eusebius  are  observable  several 
sorts  of  books :  but  how  many  sorts  may  need  some  con 
sideration.     Valesius  r  has  a  learned  note  upon  one  of  the 
forecited  passages,  the  substance  of  which  is :  '  That  there 
4  are  three  sorts  of  sacred   books,  such  as  are  universally 
4  received,  such  as  are  doubted  of  by  some,  and  lastly,  such 
4  as   are  universally  rejected,  or  plainly  spurious.      But,' 
says  he,  4  Eusebius,  and  some  other  ancients,  use  the  word 

*  spurious  improperly,  for  books  that  are  only  of  doubtful 

*  authority,  and  controverted  by  some  :  whereas  by  spurious 
1  ought  to  be  intended  those  which  are  really  so,  as  having 

*  been  forged  by  heretics,  such  as  are  mentioned  at  the  end 

*  of  that  chapter.     For,  to  speak  properly,  there  are  but  two 

*  sorts  of  sacred  books  ;    those   universally  received,  and 
4  those  doubted  of,  or  contradicted  by  some :  and  the  spu- 
4  rious  ought  not  to  be  reckoned  among  sacred  books.'     So 
that  learned  writer. 

In  order  to  judge  of  this  matter,  and  the  better  to  under 
stand  Eusebius,  it  will  be  very  convenient  to  observe  an 
other  passage,  not  yet  transcribed.  *  Thus  far,'  says  he,  4  of 
what  is  come  to  our  knowledge  concerning  the  apostles, 
and  the  apostolical  times,  and8  the  sacred  writings  which 
they  have  left  us,  as  also  of  those  that  are  contradicted,  but 
yet  are  publicly  used  [or  read]  in  most  churches,  and  of 

r  Annot.  in  libr.  iii.  c.  25.  p.  52, 53. 

'wv  re  KaraXeXonraaiv  THJ.IV  itputv  ypa/i^arwj/,  icott  avnXeyontvtiiv 
l-itv,  bfiwQ  S'  ev  irXei^aiQ  eKKXtjaiaiQ  wapa  TroXXoig  deSri/noffuvfitvuv,  TU)V  Tt  TTO.V- 
reXa>£  vo9utv,  icai  rrig  cnro^oXiicrjQ  opOodo£iag  aXXorptwi/.  L.  iii.  c.  31.  p.  103.  B. 


102  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

such  as  are  altogether  spurious,  and  far  different  from  the 
apostolical  doctrine.' 

Here  are  three  sorts  of  books  expressed,  with  a  fourth 
implied.  For  if  some  are  altogether  spurious,  others  may 
be  called  spurious  simply. 

It  seems  to  me,  that  when  we  speak  of  books,  and  rank 
them  according  to  the  several  opinions  which  men  have  of 
them,  there  may  be  five  sorts  :  1.  Such  as  are  universally 
received.  2.  Such  as  are  very  generally  received,  and  are 
doubted  of  by  a  few  only.  3.  Such  as  Eusebius  calls  con 
troverted,  or  contradicted  :  which  are  received  by  many,  or 
the  most,  but  yet  are  doubted  of  by  a  good  number  of  peo 
ple.  4.  Such  as  are  received  by  a  few  only,  or  however 
are  rejected  by  more  than  they  are  received.  These  Euse 
bius  may  call  spurious.  5.  There  are  such  as  are  univer 
sally  rejected  by  catholic  Christians,  as  not  having  been 
used  by  any  of  the  ancients,  as  books  of  any  value,  and 
containing  things  contrary  to  the  true  apostolical  doctrine. 
These  are  altogether  or  throughout  spurious.  If  I  mistake 
not,  four  of  these  sorts  appear  plainly  in  the  second  passage 
cited  from  Eusebius :  I  mean  all  except  the  second  sort  ; 
and  perhaps  we  may  find,  that  neither  has  that  been  quite 
neglected  by  him.  We  shall  now  go  over  these  several 
sorts  and  divisions. 

(1.)  There  were  books  of  scripture  universally  received 
and  acknowledged  by  all  the  churches  of  Christ,  or  all 
catholic  Christians,  as  sacred  and  divine.  The  books  of  this 
sort,  mentioned  by  Eusebius,  are  the  four  gospels,  the  Acts 
of  the  Apostles,  thirteen  epistles  of  Paul,  one  epistle  of  Peter, 
one  epistle  of  John. 

(2.)  There  were  books  very  generally  received,  and 
doubted  of  by  a  few  only.  This  division  is  not  distinctly 
made,  or  expressly  named  by  Eusebius  :  but,  as  I  observed, 
it  is  a  very  reasonable  division,  when  there  is  a  number  of 
books,  about  which  there  are  different  opinions.  It  may 
then  very  well  happen,  that  there  shall  be  some  of  this  sort. 
I  think,  we  may  not  improperly  place  here  the  epistle  to  the 
Hebrews,  and  the  book  of  the  Revelation :  or  at  least  the 
former  of  these.  For  at  the  beginning  of  the  second  pas 
sage,  Eusebius  placeth  the  epistles  of  Paul  among  books 
universally  received  ;  without  making  there,  or  in  any  other 
part  of  that  passage,  any  exception  for  the  epistle  to  the 
Hebrews.  In  the  third  passage  he  says :  *  Of  Paul  there 
are  fourteen  epistles  manifest  and  well  known.  But  yet 
there  are  some  who  reject  that  to  the  Hebrews,  urging  for 
their  opinion,  that  it  is  contradicted  by  the  church  of  the 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Casarea.     A.  D.  315.  103 

Romans,  as  not  being-  St.  Paul's.'  Or,  as  we  may  remember, 
upon  another  occasion  our  author  said  :  '  To1  this  very  time, 
by  some  of  the  Romans,  this  epistle  is  not  reckoned  to  be  the 
apostle's.'  However,  it  must  be  allowed,  that  there  were 
some  beside  the  Romans,  who  did  not  receive  this  epistle  as 
Paul's.  So  he  said  in  the  words  before  cited :  *  But  yet 
there  are  some  who  reject  that  to  the  Hebrews,  urging-  for 
their  opinion,  that  it  is  contradicted  by  the  church  of  Rome.' 
These  are  not  Romans.  And  doubtless  we  may  observe  some 
other  passages  of  Eusebius,  where  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews 
is  reckoned  among  controverted,  or  contradicted  books. 
Nevertheless,  I  think,  he  seems  here  inclined  to  give  this 
epistle  a  place  among  those  books  which  were  very  gene 
rally  received.  He  may  therefore  suppose,  that  it  was  more 
generally  received  in  the  churches,  with  which  Eusebius 
was  best  acquainted,  than  the  disputed  catholic  epistles. 

As  for  the  Revelation,  at  the  end  of  our  first  passage,  Eu 
sebius  says :  *  There  are  concerning  that  book  to  this  very 
day  different  opinions.'  At  the  beginning  of  our  second 
passage  he  says :  '  After  these  ("universally  received]  is  to 
be  placed,  if  it  be  thought  fit,  the  Revelation  of  John,  con 
cerning  which  we  shall  observe  the  different  opinions  at  a 
proper  time.  These  are  books  received  with  a  general  con 
sent.'  But  yet  afterwards,  in  the  same  passage,  reckoning 
up  the  books  called  spurious,  he  adds :  '  And  moreover,  as 
I  said,  the  Revelation  of  John,  if  it  seem  meet :  which  some, 
as  I  have  said,  reject,  others  reckon  among  the  books 
universally  received.' 

I  am  not  positive :  I  only  propose  it  to  be  considered, 
whether,  dividing  books  according  to  the  several  opinions 
of  people  in  Eusebius's  time,  these  two,  the  epistle  to  the 
Hebrews  and  the  Revelation,  may  not  be  placed  in  the  rank 
next  after  those  universally"  received. 

(3.)  There  are  books  whicb  may  be  called  controverted, 
or  contradicted :  which  are  received  by  many,  or  the  most, 
but  yet  are  doubted  of  by  a  good  number  of  people.  This 
is  the  second  class,  expressly  mentioned  in  the  second  pas- 

1  L.  vi.  c.  20.  p.  223.  A. 

u  The  argument  above  is  confirmed  by  an  observation  of  Mr.  Robert  Tur 
ner,  in  his  Discourse  of  the  pretended  Apostolic  Constitutions,  p.  71.  *  It  is 
'  plain,  Eusebius  was  at  a  loss,  in  what  class  to  fix  the  Apocalypse :  so  that 

*  when  he  annexes  it  to  the  6/io\oy«jti£va,  it  is  with  an  « <f>avtiy.     And  he  does 

*  the  same,  when  he  joins  it  to  the  vo9a,  adding : — which  some  reject  as  spu- 

*  rious,  and  others  receive  as  confessedly  sacred  and  canonical.'     If  Eusebius 
was  at  a  loss,  in  which  of  the  classes  expressly  mentioned  by  him  he  should 
place  the  Revelation  ;  it  is  likely,  that  it  may  belong  to  what  I  call  the  second 
class,  which  he  has  not  expressly  mentioned. 


104  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

sage  from  Eusebius.  For  after  the  mention  of  those  uni 
versally  received,  he  adds:  *  Of  the  controverted,  but  yet 
well  known  and  approved  by  the  most,  are  that  called  the 
epistle  of  James,  and  that  of  Jude,  and  the  second  of  Peter, 
and  the  second  and  third  of  John  :  whether  they  were 
written  by  the  evangelist,  or  by  another  of  that  name.' 

These  are  the  books  which  in  that  passage  Eusebius  calls 
controverted,  and  says,  they  'were  approved  of  by  the  most 
or  many.' 

We  may  allow  this  to  be  in  the  general  a  just  repre 
sentation  of  the  sentiments  of  Christians  at  that  time  con 
cerning  those  epistles.  However,  there  are  some  other  pas 
sages  relating  to  them  to  be  observed. 

In  the  second  book  of  our  author's  Ecclesiastical  History 
is  a  long  chapter  about  the  death  of  James,  called  the  Just, 
and  the  brother  of  our  Lord.  Eusebius,  having  exhibited 
two  accounts  of  this  person's  death,  one  taken  from  the  fifth 
book  of  the  Memoirs  of  Hegesippus,  the  other  from  the 
Antiquities  of  Josephus,  concludes  the  chapter  with  these 
words  :  '  Thus  v  far  concerning  this  James,  who  is  said  to 
be  author  of  the  first  of  the  seven  epistles  called  catho 
lic.  But  it  ought  to  be  observed,  that  it  is  spurious  :  for 
asmuch  as  there  are  not  many  of  the  ancients,  who  have 
made  mention  of  it  ;  as  neither  of  that  called  Jude's,  which 
likewise  is  one  of  the  epistles  called  catholic.  However, 
we  know  that  these  are  also  commonly  used  [or  publicly 
read]  in  most  churches,  together  with  the  rest.' 

This  passage  shows  us,  that  there  were  seven  epistles 
called  catholic  :  five  of  these,  as  we  saw  before,  were  con 
troverted,  two  of  which  are  here  mentioned.  Of  these  seven 
epistles,  that  of  James  was  placed  first  in  order  :  though 
there  were  doubts  about  some  of  them,  yet  in  many  churches 
all  seven  were  joined  together,  and  the  five  controverted 
epistles  were  publicly  used  and  read  with  the  rest. 

The  words  concerning  the  epistle  of  James,  which  I  have 
translated  in  this  manner,  '  but  it  ought  to  be  observed  that 

*  it  is  spurious  ;'    are  by  Valesius  rendered   thus,  *  which 

*  some  esteem   spurious  and  supposititious.'      And  in  his 
notes  he  says,  that  Rufinus  and  Christopherson  have  trans 
lated  those  words  in  the  same  manner,  as  representing  the 
opinions  of  men   concerning  that  epistle  :    which  sense  he 
owns  he  had  followed  in  his  version.     But  he  says,  upon 


7Tp(t)T1J    TWV     OVO/iCt£o/i£VWV   KO.9o\lK<t)V 

iTfov  Se  we  voOevtrai  /xtv'  a  TroXXoi  yav  T(JJV  TraXaiwv  avrt^q  (fivr]p.ovtvcrav  — 
TavTttg  jwtra  rwv  XOITTWV  tv  TrXa-raig  Stdrip,offitvp,tvag  tKK\rj- 
.  1.  ii.  c.  23.  p.  66.  C. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  CcEsarea.     A.  D.  315.  105 

farther  consideration,  he  had  altered  his  mind  :  and  he 
thinks,  that  Eusebius  there  declares  his  own  sentiment,  and 
pronounceth  this  epistle  absolutely  spurious. 

But  I  rather  think,  that  Eusebius  in  those  words  declares 
the  opinion  of  men  about  that  epistle  :  and  says,  that  it  is 
contradicted,  or  rejected,  by  a  good  number  of  people,  as 
was  also  the  epistle  of  Jude.  This  appears  to  me  the  mean 
ing-  of  the  expression:  however,  I  have  translated  literally, 
and  leave  every  one  to  judge  of  the  words.  We  shall  by 
and  by  distinctly  consider  Eusebius's  own  sentiments  about 
this  epistle  :  and  then,  perhaps,  some  things  may  offer  for 
farther  clearing  up  the  meaning  of  this  place. 

As  there  are  some  other  passages,  in  which  Eusebius 
speaks  of  controverted  books,  they  ought  to  be  placed 
here. 

In  one  place  he  says,  *  Thatw  Clement  in  his  Stromata 
takes  testimonies  out  of  those  scriptures  x  that  are  contra 
dicted  ;  as  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon,  the  book  of  Jesus  the 
son  of  Sirach,  and  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  and  the  epis 
tle  of  Barnabas,  and  Clement,  and  Jude.' 

And  soon  after  he  observes  of  the  same  Clement  of  Alex 
andria,  thaty  in  his  Institutions,  to  «  speak  briefly,  he  gives 
short  explications2  of  all  the  canonical  scriptures,  nota 
omitting  those  that  are  contradicted  :  I  mean  the  epistle  of 
Jude,  and  the  other  catholic  epistles,  and  the  epistle  of 
Barnabas,  and  the  book  called  the  Revelation  of  Peter,' 

I  scarce  need  to  say,  that  by  contradicted,  Eusebius 
means  books  doubted  of,  or  controverted  by  some,  or  many. 
But  the  books  ranked  in  this  class,  and  of  which  he  useth 
that  phrase,  are  not  equally  contradicted  :  some  might  be 
rejected  by  more  than  others  were.  Certainly,  the  Revela 
tion  of  Peter,  here  placed  among  contradicted  scriptures, 
was  not  received  by  so  many  as  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
or  those  catholic  epistles  that  were  controverted.  So  far  of 
this  sort  of  books.  We  proceed. 

(4.)  The  next  are  those  called  spurious  by  our  author  : 
simply  so,  not  altogether  spurious.  By  those  called  spuri 
ous,  1  suppose  to  be  meant  such  as  were  received  by  a  few 
only  ;  or,  however,  were  rejected  by  more,  many  more,  than 
they  were  received.  Of  these  Eusebius  speaks  in  our  se 
cond  passage  from  him  after  this  manner:  *  Among  b  the 


See  before,  Vol.  ii.  p.  225.  x  —OTTO  rwv  avn 

H.  E.  1.  6.  c.  13.  p.  214.  D.  y  See  before,  Vol.  ii.  p.  225 

z   -  -7ra<T»j£  rrjg  fvSiadrjKs  ypa0»j£.   1.  vi.  C.  14.  p.  215.  C. 
a  -  fitjSf.  Tag  avTiXeyo/xevag  iraptXOdJV.  ibid. 
b   Ev  7*ot£  voQoig  Karartra^w.  K.  X.  p.  97.  B. 


106  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

spurious  are  to  be  placed  the  Acts  of  Paul,  and  the  book 
entitled  the  Shepherd,  and  the  Revelation  of  Peter ;  and 
beside  these,  that  called  the  epistle  of  Barnabas,  and  the 
book  named  the  Doctrines  of  the  Apostles  :  and  moreover, 
as  I  said,  the  Revelation  of  John,  if  it  seem  meet ;  which 
some,  as  I  have  said,  reject,  others  reckon  among  the  books 
universally  received.  Among-  these  also  some  have  rec 
koned  the  gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews,  which  the 
Hebrews  who  have  embraced  Christ  make  use  of.  All c 
these  may  be  reckoned  controverted.' 

Hereby  I  think  Eusebius  intends  to  signify,  that  these 
books  [called  by  him  spurious]  were  not  so  generally  re 
ceived,  as  those  before  mentioned  in  that  passage,  and  call 
ed  distinctly  contradicted,  namely,  the  five  disputed  catholic 
epistles.  They  were  received  by  some,  but  were  rejected 
by  many,  by  much  the  greater  part  of  catholic  Christians  in 
Eusebius's  time,  as  not  having  been  quoted  by  many  of  the 
ancients,  as  books  of  authority ;  or,  as  not  thinking  them  so 
excellent  for  the  matter,  as  those  universally  received  ;  or, 
as  not  written  by  the  authors  to  whom  they  were  ascribed  ; 
or,  if  really  written  by  the  persons  whose  names  they  bore, 
•yet  thinking,  that  the  writings  of  those  persons  ought  not 
to  be  reckoned  canonical,  or  placed  in  the  New  Testament. 
This  I  take  to  be  the  case  of  several  of  the  books  here  men 
tioned  :  the  book  called  the  Shepherd,  might  be  allowed  to 
be  written  by  Hernias  ;  and  the  Epistle  ascribed  to  Barna 
bas,  might  be  really  his  ;  but  these  pieces  might  not  be 
judged  fit  to  be  received  into  the  New  Testament,  the 
authors  not  being  apostles.  This  too,  I  take  to  be  one  rea 
son  of  placing  here  the  Revelation  of  John  ;  because  many 
thought  it  not  written  by  John  the  apostle,  but  by  some 
other  of  that  name  :  though  some  of  those  who  rejected  this 
book,  might  likewise  have  exceptions  to  some  of  the  con 
tents  of  it ;  as  also  to  some  things  contained  in  the  two 
other  writings  just  mentioned. 

(5.)  The  fifth  sort  of  books  are  such  as  were  supposed  to 
be  published  by  heretics,  under  the  names  of  apostles, 
which  in  the  second  passage  are  said  to  be  these,  '  The 
Gospels  of  Peter,  and  Thomas,  and  Matthias,  and  some 
others  ;  and  the  Acts  of  Andrew,  and  John,  and  other  apos 
tles.'  The  reasons  why  these  were  rejected  are  assigned 
by  Eusebius  at  large.  He  concludes,  that  *  they  are  the 
forgeries  of  heretics,  and  d  that  they  are  not  so  much  as  to 

c   Tavra  fjiev  -jravra  TWV  avriXeyopevwv  av  tirj.  ib.  C. 

'OOiv  «$'  fv  vo9otf  KararaKTiov'  aXX'  a>g  aroTra  Travrtj  (cat  dvoaifijj  irdpai- 

TljTtOV.    p.    98.  A. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Casarea.     A.  D.  315.  107 

be  reckoned  among  the  spurious  ;  but  are  to  be  rejected,  as 
altogether  absurd  and  impious  :'  that  is,  in  other  words, 
according  to  what  he  says  in  another  passage  cited  above, 
they  are  altogether  spurious,  and  were  universally  rejected 
by  catholic  Christians. 

Thus  we  have  settled  all  these  several  sorts  of  books ; 
four  of  which  are,  I  think,  plainly6  discernible  in  our  second 
passage.  Whether  there  is  any  ground  for  a  fifth  division, 
which  I  have  mentioned,  namely,  the  second  in  order,  will 
be  considered  by  the  attentive  reader. 

5.  The  next  remark  I  would  make  is  a  kind  of  corollary 
from  the  foregoing  passages  and  observations ;  that  the 
words  contradicted,  controverted,  and  spurious,  are  not  to 
be  understood  only  of  the  genuineness  of  a  work,  or  of  a 
doubt  and  controversy,  whether  it  was  really  written  by  the 
person  to  whom  it  is  ascribed,  and  whose  name  it  bears  ;  but 
whether  it  has  a  right  to  be  a  part  of  the  New  Testament.  It 
might  be  unquestionably  genuine,  or  generally  allowed  to  be 
so;  and  yet  be  contradicted,  that  is,  rejected  by  some,  a  good 
number;  or  be  spurious,  generally  rejected  from  being  a 
part  of  the  New  Testament.  This  is  extremely  evident  with 
regard  to  the  epistle  of  Clement  to  the  Corinthians,  which,  in  a 
passage  cited  just  now,  we  saw  placed  among  contradicted 
scriptures,  though  it  was  owned f  by  every  body  for  a  ge 
nuine  work  of  Clement,  bishop  of  Rome,  and  companion  of 
the  blessed  apostle  Paul.  The  controversy  therefore  about 
that  epistle  was  only,  whether  it  should  be  reckoned  a  book 
of  the  New  Testament.  And  though  it  be  called  by  Euse- 
bius  only  a  contradicted  book,  there  seem  to  have  been  very 
few  on  the  affirmative  side  of  the  question,  for  admitting  it 
into  the  New  Testament.  Insomuch  that  in  this  respect,  it 
might  be  placed  among  the  spurious,  that  is,  those  which 
were  generally  rejected.  This  observation  ought  to  be  ap 
plied  to  the  epistle  of  Barnabas,  and  the  Shepherd  of  Her- 

e  I  beg  leave  to  observe,  that  Mr.  Turner  understood  our  author  to  speak  of 
four  sorts  of  books.  He  is  the  only  person,  whom  I  have  met  with,  who 
thought  of  more  than  three.  And  we  are  independent  witnesses  to  this  point. 
For  this  article  in  the  chapter  of  Eusebius  (which  has  long  lain  by  me)  was 
composed  before  I  had  any  knowledge  of  Mr.  Turner's  work,  in  which  he 
considers  this  matter.  His  words  are :  *  Eusebius's  account  of  the  sacred 

•  books,  in  that  chapter,  is  somewhat  confused.     But  he  seems  to  rank  them 

*  in  four  classes.'    R.  Turner's  Discourse  upon  the  pretended  Apostolical  Con 
stitutions,  p.  168—171. 

f  ra  KXrj p.tvrog  ofto\oysp,tvr)  p.ia  £7rt<ro\»j.    H.  E.  1.  iii  c.  16. 

-jrapa  iraatv.  ib.  C.  38.  p.  110.  A.— — — — rs  K\»;/ufvro£  fytoXo- 
ib.  C. 


108  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

mas :  for  whose  sake  it  is,  indeed,  principally  intended  :  but 
I  think,  I  need  not  stay  any  longer  to  show  the  justness  of 
it  with  regard  to  them.  Those  writings  are  the  genuine 
works  of  the  authors  whose  names  they  bear ;  but  with  re 
gard  to  any  claim  to  be  parts  of  the  sacred  scriptures  of  the 
New  Testament,  properly  so  called,  they  are  contradicted, 
or  rather  spurious,  generally  rejected. 

6.  The  character  of  the  authors  or  writers  of  the  several 
books  of  sacred  scripture  is  observable :  they  are  all  apos 
tles,  or  apostolical  men.  Nor  are  there  any  writings  of 
barely  apostolical  men  authentic,  and  universally  acknow 
ledged,  excepting  those  of  Mark  and  Luke,  which  are  only 
historical,  not  doctrinal  or  dogmatical.  All  the  other  books 
which  are  epistolary,  or  dogmatical,  as  the  Epistle  of  Bar 
nabas,  and  the  Epistle  of  Clement,  and  the  Shepherd  of 
Hennas,  as  likewise  the  Epistle  of  James,  and  Jude,  and  the 
Revelation  of  John,  (which  some  were  not  fully  satisfied  to 
have  been  written  by  apostles,  but  by  an  elder  only,  or  other 
person  of  inferior  rank  to  that  of  apostles,)  were  contro 
verted  ;  contradicted  either  by  some,  or  by  many,  so  as  to 
deserve  the  appellation  of  spurious.  This  seems  to  show, 
that  it  was  a  common  and  prevailing  opinion  among  chris- 
tians  in  those  times,  that  no  book,  doctrinal  or  preceptive, 
ought  to  be  received  as  of  authority,  unless  written  by  an 
apostle ;  and  that  the  credit  of  men  not  apostles,  though 
they  were  companions  of  apostles,  was  admitted  no  farther 
than  as  historians,  or  reporters  of  what  they  had  seen,  or  of 
what  they  had  heard  from  apostles,  or  eye-witnesses,  and 
ministers  of  the  word. 

We  actually  see  the  traces  of  this  prevailing  opinion  in 
the  judgment  formed  of  divers  writings  and  persons.  The 
epistle  of  Clement,  a  companion  of  the  apostle  Paul,  express 
ly  celebrated  by  him,  which  epistle  too  was  universally  al 
lowed  to  be  genuine,  is  a  contradicted  book,  and  received 
by  a  very  few  as  a  part  of  the  New  Testament.  Nor  does  it 
appear,  that  any  of  the  epistles  of  Ignatius  or  Polycarp, 
though  they  likewise  were  disciples  of  apostles,  ever  ob 
tained  so  much  credit,  as  to  be  admitted  by  any  into  the 
canon  of  scripture. 

Here  this  sentiment  appears  very  clearly  :  every  body 
knew  who  were  authors  of  those  epistles :  and  for  that  very 
reason,  few  or  none  ever  thought  of  placing"  them  among 
sacred  scriptures.  If  the  authors  of  those  epistles  had  been 
unknown,  some  might  have  thought  them  to  have  been 
written  by  apostles  ;  and  those  epistles  might  have  made  a 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Casarca.     A.  D.  315.  109 

considerable  claim  to  be  parts  of  the  New  Testament :  but 
now  they  stand  clearly  in  the  rank  only  of  excellent  eccle 
siastical  writing's. 

An  apostolical  man,  then,  was  not  supposed  to  have  a 
right  or  power  to  deliver  admonitions,  exhortations,  coun 
sels,  precepts,  or  to  write  of  doctrines,  in  an  authoritative 
manner.  They  may  make  reports,  or  write  histories  of  the 
preaching  and  miracles  of  Christ  or  his  apostles,  which 
shall  be  received  as  of  authority :  provided  they  are  known 
to  be  apostolical  men,  intimate  companions,  and  approved 
fellow-labourers  of  apostles,  as  Mark  and  Luke  were.  But 
that  is  the  utmost  credit  and  authority  of  men  of  this  rank, 
high  as  it  was. 

7.  We  have  a  fine  observation  of  our  author,  concerning 
the  employment  of  the  apostles,  and  their  backwardness  to 
write,  and  the  occasions  of  the  few  books  or  epistles  which 
were  written  by  them  at  last. 

And  it  may  be  well  supposed,  that  Eusebius  here  speaks 
agreeably  to  the  information  he  had  received  from  more 
%  ancient  Christian  writers. 

And  I  think,  that  according  to  his  account,  all  the  books 
of  the  New  Testament,  now  commonly  received  among  us, 
are  occasional  writings,  except  the  book  of  the  Revelation  ; 
the  author  of  which,  chap.  i.  11,  is  expressly  directed  to 
"  write  in  a  book,  and  send  it  to  the  seven  churches  that 
are  in  Asia.''  And  he  says  of  the  apostles  in  general,  that 
they  were  not  greatly  concerned  about  writing.  And  of 
those  two  apostles  that  wrote  gospels,  he  says  particularly, 
that  *  they  were  compelled  to  write  by  a  kind  of  necessity.' 
For  by  tradition  of  more  ancient  writers  he  had  been  in 
formed,  that  Matthew  wrote  his  gospel  for  the  benefit  of  the 
christians  in  Judea ;  that  when  he  left  them,  it  might  sup 
ply  the  want  of  his  presence.  And  there  were  traditions  of 
several  reasons  of  John's  writing  his  gospel :  one  was,  that 
having  seen  the  three  gospels  first  written,  he  observed, 
that  there  was  still  wanting  a  written  relation  of  the  begin 
ning  of  Christ's  ministry  :  moreover,  two  of  the  former 
evangelists  had  written  the  genealogy  of  Christ  according 
to  the  flesh  ;  but  the  account  of  Christ's  divinity  had  been 
reserved  for  him.  The  occasion  of  Mark's  writing  his  gos 
pel  has  been  also  mentioned  in  this  author's  Ecclesiastical 
History.  And  he  says,  that  Luke  himself  has  at  the  be 
ginning  of  his  gospel  assigned  the  reason  why  he  wrote ; 

8  Exactly  to  this  purpose,  Iren.  1.  iii.  c.  1. — Per  quos  evangelium  pervenit 
^ad  nos :  quod  quidem  turn  praeconaverunt,  postea  vero  per  Dei  voluntatem  in 
scripturis  nobis  tradiderunt,  &c. 


110  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History, 

which  was,  to  put  into  our  hands  a  full  and  certain  account 
of  Christ's  ministry,  in  the  room  of  those  uncertain  and  de 
fective  relations  which  had  been  written  by  others,  and 
were  already  got  abroad  in  the  world. 

This  may  be  supposed  to  be,  for  the  main  part,  and  in 
the  general,  a  true  account  of  the  occasion  of  writing  the 
several  gospels.  Nor  let  any  therefore  be  in  pain,  and  sus 
pect,  that  then  there  would  have  been  danger,  lest  we  should 
have  had  no  gospels,  or  authentic  written  records  concern 
ing  Christ  and  his  doctrine :  for  if  the  apostles  performed 
the  most  difficult  part  of  their  ministry,  and  fulfilled  the 
command  of  Christ,  "  to  go  and  preach  to  all  nations,"  and 
did  discharge  that  work  with  zeal  and  resolution,  accom 
panied  with  those  miracles,  which  the  divine  power  they 
had  received  from  Christ,  enabled  them  to  perform,  there 
certainly  would  be  occasion  for  writing  both  gospels  and 
epistles.  The  converts  which  the  apostles  made,  would 
many  of  them  be  desirous  of  written  memoirs  of  the  great 
and  excellent  things,  which  they  had  heard  ;  and  would 
certainly  entreat  apostles  themselves,  or  their  ministers  and 
companions,  to  deliver  to  them  such  accounts,  to  help  their 
memory. 

And  upon  the  apostles,  relating  frequently  in  their  ser 
mons,  in  many  parts  of  the  world,  and  to  great  numbers  of 
people,  the  discourses  and  miracles  of  Jesus,  and  perform 
ing  many  other  like  miracles  themselves,  it  was  very  likely, 
that  some  should  be  so  moved  and  affected  by  those  extra 
ordinary  things,  as  to  compose  and  publish  relations  of 
them,  though  they  were  not  fully  qualified  for  the  work. 
These  imperfect,  and  not  sufficiently  attested  relations, 
would  very  naturally  provoke  and  excite  some  one  or  more 
well  acquainted  with  those  things,  to  write  a  history  of 
them,  which  might  be  depended  upon  as  certain.  And 
having  seen  some  histories  of  the  acts  of  Christ,  which, 
though  written  with  a  good  intention,  and  from  a  good 
principle,  were  not  fitted  for  general  use,  nor  suited  to  the 
importance  of  the  design ;  it  was  very  natural  for  the  same 
person,  for  the  same  reason,  and  with  the  same  view,  to 
undertake  a  second  work,  containing  a  history  of  the  acts 
of  Christ's  apostles,  and  of  the  planting  and  spreading  the 
Christian  doctrine  in  several  places,  after  the  resurrection  of 
Jesus,  and  his  ascension  to  heaven  :  in  order  the  better  to 
prevent  the  setting  out  any  such  defective,  not  well  attest 
ed  relations  of  these  things,  as  he  had  actually  seen  of  the 
life  of  Christ.  It  was  highly  probable,  that  the  design  of 
this  second  work  should  enter  into  the  mind  of  the  same 


EUSBBIUS,  BisJwp  of  Casarea.     A.  D.  315.  Ill 

person,  who  had  undertaken  the  former,  for  the  reason  just 
mentioned  :  especially  considering,  that  he  was  more  pecu 
liarly  qualified  for  this  latter  performance,  as  he  had  been 
himself  an  eye-w  itness  of  a  large  part  ofthe.se  things,  which 
were  to  be  the  materials  of  it ;  and  he  had  the  honour  and 
happiness  of  being  intimately  acquainted  with  some  of  the 
principal  persons,  whose  words  and  works,  journeyings, 
dangers,  and  sufferings,  he  was  now  to  relate. 

It  was  also  very  likely,  that  if  some  one  apostle  was  by 
Divine  Providence  preserved  to  a  great  age,  he  should  come 
to  the  sight  of  the  memoirs  of  Christ's  life  first  written. 
And  as  the  former  evangelists  had  been  much  intent  upon 
brevity  in  their  narrations,  and  confined  themselves,  chiefly, 
to  the  more  public  parts  of  Christ's  ministry,  it  wos  very 
natural  for  him  to  judge  it  proper  to  give  the  world  a  writ 
ten  relation  of  some  things  omitted  by  them.  There  might 
be  also  such  a  change  in  the  circumstances  of  things,  since 
the  time  of  writing  the  more  early  gospels,  as  might  contri 
bute  to  determine  his  resolution  of  adding  a  new  and  fourth 
gospel  to  those  already  written. 

Moreover,  if  the  apostles  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  his  other 
disciples,  and  their  immediate  converts,  preached  the  gospel 
with  that  zeal  and  diligence  which  might  be  reasonably  ex 
pected,  and  formed  and  constituted  in  several  parts  distinct 
societies,  or  churches,  of  the  converts  they  made  by  preach 
ing  and  conference  ;  it  could  not  be,  considering  the  weak 
ness  of  human  nature,  and  the  condition  and  character  of 
the  persons  of  which  those  churches  were  constituted,  (many 
of  whom  had  been  lately  involved  in  vice,  and  the  grossest 
darkness  and  ignorance,)  but  that  some  of  those  churches 
would  need  farther  instructions,  for  their  confirmation  and 
establishment,  or  for  correcting  disorders  they  fell  into,  or 
for  securing  them  from  the  seduction  of  selfish  and  artful 
leaders  and  teachers  crept  in  among  them,  or  endeavouring 
to  do  so.  Such  wants  and  necessities  of  those  religious  so 
cieties  would  excite  the  care  and  attention  of  the  apostles 
by  whom  they  had  been  formed.  And  as  the  apostles 
could  not  visit  in  person  so  often  as  they  would,  much  less 
be  always  present  with  all  the  churches  they  had  planted  ; 
their  tender  concern  and  affection  for  their  welfare,  and 
their  zeal  for  the  principles  of  which  they  were  fully  per 
suaded,  and  which  they  had  preached  and  instilled  into  the 
minds  of  men  with  great  labour  and  many  hazards,  would 
oblige  and  induce  them  to  write  epistles  to  them,  containing 
sufficient  instructions  about  every  thing  relating  to  their 
case,  and  which  the  support  and  flourishing  interest  of  the 


112  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

Christian  religion  required.  And  some  apostles,  in  the  great 
and  uncommon  zeal  with  which  they  were  animated,  in  all 
probability  would  be  induced  to  write  epistles  also  to  some 
churches  or  Christians  formed  and  converted  by  others,  and 
whom  they  had  not  seen  ;  that  nothing  might  be  wanting 
to  them,  for  completing  their  faith  in  the  gospel,  and  secur 
ing  their  stedfastness  therein,  and  a  conversation  and  beha 
viour  of  life  becoming  it. 

Finally,  it  was  likewise  probable,  that  some  occasions 
should  offer,  which  in  a  manner  required  the  writing  of 
some  epistles  to  particular  persons,  for  recommending  some 
good  office  of  kindness  to  a  Christian  brother,  and  for  giving 
directions  about  the  officers  settled,  or  to  be  appointed  and 
settled  in  Christian  societies,  for  promoting  good  order,  and 
the  interest  of  religion  among  them. 

Eusebius  says,  then,  that  '  the  apostles,  employing  the 
demonstration  of  the  Divine  Spirit  working  with  them, 
spread  the  gospel  over  the  world.  Nor  were  they '  [at  the 
first]  '  much  concerned  to  write,  being  engaged  in  a  more 
excellent  ministry,  exceeding  all  human  power :'  that  is, 
in  preaching  and  spreading  the  gospel  every  where.  This 
likewise  I  take  to  be  a  just,  and  true,  and  fine  observation. 
That  ministry  was  indeed  *  above  human  power,'  not  only 
with  regard  to  the  miracles  performed  by  them  ;  but  their 
preaching  the  doctrine  of  the  gospel  to  all  the  world,  as 
they  did,  was  also  a  divine  work.  To  discourse,  dispute, 
and  argue  with  men  of  all  characters,  and  thus  to  recom 
mend  the  truths  of  religion,  requires  more  and  greater  ta 
lents  of  the  mind,  as  well  as  more  virtue,  especially  in  the 
apostles'  circumstances,  than  to  write  for  them.  For  in 
preaching  the  heavenly  doctrine  of  the  gospel,  contrary  to 
rooted  and  general  errors  and  prejudices  and  darling  pas 
sions,  before  men  of  all  ranks  and  characters,  princes  and 
people,  philosophers  and  mechanics,  Jews  and  Gentiles, 
which  required  a  different  sort  of  treatment;  there  was 
necessary  not  only  a  clear  and  distinct  knowledge  of  the 
doctrine  itself,  and  the  several  arguments  by  which  it  might 
be  most  fitly  demonstrated  and  recommended,  but  also 
great  zeal,  and  courage,  and  presence  of  mind,  suited  to 
sudden  occasions  and  emergencies ;  as  well  as  a  fixed  re 
solution  to  suffer  all  manner  of  evil,  rather  than  deny  it, 
rather  than  not  openly  profess  and  teach  it.  This  is  very 
different  from  composing  an  argument  in  private,  and  at 
our  leisure.  We  write  in  the  study  free  from  noise  and 
danger;  we  take  the  time  when  we  find  ourselves  best  dis 
posed  for  the  work.  If  ive  oppose  an  absurd  opinion,  and 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Casarea.     A.  D.  315.  113 

a  perverse  and  unreasonable  adversary  ;  though  he  be  far 
out  of  sight,  or  a  man  we  never  saw,  we  find  a  difficulty  in 
governing  our  temper,  and  restraining  all  harshness  and 
indecency  of  expression.  And  when  we  have  finished  the 
work,  if  the  truth  we  defend  be  unpopular  and  unaccept 
able,  we  send  forth  our  performance  with  abundance  of 
caution,  perhaps  without  a  name,  and  in  the  most  reserved 
and  secret  manner  we  can  devise.  But  the  apostles,  in 
preaching  the  gospel,  were  under  a  necessity  01  engaging 
at  all  seasons,  with  all  sorts  of  characters  and  tempers  :  and 
were  obliged  to  meekness  under  provocations,  and  courage 
in  the  midst  of  all  sorts  of  dangers  and  threatenings.  For 
such  a  service  many  great  talents  are  needful,  either  ac 
quired  or  infused.  And  since  the  apostles,  generally  speak 
ing,  had  not  the  former  in  a  great  degree,  they  must  have 
been  favoured  with  the  latter. 

The  work  therefore  of  preaching  the  gospel,  in  which  the 
apostles  were  engaged,  was,  as  Eusebius  says,  *  a  most  ex 
cellent  ministry,  and  above  human  power :'  it  was  likewise 
the  fittest  to  be  first  performed.  To  have  written  memoirs 
of  Christ's  life,  or  treatises  of  the  truth  of  the  Christian  reli 
gion,  before  those  things  had  been  preached,  and  before  some 
considerable  number  of  converts  had  been  made,  would  have 
signified  very  little.  In  that  way,  the  gospel  would  not,  in 
the  course  of  many  ages,  if  ever,  have  been  spread  over  the 
^orld,  as  it  was  by  the  preaching  of  the  apostles  in  a  few 
years. 

Our  Saviour's  command  to  his  first  apostles  was :  "  Goh 
ye,  and  teach  all  nations,  baptizing  them, — teaching  them 
to  observe  all  things  whatsoever  I  have  commanded  you." 
Paul,  in  like  manner,  was  chosen  and  appointed  of  Christ, 
to'  "  bear  his  name  before  the  gentiles,  and  kings,  and  the 
children  of  Israel."  And  hek  was  "  made  a  minister  and 
witness  of  the  things  which  he  had  seen,  and  of  those  things 
in  which  Christ  should  appear  unto  him :  and  he  showed 
first  unto  them  of  Damascus,  and  at  Jerusalem,  and 
throughout  all  the  coasts  of  Judea,  and  then  to  the  Gentiles, 
that  they  should  repent,  and  turn  to  God,  and  do  works 
meet  for  repentance.  These  were  Christ's  own  directions,  and 
it  was  fit  they  should  be  first  performed  :  and  it  was  indeed 
a  glorious  work,  by  public  preaching  to  convert  men  from 
their  errors  and  vices,  to  the  faith  of  God  and  Jesus  Christ ; 
and  engage  them  to  make  a  profession  of  faith  in  Jesus  by 
baptism,  and  then  to  continue  the  profession  and  avowal  of 

h  Matt,  xxviii.  19,20.  '  Acts  ix.  15.  k  Acts  xxvi.  16,  20. 

VOL.  IV.  I 


114  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

that  faith,  by  worshipping  God  according  to  the  rule  of  the 
gospel  in  religious  societies  of  their  own. 

If  therefore  the  apostles  of  Christ  performed  the  work  ap 
pointed  them  by  him,  (as  they  did  with  amazing  success,  but 
not  with  greater  success  than  might  be  reasonably  expected, 
considering  all  the  helps,  and  all  the  arguments,  he  had 
furnished  them  with,  both  for  animating  them,  and  convinc 
ing  others:)  there  certainly  would  be  occasions  and  de 
mands  for  writing  such  books,  as  the  New  Testament  now 
consists  of;  gospels,  Acts,  and  epistles. 

And  though  these  writings  were  of  the  utmost  impor 
tance,  and  of  absolute  necessity,  for  preserving  the  Christian 
religion  in  purity  in  following  ages:  and  though  these  writ 
ings  are  now  of  much  more  immediate  advantage  to  us,  than 
the  preaching  of  Christ  and  his  apostles :  yet  it  was  best 
not  only  for  men  of  that,  but  likewise  of  all  future  ages,  and 
of  us  in  particular,  in  these  late  ages,  that  the  doctrine  of 
the  gospel  should  be  first  preached  by  Christ  and  his  apos 
tles,  and  that  a  large  number  of  converts  should  be  made, 
before  those  books  were  written,  which  were  to  be  the  rule 
of  faith  and  manners  to  Christians  in  all  future  times.  By 
this  means  we  now  have  in  these  books,  demonstrations  of 
the  truth  of  the  Christian  religion  impossible  to  have  been 
afforded  in  any  other  way.  Beside  the  most  glorious  ex 
ample  of  Jesus  Christ,  in  the  course  of  his  personal  minis 
try,  we  see  such  zeal,  such  resolution,  fortitude,  self-denial, 
disinterestedness,  patience,  meekness,  and  such  extraordinary 
gifts  in  his  apostles,  as  afford  a  rational  and  most  convinc 
ing  evidence  of  the  truth  of  the  doctrine  preached  by  them, 
and  which  we  have  received  from  them.  The  several  occa 
sions  of  writing  the  historical  books,  -such  as  the  request  of 
believers,  and  the  publication  of  imperfect  memoirs  of 
Christ,  are  proofs  that  the  gospel  had  been  preached  to  the 
world,  and  had  been  received  by  many,  notwithstanding  the 
discouraging  circumstances,  which  both  the  preaching  and 
receiving  it  must  have  been  attended  with.  The  epistles  of 
the  apostles  written  to  Christian  societies,  or  to  particular 
Christians,  are  also  undeniable  evidences  of  the  success  of 
the  apostles'  ministry ;  of  the  divine  works  by  which  that 
ministry  was  supported ;  of  the  extraordinary  gifts  confer 
red  by  them,  and  received  by  their  converts  ;  of  the  since 
rity,  courage,  patience,  of  the  first  disciples  and  converts  of 
the  apostles  in  general ;  and  of  the  eminent  and  stedfast 
virtue  of  many  of  them.  Indeed,  :they  are  such  evidences 
of  these  things,  as  could  never  have  appeared  in  any  trea- 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Ccpsarea.     A.  D.  315.  115 

tises,  or  set  arguments  whatever,  composed  to  persuade  men 
to  embrace  the  religion  of  Jesus.  In  a  word,  the  gospel 
has  been  most  effectually  spread,  the  most  complete  and 
most  lasting  evidence  of  the  truth  of  the  Christian  religion 
has  been  afforded,  and  the  best  arguments  to  an  open  and 
stedfast  profession  of  the  truth,  and  to  a  virtuous  conversa 
tion  suitable  to  it,  have  been  given  by  the  apostles'  first 
preaching  the  gospel  to  all  sorts  of  persons,  in  almost 
every  part  of  the  world,  and  then  composing  and  delivering 
such  writing's,  whether  historical  or  epistolary,  as  were 
suited  to  the  wants  and  desires,  and  fitted  for  the  establish 
ment  and  improvement  of  the  converts  they  had  made. 

Finally,  we  have  in  this  way  greater  security  for  the  ge 
nuineness  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament,  and  the  in 
tegrity  of  the  copies  of  them,  than  otherwise  we  should 
have  had.  They  were  published  at  the  earnest  entreaties 
of  some,  or  written  and  addressed  to  others,  who  would 
certainly  set  a  great  value  on  them.  There  were  many  per 
sons  in  being,  who  would  receive  them  with  the  greatest 
esteem  when  they  came  to  their  knowledge.  And  as  there 
were  many  who  must  needs  show  a  great  regard  for  them, 
and  be  desirous  to  have  them  in  their  hands,  and  make  use 
of  them,  as  helps  to  their  memories  in  things  they  had 
heard  with  attention ;  we  have  the  greater  reason  to  con 
clude,  that  these  books  were  soon  transcribed,  and  many 
copies  taken  of  them,  which  would  be  a  great  security 
against  corrupting  and  interpolating  them ;  if  any,  to  carry 
on  particular  interests,  had  formed  such  a  design, 

8.  In  these  passages  are  also  some  good  observations  for 
harmonizing  the  gospels,  and  for  determining  the  duration 
of  our  Saviour's  personal  ministry.  The  reader  doubtless 
remembers  what  our  author  writes  of  St.  John's  saying 
1  that  the  three  former  evangelists  had  written  the  truth, 
but  there  was  still  wanting  a  history  of  the  things  done 
by  Christ  in  the  first  part  and  beginning  of  his  ministry.' 
I  need  not  therefore  enlarge  here  upon  this  matter.  It  may 
be,  however,  farther  observed,  that1  in  another  place  of  the 
same  Ecclesiastical  History,  Eusebius  says,  our  Lord's 
ministry  was  above  three  years,  and  not  quite  four  years 
complete.  But  his  argument  there  alleged  for  that  opinion, 
from  the  number  of  Jewish  high-priests  during  the  period 
of  Christ's  preaching,  is  absurd  and  groundless,  as  appears 
from  Josephus :  though  Eusebius  endeavours  to  support  his 
opinion  from  that  Jewish  author.  In  the  Demonstration,  ho 

Vid.  H,  E.  1.  i.  c.  10.  et  Vales,  notes. 
i  2 


116  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

speaks  of  our  Saviour's  ministry"1  being  three  years  and  an 
half. 

9.  We  may  likewise  observe,  that  the  account  which  Eu- 
sebius  gives  of  the  opinion  of  men  in  his  time,  is  agreeable 
to  what  we  have  seen  in  the  passages  of  authors  before  his 
time.  In  the  writings  of  ancient  authors,  whom  we  have 
consulted,  we  have  found  more  numerous  quotations  of  the 
books  universally  received  in  Eusebius's  time,  than  of  the 
others,  whose  authority  was  disputed  and  controverted. 

Indeed,  some  may  be  hence  ready  to  argue,  that  we  might 
at  first  have  set  down  contented  with  these  passages  of  the 
bishop  of  Coesarea,  representing  the  sense  of  Christians  in  his 
time  founded  upon  the  testimony  of  antiquity,  without  look 
ing  any  farther.  But  certainly,  it  is  a  satisfaction  to  see 
ourselves  the  testimonies  of  the  ancients  to  the  scriptures  of 
the  New  Testament.  If  we  had  not  consulted  those  authors, 
we  could  not  have  been  so  fully  persuaded  of  the  justness 
of  Eusebius's  account,  as  now  we  are.  Nor  did  he  expect 
that  men  should  rely  upon  this  account.  He  does  not  de 
liver  his  judgment  magisterially:  but  having  in  these  pas 
sages  represented,  partly  his  own  opinion,  partly  the  gene 
ral  sentiments  of  other  men  about  the  books  of  scripture,  or 
some  of  them,  he  adds  :  '  but  this  point  shall  be  decided 
hereafter  by  the  authority  of  the  ancients.'  Nor  would  this 
great  man,  if  he  were  witness  to  our  proceedings,  condemn 
our  design,  nor  take  it  amiss,  that  after  a  long  interval  we 
thought  it  proper  to  imitate  himself,  and  resumed  the  design 
of  inquiring  after  and  examining  the  testimonies  of  more 
ancient  writers,  collected  and  exhibited  by  him  in  the  im 
mortal  work  of  his  Ecclesiastical  History,  or  any  others, 
that  are  to  be  found  elsewhere  in  the  original  authors  that 
remain. 

I  hope  that  we  have  now  in  a  good  measure  discovered 
the  true  sense  and  meaning  of  these  passages  of  Eusebius  ; 
though  it  must  be  allowed  they  are  somewhat  obscure  and 
confused  :  and  we  could  have  wished,  that  he  had  employed 
a  little  more  time  in  penning  them,  and  had  expressed  him 
self  with  more  perspicuity  and  exactness.  However,  in 
matters  of  this  vast  importance,  honesty  is  the  main  thing  : 
and  I  think,  we  have  no  cause  to  complain  of  any  defect  of 
that  kind  in  these  passages  of  our  author.  If  he  writes 
without  art,  he  writes  also  without  reserve.  He  acknow 
ledges  that  there  were  different  opinions  upon  this  head. 
And  whilst  he  assures  us  there  were  some  books  received 


o  irag  TTJQ  SiSaoicaXiaG  KO.I  7rapa#o£o7roua£ 
I//UKTU  yeyovw£  trwv.  Dem.  1.  viii.  p.  400.  B. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Casarca.     A.  D.  315.  117 

by  all  the  churches  under  heaven,  he  owns  there  were 
others,  about  which  there  were  disputes :  and  likewise,  that 
there  had  been  forged  and  published  gospels  and  Acts 
under  the  name  of  divers  apostles.  Eusebius  also  deserves 
commendation  for  the  calmness  with  which  he  writes  of 
these  matters.  He  represents  different  opinions  without 
hard  names,  or  fierceness  of  temper.  This  is  not  only 
excellent  in  itself,  and  therefore  agreeable ;  but  it  is  still 
farther  agreeable,  in  that  it  confirms  the  truth  and  fair 
ness  of  the  account.  It  is  true  he  absolutely  rejects  this 
last  sort  of  books,  and  with  some  indignation,  as  impious : 
but  it  was  his  duty  to  tell  us  what  they  were,  and  what 
catholic  Christians  thought  of  them.  They  were  books 
containing  things  mean  and  absurd,  and  were  destitute  of  all 
ancient  testimonies  to  the  high  original  they  pretended  to, 
and  consequently  were  manifest  forgeries :  and  certainly  it 
is  impious  to  forge  writings  under  the  names  of  any  men, 
much  more  of  apostles.  And  we  have  a  great  deal  of  rea 
son  to  be  pleased,  to  find  that  the  ancient  Christians  were 
ever  cautious  what  writings  they  received,  as  the  works  of 
apostles  or  apostolical  men:  and  that  having  exercised  a 
judicious  critique,  they  stomached  such  compositions  as 
these,  and  rejected  them  with  abhorrence. 

IX.  As  we  have  largely  observed  the  representation  given 
by  Eusebius,  of  the  general  sense  and  opinion  of  Christians 
in  his  time,  concerning  the  scriptures  of  the  New  Testament ; 
we  ought  now  to  consider,  what  was  his  own  sentiment  con 
cerning  the  books  of  that  collection. 

1.  And    doubtless  we  ought  to  suppose,  and   take  for 
granted,  that  he  owned  for  sacred  and  divine  scripture  all 
those  books,  which  he  assures  us  were  then  universally  re-* 
ceived  as  such. 

2.  I  need  not  therefore  make  many  remarks  here  relating 
to  the  four  gospels,  his  testimony  to  them  in  many  passages 
that  have  passed  before  us  being  clear  and  express :  how 
ever,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  recollect  and  put  down  here  a 
few  particulars. 

3.  The  evangelist   Matthew   he  supposed   to   be  one  of 
Christ's  twelve  apostles,  who  had  been  before  a  publican. 

4.  The  evangelist  Mark  he  supposed  to  be  a  companion 
and   disciple  of  Peter.     It  does  not  appear  that  our  great 
author  thought  the  writer  of  the  gospel  to  be  John  surnamed 
Mark,  often  mentioned  in  the  Acts  of  the  apostles,  and  like 
wise  by  St.  Paul,  in  Coloss.  iv.  10,  and  2  Tim.  iv.  11.     But 
unquestionably  he  supposed   him   to  be  the  same  that  is 
mentioned,  1  Pet.  v.  13. 


118  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

5.  As  for  St.  Luke's  character,  we  have  seen  in  a  passage 
above  cited,  that  he  supposed  him  to  have  been  originally  a 
physician  of  Antioch :  and  doubtless,  the  same  also  who  is 
mentioned  by  St.  Paul,  Coloss.  iv.  14.     Consequently,  it  is 
probable  that  he  thought  this  evangelist  to  have  been  a 
gentile  Christian :    whether  rightly,  or  not,  we  do  not  now 
inquire. 

6.  The    fourth   evangelist,   John,  as  we  have   seen,  he 
thought  to  be  one  of  Christ's  twelve  apostles,  son  of  Zebe- 
dee,  and  brother  of  James ;  and  how  he  speaks  of  him  and 
his  gospel,  and  the  occasion  of  it,  has  been  seen  by  us  in 
several   places.     When  he  quotes  him,  he  not  seldom  calls 
him  the  n  great  and  admirable  evangelist  John.     He  °  calls 
him  a  Hebrew  divine.     That  he  gives  him  that  title,  in  re 
gard  to  the  beginning  of  his  gospel,  appears,  I  think,  from 
several  P  places :  and  I  put  in  the  margin  1  two  other  pas 
sages,  where  this  evangelist  is  spoken  of  by  Eusebius  in  the 
same  character.     Eusebius  is  the  first  ancient  author  who 
has  given  him  this  title ;  and  it  may  be  observed,  that  he 
characterizes  Moses  in  the  like  manner,  calling  him  also r 
the  great  Hebrew  divine. 

7.  Before  I  proceed,  I  would  add,  that  we  have  also  seen, 
that  this  very  learned  ancient  Christian  bishop  received  the 
g'enealogy  in  St.  Matthew,  and   that  he  makes  no  question 
about  the  genuineness  of  that,  or  any  part  of  the  first  two 
chapters  of  St.  Matthew's  gospel,  or  of  the  first  chapter 
of  St.  Luke's  gospel,  which  chapters  are  often  quoted  in  his 
works. 

8.  The  book  of  the  Acts  is  another  of  those  books,  which 
he  assures  us  were  universally  received.     It  is  expressly 
mentioned  by   Eusebius   as   such   in  these   passages,    and 
ascribed  to  Luke  as  the  author,  and  called  divinely  inspired 
scripture.      He  elsewhere   likewise  often  quotes  this  book 
ass  divine  scripture,  and  the1  sacred  scripture  of  the  Acts  : 
he  often  quotes  it  by  the  title  of  the  Acts,  Acts  of  the  Apos 
tles,  and  written  by  St.  Luke ;  of"  which  I  put  some  exam 
ples  in  the  margin. 

n  Vid.  not.  P.  °  TOV  'Ej3pato*v  StoXoyov.  Pr.  Evang. 

1.  ix.  C.  18.  p.  540.  B.  P  Aoyov,  bv  3-coXoywv  6  /utyaff 

Idjavvrjg.  Dem.  Ev.  1.  iv.  p.  179.  C. — uxTTTtp  6  SavpaaiOG  twayye- 
I(t)avvrjg  /m£ovi  r\  Kara  avOpwirov  /*£yaXo0u>rt$  TOV  Swrj/pa  icat  ~K.vpiov 
StoXoy u)v.  K.  X.  Dem.  1.  vii.  c.  1 .  p.  309.  C. 

q   TOV  S-foXoyov  /cat  tvayyeXirjjv.  De  EC.  Th.  1.   i.  p.   92.   D.     'O 

/u«yag  tuayytXiT?jg,  ap.a  KO.I  SfsoXoyoy.  Ib.  I.  ii.  C.  12.  p.  1 19.  C. 

r  •   '  /«tyag  SeoXoyog  MOHT»;<;,  'E/3paeog  div  t£  'E/Jpatwf.  PfSBp.  Ev.  1.  vii. 

c.  7.  p.  305.  A.  s  'QC  ^aw  rj  Sua  ypa^jj.  II.  E.  1.  ii.  c.  9.  p.  47.  A. 

1   Aida0>caXo£  Kai  THTWV  i'i  ttpa  riav  IIpa£fwv  ypa0»?.   1.  ii.  C.  18.  p.  59.  D. 
u  'O  AuKttf  tv  rai£  IIpaEeffi.    H.  E.  1.  i.  c.  5.  p.  17.  D.     'O  A.tncas  tv  ratg 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Ctcsarca.     A.  D.  315.  119 

9.  By  the  epistles  of  the  apostle  Paul,  spoken  of  in  the 
long*  passages  above  cited,  there  can  be  no  question  but  he 
means  those  we  have,  which  are  often  expressly  mentioned 
and  quoted   in  the  works  of  this  writer,  by  the  titles  used 
among-  us,  of  the  churches,  or  particular  persons,  to  whom 
they  were  sent.     Thirteen  epistles,  therefore,  which  were 
received  by  all   as  the  apostle  Paul's,  were  likewise   un 
doubtedly  received  as  such  by  Eusebius. 

10.  Whether  he  received  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  as 
St.  Paul's,  which,  in  passages  cited  by  us,  he  has  several 
times  spoken  of  as  one  of  the  controverted  books  of  scrip 
ture,  will  require  some  consideration. 

11.  And  here  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  recollect  several  ex 
pressions  in  those  passages,  concerning  the  general  reception 
of  this  epistle.     I  have  put  them  together  under  the  second 
remark,  in  the  second  v  division  of  the  books  of  the  New 
Testament. 

12.  We    ought   also   to  recollect  what    Eusebius    said, 
speaking    of  the    famous    and    universally   acknowledged 
epistle  of  Clement  of  Rome,  the  companion  of  the  apostle 
Paul  :  «  In  w  which,'  says  he,  *  inserting  many  sentiments  of 
the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  and  also  using  some  of  the  very 
words  of  it,  he  x  plainly  manifests  that  epistle  to  be  no  mo 
dern  writing.     And  hence  it  has  not  without  reason  been 
reckoned  among  the  other  writings  of  the  apostle  :  for  Paul 
having  written  to  the  Hebrews  in  their  own  language,  some 
think  that  the  evangelist  Luke,  others,  that  this  very  Cle 
ment,  translated  it  [into  Greek]  ;  which  last  is  the  more  pro 
bable  of  the  two,  there  being  a  resemblance  between  the 
style  of  the  epistle  of  Clement,  and  that  to  the  Hebrews,  nor 
are  the  sentiments  of  those  two  writings  very  different.' 

13.  Eusebius  does  also  not  seldom  quote  this  epistle  as 
Paul's.     Thus,  in  the  account  of  a  Christian  martyr,  who 
told  his  judge,  that  Jerusalem  was  his  country  :  *  meaning,' 
says?  the  historian,  '  that  Jerusalem  of  which  Paul  speaks  : 
"  but2  Jerusalem  which  is  above,  is  free,  which  is  the  mo 
ther  of  us  all."     And,  yea  "  are  come  unto  mount  Sion,  and 
unto  the  city  of  the  living  God,  the  heavenly  Jerusalem.'" 


TUV  ATroToXwv.  1.  iii.  c.  31.  p.  103.  A.  Vid.  1.  ii.  c.  11.  in,  et  c.  21. 
et  passim.  'Ot  drj  Trpwroi  TH  Iq<ra  fiaOrjTai  tv  ry  /3i/3\y  TOJV  iSiwv  Hpagtwv. 
Dem.  Ev.  1.  iii.  p.  128.  B. 

v  See  p.  101—104.  w  See  before,  Vol.  ii.  p.  32,  33. 

x  -  <ra0e<rar«  TraptTijcrtv  on  /iq  veov  viraft\f.i  TO  trvyypa/i/ia.  'O9tv 
tiKoTcjg  t$o£tv,  avTO  rotg  \onrotg  tyKaTa\e%Oriva.i  ypa/i/za(Ti  r«  a7T070\s.  H.  E» 
L  iii.  c.  38.  p.  110.  A. 

y  De  Martyr.  Pal.  c.  XL  p.  337. 

1  Gal,  iv.  26.  a  Hebr.  xii.  22. 


120  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

In  the  Ecclesiastical  History  he  speaks  of  '  theb  epistle  to 
the  Hebrews,  and  divers  other  epistles  of  Paul.'  He  quotes 
this  epistle  asc  *  sacred  scripture'  in  the  Evangelical  Prepa 
ration  :  asd  the  apostle's  in  the  Demonstration.  And  in  a 
like  manner  often  in  his  books  againste  Marcellus,  and  in 
his  Commentaries  uponf  the  Psalms  and&  Isaiah:  from  the 
former  of  which  I  shall  by  and  by  quote  a  remarkable  pas 
sage. 

14.  Theodoret,  without  hesitation,   positively   says,   that 
Eusebiush  received  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  as  a  writing 
of  the  divine  Paul  ;  and  that  he  said,  all  the  ancients  were 
of  the  same  opinion.     Which  must  be  reckoned  but  a  loose 
quotation,  if  thereby  he  intends  (as  I  apprehend  he  does) 
Eusebius's  citation  of  Origcn  in  his1  Ecclesiastical  History. 

15.  Once  more,  Eusebius  is  reckoned  by  Stephen  Gobar, 
in  Photius,  among  k  those  many  ancient  writers,  who  count 
this  epistle  among  the  other  epistles  of  Paul,  and  say,  that 
it  was  translated  out  of  Hebrew  by  Clement  of  Rome. 

16.  All  these  particulars  are  sufficient  to  afford  full  satis 
faction,  that  in  the  churches  with  which  Eusebius  was  best 
acquainted,  this  epistle  was  generally  received  as  the  apos 
tle  Paul's,  and  that  he  was  himself  also  much  inclined  to 
admit  it  as  such.     Nevertheless,  perhaps  it  may  be  ques 
tioned  whether  he  was  fully  persuaded  of  it.     If  he  had,  he 
would  scarce  have  expressed  himself  as  he  does  in  the  place 
before  cited,  relating  to  the  parallel  passages  of  this  and 
Clement's  epistle  ;  '  that  he  thereby  clearly  shows  it  to  be 
*  no  modern  composition.'     As  the  evidence  of  this  epistle 
being  Paul's  did  not  appear  equally  clear  with  that  for  his 
other  epistles,  the  persuasion  was  not  equally  certain,  and 


•oTTOtag  rj  re  Trpog  'EjSpaiag  Kai  aXXai  irXtisg  TS  HavXu 
€7ri<roXat.  H.  E.  1.  ii.  c.  17.  p.  55.  D. 

c  -  TH  TS  hpa  Xoy«  (ra0£<repov  UTTOVTOQ.  Pr.  Ev.  1.  xii.  c.  19.  p.  592.  D. 
d  Tavra  ptv  6  aTroroXog.  Dem.  Ev.  1.  v.  c.  3.  p.  223.  D.  224.  A.  B. 
*   Kat  apxupta  St  avrov  6  O.VTOQ  atro<zo\OQ  cnroicaXei,  Xeywv.  De  Ecc.  Th.  1. 
i.  p.  95.  B.  et  passim. 

f  -  Trtpi  fig  Savfjia^rie  OKTJVIJQ  KUI  o  Seiog   mro^oXog  diSaaicuv 
ToiHTovtxofj.iv  apxupta.  [Heb.  viii.]  Comm.  in  Ps.  p.  175.  E. 
iv  ry  Trpoc  'Efipaisg  $ri<Tiv.  ib.  p.  555.  et  passim. 

8  IlaptTTjcrt  £e  TO  opog  6  a7ro<roXoe,  HTTWJ/.  Comm.  in  Is.  p.  454.  C.  et  passim. 
Evff((3u{)  yav  (XPr1v  ireiGQrjvai  ry  IlaXatTtvy  —  Kai  HTOQ  yap    TH  Sfiorars 
Hav\a  TIJV  8t  TTJV  (Tri^oXrjv  wfjioXoyrjfftv  fivai,  Kat  TSQ  iraXaiag  airavTag  TUVTIJV 
irtpi  avrriQ  i<j>r)fftv  tffxrjcfvai  TJJV  8o£av.  Thdrt.  Argum.  in  Ep.  ad  Hebr. 

'  Vid.  Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  vi.  c.  25.  p.  227.  D.     And  the  passage  is  cited  in 
this  work,  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii.  num.  iv. 

'On  —  KXqpqe  ptvToi  icai  Eucrt/Stoc,  Kat  TroXvg  aXXog  rwv  SioQopuv  Trarepa/i/ 
aXXatg  avvapi9(iH<ri  Tavrtjv  «7ri<roXatc,  Kai   Qamv   avri\v  (K  ri/£ 
t  TOV  fiprjfjiivov  KXijp.tvTa.  Phot.  Cod.  232.  p.  904.  in. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Casarca.     A.  D.  315.  121 

doubts,  as  it  seems,  were  sometimes  apt  to  arise  in  his  mind 
about  it. 

17.  In  order  to  judge  of  this  writer's  sentiments  concern 
ing  the  epistle  of  James,  which,  as  he  before  informed  us, 
was  the  first  of  the  seven  epistles  called  catholic,  but  was 
disputed  by  many,  we  must  observe  several  passages.     But 
I  choose  not  to  insist  on  any  general1  citations,  without  the 
name  of  book,  or  author  of  those  words,  "  God  resisteth  the 
proud,  but  giveth  grace  to  the  humble  ;"  because,  though 
they  are  found  in  James  iv.  6,  they  are  also  in  Prov.  iii.  34, 
and  1  Pet.  v.  5.     And  besides,  there  are  divers  passages  of 
Eusebius,  where  this  epistle  is  plainly  quoted. 

18.  In  his  books  of  Ecclesiastical  Theology,  he  observes, 

*  Asm  it  is  said  in  another  place,  "  Confess11  your  sins  one 
to    another."'     In    the    Commentary    upon    the    Psalms, 
'Since0  the  scripture  p  says,  "  Love**  not  detraction,  lest 
thou  be  destroyed."     And  "  speak  r  not  evil,  brethren,  one 
of  another,  lest  ye  fall  into  condemnation."'     Again,  in  the 
same  Commentary  upon  the  Psalms,  '  The  s  sacred  apostle 
therefore   says,  "  Is  t  any  among   you  afflicted  ?    let    him 
pray  :   Is  any  merry  ?  let  him  sing  psalms."  ' 

19.  These  are  quotations  of  the  epistle  :  we  must  also  ob 
serve  some  other  passages,  beside  that  before  transcribed 
concerning  James,  called  the  Just,  and  the  brother  of  our 
Lord,  whom  Eusebius  supposes  to  be  the  author  of  this 
epistle. 

20.  In  the  Ecclesiastical  History,  having  mentioned  some 
traditions  relating  to  Christ's  seventy  disciples,  he  proceeds, 

*  And  u  any  attentive  person  may  perceive  that  Christ  had 
more  than  seventy  disciples.     This  is  evident  from  the  tes 
timony  of  Paul,  without  searching   for  other  proof:  who 
says,  that  after  his  resurrection   from   the   dead  v   he  was 
"  seen  of  Cephas,  then  of  the  twelve,  and  after  them  of 
above  five  hundred  brethren  at  once.     Of  whom  some,"  he 
says,  "  were  fallen  asleep  ;"  but  the  greater  part  remained 
at  the  time  he  wrote.     "  After  that,"  says  he,  "  he  was  seen 

1  Vid.  Euseb.  Comm.  in  Ps.  p.  446.  D.  in  Is.  p.  450.  A. 
ni   -  Ka9o  \t\tKTai  ev  eTipoig'   E£o/io\oy£i<r0£  a\\r]\oi£  rag 
De  EC.  Th.  1.  iii.  p.  152.  A.  n  James  v.  16. 


ayaira  Ka.Ta\a\tiv,   \va  firj  tZapQrjg'  ic«e,   Mi) 
iva  firj  viro  KQIGIV  irearjTs.  In  Ps.  p.  648.  B. 

Prov.  xx.  13.  i  Our  translation,  more  agreeably  to  the 

Hebrew  and  Symmachus  :  "  Love  not  sleep,  lest  thou  come  to  poverty." 

r  See  James  iv.  11.  and  v.  12.  •  Atyti  ysv  6  Itpog  aTTo-roXof, 

KaicoTraOfi  TIQ  (v  vfnv  j  irpooivxiaQo)'  tvOvfifi  TIC,  ;  ^/aXXerw.  In  Ps.  p.  247.  C. 
*  James  v.  13.  u  Vid.  H.  E.  1.  i.  c.  12.  p.  31.  A.  B. 

'  1  Cor.  xv.  5—  7. 


122  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

of  James."  So  w  that  he  also  was  one  of  those  called  dis 
ciples  of  the  Lord,  as  well  as  one  of  his  brethren.  Lastly, 
there  being  many  other  beside  the  twelve,  who  in  resem 
blance  of  them  were  called  apostles,  as  was  also  Paul  him 
self,  he  adds,  "  Then  he  was  seen  of  all  the  apostles." ' 

We  need  not  stay  to  consider  whether  Eusebius  rightly 
understands  this  text  of  St.  Paul  ;  it  is  plain,  he  did  not 
think  this  James  one  of  Christ's  disciples,  but  a  disciple  in 
general,  possibly  one  of  the  seventy,  and  also  one  of  those 
called  the  brethren  of  the  Lord,  and  an  apostle  in  the  larger 
and  looser  sense  of  the  word. 

21.  In  another  chapter  of  the  Ecclesiastical  History,  he 
says,  that  x  *  this  James,  the  first  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  bro 
ther  of  the  Lord,  son  of  Joseph,  husband  of  Mary,  was  sur- 
named  the  Just,  by  the  ancients,  on  account  of  the  eminence 
of  his  virtue.' 

22.  In  his  Evangelical  Demonstration,  speaking  again  of 
this  James,  he  calls  him  '  the  brother  of  our  Lord :'   and 
says,  that  '  the  y  people  of  Jerusalem  called  him  the  Just, 
Oil  account  of  his  transcendent  virtue.' 

23.  But  the  most  remarkable  passage  of  Eusebius  relating 
to  this  matter,  is  in  his  Commentary  upon  the  seventeenth 
chapter  of  Isaiah,  where  he   computes  fourteen  apostles  of 
our  Saviour ;  that  is,  beside  the  twelve  including  Matthias, 
two  other,  in  all   fourteen.      *  Of z  which,'  says   he,  '  the 
twelve  may  be  reckoned  the  first  [or  chief]  apostles  ;  and 
after  them  Paul,  who  was  not  inferior  to  them  in  virtue,  [or 
power,]  who  was  also  called  to  be  an  apostle ;  and  James, 
the  brother  of  our  Lord,  who  is  said  to  have  been  appointed 
by  our  Saviour  himself  the  first  bishop  a  of  Jerusalem.' 

Hence  it  appears,  that  Eusebius  thought  there  were  three 

w  Ei£  Se  KCII  BTOQ  r<i)v  0£po/i£vwv  r«  2<i>r»jpo£  [j,a9r)T<j)v,  aXXa  \ii\v  /cat  aStXfywv 
ijv*  Ei0'  a>£  Trapa.  TSTSQ  Kara  [i,ip,r]ffiv  TIOV  Su^tica.  TrXfi-rwi/  ocrwv  VTrapZavraiv 
airovoXuv,  oiog  /cat  avrog  6  IlavXog  qv,  7rpo<?iOT](n,  Xtyun/'  Ewara  tixpOrj  roig 
aTTOToXotc  Traor.  Ib.  B. 

x  Tort  Srjra  KM  laKwjSov  rov  TS  Kupia  Xtyopevov  afoX^ov,  on  fy  Kai  HTOQ  TH 
laHTTjty  wvojuaTO  Traif. — THTOV  Se  av  avTov  IaKw/3ov,  bv  KOI  dutaiov  e7riK\t]v  oi 
TraXai  Si  aperqc  £K«X8J/  Trporep^jwara.  H.  E.  1.  ii.  c.  1.  p.  38.  B.  C. 

bv  oi  TraXai  ra   Iepoffo\vp.a  oiK&vrf.Q  tKaXav   SiKaiov    Sia   ra  TTJQ 

.  Dem.  Ev.  1.  iii.  c.  5.  p.  116.  C. 

eica  Kai  Ttaaapag  Trojan  r&g  Travrag,  wi/  SuSeica  ^itv  TBQ  Trpwrni,' 
iiroiq  av  eivai,  HK  tXarro  5e  aura»v  rrjv  aptTtjv  IlavXov,  Kai  avrov  ovra 
K\r)Tov  aTTo^oXov,  Kai  TOV  IaK(t)[3ov  yeyovtvai,  rov  adtXtyov  r«  Kupta.  K.  X.  In  Is. 
c.  17.  p.  422.  C.  D. 

*  St.  Jerom  in  his  Commentary  upon  the  same  chapter  in  Isaiah,  does  in  a 

manner  transcribe  this  passage  of  Eusebius :  but  instead  of  James  he  puts 

Barnabas:  duas  olivas  Pauluin  et  Barnabam.    Tom.  iii.  p,  17G.  m.     With 

which  may  be  compared  what  he  writes  in  his  book  against  Helvidius.    T.  iv, 

.  137,  133. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Casarea.     A.  D.  315.  123 

apostles,  named  James ;  the  son  of  Zebedee,  brother  of 
John,  the  son  of  Alpheus,  and  the  brother  of  our  Lord  : 
which  last  James,  therefore,  is  not  in  his  account  the  son  of 
Alpheus,  but  a  different  person,  not  one  of  the  first  twelve 
apostles,  but  a  fourteenth,  with  Paul. 

24.  Upon  what  we  have  seen  in  Eusebius  relating-  to  this 
epistle,  and  the  author  of  it,  we  may  now  make  the  follow 
ing-  remarks. 

(1.)  He  had  a  considerable  respect  for  this  epistle.  This 
may  be  inferred  from  his  quotations  of  it,  though  they  are 
not  numerous,  and  from  his  calling  the  author  apostle,  and 
particularly  from  his  reckoning  him  one  of  Christ's  four 
teen  apostles. 

(2.)  Nevertheless,  Eusebius  does  not  make  him  equal  to 
the  twelve  and  Paul.  This  is  evident  from  the  last  cited 
passage  :  he  says,  the  twelve  may  be  not  unfitly  styled 
Christ's  chief  apostles :  and  he  adds,  that  Paul  was  not  in 
ferior  to  them ;  but  he  does  not  say  so  of  James,  whom  he 
reckons  the  fourteenth. 

(3.)  It  is  very  probable  there  were  others  about  that  time 
who  had  the  same  notion  with  Eusebius,  about  the  author 
of  this  epistle.  If  there  were,  it  is  no  wonder  that  the  right 
of  this  epistle  to  be  a  part  of  the  New  Testament  was  dis 
puted.  For  since  the  writer  was  not,  or  was  not  supposed 
to  be,  one  of  Christ's  twelve  apostles,  nor  equal  to  them, 
(as  no  other  beside  Paul  was,)  they  would  not  allow  this 
epistle  to  be  one  of  the  sacred  books  of  the  New  Testament. 
This  may  then  be  very  probably  reckoned  one  reason  why 
this  was  a  contradicted  book. 

(4.)  Possibly,  we  may  now  be  able  to  judge  of  the  mean 
ing  of  those  expressions  concerning  this  epistle  before  quot 
ed  :  *  It  ought  to  be  observed,  that  it  is  spurious.'  It  is 
likely,  the  meaning  is,  that  it  was  generally  rejected.  I  own 
indeed  that  it  cannot  be  proved  that  Eusebius  himself  did 
esteem  this  epistle  of  equal  authority  with  epistles  written 
by  any  of  the  twelve  apostles  and  Paul.  Nevertheless,  since 
the  words  spurious,  and  altogether  spurious,  are  used  by  him 
in  other  places,  where  he  sorts  and  divides  books  according 
to  the  opinions  of  men  about  them ;  I  think  the  phrase  ought 
to  be  taken  in  this  sense  in  that  passage  also. 

25.  The  first  epistle  of  Peter  undoubtedly  was  received 
by  Eusebius.     He  has  assured  us,  it  was  one  of  the  unques 
tioned  books  of  the  New  Testament,  and  acknowledged  by 
all.     We  have  likewise  seen,  that  he  supposed  it  to  be  writ 
ten  to  Jewish  Christians  in  the  countries  mentioned  at  the 
beginning. 


124  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

26.  As  for  the  second  of  Peter,  in  the  second  passage,  he 
placeth  it  among  the  controverted  books.  In  the  third  he 
says,  '  we  are  informed  by  the  tradition  of  the  ancients,  that 
it  is  not  a  part  of  the  [New]  Testament.'  And  afterwards, 
in  the  same  passage,  he  says  again,  that  '  he  knows  but  of 
one  epistle  of  Peter  that  is  genuine,  and  acknowledged  by 
the  presbyters  of  former  times.'  These  are  strong  expres 
sions  :  and  though  in  these  chapters  he  represents  very 
much  the  opinions  of  men  about  these  books,  yet  he  seems 
here  to  declare  also  his  own  opinion,  so  far  as  to  say,  that 
he  does  not  esteem  it  certainly  for  an  epistle  of  the  apostle 
Peter.  And  that  he  did  not  receive  it  as  such,  may  be  ar 
gued  from  the  little  or  no  notice  taken  of  it  any  where  else 
in  his  works,  except  when  he  is  giving  an  account  of  the 
opinions  of  ancient  writers,  or  of  those  of  his  own  time.  For 
I  do  not  remember,  that  he  has  quoted  it  himself  in  his  Ec 
clesiastical  History,  or  his  Preparation,  or  Demonstration, 
or  in  his  books  against  Marcellus,  or  in  his  Commentaries 
upon  the  Psalms  and  Isaias ;  in  a  word,  in  any  work  of  his, 
undoubtedly  genuine. 

26.  The  first  epistle  of  John  is  another  unquestioned  book, 
universally  allowed  to  be  written  by  the  apostle  of  that 
name ;  and  therefore  also  received  by  our  author. 

27.  Of  the  second  and  third  epistles  he  speaks  doubtfully 
in  the  second  passage,  placing  them  among  the  controverted 
books :  '  Whether,'  says  he,  '  they  are  written  by  the  evan 
gelist,  or  another  of  the  same  name.'     And  that  these  two 
epistles  were  not  received  by  Eusebius,  appears  to  me  very 
probable,  forasmuch  as  I  do  not  remember  either  of  them  to 
be  quoted  by  him  in  any  of  the  works  above  mentioned. 

28.  There  is  however  a  passage  of  the   Evangelical   De 
monstration,  which  may  not  be  overlooked.     It  is  a  passage 
which   was    largely  cited b  above,  upon  another  account. 
Having  alleged  some  proofs  of  the  integrity  and  modesty  of 
Matthew  and  his  gospel,  he  adds,  '  You  may  observe  John 
to  be  of  the  same  mind  with  Matthew  :  for c  in  his  epistles, 
he  either  names   not  himself  at  all,  or  calls  himself  only 
elder — no  where  apostle  or  evangelist.     In  his  gospel,  when 
he  speaks  of  him  whom  Jesus  loved,  he  does  not  mention 
himself  by  name.'     Here  Eusebius  evidently  refers  to  the 
three  epistles,  well  known,  and   ascribed  by  many  to  the 
apostle  John ;    to  the  first,  undoubtedly  his,   in   which  he 
names  not  himself  at  all ;  and  to  the  other  two,  at  the  be- 

"•  91 — 94.  c  iv  ptv  yap  TCIIQ  £7rt?oXcu£  avrs  ade 

HVijuijv  ri]Q  oiK6ict£  Trpoerqyopiac  Trowirat,   t)  Trptofivrtpov  iavrov  ovouaZti.  K.  X. 

Dem.  Ev.  1.  iii.  c.  5.  p.  120.  D. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Casarea.     A.  D.  315.  125 

ginning1  of  both  which  he  calls  himself  elder :  and  Eusebius 
speaks  of  all  three  as  written  by  John  the  evangelist.  But 
this  affords  no  certain  proof,  that  he  was  persuaded  they 
were  all  written  by  one  and  the  same  person.  It  is  suffi 
cient  foundation  for  the  observation  there  proposed,  that 
they  were  generally,  or  by  many,  supposed  to  be  written  by 
the  apostle.  As  for  himself,  he  has  plainly  shown  by  what 
he  says  elsewhere,  and  by  not  quoting  the  two  last  epistles, 
that  he  was  not  fully  satisfied  they  were  written  by  the 
apostle  and  evangelist. 

•  29.  The  epistle  of  Jude  we  have  several  times  seen  placed 
among  controverted  books ;  nor  do  I  recollect  any  quota 
tion  of  this  epistle  in  any  of  Eusebius's  works. 

30.  Concerning  the  book  of  the  Revelation,  we  have  seen 
people's  notions  and  opinions  represented  in  Eusebius :  by 
some  it  was  rejected,  by  others  it  was  received.     We  may 
be  apt  to  conclude  from  Eusebius's  accounts,  as  before  ob 
served,  that  this  book  was  very  generally  received,  by  many 
more,  however,  than  it  was  rejected. 

31.  As  for  Eusebius's  own  opinion,  it  does  not  appear 
that  he  received  it  as  a  book  of  the  New  Testament.    Indeed 
it  is  often  mentioned  by  him  in  his  Ecclesiastical  History, 
as  he  cites  the  passages  of  ancient  authors.     *  Ind  this  per 
secution,  [under  Domitian,]  it  is  reported,   that  John  the 
apostle  and  evangelist,  being  yet  alive,  was  banished  into 
the  island  Patmos,  for  the  testimony  of  the  word  of  God. 
And  Ireneeus,  writing  about  the  number  of  the  name  of 
Antichrist,  mentioned e  in  the  Revelation  ascribed  to  John, 
speaks  of  John  in  these  very  words.'     Afterwards,  in  the 
same  book  of  the  Ecclesiastical  History,  he  quotes  the  Re 
velation  in  this  manner :  '  About f  this  time,'  says  he,  '  was 
the  heresy,  called  the  heresy  of  the  Nicolaitans,  which  con 
tinued  for  a  short  time ;  of  &  which  also  the  Revelation  of 
John  makes  mention.'     But  he  does  not  here  clearly  declare 
his  own  opinion  for  the  authority  of  that  book. 

32.  That  he  was  not  positive  of  its  being  written  by  John, 
the  apostle  and  evangelist,  is  apparent  from  a  passage11 
quoted  formerly  about  Papias,  where  he  says:  *  It1  is  like- 
'  ly,  that  the  Revelation,  which  goes  under  the   name  of 

*  John,  was  seen  by  the  second,  if  not  by  the  first ;'  that  is, 
by  John  the  elder,  if  not  by  John  the  apostle. 


d  H.  E.  1.  iii.  c.  18.  e  t v  ry  laiavvaXtyofJitvy  ATTOKa\v\f/ei. 

Ib.  p.  88.  D.  f  L.  iii.  c.  29.  in.  «  'He  8*1  KCU 

»7  rs  luavvs  A7ro/ca\tn//ie  /ivjj/xoj'fuei.  ib.  h  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  117,  118. 

1  Eucog  yap  TOV  Stvrepov,  ft  fjirj  TIQ  tQtXoi  TOV  Trpwrov,  rtjv  nr  ovo/iarog 
Iwavvs  ATTO/caXinJ/u/  ewpaicfvac.  1.  iii.  C.  39.  p.  111.  D. 


126  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

33.  Nor  can  I  say,  that  Eusebius  lias  in  any  of  his  works 
quoted  the  Revelation,  in  the  way  of  proof  of  any  doctrine. 
He  does  indeed  refer  to  itk  sometimes:  and  he  quotes  it  in1 
his  Demonstration.     But  it  appears  to  me  very  remarkable, 
that  in   the   long"  Commentary  upon   the  Psalms,   and    in 
the  Commentary  upon  Isaiah,  there  is  not  one  quotation  of 
this  book,  nor,  I  think,  any  notice  taken  of  it.     In  the  Com 
mentary  on  the  Psalms  there  are  numerous  quotations  out 
of  the  gospels  and  Acts  ;    all  Paul's  epistles  are  quoted, 
except  the  epistle  to  Titus,  and  most  of  them  often  ;   the 
epistle  of  James,  the  first  of  Peter,  and  the  first  of  John,  are 
also  quoted  there  :  but  not  one  word  from  the  book  of  the 
Revelation.     It  is  farther  to  be  observed,  that  in  the  Com 
mentaries  upon  the  Psalms  and  Isaiah,  he  had  many  fair 
occasions  for  quoting  this  book  ;  his  argument  often  led 
him  to  do  so,  and  he  could  not  but  think  of  it  ;  neverthe 
less,  not  one  word  about  it,  that  I  remember.     He  seems  to 
me,  therefore,  studiously  to  have  avoided  all  notice  of  the 
Revelation.      I  suppose  that  every  one,  who  reads  those 
Commentaries,  may  be  sensible  of  the  truth  of  what  I  say. 
It  is  not  possible  to  transcribe  passages  at  length,  but  for 
the  easier  satisfaction  of  the  curious,  I  refer  to  some  places 
in  the  Commentary  m  upon  the  Pealrns,  and  "  Isaiah,  where 
it  is  likely,  he  would  have  taken  some  notice  of  this  book, 
if  he  had  not  purposely  declined  it.     In  his  comment  upon 
Ps.  xcv.  he  speaks  much  of  a  "  new  song'*  to  be  sung  to 
God  ;  but  still  makes  no  reference  to  any  place  of  the  Re 
velation,  though   it  was  hard  to  avoid  it  :  see  Rev.  v.  9  ; 
xiv.  3  ;    xv.  3,  not  to  add  any  other  places  of  that  book, 
which  he  could  have  made  use  of,  if  he  had  seen  fit. 

34.  It  may  be  also  reckoned  a  confirmation  of  this  sup 
position,  that  in  the  place  cited  not  long  ago  concerning  Kl 
John's  modesty,  he  makes  no  mention  of  this  book,  though 
he  instanceth  in  the  epistles,  as  well  as  the  gospel.     I  do 
not  well  see  how  Eusebius  could  excuse  himself  in  omitting 
entirely  the  Revelation,  if  he  thought  it  to  be  written  by  the 
apostle  John. 

35.  It  may  be  said,  that  it  was  not  to  his  purpose  to  speak 
of  the  Revelation,  in  which  the  writer  often  mentions  him 
self  by  name.     To  which  I  answer,  that  it  was  easy  for  Eu 
sebius  to  have  added  :  And  as  for  the  book  of  the  Revela 
tion,  though  he  mentions  himself  by  name,  he  does  not  call 


k  De  Vit.  Const.  1.  iii.  c.  33  '  Kara  rrjv  AiroKaXv^iv  luavvu. 

Dem.  1.  viii.  p.  386.  D.  m  In  Ps.  p.  204,  205. 

"  In  Is.  p.  455.  A.  B.  C.  459.  C.  D.  460.  B.  577.  A.  B.  579.  B.  C.  D.  587. 
A.  593.  A. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Ctfsarea.     A.  D.  315.  127 

himself  apostle  or  evangelist.  Or  he  should  have  proposed 
the  objection,  that  might  be  reasonably  made,  if  the  apostle, 
whose  modesty  he  celebrates,  was  the  author  of  that  book. 
It  seems  to  me,  that  the  only  good  reason  assignable  for 
Eusebius's  silence  about  the  Revelation  in  that  place,  is, 
that  he  was  not  satisfied  it  was  written  by  John  the  apostle. 

36.  But  whatever  may  be  thought  of  this  last  observa 
tion,  I  insist  upon  the  foregoing  particulars,  as  probable 
arguments,  that  the  Revelation  was  not  esteemed  by  Euse- 
bius  a  book  of  the  highest  authority. 

37.  It  is  not  unlikely,  that  the  learned  and  critical  argu 
ment  of  Dionysius  of  Alexandria  was  of  great  weight  with 
Eusebius,  and  many  others  about  that  time.     And  our  au 
thor's  aversion  to  all  the  schemes  of  the  Millenarians,  which 
this  book  was  made  use  of  to  support,  induced  him  to  take 
as  little  notice  of  it  as  possible,  though  it  was  in  great 
esteem  with  many. 

38.  I  apprehend,  that  from  the  time  of  Dionysius,  the 
credit  of  this  book  declined  in  the  east,  though  it  was  still 
received  by  some :  which  gave  occasion  to  Jerom  to  say,  it0 
was  not  received  by  the  Greek  Christians  of  his  age. 

39.  Upon  the  whole,  this  learned  Christian  bishop  receiv 
ed,  as  sacred  scripture,  the  four  gospels,  the  Acts,  and  thir 
teen  epistles  of  Paul  ;  he  has  often  quoted  the  epistle  to  the 
Hebrews  as  his  :  and  it  is  generally  supposed,  that  he  re 
ceived  it  as  one  of  Paul's  epistles.     I  think  likewise,  that  he 
was  well  disposed  to  that  sentiment ;  nevertheless,  I  suspect, 
that  he  had  doubts,  and  was  not  clear  and  positive  on  that 
side  the  question.     He  received,  besides,  the  first  epistle  of 
Peter,   and  first  epistle  of  John,  as  undoubtedly  genuine, 
and  therefore  also  of  the  highest  authority.     Of  all  the  five 
disputed  catholic  epistles,  he  seems  to  be  the  most  favour 
able  toward   that  of  James  :  for  he  has  quoted   it  several 
times,  and  reckons  the  writer  to  have  been  a  disciple  and 
brother  of  the  Lord,  and  apostle  in  a  secondary  sense,  and 
next  to  the  twelve  and  Paul.      The  other  four  disputed 
catholic  epistles  are  scarce  ever  quoted  by  him  ;  and  the 
book  of  the  Revelation  very  rarely.     However,  he  is  not 
averse  to  allow,  that  the  two  latter  epistles,  called  John's, 
were  written  by  the  elder  of  that  name.     In  like  manner  he 
seems  to  allow  the  antiquity  of  the  book  of  the  Revelation ; 
and  that  it  was  written  by  John  the  elder,  if  not  by  John  the 

0  Quod  si  earn. [ad  Hebr.  Epistolam]  Latinorum  consuetude  non  recipit 
inter  scripturas  canonicas;  nee  Grsecorum  quidem  Ecclesige  Apocalypsin 
Johannis  eadem  libertate  suscipiunt.  Et  tamen  nos  utramque  suscipimus. 
Hier.  ad  Dardan.  T.  ii.  p.  COS.  f.  Ed.  Bencd. 


128  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

apostle.  Nor  does  it  appear,  that  be  had  any  exceptions  to 
make  to  the  doctrine  of  this  book,  as  containing  any  thing- 
contrary  to  the  catholic  and  ecclesiastical  principles.  But 
he  was  somewhat  prejudiced  against  it,  because  many  peo 
ple,  as  he  thought,  made  a  wrong  use  of  it.  It  is  highly 
probable,  that  in  the  argument  of  Dionysius,  which  is  large 
ly  transcribed  into?  the  Ecclesiastical  History,  we  have  the 
sense  of  our  author  himself,  as  well  as  of  that  learned  bishop 
of  Alexandria. 

X.  I  believe  this  may  be  a  proper  place  for  us  to  take 
notice  of  the  contradicted  books  spoken  of  by  Eusebius  in 
the  passages  above  cited  from  his  Ecclesiastical  History. 

Several  of  them  are  now  in  our  canon,  and  have  been  con 
sidered  in  the  preceding  section.  The  reader  clearly  discerns 
what  books  I  mean :  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  the  epistle 
of  James,  the  second  epistle  of  Peter,  the  epistle  of  Jude,  the 
second  and  third  of  John,  and  the  Revelation.  The  rest 
mentioned  by  Eusebius,  as  *  contradicted,'  or  '  spurious,'  or 
'  altogether  spurious,'  are  these. 

1.  The  epistle  of  Barnabas,  placed  among  spurious  byi 
Eusebius  in  our  second  passage  from  him  ;   and  in  some 
other  placesr  called  by  him  a  *  contradicted'  book.     Of  this 
epistle  I  have  spoken  distinctly  in  the  first  volume  of  the 
second  part  of  this  work :  I  suppose  it8  to  be  a  genuine 
work  of  the  person  to  whom  it  is  inscribed ;  nevertheless  it 
is  justly  placed  by  Eusebius  among  contradicted  books  of 
scripture,  or  even  among  spurious :    that  is,  among  such 
books  as  were  generally  reckoned  not  to  be  a  part  of  the 
New  Testament.     That  he  is  in  the  right  in  so  doing,  appears 
from  our  observations  upon  the  several  ancient  Christian  wri 
ters,  who  have  made  use  of  this  epistle,  but  do  not  quote  it  as 
of  the  highest  authority.     How  it  is  quoted  by  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  may  be  seen,  Vol.  ii.  ch.  i.  and  xxii.  how  by 
Origen,  may  be  seen  in  Vol.  ii.  ch.  i.  and  xxxviii.    The  reason 
of  not  placing  this  epistle  in  the  number  of  books  of  the 
highest  authority,  I  have  supposed  to  be  this  :  that  the  writer 
was  not  reckoned  to  be,  properly  speaking,  an  apostle,  as 
has  been  hinted  several1  times. 

2.  Clement's  epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  undoubtedly  a 
genuine  work  of  the  author  to  whom   it   is  ascribed :  yet 
placed  by  u  Eusebius  among  contradicted  books,  and  justly, 

P  See  H.  E.  lib.  vii.  c.  24,  25.  And  the  second  volume  of  this  work,  ch. 

xliii.  num.  xiv.  q  tv  TOIQ  voOoig — fj  Qipontvr}  TSapvafBa  £7rt<7oXj;. 

H.  E.  1.  iii.  c.  25.  p.  97.  C.  r  Ib.  1.  vi.  c.  13.  p.  214.  D.  c.  14. 

p.  215.  C.  *  See  Vol.  ii.  ch.  i.  l  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  250.  note  a. 

u  L.  vi.  c.  13.  p.  214.  D. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Casarca.     A.  D.  315.  129 

because  very  few  have  thought  it  to  be  a  part  of  the  New 
Testament  :  forasmuch  as  the  writer  was  not  an  apostle. 
How  quoted  by  Irenseus,  may  be  seen  by  the  reader,  if  he 
pleases,  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xvii.  how  by  Clement  of  Alexandria, 
Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxii.  how  by  Origen,  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii. 

3.  The  Shepherd  of  Hermas,  in  our  second  passage  from 
Eusebius,  placed  by  himv  among  spurious  books,  in  the 
third  passage  saidw  to  be  contradicted  by  some.     It  is,  pro 
bably,  a  genuine  writing  of  Hermas,  but  has  no  right  to  be 
a  part  of  sacred  scripture  ;  as  evidently  appears  from  the 
ancient  writers  which  have  used  it,  and  our  observations  upon 
them.     How  it  is  quoted  by  Irenaeus,  may  be  seen  Vol.  ii. 
ch.  xvii.  how  by  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxii. 
how  by  Origen,  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii. 

4.  The  gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews,  in  our  second 
passage  from  x  Eusebius   placed  among  spurious  books  : 
and  said  chiefly  to  be  used  by  the  Hebrew  Christians.     In 
another  place  he  says,  it^  was  the  only  gospel  received  by 
the  Ebionites.     I  defer  till  another  time  showing  at  large 
what  it  was  :  however,  I  have  already  declared  my  opinion 
about  it  in  general  ;  that  z  probably,  the  '  ground-work  of 

*  it  is  St.  Matthew's  gospel,  with  additions  of  things  taken 

*  out  of  St.  Luke's,  and  perhaps  the  other  gospels,  and  of 
'  other  matters  handed  down   by  oral  tradition.'      And   I 
have  at  times  shown,  how  it  is  quoted  by  several  ancient 
writers  ;   as  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxii.  and 
by  Origen,  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii. 

5.  Doctrines  of  the  Apostles,  mentioned  by  a  Eusebius  in 
our  second  passage  from  him,  and   placed  among  spurious 
books.     For  a  farther  knowledge  of  this  book   I  refer  to 
b  Usher  and  Grabe. 

However,  I  shall  put  down  here  a  few  observations  which 
offer  themselves. 

(1.)  This  book  is  placed  by  Eusebius  with  spurious  writ 
ings  :  therefore  it  is  plain,  that  it  was  not  of  undoubted  au 
thority. 

(2.)  This  is  the  first  and  only  mention  which  we  have 
of  this  book  in  Eusebius  :  nor  has  he  informed  us  at  any 
time,  that  it  was  made  use  of  by  ancient  writers.  It  is  not 
one  of  the  books  of  scripture  mentioned  by  Irenaeus  ;  it  is 


v  L.  iii.  c.  25.  p.  97.  B.  w   ITCOV  wg  KCHTSTO  irpog  JJLIV 

avTi\t\tKrai.  1.  iii.  c.  3.  p.  72.  C.  x  L.  iii.  c.  25.  p.  97.  C. 

y  H.  E.  1.  iii.  c.  27.  p.  99.  C.  z  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  93. 

A  iv  TOIQ  voOoiQ  —  icai  rtiiv  A7ro<roXwv  at  Xeyo/Licvat  Ai£ax«t'    1-  i»«  c. 

25.  p.  97.  C.                    b  Usser.  Prolegom.  in  Ignat.  Epist.  cap.  7.  Grabe 
Spic.  Tom.  i.  p.  40.  &c. 

VOL.  IV.  K 


130  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

not  in  any  of  Origin's  catalogues  of  sacred  books :  and 
though  our  author  takes  particular  notice  of  Clement  of 
Alexandria  having  written  brief0  notes  upon  all  books  of 
scripture,  not  omitting'  the  contradicted,  that  is  not  named 
by  him ;  which  may  make  us  suspect,  that  it  is  not  a  very 
ancient  book,  but  composed  after  the  time  of  Irenreus,  and 
Clement,  and  Origen,  in  our  author's  own  time,  or  not  long 
before.  After  this  we  find  it  mentioned  in  Athanasius's 
Festal  Epistle,d  among  other  books  not  canonical,  and  in 
the  e  Synopsis  ascribed  to  him,  and  in  some  other  authors ; 
particularly  in  Epiphanius,  if f  Grabe  be  in  the  right.  The 
Doctrine  of  Peter  is  quoted  in  Rufinus's  Latin  translation 
of  Origen's  Principia,  in  %  the  preface.  That  may  have  been 
a  part  of  what  is  called  the  Doctrines  of  the  Apostles :  if 
that  passage  be  really  Origen's,  he  had  little  respect  for  the 
book  there  referred  to. 

It  is  observed  by  Usher  and  Grabe,  that  whereas  in  our 
Greek  copies  of  Eusebius,  this  book  is  expressed  in  the 
plural  number,  Rufinus's11  translation  has  it  in  the  singular, 
as  also  the  Festal  Epistle,  and  the  Synopsis  just  mentioned. 

(3.)  That  this  book  is  not  the  same  as  the  Apostolical 
Constitutions,  is  argued  by  the  forementioned  learned  writ 
ers  from  three  considerations.  (1.)  In  the  Festal  Epistle 
of  Athanasius,  the  Doctrine  of  the  Apostles  is  reckoned 
among  those  books  which  are  proper  for  catechumens; 
whereas  the  Constitutions  are  rather  reckoned  to  be  for 
bishops.  (2.)  The  Doctrine  of  the  Apostles  was  a  small 
book,1  consisting  of  two  hundred  lines  or  verses,  according 

c  L.  vi.  c.  14. 

d  a  KavoviZofjieva  /xev,  Tervirufieva  df  Trapa  TWV  Trartpwv  avaytvaxr- 

KtrrPai  TOIQ  apn  TrpofftpxofjiEvoig  KaTt]Xetff®at  TOV  Tr)£  ivaifiticiQ  \oyov — <cat 
At^rt^?/  KaXs/itvjj  Td)v  A7roToXa»j>.  Ep.  Fest.  Ath.  T.  i.  p.  963.  A. 

e  Aidaxrj  ATroToXwv.  Athan.  T.  ii.  p.  202.  A. 

f  Equidem  id  lubens  concede,  Doctrinam  Apostolorum  ab  Eusebio  et 
Alhanasio  memoratam  fuisse  eamdem  cum  Amra£«  sive  Constitutione  Apos- 
tolica,  ab  Epiphanio  aliquoties  laudato,.  Grabe,  Spic.  T.  i.  p.  41. 

K  Si  vero  quis  velit  nobis  proferre  ex  illo  libello,  qui  Petri  Doctrina  appella- 
tur,  ubi  Salvator  videtur  ad  discipulos  dicere,  '  non  sum  dsemonium  incorpo- 
reum :'  prime  respondendum  est  ei,  quoniam  ille  liber  inter  libros  ecclesiasticos 
uon  habetur.  Et  ostendendum  quia  neque  Petri  est  ipsa  scriptura,  neque 
alterius  cujusquam,  qui  Spiritu  Dei  fuerit  inspiratus.  Orig.  Opp.  T.  i.  p.  49. 
B.C. 

h  quamvis  Rufinus  in  sua  versione  posuerit  in  numero  singular! : 

Doctrina  quae  dicitnr  Apostolorum,  &c.  Grabe,  ib.  p.  40. 

'  Exiguus  ille  200  versiculorum  numerus,  quibus  ilia  At^«x^  turn  in  Grseco 
Nicephori  Constantinopolitani  textu,  turn  in  Latina  Anastasii  Bibliothecarii 
interpretatione,  constare  ostenditur:  quod  Salomonis  Canticorum  libello 
miuorem  earn  fuisse  evincit,  quern  280  ejusdem  «5rix«£  habuisse  ibidem  legimus. 
Usser.  ib. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Cccsarea.     A.  D.  315.  131 

to  Nicephorus  ;  which  is  less  than  the  book  of  Canticles,  con 
taining*  two  hundred  and  eighty  lines:  certainly  this  but  little 
suits  the  huge  volume  of  the  Clementine  Constitutions.  (3.) 
In  an  ancient  catalogue  of  canonical  and  apocryphal  books 
of  scripture,  thek  Doctrine  of  the  Apostles  is  mentioned  as 
distinct  from  the  Doctrine  or  Institution  of  Clement. 

(4.)  If  this  book  is  not  the  same  as  the  Apostolical  Con 
stitutions,  these  last  are  no  where  mentioned  by  our  author 
in  any  of  his  writings :  there  is  therefore  no  reason,  why  I 
should  as  yet  take  any  particular  notice  of  them. 

6.  The   Gospel   of  Peter,   placed   by1   Eusebius  in  our 
second  passage  from  him  among  books  altogether  spurious, 
composed  by  heretics ;  and  in  the  like  manner  in  ourm  third 
passage  from  him.     I  have  said  enough  concerning  this  in 
the  chapters  ofn  Serapion,  and0  Origen. 

7.  The  Gospel  of  Thomas,  in  our  second  passage  from? 
Eusebius,  placed  likewise  among  forgeries  of  heretics,  alto 
gether  absurd  and  impious  :  nor  do  I  remember,  that  this 
gospel  is  any  where  mentioned  by  Eusebius  in  accounts  of 
the   quotations  of  ancient  authors,   or  upon  any   occasion 
whatever.     I  gave  some  account  of  this  gospel  formerly. 

8.  The  Gospel  of  Matthias  likewise  placed  by  our^  au 
thor  in  the  second  passage,  among  heretical  forgeries,  and 
no  where  else  mentioned  by  him.     The  traditions  of  Mat 
thias  were  before  taken  notice  of  by  us  in  the  chapter  ofr 
Clement  of  Alexandria. 

9.  The  Preaching  of  Peter  is  placed  by8  Eusebius  in  the 
third  passage  among  heretical  scriptures.     I  have  already 
given  an  account  of  this  book  in  the  chapters  of fc  Clement 
of  Alexandria,"  Origen,  andv  Lactantius. 

10.  Acts  ofw  Peter  andx  Paul,  reckoned  by  our  author  in 
the  second,  and  in  the  third  passage,  either  as  heretical  or 
spurious,  and  not  generally  received.     Of  these  likewise  I 
have  had  occasion  to  speak  before  in  the  chapters  ofy  Cle- 

k  Indiculus  librorum  canonicorum  et  apocryphorum,  quern  Anastasii  Ni- 
caeni  Quaestionibus  subjectum  in  publica  Oxoniensis  Academies  Bibliotheca 
invenimus :  ubi  Ai^a^ai  TWV  A7ro<=ro\wv  et  Ai£a<rjca\ia  KXrjutvros,  ut  distincta 
opera  recensentur,  et  in  scriptorum  apocryphorum  censu  pariter  reponuntur. 
Usser.  ib.  '  Euseb.  1.  iii.  p.  97.  D. 

m  Ib.  p.  72.  A.  «  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxvi. 

0  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii.  P  L.  iii.  p.  97.  D. 

1  L.  iii.  p.  97.  D.  r  Vol.  H.  ch.  xxii. 
s  L.  iii.  p.  72.  A.                        *  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxii. 

u  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii.  v  Vol.  iii.  ch.  Ixv. 

*  L.  iii.  p.  97.  B.  *  P.  72.  A.  C. 

y  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxii. 

K   2 


132  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

inent  of  Alexandria,  and2  Origen.     Beausobre  supposeth  the 
acts  of  Peter  to  be  a  work  ofa  Leucius. 

11.  Acts   of  Andrew  and   John,  and   other  apostles,   in 
our  second  passage,  ranked  by  b  Eusebius  among  heretical 
forgeries.     For    these   the   reader   is   referred    to    several0 
places,  where   I   have  already   had   occasion   to    speak   of 
them. 

12.  Revelation  of  Peter,  in  the  second  passage  from  d  Eu- 
sebius  placed  among  spurious,  in  thee  third  among  heretical 
writings,  in   another  place  f  among   contradicted.       Some 
account  was  given  of  this  books  in  the  chapter  of  Clement 
of  Alexandria.     Sozomen  assures  us,  that  h  though  this  book 
was  entirely,  or  universally  rejected  by  the  ancients  as  spu 
rious  ;  yet  in  his  time  it  was  read  once  in  the  year  in  some 
churches  of  Palestine  on  a  Friday,  when  they  fasted  in  re 
membrance  of  our  Saviour's   passion.       Sozomen   in  the  [ 
same  place  speaks  of  a  book  called  Paul's  Revelation,  which 
was  respected  by  some  monks  of  his  time  :  though  it  was 
altogether  unknown  to   the  ancients,  and   was  absolutely 
spurious,  as  he  shows. 

13.  This  may  suffice  for  an  account  of  these  books,  men 
tioned  by  Eusebius:  he  takes  little  or  no  notice  of  them  in 
any  other  part  of  his  writings.     What  was  their  authority, 
or  value,  appears  from  the  places  which  I  have  referred  to, 
as  well  as  from  the  character  here  given  of  them  by  our 
ecclesiastical  historian. 

XI.  It  has  been  of  late  a  common  opinion,  that  Eusebius 
thought  St.  Matthew  wrote  his  gospel  at  about  eight  years 
after  our  Lord's  ascension.  Some  found  this  supposition 
upon  a  passage  in  his  Ecclesiastical  History,  as  k  Mill, 

1  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii.  a  See  Hist,  de  Manich.  T.  i.  p.  394. 

b  P.  97.  D.  c  See  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii. 

d  P.  97.  B.  *  P.  72.  A. 

f  L.  vi.  c.  14.  in.  %  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxii. 

h   Oyrw  ysv  TTJV  Ka\HHivt)V  AiroicaXvipiv  Ilerps,  WQ   voQov  iravrtkwQ  7rpo£ 
SoKinaaQturav,  tv  naiv  iKK\ij(riaiQ  ri\q  HaXaifivrjt;  eifftn  vvv  cnraZ 


IT&G  avajivti)ffKOfitvr)v    £yva>/ifv,  tv  r-g  rj^npg,  TrapaffKtvrjg,  TJV 
ayav  b  \aog  vrjffTtvet  tin  avajivriati  TS  crwrTjpts  TraOug.  Sozom.  1.  vii.  c.  1  9.  p. 
735.  C.  '   Trjv  fo  vvv  tog  ATroKaXvtytv  IIavX.8  TS  a7ro<ro\8  ^epop.(vi]Vt 

r\v  sSeig  apxanov  tide,  irXtt^oi  fiova^v  nraivsaiv.     ibid. 

k  Licet  enim  Eusebius  (quern  secuti  sunt  Euthymius,  Theophylactus,  ac 
codices  fere  MSS.  cvangeliorum  in  i»7roypa0aig,  evangelii  hujuscalci  suffixis  :) 
scriptionem  ejus  ad  annum  Domini  xli.  h.  e.  ex  ipsius  rationibus  viii.  a  Christi 
passione  fixam  velit  :  [sumit  nimirum  pro  concesso,  apostolos  post  notitiam 
ostii  gentibus  patefacti,  statim  convenisse  de  evangelic  per  orbem  terrarum 
praedicando  :  ideoque  et  Matthaeum  paulo  ante  discessum  ab  Hierosolymis, 
hortatu  fidelium  istius  loci,  evangelicam  suam  historiam  concinnasse.  H.  E.  1. 
iii.  c.  24.]  Tamen  Irenaeus,  &c.  Mill.  Proleg.  num.  61. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Ccesarea.     A.  D.  315.  133 

whose  words  upon  this  occasion  1  place  at  the  bottom  of 
the  page  :  others  upon  the  Chronicle,  as l  Jones. 

As  for  an  argument  from  the  Chronicle,  it  is  of  no  man 
ner  of  force :  for  there  is  no  such  thing  in  it.  It  is  indeed 
said m  in  Pontac's  edition  of  the  Chronicle  at  the  vulgar 
year  of  Christ  xli.  '  Matthew  first  writes  his  gospel  in  Ju- 
'  dea  :'  but  the  editor  had  those  words  printed  in  Italic,  to 
denote  that  he  did  not  think  them  genuine,  as  being  wanted 
in  most,"  and  the  best  manuscripts  and  editions  :  accordingly 
Joseph  Scaliger  did  not  insert  them  in  his  edition  of  Euse- 
bius's  Chronicle. 

As  for  the  Ecclesiastical  History,  in  our  first  passage  ° 
formerly  taken  from  him,  he  says,  that  P  *  when  Matthew 
was  about  to  go  to  other  people,  he  delivered  his  Gospel  to 
the  Hebrews  in  their  own  language.'  But  he  does  not  there, 
or  any  where  else,  say,  when  Matthew  left  Judea. 

Theophylact  1  in  the  eleventh  century,  and  r  Euthymius 
in  the  twelfth,  say,  that  Matthew  wrote  in  the  eighth  year 
after  our  Saviour's  ascension.  Nicephorus  Callisti s  in  the 
fourteenth  century,  says,  Matthew  wrote  about  fifteen  years 
after  Christ's  ascension  :  and  the  Paschal  Chronicle,  in  the 
seventh  century,  intimates  the  same  *  thing.  None  of  these 
writers  expressly  refer  to  more  ancient  authors  for  their 
opinion  :  but  it  may  be  reckoned  probable,  that  they  col 
lected  it  from  the  history  in  the  Acts,  and  from  the  fore- 
mentioned  passage  of  Eusebius.  They  who  thought  that 
Matthew  and  the  other  apostles  left  Judea  soon  after  the 
conversion  of  Cornelius  at  Ctesarea,  supposed  his  gospel 
might  be  written  in  the  eighth  year  of  our  Lord's  ascension. 
They  who  thought  that  u  the  apostles  did  not  leave  Judea 

1  Eusebius  in  his  Chronicon  has  placed  the  writing  of  St.  Matthew's  gospel 
in  the  third  year  of  Caligula  :  that  is,  eight  years  after  Christ's  ascension,  or 
the  year  of  Christ  41.  Jones  of  the  Canon.  Vol.  iii.  p.  60. 

m  Matthaeus  in  Judaea  evangelium  primus  scribit.  p.  57. 

n  As  Pontac's  edition  is  scarce,  I  shall  here  put  down  his  note  upon  these 
words :  Desunt  in  A.  F.  H.  M.  septem  Vaticanis.  Vi.  O.  Pi.  Fux.  P.  Lo.  et 
tribus  MSS.  Fab.  Mar.  Fre.  Nee  ex  alio  loco  vel  scriptore  vetere  constat,  quo 
anno  Matthaeus  scripserit :  nisi  quod  ipse  Eusebius,  lib.  v.  H.  E.  c.  8.  refert 
verba  Irenaei  scribentis,  Matthaeum  historian!  evangelii  composuisse  tune,  cum 
Petrus  et  Paulus  Romae  evangelizarent,  quod  non  contigit  ante  annum  44 
Christi.  Et  juxta  hanc  sententiam  facile  crederem  ista  hie  fuisse  acljecta. 
Pontac.  Annot.  p.  559.  °  H.  E.  1.  iii.  c.  24.  p.  95.  A. 

P  See  before,  p.  95.  <i  ^ra  OKTU  srrj  rrjg  Xpt<?« 

ava\r]^iuQ.  Theoph.  ap.  Mill.  N.  T.  p.  3.  r  Euthym.  ibid.  p.  4. 

8   Mera  te  ITIJ  rqg  XptTS  avaXrjtyewg.  Niceph.  1.  ii.  c.  45.  p.  213.  B. 

1  EK  TSTS  deiKWTcu,  OTI  KO.I  rag  Ka9o\iKag  avruv  01  aTTOToXoi  TOTE  ypaQsatv, 
Trpo  TTjg  SutffTTOpag  aurwv—  aXXa  /cat  MarQaiog  7rpa>ro£  LKII  tig  'IipoaoXvfia 

rr^fi  TO  tvayysXiov,  log  \eyei  Xpvao^opog.      Oi/iat  Se.      Chr.  Pasch.  p.  233.  C. 

u  Certe  Athanasius  in  tractatu  de  libris  sacrae  scripturae,  et  Chrysostomus, 


134  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

to  go  to  the  Gentiles,  till  after  the  council  of  Jerusalem, 
Acts  xv.  supposed  Matthew's  gospel  to  have  been  written 
in  the  fifteenth  year  of  our  Lord's  ascension,  of  the  vulgar 
account  forty-nine  :  but  neither  had  for  their  opinion  the 
express  authority  of  Eusebius,  or  any  other  very  ancient 
writer.  It  is  well  known  to  be  very  common  to  insert  arti 
cles  in  Chronicles,  and  such  like  works :  this  article,  con 
cerning  the  time  of  Matthew's  Gospel,  is  probably  a  late 
addition. 

I  am  of  opinion,  that  Mill  has  judiciously  followed  Ire- 
nseus,  in  placing  St.  Matthew's  gospel  about  the  year  of 
Christ  LX.  Whose  account  I  suppose  to  be  favoured  by 
Origen,  and  other  writers  of  the  first  three  centuries :  but  I 
must  not  now  stay  to  allege  all  the  reasons  and  arguments 
for  that  date. 

XII.  Eusebius  affords  us  divers  critical  remarks  upon 
the  New  Testament. 

'  Which  also,'  says  he v  upon  Ps.  Ixxvii.  or,  as  in  our 
Bibles,  Ixxviii.  2,  *  the  scripture  of  the  sacred  w  gospels 
teaches,  where  it  is  said:  "  All*  these  things  spake  Jesus 
unto  the  multitude  in  parables.  And  without  a  parable 
spake  he  not  unto  them,  that  it  might  be  fulfilled  which  was 
spoken  by  the  prophet,  saying :  I  will  open  my  mouth  in 
parables ;  I  will  utter  things  which  have  been  kept  secret 
from  the  foundation."  For  >  instead  of,  "  I  will  speak  dark 
sayings  of  old,"  [or  from  the  beginning,]  Matthew,  as  being 
a  Hebrew,  uses  a  translation  of  his  own,  saying :  "  I  will 
utter  things  which  have  been  kept  secret  from  the  founda 
tion."  Instead  of  which  Aquila  has  translated  :  "  I  will 
pour  down  things  which  have  been  enigmatical  from  the 
beginning."  And  Symmachus  :  "  I  will  cause  to  spring 
up  ancient  dark  sayings."  : 

One  might  be  apt  to  argue  hence,  that  our  learned  com 
mentator  supposed  Matthew  to  have  written  in  the  Greek 
language :  and  that  being  by  birth  a  Hebrew,  and  well  un 
derstanding  the  original  language  of  the  Old  Testament, 
when  he  quoted  texts  from  thence,  he  did  not  always  take 
the  Greek  version  of  the  Seventy,  but  translated  for  himself, 

scribit  Mattheeum  primum  omnium  Hierosolymis  evangelium  suum  conscrip- 
sisse  :  idque  anno  xv.  post  ascensum  Christ!  ab  eo  factum  fuisse,  tradit  Nice- 
phorus,  et  auctor  Chronici  Alexandrini.  Vales*  Annot.  ad  Euseb.  1.  iii.  c.  24. 

T  In  Ps.  Ixxvii.  p.  463.  D.  E.  w  'H  ruv  ifpwi/  euayyeXiwv 

ypa0»;.  Ib.  E.  *  Matt.  xiii.  34,  35. 

y  Avn  yap  TS  00ty£o/i«i  irpofSXtJuara  air"  «px»l£>  'E/3pcuo£  wv  6  Mar0«to£ 
oiKtiq,  tictioaii  KixprjTcti,  inrwv'  Epfv£o/iat  Kticpv/u/itva  cnro  icaraj3oX»;e*  av6'  o 
p,tv  AtcwXag'  O^/3pij<ra)  mriy/xara  i%  apictjQtv,  tKdtdwKtv'  o  Ft  2u/i/xa^o£*  Ava- 
fiXvav  TrpoflXtjuara  apxcua.  Ib.  E. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Cccsttrea.     A.  D.  315.  135 

as  he  saw  good.  So2  Montfaugon  seems  to  have  understood 
Eusebius.  For  he  says :  '  Since  Matthew,  according-  to  the 
'  testimony  of  Irenaeus,  Origen,  and  Eusebius  himself  [in 
'  other  places],  and  Jerom,  wrote  his  gospel  in  Hebrew ; 
'  certainly  Matthew  did  not  use  a  Greek  interpretation  of  his 

*  own :  but  expressed  the  Hebrew  words  in  the  Syro-Chal- 
'  daic  tongue,  such  as  was  then  in  use  among  the  Jews,  as 
'  may  be  perceived  in  the  expression  Lamma  Sabachtani, 
'  and  not  a  few  other.     By  which  it  is  evident,  that  Mat- 

*  thew,  in  his  gospel  written  in  Hebrew,  when  any  texts  oc- 

*  curred  out  of  the  Old  Testament,  expressed  them  in  the 
'  Syro-Chaldaic  language :  but  whether  he  used  an  inter- 

*  pretation  of  his  own,  or  took  those  texts  out  of  some  version 
'  before  made,  is  not  easily  determined.     But  afterwards  the 
'  Greek  translator  (who  he  is,  St.  Jerom  says,  is  uncertain) 
f  used  an  interpretation  of  his  own,  without  following  the 

*  Septuagint  version.'     It  seems  to  me,  therefore,  that  Mont- 
fau9on  understood  Eusebius  to  say  here,  though  contrary  to 
what  he  supposes  him  to  say  elsewhere,  that  Matthew  writ 
ing  in  Greek  did  not  follow  the  Seventy,  but  translated  for 
himself  out  of  the  Hebrew  tongue.     And  I  own,  that  this 
appears  to  me  the  most  natural  meaning  of  our  author's  own 
words.     But  of  this  more  by  and  by. 

2.  Eusebius  has  another  like  observation  upon  John, 
which  deserves  to  be  taken  notice  of  on  its  own  account  : 
and  more  especially  as  it  may  serve  to  illustrate  the  pre 
ceding  observation,  and  I  think  confirm  the  sense  in  which 
I  take  it.  It  is  in  his  Commentary  upon  Ps.  xl.  10,  other 
wise  Ps.  xli.  9.  *  Therefore  it  isa  said,  "  Has  lift  the  sole 
of  his  foot  against  me."  But  instead  of  "  sole  of  the  foot," 
which  is  the  expression  used  by  the  Seventy,  the  Hebrew 
reading  imports  "  heel."  And  so  therefore  Aquila,  who 
strictly  follows  the  Hebrew,  has  rendered  it.  For  which 
reason  also  the  evangelist  John,  as  being  a  Hebrew  descend 
ed  of  Hebrews,  recording  the  words  of  our  Saviour,  does 
not  use  the  expression,  "  sole  of  the  foot,"  but"  heel."' 
See  John  xiii.  18. 

-J.  Once  more,  upon  Ps.  ii.  7.  "  This  day  have  I  begotten 
thee."  '  But'1  the  Jew  (whom  1  before  mentioned)  said,  that 
the  proper  meaning  of  the  word  is,  "  I  brought  forth,"  which 

*  Vid.  Pralim.  in  Euseb.  in  Ps.  cap.  9.  sect.  1. 

a  Aio  XfXtKTcri'  E/ityaXui'ev  CTT'  £/*6  Trr^via^ov.  A.VTL  3e  TH  Trrtpviapov, 
Trapa  TOIQ  6  tipjj^eyov,  rj  'E/3pai/c?j  avayvwfftQ  irrtpvav  Trtpuxfik  Ourwg  sv 
SttXfvffag  r(ft  'E/3paiK<£>  AxuXag  el;«<5a>/e£.  'O9tv  KO.I  6  «vayy«XW»/£  lujavvijg,  W£ 
av  'Efipmog  t£  'Efipaiwv,  rov  Swrjjpa  s  TTTfpvifffJLOv,  aXXa  »cat  Trrtpvrtv,  uvofia- 
i  fp,vrjp.ovtv0tv.  In  Ps.  p.  171.  D. 
'O  fjitv  roiyc  'EjSpaioj  tXtytro  Kuptoi/  uvai  Ttjv  Xc^ea**;  trtKOVj  6;r£p  /cat 


136  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

is  also  the  version  of  Aquila.  But  the  apostle,  being  skilled 
in  the  law,  in  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  has  followed  the 
Seventy.'  See  Heb.  i.  5. 

Here  Eusebius  plainly  ascribes  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews 
to  St.  Paul  :  for  by  the  *  apostle,'  he  certainly  means  him; 
and  he  only  of  the  apostles  was  learned  in  the  law.  But  it 
may  be  questioned  by  some,  whether  it  be  herein  implied, 
that  St.  Paul  wrote  that  epistle  in  Greek  ;  or  only,  that 
writing  in  the  Syro-Chaldaic  language,  then  in  use  among 
Jews,  he  used  a  word  of  the  same  import  with  that  in  the 
Greek  version  of  the  Seventy.  But  the  former  seems  to  me 
to  be  by  far  the  most  obvious  meaning  of  our  author's  ex 
pressions. 

For  farther  clearing  this  matter,  I  shall  mention  these  fol 
lowing  propositions. 

(1.)  It  seems  to  me,  that  the  most  natural  and  obvious 
meaning  of  Eusebius's  words  in  these  passages  both  concern 
ing  Matthew's  gospel,  and  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  im 
plies  a  supposition,  that  they  were  written  originally  by 
the  several  authors  in  the  Greek  language  :  and  if  Euse 
bius  had  thought  that  they  were  written  in  Hebrew,  or 
Syriac,  he  would  have  given  some  hint  of  it,  or  have  used 
some  expressions,  denoting  that  to  be  his  opinion. 

I  do  not  say,  that  it  is  certain  and  evident  from  Euse 
bius's  expressions,  that  he  supposed  these  books  were  writ 
ten  in  Greek:  for,  possibly,  we  ourselves  might  upon  some 
occasion  say,  that  instead  of  "  I  will  speak  dark  sayings," 
Matthew  more  closely  imitating  the  Hebrew  says  :  "  I  will 
utter  things  kept  secret,"  without  implying  thereby,  that  he 
wrote  in  English.  Nevertheless,  I  think  it  must  be  allowed 
to  be  probable,  that  in  one  or  other  of  these  critical  remarks 
upon  Matthew's  gospel,  and  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  some 
expression  would  have  fallen  from  our  author,  denoting  his 
opinion,  that  those  books  were  not  written  in  the  Greek  lan 
guage  used  by  himself  in  his  Commentaries,  if  he  had  really 
thought  so.  And  I  presume,  I  may  venture  to  appeal  to 
any  one,  whether  he  can  think,  that  Eusebius  writing  in 
Greek  and  criticising  the  Greek  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
would  say  the  apostle  followed  the  Seventy,  if  he  had  sup 
posed  him  to  have  written  in  Hebrew  or  Syro-Chaldaic. 

(2.)  It  does  not  appear  to  me  a  clear  point,  that  Eusebius 
was  persuaded,  that  either  Matthew's  gospel,  or  the  epistle 
to  the  Hebrews,  was  originally  written  in  any  language  dif 
ferent  from  the  Greek.  It  is  true,  he  has  mentioned  several 


A.KV\CLQ  TTtTTOllJKlV.        *O  fit  aiTO^O\OQ  VOfJlOfJLaOrjQ  VTTap\dlV  IV  Ty  7TpO£  'E/3|Oai8£  Ty 

TO>V  6  txpTieaTo.     Comm.  in  Ps.  p.  15.  E. 


EQSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Casarea.     A.  D.  315.  137 

passages  of  ancient c  writers,  where  it  is  said,  that  the  gos 
pel  of  Matthew  was  written  in  Hebrew  :  and  a  passage  of 
Clement  of  Alexandria,  where  is  d  also  mentioned  a  tradition, 
that  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  was  written  by  St.  Paul  in 
the  same  language,  and  that  St.  Luke  translated  it  into 
Greek  :  and  in  another  place  Eusebius  may  be  reckoned 
by  some  to  deliver  his  own  opinion  on  the  same  side.  His 
words  are :  *  For e  Paul  having  written  to  the  Hebrews  in 
their  own  language,  some  think  that  the  evangelist  Luke, 
others  that  this  very  Clement,  translated  it  [into  Greek]. 
Which  last  is  the  more  likely,  since  there  is  a  resemblance 
between  the  style  of  the  epistle  of  Clement,  and  the  Epistle 
to  the  Hebrews,  as  well  as  between  the  sentiments  of  those 
writings.'  But  to  me  it  seems,  that  these  expressions  can 
not  be  relied  upon,  as  representing  Eusebius's  own  settled 
opinion  :  he  may  be  as  well  understood  even  there  to  re 
present  the  more  common  accounts  and  traditions,  without 
interposing  his  own  judgment  upon  the  point.  And  the 
critical  passage,  whicfh  we  are  now  considering,  may  be  as 
fairly  reckoned  to  contain  Eusebius's  own  opinion,  as  any 
in  his  works. 

(3.)  Nor  am  I  satisfied,  that  it  was  the  settled  opinion  of 
many  other  learned  Christians  of  those  times,  that  the  gospel 
of  Matthew,  and  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  were  written 
in  the  Hebrew  tongue.  If  they  had  been  persuaded  of  this, 
they  would,  some  of  them  at  least,  have  made  inquiries 
after  the  originals.  We  have  no  proof  that  Eusebius,  or 
any  other  of  the  Gentile  Christian  authors,  quoted  by  him, 
or  whose  writings  we  have  any  where  else  met  with,  had 
seen  any  Hebrew  copy  of  St.  Matthew's  gospel ;  nor  any 
the  least  hint  of  a  Hebrew  copy  of  the  epistle  to  the  He 
brews  to  be  found  any  where,  or  as  used  by  any  people 
whatever.  Indeed,  there  was  a  Gospel  called  according  to 
the  Hebrews,  much  resembling  Matthew's  gospel,  and  in 
the  Hebrew  language:  but  it  appears  not  to  have  been 
much  respected  by  Eusebius,  or  any  of  the  learned  chris- 
tians  whose  works  he  was  acquainted  with :  therefore  it  is 
manifest,  they  did  not  think  it  to  be  Matthew's  original  gos 
pel. 

If  it  should  be  said,  that  the  ancient  Christian  writers, 
which  we  have  any  knowledge  of,  were  Gentiles,  and  did 
not  understand  Hebrew ;  and  for  that  reason  they  might 

c  L.  iii.  c.  39.  p.  113.  B.  1.  v.  c.  8.  p.  172.  C.  c.  10.  p.  175.  C.  L.  vi.  c. 
25.  p.  226.  B.  Conf.  et  1.  iii.  c.  24.  p.  95.  B. 

d  L.  vi.  c.  14.  in.  e  L.  iii.  c.  38.  in. 


138  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

not  be  inquisitive  after  the  Hebrew  originals,  since  they 
had  a  Greek  translation;  I  answer,  that  they  were  not  all 
strangers  to  the  Hebrew  language.  And  supposing  only  a 
very  slight  acquaintance  with  that  language,  and  that  there 
were  but  a  very  few  only  who  had  that,  it  is  very  likely 
there  would  have  been  inquiries  made  after  the  originals 
of  those  books  by  some,  particularly  by  Origen  and  Euse- 
bius,  who  were  not  absolute  strangers  either  to  the  Hebrew 
language  or  learning.  Even  they  who  had  none,  or  a  very 
slight  acquaintance  with  the  Hebrew  language,  would  have 
procured  copies  in  the  original  language,  and  would  have 
been  at  the  pains  to  consult  some  Hebrew  Christian,  or 
even  an  unbelieving  Jew,  about  the  readings  in  them,  to 
compare  them  with  the  copies  of  the  Greek  translations. 
Did  not  Origen  in  his  Commentaries  ?  Does  not  Eusebius 
in  his  Commentaries  upon  the  Psalms,  and  Isaiah,  often 
compare  the  Hebrew  with  the  Septuagint,  and  other  Greek 
translations  ?  and  that,  though  the  Septuagint  version  was 
in  great  esteem.  Why  then  should  they  not  have  done  the 
same  in  regard  to  the  gospel  of  Matthew,  and  the  epistle  to 
the  Hebrews,  if  they  had  thought  the  original  to  be  He 
brew  ?  Besides,  if  Matthew's  gospel  and  the  epistle  to  the 
Hebrews,  had  been  indeed  thought  to  have  been  originally 
written  in  Hebrew,  it  is  highly  probable,  there  would  have 
been  several  Greek  translations  of  them ;  whereas  we  know 
not  of  any  attempts  of  this  kind,  excepting  only  the  first 
supposed  translation. 

Before  I  proceed,  I  would  put  the  reader  in  mind,  that  I 
formerly  examined  the  question,  whether f  Origen  thought 
St.  Matthew's  gospel  to  have  been  written  in  Hebrew  :  and 
that,  if  I  mistake  not,  I  showed,  that  the  %  same  great  critic 
did  not  suppose  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  to  have  been 
written  in  any  other  language  than  the  Greek.> 

(4.)  To  these  observations  I  shall  subjoin  the  sentiments 
of  some  learned  moderns,  favouring  our  argument. 

The  very  learned  and  laborious  I.  A.  Fabricius  was  of 
opinion,  that  both11  Matthew's  gospel,  and  the1  epistle  to 

f  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii.  num.  xxx.  8  Ib.  ch.  xxxviii.  num.  x.  7. 

h  Graecum  Matthaei  interpretem  Jacobum  alii,  alii  Paulum,  alii  Lucam 
denique,  vel  Joannem,  incerta  fama  tradiclcrunt ;  cum  Matthseum  ipsum 
Greece  scripsisse,  sit  verius.  Fabric,  ad  Hieron.  cap.  3.  de  Vir.  111.  Vid.  eiusd. 
Bib.  Gr.  T.  iii.  p.  126. 

1  Sed  Grace,  quaa  hodie  habemus,  originarium  esse  auctoris  sacri 

contextum  argument  non  contemnendis  post  Calvinum  probat  laudatus 
Spanhemius, — Millius — Heideggerus— Blondellus— -cum  ex  tota  antiquitate  ne 
unus  possit  proferri  testis,  qui  Hcbraicum  viderit.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  iii.  p.  ICO, 


EUSEBIUS,  Bis/top  of  Casarea.     A.  D.  315.  139 

the  Hebrews,  were  written  in  Greek.  So  likewise  thought k 
Lightfoot,  whose  judgment  upon  this  point  may  be  reckoned 
as  valuable  as  that  of  most  men  :  and  Dr.  Whitby  in  his 
Preface  to  the  four  gospels  earnestly  contends,  that  St. 
Matthew  did  not  write  in  Hebrew. 

I  would  also  insert  here  the  sentiment  of  Beausobre,  from 
his  excellent  Preface  to  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 

4  The  ancients,'  says l  he,  '  had  no  other  reason  to  believe, 
that  St.  Paul  wrote  in  Hebrew,  than  that  he  wrote  to  the 
Hebrews.  But  that  reason,  however  probable  it  may  ap 
pear,  is  not  convincing ;  because  it  is  certain,  that  the 
Greek  tongue  was  understood  in  Judea,  though  it  was  not 
the  vulgar  tongue.  All  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament 
wrote  in  Greek,  though  they  wrote  for  all  believers  in  ge 
neral,  whether  Hebrews  or  Gentiles.  Barnabas,  or  who 
ever  is  the  author  of  the  Epistle  under  his  name,  wrote  to 
the  Hebrews,  and  yet  wrote  in  Greek.  Works  composed 
in  this  language  were  useful  to  more  persons,  and  even  to 
a  great  number  of  Jews,  for  they  who  lived  in  Egypt  and 
Asia  spake  Greek.  In  a  word,  they  who  talked  of  a  He 
brew  original,  never  saw  it ;  and  have  supposed  without 
proof  what  they  imagined  ought  to  have  been.— Indeed 
almost  all  the  passages  of  the  Old  Testament  are  here 
quoted  according  to  the  Seventy,  not  according  to  the  He 
brew. — A  man  needs  only  to  read  the  epistle  to  the  He 
brews  to  know  that  it  is  not  a  version ;  it  has  altogether 
the  air  of  an  original :  there  is  nothing  of  the  constraint  of 
a  translator ;  nor  are  there  those  Hebrew  phrases  which  are 
so  common  in  the  translation  of  the  Seventy,  and  in  that  of 
Ecclesiasticus:  for  which  reason  we  may  be  willing  to  as 
sent  to  the  opinion  of  Origen,  who  judges  upon  this  ques 
tion  in  a  manner  altogether  worthy  of  his  moderation  and 
discernment.  "  Ifra  I  was  to  speak  my  own  opinion,  I 
should  say,  that  the  thoughts  [or  sentiments]  are  the  apos 
tle's,  but  the  language  and  composition  of  some  one  else, 
who  committed  to  writing  the  apostle's  sense,  and  as  it 

k  Haying  said  that  Matthew's  gospel  was  written  in  Greek,  and  afterwards 
translated  into  Hebrew,  he  adds :  «  The  same  is  to  be  resolved  concerning  the 
original  language  of  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  The  epistle  was  written  to 
the  Jews  inhabiting  Judea,  to  whom  the  Syriac  was  the  mother-tongue ;  but 
yet  it  was  written  in  Greek  for  the  reasons  above  named.  For  the  same 
reasons  the  same  apostle  wrote  in  Greek  to  the  Romans,  although  in  that 
church  there  were  Romans,  to  whom  it  might  seem  more  agreeable  to  have 
written  in  Latin  :  and  there  were  Jews,  to  whom  it  might  seem  more  proper 
to  have  written  in  Syriac.'  Lightfoot,  Vol.  ii.  p.  104. 

1  Preface  sur  TEpitre  de  S.  Paul  aux  Hebreux.  sect.  xv. — xviii. 

m  See  that  passage  cited  before,  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii.  num.  i. 


140  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

6  were  reduced    into   commentaries  the  things  spoken  by 
'  his  master."     The  style  then  is  not  the  apostle's :  never- 

*  theless  that  hinders  not  but  the  Epistle  may  be  his,  as  to 

*  the  thoughts  and  matter.'     So  that  learned  writer,  who 
also  adds :  *  What  therefore  seems  most  probable  upon  the 

*  question  is,  that  St.  Luke,  who  accompanied  St.  Paul,  and 
'  was  with  him  at  Rome,  was  his  secretary :  he  wrote  the 
«  epistle  for  the  apostle,  and  according  to  his  instructions ; 

*  hence  the  difference  of  style  and  composition  in  this  and 

*  the  other  epistles  written  by  St.  Paul  alone.' 

So  writes  Beausobre  in  the  above-mentioned  place.  But 
since,  he  has  said  that  he  has  been  much  disposed  to  n  think 
that  Apollos,  of  Alexandria,  wrote  this  epistle.  However, 
if  he  was  the  author,  that  can  make  no  alteration  in  the 
opinion  about  the  original  language  of  the  epistle:  Apollos, 
very  probably,  would  write  in  Greek. 

XIII.  I  shall  observe  only  a  various  reading  or  two. 

1.  We  find  quoted  in  our  author  more  than  once  those 
words  of  Matt.  xiii.  35,  from  Psalm  Ixxviii.  2,  in  this  manner: 
"  I  will  utter  things  which  have  been  kept  secret  from  the 
foundation  :"  without0  /cooyts,  of"  the  world,"  which  is  now 
in  our  copies.     It  is  probable  therefore  that  this  text  so 
stood  in  the  copies  used  by  Eusebius:  and  indeed,  "  of  the 
world,"  is  not  necessary.     Mill  has  not  taken  any  notice  of 
this. 

2.  It  may  be  worth  the  while  to  observe,  that  in  his  Com 
mentary   upon    the    Ixxxviith    Psalm,    Eusebius,    quoting 
Luke  ii.  2,  does  not  say,  "  Cyrenius  governor  of  Syria,"  but 
"  this?  was  the  first  survey,"  or  enrolment,  "  of  Cyrenius, 
who  g'overned  Syria."     The  reader,  if  he  thinks  fit,  may  con 
sult  what  was  said1*  formerly  concerning  this  matter,  before 
I  had  observed  this  passage  of  our  author.     This  reading  is 
not  in  Mill :  Eusebius's  Commentary  upon  the  Psalms  was 
published  since  his  time.     Perhaps  this  ought  not  to  be 
reckoned  a  various  reading:  for  I  do  not  affirm,  that  Euse 
bius  had  any  copy  of  the  New  Testament  where  "  governed" 
was  written  ;  he  may  here  only  give  the  sense  of  the  text. 
I  would   add,   that  in   his  Comment   upon   the    preceding 

n  Plus  je  lis  Philon,  plus  je  soupc,onne,  qu'  Apollos  pourroit  avoir  ecrit  cette 
epitre.  Car  certainement  on  y  trouve  quantite  de  pensees  et  d'  idees  prises  de 
Philon,  dont  apparemment  Apollos  avoit  ete  disciple,  etant  Juif  d'Alexandrie. 
Remarquessur  le  N.  T.  Tom.  ii.  p.  160. 

0  tptvZofjicti  KtKpvpntva  a-rro  KaTa/3o\T]g.  In  Ps.  p.  462.  D.  Vid.  supr. 

p  AVTIJ  r'i  aTTo-ypa^r)  Trpwrr)  tyevtro  r'i^tfj,ovivffavTog  Tt]Q  2vpiaf  Kvprjviu. 
In.  Ps.  p.  543.  C.  '»  See  the  first  part  of  this  work.  Book  ii.  ch.  1. 

sect.  5. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Casarea.     A.  D.  315.  141 

Psalm  likewise,  he  speaks  of  Cyrenius,  as  r  the  person  by 
whom  that  survey  was  made,  and  of  his  coming-  into  Judea 
for  that  purpose. 

3.  In  the  Commentary  upon  Ps.  xvi.  1,  otherwise  xvii.  1. 
'  The  next  words  are  :  "  Attend  to  my  cry."  Which  may  be 
well  used  by  him  who  is  tried,  and  in  prayer  sends  up  sup 
plications  to  God  :  who  presents  not  little  and  common  re 
quests,  nor  asks  of  God  earthly  and  mortal  things.  And8  this 
our  Saviour  also  taught,  saying  :  "  Seek  ye  the  great  things, 
and  the  little  shall  be  added  unto  you."  '  Compare  Matt.  vi. 
33.  Of  this  saying,  as  ascribed  to  our  Saviour  by  Clement  and 
Origen,  I  have  spoken  *  formerly.  This  particular  citation 
of  it  is  not  inserted  in  Grabe's,  or  other  collections  of  such 
things,  this  Commentary  of  Eusebius  not  having  been  pub 
lished  till  lately. 

XIV.  Though  my  design  relates  chiefly  to  scriptures  of 
the  New  Testament,  I  cannot  forbear  to  observe,  (what  our 
great  author  thought  not  proper  to  omit,)  that  in  his  Eccle 
siastical  History  there  are  three  catalogues  of  the  Books  of 
the  Old  Testament,  as  received  by  the  Jews.     The  first  is 
that"  of  Josephus  from  his  books  against  Apion  :  The  se 
cond  is  thatv  of  Melito  bishop  of  Sardis:  The  third  is  taken 
fromw  Origen's  works. 

XV.  It  will  not  be  amiss  to  put  down  here  some  instances 
of  general  divisions  of  sacred  scripture,  which  are  to  be 
found  in  this  writer. 

He  frequently  uses  a  Greek  word,  literally  denoting  '  in 
the  testament,'  and  generally,  as  equivalent  to  canonical  :  he 
uses  it,  when  he  proceeds  to  put  down  Josephus's*  cata 
logue  of  the  scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament.  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  he  says,  wrote  y  brief  Commentaries  upon  all 
the  scriptures  in  the  Testament,  not  omitting  those  that  are 
contradicted.  The  title  of  the  chapter  in  which  he  inserts 
Origen's  catalogue  of  the  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Tes 
tament  is  :  How  z  he  mentions  the  scriptures  in  the  Testa 
ment.  He  uses  the  same  word,  when  he  alleges  a  Irenoeus's 

-  ore  Kwp7ji>iO£  £7r'.<raf  r-g  laSaiq,  rag  airoypaQas  £7roi«ro.   p.  543.  E. 
THTOV  y&v  Kai  6  <rwr»/p  tdidauictv,  Xeycov"  Airttre  ra  /uyaXa,  /eat  ra  /zwcpa 
Trpo^iOuafTcti  vfjiiv.      In  Ps.  p.  56.  A. 

1  See  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii.  num.  xxvii.  5.  u  H.  E.  1.  iii.  c.  9  et  10. 

*  L.  iv.  c.  26.  f.  w  L.  vi.  c.  25.  in. 

TBTOJV  tv  Tip  Trportpy  TOV  api9p.ov  TT/IQ  Xeyo^evq?  TraXaiag  TTUV  fvSia9r}Kd)V 
9r)fft.  L. 


ri9r)fft.  L.  iii.  c.  9.  p.  85.  A. 

—Traffijg  Tijq  tv^iaOrjKs  ypa0?7£.   1.  iii.  C.  14.  in. 
OTTdtg  TIIJV  fvSia9rjKOJV  ypa^wv  tfj,vijfj.oi>£vae.  1.  vi.  c.  25. 
rag  TTtjOi  TWV  tvfiiaOijKtov  ypa^wv—  —  Trapadoffti£.  1.  v.  c.  8.  in. 


142  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History, 

testimony  to  the  New  Testament  :  lie  elsewhere  speaksb  of 
books  acknowledged  by  all,  and  others  not  in  the  Testa 
ment,  but  contradicted.  The  same  word  is  used  by  Ori- 
gen.  In  his  Treatise  of  Prayer  he  observes,  thatc  the  Jews 
do  not  receive  the  book  of  Tobit  as  in  the  Testament  :  it  is 
also  in  Origen's  passage  alleged  d  by  our  author.  Epipha- 
nius  uses  a  somewhat  like  phrase,  when  he  says,  the  Alo- 
gians  were  of  opinion,  that  e  St.  John's  gospel  ought  not  to 
be  placed  in  the  Testament,  or  be  reckoned  canonical. 

Old  f  and  New  Testament  is  another  common  division  :  as 
also  8  prophets  and  apostles  :  gospels11  and  epistles. 

XVI.  The  respect  which  the  ancient  Christians  had  for 
the  scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  appears  by 
many  things  mentioned  by  this  writer. 

1.  It  is  needless  to  insist  here  upon  the  epithets,  sacred 
and   divine  scripture,  of  which  we  have   seen  so  many  in 
stances.      To  the    like  purposes   are  such  expressions  as 
these:  the  !  sacred  gospel;  according  k  to  the  most  certain 
testimony  of  the  sacred  gospels  ;  the  l   divine  scripture  of 
the  gospels. 

2.  He  says,   there  m  is  no  error  or  mistake  in  the  scrip 
tures:  the  prophets,  according"  to  his  account,  spake  only 
as  the  Spirit  dictated:  they0  did  not  write  their  own  words, 
but  were  employed  by  the  Spirit  of  God* 

3.  In  his  Epistle  to  the  church  at  Cresarea,  after  signing 
the  Nicene  Creed,  he  says,   that?  the  use  of  unscriptural 


KCCI  TCCQ  aXXaf  Trapa  ravrag-,  »K  f.v£i 
a\\a  KO.I  avTiXtyofjitvag.  1.  iii.  c.  25.  p.  97.  D. 

c   Ty   de  r»   TofirjT   BiBXtp  avTiXtysaiv  ol  SK  irtpiTonrjG*   wg   MM 
Orig.  T.  i.  p.  220.  F. 

—  8&  Trwg  ypa^iov  Kara  Xt%iv'  OVK  ayvoqrtov  &  tivai  rag  ivSiaQri 
wg  'E,3paioi  irapaSeSoatnv,  Svo  /cat  eucoffi.  L.  vi.  c.  25.  in. 

e   Afysffi  He  TO  Kara  Ibtavvrjv  tuayyeXiov  —  adiadtrov  tivai.  H.  51.  n.  18. 
p.  44  l.C. 

'   —  T8  TCJV  fipwv  ypa^wv  TIJQ  TTaXatag  Sia9r]Kt)£  KaraXoya.  L.  vi.  c.  25.  in.— 
dia9r}icriG  ypa0a^.  L.  iii.  c.  25.  in.  et  passim. 

SrjXa^T}  Kcti  a7ro=roXt/ca>j/  Xoya»v,  ot£  tKK\i]aia  Ts  GtoTijpog  >}/io>v 
In  Ps.  p.  414.  E. 

h  Toig  tvayytXiKoiQ  KO.I  a7ro<?oXiKoif  avayvw/ita(Ttv.  De  EC.  Th.  1.  iii.  p.  195.  B. 
'  Tavrafjiev  TO  itpov  ivayyeXwv.  Dem.  Ev.  p.  418.  B. 

k   Kara  rt\v  a^tvde<^aTr}v  TWV  iepwv  twayytXtwv  ^aprvpiav.   Dem.  E.  p.  301  . 
A.  !  —  »}  Seia  ypcHpr)  TUV  tvayytXuw.  In  Ps.  p.  C93.  E. 

in   Epyov  ^e  Spaav  Kai  irpoTTfTtQ  iivai  r'jysfiat  TO  a7ro<pr}vaa9ai  roXftav  TIJV 
Stiav  -ypaQrjv  rjfjiapTi](jQai.  In  Ps.  p.  129.  B.  C.  Conf.  ibid.  p.  GG.  D. 

n  —~£r)Xwv  on  opyavov  rjv  rj  trpotyijTiKr)  yXwertra,  tTtps  TH  xPwMfv«  nvryt  ayta 
TrvtvudTOQ.     In  Ps.  p.  187.  D. 

0  Ou  yap  oiceia  prjfiaTa  irpovfQepov,  Ty  St  Stiu  irvevfiaTOQ  BaXy  dirjicovsVTO. 
Ibid.  p.  4G2.  E. 

p  —  fia  TO  airtipytiv  aypaQoic;  xpTjaavOiii  Qiuvaig'  Si  o  0%i§ov  r)  trctoa  ytyove 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Casarea.     A.  D.  315.  143 

phrases  had  been  the  gTeat  cause  of  the  dissensions  and  dis 
turbances  that  had  happened  in  the  churches. 

4.  He  says,  the  (i  first  successors  of  the  apostles,  leaving- 
their  home,  and  performing-  the  office  of  evangelists,  went 
forth  and  preached  the  gospel  to  such  as  had  not  heard  it ; 
and  then  delivered  to  them  the  scripture  of  the   gospels. 
From  which   passage,  as  well  as  from  many  others,  it  ap 
pears,  that  the  gospels  were  then  understood  to  be  for  gene 
ral  use. 

5.  Eusebius  says  of  Origen,  that1"  from  his  childhood  he 
was  well  versed  in  the  divine  scriptures. 

6.  According  to  our  author,  as  cited s  formerly,  the  scrip 
tures  are  the  rule  of  faith,  and  the  standard  of  orthodoxy. 
*  There  are,'  says  he,  *  beside  these,  treatises  of  many  others, 
whose  names  we  have  not  been  able  to  learn;  orthodox1 
and  ecclesiastical  men,  as  the  interpretations  of  the  divine 
scripture  given  by  each  one  of  them  manifest.' 

7.  In  his  Oration  in  praise  of  the  emperor  Constantine, 
demonstrating  the  truth  of  the  Christian  religion,  our  author 
testifies  the  great  respect  that  was  paid  to  the  scriptures  of 
the  New  Testament,  and  the  great  number  of  translations 
which    had  been   then  made   of  them.     *  Who,'    says    he, 

ever  delivered  before-hand  predictions  of  so  many  things, 
that  were  afterwards  exactly  accomplished  in  the  event, 

as  our  Saviour  did to  take  men,  originally  employed 

in  fishing,  mean  and  illiterate,  and  constitute  them  law- 

fivers  and  masters  of  the  universe  of  mankind ;  what  and 
ow  mighty  a  work  must  this  seem  to  you  ! '  *  To  engage 
to  them  by  word  and  promise,  and  indeed  "  make  them 
fishers  of  men ;"  andu  to  confer  upon  them  so  great  a  vir 
tue  and  power,  as  to  compose  writing,  and  publish  books: 
and  that  these  also  should  obtain  such  esteem,  as  to  be 
translated  into  every  language,  both  of  Greeks  and  barba 
rians,  throughout  the  whole  world,  and  be  diligently  stu- 

ffvy^vffig  re  xrai  a/c«ra<ra(Tca  rwj/  tKK\r}Gi(i>v.  Ap.  Socr.  1.  i.  c.  8.  p.  26.  D. 
Thdrt.  1.  i.  c.  12.  p.  33.  D. 

q  — epyov  e7rtreX«t»  evayyeXirwv,  row;  en  Tra^irav  avrjicooic;  TS  rrjg  TTITSW^  Xoy» 
— icat  TIJV  Ttov  Seiuiv  euayyeXiwi/,  irapadtdovai  ypatyw.  H.  E.  1.  iii.  c.  38.  p. 
109.  B.  C.  r  TOIQ  Sreiatg  ypaAaif  e£ert  7rat#o£  i VTjffKtfifvog 

H.  E.  1.  vi.  c.  2.  p.  202.  C.  •  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxii.  num.  ii. 

1  OpOoSo^cjv  fiev  Kai  CKK\»;<Tiai7iKa>j>>  «£  ye  #£  17  ficaTS  irapadfiKWcri  TTJQ  &tiag 
ypa0j;g  tpfirjveia.  L.  V.  C.  27. 

u  Kai  ToffavTrjv  avroif  aper»/v  TI  Kai  dwapiv  Trapaorxtiv,  wg  icat  yp«0a£  <rvv- 
Ta^ai,  Kai  j3ij3X«£  irapaSuvai.  KOI  ravraq  tig  TOffsro  tfparwai,  a>f  icaO'  o\ijg  rrjq 
otK8/iEV)j£  TTav-oiq,  yXfeKTffy  /3ap|3apa>v  re  »cai  'EXXfjrwv  jnera/3aXXo/ievac  Trapa 
Tram  roig  tOvtai  p.t\(Trj(r9ait  KO.I  Tri<?tveaQai  S'eia  tivai  Xoyia  ra  tv  avratg  KO.TO.- 
pefiXrjfjLeva'  brrov  ttg  airoSti^iv  fvaoyij  rijg  avrti  &eorqrog.  De  Laud.  Const,  c. 
17.  p.  662.  C.  D. 


144  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

*  died  by  all  nations,  and  the  things  contained  in  them  be 
'  believed  to  be  divine  oracles.  How  evident  a  demonstra- 
'  tion  is  this  of  his  divinity.' 

8.  In  the  last  chapter  of  the  third  book  of  the  Evangelical 
Demonstration  is  a  like  argument;  where  he  says,  thatv  in 
a  short  space  of  time  the  gospel  was  preached  throughout 
the  whole  world,  for  a  testimony  to  all  nations;  and  Greeks 
and  barbarians  had  the  scriptures  concerning  Jesus  in  their 
own  letters  and  dialect. 

9.  Of  reading  the  scriptures  Eusebius  speaks  in  this  man 
ner  in  his  Evangelical  Preparation  :  '  Sow  likewise  the  Jew- 
ish  scriptures  had  before  [Plato]  required,  that  faith  should 
precede  the  examination  and  understanding  of  the  divine 
scriptures,  in  such  expressions  as  these  :  "  If*  ye  will  not 
believe,  ye  shall  not  understand  ;"    [so  Eusdbius  from  the 
Seventy,  where  we  have,  "  Ye  shall  not  be  established."] 
Again,  "  Jy  believed  :  therefore  have  I  spoken."  After  which 
same  manner  with  us  [christians]  also,  to  those  who  are  just 
brought  over  to  us,  and  are  as  yet  but  weak,  and  as  it  were 
but  infants  as  to  their  minds,  the  reading  in  the  divine  scrip 
tures  [that  is,  the  divine  scriptures  themselves]  is  barely  put 
into  their  hands,  recommending  it  to  them  to  believe  the 
things  therein  contained  as  the  words  of  God.     But  to  those 
who  are  confirmed  and  grown  old  in  knowledge,  it  is  al 
lowed  to  penetrate  farther,  and  search  into  the  profoundest 
meaning  of  the  words.     Such  as  these  the  Jews  called  Deu- 
terota?,  interpreters  and  expositors  of  the  scriptures.' 

It  is  hence  apparent,  that   reading  the    scriptures  was 
recommended  even  to  new  converts  from  heathenism. 

10.  In  his  Ecclesiastical  History  Eusebius  says,  *  that  in 
his  time  itz  was  customary  for  Christians,  particularly  the 
recluse  and  devouter  sort,  to  be  more  especially  engaged  in 
the  attentive  reading  of  the  divine  scriptures  at  the  festival 
of  our  Saviour's  passion.' 


v  KeicripvKTO  ysv  TO  evayytXiov  ev  fipaxu  XPOVV  tv  °^V  TV  oiKsptvy  f«e  pap- 
Tvpiov  TOIQ  tOvtffi'  icai  (3ap(3apoi  tcai  'EXX^vfc  rag  Trcpi  TS  Irjas  ypa0ag  Trarptoig 
%apa.KTr)pffiv  Kai  Trarpi^*  (fxtivy  peTa\afjij3avov.  Dem.  1.  iii.  p.  137.  A. 

w  Eucoraig  Se  TCI  KCLI  rj  'E/^oaiwv  7rpo\a/3«pa  ypatyrj  r/jg  TWV  Stiwv  ypa<j><i)v 
Srniipiag  TT\V  TTI^IV  rrpo^ciTTti,  di  wv  tyrjaiv'  Eav  Se  fit)  Tri<ztvffi}TE, 
e'  Kai  av9ig,  E7rt<rtu(Ta,  ^10  Kat  tXaXrjoa.  ~EvQtv  Kai  Trap'  Y\\UV  TOIQ 
ayofitvoi^  —  a7r\8<r£poi/  17  tv  ratg  Srtiaig  yp«0aig  avay  viomg 
i,  fjitra  rs  Stiv  irvzevtiv  a»g  Srta  \oyoig  Toig  f^^fpojuevo 
Totg  de  TT\V  i£iv  Trpo^tjS^Koat,  Kai  TroXiotg  TO  Qpovrjpa,  efij3a9vveiv  Kai 
TOV  VBV  Tuv  Xiyofjievaiv  nriTtTpa-rrTai.  TSTSQ  de  naioiv  'E/3paiwv 
$i\ov  ijv  ovofia&ir,  MOTTIO  fpfirjvtVTag  Kai  e^ijyrjTaf  ovTag  TTJG  TO>V  ypa<j>it>v 
SiavoiaQ.  Praep.  Ev.  1.  xii.  c.  1.  p.  573.  D.  574.  A. 

*  Is.  vii.  9.  y  Ps.  cxvi.  10. 

•  H.  E.  1.  ii.  c.  17.  p.  57.  B. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  C&sarea.     A.  D.  315.  145 

1 1.  I  shall  only  add  one  passage  more  from  the  Commen 
tary  upon  the  Psalms ;  where  Eusebius  speaks  of  the  pub 
lic  reading-  and  explication  of  the  scriptures.  For  he  says, 
'  thata  in  times  of  persecution,  when  discourses  and  readings 
of  the  divine  scriptures  are  for  the  most  part  prohibited  and 
hindered,  and  there  are  few  or  none  found  to  impart  spi 
ritual  food  to  the  souls  of  men ;  the  providence  of  God  by 
an  influx  of  the  divine  Spirit  nourisheth  the  souls  of  men, 
and  causeth  them  to  be  taught  of  God :  so  that  without  the 
instruction  of  men  they  are  nourished  by  a  secret  influence.' 

XVII.  What  we  have  now  seen  in  the  words  of  this  learned 
and  laborious  bishop,  who  flourished  at  about  three  hun 
dred  years  after  our  Lord's  ascension,  is  an  invaluable  tes 
timony  to  the  things  concerning  the  Lord  Jesus  himself  and 
his  apostles,  and  to  the  swift  and  wonderful  progress  of  the 
gospel,  and  to  the  scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament. 
The  former  were  those  received  by  the  Jewish  people.  The 
number  of  the  books  of  the  New  testament  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  in  his  time  settled  by  any  authority,  that  was 
universally  allowed  of:  but  the  books  following  were  uni 
versally  received,  the  four  gospels,  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
thirteen  epistles  of  Paul,  one  epistle  of  Peter,  and  one  epis 
tle  of  John.  These,  I  say,  were  universally  received  by 
Christians  in  our  author's  time,  and  had  been  all  along  re 
ceived  by  the  elders  and  churches  of  former  times.  Beside 
these,  we  now  generally  receive  also  an  epistle  to  the  He 
brews,  an  epistle  of  James,  a  second  epistle  of  Peter,  a  se 
cond  and  third  of  John,  an  epistle  of  Jude,  and  the  Revela 
tion.  And  it  appears  from  this  learned  writer,  that  these 
books  or  epistles  were  then  next  in  esteem  to  those  before 
mentioned,  as  universally  acknowledged;  and  were  more 
generally  received  as  of  authority,  than  any  other  contro 
verted  writings.  Beside  these,  there  was  the  Gospel  ac 
cording  to  the  Hebrews,  made  use  of  by  the  Jewish  chris- 
tians ;  being,  probably,  a  translation  of  St.  Matthew's 
gospel,  with  some  additions;  and,  as  it  seems,  containing 
little  or  nothing  contrary  to  the  genuine  doctrine  of  Christ 
and  his  apostles.  The  book  called  the  Doctrine,  or  Doc 
trines  of  the  Apostles,  we  have  not  now  a  distinct  knowledge 
of;  but,  probably,  it  was  a  small  book,  containing  the  rudi 
ments  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  fitted  for  the  use  of  young 
people,  and  new  converts,  and  never  esteemed  a  part  of  sacred 
scripture.  As  for  the  rest,  they  were  not  very  numerous, 


yap  roif   icaipoij;  TWV  fowyjwwv,  icaff  «£  7roX\aici£  KiKuXwrat  \itv  at 
icai  Tdtv  StOTrvtwzdJV  ypcHfitov  avayvioff/jiaTa — aif  KO.I  avev  rrjg  av- 
u-TTuv    iSaaKoXiag  airopptjT^  Svvafiti  rpsfaaOai.  In  Ps.  32.  p.  128.  A.  B. 
VOL.   IV.  L 


146  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

and  their  character  is  easily  determined  ;  for  either  they  were 
useful  ecclesiastical  writings,  as  the  Epistles  of  Barnabas 
and  Clement,  and  the  Shepherd  of  Hernias,  which,  as  we 
have  seen  from  the  quotations  of  them  in  the  writers  of  the 
first  three  centuries,  were  never  received  as  of  authority,  or 
a  part  of  sacred  and  canonical  scripture :  or  they  were 
mean,  absurd,  and  fabulous  compositions,  despised  and  dis 
liked  by  the  sounder  Christians  in  general,  both  of  our  au 
thor's,  and  of  former  times.  To  the  books  of  sacred  scrip 
ture  the  greatest  respect  was  shown  ;  they  were  esteemed  as 
of  authority,  and  decisive  in  all  points  of  a  religious  nature ; 
they  were  publicly  read  and  explained  in  the  assemblies  of 
Christian  people ;  and  they  were  open  to  be  freely  read  by 
all  sorts  of  persons  in  private,  for  their  instruction  and  im 
provement  in  religious  knowledge,  and  their  edification 
in  virtue.  Finally,  it  may  be  observed,  that  this  learned 
author  makes  little  use  in  his  works  of  apocryphal  scrip 
tures  of  the  Old  Testament :  none  at  all  of  Christian  writ- 
ings,  forged  with  the  names  of  Christ's  apostles,  or  their 
companions. 


CHAP.  LXXIIL 

MARCELLUS,  BISHOP  OF  ANCYRA  IN  GALATIA. 


I.  1  PUT  in  the  margin  Jerom's  article*  of  Marcellus ;  but 
I  do  not  think  it  needful  to  translate  it. 

2.  Marcellus  is  spoken  of  by  Cave,  as  flourishing  about 
the  year  330;  but  that  time  seems  too  late.  It  is  generally 
supposed,  that  he  was  present  at  a  council  of  Ancyra  in  314, 
as  bishop  of  that  city.  He  was  also  at  theb  council  of  Nice 
in  325,  where  he  signalized  himself  against  the  Arians.  It 
is  concluded  fromc  Epiphanius,  that  Marcellus  died  in  372, 

a  Marcellus,  Ancyranus  episcopus,  sub  Constantino  et  Constantio  principi- 
bus  floruit.  Multaque  diversarum  vTroOsmwv  scripsit  volumina,  et  maxime 
adversus  Arianos.  Feruntur  contra  hunc  Asterii  et  Apollinarii  libri,  Sabellianae 
eum  haereseos  arguentes.  Sed  et  Hilarius  in  septimo  adversum  Arianos  libro 
nominis  ejus,  quasi  haeretici  meminit.  Porro  ille  defendit  se  non  esse  dogmatis 
cujus  accusatur,  sed  communione  Julii  et  Athanasii,  Romanae  et  Alexandrinae 
urbis  pontificum,  se  esse  munitum.  De  V.  I.  c.  86. 

b  Vid.  Epiph.  H.  72.  c.  2.  p.  834.  D.  et  Athan.  Apol.  contr.  Arian.  n.  32. 
p.  150.  E.  c  Epiph.  H.  72.  n.  i. 


MARCELLUS,  Bishop  of  Ancyra.     A.  D.  320.  147 

when  he  had  been  bishop  almost  sixty  years,  and  had  lived 
almost  or  quite  a  century. 

3.  In  the  year  334,  or  335,  he  wrote  a  book  against  Astc- 
rius,  and  other  Arians,  which  occasioned  him  a  great  deal 
of  trouble.      Socrates   says,  thatd    in   opposing    Asterius, 
Marcel  his  went  into  a  contrary  extreme,  and  embraced  the 
opinion  of  Paul  of  Samosata,  who  says,  that  Jesus  Christ  is 
a  mere  man. 

4.  The  bishops  assembled  at  Jerusalem  in  335,  for  de 
dicating  the  church  built  by  Constantine,  required  him  to 
renounce  his  opinion,  and  burn  his  book.     But  those  bishops 
were  hastily  summoned  to  Constantinople ;    where,  in  the 
year  336,  the  matter  was  resumed.     Marcellus  was  deposed, 
and  Basil  put   in  his  room :    but  he  was  restored  by  the 
synod  at  Sardica  in  347.     Nevertheless,  Marcellus  still  lay 
under  the  suspicion  of  heresy  with  many. 

5.  Sozomen  says  farther,  that6  the  council  of  Constanti 
nople  wrote  a  letter  to  the  churches  of  Galatia,  admonishing 
them  to  reform  their  error,  to  search  for  the  copies  of  Mar- 
cellus's  book,  and  burn  them. 

6.  That  book   was  particularly  answered  by  the  famous 
Eusebius  of  Caesarea,  and  by  orderf  of  the  council  itself. 
Though  Marcellus  was  not  then  young,  Eusebius  says  its 
was  the  only  book  he  had  published.     It  wash  a  very  large 
work,  consisting  of  a  thousand  lines  or  verses.     Eusebius 
takes  notice,  that1  he  quoted  heathen  authors  to  illustrate 
the  scriptures:  he  likewise  chargethk  him  with  a  vain  os 
tentation  of  secular  learning ;  whether  rightly  or  not,  we  can 
hence  conclude,  that  Marcellus  was  learned.     He  did  like 
wise  quote  very  larg'ely  the  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Tes 
tament  :  and  we  can  plainly  perceive  from  Eusebius's  quo 
tations  and  arguments,  and  from  his  own  letter  and  confes 
sion  of  faith  delivered  to  Julius,  bishop  of  Rome,  about  the 
year  241,  which  are  preserved  in1  Epiphanius,  that  Marcel 
lus  received  the  same  scriptures  that  other  Christians  did, 
and  paid  them  a  like  respect. 

7.  Socrates™  and  Sozomen n  seem  to  have  supposed  that 
Marcellus    went    into   the   opinion    of  Paul   of  Samosata. 
Eusebius    continually    chargeth    him   with0   Sabellianism. 

d  tyi\ov  yap  avQpWTrov—troXfirjfftv  enrtiv  TOV  XpiTOi/.  Socr.  1.  i.  c.  36.  p. 
72.  e  Kat  rat£  avroQi  ejcicXjjoiaig  typa^/av,  avttf,r\Tr\acu.  TI\V 

MapjceXXs  j3t/3\ov,  KCII  eZaQaviaai.  Soz.  1.  ii.  c.  33. 

f  Vid.  Euseb.  contr.  M.  1.  ii.  p.  55.  D.  *  Contr.  M.  1.  i.  c.  1.  in. 

h  Ib.  p.  2.  '  P.  14.  B.  C.  k  Ib.  c.  3.  p.  16.  D. 

1  H.  72.  n.  2,  3.  p.  834-836.  m  Socr.  1.  i.  c.  6.  p.  72. 

Conf.  1.  ii.  c.  19.  p.  98,  99.  et  cap.  20.  n  Soz.  1.  ii.  c.  33. 

0  TTOJg  a  drj\o£  av  ytvoiro,  TOV  fiiv  Sa/3cXXiov  virofivontvoQ.  Contr. 

L  2 


148  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

Theodoret,  in?  his  Heretical  Fables,  speaks  of  Paul,  Sabel- 
lius,  Marcellus,  and  Photinus,  in  four  distinct  chapters  one 
after  another:  and  in  his  introduction  to  that  work,  he 
reckons  him01  with  Ebion  and  Photinus,  and  elsewhere 
withr  Photinus  and  Paul  of  Samosata:  and  he  particularly 
says  of  Marcellus,  that8  he  denied  a  Trinity  of  persons. 
However,  there  were*  formerly,  as  well  asu  lately,  different 
apprehensions  concerning  the  real  sentiments  of  Marcellus  : 
and  it  must  be  owned,  that  there  is  a  good  deal  of  obscurity 
in  some  of  his  passages  cited  by  Eusebius,  but  it  seems  to 
me,  that  there  is  sufficient  reason  to  think  he  was  a  Sabel- 
lian  or  Unitarian. 

8.  Montfauqon  persuades  v  himself,  and  would  persuade 
others,  that  not  long  before  his  death,  about  the  year  372, 
Marcellus  being  uneasy  at  the  accusations  brought  against 
him  by  St.  Basil,  as  well  as  others,  sent  one  of  his  deacons, 
with  others  of  his  church,  as  a  deputation  to  Athanasius, 
carrying  with  them  a  confession  of  faith,  completely  ortho 
dox  :  which    confession   Athanasius,  and   other   bishops  of 
Egypt  then  present  with  him,  accepted  of,  and  gave  them  a 
letter  of  recommendation  to  communion  with  the  churches. 

9.  But  it  seems  to  me,  that  this  story  is  not  well  support 
ed.     Montfau9on  does  not  well  know  whenw  that  deputation 
to  Athanasius  was  sent;  he  placeth  it  in  the  year  372,  by 
guess  only.      St.    Basil,  though    hex    corresponded    with 
Athanasius,  and  others  of  Egypt,  knew  nothing  of  that  let 
ter  of  recommendation  ;    and  in  a  letter  written  after  that 

Marc.  1.  i.  p.  5.  A.      AvriKpvg  rov  2a/3f\Xiov  avavtsfitvoQ.    De  EC.  Th.  1.  ii. 
sen  contr.  Marc.  1.  iii.  c.  1.  p.  104.    'Opac  I«cWoi>  airucpvg,  rov 
rs  3-fs  —  apv«/<uvoi>.  Tb.  cap.  2.  p.  105.  A. 
P  Haer.  Fab.  1.  ii.  c.  8—  11. 


KUI 
g  tie&tro.     Haer.  Fab.  Compend.  T.  iv.  p.  188.  D. 

r   3>uiT£ivoe  yap  KCLI  MapKtXXof  ,  Kat  6  CK  Sa/uoffarwv  Hav\og, 
avai  \eyaai  TOV  Kvptov  fjpwv  Kai  Qeov.     Epist.  104.  T.  iii.  p.  976.  A. 

8  T«ry  apvrj9r)  TOJV  vTro^aatuv  rpia^a.  H.  F.  1.  ii.  c.  10. 

1  Vid.  Hieron.  supra  not.  (a)  p.  276.  Epiphan.  H.  72.  Tillernont  collects 
the  opinions  of  several  ancients  about  him  in  Marcel.  d'Ancyre.  Mem.  T.  vii. 
p.  510—512.  a  Paris. 

u  Vid.  Zacagn.  Pr.  ad  Collect.  Monum.  Gr.  p.  42,  &c.  Montfauc,.  Diatriba 
de  Causa  Marcelli  ap.  Nov.  Collect.  Patr.  T.  ii.  Fabric.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  vi  p.  31 
et  92.  T.  8.  p.  335. 

¥  Re  comperta,  Marcellus,  ut  eorum  conatus  et  molimina  interpellaret,  ora- 
tores  qui  causam  apud  Athanasium  suam  agerent,  ac  sui,  Ancyranseque  ecclesioe 
nomine  fidei  professionem  emitterent,  delegavit.  Cumque  legatorum  formula 
sanam  prorsns  et  orthodoxam  fidem  praeferret,  huic  Athanasius,  cum  aliis  qui 
aderant  episcopis,  adstipulatus,  literas  commendatitias  rogantibus  concessit. 
Diatrib.  de  Marcell.  cap.  5.  p.  63.  Ap.  Nov.  Collection.  Patr.  T.  ii. 

*  Haec  porro  legatio  in  annum  372  commode  referatur.  Diatrib.  cap.  6.  p.  64. 

*  Cui  frequens  cum  Athanasio  epistolarum  usus  erat.  Montf.  Diatrib.  ib. 


EUSTATHIUS,  Bishop  of  Antioch.     A.  D.  320.  149 

supposed  date  in  377,  reproves  some?  people  for  communi 
cating  with  the  followers  of  Marcellus.  Moreover,  Chry- 
sostom2  in  his  homilies  in  the  latter  part  of  the  fourth 
century,  often  argues  against  Marcellus  as  a  heretic :  not 
now  to  say  any  thing  more  of  Socrates,  and  Sozomen,  or 
Theodoret,  or  others,  who  appear  not  to  have  known  any 
thing  of  this  orthodox  confession  of  Marcellus,  or  Athana- 
sius's  letter  of  communion. 

It  is  indeed  well  known,  and  allowed,  that  for  a  while 
Athanasius  had  a  kindness  for  Marcellus;  and  no  wonder, 
when  Marcellus,  like  himself,  was  so  hard  pressed  by  the 
Arians.  But  his  respect  for  Marcellus  seems  to  have  abated 
afterwards :  Hilary  of  Poictiers,a  and  Sulpitius  Severusb 
expressly  say,  that  Athanasius  separated  himself  from  his 
communion.  Nor  do  I  perceive,  thatc  what  Epiphanius 
says,  overthrows  their  accounts.  For  certain,  he  does  not 
confirm,  but  weaken  the  credit  of  the  story  told  by  Mont- 
fau^on ;  for  he  says  nothing  of  it,  though  he  had  a  fair  oc 
casion  to  mention  it,  and  wrote  but  a  few  years  after  the 
death  of  Marcellus  and  Athanasius. 


CHAP.  LXXIV. 

EUSTATHIUS,  BISHOP  OF  ANTIOCH. 


1.  SAYS  Jerom,  «  Eustathiusa  of  Side  in  Pamphylia,  first 
*  governed  the  church  at  Beroea,  and  afterwards  at  Antioch. 

y  At  Basilius — quia  semel  conceptam  de  Marcelli  impietate  opinionem  vix 
missam  facere  poterat,  cum  Diocaesariensibus  patribus  non  leviter  expostulat, 
quod  Marcellianos  ad  communionem,  inconsultis  aliis  episcopis,  admisserint. 
[Vid.  Basil.  Ep.  265.  al.  293.  T.  iii.  p.  410.  edit.  Bened.]  Haec  Basilius,  vel 
ignorans  ea,  quae  Alexandria  in  gratiam  Marcelli  et  asseclarum  ab  Athanasio 
gesta  fuerant,  vel,  &c.  Montf.  Diatrib.  ib.  p.  66. 

z  Vid.  in  ep.  ad  Philip,  horn.  6.  T.  xi.  p.  234,  235.  in  ep.  ad  Heb.  horn.  2. 
p.  14—16.  horn.  8.  p.  89.  T.  xii.  Bened.  et  passim. 

a  Nam,  negata  sibi  ab  Athanasio  communione,  ingressu  sese  ecclesise  Mar 
cellus  abstinuit.  Hilar.  Fragm.  2.  p.  1300. 

b  Interjecto  deinde  tempore,  Athanasius,  cum  Marcellum  parum  sanae  fidci 
esse  penitus  comperisset,  a  communione  suspendit.  Sulp.  Sev.  Hist.  1.  ii.  c.  52. 
p.  382.  c  Vid.  H.  72.  n.  4.  p.  837. 

a  Eustathius,  genere  Pamphylius,  Sidetes,  primum  Berhceae,  Syria%  deinde 
Antiochia?  rexit  ecclesiam.  Et  adversum  Arianorum  dogma  componens  multa 
sub  Constantino  principe  pulsus  est  in  exilium  Trajanopolim  Thraciarum,  ubi 
usque  hodie  conditus  est.  Exstant  ejus  volumina  de  Anima,  de  Engastrimutho 


150  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

4  As  he  wrote  much  against  the  Arian  doctrine,  he  was 
4  banished  in  the  time  of  the  emperor  Constantine  to  Tra- 
'janopolis  in  Thrace,  where  he  lies  buried  to  this  day. 
'  There  are  extant  his  volumes  concerning  the  soul,  of  the 
4  Pythoness  against  Origen,  and  an  infinite  number  of  epis- 
*  ties,  which  it  would  be  tedious  to  reckon  up.' 

2.  Eustathius  is  placed  by  Cave  at  the  year  325,  when 
the  council  of  Nice  met :  but  as  Eustathius  was  before  that 
bishop  of  Berosa,  if  not  also  of  Antioch,  and  was  then  so 
considerable,  as  to  be  thought  by  many  to  be  the  bishop 
who  complimented  Constantine  in  a  short  oration  at  his  en 
trance  into  the  council ;  I  presume  he  ought  to  be  placed 
sooner,  about  the  year  320. 

3.  For  a  particular  account  of  him  I  refer  tob  Cave,  and 
others.     I  observe  some  few  of  the  more  material  things,  and 
briefly  only. 

4.  By c  means  of  the  intrigues  of  Eusebius  of  Nicomedia, 
and  Theognis  of  Nice,  he  was  deposed  by  a  synod  at  Anti 
och,  about  the  year  328,  as  a  Sabellian,  and  otherwise  un 
worthy  of  the  pastoral  office:  after  which  he  was  banished. 
The  time  of  his  death  is  not  certain  :  some  think  he  did  not 
die  before  the  year  360.     Sozomen  says,  he  had  been  as 
sured,  that'1  Eustathius  bore  the  hard  treatment  he  met  with 
very  patiently. 

5.  Eustathius  is  placed  by  Jerom,  in  his  letter  to  Magnus, 
among  those  Christian  writers,  who  were  remarkable  for 
secular  learning,  as  well  as  for  their  knowledge  of  the  scrip 
tures  :  but  Socrates  reckons  him  among  those  obscure  per 
sons,  whoe  had  endeavoured  to  raise  their  own  reputation  by 
opposing  Origen.     Sozomen,  however,  commends f  him  for 
his  eloquence,  as  well  as  piety,  and  says,  that  his  works 
were  in  his  time  well  esteemed.     Theodoret  calls  him£  the 
great  Eustathius. 

6.  I  need  not  give  a  particular  account  of  Eustathius's 
works  :  the  inquisitive  may  find  sufficient  satisfaction  in  the 
writers  before  referred  to.     The  fragments   collected    by'1 
Fabricius  deserve  to  be  read. 

adversum  Origenem,  et  infinites  epistolae,  quas  enumerare  longutn  est.  De  V. 
I.  c.  85. 

b  Vid.  Cav.  Hist.  Lit.  Fabr.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  viii.  p.  166.  &c.  Tillemont,  Mem. 
EC.  T.  vii.  Pagi  Crit.  in  Baron.  Ann.  324.  n.  26,  &c.  325.  n.  17.  327.  n.  3. 
340.  n.  19.  c  Vid.  Socr.  1.  i.  c.  24.  Soz.  1.  ii.  c.  19.  Thdrt. 

1.  if-  c.  21.  d  Soz.  1.  ii.  c.  19.  fin.  e  Socr.  1.  vi.  c.  13. 

A.VJJP  TO.  Tt  aXAa  KO\O£  KCII  ayaOog,  KCU  tTTi  euyXwrn^  SIKCUMQ  SavfiaZofjif  VOQ, 
WQ  (K  T(JJV  ^fpo/itvwv  avTB  Xoywi/  avviSeiv  e<?tv.   Soz.  1.  ii.  c.  19.  fin. 

g  — TTJG  a\r}9ttac  Trpofiaxog  o  utyaq  Ey<ra0<of.  Theod.  1.  i.  c.  21.  P.  52.  A. 

h  Bib.  Gr.  T.I.  p.  172,  &c. 


EUSTATHIUS,  Bishop  of  Antioch.     A.  D.  320.  151 

7.  Eustathius's   enmity    to    Arianisra'    is    well    known: 
whether  he  was  not  a  Sabellian  is  doubtful. 

8.  Eusebius  of  Caesarea  accused   himk  of  Sabellianism 
soon  after  the  council  of  Nice.     Socrates'  expressions  in  his 
account   of  the   sentence   passed   upon   Eustathius  by   the 
synod  at  Antioch  are  remarkable:  *  That1  he  was  deposed, 
'  as  rather  adhering  to  the  doctrine  of  Sabellius,  than  of  the 
*  council  of  Nice.'     And  he  presently  afterwards  owns,  that 
George  of  Laodicea,  in  his  history  of  Eusebius  of  Emesa, 
relates,  that  Eustathius  was  deposed,  Cyrus  of  Beroea  ac 
cusing  him  as  a  Sabellian.     The  fragments  collected  by 
Fabricius  may  be  thought  to  countenance  this  supposition  : 
and  there  are  learned  moderns  whom  think,  that  Eustathius 
of  Antioch   was   of  the   same  opinion  with   Marcellus   of 
Ancyra,  and  that  neither  of  them  were  orthodox. 

1  Eustathium  nostrum,  qui  primus  Antiochense  ecclesiae  episcopus  contra 
Arium  clarissima  tuba  bellicum  cecinit.  Hieron.  ad  Evang.  T.  ii.  p.  571.  in 
Vid.  et.  Theod.  1.  i.  c.  8.  in. 

k  Ata/3aXXei  fc  Ev<ra£W,  we  TIJV  Sa/SeXXia  do%av  tiaayovra.  Socr.  1.  i.  c.  23. 
f.  Conf.  Soz.  1.  ii.  c.  18. 

1  KaBaipaaiv  Ey<ra0ioi>,  w£  ra  SajStXXta  j^aXXov  ^povavra,  t]  airtp  17  tv 
NtKai^t  GwoSog  e^oy/tari(T£v.  Socr.  1.  i.  c.  24.  in. 

m  Pour  Marcel,  le  fait  passe  a  present  constant.  11  fut  Sabellien.  A  1' 
egard  d'Eustathe,  des  savans  le  defendent,  d'autres  1'accusent.  Pour  moi,  je 
ne  croi  pas  qu'on  puisse  1'excuser.  Beausobre  Hist,  de  Manich.  T.  i.  p.  543, 
not.  (2.)  Vid.  ib.  p.  542.  et  Worm.  Histor.  Sabellianismi,  cap.  5.  n.  19,  20. 


152  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

CHAP.  LXXV. 

ATHANASIUS,  BISHOP  OF  ALEXANDRIA. 


T.  His  history.  II.  Select  passages.  III.  His  testimony  to 
the  scriptures  in  his  festal  Epistle.  IV.  In  his  other 
works:  1.  To  the  Gospels.  2.  The  Acts.  3.  Paul's 
Epistles.  4.  Catholic  Epistles.  5.  The  Revelation. 
V.  Of  the  Doctrine  of  the  Apostles,  and  the  Shepherd  of 
Hermas.  VI.  Various  readings.  VII.  A  Bible  sent  by 
Athanasius  to  the  Emperor  Constans.  V11I.  General 
titles  and  divisions,  and  respect  for  the  scriptures.  IX. 
The  sum  of  his  testimony.  X.  The  Synopsis  of  sacred 
scripture. 

I.  ATHANASIUS  succeeded  Alexander  in  the  see  of  Alex 
andria  in  the  year  326,  and  died  in  the  year  373,  when  he 
had  been  bishop  46  ycarsa  complete. 

There  is  no  need  that  I  should  write  the  history  of  Atha 
nasius,  or  give  a  particular  account  of  his  works  :  the  nature 
of  my  design  allows  me  now  to  contract,  since  the  life  of 
Eusebius  of  Csesarea;  nor  shall  I  transcribe  Jerom's  chap- 
terb  from  his  Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers,  because 
it  is  not  very  important.  I  have  referred  to  divers  learned 
moderns,  who  have  bestowed  laudable  pains  in  writing1  at 
large  the  history  of  this  celebrated  bishop ;  and  the  reader 
may  also  consult  the  Testimonies  or  Elogies  of  ancient  writ 
ers,  prefixed  to  the  Benedictine  edition  of  his  works.  As 
I  do  not  there  see  the  name  of  Epiphanius,  I  insert  here  his 
character  of  Athanasius;  thatc  he  was  the  father  of  ortho 
doxy. 

II.  Though  I  do  not  write  the  life  of  Athanasius,  I  may 
be  allowed  to  transcribe  some  remarkable  passages. 

1.  Ond  account  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  he  says,  the 
heathen  people  of  his  time  thought  that  the  Christians  taught 
a  plurality  of  Gods. 

*  Vid.  Pagi  Ann.  326.  n.  3.  372.  n.  9—11.  Basnag.  Ann.  373.  n.  9.  Cav. 
H.  L.  Athanas.  Vit.  a  Benedictin.  adornat.  Tillem.  Mem.  EC.  T.  viii. 

b  De  V.  I.  cap.  87.  c  —AOavaffia  rs  natcapts,  KOI  irarpog 

rt]Q  opOo£o£iae.  H.  69.  n.  2.  p.  728.  B.  d  'EXX»/vwv—  (paaicovrutv 

«ae  vofjii^ovTutv,  ha  ri\v  rpiatfa,  Xeytiv  KUI  »//ia£  TTO\\SQ  6t8ff.  Or.  iii.  Contr. 
Arian.  n  15.  p.  564.  C. 


ATHANASIUS,  Bishop  of  Alexandria.     A.  D.  326.  153 

2.  Athanasius's  enmity  to  Arianisin  is  well  known  :  I  for 
merly  cited0  a  passage  where  he  speaks  of  it  as  the  worst  of 
all  heresies.     He  elsewhere  says,  the f  devil  was  the  father 
of  it :  nor  will  he  by  any  means  allow,  that^  Arians  can  be 
rightfully  called  Christians. 

3.  When  he  declaims  against  Arianism,  ash  the  worst  and 
most  hateful  of  all  heresies,  he  makes  this  its  peculiarity, 
that  whilst  other  heretics  endeavoured  to  support  their  opi 
nions  by  sophistry,  these1  men  have  invented  a  new  way,  and 
have  endeavoured  to  carry  their  point  by  external,  that  is, 
civil  authority,  or  the  power  of  the  magistrate.     '  When 
ever11  any  man  differs  from  them,  they  have  him  before  the 
governor,  or  the  general :   whom1  they  cannot  subdue  by 
reason  and  argument,  they  take  upon  them  to  convince  by 
whippings  and  imprisonments;   which  is  enough  to  show, 
that  their  principles  are  any  thing  rather  than  religion :  for 
it  is  the  property  of  religion  not  to  compel,  but  to  persuade. 
Our  Lord  himself  does  not  use  violence,  but  leaveth  men  to 
the  freedom  of  their  own  choice.     Speaking  to  all,  he  says : 
"  Tfm  any  man  will  come  after  me:"  and  to  the  disciples: 
"  Will"  ye  also  go  away?'" 

And  on  account  of  these  violent  methods  in  particular,  he 
says,  that0  this  sect,  or  heresy,  had  put  on  the  devil  com 
plete. 

4.  Athanasius  observes,  that?  Christian  people  never  took 
their  denomination  from  their  own  bishops,  but  from  the 
Lord,  in  whom  we  believe.     And  though  the  blessed  apos 
tles  are  our  masters,  and  have  ministered  to  us  the  gospel  of 
our  Lord,  we  are  not  named  from  them.     For  from  Christ 

e   Vol.  iii.  p.  276.  f  w£  6  TrarTjp  avrr\c,  o 

Cont.  Arian.  Or.  i.  n.  1.  p.  405.  C.  g   A\\«  mi 

KaXsiTEc  Xpi?iav8f ,  TroXu  tcai  Xiav  TrXavwvrat.  Ib.  p.  406.  A. 

h  'H  fc  via  icai  /ii/<rapa  r&ruv  aipEffig.  Hist.  Arian.  ad  Monach.  n.  67.  p.  384.  B. 

1  Oi  $£  TrpoTctrat  ravTi]Q,  opwvrtg  tavTsg  Xonrov  ao^fj/iovavra^,  KUI  p.r)dev 
tvXoyov  t%ovra.Q,  a\\jjv  68ov  eirevoijffav,  icai  diet  TTJQ  i^wOtv  £%n<riag  ticdiKtiv 
Tavrrjv  tTrexeiprjffav.  Ib.  n.  66.  p.  383.  D.  E. 

k  Kat  povov  Tig  UVTOIQ  avrtipriKiv,  *\KCrat  Trpof  TOV  riyepova;  tj  TOV 
qrpa;  qXctTTiv.  Ib.  p.  384.  B. 

1   — XOITTOV,  8£  p,T)  SeSvvrjTai  irtiffai  \oyoig,  TSTSQ  TTJ  f3ia,  KO.I 
8tff[j.(jjrr)pioi£  iXictiv  tTri^eipei,  yvwpi£«(r«   tavTrjv  KO.I  «rwe,  wg  -jravra. 
fziv,   r]  Stofft[3?]£.      QeoffeflsiaQ  fitv   yap    c^tov,   fjirj  avayicaZeiv,  a\Xa 

fi7ra/t£v.  K.  X.  Ib.  n.  67.  p.  384.  C.  m  Matt.  xvi.  24. 

John  vi.  67.  °  Q  Kaivrjg  alptfffWG,  oXov  evdvcra/jitvTjQ  TOV 

ov  tv  aatfifiy,  KCIL  Trpa^ei.  Ib.  n.  66.  in.  p.  383.  C. 

p  Ovdt  TrwTrore  yap  Xaog  airo  TMV  OIKEIUV  (TTiffKOTThiv  eff%e  rr\v  nruvv\inavy 
aXX1  airo  TB  Ki<pi«,  tjg-  6v  KO.I  rr\v  TTVZIV  f^Ojwev — aXX'  CITTO  r«  Xpi?«  xPt<rlavot 
Kat  £<TjLtfv,  Kat  ovofjia^ofitOa.  Oi  Be  TTtpi  irtpuv  e%ovTtG  Tt\v  ap^»jv  TI 

7Tt<T£(Kg,   £K£tVWV    £tKOrWg    t)(Sffl    Kat    TTJV  OlKOVOfJllClV,   <ti£    CtVTWV    yfVOfJlfVOl 

Contr.  Arian.  Or.  i.  n.  2.  p.  406.  C. 


154  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  Histonj. 

we  are,  and  are  called  christians.  But  they  who  receive 
from  others  a  new  faith,  are  justly  denominated  from  them, 
whose  property  they  are. 

III.  I  proceed  to  his  testimony  to  the  scriptures:  and 
here  I  begin  with  transcribing  at  large  the  fragment,  which 
we  have,  ofi  what  is  called  a  Festal,  or  Paschal  Epistle. 

*  Butr  since  we  have  spoken  of  heretics  as  dead  persons, 
and  of  ourselves  as  having  the  divine  scriptures  for  salva 
tion  :  and  I  fear,  lest,  as  Paul  wrote  to  the  Corinthians,  some 
few  of  the  weaker  sort  should  be  seduced  from  their  sim 
plicity  and  purity  by  the  cunning  and  craftiness  of  some 
men,  and  at  length  be  induced  to  make  use  of  other  books 
called  apocryphal,  being-  deceived8  by  the  similitude  of 
their  names,  resembling  the  true  books  :  I  therefore  entreat 
you  to  bear  with  me,  if  I  by  writing  remind  you  of 
things  which  you  know  already,  as  what  may  be  of  use 
for  the  church.  And  for  the  vindication  of  my  attempt, 
1  adopt  the  form  of  the  evangelist  Luke,  who  himself  says: 
Forasmuch  as  some  have  taken  in  hand  to  set  forth  writ 
ings  called  apocryphal,  and  to  join  them  with  the  divinely 
inspired  scriptures  of  which  we  are  fully  assured,  as  they 
delivered  them  to  the  fathers,  who  were  eye-witnesses  and 
ministers  of  the  word  :  it  has  seemed  good  to  me  also,  with 
the  advice  of  some  true  brethren,  and1  having  learned  it 
from  the  beginning,  to  set  forth  in  order  these  canonical 
books,  which  have  been  delivered  down  to  us,  and  believed 
to  be  divine  scripture  :  that  every  one  who  has  been  deceiv 
ed,  may  condemn  those  who  have  deceived  him  :  and  that 
he  who  remains  uncorrupted  may  have  the  satisfaction  to  be 
reminded  of  what  he  is  persuaded  of.  The  books  of  the 
Old  Testament,  then,  are  all  of  them  in  number  two  and 
twenty  :  for  so  many  are  the  letters  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet 
said  to  be.  The  names  and  order  of  each  one  are  thus  : 
The  first  Genesis,  the  next  Exodus,  then  Leviticus,  after 
that  the  Numbers,  and  then  Deuteronomy.  After  that  is 
Joshua  the  son  of  Nun,  and  the  Judges,  and  after  that 
Ruth.  And  again,  the  next  in  order  are  the  four  books 
of  the  kingdoms  :  of  these  the  first  and  second  are  reck 
oned  one  book;  and  in  like  manner  the  third  and  fourth 
are  one  book.  After  them,  the  first  and  second  of  the  Re 
mains  [or  Chronicles]  are  in  like  manner  accounted  one 

i  Ejusdem,  ex  trigcsima  nona  epistola  festali,  initio  mutila.  T.  L  p.  061.  D. 
r  Ibid.  p.  961.  E.  962,  963.  A.  B. 


ry  o//w»/y;^  ruv  a\T)Oivb)v  0tj3Xuov.   p.  961.  E. 
Kal  paovri  avuQiv,   t£ijc  ticOeffGai  TO.  Kavovt£oueva,  icai  TrapacV 
,  mtvQivra.  Tt  Sita  nvai  /3t/3Ata.  p.  962.  A. 


ATHANASIUS,  Bishop  of  Alexandria.     A.  D.  326.  155 

book.  Then  the  first  and  Second  of  Esdras,  also  reckoned 
one  book.  After  them  the  book  of  the  Psalms,  then  the 
Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  and  the  Song  of  Songs.  Beside  these 
there  is  Job,  and  at  length  the  Prophets.  The  twelve  are 
reckoned  one  book.  Then  Isaiah,  and  Jeremiah,  and  with 
him  Baruch,  the  Lamentations,  the  Epistle.  And  after  them 
Ezekiel  and  Daniel.  Thus  far  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Tes 
tament.  Nor  do  I  think  it  too  much  pains  to  declare  those  of 
the  New.  They  are  these:  The  four  gospels,  according  to 
Matthew,  according  to  Mark,  according  to  Luke,  according 
to  John.  Thenu  after  them  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  the 
seven  epistles  of  the  apostles  called  catholic  :  Of  James  one, 
of  Peter  two,  of  John  three,  and  after  them  of  Jude  one.  Be- 
sidev  these  there  are  the  fourteen  epistles  of  the  apostle  Paul, 
the  order  of  which  is  thus  :  The  first  to  the  Romans,  then 
two  to  the  Corinthians,  after  them  that  to  the  Galatians,  the 
next  to  the  Ephesians,  then  to  the  Philippians,  to  the  Colos- 
sians,  after  them  two  to  the  Thessalonians,  and  the  epistle  to 
the  Hebrews,  then  two  to  Timothy,  to  Titus  one,  the  last  to 
Philemon  :  and  again,  the  Revelation  of  John.  These  w  are 
fountains  of  salvation,  that  he  who  thirsts  may  be  satisfied 
with  the  oracles  contained  in  them  :  in  these  alone  the  doc 
trine  of  religion  is  taught  :  let  no  man  add  to  them,  or  take 
any  thing  from  them.  Of  these  our  Lord  spake,  when  he 
put  the  Sadducees  to  shame,  saying:  "  Yex  do  err,  not 
knowing  the  scriptures,"  And  he  exhorted  the  Jews  : 
"  Searchy  the  scriptures:  for  these  are  they  which  testify 
of  me."  However,  for  the  sake  of  greater  accuracy,  I  add 
as  follows  :  that7-  there  are  other  books  beside  these,  without; 
not  canonical  indeed,  but  ordained  by  the  fathers  to  be 
read  to  [or  by]  those  who  are  newly  come  over  to  us,  and 
are  desirous  to  be  instructed  in  the  doctrine  of  religion. 
The  Wisdom  of  Solomon,  the  wisdom  of  Sirach,  and  Esther, 
Judith,  Tobias  :  the  Doctrine  of  the  Apostles,  as  it  is  called, 
and  the  Shepherd.  So  that  mya  beloved,  those  being  can 
onical,  and  these  read,  there  is  no  mention  of  apocryphal 
books:  but  they  are  the  invention  of  heretics,  who  wrote 


ravra 
a7ro<roXwv  ETrra.  Ib.  C. 

v   Hpog  TUTOIQ  Hav\s  aTro^oXa  timv  ETTi^oXai  StKartffaapfg.  —  Ib.  D. 

"   Tavra  irrjyat   TS   <7wr7;pi«,  wrt  rov  dttywvTa  TMV  ev  TSTOIQ 
XoytMv.     Ev  r&Toig  povoiQ  TO  TJJQ  ewtfaiag  SidaaKaXeiov  f  uayytXt&rai. 

T8TOIQ  £7ri/3aXXerO.  K.  X.  Ib.  D. 

x  Matt.  xxii.  29.  y  John  v.  39. 

z  'Q£  on  £<ri  tcai  Erfpa  /3t/3Xia 
$t  Trapa  rwv.Trartpwv,  avajivo)(TKt<r9ai  rote  «P"  Trpofffp^c/tEvoit;.  —  p.  963.  A. 

KCLI  TUTOJV  avatj-'wfffcoufvwv.  ibid. 


156  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

them  after  their  own  pleasure  :  assigning1*  to  them,  and 
adding  to  them,  times;  that  producing  them  as  ancient 
writings,  they  may  take  occasion  to  deceive  the  simple.' 

Upon  this  enumeration,  or  catalogue  of  the  books  of  the 
holy  scripture,  we  may  make  a  few  remarks  :  and  many  are 
not  necessary. 

1.  Here  is  mention  made  of  these  sorts  of  books  only: 
'  canonical/  such  as  are  '  read  '  or  allowed  to  be  read,  and 
'  apocryphal  :'  by  which  last  the  writer  of  this  epistle  means 
books  of  heretics,  to  which    they   affixed    a    high    value. 
Athanasius  here  takes  no  notice  of*  contradicted'  books,  so 
distinctly  spoken  of  by  Eusebius  of  Csesarea. 

2.  The  reader  sees  what  books  of  the  Old  Testament  are 
reckoned    by  this  writer  canonical  :  and  how  many  others 
besides  are  mentioned   by  him,  as  '  out  of  the  canon,'  yet 
allowed  to  be  read.     And  I  would  add  here,  with  regard  to 
the  other  works  of  Athanasius  in  general,  that  there  the 
Wisdom  of  Solomon  is  often  quoted,  Sirach,  or  Ecclesiasti- 
cus,  but  seldom  ;  and  the  books  of  Maccabees  scarce  at  all  ; 
which  last,  as  we  see,  are  also  quite  omitted  in  this  cata 
logue. 

3.  This  may  suffice  for  that  part  of  the  catalogue.     Upon 
the  latter  part,  concerning  the  scriptures  of  the  New  Testa 
ment,  I  think  it  incumbent  on  me  to  be  more  particular: 
and  therefore  I  proceed  as  follows. 

IV.  The  Festal  Epistle,  just  transcribed,  is  generally 
allowed  to  bec  genuine:  but  as  some  may  not  reckon  it  to 
be  certainly  so,  and  as  such  catalogues  are  liable  to  altera 
tion,  and  possibly  some  things  may  have  been  inserted  by 
later  transcribers,  to  make  it  more  agreeable  to  the  senti 
ments  of  their  own  times  ;  it  will  be  best,  for  fuller  satis 
faction,  to  observe  the  quotations  of  scripture  in  other  works 
of  Athanasius. 

1.  The  four  gospels,  as  we  have  sufficiently  seen,  were 
always  received  by  all  catholic  Christians  in  general  :  it  is, 
therefore,  quite  needless  to  refer  to  any  of  the  numerous 
quotations  of  them  in  the  works  of  this  writer. 

We  may  however  observe,  that  d  he  gives  John  the  evan 
gelist  the  title  of  *  the  divine.'  He  gives  likewise  the 


fo   icai  7rpo<ri&rrwv  a  wrote  xpovsg.   \v\  wg  TraXata 
7rpo</>a<rir  i  X"™  airarav  fK  TUTS  TSQ  aKtpaisQ.  lb.  B. 
fcpistola  *estahs,  mitio  mutila,  ut  cuique  palam  est,  ex  numero  esse  videtur 
olarum  Athanasio  Festalium  ab  Hieronymo  memoratarum  lib  de  scripto- 
hcclesiasticis,  in  qua  tamen  nonnulla  forte  occurrat  adversa  suspicio.— 
Verona,  no^ro  quidem  judicio,  nihil  est.  ut  ea  de  causa  haereamus.  Benedictin. 
Momtum  T.  ,.  p.  958.  -  -H  0      KM  .  ^  Ej, 

npxy  *\v  o  Xoyog.—  Cont.  Gent.  n.  42.  T.  i.  p.  41.  C.  D. 


ATHANASIUS,  Bishop  of  Alexandria.     A.  D.  326.  157 

same  title  to  all  the  apostles  in  general,  calling-  them  oure 
*  Saviour's  divines.' 

2.  The  Acts  of  the  Apostles  too  were  generally  received  : 
nevertheless  I  shall  refer  to  one  or  two  of  the  many  passages 
of  Athanasius,  where  this  book  is  largely  quoted  by  him. 

'  Lctf  them  hear  the  great  and  blessed  apostles  in  the 
Acts/  After  which  he  quotes  some  of  the  discourses  of 
Peter  and  Paul  there  recorded.  He  quotes  this  book  as& 
written  by  St.  Luke.  Again,  according  h  to  the  divine  Acts 
of  the  Apostles. 

3.  The  Festal  Epistle  expressly  mentions  fourteen  epis 
tles  of  Paul.     Thirteen  were  universally  received.     The  ' 
epistle  to  the  Hebrews  is  often  quoted  by  Athanasius  as  the 
apostle  Paul's. 

4.  We  proceed  to  the  catholic  epistles. 

(1.)  The  epistle  of  James  isk  quoted,  as  written  by  an 
apostle,  as  l  written  by  James. 

(2.)  The  first  epistle  of  m  Peter  is  frequently  quoted. 

(3.)  Words  of  the  second  epistle  of  n  Peter  are  several 
times  quoted  :  and  sometimes  expressly  as  °  Peter's. 

(4.)  The  first  epistle  of  P  John  is  oftentimes  quoted,  and 
sometimes  very  distinctly. 

(5.)  The  second  epistle  of  John  is  quoted  ^  very  distinctly. 
I  have  no  particular  reference  to  the  third  epistle. 


e   TavTct  Sf  KO.L  Trapa.  ru>v   aura  ra  ffwrj/pog  ^EoXoyajv  avdpwv 
fivvarai  tvTvyxavwv  TOIQ   (Kttvwv  ypajujuatm/.  De  Incarn.  n.  10.  p.  55.  D. 

f  A.K&ovTt£  Kai  TCJV  jiityaXwv  /cat  paKapiuv  a7ro<rO\wv  tv  TO.IQ  Ilpa&ffi.  K.  X. 
De  Sent.  Dionys.  n.  7.  p.  247.  D. 

g  UavTa  pev  6<ra  6  Kvptog  r)/zo>v—  w£  eypatytv  6  As/cag,  TrtTroirjKt  re  cat 
tStSa&v.  Ep.  Encyl.  n.  1.  p.  270.  B. 

h   -  Kara  rag  3-£ia£  rwv  Airo<;o\uv  Upa%ti£.   Ad  Amun.  n.  i.  p.  959.  C. 

1  'O  /i£v  yap  fiaicapioQ  HayXof  ev  ry  rrpoQ  'E/3pai8g  <j)r)<ri.  De  Decret.  Nic. 
Syn.  n.  18.  p.  223.  E.  et  passim. 

k  Kai  TroiTjrqg,  6  a?ro<7oXoe  $r\ai  vofia.  De  Sent.  Dionys.  n.  20.  p.  257.  E. 
Vid.  Jac.  iv.  11. 

OVK  tvi  tie  irapa  TQ  9ty,  wg  tnrtv  o  laicwfioQ,  TrapaXXay?/,  T]  rpOTrqg  airoa- 
Kiafffia.  Ep.  1.  ad  Scrap,  n.  26.  p.  674.  D.  Vid.  Jac.  i.  17. 

m  Kai  Herpog  eypa^t'  Ko/it^o/ievoi  TO  Tt\OQ  rtjg  Tri^ewQ.  [1  Pet.  i.  9.]  Epist. 
i.  ad  Scrap,  p.  653.  E. 

n  Vid.  Hist.  Arian.  ad  Monach.  n.  29.  p.  360.  D.  E.  Vid.  et  Ep.  ad 
Amun.  p.  960.  A. 

0  O  eXeyev  6  Ilerpoc,  Iva  ytvijaOe  3eia£  KOIVCJVOI  0v<T£Wf  .  Or.  i.  contr.  Arian. 
n.  16.  p.  420.  E.  2  Pet.  i.  4.  Conf.  Ep.  i.  ad  Scrap,  n.  23.  p.  672.  C.  et  ad 
Adelph.  n.  4.  p.  914.  A. 

p  -  4q\ot  6  \ti)avvi]Q,  tv  Ty  Trpwry  tTriroXj;  X«yo>j/  8ra>£.  'O  rjv  ate 
"PX7/?-  Or<  iv.  ct>ntr.  Arian.  n.  26.  p.  637.  C.  D.  'Qg  eypa^e^  o  fiaicapios 
luavvr]q.  K.  X.  Adv.  Arian.  Orat.  1.  in.  p.  405.  A. 

q  Kat  furiSt  Kav  xaiptiv  TOIQ  TOIHTOIQ  \tyetv,  iva  p,tj  TTOT£  Kai  ratQ  a/uapnntg 
avrojv  Koivojvot  y€va>/i«0a,  wf  TraptiyytiXtv  6  p,aKapiog  Iwavvije-  Ep.  Enc.  ad 

Ep.  #)g.  n.  6.  p.  400.  C. 


158  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

(6.)  Athanasius  has r  twice  the  words  of  Jude,  ver.  6. 

5.  The  book  of  the  Revelation   is   several8   times,   and 
largely,  quoted  by  Athanasius. 

6.  Upon  the  whole,  then,  we  perceive,  from   the  other 
genuine  and  unquestioned  writings  of  Athanasius,  as  well 
as  from  the  Festal  Epistle,  that  this  famous  bishop  of  Alex 
andria,  in  the  fourth  century,  received  the  same  books  in 
the  New  Testament  as  canonical  which  we  do. 

V.  Besides  these  books  the  Festal  Epistle  mentions  two 
others,  the  *  Doctrine  of  the  Apostles,'  and  the  *  Shepherd 
of  Herrnasj'  and  they  are  both  so  mentioned  as  to  show 
plainly,  that  they  were  not  a  part  of  the  rule  of  faith,  or 
books  by  which  doctrines  may  be  proved.  They  are  said 
to  be  *  without,'  and  '  not  canonical ;'  that  is,  out  of  the 
canon. 

1.  Of  the  former  I  have  already1  spoken  sufficiently,  and 
shall  add  nothing  farther. 

2.  Of  the  Shepherd  of  Hermas  too  we  haveu  distinctly  ob 
served  the  value  set  upon  it  by  former  writers :  all  that  re 
mains  is  to  consider,  what  notice  Athanasius  takes  of  this 
book  in  his  other  works. 

3.  In  one  place,  it  is  quoted  asv  a  very  useful  book.     He 
quotes  it  again  in  another  place,  which w  I  refer  to  in  the 
margin.     In  another  place  he  quotes  a  passage  of  it,  which  * 
he  supposeth  the  Eusebians  had  an  eye  to.     Once  more,  he 
quotes  it  upon  account  of  an  argument  of  the  Arians  from 
the  same  passage  before  referred  to.     '  Buty  it  is  written  in 
the  Shepherd  :  (since  they  allege  that  book  too,  though  it  is 
not  in  the  canon :)   First  of  all,  believe,  that  there  is  one 
God. — '    Having  answered  their  argument,  he  adds  :  *  And2 
why  do  they  blame  those  who  think  rightly,  for  using  un- 
scriptural    phrases,  when   they  make   use   of  unscriptural 
phrases  to  support  impiety  ?' 

4.  Nothing  can  be  plainer,   than  that  the   Shepherd  of 
Hernias  was  not  a  book  of  authority  with  Athanasius. 

r  Ep.  1.  ad  Scrap,  n.  26.  p.  675.  A.  Ep.  2.  ad  Scrap,  n.  3.  p.  685.  A. 

*  Kat  ev  ry  AiroicaXv^fi.  K.  \.  Or.  i.  contr.  Arian.  n.  11.  p.  415.  D.  Vid.  et 
Orat.  ii.  contr.  Ar.  n.  23.  p.  491.  B.  C.  et  Or.  iv.  contr.  Ar.  n.  28.  p.  639.  et 
Ep.  ii.  ad  Scrap,  n.  2.  p.  684. 

'  Seep.  129,  130.  «  See  p.  129. 

*  Aia  Si  rt]Q  <D(f>t\imoTaTtiG  /StjOXa  rs  lloi^vog.  De  Incarn.  n.  3.  p.  49.  D. 

*  De  Dccret.  Nic.  Syn.  n.  4.  p.  411.  D. 

x   EXoyt£ovro  St  rat  TO  tv  ry  Uoi^vi  ypafav.  Ad.  Afr.  n.  5.  p.  895.  B. 

y  Ev  ft  Ty  Uoifitrt  ytypaTrrai*  tTrtidr)  rat  rare,  KO.ITOI  firj  ov  IK  TS  navovo£, 
Trpo^fftHfft.  De  Decret.  Nic.  Syn.  n.  18.  p.  223.  F. 

Atari  roivvv  aypa^Hf  UVTOI  Xt&if  Kpog  affifttutv  tftvpovrtg,  atrtwvrat  rag 
aypa^oic  XtZtmv  iVfffftavrag.  Ib.  p.  224.  A.  B. 


ATHANASIUS,  Bishop  of  Alexandria.     A.  D.  326.  159 

VJ.  I  shall  take  notice  of  but  very  few  various  readings 
in  the  works  of  this  writer. 

1.  The  Benedictines  in  their  edition  put  our  author's  cita 
tion  of  Acts  xx.  28,  according  toa  the   common  reading-, 
"  Feed  the  church  of  God."     But  they  acknowledge  inb  a 
marginal   note,  that  some  manuscripts  have   Lord,  others 
Christ. 

2.  Athanasius  has  a  very  uncommon  reading  at  Rev.  xxii. 
14,  which0  I  place  at  the  bottom  of  the  page,  with  ad  re 
mark. 

VII.  About  the  year*  340,  Athanasius  sent  a  copy  of  the 
Bible  to  the  emperor  Constans.     He  speaks  of  it  in  a  let 
ter  to  Constantius,  whom  he  assures,  '  that  he  had  written  to 
his  brother  but  once  before,  and  then  again  uponf  occasion 
of  sending  to  him  the  books,  or  volumes  of  the  divine  scrip 
tures,  which  by  his  order  he  had  prepared  for  him/ 

Learned  men  have  been  divided  about  the  meaning  of  the 
original  phrase  ;  but  Montfauc,on,  I  think,  has£  clearly 
shown,  that  thereby  we  are  to  understand  the  scriptures  in 
several  volumes.  As  a  confirmation  of  this  sense,  I  trans'- 
cribeh  a  part  of  his  argument  at  the  bottom  of  the  page. 
Mill1  concurs  with  that  learned  Benedictine. 

VIII.  The  Festal  Epistle  represents  distinctly  the  several 
parts  of  scripture,  and  the  great  respect  shown  them  by  the 
author.     Nevertheless,  some  forms  of  quotation,  and  evi- 


*  Vid.  Ep.  i.  ad  Scrap,  n.  6.  p.  653.  D.  b  Reg.  i. 

At  seguer.  et  Felckra.  Xpi-rs.  c  Maicaptoi  oi  TrXarvvovrec: 

Tag  <ro\a£  aurwV.  K.  X.  Or.  iv.  contr.  Arian.  n.  28.  p.  639.  C. 

d  Upon  that  peculiar  reading  my  excellent  friend  Dr.  Benson  has  given  me 
this  observation  :  '  He  is  ready  to  think,  that  TT\VVOVTIG  was  either  written  by 

*  way  of  contraction,  or  blindly,  so  as  scarce  to  be  read  at  all  :  and  that  some 

*  bold  or  blundering  transcriber  changed  it  into  irXaTwovrtg.      Thus  the 
'  reading  will  agree  with  that  ancient  reading,  mentioned  by  Mill,  and  sup- 
'  ported  by  MSS.  Versions,  and  Fathers.' 

e  Vid.  Benedictin.  Vit.  S.  Athan.  p.  33. 

f  Kai  ore  irvKTia  rwv  Sttuv  ypa^wy  iceXevaavroQ  aura  fjioi  KaTaaKEva<rctit 
ravra  rroujtrag  £7r£<r«\a.  Ad  Imp.  Constant.  Apol.  n.  4.  p.  297.  D.  E. 

g  -  irvKTia  quippe  ilia  ro>v  Qttov  ypa^wv  nihil  esse  aliud  arbitramur, 
quam  ipsam  sacram  scripturam.  quae  ad  faciliorem  legentis  usum,  in  plura  vo- 
lumina  compingerctur  :  irvKria  quippe  significant  volumma.  Monitum  in 
Synops.  Scripturae  ap.  Ath.  T.  ii.  p.  124. 

h  Est  itaque  TTVKTIOV  liber  compactus,  sive  volumen.  —  Tnnumera  proferre 
licet  similia  loca,  queis  palam  fiat  irvKTia  TWV  S^iwv  ypa^>a>v  nihil  aliud  esse, 
quam  libros  scripturarum  sacrarum  plura  in  volumina  compactos,  non  vero 
synopsim  sacrae  scripturae  :  quemadmodum  TTVKTIOV  A.iro\\ivapu*  est  liber 
Apollinarii,  et  TTVKTIOV  Qpiytvag  (piXuKaXiag  est  liber  Philocaliae  Originis. 
Animadv.  xv.  in  Vit.  et  Script.  Athan.  ap.  Coll.  Nov.  Patr.  p.  38,  39. 

1  ——sive  Biblia  integra,  pluribus  in  lectoris  commodum  voluminibus 
compacta.  Mill.  Proleg.  n.  745. 


1 60  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

deuces  of  like  respect,  may  be  also  taken  from  the  other 
works  of  Athanasius. 

1.  In  the  Festal  Epistle  are  expressions  ot  the  highest 
reo-ard  for  those  books,  which  were  canonical,  or  the  rule  of 
faith  ;  whether  of  the  Old  or  the  New  Testament.     They 
are  divine  scriptures,  oracles,  fountains  of  salvation  ;  in  them 
alone  the  doctrine  of  religion  is  taught  with  absolute  cer 
tainty,  without  any  danger  of  being  deceived  and  misled. 

2.  Quoting  Paul,  he  calls  him,  thek  blessed  Paul,  a  man 
bearing  or  carrying  Christ ;  and  the  holy  servant  of  Christ. 

3.  The  sacred1  and  divinely  inspired  scriptures  are  suffi 
cient  to  show  us  the  truth. 

4.  Censuring  the  multitude  of  Arian  synods,  he   says, 
*  The  divine"1  scripture  is  sufficient  above  all :  but  if  upon 
this  occasion  a  synod  be  needful,  let  them  observe  the  de 
terminations  of  the  fathers  at  the  council  of  Nice/ 

5.  '  Letn  these  be  hearkened  to,  the  determination  of  the 
gospel,  the  preaching  of  the  apostles,  the  testimonies  of  the 
prophets/ 

6.  Having  quoted  several  passages  out  of  the  Old  Testa 
ment,  «  But0  do  you  also,'  says  he,  *  search  the  gospels,  and 
what  the  apostles  have  written.' 

7.  <  Let?  us  inquire  after  the  ancient  tradition,  and  doc 
trine,  and  faith  of  the  catholic  church  which  the  Lord  de 
livered,  which   the   apostles    preached,  which    the   fathers 
kept:  for  on  this  the  church  is  founded.' 

IX.  This  testimony  of  Athanasius  to  the  scriptures  is  very 
valuable:  it  appears  from  the  Festal  Epistle,  and  from  his 
other  works,  that  he  received  all  the  books  of  the  New  Tes 
tament  that  we  do,  and  no  other,  as  of  authority.  And, 

k  fif  ov  6  xoi7o0opo£  avrjp  o  panapioQ  IIai>Xo£.  Contr.  Gent.  n.  5. 

p.  5.  F. 

\tyovTog  TS  xpt<ro0op«  aj/fa>o£.  De  Incarn.  n.  10.  p.  56.  A. 

*O  ayioQ  TU  XpiT«  oWovog  HavXoQ.  Cont.  Gent.  n.  26.  p.  25.  A. 

I  AvrapKiig  [ifv  yap  tiaiv  at  aytai  icai   StOTrvivzoi  ypa<pai  irpog  nqv  rr\q, 
aXij&iae  aira-yytXiav.  Cont.  Gent.  n.  1.  T.  i.  p.f  1.  B. 

II  E<=ri  fifv  yap  iKavdtrepa   travTW  i\  Sreia.  ypatyrj.      Et  fie  KO.I  avvods  XP(ia 
Trtpt  THT»t  e<ri  ret  Twv  TTctrfptov'  KM  TUTU  yap  SK  ty/itXjjffar  ot  iv  NiKaia  rrvvi\- 
QOVTIQ.  De  Synod,  n.  6.  p.  720.  B. 

"  IlpoimcrOa;  TOIVVV — fcai  r»jg  rjfitTtpaQ  TTtTfwg  6  \oyo^>  Kai  tvayyt\i»  o  opoc, 
rat  rwv  aTTOToXwj/  TO  *ojpvy/ia,  icat  TIOV  TrpoQrjrttiv  17  fiaprvpia. — Cont.  Apoll.  1. 
ii.  n.  4.  p.  949.  C. 

0  Epwrjjo-art  ft  KCII  vfiei£  Tripi  TUIV  ev  (vayyeXioig,  /cat  a>v  eypatyav  ot  a7ro<ro\ot. 
— Ep.  i.  ad  Scrap,  n.  6.  p.  653.  A. 

p  I^w/ifv  fa  KOI — avrrjv  rr\v  t£  apxrjQ  TrapaSooiv  Kai  hdaaicaXiav  KOI  irvziv 
TIJC  KaOoXiKiji;  iKK\r]aiag,  i]v  6  /i£i/  Kvptog  t^wicev,  ot  fa  aTTO^oXot  £K»;pi'?av,  Kai 
ol  irarfptg  uf>v\a%itv'  tv  ravry  yap  r;  iKK\r]ma  Tf0f/ifXtwrai.  Ep.  i.  ad  Scrap,  n. 
28.  p.  676.  D. 


ATHANASIUS,  Bishop  of  Alexandria.     A.  D.  326.          161 

considering  the  time  in  which  he  lived,  the  acquaintance  he 
had  with  the  several  parts  of  the  Christian  church  at  that 
time,  and  the  bishops  of  it,  in  Egypt,  and  its  neighbourhood, 
in  Europe,  and  Asia,  and  the  knowledge  he  had  of  ancient 
Christian  writings;  it  must  be  reckoned  of  great  use  to  satisfy 
us,  that  notwithstanding  the  frequent  quotations  of  other 
books,  in  the  writings  of  divers  ancient  christians,  they  did 
always  make  a  distinction,  and  did  not  design  to  allege  as 
of  authority,  and  a  part  of  the  rule  of  faith,  any  books,  but 
those  whicn  were  in  the  highest  sense  sacred  and  divine. 

X.  It  yet  remains,  that  we  take  notice  of<i  the  Synopsis  of 
Sacred  Scripture,  usually  joined  with  the  works  of  Athana- 
sius.  By  some  it  has  been  reckoned  genuine ;  but  for  the 
most  part,  it  is  supposed  by  learned  menr  to  be  falsely  as 
cribed  to  him.  On  this  side  of  the  question,  the  late  learn 
ed8  editors  of  Athanasius's  works  have  freely  declared  them 
selves;  and  certainly  they  must  be  good  judges.  One 
reason  of  their  rejecting  it  is,  that  it  is  not  mentioned  by 
any  ancient  writer,  as  a  work  of  our  Athanasius :  which  must 
be  reckoned  an  argument  of  no  small  weight,  considering 
how  large  a  work  it  is.  Some  ascribe  it  to  another  Atha 
nasius,  who  flourished  near  the  end  of  the  fifth  century. 
Mr.  Wetstein1  expresseth  himself  very  positively  :  Mill  isu 
inclined  to  the  same  opinion,  without  being  certain ;  which 
I  think  is  best,  as  there  is  no  very  clear  evidence  who  is  the 
author. 

1.  In  this  Synopsis,  in  the  first  place,  is  a  list  or  cata 
logue  of  the  books  of  the  Old  and  New   Testament,  with 
their  several  names,  and  the  first  sentence  of  each  book. 
After  that  follow  particular  contents,  or  an  abridgment  of 
every  book. 

2.  It  seems  to  me,  that  there  is  some  reason  to  suspect 
this  to  be  a  patched  work ;  not  all  written  by  the  same  au 
thor,  or  at  the  same  time :  for  after  the  names  of  the  ca- 

*>  Synopsis  Scripturae  Sacra.  Ap.  Ath.  T.  ii.  p.  126—204. 

r  Nam  Synopsis  ista  non  est  Athanasii.     Petav.  Dogm.  Th.  T.  ii.  p.  28. 

— ab  hodiernis  critic  is  unanima  fere  consensu  Athanasio  abjudicata.  Cav. 
H.  L. 

See  Tillem.  sur  S.  Athanase,  note  45.  Mem.  EC.  T.  viii.  et  sur  S.  Lucian,  note 
I.m.note2.  f.T.  5. 

E  Primo  namque  a  nemine  antiquorum  memoratur  opus  simile  ab  Athanasio 
adornatum.  At  certe  vix  potuit  ab  Hieronymo,  aliisque  patribus,  iis  maxime 
qui  scripturas  explanarunt,  et  a  Photio  ipso,  tarn  insigne  opus  Athanasianum 
pratermitti.  In  Synops.  Monit.  p.  124,  125.  Vid.  et  Monfau9-  Praelim.  ad 
Nov.  Coll.  PP.  T.  ii.  p.  38,  39. 

1  Athanasius  scripsit  Synopsin  sacra  scriptura,  operibus  S.  Athanasii  episcopi 
insertam.  Proleg.  ad  N.  T.  edit,  accurat. 

«  Vid.  Mill.  Proleg.  n.  993,  994. 

VOL.  IV.  M 


162  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

nonical  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  those  not  in  the  canon 
are  saidv  to  be  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon,  the  Wisdom  of 
Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach,  Esther,  Judith,,  and  Tobit.  But 
after  having-  given  the  contents  of  the  books  of  each  Testa 
ment,  he  mentions  w  four  books  of  Maccabees,  and  other 
writings,  as  contradicted,  or  apocryphal  :  but  if  one  and  tho 
same  person  had  been  the  author  of  the  whole,  why  did  he 
not  mention  these  at  first  in  the  proper  place  ?  I  omit  some 
other  things,  that  might  be  mentioned  in  favour  of  the  same 
supposition. 

3.  This  synopsis  has  a  great  agreement  with  the  Festal 
Epistle  :   the  canonical  and  uncanonical  books  of  the  Old 
Testament,  in  the  first  instance,  (as  before  observed,)  are 
much  the  same  in  both.     And  the  canonical  books  of  the 
New  Testament  are  mentioned  in  the  same  order. 

4.  Mill  thinks,  itx  may  be  inferred   from  this  Synopsis, 
that  at  this  time  by  the  Christians  of  Alexandria  the  whole 
New  Testament  was  divided  into  eight  books  :  the  first  four 
were  the  four  gospels,  each  being  reckoned  a  distinct  book  ; 
the  fifth  was  the  Acts,  the  sixth  the  seven  catholic  epistles, 
the  seventh  the  fourteen  epistles  of  Paul,  the  eighth  the  Re 
velation. 

5.  To  be  now  a  little  more  particular,  for  the  sake  of  those 
who  may  expect  it. 

(1.)  The  author  begins  his  Synopsis,  saying,  '  Ally  the 
scripture  of  us  Christians  is  divinely  inspired  ;  and  it  contains 
not  an  indefinite,  but  rather  a  determined  number  of  canon 
ical  books  :  those  of  the  Old  Testament  are  these.'  Having 
mentioned  their  names,  and  put  down  the  first  sentence  in 
each  book,  he  says  :  '  The2  canonical  books  of  the  Old  Tes 
tament,  altogether,  are  22,  according  to  the  number  of  the 
Hebrew  letters  :  but  beside  these,  there  are  other  books  of 
the  same  Old  Testament,  not  canonical,  but  read  only  fand 
that  especially]  by,  or  to,  catechumens.'  The  books  nere 
mentioned  are  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon,  the  Wisdom  of  Jesus 
the  son  of  Sirach,  Esther,  Judith,  Tobit.  But  presently  after 
he  adds,  *  Some*  say,  that  Esther  is  reckoned  canonical  by 
the  Hebrews,  as  also  Ruth,  being  joined  with  the  book  of 
the  Judges.  But  Esther  is  a  distinct  book.  However,  in 

T  P.  128,  129.  w  P.  201.  D.  E.  »  Prolegm.  n.  995. 


KfKavovifffin'a  ?x»  ra  j8«/3X«a.      Kai  c«rt  rrjq  piv  TraXatag 
ravra.     Synops.  p.  126.  A. 

1  'Ofts  ra  icavovi^ofifva  rrjg  TraXatae  diaOrjKrjg,  fiifiXia  fiicoai  £yo,  t(rapi9fia 
roic  ypa/i/iaeri  rwv  'E/3pmwj/.  —  EKTOC  fa  rtmuv  tici  TraXcv  tr«pa  /3t/3Xta  rtjs 
avrtjc  $taGt)Kw,  »  Kavovt'^ofifva  fiev,  avayivuGKoaiva  ft  uovov  TOIC  jcar/jyHUtvotc 
ravra.  Ib.  p.  128.  D.  E.  •  P.  129  A. 


ATHANASIUS,  Bishop  of  Alexandria.     A.  D.  326.  163 

this  way  likewise  they  compute  the  full  number  of  canonical 
books  to  be  two-and-twenty.' 

(2.)  «  These  b  then  are  the  canonical  and  the  uncanonical 
books  of  the  Old  Testament.' 

(3.)  Then  he  proceeds:  '  Thec  determined  and  canonical 
books  of  the  New  Testament  are  these  :'  where  he  mentions 
all  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  in  the  same  order  as  in 
the  Festal  Epistle,  with  the  first  sentence  in  each  book. 
*  The  last'1  is  the  Revelation  of  John  the  Divine,  which  has 
been  received  with  the  rest  by  the  ancient  holy  fathers  hav 
ing  the  Spirit.' 

(4.)  Affer  which  he  gives  somewhat  largely  the  contents 
of  the  twenty-two  canonical  books  of  the  Old  Testament, 
ending  with  Daniel,  from  p.  131  to  p.  168.  Then  he  says, 
'  but  ite  is  proper  to  observe  the  others  also,  which  are  not 
canonical,  but  only  read.'  Here  he  abridges  Esther,  Judith, 
Tobit,  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon,  and  the  wisdom  of  Jesus  the 
Son  of  Sirach  ;  from  p.  168  to  p.  177. 

(5.)  Then  he  proceeds  to  the  New  Testament,  and  gives 
particularly  the  contents  of  each  book,  from  p.  177  to  201. 
The  first  book  with  him  is  the  gospel  according  to  Matthew, 
the  second  book  the  gospel  according  to  Mark,  the  third 
according  to  Luke,  the  fourth  according  to  John  :  «  the  fifth  f 
book  is  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  written,'  he  says,  *  by  Luke, 
who  travelled  with  other  apostles,  but  more  especially  with 
Paul,  and  wrote  what  he  knew  with  certainty.'  The  sixth 
book  contains  the  seven  catholic  epistles,  written  by  several  ; 
the  seventh  book  contains  Paul's  fourteen  epistles  ;  the 
eighth  iss  the  Revelation,  seen  by  John  the  evangelist  and 
divine  in  Patmos. 

(6.)  After  which  he  adds:  *  There11  are  also  divers  other 
books,  both  of  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament,  some  con 
tradicted,  others  apocryphal.  The  contradicted  books  of  the 
Old  Testament,  spoken  of  before,  are  the  Wisdom  of  Solo 
mon,  the  Wisdom  of  Jesus  the  Son  of  Sirach,  and  Esther, 
and  Judith,  and  Tobit  :  with  which  also  are  reckoned  four 


Kai    TO.  p,tv   rtjg  TraXaictQ  diaQijKrjg  j3i(3\ia,  ret    re  Kavovi£op.eva  icai  fj.ij 
viZopeva.   p.  129.  B.  c   Ta  fa  rr]q  KO.IVIJG  diaOi]Kr)£  ira\iv 

re.  /cat  Kf.Kavovio[if.va  /3t/3Xia  rawra.  p.  129.  B. 
ETTI  raroiQ  £<ri  »cai  A.TroKa\v^tg  luavvs  TH  3-foXoys,  SexQaaa  we  £/c£iv«,  icat 

viro  TraXai  aytwv  KO.I  TrvevfictTotyopaiv  Trarfpwj/.  p.  131.  A. 
'Pfjreov  $£  6/zoiu>e  KCII  Trepi  ruv  erepwv  TTJQ  TraXatag  f3i[3\<*)v,  TWV  fit]  KCLVOVI- 

avayivoMTKOfjievuv  df,  wg  Trpofodi/Xwrai.  p.  168.  C. 

f  'O  Sf  dujysfjifvog  ravraQ  £<ri  Assae  o  £vayy£Xi<r?/g,  6  icai  rare  TO  (3t(3\iov 
yypa^wr,  avvairedijfjiti  yap  TOIQ  aXXoif  aTTOToXoig,  »cat  juaXi<ra  r</>  IlauXy,  Kat 
vg  aKpifib)Q  ypa0«.  p.  187.  A. 

«  P.  200.  A.  h  P.  201,  202. 

M    2 


164  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

books  of  the  Maccabees,  the  history  of  the  Ptolemies,  the 
Psalms,  and  the  Ode  of  Solomon  and  Susanna:  these  are 
the  contradicted  books  of  the  Old  Testament.  The  apocry 
phal  books  of  the  Old  Testament  are  these  ;  Enoch,  the 
Patriarchs,  the  Prayer  of  Joseph,  the  Testament  of  Moses, 
the  Assumption  of  Moses,  Abraham,  Eldad,  and  Modad,  and 
the  pseudepigraphal  books  of  Elias  the  Prophet,  Zephaniah 
the  Prophet,  Zachariah  the  father  of  John,  Baruch,  Amba- 
cum,  Ezekiel  and  Daniel.  The  contradicted  for  apocryphal] 
of  the  New  Testament  are  these,  The  Travels  [or  Circuits] 
of  Peter,  the  Travels  of  John,  the  Travels  of  Thomas,  the 
Gospel  according  to  Thomas,  the  Doctrine  of  the  Apostles, 
the  Clementines,  out  of  which  those  things  have  been  se 
lected,  which  are  true  and  divinely  inspired.  And  these  are 
read.  All  '  these  are  thus  set  down  for  the  instruction  of  men  ; 
but  they  are  perversely  written,  and  spurious,  and  to  be  re 
jected.  And  none  of  these  are  to  be  received  with  the  rest, 
or  reckoned  useful,  especially  the  apocryphal  books  of  the 
New  Testament:  in  particular,  no  other  writings,  called  gos 
pels,  are  to  be  received,  beside  those  four  which  have  been 
delivered  to  us;  even  the  gospels  of  Matthew,  Mark,  Luke, 
and  John.' 

After  all  this  is  added  k  a  brief  account  of  the  several 
Greek  versions  of  the  Old  Testament,  as  that  of  the  Seventy, 
Aquila,  Symmachus,  Theodotion,  and  some  other,  which 
were  later. 

All  these  things  are  referred  to  the  reader's  consideration. 
It  is  very  fit  to  observe  in  what  class  the  Doctrine  of  the 
Apostles  is  placed  by  this  writer,  and  with  what  books  it  is 
numbered.  I  have  spoken  of  it  distinctly  in  the  chapter  of1 
Eusebius.  The  Clementines  likewise  have  been  already 
described"1  sufficiently. 

(7.)  In  this  work,  particularly  in  the  abridgment  of  the 
books  of  the  New  Testament,  are  several  observations,  which 
will  not  be  approved  by  all.  The  author  says,  the"  epistle 
to  the  Galatians  was  written  by  Paul  at  Rome  ;  that0  to  the 
Ephesians  likewise  at  Rome,  before  the  apostle  was  per 
sonally  acquainted  with  those  Christians.  The  same  is  said 
more  than  once  by?  Euthalius,  contemporary  with  that 


TavTa  iravra  i%iTtOij<Tav  //«v,  baov  Trpog  uSrjmv'  Trapaytypa^ififva  Se  (KTI 
Kat  voQa,  icai  cnrof3\T]Ta.     Keu  adiv  TUTUV,  TUV  cnroicpvQwv  ^a\t«ra, 
rj  £7rw0£\ff,    t^atperwg    TIJQ   vtaq  8ia9t]Kr]£—ra  re  a\\a,    icai  aura 
tv  avrois  ivayyt\ia,  eKrog  ruv  TrapadoOivTuv  rju.iv  rtoaapuv 
•c.  X.  p.  202.  B.  *  p.  203)  204. 

I  P.  129,  130.  ™  See  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxix.  num.  v.  vi. 

II  P.  194.  D.  o  Ib.  F 

p  Vid.  Zacagn.  Monum.  Vet.  p.  524,  633,  634. 


C 


ATHANASIUS,  Bishop  of  Alexandria.     A.  D.  326.  165 

Athanasius,  whom  some  suppose  author  of  the  Synopsis. 
This  author  likewise,  as  many  others  do,  says,  thati  St. 
Peter's  epistles  were  written  to  Jewish  Christians. 

(8.)  I  add  here  some  other  things,  which  are  in  the  latter 

Kart  of  this  Synopsis.  It  is  there  said,  *  thatr  Matthew  wrote 
is  gospel  in  Hebrew,  and  published  it  at  Jerusalem ;  and 
that  it  was  translated  [into  Greek]  by  James  the  Lord's 
brother  according  to  the  flesh,  who  was  ordained  by  the 
holy  apostle,  the  first  bishop  of  Jerusalem :  that  the  gospel 
according  to  Mark  was  dictated  by  Peter  at  Rome,  and 

Published  by  the  blessed  apostle  Mark,  and  preached  by 
im  in  Alexandria  and  Egypt,  and  Pentapolis,  and  Libya : 
that  the  gospel  of  Luke  was  dictated  by  the  apostle  Paul, 
and  written  and  published  by  the  blessed  apostle  and  phy 
sician  Luke :  as  also8  in  like  manner  the  apostle  Peter  dic 
tated  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  but  Luke  the  evangelist 
wrote  them  :  that1  gospel  according  to  John  was  dictated  by 
the  holy  and  beloved  apostle  John,  when  he  was  an  exile  in 
the  island  of  Patmos,  and  was  published  by  him  at  Ephesus, 
under  the  care  of  Gaius  his  host,  and  of  the  other  apostles.' 
But  why  were  not  these  things  mentioned  before?  They 
might  have  been  as  well  taken  notice  of  at  the  beginning  of 
the  abridgments  of  the  several  books  here  spoken  of. 
Moreover,  some  things  here  said  seem  contrary  to  what  was 
before  observed  :  every  one  must  perceive,  that  what  is 
here  said  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  is  quite  different  from 
what  was  said  at  the  beginning  of  the  contents  or  abridg 
ment  of  that  book. 

(9.)  Here  likewise,  I  mean  in  the  latter  part  of  this  Sy 
nopsis,  are  u  the  symbols  of  the  four  evangelists.  Matthew's 
gospel  is  supposed  to  be  signified  by  the  face  of  a  man, 
Mark's  by  that  of  a  calf,  Luke's  by  that  of  a  lion,  and  John's 
by  that  of  an  eagle. 

(10.)  Thus  I  have  now  given  a  large  account  of  this 
Synopsis,  much  fuller  than  at  first  I  intended.  It  is  a  long 
and  laboured  work,  for  which  the  author  is  entitled  to  com 
mendation,  though  there  are  in  it  some  inaccuracies.  This 
Synopsis  might  be  compared  with  the  Stichometry  of  Nice- 

i  P.  188.  F.  r  P.  202. 

8  'QcTTTtp  Kai  rag  TIpaZtiQ  ruv  Airo^oXuv  vmiyoptvae  piv 

aTro-oXof,  owaypa^aro  Se  6  aurog  AUKCIQ.  Ib.  p.  202.  E. 

To  fo  Kara  \(^avvt]v  tvayyeXiov  virr]~}optvOij  TI  VTT*  O.VTH  TS  ayis 
ra  aTTOToXa  Kat  rjycnrrjfJiEvs,  OVTOQ  t£opi<=r8  iv  Har/jy  Ty  vrjffqt,  KCII  VTTO  TS  t^tSoQrj 
iv  E0£<ry,  diet  Fats  TS  ayairriTs  KO.I  ZevoSoxs  rwv  aTTOToXwv,  Trept  a  (cat  IIawXo£ 
aiotg  ypa^wv  0»j(7i'  A(T7ra&rai  imaf.  K.  X.  Ibid.  p.  202.  F. 
P.  202.  C. 


166  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

phorus,  published  by  v  several,  and  with  the  observations  of 
w  Euthalius  upon  the  books  of  the  New  Testament,  of  which 
I  shall  sneak  more  distinctly  hereafter. 

(11.)  Upon  the  whole,  I  think,  this  writer,  whoever  he  is, 
probably  of  Alexandria,  or  near  it,  received  no  books  of  the 
Old  Testament,  as  of  authority,  beside  those  of  the  Jewish 
canon.  And  for  the  New  Testament,  he  received  all  those 
which  we  now  receive,  and  no  other. 

(12.)  Finally,  it  deserves  our  particular  notice,  that  this 
writer,  as  well  as  other  ancient  Christian  writers  in  general, 
professeth  tho  highest  respect  for  the  books  of  sacred  scrip, 
ture.  For  having  put  down  the  catalogue  of  the  canonical 
and  uncanonical  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  then  the 
canonical  books  of  the  Ne\y,  he  adds :  *  So x  many,  even 
these,  are  the  canonical  books  of  the  New  Testament,  and 
as  it  were  the  first-fruits  of  our  faith,  or  anchors  and  fasten 
ings  :  having  been  written  and  published  by  the  apostles  of 
Christ,  who  conversed  with  him,  and  were  taught  by  him. 
But  innumerable  other  books  have  been  since  composed  by 
great,  and  wise,  and  holy  men,  by  way  of  testimony  to 
them,  and  for  explaining  and  illustrating  them,  of  which  I 
need  not  now  speak  particularly.* 


CHAP.  LXXVI. 

A  DIALOGUE  AGAINST  THE  MARCIONITES. 

1.  I  THINK  it  not  best  to  overlook  entirely  a  book,  en 
titled,  Of  the  right  Faith  in  God,  or  a  Dialogue  against  the 
Marciomtes,  in  five  parts  or  sections,  ascribed  to  Adaman- 
tius,  by  some  supposed  to  be  the  same  as  Origen.  I  for 
merly  took  some  notice  of  it  in  the  general  account  of  a 

v  Vid.  Coteler.  ap.  Pair.  Apost.  et  Montfauc.  Bib.  Coislin.  p  204. 

w  Ap.  Zacagn.  Monum.  Vet.  p.  401,  &c. 

*   Toaavra  Kai  ra  rr^g  Kaivt,g  tutO^c  (S^Xta,  ra  y£  Kavov^o^va,  KCLI  TK 

r//xa>V   oiovu  ctKpoQtvia,  r,  ayKvpat  Kai  fptt^ara'  a>e  Trap  avruv  ru>v 

i/  TU  XiH 


Tuv  /cai  avv  KCU  vir   avrv 


,  i*v™ 

ypa^vra  icai  iKTiOivTa'  tirurotyt  v^9ov  Kara  rr}V  wtvuv  aKO\eOtav  icat  <rvu 
^(uvcav,  a\\a  pvpia  K<u  avapi9MTa  ftt(3\ia  e^ovrjOrjaav  VTTO  TUV 
M*yaW   Kai  (To0Wrarwv  ^    0  ^  ?f  ^  rwj; 

KOI  StaQwTimv.  K.  X.  p.  131.  A.  B. 
*  Sec  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii.  num.  i. 


Kara 


A  Dialogue  against  the  Marcionites.     A.  D.  330.  167 

Origan's  works,  and  may  Lave  occasion  to  quote  it  often 
hereafter  in  the  history  of  the  heretics  of  the  two  first  cen 
turies.  It  is  fit  therefore,  that  we  should  observe  briefly 
the  author's  testimony  to  the  books  of  the  New  Testament. 
But  he  is  not  the  famous  Origen.  It  appears  manifest, 
from  expressions  in  the  first  section  of  the  work,  thatb  it 
was  written  in  the  time  of  a  Christian  emperor.  And  from 
the  confession  made  near  the  beginning  of  the  samec  section 
by  Adamantius  the  orthodox  disputant,  it  is  probable,  that 
it  was  not  composed  until  after  the  council  of  Nice  :  accord 
ingly,  it  is  the  general  opinion  of  learned  men,  that d  the 
author  of  this  Dialogue  is  different  from  Origen,  and  that  it 
may  be  placed  about  the  year  330. 

2.  The  author  owns  e  four  gospels,  and  no  more,  written 
by  John,  Matthew,  Mark,  and  Luke,  disciples  of  Christ. 

3.  He  calls  them   all   disciples  of  Christ :    for  he  says, 
that f  Mark  and  Luke  were  of  the  number  of  the  seventy  or 
seventy-two  disciples. 

4.  Though  s  there  are  four  evangelists,  he  says,  there  is 
but  one  gospel. 

5.  Adamantius,  the   orthodox  disputant,  receives  also1' 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles. 

6.  In  this  work   the  four  gospels  are  often  quoted,  and 
most  of  St.  Paul's  epistles,  particularly  the1  epistle  to  the 
Ephesians,  by  that  title,  and  the  epistle  to  k  the  Hebrews. 

7.  The  second  epistle  of  Peter  is  here1  quoted. 

8.  The  words  of  2  Pet.  ii.  19,  "  Of  whom  a  man  is  over- 

b  Vid.  Dialog,  p.  30.  Basil.  1674.- p.  816.  Bened. 
c  P.  3.  Bas.  p.  804.  Bened. 

d  Vid.  Huet.  Origenian.  1.  iii.  Sect.  1.  n.  v.  et  in  App.  n.  ix.  Tillem.  Origine, 
Art.  36.  et  note  13.  Mem.  T.  iii.  et  Benedictinor. — Monitum  ap.  Origen.  Opp. 
T.  i.  p.  800.  Beausob.  Hist.  Manich.  T.  ii.  p.  84, 85. 

e   Ot  p.a9r]rai  rs  Xpi<ra  y£ypa0jjKa<nv,  iwavvrjg  Kai  MarOaioe;,  Kai  Mapfcog, 
rae.  Dialog,  sect.  i.  p.  7.  Bas.  806.  B.  Bened. 

pcJTsg  aTTCTttXe  i/3'  Kai  jwtra  raura  o/3'  £uayyeXi<7a<r$ai.      MapKOf  sv  teat 
IK  Tbiv  o/3"  ovTtQ  Uav\(j.t  Ttp  a7ro<ro\y  £V'/7yy£Xi<raj>ro.  Ib.  p.  8.  Bas.  806. 
D.  Bened. 

g   EvayytXtTcu  [Jitv  r£<7(Tap££,  fvayyfXiov  fo  iv.  Ib.  p.  9.  Bas.  807.  Bened. 
h   IIpo<raJ;oi/  avayvwaQrivai  rag  rwv  a7ro<roXwv  ITpa?£tf,  Kai  TO.Q  E7rt<roXa£.  K. 
X.  Ib.  Sect.  ii.  p.  58.  Basn.  828.  D.  Bened. 

1    E0£<TlOig  $£    tTTlTfXXwv,  0»J<7i'  MvilfjLOVtVOVTt£,    OTl    TTOTt    Vltt£  TO.  tQviJ.  K.  X. 

[Eph.  ii.  1 1 — 13.]  Sect.  v.  p.  148.  Bas.  867.  c.  Bened. 
6  enroToXoe  $i]<;iv.  Ib.  p.  152.  Basn.  869.  A.  Ben. 

k  Kara  rov  a7ro<roXov.     *O  yap  VOJJIOQ  OKICL  TUV  fjLt\\ovnt>v 

[Heb.  x.  1.]  Sect.  iv.  p.  114.  Bas.  853.  A.  Ben.     'O  /ttev  trrpiaQri  o-ap/ci,  o 
fXiOaaOr],  KM  01  XOITTOI  ev  Qovq)  /ia^aipaf  arctQavov.  Sect.  iv.  p.  125.  Bas.  857. 
Ben.  !   II?;  de  VTTO  IltTps  TS  ctTro<zo\&  -ytypctfintvov  Kara  Tt]v 

aotiiav,  Qrjffu',  ri]v  dtdofjLtvr)v  ry  a^X^y  fin  IlavXy.  Sect.  ii.  p.  58.  Bas,  828. 
D.  Bened.  Vid.  2  Pet.  iii.  15. 


168  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

come,  of  the  same  is  he  brought  in  bondage,"  are  quoted 
by  m  Adamantius,  not  as  the  words  of  Peter,  but  as  a  saying 
or  maxim  of  some  wise  man,  not  a  Christian. 


CHAP.  LXXV1I. 


JUVENCUS. 


1.  AS  Jerom  has  an  article3  for  Juvencus  in  his  Catalogue 
of  Ecclesiastical  Writers,  I  shall  transcribe  it  at  the  bottom 
of  the  page.  His  name  at  length  was  C.  Vettius  Aquilinus 
Juvencus  :  he  was  a  native  of  Spain,  and  a  man  of  a  good 
family.  Jerom  mentions  a  work  in  four  books  containing 
the  history  of  our  Lord,  as  recorded  in  the  four  gospels,  and 
another  work:  the  former  is  still  extant.  Jerom  says,  he 
lived  in  the  time  of  Constantine:  which  also  appears  from 
the  conclusion  of  the  fore-mentioned  poem.  Juvencus  is 
inb  Trithemius  ;  who  takes  particular  notice  of  the  two 
works,  mentioned  by  Jerom  ;  and  supposeth,  that  Juvencus 
had  written  others,  though  he  had  not  seen  them. 

2.  Jerom  seems  to  have  been  much  pleased  with  Juven 
cus  ;  for  he  has  made  honourable  mention  of  him  in  his  let 
ter  toc  Magnus,  and  placed  him  in  hisd  Chronicle,  and 
quoted  him  in  his  Commentary  upon6  St.  Matthew.  That 
quotation  relates  to  the  presents  made  by  the  wise  men  to 
our  Saviour  at  his  nativity,  and  the  design  of  them  :  and 


m   n«<ra  Se  at  KOI  o  t%uQtv  Xoyog*  on  txa^oq  <u  j^rrjjrat,  rery  Kai 
Sect.  i.  p.  41.  Bas.  821.  A.  Bened. 

*  Juvencus,  nobilissimi  generis,  Hispanus,  presbyter,  quatuor  Evangelia 
hexametris  versibus  pene  ad  verbum  transferens,  quatuor  libros  composuit,  et 
nonnulla  eodem  metro  ad  sacramentorum  ordinem  pertinentia.  Floruit  sub 
Constantino  Principe.  De  V.  I.  cap.  84. 

b  De  Script.  Ecc.  c.  62. 

c  Juvencus  presbyter  sub  Constantino  historiam  Domini  Salvatoris  versibus 
explicavit  :  ncc  pertimuit  Evangelii  majestatem  sub  metri  leges  mittere.  Ad 
Magn.  ep.  83.  T.  iv.  p.  657. 

d  Juvencus  presbyter,  natione  Hispanus,  Evangelia  heroicis  versibus  explicat. 
Chr.  p.  181. 

e  Pulcherrime  munerum  sacramenta  Juvencus  presbyter  uno  versiculo  com- 
prehendit  :  Thus,  aurum,  myrrham,  resfique,  hominifjue,  Deoque  Dona 
fcrunt.  Ad  Matt.  cap.  ii.  p.  9.  Conf.  Juvenci  Historiam  Evangel,  p.  57.  F. 
ap  Bib.  Patr.  Max.  T.  iv. 


JULIUS  FIRMICUS  MATERNUS.    A.  D.  345.  169 

may  deserve  to  be  compared  with  the  verses  of  Sedulius/ 
another  Latin  poet,  in  the  fifth  century,  upon  the  same  sub 
ject. 

3.  Juvencus  is,  certainly,  a  good  witness  to  our  four  gos 
pels,  and  the  things  contained  in  them ;  but  I  do  not  think 
it  needful  to  make  many  extracts.  I  only  observe  that  Ju 
vencus  seems  to  understand  Matt,  xxviii.  17,  as  if  the  evan 
gelist  said,  some  s  of  Christ's  disciples  "  still  doubted  ;" 
but h  Grotius,  and  some l  others,  think  he  means  only,  that 
"  some  had  doubted  before,"  but  were  now  all  satisfied. 
Theophylactk  well  deserves  to  be  consulted  upon  this  text. 


CHAP.  LXXVIII. 

JULIUS  FIRMICUS  MATERNUS. 


1.  JULIUS  FIRMICUS  MATERNUS,  not  mentioned  by 
Jeroin,  or  any  other  writers  that  we  know  of,  wrote  a  book 
against  heathenism,  still  extant,  inscribed  to  the  emperors 
Constantius  and  Constans.  Cave  says  very  well,  thata  his 
book  of  the  Error  of  profane  Religions  was  written  some 
time  between  the  years  340  and  350;  I  therefore  place  him 
at  the  year  345.  Julius  wasb  a  convert  from  heathenism ; 

f    Aurea  nascenti  fuderunt  munera  Regi, 

Thura  dedere  Deo,  myrrham  tribuere  sepulchre. 
C.  Sedulii  Carm.  Pasch.  1.  ii.  p.  30.  ver.  95,  96.  edit.  Cellar.  1704. 
s   Jamque  Galilaeos  conscenderat  anxia  montes 
Mandatis  Christ!  concursans  turba  suorum. 
Cernitur  ecce  suis  proles  veneranda  tonantis. 
Ilium  procumbens  sancte  chorus  omnis  adorat. 
Nee  tamen  in  cunctis  pariter  fundata  manebat 
Pectoribus  virtus  :  nam  pars  dubitabat  eorum. 

Juvenc.  Hist.  Ev.  1.  iv.  Ib.  p.  77.  B. 

h  Vid.  Grot,  ad  Matt,  xxviii.  17.  *  See  Dr.  Benson's  Reason 

ableness  of  the  Christian  Religion,  p.  53, 54.  k  In  evangelia,  p.  183. 

a  De  tempore,  quo  scriptus  sit  hie  liber,  nihil  certi  statui  potest :  nisi  quod 
intra  annum  340,  post  mortem  Constantini  j unions,  et  annum  350,  quo  inter- 
fectus  est  Constans,  scriptus  sit.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  204.  Et  Conf.  Pagi  in 
Baron.  Ann.  337.  n.  12.  et  Basn.  Ann.  350.  n.  9. 

b  At  ego  nunc  sacrarum  lectionum  institutione  formatus,  perditos  homines 
religioso  sermone  convenio.  De  Error.  Profan.  Religionum.  Cap.  7.  p.  168. 
E.  ap.  Bib.  PP.  Max.  T.  iv.  et  p.  424.  ex  edit.  Jacob.  Gronov.  Lugd.  Batav. 
1709. 


170  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

but  it  does  not  appear,  that  he  had  any  ecclesiastical  cha 
racter.  It  is  more  probable,  that  he  was  a  layman,  and  a 
person  of  quality. 

2.  He  speaks0  of  the  power  which  Christians  had  over 
daemons,  or  the  heathen  deities. 

3.  He  speaks  of  the  great  progress  which   the  Christian 
religion  had  made,  as'1  obtaining  in  every  part  of  the  world, 
and  superior  to  Gentilism  in  many  places. 

4.  He  applauds  the  emperors6  for  having  destroyed  the 
heathen  temples,  and  ascribes  their  success  in  war  to  that 
conduct. 

5.  In  divers  parts  of  his  book  he  earnestly  excites  the 
emperors  to  restrain  thef  idolatrous  rites  of  heathenism  by 
their  edicts,  to  demolish  their  temples,  deprive »   them  of 
their  ornaments.     For  this  he  makes  use  of  many  arguments 
from  the  Old11  and  the  New  Testament :  but  1  cannot  say 
that  I  admire  his  temper,  or  perceive  the  solidity  of  his  rea 
sonings,  upon  this  occasion. 

6.  I  proceed  to  his  testimony  to  the  scriptures,  which  is 
very  considerable;  but  it  ought  not  to  be  expected,  that  I 
should  be  very  particular  in  so  late  a  writer. 

7.  He  speaks1  of  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament. 

c  Sic  apud  nos  deos  vestros,  cum  hominibus  nocere  cceperint,  religiosi 
sermonis  flagella  castigant.  Sic  in  corpore  hominura  constituti  dii  vcstri  verbo 
Dei  spiritualium  flammarum  igne  torquentur,  et  qui  apud  vos  quasi  dii  colun- 
tur,  apud  nos  religiosae  fidei  medela  Christi  gratia  humane-  subjacentes  imperio, 
ct  tormenta  repugnantes  sustinent,  et  victi  pcenis  ultricibus  subjugantur.  Cap. 
14.  p.  170.  B.  Bib.  p.  433.  Gr. 

d  Quis  locus  in  terra  est,  quern  non  Christi  possederit  nonien  ?  qua  sol  ori- 
tur,  qua  occidit,  qua  erigitur  septentrio,  qua  vergit  auster,  totum  venerandi 
numinis  majestas  implevit.  Et  licet  adhuc  in  quibusdam  regionibus  idolola- 
tria3  morientia  palpitent  membra,  tamen  in  eo  res  est,  ut  e  christianis  omnibus 
terris  pestiferum  hoc  malum  funditus  amputetur.  Cap.  21.  p.  172.  H.  Bib.  PP. 
445.  Gron. 

Modicum  tantum  superest,  ut  legibus  vestris  prostratus  Diabolus  jaceat,  ui 
extinctaeidololatriae  pereat  funesta  contagio.  Cap.  21.  p.  173.  A.  Bib.  p.  446.  Gr. 

c  Post  excidia  templorum  in  majus  Dei  estis  virtute  provecti.  Vicistis 
hostes,  propagastis  imperium,  &c.  Cap.  29.  p.  176.  F.  Bib.  p.  463.  Gronov. 

1  Amputanda  sunt  haec,  sacratissimi  imperatores,  penitus  atque  delenda,  et 
severissimis  edictorum  vestrorum  legibus  corrigenda,  ne  diutius  Romanum 
orbem  praesumtionis  istius  error  funestus  commaculet,  ne  pestiferae  consuetudi- 
nis  convalescat  improbitas.  Cap.  17.  Bib.  PP.  p.  171.  A.  Gronov.  p.  437. 

8  Tollite,  tollite,  securi,  sacritissimi  imperatores,  ornamenta  templorum. 
Deos  istos  aut  monetae  ignis,  aut  metallorum  coquat  flamma.  Donaria  uni- 
versa  ad  utilitatem  vestram,  dominiumque  transferte.  Cap.  29.  p.  176.  F.  Bib. 
p.  463.  Gron. 

h  Sed  et  vobis,  sacratissimi  imperatores,  ad  vindicandum  et  puniendum  hoc 
malum  necessitas  imperatur ;  et  hoc  vobis  Dei  summi  lege  praecipitur,  ut  seve- 
ritas  vestra  idololatriae  facinus  omnifariam  persequatur.— In  Deuteronomio 
[cap.  xiiL]  lex  praescripta  est.  Cap.  30.  p.  179.  E.  Bib.  PP.  467.  Gr. 

Lapis  hie Christus  aut  fidei  fundamenta  sustcntat,  aut  in  angulo 


CYRIL  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D.  348.  171 

8.  He  has  quoted  most  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  and 
many  of  them  by  name. 

9.  He  has  many  references  to  the  four  gospels. 

10.  He  quotes  the  gospels  of k  Luke  and '  John  by  name, 
and  many  passages  from  this  last. 

11.  He  received"1  the  book  of  the  Revelation,  which  he 
quotes  often,  and  largely,  and  with  great  respect. 

12.  He  shows  great11  respect  for  the  holy  scriptures  of 
the  Old  and  New  Testament  in  general. 


CHAP.   LXXIX. 

CYRIL  OF  JERUSALEM. 


I.  His  time  and  works.  II.  A  catalogue  of  the  books  of 
the  Old  and  New  Testament.  III.  A  general  remark. 
IV.  Observations  relating  to  the  gospels.  V.  Of  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles.  VI.  St.  Paul's  epistles.  VII. 
The  catholic  epistles.  VIII.  The  Revelation.  IX.  Ge 
neral  divisions,  and  respect  for  the  sacred  scriptures. 

ST.  JEROM  has  a  short  chapter  concerning  Cyril,  which  I 
put  at  the  bottom  of  thea  page.  I  transcribe  only  what  re 
lates  to  his  writings :  *  His  Catechetical  Discourses,  which 
he  composed  in  his  youth,  are  still  extant.' 

positus,  duorum  parietum  membra  sequata  moderatione  conjungit,  id  est,  vete- 
ris  et  novi  Testament!  in  usum  colligit  gentes.  Cap.  21.  p.  172.  H.  Bib.  446.  Gr. 

k  Invenimus  enim  in  evangelic  Luca? :  *  Sint  lumbi  vestri  praecincti,'  &c. 
Cap.  20.  p.  172.  D.  Bib.  443.  Gr. 

1  Dicit  enim  in  evangelic  Johannis.     Cap.  19.  p.  171.  H.  Bib.  p.  441.  Gr. 

m  Secretiora  pandantur  arcana.  In  Apocalypsi,  quis  sit  sponsus,  invenie- 
mus.  Cap.  20.  p.  172.  C.  Bib.  443.  Gr. 

Haec  eadem  nobis  sancta  revelatione  monstrantur.  Invenimus  enim  in 
Apocalypsi  ita  esse  praescriptum.  Cap.  25.  p.  174.  E.  Bib.  PP.  p.  453.  Gron. 

n  In  hac  probatione  arcana  prophetarum  veneranda  pandantur.  Adsistat 
nobis  sanctorum  oraculorum  fides.  Joel  Divino  Spiritu  monente  sic  dicit. 
Cap.  20.  p.  172.  C.  Bib.  p.  442.  Gron. 

Ait  enim  de  hoc  Esaias,  innuente  Spiritu  Sancto.  Cap.  21.  p.  172.  F.  Bib. 
444.  Gr. 

Hoc  a  venerando  propheta  sancta  voce  praecanitur,  et  ex  ore  prophetico  vox 
jubentis  auditur.  Ait  enim  Spiritus  Sanctus.  Cap.  25.  p.  174.  D.  Bib.  452.  Gr. 

a  Cyrillus  Hierosolymae  episcopus,  saepe  pulsus  ecclesia,  et  receptus,  ad 
extremum  sub  Theodosio  principe  octo  annis  inconcussum  episcopatum  tenuit. 
Exstant  ejus  Karjjx^'C*  quas  in  adolescentia  composuit.  De  V.  I.  cap.  112. 


172  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

It  is  computed,  thatb  Cyril  was  born  about  the  year  315, 
that  he  was  ordained  presbyter  in  344  or  345,  bishop  in  350, 
or  351,  and  died  in  386.  For  farther  particulars  concerning 
his  history,  and  his  works,  I  refer  to  otherc  authors.  The 
Catechetical  Discourses  mentioned  by  Jerom,  and  which 
alone  I  shall  have  occasion  to  quote,  were  composed  in  347 
or  348,  while  he  was  yet  presbyter  only. 

II.  I  begin  with  citing  that  discourse,  which  contains  ad 
catalogue  of  the  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament. 

«  These e  things,'  says  he,  *  we  are  taught  by  the  divinely 
'  inspired  scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament.  For 

*  there  is  one  God  of  both  Testaments,  who  in  the  Old  Testa- 

*  ment  foretold  the  Christ,  who  has  been  manifested  in  the 

«  New. Read  the  divine  scriptures,  the  two-and-twenty 

4  books  of  the   Old  Testament,  which  were  translated   by 

*  the  seventy-two  interpreters. — Read f  those  two-and-twenty 

*  books,  and  have  nothing  to  do  with  apocryphal  writings. 
4  These,  and   these  only,  do  you   carefully  meditate  upon, 

*  which  we  securely  or  openly  read  in  the. church.      The 

*  apostles   and  ancient  bishops,  governors  of  the  church, 

*  who  have  delivered  these  to  us,  were  wiser  and  holier  than 

*  thou.     As  a  son  of  the  church  therefore,  transgress  not 

*  those  bounds :  meditate  upon  the  books  of  the  Old  Testa- 
'  ment,  which,  as  has  been  already  said,  are  two-and-twenty  : 

*  and  if  you  are  desirous  to  learn,  fix  them  in  your  memory, 

*  as  I  enumerate  them  one  by  one.     Of  the  law  the  first  are 

*  the  five  books  of  Moses:  Genesis,  Exodus,  Leviticus,  Num- 
'  bers,  Deuteronomy.     Then  Jesus  the  son  of  Nun,  and  the 

*  book  of  the  Judges,  with  Ruth,  making  the  seventh.    Then 

*  follow  the  historical   books,  the  first  and  second  of  the 

*  kingdoms,  which  according  to  the  Hebrews  are  one  book : 
'  in  like  manner  the  third  and  fourth  book.     And  the  first 

*  and  second  of  the  Chronicles,  also  reckoned  by  them  one 

*  book.     The  first  and  second  of  Esdras  too  are  computed 

*  one  book.    The  twelfth  is  Esther.    These  are  the  historical 

*  books.     The  books  written  in   verse  are  five:    Job,  and 

h  Vid.  Ant.  Aug.  Toutee  Bencdictin.  Diss.  i.  De  Vit.  Cyril.  Hieros. 

c  Vid.  Tout,  ut  supr.  Cyril,  ex  edit.  Tho.  Milles  Oxon.  Cav.  Hist.  Lit. 
Tillem.  Mem.  EC.  T.  viii. 

*  Cat.  iv.  n.  33—36.  Ed.  Bened.  n.  20—22.  edit.  Milles. 

Tavra  ft  SidaaKaariv  fjuag  at  StoTrvtwzoi  ypatiat  rnc  TraXaiac  rt  Kai  icaivnc 
tia9rjKn<:.  Cat.  iv.  n.  33.  in.  Bened. 

Tarwi/  rctf  tiKoot  Svo  /3t/3\H£  avayivuaKi.  Hpoe  tie  TO.  cnroKpv<pa  [itjSiv  ixe 
KOIVOV'  ravras  p.ovag  /ifXtra  awadanog,  ag  iv  KCLI  tKK\t}my.  fitra  irapprjaiag  ava- 
yivujaKOfiiv.  llo\v  ffu  0pov(/xwr«poi,  KCU  ftAa/3e<rfpoi  qaav  01  tt7ro<roXot,  icat  ot 
apxaioi  tTTHTKoirot,  01  Tr^  fKK\t]mag  irpo^arai,  01  TCIVTCLQ  irapatiovrtg'  av  arr 
TtKvov  TW  iKK\ii<riag  ut>,  fit,  7rnpaXaparr£  r«f  3£<T/i*g.  K.  X.  Ib.  c.  ,'35. 


CYRIL  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D.  348.  173 

the  book  of  Psalms,  and  the  Proverbs,  and  Ecclesiastes, 
and  the  Song-  of  Songs,  the  seventeenth  book.  After 
these  are  five  prophetical  books,  the  twelve  prophets, 
being  one  book,  of  Isaiah  one,  of  Jeremiah  one,  with  Ba- 
ruch,  and  the  Lamentations,  and  the  Epistle  :  then  Eze- 
kiel,  and  the  book  of  Daniel,  the  twenty-second  book  of 
the  Old  Testament. 

*  The£  books  of  the  New  Testament  are  the  four  gospels 
only  ;  the  rest  are  falsely  inscribed,  and  hurtful.  Receive 
likewise  the  Acts  of  the  twelve  apostles:  as  also  the  seven 
catholic  epistles  of  James  and  Peter,  John  and  Jude  :  and 
the  seal  of  all,  and  the  last  [work]  of  the  disciples,  the 
fourteen  epistles  of  Paul.  As  for  any  beside  these,  let  them 
be  all  held11  in  the  second,  or  no  rank.  And  whatever 
books  are  not  read  in  the  churches,  those  neither  do  thou 
read  in  private,  as  thou  hast  heard.' 

III.  This  is  the  catalogue  of  the  sacred  books  of  scripture, 
publicly  read  at  that  time  in  the  church  of  Jerusalem,  and 
the  only  books  from  whence  doctrines  were  to  be  proved. 
I  leave  it  to  my  readers  to  make  several  remarks  which  I 
omit  :  but  it  must  hence  appear  evident  to  all,  that  no  books 
written  after  the  times  of  the  apostles,  or  by  any  men  who 
were  not  either  apostles,  or  companions  of  apostles,  were 
esteemed  by  the  church  of  Jerusalem  a  part  of  the  New 
Testament,  or  of  the  rule  of  faith. 

IV.  I  now  add  some  other  observations  concerning  the 
latter  part  of  the   Catalogue,  and    the   gospels  in  parti 
cular. 

1.  One  thing  observable  is  the  order  in  which  the  books 
of  the  New  Testament  are  placed  :  the  gospels,  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles,  the  catholic  epistles,  and  the  epistles  of  St. 
Paul.  In  like  manner  in  another  place  :  '  There1  yet  remain 
many  other  texts,  that  might  be  alleged  from  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  the  catholic  epistles,  and  the  fourteen  epistles  of 
Paul.' 


Trjg  Se  Kctivrjg  8ia9r)KTj(;,  ret  recrffapa  yuova  tvayyt\ia'  TO.  Se  Xonra 

Kai  ($\a(3tpa  rvy^avu  —  Ag^a  St  KO.I  TOQ  IIpa££i£  TMV  Swdt 
7rpo£  THTOig  £t  Kai  rag  iirra  laKWjSa,  Kai  Htrps,  Iwavvu,  /cat  Iu 
£7ri<roXa£*  £7Ti<T0payt<T/ia  dt  TWV  Travrwv,  Kai  iiaOrjrwv  TO  reXsuraiov,  raq 
SfKartvaapag  £7ri<roXa£.  Ta  $«  \onra  Travra  £?w  Ket<r0a>  tv  Sivrtpqi.  Kai  oera 
fiiv  iv  eKK\Tj<naig  fjir]  avayiVbHTKtTai,  ravra  (jir}§t  Kara  ffavrov  avayivwaict,  icaOuig 
rjKHKaQ.  Ib.  n.  36.  p.  69. 

h  Reliqua  vero  omnia  extra  in  secundo  [ac  nullo]  ordine  habeantur.  Versio 
Benedictin. 

*  Aet7T£t  yap  tjfiiv  TroXXa  £E  a?ro  TTJQ  Ilpa&wf  ATro^oXwv  -  \tiirti  tie 
TroXXa  Kat  tK  TUP  KaQoXiKdJv,  xai  tic  TUV  n.av\8  ^£/care<T(rapwv  «7riToXwv.  Cat. 
17.  n.  20.  p.  274. 


1  74  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

2.  Cyril  says,  thatk  St.  Matthew  wrote  his  gospel  in  He 
brew. 

3.  He  had  in  his  copies  the1  first  chapter  of  St.  Matthew's 
g'ospel. 

4.  He  says,  that™  John  the  Baptist  connected  the  Old  and 
New  Testament. 

5.  Moreover  he  was  of  opinion,  that"  baptism  had  its  ori 
ginal  from  the  same  John. 

6.  There  was   no   doxology   at   the  end   of  the   Lord's 
Prayer  in  Cyril's  copies.     The  prayer  in  him  concludes  after 
this  manner:  "  And0  lead  us  not  into  temptation,  O  Lord, 
but  deliver  us  from  evil.     Amen." 

7.  He  quotes  P  St.  Mark's  gospel  expressly. 

8.  Quoting  St.  John's  gospel,  he  gives  him  the  title  ofi 
the  divine. 

V.  The  book  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostlesr  is  often  and 
largely  quoted  by  Cyril  in  his  Catechetical  Discourses,  and 
as  divine  scripture. 

He  is  very  clear,  that8  the  epistle  of  the  council  of  Jeru 
salem,  recorded  in  Acts  xv.  was  sent  to  all  Gentile  chris- 
tians  in  general. 

VI.  Cyril,  as  we  have  seen,  received  fourteen  epistles  of 
the  apostle  Paul  :  he  mentions*  that  number  of  Paul's  epis 
tles  several  times. 

VII.  St.  James's  epistle,  in  his  enumeration,  is  the  first  of 
the  twelve  catholic  epistles.     If  by  the  author  of  that  epis 
tle  he  meant  the  brother  of  our  Lord,  and  the  first  bishop  of 
Jerusalem,  he  did  not  reckon  him  to  be  an  apostle,  as  ap- 

k  Mar0aiO£  o  ypa^ag  TO  fvayytXiov,  'E/3pai'£i  yXwcrcry  TUTO  typa^f.  Cat.  14. 
p.  212.  D. 

1  Eav  TOIVVV  antiffys  TS  tvayytXin,  XtyovTog,  Bi/3Xo£  y£V£ff£W£  Irjffs  XptT8 
via  Aa/3i$.  Cat.  11.  n.  5.  in. 

IwawrjQ  6  /3a7rriT»je  ,  6  /uyi<ro£  p,fv  t.v  7rpo0j/raif,  ap^jjyof  fo  TTJQ  Kaivtjc; 

Kai  TQOTTOV  Tiva  avvaTTTuv  a^OTtpag.     Cat.  10.  n.  19.  p.  146.  B. 
IlaXatac;  TO  TtXog,  Kai  KCIIVI]Q  SiaGrjKqg  apx*!  TO  /3a7rri0yta.      Iwai/vijf  yap 
pxTjyog.     Cat.  3.  n.  6.  °  Vid.  Cat.  23.  cap.  17,  18. 

'O  yap  iv  TpiTy  wpq,  ^avpaiOeig,  wg  Mapicog  0?j<n.      Cat.  17.  n.  19. 
Ot  TU)V  aytd»/  euayytXtwv  axrpoarai  luavvy  T<J)  S'foXoyy  7rtia9h)fiev.  Cat.  12. 
.  in.  r   Kai  fjiot  \u(3e  TOJV  Xoywv  (nroSt&iv  airo  Trjg  S&iag 

jjg,  KopvjjXtog  tjv  avrjp  SIKUIOQ  -  Cat.  3.  n.  iv.  p.  41.  C.      Sifiwy,   6 
tv  TCIIQ  Ilpa^ffft  Twv  ATroToXwv.  —  Cat.  6.  n.  14.  in. 

Kai  ypa<}>saiv  o!  o7ro<roXoi  feat  Trpeer/Swrfpoi  Traeri  roig  tBvtoiv  KaQoXncrjv  eiriff- 

Cat.  4.  cap.  28.  Vid.  et  Cat.  17.  n.  xxix. 

OavfiaKa  a\j]9u)£  TIJQ  TH   ayta  Trvfv/xarog  oncovofuav'  Trwg  TOQ  p,tv  TO)V 
£7rt7oXac  ftQ  oXtyov  Trepitypatytv  apiOjj.ov'  TlauXy  de  ry  Trportpov 
ypai//at  ^f*:are(T(Tapa£  cTTtToXaf  txaPlffa™.      Cat.  10,  n.  18. 

E7riX«n//H  yap  p,t  Sirjyu/jitvov  o  \povoq,  ti  (fts\op,t)V  Xeytiv  ra  XftTrovra 


ayiH   Trvtw/iaroff   e/e  TH   IlavXw   Ttoffapte  Kai  dtica  tTTt-roXwi/.     Cat.  17.  n.  34. 
Vid.  ibid.  n.  20. 


CYRIL  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D.  348.  175 

pears  by  several"  places.      Toutfej  particularly   acknow 
ledges  as  much  in  av  note. 

VIII.  The  book  of  the  Revelation  seems  not  to  have  been 
received  by  Cyril,  or  the  church  of  Jerusalem,  in  his  time. 
It  is  not  mentioned  in  the  catalogue  above  transcribed  :  it 
may  be  supposed  to  be  there  excluded  by  him,  and  ranked 
among  apocryphal  scriptures,  not  expressly  named.     And 
there  is  another  passage  which  countenanceth  that  supposi 
tion  :  for,  speaking  of  Antichrist,  he  quotes  w  Daniel,  the 
twenty-fourth  chapter  of  St.  Matthew,  the  second  chapter  of 
the  second  epistle  to  the  Thessalonians  :    but  declines  all 
notice  of  the  Revelation,  and  perhaps  reflects  upon  it  asx 
apocryphal.     I  therefore  transcribe  below  a  note  y  of  the 
Benedictine  editor  upon  this  place. 

IX.  1.  I  put  down  an  instance  of  general  divisions,  where 
at  once  are  mentioned2  Old  and  New  Testament,  Law  and 
Prophets,  Gospel  and  Apostles:  where  likewise  it  is  said, 
that  all  those  scriptures  were  dictated  by  one  and  the  same 
Spirit. 

2.  I  add  other  passages,  expressing  the  peculiar  regard 
which  was  shown  to  the  same  scriptures. 

3.  Whya  do  you  curiously  inquire  after  what  the  Holy 
Spirit  has  not  written  in  the  scripture  ? 


juaprupac.      Et  rote  SuStKa  airi^uci,  THQ 

eav 

Cat.  14.  n.  21.  p.  216.  A. 

teat  TOIQ  a7ro=roXoi£,  KOI  IaKw/3y,  ry  TavrrjQ  rrjg  tKK\r)GiaQ 
ytyovf*     Cat.  4.  n.  28.  p.  66.  A. 

Notandum,  sive  in  hoc  loco,  in  quo  sancti  Jacob!  auctoritatem  et  dignita 
tem  maxime  extollit  Cyrillus,  sive  Cat.  4.  n.  28.  solam  illi  episcopalem  dignita 
tem  tribui,  nusquam  apostolicam.  Imo  eum  utrobique  ab  apostolis  secernere 
videtur.  Toutee,  not.  1.  p.  216.  w  Vid.  Cat.  12,  13,  et  seq. 

x  BafTiXfVfTti  de  6  avTixpi'zog  rpia  KO.I  t'/fjuffv  trij  fiova.  OVK  e%  cnroKavtpbJV 
\eyop.ev,  aXV  £K  r«  AavijjX.  3>i]<n  y«p'  Kai  SoQrjfftrai  tv  xflPl  avr&  *WC  Katps, 
/cat  Katpwv,  KM  rj/^iav  Kaips.  Cat.  15.  n.  16.  p.  232.  Vid.  Dan.  vii.  25.  Et 
conf.  Apocal.  xii.  14. 

y  Visum  est  nonnullis  Apocalypsim  hie  a  Cyrillo  notari.  Quod  rations 
non  caret.  Earn  sane  in  apocryphorum  nomine  habuit,  qui  cum  libros,  quos  in 
canone  non  comprehendit,  apocryphorum  nomine  compellet.  Cat.  4.  num. 
33.  Apocalypsim  pratermittit  in  recensione  librorum  Novi  Testamenti,  ibid. 
n.  36.  Praeterea  veteres  omnes,  quos  in  hac  catechesi  sequitur,  res  Antichrist! 
exponentes  semper  Apocalypsim  Danieli  conjungunt.  Vide  Irenaeum,  —  Hip- 
polytum  —  Non  igitur  imprudens  Cyrillus,  sed  penitus  certo  concilio,  Apoca- 
lypsis  in  toto  hoc  argumento  commemorationem  praetermlsset  ;  hujusque  prse- 
termissionis  rationem  hoc  loco  allegare  videtur.  Tout.  not.  2.  p.  232. 

z   -  ore  8^  fTfpov  fitv  tv  vofjup  KO.I  Trpo^jjraig,  tTtpov  fit  iv  evayyeXtoig 
aXX'  iv  £<ri  »cat  TO  avro  irvevfta  dyiovt  TO  tv  TTaXaiy.  KO.I 


rac  SeictQ  \a\rjffav  yoafyctQ.  Cat.  17.  n.  5.  p.  267.  A. 
Ti  TOIVVV  7To\v7roaju.ov(ig  a  prfe  TO  irvfVfia  ayiov  typatyv  iv  Tatg  ypa0oi£ 
Cat.  11.  n.  12. 


176  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

4.  Thisb  we  do  not  say  of  our  own  invention,  but  upon  the 
ground  of  the  scriptures  received  [or  read]  in  the  church. 

5.  Hec  continually  alleges  the  books  of  scripture  in  proof 
of  what  he  teaches.     He  says,  thatd  not  any  the  least  article 
of  faith  ought  to  be  proved  by  mere  probable  reason  only, 
without  the  divine  scriptures. 

6.  The  creed,  he  says,  ise  a  summary  of  the  principal 
doctrines  of  religion  collected  out  of  the  scriptures. 

7.  He  calls  his  hearers f  disciples  of  the  New  Testament. 

8.  He  recommends  it   to  his  hearers,  to^  nourish   their 
souls,  and11  establish  themselves  by  reading  the  divine  ora 
cles. 

9.  He  says,  that1  they  of  them  who  are  studious  may,  by 
frequent  reading  the   divine  scriptures,   learn  more   fully 
what  he  delivered  briefly,  only  for  want  of  more  time. 


CHAP.   LXXX. 


THE  AUDIANS. 


1.  THEODORET  placet!)  the  Audians*  in  the  time  of  Va- 
lens,  who  began  his  reign  in  364:  but  Tillemontb  thinks  it 
best  to  follow  Epiphanius,  who  indeed  expressly  says,  thatc 
Audius  lived  at  the  same  time  with  Arius;  and  says  also, 
that  Uranius,  who  succeeded  Audius,  wasd  dead  when  he 

'    Taura  £(  £i£a<rico/i£v,  8%  ivpEaioXoy&vTtg,   aXX'  tK  TUV  3*twv 

ciQuv.     Cat.  15.  n.  13. 
Kcu  crXXctf  de  TrXtiovag  fiapTvpiag  exMV  fK  TWV  $fiii)v 

ruiq  TrpoftpyfitvaiQ.     Cat.  15.  n.  33. 
Km  p.oi  Xa/3e  rutv  Xoywv  ri]V  airofiuZiv  cnro  TT/IQ  Seiag  ypa<j)r]£.     Cat.  3.  n.  4. 
p.  41.  C. 

d   Aet  yap  nipt  TWV  Stiwv  icai  ayiwv  rrjq  Trt-rfwc  fiwzqpibiv,  fJirjdt  TO  TVXOV  avtv 
ru)V  9tiu)v  Trapa^offOat  ypa^wv.      Cat.  4.  n.  17. 

Ov  yap,  a/c  t$o£iv  avOpwTrotf,  ovvtTtQy  ra  rrjg  7Ti<r£Wf,  aXX'  tie  irafftjG  -ypaQrjg 
TO.  KaipiuiTctTa  ffv\\txOtVTct  fjiiav  ava.7r\r)poi  TT)V  TTJQ  Tri-rtwc  SiSctffKaXiav.  Cat. 
5.  n.  xii.  p.  78.  {  Kaivrjg  haetjKtjg  fia9r)T(U.  Cat.  1.  n.  1. 

g  &pt4>ov  <r«  TTJV  ^vxnv  avay VUHJI  StKug.     Cat.  1.  n.  6.  p.  19. 

Kat  Travroiwg  rr\v  otavrn  ^v-)(r]v  aff0aXt?«  VT)<?ttai£,  Trpoaivxais, — /cat  Sttwv 
Xoytwv  avayvuonamv.  Cat.  4.  n.  37.  p.  70. 

1   Twi>  07rtiSai(t)v  iv  vfiiv  IK  TYJG  TrvKvorepag  TWV  Stiuv  ypa^wr  avayvw<rfwg 
ravra  pavOavovruv.     Cat.  17.  n.  34. 

*  Hist.  EC.  1.  iv.  cap.  10.  b  Mem.  EC.  T.  vi.  Les  Audiens.  p.  692. 

c  'Ouroc  6  AU^OC  TKTWV  apxnyoQ  ytyevyrai  iv  xpovoiQ  Apet«.  K.  \.  H.  70.  n.  i 
Ibid.  n.  15, 


The  Audians.     A.  D.  350.  177 

wrote,  about  376.  I  place  Audius  at  about  350.  If  he  was 
then  dead,  hee  still  flourished  in  his  followers,  which  were 
somewhat  numerous. 

2.  Audius  wasf  a  Syrian  of  Mesopotamia,  much  esteemed 
in  his  own  country,  as8  Epiphanius  acknowledges,  for  holi 
ness  of  life,  and  zeal  for  the  faith  :  whoh  seeing1  some  things 
done  in  the  churches,  which  he  thought  not  to  be  right,  re 
proved  and  admonished  the  bishops  and  presbyters  to  the 
face:  telling  them  that  such  things  ought  not  to  be.     In  par 
ticular,  he  reproved  the  rich  clergy,  and  such  of  them  as  led 
a  luxurious  course  of  life.     This  brought  upon  him  abun 
dance  of  ill  treatment,  which  he  endured  for  some  time,  till 
at  length  he  separated  from  the  church.     So  Epiphanius. 
Theodoret's  account  is  not  very1  different. 

3.  As  his  reproofs  were  offensive  to  the  clergy,  and  many 
people  began  to  follow  him,  the  bishops k  accused  him  to 
the  emperor,  (whether  Constantine  or  one  of  his  successors, 
is  not  certain,)  who  banished  him  into  Scythia :  where  the 
good  man  lived  for  some  time,  and  where  he  was  useful. 
For1  he  converted  a  good  number  of  Goths  to  the  Christian 
religion. 

4.  The  Audians  kept  Easter  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the 
moon,  after  the  manner  of  some  other  churches  in  the  East. 
They  said,  thatm  this  was  the  ancient  custom,  confirmed"  by 
the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  and  that  the  bishops  of  Nice 
had  innovated  in  complaisance. to  Constantine. 

5.  They  are  said  by  some  to  have  been0  Anthropomor- 
phites:    and  there  are  other  things  laid   to  their   charge, 
which  I  do  not  think  myself  obliged  to  take  particular  no- 

e  IloXXot  Sf  Kai  fJieTa  rr\v  tKtiva  Tt\tVTi]v  ytyovaffi  aw  avToig  re  KO.I  jutr' 
avrov  r«  TaynaroQ  aura  CTrtovcoTroi,  Qvpaviog  TIQ  rr\c,  fjitffrjQ  TWV  Trorajuwv.  K.  X. 
Ibid.  n.  15.  f  Av&uog  Sf^Tig,  "Svpog  Kai  TO  ytvog  Kai  TIJV  Qwvrjv. 

Thdrt.  ib.  8  jjj>  Se  6  avrjp  airo  THIQ  neaijg  rtav  Trora/iwv  opjuw/wtrof , 

EiaQavtjQ  ri£  Kara  rr\v  eavm  Trarpi^a,  Sia  TO  aKoaityvtq  TS  /3i8,  icat  Kara  Qtov 
ZJ]\B,  icai  TriTtwe.  Epiph.  H.  70.  n.  1 . 

h  'Of  7roXXa/ci£  Srtufitvoc  ra  tv  rate  eKK\rjmais  yfvofjieva,  tig  TTooauTrov  nriv- 
KOiTdJV  Tf.  Kai  TTptcrfivTepuv,  eXeyKTiKwg  avrtTiOti,  TOIQTOIHTOIQ  Xeywv'  «  XP^  ravTa 
zTO)Q  yevtaOai,  SK  ofaiXsi  ravra  STU>Q  irpaTTtaQai.  Epiph.  H.  70.  n.  i. 

. '   <ba<TKsai  Se  TWV  eKicXrjffia^iKdJV  a7rea%oivia9ai  (rvXXoywv,  tirtiSav  5e 
juev  TOV  tiraoaTov  tttrTrparrsfft  TOKOV,  Tivt£  de  yvvaiZiv  8  vop,q>  ya/xs 
Trapavo/iwg  j8ts<Ttv.  K.  X.     H.  E.  1.  iv.  cap.  10. 

k  Epiph.  ibid.  n.  14.     Et  Conf.  Theod.  ubi  supra. 

1  TroXXag  fo  ForOwj/  KaTt^aiv.     Epiph.  ib. 

ra  Id.  ib.  n.  ix.  n  N.  x. 

0  Vadianos,  quos  appellat  Epiphanius,  et  schismaticos,  non  hereticos  vult 
videri,  alii  vocant  Anthropomorphitas  ;  quod  rusticitati  eorum  tribuit  Epipha 
nius,  parcens  eis,  ne  dicantur  haeretici.  Eos  autem  separasse  se  dicit,  culpando 
episcopos  divites,  et  pascha  cum  Judaeis  celebrando.  Augustin.  Haer.  i.  Conf. 
Theodoret.  H.  E.  1.  iv.  c.  10. 

VOL.  IV.  N 


178  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

tice  of.  Moreover  Epiphanius  does  again  and  again  say, 
that i'  they  were  orthodox  upon  the  Trinity,  and  other  points, 
and  that  they  were  only  schismatics,  not  heretics. 

0.  Epiphanius  does  in  one  place  say,  that'*  they  made 
use  of  apocryphal  books,  and  were  fond  of  them :  but  he 
does  not  expressly  mention  the  titles  of  any  of  them. 

7.  The  Audians  are  not  in  Philaster :  it  is  likely  he  had 
no  knowledge  of  them. 

8.  A  learned  modern,  well  acquainted  with  ecclesiastical 
antiquity,  speaksr  honourably  of  Audius. 


CHAP.  LXXXI. 


HILARY  OF  POICTIERS. 


1.  ACCORDING  to  Cave,  Hilary  of  Poicfiers  flourished 
about  the  year  354.  As  Jerom  has  placed  him  among  his 
illustrious  men,  I  transcribe11  below  a  part  of  his  chapter: 
where  are  mentioned  Hilary's  Commentaries  upon  the 
Psalms,  the  gospel  of  Matthew,  the  book  of  Job,  and  the 
Canticles:  where  likewise  the  character  of  his  writings  may 
be  seen  in  part. 
2.  In  hisb  Prologue  to  the  Commentaries  on  the  Psalms 


p  Ei<rt  fo  Kara  iravra  rtjv  tri^iv  t^ovrtf,  wg  rj  KaQoXiKij  £KK\t]ffia.  Synops. 
p.  808.  B.  Vid.  et  H.  70.  n.  1,  2.  et  Ancorat.  n.  14.* 

*'    Kt^pTjvrac  St  Kai  airoKpvtyoiQ  TroXXotg  KaraKopwg.   Synops.  p.  808.  B. 

1  Certe  oftensum  eorurn  [episcoporum]  vitiis,  et  intolerabili  malitia  magnum 
eo.tempore  virum  Audium,  discessionem  ab  ecclesia  fecisse,  multosque  homi 
nes  alioqui  non  malos  propterea  eum  secutos  esse,  cum  mores  non  ferrent 
eorum,  quorum  alioqui  doctrinam  non  improbabant.  Balduin.  De  Legib. 
Constantin.  1.  i.  cap.  6. 

a  Hilarius,  urbis  Pictavorum  in  Aquitania  episcopus,  factione  Saturnini 
Arelatensis  episcopi,  de  synodo  Biterrensi  in  Phrygian!  relegatus,  duodecim 
adversus  Arianos  confecit  libros  :  et  alium  librum  de  Synodis,  quern  ad  Galli- 
arum  episcopos  scripsit  :  et  in  Psalmos  commentarios,  primum  videlicet  et 
secundum,  et  a  quinquagesimo  primo  usque  ad  sexagesimum  secundum,  et  a 
centesimo  decimo  octavo  usque  ad  extremum.  In  quo  opere  imitatus  Origenem, 
nonnulla  etiam  de  suo  addidit.—  Et  Commentarii  in  Matthoeum,  et  tractatus  in 
Job,  quos  de  Greece  Origenis  ad  sensum  transtulit  :  et  alius  elegans  liber  con 
tra  Auxentium  :  et  nonnull-je  ad  diversos  Epistote.  Aiunt  quidam,  scripsisse 
cum  et  in  Cantica  Canticorum.  Sed  a  nobis  hoc  opus  ignoratur.  Mortuus 
c-st  Pictavis,  Valentiniano  et  Valente  regnantibus.  De  V.  I.  cap.  100. 

b  l*rol.  in.  hbr.  Psalm,  p.  i).  Paris.  1G93. 


AERIUS.    A.  D.  376.  179 

is  a  catalogue  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  which  I 
need  only  refer  to. 

3.  Hilary  appears  to  have  received0  the  epistle  to  the  He 
brews,  which  was  not  universally  received   by  the   Latin 
christians. 

4.  The  book  of  the  Revelation  was  generally  received  by 
the  Latins:  it  is  several  times  quoted  by  Hilary,  andd  as 
John's:  whom  he  also  supposeth  to  bee  John  the  apostle. 


writer. 


need   not   enlarge  farther   in    the  account   of  this 


CHAP.  LXXXII. 

AERIUS. 


1.  AERIUS,1  of  Pontus,  or  Lesser  Armenia,  wasb  living 
when  Epiphanius  wrote  in  376.  He  was  a  thorough0  Arian: 
but  the  principles  by  which  he  was  distinguished  were 
such  as  these:  Hed  denied  the  difference  between  a  bishop 
and  a  presbyter,  saying,  they  are  one  order,  office,  and  dig- 
nity.  He  was  likewise  of  opinion,  thate  no  offerings  ought  to 
be  made  for  the  dead :  forasmuch  as  such  things  tended  to 
make  men  think  that  the  practice  of  piety  is  not  necessary ; 

c  Maxime  cum  scriptura  sit :  Sunt  cnim  cfficientes  spiritus,  in  minister ium 
inissi  propter  eos,  qui  hcereditabunt  salutcm.  [Hebr.  i.  14.]  In  Ps.  cxxix. 
n.  7.  p.  440.  A. 

facturam  autem  per  id  quod  Paulus  ad  Hebraos  dixit :  Tanto  rnelior 

factus  angclis,  quanto  cxcellentius  ab  his  possidet  nomen.  Et  rursum: 
Unde,  fratres  sancti,  vocationis  coekstis  participes,  fyc.  De  Trinit  1.  iv. 
p.  832.  Vid.  Hebr.  i.  4.  iii.  1. 

d  Quod  autem  haec  folia  ligni  hujus  non  inutilia  sint,  sed  salutaria  gentibus, 
sanctus  Johannes  in  Apocaly  psi  testatu -.  [Apoc.  cap.  xxii.]  In  Ps.  i.  p.  22G.  E. 

e  Electus  ex  publicano  Matthaeus  in  apostolum,  et  ex  familiaritate 

Domini  revelatione  ccelestium  mysteriorum  dignus  Johannes.  De  Trin.  1. 
vi.  n.  20.  p.  891.  D. 

Vel  ad  sepulchrum  prior  quoque  Petro  currens  adeptus  es  ?  vel  intra  con- 
sessus  angelorum,  et  signatorum  librorum  insolubiles  nexus — tain  pia  tibi  hsec 
per  Agnum  ducem  revelata  doctrina  est  ?  Ibid.  n.  43.  p.  908.  C. 

a  Epiph.  p.  905.  B.  b  H.  75.  n.  1.  p.  905.  A.  Vid.  et  Synops. 

p.  809.  B.  c  T«  ULIV  7ri<r«  wv  Aptiavog  rfXtiorarog.  Synops. 

p.  809.  Vid.  et  H.  75.  n.  i. 

d  <J>a<rm  8e  prfe  tivai  foa^opwrfpov  nriOKoirov  7rp£<Tj3vrfp«.  Synops.  p.  809. 
jiua  yap  £<ri  ra^tg,  KCII  put,  0»jert,  rt/ij;,  icat  tj/a^ta»/ia.  H.  75.  n.  3. 

6     M»;  dtlt>,  (j>Tl<Tl,  TTpOOlptptlV  VTTtp  Tti)V  7rpOK£KOtjU7J/«i/WV.    p.  809.   B. 

N    2 


\SQ  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

and  thatf  if  near  the  period  of  life,  they  could  by  presents 
and  legacies,  or  somehow  or  other  procure  friends  to  pray 
for  them  after  their  death,  they  might  escape  the  just 
punishment  of  their  sins.  They  likewise  denied  the  obliga 
tion  of  set  fasts  and  feasts.  The  *  keeping  of  Easter,  they 
said,  was  unnecessary :  for  "  Christ  our  passover  had  been 


sacrificed  for  us,"  1  Cor.  v.  7.  To  keep  Easter  [or  pass- 
over]  now,  was  "  to  give  heed  to  Jewish  fables,"  Tit.  i.  14, 
and  1  Tim.  i.  4.  Set11  fasts  too,  they  said,  were  Jewish  ordi 
nances.  If  I  have  a  mind  to  fast,  I  will  take  the  time  that 
best  suits  me.  Not  but  that  they  would  sometimes  fast  on 
the  fourth  day  of  the  week,  as  others  do  :  however,  they  said, 
they  did  it  not  as  bound  thereto,  but  only  of  their  free-will  : 
which  last  particular  is  sufficient  to  show,  that  what  Epi- 
phanius  also  says  of.  their  choosing  to  fast  on  the  Lord's-day 
is  a  calumny,  and  an  unrighteous  aggravation  of  their  prin 
ciple. 

2.  These  then  are  the  sentiments  of  the  people  :  this  is  the 
institution  of  Aerius  and  his  followers.  But  how  came  they 
to  differ  so  much  from  the  rest  of  the  world  ?  from  most  of 
the  Arians,  as  well  as  the  Homoiisians?  A  necessary  in 
quiry  :  for'  all  heresy  is  supposed  to  spring  from  some  evil 
root.  Well,  what  was  it?  Let  us  attend.  It  is  said  that 
Aerius  was  a  friend  of  Eustathius,  a  man  of  Arian  princi 
ples  too:  and  that  when  Eustathius  was  made  bishop  of 
Sebaste  in  Lesser  Armenia,  about  the  year  355,  Aerius  Mas 
muchk  concerned  that  he  was  not  bishop  likewise.  Eusta 
thius  endeavoured  to  oblige  him.  He  ordained  Aerius 


f  Ttvi  ry 

yap  6  £a>j/,  i\  oiKOVOp.iav  £7roijjff£,  n  wQtXrjQrjcrtTai  6  TiQvtwQ  ;  Ei 
TWV  tvravOa  r«£  iKturt  wviyafv,  apa  y«v  {JLrjStiQ  £V(Tf/3«irw,  fjirj^e  a-ya007roiara», 
aXXa  KrqffaaOo)  0iX«£,  Ei  «  flsXtrai  rpoTra,  TJTOI  •%prmaoi  TruaaQ,  tjroi  (piXuQ 
aKiwaas  tv  TTJ  TfXtvry,  Kai  ivxtoQuactv  rrepi  avrs,  iva  \ni\  TI  tKfi  TraOt],  unfit  ra 
WTT'  avru  ytvofjitva.  TW  avr]Kt<^wv  auaprrjfjiaTwv  tK%i]Tr)9r).  H.  75.  n.  3.  p.  907. 
A.  B. 

g  Tt  £Tt  TO  Trac^a,  oirip  Trap'  vpiv  tTrtrtXttrat  ;  luSa'iicoif  iraXiv  fiv9oig  irpo- 
aavt\iTi.     Ov  yap  xpij,  0Jj«ri,  TO  7ra<T\a  nriri\tiv.  K.  X.  Ib.  p.  907.  A. 

h   Et  fit  Tig  TWV  UVTS  /3«Xoiro  vt]<?ivtiv,  {JLIJ  tv  rjfjifoaig  rtray/ntvaif,  0»;<rt,  «XX' 
OT£  /8«X£rat.  Synops.  p.  809.  C. 

AXX'  B$£  v><r£ia  (>iffi  £<rt  TiTatVT'  TCLVTO.  yap  Is^aVjca  £Ti,  KO.I 


oav  av  aiprjaofiat  iintpav  air  £)uawr« 
vij*?iv(i)  £ia  rr\v  (\iv9tpiav.  'O0£V  Trap'  avTOig  TTf^tXorjjuijrai  /uaXXov  tv  wpiaicy 
vt]<?ivnv,  TtTpaEi  ff,  (cat  7rpO(raj3j8ary  tffQitiv.  IIoXXa»«g  ^£  icai  TIJV  TtTpada 
vrj<?tvuoit>,  H^t  ^£<r/zy,  aXX'  t^ta  7rpoatp£<T£t  Qtjffi.  H.  75.  n.  3.  p.  907.  B.  C. 

•  '  Tluoav  yap.  aipioiv  jcaKOj8«Xta  TWV  yevofitvwv  atr  apx»?C  a^pt  TfX&Q  fj 
Ktvo$o£tac,  rj  iirapatwg,  ravra  £tpya<raro,  rj  fTriOvfjuag  opt^iQ,  rj  %I)\OG  irpog  TUQ 
TTiXag,  i]  Trapo^v/T/iOc,  »;  irpoTrtrua.  Epiph.  H.  75.  n.  1.  p.  904,  905. 

AvriKd  iiTfpov  ffaOtra  THTOV  TrptofivTipov,  rort  £ivo£o%tiov 
o?r«p  tv  ry  Trovry  »faXtirat  7rTwXorpo0aov.  K.  X.  Ibid.  p.  905.  C. 


AERIUS.    A.  D.  376.  181 

presbyter,  and  appointed  him  governor  of  the  hospital  in  the 
city :  but  Aerius  was  still  uneasy,  and  therefore  set  up  a 
new  discipline :  a  story  that  does  not  seem  to  me  to  have 
the  appearance  of  probability  :  now  are  his  principles  so 
unreasonable,  but  that,  without  being  under  the  bias  of  any 
prejudice,  he  might  think  them  founded  in  scripture. 

3.  These  people,  as  we  learn  from  Epiphanius,  met  with 
great  difficulties.     Aerius1  and  his  followers  were  excluded 
from  churches,  and  cities,  and  villages :  and  being  obliged 
to  wander  abroad,  they  suffered  great  hardships,  especially 
in  the  winter  and  cold  weather. 

4.  From™  Augustine's  manner  of  speaking  we  may  be 
apt  to  think,  that  he  knew  of  some  such  people  at  the  time 
of  writing  his  book  of  Heresies  in  the  year  428.     I  have 
placed  a  large  part  of  his  article  at  the  bottom  of  the  page. 
They  are  also  in11  Philaster:  but  he  does  not  seem  to  have 
been   well   informed  concerning  them :  however,  he  says, 
there  were  then0  many  of  them  in  Pamphylia. 

5.  Tilleraont  considers  these  people  as?  Calvinists.     For 
certain,  they  went  much  upon  the  presbyterian  plan :  and 
they  may   induce  us   to  think,   that    in    most  times  there 
have  been  some  who  opposed  growing  superstition  in  the 
church,  and  asserted  the  freedom  of  the  gospel :  but  being 
generally  opposed,  and  with  much  violence,  they  could  not 
increase  to  any  great  number,  and  in  time  they  were  reduced 
to  nothing.     We  formerly  saw  another  like  instance  1  in  the 
people  of  Neocaesarea,  disciples  of  Gregory,  generally  called 
Thaumaturgus. 

1  AirtXawtTO  Se  CLVTOQ  [itTa  TWV  CIVTH  airo  ruv  fKK\»/<Ttwv,  /cat  aypwv,  KM 
K(i)fj,b)v,  K<jii  TOJV  aXXwv  iroXewv.  XIoXXaKig  Se  fitTa  iroXXs  OX^B  TS  iSia  vi$o- 
pivot,  aypoQtv  ditrtXuv,  viratQpoi  rt,  /cat  I/TTO  Trerpag  av\i£o/j£voi,  tv  v\aig  Kara- 
QtvyovTtG,  H.  75.  n.  3.  p.  906. 

m  Aeriani  ab  Aerio  quodam  sunt,  qui  cum  esset  presbyter,  doluisse  fertur, 
quod  episcopus  non  potuit  ordinari ;  et  in  Arianorum  haeresin  lapsus,  propria 
quoque  dogmata  addidisse  nonnulla,  dicens,  offerri  pro  dormientibus  non 
oportere :  nee  statuta  solemniter  celebranda  esse  jejunia,  sed,  cum  quisque 
voluerit,  jejunandum,  ne  videatur  esse  sub  lege.  Dicebat  etiain  presbyterum 
ab  episcopo  nulla  differentia  debere  discerni.  August.  Haer.  53.  "  H.  72. 

0  et  in  provincia  Pamphylia  quam  plurimi  commorantur.     Ibid. 

P  S.  Basile,  n.  39.  Mem.  T.  ix. 

q  See  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xlii.  num.  ii. 


182  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

CHAP.  LXXXIH. 

THE  COUNCIL  OF  LAODICEA. 


I.  A  Catalogue  of  the  books  of  the  Old  avid  ./Veto  Testa 
ment.     II.  Remarks. 

1.  THE  59th  and  60th,  or,  according  to  another  computa 
tion,  the  58th  and  59th,  that  is,  the  two  last  canons  of  the 
council  of  Laodicea  in  Lydia,  or  Phrygia  Pacatiana,  are  to 
thisa  purpose. 

*  Thatb  private  Psalms  ought  not  to  be  read  [or  said]  in 
the  church,  nor  any  books,  not  canonical,  but  only  the  ca 
nonical  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament.' 

*  The  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  which  ought  to  be  read, 
are   these:  1.  Thec    Genesis    [generation]   of   the   world. 

2.  The  Exodus  out  of  Egypt.     3.  Leviticus.     4.  Numbers. 
5.  Deuteronomy.     6.  Joshua  the  son  of  Nun.     7.  Judges, 
with   Ruth.     8.  Esther.     9.  The  first  and  second  book  of 
the  Kingdoms.     10.  The  third  and  fourth  book  of  the  King 
doms.     11.  The  first  and  second  book  of  the  Remains  [or 
Chronicles],     12.  The   first  and   second   book   of  Esdras. 
13.  The  book  of  150  Psalms.     14.  The  Proverbs  of  Solo 
mon.      15.  The    Ecclesiastes.      16.   The    Song   of  Songs. 
17.   Job.      18.    The    Twelve   Prophets.      19.    Isaiah.     20. 
Jeremiah  and  Baruch,  the  Lamentations  and  the  Epistles. 
21.  Ezekiel.     22.  Daniel.     The  books   of  the  New  Testa 
ment  are  these:    the  four  gospels,  according  to  Matthew, 
according  to  Mark,  according  to  Luke,  according  to  John  : 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles:  the  seven  catholic  epistles:    of 
James  one,  of  Peter  two,  of  John  three,  of  Jude  one,  the 
fourteen  epistles  of  Paul :  to  the  Romans  one,  to  the  Co 
rinthians  two,  to  the  Galatians  one,  to  the  Ephesians  one, 
to  the  Philippians  one,  to  the  Colossians  one,  to  the  Thes- 
salonians  two,  to  the  Hebrews  one,  to  Timothy  two,  to  Titus 
one,  to  Philemon  one.' 

II.  I  shall  now  propose  some  observations  upon  this  cata 
logue,  and  the  council  to  which  it  is  ascribed. 

4  Ap.  Labbe  Concil.  T.  ii.  Bevereg.  Cod.  T.  i. 

'On  H  tin  iSiwTiicsc  i|/aX/i«c  \tysv9ai  (v  tKicXrjffuf,  sSt  aicavovi^a  (3tj3\iaf 
oXXa  fiora  TO  KOVOVIKCI  rr)g  KCHVIJC  KCU  Tra\aiag  SuiQriKrjc.     Can.  59. 
c   Ttvtou;  KOfffts' 


The  Council  of  Laodicca.     A.  D.  363.  183 

1.  In  this  catalogue  are  omitted,  for  the  Old  Testament, 
the   books  of  Judith,  Tobit,    Wisdom,   Ecclesiasticus,   the 
Maccabees  :    and   in  the   New   the   Revelation  ;  either   not 
reckoning-  it  a  work  of  John  the  apostle  and  evangelist,  or 
not  esteeming'  it  proper  to  be  publicly  read  in  the  church. 

2.  The  time  of  this   council   is  not  certain  :  some  have 
placed  it  before  the  council  of  Nice;    others  a  between  the 
council  of  Antioch  held  in  341,  and  the  council  of  Constan 
tinople  in  381  :  some  in  365,  others  ine  363.  which  seems  as 
likely  as  any. 

3.  Though  the  time  of  this  council  cannot  be  exactly  set- 
tied,  I  think  it  cannot  be  denied,  that  there  was  a  council 
held  at  Laodicea  in  the  fourth  century,  which  made  many 
regulations  concerning  ecclesiastical  discipline.     This  may 
be  reckoned  evident  from  the  notice  taken  of  it  in  the  sixth 
general  council  at  Constantinople,  and  other  councils  :  and 
from  its  being  particularly  mentioned  byf  Theodoret,  who 
wrote  within  sixty  or  seventy  years  after  the  supposed  time 
of  it. 

4.  The  chief  design  of  that  council  appears  to  have  been 
to  deliver  rules  of  church  discipline.     Nevertheless,  the  bi 
shops  there  assembled  may  have  been  induced,  for  some  rea 
sons,  to  publish  a  catalogue  of  sacred  books,  to  be  publicly 
read  in  the  churches.     Accordingly,  the  last  canon  about 
scripture,  is  generally  received  as  genuine,  though  it  may 
not  be  quite  so  unquestioned  as  the  other  preceding  canons. 
Some  have  observed,  that  this  canon  is  omitted  by  Diony- 
sius  Exiguus,  and  that  it  is  wanting  z  in  some  ancient  ma 
nuscripts.     In  answer  to  which  I  would  say,  that  perhaps 
the  omission  by  Dionysius11  may  be  accounted   for  :    or  it 
may  be  an  accidental   thing,  of  which  no  account  can  be 
easily  given:  and   his  omitting  it,  however  it  came  to  pass, 
may   have  been  an  occasion  of  its  being  wanting  in  some 
manuscripts. 

5.  Some  are  of  opinion,  that  this  council1   consisted  of 

d  That  was  the  opinion  of  Marca.     See  Tillem.  Mem.  E.  T.  vi.  Les  Aliens, 
Art.  129.  et  Pagi  Ann.  314.  n.  25. 

c  Pagi  ubi  supr.  Basn.  Ann.  363.  n.  19. 


\VK£  TO  TOIQ  ayyiXoiG  TrpoatvxtaOat.  Theod.  in  Coloss.  cap.  iii.  18.  T.  3.  p.  355. 

s  *  I  may  add,  that  the  canon  of  scripture,  which  we  go  by,  groundeth 
'  much  upon  that  enumeration  subjoined  to  the  last  canon  of  the  council  of 
'  Laodicea,  which  yet  is  not  found  in  the  very  ancient  manuscripts.  Gretser 
*  mentioneth  one,  and  I  meet  with  another  here  at  home.'  John  Gregory's 
Posthuma,  p.  85. 

h  Daille  [Use  of  the  Fathers,  p.  45,  46.  Lond.  1  675.]  endeavours  to  account 
for  that  omission  of  Dionysius.  '  Pagi  Ann.  314.  n.  25. 


184  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

Arian  bishops,  and  that  it  was  conducted  by  Theodosius, 
bishop  of  Philadelphia  in  Lydia,  a  man  of  the  Arian  party  : 
though  somek  dispute  this,  it  may  be  reckoned  no  impro 
bable  supposition.  Tillemont  indeed  imagines,  that1  this  is 
a  disparagement  of  this  council  not  to  be  admitted :  and 
that  it  would  be  melancholy  to  think,  that  a  council,  the 
canons  of  which  have  been  always  received  by  the  church, 
should  have  been  only  a  council  of  men,  enemies  of  the  faith, 
and  separated  from  the  catholic  communion.  But  Pagira 
thinks  this  no  just  ground  of  offence. 

6.  This  council  has  not  been  equally11  esteemed  by  all. 
Possibly   learned  men,  according  to  the  different  notions 
of  the  party  they  have  been  engaged  in,  have  been  led  to 
disregard  the  last  canon :  some,  because  of  its  omitting  the 
apocryphal  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  others,  because 
it  has  not  the  book  of  the  Revelation.     Basnage,  in  his  his 
tory  of  the  church,  observes,  that0  protestants  and  catholics 
have  equally  disparaged  this  synod. 

7.  Finally,  it  ought  to  be  observed,  that  this  was  a  par 
ticular  council  only,  consisting  of  thirty  or  forty  bishops  of 
Lydia,  and  neighbouring  countries.     Indeed  it  is  said,  that 
the  canons  of  this  council  were  received  and  adopted  by 
some    general   councils  in  aftertimes.       Nevertheless,  per 
haps  it  would  be  difficult  to  show,  that  those  general  coun 
cils    received   the   last   canon,  and   exactly    approved    the 
catalogue  of  sacred  books  therein  contained,  without  any 
addition  or  diminution,  as  we  now  have  it. 

8.  I  have  thought  it  not  improper  to  put  down  these 
several  observations  concerning  this  famous  canon  of  the 
council  of  Laodicea,  which  are  referred  to  the  consideration 
of  the  candid  and  attentive  reader. 

k  Basnag.  Hist,  de  1'Eglise,  liv.  viii.  c.  8.  n.  ii.  p.  437. 

1  Les  Ariens,  Art.  139. 

m  Nee  mirum,  concilium  ab  haereticis  habitum  codicis  canonum  ecclesiae 
universae  partem  facere,  cum  ab  ecclesia  receptum  fuerit,  et  nihil  ejus  moribus 
contrarium  contineat.  Pagi  Ann.  314.  n.  25. 

n  Concilii  Laodiceni  canon  ultimus,  qui  catalogum  exhibit  librorum  scrip- 
turae,  apud  Dionysium  Exiguum  non  invenitur.  Et  praeterea,  si  vel  admittatur, 
synodus  tamen  ipsa  exiguae  auctoritatis  est,  neque  censeri  potest  vocem  ecclesiae 
Graecae  illius  temporis  exhibere ;  turn  quod  particular-is  tantum  fuit  quorundam 
in  Lydia  episcoporum,  turn  quod  auctor  canonum  pradicatur  fuisse  quidam 

Theodosius partibus  Arianorum  favens.  Lampe,  Proleg.  in  Joann.  1.  i. 

c-  7.  n.  24.  °  As  before,  n.  iii.  p.  438. 


EPIPHANIUS,  Bishop  in  Cyprus.     A.  D.  368.  185 

CHAP.  LXXXIV. 

EPIPHANIUS,  BISHOP  IN  CYPRUS. 


I.  His  history.  II.  Three  catalogues  of  the  books  of  the 
Old  Testament.  III.  A  catalogue  of  the  books  of  the 
Neic  Testament.  IV.  His  testimony  to  the  several  books 
of  the  New  Testament.  V.  General  titles  and  divisions, 
and  respect  for  the  scriptures.  VI.  Remarkable  passages. 
VII.  The  sum  of  his  testimony. 

1.  ST.  JEROM  has  a  short  chapter  for a  Epiphanius,  which 
I  put  in  the  margin  without  translating  it. 

He  elsewhere  speaks  of  Epiphanius  with  high  b  com 
mendations  :  and  also  says,  that c  he  was  a  man  of  five  lan 
guages  :  that  is,  he  understood  Greek,  Syriac,  Hebrew, 
Egyptian,  and  Latin  in  part. 

Epiphanius  was  a  native  of  Palestine :  he  was  chosen 
bishop  of  Constantia,  formerly  called  Salamis,  the  metropo 
lis  of  the  island  of  Cyprus,  in  367  or  368.  He  was  living, 
and  still  wrote,  as  St.  Jerom  assures  us,  in  392,  when  he 
composed  his  catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers.  It  is 
supposed  that  he  died  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  403. 
In  tl  the  year  373,  or  the  beginning  of  374,  he  wrote  the 
book  entitled  the  Ancorate ;  his  Panarium,  or  large  work 
against  Heresies,  hee  seems  to  have  begun  in  374.  For 
learned  men  have  observed  from  the  work  itself,  that  his 
article  against  the  Montanists  was  composed  in  375,  and 
that  in  the  year  376,  he  was  got  as  far  as  that  of  the  Mani- 
chees,  and  more  than  half  of  the  whole  work.  In  392,  he  f 
wrote  his  treatise  of  Weights  and  Measures.  For  a  far- 

a  Epiphanius,  Cypri  Salaminae  episcopus,  scripsit  adversum  omnes  haereses 
libros,  et  multa  alia,  quae  ab  eruditis  propter  res,  a  simplicioribus  propter  verba, 
lectitantur.  Superest  usque  hodie,  et  in  extrema  jam  senectute  varia  cudit 
opera.  DeV.I.  c.  114. 

b  patrem  pene  omnium  episcoporum,  et  antiquae  reliquias  sanctita- 

tis  et  opere  et  sermone  despicias.  Ad  Pamm.  Ep.  38.  [al.  61.]  T.  iv.  p.  313.  m. 

c  Crimini  ei  dandum  est,  quare  Graecam,  Syriacam,  et  Hebraeam,  et  ^Egyp- 
tiam  linguam,  ex  parte  et  Latinam,  noverit  ?  Adv.  Ruf.  1.  ii.  p.  417.  f.  Et 
Papa  Epiphanius  Trti/rayXwrroe.  Adv.  Ruf.  1.  iii.  p.  443.  in. 

d  St.  Epiphane,  Art.  ix.  Tillem.  Mem.  E.  T.  x. 

e  Tillem.  ib.  Art.  xi.  et  Petav.  Animadv.  in  Epiph.  T.  ii.  p.  4. 

f  Tillem.  as  before,  art.  13. 


186  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

tlicr  account  of  Epiphanius's  life  and  writings  I  refer  to* 
others. 

II.  In  the  remaining  works  of  Epiphanius,  we  find  the 
books  of  the  Old  Testament  thrice  enumerated,  and  once 
those  of  the  New.  I  intend  to  give  an  account  of  all  his 
catalogues. 

1.  The  catalogue,  which  I  shall  first  observe,  is  inh  the 
fourth  section  of  the  book  of  Weights  and  Measures.     He 
reckons  the  sacred   books  of  the  Old  Testament  to  be  in 
number  twenty-seven,  but  reduced  to  twenty-two,  the  num 
ber  of  the  letters  of  the  Jewish  alphabet.     The  books  last 
mentioned  are  Esdras,  (meaning  our  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  :) 
and  Esther.     After  which  he  adds;  '  For1  as  for  those  two 
books,  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon,  and  the  Wisdom  of  Jesus 
the  son  of  Sirach,  —  they  likewise  are  useful,  but  not  brought 
into  the  same  number  with  the  foregoing;  and  therefore  are 
not  placed  in  the  ark  of  the  covenant.'     In  the  next  section 
he  observes,  that  k  the  epistles  of  Baruch  were  not  received 
by  the  Jews,  but  only  the  Lamentations,  added  to  the  book 
of  Jeremiah. 

2.  In   the  twenty-third  section  of  the  same  work,   the 
Jewish  books  are  again  enumerated,  and  put  down  in  their 
Hebrew  names  ;  where  the  three  last  mentioned  are  the  two 
books  of  Esdras  and  Esther. 

3.  A  third  catalogue  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament, 
is  in  the  Panarium,  and  not  very  far  from  the  beginning  of 
it.     This  I  shall  now  transcribe  at  large.     «  Now  l  the  Jews 
had  these  prophets,  and  books  of  prophets,  until  the  return 
from  the  Babylonish  captivity  :  the  first  Genesis,  the  second 
Exodus,  the  third  Leviticus,  the  fourth  Numbers,  the  fifth 
Deuteronomy,  the  sixth  the  book  of  Joshua  the  son  of  Nun, 
the  seventh  the  book  of  the  Judges,  the  eighth  the  book  of 
Ruthj  the  ninth  the  book  of  Job,  the  tenth  the  Psalter,  the 
eleventh  the  Proverbs  of  Solomon,  the  twelfth  the  Ecclesi- 
astes,  the  thirteenth  the  Song  of  Songs,  the  fourteenth  the 
first  book  of  the  Kingdoms,  the  fifteenth  the  second  book 

«  Cav.  Hist.  Lit.  Fabr.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  vii.  p.  414.  &c.  Tillera.  Mem.  EC.  T. 
x.p.  484.  &c.  "  T.  ii.  p.  161,  162. 

'  A!  yap  TtXr)p«c  Svo  (3i(3\oi,  »}  Tf  rs  SoXo/iovrog,  rj  UavaptTOG,  Xfyopevr)' 
Kati)  TH  I/jffH  r«  VIH  2ipax,  Kai  avrai  x^mfjioi  piv  tun  KCII  wQeXipoi,  aXX'  ae 
apiVfiov  pi,™*  SK  avafepovrai-Sio  ^£  are  tv  ry  TTJC;  diaO^Krjg  KiSuTV.  De 
Mens.  et  Pond.  n.  iv.  p.  162. 

cat  rbiv  OVTWV  iv  ry  'lept/uta'  <f>rjfu  Se  Kai  TCJV  Bpqi/wv  avrs,  Kai 
ruv  £7Ti7oXwi>  Bap«X,  «  ,cai  8  Ktivrai  ew^oXai  Trap  'Eppatoig,  n  uovov  r,  TWV 
Qpjvwv  rv  Itpt^ta  ffvva<p9ttaa.  Ib.  n.  5.  p.  163.  A. 

E<TXOV  Se  HTOI  oi  USmot,  aXpc  T*,G  tnro  Ba/3vXa>t/oe  ai(c/iaXw(Ttae  nravofo, 
Q,  K.  \.  H.  8.  n.  6.  T.  i.  p.  19. 


rt  xai 


EPIPHANIUS,  Bishop  in  Cyprus.     A.  D.  368.  187 

of  the  Kingdoms,  the  sixteenth  the  third  book  of  the  King 
doms,  the  seventeenth  the  fourth  book  of  the  Kingdoms, 
the  eighteenth  the  first  book  of  the  Remains,  the  nineteenth 
the  second  book  of  the  Remains,  the  twentieth  the  book  of 
the  twelve  Prophets,  the  twenty-first  Isaiah  the  Prophet, 
the  twenty-second  Jeremiah  the  Prophet,  with  the  Lamen 
tations,  and  his  epistle,  and  the  epistle  of  Baruch,  the  twenty- 
third  Ezekiel  the  Prophet,  the  twenty-fourth  Daniel  the 
Prophet,  the  twenty-fifth  the  first  book  of  Esdras,  the 
twenty-sixth  the  second  book,  the  twenty-seventh  Esther. 
And  these  are  the  seven-and-twenty  books,  which  were 
given  by  God  to  the  Jews:  though  they  are  reckoned  only 
two-and-twenty,  according  to  the  number  of  the  letters  of 
the  Hebrew  alphabet  ;  for  ten  of  the  books  that  are  double 
are  reduced  to  five.  There  are  also  two  other  books  among 
them,  which  m  are  doubted  of,  the  Wisdom  of  Sirach,  and 
of  Solomon,  beside"  certain  other  that  are  apocryphal/ 

III.  I  do  not  stay  to  make  remarks  upon  these  catalogues 
of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament;  the  reader  is  able  to  do 
that  of  himself.     I  proceed  to  the  catalogue  of  the  books  of 
the  New  Testament,  which  is  another  article  of  the  same 
work  of  this  author. 

'  Had0  you,  Aetius,  been  born  of  the  Spirit,  and  been 
taught  by  the  prophets  and  apostles,  you  would  have  read 
the  seven-and-twenty  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  from  the 
creation  of  the  world  to  the  time  of  Esther,  which  are  reck 
oned  two-and-twenty;  and  also  the  four  holy  gospels,  and  the 
fourteen  epistles  of  the  holy  apostle  Paul,  and  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles,  and  the  catholic  epistles  of  James,  and  Peter, 
and  John,  and  Jude,  and  the  Revelation  of  John,  and^  the 
Wisdoms  of  Solomon  and  Sirach,  and  in  a  word  all  the  di 
vine  scriptures.' 

IV.  I  shall  add  divers  passages  of  Epiphanius,  concern 
ing  the  several  parts  or  books  of  the  New  Testament. 

1.  Matthew  1  both  preached,  and  wrote  a  gospel  in  He 
brew.  Andr  he  wrote  first,  because8  he  had  been  called 
from  the  receipt  of  the  customs,  and  from  many  sins.  It 
was  therefore  fit  he  should  show,  that  "  Jesus  came  not  to  call 
the  righteous,  but  sinners  to  repentance."  See  Matt.  ix.  13. 


n   Xwpjf  aXXwv  TIVWV  /StjSXiov  avcnroKpv<f>(i}v. 
H.  76.  p.  941.  P  'iv  rf.  TatQ  So</>ttti£  2oXo/iwvrof  rt 

,  /eat  vis  2ip«X>  KO.I  iravaiQ  a7rXw£  ypaQaig  SeiaiQ.     Ibid. 
Oiirog  fitv  6   MarOaio£   'EjSpa'ocotg  ypa/i/uaffi  ypa0«  TO  tvayyfXtov,  KCII 
H.  51.  n.  5.  p.  426.  A.  r  Mar&uog  yap  Trpwrog 

Ib.  n.  4.  p.  425.  B.  Vid.  et  n.  5.  p.  425.  C.  D. 
Kai  ducaioTaTct  rjv'     Efci  yap  rov  arro  TroXXw;/  a^aprtyjuarwv  £  Trier- 
,  »cat  CCTTO  TO  rtXwvis  ava^avra.  K.  \.  Ib.  n.  5.  p.  425. 


188  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History, 

2.  Matthew1  wrote  in  Hebrew ;  and  he  is  the  only  writer 
of  the   New   Testament  who  made  use   of  that   language. 
However,  Epiphanius  had  heard,  that  the  gospel  of  John, 
and  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  had  been  translated  from  Greek 
into  Hebrew,  and"  were  in  the  library  of  the  Jews  at  Tibe 
rias.    Of  this  he  had  been  assured  by  some  Jewish  believers. 
He  says  nothing  here  particularly  of  the  epistle  to  the  He 
brews  ;  and  must  therefore,  I  think,  be  understood  to  sup 
pose,  that  it  was  originally  written  in  Greek,  as  the  other 
books  of  the  New  Testament  were,  excepting  only  the  gos 
pel  of  St.  Matthew. 

3.  Matthew  wrote  first,  and  Mark,  asv  he  says,  soon  after, 
being  a  companion  of  Peter  at  Rome.     Moreover,  according 
to  Epiphanius,  Mark  was  one  of  Christ's  seventy-two  dis 
ciples,  and  likewise  one  of  those  who  were  offended  at  the 
words  of  Christ  recorded  John  vi.  44,  and  then  forsook  him, 
but  was  afterwards  recovered  by  Peter,  and  being  filled  with 
the  Spirit,  wrote  a  gospel. 

4.  The  third  gospel w  is  that  of  Luke.     He  too  was  one  of 
Christ's  seventy-two  disciples,  who  took  offence  at  the  same 
words  that  Mark  did.    He  was  recovered  by  Paul,  and  wasx 
moved  by  the  Spirit  to  write  a  gospel. 

5.  At  lengthy  John  also,  moved  by  the  Spirit,  wrote  a 
gospel,  after  he  had  long  declined  it,   through  humility, 
when  he  was  more  than  ninety  years  of  age,  and  when  he 
had  lived  many  years  in  Asia,  after  his  return  thither  from 
Patmos,  in  the  time  of  the  emperor  Claudius. 

6.  He  likewise  says,  that2  John,  the  fourth  and  last  in 

'Qc  ra  aXrjOrj  £<?iv  (iireiv,  on  MarQaioe  fiovog  'E/3pae?t  /cat 'E/3patVotg  ypctfi- 
pamv  tv  Ty  Kaivy  SiaOrjicy  eiroir)<ra.TO  TTJV  TS  evayyeXis  ticOtmv  re  KM  Knpvyua. 
H.  30.  n.  3.  p.  127.  C. 

Ev  TOIQ  TMV  luSaiuv  ya£o0tAa«iote — tv  Ty  Tifepiadi.     Ibid. 

EvQvg  dt  fitra  rov  Marflatov  aicoXsOog  ytvoptvoQ  6  Map/coe  T(p  ayi^  TTtrpy 
tv  'Poifirj—o^e  Sia  HeTps  avaKa^aq  tvayytXi^Oai  Kara^israi,  irvwuari 
ayi([)  7Tf<j)opijfi(vog.  H.  5 1 .  n.  6.  p.  428.  A. 

'On  ids  Tpirov  evayytXiov  TO  Kara  AsicaV  TSTO  yap  fTrerpairt)  TV  Asica, 
OVTI  KCII  wry  airo  rwv  t^ofirjKovra  dvo  TU>V  SiaGKOpinoQtvTuv  tin  rip  TS  Swrij- 
pog  Xoyy,  tfia  Se  UavXa  TS  ayis  iraXiv  avaKa^avTog  Trpof  TOV  Kvptov.  H. 

51.  n.  11.  p.  433.  C.  x   avayKa?«  TO  elyiov  ™Vj«a,  Kat 

nrivvTTti  TOV  ayiov  Asicav.     Ib.  n.  viii.  p.  428. 

y   Ato  fofpov  avayicaZei  TO  ayiov  irvtvpa  TOV  luavvrjv  irapaiTsptvov  tvayyf- 
\HTaoOai,  ft  fvXafaav  Kai  Ta-n-tivo^poavvrjv,  em  Ty  yrjpaXey.  avTs  >}\t/cta,  uiTa 

tTf}  IVVlVTJKOVTd  TTIQ  iaVTS  twrjg,  ^ITd  T*]V  CtVTH   OTTO   T^Q    UaTflS     tTTUVodoV,  T*]V 

tm  KXavdis  ytvoptvn  K«l(rapog,  Kai  filTa  \Kava  ^n  TS  Siarpi^at  avTov  aw 
M.  WJ  TTJQ  Amae,  avayKci&Tai  tK9eoOai  TO  tvayytXiov.  H.  51.  n.  xii.  p  433 
D.  434.  A. 

x  Tfr«prog  yap  Kara  SiaSoXtjv  A0wi/  o  /ta/capwf,  Trpwroc  uev  wv,  vvepoc  3e 
rotf  mtrtv  ^ayyeWa^og.  «.  X.     H.  51.  n.  19.  p.  441.  D.     Et  conf.  H.  69. 


EPIPHANIUS,  Bishop  in  Cyprus.     A.  D.  368.  189 

order  of  time,  was  first  in  respect  to  the  sublimity  of  his 
matter. 

7.  Epiphanius  does  moreover  say  in  several  places,  that* 
John's  gospel  was  occasioned  by  the  errors  of  the  Ebionites, 
the  Cerinthians,  the  Merinthians,  and  Nazarenes. 

8.  In  his  Ancorate  he  says,  there b  are  four  gospels,  and 
in  them  a  thousand  one  hundred  and  sixty-two  sections,  or 
chapters;  which  is  very  near  the  number  of  Eusebius's 
canon. 

9.  Again  in  his  large  work,  having  observed  the  different 
characters  of  the  four  evangelists,  and  the  beginnings  of 
their  several  gospels,  and  that  John  wrote  last,  supplying' 
some  things  omitted  by  the  former :  hence,  saysc  he,  it  has 
come  to  pass,  that  we  have  a  full  account  of  what  concerns 
both  Christ's  humanity  and  divinity. 

10.  In  an  argument,  he  in  one  place  mentions  the  gospels 
in  this  order:  According*1  to  the  gospel  of  Luke  and  of  John, 
and  of  Matthew  and  Mark. 

11.  Epiphanius  ascribes  (lie  book  of  the  Acts  toe  Luke. 

12.  It  is  needless  to   take    notice  of  any   quotations  of 
Paul's  epistles.     That  to  the  Hebrews  is  frequently  cited  as 
Paul's  ;  and  as  expressly  as  any  other  of  his  epistles.     But 
the  reader,  if  he  thinks  fit,  may  observe  the  place  where f 
our  author  speaks  of  the  order  of  Paul's  epistles,  and  says, 
that  sometimes  that  to  the  Hebrews  was  reckoned  the  tenth, 
being*  placed  before  the  epistle  to  Timothy,  Titus,  and  Phi 
lemon.     In  other  copies  it  was  the  fourteenth. 

13.  The  epistle  of  James  is  quoted  by  him&  sometimes. 

14.  He  says,  that11  Joseph  had  by  his  first  wife  four  sons : 
James,  called  the  Lord's  brother,  because  he  was  brought 
up  with   him,  and  Simon,  and  Jude,  and  John,  and  two 
daughters,  Anna  and  Salome.     In  another  place  he  says, 
that1    Joseph  was  married  to    Mary  when  he  was  about 
eighty  years  of  age,  having  had  by  a  former  wife  six  chil 
dren.     He  elsewhere  also  speaks  largely  of  James,  saying, 

a  Vid.  H.  51.  n.  2.  p.  423.  n.  12.  p.  434.  B.  C.  H.  69.  n.  22, 23. 

b  Ttaoapa  tnv  euayytXta,  KttyaXaiwv  x^uv  IKCLTOV  QIKOVTO.  Svo.  Ancor. 
c.  50.  p.  54.  B. 

c  Iva  a?ro  reffffapuv  £uayyE\iTWV  TI\V  Traaav  Kara  re  rr\v  aapKct,  Kai 

Kara  ri\v  SreoTrjra  aicpifieiav  Karacrxw/m>.  H.  51.  n.  19.  p.  442.  B. 

d  Kai  euro  TS  Kara  Asxav  tuayytXts,  Kai  airo  TS  Kara  Iwavvrjv,  KCU  aTro  Ttt 
Kara  MarOaiov,  Kara  airo  TS  Kara  Mapicov.  H.  51.  n.  28.  p.  450.  C. 

e  Kai  rjfj.tv  tv  T(p  TrXot^i  a>£  oy^ojjicovra  i|/tn^ai,  Qrjaiv  b  Astcag,  b  (ruyypa^a- 
rag  IIpa£«£  TWV  A7roTo\wi>.  Ancor.  n.  59.  p.  61.  D. 

f  Vid.  H.  42.  p.  373.  C.  D.  Conf.  Mill.  Prolegom.  n.  236—238. 

8  Vid.  H.  31.  n.  34.  p.  206.  B.  H.  77.  n.  27.  p.  1021.  C. 

11  Ancor.  n.  60.  p.  62.  D.  '  H.  51.  n.  10.  p.  432.  D. 


190  Credibility  oftlw  Gospel  History. 

thatk  he  was  the  Lord's  brother,  and  his  apostle,  and  the 
first  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  and  other  things  which  need  not 
now  to  be  attended  to. 

15.  He  has  several  times  quoted  the  two  epistles  of 
Peter. 

1(5.  He  says,  that1  Peter  was  often  in  the  countries  of  Pon- 
tus  and  Bithynia. 

17.  John's  second  epistle  is  quoted  bym  Epiphanius. 

18.  He  cites  very  expressly"  the  catholic  epistle  of  Jude, 
the  apostle,  brother  of  James,  and  of  the  Lord,  written  by 
inspiration. 

19.  Speaking  of  these  seven  epistles,  it  is  common  for  him 
to  use  the  word  '  catholic.'     He  quotes  St.  John's  first  epis 
tle  in  this  manner  :    Of  °  whom  the  holy  John  says  in   the 
catholic  epistle,  "  It  is  the  last  time.     And  ye  have  heard 
that  Antichrist  cometh."     See  1  John  ii.  18. 

20.  Epiphanius  received  the  book  of  the  Revelation  :  for 
he  says,  that  v  John  imparted  spiritual  gifts  by  his  gospel, 
his  epistles,  and  the  Revelation. 

21.  And  in  the  preceding  chapter  he  had  said,  that*!  all 
John's  books  or  writings,  his  gospel,  and  Revelation,  and 
epistles,  were  harmonious. 

22.  He  says,  thatr  John  prophesied,  or  had  the  Revela 
tion,  in  the  isle  of  Patmos,  in  the  reign  of  Claudius,  if  that 
be  not  a  fault  of  the  transcriber. 

23.  The  book  of  the  Revelation  was  not  universally  re 
ceived    in  the  time  of  Epiphanius.     His   account  of  the 
Alogians  is,  that  they  rejected  all  St.  John's  writings.     And 
he  says,  that8  if  they  had   rejected  the  Revelation  only,  it 


k   Kara<ro0£vro£  evQvg  IaKu»/3  TB  afoX^s  Kvpis  KaXspevg,  /cat  a7ro<ro\8,  f  iriv- 

K07TH  TTpUTS,    V18  T8  IOKT/J0    0UCT61  OVTQQ,  IV    Td%tl  df.  afoX08   78  Kvpl8  K\tjOtVTO£ 

&a  TTJV  ffwava<?po(])T]v.     H.  29.  n.  3.  p.  119.  A.  Vid.  et  n.  4. 

I  HiTpog  £e  troXAOM£  HOVTOV  rt  KO.I   "BiOvviav  £7T£cnc£i|/aro.     H.  27.  n.  6.  p. 
107.  D.  m  H.  34.  n.  13.  p.  248.  A. 

II  -  a>£  KCU  irepi  TUTMV  oi/iat  tKivijQrj  TO  ayiov  Trvtv^a  ev  Tip  aTroroXy 
Infi<f,  Xeytt)  Ss  ev  ryvir'  avm  ypatytiay  Ka9o\iK-g  £7Tt<roXy.  K.  X.     H.  26.  n.  11.  p. 
92.  D.  °   Ufpi  MV  tnrtv  o  dyiog  luavvrjG  ev  TUIQ  KaOoXiKaig 
fTriToXatc-     H.  51.  n.  3.  p.  428.  A. 

p  EJ;  O'IQ  icat  6  aytof  luavvtjQ  dta  TH  tvayyi\i&,  KO.I  ra»v  tTTiToXwv,  icat  rqg 
ATroKaXu^/twc  tK  TH  Mrs  ^a^ia^aroQ  TS  ay  is  irvtvpaTOQ  jLt£ra^£^w/c£.  H.  51.  n. 
35.  p.  457.  C. 

(|  —  —  —  —  ra  TS  ciyia  aTTOToXw  /3t/3X»a,  0»;/ui  $£  Iwaws  TO  T£  tvayytXiov,  KO.I 
ATTOKa\v\l,iv,  Ta\a  ^£  <cat  £7rtoToXag.  2vvad&ffi  yap  /cat  aurat  ry  tvayy£\iq>t 
KOI  ry  A7To»caXui/'£i.  Ib.  n.  34.  p.  456.  C. 

r  Aura  fo  irnofojTfvaavroQ  tv  xpovoig  KXau^t8  Kaiffapog  avwrarw,  OTE  tig  TTJV 
Ilar/xov  vrjffov  virriptiv.  Ib.  n.  33.  p.  456.  A.  conf.  n.  12.  p.  434.  A. 

8  Kat  a  p.(v  tdixovTO  TO  tvayytXiov,  rr\v  tie  A7TOKaXu\//tv  a7r£/3aXXovro,  £X£- 
p.i)  TFT]  apa  Kara  aKpi/3oXoytav  rotaro  Trotuvrai,  airoKpvfyov  firj  ^£^o/j£j/ot, 
TO.  (v  Ty  A7roKa\v\^ti  /3a0£W(;  KOI  tr/corfw/wt;  tipqutva,  H.  51.  n.  3.  p.  423.  D. 


EPIPHANIUS,  Bishop  in  Cyprus.     A.  D.  368.  191 

might  have  been  imagined,  that  they  had  acted  upon  the 
ground  of  a  nice  and  critical  judgment;  as  being  shy  of  an 
apocryphal  and  mysterious  book  :  but  to  reject  all  John's 
writings,  was  a  sign  of  an  antichristian  spirit. 

24.  In  another  place  he  says,  the1  Revelation  was  gene 
rally  received,  or  by  the  most. 

V.  We  may  now  take  some  of  the  many  passages  of  this 
writer,  testifying  the  great  respect  shown  by  Christians  to 
the  sacred  scriptures,  together  with  their  general  titles  and 
divisions. 

1.  Oneu  and  the  same  God  is  preached  to  us  in  the  law, 
and  the  prophets,  and  the  gospels,  and  the  apostles,  in  the 
Old  and  the  New  Testament. 

2.  He   particularly   examines  the   texts  alleged   by   the 
Arians  fromv  the  apostle,  and  from  the  gospels, 

3.  Thew  apostle,  or  rather  the  Holy  Ghost  speaking  in 
the  apostle. 

4.  Ax  thing  never  said  by  any  of  the  ancients,  nor  by 
any  prophet,  or  apostle,  or  evangelist,  or  interpreter  to  this 
day. 

5.  Arguing  against  the  followers  of  Origen,  he  says:  They 
prophets  and  apostles  are  more  to  be  relied  upon  than  you, 
or  your  master. 

6.  Against  the  Valentinians.     Their  z  fables  and   fancies 
have  no  countenance  from  scripture,  nor  from  Moses,  nor 
from  any  of  the  prophets  after  him,  nor  from  our  Saviour, 
nor  from  his  evangelists,  or  apostles. 

7.  That,  and  other  like  passages  plainly  show,  what  writ 
ings  were  of  authority  in  the  church,  and  that  there  were  no 
other  to  which  that  honour  was  allowed. 

8.  Again  :  Sucha  a  thing  was  never  said  by  any  of  the 

1  ---  Trapa  7rX«TOie  n  /3i/3Xog  TTIT:?  CTu/ifi/jj.  H.  77.  n.  26.  p.  1031.  B. 
u   AXX'  on  Qeog  fig  i^iiv  tv  vofi^j  KO.I  tv  Trpo^raie,  KU.I  tv  tuayytXiotg,  icai  tv 


,  tv  TraXaiq,  KO.I  icaivy  SiaOrjicy  KfKjjpvicrai.  De  Fide,  n.  18.  p.  1  101.  B. 
fitTa  iraffwv  rwv  airo  TS  aTTOToXa,  KO.I  TWV  tvayyiXiwv-  H.  69.  n.  72. 
ysv  o  a7ro<roXo£,  paXXov  8t  TO  Trvtvpa  TO  ayiov  (j)9ty^op,tvov 
H.  76.  n.  9.  p.  922.  C. 
x   OvStvi  yap  TToiTrore  TCJV  TraXaiwv  TSTO  iiprjTat,  ere  Trpo^rjTy,  HTS  aTTOToXy, 
8T«  fwayytXiT^,  &  TIVI  TWV  t^rjyrjTtov  iu)Q  TSTOIV  TO)V  fifJieTiowv  xpoviov.     H.  77. 
n.  24.  p.  1018.  B. 

y  A\r)0tvgffi  yap  ot  aTTOToXot  icai  irpo<j>tiTai,  ryrrsp  vptiQ  KO.I  WJLIWV  didaffKa\o£. 
Ancor.  n.  63.  p.  66.  C. 

z  -  8Tt  7T8  ypa0»/e  «t7T8(rrjc>  ere  TS  Mwutrcwg  i/o/zs,  arc  TIVOQ  7rpo^>7jr« 
TWV  \ntra.  Mioijffea,  aXX'  STE  TH  Swrjypo^,  are  ra>v  avTS  fuayytXiTWj/,  aXX'  UTS 
Hrjv  TWV  aTTOToXwv.  H.  31.  n.  34.  p.  205.  C. 

a  -  sStvog  TrwTrorf  rwv  TrpotyrjTwv  TSTO  fip/jjcorof,  8/c  aura  Mwi/crewc,  & 

TWV  TTpO  CIVTS,  8  T<i)V  jUtT    O.VTOV,  8  TWV  CUayytXlTWV,  8  TWV  aTTOToXwi/.        H.  33. 

n.  8.  p.  223.  C. 


]  92  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

prophets  :  not  by  Moses,  nor  by  any  of  the  prophets  before 
or  after  him,  nor  by  the  evangelists  or  apostles. 

9.  If  web  deny  the  authority  of  the  divine  scriptures,  we 
are  fallen  from  truth:   if  we  reject  the  Old  Testament,  we 
are  no  longer  of  the  catholic  church. 

10.  Letc  these  people,  says  he,  produce  any  passage  of 
the  Old  or  the  New  Testament  favouring  their  sentiments. 

11.  He  complains,  thatd  some  men,  neglecting  the  truth 
of  the  prophets,  evangelists,  and  apostles,  have  introduced 
false  and  fabulous  notions. 

12.  He  professethe  to  have  delivered  the  true  faith,  taken 
from  the  law,  and  the  prophets,  and  the  gospels,  and  the 
apostles. 

13.  This  they  must  allow,  unless  f  they  admit  fables,  con 
trary  to  the  doctrine  of  the  prophets  and  the  law,  and  the 
apostles  and  evangelists. 

VI.  I  shall  now  put  down  a  few  remarkable  observations 
in  this  writer. 

1.  He  says,  thats  when  Christ  was  baptized,  he  was  of 
the  age  of  twenty-nine  years  and  ten  months.     This  he  sup- 
poseth  to   be  the  meaning  of  St.   Luke's  words,  iii.  23. 
*'  And  Jesus  himself  began  to  be  about  thirty  years  of  age  :" 
that  is,  thirty  years  not  complete. 

2.  He  thinks,  ourh  Lord  was  exactly  thirty  years  of  age, 
when  he  wrought  the  miracle  at  Cana  in  Galilee,  recorded, 
John  ii.  1  —  11. 

3.  He  says,  there'  are  two  passovers  in  our  Lord's  minis 
try,  according  to  St.  John's  gospel  ;  and  that  he  suffered  at 
the  third  passover  in  thek  thirty-third  year  of  his  life  on  earth. 

b   Eav  yap  apvrj<rw/it0a  rag  QUO.Q  ypa^ag,  aXqQetg  UK  ffffifv,  KOI 
i]q  a\t]9tiaQ,  rj  ri\v  iraXaiav  dia9rjKijv  tic(3a\XovTt£t 


Ka0o\iKT)G  tKK\r}ffiag.      H.  70.  II.  7.  p.  817.  D. 

c  Ei  «x«(Tt  ftapTVpiav  —  tv  TraXaiq.  Kai  tv  ttaivg  SiaOijKy.  Ancor.  n.  1. 
p.  54.  B. 

d  Ttjv  yap  S«wi/  ypa^wv  aicoXsOiav,  KOI  evOvrrjTa,  Kai  aicaKiciQ  o/ioXoyiai>, 
irpoQrjTiKijv  TI,  Kai  evayytXticgi/,  »cat  a7ro<roXiKqv  TTITIV  irapevTte,  0o<}>i<?ucr)v  jjfjiiv 
\i£iv,  Kai  fivOm^T]  Trapdfftjyayov.  H.  77.  n.  1  .  p.  996.  B. 

e   Kat  OVTW  yeypa^a  —  (3tftaiov  o/xoXoytav  rrjv  mro  ra  vofis,  Kai  ruv  Tr 
KUI  ewayyfXtwi/,  icai  aTTOToXwv.      Ancor.  n.  83.  p.  88. 

f  --  ««  7rpo0»jrwv  re,  Kai  vouu,  Kat  aTro-roXwr,  Kai  tvayye\i<?u)v  Tr 
II.  70.  n.  2.  p.  813.  C. 

8   Hi/  yap  rtf  piv  OVTI  tiKomtvvta  ITUV,  Kai  fir}vuv  StKa,  on  tin  TO  / 
>}«,  TpiaKovra  fttv  ITWV,  aXX'  «  irXrjprjf.     H.  51.  n.  16.  p.  439.  A.  Conf.  n. 
28.  p.  450.  A. 

'OTTtp  irpiDTOv   otjfjitiov  Kai  7rX»;pw/ia   rptaKovra   frutv  airo  yivtoiwQ  rtjf 
tvtrapicw  avrti  7rap8<Tiaf.  je.  X.  H.  51.  n.  16.  p.  439.  C. 

'Ofius  Svo  iraava  piv  Kara  rr\v  apx^v  T»  KrjpvyfiaTOQ  b  2wr»;p  Troatrat,  Kai 
TV  TpiTtfi  Traerxet.     H.  51.  n.  30.  p.  452.  C. 

Evptawrat  yap  tv  ry  rpta/co-ry  r/otn/>  tret  rqg  aur«  evcapKuaews 


EPIPHANIUS,  Bishop  in  Cyprus.     A.  D.  368.  193 

Therefore  he  did  not  think  the  "  feast  of  the  Jews,"  men 
tioned  John  v.  1,  to  be  passover. 

4.  In  another  place  he  says,  there1  were  three  passovers  in 
our  Lord's  ministry  :  but  he  is  to  be  understood  in  the  same 
manner  as  above  represented. 

5.  He  thought  that"1  the  two  disciples,  whom  Jesus  met  in 
the  way  to  Emmaus,  as  related  Luke  xxiv.  were  Nathanael 
and  Cleophas. 

6.  Epiphanius  says,  that"  the  apostles  did   not  preach 
themselves,  but  Jesus  Christ,  Lord.     Therefore  there  was 
no  sect,  or  church,  called  after  the  apostles  ;  for  we  never 
heard  of  Petrians,  or  Paulians,  or  Bartholomeans,  or  Thad- 
deans,  but  of  Christians  only,  as  they  were  called  at  Antioch. 
We  saw  a  like  observation  some  while  ago  in0  Athanasius. 

7.  He  says,  all**  things  in  the  divine  scripture  are  easy  to 
those  who  inquire  with  a  pious  mind. 

VII.  The  sum  of  his  testimony  will  lie  in  a  little  room. 
His  canon  of  the  Old  Testament  was  much  the  same  with 
that  of  the  Jews  :  for  he  acknowledges,  that  the  book  of 
Baruch  was  not  received  by  them.  The  book  of  Wisdom, 
and  the  book  of  Ecclesiasticus,  he  considers  as  useful  only, 
and  not  of  authority,  and  therefore  not  admitted  into  the  ark. 
Nor  have  the  books  of  Maccabees,  or  Tobit,  or  Judith,  any 
place  in  those  catalogues.  The  books  of  the  New  Testa 
ment  received  by  him,  are  the  same  as  those  which  are  now 
generally  received  by  us.  He  quotes  no  others,  as  of  au 
thority,  unless  he  has  so  quoted  the  Constitutions  ;  which 
will  be  considered  presently.  For  the  sacred  books  of 
the  Old  and  New  Testament  he  has  the  highest  regard.  I 
scarce  need  to  say,  that  he  makes  no  use  of  Christian  apo 
cryphal  books,  written  in  the  name  of  apostles,  and  falsely 
ascribed  to  them.  Epiphanius's  aversion  for  such  books 
must  be  well  known  to  the  readers  of  this  work  :  it  is  a 
charge  frequently  brought  by  him  against  heretics,  that* 
they  made  use  of  apocryphal  books  :  and  he  reckons  it  no 
small  fault  in  them. 


fjiovoywrjQ.     H.  51.  n.  23.  p.  446.  B.  —  Ev  r<£»  rpiaKO?^  rpir'f>  TIJQ 
avTu  tvffapKa  oiKovofuaq.     Ib.  n.  25.  p.  448.  A. 

1  Kai  SK  oidaaiv  01  t^iwrat,  on  s  povov  Svo  Traff^a  6/ioXoyei  ra  ivayytXia, 
aXXa  dvo  jttev  Trpwra  Xeytt,  icai  avro  Be  tv  (£  TreTrovOtv  6  SwrTjp,  rpia  7ra<r^a  ran/ 
tv  ry  Ktipvyfian  irtTrpaypaTevfJifvdiv.  Ib.  n.  22.  p.  444.  B. 

m   H.  23.  n.  6.  n  '-Ato  SK  ivi  alptffig,  aSe  tKK\r)ffia, 

eig  ovofia  atro^oXwv  avtjyopfvuevtj*  sSfiroTe  yap  rjKsaa^uv  r\  Jltrpmg,  r\  ITaiAisf, 
tj  BapfloXo/iatsf,  t)  QaSSaiHQ.  K.  X.  H.  42.  p.  366.  D.  °  P.  153. 

p  ,  TTavra  yap  (Ta^>?7  fv  ry  Stiy,  ypafyy  TOIQ  fiuXofJitvoiQ  evaefiti  \oyi(rp,<^  Trpocrtp- 
XiaOat  rip  S'eiy  Xoyy.  H.  76.  n.  7.  p.  920.  A. 

q  This  he  imputes  to  Bardesanes.  See  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxviii.  n.  xii.  and  to  seve 
ral  others,  as  may  be  seen,  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xli.    Not  to  refer  to  other  places. 
VOL.  IV.  O 


194  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

CHAP.  LXXXV. 

THE  APOSTOLICAL  CQNSTITUTIONS  AND  CANONS. 


I.  Epiphanius's  quotations  of  a  work  called  Apostolical 
Constitutions,  with  remarks  upon  them.  II.  The  opinions 
of  learned  moderns  concerning  the  Apostolical  Constitu 
tions  now  in  being.  III.  An  argument  upon  them  pro 
posed.  IV.  They  are  written  in  the  name  of  the  apostles 
of  Christ :  V.  But  are  destitute  of  the  external  evidence 
necessary  to  support  that  claim:  not  being  quoted  by 
the  Christian  writers  of  the  first  three  centuries. 

VI.  They  are  also  destitute  of  internal  evidence  :     1.  The 
quotations  of  the  books  of  the  Netv  Testament  not  suiting 
the  apostles.     2.  Having  in  them  many  things  later  than 
the  times  of  the  apostles :     3.  Some  things  unworthy  of 
the  apostles.     4.  Inconsistencies,  and  false  history.     5. 
Expressions,  betraying  a  later  time  than  is  pretended. 

VII.  Consequently  they    are    an   imposture.     VIII.   The 
author's  testimony  to  the  books  of  the  New   Testament. 
IX.  The  Apostolical  Canons. 

I.  AS  a  work  called  Apostolical  Constitutions  is  cited  by 
Epiphanius,  and  he  is  the  first  Christian  writer  who  has 
quoted  any  book  with  that  title,  I  shall  here  put  down  hisa 
several  citations,  and  sometimes  with  the  connection. 

1.  In  his  forty-fifth   heresy,  that  of  the  Severians,  who 
were  Encratites,  and  condemned  the  use  of  wine,  he  ob 
serves:  <  Theb  Lord  says,  "  I  am  the  true  Vine."     [John 

xv.  1.]  If  the  vine  had  been  evil,  he  would  not  have  used 
that  expression.  Moreover  the  apostles,  in  the  work  called 
the  Constitution,  say,  that  the  catholic  church  is  the  planta 
tion  and  vineyard  of  the  Lord.  Yea,  and  the  Lord  himself 
has  again  in  the  gospel  a  parable  of  a  vineyard.'  See  Luke 
xx.  and  Matt.  xx. 

2.  In  his  seventieth  heresy,  that  of  the  Audians,  who  were 

*  All  the  passages  of  Epiphanius,  with  remarks,  may  be  seen  in  Grabe's 
Spicil.  T.  i.  p.  46 — 55,  as  well  as  elsewhere. 

AXXa  KM  01  aTTO^oXoi  (paatv  tv  ry  Aiara£tt  ry  KaXspivy'  or* 
QvTtia  e«8  teat  a/iTTfXwv  »/  KaOoXiKi}  tKK\r)<rta.  AXXa  cat  avrog  6  Kvptog  iraXiv 
iv  TV  tuayytXiy  TroiHfitvoQ  rr]V  TH  a/iTTtXwvog  TTapaQoXtjv.  K.  X.  Epiph.  H.  45. 

p.  390.  A.  B.  Vid.  Const.  Ap.  1.  i.  in. 


The  Apostolical  Constitutions.  195 

for  keeping  Easter  at  the  same  time  with  the  Jews,  he  says  : 
'  Forc  this  purpose  they  allege  the  Constitution  of  the  Apos- 
'ties:  which  book,  though  it  be  with  many  of  doubtful 
'  authority,  is  not  to  be  rejected  ;  for  it  contains  the  whole 

*  order  of  church-government,  and  has  nothing  in  it  contrary 
'  to  the  ecclesiastical  discipline,  or  the  canon,  or  the  faith. 
'  But  they  misunderstand  the  direction  concerning  Easter, 
'  which  they  allege  for  the  support  of  their  practice.     For 
'  the  apostles  in  the  Constitution  appoint  to  this  purpose  : 

*  Do  not  you  make  computation  of  the  time,  say  they,  but 
'  keep  it  together  with  your  brethren  who  are  of  the  cir- 
'  cumcision,  at  the  same  time  that  they  do  :  —  And  though 
'  they  should  be  mistaken,  let  not  that  give  you  any  con- 
'  cern.'     I  put  in  the  margin  a  part  ofd  Grabe's  note  upon 
this  passage. 

3.  Epiphanius  afterwards6   mentions   several   things,  as 
sayings,  or  ordinances  of  the  apostles,  and  some  of  them  as 
contrary  to  the  above-mentioned  direction,  and  from  the 
same  work,  as  is  reckoned. 

4.  In  the  seventy-fifth  heresy,  which  is  that  of  the  Ae- 
rians,  who  were  against  set  times  of  fasting  and  feasting 
under  the  gospel-dispensation,  Epiphanius  having  quoted 
to  them  1  Cor.  v.  7,  and  Acts  xx.  16,  goes  on  :  *  and  'if  the 

c  Eig  rare  fc  01  O.VTOI  AvSiavoi  irapafapsffi  Trjv  TCJV  a7ro<roXa>i/  Atara£tv,  saav 
p,tv  TOIQ  TroXXotg  tv  aft(j)i\tKT<i),  a\X'  HK  aSoKip-ov'  iraaa  yap  tv  avrij  KCCVOVIKIJ 


KOI  Kavovog,  /cat  TriTewg.  —  'Opt^stn  yap  (v  ry  avry  Aiara£tt 
roXot,  OTI  vfittg  firj  -^q^i^ere,  aXXa  Troieire,  orav  01  a^tX0oi  vfiiov  ot 
fisr1  avTdiv  afia  Trouire  —  \eyovrtQ  ort  Kyv  re  7rXavj;0w«rt,  firjdt  v^aiv  fjttXtno.     H. 
70.  n.  10.  p.  822.  A.  B.  823.  A. 

d  Contrarium  plane  praecipitur  in  istis,  quibus  modo  utimur  Constitutionibus 
Clementis,  1.  v.  c.  1  7.  —  Uncle  Cotelerius  ad  hunc  locum  :  Recte,  inquit,  ob- 
servarunt  docti  homines,  Constitutionem  hujus  capitis  diver?  am  esse  a  Con- 
stitutione,  de  qua  Epiphanius  in  hseresi  Audianorum.  Immo  non  solum 
diversa  est,  sed  e  diametro  contradicit.  Grab.  Sp.  T.  i.  p.  46. 


yap  TI\V  aypuTrvtav  0«peiv  fj.tffa%ovr(i)v  rwv  a^u/xwv.  Ib.  n.  10.  p.  823.  A. 

Afyafft  yap  ol  avToi  a7ro=roXot,  ort  orav  tKttvoi  tvw^aivrat,  vfietg' 
vTTtp  avTuv  7T«v0fire,  ort  tv  ry  J?jUfpa  eopTtig  rov  Xpt-rov  fraupaxrav,  K.  X.     Ib. 
n.  11.  p.  823.  C.  Vid.  Const.  1.  v.  c.  15. 

Au0u;  avTiov  ctKuovrtQ  fv  ry  Atara^fi,  ort  6  Kra/cwv  tavrs  rt]V  i^vxnv  fv  KVpi- 
aicy,  tTriKaraparog  £<rt  T<^  0ey.  Ib.  p.  223.  D.  Const.  1.  v.  cap.  20. 

TTJV  iopTr}v  iraaxa,  r&Tt<zi  TIJV  tfidofjiaSa  TTJV  wpt(T^«v»jv,  (cat  cni  avrwv 


T(*)v  a7ro<roXwv  tv  ry  Aiara£et.  Ib.  n.  12.  p.  824.  C. 

f  Et  Se  Kai  %pp  TO  Ttjg  Atara^twg  TWV  ATTO<^O\WV  Xtystv,  TTMQ  tKit  wpi%ovro 
TiTpaSa  icai  7rpo<ra]3/3arov  vtj^tvtiv  Sta  Travrog,  xwPlf  •JrtvrrjKo^rig'  Kai  irepi  TWV 
t^  //jLtfpwv  TB  Tratr^a,  Trwg  TrapayyeXXsCTtv,  firjStv  oXwf,  \apflavstv,  rj  apTH,  Kai 
a\oQ,  Kai  v$ctTOQ'  rcoiav  rt  rifjiepav  ayetv,  7ra»g  TC  aTroXfuttv  ttQ  e  7ri0w(Tic«(rav  tcvpi- 
ctKiiv,  <j>avepov  £<ri.  K.  X.  H.  75.  n.  6.  p.  910.  B.  C.  D.  Conf.  Const.  1.  v.  cap. 
15,  20.  1.  vii.  c.  23.  1.  v.  c.  13,  15,  18,  19. 

o  2 


196  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

*  authority  is  to  be  fetched  from  the  Constitution  of  the  Apos- 
'tles,  it  may  be  easily  shown,  how  they  have  there  appoint- 

*  ed  a  fast  on  the  fourth,  and  on  the  sixth  day  of  the  week 

*  for  ever  [or  always,]  except  in  Pentecost  :  and  that  in  the 
'  six  days  of  Easter  no  food  ought  to  be  taken,  beside  bread, 

*  and  salt,  and  water/ 

5.  In  the  eightieth  heresy,  which  is  that  of  the  Messalians 
and  others:  '  Andg  concerning  the  beard  the  divine  word 
'  and  doctrine  in  the  Constitutions  of  the  Apostles  says,  that 
4  it  should   not  be  corrupted,  that  is,  that  the  hair  of  the 
4  beard  should  riot  be  cut,  and  that  men  should  not  wear  a 
4  meretricious  dress,  nor  yet  make  a  show  of  religion.' 

6.  There  seems  also  to  be  a  reference  to  this  book  in  his 
Exposition  of  the  Catholic  Faith.     I  put  a  part  of  the  pas 
sage11  at  the  bottom  of  the  page  ;  as  also  a  remark  of  Grabe1 
upon  it. 

Upon  these  quotations  we  may  now  observe  as  follows. 

1.  We  hence  perceive,  that  in  the  time  of  Epiphanius  there 
was  a  work  called  Apostolical  Constitutions  :  and  the  things 
therein  contained  seem  to  have  been  written,  as  in  those  we 
now  have,  in  the  name  of  the  apostles.     There  were  likewise 
in  that  work  directions  concerning   Easter,  and  Pentecost, 
and  other  set  days  of  fasting  or  feasting,  as  in  ours. 

2.  Nevertheless  there  is  reason  to  think,  thatk  the  Con- 


g  Kat  irtpt  fJLtv  sv  rs  yivtis  ev  rait;  Aiara&ai  TCJV  aTro^oXwv  QCHTKII  6 
\oyo£  KCU  r)  SiSaffKaXia,  prj  $9tiptiv,  T&Tfzi  pr}  Ttpveiv  Tpi%a.Q  ytveis.  K.  X.      H. 
80.  n.  7.  p.  1073.  C.  Vid.  Const.  1.  i.  cap.  3. 

h  2uj/a££i£  8e  C7rtre\«/uvat  ra%0ei<rai  eiaiv  O.TTO  TMV  aTTOToXwv  rfrpa^t  «ai 
7rpo(Ta/3j8ary,  Kat  Kvpiaicy'  TtTpaSi  tie  KOI  tv  7rpo<ra/3/3ar^>  tv  vrj^tig,  ewg  wpag 
fvvaTrjg.  K.  \.  Exp.  Fid.  n.  22.  p.  1104. 

'  Quod  de  sacris  conventibus  feria  iv.  et  vi.  nee  non  Dominica  die  cele- 
brandis  dicit  Epiphanius,  in  nostris  Constitutionibus  non  exstat.  Haeque  ideo 
ab  antiqua  Apostolorum  Ai^a^y  in  hoc  puncto  differunt.  Grabe,  ib.  p.  53. 

k  Petavius,  in  his  notes  upon  Epiphanius,  supposeth  the  Constitutions, 
mentioned  by  his  author,  to  be  different  from  ours.  De  Constitutionibus  iisce 
dubietatem  a  nonnullis  prsefatur  Epiphanius.  Quo  eodem  nomine  circumfe- 
runtur  hodie  in  octo  libros  distincta3,  quae  a  prioribus  ill  is,  ac  nihilominus 
dubiis,  quarum  meminit  Epiphanius,  diversae  videntur.  Etenim  quinque  ex 
illis  sentential  hoc  et  sequenti  numero  citantur,  quae  in  vulgatis  nusquam  repe- 
riuntur  :  imo  vero  contraria  qua^dam  in  iis  leguntur.  Nam  lib.  v.  cap.  16.  de 
Paschatis  celebritate  catholicorum  dogma  propalam  edicitur,  uti  post  aequinoc- 
tium  instauretur.  Turn  ne  cum  Judaeis  agatur,  et  alia  quaedam  ;  quae  si  in 
antiquis  illis  Constitutionibus  legebantur,  mirum  est  hoc  tarn  praesenti  ac  diserto 
testimonio  usum  non  esse  contra  Audianos  Epiphanium,  qui  Judaeorum  more 
celebrandum  Pascha  iisdem  ex  Constitutionibus  affirmabant.  Apparet  igitur, 
aliud  fuisse  Constitution  um  genus,  quam  quibus  hodie  dementis  nomen  in- 
scribitur.  Animadv.  in  H.  Ixx.  p.  290,  291. 

Grabe  was  of  opinion,  that  the  Constitutions  quoted  by  Epiphanius  were 
not  only  different  from  ours,  but  that  they  were  the  Doctrine,  or  Doctrines  of 
the  Apostles,  mentioned  by  Euscbius  and  Athanasius,  and  shorter  than  ours. 


The  Apostolical  Constitutions.  197 

stitutions  mentioned  by  Epiplmnius,  are  not  the  same  with 
those  which  we  now  have.  The  order  concerning-  keeping 
Easter  is  quite  different  in  ours  from  that  quoted  by  the 
Atidians:  nor  does  Epiphanius  say,  that  their  quotation  was 
false;  though  indeed  he  alleges  some  things,  which  seem 
contrary  to  the  rule  by  which  they  governed  themselves. 

3.  Epiphanius  bears  witness,  that  the  Constitutions,  which 
were  in  being  in  his  time,  were  «  doubted  of  by  many,'  and 
were  not  generally  received. 

4.  That  expression,  '  doubted  of  by  many,'  or,  *  of  doubt 
ful  authority  with  many,'  seems  to  be  ambiguous.     It  may 
denote,  that  it  was  doubted,  whether  the  book  should  be 
esteemed  canonical ;  or  else,  whether  it  was  an  ecclesiastical 
book,  and  not  apocryphal  and  heretical,  and   utterly  to  be 
rejected.     And  it  may  be  thought,  that  this  last  is  the  true 
meaning   of  the   expression,  for  these   two   reasons:    first, 
when  Epiphanius  g'ives  an  account  of  the  canonical  books  of 
scripture,  he  takes  no  notice  of  this.     Secondly,  when  he 
says :  '  it  is  not  to  be  rejected,  for  it  has  nothing  in  it  con- 

*  trary  to  the  discipline  of  the  church,  or  the  canon,  or  the 

*  faith  ;'  he  seems  only  to  assert,  that  it  was  a  good  eccle 
siastical  or  catholic  writing.     When  therefore  he  says,  that 
this  book  was  *  doubted  of  by  many,'  he  intimates,  that  some 
suspected  it  to  be  the  work  of  some  heretics :  in  opposition 
to  which  he  says,  it  ought  not  to  be  rejected.     For  it  ap 
peared   from   the  contents  of  it  to   be  the  work   of  some 
honest,  orthodox,  or  catholic  Christian.     Daille  has  argu 
ed1  in  a  like  manner. 

5.  It  is  not  easy  to  say  what  respect  Epiphanius  himself 
had  for  this  work.     He  quotes  things  from  it,  as  ordinances 
of  the  apostles,  and  as  the  divine  word  and  doctrine :  but 
it  is  not  mentioned  in  any  of  the  passages,  where  he  gives 

Equidem  id  lubens  concede,  Doctrinam  Apostolorum,  ab  Eusebio  et  Athanasio 
memoratam  eandem  fuisse  cum  Aiara?«  sive  Constitutione  Apostolica  ab 
Epiphanio  aliquoties  laudata. — Sed  istas,  quibus  modo  utimur,  Constitutiones 
Apostolicas  Clement!  adscriptas,  nego  easdem  esse  cum  Aidaxcuc  seu  AiSaaica- 
Xtttig  Apostolorum,  licet  in  quibusdam  capitibus  conveniant.  Spic.  p.  41. — 
contra  quam  hypothesin  supra  p.  41,  et  seq.  evici,  Ai£ax«e>  sive  Constitutiones 
Epiphanii,  diversas  a  nostris,  nee  adeo  prolixas,  vel  in  plures  libros  divisas 
fuisse.  Ib.  p.  284. 

1  At  non  ideo  fit,  ut  libros  a  Clemente  vere  scriptos,  vereque  ab  apostolis 
instituta  dictataque,  qusecumque  in  illis  narrantur,  fuisse  crediderit.  Multis 
enim  libris  nihil  inest  vel  a  fide,  vel  a  disciplina  alienum,  quos  non  idcirco 
dixeris  vel  Clementines,  vel  apostolicos.  Omnino  videtur  Epiphanius  sensisse, 
illas  apostolorum  nomine  tarn  vulgatas  Diataxes  boni  et  catholici  viri  opus 
esse  non  inutile,  iisque  sincere  explicatam  esse  ecclesiae  fidem  ac  disciplinam  : 
ut  a  Clemente  scriptas,  et  ab  ipsis  apostolis  dictatas  crediderit,  nihil  sane  cogit. 
De  Pseudep.  Apostol.  1.  i.  cap.  2.  p.  37. 


198  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

the  catalogues  of  the  books  of  scripture,  exhibited  in  the 
preceding-  chapter.  Moreover,  the  expressions  of  his  just 
taken  notice  of,  seem  to  imply  no  more,  than  that  the  book 
was  an  ecclesiastical  or  orthodox  writing :  farther,  either  his 
Constitutions  were  not  the  same  as  ours,  or  he  had  not  much 
regard  for  them.  For  in  our  Constitutions  divers  early  here 
tics  are  named,  and  they  are  condemned  and  confuted  :  of 
which  passages  nevertheless  Epiphanius  has  made  no  use  of  in 
his  history  of  those  heretics,  or  in  his  arguments  against  them  : 
which  every  one  must  be  apt  to  think  he  would  have  done,  if 
the  Constitutions  which  we  have,  had  been  then  in  being,  and 
had  been  esteemed  by  him  as  of  authority. 

6.  Whatever  was  the  opinion  of  Epiphanius  about  the 
work  quoted  in  the  passages  of  his  just  recited,  or  referred 
to,  there  can  be  no  good  reason  for  us  to  suppose  it  was  a 
book  of  sacred  scripture;  forasmuch  as  no  such  book  is 
quoted  as  scripture  by  Irenseus,  Clement  of  Alexandria, 
Origen,  Cyprian,  Eusebius,  or  any  other  Christian  writer  of 
the  first  three  centuries. 

If  any  should  say  that  Epiphanius's  Constitutions  are  the 
same  with  the  Doctrine  of  the  Apostles,  mentioned  by  Eu 
sebius  and  Athanasius,  [which  has  been  the  opinion  of  Grabe 
and  some  others,]  I  would  answer :  That  is  not  certain. 
Supposing  them  to  be  the  same,  it  is  manifest  that  the  book 
called  the  Doctrine  of  the  Apostles,  was  no  book  of  sacred 
scripture.  It  is  never  quoted  by  Eusebius,  or  Athanasius, 
in  any  of  their  writings :  they  have  only  once  mentioned  it, 
each  of  them,  as  a  spurious,  or  useful  book,  when  they  give 
a  catalogue  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament :  and  al  1 
other  Christian  writers  before  them  are  quite  silent  about  it. 
In  the  Synopsis,  ascribed  to  Athanasius,  it  is  mentioned  ; 
but  it  is  ranked  with  '  contradicted,'  or  apocryphal  books. 

IT.  Having  seen  the  passages  of  Epiphanius  concerning- 
the  Apostolical  Constitutions  of  his  time,  and  made  remarks 
on  them,  I  proceed  to  consider  a  work  which  we  now  have 
in  eight  books,  with  a  like  title:  and  I  begin  with  alleging 
the  judgments  of  divers  learned  moderns  upon  them. 

T.  Cotelerius  says:  '  Itra  is  certain,  that  the  work  of  the 

m  Itaque  verum  est,  Constitutionum  Apostolicarum  oKTa(3i(3>\ov  opus  ei&e 
apocryphum,  et  pseudepigraphum,  ab  apostolis  non  profectum,  nee  ab  apos- 

tolico  Clemente. Quamvis  S.  Epiphanius,  H.  80.  7.  et  Cedrenus — Stiov 

\oyov  Diataxibus  tribuant ;  attaraen  liquido  constat,  ad  apostolos  et  Cleraentem 
non  pertinere  avvray^a,  quod  priraa  ecclesiae  tempora  latuit,  quod  a  tot  sanctis 
patribus  ignoratum  fuit,  aut  neglectum;  quod  pluribus  suspicionem  movit 
suppositionis,  plurimis  certitudinem  dedit  falsitatis ;  quod  catholica  ecclesia  a 
canone  scripturarum  divinarum  excludit ;  quod  denique  sexcenta  complectitur 
cum  veritate,  cum  similitudine  pugnantia,  recentiora  temporibus  apostolicis,  et 


Hie  Apostolical  Constitutions.  199 

Apostolical  Constitutions  in  eight  books  is  apocryphal  and 


quoted 

*  theless,  it  is  manifest,  that  a  book  cannot  be  esteemed  the 

*  work  of  the  apostles,  which  the  earliest  times  of  the  church 

*  were  unacquainted  with,  which  was  unknown  to  the  fa- 
'  thers,  or  neglected  by  them  ;  which  has  many  marks  of  for- 
'  gery  and  falsehood ;  which  the  catholic  church  excludes 
'  from  the  canon  of  divine  scripture :  which,  finally,  has  in 

*  it  very  many  things  contrary  to  truth   and  probability, 
'  plainly  of  a  later  date  than  the  times  of  the  apostles,  and 

*  quite  different  from  their  true  characters.' 

2.  Tillemont's  judgment  is  not  very  different  from  that  of 
Cotelerius :  I  therefore  take  it  next.     *  Ifn  the  Doctrine  of 

the  Apostles,  mentioned  by  Eusebius  and  Athanasius,  and 
the  Constitutions  are  different  works,  as  Du  Pin  thinks, 
Epiphanius  is  the  first  who  has  mentioned  the  Constitu 
tions. — And  though  the  last  canon  of  the  apostles  ranks 
them  with  the  canonical  scriptures ;  and  though  the  Ethi 
opians  respect  them  as  sacred  and  divine  scripture  :  we  are 
nevertheless  constrained  to  own,  that  there  are  in  them 
many  things  contrary  to  truth  and  probability,  and  far  dif 
ferent  from  the  time  of  the  apostolical  writings.' 

3.  For  Du  Pin's  opinion,  I  refer  at  present  to  his  Prelimi 
nary0  Dissertation  upon  the  Bible,  and  to  what  he  writes  in 
his?  account  of  the  Canons  and  Constitutions  ascribed  to  the 
apostles,  and  ihen^  of  Clement  of  Rome. 

Daille's  opinion  was,  thatr  the  Constitutions  \vere  com 
posed  after  the  council  of  Nice,  and  before  the  end  of  the 
fifth  century. 

5.  Mr.  Robert  Turner  thought,  the8  Constitutions  made 
use  of  by  Epiphanius  to  be  different  from  the  present  Con 
stitutions;  and  concludes  his  work,  saying:  *  That1  the 

*  eight  books  of  Constitutions  seem  to  have  been  made  out 
'  of  several  doctrines,  constitutions,  canons,  travels,  and  tra- 
'  ditions,  ascribed  to  the  apostles,  and  out  of  some  of  the  an- 

*  cient  Liturgies,  and   the   discipline  and   practice  of  the 

apostolico  charactere  remotissima.     Cotel.  Jud.  de  Const.  Ap.  ap.  Patr.  Ap. 
T.  i.  n  Saint  Clement  de  Rome,  Art.  vii.  Mem.  T.  ii. 

0  L.  ii.  c.  6.  sect.  10.  P  Biblioth.  EC.  T.  i.  p.  14,  &c. 
a  Amsterdam.                                        q  Ibid.  p.  30,  &c. 

r  Si  tamen,  ut  in  re  obscura,  conjecturas  et  argumenta  admittere  libet ;  illud 
imprimis  pro  certo  constitui  posse  mihi  videtur,  fuisse  hoc  opus  ante  finem 
quinti  saeculi  scriptum  atque  editum.  De  Pseudep.  Ap.  1.  ii.  c.  17.  p.  393. 

5  Discourse  of  the  pretended  Apostolical  Constitutions,  p.  198. 

1  The  same,  p.  295. 


200  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

*  Greek  church,  oddly  blended  tog-ether,  adulterated,  and 

*  changed  by  some  ignorant  Arian  in  the  fifth  century.' 

6.  Pearson  was  of  opinion,  that"  the  Apostolical  Consti 
tutions  were  formed  out  of  several  lesser  works  called  Doc 
trines  or  Constitutions,  said  to  be  written  by  Clement,  Igna 
tius,  Hippolytus,  and  others,  but  altered  and  interpolated  by 
the  author  of  this  collection  :  and:  that  the  eight  books  of  the 
Constitutions,  as  we  now  have  them,  were  not  composed  and 
finished   till   after   the  time  of  Epiphanius.     I   nave  now 
placed  Pearson's  words  somewhat  at  large  at  the  bottom  of 
the  page ;  and  I  formerly v  spoke  of  this  opinion  of  his. 

7.  Grabe's  opinion  was  exactly  the  same  as  Pearson's.     I 
now  also  put  his  words  w  below. 

8.  James  Basnage  thought,  thatx  Pearson  had  hit  the  time 
of  this  work  very  well.     For  on  the  one  hand,  these  eight 
books  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  were  not  known  in 
the  time  of  Epiphanius ;  it  might  be  added,  nor  of  Jerom. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  author  of  the  Imperfect  Work  upon  St. 
Matthew,  who  wrote  after  the  time  of  Theodosius,  quotes  the 
eighth  book  :  therefore  we  must  place  the  composing  of  this 
large  collection  at  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century. 

9.  The  opinion  of  Samuel  Basnage  may  be  seen  in  his* 
Annals. 

10.  The  late  learned  Dr.  Waterland  has  these  expressions, 
The2  Clementine  Liturgy,  though  it  is  not  thought  to  have 
been  ever  in  public  use,  is  commonly  believed  to  be  the 
oldest  of  any  now  extant :  and,  though  as  an  entire  collec 
tion  it  cannot  be  justly  set  higher  than  the  fifth  century,  yet 
it  certainly  contains  many  things  derived  from  earlier  times.' 

11.  Pagi  thought  it  sufficient  to  say,  for  showing   the 

ex  his  diversis  Didascaliis  atque  Constitutionibus  libros  octo  Consti- 

tutionum  Apostolicarum,  quas  habemus,  confectos  atque  consarcinatos  fuisse, 
asserere  non  dubito — Unde  conjicio,  octo  libros  Constitutionum  post  sevum 
Epiphanii  ex  veteribus  Didascaliis  atque  Diataxibus,  immutatis  interpolatisque, 
factos  esse.  Neque  enim  ille  numerum  librorum  indicat.  Pears  Vind  Ign 
P.  i.  c.  4.  p.  282,  283.  Amst.  1698. 

See  the  chapter  of  Hippolytus,  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxv. 

*  w  Unde  certissima  roihi  videtur  sententia  doctissimi  Prsesulis  Pearsonii :  qui 
in  Vmdiciis  S.  Ignatii  asseruit,  octo  libros  Constitutionum  post  sevum  Epi- 
phami,  sed  ante  Auctorem  Operis  Imperfecti  in  Matthaeum  composites  fuisse. 
Dictus  enim  auctor  primus  Constitutiones  Apostolicas,  tanquam  pluribus  libris 
constantes,  citavit. Hie  itaque  cum  aliquamdiu  post  Theodosium  imp. 

int,— octo  hbn  Constitutionum  exeunte  saeculo  iv.  vel  ineunte  v.  prodiisse 
yidentur.— — Caeterum  jam  supra  p.  43.  admodum  probabilem  dixi  coniec- 
turam  audati  Pearsoni-istam,  qua  modo  utimur,  Ka0o\t^v  ^Sawa^av,  in 
libros  digestam,  ex  variis  Aida^aXime  antiquoribus  apostolorum,  Cle- 
mentis,  Ignatii,  conflatam,  hasque  maxima  ex  parte  in  ilia  conservatas  esse. 
SPf  P-  28V 285.  •  x  Hiataire  ete  1'Eglise,  p.  488. 

nn.  100.  n.  8,  9.         «  Review  of  the  Doctrine  of  the  Eucharist,  p.  341, 


The  Apostolical  Constitutions.  20 1 

Constitutions  not  to  be  Clement's,  that'1  they  are  not  men 
tioned  among-  his  works  either  by  Eusebius  or  Jerom. 

12.  Le  Clerc  wrote  a  Dissertation,  which  he  placeth  at 
the  end  of  the  second  volume  of  his  last  edition  of  the  Apos 
tolical   Fathers.     He  takes  notice  ofb   some  things  in   the 
Constitutions  exceedingly  unsuitable  to  the  character  of  the 
apostles  of  Christ.     He  says,  theyc  well  represent  the  eccle 
siastical  discipline  of  the  fourth  century;  butd  not  that  of 
earlier  times.      He  thinks  they6   were   composed  by.  some 
Arian  of  the  fourth   century:    and  seems   to  think,  there f 
may  be  some  probability  in  the  conjecture  of  another  learned 
man,  that  they  are  the  work  of  Leontius,  bishop  of  Tripoli 
in  Lydia. 

13.  Young  Barratier  published  a  Dissertation  to  show, 
that  the  Constitutions  were  written  in  the  second  century, 
and  not  far  below  the  beginning  of  it.     He  supposeth,  thats 

a  Verum  harum  Constitutionum  auctor  non  est  Clemens  Romanus,  quia 
Eusebius,  et  Hieronymus  libro  de  Scriptoribus  Ecclesiasticis,  cum  de  scriptis 
S.  dementis  agunt,  unam  duntaxat  illius  ad  Corinthios  epistolam  recensent. 
Legatur  Eusebius,  1.  iii.  c.  15.  Pagi  Ann.  100.  n.  8. 

b  Est  in  iis  dogma  quod  maxime  offendit  viros  doctos,  et  quidem  merito, 
quo  episcopus  ita  extollitur,  ut  soli  Deo  subjiciatur,  utque  Dynasta  et  Deus 
terrenus  adpelletur  :  quod  veritati  atque  humilitati  apostolorum  prorsus  adver- 
satur.  Exstat.  1.  ii.  c.  26.  Rursus,  cap.  34.  sic  loquuntur  personati  apostoli  de 
episcopis:— Hos  principes  et  reges  prseesse  existimate,  tributaque  iis  offerte, 
&c.  Diss.  de  Const,  n.  6.  p.  494. 

c  Caeteroquin  in  Constitutionibus,  quales  habemus,  optime  describitur  saeculi 
quarti  disciplina  ecclesiastica.  Ib.  n.  5.  1. 

d  Est  hie  quoque  tota  disciplina  ecclesiastica  iv.  saeculi,  qualis  ab  initio 
non  fuerat :  ut  jam  observavit  Jac.  Usserius,  Diss.  cap.  14,  16.  quern  nemo 
confutavit,  aut  confutare  queat  Ib.  n.  10. 

e  Ego  vero  Constitutiones,  quales  nunc  habemus,  cum  etiamnum  arderent 
contentiones  Arianorum,  ab  episcopo  quopiam  Ariano  conscriptas  fuisse  clan- 
culum,  ut  earum  auctoritate,  ad  confirmandam  Arianam  doctrinam,  uteretur, 
et  quidem  ante  quarti  saeculi  finem,  existimo.  Ib.  n.  5. 

f  qualis  erat  Leontius  Tripolitanus,  in  Lydia,  episcopus,  si  credimus 

judicio  viri  doctissimi,  Thomae  Brunonis,  quod  in  hoc  ipso  volumine  edidimus. 
Ib.  n.  3. 

g  Itaque,  apostolis  defunctis,  probabile  est,  pios  quosdam  viros  conatos  ease 
omnia  eorum  dicta,  facta,  et  scripta,  colligere,  et  posteritati  servare.  Sic  Papias. 
Sic  tot  apocryphorum  auctores.  Inde  statim  post  A.  C.  centesimum  aliquis 
conatus  fuerit  omnia  colligere,  quae  apostoli  circa  mores  et  ritus  christianorum 
reliquerint.  Et  sane  Constitutiones  ex  variis  collectas  esse  tractatibus  mani- 
festum  est. Interim  nolo  idcirco  omnia  et  singula,  quae  in  Constitutioni 
bus  leguntur,  apostolis  tribuere.  Multa  iis  supposita  esse  nullo  negotio  credo. 
Et  sane  illis  temporibus  tam  ingens  librorum  apocryphorum,  dubiorum,  &c. 
numerus  ortus  est,  ut  fieri  non  possit,  Constitutionum  compilatorem,  non  ex  iis 

quaedam  in  opus  suum  irrepere  passum  esse. In  iis  factis  historicis,  quae 

nude  referuntur,  et  non  nexus  causa  adhibita  sunt,  aio  Constitutiones  omnem 

fidem  mereri. Sed  alia  ratio  est  de  conventu  v.  gr.  omnium  apostolorum, 

qui  modo  ideo  fictus  est,  ut  iis  tribuerentur  Constitutiones,  tanquam  commune 


202  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

not  long  after  the  death  of  the  apostles  some  person  had  a 
like  design  with  that  of  Papias  :  he  therefore  collected  what 
he  could  meet  with  of  the  apostles'  precepts  and  sayings 
concerning  Christian  manners  and  worship.  Nor  did  he 
confine  himself  to  oral  traditions:  he  also  made  use  of  di 
vers  books ;  some  of  them  apocryphal ;  for  which  reasons 
many  things  may  be  here  ascribed  to  the  apostles  which 
are  not  truly  theirs.  In  some  things  the  author  may  be 
relied  upon  ;  other  things  may  be  false  and  fictitious. 
So  Barratier.  I  am  unwilling  to  say  that  this  is  a  trifling' 
hypothesis  and  void  of  evidence :  but  it  seems  to  me,  that 
the  Constitutions  will  be  of  little  more  use,  or  value,  accord 
ing  to  this  opinion,  than  according  to  the  opinion  of  those, 
who  think  them  a  collection  made  in  the  fourth  or  fifth  cen 
tury. 

14.  Mr.  Winston  thinks,  <  that11  the  apostolical  Constitu- 
'  tions  are  the  most  sacred  of  the  canonical  books  of  the  New 
*  Testament.' 

III.  Such  are  the  opinions  of  learned  men  concerning  this 
work.     I  now  intend  to  offer  an  argument  upon  it  under  the 
following  heads. 

1.  I  shall  observe  some  passages,  in  which  the  apostles 
are  mentioned  as  authors. 

2.  We  will  inquire  what  right  this  work  has  to  the  names 
of  the  apostles  :  where  will  be  considered  both  external  and 
internal  evidence. 

3.  If  it  should  appear  that  their  authority  is  made  use  of 
without  reason,  it  will  follow,  that  the  work  is  an  impos 
ture. 

IV.  In  the  first  place  we  are  to  observe  some  of  the  pas 
sages,  in  which  the  apostles  are  mentioned  as  authors. 

1.  Indeed  these  eight  books  of  Constitutions  are  written, 
and  the  things  contained  in  them  are  delivered,  as  in  the 
name  of  the  apostles  of  Jesus  Christ. 

2.  They  begin  with  this  inscription  or  salutation:  *  The1 
apostles  and   elders  to  all,  who  from  among   the  Gentiles 
have  believed  in  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.     Grace  and  peace 
be  multiplied  unto  you  from  God  almighty,  through  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  in  the  acknowledgment  of  him.' 

opus     Alia  ratio  iterum  de  Simoni  Magi  historia,  qua;  potuit  ficta  esse,  quia 
ebatur  interesse  apostolorum,  ut  multa  prodigia  iis  tribuerentur,  et  multa 
eel?  1740  Joaffingerentur'     'Bami-  Disquis.  Cbronol.  p.  282,  283.  Ultra- 
*  See  the  second  and  third  volumes  of  Primitive  Christianity  Revived. 

"0*0'  ""  °*  *******  ™*1  rotf  f*  t(Wv  i^wao*.  K.  \.     Coast. 


The  Apostolical  Constitutions.  203 

3.  *  Wherefore k  we  the  twelve  apostles  of  the  Lord,  who 
are  now  together,  send  you  these  our  divine  Constitutions, 
concerning  every  ecclesiastical   form,   there  being  present 
with   us   also  the  chosen  vessel,  our    fellow-apostle  Paul, 
and  the  rest  of  the  elders,  and  the  seven  deacons.' 

4.  That  quotation  is  from  the  fourth  chapter  of  the  eighth 
and  last  book.     And  in  the  last  chapter  of  it,  again  :  '  Now1 
this  we  all  in  common  charge  you,  that  every  one  remain 
in  the  rank  assigned  him,  without   transgressing  the   ap 
pointed  bounds.     For  they  are  not  ours,  but  God's.' 

5.  And  still  lower,  in  the  same  chapter,  near  the  conclu 
sion  of  the  whole  work  :  *  As  by  Moses  were  appointed 
high-priests,  priests,  and  Levites,  and  by  our  Saviour  we 
the  thirteen  were  appointed :  and  by  the  apostles  I,  James, 
and  I,  Clement,  and  others,  not  to  name  them  again :   and 
by  all   in   common,  presbyters,  deacons,  sub-deacons,  and 
readers ' 

6.  It  appears,  then,  that  the  whole  of  the  work,  and  all  the 
ordinances  in  it,  from  beginning  to  end,  are  delivered  in  the 
name  of  all  Christ's  apostles,  and  as  from  God  himself. 

7.  These  Constitutions  assume  not  only  the  names  of  the 
apostles,  but  also  their  characters  and  actions. 

8.  *  Andm  to  take  our  own  things,'  say  they,  '  Judas  our 
companion  had  part  with  us  in  the  same  ministry.' 

9.  '  I,  Matthew,"  one  of  the  twelve,  who  speak  to  you  in 
this  doctrine,  was  a  publican.' 

10.  *  So0   the    Lord  was  not  ashamed  of  me  Matthew, 
though  before  I  was  a  publican.     And  he  received  Peter, 
and  made   him  shepherd  of   his  own  sheep,  after  he  had 
through   fear  denied  him  thrice.     And  he  appointed  Paul 
to  be  our  fellow  apostle,  who  before  had  been  a  persecutor.' 

11.  *  For?  taking  a  towel,  he  girded  himself;  and  then 
put  water  in  a  bason,  and  came  round  to  us,  as  we  sat,  and 
washed  all  our  feet,  and  wiped  them  with  the  towel.' 

12.  '  And<i  on  the  fifth  day  of  the  week,  when  we  had 
eaten  the  passover  with  him,  he  delivered  to  us  the  repre 
sentative  mysteries  of  his  precious  body  and  blood,  Judas 

not  being  present  with  us. He  went  out  to  the  mount  of 

Olives — and  we  were  with  him,  and   sang  an  hymn  accord 
ing-  to  custom.' 

k    'A/Ltrt     TOIVVV    VTTtpXpVTtQ    n^Q   01  StKCldvO    TS  Kl»pl8    CtTTOToXoi  TO.Q  8e    TCtQ 

Srtiag  rjp,a)v  evrtXXojut Qa  &ara£«g.     L.  viii.  C.  4.  in. 

1   EKtivo  de  Kotvt)  TravTtQ  wa/oayytXXo/uev.     L.  viii.  c.  46.  in. 
m  L.  ii.  c.  14.  p.  222.  m.  n  L.  ii.  c.  39. 

0  L.  ii.  c.  24.  p.  234.  "  L.  iii.  c.  19.  p.  290. 

"  L.V.C.  14.  p.  317 


204  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

13.  «  Forr   our  Lord  and   Master  Jesus   Christ  sent  us 
twelve  to  teach  the  nations.      There8  were  with  us  Mary, 
the   mother  of  the  Lord,  and  Mary  Magdalene,  and  what 
follows.1 

14.  '  And1  after  eight  days  he  gave  me,  Thomas,  who  was 
hard  of  belief  concerning  his  resurrection,  full   assurance, 
showing  me  the  print  of  the  nails,  and   the  wound  made  in 
his  side  by  the  spear.' 

15.  *  On  the"  day  of  Pentecost,  at  the  third  hour  of  the 
day,   the  Lord  Jesus  sent  down  upon  us  the  gift  of  the 
Holy  Ghost:    and   we  were  filled  with   power,  and  spake 
with    new    tongues,    as    the    Spirit    enabled    us ;    and    we 
preached  to  Jews  and  Gentiles  that  Jesus  is  the  Christ.' 

16  '  Forv  we  also,  for  Christ's  sake,  were  often  beaten  by 
Caiaphas,  and  Alexander,  and  Annas;  and  went  out  rejoic 
ing,  that  we  were  accounted  worthy  to  suffer  such  things 
for  our  Saviour.'  See  Acts  iv.  6;  v.  40,  41. 

17.  Having  mentioned  divers  parts  of  our  Lord's  history, 
they  add:  '  Allw  these  things  we  testify  of  him,  who  did 
eat   and    drink  with    him,  and  were  eye-witnesses  of  his 
wonderful  works,  of  his  words,  and  sufferings,  and  death, 
and   resurrection  from  the  dead,  after  which  also  we  con 
versed  with  him  forty  days.  And  what  follows.'    Much  more 
may  be  seen  x  elsewhere, 

18.  That  they  take  upon  them  the  character  of  the  apos 
tles,  appears  also  in  the  names  of  the  persons  whom  they 
speak  of  as  their  assistants  and  companions;  all  well  known 
to  have  been  companions  of  Christ's  apostles,  or  some  of 
them. 

19.  «  These  things y  we  send  unto  you  by  our  fellow  ser 
vant,  and   most  faithful  and  unanimous  son  in  the  Lord, 
Clement,  together  with  Barnabas,  and  our  most  faithful  son 
Timothy,  and  our  own  son  Mark  :  together  with  whom  we 
recommend  to  you  Titus,  and  Luke,  and  Jason,  and  So- 
sipater.' 

20.  In  the  twelfth  chapter  of  the  eighth  book  is  a  consti 
tution,  or  order  of  James,  the  brother  of  John,  and  son  of 
Zebedee.     In  the  thirty-third  chapter  of  the  same  book  is  a 
constitution  of  Paul  and  Peter.     In  the  thirty-fifth  chapter 
is  a  constitution  of  James  the  brother  of  the  Lord,  and 


L.  iii.  c.  6.  sub.  in.  •  ibid.  infr. 

L.  v.  c.  19.  p.  324.  «  L<  Vm  c<  20.  p.  325. 

J*  v-  c-  2.  »  L.  v.  c.  7.  p.  309. 

See  1.  v.  c.  14.  throughout,  and  1.  ii.  c.  55. 

L.  vi.c.  18.  p.  349. 


Tlic  Apostolical  Constitutions.  205 

bishop  of  Jerusalem.     Not  to  mention  other  things  of  that 
kind. 

21.  These  Constitutions  therefore  are  not  written,  or  com 
posed,  or  drawn  up  by  Clement,  but  by  the  apostles:  they 
are  only  sent  by  him.    Thus  at  the  beginning1  of  the  sixteenth 
chapter  of  the  sixth  book:  '  All2  these  things  we  have  sent 
[or  written]  to  you,  that  ye  may  know  what  our  opinion  is.' 
And   in  the  eighteenth  chapter  of  the  same   book,  partly 
cited  above:  '  Thisa  catholic  doctrine  we  have  left  to  you 
bishops  and  others,  for  the  establishment  of  them  that  be 
lieve  ;  and  have  sent  it  to  you  by  our  faithful  fellow-minister 
Clement.'     He  also  speaks,  together  with  James,  in  a  place 
before  cited.     But  the  whole  work,  and  all  the  Constitu 
tions  in  general  are  drawn  up  in  the  name  of  the  apostles, 
or  of  them  and  their  assistants ;  as  appears  from  the  many 
passages  that  have  been  transcribed. 

22.  These  Constitutions  then,  as  we  have  seen,  are  written 
in  the  name  of  the  apostles :  and,  according  to  the  whole 
tenor  of  the  work,  they  are  rightly  termed  apostolical. 

V.  Let  us  now  inquire  into  the  justness  of  this  claim. 

1.  As  the  work  now  before  us  bears  the  title  of  Apostoli 
cal  Constitutions,  and  is  written  in  the  name  of  the  apostles, 
as  we  have  sufficiently  seen  ;  we  are  led  to  inquire  what  no 
tice  has  been  taken  of  it  in  the  genuine,  uncontroverted 
works  of  ancient  Christian  writers  :  and  then  to  compare  the 
Constitutions    themselves,    and    other    things    occasionally 
mentioned  in  this  work,  with  the  generally  received  writings 
of  the  apostles,  and  likewise  with  the  doctrines  and  customs 
of  the  early  times  of  the  church,  so  far  as  we  are  acquainted 
with  them.    In  both  these  ways  the  Apostolical  Constitutions 
have  been  largely  considered  byb  Daille,  and  since  byc  Mr. 
Robert  Turner. 

2.  Daille  examined  all  the  several  ecclesiastical  writers  of 
the  first  three  centuries,  Barnabas,  Clement  of  Rome,  Justin 
Martyr,  Athenagoras,  Irenaeus,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Ter- 
tullian,  Origin,  Cyprian,  Dionysius,  and  Peter  of  Alexandria, 
and  some  others ;  and  has  shown,  as  it  seems  to  me,  with 
great  probability,  that  the  Constitutions  were  unknown  to 
all  those  writers.     Mr.  Turner  has  again  gone  over  all  the 
same  authors,  and  some  others  omitted  by  Daille  ;  and  he 
could  not  find  in  them  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  any 

7   TO.VTO.  TTOLVTO.  eirt*rei\ap,fv  vjuiv. 

a   KaTaXnrovTtQ  vfiiv — TTJV  Se  TTJV  Ka9o\iKtjv  didacncaXiav — <?ta7TE/ii//a^fvoi 
Sta  TS  avX\fiTnpvs  rjfi(jjv  KXrjusvroQ.  p.  349. 

b  Joannis  Dallaei  de  Pseudepigraphis  Apostolicis  libri  iii.  Hardervici.  1653. 
c  Discourse  of  the  pretended  Apostolical  Constitutions.  London.  1715. 


206  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

more  than  Daille.     To  those  and  other  learned  writers  I  re- 
fer ;  I  shall,  however,  observe  some  things  briefly. 

3.  In  these d  Constitutions  is  a  long  history  of  Simon  Ma 
gus.     Divers  other  heretics  are  particularly  mentioned  :  Cle- 
obius,  Dositheus,  the  Ebionites,  Cerinthus,  Marc,  Menander, 
Basilides,  Saturninus,  the  Nicolaitans,  and  Hemerobaptists. 
The  evil  of  heresies  is  shown  ;  the  causes  of  them  are  as 
signed  and  enumerated  ;  they  are  condemned  and  confuted. 
Nevertheless,  no  notice  is  taken  of  all  this  by  Irenoeus,  Ter- 
tullian,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  or  Eusebius  ;   no,  nor  by 
Epiphanius,  as  before  observed  :  though  it  would  have  been 
very  much  to  their  purpose.     In  short,  they  could  not  have 
omitted  it  in  their  censures  of  the  ancient  heresies,  or  in 
their  arguments  against  them,  if  they  had  been  acquainted 
with  it :  for,  certainly,  the  express  authority  of  the  apostles 
would  have  been  of  great  advantage  to  them. 

4.  With  regard  to  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Daille  says, 
thate  he  quotes  Clement  of  Rome,  and  Barnabas,  and  other 
Christian  authors.     He  had  also  many  occasions  to  quote  the 
Constitutions,   if  he  had   been    acquainted   with   them,  as 
Daille  clearly  shows:  but  yet  he  takes  not  any   the  least 
notice  of  them. 

5.  Another  thing  relating  to  Clement  of  Alexandria,  well 
observed   by  f  Mr.  Turner,  is  ;  that  %  the   Constitutions  ab 
solutely  forbid  the  reading  of  heathen  authors.     Neverthe 
less  Clement,  who  was  himself  a  man  of  prodigious  reading, 
and  a  great  master  of  heathen   learning,  frequently  quotes 
in  his  works  all  sorts  of  authors;  and  has  recommended1' 
the  reading  of  heathen  authors,  and  the  study  of  philosophy  ; 
which  he  would  not  have  done,  if  he  had  been  acquainted 
with  these  Constitutions,  and  had  acknowledged  them  to  be 
apostolical. 

6.  Mr.  Turner  adds,  Clement  of  Alexandria  was  not  sin 
gular  in  this.     Tertullian,  Origen,  and  a  great  many  more, 
justify  and  recommend  the  reading  of  heathen  compositions  : 
and  though  St.  Jerom  (as  we  are  told)  was  whipped  for  it, 
yet  it  was  never  said  to  be  because  he  had  broken  an  apos 
tolical  constitution. 

7.  And  says  the  ingenious '  Mr.  Brekell :  The  Constitu 
tions  prohibit  the  reading  of  heathen  authors  :  and  yet  many 
of  the  ancient  fathers,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Tertullian, 
Origen,  and  others,  recommended  the  reading  of  such  books; 
a  plain  proof,  that  they  knew  of  no  such  Apostolical  Con- 

d  Vid.  lib.  6.  cap.  4 — 11.  '  Vid.  Dall.  ib.  p.  2G8,  269. 

f  P.  93,  94.  B  TWJ>  tOviicuv  /3t/3\twj/  TTCIVTUV  aTrtva.  L.  i.  c.  C.  in. 

h  Vid.  Strom.  1.  L  »  See  Divine  Oracles,  p.  1 16. 


The  Apostolical  Constitutions.  207 

stitution.  Besides,  if  this  had  been  a  Constitution  of  the 
Christian  church,  the  emperor  Julian  would  have  had  no  oc 
casion  to  make  the  prohibition. 

8.  There  wask  a  dispute  in  the  third  century  between 
Stephen  bishop  of  Rome,  and  Cyprian  bishop  of  Carthage, 
concerning1  the  method  of  receiving1  such  as  came  over  from 
heretics.     Cyprian  and  other  African  bishops  said  the  bap 
tism  of  heretics  was  null  and  void,  and  therefore  they  who 
came  over  from  them  were  to  be  baptized.     Stephen,  on  the 
contrary,  allowed  the  validity  of  their  baptism  ;  and  was  for 
receiving  such  as  came  over  from  them  with  imposition  of 
hands  only.     This  point  is   decided   in1   our  Constitutions, 
agreeably  to   the  judgment  of   Cyprian    and    his  African 
colleagues  :  yet  nobody  then  appealed  to  this  work,  or  took 
any  notice  of  it.     Probably  therefore  it  was  not  extant  at  that 
time. 

9.  I  shall  mention  a  particular  relating  to  Origen,  not  ge 
nerally  taken  notice  of.     In  his  books  against   Celsus  he 
says,  thatm  James  and  John,  Andrew  and  Peter,  were  fisher 
men,  and  Matthew  a  publican.     But  in  what  way  the  rest  of 
Christ's  disciples  subsisted,  before  they  followed  him,  was 
not   known.     But   the  apostles   in  the    Constitutions    say  : 
*  Though11  we  are  employed  in  preaching  the  gospel,  we  do 
'  not  omit  working.     For  some  of  us  are  fishermen,  others 
'  tentmakers,  others  husbandmen.'     Certainly  Origen  knew 
nothing  of  this.     And   Cotelerius,  in   his  notes  upon   the 
Constitutions,  says,  We0  are  to  abide  by  Origen.     There  is 
no  certain  knowledge  what  occupations  the  rest  of  the  twelve 
followed,  beside  those  mentioned  by  him. 

10.  That  the?  Constitutions  were  unknown  to  the  learned 
Dionysius,  bishop  of  Alexandria  about  the  year  248,  is  ap 
parent.     Basilides,  a  friend  of  his,  wrote''  a  letter  to  him, 
desiring  his  opinion  upon  some  points.     Dionysius's  letter  r 
is  still  extant.     In  answer  to  one  of  the  queries  put  by  Ba 
silides,  concerning  the  duration  of  the  antepaschal  fast,  he 

k  See  Turner,  as  before,  p.  122  —  130.     And  in  this  work,  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xliii. 
n.  vi.  and  Vol.  iii.  ch.  xliv.  n.  i.  !  Vid.  Const,  lib.  vi.  cap.  15. 

Taiv  Se  XOITTWV  s  fjiefjiaOrfKafifv  ra  epya,  oQtv  Trpo  rrjg  p,a9r)reiag  TS  If/era 
roig  rag  TpoQag.     Cont.  Cels.  1.  i.  p.  48.  Cant.  p.  376.  Bened. 
yap  eiffiv  e%  rj^v  a\iei£,  ot  Se  (TKIJVOTTOIOI,  01  de  y?j£  tpyarai. 


L.  ii.  cap.  63. 

0  Sed  tenendum  omnino  est  cum  Origene  jam  laudato,  praeter  quatuor  supra 
memoratos,  et  unum  publicanum,  Matthseum,  ignorari  qua  ex  arte  victum  sibi 
compararint  reliqui  ex  duodecim,  antequam  a  Christo  essent  vocati. 

P  See  Turner,  p.  131  —  133.  «  See  before,  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xliii.  n.  ix. 

r  Ap.  Labb.  Cone.  T.  i.  p.  832. 


208  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

says  it  is  difficult  to  determine.  Nevertheless,  the  point 
is  clearly  determined3  in  our  Apostolical  Constitutions. 
And  of  another  question  put  by  Basil  ides,  he  gives  a  solu 
tion  quite  contrary  to1  our  Constitutions :  and  in  the  con 
clusion  of  the  letter,  he  leaves  his  friend  to  judge  for  himself 
as  he  sees  best.  This  must  be  reckoned  full  proof,  that 
Dionysius  was  altogether  unacquainted  with  our  Apostolical 
Constitutions. 

11.  There  was  a  controversy  about  the  time  of  keeping 
Easter,  which"  began  in  the  second  century,  and  lasted v 
until  the  sitting  of  the  council  of  Nice :  yet  none  appealed 
to  the  Constitutions  about  it.     Those  cited  by  Epiphanius 
determine  in  favour  of  one  side  ;  ours  in  favour  of  the  other. 
But  that  neither  of  those  Constitutions  was  then  extant,  or 
received  as  Apostolical,  is  manifest :  for  if  there  had  been  an 
Apostolical  Constitution  about  it,  the  controversy  had  been 
ended,  or  rather  could  not  have  been. 

12.  Socrates,  the  ecclesiastical  historian,  speaking  of  this 
matter  says,  the  apostles    had    left  it  indifferent  to  every 
body:  thatw  neither  Christ  nor  his  apostles,  had  appointed 
an  annual  festival  for  celebrating  the  memory  of  his  passion. 
And  speaking  of  the  several  opinions  about  the  duration  and 
manner  of  the  antepaschal  feast,  he  says,  thatx  none  of  them 
were  able  to  allege  any  written  order  about  it.     Conse 
quently,  Socrates  likewise  either  knew  nothing  of  our  Con 
stitutions,  or  did  not  esteem  them  Apostolical. 

13.  Eusebius  of  Caesarea  is  concerned  in  several  things 
already  mentioned.     In  his  accounts  of  early  heretics,  of  the 
disputes  about  Easter,  and  other  matters,  he  says  nothing 
of  the  Constitutions  ;    though  they  might  hare  been  very 
properly  mentioned,  if  in  being,  and  he  had  been  acquainted 
with    them.     Consequently    they    were    unknown    to  him. 
There  is  however  one  particular  which  may  be  distinctly 
mentioned.     Our  Constitutions  say,  thaty  the  first  bishops 
of  Csesarea  in  Palestine,  were  Zaccheus  the  publican,  Cor 
nelius,  and  Theophilus :  meaning,  probably,  him  to  whom 
St.   Luke  had  addressed    both   his  gospel   and   his  Acts. 

5  Vid.  1.  v.  c.  18,  19,  21.  l  L.  vi.  c.  27,  28. 

u  See  before  in  this  work,  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxiii.  and  ch.  xxviii. 
v  Vid.  Euseb.  Vit.  Const.  1.  iii.  cap.  5. 

AXXa  Tqv  iopTtjv  rs  Trac^a  »cai  rag  a\\ag  loprag  Tipav  ry  tvyviouoyvvy 
TUV  tvtpyiTr)BiVTuv  KartXnrov.      Socr.  1.  v.  c.  21.  p.  283.  C. 

Oi;  yap  vopy  THTO  7rapa0uXarr«»/  6  Sa>r>;p  rj  01  a7ro<roXoi  7rap»jyy«Xar>.  Ib.  D. 
Kat  tiruSav  shiQ  iripi  THTS  eyypa^ov  t^"  Mai  TrapayytXfjia,  ?rj\ov,  ug 
Kait£>f£l  Z?Ta  Ty  **av8   YvaW  Kat  irpoaipcou  tirtrpt^ov  01  aTro-roXot.  K,  X.    Ib. 
P-  286-  C.  y  L.  vii.  c.  46.  in.  p.  382. 


The  Apostolical  Constitutions.  209 

Nevertheless,   Eusebius  no  where   takes  z  notice  of  these 
honourable  predecessors  of  his  in  the  see  of  Csesarea. 

14.  We  need  not  particularly  examine  later  writers :  for, 
as  Daille  says,  ifa  the  Constitutions  were  not  Apostolical  in 
the  first  three  centuries,  all  the  wit  and  industry  of  later  ages 
cannot  make  them  so.     But  if  we  should   call  up  and  ex 
amine  Gregory  Nazianzen,  Basil,  Chrysostom,  the  Cyrils  of 
Jerusalem  and  Alexandria,  Jerom,  and  Augustine,  and  all 
the  other  eminent  Christian  writers  of  the  fourth,  and   the 
former  part  of  the  fifth  century,  they  would  be  all  silent. 
They  give  no  intelligence  concerning  the  Apostolical  Con 
stitutions  :  they  have  not  quoted  them,  or  mentioned  them, 
in  any  of  their  writings.     Jerom  in  particular,  who,  in  his 
Catalogue  of  Illustrious  Men,  has  distinct  articles  for  all  the 
writers  of  the  New  Testament,  and  for  Clement  Bishop  of 
Rome,  mentions  not  any  work  of  theirs  called  Constitutions, 
or  Apostolical  Constitutions.     Certainly  this  must  be  suffi 
cient  to  satisfy  us  of  the  non-existence,  or  vast  obscurity  of 
the  Apostolical   Constitutions  in  the  early   days  of  Chris 
tianity. 

15.  The  first  who  has  mentioned  them,  excepting  Epipha- 
nius,  and  the  first  of  all,  who  has  mentioned  them  as  divided 
into  several  books,  isb  the  author  of  the  Imperfect  Work 
upon  St.  Matthew,  probably0  a  Latin  writer,  and  plainly  an 
Arian,  who  wrote  some  time  after  the  reign  of  Theodosius 
the  Great:    how  long  after  it  cannot  be  determined.     But 
there  is  as  much  reason  to  think  he  did  not  write  till  after  the 
end  of  the  fifth  century,  as  that  he  wrote  sooner. 

16.  Consequently,  the  Constitutions  are  destitute  of  alt 
external  evidence,  that  should  entitle  them  to  the  character 
of  Apostolical. 

VI.  I  proceed  to  the  internal  evidence.  Here  I  shall 
mention  divers  things,  marks  of  a  later  age  than  that  of  the 
apostles,  and  unsuitable  to  their  character  :  at  the  same  time 
willingly  omitting  many  other  things,  for  the  sake  of  brevity, 
and  supposing  it  not  necessary  to  be  more  particular. 

1.  The  manner  of  quoting  'the  books  of  the  New  Testa- 

z  Verum  Pseudo-dementis  apocryphos  libros  aut  non  legit,  aut  potius  lectos 
sprevit  Eusebius  Caesariensis ;  alias  tanta  ecclesiae  suae  ornamenta  nequaquam 
in  operibus  suis  omissurus.  Cot.  in  loc. 

a  Nam  si  primis  tribus  christianismi  saeculis  apostolicae  non  fuerunt  Bovianae 
istae  Aiarayai,  nemo  non  videt,  nulla  sequentium  temporum  vel  auctoritate 
vel  industria  fieri  cas  apostolicas  posse.  De  Pseudep.  p.  321. 

b  Vid.  Veterum  Testimonia  de  Constitut.  Ap.  ap.  Patr.  Ap.  T.  i. 

c  Vid.  Montfauson.  Diatriba  ad  Op.  Imp.  in  Matt.  ap.  Chrysost.  opp.  T.  6. 
ed.  Bened. 

VOL.  IV.  P 


2 10  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

ment  in  this  work  does  not  suit  the  apostles,  as,  I  think, 
every  one  may  perceive. 

(1.)  '  Christ  <*  says  in  his  gospel.'     [Matt.  v.  27.] 

(2.)  '  Ine  the  like  manner  it  is  written  also  in  the  gospel.' 
[Luke  vi.  28.]  And  presently  afterwards  :  '  Again  f  he  says 
in  the  gospel.'  [Matt.  v.  44,  45.] 

(3.)  4  The&  Lord  often  says  in  the  gospel,  reminding  men  : 
"  He  that  has  ears  to  hear,  let  him  hear." 

(4.)  '  For  h  our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  says  in  the 
gospel.'  [Matt.  v.  23,  24.] 

(5.)  *  Concerning1  this  the  Lord  declared,  saying: — And 
again  he  says  to  his  disciples,  even  to  us,  thus :'  Where  are 
quoted,  Matt.  x.  33,  37,  38,  39,  and  xvi.  22,  and  x.  28. 

(6.)  Having  given  an  account  of  the  circumstances  of  our 
Lord's  being  betrayed,  and  of  his  crucifixion  and  resurrec 
tion,  it  is  added,  *  Allk  these  things  also  are  written  in  the 
gospels.' 

(7.)  *  Let1  a  bishop  be  knowing,  and  studying  the  Lord's 
books,  that  he  may  rightly  explain  the  scriptures  : — that  the 
interpretations  of  the  law  and  the  prophets  may  correspond 
with  the  gospel.  For  the  Lord  Jesus  says ;  "  Search  the 
scriptures.  For  these  are  they  which  testify  of  me."'  And 
again  :  'For  "  Moses  wrote  of  me."  [John  v.  39,  46.] 
Certainly,  this  order  was  not  given  until  after  St.  John's 
gospel  was  written  and  published,  probably  not  until  after 
all  the  Lord's  books,  or  scriptures  of  the  New  Testament, 
had  been  written,  and  put  into  the  hands  of  Christians. 

(8.)  Daill6  did  notm  overlook  this  argument. 

(9.)  I  add  no  more  here :  but  several  things  of  a  like  kind 
will  occur  in  a  following  article,  concerning  this  writer's  tes 
timony  to  the  scriptures.  There  will  be  seen  a  Constitution 
about  the  method  of  ordaining  bishops,  expressly  said  to  be  a 
Constitution  of  the  Twelve,  and  Paul,  and  to  seven  deacons  : 
wherein  it  is  appointed,  that  the  g'ospels  should  be  held 


d   Aeyet  yap  tv  T({>  £vayyt\t({).      L.  i.  C.  1.  e   'O/JOtwf  KM  tv 

Ttf>  evayytXiy  ytypotTrrai.      L.  i.  c.  2.  f  Ibid. 

g   Kai  o  K.vpiO£  tv  T(f>  tvayyt\i(t>  pvriiiovivti.     L.  ii.  c.  6.  p.  217.  f. 

h   Aeyei  £c  6  KvpwQ  j//uwi>  »cai  2wr»7p  IrjffsQ  o  Xpi<roe  ev  tvayytXioig.     L.  ii. 
c.53.  p.  258.  in.  i  L.  v.  cap.  4.  p.  303. 

k   TavTa  Se  Kai  tv  rip  tvayytXu^  typa^rj.     L.  v.  c.  14.  fin. 

7ro\v8i£aKTO£,  {JiiXtTuv  »cai  OTraSa^uiv  tv  rate  KvpictKaig  /3i/3Xoi£  .  K. 


A.     L.  ii.  cap.  5. 

m  Cum  ergo  nostri  Aiaraytt$  iis  temporibus  et  vixerint,  et  congregati  fue- 
rint,  quibus  Joannis  Evangelium  editum  erat,—  clarum  est,  fieri  nequaquam 
posse,  ut  Aiarayttf  Christi  apostoli  vere  sink  De  Pseudep.  Ap.  L.  i.  c.  14.  p. 
168.  Vid.  et.  p.  169,  186. 


TJie  Apostolical  Constitutions.  211 

over  the  head  of  the  bishop  to  be  ordained,  or  just  ordained. 
But  how  was  it  possible  that  all  the  apostles,  and  all  the 
several  deacons,  should  join  in  such  a  Constitution?  Did 
none  of  the  apostles  or  deacons  die  before  the  publication  of 
the  gospels  ?  Were  all  the  gospels  written  before  the  death 
of  James  son  of  Zebedee,  and  brother  of  John,  and  before 
the  martyrdom  of  Stephen  ?  None  will  say  it.  The  reader 
is  also  desired  to  observe  the  first  quotation  in  that  article, 
and  to  consider  whether  all  the  apostles  could  join  in  ap 
pointing  the  reading  of  the  Acts  ?  which  certainly  were 
not  written  till  after  the  sixtieth  year  of  our  Lord's  nativity. 

2.  I  proceed  to  other  things  later  than  the  time  of  the 
apostles. 

(1.)  It  cannot  be  shown  that  the  several  heretics  above 
mentioned  had  appeared  before  the  end  of  the  apostolical 
age.  Moreover,  they  are  here  said  to  have11  published  wicked 
books  in  the  names  of  the  apostles :  calumniating  the  crea 
tion  of  God,  and  marriage,  the  law  and  the  prophets ;  which 
cannot  be  shown  to  have  been  done  before  the  death  of  the 
apostles. 

(2.)  There  are  many  things  in  these  books,  which  seem  to 
show,  that  the  reign  of  heathenism  in  the  Roman  empire 
was  over,  and  that  Christians  enjoyed  ease  and  prosperity. 

(3.)  *  Nor0  does  the  Lord  desire  that  the  law  of  righteous 
ness  should  be  made  manifest  by  us  only,  say  the  apostles 
here.  It  has  also  been  his  good  pleasure  that  it  should  ap 
pear  and  shine  by  means  of  the  Romans :  for  they  also  have 
believed  in  the  Lord,  and  have  forsaken  polytheism  and 
unrighteousness ;  and  they  cherish  the  good,  and  punish  the 
bad.'  Cotelerius  in  his  notes  says:  certainly?  this  could 
not  be  said  by  the  apostles.  And  if  it  could  be  made  out, 
that  it  might  be  truly  said,  at  some  season  before  there  were 
Christian  emperors,  [which  cannot  be  easily  done,]  it  would 
not  be  very  material. 

(4.)  The  ease  and  prosperity  of  Christians  appear  in  the 
description  that  is  given  of  a  church.  *  Let1*  the  building  be 
oblong',  pointing  eastward,  with  vestries  on  each  side  at  the 
east  end,  that  it  may  be  like  a  ship :  let  the  bishop's  throne 
be  placed  in  the  middle :  on  each  side  of  him  [or  that]  let 

n  Kcrt  ra  CTT'  ovo/iorn  7//twv  Trapa  TOJV  aaefiwv  Kpa.rvvBf.vTa  /3ij3Xta  /i/j  ?rapa- 
SexetrOat.  K.  \.  L.  vi.  c.  16.  in. 

Toeai'ra  KCU  vvv  £iroirj<rav  ol  dvffwwuoi,  fitaj3a\\ovTtg  drjfiitipyiav,  yajuov,— 
vofjiov,  Trpo^Tjrac-  Eod.  cap.  sub  fin.  °  L.  vi.  cap.  24. 

P  Certum  ac  manifestum  est,  non  potuisse  haec  ab  apostolis  scribi.  Sed  an 
deduci  debeant  usque  ad  tempera  imperatorum  christianorum,  id  vero,  ut 
parvi  momenti,  ita  ambiguum,  obscurumque  mihi  videtur.  Cot.  in  loc. 

i  L.  ii.  c.  57.  p.  261. 


2 1 2  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

the  presbyters  sit:  let  the  deacons  stand  near  in  short  and 
h-hl  garments:  Id  I hf  reader  stand  upon  an  eminence/ 
And  \\  h.il  follow*. 

(-").)  In  another  place'  and  book  :  4  \Vlien1"  this  is  done,  lei 
the  deacons  bring  the  gifts  to  the  bishop  at  the  altar;  and 
the  presbyters  stand  on  his  right  hand,  and  on  his  h-l'l,  as 
disciples  stand  before  their  master :  and  let  two  deacons  on 
each  side  the  altar  hold  a  fan  made  of  thin  membranes,  or 
of  the  feathers  of  a  peacock,  or  of  line  cloth:  and  lei  them 
silently  keep  oil' the  small  animals  that  Hy  about,  thai  they 
may  not  get  into  the  cups.  Let  the  high  priest,  therefore, 
with  the  priests,  pray  by  himself,  and  being  clothed  with  his 
splendid  garment,  and  standing  at  tin;  altar,  let.  him  make 
the  sign  of  (do  <ioss  with  his  hand  upon  his  forehead  before 
all  the  people.'  And  what  follows.  This  is  particularly 
said  to  be  a  Constitution  of  James  the  brother  of  John,  anil 
SOU  of  /ehedee.  Hut  who  can  think,  that  such  state  and 
grandeur  wen;  brought  into  the  church  in  his  time,  who 
was  beheaded  by  Herod  Afffippa  within  ten  or  luelve  years 
after  our  Lord's  ascension?  lea,  who  can  think,  that  such 
a  method  of  celebrating  the  cucharist  was  introduced  in  the 
time  of  any  of  Christ's  apostles? 

((>.)  1  illicit  IlkeWlM  Object  to  the  style  of  this  and  many 
other  passages  of  this  work.  I  <>r  it  cannot  be  shown,  that 
the  Christian  writers  of  the  apostolical  age,  or  soon  after  it, 
called  Christian  ministers  *  high  priests,'  or  '  priests/  or  '  Lc- 
vitcs:'  nor  that  they  called  the  eoinmunion-table  'the  altar.' 
Moreover  it  is  now  generally  allowed,  that1  in  the  fust  and 
second  centuries,  christians  had  not  any  regular  or  spacious 
buildings  to  meet  in. 

(7.)  Another  Constitution,  showing  tin1  church  to  be  at 
ease,  is  this:  *  When11  you  teach  the  people,  O  bishop,  com 
mand  them  to  come  to  church  morning  and  evening  every 
day — do  you  assemble  yourselves  together  every  day, 
morning  and  evening,  singing  psalms,  and  praying  m  the 
Lord's  house. — Hut  especially  on  the  sabbath-day,  and  on 
the  Lord's  day,  do  you  meet  together  more  diligently/ 

r  L.  viii.  c.  12.  p.  398. 

'  Ac  sane  gunnana  virorum  upi>M.>liromm  -rnpta.  (Mrmaitis  M-iluvt,  1VI\ 
carpi,  Justini,  voculmlu  pontiticis,  sucwlotum.  l.rvitanim,  rhnNtiano  i-Ki. 
nttirnmlo  mmijuum  uswpftrunt.      Ntxjue  inaiMs  ( 'K nu utiua-  ;rlaiis  i->t   \(ua 
Itnluiu  ^r(TKiT»;|[)io»',  ultiire,    tul  eucluiristiiL*    iiifiis.un   uulnaiulaiu.      IV i 
Ann.  1(H).  u.  xii. 

<>ri  f.HV  TWV  OTTOCOXWV    OTf    If   tKK\l)mu  tKO^lU  ^U'   \(tftlff^it(n  TTfU'fl.t- 
rilfO»C,    f.»(H'f     C^f     7TO\ir4i\t    Xd^TT^f,    »Kk\/y<T|, I  T  »/,>«!    HK   IjV.    K.    X.          Isill.     l\  Ills.     I '.p. 

I.  ii.  n.  24(J.  At  tbrtt1  sic  ItgMMUm  :  on  — */-5(irt  ft  iroXir*^,  Xu^ir^xi  tKK\>i "«• 
<iT»fp«o  M*  n:  "  L.  ii.  C.  59. 


The  Apostolical  Constitutions.  213 

(H.)  'Again:  lv  Paul  and  I  Peter  ordain  as  follows; 
Let  slaves  [or  servants]  work  six  days  ;  Ixii  on  the  sab- 
liaili-dax .  and  (lie  Lord's  day,  let  them  have  leisure  to  o-o 
to  ehureli  lo  he  instructed  in  religion.  And  in  the  whole 
great  week,  and  in  that  which  follows,  let  servants  cease 
from  work;  because  llial  is  the  week  of  Christ's  passion, 
this  of  his  resurrection.  Let  them  also  rest  on  (he  day  of 
Christ's  ascension,  because'  it  is  in  the  conclusion  of  the 
dispensation  by  Christ.  Let  them  rest  on  Pentecost,  be 
cause  of  the  mining  of  the  Spirit  which  was  given  to  be 
lievers.  Let  them  also  rest  from  labour  on  the  least  of  the 
Nativity,  and  on  the  day  of  Epiphany.  Let  them  also  rest 
on  the  days  of  the  apostles,  and  the  day  of  Stephen  the  pro- 
tomartyr,  and  on  the  days  of  other  martyrs,  who  loved  Jesus 
Christ  above  their  own  lives.' 

(!).)  Possibly  some  may  (though  without  reason)  pretend, 
or  suspect,  that  the  latter  part  of  this  Constitution  is  an  in 
terpolation.  I  therefore  now  insist  only  on  the  former  part 
of  it,  so  far  as  relates  to  servants  resting  on  the  '  sabbath-day, 
Lord's  day,  the  great  week,  and  the  following,  and  the  day  of 
Christ's  ascension,  and  the  day  of  Pentecost.'  And  it  seems 
to  me,  that  neither  Peter,  nor  Paul,  nor  any  of  the  apostles, 
could  deliver  such  Constitutions  relating  to  slaves  or  ser 
vants:  such  rules  could  not  be  proposed  in  the  time  of  the 
apostles,  and  at  the  first  planting  of  the  Christian  religion  in 
the  world.  Hy  the  Roman  laws  servants  were  as  much  the 
property  of  their  masters,  as  any  other  part  of  I  heir  estate  : 
they  could  use  them  as  they  pleased  ;  and  had  the  power  of 
life  and  death  till  the  time  of  Antoninus  the  pious,  who,  by 
his  constitution,  restrained  or  abrogated  it.  For  it  is  there 
said  :  Qni  sine  causa  servum  suum  occiderit,  non  minus 
puniri  jubetur,  quain  si  servum  alieriurn  occiderit.  Inst.  1. 
i.  tit.  8.  De  his,  qui  sui,  vel  alieni  juris  sunt.  Or,  if  we 
may  credit  Spartian,  this  had  been  done  by  his  immediate 
predecessor  Adrian.  His  words  are  these:  Servos  a  dorni- 
nis  occidi  vetuit,  &  jussit  damnari  per  judiccs,  si  digni 
cssent,  Spart.  in  Vit.  Adrian,  cap.  18.  Hut  as  those  laws 
were  not  made  till  after  the  times  (>f  the  apostles,  nothing  can 
be  more  absurd,  than  to  imagine  they  would  lay  any  such 
injunction  upon  slaves,  as  would  deprive  their  masters  two 
days  in  seven  of  their  labour,  beside  other  occasional  days. 
Nothing  could  have  more  prejudiced  them  against  the  chris- 
tian  religion,  than  such  an  attempt  upon  their  property  : 
nor  could  any  thing  have  been  more  cruel  to  slaves,  many 

v  L.  viii.  c.  33. 


214  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

of  whom  must  doubtless  have  lost  their  lives,  had  they 
complied  with  any  such  Constitution  of  the  apostles:  and 
it  may  be  reckoned  contrary  to  what  St.  Paul  enjoins,  1  Tim. 
xi.  1.  "  Let  as  many  servants  as  are  under  the  yoke,  count 
their  own  masters  worthy  of  all  honour,  that  the  name  of  God 
and  his  doctrine  be  not  blasphemed." 

(10.)  Christian  bishops  are  here  supposed  to  have  tribu 
nals,  or  courts  of  judicature.  Theyw  are  directed  to  hold 
their  courts  on  the  second  day  of  the  week,  on  Monday  : 
and  the  deacons  and  presbyters  are  to  be  present  :  that  is, 
as  Daille*  observes,  here  is  reference  to  a  privilege  allowed 
by  Christian  emperors,  not  till  long1  after  the  death  of  the 
apostles. 

(11.)  The  great  y  number  of  days  distinguished  and  ap 
pointed  either  for  fasts  and  feasts,  (as  we  partly  saw  in  a  late 
quotation,)  shows  this  work  of  the  Constitutions  to  be  later 
than  the  times  of  the  apostles.  These  appointments  are  con 
trary  to  the  doctrine  of  Paul  z  in  his  well  known  epistles,  and 
also  to  the  well  known  practice  of  the  church  in  the  second 
and  third  centuries.  The  Christians  had  in  early  times  some 
days  of  fasting  and  feasting,  but  they  were  not  so  numerous 
as  those  here  appointed  ;  nor  were  they  unanimous  in  the 
manner  of  keeping  them  ;  nor  do  they  seem  generally  to 
have  thought  them  of  apostolical  appointment,  but  rather,  as 
Jerom  says,a  counsels  of  wise  men,  or  institutions  answering 
some  good  ends  and  purposes.  That  all  did  not  think  them 
of  apostolical  appointment,  may  be  reckoned  very  probable 
from  the  judgment  of  Socrates,  formerly  taken  notice  of. 
Augustine  declares:  Ib  perceive  the  gospel  teaches  us  to 
fast  ;  but  I  do  not  see,  that  in  any  part  of  the  New  Testament, 
either  Christ  or  his  apostles  have  appointed  on  what  days 
we  should  fast,  and  on  what  not  to  fast.  And  Tertullian 
represents  thec  catholic  doctrine  of  his  time  about  fasts 


*  Ta  fa  StKa<?rtpia  vpuv  yivtaOa)  devTtpq,  <ra/fy3arwv.  K.  \.     L.  ii.  c.  47.  in. 

x  Denique  rem  totam  sic  describunt,  ut  planurn  sit,  nihil  aliud  eos  intel- 
lexisse,  quam  quod  multis  post  apostolos  temporibus  principum  christianorum 
benignitate  atque  auctoritate  episcopis  indultum  fuit.  Ubi  supra,  p.  319. 

*  Vid.  1.  v.  c.  17—19.  1.  viii.  c.  33. 

z  See  Rom.  xiv.  6;  Gal.  iv.  10;  Col.  ii.  15,  16. 

*  Jejunia  et  congregations  inter  dies  propter  eos  a  viris  prudentibus  con 
stitutes,  qui  magis  saeculo  vacent  quam  Deo.     Hieron.  in  Galat.  iv.  10. 

b  Ego  in  evangelicis  et  apostolicis  literis,  totoque  instrumento,  quod  appel- 
latur  Testamentum  Novum,  animo  id  revolvens,  video  praeceptum  esse  jeju- 
nium.  Quibus  autem  diebus  non  oporteat  jejunare,  et  quibus  oporteat, 
praecepto  Domini  vel  apostolorum  non  inveni  definitum.  Ad  Casul.  ep.  36. 
[al.  76.]  cap.  xi.  T.  2. 

Itaque  dc  caetero  differenter  jejunandum  ex  arbitrio,  non  ex  imperio 
disciplinye,  pro  temporibus  et  causis  uniuscuj  usque.     Sic  et  apostolos  obspr- 


The  Apostolical  Constitutions.  215 

much  in  the  same  manner.  As  for  festivals,  Origen  in  the 
third  century  mentions  butd  three,  Lord's-days,  Easter,  and 
Pentecost.  I  hope  I  need  not  enlarge  here  ;  but  I  refer  toe 
Daille  andf  Turner,  who  have  fully  considered  the  point. 
And  Daille,  having*  summarily »  enumerated  the  fasts  and 
feasts  of  the  Constitutions,  and  put  down  their  assertion, 
4  that  every  one  is  guilty  of  sin,  who  fasts  on  the  Lord's- 
day,  or  the  day  of  Pentecost,  or,  in  a  word,  on  any  festival 
of  the  Lord,'  says  very  well,  that  the  Constitutions,  which 
have  distinguished  almost  every  day  in  the  year,  either  as  a 
fast  or  feast,  could  not  come  from  the  apostles  of  Christ. 
Indeed  the  great  apostle  Paul  says  to  the  Colossians,  ch. 
ii.  16,  and  in  them,  I  suppose,  to  all  Christians  in  general, 
"  Let  no  man  judge  you  in  meat,  or  drink,  or  in  respect 
of  an  holiday,  or  of  the  new  moon,  or  of  the  sabbaths."  But 
these  apostles  [whether  false  apostles  or  true,  let  any  man 
determine,]  make  no  scruple  of  judging  men  on  such  ac 
counts. 

(12.)  Before  I  quite  leave  this  point,  I  would  take  some 
particular  notice  of  the  respect  shown  in  these  Constitutions 
for  the  sabbath,  or  seventh  day  of  the  week. 

They  ordain,  that  by  h  all  Christians  in  general,  the  sab 
bath  and  the  Lord's-day  should  be  kept  as  festivals  :  that1 
every  sabbath  in  the  year,  except  one,  and  every  Lord's-day, 
be  kept  with  joy,  without  making  them  days  of  mourning* 

vasse,  nultum  aliud  imponentes  jugum  certorum  et  in  commune  omnibus 
obeundorum  jejuniorum.  Da  Jejun.  cap.  2.  p.  702.  A. 

d  ~Eav  8t  rig  rrpog  TCLVTO.  avOvTrotbepy  ra  Trept  TWV  Trap1  r//ziv  KupictKwv,  rj 
TrapaffKEVwv,  rj  ra  Trao^a,  rj  rr\q  irf.vTrfKo^r}Q.  Contr.  Cels.  8.  p.  758.  F. 
Bened.  e  Vid.  de  Pseudep.  Ap.  1.  i.  cap.  x.  xi. 

{  As  before,  p.  242—258. 

s  Cum  hoc  vero  et  indubitato  apostolorum  dogmate  equidem  non  video, 
qui  conciliari  possiut  illae  tarn  multae  de  perpetuis  certorum  dierum  aut  jejuniis 
aut  non  jejuniis  leges.  Illi  enim  et  hebdomadam  quidem  antepaschalem,  et 
quadragesimam,  et  quartam  sextamque  cujusvis  hebdomadis  feriasab  omnibus 
christianis  jejunari  lege  in  perpetuum  lata  praecipiunt.  Altera  vero  ex  parte 
turn  sabbatum,  turn  Dominicam  diem,  et  omnes  quinquaginta  a  Paschate 

ad  Pentecostem  dies,  adh^c   Natalis  Dominici  diem,   &c. hos,  inquam 

omnes  dies  jejunio  funestari  vetant,  et  si  quis  uno  ex  iis  jejunarit,  eum  deli- 
quisse,  piaculumque  commeritum  pronunciant.  L.  v.  c.  xx.  fin.  EJ/O%O£  yap 

apapTias  e?ai  o  rr]v  KvputKrjv  vrj^evuv,  r\  rr\v  irfVTTjKO'ztiv, Milto 

rei  ipsius  absurditatem,  atque  ineptiam. Hoc  unum  dico,  nihil  minus 

istos  esse,  quam  Christi  apostolos,  qui  omnem  fere  totius  anni  diem  vel  jejunii 
moerori,  vel  prandii  Isetijiae  addicunt,  ac  mancipant,  &c.  Dall.  de  Pseud. 
1.  i.  c.  xi.  p.  141,  142. 

To  (TafifBarov  fjLtvroi  KO.I  rr\v  KvpictKTjv  eopra&rs.     L.  vii.  c.  23.  p.  369. 

1  Uav  p.tv  TOI  ffa/3/3arov,  avtv  rs  ivog,  Kai  Traaav  KvptaKrjv  67rirt\8vrt£  <TVV- 
o&*g  £u^pa»/£(r0£.  K.  X.  L.  v.  cap.  20.  p.  327.  Vid.  et  1.  vii.  c.  36.  in.  p.  376. 


2  1  6  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

or  fasting  :  that  k  servants  should  cease  from  labour,  and 
come  to  church  on  the  sabbath,  and  the  Lord's-day,  that1 
Christians  in  general  should  assemble  together  for  worship 
on  every  day,  but  especially  on  the  sabbath,  and  the  Lord's 
day. 

Concerning  these  particulars  I  would  say,  that  the  apos 
tles  of  Christ  never  gave  such  instructions  about  keeping 
the  sabbath.  Secondly,  that  they  are  more  suitable  to  the 
fourth  or  fifth  centuries,  than  to  the  most  early  times  of 
Christianity. 

First,  the  apostles  of  Christ  never  gave  such  instructions 
about  keeping  the  sabbath.  That  the  apostles  did  not  ap 
point  the  keeping  of  the  sabbath  as  a  feast,  and  forbid  fast 
ing  thereon,  is  evident  hence,  that  Christians  in  general 
never  reckoned  themselves  bound  by  any  such  rule.  This 
will  appear  from  observations  of  Petavius,  which  m  I  place 
below  :  to  which  I  shall  add  a  passage  from"  a  letter  of  St. 
Jerom. 

That  the  apostles  did  not  require  servants,  or  other  chris- 
tians,  to  cease  from  labour  on  the  sabbath,  is  shown0  by 


Xiav  TTJC  tvatfitiaQ.     L.  viii.  c.  33.  in.  p.  414. 

-  fiaXi^a  de  ev  Ty  jj/xep^t  TS  <ra/3/3ar8«  fcai  iv  Ty  TS  Kvpta 
Ty  KvpiaKy,  airsduiOTfpwg  curavraTt.      L.  ii.  C.  59.  p.  268. 

m  Non  enim  ubique,  nee  in  tola  ecclesia,  sabbatum  jejunii  expers  fuit. 
Etenim  Romani,  quod  Socrates  lib.  v.  cap.  xxii.  scripsit,  irav  aa.fipa.Tov 
vi^ivaai.  De  quo  fusissime  Augustinus,  ep.  86.  et  118.  [al.  36.  ad  Casulan. 
et  54.  ad  Januar.]  Quare  nulla  est  ab  apostolis  edita  sanctio,  qua  jejunium 
eo  die  prohiberetur,  uti  Augustinus  asserit  in  ep.  118.  ubi  in  rebus  hujusmodi 
negat  quicquam  esse  '  vel  scripture  sanctae  auctoritate,  vel  universal  is  ecclesiae 
'  traditione  determinatum,'  Qua  quidem  praescriptione  tanquam  spurius  et 
alienus  canon  ille  rejicitur,  qui  inter  apostolicos  68  numeratur  :  Ei  TIQ  K\r]piKO£ 
ivptQy  TT)V  Kvpiaicrjv  t'lfjiipdv  vri<?eva)v,  i\  TO  aa(3f3aTov,  irXrjv  TS  CVOQ  HOVH, 
KaQaiptiffOu'  ti  £t  \dlKOQ,  a<f>opi£taQu.  Non  potest  hoc  ab  apostolis  communi 
esse  decreto  constitutum.  —  Nee  melioris  notae  sunt,  qu3a  in  Apost.  Constit. 
leguntur,  1.  vii.  c.  28.  [sec.  23.]  ubi  ra  0a(B(3aTa  /cat  rag  KvpiaicaG  iooTa^iv 
praecipit.  Quod  ab  apostolis  toti  ecclesiae  nunquam  esse  praescriptum,  sanc- 
tissimorura  patrum  consensus  approbavit.  Petav.  Animadv.  in  Epiphan. 
p.  359. 

"  De  sabbato  quod  quaaris,  utrum  jejunandum  sit—  sed  ego  illud  breviter  te 
admonendum  puto,  traditiones  ecclesiasticas  (praesertim  quaB  fidei  non  officiant) 
ita  observandas,  ut  a  majoribus  traditae  sunt.—  Atque  utinam  omni  tempore 
jcyunare  possimus,  quod  in  Actibus  Apostolorum  die  Pentecostes  et  die  Domi- 
nico  apostolum  Paulum,  et  cum  eo  credentes,  fecisse  legimus.  Hier.  ep.  52. 
[al.  28.]  p.  579.  in. 

0  Ad  extremum,  de  sabbati  religionis  inter  pseudodiataxes  apostolicas  exstat 
Petri  ac  Pauli  nomine  edita  sanctio  1.  viii.  c.  33,  <  ut  eo  die  ac  Dominico  servi 
'  ab  opere  feriati  sint.'  Hoc  vero  nunquam  ab  apostolis  manasse  decretum 
apparet  ex  eo,  quod  Laodicense  Concilium,  can.  29.  diserte  vetat  sabbato  otiosos 
esse  Chnstianos.  'Ore  a  hi  xpwavac  mSa'i&w,  KOI  tv  TV 


The  Apostolical  Constitutions.  217 

some  following  observations  of  the  learned  writer  just  cited. 
He  particularly  takes  notice,  that  the  council  of  Laodicea 
forbids  Christians  to  esteem  the  sabbath  a  day  of  rest  from 
labour. 

Secondly,  these  instructions  about  keeping  the  sabbath 
are  more  suitable  to  the  fourth  or  fifth  century,  than  to  the 
most  early  times  of  Christianity. 

Socrates,  in  the  fifth  century,  says,  that?  Christian 
churches  in  general  throughout  the  world  met,  arid  had  the 
eucharist  every  week  on  the  sabbath,  excepting  the  churches 
of  Rome  and  Alexandria.  Sozomen,  about  the  same  time, 
says  likewise,  thati  at  Constantinople,  and  almost  every 
where,  except  Rome  and  Alexandria,  Christians  assembled 
on  the  sabbath,  as  well  as  on  the  first  day  of  the  week. 
And  in  a  pretended  letter  of  St.  Ignatius,  composed  by 
somer  idle  Greek,  it  is  said  :  Hes  is  an  enemy  to  Christ, 
who  fasts  on  the  Lord's-day,  or  on  any  sabbath  except  one. 

But  it  does  not  appear  that  the  practice  mentioned  by 
Socrates  and  Sozomen  of  assembling  on  the  sabbath,  ob 
tained  in  the  early  days  of  Christianity.  Nor  was  it  uni 
versal  in  their  time,  as  it  would  have  been,  in  all  probability, 
if  it  had  been  of  apostolical  appointment. 

St.  Luke  informs  us,  Acts  xx.  7,  that  "  upon  the  first  day 
of  the  week,  when  the  disciples,"  at  Troas,  "  came  together 
to  break  bread,  Paul  preached  to  them."  The  same  apos 
tle,  1  Cor.  xvi.  2,  directs  :  "  Upon  the  first  day  of  the  week, 
let  every  one  lay  by  him  in  store : "  meaning  probably  the 
same,  which  St.  John,  Rev.  i.  10,  calls  the  Lord's-day. 

In  like  manner,  in  the  times  next  following  those  of  the  New 
Testament,  says  Ignatius :  '  Let1  us  no  longer  sabbatize,  but 
1  keep  the  Lord's-day,  on  which  our  life  arose.' 

ttXAa  fpya&erflai  UVTUQ  ev  r-g  avry  ?7/i€pa»  rrjv  de  KvpictKrjv  7rport/iwvr«£,  «ye 
SvvaivTo,  erxoXa£eiv,  a>£  xpi<ziavot.  Dominicis  potius  quam  sabbatis,  vacare 
jubet :  et  addit  tamen,  si  illorum  commodo  fieri  potest.  Ut  nonduin  illis 
temporibus  ab  orani  opere  feriatos  esse  penitus  constitutum  fuerit,  uti  Zonaras 
et  Balsamo  ad  ilium  canonem  adnotant.  Petav.  ib.  p.  360. 

p  Twj/  yap  Travra^a  Tijg  oneafJitvrjQ  tKK\i]ffi(i)v  tv  rjp-tpy*  ffa(3f3aTW,  Kara 
Traerav  ij3SofjiaSog  TrepioSov  f.iriTt\scf(>iv  TO.  jiUTTjpta,  ol  tv  AXe^avdptta,  KCLI  ol  tv 
'Pto/zy,  IK  TIVOQ  ap^aiag  7rapa£o<7£u>£,  raro  TCOIHV  TrapyTtjaavro.  Socr.  H.  E. 
1.  v.  c.  22.  p.  286.  D. 

*  E/ieXf i  ot  fj,e v  Kai  T(f  <raj8/3ary,  bfioiug  ry  fft^t  aa(3f3aTs  tKK\ri<jiaZ,ti<Jiv,  wg  iv 
KMV^avTivsTroXtit  KO.I  wxttiov  Travraxs.     Ev  'Pwjup  £e,  feat  AXe^av^ptta, 

Soz.  1.  vii.  c.  19.  p.  735.  B. 

r  Sed  modum  excedit  Graeculus.     Cotel.  in  loc. 

*  Ei  rig  KVpictKrjv  r)  <raj3/3arov  vtj<ztvti,  TrXrjv  ivoq  <raj3j3ar8,  ar 
t<ziv.     Ignat.  adscript.  Ep.  ad  Philip,  n.  14.  p.  124. 

1  jit>j(C£Ti  (ra/3/3aTi£ovrt£,  aXXa  Kara  jcupiaicrjv  ^wqv  £wvr££>  tv  y  icai 

Si  aura.     Ignat.  ad  Magnes.  cap.  ix.  p.  20. 


218  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

Justin  Martyr:  *  And"  on  the  day  called  Sunday,  is  an 

*  assembly  of  all  who  live  either  in  the  city  or  the  country, 

*  and  the  memoirs  of  the  apostles,  and  the  writings  of  the  pro- 
4  phets  are  read.'     He  afterwards  assigns  their  reasons  v  for 
meeting-  together  on  the  Sunday  :  which  are,  because  it  is 
the  first  day,  on  which  God  dispelling  darkness  created  the 
world,  and  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  rose  from  the  dead  on 
the  same  day  :  or  in  the  words  of  a  later  writer,  in  the  sixth 
century,  onw  the  first  day  of  the  week,  that  is,  on  the  Lord's- 
day  the  foundation  of  the  world  was  laid,  and  the  creation 
was  begun. 

Dionysius  bishop  of  Corinth,  in  his  letter  to  the  church  of 
Rome,  says:  '  To-day  x  we  celebrated  the  holy  Lord's-day, 
when  we  read  your  epistle  to  us.' 

Clement  of  Alexandria  mentions?  the  Lord's-day. 

Tertullian  rejects2  sabbaths  and  new  moons,  as  foreign  to 
Christians,  and  speaks  of  the  Lord's-day,  and  Pentecost,  as 
Christian  solemnities. 

Origen,  in  a  passage  cited  not  long  before,  mentions  the 
Lord's  day,  but  says  nothing'  of  the  sabbath. 

I  might  likewise  refer  to  what  Eusebius  says  of  Constan- 
tine's  respect  for  thea  Lord's-day.  And  I  shall  place  in  the 
margin  some  observations13  of  Petavius,  agreeing  with,  and 
confirming,  what  is  here  said. 


u  Kat  Ty  TS  rjXis  Xtyoptvy  »}/J£p£  7ravTO)v  Kara  TroXtig  rj  aypsg  ntvovrwv  tin 
TO  avro  avvtXtvffig  yivtrai.  K.  X.  Apol.  2.  [al.  1.]  p.  98.  D.  Pans.  1636. 

T  Trjv  fo  TS  JjXis  t'lptpav  Koivy  Travrtg  rr\v  crvvtXivaiv  -rroisfieOa,  tirtifiav  TrpWTT) 
i^iv  riiiipa,  tv  y  b  Qfog,  TO  OKOTOQ  KOI  TI\V  v\rjv  Tpvfyuq,  Koapov  eTrotrjfft,  KCU 
Ir}ff&£  XptTOf,  6  rifiiTtpog  SwTTjp,  ry  avry  rj^tpq,  IK  vtupatv  avt^tj.  Ibid.  p. 
99.  A.  B.  w  Ev  Ty  a  t'luepa,  TSTS^I  Ty  KVpiany,  i]  KaTafioXrj  TS 

Kocffis  KCU  r;  apxn  ri?g  KTiaewg  lytvtTo.  Cosmae  ^Egypt.  Topogr.  1.  ii.  p.  154.  E. 
edit.  MontfaiKJ.  x  T»;v  ormipov  sv  Kvpiaicrjv  ayiav  ijfifpav 

fujyayontv.  K.  X.  Ap.  Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  iv.  cap.  23.  p.  145.  B. 

y  Oirwg  evroXqv  rrjv  Kara  TO  evayyiXiov  £icnrpa$anivo£  nvpiaKijv  Tf\v  rjfjiepav 
Trotftf.  Str.  7.  p.  744.  C.  D. 

1  Nobis,  quibus  sabbata  extranea  sunt,  et  neomenise,  et  feriae,  a  Deo  ali- 
quando  dilectae.—  —  O  melior  fides  nationum  in  suam  sectam,  quae  nullam 
solemnitatem  christianorum  sibi  vindicat  !  Non  dominicum  diem,  non  Pen- 
tecosten,  etiam  si  nossent,  nobisciim  communicassent.  De  Idolatr.  cap.  14. 
p.  113.  C. 

*  Vid.  de  Vit  Const.  1.  iv.  c.  18.  et  93.  Et  conf.  Valesii  Annot.  in  1.  iv. 
c.  18.  n.  242,  243. 

*•  Denique  quod  Epiphanius  admonet  :  «  triplicem  illam  synaxin  dierum 
totidem  ab  apostolis  esse  traditam  :'  baud  scio,  an  satis  certo  constare  queat. 
Nam  primis  ecclesi-ae  temporibus  unus  duntaxat  dominicus  dies  ad  earn  rem 
observatus  videtur,  ut  ex  apostolo  1  ad  Cor.  cap.  xvi.  colligitur.  Quinetiam 
Justinus,  in  Apol.  ii.  cum  de  christianoram  conventibus  agit,  solius  dominicaa 
inemimt:  TTJV  fc  TS  rjXin  imtpav  Koivy  iravTtg  rr\v  ffvvtXevmv  Troi^tQa. 
Quare  magis  id  ex  private  ecclesiae  cujusque  ritu,  quam  ex  communi  apostolo- 
rum  praescripto  derivatum  existimo,  ut  quarta  sextave  feria,  aut  etiam  sabbato 


The  Apostolical  Constitutions.  219 

So  that  the  respect  shown  for  the  sabbath,  and  joining  it 
with  the  Lord's-day,  are  no  marks  of  the  antiquity  of  the 
Constitutions,  but  rather  otherwise. 

(13.)  Several  inferior  officers  of  the  church  mentioned  in 
the  Constitutions,  were  not  in  being-  in  the  apostolical  times, 
nor  immediately  after  them.  Beside  bishops,  presbyters, 
and  deacons,  herec  are  readers,  singers,  subdeacons,  door 
keepers  or  porters,  and  exorcists.  Cotelerius  says,  thatd 
Ignatius  at  the  beginningof  the  second  century  mentions  only 
bishops,  presbyters,  and  deacons;  readers  are  first  mention 
ed  by  Tertullian  ;  subdeacons,  exorcists,  acolyths,  and  door 
keepers,  in  the  letters  of  Cyprian  and  Cornelius,  about  the 
middle  of  the  third  century.  In  the  eighth  book  of  this 
work  are  forms  of e  ordination  for  subdeacons,  readers,  ex 
orcists.  It  is  also  constituted  thatf  ministers  or  deacons, 
singers,  readers,  door-keepers,  should  marry  but  once. 
,  (14.)  The  authority  of  Christian  bishops  is  highly  ad 
vanced  in  these  Constitutions,  in  a  way  that  does  not  suit  the 
doctrine,  or  the  character  of  Christ's  apostles. 

(15.)  «  Upons  this  account  therefore,  O  bishop,  take  care 
to  be  pure  in  thy  actions,  behaving  agreeably  to  thy  place 
and  dignity,  as  sustaining  the  character  of  God  among  men  : 
being  set  over  men,  priests,  kings,  rulers,  fathers,  sons, 
masters,  and  all  who  are  subject  to  thee.  Judge  therefore 
with  authority,  as  God :  but  receive  the  penitent.'  That  is 
the  character  which  the  Constitutions  direct  a  bishop  to 
sustain,  of  God  among  men :  whereas  St.  Paul  says,  "  A 
bishop  must  be  blameless,  as  the  steward  of  God,"  Tit.  i.  7. 
Compare  1  Cor.  iv.  1,  2,  and  1  Pet.  iv.  10. 

synaxes  conventusque  fierent.  Quam  in  rem  egregius  est  Augustini  locus  ep. 
18.  '  Alia  vero,'  inquit,  *  quae  per  loca  terrarum  regionesque  variantur,  sicuti 
«  est,  quod  alii  jejunant  sabbato,  alii  vero  non :  alii  quotidie  communicant 
'  corpori  et  sanguini  dominico — alibi  sabbato  tantum  et  dominico :  alibi  tan- 
'  turn  dominico :  et  si  quid  aliud  hujusmodi  animadverti  potest,  totum  hoc 
'  genus  rerum  liberas  habet  observationes.'  Petav.  Animadv.  in  Epiph.  p. 
354.  fin.  c  Vid.  1.  ii.  c.  25.  p.  238.  1.  viii.  c.  21—28. 

d  Aperte  quidem  S.  Ignatius,  qui  initio  secundi  saeculi  scripsit,  agnoscit 
solummodo  tres  majores  gradus,  episcopatum,  presbyteratum,  diaconatum. 
Primus  vero,  quod  sciam,  Lectores  nominavit  Tertullianus.  Libro  de  Pr. 
Haereticorum  cap.  41.  Hypodiaconi  autem,  Exorcistae,  et  Acolythi,  non  corn- 
parent  ante  Cyprianicas  epistolas,  et  epistolam  Coraelii  papae,  quae  etiam 
Ostiarios  adjungit,  &c.  Ad  Const.  1.  ii.  c.  25.  not.  75. 

e  Vid.  1.  viii.  c.  21,22,  26. 

f  uTrijpfrag  8e  icai  tpaXr<p<58e,  (cat  avayvwrag,  KOI  irvXapsg, 

[iovoyap,u£  (ivai  Kektvoptv.     L.  vi.  c.  17.  p.  347. 

g yvupiffov  TOV  rpofTov  <TH  /cat  rrjv  a£iav,  wg  0£a  rvirov 

9r)it)Troi£,  Ty  iravTotv  apxttv  av0pw7ru)i>.     L.  ii.  c:  xi. 


220  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

(16.)  *  Forh  it  is  not  fit  that  you,  O  bishop,  who  are  the 
head,  should  hearken  to  the  tail,  that  is,  a  seditious  layman, 
to  the  destruction  of  another,  but  to  God  alone.  For  you  are 
to  govern  those  subject  to  you,  and  not  to  be  governed  by 
them.' 

(17.)  *  Let  '  a  layman  honour  a  good  bishop,  love  and 
fear  him,  as  lord  and  master,  as  the  high-priest  of  God,  as 
a  teacher  of  piety.  For  he  that  hears  him,  hears  Christ : 
and  he  that  despiseth  him,  despiseth  Christ.' 

(18.)  *  Youk   therefore,  O   bishops,  are   to  your  people 

priests  and  Levites, who  stand  at  the  altar  of  the  Lord 

our  God,  and  offer  to  him  reasonable  and  unbloody  sacri 
fices,  through  Jesus  the  great  high-priest.' 

(19.)  *  Be1  you  [or  you  are]  to  the  laity  among  you  pro 
phets,  rulers,  governors,  and  kings  :  mediators  between  God 
and  his  faithful  people,  who  receive  and  declare  his  word.' 

(20.)  *  The™  bishop,  he  is  the  minister  of  the  word,  the 
keeper  of  knowledge,  the  mediator  between  God  and  you  in 
the  several  parts  of  divine  worship.  He  is  the  teacher  of 
piety ;  he  is  after  God  your  Father,  who  has  begotten  you 
again  to  the  adoption  of  sons  by  water  and  the  Spirit :  he  isn 
your  ruler  and  governor,  your  king  and  potentate ;  he  is, 
after  God,  your  God  on  earth,  who  ought  to  be  honoured  by 

you. Let   the    bishops   preside  over   you,   as  honoured 

with  the  authority  of  God,  with  which  he  rules  over  the 
clergy,  and  governs  all  the  people.' 

(21.)  «  These0  do  you  esteem  your  governors  and  kings: 
and  pay  tribute  to  them  as  kings.'  The  apostles  of  Christ 
knew  how  to  direct  and  secure  a  competent  maintenance  for 
Christian  ministers,  without  using  such  language  as  this, 
which  could  not,  in  this  case,  proceed  from  a  humble  tem 
per  of  inind. 

(22.)  Soon  after  in  the  same  chapter,  '  ByP  how  much 
therefore  the  soul  is  more  valuable  than  the  body,  so  much 

the  priesthood  excels  the  kingdom: therefore  you  ought 

to  love  the  bishop  as  a  father,  fear  him  as  king,  and  honour 
him  as  lord.' 

h  OvSe  yap  Sixaiov,  KtQaXqv  ovra  ae,  tn  fTrtffKoire,  spa  Trpofftxtiv,  TUTt^i  XaYjcw 
•rnfftwfoi  avQpuTry — apxtiv  yap  <re  XPV  TUV  vTrrjKouv,  s  \JLIV  VTT'  avT-uv  apxtaOai. 
L.  ii.  c.  14.  p.  223.  *  —  ug  Kvpiov,  wg  ^KJTTOT^V.  L.  ii.  c.  20.  in. 

L.  ii.  c.  25.  p.  237.  '   'Y/i£i£  roig  tv  vp.iv  Xa'iicoig  i<?t  irpoQtjTat, 

apxovTtg,  KOI  ijysfjifvoi,  icai  (SaaiXttg.  K.  X.  Ibid.  m  L.  ii.  c.  26.  p.  239. 

"    OvTog  apxwv  Kai  iiyufitvog  vpwv'  srog  v/jiwv  fiamXtvg,  /cat  fvva^tjg'  KTOQ 

vtuiv  tmyitof  Qtog  /itra  Qtov,  bg  o^aXei  rtjg  Trap  vpwv  Tiprjg  awoXaveiv.  K.  X. 

T«r«t'  apxovrag  lyjwi/  Kat  (3afft\(i£  rjytiaQt'  Kai  farr/uBj, 

wj,-  fiaoiXtvot,  Trpoffftpert.  L.  ii.  c.  24.  in.  p.  244.-  P"  Ib.  p.  245. 


The  Apostolical  Constitutions.  22 1 

(23.)  '  For'i  if  he  who  rises  up  against  king's  is  worthy  of 

punishment; how  much  more   he  who  rises  up  against 

the  priests  ?  For  by  how  much  the  priesthood  is  more  noble 
that  the  royal  power,  as  having  its  concern  about  the  soul ; 
so  much  the  greater  punishment  has  he,  who  ventures  (or 
dares)  to  oppose  the  priesthood,  than  he  who  opposes  the 
royal  power,  though  neither  of  them  goes  unpunished.' 

(24.)  ' whyr  then  should  not  you  esteem  the  dispen 
sers  of  the  word  as  prophets,  and  reverence  them  as  gods.' 

(25.)  *  Yous  ought  therefore,  my  brethren,  to  bring  your 
sacrifices  and  offerings  to  the  bishop  as  to  your  high-priest, 
either  by  yourselves,  or  by  your  deacons.  Nor  do  you 
bring  those  only,  but  likewise  bring  to  him  first-fruits,  and 
tithes,  and  free-will  offerings.  For  he  knows  who  are  in 
affliction,  and  gives  to  every  one,  as  is  convenient.'  So 
then  the  bishop  is  to  have  the  distribution  of  all  the  gifts  of 
the  laity;  but  he  is  not  accountable  to  them;  for  it  follows 
in  another  chapter:  *  It1  becomes  you  therefore  to  give  him 
to  distribute :  for  he  is  the  administrator  and  dispenser  of 
ecclesiastical  affairs  [it  should  have  been  said,  and  se 
cular  affairs.]  Yet u  thou  shalt  not  call  thy  bishop  to 
an  account,  nor  observe  his  administration  or  distribution  ; 
how  he  does  it,  when,  or  to  whom,  or  where ;  nor  whe 
ther  he  does  it  well,  or  ill :  for  there  is  one,  who  will  call 
him  to  an  account,  even  the  Lord  God,  who  put  the  ad 
ministration  into  his  hands,  and  honoured  him  with  the 
priesthood.'  Were  ever  such  instructions  given  before  or 
since?  And  can  any  man  think,  that  the  apostles  of  Christ 
would  be  at  the  pains  to  write  instructions  to  cover  or  coun 
tenance  rnal-administration  ? 

(26.)  Having  spoken  of  bishops,  presbyters,  deacons, 
readers, singers,  and  door-keepers,  it  is  immediately  added: 
*  Letv  the  laity  therefore  show  due  honour  and  respect  in 
their  presents  to  each  order.  Norw  let  them  easily  [or  upon 
all  occasions]  give  trouble  to  the  governor :  but  let  them 
signify  their  desires  by  the  ministers,  that  is,  the  deacons, 
with  whom  they  may  be  more  free.  For  neither  may  we 
have  access  to  Almighty  God,  but  through  Christ;  in  like 
manner  let  the  laity  make  known  their  desires  to  the  bishop 

i  L.  vi.  cap.  2.  p.  330.  r  L.  ii.  cap.  29. 

8  L.  ii.  cap.  27.  p.  241.  Conf.  1.  v.  cap.  ).  *  L.  ii.  c.  35.  fin. 

u  Ou  [itv  rot  Xoyii5reu(T£tg  as  TOV  tiriaKOTrov,  8$e  TrapctTrjpriatiG  TK\V  oiKovo^iav 
avrs,  Trwg  eTTtrsXei,  7;  Trore,  r\  THTIV,  i]  TT«,  ij  ti  KaXwg,  rj  0avXu>£,  rj  StovTwc,,  K.  \. 
Ib.  v  L.  ii.  cap.  28. 

w  MT;  padiwg  8s  tvoxXtiTdjaav  T(p  ap^ovrt,  a\Xa 

(T11li.alVtT<i)0aV,     T8T£<71    $lrt     TdtV 

Ibid. 


222  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

by  a  deacon,  and  do  as  he  directs.'  Very  fine,  truly!  for 
our  Constitution-bishop  is  an  eastern  prince,  who  may  not 
be  seen  or  spoken  to  by  mean  people. 

3.  Several  things  in  the  Constitutions  appear  to  be  un 
worthy  of  the  apostles  of  Christ. 

(1.)  I  am  unwilling  to  insist  upon  the  direction  relating 
to  the  beard,  though  it  be  joined  with  other  things  of  a  like 
kind,  as  we  havex  in  our  present  Constitutions,  forbidding 
the  wearing  of  fine  stockings  and  shoes,  and  combing  and 
curling  the  hair.  However,  two  or  three  things  I  shall  men 
tion,  and  leave  them  to  be  considered  by  others. 

(2.)  Concerning  receiving-  persons  to  baptism  :  *  Let? 
a  concubine,  who  is  servant  to  an  unbeliever,  and  confines 
herself  to  her  master  alone,  be  received  :  but  if  she  be  in 
continent  with  others,  let  her  be  rejected.'  Few2  will  think, 
that  St.  Paul  would  deliver  this  Constitution,  as  he  is  here 
represented  to  do. 

(3.)  The  Constitution  concerning  married  pregnant  wo 
men  a  I  take  to  be  contrary  to  the  order  of  nature,  and  the 
appointment  of  Providence.  God  joined  one  man  and  one 
woman  in  marriage  ;  and  designed  it  for  mutual  comfort,  as 
well  as  for  the  preservation  of  the  species.  For  certain, 
Lactantius,b  the  most  learned  Latin  Christian  of  his  time, 
knew  nothing  of  this  Constitution.  And  though  he  was  a 
great  admirer  of  purity,  and  all  virtue,  he  has  argued  against 
the  restraint  here  enjoyed.  This  one  Constitution,  if  strictly 
enforced,  would  render  the  gospel  a  heavier  yoke  than  all 
the  ordinances  of  the  law  of  Moses.  And  wherever  such  an 
appointment  should  be  reckoned  a  part  of  any  religious  in 
stitution,  there  would  be  frequent  occasions  for  dispensa 
tions  :  and  the  rule  would  prove  detrimental  to  the  interests 
of  religion  and  virtue,  without  benefit  to  any,  but  those  who 
could  get  the  dispensing  power  into  their  hands. 

(4.)  Once  more:  '  Concerning0  bishops,  we  have  heard 
from  our  Lord,  that  a  person,  appointed  pastor  or  bishop  in 


Vid.  Const,  lie.  3.  y  TlaXXantj  TIVOQ 

y  fiovy  <rxoXa£8<ra,  TrpoaPexiffQu.     L.  viii.  c.  32.  p.  413. 
z  Haec  scilicet  Paulus  decrevit  ?  Has  ille  leges  tulit  ?  &c.     Dal.  de  Pseud. 
1.  i.  c.  8.  p.  108. 

*  MijTe  HTJV  tyKVfjiovucraig  om\iirtaoav  [avSpeg]  avrmg.   L.  vi.  c.  28.  p.  357.  f. 

1  Aec  ob  aham  causam  Deus,  cum  cseteras  animautes,  suscepto  fetu,  ma- 

nbus   repuguare  voluisset,   solam  omnium  mulierem   patientem   viri   fecit; 

scilicet,  ne,  feminis  repugnantibus,  libido  cogerit  viros  aliam  appetere,  eoque 

facto  castitatis  gloriam  non  tenerent.     Inst.  1.  vi.  cap.  23.  p.  628. 

-  TOV  TTOlfltVa  TOV  KaOlffTCtptVOV  HTHJKOirOV  tlQ  TCLQ  tKK\^aittQ  fV 


irapoiKiQ—oK  iXarrov  ITUV  TrtvTrjKorra.     Et  &  nat  tv  TraooiKia  uiicpa.  K.  X.   L. 
11.  cap.  1. 


The  Apostolical  Constitutions.  223 

any  parish  should  be  unblamable,  and  not  under  fifty  years 
of  age. — But  in  a  small  parish,  if  one  advanced  in  years  can 
not  be  found,  let  a  younger  person  who  is  of  good  character 
be  admitted.  For  Solomon  at  twelve  years  of  age  was  king 
of  Israel,  and  Josiah  at  eight  years  of  age  reigned  right 
eously,  and  Joash  began  to  reign  at  seven  years  of  age.' 
This  is  tying  and  loosing,  saying  and  unsaying,  all  at  once; 
that  is,  it  is  saying  nothing'  at  all.  This  therefore  appears  to 
me  unworthy  of  the  apostles ;  for  I  cannot  think  that  they 
would  say  and  unsay,  all  in  a  breath. 

If  any  should  understand  this  otherwise,  and  say,  this 
Constitution  requires  that  no  man  be  ordained  bishop  in  a 
city,  or  large  parish,  under  fifty  years  of  age ;  it  is  obvious 
to  answer,  that  it  is  and  absurd  appointment,  and  therefore 
unworthy  of  the  apostles.  Nor  do  we  know,  that  the  chris- 
tians  of  the  first  three  centuries  acted  by  this  rule  :  nor, 
finally,  is  there  any  such  canon  among  those  which  are 
called  apostolical. 

4.  Inconsistences  are  a  disparagement  to  any  writings ; 
this  work  is  not  free  from  them. 

(1.)  These  Constitutions  mention  the  martyrdom  of  Ste 
phen,  and  James  the  son  of  Zebedee,  which  are  well  known 
from  the  Acts;  as  also,  that  Stephen  was  stoned  before 
Paul's  conversion.  And6  yet  all  the  twelve  apostles,  and 
Paul,  and  the  seven  deacons,  are  said  to  join  together  in 
these  Constitutions.  The  inconsistence  is  manifest  to  every 
body :  I  need  not  say  any  thing  to  make  it  evident. 

(2.)  In  the  eighth  chapter  of  the  fifth  book  the  apostles 
ordain,  that  martyrs  be  honoured,  and  particularly  James 
and  Stephen.  And  yet  in  the  twelfth  chapter  of  the  sixth 
book,  giving  an  account  of  the  council  of  Jerusalem,  the 
history  of  which  we  have  in  Acts  xv.  on  occasion  of  the 
controversy  concerning  the  method  of  receiving  the  Gentiles, 
it  is  said,  '  thatf  all  the  twelve  apostles  were  then  gathered 
together  at  Jerusalem,  with  James  the  Lord's  brother.' 
Here,  I  think,  is  an  inconsistence  with  what  had  been  before 
said  of  the  death  of  James,  son  of  Zebedee :  moreover  here 
is  also  certainly  a  mistake,  or  false  history :  for  the  apostle 
James,  just  mentioned,  had  been  beheaded  by  order  of 
Herod  Agrippa,  before  the  meeting  of  the  said  council. 

(3.)  At  the  end  of  that  twelfth  chapter,  having  inserted 
the  epistle  to  the  church  of  Antioch  and  other  churches,  it 

d  This  is  particularly  mentioned  by  Du  Pin,  p.  17.  as  one  of  the  absurdities 
found  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions. 
e  L.  viii.  c.  4.  Conf.  1.  ii.  c.  55. 
(  'H/iftf  oi  dwSsKa  vvvt\QovTtQ  ttQ  'itpsaaXrifA.  K.  \.    L.  vi.  C.  12.  p.  341.  in. 


224  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

is  said  by  the  apostles  :  *  This®  letter  we  sent  to  them  ;  but 
we  ourselves  stayed  some  time  at  Jerusalem,  consulting  to 
gether  about  the  public  good  and  the  well  ordering  of  all 
things.'  Then  in  the  thirteenth  chapter:  *  But11  after  a  long 
time  we  visited  the  brethren,  confirming  them  in  the  word, 
and  exhorting  them  to  be  upon  their  guard  against  heretics.' 
Then  at  the  beginning  of  chap.  xiv.  '  On1  whose  account 
we  now  being  all  met  together,  Peter  and  Andrew,  James 
and  John  sons  of  Zebedee,  Philip  and  Bartholomew,  Thomas 
and  Matthew,  James  the  son  of  Alpheus,  and  Lebbeus  sur- 
named  Thaddeus,  and  Simon  the  Canaanite,  and  Matthias 
chosen  in  the  room  of  Judas,  and  James  the  Lord's  brother, 
and  Paul,  the  chosen  vessel  and  master  of  the  Gentiles  :  we 
being  all  gathered  together  have  written  to  you  this  catholic 
doctrine.'  Surely  I  need  not  harangue  to  show  the  absur 
dity  of  this.  How  could  James  brother  of  John,  and  son  of 
Zebedee,  who  had  been  beheaded  before  the  above-mention 
ed  council,  be  present  at  another,  not  held  until  a  good 
while  after  it?  Such  things  almost  render  the  writer's  abi 
lities  doubtful :  and  may  make  us  question,  whether  he  was 
not  rather  ignorant  than  learned,  as  some  indeed  have 
thought. 

5.  The  style,  or  manner  of  expression,  seems  sometimes  to 
betray  a  later  time  than  is  pretended. 

(1.)  *  Nowk  concerning  the  bishops,  which  were  or  have 
been  ordained  in  our  life-time,  we  let  you  know  that  they 
are  these  :  James,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  brother  of  our  Lord : 
upon  whose  death  the  second  was  Simeon  the  son  of  Cleo- 
phas ;  after  him  Judas  the  son  of  James.'  And  what  follows. 
To  speak  of  things  done  by  the  apostles  in  their  life-time,  is 
rather  the  style  of  an  historian  after  their  death  than  of  the 
apostles  themselves.  Nor  is  it  easy  to  conceive,  that  any 
number  of  apostles  should  be  living  to  ordain  a  successor 
to  Simeon ;  who,  according  to1  Eusebius's  history,  died  in 
the  120th  year  of  his  age:  and  according  to  Eusebius's,  or 
Jerom'sm  Chronicle,  in  the  reign  of  Trajan,  and  the  year  of 
our  Lord's  nativity  107,  or  thereabout. 

(2.)  To  the  like  purpose  in  another  place :  «  You11  are  not 

g  Trjv  ptv  tv  tTTiToXjjv  eZairtrtiXantv'  avroi  rt  tv  iKavaig  iifiepais  tv  'lepotro- 
Xw//oie  tirt^tivafAtv,  apa  (rv^ruvrtQ  rrpog  TO  KoivuQtXte  «£  SiopQuaiv.  p.  342. 

MtTa  8e  xpovov  IKO.VOV  tTTHTKetyufjuvoi  TSQ  afaXfag.  K.  X. 
At1  «c  Kai  1'intiq  vvv  tin  TO  avro  ytvoptvoi,  typa^tv  vuiv  TI\V  KaOoXiKrjv 
TavTijv  SiSaoKoXiav.  p.  343. 

Ilfpi  Si  TWV  w0'  rifiwv  x(lP°rovrjOivTuv  tmoKOTruv  iv  TV  fay  TV  t'mtTfoa.  K. 
X.  L  vii.  c.  46.  in.  1  H.  E.  1.  iii.  c.  32.  p.  104  C 

m  P.  165.  »  L.  viii.c.  46.  p.  422.  in. 


ITie  Apostolical  Constitutions.  225 

ignorant  of  the  things  done  by  UP.  Doubtless  you  know 
the  bishops  nominated  by  us,  and  the  presbyters  and  dea 
cons  appointed  by  prayer  and  imposition  of  hands.' 

(3.)  '<  For0  as  we  passed  through  the  nations,  and  con 
firmed  the  churches,  some  we  cured  with  healing  words  — 
but  those  who  were  incurable  we  cast  out  from  the  flock.  — 
These  things  we  did  in  every  city,  everywhere  throughout 
the  whole  world.'  This  is  not  written  by  the  apostles,  but 
by  some  historian  after  their  time. 

(4.)  Again,  *  For?  by  the  laying  on  of  our  hands,  the 
Holy  Ghost  was  given  to  believers/  But  if  the  apostles 
had  spoke,  they  would  have  said  :  *  The  Holy  Ghost  is  given 
by  us.'  The  expression  in  the  Constitutions  shows,  they  were 
written  at  a  time  when  spiritual  gifts  were  no  longer  bestow 
ed  by  the  apostles. 

(5.)  Speaking  of  heretics:  *  Alii  these  had  one  and  the 
same  design.'  Afterwards,  *  Others1  said  ;  and8  others 
taught.'  Here  the  writer  betrays  himself:  this  is  the  style 
of  an  historian  who  writes  of  things  past;  not  of  one  who 
relates  things  then  doing,  or  gives  an  account  of  persons  then 
in  being.  I  put  in  the  margin  a  remark  of1  Daille  upon 
some  of  the  expressions  just  cited. 

VII.  All  these  things  must  be  more  than  sufficient  to 
satisfy  us,  that  the  Constitutions,  in  eight  books,  are  not  a 
work  of  the  apostles  :  and  since  they  bear  their  name,  without 
reason,  we  are  unavoidably  constrained  to  own,  they  are  an 
imposture.  The  nature  of  such  a  crime  is  well  known,  and 
I  need  not  aggravate  it.  The  character"  of  a  writer  of  this 
kind  may  be  better  taken  from  Abp.  Usher,  than  from  me. 
But  I  think,  that  any  man  may  justly  recommend  to  the 
contrivers  and  patrons  of  such  works,  the  serious  considera 
tion  of  those  words  of  Solomon,  Prov.  xxx.  6,  "  Add  thou 
not  unto  his  words,  lest  he  reprove  thee,  and  thou  be  found 
a  liar." 

The  exact  time  of  the  work  cannot  be  determined  :  but  as 
divers  learned  men  have  delivered  their  conjectures,  I  may 
take  the  liberty  to  say,  I  incline  to  their  opinion,  who  think 
it  was  composed  in  the  latter  part  of  the  fourth,  or  the  begin 
ning  of  the  fifth  century.  The  author,  probably,  was  a 

L.  vi.  c.  18.  p.  349.  P  Km  yap  Sia  Ttjg  nriBtatw^  TIOV 

L.  ii. 


tpwv  tSiBoro  irvtvpa  ayiov  roig  iri^tvaai.     L.  ii.  c.  41.  p.  250. 
q  Tsroif  Se  TTCHTIV  —  GKOTTOQ  rjv  «£.     L.  vi.  c.  10.  in. 

r  'Erf/oot  Sf  i%  avrdiv  sXeyov.  Ib.  8  AXXot  Se  —  eSidafficov.  Ibid. 

1  Nirairum  iis  temporibus  vixit  impostor,  quibus  utrique  illi  haeretici  apud 
christianos  esse  desierant.     De  Pseudep.  Ap.  1.  i.  c.  6.  p:  96. 

u  Ita  enim  bipedum  nequissimus,  qui  dementis  personam  quinto  post  ex- 
cessum  ipsius  seculo,  induit,  &c.     Dissertat.  Ignat.  cap.  vi.  fin. 
VOL.  IV.  Q 


226  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

bishop  of  a  proud  and  haughty  spirit,  who  was  fond  of 
church  power,  and  loved  pomp  and  ceremony  in  religious 
worship.  Many  learned  moderns  think  he  was  an  Arian ; 
but  I  do  not  concern  myself  about  that ;  the  passages  which 
have  been  supposed  to  favour  Arianism,  make  a  very  small, 
or  no  part  of  the  preceding  collections  :  I  have  no  reason, 
therefore,  to  bring  that  point  into  the  conclusion.  But  I 
presume,  that  none  ever  suspected  the  author  to  be  a  Ho- 
moiisian. 

VIII.  Whoever  was  the  author  of  this  work,  it  is  fit  we 
should  observe  his  testimony  to  the  scriptures :  for  as  the 
work  is  of  some  length,  we  may  expect  to  see  therein,  in  some 
measure,  the  sentiments  and  practice  of  the  Christians  of  his 
time  concerning  them. 

1.  *  And  v  the  reader  standing  upon  an  eminence,  in  the 
middle  of  the  church  :  let  him  read  the  books  of  Moses,  and 
of  Joshua  the  son  of  Nun,  the  Judges,  the  Kingdoms,  and 
the  Chronicles,  and   those  w  concerning  the  return  from  the 
captivity,  and  beside  these  the  book  of  Job,  and  Solomon, 
and  the  sixteen  prophets.     And  when  there  have  been  two 
readings,  [or  when  two  readings  are  over,]  let  another  sing 
for  read  in  a  chanting  manner]  the  hymns  of  David  ; x  and 
let  the  people  repeat  the  conclusions  in  a  chanting  voice. 
Afterwards  let  our  Acts  be  read,  and  the  epistles  of  Paul, 
our  fellow-worker,  which  he  sent  to  the  churches  under  the 
conduct  of  the  Holy  Spirit.     And   afterwards  let  a  deacon, 
or  a  presbyter,  read  the  gospels  which  I,  Matthew,  and  I, 
John,  delivered  to  you,  and  those  which  the  fellow-workers 
of  Paul,  Mark  and  Luke,  received  and  left  to  you.     After 
this  let  one  of  the  presbyters  exhort  the  people,  and  last  of 
all  the  bishop.' 

Many  remarks  might  be  made  here ;  but  the  most  im 
portant  are  obvious,  and  cannot  well  be  overlooked  by  any. 
The  author  received  four  gospels,  and  no  more ;  also  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  St.  Paul's  epistles.  Why  the 
epistles  of  James,  Peter,  Jude,  and  John,  are  omitted,  may 
not  be  easy  to  say  ;  but  that  he  received  others,  beside 
those  here  mentioned,  will  appear  presently.  As  Mark  is 
here  considered  as  a  fellow-labourer  of  the  apostle  Paul,  it 
is  likely  the  writer  means  Mark,  nephew  to  Barnabas,  often 
mentioned  in  the  Acts,  and  in  several  of  St.  Paul's  epistles, 
Col.  iv.  10 ;  2  Tim.  iv.  11  ;  Philem.  24. 

2.  In  the  above  passage,  the  names  of  all  the  evangelists, 

*   L.  ii.  c.  57.  p.  261,  262.  »    Kai  ra  r^  ciraroS*.  -Ib. 

Ava   Svo  Se  •ytvoptvuv  avayvwnfJiaTtov,  ertpog  nq  rag  TH  Aa/3i(?  ^aXXerhi 
icai  6  Xaog  TO  rtKpoftxia  inro^aXXiro.      Ibid. 


The  Apostolical  Constitutions.  227 

writers  of  the  four  gospels,  are  expressly  named.  The  Acts 
of  the  Apostles  likewise  is  in  this  work  ascribed  to  y  St. 
Luke. 

3.  All  St.  Paul's  epistles  are  here   quoted,  and  most  of 
them  several  times,  particularly  that  to  the  Hebrews. 

4.  The  writer  received  other  epistles  of  apostles,  beside 
those  of  Paul,  as  appears  from  those  words,  *  And  z  after 
the  reading  of  the  law,  and  the  prophets,  and  our  epistles, 
and  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.'     That  direction  is  given  in 
the  name  of  the  twelve  a  apostles. 

5.  There  are  supposed  to  be  four  or  five  quotations  or 
references  to  the  epistle  of  b  St.  James  ;  but  they  are  not  all 
clear. 

6.  It  should  be  here  observed  by  us,  that  this  writer  did 
not  esteem  James,  brother  of  the  Lord,  and  bishop  of  Jeru 
salem,  one  of  the  twelve  apostles.     He  is  distinguished  from 
them  in  several  places  c  of  this  work. 

7.  There  are  several  plain  quotations  of  the  first  epistle 
of  Peter.     I  put  in  the  margin  d  one  or  two  :  I  transcribe 
one  here  for  the  sake  of  its  singularity.     *  You  e  therefore 
are  the  holy  and  sacred  church  of  God,  "  written"  or  en- 
rolled  "  in  heaven,  a  royal  priesthood,  an  holy  nation,  a  pe 
culiar  people,"  a  bride  adorned  for  the  Lord  God.'     Here 
is  a  reference  to  Heb.  xii.  23,  and   1  Pet.  ii.  9.     Whether 
there  be  in  the  last  words  a  reference  to  the  Revelation,  de 
serves  to  be  considered  ;  he  may  refer  to  f  Rev.  xxi.  2.     Or 
perhaps  he  has  no  text  of  scripture  at  all  in  his  eye. 

8.  There  are  no=  clear  references  to  the  second  epistle  of 
Peter. 

9.  There  are  not  in  the  Constitutions  any  quotations  of  the 
three  epistles  of  St.  John,  or  of  the  epistle  of  St.  Jude. 

10.  Some  may  wonder,  that  when  there  are  so  many  quo 
tations  of  St.  Paul's  epistles,  and  of  most  other  books  of  the 
New  Testament,  there  should  be  so  few  quotations  of  the 
catholic  epistles.     But  that  wonder  may  be  abated,  when  we 


y  'Qg  7T8  \6yft  6  \nKag'  'Qv  tjp^aro  b  Iqasg  TTOHIV  KO.I  SiSaffKiiv.  [Acts  i.  1.] 
L.  ii.  c.  6.  p.  217.  in.  z  Kat  /«ra  ri\v  avayvwaiv  ru  vop.n,  KOI 

T(av  irpoQrirwv,  ruv  re  CTTtToXwv  ij/iwv,  Kat  rwv  Ilpa^fwv,  Kat  TWV  ft'ctyytXtwi/. 
L.  viii.  c.  5.  p.  392.  *  Vid.  ib.  c.  4.  in. 

b  Vid.  1.  ii.  c.  8.  et  c.  58.  p.  266.  1.  vii.  c.  5.  1.  viii.  c.  2. 

c  Vid.  1.  ii.  c.  55.  1.  vi.  cap.  12.  in.  et  c.  14.  1.  viii.  c.  46. 

d  Lib.  iii.  c.  15.  sub  fin.  1.  vii.  c.  2.  1.  v.  c.  16.  p.  321.  1.  vi.  c.  29. 

e  Kat  i»/i£t£  sv  £?£  ayia  ra  0£«  tepa  fKK\ijffia  aTroyfypa/z/isvty  iv  epavy, 
(3aai\eiov  leparfv/ia,  tQvog  ayiov,  \aog  fig  Trspiiroiijaiv,  vvfjupr]  KiKaXXwirifffjLfvti 
Kvpiy  ry  Oty.  L.  ii.  c.  25.  p.  238.  m. 

f  '^Toifiafffitvrjv  u>£  vv(t<f)Tjv  KtKOfffir)fjitvr)v  ry  avfyu  avrrjq,     Apoc. 

cap.  xxi.  2.  B  Vid.  1.  vii.  c.  14. 

Q  2 


228  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

consider  how  little  notice  is  taken  of  the  catholic  epistles,  in 
comparison  with  Paul's,  by  divers  learned  Christian  writers, 
of  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries,  who  lived  in  the  east. 

St.  Chrysostom,  of  the  fourth  century,  has  left  homilies,  or 
commentaries,  upon  the  gospels  of  St.  Matthew  and  St.  John, 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  St.  Paul's  fourteen  epistles, 
but  none  upon  the  catholic  epistles.  And  there  are  in  his 
homilies  and  commentaries,  few  quotations  of  the  catholic 
epistles,  in  comparison  of  St.  Paul's.  In  the  index  of  scrip 
tures,  at  the  end  of  the  tenth  tome  of  his  works,  of  the 
Benedictine  edition,  a  large  volume  of  730  pages,  containing 
his  homilies  upon  the  first  and  second  to  the  Corinthians,  and 
commentaries  upon  the  epistle  to  the  Galatians,  there  is  not 
one  text  from  the  catholic  epistles,  though  there  are  quota 
tions  of  the  four  gospels,  the  Acts,  and  all  Paul's  epistles, 
except  that  to  Philemon :  and  of  most  of  them  several  or 
many  quotations.  In  the  index  at  the  end  of  the  eleventh 
tome  is  but  one  text  of  the  first  epistle  of  St.  Peter,  and  one 
of  the  first  epistle  of  St.  John  :  whereas  all  St.  Paul's  epis 
tles,  without  exception,  are  there  quoted,  and  most  of  them 
often.  In  the  index  at  the  end  of  the  twelfth  tome  there  is 
not  one  text  from  the  catholic  epistles,  though  there  are 
quotations  of  all  the  preceding  books,  or  epistles  of  the  New 
Testament,  and  several  quotations  of  most  of  them.  Those 
indexes  indeed,  may  not  be  complete;  I  believe  they  are  not ; 
though  I  think  they  are  exacter  than  such  things  generally 
are.  However,  undoubtedly,  texts  are  not  omitted  design 
edly.  The  Benedictine  editors  of  St.  Chrysostom's  works 
were  as  willing  to  collect  the  quotations  of  the  catholic  epis 
tles,  as  of  any  other  books  of  the  New  Testament. 

Theodoret,  in  the  fifth  century,  who  has  questions,  or  com 
mentaries  upon  all  or  most  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testa 
ment,  and  commentaries  upon  St.  Paul's  fourteen  epistles, 
has  none  upon  the  catholic  epistles.  Nor  does  he  in  his 
works  quote  the  catholic  epistles  oftener  than  St.  Chrysos 
tom  has  done.  It  is  not  needful  to  mention  more  particulars 
of  this  kind. 

11.  If  the  Revelation  is  not  quoted  here,  that  affords  no 
argument  that  the  Constitutions  were  composed  before  the 
publishing  of  that  book.     If  the  Constitutions  were  drawn 
up  in  the  latter  part  of  the  fourth  or  in  the  fifth  century,  there 
would  be  little  reason  to  expect  in  them  any  quotation  of 
the  Revelation  :  because  at  that  time  it  was  received  by  few 
Greek  writers,  or  Christians  who  lived  in  the  eastern  part  of 
the  Roman  empire. 

12.  There  can  be  no  question  made,  but  the  writer  of  the 


The  Apostolical  Constitutions.  229 

Constitutions  received  all  those  books  of  the  New  Testament, 
which  were  all  along  generally  received  by  Christians. 
Whether  he  received  those  catholic  epistles,  which  were  at 
some  times  doubted  of,  we  cannot  say  certainly  ;  but  it  ap 
pears  to  me  somewhat  probable,  that  he  received  all  those 
books  of  the  New  Testament  which  are  commonly  received 
now  by  us,  except  the  Revelation :  concerning  which,  it  is 
likely,  he  was  of  the  same  opinion  with  many  other  Greek 
writers  of  the  time  above  mentioned,  by  whom  it  was  not  re 
ceived. 

13.  This11  author  had  the  history  of  the  woman  taken  in 
adultery,  which  we  now  have  in  St.  John's  gospel,  chap.  viii. 
at  the  beginning'. 

14.  The  common  titles  and  divisions  of  the  books  of  scrip 
ture  occur  here  frequently  :  the1  Law,  the  Prophets,  and  the 
Gospel :  thek  Law,  the  Prophets,  the  Psalms,  and  the  Gos 
pel,  and  the  like. 

15.  The  respect  of  the  writer,  and  of  Christians  in  his  time, 
for  the  sacred  scripture,  is  manifest  from  many   passages 
above  transcribed,  where  they  are  quoted,  and  where  the 
public  reading  of  them  in  the  assemblies  of  Christians  is 
spoken  of. 

16.  Christians  in  general  are  exhorted  to  private  reading 
the  scriptures  in  this  manner:  '  Sitting1  at  home  read  the 
law,  the  Kingdoms,  the  prophets,  sing  the  hymns  of  David  ; 
and  with  care  peruse  the  gospel,  which  is  the  completion  of 
them.'     More  to  the  like  purpose  follows  there  in  the  next 
chapter. 

17.  When  a  bishop  is  ordained,  it  is  appointed  by  all  the 
apostles  met  together,  «  that"1  the  divine  gospels  be   held 
open  over  his  head  by  the  deacons.' 

IX.  Concerning  the  Canons,  the  judgment  of  Cotele- 
rius  is,  thatn  they  cannot  be  ascribed  to  the  apostles,  or  Cle 
ment,  liecause  they  are  received  with  other  books  of  scrip 
ture,  are  not  quoted  by  the  writers  of  the  first  ages,  and 
contain  in  them  many  things  not  agreeable  to  the  apostolical 
times. 

1.  I  do  not  think  myself  obliged  to  enlarge  here :  they 

h  Vid.  1.  ii.  c.  25.  p.  236.  '  L.  ii.  c.  39.  p.  249. 

k  L.  v.  c.  19.  p.  323.  '  L.  i.  c.  5.  Vid.  et  cap.  6. 

m  Twv  Ss  SictKOvuv  TO.  Seia  fvayyt\ta  iiri  rr]Q  TS  xetporoj/s/itva 

KiQaXriQ  avnrTvyniva  icarexovrwr.  L.  viii.  c.  4.  p.  391. 

n  Decrcta  ista  apostolis  et  dementi  tribui  non  debere  evincit,  quod  cum 
aliis  sacrae  scripturse  voluminibus  non  legantur,  quod  a  primorum  seculorum 
scriptoribus  non  laudentur,  quodque  multa  contineant  nondum  temporibus 
apostolicis  recepta.  Cotel.  Jud.  de  Canon.  Ap.  ap.  Patr.  Ap.  T.  i. 


230  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

who  are  curious  may  consult  °Beveridge,  PDaille,  ^  Turner, 
r  Sara.  Basnage,  and  also  James  Basnage :  which  last  says, 
that8  some  of  them  are  ancient,  others  not  older  than  the 
seventh  century.  Not  now  particularly  to  mention  any 
more  authors. 

2.  The  85th  canon  contains  a  catalogue  of  the  books  of 
the  Old  and  New  Testament :  I  take  only  the  latter  part  of 
it.     '  But  our  sacred  books,  that  is,  of  the  New  Testament, 
are   the    four    gospels    of   Matthew,    Mark,    Luke,    John  ; 
fourteen  epistles  of  Paul ;  two  epistles  of  Peter ;  three  of 
John ;   one  of  James  ;    one  of  Jude ;  two  epistles  of  Cle 
ment;  and1  the  Constitutions  inscribed  to  you  bishops,  by 
me  Clement,  in  eight  books;    which  ought  not  to   be  di 
vulged  before  all,  because  of  the  mystical  things  in  them  ; 
and  the  Acts  of  us  the  Apostles.' 

3.  Upon  this  canon  I  need  not  say  any  thing  more  than 
that  it  is  not  ancient,  or  drawn  up   till  after  the  end  of  the 
third  century ;  which  I  think  will  appear  from  the  following 
observations. 

(1.)  The  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  was  rejected,  or  doubted 
of,  by  many  in  the  first  three  centuries,  and  also  in  the 
fourth  century  :  but  if  this  canon  had  been  then  in  being,  and 
acknowledged  as  apostolical,  that  epistle  would  have  been 
received  by  all. 

(2.)  Several  of  the  catholic  epistles,  that  of  James,  the 
second  of  Peter,  the  second  and  third  of  John,  and  that  of 
Jude,  were  rejected,  or  doubted  of  by  many,  in  the  early 
times  of  Christianity  :  whereas  they  would  have  been  reject 
ed  by  all  if  this  canon  had  been  in  being,  and  had  been 
acknowledged  to  be  apostolical.  Mill u  has  already  argued 
in  this  manner,  and  I  think  invincibly. 

0  Codex  Canon.  Illustrat.  p  De  Psa.dep.  Ap. 

p.  581—593.  <!  As  before,  p.  279,  &c. 

r  Canonura,  qui  Apostolic!  usurpantur,  non  Clementem  Rom.  non  Alexan- 
drinum,  sed  anonymum  quinto  seculo  collectorem  fuisse  existimamus.  Qui, 
corrasis  complurium  synodorum  decretis,  seculis  secundo,  tertio,  quarto  labenti- 
bus  congregatarum,  synodicon  confecit  suum.  Ann.  300.  n.  14.  Vid.  et  15—17. 

•  On  peut  aj  outer  a  ce  recueil  les  Canones  des  Apotres,  dont  quelques  uns 
sont  assez  anciens,  et  les  autres  ne  sont  fait  qu'au  septieme  siecle.  Hist,  de 
1'Egl.  1.  ix.  c.  7.  n.  5. 

Kat  at  Atarayai  tyuv  roif  tfriffKoirotg  Si  IJJLB  KXrjfitVToe  tv  oicra)  (3ij3\iote 
7Tpoo*f<l>u>vTip.tvai,  af  a  xptj  ^fioffuvtiv  « TTI  Travrwv,  &a  ra  iv  avraig  fjiv-iKa' 
Kai  al  [Jpa&ie  »)jiwv  TWV  aTro-roXwv.  Can.  85. 

"  Unde  constat,  canonem  85  ex  his  qui  Apostolici  dicuntur,  in  quo  epistola 
Jacobi,  caeteraeque  supra memoratae  inter  canonicas  recensentur,  baud  genuinum 

uoquo  primis  saeculis  exstitisse. Certe,  si  canon  iste  mox  ab  initio 

exstitisH-l,  ecclesiae  ab  epostolis  fundatae  epistolas  isto  canone  npprobatas  ne- 
quaquam  repudiassent,  aut  in  dubium  vocassent.  Proleg.  n.  201. 


The  Apostolical  Canons.  23 1 

(3.)  The  Revelation  was  received  by  many  in  the  second 
and  third,  and  following  centuries  ;  which  it  would  not  have 
been,  if  there  had  been  a  canon  composed  by  the  apostles, 
or  Clement  their  companion,  in  which  all  other  books  of 
scripture  were  distinctly  enumerated,  and  that  omitted. 

Baronius  has  very  good  observations,  in  my  opinion,  upon 
this  85th,  or  last  canon  of  the  apostles.  Howv  could  so 
many  of  the  Latin  and  Greek  writers,  says  he,  receive  the 
Revelation,  which  was  wanting  in  an  apostolical  canon  ? 
And  how  could  there  have  been  such  different  opinions  about 
the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  and  several  of  the  catholic  epis 
tles,  if  they  had  been  made  canonical  by  any  apostolical 
decree. 

(4.)  The  first  epistle  of  Clement  was  reckoned  canonical 
by  a  very  few,  if  any  of  the  writers  of  the  first  three  centu 
ries:  therefore  this  pretended  apostolical  canon,  which 
placeth  it  among  books  of  sacred  scripture,  was  not  in  being'. 

(5.)  The  second  epistle,  called  Clement's,  was  notw 
esteemed  his  in  the  third  century ;  and  that  it  is  not  a  ge 
nuine  work  of  his,  has  been  clearlyx  shown. 

(6.)  The  Constitutions  are  never  reckoned  among  cano 
nical  books  of  scripture  by  any  writers  of  the  first  three  cen 
turies. 

(7.)  Finally,  the  silence  here  enjoined  with  regard  to  the 
Constitutions,  because  of  the  *  mystical  things'  contained  in 
them,  is  another  argument,  that  this  canon  was  not  drawn 
up  in  the  early  days  of  Christianity.  For  the  Disciplina 
Arcani,  or  Doctrine  of  Arcanism,  has  no  countenance  from 
the  authentic  books  of  the  New  Testament :  and  was  also 
unknown  to  Justin  Martyr,  Tertullian,  Minucius  Felix,  and 
other  primitive  Christian  writers;  who  declare  freely,  and 
without  reserve,  before  all  the  world,  the  principles  of  reli 
gion,  and  their  method  of  worship  ;  as  has  been  often  ob 
served  by  learned  men  of  late  times.  And,  T  pray,  why  is 
this  reserve  enjoined,  with  regard  to  the  Constitutions  only? 
Are  there  no  *  mysteries'  in  any  other  books  here  mention 
ed  ?  And  are  there  not  in  the  Constitutions  many  directions 
given  to  the  laity,  and  to  all  men  in  general  ?  Are  they  not 
at  the  beginning  inscribed  to  '  all  who  from  among  the  Gen- 

y  Rursum  vero,  quod  ad  novissirmim  ilium  canonem  spectat,  qua  libri  ca- 
nonici  recensentur ;  ecquis  unquam  antiquorum  Latinorum  atque  Grsecorum 
adnumerare  inter  canonicos  libros  praesumsisset  Apocalypsim,  quam  scisset  in 
apostolorum  canone  praetermissam,  qui  vel  saltern  causam  aliquam  ejusmodi 
silentii  non  adduxisset  ?  -  —Vel  quid  quod  cum  de  his  frequens  inter  patres 
oborta  sit  controversia,  nemo  penitus  reperiatur,  qui  ejusmodi  canonis  vel  saltern 
obiter  meminerit?  Ann.  102.  n.  15,  16.  w  Vid.  Euseb.  H.  E. 

1.  iii.  c.  38.  et  Hieron.  de.  V.  I.  cap.  15.  x  See  vol.  ii.  p.  33—35. 


232  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

'  tiles  have  believed  in  Jesus  Christ  ?'  There  must  have  been 
some  particular  reason  for  this  caution.  And  possibly  this 
may  be  as  probable  a  reason  as  any,  that  the  composer  of  this 
canon,  who  was  either  the  author,  or  at  least  a  great  favourer 
of  the  Constitutions,  being  conscious  of  their  novelty,  inserted 
this  caution  with  a  view  to  evade,  or  weaken,  the  argument 
against  their  genuineness  and  authority,  taken  from  the 
silence  of  antiquity  about  them.  I  place  at  the  bottom  of 
the  page  any  observation  of  Archbishop  Usher  to  the  like 
purpose. 

Upon  the  whole,  I  think,  these  observations  demonstrate 
the  late  date  of  this  canon,  and  that  it  had  not  a  being  in  the 
first  three  centuries,  or  for  some  time  after.  Consequently  it 
deserves  not  the  regard  of  Christians  now,  who  are  willing  to 
be  determined  by  evidence. 


CHAP.  LXXXVI. 

RHETICIUS,  BISHOP  OF  AUTUN. 


RHETICIUS,*  or  Reticius,  bishop  of  Autun,'  says  Jerom, 
was  a  man  of  great  note  in  Gaul,  in  the  time  of  the  emperor 
Constantine.  There  are  extant  his  Commentaries  upon  the 
Canticles,  and  another  large  work  against  the  Novatians. 
Nor  have  I  met  with  any  other  writings  of  his.' 
2.  Rheticius  was  mentioned  by  usb  formerly,  in  the  history 
of  the  Donatists.  Hec  was  one  of  the  Gallican  bishops  ap 
pointed  by  Constantine  to  hear  Caecilian  and  them,  in  a 

y  Ita  enim  bipedum  nequissimus,  qui  dementis  personam  (quinto  post 
excessum  ipsius  saeculo)  induit,  Const!  tutionibus  a  seipso  interpolatis,  et  in 
aliam  pene  speciem  transformatis,  canonicam  auctoritatem  conciliare  conatus 
est  :  ea  tamen  ad  mysterium  iniquitatis  suaj  celandum  cautione  adhibita.  ut 
cas  nullo  raodo  divulgandas  —  praeciperet.  Ex  quibus  et  Albaspinseus  [Obs. 

j.  c.  13.]  recte  observavit,  Constitutiones  hasce  primis  seculis  factas  non 
esse  j  cum  primi  seculi  christiani  sua  lubentes  mysteria,  ut  vel  ex  Justino  con- 
stat,  enuntiarent.  Usser.  Proleg.  seu  Diss.  Ignat.  cap.  vi.  fin. 

a  Rheticius,  jEduorum,  id  est,  Augustodunensis  episcopus,  sub  Constantino 
celeberrimae  famae  habitus  est  in  Galliis.  Leguntur  ejus  Commentarii  in 
Cantica  Canticorum,  et  aliud  grande  volumen  adversus  Novatianum.  Nee 
prater  haec  quidquam  ejus  operum  reperi.  De  V.  I.  cap.  82. 

b  See  Vol.  iii.  ch.  Ixvii.  num.  ii.  2. 

c  Vid.  Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  x.  c.  5.  p.  39.  et  Optat.  1.  i.  c.  13. 


RHETICIUS,  Bishop  of  Autun.     A.  D.  341.  233 

council  at  Rome  in  313.     He  was  also  present  at  the  council 
of  Aries,  relating  to  the  same  cause,  in  314. 

3.  Rheticius's  Commentary  upon  the  Canticles  is  men 
tioned  by  Jerom  in  some  of  his  letters.     I  shall  place  a  part 
of  what  he  saysd  below.     He  owns,  that6  there  was  some 
what  agreeable  in  the  style ;  but  says,  the  work  was  of  little 
use    for  assisting    men  to    understand    the  sacred   author. 
He  mentions  some  trifling  thoughts :  and  blames  Rheticius 
for  not  having  first  consulted  Origen,  and  other  interpreters, 
before  he  attempted  to  write  a  commentary  himself. 

4.  Rheticius  is   mentioned  by  Augustine  in  his  writings 
against  the  Pelagians.     He  speaks f  of  him  as  a  man  of  great 
repute  in  his  time,  and  has  twice  quoted  a  passage  of  his 
concerning  baptism,  as  favouring  the  doctrine  of  original 

d  Ob  hoc  et  ego  obsecro,  et  tu  ut  petas  plurimum  quaeso,  ut  tibi  beati 
Rheticii  Augustodunensis  episcopi  Commentaries  ad  describendum  largiatur, 
in  quibus  Canticum  Canticorum  sublimi  ore  disseruit.  Ad  Florent.  ep.  4.  [al. 
6.]  T.  iv.  p.  6.  in. 

e  Nuper  quum  Rheticii  Augustodunensis  episcopi,  qui  quondam  a  Con 
stantino  imperatore  sub  Silvestro  episcopo  ob  causam  Montensium  missus  est 
Romam,  Commentaries  in  Canticum  Canticorum  perlegissem, — vehementer 
miratus  sum,  virum  eloquentem,  praeler  ineptias  sensuum  cseterorum,  Tharsis 
urbem  putasse  Tarsum,  in  qua  Paulus  apostolus  natus  sit. — Innumerabilia  sunt, 
quae  in  illius  mihi  Commentariis  sordere  visa  sunt.  Est  quidem  sermo  com- 
positus,  et  Gallicano  cothurno  fluens.  Sed  quid  ad  interpretem,  cujus  pro- 
fessio  est,  non  quo  ipse  disertus  appareat,  sed  quo  eum,  qui  lecturus  est,  sic 
faciat  intelligere,  quomodo  ipse  intellexit  qui  scripsit  ?  Rogo,  non  habuerat 
Originis  volumina  ?  non  interpretes  caeteros  ?  non  certe  aliquos  necessarios 
Hebraeorum,  ut  aut  interrogaret,  aut  legeret,  quid  sibi  vellent  quae  ignorabat  ? 
Sed  tarn  male  videtur  existimasse  de  caeteris,  ut  nemo  possit  de  ejus  erroribus 
judicare.  Frustra  ergo  a  me  ejusdem  viri  Commentaries  postulas,  quum  mihi 
in  illis  displiceant  multo  plura,  quam  placeant,  &c.  Ad  Marcell.  Ep.  133. 
[al.  ep.  10.]  inter  criticas.  T.  ii.  p.  662,  624. 

f  Rheticium  ab  Augustoduno  episcopum  magnae  auctoritatis  in  ecclesia 
tempore  episcopatus  sui,  gesta  ilia  ecclesiastica  nobis  indicant,  quando  in  urbe 
Roma,  Melchiade  apostolicae  sedis  episcopo  praesidente,  cum  aliis  judex  inter- 
fuit,  Donatumque  damnavit,  qui  prior  auctor  Donatistarum  schismatis  fuit, 
et  Caecilianum  episcopum  ecclesiae  Carthaginensis  absolvit.  Is  cum  de  bap- 
tismo  ageret,  ita  locutus  est :  *  Hanc  igitur  principalem  esse  in  ecclesia  indul- 
'  gentiam,  neminem  praeteriit,  in  quaantiqui  criminis  omne  pondus  exponimus, 
'  et  ignorantiae  nostrae  facinora  prisca  delemus,  ubi  et  veterem  hominem  cum 

•  ingenitis  sceleribus  exuimus.'      Audis  '  antiqui  criminis  pondus.'     Audis 

*  prisca  facinora.'     Audis  *  cum  sceleribus  ingenitis  hominem  veterem.'     Et 
audes  adversus  haec  ruinosam  construere  novitatem  ?    Contr.  Julian.  Pelagian. 
1.  i.  cap.  iii.  n.  7.  T.  10.  P.  i. 

Si  vis  agnoscere  vetustatem,  ex  qua  parvuli  Christiana  gratia  renovantur, 
audi  fideliter  quod  ait  homo  Dei  Rheticius  ab  Augustoduno  episcopus,  qui 
cum  Melchiade  Romano  episcopo  quondam  judex  sedit,  Donatumque  dam 
navit  haereticum.  Hie  enim,  cum  de  christiano  baptismate  loqueretur,  «  Hanc 
'  igitur,'  inquit,  '  principalem  esse  in  ecclesia  indulgentium.' — Addisne,  non 
postea  perpetrata,  sed  etiam  ingenita  scelera  veteris  hominis  ?'  Numquid  Mani- 
chaeus  fuit  iste  Rheticius  ?  Op.  Imperf.  1.  i.  cap.  cv.  T.  10.  P.  2. 


234  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

sin.  But  it  docs  not  appear  whence  that  passage  is  taken : 
whether  from  one  of  the  books  mentioned  by  Jerom,  or  from 
some  other  work,  or  from  the  debates  in  one  of  the  councils 
above  taken  notice  of. 

5.  I  have  thought  it  best  to  give  some  account  of  this 
eminent  bishop  and  commentator,  who  flourished  at  the  be 
ginning  of  the  fourth  century,  though  his  writings  are  not 
now  extant.  And  I  refer  my  readers s  to  some  learned 
moderns,  whom  they  may  consult,  if  they  think  fit. 


CHAP.   LXXXVII. 


TRIPHYLLIUS. 


1.  TRIPHYLLIUS a  bishop  of  a  city  in  Cyprus  about  the 
year  340,  and  afterwards,  was  a  man  of  great  repute  for 
eloquence  in  the  time  of  the  emperor  Constantius,  as  we 
learn  from  Jerom,  whose  article  I  place  at  Iengthb  below. 
He  assures  us  that  Triphyllius  wrote  a  Commentary  upon 
the  Canticles,  which  he  had  read,  and  divers  other  works, 
which  he  had  not  met  with.  Triphyllius  is  likewise  placed 
by  Jerom  among0  other  eminent  Christian  writers  in  his  let 
ter  to  Magnus. 

2.  Suidas  in  his  Lexicon d  says:  '  Triphyllius,  a  bishop, 
'  and  disciple  of  Spyridion  of  Cyprus  who  wrought  many 
'  miracles,  wrote  an  account  of  our  holy  father  Spyridion.' 
It  is  not  unlikely,  that  this  may  be  one  of  the  many  works 
of  Triphyllius,  which  Jerom  had  not  met  with. 

3.  Sozomen  relates  divers  things  of  Spyridion,  or  Spyri- 
don,  which  are  not  very  easy  to  be  credited.     One  story 
however  may  be  true  enough  ;  it  is  to  this  purpose.     There6 

8  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  173.  Fabr.  ad  Hieron.  de  V.  I.  cap.  82.  Du 
Pin,  Bib.  T.  ii.  p.  26.  Tillem.  Mem.  EC.  T.  vi.  Les  Donatistes.  Art.  12. 

a  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  206.  Fabr.  Bib.  EC.  ad  Hieron.  de  V.  I.  cap.  92. 

b  Triphyllius,  Cypri  Ledrensis,  sive  Leucotheon,  episcopus,  eloquentissimus 
suse  aetatis,  et  sub  rege  Constantio  celeberrimus  fuit.  Legi  ejus  in  Cantica 
Canticorum  commentaries.  At  multa  alia  composuisse  fertur,  quae  in  nostras 

manus  minime  pervenerunt.     De  Vir.  111.  cap.  92.  c  Exstat  et 

libri— et  Triphyllii  Cyprii.  Ep.  83.  T.  iv.  p.  656.  A  V.  Tpi0i>XXioc. 

KOI  TpityvXXwv  TOV  AtSpwv  eiriOKOTrov  avfycr  «XXa>e  re 

Kai   £M    vopuv    aaxTioiv   iroXvv'   xpovov  tv  Ty   Bfptmwv   TroXet 


RHETICIUS,  Bishop  of  Autun.     A.  D.  340.  235 

being  upon  some  occasion  a  synod  of  the  bishops  of  Cyprus, 
Spyridion  and  Triphyllius  were  present.  Triphyllius  had 
studied  the  Roman  laws  at  Berytus  for  a  considerable  time, 
and  was  in  repute  likewise  for  his  skill  in  other  parts  of 
learning.  At  an  assembly  for  divine  worship,  Triphyllius 
was  called  upon  to  preach  ;  and  when  he  alleged  that  text 
[Mark  ii.  9.J  "  Arise,  take  up  thy  bed,"  or  couch,  "  and 
walk  :"  instead  of  the  popular  word  in  the  evangelist,  he 
made  use  of  another  Greek  word,  reckoned  more  elegant  : 
at  which  Spyridion,  being  much  offended,  rose  up  from  his 
seat,  and  before  all  the  people  said  aloud,  *  Are  you  better 
than  he  who  said  '  couch,'  that  you  are  ashamed  to  use  his 
expressions  ?' 

4.  If  this  be  true,  we  have  an  argument  of  the  virtue, 
particularly  of  the  humility  of  Triphyllius,  in  that  work  of 
his  where  he  celebrated  Spyridion  and  his  miracles.     The 
public  reproof  which  he  had  received,  produced  no  lasting 
resentment  in  his  mind  ;  he  still  honoured  his  master  :  he 
was  therefore  both  a  learned  and  a  good  man,  though,  as  it 
seems,  too  credulous. 

5.  Rufinus  Supposes  Spyridion  to  have  been   present  at 
the  council  of  Nice:  and  tells  divers  strange  stories  of  him, 
which  Socrates?  transcribed  into  his  Ecclesiastical  History. 
They  who  desire  to  know  more  of  Spyridion,  may  consult11 
Tillemont. 


fit  C7rir£\8/ifi>jj£,  tTriTpa.TTf.iQ  Tpi0uXXioc  didaZai  TO  irXriOog,  nrti  TO 
PIJTOV  (Ktivo  Trapaytiv  tig  fitffov  tdeijffe,  TO  apov  o~&  TOV  icpajS/Sarov,  Kai  Trepi- 
(TKifnroSa  avri  TS  Kpa(3(3a.Ts,  ^era/3a\u>i>  TO  ovop,a,  tnre.      Kai  6  2)7rvpt$iu>v 
&  tryye,  ttpr],  ctfj-iiviov   TS    Kpafl(3ctTov  fiptjKOTog,  on   TO.IQ  aur« 
iv   eTraiff^vvg  K£%pr]aQai  j  TSTO   enrwv,  airtTrrjSrjae  TS  iepctTiKu  S'pova,  TH 
opwvrog,  K.  X.     Sozom.  1.  i.  c.  11.  p.  416,  417. 

f  Ex  eorum  numero  (et  si  quid  adhuc  eminentius)  fuisse  dicitur  etiam 
Spyridion  Cyprius  episcopus,  vir  unus  ex  ordine  prophetarum  :  quantum  etiam 
nos  eorum,  qui  eum  viderunt,  relatione  comperimus,  &c.  Rufin.  H.  E.  1.  i. 
cap.  5.  e  Soc.  1.  i.  c.  12.  h  Mem.  EC.  T.  vii. 


236  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

CHAP.  LXXXVIII. 


FORTUNATIANUS. 


1.  AS  Jerom  has  a  chapter  for  Fortunatianus,  I  transcribe 
it!l  below.  He  was  born  in  Africa,  but  was  bishop  of 
Aquilcia  in  Italy.  In  the  reign  of  Constantius  he  wrote 
short  commentaries  or  notes  upon  the  gospels  in  a  homely 
style.  Fortunatianus  is  placed  by  Caveb  at  the  year  340. 
2.  Though  Jerom  there  speaks  of  Fortunatianus's  com 
mentaries  as  brief  and  rustic,  he  did  not  entirely  neglect 
them.  In  a  letter  to  Paul  of  Concordia,  still  extant,  he  en 
treats  him c  to  send  him  those  commentaries;  and  in  the 
preface  to  his  own  commentary  upon  St.  Matthew,  he  ac 
knowledges,  thatd  he  had  read  what  Fortunatianus  had  writ 
ten  upon  that  gospel. 


CHAP.  LXXXIX. 


PHOTINUS. 


I.  His  history.  II.  Principles.  III.  Writings.  IV.  Cha 
racter.  V.  Scriptures  received  by  him.  VI.  His  sect  sub 
sisted  for  some  time. 

I.  *  PHOTINUS  of  Galatia,'  says*  Jerom,  *  disciple  of  Mar- 
*  cell  us,  and  bishop  of  Sirmium,  endeavoured  to  revive  the 

*  Fortunatianus,  natione  Afer,  Aquileiensis  episcopus,  imperante  Constantio, 
in  evangelia,  titulis  ordinatis,  brevi  et  rustico  sermone  scripsit  commentaries. 
Et  in  hoc  habetur  detestabilis,  quod  Liberium  Romans  Urbis  episcopum,  pro 
fide  ad  exilium  pergentem,  primus  solicitavit  ac  fregit,  et  ad  subscriptionera 
haereseos  compulit.     De  V.  I.  cap.  97.     Vid.  Fabr.  in  h.  1.  et  conf.  Tillemont. 
Mem.  T.  vi.  Les  Ariens.  art.  51.  et  69.  b  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  206. 

c  Et  ne  putes  modica  esse  quae  deprecor scilicet  Commentaries  Fortu- 

natiani— Ad  Paul.  Concord,  ep.  10.  [al.  21.]  T.  iv.  p.  17.  in. 

(l  Legisse  me  fateor  in  Matthaeum—et  Latinorum,  Hilarii,  Victormi,  Fortu- 
natiam  opuscula.  Proleg.  in.  Matt.  T.  iv. 

*  Photinus  de  Gallograacia,  Marcelli  discipulus,  Sirmii  episcopus  ordinatus, 


PIIOTINUS.     A.  D.  341.  237 

*  heresy  of  Ebion.  Being  afterwards  banished  by  the  emperor 

*  Valentinian,  he  wrote  many  volumes  ;  among  which,  the 
'  chief  are   his  books  against  the  Gentiles,  and  to  Valen- 

*  tinian.' 

Photinus  was  a  native  of  Galatia,  as  Jerom  intimates,  and 
probably  of  Ancyra,  the  chief  city.  The  same  is  intimated 
byb  others.  Jerom  here,  andc  Sulpicius  Severus,  and'1 
others,  call  him  disciple  of  Marcel  lus,  bishop  of  Ancyra,  of 
whom  we  have  spoken  e  formerly.  Hef  is  also  said  to  have 
beeti  deacon  to  Marcellus. 

The  time  when  Photinus  was  ordained  bishop  of  Sirmium, 
is  not  exactly  known  ;  nor  when  he  first  began  to  publish  his 
peculiar  principles,  whether  in  341,  or  343  :  but  he  was  first 
condemned  by  the  Arians  or  Eusebians^  in  a  synod  held  at 
Antioch  in  344,  or  345.  He  was  afterwards  condemned  in 
several  councils.  But  it  was  not  easy  to  remove  him,  be 
cause11  of  the  affection  which  the  people  of  Sirmium  had 
for  him,  who  would  not  part  with  him.  In  the  end  he  was 
condemned  and  deposed  in  a  council  at  Sirmium,  held  in 
351,  as  is  now  generally  supposed  :  after  which  he  was 
banished.  There  being  some  difficulties  about  the  time  of 
the  just-mentioned  council,  and  other  councils  relating  to 
Photinus,  which  for  the  sake  of  brevity  I  do  not  choose  to 
concern  myself  with;  I  refer  to  several  learned1  moderns, 

Hebionis  haeresim  instaurare  conatus  est.  Postea  a  Valentiniano  principe  pulsus 
ecclesia  plura  scripsit  volumina  :  in  quibus  vel  praecipua  sunt  contra  Gentes, 
et  ad  Valentinian  um  libri.  De  Vir.  111.  cap.  107. 

b  -  yevoQ  TTIQ  p/cpac  TaXanaq.     Socr.  1.  ii.  C.  18.  p.  96.  D. 

Oi  O.TTO  MapxrtXXs  KCU  $a>mv8  ayKVpoyaXarwv.   Ap.  eund.  cap.  19.  p.  99.  B. 

c  Et  tamen  hoc  ipsum  Marcellum  gravabat,  quia  Photinus  auditor  ejus 
fuisse  in  adolescentia  videbatur.  Sulp.  Sev.  Hist.  Socr.  1.  ii.  c.  35. 


d  re  TS 


K.  X.  Socr.  1.  c.  18.  p.  96.  D.  e  See  p.  146. 

f  Photinus  Sirmiensis  episcopus  fuit  a  Marcello  imbutus.  Nam  et  diaconus 
sub  eo  aliquamdiu  fuit.  Hilar.  Fragment,  ii.  n.  19.  p.  1275. 

e  Vid.  Athanas.  de  Synod,  n.  vi.  vii.  et  conf.  Socrat.  1.  ii.  cap.  18,  19. 

11  Verum  inter  haec.  Sirmium  convenitur  Photinus  haereticus  comprehensus, 
olim  reus  pronuntiatus,  et  a  communione  jampridem  unitatis  abscissus,  nee 
turn  quidem  per  factionem  populi  potuit  amoved.  Hilar.  Fragm.  ii.  n.  21. 
p.  1299.  Vid.  et  n.  22. 

j  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  Ann.  344.  T.  i.  p.  209.  and  Life  of  St.  Athanasius,  n.  xi. 
p.  127—129.  in  Lives  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Fourth  Century.  Du  Pin.  Bib.  T. 
ii.  p.  11  2.  Tillem.  Mem.  T.  vi.  Les  Ariens.  Art.  37,  41,  44,  46,  47.  Fabr. 
Bib.  Gr.  T.  viii.  p.  314.  et  seq.  T.  xi.  p.  378.  not.  Petav.  Diss.  de  Photin. 
Damnat.  ap.  Labb.  Concil.  T.  ii.  p.  279,  &c.  et  Animadvers.  in  Epiphan.  H. 
73.  p.  304,  &c.  Tho.  Ittigii  Historia  Photini  in  App.  ad  librum  de  Haeresiar- 
chis.  Diss.  M.  Larrogue  de  Photino  haeretico,  ej  usque  multiplici  damnatione. 
Baron.  Ann.  357.  n.  i.  et  seqq.  Pagi  Ann.  344,  345,  347.  n.  v.  viii.  xv.  349. 
n.  vi.  vii.  351.  n.  x.  xi.  et  seqq.  Basnag.  Ann.  345.  n.  v.  349.  n.  viii.  351.  n. 
vi.  viii.  Athanas.  Vit.  aBenedic.  adornat  ad  Ann.  Chr.  343,  347,  349,  351. 


238  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

who  have  written  bis  history,  in  which  there  are  divers  in 
tricacies. 

Jerom  says,  that  Photinus  was  banished  by  Valentinian  : 
which  creates  a  difficulty  :  for  the  council  of  Sirmium,  by 
which  Photinus  was  deposed,  and  after  which  he  was  ba 
nished,  was  held  in  the  time  of  Constantius,  who  died  in 
361,  whereas  Valentinian  did  not  begin  to  reign  before  464. 
Somek  therefore  have  thought,  that  what  Jerom  says  here  is 
a  slip  of  memory,  or  mistake  through  haste,  putting  Valen 
tinian  for  Constantius.  Others1  account  for  it  in  this  man 
ner;  Photinus,  they  suppose,  must  have  been  restored  by 
the  edict  of  Julian,  together  with  other  bishops  banished  in 
the  reign  of  Constantius  ;  and  Photinus  was  banished  a  se 
cond  time,  in  the  time  of  Valentinian,  if  Jerom  is  not  mis 
taken.  And  indeed,  there  is  in  Facundus™  a  letter  of  Julian 
to  Photinus,  if  it  be  genuine  ;  and  it  is  very  complaisant. 

It  is  concluded  from  Jerom's"  Chronicle,  that  Photinus 
died  in  375  or  376.  He  seems  to  have  been  living  when0 
Epiphanius  wrote  the  article  of  his  heresy  in  375.  Opta- 
tusP  who  wrote  about  368,  may  be  understood  to  speak  of 
him  as  then  living. 

Whenever  that  council  of  Sirmium  was  held,  by  which 
Photinus  was  deposed  and  banished,  there  1  was  a  conference 
held  concerning  his  doctrine,  at  his  request.  The  principal 
disputant  on  the  other  side  was  Basil  the  Arian  bishop  of 
Ancyra,  who  had  been  put  in  the  room  of  Marcellus  :  and 
it  is  said,  that  Basil  triumphed  in  the  argument.  The  dis 
putation  was  taken  down  by  notaries  appointed  for  that  pur 
pose  ;  and  there  were  several  copies  made  of  it,  one  to  be 
sent  to  the  emperor  Constantius,  another  for  the  synod,  and 
a  third  for  the  courtiers  that  were  present,  and  before  whom 
the  conference  was  held  by  the  emperor's  order.  But  there 
is  nothing  of  it  remaining:  if  it  had  been  still  extant,  in  all 
probability  it  would  have  appeared  curious  to  some  in  our 
times. 

Socrates  says,  thatr  after  Photinus  had  been  deposed,  the 

k  Vid.  Petav.  Animadv.  ad  Epiph.  H.  71.  p.  304. 

I  Vid.  Fabr.  ad  Hieron.  de  V.  I.  cap.  107.  et  ad  Philastr.  cap.  65. 

n  Vid.  Facund.  1.  iv.  cap.  2.  p.  59.  n  Chr.  p.  187. 

0  Vid.  H.  71.  n.  i.  et  Indie.  Haeres.  p.  808. 

p  Dictum  est  hoc  de  Photino  praesentis  temporis  haeretico,  qui  Filium  Dei 
ausus  est  dicere  tantumraodo  hominem  fuisse,  non  Deum.  Optat.  1.  iv.  c.  5. 

II  Vid.  Epiph.  H.  71.  n.  i.  p.  829.  Socrat.  1.  ii.  cap.  29,  et  30.  Sozom.  1.  iv. 
cap.  6. 


TOV  Qurtivov  KOI  p.ira  KaOaipiaiv  (rvvtaOai  Kai  trwviroypa^ai 
irtiQtiv  eirtipuvro,  (TrayytiXafjitvoi  airodaxrtiv  avrtp  rrjv  tTTUJKOirriv,  ta 
/ttravotaj  avaStfiarmy  fifv  To  irapivpiOtr  avru)  &>yua,  ovvQnvui  8f  rn  a 
.  Socr.  1.  ii.  c.  30.  p.  125.  D. 


PHOTINUS.     A.  D.  341.  239 

bishops  offered  to  restore  him  if  he  would  recant :  but  he 
refused.  Sozomen8  speaks  to  the  like  purpose.  And  per 
haps  Philaster  refers  to  this,  in  a  place  to  be  taken  notice  of 
by  and  by :  where  he  says,  that  Photinus  refused  to  sub 
scribe  the  creed  which  the  synod  had  composed. 

Germinius,  an  Arian,  often  mentioned  by  Athanasius,  and 
the  ecclesiastical  historians,  was  successor  of  Photinus. 

II.  Accounts  of  Photiiius's  principles  may  be  seen  in  many 
authors,  particularly  in  the  Symbol  of  the  Eusebian  council 
at  Antioch,  where  he  was  first  condemned.  They1  join  him 
and  Marcel lus  together,  as  denying  the  divinity  and  eternal 
pre-existence  of  the  Son,  and  the  personality  of  the  Word, 
under  a  pretence  of  maintaining  the  divine  Unity. 

Philaster  says  little  more  of  Photinus,  than  u  that  he  held 
the  same  opinion  with  Paul  of  Samosata,  and  that  he  would 
not  renounce  it :  for  which  reason  he  was  deposed,  and  ex 
cluded  from  the  church  of  Sirmium,  by  the  bishops  who  had 
convicted  him. 

Epiphanius,  in  his  Summary,  says,  that  Photinus  was  of 
the  same  opinion  with  Paul  of  Samosata ;  though  in  some 
respects  he  expressed  himself  differently.  But  both  agreed, 
thatv  Christ  began  to  exist  when  he  was  born  of  Mary.  In 
like  manner,  in  his  fuller  account :  thatw  he  was  not  from 
eternity,  but  he  was  born  of  Mary,  and  the  Holy  Ghost  came 
upon  him:  thatx  he  was  born  of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  Mary, 
and  on  that  account  was  the  Son  of  God. 

Socrates  says,  that^  Photinus,  bishop  of  Sirmium,  native 
of  Galatia,  following  his  master  Marcellus  who  had  been 
deposed,  maintained,  that  Christ  was  a  mere  man  :  and  that 
the  bishops  assembled  at  Sirmium  deposed  him,  having 

s  Soz.  1.  iv.  c.  6.  p.  543,  544. 

1  Toigroi  fo  ttffiv  ol  cnro  MapKtXXs,  /cat  3»wretV8  riov  AyKUpoyaXaratv,  ol  rr\v 
irpoaitoviov  vTrap'^iv  r«  Xpt<r«,  /cat  TTJV  Seor^ra,  KO.I  Ttjv  ctTtXevTtjTOV  CLVT& 
fiaffiXeiav  6/xotwg  IsSaiotQ  aOtTaatv,  CTTI  irpoQaffii  r«  avvt^aaOai  &OKHV  rg 
povapxiq,.  Iffptv  yap  UVTOV  i'i[i£iQ  »x'  airXwg  Xoyov  irpofyopiicov,  rj  tvfaaQirov 
TH  0£8,  a\\a  Z,b)VTa  Qtov  Xoyov  Ka0'  iavrov  vrrap^ovra,  Kai  'Yiov  Qsa  KO.I  Xpi<rov. 
K.  X.  Apud  Athanas.  De  Synod,  p.  740.  n.  vi.  Vid.  et  n.  vii.  et  apud  Socrat. 
H.  E.  1.  ii.  c.  19.  p.  99. 

u  Photinus  doctrinam  ejus  secutus  in  omnibus  similiter  praedicabnt.  Inque 
hoc  mendacio  perseverans,  projectus  est  de  ecclesia.  Sirmiensium  civitatis,  a 
sanctis  episcopis  superatus.  Philast.  cap.  65.  p.  128.  ed.  Fabric. 

v  — Kai  avroi  icai  airo  Mapiaf  feat  Stvpo  TOV  Xpi^ov  £iaf3c(3ai8VTai.  Indict, 
p.  808. 

w  &a0Kfi  8e  STOQ,  airapxT]Q  TOV  Xpi<rov  prj  uvat,  a-rro  Se  Mapiac  KOI  dtvpo 
avrov  vTrap%tiv,  «4ort,  ^>jj(Tt,  TO  irvtVftct  TO  aytov  tTrr]\9iv  «TT'  avTOV,  KCII  «yev- 
vr)9i>]  eK  TTvevfjiciTog  ayc«.  H.  71.  n.  i.  p.  829.  A.  B. 

x  —  ysvvr]9tiQ  o  Xpt<rog  e/c  Trvti'juarog  ayt«  (cat  euro  Mapmg.  Ib.  n.  ii.  p.  830. 

y  — aKoX«0a>v  ry  SiSauK.i\(^f  tyiXov  avOpwirov  TOV  '\iov  tOoy/xaritrt.  K.  X. 
Socr.  \  ii.  c.  18.  p.  96.  D. 


240  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

found  that  he  held  the  doctrine  of  Sabellius  of  Lybia,  and 
Paul  of  Samosata. 

Sozomen's  account  is,  that  z  Photinus  taught,  there  is  one 
God  Almighty,  who  by  his  own  word  made  all  things  :  that 
he  did  not  allow  the  eternal  generation  and  subsistence  of 
the  Son,  but  said  that  the  Christ  began  to  be,  when  he  was 
born  of  Mary.  Hea  was  deposed,  as  holding  the  doctrine 
of  Sabellius,  and  Paul  of  Samosata. 

Theodoret  does  little  more  than  say,  thatb  Photinus  held 
the  same  doctrine  with  Sabellius,  except  that  he  set  it  forth 
in  a  somewhat  different  manner ;  and  that  he  was  confuted 
by  Diodorus  of  Tarsus  in  Cilicia.  To  which c  there  may 
be  reckoned  to  be  a  reference  in  the  letter  ascribed  to  the 
emperor  Julian,  as  preserved  in  Facundus. 

Photinus  is  in  Augustine's  d  Book  of  Heresies  ;  but  I  do 
not  think  it  needful  to  transcribe  him.  However,  in  other 
places  also  he  mentions  the  Photinians,  and  shows  their 
sentiment.  They  said,  that e  Christ  was  a  man,  and  a  great 
prophet,  and  excelled  all  men,  the  best  and  most  knowing*, 
in  wisdom  and  holiness;  but  he  was  not  God.  They  said, 
that  f  the  Father  only  is  God,  and  Christ  a  man  :  and  they 
denied  the  personality  of  the  Spirit. 

Sulpicius  Severus  was  quoted  before.  1  transcribe  an 
other  passage  e  in  the  margin. 

Vincent's  account  is  as  well  expressed  as  most;  I  put  it 
below  h  at  length.  <  Photinus  holds  the  unity  of  God  after 

2   EXtytv  de,  u>£  Qeo£  JAW  £<ri  iravTOKparup  tig,  6  r^>  idiy  Xoyy  ra  Travra  Srjfu- 
g'  TIJV  fit  irpo  aiiovuv  yeveaiv  re  Kat  vjrap^iv  re  'Yis  8  irpoaitro'  aXX'  tK 
yivriaQai  TOV  Xpi<rov  aenyvfiro.     Soz.  1.  iv.  C.  6.  p.  542.  A. 
Ibid.  D.  "  'O   de  <bit)TtivoQ   piav  tvtpytiav  Harpog  icai 

*Yi«  »cai  ayt8  irvtv^iarog  fiprjKtv,  erepoig  ovofiaat  TIJV  TUV  2a/3«XXi8  ooyjuaruiv 
KqpvTTuv  Siavotav.  K.  X.  Haer.  Fab.  1.  ii.  c.  11.  in. 

c  Julianus  etenim,  perfidus  imperator,  sic  Photino  haeresiarchae  adversus 
Diodorum  scribit :  Tu  quidem,  O  Photine,  verisimilis  videris,  et  proximus 
salvari,  bene  faciens,  nequaquam  in  utero  inducens  quern  credidisti  Deura — 
Diodorus  autem  Nazarsei  magus — acutus  apparuit  sbphista  religionis  agrestis. 
Ap.  Facund.  1.  iv.  c.  2.  p.  59.  d  Cap.  45. 

e  Quam  multi  dicunt,  homo  fuit  magnus  ?  Quam  multi  dicunt,  propheta 
fuit  ?  Quam  multi  antichristi,  ut  Photinus,  homo  fuit,  plus  nihil  habuit :  sed 
omnes  homines  pios  et  sanctos  excellentia  sapientiae  et  iustitiae  superavit. 
Serm.  246.  n.  4.  T.  v. 

f  Photiniani  quoque  Patrem  solem  esse  dicentes  Deum,  Filium  vero  nonnisi 
hominem,  negant  omnino  esse  tertiam  personam  Spiritum  Sanctum.  Serm. 
71.  cap.  iii.  n.  v.  T.  5.  P.  i.  Vid.  et  ep.  185.  c.  xi.  n.  48.  T.  ii. 

*  Photinus  vero  novam  haeresim  jam  ante  protulerat,  a  Sabellio  quidem  in 
unione  dissentiens,  sed  initium  Christi  a  Maria  praedicabat.  Sulpic.  Hist. 
Sacr.  1.  ii.  c.  37. 

h  Photini  ergo  secta  haec  est.  Dicit  Deum  singulum  esse  ac  solitarium,  et  more 
Judaico  confitendum.  Trinitatis  plenitudinem  negat,  neque  ullam  Dei  Verbi, 
aut  ullam  Spiritus  Sancti  putat  esse  personam.  Christum  vero  hominem  tan- 


PHOTINUS.     A.  D.  341.  241 

*  the  Jewish  manner.      He  allows  not  of  any  Trinity  of 
'  persons.     He  says,  that  Christ  was  a  man  born  of  Mary. 

*  He  denies  the   personality  of  the  Word,  and   the  Spirit. 

*  There  is  only  one  God  the  Father,  and  Jesus  Christ,  whom 

*  we  ought  to  serve.' 

Marius  Mercator  supposes  Photinus  to  have  taught,  that1 
Jesus  was  born  of  Joseph  and  Mary,  after  the  manner  of 
other  men.  But  that  is  contrary  to  what  is  said  by  others, 
particularly  by  Epiphanius,  who  represents  him  to  have 
taught,  that  Christ  was  born  of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  Mary. 
St.  Ambrose  likewise,  not  yet  quoted,  represents  the  doc 
trine  of  Photinus  to  be,  thatk  Christ  did  not  exist  till  he  was 
born  of  the  Virgin  :  as  does1  Hilary.  The  Eusebians  also, 
in  the  council  of  Antioch,  suppose"1  that  to  be  the  opinion 
both  of  Marcellus  and  Photinus. 

Perhaps,  because  Photinus  was  said  by  some  to  have 
revived  the  principle  of  Ebion,  Marius  Mercatus  concluded 
Photinus  to  have  held  the  opinion  which  he  ascribes  to 
him.  But  it  is  not  certain  that  all  called  Ebionites  were 
of  that  opinion.  And  they  who  said  Photinus  aimed  to 
revive  the  heresy  of  Ebion,  might  mean  no  more  than  that 
he  was  an  Unitarian  after  the  manner  of  the  Jews. 

HI.  We  come  now  to  his  works.  Jerom  says,  Photinus 
wrote  many  volumes.  But  none  of  them  are  now  extant. 
Nor  do  I  recollect  any  references  elsewhere  to  those  men 
tioned  by  Jerom,  his  book  against  the  Gentiles,  and  to  Va- 
lentinian.  But  Socrates"  speaks  of  a  work  written  by  him 
after  his  banishment,  against  all  heresies,  and  in  support  of 

tummodo  solitarium  adserit,  cui  principium  adscribit  ex  Maria.  Et  hoc 
omni  modo  dogmatizat,  solam  nos  personam  Dei  Patris,  et  solum  Christum 
homiuem  colere  debere.  Hsec  ergo  Photinus.  Vincent.  Lirin.  Common, 
cap.  17. 

1  Photinus  autem  insanissimo  Nestorio  parem  sententiam  tonuit,  Verbum 
Dei  quidem  non  negans  esse  in  substantia :  sed  hoc  extrinsecus  in  isto,  qui  ex 
Maria,  more  communi  conjugum,  natus  est,  Jesu  inhabitasse  peculiariter,  &c. 
Diss.  de  xii.  Anath.  n.  xvii.  T.  ii.  p.  128. 

k  Neque,  ut  Photinus,  initium  Filii  ex  Virgine  disputemus.  Ambr.  de 
Fide.  1.  i.  c.  1. 

1  Haec  quia  Photinus,  adversus  quern  turn  conventum  erat,  negabat,  inserta 
fidei  fueruntj  ne  quis  auderet,  non  ante  Dei  Filium  quam  Virginis  filium 
praedicere,  &c.  Hil.  de  Synod,  n.  50.  p.  1181.  C.  D. 

quae  [haeresis]  initium  Dei  Filii  ex  partu  Virginis  mentiebatur.     Ibid. 

n.  61.  p.  1185.  E. 

"  Xpi<rov  tie  avrov  KCU  'Ytov  TS  0«a — firj  tivai  Trpo  cuwvwv  SrtXovraQ'  a\X' 
EKTOTI  Xpi<rov  avrov  ytyovtvcti  KO.I  '\iov  TS  Qes,  e£  «  ri\v  rjfJieTSpav  SK  rqg  •n'ap- 
Otva  erapjca  tvfi\r]<pe,  TTOO  Ttrpaicoaiuv  6\wv  trwv.  Ap.  Socrat.  1.  ii.  C.  19.  p. 
99.  A. 

"   Eypatye  $e  Kara  iraauv  aipecrtwv,  TO  OIKMOV  povov  doypa 
Socr.  1.  ii.  c.  30.  p.  126.  D. 

VOL.  IV.  R 


242  Credibilitij  of  the  Gospel  History. 

his  own  opinion.  And  in  like  manner  Sozomen,  that0  after 
his  banishment  Photinus  did  not  desist  from  maintaining  his 
own  sentiments;  but  published  books,  both  in  Greek  arid 
Latin,  in  which  he  endeavoured  to  show  the  falsehood  of  all 
other  opinions  beside  his  own. 

Rufinus,  at  the  beginning  of  his  Exposition  of  the  Creed, 
refers  to  something  written  upon  it  byP  Photinus  :  but  per 
haps  he  does  not  intend  any  distinct  work. 

IV.  The  character  of  Photinus  being  in  divers  ancient 
authors,  we  are  led  to  take  some  notice  of  it. 

Epiphanius  says,  hei  had  a  fluent  way  of  speaking,  and 
in  that  respect  was  wonderfully  qualified  to  impose  upon 
unwary  people.  Sozomen,  thatr  he  was  naturally  eloquent, 
and  fitted  to  persuade  men,  and  that  he  gained  many  to  his 
opinions.  Vincent  of  Lerins  says,  that8  Photinus  entered 
upon  the  bishopric  of  Sirmium  with  universal  applause  ; 
and  that  he  was  a  man  of  ready  wit,  extensive  learning*,  and 
charming  eloquence,  and  therefore  was  a  great  temptation. 
He  spoke  and  wrote  properly  and  elegantly  both  in  Greek 
and  Latin,  of  which  his  remaining  works  are  a  proof,  there 
being  some  in  each  language.  Socrates  likewise  speaks4  of 
his  skill  in  the  Latin,  as  well  as  the  Greek  tongue,  as  did 
Sozomen  before  quoted. 

V.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  Photinus  received  the 
scriptures  of  the  Old  and   New  Testament,  as  other  chris- 
tians  did,  there  being  no  complaints  made  against  him  upon 
that  head. 


0  -  Xoyse  re  Ty  'Pwjwaiwv  Kai  'EXXjjvwv  0wvy  avyypcHftwv  iZtdtSz,  Si  a»v 
tireipctTO,  TrXrjv  TTJQ  avrs  TO.Q  TWV  aXXaw  SoZag  tyevdeif  cnrodxtivfiv.  Soz.  1.  iv. 
c.  6.  fin.  p.  544. 

P  Et  quidem  comperi  nonnullos  illustrium  tractatorum  aliqua  de  his  pie  et 
brevitcr  edidisse  :  Photinum  vero  haereticum  scio  eatenus  conscripsisse,  non  ut 
rationem  dictorum  audientibus  explanaret,  sed  ut  simpliciter  et  fideliter  dicta 
ad  arguraentum  sui  dogmatis  traheret.  Rufin.  in  Symb.  init. 

q  Ffyoi/e  urog  o  QurtivoQ  \a\OQ  TOV  rpoirov,  Kai  at'^vfifjitvog  rr\v  yXwrrav* 
7roXX«£  Se  Svvafifvog  avcarav  ry  TH  Xoys  ir(>o<f>opa.,  Kai  eroi/ioXoyi^i.  II.  71.  n. 
1.  p.  829.  13.  r  <bvaf.b)Q  de  t\wv  tv  Xeyfiv,  KCCI  TTtiOtiv  \KCIVOQ, 

TroXXac  «i£  rtjv  ofAoiav  avr^  So£av  tTTT/yayero.  Sozom.  1.  iv.  c.  6.  p.  542.  B. 

8  -  eos  commemoremus,  qui  multis  profectibus,  multaque  industria  proe- 
diti,  non  parvae  tentationi  catholicis  exstiterunt.  Velut  apud  Pannonias  ma- 
jorum  memoria  Photinus  ecclesiam  Sirmitanam  tentasse  memoratur  :  ubi  cum 
magno  omnium  favore  in  sacerdotium  fuisset  accitus,  et  aliquamdiu  tanquam 
catholicus  administraret.  —  Nam  erat  et  ingenii  viribus  valens,  et  doctrinae 
opibus  excellena,  et  eloquio  praepotens  :  quippe  qui  utroque  sermone  copiose 
et  graviter  disputaret  et  scriberet.  Quod  monumentis  librorum  suorum  mani- 
festatur,  quos  idem  partim  Graeco,  partim  Latino  sermone  composuit.  Com- 
menit.  cap.  16. 

^  Ev  <pvyy  rt  titayuv  rtt  XOITTS,  Xoyov  ovviypa^iv  af^orepaig  yXw<r<r«tc,  (  TTH 
'PwpdiKijg  r\v  n/xotpog.  Socr.  1.  XXX.  p.  126.  B. 


PHOTINUS.     A.  D.  341.  243 

From  Hilary  of  Poictiers  we  know,  thatu  Photmus  argu 
ed  from  1  Tim.  ii.  5.  Epiphanius  says  he  boasted v  of  being 
able  to  support  his  doctrine  by  innumerable  texts  of  scrip 
ture.  He  particularly  takes  notice  of  his  alleging w  1  Cor. 
xv.  47.  That  Photinus  received  x  the  beginning  of  St.  John's 
gospel,  and  allowed  the  eternity  of  the  Word,  though  there 
by  he  did  not  understand  the  Son  of  God,  is  also  manifest 
from  Epiphanius, 

VI.  Though  Photinus  was  deposed  and  banished,  his 
doctrine  was  not  extinguished :  he  still  had  admirers  and 
followers.  It  is  very  likely  that  the  books  published  by  him 
after  his  banishment  would  affect  some,  especially  consider 
ing  that  he  was  a  good  writer,  as  well  as  a  good  speaker. 
The  bishops  of  the  council  of  Aquileia,  held  in  381,  in  a 
synodical  epistle  to  the  emperors  Gratian,  Valentinian,  and 
Theodosius,  say,  that?  whereas  the  Photinians  still  met  to 
gether  at  Sirmium,  even  contrary  to  a  law  already  made, 
they  entreat  farther  care  to  be  taken  about  it.  In  the  law 
of  the  emperor  Gratian,  in  378,  giving  leave  to  all  manner  of 
sects  to  hold  assemblies,  there2  is  an  exception  of  the  Euno- 
mians,  Photinians,  and  Manichees.  When  St.  Jerom  in  his 
Chronicle  says,  ata  this  time  dies  Photinus,  from  whom  the 
Photinians  are  called  :  it  is  supposed  that  there  were  then 
some  men  of  that  denomination.  Augustine b  often  mentions 

u  Hoc  si  timemus,  deleamus  in  apostolo  quod  dictum  est,  Mediator  Dei  et 
hominum  homo  Christus  Jesus,  quia  ad  auctoritatem  haeresis  suae  Photinus 
hoc  utitur.  De  Synod,  n.  85.  p.  1198.  E. 

v  — Kai  [lira  Kory^/jerewf  Trspi  Ttjg  VTroQrjffeatQ  fKarov  ftaprvpiaQ  Qeptiv  o  ytv- 
vaSag  eTnjyyoXaro.  H.  71.  n.  i.  p.  729.  D. 

w  QCIGKWV,  OTI  Kai  o  a7To<roXo£  fiptjKtv'  o  Trpwrog  avQpwirog  EK  yfjQ  J^O'IKOQ,  KOI 
o  titvTBpoQ  air'  spavs-  Ib.  n.  ii.  p.  830.  D. 

x  Kai  O.VTOQ  0?;//i,  eivai  rov  Xoyov  airapxrjs,  oXX'  s\  'Yrov  Qfs  yfyfvi»jf«vov. 
ic.  X.  Ib.  n.  iv.  in.  p.  31.  D. 

— AXXa,  ^jjffi,  a>(T7r£p  Sia  Xoys  6  avBpwTTOG  Trparm  b  (BsXtTai,  8rw£,  Trarjjp 
dia  TS  OVTOQ  tv  avTip  Xoys  eiroir]<re  ra  iravTa.  K.  X.  Ib.  p.  832.  A.  Conf.  n. 
ii.  p.  830. 

*  Photinianos,  quoque,  quos  superior!  lege  censuistis  nullos  facere  debere  con- 
ventus,  et  earn  quae  de  sacerdotum  concilio  data  est  congregando  removistis  ; 
petimus,  ut  quoniam  in  Sirmiensi  oppido  adhuc  conventus  tentare  cognovimus, 
dementia  vestra  interdicta  etiam  nunc  coitione,  reverentiam  primum  ecclesiae 
catholicse,  deinde  etiam  legibus  vestris  deferri  debeatis.  Ap.  Ambros.  ep.  x. 
n.  12.  T.  ii.  p.  809. 


eipyuv 

Socr.  1.  v.  c.  2.  p.  260.     Conf.  Soz.  1.  vii..c.  1.  p.  705. 
*  Photinus  in  Galatia  moritur.     A  quo  Photinianorum  dogma  inductum. 
Chr.  p.  187. 

b  Vos  instruximus,  quantam  meministis,  et  meminisse  debetis,  contra  haere- 
ticos  Photianos,  qui  solum  hominem  sine  Deo  esse  decernunt ;  contra  Mani- 
chaeos,  qui  solum  sine  homine  Deum.  In  Johan.  cap.  x.  Tr.  47.  n.  9.  Tom. 
3.  P.  2.  Vid.  et  Johan.  cap.  vi.  Tr.  26.  n.  5.  In  Joh.  c.  xvi.  Tr.  96.  n.  3. 

R    2 


244  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

them  in  discourses  to  the  people,  which  he  would  not  have 
done,  if  there  were  no  such  men.  Gennadius  of  Marseilles 
speaks  of  a  Spanish  bishop,  named  Audentius,  placed  by 
Cavec  at  360,  whod  wrote  a  book  against  the  Photinians. 
From  the  account  which  Gennadius  gives  of  that  work,  it 
appears,  that  the  Photinians  were  supposed  to  have  believed 
our  Saviour's  nativity  of  a  virgin.  We  learn  from  him  like 
wise,  that  they  were  sometimes  called  Bonosians,  or  Bono- 
siacs:  supposed  to  be  so  named  from  Bonosus,  who6  lived 
in  the  latter  part  of  the  fourth,  and  the  beginning  of  the  fifth 
century,  the  place  of  whose  bishopric  is  not  certainly  known. 
Which  Bonosus  seems  to  have  been  of  opinion,  that  Mary  f 
had  other  children  after  the  birth  of  Jesus. 


CHAP.  XC. 


EUSEBIUS,  BISHOP  OF  VERCELLI. 

1.  EUSEBIUS,  born  in  Sardinia,  bishop  of  Verceil,  or  Ver- 
celli,  in  Italy,  is  placed  by  Cave,  as  flourishing  about  the 
year  354.  He  died  in  the  time  of  Valentinian  and  Valens, 
in*  the  year  370,  or  soon  after.  As  he  is  in  Jerom's  Cata 
logue  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers,5  I  place  the  chapter  below. 
2.  In  the  reign  of  Constantius,  after  the  council  of  Milan 
in  355,  he  was  banished  to  Scythopolis  in  Syria,  and  after- 

Serm.  252.  n.  4.  Tom.  v.  In  1  ep.  Job.  cap.  iv.  Serm.  1 83.  cap.  v.  n.  8.  et 
alibi.  c  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  224. 

d  Audentius,  episcopus  Hispanus,  scripsit  adversus  Manichaeos,  Sabellianos, 
et  Arianos,  maxime  quoque  speciali  intentione  contra  Photinianos,  qui  nunc 
vocantur  Bonosiaci,  librum,  quern  praetitulavit  *  De  Fide  adversus  haereticos  :' 
In  quo  ostendit  antiquitatem  Filii  Dei  coaeternalem  Patri  fuisse,  nee  initium 
deitatis  tune  a  Deo  Patre  accepisse,  cum  de  Maria  virgine  homo,  Deo  fabri- 
cante,  conceptus,  et  natus  est.  Gennad.  de  V.  I.  cap.  14. 

e  Of  Bonosus,  see  Tillemont,  Mem.  EC.  T.  x.  S.  Ambroise.  Art.  68  et  70. 
and  note  43  et  45.  and  Mr.  Bower's  History  of  the  Popes,  or  Bishops  of  Rome. 
Vol.  I.  p.  263.  '  Vid.  Ambros.  de  Instit.  Virg.  n.  35.  T.  ii.  p. 

357.  ed.  Bened.  et  ejusd.  Epist.  Ibid.  p.  1008,  1009. 

*  Vid.  Hieron.  Chr.  p.  186. 

b  Eusebius,  natione  Sardus,  et  ex  lectore  urbis  Romanae  Vercellensis  epis 
copus,  ob  confessiouem  fidei  a  Constantio  Principe  Scythopolim,  et  inde  in 
Cappadociam  relegatus,  sub  Juliano  Imperatore  ad  ecclesiara  reversus,  edidit 
Commentarios  Eusebii  Caesariensis,  quos  de  Gracco  in  Latinum  verterat. 
Mortuus  est  Valentiniano  et  Valente  regnantibus.  De  V.  I.  cap.  96. 


EUSEBIUS,  Bishop  of  Vercelli.     A.  D.  354.  245 

wards  removed  to  Cappadocia,  and,  as  it  seems,  oncec  more 
to  the  Upper  Thebais.  His  and  his  friends'  sufferings  are 
mentioned  byd  many  writers.  When  Julian  came  to  be 
emperor,  they6  had  all  leave  to  return  home,  in  362. 

3.  He  translated  the  Commentary  of  his  name-sake  of 
Caesarea  upon  the  Psalms  out  of  Greek  into  Latin.     It  is  the 
only  work  of  his,  mentioned  by  Jerom  in  the  fore-cited 
chapter.     It  is  not  unlikely,  that  in  the  place  of  his  exile  he 
learned  Greek  :  for  Jerom  intimates,  that  the  translation  was 
made  during  that  period,  and   published  by  him  after  his 
return  home.     This  translation  is  mentioned  by  Jerom  inf 
two  of  his  letters,  beside  what  he  says  of  it  in  his  Catalogue : 
and  in  one  of  those  places  he  says,  (if  he  may  be  relied 
upon,)  that  this  bishop  of  Vercelli  left  out  in  his  translation 
some  heretical  expressions  of  the  original.     That  translation 
is  now  entirely  lost,  as  is  observed  by  Montfauc,on,s  in  his 
Preliminaries  to  Eusebius's  commentary  upon  the  Psalms, 
published  by  him  in  Greek  and  Latin. 

4.  However,  there  are  still  extant  some  letters,  or  frag 
ments  of  letters,  supposed  to  be  his.     For  a  particular  ac 
count  of  which,  and'  some  other  things,  I  refer  to  divers 
learned11  moderns. 

*  Vid.  Socr.  1.  iii.  c.  5.  Soz.  1.  v.  cap.  12.  in.  Thdrt.  1.  iii.  c.  4.  Ruf.  1.  i.  c.  27. 

d  Interea  Mediolanum  convenitur,  ubi  turn  aderat  Imperator.  Eadem  ilia 
contentio  nihil  invicem  relaxabat.  Turn  Eusebius  Vercellensium,  et  Lucifer  a 
Caralis  Sardinia?,  episcopi  relegati.  Sulp.  Sev.  H.  E.  1.  ii.  cap.  39.  al.  55. 

Eusebius  Vercellensis  episcopus,  et  Lucifer  et  Dionysius  Caralitanae  et  Me- 
diolanensis  ecclesiae  episcopi— -distantibus  inter  se  ab  Arianis,  et  a  Constantio 
damnati  exiliis.  Hieron.  Chr.  p.  184. 

Vid.  Athanas.  ad  Imp.  Constant.  Apol.  p.  312.  Apol.  De  fuga  suS,  p. 
322.  B.  C.  Ad  Monach.  seu.  Solitar.  p.  390. 

e  Omnes  episcopi,  qui  de  propriis  sedibus  fuerant  exterminati,  per  indulgen- 
tiam  novi  Principis  ad  ecclesias  redeunt.  Tune  triumphatorem  suum  Athana- 
sium  JEgyptus  excepit.  Tune  Hilarium  de  prcelio  revertentem  Galliarum 
ecclesia  complexa  est.  Tune  ad  reditum  Eusebii  lugubres  vestes  Italia  mutavit. 
Hieron.  advers.  Lucif.  T.  iv.  p.  301.  in. 

Sed  mortuo  Constantio,  patrono  haereticorum,  Julianus  solus  tenuit  impe- 
rium,  cujus  praecepto  omnes  episcopi  catholici  de  exiliis  relaxantur.  Faustin. 
et  Mai-cell,  lib.  Pr.  ap.  Bib.  PP.  T.  v.  p.  656.  B. 

f  Apud  Latinos  autetn  Hilarius  Pictaviensis,  et  Eusebius  Vercellensis  episco 
pus,  Origenem  et  Eusebium  transtulerunt.  Ad  S.  Augustin.  ep.  74.  al.  89.  T. 
iv.  p.  627. 

Sit  in  culpa  ejusdem  confessionis  Vercellensis  Eusebius,  qui  omnium  Psal- 
morum  Commentarios  haeretici  hominis  vertit  in  nostrum  eloquium :  licet 
haeretica  praetermittens  optima  quaeque  transtulit.  Ad  Vigil,  ep.  36.  al.  75. 
T.  4.  p.  276. 

*  Haec  porro  Eusebii  interpretatio  jam  diu  interiit.  Nee  memini  me  uspiam 
ejus  vel  codicem,  vel  fragmenta  memorata  deprehendisse.  Praelim.  in  Euseb. 
comm.  in.  Ps.  cap.  2.  n.  iii.  h  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  Fabric,  ad 

Hieron.  de  V.  I.  Tillem.  Mem.  T.  vii.  Du  Pin.  Bib.  des  Aut.  EC.  T.  ii.  p.  235. 


246  Credibility  of  tlie  Gospel  History. 

5.  There  is  a  manuscript  in  the  cathedral  church  of 
Vereelli,  kept  there  with  great  respect,  and  said  to  have 
been  written  by  Eusebius.  It  is  mentioned  by'  Montfauc,on 
in  his  Diarium  Italicum.  But  though  he  describes  its  con 
dition,  as  worn  out  by  time,  or  much  injured  by  accidents, 
he  does  not  tell  us  what  it  contains.  Cave,  in  his  article  of 
Eusebius,  has  endeavoured  to  supply  this  defect,  by  adding 
from  Mabillon  that  itk  contains  the  gospels  of  Matthew  and 
Mark.  Nevertheless  there  seems  reason  to  think  that  it  has 
the  four  gospels.  I  have  not  yet  seen  the  Evangel iarium 
Quadruplex  Latince  Versionis  antiquae,  seu  Veteris  Italics, 
published  by  Joseph  Blanchini  at  Rome,  in  1749,  in  which 
he  has  inserted  the  whole  of  this  manuscript.  But  ac 
cording  to  the  accounts  given  of  that  work  by  two1  jour 
nalists,  the  manuscripts  of  Vereelli  has  the  four  gospels. 
And  they  observe  particularly,  that  it  is  remarkable  for 
two  various  readings  in  St.  John's  gospel :  one  of  which  is 
an  addition  at  chap.  v.  6,  the  other  is  an  omission,  there 
being  wanting  the  whole  history  of  the  woman  spoken  of, 
chap.  viii.  1 — 11,  and  the  last  verse  of  the  preceding 
chapter. 

1  Ecclesiam  inde  Cathedralem  adiimus,  in  cujus  aerario  reliquiae  insignes — 
Codicem  ibidem  inspeximus  in  charla  membranacea  tenuissima  exaratum. 
Aiebantque  ipsa  S.  Eusebii  manu,  qui  seeulo  quarto  floruit,  descriptum,  versi- 
onemque  ex  Graeco  in  Latinum  ab  eodem  adornatam.  Nonnulla  hinc  et  inde 
legi,  comperique,  versionem  esse  a  Vulgata  nostra  toto  coelo  discrepantem. 
Codex  multis  in  partibus  labefactatus  putrefactusque  est.  Quod  casu  plus 
quam  vetustate  evenisse  dictitabant.  Narrabantque  diu  in  flumine  demersum, 
indeque  erutum  fuisse.  Alium  item  librum  eodem  in  sacrario  repositum  aiebant 
usui  fuisse  S.  Eusebio  Vercellensi.  Sed  xi.  tantum  seculi  esse  arbitror.  Montf. 
Diar.  Ital.  c.  28.  p.  444,  445. 

*  Idem  fere  antea  observaverat  Cl.  Mabillonus  [It.  Itai.  T.  i.  p.  9.]  qui  sub- 
dit,  Codicem  Evangelia  SS.  Matthaei  et  Marci  continere,  membranam  situ  fere 
esse  corruptam,  &c.  Hist.  Lit.  T.  i.  p.  216. 

1  See  Bibliotheque  Raisonee,  T.  45.  P.  2.  Art.  x.  and  the  Universal  Libra 
rian,  Vol.  i.  P.  i.  p.  1.  &c. 


LUCIFER,  Bisttop  of  Cacjliari.     A.  D.  354.  247 

CHAP.  XCI. 

LUCIFER,  BISHOP  OF  CAGLIARI  IN  SARDINIA. 


I.  His  history,  and  testimony  to  the  scriptures.  II.  The 
request  of  his  followers,  Faustinus  and  Marcellinus. 
III.  A  book  of  Faustinus  concerning  the  Trinity, 

I.  LUCIFERa  bishop  of  Cagliari,  or  Carali  (as  the  ancients 
always  write  it)  in  Sardinia,  well  known  in  his  time,  and  a 
sufferer  with  the  fore-mentioned  Eusebius  in  the  reign  of 
Constantius,  hasb  a  place  in  Jerom's  Catalogue  of  Ecclesi 
astical  Writers  :  whose  chapter  therefore  I  transcribe  below. 

He  seems  to  have  been  removed  several  times.  Faustinus 
and  Marcellinus  sayc  four  times.  The  last  place  of  his  ba 
nishment  was  Thebais,  where'1  he  was  with  the  fore-mention 
ed  Eusebius  at  the  time  of  the  death  of  Constantius.  He  is 
supposed  to  have  died6  in  370. 

Athanasius,  for  a  while  at  least,  had  a  great  regard f  for 
him,  and  he  wrote  to  hims  two  letters.  In  the  first  of  which 
he  desires  him  to  send  his  writings:  and  by  his  order  they 
were  translated  out  of  Latin  into  Greek.  Faustinus  and 
Marcellinus  express  themselves,  as  if h  they  had  been  trans 
lated  by  Athanasius  himself. 

*  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.     Basnag.  Ann.  362.  n.  xx.  et  alibi.  Fabr.  ad 
Hieron.  de  V.  I.  cap.  95.  et  Bib.  Or.  T.  viii.  p.  402.     Du  Pin.  Bib.  des  Aut. 
EC.  T.  ii.  p.  99.     Tillem.  Mem.  T.  vii. 

b  Lucifer  Caralitanus  episcopus,  cum  Pancratio  et  Hilario,  Romance  ecclesiae 
clericis,  ad  Constantium  Imperatorem  a  Libesi  episcopo  pro  fide  legatus  missus, 
cum  nollet  sub  nomine  Athanasii  Nicaenam  damnare  fidem,  in  Palaestinam  re- 
legatus,  miroe  constantiae  et  praeparati  animi  ad  martyrium  contra  Constantium 
scripsit  librum,  eique  legendum  misit.  At  non  mullo  post  sub  Juliano  Principe 
reversus  Caralis,  Valentiniano  regnante,  obiit.  De  V.  I.  cap.  95. 

c  non  solum  in  Sardinia,  sed  in  ipsis  quoque  quatuor  exiliis.  Lib. 

Prec.  ap.  Bib.  PP.  T.  v.  p.  658.  F. 

Et  post  aliquot  annos  beatus  Lucifer  de  quarto  exilio  Romam  pergens,  in- 
gressus  est  Neapolim  Campaniae.  Ib.  p.  656.  H. 

d  Vid.  Socr.  H.  E.  1.  iii.  cap.  5.  Soz.  1.  v.  c.  12.  in.  Theodoret.  1.  iii.  c.  4. 

e  Vid.  Hieron.  Chr.  p.  186.  f  Vid.  Athan.  Apol.  de 

fuga  sua.  p.  322.  C.  Histor.  Arian.  ad  Monach.  p.  363, 364, 

*  Ap.  Athan.  Opp.  p.  565,  566. 

h  Quos  quidem  libros— suspexit  et  Athanasius,  ut  veri  vindices,  atque  in 


248  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

Lucifer  was  always  a  man  of  a  vehement  temper,  as  ap 
pears  from  his  books,  written  in  the  time  of  Constantius,  and 
during  his  banishment ;  the  titles1  of  which  I  place  below. 
And  after  his  liberty,  in  the  time  of  Julian,  contrary  to  the 
sentiment  of  the  catholic  bishops  in  general,  he  went  intok  a 
rigid  principle,  refusing,  though1  it  had  been  determined,  in 
a  synod  at  Alexandria  in  352,  to  receive  those  bishops  who 
in  the  reign  of  Constantius  had  in  any  measure  complied 
with  the  Arians,  or  to  communicate  with  those  who  received 
them,  upon  the  acknowledgment  of  their  fault.  Jerom™  at 
once  represents  his  principle,  and  speaks  tenderly  of  Lucifer 
himself:  asn  does  also  Sulpicius  Severus. 

Lucifer0  and  his  followers,  as  it  seems,  were  willing  to 
receive  the  laity  who  came  over  from  the  Arians,  upon  re 
nouncing  their  error ;  but  they  would  not  consent  that  bi- 

Graecum  stylum  transtulit,  ne  tantum  boni  Graeca  lingua  non  haberet,  &c. 
Faustin.  et  Marcell.  lib.  pr.  p.  658.  B. 

1  Ad  Constantinum  Imp.  pro  Athanasio,  Libri  duo.  De  Regibus  Apostaticis, 
Lib.  i.  De  non  conveniendo  cum  Hoereticis.  Lib.  i.  De  eo  quod  moriendum 
est  pro  Dei  Filio.  Lib.  i.  De  non  parcendo  in  Deum  Delin'quentibus.  Lib.  i. 
Ad  Florentium  Epistola  brevis.  Ap.  Bib.  PP.  T.  iv.  p.  181—250. 

k  Vid.  Hieron.  adv.  Luciferian.  T.  iv.  Augustin.  De  Haer.  cap.  81.  T.  viii. 

1  Pergit  interea  Eusebius  Alexandriam,  ibique  confessorum  concilio  con- 
gretato— quo  pacto  post  haereticorum  procellas,  et  perfidiae  turbines,  tranquil- 
litas  revocaretur  ecclesiae— discutiunt.  Aliis  videbatur  fidei  calore  ferventibus, 
nullum  debere  ultra  in  sacerdotium  recipi,  qui  se  utcunque  haereticae  com- 
munionis  contagione  maculasset.  Sed  alii  dicebant,  melius  esse — et  ideo  sibi 
rectum  videri,  ut,  tantum  perfidiae  auctoribus  amputatis,  reliquis  sacerdotibus 
daretur  optio,  si  forte  velint,  abjurato  errore  perfidiae,  ad  fidem  patrum  statu- 
taque  converti,  nee  negare  aditum  redeuntibus,  quin  potius  de  eorum  conver- 
sione  gaudere.  Rufin.  Hist.  EC.  1.  i.  cap.  28.  Conf.  Socr.  1.  iii.  c.  9.  Soz.  1.  v. 
c.  13.  Theod.  1.  iii.  c.  5. 

m  Sed,  ut  dicere  cceperamus,  post  reditum  confessorum,  in  Alexandria  postea 
synodo  constitutum  est,  ut,  exceptis  auctoribus  haereseos,  quos  error  excusare 
non  poterat,  poenitentes  ecclesiae  sociarentur.  Assensus  est  huic  sententias 

Occidens Ventum  est  ad  asperrimum  locum,  in  quo  adversum  volunta- 

tem  et  propositum  meum  cogor  beato  Lucifero  secus  quidquam,  quam  et  illius 
meritum,  et  mea  humanitas  poscit,  existimare.  Sed  quid  faciam  ?  Veritas  os 
reserat — In  tali  articulo,  ecclesiae  in  tanta  rabie  luporum,  segregatis  paucis  ovi- 
bus,  reliquum  gregem  deseruit.  Adv.  Lucif.  T.  iv.  p.  302. 

"  Caeterum  Lucifer,  turn  Antiochiae,  longe  diversa  sententia  fuit.  Nam  in 
tantum  eos,  qui  Arimini  fuerunt,  condemnavit,  ut  se  etiam  ab  eorum  com- 
munione  secreverit,  qui  eos  sub  satisfactione  vel  pcenitentia  recepissent  Id 
recte,  an  perperam  constituent,  dicere  non  ausim.  S.  Sever.  H.  S.  1.  ii.  c.  48. 
al.  60. 

0  Orthod.  Expone  mihi,  quare  laicum  venientem  ab  Arianis  recipias,  epis- 
copum  non  recipias  ?  Lucifer.  Rccipio  laicum,  qui  errasse  se  confitetur.  Et 
Dominus  mavult  poenitenliam  peccatoris  quam  mortem.  Orth.  Recipe  ergo 
et  episcopium,  qui  et  errasse  se  confitetur.  Lucifer.  Si  errare  se  confitetur,  cur 
episcopus  perseverat?  Deponat  sacerdotium,  concede  veniam  poanitenti. 
Hieron.  adv.  Lucifer.  T.  iv.  p.  290. 


LUCIFER.     Bishop  of  Cagliari.     A.  D.  354.  249 

shops  who  had  complied  with  the  Arians,  should  be  received 
as  such.  They  might,  upon  returning  to  the  catholics,  be 
received  as  laymen,  but  they  were  not  any  more  to  officiate 
in  the  church. 

This  occasioned  a  schism ;  which,  however,  never*1  spread 
very  far.  Rufinusi  speaks  of  it  as  very  small,  and  Theodoret 
asr  extinct  .in  his  time.  And  yet  in  the  year  384,  or  there 
about,  they  obtained  a8  rescript  from  Theodosius,  to  secure 
them  from  persecution,  since  they  made  no  innovations  in 
the  faith.  However,  they  were  for  some  time  in  several 
parts  of  the*  world  ;  and  the  authors  of  the  aforesaid  request 
complain  particularly,  that  at  Rome,u  where  they  had  a 
bishop  named  Aurelius,  PopevDamasus  disturbed  their  as 
semblies,  and  did  all  he  could  to  hinder  their  worship, 
whether  by  day  or  by  night. 

Lucifer's  works  have  not  yet  been  published  with  all  the 
advantage  that  might  be  wished.  Coteleriusw  once  intend 
ed  a  more  exact  edition  of  them,  as  thinking  they  both 
wanted  and  deserved  it.  I  shall  observe  a  few  things  in 
them,  and  likewise  in  the  request  or  petition  of  the  presby 
ters  Faustinus  and  Marcellinus,  his  admirers  and  followers, 
drawn  up  in  383,  or  384. 

Lucifer's  writings  consist  very  much  of  passages  of  the 
Old  and  the  New  Testament,  cited  one  after  another,  which 
he  quotes  withx  marks  of  the  greatest  respect.  Particularly 
he  has  largely  quoted  the  book  of  the  Acts ;  he  has  likewise 

i'  Si  ecclesiam  non  habet  Christus,  aut  si  in  Sardinia  tantum  habet,  niraium 
pauper  est.  Hieron.  adv.  Lucifer.  T.  iv.  p.  298. 

i  Rufin.  H.  E.  1.  i.  cap.  30. 

r  Airta(3ri  Se  KO.I  TSTO  TO  &>y/i*a,  KUI  TrapadoOtj  ry  \rj9y.  Thood.  H.  E.  1.  iii. 
c.  5.  p.  128.  D. 

8  Ap.Bib.  PP.  T.  p.  v.  661. 

1  Sed  haec  fraus,  hsec  atrocitas,  ad  versus  fideles  in  Hispania,  et  apud  Treviros, 
et  Romae  agitur,  et  in  diversis  Italia?  regionibus.  F.  et  M.  Libr.  Prec.  p. 
G58.  G. 

u  Ibid.  p.  657.  G.  H. 

v  Eodem  tempore  gravis  adversus  nos  persecutio  inhorruerat,  infestante 
Damaso  egregio  archiepiscopo,  ita  ut  fidelibus  sacerdotibus  per  dies  sacros 
plebis  ccetus  ad  deserviendum  Christo  Deo  convocare  libere  non  liceret.  Sed 
quia  pro  conditione  rerum  quolibet  tempore,  vel  clam  salutisnostrse  sacramenta 
facienda  sunt,  idem  sanctus  presbyter  Macarius  dat  vigilias  in  quadam  domo 
convocare  fraternitatem,  ut  vel  noctu  divinis  lectionibus  fidem  plebs  sancta 

roboraret Denique  tendunt  insidias  clerici  Damasi,  et  ubi  cognoverunt, 

quod  sacras  vigilias  celebraret  cum  plebe  presbyter  Macarius,  irruunt  cum 
officialibus  in  illam  domum,  &c.  Ibid.  p.  658.  A. 

w  Vid.  Coteler.  Annot.  ad  Constit.  Apost.  1.  ii.  c.  7. 

x  Quod  ita  esse,  Dominus  in  sacris  evangeliis  manifestat  dicens.  De  non 
conveniendo  cum  hsereticis.  Ap.  Bib.  PP.  T.  iv.  p.  226.  E. 


250  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

largely  quoted  they  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  the2  second 
epistle  of  John,  and  thea  epistle  of  Jude. 

Lucifer  has  quoted  almost  the  whole  of  the  epistle  of  St. 
Jude.  Undoubtedly  he  used  the  ancient  Latin  version  ;  and 
there  are  in  him  two  reading's,  which  deserve  our  notice. 

Jude,  ver.  4,  "  Denyingb  the  only  Lord  God,  and  our 
Saviour  Jesus  Christ."  He  omits  the  word  "  God,"  saying', 
"  the  only  Lord  :"  as  doc  many  Greek  manuscripts. 

Jude,  ver.  7,  "  And  going  after  strangle  flesh,  are  set  forth 
an  example."  He  reads  thus :  "  And  d  going  after  the 
flesh,  have  been  set  forth  an  example  by  ashes." 

Both  these  readings  are  mightily  confirmed  by  2  Pet.  ii. 
6,  10.  For  at  ver.  10,  the  expression  is,  "  But  chiefly  them 
that  walk  after  the  flesh :"  without  the  word  "  strange." 
And  at  ver.  6,  "  And  turning  the  cities  of  Sodom  and  Go- 
morrha  into  ashes."  Upon  these  readings  should  be  con 
sulted  Mr.  Beausobre's  notes  upon  Jude,  ver.  4,  7.  and  a 
Latin  letter  in  the  third  volume  of  Mr.  La  Roche's  Literary 
Journal,  p.  192,  193. 

II.  Faustinus  and  Marcellinus,  in  their  request  to  the  em 
perors  Valentinian,  Theodosius,  and  Arcadius,  say,  thate  one 
thing  for  which  Lucifer  was  eminent,  was  the  study  of  the 
sacred  scriptures :  thatf  Athanasius  commended  his  writings 
for  the  many  passages  therein  collected  out  of  the  propheti 
cal,  evangelical,  and  apostolical  scriptures.  They  continu 
ally  speak  with°  the  highest  veneration  for  the  writings  of 

y  Bcatus  apostolus  Paulus  dicit  ad  Hebraeos  :  *  Et  Moyses  quidem  fidelis 
erat  in  tota  domo  ejus  tanquam  servus,'  &c.  fad  Hebr.  cap.  iii.  et  iv.]  Ibid.  p. 
424.  E.  F.  G. 

2  Idcirco  etenim  etiam  apostolus  in  hac  dicit  secunda  epistola :  '  Omnis  qui 
recedit,  et  non  manet  in  doctrina  Christi,  Deura  non  habet.  Qui  autem 
manet  in  doctrina  ejus,  ille  et  Patrem  et  Filium  habet.'  Ib.  p.  226.  F.  Vid.  et 
ib.  B.  a  Cum  exhortetur  Judas,  gloriosus  apostolus,  frater 

Jacobi  apostoli— <  Judas,  Jesu  Christi  servus,  frater  autem  Jacobi,'  &c.  [Jud. 
ver.  1—8.  ver.  10—13,  18,20.]  Ibid.  p.  227.  C— E. 

b  et  qui  est  dominator  noster  et  Dominus,  Jesus  Christus,  eum  ne- 

gantes.  Ib.  p.  227.  D.  '  Vid.  Mill,  in  loc. 

a  cum  adulterium  fecissent,  et  carnem  secutae  essent,  cinis  [cineris] 

propositae  sunt  exemplum,  ignis  aeterni  pcenam  sustinentes.  Ibid. 

e  Sed  et  apostolicus  vir  Lucifer  de  Sardinia  Caralitanse  urbis  episcopus,  ob 
hoc,  quod  bene  esset  agnitus  per  contemptum  seculi,  per  studium  sacrarum 
literarum,  per  vitae  puritatem.  A  Romana  ecclesia  missus  est  legatus  ad  Con- 
stantium.  Lib.  Free  ap.  Bib.  PP.  T.  v.  p.  654.  C. 

'  Idem  Athanasius  eosdcm  libros  praedicat,  ut  prophetarum,  et  evangel  ista- 
rum,  atque  apostolorum  doctrinis,  et  pia  confessione  contextos.  Ib.  p.  658.  E. 

8  Mam  fidem  sine  dolo  vindicant,  qua?  apud  Nicaeam  evangelica 

atque  apostolica  ratione  conscripla  est.  p.  653.  F. 

Si  quidem,  dicentibus  divinis  scripturis,  doctrina  daemoniorum  haeresis  est. 


LUCIFER,  Bishop  of  Cuyliari.    A.  D.  354.  251 

the  prophets,  evangelists,  and  apostles:  and11  they  blame 
those  who  practise  any  thing  contrary  to  their  authority. 
The  epistle  to  the  Hebrews1  is  quoted  here  very  respect 
fully.  Finally,  they  complain  thatk  they  were  called  Luci- 
ferians.  They  say,  that  Christ  is  their  master,  and  his  doc 
trine  they  follow  :  they  ought  therefore  to  be  called  by  no 
other  that  the  sacred  name  of  Christians,  as  they  hold  no 
thing  but  what  Christ  taught  by  his  apostles. 

III.  Beside  that  request,  there1  is  a  book  ascribed  to 
Faustinus,  Concerning  the  Trinity,  against  the  Arians,  in 
seven  chapters,  addressed  to  the  empress  Flaccilla,  first  wife 
of  Theodosius,  who  died  in  385. 

I  now  transcribe  below"1  a  chapter  of  Gennadius,  giving 
an  account  of  Faustinus  and  Marcellinus.  And  I  shall  ob 
serve  a  few  things  in  this  book  of  Faustinus. 

The  writer  expressed! n  the  highest  respect  for  the  divine 
scriptures,  from  which  alone  all  doctrines  of  religion  ought 
to  be  proved.  Here  are  quoted0  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
epistle P  to  the  Hebrews,  and*?  the  Revelation  of  the  apostle 
John.  Moreover  Jerom,  in  his  book  against  the  Luciferians, 
quotes1  the  Revelation  by  way  of  proof  very  freely  ;  which 
shows  that  it  was  received  by  them. 

h  .  evertentes  ilia  forte  statute,  quse  prius  adversus  eos  prophetica  atque 
apostolica  auctoritate  decreverant.  p.  656.  C.  Vid.  et  p.  658.  F. 

Annon  scriptures  Divinae  irapugnantur,  quando  cum  episcopis,  Filii  Dei 
negatoribus,  pax  ecclesiae  copulatur  ?  p.  656.  H. 

'  Credite,  religiosissimi  Imperatores,  beatum  Heraclidem  unum  esse  de  illo 
numero  sanctorum,  de  quibus  refert  scriptura  Divina,  dicens  :  *  Circuierunt  in 
melotis  et  caprinis  pellibus.' — Hebr.  xi.  37,  38.  p.  658.  C. 

k  Nam  et  hoc  ipsum  necessarium  est,  ut  falsi  cognomenti  discutiamus  in- 

vidiam,  qua  nos  jactant  esse  Luciferianos Sed  nobis  Christus  magister  est, 

cujus  doctrinam  sequimur,  atque  ideo  cognomenti  illius  sacra  appellatione  cen- 
semur ;  ut  non  aliud  jure  dici  debeamus,  quam  christiani,  qui  nee  aliud 
sequimur,  quam  quod  Christus  per  apostolos  docuit.  p.  858.  D. 

1  De  Trinitate,  seu  de  Fide,  adv.  Arrian.  Ap.  Bib.  PP.  T.  v.  p.  637—651. 

m  Faustinus  presbyter  scripsit  ad  personam  Flaccillae  regina?  adversum 
Arianos  et  Macedonianos  libros  septem  :  his  eos  maxime  sanctamm  scriptura- 
rum  testimoniis  arguens  et  convincens,  quibus  illi  pravo  sensu  abutuntur  ad 
blasphemiam.  Scripsit  et  librum,  quem  Valentiniano  et  Arcadio  Imperatori- 
bus,  pro  defensione  suorum,  cum  Marcellino  quodam  presbytero,  obtulit.  Ex 
quo  ostenditur,  Luciferiano  schismati  consensisse,  quia  Hilarium  Pictaviensem, 
et  Damasum  urbis  Romanae,  episcopos  in  eodem  libro  culpat,  quasi  male  con- 
suluerint  ecclesise,  quod  prevaricatores  episcopos  in  communionem  et  sacerdo- 
tium  recepissent.  Quod  Luciferianis  ita  displicuit,  recipere  episcopos,  qui  in 
Ariminensi  Concilio  Arianis  communicaverant,  quo  modo  Novatianis  apostatas 
poenitcntes.  Gennad.  De  V.  I.  cap.  xvi. 

n  Inspice  potius  divinos  libros,  et  de  divina  fide  divinis  utere  sermonibus. 
De  Trinit.  adv.  Arian.  cap.  i.  ib.  p.  639.  G.  °  Cap.  v.  p.  647.  H. 

p  Cap.  ii.  p.  645.  A.  et  passim.  q  Sed  et  apostolus 

Johannes  in  Apocalypsi  haec  dicit.  Cap.  iii.  p.  645. 

r  Contr.  Lucifer.  T.  iv.  p.  290.  f.  et  304.  infr.  m. 


252  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

CHAP.  XCII. 

GREGORY,  BISHOP  OF  ELVIRA. 


1.  As  he  is  in  Jerom's  Catalogue,  I  add  here  Gregory,  bishop 
of  Illiberis  or  Elvira,  in  the  province  of  Baetica  in  Spain, 
Jerom*  says  that  Gregory  was  still  living  in  392,  when  he 
wrote  his  Catalogue  ;  but  was  of  a  great  age.  He  had 
written  several  treatises  in  a  plain  style,  and  a  good  book 
Concerning  the  Faith,  esteemed  more  polite  than  his  other 
works. 

2.  Gregory  is  placed  byb  Cave,  as  flourishing  about  the 
year  370;  but  Tillemont,c  from  a  story  told  in  the  Request 
of  Faustinus  and  Marcellinus,  concludes  he  was  bishop  be 
fore  the  year  357.     And  indeed,  if  their  authority  may  be 
relied  upon,  I  should  think  him  to  have  been  bishop  in  355; 
I  therefore  place  him  next  after  Eusebius  of  Vercelli,  and 
Lucifer.     Du  Pind  says,  he  flourished  from  357,  to  the  end 
of  that  age. 

3.  It  is  very  probable,  that  this  Gregory  was  a  Luciferian. 
In  the  fore-cited   Request  he  is  spoken  of  ase  a  man  of  re 
markable  firmness:  hef  alone  of  those  who  would  not  com 
ply  with  the  Arians  in  the  time  of  Constantius  was  not  ba 
nished.     Again,  he&  is  spoken  of  as  an  admirable  man:  and 
he  is  honourably  mentioned  inh  the  Rescript  of  Theodosius. 
Moreover,  in1  Jerom's  Chronicle  he   is  joined  with  others, 
who  never  complied  with  the  Arians. 

4.  Whether  the  book  Concerning  the  Faith,  mentioned  by 
Jerom,  be  now  extant,  is  somewhat  doubtful.     There  is  a 
tract  with  a  like  title,  called k  Gregory  Nazianzen's  49th 

a  Gregorius  Baeticus,  Iliberi  episcopus,  usque  ad  extremam  senectutera  di- 
vcrsos  mediocri  sermone  tractatus  composuit,  e1  de  Fide  elegantem  librum,  qui 
hodicque  superesse  dicitur.  De  V.  L.  cap.  105.  b  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  235. 

c  Lucifer  de  Cagliari.  Art.  viii.  Mem.  T.  vii. 

d  Bib.  des  Aut.  EC.  T.  ii.  p.  106.  e  Vid.  Libr.  Pr. 

p.  654.  H.  et  655.  A.  {  Inde  est,  quod  solus  Gregorius  ex  numero 

vindicantium  integram  fidem,  nee  in  fugam  versus,  nee  passus  exilium,  cum 
unusquisque  timeret  de  illo  ulterius  vindicare.  Ibid.  p.  655.  E. 

«  Jam  quantus  vir  Lucifer  fuerit,  cum  ilium  admiretur  et  Gregorius,  qui 
apud  cunctos  admirabilis  est.  p.  658.  F.  Vid.  et  p.  657.  E. 

Ibid.  p.  661.  D.  *  Lucifer,  Caralitanus  episcopus,  moritur,  qui, 

cum  Gregorio  episcopo  Hispaniarum,  et  Philone  Libyse,  nunquam  se  Arians 
imscmt  pravitati.  Chr.  p.  186.  k  Ap.  Greg.  Naz.  Opp.  T.  i.  p.  726—736. 


PHCEBADIUS,  Bishop  of  Ayen.     A.  D.  359.  253 

Oration,  and  usually  joined  also1  with  the  works  of  St. 
Amhrose;  which"1  Quesnell  thinks  to  be  the  work  of  Gregory 
of  Illiberis:  others0  say,  it  is  not  his.  It  is  however  the 
work  of  some  ancient  writer.  Concerning-  this  point  several 
moderns  may0  be  consulted. 

5.  I  scarce  need  make  any  extracts  out  of  this  treatise. 
I  only  observe  that  the  scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Tes 
tament  are  here  quoted  with  great  respect.  The?  book  of 
the  Acts  is  here  quoted ;  and  here  occurs  the  phrase,  which 
we  have  sometimes  observed  formerly,  of'i  the  Lord's  scrip 
tures  ;  meaning  thereby,  more  particularly,  the  scriptures  of 
the  New  Testament. 


CHAP.  XCIII. 

PHCEBADIUS,  BISHOP  OF  AGEN. 


1.  SAYS  Jerom  in  his  Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers: 
4  Phoebadiusa  bishop  of  Agen  in  Gaul,  has  published  a  book 
against  the  Arians.  He  is  said  to  have  written  some  other 
small  pieces,  which  I  have  not  yet  seen.  He  is  still  living, 
at  a  great  age.' 

2.  There  is  honourable  mention  made  of  Phoebadius  by 
Sulpicius  Severusb  in  his  Sacred  History.  The  book 
against  the  Arians  is  still c  extant.  The  author  is  placed 
by  Caved  at  the  year  359,  the  supposed  time  of  writing  that 
work. 

1  De  Fide  Orthodoxa  contra  Arianos.  In  Append.  Opp.  S.  Anibros.  T- 
i.  p.  346-359.  ed.  Bened. 

m  Vid.  Diss.  xiv.  in  S.  Leon.  M.  opp.  sect.  vii. 

n  Vid.  Benedictin.  Monitum.  p.  346.  °  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  T. 

i.  p.  235.  in  Greg.  Baet.  Fabr.  ad  Hieron.  de  V.  I.  cap.  105.  et  Bib.  Lat.  T. 
iii.  p.  429.  Tillem.  Mem.  T.  vii.  Lucif.  de  Cagl.  Art.  8. 

p  Et  Spiritum  sicut  ignem  esse,  Apostolorum  Acta  declarant.  Apud  Greg. 
Naz.  T.  i.  p.  735.  in.  «  Sed  ego  probo,  Deum  de  Deo — 

in  scripturis  Dominicis  contineri.  Ibid.  p.  730.  fin. 

*  Phcebadius,  Agenni  Galliarum  episcopus,  edidit  contra  Arianos  librum. 
Dicuntur  et  ejus  alia  esse  opuscula,  quae  necdum  vidi.  Vivit  usque  hodie 
decrepita  senectute.  De  V.  I.  cap.  108.  b  L.  ii.  cap.  44.  al.  59. 

c  Phoebadiiepiscopi  liber  contra  Arianos.  Ap.  Bib.  PP.  T.  iv.  p.  300 — 305. 

d  Hist.  Lit.  T.  i.  p.  217.  Conf.  Fabr.  ad  Hieron.  de  V.  I.  c.  108.  et  Bib. 
Lat.  T.  iii.  p.  420.  Du  Pin,  Bib.  T.  ii.  p.  107.  Tillem.  Mem.  EC.  T.  vi.  Les 
Ariens,  art.  72. 


254  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

3.  I  need  say  nothing-  more  of  it,  than  that  the  author 
quotes   very   frequently    the  generally   received   books   of 
scripture.     There  is  supposed   to   be   a  reference   toe  the 
epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  but  it  is  not  clear:  a  reference  tof 
the  Revelation  may  be  reckoned  undoubted. 

4.  Throughout  the  whole  work  Phcebadius  shows  great 
respect  for  the  holy  scriptures.     The**'  bishops  of  the  Nicene 
council,  he  says,  first  consulted  the  sacred  volumes,  and  then 
declared  their  faith.    He  himself11  professeth  a  strong  resolu 
tion,  not  to  forsake  the  doctrine  taught  by  the  prophets,  the 
gospels,  and  the  apostles. 


CHAP.  XCIV. 

CAIUS  MARIUS  VICTORINUS  AFER. 

1.  <  CAIUS  MARIUS  VICTORINUS,*  born  in  Africa,'  says 
Jerom,b  in  his  Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers,  *  taught 
rhetoric  at  Rome  in  the  time  of  the  emperor  Constantius. 
And  in  his  old  age  embracing  the  Christian  religion,  he 
wrote  some  books  against  the  Arians,  which  are  so  obscure, 
that  they  are  understood  by  the  learned  only.  He  like 
wise  wrote  Commentaries  upon  the  apostle  Paul's  epis 
tles.' 

2.  Victorinus  is  mentioned  by  Jerom  several  times  else 
where.     Inc    his    Chronicle  he  says,  that   Victorinus  had 
6  Vid.  p.  304.  F.  Bib.  PP.  74.  T.  iv. 

f  Quod  Johannes  in  Filio  recognoscens  :  «  Qui  est,'  inquit,  '  et  qui  erat,  et 
qui  veuturus  est,  Omnipotens.'  Ibid.  p.  303.  D. 

«  Quid  egistis,  o  beatae  memoriae  viri,  qui,  ex  omnibus  orbis  partibus  Nicaeam 
congregati,  et  sacris  voluminibus  pertractatis,  perfectam  fidei  catholicae  regulam 
circumspecto  sermone  fecistis  ?  Ib.  p.  301.  C. 

h  Hoc  credimus,  hoc  tenemus,  quia  hoc  accepimus  a  prophetis.  Hoc  nobis 
evangelia  locuta  sunt,  hoc  apostoli  tradiderunt,  hoc  martyres  passione  confessi 
sunt.  Ib.  p.  305.  B.  a  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  228.  Fabr. 

ad  Hieron.  do  V.  I.  c.  101.  et  Bib.  Lat.  T.  iii.  p.  421.  et  seqq.  Du  Pin,  Bib. 
T.  ii.  p.  100.  Tillem.  Mem.  T.  x.  dans  S.  Simplicien. 

l(  Victorinus,  natione  Afer,  Romae  sub  Constantio  Principe  rhetoricam 
docuit.  Et  in  extrema  senectute  Christi  se  tradens  fidei,  scripsit  adversus 
Arium  libros  more  dialectico  valde  obscuros,  qui  nisi  ab  eruditis  non  intelli- 
guntur,  et  commentaries  in  apostolum.  De  V.  I.  c.  101. 

c  Victorinus  Rhetor,  et  Donatus  Grammaticus,  Praeceptor  meus,  Romae  in- 
sjgnes  habentur.  E  quibus  Victorinus  etiam  statuam  in  Foro  Trajani  meruit. 
Chr.  p.  184. 


CAIUS  MARIUS  VICTORINUS  AFER.     A.  D.  360.          255 

taught  rhetoric  at  Rome  with  so  much  reputation,  that  he 
had  the  honour  of  a  public  statue,  set  up  in  Trajan's  forum. 
Ind  the  preface  to  his  Commentary  upon  the  epistle  to  the 
Galatians,  Jerom  ag*ain  speaks  of  the  above-mentioned  Com 
mentary  upon  the  apostle  Paul ;  and  he  represents  Victori 
nus  as  a  very  indifferent  interpreter  of  scripture. 

3.  Some  have  thought  that  Jerom  studied  rhetoric  under 
Victorinus;    but  as  Jerom  says  nothing  of  it,   though   he 
had  a  fair   occasion,  when  he  mentions  Victorinus  in    his 
Chronicle,  it   is  more  probable,    that  °   he   never  was   his 
scholar. 

4.  I  choose  to  place  at  the  bottom  of  the  page  a  part  of 
what  Augustine  writes  concerning  this  illustrious  convert: 
Thatf  after  having  long  been  an  idolater,  and  taught  rheto 
ric  at  Rome  with  great  applause,  and  had  his  statue  erected 
in  the  Roman  forum,  he  in  his  old  age  embraced,  and  made 
open  profession  of,  the  Christian  religion,  at  a  time  when  the 
greatest  part  of  the  Roman  nobility  were  heathens.     He 
particularly  observes,  that  by  reading  the   scriptures  Vic 
torinus  had  been   convinced  of  the   truth   of  the   Christian 
religion.     He  moreover  says,  that&  when  the  emperor  Julian 
published  his  edict  forbidding  Christians  to  teach  grammar 
and  rhetoric,  and  other  branches  of  polite  literature,  Victo- 

d  Non  quod  ignorem  Caium  Marium  Victorinum,  qui  Romae  pueros  rheto- 
ricam  docuit,  edidisse  commentaries  in  apostolum  ;  sed  quod  occupatus  ille 
eruditione  secularium  literarum  scripturas  omnino  sanctas  ignoraverit.  Et  nemo 
potest,  quamvis  eloquens,  de  eo  bene  disputare  quod  ncsciat.  Pr.  in  Galat. 
T.  iv.  p.  222.  e  Vid.  Fabr.  not.  (c)  ad  Hieron.  de.  V.  I.  c.  101. 

f  Ubi  autem  commemoravi  legisse  me  quosdam  libros  Platonicorum,  quos 
Victorinus  quondam  Rhetor  urbis  Romae  quern  christianum  defunctum  esse 
audieram,  in  Latinam  linguam  transtulisset,  gratulatus  est  mini.  [Simplicianus.] 

— Deinde,  ut  me  exhortaretur  ad  humilitatem  Christi. Victorinum  ipsum 

recordatus  est,  quern,  Romae  cum  esset,  familiarissime  noverat.  Deque  illo 

mihi  narravit,  quod  non  silebo. Quemadmodum  ille  doctissimus  senex, 

et  omnium  liberalium  doctrinarum  peritissimus :  quippe  philosophorum  tarn 
multa  legerat,  et  dijudicaverat  et  dilucidaverat,  doctor  tot  nobilium  senatorum, 
qui  etiam  ob  insigne  praeclari  magisterii,  quod  cives  hujus  mundi  eximium 
putant,  statuam  in  Romano  foro  meruerat  et  acceperat,  usque  ad  illam 
aetatem  venerator  idolorum,  sacrorumque  sacrilegorum  particeps,  quibus  tune 
tota  fere  Romana  nobilitas  inflata,  inspirabat  populo  jam  et  omnigenum  deum 

deorum  monstra, quae  iste  senex  Victorinus  tot  annos  ore  terricrepo  de- 

fensitaverat,  non  erubuerit  esse  puer  Christi  tui. Legebat,  sicut  ait  Sim 
plicianus,  sanctam  scripturam,  omnesque  Christianas  literas  investigabat 
studiosissime  et  perscrutabatur.  Et  dicebat  Simpliciano,  non  palam,  sed 
secretius  et  familiarius  :  Noveris  me  esse  christianum,  &c.  Aug.  Confess.  1. 
viii.  c.  2.  n.  .1.  et  2.  T.  i. 

«  Postea  quam  vero  et  illud  addidit,  quod  irnperatoris  Juliani  temporibus 
kge  data  prohibit!  sunt  christiani  docere  literaturam  et  oratoriam ;  quam 
legem  ille  amplexus  loquacem  scholam  deserere  maluit,  quam  verbum  tuum 
quo  linguas  infantum  facis  disertas.  Ibid.  c.  4.  n.  10. 


256  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

rinus  shut  up  his  school,  rather  than  purchase  a  liberty  of 
teaching-  by  compliances  unbecoming*  a  Christian.  All  which 
Augustine  had  been  informed  of  by  Sirnplician,  bishop  of 
Milan,  who  was  well  acquainted  with  Victorinus,  and  had 
often  seen  him  at  Rome,  and  was  a  principal  instrument  of 
persuading-  him  to  an  open  profession  of  the  Christian  reli 
gion,  if  not  of  his  conversion. 

5.  The  books  against  the  Arians,  mentioned  by  Jerom, 
are  still h  extant.     Beside  which,  we   have  also  a  letter  or 
treatise  against  the  Manichees,  and  some  other  small  tracts, 
written  in  the  same  style,  and  generally  reckoned  works  of 
Victorinus.     And  his  Commentaries  upon  St.  Paul's  epistles, 
upon  some  of  them  at  least,  are  supposed  to  be  still  in  being- 
in  manuscript,  in  some  libraries ;  but  they  have  not  been  yet 
published. 

6.  I  shall  now  observe  a  few  things,  chiefly  taken  out  of 
the  books  against  the  Arians,  which,  as  we  now  have  them, 
are  four  in  number. 

7.  Most  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  are  here  fre 
quently  quoted,  particularly  the1  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  thek 
epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  and1  the  Revelation. 

8.  He  several  times  quotes"1  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians, 
with  that  title. 

9.  He  says,   that"  Paul  in  all  his  epistles  does  nothing 
else   but  bear  testimony  to    Christ ;  and  thai  to  him  alone 
Christ  appeared  after  his  ascension. 

10.  He  says,  that0  the  Holy   Ghost  may  be  not  unfitly 
styled  the  mother  of  Jesus.     He  has  divers?  other  expres 
sions  relating  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  which  are  not 
agreeable  to  the  apprehensions  of  learned  divines  of  late 

h  Apud  Bib.  PP.  T.  iv.  p.  253,  &c. 

1  Et  in  Actis  Apostolorum  et  ipse  [Petrus]  et  Lucas,  qui  scripsit  de  iis. 
Adv.  Arian.  1.  iii.  p.  280.  B.  *  Lectum  apud  Paulum  ad 

Hebneos  de  Christo.  Adv.  Ar.  1.  ii.  p.  272.  G.  et  passim. 

1  Item  in  Apocalypsi  ipse  dixit :  '  Et  habeo  claves  mortis  et  inferi.'  1.  iii.  p. 
28°-  c-  m  Paulus  ad  Ephesios.  1.  i.  p.  254.  H.  Item 

ipse  ad  Ephesios.  1.  iii.  p.  280.  C. 

n  Paulus  tamen  in  omnibus  epistolis  suis  quid  aliud  agit,  nisi  de  Christo 
lestimonium  dicit  ?  Et  post  abscessum  Christi  solus  Christum  vidit,  et  soli  ap- 
paruit.  L.  iii.  p.  280.  A. 

3  Natus  est  Filius,  Aoyoc  qui  sit,  hoc  est  vita  virtute  patria,  generante  intel- 
Iigentia,  hoc  est  quod  esse  omnium  quae  sunt  veluti  seternum  fontem.  Non 
lallatur  ergo,  si  quis  subintellexerit  Sanctum  Spiritum  matrem  esse  Jesu.  L.  i. 
p  270.  B. 

P  Pater  ergo,  Filius,  Spiritus  Sanctus  Deus,  AoyoC  UapaKXnroe,  «num  sunt, 

quod  substantial^,  vitalitas,  beatitude,  silentium:  sed  apud  se  loquens  silen- 

mm,  verbum,  verbi  verbum.     Quid  etiam  est  voluntas  Patris,  nisi  silens  Ver- 

Hocergo  modo  cum  Verbum  Pater  sit,  et  Filius  Verbum,  id  est,  sonans 

verbum.  atque  operans.     L.  iii.  p.  278.  A. 


APOLLINARIUS.  Bishop  of  Laodicea.     A.  D.  362.          257 

times.  Nor  indeed  is  he  very  intelligible :  but  he  seems  to 
say  that  the  Word  silent  is  the  Father,  or,  the  will  of  the 
Father ;  and  the  word  speaking-,  or  operating,  is  the  Son. 
Which  may  induce  some  to  recollect  what  was  said  formerly^ 
of  Sabellianism,  in  the  chapter  of  Dionysius  bishop  of 
Alexandria. 


CHAP.  XCV. 

APOLLINARIUS,  BISHOP  OF  LAODICEA. 


I.  His  time  and  history.  II.  His  works,  particularly  his 
Commentaries  upon  the  scripture,  and  his  writings  in  the 
defence  of  the  Christian  religion.  III.  His  peculiar 
opinions  in  the  latter  part  of  his  life.  IV.  His  works 
relating  to  those  opinions.  V.  Scriptures  received  by  him. 
VI.  His  character. 

I.  SAYS  Jerom,  in  his  Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers : 
'  Apollinarius,a  bishop  of  Laodicea  in  Syria,  son  of  a  presby- 

*  ter  of  the  same  name,  in  his  younger  days  employed  himself 

*  chiefly  in  grammatical  studies.     Afterwards  he  published 
'  innumerable  volumes  upon  the  holy  scriptures,  and  died  in 
'  the  time  of  the  emperor  Theodosius.     His    thirty  books 
'  against  Porphyry  are  still  extant,  and  are  esteemed  the 

*  most  valuable  of  all  his  works.' 

Apollinarius  is  placed  by  Cave  as  Nourishing  about  the 
year  370;  butc  Tillemont  thinks  he  was  bishop  of  Laodicea 
in  362, at  the  latest.  For  certain,  I  think,  he  may  be  reckoned 
to  have  flourished  in  the  time  of  the  emperor  Julian,  and 
afterwards. 

It  has  been  questioned  whether  Apollinarius  ever  was 
bishop;  butd  Tillemont,  e Basnage,  andf  some  others,  are 

q  See  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xliii.  num.  vii.  *  Apollinarius,  Laodicenus  Syriae 

episcopus,  patre  presbytero,  magis  grammaticis  in  adolescentia  operam  dedit. 
Et  postea  in  sanctas  scripturas  innumerahilia  scribens  sub  Theodosio  Imperatore 
obiit.  Exstant  ejus  ad  versus  Porphyrium  triginta  libri,  qui  inter  caetera  ejus 
opera  vel  maxime  probantur.  De  V.  I.  cap.  104. 

b  H.  L.  t.  i.  p.  250.  c  Les  Appollinaristes.  Art  v.  Mem.  T.  vii. 

d  Ubi  supra.  e  Ann.  364.  n.  xi. 

f  Vid.  Cav.  ubi  supr.   ^Du  Pin,  Bib.  des  Aut.  EC.  T.  ii.  p.  125  and  127. 

VOL.  IV.  S 


258  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

clear  that  he  obtained  that  dignity  in  the  church  :  as  is  said 
by  Jerom  in  the  chapter  just  transcribed,  and  also?  in  his 
Chronicle,  and  byh  Rtifinus  in  his  Ecclesiastical  History. 
He  died  in  the  reign  of  Theodosius,  as  Jerom  said  just  now  ; 
and  probably  not  long  after  the  beginning  of  it,  in  382,  or 
soon  after.  For  Epiphanius,  in  376  or  377,  calls  him'  an 
old  man,  and  a  venerable  old  man  :  and  Suidas  says,k  that 
he  lived  in  the  time  of  Constantius,  and  Julian  the  apostate, 
to  the  reign  of  Theodosius  the  great,  being  contemporary 
with  Basil  and  Gregory,  those  admirable  men  of  Cappa- 
docia,  with  whom  also  he  was  acquainted. 

Apollinarius  the  father,  as  we  learn  from1  Socrates,  was  an 
Alexandrian.  From  thence  he  went  to  Berytus,  where  he 
taught  Greek  learning :  after  that  he  removed  to  Laodicea, 
and  married,  still  continuing  to  teach  grammar.  Here  like 
wise  he  was  made  presbyter,  and  his  son  reader ;  who,  as 
we  suppose,  was  at  length  ordained  bishop  of  that  city. 
And  moreover,  it  is  observed™  by  ecclesiastical  writers,  that 
the  elder  Apollinarius  and  his  son  were  both  intimate  with 
Epiphanius,  an  heathen  sophist  at  Laodicea;  and11  the  son 
studied  under  him.  Suidas  adds,  that0  he  was  acquainted 
with  Libanius. 

II.  As  Jerom  in  the  chapter  already  transcribed  says,  that 
Apollinarius,  bishop  of  Laodicea,  published  many  volumes 
upon  the  scriptures,  and  in  another  place  reckons  him 
among  those  who?  had  left  monuments  of  their  diligence  in 
studying  the  scriptures;  I  am  led,  agreeably  to  my  design, 
to  give  an  account  of  his  works.  Moreover,  we  perceive, 
that0*  Jerom,  when  young,  often  heard  Apollinarius  preach 
at  Antioch  ;  and  he  seems  to  have  been  then  well  pleased 
with  his  explications  of  the  scriptures,  though  he  did  not 

*  Chr.  p.  186.  h  Ruf.  H.  E.  1.  ii.  cap.  20. 

I  'O  7rp£<r/3vr»;e,  Kai  otpvoirptTrriQ,  K.  \.     H.  77.  n.  ii.  p.  996. TOV 

yepovra.     Ib.  n.  xxvi.  p.  1031. 

k  ytyoj/w£  iv  jy/icpaif  Kwvraj/ris  Kai  \s\iavs  TS  ?rapa/3ar8,  icai  iwg 

Tt]Q  apxnQ  Qtodoffm  TS  /xsyaXs,  <ruj/xpovo£  BaoiXfts  Kai  Fpj/yopia,  TWV  IK  Kair- 
TraSoKtag  Sav/ia^ojuevwv.  Eyevtro  fc  yvotpifiOQ  a/i^ortpwi/,  Kai  Aifiavis,  Kai 
a\\oiv  Tivuv.  Suid.  V.  ATroXXii/apiog.  '  Socr.  1.  ii.  cap.  46. 

m  Socr.  ibid.  Sozom.  1.  vi.  cap.  25.  n  AidaoKaXy  dt  avry 

Xpw/*fvo£  ATroXXivaptog,  on  yap  vcot;  rjv.  Soz.  ib.  p.  672.  A. 

0  See  before,  note. k  P  Quod  e  contrario  de  Theodoro, 

Acacio,  Apollinario  possumus  dicere.  Et  tamen  omnes  in  explanationibus 
scripturarum  sudoris  sui  nobis  memoriam  reliquerunt.  Ad  Miner  v.  et  Alex.  ep. 
152.  Vid.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  220. 

II  Dum  essem  juvenis,  miro  discendi  ferebar  ardore — Apollinarjum  Laodi- 
cenum  audivi  Antiochiae  frequenter,  et  colui,    Et  quum  me  in  sanctis  scripturis 
crudiret,  nunquam  illius  contentiosum  dogma  suscepi.     Ep.  40.  al.  64.     Ad 
Pamm.  et  Ocean.  T.  iv.  P.  2.  p.  342 . 


APOLLINARIUS.  Bishop  of  Laodicca.     A.  D.  362.          259 

approve  of  every  thing-  said  by  him.  His  Apology  for  the 
Christian  Religion  against  Porphyry  affords  another  reason, 
why  I  should  give  a  more  distinct  account  of  this  author's 
M'orks,  than  I  do  of  most  others  of  so  late  an  age. 

1.  The  emperor  Julian/  in  the  year  362,  published  an 
edict  forbidding  the  Christians  to  teach  the  Greek  learning, 
or  reading,   or    read    their   authors.     At8    this   time,   says 
Socrates,  the  two  Apollinarii  before  mentioned  were  very 
useful   to  the  Christians :  the  elder  wrote  a  grammar  in  a 
Christian  form,  and  put  the  books  of  Moses  into  heroic  verse, 
and  all  the  other  books  of  the  Old  Testament  into  various 
kinds  of  metre,  used  by  the  Greek  poets.     The4  younger, 
who  was  an  excellent  writer,  put  the  gospels  and  the  apos 
tolical  doctrine  into  dialogues,  after  the  manner  of  Plato. 

2.  Sozomen,  without  ascribing  any  works  to  the  father, 
says  of  Apollinarius  of  Syria,  thatu  employing  his  extensive 
learning  and  happy  genius  suitably  to  the  occasion,  for  sup 
plying  to  Christians  the  want  of  Homer,  he  wrote  the  Jewish 
Antiquities  to  the  reign  of  Saul,  in  four  and  twenty  books, 
giving  to  each  book  the  name  of  a  Greek  letter,  as  Homer  had 
done.     He  also  wrote  comedies  in  imitation  of  Menander, 
tragedies  in  imitation  of  Euripides,  and  lyric  poems  after  the 
manner  of  Pindar,  still  taking  his  subjects  from  the  sacred 
scriptures.     To  these  works,  as  well  as  to  some  other,  Jerom 
may  be  supposed  to  refer,  when  he  says  in  his  Chronicle ; 
atv  this  time  Apollinarius  bishop  of  Laodicea,  composes  many 
writings  relating  to  our  religion.     Among  the  poems  of 
Gregory  Nazianzenw   is  a  tragedy,  entitled  X/attrrov  Traa-^v^ 
Christ  suffering:  whichx  some  supposed  to  have  been  writ 
ten   by   Apollinarius.     Others?    think   that    opinion    to    be 
without  foundation,  and   that  it  is  neither   Gregory's  nor 
Apollinarius's. 

3.  Beside  these,  we  can   trace  out  from  ancient  writers, 
particularly  from  Jerom,  commentaries  of  Apollinarius  upon 
most  parts  of  scripture. 

4.  He  wrote,  as  we  learn  from  Jerom,  az  Commentary  upon 

r  Vid.  Pagi  Ann.  362.  n.  xxxix.  8  Socr.  1.  iii.  c.  16. 

'O  fie  v£a)TfpOQ  A7roXXivapiO£,  tv  irpoQ  TO  Xtytiv  Trapt0Ktvaffp,tvo<;,  TCI 
tvayyfXia,  Kai  ra  a7ro<roXt/ca  £oy/iara,  tv  TOTTQ  dia  Xoywv  tZtQtTO,  Ka6a  Kai 
nXarwv  Trap'  'EXX^triv.  K.  X.  Ib.  p.  187.  u  Soz.  1.  v.  c.  18.  p.  623. 

v  Apollinarius,  Laodicenus  episcopus,  multimoda  religionis  nostrae  scripta 
componit.  Chr.  p.  186.  w  Ap.  Gregor.  Naz.  Opp.  T.  ii.  p.  253 — 298. 

x  Basnag.  Ann.  390.  n.  x.     Cav.  H.  L.  p.  248.     De  Greg.  Naz. 

r  S.  Greg.  Naz.  art.  110.     Tillem.  Mem.  T.  ix. 

z  — et  maxime  in  explanatione  Psalmorum,  quos  apud  Graecos  interpretati 
sunt  multisvoluminibus,  primus  Origenes,  secundus  EusebiusCaesariensis,  tertius 
Theodorus  Heracleotes,  quartus  Asterius  Scythopolitanus,  quintus  Apollinarius 

s  2 


260  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

the  whole  book  of  Psalms:  I  place  the  whole  passage  below, 
though  it  contains  more  than  we  now  immediately  want. 
But  it  will  be  acceptable  to  some  of  my  readers,  Jerom  there 
mentioning  together  six  ancient  Greek  writers,  who  had 
commented  upon  the  whole  book  of  Psalms,  beside  what 
had  been  done  by  others,  who  had  explained  some  psalms 
only. 

5.  There  is  still   extant a  a  Paraphrase  of  the  Psalms,  in 
hexameter  verse,  generally  ascribed  to  our  Apollinarius,  and 
generally  well   esteemed,  and  the  only  entire  work  of  his 
remaining :  and   I  suppose   it  may  be   different  from   the 
commentary  just  mentioned  in  Jerom. 

6.  In  his    Commentary  upon  the  book  of  Ecclesiastes 
Jerom  several   times b  mentions  explications  that  had  been 
given  by  Apollinarius. 

7.  In  the  preface  to  his  Commentaries  upon  Isaiah,  Jerom 
gives  a  character  of  Apollinarius's  commentaries,  represent 
ing  themc  to  be  exceeding  short,  quite  passing  over  some 
things,  and  touching  only  upon  others. 

8.  In  the  preface  to  his  Commentaries  upon  the  book  of 
Daniel,  Jerom  says,  that'1  Apollinarius,  in  the  26th  book  of 
his  work  against  Porphyry,  which  was  a  very  long  book, 
considered  the  objections  which  Porphyry  had  made  to  the 
book  of  Daniel.     Here  likewise  Jerom  says,  thate  Eusebius 
of  Coesarea,  and  Apollinarius,  and  divers  others  of  the  Greek 
catholic  writers,   rejected  the  stories  of  Susanna,  Bel    and 

Laodicenus,  sextus  Didymus  Alexandrinus.  Feruntur  et  diversorum  in  paucos 
psalmos  opuscula.  Sed  nunc  de  integro  psalmorum  corpora  dicimus.  Ad 
Augustin.  ep.  74.  [al.  89.]  T.  iv.  P.  2.  p.  627.  in. 

*  Psalmorum  Davidicorum  Metaphrasis.  De  qua  Vid.  Fabr.  Bib.  Gr.  T. 
vii.  p.  666,  667.  Exstant  Greece  et  Latine  in  Bib.  Patr.  Morell.  Par.  1644.  T. 
xiv.  p.  162—298.  Et  alibi. 

b  Laodicenus  Interpres  res  magnas  brevi  sermone  exprimere  contendens, 
more  sibi  solito  etiam  hie  loquutus  est.  In  EC.  cap.  iv.  T.  2.  p.  741.  Vid. 
et  in  cap.  xii.  5.  Ibid.  p.  785.  in. 

c  Apollinarius  autem  more  suo  sic  exponit  omnia,  ut  universa  transcurrat,  et 
punctis  quibusdam  atque  intervallis,  immo  compendiis,  grandis  viae  spatia 
praetervolet ;  ut  non  tarn  Commentaries  quam  Indices  capitulorum  nos  legere 
credamus.  Pr.  in  Is.  T.  iii.  p.  6. 

d  Cui  solertissime  responderunt  Eusebius  Caesariensis,— Appollinarius  quo- 
que  uno  grandi  libro,  hoc  est  vicesimo  sexto,— Pr.  in  Dan.  T.  iii.  p.  1071. 

Cui  et  Eusebius  et  Apollinarius  pari  sententia  responderunt :  Susanna?, 
Belisque  ac  Draconis  fabulas  non  contineri  in  Hebraico.— Unde  et  nos  ante 
annos  plurimos,  quum  verteremus  Danielem,  has  visiones  obelo  praenotavimus, 
significantes  eos  in  Hebraico  non  haberi.  Et  miror  quosdam  ^^i^oipsQ 
mdignari  mini,  quasi  ego  decurtaverim  librum ;  quum  et  Origenes,  et  Euse 
bius,  et  Appollinarius,  aliique  ecclesiastic!  viri  et  doctores  Grseciae,  has,  ut  dixi, 
visiones  non  haberi  apud  Hebraeos  fateantur :  nee  se  debere  respondere  Por- 
phyno  pro  his  qua-  nullam  scripture  sanctae  auctoritatem  prabeant.  Pr.  in 
Dan.  T.  iii.  p.  1074. 


APOLLINARIUS.     Bishop  of  Laodicca.     A.  D.  362.         261 

the  Dragon,  as  not  extant  in  Hebrew  ;  and  therefore  Euse- 
bius  and  Apollinarius  in  their  answers  to  Porphyry  insisted, 
that  they  were  not  obliged  to  take  notice  of  his  objections 
against  Daniel,  founded  upon  a  supposition,  that  they  were 
a  part  of  his  book,  when  indeed  they  were  of  no  authority, 
nor  a  part  of  sacred  scripture. 

9.  It  seems  probable,  that  beside  what  Apollinarius  wrote 
in  favour  of  Daniel's  prophecies  in  his  work  against  Por 
phyry,  he  also  wrote  a  commentary  upon  that  prophet.     For 
Jeromf  makes  remarks  upon  his  explication  of  Dan.  ix.  27, 
and  quotes  a  long  passage  from  him.     From  whence  (if  1 
may  observe   it  by  the  way)  it   appears,  that  Apollinarius 
computed  our  Lord's  ministry  to  have  lasted  somewhat  more 
than  two  years,  there  being  in  it,  according  to   St.  John's 
gospel,  three  passovers,  as  he  says. 

10.  In  the  preface  to  his  Commentaries  upon  Hosea,  Jerom 
says,  that  s   Apollinarius  in   his  younger  days,  wrote  short 
commentaries  upon  the   prophets ;   that  afterwards  Jie  was 
desired  by  his  friends  to  write  more  fully  upon  Hosea.     But 
still,  even   in  this  latter  work,  Jerom  finds  the  fault  of  too 
great  brevity. 

11.  Some  learned  men  have  been  of  opinion  that  Apol- 
linarius  published  a  new  Greek  translation  of  the  books  of 
the  Old  Testament,  composed  out  of  the  several  Greek  ver 
sions    that    had    been    made    before.     This    supposition    is 
chiefly  built  upon  two   passages  of  Jerom,  which11  I  tran- 

f  Apollinarius  autem  Laodicenus,  omni  praeteritorum  temporum  se  liberans 
quaestione,  vota  extendit  in  futurum,  et  periculose  de  incertis  profert  sententiam. 
Quae  si  forte  hi  qui  post  nos  victuri  sunt  statuto  tempore  completa  non  vide- 
rint,  aliam  solutionem  quaerere  compellentur,  et  magistrum  erroris  arguere. 
Dicit  ergo,  ut  verbum  verbo  interpreter,  ne  calutnniam  videar  facere  non  di 
centi. — Tricesimo  enim,  juxta  evangelistam  Lucam,  anno  aetatis  suae  coepit  in 
carne  Dominus  evangelium  praedicare ;  et  juxta  Johannem  evangelistam  per 
tria  paschata  duos  postea  implevit  annos.  In  Dan.  ix.  T.  iii.  p.  1114. 

e Apud   Graecos  reperi   Apollinarium   Laodicenum,  qui  quum    in 

adolescentia  sua  breves  et  in  hunc  et  in  alios  prophetas  commentariolos  reli- 
quisset,  tangens  magis  sensus  quam  explicans,  rogatus  est  postea,  ut  in  Osee 
plenius  scriberet ;  qui  liber  venit  in  nostras  manus.  Sed  et  ipse  nimia  brevitate 
ad  perfectam  intelligentiam  lectorem  ducere  non  potest.  Praef.  in  Osee.  T. 
iii.  p.  1235. 

h  Origenes  in  omnibus  libris  suis,  post  Septuaginta  Interpretes,  Judaeorum 
translationes  explanat  et  edisserit.  Eusebius  quoque  et  Didymus  idem  faciunt. 
Praetermitto  Apollinarium,  qui  bono  quidem  studio,  sed  non  secundum  scien- 
tiam,  de  omnium  translationibus  in  unum  vestimentum  pannos  assuere  conatus 
est,  et  consequential!!  scripturarum  non  ex  regula  veritatis,  sed  ex  suo  judicio 
texere.  Adv.  Ruf.  1.  ii.  T.  iv.  p.  433. 

Cujus  [Symmachi]  interpretationem  Laodicenus  sequutus  nee  Judaeis  placere 
potest,  nee  christianis :  dum  et  ab  Hebraeis  procul  est,  et  sequi  Septuaginta 
Interpretes  dedignatur.  In  Eccles.  xii.  5.  T.  ii.  p.  785.  in. 


262  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

scribe  below.  But  it  seems  to  me,  that  Humphry  Hody  has 
shown,  thati  nothing  more  is  intended,  than  that  in  his  com 
mentaries  upon  the  scriptures,  and  Jiis  explications  of  them, 
Apollinarius,  without  good  judgment,  mingled  all  the  for 
mer  translations  of  the  Old  Testament.  Nevertheless  Fa- 
bricius,  either  not  attending  to  what  Hody  has  said,  or  not 
being  convinced  by  it,  in  his  enumeration  of  the  works  of 
our  author,  reckonsk  this  for  one,  A  Greek  Translation  of 
the  Books  of  the  Old  Testament :  and  refers  to1  R.  Simon, 
as  of  the  same  opinion. 

12.  Here  I  would  take  a  part  of  Suidas's  article  concern 
ing  Apollinarius.     He  says,    hem   put  the  whole  Jewish 
scripture  into  heroic  verse ;  he  also  wrote  epistles,  and  many 
commentaries  upon  the   sacred  scriptures.      After  which, 
Suidas  quotes  a  long  passage  of  Philostorgius,  which   is 
also  briefly  taken  notice  of  by  Photius,  in  his  extracts  n  out 
of    Philostorgius's    Ecclesiastical     History.       Comparing 
Basil,  Gregory  Nazianzen,  and  Apollinarius,  and  speaking 
of  them  all  as  eminent  writers  in  their  way,  he  observes 
to  the  advantage  of  Apollinarius,  that  °  his  style  was  best 
for  a  commentator  of  scripture,  and   that   he  understood 
Hebrew. 

13.  There  is  however  a  passage  of  Jerom,  where  he  is 
supposed  to  refer  to?  Apollinarius ;  which  may  occasion  a 
doubt,  whether  he  had  any,  or  at  least  a  thorough  knowledge 
of  the  Hebrew.     And**  as  it  has  some  respect  to  the  point 
just  now  spoken  of,  his  making  a  new  Greek  version  of  the 
Old  Testament,  I  have  transcribed  it  at  large. 

We  now  proceed. 

*  Apollinarium,  Appollinarii  F.  episcopum  Laodica?,  editionem  quandam 
mixtam  Bibliorum  ex  Interpretum  omnium  Version ibus  conflatam  elaborasse 
existimant  eruditi. — Sed  falluntur  omnes.  Loquitur  enim  Hieronymus  non  de 
ulla  Bibliorum  editione  ab  Appollinario  confecta,  sed  de  illius  tantum  scriptura- 
rum  explanationibus,  in  quibus  sine  ullo  judicio  translationes  omnes  com- 
miscuerat,  secutusque  fuerat.  Hod.  de  Bib.  Text.  Origen.  1.  iv.  c.  3.  p.  631. 
Conf.  1.  iii.  p.  318.  *  Versio  Grseca  librorum  V. 

T.  contexta  ex  variis  interpretationibus,  pracipue  Symmachi.  Bib.  Gr.  T. 
vii^p.  664.  i  Hist.  Cr.  du  V.  T.  1.  ii.  ch.  10.  p.  242. 

m   Oi/rot;   eypa^f"  KOI   Si  r/pywv  einov  Traoav  TIJV   'E/3patwv  ypa^j/v. 

Eypa^/e  de  KUI  tiri<?o\ag,  KCII  aXXa  TroXXa  CIQ  ri]v  ypa^ijj/  vTrojuj^/uara.  Suid.  V. 
A7roXXtvapto£.  "  Philost.  H.  E.  1.  viii.  c.  11. 

OvTog  yap  Srj  icai  r»jc  'Yfipaidog  Sia\£KTS  nrd'uiv  OIOQ  re  r\v>  K.  X.  Ap. 
Sllld-  ib-  P  Vid.  Hod.  ubi  supra,  p.  631. 

Primum  enim  magnorum  sumtuum  est  et  infinitae  difficultatis,  exemplar ia 
posse  habere  omnia :  deinde  etiam  qui  habuerint,  et  Hebrsei  sermonis  ignari 
sunt,  magis  errabunt,  ignorantes  quis  e  multis  verius  dixerit :  quod  etiam 
sapientissimo  cuidam  nuper  apud  Graces  accidit,  ut,  interdum  scripture  sen- 
sum  relinquens,  uniuscujusque  interpretis  sequeretur  errorem.  Prol.  in  libr. 
i';zr.  ex  Hebr.  convers.  T.  i.  p.  ]  107.  Et  Conf.  Adv.  Ruf.  1.  ii.  p.  427.  infr.  m. 


APOLLINARIUS.  Bishop  of  Laodicea.     A.  D.  362.          263 

14.  In  ther  preface  to  his  Commentary  upon  St.  Matthew, 
Jerom  speaks  of  a  commentary  of  Apollinarius  upon   that 
gospel ;  and  he  refers  to  its  in  his  own  comment. 

15.  Apollinarius1    is    mentioned  by    him   together    with 
others,  who  had  explained   the  first  epistle  to  the  Corin 
thians. 

16.  He  wrote  also  upon"  the  whole,  or  a  part  of  the  epis 
tle  to  the  Galatians. 

17.  His  commentary v  upon  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians 
is  mentioned  by  Jerom  several  times. 

18.  He  also  wrote  w  upon  the  whole,  or  a  part,  of  the  first 
epistle  to  the  Thessalonians. 

19.  In  the  chapter  of  the   Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical 
Writers,  transcribed  above,  Jerom  mentions  arid  commends 
our  author's  work  against  Porphyry;  as  he  does  also  inx 
several  other  places.     This  work  is  particularly  mentioned 
by  Suidas:  and  we  took  some  notice  of  ity  formerly. 

20.  Sozoinen,  speaking  of  the    works   of  Apollinarius, 
sfiys  :  There7  is  also  a  valuable  work  of  his  addressed  to  the 
emperor  himself  and  the  Greek  philosophers,  entitled,  Of  the 
Truth ;  in  which,  by  reason  alone,  without  alleging  the  di 
vine  scriptures,  he  showed  that  they  did  not  think  rightly  of 

r  Legisse  me  fateor Apollinarisque  Laodiceni,  ac  Didymi  Alexan- 

drini.     Pr.  in  Matt.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  3.  s  Vid.  in  Matt.  ib.  p.  1 15.  f. 

1  Origenes, Eusebius  Caesariensis,  Didymus,  Apollinarius,  latissime 

hanc  epistolam  interpretati  sunt.  Ad  Pamm.  ep.  31.  [al.  52.]  T.  iv.  p.  243.  f. 

u  Praetermitto  Didymum  videntem  meum,  et  Laodicenum,  de  ecclesia  nuper 
egressum,  qui  et  ipsi  nonnullos  super  hac  re  commentariolos  reliquerunt.  Pr. 
in  Gal.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  222.  Conf.  ad  August,  ep.  74.  [al.  89.]  T.  iv.  P.  ii.  p.  619. 

v  Ego  enim  in  Commentariis  ad  Ephesios  sic  Origenem,  et  Didymum,  et 

Apollinarium  sequutus  sum, ut  fidei  meae  non  amitterem  veritatem. 

Adv.  Ruf.  1.  i.  T.  iv.  p.  365. 

In  epistolam  Pauli  ad  Ephesios  tria  Origenes  scripsit  volumina.  Didymus 
quoque  et  Apollinarius  propria  opuscula  edidere.  Quos  ego,  vel  transferens 
vel  imitans,  quid  in  prologo  ejusdem  operis  scripserim,  subjiciam,  &c.  Adv. 
Ruf.  ib.  p.  373.  Conf.  Pr.  in  ep.  ad  Eph.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  322.  f. 

w  Ad  Minerv.  et  Alex,  de  eo  quod  omnes  quidem  dormiemus,  &c.  Vid. 
T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  216.  et  conf.  ib.  p.  211,  et  220. 

x  Apollinarius  contra  Porphyrium  egregia  scripsit  volumina.  Ad  Pamm. 
et  Ocean,  ep.  41.  [al.  65.]  T.  iv.  P.  ii.  p.  345.  Vid.  ib.  p.  342.  Vid.  et  Pro. 
libr.  adv.  Jovinian.  Apol.  ep.  30.  [al.  ep.  50.]  p.  236.  Adv.  Ruf.  J.  ii.  T.  iv. 
p.  433.  in.  Ad  Magn.  ep.  43.  p.  655.  Pr.  Com.  in  Dan.  T.  iii. 

y  See  p.  74. 

'  OVK  aytvvriG  Se  KO.I  ?rpo£  avrov  TOV  fiafftXea  rjroi  TSQ  Trap  ' 
e<riv  avrs  6  Xoyog,  6v  VTrep  aXijOeias  eirty  petty  tv'  iv  $  ica»  &%«  Ttjg  TWV 
Xoytov  fiapTvpiciQ  edti%tv  avrsg  a7ro(3aKO\r]Otvrag  TO  SEOVTOG  irtpi  Oes 
Ta  Si  yap  £7rirw0a£wv  6  (3aai\tvg  Toig  TOTI  dicnrpeirsffiv  tTTUJKoiroig  £Trt<?ti\ev 

tyvujv,  KUI  Kareyvwv -ayeaOai  diKaiov  avSpdag  KOI 

.     Soz.  1.  v.  c.  18.  p.  624. 


264  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

the  Deity.  And  it  was  said,  that  upon  occasion  of  this 
book,  Julian  wrote  a  letter  to  some  Christian  bishops  to  this 
purpose :  *  I  have  read,  understood,  and  condemned.'  To 
which  he  received  this  answer,  *  You  have  read,  but  you  did 
'  not  understand ;  if  you  had  understood,  you  would  not 
*  have  condemned.'  Some1  ascribe  this  work  to  Basil  of 
Cappadocia:  but  however  that  be,  says  Sozomen,  the  writer 
deserves  to  be  admired  both  for  his  courage  and  learning. 

Whether  this  be  the  same  as  the  work  against  Porphyry, 
or  different  from  it,  is  not  clear.  Fabriciusb  thinks  it  to  be 
a  different  work,  and  written  before  the  other.  He  ima 
gines,  that  Apollinarius,  provoked  at  Julian's  remark,  was 
induced  after  this  short  performance  to  write  the  large  work 
against  Porphyry. 

21.  Beside  all  these,  Apollinarius  wrote  divers  books 
against  those  called  heretics. 

Vincent  of  Lerinsc  supposeth  him  to  have  written  against 
many  heresies ;  who  at  the  same  time  mentions  and  com 
mends  his  noble  work  against  Porphyry..  Epiphaniusd 
mentions  Apollinarius  together  with  others  who  had  written 
against  the  Manichees.  Philostorgius6  says  he  wrote  against 
Eunomius.  By  Theophilus  bishop  of  Alexandria,  who 
flourished  about  the  year  385,  he  is  said  tof  have  written 
against  the  Arians,  Eunomians,  and  other  heretics. 

III.  There  are  some  other  works  of  Apollinarius  spoken 
of  by  ancient  writers,  which  T  may  take  some  notice  of  by 
and  by.  But  I  would  first  of  all  give  an  account  of  the 
wrong  opinions  which  he  is  said  to  have  advanced  in  the 
latter  part  of  his  life:  this  I  could  willingly  have  declined, 
if  it  had  not  been  a  necessary  part  of  his  history.  Of  these 

*  Others  understand  Sozomen  differently,  after  this  manner:  that  some 
ascribed  that  saying  or  answer  to  Basil.  Hanc  responsionem  Basilio  M.  non 
Apollinari  plerosque  tribuisse,  Sozomen.  narrat.  Fabr.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  vii.  p.  662. 

b  Videtur  autem  inde  Apollinaris  permotus  esse,  ut  post  brevem  istum  libel- 
lum  editum,  justo  deinde  operc  libros,  quorum  maxima  erat  apud  ethnicos 
auctoritas,  Tyrii  philosophi  Porphyrii  adversus  christianos  confutaret.  jEgre 
enim  assentior  viris  doctis,  qui  libros  xxx.  contra  Porphyrium  cum  Xoyy 
confundunt.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  vii.  p.  662. 

c  Quam  multas  ille  hoereses  multis  voluminibus  oppresserit,  quot  inimicos 
fidei  confutaverit  errores,  indicio  est  opus  illud  triginta  non  minus  librorurn 
nobilissimum  ac  maximum,  quo  insanas  Porphyrii  calumnias  magna  proba- 
tionum  mole  confudit.  V.  E.  Adv.  Haer.  cap.  16. 

d  Haer.  66.  n.  xxi.  e  jjist  £c  j  v{ji  c>  12. 

1  Cessent  Apollinaris  discipuli  ea  quae  contra  ecclesiasticas  regulas  est  locu- 
tus,  propter  alia  ejus  scripta  defendere.  Licet  enim  adversus  Arianos,  et 
Eunomianos  scripserit,  et  Origenem,  aliosque  haereticos,  sua  disputatione  sub- 
verterit,  &c.  Theoph.  lib.  Pasch.  i.  ap.  Hieron.  T.  iv.  P.  ii.  p.  694. 


APOLLINARIUS.     Bishop  of  Laodicea.     A.  D.  362.        265 

errors,  accounts  may  be  seen  in  many&  ancient  and11  mo 
dern  writers,  to  whom  I  refer ;  some  of  which,  especially 
the  ancient,  I  shall  quote. 

1.  Epiphanius,  who  speaks  of  Apollinarius  with  great 
respect,  and  says,  that  he  had  been  long'  highly  esteemed  by 
Athanasius,  and  all  the  catholics  in  general,  represents  his 
opinion  in  this  manner  :  that1  when  the  Son  of  God  became 
incarnate,  he  took  a  human  body,  and  animal  or  sensitive 
soul,  but  not  mind,  or  an  intelligent  soul,  and  thereby  de 
nied  him  to  have  taken  upon  him  perfect  man.     Thek  doc 
trine  concerning  the  thousand  years  to  be  spent  on  this  earth 
by  raised  saints  and  martyrs,  appeared  to  Epiphanius  so 
absurd,  that  he  could  not  believe  it  of  him,  though  he  had 
been  assured  of  it  by  several. 

2.  Basil  speaks  as  if  Apollinarius   had  in  some  of  his 
writings  endeavoured1  to  revive  the  Sabellian  doctrine  con 
cerning  the  Deity.     In  another  letter™   he  mentions  some 
obscure  expressions  concerning  the  Trinity,  which  perhaps 
were  not  his;  and  are  not,  I  think,  delivered  by  Basil,  as 
certainly  known  to  be  his.     Hisn   opinion   concerning   the 
person  of  Christ,  or  his  incarnation,  Basil  says,  had  occa 
sioned  great  disturbances.     That  letter  is  supposed  to  have 

K  Athanas.  Ep.  ad  Epictet.  T.  i.  p.  901,  &c.  [et  ap.  Epiphan.  H.  77.  n. 
iii.— xiii.  p.  997,  &c.]  Contr.  Apollin,  1.  i.  et  ii.  p.  921—925.  Greg.  Naz. 
Ep.  ad  Nectar,  sen  Or.  46.  T.  i.  p.  721.  Ep.  1.  et  2.  ad  Cledon.  sive  Or. 
51.  et  52.  p.  737—749.  Greg.  Nyss.  Antirrhet.  adv.  Apollinar.  ap.  Zacagn. 
Monum.  Vet.  p.  123—287.  Basil  Ep.  129.  al.  59.  T.  iii.  p.  220.  Ep.  131. 

al.  382.  p.  223.  et  alibi. Epiph.  H.  77.  Socrat.  1.  ii.  c.  46.  Sozom.  1. 

vi.  cap.  28.  Theodoret.  H.  E.  1.  v.  cap.  3,  4.  Haer.  Fab.  1.  iv.  c.  8.  et  9.  1.  v. 
cap.  xi.  Rufin.  H.  E.  1.  ii.  c.  20.  Aug.  de  Haer.  cap.  55.  Leont.  Byzant.  adv. 
fraudes  Apollinarist.  ap.  B.  PP.  Lugdun.  T.  ix.  p.  707. 

h  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  250.  and  Lives  of  the  Fathers,  (in  English,)  in  the 
Life  of  Greg.  Naz.  sect.  v.  p.  312.  Pearson  upon  the  Creed,  Art.  v.  p.  237, 
&c.  Lond.  1676.  Mr.  Bower's  History  of  the  Popes,  Vol.  i.  p.  203— 211. 
S.Basnag.  ann.  364.  n.  xi.  xii.  Fr.  Spanheim.  T.  i.  p.  890. 

'  E^O^E  yap  riffi — 7rapa/3aXX«j/  TOV  vsv  airo  rrjg  TS  Xpi?«  tvaaoKS  Trapaaiag, 
KO.I  Xeytiv,  OTI  aaoKa  tXafiev  6  Xpi~0£  eX9iov  6  Kvpiog  rifAwv  KCU  -fyvfcqv,  vsv  $e 
UK  tXafiev,  TUT  e?i  TtXeov  av0pw7rov.  H.  77.  n.  i.  p.  996.  Vid.  et  n.  ii. 

k  AXXoi  $e  etyaaav  TOV  yepovra  eiprjKtvai,  OTI  tv  Ty  Trpwry  ava^affei  ^tXtov- 
raertjpida  Tiva  £7rirj\«jner,  TOIQ  O.VTOIQ  tjUTroXirfvojwevoi,  OTTOIOIQ  KCII  vvv,  <Jg  KCU 
vopov,  KO.I  aXXa  ^vXarrovrtc,  Krai  -navTa  TT/IQ  xprjfftwg  Ttjg  iv  T(^  Koff[j.({),  yafj.s 
TS  KCLI  7reptrojLi»7C»  tat  TUV  a\\<uv  juerexofrtg,  oTrep  »  iravv  irspi  avTs  irnri>ztvKa- 
p.tv,  wg  St  Tivtg  SiepepaiuffavTo,  TSTO  t^aav  avrov  eiprjKfvat.  H.  77.  n.  xxvi. 
p,  1031.  l  Ou%i  01  TTtpi  TS  Qea  Xoyoi  rrXrjpHQ  Trap'  awy  tiffw 

3d)V  SoynctTiov  ri]Q  TraXautg   aat(3tia<;  r«  juaraio^povo^  2a/3fXXt8  Si"  UVTS 
v*w0«i<rr/e  tv  TOIQ  awTayfjiaffiv.    Basil,  ep.  265.  [al.  293.]  T.  iii.  p.  409.  D. 
Vid.  ep.  129.  al.  59.  T.  iii.  p.  220.  Conf.  ep.  265.  p.  409.  D.  E. 
Etra  «ai  ra  Trtpi  erapKW(T£u>£  TOffavrrjv  etroirjffe  ry  adtXQoTrj 
oXiyot  XOITTOV  T(t)v  tvTtTvxtiKOTWv   TOV  ap^atov  TTJG  (Vff£(3eiaG 
.  K.  X.  ep.  263.  al.  74.  p.  407,  A. 


266  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

been  written  in  377,  or  thereabout.  The  doctrine  of  Apol- 
linarius  concerning  the  Millennium,  as  represented  by0 
Basil  in  the  same  letter,  is  a  very  crude  notion  :  and  yet  is 
ag'reeable  to  that  which  Epiphanius  had  been  informed  of; 
and  is  also  much  the  same  with  what  Jerom  not  seldom  as 
cribes  to  i*  our  people,  meaning  catholics.  I  have  put  down 
below  several  of  his  passages,  to  be  added  to  some  others, 
transcribed  4  formerly.  Well  might  Basil  and  Jerom  call  it 
a  Jewish  doctrine,  and  they  who  held  it  judaizers  ;  if  indeed 
they  expected  that  good  men  should  be  raised  up  again  to 
spend  a  thousand  years  in  the  land  of  Judea,  and  that  the 
law  of  Moses  should  again  be  set  up  with  circumcision, 
sacrifices  at  the  temple  in  Jerusalem,  and  other  usages  of 
that  institution. 

3.  Gregory  Nazianzen,  in  his  letter  to  Nectar  ius  of  Con 
stantinople,  represents  Apollinarius  to  teach  in  his  writings, 
that  Christr  brought  his  body  from  heaven  :  this  he  argued 
from  John  iii.  13;  1  Cor.  xv.  47.     Next,  that  this  man  from 
heaven  was  not  endowed  with  mind,  but  that  the  only-be 
gotten  of  the  Father  supplied  the  place  of  mind,    being 
joined  to  an  animal,  sensitive  soul,  and  a  body  :  and  that  lie 
likewise  taught,  that  God  the  Word,  or  the  only-begotten, 
suffered  in  his  Deity.     In  another  place8  Gregory  takes  no 
tice  of  Apollinarius's  notion   concerning  the   Millennium  : 
but  undoubtedly,  the  particulars  just  mentioned  were  the 
most  offensive.     However,  Gregory  does  also  charge  him 
with  teaching,  that1  there  are  degrees  in  the  Trinity. 

4.  Theodoret,  in  his  Heretical  Fables,  says,  thatu  in  some 


'  £<rt  Sf.  avTy  Kai  TO  irtpi  ava^aotUQ  [ivQiicwg  ovyKtifJicva,  fia\\ov  fo 
MMUM*t«  Ev  dig  <f>rjffi  iraXiv  »}/wog  irpog  ri]v  VO/KKJJV  V7ro<zpt<p£iv  \arptiav'  Kai 
TTO\IV  r'ifjiag  TrtpiTfJLrjGijffSffdai,  nai  <Ttt/3/3art£«v,  KOI  /3pw/narwv  a.Tri%ta9ai,  Kai 
Srvmag  Trpoaotativ  0ey  /cai  Trpoaicvvrjffiv  fv  'l£po<ro\vjuoi£,  ETTI  ra  vas,  Kai  6Xa>£ 
ttTro  xpwavwv  l^Saisg  •ytvrjataOai.  ep.  263.  p.  406.  E. 

P  Respondeant  amatores  tantum  occidentis  literae,  et  in  mille  annos  exquisites 
cibos  gulae  ac  luxuriae  praeparantes  -  qui  post  secundum  in  gloria  Salva- 
toris  adventum  sperant  nuptias  et  parvulos  centum  annorum,  et  circumcisionis 
injuriam,  et  victimarum  sanguinem,  et  perpetuum  sabbatum.  In  Is.  cap.  lix. 
T.  iii.  P.  i.  p.  396. 

Haec  illi  et  nostri  judaizantes,  qui  mille  annorum  regnum  in  Judaeae  sibi  fini- 
bus  pollicentur,  et  auream  Jerusalem,  et  victimarum  sanguinem,  et  filios  ac 
nepotes,  et  delicias  incredibiles.  In  Joel,  cap.  iii.  T.  3.  P.  ii.  p.  1364.  Vid. 
ibid.  p.  1367. 

Haec  ornnia  --  Judaei  et  judaizantes  nostri,  immo  non  nostri,  qui  judai 
zantes,  sperant  futura  corporaliter  utique  et  circumcisionem  sibi,  et  conjugia  in 
mille  annorum  imperio  promittentes.  In  Zach.  xiv.  T.  iii.  p.  1803. 

''  See  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xliii.  num.  xv.  6.  r  Ad  Nectar.  Or.  46. 

P-  722.  *  Ad  Cledon.  ep.  2.  al.  Or.  52.  p.  747.  C, 

1  Ad  Cledon.  ep.  1.  seu  Or.  51.  p.  744.  C.  D. 

AXX'  o^otwc  rjf^iv  Kai  Ttjv  fiiav  TJJQ  .^or^rof  ttviav,  Kai  ras  rpft$  viro^a- 


APOLLINARIUS.     Bishop  of  Laodicea.     A.  D.  362.         267 

of  his  writings  Apollinarius  made  no  innovations  in  the  doc 
trine  of  the  Trinity,  but  appears  to  agree  with  us,  teaching 
one  substance  of  the  Deity,  and  three  persons.  But  in  some 
of  his  writings  he  speaks  of  degrees  in  the  Trinity,  saying, 
that  the  Spirit  is  great,  the  Son  greater,  the  Father  greatest 
of  all.  In  other  writings  he  confounds  the  properties  of  the 
Divine  Persons,  and  for  that  reason  has  been  charged  with 
Sabellianism.  Moreover  he  says,  that  when  God  the  Word 
took  flesh,  he  took  a  body  and  soul,  not  a  rational,  but  an 
irrational  soul,  which  some  call  sensitive  and  animal  :  and 
the  Divine  nature  supplied  the  place  of  a  soul.  In  another 
place  Theodoret  expresseth  himself  after  this  manner: 
Ariusv  and  Eunomius  said  that  Christ  had  an  human  body, 
and  that  the  Divinity  was  in  the  place  of  a  soul.  Apolli 
narius  said,  that  Christ  had  an  animated  [or  living]  body, 
but  not  a  reasonable  soul  :  for  the  mind  was  superfluous, 
where  God  the  Word  was  present.  Again  in  his  Ecclesias 
tical  History  also,  Theodoret  speaks  distinctly  of  Apollina- 
rius's  several  opinions,  and  there  slightly  mentions  alsow  his 
opinion  concerning*  the  divine  promises,  or  the  retributions 
to  be  hereafter  given  to  good  men. 

5.  Jerom  sometimes  speaks  of  Apollinarius's  opinions 
concerning  the  incarnation,  orx  his  defective  notion  of  the 
person  of  Christ,  not  allowing  him  to  be  perfect  man  ; 
andy  the  Millenarian  doctrine.  He  also  speaks  of  an  opinion 
of*  his  concerning  the  soul  :  which,  however,  was  not  rec 
koned  a  part  of  his  heresy. 


vug  £/e»7pu££y  f  v  imoig  dt  /3a0/i8C  a£iw/nara>v  wpi<raro,  tavrov  SiavofJifa  rjjg 
Xfiporovri<ra£  vo/iTjg.  A.VT&  yap  £<riv,  £up£/*a,  TO  /t£ya,  /i«£o»>,  ntyi?ov  —  Ev 
(vioig  TOIVVV  TraXiv  STOQ  <ruyypa|U/za<Ti  rag  TUJV  viro^afftdjv  Gvvt\itv  tdiorrjTctf;  — 
'OOtv  Kdirrjv  TS  Sa/SeXXiavKTjus  jcan/yopiav  tdtZaro.  2apK(i)Or)vai  re  TOV  Qtov 
£0/jff£  Xoyof,  (Tw/ia  Kat  -^V)(r]V  av£tX»j0ora,  8  rt]V  Xoytiejjv,  aXXa  rr\v  aXoyor,  r\v 

rjyuv  ZUTIKTJV  Tiveg  ovofia^affi.     H.  F.  1.  iv.  c.  8.  p.  240. 
Apaog  ^e  /cat   Evvo[j.iOQ   (TWjita  ptv  avrov  ftX^^svai,    rr\v   SfOTrjra  Se  rrjQ 
ytiKtvai  rr\v  ^paav*  6  ^£  ATroXXivopiog  e^v^ov  [tsv  tfajae  tivat  T» 
i/ia,  s  \ir\v  TTJV  XoytiCTjv  £(T^rjK£vat  »pw%j;v*  TTEpirrog  yap  qv,  <j>rjai,  o 
T»  9£8  Xoya  irapovTOQ.    Hser.  Fab.  1.  v.  c.  11.  p.  278.  Conf.  ad  Flavian. 
ep.  104.  T.  iii.  p.  975.  D.  w  Kai  trepsg  8e  nvOng  KCCI  XrjpsQ 

raiQ  Ottaig  fvayyeXftatc  cruvf^eu^fv.      H.  E.  1.  V.  C.  3.  p.  200.  D. 

x  -  dimidiatam  Christ!  introduxit  oeconomiam.  Ad  Pamm.  ep.  41.  [al. 
65.]  T.  iv.  p.  342. 

y  Hie  [Papias]  dicitur,  mille  annorum  Judaicam  edidisse  devripwaiv,  quern 
secuti  Irenaeus,  et  Apollinarius,  et  cseteri,  qui  post  resurrectionem  aiunt 
in  carne  cum  sanctis  Dominum  regnaturum.  De  Papia,  cap.  18.  V.  I.  Vid. 
et  Prorem.  in  Is.  Comra.  1.  xviii.  T.  3.  p.  478.  et  in  Ezech.  c.  36.  p.  952. 
ra.  z  -  an  certe  ex  traduce  ;  ut  Tertul- 

lianus,  Apollinarius,  et  maxima  pars  Occidentalium.     Ad  Marcell.  et  Anap?. 
ep.  78,  [al.  82.]  T.  iv.  p.  642. 


268  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

6.  I  put  below  whata  Rufinus  andb   Vincent  of  Lerins 
say  of  Apollinarius's  doctrine  concerning  the  incarnation. 

7.  I  transcribe  below c  at  length  Augustine's  article  of  the 
Apollinarists.     He  speaks  of  them  in  several  other  places; 
from  one  of  which  we  perceive,  that'1  they  argued  in  favour 
of  their  doctrine  concerning  the  incarnation  from  John  i.  14. 
I  transcribe  in  the  margin*  a  passage  or  two  more,  to  be 
observed   by  my  readers  at  leisure.     And   I  refer  also  tof 
other  places  of  Augustine,  where  he  treats  somewhat  largely 
of  the  opinions  of  these  people. 

8.  Socrates  entirely  agrees  with  Rufinus,  whom  probably 
lie  copied,  in  the  account  of  their  doctrine  concerning  the 
incarnation :  but  )ie  adds,  tbes  Apollinarians  said,  in  this 

*  asserens  solum  corpus,  non  etiam  animam  a  Domino  in  dispensatione 

susceptam Post ait,  eum  quidem  habuisse  animam,  sed  non  ex  ea  quae 

rationabilis  est,  sed  ex  ea  solum  quae  vivificabat  corpus :  ad  supplementum 
vero  rationabilis  partis,  ipsum  Verbum  Dei  fuisse  perhibebat.  Ruf.  H.  E. 
1.  ii.  c.  20. 

b  Apollinaris  vero  in  unitatem  quidem  Trinitatis  quasi  consentire  se  jactat, 
et  hoc  ipsum  plena  fidei  sanctitate.  Sed  in  Domini  incarnatione  aperta  pro- 
fessione  blasphemat.  "  Dicit  enim,  in  ipsa  Salvatoris  nostri  carne  aut  animam 
humanam  penitus  non  fuisse,  aut  certe  talem  fuisse,  cui  mens  et  ratio  non  esset. 
Sed  et  ipsam  Domini  carnem  non  de  sanctae  virginis  Mariae  carne  susceptam, 
sed  de  ccelo  in  virginem  descendisse  dicebat :  eamque  nutabundus  semper  et 
dubius  modo  coaeternam  Deo  Verbo,  modo  de  Verbi  Divinitate  factam  prae- 
dicabat.  Vincent.  Lirin.  Comm.  cap.  17. 

c  Apollinaristas  Apollinaris  instituit,  qui  de  anima  Christi  a  catholicis  dis- 
senserunt,  dicentes,  sicut  Ariani,  Deum  Christum  carnem  sine  anima  suscepisse. 
In  qua  quaestione  testimoniis  evangelicis  victi,  mentem,  quae  rationalis  est 
anima  hominis,  defuisse  animae  Christi,  sed  pro  hac  ipsum  Verbum  in  eo 
fuisse  dixerimt.  De  ipsa  vero  ejus  carne  sic  a  recta  fide  dissensisse  prohiben- 
tur,  ut  dicerent,  carnem  illam  et  Verbum  unius  ejusdemque  substantiae ;  con- 
tentiosissime  asseverantes,  Verbum  carnem  factum,  hoc  est,  Verbi  aliquid  in 
carnem  fuisse  conversum  atque  mutatum,  non  autem  carnem  de  Mariae  carne 
fuisse  susceptam.  De  Haer.  cap.  55.  T.  viii. 

d  quemadmodum  argumentantur  Apollinaristae,  vel  quicumque  sunt 

alii,  adversus  animam  Domini :  quam  propterea  negant,  quia  scriptum  legunt, 
"  Verbum  caro  factum  est."  Si  enim  et  anima,  inquiunt,  ibi  esl,  debuit  dici : 
Verbum  homo  factum  est.  De  Anima  et  ejus  Origine.  1.  i.  c.  18.  p.  31.  T.  x. 

B  Nee  ita  hominem,  [dicimus  Christum,]  ut  aliquid  minus  habeat  quod  ad 
humanam  certum  est  pertinere  naturam  sive  animam,  sive  in  ipsa  anima  men 
tem  rationalem,  sive  carnem,  non  de  femina  sumtam,  sed  factam  de  Verbo  in 
carnem  converse  atque  mutato.  Quae  omnia  tria  falsa  et  vana,  haereticorum 
Apollinaristarum  tres  partes  varias  diversasque  fecerunt.  De  Dono  Perseve- 
rantiae.  cap.  24.  T.  x.  P.  i. 

Fuerunt  enim  quidam  haeretici,  et  pulsi  sunt  ab  ecclesia,  qui  putarent,  non 
habere  mentem  rationalem  corpus  Christi,  sed  quasi  animam  belluinam.  In 
Joan.  Evang.  Tr.  23.  n.  6.  T.  iii.  Ps.  2.  Vid.  ib.  Tr.  47.  n.  9. 

f  Vid.  Enarr.  in  Ps.  29.  n.  2.  in  Ps.  85.  n.  4.  T.  iv. 

8    Hfpi  TUTS  fioi'a  Sij  Xeysfft  &tt0fpe<r0ai.  oi  vvv  tK  fKtivuv 

'  rrjv  yap  rpiuSa  ofiosaiov  tivai  0a<rt.  Socr.  1.  ii.  c.  46.  p.  161.  B. 


APOLLINARIUS.     Bishop  of  Laodicea.     A.  D.  362.         269 

only  did  they  differ  from  the  catholics,  for  they  believed  a 
consubstantial  Trinity.  Vincent  also,  transcribed  not  long* 
ago,  has  somewhat  to  the  like  purpose.  And  it  must  be 
owned  to  be  in  favour  of  Apollinarius  in  this  respect,  that11 
Philostorgius,  a  learned  Arian,  reckons  Apollinarius,  toge 
ther  with  Basil  and  Gregory  Nazianzen,  one  of  the  best  de 
fenders  of  the  Homoiisian  doctrine.  And  that  he  and  his 
followers  still  professed  to  retain  the  Nicene  faith,  may  be 
inferred  from1  Athanasius's  arguments  with  them.  And 
Leontius  of  Byzantium,  who  was  no  friend  to  Apollinarius, 
allowsk  him  to  be  orthodox  upon  the  Trinity;  and  imputes 
to  him  only  an  erroneous  doctrine  concerning  the  incarna 
tion  :  for  though  Gregory  and  some  others  charge  him  with 
advancing  degrees  in  the  Trinity,  he  did  not  use  the  word 
created  of  the  Son  or  the  Spirit.  Concerning*  this  point, 
may  be  seen  a  note  of  the  Benedictine  editors1  of  St.  Am 
brose's  works. 

9.  S.  Basnagem  allows  the  truth  of  what  is  generally  said 
of  Apollinarius,  that  he  supposed  the  Word  to  supply  in  the 
man  Jesus  the  place  of  a  rational  soul :  and  as  what  he  says 
may  illustrate  the  point,  I  have  transcribed  him  somewhat 
largely  in  the  margin.  But  he  thinks,  that  the  opinions  as 
cribed  to  Apollinarius  by  Gregory  Nazianzen,  in  the  letter 
to  Nectarius  before  quoted,  written  about  the  year  385,  not 
to  have  been  held  by  him ;  as  that  our  Saviour  brought  bis 
body  from  heaven,  and  that  his  dignity  suffered.  Though 

h  Vid.  Suid.  V.  ATroXXw/apiog.  *  Ep.  ad  Epictet. 

p.  903.  E.  p.  904.  A.  B.  et  alibi. 

k  'O  Se  AiroXXtvapiog  Trepi  \LIV  rr\v  SeoXoyiav  «  Qaivtrai  a/zaprarwv,  irXrjv 
$u\£y%80i  KCLI  TSTOV  ol  Pprjyoptoi  Trtpi  Tavrijv  afiapravovra.'  Krttr/ia  fitv  yap* 
<j)ct<Tiv,  a  Xfyti*  vTrofiaaiv  Si  fiixpav  Xtysi  TS  Yia  icai  TS  nvtvparog,  irpog  rov 
ITarepa'  Hepi  de  TI\V  oiKOvofjuav  0aj/fpw£  SitfiaXXero.  EXeye  yap,  TO  crtjfjia,  6 
tvtdvffaro  6  QCOQ  Xoyog,  ip'W  ptv  exfLV>  vsv  ^  «£ajww£'  aXX'  waTfep  aXoyov 
^vxnv>  uTwg  eXeyev  «x£tv*  ^e  Sectis.  Act.  iv.  Ap.  B.  PP.  Morell.  T.  xi.  p.  507. 
et  Latine  ap.  B.  PP.  Lugd.  T.  ix.  p.  666. 

1  Ad  Ambr.  de  Incarnat.  Domini  Sacram.  c.  2.  T.  ii.  p.  705. 

m  Id  etiam  luculentissime  demonstrat  ipse  Apollinarius,  epistola  episcopis 
DiocaBsareae  scripta,  quam  ab  oblivione  Leontius  vindicavit,  Confitemur,  non 
ad  hominem  sanctum  venisse  Verbum  Dei,  quod  erat  in  prophetis,  sed  ipsum 
Verbum  carnem  factum  esse,  non  assumpta  mente  humana,  mente  mutabili, 
quae  turpibus  cogitationibus  captiva  ducitur,  sed  divina  mente  immutabili  et 
ccelesti.  Leont.  adv.  Fraudes  Apollinarist.  ap.  Bib.  PP.  Lugdun.  T.  ix.  p. 

712.  Mentem  itaque,  non  animam,  a  Christo  abjudicabat. Ex  fontibus 

porro  Platonis  videtur  errorem  deduxisse  suum.  Quod  et  asserit  Nemesius  de 
Nat.  Horn.  cap.  i.  Quidam,  e  quibus  est  Plotinus,  aliud  esse  animam,  et  aliud 
mentem  statuentes,  ex  tribus  constare  volunt  hominem,  e  corpore,  anima,  et 
mente.  Hos  secutus  est  Apollinaris  Laodiceae  episcopus.  His  enim  jactis 
fundamentis  sententiae  suaa,  reliqua  dogmati  suo  consentanea  superstruxit.  S. 
Basn.  ann.  364.  n.  xii.  p,  6. 


270  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

Gregory  quotes,  as  a  voucher,  a  work  of  Apollinarius  him 
self;  he  says,  itn  could  not  be  his,  but  rather  a  work  of  one 
of  his  disciples.  He  moreover  argues,  that  Theodoret  in  his 
Heretical  Fables  does  not  ascribe  the  opinion  of  the  descent 
of  Christ's  body  from  heaven  to  Apollinarius,  but  to  some 
of  his  followers. 

10.  To  which  I  would  answer,  that  there  appears  not  any 
good  reason  to  deny  the  genuineness  of  the  book  alleged  by 
Gregory  Nazianzen.  To  do  so  is  an  arbitrary  proceeding  : 
for  what  account  can  be  given  of  Gregory's  mistaking  the 
author?  Secondly,  Theodoret  in  his  work  of  Heretical 
Fables  does,  indeed,  make  two  chapters,  one  of  Apollinarius, 
another  of  the  Polemians,  and  others  his  disciples.  And  in 
this  last  chapter  he  says,  that0  some  of  these  were  of  opinion, 
that  the  Lord's  body  came  down  from  heaven.  Neverthe 
less,  in  his  Ecclesiastical  History,  Theodoret  speaking  of 
Apollinarius  says:  Sometimes?  he  said,  that  our  Lord  took 
flesh,  or  his  body,  of  the  holy  virgin  :  at  other  times,  that 
his  flesh  came  down  from  heaven,  together  with  God  the 
Word.  Sometimes  he  said,  that  the  Word  was  made  flesh, 
without  taking  any  thing  from  us.  Which  diversity  of  sen 
timents  is  hinted  also  in  the  just  cited  chapter  of  the  Here 
tical  Fables.  Yea,  he  there  expressly  says,  that  1  those  of 
his  followers,  who  said,  that  the  Lord's  body  came  down 
from  heaven,  supported  themselves  by  his  writings.  Thirdly, 
all  the  sentiments  ascribed  to  Apollinarius  by  Gregory,  in 
his  letter  to  Nectarius,  appear  in  other  authors  of  the  same 
time,  who  wrote  against  him.  Thatr  the  body  of  Christ 
came  down  from  heaven  ;  that8  his  flesh  and  divinity  were 
homoiisian  ;  that1  his  deity  suffered  ;  are  all  opinions  of 
Apollinarius,  or  his  disciples,  taken  notice  of  by  Athanasius 
in  his  books  against  the  Apollinarists  in  372,  or  thereabout. 
The  same  things  are  observable  in  the  letter  of  Athanasius 
to  Epictetus  bishop  of  Corinth,  written  about  the  year  371, 
particularly  those  offensive  notions,  that  the  body  of  Jesus 

"  Librum  tamen  Apollinaristae  potius,  quam  Apollinaris  ipsius  esse  existi" 

mamus—  Librum  ea  impia  continentern  subditum  esse  existimamus.  Ib.  p.  7.  a. 

Kat  aXXoi  Se  nvtq  tK  rrjg  AwoXXivapia  avvaywyrjg,  tK  ru)v  upavwv  ifyaoav 

KaTi\r)\v9  tvat  r&  Kupis  ffwfta.     Ata^opa  8e  tvpovrtf  tv  TOIQ  ZKUVH  ffvyypanp.aai 

Soy  para,  oi  fjitv  Tsroig,  oi  8t  tieeivoig  rjpe0Qt)(rav.    H.  F.  1.  iv.  cap.  9. 

ITore  /it  v  yap  avv^oXoyti  icca  CLVTOQ  etc  rrjg  aytag  TrapBeva  Trpoffti\T)<j)9nvai 
rr\v  (TapKcr  ITOTC  de  apavoOev  ravrrjv  rip  Sty  Aoyy  0vyKaTe\n\v6tvai  $r}ffiv' 
aXAor£  Se  avrov  ytyevqaflat  <mp/ca,  stiiv  t%  imuv  eiXjjAora.  H.  E.  1.  V.  c.  3.  p. 
200.  D.  ^  q  See  note  °. 

r  Ifwe  vfuig  TraXiv  X«ytr«  e£  «pav«  TO  crw^a  :  Athanas.  contra  Apollinarist, 
.  i.  n.  7.  1.  i.  p.  927.  B. 


aapica  rrjQ  SIOTIJTOG  \tyttv  eirixtiptiTe.  Ib.  p.  929.  B.  Vid.  et  E. 

Maratoi  sv  oi  ry  Stonjri  «ITH  iraBoq  irpoffayovng.  1.  ii.  p.  955.  C. 


APOLLINARIUS,  Bishop  of  Laodicea.     A.  D.  362.          271 

wasu  consubstantial  andT  coeternal  with  his  deity.  The 
like  things  are  taken  notice  of  by  Epiphaniusw  in  his  article 
concerning'  them,  written  in  377.  As  Apollinarius  was  then 
living,  it  seems  to  me  to  make  little  difference,  whether  they 
were  his  notions,  or  his  disciples'.  I  might  refer  likewise  to 
Gregory  Nyssen's  long  work  against  them  published  by 
Zacagni,  where  all  the  same  sentiments  are  disputed  :  asx 
the  mortality  of  the  Deity  in  Christ,  they  pre-existence  of  his 
body  and7  its  being  brought  down  from  heaven,  as  wella  as 
the  Word's  supplying  the  place  of  a  rational  soul  in  Christ. 
And  Gregory  Nyssen  supposeth  all  along  that  he  argued 
with  Apollinarius  himself,  as  he  had  expressed  his  notions 
in  his  own  work.  Indeed  some  of  these  things  are  very 
strange;  which  may  make  us  doubt,  whether  Apollinarius 
be  not  misrepresented,  and  whether  some  of  the  opinions 
ascribed  to  him  are  not  consequences  which  he  did  not 
own  :  but  I  apprehend,  that  they  are  as  much  his,  as  his 
disciples'. 

11.  The  principal  doctrine,  by  which  Apollinarius  and  his 
followers  were  distinguished,  was,  that  Christ  had  no  ra 
tional  soul,  and  that  the  Word  supplied  the  office  of  it.  With 
respect  to  that  opinion,  Epiphaniusb  gave  them  the  denomina 
tion  of  Dimceritrc,  and  so  entitled  his  article  concerning  them  : 
denoting  persons  who  maimed  the  person  of  Christ,  and  made 
him  consist  of  two  parts  only,  animated  flesh,  and  Divinity  : 


enreiv  TO  £K   Mapiac   (Ta>/xa   TTJQ  TS  \oys 
;  Ad  Epict.  p.  902.  B. 
flo9ev   vfiiv  tTTTjXOtv  tnreiv,  w  STOI,  opoaaiov  tivai   TO  (rwjua  TTJQ  TS   Xoys 
StoTrjTOG  j    ATTO  yap  TUTS  KaXov  £<riv  ap^aa9ai.     Ib.  p.  903.  E. 

v     -  W<T£    tlTTtlV   [AT]  VfWTtQOV  tivai  TO  (TCU/Za    T1]Q    TS  0£8    Aoy8  &tC>Tr)TO£, 

aXXa    ovva'ifiiov   awry   SiairavTOQ  ytytvtjoQai,   tTTtide   tK  ri\g,  aaiaq  TTJQ 
(rvv^n-  P-  902.  D.  w  Vid.  H.  77.  n.  ii.  p.  997,  998. 

x    '  ATrag  yap  awry  TrjQ  Xoyoypa0iag  6  OKOTTOQ  Trpog  TSTO  /3\£7T£t,  TO 
TS  fiovoyevtig  QtH  rr\v  S'forqra.     Gr.   Nyss.  adv.  Apoll.  ap.  Zacagn.  Monum. 
Vet.  p.  132.  in. 

Et  yap  avTT)  TtQvijKev  TS  fiovoyfvag  S'EOTJJ?,  ovva.TTtQa.vt  TavTy  TravTwc  KO.I  ff 
far,.  K.  X.  Ibid.  infr.  Vid.  et  p.  133,  134.  '  *  Ib.  p.  150,  151.  et  alibi. 

z  Ib.  p.  205.  a  Ib.  p.  220,  &c.  et  alibi. 

b  Dimoeritarum  porro  nomine  Apollinaristas  insectatur  Epiphanius,  Haer.  77. 
Cujus  appellationis  causam  aperit  Gregorius  Nazianz.  cum  ait,  Orat.  46.  p. 
722.  corpus  et  animam  esse  in  Christo  TO  Tpirrjfiooiov,  tertiam  partem.  Apol- 
linaristae  quippe  aiebant,  in  Christo  partem  unam  hominis,  vsv  scilicet,  seu 
mentem,  a  Verbo  suppleri,  solumque  Verbum  junctum  corpori  et  animae, 
[ncmpe  sensitive,  ut  dictitabant  illi,]  totum  constituere  Cliristum.  Quamobrem, 
cum  ex  catholicorum  sententia  tribus,  constaret  Christus,  Verbo  scilicet,  mente 
humana,  et  corpore  animate,  qui  unam  ex  illis  demerent  partem,  mentem  sci 
licet,  a  duabas  aliis  SipoipiTai  audiebant.  Nam  Sipoipov  Graecis  est  duae  tertiee 
paries,  &c.  Benedictin.  in  ep.  ad  Epictet.  Admon.  ap.  Athan.  p.  900. 


272  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

whereas  the  catholics  supposed  him  to  have  a  human  soul, 
or  mind,  and  a  human  body,  with  the  Word. 

IV.  I  now  proceed  to  observe  some  of  his  works,  which 
have  not  yet  been  taken  notice  of. 

1.  Basil,  in  a  letter  written  in  376,  mentions0   a  book 
concerning  the  Holy  Spirit,  which  he  had  not  seen.     Whe 
ther  this  book  regarded  any  of  his  peculiar  notions,  I  can 
not  certainly  say.     Here  Basil  says,  he  had  heard,  that  Apol- 
linarius  was  become  the  most  voluminous  of  writers  :  but  he 
had  seen  few  of  his  works.     In  another  letter,  written  in 
377,  he  says,  thatd  Apollinarius,  being  endowed  with  a  great 
facility  of  writing,  had    filled  the  whole  world   with   his 
books,  neglecting  the  advice  of  Solomon  in  Ecc.  xii.  12. 

2.  When  Basil6  g'ives  an  account  of  ApolJinarius's   doc 
trine  concerning  the  incarnation,  he  may  be  supposed  to  re 
fer    to    some    writing  of  his.     When    Gregory    Nazianzen 
speaks  of  the  same  matter,  he  appears  f  to  have  had  a  volume 
of  Apollinarius  before  him,  though  he  does  not  mention  the 
title.     Gregory  Nyssen?  expressly  names  the  book  confuted 
by  him. 

3.  When  Basil  gives  an  account  of  Apollinarius's  notion 
concerning  the  Millennium,  he  seems  also  to  refer  h  to  some 
book  :    whether    he   means    the  work    against    Dionysius, 
bishop  of  Alexandria,  mentioned  by1  Jerom,  I  cannot  say. 

4.  Apollinarius  wrote  verse  easily,  and  agreeably:  andk 
accordingly  composed  short  psalms  and  hymns,  fitted  for 
festivals,  and  for  all   seasons,  and  upon  a  great  variety  of 
subjects,  all  tending  to  the  praise  and  glory  of  God.     The 
men  sung  them  at  their  work,  and  at  their  entertainments  ; 


c  Ou  p,t]v  Trtpi  ra  Uvtvparos  Ta  ayi8  r)  aiTrjiras  OVTOV  otSa  j3i/3X«ov,  r\  cnroa- 
TaXev  v7roSt^ap.tvog.  AXXa  iroXv<f><i)voTaTov  ptv  avrov  aicaw  TTUVTWV  <ruyyna- 
0fwv  yiytvneQai.  K.  X.  Ep.  244.  [al.  82.]  T.  iii.  p.  378. 

d  Ep.  263.  [al.  74.]  p.  404.  '  Ep.  263.  p.  407.  A.  Vid. 

supra,  p.  266.  note  °.  f  -  6ri  ^Ot  TTVKTWV  tv  x«p<»  ra 

A-rroXXivapm,  tv  d>  KaTa<TKrjva%o[itva.  iraaav  aiperucriv  KctKtav  irepitpxtTai.    Or. 
4o.  p.  722.  A.  K  'Qg  $'  av  fj.t]  SoKoiy  Xot^opia  TO  \eyop.ivov 

nvai,  iva  TWV  Trap'  avrs  Trtpi^fpo/urwv  Xoywv  TTpoaBrjcro^tv,  8  rj  £7rtypa^q 
avrrj' 


Gr.  Nyss.  Antirrhet.  adv.  Apol.  ap.  Zacagn.  p.  125,  126. 

h  Ep.  263.  p.  406.  Vid.  supr.  p.  266.  not.  °. 

1  Cui  duobus  voluminibus  respondit  Apollinarius,  quern  non  solum  suee 
sectee  homines,  sed  et  nostrorum  in  hac  parte  duntaxat  plurima  sequitur  mul- 
titudo.  Comm.  in  Is.  T.  iii.  p.  478.  M. 


,  -  7ra9a  rag  vtvofiifffjifvaQ  itpag  (odag,  tfjifjierpa  nva  fie\v£pia  aorrff, 
Trap  aura  ATroXXtvnpia  tvprifitva  —  Avdpeg  re  -rrapa  TSQ  TTOTHQ  KCII  tv  epyoiQ,  icai 
yvvaiKiQ  irapa  Tag  i^»s  ra  avrs  jwX?/  t^aXXov.  STra^^g  yap  Kai  avtafus,  KCU 
toprwv,  KOI  TUV  aXXwv,  irpoq  TOV  tKa«ra  Kaipov  (iSv\\ia  avTy  irtTrovrjTO,  iravTa 
etc  tvXoytaj/  Gea  rttvovra.  Soz.  1.  vi.  c.  25.  p.  671.  B.  C. 


APOLLINARIUS.     Bishop  of  Laodicea.     A.  D.  362.         273 

the  women  sung  them  at  the  spindle  :  and  some  were  sung 
by  his  followers  in  their  religious  assemblies,  in  the  room 
of  those  which  were  generally  used.  So  says  Sozomen  in  his 
Ecclesiastical  History.  Gregory  Nazianzen,  referring  to 
these  poems,  speaks  as1  if  they  had  a  new  Psalter,  but  dis 
sonant  from  that  of  David  ;  and  as  if  his  writings  were  made 
by  his  followers  a  third  Testament,  or  a  part  of  sacred  scrip 
ture  :  in  which  he  may  be  supposed  to  aggravate  more  than 
a  little. 

5.  There  is  a  collection  of  small  poems,  m   fifty-three  in 
number,  called  Homerici  Centones  de  Christo.     The  subjects 
are  taken  out  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  chiefly  the 
latter  :  They  are  such  as  these,  our  Saviour's  conception  and 
birth,  the  presents  brought  by  the   Magi,  the  slaughter  of 
the  infants  at  Bethlehem,  John  the  Baptist,  the  wedding  at 
Cana,  the  woman  of  Samaria,  the  raising  of  Lazarus  from  the 
dead,    and  several   other  of  our  Saviour's   miracles  ;    our 
Lord's  crucifixion,  burial,  resurrection,  and  ascension.     But 
these  are  not  generally  ascribed  to  Apollinarius. 

6.  I  hope  I  have  now  given  a  sufficient  account  of  the 
works  and  opinions  of  Apollinarius  ;  not  thinking  it  need 
ful  to  enter  farther  into  the  history  of  his  followers,  or  the 
sentences  of  condemnation  pronounced  by  councils  upon  him, 
or  them.     They  who  desire  a  more  particular   account  of 
those  things  may  consult  the  writings  of  the  learned  mo 
derns  formerly11  referred  to. 

V.  It  is  almost  needless  to  observe,  that  Apollinarius  re 
ceived  all  the  scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament  which 
we   do,  without  adding   to   them  any  other,  so  far  as  we 
know.     His  firm  belief  of  the  Christian  religion  appears  in 
the  books  written  in  the  defence  of  it,  and  in  the  various 
compositions  designed  for  the  benefit  of  Christians   in  the 
troublesome   time  of  Julian's  reign.     His  respect   for  the 
scriptures  is  manifest  to  all,  from  his  numerous  commenta 
ries  upon  them,  which  have  been  particularly  taken  notice 
of  in  this  chapter. 

VI.  I  never  intended  to  draw  the  character  of  Apollina 
rius.     Shall  I,  nevertheless,  present  the  reader  with   that 
given  by  Tillemont  ?  but  without  adopting  it.     '  He  seems,' 
says  °  that  laborious  writer,  '  to  have  preserved  always  the 


Et  St  olfJiaKpoi  \oyot,  KCU  vta  \pa\Trjpia,  KO.I  avrtfajva    T'p  &ct(3iS,  KO.I  17 
P'£»  n  "rpirrj  SiaOrjicr]  vo[U%tTai'  Kai  Jtyi«i£  \^a\p,o\oyt]ffOfitv,  KO.I 
icai  niTprjoofjiev.  Greg.  Naz.  ad  Cledon.  ep.  1.  p.  745.  B.  C. 
m  Ap.  Bib.  PP.  Morell.  T.  xiv.  p.  95—152.  n  See  p.  265,  note  n. 

0  II  semble  avoir  toujours  conserve  ]'  exterieur  d'  une  vie  sainte  et  exem- 
plaire,     Les  Apollinaristes.  Art.  13.  Mem.  T.  vii. 
VOL.  IV.  T 


274  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

i  outside  of  a  holy  and  exemplary  life;  of  which  neverthe 
less  Gregory  of  Nyssa  seems  not  to  have  been  fully  per 
suaded.     But  he  also  maintained  to  the  end  his  impiety, 
and  died  in  his  heresy.     So'1  that  we  cannot  admit  the  hope 
of  any  other   lot  for  him,  but  the   condemnation  of  hell. 
Such  has  been  the  unhappy  condition  of  this  great  man, 
who  had  received  so  extraordinary  talents  of  nature,  and 
so  great  gifts  of  grace,  who  had  combated  with  so  much 
courage,  and  so  much  glory,  for  the  true   faith  against  the 
enemies  of  it.     But  because  he  trusted  in  his  own  wisdom, 
because  he  would   solve  those  difficulties,  which   human 
reason  cannot  clear  up,  because  he  gave  way  to  the  desires 
of  a  vain  curiosity;    all    the  advantages  which   he  had 
became  unprofitable  to  him,  and   he  has  deserved  to  be 
regarded,  by  all  the  church,  as  a  schismatic  and  a  heretic.' 
It  must  be  owned,  that  the  notions  advanced   by  him  in 
the  latter  part  of  his  life  have  greatly  diminished  his  credit: 
but  yet,  I  would   hope,  they  need  not  to  be  understood  to 
have  obliterated  the  merit  of  his  past  services  for  the  chris- 
tian  religion.     And  I  believe,  that  all  my  readers  in  general 
may  concur  in  a  wish,  that  we  still   had  his  confutation  of 
Porphyry,  which  has  been  highly  recommended  by  learned 
Christians  of  different  sentiments  in  former  times. 

Du  Pin,q  having  mentioned  Apollinarius's  Paraphrase  of 
the  Psalms,  adds :  *  All  the  other  works  of  this  author  are 
lost,  except  some  fragments.  His  error,  in  all  probability, 
occasioned  this  loss  :  the  catholics  had  such  a  dread  of  the 
books  of  heretics,  that  they  have  not  preserved  so  much  as 
those  which  had  no  relation  to  their  heresy,  and  which 
might  have  been  useful  to  the  church ;  for  which  reason 
we  have  scarce  any  books  of  heretics  left.  And  the  Euty- 
chians  were  obliged  to  put  out  the  works  of  Apollinarius 
with  the  names  of  catholic  authors.' 
If  that  be  so,  we  must  acknowledge,  that  the  catholics 
were  to  blame;  it  is  like  rooting  up  tares  and  good  corn 
all  together.  And  we  may  hence  receive  this  instruction; 
to  be  upon  our  guard,  that  we  admit  not  too  great  an  aver 
sion  for  men  on  account  of  difference  of  sentiment,  in  things 
of  a  speculative  nature;  lest  by  violence  in  opposing  error 
we  should  obstruct  the  progress  of  knowledge,  and  the 
cause  of  truth,  which  we  are  desirous  to  serve. 

I  have  written  the  name  of  this  author  Apollinarius.  I 
shall  here  transcribe  a  note  of  Du  Pin,  as  it  may  serve  for 
my  justification  with  those  who  are  but  little  acquainted 

P  De  sorte  qu'  on  ne  peut  esperer  d'  autre  sort  pour  lui  que  la  condamna- 
tion  d'  enfer.  Ibid.  q  Bib.  des  Aut.  EC.  T.  ii.  p.  127. 


DAMASUS,  Bishop  of  Rome.     A.  D.  366.  275 

with  such  things.  '  The  P  Greeks,'  says  he,  *  always  call 
'  him  A7ro\ivapio*.  St.  Basil  alone  writes  his  name  with  two 
«  XX,  11.  St.  Jerom  calls  him  Apollinarius.  The  generality 

*  of  the  Latin  writers  give  him  the  name  of  Apollinaris,  as 

*  more  soft.'     I  have  chosen  to  follow  the  Greeks  and  Jerom, 
in  the  termination  of  his  name  :  unless  I  might  have  dropped 
the  harsh  ending,  and  written  his  name  Apollinaire,  as  the 
French  do.     I  shall  only  add,  that  in  L.  Kuster's  edition  of 
Suidas,  a  Greek  author,  the  name  is  written  with  a  double  1. 
His  name  is  written   in  the  like  manner  in  q  the  Paschal 
Chronicle. 


CHAP.  XCVI. 

DAMASUS,  BISHOP  OF  ROME. 


1.  DAMASUS,  though  not  without  a  warm  contest  with 
Ursinus,  or  Ursicinus,  his  competitor,  succeeded  Liberius, 
bishop  of  Rome,  who  died  in  September,  366.  The  dis 
turbances  in  the  city,  occasioned  by  that  competition,  are 
taken  notice  of  by  Jerom  in  his  a  Chronicle,  and  by  Ammi- 
anus  Marcellinus,  b  a  heathen  author,  as  well  as  by  c  our 
ecclesiastical  historians.  Socrates  says,  '  There  d  was  at 
'  that  time  a  great  disturbance  among  the  citizens  of  Rome. 
*  Nor  was  it  owing  to  a  contention  about  any  doctrine  of  the 
'  faith,  or  about  any  heresy,  but  only  who  should  have  the 
'  episcopal  chair.'  Damasus  sat  in  that  see  above  eighteen 

P  Bib.  des  Aut.  EC.  ii.  p.  127.  not.  a.  1  P.  237.  C.  Paris.  1688. 

a  Romanae  ecclesiae  tricesimus  quintus  ordinatur  episcopus  Damasus.  Et 
non  post  multum  temporis  intervallum  Ursinus  a  quibusdam  episcopus  consti- 
tutus  Sicinnium  cum  suis  invadit.  Quo  Damasianae  partis  populo  confluente, 
crudelissimae  interfectiones  diversisexus  perpetrates.  Chr.  p.  186. 

b  Damasus  et  Ursinus,  supra  humanum  modum  ad  rapiendam  episcopatus 
sedem  ardentes,  scissis  studiis  asperrime  conflictabantur,  ad  usque  mortis  vul- 
nerumque  discrimina  adjumentis  utriusque  progressis. — Et  in  concertatione  su- 
peraverat  Damasus,  parte  quae  ei  favebat  instante.  Constatque,  in  basilica 
Sicinini,  ubi  ritus  christiani  est  conventiculum,  uno  die  centum  triginta  septem 
reperta  cadavera  peremptorum  :  efferatamque  plebem  aegre  postea  delenitam. 
Ammian.  1.  xxvii.  c.  3. 

c  Vid.  Socr.  1.  iv.  c.  29.  Soz.  1.  vi.  c.  23.  Ruf.  1.  ii.  c.  10.  Faustin.  et  Mar- 
cellin.  Lib.  pr.  in  Praef.  ap.  Bib.  PP.  T.  V.  p.  652. 

d   E<=ra<ria£ov  uv  irpog  iavrug,  &  Sia  rivet  TTITIV  ij  aiptffiv,  a\\a  Trtpe  ru  ftovov 

TTiKu  S'povs  tyKpaTt]g  -y€vta9ai.  1.  iv.  c.  29. 

T    2 


276  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

years,  and  died   in  384,  being  then  almost   eighty  years  of 
age. 

2.  Damasus   is  in    Jerom's  Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical 
Writers :  and   I  transcribe  the   article e  below.      What   he 
says  of  him  is  chiefly  this  :  That  he  had  a  good   talent  for 
poetry,  and  wrote  several  small  pieces  in  verse.     In  another 
place  he  says,  that f  Damasus  had  written  in  praise  of  vir 
ginity,  both   in   prose  and   verse.     There  s  are  still  extant 
several  small   poems,  which   are  ascribed   to  him,  but  not 
allowed  by  all  to  be  genuine,  which   have  been  published, 
together  with  his  epistles,  and  a  history  of  his  life,  and  nu 
merous  testimonies  to  him,  collected  out  of  ancient  and  later 
writers. 

3.  Damasus  had  a  great  regard  for  Jerom,  on  account  of 
his    learning  and    knowledge  of  the  scriptures.      Jerom h 
whilst  in  the  east  wrote  to  Damasus,  asking  his  advice  con 
cerning  his  own  conduct.     When'  Jerom  came  to  Rome  in 
382,  Damasus  employed  him  as  his  secretary,  to  write  letters 
for  him  upon  ecclesiastical  affairs,  in  answer  to  councils  or 
bishops  in  foreign   parts.     Here  k  Jerom  stayed  three  years, 
that  is,  till  some  time  after  the  death  of  Damasus,  and  re 
turned  into  the  East  in  385. 

4.  At  the  desire  of  Damasus,  Jerom !  corrected  the  edition 
of  the  Latin  version  of  the  New  Testament,  or  of  the  gospels 
at  least.     At  his  request  it  is  also  said  m  that  Jerom  revised 
the  Latin  version  of  the  Psalms,  which  had  been  made  from 
the  Greek  of  the  Seventy :  and   it  is  certain  that n  this  was 

e  Damasus,  Romanae  urbis  episcopus,  elegans  in  versibus  componendis 
ingenium  habuit,  multaque  et  brevia  metro  edidit,  et  prope  octogenarius  sub 
Theodosio  principe  mortuus  est.  DeV.  I.  cap.  103. 

f  Legas— beati  Cypriani  volumen  egregium,  et  papae  Damasi  super  hac  re, 
versu  prosaque  composita.  Ad  Eustochium,  ep.  18.  [al.  22.]  T.  iv.  p.  37.  m. 

8  S.  Damasi  Papae  Opera  quae  exstant,  et  Vita  ex  Cod.  MSS.  cum  notis  M. 
S.  Sarazanii.  Romas.  1638.  Paris.  1672.  et  ap.  Bib.  PP.  Max.  T.  xxvii.  p. 
55—97.  Vid.  et  Baron,  ann.  384.  n.  xxxi.  &c. 

11  Vid.  Hieron.  ep.  14.  [al.  17,]  T.  iv.  P.  2.  p.  19.  ep.  16.  [al.  58.]  p.  22. 

1  Ante  annos  plurimos,  quum  in  chartis  ecclesiasticis  juvarem  Damasum 
Romanae  urbis  episcopum,  et  Orientis  atque  Occidents  synodicis  consultationi- 
bus  responderem.  Ad  Ageraoh.  ep.  91.  T.  iv.  p.  744.  f. 

k  Pene  certe  triennium  cum  eis  vixi.  Ad  Asell.  ep.  28.  [al.  94.]  T.  iv.  p. 
66.  in,  '  Vid.  Hieron.  ep.  142.  seu  Praef.  in.  iv.  Evangelia. 

T.  i.  p.  1426.  edit.  Bened.  m  Vid.  Baron,  ann.  382. 

n.  27.  et  Tillem.  S.  Damase.  art.  13.  Mem.  T.  8. 

n  Psalterium  Romas  dudum  positus  emendaram,  et  juxta  Septuaginta  Inter- 
pretes,  licet  cursim,  magna  illud  ex  parte  correxeram.  Pr.  in  libr.  Psalm.  T. 
i.  p.  1222. 

Psalterium  quoque,  quod  certe  emendatissitnum  juxta  Septuaginta  Interpre- 
tes  nostro  labore  dudum  Roma  suscepit,  rursus  juxta  Hebraicum  vertens,  prae- 
fatione  munivi.  Adv.  Ruf.  1.  ii.  T.  4.  p.  429. 


DAMASUS,  Bishop  of  Rome.     A.  D.  366.  277 

done  by  him  when  at  Rome.  Damasus  °  put  Jerom  upon 
translating'  Didymus's  Treatise  upon  the  Spirit  out  of  Greek 
into  Latin  :  but  it  was  not  finished  until  after  his  death. 

5.  Damasus  often  wrote  to  Jerom  letters  containing  ques 
tions  concerning   difficult  texts  of  scripture.      To   him    is 
addressed  P  Jerom's  explication  of  the  vision  of  the  Seraphim 
in   the  sixth   chapter  of  Isaiah.     In  a  letter q   still   extant, 
Damasus  desires  Jerom  to  give  him  a  clear  explication  of 
the  word  Hosanna  found  in  the  New  Testament,  he  having 
met  with  very  different  interpretations  of  it   in   the  Greek 
and  Latin  Commentaries  of  catholic  writers,  which  he  had 
read.     This  occasioned  Jerom  to  write  a  letter1"  upon  that 
subject,  which  we  still  have.     At  his  request  likewise  Jerom 
explained  the  parable  of  the  Prodigal   Son.     I  shall   tran 
scribe  below8  a  part  of  Damasus's  letter,  which  is  inserted 
in  Jerom's  answer  :  whereby  it  appears  that  there  were  then 
two  common  interpretations  of  that  parable :  some  by  the 
elder  and  younger  sons  understanding  the  Jewish   people 
and  the  Gentiles,  others  righteous  men  and  sinners. 

6.  These*  three  epistles  or  discourses  upon  the  Seraphim, 
Hosanna,   and  the   Prodigal   Son,  are  mentioned  by  Jerom 
in  the  last  chapter  of  his  Catalogue,  where  he  enumerates 
his  own  works.     To  his  discourse  upon  the  Hebrew  word 
Hosanna,   he  refers  likewise  in"  his   Commentary  upon   St. 
Matthew,  and  to  that  upon  the  Seraphim  in  v  a  letter,  writ 
ten  about  the  year  398  or  399. 

0  Cum  in  Babylone  versarer,  et  purpuratae  meretrieis  essem  colonus,  et  jure 
Quiritum  viverem,  volui  garrire  aliquid  de  Spiritu  Sancto,  et  cceptum  opuscu- 
lum  ejusdem  urbis  Pontifici  dedicare. — Itaque,  mi  Pauliane  frater,  quia  su- 
pradictus  Pontifex  Damasus,  qui  me  ad  hoc  opus  primus  impulerat,  jam  dor- 
mit  in  Christo.— Pr.  in  libr.  Didym.  de  Sp.  S.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  494. 

P  Ep.  142.  T.  hi.  p.  515.  ed.  Bened.  «  Commentaria 

quum  legerem  Graeco  Latinoque  sermone  in  evangeliorum  iriterpretatione  a 
nostris,  id  est,  orthodoxis  viris,  olim  ac  nuper  scripta  de  eo  quod  legitur 
Osanna  Filio  David  (Matt.  xxi.  9.)  non  solum  diversa,  sed  etiam  contraria 
sibi  proferunt.  Dilectionis  tuae  est,  ut  ardenti  et  illo  strenuitatis  ingenio — 
quid  se  habeant  apud  Hebraeos  vivo  sensu  scribas.  Ep.  144.  ap.  Hieron.  T.  iv. 
P.  i.  p.  145.  r  Ep.  145.  ib.  p.  145,  &c. 

8  Ais :  *  Quis  est  iste  in  evangelic  Pater,  qui  duobus  filiis  substantiam  di- 

*  vidit  ?  Qui  duo  filii  ?  Qui  major,  quive  minor  ? — -Addis  insuper :  Scio  mul- 
'  tos  in  hac  lectione  diversa  dixisse :  et  fratrem  majorem  Judaeum,  minorem 

*  existimasse  Gentilem  populum.     Sed  quaero,  quomodo  Judaico  populo  possit 
'  aptari  •  *  Ecce  tot  annis  servivi  tibi,  et  nunquam  mandatum  tuum  praeterii.' 
— Si  autem,  ut  ais,  de  justo  et  peccatore  voluerimus  esse  parabolam,  justo 

*  non  potuit  convenire,  ut  de  salute  alterius,  et  maxime  fratris,  contristetur.' 
Ad  Damas.  ep.  146.  Vid.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  149. 

1  De  Seraphim,  et  Osanna,  et  de  frugi  et  luxurioso  filiis.     De  V.  I.  cap. 
ult.  u  In  Matth.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  95,  96. 

v  In  lectione  Isaiae,  in  qua  duo  Seraphim  clamantia  describuntur. — Habetur 


278  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

7.  There  is  also  still   extant  another  letter  of  Damasus, 
written  in  the  last  year  of  his  life  :  in  which  he  says,  there  w 
could  be  no  higher  entertainment,  than   to  confer   together 
upon  the  holy  scriptures  :  and  he  desires,  that  he  may  pro 
pound  questions,  whilst  Jerom  makes  answers.     Here  he 
proposes  several  difficult  texts  to  Jerom,  which  x  he  after 
wards  explained.     In  the  same  letter  Damasus  passeth  that 
judgment  upon  Lactantius,  which  was  formerly  y  taken  no 
tice  of. 

8.  Finally,  Jerom z  calls  Damasus  a  great  man,  and  says, 
he  was  well  acquainted  with  the  scriptures. 

9.  For   a  fuller   history  of  Damasus  and   his  works,   I 
refer  to zz  several. 


CHAP.  XCVII. 

BASIL,  BISHOP  OF  C^ESAREA  IN  CAPPADOCIA. 


I.  His  time,  and  works.  II.  Books  of  scripture  received  by 
him.  III.  A  passage  relating  to  the  epistle  to  the  Ephe- 
sians  considered.  IV.  Respect  for  the  scriptures. 

I.  AS  St.  Basil  is  in  Jerom's  Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical 
Writers,  and  the  chapter  is  not  long,  I  place  it  entire  at 
the  bottom  of  the a  page. 

liber  in  manibus,  ante  viginti  annos  editus.  Ad  Pamm.  et  Ocean,  ep.  41. 
[al.  65.]  T.  iv.  p.  ii.  p.  243.  in. 

w  Neque  vero  ullam  puto  digniorem  disputationis  nostrse  confabulationem 
fore,  quam  si  de  scripturis  sermocinemur  inter  nos  :  id  est,  ut  ego  interrogem, 
tu  respondeas.  Qua  vita  nihil  puto  in  hac  luce  jucundius,  quo  animae  pabulo 
mella  omnia  superantur,  &c.  Ep.  124.  Vid.  T.  ii.  p.  561. 

*  Ep.  125.  p.  262,  &c.  ib.  y  See  Vol.  iii.  p.  488,  490. 

"  Dum  adhuc  viveret  sanctaa  memorise  Damasus,  librum  contra  Helvidium 
de  beatae  Maria?  virginitate  perpetua  scripsimus.  Num  vir  egregius,  et  eruditus 
in  scripturis,  et  virgo,  et  ecclesias  virginis  doctor,  aliquid  in  illo  sermone  re- 
prehendit  ?  Ad  Pamm.  ep.  30.  [al.  50.]  T.  iv.  P.  2.  p.  240.  f. 

"  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  230,  and  his  Life  of  Damasus,  in  the  Appendix  to 
the  Lives  of  the  Primitive  Fathers,  Vol.  ii.  p.  30.  Du  Pin,  Bib.  T.  ii.  p.  151. 
Tillem.  Mem.  T.  viii.  Pagi  ann.  384.  n.  ii.  iii.  and  Mr.  Bower's  History  of  the 
Bishops  of  Rome,  Vol.  i.  p.  179—233.  • 

a  Basilius,  Caesareae  Cappadociae,  quae  prius  Mazaca  vocabatur,  episcopus, 
egregios  contra  Eunomium  elaboravit  libros,  et  de  Spiritu  Sancto  volumen,  et 
in  Hexaemeron  homilias  novem,  et  AVKIJTIKOV,  et  breves  variosque  tractatus. 
Moritur  imperante  Gratiano.  De  V.  I.  cap.  116. 


BASIL.  Bishop  of  Casarea  in  Cappadocia.     A.  D.  370.        279 

It  is  generally  supposed,  that  Basil,  commonly  called  the 
Great,  was  born  in  Cappadocia,  in  the  year  328  or  329. 
And  according  tob  the  different  apprehensions  of  learned 
men,  he  was  ordained  bishop  of  Caesarea,  the  capital  city 
of  his  native  country,  in  369,  or  370,  or  371,  and  died  in 
the  very  beginning  of  378,  or  379,  or  380,  having  been 
bishop  eight  years,  and  somewhat  more. 

Many  writings  have  been  ascribed  to  Basil  without 
ground.  For  which  reason  divers  learned  moderns0  have 
taken  commendable  pains  in  distinguishing  the  spurious 
from  the  genuine.  In  which  service  none  I  think  have  ex 
celled  Julian  Garner,  the  Benedictine  editor  of  St.  Basil's 
works.  I  wish,  however,  that  he  had  been  able  to  reduce 
his  observations  into  less  compass. 

II.  I  know  of  no  reason  to  doubt,  that  Basil  received  all 
the  books  of  the  New  Testament  that  we  do ;  but  I  cannot 
say,  that  he  has  quoted  them  all.  He  has  quoted  all  St. 
Paul's  epistles,  particularly  that  to  the  Hebrews,  as  his. 
He  does  not  much  quote  the  catholic  epistles :  however,  he 
has  several  times  quoted  the  first  epistle  of  St.  Peter,  and 
the  first  epistle  of  St.  John.  The  second  epistle  of  St.  Peter 
is  once  quoted d  in  the  fifth  book  against  Eunomius,  not 
allowed  by  all  to  be  genuine.  The  epistle  of  St.  James  is 
very  seldom  quoted,  the  epistle  of  St.  Jude,^and  the  first 
and  second  epistle  of  St.  John,  not  at  all  that  I  remember. 
Though  there  be  very  little  notice  taken  of  the  book  of  the 
Revelation  in  his  writings,  I  presume  it  cannot  be  said  to 
have  been  rejected  by  him ;  for  in  his  second  book  against 
Eunomius,  having  before  quoted  St.  John's  gospel,  i.  1,  he 
adds:  <Ande  the  same  evangelist  in  another  book  says: 
"Which  is,"  and  "Which  was,  even  the  Almighty." 
[Rev.  i.  8.]  The  same  text  is  also f  quoted  in  the  fourth 
book  against  Eunomius.  But  that  book  is  not  universally 
allowed  to  be  genuine,  some  thinking,  that  Basil  wrote  no 
more  than  three  books  against  Eunomius.  I  would  add, 
that  s  Basil  is  named  by  Arethas  among  those  who  received 
the  book  of  the  Revelation  as  inspired  scripture. 

b  Vid.  Cav.  H.L.  Pagi,  ann.  369.  xvi.  370.  ix.  x.  xxiii.  378.  ii.  Basnag. 
A.  370.  n.  vi.  &c.  380.  n.  viii.  ix.  Fabr.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  viii.  p.  60.  Du  Pin,  T. 
ii.  p.  154.  Tillem.  Mem.  T.  ix.  c  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i. 

Fabr.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  viii.  p.  69,  &c.  Tillem.  Mem.  EC.  T.  ix.  Du  Pin,  Bib.  T. 
ii.  p.  154,  &c.  d  Adv.  Eunom.  1.  v.  in.  T.  i.  p.  296,  D. 

e  AXV  avrog  r^iiv  o  tvayyeXiTJje  tv  erspy  \oytp  rs  roisrs — 6  wi>»  feat  6  i\v, 
KCII  o  Trarroicparwp.  Adv.  Eunom.  1.  ii.  T.  i.  p.  249.  E. 

f  Kat  iv  ry  AiroKu\v\l/u'  o  <t>v,  Kat  o  ijv,  KO.I  6  t^ofitvoq.  Adv.  Eunom.  1. 
iv.  p.  282.  A.  «  Vid.  Areth.  p.  640.  ad  calcem  Commentar 

CEcumenii.  T.  ii. 


280  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

III.  In  St.  Basil's  second  book  against  Eunomius  is  a 
very  singular  passage  to  this  purpose.  <Andh  writing  to 
the  Ephesians,  as  truly  united  to  him  "  who  is,"  through 
knowledge,  he  called  them  in  a  peculiar  sense  "such  who 
are,  "  saying  :  "  To  the  saints  who  are,  and  "  [or  even]  "  the 
faithful  in  Christ  Jesus.  "  For  so  those  before  us  have 
transmitted  it,  and  we  have  found  it  in  ancient  copies/ 

It  is  well  known,  that  there  is  a  question  agitated  of  late 
among  the  learned,  concerning  the  persons  to  whom  the 
epistle,  called  to  the  Ephesians,  was  written.  But  I  do  not 
now  concern  myself  about  that  question  :  I  am  at  present 
only  desirous  to  settle,  as  far  as  I  am  able,  the  meaning  of 
this  passage  of  Basil  ;  in  which  he  has  been  supposed  by 
some  to  say,  that  he  had  seen  copies,  in  which  the  words  ev 
E0e<ru>,  *  at  Ephesus  '  were  wanting.  So  particularly  Dr.  ' 
Mill.  But  Mr.  L'Enfant  in  his  remarks  k  upon  Mill's  New 
Testament,  soon  after  its  publication  at  Oxford,  argues,  that 
Basil  does  not  say,  those  words,  *  at  Ephesus,'  were  wanting 
in  any  copies.  Ludolph  Kuster,  in  the  preface  to  his  edition 
of  Mill's  New  Testament,  justifies  Mill,  and  condemns  L'En- 
fant.  But  this  learned  author  soon  replied  in  a  Latin  * 
letter,  vindicating  the  interpretation  he  had  given  of  St. 
Basil.  Mr.  Wolff,™  who  approved  Mr.  L'Enfant's  opinion, 
has  given  a  very  good  account  of  his  argument,  with  some 
additional  observations  of  his  own  in  support  of  it.  And  I 
must  own,  it  seems  to  me  likewise,  that  Mr.  L'Enfant's  inter 
pretation  is  the  truest. 

Says  that  ingenious  writer,  *  The  n  various  reading  con- 
'  sists  in  the  emphatical  particle  TO*?,  and  not  ev  E0eaw,  as 
'  may  appear  from  these  several  considerations  :  1.  St.  Basil 
'  moves  not  the  question,  whether  that  epistle  be  written  to 
'  the  Ephesians  or  others.  2.  At  the  beginning  of  the  pas- 
«  sage,  he  supposeth  that  it  was  written  to  the  Ephesians, 
«  without  saying  that  there  was  any  contest  about  it.  3. 

*  The  design  of  Basil  is  to  show,  that   the  Ephesians  are 

*  justly  and   properly  called  ovres,  *  such  who  are,'  because 
«  of  their  union  with  him  *  who  is.'     4.  The  word  *8« 


AXXa  xai  TOIQ  'EfamoiQ  tiri?f\\b>v,  w'f  yvijaiuQ  •^vcjfj.fvotg  ry  ovn  Si"  fjri- 
yvwaewf,  OVTUQ  O.VTUQ  idiaZovTWG  uvofiavev,  eiirwv'  Toig  a-ytoig  TOIQ  «<ri,  xat 
7rtTOi£  iv  Xpt-r/f)  Irjffs.  Ovru  yap  «at  ol  irpo  Jifiuv  TrapaStdaiKam,  Kai  r)fiiig  tv 
TOIQ  TraXaioif  rwv  avrtypa^wv  tvpriKaptv.  Adv.  Eunom.  1.  ii.  p.  254.  E. 

1  Ev  E0t<ry.]  Omittit  Basil.  1.  ii.  adv.  Eunomium,  fide  patrum,  quod  dicit, 
ac  veterum  exemplarium.  Mill,  ad  Eph.  i.  1  .  Vid.  et  ejusdem  Prolegom.  n.  89. 

k  Bib.  Choisie.  T.  xvi.  p.  301,  &c.  '  Bib.  Choisie.  T.  xxi. 

p.  96,  &c.  »  Vid  proieg0mt  in  ep.  aci  Eph<  et  in  cap>  ip  p^ 

10—13.  ap.  cur.  Philol.  T.  iv.  »  See,  as  before,  Bib.  Ch. 

T.  xvi.  p.  301,  &c. 


BASIL.     Bishop  of  Casarea  in  Cappadocia.     A.  D.  370.      281 

*  *  peculiarly,'   must  relate  to   the  emphatical  article  TO**, 
e  which   is  necessary  to   answer  to  o  lav,  *  him  who  is,'  and 
'  which,  according-  to  Mill's  own  account,  is  wanting-  in  one 

*  MS.  at  least.     This  is  the  point :  T<u?  was  wanting-  in  the 
'  common  copies  in  the  time  of  St.  Basil,  but  he  had  read  it 
'  in  ancient  MSS.  and  he  avails  himself  of  it,  to  authorize 

*  his  speculation.     It  is  true,  that  in  his  quotation  he  does 

*  not  put  the  words,  *  at  Ephesus,'  because  that  was  not  the 
'  thing*  in  contest,  and  he  had   mentioned  it  before,  and  he 
'  had  no  occasion  to  mention  it  again.     Moreover,  he  might 

*  be  disposed  to  omit  those  words,  '  at  Ephesus,'  the  °  more 

*  to  favour  his  speculation   upon  TO*?  8<n,  '  such  who   are,' 

*  taken  in  an  absolute  sense.     5.  St.  Jerom,  who  refutes  this 

*  speculation  of  St.  Basil,   makes  it  turn  upon  the  particle 

*  rot?,   and    mentions    not   any    various   reading    upon    the 

*  place.' 

Let  me  enlarge  a  little  farther,  and  agreeably,  as  I  appre 
hend,  to  L'Enfant's  mind,  though  without  transcribing  him. 

The  passage  of  Jerom,  just  referred  to,  which  is  usually 
alleged,  as  illustrating  the  passage  of  Basil,  in  my  opinion 
greatly  favours  L'Enfant.  Jerom  P  in  his  comment  upon  the 
epistle  to  the  Ephesians  mentions  Basil's  speculation,  or 
forced  interpretation,  which  we  have  seen,  and  rejects  it. 
Not  a  few  learned  men  think,  that  1  Jerom  has  a  particular 
reference  to  Basil ;  but  I  see  no  ground  for  that  supposition. 
He  might  find  perhaps  that  observation r  in  Origen,  or  Apol- 
linarius,  or  Didymus,  whose  commentaries  upon  the  epistle 
to  the  Ephesians  he  mentions  in  his  preface,  or  in  some 
others.  In  Basil  this  interpretation  is  produced  as  an  argu 
ment  against  the  Arians  ;  but  nothing  of  that  kind  appears 

0  Oraisit  potius  eas,  quod  ex  altera  parte  satis  ipsi  erat,  articulum  rotg  ex 
antiquis  exemplaribus  tanquam  necessarium  vindicare ;  ex  altera  vero  intelli- 
gebat  expositionem  suam  pro  nulla  facile  habitum  iri,  si  voces  tv  Efaatft  voci 
«<rt  subjectae  legerentur.     Wolf.  Curae,  T.  iv.  p.  12.  m. 

P  *  Sanctis  omnibus  qui  sunt  Ephesi.']  Quidam  curiosius  quam  necesse  est, 
putant  ex  eo  quod  Moysi  dictum  sit :  '  Haec  dices  filiis  Israel :  Qui  est,  misit 
me  ?'  [Exod.  iii.  14.]  etiam  eos  qui  Ephesi  sunt  sancti  et  fideles,  essentiae  voca- 
bulo  nuncupates.  Ut  quomodo  a  sancto  sancti,  a  justo  justi,  a  sapientia 
sapientes:  ita  ab  eo,  «  qui  est,'  hi  «  qui  sunt'  appellentur,  et  juxta  eundem 
apostolum  elegisse  Deum  ea  quae  non  erant,  ut  destrueret  ea  quae  erant. — Alii 
vero  simpliciter,  non  ad  eos  qui  sunt,  sed  qui  Ephesi  sancti  et  fideles  sint, 
scriptum  arbitrantur.  Hieron.  in  Eph.  cap.  i.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  323. 

1  Vid.  Benedictin.  Annot.  ad  Basil,  loc.  T.  i.  p.  254.  not. l. 

r  Denique  Basil  ium  hictantum  de  articulo  TOIQ  ante  smv  cogitasse,  ut  suam 
posterioris  vocis  interpretationem  ingeniose  potius,  quam  vere  stabiliret,  ex 
Hieronymi,  expositionem  illam  (sive  apud  Basilium,  sive  Origenem,  Apollina- 
rem,  et  Dydimum  legerit)  aversantis,  loco  manifestum  est. — Wolff.  Curae  in 
ep.  ad  Eph.  i.  ver.  i. 


282  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

in  Jerom's  account  of  it :  however,  Jerom's  passage,  as  I 
said,  favours  L'Enfant's  opinion,  that  Basil  does  not  say 
those  words,  *  at  Ephesus,'  were  wanting  in  his  copies :  be 
cause  Jerom,  mentioning  the  same  interpretation,  takes  no 
notice  of  any  various  reading.  On  the  contrary,  he  again 
and  again  supposeth  the  common  reading.  And  he  says, 
that  some  thought  '  the  saints  and  faithful  at  Ephesus  were 
said  to  be  such  as  are.'  But  others,  he  says,  without  stop 
ping  at  the  expression,  '  such  who  are,'  or  without  laying  a 
stress  upon  that  expression,  understood  the  inscription  in  a 
plain  manner  and  continued  sense,  '  to  the  saints  and  faith 
ful  who  are  at  Ephesus.' 

One  thing  more  to  be  observed  here,  and  not  omitted  by 
L'Enfant8  in  his  second  letter  upon  this  subject,  is,  that  for 
two  hundred  years  last  past,  and  more,  many  manuscripts  of 
the  New  Testament  have  been  discovered,  and  the  various 
readings  have  been  diligently  collected  ;  but  as  yet  there 
has  not  been  one  copy  found  to  support  Basil's  account; 
supposing  him  to  say,  that  the  words  ev  E0e<ru>  where  want 
ing  in  his  time,  in  the  ancient  copies,  and  that  it  had  been 
so  transmitted  by  those  of  former  times' :  nor  is  there  any 
version  to  confirm  that  supposition.  In  a  word,  it  appears 
to  be  incredible,  that  such  a  various  reading,  supposing  it 
to  have  been  in  many  copies  in  St.  Basil's  time,  should  have 
been  totally  lost.  To  which  might  be  added,  that  there 
would  have  been  notice  taken  of  it  by  many  remaining 
ancient  writers,  beside  Basil. 

If  it  should  be  said,  that  there  are  scarce  any  copies,  that 
bear  witness  to  our  supposed  various  reading  :  I  think,  it 
may  fitly  be  answered,  that  our  various  reading  is  a  trifling 
thing;  but  a  various  reading  in  the  words  ev  E0eo-w,  is  very 
remarkable,  and  must  have  appeared  in  some  remaining 
copies,  if  there  had  been  many  such  in  Basil's  time. 

J  should  not  forget  to  observe,  that  *  elsewhere  also  Basil 
quotes  this  epistle  with  the  title  of  the  epistle  to  the  Ephe- 
sians,  without  hesitation. 

Upon  the  whole,  it  seems  to  me,  that  there  is  no  reason  to 
understand  St.  Basil  to  say,  that  ei/  E0e<m>,  '  at  Ephesus,' 
was  wanting  in  any  copies  in  his  time. 

And  I  imagine,  that  there  were  two  ways  in  use  among 
those,  who  fancied  the  forced  interpretation,  which  we  have 
seen  in  Basil.  Some  understood  it  thus,  '  To  the  saints 
who  are,  even  the  faithful  in  Christ  Jesus  at  Ephesus:' 

•  See  Bib.  Ch.  T.  xxi.  p.  1 12. 

1  rpa^wv  6  ctTro-ToXoc  irpoc  E^emsg  <j>rjmv'  AXyQevovric  fa  iv  ayciiry,  K.  \. 
[cap.  iv.  15.]  De  Sp.  Sto.  cap.  v.  n.  9.  T.  iii.  p.  8.  A. 


BASIL.  Bishop  of  Ccesarea  in  Cappadocia.     A.  D.  370.     283 

others  after  this  manner,  '  To  the  saints  and  faithful  in  Christ 
Jesus  at  Ephesus,  who  are.'  The  former  seems  to  have 
been  Basil's  method,  and  the  latter  that  of  the  persons  men 
tioned  by  Jerom. 

IV.  I  now  proceed.  St.  Basil  bears  witness  to  the  respect 
which  was  all  along  paid  by  Christians  to  the  sacred  scrip 
tures. 

1.  Upon  Ps.  Ix.  otherwise  lix.     *  Ifu  any  should  say,  this 
psalm  was  written  to  us,  he  would  not  say  amiss  :  for  the 
divine  oracles  are  ours,  and  they  are  proposed  to  the  church 
of  God  in  every  assembly,  as  gifts  sent  from  God,  containing 
nourishment  for  the  soul,  afforded  by  the  Spirit.' 

2.  In   a  homily,  containing  an  exhortation  to  baptism, 
having v    quoted  a  text  of  Isaiah,  of  the  Psalms,  the  Acts, 
and   St.  Matthew,  he  says,  '  For  all  these  were  in  to-day's 
reading.' 

3.  The  usefulness  of  the  divine  scriptures  is  shown  by  him 
in  a  homily  upon  the   first  Psalm  :  '  Allw   scripture  given 
by  inspiration  of  God,  is  profitable,  and  for  that  end  was 
written  by   the  Spirit,  thatx  as  in  a  common  treasury  of 
medicines  for  souls,  all  might  find  what  is  proper  for  the 
healing  of  their  several  maladies.     The  prophets  teach  some 
things,  the  historical  books  other  things,  the  law  others  :  and 
the  Proverbs  have  instructions  for  regulating  our  manners. 
The  book  of  Psalms  contains  whatever  is  useful  in  all  the 
rest.' 

4.  In  a  letter  to  Gregory  Nazianzen :  *  They  best  way  to 
know  our  duty  is  to  meditate  on  the  divinely-inspired  scrip 
tures  :  here  are  instructions  concerning  our  conduct ;  and  the 
examples  of  good  men  recorded  therein,  areas  it  were  living 
patterns,  set   before  us  for  our  imitation.      And  whatever 
malady  any  man  labours  under,  if  he  acquaints  himself  with 
the  scriptures,  he  will  there  find   a  medicine  suited  to  his 
case.' 

5.  In  a  letter  to  a  woman  of  condition  who  was  a  widow, 
and  had  sought  to  him  for  counsel,  he  says,  *  Ifz  you  attend 
to  the  consolations  of  the  divine  scriptures,  you  will  neither 
need  my  advice,  nor  the  advice  of  any  other,  the  directions 
of  the  Holy  Ghost  being  sufficient  to  lead  you  into  a  right 
conduct.' 

u  Horn,  in  Ps.  lix.  T.  i.  p.  190.  E. 

T  2u  8e,  Sta  7rpo(f>riT(i)v  Sidaaxofitvos 
mro<?o\h)v  £uayy£\i£o/wvog — vir  avrs  T»  Kvpis  7rpo(7\a/i/3avoju£ voq,  \tyovroQ' 
Tavra  yap  Travra  arf/jitpov  avvf.fipa.fie.  vrpoc  ri\v  avayvuaiv.  Horn,  in  Sanct. 
Bapt.  T.  ii.  p.  114.  B.  C.  w  In  Ps.  i.  p.  90.  A.  B. 

x  —  oiffTTsp  tv  Koivtij  T(J)V  i^v^ujv  tarp£i<£>.  K.  X.  y  Ad  Gregor. 

Ep.  ii.  [al.  1.]  T.  iii.  p.  72,  73.  z  Ep.  283.  [al.  284.]  p.  424.  D.  R 


284  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

6.  To  another  widow  of  quality  he  writes  :  *  And  by a  you 
I  salute  your  good  daughter,  and  I  exhort  her  to  live  in 
the  meditation  of  the  oracles  of  the  Lord,  that  by  their  ex 
cellent  institution  her  mind  may  be  nourished,  and  improve 
more  than  her  body  does  according1  to  the  course  of  na 
ture/ 

According  to  Basil  therefore,  the  scriptures  might  be  pro 
fitably  read  by  all  sorts  of  people. 

7.  I  might  add  other  passages,  where  he  says,  allb  things 
are  to  be  proved  by  the  scriptures.     Andc  whatever  appears 
agreeable  to  the  divinely-inspired  scriptures,  let  that  be  re 
ceived  by  us  as  true.     He  likewise  says,  thata  hearers  well 
acquainted  with  the  scriptures,  ought  to  examine  what  is  said 
by  their  teachers ;  and  to  embrace  what  is  agreeable  to  the 
scriptures,  and  to  reject  what  is  otherwise.     If  any  should 
say  that  Basil  speaks  only  of  such  as  are  *  well  acquainted 
with  the  scriptures,'   I   think  it  may  be  justly  answered, 
that  Basil's  rule  is  general.     All  ought  to  be  well  acquainted 
with  the  scriptures,  and  may  be  so,  if  they  will  but  seriously 
endeavour  it. 


CHAP.  XCVIII. 

GREGORY  NAZIANZEN. 


I.  His  time.  II.  A  catalogue  of  the  books  of  the  Old  and 
New  Testament,  with  remarks.  III.  General  titles  and 
division  of  scripture.  IV.  Select  passages. 

THOUGH  Jerom's  chapter  concerning  Gregory  Nazianzen 
be  somewhat  long,  I  cannot  forbear  to  transcribe*  the  great- 

-  Ep.  296.  [al.  285.]  T.  iii.  p.  434.  B. 

b   'On  Set  irav  prjua  7;  7rpcry/ia  7ri^sa9ai  ry  papTVpia  rrjg  SfOTrvtv^x  ypa^rjg. 
K.  \.  Moral.  Reg.  26.  T.  ii.  p.  256.  B.  C. 

OVKSV  ?;  Srto7rvev<?og,  t'lfjiiv  diaiTrjaara)  -ypa<f>T)'  icai  Trap'  dig  av  tvpeOij  TO. 
Soyfiara  ffw^Sa  roig  Seioig  Xoyoig,  tm  TSTHQ  iravTuq  rrjg  aXr]9tiag  »/  ^t)6og. 
Ep.  189.  [al.  80.]  T.  iii.  p.  277.  E.  Vid.  et  Moral.  Reg.  80.  c.  22. 

1°™  T<1>v  aKP°aT(i>v  r«e  treiraidtvfitvsg  rag  ypaQag  doKi/jia^fiv  TO  Trapa 
TUV  CiSaOKctXuv  \tyofjiiva'  Kai  ra  ptv  av^iova  raiQ  ypa^aig  SextaQai,  TO.  Se 
aXXorpia  airofiaXXtiv.  K.  X.  Moral.  Reg.  72.  cap.  1. 

a  Gregorius,  primum  Sasimorum,  deinde  Nazianzen  us  episcopus,  vir  elo- 
quentissimus,  praeceptof  meus,  quo  scripturas  explanante  didici,  ad  triginta 


GREGORY  NAZIANZEN.     A.  D.  370.  285 

est  part  of  it :  but  1  shall  not  translate  it.  In  the  general, 
I  observe,  that  Jeroin  celebrates  Gregory's  eloquence,  and 
calls  him  his  master,  whom  he  had  heard  interpreting 
the  scriptures:  of  which  he  Jikewise  speaks b  elsewhere. 
He  also  mentions  several  of  his  works,  and  says,  he  had 
died  about  three  years  before.  For  fuller  accounts  of 
Gregory's  life  and  works,  I  refer  to  c  several. 

It  is,  I  think,  generally  allowed,  that  Gregory  flourish 
ed  about  the  year  370,  and  afterwards.  But  learned  men 
are  not  agreed  about  the  time  of  his  birth,  and  the  age  at 
which  he  died.  Cave  says  he  was  born  about  the  time 
of  the  Nicene  council,  and  died  in  389,  and  about  the  65th 
year  of  his  age.  With  whom  Basnage'1  agrees,  supposing, 
that  Gregory  might  be  born  in  326.  But  Suidas  expressly 
says,  that e  Gregory  died  in  the!3thoftheemperor  Theodosius, 
[or  the  year  of  our  Lord  391,]  when  he  was  above  90  years  of 
age.  This  has  induced  Pagi  to  argue,  and  with  some  appear 
ance  of  truth,  thatf  Gregory  was  born  in  301,  and  died  in 
391 :  nor  does  Jerom,as  he  thinks,  contradict,  but  confirm  this 
account,  when  he  says,  in  his  Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical 
Writers,  that  Gregory  had  died  three  years  before.  For  he 
says,  that  Jerom  did  not  publish  that  work  till  the  15th  year  of 
Theodosius,  the  year  of  our  Lord  393;  and  understanding 
those  three  years  to  be  incomplete  on  both  sides,  Gregory  died 

millia  versuum  omnia  opera  sua  composuit.  E  quibus  ilia  sunt :  De  Morte 
Fratris  Caesarii.  ITepi  <&i\o7rrwxtat>  Laudes  Maccabaeorum.  Laudes  Cyprian i. 
Laudes  Athanasii  -et  liber,  hexametro  versu,  Virginitatis  et  Nuptiarum 

contra  se  disserentium.  Adversum  Eunomium  liber  unus.  De  Spiritu  Sancto 
liber  unus.  Contra  Julianum  Imperatorem  libri  duo.  Sequutus  est  autern 
Polemonem  dicendi  charactere.  Vivoque  se  episcopum  in  loco  suo  ordinans, 
ruri  vitam  monachi  exercuit.  Decessitque  ante  hoc  ferme  triennium  sub  Theo- 
dosio  principe.  De  V.  I.  cap.  117. 

b  sine  caussa  Gregorium  Nazianzenum  et  Didymum  in  scripturis 

sanctis  catechistas  habui.  Ad  Domnion.  ep.  32.  [al.  51.]  T.  iv.  p.  245.  in. 

Numquid  in  ilia  epistola  Gregorium  virum  eloquentissimum  non  potui 
nominare  ?  Quis  apud  Latinos  par  sui  est  ?  Quo  ego  magistro  glorior  et  exulto. 
Adv.  Ruf.  1.  i.  p.  363.  m. 

Praeceptor  quondam  meus  Gregorius  Nazianzenus,  rogatus  a  me  ut  exponeret, 
quid  sibi  vellet  in  Luca  sabbatum  fourepoTrpwrov,  id  est,  secundoprimum, 
eleganter  lusit :  Docebo  te,  inquiens,  super  hac  re  in  ecclesia,  in  qua  mihi  omni 
populo  acclamante,  cogeris  invitus  scire  quod  nescis,  &c.  Ad  Nepotian.  ep. 
34.  [al.  2.]  p.  262. 

Et  praeceptor  meus  Gregorius  Nazienzenus  virginitatem  et  nuptias  disserens 
Graecis  versibus  explicavit.  Adv.  Jovin.  1.  i.  p.  157. 

c  Cav.  H.  L.  P.  i.  p.  246.  Du  Pin,  Bib.  des  Aut.  EC.  T.  ii.  p.  201,  &c. 
Tillem.  Mem.  EC.  T.  ix.  Basnag.  ann.  373.  xvi — xix.  et  alibi.  Fabric. 
Bib.  Gr.  T.  vii.  p.  507,  &c.  d  Ann.  373.  n.  xvi. 

e  E\aaag  Se  Trepi  TO.  evvtvrjKovra  trr]  KO.I  tTrticeiva,  Qeodoam  rptrov  (cat 
SficaTov  troq  ayovroQ,  KaTaXvfi  TOV  (3tov.  Suid.  V.  TpT)yopiog. 

f  Vid.  Ann.  354.  xi.— xiii.  389.  n.  iv.  v. 


286  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

according-  to  him  in  391.  This  opinion  has  been  embraced 
by  s  I.  A.  Fabricius  :  and  in  his  notes  upon  the  117th  chapter 
of  Jerom's  fore-cited  work,  seems  to  suppose1'  it  the  general 
opinion  of  learned  men  at  present.  And  indeed  I  observe, 
that1  the  late  Mr.  Le  Clerc  readily  followed  Pagi  therein. 
But  all  do  not :  S.  Basnage  k  argues  strongly  against  Pagi, 
and  supposeth  that  he  confutes  him.  Tillemont,1  after  weigh 
ing  arguments  on  both  sides,  still  inclines  to  the  other  opinion 
as  most  probable,  and  thinks,  that  Gregory  was  born  in 
329,  or  thereabout. 

Indeed,  the  opinion  of  Pagi  is  attended  with  several  great 
difficulties:  first,  he  is  obliged  to  allow,  that"1  Gregory 
was  thirty  years  at  Athens,  and  did  not  leave  it  before  the 
55th  or  56th  year  of  his  age ;  which  is,  very  strange.  Se 
condly,  the  intimate  friendship  of  Gregory  and  Basil  seems 
to  imply  their  being  near  the  same  age  :  it  is,  I  think,  ge 
nerally  allowed,  that"  Basil  was  born  in  328  or  329,  or 
thereabout ;  if  Gregory  was  a  little  older  than  Basil,  and 
survived  him  some  years,  that  will  make  little  difference* 
Thirdly,  Jerom  mentions  the  time  of  Gregory's  death  ;  if 
he  had  reached  to  the  age  of  ninety  years,  that  being  a  re 
markable  circumstance,  he  could  not  have  avoided  mention 
ing  that  also.  Fourthly,  if  Gregory  had  been  ninety  years 
of  age  when  he  died,  it  would  have  been  taken  notice  of  by 
many  writers  before  Suidas. 

II.  Among  the  poems  of  Gregory  Nazianzen,  there  is  one, 
which  contains  a  catalogue  of  the  books  of  the  Old  and  New 
Testament,  and  is  to  this  purpose  : 

*  Meditate0  and  discourse  much  on  the  word  of  God. — But  as 
there  are  many  falsely  ascribed  writings,  tending  to  deceive, 
accept,  my  friend,  this  certain  number.  There  are  twelve 
historical  books  of  the  most  ancient  Hebrew  wisdom  :  the  first 
Genesis,  then  Exodus, Leviticus,  Numbers, Deuteronomy ;  the 
next  Joshua,  the  Judges,  Ruth  the  eighth,  the  ninth  and  tenth 
the  Acts  of  the  Kings,  and  then  the  Remains,  and  Esdras  the 
last.  Then  the  five  books  in  verse,  the  first  Job,  next  David, 
then  the  three  books  of  Solomon,  Ecclesiastes,  the  Song, 
and  the  Proverbs.  The  prophetic  books  are  five  :  the  twelve 
prophets  are  one  book,  Hosea,  Amos,  Micah,  Joel,  Jonah, 

8  Bib.  Gr.  T.  vii.  p.  508.  h  Cum  Hieronymus  A.  392  hunc 

librum  scripserit,  putavit  is  Nazianzenum  exstinctum  A.  389.  Sed  viri  docti 
malunt  assentiri  Suidae,  qui  ait  obiisse  anno  xiii.  Theodosii  Magni,  hoc  est, 
Christi  391,  aetatis  90.  Ad  Hieron.  cap.  117.  ap.  Bib.  Ecc. 

1  Bibl.  Univ.  T.  18.  p.  2,  3.  k  Ann.  373.  n.  xvi.  et  390.  n.  ix. 

1  S.  Greg,  de  Naz.  art.  i.  viii.  et  note  iv.  Mem.  T.  ix. 

m  Ann.  354.  n.  xii.  n  See  S.  Basile.  Du  Pin,  T.  ii.  p.  154. 

and  S.  Basile,  art.  i.  et  note  1.  Tillem.  M.  ix.  °  Carm.  33.  T.  ii.  p.  98. 


GREGORY  NAZIANZEN.     A.  D.  370.  287 

Obadiah,  Nahum,  Habakkuk,  Zephaniali,  Haggai,  Zechariah, 
Malachi ;  all  these  make  one  book :  the  second  is  Isaiah, 
then  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and  Daniel.  Which P  make  twenty- 
two  books,  according  to  the  number  of  the  Hebrew  letters. 
Thei  books  of  the  New  Testament  are  as  follows  :  Matthew 
wrote  for  the  Hebrews,  Mark  for  the  Italians,  Luke  for  the 
Greeks,  for  all  that  great  herald  John,  enlightened  with  the 
heavenly  mysteries.  Next  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles;  four 
teen  epistles  of  Paul ;  seven  catholic  epistles,  which  are 
these,  one  of  James,  two  of  Peter,  three  of  John,  one  of  Jude, 
which  is  the  seventh.  Ifr  there  are  any  besides,  they  are  not 
among  the  genuine.' 

1.  I  scarce  need  to  make  remarks  upon  any  parts  of  this 
catalogue.     The  reader  is  able  to  do  it  of  himself. 

2.  The  number  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament  is  ex 
actly  according  to  the  Hebrews  :  but  the  book  of  Esther 
is  not  particularly  mentioned.     The  catalogue  of  the  books 
of  the  New   Testament   contains  all   those,  which  are  now 
commonly  received,  except  the  book   of  the   Revelation. 
And  there  is  no  notice  taken  of  any  later  books  as  having" 
the  least  title  to  make  a  part  of  the  Christian  canon. 

3.  I  would  not  deny,  that  Gregory  supposed  Matthew  to 
have  written  his  gospel  in  Hebrew  ;  though  his  manner  of 
expression  does  not  necessarily  imply  it :  for  he  says,  that 
Mark  'wrote  for  the  Italians;'  and  yet  undoubtedly,  he  al 
lowed  him  to  have  written  in  Greek  :  he  seems  therefore  only 
to  intimate  that  Matthew  published  his  gospel  in  Judea,Mark 
his  in  Italy,  and    Luke  his  m  Achaia,  or  Greece.     There8 
is  another  passage  of  Gregory,  in  which  he  speaks  of  the 
places  where  several  of   Christ's  apostles   preached,  that 
will  countenance  this  supposition. 

4.  Whether  Gregory  Nazianzen  received  the  book  of  the 
Revelation,  is  doubted  :  if  this  poem  be  his,  as  is  generally 
supposed,  it  may  be  argued,  that  he   did  not  receive  it. 
Baronius1  gives  him  up,  and  reckons  him  with  Basil,  Nyssen, 

p   Apxaiaf  fitv  £0ijKct  duo*  icai  dicoffi  /3i/3\8£. 

q    MarOaiog  ptv  eypa^tv  'E/3paiot£  Sau/zara  Xpi<r8, 
Map/cog  5'  IraXtp,  ASKUQ  Axata^t. 
Ilao-i  5'  \wavvi\q  KrjpvZ,  /ityag  spavoQoiTJjs. 

r   Et  TI  £e  TSTUIV  eKTog,  SK  tv  yvijffioig. 

s  E?w  IIerp8  »/  Is&zia,  n  IlavXy  KOIVOV  Trpog  TO.  eQvrj,  Aate^t  Trpog  A\aiavt 
AvSptq.  TrpoQ  HTTttpov,  Iwavvy  ?rpo£  E0£<rov, — Mapjcy  irpog  IraXiav. — Orat.  25. 
T.  i.  p.  438.  A.  B. 

1  Quod  veto  idem  auctor  [Hieronymus]  affirmat  suis  temporibus  Graecorum 
ecclesias  non  recipere  Joannis  Apocalypsin. — Certe  inter  Graecos  scriptores 
ecclesiasticos,  eosdemque  catholicos,  qui  Hieronymi  aetate  vixere,  Epiphanius 
— non  huic  veritati  adstipulatur,  sed  non  ab  aliis  quam  haereticis  Alogis  tradit 
impugnatam  esse  Joannis  Apocalypsira.  Caaterum  nequaquam  putandum 


288  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

and  other  Greeks,  whom  he  supposes  not  to  have  received  it. 
Andrew  of  Caesarea,  in  his  Commentary  upon  the  book  of 
the  Revelation,  names  Gregory  among  others,  by  whom  it 
was  received  :  as  does  Arethas  likewise.  But  James  Bas- 
nage  thinks11  this  poem  to  be  of  greater  value  for  showing 
Gregory's  opinion,  than  the  testimony  of  Andrew  :  neverthe 
less,  1  think,  Andrew's  testimony  ought  not  to  be  quite 
neglected.  Moreover,  we  find  the  Revelation  twice  quoted 
inv  Gregory's  remaining  works. 

5.  I  do  not  intend  to  translate  or  transcribe  any  more  of 
Gregory's  poems  ;  but  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  put  down  here 
the  titles  of  some  ofw  them:  Of  the  twelve  apostles;  Of 
Christ's  genealogy  [as  in  Matthew  and  Luke]  ;  The  mira 
cles  of  Christ  according  to  Matthew  ;  Christ's  parables  and 
similitudes  according  to  Matthew  ;  Christ's  miracles  accord 
ing  to  John;  Christ's  miracles  according*  to  Luke;  Christ's 
parables  according  to  Luke  ;  Christ's  miracles  according  to 
Mark;  Thex  parables  of  the  four  evangelists. 

III.  General  titles  and  divisions  of  books  of  scripture,  in 
Gregory,  are  such  as  these:  They  Law,  Prophets,  Christ. 

Hieronymum  ea  temere  effutisse,  aut  Graecorum  ecclesias  calumniatum  esse. 
Sed  ea  in  re  visus  est  habuisse  respectum  ad  sanctum  Basilium,  Amphilochium, 
Gregorium  Nazianzenum,  atque  Nyssenum,  qui  visi  sunt  ab  ea  interdum 
abstinuisse.  Nam  ipse  Gregorius  Nazianzenus,  dum  texuit  catalogum  librorum 
canonicorum,  nullam  penitus  de  Apocalypsi  Joannis  habuit  mentionem,  sicut 
nee  Concilium  Laodicenum  —  Et  Amphilochius,  aequalis  Basilii  atque  Gregorii, 
in  carmine  ad  Seleucum,  quo  texit  catalogum  canonicorum  librorum,  haec  in 
fine  habet. 

Ast  Apocalypsim  Joannis  aliqui 
lis  inserunt.     Rursus  sed  longe  plurimi 
Adulterinam  dicunt.  Baron,  ann.  97.  n.  vi. 

u  Gregoire  de  Nazianze,  qui  dressa  dans  ce  terns  la  un  canon  des  Ecritures, 
passoit  1'Apocalypse  sous  silence  :  ce  qif  il  n'auroit  pas  fait,  s'il  avoit  recjue 
dans  le  canon  des  Ecritures.  Sixte  de  Sienne  [Bib.  sacr.  1.  viii.  c.  x.]  et  plu- 
sieurs  autres,  eblouis  par  1'authorite  d'  Andre  de  Cesaree,  comptent  toujours 
Gregoire  de  Nazianze  entre  les  defenseurs  de  1'Apocalypse.  Mais  il  est  inutile 
de  chercher  son  sentiment  dans  les  ecrits  d'  autrui,  puisque  son  ouvrage  est 
entre  les  mains  de  tout  le  monde,  par  lequel  on  puet  juger  plus  surement.  Et 
puisque  Gregoire  finit  son  canon  des  Ecritures  a  la  lettre  de  S.  Jude,  et  qu'il 
declare,  que  tous  les  livres,  dont  il  ne  parle  point,  sont  suspects  et  douteux,  il 
faut  qu'  il  ait  mis  1'Apocalypse,  dont  il  ne  parle  pas,  au  rang  des  livres  qui 
n'avoient  point  de  caracteres  sensibiles  de  leur  divinite.  Bilius  attribue  a  Gre 
goire  de  Nazianze  des  vers  iambes,  qui  sont  plutot  d'  Amphilochius,  eveque 
d'Icone.  Car  il  n'  y  a  point  d'apparance,  que  Gregoire  eut  fait  deux  fois  le 
canon  des  Ecritures  dans  ses  vers.  Ja.  Basn.  Hist,  de  1'Egl.  1.  viii.  ch.  7.  p.  435. 


ffiaf,  we  latavvrjg  diSaoicei  pe  Sia  TTJQ  4*rMCaXv^M*C.      Or.  32.  T.  i.  p.  516.  C. 

Kai  6  a>v,  KOI  6  qv,  KUI  o  tpxoptvog,  Kai  6  Travro/cparwp.  [Apoc.  cap.  i.  8.] 
Or.  35.  p.  573.  D.  *  Carm.  xxxvi.—  xlv.  T.  ii.  p.  99—105. 

x  IJapa/SoXai  TWV  Ttaoapwv  £vayy«Xi<rw»>.     Carm.  xlv.  p.  103  —  105. 

y  Or.  i.p.  n.  c 


GREGORY  NAZIANZEN.     A.  D.  370.  289 

We  are2  taught  by  reason,  the  Law,  Prophets,  and  Apostles. 
The  Lawa  and  Grace,  Prophets,  Apostles,  and  Evangelists. 
Prophetical b  and  apostolical  books. 

IV.  I  shall  observe  a  few  select  passages. 

1.  Hec  calls  Christ  the  first  martyr. 

2.  He   has  a  criticism*1  upon  Acts  ii.  8.     It  seems,  that 
some  questioned,  whether  the  miracle  of  the  gift  of  tongues 
was  in  the  speaker  or  the  hearers. 

3.  The6  apostle  says,  [Eph.  ii.  3,]  "  And  we  were  by 
nature  children  of  wrath ;  "  not  meaning,  as  Gregory  says, 
on  account  of  our  nature,  but  that  sinners  are  really  liable 
to  wrath.     So  Judas  was  "  the  son  of  perdition,"  on  account 
of  those  evil  actions  which  bring  perdition  upon  men. 

4.  Gregory f  quotes   1  John  v.  7,  without  the  heavenly 
witnesses,  mentioning  only  these  three  witnesses,  "  the  Spirit, 
water,  and  blood." 

5.  The  Christians,^  he  says,  when  in  power,  did  not  perse 
cute  the  heathens,  as  the  heathens  had  persecuted   them. 
In  another  place  he  says,  thath  religion  ought   to  be  free, 
and  that  the  Christian  law  compels  none,  and  that  violence 
is  not  suited  to  promote  the  true  interest  of  religion. 

6.  Nevertheless,  Gregory  seems  not  to   have  understood 
the  genuine  principles  of  reasonable  and  Christian  modera 
tion  toward  men  of  different  sentiments ;  for  in  a  letter  writ 
ten  to  Nectarius  bishop  of   Constantinople,  in  the  year  385, 
or  soon  after,  he  speaks  of  it  as '  the  greatest  calamity  to  the 
church,  that  the    Apollinarists  (whose  errors  were  purely 
speculative)  were  permitted  to  assemble  together  as  freely 
as  the  catholics.     To k  suffer  this,  and  let  them  teach  and 

z  Or.  18.  p.  276.  A.  a  Or.  3.  p.  76.  B.  C.  b  A* 

irpoQrjTtKai  de  Kai  a7To<ro\ncat  |8tj3Xoi  povai  av£\iTTta9(ttv.  Or.  4.  p.  127.  A. 

c  avTuv  T(i>v  XptTs  Tra^/iarwv,  rs  irpwTs  fiaoTvgoq  iiri  rov  <raupov 

aviXQovroQ.  Or.  18.  p.  276.  A.  d  Or.  4.  p.  715.  D. 

e  Kai  Tjfjitjv  0y(7«  TtKva  opyifc,  s  Kara  fyvviv  Xeywv'  aXX'  on  iv  aXrjQtuf. 
virtvOvvoi  opyrjg  Tvyxavuaiv  ol  a/xapravovrsg.  Kai  irtpi  TS  luda  yeypaTrrai,  on 
vlog  aTrwXfiaf  j  ATraiXaag  Se  vlov  avrov  enrt.  Tip  TO.  TTJQ  airwXtias  Trejrpaxtvai. 
Or.  47.  T.  i.  p.  724.  C.  f  Tt  icat  6  luavvrje ;  rpeig  «vat  rsg 

fiaprvpavTctQ  Xeywj/  iv  TO.IQ  KaOoXi/caig,  TO  Trvevfjia,  TO  vdwp,  apa  \ijptiv  tyaive- 
Tai ;  Or.  36.  p.  603.  D.  "  e  Or.  3.  p.  95.  B.  C. 

h  ETTEi^av  \t,i]  trpog  (3iav  aytiv,  TS  ry/zereps  vop,s,  fj.rjSi  avayfcaTWf,  aXX' 

fKSffi^g TTJV  St  jy/itrepav,  8K  ap^jjv,  aXXa  Trai^aywytav,  icat  iravruv 

/iaXira  ffvvTtjpet  TO  tKaaiov.  BsXo/ievwi/  yap,  «  Tvpavvufjitvaiv,  TO  TTJG  tvaifieiag 
Hv^piov.  Or.  8.  p.  148.  D.  145.  A. 

1  To  Se  iravTdiv  ^aXcTrwrarov  tv  rat£  tKKXtjffia^iKaiQ  ffv^opctig,  rj  TWV  AtroX- 
\ivapi^d)v  t<7i  Trapprjaia,  sg  SK  oida  TTUQ  iraptide  as  r\  OGIOTTJQ  Tropiffantvsg  tavToiQ 
TU  ovvayiiv  6/xort/zwg  rjp.iv  t^scriav.  Ad  Nectar.  Or.  46.  T.  i.  p.  721.  D. 

k  TO  \a(3tiv  O.VT&Q  t%Hffiav  avvatiuQ,  tidiv  tTtpov  t?iv,  ?;  a\r]9e^6png 

TB  KaQ'  y'lfiag  SoyfiaTog  vofueQrivai.  Ev  yap  WQ  ivatfovTtq  IKIIVOI  Sidaaitiiv  we 
typovsoi,  Kai  KtjpVTTtiv  tv  TTapprjoiq.  TO  Ka9'  tavrug  eTriTpeirovTai  ^oy/xa,  STJ\OV  on 
VOL.  IV.  U 


290  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

preach  their  doctrines  freely,  he  says,  is  equivalent  to  an 
approbation  of  their  errors,  and  a  condemnation  of  the 
truth.  And1  he  earnestly  desires  Nectarius  to  admonish 
the  emperor,  [Theodosius,]  and  let  him  know,  that  all  he 
had  hitherto  done  for  the  churches  would  avail  nothing",  if 
this  evil  were  suffered.  A  large  part  of  this  letter  is  inserted 
by  Sozomen™  in  his  Ecclesiastical  History. 

7.  Gregory"  asserts  the  doctrine  of  free-will. 

8.  He  speaks  as  if0   many  miracles  were  then   wrought 
by  the  reliques  of  martyrs. 

9.  Gregory  in  several  places?  speaks  with  great  freedom 
of  the  synods  of  bishops.     As  those  places  have  been  often 
taken  notice  of  by  learned  men,  I  have  thought  it  best  to 
refer  to  them. 


CHAP.  XCIX. 

AMPHILOCHIUS,  BISHOP  OF  ICONIUM. 

I.  His  history,  and  works.  II.  A  catalogue  of  the  books 
of  the  Old  and  New  Testament.  III.  A  law  of  Theo 
dosius  against  heretics,  procured  by  him,  with  remarks. 

I.  AMPHILOCHIUS,  bishop  of  Iconium,  the  chief  city  of 
Lycaonia,  isa  in  Jerom's  Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers: 
where,  however,  he  mentions  but  one  book  of  his,  concerning 
the  Divinity  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  not  now  extant. 

Amphilochius  was  a  native  of  Cappadocia.  The  exact 
time  of  his  being  constituted  bishop  of  Iconium  is  not h 
known:  Cavec  says  in  370,  or  somewhat  later:  Tillemontd 

Kartyvw-rai  6  TIJS  tKK\r](ria£  Xovog,  u>£  rr)Q  a\r\BtiaQ  Trap'  aurotfi  scrnf.  Ib. 
p.  722.  D. 

1 *ai  diSaZara)  rov  tvat(3t<?aTov  fiaaiXta,  on  &Stv  KtpSoQ  c«rai  Trjg  XotirrjQ 

avTH  Trtpi  TO.Q  tKK\rjaiaQ  (TirndrjQ,ti  TOTOIHTOV  KCLKOV  tTriKaQaiptaii  TTJQ  vyiaivuarjQ 
m-rtwg  SictTijs  irapprjaiaQ  avrwv  Kariffxwti.  Ibid.  p.  723.  A. 

m  L.  vi.  cap.  26.  n  Or.  1.  p.  9.  A. 

0  Or.  3.  p.  77.  A.     Vid.  et  Or.  1.  p.  35.  B. 

P  Vid.  Ep.  55.  et  Carm.  x.  Conf.  Ep.  65,  71,  72. 

a  Amphilochius,  Iconii  episcopus,  nuper  mihi  librum  legit  de  Spiritu  Sancto, 

quod  Deus  est,  et  quod  adorandus,  quodque  omnipotens  sit.     De  V.  I.  cap. 

b  Quo  anno  Iconiensi  ecclesiae  sit,  371,  vel  375, 

non  satis  liquet.  S.  Basnag.  ann.  394.  n.  ix.  c  Circa  annum 

370,  vel  forsan  paulo  serius,  Iconii,  Lycaoniae  metropolis,  episcopus constituitur 
Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  251.  "  S.  Amphiloque,  Art.  iii.  Mem.  T.  ix. 


AMPHILOCHIUS,  Bishop  of  Iconium.     A.  D.  370.         291 

about  the  year  374.  Hec  was  alive  in  394;  and  it  is  sup 
posed  that  he  died  not  long  after. 

Hisf  eminence  is  collected  from  the  several  letters  written 
to  him  by  Basil,  from  the  character  given  of  him  by£  Theo- 
doret,  and  others.  And  Jerom  in  his  letter  to  Magnus  joins11 
him  with  Basil,  Gregory,  and  others,  who  were  equally  skil 
ful  in  secular  learning  and  the  sacred  scriptures. 

Accounts  of  his  works  may  be  seen  in  divers  writers,  re 
ferred  to  at  the  bottom  of  the  pages  of  this  chapter  ;  but 
very  few  of  his  works1  remain:  I  take  particular  notice 
of  but  one  only. 

II.  It  is  an  iambic  poem  of  considerable  length,  addressed 
to  Seleucus,  in  which  is  inserted  a  catalogue  of  the  books 
of  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament.  It  has  been  ascribed  by 
many  to  Amphilochius  ;  but  some  learned  men  are  of  opin 
ion,  that  it  was  written  by  Gregory  Nazianzen :  they  say 
the  style  is  his:  and  that  we  have  no  knowledge  that 
Amphilochius  ever  wrote  verse.  Cavek  and  *Du  Pin  there 
fore  say  it  is  Gregory's.  On  the  other  hand,  Combefis™ 
and  "Tillemont  still  maintain  the  right  of  Amphilochius,  to 
whom  it  is  ascribed  in  manuscript  copies,  and  by  some  an 
cient  authors :  moreover,  they  observe  several  differences 
in  this  catalogue  from  the  preceding.  Bishop  Beveridge0 

e  Vid.  Tillem.  ubi  supr.  Art.  vi.  et  Pagi  arm.  394.  n.  vii. 

{  See  Tillem.  as  above,  Art.  i.  e  H.  E.  1.  iv.  c.  30. 

1.  v.  c.  8,  et  16.  Socrat.  1.  v.  cap.  8.  Sozom.  1.  vii.  c.  6,  et  9. 

h  Cappadocumque  Basilii,  Gregorii,  Amphilochii.  Qui  omnes  in 

tantum  philosophorum  doctrinis  alque  sententiis  suos  infarciunt  libros:  ut 
nescias,  quid  in  illis  primum  admirari  debeas,  eruditionem  seculi,  an  scientiam 
scripturarum.  Ep.  83.  al.  84.  *  Praeter  fragmenta  quaadara 

veterum  monumentis  disseminata,  unum  forte  Amphilochii  genuinum  opus 
superest,  Epistola  Synodica,  quam  Cotelerius  edidit.  [Ap.  Monum.  Gr.  T.  ii. 
p.  99—104.]  Basnag.  ann.  394.  n.  ix.  Conf.  Cav.  H.  L. 

11  suffit  de  dire,  que  tout  ce  que  nous  avons  aujourdhui  d'entier  de  ce  Saint, 
est  la  lettre  aux  Eveques  Macedoniens — et  un  poeme  qu'il  adressa  a  Seleuque 
neveu  de  Sainte  Olympiede,  &c.  Tillem.  Mem.  T.  ix.  St.  Amphiloque,  art.  vi. 

k  Ad  Seleucum  Iambi  Gregorio  Naz.  a  Billio  adjudicati,  nee  invita  quidem 
veritate.  Cav.  H.  L.  in  Amphiloch. 

1  Le  poeme  a  Seleucus,  quoiqu'  en  dise  le  Pere  Combefis,  est  du  stile  de 
saint  Gregoire ;  et  il  y  a  bien  de  1'apparence,  qu'il  a  ete  compose  par  ce  Pere 
sous  le  nom  d' Amphiloque.  Du  Pin,  Bib.  T.  ii.  p.  234. 

m  Sunt  nihilominus  haec  leviora,  quam  ut  fidem  codicum  vindican- 

tium  Amphilochio  nostro  elevent.  Primum  enim,  minus  quadrant  hie  posita 
de  libris  canonicis,  cum  iis  quae  habet  Theologus  carmine  de  iisdem,  p.  98.  ed. 
Par.  ubi  absolute  pronuntiat  de  Pauli  epistolis,  et  septem  Catholicis,  nulla  men- 
tione  libri  Esther,  aut  Apocalypsis. — Etiam  Balsamon  habet  ut  Amphilochii, 
p.  1080.  ed.  Paris,  passimque  Damascenus  in  elementis  in  codice  Eminentiss. 
Rupifucaldii.  Combef.  not.  ad.  Amphil.  p.  254. 

n  See  Mem.  Ecc.  T.  ix.  S.  Greg,  de  Naz.  sect.  110.  Amphiloque,  sect  6. 
etnote  6.  °  Synodicon.  T.  ii.  p.  178,  179. 

v  2 


292  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

puts  down  both  these  poems  distinctly,  calling  one,  that  of 
Gregory  the  divine,  and  the  other,  that  of  Amphilochius  from 
his  iambics  to  Seleucus:  and  some  others  are  of?  the  same 
opinion.  Whether  it  belongs  to  one  or  the  other,  it  is  a 
different  performance  from  the  foregoing,  and  therefore 
deserves  to  be  put  down  here. 

1  The  author  of  this  poem  recommends  1  the  reading  of  the 
'  scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  as  fitted  to  teach 
'  men  virtue,  and  the  right  worship  of  God.  Thenr  he 

*  cautions  his  friend  against  spurious,  and   falsely  ascribed 
'  writings,  even  though  they  have  in  them  some  appearance 
'  of  truth.    After8  which  he  enumerates  the  divinely-inspired 
'  books,  and    in  the  first  place  those  of  the   Old  Testa- 
'  ment,  which  are  these :  The  Pentateuch,  containing  first 

*  Genesis,  then  Exodus,  Leviticus,  Numbers,  Deuteronomy. 
c  Then   Joshua,   and    the    Judges,  and  Ruth,  four  books 
'  of  the  Kingdoms,  two    of  the   Remains,   the    first    and 
4  second  of  Esdras.     After  them  five  books  in  verse,  Job, 

*  the  book  of  Psalms,  three  books  of  Solomon,  the  Proverbs, 

*  Ecclesiastes,  and  the  Song  of  Songs.     To  fhese  add  the 

*  Twelve  Prophets,   Hosea,  Amos,  Micah,  Joel,   Obadiah, 

*  Jonah,  Nahum,  Habakkuk,  Zephaniah,  Haggai,  Zechariah, 
'  Malachi.     After  whom  are  the  four  prophets,  Isaiah,  Jere- 
'  iniah,  Ezekiel,  Daniel.     To  these  some  add  Esther.     The 
4  books  of  the  New  Testament  to  be  received  by  you  are 

*  these:  Four  Evangelists  only;  Matthew,  then  Mark,  the  third 

*  Luke,  and  John,1  the  fourth  in  time,  but  first  in  the  subli- 

*  mity  of  his  doctrine.    Nextu  receive  a  second  book  of  Luke, 

*  the  book  of  the  Acts  of  all  the  Apostles.     Then  fourteen 

*  epistles  of  the  apostle  Paul,  one  to  the  Romans,  two  to  the 

*  Corinthians,  to  the  Galatians,  to  the  Ephesians,  to  the  Phi- 

*  lippians,  to  the  Colossians,  two  to  the  Thessalonians,  two 
'  to  Timothy,  and  to  Titus  and  Philemon,  to  each  one,  and 

P  See  the  opinions  of  Baronius  and  Basnage,  in  the  preceding  chapter, 
notes l  and  u.  And  see  Fabr.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  vii.  p.  503,  504. 

«»  Amphil.  ad  Seleuc.  p.  126.  ed.  Combef.  Paris.  1644.  ct  ap.  Greg.  Naz, 
T.  ii.  p.  194,  195. 

r   Etoii/  yap,  tiffiv  ia&  brt 

Blj3\0l*  TlVt £  \ltV  £/t/Lt£<TOt, 

'Qg  avriQ  HTTOI,  TCJV  aXrjQuuQ  \oyw»>. 

P.  130.  Gr.  194. 
1  Tarwv  \apiv  aot  TWV  StOTrvtvzwv  epu* 

Bt/3\wv  (Ka^rjv. — Ib. 
1  api9p.it  rov  Iwavvtjv  \pov(ft 

Tiraprov'  aXXa  Trpwrov  v\fjudoy(iaT(>)V. — p.  132. 
0    &*XH  ^(  /3i/3\ov  AUKCI,  Kai  TK\V  dtvrtpav, 

Tijv  T(>iv  Ka9o\iK<»>v  npaZiuv  ATro-roXwv.— Ib. 


AMPHILOOHIUS,  Bishop  of  Iconium.     A.  D.  370.         293 

one  to  the  Hebrews.  Butv  some  say,  the  epistle  to  the 
Hebrews  is  spurious  ;  not  speaking  rightly,  for  it  is  a  ge 
nuine  work.  Then  the  catholic  epistles:  Of  which  some 
receive  seven,  others  three  only  :  one  of  James,  one  of 
Peter,  one  of  John  :  whilst  others  receive  three  of  John, 
and  two  of  Peter,  and  Jude's,  the  seventh.  Thew  Revela 
tion  of  John  is  approved  by  some  ;  but  many  [or  the  most] 
say  it  is  spurious.  Let  this  be  the  most  certain  canon  of 
the  divinely-inspired  scriptures.' 

I  shall  make  but  one  remark  upon  this  poem,  and  what 
has  been  transcribed  from  it  :  That  it  affords  a  new  proof  of 
the  care  and  caution  of  the  ancient  christians  concerning 
books  received  as  a  part  of  sacred  scripture,  and  the  rule  of 
their  faith. 

III.  As  very  little  of  Amphilochius  remains,  I  have  no 
select  passages  to  present  the  reader  with  at  the  end  of  this 
chapter.  I  shall  therefore  put  down  here  a  story  told  byx 
Theodoret  ;  which  is  also  in  y  Sozomen  and  z  Nicephorus, 
with  only  some  variations.  Amphilochius,  as  Theodoret 
says,  presented  a  petition  to  Theodosius,  desiring  him  to 
prohibit  Arian  assemblies,  without  obtaining  it.  He  there 
fore  thought  of  a  method  to  gain  his  point.  And  being  in 
the  palace  with  other  bishops,  he  paid  his  respects  to  Theodo 
sius,  as  usual,  taking  little  or  no  notice  of  Arcadius,  who 
stood  by,  and  had  been  lately  declared  Augustus.  The 
emperor  supposing  the  omission  might  have  proceeded 
from  forgetfulness,  called  to  Amphilochius,  and  put  him 
in  mind  to  salute  his  son  also  :  Amphilochius  answered,  he 
had  paid  respect  to  him  and  that  was  enough.  The  empe 
ror  displeased  with  that  answer  said,  a  slight  put  upon  his 
son  was  an  indignity  to  himself.  Whereupon  Amphilochius 
replied  ;  You  see,  sir,  that  you  cannot  endure  a  slight  to  be 
put  upon  your  son,  and  are  angry  with  those  who  are  guilty 
of  it  :  persuade  yourself,  then,  that  the  God  of  the  whole 
world  is  offended  with  those  who  blaspheme  his  only-be 
gotten  Son,  and  hates  them  as  ungrateful  to  their  Saviour  and 
benefactor.  The  emperor  perceiving  the  bishop's  design,  soon 
after  this  forbade  the  assemblies  of  heretics.  Intending,  it  is 
likely,  a  law  ofa  Theodosius  still  extant,  dated  July  25,  of  the 


<f>aai  TJJV  trpoQ  'E/3pcu8f  voOov' 
OVK  fv  XeyovTtg,  yvrjaia  yap  17  %api£.  —  ib. 
"  Trjv  5'  A7TOKa\v\jjiv  rr\v  Itoavvs  TraXiv 
TIVEQ  p.tv  cyfcpu.'80't,  KO.I  7r\eisg  de  ye 
No0ov  Xeyaoiv.     'Ourof  a^svSt^aTog 
Kavwi/  u)v  tit]  T0)v  $tOTTVtv<s-(i)v  ypa0a>v.-  -  p.  134. 
*  L.  v.  c.  16,  p.  218.  >  Soz.  1.  vii.  c.  6. 

z  Nic.  1.  xii.  c.  9.  »  Cod.  Theod.  16.  Tit.  5.  L.  xi. 


294  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

year  383,  prohibiting  all  heretics,  particularly  Eunomians, 
Arians,  ana  Macedonians,  to  hold  any  assemblies  of  worship 
in  public  places,  or  private  houses. 

This  affair  has  been  taken  notice  of  by  several1*  moderns; 
and  seems  to  be  rightly  placed  in  the  year  383,  it  happening 
after  that  Arcadius  had  been  declared  Augustus,  and  joined 
with  his  father  in  the  empire  ;  which  was  done  in  the  begin 
ning  of  that  year. 

Amphilochius  showed  his  dislike  of  heretics  several  ways. 
He  wrote  a  book  against  the  Massalians,  mentioned  by  c 
Theodoret ;  and  another  work,  entitled,*1  Of  Pseudepigraphal 
Books  composed  by  Heretics ;  both  which  are  lost :  if  they 
had  been  extant,  I  suppose  they  would  have  given  me  more 
satisfaction  than  the  law  of  Theodosius,  which  affords  not  any 
argument.  Indeed,  I  do  not  think  that  Amphilochius  is  to  be 
commended  for  procuring  that  law  ;  I  rather  think  that  he 
therein  acted  contrary  to  the  doctrine  taught  by  our  Saviour, 
which  inculcates  mutual  equity  and  forbearance,  and  to 
many  apostolical  precepts,  requiring  bishops,  and  all  chris- 
tians  in  general,  "  to  be  gentle,  showing  all  meekness  unto 
all  men  :  to  be  gentle  unto  all  men,  in  meekness  instructing 
those  that  oppose  themselves,  if  perad venture  God  will  give 
them  repentance  to  the  acknowledging  of  the  truth."  The 
catholics  had  suffered  many  hardships  in  the  late  reign  of 
Valens  :  afterwards  in  the  reigns  of  Gratian  and  Theodosius 
they  came  into  power.  If  they  had  more  truth  on  their  side 
than  theArians,  I  wish  they  had  also  excelled  in  moderation 
and  equity ;  which  are  shining  virtues,  highly  becoming 
weak  and  fallible  creatures  one  toward  another,  perfectly 
consistent  with  a  zeal  for  truth,  and  better  suited  to  promote 
its  interests,  than  force  and  violence. 

b  See  Cave's  Lives  of  the  Primitive  Fathers.  Vol.  ii.  in  Gregory  Naz.  sect.  vii. 
p.  327,  328.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  251.  Basnag.  ann.  383.  n.  vii.  Tillem.  Les 
Ariens.  art.  139.  Mem.  Tom.  vi.  c  Haer.  Fab.  1.  iv.  cap.  xi. 

d  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  ii.  p.  253.  et  Fabr.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  vii.  p.  505. 


GREGORY  NYSSEN.     A.  D.  371.  295 

CHAP.  C. 

GREGORY,  BISHOP  OF  NYSSA  IN  CAPPADOCIA. 


I.  His  time  and  history.     II.  His  testimony  to  the  scrip 
tures.     III.  Select  passages. 

I.  GREGORY,  younger  brother  of  Basil,  was  ordained 
bishop  of  Nyssa  in  Cappadocia  in  thea  latter  part  of  the  year 
370,  or  inb  371,  orc  the  beginning  of  372.  Being  a  zealous 
homoiisian,  hed  felt  the  heavy  hands  of  the  Arian  admini 
stration  under  Valens  :  and  some  time  after  his  ordination  was 
obliged  to  live  in  exile,  in  an  unsettled  condition,  till,  upon 
the  death  of  Valens,  he  and  others  were  restored  to  their 
sees  by  an  edict  of  Gratian  in  378.  He e  is  in  Jerom's  Cata 
logue  ;  I  place  the  chapter,  which  is  short,  below.  He  was 
alive f  in  394;  the  year  of  his  death  is  not  certainly  known. 
I  formerly  s  made  large  extracts  out  of  our  Gregory's  ora 
tion  upon  the  life  of  Gregory  Thaumaturgus,  to  which  the 
reader  is  referred  :  I  now  proceed  to  take  his  testimony  to 
the  scriptures  of  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament. 

II.  1.  He  speaksh  of  the  five  divisions  of  the  book  of 
Psalms. 

2.  He  takes  notice  of1  the  ancient  versions  of  the  Old 
Testament,  of  Aquila,  Symmachus,  and  Theodotion,  beside 
that  of  the  Seventy  :  ink  one  place  he  consults  the  Hebrew. 

3.  *  A1  greater  than   Solomon  made  use  of  him  as   an 
instrument,  and  by  him  speaks  to  us,  first  in  the  Proverbs, 
then  in  the  Ecclesiastes,  and  after  that  in  the  philosophy  of 
the  Canticles  now  before  us.'     So  speaks  Gregory  in  the 
first  of  his  fifteen  homilies  upon  the  book  of  Canticles :  who 

a  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  244.  b  Vid.  Benedictin.  Vid.  S. 

Basil,  c.  xix.  c  Vid.  Pagi  aim.  369.  n.  xvii.  Fabr.  Bib. 

Gr.  T.  viii.  p.  144.  Tillem.  Gr.  Nyss.  art.  iii. 

d  Vid.  Cav.  ib.  p.  244.  in  Tillem.  Mem.  T.  ix.  S.  Greg,  de  Nysse,  art.  iv. 

e  Gregorius  Nyssenus  episcopus,  frater  Basilii  Caesariensis,  ante  paucos  annos 
mihi  et  Gregorio  Nazianzeno  contra  Eunomium  legit  libros,  qui  et  multa  alia 
scripsisse  et  scribere  dicitur.  De.  V.  I.  cap.  128. 

f  Vid.  Pagiann.  394.  n.  vi.  &  Vol.  ii.  p.  611—617. 

h  In  Psalm.  Tr.  1.  cap.  ix.  T.  i.  p,  287.  D.  j  In  Hexaem.  T.  i. 

p.  7.  B.  p.  13.  B.  C.  k  In  Cant.  horn.  9.  T.  i.  p.  610.  C. 

1  OITOC  opyavy  rqt  SoXo/xwvri  rsry  xprjaafjievog  Si  tictivs  ripiv  tfeaXsycrai, 
irporipov  tv  Tlapotyuaif ,  f ira  ev  T<#  EKK\ijffia<^y,  KO.I  fJisTa.  ravra  ev  ry  irpoKeifjievy 
TH  Aafjiarog  rtav  Atr/uarwv  (pi\oao<j>iy,.  K.  \.  In  Cant.  horn.  1.  T.  i.  p.  475.  D. 


296  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

has  also  a  preface  to  that  book,  and  eight  homilies  upon 
the  book  of  Ecclesiastes  ;  and  he  here  plainly  shows  us,  what 
were  generally  esteemed  by  understanding  Christians  the 
genuine  writings  of  Solomon. 

4.  I  need  not  take  any  notice  of  quotations  of  the  gospels. 
He  gives™  the  title  of  the  great  John  to  the  evangelist,  quot 
ing  the  beginning   of  his  first  epistle,  soon  after  he  had 
quoted  the  beginning  of  his  gospel. 

5.  The  book  of  the  Acts  is  very  often  quoted  by  him,  and 
ascribed  to"   Luke.     Moreover  he  says,  that0  Luke  was  as 
much  a  physician  of  souls,  as  of  the  body  :  from  whence  we 
can   conclude,  that  he  took   the  evangelist  to  be  the  same 
who  is  mentioned,  Col.  iv.  14. 

6.  Gregory  P  quotes  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  with  that 
title. 

7.  He  often  expressly  quotes  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
and  as^  Paul's. 

8.  Gregory  seldom  quotes  the  book  of  the  Revelation : 
yea,  I  think  he  sometimes  declines  to  quote  ijt,  when  there 
are  fair  occasions  for  so  doing  ;  however,  her  has  expressly 
quoted  it  in  one  of  his  orations ;  and  though  he  there  calls 
it  apocryphal,  perhaps  he  needs  not  be  supposed  to  intend 
to  detract  from  it,  for  he  calls  it  the  evangelist  John's. 

9.  There  is  a  passage8  in  Gregory's  book  against  Apolli- 
narius  published  by  Laurence  Zacagni,  where  it  may  be 
questioned,  whether  Gregory  refers  to  Rev.  i.  8,  or1  John 
viii.  25,  according  to  a  very  uncommon  reading  indeed,  but 
which  seems  to  be  that  followed  by  the  author  of  the  Gothic 
version.     For  clearing  this  I  put  below"  a  part  of  the  note 
of  the  learned  Latin  translator  upon  the  place. 

n  'OTTfp  Stj  KM  o  fifyag  IwavvtjQ  TrsiroirjKfv.  In  Cant.  horn.  13.  T.  i.  p.  664. 
C.  n  'H  (prjaiv  (v  «p\y  TS  /3t/3Xi8  TWV  npa&wv  6  Asfcag.  K.  \. 

In  Christ.  Resurr.  Or.  2.  T.  iii.  p.  415.  C. 

5  'O  TOIVVV  A&Kag,  o  TT\(.OV  TOJV  ^/v^wv  rj  TWV  ffdtfJiaTCJv  tarpof,  typa^/f  TO  fv 
Xtpvi  Sirjyrjfia.  De  Poenit.  in  Luc.  vii.  36,  &c.  T.  ii.  p.  165.  D. 

p  Za0e<T«pov  St  TOIG  E0£(Tio(£.  Orat.  in  1  Cor.  xv.  28.  T.  ii.  p.  15.  C.  Vid. 
et  Catechet.  Or.  cap.  32.  T.  iii.  p.  94.  A.  In  Chr.  Res.  Or.  i.  T.  3.  p.  396. 
C.  et  alibi.  9  Ato  icai  HavXog  'E/3paioi£  CTriTtXXwv  eXtyti/. 

In  Chr.  Res.  Or.  ii.  T.  3.  p.  408.  B.  et  passim. 

H»c8<ra  r«  euayytXiTS  Icjavi>8  sv  airoKpvtyoiQ  Trpog  TUQ  roisrsq  di  ati/ty/zaroj 
Xtyoj'roe — Q(j)t\ov  yap  r\aQa,  ^j/(Tt,  ^vxpog,  ^  & TOQ.     In  suam  Ordinat.  T.  ii. 

p.  44.  A.  s   KaQug  <}>f](Ti  7T«  Tt]Q  ypa0»j£  6  Xoyog*  on  eyo> 

tipi  17  apx*}-     Adv.  Apoll.  cap.  37.  p.  219.     Zacagn.  Monum.  Vet. 

1  « Ideo  dixerunt  ei :  Tu  quis  es  ?  Et  dixit  eis  Jesus :  Principium,  ceu  quo- 

Sie  dico  vobis.'     Sacr.  Evang.  Vers.  Goth,  cum  Interpret.  Lat.  Eric.  Benzel. 
xon.  1750.  u  *  Principium.']     Legit  ergo,  quam vis  nullo 

qui  nunc  superest  codice  MSS.  consentiente,  >/  apx>7»  on  KOI  Xeyw  vpv.  Nam 
religiosus  interpres,  si  casum  quartum  invenisset,  utique  scripsisset.— Benzel. 
in  loc. 


GREGORY  NYSSEN.    A.  D.  371.  297 

10.  Titles  and  divisions,  and  marks  of  respect  for  the 
scriptures,  are  sucli  as  these:  thev  sacred  writers  of  the 
gospels;  thew  divine  gospels  ;  apostlesx  and  prophets;  oney 
and  the  same  God  speaks  in  the  prophets,  and  the  New 
Testament;  Paul2  the  herald  or  preacher  of  grace,  the  chief 
conductor  of  the  church's  marriage,  and  the  mouth  of  Christ. 
I  refer  toa  another  place  very  honourable  to  that  apostle. 
He  says,  itb  is  one  of  the  Lord's  commands,  that  we  should 
study  the  scriptures.  See  John  v.  39.  He  reckons  it  to  the 
advantage  of  Ephrem  the  Syrian,  that  c  from  early  age  he 
had  been  instructed  in  the  sacred  scriptures.  I  omit  many 
other  like  things,  not  needful  to  be  transcribed.  Heprovesd 
what  he  advances  by  texts  of  scripture.  Again,  *  Where6 
did  Apollinarius  learn,  that  the  Spirit  became  incarnate? 
What  scripture  says  this  ?  We  have  not  learned  any  such 
thing  from  the  gospels  :  but  that  the  Word  became  flesh, 
as  the  great  apostle  says.' 

III.  I  shall  now  take  some  select  passages,  partly  relating 
to  the  scriptures,  partly  to  other  matters. 

1.  There  f  are   five  orations  of  Gregory  upon  the  Lord's 
prayer,  but  no  notice  taken  of  any  doxology  at  the  end. 

2.  Gregory  says,  thats  in  the  most  exact  copies,  St.  Mark's 
gospel  concluded  with  those  words,  ch.  xvi.  8,  "  For  they 
were  afraid."     But  in   some  copies  it  was  added,  "  Now 
when  Jesus  was  risen  early  the  first  day  of  the  week,  he 
appeared  first  to  Mary  Magdalene  ;  "  and  what  follows  :  In 
which  he  says,  there  seemed  to  be  some  things  different  from 

v    Ol  TUV  evayyt\i<?<*)v  ifpoi  ovyypatyuq.     In  Chr.  Res.  Or.  ii.  T.  3.  p.  400.  D. 

w  Encom.  Ephr.  Syr.  T.  3.  p.  595.  B. 

x  'H  TUV  aTro<?o\iK(i)V  re  Kttt  TrpoQrjTiKwv  ditfay/uarwi'.  De  Occurs.  Dom. 
T.  3.  p.  446.  D. 

Aia  TUTO  rj\9ov  at  TWV  Trpo^Jjrwv  Kai  airo<zo\wv  ffa\7riyye£.  In  Natal.  Chr. 
T.  3.  p.  340.  A. 

y  AttKvvai  -  kva  KO.I  TOV  avrov  Qeov  re  icai  vo/io0tr»jv  fv  re  TrpoQqraig 
Kai  Ty  Kaivy  SiaOrjKy  \E\aXrjKtvai.  De  Oc.  Dom.  T.  3.  p.  460.  B. 

z  'O  prjTwp  TtjQ  vapirof,  6  vva(j)0^o\og  rtjg  fKK\rjaiaQ,  TO  TH  XptTS  oropa. 
Vit.  S.  Ephr.  T.  3.  p.  596.  C.  a  In  1  Cor.  xv.  28.  T.  2.  p.  6.  B. 

b  Kai  TUTO  T(»v  SecnroTiKwv  TrapayyeX/itarwv  5<ri,  TO  Setv  iptvvav  rag  ypaipag. 
In.  Eccles.  hom.  i.  T.  i.  p.  374.  C.  c  'O  TpcuptiQ  pev  IK  Trpwrqe 

jyXiKtag,  Kai  avfyGtiQ  tv  Ty  rwv^ftwv  /itX«ry  ypa^>a>v,  TroTiaOeig  5e  TOIQ  TIJQ  %apiTOQ 
atwaoig  OXITOIQ.  K.  \.  De  Vit.  S.  Ephr.  T.  3.  p.  598.  C. 

d  Kai  fivpiaQ  £<rt  Trepi  TUTS  rt\q  ay  tag  ypa0»jg  7rapa9taQai  Qwvaq.  In 
Hexaem.  T.  i.  14.  D.  Conf.  ib.  p.  28.  D. 

e  Tig  ypa^rj  TavTO.  Xeyetj  -  Ovx  arwg  irapa  TWV  euayytXtwv  ijKuffaptv. 
Ovx  &T(*)g  irapa  Ttjg  p,eya\r]g  TS  aTTOToXs  QWVTJQ  eSiSa^9rjp,ev'  aXX'  ort  fjitv  6 
\oyogaapZ  eytvtro.  K.  X.  Adv.  Apoll.  cap.  10.  ubi  supr.  p.  148. 

f  T.  i.  p.  712  —  761.  B   Ev  fievTots  aicpipf  <r«  poig  avnypcr^otc 


TO  Kara  Mapicov  euayyeXiov,  ^XP1  Ts  £0o/3«vro  yap,  f^*1  ro  rf^°£« 
Troicetrat  Kai  rawra.  K.  X.     In  Chr.  Res.  Or,  ii.  T.  3.     .  41  1.  B. 


298  Credibility  of  tJie  Gospel  History. 

the  accounts  given  of  our  Lord's  resurrection  by  the  other 
evangelists.  He  therefore  reconciles  them,  and  compares 
together  all  the  four  evangelists,  Matthew,  John,  Luke,  and 
Mark.  Which  shows,  there  were  no  other  authentic  histories 
of  Christ,  except  these  four ;  and  that  there  were  no  other, 
for  which  the  church  had  any  regard. 

Mill  says,  that11  Gregory  Nyssen  is  the  first,  who  has 
taken  any  notice  of  this  various  reading  at  the  conclusion  of 
St.  Mark's  gospel. 

3.  He  says,  there1  are  three  Marys  mentioned  as  standing 
at  the  foot  of  the  cross  of  Jesus,  Mary  our  Lord's  mother, 
Mary  wife  of  Cleophas,  and  Mary  Magdalene,  John  xix.  26. 
For  Mary  mother  of  James,  or  mother  of  James  and  Joses, 
as  mentioned  by  the  other  evangelists,  he  cannot  but  think 
to  be  the  same  with  our  Lord's  mother:  James  and  Joses  he 
supposes  to  be  the  children  of  Joseph,  whom  he  had  by  a 
former  marriage.     He  moreover  says,  thatk  James,  called 
"  the  less,"  in  Mark  xv.  40,  was  not  an  apostle,  being  dif 
ferent  from  James  the  son  of  Alpheus,  who  was  one  of  the 
twelve  apostles. 

4.  '  That1  we  might  be  satisfied  Christ  had  a  real  body, 
and    was    not   a  man  in   appearance,  the  scriptures  have 
recorded  without  reserve  every  thing  peculiar  to  our  nature, 
his  eating,  and  drinking,  and  sleeping,  weariness,  refresh 
ment   by  food,  growing   in  bodily  stature,  and  in  wisdom. 
But  he  had  no  sickness,  nor  decays,  as  he  had  no  sin.' 

5.  He  ra  speaks  of  the  advantage  which  redounds  to  us 
from  Thomas's  slowness  to  believe;  we  have  thereby  fuller 
assurance,  he  says,  that  Christ  rose  with  the  same  body 
that  had  died. 

6.  Gregory11  observes  some  things  in  St.  John's  gospel, 
as  proofs  of  the  reality  of  our  Lord's  resurrection,  and  that 
the  body  was  not  stolen  out  of  the  sepulchre.     «  Says  John, 
"  Then  took  they  the  body  of  Jesus,  and  wound  it  in  linen 
clothes,"  ch.  xix.  40.     Which  linen  clothes  were  not  taken 
away,  but  "  were  seen  lying  by  John  and  Peter,"  ch.  xx.  5,  6. 
But  how  should  thieves  have  had  time  to  pull  off  the  linen 
bandages,  [or  wrappers,]  which  being  spicy  would  cling  to 
the  body,  and  could  not  be  pulled  off  but  in  some  time,  by 

h  E  codicibus  istius  aevi  memorat  primus  jam  (quod  sciam)  Gregorius  Nys- 
senus  nonnullos,  in  quibus  evangelium  Marci  finitum  eratad  capitisxvi.  ver.  8. 
verba  ista,  « 0o/3avro  yap.  Prolegom.  n.  8 1 2. 

1  Vid.  ibid.  p.  412.  C.  D.  413.  A.  *  Ib.  p.  413.  B.  C. 

1  Ep.  ad  Eustath.  &c.  T.  3.  p.  658.  C.  D. 

Kot  ota  TIJQ  (KfivH  TroXuTrpay/ioi/og  airi^iag  Kai  tiratyrjG,  »J/i£ic  tig  rqv  iri<ziv 
t/3«/3aiu0jj/i£i/,  tv  v  aunaTi  irtjrovOev,  iv  avr^  icai  fyrjyepOat  irwvaavTts  TOV 
.  K.  \.     Ibid.  p.  204.  C.  "  Ib.  p.  405. 


GREGORY  NYSSEN.     A.  D.  371.  299 

persons  who  had  leisure  ?  Moreover,  says  °  he,  how  should 
thieves  have  leisure  and  assurance,  to  put  "  the  napkin  that 
was  about  his  head,  not  lying  with  the  linen  clothes,  but 
wrapped  together  in  a  place  by  itself,"  ver.  7.  Here  are 
no  signs  of  the  horror  or  hurry  of  thieves.'  Perhaps  such 
observations  as  these  may  satisfy  some  people  that  the  ancient 
christians  had  a  small  share  of  good  sense. 

7.  There  is  a  letter  of  Gregory  to  a  friend  concerning 
those  who  go  to  Jerusalem,  or  other  places  near  it.    '  SomeP 
there  are,'  he  says,  *  who  think  it  a  branch  of  piety   to  go 
to  Jerusalem,  to  see  the  places  which  the  Lord  had  honour 
ed  with  his  presence,  when  in  the  body.     But<i  here,  first, 
it  may  be  well  to  look  to  the  rule  :  and  if  the  Lord  has 
not  commanded  it,  nor  among  the  beatitudes  pronounced 
them  blessed  that  go  to  Jerusalem,  it  may  be  let  alone.' 
He  mentions  divers  inconveniences  of  this  journey,  and  the 
temptations  to  which  people  are  exposed  therein.     Besides, 
Christ  is  not  now  at  Jerusalem  ;  nor  is  there  any  reason  to 
think  the  fulness  of  the  Spirit  so  confined  to  Jerusalem,  but 
that  it  may  reach   us  at  home.     Moreover,  he  says,  4  that 
Jerusalem  was  then  a  very  wicked  place  ;  and  that  there 
were  better   helps  for  piety  in  Cappadocia.'     They  who 
please  may  compare  Gregory  with  r  Jerom,  who  seems  little 
better  affected  to  these  pilgrimages  than  our  author. 

8.  Hes  entirely  disclaims  the  expectation  of  a  voluptuous 
Millennium,  the  renewal  of  Jewish  sacrifices,  and  a  terrestrial 
Jerusalem  adorned  with  precious  stones. 

9.  There1  are  in  Gregory  several  passages,  asserting  free 
will  in  strong  terms  ;  to  which  I  refer. 


0  Us  yap  axoXijv  uxov  °*  K\£7rrat  Kat  foiavrrjv  afisiav,  wg  KOI  TO  Tt)G  Kt<j>a- 
\ijg  KaXvjjLfjia.  Kara  ra£u»  t\\eiv  /cat  nOtvai  xa>pi£  ;  Ibid.  405.  C.  D. 

P  T.  iii.  p.  651  —  658.  q  -  /caXwe  avexoiirpos  rov 

Kavova  pXfirtw.  p.  652.  A.  r  Ad  Paulin.  ep.  49.  [al.  13.] 

T.  iv.  p.  564.  s  Ad  Bust,  et  Ambr.  T.  iii.  p.  658.  C.  D. 

*  De  Horainis  Opificio,  cap.  iv.  T.  1.  p.  526.  E.  De  Vita  Mosis,  p.  200. 
C.  D.  203.  A.  B.  De  Anima,  T.  ii.  p.  107.  B.  Catechet.  Or.  cap.  31.  T.  iii. 
p.  91.  et  cap.  39.  p.  105. 


300  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

CHAP.  CI. 

DIDYMUS  OF  ALEXANDRIA. 


I.  His  history  and  character,  his  commentaries  upon  the 
scriptures,  and  other  works.  II.  His  testimony  to  the 
scriptures  farther  shown.  III.  Select  passages. 

I.  1.  DIDYMUS,  mastera  of  the  catechetical  school  at 
Alexandria,  flourished  b  about  the  year  370.  He  c  lost  his 
sight  by  a  distemper,  when  very  young-,  in  the  fourth  or  fifth 
year  of  his  age,  before  he  had  learned  to  read,  or  whilst  he 
was  learning  letters.  He  attained  nevertheless  to  great 
learning  ;  beside  grammar  and  rhetoric,  he  understood  logic, 
music,  geometry,  astronomy,  the  most  abstruse  problems  of 
the  mathematicians,  and  all  the  opinions  of  the  philosophers; 
as  we  are  assured  by  divers  ancient  ecclesiastical  writers, 
who  cannot  forbear  to  call  him  a  wonderful  man.  They 
also  say,  thatd  he  had  great  acquaintance  with  the  divine 
oracles  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  so  as  to  write  many 
commentaries  upon  them.  As  Sozomen  says  :  '  Many  e  ex- 

*  cited  by  his  great  fame,  came  from  far  to  Alexandria,  some 

*  to  hear  him,  others  only  to  see  him.     And  it  was  no  small 
'  grief  to  the  Arians  that  he  maintained  the  Nicene  doctrine.' 
He  adds,  '  that  he  persuaded  men  not  so  much  by  the  force 

*  of  his  reasons,  as  by  the  agreeable  manner  of  proposing 


*  -  7rpo'iVa/i£vo£  tv  A\i%av8pti<f.  rtt  lepa  SiSaffKoXtis  TWV  iepwv  / 
Soz.  1.  iii.  c.  15.  in.  b  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  253. 

c  Didymus  Alexandrians  multa  de  nostro  dogmate  per  notaries  commen- 
tatur  j  qui,  post  quintum  navitatis  annum  luminibus  orbatus,  elementorum 
quoque  ignarus  fuit.  Hieron.  Chr.  ad  A.  372.  p.  187.  Et  vid.  infr.  not.  !. 

Is  namque  in  parva  aetate,  cum  adhuc  etiam  prima  literarum  ignoraret 
elementa,  luminibus  orbatus.  Ruf.  H.  E.  1.  ii.  c.  7. 

Ovrog  KOfjudij  vioq  wv,  Kai  TO.  Trpwrct  ru>v  ypcr^arwv  <roixaa  paOwv.  Socr. 
1.  iv.  c.  25. 


\og  tyivtTO  iv  r-g  TTpwTy  TTfipq,  TTJQ  fiaOqfffwg  rwv  <roix«wv.  Soz. 
1.  iii.  c.  15. 

-  dig  avTOQ  poi  SirjyrjffaTO,  TfTpatTrjg  rag  oifrtig  aTrojBaXwv,  fiijTf  ypctft- 
fictrwv  u(u.a9rjKwc.  Pallad.  Hist.  Laus.  cap.  3.  Ap.  Bib.  PP.  Morell.  T.  xiii. 
p.  904. 

d  Ou  fiijv  a\\a  Kai  ra  Stia  Xoyia  TraXatag  Kai  Kaivrjg  Sia9ijKr}g  STWQ  aKpipwg 
ryvuKti,  a»?e  TroXXa  fitv  ticSuvai  /3tj3Xta.  Socr.  1.  iv.  c.  25.  p.  241. 

e  Hv  de  B  TO  TV\OV  Sfavfia'  Kai  TroXXoi  Kara  TO  K\tog  TS  avSpog  tig  AXt^av- 
Spiiav  TraptytvovTo,  ol  piv  aura  afcsero/Ltevot,  ot  ^£  i<rop»j£rovrfg  /wovov,  K.  X. 
Soz.  1.  iii.  c.  15.  p.  523.  C. 


DIDYMUS  of  Alexandria.     A.  D.  370.  301 

*  them :  for  he  would  make  every  one  to  be  judge  of  the 
4  point  in  question.'  Some  account  of  the  character  of 
Didymus  was  given f  formerly,  when  the  amiable  mildness 
of  his  temper,  here  intimated  by  Sozomen,  was  collected 
from  the  moderation  conspicuous  in  his  writings  against  the 
Manichees. 

2.  In  the&  preface  to  his  own  Commentaries  upon  Hosea, 
Jerom  styles  Didymus  the  most  learned  man  of  his  time. 
Palladius h   says,  he  surpassed   all   the  ancients   in  know 
ledge. 

3.  Jerom  often  expresses'  great  affection  and  esteem   for 
Didymus.     And  though,  when   the  controversy  about  Ori- 
gen's  orthodoxy  was  on  foot,   he  takes  notice  of  his  acced 
ing  to  the  peculiar  opinions  of  that  eminent  ancient,  he  al 
ways  k  allows  him  to  have  maintained   the  catholic  doctrine 
concerning  the  Trinity ;  and  acknowledges  his  prodigious 
memory,  great  learning,  and  fine  manner  of  writing. 

4.  Jerom  who  has  placed  Didymus  in  his  Catalogue  of 
Illustrious  Men,  there  says,  that1  he  wrote  commentaries 

f  Vol.  iii.  p.  275.  g  quum  essem  Alexandria?,  vidi 

Didymum,  et  eum  frequenter  audivi,  virum  sui  temporis  eruditissimum.  Ro- 
gavique  eum,  ut,  quod  Origenes  non  fecerat,  ipse  compleret,  et  scriberet  in 
Osee  commentarios.  Qui  tres  libros,  me  petente,  dictavit,  quinque  quoque 
alios  in  Zachariam.  Pr.  in  Osee.  T.  iii.  p.  1238. 

h  w£  TravTaQ  v7Tfpj3«/3^(C£i/at  rag  ap%ai8£  tv  yv&><7«.  Hist.  Laus.  cap. 

iii.  ubi  supra. 

'  Praetermitto  Didymum  videntem  meum.  Pr.  in  ep.  ad  Gal.  T.  iv.  P.  i. 
p.  222. 

Et  Didymus,  cujus  amicitiis  nuper  usi  sumus.    Prol.  in  Is.  T.  iii.  p.  6. 

Jam  canis  spargebatur  caput,  et  magistrum  potius  quam  discipulum  decebat. 
Perrexi  tamen  Alexandriam ;  audivi  Didymum.  In  multis  ei  gratias  ago. 
Quod  nescivi,  didici:  quod  sciebam,  illo  docente,  non  perdidi.  Ad  Pamm. 
et  Ocean,  ep.  41.  [al.  65.]  T.  iv.  p.  342. 

k  In  Didymo  vero  et  memoriam  prsedicamus,  et  super  Trinitate  fidei  purita- 
tem  :  sed  in  caeteris,  quae  Origeni  male  credidit,  nos  ab  eo  retrahimus.  Adv. 
Ruf.  1.  iii.  p.  463.  f.  T.  iv.  Conf.  adv.  Ruf.  1.  i.  p.  355.  M. 

Quid  respondebis  pro  Didymo,  qui  certe  in  Trinitate  catholicus  est  ?  Cujus 

etiam  nos  de  Spiritu  Sancto  librum  in  Latinam  linguam  vertimus. Cae- 

terum  in  aliis  dogmatibus  et  Eusebius  et  Didymus  apertissime  in  Origenis  scita 
concedunt ;  et,  quod  omnes  ecclesiae  reprobant,  catholice  et  pie  dictum  esse 
defendunt.  Adv.  Ruf.  1.  i.  p.  407,  409. 

Quis  prudentior,  doctior,  eloquentior  Eusebio  et  Didymo,  assertoribus 
Origenis,  inveniri  potest  ?  Ad  Pamm.  et  Ocean.  Ep.  41.  [al.  65.]  T.  iv.  p. 
347.  in. 

1  Didymus  Alexandrinus,  captus  a  parva  aetate  oculis,  et  ob  id  elementorum 
ignarus,  tantum  miraculum  sui  omnibus  praebuit,  ut  Dialecticam  quoque  et 
Geometriam,  quae  vel  maxime  visu  indiget,  usque  ad  perfectum  didicerit.  Hie 
plura  nobiliaque  opera  conscripsit :  Commentarios  in  evangelium  Matthaei 
et  Johannis :  et  de  dogmatibus,  et  contra  Arianos  libros  duos :  et  de  Spiritu 
Sancto  librum  unum,  quern  ego  in  Latinum  verti :  in  Isaiam  tomos  decem  et 
oclo :  in  Osee,  ad  me  scribens,  Commentariorum  libros  tres :  et  in  Zachariam, 


302  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

upon  the  whole  book  of  Psalms,  and  upon  the  gospels  of 
Matthew  and  John ;  a  treatise  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  translated 
into  Latin  by  Jerom  ;  also  commentaries  upon  Isaiah, 
Hosea,  Zechariah,  Job ;  against  the  Arians,  in  three  books ; 
and  many  other  works.  When  Jerom  wrote  his  book  of 
Illustrious  Men,  in  392,  Didymus  was  living,  being  then  in 
the  84th  year  of  his  age.  He  died  a  short  time  afterwards. 

5.  Thera  commentaries  upon   Hosea  and  Zechariah  were 
written  at   Jerom's    request.     Many  of  Jerom's    passages, 
where  he  speaks  distinctly  of  Didymus's  commentaries  upon 
the  scripture,  are  transcribed  at  length  at  the  bottom  of  the 
pages  of  the  chapter  of  Apollinarius ;  where  they  may  be 
read  by  those  who  are  curious. 

6.  Beside  the  commentaries  mentioned   by  Jerom,  Didy 
mus  wrote  also  enarrations,  or  short  notes  upon  the  seven 
catholic  epistles,  of  which  we  saw  a  good  proof  some  while11 
ago. 

7.  They  who  are  desirous  to  know  more  of  his  commen 
taries  upon  the   scriptures,  may  consult0   Fabricius  andP 
Tillemont. 

8.  We  still  have  a  book  of  Didymus  1  against  the  Mani- 
chees,  in  the  original  Greek,  of  which  some  notice  was  taken 
in  the  history  of 'that r  sect ;  the8  treatise  of  the  Holy  Spirit, 
in  Jerom's  version*  and1  the  Enarrations  upon  the  seven 
catholic  epistles  in  Latin.     And  in  the  Greek   Chains  are 
fragments  of  some  of  his  commentaries.     The  late  excellent 
Mr.  J.  C.  Wolff,  of  Hamburg,  published"  a  large  collection 
of  notes  and  observations  of  Didymus  upon  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  taken  from  a  manuscript  Greek  Chain  at  the  Uni 
versity  of  Oxford. 

II.  In  these  three  works  still  remaining,  Against  the 
Manichees,  Of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  the  Enarrations  upon  the 
catholic  epistles,  many  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament 
are  frequently  quoted. 

1.  The v  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  is  quoted  with  that 
title. 

meo  rogatu,  libros  quinque :  et  Commentaries  in  Job :  multaque  alia,  quoe 
digerere  proprii  indicis  est.  Vivit  usque  hodie,  et  octogesimum  tertium  aetatis 
cxcessit  annum.  De  V.  I.  cap.  109. 

m  See  note  «.  n  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  244. 

0  Bib.  Gr.  T.  viii.  p.  353—357.  P  Mem.  EC.  T.  x. 

q  Apud  Combefis.  Auctar.  Noviss.  P.  ii.  p.  21.  &c.  et  ap.  Canis.  Lection. 
ex  edit.  Basnag.  p.  204.  &c.  r  See  Vol.  iii.  p.  275. 

8  Ap.  S.  Hieron.  Opp.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  494,  &c. 

1  Ap.  Bib.  PP.  Lugdun.  T.  iv.  p.  319,  &c. 

u  Vid.  Wolff.  Anecdot.  Graec.  T.  iv.  p.  1—52.     Hamb.  1724. 
T  Beatus  quoque  apostolus  ad  Ephesios  scribens  ait.  De  Sp.  S.  ap.  Hieron. 
T.  iv.  p.  497.  in. 


DIDYMUS  of  Alexandria.     A.  D.  370.  303 

2.  Didym us  received  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  as  Paul's. 
It  is  quoted  in  all  the  three  works  just  mentioned  ;  in  w  the 
tract   concerning  the  Holy  Spirit,  against  x   the  Manichees, 
and  they  Enarrations. 

3.  He  supposeth  the  2  first  epistle  of  Peter  to  be  written 
to  Jews  scattered  abroad  in,  several  countries. 

4.  At  the  end  of  his  Enarration  upon  the  second  epistle 
of  Peter,  he  either  says  thata  it   is  spurious,   or  that  it  has 
been  corrupted  and  interpolated,  and  therefore  is  not  in  the 
canon.     Nevertheless,  I  think,  it  must  generally  have  been 
in   authority   \vith  the   Christians   among  whom    Didymus 
lived,  that  is,  at  Alexandria ;   otherwise  he  would  not  have 
written  notes  upon  it,  together  with  the  other  catholic  epis 
tles.     However,  this  passage,   if  rightly  represented  in  the 
Latin   version,   may  be  allowed   to   be  an  intimation,   that 
there  were  some,  who  had  doubts  about  its  genuineness  and 
authority. 

5.  I  suppose,  that  the  book  of  the  Revelation  was  re 
ceived  by  Didymus;  itb  is  quoted  in  the  Enarrations. 

6.  He  manifests  his  respect  for  the  scriptures,  calling  them 
thec   divine  scriptures,  and   continually  proving'  what  he 
asserts  fromd  the  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament, 
ande   the  writings  of  the  apostles  and   prophets,  in  both 
which  speaks  the  same  Spirit. 

III.  Shall  I  now  add  a  few  select  passages,  before  I  con 
clude  this  chapter? 

1.  Eph.  ii.  o,  "  And  were  by  nature  children  of  wrath, 
as  well  as  others."  Didymus  says,  the  f  meaning  of  "  by 

w  Paulus  in  epistola,  quam  ad  Hebraeos  scribit.  De  Sp.  S.  p.  495.  Vid. 
et  p.  502.  et  passim. 

x  'QQ  ypcHpu  IlavXoe  rote  TTI^OIQ'  Tifiiog  6  ya/io£.  K.  X.  Contr.  Manich.  ap. 
Combefis.  p.  26.  in.  y  Vid.  Enarr.  in  1  Joan.  cap.  iv.  ap. 

B.  PP.  T.  iv.  p.  333.  B.  z  Positus  Petrus  circumcisionis 

aposlolus,  omniumque  Judaeorum  habeas  studium,  scribit  eis  qui  in  totius 
orbis  dispersione  morabantur,  tanquam  advenis  civitatum  extranearum. 
In  1  ep.  Pet.  c.  i.  in.  p.  321.  E.  Vid.  et  Enarr.  in  ep.  Jacob,  p.  320.  A. 

a  Non  est  igitur  ignorandum,  praesentem  epistolam  ease  falsatam.  Quae 
licet  publicetur,  non  taraen  in  canone  est.  Enarr.  in  2  Pet.  iii.  ap.  B.  PP. 
T.  iv.  p.  326.  G. 

b  cujus  fit  memoria  in  Apocalypsi  per  Jezabel.  Enarr.  in  ep.  Jud. 

p.  336.  D.  c  'At  3-etai  ypa^ai.  Contr.  Manich.  p.  22.  m. 

Plena  sunt  volumina  divinarum  scripturarum  his  sermonibus.  De  Sp.  S. 
p.  495. in. 

d  Veteris  quoque  Testamenti  homo  David. — Necnon  etiam  in  Novo  Testa- 
mento.  Ibid. 

e  Possumus  quidem  testimonia  de  divinis  liter  is  exhibere,  quia  idem  Spiritus 
et  apostolis  et  prophetis  fuit.  Ibid,  et  passim. 

f  'On  r\}itv  <pvfffi  TtKva  opyr%,  w£  KCU  01  \onroi  avQpuiroi'  ol  itfffTi  Sevpo  ev 
Hpoaiciintvov  fit  roQvati  a  TO  Kara  tyvffiv  <rtjfiawtir  oXXa 


304  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

nature"  is  really,  truly,  indeed;  for  all  sinners  are  ob 
noxious  to  wrath.  "  We  were"  once  truly,  really,  "  chil 
dren  of  wrath,  as  well  as  others ;"  that  is,  as  they  who  are 
still  in  sin. 

2.  He&  rejected  the  common  notion  of  the  Millennium, 
embraced  by  many  at  that  time. 

3.  Didymus  asserts  the  personality  of  the  Holy  Spirit : 
and  yet  he  supposeth,  that11  thereby  is  meant  in  many  texts 
of  scripture  a  gift,  or  a  fulness  of  divine  gifts. 


CHAP.  CII. 

EPHREM  THE  SYRIAN. 


I.  His  time  and  character.  II.  The  editions  of  his  works. 
III.  A  farther  account  of  his  works,  for  showing  what 
books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament  were  received  by 
him.  IV.  General  titles  and  divisions.  V.  Marks  of 
respect  for  the  scriptures.  VI.  Select  passages. 


I.  EPHREM,  or  Ephraim,  called  the  Syrian,  was  born  at 
Nisibis,  or  near  it,  in  Mesopotamia.  But  he  spent  the  larger 
and  latter  part  of  his  time  at  Edessa.  He  lived  for  a  while 
a  monastic  kind  of  life;  afterwards  he  was  made  deacon, 
which  was  the  highest  ecclesiastical  order  to  which  he 
attained. 

TO  a\r]0ti<f — St]\(t)v,  OTI  a\r)9tig,  virtvQvvoi  opyy  virapx&Giv  01  afiapravovTiQ. 
Contr.  Manich.  p.  23.  A.  Ed.  Combef. 

*  Si  ergo  in  coelis  fidelibus  haec  servatur  haereditas,  frivola  quaedam  et  tepida 
proferant  aliqui  putantes,  earn  se  percipere  in  terrena  Jerusalem,  &c.  Enarr. 
in  1  ep.  Pet.  cap.i.  ver.  4.  p.  321.  G.  H. 

h  Nam  eundem  .evangelii  locum  Matthaeus  Lucasque  describens,  alter  ex 
his  ait :  '  Quanto  magis  Pater  coelestis  dabit  bona  petentibus  se  ?'  [Matt.  vii. 
11.]  Alter  vero  :  '  Quanto  magis  Pater  vester  coelestis  dabit  Spiritum  Sanctum 
petentibus  se  ?'  [Luc.  xi.  13.]  Ex  quibus  apparet,  Spiritum  Sanctum  pleni- 
tudinem  esse  donorum  Dei.  De  Sp.  S.  p.  496.  in. 

Dicimus  autem  virtutis  et  disciplinae  quosdam  esse  plenos  :  ut  illud  :  *  Re- 
pletus  est  Spiritu  Sancto.'  Ex.  xxxi.  3.  non  allud  significantes,  quam  plenos 
esse  consummate  atque  perfectae  virtutis.  Tb.  p.  498.  m.  . 

Quia  nunc  proposuimus  ostendere,  superintelligi  semper  in  Spiritu  Sancto 
dona  virtutum:  ita  ut  qui  eum  habet,  donationibus  Dei  plenus  habeatur. 
Unde  et  in  Isaia, —  *  Ponam  Spiritum  meum  super  semen  tuum,  et  benedic- 
tiones  meas  super  filios  tuos.'  Ib.  p.  500.  infr.  in. 


EPHREM  the  Syrian.     A.  D.  370.  305 

According  to  Cave,  Ephrem  flourished  about  the  year 
370,  and  died  in  378.  I  place  him  likewise  at  370,  though 
I  think,  he  must  have  been  an  author  much  sooner.  Dr. 
Asseman  supposeth,  thata  he  was  a  disciple  of  James  bishop 
of  Nisibis,  and  that  he  accompanied  him  to  the  council  of 
Nice  in  325.  The  time  of  his  birth  is  not  known  with 
certainty ;  though  Asseman  says,  upon  the  authority  of 
Syrian  writers,  that b  he  was  born  under  the  reign  of  Con- 
stantine ;  and  he  thinks,  he  died  before c  the  end  of  the 
year  378.  Which  is  agreeable  to  Jerom's  account,  who 
says,  that  Ephrem  died  in  the  time  of  the  emperor  Valens. 
Fabricius  thinks,  he  died  in  375.  Basnage,  not  before  380. 

For  a  more  particular  account  of  Ephrem,  T  refer  to  the 
learned  moderns  already  named,  d  Cave,  e  Basnage,  f  Fa 
bricius,  s  Asseman,  and  likewise  to  h  Tillemont.  As  Jerom 
has  an  article  for  him,  I  put  it1  in  the  margin.  He  men 
tions  a  book  of  Ephrem,  translated  into  Greek,  which  is  not 
now  known  to  be  extant. 

Ephrem  was  a  man  of  great  fame,  and  much  esteemed 
among  the  Greeks,  as  well  as  Syrians.  Sozomen k  has  a 
particular  account  of  him,  and  gives  him  high  commenda 
tions.  Theodoret  speaks  of  him1  more  than  once:  he  says, 
hem  was  an  excellent  man,  and  a  fine  writer;  though  he 
was  not  acquainted  with  the  Greek  learning.  In  Photius11 
is  an  account  of  several  of  Ephrem's  works,  which  he  had 
read  in  Greek.  There  is  an  Encomium,  or  Life  of  Ephrem, 
written  by0  Gregory  Nyssen,  if  it  be  his ;  for  it  is?  doubted 
of:  however,  if  it  is  not  Gregory's,  it  was,  probably,  written 
by  some  other  not  long  after  his  time.  That  author  calls  1 
Ephrem  the  doctor  of  the  whole  world :  and  it  is  common 

a  Jacobus,  cognomento  Magnus,  nalus  Nisibi ad  episcopatum  Nisibis 

evectus  fuit,  ubi  sanctum  Ephraem  auditorem  habuit.  Anno  Alexandri  636, 
Christi  325,  una  cum  Ephraemo  in  Bithyniam  profectus,  concilio  Nicaeno 
interfuit,  doctrinae  orthodoxae  vindex  acerrimus.  Jos.  Assem.  Bib.  Or.  T.  i. 
p.  17.  in.  b  Ib.  p.  24.  c  Ib.  p.  54.  not.  1. 

d  Hist.  Lit.  T.  i.  p.  235,  &c.  e  Basnag.  ann.  375.  n.  vi. 

380.  n.  x.  l  Bib.  Gr.  L.  v.  c.  2.  T.  v.  p.  319,  &c. 

«  Bib.  Orient,  cap.  vi.  p.  24,  &c.  h  Mem.  Ecc.  T.  viii. 

i  Ephraem,  Edessenae  ecclesiae  diaconus,  multa  Syro  sermone  composuit,  et 
ad  tantam  venit  claritudinem,  ut,  post  lectionem  scripturarum,  publice  in 
quibusdam  ecclesiis  cjus  scripta  recitentur.  Legi  ejus  de  Spiritu  Sancto  Grae- 
cum  volumen,  quod  quidam  de  Syriaca  lingua  verterat,  et  acumen  sublimis 
ingenii  etiam  translatione  agnovi.  Decessit  sub  Valente  principe.  De  V.  I. 
cap.  115.  k  Soz.  H.  E.  1.  iii.  c.  16. 

1  Theod.  H.  E.  1.  ii.  c.  30. 1.  iv.  c.  29.  m  L.  ii.  c.  30.  p.  118.  D. 

n  Cod.  196.  p.  512.  &c.  °  Greg.  Nyss.  T.  iii.  p.  597,  &c. 

P  See  Tillemont,  S.  Ephrem,  Art.  i.  note  1. 

q  'O  »7/impO£,  fia\\ov  de  TTJG  oiKHfjitvr]g  SidaaicaXoG  EQpaifJi,  Gr.  N.  ibid, 
p.  601. 

VOL.  IV.  X 


306  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

with  the  Syrian  writers,  tor  call  him  the  doctor  or  master 
of  the  world,  and  their  prophet. 

II.  There  have  been  for  some  time  two  editions  of 
Ephrern's  works ;  one  by  Gerard  Vossius,  in  Latin,  in  three 
volumes,  at  Rome,  finished  in  1597,  and  since  published 
elsewhere;  another  in  Greek,  at  Oxford  in  1709.  Of  both 
these  editions  accounts  may  be  seen  in  the  fore-mentioned 
writers,  particularly  s  J.  A.  Fabricius,  and  l  Dr.  Joseph 
Asseman,  who  after  having  thrown  a  great  deal  of  new 
light  upon  the  history  and  works  of  Ephrem,  in  his  Biblio- 
theca  Orientalis,u  has  at  length,  together  with  other  assist- 
ance,  published  at  Rome  a  much  more  complete  edition  of 
his  works,  in  six  tomes  or  volumes;  three  of  which  are 
Syriac  and  Latin,  and  the  other  three  Greek  and  Latin. 
This  edition  was  begun  to  be  published  in  1732,  and  finished 
in  1747. 

I  believe,  I  shall  scarce  quote  at  all  the  edition  of  Vossius, 
which  is  a  translation  of  a  translation.  Nor  can  one  quote 
the  Greek  with  full  assurance,  which  consists  of  translations, 
made  we  know  not  when,  nor  by  whom. 

Cave  says,  there  v  is  reason  to  suspect  the  genuineness  of 
many  works  in  the  collection  of  Vossius.  Tillemontw 
speaks  to  the  like  purpose.  A  work,  called  the  x  Confession, 
is  very  doubtful :  Tillemont  defends  it ;  but  he  is  sensible  that 
it  y  was  not  known  to  Gregory  Nyssen,  or  whoever  was  the  au 
thor  of  the  above-mentioned  Encomium.  And  speaking"  of  a 
story  therein  related,  he  has  these  expressions  :  '  These,'  saysz 
he,  4  are  indeed  extraordinary  circumstances ;  but  we  see  no 

*  good  reason  to  doubt  of  their  truth,  the  Confession  having 

*  in  it  too  many  marks  of  sincerity,  and  also  of  grandeur,  to 

*  allow  us  to  imagine  it  to  be  one  of  the  pretended  pious 

*  romances,  too  common  among  the  Greeks.'     Dr.  Asseman 

r  Ephraem  Syrus  tantum  apud  suos  sanctimoniaeet  doctrinae  famam  adeptus 
est,  ut  orbis  Doctor,  et  Propheta  Syrorum  ab  ipsis  passim  appelletur.  Assem. 
Bib.  Or.  T.  i.  p.  24. 

Ephraem  magnus,  qui  appellatus  est  Syrorum  Propheta.  Ebedies.  ap. 
Assem.  Bib.  Or.T.  iii.p.  61 

1  Bib.  Gr.  T.  v.  p.  321—331. 

1  Vid.  Bib.  Or.  T.  i.  p.  60.  et  p.  159—163.  et  Prolegom.  ad  Ephr.  opp.  T. 
i.  Gr.  et  Lat.  u  Tom.  i.  cap.  vi.  p.  24,  &c. 

Quin  et  non  immerito  forsan  censeri  potest  plurima  in  editione  Vossiana 
opuscula  Ephraemum  auctorem  non  habere :  quot  vero,  aut  quaenam  ea  sint, 
objationes  supra  allatas  haud  ita  facile  est  judicare.  Cav.  ib.  p.  238. 

II  est  difficile  de  douter,  qu'  il  n'  y  ait  dans  cette  edition  plusieurs  pieces, 
que  ne  sont  pas  du  grand  S.  Ephrem.  Ibid.  art.  28.  sub  fin. 

EXeyx°C  avrtt  Kai  fZofjLoXoyrjms.      Ev  TroXXoie  vpw,  oc^X^ot,  SOKUV  xP 

vtiv,  ic.  X.     Oxon.  Up.  seu  p.  82.  et  T.  i.  Gr.  et  Lat.  p.  119,  &c.  Roma?. 

'  S'  EPhrem,  note  (4).  »  s.  Ephrem,  art.  v. 


EPHREM  the  Syrian.     A.  D.  370.  307 

likewise  has  taken  notice  of  a  difficulty,  relating1  to  this 
Confession,  which  I  cannot  say  he  has  answered. 

The  famous  piece  called  Ephrem's  Testament,  as  pub 
lished  in  Greek  at  Oxford,  and  in  Latin  by  Vossius,  is 
interpolated,  as  Asseman  expressly  b  says.  There  are  also 
very  considerable  differences  between  thec  Greek  and 
Syriac  copies,  published  in  the  late  edition  at  Rome.  And 
the  same  learned  Dr.  Asseman  supposes,  that  there  are  in 
terpolations  in  thed  Greek,  and  another  large  interpolation 
ine  the  Syriac  copy  of  the  same  work,  even  as  now  pub 
lished  in  the  new  edition  at  Rome.  And  may  I  not  be 
allowed  to  say,  that  the  whole  Testament  has  an  air  of  fic 
tion?  For  it  is  not  likely,  that  a  man  who  was  just  expiring, 
should  be  able  to  make  so  long  a  discourse  in  the  presence 
of  a  great  number  of  people. 

And  there f  are  divers  things  in  Syriac  ascribed  to  Ephrem, 
which  are  not  his.  However,  undoubtedly,  there  are  also 
many  works  remaining',  which  may  be  relied  upon  as 
genuine. 

III.  Having  given  this  account  of  the  editions  of  Ephrem, 
and  made  some  general  remarks  upon  his  works,  I  proceed 
in  a  farther  account  of  them,  chiefly  with  a  view  of  observing 
his  testimony  to  the  scriptures. 

1.  The  Latin  of  Vossius,  and  the  Greek  at  Oxford,  have 
no  Commentaries  upon  the  scriptures.  Those  editions  con 
tain  only  homilies,  exhortations,  and  meditations,  and  such 
like  things,  written  in  a  popular  and  pathetic  manner;  but 
the  late  edition  at  Rome,  beside  those  things,  affords  many 
of  Ephrem's  Commentaries  upon  the  Old  Testament.  The 
first  volume,  Syriac  and  Latin,  contains  Ephrem's  Commen 
taries  upon  the  five  books  of  Moses,  and  upon  Joshua,  the 

a  Vid.  Bib.  Or.  T.  i.  p.  152. 

b  Prodiit  autem  Latine  per  Vossium,  et  Graece  in  nupera  editione  Oxoniensi. 
Utraque  tamen  versio  mendis  scatet,  quse  ex  nostro  Syriaco  textu  corrigi  pos- 
sunt.  Asseman.  Bib.  Or.  T.  i.  p.  141. 

c  Vid.  Testamentum  Graece,  p.  230,  &c.  Syriace,  p.  395,  &c.  Apnd  Ephr. 
Opp.  T.  ii.  Gr.  et  Lat. 

d  Prseterea  multa  Graecus  interpres  de  suo  adjecit,  quae  in  textu  desideran- 
tur,  ut  historian!  hominis  ab  immundo  spiritu  correpti,  quern  Ephraem  morti 
proximus  curasse  dicitur.  pag.  293.  a  iin.  2.  usque  ad  lin.  13.  [vid.  p.  236.  B. 
C.  D.  T.  ii.  Gr.  Romae.]  Et  historiam  Abgari  Edessae  regis,  qui  urbem  illam 
extruxisse  perperam  narratur,  pag.  297.  a  lin.  42.  usque  ad  lin.  50.  [vid.  p.  235 
F.  236.  A.  T.  ii.  Gr.]  Asseman.  Bib.  Or.  T.  i.  p.  141. 

e  Contra,  quaedam  Syriace  habentur,  quae  in  Graeca  versione  non  extant, 
ut  digressio  de  Mb'yse  et  magis,  &c.  Asseman.  ib.  p.  141,  142.  Conf.  Tes- 
tam.  Syriace,  apud  T.  ii.  Gr.  et  Lat.  p.  405—408. 

f  Primus  [sermo]  «  de  Virginis  Annuntiatione  inscribitur.  In  quo,  Sancti 
Ephroemi  praeter  nomen  et  metrum  omnia  desideres,  judicium,  ingenium,  eru- 
ditionem,  stilum.  Assem.  Bib.  Or.  T.  i.  p.  139.  fin. 

x2 


308  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

Judges,  the  two  books  of  Samuel,  and  the  two  books  of  the 
Kings  :  and  in  the  second  volume  of  the  Syriac  works,  with 
a  Latin  translation,  are  Commentaries  upon  Job,  Isaiah, 
Jeremiah,  the  Lamentations,  Ezekiel,  Daniel,  Hosea,  Joel, 
Amos,  Obadiah,  Micah,  Zechariah,  and  Malachi. 

2.  Ebedjesu,  in    his    catalogue,   enumerates   £  Ephrem 's 
Commentaries  upon  most,  or  all  the  books  of  the  Old  Tes 
tament,  particularly  upon  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  Daniel, 
and  the  twelve   prophets.     He  says  nothing  of  any  Com 
mentaries  of  Ephrem  upon  any  book  of  the  Old  Testament 
after  those  ;  which  makes  me  think,  that  Ephrem's  canon 
of  the  Old  Testament  was  the  same  with  that  of  the  Jews. 
Moreover,  in  his  Syriac  works  still  remaining,  he  has  several 
times  expressly  called  h  Malachi  the  last  of  the  prophets. 
And  Asseman  owns,  that1  in  his  Commentary  upon  the  book 
of  Daniel,  Ephrem  takes  no  notice  of  the  Song  of  the  three 
Children,  or  of  the  stories  of  Susanna,  or  Bel    and  the  Dra 
gon.     I   may   add   here,  that  though  Ephrem  commented 
upon  the  book  of  Jeremiah's  Lamentations,  there  appears 
not  any  Commentary  of  his  upon  Baruch. 

3.  Dr.  Asseman   says,  thatk  in  his  Testament,  Ephrem 
quotes  the  second   book  of  the  Maccabees,  as   canonical 
scripture.     But  that  does  not  appear  clear  to  me  :  he  might 
quote  the  books  of  Maccabees,  and  of  Ecclesiasticus,  and 
Wisdom,  as  many  other  of  the  ancient  Christians  did,  with 
out  esteeming  them   canonical.      We  saw  just  now,  that 
Ephrem  esteemed  Malachi  the  last  of  the  prophets ;  there 
fore  he  admitted  no  later  writings  into  the  canon  of  the  Old 
Testament.     A  division  of  scripture,  frequent  in  Ephrem, 
and  to  be  taken  notice  of  by  and  by,  confirms  what  is  here 
said. 

4.  Before  I  proceed,  I  should  observe,  that  Ephrem  re- 

e  Apud  Assem.  Bib.  Or.  T.  iii.  p.  61,  62.     Vid.  et  T.  i.  p.  58. 

h  Judaeorum  sacrificia  prophetae  declarant  immunda  fuisse.  Quae  ergo  Esaias 
hoc  loco  hominum  canumve  cadaveribus  aequiparat,  Malachias,  prophetarum 
ultimus,  animalium  retrimenta  vocat,  non  offerenda  Deo,  sed  offerentium  in 
ora  cum  opprobatione  rejicienda.  [Malach.  ii.  3.1  Comment,  in  Es.  Ixvi.  3. 
T.  ii.  Syr.  p.  94.  C.  D. 

Malachias,  omnium  prophetarum  postremus,  populo  commendat  legem, 
et  legis  coronidem  Joannem,  quern  Eliam  cognominat.  Comm.  in  Malach. 
iv.  4.  Ib.  p.  315.  C.  >  Quae  D.  Hieronymus  ex  Theodo- 

tione  transtulit  Danielis  capita,  nimirum  Canticum  trium  puerorum,  cap.  3.  a 
ver.  24.  ad  ver.  91.  Historiam  Susannae,  cap.  13.  Bel  idioli,  et  Draconis, 
atque  in  lacum  leonis  missi  cap.  14.  ea  S.  Ephraem,  Hebraeorum  textum 
sequutus,  in  hisce  commentariis  tacitus  prseteriit.  Haec  enim  in  Vulgata 
Syrorum  Versione  haud  extabant:  licet  postea  ex  Graecis  exemplaribus  in 
Syriacum  a  recentioribus  interpretibus  conversa  fuerint,  &c.  Bib.  Or.  T.  i. 
P-  71.  k  vid.  ib.  p.  144. 


EPHREM  the  Syrian.     A.  D.  370.  309 

ceived  the  book  of  Canticles;  it  is  quoted1  in  his  Syriac 
Commentaries.  He  also  plainly  refers  to11  the  book  of  Ruth. 
5.  Ebedjesu  does  not  mention  any  commentaries  of 
Epbrem  upon  the  books  of  the  New  Testament.  Gregory 
Nyssen  indeed  says,  that"1  Ephrem  not  only  meditated  upon 
the  scriptures,  but  also  particularly  explained  every  part  of 
the  Old  and  New  Testament  from  Genesis  to  the  last  book  of 
grace.  But  that  may  be  in  part  an  oratorical  flight,  from 
which  some  abatements  should  be  made.  It  is,  I  think, 
observable,  that  Ebedjesu  says  nothing  of  any  commentaries 
of  Ephrem  upon  the  New  Testament.  His  silence  must  be 
reckoned  an  argument,  that  there  were  none  upon  the  New 
Testament,  or  that  they  were  not  so  well  known  as  those 
upon  the  Old.  However,  we  are  assured  by  Dr.  Asseman, 
in  part  quoted11  formerly,  that0  Dionysius  Barsaliboeus,  and 
Gregory  Barhebrseus,  in  their  commentaries  upon  the  gos 
pels,  quote  the  commentaries  of  Ephrem  upon  the  same  gos 
pels.  And  it  may  be  very  proper  for  my  readers  to  recol 
lect  here  what  was?  formerly  said  of  Ephrem's  writing 
commentaries  upon  Tatian's  Harmony  of  the  four  gospels ; 
but  still  I  see  no  particular  mention  of  commentaries  of 
Ephrem  upon  any  other  books  of  the  New  Testament. 
And  when  Dr.  Asseman  published  the  first  volume  of  his 

I  — quorum  meminit  etiam  sapientissimus  Salomon  in  Canticis  Canticorum : 

*  Ecce,1  inquit,  '  lectulum  Salomonis  sexaginta  fortes  ambiunt :'  [Cant.  iii.  7.} 
In  Exod.  cap.  xxxvii.  T.  i.  Syr.  p.  229.  F. 

Christus  enim  est  Rex  regum  et  verus  David,  id  est,  dilectus  et  amabilis — 
quern  laudat  ecclesia,  gloriosa  sponsa,  in  suis  Canticis,  dicens :  '  Dilectus  meus 
candidus  et  rubicundus.'  [Cant.  v.  10.]  In  1  Sam.  xvi.  13.  T.  i.  Syr.  p. 
365.  E. 

Vid.  et  in  Mich.  Pr.  T.  ii.  Syr.  p.  272.  B.  et  Param.  14.  T.  iii.  Syr. 
p.  436.  F. 

II  In  Natal.  Domini,  Serm.  7.  T.  ii.  Syr.  p.  421,  422. 

m  Huffav  yap  TraXaiav  re  Kai  Kan'rjv  eKfjaXerrjcrag  ypa^jjv — oXrjv  aKpifiutg 
irpOQ  Xe£iv  rjpfurivevasv  airo  TE  Tijg  Koafioyovtiag,  KO.I  jue^pi  TTJQ  TiXtvTaiaQ  rrjf 
Xapirof  |3ij3\8.  K.  \.  De  Vit.  Ephr.  T.  iii.  p.  601.  D. 

n  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  444. 

0  Dionysius  Barsalibaeus,  e  Jacobitarum  secta,  Amidae  in  Mesopotamia 
episcopus,  in  suis  Commentariis  in  Evangelia  Codice  Syriaco  Vaticano  xli. — 
secpe  laudat  Ephraemi  Commentaria  in  Textum  Evangeliorum,  de  quibus  in 
Praefatione  ad  Marcum  sic  loquitur,  *  Tatianus,  Justiai  philosophi  et  martyris 

*  discipulus,  ex  quatuor  evangeliis  unum  digessit,  quod  Diatessaron  nuncu- 
'  pavit.     Hunc  librum  Sanctus  Ephraem  commentariis  illustravit.'     Et  infra : 
'  Sanctus  quoque  Ephraem,  ordinem  Diatessari  sequutus,  evangelium  expla- 
'  navit.'     Idem  testatur  Barhebraeus,  vulgo  Abulpharagius,  episcopus  Tagri- 
tensis,  in  libro,  quern  '  Horreum  Mysteriorum'  inscripsit,  quo  totam  sacram 
scripturam  brevissimis  notis  dilucidat.     Ubi,  praefatione  in  Matthaeum  sic  de 

Ephraemo  scribit : Commentaria  Ephraemi  in  Matthaeum  et  Lucam  laudat 

Corderius  in  Catena  Patrum.     Asseman.  Bib.  Or.  T.  i.  p.  57,  58. 

P  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  150.  and  p.  444—446. 


310  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

Oriental  Library  at  Rome,  in  1719,  hei  had  not  discovered 
any  copies  of  the  above-named  commentaries  upon  the  gos 
pels  ;  though  he  speaks  of  some  fragments1  of  commentaries 
upon  the  gospels.  Nor  are  there  in  the  late  edition  of 
Ephrem's  works  at  Rome,  any  commentaries  upon  any  books 
of  the  New  Testament. 

6.  Whether  Ephrem  wrote  commentaries  upon  the  scrip 
tures  of  the  New  Testament,  or  not,  he  certainly  received 
all  those  books,  which  had  been  all  along  generally  received 
by  Christians  as  sacred  scripture.      This  appears  from  his 
works  published  formerly  in  Latin  and  Greek,  and  from  the 
Syriac  works  lately  published  at  Rome :  in  all  which  are 
quoted  the  four  gospels  and  the  Acts  very  frequently,  and 
St.  Paul's  epistles,  and  the  first  epistle  of  St.  Peter,  and  the 
first  of  St.  John. 

7.  To  be  a  little  more  particular,  so  far  as  is  needful. 
He  expressly  speaks  in  his  Syriac  works  of8  the  four  holy 
evangelists,  and1  the  doctrine  of  the  gospel,  the  word  of  life, 
written  by  the  four  evangelists,  and"  of  the  sacred  volume 
of  the  gospels.     In  the  same  Syriac  works  is  quoted v  the 
epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  as  the  apostle  Paul's. 

8.  Unquestionably,  he  also  received  the  first  epistle w  of 
St.  Peter,  andx  the  first  epistle  of  St.  John.     Quotations  of 

q  Expositio  Ephroemi  in  Testamentum  Novum,  cujus  meminerunt  Barsali- 
baeus  et  Barhebraeus  locis  supra  laudatis,  nondum  ad  manus  nostras  pervenit. 
Ib.  p.  63.  T  Fragmenta  [Graece]  in  Evangel ium.  Cod. 

Vat.  663.  773.  et  1190.     Bib.  Or.  T.  i.  p.  157. 

s  Quatuor  isti  leprosi,  tametsi  fccdam  per  se  praeferunt  speciem,  si  tamen  ea 
parte  spectentur,  qua  fausta  nunciarunt,  sanctos  quatuor  evangelistas  nobis 
pulchre  reprassentant,  cogitantibus,  per  istos  innotuisse  universe  orbi  Christi 
Salvatoris  nostri  gratiam,  ac  per  Christum  mundo  assertam  libertatem.  In 
2  libr.  Reg.  cap.  vii.  3.  T.  i.  Syr.  p.  537.  D.  E. 

1  Coronam  itaque  ex  auro  argentoque  fabrefactam  a  principibus  donatam, 
evangelii  doctrinam  vitas  pharmacum  esse  intellige  a  quatuor  evangelistis 
scripto  traditam,  et  voce  promulgatam.  In  Zach.  cap.  vi.  T.  ii.  Syr.  p.  295.  C. 

u  Et  cum  impudica  ilia  femina,  cujus  vitae  emendatio  in  sacro  evangelio- 
rum  codice  tantopere  commendatur,  tuorum  scelerum  veniam  iteratis  singulti- 
bus  flagita.  Paraen.  67.  T.  iii.  Syr.  538.  A. 

r  Vid.  Comment,  in.  libr.  Judic.  T.  i.  Syr.  p.  322.  B.  et  p.  328.  B.  In  1 
libr.  Regnor.  p.  460.  B.  Paraen.  iv.  T.  iii.  Syr.  p.  395.  D.  et  alibi. 

*  Speculatores  ergo  et  exploratores  populi  Dei  fuere  prophets  :  *  Scrutantes 
in  quod  vel  quale  tempus  significaret  in  eis  Spiritus  Christi  praenuntians  eas, 
quae  in  Christo  sunt,  passioncs,  et  posteriores  glorias.'  [1  Pet.  i.  1 L]  Com 
ment,  in  1  Sam.  i.  1.  T.  Syr.  i.  p.  331.  A. 

Inde  ad  nos  digressus  vocavit  nos  *  de  tenebris  in  admirabile  lumen  suum.* 
[1  Pet.  ii.  9.]  In  selecta  Scriptur.  Loc.  T.  ii.  Syr.  p.  330.  A.  Vid.  eund.  loc. 
iterum  citat.  Paraen.  68.  T.  iii.  Syr.  p.  539.  A. 

'  Qui  peccatum  non  fecit,  nee  inventusest  dolus  in  ore  ems.'  [1  Pet.  ii.  22.] 
In  Zachar.  T.  ii.  Syr.  p.  298.  D. 

Christi  pariter  imaginem  delineavit,  qui  totius  mundi  pcccata 


EPHREM  the  Syrian.     A.  D.  370.  311 

them  are  to  be  found  in  the  Syriac  works,  of  which  I  have 
given  proofs  below  in  the  margin. 

9.  Whether  Ephrem  received  also  those  catholic  epistles, 
which  were  sometimes  doubted  of,  is  not  so  certain.     Mill 
in  his  Prolegomena  says,  that?  Ephrem  received  the  epistle 
of  St.  James,  the  second  of  St.  Peter,  and  the  epistle  of  St. 
Jude,  and  the  second  epistle  of  St.  John,  they  being  quoted 
by   him.      He    does    not   say  where;    but   he    must  mean 
Ephrern's  Greek  works:    I  will  therefore  first  consider  the 
Syriac,  and  then  the  Greek  works  of  this  writer. 

10.  Ephrem  has  an  exhortation,  "  Let2  your  speech  be 
yea  yea,  nay  nay :"  and  in  the  margin  is  marked  a  refer 
ence  to  Jam.  v.  12,  but  he  might  as  well  intend  Matt.  v.  37. 

11.  Ephrem  says,  "  thea  day  of  the  Lord  is  a  thief,"  and 
may  come  upon  us  unawares:  where  has  been  thought  to 
be  a  reference  to  2  Pet.  iii.  19,    "  But  the  day  of  the   Lord 
will  come  as  a   thief  in  the  night:"  but  he  might  as  well 
have  an  eye  to  Matt.  xxiv.  43,  44;  or  Luke  xii.  39,  40;  or  1 
Thess.  v.    2,   "  For    yourselves    know   perfectly,   that  the 
day  of  the  Lord  so  cometh  as  a  thief  in  the  night."     See 
also  ver.  4. 

12.  There  has  been  supposed  to  be  a  reference b  to  2  Pet. 
iii.  7,  but  I  do  not  think  it  certain. 

So  far  from  the  Syriac  works.  I  now  proceed  to  the 
Greek. 

13.  In  every  volume  of  the  Greek  works,  that  is,  in  the 
first,  second,  and   third,  in  each  of  them  are  many  express 
quotations  of  the  epistle  of  St.  James. 

14.  The  second  epistle  of  St.  Peter  is  also  quoted  in  every 
one  of  the  Greek  volumes.     I  shall   markc   two  or  three 

tulit  et  abstulit,  cum  *  factus  est  propitiatio  pro  peccatis  nostris,  nee  pro  pec- 
catisnostris  tantum,  sedetiam  pro  totius  mundi.'  [1  Jo.  ii.  2.]  In  Zachar.  T. 
ii.  Syr.  p.  286.  A.  B. 

y  Exemplum  ecclesiarum  Palsestinae  secuta  est  ecclesia  Syriaca,  ut  apparet 
ex  Ephraem  Edesseni  diaconi  scriptis,  ubi  epistola  ha?c  aliquoties  citata  est, 
tanquam  Jacob!  apostoli,  et  quidem  fratris  Domini.  Proleg.  n.  204.  Vid.  et  n. 
209,210,213,222,223. 

z  Osenim,  divinarum  laudum  instrumentum,  jurare  non  decet.  «  Sit  serrno 
vester,  Est  est,  Non  non.'  De  Diversis  Serm.  14.  T.  iii.  Syr.  p.  643.  D. 

a  *  Dies'  namque  '  Domini  fur  est,'  inopinum  opprimet.  In  select.  Scrip- 
turae  Loca,  T.  ii.  Syr.  p.  342.  A. 

b  Et  posthac  poenam  ignis  feret  [diabolus]  ipsi  reservatam  in  novissima  die. 
In  Gen.  T.  i.  Syr.  p.  136.  E. 

c  Bop  St  KM  6  fJiaKapiOQ  ITerpof  6  tcopv^aiOQ  TWV  a7ro<ro\wv, "H  rififpa 

Kvpm  wg  jcXeTrrjjc  iv  VVKTI  OVTWQ  fpxirai,  K.  X.  [2  Pet.  iii.  10.]  Interr.  et 
Resp.  T.  ii.  Gr.  p.  387.  B. 

Atyti  Se  Kai  6  paxapioQ  a7ro?o\o£  ITtrpog,  Qtfie  Kvpiog  tvffsfitiG  tK  ireipafffiv 
pvta9ai'  K  X.  [2  Pet.  ii.  9—22.]  Adv.  Impudicitiam.  Tom.  iii.  Gr.  p. 
60,  61. 


312  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

quotations,  which  are  very  express  ;  one  of  which  contains 
the  second  chapter  of  that  epistle  from  ver.  9,  to  the  end. 

15.  The  second  epistle  of  John  is  quoted  in  this  manner  : 
*  Thisd  is  not  my  saying,  but  the  word  of  John  the  divine, 
who  says,  "  Whosoever  transgressed),  and  abideth  not  in 
the  doctrine  of  Christ,  has  not  God,"  '  ver.  9. 

16.  The  third  epistle  of  St.  John  is  quoted  in  this  manner  : 
'  The  c  scripture  says,  "  I  have  no  greater  joy,  than  to  hear, 
that  my  children  walk  in  truth." 

17.  I  would  just  observe  here,  that  in  these  Greek  works, 
where  St.  John's  first  epistle  is  quoted,  he  f  is  often  called 
the  Divine  or  Theologue. 

18.  In   these  works  the   epistle  of  St.  Jude   is  quoted 
several  times.     In  one   place  %  the  whole   epistle  of  Jude  is 
transcribed;  again,  he  is  h  called  another  disciple  of  Christ, 
after  having  before   quoted  largely  the   second   epistle  of 
Peter. 

19.  Such  then  is  the  notice  taken  of  these  catholic  epis 
tles  in  the  Greek  works,  but  how  far   they  are  to  be  relied 
upon  as  genuine  and  uncorrupted,  may  be  hard  to  say.     I 
rather  think,  it   cannot  be  depended  upon,  that  Ephrem  is 
here  truly  represented.     Had   not  Ephrem  many  occasions 
to  quote  the  second  epistle  of  Peter,  and  the  epistle  of  Jude, 
in  his  writings  against  heretics,  and  in  his  practical  works, 
preserved  in  Syriac  ?  Can  there  be  any  good  reason  assign 
ed,  why   they   should   have  been  there  totally  omitted,  if 
they  had  been  reputed  parts  of  sacred  scripture,  by  himself, 
and  by  those  for  whom  he  wrote  ?  For  my  own  part,  I  must 
own,  that  I  prefer  the  Syriac  works  much  before  the  Greek, 
which  at  best  are  translations  only,  in  which  too  the  trans 
lator  may  have  inserted  some  of  his  own  sentiments. 

20.  Dr.  Asseman  says,  that  '  Ephrem  received  the  book 

d   OVK  tp,0£  yap  6  Xoyog,  a\Xa  r«  SioXoyw   Iwavva   oyrwg  \tyovroQ'  Hag  o 
•jrapa(3aiv(Dv,  K.  X.     De  Amore  Pauperum.  T.  iii.  Gr.  p.  52.  F. 


Aey«   yap  rj  ypatyr}'  M«£oj/a  TSTS  UK  t\tt)  vapor  v,  \va  aKsui  TO.  f/ia  TtKva 

.  T.  i. 


tv  a\r)0ti$.  Ad  Imitat.  Proverb.  T.  i.  Gr.  p.  76.  F. 
TI  Xeyti  6  StoXoyoe  lioavvrjQ.  De  Compunctione  Animae,  T.  i.  Gr. 
p.  31.  B.  Vid.  et  in  Secund.  Domini  Advent.  T.  ii.  Gr.  p.  209.  E.  et  De 
Caritate.  T.  iii.  Gr.  p.  13.  F.  et  passim. 

*  Vid.  Paraen.  41.  T.  ii.  Gr.  p.  153.  C.  et  Paraen.  43.  p.  161.  E. 

h  Ai£\eyx«  fc  avrug  Kai  trtpog  fJia9r)TrjQ  Xcywv,  laSag  Irjffs  Xpi?«  ds\OQ, 
afoX^oe  St  Ia*cw/3«  TOIQ  tv  9ty  Trarpi  rjya7rr)utvoi£,  K.  X.  Adv.  Impudicit.  T. 
iii.  Gr.  p.  61,  62. 

1  In  hoc  sermone  citat  S.  Doctor  Apocalypsim  Joannis,  tanquam  canonicam 
scripturee  partem.  *  In  Apocalypsi  vidit  Joannes  ingentem  et  admirabilem 
'  librum  a  Deo  scriptum,  septem  signaculis  obsignatum.'  Quod  ideo  notavi, 
ut  constaret  Syrorum  antiquissimorum  de  illius  libri  auctoritate  judicium  contra 
Ebedjesu,  qui  in  Catalogo  manuscripto  inter  libros  canonicos  Apocalypsim 
non  nominat.  Assem.  Bib.  Or.  T.  i.  p.  141. 


EPHREM  the  Syrian.     A.  D.  370.  313 

of  the  Revelation,  and  seems  to  give  good  proof  of  it.  The 
discourse  quoted  by  him  in  manuscript,  when  he  wrote  his 
Bibliotheca  Orientalis,  has  been  since  published  with 
Ephrem's  Syriac  works,  where  it  may  bek  seen. 

21.  Indeed  the  Revelation  is  quoted  or  referred  to  several 
times  in  the  Syriac  works,  lately  published  at  Rome,  if  their 
genuineness  and  integrity  may  be  relied  upon. 

22.  The  words  of  Rev.  iii.  3,  are1  quoted;  there  seems 
to  be  a  reference  tom  xix.  9,  and  to11  chap.  xxi. 

23.  I  would  add  farther :  The   commentaries  are  a  sort 
of  chain ;  that  is,  beside  Ephrem's  comments  at  large,  here 
and  there  are  also  inserted  notes  or  explications  of  others. 
In  one  of  those  notes,  of  James   bishop  of  Edessa,  who0 
flourished  in  the  latter  part  of  the  seventh  century,  there  is? 
a  long  quotation  out  of  the  book  of  the  Revelation.     How 
ever,  in  another  place  Dr.  Asseman  assures  us,  that1*  James 
of  Edessa  did  not  write  any  commentary  upon  that  book. 

24.  Upon  the  whole,  we    can  say  with  certainty,  that 
Ephrem  received  those  books  of  the  New  Testament,  which 
were  always  received   by  catholic  Christians  :  what  was  his 
judgment  concerning  those  five   catholic    epistles,    which 
were  sometimes  doubted  of,  and  concerning  the  Revelation, 
I  leave  every  reader  to  consider,  and  determine  for  himself; 
for  I  have  endeavoured  to  give  all  the  light  I  am  able. 

IV.  The  general  divisions  of  the  books  of  scripture,  and 
marks  of  respect  for  them,  are  such  as  these  ;  1  mean  in  the 
Syriac  works,  the  Latin  version  of  which  I  shall  transcribe 
below :  not  having  by  any  means  an  equal  regard  for  the 
Greek  works,  as  I  have  intimated  several  times ;  and  there 
fore  I  take  little  notice  of  them. 

1.  He  speaksr  of  the  oracles  of  the  prophets  and  apostles, 

k  Vidit  in  Apocalypsi  sua  Johannes  librum  magnum  et  admirabilem,  a  Deo 
scriptum,  et  septem  sigillis  munitum.  Qui  scriptum  legeret,  nullus.  erat. — 
[Apoc.  v.  1 — 3.]  In  selecta  Scripturse  Loc.  seu  Sermon.  Exeget.T.  ii.  Syr.  p.  C. 

1  Et  rursus:  «  Si  ergo  nonvigilaveris,  veniamad  te  tanquam  fur ;  etnescies, 
qua  hora  veniam  adte.'  Paraen.  61.  T.  iii.  Syr.  p.  529.  A. 

m  Summus  rerum  Dominator vocavit  nos  ad  agni  nuptias.  Paraen. 

68.  T.  iii.  Syr.  p.  538.  D. 

n  Ipsa  est  mysticum  illud  '  coelum  novum,'  in  quo  Rex  regum  tanquam  in 
sede  sua  inhabitavit.  De  Diversis,  Serm.  3.  T.  iii.  Syr.  p.  607.  C. 

0  Vid.  Assem.  Bib.  Or.  T.  i.  cap.  xl.  p.  468. 

P  In  Gen.  T.  i.  Syr.  p.  192. 

q  Apocalypsim  Johannis  nee  Sobensis  recensuit,  nee  Barhebraeus  aut  Jaco 
bus  Edessenus  exposuere.  Bib.  Or.  T.  iii.  p.  8.  not.  2. 

r  Futurum  enim  erat,  ut  a  multis  gentibus,  in  unum  Spiritum  convenienti- 
bus,  prophetarum  et  apostolorum  oracula  spiritualium  tympanorum  concentu 
celebrarentur,  et  Judaei  atque  Gentiles  in  unius  populi  corpus  coalescerent. 
In  libr.  Judic.  cap.  xxi.  19. 21.  T.  i.  Syr.  p.  330. 


314  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

by  which  Jews  and  Gentiles  are  all  brought  together  in 
one  body. 

2.  He  says,  that8  Christ  is  the  precious  and  corner-stone 
between  the  two  Testaments,  the  prophets  and  the  apostles. 

3.  He  speaks  again1  of  the  predictions  of  the  prophets, 
and  the  preaching  of  the  apostles,  concurring  together,  and 
completely  harmonious;  which  gives  us  full  assurance  of 
the    nativity,   miracles,   death,  and   resurrection  of  Jesus 
Christ. 

4.  Arguing  against  Marcion,  and  others,  he  says :  *  This" 
is  not  mentioned   by  Moses   in  his  Pentateuch,  nor  is  it 
taught  by  the  prophets,  nor  delivered  to  us  by  the  apostles.' 

5.  Happy v  is  he,  who  teaches  the  principles  of  true  re 
ligion  delivered  by  the  apostles  and  prophets. 

6.  Such  are  the  general  divisions  of  the  books  of  scrip 
ture,  both  of  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament,  which  are  to 
be  found  in  this  writer;  many  more  like   passages  may  be 
seen  in  him;  I  refer  to  aw  few  only. 

V.  Ephrem  shows  his  respect  for  the  sacred  scriptures 
by  such  expressions  as  these. 

1.  In  a  funeral  oration  for  a  bishop,  a  part  of  his  com 
mendation  is  this  :  Like  x  Moses  he  taught  and  governed  the 
people  committed  to  his  charge.  The  volume  of  the  divine 
scriptures  he  held  out  to  them  as  a  pillar  of  fire  to  guide 
them  :  and  what  follows. 

s  Tropologies,  lapis  positus  inter  duos  terminos  Christum  significabat,  lapi- 
dem  pretiosum  et  angularem,  inter  duo  testamenta,  prophetas  scilicet  et  apos- 
tolos,  locatum.  Christum  autem  venturum  praedixerunt  prophetae  praeeuntes, 
eundemque  sequentes  apostoli  jam  venisse  nuntiaverunt.  In  1  Sam.  vii.  12 
Ib.  p.  347. 

I  Allegorise  congruunt  humeruli,  seu  columellae  mare  sustinentes,  quae  pro- 
phetarum  vaticinia  et  apostolorum  praedicationem  significant :  quae  duo  simul 
conjuncta,  mutuoque  sibi  convenientia,  fidem  de  Divini  Verbi  incarnatione, 
miraculis,  passione,  atque   resurrectione,   sustinent,  et  mirifice   confirmant. 
Congruenler  ergo  boves  duodecim  aeneum  hoc  mare  portantes,  juxta  ecclesi- 
asticum,  id  est,  allegoricum  sensum,  apostolos  interpretare  et  prophetas,  Christi 
nomen   per  universum  orbem  specie  quadam  triumphi  circumferentes.     In 
1  libr.  Regn.  cap.  vii.  T.  i.  Syr.  p.  460. 

II  Illud  nimirum  nee  Moyses  in  suo  Pentateucho  meminit,  nee  indicarunt 
prophetae,  nee  apostoli  tradiderunt.     Adv.  Haeret.  Serm.  14.  T.  ii.  Syr.  p. 

468.  D.  v atque  verae  religionis  dogmata  ab  apostolis 

et  prophetis  tradita  promulgavit.  Adv.  Scrutat.  Serm.  3.  T.  iii.  p.  4.  D.  Vid. 
et  Serm.  6.  ibid.  p.  12.  F.  w  In  Num.  cap.  xxxi.  ver.  6.  et  22. 

T.  i.  Syr.  p.  267.    In  Deut.  xxi.  15.  p.  278.    In  1  Regn.  cap.  vii.  ver. 
21.  p.  459.  Adv.  Haer.  Serm.  22.  T.  ii.  Syr.  p.  489.    A  Serm.  23.  p.  489. 

x  Vir  mitissimus,  et  in  hac  parte  Moysi  comparandus,  populum  sibi  com- 
missum  docuit  et  rexit.  Divinarum  scripturarum  codicem  ei  pro  columna 
ignis  proposuit,  &c.  Funebr.  Can.  i.  T.  iii.  Syr.  p.  225.  F.  Vid.  et  Can.  xi. 


EPIIREM  the  Syrian.     A.  D.  370.  315 

2.  I  esteem?  no  man  more  happy  than  him,  who  diligent 
ly  reads  the  scriptures  delivered  to  us  by  the  Spirit  of  God, 
and  thinks  how  he  may  order  his  conversation  by  the  pre 
cepts  of  them. 

3.  The2  divine  scriptures,  he  says,  are  the  keys  of  know 
ledge. 

4.  Thea  truth  written  in  the  sacred  volume  of  the  gospel 
is  a  perfect  rule.     Nothing  can  be  taken  from  it,  nor  added 
to  it,  without  great  guilt. 

5.  So  says  bPaul,  in  whom  Christ  speaks. 

6.  Allc  who  hear  or  read  the  divine  scriptures  with  at 
tention  and  care  will  attain  to  the  true  sense  of  them. 

VI.  I  shall  now  add  some  select  passages,  beginning  with 
some  interpretations  of  texts  of  scripture. 

1.  In  his  comment  upon  Gen.  vi.  2,  "  byd  the  sons  of 
God,"  he  understands  the  descendants  of  Seth,  and  by  the 
"  daughters  of  men,"  women  of  the  posterity  of  Cain.  And 
he  elsewhere  argues,  largely,  thate  angels  never  were  in 
love  with  women,  and  could  not  have  children  by  them. 

y  Ego  vero  neminera  eo  feliciorem  dicam,  quam  qui  scripturis  Divino  Spiritu 
nobis  traditis  aures  eodem  Spiritu  plenas  praebeat,  et  codicem  percurrendo 
prudenter  cogitet,  quomodo  praeceptum  sibi  ob  oculos  propositum  observare 
cum  laude  possit.  Paraen.  xviii.  T.  iii.  Syr.  p.  447.  C.  Vid.  et  A.  B. 

2  Divinae  literae  scientiae  claves  sunt.  De  Paradiso,  Serm.  6.  T.  iii.  Syr. 
p.  576.  E.  F. 

a  Quemadmodum  Alphabeti  corpus  suis  constat  integrum  membris,  nee  est 
ubi  quodquod  demas  aut  adjicias;  sic  veritas  literis  consignata,  et  sacro  evan- 
gelii  codice  comprehensa,  perfecta  mensura  est,  cui  quidpiam  addere  aut  de- 
trahere  nefas  et  crimen  est.  Adv.  Haer.  Serm.  22.  T.  ii.  Syr.  p.  485.  A. 

b  Paulus,  in  quo  Christus  loquebatur,  cum  dolore  et  lacrymis  dicebat.  In 
select.  Scripturae  Loca.  T.  ii.  Syr.  p.  334.  D. 

c  Divinas  scripturas  quicumque  legunt,  vel  excepta  auribus  illorum  oracula 
oculis  mentis  diligenter  considerant,  sensum  etiam  assequuntur.  Ibid.  p.  344.  B. 

d  Filios  Dei  etiam  filios  Seth  appellavit,  qui  utpote  filii  justi  Seth,  populus 
Dei  dicti  sunt.  Filiae  autem  hominum  pulchrae,  quae  populi  Dei  oculos 
rapuerunt,  Ca'ini  soboles  erant,  quae  per  cultum  ornatumque  sui  sexus  Sethianae 
juvenluti  laqueum  fecerant.  In  Gen.  T.  i.  Syr.  p.  48.  C.  D. 

e  Caeterum  si  porro  pergant,  contendantque  angelos  liberorum  procreation! 
operam  aliquando  dedisse;  cogitent,  nee  hodie  fore  difficile  desertoribus 
angelis  opprimere  feminam,  et  filios  generare.  Hie  daemones.  Hie  mulieres. 
Explorent,  num  liberos  gignant.  Adsunt  testes  ejusmodi  deliramenta  refel- 
lentes  coelibes  bene  multae,  quae  a  viris  perpetuo  segregatae  matres  nunquam 
esse  potuerunt.  Una  et  singularis  exstitit  Maria,  quae  citra  viri  operam  mater 
fuit,  et  virgo  permansit,  eo  quod  Deo  difficile  nil  excogitari  potest.  Et  siqui- 
dem  angeli  patres  esse  potuerunt,  virginem  mansisse  Reparatoris  nostri  gene- 
tricem,  inepte  miraremur.  Gratissimum  quidem  Satanae  fuisset,  virgines 
daemonum  opera  concipere  et  parere,  quo  haberet  quas  Mariae  opponeret 
virgines. — Ornavere  se  virgines  Madianitae,  populoque  Israelitarum  se  con- 
spiciendas  praebuere.  Illorum  oculos  rapuere,  eripuere  mentem.  Attamen 
ilia  pulchritudinum  miracula  angelos  non  magis  quam  putrescentia  cadavera 
movere  potuerunt.  Adv.  Haer.  Serm.  19.  T.  ii.  Syr.  p.  478.  A — F. 


316  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

And  says,  that  women  never  are  pregnant,  or  bear  children, 
if  they  are  kept  from  men  :  and  that  the  fairest  and  best 
dressed  women  would  no  more  tempt  an  angel,  than  so 
many  putrefied  corpses. 

2.  Upon  Ex.  ii.  11,  12,  he  says,  that f  the  Egyptian,  whom 
Moses  slew,  was  one  of  Pharaoh's  taskmasters,  and  the  most 
cruel  of  them  all ;  and  that  Moses  had  before  often  reprov 
ed  him,  but  he  would  not  be  persuaded  to  mildness. 

3.  Upon  Dent,  xviii.  15 — 20,  he  says,  that?  God  performed 
the  promise  there  made  by  sending  Joshua,  and  other  princes 
and  prophets.     But  the  promise  was  completely  fulfilled  in 
Jesus  Christ,  who,  like  Moses,  was  a  lawgiver,  and  delivered 
laws  tending  to  bring  men  to  eminent  virtue  and  holiness. 

4.  I   do   not   discern   any   thing   very  remarkable  in  his 
notes11  upon  Job   xix.   23—26,  for  which  reason  I  do  not 
transcribe  them.     He  does  not  take  any  notice '  of  what  is 
at  the  end  of  the  book  of  Job  in  the  Severity  :  "  that  it  was 
written,  Job  should  be  raised  up   again   with  those  whom 
the  Lord  should  raise." 

5.  Ezek.  i.  1,  "  The  heavens  were  opened,  and  I  saw  visions 
of  God."]     The  k  meaning,  he  says,  is,  that  to  the  prophet's 
mind  the  gates  of  heaven  were  opened,  and  with  the  eyes  of 
his  spirit  he  saw  sudden  and  hidden  mysteries. 

6.  Ephrem l    has  an    interpretation  of  Zech.   iii.    1 — 4, 
which  I  have  not  found  in  Grotius,  or  any  other  modern 
commentator  :  it  deserves  therefore  to  be  particularly  taken 

f  Incidit  in  hoc  tempus  jEgyptii  caedes.  Praefectus  hie  erat,  quern  Moyses 
occidit,  hominem  nempe  omnium  Pharaonis  procerum  crudelissimum,  qui  a 
Moyse  saepe  saepius  admonitus,  sapere  nunquam  didicerat.  In  Exod.  T.  i. 
Syr.  p.  198.  F. 

g  Caeterum,  etsi  Deus,  quod  hie  pollicetur,  suo  tempore  praestitisse  visus  fuit, 
quando  Moysi  Josuam,  et  huic  deinceps  alios  duces  regesque  substituit ;  atta- 
men  vere  et  merito  dicendum  est,  in  Christo  tandem  integre  et  absolute  earn 
promissionem  impletam  fuisse.  Nam  etsi  post  haec  tempora  plures  prophetae 
prodierint,  nullus  tamen  Moysi  similis  fuit,  qui  testamentum  et  leges  conderet. 
Quod  certe  Christus  praestitit,  novum  instituens  testamentum,  et  leges  condens, 
hominem  ad  perfectam  cumulatamque  virtutem  perducentes.  In  Deut.  T.  i. 
Syr.  p.  277.  E.  F.  h  Vid.  T.  ii.  Syr.  p.  8. 

*  Vid.  ibid.  p.  19.  k  Id  est,  patefactae  sunt  prophetae 

inenti  co?li  fores,  oculisque  spiritus  spectare  licuit  arcana  sublimia  et  occultis- 
sima.  In  Ez.  T.  ii.  Syr.  p.  165.  C. 

1  Satanas  adversaries  Judaeorum  representat,  illorum  ditionem  circum  insi- 

dentes,  ipsisque  infestos. «  Hie  est  torris  erutus  de  igne :'  i.  e.  lignum 

adustum  annos  post  septuaginta  Babylonico  ab  igne  extractum  :  '  titionem,' 
vid.  ipsium  sacerdotem,  et  universum  Israelitarum  populum  vocat,  captivitatis 

aerumnis  nuper  ereptum. «  Auferte  sordidas  vestes  ab  eo,  et  induite  ilium 

vestibus  optimis.'  Vestimenta  sacerdoti  detracta  contractas  Babylone  sordes 
designant,  et  pn-eteritam  ignominiam,  quum  velut  exauctoratus  minister,  sacris 
insignibus  privatus  atque  ab  aris  remote  ibidem  exularet.  In  Zach.  T.  ii.  Syr. 
p.  285.  A.  B.  C. 


EPHREM  the  Syrian.     A.  D.  370.  317 

notice  of.  "  Satan  standing  at  the  right  hand  of  the  angel 
of  the  Lord  to  resist  him,"  represents  the  neighbours  of  the 
Jewish  people,  who  were  adversaries  to  them.  *'  The  brand 
plucked  out  of  the  fire,  is  the  Jewish  people  burned  in  the 
fire  of  the  Babylonish  captivity,  and  now  snatched  out  of 
the  burning*.  And  Joshua  the  son  of  Josedech  the  high- 
priest,  "  clothed  in  filthy  garments,"  represents  the  abject 
and  deplorable  condition  of  the  Jewish  people  in  the  Baby 
lonish  captivity.  The  order  for  "  clothing  him  with  change 
of  raiment"  denotes  the  purpose  of  God  to  alter  the  con 
dition  of  the  Jewish  people  for  the  better,  and  to  bless  and 
prosper  them,  and  to  restore  his  worship  among'  them. 

7.  Upon  Zech.  vi.  12,  "  Behold™  the  man  whose  name  is 
the  East"  [or  the  "  Branch."]     This  man  is  Zerubbabel,  to 
whom  the  Spirit  by  the  prophecies  of  Haggai  and  Zecha- 
riah  gave  glory  like  the  splendour  of  the  rising  sun. — Ver. 
13,    "  Even   he  shall   build  the  temple  of  the  Lord  :"  the 
spoils  of  Magog  affording  sufficient  for  the  expenses  of  the 
work.     "  And  he  shall   bear   the   glory,"   that  is,   receive 
glory  from  the  conquest  of  Magog*.     "  And  shall   sit,  and 
rule  upon  his  throne,"  with  firm  and  durable  power,  from 
which  none  shall  be  able  to  remove  him,  or  cast  him  down. 
"  And  Joshua  shall  be  a  priest  upon   his  throne,  and  the 
counsel  of  peace  shall  be  between  them  both."     Which  de 
notes  the  harmony  and  agreement,  which  by  the  fear  of  the 
Lord  shall  be  established  between  Joshua  the  son   of  Jose 
dech,  and  Zerubbabel  the  prince  and  governor  of  the  people. 
But  the  things  here  said  under  divers  symbols  of  Zerubbabel 
are  understood  in  the  way  of  allegory  of  Christ,  the  true 
East,  and  Splendour  of  the  Father. 

8.  Ephrem's  comment  upon  Zech.  xii.   10 — 14,  I  shall 
transcribe"  at  the  bottom  of  the  page  in  the  Latin  version, 
without  translating  it  into  English. 

m  *  Ecce  vir,  et  nomen  ejus  Oriens.']  Zorobbabel  est,  cui  Spiritus  vaticiniis 
et  auctoritate  Aggaei  et  Zachariae  gloriam,  et  quasi  Orientis  soils  splendorem, 

contulit. «  Et  ipse  exstruet  templum  Domini,'  sumtus  vid.  et  expensas 

sufficientibus  populi  Gog  spoliis.  *  Ipse  accipiet  gloriam,'  a  victa  dissipataque 
gente  Magog.  '  Et  sedebit,  et  dominabitur  super  solio  suo,'  firma  et  stabili 
dominatione,  qua  nemo  ilium  dejiciat.  *  Et  Jesus  erit  sacerdos  super  solio 
suo,  et  consilium  bonum  erit  inter  illos  duos.'  Significat  concordiam  et  pacem 
timore  Domini  firmatam  inter  Jesum  filium  Josedech  et  Zorobbabelem  populi 
principem  et  ducem.  Caelerum  quae  hie  de  Zorobbabele  per  varia  symbola 
praedicantur,  per  allegoriam  praedicta  accipiuntur  de  Christo,  cum  ipse  sit  verus 
Oriens,  et  ortus  ex  Patre  splendor.  In  Zach.  cap.  vi.  T.  ii.  Syr.  p.  294,  295. 

n  '  Plangent  eum  planctu,  quasi  super  unigenitum.'  Juxta  historiam,  in 
hunc  sensum  dicta  accipiuntur.  '  Aspicient  ad  me,  in  eum  quern  crucifixe- 
runt.  Aspicient  ad  me  :'  id  est,  clamabunt  ad  me  quicumque  Judam  Mac- 
chabaeum  amaverunt,  dolentque  modo  confossum  et  interfectum  a  gentibus : 


318  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

9.  I  would  likewise0  place  below,  in  the  like  manner, 
Ephrem's  comment  upon  Zech.   xiii.  1,  and  also  two  pas 
sages  more,  explaining  in  his  way  the?  former  and  the1!  latter 
part  of  Zech.  xiv.  9. 

10.  Ephrem  supposeth,  thatr  our  Lord  wrought  no  mira 
cles  before  his  baptism,  when  he  was  thirty  years  of  age. 

11.  He  intimates,  that8  Christ's  ministry  lasted  two  years, 
he1  living  on  this  earth  two  and  thirty  years. 

12.  He  has  some  remarks"   upon  our   Saviour's   three 
miracles  of  raising  the  dead,  Jairus's  daughter,  the  widow 
of  Nain's  son,  and  Lazarus. 

13.  He  supposeth,  thatv  the  apostles  had,  or  chose  to 

hunc,  quasi  filium  unicum,  affectu  plane  materno  '  lugebunt,  ac  frangentur 
dolore  propter  eum,'  ut  frangi  solet  mater  propter  primogenitum  et  unicum. 
'  In  ilia  die  magnus  erit  planctus  in  Jerusalem,  sicut  planctus  Baramon  in  valle 
Mageddo  :'  i.  e.  talis  erit  luctus,  utique  magnus,  qualis  fuit  die,  quo  Josias  rex 
in  valle  Mageddo  ab  .ZEgyptiis  confossus  occubuit.  Constat  siquidem  ex  his- 
toria  reipsa  JudaeMacchabaei  mortem  Judseos  ingenti  luctu  prosecutes  fuisse.  Is 
namque  Jerosolymae  invasores,  populoque  Judseorum  semper  infestos,  magnis 
cladidus  attriverat.  Quare  ob  acerbum  ejus  interitum  Jerosolymae  praecipue 

cives  in  maximis  luctibus  fuerunt. «  Lugebit  terra  per  singulas  i'amilias  :'  id 

est,  omnes  moerebunt  familise,  singulae  per  turmas  suas.  '  Familia  David 
seorsum,  et  mulieres  ejus  seorsum,'  &c.  i.  e.  separatim  ab  uxoribus  conjuges,  et 
omnes  quaecumque  feminae  a  viris.  Haec  quidem,  ut  dixi,  secundum  histo- 
riam,  acta  sunt  in  funere  Judaei  Macchabaei.  Nihilominus,  ex  arcana  et  vera 
significatione  verborum,  de  Domini  morte  intelligenda  sunt.  In  Zach.  T.  ii. 
Syr.  p.  306. 

0  '  Et  aperietur  fons  salutis  domui  David,  et  habitatoribus  Jerusalem.'] 
Habet  hie  in  superficie  locus  hunc  significatum.  Populo  Judseorum,  ne  porro 
tristitia  suffocetur,  ratus  nullam  afflicto  superesse  spem,  Jonathas,  Judge  Mac 
chabaei  frater,  salutis  pandet  viam,  quove  a  fonte  eadem  petenda  sit  monstrabit. 
Ex  interpretatione  vero  spiritual],  et  quidem  verissima,  discimus  fontem  salutis 
esse  effluvium  pii  sanguinis  et  aquae  sanctissimae,  quae  de  latere  Domini  in 
cruce  manarunt «  ad  aspersionem,  et  ad  emundationem.'  Ibid.  p.  306  et  307. 

p  '  El  erit  Dominus  Rex  super  universam  terram.']  Clarum  est,  hunc 
locum  ad  felicissima  Macchabaeorum  tempora  pertinere,  quando,  depulsa 
idololatria,  quam  Antiochus  induxerat,  unius  Dei  cultum  Judaea  universa 
amplexa  est.  Nihilominus,  quae  hie  adumbrata  vides,  per  Christi  adventum 
absolutaet  perfecta  sunt.  Ibid.  p.  310.  C. 

q  *  In  die  ilia  erit  Dominus  unus,  et  erit  nomen  ejus  unum.']  Hoc,  quod 
dixi  ad  Macchabaeorum  tempus  et  Judaeorum  ditionem  pertinere,  in  toto  terra- 
rum  orbe  perfectum  est,  quando,  promulgate  evangelic,  mundus  universus  in 
eum  credidit,  et  agnovit  ipsum  esse  Deum.  Ibid.  E. 

r  Nam  usque  ad  suum  in  Jordane  baptismum  Christus  nullum  patravit 
miraculum.  In  Ezech.  cap.  i.  T.  ii.  Syr.  p.  165.  D. 

8  Horae  itaque  duae  postremae  designant  duos  annos,.quibus  Christus  seipsum 
miraculis  et  signis  manifestavit,  et  nostrae  salutis  opus  moriendo  absolvit. 
In  2  Reg.  xx.  10.  T.  ii.  Syr.  p.  562.  C.  '  Vid.  Ibid.  A. 

In  selecta  Scripturae  Loca,  T.  ii.  Syr.  p.  389. 

v  — — quia  similiter  apostoli  provincias  sortiti  sunt.  Simon  Romam  do- 
cuit,  Johannes  Ephesum,  Matthaeus  Palaestinam,  et  Indorum  regiones  Thomas. 
In  1  libr.  Reg.  cap.  iv.  1.  T.  i.  Syr.  p.  453. 


EPHREM  the  Syrian.     A.  D.  370.  319 

themselves  several  provinces;  Peter,  lie  says,  preached  at 
Rome,  John  at  Ephesus,  Matthew  in  Palestine,  and  Thomas 
in  the  Indies.  But  this  account  is  imperfect,  as  every  one 
may  perceive.  Here  is  no  mention  of  St.  Paul's  travels,  so 
well  known  from  the  Acts  and  his  own  epistles. 

14.  In  several  places  he  speaks  of  thew  success  of  the 
gospel.     Thex  Jewish  prophets,  he  says,  for  a  long  time 
were  of  little  service;  but  when  joined  by  the  apostles,  the 
empire  of  sin  was  soon  destroyed,  and   the  world  was  en 
lightened  with  divine  knowledge. 

15.  Ephrem  often  asserts  in  strong  terms  the^  powers  of 
free-will  in  men. 

16.  He  says,  miracles2  were  then  wrought  by  the  reliques 
of  martyrs,  or  at  their  sepulchres. 

w  Botrus  a  suo  pendens  palmite,  et  vecte  gestatus,  Christum  plane  repre- 
sentat  ab  utroque  prophetarum  et  apostolorum  ccfctu  per  orbem  universum 
magnifice  circumvectum.  In  Num.  xiii.  T.  i.  Syr.  p.  259. 

x  Allegoria.  Gedeonis  buccinae  evangelii  tubam  praesignificabant.  Evan- 
gelii  namque  personante  tuba,  et  coruscante  sacramentorum  Christ!  lampade, 
peccati  imperium  eversum  est.  Rursus  hydriae,  inclusas  lampadas  continentes, 
Judaeorum  synagogas  significabant,  intra  quas  scripta  prophetarum  oracula 
oppressa  et  abscondita  dm  jacuerunt.  Postquam  vero  Judaei  virlute  crucis 
Christ!  fracti  contritique  fuere,  continue  propheticarum  lampadum  fulgor 
emicuit,  et  apostolorum  luce  adjutus  totum  terrarum  orbem  implevit.  In  cap. 
vii.  Judic.  ver.  21.  T.  i.  Syr.  p.  318,  319. 

y  Sita  est  in  tua  potestate  salus,  tibique  est  libera  optio  eligendi  vitam  vel 
interitum.  Vide,  ut  rebus  tuis  tempestive  provideas,  antequam  elabatur  tempus 
poenitentiae,  et  misericordiae  fores  claudantur.  Paraen.  4.  T.  iii.  Syr.  p. 
411.  F. 

Jugum  tuum  mea  ego  voluntate  suscepi.  Non  tu  me  reluctantem  illud 
subire  coegisti.  Egomet  sponte  mea  ad  excolendum  agrum  tuum  me  obligavi. 
Sed,  heu !  semen  a  te  acceptum  in  spem  uberrimae  messis  datum  seminare 
neglexi,  &c.  Paraen.  5.  T.  iii.  Syr.  p.  415.  A.  B.  Vid.  Paraen.  13.  p.  431. 
Paraen.  22.  p.  455.  D.  E.  De  Diversis  Serm.  p.  672,  673.  Vid.  et  De  Li- 
bero  humanae  Voluntatis  Arbitrio  Sermones  quatuor.  Ibid.  p.  359 — 366. 

z  Jam  vero  intuere  vitam  in  martyrum  reliquiis  conditam.  Quis  enim  neget, 
illis  manere  vitam,  quando  videt  ipsorum  etiam  titulos  vivere  ?  Res  comper- 
tissima  est,  de  qua  nullus  dubitet.  In  sel.  Scriptur.  Loc.  T.  ii.  Syr.  p.  349,  350. 


320  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

CHAP.  CHI. 

EBEDJESU. 


I.  His  time.     II.  A  catalogue  of  the  books  of  the  Old  and 
New  Testament.     III.  Remarks  upon  it. 

I.  HAVING  given  an  account  of  Ephrem  of  Edessa,  it 
will  not  be  amiss  to  take  in  another  learned  Syrian  writer, 
though  he  be  much  later  in  time.  I  meana  Ebedjesu,  of 
the  sect  of  the  Nestorians,  who  was  bishop  of  Nisibis,  called 
by  the  Syrians  Soba,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  13th  century, 
and  died  in  the  year  1318.  Asb  he  had  been  before  bishop 
of  Sigara  from  the  year  1218,  I  place  him  as  flourishing 
about  that  time. 

II.  Dr.  Asseman  first  published  an  accurate  edition  of 
hisc  Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical  Writings  at  Rome,  in  17*25. 
Ebedjesu  in  his  introduction  proposeth  togived  a  catalogue 
of  all  the  divine  books,  and  all  other  ecclesiastical  writings: 
he  first  enumerates  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  and 
then  the  New ;  this  latter  part  I  shall  transcribe. 

'  Having6  mentioned  the  writers  of  the  Old  Testament,  I 

a  Ebedjesu,  hoc  est  servus  Jesu. — Fuit  autem  Ebedjesu,  Catalog!  hujus 
auctor,  cognomento  Bar-Bircha,  id  est,  Filius  Benedict!,  gente  Chaldaeus,  secta 
Nestorianus,  dignitate  episcopus :  floruitque  sub  Jaballaha,  Chaldaeorum 
Nestorianorum  patriarcha,  a  quo  Metropolita  Sobae  et  Armeniae  ordinatus  est. 
Obiit  sub  initium  mensis  Novembris  anni  Graecorum  1630,  Christ!  1318. 
Assem.  B.  Or.  T.  iii.  p.  3.  in  notis  2. 

b  Primum  fuerat  episcopus  Sigarae  et  Arabia?,  circa  annum  Christi  1285,  ut 
adnotatur  in  elegantissimo  Syriaco  evangeliorum  codice,  qui  exstat  in  Biblio- 
theca  Collegii  Urban!  de  Propaganda  Fide.  Deinde  ad  archiepiscopatum 
Sobae  et  Armeniae  evectus  est,  ut  supra  dixi.  Soba  autem  Syris  eadem  est  ac 
Nisibis.  Id.  ib.  not.  3. 

c  Carmen  Ebedjesu,  continens  Catalogum  Librorum  omnium  Ecclesiasti- 
corum.  Ib.  p.  3. 

d  Scriberc  aggredior  Carmen  admirabile : 
In  quo  Libros  Divinos, 
Et  omnes  compositiones  ecclesiasticas 
Omnium  priorum  et  posteriorum, 
Proponam  lectoribus.     Ibid.  p.  4. 

*  Nunc,  absolute  Veteri, 
Aggrediamur  jam  Novum  Testamentum : 
Cujus  caput  est  Matthaeus,  qui  Hebraice 
In  Palaestina  scripsit. 


EBEDJESU,     A.  D.  1285.  321 

proceed  to  those  of  the  New.  The  first  of  which  is  Mat 
thew,  who  published  his  gospel  in  Palestine,  written  in 
Hebrew ;  the  next  is  Mark,  who  preached  in  Latin,  in  the 
famous  city  of  Rome ;  then  Luke,  who  taught  and  wrote  at 
Alexandria,  in  the  Greek  language;  and  John,  who  wrote 
his  gospel  at  Ephesus,  in  the  Greek  tongue.  And  the  Acts 
of  the  Apostles,  which  Luke  inscribed  to  Theophilus. 
Three  epistles  likewise,  which  in  every  book  [or  copy]  and 
language  are  ascribed  to  apostles,  namely,  to  James,  Peter, 
and  John,  and  are  called  catholic.  And  fourteen  epistles 
of  the  great  apostle,  Paul :  the  epistle  to  the  Romans, 
written  at  Corinth,  and  sent  from  thence ;  the  first  epistle 
to  the  Corinthians,  written  at  Ephesus,  and  sent  from  thence 
by  the  hands  of  Timothy ;  the  second  to  the  Corinthians, 
written  at  Philippi  in  great  Macedonia,  and  sent  by  the 
hands  of  Titus.  The  epistle  to  the  Galatians  Paul  wrote  at 
Rome,  and  sent  it  by  the  hands  of  Titus,  a  chosen  and 
approved  vessel :  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  was  written 
at  Rome,  and  sent  from  Paul  himself  by  the  hands  of 
Tychicus;  the  epistle  to  the  Philippians  was  written  at 
Rome,  and  sent  by  Epaphroditus,  a  beloved  brother;  the 
epistle  likewise  to  the  Colossians  was  written  at  Rome,  and 
sent  by  Tychicus,  a  disciple  of  the  truth ;  the  first  epistle 
to  the  Thessalonians  was  written  in  the  city  of  Athens,  and 
sent  by  the  hands  of  Timothy ;  the  second  to  the  Thessa 
lonians  was  written  at  Laodicea  in  Pisidia,  [Phrygia,]  and 
sent  with  Timothy ;  the  first  epistle  to  Timothy  was  written 
at  Laodicea,  a  city  of  Pisidia,  [Phrygia,]  and  sent  by  Luke; 

Post  hunc  Marcus,  qui  Romane 
Locutus  est  in  celeberrima  Roma  : 
Et  Lucas,  qui  Alexandria 
Graece  dixit,  scripsitque. 

Et  Joannes,  qui  Ephesi 
Graeco  sermone  exaravit  evangelium. 
Actus  quoque  Apostolorum, 
Quos  Lucas  Theophilo  inscripsit. 

Tres  etiam  epistolae,  quae  inscribuntur 
Apostolis  in  omni  codice  et  lingua, 
Jacobo  scilicet,  et  Petro,  et  Joanni, 
Et  Catholicae  nuncupantur. 

Apostoli  autem  Pauli  magni 

Epistolae  quatuordecim. 

Epistola  ad  Romanes, 

Quac  ex  Corintho  scripta  est,  &c.  &c. 

Ebedjesu,  Catalog,  ap.  Asseman.  Bib.  Or.  T.  iii.  p.  8—12. 
VOL.  IV.  Y 


322  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

the  second  epistle  to  Timothy  was  written  at  Rome,  and 
sent  by  the  same  Luke,  the  physician  and  evangelist ;  the 
epistle  to  Titus  was  written  at  Nicopolis,  and  sent  and 
carried  by  Epaphroditus;  the  epistle  to  Philemon  was 
written  at  Rome,  and  sent  by  Onesimus,  servant  of  the 
same  Philemon ;  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  was  written  in 
Italy,  and  sent  by  Timothy,  son  according-  to  the  spirit.' 
III.  Upon  this  catalogue  we  may  find  a  few  remarks. 

1.  The  order  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  should 
be  observed.     The  gospels,  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  three 
catholic  epistles,  and  St.   Paul's  fourteen  epistles:  which, 
too,  are  mentioned  in  the  order  which  now  obtains  among 
us;  the  epistle  to  the  Romans  first,  and  that  to  the  Hebrews 
last.     And   by   Dr.   Asseman   we  are   assured,   thatf   here 
Ebedjesu  followed  the  order  which  is  in  general  use  among 
the  Syrians :  in  which  order  also  the  books  are  placed  in 
the  ancient  manuscript  copies  of  the  New  Testament.    Gre 
gory  Barhebrseus  observed  also  the  same  order  in  his  com 
mentaries.    But  James  of  Edessa,  in  a  book  written  by  him, 
first  mentions  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  then  the  catholic 
epistles  of  James,  Peter,  and  John ;  after  that  Paul's  epis 
tles,  and  lastly  the  four  gospels. 

2.  What?  Ebedjesu  says  of  the  places  and  languages,  in 
which  the  several  gospels  of  Matthew,  Mark,  Luke,  and 
John,  were  written,  we  are  assured  by  Asseman,  is  agree 
able  to  the  common  opinion  of  the  Syrians  in  general. 

3.  It  is  not  needful  to  examine  the  accounts  here  given  of 
the  places  where h  St.  Paul's  epistles  were  written,  or  the 

1  In  recensendis  Novi  Testament!  libris  vulgatum  apud  Syros  ordinem 
sequitur  Sobensis,  quo  evangeliis  subjunguntur  Actus  Apostolorum,  deinde 
epistolae  catholicae  Jacobi,  Petri,  et  Joannis,  mox  epistolae  Pauli.  Hunc  ordi 
nem  et  codices  antiqui  manuscript!  repraesentant :  quo  etiam  Barhebraeus 
Novum  Testamentum  commentariis  illustravit,  in  suo  Horreo  Mysteriorum, 
ut  notavi,  Tom.  ii.  Bib.  Or.  p.  282.  Jacobus  vero  Edessenus  in  libro,  cui 
titulus  Onomasticon,  cit.  torn.  ii.  p.  499.  primo  loco  Actus  Apostolorum 
ponit,  deinde  epistolas  catholicas  Jacobi,  Petri,  et  Joannis :  postea  epistolas 
Pauli,  postremo  quatuor  evangelia.  Assem.  B.  Or.  T.  iii.  p.  8.  not.  2. 

g  Haec  est  communis  Syrorum  sententia  de  sermone,  quo  primum  evangelia 
conscripta  dicuntur :  Matthaei  scilicet  Hebraice  in  Patestina :  Marci  Romane, 
hoc  est,  Latine,  Romas;  Lucae  Grace  Alexandria?,  et  Joannis  item  Greece 
Ephesi.  In  eandem  sententiam  adnotatum  legitur  ad  calcem  omnium,  quot- 
quot  vidi,  Syriaco  sermone  exaratorum  turn  recentium  turn  antiquorum  evan 
gel  iorum.  Nee  dissentiunt  Barsalibaeus  et  Barhebraeus  in  Praefatione  ad  evan 
gelia.  Quod  autem  Hebraica  lingua,  qua  Matthaeus  scripsisse  dicitur,  non  sit 
ilia,  quae  revera  Hebraeorum  propria  est,  sed  Chaldaica,  seu  Syriaca,  quae 
Judaeis  post  captivitatem  Babylonicam,  Christi  apostolorumque  temporibus, 
vernacula  erat,  docet  idem  Barsalibaeus  praefatione'  in  Matthaeum.  Assem.  ib. 
p.  8.  not. 

h  Ubinam  scriptae,  et  per  quos  missoc,  [Pauli  epistolae  quatuordecim,]  ad 


EBEDJESU.     A.  D.  1285.  323 

persons  by  whom  they  were  sent :  but  it  is  worth  notice, 
that  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  is  here  entitled  as  with  us. 

4.  Ebedjesu  mentions  only  three   catholic  epistles,  omit 
ting1  the  second  of  Peter,  and  second  and  third  of  John,  and 
the  epistle  of  Jude  :  which,  as  we  are  also  assured  by  Asse- 
man,  is  agreeable j  to  the  common  sentiments  of  the  Syrians. 
And   he  refers  to  a  work  of  James  of  Edessa,  the  title  of 
which  k  I  shall  put  in  the  margin,  confirming  the  account, 
that  there  are  but  three  catholic  epistles  in  the  ancient  Syriac 
version. 

5.  The  book  of  the  Revelation  likewise  is  omitted;   nor 
is  it,  as  Asseman'  says,  in  the  ancient  Syriac  version;  nor 
did  Barhebreeus,  or  James  of  Edessa,  write  commentaries 
upon  it ;  but  Ephrem,  he  says,  quotes  it  as  a  canonical  book 
of  scripture;  and  from  Ephrem's  quotation  of  that  book,  he 
argues,  mayra  be  learned  and  concluded,  what  was  the  senti 
ment  of  the  most  ancient  Syrians  about  it. 

6.  I  place  below"  another  note  of  that  learned   writer, 

calcem  manuscriptorum  codicum  diligenter  adnotatum  est,  tarn  in  Versione 
Syriaca,  quam  in  Groecis  exemplaribus,  unde  quse  hie  a  Sobensi  affirmantur, 
descripta  sunt.  Asseman.  ib.  p.  10.  notis. 

1  Ex  communi  Syrorum  sententia  tres  tantum  canonicas  epistolas,  recenset, 
quarum  scilicet  de  auctoritale  Syri  nunquam  dubitarunt,  quaeque  ab  initio  inter 
canonicos  libros  in  Syriaca  versione  simplici  collocatae  sunt.  *  Sane'  (ut  verbis 
utar  Fabricii  Tom.  iii.  Bibliothecae  Graecae,  p.  145.)  *  in  antiquis  codicibus,  et 
'  primis  editionibus  Versionis  Syriaca!  Novi  Testamenti,  epistola  secunda  et 
'  tertia  Joannis,  et  posterior  Petri,  et  Judae  ilia  etiamnum  desideratur.1  Diony- 
sius  Barsalibaeus,  apud  Pocockium  Prsef.  ad  Epistolas  Judae,  2  Petri,  2  et  3 
Joannis,  monet,  *  epistolas  hasce  non  fuisse  versas  in  linguam  Syram,  cum 
'  libris,  qui  diebus  antiquis  redditi  sunt,  ideoque  non  inveniri,  nisi  in  versione 
*  Thomse  episcopi  Heraclaensis.'  Hincapud  Jacobum  Edessenum  in  Onomas- 
tico  tres  tantum  Catholicae,  non  secus  atque  hie  in  Catalogo  Sobensis,  enu- 
merantur ;  nimirum  Jacobi,  Petri,  et  Joannis,  ut  recensui.  T.  ii.  Bib.  Or. 
p.  499.  Asseman.  ib.  p.  9,  10. 

k  Jacobi  episcopi  Edesseni  Vocum  Difficiliorum,  quae  in  Syriaca  Veteris  ac 
Novi  Testamenti  Versione  occurrunt,  recensio  et  punctatio  :  nimirum  Genesis, 
Exodi, — Actuum  Apostolorum,  epistolae  Jacobi,  Petri,  Joannis,  epistolarum 
xiv.  Pauli,  evangelii  Matthaei,  Marci,  Lucae,  Joannis.  Ap.  Asseman.  Bib.  Or. 
T.  ii.  p.  499. 

1  Apocalypsim  Joannis  nee  Sobensis  recensuit,  nee  Barhebraeus  aut  Jacobus 
Edessenus  exposuere,  duabus  de  causis :  vel  quia  ab  ipsis  inter  libros  canonicos 
minime  admissa  fuit :  vel,  quod  verosimilius  censeo,  quia  ea  in  Syriaca  Sim 
plici,  quam  vocant,  scriptures  versione  haud  exstabat.  Caeterum  Apocalypsim 
tanquam  canonicum  librum  a  S.  Ephraemo  agnitam  fuisse  liquet  ex  ejus  car 
mine  in  illud  Psalmi — de  quo  dixi,  Tom.  i.  p.  141.  Asseman.  Bib.  Or.  T.  iii. 
p.  8,  tn  Quod  ideo  notavi,  ut  constaret  Syrorum  antiquissimorum 

de  illius  libri  auctoritate  judicium  contra  Hebedjesu,  qui  in  Catalogo  manu- 
scripto  inter  libros  canonicos  Apocalypsim  non  nominat.  Bib.  Or.  T.  i.  p.  141. 

n  De  Apocalypsi  Joannis  dubitatum  olim  fuit,  an  inter  canonicos  libros 
esset ;  maxime  apud  Orientales  ecclesias,  teste  Junilio  Africano.  Dubitasse 
videtur  et  Barhebraeus  in  suo  Nomocanone,  cap.  7.  sect.  9,  ubi  hanc  Dionysii 
Alexandrini  sententiam  refert :  '  Apocalypsis,  quae  nomine  Joannis  apostoli 


324  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

where  he  says,  that  the  Revelation  is  wanting  in  the  ancient 
Syriac  version,  which  they  call  Simple ;  and  that  none  of 
the  Syrians  have  any  read  ings  out  of  this  book  in  their  pub 
lic  lessons;  and  that  Gregory  Barhebrseus  seems  to  doubt 
of  its  genuineness,  and  to  approve  of  the  sentiment  of  Dio- 
nysius  of  Alexandria.  However,  he  says,  that  the  Egyptian 
Christians  in  general  receive  the  book  of  the  Revelation  as 
canonical,  without  hesitation. 

7.  I  would  now  make  another  remark  upon  this  part  of 
Ebedjesu's  Catalogue.  Whatever  was  the  general  opinion 
of  the  Syrians,  concerning  the  four  catholic  epistles,  which 
have  been  doubted  of  by  some,  and  concerning  the  book  of 
the  Revelation ;  I  think,  that  Ebedjesu  should  not  have 
passed  them  by  in  total  silence;  he  could  not  be  unac 
quainted  with  them.  In  the  following  part  of  his  Catalogue, 
among  the  works  of  Hippolytus,  he  particularly  mentions 
his  vindication  of  John  the  apostle's  Revelation.  The  pas 
sage  of  Ebedjesu  was  formerly  quoted  by  us0  in  the  chap 
ter  of  Hippolytus.  I  would  now  add  from  the  works  of 
Ephrem  since  published,  that  James  bishop  of  Edessa,  in  a 
passage  referred  to  some  while  ago,p  mentions'*  that  book  of 
Hippolytus,  which  he  calls  a  commentary  upon  the  Revela 
tion,  or  an  explication  of  it;  which  seems  to  show,  that  this 
work  of  Hippolytus  was  well  known  to  learned  Syrians; 
consequently,  the  book  of  the  Revelation  could  not  be  un 
known,  nor  very  obscure  among  them.  Though  those  epis 
tles,  and  this  book,  were  not  in  the  ancient  Syriac  version  ; 
yet,  very  probably,  they  were  in  the  Syriac  language,  in 
some  other  translation.  Supposing  this  to  be  the  case,  I 
think  Ebedjesu  was  obliged  to  mention  them;  if  they  were 

'  praenotatur,  non  ejus  est,  sed  vel  Cerinthi,  qui  cibum  et  potum  similiter  super 
*  terram  post  resurrectionem  docet :  vel  Joannis  cujuspiam  alterius.  Duo 
'  enim  sunt  Ephesi  monumenta,  quse  hoc  nomine  noscuntur.'  Cerle  Syri, 
turn  Jacobitae  turn  Nestoriani,  lectionem  nullam  ex  Apocalypsi  in  ecclesia 
recitant :  et  tarn  in  manuscriptis  Syriacis,  T.  N.  codicibus,  quam  in  eo  Exem- 
plari,  quod,  Mose  Mardeno  Ignatii  Jacobitarum  Patriarchae  Oratore  procu- 
rante,  a  Joanne  Alberto  Widmanstadio  Viennse,  Anno  Christi  1555,  typis 
editum  fuit,  Apocalypsis  desideratur.  Caeterum  JEgyptii  earn  constanter  ad- 
mittunt,  ut  ex  canone  Alulbarcati  liquet :  eandemque  doctis  Commentariis 
illustravit  Benassalius,  quorum  exemplar  Arabicum  exstat  in  Bibliotheca  Col- 
legii  Maronitarum  de  Urbe.  Id.  T.  iii.  p.  15,  16. 

0  Vol.  ii.  p.  436,  437,  note  «.  P  See  here,  p.  313,  note  P. 

q  Hanc  porro  mulierem,  [Vid.  Apoc.  xvii.  3 — 6.]  id  est,  gentem  rerum 
dominam,  vectam  bestia,  id  est  orbis  imperium  obtinentem,  invadet  coluber 
antichristus,  seducet,  et  perdet.  Jam  illud  imperium  ad  eos  pertinere,  qui 
Latini  dicuntur,  Spiritus  in  sanctis  viris  inhabitans  declaravit,  et  docuit  per 
Hippolytum  episcopum  et  martyrem  in  eo  libro,  quo  Joannis  theologi 
Apocalypsim  interpretatur.  Jacob.  Edessen.  in  Jacobi  de  Antichristo  in 
Benedictione  Dan  Vaticinium.  Ap.  S.  Ephraem.  Comm.  in.  T.  Syr.  i.  p.  192. 


EBEDJESU.     A.  D.  1285.  325 

not  equally  respected  with  the  other  books  of  the  New  Tes 
tament,  he  might  have  said  so.  He  might  have  made  two 
sorts  or  divisions  of  sacred  books;  some  universally  re 
ceived,  and  respected  as  divine  and  canonical,  and  others, 
which  were  not  of  that  high  authority,  and  about  which 
some  had  doubts. 

8.  However,  we  here  plainly  see  what  are  the  books  of 
scripture,  which  are  generally  received  by  the  Syrian  chris- 
tians.     And  we  are  much   obliged  to  Dr.  Joseph  Asseman 
for  giving  us  the  Catalogue  of  Ebedjesu,  as  he  found  it  in 
the  manuscript ;  which  another  editor  of  that  Catalogue  did 
not  do,  but  of  his  own  head  added  the  epistle  ofr  Jude  and 
the8  Revelation.     He  also  struck  out  the  word  three,  saying, 
instead  of  three  epistles,  the  epistles,  that  is,  of  James,  Peter, 
John,  and  Jude,  which   are  called  catholic ;  for  which  he 
has  been  justly  censured  by1  that  honest  man,  and  excellent 
writer,  the  late  Isaac  Beausobre. 

9.  They  who  are  desirous  to  inform  themselves  concerning 
the  Syriac  version  or  versions  of  the  New  Testament,  may 
consult,  beside"  others/  Fabricius,w  Asseman,  andx  Wetstein. 

r  Tres  epistolas.]  Jacob!  scilicet,  Petri,  et  Joannis.  Ita  habet  Sobensis  in 
manuscripto  nostro  codice.  At  Echellensis  in  Catalogo  impresso  p.  8,  et  9, 
hunc  locum  sic  edidit :  *  Epistolae  consignatae  ab  apostolis  omni  charactere  et 
'  lingua  :  nempe  Jacobo,  Petro,  Joanne,  et  Juda  ;  et  ideo  catholicae  vocantur.' 
Ubi  nomen  Judae,  ut  mihi  videtur,  de  suo  adjiciens,  vocem  illam,  *  tres 
'  epistolae,'  in  hanc,  '  Epistolae,'  mutavit,  contra  metri  Syriaci  rationem,  et  con 
tra  ipsius  Sobensis  mentera,  qui  ex  communi  Syrorum  sententia  tres  tantum 
canonicas  epistolas  recenset,  quarum  scilicet  de  auctoritate  Syri  nunquara 
dubitarunt,  quaeque  ab  initio  inter  canonicos  libros  in  Syriaca  Versione  Sim- 
plici  collocatse  sunt.  [Vid.  reliqua  supr.  p.  323.  note  '.]  Assem.  Bib.  Or.  T. 
iii.  p.  9.  notis. 

8  Echellensis  p.  15  post  epistolam  Pauli  ad  Hebraeos  base  verba  de  Joannis 
Apocalypsi  addit,  quae  in  textu  Sobensis  desiderantur :  *  Revelatio  Joannis 

*  Graece  scripta  est  in  insula  Patmi.'     Praeter  argumenta,  quae  supra  adduxi, 
vel  ipsa  metri  heptasyllabi  ratio,  quae  hie  nulla  est,  hanc  appendiculam  e 
genuine  Sobensis  Catalogo  excludit.  Id.  ib.  p.  10.  in  notis. 

1  Aussi  Ebedjesu  n'  a-t-il  mis  dans  son  Catalogue  ni  les  quartre  autres 
Epitres,  ni  1'Apocalypse.  Mais  Abraham  Echellensis,  qui  avoit  publie  ce 
Catalogue  avant  M.  Asseman,  n'  a  pas  fait  difficulte  d'  y  aj outer  1'  Epitre  de 
S.  Jude,  et  de  mettre,  apres  1'  article  des  Epitres  de  S.  Paul ;  *  la  Revelation  de 

*  S.  Jean  a  etc  ecrite  en  Grec  dans  1'  isle  de  Patmos,'    C'est  un  echantillon  re- 
marquable  de  la  mauvaise  foi  de  ce  Maronite,  &c.  Hist,  de  Manich.  T.  i.  p.  295. 

u  Edw.  Pocock's  Preface  to  his  Commentary  upon  the  Prophecy  of  Micah, 
and  elsewhere.  Br.  Walton.  Prolegom.  ap.  Bibl.  Polyglott.  n.  xiii.  De 
Lingua  Syriaca  et  Scripturae  Versionibus  Syriacis.  Fr.  Spanh.  T.  i.  p.  650.  Fr. 
Ad.  Lamp.  Prolegom.  ad  Joan.  1.  i.  c.  4.  ver.  7.  Jer.  Jones  on  the  Canon  of 
the  N.  T.  Vol.  i.  p.  105—144.  v  Fabr.  Bib.  Gr.T.  iii.  p.  201,  202. 

T.  v.  p.  320,  321.  w  Asseman.  Bib.  Or.  T.  ii.  c.  xiii.  De  Tho.  Heracl. 

p.  90—94.  Vid.  ib.  cap.  x.  p.  82,  83.  et  p.  23.  et  p.  307.  b.  et  alibi. 

x  J.  J.  Wetsten.  Prolegom.  ad  N.  T.  Gr.  edit,  accurat.  cap.  ix.  et  Prolegom. 
adN.  T.Gr.  p.  109,112. 


326  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

CHAP.  CIV. 

PACIAN,  BISHOP  OF  BARCELONA. 

1.  PACIAN,  bishop  of  Barcelona,  is  in  Jerom's  Catalogue. 
I  place  the  chapter a  below.  He  flourished  about  the  year 
370,  and  died  an  old  man  before  390. 

2.  Pacian  had  a  son  named   Flavins  Dexter,  tob  whom 
Jerom    inscribed   his  Catalogue,  at  whose  request  it  was 
composed.     Dexter  was  in  several   high  offices  of  the  em 
pire,  and  for  a  time  prsefect  of  the  prsetorium.     He  had  also 
a  place  inc  Jerom's  Catalogue,  as  an  ecclesiastical  writer; 
though  the  work  mentioned  by  Jerom  is  not  universally 
allowed  to  be  now  extant. 

3.  Jerom  says,  that  Pacian  wrote  several  small  tracts,  par 
ticularly  against  the  Novatians.     And   we  still  haved   his 
three   letters   to  Syrnpronian  a  Novatian,  and    an  Exhor 
tation  to  Repentance,  and  a  Discourse  of  Baptism  :   but 
the  genuineness  of  this  last  is  not  very  manifest.     Pacian 
was   quoted   by  use   formerly  in  the  history  of  the  Nova 
tians  :  for  a  more  particular  account  of  him  and  his  writings 
I  refer  to  f  others. 

4.  I  observe  only,  as  suited  to  my  present  design,   that 
Pacian  has  several  times  quoted  the   book  of  Canticles, 
and  the  commonly  received  books  of  the  New  Testament, 
particularly  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  also  the  book  of 
the  Revelation.     But  I  do  not  see  any  quotation  of  the  epis 
tle  to  the  Hebrews,  nor  any  plain  reference  to  it,  though  it 
be  sometimes  put  in  the  margin  by  the  editor. 

a  Pacianus,  in  Pyrenaei  jugis  Barcelonae  episcopus,  castitate  et  eloquentia, 
et  tarn  vita  quam  sermone  clarus,  scripsit  varia  opuscula,  de  quibus  et  Cervus, 
et  contra  Novatianos.  Sub  Theodosio  principe,  jam  ultima  senectute  mortuus 
est.  De  V.  I.  cap.  106. 

b  Hortaris,  Dexter,  ut,  Tranquillum  sequens,  Ecclesiasticos  Scriptores  in 
ordinem  digeram,  et  quod  ille  in  enumerandis  Gentilium  literarum  viris  fecit 
illustribus,  ego  in  nostris  faciam.  Prol.  in  libr.  de  V.  I. 

Unde  etiam  ante  annos  ferme  decem,  quum  Dexter  amicus  meus,  qui  prae- 
fecturam  administravit  praetorii,  me  rogasset,  ut  auctorum  nostrae  religionis  ei 
indicem  texerem,  &c.  Adv.  Ruf.  1.  ii.  T.  iv.  p.  419.  m. 

c  Dexter,  Paciani  (de  quo  supra  dixi)  filius,  clarus  apud  saeculum,  et  Christi 
fidei  deditus,  fertur  ad  me  omnimodam  historiam  texuisse,  quam  necdum 
legi.  De  V.  I.  cap.  132. 

d  Ap.  B.  PP.  T.  iv.  p.  305—319.  e  Vol.  iii.  p.  91. 

'  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  Fabr.  ad  Hieron.  de  V.  T.  cap.  106.  et  Bib.  Lat. 
Vol.  iii.  p.  428.  Du  Pin,  Bib.  T.  ii.  p.  101.  Tillem.  Mem.  T.  viii.  p.  537, 
et  seq. 


OPTATUS  of  Milevi.    A.  D.  370.  327 

CHAP.  CV. 

OPTATUS  OF  MILEVI. 


1.  SAYS  Jerom:  '  Optatus a  of  Africa,  bishop  of  Milevi, 
'  in  the  time  of  the  emperors  Valentinian  and  Valens,  wrote 
'  a  work  in  six  books  in  defence  of  the  catholics  against  the 
*  Donatists.' 

2.  The  city  of  Milevi  was  situated  in  Nutnidia.     Jerom 
says,  that  Optatus  wrote  under  the  emperors  Valentinian  and 
Valens,   that  is,   between  364  and  375;  from   which,  and 
from  some  other  considerations,  Tillemont  concludes,   that 
his  work  was  published  about  the  year  370:  which  is  little 
different  from  Cave,  who  placeth  this  writer  at  368.     For 
a  particular  account  of  Optatus,  and  his  work,  I  refer  to  b 
several  moderns. 

3.  Divers  testimonies  to  him  in  ancient  writers  may  be 
seen  prefixed  to  his  works,  and  are  taken  notice  of  by  Til 
lemont  at  the  beginning-  of  his  article  concerning  him.     I 
add  to  that  already  taken  from  Jerom,  one  from  Augustine, 
where  c  he  reckons  Optatus  with  Cyprian,  and  others,  who 
had   come  over   from    gentilism    to    Christianity,  and   had 
brought  with    them   the   riches  of  the   Egyptians,  that   is, 
learning  and  eloquence,  to  the  no  small  advantage  of  the 
Christian  interests. 

4.  Beside  many  other  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  Opta 
tus   has   quoted  d   the  Canticles    several    times ;    he  once e 
quotes  the  book  of  Wisdom,  as  Solomon's  :  he  has  also  quot 
ed  f  Tobit,  and  P  Ecclesiasticus. 

a  Optatus  Afer,  episcopus  Milevitanus,  ex  parte  catholica,  scripsit,  Valen- 
tiniano  et  Valente  principibus,  adversus  Donatianae  partis  calumniam  libros 
sex;  in  quibus  asserit,  crimen  Donatianum  in  nos  falso  retorqueri.  D.  V.  I. 
cap.  110. 

^  Cav.  H.  Lit.  T.  i.  p.  234.  S.  Basnag.  ann.  368.  n.  ix.  Du  Pin,  Bib. 
des  Aut.  EC.  T.  ii.  p.  109—122.  et  Pref.  ad  Optat.  Fleury's  EC.  Hist.  B.  16. 
ch.  xl.  Tillemont,  Les  Donatistes,  Art.  58.  Mem.  T.  vi.  Fabr.  Bib.  EC.  ad 
Hieron.  De  V.  I.  cap.  110.  et  Bib.  Lat.  T.  iii.  p.  425. 

c  Nonne  adspicimus,  quanto  auro  et  argento  et  veste  suftarcinatus  exierit  de 
jEgypto  Cyprianus  doctor  suavissimus,  et  martyr  beatissimus  ?  quanto  Lac- 
tantius  ?  quanto  Victorinus,  Optatus,  Hilarius  ?  Ut  de  vivis  taceam.  Quanto 
innumerabiles  Graeci  ?  De  Doctr.  Christian.  1.  ii.  cap.  40.  n.  61.  T.  iii. 

d  Optat.  1.  i.  cap.  10.  bis.  1.  ii.  cap.  8.  1.  iii.  cap.  3. 1.  iv.  cap.  6. 

e  Cum  scriptum  sit  in  Salomone ;  *  Deus  mortem  non  fecit,  nee  laetatur  in 
'  perditione  vivorum.'  Sap.  i.  13.  1.  ii.  c.  25. 

f  qui,  in  lectione  Patriarch.se  Tobise,  legitur  in  Tigride  fluraine  pre- 

hensus.  1.  iii.  c.  2.  g  L.  iii.  c.  3.  bis. 


328  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

5.  In  the  New  Testament,  beside  the  gospels,  he  has  quot 
ed  the  h  book  of  the  Acts,  and  several  of  St.  Paul's  epistles, 
and '  the  first  and  k  second  epistle  of  St.  John. 

6.  Jerom  computed  the  works  of  Optatus  to  consist  of  six 
books  ;  whereas  we  now  have  seven.     Concerning"  this  dif 
ficulty  may  be  seen   the  authors,   to  whom  I  have  already 
referred. 

7.  There   is  a  passage,  which  has  been  supposed  a  part 
of  the  seventh  book  ;  which  some1  have  alleged,  as  a  proof, 
that  Optatus  received  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews.     But  sup 
posing  the  passage  to  be  genuine,  it  is  of  no  importance  :  it 
appearing  plainly,  that™  Optatus  quotes  not  an  apostle,  but 
a  prophet,  and   intends  not  Heb.  viii.  8 — 11,  but  Jer.  xxxi. 
31 — 33 ;  as  has  been  fully  shown  by  my  highly  esteemed 
friend,  the  late  Mr.  Joseph  Hal  let,  in  his   Introduction  n  to 
the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  in  English;  or  his  Dissertation 
concerning    the   author   and  language    of  that  epistle,   as 
translated  into  Latin,  and  inserted  by  the  learned  J.  C.  Wol- 
fius  in  the  fourth  tome  of  his  Curse  °  upon  the  New  Testa 
ment.     So  that  there  is  no  proof,  that  Optatus  received  the 
epistle  to  the  Hebrews.     However,  as  this  work  is  not  very 
long,  and  Optatus  does  not  abound  with  quotations  of  texts 
of  scripture ;  we  cannot  say  certainly,  what  books    were 
received  by  him,  and  what  not.     We  need  make  no  doubt, 
but  he  received  all  such  as  were  generally  received  by  other 
Christians  in  Africa,  in  his  time. 

8.  I  need   not  produce  here  any  proofs  of  his  respect 
for  the  sacred  scriptures  of  the  Old  and   New  Testament, 
about  which  there  can  be  no  question.     And  besides,  some 
passages  of  his  to  this  purpose  were  alleged  formerly,  in 
the  chapters  P  concerning  the  burning  the  scriptures  in   the 
time  of  Dioclesian's  persecution,  and<i   the  history  of  the 
Donatists. 

9.  Remarks  upon  Optatus's  performance  may  be  seen  inr 
James  Basnage's  History  of  the  Church. 

h  L.  v.  cap.  5.  '  L.  i.  c.  15.  1.  ii.  c.  19.  1.  vii.  c.  2. 

k  Ignorantes,  de  quibus  apostolushoc  dixerit  ?  *  Cum  his  nee  cibum  capere  : 
Ave  illi  ne  dixeritis.'  [1  Cor.  v.  11.  et  2  Job.  10.]  L.  iv.  cap.  5. 

1  Baron,  ann.  60.  n.  L.  Tr.  Spanhem.  de  Auctor.  Ep.  ad.  Hebr.  1.  ii. 
cap.  7.  n.  viii.  T.  ii.  p.  201. 

m  legem  indicavit  Deus  per  prophetam  dicens  :  '  Quoniam  hoc  est 

testamentum  meum,  quod  disponam  domui  Israel  et  domui  Judce.  Et  post 
dies  illos,  dicit  Dominus,dans  leges  meas  in  corde  eorum,  et  in  mentibus  eorum 
scribam  eas.'  Promisit  hoc  jamdudum,  et  proxime  reddidit  temporibus 
christianis.  Optat.  1.  vii.  p.  108.  edit.  Du  Pin. 

n  P.  18,  19.  °  T.  iv.  820,  821. 

P  See  Vol.  iii.  p.  549,  550.  «  Ib.  p.  564. 

r  Hist,  de  1' Eglise,  p.  185,  186. 


OPTATUS  of  Mikvi.    A.  D.  370.  329 

10.  Le   Clerc,  in   his    preface   to   Kuster's   edition   of 
Mill's  New  Testament,  has  observed  several  of  this  author's 
quotations  of  texts,  which  Mill  had  taken  no  notice  of  in  his 
collations  of  ancient  writers.     I  shall  put  down  here  only 
one  of  them. 

11.  Luke  ix.  50,  "  And  Jesus  said  unto  him,  Forbid  him 
not :  for  he  that  is  not  against  us  is  for  us."     So  in  our  co 
pies  :  but  Optatus8  reads,  "  For  he  who  is  not  against  you, 
is  for  you."     Which  is  also  found  in  divers  other  authors, 
and  in  divers  manuscripts  and   versions,  as  observed  by  Le 
Clerc,  and  also  by  Mill,  Bengelius,  and  Mr.  Wetstein,  upon 
the   place.     Moreover  this  reading  is  approved   by  l  Mill 
and  u  Bengelius. 

12.  I  shall   add  another  text,  not  mentioned  by  Le  Clerc, 
because  he  aimed  at  those  quotations  of  Optatus,  which  had 
been  omitted  by  Mill. 

Rom.  xii.  13,  "  Distributing  to  the  necessity  of  saints." 
Optatus  instead v  of "  necessity,"  or  necessities,  has  "memo 
ries."  Du  Pin  in  his  notes  upon  that  place  of  his  author 
says,  that  w  Optatus  followed  a  reading  which  was  common 
in  his  time,  but  thinks  "  necessities"  to  be  the  true  reading. 
On  the  contrary,  Mill  thinks  "memories"  to  be  right.  He 
gives  a  good  sense  of  the  text,  according  to  that  reading: 
4  Thatx  we  are  here  directed  to  remember  with  compassion 

*  poor  and  afflicted  Christians  at  a  distance,  and  to  relieve 

*  them.'     He  also  alleges  many  authorities  for  that  reading : 
but  in  my  opinion,  the  passage  of  Clement  of  Rome,  upon  y 
which  he  relies   very  much,  is  far  from  being  clear  to  his 
purpose.     Bengelius2   thinks  it  of  no  value.     Concerning 
this  reading  may  be  consulted  the  just-mentioned  learned 
writer,  and  Wolfius. 

8  Sic  Christus  ait :  Nolite  prohibere.  *  Qui  enim  non  est  contra  vos,  pro 
vobis  est.'  L.  v.  c.  7. 

1  Prolegom,  n.  996.  u  In  loc.  T  Contra  apostolum 

facientes,  qui  ait  j  '  Memoriis  sanctorum  communicantes.'  L.  ii.  c.  4. 

w  Attamen  de  necessitatibus  et  indigentiis  sanctorum,  hoc  est,  christianorum, 
intelligendum  esse  apostolum,  longe  verisimilius  est.  Sed  excusandus  Optatus, 
qui  communem  suo  tempore  lectionem  secutus  est.  Du  Pin,  in  loc.  p.  33. 

x  Ut  nempe  per  fiviiaq  intelligantur  necessitates  sanctorum  absentium.  Mill, 
in  loc.  Conf.  Prolegom.  n.  142.  *  Vid.  Proleg.  n.  142. 

z  Nil  hue  facit  Clementis  Romani.  Bengel.  ad  Rom.  xii.  13. 


330  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 


CHAP.    CVI. 


AMBROSE,  BISHOP  OF  MILAN. 

I.  His  time  and  history.     II.  and  III.  Scriptures  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testament  received  by  him.     IV.  Respect 
for  them.     V.  General  titles  and  divisions.     VI.  Select 
passages. 

1.  AMBROSE,  born,  as  some  think,  about  333,  or  rather,  as 
others,  about  340,  and  made  bishop  of  Milan  in  374,  died  in 
397.  P\>r  a  more  particular  account  of  him,  and  his  writ 
ings,  with  their  character,  I  refer  toa  others. 

2.  Ambrose  was  living-  when  Jerom  wrote  his  Catalogue 
of  Ecclesiastical  Writers  in  392 ;  forb  which  reason  he  de 
clined  giving  a  distinct  account  of  his  works.:  nevertheless, 
upon  divers  occasions  he  has  made  mention  of c  several  of 
them,  and  takes  notice  of d  his  frequently  borrowing  from 
Origen,  without  naming  him. 

3.  Beside  Basil,  partly  contemporary  with  him,  and  some 
other  Greek  writers,  Til  lemon t  says,  hee  must  also  have  read 
the  works  of  ancient  heretics ;  forf  he  quotes  the  38th  tome 
of  Apelles,  disciple  of  Marcion. 

4.  The  eminence  of  this  bishop  of  Milan,  and  the  share  he 

a  Vid.  Cav.  Hist.  Lit.  T.  i.  and  Lives  of  the  Fathers,  in  English.  Vol.  II. 
Du  Pin  Bib.  des  Aut.  EC.  T.  ii.  Tillem.  Mem.  T.  x.  Vit.  S.  Ambros.  a 
Benedictin.  adornat.  Pagi,  Ann.  369.  xiii.  374.  iii.  et  alibi.  S.  Basnag.  ann. 
374.  n.  x.  et  alibi.  Ja.  Basnag.  Hist,  de  1'  Eglise  1.  xix.  ch.  4.  n.  ix.  p.  1171. 
Beausobre  Hist,  de  Manich.  T.  i.  p.  366.  not.  '. 

b  Ambrosius  Mediolanensis  episcopus,  usque  in  praesentem  diem  scribit. 
De  quo,  quia  superest,  meum  judicium  subtraham,  ne,  in  alterutram  paitem, 
aut  adulatio  in  me  reprehendatur,  aut  veritas.  De  V.  I.  c.  124. 

c  Ad  Eustoch.  ep.  18.  al.  22.  T.  4.  P.  ii.  p.  37.  Ad  Damas.  Pap.  ep.  14. 
al.  17.  p.  20.  et  ep.  30.  al.  50.  p.  237,  238.  240.  f.  Vid.  et  ad  Algas.  Qu.  vi. 
T.  iv.  P.  ii.  p.  198,  in.  al.  ep.  151. 

d  Nuper  sanctus  Ambrosius  sic  Hexaemeron  illius  compilavit,  ut  magis 
Hippolyti  sententias  Basiliique  sequeretur.  Ad  Pamm.  et  Ocean,  ep.  41.  al. 
65.  T.  iv.  p.  346. 

Habuit  Ambrosium,  cujas  pene  omnes  libri  hujus  sermonibus  pleni  sunt. 
Adv.  Ruf.  l.i.  p.  351'.  fin. 

Nemo  tibi  objicit,  quare  Origenem  interpretatus  es:  alioqui  Hilarius  et 
Ambrosius  hoc  crimine  tenebuntur :  sed,  quia  interpretatus  hoeretica,  praefa- 
tionis  tuae  laude  firmasti.  Ibid.  1.  ii.  p.  505.  in. 

«  St.  Ambroise,  art.  10.  T.  x. 

f  Plerique  enim,  quorum  auctor  Apelles,  sicut  habes  in  trigesimo  et  octavo 
tomo  ejus,  has  quaestiones  proponunt.  De  Parad.  cap.  vi.  T.  i.  p.  155.  F. 


AMBROSE,  Bishop  of  Milan.     A.  D.  374.  331 

had  in  the  public  transactions  of  his  time,  have  secured  him 
a  places  in  the  Greek  ecclesiastical  historians  :  not  to  in 
sist  on  Paulinus,  Rtifinus,  Augustine,  and  others  among  the 
Latins. 

II.  1.  Ambrose  quotes  much  the  generally  received  books 
of  the  Old  Testament,  particularly  theh  book  of  Ruth,  and 
the1  Canticles  :  which  last  he  quotes  very  often,  and  ex 
plains  largely. 

2.  He  ascribesk  to  Solomon  three  books  only,  the  Pro 
verbs,  the  Ecclesiastes,  and  the  Canticles. 

3.  He  likewise  quotes  often  the  apocryphal  books  of  the 
Old  Testament,  as 'Baruch,  Tobit,  the  Maccabees,  Eccle- 
siasticus,  Wisdom,  them  fourth  book  of  Esdras,  and  some 
times  with  marks  of  great  respect. 

4.  He  speaks  of  the  book  of  Tobit,  asn  a  prophetical 
book  ;  and  in  like  manner  of0  the  book  of  Wisdom,  and? 
Ecclesiasticus.     The  last-mentioned  book  he  has  quoted  asi 
a  part  of  the  divine  oracles.     He  quotes  it  also  asr  of  autho 
rity,  or  by  way  of  proof. 

5.  Once  at  least,  if  not  oftener,  he  has  quoted8  the  book 
of  Ecclesiasticus  as  Solomon's ;  though,  as  before  shown, 
he  ascribed  no  more  than  three  books  to  Solomon.     More- 

s  Vid.  Socr.  1  iv.  c.  30.     Soz.  1.  vii.  c.  25.     Thdrt.  ].  iv.  c.  7. 1. 5.  c.  18. 

h  In  Luc.  1.  iii.  T.  i.  p.  1326.  ter  quaterve.     Et  passim. 

1  Unde  et  Salomon  oraculum  divinum  secutus  scripsit  in  Canticis  Cantico- 
rum.  In  Ps.  118.  T.  i.  p.  986.  C.  Et  passim. 

k  Unde  et  Salomonis  tres  libri  ex  plurimis  videntur  elect! :  Ecclesiastes  de 
naturalibus,  Cantica  Canticorum  de  mysticis,  Proverbia  de  moralibus.  In 
Ps.  36.  Pr.  T.  i.  p.  777. 

Quid  etiam  tres  libri  Salomonis,  unus  de  Proverbiis,  alius  Ecclesiastes,  tertius 
de  Canticis  Canticorum,  nisi  trinae  hujus  ostendunt  nobis  sapientiae  sanctum 
Salomonem  fuisse  solertem  ?  In  Lucam,  Pr.  T.  i.  p.  1262.  A. 

1  In  Ps.  43.  T.  i.  p.  901.  In.  Ps.  118.  p.  1194.  E. 

m  Si  hinc  faciunt  quaestionem,  quod  creatum  Spiritum  dixit,  quia  creatur 
Spiritus  Esdras  docuit,  dicens  in  quarto  libro :  *  Et  in  die  secundo  iterum 
creasti  spiritum  firmamenti.'  [4  Esdr.  vi.  41.]  De  Sp.  S.  1.  ii.  c.  vi.  T.  ii.  p. 
643.  C.  D.  n  Lecto  prophetico  libro,  qui  inscribitur  Tobias,  &c. 

De  Tobia,  cap.  i.  T.  i.  p.  591.  B.  °  Prophets?  dicunt :  in 

lumine  tuo  videbimus  lumen.  [Ps.  xxxv.  10.  al.  xxxvi.  9.]  Prophetae  dicunt : 
*  Splendor  est  enim  lucis  aeternae,  et  speculum  sine  macula  Dei  majestatis,  et 
imago  bonitatis  illius.'  [Sap.  vii.  26.]  De  Fide,  1.  i.  c.  7.  T.  ii.  p.  453.  C. 

p  Prophetia  dicit :  '  Ettu  cumconsilio  omnia  fac.'  [Eccles.  xxxii.  19.]  In 
Ps.  xxxvi.  T.  i.  p.  808.  C. 

i  Proprietatis  autem  generationem  esse,  oracula  divina  declarant.  Dicit 
enim  Sapientia  Dei :  *  Ex  ore  Altissimi  prodivi.'  [Eccles.  xxiv.  3.]  De  Fide, 
1.  iv.  c.  8.  T.  ii.  p.  537.  A. 

r  testimoniis  scripturarum  docemur.  Siquidem  lectum  est.  [Eccles. 

ii.  5.]  In  Ps.  cxviii.  T.  i.  p.  1224.  E.  s  Pulchre  autem  istud 

exposuit  nobis  Salomon,  dicens :  *  Narratio  justi  semper  justitia.  Stultus 
autem  sicut  lima  mutatur.  [Eccles.  xxvii.  11.]  In  Ps.  xxxvi.  p.  807.  E. 


332;  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

over,  in  other  places1  he  ascribes  the  book  of  Ecclesiasticus 
to  Sirach.  Whyu  he  there  calls  it  Solomon's  is  not  certain  ; 
whether  because  it  was  so  called  by  many,  or  that  he  sup 
posed  Sirach's  collection  to  consist  very  much  of  thoughts 
and  observations  of  king  Solomon. 

6.  He  has  likewise  quoted  v  the  book  of  Wisdom  as  Solo 
mon's,  without  thinking  it  to  be  really  his ;  but,  probably, 
in  compliance  with  a  common  way  of  speaking,  as  it  was 
called   Solomon's  Wisdom  byw   many,  the  vulgar  sort  of 
people  especially. 

7.  However,  from  particulars  just  taken  notice  of,  it  ap 
pears,  that  Ambrose  has   quoted  the  apocryphal  books  of 
the  Old  Testament  with  tokens  of  great  respect. 

III.  1.  J  formerly x  transcribed  and  translated  Origen's 
observations  upon  St.  Luke's  preface,  or  introduction  to  his 
gospel,  both  the  Greek  and  the  Latin.  And  I  then  said, 
that  Ambrose  had  the  like  observations  in  his  explication  of 
the  beginning  of  St.  Luke's  gospel.  I  do  not  intend  to 
translate  him,  but  I  shall  transcribe  below y  the  passage 

1  Considera  ilium,  de  quo  ait  in  Ecclesiastico  Sirach.  De  interpell.  Job.  1.  i. 
c.  iii.  T.  i.  p.  627.  E. 

Nam  et  alibi  dixit  Sirach  Sapientia.     In  Ps.  cxviii.  p.  1135. 

u  Vid.  ib.  a  Benedictinis  annotata.  p.  807.  v  Quid  sit  scientia, 

doceat  te  Salomon,  qui  ait  de  Domino  nostro  :  'Ipse  enim  mihi  dedit  eorum 
quae  sunt  cognitionem  veram.'  [Sap.  vii.  17.]  In.  Ps.  cxviii.  p.  1082.  D. 

w  Alii  vero  duo  [libri]  quorum  unus  Sapientia,  alter  Ecclesiasticus  dicitur, 
propter  eloquii  nonnullam  similitudinem,  ut  Salomonis  dicantur,  obtinuit  con 
suetude.  Non  autem  esse  ipsius,  non  dubitant  doctiores.  Aug.  de  Civ.  Dei, 
1.  vii.  c.  20.  *  Vol.  ii.  p.  533,  534. 

y  Nam  sicut  multi  in  illo  populo  divino  infusi  spiritu  prophetarunt :  alii 
vero  prophetare  se  pollicebantur,  et  professionem  destituebant  mendacio: 
(erant  enim  pseudo-prophetae  potius  quam  prophetae,  sicut  Ananias,  films 
Azor,)  erat  autem  populi  gratia  discernere  spiritus,  ut  cognosceret  quos  referre 
deberet  in  numerum  prophetarum  :  quos  autem  quasi  bonus  nummularius 
improbaret,  in  quibus  materia  magis  corrupta  sorderet,  quam  veri  splendor 
luminis  resultaret :  sic  et  nunc  in  Novo  Testamento  multi  evangelia  scribere 
conati  sunt,  qua?  boni  nummularii  non  probarunt.  Unum  autem  tantummodo 
in  quatuor  libros  digestum  ex  omnibus  arbitrati  sunt  eligendum.  Et  aliud 
quidem  fertur  evangelium,  quod  duodecim  scripsisse  dicuntur.  Ausus  est 
etiam  Basilides  evangelium  scribere,  quod  dicitur  secundum  Basilidem.  Fertur 
etiam  aliud  evangelium,  quod  scribitur  secundum  Thomam.  Novi  aliud 
scriptum  secundum  Matthiam.  Legimus  aliqua,  ne  legantur.  Legimus,  ne 
ignoremus.  Legimus,  non  ut  teneamus,  sed  ut  repudiemus :  et  ut  sciamus, 
qualia  sint,  in  quibus  magnifici  isti  cor  exaltant  suum.  Sed  ecclesia,  cum 
quatuor  evangelii  libros  habeat,  per  universum  mundum  evangelistis  redundat. 
Hsereses,  cum  multa  habeant,  unum  non  habent. — '  Quoniam  multi,'  inquit, 
«  conati  sunt.'  Conati  utique  illi  sunt,  qui  implere  nequiverunt.  Ergo  multos 
ccepisse,  nee  implevisse,  etiam  sanctus  Lucas  testimonio  lucupletiore  testatur, 

dicens,  *  plurimos  esse  conatos' Non  conatus  est  Matthaeus,  non  conatus 

est  Marcus,  non  conatus  est  Joannes,  non  conatus  est  Lucas :  sed  divino  spiritu 
ubertatem  dictorum  rerumque  omnium  ministrante,  sine  ullo  molimine  com- 
plerunt.  Expos.  Ev.  Luc.  T.  i.  p.  1265,  1266. 


AMBROSE,  BisJiop  of  Milan.     A.  D.  374.  333 

very  much  at  large,  that  they  who  are  curious  may  with  the 
greater  ease  compare  all  together. 

2.  St.  Ambrose's  style  is  somewhat  more  prolix  and  ver 
bose  ;  but  I  suppose,  none  can  doubt  that  he  here  copied 
Orig'en,  though  he  does  not  mention  him:    a  proceeding, 
that  can  very  seldom  be  warrantable  in  authors  ;  and  in  this 
instance  it  appears  not  a  little  strange. 

3.  However,  it  is  fit  we  should  observe,  that  Ambrose 
rejects  the  gospel  according  to  the  Twelve,  the  gospels  ac 
cording  to  Basilides,  according  to  Thomas,  and  according 
to  Matthias.     And  says,  that  the  church  had  one  gospel  in 
four  books,  spread  all  over  the  world,  and  written  by  Mat 
thew,  Mark,  John,  and   Luke,  with  the  assistance  of  the 
Spirit  of  God. 

4.  He  elsewhere  likewise  says,  that2  there  is  one  gospel, 
and  four  books. 

5.  In  the  prologue  to  his  Exposition  of  St.  Luke's  gospel, 
he  mention*'  the  symbols  of  the  evangelists,  as  supposed  to 
be  represented  by  the  four  living  creatures  in  Rev.  iv.  7. 

6.  In  the  same  prologue,  like  many  others,  Ambrose1*  ad 
mires  the  transcendent  sublimity  of  the  beginning  of  St. 
John's  gospel  :  and  on  that  account  seems  to  give  him  the 
preference  above  the  other  three  evangelists :    though  he 
ascribes  also  great  wisdom  to  each  one  of  them.     In  an 
other  place  he  says,  thatc  the  beginning  of  St.  John's  gos 
pel  confuted  all  heresies,  particularly  Arianism,  Sabellianism, 
and  Manichaeism. 

7.  It  is  said,  thatd  Ambrose  is  the  first  Latin  who  wrote 

z  Sed  etiam  evangelium  unum  est,  et  quatuor  libros  esse  negare  non  possu- 
mus.  In  Ps.  xl.  T.  i.  p.  883.  B. 

a  Unde  etiam  ii  qui  quatuor  animalium  formas,  quae  in  Apocalypsi  reve- 
lantur,  quatuor  evangelii  libros  intelligendos  arbitrati  sunt,  hunc  librum  volunt 

vituli  specie  figured. Et  congruit  vitulo  hie  evangelii  liber,  qui  a  sacerdo- 

tibus  inchoavit. — Plerique  tamen  putant,  ipsum  Dominum  nostrum  in  quatuor 
evangelii  libris  quatuor  formis  animalium  figurari,  quod  idem  homo,  idem  leo, 
idem  vitulus,  idem  aquila  comprobatur.  Prolog,  in  Expos.  Luc.  n.  7,  8.  p. 
1264. 

b  Est  enim  vere  sapientia  naturalis  in  libro  evangelistae  [an  evangelii  ?] 
secundum  Joannem.  Nemo  enim,  audeo  dicere,  tanta  sublimitate  sapientiae 
majestatem  Dei  vidit,  et  nobis  proprio  sermone  reseravit.  Transcendit  nubes, 
transcendit  virtutes  coelorum,  transcendit  angelos,  et  Verbum  apud  Deum 
vidit.  Quis  autem  moralius  secundum  hominem  singula  persecutus,  quam 
sanctus  Matthaeus,  qui  edidit  nobis  praecepta  vivendi  ?  Quid  rationabilius  illo 
admirabili  copulate,  quam  quod  sanctus  Marcus  in  principio  statim  locandum 
putavit  ?  &c.  Ibid.  p.  1262,  1263. 

c  Omnes  autem  haereses  hoc  capitulo  brevi  piscator  noster  exclusit.  De 
Fide,  1.  i.  c.  8.  p.  454.  T.  ii. 

d  — quod  apud  Latinos  ipsius  tantum,  et  non  alterius  in  Lucam  commenta- 
rius  fertur.  Rufin.  Invectiv.  in  Hieron.  ap.  Hieron.  T.  iv.  p.  432. 


334  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

a  commentary  upon  St.  Luke's  gospel :  and  it  is  supposed 
to  have  been  written  in  the  year  386.  R.  Simon e  has  made 
remarks  upon  it. 

8.  The  book  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  is  very  often 
quoted   by  St.  Ambrose,  and  not  seldom  f  by  that   title  at 
length  :  and  its  is  ascribed  by  him  to  St.  Luke. 

9.  He  supposes11  St.  Luke  to  be  "  the  brother,"  intended 
by  St.  Paul,  2  Cor.  viii.  18,  "  whose  praise  is  in  the  gospel, 
throughout  all  the  churches." 

10.  This  Italian  bishop  received  fourteen  epistles  of  the 
apostle  Paul :  concerning  which  I  need  not  add  any  thing 
farther  in  particular,  than  that'    he  has  quoted  the  epistle 
to  the  Ephesians  expressly  with  that  inscription;  andk  that 
he  often  quotes  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  as  Paul's,  with 
out  hesitation. 

11.  He  frequently  quotes  the  first  epistle  of  Peter,  and 
the  first  epistle  of  John  ;  and  sometimes  as1  if  they  were  the 
only  epistles  of  those  apostles.     Nevertheless,  he  has  also 
(]uotedm  the  second  epistle  of  Peter. 

12.  In  the  Benedictine  edition  of  St.  Ambrose's  works  is 
put  a  reference  to  the  7th  verse  of  John's  second  epistle : 
but  then  quotation,  I  think,  better  suits  the  words  of  1  John 
iv.  3. 

e  Hist  Crit.  des  Commentateurs  du  N.  T.  ch.  14.  p.  206—209. 

f  Ut  legimus  in  Actibus  Apostolorum.     In  Ps.  xl.  n.  37.  T.  i.  p.  882. 

B  Et  adversum  apostolos  in  Actibus  eorum,  quod  seniores  Israel  convene- 
runt,  Petrus  sanctus,  et  Lucas  evangelista  testantur.  [Cap.  iv.  1,  et  seq.]  In 
Ps.  cxviii.  n.  14.  p.  1135. 

h  Denique  etiam  a  sancto  apostolo  Paulo  testimonium  meruit  diligentiae. 
Sic  enim  laudat  Lucam  :  '  Cujus  laus,'  inquit,  *  est  in  evangelic  per  omnes 
ecclesias.'  Expos.  Ev.  Luc.  1.  i.  n.  11.  p.  1269.  E. 

s  Sicut  et  apostolus,  scribens  ad  Ephesios,  ait.  De  Sp.  S.  1.  i.  c.  6.  T.  ii. 
p.  616.  C.  D. 

k  Ad  Hebraeos  scribens,  apostolus  dicit.     De  Sp.  S.  1.  iii.  c.  8.  p.  674.  F. 

Apostoli  illud  exemplum  est :  non  est  meum.  [Hebr.  i.  3.]  De  Fide,  1.  i. 
c.  13.  T.  ii.  p.  460.  A. 

}  Unde  praeclare  Petrus  de  Domino  Jesu  in  epistola  sua  posuit.  [1  Pet.  ii. 
23.]  In  Ps.  xxxvii.  n.  45.  T.  i.  p.  835. 

quia  caritas  est  Deus,  ut  dixit  Joannes  in  epistola.  In  Ps.  xxxviii.  n. 

10.  p.  846. 

Alibi  quoque  Joannes  in  epistola  sua  dicit.  De  Fide,  1.  i.  c.  8.  T.  ii. 
p.  454.  E. 

Accipe  tamen  quid  etiam  scripserit  evangelista  Joannes  in  epistola  sua  di- 
cens :  [1  Jo.  v.  20.]  De  Fide,  1.  i.  c.  17.  p.  467.  A.  B. 

m  Et  Petrus  vult  nos,  ut  legimus,  divinae  consortes  fieri  naturse.  [2  Pet.  i. 
4.]  De  Fide,  1.  i.  c.  19.  T.  ii.  p.  469.  C.  Vide  eund.  loc.  iterum  citat.  De 
Fide,  1.  5.  c.  14.  p.  583.  A.  et  de  Sp.  S.  1.  i.  c.  6.  p.  616.  F. 

Etiam  Petrus  sanctus  adseruit,  dicens  :  '  Quapropter  satagite,  fratres,  certam 
vestram  vocationem  et  electionem  facere,'  &c.  [2  Pet.  i.  10,  11.]  De  Fide, 
1.  iii.  c.  12.  p.  514.  A.  n  Omnis,  qui  negat  Jesum  Christum 

in  came  venisse,  de  Deo  non  est.  Expos.  Ev.  Luc.  T.  i.  p.  1337.  B. 


AMBROSE,  Bishop  of  Milan.     A.  D.  374.  335 

13.  Mill,  for  proving  that  Ambrose  received  the  epistle  of 
St.  James,  quotes0  a  book,  notP  generally  allowed  to  be  his. 
There  is  supposed  to  be  a  reference  ^  to  James  i.  14,  in  an 
acknowledged  work. 

14.  He  expressly  quotes  the  epistle  of r  Jude. 

15.  1  suppose  it  cannot  be  doubted,  that  he  received  all 
the  catholic  epistles. 

1G.  Ambrose  very  often  quotes  the  book  of  the  Revelation, 
and  ascribes  it s  to  John  the  apostle  and  evangelist. 

17.  Upon  the  whole,  we  see,  that  this  celebrated  bishop 
of  Milan,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  fourth  century,  received 
all  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  which  we  receive,  with 
out  any  other.  For  there  appears  not  in  his  works  any 
particular  regard  to  writings  of  Barnabas,  or  Clement, 
or  Ignatius,  or  to  the  Recognitions,  or  Constitutions.  From 
whence  we  may  reasonably  conclude,  that  these  just-men 
tioned  writings  were  not  esteemed  of  authority  by  himself, 
or  other  Christians  at  that  time. 

IV.  His  respect  for  the  sacred  scriptures  is  manifest. 
Ambrose  was  called  to  the  episcopate  from  a  secular  course 
of  life.  For  which  reason  he  begs  of  God,  to1  give  him  ap 
plication,  and  necessary  care  to  understand  the  scriptures. 
He11  proves  what  he  advances  by  texts  of  scripture,  and 
does  not  otherwise  expect  to  be  regarded.  And  v  he  sup- 
poseth  it  to  have  been  the  practice  of  Christians  in  ancient 
times,  to  form  their  belief  by  the  holy  scriptures.  Ambrose  w 
was  a  great  admirer  of  the  Psalms,  upon  divers  of  which  he 

0  Uncle — Ambrosius  Mediolani Tract,    de    Mansionibus    Filiorum 

Israel,  mansione  18  epistolam  Jacobi,  tanquam  apostoli,  citavit.    Mill.  Prole- 
gom.  n.  206.  P  Vid.  Benedictin.  Monitum.  T.  ii.  in  Append,  p.  1,  2. 

q  Vinculis  enim  peccatorum  suorura  unusquisque  constringitur,  sicut  ipse 
legisti.  In  Ps.  cxviii.  T.  i.  p.  1071.  B.  Vid.  Jac.  i.  14. 

r  cui  dictum  est  ab  angelo  Michaele  in  epistola  Judae  :  *  Imperet  tibi 

Dominus.'  [ver.  9.]  Exp.  Ev.  Luc.  T.  i.  p.  1393.  D. 

s  Et  ideo  fortassis  Joanni  evangelistae  ccelum  apertum  et  albus  equus  est 
demonstratus.  [Ap.  xix.  12—16.]  In  Ps.  xl.  p.  878.  A. 

Quomodo  igitur  ascendamus  ad  ccelum,  docet  evangelista,  qui  dicit. 

[Apoc.  xxi.  10.]  De  Virginitat.  cap.  14.  T.  ii.  p.  234.  D. 

1  Sed  tantummodo  intentionem  et  diligentiam  circa  scripturas  divinas  opto 
adsequi.     De  Offic.  Minist.  1.  i.  c.  1.  T.  i.  p.  3. 

u  Sed  nolo  argumento  credas,  sancte  Imperator,  et  nostrae  disputationi. 
Scripturas  interrogemus.  Interrogemus  apostolos,  interrogemus  prophetas, 
interrogemus  Christum.  De  Fide,  1.  i.  c.  6.  T.  ii.  p.  451.  C. 

Satis,  ut  arbitror,  libro  superiore,  sancte  Imperator, — scripturarum  lectioni- 
bus  approbavimus.  De  Fide,  1.  ii.  Prolog,  p.  471.  B. 

v  Sic  nempe  nostri  secundum  scripturas  dixerunt  patres.  De  Fide,  1.  i.  c. 
18.  p.  467.  C. 

w  Etenim  licet  omnis  scriptura  divina  Dei  gratiam  spiret,  prsecipue  tamen 
dulcis  Psalmorum  liber.  In  Ps.  i.  Prgef.  n.  iv.  T.  i.  p.  738. 


336  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

wrote  commentaries,  particularly  upon  thell9th  Psalm,  which 
are  generally  well  esteemed. 

V.  Divisions  of  scripture  found  in  him  are  such  as  these  : 
prophets  x  and  apostles,  Old  and  New  Testament :  the  y  pro 
phetical  and  evangelical  scriptures:  the2  law  and  the  pro 
phets,  agreeing  with  the  gospel :  the  a  gospel,  the  apostles, 
and  the  prophets. 

VI.  There  are  some  other  things  in  Ambrose,  which  may 
be  reckoned  worthy  of  notice. 

1.  He  quotes  b  Mark   xvi.  15.     Therefore  he  had  in  his 
copies  the  latter  part  of  that  chapter. 

2.  Ambrose0  had  in  his   copies  the  passage  concerning* 
the  adulterous  woman,  which  we  now  have  in  the  8th  chap 
ter  of  St.  John's  gospel. 

3.  He  quotes  2  Tim.  i.  14,  after  this  manner :  "  That d  good 
thing,  which  was   committed  unto  thee,  keep  by  the  Holy 
Ghost  which  is  given  to  us." 

4.  Hee   seems  not  to  have  had  the  heavenly  witnesses, 
in  his  copies  of  the  fifth  chapter  of  St.  John's  first  epistle. 

5.  He  f  speaks  of  various  readings  in  the  Latin  copies  of 
the  New  Testament :    some  of  which  likewise,  he  says,  had 
been  corrupted ;  and  he  appeals  to  the  original  Greek. 

x  Clamat  propheta  sempiternum,  clamat  et  apostolus  sempiternum.  Ple 
num  est  Vetus  Testamentum  testimoniis  Filii  sempitemi,  plenum  est  Novum. 
De  Fide,  1.  i.  c.  8.  T.  ii.  p.  454.  C. 

y  In  quo  nobis  propheticae  scripturae  et  evangelicae  suffragantur.  Expos. 
Luc.  1.  i.  p.  1277.  F. 

1  Lex  et  prophetse  cum  evangelic  congruentes.  De  Fide,  1.  i.  c.  13.  p. 
460.  D.  a  Cum  igitur  in  evangelic,  in  apostolo,  in  prophetis 

generationem  Christi  legerimus.  De  Fide,  1.  i.  c.  14.  p.  462.  D. 

5  Audivimus  enim  legi,  dicente  Domino :  '  Ite  in  orbem  universum,  et 
praedicate  evangelium  universal  creatures.'  De  Fide,  1.  i.  c.  14.  p.  461.  D. 

c  Vid.  ep.  25,  et  26.  T.  ii.  p.  892—894. 

d  Bonum  depositum  custodi  per  Spiritum  Sanctum,  qui  datus  est  nobis. 
Exp.  Ev.  Luc.  1.  i.  T.  i.  p.  1270.  A. 

e  Et  ideo  hi  tres  testes  unum  sunt,  sicut  Joannes  dicit :  '  Aqua,  sanguis,  et 
spiritus.'  Unum  in  mysterio,  non  in  natura.  Aqua  igitur  est  testis  sepulturae, 
Sanguis  testis  est  mortis,  Spiritus  testis  est  vitaB.  De  Sp.  S.  1.  i.  T.  ii.  c.  6. 
p.  616.  &c. 

Alibi  quoque  evangelista  :  *  Per  aquam,'  inquit,  *  et  Spiritum  venit  Christus 
Jesus,  non  solum  in  aqua,  sed  per  aquam  et  sanguinem.  Et  Spiritus  testimo- 
nium  dicit,  quoniam  Spiritus  est  veritas  :  quia  tres  sunt  testes,  Spiritus,  aqua, 
sanguis.  Et  hi  tres  unum  sunt.'  De-Sp.  S.  1.  iii.  c.  x.  al.  xi.  p.  678.  D. 

f  Quod  si  quis  de  Latinorum  codicum  varietate  contendit,  quorum  aliquos 
perfidi  falsa verunt,  Graces  inspiciat  codices,  et  advertat,  quia  ibi  scriptum  est : 
Oi  Hvevfiun  0£«  \arptvovrtg.  Quod  interpretatur  Latinus :  '  Qui  Spiritui  Dei 
servimus.'  De  Sp.  S.  1.  ii.  c.  x.  p.  642.  D.  Conf.  MUl.  et  Wolff,  ad  Philip. 
iii.  3. 


THE  PRISCILLIANISTS.     A.  D.  378.  337 

CHAP.  CVII. 

THE  PRISCILLIANISTS. 

I.  Jerom's  chapter  of  Priscillian.  II.  III.  Two  chapters 
more  of  Jerom  concerning  JLatronian  and  Tiberian,  fol 
lowers  of  Priscillian.  IV.  A  chapter  of  Isidore  of  Se 
ville  concerning  Idacius,  one  of  Priscillian' s  accusers. 
V.  The  time  of  the  rise  of  Priscillianism.  VI.  The 
history  of  Priscillian,  and  of  his  prosecution  and  execu 
tion  at  Treves,  together  with  divers  of  his  friends  and 
followers,  extracted  from  Sulpicius  Severus.  VII.  An 
apology  for  Priscillian  and  his  friends,  in  divers  remarks 
upon  that  extract.  VIII.  The  sentiments  of  the  Priscil- 
lianists  concerning  the  scriptures,  and  upon  other  points. 
IX.  Charges  of  falsehood  and  lewdness  brought  against 
them  by  Jerom  and  Augustine  considered.  X.  The  like 
in  pope  Leo.  XI.  An  article  of  Philaster  in  their  fa 
vour.  XII.  The  conclusion. 

I.  SAYS  Jerom,  '  Priscillian a  bishop  of  Abila,who  by  means 
'  of  the  faction  of  Hydatius  and  Ithacius  was  put  to  death 
'  at  Treves,  by  order  of  the  usurper  Maxiinus,  wrote  many 

*  small   pieces,  some  of  which  have  reached  us.     To  this 

*  day  he  is  accused  by  some,  as  having  been  of  the  Gnostic 
'  heresy,  holding  the  same  principles  with  Basilides  and 

*  Marcion,    mentioned   by    Irenoeus.     Others    defend    him, 

*  saying,  that  he  did  not  hold  the  opinions  imputed  to  him.' 

Jerom  here  says,  that  Priscillian  had  written  many  small 
pieces  :  and  he  seems  to  say  that  he  had  seen  some  of  them. 
I  do  not  recollect  any  thing  of  them  to  be  now  extant,  except 
some  passages  of  an  epistle  of  his  cited  by  Orosius  in  his 
Commonitorium,  or  Memoir,  sent  to  Augustine ;  and  they 
appear  not  a  little  obscure. 

II.  I  must  proceed  to  transcribe  the  two  following  chap 
ters  of  Jerom's  Catalogue,  as  nearly  connected  with*  the 
former,  and  because  they  will  be  of  use  to  us  hereafter. 

a  Priscillianus  Abilae  episcopus,  qui  factione  Hydatii  et  Ithacii  Treviris  a 
Maximo  tyranno  caesus  est,  edidit  multa  opuscula,  de  quibus  ad  nos  aliqua 
pervenerunt.  Hie  usque  hodie  a  nonnullis  Gnosticae,  id  est  Basilidis  et  Mar- 
cionis,  de  quibus  Irenaeus  scripsit,  haereseos  accusatur,  defendentibus  aliis,  non 
eum  ita  sensisse,  ut  arguitur.  De  V.  I.  cap.  121. 
VOL.  IV.  Z 


338  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

*  Latronian  of b  Spain,  a  learned  man,  and  for  his  poetical 

*  writings  fit  to  be  compared  with  the  ancients,  was  also 
'  put  to  death  at  Treves,  together  with  Priscillian,  Felicissi- 
4  inns,  Julian,  and   Euchrocia,  leaders  of  the  same  faction. 
'  The  monuments  of  his  wit  are  still  extant,  written  in  divers 

*  kinds  of  metre.' 

Jeroin  therefore  must  have  seen  likewise  some  of  the 
works  of  Latronian,  as  well  as  of  Priscillian,  though  none 
of  them  have  come  down  to  us. 

III.  *  Tiberianc   of  Bcetica,  accused  of  the  same  heresy 
with  Priscillian,  wrote  an  apology  for  himself  in  a  pompous 
and   laboured   style.     Afterwards,   when   his  friends   had 
been   put  to  death,  weary  of  his  exile,   he  changed   his 
mind,  and,  to  use  the  words  of  scripture,  "  the  dog   is 
returned  to  his  own  vomit  again,"  he  persuaded  his  daugh 
ter,  though  a  virgin  devoted  to  Christ,  to  enter  into  the 
state  of  marriage.' 

The  last  sentence  in  that  chapter  is  not  clear;  I  find  it 
differently  translated.  DuPin:d  *  After  the  death  of  his 
'  friends,  overcome  by  the  tiresomeness  of  a  long  exile,  he 
'  married  a  young  woman  consecrated  to  Christ.'  Tille- 
mont:  *  Ate  length,  he  was  weary  of  his  exile,  and  quitted 

*  the  party  which  he  had  embraced  :  but  falling  into  a  new 
1  fault,  (to  show  that  he  was  no  longer  a  Priscillianist,)  he 
'  married  his  daughter,  who  had  consecrated   her  virginity 

*  to  Christ.'     Some  would  have  it,  that  he  married  his  own 
daughter;  butf  surely  without  reason. 

IV.  As  Jerom  in  the  chapter  just  transcribed  speaks  of 
an  apology  written  by  Tiberian,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  add 
here  a  chapter  of  Isidore  of  Seville,  in  his  book  of  Eccle 
siastical    Writers,   concerning  Idacius,  one  of  Priscillian's 
accusers.     He  is  different  from  Ithacius  the  chronologer, 

h  Latronianus,  provinciae  Hispaniae,  valde  eruditus,  et  in  metrico  operc 
veteribus  componendus,  caesus  est  et  ipse  Treviris,  cum  Priscilliano,  Felicissi- 
mo,  Juliano,  Euchrocia,  ejusdem  factionis  auctoribus.  Exstant  ejus  ingenii 
opera  diversis  metris  edita.  Ib.  cap.  122. 

c  Tiberianus  Bceticus  scripsit  pro  suspicione,  qua  cum  Priscilliano  accusa- 
batur  haereseos,  Apologeticum  tumenti  compositoque  sermone.  Postea,  post 
suorum  caedem,  taedio  victus  exilii  mutavit  propositum,  et  juxta  sanctam 
scripturam,  canis  reversus  ad  vomitum  suum,  nliam,  devotam  Christi  virginem, 
matrimonio  copulavit.  Ib.  cap.  123.  d  Bib.  des  Aut.  EC.  T.  ii.  p.  241. 

e  II  se  lassa  enfin  de  son  exil,  et  quitta  le  parti  qu'il  avoit  embrasse.  Mais 
tombant  dans  une  nouvelle  faute,  (pour  montrer  qu'il  n'etoit  plus  Priscilli- 
aniste)  il  maria  sa  fille,  qui  avoit  consacre  sa  virginite  a  J.  C.  Les  Priscilli- 
anistes,  Art.  ix.  fin.  T.  viii. 

f  Matrimonio  copulavit.]  Id  est,  coe'git  ut  nuberet.  Sic  enim  explicat 
Sophronius,  ne  quis  accipiat  ilium  suam  ipsius  duxisse  nliam.  Erasmi  Scholion, 
ap.  Fabric.  Bib.  EC.  Vid.  ibid.  Mariani  et  aliorum  annotationes. 


THE  PRISCILLIANISTS.     A.  D.  378.  339 

who «  flourished  about  the  year  445,  though  S.  Basnage h 
speaks  of  the  chronologer  as  one  of  the  accusers  of  Pris- 
cillian.  However,  in  another  place1  he  speaks  of  him 
agreeably  to  the  present  sentiments  of  other  learned  moderns. 
Says  Isidore:  *  Idacius,k  a  Spanish  bishop,  wrote  a  book, 

*  which  was  a  sort  of  an  apology;  in  which  he  showed  the 

*  detestable  doctrines  of  Priscillian,  and  his  magical  arts,  and 

*  shameful  lewdness.     And  he  says,  that  one  Mark  of  Mem- 

*  phis,agreat  magician,  and  disciple  of  Manes, was  Priscillian's 
'  master.     This  Idacius,  together  with  the  bishop  Ursacius, 

*  on   account   of  the   death   of  Priscillian,   whose  accusers 

*  they   had   been,  was   deprived   of  the  communion  of  the 
'  church,  and  sent  into  banishment,  where  he  died   in  the 
'  time  of  Theodosius  the  elder  and  Valentinian.' 

So  writes  Isidore  of  Seville,  if  he  may  be  relied  upon. 
It  is  a  pity  that  Jeroin  did  not  give  an  account  of  this 
work,  if  Ithacius  or  Idacius  was  the  author  of  it.  Cave1 
supposes  Idacius,  bishop  of  Emerita,  to  be  meant  by  Isidore. 
Tillemont  thinks,111  that  Ithacius,  whom  Sulpicius  calls 
bishop  of  Sossuba,  was  the  author  of  this  book  :  which  to 
me  also  seems  more  probable  j  however  this  is  a  thing  of 
small  moment. 

V.  As  Priscillian  was  the  author  of  a  sect  in  the  fourth 
century,  which  made  a  great  noise  in  the  world,  and  sub 
sisted  a  good  while,  I  have  judged  it  not  improper  to  give 
a  distinct  account  of  him  and  his  followers. 

We  are  not  exactly  informed  of  the  time  of  the  rise  of 
this  sect.  Tillemont a  placeth  it  in  379:  and  it  must  be 

g  Idatius,  seu  Hydatius,  gente  Hispanus,  patria  Gallaecus,  domo  Lemicensis, 
— episcopus,  claruit  anno  445. — Obiit  anno  468,  vel  sequente,  admodum, 
grandaevus.  Scripsit  Chronicon  ab  anno  379,  ad  ann.  428, — idque  postea  ad 
annum  467  produxit.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  438.  Et  conf.  Pagi  ad  ann.  469. 
n.  v.  vi.  et  A.  431.  n.  Ixi.  Du  Pin.  T.  3.  P.  ii.  p.  232. 

h  Magni  quidem  in  ea  re  momenti  est  Idacii  auctoritas,  qui  de  miseri 
Priscilliani  accusatoribus  existimatur.  Ad  annum  vero  Theodosii  ix.  scribit 
in  Chronico. — S.  Basn.  ann.  386.  n.  xi.  Vid.  eund.  ad.  ann.  387.  n.  vi. 

1  Vid.  ann.  468.  n.  v.  k  Idacius,  Hispaniarum  episcopus, 

cognomento  et  eloquio  Clarus  scripsit,  quendam  librum  sub  Apologetic! 
specie:  in  quo  detestanda  Priscilliani  dogmata,  et  maleficiorum  ejus  artes, 
libidinumque  ejus  probra,  demonstrat :  ostendens,  Marcum  quendam  Mem- 
phiticum,  magiae  scientissimum,  discipulum  Manis  fuisse,  et  Priscilliani  ma- 
gistrum.  Hie  autem  cum  Ursacio  episcopo,  ob  necem  ejusdem  Priscilliani, 
cujus  accusatores  exstiterant,  ecclesiae  communione  privatus,  exilio  condemna- 
tur,  ibique  diem  ultimum  obiit,  Theodosio  majore  et  Valentiniano  regnanti- 
bus.  Isid.  De  Script.  EC.  cap.  2. 

1  Idacius  Clarus,  diversus  ab  Ithacio  episcopo  Sossubensi,  urbis  cujusdam, 
forsan  Emeritae,  episcopus,  claruit  anno  385.  II.  L.  T.  i.  p.  280. 

m  Les  Priscillianistes,  art.  13.  et  note  iv.  T.  viii. 

n  Ibid.  art.  3. 


340  -Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

owned,  that0  Prosper,  in  his  Chronicle,  speaks  of  it  under 
the  year  379,  when  Ausonius  and  Olybrius  were  consuls. 
Nevertheless,  he  needs  not  to  be  understood  to  say  precisely, 
that  in  that  year,  but  only  at  that  time,  or  about  that  time, 
appeared  the  heresy  of  Priscillianism.  And  I  think  we 
may  form  a  different  computation  :  a  council  was  called  at 
Saragossa  upon  occasion  of  it  in  380,  as  will  be  seen  pre 
sently ;  which  may  induce  us  to  think  it  first  appeared 
four  or  five  years  sooner,  perhaps  in  375  or  376:  for 
nothing"  gets  to  a  head,  and  becomes  formidable  at  once. 
However  I  have  dated  it  no  higher  than  378. 

VI.  Says  Sulpicius  Severus,  whom  I  now  intend  to 
transcribe  very  largely,  *  Mark,?  a  magician  of  Memphis 
'  in  Egypt,  coming  into  Spain,  perverted  Agape,  a  woman 
'  of  quality,  and  Elpidius,  the  rhetorician:  they  instructed 
'  Priscillian.5 

Whether  this  be  quite  right,  I  dare  not  take  upon  me  to 
determine;  for  Sulpicius,  who  mentions  these  particulars, 
had  just  before  said,  that^  the  origin  of  the  sect  was 
doubtful  and  obscure.  And  he  himself  more  than  once 
calls'"  Priscillian  the  author  of  it.  However  it  must  be 
owned,  that  Isidore  above  cited,  relates,  as  from  Ithacius, 
that  Mark,  a  magician  of  Memphis,  was  Priscillian's  master. 
And  Jerom  in  one  of  his  letters  says,  that8  Agape  taught 
Elpidius,  and  he  Priscillian. 

*  When1   this   sect    was  considerably  increased/    as  the 

0  Ea  tempestate  Priscillianus  episcopus  de  Gallicia  ex  Manichaeorum  et 
Gnosticorum  dogmate  haeresim  sui  nominis  condidit.    Prosp.  ap.  Seal.  Thes. 
p.  188.  P  Primus  earn  intra  Hispanias  Marcus  intulit, 
JEgypto  profectus,  Memphis  ortus.    Hujus  auditores  fuere  Agape,  qusedam  non 
ignobilis  mulier,  et  rhetor  Elpidius.     Ab  his  Priscillianus  est  institutus.    S. 
Sever.  Hist.  Sacr.  1.  ii.  cap.  46.  al.  61.  sub  in. 

q  Namque  turn  primum  infamis  ilia  Gnosticorum  haeresis  intra  Hispanias 
deprehensa.  Origo  istius  mali  oriens  ab  ^Egyptiis.  Sed  quibus  ibi  initiis 
coaluerit,  haud  facile  est  disserere.  Ib. 

r  Priscillianum — principem  malorum  omnium.  Id.  c.  47.  al.  63. 

Caeterum — non  repressa  est  haeresis,  quae  illo  auctore  proruperat.  cap.  51. 
al.  66. 

8  In  Hispaniis  Agape  Elpidium,  mulier  virum,  caecum  caeca,  duxit  in  foveam, 
successoremque  sui  habuit  Priscillianum.  Ad  Ctesiph.  ep.  43.  T.  iv.  p.  477. 

1  Is  ubi  doctrinam  exitiabilem  aggressus  est,  multos  nobilium,  pluresque 
populares,  auctoritate  persuadendi,  et  arte  blandiendi,  allicuit  in  societatem. 
Ad  hoc  mulieres  novarum  rerum  cupidae,  fluxa  fide,  et  ad  omnia  curioso 
ingenio,  catervatim  ad  eum  confluebant. — Jamque  paullatim  perfidiae  istius 
tabes  pleraque  Hispaniae  pervaserat.     Quin  et  nonnulli  episcoporum  depravati. 
Inter  quos  Instantius  et  Salvianus  Priscillianum  non  solum  consensione,  sed 
sub  quadam  etiam  conjuratione  susceperant.     Quo  Adyginus  [Hyginus]  epis 
copus  Cordubensis,  ex  vicino  agens,  comperto,  ad  Idatium  Emeritae  civitatis 
sacerdotem  refert.     Is  vero  sine  modo,  et  ultra  quam  oportuit,  Instantium 
sociosque  ejus  lacessens,  facem    quandam  nascenti  incendio   subdidit;  ut 


THE  PRISCILLIAN  ISTS.     A.  D.  378.  341 

historian  proceeds,  *  and  many  men  and  women,  some  of 
them  of  high  rank,  had  embraced  its  tenets,  and  several 
bishops,  particularly  Instantius  and  Salvianus,  had  de 
clared  in  favour  of  it ;  Hyginus,  bishop  of  Corduba,  in 
whose  neighbourhood  especially  it  prevailed,  gave  infor 
mation  of  it  to  Idacius  bishop  of  Emerita ;  who  immedi 
ately  engaged  in  the  affair,  and  acted  with  such  heat  and 
violence,  as  was  more  likely  to  exasperate  than  reclaim 
men.  Indeed  he  may  be  compared  to  a  man,  who  thrusts 
a  lighted  torch  into  combustible  matter. 
*  After  there  had  been  a  great  deal  of  contention,  and 
many  warm  disputes,  a  synod  was  convened  at  Saragossa 
[in  380]  ;  where  also  the  bishops  of  Aquitain  were  present, 
but  Priscillian  and  his  friends  refused  to  appear/  Possi 
bly,  because  they  had  already  had  experience  of  the  un 
equal  judgments  of  men;  or  because  they  were  determined 
to  follow  their  own  convictions.  *  Sentence  therefore  was 
passed  upon  them  in  their  absence.  In  that  sentence  were 
included  Instantius  and  Salvian,  bishops,  and  Elpidius 
and  Priscillian,  laymen.  It  was  added,  that  if  any  re 
ceived  the  condemned  persons  to  communion,  he  should 
be  liable  to  the  same  sentence.  And  it  was  ordered,  that 
Ithacius,  bishop  of  Sossuba,  should  notify  the  decrees  of 
the  council  to  others,  and  particularly  should  take  care, 
that  Hyginus  be  excommunicated :  who,  though  he  had 
first  informed  against  them,  had  since  received  the  heretics 
to  communion.  Hitherto  Priscillian  was  a  layman  ;  but 
now  Instantius  and  Salvian,  who  were  his  steady  friends, 
thought  it  best  to  make  him  bishop  of  Abila,  who  was  the 
'  chief  leader  of  the  sect.  After  this  Idacius  and  Ithacius, 

exasperaverit  malos,  potius  quam  compresserit.     Ibid.  cap.  46.  al.  cap.  61, 
et  62. 

Igitur  post  multa  inter  eos,  et  digna  memoratu  certamina,  apud  Qesarau- 
gustam  synodus  congregatur;  cui  turn  etiam  Aquitani  episcopi  interfuere- 
Verum  haeretici  committere  se  judicio  non  ausi:  in  absentes  turn  lata  sen- 
tentia,  damnatique  Instantius  et  Salvianus  episcopi,  Helpidius  et  Priscillianus 
laici.  Additum  etiam,  ut,  si  quis  damnatos  in  communionem  recepisset, 
sciret,  in  se  eandem  sententiam  promendam.  Atque  id  Ithacio  Sossubensi 
episcopo  negotium  datum,  ut  decretum  episcoporum  in  omnium  notitiarn 
deferret,  maximeque  Hyginum  extra  communionem  faceret ;  qui,  cum  primus 
omnium  insectari  palam  haereticos  coepisset,  postea  turpiter  depravatus  in  com 
munionem  eos  recipisset.  Interim  Instantius  et  Salvianus,  damnati  judicio 
sacerdotum,  Priscillianum  etiam  laicum,  sed  principem  malorum  omnium,  una 
secum  Caesaraugustana  Synodo  notatum,  ad  confirmandas  vires  suas  episcopum 
Lacinensi  oppido  constituunt ;  rati  nimirum,  si  hominem  acrem  et  callidum 
sacerdotali  auctoritate  armassent,  tutiores  fore  sese.  Turn  vero  Idacius  atque 
Ithacius  acrius  instare,  arbitrantes  posse  inter  initia  malum  comprimi :  sed 
parum  sanis  consiliis  seculares  judices  adeunt,  ut  eorum  decretis  atque  exsecu- 
tionibus  haeretici  urbibus  pellerentur.  Igitur  post  multa  et  foeda,  Idacio  sup- 


342  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

desirous  to  put  an  end  to  the  affair,  before  it  prevailed  too 
much,  imprudently  applied  to  the  secular  powers.  They 
therefore  went  to  the  emperor ;  and  presenting  requests 
unbecoming  the  episcopal  character,  they  obtained  a  re 
script  from  Gratian,  that  all  heretics  should  not  only  be 
excluded  from  the  churches,  and  from  the  cities  where 
they  dwelt,  but  from  the  whole  extent  of  the  Roman  em 
pire  ;  which  obliged  many  of  these  Gnostics  to  abscond, 
or  flee  from  the  usual  places  of  their  abode. 
'  In  this  extremity  Instantius,  Salvian,  and  Priscillian 
went  to  Rome,  in  order  to  clear  themselves  before  Dama- 
sus,  then  bishop  of  that  city,  of  the  charges  that  had  been 
brought  against  them.  In  their  journey  they  made  con 
verts  at  several  places.  When  they  came  to  Bourdeaux, 
Delphinus  the  bishop  would  not  suffer  them  to  make  any 
stay  there;  however,  they  were  entertained  at  the  country- 
seat  of  Euchrocia.' 

Here  the  historian,  whom  I  transcribe,  makes  reflections 
upon  their  manner  of  travelling  ;  they  having  women  in 
their  company,  particularly  Euchrocia,  wife  or  widow  of 
Elpidius,  and  her  daughter  Procula.  Concerning  whom 
too  it  was  said,  that  she  had  been  with  child  by  Priscillian, 
and  had  procured  an  abortion.  Indeed  such  a  way  of  tra 
velling  will  be  liable  to  some  censures,  though  people  be 
have  with  the  utmost  purity  and  sobriety.  But,  possibly, 
the  violent  proceedings  of  Ithacius  might  dispose  some  of 

plicante,  elicitur  a  Gratiano  turn  imperatore  rescriptum,  quo  universi  haeretici 
excedere  non  ecclesiis  tantum  et  urbibus,  sed  extra  omnes  terras  propelli  jube- 
bantur.  Quo  comperto,  Gnostic!  diffisi  rebus  suis,  non  ausi  judicio  cer- 
tare,  sponte  cessere,  qui  episcopi  videbantur.  Cseteros  metus  dispersit.  Ib. 
cap.  47.  al.  c.  62,  et  63. 

At  turn  Instantius,  Salvianus,  et  Priscillianus,  Romam  profecti,  ut  apud 
Damasum,  Urbis  ea  tempestate  episcopum,  objecta  purgarent.  Sed  iter  eis 
praeter  interiorem  Aquitaniam  fuit ;  ubi  dum  ab  imperitis  magnifice  suscepti, 
sparsere  perfidiae  semina.  Maximeque  Elusanam  plebem,  sane  tuni  bonam 
et  religioni  studentem,  pravis  praedicationibus  pervertere.  .  A  Burdigala  per 
Delphinum  repulsi,tamen  in  agro  Euchrociae  aliquantisper  morati,  infecere  non- 
nullos  suis  erroribus.  Inde  iter  coeptum  ingressi,  turpi  sane  pudibundoque 
comitatu,  cum  uxoribus,  atque  alienis  etiam  feminis,  in  quis  erat  Euchrocia, 
ac  filia  ejus  Procula:  de  qua  fuit  in  sermone  hominum,  Priscilliani  stupro 
gravidam,  partum  sibi  graminibus  abegisse.  Hi  ubi  Romam  pervenere, 
Damaso  se  purgare  cupientes,  ne  in  conspectum  quidem  ejus  admissi  sunt. 
Regressi  Mediolanum,  aeque  adversantem  sibi  Ambrosium  repererunt.  T-um 
vertere  consilia,  ut,  quia  duobus  episcopis,  quorum  ea  tempestate  summa 
auctoritas  erat,  non  illuserant,  largiendo  et  ambiendo  ab  imperatore  cupita 
extorquerent.  Ita  corrupto  Macedonio,  turn  Magistro  Officiorum,  rescriptum 
eliciunt,  quo,  calcatis  quae  prius  decreta  erant,  restitui  ecclesiis  jubebantur. 
Hoc  freti  Instantius  et  Priscillianus  repetivere  Hispanias.  Nam  Salvianus  in 
urbe  obierat.  Ac  turn  sine  ullo  certamine  ecclesias,  quibus  praefuerant,  rece- 
pere.  Ib.  cap.  48.  al.  c.  63,  et  64. 


THE  PRISCILLIANISTS.     A.  D.  378.  343 

Priscillian's  friends  to  accompany  him  in  this  journey,  as  the 
only  means  of  their  safety  ;  and  they  might  be  unwilling  to 
be  left  behind  at  that  season.  Euchrocia,  in  particular, 
whose  habitation  was  at  Bourdeaux,  or  near  it,  might  be 
under  some  apprehensions  from  Delphinus,  bishop  of  Bour 
deaux,  and  one  of  those  bishops  of  Aquitain,  who  was  pre 
sent  at  the  late  council  at  Saragossa,  and  had  joined  in  the 
sentence  of  condemnation  there  passed  upon  Priscillian  and 
his  adherents. 

'  When  they  came  to  Rome,  desirous  to  clear  themselves 
*  to  Damasus,  he  would  neither  hear  them  nor  see  them. 
'  From  thence  therefore  they  went  back  to  Milan  ;  but  nei 
ther  would  Ambrose  hear  their  apology.     Whereupon  they 
altered  their  design    of  trying  bishops,  and    applied   to 
court ;  where  they  obtained  a  repeal  of  the  fore-mentioned 
rescript  of  Gratian,  with  an  order,  that  they  should  be  re 
stored  to  their  churches.' 

Sulpicius  says,  that  this  was  owing  to  sums  of  money, 
wherewith  they  bribed  the  emperor's  officers.  Whether 
this  be  truly  said  or  not,  there  are  no  writings  of  Priscillian, 
or  his  friends,  remaining,  to  give  us  any  information.  But 
this  rescript  seems  to  have  continued  in  force  in  Spain 
throughout  the  reign  of  Gratian,  and  the  reigns  of  Theodo- 
sius  and  Valentinian,  to  the  time  ofu  Honorius  ;  for  we  find, 
from  the  first  council  of  Toledo,  in  400,  (of  which  more 
hereafter,)  that  the  Priscillianist  bishops  of  that  country 
were  then  in  possession  of  their  sees. 

*  Now  then  Instantius  and  Priscillian  returned  to  Spain, 
'  and  took  possession  of  their  churches  without  difficulty  ; 
'  but  Salvian  had  died  at  Rome.' 

'  Volventiusv  the  proconsul,  paying  a  due  regard  to  Gra- 
'  tian's  rescript,  favoured  them :  and  Ithacius,  who  still  had 
'  a  mind  to  be  troublesome,  was  checked,  and  was  in  danger 
'  of  being  taken  up,  as  a  disturber  of  the  peace  of  the 
'  churches ;  he  therefore  went  away  into  Gaul.'  Soon  after 

u  That  edict  of  Gratian  is  by  Baron  ius  esteemed  a  great  crime  :  for  which 
God  suffered  him  to  be  afterwards  assassinated  by  Maximus.  Immane  profecto 
piaculum,  quo  suggestione  Macedonii  Gratian  us,  princeps  maxime  pius,  ejus, 
quod  pie  sancteque  sanxerat,  praevaricator  est  factus.  Ex  quo  quidem  faci- 
nore  sibi  necem  comparavit.  Nam  ad  immane  scelus  vindicandum,  et  haere- 
ticos  libera  voluntate  indulgentia  Gratiani  vagantes  comprimendos,  atque 
digna  animadversione  plectendos,  suscitavit  adversus  eum  Deus  Maximum 
tyrannum,  qui  imperatori  necem  tulit,  et  in  principes  haereticorum  gladio 
animadvertit.  Baron.  Ann.  381.  n.  ex. 

v  Verum  Trachio  [Ithacio]  ad  resistendum  non  animus,  sed  facultas,  defuit : 
quia  haeretici,  corrupto  Volventio  proconsule,  vires  suas  confirmaverant. 
Quinetiam  Ithacius  ab  his  quasi  perturbatur  ecclesiarum  reus  postulatus,  jus- 
susque  per  atrocem  exsecutionem  deduci,  trepidus  profugit  in  Gallias. — Jam 


344  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

this,  Maximus,  a  Spaniard,  who  had  assumed  the  purple  in 
Britain,  invaded  Gaul,  and  also  became  master  of  Spain, 
and  had  Gratian  assassinated  in  August  or  September,  383. 
When  Maximus  made  his  public  entrance  at  Treves,  Itha- 
ci us  was  there ;  and  in  a  short  time  he  presented  to  the 
usurping*  emperor  a  petition  against  Priscillian  and  his 
adherents,  filled  with  invidious  charges  of  many  crimes. 
Whereupon  the  emperor  appointed  a  council  to  be  held  at 
Bourdeaux,  and  sent  orders  to  the  prsefect  of  Gaul,  and 
the  vicar  of  Spain,  to  take  care  that  all  persons  concerned 
should  appear  there.  Instantius  was  first  heard,  and  his 
defence  being  judged  invalid,  he  was  deposed.  Priscil- 

*  lian,  declining  the  judgment  of  the  bishops,  appealed  to 

*  the  emperor.' 

Priscillian  might  think  he  had  good  reason  to  decline  the 
judgment  of  the  synod  of  Bourdeaux  ;  for  as  much  as  Del- 
phinus  bishop  of  that  city  had  already  declared  against  him 
at  the  council  of  Saragossa.  This  council  of  Bourdeaux  was 
held  in  384,  or  rather  in  385. 

'  The  affair  was  now  brought  before  the  emperor :  and 

*  the  bishops  Idacius  and  Ithacius,  the  accusers,  were  very 
'  forward  to  appear.'     Here  Sulpicius  says,  *  he  would  not 
'  blame  their  zeal  against  heretics,  if  they  had  not  been  too 
'  intent  upon  victory  ;'   intimating,  I  think,  that  there  was 
somewhat  blamable  in  their  manner  of  proceeding.       He 
here  also  gives  a  very  indifferent  character  of  Ithacius,  which 
I  may  take  farther  notice  of  hereafter.     *  Martin  bishop  of 
'  Tours  had  occasion  to  come  to  Treves  at  this  time :  and  he 

*  did  not  cease  to  reprove  Ithacius,  and  to  charge  him  to 
'  give  over  the  prosecution  :  he  also  waited  on  the  emperor, 

rumor  incesserat,  Clementem  Maximum  intra  Britannias  sumsisse  imperium, 
ac  brevi  in  Gallias  erupturum.  Ita  turn  Ithacius  statuit,  licet  rebus  dubiis, 
novi  imperatoris  adventum  exspectare ;  interim  sibi  nihil  agitandum.  Igitur 
ubi  Maximus  oppidum  Trevirorum  victor  ingressus  est,  ingerit  preces  plenas 
in  Priscillianum  ac  socios  ejus  invidiae  atque  criminum.  Quibus  permotus 
imperator,  datis  ad  praefectum  Galliarum  atque  vicarium  Hispaniarum  literis, 
omnes  omnino,  quos  labes  ilia  involverat,  deduci  ad  Synodum  Burdegalensem 
jubet.  Ita  deducti  Instantius  et  Priscillianus :  quorum  Instantius  prior  jussus 
causam  dicere,  postquam  se  parum  expurgabat,  indignus  esse  episcopatu  pro- 
nuntiatus  est.  Priscillianus  vero,  ne  ab  episcopis  audiretur,  ad  principem 
provocavit.  Permissumque  id  nostrorum  inconstantia. — Cap.  49.  al.  c.  64. 

Ita  omnes,  quos  causa  involverat,  ad  regem  deducti.  Secuti  etiam  accusa- 
tores,  Idacius  et  Ithacius  episcopi;  quorum  studium  in  expugnandis  haereticis 

non  reprehenderem,  si  non  studio  vincendi  plus  quam  oportuit  certassent. 

Namque  turn  Martinus  apud  Treviros  constitutus,  non  desinebat  increpare 
Ithacium,  ut  ab  accusatione  desisteret ;  Maximum  orare,  ut  sanguine  infelicium 
abstineret;  satis  superque  sufficere,  ut  episcopali  sententia  hasretici  judicati 
ecclesiis  pellerentur  ;  novum  esse  et  inauditum  nefas,  ut  causam  ecclesiae  judex 
seculi  judicaret.  Denique,  quoad  usque  Martinus  Treviris  fuit,  dilata  cognitio 


THE  PRISCILLIANISTS.     A.  D.  378.  345 

*  and  entreated  him  not  to  touch  the  lives  of  these  unhappy 
4  men.     It  was  sufficient,  he  said,  and  more  than  sufficient, 

*  that  heretics  be  expelled  from  the  churches  by  the  autho- 

*  rity  of  bishops ;  but  it  was  a  new  and  unheard-of  thing-, 

*  that  a  secular  judge  should  take  cognizance  of  the  affairs 

*  of  the  church.     In  a  word,  as  long  as  Martin  was  at  Treves, 

*  the  hearing  was  deferred  :  and  when  he  was  going  away, 

*  with  a  resolution  that  can  never  be  too  much  commended,  he 

*  demanded  and  obtained  a  promise  from  the  emperor,  that 
'  nothing  should  be  done  to  affect  the  lives  of  those  persons. 
4  But  afterwards,  the  emperor  being  misled  by  the  bishops 

*  Magnus  and  Rufus,  and  diverted  by  them  from  the  milder 
4  counsels  first  resolved   upon,  referred   the  hearing  of  the 
4  cause   to  the  prsefect   Evodius,  a  man  of  a  morose  and 

*  severe  disposition.     There  were  two  hearings  of  the  cause 
4  before  him  :  and  Priscillian  being  convicted  of  practising 
4  magic,  and  not  denying  that  he  had  taught  obscene  doc- 

*  trines,  and  held  nocturnal  assemblies  with  lewd   women, 

*  and    been  wont    to    pray   naked    among    them;    Evodius 
4  pronounced  him  guilty,   and    put  him  into  custody,  till 
4  he    could    make  his    report  to  the  emperor.      When  the 
4  proceedings  at  the  trial  were  brought  to  the  palace,  the 
4  emperor  pronounced  sentence,  that  Priscillian  and  his  ad- 
4  herents  ought  to  be  put  to  death.' 

4  But  Ithacius,  perceiving  how  disagreeable  it  would  be  to 
4  the  bishops,  if  he  should  assist  at  the  last  proceedings 
4  against  men  who  were  to  receive  sentence  of  death,  (for 
4  the  cause  was  to  be  reheard,)  withdrew  himself  from  the 
4  hearing  :  though  to  no  purpose,  after  having  completed 

*  his  wicked  design.     Thereupon  Maximus  appointed   that 

*  Patricius,  an  advocate  of  the  treasury,  should  perform  the 
4  part  of  accuser.     Upon  his  motion  judgment  was  given, 

est.  Et  mox  discessurus,  egregia  auctoritale  a  Maximo  elicuit  sponsionem, 
nihil  cruentum  in  reos  constituendum.  Sed  postea  imperator  per  Magnum  et 
Rufum  episcopos  depravatus,  et  a  mitioribus  consiliis  deflexus,  causam  praefecto 
Evodio  permisit,  viro  acri  et  severo.  Qui  Priscillianum  gemino  judicio  audi- 
tum,  convictumque  maleficii,  nee  diffitentem  obsccenis  se  studuisse  doctrinis, 
nocturnes  etiam  turpium  feminarum  egisse  conventus,  nudumque  orare  solitum, 
nocenlem  pronuntiavit,  redegitque  in  custodiam  donee  ad  principem  referret. 
Gestis  ad  Palatium  delatis,  censuit  imperator,  Priscillianum  sociosque  ejus 
capitis  damnari  oportere.  Cap.  50.  al.  c.  64,  et  65. 

Caeterum  Ithacius  videns,  quam  invidiosum  sibi  apud  episcopos  foret,  si  ac- 
cusato  etiam  postremis  rerum  capitaliiun  judiciis  adstitisset,  (etenim  iterari 
judicium  necesse  erat,)  subtrahit  se  cognitioni,  frustra,  callido  jam  scelere  per- 
fecto.  At  turn  per  Maximum  accusator  adponitur  Patricius  quidam,  fisci  pa- 
tronus.  Ila  eo  insistente,  Priscillianus  capitis  damnatus  est,  unaque  cum  eo 
Felicissimus  et  Armenius,  qui  nuper  a  catholicis  clerici  Priscillianum  secuti, 
desciverant.  Latronianus  quoque  et  Euchrocia  gladio  peremti,  Instantius, 
quern  superius  ab  episcopis  damnatum  diximus,  in  Sylinam  insulam,  quae  ultra 


346  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

and  Priscillian  was  condemned  to  die ;  and  with  him 
Felicissimus  and  Armenius,  two  presbyters,  who  had  lately 
left  the  catholics  to  follow  Priscillian:  Latronian  also  and 
Euchrocia  were  put  to  death.  Instantius,  who,  as  before 
said,  had  been  condemned  by  the  bishops,  was  banished 
to  one  of  the  British  isles,  called  Sylina  [Scilly].  The 
sentences  passed  upon  the  rest  were  as  follows  :  Asarinus 
and  Aurelius,  deacons,  were  put  to  death  ;  Tiberian  was 
banished  to  the  island  Sylina,  and  his  goods  were  confis 
cated  ;  Tertullus,  Potamius,  and  John,  men  of  low  rank, 
and  thought  worthy  of  mercy  because  they  had  confessed 
their  own  fault,  and  informed  against  their  associates  be 
fore  they  were  put  to  the  question,  were  banished  for  a 

time  only,  and  within  the  limits  of  Gaul. Nevertheless, 

after  that  Priscillian  had  been  executed,  the  heresy  which 
sprang  from  him  was  not  suppressed,  but  was  rather  the 
more  confirmed,  and  farther  spread.  For  his  followers, 
who  before  honoured  him  as  a  holy  man,  afterwards  began 
to  respect  him  as  a  martyr.  The  bodies  of. those  who  had 
been  executed  were  carried  into  Spain,  and  there  interred 
with  much  solemnity :  and  to  swear  by  him  was  reckoned 
a  very  sacred  oath.  And  among"  our  people  (that  is,  the 
catholics  in  Gaul)  has  been  enkindled  an  irreconcileable 
war,  which  for  these  fifteen  years  past  has  been  carried 
on  with  fierce  contentions,  impossible  by  any  means  to  be 
composed.' 

Thus  I  have  carried  on  the  history  of  Priscillian,  and  his 
followers,  from  their  first  appearance  to  the  time  of  his  death, 
and  the  death  of  several  of  his  friends  with  him;  and  as  we 
have  the  advantage  of  a  contemporary  historian,  I  have  taken 
his  account  very  much  at  large. 

It  is  not  easy  to  say  exactly  the  time  of  these  events. 
Tillemont  w  thinks,  these  executions  were  made  at  Treves 
in  385:  Basnagex  not  till  387.  And  they  both  seem 

Britanniam  sita  est,  deportatus.  Itura  delude  in  reliquos  sequentibus  judiciis, 
daranatique  Asarinus  et  Aurelius  diaconi  gladio.  Tiberianus,  ademtis  bonis, 
in  Sylinam  insulam  datus.  Tertullus,  Potamius,  et  Joannes,  tanquam  viliores 
pcrsonae,  et  digni  misericord ia,  quia  ante  quaestionem  se  ac  socios  prodidissent, 

temporario  exilio  intra  Gallias  relegati. Caeterum  Priscilliano  occiso  non 

sol  urn  non  repressa  est  hseresis,  quae  illo  auctore  proruperat,  sed  confirmata, 
latius  propagata  est.  Namque  sectatores  ejus,  qui  eum  prius  ut  sanctum  hono- 
raverant,  postea  ut  martyrem  colere  co?perunt.  Peremtorum  corpora  ad  His- 
panias  relata,  magnisque  obsequiis  celebrata  eorum  funera.  Quin  et  jurare  per 
Priscillianum  summa  religio  putabatur.  Ac  inter  nostros  perpetuum  discor- 
diarum  bellum  exarserat :  quod,  jam  per  quindecim  annos  fcedis  dissensionibus 
agitatum,  nullo  modo  sopiri  poterat.  Cap.  51.  al.  c.  65,  et  66. 

"  Les  Priscillianistes,  art.  ix.  et  note  x. 

x  Ann.  386.  n.  xi.  et  387.  n.  vi. 


THE  PRISCILLIANISTS.     A.  D.  378.  347 

to  argue  plausibly.  Oilier  learned  men?  are  for  the  year 
386. 

VII.  May  it  not  be  proper  for  us  now  to  make  some  re 
marks,  and  try  whether  we  can  form  a  reasonable  judg 
ment  concerning  the  innocence  or  the  guilt  of  Priscillian 
and  his  followers?  And  I  think,  we  may  for  the  present  take 
little  notice  of  the  charge  of  magic,  few  of  us  now-a-days 
knowing  what  it  means :  and  perhaps  in  old  times,  when 
the  charge  of  magical  practices  was  more  common,  many 
who  talked  about  it,  had  no  distinct  notion  of  it.  Moreover, 
the  charge  of  magic  has  been  so  often  found,  upon  exami 
nation,  to  be  false  and  malicious,  that  of  late  little  regard 
is  had  to  it :  we  may  therefore  dismiss  that  part  of  the  ac 
cusation  as  frivolous  and  insignificant,  and  confine  our  ob 
servations  to  other  things,  such  as  the  obscene  doctrines,  and 
indecent  actions,  which  Priscillian,  in  particular,  was  charg 
ed  with.  And  it  is  likely,  that  many  considerations  may 
offer  themselves  tending  to  vindicate  him,  and  show  the 
innocence  of  his  followers. 

I.  And  first  of  all,  it  is  not  unlikely,  that  the  calling  them 
by  the  name  of  Gnostics,  and  their  being  said  to  resemble 
the  Manichees,  was  one  ground  of  the  charges  brought 
against  them.  The  Manichees  were  in  disrepute :  to  the 
Gnostics  in  general  almost  every  kind  of  impurity  was  as 
cribed.  When  once  these  men  were  called  Manichees, 
many  would  impute  to  them  all  the  supposed  erroneous  prin 
ciples  and  evil  practices  of  that  sect,  and  believe  that  they 
were  really  guilty  of  them.  Sulpicius,  entering  upon  the 
history  of  what  related  to  them  in  his  time,  says,  itz  was  a 
Gnostic  heresy  ;  and  again  in  the  course  of  his  narration  a 
he  calls  them  Gnostics.  It  was  commonly  said,  that  the 
Prisciliianist  doctrine  was  brought  into  Spain  by  Mark  of 
Memphis,  said  to  be  a  disciple  of  Manes.  Maximus,  the 
emperor,  in  his  letter  to  Syricitis  bishop  of  Rome,  endeavour 
ing  to  justify  himself  in  putting  them  to  death,  calls  them  b 
Manichees.  And  if  it  be  not  improper  to  allege  here  later 
writers,  Jerom  says,  they  c  were  a  branch  of  the  Manichees, 

y  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  De  Priscilliano. 

z  Namque  turn  primum  infamis  ilia  Gnosticorum  haeresis  intra  Hispanias 
deprehensa.  H.  S.  L.  ii.  c.  46.  in. 

a  Quo  comperto,  Gnostici  diffisi  rebus  snis,  &c.  cap.  47.  fin. 

b  Caeterum  quid  adhuc  proxime  proditum  sit  Manichaeos  sceleris  admittere, 
non  argumentis,  neque  suspicionibus  dubiis  vel  incertis,  sed  ipsorum  confes- 
sione  inter  judicia — tua  sanctitas — cognoscat.  Ap.  Baron.  Ann.  387.  n.  Ixvi. 

c  Priscillianus  in  Hispania  pars  Manichaei — Qui  quidem  partem  habent 
Gnosticae  haereseos,  de  Basilidis  impietate  venientem.  Ad  Ctes.  ep.  43.  T. 
iv.  p.  476. 


348  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

Gnostics,  and  Basil  id  ians.  How  their  agreement,  or  sup 
posed  agreement,  with  the  Manichees,  was  improved  against 
them,  to  their  prejudice,  is  evident  from  Poped  Leo; 
whose  manner  of  insinuating  the  worst  things  against  them, 
upon  that  account,  must,  I  think,  appear  offensive  to  all  can 
did  persons. 

2.  Another  thing  that  deserves  consideration,  is  the  cha 
racter  of  the  persons  who  were  accused,  and  suffered  in  the 
time  of  Maximus,  and  were  the  leaders  of  the  sect. 

(1.)  Priscillian,  ase  Sulpicius  says,  was  of  a  noble  family, 
rich,  ingenious,  always  in  action,  eloquent,  learned,  and  a 
good  disputant,  having  read  a  great  deal.  He  had  a  happy 
genius,  if  it  had  not  been  perverted  ;  for  he  had  many  good 
qualities  both  of  body  and  mind:  he  slept  little,  and  was 
very  sparing  in  his  diet,  disinterested  and  moderate,  spending 
little  upon  himself.  Moreover,  he  had  a  modesty  of  counte 
nance  and  behaviour,  which  gained  him  the  esteem  and 
respect  of  many. 

It  is  not  likely,  that  such  a  man  should  teach  lewd  doc 
trines,  and  pray  naked  among  lewd  women.  Indeed,  it  is 
also  said  of  him,  thatf  he  was  proud  and  conceited  of  his 
learning;  nevertheless,  I  do  not  perceive  how  pride  should 
lead  a  man  into  scandalous  indecencies :  it  would  rather 
secure  him  against  all  such  things. 

There  is  therefore  no  good  reason  to  believe  (hat  account: 
if  he  confessed  such  things,  it  was  upon  the  rack  ;  for  it  is 
very  probable,  that  he  was  tortured.  Sulpicius  is  a  very 
concise  writer,  and  does  not  say  it  expressly  of  Priscillian ; 
but  there  can  be  no  doubt  made,  but  the  torture  was  used 
at  this  trial  :  for  he  says  of  Tertullus  and  two  others,  that 
they  *  made  confession  before  they  were  put  upon  the  rack,' 
as  we  saw  just  now.  Tillemonts  also  infers  this  from  some 

€l  Sequentes  dogmata  Cerdonis  atque  Marcionis,  et  cognatis  suis  Manichaeis 
per  omnia  consonantes.  Leo.  ep.  15.  c.  4. 

Faciunt  hoc  Priscillianistae,  faciunt  Manichaei,  quorum  cum  istis  tarn  fcede- 
rata  sunt  corda,  ut  solis  nominibus  discreti,  sacrifices  autem  suis  inveniantur 
uniti.  Ibid.  c.  16.  et  passim. 

e  Ab  his  Priscillianus  est  institutus,  familia  nobilis,  praedives  opibus,  acer, 
inquies,  facundus,  multa  lectione  eruditus,  disserendi  ac  disputandi  promtissi- 
mus.  Felix  profecto,  si  non  pravo  studio  corrupisset  optimum  ingenium. 
Prorsus  in  eo  animi  et  corporis  bona  cerneres.  Vigilare  multum,  famem  et 

sitim  ferre  poterat,  habendi  minime  cupidus,  utendi  parcissimus. Quippe 

humilitas  speciem  ore  et  habitu  praetendens  honorem  sui  et  reverentiam  cunctis 
injecerat.  Ib.  cap.  46. 

f  Sed  idem  vanissimus,  et  plus  justo  inflatior  profanarum  rerum  scientia ; 
quin  et  magicas  artes  ab  adolescentia  eum  exercuisse  creditum  est.  cap.  46.  p. 
280.  K  II  semble,  selon  Pacatus,  que  1'  on  ait  employe  les 

tourmens  et  la  question  pour  examiner  cette  affaire,  et  que  cela  soit  fait  en 


THE  PRISCILLIANISTS.     A.  D.  378.  349 

things  said  by  Pacatus.  But  forced  confessions  are  often 
false.  However,  of  this  some  farther  notice  may  be  taken 
hereafter. 

(2.)  Another  of  the  sufferers  is  Euchrocia,  widow  of 
Elpidius:  she  too  was  beheaded,  or  otherwise  put  to  death 
with  Priscillian,  as  we  have  seen  in  Sulpicius.  Of  her 
Pacatus  says  in  his  Panegyric:  *  Whath  were  the  crimes, 

*  for  which  the  widow  of  an  illustrious  poet  was  dragged  to 

*  punishment  with  a  hook?  She  had  no  other  fault,  but  that 

*  of  being  too  religious,  and  worshipping  the  Deity   with 

*  more  than   common   zeal.'     Euchrocia's  moral  character 
therefore  was  unblemished  :  she  had  no  other  fault,  but  that 
she  was  a  Priscillianist. 

Ausonius  celebrating  Elpidius  among  the  other  pro 
fessors  of  Bourdeaux,  of  whom  he  had  been  one,  commends 
his  eloquence,  and  says,  '  he1  was  happy  in  dying  before 

*  he  reached  old  age,  as  he  was  not  witness  to  the  violent 
'  death   of  his  wife,  nor  the   fault  of  his  daughter.'     By 
which  we  perceive,  that  the  story  told  of  Procula  by  Sul 
picius  was  common.     Nevertheless  it  might  not  be  true  : 
it  might  be  only  common  report,  as  the  expressions  of  Sul 
picius11  seems  to  imply  ;  for  such  stories,  when  once  raised 
concerning  some  persons,  can  never  be  dropt  or  forgotten. 
And  that  it  was  not  true,  may  be  argued  from  the  character 
of  Euchrocia,  and  from  her  continued  respect  for  Priscillian; 
to  which  may  be  added,  that,  if  our  historians  say  right, 
Elpidius  likewise  had  been  a  favourer  of  Priscillian,  and 
even  his  master.    And  it  may  be  reckoned  very  improbable, 
that  Elpidius  should  either  instil  into  Priscillian  lewd  prin 
ciples,  or  receive  them  from  him. 

(3.)  Another  put  to  death  with  Priscillian  was  Latronian, 
or  Matronian  ;  of  whom  Jerom  writes,  as  before  quoted,  that 
he  was  a  learned  man,  and  for  his  poetical  works  worthy 
to  be  compared  with  the  ancients.  It  is  not  likely  that 

presence   meme  des  Eveques  accusateurs.      Les  Priscillianistes,  Art.  ix.  T. 

viii. cum  gemitus  et  tormenta  miserorum  auribus  ac  luminibus  hausis- 

sent.  Pacat.  Paneg.  cap.  29.  h  Sed  nimirum  graves  suberant, 

invidiosaeque  causae,  ut  unco  ad  pcenam  clari  vatis  matrona  raperetur.  Ob- 
jiciebatur  enim,  atque  etiam  exprobabatur  mulieri  viduae  nimia  religio,  et 
diligcntius  culta  Divinitas.  Pacat.  Paneg.  c.  29. 

'  Facunde,  docte,  lingua  et  ingenio  celer. 

Minus  malorum  munere  expertus  Dei, 

Medio  quod  aevi  raptus  es  : 
Errore  quod  non  deviantis  filiae, 
Pcenaque  laesus  conjugis. 

Auson.  Profess,  n.  v. 
k  De  qua  fuit  in  sermone  hominum,  Priscilliani  stupro  gravidam. 


350  Credibility  of  tlie  Gospel  History. 

Latronian  should  be  an  associate  with  any  man  in  such 
things  as  were  laid  to  the  charge  of  Priscillian. 

(4.)  Beside  these,  several  others  suffered  at  this  time  ; 
Felicissimus  and  Armenius,  presbyters;  Asarinus  and  Au- 
relius,  deacons;  these  were  put  to  death;  Instantius  and 
Tiberian  were  banished.  Of  all  whom  we  know  nothing- 
amiss,  but  that  they  were  followers  or  friends  of  Priscillian. 

(5.)  Among  whom  there  were  likewise  many  others  of 
rank  and  quality,  and  several  bishops,  particularly  Salvian, 
who  died  at  Rome.  And  I  think  it  is  very  observable,  that 
Hyginus  of  Corduba,  who  first  sent  informations  against 
them  to  Idacius  bishop  of  Emerita,  afterwards  entertained  a 
favourable  opinion  of  them,  and  received  them  to  commu 
nion.  For  which  too  he  was  soon  after  deposed  and  ex 
communicated  by  the  council  of  Saragossa,  in  380,  or  381. 
I  can  conceive  no  reason  for  this  alteration  of  his  conduct, 
but  that  he  now  embraced  their  principles,  as  right  and 
true ;  or  had  found,  that  they  were  not  so  absurd  and  un 
reasonable,  as  he  once  supposed  them  to  be;  and  therefore 
he  disliked  the  heat  and  violence  with  which  Idacius  and 
others  prosecuted  those  who  held  them ;  and  the  better  to 
secure  them  from  the  hard  treatment  of  others,  he  received 
them  to  communion. 

(6.)  Beside  the  numbers,  and  the  rank  and  quality  of  the 
followers  or  friends  of  Priscillian,  their  good  character  in 
general  is  another  thing  very  much  in  his  favour.  Tiberian's 
daughter  had  devoted  herself  to  virginity,  whilst  he  was  a 
Priscillianist;  and  to  show  that  he  had  altered  his  mind, 
he  induced  her  to  enter  into  the  state  of  marriage :  which 
seems  to  show,  that  these  people  were  rather  of  an  austere, 
than  a  loose  kind  of  life.  Sulpicius  in  his  account  of  Pris- 
cillian's  journey  through  Aquitain  to  Rome,  with  the  bishops 
Instantius  and  Salvian,  says,  they 1  perverted  many  of  the 
people  of  Elusa,  which  were  a  good  sort  of  people,  and 
much  devoted  to  religious  exercises. 

After"1  the  executions  before  mentioned,  the  emperor 
Maximus,  at  the  instigation  of  the  bishops  whom  he  had 
about  him,  gave  a  commission  to  some  tribunes  with  power 

1  — Sparsere  perfidiae  semina:  maximeque  Elusanam  plebem,  sane  turn 
bonam  et  religion!  studentem,  pravis  praedicationibus  pervertere.  H.  S.  1.  ii. 
cap.  48.  sub  in.  al.  cap.  63. 

71  Et  jam  pridie  imperator  ex  eorum  sententia  decreverat,  tribunes  summa 
potestate  armatos  ad  Hispanias  mittere,  qui  haereticos  inquirerent,  deprehensis 
vitam  et  bona  adimerent.  Nee  dubium  erat,  quin  sanctorum  etiam  maximam 
turbam  tempestas  ista  depopulatura  esset,  parvo  discrimine  inter  hominum 
genera.  Etenim  turn  solis  oculis  judicabatur,  cum  quis  pallore  potius,  aut 
veste  quam  fide  haereticus  sestimaretur.  Dial.  3.  cap.  xi. 


THE  PRISCILLIANISTS.     A.  D.  378.  351 

of  the  sword  to  go  into  Spain,  to  make  inquiry  after  these 
heretics,    and    to    confiscate  their  goods,  or  put  to    death 
such  as   should  be  apprehended.      This  Martin  earnestly 
opposed,  dreading  the   consequences,  and   at  length  pre 
vented    it.     *  Nor  can  there  be  any  question   made,'  says 
Sulpicius,  *  that  if  the  commission  had  proceeded,  it  would 
have  been  fatal  to  multitudes  of  good  men.     For  at  that 
time   little   regard  was  had  to  men's  real   characters:  if 
a  man   looked  pale,  or  was  modest  in  his  garb,  it  was 
reckoned  a  mark  of  heresy,  and  sufficient  to  cast  him, 
without  making   any   particular    inquiry   concerning    his 
faith.'     In    another    place    Sulpicius    says,    that11    if  the 
bishop  Martin  had  not  put  a  stop   to  that  commission,  it 
would  have  been  the  ruin  of  the  churches  in  Spain. 

(7.)  The  good  opinion,  which  such  men  had  of  Priscillian 
to  the  last,  wipes  off  all  suspicion  of  lewd  practices  in  him: 
for  how  was  it  possible  that  they  should  honour  him  as  an 
holy  man  when  living,  or  respect  him  as  a  martyr  when  dead, 
who  had  been  wont  to  pray  naked  among  lewd  women  ! 

3.  There  are  some  circumstances  to  be  observed,  which 
appear  to  be  in  favour  of  Priscillian  and  his  friends.  After 
they  had  been  condemned  in  the  council  of  Saragossa,  in 
380,  or  381,  and  after  an  edict  had  been  obtained  from 
Gratian,  to  the  prejudice  of  all  called  heretics ;  Instantius 
and  Salvian  and  Priscillian  went  into  Italy,  first  to  Damasus 
at  Rome,  and  then  to  Ambrose  at  Milan,  to  apologize  for 
themselves;  which  seems  to  imply,  that  they  were  not 
conscious  of  any  very  notorious  misconduct,  and  that  they 
hoped  to  be  able  to  justify  themselves  before  those  emi 
nent  bishops.  And  though  they  did  not  obtain  a  hearing, 
they  did  not  despond  :  but  with  a  consciousness  of  their 
innocence,  as  it  seems,  applied  to  Gratian,  and  procured  a 
repeal  of  the  former  edict  against  them,  which  had  been 
given  at  the  request  of  Idacius  and  Ithacius ;  and  they  ob 
tained  from  the  emperor  a  new  edict,  whereby  they  were 
restored  to  their  churches.  And  whatever  Sulpicius  may 
say  of  the  methods  by  which  this  new  rescript  was  obtained, 
it  remained  in  force  throughout  the  reigns  of  Theodosius 
and  Valentinian  to  the  time  of  Honorius  and  Arcadius  :  for 
the  Priscillianists  were  in  possession  of  their  churches  when 
the  council  of  Toledo  met,  in  the  year  400,  as  may  appear 
hereafter. 

What  I  would  now  argue  from  hence  is,  that  when  Pris 
cillian  and  Instantius  applied  to  Gratian  for  a  repeal  of  the 

11  Dummodo  ut  et  tribuni  jam  in  excidium  ecclesiarum  ad  Hispa- 

nias  missi  retraherentur.  Dialog.  3.  cap.  xiii. 


352  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

former  rescript,  and  obtained  a  new  rescript  for  restoring 
them  and  their  friends  to  their  churches,  the  odious  and  in 
famous  doctrines  and  actions,  afterwards  alleged  against 
Priscillian  at  his  trial,  were  not  generally  known  to  the  ca 
tholics,  or  not  believed  by  them  :  for  if  they  had,  a  rescript 
would  not  have  been  granted  to  restore  them  to  their 
churches.  I  think  likewise,  that  it  may  be  argued,  that  the 
infamous  charges  against  Priscillian  and  others  were  not 
universally  credited,  even  after  their  execution  ;  for  if  they 
had,  some  care  would  have  been  taken  about  the  repeal  of 
this  new  rescript,  before  the  year  400. 

Another  thing,  which  may  be  reckoned  a  circumstance  in 
their  favour,  is,  that  Tiberian  of  Beetica  wrote  an  Apology 
for  himself  and  his  sect:  but  no  apology  can  be  made  for 
the  things  laid  to  the  charge  of  Priscillian,  if  true.  It  is 
likely,  therefore,  that  the  design  of  that  work  was  to  show 
his  own,  and  his  friends'  innocence.  Evil  things  were  laid 
to  their  charge  by  some  ;  and  others  admitted  suspicions  of 
them :  he  endeavoured  to  show,  that  those  suspicions  were 
unreasonable. 

4.  In  the  next  place  let  us  observe,  who  were  accusers,  and 
what  was  the  management  of  the  prosecution.  Says  Sulpi- 
cius,  entering'  upon  the  account  of  this  affair,  when0  it  was 
brought  before  Maximus  :  '  I  should  not  blame  the  zeal  of 
'  the  bishops  Idacius  and  Ithacius  against  heretics,  if  they 
'  had  not  been  too  intent  upon  victory  :  and  therefore  in  my 

*  opinion,  both  accusers  and  accused  were  to  blame.     As 

*  for  Ithacius, he  was  a  man  of  no  honour,  and  had  no  regard 

*  to  right  or  wrong.     He  was  audacious,  impudent,  proud, 

*  extravagant  in  his  expenses,  and   indulged  himself  to  a 
4  great  degree  in  eating  and  drinking.     At  length  he  pro- 
4  ceeded  to  such  excess  of  folly  that  he  was  ready  to  charge 

*  all  good  men  as  associates  or  disciples  of  Priscillian,  who 
'  were  studious  in  reading,  and  practised  fasting.     Yea,  this 

*  wretch  had  the  assurance  to  charge  the  bishop  Martin 

*  with   heresy,   a  man   who  might  be  compared  with   the 

*  apostles !' 

0  Ita  omnes,  quos  causa  involverat,  ad  regem  deduct!.  Secuti  etiam  accu- 
satores  Idacius  et  Ithacius  episcopi ;  quorum  studium  in  expugnandis  haereticis 
non  reprehenderem,  si  non  studio  vinceudi  plus  quam  oportuit  certassent.  Ac 
mea  quidem  sententia  est,  mihi  tarn  reos  quam  accusatores  displicere.  Certe 
Ithacium  nihil  pensi,  nihil  sancti,  habuisse  definio.  Fuitenim  audax,  loquax, 
impudens,  sumtuosus,  ventri  et  gulae  plurimum  impertiens.  Hie  stultitiae  eo 
usque  processerat,  ut  omnes  etiam  sanctos  viros,  quibus  aut  studium  inerat  lec- 
tionis,  aut  propositum  erat  certare  jejuniis,  tanquam  Priscilliani  socios  aut  dis- 
cipulos,  in  crimen  arcesseret.  Ausus  etiam  miser  est  ea  tempestate  Martino 
episcopo,  viro  plane  apostolis  conferendo,  palam  objectare  haeresis  infamiam. 
Cap.  50.  sub.  in. 


THE  PRISCILLIANISTS.     A.  D.  378.  353 

5.  This  was  the  chief  prosecutor :  and  as  for  the  manner 
of  the  prosecution,  there  are  many  thing's  said  by  Sulpicius 
in  his  account  of  this  affair,  which  show  the  earnestness  with 
which  it   was   carried  on,  from  the  beginning*  to  the  end. 
When  Hyginus  bishop  of  Corduba  had   given  Idacius  of 
Emerita  some  information  concerning  these  people, Sulpicius 
says,  that   '  Idacius   presently   acted  with  such   heat   and 
'  violence,  as   was  more  likely  to  exasperate  than  reclaim 
'  men:  that  he  was  like  a  man  who  thrusts  a  lighted  torch 

*  into   combustible  matter.'      Sulpicius  afterwards  blames 
Idacius  and  Ithacius  for  going  to  the  court  of  Gratian,  and 
'  presenting  there  requests  unbecoming  the  episcopal  charac- 

*  ter,'  whereby  they  obtained  an  edict  against  all  heretics. 
He  also  says,  that  when  Ithacius  first  applied  to  Maximus 
at  Treves,  he  '  presented  a  petition  against  Priscillian  P  and 
'  his  adherents,  filled  with  invidious  charges  of  many  crimes.' 
In  these  last  expressions  especially, and  in  several  expressions 
made  use  of  in  the  characters  of  Idacius  and  Ithacius  just 
transcribed  ;  that  *  they  were  too  intent  upon  victory  ; '  that 

*  Ithacius  had  no  regard  to  right  or  wrong,'  and  that  he  was 
'  audacious  and  impudent : '  I  think  it  is  intimated,  that 
Ithacius  (and  perhaps  Idacius  likewise)  told  lies  against 
Priscillian  and  his  adherents.     And  it  seems  to  me,  that 
about  this  time  were  forged  those  charges  of  infamous  doc 
trines  and  actions,  which  brought  on  their  execution. 

Beside  all  this,  we  have  perceived,  that  the  question  was 
used  in  the  trial  of  these  persons  before  the  prsefect  Evodius. 
But  there  is  no  relying  upon  confessions  extorted  in  that  way : 
the  accused  might  be  thereby  compelled  to  speak  against 
their  own  conviction,  and  be  made  to  say  all  their  accusers 
wanted  them  to  say. 

There  is  one  thing  mentioned  by  Sulpicius,  which  very 
much  disparages  the  evidence,  upon  which  these  unhappy 
men  were  convicted.  '  Tertullus,  Potamion,  and  John,  men 

*  of  low  condition,  were  judged  worthy  of  mercy,  because 
'  they  had  confessed  their  own  crimes,  and  discovered  their 
'  associates,  before  they  were  put  to  the  question.'     These, 
so  far  as  we  can  perceive,  were  the  only  witnesses,  beside 
the  accusers  ;    persons  of  low   condition,   who   had  been 
among  the  followers  of  Priscillian,  and  would  say  any  thing 
to  save  themselves  from  the  torture,  or  other  punishment, 
which  the  circumstances  of  things  made  them  apprehen 
sive  of. 

6.  We  cannot  forbear  to  observe,  who  were  the  judges; 

P  Ingerit  preces  plenas  in  Priscillian  urn  ac  socios  ejusinvidiae  atque  crimi- 
num.  Cap.  49.  p.  287. 

VOL.  IV.  2    A 


354  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

the  supreme  judge  was  the  usurping  emperor  Maximus^ 
who  was  a  man  of  a  severe  temper ;  and  when  he  came  into 
Gaul,  was  elated  with  the  successes  of  a  civil  war.  Again, 
it  is  said  of  him,  thatr  he  had  many  good  properties,  but 
was  of  a  severe  temper,  and  was  covetous,  and  at  this  time 
in  want  of  money ;  and  therefore,  as  may  be  supposed,  too 
willing  to  seize  the  estates  of  those  who  were  decried  as 
heretics.  For  which  reason  there  was  danger  of  involving 
many  good  men,  and  of  easily  admitting  evidence  against 
those  who  were  brought  into  suspicion ;  Sulpicius  assures 
us,  that  such  things  were  then  said  by  many.  And  if  the 
emperor  was  not  of  himself  covetous,  his  circumstances  at 
that  time  rendered  him  necessitous  ;  which  could  not  but 
have  some  influence  upon  his  counsels  with  regard  to  divers 
matters. 

Then  Evodius,  the  prsefect  of  the  prcetorium,  before  whom 
the  cause  of  Priscillian  and  his  friends  was  heard,  was  of  a 
rigid  and  severe  temper,  as  before  mentioned. 

7.  Finally,  let  us  observe  the  judgments  of  men  at  that 
time  concerning  this  affair.  And  I  think  it  must  have  been 
already  taken  notice  of  in  the  process  of  this  history,  that 
all  did  not  approve  of  these  proceedings.  However,  it  may 
be  worth  the  while  to  be  a  little  more  particular;  and  then, 
possibly,  we  may  perceive  that  there  \vere  many  who  dis 
liked  them,  and  condemned  them. 

(1.)  Martin,  bishop  of  Tours,  generally  allowed  to  be  an 
understanding  and  holy  man,  very  much  disliked  these  pro 
ceedings.  Whilst  the  cause  was  depending,  '  he  said,  it 
'  was  sufficient,  and  more  than  sufficient,  that  those  men,  if 
'  convicted  of  being  heretics,  should  be  condemned  by 
'  bishops,  and  cast  out  of  the  churches/  He  blamed  Itha- 
cius,  and  efirnestly  charged  him  to  give  over  the  prosecution 
before  the  emperor :  and  he  interceded  with  Maximus, 
'  that  the  lives  of  those  men  might  not  be  touched.' 

The  conduct  of  Ithacius,  and  some  others,  who  had  been 
active  in  this  affair,  being  censured  by  some,  there  was  a 

q  — Imperatorem  Maximum,  ferocis  ingenii  virum,  et  bellorum  civilium 
victoria  elatum.  Sulp.  de  Vit.  Martin,  c.  xx.  p.  337. 

r  Maximus  imperator,  alias  sane  bonus,  depravatus  consiliis  sacerdotum. 
S.  Sev.  Dialog.  3.  c.  xi.  p.  495. 

Virum  primo  die,  atque  altero,  suspendit  hominem  [Martinum]  callidus 
imperator,  sive  ut  rei  pondus  imponeret,  sive  quia  nimis  sibi  implacabilis  erat, 
seu  quia,  ut  plerique  turn  arbitrabantur,  avaritia  repugnabat ;  siquidem  in  bona 
eorum  inhiaverat.  Fertur  enim  ille  vir  multis  bonisque  artibus  praeditus, 
adversus  avaritiam  parum  consuluisse :  nisi  forte  regni  necessitate,  quippe  ex- 
hausto  superioribus  principibus  ei  publics  aerario,  pene  semper  in  expeditione 
atque  procinctu  bellorum  civilium  constitute,  facile  excusabitur,  quibuslibet 
occasionibus  subsidia  imperio  paravisse.  Ibid.  p.  498. 


THE  PBISCILLIANISTS.     A.  D.  378.  355 

synod  of  bishops  at  Treves,  in  387,  as  "Basnage  supposes, 
in  which  their  behaviour  was  examined.  The  sentence,  as 
may  be  well  supposed,  was  in  his  favour  :  he  was  acquitted. 
One  bishop  however  there  was,  Theognostus  by  name,  who 
had  the  generosity  openly  to  declare  against  mm,  and  re 
fused  to  communicate  with  him  and  the  other  bishops  his 
favourers. 

At1  this  time  Martin  had  occasion  to  come  to  Treves,  to 
intercede  with  Maximus  for  the  lives  of  some  officers,  now 
in  his  custody,  who  had  acted  with  great  zeal  in  the  service 
of  their  master  Gratian.  He  was  very  unwilling  to  com 
municate  with  Ithacius,  and  the  bishops  who  sided  with 
him.  However,  he  complied  at  last,  upon  these  two  con 
ditions,  that  the  lives  of  the  officers  for  whom  he  interceded 
should  be  spared,  and  that  the  tribunes,  sent  to  Spain  to  try 
heretics  there,  should  be  recalled.  And  though  his  com 
munion  with  them  was  but  for  a  day  only,  as  soon  as  he 
was  got  out  of  Treves,  in  his  way  home,  he  humbled  him 
self  for  what  he  had  done. 

Some  expressions  of  Sulpicius,  relating  to  Martin's  con 
cern  to  prevent  the  tribunes  going  to  Spain  to  try  heretics, 
appear  very  remarkable.  '  Theu  bishop  Martin  had  several 

s  Ann.  387.  n.  vii. 

1  Interea  episcopi,  quorum  communionera  Martinus  non  inibat,  trepidi  ad 
regem  concurrunt,  praedamnatos  se  consequerentes,  actum  esse  de  suo  omnium 
statu,  si  Theognosti  pertinaciam,  qui  eos  solus  palam  lata  sententia  condemna- 

verat,  Martini  armaret  auctoritas. Sed  ille,  licet  episcopis  nimio  favore 

esset  obnoxius alia  longe  via  Sanctum  vincere  parat.  Ac  primo  secreto 

accersitum  blande  appellat :  haereticos  jure  damnatos  more  judiciorum  publi- 
corum,  potius  quam  insectationibus  sacerdotum  :  non  esse  causam,  qua  Ithacii, 
caeterorumque  partis  ejus  communionem  putaret  esse  damnandam  :  Theog- 
nostum  odio  potius,  quam  caussa,  fecisse  discidiunx:  eundemque  tamen  solum 
esse,  qui  se  a  communione  interim  separarit :  a  reliquis  nihil  novatum.  Quin- 
etiam  ante  paucos  dies  habita  synodum  Ithacium  pronuntiaverat  culpa  non 
teneri.  Quibus  cum  Martinus  parum  moveretur,  rex  ira  accenditur,  ac  se  de 
conspectu  ejus  abripuit.  Ex  mox  percussores  his,  pro  quibus  rogaverat,  diri- 
guntur.  Dialog.  3.  c.  12. 

Quod  ubi  Martino  compertum  jam  noctis  lempore  est,  palatium  inrupit. 
Spondet,  si  parceretur,  se  communicaturum ;  dummodo  ut  et  tribuni  jam  in 
excidium  ecclesiarum  in  Hispanias  missi  retraherentur.  Nee  mora  intercessit. 
Maximus  indulget  omnia.  Postridie  Felicis  episcopi  ordinatio  parabatur, 
sanctissimi  sane  viri,  et  plane  digni  qui  meliore  tempore  sacerdos  fieret.  Hujus 
diei  communionem  Martinus  iniit,  satius  aestimans  ad  horam  cedere,  quam  his 
non  consulere,  quorum  cervicibus  gladius  imminebat.  Verum  tamen  summa 
vi  episcopis  nitentibus,  ut  communionem  illam  subscriptione  firmaret,  extor- 
queri  non  potuit.  Postero  die  se  inde  proripiens,  cum  revertens  in  via  moestus 
ingemisceret,  se  vel  ad  horam  noxioe  communioni  fuisse  permixtum.  Ib.  c.  xiii. 
u  Postridie  palatium  petit.  Procter  multas,  quas  evolvere  longum  est,  has 
principals  petitiones  habebat:  pro  Narsete  Comite,  et  Leucadio  prseside, 
quorum  ambo  Gratiani  partium  erant,  pertinacioribus  studiis,  quae  non  est 

<i      A      * 


356  Credibility  oftiie  Gospel  History. 

petitions,'  he  says,  '  to  ask  of  Maximus,  when  he  was  ad 
mitted  into  his  presence.     Beside  others,  he  was  to  inter 
cede  for  the  Count  Narses,  and   the  president  Leucadius, 
who  had  exerted  themselves  for  Gratian.     But  his  principal 
care  was,  that  tribunes   might  not  be  sent   to  Spain  with 
power  of  the  sword.     For  it  was  the  kind  concern  of  Mar 
tin,  not  only  to  save  the  catholics,  who  were  in  great  dan 
ger  to  be  harassed  thereby,  but  the  heretics  also.'     Which 
is  a  strong  testimony  to  the  iniquity  of  the  proceedings  of 
those  times.     Tt  also  shows,    I  think,  that  neither  Martin, 
nor  the  historian  Sulpicius,  supposed  the  followers  of  Pris- 
cillian  to  be  guilty  of  the  things  laid  to  their  charge  by  Itha- 
cius  and  his  friends. 

(2.)  In  386  or  387  v   Ambrose,  bishop  of  Milan,  was  sent 
ambassador  to  Maximus  by  Valentinian  the  younger.     When 
he  was  at  Treves,  he  refused  to  communicate  with  the  bishops 
there.     In   his   letter  to  the  emperor  Valentinian  he  says : 
Maximus  seeing  w  that  I  separated  myself  from  the  bishops 
of  his  communion,  who  also  solicited   the  death  of  certain 
persons  who  erred  from  the  faith,  in   great  anger  bid  me 
depart  immediately;  which  I  was  not  unwilling  to  do.     I 
was  more  concerned  to  see  them  sending  into  banishment 
the  bishop  Hyginus,  an  old  man  who  had  nothing  left  but 
the  last   breath.     And  when  I  desired  his  courtiers  not  to 
send  away  the  old  man  without  clothing,  and  other  neces 
saries,  I  was  sent  away  myself.'     All  that  Ambrose  says, 
therefore,  of  the  Priscillianists  is,  that  they  *  erred  from  the 
1  faith.'     And  it  is  plain,  he  did  not  approve  of  putting  them 
to  death.     And  if  this  be  Hyginus,  bishop  of  Corbuda,  as  is 

temporis  explicare,  iram  victoris  meriti.  Ilia  praecipua  cura,  ne  tribuni  cum 
jure  gladiorum  ad  Hispanias  mitterentur.  Pia  enim  erat  solicitude  Martino, 
ut  non  solum  christianos,  qui  sub  ilia  erant  occasione  vexandi,  sed  ipsos  etiam 
haereticos  liberaret.  Dial.  3.  c.  xi. 

v  Tillemont  (Les  Priscillianistes,  note  x.)  allows,  that  Ambrose  was  at 
Treves  in  387  :  he  says,  that  the  execution  of  the  Priscillianists  was  then  over. 
But  Basnage,  an.  387.  n.  vi.  (who  also  says  that  Ambrose  was  with  Maximus  in 
387,)  thinks  it  plain  that  the  executions  were  still  depending.  Which  affords 
a  strong  argument,  that  Priscillian  was  not  put  to  death  before  387.  Undoubt 
edly  Sulpicius  knew  the  time  very  well  j  and,  in  the  year  400,  speaks  of  its 
being  then  fifteen  years  since  that  event :  but  fifteen  may  be  used  by  him  as  a 
round  number,  and  be  equivalent  to  thirteen  or  fourteen. 

w  Postea,  cum  videret  me  abstinere  ab  episcopis,  qui  communicabant  ei,  vel 
qui  aliquos,  devios  licet  a  fide,  ad  necem  petebant ;  commotus  eis  jussit  me 
sine  mora  regredi.  Ego  vero  libenter,  etsi  me  plerique  insidias  evasurum  non 
credebant,  ingressus  sum  iter :  hoc  solo  dolore  percitus,  quod  Hyginum  epis- 
copum  senem  inexilium  duci  comperi,  cui  nihil  jam  nisi  extremus  superesset 
spiritus.  Cum  de  eo  convenirem  comites  ejus,  ne  sine  veste,  sine  plumario, 
paterentur  extrudi  senem  extrusus  ipse  sum.  Ambros.  Epist.  cl.  i.  24.  T.  ii. 
p.  891. 


THE  PRISCILLIANISTS.     A.  D.  378.  357 

generally  supposed,  can  it  be  imagined,  that  such  a  feeble 
old  bishop  should  countenance  the  lewd  conduct  and  prin 
ciples,  which  were  by  some  ascribed  to  Priscillian?  No,  for 
certain  he  knew  not  of  any  such  things  taught  and  practised 
by  Priscillian,  or  his  followers  ;  if  he  had,  he  would  not  have 
favoured  them.  And  do  we  not  here  also  evidently  see  the 
cruelty  of  the  courtiers  of  Maximus,  and  of  the  bishops,  by 
whom  he  was  influenced? 

(3.)  Pacatus,  a  heathen,  and  therefore  a  disinterested  man, 
of  Gaul,  and  therefore  well  acquainted  with  these  transac 
tions,  in  his  Panegyric  pronounced  at  Rome  in  the  presence 
of  Theodosius  the  emperor,  and  the  senate,  in  389,  about  a 
year  after  the  death  of  Maximus,  among  other  instances  of 
his  mal-administrations,  reckons  this,  of  which  he  speaks  in 
this  manner:  'But*  why  do  I  stay  to  recount  the  deaths  of 
'  so  many  men,  when  their  cruelty  was  such  as  to  spill  the 
'  blood  of  women?  For  they  practised  the  utmost  rigour 

*  toward    a  sex  that   is  usually  spared   even  in  war.     And 
«  what  were  the  causes  of  this   barbarity  ?    What  were  the 

*  crimes  for  which  the  widow    of  an   illustrious  poet  was 
'  dragged   to  punishment  with  a  hook?   She  had  no  other 

*  fault,  but  that  of  being  too  religious,  and  too  exact  in  the 
'  worship  of  the  Deity.     And  is  it  not  fit,  that  these  should 

*  be  the  greatest  crimes,  when  bishops  become  accusers?  for 
'  these  were  the  informers  in  that  affair,  bishops  by  name,  but 

*  indeed  dragoons  and  executioners:  who  not  content  with 
'  having'  spoiled  unhappy  men  of  the  estates  of  their  ances- 
'  tors,  sought  also  their  lives;  and  when  they  had  made  them 
'  poor,  loaded  them  with  crimes,  that  they  might   put  them 

*  to  death  :'  and   what   follows,  which  I  transcribe  below 
without  translating.     For  here  is  enough   to  show,  that  he 
did  not  think  the  charges  brought  against  Priscillian   and 

x  De  virorum  mortibus  loquor,  cum  descensum  recorder  ad  sanguinem 
feminarum,  et  in  sexum,  cui  bella  parcunt,  non  parce  saevitum  ?  Sed  nimirum 
graves  suberant,  invidiosaeque  causae,  ut  unco  ad  poenam  clari  vatis  matrona 
raperetur.  Objiciebatur  enim,  atque  etiam  exprobabatur  mulieri  viduae  nimia 
religio,  et  diligentius  culta  Divinitas.  Quid  hoc  majus  poterat  intendere  ac- 
cusator  sacerdos  ?  Fuit  enim  fuit  et  hoc  delatorum  genus,  qui  nominibus 
antistites,  revera  autem  satellites,  atque  adeo  caraifices,  non  contenti  miseros 
avitis  evolvisse  patrimoniis,  calumniabantur  in  sanguinem,  et  vitas  premebant 
reorum,  jam  pauperum.  Quinetiam  cum  judiciis  capital ibus  astitissent,  cum 
gemitus  et  tormenta  miserorum  auribus  ac  luminibus  hausissent,  cum  lictorum 
arma,  cum  damnatorum  fraena  tractassent,  pollutas  pcenali  manus  contactu  ad 
sacra  referebant,  et  caeremonias,  quas  incestaverant  mentibus,  etiam  corporibus 
impiabant.  Hos  ille  Phalaris  in  amicis  habebat ;  hi  in  oculis  ejus,  atque  etiam 
in  osculis  erant :  nee  injuria,  a  quibus  totsimul  votiva  veniebant  avarodivitum 
bona,  cruento  innocentium  pcena,  impio  religionis  injuria.  Pacat.  Paneg. 
Theod.  cap.  29. 


358  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

his  followers  to  be  true.  Moreover,  lie  afterwards  calls 
them  innocent  men;  and  speaks  of  the  covetousness  of  Max- 
imus,  as  what  disposed  him  to  receive  informations  against 
men,  that  he  might  seize  their  estates.  And  what  Pacatus 
says  in  the  presence  of  Theodosius,  and  his  court,  may  be 
supposed  to  be  approved  by  them.  Tillemont  here  observes, 
that  y  Pacatus  was  a  heathen,  and  in  what  he  says  of 
Euchrocia,  he  only  has  an  eye  to  the  exterior  profession 
which  the  Priscillianists  made,  of  a  very  austere  and  retired 
course  of  life.  Very  right.  This  was  their  profession. 
Therefore  their  master  had  not  taught  them  obscene  doc 
trines,  nor  set  them  an  example  of  extravagant  indecency, 
by  frequently  praying  naked  with  lewd  women. 

(4.)  After  the  executions  were  over,  Ithacius2  was  often 
blamed  in  conversation  ;  and  to  excuse  himself  he  would 
say,  that  he  had  acted  according  to  the  direction  of  others: 
wnich  is  not  unlikely.  And a  it  looks  as  if  Sulpicius  could 
have  named  some  of  them;  but  he  judged  it  more  prudent 
not  to  do  so. 

(5.)  When  Maximus  had  been  put  to  death  in  388,  Itha 
cius  and  his  party  lost  their  principal  support ;  and  Ithacius 
was  soon  afterwards  deposed.  Prosper  in  his  Chronicle, 
at  the  year  next  after  that  in  which  Maximus  lost  his  life, 
says,  *  that  Ithaciusb  and  Ursacius  were  deprived  of  the 
'  communion  of  the  church,  on  account  of  the  death  of  Pris- 
4  cillian,  whose  accusers  they  had  been/  And  Isidore  of 
Seville,  as  before  quoted,0  says,  that  Idacius,  together  with 
Ursacius,  was  deprived  of  the  communion  of  the  church, 
and  sent  into  banishment,  where  he  died.  But  Sulpicius 
says,  that d  Ithacius  was  the  only  bishop  that  was  deposed 

y  C'est  un  Payen  qui  parle,  et  qui  ne  s'  arreste  qu'  a  la  professions  exterieure 
que  faisoient  les  Priscillianistes  d'une  vie  plus  austere,  et  plus  retiree.  Les 
Priscill.  Art.  x.  T.  viii. 

z  Quod  initio  jure  judiciorurn  et  egregio  publico  defensum,  postea  Ithacius 
in  jurgiis  solitus,  ad  postremum  convictus,  in  eos  retorquebat,  quorum  id 
mandate  et  consiliis  effecerat.  H.  S.  1.  ii.  c.  51.  p.  391. 

a  Maximus  imperator,  alias  sane  bonus,  depravatus  consiliis  sacerdotum, 
post  Priscilliani  necem,  Ithacium  episcopum,  Priscilliani  accusatorem,  caete- 
rosque  illius  socios,  quos  nominari  non  est  necesse,  vi  regia  tuebatur,  ne  quis 
ei  crimini  daret,  opera  illius  cujuscumque  modi  hominem  fuisse  damnatum. 

Congregati  apud  Treviros  episcopi  tenebantur,  qui  quotidie  communi- 

cantes  Ithacio  communem  sibi  caussam  fecerant.  Dial.  3.  cap.  xi.  in. 

b  Ithacius  et  Ursacius  episcopi  ob  necem  Priscilliani,  cujus  accusatores 
fuerant,  ecclesiae  communione  privantur.  Prosp.  p.  389.  Ap.  Scalig.  Thes. 
Temp.  c  See  note  %  p.  498. 

d  ad  postremum  convictus,  in  eos  retorquebat,  quorum  id  mandate 

et  consiliis  effecerat.  Solus  tamen  omnium  episcopatu  detrusus.  Nardacius, 
[f.  Nam  Idacius,  *  Vorst.']  licet  minus  nocens,  sponte  se  episcopatu  abdica- 


THE  PRISCILLIANISTS.     A.  D.  378.  359 

upon  this  account.    He  adds, '  Nardacius,  though  less  guilty, 

*  of  his  own  accord  resigned  his  bishopric;  which  might  be 

*  said   to  have  been  wisely  and  modestly  done,  if  he  had 

*  not  endeavoured  to  recover  his  lost  station.     Who  is  this 
Nardacius,  and  who  Ursacius,   mentioned  by  Prosper  and 
Isidore,   is    not  certain.     As  Ursacius  is  never  mentioned 
by  Sulpicius,  nor  Nardacius  any  where  else  by  him,  some 
have  thought,  that  hereby  is  meant  Idacius.     On  the  other 
hand,  as   many  bishops  had  some  concern  in  this  affair,  and 
Idacius  has  not  been  mentioned  lately  by  Sulpicius,  Narda 
cius  may  be  reckoned  a  different  person.     However  that 
be,  I  suppose  Sulpicius  ought  to  be  relied  upon,  that  Itha- 
cius  only  was  now  deposed. 

(6.)  Another  thing*,  as  I  apprehend,  manifesting  the  dif 
ferent  judgments  of  men  concerning  this  affair,  is  what 
Sulpicius  says  at  the  conclusion  of  his  narration,  of  the  per 
petual  feuds  and  contentions,  which  there  had  been  among 
the  catholics  in  Gaul  for  fifteen  years  past,  from  the  time  of 
those  executions  to  the  time  of  his  finishing  his  history,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  400.  There  were  very  few  Priscilli- 
anists  in  Gaul  ;  the  divisions  bejtwixt  the  bishops  and  other 
Christians  in  that  country  were  owing,  therefore,  as  seems 
probable,  to  different  sentiments  concerning  this  affair. 
Some  vindicated  the  proceedings  against  Priscillian  and  his 
followers,  others  blamed  them  ;  and  these  disputes  ran  so 
high,  that  sometimes  they  could  scarce  communicate  with 
one  another.  Ambrose,  in  the  year  392,  said,  thate  he  had 
been  oftentimes  hindered  from  going  into  Gaul  by  the  fre 
quent  divisions  of  the  bishops  there. 

(7.)  There  are  two  councils,  whose  debates  may  probably 
afford  some  further  light  in  this  affair.  The  first  is  the 
council  of  Saragossa,  mentioned  by  Sulpicius,  and  supposed 
to  have  been  held  in  380,  or  381  :  in  the  decrees  of  this 
council  several  things  are  condemned;  as f  fasting  on  the 

verat.  Sapienter  id,  et  verecunde,  nisi  postea  amissum  locum  repetere  tentas- 
set.  H.  S.  1.  ii.  c.  5.  p.  392. 

e  propter  quorum  frequentes  dissensiones  crebro  me  excusaveram. 

De  Obitu  Valentin,  n,  25.  T.  ii.  p.  1181. 

f  Item  legit :  ne  quis  jejunet  Die  Dominico. — Item  legit :  Eucharistiae  gra- 
tiam  si  quis  probatur  in  ecclesia  non  consumsisse,  anathema  sit  in  perpetuum. 

Item  legit :  Viginti  et  uno  die,  quo  a  1C  Kalendas  Januarii  usque  in  diem 

Epiphaniae,  quae  est  8.  Idus  Januarii,  continuis  diebus,  nulli  liceat  de  ecclesia 
se  absentare,  nee  latere  in  domibus,  nee  secedere  ad  villam,  nee  montes  petere, 
nee  nudis  pedibus  incedere,  sed  concurrere  ad  ecclesiam. — Item  lectum  est,  ut 
hi  per  disciplinam,  aut  sententiam  episcopi  ab  ecclesia  fuerint  separati,  ab  aliis 
episcopis  non  sint  recipiendi.  Item  legit :  Si  quis  de  clericis  propter  luxum, 
vanitatemque  praesumtam,  de  officio  sponte  discesserit,  ac  velut  observatorem 
legis  monachum  voluerit  esse  magis  quam  clericum,  ita  de  ecclesia  repellen- 


360  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

Lord's  day,  and  some  other  days  usually  reckoned  festivals 
by  the  catholics  ;  absenting  from  church  on  these  days  ; 
assembling  in  private  houses  and  country  places ;  receiving 
the  eucharist,  without  consuming  it  [or  swallowing  it]  at 
church  ;  going  barefoot ;  taking  upon  them  the  character 
of  teachers,  without  authority  ;  referring  perhaps  to  Agape, 
Elpidius,  and  Priscillian,  who  was  yet  a  layman  :  bishops 
receiving  those  who  had  been  excommunicated ;  clergymen 
leaving  their  stations,  and  betaking  themselves  to  a  retired 
monastic  kind  of  life,  because  of  the  luxury,  or  other  faults 
observable  among  ecclesiastics.  These,  and  some  other  such 
like  things  are  forbidden,  which  may  be  reckoned  erroneous 
or  irregular.  Here  are  no  sentences  of  condemnation  upon 
those  who  teach  obscene  doctrines,  and  practise  gross  inde 
cencies  ;  but  here  are  intimations  of  pretensions  to  more  than 
ordinary  strictness  and  mortification.  And,  if  I  mistake  not, 
the  decrees  of  this  council,  and  their  silence  about  the 
shameful  things  imputed  to  Priscillian  at  his  trial,  very 
much  confirm  the  conjecture  formerly  proposed  to  be  con 
sidered  ;  that  no  such  things  had  been  heard  of,  till  they 
were  invented  by  Ithacius,  and  others  :  who,  when  once  they 
had  begun  to  prosecute  Priscillian  before  the  civil  magis 
trate,  were  too  intent  upon  victory,  as  Sulpicius  observed, 
and  without  any  regard  to  truth,  forged  calumnies,  and 
heaped  upon  him  reproaches  of  infamous  actions,  till  they 
gained  their  end,  and  had  him  executed. 

The  other  council  was  held  at  Toledo,  in  the  year  400,  or 
thereabout;  of  which  a  sufficient  account s  may  be  seen  in 
several  authors,  so  far  as  relates  to  this  affair.  Here  were 
reconciled  to  the  church  Symphosius  and  Dictinius,  noted 
Priscillianists,  and  several  others  of  that  sect.  It  seems,  that 
they  two  had  been  with  Ambrose  at  Milan,  to  entreat  his 
favourable  interposition  in  their  behalf:  if  that  is  not  certain, 
it  is  however  manifest,  that  Ambrose  became  their  mediator, 
and  proposed  terms  upon  which  they  might  be  received. 
Ambrose  died  in  397.  Why  the  affair  was  deferred  is  not 
known :  but  it  appears  from  the  acts  of  the  council,  that 
Simplician  had  then  succeeded  him  in  the  see  of  Milan. 
Ambrose  had  proposed,  that h  they  should  be  received  to 

dum. Item  lectum  est :  Ne  quis  doctoris  sibi  nomen  imponat,  praeter  has 

personas,  quibus  concessum  est. Concil.  Caesaraugust.  Ap.  Labb.  T.  ii.  p. 

1009,  1010.  *  Baron.  Ann.  405.  n.  xliii.— lix.     Pagi  Grit, 

in  Baron.  Ann.  405.  n.xii. — xvii.  Tillemont,  Les  Priscillian.  art.  xiv. — xvii. 
T.  viii.  Beausobr.  Diss.  sur  les  Adamites,  Part.  ii.  p.  377 — 379. 

h  Arduum  nobis  esset  audire  jam  dictos.  Literis  tamen  sanctae  memoriae 
Ambrosii,  quas  post  illud  concilium  ad  nos  miserat :  Ut  si  condemnassent  quae 
perperam  egerant,  et  imple'ssent  conditiones,  quas  preescriptae  literae  contine- 


THE  PRISCILLIANISTS.     A.  D.  378.  361 

the  peace  of  the  church  upon  retracting  their  errors,  and 
confessing*  the  faults  which  they  had  been  guilty  of;  and 
they  were  now  received.  Symphosius's  Priscillianisrn  had 
many  aggravations;  he'  seems  to  have  been  a  follower  of 
Priscillian  from  the  beginning,  and  to  have  declined  the 
judgment  of  the  council  of  Saragossa  in  380.  Moreover, 
the  terms  proposed  by  Ambrose  were,  thatk  for  the  present 
all  should  abide  in  the  stations  they  were  in,  without  altera 
tion.  Nevertheless,  in  the  mean  time,  before  those  terms 
were  accepted  and  executed,  Symphosius  had  ordained 
Dictinius  bishop,  who  before  was  only  presbyter :  which, 
he  said,  had  been  extorted  from  him  by  the  importunate 
requests  of  the  people.  Symphosius  likewise,  or  he  and 
Dictinius  together,  had  lately  ordained  in  the  vacant  sees 
of  the  province  of  Galicia  several  bishops,  who  were  in  the 
Priscillianist  scheme.  In  particular  they  had  ordained 
Paternus  bishop  of  Braga,  the  chief  city  of  Galicia ;  who, 
however,  now  renounced  Priscillianism  before  the  council, 
having  been  convinced  of  his  error,  he  said,  since  his  ordi 
nation,  by  reading  the  works  of  Ambrose  bishop  of  Milan. 
Dictinius  had  been  a  forward  Priscillianist;  he  had  writ 
ten  several  books  much  esteemed  by  the  sect ;  particularly 
a  book  called  Libra,  the  Pound,  consisting  of  twelve  parts 
or  arguments,  as  the  Roman  pound  had  twelve  ounces. 
Augustine1  speaks  of  him  and  his  book.  I  have  put  some 

bant,  reverterentur  ad  pacem,  [adde,  quae  sanctae  memoriae  Siricius  Papa 
suasisset,]  magnam  nos  coustat  prsestitisse  patientiam.  Cone.  Tolet.  i.  ap. 
Labbe,  T.  ii.  p.  1230. 

1  Etsi  diu  deliberantibus  verum,  post  Caesaraugustanum  concilium,  in  quo 
sententia  in  certos  quosque  dicta  fuerat,  sola  tamen  una  die,  praesente  Sym- 
phosio,  qui  postmodum  declinando  sententiam  praesens  audire  contemserat. 
Ibid.  . 

In  synodo  Caesaraugustana,  anno  381,  ad  versus  Priscillianum  coacta ; 

cujus  judicium  declinasse  dicitur  Symphosius  in  sententia  Toletanae  i.  synodo, 
se  subducens.  Pagi  ann.  405.  n.  xiii. 

k  Caeterum  extortum  sibi  de  multitudine  plebis,  probaret  Symphosius,  ut 
ordinaret  Dictinium  episcopum,  quem  sanctus  Ambrosius  decrevisset  bonae 
pacis  locum  tenere  presbyterii,  non  accipere  honoris  augmentum.  Confitentur 
etiam  illud,  quod  alios  per  diversas  ecclesias  ordinassent,  quibus  deerant  sacer- 
dotes ;  habentes  hanc  fiduciam,  quod  cum  illis  propemodum  totius  Galliciae 
sentiret  plebium  multitudo.  Ex  quibus  ordinatus  est  Paternus  Bracarensis 
ecclesiae  episcopus.  In  hanc  vocem  confessionis  primus  erupit,  et  sectam  Pris- 
cilliani  se  scisse,  sed  factum  episcopum  liberatum  se  ab  ea  lectione  librorumS. 
Ambrosii  esse  juraret.  Cone.  Tol.  i.  ibid. 

1  et  Dictinii  episcopi famam  laudare  mordaciter.  Est  hoc  tolera- 

bilius  adhuc,  quia  ille  putatur  fuisse  catholicus,  atque  ex  illo  errore  correctus — 
cum  deinde  Dictinii  librum,  cujus  nomen  est  Libra,  eo  quod  pertractatis  duode- 
cim  quaestionibus,  velut  unciis  explicatur,  tantis  extulerit  laudibus,  ut  talem 

libram multis  librarum  auri  millibus  pretiosiorem  esse  testetur.  Contr. 

Mendac.  ad  Consent,  cap.  3.  n.  5.  T.  vi. 


362  Credibility  of  tfie  Gospel  History. 

of  liis  passages,  where  lie  speaks  of  tbeni,  in  the  margin. 
Pope  Leo  likewise  speaks  of  Dictinius.  Hem  complains  of 
the  Priscillianists,  that  they  still  read  his  writings,  and  fol 
lowed  his  errors,  though  he  had  renounced  them. 

These  two  learned  Priscillianist  bishops,  and  leading  men 
among  them,  Symphosius  and  Dictinius,  were  received  by 
the  catholics  in  the  council  of  Toledo,  upon  abjuring  their 
former  errors,  embraced  by  them,  or  advanced  and  promoted 
by  them  in  their  discourses  or  writings.  Their  form"  of 
renunciation  and  confession  I  have  placed  below  somewhat 
at  large.  Now  likewise  was  received  Comasius,  presbyter 
under  Symphosius;  his  confession  is  in  the  passage  just 
transcribed.  Isonius0  was  also  now  received  upon  confes 
sion,  who  had  lately  been  baptized,  and  ordained  bishop  by 
Symphosius.  In?  like  manner  Vegetinus,  who  had  been 
bishop  before  the  council  of  Saragossa. 

From  the  reception  of  these  ecclesiastics  by  the  council, 

Quae  cum  ita  sint,  quoniam  nimis  longum  est  omnia  pertractare  quae  in  ilia 
Libra  Dictinii  sunt  posita,  velut  imitanda,  exempla  mentiendi.  Ibid.  cap.  17. 
n.  35.  Vid.etcap.  21.  n.  41. 

m  Postremo  autem  capitulo  hoc  prodidit  justa  querimonia,  quod  Dictinii 
tractatus,  quos  secundum  Priscilliani  dogma  conscripsit,  a  multis  cum  venera- 
tione  legerentur :  cum,  si  aliquid  memoriae  Dictinii  tribuendum  putat,  repara- 
tionem  ejus  magis  debeant  amare  quam  lapsum.  Non  ergo  Dictinium,  sed 
Priscillianum  legunt ;  et  illud  probant  quod  errans  docuit,  non  quod  correctus 
elegit.  Leon.  Ep.  15.  cap.  xvi.  al.  ep.  93. 

n  Symphosius  dixit :  Juxta  id  quod  paulo  ante  lectum  est,  in  membrana 
nescio  qua,  in  qua  dicebatur  Filius  innascibilis,  hanc  ego  doctrinam,  quae  aut 
duo  principia  dicit,  aut  Filium  innascibilem,  cum  ipso  auctore  damno,  qui 
scripsit. — Item  dixit :  Omnes  libros  haereticos,  et  maxime  Priscilliani  doctri 
nam,  juxta  quod  hodie  lectum  est,  ubi  innascibilem  Filium  scripsisse  dicitur, 
cum  ipso  auctore  damno.  Comasius  presbyter  dixit :  Nemo  dubitet,  me  cum 
domino  meo  episcopo  sentire,  et  omnia  damnare  quae  damnavit,  et  nihil  ejus 
praeferre  sapientiae,  nisi  solum  Deum. — Dictinius  episcopus  dixit:  Sequor 
sententiam  domini  mei,  et  patris  mei,  et  genitoris  et  doctoris  mei  Symphosii. 
Quaecumque  locutus  est  loquor. — Et  idcirco  omnia  quae  Priscillianus  aut  male 
docuit,  aut  male  scripsit,  cum  ipso  auctore  condemno.  Ibid.  p.  1229. 

Post  aliquanta. Dictinius  episcopus  dixit :  Audite  me,  optimi  sacer- 

dotes.  Corrigite  omnia. Hoc  enim  in  me  reprehendo,  quod  dixerim 

unam  Dei  et  hominis  esse  naturam.  Item  dixit :  Ego  non  solum  correctionem 
vestram  rogo,  sed  et  omnem  presumtionem  meam  de  scriptis  meis  arguo  atque 

condemno. Item  dixit : Quaecumque  conscripsi,  omnia  me  toto 

corde  respuere.  In  ead.  pag.  sub  in. 

0  Item  Isonius  nuper  baptizatum  se  a  Symphosio,  et  episcopum  factum,  hoc 
se  tenere,  quod  in  praesenti  concilio  Symphosius  professus  est,  respondit. 
Ibid.  p.  1230. 

p  Vegetinus  vero,  olim  ante  Caesaraugustam  concilium  episcopus  factus, 
similiter  libros  Priscilliani  cum  auctore  damnaverat,  ut  de  caeteris  acta  testan- 
tur.  Ibid. 

Vegetinum  autem,  in  quern  nulla  specialiter  dicta  fuerat  ante  sententia, 
data  professione,  quam  synodus  accepit,  statuimus  communion!  nostrae  esse 
reddendum.  Ib.  p.  1231.  in. 


THE  PRISCILLIANISTS.    A.  D.  378.  363 

ariseth  a  strong  argument,  that  the  Priscillianists  were  not 
guilty  of  the  evil  practices  laid  to  the  charge  of  Priscillian, 
and  generally  imputed  to  Gnostics;  if  they  had,  they  would 
not  have  been  received  upon  renouncing  their  former  errors; 
if  that  had  been  the  case,  I  suppose  they  would  have  been 
deposed,  and  put  into  a  state  of  penance,  and  declared  in 
capable  of  ever  holding  any  office  in  the  church. 

1  would  just  take  notice  of  one  thing  more,  mentioned  in 
the  account  of  the  acts  of  this  council,  relating  to  Herenas 
bishop  of  some  place  in  Spain :  thati  all  his  clergy  in 
general,  without  being  asked,  cried  out  aloud  before  the 
council,  that  Priscillian  was  a  catholic  and  a  holy  martyr. 
Herenas  himself  likewise  said  the  same,  and  that  Priscillian 
had  suffered  persecution  from  the  bishops  of  his  time. 
Which  judgment  of  his,  the  bishops  of  the  council  said, 
was  a  reflection  upon  many  holy  men,  some  deceased,  others 
still  living;  they  therefore  declared  Herenas, and  his  clergy, 
and  divers  other  bishops  adhering  to  him  in  that  sentiment, 
to  be  deposed  from  their  offices. 

This  serves  to  satisfy  us  of  two  things :  First,  that  about 
thirteen  or  fourteen  years  after  the  event,  the  Priscillianists 
(and,  it  is  likely,  many  others)  were  of  opinion,  that  Pris 
cillian  had  been  falsely  accused,  and  unjustly  put  to  death. 
Secondly,  it  shows,  that  lewd  principles  and  practices  were 
no  part  of  their  religion  ;  but  they  disapproved  them,  and 
reckoned  the  imputation  of  them  to  any  man  to  be  reproach 
ful  and  dishonourable. 

(8.)  Once  more,  the  testimony  of  Jerom  in  favour  of 
Priscillian  is  not  unworthy  of  our  regard  ;  for  in  his  book 
of  Illustrious  Men,  as  cited  at  the  beginning  of  this  chapter, 
he  says,  that  '  by  means  of  the  faction  of  Idacius  and  Itha- 
'  cius,  Priscillian  had  been  put  to  death  at  Treves;  that  to 

*  that  day  he  was  accused  by  some  as  having  been  of  the 

*  Gnostic  heresy;  whilst  others  defended  him,  saying,  that 
'  he  did  not  hold  the  opinions  which  had  been  imputed  to 

*  him.'     And  in  the  next  chapter  he  gives  an  account  of 
Latronian  and  Tiberian  of  Bcetica,  two  followers  of  Priscil 
lian,  and  particularly  commends  the  former  for  his  learning 
and  poetical  writings.     It  is  true,  in  another  work,  written 

i  Herenas  clericos  suos  sequi  maluerat,  qui  sponte,  nee  interrogati,  Pris- 
cillianum  catholicum,  sanctumque  martyrem  clamassent;  atque  ipse  usque 
ad  finem  catholicum  hunc  esse  dixisset,  persecutionem  ab  episcopis  passum. 
Quo  dicto  omnes  sanctos,  jam  plurimos  quiescentes,  aliquoshac  luce  durantes, 
suo  judicio  deduxerit  in  reatum.  Hunc  cum  his  omnibus,  tarn  suis  clericis, 
quam  diversis  episcopis,  hoc  est,  Donate,  Acurio,  Emilio;  qui  ab  eoruni 
professione  recedentes  maluissent  sequi  consortium  perditorum,  decernimus  ab 
sacerdotio  submovendum.  Ib.  p.  1230,  1231. 


364  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

about  the  year  415,  he  says,  thatr  Priscillian  had  been  con 
demned  by  the  civil  magistrate,  and  by  the  judgment  of 
all  the  world  ;  which  has  led  some  to  say,  that  Jerom  was 
now  better  informed  concerning  the  Priscillianists,  than 
when  he  wrote  the  former  work  in  392.  But,8  as  Quesnell 
says,  Jerom  could  not  be  then  ignorant  of  the  affairs  of  the 
church.  That  learned  man  therefore  would  suppose,  that 
the  chapter  in  the  book  of  Illustrious  Men  had  been  inter 
polated.  To  which  Du  Pin  well  answers,  that*  conjecture, 
though  unsupported  by  any  manuscript,  might  have  been 
of  some  moment,  if  it  were  not  well  known,  that  Jerom  has 
oftentimes  spoken  very  differently  of  one  and  the  same  per 
son.  The  case,  I  think,  is  this;  in  the  book  of  Illustrious 
Men  he  writes  with  the  calmness  of  an  historian  ;  in  the 
other  he  is  out  of  humour,  and  writes  in  the  heat  of  contro 
versy.  We  may  then  be  well  assured,  that  in  the  year  392, 
when  Jerom  wrote  his  Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers, 
there  were  different  opinions  among  men  concerning  Pris 
cillian  ;  and  that  there  were  some,  who  did  not  allow  him  to 
have  held  the  opinions  imputed  to  him,  or  to  have  been 
guilty  of  the  crimes  laid  to  his  charge. 

We  may  therefore,  1  think,  after  this  long  discussion  of 
the  affair,  and  after  weighing  what  can  be  said  on  both 
sides,  assent  to  the  judgment  of  that  wise  and  good  man, 
Martin,  bishop  of  Tours,  who  lived  at  that  time,  who  was 
several  times  at  the  court  of  Maximus,  before  and  after  the 
trial  of  Priscillian,  and  was  well  acquainted  with  the  bishops 
chiefly  concerned  in  that  prosecution.  He  said,  '  It  was 
4  sufficient,  and  more  than  sufficient,  that  being  convicted  of 
'  heresy  by  the  bishops,  they  should  be  turned  out  of  the 
*  church.'  And  when  that  was  done,  I  presume,  they  ought 
to  have  been  allowed  to  live  quietly  in  the  world,  and  to 
worship  God  in  separate  assemblies,  in  their  own  way, 
under  the  protection  of  the  civil  government.  Which  like 
wise  may  be  supposed  to  have  been  Martin's  intention  :  for, 
as  it  seems,  neither  he,  nor  his  disciple  and  historian  Sulpi- 
cius,  approved  that  magistrates  should  interpose  in  things 
of  religion.  They  therefore  did  not  like,  that  civil  penalties 
should  be  inflicted  upon  erroneous  christians,  but  only 
church-censures:  and  it  is  likely,  that  they  judged  this 
method  to  be  most  conducive  to  the  interests  of  religious 
truth.  They  hoped,  that  by  such  censures,  men  might  be 

r  Quid  loquar  de  Priscilliano,  qui  et  seculi  gladio,  et  totius  orbis  auctoritate 
damnatus  est  ?  Ad  Ctesiph.  ep.  43.  T.  iv.  p.  4.  s  Vir,  nihil  eorum, 

quae  in  ecclesia  gerebantur,  ignarus.  Quesnell.  Not.  et  Observation,  in  Leon. 
Ep.  xv.  p.  449.  '  Bib.  des  Aut.  EC.  T.  ii.  p.  241. 


THE  PRISCILLIANISTS.     A.  D.  378.  365 

awakened  to  consideration  ;  and  that  by  reasons  and  argu 
ments,  calmly  proposed,  they  who  had  been  seduced,  might 
be  convinced  of  their  error,  brought  back  to  the  catholic 
church,  and  to  the  acknowledgment  of  the  right  faith. 

VIIJ.  Hitherto  we  have  chiefly  considered  the  origin  of 
this  sect,  and  the  history  of  its  author,  and  his  first  followers, 
with  their  sufferings,  as  related  by  Sulpicius,  who  has  given 
but  a  very  general  account  of  their  opinions.  And  it  may 
be  expected,  that  some  farther  notice  should  be  taken  of 
these  by  us. 

1.  There  is  no  account  of  this  sect  in  Epiphanius.     Fabri- 
cius  u  indeed  has  referred  us  for  a  knowledge  of  them  to 
Epiphanius  and   Damascenus;  but  it  is  a  mistake  of  that 
excellent  man,  through   haste.     Epiphanius  speaks   there 
only  of  the  Montanists,  sometimes  called  Priscillians  from 
Priscilla,  one  of  Montanus's   prophetesses  ;    and   Damas- 
cenus's  article  in  the  place  referred  to  is  only  Epiphanius's 
summary  or  recapitulation.      Quesnellv   says,  Epiphanius 
takes  no  notice  of  this  sect.     The  reason,  he  thinks,  may  be, 
that  he  did  not  distinguish  it  from  the  Gnostic  or  Manichaean, 
with   whom  the  Priscillianists  very  much  agreed.     But  I 
should   think  that  there  is  another  very  obvious  reason  of 
Epiphanius's  silence,  and  more  likely  to  be  the  true  reason  ; 
which  is,  that  this  sect   did  not  become  famous,  till   after 
Epiphanius  had  finished  his  work.     Nor  are  they  expressly 
mentioned  by  Philaster;  whether  he  has  quite  omitted  them, 
will  be  considered   hereafter.     However,  there  are  several 
writers,  which  may  be  of  use  to  us,  beside  Sulpicius  Severus, 
the  historian  already   transcribed  :  Augustine  has  a  long 
article  concerning  them  in  his  book  Of  Heresies ;  Orosius, 
of  Spain,  sent  or  delivered  to  Augustine  a  Memoir  or  Com- 
monitorium  relating  to  them.    And  other  writers  have  men 
tioned  them. 

2.  Augustine,  at  the  beginning  of  his  article  concerning 
them,  which  I  transcribe  below,  says,  '  Thew  Priscillianists, 

*  followers  of  Priscillian  of  Spain,  have  a  mixture  of  the 

*  doctrines  of  the  Gnostics  and   Manichees,  together  with 

*  errors  borrowed  likewise  from  other  heresies.' 

u  De  Priscilliano— ej  usque  haeresi — Epiphanius  et  Damascenus  hseresi  49. 
Fabric,  not.  ad  Hieron.  de  V.  I.  cap.  121.  Ap.  Bib.  EC. 

v  De  hac  haeresi  nihil  apud  Epiphanium,  qui  forte  earn  a  Gnosticorum, 
Manichaeorum,  aliorumque  sectis,  quibuscum  pleraque  habebant  Priscillianistae 
communia,  non  distinxit  Quesn.  Not.  et  Observ.  in  Ep.  xv.  S.  Leon.  p.  447. 

w  Priscillianistae,  quos  in  Hispania  Priscillianus  instituit,  maxime  Gnostico 
rum  et  Manichaeorum  dogmata  permixta  sectantur.  Quamvis  et  ex  aliis 
haeresibus  in  eos  sordes,  tanquam  in  sentinam  quandam,  horribili  confusione 
confluxerint.  De  Haer.  cap.  70.  T.  viii. 


366  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

3.  Let  that  suffice  for  his  general  character  of  this  people. 
I  shall  now  add  some  particulars,  though  not  in  the  order 
in  which  they  lie  in  Augustine. 

4.  1  therefore  in  the  first  place  observe  their  opinion  con 
cerning  the  scriptures.    '  Inx  which  respect,'  he  says,  *  they 

are  more  cunning  than  the  Manichees;  for  they  reject  not 
any  part  of  the  canonical  scriptures,  but  receive  them  all, 
and  endeavour  to  support  themselves  by  their  authority. 
And  when  any  texts  are  alleged  against  them,  they  strive 
to  evade  them  by  allegorical  interpretations.  They  like 
wise  use  apocryphal  scriptures,  and  argue  from  them  in 
'  favour  of  their  opinions.' 

5.  And  in  divers  places,  Augustine  speaks  to  the  like 
purpose,   saying,   that?    they   received   all    the    canonical 
scriptures  entire;  using  also  apocryphal  books.     And  says, 
whatever  is  alleged  against  them  from  scripture,  they  evade 
sometimes  by  cunning  and  artful,  at  other  times  by  ridicu 
lous  and  stupid  interpretations.     He  also  observes,  that2 
they  had  a  hymn,  said   by  them  to  be  the  hymn  which 
Christ  sung  at  the  last   supper   with   the  disciples.     He 
moreover  says,  that  hymn  was  to  be  found  in  apocryphal 
scriptures,  not  peculiar  to  the  Priscillianists,  but  used  by 
other  heretics  likewise.     A  maina  part,  if  not  the  whole  of 
that  hymn,  may  be  seen  in   Augustine's  letter  to  Ceretius 
just  quoted.     What  respect  they  had  for  that,  or  other  apo 
cryphal  scriptures,  is  not  very  clear;  there  does  not  appear 
any  thing  heterodox  in  that  hymn ;  they  owned  it  was  not 
in  the  canonical  scriptures,  and  theyb  explained  it  by  them, 
and  agreeably  to  them. 

6.  Orosius,  Augustine's  friend,  and  of  Spain,  says,  thatc 

x  Hoc  versutiores  etiam  Manichaeis,  quod  nihil  scripturarum  canonicarum 
repudiant,  simul  cum  apocryphis  legentes  omnia,  et  in  auctoritatem  sumentes, 
sed,  in  suos  sensus  allegorizando,  vertentes  quicquid  in  sanctis  libris  est,  quod 
eorum  evertat  errorem.  Ibid. 

y  Priscillianistae  vero  accipiunt  omnia  et  canonica  et  apocrypha  simul.  Sed 
quaecunque,  quae  contra  eos  sunt,  in  suae  perversitatis  sensus  aliquando  callida 
et  astuta,  aliquando  ridicula  et  hebeti  expositione  pervertunt.  Ad  Ceret.  ep. 
237.  n.  iii.  T.  ii.  •  Hymnus  sane,  quern  dicunt  esse 

Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi,  qui  maxime  permovit  venerationem  suam,  in 
scripturis  solet  apocryphis  inveniri.  Quae  non  proprie  Priscillianistarum  sunt, 
sed  alii  quoque  haeretici  eis  nonnullarum  sectarum  impietate  vanitatis  utuntur, 

inter  se  quidem  diversa  sentientes : sed  scripturas  istas  habent  in  sua  diver- 

sitate  communes,  easque  illi  praecipue  frequentare  assolent,  qui  legem  veterem 
et  prophetas  non  recipiunt.  Ibid.  n.  2. 

a  Habes  verba  eorum  in  illo  codice  ita  posita :  *  Hymnus  Domini,  quern 
dixit  secrete  sanctis  apostolis  discipulis  suis,  quia  scriptum  est  in  evangelio : 
Hymno  dicto  adscendit  in  montem.' — [Matt.  xxvi.  30.]  Ibid.  n.  4. 

6  Deinde,  quid  caussac  est,  ut  eundem  hymnum  isti  secwndum  scripturas 
canonicas  conentur  exponere  ?  Ibid.  n.  5.  c  Priscillianus,  primum 


THE  PRISCILLIANISTS.     A.  D.  378.  367 

the  Priscillianists,  differing-  from  the  Manichees,  endeavour 
to  support  their  doctrine  by  the  scriptures  of  the  Old,  as 
well  as  of  the  New  Testament.  He  also  says,  they  d  had  a 
book  entitled  the  Memoir,  or  Memoirs  of  the  Apostles:  in 
which,  possibly,  the  above-mentioned  hymn  was  inserted. 

7.  Priscillian  is  one  of  those  heretics,  who,  as  Vincent  of 
Lerinse  says,  in  almost  every  page  of  their  works  insert 
quotations  of  the  books  of  the  Old  or  New  Testament. 

8.  Pope  Leo,  with  a  partiality  well  becoming-  a  man  that 
uses  authority  in  things  of  religion,  and  loves  to  make  the 
worst  of  every  thing  relating  to  those  called  heretics,  says, 
the f  Priscillianists  pretend  to  receive  the  books  of  the  Old 
Testament.    However,  he  cannot  deny,  but  that  therein  they 
differ  from  the  Manichees.    As£  for  their  apocryphal  books, 
he  not  only  prohibits  them,  but  directs  also,  that  they  should 
be  sought  for,  and  burnt. 

9.  Turibius  bishop  of  Astorga  in  Spain,  whoh   is  sup 
posed  to  have  flourished  about  the  year  447,  speaks'  of  their 
using-  apocryphal  scriptures,  the  same  with  those  used   by 
the  Manichees;  as  the  Acts  of  Andrew,  Thomas,  and  John: 
and  he  particularly  mentions  the  Memoir  of  the  Apostles, 
taken  notice  of  by  Orosius. 

in  eo  Manichseis  miserior,  quod  ex  Veteri  quoque  Testamento  haeresim  con- 
firmavit.  Oros.  Comm.  ad  Augustin.  n.  2.  T.  viii. 

d  Et  hoc  ipsum  confirmant  ex  libro  quodam,  qui  inscribitur  Memoria 
Apostolorum :  ubi  Salvator  interrogari  a  discipulis  videtur  secreto,  et  ostendere, 
quia  de  parabola  evangelica,  quae  habet :  «  Exiit  seminans  seminare  semen 
suum.'  [Matt.  xiii.  3.]  Ibid. 

e  Lege  Pauli  Samosateni  opuscula,  Priscilliani,  Eunomii,  Joviniani,  reliqua- 
rumque  pestium :  cernas  infinitam  exemplorum  congeriem,  prope  nullam 
oraitti  paginam,  quae  non  Novi  aut  Veteris  Testament!  sententiis  fucata  et 
colorata  sit.  Vincent.  Comm.  p.  356.  Paris.  1669. 

f  Quia  etsi  Vetus  Testamentum,  quod  isti  se  suscipere  simulant, 

Manichaei  refutant,  ad  unum  tamen  finem  utrorumque  tendit  intentio ;  cum 
quod  isti  abdicando  impugnant,  isti  recipiendo  corrumpunt.  Ad  Turib.  ep. 
15.  cap.  16.  p.  230. 

g  Apocryphae  autem  scripturae,  quae  sub  nominibus  apostolorum  multarum 
habent  seminarium  falsitatum,  non  solum  interdicendae,  sed  etiam  penitus 
auferendae  sunt,  atque  ignibus  concremandae.  Quamris  enim  sint  in  illis 
qusedam,  quae  videantur  speciem  habere  pietatis,  nunquam  tamen  vacua  sunt 
venenis,  et  per  fabularum  illecebras  hoc  latenter  operantur,  ut  mirabilium 
narratione  seductos  laqueis  cujuscunque  erroris  involvant.  Ibid.  cap.  15. 

h  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  440.  et  Tillemont,  S.  Leon.  art.  xvii.— xix. 

Tom.  xv.  '  specialiter  autem  Actus  illos,  qui  vocantur 

S.  Andreae  j  vel  illos,  qui  appellantur  S.  Joannis,  quos  sacrilego  Leucius  ore 
conscripsit;  vel  illos,  qui  dicuntur  S.  Thomae,  et  his  similia ;  ex  quibus 
Manichaei,  et  Priscillianistae,  vel  quaecumque  illis  est  secta  germana,  omnem 
haeresim  suam  confirmare  nituntur;  et  maxime  ex  blasphemissimo  illo  libro, 
qui  vocatur  Memoria  Apostolorum,  in  quo  ad  magnam  perversitatis  suae  aucto- 
ritatem  doctrinam  Domini  mentiuntur.  Turib.  cap.  v.  ap.  S.  Leon.  p.  232. 


368  Credibility  oftlie  Gospel  History. 

10.  According"  to  Jeromk  the  Priscillianists  made  use  of 
apocryphal  books  of  the  Old,  as  well  as  of  the  New  Testa 
ment  ;  particularly,  the  Ascension  of  Isaiah,  and  the  Reve 
lation  of  Elias. 

11.  It  must  therefore,  I  think,  be  allowed,  that  the  Pris 
cillianists,  beside  the  canonical  scriptures  of  the  Old  and 
New  Testament,  made  use  of  apocryphal   books :  what  re 
spect  they  had  for  them,  is  not  certain  ;  but  from  these  tes 
timonies  it  may   be  reckoned   probable,  that  they  showed 
them  a  good  deal  of  respect,  more  than  catholics  generally 
did  :  though,  after  all,  they  need  not  to  be  supposed  to  have 
equalled  them  to  those  scriptures,  which  are  usually  called 
canonical.      This  then   was  their   doctrine   concerning  the 
scriptures. 

12.  By  several  they  are  said  to  have  held  the  Sabellian 
doctrine  concerning  the  Deity.     So  'Augustine  in  his  book 
of  Heresies,  and™   elsewhere;  so  likewise  "Orosius.     It  is 
the  last  particular  in  Orosius's  Memoir,  and  in  Augustine's 
chapter  concerning  the  Priscillianists  in  his  book  of  Heresies : 
but  it  makes  the  first0  in  Pope  Leo's  letter  concerning  the 
errors  of  the  Priscillianists  written  in  the  year  447. 

13.  Pope  Leo  presently  afterwards?  charges  them  with 
agreeing  with  the  Arians  in  their  sentiment  concerning  the 
person  of  Christ :  whether  consistently,  or  not,  let  others 
determine. 

14.  They  are  supposed  to  have  had  some  doctrine  con 
cerning  the  innascibility  of  Christ:  we*!  see  it  in  the  con- 

k  Ascensio  enim  Isaiae  et  Apocalypsis  Eliee  hoc  habent  testimonium.  Et 
per  hanc  occasionem,  multaque  hujusmodi,  Hispaniarum  et  Lusitaniae  deceptae 
sunt  mulierculae,  &c.  In  Is.  cap.  Ixiv.  T.  iii.  p.  473,  474.  Conf.  ad  Theodor. 
ep.53.  al.  29.  p.  581.T.  iv. 

1  De  Christo  Sabellianam  sectam  tenent,  eundem  ipsum  esse  dicentes,  non 
solura  Filium,  sed  etiam  Patrem,  et  Spiritum  Sanctum.  De  Haer.  cap.  70. 

m  Contra  quam  veritatem  Priscillianus  Sabellianum  antiquum  dogma  resti- 
tuit,  ubi  ipse  Pater  qui  Filius,  qui  et  Spiritus  Sanctus  perhibetur.  Ad.  Oros. 
cap.  4.  T.  viii. 

n  Trinitatem  autem  solo  verbo  eloquebatur.  Nam  unionem  absque  ulla 
existentia  aut  proprietate  asserens — Patrem,  Filium,  et  Spiritum  Sanctum,  hunc 
esse  unum  Christum  dicebat.  Oros.  Comm.  ap.  S.  Aug.  T.  viii. 

0  Primo  itaque  capitulo  demonstrator,  quam  impie  sentiant  de  Trinitate,  qui 
et  Patris,  et  Filii,  et  Spiritus  Sancti,  unam  atque  eandem  asserunt  esse  per- 
sonam,  tanquam  idem  Deus  nunc  Pater,  nunc  Filius,  nunc  Spiritus  Sanctus 
nominetur.  Ep.  15.  cap.  i.  p.  227. 

p  In  secundo  capitulo  ostenditur  ineptum  vanumque  commentum  de  pro- 

cessionibus  quarundam  virtutum  ex  Deo. In  quo  Arianorum  suffragantur 

errori,  dicentium,  quod  Pater  Filio  prior  sit. — Ibid.  cap.  2. 

"  Symphosius  episcopus  dixit :—— Hanc  ego  doctrinam,  quae,  aut  duo 
principia  dicit,  aut  Filium  innascibilem,  cum  ipso  auctore  damno,  qui  scripsit. 
Concil.  Tolet.  i.  ap.  Labb.  Cone.  T.  ii.  p.  1229.  Vid.  et  supr.  not  n  p. 


THE  PRISCILLIANISTS.     A.  D.  378.  369 

fessions  of  those  who  renounced  Priscillianism  before  the 
council  of  Toledo,  and  returned  to  the  catholics.  Poper 
Leo  seems  not  to  have  understood  the  meaning-  of  this, 
though  it  be  one  of  his  articles  of  accusation  against  them, 
and  he  talks  a  good  deal  about  it.  I  do  not  perceive 
Orosius  or  Augustine  to  say  any  thing  distinctly  about  this 
point. 

15.  They  had  also  some  opinions  concerning  the  soul, 
which  were  disliked  by  many  of  the  catholics.     They*  are 
said  to  have  held,  that  the  soul   was  consubstantial   to  the 
Deity:  so  says  Leo;  nor  is  this  denied,  but  supposed  to  be 
their  opinion,  both1  by  Orosius  and   Augustine.     To  the 
like  purpose  Jerom,u  in  a  passage  which  I  transcribe  below, 
showing,  that  there  were  among  Christians,  as  well  as  among 
the  philosophers,  different  opinions  concerning"  the  origin 
of  the  soul. 

16.  Farther,  Pope  Leo  adds,  Itv  was  also  said,  that  they 
believed  the  pre-existence  of  human  souls,  and  that  they 
had  sinned  in  heaven,  before  they  were  sent  into  bodies. 
And  w  Orosius  and  x  Augustine  both  speak  of  their  believ- 

r  Tertii  vero  capituli  sermo  designat  quod  iidem  impii  asserant,  ideo  Uni- 
genitum  dici  Filium  Dei,  quia  solus  sit  natus  ex  virgine.  Quod  utique  non 
auderent  dicere,  nisi  Pauli  Samosateni  et  Photini  virus  hausissent :  qui  dixe- 
runt,  Dominum  nostrum  Jesurn  Christum,  antequam  nasceretur  ex  virgine 
Maria,  non  fuisse.  Si  autem  isti  aliud  de  suo  sensu  intelligi  volunt,  neque 
principium  de  matre  dant  Christo  :  asserant  necesse  est,  non  unum  esse  Filium 
Dei. — Quoquoversum  igitur  se  contulerint,  in  magnae  tendunt  impietatis 
abruptum. Ib.  cap.  3. 

s  Quinto  capitulo  refertur,  quod  animam  hominis,  divinae  asserant  esse  sub- 
stantiae,  nee  a  natura  Creatoris  sui  conditionis  nostrae  distare  naturam.  Quam 
impietatem,  ex  philosophorum  quorundam  et  Manichaeorum  opinione  manan- 
tem,  catholica  fides  damnat.  Ib.  cap.  v.  p.  228. 

1  Vid.  Aug.  ad.  Oros.  cap.  i.  et  iv.  T.  viii. 

u  Super  animae  statu  memini  vestrae  quaestiunculae,  imo  maximae  ecclesias- 
ticae  quaestionis  :  Utrum  lapsa  de  coelo  sit,  ut  Pythagoras  philosophus,  omnes- 
que  Platonici,  et  Origenes,  putant ;  an  a  propria  Dei  substantia,  ut  Stoici, 
Manichaeus,  et  Hispana  Priscilliani  haeresis  suspicantur ;  an  in  thesauro  habean- 
tur  Dei,  olim  conditae,  ut  quidam  ecclesiastic!  stulta  persuasione  confidunt;  an 
quotidie  a  Deo  riant,  ut  mittantur  in  corpora  ; — an  certe  ex  traduce,  ut  Tertul- 
lianus,  Apollinaris,  et  maxima  pars  Occidentalium  autumant,  &c.  Ad  Mar- 
cellin.  et  Anaps.  ep.  78.  [al.  82.]  T.  iv.  p.  642. 

v  Decimo  autom  capitulo  feruntur  asserere,  animas,  quae  humanis  corporibus 
inseruntur,  fuisse  sine  corpore,  et  in  ccelesti  habitatione  peccasse.  Leo.  ib.  c.  10. 

w  doceris  animam,  quae  a  Deo  nata  sit,  de  quodam  promtuario  pro- 

cedere,  profited  ante  Deum,  se  pugnaturam,  instrui  adhortatu  angelorum ; 
dehinc  descendentem  per  quosdam  circulos  a  principatibus  malignis  capi,  et 
secundum  voluntatem  victoris  principis  in  corpora  diversa  contrudi,  eisque 
adscribi  chirographum.  Oros.  Comm.  ap.  Aug.  T.  viii. 

x  Hi  animas  dicunt  ejusdem  naturae  atque  substantial,  cujus  est  Deus,  ad 
agonem  quendam  spontaneum  in  terris  exercendum,  per  septem  ccelos,  et  per 
quosdam  gradatim  descendere  principatus,  et  in  malignum  principem  incur- 
VOL.  IV.  2  B 


370  Credibility  of  tJie  Gospel  History. 

ing  the  pre-existence  of  human  souls,  and  their  descent 
from  heaven,  through  several  regions,  into  bodies  allotted 
to  them.  But  they  do  not  say,  that  they  supposed  those 
souls  to  have  sinned  in  their  pre-existent  state. 

17.  Another  opinion  ascribed  to  them  by   Pope  Leo  is, 
that  they  sons  of  promise  are  born  of  women,  but  conceived 
by  the  Holy  Spirit.     I  do  not  observe   this  in  Orosius  or 
Augustine:  perhaps   it  is  a  consequence,  which  some  de 
duced  from  their  principles.     Whether  allowed   by   them, 
may  not  be  certain ;  nor  is  it  very  intelligible :  and  perhaps 
there  is  nothing  heretical  in  it. 

18.  Several  other  opinions  are  imputed  to  them  :  whether 
rightly,  or  not,  cannot  be  certainly  said,  as  we  have  none  of 
their  writings ;  and  what  their  enemies  say  is  not  easy  to 
be  understood.     However,  I  observe  farther, 

19.  Pope  Leo  says,  they  z  fasted  on  the  day   of  Christ's 
nativity,  and  on  the  Lord's-day ;  which  may  be  true,  so  far 
as  I  know :  and  though  herein  was  an  irregularity,  yet  in 
their  way  they  honoured  those  days.     Moreover,  1  think,  it 
ought  to  be  allowed,  that  this  adds  not  any   credit  to  the 
charge  of  licentiousness. 

20.  Another  article  imputed  to  them  is  a  disadvantageous 
opinion   of  marriage.     Pope    Leo    says,   *  Theya    condemn 

*  marriage,  and  the  procreation  of  children  :  in  which,  as  in 
4  almost  every  thing  else,  they  agree   with   the  Manichees. 

*  And,  as  their  mariners  show,  they   therefore  dislike  mar- 

*  riage,  because  of  the  confinement  of  that  state,  and   it  is 
'  an  obstruction  to  lewd  ness.' 

21.  Augustine     expressed!     himself    to     this    purpose  : 

*  Withb  regard  to  diet,  they  look  upon  the  flesh  of  animals 
'  as  impure.     Where  this  sect  prevails,  it  is  a  common  thing 

*  with  them  to  separate  men  from  their  wives,  and  women 

rere,  a  quo  istum  mundum  factum  volunt,  atque  ab  hoc  principe  per  diversa 
carnis  corpora  seminar!,  &c.  De  Haer.  cap.  70. 

y  Non  autem  annotatio  manifestat,  quod  filios  promissionis  ex  mulieribus 
quidem  natos,  sed  ex  Spiritu  Sancto  dicant  esse  conceptos.  Ibid.  cap.  9. 

z  Quarto  autem  capitulo  continetur,  quod  Natalem  Christi non  vere 

isti  honorent,  sed  honorare  simulent,  jejunanteseodem  die,  sicut  et  die  Domi- 
nico,  qui  est  dies  resurrectionis  Christi.  Ubi  supr.  c.  4. 

a  Septimo  loco  sequitur,  quod  nuptias  damnant,  et  procreationem  nascen- 
tium  perhorrescunt.  In  quo,  sicut  pene  in  omnibus,  cum  Manichoeorum  pro- 
fanitate  concordant.  Ideo,  sicut  eorum  mores  probant,  conjugalem  copulam 
detestantur:  quia  non  est  illic  libertas  turpitudinis,  ubi  pudor  et  matrimonii 
servatur  et  sobolis.  Ib.  cap.  7. 

b  Carnes,  tanquam  immundas,  esca  ipsa  devitat.  Conjuges,  quibus  hoc 
malum  potuit  persuadere,  disjungens,  et  viros  a  nolentibus  t'eminis,  et  feminas 
a  nolentibus  viris.  Opificium  enim  omnis  carnis  non  Deo  bono  et  vero,  sed 
malignis  angelis  tribuunt.  Haer.  70.  T.  viii. 


THE  PRISCILLIANISTS.     A.  D.  378.  371 

'  from  their  husbands,  without  mutual  consent.  For  all 
'  fleshly  productions,  they  ascribe  not  to  the  good  and  true 

*  God,  but  to  malignant  angels.' 

This,  probably,  was  the  reason  of  their  disliking  mar 
riage  :  and  they  must  consequently  have  condemned  fornica 
tion,  and  every  kind  of  uncleanness. 

22.  Pope  Leo  says,  '  that  upon  this  head  the  Priscil- 
'  lianists  agreed  with  the  Manichees/  We  have  no  writings 
of  Priscil lianists,  to  give  us  light,  and  but  very  imperfect 
accounts  of  their  opinions :  concerning  the  Manichees  we 
have  fuller  information ;  and  we  can  be  satisfied,  that  as 
they  had  a  disadvantageous  notion  of  marriage,  they  abso 
lutely  condemned  fornication,  and  such  like  things.  This 
I  suppose  to  have  been  made  out c  formerly ;  I  would  now 
confirm  it  by  a  passage  of  Faustus  not  yet  alleged  :  '  Wed 
'  do  not  think,'  says  that  Manichean  bishop,  '  that  the  lives 
'  and  manners  of  robbers  are  to  be  approved,  because  Jesus 
'  showed  mercy  to  a  robber  on  the  cross :  or  that  we  are  to 

*  approve  the  lives  of  publicans  and  harlots,  because  Christ 
'  declared  their  sins  to  be  forgiven,  and  that  they  went  into 
'  the  kingdom  of  heaven  before  those  who  behaved  proudly. 
'  For  when  he  absolved  a  woman  taken  in  adultery,  whom 

*  the  Jews  brought  before  him,  he  said  to  her,  "  Go,  and 
'  sin  no  more."       And  Pope  Gregory  the  first,  surnamed 
the  great,  as  well  as  Leo,  says,  the  e  Manichees  condemned 
marriage,  because  they  had  observed  virginity  to  be  com 
mended  in  the  sacred  oracles.     If  therefore  the  Priscil- 
lianists  condemned  marriage,  it  may  be  supposed,  that  they 
went  upon  the  like  grounds  with  the  Manichees :  and  if  they 
judged  marriage  itself  not  sufficiently  pure,  they  loudly 
condemned  fornication,  and  all  sins  of  the  flesh. 

IX.  We  are  now  led  to  the  consideration  of  two  branches 
of  immorality  charged  upon  the  Priscil  lianists,  by  some 
writers  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries.  One  is  lying,  to 
conceal  their  principles ;  the  other  is  the  practice  of  impu 
rity  :  I  shall  transcribe  in  the  margin  these  charges  as  ex 
pressed  by  Augustine  and  Jerom ;  afterwards  I  shall  take 

c  Vol.  iii.  p.  296—299. 

d  Sed  tamen  non  idcirco  dicemus,  et  latronum  vitas  et  mores  nobis 

probabiles  esse  debere,  quia  Jesus  latroni  indulgentiam  dederit :  aut  quia  pub- 
licanis  ignoverit  errata,  dixeritque,  quod  etiam  pracederent  ipsi  ad  regnum 
ccelorum  eos  qui  superbe  gesserunt.  In  injustitia  namque  et  in  adulterio 
deprehensam  mulierem  quandam,  Judaeis  accusantibus,  absolvit  ipse,  praeci- 
piens  ei,  ut  jam  peccare  desineret.  Faust.  1.  33.  cap.  i.  ap.  Augustin.  T.  viii. 

e  Quia  autem  in  sacro  eloquio  Manichaeus  virginitatem  laudari  comperit, 
conjugia  damnavit.  Jovinianus,  quia  concedi  conjugia  cognovit,  virginitatis 
munditiam  despexit.  Gregor.  Moral,  in  Job.  1.  xix.  c.  18.  T.  i.  p.  618.  D. 

2  B  2 


372  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

notice  of  what  is  said  by  Pope  Leo :  and  if  I  speak  to  both 
these  charges  together,  for  the  sake  of  brevity,  1  hope  it  will 
not  be  taken  amiss. 

1.  Of  their  falsehood  Augustine  speaks  in  the  article f  for 
this  sect,  in  his  book  of  Heresies  ands  in  another  work.     He 
says,  they  approved  of  lying,  to  conceal   from  others  their 
real   principles  and  actions:  they  were  said   to   have   this 
among  the  rules  of  their  sect,  Swear,  forswear :  but  never 
betray  a  secret. 

2.  Augustine11  speaks  of  lewd  women  among  the  Priscil- 
lianists. 

3.  Jerom1  speaks  of  the  Priscillianists,  as  practising  lewd- 
ness  in  a  very  shameful  manner. 

But  there  are  considerations,  which  may  dispose  us  to 
think,  that  here  is  some  misrepresentation  or  aggravation  of 
both  these  points. 

(1.)  It  is  very  likely,  that  the  charge  of  falsehood  against 
these  people,  as  well  as  of  impurity,  was  partly  owing  to 
their  being  reckoned  a  branch  of  the  Gnostics,  to  whom 
such  things  were  generally  imputed.  A  passage  of  Sul- 
picius,  Nvhichk  I  place  below,  may  justify  this  supposition. 

(2.)  Augustine  seems  not  to  have  full  proof  of  the  false 
hood,  which  he  imputes  to  them.  He  says,  it  was  reported 
of  them,  and  it  had  been  confirmed  by  some  who  had  once 
been  of  the  sect  and  had  left  them.  But  the  testimony  of 
such  persons  I  take  to  be  of  little  or  no  value  ;  some  such 
people  might  be  willing  to  say  any  thing,  to  ingratiate  them 
selves  with  their  new  friends. 

f  Propter  occultandas  autem  contaminationes  et  turpitudines  suas  habent  in 
suis  dogmatibus  et  haec  verba :  Jura,  perjura,  secretum  prodere  noli.  De 
Hasr.  cap.  70.  T.  viii. 

6  Possunt  enim  aliqui  haeretici  reperiri  fortasse  immundiores.  Sed  nullus 
istis  fallacia  comparator.  Alii  quippe,  ut  sunt  hominum  vitia,  de  hujus  vita? 
consuetudine  vel  infirmitate  mentiuntur.  Isti  autem  in  ipsa  nefaria  doctrina 
haeresis  suse  praeceptum  habere  perhibentur,  ut  occultandorum  dogmatum 
suorum  causa  etiam  falsa  juratione  mentiantur.  Hi,  qui  eos  experti  sunt,  et 
ipsorum  fuerant,  atque  ab  eis  Dei  misericordia  liberati  sunt,  etiam  verba  ipsa 
praecepti  hujus  ista  commemorant :  Jura,  perjura,  secretum  prodere  noli. 
Ep.  237.  [al.  253.]  n.  3.  T.  ii. 

h  Quod  si  enim  ex  numero  Priscillianistarum  impudicarum  aliqua  femina 
injiciat  oculum  in  catholicum.  Joseph.  Contr.  Mendac.  ad  Consent,  cap.  vii. 
n.  17.  T.vi. 

'  Priscillianus  in  Hispania,  pars  Manichaei  (de  turpitudine  cujus  te  discipuli 
diligunt  plurimum)  soli  cum  solis  clauduntur  mulierculis,  et  illud  eis  inter  co- 
ituin  amplexusque  decantant.— Qui  quidem  partem  habent  Gnosticae  haereseos 
de  Basilidis  impietate  venientem.  Ad.  Ctesiph.  ep.  43.  T.  iv.  p.  476. 

k  Namque  turn  primum  infamis  ilia  Gnosticorum  haeresis  intra  Hispanias 
deprehensa,  superstitio  exsecrabilis,  arcanis  occultata  secretis.  Hist.  Sa.  1.  ii.  c. 
46.  al.  61.  in. 


THE  PRISCILLIANISTS.     A.  D.  378.  373 

(3.)  There  were  martyrs  among  the  Priscillianists,  as1 
Augustine  allows.  Therefore,  probably,  there  were  seasons 
when  they  reckoned  themselves  obliged  to  declare  the 
truth  ;  though  at  other  times,  from  prudential  considerations, 
they  might  judge  it  proper  to  be  upon  the  reserve,  as 
indeed  most  people  will  think,  who  lie  under  difficulties  and 
discouragements. 

(4.)  Augustine  himself  acquits  them  of  excessive  lewd- 
ness.  For  he  says,  '  Am  more  impure  sect,  possibly,  may 
'  be  found  ;  but  never  were  there  any  men  comparable  to 
'  them  for  falsehood/ 

(5.)  According  to  Augustine,  the  Priscillianists  had  an 
argument  in  behalf  of  lying  from  T  ha  mar.  Whereupon  he 
says,  *  Why11  do  they  think,  that  Thamar  is  to  be  imitated 
*  when  she  lied,  and  that  Judah  may  not  be  imitated  in 
'the  commission  of  un  clean  ness  ?  Augustine  therefore 
knew  very  well,  that  the  Priscillianists  did  not  approve  of 
fornication,  or  adultery,  or  any  other  such  sins  of  the  flesh. 

(6.)  Jerom,  in  his  letter  to  Ctesiphon,  speaks  of0  Priscil- 
lianism  as  a  doctrine  of  perfection,  and  that  they  pretended 
to  uncommon  degrees  of  knowledge  and  holiness.  If  there 
fore  they  transgressed,  it  was  not  by  principle,  but  through 
infirmity,  and  the  force  of  sudden  temptation,  as  the  men 
of  other  sects  too  often  do. 

(7.)  In  another  work  he  speaks  of  the  Priscillianists,  as? 
asserting,  that  with  due  care  men  may  arrive  at  such  per 
fection,  as  to  be  free  from  sin,  even  in  thought.  They  who 
had  this  notion,  must  have  aimed  at  perfection,  and  could 
not  by  principle  indulge  themselves  in  evil  actions. 

(8.)  1  do  not  observe  Orosius,  in  the  account  which  he 
gives  Augustine  of  the  Priscillianists,  to  charge  them  either 
with  falsehood  or  lewdness. 

X.  We  now  proceed  to  Pope  Leo ;  for  I  have  thought  it 
worth  the  while  to  place  him  by  himself,  and  to  consider 
distinctly  what  he  says;  Ii  therefore  transcribe  him  largely 

1  — Exsecrantur  Priscillianistarum  falsa  martyria.  Contr.  Mendac.  cap.  v. 
n.  9.  T.  vi.  m  See  before,  note  *. 

n  Cur  autem  isti  imitandum  sibi  Thamar  existimant  mentientem,  et  imitan- 
dum  Judam  non  existimant  fornicantem  ?  Contr.  Mendac.  cap.  xiv.  n.  30. 
T.  vi.  °  Priscillianus  in  Hispania,  pars  Manichaei — verbum  per- 

fectionis  et  scientia?  sibi  vindicantes.  Ad  Ctesiph.  ep.  43.  p.  476.  in. 

P  ut  praeteream  Manichoeum,  Priscillianum,— quorum  omnino  ista 

sententia  est:  posse  ad  perfectionem,  et  non  dicam  ad  similitudinem,  sed 
aequalitatem  Dei  humanam  virtutem  et  scientiam  pervenire  :  ita  ut  asserant  se 
ne  cogitatione  quidem  et  ignorantia,  quum  ad  consummations  culmen 
ascenderimt,  posse  peccare.  Adv.  Pelag.  Dial.  i.  T.  iv.  p.  484.  in. 

i  In  exsecrabilibus  autem  inysteriis  eorum  quce  quanto  immundiora  sunt, 


374  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

below.  The  sum  of  what  he  says  is  this:  *  The  Priscilli- 
anists  agree  with  the  Manichees  in  sentiments,  conse 
quently  in  practice.  Wicked  and  obscene  mysteries  had 
been  proved  upon  the  Manichees  ;  and  therefore  they 
were  also  used  by  the  Priscillianists.  Moreover,  such 
things  had  been  proved  upon  the  Priscillianists  in  former 
times.' 

In  answer  to  which  I  say ;  1.  I  am  of  opinion,  that  ob 
scene  mysteries  never  were  proved  upon  the  Manichees  by 
Pope  Leo,  or  any  others.  And  I  would  willingly  refer  to 
what  has  been  already  observed  relating  to  this  point  inr  a 
preceding  volume,  and  particularly  to  the  Remarks  upon 
Mr.  Bower's  account  of  the  Manichees.8  2.  Supposing  such 
things  to  have  been  proved  concerning  the  Manichees,  it 
does  not  follow,  that  they  may  be  righteously  ascribed  to 
the  Priscillianists.  For  allowing  the  Priscillianists  to  have 
agreed  with  the  Manichees  in  some  of  their  peculiarities,  it 
cannot  be  thence  reasonably  concluded,  that  they  embraced 
them  all ;  yea,  it  is  apparent,  that  they  differed  from  them, 
and  in  a  material  point,  receiving  the  scriptures  of  the  Old 
Testament ;  not  now  to  mention  any  thing  else.  3.  Pope 
Leo  says,  obscene  mysteries  had  been  proved  upon  the 
Priscillianists  in  former  times;  referring,  I  suppose,  to  the 
trial  of  Priscillian  and  his  friends.  To  which  I  answer;  I 
am  of  opinion,  that  they  were  not  then  proved  upon  Priscil- 
IJan  nor  his  followers ;  and  of  this  let  every  one  judge,  who 
has  perused  the  preceding  part  of  this  chapter.  4.  I  think, 
it  appears,  that  Pope  Leo  had  not  any  positive  proof,  that 
the  Priscillianists  used  obscene  mysteries,  or  practised  any 
wickedness  by  principle;  for  he  alleges  not  any  such  proof; 
and  founds  his  charges  against  them  upon  their  supposed 
agreement  with  the  Manichees,  and  the  transactions  of  for 
mer  times. 

XI.  As  yet  I  have  taken  nothing  from  Philaster,  because 
the  Priscillianists  are  no  where  mentioned  by  him  under 
that  name.  But  he  has  an  article  of  heretics,  whom  he 
calls  Abstinents,  which1 1  shall  now  transcribe  at  the  bottom 
of  the  page. 

tanto  diligentius  occulantur,  unum  prorsus  nefas  est,  una  est  obsccenitas,  et  similis 
turpitude.  Quam  etsi  eloqui  erubescimus,  solicitissimis  tamen  inquisitionibus 
indagatam,  et  Manichaeorum,  qui  comprehensi  sunt,  confessione  detectam,  ad 
publicam  fecimus  pervenirenotitiam.  Quod  autem  de  Manichaeorum  fcedissmo 
scelere,  hoc  etiam  de  Prise illianistarum  incestissimsi  consuetudine  olim  com- 
pertum,  multumque  vulgatum  est.  Qui  enim  per  omnia  sunt  impietate  sen- 
suum  pares,  non  possimt  in  sacris  suis  esse  dissimiles.  Ep.  15.  cap.  16.  p.  230, 
231.  r  Vol.  iii.  p.  295—298.  s  P.  449—456, 

1  Sunt  in  Galliis,  et  Hispaniis,   et  Aquitania,  veluti  Abstinentes,  qui  et 


THE  PRISCILLIANISTS.     A.  D.  378.  375 

It  is  the  opinion  of11  Fabricius,  andv  Tillemont,  that  the 
Priscillianists  are  the  heretics  here  intended  by  Philaster. 

What  he  says  is  briefly  this :  That  in  Gaul,  and  Spain, 
and  Aquitain,  there  was  a  sort  of  Abstinents,  a  branch  of 
the  Gnostics  and  Manichees,  who  dissolved  marriages  with 
out  mutual  consent,  and  enjoined  abstinence  from  some 
kinds  of  food.  And  he  shows  the  inconveniences  of  the 
former  of  those  doctrines,  and  confutes  it  by  texts  of  scrip 
ture,  as  he  does  also  the  latter.  He  moreover  says,  that 
they  captivated  many  people. 

Whenever  this  article  was  written  by  Philaster,  it  tends 
greatly  to  wipe  off  some  aspersions  which  were  cast  upon 
the  Priscillianists.  Their  distinguishing  character  was  not 
licentiousness,  but  rigour  and  abstinence;  this  was  their 
profession,  this  their  outward  appearance;  and  thereby  they 
gained  upon  many  people.  If  this  article  of  Philaster  was 
written  soon  after  the  rise  of  Priscillianism,  and  before  the 
trial  of  Priscillian  at  Treves,  (which  may  be  reckoned  very 
probable,)  it  confirms  the  conjecture  mentioned  some  while 
ago,  that  the  charges  brought  against  him  were  first  in 
vented  about  that  time. 

The  only  two  articles  imputed  to  these  Abstinents  by 
Philaster,  are  their  rigid  doctrines  about  marriage  and  diet. 
These,  as  I  apprehend,  first  induced  men  to  call  them  Ma 
nichees  :  and  having  once  given  them  that  denomination,  or 

Gnosticorum  et  Manichaeorum  particulam  perniciosissimam  aeque  sequuntur, 
eandemque  non  dubitant  praedicare :  separantes  persuasionibus  conjugia  ho- 
minum,  et  escarum  abstinentiam  promittentes,  quae  non  ex  legis  prsecepto,  sed 
promotionis  coelestis,  et  dignitatis  causa  voluntati  hominum  talis  a  Christo 
concessa  est  gratia.  Dicit  enim  Dominus  Petro  :  '  Non  omnes  capiunt  hoc 
verbum.'  [Matt.  xix.  11.]  Et  iterum  idem  Dominus  ait :  *  Qui  dimiserit 
uxorem  suam  sine  causa  criminis,  facit  earn  mcechari.'  [ib.  ver.  9.]  Aliud  est 
itaque  consensu  communi  hoc  fieri,  laudis  causa  majoris  consequendae  a 
Domino,  et  aliud  contra  legem  suadere,  contraque  amborum  facere  voluntatem. 
Et  iterum :  '  Qui  non  manducat,  manducantem  non  spernat :  et  qui  mandu- 
cat,  non  manducantem  non  judicet.'  [Rom.  xiv.  3.]  Quod  ex  voluntate  est 
itaque,  laudis  est  amplioris,  immo  potius  mercedis  coelestis  est  desiderium. 
Quod  autem  extra  legem  est,  non  a  Deo  Christo  est  traditum,  sed  inani  homi 
num  praesumtione  et  errore  inventum.  Scriptum  est  enim,  *  Do  vobis  omnia 
edere,  sicut  foenum.'  [Gen.  ix.  3.]  Hoc  autem  ideo  faciunt,  ut  escas  paulatim 
spernentes,  dicant  eas  non  esse  bonas,  et  ita  non  a  Deo  hominibus  escae  causa 
fuisse  concessas  sed  a  diabolo  factas  ut  adserant,  ita  sentiunt.  Inque  hoc  jam 
creaturam  non  a  Deo  creatam,  sed  a  diabolo  earn  factam  praedicare  nituntur. 
Perque  hoc  mendacium  multorum  animas  captivarunt.  Philast.  H.  84.  Ab- 
stinentes. 

u  Perspicuum  vero  est  a  Philastrio  perstringi  Priscillianistas,  qui  circa  A.  C. 
380,  proferre  se  coeperunt.  Fabric.  Annot.  in  Philast.  p.  161. 

v  Si  les  heretiques  qu'  il  nomme  Abstinens  sont  les  Priscillianistes,  comme 
il  y  a  assez  d1  apparence,  il  n'  a  ecrit,  qu'  apres  1'  an  380,  auquel  cette  heresie 
commence  a  eclater  dans  1'Espagne.  S.  Philasrre,  Tillem.  Mem.  EC.  T.  viii. 


376  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

said  that  they  were  a  branch  of  the  Gnostics  and  Manichees, 
men  were  led  to  ascribe  to  them  all  the  enormities,  which 
were  generally  imputed  to  those  people. 

XI 1.  Upon  the  whole,  from  what  has  passed  before  us  in 
this  chapter,  I  think  it  appears,  that  the  Priscillianists  re 
ceived  the  scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  which 
were  generally  received  by  other  Christians.  They  likewise 
made  use  of  apocryphal  books  ;  but  what  respect  they  had 
for  them  cannot  be  now  clearly  determined.  Some  eccle 
siastics,  who  went  under  this  denomination,  are  represented, 
from  an  ill-judged  zeal  and  without  sufficient  reason,  to 
have  deserted  their  stations  in  the  church,  to  betake  them 
selves  to  a  retired  and  solitary  course  of  life.  They  had 
errors  concerning  the  soul,  and  some  other  matters.  They 
seem  to  have  had  a  disadvantageous  opinion  of  marriage, 
and  thereby  sometimes  made  unhappy  breaches  in  families, 
if  their  adversaries  do  not  aggravate.  They  also  had  rules 
about  diet,  not  founded  in  reason,  nor  scripture.  Some  of 
these  people  are  blamed  for  not  consuming  the  eucharist  at 
church  :  and  they  were  irregular  in  fasting,  when  other 
Christians  feasted.  But  as  we  have  none  of  their  writings 
remaining,  we  do  not  know  their  whole  system  with  cer 
tainty.  By  some  they  have  been  charged  with  obscene 
doctrines,  and  lewd  practices.  But  so  far  as  we  are  able  to 
judge  upon  the  evidence  that  has  been  produced,  they  ra 
ther  appear  to  have  made  high  pretensions  to  sanctity  and 
purity,  and  to  have  practised  uncommon  mortifications. 


CHAP.  CVI1I. 

DIODORUS,  BISHOP  OF  TARSUS. 


DIODORUS,  of a  a  good  family,  and  probably  born  at  An- 
tioch,  in  which  city  he  long  resided,  was  ordained  bishop  of 
Tarsus  in  Cilicia,  by  bMeletius  bishop  of  Antioch,  about  the 
year  378.  He  died  in  394,  or  sooner. 

2.    St.  Jerom,  whomc  T  place  below,  reckons  the   time 

a  Kat  TI\V  p,tv  TS  yevaf  UK  £\oyi£ero  irtpi(/)aveiav,  rr\v    vrnp  Ti 
raXanrwpiav  aairaouiiQ  viriniivt.     Theod.  H.  E.  1.  iv.  c.  25.  p.  188.  B. 
b  Ib.  1.  v.  c.  4.  in. 
c  Diodorus,  Tarsensis  episcopus,  dum  Antiochiae  esset  presbyter,  raagis  cla- 


DIODORUS,  Bishop  of  Tarsus.     A.  D.  378.  377 

when  he  was  presbyter  the  most  shining*  period  of  his  life. 
He  does  not  assign  the  reasons  of  that  judgment  :  but  they 
may  be  collected  from  other  writers,  particularly  the  eccle 
siastical  historians  of  those  times. 

3.  Diodorus,  whilst  presbyter,  seems  to  have  had  the  di 
rection  of  some  monastery,  or  school,  in  or  near  the  city  of 
Antioch.     Atd  which  time  he  instructed  divers  young  men 
in  the  knowledge  of  the  scriptures,  and   the  principles  of 
religion  :    among1  whom  three,  who  were  afterwards  very 
eminent,  are  particularly  mentioned  ;    Maximus   bishop  of 
Seleucia  in  Isauria,  Theodore  bishop  of  Mopsuestia  in  Cili- 
cia,  and  John  Chrysostom  bishop  of  Constantinople.     Chry- 
sostom  in  an  oration  calls  Diodoruse  his  father,  and  boasts 
of  the  share  he  had  in  his  esteem. 

4.  Moreover,  Jerorn  may  have  an  eye  to  some  sufferings 
which  he  underwent  from  the  Arians  in  the  time  of  Valens  : 
whereas  his   episcopate  was  peaceable.      Chrysostom  says, 
hef  was  more  than  once  banished   from  his  native  country, 
for  his  freedom  in  speaking'  the  truth.     Theodoret,  in  divers 
places,  celebrates  Diodorus's  courage  in  those  difficult  times. 
He  says,  '  that?  when   Leontius  was  bishop  of  Antioch,  he 

*  and  Flavian,  though  they  were  then  but  laymen,  not  only 

*  openly  professed  the  apostolic  doctrine,  but  were  also  very 
'  diligent  in  keeping  the  people  in  the  right  faith.     He  else- 

*  where  calls  themh  lights  of  the  truth.' 

To  these,  and  some  other  like  things,  Jerom  may  refer. 

5.  Jerom  says  farther,  that  *  Diodorus  wrote  Commenta- 

*  ries  upon  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  and  many  other  things,  imi- 

*  tating*  the  manner  of  Eusebius  of  Emesa  ;'  of  whom,  it  may 
be  remembered,  we  spake'  formerly.     To  the  like  purpose 
k  Socrates,  and  ^ozomeu:   who  say,  that  Diodorus  wrote 

ruit.  Extantque  ejus  in  apostolum  commentarii,  et  multa  alia,  ad  Eusebii 
magis  Emiseni  characterem  pertinentia  ;  cujus  cum  sensutn  secutus  sit,  eloquen- 
tiam  imitari  non  potuit  propter  ignorantiam  saecularium  literarum.  De  V.  I. 
cap.  119. 

d   TrjvtKavra  sv  «rot   [Iwavvrjs,  9£o£wpo£,  Kai  M«£i/uoe]  mrxdaioi  Tripi  rtjv 


ytvo/ieroi,  fia9r}Ttvsaiv  eig  TO.  afficrjTiKa  Aicdwpy  /cat  Kaprfpiy*  otnveg 
Tore  fitv  aff/ejjrT/piy  TrpoiVavro*  Socr.  J.  vi.  c.  3.  p.  302.  B.  Et  conf.  Soz.  1. 
viii.  c.  2.  p.  757.  A.  Et  Thdrt.  1.  v.  c.  ult. 

e  In  Diod.  T.  iii.  p.  748.  A.  f  AXXa  KCU  UTOQ  TroXXa/ctc 

r?je  iraTpidog  e&Trecre  tfia  rr]v  virip  rrj'2  Tri^tuq  trappriaiav.     Ibid.  p.  749.  B. 
e   -  'H    de  a^iaya^OQ  Zvvwpig  <b\a(3iavog   (cat  Ato^wpof,  ttparticqg  \iiv 
rip  de  Xa^  awTtTay/jitvoi,   vvKTwp   icat  /zt0' 

tig  TOV  virtp  rrjg  tvatfitiag  t,i]\ov  dirjytipav  airavraQ.  Theod.  L.  ii.  c. 
24.  p.  107.  A.  B.  Vid.  et  1.  iv.cap.  25.  h  -  oi  r//? 

a\i]Qtiuq  QwrrrjptG.  L.  iv.  c.  27.  p.  190.  c.  '  See  Vol.  iii.  p.  593,  594. 

k   --  TroXXa  ]3i/3Xta    ffvvtypa-Jse,   ^/tXy  r<ft  y/oa/i/ttan  TMV  Sftatv  ir 
ypatyuv,  TUQ  Stwpiag  UVTUV  tKTptTrofiivoQ.  Socr.  1.  vi.  c.  3.  p.  302.  C. 
1  Soz.  1.  viii.  c.  2.  p.  257.  A. 


378  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

many  books,  representing  tbe  literal  or  historical  sense  of 
scripture,  omitting  the  mystery. 

6.  I  formerly™  had  occasion  to  take  notice  of  Diodorus's 
work  against  the  Manichees,  in  five  and  twenty   books,  of 
which  there  is  mention  made  in  n  Photius.     The  same  learned 
critic  mentions  a  book  of  Diodorus0  concerning  the  Spirit, 
and''  gives  a  large  account  of  his  work  against  Fate,  in 
eight  books,  and  three  and  fifty  chapters. 

7.  By  Theodoret  we  are  assured,  that  ^  Diodorus  wrote 
against  Paul  of  Samosata,  Sabellius,  Marcellus,  and  Pho- 
tinus. 

8.  Suidasr  says, '  that  Diodorus  lived  in  the  time  of  Julian 

*  and  Valens  :  and  adds,  as  from  Theodoret  the  reader,  that 
'  he  wrote  Commentaries  upon  all  the  books  of  the  Old 

*  Testament,  Genesis,  Exodus,  and  the  books  following,  and 

*  upon  the  Psalms,  and  the  four  books  of  the  Kingdoms, 
'  and  the  difficult  places  of  the  Chronicles,  and   upon  the 

*  Proverbs  :  the8  Difference  between  Theory  and  Allegory  : 
'  upon  Ecclesiastes  :    upon   the  Canticles  ;  upon  the  Pro- 
'  phets — *  upon  the  four  Gospels  :    upon  the  Acts  of  the 
'Apostles:    upon   the  epistle  of  the   evangelist   John: — 
'  Against  the  Melchizedefcians  : — Against  the  Jews  :  of  the 
'  Resurrection  of  the  Dead  :  of u  the  Soul,  and  the  different 
'opinions  about  it — of  Providence:  against  v Plato,  con- 
'  cerning  God  and  the  gods :  of  Nature  and  Matter  :  against 
'  the  Astronomers  and  Astrologers,  and  of  Fate :  of w  God, 
'  and  the  fictitious  matter  of  the  Greeks,  or  Gentiles — against 
'  the    philosopher    Euphronius,  by    way   of   question   and 
'  answer  :  against  Porphyry  of  animals  and  sacrifices  :'  and 
divers  others,  which  need  not  to  be  here  rehearsed. 

9.  Ebedjesu,  in  his  Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers 
found  in  the  Syriac  language,  says,  that  Diodorusx  wrote 
sixty  books,  which  the  Arians  had  burned.      However  he 
mentions  eight,  which   had  remained,  having  escaped  the 
diligence  of  his  enemies;  one  of  which  is  the  work  against 
the  Manichees ;  another  is  an  explication  of  a  part  of  St. 
Matthew's  gospel. 

m  Vol.  iii.  p.  269, 280.          "  Cod.  85.  p.  204.          °  Cod.  102.  p.  275. 

P  Cod.  223.  p.  662,  &c.  1  Hseret.  Fab.  1.  ii.  cap.  xi. 

r   V.  AioflwjOOf.  8   Tig  Statyopa  Stwptac  KOI  aX 

1   Ei?  ra   S'  ivayyt\ia*   tig  rag   Ifpa£et£  TUV  A  7ro<roXa»v*  tig  rrjv 
Ihjavva  T&  fvayyi\i<zu.      Ibid.  u   ITfpi  ^v^t]g'  Kara 

TTipi  avTTjg  aiptfftojV'  v   Kava  IlXarwvoc  TTtpt  6e8  Kai  Stwv. 

w    Ilfpt  9f»  icat  v\j]g  'EXXrjviKjjg  -TTfTrXaff^ifvrjg. 

*  Composuit  libros  numero  sexaginta,  quos  Ariani  combusserunt 

Remanserunt  vero  ex  illis  qua?  sequuntur — et  Expositio  in  partem  Matthaei. 
Ebed.  Cat.  n.  18.  ap.  Asseman.  Bib.  Or.T.  iii.  p.  39. 


DIODORUS,  Bishop  of  Tarsus.     A.  D.  378.  379 

10.  One  book,  in  Suidas,  and  which  may  be  supposed  to 
relate  to  the  right   interpretation  of  scripture,  is  entitled, 

*  The  Difference  between  Theory  and  Allegory.'    In  the  enu 
meration  of  his  works,  it  is  placed,  as  we  have  seen,  next 
after  the  Commentary  upon  the  book  of  the  Proverbs ;  and? 
therefore  may  have  been  a  Dissertation  subjoined  to  it.     But 
the  design  of  it  is  not  very  obvious.     Fabricius  thinks,  itz 
showed  the  difference  of  the  mystical  sense  from  the  alle 
gorical  and  moral.     Ludolf  Kuster,  in   his  notes  upon  Sui 
das,  says,  thata  theory  denotes  the  abstruse  and   mystical 
sense  in  opposition  to  the  literal  sense :  and  moreover,  that 
the  theory  is  more  sublime  than  the  allegory. 

11.  Diodorus  seems  to  have  been  an  apologist  for  the  chris- 
tian  religion.     He  wrote,  as  we  have  seen,  against  the  Jews, 
as  well   as  against  heretics.     And  it  may  be  reckoned  very 
probable,  that  in  some  of  his  works,  he  confuted  heathenism, 
or  some  of  its  principles :  it  may  be  fairly  argued  from  the 
titles  of  several  of  them  above  mentioned  from  Suidas.     And, 
if  Facundus  may  be  relied  upon,  the  emperor  Julian  wrote 
a  letter  to  Photinus,  in  b  which   he   reviled   Diodorus,   as 
ignorant  of  the  mysteries  of  the  gods,  but  well  versed  in  the 
fishermen's  theology  ;  a  large  part  of  which  letter  Facundus 
has  left  us  in  a  sad  Latin  translation, 

12.  The  respect  shown  to  Diodorus  appears,  in  part,  in 
some  things  already  said. 

13.  Theodoretc   speaks   of  him  in  terms  of  the  highest 
respect,  and  often  commends  him.     Basil,  who  was  acquaint- 

y  l  In  Proverbia :'  cui  addidit  dissertationem  de  '  Differentia  Theorise  et 
Allegorise,'  sive  sensus  mystici  ab  allegorico  atque  morali.  Fabr.  Bib.  Gr.  T. 
viii.  p.  362.  z  See  note  y. 

a  Gtupia  hie  significat  sensum  abstrusiorem  et  mysticum :  cui  opponitur  TO 

prjTov,  sive  sensus  literalis.  Sozomenus  de  Diodoro  nostro  : Trtpi  de  TO 

pqrov  Td)v  itptov  Xoywv  Tag  eZrjyrjaeig  TroiijaaffOai,  Tag  Stwpiag  cnrotytvyovTa : 
id  est :  *  Quern  accepi  multos  libros  a  se  conscriptos  posteris  reliquisse,  et  sa- 
'  cram  scripturam  ad  literam  exposuisse,  omisso  sensu  mystico.'  Et  Socrates 
— i|/i\y  Ty  ypa/ijuan  TWV  Stiuv  irpoat^v  ypa^wv,  Tag  Seupiag  avTwv  eicrpt- 
irofitvog.  *  Diodorus  vero multos  conscripsit  libros,  simplicem  tantum 

*  atque  obvium  scripturarum  sensum  inquirens,  mysticam  vero  earum  interpre- 
'  tationem  refugiens.'     Qttopia  igitur  quid  significet,  hinc  patet.     Ab  ea  differt 
allegoria,  quod  haec  in  inferioribus  subsistat,  nee  in  tarn  sublimi  argumento  ver- 
setur,  quam  theoria.     Kuster. 

b  Julianus  enim,  Christo  perfidus  imperator,  sic  Photino  haeresiarchae  ad- 
versus  Diodorum  scribit — Diodorus  autem  Nazanei  magus, — auctus  apparuit 

sophista  religionis  agrestis usque  adeo  ignorans  paganorum  mysteria,  om- 

nemque  miserabiliter  imbibens,  ut  aiunt,  degenerum  et  imperitorum  ejus  theo- 
logorum  piscatorum  errorem.  Facund.  1.  iv.  cap.  2.  p.  59. 

c   Kai  Aiodwpog  per  6  GO^TOLTOQ  TB  Kcti  av^petoraroc,  ota  Tig  Trora\ioq  flwifye 
rt    Km  iityciQ,   rote  piv  OIKIIOIQ  TTJV  aptiuav  Trpofff^fpe,   Tag  fc  TWV  tvavT 
Theod.  1.  iv.  c.  25.  p.  188.  B.  Vid.  etl.  v.  cap.  ult. 


380  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

ed  with  Diodorus,  testifies d  his  esteem  and  affection  for  him, 
as  an  excellent  and  useful  man.  They  who  are  pleased 
may  also  consult e  Facundus. 

14.  Many  learned   moderns   have  been  very  sensible  of 
his  merit.     Cavef  speaks   honourably  of  his  method  of  in 
terpreting   scripture.       And    as    he   imitated    Eusebius  of 
Emesa,  so,  as  it  seems,  to&  him  we  are  indebted   for  Chry- 
sostom  and   Theodore,  whose  taste    was  formed  by  his.     [ 
place  in  the  margin  a  part  h  of  Beausobre's  character  of  our 
Diodorus  of  Tarsus,    and  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia.     '  He 
'  calls  them  two  of  the  most   learned  bishops  of  antiquity: 
'  both  which,  as  he  says,  banished  from  their  Commentaries 
4  allegorical    interpretations,    confining    themselves    to    the 
'  literal   sense.     The  loss  of  their  works  has   been  a  great 
'  detriment  to  the  Christian  interest.     But  the  Greeks  sacri- 
*  ficed  them  to  their  hatred  and  envy,  because  Nestorius  had 
'  been  their  scholar/ 

15.  The  usefulness  of  Diodorus's  Commentaries,  if  they 
had   been  extant,  may  be   collected  from  what  Montfau9on 
says:  That1   from  the  remaining  fragments  of  them,  to  be 
found  in  the  Chains,  he  appears  to  have  been  well  acquainted 
with  Origen's  Hexapla. 

16.  I  have  allowed  myself  to  enlarge  in   the  history  of 
Diodorus  and  his  works,  because  they  are  most   of  them 
lost,  and  many  of  them  were   designed  for  illustrating  the 
holy  scriptures.     But  for  farther  accounts  of  them,  and  the 
reflections  cast  upon  his  and  Theodore's  memory,  after  the 
rise  of  the  Nestorian  and  Pelagian  controversies,  I  refer  to 

d  Bas.  Ep.  244.  [al.  82.]  p.  378.  D. 

e  Fac.  1.  iv.  c.  2. 

f  Vir  sane  undequaque  doctissimus,  qui  in  indagando  S.  Scripturarum  sensu, 
repudiatis  allegoriis,  simplicem  duntaxat  atque  obviam  verborum  intelligentiam 
sectatus  est.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  in  Diodoro. 

*  Praecipuus  Diodori  labor  fuit,  quo  plerosque  scripturae  libros  interpretando 
imitatus  est  Eusebium  Emesenum.  Atque  ipse  praeivit  Joanni  Chrysostomo 
atque  Theodore  Mopsuesteno,  ita  ut  sensum  literalem,  potius  quam,  ex  recepto 
apud  plerosque  alios  illis  temporibus  more,  allegorias  sectarentur,  &c.  Fabr. 
Bib.  Gr.  T.  viii.  p.  362. 

h  Je  ne  say,  si  Theodore  de  Mopsueste,  et  Diodore  de  Tarse,  deux  des  plus 
savans  eveques  de  1'  antiquite,  decouvrirent  cette  vue  des  loix  Mosai'ques : 

Spour  etre  un  preservatif  centre  1'idolatrie  :]  mais  ilsbannirent,  Tun  et  1'  autre, 
e  leurs  commentaires  sur  le  V.  T.  tout  ce  fatras  d'  allegories,  s'  attachant 
uniquement  a  bien  expliquer  le  sens  literal.  Quelle  perte  pour  1'  eglise  que 
celle  le  leurs  excel  lens  ouvrages,  que  les  Grecs  ont  sacrifie  a  leur  haine  et  leur 
envie,  parce  que  ces  savans  hommes  avoient  ete  les  maitres  de  Nestorius. 
Beaus.  H.  de  Manich.  1.  i.  ch.  iv.  T.  i.  p.  288. 

1  Diodorus  Tarsensis,  in  sacra  scriptura  apprime  vcrsatus,  Hexaplorum 
plenam  notitiam  habuisse  videtur :  ut  ex  ejus  fragmentis,  quse  in  Catenis 
supersunt,  deprehenditur.  Montf.  Praelim.  in  Hexapl.  Orig.  p.  95. 


A  Commentary  upon  thirteen  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles.     A.  D.  380.    38 1 

otherk  writers  ;  though  I  have  made  some  use  of  them,  and 
have  been  assisted  by  them  in  composing  this  article. 


CHAP.    C1X. 


A  COMMENTARY  UPON  THIRTEEN  OF  ST.  PAUL'S  EPISTLES. 

I.  The  time  and  author  of'  this  work.     II.  His  testimony  to 
the  books  of  the  New  Testament. 

I.  I  HAVE  already  more  than  once  a  taken  notice  of  a  Com 
mentary  upon  thirteen  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  usually  joined 
with  St.  Ambrose's  works,  and  of  late  ascribed  by  many 
to  Hilary,  deacon  of  Rome. 

1.  And  as  I  have  not  yet  given  any  account  of  him,  I 
shall  do  it  now,  but  briefly.  He  b  was  born  in  Sardinia,  and 
made  deacon  of  Rome  about  the  year  354.  He  is  mentioned 
by  Jerom  in  his  book  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers,  in  the 
chapter  concerning0  Lucifer  of  Cagliari,  and  several  times 
in  his  book  against  the  Luciferians.  Hilary  was  always  a 
zealous  Homoiisian.  Afterwards  he  became  a  rigid  Luci- 
ferian,and  even  exceeded  the  bishop,  from  whom  those  peo 
ple  received  their  denomination.  Jerom  d  pleasantly  calls 
mm  another  Deucalion,  as  if  he  would  bring  again  an 
universal  deluge  on  the  world,  because  he  was  for  rebap- 
tizing  Arians,  and  other  heretics,  when  they  came  over  to 
the  church  :  whereas  it  had  been  the  general  usage  of 
Christians  in  former  times,  and  of  the  church  of  Rome  in 

k  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  Fabr.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  viii.  p.  358—363.  Tillem.  Mem.  EC. 
T.  viii.  et  Du  Pin,  T.  ii.  a  See  Vol.  iii.  p.  26,  27,  303. 

b  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  317.  c  De  V.  I.  cap.  95. 

d  Est  praeterea  aliud  quod  inferemus,  adversum  quod  ne  mutire  audeat 
Hilarius,  Deucalion  orbis.  Si  enim  haeretici  baptisma  non  habent,  et  ideo 
rebaptizandi  ab  ecclesia  sunt,  quia  in  ecclesia  non  fuerunt,  ipse  quoque 
Hilarius  non  est  christianus.  In  ea  quippe  ecclesia  baptizatus  est,  quae 
semper  ab  haereticis  baptismum  recepit. — Diaconus  eras,  o  Hilari,  et  a  Mani- 
chaeis  baptizatos  recipiebas.  Diaconus  eras,  et  Ebionis  baptisma  compro- 
babas.  Repente,  postquam  exortus  est  Arius,  totus  tibi  displicere  ccepisti. 

Segregas  te  cum  tuis  vernulis,  et  novum  balneum  aperis. Quod  si  negan- 

dum  quispiam  putaverit,  haereticos  a  majoribus  nostris  semper  fuisse  susceptos, 

legat  beati  Cypriani  epistolas. Legat  et  ipsius  Hilarii  libellos,  quos  adversus 

nos  de  haereticis  rebaptizandis  edidit :  et  ibi  reperiet,  ipsum  Hilarium  confiteri, 
a  Julio,  Marco,  Silvestro,  et  caeteris  veteribus  episcopis  similiter  in  pceniten- 
tiam  omnes  haereticos  susceptos.  Hieron.  Adv.  Lucifer.  T.  iv.  P.  ii.  p.  305. 
Vid.  ib.  p.  302.  infr.  m. 


382  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

particular,  to  receive  heretics  upon  repentance.  Upon  the 
ground  of  this  notion  Hilary  separated  from  the  church. 
He  also  wrote  treatises  in  favour  of  his  opinion.  So  says 
Jerom. 

2.  Cave  readily  allows  this  Hilary,  deacon  of  Rome,  to 
be  author  of  the  fore-named  Commentary,  written,  as  he 
supposed],  before  384,  as  also  of  Queestiones  in  Vetus  et 
Novuin  Testamentum,  written  about  370,  and  usually 
joined  with6  St.  Augustine's  works.  Pagi f  likewise  con 
tends,  that  Hilary,  deacon  of  Rome,  was  author  of  both 
these  works.  Du  Pin  s  carefully  examines  this  point.  Til- 
lemont  says,  ith  is  now  thought  by  many,  that  Hilary  is 
author  of  the  fore-mentioned  Commentary,  but  that  this 
opinion  is  not  without  its  difficulties.  James  Basnage,  with 
out  determining  who  is  the  author,  says,  he1  lived  in  the 
time  of  Damasus,  before  the  end  of  the  fourth  century. 
Samuel  Basnage  k  hesitates.  And  as  for  the  Qusestiones, 
&c.  he  will  not  deny  them  to  have  the  same  author  with 
the  Commentaries,  because  they  agree  in  several  things. 
But1  he  says,  they  are  written  in  a  manner  much  inferior  to 
the  Commentaries.  None,  in  my  opinion,  have  treated  this 
question  more  fully,  or  more  judiciously,  than  the  Benedic 
tine  editors  of  St.  Ambrose's  works :  they  say,  thatm  the 
manuscript  copies  of  the  Commentaries  are  very  different 
from  one  another  ;  and  that  in  some  parts  of  those  Commen 
taries  there  appear  to  be  interpolations  of  long  passages. 
Nor  are  they  certain  that  the  Quoestiones  were  written  by~the 
author  of  the  commentaries.  And  if  they  were,  they  also 
have  been  interpolated  :  which,  indeed,  1  take  to  be  very 
probable,  or  even  manifest,  concerning  both  these  works. 

II.  I  shall  make  some  extracts  out  of  the  Commentaries  ; 
but  I  forbear  to  transcribe  any  thing  out  of  the  Quaestiones 
in  V.  et  N.  Testamentum. 

1.   In   these   Commentaries  upon  thirteen  Epistles  of  St. 
Paul,  most  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament  are  quoted  : 
as  the  four  gospels,  Mark's"  in  particular;  the  Acts  of  the 
Tom.  iii.  edit.  Lovan.  T.  iv.  edit.  Benedict. 
Ann.  362.  n.  xxv.  xxvi.  K  Bib.  EC.  T.  ii. 

St.  Ambroise,  art.  xci.  Mem.  EC.  T.  x.  et  Lucifer  de  Cagliari,  Art.  ix.  et 
no  .  9,  10.  Mem.  T.  vii. 

Histoire  de  I1  Eglise,  1.  xix.  ch.  7.  n.  15.  p.  1181. 

Ann.  362.  n.  21,22. 

Commentarius  porro  operi  Quaestionum  longissime  praestat.     Ib.  n.  22. 

m  In  Commentar.  Admonit.  ap.  S.  Ambrosii.  Opp.  T.  ii.  in  Append  p. 
21,  &c. 

n  Quamvis  dicat  Marcus  evangelista  de  daemonibus :  «  Sciebant  enim 
Christum  ipsum  esse  Jesum.'  [Marc.  i.  34.]  In  1  ep.  ad  Cor.  cap.  ii.  8.  Ap. 
Ambros.  T.  ii.  Append,  p.  118.  D. 


A  Commentary  upon  thirteen  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles.    A.  D.  380.    383 

Apostles  very  often  ;  the  first  and  °  second  epistle  of  Peter  ; 
St.  John's  first  epistle  often,  IiigP  third  epistle  once  at  least ; 
the  q  Revelation  he  ascribes  to  John  the  apostle,  and  quotes 
it  very  freely  :  whether  the  author  received  the  epistle  to  the 
Hebrews  as  Paul's,  may  be  questioned  ;  since  he  wrote 
commentaries  upon  his  acknowledged  thirteen  epistles,  and 
not  upon  that.  However,  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  is 
mentioned  inr  these  commentaries. 

2.  I  shall   now  put  down  some  remarkable  observations 
and  explications  of  this  author. 

3.  He  says,  that8  all  the  apostles  were  chosen  out  of  the 
Jewish  nation,  and  that  it  was  fit  it  should  be  so. 

4.  Upon  Gal.  i.  19,  he  says,  that1  James,  there  mentioned, 
and  called  "  brother  of  the  Lord,"  was  son  of  Joseph  by  a 
former  wife ;  but  some  impiously  asserted,  that  Joseph  had 
children  by  Mary. 

5.  He  supposed),  that  the    Christians  at  Rome    had    no 
apostle  with  them,  before  the  time  of  St.  Paul's  writing'  to 
them;  which   to  me  appears  very  probable:  it  may  be  ar 
gued  from  the  whole  of  his  epistle  to  them,  though  from 
some  parts  of  it  more  especially.     However,  Pelagius  mani 
fests    a    different    opinion  inv  his    commentary   upon    that 
epistle. 

Upon  Col.  iv.  14,  "  Luke  the  beloved  physician  and 
Demas  greet  you  :"  he  says,  *  Thatw  Luke  was  justly  dear 
to  Paul,  because  he  constantly  accompanied  him.  Moreover, 
he  is  said  to  have  written  the  gospel  and  the  Acts  of  the 

0  Sicut  Petrus  apostolus  inter  caetera  dicens :  '  Ut  sitis,'  inquit,  '  consortes 
divinae  naturae.'  [2  Pet.  i.  4.]     In  Philip,  i.  p.  251.  F. 

P  Hie  est  Caius,  ut  arbitror,  ad  quern  scribit  Joannes  apostolus,  exsultans  in 
caritateejus,  quam  exhibebat  fraternitati.  In  Rom.  xvi.  p.  110.  E. 

1  Sicut  dictum  est  in  Apocalypsi  Joannis  apostoli.     In  2  Thess.  c.  ii.  p.  28G. 
C.     Vid.  et  in  2  Cor.  xi.  p.  198.  B.  in  1  Thess.  iv.  p.  282.  A.     Et  passim. 

r  Nam  simili  modo  et  in  epistola  ad  Hebreeos  scriptum  est,  quia  Levi,  qui 
decimas  accepit,  decimas  dedit  Melchisedec.  In  2  Tim.  i.  p.  305.  B. 

s  Hoc  est  quod  dicit,  quia  dispensatio  praedicationis  his  decreta  est  a  Deo, 
qui  ex  Judaeis  crediderunt  in  Christum.  Unde  nullus  ex  gentibus  ad  aposto- 
latum  electus  est.  Dignum  enim  erat,  ex  his  eligi  praedicatores,  qui  ante  spe- 
raverunt  salutem,  quae  illis  promissa  est  in  Christo.  In  Eph.  i.  ver.  11,  12. 
p.  233.  B.  *  In  Galat.  i.  p.  213.  F. 

u  Romanis  autem  [ut  Galatis]  irasci  non  debuit,  sed  et  laudare  fidem  illorum : 
quia  nulla  insignia  virtutum  videntes,  nee  aliquem  apostolomm,  susceperunt 
fidem  Christi,  ritu  licet  juda'ico.  Proleg.  in  ep.  ad  Rom.  p.  25.  B. 

v  Romanes  Petri  praedicatione  fidem  tenentes  confirmare  se  velle  Paulus 
dicit ;  non  quo  minus  accepissent  a  Petro,  sed  ut  duobus  apostolis  testibus 
atque  doctoribus,  eorum  roboretur  fides.  Pelag.  in  Rom.  i.  11.  Ap.  Hieron. 
T.  v.  p.  927.  w  Vere  carissimus  apostolo  fuit  Lucas,  quia, 

omnia  postponens,  apostolum  semper  sequutus  est.  Qui  et  evangelmm  et 
Actus  Apostolorum  scripsisse  perhibetur.  In  Col.  p.  276.  C. 


384  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

Apostles.'  Which  manner  of  expression  seems  to  intimate 
some  doubt  about  the  truth  of  that  tradition  ;  or,  whether 
Luke  here  mentioned,  and  called  physician,  was  the  evan 
gel  ist. 

7.  He  supposethx  the  epistle,  called  To  the  Ephesians,  to 
have  been  written  to  them. 

8.  The  translation  of  Col.  iv.   16,  followed  by  him,  is/ 
"  that  ye  read  the  epistle  of  the  Laodiceans."     The  same  is 
inz  the  commentary  ascribed  to  Pelagius.     Which   expres 
sion  I  take  to  be  ambiguous ;    it  may   import  an  epistle 
written  by  the  Laodiceans ;  or  an  epistle  which  was  their 
property,  as  having  been  written  to  them.     In  which   of 
those  two  senses  Pelagius  understood  the  expression  does 
not  appear;  but  this  author,  1  think,  understood   it  in   the 
latter  sense  ;  and  supposed,  that  hereby   was  meant  a  letter 
sent  to  the  Laodiceans  by  the  apostle.     Since,  therefore,  he 
allowed  the  epistle,  called  to  the  Ephesians,  to  have  been 
written  to  them ;  and  that  there  was  an  epistle  sent  to  the 
Laodiceans,  mentioned,  Col.  iv.  16,   he  must  have  looked 
upon  this  as  a  lost  epistle.     For  it  does  not  appear,  that 
there  was  any  epistle  of  the  apostle  Paul  received  by  him, 
which  was  inscribed  to  the  Laodiceans. 

9.  The  first  epistle  to  the  Thessalonians  is  inscribed  in 
this  manner:   *  Paul,  and    Silvanus,  and  Timothy,  to  the 
church    of  the    Thessalonians.5     Upon   which    the   author 
observes :  *  Thea  letter  has  the  names  of  three  bishops,  for 
of  bishops,  without  three,]  but  the  sense  and  words  are  the 
apostle's  alone.'     A  somewhat  like  observation  may  be  seen 
in  Pelagius'sb  Commentary  upon  the  beginning  of  the  first 
epistle  to  the  Corinthians.     And   it  is  very  just.     All  the 
authority  of  the  epistle  is  derived  from  the  apostolical  cha 
racter  and  commission. 

10.  His  reading  at  1  Tim.  iii.  16,  is,c  '  which  was  mani- 
*  fested  in  the  flesh.'     That  must  have  been  in  many  Latin 
copies  at  that  time. 

x  Vid.  Proleg.  in  ep.  ad  Eph.  et  Comm.  in  c.  i.  v.  1. 

y  '  Et  vos  ut  earn,  quae  est  Laodicensium,  legatis.']  Quia  generales  sunt 
apostolorum,  et  ad  omnium  profectum  ecclesiarum  scriptae  epistolae  : — idcirco, 
etiam  Laodicensibus  epistolam  hunc  legi  praecepit,  ut  per  hanc  quid  agendum 
sibi  esset  addiscerent :  et  Colossenses  ut  eorum  legerent,  juxta  sensum  supra- 
dictum.  In  Col.  iv.  p.  276.  D. 

z  Et  ea,  quae  Laodicensium  est,  vobis  legatur.  Pelag.  in  Col.  ap.  Hieron.  T. 
v.  p.  1076.  a  Trium  quidem  episcoporum  nomina  literse 

continent.  [Al.  episcoporum  nomine  literae  continentur.]  Sed  sensus  et  verba 
solius  apostoli  sunt.  In  1  Thess.  p.  277.  A. 

b  '  Et  Sosthenes  fraler.']  «  Prater,'  inquit,  non  apostolus.  Hunc  autem 
idcirco  secum  scribentem  inducit,  quia  ex  ipsis  doctor  est,  et  pro  his  valde 
solicitus.  Pelag.  in  1  Cor.  ap.  S.  Hieron.  T.  V.  p.  974.  c  P.  296.  B. 


PHILASTER,  Bishop  of  Brescia.     A.  D.  380.  385 

11.  In  the  note  upon  Tit.  iii.  13,  he  makes  no  question, 
butd  that  Zenaswasa  Jewish  lawyer;  which  appears  to  me 
very  probable,  though  then  a  Christian. 


CHAP.  CX. 

PHILASTER,  BISHOP  OF  BRESCIA. 


1.  ACCORDING  to  Cave,a  Philaster,  bishop  of  Brixia  or 
Brescia,  in  Italy,  and  author  of  a  work  Concerning  Heresies, 
flourished  about  the  year  380.  Tillemont  likewiseb  thinks 
it  probable,  that  the  fore-mentioned  work  must  have  been 
written  in  the  year  380,  or  soon  after.  Fabricius  not  only 
thinks  thatc  Philaster  wrote  after  Epiphanius,  but  that  he 
also  borrowed  from  him ;  which  does  not  appear  certain  to 
me.  Some  few  instances  of  agreement  between  authors, 
who  have  the  same  design,  will  not  amount  to  a  full  proof. 
If  Philaster  had  read  Epiphanius,  in  all  probability  he 
would  have  mentioned  him.  It  needs  not  to  be  reckoned 
at  all  strange,  if  he  was  wholly  unacquainted  with  Epipha- 
nius's  work,  even  supposing  him  not  to  have  written  before 
380,  or  somewhat  later,  which  is  not  certain.  Augustine, 
long  after  that,  had  seen  only  the  Summary  or  Synopsis  of 
Epiphanius,  as  all  allow.  Philaster  is  often  quoted  by 
Augustine  in  his  book  of  Heresies.  It  may  riot  be  amiss  to 
put  downd  a  passage  of  Augustine  in  his  letter  to  Quod 
vult  Deus  concerning  that  work,  in  which  he  gives  the  pre 
ference  to  Epiphanius  above  Philaster.  The  year  of  Phi- 
laster's  death  is  not  certainly6  known;  but  it  is  generally 
supposed  thatf  he  died  in  386,  or  387. 

2.  Philaster  has  a  catalogue  of  the  books  of  scripture ; 

d  Quamvis  enim  Zenatn  legisperitum  vocitet,  Apollo  tamen  perfectus  erat 
in  scripturis.  Sed  quia  Zenas  hujus  professionis  fuerat  in  synagoga,  sic  ilium 
appellat.  In  Tit.  iii.  p.  317.  A. 

4  Hist.  Lit.  T.  i.  b  See  S.  Philastre,  Mem.  EC.  T.  viii. 

c  Etiam  ante  Philastrium  scripsit  Epiphanius,  ex  cujus  libris  ille  profecit. 
Fabric.  Not.  ad  Vit.  Philast.  per  Gaudentium. 

d  Philastrius  quidam  Brixiensis  episcopus,  quern  cum  sancto  Ambrosio 

Medioldni  etiam  ipse  vidi,  scripsit  hinc  librum Neque  enim  putandum  est, 

aliquas  ignorasse  Epiphanium,  quas  noverat  Philastrius :  cum  Epiphanium 
longe  Philastrio  doctiorem  invenerimus.  Epist.  222.  T.  ii. 

*  See  St.  Philaster,  in  Tillemont,  near  the  end. 

f  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  et  Basnag.  ad  ann.  336.  n.  x. 
VOL.    IV.  2   C 


386  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

which,  omitting'  some  thing's  relating  to  apocryphal  writings, 
is  to  this  purpose.  '  It&  was  appointed  by  the  apostles,  and 
their  successors,  that  nothing"  should  be  read  in  the  catholic 
church,  but  the  law,  and  the  prophets,  and  the  gospels, 
and  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  thirteen  epistles  of  Paul, 
and  seven  other,  two  of  Peter,  three  of  John,  one  of  Jude, 
and  one  of  James,  which  seven  are  joined  with  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles.  But  the  hidden,  that  is,  apocryphal  scrip 
tures,  though  they  ought  to  be  read  by  the  perfect,  for  the 
improvement  of  men's  manners,  may  not  be  read  by  all.' 

3.  In  that  article  are  omitted  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
and   the  book   of  the  Revelation.     Nevertheless,  perhaps, 
they  are  not  quite  rejected,  but  only  denied   to  be  publicly 
read.     Let  us  therefore  observe  some  other  places. 

4.  The  very   next  article  relates    to  the  epistle  to  the 
Hebrews,  and  is  to  this  effect:  *  There11  are  others   also, 
who  do  not  allow  the  epistle  of  Paul  to  the  Hebrews  to  be 
his ;  but  say,  it  is  either  an  epistle  of  Barnabas  the  apostle, 
or  of  Clement  bishop  of  Rome.     But  othe.rs  say,  it  is  an 
epistle  of  Luke  the  evangelist.     And  some  receive  an  epis 
tle  to  the  Laodiceans.     Some  pretend,  that  additions  have 
been  made  to  it  by  some  heterodox  persons,  and  that  for 
that  reason,  it  ought  not  to  be  read  in  the  churches,  though 
it  is  read   by  some.     But  in   the  church  are  read  to  the 
people  his  thirteen  epistles  only,  and  that  to  the  Hebrews 
sometimes.     Moreover  some  reject  it  as  more  eloquent  than 
the    apostle's    other  writings,  and  because   Christ  is  here 
said'  to  be  "  made:"  and   because  of  what  he  says  ofk  re 
pentance,  which  the  Novatians  make  an  advantage  of.' 

A  part  of  this  chapter  was  alleged1  formerly. 

5.  By  this  we  perceive,  that  there  were  at  that  time  not  a 

8  Propter  quod  statutum  est  ab  apostolis,  et  eorum  successoribiis,  non 
aliud  legi  in  ecclesia  debere  catholica,  nisi  legem,  et  prophetas,  et  evangclia, 
et  Actus  Apostolorura,  et  Pauli  tredecim  epistolas,  et  septem  alias,  Petri  duas, 
Joannis  tres,  Judae  unam,  et  imam  Jacobi,  quae  septem  Actibus  Apostolorum 
conjunctse  sunt.  Scriptures  autem  absconditae,  id  est,  apocrypha,  etsi  legi 
debent  morum  causa  a  perfectis,  non  ab  omnibus  legi  debent.  Phil,  de  Ha2r. 
cap.  88. 

h  Sunt  alii  quoque,  qui  epistolam  Pauli  ad  Hebraeos  non  adserunt  esse 
ipsius,  sed  dicunt,  aut  Barnabae  esse  apostoli,  aut  dementis  de  urbe  Roma 
episcopi.  Alii  autem  Lucae  evangelists  aiunt.  Epistolam  etiam  ad  Laodi- 
censes  scriptam.  Et  quia  addiderunt  in  ea  quoedam  non  recte  sentientes,  inde 
non  legitur  in  ecclesia,  etsi  legitur  a  quibusdam.  Non  tamen  in  ecclesia  legi- 
tur  populo,  nisi  tredecim  epistolae  ipsius,  et  ad  Hebraeos  interdum.  Et  in  ea 
quia  rhetorice  scripsit,  sermone  plausibili,  inde  non  putant  esse  ejusdem 
apostoli.  Et  quia  et  factum  Christum  dicit  in  ea,  inde  non  leeitur.  De 
prcnitentia  autem  propter  Novatianos  asque.  Ibid.  cap.  89. 

1  Hebr.  iii.  2.  k  Hebr.  vi.  4.  and  x.  26. 

1  See  Vol.  iii.  p.  17. 


PHILASTER,  Bishop  of  Brescia.     A.  D.  380.  387 

few,  who  on  one  account  or  other  had  doubts  about  the 
writer  of  this  epistle,  which  has  not  St.  Paul's  name  at  the 
beginning,  as  his  other  epistles  have.  The  objection  taken 
from  the  superior  elegance  of  the  style  of  this  epistle  above 
the  rest  deserves  notice.  It  affords  an  argument,  that  the 
ancient  christians  read  the  scriptures  with  care.  How 
Origen  expressed!  himself  upon  this  head  we  saw m  for 
merly. 

6.  Philaster  himself  received  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews; 
for  he  reckons  it  a  heresy  to  reject  it.     And  in  the  remain 
ing  part  of  the  chapter,  just  cited,  he  proposeth  answers  to 
the  two  last-mentioned  objections.     And  in  this  his  work,  of 
Heresies,  he  hasn  several  times  referred  to  this  epistle,  or 
quoted  it  as  the  apostle  Paul's. 

7.  Philaster  received  likewise  the  book  of  the  Revelation. 
For  one  of  his  heresies   is  that0   of  those   who  reject  the 
gospel  of  John  and  his  Revelation.    I  put  that  article  at  the 
bottom   of  the   page ;    where  he  observes,  there  are  some 
who  dare  to  say,  that  the  Revelation  is  not  a  writing  of 
John  the  apostle  and  evangelist,  but  of  Cerinthus. 

8.  I  do  not  think  it  needful  to  make  any  more  remarks 
upon  these  articles,  nor  to  transcribe  any  more  chapters  of 
this  author.     But  it  hence   appears,  that  he  received  the 
same  books  of  the  New  Testament  which  we  do.     If  ever 
we  come  to  that  part  of  this  work,  which  is  allotted  for  the 
history  of  the  heretics  of  the  first  two  centuries,  we  shall 
have  occasion  to  take  farther  notice  of  Philaster. 

m  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  495. 

11  Cum  apostolus  doceat,  quod  omnem  hominem  mori  oportet,  postque  hoc 
jam  judicari.  cap.  122.  p.  255.  Vid.  Hebr.  ix.  27.  Et  honorandae  nuptise. 
cap.  117.  p.  239.  A.  Vid.  Hebr.  xiii.  4. 

0  Post  hos  sunt  hseretici,  qui  evangelium  secundum  Joannem,  et  Apoca- 
lypsim  ipsius  non  accipiunt :  et  cum  non  intelligunt  virtutem  scripturae,  nee 
desiderant  discere,  in  haeresi  permanent  pereuntes  :  ut  etiam  Cerinthi  illius 
haeretici  esse  audeant  dicere,  et  Apocalypsim  ibidem  non  beati  Joannis  evan 
gelist*  et  apostoli,  sed  Cerinlhi  haeretici,  qui  tune  ab  apostolis  beatis  haereticus 
manifestatus,  abjectus  est  ab  ecclesia.  Haer.  60.  p.  120,  121.  Et  conf. 
Fabricii,  not.  (fr). 


2  c  2 


388  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

CHAP.  CXI. 

GAUDENTIUS,  BISHOP  OF  BRESCIA. 


1.  GAUDENTIUS,  successor  of  Pliilaster  in  the  bishopric 
of  Brescia,  is  placed  by  Cave  at  the  year  387.  For  a  more 
particular  account  of  him  and  his  works,  I  refer  toa  others. 
I  shall  only  take  his  testimony  to  the  books  of  the  New 
Testament,  and  some  select  passages. 

2.  He  expressly  says,  there b  are  four  evangelists;  and 
he  has  frequently  quoted  all  the  four  gospels,  St.  Mark's0 
in  particular. 

o.  Thed  book  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  is  expressly 
quoted,  and  ascribed  to  St.  Luke,  who  had  also  written  a 
gospel. 

4.  I  need  not  produce  any  particular  quotations  of  St. 
Paul's  epistles.     I  only  observe  thate  he  has  several  times 
quoted  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  as  Paul's. 

5.  Gaudentius   takes   but    little    notice   of   the    catholic 
epistles.    However,  he  has  quoted  f  the  epistle  of  St.  James, 
ande  the   first  epistle  of  St.  Peter.     And,   very  probably, 
he  received  all  the  rest. 

6.  He  likewise  quotes11  the  book  of  the  Revelation. 

7.  There  is  no  notice  taken  by  Gaudentius  of  any  apo 
cryphal  Christian  books.     And  it  is  likely,  that  his  canon 
of  the  New  Testament  was  the  same  with  that  now  gene 
rally  received. 

8.  It  appears,  that  '  Gaudentius  was  wont  to  compare  the 

a  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  282.  Du  Pin,  Bib.  T.  iii.  Tillem.  Mem.  T.  x. 

b  In  quatuor  evangelistarum  testimonies     Ab.  Bib.  PP.  T.  v.  p.  947.  A. 

e  Vid.  p.  950.  F.  951.  G. 

d  Sicut  in  principiis  Actuum  Apostolorum  Lucas  evangelista  testatur.  p. 
959.  A.  Lucas  evangelista,  qui  beatos  apostolos  pan  merito  subsequutus  est, 
et  evangelii  librum  et  Actus  Apostolorum  imitanda  examinatione  conscripsit. 
p.  969.  C.  e  Sicut  scriptura  testatur  in  epistola  Pauli  beatissimi 

ad  Hebraeos.  p.  975.  G.  et  passim. 

'  P.  972.  F.  f?  P.  960.  C. 

h  Etsicutin  Apocalypsi  deBabylone  scribitur,  vel  urbe,  vel  gente,  vel  una- 
quaque  anima,  errorum  caligine,  vitiorumque  carnalium  permixtione  confusa. 
[Apoc.  c.  xvii.  ver.  6.]  p.  943.  C.  et  alibi. 

1  dicens:  «  Nunc  judicium  est  hujus  mundi.  Nunc  hujus  mundi 

princeps  mittetur  deorsum,'  sive,  '  expelletur  foras,'  ut  in  Graecis  exemplaribus 
legimus.  [Job.  xii.  31.]  p.  969.  B. 

'  Sine,'  inquit,  *  earn,'  sive  '  sinite.'     Utrumque  enim  et  in  Graecis  et  Latinis 


GAUDENTIUS,  Bishop  of  Brescia.     A.  D.  387.  389 

Latin  and  Greek  copies  of  the  New  Testament,  or  the  Latin 
translation  with  the  Greek  original.  And  as  he  had  tra 
velled  in  the  East,  it  is  not  improbable,  that  he  was  well 
skilled  in  the  Greek  language. 

9.  He  has  divers  good  observations  upon  Christ's  showing 
himself  to    Thomas,  and   takes   notice k   of  the   advantage 
which  we  have  from  the  scrupulousness  of  that  apostle,   in 
the  fuller  evidence  of  our  Lord's  resurrection. 

10.  Gaudentius  supposed1  our  Lord's  ministry  to  have 
been  of  but  one  year's  duration  only  from  his  baptism  to 
his  death. 

11.  He  often  speaks01  of  the  Lord's-day,  or  the  first  day 
of  the  week,  sanctified   by  Christ's  resurrection  from  the 
dead. 

1*2.  He  asserts  free-will  very  strongly.  He  says,  *  That" 
things  are  not  done,  because  they  were  foretold  :  but  the 
divine  prescience  knows  beforehand  what  will  happen,  and 
therefore  they  are  foretold.  It  is,  he  says,  inconsistent  with 
the  perfections  of  God,  that  he  should  command,  or  compel 
men  to  do  what  he  blames,  if  done.  What  the  Jews  did, 
they  did  voluntarily,  though  it  had  been  foretold.  And 
do  you  think,  that  if  the  Jews  had  repented  at  the  preach- 

exemplaribus  invenitur.  Sed  magis  congruere  videtur  sensui,  cum  legitur. 
*  Sinite,'  &c.  [Conf.  Marc.  xiv.  6.  John  xii.  7.]  p.  964.  A. 

k  Sufficiat  nobis,  quoniam  sancti  Thomae  curiositas  et  ambiguitas  futurae 
scrupulositatis  finem  fecit.  Quod  enim  absens  fuit,  quod  avidius  et  videre  et 
attrectare  Dominum  perquisivit,  totum  nostrae  procurabatur  saluti,  ut  eviden- 
tius  nosceremus  resurrection  is  Dominiciae  veritatem.  p.  969.  B. 

1  Anniculus  est,  quia  post  illud  baptismum,  quod  pro  nobis  in  Jordane  sus- 
ceperat,  usque  ad  passionis  suae  diem,  unius  anni  tempus  impletur.  Et  ea 
tantum  scripta  sunt  in  evangeliis,  quae  in  illo  anno  vel  docuit  vel  fecit.  Nee 
ipsa  tamen  omnia.  p.  948.  H. 

m  Nam  sexta  feria,  qua  hominem  fecerat,  pro  eodem  passus.  Et  die  domi- 
nica,  quae  dicitur  in  scripturis  prima  sabbati,  in  quasumserat  mundus  exordium, 
resurrexit.  p.  945.  F.  Vid.  et  p.  960.  D.  et  959.  B. 

n  Synagoga  Judaeorum  quod  erat  crudeliter  factura,  praedictum  est :  non, 
ui  fieret,  jussum  est.  Nee  ideo  factum  est,  quia  praedictum  erat.  Sed  ideo 
praedictum  est,  quia  erat  futurum ;  ut  prescientiam  suam  Deus,  in  his  quae  per 
libertatem  arbitrii  hominum  futura  erant,  ostenderet.  Libertatem  diximus 
arbitrii,  quia  voluerunt  Judaei  facere  quod  fecerunt :  et  utique  si  voluissent,  [f. 
noluissent,]  non  fecissent.  Certe  ingentis  sacrilegii  est,  vel  cogitare  quod  Deus, 
qui  non  solum  bonus  et  Justus,  sed  ipsa  bonitas  est  et  ipsa  justitia,  vel  jubeat 
aliquid  vel  cogat  fieri,  quod  factum  damnet.  An  fortasse  putamus,  quia,  si 
poenituissent  Israelitae,  aliter  omnipotens  Filius  Dei  salvare  non  potuerit  mun- 
dum  ?  '  Quis  enim  cognovit  sensum  Domini?  aut  quis  consiliarius  ejus  fuit  ?' 
Considera  in  evangelic,  quomodo  expectaverit  Christus  pcenitentiam  Judaeo 
rum;  ubiexprobat  civitatibus,  in  quibus  factae  sunt  plurimae  virtutes ejus,  quod 

non  egerint  penitentiam. Praescientia  quidem  Dei  non  fallitur.  Sed  nee 

homini  concessa  semel  voluntatis  libertas  aufertur,  &c.  p.  948.  F.  G.  Vid.  et 
p.  963.  B. 


390  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

ing  of  Jesus,  the  world  could  not  have  been  saved?  1  think 
we  are  not  to  limit  the  divine  power  or  wisdom.  "  For 
who  has  known  the  mind  of  the  Lord?  or  who  has  been 
his  counsellor?"  Consider,  how  in  the  gospel  Christ  waited 
for  the  repentance  of  the  Jewish  people,  and  how  he  up 
braided  the  cities,  in  which  most  of  his  mighty  works  were 
done,  because  they  repented  not.' 

13.  Descanting  upon  the  notice  taken  of  the  value  of  the 
ointment,  with  which  Mary  had  anointed  the  Lord,  as  men 
tioned,  John  xii.  4,5,  he0   has  some  uncommon  thoughts 
concerning  our  Saviour's  treatment  of  Judas. 

14.  HeP  seems  to  have  read  the  decree  of  the  council  at 
Jerusalem,  Acts  xv.  as  we  now   have  it.     By  "  blood"  he 
does  not  understand    homicide,  but   the  blood  of  animals. 
Moreover  he  says,  there  was  no  occasion   to  insert  there  a 
prohibition  of  homicide,  adultery,  and  such  great  crimes, 
which  were  punished  even  by  human  laws,  but  only  those 
particulars,  "things  offered  to  idols,  blood,  things  strangled, 
and  fornication."     If  the  reader  pleases,  he  may  recollect 
what  was  formerly  1  said  by  us  concerning  the  true  reading 
of  that  place. 

15.  He  r  asserts  the  reality  of  natural  religion:  and  says, 
that  by  the  exercise  of  their  own  reason  men  may  learn  the 
existence  of  God,  and  discern  the  obligation  of  an  equitable 
conduct  one  toward  another. 

16.  He8  celebrates  the  progress  of  the  Christian  religion, 

0  Quamvis  ergo  Dominus  Jesus  conscientiae  judex  esset,  noluit  tamen 
Judam  de  occultis  ejus  acrius  increpare,  ne,  quoniam  verisimili  ratione  vide- 
batur  locutus,  putaretur  forsitan  injuste  correptus,  atque  hinc  iracundiam  ejus 
tantam  concepisse  causam,  ut  inimicis  necandum  traderet,  quern  sine  ullo 
peccamine  habuisset  infensum.     Nihil  ergo  acerbum  Christus  voluit  pro  merito 
sceleratae  mentis  illius  loqui,  ne  Judas  eum  tradere  videretur  iratus,  &c.  p. 
964.  D.  E. 

p  Et  idcirco  beatus  Jacobus  cum  caeteris  apostolis  decretum  tale  constituit 
in  ecclesiis  observandum  :  '  Ut  abstineatis  vos,'  inquit,  '  ab  immolatis,  et  a 
sanguine,'  id  est,  «  a  suffocatis.'  Praetermiserunt  *  homicidium,  adulterium, 
veneficia :'  quoniam  nee  nominari  ea  in  ecclesiis  oporteret,  quae  legibus  etiam 
Gentilium  punirentur.  Praetermiserunt  quoque  illas  omnes  minutias  observa- 
tionum  legalium.  Et  sola  haec,  quae  preediximus,  custodienda  sanxerunt,  no 
vel  sacrificatis  diabolo  cibis  profanemur  immundis,  vel  ne  mortuo  per  viscera 
suffocatorum  animalium  sanguine  polluamur,  vel  ne  immunditiis  fornicationum 
corpora  nostra,  quae  templa  Dei  stint,  violemus.  p.  967.  F.  G. 

1  See  Vol.  iii.  p.  22—36. 

T  Neque  hodie  aliquis  reatum  peccati  incurrit,  si  eum  non  astringat  aut 
naturalis  lex,  aut  mandati  lex,  aut  literae  lex.  Naturalis  lex  est  ilia,  quam  Gentes, 
legem  literae  non  habentes,  naturaliter  ea  quae  legis  sunt  faciunt :  quia  rationa- 
bilis  animae  humanae  natura,  ut  Creatoremsuum  sentiat,  ut  proximum  non  laedat, 
ut  non  faciat  quod  pati  non  vult,  natural i  quadam  lege  intelligit,  &c.  p.  960.  F. 

s  Nam,  pruisquam  pateretur  et  resurgeret  Christus,  notus  erat  tantum  in 


SOPHRONIUS.     A.  D.  390.  391 

and  the  effects  of  it  in  turning  men  from  darkness  to  light, 
and  from  vice  to  virtue  and  holiness. 

17.  I  conclude  my  extracts  with  a  pious  observation  of 
this  writer:  '  That1  we  are  born  again,  that  we  know  in 
part  the  works  of  God,  that  we  endeavour  to  improve  the 
time  of  this  life  so  as  to  obtain  a  better,  that  in  the  hope  of 
future  recompences  we  act  and  speak  religiously,  is  all 
owing  to  God  :  I  say,  it  is  owing  to  God.' 


CHAP.  CXII. 

SOPHRONIUS. 


1.  AS  St.  Jerom  has  placed  his  learned  friend  Sophronius 
in  his  Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers,  I  transcribe  the 
chapter a  below.  And  I  likewise  refer  to  some  learned  b 
moderns,  who  have  made  observations  upon  it. 

2.  Jerom  says,  that  Sophronius  was  a  very  learned  man  ; 
that  when  young  he  published  a  work  entitled,  The  Praises 
of  Bethlehem,  and  since,  an  excellent  account  of  the  Demo 
lition  of  the  Temple   of  Serapis.     He   had   also  translated 
several  of  Jerom's  works  into  Greek. 

3.  All  those  things  are  lost.     But  we  have  a  Greek  ver 
sion  of   St.  Jerom's  Catalogue  of   Ecclesiastical    Writers, 
called   Sophronius's.     But  though   many  receive  it  as  his, 
all  do  not.     Its  genuineness  is  denied,  not  only  by c  Isaac 
Vossins,  who  thought  it  to  have  been  made  by  Erasmus 
himself,  who  first  published  it,  butd  by  divers  other  learned 
men,  who  allowed  the  antiquity  of  it. 

Judsea  Deus.  Tune  in  omnes  gentes  fulgor  claritatis  dominicae  pertransit. — 
p.  948.  C. 

1  Nos  ipsi  etiam,  quod  renascimur,  quod  haec  ipsa  opera  Domini  ex  parte 
novimus,  quod  vivendo  vitam  quaerimus,  quod  future  rum  spem  gerentes  pie 
conversamur  et  loquimur,  Dei,  inquam,  Dei  sunt  opera,  p.  960.  B. 

*  Sophronius,  vir  apprime  eruditus,  laudes  Bethlehem  adhuc  puer,  et  nuper 
de  subversione  Serapis  insignem  librum  composuit.  De  Virginitate  quoque  ad 
Eustochium,  et  Vitam  Hilarionis  monachi,  opuscula  mea,  in  Graecum  eleganti 
sermone  transtulit.  Psalterium  quoque,  et  prophetas,  quos  nos  de  Hebraeo  in 
Latinum  vertiraus.  De  V.  I.  cap.  1 34. 

.b  Vid.  Fabr.  Bib.  EC.  et  Bib.  Gr.  T.  viii.  p.  195—198.  Cav.  Hist.  Lit. 
Tillem.  Mem.  EC.  T.  xii.  St.  Jerome,  art.  39,  et  58. 

c  Vid.  Voss.  citat.  a  Fabric.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  viii.  p.  295,  296. 

d  Viro  summo  Isaaco  Vossio  facile  largior,  uec  Sophronii  illius,  cm  tnbui- 


392  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

4.  Nevertheless,  Robert  Stephens  and  Mill  have  prefixed 
to  the  four  gospels  the  several  chapters  or  Lives  of  the  four 
Evangelists,  in  that  Greek  version  ;  and  Mill,  in  like  manner, 
the  chapters  of  St.  James  and  St.  Jude  to  their  epistles. 
He  should  have  taken  also  the  chapter  concerning  St. 
Paul,  and  have  placed  it  before  his  epistle  to  the  Romans. 
Why  he  omitted  it  I  do  not  know,  unless  he  thought  it  too 
long.  Moreover,  these  chapters,  so  far  as  taken,  are,  in 
e  Stephens,  and  f  Mill,  called  Sophronius's.  But  if  I  may 
be  allowed  to  speak  my  mind,  it  seems  to  me,  that  those 
articles  had  been  better  put  in  St.  Jerom's  own  original 
Latin,  even  supposing  that  the  Greek  version  had  been 
made  by  his  friend  Sophronius  :  but  as  that  is  not  certain,  the 
version  is  still  less  proper.  I  formerly?  took  the  liberty  to 
make  some  remarks  upon  some  of  the  testimonies  prefixed 
by  Mill  to  the  gospels. 


CHAP.  CXIII. 

THEODORE,  BISHOP  OF  MOPSUESTIA  IN  CILICIA. 


I.  His  time  and  history.  II.  Accounts  of  his  ivorks,  par 
ticularly  of  his  commentaries,  from  Photius  and  others, 
and  his  testimony  to  the  scriptures.  III.  A  fragment 
concerning  the  four  gospels,  with  remarks.  IV.  His 
character,  as  a  preacher.  V.  Reflections  upon  him  after 
his  death. 

I.  THEODORE  was  mentioned  in  the  chapter  of  Diodorus 
of  Tarsus.  He  was  descended  of  an  honourable  family, 
and  in  all  probability  was  a  native  of  the  city  of  Antioch. 
Hea  was  an  intimate  friend  and  fellow-disciple  of  John 

tur,  nee  valde  antiquam  esse  Graecam  Catalog!  Hieronymiani  versionem.  Sed 
ut  ab  Erasmo,  aut  ab  alio  illius  aevi  confictam  credam,  adduci  non  possum. 
Nam  cum  ex  eo  quaedam  iisdem  verbis  in  Lexico  Suidae,  legantur,  potius  est, 
ut  Suida  vetustiorem  credam.  Jo.  Andr.  Bosius  Introductione  in  Notitiam 
Script.  EC.  cap.  3.  citat.a  Fabr.  Bib.  EC.  p.  13. 

Ac  praeterea  Grsecus  interpres,  qui  adscito  Sophronii  nomine  vetustatem 
mentitur,  earn  fideliter  exhibeat.  C.  A.  Heuman.  Praef.  ad  Lactant.Symph.  p.  v. 
Hanover.  1722.  e  Bioe  — MarOaia  Kara  2w0powov.  Ap.  Stephan. 

f  Zu^joovtoe'  «  See  the  chapter  of  Hippolytus,  Vol.  ii.  p.  432,  433. 

a  Vid.  Socr.  1.  vi.  c.  3.    Soz.  1.  viii.  c.  2.  Thdrt.  1.  v.  c.  ult. 


THEODORE,  Bishop  of  Mopswstia.     A.  D.  394.  393 

Chrysostom  under  Libanius  the  sophist,  and  Andragathius 
the  philosopher,  and  afterwards  under  the  fore-mentioned 
Diodorus  and  Carterius. 

Sozomeu  says,  thatb  he  was  well  skilled  in  the  sacred 
scriptures,  and  in  the  liberal  sciences  of  the  rhetoricians  and 
philosophers.  Theodoretc  calls  him  the  doctor  of  the  whole 
church  :  he  says,  he  was  bishop  six  and  thirty  years,  and 
wrote  against  all  heresies,  particularly  those  of  Arius,  Euno- 
mius,  and  Apollinarius. 

And,  as  according  to  Theodoret's  account,  Theodore  died 
in  429,  it  is  concluded,  thatd  he  was  ordained  in  394.  I  do 
not  therefore  well  know,  why e  Cave  placed  him  as  flourishing 
about  the  year  407  :  when,  too,  he  supposeth  him  to  have 
been  bishop  so  soon  as  392.  And  indeed  there  are  others 
also,  who  think  hef  was  ordained  bishop  in  392,  and  died 
in  428. 

Theodore s  had  a  brother,  named  Polychronius,  who  pre 
sided  with  honour  over  the  church  of  Apamea,  and  was 
distinguished  by  his  agreeable  manner  of  preaching,  and 
the  holiness  of  his  life. 

II.  Photius  has  given  an  account  of  several  of  Theodore's 
works. 

1.  The  first  in  order   ish  his  Defence  of  Basil  against 
Eunomius,  consisting  of  five  and  twenty  books.     *  Though 

his  style  is  not  clear/  Photius  says,  *  he  is  full  of  sense 
and  argument,  and  abounds  with  texts  of  scripture.  He 
confutes  Eunomius,  almost  word  for  word ;  and  largely 
shows  him  to  have  had  little  skill  in  profane  learning,  and 
yet  less  in  our  theology.' 

2.  The  next  is  a  Commentary  upon  the  book  of  Genesis. 
Here  Photius  says,  that'   Theodore  studiously  shuns  alle 
gorical  interpretations,  and   confines  himself  to  the  history. 
He  moreover  says,  that  in  this  work  may  be  perceived  the 
principles  of  Nestorianism,  though  the  author  was  before 
Nestorius. 

3.  The  third  k   is  a  small  volume  in  three  books,  against1 

b  Moi//8£<rjag  de  TTJQ  KiXutwv  QsoSupOQ,  avtjp  Kai  rwv  ifpcjv  J3ij3\aiv,  Kai  TTJQ 
a\\r]Q  TraiSsiag  pjjropwv  re  KOI  <pi\oao(fnt)v  iicavog  eTriTjj/zw*'.  Soz.  1.  viii.  c.  2.  p. 
757.  A.  B.  c  — Gto^wpog,  6  Mo4/8£?ia£  «7T((m)7ro£, 

iraarig  \iiv  fKK\rjffiag  SidaffKaXog.  K.  X.  Thdrt.  1.  v.  c.  ult. 

d  Vid.  Pagi  aan.  423.  xvi.  et  427.  xii.  Et  conf.  Asseman.  Bib.  Or.  T.  i.  p. 
400.  not.  3.  e  Claruit  anno  407.  Quin  si  mortis 

ejus  tempus  recte  assequor,  jam  ab  anno  392  episcopatum  tenuit.  Obiisse 
enim  videtur  anno  428,  postquam  ecclesiam  Mopsuestenam  per  36  annos 
gubernasset.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  385.  f  Vid.  Basnag.  ann.  428.  n.  v. 

«  Thdrt.  ubi  supra.  h  Cod.  4.  p.  7.  '  Cod.  38.  p.  24. 

k  Bi|3Xi£apiov— Cod.  81.  p.  200.  '  Conf.  Theod.  de  Mops, 

art.  6.  Tillem.  T.  12. 


394  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

the  Persian  Magic,  and  showing"  the  preference  of  true  reli 
gion.  Here  again  Photius  says,  that  the  author  favours 
Nestorianism. 

4.  The  fourth  and  last  ism  'a  work  in  five  books,  against 
those  who  said,  that  men   sin  by  nature,  not  by  will   and 
choice.     He  considers  it  as  a  doctrine  held  by  those  in  the 
west,  and  from  thence  brought  into  the  east,  especially  by 
an  author,  called   Aram  ;  who  he  is  I  do  not   know,  who 
had  written  several  books   in  defence  of  it.     The  opinions 
of  that  sect  he  represents  in  this  manner.     One  of  them  is 
that  men  sin  by  nature,  not  by  choice.     By  nature,   how 
ever,  not  meaning  that,  in  which  Adam  was  first  formed  ; 
for  that,  they  say,  was  good  ;  but  that  which  he  afterwards 
had,  when   he  had  transgressed,  being-  now  bad  instead  of 
the  good,  and  mortal  instead  of  the  immortal  nature,  which 
he  before   had.     Hence  men  being*  bad   by  nature,   who 
before  were  good,   now  n    sin   by  nature,  not  by  choice. 
Another  opinion  of  theirs,  and   consequent  upon  that  is, 
that  °  infants,   though   newly  born,  are  not  free   from  sin  ; 
forasmuch  as  from  Adam's  transgression   a  sinful  nature, 
as  they  express  it,  is  derived  to  all  his  posterity  :  for  this 
they  allege  those  words,  "  I  was  born  in  sin,"  and  others. 
Here  also,'  as  Photius  proceeds,  *  appear  Nestorian  princi 
ples,  and  the  notion  of  Origen  concerning  the  period  of  the 
punishments  of  the  future  state.     He?  also  says,  that  man 
was  at  first  made  mortal  ;  though   death   be  represented 
as  the  consequence  of  his  transgression,  the  better  to  con 
vince    us    of  the    evil    of  sin.'      Photius    concludes    the 

article,  saying,  that  this  writer  appeared  to  have  studied  the 
scriptures  with  care,  though  in  many  things  '  he  erred  from 
«  the  truth.' 

5.  Photius  did  not  know  who  was  meant  by  Ararn,  nor 
whether  it  was  a  real    or  fictitious  name.     But  learned  men 
are  now  well  satisfied,  thati  hereby  is  to  be  understood  St. 
Jerom  ;  and  that  in  this  work  Theodore  aimed  to  confute 
Jerom's  three   Dialogues  against  the  Pelagians.     And  it  is 
supposed,  that  he  had  also  an  eye  to  Augustine. 

m  -  ?rpo£  rug  Xtyovrae,  <f>vfffi  Kai  s  yvwuy  irraietv  TSQ  avQpwTrug.  —  Cod. 
177.     .  396. 


-  iv  ry  Qvffii,  icai  UK  tv  Trpoaipecrti  KaKrrjcrQai  TTJV  d/icrpria»'.     Ib. 

-  nrjSt  TO.  irai£ia,  KQV  apnyevrjTa  y,  ym\  a7rrj\\a-^9at  d^aprtaf. 
En  8t  ttSe  TO  \tyttv  avrov,  an   apx*?e  Mtv  &VTJTOV  TrnrXaaOcu  TOV 

Kii  Se  fjiovoV  iva.  /uttnjerwjufv  rqv  djuaprtaj/,  0xr)lAaTtffal  oi/rw  rov  Oeov.  Ib;d. 

Vid.  T.  Iltigii  Diss.  de  Aramo  scriptore  ecclesiastico  antipelagiano.  In 
App.  ad  Diss.  de  Haeresiarchis,  p.  466,  &c.  Cav.  H.  I,.  T.  i.  p.  387.  Tillem. 
Theodor.  de  M.  Art.  7.  Mem.  T.  xii.  Asseman.  B,b.  Or.  T.  i.  p.  402.  not.  4. 
Beaus.  H.  M.  T.  ii.  p.  466,  467.  Hod.  de  Bib.  Text.  p.  322.  n.  18. 


THEODORE,  Bishop  of  Mopsuestia.    A.  D.  394.  395 

C.  It  is  observable,  that r  in  the  copies  which  Photius  had 
of  all  these  works,  they  were  said  to  be  written  by  Theo 
dore  of  Antioch.  Nevertheless  Photius  perceived,  that 
they  were  written  by  Theodore  bishop  of  Mopsuestia  ;  and 
had  good  evidence  of  it  from  some  of  his  epistles,  which  he 
had  read. 

7.  Theodore's  works  were  translated  into  Syriac  :  Ebed- 
jesu  gives  this  account  of  them  :  'Theodore8  the  commen- 

*  tator  composed   one  and   forty  tomes. A  Commentary 

'  upon  the  book  of  Genesis  in  three  tomes ;  upon  David  in 
'  five  tomes;  upon  the  Twelve  Prophets  in  two  tomes;  upon 

*  Samuel  [or  the  first  two  books  of  the  Kings]  in  one  tome ; 
'  upon  Job  in  two  tomes;  upon  Ecclesiastes  in  one  tome; 

*  upon  Isaiah,  and  Ezekiel,  and  Jeremiah,  and  Daniel,  each  in 
4  one  tome:   there   putting  an  end  to  his  labours  upon  the 

*  Old  Testament.     Matthew  he  explained  in  one  tome  ;  Luke 

*  and  John  in  two  tomes ;  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  in  one 
'  tome ;  the  epistle    to  the  Romans,  the  two  epistles  to  the 
'  Corinthians,  in  two  tomes;  the  epistles  to  the  Galatians,  to 
'  the  Ephesians,  to  the  Philippians,  to  the  Colossians,  and 

*  the  two   epistles  to  the  Thessalonians,  both  the  epistles  to 

*  Timothy,   the  epistle  to  Titus,  and  to  Philemon,  and  to  the 

*  Hebrews ;   thus1  completing  his  commentaries  upon   the 
'  whole  apostle  in  five  tomes.     Ebedjesu  afterwards  mentions 

*  several  other  works  of  Theodore.     A  book  concerning  the 
'  sacraments :  one  book  entitled,   Of  the   Faith  :  one  tome 
'  concerning    the    Priesthood :    two   tomes    concerning   the 
'  Holy   Spirit :    a  tome   concerning  the    Incarnation  :    two 
'  tomes   against   Eunomius :    and u    two    other   against   an 
'  author,  who   asserted  sin  to  be  in  our  nature :  two  other 
'against   Magic: — and v  moreover  five   tomes  against  the 

r  Vid.  Cod.  177.  p.  396.  in.  Et  conf.  Cod.  4.  p.  8.  Cod.  38.  p.  24.  Cod. 
81.  p.  200.  8  Theodorus  commentator 

Composuit  quadraginta  et  unum  tomum,  Ebedjesu,  Catalog,  cap.  19.  ap, 
Asseman.  Bib.  Or.  T.  iii.  p.  30.  &c. 

1  Quinque  autem  tomis  finem  imposuit 
Commentariis  suis  in  totum  apostolum. 

Ibid.  p.  33. 
u  Ac  duo  alii  adversus  asserentem 

Peccatum  in  natura  insitum  esse. Ib.  p.  34. 

T  Quinque  prseterea  tomos  composuit 
Adversus  Allegoricos, 
Et  unum  pro  Basilio. 

Item  librum  Margaritarum, 

In  quo  epistolae  ejus  collectae  sunt. 
Demum  Sermonem  de  Legislatione, 
Quo  finem  lucubrationibus  suis  imposuit. 

Ib.  p.  34,  et  35. 


396  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

*  Allegorists : — and  a  book  of  Jewels,  in  which  his  epistles 
4  are  collected  :  and  a  Discourse  of  Lawgiving,  wherewith 

*  he  put  an  end  to  his  labours.' 

8.  Simeon,  whow  was  bishop  of  Beth-Arsam,  or  Arsamo- 
polis,  in  Persia,   from  the   year  of  Christ   510  to  525,   says, 
that  x  Theodore  wrote   commentaries  upon  all  the  books  of 
the  Old  and  New  Testament. 

9.  According  to  y   the   Edessen   Chronicle,   he  began  to 
write  commentaries  in  the  year  of  Christ  402,  or  the  ninth 
year  of  his  episcopate. 

10.  I  forbear  to   transcribe2   Gennadius's    chapter  con 
cerning  Theodore ;  .but  would  refer  to   some  learned  mo 
derns a  for  a  farther  account  of  his  works.     For  the  present 
let  us  make  a  stand,  and  review  what  we  have  seen  in  ancient 
authors. 

(1.)  Ebedjesu,  having  mentioned  Theodore's  Commentaries 
upon  the  Twelve  Prophets,  and  upon  Isaiah,  Ezekiel,  Jere 
miah,  and  Daniel,  adds,  that  he  there  put  an  end  to  his 
labours  upon  the  Old  Testament.  Which  may  afford  an 
argument,  that  Theodore  did  not  receive,  as  sacred  and 
divine  scripture,  any  books  written  after  those  of  the  Jewish 
canon. 

(2.)  He  is  said  b  to  have  spoken  in  disrespectful  terms  of 
the  book  of  Job,  and  the  Canticles.  But c  as  those  accounts 
appear  among  the  charges  and  accusations  of  enemies,  there 
is,  in  all  probability,  some  misrepresentation.  Moreover,  as 
we  have  seen  in  Ebedjesu,  he  wrote  a  Commentary  upon 
the  book  of  Job:  which  may  amount  to  a  confutation  of  one 
part  of  that  charge. 

(3.)  Ebedjesu  mentions  commentaries  upon  the  three 
gospels  only  of  St.  Matthew,  St.  Luke,  and  St.  John,  saying 
nothing  particularly  of  St.  Mark.  Nevertheless  there  can 

w  Vid.  Assernan.  Bib.  Or.  T.  i.  341. 

*  A  Diodoro  accepit  Theodorus,  Mopsuestiae  in  Cilicia,  qui  omnes  quidem 
turn  Veteris  turn  Novi  Testamenti  libros  commentatus  est.  Sim.  Beth — Ars. 
ap.  Assem.  ib.  p.  348.  y  Vid.  ib.  p.  400. 

z  Gennad.  de  Script.  EC.  cap.  12. 

a  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  Oudin.  de  Scr.  EC.  T.  i.  p.  895.  Du  Pin,  Bib. 
T.  iii.  p.  90.  Tillem.  Mem.  T.  xii.  Fabric.  Bib.  Gr.  1.  v.  c.  33.  T.  ix.  p. 
153,  &c.  Pagi  ann.  423.  n.  xv.— xix. 

b  Vid.  Cone.  Constant,  ii.  ap.  Labbe.  T.  v.  p.  451,  452.  Conf.  Tillem. 
T.  xii.  Theod.  de  M.  art.  v.  et  Du  Pin,  ubi  supr.  p.  90.  b. 

c  On  dit,  que  Theodore  de  Mopsueste  [Gamier,  ad  Mar.  Mercat.  Dis.  i. 
sect.  9.  p.  320.]  regardoit  le  livre  de  Job  comme  une  fable  tiree  du  paga- 
nisme, — le  Cantique  de  Salomon  comme  une  chanson  d'  amoreux — J'  ai  de  la 
peine  a  le  croire — II  n'  y  eut  personne  pendant  sa  vie,  qui  1*  accusat  d'  erreur 
— II  ne  fut  condemne  que  pres  de  cent  cinquante  ans  apres  sa  mort,  par  la 
cabale  de  Justinien.  J.  Basn.  H.  de  1'  Egl.  1.  viii,  ch.  v.  n.  6.  p.  430.  Vid. 
ib.  1.  x.  ch.  6.  n.  4.  p.  520. 


THEODORE,  Bishop  of  Mopsuestia.     A.  D.  394.  397 

be  no  question  made,  but  he  received  four  gospels,  as  other 
Christians  did  :  and  we  may  see  proof  of  it  in  a  fragment  to 
be  alleged  presently. 

(4.)  Theodore,  as  we  are  also  assured  by  Ebedjesu,  wrote 
commentaries  upon  St.  Paul's  fourteen  epistles,  particularly 
upon  that  to  the  d  Hebrews. 

(5.)  None  of  the  accounts  of  his  commentaries,  which  we 
have  seen,  are  sufficient  to  satisfy  us,  which  of  the  catholic 
epistles  were  received  by  him.  Unquestionably,  he  received 
those,  which  had  been  all  along  received  by  Christians  in 
general.  But  what  was  his  opinion  concerning  the  rest,  and 
concerning  the  book  of  the  Revelation,  does  not  as  yet  clearly 
appear,  that  I  know  of. 

(6.)  Most  of  Theodore's  works  are  lost.  But  fragments 
may  be  found,  chiefly  in  Latin,  and  perhaps  not  fairly 
represented,  in  the  Acts  of  the  second  general  council  of 
Constantinople,  or  the  fifth  general  council,  held  in  553,  as 
also  in  Facundus,  and  in  the  Greek  Chains.  We  are  like 
wise  assured  by  Fabricius,  that6  his  Commentary  upon  the 
Twelve  Prophets  is  still  in  being  in  manuscript,  in  the  em 
peror's  library  at  Vienna.  D.  B.  de  Montfauc^on,  in  his  Dia- 
rium  Italicurn,  in  his  account  of  things  in  the  library  of  St. 
Mark  at  Venice,  speaks f  of  its  being  there,  and  in  the  library 
at  Vienna,  and  in  the  Vatican  :  of  which  e  he  speaks  again 
in  his  Bibliotheca  Bibliothecarum  MSS.  I  am  glad  there 
is  so  good  evidence  that  this  work  is  still  extant,  and  that  there 
are  several  copies  of  it ;  I  hope,  it  may  some  time  be  pub- 

d  Dr.  Joseph  Asseman,  in  a  note  upon  Ebedjesu's  Catalogue,  says :  Epis- 
tolas  Pauli  omnes  a  Theodore  fuse  explicatas  esse,  testatur  Theodoritus.  Prae- 
fat.  in  Comment,  in  easdem.  Bib.  Or.  T.  i.  p.  32.  Which  led  me  to  consult 
Theodorel's  preface  to  his  Commentaries  upon  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  and  his 
argument  to  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  But  I  have  not  found  there  any  men 
tion  made  of  Theodore's  Commentaries.  It  seems  that  Dr.  Asseman  borrowed 
this  from  Dr.  Cave,  who  still  says  in  the  new  edition  of  his  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  387, 
in  his  account  of  Theodore's  Works:  Commentarii  in  14  D.  Pauli  Epistolas; 
quas  omnes  a  Theodore  fuse  explicatas  esse,  auctor  est  Theodoritus.  Praef.  in 
Comm.  in  Ep.  S.  Pauli.  This  mistake  is  corrected  by  Fabricius,  who  seems  to 
have  had  the  same  fruitless  task  imposed  upon  him  by  Cave,  that  I  have  had 
from  Asseman.  Quod  vero  epistolas  Pauli  omnes  fuse  explicatas  a  Theodoro 
scripserit  Theodoritus,  in  ejus  Praefatione  Commentarii  in  Epistolas  Apostoli, 
quam  laudat  eruditissimus  Caveus,  non  reperio.  Fabr.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  ix.  p.  163.  m. 

e  *  In  duodecim  Prophetas  Commentarius.' Integer  foliorum  223  serva- 

tur  Grace  in  Bibl.  Caesarea,  teste  Lambecio.  Fabr.  B.  G.  T.  ix.  p.  162. 

f  '  Theodori  Antiocheni  in  xii.  Prophetas.'  Hie  liber  nondum  editus  est. 
Exstat  quoque  in  Bibliotheca  Caesarea  Viennensi,  et  in  Vaticana  Bibliotheca. 
Diar.  Ital.  p.  39. 

«  In  Bibliotheca  Caesarea  Vindebonorum.  Codex  clxiii.  bombycinus  Grae- 
cus,  Theodori  Mopsuesteni  in  duodecim  Prophetas  Minores.  Biblioth.  MSS. 
T.  i.  p.  546.  Et  vid.  in  Ind.  Gen.  Theodor.  Mops,  in  Scripturam. 


398  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

lished:  it  might  let  us  know  more  fully  this  writer's  man 
ner  of  interpreting  scripture  ;  and,  possibly,  we  might  there 
see  his  sentiments  concerning  the  disputed  books  of  the 
New  Testament,  about  which  we  do  not  yet  distinctly  know 
his  opinion. 

(7.)  The  last  work  of  Theodore  in  Ebedjesu's  Catalogue, 
is  entitled,  A  Discourse  of  Lawgiving,  or  of  the  Lawgiver. 
As  it  is  not  now  extant,  we  cannot  say  what  was  in  it :  but 
if  a  conjecture  were  to  be  formed,  we  might  be  apt  to  think, 
theh  design  of  it  was  to  show,  that  one  and  the  same  God 
was  the  author  of  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament,  or  of 
the  more  ancient  and  the  latter  dispensation. 

III.  I  shall  now  put  down  a  fragment,  or  passage  of 
Theodore  concerning  the  four  gospels,  which  is  prefixed 
by  Dr.  Mill  to  St.  John's  gospel,  taken1  from  Corde- 
rius's  Chain  upon  that  evangelist.  As  Dr.  Mill's  New 
Testament  is  very  common,  I  need  not  transcribe  the  Greek 
here  at  length;  but  I  shall  endeavour  to  make  a  literal 
version  of  it. 

Says  Theodore:  '  After k  the  Lord's  ascension  to  heaven, 
the  disciples  stayed  a  good  while  at  Jerusalem,  visiting*  the 
cities  in  its  neighbourhood,  preaching  chiefly  to  the  Jews; 
until  the  great  Paul,  called  by  the  divine  grace,  was  ap 
pointed  to  preach  the  gospel  to  the  Gentiles  openly.  And 
in  process  of  time,  Divine  Providence,  not  allowing  them 
to  be  confined  to  any  one  particular  part  of  the  earth,  made 
way  for  conducting  them  to  remote  countries.  Peter  went 
to  Rome,  the  others  elsewhere.  John,  in  particular,  took  up 
his  abode  at  Ephesus,  visiting  however  at  seasons  the 
several  parts  of  Asia,  and  doing  much  good  to  the  people 
of  that  country  by  his  discourses.  About1  this  time  the 
other  evangelists,  Matthew,  Mark,  and  Luke,  published 
their  gospels;  which  were  soon  spread  all  over  the  world, 
and  were  received  by  all  the  faithful  in  general  with  great 
regard.  Nevertheless,  the  Christians  of  Asia,  having  a  great 
opinion  of  the  abilities  and  faithfulness  of  John,  and  con 
sidering  that  he  had  been  with  Jesus  from  the  beginning, 
even  before  Matthew,  and  that  he  had  been  greatly  favoured 
by  the  Lord,  brought  to  him  the  other  books  of  the  gospels, 
desiring  to  know  his  opinion  concerning  them.  And  he 
declared  his  approbation  of  them,  saying,  that  what  they 

h  Vid.  Asseman.  Bib.  Or.  T.  iii.  p.  35.  not.  3. 

1  Ap.  Balth.  Corderii  Caten.  in.S.  Joan,  in  Prorem.  Antv.  1630. 

k  Mera  rr\v  tig  vpavug  avaXrjtyiv  rs  Kvpia,  e TTI  TroXXy  /ut v  ro«£  'If porTo\i>[i.oi£ 
evditrpt-^av  ol  fiaOrirai  Tip  ^pov^.  K.  X. 

1  Five  rat  TOIVVV  £V  r«roif  raiv  XOITTWV  tvayyeXiTwv  c/c#o<rif>  M«rPatH  TS  Krti 
Mapica. 


THEODORE,  Bishop  of  Mopsuestia.     A.  D.  394.  399 

had  written  was  agreeable  to  truth  ;  but  that  some  miracles, 
which  might  be  of  great  use  if  recorded,  were  omitted. 
He  said,  moreover,  that  whereas  they  had  written  of  the 
coming  of  Christ  in  the  flesh,  it  was  fit  that  the  things  con 
cerning  his  divinity  also  should  be  recorded.  The  brethren 
thereupon  earnestly  desired  him  to  write  those  things,  which 
he  esteemed  needful  to  be  known,  and  which  he  saw  to 
have  been  omitted  by  the  rest:  with  which  request  he 
complied.  And  he  was  induced  to  begin  immediately  with 
the  doctrine  of  Christ's  deity.  After  which  he  proceeded 
to  the  account  of  the  things  said  and  done  by  the  Lord  in 
the  flesh.' 

It  will  now  be  proper  to  make  some  remarks. 

1.  This  account  of  the  occasion  of  St.  John's  writing  his 
gospel   agrees  very  much  with  that  in  m  Eusebius  of  Coe- 
sarea.    I  mention  this  observation  in  the  first  place,  because 
it  is  likely,  that  the  occasion  of  St.  John's  g*ospel  was  the 
thing  primarily  intended  in  that  part  of  our  author's  work, 
from  which  this  passage  is  taken. 

2.  The  late  date  of  the  first   three  gospels  is   here  sup 
posed  :    they   were   not    written    until   after  that   the  first 
twelve  disciples  had  for  a  good  while  preached  the  gospel 
to  the  Jews  at  Jerusalem,  and   in  the  neighbouring  cities ; 
nor  until  after   St.  Paul  had  been  called,  and   had  openly 
preached  the  gospel  to  the  Gentiles  ;  nor  until  after  that 
St.  Peter  had  been  at  Rome ;  nor,  as  it  seems,  until  after, 
or  at  least,  about  the  time  of  St.  John's  taking'  up  his  abode 
at  Ephesus  in  Asia. 

3.  It  seems  to  be  supposed,  that  all  the  first  three  gos 
pels  were  written  about  the  same  time. 

4.  Those  gospels  were  soon  spread   abroad  among  chris- 
tians  all   over  the  world.     This  is  expressly  said   by  our 
author,  as  well  as  that  they  were  received  by  all  with  great 
regard.     And  indeed  the  accounts  given,  both  by  Theodore 
and  by  Eusebius,  of  the  occasion  of  St.  John's  writing  his 
gospel,  afford  good  evidence,   that  the  first  three  gospels 
soon  came  into  the  hands  of  many  Christians.     Before  St. 
John  wrote  his  gospel,  the  Christians   in  Asia  had  seen  and 
read  the  other  three  ;  and  they  asked   St.  John  his  opinion 
concerning  them,  and  he  approved  them.     There  can  be  no 
reason  to  doubt,  that  about  this  time,  and  soon  after  they 
were  written,  those  three  gospels  were  delivered  to  other 
christians,  beside  those  in  Asia. 

5.  The  publishing  of  St.  John's  gospel,  which   he  wrote 
now  at  the  request  of  tire  believers  at  Ephesus,  would  con- 

m  See  p.  94 — 96. 


400  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

tribute  to  their  being-  yet  more  public,  and  looked  upon  by 
all  with  the  greatest  veneration.  And  from  this  time  for 
ward,  it  is  reasonable  to  think,  the  four  gospels  were  col- 
lected  in  one  code  or  volume.  And  St.  John's  gospel,  now 
added  to  the  rest,  would  occasion  a  diligent  comparing  of 
all  of  them  together,  and  a  careful  attention  to  the  several 
accounts  of  each. 
I  now  proceed. 

IV.  That  Theodore  was  a  celebrated  commentator,  we  have 
seen :   that  he  was  also  a  celebrated  preacher,  and  admired 
as  such,  at  Antioch  and  Constantinople,  and  all  over  the 
East,  may  be  collected  from  testimonies  inn  Facundus. 

V.  1.  Theodore,  as  the  same  Facundus0  says,  lived  and 
died   in   the   communion    of   the    church.     And   his    great 
reputation  is  manifest  from  Sozomen  and  Theodoret,  before 
cited.     Nevertheless  afterwards,  upon  occasion  of  the  Pe 
lagian  and  Nestorian  controversies,  there  P   were  great  de 
bates  about   his   sentiments;  and    not  a  few  moderns  1  call 
him   the  parent   both    of  Pelagianism    and   Nestorianism : 
whilst  others  allow r  indeed  his  holding  the  Pelagian  prin 
ciple,  but  think  the  charge  of  Nestorianism  not  so  clear. 
Divers   passages  of  his,  alleged    by  Facundus,8   seem   not 
reconcileable  therewith  :  however,  we  have  seen,  that  Pho- 
tius,  in  his  accounts  of  Theodore's  works,  scruples  not  to 
accuse  him  of  being  in  the  Nestorian  principle.     And  in  his 
epistles  he  says,  that l  Nestorius  borrowed  his  abominable 
doctrine  from  Diodorus  of  Tarsus,  and  Theodore  of  Mop- 
suestia:  but  bishop  R.  Montague,"  in  a  note  upon  Photius, 
vindicates  both  those  great  men. 

n  Theodosio  imperatori,  qui  per  idem  tempus  mundi  regebat  gubemacula, 
sic  dicit :  Theodorus  enim,  quern  quando  dicimus,  virum  dicimus  in  episcopatu 
clarum  finem  habentem,  et  quinquaginta  pene  annis  fortiter  repugnantem 
cunctis  haeresibus,  et  in  expositionibus,  quas  in  omnibus  ecclesiis  orientalibus 
faciebat,  et  quibus  in  regia  civitate  valde  esset  comprobatus,  apparet,  &c. 
Facund.  1.  ii.  c.  2.  p.  23.  Vid.  et  1.  x.  cap.  1.  p.  148.  E. 

0  in  cujus  pace  atque  honore  defunctus  idem  Theodorus.  Id.  1.  x.  c. 

1.  p.  148.  C.  Vid.  et  1.  ii.  c.  2. 

P  Vid.  S.  Basnag.  ann.  550.  n.  vii — ix.  551.  n.  x.  &c.  553.  n.  xvii.  &c. 
Tillem.  Theodore  de  M.  art.  4.  Mem.  T.  xii. 

q  Theodorus  Mopsuestenus,  Pelagianorum  aeque  ac  Nestorianorum  parens. 
Assem.  ad  Chr.  Edess.  Bib.  Or.  T.  i.  p.  402.  not.  3. 

Hinc  Theodorus  merito  Pelagianorum  pater  audit,  ejusque  sectatores  Chaldaei 

Nestoriani  de  originali  peccato  usque  in  proesentem  diem  male  sentiunt 

Nam  Nestoriani  Pelagianum  dogma  expresse  docuere,  ut  probat  Pagius  ad 
annum  428.  n.  xvi.  hac  in  re  a  magistro  suo  Nestorio  desciscentes,  qui  de  pec 
cato  originali  recte  senserat.  Assem.  Bib.  Or.  T.  iii.  p.  34.  not.  1.  Conf.  Pagi 
ann.  423.  n.  xv.— xviii.  r  Vid.  S.  Basnag.  ann.  428.  n.  7. 

•  Facund.  1.  ix.  <  Phot.  Ep.  1.  p.  7.  f.     Vid.  et  p.  11.  m. 

0  Intelligit  Mopsuestenum,  et  Tarsensem  episcopos,  qui  et  doctissimi  et  ortho- 


THEODORE,  Bishop  of  Mopsuestia.     A.  D.  394.  401 

2.  I  shall  take  here  two  passages  of  Theodore,  one  out 
of  his  commentary  upon  St.  John's  gospel,  the  other  out  of 
his  commentary  upon  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles;  as  they  are 
cited,  in  Latin,  in  v  the  Acts  of  the  fore-mentioned  council 
of  Constantinople,  in  553,  and  in  Greek,  in  the  emperor  Jus- 
tinian's  confession  of  the  right  faith,  or  his  edict  issued  inw 
545,  or  rather  inx  551,  against  the  three  chapters,  as  they 
are  called,  that  is  the  works  of  our  Theodore,  the  writings 
of  Theodoret  against  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  and  the  letter  of 
Ibas  bishop  of  Edessa,  about  the  year  436,  to  Maris  a 
Persian.  They  are  alleged  in  the  way  of  reproach,  and  are 
among  charges  brought  against  him  :  and  perhaps  the  quo 
tations  are  not  quite  exact  and  fair;  nevertheless,  they  may 
be  of  some  use  to  us,  in  forming  an  idea  of  Theodore's 
judgment,  or  way  of  thinking. 

Iny  his  Commentary  upon  St.  John's  gospel,  he  says, 
'  that  when  Thomas  made  that  confession  to  Christ,  "  My 
Lord  and  my  God,"  [John  xx.  28.]  he  did  not  call  Christ 
Lord  and  God  :  but  oeing  astonished  at  the  great  miracle 
of  his  resurrection,  and  the  full  evidence  of  it,  which  had 
been  afforded  to  him,  he  praised  God,  who  had  raised  Christ 

doxi  erant  aut  habebantur,  praecipue  Diodorus,  et  a  Basilic,  Chrysostomo,  ac 
aliis  laudantur.  Nee  nisi  mortui  in  suspicionem  haereseos  venere,  et  sequiorum 
calamis  punguntur.  Qui  mihi  non  persuadent,  fuisse  haereseos  labe  infectos. 
Montac.  Not.  ad  Phot  Ep.  i.  p.  46. 

v  Thomas  quidem,  cum  sic  credidisset,  *  Dominus  meus  et  Deus  meus' 
dicit ;  non  ipsum  Dominum  et  Deum  dicens,  (non  enim  resurrectionis  scientia 
docebat  et  Deum  esse  eum  qui  resurrexit,)  sed  quasi  pro  miraculo  facto  Deum 
collaudat. 

— Ut  quum  ad  ipsum  accessissent,  tanquam  Salvatorem,  et  omnium  bono- 
rum  auctorem,  et  doctorem  veritatis,  ab  ipso,  utpote  auctore  bonorum,  et 
doctore  veritatis  vocarentur :  sicut  omnibus  hominibus,  quamcunque  sectam 
sequentibus,  consuetudo  est  ab  ipso  dogmatis  inventore  vocari,  ut  Platonici  et 
Epicursei,  Manichaei  et  Marcionistae,  et  siquidem  tales  dicuntur.  Eodem 
modo  et  nos  nominari  christianos  judicaverunt  apostoli,  tanquam  per  hoc 
certum  facientes,  quod  ipsius  doctrinam  oportet  adtendere.  Cone.  Constan- 
tin.  ii.  Col.  iv.  ap.  Labbe.  T.  v.  p.  440,  441. 

w  Vid.  Cav.  de  Justiniano,  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  509.  et  Fabr.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  xi.  p. 
441.  x  Pagi,  ann.  551.  n.  v.  Basnage,  ann.  551.  n.  7,  8. 

y  Ovrog  oe  Kai  TTJV  6/joXoytav  Gw/xa,  rjv  em  ry  i//ijXa0J/(7H  TOIV  xil9MV  Kai 
TTJ£  TrXevpag  re  Kvpia  \iira  TTJV  ava^aviv,  TO,  6  Kvpiog  /ua  icai  Qeog  /i«,  eiirev, 
fir]  tipqaOai  irepi  TS  Xpi<?n  Trapa  ry  0w/za,  (a  yap  eivai  \e yet  TOV  Xpt<ro»>  Qeov,) 
a\\'  tTTt  ry  7rapa$o£y  Tijg  avaraffswf  eiCTrXaytvra  TOV  9w/iai>  vfivrjaai  TOV  Qeov 
eyupavra  TOV  Xpi<roj/.  To  de  ^eipov,  OTI  ev  Ty  TCJV  ITpa^twv  TWV  \TTO^O\UIV 
ytvofifvy  Trap1  aura  SqOev  tpfirivtuf,  avyicpiviav  6  avToq  Qtooupog  TOV  X/OITOI/ 
ITXarwi/t,  Kai  Mavi^aty,  Kai  E?r(K8pa),  Kat  MapKta>vt,  Xeyet,  OTI  axTTrep  eiceiv&v 
evpafitvog  oiKtiov  ^oy/ua  TSQ  aury  fiaOijTevffavTag  iwroir\Kf.  KaXtiaQai 
i/cac,-,  <cat  Mavt^atsc»  Kai  ETriKspeisg,  Kai  MapKiuvi^ag,  TOV  6/uotov 
Kai  TB  XptTB  tvpap.evH  TO  $oy/«a,  e^  avTs  TSQ  \oi<ziav&£  KoXeiffOai. 
Ap.  Chron.  Pasch.  p.  361.  et  Concil.  Labb.  T.  v.  p.  706. 
VOL.  IV.  2  D 


402  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

from  the  dead.  Nor  is  the  being  raised  from  the  dead  a 
proof  of  deity.'  And  in  his  Commentary  upon  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles,  he  says  :  '  As  the  Platonics  and  Epicureans, 
and  the  men  of  other  sects,  are  called  from  their  masters, 
who  first  taught  the  principles  professed  by  them ;  so 
Christians  are  called  from  Christ,  whom  they  have  received 
as  the  teacher  of  truth,  and  their  Saviour,  and  the  author  of 
all  good.  And  the  apostles  therefore  gave  us  this  denomi 
nation,  that  thereby  we  might  be  reminded  of  our  obligation 
to  adhere  to  Christ's  doctrine.' 

That  is  the  sense  of  those  two  passages,  as  may  appear  to 
such  as  will  compare  the  Latin  and  Greek  at  the  bottom  of 
the  pages. 

3.  I  conclude  this  chapter  with  transcribing  below2  the 
charges  brought  against  Theodore,  and  the  principles 
ascribed  to  him,  by  Simeon  Beth-Arsam  before  mentioned, 
as  the  passage  may  entertain  some  of  my  readers  :  though 
indeed  he  there,  and  elsewhere,a  speaks  to  the  like  purpose 
also  of  Diodorus,  whom  he  considers  as  his  master ;  and 
Paul  of  Samosata  as  master  of  both.  But  Theodore  of 
Mopsuestia  is  the  worst  of  all,  having  added  to,  and  farther 
established  the  Unitarian  Jewish  sentiments,  which  he  had 
received  from  them.b 

2  A  Diodoro  accepit  Theodorus  Mopsuestise  in  Cilicia,  qui  omnes  turn 
Veteris  turn  Novi  Testament!  libros  commentatus  est.  Verura  in  cunctis  ipsius 
commentariis  et  sermonibus  judaicam  de  Christo  opinionem  tradit,  Diodoro, 
Pauloque  Samosateno  praeceptoribus  suis  consentiens.  Quae  vero  a  Simone 
Mago,  a  Paulo,  et  a  Diodoro  asserebantur,  haec  ille  amplificavit,  confirmavit- 
que,  asserens  Christum  hominem  esse  creatum,  factum,  mortalem,  consubstan- 
tialem  nobis,  Filium  adoptivum,  et  templum  Dei  aeterni,  non  filium  naturalem 
Dei  esse,  sed  per  gratiam  et  adoptionem. — A  Theodore  accepit  Nestorius,  &c. 
Ap.  Assem.  Bib.  Or.  T.  i.  p.  348,  349. 

a  A  Paulo  accepit  Diodorus  Tarsi  Ciliciae  episcopus — Christum  vero  ipsum 
hominem  existimavit  creatum,  factum,  mortalem,  consubstantialem  nobis,  et 
Filium  per  gratiam,  Pauli  Samosateni  praeceptoris  sui  vestigiis  presse  inhaerens. 
Ib.  p.  348.  in. 

b  Some  learned  moderns  think,  that  Diodorus  of  Tarsus,  in  his  old  age,  in 
opposing  the  Apollinarians,  espoused  the  same  doctrine  concerning  Christ  with 
Paul  of  Samosata,  Marcellus  of  Galatia,  and  Photinus :  which,  as  they  say, 
was  likewise  the  opinion  of  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  and  Nestorius.  Vid. 
Garner,  ad  Marium  Mercatorem,  T.  ii.  p.  317 — 319.  et  Pagi,  ann.  428.  xix. 
Et  conf.  Fabric.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  viii.  p.  361.  et  Tillem.  Mem.  T.  viii.  Diodere  de 
Tarse. 


JEROM.      A.  D.   392.  403 


CHAP.  CXIV. 


JEROM. 

I.  His  time.  II.  His  history  and  character.  III.  A  cata 
logue  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  from  his  pro 
logue  to  the  books  of  Samuel  and  the  Kings,  translated 
by  him  from  Hebrew,  with  remarks.  IV.  Of  the  books 
called  Hagiographa.  V.  A  catalogue  of  the  books  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testament,  from  his  letter  to  Paulinus. 
VI.  Another  catalogue  of  the  books  of  the  Old  and  the 
New  Testament.  VII.  His  preface  to  his  commentary 
upon  St.  Matthew,  concerning  the  four  evangelists,  and 
their  gospels.  VIII.  His  history  of  the  eight  writers  of 
the  New  Testament,  from  his  book  of  Illustrious  Men, 
icith  remarks.  1.  Matthew.  2.  Mark.  3.  Luke.  4. 
John.  5.  Paul.  6.  James.  7.  Peter.  8.  Jude.  IX. 
Apocryphal  books  mentioned  by  Jerom.  X.  His  editions 
of  the  books  of  scripture,  and  commentaries  upon  them, 
and  other  works  for  explaining  the  scriptures.  XL  His 
respect  for  the  scriptures.  XII.  Various  readings.  XIII. 
Observations  upon  the  original  languages,  and  the  style  of 
the  scriptures.  XIV.  Select  passages  concerning  divers 
matters. 

I.  EUSEBIUS  HIERONYMUS,*  or  St.  JEROM,  was  born 
of  Christian  parents,5  at  Striden,  on  the  confines  of  Dalmatia 
and  Pannonia.  It  is  generally  allowed  by  learned  men,  that 
he  died  in  the  year  4*20;  but  it  is  not  easy  to  determine  with 
certainty  the  time  of  his  birth.  Some  have  supposed  thatc 
he  was  not  born  till  about  342 ;  others'1  place  his  birth  in 
329,  or  330,  or  331,  and  say  that6  he  was  about  ninety  years 
of  age  when  he  died.  I  cannot  but  accede  to  the  former : 

a  Hieronymus,  patre  Eusebio  natus,  oppido  Stridonis,  quod,  a  Gothis  ever- 
sum,  Dalmatise  quondam  Pannoniaeque  confinium  fuit,  usque  in  praesentem 
annum,  id  est,  Theodosii  principis  decimum  quartum,  haec  scripsi. — De  Vir. 
III.  cap.  135.  b  Quanto  magis  ego  christianus,  de  parentibus 

christianis  natus  ?  Pr.  in  Job,  T.  i.  p.  798,  in. 

c  Baron.  Ann.  372.  n.  Ivii.— Ixii.  Tillem.  S.  Jerome,  art.  2,  et  note  2.  Mem. 
EC.  T.  xii.  d  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  267.  Pagi,  ann.  420.  n. 

xxi.  S.  Basnag.  ann.  378.  n.  xii. 

e  — qui  natus  est  anno  329,  denatus  420,  aetatis  91.  H.  Hod.  de  Bib.  Text. 

Orig.  1.  iii.  P.  ii.  c.  2.  p.  350 De  Hieronymo  ipso,  qui  anno  331  natus,  et 

nonagenario  propior,  presbyter  Bethleemiticus,  A.  C.  420  obiit,  nihil  dicere 
quam  pauca  praestat.  Fabr.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  viii.  p.  376. 

2  D  2 


404  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

that  date  seems  more  agreeable  to  the  whole  course  of  his 
life,  and  in  particular  to  what  he  says  of f  his  being  at  a 
grammar  school  in  the  time  of  the  emperor  Julian,  and  his 
beings  a  youth  only  when  he  was  in  Gaul,  which  certainly 
was  not  till  afterwards. 

Jerom  was  ordained  presbyter  by  Paulinus,  at  Antioch, 
in  378;  but  it  was  upon  this  condition  he  accepted  that  of 
fice,  thath  he  should  not  be  confined  to  any  one  church,  or 
be  drawn  from  his  monastic,  studious  course  of  life. 

He  is  placed  by  Cave  as  flourishing  about  the  year  378, 
when  he  was  ordained  presbyter ;  but  I  presume  it  will  not 
be  much  disliked  that  I  place  him  at  the  year  392,  when  he 
wrote  his  book  of  Illustrious  Men,  which  has  been  so  often 
quoted  by  me  in  this  work  ;  and  I  take  this  opportunity  to 
refer  to  'Tillemont's  account  of  that  book,  as  deserving  par 
ticular  notice. 

Nor  will  it  be  amiss  for  me  to  transcribe  below k  a  pas 
sage  or  two  of  Jerom  himself  relating  to  it.  One  of  them 
is  in  a  letter  to  Augustine,  who  had  met. with  this  work 
without  a  title,  and  did  not  know  what  to  call  it.  Jerom 
tells  him  it  should  be  entitled,  Of  Illustrious  Men,  or  more 
particularly,  Of  Ecclesiastical  Writers.  I  likewise  refer  to 
nis  preface  or  introduction  to  it,  which  is  inscribed  to  his 
great  friend  FI.  L.  Dexter,  who  was  son  of  Pacian,  bishop 
of  Barcelona,1  and  had  the  honour  to  be  for  some  time  prse- 
fect  of  the  prsetorium. 

f  Dum  adhuc  essem  puer,  et  in  grammaticae  ludo  exercerer,  omnesque  urbes 
victimarum  caede  polluerentur,  ac  subito  in  ipso  persecutionis  ardore  Juliani 
nuntiaretur  interitus,  &c.  In  Abac.  cap.  3.  T.  iii.  p.  1636.  in. 

e  — quum  ipse  adolescentulus  in  Gallia  viderim  Atticotos  gentem  Britanni- 
cam,  humanis  vesci  carnibus.  Adv.  Jovin.  1.  ii.  p.  202.  M.  T.  iv. 

h  Fac  a  te  ordinatum,  idem  ab  eo  audies,  quod  a  me  misello  homine  sanctae 
memoriae  episcopus  Paulinus  audivit :  Wum  rogavi  te,  ut  ordinarer  ?  Si  sic 
presbyterium  tribuis,  ut  monachum  non  auferas,  tuviderisde  judicio  tuo.  Sin 
autem  sub  nomine  presbyteri  tollis  mihi  propter  quod  seculum  dereliqui,  ego 
habeo  quod  semper  habui,  nullum  dispendium  in  ordinatione  passus  es.  Ad 
Pamm.  ep.  38.  [al.  61.]  T.  iv.  p.  333.  in. 

'  See  S.  Jerome,  art.  58.  T.  xii. 

k  Dicis  accepisse  te  librum  meum  a  quodam  fratre,  qui  titulum  non  haberet ; 
in  quo  scriptores  ecclesiasticos,  tarn  Graces  quam  Latinos,  enumeraverim — 
Ergo  hie  liber,  vel  De  Illustribus  Viris,  vel  proprie  De  Scriptoribus  Ecclesias- 
ticis,  appellandus  est ;  licet  a  plerisque  emendatoribus  imperitis  De  Auctoribus 
dicatur  inscriptus.  Ad  Aug.  ep.  74.  [al.  89.]  T.  iv.  P.  ii.  p.  818. — Scripsi 
librum  De  Illustribus  Viris  ab  apostolis  usque  ad  nostram  aetatem,  imitatus 
Tranquillum,  Graecumque  Apollonium ;  et  post  catalogum  plurimorum,  me 
quoque  in  calce  voluminis,  quasi  abortivum,  et  minimum  omnium  christiano- 
rum,  posui :  ubi  mihi  necesse  fuit  usque  ad  decimum  quart um  annum  Theo- 
dosii  principis  quae  scripserim  breviter  annotare.  Ad  Desider.  ep.  48.  [al. 
144.]T.  iv.  p.  562. 

1  Vid.  De.  V.  I.  cap.  132 ;  et  adv.  Ruf.  1.  ii.  T.  iv.  p.  419. 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  405 

Jerom,  in  the  last  chapter  of  that  work,  says  lie  brought 
it  down  to  the  14th  year  of  Theodosius ;  it  is  therefore  the 
common  opinion  of  learned  men,  that  it  was  finished  in  that 
year.  Pagi,  however,  says  that"1  it  was  not  published  till  the 
fifteenth  year  of  Theodosius,  393 ;  and  that  the  fourteenth 
year  should  be  understood  inclusively,  not  exclusively. 

II.  As  I  do  not  write  at  large  the  history  of  Jerom,  it 
may  not  be  proper  for  me  to  attempt  his  character :  never 
theless,  considering  his  great  eminence  and  fame  as  a  writer, 
I  am  unwilling  quite  to  omit  either. 

Heu  studied  grammar  and  other  parts  of  literature  at 
Rome,  where0  he  was  when  the  tidings  of  the  emperor  Ju 
lian's  death  was  brought  thither.  One?  of  his  masters  was 
the  celebrated  grammarian  Donatus,  author  of  Commentaries 
upon  Terence  and  Virgil  :  he  seems  1  to  have  had  other 
masters  for  logic,  and  the  several  branches  of  philosophy. 
Having  studied  some  while  at  Rome,  he  went  intor  Gaul. 
Whilst  he  was  at  Treves,  as8  we  learn  from  one  of  his  epis 
tles,  he  wrote  out  for  the  use  of  his  friend  Rufinus  the 
Commentaries  of  Hilary  of  Poictiers  upon  the  Psalms,  and 
his  long  treatise  of  Synods,  composed  in  358.  He  afterwards 
returned  into  Italy  ;  and  now,  whilst  he  was  in  the  western 
part  of  the  empire,  he1  seems  to  have  collected  a  good  li 
brary  ;  to  which,  undoubtedly,  additions  were  made  after 
wards.  From  Italy  he  went  into  the  east,  where  he  spent 
several  years,  partly  in  the  deserts  of  Syria,  partly  at  An- 

m  Nam  Hieronymus  librum  ilium  anno  trecentesimo  nonagesimo  tertio,  quo 
Theodosius  die  xix.  Januarii  annum  decimum  quintum  iniit,  et  quindecennalia 
celebravit,  in  lucem  emisit.  Solebant  quippe  auctores  (ut  toties  a  me  monitum 
est)  annis  hujusmodi  solenniis  dicatis  opera  sua  publicare.  Quare  eo  in  opere 
Hieronymus  loquitur  de  scriptoribus  qui  usque  ad  annum  Theodosii  xiv.  in 
clusive,  non  vero  exclusive  floruere ;  ipsumque  in  lucem  dedit  anno  decimo 
quinto  Theodosi.  Pagi  ann.  389.  n.  iv. 

*  Puto  quod  puer  legeris — Victorini  in  Dialogos  Ciceronis,  et  in  Terentii 
Comoedias  praeceptoris  mei  Donati,  atque  in  Virgilium.  Adv.  Ruf.  1.  i.  p.  367. 

Dum  adhuc  essem  puer,  et  liberalibus  studiis  erudirer,  solebam  cum 

caeteris  ejusdem  aetatis  et  propositi  diebus  dominicis  sepulcra  apostolorum  et 
martyrum  circuire,  &c.  In  Ez.  cap.  xl.  T.  iii.  979. 

0  See  before,  note f.  p  Victorinus  rhetor,  et  Donatus 

grammaticus  meus,  Romae  insignes  habentur.  Chr.  p.  184. 

•>  Stultus  ego,  qui  me  putaverim  haec  absque  philosophis  scire  non  posse 
— — nequicquam  me  doctus  magister  per  tiffaywyijv  introduxit  in  logicam. 
Ad.  Domn.  ep.  32.  [al.  51.]  T.  iv.  p.  245.  in. 

'  Vid.  supra,  note  f  ;  et  conf.  Pr.  ii.  in  Ep.  ad  Gal. 

8  Interpretationem  quoque  Psalmorum  Davidicorum,  et  prolixum  valde  de 
Synodis  librum  sancti  Hilarii,  quern  ei  apud  Treviros  manu  mea  ipse  descripse- 
ram,  ut  mihi  transferas,  peto.  Ad.  Flor.  ep.  4.  [al.  6.]  T.  iv.  p.  6. 

t  Bibliotheca,  quam  mihi  Romae  summo  studio  et  labore  confeceram, 

carere  non  poteram.  Ad  Eustoch.  cap.  18.  [al.  22.]  T.  iv.  P.  ii.  p.  42.  C( 
et  Ep.  ad  Florent.  ubi  supra. 


406  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

tiocl),  partly  at  Constantinople.  In  382  he  came  to  Rome, 
and  was  made  secretary  to  Pope  Damasus.  Near  the  end 
of  385  he  returned  into  the  east:  I  place  below u  the  de 
scription  of  his  voyage,  in  his  own  words.  In  the  year  386 
he  settled  at  Bethlehem,  where  he  resided  the  remaining 
part  of  his  life;  excepting,  perhaps,  an  excursion  into  Egypt, 
and  some  journies  in  Palestine. 

As  Jerom  owes  a  large  part  of  his  reputation  to  his  ac 
quaintance  with  Hebrew,  an  uncommon  thing  among  chris- 
tians  at  that  time,  some  particular  notice  may  be  fitly  taken 
of  it.  He  seems  to  have  begun  his  acquaintance  with  that 
language  in  his  youngerv  days,  which  he  afterwards  im 
proved  by  great  application  and  diligence.  He  had  at 
least  two  Hebrew  masters,  of  great  note  for  skill  in  their 
own  tongue;  onew  an  unbeliever,  anotherx  a  Christian. 
To  y  these,  or  other  learned  rabbins,  he  often  refers  in  his 
Commentaries  upon  the  scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament ; 
mentioning  some  of  their  observations,  or  interpretations  of 
texts  which  he  had  received  from  them.  In  his  preface  to 
the  book  of  Job,  translated  by  him  from  Hebrew,  he  says, 
that2  at  a  great  expense  he  had  procured  the  instructions 

u  Mense  Augusto,  fiantibus  Etesiis,  cum  sancto  Vincentio  presbytero,  et 
adolescente  fratre,  et  aliis  monachis  navim  in  Romano  portu  securus  ascen- 
di — Veni  Rhegium — Malui  per  Maleas  et  Cycladas  Cyprum  pergere.  Ubi 
susceptus  a  venerabili  episcopo  Epiphanio,  cujus  testimonio  gloriaris,  veni 
Antiochiam,  ubi  fruitus  sum  communione  pontificis  confessorisque  Paulini,  et 
deductus  ab  eo  media  hieme,  et  frigore  gravissimo,  intravi  lerosolymam — Inde 
contendi  ^Egyptum,  lustravi  monasteria  Nistriae — Protinus  concito  gradu  Beth- 
leem  meam  reversus  sum.  Adv.  Ruf.  1.  iii.  p.  459.  F. 

v  Hebraeam  linguam,  quam  ego  ab  adolescentia  multo  labore  ac  sudore  ex 
parte  didici,  et  indefatigabili  meditatione  non  desero,  ne  ipse  ab  ea  deserar, 
&c.  Ad  Eustoch.  ep.  86.  [al.  27.]  T.  iv.  p.  686. 

w  Veni  rursum  lerosolymam  et  Bethleem.  Quo  labore,  quo  pretio,  Bara- 
ninam  nocturnum  habui  prseceptorem !  Timebat  enim  Judaeos,  et  mihi  alterum 
exhibebat  Nicodemum.  Horum  omnium  frequenter  in  opusculis  meis  facio 
mentionem.  Ad  Pamm.  et  Ocean,  ep.  41.  [al.  65.]  ib.  p.  342.  Conf.  adv.  Ruf. 
1.  i.  ib.  p.  363.  et  369,  in. 

x  Ad  quam  edomandam  cuidam  fratri,  qui  ex  Hebraeis  crediderat,  me  in 
disciplinam  dedi :  ut  post  Quintiliani  acumina,  Ciceronis  fluvios,  gravita- 
temque  Frontonis,  et  lenitatem  Plinii,  alphabetum  discerem,  et  stridentia  an- 
helantiaque  verba  meditarer.  Ad  Rustic,  ep.  95.  [al.  4.]  p.  774. 

*"  Verbum  Hebraicum— Ixx.  transtulerunt — Hebraeus,  quo  ego  praeceptore 
usus  sum,  Arcturum  interpretatus  est.  In  Is.  cap.  xiii.  T.  iii.  p.  109. — Re- 
ferebat  mihi  Hebraeus,  praesentem  visionem  non  pertinere  ad  illud  tempus  quo 
Nabuchodonosor  Jerusalem  cepit — sed  ad  Sennacherib  tempora.  In  Is.  cap. 
xxii.  p.  138. — Hebraeus  autem,  qui  nos  in  Veteris  Testamenti  lectione  erudivit, 
&c.  Ib.  p.  200. — Est  vir  quidam,  a  quo  ego  plura  didicisse  me  gaudeo,  et  qui 
Hebraeum  sermonem  ita  elimarit,  ut  inter  scribas  eorum  Chaldaeus  existimetur. 
Is  longe  alia  via  ingressus  est.  Ad  Damas.  de  Seraphim  et  Calculo.  T.  iii.  p. 
220.  Vid.  ib.  p.  222.  Vid.  et  in  Naum.  cap.  ii.  T.  iii.  p.  1568.  M. 

z  Memini  me  ob  intelligentiam  hujus  voluminis  Lyddaeum  quendam  prae- 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  407 

of  a  very  learned  Jew,  to  lead  him  into  the  right  interpre 
tation  of  that  difficult  book.  He  a  speaks  to  the  like  pur 
pose  in  the  preface  to  his  translation  of  the  book  of  Chro 
nicles,  from  the  Seventy ;  and  says  that  he  had  travelled 
over  the  land  of  Judea  in  the  company  of  some  Jews,  in 
great  reputation  for  learning;  supposing  that  a  distinct 
knowledge  of  the  situation  and  names  of  places  in  that 
country  might  contribute  more  than  a  little  to  the  under 
standing  of  the  scriptures,  especially  the  historical  books. 
In  his  Comment  upon  the  book  of  Nahum  he  says,  thatb  in 
his  perambulation  over  the  land  of  Judea,  he  had  been 
shown  by  his  learned  Jewish  conductor  the  place  of  the 
nativity  of  that  prophet,  which  was  then  a  small  village  in 
Galilee,  almost  in  ruins. 

It  is  pleasant  to  observe  howc  Jerom  represents  the  harsh 
ness  which  the  study  of  the  Hebrew  language,  and  the 
reading  of  their  authors,  had  brought  upon  his  Latin  style 

ceptorem,  qui  apud  Hebraeos  primus  haberi  putabatur  non  parvis  redemisse 
nummis  ;  cujus  doctrina  an  aliquid  profecerim,  nescio.  Hoc  unum  scio,  non 
potuisse  me  interpretari  nisi  quod  ante  intellexeram.  Pr.  in  Job.  T.  i. 
p.  795. 

a  Quomodo  Graecorum  historias  magis  intelligunt,  qui  Athenas  viderint — 
ita  sanctam  scripturam  lucidius  intuebitur,  qui  Judaeam  oculis  contemplatus 
est  Unde  et  nobis  curae  fuit,  cum  eruditissimis  Hebraeorum  hunc  laborem 
subire,  ut  circumiremus  provinciam,  quam  universal  Christi  ecclesige  sonant. 
Fateor  enim,  mi  Domnion  et  Rogatione  carissimi,  nunquam  me  in  divinis 
voluminibus  propriis  viribus  credidisse,  nee  habuisse  magistrum  opinionem 
meam ;  sed  ea  etiam,  de  quibus  scire  me  arbitrabar,  interrogare  solitum. 
Quanto  magis  de  his,  super  quibus  anceps  eram  ?  Denique,  quum  a  me  nuper 
literis  flagitassetis,  ut  vobis  Paralipomenon  librum  Latino  sermone  transferrem, 
de  Tiberiade  legis  quondam  doctorem,  qui  apud  Hebraeos  admirationi  habe- 
batur,  assumpsi ;  et  contuli  cum  eo  a  vertice,  ut  aiunt,  usque  ad  extremum 
unguem.  Et  sic  confirmatus,  ausus  sum  facere  quod  jubebatis.  Pr.  in  Paral. 
T.  i.  p.  1418. 

b  Porro,  quod  additur :  '  Naiim  Elcessei,'  [cap.  i.  1.]  quidam  putant, 
Elcesaeum  patrem  esse  Naiim — quum  Elcesi  usque  hodie  in  Galilaea  viculus 
sit;  parvus  quidem,  et  vix  minis  veterum  aedificiorum  indicans  vestigia;  sed 
tamen  notus  Judaeis,  et  mini  quoque  a  circumducente  monstratus.  Pr.  in 
Naum,  T.  in.  p.  1559. 

c  Nos,  ut  scis,  Hebraeorum  lectione  detenti,  in  Latina  lingua  rubiginem 
obduximus,  in  tantum  ut  loquentibus  quoque  nobis  stridor  quidam  non  Lati- 
nus  interstrepat.  Ad  Marcell.  de  Ephod  etTeraphim,  T.  ii.  p.  C16.  [al.  ep. 

130.]  Scripta  Romae,  384 Loquar  ?  Sed  omnem  sermonis  elegantiam,  et 

Latini  eloquii  venustatem,  stridor  lectionis  Hebraicae  sordidavit.  Nostis  enim 
et  ipsae,  quod  plus  quam  quindecim  anni  sunt,  ex  quo  in  manus  meas  nun 
quam  Tullius,  nunquam  Maro,  nunquam  Gentilium  literarum  quilibet  auctor 
ascendit.  Pr.  iii.  in  Galat.  T.  iv.  p.  287.  Scr.  A.  C.  388.  vel  circiter.— 
Obsecro  te,  lector,  ut  ignoscas  celeri  sermone  dictanti ;  nee  requiras  eloquii 
venustatem,  quam  multo  tempore  Hebraeae  linguae  studio  perdidi.  In  Agg. 
cap.  ii.  T.  iii.  p.  1704.  F. 


408  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

and  pronunciation.  He  speaks  after  this  manner  in  a  letter 
supposed  to  be  written  so  early  as  the  year  384. 

I  may  not  give  any  account  of  his  controversial  writings 
against  Helvidius,  Jovinian,  Vigilantius,  and  others;  lam 
obliged  to  decline  it  for  avoiding  too  great  prolixity;  be 
sides,  the  history  of  those  controversies  is  well  known,  and 
may  be  seen  in  many  d  authors.  Nor  may  I  remark  here 
upon  his  difference  with  his  friend  Ruh'nus;  though  I  fear 
it  cannot  be  quite  passed  over,  and  will  come  in  our  way 
hereafter.  And  in  showing  his  testimony  to  the  scriptures, 
I  shall  be  led  to  take  notice  of  many  of  his  works  relating 
to  them,  for  explaining  and  illustrating  them. 

Great  commendations  of  Jerom  may  be  seen  in  divers 
ancient  writers  who  were  his  contemporaries,  or  who  lived 
not  long  after  him  ;  particularly  e  Sulpicius  Severus,  f  Au- 

d  Accounts  of  those  controversies  may  be  seen  in  all  ecclesiastical  historians, 
and  in  the  writers  of  Jerom's  life.  The  history  of  Jovinian  may  be  read 
in  Mr.  Bower's  Lives  of  the  Popes,  vol.  i.  p.  253—257.  And  the  affair  of 
Vigilantius  is  largely  treated  by  Jas.  Basnage,  Hist,  de  1'Eglise,  1.  xix.  ch. 
13.  sect.  5 — 13.  For  Jovinian  see  also,  by  all  means,  S.  Basnag.  annal.  382. 
n.  xii.  xiii. 

e  Hieronymus,  vir  maxime  catholicus,  et  sacra  legis  peritissimus.  S. 

Sever.  Dial.  i.  cap.  3.  al.  c.  7. Igitur  inde  digressus,  Bethleem  oppidum 

petii Ecclesiam  loci  illius  Hieronymus  presbyter  regit Mihi  jam 

pridem  Hieronymus  superiore  ilia  mea  peregrinatione  compertus,  facile  obti- 
nuerat,  ut  nullum  mihi  expetendum  rectius  arbitrarer.  Vir  enim,  praeter  fidei 
meritum,dotemque  virtutum,  non  solum  Latinis  atque  Graecis,  sed  et  Hebraeis 
ita  literis  institutus  est,  ut  se  illi  in  omni  scientia  nemo  audeat  comparare. 
Miror  autem,  si  non  et  vobis  per  multa  quae  scripsit  opera  compertus  est,  cum 
per  totum  orbem  legatur.  Nobis  vero,  inquit  Callus,  nimium  nimiumque  com 
pertus  est Ego,  ut  dicere  institueram,  apud  Hieronymum  sex  mensibus  fui ; 

cui  jugis  adversus  malos  pugna  perpetuumque  certamen.  Concivit  odia  perdi- 
torum :  oderunt  eum  haeretici,  quia  eos  impugnare  non  desinit ;  oderunt  clerici, 
quia  vitam  eorum  insectatur  et  crimina.  Sed  plane  eum  boni  omnes  admiran- 
tur  et  diligunt ;  nam  qui  eum  haereticum  esse  arbitrantur,  insaniunt.  Vere 
dixerim,  catholica  hominis  sententia  sana  doctrina  est.  Totus  semper  in  lec- 
tione,  totus  in  libris  est ;  non  die,  non  nocte,  requiescit ;  aut  legit  aliquid 
semper,  aut  scribit.  Id.  ib.  cap.  8,  9.  al.  c.  4. 

f  Quamvis  non  defuerit  temporibus  nostris  presbyter  Hieronymus,  homo 
doctissimus,  et  omnium  trium  linguarum  peritus,  qui  non  ex  Graeco,  sed  ex 
Hebraeo,  in  Latinum  eloquium  easdem  scripturas  converteret.  Aug.  de  Civ. 
Dei,  1.  xviii.  c.  43.  T.  vii. — 111 ud  tamen  scio,  quod  etiam  sanctus  Hieronymus, 
qui  hodieque  in  literis  ecclesiasticis  tarn  excellentis  doctrinae  fama  ac  labore  ver- 
satur.  Aug.  de  Peccat.  Merit.  1.  iii.  c.  6.  n.  xii.  T.  x.  Nee  sanctum  Hierony 
mum,  quia  presbyter  fuit,  contemnendum  arbitreris,  qui  Graeco  et  Latino,  insu- 
per  et  Hebraeo,  eruditus  eloquio,  et  occidental!  ad  orientalem  transiens  eccle- 
siam,  in  locis  sanctis  atque  in  literis  sacris  usque  ad  decrepitam  vixit  aetatem : 
omnesque  vel  pene  omnes,  qui  ante  ilium  aliquid  ex  utraque  parte  orbisde  doc 
trina  ecclesiastica  scripserant,  legit.  Contr.  Julian.  Pelag.  1.  i.  c.  7.  n.  xxxiv. 
T.  x.  et  alibi  passim. 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  409 

gustine,  amis  Prosper,  who  fail  not  to  mention  his  skill  in 
three  languages,  Latin,  Greek,  and  Hebrew ;  and  extol  his 
learning,  diligence,  zeal  for  the  catholic  faith,  and  freedom 
in  reproving  the  vices  of  the  clergy,  and  other  Christians  of 
his  time. 

Nor  can  it,  in  my  opinion,  be  improper  to  take  notice  of 
what  Jerom  upon  divers  occasions  says  of  himself,  and  of 
his  laborious,  studious  course  of  life;  thath  he  had  been 
from  the  beginning  diligent  and  inquisitive,  that'  all  his 
days  he  had  been  employed  in  the  schools  of  rhetoricians 
and  philosophers,  ork  in  reading  the  scriptures  of  the  Old 
and  New  Testament ;  that,  beside  Latin  and  Greek,  he  had 
endeavoured  to  make  himself  master  of  Hebrew  ;  that1  he 
did  not  rely  upon  his  own  judgment  and  understanding  in 
interpreting  the  scriptures,  but  consulted  other  commenta 
tors,  and  was  willing  to  improve  by  their  labours;  that"1  he 
never  thought  himself  too  old  to  learn,  but  embraced  all 
opportunities  of  increasing  in  knowledge;  thatn  he  was  not 

B  Tune  etiam  Bethle'i  praeclari  nominis  hospes, 
Hebraeo  simul,  et  Graio,  Latioque  venustus 
Eloquio,  morum  exemplum,  mundique  magister, 
Hieronymus,  libris  valde  excellentibus  hostem 

Dissecuit 

Prosper  de  Ingratis,  cap.  3. 

h  Dum  essem  juvenis,  miro  discendi  ferebar  ardore,  nee  juxta  quorundam 
praesumptionem  ipse  me  docui.  Ad  Pamm.  et  Ocean,  ep.  41.  [al.  65.]  T.  iv. 
p.  342.  M. — Nos  autem,  qui  Hebreae  linguae  saltern  parvara  habemus  scientiam, 
et  Latinus  nobis  utcumque  sermo  non  deest,  et  de  aliis  magis  possumus  judi- 
care,  et  ea,  quae  ipsi  intelligimus,  in  nostra  lingua  exprimere.  Adv.  Ruf.  1.  ii. 
T.  iv.  P.  ii.  p.  427.  fin. 

'  Qui  et  Hebraeum  sermonem  ex  parte  didicimus,  et  in  Latino,  pene  ab 
ipsis  incunabilis,  inter  grammaticos  et  rhetores  et  philosophos  detriti  sumus. 
Pr.  in  Job.  T.  i.  p.  798.  .[al.  ep.  113.]  Vid.  et  adv.  Ruf.  1.  ii.  p.  429.  M.  et  1.  iii. 
p.  443.  init.  k  — si  nihil  mihi  profuit  Hebraeorum  eruditio,  et  ab 

adolescentia  usque  ad  hanc  aetatem  quotidiana  in  lege,  propbetis,  evangeliisque 
meditatio.  Ad  Domn.  ep.  32.  [al.  51.]  T.  iv.  p.  245.  Scr.  Ann.  395. 

1  Non  quo  ab  adolescentia  aut  legere  unquam,  aut  doctos  viros  ea  quae 
nesciebam  interrogare,  cessaverim  ;  et  meipsum  tantum,  ut  plerique,  habueriin 
magistrum.  Denique  nuper  ob  hanc  maxime  causam  Alexandriam  perrexi,  ut 
viderem  Did y mum,  et  ab  eo  in  scripturis  omnibus  quae  habebam  dubia  scisei- 
tarer.  Ad.  Eph.  Pr.  i.  T.  iv.  p.  319. 

ni  Jam  canis  spargebatur  caput,  et  magistrum  potius  quam  discipulum 
decebat.  Perrexi  tamen  Alexandriam,  audivi  Didymum,  &c.  Ad  Pamm.  et 
Ocean,  ep.  41.  [al.  65.]  T.  iv.  p.  342. 

n  Si  aut  fiscellam  junco  texerem,  aut  palmarum  folia  complicarem,  ut  in 
sudore  vultus  mei  comederem  panem,  et  ventris  opus  solicita  mente  tractarem  ; 
nullus  morderet,  nemo  reprehenderet.  Nunc  autem,  quia  juxta  sententiam 
Salvatoris  volo  operari  cibum  qui  non  perit,  et  antiquam  divinorum  volumi- 
num  viam  sentibus  virgultisque  purgare ;  mihi  genuinus  infigitur,  corrector 
vitiorum  falsarius  vocor,  et  errores  non  auferre,  sed  serere.  Tanta  est  enim 
vetustatis  consuetudo,  ut  etiam  confessa  plerisque  vitia  placeant ;  dum  magis 


410  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

employed,  as  many  monks  were,  in  making  baskets  of 
rushes,  and  skreens  of  palm-leaves,  to  get  a  livelihood,  but 
in  studying  the  scriptures,  and  putting  out  correct  editions 
of  them. 

And  though  some  may  apprehend  that  hereby  Jerom 
incurs  the  imputation  of  vanity,  I  rather  think  that  he  does 
not  exceed  the  bounds  of  modesty  ;  for  he  had  many  enemies, 
as  appears  from  his  writings.  His  most  laborious  and  bene 
ficial  performances,  correcting  the  ancient,  and  making  new 
versions  of  the  scriptures,  were  all  suspected  to  be  of  a 
dangerous  tendency,  and  were  opposed  and  censured  by 
many. 

However,  we  are  not  to  imagine  that  Jerom  was  in  all 
things  exempt  from  just  reprehension.  Some  reflections 
upon  him  may  be  found  in  ancient  writers.  I  forbear  to 
take  any  thing  from  Rufinus :  but  as  I  have  transcribed 
commendations  of  our  author,  I  know  not  how  to  excuse 
myself  in  passing  over  the  censures  of  Palladius,  another 
contemporary  writer,  bishop  of  Helenopol  is  in  Bithy  nia,  author 
of  the  Lausiac  History  ;  so  called  from  Lausus,  a  great  man 
in  the  imperial  court  at  Constantinople,  to  whom  it  is 
inscribed  ;  containing  the  lives  of  those  who  about  this  time 
were  remarkable  for  great  austerities  in  Palestine  and 

Egypt- 
Pal  lad  ius  is  placed  by0  Cave  as  flourishing  about  the 
year  401,  though  his  History  was  not  written  till  about  421, 
in  the  fifty-third  year  of  his  age.  Whether  he  is  the  same 
as  Palladius  who  wrote  a  Dialogue  of  the  life  of  St.  Chrysos- 
tom,  in  408,  is  not  certain. 

Says  Palladius,  *  In?  those  parts  lived  Jerom  a  presbyter, 

*  remarkable  for  his  capacity,  and   Roman  eloquence;  but 

*  his  envious  disposition  obscured  the  merit  of  all  his  services. 

*  Posidonius,  who  was  there  a  good  while,  said  to  me, "  The 
'  liberal  Paula,  who  takes   care  of  him,  I   believe  will  die 

*  without  reproach ;  but  such  is   the  envy  of  this  person, 

*  that  no  good   man  will  be   able  to  live  there,  not  even  his 

pulchros  habere  malunt  codices,  quam  emendates.  Quapropter,  O  Paula,  et 
Eustochium,  unicum  nobilitatis  et  humilitatis  exemplar,  pro  flabello,  calathis 
sportulisque,  munusculo  monachorum,  spiritualia  haec  et  mansura  dona  sus- 
cipite ;  ac  beatum  Job,  qui  adhuc  apud  Latinos  jacebat  in  stercore,  et  vermi- 
bus  scatebat  errorum,  integrum  immaculatumque  gaudete.  Prol.  in  Job,  e 
Graeco  in  Latin,  sermonema  se  conversum.  T.  i.  p.  1187. 

0  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  376. 

p  — 'l((Hi)W(j,OG  yap  rig  irpiffflvripog  yrei  tig  roirsg  (Ktivag,  apery  Xoywv 
'Pwfta'iKuv  TroXXy  KtKOffntvog,  KOI  iKavy  tvQv'iy.'  ToaavTr\v  fie  (0xev  flaQKCtvtav, 
o>£  a?ro  ravTtjc  KoXvTTTtaOai  Titiv  \oyu)v  rrjv  aptTTjv,  K.  X.  Hist.  Laus.  c.  78.  p. 
1005.  Bib.  PP.  Morell.  Par.  1644. 


JEROM.    A.  D.  392.  41 1 

'  own  brother."  And  so  it  has  come  to  pass.'  This 
Palladius  calls  the  prophecy  of  the  excellent  Posidonius: 
who,  as<i  Tillemont  thinks,  was  at  Bethlehem  in  387:  and 
Palladius  must  have  been  there  about  the  same  time. 

In  another  place,  the  same  writer,  speaking  of  Paula, 
who    lived    at   Bethlehem    under  Jerom's    direction,  says, 
Sher  was  well  disposed  for  the  spiritual  life,  if  she  had  not 
been  hindered  by  a  certain  man,  named  Jerom,  from  Dal- 
matia.     She  had  so  many  good   qualities,  that  she   might 
have  excelled  most,  if  not  all  of  her  sex  ;  but  his  envy 
obstructed  her,  that  he  might  serve  his  own  purposes.' 
Tillemont  supposes,  that8  these  reflections  may  have  been 
occasioned  by  Jerom's  moderating  Paula's  alms  and  austeri 
ties,  which1  he  owns   he   often  endeavoured  to  do;    and 
likewise  by  diverting  her  from  seeking  after  allegorical  inter 
pretations  of  scripture:  and  indeed  Jerom11  speaks  particu 
larly  of  an  attempt  to  lead  her  into   the  Origenist  scheme. 
Nevertheless,  perhaps,  that  is  not  the  whole  which   is  here 
intended :  and  the  farther  consideration  of  the  character  of 
this  writer,  and  of  Jerom's  conduct  and  writings,  may  afford 
us  some  elucidations. 

Palladius  was  an  Origenist,  or  at  least  a  favourer  of  Origen, 
and  a  friend  to  his  memory.  He  commends  Rufinus  and 
Melania.  He  says  *  thatv  Rufinus  was  the  meekest  as  well 
'  as  the  most  learned  man  he  ever  knew.  When  he  and 

*  Melania  lived  at  Jerusalem,  as  they  did  many  years,  they 

*  honoured  and  relieved  the  clergy,  he  says,  and  gave  of- 

*  fence  to  none,  and  were  useful  to  almost  all   the  world.' 
Melania, w  with  whom  Jerorn  was  offended  after  the  differ 
ence  between  him  and  Rufinus,x  is  here  greatly  extolled  : 
nor  indeed  is  she  to  be  blamed  for  her  continued  friendship 
for  Rufinus,  the?  guide  and  companion  of  her  spiritual  life, 
as  he  is  called  by  Paulinus.     I  mention  these  things  only 
for  showing  the  character  of  Palladius. 

Now  let  us  observe  some  things  in  Jerom.  In  the  former 
part  of  his  life  he  translated  many  works  of  Origen  into 

i  See  T.  xii.  S.  Jerome,  art.  45.  r  Hist.  Laus.  c.  124.  p.  1037. 

s  See  S.  Jerome,  art.  51.  Mem.  EC.  T.  xii. 

1  Vid.  ep.  86.  [al.  27.]  p.  678.  F.  679.  init. 

u  Tangam  ergo  breviter,  quomodo  haereticorum  coenosos  devrtaverit  lacus 
— Quidam  veterator  callidus,  atque,  ut  sibi  videbatur,  doctus  et  sciolus,  me 
nesciente,  crepit  ei  proponere  quoestiones,  et  dicere,  &c.  Ep.  86.  ib.  p.  684. 
init.  v  H.  L.  cap.  117.  p.  1037. 

w  Vid.  ib.  cap.  117.  p.  1031.  etc.  119.  p.  1033.  &c. 

*  Vid.  Hieron.  ep.  33.  [al.  101.]  T.  iv.  p.  256.  Ad  Ctesiph.  ep.  43.  p. 
476.  M.  et  Rufin.  Invect.  1.  ii.  ib.  p.  436,  M. 

y  — sauctae  Melaniae  spiritali  in  vita  comitem.  Paulin.  ep.  28.  [al.  cp. 
9.]  p.  178. 


412  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

Latin,  and  frequently  commended  him,  calling  him  the 
greatest  doctor  of  the  churches  since  the  times  of  the  apos 
tles.  Afterwards  his  esteem  for  Origen  abated  very  much. 
It  may  be  perceived  that  in  393  or  394  began  the  difference 
between  him  and  Rufinus,  who  appeared  to  be  more  favour 
able  to  Origen  than  Jerom  then  was. 

In  397  Rufinus  came  from  the  east  to  Rome,  and  in  that 
year,  or  in  398,  published  there  a  Latin  version  of  Origen's 
books  Of  Principles.  From  that  time  Jerom's  enmity  against 
Origen  became  more  manifest  and  violent.  He  said  that  when 
he  commended  him,  he  never  intended  to  declare  his  approba 
tion  of  any  of  his  peculiar  opinions.2  He  admired  his  great 
capacity,  learning,  critical  skill  in  the  style  and  idioms  of 
scripture;  but  he  never  approved  his  doctrine.  If  men 
would  not  believe  him,  but  would  have  it  that  once  he  was 
an  Origenist,  he  was  now  so  no  longer. 

Rufinus  staid  at  Rome  above  a  year,  and  was  well  received 
by  Pope  Siricius ;  who  also,  when  he  went  from  thence  to 
Aquileia  in  398,  gave  him*  letters  of  communion.  Siricius 
died  before  the  end  of  that  year ;  and  was  succeeded  by 
Anastasius,  who  condemned  Origen  and  his  followers.11 

About  this  time  Theophilus,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  (whose 
true  character  may  be  seen  inc  Isidore  of  Pelusium,  a 
witness  beyond  exception,  and  in  other  d  ancient  as  well  ase 

z  Objiciunt  mihi,  quare  Origenem  aliquando  laudaverim.  Ni  fallor  duo 
loca  sunt  in  quibus  eutn  laudavi — Quid  ibi  de  dogmatibus  ecclesiae  dicitur  ? 
Quid  de  Patre,  Filio,  et  Spiritu  Sancto  ?  Quid  de  carnis  resurrectione  ?  Quid 
de  animae  statu  atque  substantia  ? — Laudavi  interpretem,  non  dogmatisten ; 
ingenium,  non  fidem;  philosophum,  non  apostolum.  Arguite  potius  ubi 
haeresim  defenderim,  ubi  pravum  Origenis  dogma  laudaverim.  Si  mihi  cre- 
ditis,  Origenista  nunquam  fui ;  si  non  creditis,  nunc  esse  cessavi.  Ad  Pamm. 
et  Ocean,  ep.  41.  [al.  65.]  T.  iv.  p.  342,  343.  Sicut  enim  interpretationem 
et  idiomata  scripturarum  Origeni  semper  tribui,  ita  dogmatum  constantissime 
abstuli  veritatem.  Ad  Theoph.  ep.  39.  [al.  62.]  p.  337.  M.  In  Origene 
miramur  scientiam  scripturarum ;  et  tamen  dogmatum  non  recipimus  falsi- 
tatem.  Adv.  Ruf.  1.  iii.  p.  463.  F. 

a  Cernentes  haeretici  de  parva  scintilla  maxima  incendia  concitari,  et  sup- 
positam  dudum  flammam  jam  ad  culmina  pervenisse  ;  nee  posse  latere  quod 
multos  deceperat,  petunt  et  impetrant  ecclesiasticas  epistolas,  ut  communicantes 
ecclesiae  discessisse  viderentur.  Non  multum  tempus  in  medio.  Succedit  in 
pontificatum  vir  ignis  Anastasius.  Ad  Princip.  Virg.  ep.  96.  [al.  16.]  p.  728. 
M.  Siricii  jam  in  Domino  dormientis  prefers  epistolam,  et  viventis  Anastasii 
dicta  contemnis.  Adv.  Ruf.  1.  iii.  p.  459.  init.  Vid.  et  p.  455.  I. 

b  Ergo  beati  episcopi,  Anastasius,  et  Theophilus,  et  Venerius,  et  Chroma- 
tius,  et  omnis  tarn  orientalis  quam  occidentalis  catholicorum  synodus,  qui  pari 
sententia  et  pari  spiritu  ilium  [Origenem]  haereticum  denuntiant  populis. 
Adv.  Ruf.  1.  ii.  p.  417.  M.  Tale  quid  et  contra  papam  Anastasium  disputas ; 
ut  quia  Siricii  episcopi  habes  epistolam,  iste  contra  se  scribere  non  potuerit. 
Ib.  1.  iii.  p.  462.  init.  c  Isid.  1.  i.  ep.  152. 

d  Socr.  1.  vi.  c.  7.  Soz.  1.  viii.  c.  19.  e  See  Cave's  Life  of 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  413 

modern  writers  f)  out  of  private  spite  and  envy  began  to 
persecute  Dioscurus  and  his  brothers,  (called  *  tail  '  on 
account  of  their  stature,)  whom  before  he  had  greatly 
favoured,  and  other  monks  of  the  best  understanding1  in 
Egypt,  under  a  pretence  that  they  were  Origenists.  In  401, 
&  Theophilus  held  a  synod  at  Alexandria,  in  which  Origen 
and  his  followers  were  condemned,  and  the  reading  his 
books  was  prohibited.11  Soon  after,  in'  this  very  year,  as  it 
seems,  and  at  the  request  of  Theophilus,  Epiphanius  held  a 
council  in  Cyprus  for  the  same  purpose  :  and  with  the 
assistance  of  the  Roman  governor,  and  an  armed  force,  The 
ophilus  drove  k  many  monks  from  their  monasteries  in  the 
desert  of  Nitria,  and  expelled  them  out  of  Egypt:  Palladius, 
writer  of  the  Life  of  St.  Chrysostom,  says,  they  l  were  in 
number  three  hundred.  They  fled  therefore  for  shelter  to 
Palestine,  where11  he  pursued  them:  from  thence  they 
went  to  Constantinople  ;  but  he  would  not  let  them  enjoy 
rest  there  :  he  still  prosecuted  them  with  accusations  and 
complaints. 

All  these  things  Jerom  approved  of.  Hem  translated  into 
Latin  the  Synodical  Epistle  of  Theophilus,  and  two  other 
of  his  epistles,  filled  with  invectives  against  Origen.  He 
triumphs  in  his  victory  over  the  monks  in  Egypt,  who  were 

St.  Chrysostom,  in  the  Lives  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Fourth  Century  :  and  Tillem. 
T.  xi.  Theophile,  art.  6. 

{  latitQ  &  av  Kai  ride  »}  &)Trj<rig  TravrtXwg  rort.  Sit\v9rj,  «  p,rj  7T£Trav^evr)v 
i)Sr]  Si  i-)(Qpav  idiav  tKivrjffy  QtofyiXog,  t7rif3a\tv(>)v  A/u^umy  KOI  Aioovcopy, 
Ev<Ttj3iy,  re  Kai  Ew0u/uy,  rote;  t7riK\i]v  MaKpoig.  K.  \.  Soz.  1.  viii.  c.  12.  init. 

«  Vid.  Pagi,  in  Baron.  A.  401.  n.  ii.  iii. 

h  Prosperoque  cursu  septimo  die  Alexandriam  pervenimus,  ubi  foeda  inter 
episcopos  atque  monachos  certamina  gerebantur,  ex  ea  occasione,  quia  con- 
gregati  in  unum  saepius  sacerdotes  frequentibus  decrevisse  synodis  videbantur, 
ne  quis  Origenis  libros  legeret  aut  haberet.  Sulp.  Sev.  Dial.  i.  c.  3.  Vid.  et 
Socr.  1.  vi.  c.  10. 

1  Vid.  Pagi  ann.  401.  n.  xx.  et  Theophil.  ad  Epiphan.  Ep.  ap.  Hieron.  T.  vi. 
P.  ii.  p.  829,  830.  Et  conf.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  370.  de  Concil.  Cypr. 


k  -  tiatpxiTai  Trpog  TOV  AvyowraXiov  --  Kai  a£ioi  -rpartwrtKy  (3or)0ei<f 
pi(j)r)vai  rag  avdpag  airo  iraaqg  Aiyvrrrs.  Pallad.  De  V.  S.  Chr.  c.  7.  Quae 
cum  reprimi  sacerdotum  auctoritate  non  posset,  scaevo  exemplo  ad  regendam 
ecclesiae  disciplinam  praefectus  assumitur,  cujus  terrore  dispersi  fratres,  ac  per 
diversas  oras  monachi  sunt  fugati,  ita  ut  propositis  edictis  in  nulla  consistere 
sede  sinerentur.  S.  Sever,  ubi  supra.  !  Pallad.  Ib. 

11  'Og  avaf3pa<rQeig  VTTO  Tijg  opyrjg,  ^apaoati  ypafijtiara  irpog  rag  rrjg  Ua- 
XaiTivije  tiriOKOTrug,  Xtywv'  OVK  tSti  Trapa  yvufujv  fis  tv  raig  iroXtmv 
virofaZaaQai  TSTHQ.  Pallad.  De  V.  Chr.  eod.  cap. 

m  Duas,  Synodicam  et  Paschalem,  ejus  epistolas  contra  Origenem  illiusque 
discipulos,  et  alias  adversus  Apollinarium  et  eundem  Origenem,  per  hoc  ferme 
biennium  interpretatus  sum  ;  et  in  aedificationem  ecclesiae  legendas  nostrae 
linguae  hominibus  dedi.  Aliud  operum  ejus  nescio  me  transtulisse.  Adv. 
Ruf.  1.  iii.  p.  453.  M. 


414  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

called  Origenists ;  and  says,  '  Whom"  Demetrius  formerly 
'  expelled  from  Alexandria,  Theophilus  was  now  driving  out 

*  of  the  whole  world.'     Theophilus  sent  two  men  into  Pales- 
line  to  hinder  people   from  giving  a  reception  to  the  tall 
brothers,  and  their  companions,  who  had  fled  thither  from 
Egypt.     Jerom0   calls  them  only  men,  and  applauds  their 
zeal  in  travelling  over  Palestine  to  find  them  out,  and  pur 
suing'  the  basilisks  into  their  holes  and  coverts.     In  the  same 
letter,  which  is  written  to  Theophilus,  he  encourages  and 
animates  him  to  proceed  as  he  had    begun   in  extirpating 
heresy  :  which  brings  to  my  mind  the  account  of  his  jour 
ney  into  Egypt  in  386,  where,  he  says,  he?  also  visited  the 
monasteries  of  Nitria,  and  perceived  some  asps  lying   hid 
among  the  saints  ;  meaning,  I  suppose,  Origenists. 

Moreover,  describing  the  hospitality  at  Bethlehem,  he 
says,  «  We*!  receive  and  entertain  all  strangers,  without 
regard  to  merit;  none  are  excepted  but  heretics.'  And 
he  concludes  his  books  against  Rufinus,  saying,  '  Letr  us 
but  have  the  same  faith,  and  we  are  reconciled.' 

For  certain  this  is  very  strange — that  a  maii  of  the  first 
rank  in  the  learned  world,  and  a  master  of  the  Christian 
philosophy,  should  be  able  to  think  it  allowable,  and  even 
commendable,  to  drive  men  out  of  their  native  country,  and 
pursue  them  as  venomous  serpents,  barely  because  of  some 
difference  of  opinion,  when  they  lived  peaceably,  and  gave 
no  disturbance  to  any  ;  and  that  he  should  withhold  relief 
from  such  upon  that  account  only,  or  hinder  those  who  would 
relieve  them.  Said  Palladius,  '  His  envious  disposition 

*  obscured  the  merit  of  all  his  services.'     A  man  needed  not 
to  be  an  Origenist,  to  speak  in  that  manner  :  many  of  Jerom's 
friends  must  have  been  grieved  and  offended  at  his  conduct. 

n  Quern  Demetrius  Alexandri  urbe  pepulit,  toto  orbe  fugat  Theophilus.  Ad 
Pamm.  et  Marcell.  ep.  87.  [al.  78.]  p.  689.  M. 

0  Unde  licet  per  sanctos  fratres,  Priscum  et  Eubulum,  tuns  ad  nos  sermo 
cessaverit ;  tamen  quia  vidimus  illos  zelo  fidei  concitatos,  raptim  Palaestinas 
regiones,  et  disperses  regulos  usque  ad  suas  latebras  persequutos,  breviter  scri- 
bimus,  quod  totus  mundus  exultet,  et  in  tuis  victoriis  glorietur. — Macte  virtute, 
macte  zelo  fidei— Ad  Theoph.  ep.  59.  [al.  70.]  p.  597. 

P  Inde  contendi  ^Egyptum,  lustravi  monasteria  Nitriae,  et  inter  sanctorum 
chores  aspides  latere  perspexi.  Adv.  Ruf.  1.  ii.  p.  459. 

q^  Nobis  in  monasterio  hospitalitas  cordi  est,  omnesque  ad  nos  venientes 
laeta  humanitatis  fronte  suscipimus.  Veremur  enim  ne  Maria  cum  Josepho 
locum  non  inveniat  in  diversorio— 'Solos  haereticos  non  recipimus,  quos  solos 
vos  recipitis — Propositum  quippe  nobis  est,  pedes  lavare  venientium,  non 
merita  discutere.  Adv.  Rufm.  1.  iii.  p.  455.  init. 

r  In  extrema  epistola  scribis  manu  tua,  Opto  te  pacem  diligere.  Ad  quod 
breviter  respondebo,  Si  pacem  desideras,  arma  depone.  Sit  inter  nos  una 
fides,  et  illico  pax  sequetur.  Adv.  Ruf.  1.  iii.  p.  473. 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  415 

Posthumian,  the  chief  speaker  in  the  Dialogue  of  Sulpicius 
Severus,  from  which  I  some  while  ago  transcribed  a  com 
mendation  of  Jerom,  who8  likewise  was  in  Egypt  and  Pa 
lestine  in  the  year  401,  expresses  his  surprise  that1  he,  who 
formerly  had  been  esteemed  a  follower  of  Origen,  should 
now  be  remarkably  forward  in  condemning  all  his  writings: 
and  though  Posthumian  is  reserved  and  modest,  he  cannot 
forbear  declaring  his  dislike  and  concern,  that  men  pro 
fessing  Christianity  should  have  been  so  hardly  treated  by 
bishops. 

The  erroneous  opinions  ascribed  to  Origen  about  this  time, 
as  reckoned  up  by  Epiphanius"  in  a  letter  written  to  John, 
bishop  of  Jerusalem,  which  we  still  have  in  Jerom's  Latin 
translation,  are  in  number  eight.  They  are  enumerated  after 
the  like  manner  by  Jerom  in  a  letter  of  his  own,  to  which  v 
1  refer.  As  those  passages  are  too  long'  to  be  transcribed, 
I  place  below  some  other, w  somewhat  shorter,  but  suffi 
cient:  in  which  Origen  is  charged  with  heterodox  opinions 
concerning'  the  person  of  Christ  and  the  Spirit,  and  the 
origin  of  the  human  soul,  and  the  resurrection  of  the  body, 
and  the  punishments  of  the  future  state. 

Nevertheless,  it  does  not  appear  that  either   Rufinus,  or 

8  Vid.  Pagi  aim.  401.  n.  xx. 

1  Origenem  secutus  primo  tempore  putabatur,  quern  nunc  idem  praecipue 

vel  omnia  illius  scripta  damnaret Nam  etsi  fortasse  videantur  parere 

episcopis  debuisse,  non  ob  hanc  tamen  causam  multitudinem  tantam  sub  Christ! 
confessione  viventem,  praesertim  ab  episcopis  oportuisset  affligi.  Dial.  i.  c.  3. 

u  Apud  Hieron.  ep.  110.  [al.  60.]  T.  iv.  P.  ii.  p.  822,  &c.  etap.  Epiphan. 
Opp.  T.  ii.  p.  312.  v  Ad  Pamm.  ep.  38.  [al.  61.]  T.  iv.  p.  309,  310. 

*  Confitemini  et  vos  in  quibusdam  errare  Origenem,  et  mu  non  faciam. 
Dicite  eum  male  sensisse  de  Filio,  pejus  de  Spintu  Sancto ;  animarum  de 
coelo  ruinas  impie  protulisse;  resurrectionem  carnis  verbo  tantum  confiteri, 
caeterum  assertione  destruere ;  et  post  multa  secula,  atque  unam  omnium  resti- 
tutionem,  id  ipsum  fore  Gabrielem  quod  Diabolum,  Paulum  quod  Cai'apham, 
virgines  quod  prostibulas.  Ad  Pamm.  et  Ocean,  ep.  41.  [al.  65.]  T.  iv.  p. 
345.  init. — Quae  quum  legissem,  contulissemque  cum  Graeco,  illico  animad- 
verti  quae  Origenes  de  Patre,  et  Filio,  et  Spiritu  Sancto  impie  dixerat,  et  qua? 
Romanes  aures  ferre  non  poterant,  in  meliorem  partem  ab  interprete  commu- 
tata.  Caetera  autem  dogmata,  de  angelorum  ruina,  de  animarum  lapsu,  de 
resurrectionis  praestigiis — de  restitutione  omnium  in  aequalem  statum — vel  ita 
vertisse,  ut  in  Graeco  invenerat,  vel — Adv.  Ruf.  1.  i.  p.  355.  M.  Probo  inter 
multa  Origenis  mala,  haec  maxime  haeretica :  Dei  Filium  creaturam,  Spiritum 
Sanctum  ministrum,  mundos  innumerabiles  aeternis  seculis  succedentes,  an- 
gelos  versos  in  animas  hominum,  animam  Salvatoris  fuisse  antequam  nasce- 
retur  ex  Maria,  et  hanc  esse,  quae  quum  in  forma  Dei  esset,  non  est  rapinam 
arbitrata  aequalem  se  esse  Deo ;  sed  se  exinanivit,  formam  servi  accipiens  : 
resurrectionem  nostrorum  corporum  sic  futuram,  ut  eadem  membra  non  ha- 
beant — in  restitutione  omnium,  quando  indulgentia  principalis  venerit — ange- 
los,  diabolum,  daemonas,  animas  omnium  hominum,  tarn  christianorum  quam 
Judaeorum  et  Gentilium,  unius  conditionis  et  mensurae  fore.  Adv.  Ruf.  1.  ii. 
T.  iv.  p.  403.  et  conf.  ib.  p.  407. 


416  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

the  monks  who  suffered  so  much  upon  that  account,  held 
those  erroneous  opinions  which  were  ascribed  to  Origen,  and 
were  collected  out  of  his  works,  particularly  his  books  Of 
Principles. 

It  is  not  allowed  by  all  that  Origen  himself  was  hete 
rodox  in  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity ;  if  he  was,  there  is  no 
reason  to  think  that  he  was  followed  therein  by  any  of  those, 
to  whom  men  now  gave  the  denomination  of  Origenists. 
Rufinus  undoubtedly  was  an  Homoiisian  ;  so  were  generally 
all  the  rest.  Moreover  Rufinus  vindicated  himself  in  his 
books  called  Invectives  against  Jerpm,  and  in  the  Apology 
for  his  Faith,  sent  to  pope  Anastasius :  in  which  last,  not 
now  to  refer  to  any  other  places,  he  first  declares  his  belief 
concerning  the  Trinity ;  then  of  the  resurrection  of  the 
same  body,x  with  all  its  members,  but  free  from  corruption; 
then  of  the  general  judgment,?  when  men  will  receive 
according  to  their  works,  and  much  more  the  devil,  the 
great  seducer  of  mankind,  who  according  to  the  scriptures 
will  undergo  the  punishment  of  eternal  fire.  About z  the 
origin  of  the  soul,  he  said  there  were  different  opinions  in 
the  writings  of  ancient  Christians ;  and  it  was  a  difficult 
question,  which  he  was  not  able  to  decide.  Hea  had  made 
a  Latin  version  of  Origen's  books  Of  Principles ;  but  he 
did  not  thereby  take  upon  him  the  defence  of  all  his 
opinions. 

That  the  monks  above  mentioned  held  the  errors  of 
Origen,  there  is  no  proof:  Theophilus  did  not  concern  him 
self  about  that;  they  were  condemned  by  him b  unheard. 
But  they  believed,  with  Origen,  that  God  is  spiritual  and 
incorruptible;  whilst  many  other  of  the  silly  monks  in 
Egypt  thought  him  to  be  corporeal;  and  Theophilus  him- 

*  Sed  et  carnis  nostrse  resurrectionem  fatemur  integre  et  perfecte  futuram, 
hujus  ipsius  carnis  nostrae,  in  qua  nunc  vivimus — nullo  omnmo  ejus  membro 
amputate,  vel  aliqua  corporis  parte  defecta  j  sed  cui  nihil  omnino  ex  omni 
natura  sua  desit,  nisi  sola  corruptio.  Ad  Anastas.  Ap.  pro  Fide  sua,  ap. 
Hieron.  T.  v.  p.  259.  Conf.  Invect.  1.  i.  ap.  Hieron.  T.  iv.  P.  ii.  n.  356,  &c. 

y  Dicimus  quoque  judicium  futurum  j  in  quo  judicio  unusquisque  recipiat 
propria  corporis,  prout  gessit,  sive  bona,  sive  mala.  Quod  si  homines  recep- 
turi  sunt  pro  operibus  suis,  quanto  magis  et  diabolus,  qui  omnibus  existit  causa 
peccati  ?  &c.  Apol.  ib.  p.  260. 

z  Audio  et  de  anima  quaestiones  esse  commotas — Si  autem  de  me,  quid 
sentiam,  quseratur,  fateor  me  de  hac  quaestione  apud  quam  plurimos  tracta- 
torum  diversa  legisse — Ego  vero,  cum  haec  singula  legerim,  Deo  teste  dico, 
quia  usque  ad  praesens  certi  vel  definiti  aliquid  de  hac  quaestione  non  teneo, 
sed  Deo  relinquo  scire  quid  sit  in  vero,  et  si  cui  ipse  revelare  dignabitur.  Ibid. 

a  Origenis  ego  neque  defensor  neque  assertor  sum,  neque  primus  interpres, 
&c.  Ibid. 

b  — Kai  avyKpOTti  Kara  TIOV  p.ovax<>>v  ffvvfdpior,  cure  8t  KaXeaaf  CIVTSQ  HQ 
/,  are  fitradag  \oys.  K.  X.  Pallad.  de'  Vit.  Chrys.  cap.  7. 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  417 

self,  if c  Socrates  and  Sozonien  are  not  mistaken,  now  pro 
fessed  the  same  opinion,  the  more  effectually  to  secure  his 
evil  designs,  though  before  he  had  much  opposed  it. 

That  they  who  were  called  Origenists  did  not  hold  all 
the  opinions  imputed  to  Origen,  may  be  argued  hence — 
that  they  said  his  works  had  been  interpolated  by  heretics. 

However,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  there  was  a  good  number 
of  men  who  embraced  divers  of  Origen's  peculiar  opinions. 
We  can  perceive,  from  Sulpicius,  thatd  Martin  bishop  of 
Tours  was  favourable  to  the  opinion  concerning  the  salva 
tion  of  the  fallen  angels;  but  then  it  is  not  advanced  as  a 
doctrine  of  religion,  but  as  a  pleasing  speculation,  supposed 
to  be  not  unsuitable  to  magnificent  apprehensions  of  the 
Divine  perfections,  and  the  vast  extent  of  his  unmerited 
goodness,  displayed  in  his  dealings  with  sinful  men.  So 
Origen,  as  was  formerly e  observed,  when  he  discoursed  of 
abstruse  points,  and  advanced  propositions  justly  liable  to 
dispute,  was  wont  to. insert  expressions  of  caution  and 
diffidence.  And  they  who  now  followed  him  in  his  opinions, 
seem  to  have  imitated  him  in  the  modest  manner  of  pro 
posing  them :  which  may  be  of  use  to  show  the  unreasonable 
ness  of  the  excessive  enmity  and  clamour  against  Origen 
and  his  friends.  And  indeed  if  learned  and  thoughtful 
men  are  not  allowed  freely  to  propose  their  sentiments,  and 
humbly  and  modestly  to  recommend  them  to  the  consider 
ation  of  others,  learning  and  religion  will  decline  very  fast, 
as  they  did  in  the  Christian  world  soon  after  this  time. 

Whether  Jerom  himself  ever  was  an  Origenist,  may  be 
disputed  :  Huet f  says  he  was,  and&  Du  Pin  readily  assents 
to  his  argument;  but  to  me  it  is  not  clear.  1  admire,  and 
may  often  quote  and  commend,  Origen  and  Augustin,  with 
out  any  regard  to  those  sentiments  which  are  reckoned  more 
especially  theirs. — Whether  he  once  followed  Origen  in  his 
peculiarities  or  not,  his  disrespect  for  him  afterwards,  and 
the  hard  treatment  given  by  him  to  those  who  were  reckoned 

c  Vid.  Socrat.  1.  vi.  c.  7.  et  Soz.  1.  viii.  cap.  11,  12. 

d  Martinum  diabolo  repugnantem  respondisse  constanter,  antiqua  delicta 
melioris  vitae  conversatione  purgari ;  et  per  misericordiam  Domini  absolvendos 
esse  peccatis  qui  peccare  desinerent.  Contradicente  diabolo,— tune  in  hanc 
vocem  fertur  exclamasse  Martinus :  '  Si  tu  ipse,  O  miserabilis,  ab  hominura 
'  insectatione  desist eres,  et  te  factorum  tuorum  vel  hoc  tempore,  cum  dies  ju- 
'  dicii  in  proximo  est,  poeniteret,  ego  tibi,  vere  confisus  in  Domino,  Christ! 
«  misericordiam  pollicerer.'  O  quam  sancta  de  Domini  pietate  praesumptio, 
in  qua  etsi  auctoritatem  praestare  non  potuit,  ostendit  adfectum  I  Sulp.  Sev. 
de  Vit.  Martin,  cap.  24.  al.  22.  e  See  Vol.  ii,  p.  488. 

f  Origenian.  1.  ii.  c.  4.  sect.  1.  n.  vi.  xvi.  xvii. 

«  Bib.  des  Aut.  EC.  T.  iii.  P.  i.  p.  1 18,  119. 
VOL.    IV.  2    E 


418  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

Origen's  admirers  and   followers,  must,  I   think,  appear  to 
be  inexcusable. 

Learned  moderns  are  very  much  agreed  in  their  judg 
ments  about  Jerom  :  they  allow  him  to  be  the  most  learned 
of  all  the  Latin  fathers;  but  they  find  many  faults  in  him. 
He  so  extols  celibacy  and  virginity,  as  to  seem  to  disparage 
the  marriage  state.  He  h  is  inconstant  and  passionate.  His  ' 
style  is  declamatory  and  hyperbolical.  Hek  exceeds  in  his 
censures  and  in  his  commendations ;  nevertheless 1  he  is 
very  eloquent.  As  Cave  has  comprised  divers  particulars 
of  Jerom's  life  and  character  in  a  few  words,  I  transcribe 
him  m  below.  Ludovicus  Vives  n  pleasantly  compared  Jerom 
to  an  'advocate  pleading  before  a  judge  in  a  capital  cause.' 
That  is  Jerom's  true  character.  He  is  always,  as  it  were, 
upon  causes  of  life  and  death  ;  and  that  eagerness  and  vio 
lence  of  temper  may  be  reckoned  at  once  the  ground  of  all 
his  faults,  and  of  all  his  excellences.  I  intend  that  inquisi- 
tiveness,  application,  and  diligence,  whereby  he  acquired 
great  learning  and  knowledge,  and  was  qualified  to  perform 
many  beneficial  services  for  the  church  of  Christ  and  man 
kind  in  general. 

h  Optabile  tamen  foret,  ut  sanctissimus  ille  doctor  constantior  animi  fuisset  et 
moderatior,  neque  tarn  facile  bill  suae  fuisset  morigeratus,  ut  in  contraria,  pro 
rerum  ac  temporum  statu,  trahise  et  jactari  sivisset,  nonnunquam  etiam  maxi- 
mos  viros  amarissimis  conviciis  perfudisset.  Huet.  Origen.  p.  205.  fin. 

'  Verum  in  hisce  omnibus  eruendis,  cavendum  nobis  est  ab  insigni  incon- 
stantia  quae  in  Hieronymo  passim  deprehenditur  ;  ab  ejus  stylo  declamatorio, 
et  hyperbolis  referto  j  ab  affectibus,  quibus  non  parum  indulgebat.  I.  Cleric. 
Qu.  Hieron.  viii.  p.  216. 

k  Primum  igitur  cavere  sibi  debent,  qui  Hieronymum  legere  aggrediuntur, 
a  declamatorio  ejus  stylo,  quo,  quae  vult  laudare,  sine  modo  extollit ;  quae  vero 
vituperare  instituit,  ita  infamat,  quasi  intoleranda  plane  essent.  li,  quibus 
favit,  nullas  mediocres  virtutes  j  quibus  adversatus  est,  nulla  modica  vitia  ha- 
buerunt.  Ib.  p.  233. 

1  In  illo  quae  phrasis  f  quod  dicendi  artificium  !  quo  non  christianos  modo 
omnes  post  se  intervallo  reliquit,  verum  etiam  cum  ipso  Cicerone  certare  vide- 
tur  !  Ego  certe  nisi  me  sanctissimi  viri  fallit  amor,  quum  Hieronymianam 
orationem  cum  Ciceroniana  confero,  videor  mihi  nescio  quid  in  ipso  elo- 
quentiae  principe  desiderare.  Erasm.  ap.  Cav.  H.  L.  p.  268. 

m  Caeterum,  quod  sanctissimi  viri  pace  dictum  sit,  praefervidi  erat  et  impo- 
tentis  animi,  qui  affectibus  suis  nimis  indulgebat :  semel  lacessitus,  adversaries 
acerbissime  tractavit,  et  ab  invectiva  ac  satyrica  scribendi  vena  vix  ac  ne  vix 
temperavit.  Testes  sunt  nobis  satis  luculenti,  inimicitiae  quas  cum  Rufino  olim 
sibi  necessario,  Joanne  lerosolymitano,  Joviniano,  Vigilantio,  aliisque  habuit. 
In  hos,  arrepta  levi  quavis  occasione,  et  remota  omni  pene  gravitate,  tota  con- 
viciorum  plaustra  evomit,  nulla  personae,  dignitatis,  eruditionis,  ratione  habita. 
Cav.  H.  L.  de  Hieronymo,  T.  i.  p.  268. 

n  Ubique  scilicet  declamat,  peroratque  •,  adeo  ut  non  inscite  dixerit  egregius 
ille  ingeniorum  censor,  Jo.  Ludovicus  Vives,  [De  conscribendis  epistolis,  lib. 
ult.]  '  eum  videri  semper  ad  judices  dicere  de  causa  capitali.'  Gregor.  Ma- 
jansii  Epistolae.  In  Pr.  p.  xi.  Lipsiae.  1737. 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  419 

III.  I  now  proceed  to  observe  his  testimony  to  the  scrip 
tures. 

1.  I  begin  with  transcribing  his  preface  concerning  all  the 
books  of  the  Old  Testament,  which  he  prefixed  to  his  Latin 
translation  of  the  books  of  Samuel  and  the  Kings  from  He 
brew  ;  and  that  being  his  first  translation  from  Hebrew,  he 
calls  the  Prologue,  a°  head,  or  beginning  with  a  helmet: 
which  Preface  is  supposed  to  have  been  written  in  392,  or 
not  long  before. 

*  The  P  Hebrews  have  two-and-twenty  letters ;  and  they 
have  as  many  books  of  divine  doctrine  for  the  instruction  of 
mankind.  The  first  book  is  called  by  them  Bresith,  by  us 
Genesis  ;  the  second  is  called  Exodus ;  the  third  Leviticus  ; 
the  fourth  Numbers;  the  fifth  Deuteronomy.  These  are 
the  five  books  of  Moses,  which  they  call  Thora,  the  law. 

4  The  second  class  contains  the  prophets,  which  they  begin 
with  the  book  of  Joshua,  the  son  of  Nun.  The  next  is  the 
book  of  the  Judges,  with  which  they  join  Ruth  ;  her  history 
happening  in  the  time  of  the  Judges.  The  third  is  Samuel, 
which  we  call  the  first  and  second  book  of  the  Kingdoms. 
The  fourth  is  the  book  of  the  Kings,  or  the  third  and  fourth 
book  of  the  Kingdoms,  or  rather  of  the  Kings;  for  they  do 
not  contain  the  history  of  many  nations,  but  of  the  people  of 
Israel  only,  consisting  of  twelve  tribes.  The  fifth  is  Isaiah  ; 
the  sixth,  Jeremiah ;  the  seventh,  Ezekiel ;  the  eighth,  the 
book  of  the  Twelve  Prophets. 

0  Hie  Prologus  Scripturarum,  quasi  galeatum  principium  omnibus  libris 
quos  de  Hebraeo  vertimus  in  Latinum,  convenire  potest,  &c.  Vid.  infra 
not.  p,  sub  fin. 

P  Viginti  et  duas  literas  esse  apud  Hebraeos,  Syrorum  quoque  et  Chal- 
daeorum  lingua  testatur,  quae  Hebrseae  magna  ex  parte  confinis  est — Quomodo 
igitur  viginti  duo  elementa  sunt,  per  quae  scribimus  omne  quod  loquimur,  et 
eorum  initiis  vox  humana  comprehenditur  ;  ita  viginti  duo  volumina  suppu- 
tantur,  quibus  quasi  literis  et  exordiis  in  Dei  doctrina  tenera  adhuc  et  lactens 
viri  justi  eruditur  infantia.  Primus  apud  eos  liber  vocatur  Bresith,  quem  nos 
Genesim  dicimus.  Secundus  Ellesmoth,  qui  Exodus  appellatur.  Tertius 
Vajecra,  id  est,  Leviticus.  Quartus  quem  Numeros  vocamus.  Quintus — 
Deuteronomium  praenotatur.  Hi  sint  quinque  libri  Mosis,  quos  proprie 
Thora,  id  est,  Legem,  appellant.  Secundum  prophetarum  ordinem  faciunt : 
et  incipiunt  ab  Jesu,  filio  Nave,  qui  apud  eos  Josua  Ben  Nun  dicitur.  De- 
inde  subtexunt  Sophitim,  id  est,  Judicum  librum  j  et  in  eundem  compingunt 
Ruth,  quia  in  diebus  judicum  facta  narratur  historia.  Tertius  sequitur  Samuel, 
quem  nos  regnorum  primum  et  secundum  dicimus.  Quartus  Malachim,  id 
est,  Regum,  qui  tertio  et  quarto  regnorum  volumine  continetur.  Meliusque 
multo  est  Malachim,  id  est,  Regum,  quam  Malachoth,  id  est,  Regnorum,  dicere. 
Non  enim  multarum  gentium  regna  describit,  sed  unius  Israelitici  populi,  qui 
tribubus  duodecim  continetur.  Quintus  Isa'ias.  Sextus  Jeremias.  Septimus 
Ezechiel.  Octavus  liber  Duodecim  prophetarum,  qui  apud  illos  vocatur 
Thare  Asra.  Tertius  ordo  aytoypa^a  possidet :  et  primus  liber  incipit  a  Job. 
Secundus  a  David,  quem  quinque  incisionibus,  et  uno  Psalmorum  volumine, 

2  E  2 


420  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

'  The  third  class  is  that  of  Hagiographa,  or  sacred  writ 
ings:  the  first  of  which  is  Job  ;  the  second  David,  of  which 
they  make  one  volume,  called  the  Psalms,  divided  into 
five  parts ;  the  third  is  Solomon,  of  which  there  are  three 

books the  Proverbs,  or  Parables,  as  they  call  them,  the 

Ecclesiastes,  and  the  Song  of  Songs :  the  sixth  is  Daniel ; 
the  seventh  is  the  Chronicles,  consisting  with  us  of  two 
books,  called  the  first  and  second  of  the  Remains ;  the  eighth 
is  Ezra,  which  among  the  Greeks  and  Latins  makes  two 
books  ;  the  ninth  is  Esther. 

*  Thus  there  are  in  all  two-and-twenty  books  of  the  old 
law ;  that  is,  five  books  of  Moses,  eight  of  the  prophets,  and 
nine  of  the  Hagiographa.  But  some  reckon  Ruth  and  the 
Lamentations  among  the  Hagiographa  ;  so  there  will  be 
four-and-twenty. 

'This  prologue  I  write  as  a  preface  to  all  the  books  to  be 
translated  by  me  from  the  Hebrew  into  Latin,  that  we  may 
know  that  all  the  books  which  are  not  of  this  number,  are 
to  be  reckoned  apocryphal ;  therefore  Wisdom,  which  is 
commonly  called  Solomon's,  and  the  book  of  Jesus  the  son 
of  Sirach,  and  Judith,  and  Tobit,  and  the  Shepherd,  are  not 
in  the  canon.  The  first  book  of  Maccabees  I  have  found  in 
Hebrew  ;  the  second  is  Greek,  as  is  evident  from  the  style.' 

2.  It  may  not  be  amiss  to  observe,  that  not  far  from  the 
beginning  of  that  prologue,  Jerom  says,  '  The  1  Hebrews 
have  five  letters,  which  they  write  differently  at  the  end 
from  what  they  do  in  the  beginning  and  middle  of  words, 

comprehend unt.  Tertius  est  Salomon,  tres  libros  habens :  Proverbia,  quae  illi 
Parabolas,  id  est,  Masaloth,  appellant ;  Ecclesiastes,  id  est,  Coeleth  ;  Canticum 
Canticorum.  Sextus  est  Daniel.  Septimus  Dabre-Jamim,  id  est,  Verba  Die- 
rum,  quod  significantius  ^OVIKOV  totius  divinae  histories  possumus  appellare : 
qui  liber  apud  nos  TrapaXtiTro/tevwv  primus  et  secundus  inscribitur.  Octavus 
Ezras,  qui  et  ipse  similiter  apud  Graces  et  Latinos  in  duos  libros  dividitur. 
Nonus  Esther.  Atque  ita  fiunt  pariter  Veteris  Legis  libri  viginti  duo,  id  est, 
Mosis  quinque,  prophetarum  octo,  Hagiographorum  novem.  Quanquam 
nonnulli  Ruth  et  Cinoth  inter  ayioypa^a  scnptitent,  et  libros  hos  in  suo  pu- 
tent  numero  supputandos :  ac  per  hoc  esse  priscae  legis  libros  viginti  quatuor. 
Hie  Prologus  scripturarum,  quasi  galeatum  principium  omnibus  libris  quos  de 
Hebraeo  vertimus  in  Latinum,  convenire  potest :  ut  scire  valeamus,  quidquid 
extra  hos  est,  inter  airoKpvtya  esse  ponendum.  Igitur  Sapientia,  quae  vulgo 
Salomonis  inscribitur,  et  Jesu  filii  Syrach  liber,  et  Judith,  et  Tobias,  et  Pastor, 
non  sunt  in  canone.  Machabaeorum  primum  librum  Hebraicum  reperi.  Se 
cundus  Graecus  est ;  quod  ex  ipsa  quoque  0p«<r«  probari  potest.  Praef.  de 
omnib.  Libr.  V.  T.  Tom.  i.  p.  317—322.  ed.  Bened. 

q  Porro  quinque  literae  duplices  apud  Hebraeos  sunt :  Caph,  Mem,  Nun, 
Phe,  Sade.  Aliter  enim  per  has  scribunt  principia  medietatesque  verborum, 
aliter  fines.  Unde  et  quinque  a  plerisque  libri  duplices  aestimantur. — Samuel, 
Malachim,  Dabre-Jamim,  Ezras,  Jeremias,  cum  Cinoth,  id  est,  Lamentationi- 
bussuis.  Ibid.  col.  317,  318. 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  421 

for  which  reason  five  of  their  books  are  reckoned  double; 
as  Samuel,  the  Kings,  the  Chronicles,  Ezra,  and  Jeremiah 
with  the  Lamentations.' 

3.  In  the  preface  to  his  translation  of  the  books  of  Solo 
mon  from  Hebrew,  he  again  says,  '  that r  those  three  books 
only  are  his — — the  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes  or  the  Preacher, 
and  the  Song  of  Songs.'     He  adds,  '  There  is  also  the  book 
of  Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach,  and  a  psuedepigraphal  or  falsely- 
ascribed  book,  called  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon ;  the  former 
of  which  I  have  seen  in  Hebrew,  and  called,  not  Ecclesias- 
ticus,  but   the  Parables;    with  which   likewise  have  been 
joined  Ecclesiastes  and  the  Song  of  Songs,  that  the  collec 
tion  might  the  better  resemble  the  books  of  Solomon  both 
in  number  and  design.     The  second  is  not  to   be  found  at 
all  among  the  Hebrews,  and   the  style  plainly  shows  it  to 
be  of  Greek  original  :  some  ancient  writers  say  it  is  a  work 
of  Philo  the  Jew.     As,  therefore,  the  church  reads  Judith, 
and  Tobit,  and  the  books  of  Maccabees,  but  does  not  receive 
them  among  the   canonical   scriptures ;  so  likewise  it  may 
read  these  two  books  for  the  edification  of  the  people,  but 
not  as  of  authority  for  proving  any  doctrines  of  religion.' 

4.  In  the  preface  to  his  translation  of  the  books  of  Solo 
mon   from   the   Greek    version,   called    the  version   of  the 
Seventy,  he  says :  *  I  have  translated   the  three  books  of 
Solomon,8  that  is,  the  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  and  the  Can 
ticles,  from  the  ancient  version  of  the  Seventy As  for 

the  book  called  by  many  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon,  and  Ec- 
clesiasticus,  which  all  know  to  be  written  by  Jesus  the  son 

r  tridui  opus  nomini  vestro  consecravi,  interpretationem  videlicet  triura 

Salomonis  voluminum ;  Masloth,  quas  Hebraei  parabolas,  vulgata  autem  editio 
Proverbia  vocat  j  Coeleth,  quam  Graece  Ecclesiasten,  Latine  Concionatorem, 
possumus  dicere ;  Sir  Assirim,  quod  in  nostra  lingua  vertitur  Canticum  Canti- 
corum.  Fertur  et  Uavapfrog,  Jesu  filii  Sirach  liber,  et  alius  t^wftunTpo^oC' 
qui  Sapientia  Solomonis  inscribitur.  Quorum  priorem  Hebraicum  reperi,  non 
Ecclesiasticum,  ut  apud  Latinos,  sed  Parabolas  praenolatum,  cui  juncti  erant 
Ecclesiastes  et  Canticum  Canticorum:  ut  similitudinem  Salomonis,  non  solum 
librorum  numero,  sed  etiam  materiarum  genere,  coaequaret.  Secundus  apud 
Hebraeos  nusquam  est,  quia  et  ipse  stylus  Graecam  eloquentiam  redolet ;  et 
nonnulli  scriptorum  veterum  hunc  esse  Judaei  Philonis  affirmant.  Sicut  ergo 
Judith,  et  Tobiae,  et  Machabaeorum  libros  legit  quidem  ecclesia,  sed  inter 
canonicas  scripturas  non  recipit ;  sic  et  haec  duo  volumina  legat  ad  aedifica- 
tionem  plebis,  non  ad  auctoritatem  ecclesiasticorum  dogmatum  confirmandam. 
Praef.  in  libr.  Salom.  T.  i.  p.  938,  939. 

s  Tres  libros  Salomonis,  id  est,  Proverbia,  Ecclesiasten,  Canticum  Canti 
corum,  veteri  Septuaginta  interpretum  auctoritati  reddidi. — Porro  in  eo  hbro, 
qui  a  plerisque  Sapientia  Salomonis  inscribitur,  et  in  ecclesiastico,  quem  esse 
Jesu  filii  Sirach  nullus  ignorat,  calamo  temperavi ;  tantummodo  canonicas 
scripturas  vobis  emendare  desiderans,  et  studium  meum  certis  magis  quam  du- 
biis  commendare.  Pr.  in  libr.  Salom.  juxta  Septuag.  Interp.  T.  i.  p.  1419. 


422  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

of  Sirach,  I  have  forborn  to  translate  them ;  for  it  was  my 
intention,  my  friends  [Paula  and  Eustochium],  to  send  you 
a  correct  edition  of  canonical  scriptures,  and  not  to  bestow 
labour  upon  others.' 

5.  Near  the  beginning  of  his  Commentary  upon  the  book 
of   Ecclesiastes,   he   says,  that1    Solomon   published   three 
volumes,  the  Proverbs,  the  Ecclesiastes,  and  the  Canticles. 

6.  In  his   commentaries  uponu   Isaiah,   andv   Zechariah, 
the  book  of  Wisdom  is  quoted,  but  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
denote  that  it  was  only  called  Solomon's  by  some,  but  was 
not  really  his,  nor  generally  received  as  of  authority. 

7.  In  the  prologue  to   his  translation  of  Jeremiah  from 
Hebrew,  he  says,  hew  does  not  translate  the  book  of  Baruch, 
because  it  was  not  in  Hebrew,  nor  received  by  the  He 
brews. 

8.  In  the  prologue  to  his  Commentary  upon  Jeremiah  he 
says,  hex  does  not  intend  to  explain  the  book  of  Baruch, 
which  in  the  edition  of  the  Seventy  is  commonly  joined  with 
the  prophecies  of  Jeremiah,  but  is  not  among  the  Hebrews ; 
nor  shall  he  take  any  notice  of  the  pseudepigraphal  epistle 
of  Jeremiah. 

9.  In  the  preface  to  his  translation  of  Daniel    from  He 
brew,  he  says,  thaty   the  Jews  did  not  place  the  book  of 
Daniel  among  the  prophets,  but  among  those  who  wrote  the 
Hagiographa ;  *  and  that  their  whole  scripture  is  divided 
into  three  parts,  the  Law,  the  Prophets,  and  the  Hagiogra 
pha  ;  that  is,  into  five,  eight,  and  eleven  books.' 

10.  Nevertheless  Jerom  considers  Daniel   as  a  prophet. 
In  his  letter  to  Paulinus,  to  be  transcribed  largely  by  and 
by,  he  reckons  him  with  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  and   Ezekiel  ;z 

4  Is  itaque,  juxta  numerum  vocabulorum,  tria  voluraina  edidit— Proverbia, 
Ecclesiasten,  et  Cantica  Canticorum.  In  libr.  EC.  T.  ii.  p.  715. 

u  De  quo  et  in  Sapientia  reperimus,  quse  nomine  Salomonis  inscribitur.  In 
Is.  cap.  63.  T.  iii.  p.  469. 

v  Unde  et  in  Sapientia,  quae  Salomonis  inscribitur,  (si  cui  tamen  placet 
librum  recipere,)  scriptum  reperimus — In  Zach.  cap.  12.  T.  iii.  p.  784.  in. 

w  Librum  autem  Baruch,  notarii  ejus,  qui  apud  Hebraeos  nee  legitur  nee 
habetur,  praetermissimus.  Pro!,  in  Jerem.  T.  i.  p.  554. 

*  Libellum  autem  Baruch,  qui  vulgo  editioni  Septuaginta  copulatur,  nee 
habetur  apud  Hebraeos,  et  ^tvdeiriypaQov  epistolam  Jeremiae  nequaquam  cen- 
sui  disserendam.  In  Jerem.  Prol.  T.  iii.  p.  526. 

y  Illud  admoneo,  non  haberi  Danielem  apud  Hebraeos  inter  prophetas,  sed 
inter  eos  qui  '  Ayioypa^a  conscripserunt.  In  tres  siquidem  partes  omnis  ab  eis 
scriptura  dividitur  ;  in  Legem,  in  Prophetas,  in  'Ayioypa^a,  id  est,  in  quinque, 
et  octo,  et  undecim  libros.  De  quo  non  est  hujus  temporis  dicere.  Pr.  in 
Dan.  T.  i.  p.  990. 

z  Isa'iam,  Jeremiam,  Ezechielem,  et  Danielem,  quis  possit  vel  intelligere  vel 
exponere  ?  Quartus  vero,  qui  et  extremus  inter  quatuor  prophetas,  temporum 
conscius,  et  totius  mundi  philostoros,  [philostoricus,]  lapidem  praecisum  de 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  423 

he  calls  him  there  the  last  of  the  four  prophets,  and  speaks 
most  honourably  of  his  prophecy. 

11.  In  the  forecited  preface  to  his  translation  of  Daniel, 
he  assures  us  thata  the  Jews  have  not,  in  their  copies  of  the 
book  of  Daniel,  the  story  of  Susanna,  nor  the  song-  of  the 
Three  Children  in  the  Furnace,  nor  the  fables  of  Bel     and 
the  Dragon ;  and  that  he  had  met  with  a  Jewish  master  who 
criticized  all  those  things,  and  ridiculed  Christians  for  pay 
ing  so  much  regard  to  them. 

12.  The  learned  render  may  do  well  to  observe  also  what 
Jerom  says  to  the  like  purpose,  and  very  largely,  in  his 
preface  to  his  Commentaries  upon  the  book  of  Daniel.b 

13.  In  the  prologue  to  his  translation  of  the  Twelve  pro 
phets   from  Hebrew,  he  says,   thatc   according  to  the  He 
brews  they  are  one  book ;  which   the  reader  undoubtedly 
remembers  to  have  been  said  by  him  above. 

14.  In   the   Catalogue  above   transcribed,  he  said,  the 
Chronicles  were  reckoned  one  book.     In  like  manner  again 
expressly,  in  the  preface  to  his  translation  of  the  Chronicles, 
from   the   Greek   version   of  the  Seventy,   he   says,   '  thed 
Chronicles  are  reckoned  by  the  Jews  one  book,  but  because 
of  their   length  they  had  been   divided  by  Christians  into 
two.'     We    likewise  learn   from   him,   that6    the  books    of 
Samuel  were  then  oftentimes  called  the  books  of  the  King 
doms. 

15.  In  the  preface  to  his  translation  of  Ezra  and  Nehe- 

monte  sine  raanibus,  et  regna  omnia  snbvertentem,  claro  sermone  pronuntiat. 
Ad  Paulin.  ep.  50.  [al.  103.]  T.  iv.  n.  573. 

a  Hoc  idcirco,  ut  difficultatem  vobis  Danielis  ostenderem ;  qui  apud  He- 
braeos  nee  Susannse  habet  historiam,  nee  hymnum  trium  puerorum,  nee  Belis 
Draconisque  fabulas;  quas  nos,  quia  in  toto  orbe  dispersae  sunt,  vero — ante- 
posito,  easque  jugulante,  subjecimus ;  ne  videremur  apud  imperitos  magnatn 
pattern  voluminis  detruncasse.  Audivi  ego  quendam  de  praeceptoribus  Ju- 
daeorum,  quum  Susannae  derideret  historiam,  et  a  Graeco  nescio  quo  diceret 
esse  confictam,  illud  opponere  quod  Origeni  quoque  Africanus  opposuit, 
etymologias  has,  cnro  TS  o%iv&  axivai,  nai  airo  r«  Trpiva  Trpccrai,  de  Graeco  ser 
mone  descendere. — Deinde  tantum  fuisse  otii  tribus  pueris  cavillabatur,  ut  in 
camino  aestuantis  incendii  metro  luderent,  et  per  ordinem  ad  laudem  Dei  omnia 
elementa  provocarent.  Aut  quod  miraculum  divinBcque  aspirationis  judicium, 
vel  draconem  interfectum  offa  picis,  vel  sacerdotum  Belis  machinas  depre- 
hensas  ?  Quae  magis  prudentia  solertis  viri,  quam  prophetali  spiritu  perpetrata. 
T.  i.  p.  990.  b  T.  iii.  p.  1074. 

c  Hoc  tantum  vos,  O  Paula  et  Eustochium,  admonitas  volo,  unum  librum 
esse  duodecim  prophetarum.  T.  i.  p.  727. 

d  Hoc  primum  sciendum,  quod  apud  Hebraeos  Paralipomenon  liber  unti.s 
sit,  et  apud  illos  vocetur  Dabre  Jamim,  id  est,  Verba  Dierum ;  qui  propter 
magnitudinem  apud  nos  divisus  est.  In  libr.  Paral.  juxta  Septuag.  Interp. 
T.  i.  p.  1418.  e  Legamus  Samuelem,  sivc,  ut  in  communi 

titulo  habetur,  Regnorum  libros.  AdPamm.  ep.  33.  [al.  101.]  T.  iv.  p.  253.  F. 


424  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

miah  from  Hebrew,  he  says,  thatf  by  the  Hebrews  they  are 
reckoned  one  book,  called  Ezra ;  but  reckoning  them  two,  he 
had  not  translated  the  dreams  of  those  apocryphal  books, 
the  third  and  fourth  of  Ezra,  which  were  not  found  among 
the  Jews,  and  therefore  were  not  to  be  regarded. 

16.  In   his  book    against  Vigilantius&    he   censures    an 
apocryphal  book  of  Ezra,  intending,  ash  is  supposed,  that 
which  is  called  the  fourth  book  of  Ezra.    In  the  same  place 
he  condemns  all  sorts  of  apocryphal  books  in  general,  pub 
lished  with  the  names  of  Solomon  or  Ezra,  or  any   of  the 
patriarchs  or  prophets:  and  he  expressly  says,  the  church 
did   not  receive   that  book   of  Ezra,  and  (which   may   be 
thought  strange  by  some)  that  he  had  never  read  it. 

17.  Jerom   translated   likewise   Tobit  and    Judith    from 
Chaldee  into  Latin,  at  the  desire  of  some  of  his  friends. 
But1  in  the  prefaces  to  each  he  brands  them  as  apocryphal, 
and  not  received  by  the  Jews. 

18.  Jerom  never  translated  Wisdom,  nor  k  Ecclesiasticus, 
nor  the  books  of  Maccabees. 

f  Nee  quenquam  moveat,  quod  unus  a  nobis  editus  liber  est.  Nee  apo- 
cryphorum  tertii  et  quart!  somniis  delectetur :  quia  et  apud  Hebraeos  Ezrae 
Neemiaeque  sermones  in  unum  volumen  coarctantur ;  et  quae  non  habentur 
apud  illos,  nee  de  viginti  quatuor  sensibus  sunt,  procul  abjicienda.  Pr.  in 
Ezr.  T.  i.  p.  1106,  1107. 

8  Tu  vigilans  dormis,  et  dormiens  scribis :  et  proponis  mihi  librum  apo- 
cryphum,  qui  sub  nomine  Esdrae  a  te  et  similibus  tui  legitur ;  ubi  scriptum 
est,  quod  post  mortem  nullus  pro  aliis  audeat  deprecari  j  quern  ego  librum  nun- 
quam  legi.  Quid  enim  necesse  est  in  manus  sumere  quod  ecclesia  non  recipit  ? 
Nisi  forte  Balsamum  mihi,  et  Barbelum,  et  Thesaurum  Manichaei — proferas. 
Nam  in  commentariolo  tuo,  quasi  pro  te  faciens,  de  Salomone  sumis  testimo- 
nium,  quod  Salomon  omnino  non  scripsit;  ut  qui  habes  alterum  Esdram, 
habeas  et  Salomonem  alterum.  Et,  si  tibi  placuerit,  legito  fictas  revelationes 
omnium  patriarcharum  et  prophetarum.  Et  quum  illas  didiceris,  inter  mu- 
lierum  textrinas  cantato,  immo  legendas  propone  in  tabernis  tuis,  ut  facilius 
per  has  naenias  vulgus  indoctum  provoces  ad  bibendum.  Adv.  Vigil.  T.  iv. 
P.  ii.  p.  283,  284. 

h  Librum  Esdrae  quartum  intelligere  videtur.  Nam  falsa  Vigilantii  opinio 
sumpta  videtur  e  capite  septimo  iv.  Esdrae,  ver.  36 — 44.  Benedictin.  in  loc. 

1  Mirari  non  desino  exactionis  vestrae  instantiam.  Exigitis  enim  ut  librum 
Chaldaeo  sermone  conscriptum  ad  Latinum  stylum  traham ;  librum  utique 
Tobiae,  quern  Hebraei  de  catalogo  divinarum  scripturarum  secantes,  his  quae 
Apocrypha  memorant  manciparunt.  Feci  satis  desiderio  tuo,  non  tamen  meo 
studio.  Arguunt  enim  nos  Hebraeorum  studia ;  et  imputant  nobis,  contra  suum 

canonem  Latinis  auribus  ista  transferre.  Pr.  in  libr.  Tob.  T.  i.  p.  1158. 

Apud  Hebraeos  liber  Judith  inter  apocrypha  legitur;  cujus  auctoritas  ad  robo- 
randa  ilia  quae  in  contentionem  veniunt  minus  idonea  judicatur.  Chaldaeo 
tamen  sermone  conscriptus  inter  historias  computatur.  Pr.  in  libr.  Judith.  T. 
i.  p.  1170. 

k  Machabaeorum  librum  primum  se  Hebraice  reperisse  scribit  [Pr.  in 
Reg.]  ut  etiam  Ecclesiasticum ;  sed  neutrum  eorum  exinde  transtulit.  Hod. 
p.  358.  M. 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  425 

19.  In  his  Commentary  upon   Isaiah  lie  says,  that1  after 
Haggai,  Zechariah,  and  Malachi,  the  Jews  had  no  prophets 
until  the  time  of  John  the  Baptist. 

20.  From  what  has  been   seen  we  plainly  perceive  that 
St.  Jerom's  canon  of  the  Old  Testament  was  that  of  the 
Jews.     All   other  books,   not  received   by   them,   he   calls 
apocryphal  ;    particularly   Wisdom,   Ecclesiasticus,    Tobit, 
Judith,  and   the   Maccabees.     Those  books,    he    says,   the 
church  does  not  receive  among  the  canonical   scriptures: 
they  may  be   read  for  the  edification  of  the  people,  but  are 
not  to  be  esteemed  as  of  authority  for  proving  any  doctrines 
of  religion.     He  also   rejects  Baruch,  and  the  Epistle  of 
Jeremiah,  and  the  song  of  the  Three  Children  in  the  fur 
nace,  and  the  story  of  Bel  and   the  Dragon,  and  the  third 
and   fourth   book  of  Ezra,  as  they  are  called.     Upon  the 
whole,  he  receives,  as  we  have  seen,  all  the  books  commonly 
received   by  the  Jews,  particularly   Solomon's   Song,   and 
Esther  among  the  rest,  and  no  other.    Some  Christians  there 
were  in  his  time,  who  paid  too  great  a  regard  to  the  addi 
tional  stories  in  the  book  of  Daniel,  and  to  several   of  the 
apocryphal  books  above  named.     But  our  learned  author 
used    his  best    endeavours  to  reduce  them  to  the  Jewish 
canon,  or  Hebrew  Verity,1"  as  he  often  calls  it. 

21.  Beside  the  apocryphal   books  just  mentioned,  there 
are   divers   others   relating  to  the  Old  Testament,    as    the 
4  Revelation  of  Elias,*  and  the  '  Ascension  of  Isaiah.'     But 
I  defer  farther  notice  of  them  till  we  come  to  observe  the 
apocryphal  books  of  the  New  Testament,  as  the  considering 
them  all  together  may  be  the  shortest  method. 

IV.  I  might  here, conclude  my  remarks  upon  this  preface 
of  Jerom ;  but  I  am  desirous  to  take  some  particular  notice 
of  the  division  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  which, 
according  to  his  account,  then  obtained  among  the  Jews. 

1.  Isaac  Vossius  suspected  that"  the  division  of  the  books 

1  Quis  mihi  istos  genuit  ?  Ego  eram  sterilis  et  vidua,  deserta,  et  captiva  j  in 
populo  Judaeorum  filios  habere  desieram ;  multo  tempore  non  pepereram. 
Post  Aggaeum,  et  Zachariam,  et  Malachiam,  nullos  prophetas  ante  Joannem 
Baptistam  videram.  In  Is.  cap.  49.  T.  iii.  p.  469. 

m  Canonem  Hebraicee  Veritatis,  excepto  Octateucho,  quern  nunc  in  manibus 
habeo,  pueris  tuis  et  notariis  dedi  describendum.  Ad  Lucin.  ep.  52.  [al.  28.] 
T.  iv.  p.  579.  in. — Veniamus  ad  aliud  ejusdem  Zachariae  testimonium,  quod 
Joannes  evangelista  assumit  juxta  Hebraicam  Veritatem.  De  Optim.  Gen. 
Interpr.  adPamm.  ep.  33.  [al.  101.]  p.  252.  Vid.  ib.  p.  254.  M.  et  passim. 

"  Aquilse  temporibus,  et  ab  ipso  forte  Aquila,  excogitatam  fuisse  divisionem 
librorum  sacrorum  in  Legem,  Prophetias,  et  Hagiographa ;  cum  antea  obtinu- 
erat  partitio  in  Legem,  Prophetias,  et  Hymnos.  'Aytoypor^a  ineptum,  uti  dicit, 
vocabulum,  et  contra  naturam  linguae  Graecae  formatum,  ab  Aquila  suspicatur 
confidum  fuisse,  cujus  versionem  ait  plenam  fuisse  futilibus  istiusmodi  vocabulis. 


426  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

of  the  Old  Testament  into  the  Law,  the  Prophets,  and  the 
Hagiographa,  was  an  invention  of  Aquila,  who  in  the  se 
cond  century  made  a  new  version  of  the  Jewish  scriptures 
into  Greek  ;  whereas  the  old  partition  was  that  of  the  Law, 
the  Prophecies,  and  Psalms.  Moreover  he  says,  that  the 
word  itself,  a<yio^pa<pa,  is  absurd,  and  unsuitable  to  the  Greek 
language ;  and  probably  was  coined  by  Aquila. 

Humphry  Hody  says,  that0  the  division  of  the  Jewish 
sacred  books  into  the  Law,  the  Prophets,  and  Kethubhim 
or  Hagiographa,  is  of  the  highest  antiquity.  Nevertheless 
he  cannot  believe  that  the  books  of  Joshua,  the  Judges, 
Samuel,  and  the  Kings,  were  placed  in  the  rank  of  prophets 
by  the  ancient  Jews;  to  him  this  appears  to  be  done 
very  foolishly.  Nor  are  the  Rabbins  agreed  what  books 
ought  to  be  placed  among  Prophets,  and  what  among  Ha 
giographa.  By  Kethubhim, P  or  Hagiographa,  he  says 
ought  to  be  understood,  and  were  intended  by  the  ancient 
Jews,  all  those  books  beside  the  law  which  were  written  by 
inspiration,  and  were  not  strictly  prophetical. 

He  moreover  says,  that1*  the  modern  Rabbins,  as  well  as 
Maimonides,  and  the  Jews  in  Jerom's  time,  place  Daniel 
among  the  Hagiographa.  But  he  says  this  was  done  by 
them  upon  very  frivolous  reasons. 

Indeed  Daniel  is  expressly  called  a  prophet  by  our 
blessed  Saviour.  Matth.  xxiv.  15;  Mark  xiii.  14.  Byr 
Josephus  he  is  reckoned  among  the  greatest  of  the  prophets  ; 
and  if  any  man  among  the  ancient  Jews  deserved  that  title, 
he  does. 

2.  Let  us  then  look  back,  and  recollect  the  general  divi 
sions  of  the  Jewish  scriptures  in  ancient  writers. 

(1.)  In  the  second  prologue  to  the  book  of  Ecclesiasticus, 
or  the  prologue  of  Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach,  are  these  expres- 

Vocem  quoque  Tpa0«a,  qua  Hagiographa  interdum  designantur,  ab  eodem 
fuisse  confictum  opiuatur.     Hod.  de  Bib.  Text.  Orig.  1.  iv.  c.  1.  p.  578. 

0  Librorum  Biblicorum  distnbutionem  in  Legem,  Prophetas,  et  Kethubhim 
sive  Hagiographa,  esse  ultimae  antiquitatis,  haud  dubito.      Id  vero  minime 
credo,  libros  Joshuae,  Judicum,  Samuelis,  et  Regum,  in  ordinem  Prophetarum 
a  Judaeis  vetustissimis  relatos  fuisse,  ut  factum  est  aetate  B.  Hieronymi,  et  a 
Judaeis  recentioribus.     Ineptissime  hoc  fieri  videtur ;  neque  enim  inter  Rabbi- 
nos  de  Prophetis  et  Hagiographis  satis  convenit.     Hod.  ib.  1.  ii.  c.  9.  p.  190. 

P  Per  Kethubhim,  sive  Hagiographa,  intelligi  debent,  et  sine  controversia  a 
Judaeis  antiquissimis  intellecti  fuerunt,  omnes  illi  libri  praeter  legem  Mosaicam, 
qui  per  Spiritum  Sanctum  scripti  sunt.non  tamen  fuerunt  prophetici.  Ib.  p.  190. 

1  Danielem  e  numero  prophetarum  ejiciunt  Rabbini,  et  olim  ejecerunt 
Maimonidis  et  Hieronymi  aetate.     '  Hinc  unanimi  consensu,'  inquit   Mai 
monides,  '  retulit  gens  nostra  librum  Danielis  inter  libros  Hagiographos,  non 
«  vero  inter  prophetas.'     Sed  frivolis  rationibus  id  faciunt.     Ib.  p.  191. 

r  Antiq.  Jud.  1.  x.  c.  11.  n.  7. 


JEIIOM.     A.  D.  392.  427 

sions  :  '  the8  law  and  the  prophets,  and  others  that  have 
followed  their  steps  :'  afterwards,  '  the1  law  and  the  pro 
phets,  and  other  books  of  our  fathers  ;'  and  still  lower, 
*  theu  law  itself  and  the  prophets,  [or  prophecies,]  and  the 
rest  of  the  books.'  It  is  questionable  whether  here  are  three, 
or  only  two  sorts  of  sacred  writings  ;  for  it  seems  to  me, 
that  by  '  others  that  have  followed  their  steps/  are  not  to 
be  understood  sacred  writers,  but  wise  men  who  imitated 
the  prophets  :  consequently  here  are  only  two  sorts  of  sa 
cred  or  canonical  books,  '  the  law'  and  '  the  prophets.'  If 
this  be  the  meaning  of  the  first  passage,  I  reckon  that  the 
two  others  are  to  be  understood  in  the  same  manner. 

(2.)  Philo  the  Jew  speaks  of*  laws  and  oracles  delivered 
4  by  prophets,  and  hymns,  and  other  things  conducive  to 
'  promote  knowledge  and  piety  \v  But  Philo  being  an  ob 
scure  writer,  and  here,  as  it  seems  to  me,  not  quite  clear,  I 
am  afraid  to  make  any  remarks,  or  to  determine  whether  he 
speaks  of  sacred  and  canonical  books  of  scripture  only,  or 
of  them  and  some  others. 

(3.)  In  the  New  Testament  are  various  ways  of  speaking. 
Sometimes  the  law  denotes  the  scriptures  of  the  Old  Tes 
tament  in  general.  John  x.  34,  "  Is  it  not  written  in  your 
law?  I  said,  Ye  are  gods."  From  Ps.  Ixxxii.  6.  —  John  xv. 
25,  "  That  the  word  might  be  fulfilled  which  is  written 
in  their  law,  They  hated  me  without  a  cause."  Ps.  xxxv. 
19.  —  1  Cor.  xiv.  21,  "  In  the  law  it  is  written,  With  men 
of  other  tongues  -  will  I  speak  to  this  people"-  —  Is. 
xxviii.  11. 

Sometimes  *  the  prophets'  is  equivalent  to  the  scriptures 
of  the  Old  Testament.  Luke  xviii.  31,  "  Behold  we  go 
up  to  Jerusalem,  and  all  things  that  are  written  in  the  pro 
phets  concerning  the  Son  of  man  shall  be  accomplished."  — 
xxiv.  25,  "  O  fools,  and  slow  of  heart,  to  believe  all  that 
the  prophets  have  spoken  !"  —  Acts  x.  43,  "  To  him  give 
all  the  prophets  witness."—  Rom.  i.  2,  "  Which  he  had 
promised  before  by  his  prophets  in  the  holy  scriptures."  — 
Eph.  ii.  20,  "  And  are  built  upon  the  foundation  of  the 
apostles  and  prophets." 

Oftentimes  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament  are  denoted 


*  IIoXXwv  KO.I  /tieyaXwv  r'jfjiiv  diet  TH  vofis,  /cat  TWV  irpotyijruiv,  Kai  To)V  aXXwv 
raiv  icar'  avr«£  T]Ko\uGriKOTwv  StdtfjLevwv.  K.  X. 

1  'O  TraTTTTog  pa  Irjffss,  «TTI  nXeiov  eavTOV  t?«g  etc  rt  rrjv  TS  vop.a  KOI  Ttnv 
irpo<f>r)T(i)V,  teat  ri]v  aXXwv  Trarptwv  /3t/3X«wv  avayvuffiv. 

u   Kai  avrog  6  vo/xog,  Kai  at  irpotyrjTtiat,  Kai  ra  \onra  TUV  (3ifi\uov. 

v  AXXa  vopsQ  Kai  Xoyia  OtffTTiaOtvTa  Sta  7rpo<j)T)ru)V,  Kai  vfAVtig,  Kai  ra  aXX«, 
dig  tTrirrjfjiri  feat  tvaifitia  ovvav%ovTctt  Kai  rfXewvrat.  De  Vit.  Contempl. 
p.  893.  B. 


428  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

by  a  dichotomy,  or  twofold  partition,  *  the  law  and  the 
prophets.'  Matth.  v.  17,  "  Think  not  that  I  am  come  to 
destroy  the  law  or  the  prophets." — vii.  12,  "  For  this  is 
the  law  and  the  prophets."  See  also  xxii.  40. — Matth.  xi. 
13,  "  For  all  the  law  and  the  prophets  prophesied  until 
John."  Compare  Luke  xvi.  16. — Luke  xvi.  29,  "  They 
have  Moses  and  the  prophets."- — 31,  "  If  they  hear  not 
Moses  and  the  prophets." — xxiv.  27,  "  And  beginning-  at 
Moses,  and  all  the  prophets,  he  expounded  unto  them,  in 
all  the  scriptures,  the  things  concerning  himself." — John  i. 
45,  "  We  have  found  him,  of  whom  Moses  in  the  law  and 
the  prophets  did  write." — Acts  xxiv.  14,  " — believing  all 
things  which  are  written  in  the  law  and  the  prophets." — 
xxvi.  22,  "  Saying  none  other  things  than  those  which  the 
prophets  and  Moses  did  say  should  come."- — xxviii.  23, 
"  Persuading  them  concerning  Jesus,  both  out  of  the  law  of 
Moses,  and  out  of  the  prophets." — Rom.  iii.  21,  "  Being- 
witnessed  by  the  law  and  the  prophets." 

In  one  place  there  seems  to  be  a  threefold  partition  of  the 
scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament.  Luke  xxiv.  44,  "  These 
are  the  words  which  I  spake  unto  you  whilst  I  was  yet  with 
you  ;  that  all  things  must  be  fulfilled  which  were  written  in 
the  law  of  Moses,  and  in  the  prophets,  and  in  the  psalrns, 
concerning  me."  But  some  very  learned  and  judicious 
men  are  of  opinion,  that  by  *  the  psalms'  in  this  place,  we 
are  not  to  understand  the  metrical  books,  or  any  other 
general  division  of  the  scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament,  but 
the  book  of  Psalms.  Then  what  our  Lord  says  is  this  : 
*  That  all  things  must  be  fulfilled  which  are  written  of  me 
4  in  the  law  and  in  the  prophets,  especially  in  the  Psalms.' 
So  says  wLeusden  and  Wolfius,x  whom  1  transcribe  below. 


w  Responderi  potest  (quod  mihi  etiam  maxime  verosimile  videtur)  Chris 
tum,  Luc.  xxiv.  44,  nullam  mentionem  facere  librorum  historicorum,  vel 
quorundam  Hagiographorum ;  quia  in  illis  libris  non  ita  continentur  prae- 
dictiones  de  future  Messia,  quam  quidem  in  libris  Mosis  in  libris  prophetarum 
et  in  Psalmis.  Christus  ergo  forte  per  Psalmos  intellexit  Psalmos  proprie 
dictos,  et  non  praeter  Psalmos  etiam  caeteros  libros  hymnorum,  scil.  Jobum, 
Proverbia,  Ecclesiasten,  et  Canticum  Canticorum.  I.  Leusden.  Philol.  Hebr. 
Diss.  ii.  p.  15. 

x  Nee  mihi  probabile  videtur,  Christum  Dominum  nostrum  ad  hanc  divisi- 
onem  digitum  intendisse,  quippe  qui  alibi  ad  codicem  Hebraeum  provocans, 
Mosis  tantum  et  prophetarum  facit  mentionem.  v.  c.  Luc.  xvi.  29,  31.  Sic 
Lucas  ipse,  xxiv.  27,  commemoratis  « Mose  et  prophetis,'  addit,  Christum 
Dominum  nostrum  *  exposuisse  discipulis  omnia  quae  de  se  in  scripturis  omni- 
*  bus  tradita  sint ;'  ubi  sane  iraaai  ypatyat  *  Mosis  et  prophetarum '  nomine 
comprehenduntur.  Non  minus  Paulus,  Actor,  xxvi.  22.  ex  scriptura  sacral 
interpretatus,  ait,  *  se  testatum  nihil  praeter  ea  quae  prophetae  et  Moses  praedix- 
erint.'  Ex  quo  manifestum  est,  sanctissimi  Servatoris  aetate  &xoro/uav  potius 
obtinuisse,  et  scripta  diviniora  in  legem  et  prophetas  distincta  fuisse.  Neque 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  429 

This  interpretation  will  be  much  confirmed  by  observing 
how  much  the  dichotomy,  or  twofold  partition  of  sacred 
books,  '  the  Law  and  the  Prophets,'  prevails  in  the  New 
Testament.  '  All  things  must  be  fulfilled  which  are  writ- 

*  ten  in  the  law  arid  in  the  prophets,  especially  in  that  pro- 
'  phetical  book,  the  Psalms.'     So  Mark  xvi.  7,    "  Go  your 
way,  tell  his  disciples,  and  Peter;'  that  is,  especially  Peter, 
particularly  Peter.     So  likewise  St.  Paul,  Eph.  vi.  18.  19, 
"  Praying1 — for  all  saints,  and  for  me;"  that  is,  particularly 
for  me.? 

(4.)  I   now    proceed.     Josephus    says,    *  Their2    sacred 

*  books  are  twenty-two;  five   books  of  the  law  of  Moses, 

*  thirteen51  prophetical,  and  four  containing  hymns  in  praise 

*  of  God,  and  excellent  rules   of  life  for  the  direction   of 

*  mankind.'     By    the   thirteen    intending,   as   is    thought,11 
1.  Joshua.     2.  Judges,  with  Ruth.     3.  The  two  books  of 
Samuel.     4.  The  two  books  of  the   Kings.     5.  The   two 
books  of  the  Chronicles.     6.  Ezra,  with  Nehemiah.     7.  Es 
ther.     8.  Job.     9.  Isaiah.     10.  Jeremiah,  with  the  Lamen 
tations.     11.  Ezekiel.     12.  Daniel.     13.  The  Twelve  Pro 
phets. — The  four  books  of  hymns  will  then  be,  the  Psalms, 
the  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  and  the  Canticles. 

(5.)  Melito,  bishop  of  Sardis,  about  177,  hasc  a  catalogue 

of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament ;  but  he  does  not  sort 

them  into  classes.     Nevertheless  it  may  not  be  quite  useless 

to  put  down  their  names  in  his  order:    *  Five  books  of 

Moses;  Joshua  the  son  of  Nun;  the  Judges;  Ruth  ;  four 

books  of  the  Kings ;  two  books  of  Chronicles ;  the  Psalms 

of  David ;   the   Proverbs  of  Solomon ;   the  Ecclesiastes ; 

the   Canticles ;   Job ;   the  books   of  the  Prophets  Isaiah, 

Jeremiah ;    the   Twelve   Prophets   in  one  book ;   Daniel ; 

Ezekiel;  Ezra.' 

(6.)  Origen  also,d  about  230,  has  a  catalogue;  nor  does 

obstat  locus  Luc.  xxiv.  44,  ubi  Psalmi  Mosis  et  prophetarum  scriptis  adjungun- 

tur.     Ea  etiam  verba  ita  putem  interpretanda «  Omnia  debent  impleri 

qua  scripta  sunt  in  Mose,  in  prophetis,  et '  cum  primis  « in  Psalmis,'  quemad- 
modum  verba  angeli  ad  mulieres,  Marc.  xvi.  7.  Wolf.  Bib.  Hebr.  P.  ii.  p.  41. 
y  See  A.  Blackwall's  Sacred  Classics,  P.  i.  p.  121. 

z    Svo  Si  flOVa  TTpOQ  TOIQ  tlKOOl   (3lj3\ia,     TS    TTO.VTOQ  l^OVTa   ^OVB    T1]V 

ai/aypa^jjv,  TO.  SiKaiwQ  Qtia  TrtTTiTtv/ieva,  K.  X.  Contr.  Ap.  1.  i.  c.  8.  et  ap. 
Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  iii.  c.  9,  10. 

a  Ot  fttra  MwiJcrjfv  7rpo0/jrat  ra  KO.T  avrag  irpa^Oevra  ovvtypa^av  tv  rpifft 
icai  S(Ka  |3i/3\iote'  at  Se  \onrai  reaaaptg  vfivsg  tiQ  TOV  Qtov,  Kai  rote  av0pw7ro«g 
viroOijKag  ra  f3t«,  Trepic^sfftv.  Ibid. 

b  Vid.  Hod.  ubi  supra,  p.  644.  See  also  H.  Prideaux,  Conn.  P.  i.  book  v. 
year  before  Christ  446. 

c  Ap.  Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  iv.  c.  26.     And  see,  in  this  work,  vol.  ii.  ch.  xv. 

d  Ap.  Euseb.  ib.  1.  vi.  c.  25.     And  see  here,  vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii.  p.  494. 


430  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

he  sort  the  books  into  any  general  divisions.  However,  the 
order  is  this :  *  Five  books  of  Moses ;  Joshua,  the  son  of 
Nun ;  the  Judges,  with  Ruth,  one  book ;  the  first  and 
second  book  of  the  Kings,  called  by  them  Samuel,  and 
reckoned  one  book;  the  third  and  fourth  of  the  Kings, 
also  one  book ;  the  first  and  second  of  the  Remains,  in 
one  book;  Esdras,  first  and  second,  in  one  book,  called 
by  them  Ezra;  the  book  of  the  Psalms;  Solomon's  Pro 
verbs,  Ecclesiastes,  Canticles;  Isaiah;  Jeremiah;  Daniel; 
Ezekiel ;  Job ;  Esther.'  The  book  of  the  Twelve  Pro 
phets  is  wanting  in  our  copies. 

(7.)  Athanasius,  about  326,  in  his  Festal  epistle,6  tran 
scribed  by  us  formerly/  takes  little  or  no  notice  of  general 
divisions;  but  he  enumerates  the  books  in  this  order:  '  First 

*  the  five  books  of  Moses;  then  the   historical   books,  from 

*  Joshua  down  to  Ezra  ;  then  the  books  in  verse,  the  Psalms, 

*  Proverbs,   Ecclesiastes,  Canticles,  Job ;    lastly   the  Pro- 

*  phets,  which  are  the  Twelve  Prophets  in  one  book,  Isaiah, 
6  Jeremiah,   Ezekiel,   Daniel.'     The  same  order  is  in   the 
Synopsis  Scripturse,?  ascribed  to  him. 

(8.)  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  about  348,  has  a  catalogue  of 
the  books  of  the  Old  Testament,1'  transcribed  by  us  at 
length  formerly.1  He  uses  divisions.  '  Thek  first  are  the 
five  books  of  Moses ;  then  the  historical  books  ;  after  them 
five  books  in  verse — Job,  the  Psalms,  the  Proverbs,  Eccle 
siastes,  the  Canticles;  and,  last  of  all,  five  prophetical 
books,  which  are  the  Twelve  Prophets  in  one  book,  Isaiah, 
Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  Daniel.' 
(9.)  Epiphanius,  who  flourished  about  368  and  after 
wards,  has  three  Catalogues.1  In  twom  of  which  all  the 
books  of  the  Old  Testament  are  reckoned  up,  from  Genesis 
down  to  Ezra  and  Esther,  without  any  general  denomina 
tions  or  partitions.  But  in  the  other, n  he  divides  them  after 
this  manner:  He  says,0  *  that  the  books  of  scripture  are 

e  Ath.  T.  i.  p.  961,  962.  f  See  before,  p.  154,  155. 

«  Ath.  T.  ii.  p.  126—128.     And  see  before,  p.  162,  163. 

h  Cat.  4.  n.  35.  ed.  Bened.  '  P.  172,  173. 

k  T8  vofjia  fjitv  yap  uaiv  a\  Mwcrfoig  Trpwrai  irtvri.  /3i/3Xot. — Kai  TCI  p.ev 
tTOpuca  raura. — Ta  Se  Tix^P^'  Tvyxavti  Trivrt.  —  ETTI  fie  THTOIQ  ra  Trpo^/yri/ca 
TrtvTf.  Ubi  supra.  L  See  before,  p.  186,  187. 

m  Adv.  H.  8.  n.  vi.  T.  i.  p.  19.  De  Mens.  et  Pond.  n.  xxiii.  T.  ii.  p.  180. 

n  De  Mens.  et  Pond.  n.  iv.  T.  ii.  p.  161,  162. 

0  Ovr(i)£  yav  avyictivrai  ai  /3t/3Xoi  tv  irtvTaTtvxoiQ  rerapffi,  Kai  ntvsffiv 
rtXXat  fivo  VTtpscraf  wg  t ivai  rag  evSiaOtTag  /3if3\sg  6vru)£'  irivTf.  fjifv  vo/xocag — 
Avrr)  77  TTtVTartv^oq  Kai  t't  vopoQsffia.  UtVTt  yap  <rix»7p«e- — Eira  a\\rj  irtv- 
ra  jcaXs/ifva  ypatyeia,  ?rapa  ncrt  Se  aytoypatya  KaXn^teva. —  AXXty  irtv- 
,  TO  dti>6tKa7rpo(}>t]TOV. — Kai  avrrj  »}  TrpotyrjTiKri  7rtvraTevj(og.—K.  X. 


JEROM.    A.  D.  392.  431 

comprised  in  four  Pentateuchs,  and  two  over  and  above. 
The  first  Pentateuch  is  that  which  is  most  properly  so, 
containing-  the  five  books  of  the  Law ;  the  next  contains 
the  five  books  in  verse,  the  book  of  Job,  the  Psalter,  the 
Proverbs  of  Solomon,  the  Ecclesiastes,  the  Canticles ;  the 
third  Pentateuch  contains  those  called  Grapheia,  by  others 
Hagiographa,  which  are  the  book  of  Joshua  the  son  of 
Nun,  the  book  of  Judges,  with  Ruth,  the  first  and  second 
of  the  Remains,  the  first  and  second  of  the  Kingdoms, 
and  the  third  and  fourth  of  the  Kingdoms;  the  fourth 
Pentateuch  consists  of  the  Twelve  Prophets  in  one  book, 
Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  Daniel :  the  two  others,  over 
and  above  these,  are  the  two  books  of  Ezra,  reckoned  one 
book,  and  Esther.'  Which  catalogue  is  followed  by  John 
Damascenus,P  about  the  year  830. 

It  should  be  observed,  that  in  another  place,  in  his  ac 
count  of  the  Nazarene  Christians,  Epiphanius  says,'!  '  They 

*  receive  the  law  and  the  prophets,  and  those  called  the 
'  Grapheia  ;  I  mean  the  books  in  verse,  and  the  Kingdoms, 

*  and  the  Remains,  and  Esther,  and  the  rest;  which  are  all 

*  read  by  them  in  Hebrew.' 

(10.)  May  I  add  here,  that  Rufinus,  whose  catalogue  of 
the  books  of  scripture  will  be  in  the  next  chapter,  takes  no 
notice  of  the  Hagiographa?  He  has  not  any  general  divi 
sions,  but  his  order  is  this:  First  the  legal,  next  the  his 
torical  books,  then  the  prophetical,  and  lastly  those  called 
metrical. 

3.  Having  now  put  down  all  these  catalogues,  as  dis 
tinctly  I  hope  as  is  needful,  some  remarks  may  be  made. 

(1.)  The  Jewish  people  have  been  very  uniform  in  the 
number  of  sacred  books  received  by  them. 

(2.)  They  have  varied  and  been  somewhat  arbitrary,  in 
the  general  denominations  and  divisions  of  them. 

(3.)  I  discern  not  any  proof  of  the  high  antiquity  of  that 
division  of  their  sacred  books  into  *  the  Law,  the  Prophets, 

*  and  the  Hagiographa ;'  for  there  appear  not  any  traces  of 
it  in  the  scriptures  either  of  the  Old  or  New  Testament,  nor 
in  Josephus,  nor  in  any  Christian  writers  before  Epiphanius 
and  Jerom,  near  the  end  of  the  fourth  century.     To  be  more 
particular — I  see  not  this   partition  in  the   Prologue  to  the 
book  of  Ecclesiasticus,  nor  in  Philo,  nor  in  the  New  Testa 
ment.     The  only  place  of  the  New  Testament  where  is  any 

P  De  Fide  Orthodoxa,  1.  iv.  c.  17. 

q  Ilap'  avroig  yap  Trag  6  vo//o£,  »eai  ot  TTpo^jjrai,  KCII  ra  ypa^ua  Xfyo/«va, 
$ijfu  £e  ra  <rtx»/p»j>  teat  a!  /3a<7t\«iat,  icat  TrapaXtnrofitva,  KOI  Ai<r0»jp»  KCII  T' 
aXXa  iravra  'E/Spaticwc  avaytvwffKtrat.  H.  29.  n.  7. 


432  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

tripartite  division  of  the  ancient  scriptures,  is  Luke  xxiv. 
44  ;  and  if  by  the  Psalms  are  not  meant  the  book  of  David's 
Psalms,  probably  the  metrical  books  are  to  be  thereby  un 
derstood.  Some  learned  men  indeed  have  supposed,  that 
therein  our  Lord  had  a  respect  to  that  division  which  is 
called*  Hagiographa ;'  but  I  think  without  reason,  as  do 
Leusden  and  Wolfius  before-cited.  I  place  now  in  the 
bottom  of  the  page  another  passage  of  Leusden, r  in  which 
he  says,  '  The  Jews  ascribe  this  threefold  division  of  sa- 

*  cred  books  to  the  prophet  Ezra.'     But  as  this  is  affirmed 
without  proof,  it  may  be   as  easily  denied.      He  thinks  the 
inventor  of  this  division  to  be  unknown.     He  here  observes 
also,  that  some  learned  Christians  had  supposed  our  Lord  to 
have  an  eye  to  this  division  in   Luke  xxiv.  44;  concerning* 
which   he  had  delivered   his  opinion   in   the  place  quoted 
above.     I  likewise  transcribe  below8  some  observations  of 
that  learned  and  laborious  writer,  I.  Fr.  Buddeus  ;  who  says, 
it  is  uncertain  when  and  by  whom   this  partition   was  first 
used.     He  also  shows  the  impropriety  and  inconvenience  of 
it,  as  generally  used   by  the  Jews.     It  seems  to  me  to   be 
altogether  needless  to  show,  that  Josephus  does  not  intend 
the    Hagiographa,    when    he    speaks    of    the  '  four    books 

*  of  Hymns  in    Praise    of  God,  and   Excellent  Rules    of 
'  Life.'     Finally,  there  appears  not  any  notice  taken  of  it, 

r  Tertio  quaeritur,  Quis  fuit  primus  auctor  hujus  triplicis  divisionis  Veteris 
Testament!?  Respondeo,  Judaei  Ezram  prophetam  hujus  triplicis  divisionis 
constituunt  primum  auctorem  et  inventorem.  Sed  quia  hoc  absque  ulla  pro- 
batione  illi  adscribitur,  ideo  eadem  facilitate  rejicitur  qua  asseritur.  Nosillam 
quaestionem  non  determinants ;  nam  non  putamus  primum  auctorem  hujus 
divisionis  esse  notum.  Ut  ut  sit,haec  divisio,  secundum  sententiam  christiano- 
rum  et  Judaeorum,  est  admodum  antiqua ;  et  ad  minimum  temporibus  Christ! 
putatur  fuisse  usitata.  Christiani,  qui  antiquitatem  hujus  divisionis  probant, 
in  medium  proferunt  verba  Christi  ex  evangelio  Lucas,  cap.  xxiv.  44,  jam 
retro,  sectione  secunda,  allegata.  Per  Psalmos  enim  existimant  Christum 
intellexisse  omnes  Hagiographos ;  turn  quia  liber  Psalmorum  est  primus  liber 
Hagiographorum,  turn  etiam  quia  est  liber  prsecipuus  et  praestantissimus  inter 
Hagiographos.  Philol.  Hebr.  Diss.  ii.  p.  19. 

8  Distinctio  codicis  Ebraei  in  Legem,  Prophetas,  et  Chethubhim  seu 

Hagiographa,  tantue  auctoritatis  non  est  ut  nos  morari  debeat.  Quando  enim, 
aut  a  quonam  orta  sit,  non  satis  constat.  Quod  si  enim  vel  maxime  Servator 
ipse,  provocatione  sua,  ad  Mosen,  Prophetas,  et  Psalmos,  Luc.  xxiv.  44,  quae 
quorundam  est  sententia,  hue  respexit,  inde  tamen  non  sequitur,  eo  modo  par- 
titionem  istam  jam  turn  usitatam  fuisse,  quo  in  codice  Ebraeo  hodie  conspici- 
tur.  Parum  autem  concinnam  esse,  plurimisque  laborare  incommodis,  aut  si 
vel  maxime  ipsa  classium  constitutio  tolerari  queat,  quorundam  tamen  libro- 
rum  ad  hanc  aut  illam  classem  relationem  minime  probari  posse,  et  res  ipsa 
docet,  et  viri  docti  dudum  ostenderunt.  Certe,  cur  Daniel  ad  Hagiographa 
potius  quam  Prophetas  referendus  sit,  nulla,  ne  probabilis  quidem,  ratio  dari 
potest.  I.  Fr.  Buddei  Hist.  EC.  Vet.  T.  Tom.  Poster,  p.  828.  4to.  Halse  Mag 
deburg.  1719. 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  433 

nor  any  regard  bad  to  it  in  Melito,  Origen,  Cyril,  or  Atlia- 
nasius. 

(4.)  Among  those  who  have  used  this  partition,  there 
seems  to  have  been  a  great  variety  of  opinions  concerning 
the  books  that  should  be  called  Hagiographa.  In  Jerom 
they  are  nine ;  namely,  4  Job,  the  Psalms,  the  Proverbs, 
4  Ecclesiastes,  the  Canticles,  Daniel,  the  Remains  or  Chroni- 
4  cles,  Ezra,  Esther.'  In  the  catalogue  of  Epiphanius,  in 
the  treatise  of  Weights  and  Measures,  they  are  all  the  his 
torical  books,  except  Ezra  and  Esther.  In  the  other  pas 
sage,  concerning  the  sect  of  the  Nazarenes,  they  comprise 
the  books  in  verse,  and  a  part  of  the  historical  books ;  or, 
as  Hody  would  have  it,*  all  of  them. 

(5.)  There  appears  not  any  fitness  in  this  division.  The 
impropriety  of  it  has  been  hinted  already,  and  is  shown  in 
some  of  the  passages  of  the  learned  writers  already  quoted. 
I  place  below u  another  passage  of  Leusden,  full  to  the  pur 
pose.  I  think  it  may  be  farther  shown,  that  there  is  not 
any  fitness  in  this  partition  ;  for  the  word  Hagiographa,  or 
Grapheia,  or  Kethubhim,  has  nothing  appropriating  or  dis 
tinctive  in  it ;  which  may  have  been  the  ground  of  that  dif 
ference  of  opinion  among  those  who  have  made  use  of  it, 
concerning  the  books  that  should  be  placed  in  that  class. 
Certainly  the  distribution  of  books,  as  in  Jerom,  in  the  two 
divisions  of  prophets  and  Hagiographa,  must  appear  absurd 
and  preposterous.  The  books  of  Chronicles,  Ezra,  and 
Esther,  are  separated  from  the  books  of  Samuel  and  the 
Kings,  and  the  other  historical  books ;  and  Daniel  is  sepa 
rated  from  the  prophets.  Upon  the  whole,  understand  by 
Hagiographa  the  historical  books,  or  the  metrical  books,  or 
the  historical  and  metrical — still  I  cannot  discern  any  suit 
ableness  or  fitness  in  that  denomination. 

(6.)  Every  other  partition  of  the  sacred  books  of  the  Old 
Testament,  with  which  we  are  acquainted,  appears  to  be 
preferable  to  this  of  the  Law,  Prophets,  and  Hagiographa. 
Those  denominations  which  we  sometimes  meet  with  in  the 
New  Testament,  *  the  Law/  or  4  the  Prophets,'  denoting  in 
general  the  ancient  sacred  writings,  are  very  just.  The 
dichotomy,  *  the  Law  and  the  Prophets,'  so  common  in  the 
New  Testament,  is  very  proper.  That  likewise  is  the  par- 

1  Ubi  supra,  p.  190,  191.  u  Quarto  quaeritur,  An  haec  divisio 

est  satis  concinna  ?  Respondeo,  Non  est  satis  concinna  et  congrua.  Nam, 
1.  Libri  Josuae,  Judicum,  Samuelis,  et  Regum  mere  Historic!  vocantur,  Pro- 
phetici,  sive  Prophetae.  2.  Quia  liber  Propheticus  Danielis  a  Propheticis 

separatur,  et  Hagiographis  annumeratur Deinde,  quod  Daniel  revera 

Prophetis  sit  annumerandus,  patet  ex  ipsius  libro,  in  quo  et  tempus  adventus 
Messiae,  et  multae  aliae  prophetiae,  clarissime  describuntur.     Leusd.  ib.  p.  19. 
VOL.    IV.  2    F 


434  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

tition  in  the  prologue  to  the  book  of  Ecclesiasticus,  if  I 
understand  it  right.  The  tripartite  division  in  Luke  xxiv. 
and  Josephus — *  the  Law,  the  Prophets,  and  Psalms,  or 
Hymns,'  is  also  very  proper.  All,  1  apprehend,  must  pre 
sently  discern  the  propriety  of  the  first  and  last  class  in  this 
partition,  '  Legal  and  Metrical.'  The  second  also  is  very 
proper;  for  all  those  books  are  written  by  inspired  men,  or 
*  prophets,'  as  they  are  justly  called  by  Josephus,  and  some 
of  them  are  strictly  prophecies.  Another  partition  is  that 
used  by  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  which  is,  Legal,  Historical, 
Metrical,  and  Prophetical ;  and  though  this  partition  is  not 
at  all  expressed  in  Athanasius's  catalogue,  it  may  be  argued 
from  the  order  of  the  books  that  he  had  a  regard  to  it.  A 
regard  seems  to  be  had  to  it  likewise  in  Origen's  catalogue. 
The  order  of  the  books  also  in  Melito's  catalogue  may 
afford,  in  my  opinion,  a  very  probable  argument  of  a  regard 
to  this  partition.  And  this  appears  to  me,  and  I  suppose 
to  others  likewise/  the  most  proper  and  commodious  par 
tition  of  the  sacred  books  of  the  Old  Testament. 

(7.)  I  now  add  an  observation  of  a  different  kind.  The 
placing  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  from  the  first  to 
the  last,  in  chronological  order,  is  a  thing  of  no  importance, 
and  might  be  inconvenient;  but  divide  them  into  classes, 
and  the  order  of  time  may  be  useful.  In  the  first  class, 
must  be  the  five  books  of  Moses:  then  the  historical  books, 
Joshua,  the  Judges  with  Ruth,  Samuel,  the  Kings,  the 
Chronicles,  Ezra,  Nehemiah,  Esther:  next  the  metrical 
books,  Job,  the  Psalms,  the  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  the  Can 
ticles;  lastly,  the  prophetical  books,  the  Twelve  Prophets 
in  one  book,  each  of  which  might  be  placed  according  to 
the  order  of  time.  Isaiah,  Jeremiah  with  the  Lamentations, 
Ezekiel,  Daniel ;  or,  first  of  all,  the  Four  larger  Prophets, 
and  then  the  book  of  the  Twelve  lesser  Prophets,  as  they 
are  called  :  by  which  also  we  perceive  that  the  present 
order  of  books  in  our  Bibles,  is  in  the  main  such  as  we 
have  reason  to  be  well  satisfied  with. — The  same  rule  may 
be  applied  to  the  books  of  the  New  Testament.  To  place 
them  all,  from  the  first  to  the  last,  in  chronological  order, 
might  be  inconvenient,  and  create  confusion  :  but  having 
first  separated  the  gospels  and  the  Acts,  St.  Paul's  epistles 
might  be  digested  in  the  order  of  time;  and,  in  like  man 
ner,  the  seven  catholic  epistles,  and  the  Revelation. 

v  Ultima  divisio  Veteris  Testamenti,  quae  duabus  antecedentibus  multis 
parasangis  est  praferenda,  a  recentioribus  Latinis  doctoribus  in  quatuor  partes, 
sell,  in  Legalem,  in  Historicam,  in  Poeticam  sive  Doctrinalem,  etin  Propheti- 
cam,  digesta  est.  Leusden.  ib.  p.  19. 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  435 

V.  In  the  next  place  I  shall  make  an  extract  from  St. 
Jerom's  letter  Concerning  the  Study  of  the  Scriptures,* 
written  to  Paulinus,  supposed  to  be  Paulinus  of  Nola.x  It 
is  computed  that  this  letter  was  written  in  395,  or  396,  or 
397.  according  to  the  different  sentiments  of  learned  men. 
In  it  are  enumerated  all  the  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Tes 
tament  in  the  following-  order: 

4  The  first  is  Genesis,?  which  contains  the  history  of  the 
creation  of  the  world,  and  of  the  origin  of  mankind,  the 
division  of  the  earth,  the  confusion  of  tongues,  and  other 
things,  to  the  time  of  the  Jewish  exit  out  of  Egypt:'  in  like 
manner  of  the  rest,  mentioning  the  principal  subjects  of 
each  book  ;  which  I  must  omit,  confining  myself,  for  the 
most  part,  to  the  names  of  books  only.  '  Exodus;  Leviti 
cus;  Numbers;  Deuteronomy;  these  are  the  Pentateuch. 
Job,  the  great  example  of  patience ;  Joshua,  the  son  of  Nun; 
the  book  of  the  Judges;  Ruth,  the  Moabitess;  Samuel; 
the2  Kings,  that  is,  the  third  and  fourth  book  of  Kings; 
thea  Twelve  Prophets  in  one  volume — Hosea,  Joel,  Amos, 
Obadiah,  Jonah,  Micah,  Nahum,  Habakkuk,  Zephaniah, 
Haggai,  Zechariah,  Malnchi  the  last  of  the  prophets  :b 
Isaiah;  Jeremiah;  Ezekiel ;  Daniel,  whom  he  calls  a  pro 
phet,0  and  the  fourth  in  that  number,  and  highly  extols  his 
prophecy,  as  before  observed  ;  David, d  the  most  excellent 
psalmist  ;  Solomon,6  who  directs  the  manners  of  men, 
teacheth  the  vanity  of  the  world,  and  marries  Christ  and  the 
church;  Esther;  the  f  Chronicles,  the  usefulness  and  im- 

w  De  Studio  Scripturamm,  ad  Paulinum.  Ep.  50.  [al.  103.]  T.iv.  P.  ii.  p. 
568—575.  ed.  Bened.  x  See  St.  Jerome,  art.  72.  Tilkm. 

Mem.  T.  xii.  *  Videlicet  manifestissima  est  Genesis,  in  qu& 

de  natura  mundi,  de  exordio  generis  humani,  de  divisione  terrae,  de  confusione 
linguarum  et  gentium,  usque  ad  exitum  scribitur  Hebraeorum.  Patet  Exodus 
cum  decem  plagis,  cum  decalogo,  cum  mysticis  divinisque  praeceptis,  &c.  p. 
571.  F. 

z  Malachim,  id  est,  Regum  tertius  et  quartus  liber,  p.  252.  M. 

a  Duodecim  prophetae  in  unius  voluminis  angustias  coarctati.  Ibid. 

b  Malachias  aperte,  et  in  fine  omnium  prophetarum,  de  abjectione  Israel, 
et  vocatione  gentium,  p.  573. 

c  Isaiam,  Jeremiam,  Ezechielem,  et  Danielem,  quis  possit  vel  intelligere,  vel 

extollere  ? Quartus  vero,  qui  et  postremus  inter  quatuor  prophetas,  tem- 

porum  conscius,  et  totius  mundi  Philostoros,  lapidem  praecisum  de  monte  sine 
manibus,  et  regna  omnia  subvertentem,  claro  sermone  pronuntiat.  Ibid. 

d  David,  Simonides  noster,  Pindarus,  et  Alcaeus,  Flaccus  quoque,  Catullus, 
et  Serenus.  Ibid.  e  Salomon,  pacificus  et  amabilis  Domini, 

mores  corrigit,  naturam  docet,  ecclesiam  jungit  et  Christum,  sanctarumque 
nuptiarum  dulce  canit  epithalamium.  Ibid. 

f  Paralipomenon  liber,  id  est,  Testamenti  Veteris  tinro^  tantus  ac  talis 
est,  ut  absque  illo  si  quis  scientiam  scripturarum  sibi  voluerit  arrogare,  seipsum 
irrideat.  Per  singula  quippe  nomina  puncturasque  verborum,  et  praetermissae 

2  F  2 


436  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

portance  of  which  he  enlarges  upon ;  Ezra  and  Nehemiah, 
in  one  book.'g 

He  here  afterwards  names  and  describes  all  the  writers 
of  the  New  Testament,  and  their  several  works.  *  The  firsth 
are  the  four  evangelists,  Matthew,  Mark,  Luke,  John,  the 
chariot  of  the  Lord,  and  the  true  cherubim,  who  go  wher 
ever  the  Spirit  leads  them — The  apostle  Paul  writes  to 
seven  churches;  for  the  eighth,  that  of  the  Hebrews,  by 
many  is  not  reckoned  among  them.  He  likewise  instructs 
Timothy  and  Titus,  and  intercedes  with  Philemon  for  a 
runaway  servant.  The  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  another  work 
of  Luke  the  physician,  *  whose  praise  is  in  the  gospel,'  [2 
Cor.  viii.  18,]  contain  the  history  of  the  infancy  of  the 
church.  The  apostle  James,  Peter,  John,  Jude,  write  seven 
epistles,  of  few  words,  but  full  of  sense  ;  The  Revelation  of 
John  has  as  many  mysteries  as  words.' — The  reading  these 
scriptures,  Jerom  recommends  to  his  friend ;  and  if  he  is 
conversant  with  them,  he  says,  he  will  then  live  as  it  were 
in  heaven. 

None  can  forbear  to  observe  how  clean  these  catalogues  of 
the  scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament  are ;  for  here 
is  not  the  least  notice  taken  of  any  other  books  beside  those 
which  have  been  now  particularly  mentioned.  It  affords 
good  reason  to  believe,  that  though  there  were  doubts  about 
some  of  these,  there  were  no  others  which  were  esteemed  to 
be  of  authority,  or  that  made  any  considerable  claim  to  be 
parts  of  canonical  scripture. 

VI.  There  is  no  other  work  of  Jerom,  from  which  a  cata 
logue  of  the  books  of  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament 

in  regum  libris  tanguntur  historise,  et  innumerabiles  explicantur  evangelii 
quaestiones.  p.  574. 

g  Ezras  et  Neemias,  adjutor  videlicet  et  consolator  a  Domino,  in  unura  vo- 
lumen  coarctantur ;  instaurant  templum,  muros  exstruunt  civitatis,  &c.  Ibid. 

h  Tangam  et  Novuni  breviter  Testamentum.  Matthaeus,  Marcus,  Lucas, 
et  Joannes,  quadriga  Domini,  et  verum  Cherubim,  per  totum  corpus  oculati 
sunt— et  pergunt  quocumque  eos  flatus  Sancti  Spiritus  perduxerit — Paulus 
apostolus  ad  septem  ecclesias  scribit  (octava  enim,  ad  Hebraeos,  a  plerisque 
extra  numerum  ponitur) ;  Timotheum  instruit  ac  Titum ;  Philemonem  pro 
fugitive  famulo  deprecatur  :  super  quo  tacere  melius  puto,  quam  pauca  scri- 
bere.  Actus  Apostolorum  nudam  sonare  videntur  historiam,  et  nascentis  ec- 
clesiae  infantiam  texere.  Sed  si  noverimus  scriptorem  eorum  Lucam  esse 
medicum,  cujus  laus  est  in  evangelic,  animadverteraus  pariter  omnia  verba 
illius  animse  languentis  esse  medicinam.  Jacobus,  Petrus,  Johannes,  Judas, 
apostoli,  septem  epistolas  ediderunt,  tarn  mysticas  quam  succinctas,  et  breves 
pariter  et  longas;  breves  in  verbis,  longas  in  sententiis,  ut  rarus  sit  qui  non  in 
earum  lectione  coecutiat.  Apocalypsis  Johannis  tot  habet  sacramenta,  quot 
verba — Oro  te,  frater  carissime,  inter  haec  vivere,  ista  meditari,  nihil  aliud 
nosse,  nihil  qu^erere.  Nonne  tibi  videtur  jam  hie  in  terris  regni  ccelestis 
habitaculum?  Ibid.  p.  574. 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  437 

may  be  collected ;  I  mean  his  book  of  the  Interpretation  of 
Hebrew  Names,  which  contains  a  collection  of  all  the  names 
of  men  and  places  in  the  Bible,  in  alphabetical  order,  with 
their  interpretations  according-  to  the  Hebrew  etymology. 
He1  imitated  Philo  in  that  part  which  concerns  the  Old 
Testament,  and  Origen  in  that  which  relates  to  the  New; 
and  at  first  he  intended  to  have  translated  them  out  of 
Greek  into  Latin ;  but  the  copies  of  their  works  which  he 
met  with  were  so  different,  and  there  was  such  confusion  in 
the  order  of  the  words,  that  he  judged  it  most  advisable  to 
make  a  new  work  of  the  like  kind ;  observing,  as  he 
expressly  says,  the  order  of  the  books  of  scripture:  sok 
that  there  were,  in  a  manner,  three  authors  of  this  work. 
Jerom's  edition  of  it  is  supposed  to  have  been  made  in  388. 

1.  The  books  from  which   these  names  are  collected  are 
these:  Genesis,  Exodus,  Leviticus,  Numbers,  Deuteronomy, 
Joshua,  Judges,  Ruth,  the  four  books  of  the   Kings,  the 
Psalter,  Isaiah,  the  Twelve  Prophets,  Jeremiah,  Daniel,  Eze- 
kiel,  Job.     Here  is  no  particular  notice  taken  of  the  books 
of  the  Chronicles,  nor  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah.     The  collec 
tions  out  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  are  in  the  fol 
lowing  order  :  The  gospels  of  Matthew,  Mark,  Luke,  John  ; 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles ;  the  seven  catholic  epistles,  though 
there  is  no  notice  taken  of  the  second  epistle  of  John,  that 
not  having  in  it  any  names  of  men  or  places ;  the  fourteen 
epistles  of  Paul  in  this  order to  the  Romans,  the  Corin 
thians,   the   Galatians,  the  Ephesians,   the  Philippians,  the 
Colossians,   the  Thessalonians,   the   Hebrews,    to   Timothy, 
Titus,  Philemon  :    the  Revelation   of  John ;  the  epistle  of 
Barnabas. 

2.  Here  again  we  see  that  there  is  no  notice  taken  of  any 
books  of  the  Old  Testament,  beside  those  of  the  Jewish  canon. 
The  books  of  the  New  Testament  are  the  same  with  those 

'  Philo,  vir  disertissimus  Judaeorum,  Origenis  quoque  testimonio  comproba- 
tur  edidisse  librum  Hebraicorum  nominum,  eorumque  etymologias  juxta  ordi- 
nem  literarum  e  latere  copulasse.  Qui  quum  vulgo  habeatur  a  Graecis,  et 
bibliothecas  orbis  impleverit,  studii  nostri  fuit  in  Latinam  linguam  eum  vertere. 
Verum  tarn  dissona  inter  se  exemplaria  reperi,  et  sic  confusum  ordinem,  ut 
tacere  melius  judicaverim,  quam  reprehensione  quid  dignum  scribere.  Itaque 
hortatu  fratrum  Lupuliani  et  Valeriani,  qui  me  putant  aliquid  in  Hebraeae  lin- 
guee  notitia  profecisse,  et  rei  ipsius  utilitate  commotus,  singula  per  ordinem 
scripturarum  volumina  percucurri,  et  vetus  sedificium  nova  cura  instaurans. 
Ac  ne  forte  consummate  aedificio  quasi  extrema  deesset  manus,  Novi  Testa 
ment!  verba  et  nomina  inter pretatus  sum,  imitari  volens  ex  parte  Origenem. 
Inter  caetera  enim  ingenii  sui  monumenta,  etiam  in  hoc  elaboravit,  ut  quod 
Thilo  quasi  Judaeus  omiserat,  hoc  ut  christianus  impleret.  Praef.  in  libr.  de 
Intcrp.  Noni.  Hebr.  T.  ii.  p.  1.  3. 

k  Vid.  Martian.  Comm.  in  libr.  de  Norn.  Hebr.  ib.  p.  86. 


438  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

now  commonly  received,  and  mentioned  by  Jerom  as  of 
authority  in  his  other  works,  excepting  only  the  epistle  of 
Barnabas.  The  reason  of  Jerom's  here  taking'  in  that  epistle, 
Cotelerius1  supposes  to  be,  that  he  followed  Origen,  from 
whom  the  latter  part  of  this  work  was  borrowed,  for  in  other 
places  Jerom  reckons  the  epistle  of  Barnabas  among  apocry 
phal  scriptures. 

3.  The  order  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  (not  to 
say  any  thing  of  the  Old)  in  this  work,  is  here  d inherent  from 
that  in  the  letter  to  Paulinus,  and  in  some  other  works  of 
this  author.  Nevertheless m  there  is  no  good  reason  to 
doubt  of  the  genuineness  of  this  book  :  it  is  much  more  rea 
sonable  to  suppose,  that  some  alterations  have  been  made  in 
it  since  it  was  finished  by  Jerom.  So  the  copies  of  the 
book,  as  published  by  Philo  and  Origen  before  our  author  set 
about  it  were  different,  and  the  names  were  in  great  dis 
order.  And  indeed  people  are  apt  to  take  liberties  with 
books  of  this  kind,  and  to  alter  them  according  to  their 
own  fancy,  and  the  prevailing  sentiments  of  the  times  in 
which  they  live. 

VII.  Having  now  observed  in  Jerom  three  catalogues  of 
the  books  of  scripture,  one  of  the  Old,  and  two  other  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testament,  the  passage  which  next  offers  itself, 
relates  to  the  four  gospels,  and  is  in  the  prologue  to  his  Com 
mentary  upon  St.  Matthew,  written  about  398.  It  is  long  ; 
but  1  take  it  for  granted,  that  my  readers  are  prepared  for 
some  such  passages  out  of  this  learned  and  laborious  author ; 
and  that  they  will  not  be  disgusted  by  them,  nor  think  them 
tedious. 

1.  *  That"  there  were  many  who  wrote  gospels,  even  Luke 

1  Denique  sanctus  Hieronyrnus  in  libro,  quern  de  Interpretatione  Nominum 
Hebraicorum,  imitatus  Philonem  et  Origenem,  composuit,  inter  Novi  Testa- 
menti  libros  non  statuisset  epistolarn  Barnabae,  sicut  facit,  quern  ipse  cum 
apocryphis  scripturis  legebat,  nisi  vidisset  ita  ab  Origene  fuisse  actitatum. 
Coteler.  Judic.  de  Ep.  Barnab.  ap.  Patr.  Apost.  T.  i. 

a-  See  Tillem.  S.  Jerome,  art.  49.  T.  xii.  Martian.  Prolegom.  1.  init.  T. 
ii.  Vid.  et  eund.  ib.  178. 

n  Plures  fuisse  qui  evangelia  scripserunt,  et  Lucas  evangelista  testatur, 
dicens,  *  Quoniam  quidem  multi  conati  sunt — Ecclesia  autem,  quae  supra 
petram  Domini  voce  fundata  est — quatuor  flumina  Paradisi  instar  eructans, 
quatuor  etangulos  et  annulos  habet,  per  quos  quasi  area  testamenti,  etcustos 
legis  Domini,  lignis  immobilibus  vehitur. — Primus  omnium  Matthaeus  est 
publicanus,  cognomento  Levi,  qui  evangelium  in  Judaea  Hebraeo  sermone 
edidit,  ob  eorum  maxime  causam,  qui  in  Jesum  crediderant  ex  Judaeis  et  ne- 
quaquam  legis  umbram  succedente  evangel  ii  veritate  servabant.  Secundus 
Marcus,  interpres  apostoli  Petri,  et  Alexandrines  ecclesiae  primus  episcopus ; 
qui  Dominum  quidem  Salvatorem  ipse  non  vidit,  sed  ea  quae  magistrum  audie- 
rat  praedicantem  juxta  fidem  magis  gestorum  narravit  quam  ordinem.  Tertius 
Lucas,  medicus,  natione  Syrus,  Antiochensis,  cujus  laus  in  evangelic,  qui  et 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  439 

the  evangelist  witnessed).  [See  ch.  i.  1.]  But  the  church, 
which  according  to  the  word  of  die  Lord,  is  built  upon  a 

rock,  pours  out  only  the  four  rivers  of  Paradise and  has 

four  corners,  and  four  rings,  hy  which  the  ark  of  the  cove 
nant  and  guardian  of  the  law  of  God,  is  safely  carried  on 
immovable  staves.  [See  Exod.  xxv.  12 — 16.] 

'The  first  is  Matthew  the  publican,  surnamed  Levi,  who 
wrote  his  gospel  in  Judea,  in  the  Hebrew  language,  chiefly 
for  the  sake  of  the  Jews  that  believed  in  Jesus,  and  did  not 
join  the  shadow  of  the  law  with  the  truth  of  the  gospel.  The 
second  is  Mark,  interpreter  to  the  apostle  Peter,  and  the  first 
bishop  of  Alexandria;  who  never  saw  the  Lord  himself,  but 
related  things  as  he  had  heard  them  from  his  master,  very 
truly,  but  not  in  the  exact  order  in  which  tiiey  were  done. 
The  third  is  Luke  the  physician,  a  Syrian  of  Antioch,  "  whose 
praise  is  in  the  gospel"  [See  2  Cor.  viii.  18,  and  Col.  iv. 
14.];  who  was  a  disciple  of  the  apostle  Paul,  and  published 
his  gospel  in  the  countries  of  Achaia  and  Boeotia  ;  who  like 
wise,  as  he  also  intimates  in  his  preface,  writes  rather  as  a 
hearer,  than  as  an  eye-witness.  The  last  is  John  the  apostle 
and  evangelist,  whom  Jesus  loved  most,  who  leaned  on  the 
Lord's  breast,  and  from  thence  derived  the  purest  doctrine ; 
to  whom  alone  it  was  said  by  the  Lord,  when  on  the  cross, 
"  Behold  thy  mother."  [John  xix.  27.]  When  he  was  in 
Asia,  and  the  seeds  sown  by  the  heretics  Cerinthus,  Ebion, 

ipse  discipulus  apostoli  Pauli,in  Achai  e  Boeotioeque  [al.  Bithyniseque]  partibus 
volumen  condidit,  quaedam  altius  repetens,  et,  ut  ipse  in  procemio  confitetur, 
audita,  rnagis  quam  visa  describens.  Ultimus  Joannes  apostoluset  evangelista, 
quern  Jesus  amavit  plurimum :  qui  supra  pectus  Domini  recumbens,  purissi- 
ma  doctrinarum  fluenta  potavit,  et  qui  solus  de  cruce  meruit  audire,  '  Ecce 
mater  tua.'  Is  quum  esset  in  Asia,  et  jam  tune  haereticorum  semina  pullula- 
rent,  Cerinthi,  Ebionis,  et  caeterorum,  qui  negant  Christum  in  carne  venisse, 
(quos  et  in  epistola  sua  antichristos  vocat,  et  apostolus  Paulus  frequenter  per- 
cutit,)  coactusest  ab  omnibus  pene  tune  Asiae  episcopis,  et  multarum  ecclesia- 
rum  legationibus,  de  divinitate  Salvatoris  altius  scribere ;  et  ad  ipsum,  ut  ita 
dicam,  Verburn,  non  tarn  audaci  quam  felici  temeritate  prorumpere.  Et  eccle- 
siastica  narrat  historia,  quum  a  fratribus  cogeretur  ut  scriberet,  ita  facturum 
respondisse,  si  indicto  jejunio  in  commune  omnes  Deum  precarentur.  Quo 
expleto,  revelatione  saturatus,  in  illud  prooemium  coelo  veniens  eructavit,  '  In. 

principio  erat  Verbum' Haec  igitur  quatuor  evangelia  ante  praedicta  Eze- 

chielis  quoque  volumen  probat,  in  quo  prima  visio  ita  contexitur Prima 

hominis  facies  Matthaeum  significat,  qui  quasi  de  homine  exorsus  est  scribere, 
*  Liber  generations  Jesu  Christi,  filii  David,  filii  Abraham.'  Secunda  Mar- 
cum,  in  quo  vox  leonis  in  eremo  rugientis  auditur. — Tertia  vituli,  quae  evan- 
gelistam  Lucam  a  Zacharia  sacerdote  sumpsisse  initium  praefigurat.  Quarta 
Joannem  evangelistam,  qui,  a-'sumptis  pennis  aquilae,  et  ad  altiora  festinans,  de 

Verbo  Dei  disputat Unde  et  Apocalypsis  Joannis Quibus  cunctis  per- 

spicue  ostenditur,  quatuor  tantum  evangelia  debere  suscipi,  et  omnes  apocry- 
phorum  naenias  mortuis  magis  haereticis,  quam  ecclesiasticis  vivis,  canendas. 
Prol.  in  Comment,  super  Matth.  T.  iv.  init. 


440  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

and  others,  who  denied  Christ  to  have  come  in  the  flesh,  were 
now  springing  up,  (whom  also  in  his  epistle  he  calls  anti 
christs,  and  the  apostle  Paul  often  reprehends,)  he  was  com 
pelled  by  almost  all  the  bishops  of  Asia,  and  by  deputations 
from  many  churches,  to  write  more  fully  of  our  Saviour's 
divinity  ;  and  ecclesiastical  history  informs  us,  that  when 
he  was  thus  requested  by  the  brethren  to  write,  he  answered 
that  he  would,  provided  they  would  all  join  in  fasting  and 
prayer  for  him.  Which  being  done,  and  he  being  fully  in 
spired,  he  broke  forth  into  that  prooern  coming  down  from 
heaven,  "  In  the  beginning  was  the  Word,  and  the  Word  was 
with  God,  and  the  Word  was  God."  These  four  gospels  were 
foretold  and  prefigured  in  the  vision  of  Ezekiel.  [See  ch.  i. 
5 — 10.]  The  first  living  creature,  having  the  face  of  a  man, 
denotes  Matthew,  who  writes  as  of  a  man,  beginning  thus : 
"  The  book  of  the  generation  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  son  of 
David,  the  son  of  Abraham."  The  second  denotes  Mark,  in 
whom  is  heard  the  voice  of  the  lion  roaring  in  the  desert — 
"  The  voice  of  one  crying  in  the  wilderness,  Prepare  ye  the 
way  of  the  Lord,  make  his  paths  straight,"  [ch.  i.  3.]  The 
third  face  of  a  calf  [or  ox]  prefigures  the  evangelist  Luke, 
who  begins  his  gospel  with  the  history  of  Zachariah  the 
priest.  The  fourth  denotes  the  evangelist  John,  who  taking 
the  wings  of  an  eagle,  ascends  on  high,  and  discourses  of 
the  word  of  God.'  Jerom  likewise  brings  in  here,  and 
applies  to  the  same  purpose,  Rev.  iv.  7,  8.  *  By  all  which 
it  appears,  that  four  gospels  only  ought  to  be  received,  and 
that  all  the  trash  of  apocryphal  gospels  ought  to  be  left  to 
dead  heretics,  and  not  to  be  minded  by  the  living  members 
of  the  church/ 

2.  Here  is  one  thing  which  we  cannot  well  forbear  ob 
serving  ;  I  mean  the  public  and  general  fasting*  and  prayer, 
enjoined  by  St.  John  before  he  wrote  his  gospel.     As  there 
is  nothing  about  it  in  Eusebius,  or  any  other  writer  before 
Jerom,  I  think  this  circumstance  deserves  little  regard.      It 
is,  probably,  an   invented  story,  owing  its  rise  to  the  parti 
cular  respect  which  some  had  for  St.  John's  gospel,  and  es 
pecially  the  beginning  of  it.     Divers  learned  men0  suspect 
the  truth  of  this  particular. 

3.  This  passage   is  a  very  ample  testimony  to  our  four 

0  Nos  id  in  medio  relinquimus,  et  multo  magis  aliam  circumstantiam,  quam 
illico  subjungit  Hieronymus,  de  jejunio  quod  praecesserit.  Lamp.  Prolegom.  in 
Johan.  1.  ii.  c.  2.  p.  178. — St.  Jerome  ajoute,  qu'  avant  que  de  commencer 
son  ouvrage,  il  ordonna  un  jeune,  et  des  prieres,  publiques. — Cela  a  1'  air  d'un 
conte,  qui  est  d'autant  plus  suspect,  qu'  on  ne  le  produit,  que  plus  de  quatre 
[trois]  cens  ans  apres  1'  evenement.  Ja.  Basnag.  Hist,  de  1'  Eglise,  1.  viii.  ch. 

a.  p.  4ia 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  441 

fospels.  That  there  are  four  gospels  only,  even  those  of 
latthew,  Mark,  Luke,  and  John,  he  shows,  as  elsewhere,  so 
particularly  in  the  preface  to  his  Latin  edition  of  the  New 
Testament, p  written  near  the  end  of  the  year  384  ;  where  he 
also  says,  that  all  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  were 
written  in  Greek,  except  the  gospel  of  the  apostle  Matthew, 
who  first  wrote  in  Judea  in  the  Hebrew  language. 

VIII.  Having  alleged  these  general  testimonies  to  the 
scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  and  to  the  four 
gospels,  I  shall  now  take  Jerom's  histories  of  the  several 
writers  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  commonly  re 
ceived  ;  which  are  at  the  beginning  of  his  book  of  Illus 
trious  Men,  or  Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers,  so  often 
quoted  by  me  in  this  work,  in  my  accounts  of  ancient  Chris 
tian  writers. 

In  Jerorn  the  order  is  this:  Simon  Peter,  James  the  Lord's 
brother,  Matthew,  Jude  brother  of  James,  Paul,  Luke,  Mark, 
John.  I  shall  place  them  in  the  order  of  the  writings  of 
the  New  Testament,  now  generally  in  use.  Nor  shall  I 
make  many  remarks,  supposing  it  to  be  needless  ;  and  that 
they  who  have  rend  the  former  parts  of  this  work,  and  par 
ticularly  the  chapter  of  Eusebius  of  Caesarea,  of  whose 
Ecclesiastical  History  Jerom  made  great  use  in  composing 
his  Catalogue,  will  be  able  to  make  for  themselves  all  pro 
per  observations. 

1,  '  Matthew,  i  called  also  Levi,  of  a  publican  made  an 
apostle,  first  of  all  wrote  a  gospel  in  Judea,  in  the  Hebrew 
language,  and  in  Hebrew  letters,  for  the  sake  of  those  of  the 
circumcision  who  believed  :  who  afterwards  translated  it 
into  Greek,  is  uncertain.  Moreover,  the  very  Hebrew  [gos 
pel]  is  in  the  library  at  Csesarea,  which  was  collected  with 
great  care  by  the  martyr  Painphilus ;  and  with  the  leave  of 

P  De  Novo  nunc  loquor  Testamento,  quod  Graecum  esse  non  dubium  est, 
excepto  apostolo  Matthaeo,  qui  primus  in  Judaea  evangelium  Christi  Hebraicis 
literis  edidit. — Igitur  haec  praesens  praefatiuncula  pollicetur  quatuor  tantum 
evangelia,  quorum  ordo  est  iste :  Matthaeus,  Marcus,  Lucas,  Joannes.  Praef. 
in  Quat.  Evangel.  T.  i.  p.  1426. 

i  Matthaeus,  qui  et  Levi,  ex  publicano  apostolus,  primus  in  Judaea,  propter 
eos  qui  ex  circumcisione  crediderant,  evangelium  Christi  Hebraicis  literis 
verbisque  composuit.  Quod  qui  postea  in  Graecum  transtulerit,  non  satis 
certum  est.  Porro  ipsum  Hebraicum  habetur  usque  hodie  in  Caesariensi 
bibliotheca,  quam  Pamphilus  martyr  studiosissime  confecit.  Mihi  quoque  a 
Nazaraeis  qui  in  Bercea,  urbe  Syriae,  hoc  volumine  utuntur,  describendi  facul- 
tas  fuit.  In  quo  animadvertendum,  quod  ubicunque  evangelista,  sive  ex 
persona  sua,  sive  ex  persona  Domini  Salvatoris,  veteris  scripture  testimoniis 
abutitur,  non  sequatur  septuaginta  translatorum  auctoritatem,  sed  Hebra'icam, 
e  quibus  ilia  duo  sunt :  «  Ex  ^Egypto  vocavi  Filium  meum,'  et  '  Quoniam 
Nazaraeus  vocabitur.'  De  V.  I.  cap.  3. 


442  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

the  Nazarenes  who  live  at  Beroea  in  Syria,  and  use  that 
volume,  I  transcribed  a  copy.  It  is  observable,  that  when 
ever  this  evangelist,  in  his  own  person,  or  in  the  person  of 
our  Saviour,  quotes  any  passages  of  the  ancient  scripture, 
he  does  not  follow  the  version  of  the  Seventy,  but  the  He 
brew  original.  Among  which  these  two  deserve  notice : 
"  Out  of  Egypt  have  1  called  my  son"  [JVlatth.  ii.  15,  from 
Hos.  xi.  1.]  ;  and,  "  He  shall  be  called  a  Nazarene."  [Matth. 
ii.  23.  see  Isa.  xi.  1.] ' 

When  Jerom  here  says  that  the  evangelist  Matthew,  in 
quoting  the  Old  Testament,  follows  not  the  version  of  the 
Seventy,  but  the  Hebrew  original,  Hodyr  understands  him 
to  speak  of  St.  Matthew's  Hebrew  gospel  ;  for  which  I  can 
see  no  reason.  Jerom  is  speaking  of  this  gospel  in  general; 
and  the  two  texts  in  which  he  instances,  are  in  our  Greek 
gospel,  and  are  agreeable  to  the  Hebrew  of  the  Old  Testa 
ment.  And  elsewhere,8  plainly  speaking  of  St.  Matthew's 
Greek  gospel,  he  says,  that  in  his  quotations  of  the  Old 
Testament  he  does  not  follow  the  Greek  version,  but  the 
Hebrew  original.  More  passages  to  the  same  purpose  may 
be  taken  notice  of  hereafter.  1  might  add,  that  in  this  very 
place  Jerom  plainly  speaks  of  St.  Matthew's  Greek  gospel ; 
for  if  he  meant  his  Hebrew  gospel,  what  occasion  could  there 
be  to  say,  that  in  quoting  the  ancient  scriptures,  he  did  not 
follow  the  version  of  the  Seventy  ? 

2.  '  Mark,1  disciple  and  interpreter  of  Peter,  at  the  desire 
of  the  brethren  at  Rome,  wrote  a  short  gospel,  according  to 
what  he  had  heard  related  by  Peter ;  which  when  Peter 

r  Meminit  alibi  Hieronymus,  vidisse  se  Matthsei  exemplar  Hebraicum,  in 
eoque  omnia  juxta  texlum  Heb.  invenisse  probata.  Catalog.  Scriptor.  Ecc. 
Hod.  1.  iii.  P.  i.  cap.  2.  p.  248,  249. 

8  Ex  quo  apparet,  Matthasum  evangelistam,  non  veteris  inter pretationis 
auctoritate  constrictum,  dimisisse  Hebraicam  Veritatem  :  sed  quasi  Hebraeum 
ex  Hebrseis,  et  in  lege  Domini  doctissimum,  ea  gentibus  protulisse,  qua?  in 
Hebraeo  legerat — Quod  beatum  Matthaeum  non  solum  in  hoc  testimonio, 
sed  in  alio  fecisse  legimus :  *  Ex  Egypto  vocavi  Filium  meum.'  Pro  quo 
Septuaginta  transtulerunt,  '  Ex  JEgypto  vocavi  filios  meos.'  &c.  Ad  Algas. 
Qu.  2.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  190.  al.  ep.  151. 

1  Marcus,  discipulus  et  interpres  Petri,  juxta  quod  Petrum  referentem 
audierat,  rogatus  Romae  a  fratribus,  breve  scripsit  evangelium.  Quod  quum 
Petrus  audisset,  probavit,  et  ecclesiis  legendum  sua  auctoritate  edidit ;  sicut 
Clemens  in  sexto  'YTroruTrwfftwv  scribit,  et  Papias  Hierapolitanus  episcopus. 
Meminit  hujus  Marci  et  Petrus  in  epistola  prima,  sub  nomine  Babylonis  Ro- 
mam  significans  :  '  Salutat  vos  qua?  in  Babylone  est  coelecta,  et  Marcus  filius 
'  meus.'  Assumpto  igitur  evangelic  quod  ipse  confecerat,  perrexit  ad  .ZEgyp- 
tum,  et  primus  Alexandria  Christum  annuntians,  constituit  ecclesiam,  tanta 
doctrina,  et  vita?  continentia,  ut  omnes  sectatores  Christi  ad  exemplum  sui 
cogeret. — Mortuus  est  autem  octavo  Neronis  anno,  et  sepultus  Alexandria?, 
succedente  sibi  Aniano.  De  V.  I.  cap.  8. 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  443 

knew,  he  approved  of  it,  and  authorized  it  to  be  read  in  the 
churches  ;  as  Clement  writes  in  the  sixth  book  of  his  Insti 
tutions,  and  also  Papias,  bishop  of  Hierapolis.  Peter  also 
makes  mention  of  this  Mark  in  his  first  epistle,  written  at 
Rome,  which  he  figuratively  calls  Babylon  :  "  The  church 
that  is  at  Babylon,  elected  together  with  you,  saliiteth  you, 
and  so  does  Mark,  my  son."  [1  Pet.  v.  13.]  Taking  the 
gospel  which  himself  had  composed,  he  went  to  Egypt,  and 

at  Alexandria  founded  a  church  of  great  note. He  died 

in  the  eighth  year  of  Nero,  and  was  buried  at  Alexandria ; 
where  he  was  succeeded,  as  bishop,  by  Anianus. 

(1.)  In  the  beginning  of  this  article,  as  we  have  seen, 
Jeroin  styles  Mark,  4  Peter's  disciple  and  interpreter.'  He 
calls  Mark  Peter's  disciple  elsewhere;11  and  his  interpreter, 
in  the  prologue  to  his  Commentary  upon  St.  Matthew,  tran 
scribed  not  long  ago.v 

(2.)  In  his  Commentary  upon  the  epistle  to  Philemon, 
ver.  24,  he  says,  *  hew  thinks  that  Mark,  there  mentioned,  is 
the  writer  of  the  gospel.'  It  is  very  probable  that  Mark, 
there  mentioned  by  Paul,  is  the  same  who  is  often  spoken 
of  in  the  Acts,  and  is  styled  '  nephew  to  Barnabas,'  Col.  iv. 
10.  Of  him  Jerom  here  says,  «  he  thinks'  he  was  the  evan 
gelist;  which  manner  of  expression  seems  to  imply,  that  he 
was  not  positive,  and  that  there  were  some  of  a  different 
opinion. 

3.  '  Luke,*  a  physician  of  Antioch,  not  unskilful  in  the 
Greek  language,  as  his  writings  show,  a  disciple  of  the 

u  Marcus,  discipulus  Petri,  ita  suum  orditur  evangelium — Ad  Pamm.  de 
Optimo  Gen.  Interpr.  ep.  33.  [al.  101.]  T.  iv.  P.  ii.  p.  253. 

v  See  p.  439.  w  Caeterum  cooperatores  evangelii  et  vh- 

culorum  suorum,  quum  ad  Philemonem  epistolam  scriberet,  Marcum  ponit, 
quern  puto  evangelii  conditorem,  et  Aristarchum,  &c.  In  Philem.  T.  iv.  P. 
i.  p.  454. 

x  Lucas,  medicus  Antiochensis,  ut  ejus  scripta  indicant,  Graeci  sermonis  non 
ignarus,  fuit  sectator  apostoli  Pauli,  et  omnis  peregrinationis  ejus  comes,  scrip- 
sit  evangelium  j  de  quo  idem  Paulus,  « Misimus,'  inquit,  « cum  illo  fratrem, 
cujus  laus  est  in  evangelic'  per  omnes  ecclesias.  Et  ad  Colossenses,  '  Salutat 
vos  Lucas,  medicus  carissimus;  et  ad  Timotheum,  Lucas  est  mec urn  solus.' 
Aliud  quoque  edidit  volumen  egregium,  quod  titulo  Apostolicarum  Praxcou 
praenotatur;  cujus  historia  usque  ab  biennium  Romae  commorantis  Pauli 
pervenit,  id  est,  usque  ad  quartum  Neronis  annum.  Ex  quo  intelligimus,  in 
eadem  urbe  librum  esse  compositum. — Quidam  suspicantur,  quotiescumque 
in  epistolis  suis  Paulus  dicit,  « juxta  evangelium  meum,'  de  Lucae  significare 
volumine ;  et  Lucam  non  solum  ab  apostolo  Paulo  didicisse  evangelium,  qui 
cum  Domino  in  carne  non  fuerat,  sed  et  a  caeteris  apostolis.  Quod  ipse 
quoque  in  principio  sui  voluminis  declarat,  dicens,  *  Sicut  tradiderunt  nobis 
'  qui  a  principio  ipsi  viderunt,  et  ministri  fuerunt  sermonis.'  Igitur evangelium, 
sicut  audierat,  scripsit.  Acta  vero  Apostolorum,  sicut  viderat,  composuit. 
Ibid.  cap.  7. 


444  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

apostle  Paul,  and  the  constant  companion  of  his  travels, 
wrote  a  gospel,  of  whom  [or  of  which]  Paul  makes  men 
tion,  saying,  "  And  we  have  sent  with  him  the  brother  whose 
praise  is  in  the  gospel,  throughout  all  the  churches."  [2  Cor. 
viii.  18.]  And  to  the  Colossians,  "  Luke,  the  beloved  phy 


sician,  greets  you."  rCol.  iv.  14.]     And  to  Timothy,  "  Only 

."  [2  Tim.  iv.  11.] 
other  excellent  volume,  entitled,  The  Acts  of  the  Apostles  ; 


Luke  is  with  me."  [2  Tim.  iv.  11.]     He  published  also  an 


the  history  of  which  comprehends  Paul's  two  years  dwell 
ing'  at  Rome,  and  reaches  therefore  to  the  fourth  year  of 
Nero  ;  from  whence  we  perceive  that  this  last  book  was 
written  in  that  city.  Here  Jerom  censures  and  rejects  the 
Travels  of  Paul  and  Thecla,  of  which  we  spake  formerly.  y 
Some  have  supposed,  that  whenever  Paul,  in  his  epistles, 
makes  use  of  this  expression,  "  according  to  my  gospel,"  he 
intends  Luke's  writing.  And  it  is  supposed  that  Luke  did 
not  learn  his  gospel  from  the  apostle  Paul  only,  who  had 
not  conversed  with  the  Lord  in  the  flesh,  but  also  from  other 
apostles  ;  which  likewise  he  owns  at  the  beginning  of  his 
volume,  saying,  "  Even  as  they  delivered  them  unto  us, 
who  from  the  beginning  were  eye-witnesses  and  ministers 
of  the  word."  Therefore  he  wrote  the  gospel  from  the  in 
formation  of  others  ;  but  the  Acts  he  composed  from  his 
own  knowledge.' 

(1.)  The  evangelist  Luke  is  several  times  mentioned  by 
Jerom  in  other  works,  and  spoken  of  as  a  physician,2  and 
having  little  knowledge  of  the  Hebrew,  but  being  well 
skilled  in  the  Greek  language;  insomuch  that  there  is  a 
good  deal  of  neatness  in  the  style  of  both  his  works. 

(2.)  I  place  below  a  another  passage,  where  is  mention 
again  made  of  his  gospel  and  the  Acts,  and  of  his  becoming, 
of  a  physician  of  the  body,  a  physician  of  souls. 

(3.)  He  is  also  spoken  of  asb  having  been  a  proselyte  to 
Judaism  before  his  conversion  to  Christianity. 

y  See  vol.  ii.  ch.  xxvii.  p.  304,  305  ;  and  ch.  xxix.  p.  332,  333. 

z  Evangelistam  Lucam  tradunt  veteres  ecclesiae  tractatores  medicinae  artis 
fuisse  scientissimum,  et  magis  Graecas  literas  sclsse  quam  Hebraeas.  Unde  et 
serrao  ejustam  in  evangelic,  quam  in  Actibus  Apostolorum,  id  est,  in  utroque 
volumine,  comitor  est,  et  secularem  redolet  scientiam  ;  magisque  testimoniis 
Graecis  (ex  versione  Ixx  interpretum)  utitur,  quam  Hebraeis.  Matthaeus  autem 
et  Johannes,  quorum  alter  Hebraeo,  alter  Graeco  sermone,  evangelia  texuerunt, 
testimonia  de  Hebroeo  proferunt.  —  Comm.  in  Is.  cap.  vi.  T.  iii.  p.  63,  64. 
Conf.  et  in  Is.  cap.  xxviii.  p.  237.  F. 

a  Et  Lucam  medicum,  qui  evangelium,  et  Actus  Apostolorum  ecclesiis 
derelinquens,  quomodo  apostoli,  de  piscatoribus  piscium,  piscatores  hominum 
facti  sunt,  ita,  de  medico  corporum,  in  medicum  versus  est  animarum  —  Cujus 
liber,  quoties  legitur  in  ecclesiis,  toties  ejus  medicina  non  cessat.  Com.  in 
Ep.  ad  Philem.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  454.  b  Licet  plerique  tradunt 


JEROM.    A.  D.  392.  445 

(4.)  I  transcribe  in  the  margin  some  other  passages 
where  he  says,  thatc  of  all  the  evangelists  Luke  was  best 
skilled  in  the  Greek  language,  and  that  he  wrote  his  gospel 
more  especially  for  Gentiles;  and  hed  wrote  the  history  of 
Paul  in  the  Acts,  in  a  compendious  manner. 

4.  *  Johnc  the  apostle,  whom  Jesus  loved  most,  son  of 
Zebedee,  brother  of  the  apostle  James,  whom  Herod 
beheaded  after  the  Lord's  passion,  last  of  all  wrote  a  gospel 
at  the  desire  of  the  bishops  of  Asia,  against  Cerinthus,  and 
other  heretics,  and  especially  against  the  doctrine  of  the 
Ebionites,  then  springing  up,  who  affirm  that  Christ  did 
not  exist  before  his  birth  of  Mary ;  for  which  reason  he  was 
obliged  to  declare  his  divine  nativity.  Another  reason  of  his 
writing  is  also  mentioned  ;  which  is,  that  after  having  read 
the  volumes  of  Matthew,  Mark,  and  Luke,  he  expressed  his 
approbation  of  their  history,  as  true;  but  observed,  that 
they  had  recorded  an  account  of  but  one  year  of  our  Lord's 
ministry,  even  the  last,  after  the  imprisonment  of  John,  in 
which  year  also  he  suffered.  Omitting  therefore  [very  much] 
that  year,  the  history  of  which  had  been  written  by  the 
other  three,  he  related  the  acts  of  the  preceding  time,  before 
John  was  shut  up  in  prison,  as  may  appear  to  those  who  read 
the  volumes  of  the  four  evangelists;  which  may  serve  to 
account  for  the  seeming  difference  between  John  and  the 
rest.  He  also  wrote  one  epistle,  the  beginning  of  which 

Lucam  evangelistam,  ut  proselytum,  Hebraeas  literas  ignorasse.  Lib.  Qu.  Hebr. 
in  Gen.  T.  ii.  p.  544.  in.  Conf.  p.  543. 

c  Lucas  igitur,  qui  inter  omnes  evangel istas  Graeci  sermonis  eruditissimus 
fuit,  quippe  ut  medicus,  et  qui  evangelium  Gratis  scripsit,  &c.  Ad  Damas.  T. 
iv.  P.  i.  p.  148.  in.  al.  ep.  145. 

d  Quum  autem  venisset  Jerusalem,  tentabat  jungere  se  discipulis.  [Vid. 
Act.  ix.  26.]  Lucam  vero  idcirco  de  Arabia  praeterisse,  quia  forsitan  nihil  dig- 
num  apostolatu  in  Arabia  perpetrarat ;  et  ea  potius  compendiosa  narratione 
dixisse,  quae  digna  Christ!  evangelic  videbantur.  In  Gal.  i.  17.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p. 
235. — Nee  mirum  esse,  si  Lucas  hanc  rem  tacuerit,  quum  et  alia  multa,  quae 
Paulus  sustinuisse  se  replicat,  historiograph!  licentia  pretermiserit.  In  Gal.  ii. 
ib.  p.  244. 

e  Johannes  apostolus,  quern  Jesus  amabat  plurimum,  films  Zebedaei,  frater 
Jacob!  apostoli,  quern  Herodes  post  passionem  Domini  decollavit,  novissimus 
omnium  scripsit  evangelium,  rogatus  ab  Asiae  episcopis,  adversus  Cerinthum 
aliosque  haereticos,  et  maxime  tune  Ebionitarum  dogma  consurgens,  qui  asse- 
runt  Christum  ante  Mariam  non  fuisse  ;  unde  compulsusest  divinam  ejus  nati- 
vitatem  edicere.  Sed  et  aliam  causam  hujus  scripturae  ferunt:  Quod,  cum 
legisset  Matthaei,  Marci,  et  Lucae  volumina,  probavit  quidem  textum  historiae, 
et  vera  eos  dixisse  firmaverit ;  sed  unius  tantum  anni,  in  quo  et  passus  cst,  post 
carcerem  Johannis,  historiam  texuisse.  Praetermisso  itaque  anno  cujus  acta  a 
tribus  exposita  fuerunt,  superioris  temporis,  antequam  Johannes  clauderetur  in 
carcerem,  gesta  narravit ;  sicut  manifestum  esse  poterit  his,  qui  diligenter  qua- 
tuor  evangeliorum  volumina  legerint:  quae  res  etiam  Staipwviav,  quae  videtur 
Johannis  esse  cum  caeteris,  tollit.  Scripsit  autem  et  unam  epistolam,  cujus 


446  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

is,    "   That    which    was    from    the    beginning-,    which    we 

have  heard,  which    we    have  seen  with  our  eyes, and 

our  hands  have  handled,  of  the  word  of  life,"  which  is 
received  by  all  learned  and  catholic  men  in  general,  without 
exception.  The  other  two — the  beginning  of  one  of  which  is, 
"  The  elder  to  the  elect  lady,and  her  children  ;"  and  of  the 
other,  "  The  elder  to  the  beloved  Caius" — are  said  to  have 
been  written  by  John  the  presbyter,  whose  sepulchre  is  to 
this  day  shown  at  Ephesus ;  though  some  think  that 
both  the  monuments  are  of  John  the  evangelist.  Domitian, 
in  the  fourteenth  year  of  his  reign,  raising  the  second  persecu 
tion  after  Nero,  John  was  banished  into  the  island  Patmos; 
where  he  wrote  the  Revelation,  which  Justin  Martyr  and 
Irenseus  explain  [or,  perhaps,  «  speak  of,  and  bear  witness 
to'.]  When  Domitian  had  been  killed,  and  his  edicts  had 
been  repealed  by  the  senate,  because  of  their  excessive 
cruelty,  he  returned  to  Ephesus,  in  the  time  of  the  emperor 
Nerva ;  and  living  there  to  the  time  of  the  emperor  Trajan, 
he  established  and  governed  all  the  churches  of  Asia  : 
and  dying  at  a  great  age,  in  the  sixty-eighth  year  of  our 
Lord's  passion,  he  was  buried  near  the  same  city.' 

(1.)  In  his  books  against  Jovinian,  written  in  393  or  394, 
Jerom  observes,  '  thatf  John  was  young  when  he  was 
called  by  Christ  to  follow  him  :  that  ecclesiastical  history 
assures  us,  he  lived  to  the  time  of  Trajan,  and  died  in  the  68th 
year  after  our  Lord's  passion  ;  that  he  was  at  once  apostle, 
evangelist,  and  prophet;  apostle,  in  that  he  wrote  letters  to 
the  churches  as  a  master;  evangelist, as  he  wrote  a  book  of 

exordium  est quae  ab  universis  ecclesiasticis  et  eruditis  viris  probatur.     Re- 

liquae  autem  duae,  quarum  principium  est,  '  Senior'— et  sequentis,  '  Senior 
Caio' — Johannis  presbyteri  asseruntur,  cujus  et  hodie  alterum  sepulcrum  apud 
Ephesum  ostenditur;  etsi  nonnulli  putant  duas  memorias  ejusdem  Johannis 

evangelists  esse Quarto  decimo  igitur  anno,  secundam  post  Neronem  per- 

secutionem,  movente  Domitiano,  in  Patmon  insulam  relegatus,  scripsit  Apoca- 
lypsim,  quam  interpretantur  Justin  us  Martyr  et  Irenaeus.  Interfecto  autem  Do 
mitiano,  et  actis  ejus  ob  nimiam  crudelitatem  a  senatu  rescissis,  sub  Nerva 
principe  redit  Ephesum ;  ibique  usque  ad  Trajanum  principem  perseverans, 
totius  Asiae  fundavit  rexitque  ecclesias.  Et  confectus  senio,  sexagesimo  octavo 
post  passionem  Domini  anno  mortuus,  juxta  eandem  urbem  sepultus  est.  De 
V.  I.  cap.  9. 

f  Ut  autem  sciamus  Johannem  tune  fuisse  puerum,  manifestissime  decent 
ecclesiastics  historiae  quod  usque  ad  Trajani  vixerit  imperium,  id  est,  post 
passionem  Domini  sexagesimo  octavo  anno  dormierit ;  quod  et  nos  in  libro 
de  Viris  lllustribus  perstrinximus.  Petrus  apostolus  est,  et  Johannes  apostolus  ; 
maritus,  et  virgo.  Sed  Petrus  apostolus  tantum ;  Johannes  et  apostolus,  et 
evangelista,  et  propheta :  apostolus,  quia  scripsit  ad  ecclesias  ut  magister ; 
evangelista  quia  librum  evangelii  condidit,  quod,  excepto  Matthaeo,  alii  ex 
duodecim  apostoli  non  fecerunt ;  propheta,  vidit  enim  in  Patmo  insula,  in 
qu&  fuerat  a  Domitiano  principe  ob  Domini  martyrium  relegatus,  Apoca- 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  447 

the  gospel,  which  no  other  of  the  twelve  apostles  did, 
except  Matthew  ;  prophet,  as  he  saw  the  Revelation  in 
the  island  Patrnos,  where  lie  was  banished  by  Dornitian. 
His  gospel,  too,  differs  from  the  rest.  Like  an  eagle 
he  ascends  to  the  very  throne  of  God,  and  says,  *  In  the 
beginning  was  the  Word.' 

(2.)  In  his  Commentary  upon  the  book  of  Daniel,  writ 
ten  between  407  and  410,  he  again  takes  notice  that&  St. 
John  lived  to  the  reign  of  Trajan.  He  there  observes  like 
wise,  that,11  according  to  St.  John's  gospel,  our  Saviour's 
ministry  consists  of  three  years  and  six  months. 

(3.)  In  his  Commentary  upon  St.  Paul's  epistle  to  the 
Galatians,  written  about  the  year  388,  Jerom  tells  this  story: 
*  The  blessed  apostle  John,1  living  at  Ephesus  to  extreme 
old  age,  and  being  difficultly  carried  to  church  in  the 
arms  of  the  disciples,  and  being*  unable  to  make  a  long 
discourse,  every  time  they  assembled,  was  wont  to  say 
nothing  but  this :  "  Little  children,  love  one  another."  At 
length  the  disciples  and  brethren  who  attended,  tired  with 
hearing  so  often  the  same  thing,  said,  "  Sir,  why  do  you 
always  say  this?"  Who  then  made  this  answer,  worthy  of 
himself:  "  Because,"  says  he,  "  it  is  the  Lord's  command; 
and  if  that  alone  be  done,  it  is  sufficient." 

(4.)  Poly  crates,  bishop  of  Ephesus  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  second  century,  in  his  letter  to  Victor,  written  in  the 
name  of  the  bishops  of  Asia,  about  the  time  of  keeping 
Easter,  of  which  some  account  was  given  formerly,11  says, 
lypsim,  infinita  futurorum  mysteria  continentem.  Refert  autem  Tertullianus, 
quod  Romae  missus  in  ferventis  olei  dolium,  purior  et  vegetior  exiverit  quam 
intraverit.  Sed  et  ipsum  evangelium  multum  distat  a  caeteris.  Matthaeus 

quasi  de  homine  incipit  dicere Lucas  a  sacerdotio  Zachariae ;  Marcus  a 

prophetia  Malachiae  prophetae,  et  Isaiae.     Primus  habet  faciem  hominis,  prop- 
ter  genealogiam  ;  secundus  faciem  vituli,  propter  sacerdotium  ;  tertius  faciem 

leonis,  propter  vocem  clamantis  in  deserto Johannes  vero  noster,  quasi 

aquila,  ad  superna  volat,  et  ad  ipsum  Patrem  pervenit,  dicens,  '  In  Principio.' 
—Adv.  Jovin.  1.  i.  T.  iv.  P.  ii.  p.  168,  169. 

8  In  totum  enim  orbem  per  apostolos  evangelium  praedicatum  est,  qui  usque 
ad  illud  tempus  perseverarunt ;  tradentibus  ecclesiasticis  historiis,  Johannem 
evangelistam  usque  ad  tempora  vixisse  Trajani.  In  Dan.  cap.  ix.  ver.  27.  T. 

iii.  p.  11 14.  h  qui  tribus  annis  et  sex  mensibus, 

juxta  evangelistam  Johannem,  evangelium  praedicavit,  et  confirmavit  veri  Dei 
cultum  multis.  Ibid.  p.  1113.  fin. 

j  Beatus  Johannes  evangel  ista,  quum  Ephesi  moraretur  usque  ad  ultimam 
senectutem,  et  vix  inter  discipulorum  manus  ad  ecclesiam  deferretur ;  nee  pos 
set  in  plura  vocum  verba  contexere,  nihil  aliud  per  singulas  solebat  proferre  col- 
lectas,  nisi  hoc :  *  Filioli,  diligite  alterutrum.'  Tandem  discipuli  el  fratres  qui 
aderant,  taedio  aflfecti,  quod  eadem  semper  audirent,  dixerunt,  '  Magister, 
quare  semper  hoc  loqueris?1  Qui  respondit  dignam  Johanne  sententia: 
'  Quia  praceptum  Domini  est ;  et  si  solum  fiat,  sufficit.'  In.  Ep.  ad  Galat. 
cap.  iv.  T.  ivf  P.  i.  p.  314.  fin.  k  See  vol.  ii.  p.  260,  261. 


448  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

as   it  is   expressed  in   Eusebius  :  '  John   also1   was  buried 
4  at  Ephesus,  who  leaned  on  the  Lord's  breast,  who  was  a 

*  priest  bearing  a  plate,  and  martyr  [or  witness,]  and  master.' 
Which  Jerom,  in  his  article  of  Polycrates,  in  his  Catalogue 
of    Ecclesiastical    Writers,    translates    after   this    manner  : 

*  Moreover"1  John  also,  who  leaned  on  the  Lord's  breast,  and 
was  his  high-priest,  bearing  on  his  fore-head  a  golden  plate, 
martyr  and  master,  fell  asleep  at  Ephesus/    Where  undoubt 
edly  there  is  a  reference  to  one  part  of  the  vestments  of  the 
Jewish  high-priest,  prescribed  by  the  law  of  Moses,  and  spoken 
of  in  several  places.     See  Exod.  xxviii.  36  ;  xxxix.  30  ;  Lev. 
viii.   9.     And   Valesius  supposes"   that   St.  John  actually 
wore  such  a  plate;  which0  supposition  is  fully  confuted, 
and  ridiculed  as  it  deserves,  by  E.  S.  Cyprian,  in  his  notes 
upon  that  chapter  of  Jerom's  Catalogue.     He  thinks  that 
Polycrates  speaks  figuratively  ;     not  that  St.  John  really 
wore  a  golden  plate  as   the  Jewish  high-priest  did;    but 
that  he  had  a  like  authority  among  Christians  ;  and  that  his 
rule   or  practice,  about  the  time  of  keeping'   Easter,  was 
decisive. 

Indeed  this  passage  of  Polycrates  has  exercised  the 
thoughts  of  many  learned  men;  however  I  shall  take  notice 
of  the  sentiments  of  but  a  few  more.  By  Witsius  this  story 
is  considered  as  false,  P  without  so  much  as  the  appearance 
of  truth  or  probability.  Le  Clerc^  was  inclined  to  think, 


1    En  &  Kai  luavvriG,  6  STTI  TO  ^r)9og  rs  Kvpia  avcnrfawv,  6$  eytvrjQrj 
ro  TTtTaXov  Trf^opiKwg,  teal  fAapTVQ  Kci  diCa<TKa\o£.    Eus.  H.  E.  1.  v.  c.  24.  p. 
191.  C.  Conf.  1.  iii.  cap.  31.  m  Sed  et  Johannes,  qui  super 

pectus  Domini  recubuit,  et  pontifex  ejus  fuit,  auream  laminam  in  fronte  por- 
tans,  martyr  et  doctor,  in  Epheso  dormivit.  De  V.  I.  cap.  45. 

"  Quod  autem  de  lamina  dicit  Polycrates,  credibile  est,  primes  illos  christi- 
anos  pontifices,  exemplo  judaicorum  pontificum,  hoc  honoris  insigne  gestasse. 
Vales,  ad  Euseb.  1.  v.  c.  24.  p.  104.  C. 

0  Qua  sententia  haud  scio  an  ineptior  excogitari  queat.  Primo  enim  Judaei 
illico  Johannem  trucidassent,  tanquam  summi  sacerdotis  jura  involantem.  — 
Gentilibus  autem  ludibrium  risumque  debuisset  —  Christianis  vero  scandalum 
praebuisset.  Sed  ego  haac  eo  modo  intelligenda  opinor—  Eadem  ratione 
dicitur  Johannes  auream  laminam  summi  pontificis  gestasse,  tanquam  insigne 
supremi  sacerdotii  ;  non  quod  revera  ita  ofnatus  fuerit,  sed  quod  earn  potes- 
tatem  habuerit  quam  aurea  lamina  indicabat  apud  Judaeos.  Cypr.  ad 
Hieron.  de  V.  I.  cap.  45.  ap.  Fabric.  Bib.  EC. 

p  Cseterum  omnes  ha?  narrationes,  quantocumque  consensu  traditae  ab  iis  qui 
apostolorum  aetate  aliquanto  fuerunt  recentiores,  ne  speciem  quidem  ullam 
verisimilitudinis  habent.  Quo  enim  jure  apostoli  insignia  Levitici  pontifi- 
catus  gessissent  >  -  Wits.  Miscell.  Sacr.  1.  ii.  Diss.  2.  n.  liv.  Vid.  et  n. 
liii.  p.  488,  489. 

q  Verosimilius  videtur,  Polycratem  tralatitio  loquendi  genere  usum,  atque 
hoc,  aut  simile  quiddam,  voluisse  :  Johannem,  qui  casteris  omnibus  apostolis 
superstes  fuit,  apud  christianos  instar  pontificis  maximi  habitum  fuisse.  Sic 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  449 

that  Poly  crates  spoke  allusively  and  figuratively.  F.  A. 
Lamper  approves  of  Solomon  Cyprian's  arguments,  and  calls 
this  story  a  mere  fable,  and  though  the  literal  sense  of  the 
words  be  very  absurd,  yet  he  conceives  it  may  be  the  true 
meaning  of  Polycrates.  Dr.  Heumann  takes  a  quite  different 
course,  and  proposes  this  ingenious  observation  :  That8  *  the 
priest  bearing  a  plate,  intended  by  Polycrates,  is  not  John, 
but  Jesus  Christ ;  and  that  his  Greek,  as  preserved  in  Eu- 
sebius'  Ecclesiastical  History,  ought  to  be  translated  after 
this  manner;  "And  John,  who  leaned  on  the  Lord's  breast, 
(who  was  made  priest,  bearing  a  plate,)  and  was  a  witness, 
and  master,"  or  rather,  "  And  John,  that  witness  and  master, 
who  lay  in  the  Lord's  bosom,  who  was  made  priest,  bearing 
a  golden  plate."  ' 

(5.)  Eusebius*  tells  a  story  from  a  work  of  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  of  a  young  man  in  a  city  of  Asia,  not  very  far 
from  Ephesus,  who  after  having  been  instructed  in  the 
Christian  religion,  took  to  evil  courses,  and  became  quite 
profligate ;  but  nevertheless  was  afterwards  brought  to 
repentance  by  our  evangelist.  This  history,  however,  is 
liable  to  some  difficulties,  taken  notice  of  by  divers  learned 
men,  to  whom  I  refer." 

(6.)  Another  thing  said  of  St.  John  is,  that  going  to  bathe 
at  Ephesus, and  seeing  Cerinthus  already  in  the  bath,  he  came 
out  again  in  haste,  saying,  '  Let  us  flee  hence,  lest  the  bath 
6  should  fall,  whilst  Cerinthus,  the  enemy  of  the  truth,  is 
*  within.'  Which  story  we  had  occasion  to  examine  some 
time  ago.v 

(7.)  Finally,  not  to  mention  any  other  things,  it  is  said  of 
this  apostle,  that  he  was  cast  into  a  caldron  of  boiling  oil 

certe  raalim  Polycratis  verba  inter  pretari,  quam  ea  dicentem,  quae  fabulam 
redolent,  inducere.     Cleric.  H.  E.  A.  99.  n.  iii.  p.  519. 

r  Hoc  si  secundum  literam  intelligatur,  multa  absurda  concurrent— Sunt 
tamen,  qui,  genium  primaevorum  patrum  probe  callentes,  nihil  difficultatis  in 
eo  situm  esse  putant,  ut  talia  revera  credidisse  ac  tradidisse  statuatur  Polycrates. 
Lampe,  Prolegom.  in  Joan.  1.  i.  c.  3.  n.  iv.  p.  41,  42. 

s  Scilicet  peccavit  Hieronymus,  primus  Polycratis  verborum  interpres; 
peccavit  Henricus  Valesius,  interpres  eorum  alter.  Traxerunt  enim  verbulum 
ad  Johannem,  quod  ad  Christum,  pontificem  utique  verissimum,  pertinere 
voluerat  Polycrates,  ejusque  orationi  hoc  pacto  sensum  dederunt  alienissimum. 
Hoc  est:— «  Johannes,  qui  super  pectore  Domini  recubans,  (qui  factus  est 
«  sacerdos  laminam  auream  gestans,)  et  testis  fuit  et  doctor.'  Melius  adhuc  ita 
reddideris :  '  Johannes,  ille  et  testis  et  doctor,  qui  super  pectore  Domini  recu- 
'  buit,  qui  [Dominus]  factus  est  sacerdos  laminam  gestans  auream.'  Heuman. 
Diss.  de  fictitio  Johannis  Pontificatu  Maximo.  Ap.  Primitias,  Getting.  Hanov. 
1738.  l  H.  E.  1.  iii.  cap.  23. 

u  Vid.  S.  Basnag.  ann.  97.  n.  x.  et  Lamp.  Prolegom.  in  Jo.  1.  i.  cap.  5. 
n<  iii.  to  x.  'See  vol.  ii.  ch.  vi.  p.  95.  note  c. 

VOL.  IV.  ^    G 


450  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

by  order  of  Domitian,  and  that  lie  came  out  again  without 
suffering  any  harm.  This  story  likewise,  the  truth  of  which 
relies  chiefly  upon  the  authority  of  Tertullian,  has  been 
particularly  considered  by  us  already.^  Our  author  says 
nothing  of  it  in  this  article  of  St.  John,  in  his  Catalogue ; 
but  he  has  elsewhere  taken  notice  of  it  once  or  twice.x 

(8.)  We  plainly  perceive  from  this  article  in  the  Cata 
logue,  as  well  as  from  many  other  passages  which  have 
passed  before  us,  that  Jerom  received  the  Revelation  as 
written  by  John  the  apostle  and  evangelist.  I  refer  below y 
to  a  passage  in  Jerom's  preface  to  his  Commentary  upon 
the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  where  he  speaks  of  the  seven 
churches  to  whom  John  writes  in  the  book  of  the  Revela 
tion. 

5.  *  Paul,2  before  called  Saul,  an  apostle  beside  the  other 
twelve  apostles,  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  and  town  of  Judea, 
called  Giscalis;  which  being  taken  by  the  Romans,  he  with 
his  parents  removed  to  Tarsus  in  Cilicia.  By  them,  for  the 
stuay  of  the  law,  he  was  sent  to  Jerusalem,  and  educated  by 
Gamaliel,  a  man  of  great  learning,  mentioned  by  Luke. — As 
his  history  is  fully  related  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  I  shall 
only  add,  that  in  the  five-and-twentieth  year  after  our  Lord's 
passion,  that  is,  in  the  second  of  Nero,  when  Festus,  who 
succeeded  Felix,  was  procurator  of  Judea,  he  was  sent  bound 
to  Rome;  where  he  remained  two  years  in  a  kind  of  free 
custody,  daily  disputing  with  the  Jens,  and  arguing  that 
the  Christ  was  come.  It  should  be  observed,  that  at  the 
time  of  his  first  apology,  Nero's  government  not  being  then 
yet  quite  degenerated,  nor  disgraced  by  the  horrible  wicked 
ness  which  historians  speak  of,  Paul  was  set  at  liberty,  that 

w  Ibid.  p.  286,  287.  note  ». 

x  Refert  autem  Tertullianus,  quod  Romae  missus  in  ferventis  olei  dolium, 
purior  ct  vegetior  exiverit  quam  intraverit.  Centr.  Joviri.  1.  i.  T.  iv.  P.  ii.  p. 
169.  in.  Vid.  eund.  in  Matth.  cap.  xx.  23.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  92.  fin. 

y  Et  quomodo  beatus  Johannes  in  Apocalypsi  sua  ad  septem  scribens 
ecclesias,  in  unaquaque  earum  specialia  vel  vitia  reprehendit,  vel  virtutes  pro- 
bat  :  ita  et  sanctus  apostolus  Paulus  per  singulas  ecclesias  vulneribus  medetur 
illatis,  &c.  Praef.  in  Ep.  ad  Eph.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  319. 

2  Paulus  apostolus,  qui  ante  Saulus,  extra  numerum  duodecim  apostolorum, 
de  tribu  Benjamin,  et  oppido  Judaeae  Giscalis,  fuit ;  quo  a  Romanis  capto, 
cum  parentibus  suis  Tarsum  Ciliciae  commigravit.  A  quibus  ob  studia  legis 
missus  Hierosolymam,  a  Gamaliele,  viro  doctissimo,  cujus  Lucas  meminit, 
eruditus  est. — Et  quia  in  Actibus  Apostolorum  plenissime  de  ejus  conversa- 
tione  scriptum  est,  hoc  tantum  dlcam :  Quod  post  passionem  Domini  vicesimo 
et  quinto  anno,  id  est,  secundo  Neronis,  eo  tempore  quo  Festus  procurator 
Judaeae  successit  Felici,  Romam  vinctus  mittitur,  et  biennium  in  libera  manens 
custodia,  ad  versus  Judaeos  de  adventu  Christi  quotidie  disputavit.  Sciendum 
autem,  in  prima  satisfactione,  necdum  Neronis  imperio  roborato,  nee  in  t.inla 
erumpente  scelera  quanta  de  co  narrant  historiae,  Paulum  a  Nerone  dimissum. 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  451 

he  might  preach  the  gospel  in  the  western  parts  of  the 
world  ;  as  he  himself  writes  in  the  second  epistle  to  Timothy, 
dictated  by  him  in  his  bonds,  at  the  time  when  he  suffered ; 
"  In  my  first  answer  no  man  stood  with  me,  but  all  men 
forsook  me ;  I  pray  God,  that  it  may  not  be  laid  to  their 
charge.  Notwithstanding,  the  Lord  stood  with  me  and 
strengthened  me;  that  by  me  the  preaching  might  be  fully 
known,  and  all  the  Gentiles  might  hear:  and  1  was  deliver 
ed  out  of  the  mouth  of  the  lion :"  by  the  lion  manifestly 
denoting  Nero,  because  of  his  cruelty.  And  immediately 
after:  "  And  the  Lord  shall  deliver  me  from  every  evil 
work,  and  will  preserve  me  to  his  heavenly  kingdom" 
£2  Tim.  iv.  16 — 18] ;  that  is,  because  he  now  perceived  his 
martyrdom  to  be  nigh,  according  to  what  he  had  before 
said  in  the  same  epistle  :  "  For  I  am  now  ready  to  be  offered, 
and  the  time  of  my  departure  is  at  hand."  In  the  fourteenth 
year  therefore  of  Nero,  he  was  beheaded  at  Rome  for  the 
name  of  Christ,  on  the  same  day  with  Peter,  and  was  buried 
in  the  Ostian  way;  it  being  then  the  seven-and-thirtieth 
year  after  our  Lord's  passion.  He  wrote  nine  epistles  to 
seven  churches;  to  the  Romans  one,  to  the  Corinthians  two, 
to  the  Galatians  one,  to  the  Philippians  one,  to  the  Colos- 
sians  one,  to  the  Ephesians  one,  to  the  Thessaloninns  two; 
and  besides,  to  his  disciples — to  Timothy  two,  to  Titus  one, 
to  Philemon  one.  But  the  epistle,  called  '  to  the  Hebrews?/ 
is  not  thought  to  be  his,  because  of  the  difference  of  the 
argument  and  style;  but  either  Barnabas's,  as  Tertullian 
thought ;  or  the  evangelist  Luke's,  according  to  some  others; 
or  Clement's,  afterwards  bishop  of  Rome,  who,  as  some 
think,  being'  much  with  him,  clothed  and  adorned  Paul's 
sense  in  his  own  language  ;  or  if  it  be  Paul's,  he  might 
decline  putting  his  name  in  the  inscription,  on  account  of 
the  Hebrews  being  offended  with  him.  Moreover  he  wrote, 
as  a  Hebrew  to  Hebrews,  in  pure  Hebrew,  it  being  his  own 
language ;  whence  it  came  to  pass,  that  being  translated,  it 

ut  evangelium  Christ!  in  Occidentis  quoque  partibus  praedicaret ;  sicut  ipse 
in  secunda  epistola  ad  Timotheum,  eo  tempore  quo  et  passus  est,  de  vinculis 

dictans  epistolam.     '  In  prima  mea  satisfactione.' Hie  ergo  xiv.  Neronis 

anno,  eodem  die  quo  Petrus,  Romae  pro  Christo  capite  truncatus ;  sepultusque 
est  in  Via  Ostiensi,  anno  post  passionem  Domini  trigesimo  septimo.  Scripsit 

autem  novem  ad  septem  ecclesias  epistolas Praeterea  ad  discipulos  suos 

Epistola  autem,  quae  fertur  ad  Hebraeos,  non  ejus  creditur,  propter 

styli  sermonisque  differentiam ;  sed  vel  Barnabae,  juxta  Tertullianum  ;  vel 
Lucse  evangelistae,  juxla  quosdam  ;  vel  dementis,  Romance  postea  ecclesiae 
episcopi,  quern  aiunt  ipsi  adjunctum  sententias Pauli  proprio  ordinasse  et  orn 
sermone.  Vel  certe  quia  Paulus  scribebat  ad  Hebraeos,  et  propter  invidiam  sui 
apud  eos  nominis  titulum  in  principio  salutationis  amputaverat,  scripserat,  ut 
Hebraeus  Hebraeis,  Hebrai'ce,  id  est,  suo  eloquio  disertissime  ;  ut  ea  quae  elo- 

2  G  2 


452  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

has  more  elegance  in  the  Greek  than  his  other  epistles ;  this, 
they  say,  is  the  reason  of  its  differing*  from  the  rest  of  Paul's 
writings.  There  is  also  an  epistle  to  the  Laodiceans  ;  but 
it  is  rejected  by  every  body.' 

(1.)  Jerom  seems  to  have  supposed  that  Paul  was  not  born 
at  Tarsus,  but  atGiscalis;  and  that  when  young  he  was 
removed  with  his  parents  to  Tarsus,  upon  occasion  of  a  con 
quest  made  of  Judea  by  the  Romans.  He  tells  the  same 
story  again  in  his  Commentary a  upon  the  epistle  to  Phile 
mon  ;  but  there,  as  it  seems  to  me,  he  treats  it  as  an  uncer 
tain  rumour  or  tradition.  Indeed  it  is  not  easy  to  guess 
what  conquest  the  Romans  should  make  of  Judea,  in  the 
time  of  Paul's  early  age.  If  there  is  any  foundation  for  this 
story,  perhaps  it  is  this :  That,  upon  occasion  of  the  con 
quest  of  Judea  by  Pompey,  or  of  some  farther  reduction  of 
it  afterwards  by  the  Romans,  Paul's  ancestors  were  obliged, 
before  he  was  born,  as  I  apprehend,  to  leave  Judea :  when 
they  went  and  settled  at  Tarsus. 

1  shall  mention  another  thought.  In  another  place  Jerom 
supposethb  Paul  to  have  learned  Greek  learning  in  his  early 
age  at  Tarsus ;  and  yet  he  calls  the  Hebrew  his  mother 
tongue.  Possibly,  because  Paul  says  he  was  a  '  Hebrew,' 
and  a  '  Hebrew  of  Hebrews,'  some  thought  he  was  born  in 
Judea;  though  he  really  meant  no  more  than  that  he  was 
born  of  Jewish  ancestors.  This  conjecture  is  also  strength 
ened  by  the  passage  of  the  Commentary  upon  Philemon 
just  cited;  where  having  related  that  story  of  Paul's  parents, 
that  they  dwelt  at  Giscalis,  and  were  obliged  by  a  Roman 
conquest  to  remove  to  Tarsus,  he  adds,  *  In  this  way  may 
be  made  out  the  truth  of  what  he  says  of  himself:  "  Are 
they  Hebrews  ?  So  am  I ;"  and  in  another  place,  "  a  He 
brew  of  Hebrews :"  which  expressions  show  him  rather 
to  be  a  Jew,  than  a  native  of  Tarsus.'  Thereupon  the  story 
was  invented  of  the  removal  of  Paul's  parents,  and  of  him 
with  them,  upon  occasion  of  some  conquest  or  invasion  of 
Judea  by  the  Romans,  they  knew  not  when. 

quenter  scripta  fuerant  in  Hebrseo,  eloquentius  vcrterentur  in  Graecum  :  et  hanc 
csse  causam,  quod  a  caeteris  Pauli  epistolis  discrepare  videatur.  Legunt 
quidam  et  ad  Laodicenses ;  sed  ab  omnibus  exploditur.  De  V.  I.  cap.  5. 

a  Quis  sit  Epaphras,  concaptivus  Pauli,  talem  fabulam  accepimus.  Aiunt, 
parentes  apostoli  Pauli  de  Giscalis  regione  fuisse  Judaeae;  et  eos,  quum  tola 
provincia  Romana  vastaretur  manu,  et  dispergerentur  in  orbe  Judaei,  in  Tar- 
sura,  urbem  Ciliciae,  fuisse  translates ;  parentum  conditionem  Paulum  se- 
quutum,  et  sic  posse  stare  illud  quod  de  se  ipse  testatur :  *  Hebraei  sunt  ?  et 
'ego.' — Et  rursum  alibi :  '  Hebraeus  ex  Hebraeis,'  et  caetera,  quae  ilium  Ju- 
'  daeum  magis  indicant  quam  Tarsensem,  &c.  In  Ep.  ad  Philem.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p. 
454.  M.  b  Quern  [sermonem]  quum  in  vernacula  lingua  habeat  diserti^si- 
inum,  (quippe  Hebraeus  ex  Hebraeis,)  &c.  Ad  Algas.  Qu.  2.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  204. 


JEJIOM.     A.  D.  392.  453 

The  learned  Photius  was  not  unacquainted  with  this  story. 
He  understood  the  case  to  be  thus:  That1  St.  Paul's  an 
cestors  dwelt  at  Giscalis,  or  Giscala,  a  small  town  in  the 
tribe  of  Benjamin;  and  that  when  the  Romans  invaded 
Judea,  they  were  taken  captive,  and  transported  to  Tarsus, 
where  Paul  was  born.  Hea  always  considers  Tarsus  as  the 
native  place  of  the  apostle. 

(2.)  We  before  saw  an  enumeration  of  the  apostle  Paul's 
epistles  in  Jerom's  letter  to  Pnulinus.  In  his  Commentary 
upon  the  prophet  Zachariah,  he  again  mentions6  the  seven 
churches  to  whom  Paul  wrote,  and  his  epistles  to  them. 

(3.)  Jn  his  Commentary  upon  the  epistle  to  Philemon  he 
says,  thatf  not  only  that  epistle,  but  likewise  the  epistles  to 
the  Philippians,  to  the  Ephesians,  and  the  Colossians,  were 
written  by  the  apostle,  when  he  was  prisoner  at  Rome.  He 
speaks  to  the  like  purpose  s  in  his  Commentary  upon  the 
epistle  to  the  Ephesians. 

(4.)  My  readers  doubtless  observe,  that  Jeroin  always 
calls  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  as  we  do.  In  one  place 
he  observes,  that*1  the  apostle  never  blames  the  Ephesians. 
We  saw  a  like  observation  in  a  very  early  Christian  writer 
long"  ago.1 

That k  he  thought  this  epistle  to  have  been  sent  to  the 
church  at  Ephesus,  appears  abundantly  from  the  preface 


c  Vid.  ep.  246.  p.  377,  378.  d  Vid.  ep.  102.  p.  145. 

e  Quae  igitur  ibi  septem  mulieres  appellantur,  id  est,  ecclesiae,  quarum 
numerus  et  in  Paulo  apostolo  continetur.  Ad  septem  enim  scribit  ecclesias ; 
ad  Romanes,  ad  Corinthios,  ad  Galatas,  ad  Ephesios,  ad  Philippenses,  ad 
Colossenses,  ad  Thessalonicenses.  In  Zach.  viii.  [et  conf.  Is.  x.  1.]  T.  iii. 
p.  1754. 

f  Scribit  igitur  ad  Philemonem,  vinctus  in  carcere,  quo  tempore  mihi  vi- 
dentur  ad  Philippenses,  Colossenses,  et  Ephesios  epistolae  esse  dictatae.  In 
Ep.  ad  Philem.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  445. 

g  Quod  Romse  in  vincula  conjectus,  hanc  epistolam  miserit  eo  tempore 
quo  ad  Philemonem,  et  ad  Colossenses,  et  ad  Philippenses,  in  alio  loco  scriptas 
esse  monstravimus.  In  Eph.  cap.  iii.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  347. 

h  Corinthii,  in  quibus  audiebatur  fornicatio  qualis  nee  inter  gentes,  lacte 
pascuntur,  quia  necdum  poterant  solidum  cibum  capere.  Ephesii  autem,  in 
quibus  nullum  crimen  arguitur,  ab  ipso  Domino  coelesti  vescuntur  pane,  et 
sacramentum,  quod  a  seculis  absconditum  fuerat,  agnoscunt.  Ad  Marcel- 
lam,  T.  ii.  p.  624.  ed.  Bened.  aliter  ep.  133. 

1  See  vol.  ii.  p.  78. 

k  Quid  rursum  in  Novo  Testamento  Romani,  Corinthii,  Galatae,  Philip 
penses,  Thessalonicenses,  Hebroei,  Colossenses;  et  quam  nunc  ad  Ephesios 
epistolam  habemus  in  manibus. — Nunc  ad  Ephesios  transeundum  est,  mediam 
apostoli  epistolam,  ut  ordine,  ita  et  sensibus — Scnbebat  ad  Ephesios  Dianam 
colentes ;  non  hanc  venatricem,  quae  arcum  tenet  et  succincta  est,  sed  illam 
multimammiam,  quern  Gra?ci  iroXvfiaaQov  vocant — Scribebat  autem  ad  me- 
tropolim  Asise  civitatem— Pr.  in  Ep.  ad  Eph.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  319.  &c. 


454  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

to  his  Commentary  upon  it,  and  from  many  places  of  his 
Commentary. 

(5.)  It  seems  from  Jerom's  Commentary  upon  the  epistle 
to  Philemon,  that1  there  were  some  in  his  time  who  either 
rejected  that  epistle,  or  made  objections  to  it.  They  ar 
gued,  that  it  was  below  the  apostle  to  recommend  a  servant, 
and  to  write  about  preparing-  a  lodging  for  himself.  If  it 
was  the  apostle's,  it  was  only  a  familiar  epistle,  written  upon 
a  private  occasion,  and  not  designed  for  general  instruction. 
In  answer  to  which  Jerom  says,  there  is  nothing  in  it  un 
becoming  the  apostle;  and  that  it  had  been  received,  in  all 
times,  by  all  the  churches  all  over  the  world  :  and  that 
there  were  things  of  a  like  kind  in  some  other  of  the  apos 
tle's  epistles,  the  authority  of  which  those  very  persons  did 
not  dispute. 

(6.)  From  what  has  been  alleged  we  plainly  perceive, 
that  there  were  among  the  ancients  different  opinions  con 
cerning  the  writer  of  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  :  and  that 
there  were  several  objections  against  its  being  Paul's  which 
offered  themselves  to  their  minds:  which  shows  that  there  were 
in  those  times  Christians,  who  read  the  scriptures  with  dili 
gence,  and  made  judicious  observations.  One  difficulty  was 
the  difference  of  style,  or  the  superior  elegance  of  this 
above  the  other  epistles  ascribed  to  Paul :  which,  I  appre 
hend,  is  still  obvious  to  careful  readers.  And  moreover,  in 
his  Commentary  upon  Isaiah,  Jerom  informs  us,m  that  some 
objected  to  this  epistle,  because  the  writer  seems  rather  to 
quote  the  Greek  version  of  the  Seventy  than  the  Hebrew 
original. 

(7.)  Jerom  himself,  as  we  have  seen,  receives  this  epistle, 
and n  readily  quotes  it,  as  the  apostle  Paul's :  but  he  has, 

1  volunt  aut  epistolam  non  esse  Pauli,  quae  ad  Philemonem  scribitur; 

aut  etiam,  si  Pauli  sit,  nihil  habere  quod  aedificare  nos  possit ;  et  a  plerisque 
veterum  repudiatam,  dum  commendandi  tantum  scribatur  officio,  non  docendi. 
At  e  contrario,  qui  germanae  auctoritatis  earn  esse  defendunt,  dicunt  nunquam 
in  toto  orbe  a  cunctis  ecclesiis  fuisse  susceptam,  nisi  Pauli  apostoli  crederetur; 
et  hac  lege  nee  secundam  quidem  ad  Timotheum,  et  ad  Galatas,  eos  debere 
suscipere,  de  quibus  et  ipsi  humanae  imbecilitatis  exempla  protulerunt.  «  Penu- 

'  lam,  quam  reliqui  Troade  apud  Carpum,  veniens  tecum  affer.' Quas 

et  ipsis,  quia  aliquid  tale  habent,  aut  Pauli  epistolas  non  putandas ;  aut  si  istae 
recipiuntur,  recipiendum  esse  et  ad  Philemonem,  ex  praejudicio  similium  re- 
ceptarum.  Valde  autem  eos  et  simpliciter  errare,  si  putent  cibum  emere,  hos- 
pitium  praeparare,  vestimenta  conquirere,  esse  peccatum ;  et  asserere  a  se  refu- 

gari  Spiritum  Sanctum,  si  corpusculi  paulisper  necessitatibus  serviamus 

Et  quoniam  Marcionis  fecimus  mentionem,  Pauli  esse  epistolam  ad  Philemonem 
saltern  Marcione  auctore  doceantur.  Pr.  in  Ep.  ad  Philem.  T.  iv.  p.  442. 

111  Pauli  quoque  idcirco  ad  Hebraeos  epistola  contradicitur,  quod,  ad  He- 
braeos  scribens,  utatur  testimoniis,  quse  in  Hebroeis  voluminibus  non  habent ur 
In  Is.  vi.  T.  iii.  p.  64.  in.  n  Vas  electionis  loquitur  ad  Ilcbraos. 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  455 

in  several  places,  spoken  of  the  different  opinions  of  men 
about  it.  Some  of  which  places  I  would  now  take  notice 
of,  beside  those  which  we  have  already  seen. 

(8.)  In  his  Commentary  upon  Isaiah,  quoting  this  epistle, 
he  takes  notice,  that0  it  was  not  received  by  the  Latins 
among-  the  canonical  scriptures. 

(9.)  In  his  Commentary  upon  Amos:  'And?  whoever 
wrote  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  he  says  in  his  argument:' 
"  Because  he  could  swear  by  no  greater,  he  sware  by  him 
self,"  ch.  vi.  13.  Perhaps  that  passage  is  not  altogether 
Jerom's  own,  but  partly  the  words  of  another  author  there 
inserted  by  him:  which  was  an  usual  thing  in  writing  com 
mentaries. 

(10.)  In  his  Commentary  upon  Zechariah  he  intimates, 
that0!  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  was  generally  received  by 
the  Greeks,  and  not  so  received  by  the  Christians  who  used 
the  Latin  tongue. 

(11.)  In  his  Commentary  upon  the  epistle  to  the  Gala- 
tians  he  says,  itr  was  thought  by  some  that  Paul  did  not 
prefix  his  name,  nor  call  himself  apostle,  at  the  beginning 
of  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  according  to  his  usual  me 
thod,  because  he  should  afterwards  say,  '  The  apostle  and 
high-priest  of  our  profession  Christ  Jesus.'  [Heb.  iii.  1.] 
And  it  was  not  fit,  that  where  Christ  is  called  apostle,  there 
Paul  should  be  so  called  likewise. 

(12.)  In  his  letter  to  Evangel ius,  written  in  398,  he  says, 
that8  all  the  Greeks  and  some  of  the  Latins  received  this 
epistle. 

(13.)  In  his  letter  to  Dardanus,  written  about  the  year 

Ad  Dardan.  T.  ii.  p.  608.  M.  al.  ep.  129. — Melchisedec  autem  beatus  apos- 
tolus  ad  Hebraeos,  sine  patre  et  matre  commemorans,  ad  Christum  refcrt.  Qu. 
in  Gen.  T.  ii.  p.  520.  M. 

0  Ceeterum  beatus  apostolus  in  epistola,  quae  ad  Hebraeos  scribitur,  docet : 
licet  earn  Latina  consuetude  inter  canonicas  scripturas  non  recipiat.  In  Is.  viii. 
T.  iii.  p.  80. 

P  Quod,  quicumque  est  ille  qui  ad  Hebrseos  scripsit  epistolam,  disserens,  ait. 
In  Amos.  viii.  T.  iii.  p.  1444.  fin. 

•>  De  hoc  monte,  et  de  hac  civitate,  et  apostolus  Paulus  (si  tamen  in  susci- 
piend a  epistola  Graecorum  auctoritatem  Latina  lingua  non  respuit)  sacrata  ora- 
tione  disputans,  ait :  «  Accessistis  ad  montem  Sion.'  [Hebr.  xii.  22.]  In  Zach. 
viii.  T.  iii.  p.  1744. 

r  Et  in  epistola  ad  Hebraeos  propterea  Paulum  solita  consuetudine  nee 
nomen  suum,  nee  apostoli  vocabulum  praeposuisse,  quiade  Christo  erat  dictu- 
rus :  '  Habemus  ergo  principem  sacerdotum,  et  apostolum  professionis  nostrac 
Jesum ;'  nee  fuisse  congruum,  ut,  ubi  Christus  apostolus  dicendus  essct,  ibi 
etiam  Paulus  apostolus  diceretur.  In  Gal.  cap.  i.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  225.  in. 

•  Praeterea  plenius  esse  tractatum  in  epistola  ad  Hebraeos,  quam  omnes  Gneci 
recipiunt,  et  nonnulli  Latinorum.  Ad  Evangel.  T.  ii.  p.  571.  al.  ep.  126. 


456  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

414,  he  speaks  more  largely  to  the  like  purpose:  *  that1  it 
was  not  only  received  as  Paul's  by  all  the  churches  of  the 
East  in  his  time,  but  by  all  the  ecclesiastical  [or  catholic] 
Greek  writers  in  general  of  former  times ;  though  many 
ascribe  it  to  Barnabas  or  Clement.  He  also  says,  that  it 
was  daily  read  in  the  churches;  and,  if  the  Latins  did  not 
receive  this  epistle,  as  the  Greeks  in  like  manner  rejected 
the  Revelation  of  John,  he  received  both ;  not  being  so 
much  influenced  by  present  times,  as  by  the  judgment  of 
ancient  writers,  who  quote  both  ;  and  that  not  as  they  some 
times  quote  apocryphal  books,  and  even  heathen  writings, 
but  as  canonical  and  ecclesiastical.' 

Upon  this  passage  T  make  a  few  observations,  leaving 
others  to  the  reader's  consideration. 

(1.)  There  is  ambiguity  in  those  words,  *  though  many 
ascribe  it  to  Barnabas  or  Clement:'  and  it  is  such  an  am 
biguity  as  I  am  not  able  to  remove ;  for  I  cannot  tell  whe 
ther  Jerom  intends  to  say,  '  though  many  now,  that  is,  among 
the  Latins,  ascribe  it  to  Barnabas  or  Clement ;'  or  whether 
he  means,  *  that  it  was  not  only  received  as  Paul's,  for  the 
sense,  by  all  the  churches  of  the  East  in  his  time,  but  like 
wise  by  all  the  catholic  writers  in  general  of  former  times, 
though  many  even  of  them  esteemed  it  Barnabas's,  or 
Clement's,  for  the  style  and  language :'  or,  in  other  words, 
they  reckoned  Paul  the  author  of  the  epistle,  though  they 
ascribed  it  to  Barnabas,  or  Clement,  as  writers  or  scribes. 
This  point  I  must  leave  to  be  determined  by  others,  if  they 
are  able. 

(2.)  Many  Latins  in  Jerom's  time  did  not  receive  the  epis 
tle  to  the  Hebrews  as  Paul's ;  and  many  Greek  churches 
rejected  the  book  of  the  Revelation. 

(3.)  Jerom  supposeth  that  most  ancient  Greek  writers 
received  both  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  and  the  book  of 
the  Revelation  ;  and  by  their  judgment  he  abides. 

(4.)  Here  is  an  useful  observation  relating  to  the  quota 
tions  of  ancient  Christian  writers,  that  they  made  a  distinc- 

1  Illud  nostris  dicendum  est,  hanc  epistolam,  quae  inscribitur  ad  Hebraeos, 
non  solum  ab  ecclesiis  Orientis,  sed  ab  omnibus  retro  ecclesiasticis  Graeci 
sermonis  scriptoribus,  quasi  Pauli  apostoli,  suscipi;  licet  plerique  earn  vel 
Barnabae  vel  Clementis  arbitrentur ;  et  nihil  interesse  cujus  sit,  quum  ecclesias- 
tici  viri  sit,  et  quotidie  ecclesiarum  lectione  celebretur. — Quod  si  earn  Latino- 
rum  consuetude  non  recipit  inter  scripturas  canonicas,  nee  Graecorum  ecclesiae 
Apocalypsin  Johannis  eadem  libertate  suscipiunt.  Et  tamen  nos  utramque 
suscipimus,  nequaquam  hujus  temporis  consuetudinem,  sed  veterum  auctorita- 
tem,  sequentes  ;  qui  plerumque  utriusque  utuntur  testimoniis,  non  ut  interdum 
de  apocryphis  facere  solent,  (quippe  qui  et  Gentilium  literarum  non  raro 
utuntur  exemplis,)  sed  quasi  canonicis  et  ecclesiasticis.  Ad  Dardan.  T.  ii.  p, 
608.  al.  ep.  129 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  457 

tion  between  books;  some  they  quoted  as  of  authority, 
others  not.  This  is  what  we  have  supposed  all  along;  and 
I  apprehend  it  has  been  made  evident,  beyond  question, 
upon  many  occasions.  Nevertheless  it  affords  some  satisfac 
tion  to  find  this  observation  in  Jerom,  and  to  see  that  he  was 
of  the  same  opinion. 

6.  « James,u  called  the  Lord's  brother,  surnamed  Justus,1 
as  some  think,  son  of  Joseph  by  a  former  wife ;  but,  as  I 
rather  think,  son  of  Mary,  sister  to  our  Lord's  mother,  men 
tioned  by  John  in  his  gospel,  [xix.  25.]  soon  after  our  Lord's 
passion  ordained  by  the  apostles  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  wrote 
but  one  epistle,  which  is  among  the  seven  catholic  epistles ; 
which  too  is  said  to  have  been  published  by  another  in  his 
name ;  [that  is,  even  that  one  epistle  is  said  by  some  to  be 
spurious,  and  not  really  written  by  James,  though  it  bears 
his  name];  but  gradually,  in  process  of  time,  it  has  gained 
authority.  This  is  he,  of  whom  Paul  writes  in  his  epistle  to 
the  Galatians ;  and  he  is  often  mentioned  in  v  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles  ;  and  also  several  times  in  the  gospel  called 
According  to  the  Hebrews,  lately  translated  by  me  into  Greek 

and  Latin [Here  Jerom  inserts  three  short  passages  from 

that  gospel.]  He  governed  the  church  of  Jerusalem  thirty 
years,  to  the  seventh  of  Nero,  and  was  buried  near  the  tem 
ple,  from  whence  he  had  been  thrown  down  and  killed. 
Some  of  our  people  have  supposed  that  he  was  buried  on 
mount  Olivet :  but  that  is  a  false  opinion.' 

(1.)  In  that  chapter  there  are  several  things  relating  to 
James,  taken  from  Hegesippus,  and  Clement  of  Alexandria, 
and  Josephus,  which  I  have  omitted,  and  do  not  think  it 
needful  for  me  to  take  notice  of  at  present,  though  they  are 
likewise  in  w  Eusebius.  Possibly  some  other  opportunity 
may  offer  for  examining  the  truth  of  them.  Jerom's  trans- 

u  Jacobus,  qui  appellatur  frater  Domini,  cognomento  Justus,  ut  nonnulli  ex- 
istimant,  Joseph  ex  alia  uxore  ;  ut  autem  mihi  videtur,  Mariae  sororis  matris 
Domini,  cujus  Johannes  in  libro  suo  meminit,  filius  ;  post  passionem  Domini 
statim  ab  apostolis  Hierosolymorum  episcopus  ordinatus,  unam  tantum  scripsit 
epistolam,  qua?  de  septem  catholicis  est.  Quae  et  ipsa  ab  alio  quodam  sub 
nomine  ejus  edita  asseritur;  licet  paulatim  tempore  procedente  obtinuent 
auctoritatem.  Hie  est,  de  quo  Paulus  scribit  ad  Galatas  :  alium  autem  apos- 
tolum  vidi  neminem,  nisi  Jacobum,  fratrem  Domini.  Et  apostolorum  super 
hoc  crebrius  Acta  testantur.  Evangelium  quoque,  quod  appellatur  secundum 
Hebraeos,  et  a  me  nuper  in  Graecum  Latinumque  sermonem  translatum  est, 

quo  et  Origenes  ssepe  utitur,  post  resurrectionem  Salvatoris  refert -Tri- 

ginta  itaque  annos  Hierosolymorum  rexit  ecclesiam,  id  est,  usque  ad  septimum 
^Teronis  annum.  Et  juxta  templum,  ubi  et  praecipitatus  fuerat,  sepultus  est.-— 
Quidam  e  nostris  in  monte  Oliveti  eum  putaverunt  conditum.  Sed  falsa 
eorum  opinio  est.  De  V.  I.  cap.  ii. 

*  Acts  i.  13  i  si.  17  5  xv.  13 ;  xxi.  18.  w  H.  E.  1.  u.  cap.  23. 


458  '  Credibility  of  tlie  Gospel  History. 

lations  of  the  gospel  According  to  the  Hebrews  may  also  be 
considered  upon  another  occasion. 

(2.)  I  only  observe  farther  at  present ;  Jerom  here  says, 
he  thinks  that  James,  called  the  Lord's  brother,  was  the  son 
of  Mary,  sister  to  our  Lord's  mother  :  and  in  his  book  against 
Helvidius  he  maintains,  thatx  James,  the  son  of  Alpheus, 
one  of  the  twelve  apostles,  and  James  the  less,  and  James  the 
Lord's  brother,  are  all  one;  but  in  y  his  Commentary  upon 
the  epistle  to  the  Galatians,  he  does  not  seem  to  insist  upon 
it.  In  his  Commentary  upon  Isaiah  z  he  reckons  James  the 
Lord's  brother,  an  additional  apostle,  with  Paul,  consequently 
not  one  of  the  twelve.  Afterwards,  in  his  Commentary  upon 
the  same  prophet  he  reckons  a  Barnabas  the  fourteenth  apos 
tle  ;  all  which  seems  to  show,  that  it  was  not  then  a  clear 
point,  whether  James,  called  the  Lord's  brother,  was  an 
apostle  in  the  highest  sense  of  that  word. 

(3.)  St.  Jerom,  however,  received  the  epistle  ascribed  to 
him.  It  appears  from  this  chapter  that  he  did  so.  More 
over,  we  before  saw  in  his  letter  to  Paulinus,.that  he  received 
all  the  seven  catholic  epistles;  he  also  quotes  this  epistleb 
as  written  by  an  apostle. 

(4.)  I  shall  add  here,  that  in  his  Commentary  upon  Gal. 
i.  19,  he  says,  '  Thisc  James  was  the  first  bishop  of  Jeru 
salem,  surnamed  the  Just;  a  man  of  so  great  piety,  and 
such  reputation  among  the  people,  that  with  much  eagerness 

x  Nulli  dubium  est,  duos  fuisse  apostolos,  Jacob!  vocabulo  nuncupates ; 
Jacobum  Zebedaei,  et  Jacobum  Alphoei.  Istum,  nescio  quern  minorem  Jaco- 
bum,  quern  Mariae  filium,  nee  tamen  matris  Domini,  scriptura  cominemorat, 
apostolum  vis  esse,  an  non  ?  Si  apostolus  fuit,  Alphaei  filius  erit— 'Si  non  est 
apostolus,  sed  tertius  nescio  quis  Jacobus,  quomodo  est  frater  Domini  putan- 
dus  ? — Restat  conclusio,  ut  Maria  ista,  quae  Jacob!  Minoris  scribitur  mater, 
fuerit  uxor  Alphoei,  et  soror  Mariae  matris  Domini,  quam  Mariam  Cleophae 
Johannes  evangelista  cognominat.  Advers.  Helvid.  T.  iv.  P.  ii.  p.  137,  138. 

y  In  Gal.  i.  16.  T.  4.  p.  i.  p.  236. 

z  Duas  olivas,  et  tres,  et  quatuor,  et  quinque,  quatuordecim  apostolos  in- 
terpretantur,  id  est,  duodecim  qui  elect!  sunt,  et  tertium-decimum  Jacobum, 
qui  appellatur  frater  Domini,  Paulum  quoque  apostolum,  vas  electionis.  In 
Is.  liv.  5.  T.  iii.  p.  123. 

a  Quando  enim  venit  percussio  populi  Judaeorum,  oliva  ilia  populi  Israel — 
vix  paucos  fructus  offerre  potuit  Domino  Salvatori,  duas  olivas,  Paulum  et 
Barnabam ;  et  tres  olivas,  Petrum,  et  Jacobum,  et  Johannem — Quatuor  autem 
et  quinque  olivae  reliquos  faciunt  apostolos — In  Is.  lib.  vii.  T.  iii.  p.  176. 

b  Jacobus  apostolus :  *  Si  quis,'  ait,  *  servaverit  totam  legem,  offenderit 
*  autem  in  uno,  reus  est  omnium  factus,'  [Cap.  ii.  10.]  Adv.  Pelag.  1.  ii.  T. 
iv.  p.  522.  fin. 

c  Hie  autem  Jacobus  episcopus  lerosolymorum  primus  fuit,  cognomento 
Justus ;  vir  tantae  sanctitatis  et  rumoris  in  populo,  ut  fimbriam  ejus  certatim 
cuperent  attingere.  Qui  et  ipse  postea  de  templo  a  Judaeis  praecipitatus,  suc- 
cessorem  habuit  Simonem,  quern  et  ipsum  tradunt  pro  Dcmino  crucifixum. 
In  Gal.  T.  iv.  p.  237.  in. 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  459 

they  sought  to  touch  the  hem  of  his  garment ;  who  after 
wards  was  thrown  down  from  the  temple  by  the  Jews,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Simon,  who  also  is  said  to  have  been 
crucified  for  the  Lord.' 

7.  *  Simon  Peter,'1  son  of  John,  [or  Jonas,]  of  the  country 
of  Galilee,  and  town  of  Bethsaida,  brother  of  the  apostle 
Andrew,  and  chief  of  the  apostles,  after  having  been  bishop 
of  Antioch,  and  after  preaching  to  the  Jews  of  the  dispersion, 
which  believed,  in  Pontus,  Galatia,  Cappadocia,  Asia,  and 
Bithynia,  in  the  second  year  of  the  emperor  Claudius  went 
to  Rome  to  oppose  Simon  Magus,  and  there  for  five  and 
twenty  years  he  filled  the  sacerdotal  [or  episcopal]  chair, 
until  the  last,  that  is,  the  fourteenth  year  of  Nero's  reign, 
by  whom  he  was  crucified,  and  thus  was  crowned  with 
martyrdom,  his  head  downwards,  and  his  feet  lifted  up, 
saying  he  was  unworthy  to  be  so  crucified  as  his  Lord 
was.  He  wrote  two  epistles,  called  catholic;  the  second 
of  which  is  denied  by  many  to  be  his,  because  of  the  differ 
ence  of  style  from  the  former.  The  gospel  according  to 
Mark,  who  was  his  hearer  and  interpreter,  is  also  called 
his:  but  other  books,  one  of  which  is  called  his  Acts, 
another  his  Gospel,  a  third  his  Preaching,  a  fourth  his 
Revelation,  a  fifth  his  Judgment,  are  ranked  among  apocry 
phal  scriptures,  and  are  rejected.  He  was  buried  at  Rome, 
in  the  Vatican,  near  the  Triumphal  Way,  and  is  in  veneration 
all  over  the  world.' 

(1.)  That  is  Jerom's  whole  chapter  concerning  the  apos 
tle  Peter.  It  will  not  be  expected  that  1  should  particularly 
consider  what  Jerorn  here  says  of  St.  Peter's  being  bishop 
of  Antioch,  and  afterwards  going  to  Rome  to  oppose  Simon 
Magus,  or  of  his  residing  at  Rome  five  and  twenty  years,  as 
bishop  of  that  city.  The  apocryphal  books  here  spoken  of 
were  all  taken  notice  of  in  the  chapter  of  Eusebius,  except 

d  Simon  Petrus,  filius  Johannis,  provinciae  Galilaeae,  e  vico  Bethsaida,  frater 
Andreae  apostoli,  et  princeps  apostolorum,  post  episcopatum  Antiochensis 
ecclesioe,  et  praedicationem  dispersionis  eorum,  qui  de  circumcisione  credide- 
rant,  in  Ponto,  Galatia,  Cappadocia,  Asia,  et  Bithynia,  secundo  Claudii  irapera- 
toris  anno,  ad  expugnandum  Simonem  Magum  Roraam  pergit ;  ibique  viginti 
quinque  annis  cathedram  sacerdotalem  tenuit,  usque  ad  ultimum  annum  Ne- 
ronis,  id  est,  decimum  quartum.  A  quo  et  affixus  cruci,  martyrio  coronatus 
est,  capite  ad  terram  verso,  et  in  sublime  pedibus  elevatis  ;  asserens,  se  indig- 
num,  qui  sic  crucifigeretur,  ut  Dominus  suus.  Scripsit  duas  epistolas,  quae 
catholicae  nominantur;  quarum  secunda  a  plerisque  ejus  esse  negatur,  propter 
styli  cum  priore  dissonantiam.  Sed  et  evangelium  juxta  Marcum,  qui  auditor 
et  interpres  ejus  fuit,  hujus  dicitur.  Libri  autem,  e  quibus  unus  Actorum  ejus 
inscnbitur,  alius  Evangelii,  tertius  Praedicationis,  quartus  Apocalypseos,  quintus 
Judicii,  inter  apocryphas  scripturas  repudiantur.  Sepultus  Romae  in  Vaticano, 
juxta  Viam  Triumphalem,  totius  orbis  veneratione  celebratur.  De  V.  I.  cap.  i. 


460  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

that  called  the  Judgment  of  Peter,  of  which  some  account 
will  be  given  in  the  chapter  of  Rufinus. 

(2.)  The  second,  as  well  as  the  first  epistle  of  St.  Peter, 
was  received  by  Jerom  ;  for,  as  we  saw  before,  he  received 
all  the  seven  catholic  epistles. 

(3.)  In  another  place  he  says,  that6  the  reason  of  the  dif 
ference  of  style  observable  in  St.  Peter's  epistles  was  this, 
that  he  had  not  the  same  interpreter  at  writing  of  the  second 
epistle,  whom  he  had  when  he  wrote  the  first.  In  the  same 
place  he  says,  that  Titus  was  Paul's  interpreter,  and  that 
Peter  dictated  the  gospel  which  Mark  wrote. 

(4.)  At  the  beginning  of  this  article  Jerom  speaks  of  St. 
Peter's  having  *  preached  to  the  Jews  of  the  dispersion  in 
Pontus,  Galatia,  and  Cappadocia,'  and  other  countries  there 
about;  which  might  induce  us  to  think  he  supposed  St. 
Peter's  epistles,  particularly  the  first,  to  have  been  written 
to  Jewish  believers  in  those  parts ;  nevertheless,  in  another 
work  he  supposeth  thatf  apostle  to  speak  of  the  calling  of 
the  Gentiles  in  the  words  of  1  Pet.  i.  3 — 5. . 

8.  '  Jude,s  brother  of  James,  left  a  short  epistle,  which 
is  one  of  the  seven  called  catholic  ;  but  because  of  the 
quotation  from  a  book  of  Enoch,  which  is  apocryphal,  it  is 
rejected  by  many.  However,  at  length  it  has  obtained 
authority,  and  is  reckoned  among  the  sacred  scriptures.' 

Thus  we  have  now  gone  over  those  eight  articles  of 
Jerom's  Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers,  and  therein 
we  have  seen,  beside  what  was  before  transcribed  from  the 
letter  to  Paulinus  and  some  other  of  his  works,  a  farther 
proof  of  his  receiving  all  the  books  of  the  New  Testament, 
which  we  now  generally  receive,  and  no  other. 

IX.  We  will  now  take  some  notice  of  apocryphal  books 
mentioned  by  Jerom,  in  the  several  parts  of  his  works. 

1.  And  it  may  be  of  use  to  determine  the  meaning  of  the 
word  '  apocryphal.'  As  used  by  Jerom,  I  think  apocryphal 
books  are  such  as  by  their  title  or  otherwise,  make  some 

e  Habebat  ergo  Titum  interpretem,  sicut  et  beatus  Petrus  Marcum.  Cujus 
evangelium,  Petro  narrante,  et  illo  scribente,  compositum  est,  Denique  et  duae 
epistolae,  quae  feruntur  Petri,  stylo  inter  se  et  charactere  discrepant,  structuraque 
verborum.  Ex  quo  intelligimus,  pro  necessitate  rerum,  diversis  eum  usum  in- 
terpretibus.  Ad  Hedib.  Qu.  xi.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  183. 

f  Petrus  quoque  quid  de  vocatione  Gentium  sentiat,  contemplemur.  '  Be- 

nedictus,'  inquit,  *  Deus  et  Pater  Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi, quae  servatur 

in  coelis,— — in  salutem  quae  prasparata  est  revelari  in  tempore  novissimo.' 
Adv.  Jovinian.  1.  i.  T.  iv.  p.  182.  m. 

s  Judas,  frater  Jacobi,  parvam,  quae  de  septem  catholicis  est,  epistolam 
reliquit.  Et  quia  de  libro  Enoch,  qui  apocryphus  est,  in  ea  assumitur  testi- 
monium,  a  plerisque  rejicitur.  Tamen  auctoritatem  vetustate  jam  etusu  meruit, 
it  inter  sanctas  scripturas  computatur.  De  V.  I.  cap.  iv. 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  461 

claim  to  be  a  part  of  sacred  scripture,  but  are  destitute  of 
a  right  to  be  so  esteemed ;  and  generally,  or  oftentimes, 
they  are  spurious. 

1  say,  apocryphal  books  appear  to  make  a  claim  to  be  a 
part  of  scripture,  but  without  good  reason.  St.  Jerom  hav 
ing  enumerated  the  books  of  the  Jewish  canon,  adds,  that 
'  all  others  are  to  be  reckoned  apocryphal.'  Nevertheless 
that  declaration  must  not  be  understood  absolutely,  without 
exception :  he  would  not  call  the  writings  of  Josephus,  or 
Philo,  or  Cyprian,  or  Athanasius,  or  Eusebius  of  Caesarea, 
apocryphal.  Apocryphal  writings  therefore  are  such  as  make 
claim  to  be  a  part  of  the  canon,  but  are  not  so,  nor  have  any 
good  right  to  it ;  and  moreover,  perhaps  they  were  by  some 
too  much  esteemed,  as  if  they  had  been  canonical.  This  was 
the  case  of  divers  books  of  the  Old  Testament  above  men 
tioned,  called  by  Jerom  apocryphal.  So  also  in  the  New 
Testament  a  book  entitled  Acts  of  Peter,  or  Revelation  of 
Peter,  or  Preaching  of  Peter,  makes  a  claim  to  be  a  part  of 
the  canon ;  for  if  they  had  been  written  by  Peter,  or  if  they 
contained  faithful  accounts  of  his  Acts,  or  his  Preaching', 
or  of  Revelations  vouchsafed  to  him,  and  were  drawn  up 
by  a  disciple  of  his,  (as  perhaps  they  pretended,)  they 
would  have  been  reckoned  canonical  by  all  Christians  in 
general,  and  on  account  of  their  titles  were  probably  too 
highly  valued  by  some. 

Another  particular  in  the  description  of  apocryphal  books 
is,  that  *  oftentimes  they  are  spurious,  or  falsely  inscribed.' 
So  Jerom  said  that  the  book  called  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon 
was  *  pseudepigraphical,'  inasmuch  as  it  was  not  his.  So 
likewise  the  story  of  Susanna,  and  other  things,  inserted  in 
the  book  of  Daniel,  or  added  to  it,  were  interpolations,  and 
spurious.  The  third  and  fourth  books  of  Ezra  also  are 
spurious.  If  they  had  been  written  by  him  whose  name 
they  bear,  they  would  have  been  received  among  sacred 
scriptures.  But  I  need  not  enlarge  here.  I  suppose  that 
what  has  been  now  said  will  be  confirmed  by  the  particu 
lars  which  I  am  going  to  allege ;  and  this,  which  I  take  to 
be  Jerom's  meaning  of  the  word  'apocryphal,'  [  apprehend 
to  be  the  most  general  acceptation  of  the  word.  This  may  be 
confirmed  by  an  instance  formerly  h  taken  notice  of.  When 
Salvian  of  Marseilles,  in  the  fifth  century,  published  his 
books  against  covetousness  without  his  own  name,  and  with 
an  epistolary  address  '  to  the  catholic  church  spread  all 
'  over  the  world,'  in  the  name  of  Timothy,  Salonius  a  Galli- 
can  bishop  soon  wrote  to  him  about  it,  and  told  him,  that 
h  See  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxix.  p.  384,  385. 


462  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

*  unless  he  clearly  showed   the  reason  of  that  title,  those 

*  books  ought  to  be  reckoned  apocryphal.'     Those  books  of 
Salvian  bore  the  name  of  an  apostolical  man,  and  therefore 
appeared  to  make  a  claim  to   be  esteemed   canonical  ;  but 
since  they  were  not  written  by  such  an  one,  they   ought  to 
be  reckoned  apocryphal.     And  though  it  is  said  that  many 
of  those  books,  which  are   called   apocryphal,  were  written 
by  heretics,  yet  it  can  make   little  difference  whether  they 
are  written  by  heretics  or  catholics,  if  they  carry  the  name 
and  title  of  apostles,  or  apostolical  men,  and  are  not  really 
theirs. 

2.  We  before  saw  an  enumeration  of  several   apocryphal 
books  of  the  Old  Testament,  such  as  Wisdom,  Ecclesiasti- 
cus,  Judith,  Tobit,  and  the  Maccabees;  which   the  church 
did   not  receive  among  canonical   scriptures,  though  they 
were  allowed  to  be  read  for  the  edification  of  the  people. 
We  likewise  saw  how  Jerom  rejected  as  apocryphal  some 
books  of  Ezra,  not  in  the  canon.     I  now  propose  to  take 
notice  of  divers  others. 

3.  Jerom    has '  twice    mentioned    an    apocryphal    book, 
called  '  The  Little   Genesis.'     I    have   transcribed  in  the 
margin   both  the  passages,  to  which   I  refer  the  curious, 
without    translating    them.     From    those    passages   of  our 
author,  Fabricius  concludes  thatk  this  book  was  written  in 
Hebrew.      This    book  is  also  mentioned  by1  Epiphanius. 
Fabricius m  has  collected  all  the  passages  of  later  writers 
who  have  mentioned  it. 

4.  An  apocryphal  book  of  Enoch  was  mentioned  not  long 
ago,  supposed  to  be  referred  to  by  St.  Jude   in  his  epistle. 
Jerom  mentions  it  again  in  n  his  Commentary  upon  Titus. 

5.  In  a  letter  to  Damasus,  bishop  of  Rome,  Jerom  tells 
a  story  of  Lamech,  which  seems  to  be  founded  upon  Gen. 

1  Hoc  verbum  [Ressa]  quantum  memoria  suggerit  nusquam  alibi  [Vid. 
Num.  xxxiii.  21,  22.]  in  scripturis  sanctis  apud  HebraBOs  invenisse  me  novi, 
absque  libro  apocrypho,  qui  a  Graecis  XtTrr?/,  id  est,  Parva  Genesis  appellatur. 
Ibi  in  aedificatione  turris  pro  stadio  ponitur,  in  quo  exercentur  pugiles  et  athle- 
tae,  et  cursorum  velocitas  comprobatur.  Ad  Fabiolam.  Mans.  18.  de  42. 
Mansionibus,  T.  ii.  p.  596.  al.  ep.  127. — Hoc  eodem  vocabulo  [Thareh.  Num. 
xxxiii.  27.]  et  iisdem  lileris  scriptum  invenio  patrem  Abraham,  qui  in  supra- 
dicto  apocrypho  Geneseos  volumine,  abactis  corvis,  qui  hominum  frumenta 
vastabant,  abactoris  vel  depulsoris  sortitus  est  nomen.  Mans.  23.  ib.  p.  597. 

k  Vid.  Cod.  Pseudepigr.  V.  T.  p.  851. 

1  H.  39.  cap.  vi.  p.  287.     Conf.  Fabr.  ubi  supra,  p.  849.  in  notis. 

m  Fabr.  ib.  p.  851— 865. 

n  Qui  autem  putant  totum  librum  debere  sequi  eum  qui  libri  parte  usus  sit, 
videntur  mini  et  apocryphum  Enochi,  de  quo  apostolus  Judas  in  epistola  sua 
testimonium  posuit,  inter  ecclesia?  scripturas  recipere.  In  Tit.  cap.  i.  T.  iv. 
P.  1.  p.  421. 


JKROM.     A.  D.  392.  463 

iv.  24.  He  says  he0  had  it  from  a  Je\v,  who  told  him 
it  was  in  their  apocryphal  writing's;  but  he  does  not  name 
any  book  in  particular.  It  is  probably  the  same  book  to 
which  he  had  before  referred  in  the  same  letter,  calling  i'  it 
a  certain  Hebrew  volume. 

(>.  Upon  Matth.  xxvii.  9,  10,  he  mentions  1  an  apocryphal 
book  of  Jeremiah,  written  in  Hebrew,  which  was  shown 
him  by  a  man  of  the  sect  of  the  Nazarenes,  as  he  says. 

7.  In    his    Commentary    upon   Isaiah   he    mentions r   the 
Ascension  of  Isaiah,  and  the  Apocalypse  of  Elijah,     This 
last8  is  mentioned  by  him  in  another  place. 

These  are  apocryphal  books  of  the  Old  Testament;  but 
some  of  them  may  have  been  composed  by  Christians. 

We  will  now  proceed  to  such  like  books  of  the  New  Tes 
tament. 

8.  In  the  preface  to  his  Commentary  upon  St.  Matthew's 
gospel,  having-  taken  notice  of  St.  Luke's  introduction,  who 
says,    that    *  many    had    undertaken    to    write  histories  of 
Christ,'1    he  mentions  the  gospels  of  the  Egyptians,  and 
Thomas,  and  Matthias,  and  Bartholomew,  and  the  Twelve 
Apostles,  and  also  of  Basilides,  and  Apelles,  and  others, 

0  Referebat  mihi  quidam  Hebraus,  in  apocryphorum  libris  septuaginta  sep- 
tem  animas  ex  Lamech  progenie  repcriri,  quae  diluvio  deletae  sint :   in  hoc 
numero  de  Lamech  factam  esse  vindictam,  quod  genus  ipsius  usque  ad  cataclys- 
mum  perseveraverit.     Ad  Damas.  T.  ii.  p.  565.  al.  ep.  125. 

P  Mathusala  genuit  Lamech,  qui  septimus  ab  Adam  non  sponte  (ut  in  quo- 
dam  Hebrseo  volumine  scribitur)  interfecit  Cain.  Ib.  p.  564. Jin. 

1  Hoc  testimonium  in  Jeremia  non  invenitur.     In  Zacharia  vero,  qui  pene 
ultimus  est  duodecim  prophetarum,  quaedam  similitudo  fertur.     Et  quanquam 
sensus  non  multum  discrepet,  tamen  et  ordo  et  verbadiversa  sunt.     Legi  nuper 
in  quodam  Hebraico  volumine,  quod  Nazarenae  sectae  mihi  Hebrseus  obtulit, 
Jeremiaeapocryphum,  in  quo  haec  ad  verbum  scripta  reperi.     Sed  tamen  mihi 
videturmagisde  Zacharia  sumtum  testimonium,  evangelistarum  et  apostoloruin 
more  vulgato,  qui  verborum  ordine  praetermisso,  sensum  tantum  de  Veteri  Tes- 
tamento  profuerunt  in  exemplum.     In  Matth.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  134,  135. 

r  Ascensio  enim  Isa'iae  et  Apocalypsis  Eliae  hoc  habent  testimonium.  In 
Is.  cap.  Ixiv.  T.  iii.  p.  473. 

s  Scribit  ad  Corinthios  :— «  Sed  sicut  scriptum  est ;  quod  oculus  non  vid.t, 
'  nee  auris  audivit,  nee  in  cor  hominis  ascendit,  quae  praeparavit  Deus  dili- 
«  gentibus  se.'  [1.  Cor.  ii.  9.]  Solent  in  hoc  loco  apocryphorum  quidam  de- 
liramenta  sectari,  et  dicere  quod  de  Apocalypsi  Eliae  testimonium  desumtum 
sit,  &c.  Ad  Pammach.  ep.  33.  [al.  101.]  T.  iv.  p.  244. 

1  Pluresfuisse  qui  evangelia  scripserunt,  et  Lucas  evangelista  testatur  d 
'Quoniam  multi  conati  sunt  ordinare  narrationem  rerum,'-et  perseven 
usque  ad  praesens  tempus  monumenta  declarant :  quae  a  diversis  au 
edita,  diversarum  haerese6n  fuere  principia;  ut  est  illud  juxta  Agyptios,  et 
Thomam,  et  Matthiam,  et  Bartholomaeum,  duodecim  quoque  aposto 
Basil idis,  atque  Apellis,  ac  reliquorum  quos  enumerare  longissimum  est.  1 
in  Comm.  super  Matth.  T.  iv.  in. 


464  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

whom  he  does  not  name :  he  says,  they  were  occasions  of 
many  heresies ;  and  he  intimates  that  they  were,  some  of 
them  at  least,  then  in  being. 

9.  He  does  net  at  the  beginning  of  his  prologue  call  them 
'apocryphal;'  but  that  is  the  character  which  they  must 
be  supposed  to  bear  with  him.     And  afterwards,  having 
spoken  largely  of  the  four  gospels,  which  alone  were  re 
ceived  by  the  church,  he   adds,  thatu   'the  trash  of  all 
apocryphal  gospels  should  be  left  to  dead  heretics.' 

10.  Though  Jerom  here  alleges  St.  Luke's  introduction 
as  a  proof  that  many  had  written  gospels  ;  it  is  not,  I  think, 
a  clear  point  that  St.  Luke  refers  to  any  of  those  here  men 
tioned  by  Jerom,  or  that  any  of  them  were  written  before  his 
gospel  ;   for  certain,  some  here  mentioned  by  Jerom  were 
not  written  till  afterwards. 

11.  In  the  seventh  chapter  of  the  book  of  Illustrious  Men, 
where  he  treats  of  St.  Luke,  he  reckons v  the  Travels  or 
Acts  of  Paul  and  Thecla  among  apocryphal  scriptures.     In 
the  chapter  concerning  St.  Paul,  as  we  have  seen,  he  said 
there  was  an  epistle  to  the  Laodiceans;  but  it  was  rejected 
by  every  body  :  however,  as  he  has  not  expressly  called  it 
'  apocryphal,'  I  do  but  just  mention  it  here. 

12.  In  the  article  of  St.  Peter  we  lately  saw  five  books 
with  his  name,  said  to  be  ranked  with  apocryphal  scriptures, 
and  rejected  ;  of  which  I  take  no  farther  notice  here,  be 
cause  they  have  been  examined  in  the  chapter  of  Eusebius. 

•13.  In  the  sixth  chapter  of  the  book  of  Illustrious  Men, 
that  is,  the  next  after  the  apostle  Paul,  he  writes  the  history 
of  Barnabas  in  this  manner. 

(1.)  '  Barnabasw  of  Cyprus,  called  also  Joseph,  a  Levite, 
was  ordained  with  Paul  an  apostle  of  the  Gentiles  :  he  wrote 
an  epistle  for  the  edification  of  the  church,  which  is  read 
among  the  apocryphal  scriptures  :  he  was  afterwards  sepa 
rated  from  Paul  on  account  of  John,  called  also  Mark  ;  ne 
vertheless  he  continued  to  discharge  the  office  of  preaching 
the  gospel,  which  had  been  assigned  to  him.' 

u  Quibus  cunctis  perspicue  ostendilur,  quatuor  tantum  evangelia  debere 
suscipi ;  et  omnes  apocryphorum  naenias  mortuis  magis  haereticis,  quam  eccle- 
siasticis  viris,  canendas.  •  Ibid.  col.  3,  4.  fin. 

v  Igitur  ri£pio£«e  Pauli  et  Theclse,  et  totam  baptizati  leonis  fabulam,  inter 
apocryphas  scripturas  computamus.  De  V.  I.  cap.  7. 

w  Barnabas,  Cyprius,  qui  et  Joseph,  Levites,  cum  Paulo  gentium  apostolus 
ordinatus,  unam  ad  aedificationem  ecclesiae  pertinentem  epistolam  composuit, 
quae  inter  apocryphas  scripturas  legitur.  Hie  postea  propter  Johannem  disci- 
pulum,  qui  et  Marcus  vocabatur,  separatus  a  Paulo,  nihilominus  evangelicae 
praedicationis  injunctum  sibi  opus  exercuit.  De  V.  I.  cap.  vi. 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  465 

(2.)  In  his  Commentary  upon  the  prophecies  of  Ezekiel, 
hex  quotes  the  epistle  of  Barnabas,  which,  he  says,  is  among* 
the  apocryphal  scriptures. 

(3.)  In  another  place  Jeroin  quotes,  J  as  words  of  Ignatius, 
a  passage  cited  by  *Origen  from  the  epistle  usually  ascribed 
to  Barnabas. 

St.  Jerom's  account  of  Barnabas  requires  some  remarks. 

1.)  He  seems  to  allow  the  genuineness  of  the  epistle 
ascribed  to  him  ;  for  he  says,  that  *  he  wrote  an  epistle  for 
the  edification  of  the  church.'  So  aCotelerius  understood 
our  author. 

2.)  Nevertheless  it  was  apocryphal.  It  was  upon  the 
whole  a  useful  work,  and  sometimes  at  least,  and  in  some 
churches,  was  publicly  read  ;  but  it  was  not  canonical ;  it 
could  not  be  alleged  as  of  authority,  and  by  way  of  proof 
of  any  doctrine. 

3.)  This  justifies  the  description  above  given  of  an  apo 
cryphal  book.  It  seems  to  make  a  claim  to  be  a  book  of 
canonical  scripture,  but  has  not  such  a  right.  An  epistle 
written  by  Barnabas,  companion  of  Paul,  and  sometimes 
called  an  apostle,  bids  fair  to  be  a  part  of  canonical  scrip 
ture,  and  perhaps  was  so  esteemed  by  some ;  nevertheless 
by  most  Christians  it  was  rejected  ;  because  it  was  not  al 
lowed  to  be  certainly  known  to  be  written  by  Barnabas,  or 
because  Barnabas  was  not  acknowledged  to  be  an  apostle 
in  the  highest  sense  of  that  word,  or  for  some  other  reason, 
it  was  generally  reckoned  apocryphal,  not  canonical.  But 
to  proceed. 

14.  In  his  book  against  Helvidius,  he  refers  tob  some  apo 
cryphal  book  or  books  concerning  our  Saviour's  nativity  : 
and  expresseth  his  dislike  of  them. 

15.  In  his   Commentary  upon  Ezekiel  :    *  Soc  our  Lord 
x  Vitulum  autem,  qui  pro  nobis  immolatus  est,  et  multa  scripturarum  loca, 

et  praecipue  Barnabse  epistola,  quae  habetur  inter  scripturas  apocryphas,  nomi- 
nat.  In  Ezech.  cap.  xliii.  T.  iii.  p.  1019.  fin. 

y  Ignatius,  vir  apostolicus,  et  martyr,  scribit  audacter ;  «  Elegit  De-minus 
apostolos,  qui  super  omnes  homines  peccatores  erant.'  Adv.  Pelag.  1.  iii.  T.  iv. 
P.  ii.  p.  533.  z  Contr.  dels.  1.  i.  p.  49.  Cantabr.  p.  378.  ed.  Bened. 

a  Dubitatur  an  sit  genuinus  fetus,  an  suppositus.  Existimatum  quidem 
dementi  Alexandrino,  Origeni,  ac  Hieronymo,  summis  viris,  quibus  propterea 

fides  facile  abrogari  non  debet,  nihil  hie  fraudi  delitescere Sed  et  Hiero- 

nymus,  supra  citatusde  notione  vocis  apocryphum,  pro  opere  falsi  tituli,  tamen 
in  locis  a  me  relatis  inter  veterum  testimonia,  epistolam  apocrypham,  non 
psewdepigrapham  vult.  Cotel.  Judic.  de  S.  Barnab.  ap.  Patr.  Ap.  T.  i. 

b  Nulla  ibi  obstetrix— ipsa  pannis  involvit  infantem.  Ipsa  mater  et  obste- 
trix  fuit.  '  Et  collocavit  eum,'  inquit,  « in  praesepio,  quia  non  erat  ei  locus  in 
diversorio.'  [Luc.  ii.  7.]  Quae  sententia  et  apocryphorum  deliramenta  con- 
vincit,  dura  Maria  ipsa  pannis  involvit  infantem.  Adv.  Helvid.  T.  iv.  1 .  11. 
p.  135  c  Unde  et  Salvator  nullum  volumen  doctrmse  suae 

VOL.    IV.  2    " 


466  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

left  no  written  volume  of  bis  doctrine  :  whatever  the  mad 
inventions  of  apocryphal  books  may  pretend.'  Fabricius 
supposeth,  that1'  here  is  a  reference  to  apocryphal  books  that 
were  published  with  Christ's  name. 

16.  Jerom  supposeth,  that  some  apocryphal   books  were 
composed  with  a  design  to  confirm,  or  explain  some  things 
in  the  New  Testament :  and  yet  he  is  extremely  angry  with 
them,  as  thereby  drawing  men's  regards  to  them.     St.  Paul 
says,  1  Cor.  ii.  9,  "  But  as  it  is  written  :  Eye  hath  not  seen, 
nor  ear  heard,  neither  have  entered  into  the  heart  of  man, 
the  things  which  God  has  prepared  for  them  that  love  him." 
Thee  apostle,  he  says,  refers  to  Isa.  Ixiv.  4  ;  but  his  quota 
tion  does  not  exactly  suit  the  Greek  version  of  the  Seventy, 
nor  the  Latin  translation  of  it,  then  generally  in  use.     This 
occasioned   a  difficulty  ;    and  the  words,  as  cited   by  the 
apostle,  being  found  in  the  apocryphal  writings,  called  the 
Ascension  of  Isaiah  and  the  Revelation  of  Elijah,  some  were 
induced  to  think,  that  the  apostle  referred  to  them.     Jerom 
says,  there  is  no  reason  to  recur  to  such  apocryphal   books, 
to  verify  St.  Paul's  quotation.     The  text  intended  by  him  is 
in  the  prophet  Isaiah,  the  Hebrew  of  which  the  apostle  had 
an  eye  to,  but  quotes  paraphrastically,  a  literal  version  not 
being  necessary. 

17.  There    are   several    such   things    in   Jerom.     In    the 
preface  to  his  translation  of  the  Pentateuch  from  Hebrew, 
written  about  394,  he  says,  there  aref  not  a  few  quotations 

proprium  dereliquit,  quod  in  plerisque  apocryphorum  deliramenta  confingunt. 
In  Ezech.  cap.  xliv.  T.  iii.  p.  1034. 

d  Hieronymus  quoque  ad  Ezech.  xliv.  29.  testis  est,  apocryphis  nonnullis 
Christi  nomen  fuisse  preefixum.  Cod.  Apocr.  N.  T.  Tom.  i.  p.  303. 

e  Paraphrasin  hujus  testimonii,  quasi  Hebneus  ex  Hebraeis,  assumit  Paulus 
de  authenticis  libris  in  epistola,  quam  scribit  ad  Corinthios ;  non  verbum  ex 
verbo  reddens,  quod  facere  omnino  contemnit,  sed  sensuum  exprimens  verita- 
tem,  quibus  utitur  ad  id  quod  voluerit  roborandum.  Unde  apocryphornm 
deliramenta  conticeant,  quae  ex  occasione  hujus  testimonii  ingeruntur  ecclesiis 
Christi.  De  quibus  vere  dici  polest,  quod  '  sedeat  Diabolus  in  insidiis  cum 
'  divitibus  in  apocryphis,  ut  interficiat  innocentem.'  [Ps.  x.  8.]  Et  iterum  : 

*  Insidiatur  in  apocrypho,  quasi  leo  in  spelunca  sua.     Insidiatur,  ut  interficiat 

*  innocentem.'  [lb.  v.  8,  9.]  Ascensio  enim  Isaiae  et  Apocalypsis  Eliae  hoc 
habent  testimonium.     In  Is.  Ixiv.  T.  iii.  p.  473. 

f  maxime  quae  evangelistarum  et  apostolorum  auctoritas  promulgavit ; 

in  quibus  multa  de  Veteri  Testamento  legimus,  quae  in  nostris  codicibus  [LXX. 
interpretum]  non  habentur,  ut  est  illud :  «  Ex  ^Egypto  vocavi  filium  meum,' 
[Matt.  ii.  15.]  et,  *  Quoniam  Nazarenus  vocabitur,'  [v.  23.]  et  *  Videbuntin 
quern  compunxerunt,'  [Joh.  xix.  37.]  et,  '  Flumina  de  ventre  CjUS  fluent 
aquae  vivae,'  [Joh.  vii.  38.]  et,  *  Quae  nee  oculus  vidit,  nee  auris  audivit,  nee 
in  cor  hominis  ascenderunt,  quae  praeparavit  Deus  diligentibus  se,'  [1  Cor.  ii. 
9.]  et  multa  alia,  quae  proprium  avvTayp.a  desiderant.  Interrogemus  eos,  ubi 
haec  scripta  sint ;  et  cum  dicere  non  potuerint,  de  libris  Hebraicis  proferamus. 
Primum  testimonium  est  in  Osee  [xi.  1.]  -,  secundum  in  Isaia  [xi.  1.]  ;  tertium 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  467 

of  the  Old  Testament  in  the  evangelists,  and  the  epistles  of 
the  apostles,  which  are  not  to  be  found  in  the  Septuagint 
version,  nor  in  the  Latin  translation  made  from  it :  but  may 
be  found,  he  says,  in  the  Hebrew  original.  So  that  there  is 
no  need  to  have  recourse  to  apocryphal  books,  to  make  good 
their  quotations. 

18.  That  passage   may  be  seen  again  in  his^  Apology 
against  Rufinus,  written  in  401   or  402.     And  to  the   like 
purpose  again,  in  the  same  work,  I  mean  the  Apology  :  forh 
certain,  says  he,  what  our  Saviour  and  his  apostles  declare 
'  to  be  written,*  is  written.     The  Seventy  have  it  not :    and 
the  church  does  not  receive  apocryphal  writings.     We  must 
therefore  look  into  the  Hebrew,  which  indeed  the  evangelists 
and  apostles  quoted. 

19.  And    in    his    Commentary    upon    the    epistle  to   the 
Ephesians,  he  lays  it  down  as  a  rule,  that'  when  in  the  New 
Testament  there  is  a  quotation  of  the  ancient  scriptures,  and 
the  quotation  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  common  Latin  trans 
lation,  made  from  the  Seventy,  we  should  not  immediately 
search   apocryphal    writings,   but    look   into  the   Hebrew ; 
where  they  will   be  found,  if  not  in  express  words,  yet  in 
sense  ;  forasmuch  as  the  sacred  writers  of  the  New   Testa 
ment  do  not  always  so  quote  the  Old   Testament,  but  in  a 
freer  manner. 

in  Zacharia  [xii.  10.] ;  quartum  in  Proverbiis  [xviii.  4.] ;  quintum  aeque  in 
Isaia  [Ixiv.  4.]  :  quod  multi  ignorantes  apocryphorum  deliramenta  sectantur,  et 
Iberas  nsenias  libris  authenticis  praeferunt.  Proleg.  in  Gen.  T.  i.  init. 

«  Adv.  Ruf.  1.  ii.  T.  iv.  P.  ii.  p.  423. 

h  Scripsi  nuperum  librum  de  optimo  genere  interpretandi,  ostendens  ilia  de 
evangelio  :  *  Ex  .ZEgypto  vocavi  filium  meum,' — caeteraque  his  similia,  in 
Hebrseorum  libris  inveniri.  Certe  apostolus  et  evangelists  Septuaginta  inter- 
pretes  noverant.  Et  unde  eis  hoc  dicere,  quod  in  Septuaginta  non  habetur  ? 
Et  Christus  Dorainus  noster,  utriusque  Testamenti  conditor,  in  evangelio  se- 
cundum  Johannem  :  '  Qui  credit,'  inquit,  '  in  me,  sicut  dicit  scriptura,  flumina 
de  ventre  ejus  fluent  aquae  vivae.'  [Joh.  vii.  38.]  Utique  scriptuin  est  quod 
Salvator  scriptum  esse  testatur.  Ubi  scriptum  est  ?  Septuaginta  non  habent. 
Apocrypha  nescit  ecclesia.  Ad  Hebraeos  igitur  revertendum.  Unde  et  Do- 
minus  loquitur,  et  discipuli  exempla  praesumunt.  Ibid.  p.  425.  et  conf.  ad 
Pammach.  de  Opt.  Gen.  Interpret,  ep.  33.  [al.  101.]  T.  iv.  p.  251—254. 

1  '  Propter  hoc  relinquet  homo  patrem  et  matrem,  et  erunt  duo  in  came 
una.'  [Eph.  v.  31.]  Quod  frequenter  annotavimus,  apostolos  et  evangelistas  non 
eisdem  verbis  usos  esse  Testamenti  Veteris  exemplis,  quibus  in  propriis  volu- 
minibus  continentur,  hoc  et  hie  probamus  :  siquidem  testimonium  istud  ita  in 
Genesi  scriptum  est.  Hoc  autem  toturn  nunc  idcirco  observavimus,  ut  etiam 
in  caeteris  locis,  sicubi  testimonia  quasi  de  prophetis,  et  de  Veteri  Testamento, 
ab  apostolis  usurpata  sunt,  et  in  nostris  codicibus  non  habentur,  nequaquam 
statim  ad  apocryphorum  ineptias  et  deliramenta  curramus :  sed  sciamus,  scripta 
quidem  ea  esse  in  Veteri  Testamento  ;  sed  non  ita  ab  apostolis  edita,  et  sensuin 
magis  usurpatum  ;  nee  facile  nisi  a  studiosis  posse,  ubi  scripta  smt,  mvemri. 
In  Eph.  vi.  31.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  392. 

2  H  2 


468  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

20.  Finally,  in  his  letter  to  Leeta  concerning  the  educa 
tion  of  her  daughter,  having  recommended  the  reading  of 
the  scripture,  and  shown   the  proper  order  and  method  of 
so  doing;  he  directs  thatk  all  apocryphal  books  should  be 
shunned.     But  if  at  any  time  she  looks   into  them  for  her 
entertainment,  and  not  for  proving  any  doctrine ;  she  should 
remember,  that  they  were  not  written  by  those  whose  names 
they  bear :  and  that  it  requires  great  prudence  to  separate 
gold,  where  it  is  mixed  with  dirt. 

21.  I  need  not  insist  upon  a  passage1  of  Theophilus  of 
Alexandria,  relating  to  apocryphal  books :  though  it  be  in 
a  work  translated  by  Jerom. 

X.  It  is  not  easy  to  forbear  taking  some  particular  notice 
of  Jerom's  labours  concerning  the  scriptures. 

1.  He  put  out  a  correct  Latin  translation  of  the  books  of 
the  New  Testament,  amending  the  Latin  version  before  in 
use  by  the  Greek  original. 

2.  He  corrected  the  Latin  version  of  the  Old  Testament, 
which  had  been  made  from  the  Greek  of  the  Seventy  :  which 
was  before  in  use  in  the  churches  that  spake   the  Latin 
tongue. 

3.  He  made  a  Latin  translation  of  all  the  books  of  the 
Jewish  scriptures  from  the  Hebrew.     The  late  learned  and 
judicious  John  Le   Clerc,  though  not  over  friendly  to  the 
merit  of  our  author,  hasm   readily  acknowledged  the  high 
praises  due  to  him  on  account  of  this  last  performance. 

4.  Jerom  speaks  of  both  his  translations  of  the  Old  Tes 
tament,  that  is,  of  the  Greek  of  the   Seventy,  and   of  the 
Hebrew  original,  in"  the  preface  to  his  translation  of  Job 
from  the  Hebrew. 

K  Caveat  omnia  apocrypha.  Et  si  quando  ea  non  ad  dogmatum  veritatem, 
sed  ad  signorum  reverentiam  legere  voluerit,  sciat,  non  eorum  esse,  quorum 
titulis  praenotantur,  multaque  his  admixta  vitiosa,  et  grandis  esse  prudentiae 
aurum  in  Into  quaerere.  Ad  Last.  ep.  57.  [al.  7.]  T.  iv.  p.  596. 

'..  Abjectis  itaque  Origenis  malis,  et  scripturarum,  quse  vocantur  apocrypha, 
id  est,  abscondita,  decipulis  praetermissis.  Theoph.  Alex.  Lib.  Pasch.  2.  ap. 
Hieron.  T.  iv.  P.  ii.  p.  715.  f. 

m  Non  possumus  hie  dissimulare,  summam  laudem  ei  deberi  vel  ob  id  sol  urn, 
quod  primus  Occidentalium,  et  propemodum  unus,  (nam  perpauci  eum  imitati 
sunt,)  viderit  necessitatem  linguae  Hebraicae  ad  intelligendum  accuratius  Vetus 
Testamentum  ;  et  quod  solus  aggressus  sit  id  denuo  ex  authenticis  libris  con- 
vertere ;  quomodocunque  res  ei  cesserit,  de  qua  antea  egimus.  Attamen  hoc 
in  negotio  et  acuti  ingenii  et  constantiae  eximiae  virum  eum  se  praestitisse,  nemo 
negaverit.  Multum  erat,  primum  et  solum,  ccecutientibus  omnibus  quidpiam 
videre ;  rarum  eo  aevo  suscipere  opus  tantum,  quantum  suscepit ;  nee  male  ab- 
solvit ;  ferme  inauditum,  invidiam  theologorum  plane  spernere,  iisque  invitis 
benefacere.  Quaestion.  Hieronym.  viii.  p.  230,  231. 

n  Utraque  editio,  et  Septuaginta  juxta  Graecos,  et  juxta  Hebraeos,  in  Latinum 
meo  labore  translata  est.  Eligat  unusquisque  quod  vult.  Pr.  in  Job.  T.  i.  p.  78 1 . 


JEROM.    A.  D.  392.  469 

5.  Of  his  edition  of  the  Seventy,  or  his  translation  from 
them,  he  speaks  in  his  prefaces  to0   his  translation  of  the 
Psalms,  and  P  the  books  of  Solomon,  and  (i  the  Chronicles, 
from  the  Hebrew. 

6.  In   the  last  chapter  of  the  book  of  Illustrious   Men, 
written  in  392,  reckoning  up  his  own  works  to  that  time  he 
says;  *Ir  have  published  the  New  Testament  agreeably  to 
the  Greek  original :   the  Old  Testament  I   have  translated 
according  to  the  Hebrew.'     Nevertheless  it  has  been  observ 
ed  by  learned  moderns,  that  his  translation  of  the  Old  Tes 
tament  was  not  then  finished.     There  is  therefore  a  difficulty 
in  reconciling  what  he  here  says  with  the  supposed  dates  of 
his  translations  of  the  several  books  of  the  Old  Testament 
from   Hebrew.     Hody  says,   that8  those   translations   were 
then  made,  but  not  published. 

7.  In  a  letter  to  Lucinius,  supposed  to  have  been  written 
about  the  year  397,   he  speaks  l  of  his  having  some  good 
while  before  published  an  exact  edition  of  the  Old  Testa 
ment  in  Latin,  from  the  Greek  version  of  the  Seventy  ;  and 
of  having  finished  his  Latin  edition  of  the  New  Testament ; 
and  of  his  being  then  employed  in  translating  from  Hebrew 
the  Octateuch,  or  first  eight  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  the 
rest  having  been  translated  before. 

8.  The  order  of  these  three  works,  in  the  main,  is  this. 
The  first,  that  is,  anu  edition  of  the  New  Testament  in  Latin, 
corrected  by  the  Greek  copies,  and  those  ancient,  as  he  says, 
was  published  in  the  latter  part  of  the  year  384. 

0  — quorum  translationem   diligentissime   emendatam  olim  meae  linguae 
hominibus  dederim.     Pr.  in  Ps.  T.  i.  p.  838. 

P  Si  cui  sane  Septuaginta  interpretum  magis  editio  placet,  habet  earn  a  me 
emendatam.  Pr.  in  libr.  Salom.  T.  i.  p.  939. 

1  Caeterum  memini  editionem  Septuaginta  translatorum  olim  de  Graeco 
emendatam  tribuisse  me  nostris.     Pr.  in  Paral.  T.  i.  p.  1023. 

r  Novum  Testamentum  Graecae  fidei  reddidi.  Vetus  juxta  Hebraicam 
transtuli.  De  V.  I.  cap.  135. 

s  In  Catalogo  Scr.  EC.  dicit :  *  Novum  Testamentum  Graecae  fidei  reddidi. 
*  Vetus  j  uxta  Hebraicum  transtuli.'  Catalogum  autem  scripsit  ann.  1 4.  Theodo- 
sii  Imp.  h.  e.  Chr.  392,  vel  393.  Hoc  quomodo  convenire  potest  cum  illis, 
quae  diximus  de  tempore,  quo  editi  sunt  scripturarum  libri  varii  ?  Dicendum, 
ilium  ante  ann.  Theodosii  14.  Chr.  392,  transtulisse  quidem  libros  omnes,  sed 
omnes  in  publicam  non  edidisse,  nisi  multis  post  annis.  Hod.  de  Text.  p.  358. 

1  Canonem  Hebraicae  veritatis,  excepto  Octateucho,  quern  nunc  in  mambus 
habeo,  pueris  tuis  et  notariis  dedi  describendum.  Septuaginta  Interpretum 
editionem  et  te  habere  non  dubito  ;  et  ante  annos  plurimos  diligentissime  emen 
datam  studiosis  tradidi.  Novum  Testamentum  Graecse  reddidi  auctoritati.  Ad 
Lucin.  ep.  52.  [al.  28.]  T.  iv.  p.  579. 

u  Igitur  haec  praesens  praefatiuncula  pollicetur  quatuor  tantum  evangelia— 
codicum  Graecorum  emendata  collatione,  sed  veterum.  Ad  Damas.  Pr.  in  iv. 
Evang.  T.  i.  p.  1462. 


470  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

The  edition  of  the  Latin  translation  from  the  Seventy  was 
made  not  long'  after. 

Thev  translations  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament  from 
Hebrew,  were  not  published  all  at  once,  nor  in  the  order  in 
which  those  books  are  usually  placed.  He  first  translated 
the  four  books  of  the  Kings,  that  is,  the  two  books  of 
Samuel,  and  the  two  books  of  the  Kings.  For  this  reason 
the  general  preface  to  all  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament, 
of  which  a  distinct  account  was  given  above,  was  prefixed 
to  those  books:  the  translation  of  which  was  made  in  392, 
or  before.  After  that,  he  translated  from  Hebrew  all  the 
prophets,  the  four  larger  and  the  twelve  lesser  prophets,  and 
the  three  books  of  Solomon,  and  the  book  of  Job,  and  the 
Psalms.  The  translations  of  all  which  books  are  computed 
to  have  been  made  in  the  year  392,  or  thereabout.  The 
books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  also  were  translated  in  392, 
or  not  long1  after.  The  books  of  the  Chronicles  about  396. 
The  book  of  Genesis  is  supposed  to  have  been  translated  in 
394 ;  the  four  following  books  of  Moses  about  404 ;  the  rest 
completing-  the  Octateuch,  that  is,  Joshua,  Judg'es,  and 
Ruth,  which  are  reckoned  one  book,  and  Esther,  in  404 
or  405. 

9.  Beside  correct  editions  and   translations  of  the  books 
of  scripture,  Jerom  published  divers  other  works  helpful 
to  the  right  understanding  of  them.     Among  these  must  be 
mentioned  in  the  first  place  his  book  of  the  Interpretation 
of  Hebrew   Names,   another w   book    of  the   Situation  and 
Names  of  Hebrew  places,  and  a  book  of  Hebrew  questions 
upon  Genesis.     All  which  are  mentioned   by  him  among 
his  works  in  the  last  chapter  of  his  book  of  Illustrious  Men, 
and x  are  still   extant,  supposed   to  have    been   published 
about  the  year  of  our  Lord  388.     Of  the  second  of  these 
some  account  was  given  by  usy  among  the  works  of  Euse- 
bius  of  Caesarea. 

10.  Jerom  also  wrote  Commentaries2  upon  the  book  of  EC- 
clesiastes,  upona  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  Daniel,  and  the 
twelve  lesser  prophets;  upon  b  the  gospel  of  St.  Matthew, 
and   upon  the  epistles  of  St.  Paul  to  the  Galatians,  Ephe- 
sians,  Titus,  and  Philemon.     All  which  Commentaries  are 
still    extant :  not  now  to  refer  to  his  epistles,  in   many  of 

.  v  Vid.  Hody  de  Bibl.  Text.  Orig.  1.  iii.  P.  ii.  c.  2.  p.  350—358.  Tillem. 
St.  Jerome,  art.  54,  &c.  Mem.  T.  12.  et  Opp.  S.  Hieron.  edit.  Bened. 

w  Quoestionum  Hebra'icarum  in  Genesim  librum  unum  j  De  Locis  librum 
unum ;  Hebraicorum  Nominum  librum  unum.  De  V.  I.  cap.  135. 

x  Ap.  Hieron.  Opp.  T.  ii.  edit.  Benedictin.  *  See  p.  77. 

z  Ap.  S.  Hieron.  Opp.  T.  ii.  p.  713—788. 

a  Ibid.  T.  iii.  b  Ibid.  T.  iv.  p.  1. 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  471 

which  are  useful  observations  for  understanding-  the  scrip 
tures.  Divers  of  those  Commentaries,  just  mentioned,  are 
rehearsed  by  him1  in  the  last  chapter  of  his  book  of  Illus 
trious  Men.  The  rest  were  published  afterwards  ;  and  some 
of  them  were  in  hand  when  he  wrote  that  book :  in  which 
he  gave  a  general  account  of  his  own  as  well  as  other  men's 
labours.  A  character  of  his  Commentaries  and  remarks 
upon  them  may  be  seen  in  divers d  modern  writers.  Tille- 
monte  was  much  pleased  with  his  Commentary  upon  the 
prophet  Haggai. 

XI.  Jerom's  respect  for  the  scriptures  appears  from  the 
editions  and  translations  which  he  made  of  them,  and  from 
the  Commentaries,  which  he  wrote  to  explain  them,  and 
from  many  expressions  of  his,  which  my  readers  cannot  but 
have  observed  in  the  passages  above  cited.  I  add  here, 
therefore,  little  more  upon  this  head. 

1.  He  says,  thatf  the  scriptures,  being  all  written  by  one 
Spirit,  are  one  book. 

2.  He  concludes  his  letter,  written  in  414,  to  Demetrias, 
a  noble  young  Roman  lady,  who  had  resolved  upon  a  single 
life,  saying:  '  Love  s  the  holy  scriptures:  and  wisdom  will 
love  you.' 

3.  in   his  letter   to   Loeta,  written  about  the  year  398, 
giving  her  instructions   concerning  the  education   of  her 
daughter,  young  Paula,  he  adviseth,  thath  she  should  read 

c  In  epistolam  Pauli  ad  Galatas  commentariorum  libros  tres ;  item  in  episto- 
lam  ad  Ephesios  libros  tres  ;  in  epistolam  ad  Titum  librum  unum  :  in  episto 
lam  ad  Philemonem  librum  unum — Scripsi  praeterea  in  Michaeam  explanatio- 
num  libros  duos :  in  Sophoniam  librum  unum  j  multaque  alia  de  opere 
prophetali,  quae  nunc  habeo  in  manibus,  et  necdum  expleta  sunt.  De.  V.  I. 
cap.  135.  d  See  Daille,  Right  Use  of  the  Fathers.  B.  i.  ch. 

vi.  R.  Simon.  Hist.  Grit,  des  Commentat.  du  N.  T.  ch.  xiv.  xv.  Hist.  Grit,  du 
V.  T.  1.  iii.  ch.  ix.  et  Hist.  Grit.  des.  Vers.  du  N.  T.  ch.  iii.  iv.  J.  Cleric.  Qu. 
Hieron.  Qu.  xv.  p.  492,  &c.  Bib.  Ch.  T.  viii.  p.  304,  &c.  et  T.  xvii.  p.  1,  &c. 

e  Le  plus  beau  de  tous  ces  commentaires  est,  ce  me  semble,  celui  d'Aggee. 
S.  Jerome,  art.  57. 

f sed  omnium  scripturarum,  quae  uno  scriptae  sunt  spiritu,et  propterea 

unus  liber  appellantur.  In  Is.  cap.  xxix.  T.  iii.  p.  246.  fin. 

K  Ama  scripturas  sanctas,  et  amabit  te  sapientia.  Ad  Demetr.  ap.  97.  [al. 
8.]  T.  iv.  P.  ii.  p.  796. 

h  Pro  gemmis  et  serico  divinos  codices  amet Discat  primo  Psalterium. 

His  se  Canticis  avocet.  Et  in  Proverbiis  Salomonis  erudiatur  ad  vitam.  In 
Ecclesiaste  consuescat,  quae  mundi  sunt,  calcare.  In  Job  virtutis  et  sapientiae 
exempla  sectetur.  Ad  evangelia  transeat,  nunquam  ea  positura  de  manibus. 
Apostolorum  Acta,  et  epistolas,  tola  cordis  imbibat  voluntate.  Quumque 
pectoris  sui  cellarium  his  opibus  locupletaverit,  mandet  memoriae  prophetas, 
Heptateuchum,  et  Regum'et  Paralipomenon  libros:  Ezra  quoque  et  Esther 
volumina.  Ad  ultimum,  sine  periculo  discat  Canticum  Canticorum— Caveat 
omnia  apocrypha — Cypriani  opuscula  semper  in  manu  teneat — Ad  Leet.  ep. 
57.  [al.  7.]  T.  iv.  p.  596. 


472  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

the  scriptures,  and  in  this  order :  first  the  Psalms,  next  the 
Proverbs  of  Solomon,  and  his  Ecclesiastes,  and  Job ;  the 
gospels,  the  Acts,  and  the  epistles  of  the  apostles.  After 
wards  she  may  read  the  Prophets,  the  Heptateuch,  the 
Kings  and  Chronicles,  Ezra,  Esther,  and  lastly  the  Canti 
cles,  but  no  apocryphal  books.  Or,  if  she  does,  she  should 
first,  by  way  of  caution,  be  informed  of  their  true  character. 
After  that  he  recommends  the  reading  of  Cyprian,  some  of 
the  works  of  Athanasius,  and  Hilary.  This  shows,  that 
Jerom  did  not  desire,  that  any  part  of  scripture  should  be 
hid  from  any  people. 

4.  In   his  letter  to  Nepotian,  which   might   be  entitled 
Advice  to  a  young  Clergyman,  or  to  a  Candidate  for  the 
Ministry,  he  directs  in  this  manner:  *  Be1  much  in  reading 
the  divine  scriptures,  or  rather  let  them  never  be  out  of  your 
hands.' 

5.  In  another  letter  he  makes  a  difference k  between  the 
apostles,  and  the  rest  of  the  writers  of  sacred  scriptures, 
and  other  writers ;  they  always  speak  truth  ;  these  as  men 
may  err. 

6.  In  the  preface  to  his  Commentary  upon  the  epistle  to 
the  Ephesians  he  says  ;  Nothing  is1  so  likely  to  entertain  a 
wise   man,   and   enable  him   to   bear  with   moderation   the 
troubles  of  this  life,  as   the   meditation  and   study  of  the 
scriptures.     And  since  by  these  divine  books  we  may  know 
God,  and  learn  the  end  of  our  creation,  he  wonders  that  any 
should  be  backward  to  study  them,  or  hinder  those  who 
would. 

7.  The  letter  to  Paulinus,  from  which  we  made  large  ex 
tracts  some  while  ago,  contains1"  a  long  and  earnest  exhor- 

'  Divinas  scripturas  scepius  lege ;  imo  nunquam  de  manibus  tuis  sacra 
lectio  deponatur.  Ad  Nepotianum  de  Vita  Ciericorum  et  Monachorum.  Ep. 
34.  [al.  2.]  T.  4.  p.  261.  m. 

k  Numquid  ego  in  turbam  mitto  Origenem  ?  Numquid  caeteros  tractatores  ? 
Scio  me  aliter  habere  apostolos,  aliter  reliquos  tractatores.  Illos  semper  vera 
dicere,  istos  in  quibusdam,  ut  homines,  aberrare.  Ad  Theoph.  ep.  39.  [al. 
62.]  T.  iv.  p.337,  M. 

1  Si  quidquam  est,  Paula  et  Eustochium,  quod  in  hac  vita  sapientem  virum 
teneat,  et  inter  pressuras  et  turbines  aequo  animo  manere  persuadeat,  id  esse 
vel  primum  reor,  meditationem  et  scientiam  scripturarum.  Quum  enim  a 
cseteris  animantibus  hoc  vel  maxime  differamus,  quod  rationale  animal  su- 
mus,  et  loqui  possumus ;  ratio  autem  omnis  et  sermo  divinis  libris  contineatur, 
per  quos  et  Deum  discimus,  et  quare  creati  sumus,  non  ignoramus ;  miror 
quosdam  exstitisse,  qui  aut  ipsi  se  inertiae  et  somno  dantes,  nolint  quae  praeclara 
sunt  discere,  aut  caeteros,  qui  id  studii  habent,  reprehendendos  putent.  Pr. 
in  Eph.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  319. 

m  Paulus  apostolus  ad  pedes  Gamalielis  legem  Domini  et  prophetas  didi- 
cisse  se  gloriatur. — Ad  Timotheum  scribit  ab  infantia  sacris  literis  eruditum,  et 
hortatur  ad  studium  lectionis,  ne  negligat  gratiam,  quae  data  sit  ei  per  impo- 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  473 

tation  to  diligent  reading  of  the  scriptures,  and  expressions" 
of  Jerom's  sincere  and  ardent  affection  for  them.  He  more 
over  says  there:  All0  men  talk  of  the  scriptures,  and  pre 
tend  to  understand  them,  and  explain  them  ;  but  he  adviseth 
his  friend  to  seek  proper  helps,  and  take  due  care  to  obtain 
the  right  meaning  of  them. 

XII.  Let  us  now  observe  a  few  various  readings  in  this 
writer. 

1.  Jerom  says,  that?  the  latter  part  of  the  16th  chapter  of 
St.  Mark's  gospel,  from  ver.  9,  to  the  end,  was  generally 
wanting  in  the  Greek  copies.     But  it  may  be  thought,  and 
not  without  reason,  that**   Jerom   here  expresseth   himself 
rather  too  strongly. 

2.  After  verse  14,  of  Mark   xvi.  in  some,  and  especially 
Greek  copies,  was  inserted  a  passage,  which r  I  transcribe 
below.     Probably   it  was  taken   out  of  some  apocryphal 
gospel. 

3.  Luke  ii.  33,  "  And  Joseph  and  his  mother  marvelled 
at  those  things  which  were  spoken  of  him."     In8  Jerom's 

sitionem  raanus  presbyterii.  Tito  praecipit,  ut  inter  caeteras  virtutes  episcopi, 
quem  brevi  sermone  depinxit,  scientiam  quoque  eligat  scripturarum — Cur 
dicitur  Paulus  apostolus  vas  electionis  ?  Nempe  quia  legis  et  sanctarum  scrip 
turarum  armarium  est.  Ad  Paulin.  ep.  50.  [al.  103.]  T.  iv.  p.  569,  570. 
.  n  Cernis  me  scripturarum  amore  raptum  excessisse  modum  epistolae,  et  ta- 
men  non  implesse  quodvolui.  Ib.  p.  574. 

0  Haec  a  me  perstricta  sunt  breviter — ut  intelligeres,  te  in  scripturis  sanctis, 
sine  praevio  et  monstrante  semitam,  non  posse  ingredi — Quod  medicorum  est, 
promittunt  medici  j  tractant  fabrilia  fabri.     Sola  scripturarum  ars  est,  quam 
sibi  omnes  vindicant. — Hanc  garrula  anus,  hanc  delirus  senex,  hanc  sophista 
verbosus,  hanc  universi  praesumunt,  lacerant,  decent,  antequam  discant,  &c. 
Ibid.  p.  571.  m. 

P  Hujus  quaestionis  duplex  solutio  est.  Aut  enim  non  recipimus  Marci 
testimonium,  quod  in  raris  fertur  evangeliis  •,  omnibus  Graeciae  libris  pene  hoc 
capitulum  in  fine  non  habentibus  ;  praesertim  quum  diversa  atque  contraria 
evangelistis  caeteris  narrare  videatur.  Ad  Hedib.  Qu.  iii.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  172. 
al.  ep.  150. 

1  Verum  hie,  ut  saepe,  alibi,  nimium  virtppoXncug  forte  loquitur  Hieronymus. 
I.  Cleric,  ep  de  edit.  N.  T.  Millian. 

r  In  quibusdam  exemplaribus,  et  maxime  in  Graecis  codicibus,  juxta  Mar- 
cum,  in  fine  ejus  evangelii  scribitur:  «  Postea  quum  accubuissent  undecim, 
'  apparuit  eis  Jesus,  et  exprobavit  incredulitatem  et  duritiam  cordis  eorum, 
'  quia  his  quividerant  eum  resurgentem  non  crediderunt.  Et  illi  satisfaciebant, 

*  dicentes :  Seculum  istud  iniquitatis  et  incredulitatis  substantia  est ;  quae  non 
'  sinit  per  immundos  spiritus  veram  Dei  apprehendi  virtutem.     Idcirco  jam 

•  nunc  revela  justitiam  tuam.'     Adv.  Pelag.  Dial.  2.  T.  iv.  P.  ii.  p.  520.    Vid. 
Mill,  ad  Marc.  xvi.  14.  et  Prolegom.  n.  724. 

8  «  Et  certe  Maria  conservabat  omnia  verba  haec,  conferens  in  corde  suo.' 
[Luc.  ii.  19.]  Ac  neimpudenter  neges  ista  ignorasse  Joseph  :  «  Et  erant,'  in- 
quit  Lucas,  «  pater  illius  et  mater  admirantes  super  his  quae  dicebantur  de  eo  :' 
licet  tu  mira  impudentia  haec  in  Graecis  codicibus  falsata  contendas,  quae  non 
solum  omnes  pene  Graeciae  tractatores  in  suis  voluminibus  reliquerunt,  sed  non- 


474  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

Greek  copies  this  seems  to  have  been  written  in  this  man 
ner:  *  And  his  father  and  mother  marvelled.'  The  same 
reading-  was  then  in  some  Latin  copies,  particularly1  Augus 
tine's,  and  is  still  in  the  Latin  Vulgate,  and  some  other 
versions.  See  Mill  upon  the  place. 

4.  The  words  of  Luke  xxii.  43,  44,  wereu  in  some  Greek 
and  Latin  copies  in  Jerom's  time. 

5.  In  v  many  Greek  and  Latin  copies  was  the  history  of 
the  woman  taken  in  adultery,  which  we  have  at  the  begin 
ning  of  the  8th  chapter  of  St.  John's  gospel,  and  with  that 
particular,  of  our  Lord's  '  writing  with  his  finger  on  the 
ground.'     Concerning  which  may  be  seen  Mill,  and  other 
editors  of  the  New  Testament,  with   various  readings,  and 
alsow  Dr.  Heumann's  Dissertation   upon  it,  who  with  great 
care  and  diligence  has  considered  the  objections  against  the 
genuineness  of  this  paragraph. 

6.  In  one  placex  he  quotes  Acts  viii.  39,  as  if  it  were 
MTi'tten  ;  *  and  when  they  were  come  up  out  of  the  water,  the 
Spirit  came  upon  the  eunuch.'     But  in  his  Latin  edition  of 
the  New  Testament,  as  published   by   Martianay,  there  is 
only  our  common  reading. 

7.  St.  Jerom,  as  is?  allowed,  does  no  where  cite  the  pas 
sage  concerning  the  heavenly  witnesses,  now  found  in  most 
editions  of  the  New  Testament,  in  the  fifth  chapter  of  St. 
John's  first  epistle.     There  is  indeed  in  his  works  a  preface 
to  the  seven   Catholic  Epistles;  the  design  of  which  is  to 
show  the  genuineness  of  that  clause.     But  that  prologue  is 
now  universally  rejected,  not  only  byz  R.  Simon,  but  also 

nulli  quoque  e  Latinis,  ita  ut  in  Graecis  habentur,  assumserint,  &c.  Adv. 
Helvid.  T.  iv.  P.  ii.  p.  134.  f. 

1  Vid.  De  Consens.  Evang.  1.  ii.  cap.  1.  n.  3.  T.  iii. 

u  In  quibusdam  exemplaribus,  tarn  Graecis  quam  Latinis,  invenilur,  scri- 
bente  Luca  :  «  Apparuit  illi  angelus  de  coelo,  confortans  eum  :'  hauddubium, 
quin  Dominum  Salvatorem.  *  Et  factus  in  agonia,  prolixius  orabat,  factusque 
estsudor  ejus  sicut  guttae  sanguinis  decurrentis  in  terram.'  Adv.  Pelag.  1.  ii. 
T.  iv.  p.  521. 

v  In  evangelic  secundum  Johannem,  in  multis  et  Graecis  et  Latinis  codicibus, 
invenitur  de  adultera  muliere,  quae  accusata  est  apud  Dominum.  Accusabant 
autem  et  vehementer  urgebant  scribae  et  pharisaei,  juxta  legem  earn  lapidare 
cupientes.  «  At  Jesus  inclinans  digito  scribebat  in  terra.'  Ibid.  p.  521, 
522.  ' 

w  Vid.  Diss.  v.  in  Nova  Svlloge  Dissertationum,  Part  i.  p.  173,  &c.  Ros- 
tochii,  1752. 

x  — De  quo  scriptura  ita  loquitur  :  '  Et  descenderunt  ambo  in  aquam,  et 
*  baptizavit  eum  Philippus.  Et  quum  abscederet  ab  aqua,  Spiritus  Sanctus 
«  venit  in  eunuchum.'  Adv.  Lucif.  T.  iv.  p.  295.  Et  Conf.  Mill  in  Loc. 

y  Hieronymus,  qui  in  operibus  indubitate  geauinis,  loci  hujus  nusquam 
meminit.  Mill,  ad  1  Job.  v.  p.  581.  a. 

1  Hist.  Crit  du  N.  T.  ch.  xviii. 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  475 

by  aMill,  and  bMartiauay,  the  Benedictine  editor  of  St. 
Jerom's  works.  I  need  not  mention  any  others. 

XIII.  I  shall  now  transcribe  some  observations  of  our 
author  relating  to  the  scriptures. 

1.  In  his  letter  to  Paulinus  he  says  of  Isaiah,  thatc  his 
book  is  rather  a  gospel  than  a  prophecy.  He  speaks  to  the 
like  purpose11  elsewhere. 

*2.  In  the  same  letter  he  says,  that  among6  the  Jews  the 
beginning  and  end  of  Ezekiel,  and  the  beginning  of  Genesis, 
were  not  to  be  read  by  any  before  they  were  thirty  years 
of  age. 

3.  Jerom  often  says,  that  the  writers  of  the  New  Testa 
ment,  when  they  take  passages  from  the  Old,  do  not  quote 
from  the  Greek  version  of  the  Seventy,  but  from  the  original 
Hebrew;  so  he  says,  particularly,  of  John  the  evangelist. 

4.  So  he  says  likewise  of  the  evangelist  Matthew,  in  a 
passage,  whichs  I  place  below  somewhat  at  length;  and  it 
is  plain,  that  he  speaks  of  Matthew's  Greek  gospel.     And 
having  spoken  of  him,  he  adds,  that  generally,  when  the 
evangelists  and  apostles  allege  passages  of  the  Old  Testa 
ment,  they  do  not  exactly  follow  the  words,  but  the  sense ; 

a  Mill,  ubi  supra,  p.  582.  b.  b  Vid.  Opp.  S.  Hieron.  T.  i.  p.  1670,  &c. 

c  Quorum  primus  non  prophetiam  mihi  texere  videtur,  sed  evangelium. 
Ad.  Paulin.  T.  iv.  p.  573. 

d  Veniam  ad  Isaiam, — Quern  quum  magis  evangelistam  quam  prophetam 
dicerem,eo  quod  universa  Christi  ecclesiae  mysteria  sic  ad  liquidum  persecutus 
esset,  ut  non  de  futuro  vaticinari,  sed  de  praeteritis  historiam  texere  crederetur. 
Adv.  Ruf.  l.ii.  p.  431. 

e  Tertius  principia  et  finem  tantis  habet  obscuritatibus  involuta,  ut  apud 
Hebrseos  istae  partes  cum  exordio  Geneseos  ante  annos  triginta  non  legantur. 
Ad.  Paulin.  ep.  50.  [al.  103.]  p.  573. 

f  Johannes  autem  evangelista,  qui  de  pectore  Domini  hausit  sapientiam, 
Hebraeus  ex  Hebraeis,  quern  Salvator  amabat  plurimum,  non  magnopere  cura- 
vit,  quid  Graecse  literse  continerent ;  sed  verbum  e  verbo  interpretatus  est,  ut 
in  Hebraeo  legerat.  Et  tempore  dominicae  passionis  dixit  esse  completum. 
In  Zach.  xii.  10.  T.  Hi.  p.  1784.  Conf.  Job.  xix.  37. 

8  Ex  quo  apparet,  Matthaeum  evangelistam,  non  veteris  interpretationis 
auctoritate  constrictum,  dimisisse  Hebraicam  veritatem ;  sed  quasi  Hebraeum 
ex  Hebraeis,  et  in  lege  Domini  doctissimum,  ea  Gentibus  protulisse,  quae  in 
Hebraeo  legerat. — Quod  beatum  Matthaeum  non  solum  in  hoc  testimonio,  sed 
in  alio  loco,  fecisse  legimus :  •  Ex  jEgypto  vocavi  filium  meum.'  [Mat.  ii.  15.] 
Pro  quo  Septuaginta  transtulerunt :  'Ex  ^Egypto  vocavi  filios  ejus,'  [Ose.  xi. 
1.]  Quod  utique,  nisi  sequamur  Hebraicam  veritatem,  ad  Dominum  Salvatorem 
non  pertinere  manifestum  est — Rursumque  quod  apud  Hebraeos  legitur :  ' 
in  lege  ejus  sperabunt  insula?.'  [Is.  xlii.  4.]  Matthaeus,  sensum  potius  quam 
verba  interpretans,  pro  «  lege'  et  •  insulis,'  «  nomen'  posuit,  et  *  gentes.'  [xii. 
21.]  Et  hoc  non  solum  in  praesenti  loco,  sed  ubicunque  de  veteri  instru- 
mento  evangelistae  et  apostoli  testimonia  protulerunt,  non  eos  verba  sequutos 
esse,  sed  sensum  :  et  ubi  Septuaginta  ab  Hebraico  discrepant,  Hebraeum  sen- 
sum  suis  expressisse  sermonibus.  Ad  Algas.  Qu.  2.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  190.  al  - 
ep.  151. 


476  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

and  that  where  the  Seventy  differ  from  the  Hebrew,  they 
express  the  sense  of  the  Hebrew  in  their  own  words. 

5.  In  another  place'1  he  speaks  again  to  the  like  purpose 
of  the  evangelists  Matthew  and  John  :  but  supposeth  that 
Luke  quotes  the  Seventy, sometimes  at  least.    He  also  allows, 
that  St.  Paul's  quotation  of  Isaiah,  vi.  9,  10,  in  his  discourse 
with  the  Jews,  recorded  Acts  xxviii.  26,  27,  is  more  agree 
able  to  the  Seventy,  than   to  the  Hebrew.     He  there  also 
says,  that  the  quotations  of  the  Seventy  in  the  epistle  to  the 
Hebrews,  caused  doubts  in  the  minds  of  some,  whether  it 
was  Paul's. 

6.  Again,  he  says,  that'  for  the  most  part  the  writers  of  the 
New  Testament,  excepting  St.  Luke  in  some  places,  quote 
not  according  to  the  Seventy,  but  the  Hebrew. 

7.  Sometimes  he  expresseth  himself  in  this  manner  :  Thatk 
the  apostles  in  their  citations  of  the  scriptures  of  the  Old 
Testament  follow  the  Greek  version  of  the  Seventy,  when  it 
does  not  differ  from  the  Hebrew. 

8.  Once  more,  with  regard  to  this  matter,  he  says,  that 

h  Ac  primum  solvenda  est  ilia  quaestio,  quae  nobis  objici  potest ;  quare  apos- 
tolus  Paul  us,  cum  Hebraeis  disputans,  non  juxta  Hebraicum,  quod  rectum  esse 
cognoverat,  sed  juxta  Ixx.  sit  loquutus  ?  Evangelistam  Lucam  tradunt  veteres 
ecclesiae  tractatores  medicinae  artis  fuisse  scientissimum,  et  magis  Graecas 
literas  scisse  quam  Hebraeas.  Unde — magisque  testimoniis  Graecis  utitur 
quam  Hebraeis.  Matthaeus  autem  et  Joannes,  quorum  alter  Hebraeo,  alter 
Graeco  sermone,  evangelium  texuerunt,  testimonia  de  Hebraeo  proferunt.  Ut 
est  illud  :  *  Ex  ^Egypto  vocavi  filium  meum :  et,  Quoniam  Nazarseus  vocabi- 

•  tur  :'  et,  '  Flumina  de  ventre  ejus  fluent  aquae  vivae,'  et,  *  Videbunt  in  quern 
'  compunxerunt :'  et  caetera  his  similia.     Pauli  quoque  idcirco  ad  Hebraeos 
epistolae  contradicitur,  [quod,  ad  Hebraeos  scribens,  utatur  testimoniis  qua?  in 
Hebraicis  voluminibus  non  habentur.     In  Is.  cap.  vi.  T.  iii.  p.  63,  64. 

1  Legimus  in  apostolo  [1  Cor.  xiv.  21.] ;  *  In  aliis  linguis,  et  in  labiis  aliis, 

*  loquar  populo  huic,  et  nee  sic  exaudient  me,  dicit  Dominus.'     Quod  mini 
videtur  juxta  Hebraicum  de  prsesenti  sumtum  capitulo.  [Is.  xxviii.   11.]     Et 
nos  in  Novo  observavimus  Testamento  (absque  paucis  testimoniis,  quibus 
Lucas  solus  abutitur,  qui  magis  Graecae  linguae  habuit  scientiam  :)  ubicunque 
de  Veteri  Instrumento  quid  dicitur,  non  eos  juxta  Septuaginta,  sed  juxta  He 
braicum  ponere,  nullius  sequentes  interpretationem,  sed  sensurn  Hebraicum  suo 
sermone  vertentes.     In  Is.  cap.  xxviii.  T.  iii.  p.  237,  238. 

k  Longum  est  nunc  revolvere,  quanta  Septuaginta  de  suo  addiderint,  quanta 

dimiserint; Et  tamen  jure  Septuaginta  editio  obtinuit  in  ecclesiis,  vel 

quia  primaest,  et  ante  Christi  facta  adventum,  vel  quiaab  apostolis  (in  quibus 
tamen  ab  Hebraico  non  discrepat)  usurpata.  Ad  Pamm.  ep.  33.  [al.  101.]  p. 
255.  in. — Apostolici  viri  scripturis  utuntur  Hebraicis.  Ipsos  apostolos  et  evan- 
gelistas  hoc  fecisse  perspicuum  est.  Dominus  atque  Salvator  ubicunque  vete- 
ris  scripturae  meminit,  de  Hebraicis  voluminibus  ponit  exempla — et  multa  his 
similia.  Nee  hoc  dicimus,  quod  Septuaginta  interpretes  fugillemus,  sed  quod 
apostolorum  et  Christi  major  sit  auctoritas:  et  ubicunque  Septuaginta  ab 
Hebraeo  non  discordant,  ibi  apostolos  de  interpretatione  eorum  exempla  sum- 
sisse  :  ubi  vero  discrepant,  id  posuisse  in  Graeco  quod  ab  Hebraeis  didicerant, 
&c.  Adv.  Rufin.  1.  ii.  T.  iv.  p.  433. 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  477 

1  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament,  when  they  quote  the  an 
cient  scriptures,  follow  no  translation  whatever ;  but  as  they 
speak,  or  write,  translate  from  the  Hebrew  for  themselves: 
and  oftentimes  express  the  sense  only,  instead  of  translating 
word  for  word. 

9.  In  his  preface  to  the  Latin  translation  of  the  New 
Testament,  which  had  been  corrected  by  him,  he  says, 
«  Itm  is  certain,  that  all  the  books  of  the  New  Testament 
were  written  in  Greek,  except  the  gospel  of  the  apos 
tle  Matthew,  who  first  wrote  in  Judea  in  the  Hebrew 
language.' 

9.  In  another  place  he  says,  that"  the  versions  of  the  Old 
Testament  are  to  be  corrected   by  the  Hebrew,  so  those  of 
the  New  Testament  are  to  be  compared  with  the  Greek  :  and 
to  the  like  purpose  in  another0  letter. 

10.  So  writes  Jerom.     And  though  he  says,  the  gospel 
of  St.  Matthew  was  written  in  Hebrew ;  and  he  often  speaks 
of  the  gospel  according   to  the  Hebrews,  as   thought  by 
some  to  be  St.  Matthew's  authentic  gospel  ;    it  does  not 
appear  that  he  consulted  it,  when  he  corrected  the  Latin 
version  before  in  use.     But  in  the  account  which  he  gives 
of  that  service  among  his  other  works,  he  says,  he?  had 
published  the  New  Testament  agreeably  to  the  Greek  :  or 
he  had  corrected  it  by  the  Greek.     Yea,  he  expressly  says, 
somewhat  lower  in  the  preface  before  cited,  thati  he  had 
corrected  the  Latin  translation  of  the  four  gospels  of  Mat 
thew,   Mark,   Luke,  and  John,  by  the   Greek  copies,  and 
those  ancient. 

1  Paraphrasin  hujus  testimonii,  quasi  Hebrseus  ex  Hebraeis,  assumit  aposto- 
lus  de  authenticis  libris  in  epistola  ad  Corinthios.  [1  Cor.  ii.  9.]  non  verbum 
verbo  reddens,  quod  facere  omnino  contemnit,  sed  sensuum  expnmens  venta- 
tem,  quibus  utitur  ad  id  quod  voluerit  roborandum.  In  Is.  Ixiv.  4.  T.  iii.  p. 
473.  Vid.  supr.  not.  %  p.  466. 

m  De  novo  nunc  loquor  Testamento  :  quod  Gracum  esse  non  dubu      est, 
excepto  apostolo  Matthaeo,  qui  primus  in  Judaea  evangelium  Christi  Hebraic 
literis  edidit.     Praef.  in  iv.  Evang.  T.  i.  p.  1426. 

n  Novum  Testamentum   Gnecae  reddidi  auctoritati.     Ut  enim   veteru 
librorum  fides  de  Hebraeis  voluminibus  examinanda  est,  ita  novorum  Grseci 
sennonis  normam  desiderat.  Ad  Lucin.  ep.  52.  [al.  28.]  T.  iv.  p.  579. 

0  Sicut  autem  in  Novo  Testamento,  si  quando  apud  Latinos  quaesl 
oritur,  et  est  inter  exemplaria  varietas,  recurrimus  ad  fontem  Gneci  sermoms, 
quo  Novum  scriptum  est  Instrumentum  :  ita  in  Veteri  Testamento,  si  quai 
inter  Graecos  Latinosque  diversitas  est,  ad  Hebraicam  confugimus  venta 
Ad  Sun.  et  Fret.  T.  ii.  p.  627.  al.  ep.  135. 

P  Novum  Testamentum  Graecae  fidei  reddidi.    De  V.  I.  cap.   1.35.  v 

ST*lStu'r  tate  prse'sens  praefatiuncula  pollicetur  quatuor  tantum  evangelia ; 
quorum  ordo  est  Matthseus,  Marcus,  Lucas,  Johannes :  codicum 
emendata  collatione,  sed  veterum.     Pr.  in  iv.  Evang.  T.  i.  p.  142b. 


478  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

11.  Inr  the  same  preface  to  the  four  gospels,  he  speaks 
of  a  great  disorder  in   the  common  editions  of  the    Latin 
translation  of  the  four  gospels.     He  says,  that  the   copies 
were   very  different  from  each   other,  and   that  there  was 
great  confusion  in   them  :  several    passages  of  Luke's  and 
Matthew's  gospels  being    inserted   in   Mark's,  to  make   it 
more   complete;  and   in  Matthew's  gospel   many  passages 
of  John  and  Mark;  and  in  like  manner  of  the  rest.     Many 
things  belonging'  to  one  gospel  were  inserted  in  the  others. 
And  it   must   be  allowed  that  there  was  some  ground   for 
these   complaints ;  otherwise  Jerom   would    not  have  made 
them.     At  the  same  time  it  may  be  supposed,  that  he  makes 
use    of   strong  expressions,    and    aggravates    beyond    the 
truth. 

12.  St.  Jerom  says,  that8  the  apostle  Paul  was  a  man  of 
quick  understanding  and  ready  wit.     He  also  says,  that1 
Paul  had  some  acquaintance  with  secular  learning.     This, 
he   says,  appears    from  his   quoting   divers  Greek  poets  : 
Epimenides,  Aratus,  and  Menander. 

13.  St.  Paul's  quotations  of  those  Greek  poets  are  taken 
notice  of  by  Jeromu  more  than  once. 

r  Si  enim  Latinis  exemplaribus  fides  est  adhibenda,  respondeant,  quibus. 
Tot  enim  sunt  exemplaria  pene,  quot  codices.  Sin  autem  veritas  est  quaerenda 
de  plunbus,  cur  non  ad  Graecam  originem  reveitentes,  ea  quae  vel  a  vitiosis 
interpretibus  male  edita — corrigimus  ? — Magnus  siquidem  hie  in  nostris  codi- 
cibus  error  inolevit,  dum  quod  in  eadem  re  alius  evangelista  plus  dixit,  in  alio 
quia  minus  putaverint,  addiderunt.  Vel  dum  eundem  sensum  alius  aliter  ex- 
pressit,  ille  qui  unum  e  quatuor  primum  legerat,  ad  ejus  exemplum  caeteros 
quoque  sestimavit  emendandos.  Unde  accidit,  ut  apud  nos  mixta  sint  omnia, 
et  in  Marco  plura  Lucae  atque  Matthaei :  rursum  in  Mattheeo  plura  Joannis  et 
Marci :  et  in  caeteris  reliquorum  quae  aliis  propria  sunt,  inveniantur.  Ibid. 

s  Paulus  apostolus  homo  erat  acuti  et  acris  ingenii  ;  et  qui  ad  primes  quos- 
que  disputationum  conatus  sagaci  mente  quae  erant  inferenda  praenosceret.  In 
Ephes.  cap.  iv.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  366. 

1  Quippe  qui  et  seculares  literas  aliqua  ex  parte  contigerat. — Scisse  autem 
Paulum  licet  non  ad  perfectum  ipsius  verba  testantur:  «  Dixit  quidam  ex  eis, 
proprius  eorum  propheta :  Cretenses  semper  mendaces,  malae  bestiae,  ventres 
pigri.'  [Tit.  i.  12.]  Hie  versus  heroicus  Epimenidis  poetae  est,  cujus  et  Plato, 
et  caeteri  scriptores  veteres  recordantur.  Apud  Athenienses  quoque,  quum  in 
Areopago  satisfaceret,  haec  addidit :  *  Sicut  et  quidam  de  vobis  poetae  dixe- 
runt :  Ipsius  enim  et  genus  sumus.'  [Acts  xvii.  28.]  Hoc  hemistichium 
fertur  in  Arato,  qui  de  ccelo  stellisque  conscripsit.  Nee  non  et  illud  :  *  Cor- 
rumpunt  bonos  mores  confabulationes  pessimae.'  [1  Cor.  xv.  33.]  Trimeter 
lambicus  de  comcedia  sumtus  est  Menandri.  Ex  quibus,  et  aliis,  evidens  est, 
Paulum  non  ignorasse  literas  seculares.  In  ep.  ad  Galat.  iv.  24.  T.  iv.  P.  i. 
p.  280. 

u  Sed  et  Paulus  apostolus  Epimenidis  poetae  abusus  versiculo  est,  scribens 
ad  Titum  :  *  Cretenses  semper  mendaces,  malae  bestiae,  ventres  pigri.'  Cujus 
heroici  hemistichium  postea  Callimachus  usurpavit. — In  alia  quoque  epistola 
Menandri  ponit  senarium :  '  Corrumpunt  mores  bonos  confabulationes  pes 
simae.'  Et  apud  Athenienses  in  Martis  Curia  disputans,  Aratum  testem  vocat : 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  479 

14.  He  says,  that v  there  appear  in  Paul's  epistles  several 
words  peculiar  to  the  dialect  of  his  own  city  and  country ; 
meaning"  Tarsus  and  Cilicia.     He  mentions  several  instances; 
one  intended  by  him,  as  it  seems,  is  the  word  rendered   by 
us,  "  let  no  man  beguile  you  of  your  reward."  fCol.  ii.  18.] 
The  Greek  word  for  which,  used    by  St.  Paul,  appears  to 
me  a  very  elegant  word.     If  the   Cilicians  had   such  words 
in  their   dialect  they  might  be   used   by  any  man  without 
reproach. 

15.  Jerom  says,  moreover,  thatw  the  apostle  makes  use 
of  low  and  trivial  expressions.     He  instanceth  in  Gal.  iii  1. 
"  Who  has    bewitched    you  ?"    And,   if  the    Greek    word 
exactly  corresponds  with  the  English,  it  must  be  owned  to 
be  a  trivial  expression.     But  still   the  apostle  might   have 
good   reason  for  using  it :   which  I  think   Jerom  does  not 
deny.     And  therefore  he  says,  that  we  ought  to  understand 
it  worthily  of  Paul ;   who,  *  though  he  was  rude  in  speech, 
yet  certainly  not  in  knowledge  ;'  however,  he  again  affirms, 
thatx   in   his  epistle  to  the   Galatians  the  apostle  willingly 

*  Ipsius  enim  et  genus  sumus.'  Quod  Graece  dicimus  :  ra  yap  KCU  ytvos  ea^tev. 
Et  est  clausula  versus  heroici.  Ac  ne  parum  hoc  esset,  Ductor  Christian  i 
exercitus,  et  orator  invictus,  pro  Christo  causam  agens,  etiam  inscriptionem 
fortuitam  arte  torquet  in  argumentum  fidei.  Ad  Magn.  Orat.  ep.  83.  T.  iv. 
P.  ii.  p.  654,  655.  Vid.  et  Comm.  in  Tit.  cap.  i.  v.  12—14.  T.  4.  P.  i.  p. 
420,  421. 

v  Conabimur  itaque  irapa^pa^iK^g  sensus  ejus  evolvere,  et  tricas  implicati 

eloquii  suo  ordini  reddere  et  juncture «  Nemo  vos  superet,'  [Col.  ii.  18.] 

id  est,  nemo  adversum  vos  bravium  accipiat.  Hoc  enim  Graece  dicitur  Kara- 
ppaptvtw  quando  quis  in  certamine  positus  iniquitate  Agonothetae,  vel  insidiis 
Magistrorum,  /3pa/3aoj/  et  palmam  sibi  debitam  perdit.  Multaque  sunt  verba, 
quibus  juxta  morem  urbis  et  provinciae  suae  familiarius  apostolus  utitur.  E  qui- 
bus,  exempli  gratia,  pauca  ponenda  sunt.  Mihi  autem  parum  est  judicari  ab 
humano  die,  hoc  est,  airo  avO^mvrjg  tifiipaQ.  [1  Cor.  iv.  3.]  Et,  '  huma- 
num  dico,'  hoc  est  icara  avQpuTrov  \«yw.  [Gal.  iii.  15.]  Et,  ov  KaTtvapicrjoa. 
vpuv  hoc  est,  '  non  gravavi  vos.'  [2  Cor.  xii.  13.]— Quibus,  et  multis  aliis 
verbis,  usque  hodie  utuntur  Cilices.  Nee  hoc  miremur  in  apostolo,  si  utatur 
ejus  linguae  consuetudine,  in  qua  natus  est  et  nutritus  :  quum  Virgilius,  alter 
Homerus  apud  nos,  patriae  suae  sequens  consuetudinem,  '  sceleratum  frigus' 
appellet.  Ad  Algas.  Qu.  x.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  204.  al.  ep.  151. 

w  Quod  autem  sequitur  :  «  Quis  vos  fascinavit :'  digne  Paulo  (qui  etsi  im- 
peritus  sermone,  non  tamen  scientia)  debemus  exponere  ;  non  quo  scierit  esse 
fascinum,  qui  vulgo  putatur  nocere ;  sed  usus  sermone  sit  trivii,  et,  ut  in  caete- 
ris,  ita  et  in  hoc  quoque  loco  verbum  quotidianae  sermocinationis  assumserit. 
In  ep.  ad  Galat.  iii.  1.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  248. 

x  « Fratres,  secundum  hominem  dico.' — Apostolus,  qui  omnibus  omnia 
factus, — Galatis  quoque,  quos  paulo  ante  stultos  dixerat,  factus  est  stultus. 
Non  enim  ad  eos  his  usus  est  arguments,  quibus  ad  Romanes,  sed  simpliciori- 
bus,  et  quae  stulti  possent  intelligere,  et  pene  de  trivio — Unde  mamfestum  est, 
id  fecisse  apostolum  quod  promisit ;  nee  reconditis  ad  Galatas  usum  esse  sen- 
sibus,  sed  quotidianis,  et  vilibus,  et  quae  possent,  nisi  praemisisset,  «  secundum 
hominem  dico,'  prudentibus  displicere.  In  Galat.  iii.  15.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  261. 


480  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

condescended  to  some  vulgar,  and  almost  trivial  expres 
sions. 

16.  Again,  he  says,    they  apostle   either   despised    the 
Greek  eloquence,  or  chose  not  to  avail  himself  of  it ;  that  the 
success  of  his  preaching  might  not  appear  to  depend  upon 
human  wisdom,  but  the  power  of  God.     See  1  Cor.  ii. 

17.  And  farther  he  says,  thatz  the  apostle  was  not  able 
to  express,  especially  in  Greek,  all  the  grandeur  and  sub 
limity  of  his  sentiments  :  and  that  when  he  says,  he  was 

*  rude  in  speech  though  not  in  knowledge,'  [2  Cor.  xi.  6,3 
he  should  not  be  understood  to  speak  thus  of  himself  by 
way  of  humility,  but  truly. 

18.  Finally  he  says,  that a  Paul  not  being  fully  acquainted 
with  the  rules  of  grammar,  has  some  expressions  contrary 
to  them.     And  he  even  says,  that b  there  are  some  solecisms 
in  his  style;  which,  however,  he  does  not  say  with  a  view 
of  disparaging  the  apostle ;  for  it  affords  a  certain  evidence  of 

•  y  Ille  Hebraeis  literis  eruditus,  et  ad  pedes  doctus  Gamalielis,  quern  non  eru- 
bescit,  jam  apostolicae  dignitatis,  magistrum  dicere,  Graecam  facundiam  con- 
temnebat,  vel  certe,  quod  erat  humilitatis,  dissimulabat ';  ut  praedicatio  ejus 
non  in  persuasione  verborum,  sed  in  signorum  virtute  consisteret.  Adv.  Ruf. 
1.  i.  T.  iv.  p.  367. 

z  Illud  quod  crebro  diximus :  *  et  si  imperitus  sermone,  non  tamen  scientia:' 
nequaquam  Paulum  de  humilitate,  sed  de  conscientiae  veritate  dixisse,  etiam 
nunc  approbamus.  Profundos  enim  et  reconditos  sensus  lingua  non  explicat. 
Et  quum  ipse  sentiat  quid  loquatur,  in  alienas  aures  puro  non  potest  trans- 
ferre  sermone.  Ad  Algas.  Qu.  x.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  204.  M. — Qui  putant,  Paul 
um  juxta  humilitatem,  et  non  vere  dixisse,  *  et  si  imperitus  sermone,  non  ta 
men  scientia ;'  defendant  hujus  loci  consequentiam.  Debuit  quippe  secun- 
dum  ordinem  dicere  :  *  Vos,  qui  spirituales  estis,  instruite  hujusmodi  in  spiritu 
lenitatis,  considerantes  vosmet  ipsos,  ne  et  vos  tentemini ;'  et  non  plurali  in- 
feire  numerum  singularem.  Hebraeus  igitur  ex  Hebraeis,  et  qui  esset  in  verna- 
culo  sermone  doctissimus,  profundos  sensus  aliena  lingua  exprimere  non  vale- 
bat  :  Nee  curabat  magnopere  de  verbis,  quum  sensum  haberet  in  tuto.  In  Gal. 
cap.  vi.  1.  ibid.  p.  309. 

a  Sequitur :  '  Quae  sunt  rationem  quidem  habentia  sapientiae.'  [Col.  ii. 
23.]  Hoc  loco  *  quidem  '  conjunctio  superflua  est.  Quod  in  plerisque  locis 
propter  imperitiam  artis  grammaticae  apostolum  fecisse  reperimus,  &c.  Ad. 
Algas.  Qu.  x.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  207.  al.  ep.  151. 

•  Puto  autem,  quod  et  vitiosa  in  hoc  loco  elocutio  est Si  vero  quis 

potest  etiam  juxta  sermonis  et  eloquii  contextum  docere  apostolum  fuisse  per- 
fectum,  et  in  artis  grammaticae  vitia  non  incurrisse,  ille  potius  auscultandus  est. 
Nos  quotiescumque  solcecismos,  aut  tale  quid  annotamus,  non  apostolum  pul- 
samus,  ut  malevoli  criminantur,  sed  magis  apostoli  assertores  sumus,  quod 
Hebraeus  ex  Hebraeis,  absque  rhetorici  nitore  sermonis,  et  verborum  composi- 
tione,  et  eloquii  venustate,  nunquam  ad  fidem  Christi  totum  mundum  transdu- 
cere  valuisset,  nisi  evangelizasset  eum  non  in  sapientia  verbi,  sed  in  virtute 
Dei.  Nam  et  ipse  ad  Corinthios  ait — [1  Cor.  ii.  1.] — et  rursum — [ib.  ver.  4, 
5.]  Iste  igitur,  qui  soloecismos  in  verbis  facit ;  qui  non  potest  hyperbaton 
reddere  sententiamque  concludere,  audacter  sibi  vindicat  sapientiam,  et  dicit : 
'  Quoniam  secundum  revelationem  cognitum  factum  est  mihi  mysterium.' 
[Ephes.  iii.  3.]  In  Eph.  iii.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  348. 


JEROM.     A.  D.  392.  481 

the  wisdom  given  him  from  above,  and  of  his  preaching 
the  gospel  with  the  power  of  God ;  otherwise,  it  had  been 
impossible  for  him  to  convert  the  world  to  the  faith  of  Christ 
without  the  ornaments  of  language,  and  the  charms  of  elo 
quence. 

19.  Upon  Gal.  iv.  14,  hec  supposeth  it  likely,  that  when 
the  apostle  was  first  in  Galatia,  he  had  some  sickness. 
Moreover,  he  says,  there  was  a  tradition,  that  Paul  often 
had  a  violent  headach  :  and  that  was  the  "  thorn  in  the 
flesh,  and  messenger  of  Satan,"  which  he  speaks  of,  2  Cor. 
xii.  7. 

XIV.  1.  Jerom  seems  to  have  despised  popular  preaching, 
and  advises  Nepotian,  in  the  letter  cited  some  while  ago,  not d 
to  aim  to  please  men,  and  those  mean  and  ignorant,  but  to 
teach  them  important  truths  out  of  the  scriptures,  and  to  en 
deavour  to  make  them  better.  He  speaks  to  the  like  pur 
pose  in  another  work.6 

2.  Jerom  f  censures  the  superstition  of  some  women,  who 
wore  about  them  pieces  of  the  wood  of  the  cross,  and  small 
gospels,  or  passages  of  them.  He  says  it  may  be  a  zeal  of 
God,  but  not  according  to  knowledge  ;  and  that  the  faults 
of  the  pharisees,  who  made  broad  their  phylacteries,  had 
descended  to  Christians. 

c  Aut  certe  suspicari  possumus,  apostolum  eo  tempore,  quo  primum  venit  ad 
Galatas,  segrotasse,  et  aliqua  corpusculi  infirmitale  detentum.  Nam  tradunt, 
eum  gravissimum  capitis  dolorem  saepe  perpessum,  et  hunc  esse  angelum 
Satanae,  qui  appositus  ei  sit,  ut  eum  colaphizaret  in  came,  ne  extolleretur.  In 
Gal.  iv.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  274. 

d  Docente  te  in  ecclesia,  non  clamor  populi,  sed  gemitus  suscitetur.  Lacry- 
mse  auditorum  laudes  tuae  sint.  Sermo  presbyteri  Scripturarum  lectione  con- 
ditus  sit.  Nolo  te  declamatorem  esse  et  rabulam,  garrulumque,  sine  ratione, 
sed  mysteriorum  peritum,  et  sacramentorum  Dei  tui  eruditissimum.  Verba 
volvere,  et  celeritate  dicendi  apud  imperitum  vulgus  admirationem  sui  facere, 
indoctorum  hominum  est.— Praeceptor  quondam  meus,  Gregorius  Narianzenus, 
rogatus  a  me  ut  exponeret,  quid  sibi  vellet  in  Luca  Sevrtpoirfxarov,  id  est, 
secundo-primum,  eleganter  lusit,  docebo  te,  inquiens,  super  hac  re  in  ecclesia ; 
in  qua  mihi  omni  populo  acclamante,  cogerisscire  quod  nescis.  Aut  certe  si 
solus  tacueris,  solus  ab  omnibus  stultitiae  condemnaberis.  Nihi  ice, 

quam  vilem  plebeculam  et  indoctam  concionem  linguae  volubihtate  decipere, 
quae  quidquid  non  intelligit,  plus  miratur.  Ad  Nepot.  ep.  34.  al.  2.  T.  iv. 
P.  ii.  p.  262. 

,  e  Jam  enim  et  in  ecclesiis  ista  quaeruntur.  Omissaque  apostolicorum  sim- 
plicitate  et  puritate  verborum,  quasi  ad  Athenaeum,  et  ad  auditoria  convemtur, 
ut  plausus  circumstantiam  excitentur ;  ut  oratio,  rhetoricae  artis  fucata  menda- 
cio,  quasi  meretricula  procedat  in  publicum,  non  tarn  eruditura  populos,  quam 
favorem  populi  quaesitura.  Pr.  3.  in  ep.  ad.  Galat.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  287. 

f  Vae  nobis  miseris,  ad  quos  pharisaeorum  vitia  transierunt.— He 
superstitiosae  mulierculae  in  parvulis  evangeliis,  et  in  crucis  ligno,  et  istii 
rebus,  quae  habent  zelum  Dei,  sed  non  juxta  scientiam,  usque  hodie  tactitant. 
Ad  Matt,  xxiii.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  108,  109. 
VOL.    IV.  2   1 


482  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

3.  He*  complains  of  the  excessive  pride  of  some  bishops 
in  his  time. 

4.  Jerom  seems  to  allow,  that h   some  of  the  Antenicene 
writers  of  the  church  had  so  expressed  themselves,  as  to 
give  countenance  to  the  Arian  doctrine. 

5.  He  *  triumphs  in  the  progress  of  the  Christian  religion  : 
which  was  become  the  religion  of  the  emperors,  and  of  many 
other  great  men,  and  of  a  large  part  of  the  city  of  Rome,  and 
had  spread  all  over  the  world,  in  Egypt,  India,  Persia,  Ar 
menia,  Ethiopia,  Scythia,  and  other  parts. 


CHAP.  CXV. 


RUF1NUS. 

I.  His  time.     II.  A  catalogue  of  the  books  of  the  Old  and 
New  Testament.     III.  Remarks  upon  it. 

I.  RUFINUS,  presbyter  of  Aqtiileia,  and  contemporary  with 
Jerom,  according  to  Cavea  flourished  about  the  year  390. 
He  died  in  410.  Heb  is  supposed  to  have  begun  to  publish 
writings  about  the  year  397.  For  a  farther  account  of  him 
I  refer  to c  others. 

II.  I  proceed  to  transcribe  immediately  his  catalogue  of 

g  Quae  quidera  et  nos  ad  humilitatem  provocant,  et  supercilium  decutiunt 
episcoporum,  qui  velut  in  aliqua  sublimi  specula  constituti,  vix  dignantur  vi- 
dere  mortales,  et  alloqui  conserves  suos.  In  Gal.  iv.  T.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  273. 

h  Vel  certe  antequam  in  Alexandria,  quasi  daemonium  meridianum,  Arius 
nasceretur,  innocenter  quaedam  et  minus  caute  loquuti  sunt,  et  qua?  non  pos- 
sint  perversorum  horainum  calumniam  declinare.  Adv.  Rut  1.  ii.  T.  iv.  P. 
ii.  p.  411. 

1  Solitudinem  patitur  et  in  Urbe  Gentilitas.  Dii  quondam  nationum  cum 
bubonibus  et  noctuis  in  solis  culminibus  remanserunt.  Vexilla  militum  crucis 
insignia  sunt.  Regum  purpuras,  et  ardentes  diadematum  gemmas,  patibuli 
salutaris  pictura  condecorat.  Jam  .Egyptius  Serapis  factus  est  Christian  us. 
Mamas  Gazae  luget  inclusus,  et  eversionem  templi  jugiter  pertimescit.  De 
India,  de  Perside,  ./Ethiopia  monachorum  quotidie  turbas  suscipimus.  De- 
posuit  pharetras  Armenius.  Hunni  discunt  Psalterium.  Scythia?  frigora  fer 
vent  calore  fidei.  Getarum  rutilus  et  flavus  exercitus  ecclesiarum  circumfert 
tentoria.  Ad.  Last.  ep.  57.  [al.  7.]  T.  iv.  P.  ii.  p.  591.  M. 

8  Claruit  praecipue  circa  ann.  390.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  186. 

b  See  Tillern.  Mem.  T.  xii.  S.  Jerom,  art.  129,  beginning. 

c  Du  Pin,  Bib.  T.  iii.  p.  240,  &c.  Tillem.  Mem.  T.  xii.  S.  Jerome,  art.  12, 
13,  125—130.  Pagi,  ann.  395.  n.  xxi.  397.  n.  ii.  xiii— xviii.  399.  vi.  410. 
xxvi.  et  alibi.  Basnag.  ann.  399.  n.  xiii.  et  alibi. 


RUFINUS.     A.  D.  397.  483 

the  books  of  scripture,  which  is  in  hisd  Explication  of  the 
Apostles' Creed,  a  work  highly  commended  bye  Gennadius, 
and  f  Du  Pin. 

'  This  s  then  is  the  Holy  Spirit,  who  in  the  Old  Testament 
inspired  the  law  and  the  prophets,  and  in  the  New  the  gos 
pels  and  apostles.  Wherefore  the  apostle  says,  that  "all 
scripture  is  given  by  inspiration  of  God,  and  is  profitable 
for  doctrine."  [2  Tim.  iii.  16.]  It  will  not  therefore  be 
improper  to  enumerate  here  the  books  of  the  New  and  the 
Old  Testament,  which  we  find  by  the  monuments  of  the 
fathers  to  have  been  delivered  to  the  churches  as  inspired 
by  the  Holy  Spirit.  And  of  the  Old  Testament,  in  the  first 
place,  are  the  five  books  of  Moses,  Genesis,  Exodus,  Levi 
ticus,  Numbers,  Deuteronomy.  After  these  are  Joshua  the 
son  of  Nun,  and  the  Judges,  together  with  Ruth.  Next  the 
four  books  of  the  Kingdoms,  which  the  Hebrews  reckon 
two ;  the  book  of  the  Remains,  which  is  called  the  Chro 
nicles,  and  two  books  of  Ezra,  which  by  them  are  reckoned 
one,  and  Esther.  The  prophets  are  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Eze- 
kiel,  and  Daniel ;  and  besides,  one  book  of  the  twelve  pro 
phets.  Job  also,  and  the  Psalms  of  David.  Solomon  has 
left  three  books  to  the  churches,  the  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes, 
and  the  Song  of  Songs  :  with  these  they  conclude  the  num 
ber  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament.  Of  the  New  there 
are  the  four  gospels  of  Matthew,  Mark,  Luke,  and  John; 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  by  Luke;  fourteen  epistles  of  the 
apostle  Paul;  two  epistles  of  the  apostle  Peter;  one  of 

d  Expositio  in  Symbolum  Apostolorum.  Apud  S.  Cyprian.  Opp.  in  Append, 
ad  S.  Hieron.  Opp.  T.  v.  p.  127—146. 

e  Proprio  autem  labore,  imo  gratia  Dei  et  dono,  exposuit  idem  Rufinus 
Symbolum,  ut  in  ejus  comparatione  alii  nee  exposuisse  credantur.  Gennad. 
De  V.  I.  cap.  17.  al.  18.  f  Et  en  etfet,  il  seroit  difficile 

de  trouver  un  traite  sur  le  Symbole  plus  parfait  que  celui-ci.  Ubi  supra,  p.  142. 

s  Hie  igitur  Spiritus  Sanctus  est,  qui  in  Veteri  Testamento  legem  et  prophetas, 
in  Novo  evangelia  etapostolos  inspiravit.  Unde  apostolus  elicit :  Omnis  scrip- 
tura  inspirata  utilis  est  ad  docendum.  Et  ideo  quae  sunt  Novi  ac  Veteris  Testa- 
menti  volumina,  quae  secundum  majorum  traditionem  per  ipsum  Spiritura 
Sanctum  inspirata  creduntur,  et  ecclesiis  Christi  tradita,  competens  videtur  hoo 
in  loco  evident!  numero,  sicut  ex  patrum  monumentis  accepimus,  designare. 
Itaque  Veteris  Testament!  omnium  primo  Moysi  quinque  libri  sunt  traditi, 
Genesis,  Exodus,  Leviticus,  Numerus,  Deuteronomium.  Post  ha?c  Jesus  Nave, 
et  Judicum,  simul  cum  Ruth.  Quatuor  post  heec  Regnorum  libri,  quos  He- 
bra?i  duos  numerant.  Paralipomena,  qui  Dierum  dicitur  Liber,  et  Esdrae  duo, 
quia  apud  illos  singuli  computantur,  et  Hester.  Prophetarum  vero  Isai'as,  Jere- 
mias,  Ezechiel,  et  Daniel.  Praeterea  duodecim  prophetarum  liber  unus.  Job 
quoque,  et  Psalmi  David  singuli  sunt  libri.  Salomon  vero  tres  ecclesiae  tradi- 
dit,  Proverbia,  Ecclesiasten,  Cantica  Canticorum.  In  his  concluserunt  nume- 
rum  hbrorum  Veteris  Testamenti.  Novi  vero  quatuor  evangelia,  Matthaei, 
Marci,  Luca,  et  Joannis:  Actus  Apostolorum,  quos  describit  Lucas :  Pauh 
apostoli  epistote  quatuordecim :  Petri  apostoli  dua?,  Jacobi  fratris  Domini  et 


484  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

James,  the  brother  of  the  Lord,  and  apostle  ;  one  of  Jude ; 
three  of  John ;  the  Revelation  of  John.  These  are  the 
volumes  which  the  fathers  have  included  in  the  canon,  and 
out  of  which  they  would  have  us  prove  the  doctrines  of  our 
faith. 

'  However,  it  ought  to  be  observed,  that  there  are  also 
other  books,  which  are  not  canonical,  but  have  been  called 
by  our  forefathers  ecclesiastical  :  as  the  Wisdom  of  Solo 
mon  ;  and  another,  which  is  called  the  Wisdom  of  the  Son 
of  Sirach  ;  and  among  the  Latins  is  called  by  the  general 
name  of  Ecclesiasticus :  by  which  title  is  denoted  not  the 
author  of  the  book,  but  the  quality  of  the  writing.  In  the 
same  rank  is  the  book  of  Tobit,  and  Judith,  and  the  books 
of  the  Maccabees.  In  the  New  Testament  is  the  book  of 
the  Shepherd,  or  of  Hennas,  which  is  called  the  Two  Ways, 
or  the  Judgment  of  Peter.  All  which  they  would  have  to 
be  read  in  the  churches,  but  not  to  be  alleged  by  way  of 
authority,  for  proving  articles  of  faith.  Other  scriptures 
they  called  apocryphal,  which  they  would  not  have  to  be 
read  in  the  churches. 

*  These  things  I  have  thought  proper  to  put  down  here, 
as  received  from  our  ancestors,  for  the  information  of  those 
who  are  learning  the  first  elements  of  the  church,  and  the 
faith  :  that  they  may  know  from  what  fountains  they  ought 
to  fetch  the  word  of  God/ 

That  is  Rufinus's  catalogue  of  the  books  of  scripture, 
which  has  been  several  times  referred  to  in  thish  wrork. 

III.  I  need  to  add  only  a  few  remarks. 

1.  In  this  exposition  of  the  Creed  Rufinus  has  more  than 
once  quoted  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  as  the  apostle' 

apostoli  una,  Judae  una,  Joannis  tres  :  Apocalypsis  Joannis.  Haec  sunt,  quae 
patres  intra  canonem  concluserunt,  et  ex  quibus  fidei  nostrae  assertiones  con- 
stare  voluerunt. — Sciendum  tamen  est,  quod  et  alii  libri  sunt,  qui  non  sunt 
canonici,  sed  ecclesiastici  a  majoribus  appellati  sunt ;  ut  est  Sapientia  Salo- 
monis,  et  alia  Sapientia,  quae  dicitur  filii  Sirach,  qui  liber  apud  Latinos  hoc 
ipso  generali  vocabulo  Ecclesiasticus  appellatur.  Quo  vocabulo  non  auctor 
libelli,  sed  scripturae  qualitas  cognominata  est :  Ejusdem  ordmis  est  libellus 
Tobiae,  et  Judith,  et  Maccabaeorum  libri.  In  Novo  vero  Testamento  libellus, 
qui  dicitur  Pastor  is  sive  Hermatis,  qui  appellatur  Duae  Viae,  vel  Judicium  Petri. 
Quae  omnia  legi  quidem  in  ecclesiis  voluerunt,  non  tamen  proferri  ad  aucto- 
ritatem  ex  his  fidei  confirmandam.  Caeteras  vero  scripturas  apocryphas  nomi- 
narunt  quas  in  ecclesiis  legi  noluerunt.  Ha?c  nobis  a  patribus,  ut'dixi,  tradita, 
opportunum  visum  est  hoc  in  loco  designare,  ad  instructionem  eorum,  qui 
prima  sibi  ecclesiae  ac  fidei  elementa  suscipiunt,  ut  sciant  ex  quibus  sibi  fonti- 
bus  verbi  Dei  haurienda  sint  pocula.  Rufin.  in  Symb.  ap.  Cyprian,  in  App. 
p.  26,  27.  etap.  Hieron.  T.  v.  p.  141,  142. 

h  See  vol.  ii.  p.  532.  and  Vol.  iii.  p.  54. 

1  Sicut  et  Paulus  apostolus,  ad  Hebraeos  scribens,  dicit.  In  App.  Cypr.  p. 
18.  in. 


RUFINUS.     A.  D.  397.  485 

Paul's.  He  also  quotes  expressly  k  the  book  of  the  Reve 
lation  ;  which  shows,  that  he  had  no  doubts  about  the 
genuineness,  or  authority  of  either.  I  scarce  need  to  add, 
that1  he  quotes  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  with  that  title. 

2.  This  catalogue  plainly  shows  what  books  of  the  Old 
and  New  Testament  were  of  authority  with  Christians  ;  and 
that,  when  other  books  were  quoted  by  them,  it  was  for  il 
lustration  only,  and  not  as  decisive  in  matters  of  controversy, 
or  by  way  of  authority.     And  with  this  particular  enumer 
ation   of  the   several   books    or   volumes  of  inspired,   and 
canonical  scripture,  agree  his  general   titles  and  divisions. 
One  of  these  we  saw  at  the  beginning  of  the  catalogue  just 
transcribed  :  *  In  the  Old  Testament  the  law  and  the  pro 
phets  :  in  the  New  the  gospels  and  apostles.'     In  another 
place  his  expression  ism  the  prophets,  gospels,  and  apostles; 
and  the  testimony  of  Rufinus  is  very  valuable.     He  was  a 
learned  man,  well  acquainted  both  with  the  Greek  and  the 
Latin  writers  of  the  church  :  and  he  had  travelled.     He  was 
born  in  the  western  part  of  the  empire  :  but  he  was  also 
acquainted    with    the    churches   in    Egypt,  and   Palestine, 
where  he  had  resided  a  good  while. 

3.  Where  Rufinus  speaks  of  the  «  Shepherd,'  and  *  Her- 
mas,'  and  '  the  Two  Ways,'  and  *  the  Judgment  of  Peter,' 
his  meaning  is  not  very  obvious.     I  imagine,  that  we  have 
not  the  true  reading  of  the  place.     I  have  translated,  agree 
ably  to  the  edition  at  the  end  of  bishop  Fell's  St.  Cyprian  ; 
from  which  the  copy  in  the  Appendix  to  St.  Jerom's  works 
is   very   little"   different.      Fabricius   thought,  that0   when 
Rufinus  speaks  of  the  <  Two  Ways,'  he  might   intend  the 
latter  part  of  the  epistle  of  Barnabas.     Grabe's  conjecture 
is,  that?  by  <  the  Judgment  of  Peter,'  mentioned  by  no  ec- 

k  Ut  in  Apocalypsi  Joannis  de  Seraphim  scriptum  est.     Ib.  p.  19.  in. 

1  Sed  et  Paulus,  ad  Ephesios  scribens.  Ap.  Cypr.  p.  25.  in  ap.  Hieron.  p. 
140.  in. 

m  Propterea  ergo  propheticis,  et  evangelicis,  atque  apostohcis  vocibus  nobis 
prsenunciatur  hie  error.  Ib.  p.  26.  in. 

n  In  Novo  autem  Testamento  libellus,  qui  dicitur  Pastoris  sive  Hermatis  qui 
appellatur  Duee  Vise,  vel  Judicium  Petri.  T.  v.  p.  142.  in. 

0  At  memorat  etiam  Rufinus  in  Symbolum  '  Judicium  Petri  de  duabus  viis  :' 
fortasse  intelligens  ea  quae  de  duabus  viis  leguntur  in  appendice  epistolae,  quoe 
ad  S.  Barnabam  apostolum  referri  solet.  Fabr.  in  Hieron.  de  V.  I.  cap.  1. 
ap.  Bib.  Eccl. 

P  Quod  enim  attinet  '  Judicium  Petri,'  cujus  mentionem  mjicit  Kunnus  in 
Symbolum  Apostolorum,  quodque  quatuor  ante  recensitis  addit  Hieronymus 
in  Catalogo  Scr.  EC.  cap.  i.  de  Petro,  vereor  sane,  ne  Rufinus  Krjpvyfia  Petri, 


.       .  . 

n  Graecis  libris  contracte  scriptum  »cp^a,  legerit  xrpi/ia,  idque  Latine  reddiderit 
«  Judicium,'  Petri,  neve  Rufinum  secutus  Hieronymus,  re  minus  considerata, 
tanquam  diversum  a  <  Pnedicatione'  enumeraverit,  cum  tamen  idem  fuent 
opusculum.  Atque  licet  haec  mea  conjectura  haud  parum  inde  confirmetur, 


486  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

clesiastical  writers,  beside  Rufinus  and  Jerom,  is  meant  the 
preaching1  or  doctrine  of  Peter ;  which  seems  not  impro 
bable :  and,  possibly,  in  Rufinus's  original  there  were  three 
books  mentioned,  '  the  Shepherd  of  Hermas,'  *  the  Two 
Ways,'  and  *  the  Judgment  of  Peter.'  But  we  need  not  be 
very  solicitous  about  the  titles  of  books,  which  were  not 
reckoned  canonical,  or  of  authority. 


CHAP.  CXVI. 

THE  THIRD  COUNCIL  OF  CARTHAGE. 


1.  IN  397  assembled a  the  third,  otherwise  called  the  sixth 
council  of  Carthage  ;  where  were  present  bAureliiis  bishop 
of  Carthage,  president,  and  Augustine  then  bishop  of  Hippo 
Regius,  and  others,  in  all  forty-four. 

2.  The  forty-seventh  canon  is  to  this  purpose.  *  More 
over0  it  is  ordained,  that  nothing  beside  the  canonical 
scriptures  be  read  in  the  church  under  the  name  of  divine 
scriptures  ;  and  the  canonical  scriptures  are  these :  Gene 
sis,  Exodus,  Leviticus,  Numbers,  Deuteronomy,  Joshua  the 
Son  of  Nun,  Judges,  Ruth,  four  books  of  the  Kingdoms, 
two  books  of  the  Remains,  Job,  David's  Psalter,  five  books 
of  Solomon,  the  books  of  the  twelve  prophets,  Isaiah,  Jere 
miah,  Ezekiel,  Daniel,  Tobit,  Judith,  Esther,  two  books  of 
*  Ezra,  two  books  of  the  Maccabees.  The  books  of  the  New 

quod  non  modo  Eusebius,  dubia  et  apocrypha  Petri  scripta  diligenter  recen- 
sens,  de  isto  libro  ne  verbum  dixerit,  sed  et  nullus  alius  Patrum  Graecorum  aut 
Latinorum,  exceptis  duobus  modo  dictis,  ilium  nominaverit,  vel  citaverit; 
nolim  tamen  hac  in  re  quidquam  velut  certum  definire.  &c.  Grab.  Spic.  T.  i. 
p.  56. 

a  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  368,  369.  Pagi  ann.  397.  n.  xxiii— xxxiv. 
S.  Basnag.  an.  397.  n.  vii — ix. 

b  Et  subscripserunt  Aurelius  episcopus  ecclesiae  Carthaginensis — Epigonius 
episcopus  Bullensis  Regionis — Augustinus  episcopus  plebis  Hipponae  Re- 
giensis.  Similiter  et  omnes  episcopi,  quadraginta  quatuor  numero,  subscrip 
serunt.  Can.  L.  Ap.  Labb.  Concil.  T.  ii.  p.  1178. 

c  Item  placuit,  ut  praeter  scripturas  canonicas  nihil  in  ecclesia  legatur  sub 
nomine  divinarum  scripturarum.  Sunt  autem  canonicae  scripturae :  Genesis, 
Exodus,  Leviticus,  Numeri,  Deuteronomium,  Jesus  Nave,  Judicum,  Ruth, 
Regnorum  libri  quatuor,  Paralipomenon  libri  duo,  Job,  Psalterium  Davidicum, 
Salomonis  libri  quinque,  libri  duodecim  prophetarum,  Isaias,  Jeremias,  Eze- 
chiel,  Daniel,  Tobias,  Judith,  Esther,  Esdrae  libri  duo,  Machabaeorum  libri 


The  Third  Council  of  Carthage.     A.  D.  397.  487 

«  Testament  are  these :  The  four  books  of  the  gospels,  one 
'  book  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  thirteen  epistles  of  the 
«  apostle  Paul,  the  epistle  of  the  same  to  the  Hebrews,  two 
'  epistles  of  the  apostle  Peter,  three  of  the  apostle  John,  one 

*  of  the  apostle  Jude,  and  one  of  James,  the  Revelation  of 

*  John  one  book.' 

3.  There  is  ,a  like  canon   in  the  decrees  of  thed  sixth, 
otherwise  fifteenth  council  of  Carthage,  held  in  418;  or,  as 
others,  in  419.     It  is  reckoned  the  twenty-seventh  canon  of 
that  council;  and  may  be  seen6  in  the  authors   to  whom  I 
refer.     It  differs  little  from  the  canon  just  transcribed  at 
length,  except  that  there  are  roundly  mentioned,  without 
hesitation,  fourteen  epistles  of  the  apostle   Paul  ;  and  the 
epistle  of  James  is  placed  just  before  that  of  Jude,  which  is 
the  last. 

4.  Upon  the  canon  above  transcribed,  remarks  may  be 
seen  in  diversf  modern   writers.     I  shall   make  only  these 
following*:  (1.)  This  was  a  provincial  or  national  council 
only,  not  general.     (2.)  The  bishops  of  this  council  do  not 
show  much  learning1  or  judgment,  when  they  reckon  five 
books    of   Solomon.     (3.)   This    council,  as    S.    Basnage^ 
observes,  *  placeth  among  canonical  scriptures  Tobit,  Judith, 

*  and  the  two  books  of  the  Maccabees :  which  decree  either 
'  contradicts  antiquity,  or,  as  we  rather  think,  ought  to  be 

*  explained  with  a  distinction.     What  was  the  opinion  of 

*  the  ancients  concerning1  the  canon  of  the  Old  Testament, 
'  maybe  learned  from  Melito  in  Eusebius,  the  Festal  Epistle 

*  of  Athanasius,  from  Epiphanius,  and  Cyril  of  Jerusalem; 

*  according  to  whom  the  books  above  named  were  not  canoni- 
'  cal.    The  word  '  canonical '  therefore  may  be  supposed  to  be 
6  used  here  loosely,  so  as  to  comprehend   not  only  those 

duo.  Novi  autem  Testament! :  Evangeliorum  libri  quatuor,  Actuum  Aposto- 
lorum  liber  unus,  Pauli  apostoli  epistolac  tredecim  ejusdem  ad  Hebraeos  una, 
Petri  apostoli  duae,  Joannis  apostoli  tres,  Judue  apostoli  una,  et  Jacobi  una, 
Apocalypsis  Joannis  liber  unus.  Can.  47.  Ap.  Labb.  ibid.  p.  1177. 

d  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  472.  &c.  Pagi  ann.  419.  n.  xxiv. 

e  Ap.  Bevereg.  Cod.  Can.  T.  i.  p.  549.  Hod.  de  Bibl.  Text.  Orig.  p.  652. 
Col.  53.  Labb.  ubi  supr.  p.  1062. 

f  Vid.  S.  Basnag.  ann.  397.  n.  ix.  Ja.  Basnag.  Hist,  de  1'Eglise,  1.  viii. 
ch.  83.  n.  iv.  v. 

s  Quibus  Carthaginenses  inserunt  Tobiam,  Judith,  Maccabaeorum  libros 
duos.  Quod  decretum  vel  antiquitati  pugnat,  vel,  quod  verius  esse  putamus, 
distinctione  est  aliqua  explicandum.  De  libris  canonicis  quaenam  veterinu 
opinio  fuit,  abunde  testantur  Melito  ap.  Eusebium,  1.  iv.  c.  26.  Epistola  FLS- 
talis  Athanasii,  Epiphanius  de  Pond,  et  Mensuris,  Cyrillus.— Itaque  distinc 
tione  opus  est,  ut  cum  Antiquitate  Carthaginenses  ineant  concordiam  :  nerape, 
vox  « canonica'  latius  patet,  et  libros  significat,  non  qui  certam,  fixamque 
niorum  fideique  regulam  constituunt,  sed  qui  aedificandae  plebi  leguntur  in 
ecclesia,  &c.  Basn.  ann.  397.  n.  ix. 


488  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

'  books  which  are  admitted  as  the  rule  of  faith,  but  those 
*  also  which  are  esteemed  useful,  and  may  be  publicly  read 
'  for  the  edification  of  the  people.'  (4.)  This  council  men 
tions  but  two  books  only  of  Ezra,  meaning,  I  suppose,  the 
book  of  Ezra,  properly  so  called,  and  the  book  of  Nehe- 
iniah.  They  say  nothing  of  the  other  two,  sometimes  called 
the  third  and  fourth  books  of  Ezra :  it  is  the  same  in  the 
other  council  of  Carthage,  before  referred  to.  There  is  not 
any  notice  taken  of  these  two  books.  (5.)  This  council's 
canon  of  the  New  Testament  is  the  same  as  that  now  re 
ceived,  without  any  other  later  writings  as  canonical.  But  the 
manner  in  which  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  is  mentioned 
affords  some  reason  to  suspect  it  was  not  so  generally  re 
ceived  as  the  other  thirteen  epistles  of  Paul. 

5.  I  add  nothing  farther:  as  it  will  be  needful  to  show 
largely  the  testimony  of  Augustine  to  the  scriptures,  who 
was  one  of  the  principal  bishops  present  at  this  council ;  it 
is  likely  that  all  necessary  remarks  may  then  offer  them 
selves  to  our  minds. 


CHAP.  CXVII. 

AUGUSTINE,  BISHOP  OF  HIPPO  REGIUS  IN  AFRICA. 


I.  His  time,  and  character.  II.  Jl  catalogue  of  the  books 
of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  with  remarks.  III.  Books 
of  the  Old  Testament  received  by  him.  IV.  Apocryphal 
books  cited  by  him.  V.  Books  of  the  New  Testament  re 
ceived  by  him,  particularly  the  four  gospels.  VI.  The 
Acts  of  the  Apostles.  VII.  St.  Paul's  epistles.  VIII. 
The  catholic  epistles.  IX.  The  Revelation.  X.  General 
titles  and  divisions  of  the  books  of  scripture.  XI.  Re 
spect  for  them  and  their  high  authority.  XII.  Were 
publicly  read  in  the  assemblies  of  Christians.  XIII.  The 
integrity  of  the  scriptures.  XIV.  Various  readings. 
XV.  Versions  of  the  scriptures.  XVI.  Interpretations  of 
texts.  XVII.  Select  passages.  1.  Concerning  the  scrip 
tures.  2.  The  truth  of  the  Christian  religion.  3.  The 


AUGUSTINE.     A.  D.  395.  489 

sistence  and  dispersion  of  the  Jewish  people.    4.  The  ends 
of  Christ's  ministry  and  death.     5.  Divers  other  matters. 

I.  AURELIUS  AUGUSTINUS,'  or  St.  AUGUSTINE,  son 

ofPatricius  and  Monnica,  was  born  at  Tagasta,  a  small  town 
of  Africa,  in  the  inland  part  of  Numidia,  in  the  year  354.  He 
was  ordained  presbyter  at  Hippo  Regius,  a  sea-port  in  the 
same  country,  about  a  hundred  miles  distant  from  Cirta  the 
metropolis  of  Numidia,and  more  than  two  hundred  miles  from 
Carthage,  in  the  year  391 ;  and  bishop  of  the  same  city  in  395: 
he  died  in  the  year  430,  in  the  thirty-fifth  year  of  his  episco 
pate,  and  the  seventy-sixth  of  his  age.  I  formerlyb  took  some 
notice  of  the  time,  history,  and  character  of  Augustine. 

As  I  have  not  room  for  the  history  of  Augustine,  it  is  not 
easy  to  attempt  his  character.  It  is  likely  that  many  may 
be  led  to  make  a  comparison  between  him  and  Jerom,  both 
eminent  Latin  writers,  and  contemporaries.  Such0  a  com 
parison  may  be  seen  in  Erasmus,  who  prefers  Jerom  in 
several  respects:  he  says,  '  he  had  a  better  education,  and 
'  better  masters ;  he  understood  both  Greek  and  Hebrew ; 
1  he  applied  himself  early  to  the  study  of  the  scriptures, 
'  and  had  read  the  Greek  commentators,  of  whom  Augustine 
*  had  little  knowledge.'  Nevertheless,  I  think,  that  though 
Jerom  was  superior  in  learning,  Augustine  was  not  inferior 
to  him  in  good  sense ;  and,  in  points  that  depended  upon 
reasoning,  he  was  as  able  to  form  a  right  judgment,  as 
Jerom.  As  much  is  acknowledged  byd  Le  Clerc,  who 

a  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  290,  &c.  Du  Pin,  Bib.  EC.  T.  iii.  p.  158,  &c. 
Augustin.  Vit.  a  Benedictin.  conscript.  Pagi  ann.  A.  395.  xvii.  430.  n.  xxviii. 
S.  Basn.  ann.  384.  n.  vi.  430.  n.  iv.  et  alibi.  Tillem.  Mem.  EC.  T.  xiii. 

b  See  vol.  iii.  p.  277,  278. 

c  Nemo  negabit,  plurimum  esse  momenti  situm  in  patria  et  educatione. 
Hieronymus  Stridone  natus  j  quod  oppidum  sic  Italiae  vicinum  est,  ut  Itali 
sibi  vindicent  j  Romae  educatus,  in  Italia,  sub  eruditissimis  viris.  Augustinus 
in  Africa,  regione  barbara,  in  qua  studia  literarum  mire  frigebant ;  quod  ipse 
non  dissimulat  in  suis  epistolis  Augustinus.  Hieronymus,  christianus  a  chris- 
tianis,  una  cum  ipso  lacte  Christi  philosophiam  imbibit.  Augustinus,  pene 
triginti  natus  annos,  nullo  praeceptore,  Paulinas  epistolas  legere  coepit.  Hiero 
nymus,  tali  ingenio  praeditus,  triginta  quinque  annos  impendit  studio  sancta- 
rum  scripturarum.  Augustinus  statim  ad  episcopale  munus  pertractus  est,  et 

coactus  docere  quod  ipse  nondum  didicerat Jam  fac,  si  hbet,  patriae, 

ingeniorum,  praeceptorum,  educationis,  pares  esse  calculos :  expendamus, 
quanto  instructior  Hieronymus  ad  hoc  negotium  accesserit.  Nisi  forte  leve 
momentum  esse  putas  Graecarum  et  Hebraicarum  literarum  peritiam.  Tota 
philosophia,  tota  theologia  turn  temporis  Graecorum  erat.  Augustinus  Greece 
nescit,  aut,  si  quid  attigit,  non  magnopere  fuit  usui,  ad  Graecorum  commenta 
ries  evolvendos Quid  aliis  usu  veniat,  nescio.  In  me  certe  comperio, 

quod  dicam :  Plus  me  docet  christianae  philosophise  unica  Origenis  pagina, 
quam  decem  Augustini.  Ad  Joan.  Eck.  lib.  ii.  ep.  26. 

d  Caeteroqui,  cum  in  iis,  quae  ex  mem  ratiocinatione  pendent,  Hieronymo 


490  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

cannot  be  suspected  of  partiality  to  Augustine.  Erasmus* 
likewise  ascribes  to  Augustine  great  acuteness,  joined  with 
amiable  mildness  of  temper. 

What  acquaintance  Augustine  had  with  the  Greek  lan 
guage,  may  be  best  known  from  his  own  works.  In  his  Con 
fessions  he  speaks  of  his  aversion  to  Greek  learning  in  his 
early  age.  One f  reason  of  it  seems  to  have  been  the  com 
pulsion  made  use  of  in  teaching*  him  :  however,  as  his 
friends  were  very  desirous  to  make  him  a  good  scholar,  it 
may  be  reckoned  probable,  that  they  in  part  prevailed  over 
his  indolence,  or  obstinacy,  to  which  soever  that  aversion 
was  owing.  In  one  of  his  works  he  says,  lies  had  little  or 
no  knowledge  of  Greek  ;  and  yet  shows  at  the  same  time, 
that  he  was  not  ignorant  of  it.  And  perhaps  that  expres 
sion  is  not  so  much  his  own  acknowledgment,  as  a  conde 
scension  to  his  adversary,  who  had  too  low  an  opinion  of  his 
skill  in  the  Greek  language  :  as  if  he  had  said ;  '  Be  it  so, 
that  I  have  little  or  no  knowledge  of  Greek;  nevertheless, 
I  may  say,  without  vanity,  that  I  understand  very  well  the 
meaning  of  the  Greek  word  in  question.'  In  the  preface  to  one 
of  his  books  of  the  Trinity,  he  says,  that11  he  was  not  so 
well  skilled  in  the  Greek  language,  as  to  read  and  under 
stand  the  Greek  authors,  who  had  treated  of  that  doctrine. 
In *  a  letter  to  Jerom  he  entreats  him  in  his  own  name,  and 

inferior  non  esset  Augustinus  ;  in  eo  literarum  ejus  capite,  quod  special  faclum 
Pauli,  sine  dubio  meliorem  parleni  defendit.  Quod  libenler  hie  observamus, 
ne  Hieronymo  praeler  medium  favere,  vel  Auguslino  sequo  facilius  adversari 
videamur.  Pherep.  in  Aug.  ep.  28.  T.  xii. 

e  Ingenii  felicilas  prorsus  eral  incomparabilis,  sive  species  acumen,  vel  ob- 
scurissima  facile  penelrans,  sive  capacis  memoriae  fidem,  sive  vim  quandam 
menlis  indefaligabilem. — Ad  docendum  semper  eral  paralus,  non  aliler  quam 
avidus  negolialor  ad  lucrum.  Aderal  inlerim,  miranda  quaedam  animi  leni- 
tas, — quam  Plalo  pulal  non  ila  frequenler  deprehendi  in  his,  quibus  conligil 
acrius  ingenium.  Erasm.  Ep.  ad  Alfons.  Archiep.  Tolelan.  Vid.  praef.  ad 
Auguslin.  opp. 

f  Cur  ergo  Graecam  eliam  grammalicam  oderam  lalia  canlanlem  ? — Vide- 
licel  difficullas  omnino  ediscendae  peregrinae  linguae  quasi  felle  asperegebat 
omnes  suavilales  Graecas  fabulosarum  narralionum.  Nulla  enim  verba  ilia 
noveram,  el  saevis  lerroribus  ac  poenis,  ul  nossem,  inslabalur  mihi  vehemenler. 
Conf.  1.  i.  c.  14.  Vid.  el  cap.  13.  T.  i.  «  El  ego  quidem  Graecee 

linguae  perparum  asseculus  sum,  el  prope  nihil.  Non  lamen  impudenler  dico, 
me  nosse  6\ov  non  esse  unum  sed  totum  :  el  icafl'  6Xov,  secundum  totum. 
Unde  calholica  nomen  accipil.  Conlr.  Pelil.  1.  ii.  c.  38.  T.  ix. 

h  Quod  si  ea,  quae  legimus  de  his  rebus,  sufficienlered ila  in  Lalino  sermone 
aul  non  sunl,  aul  non  inveniunlur,  aul  eerie  difficile  a  nobis  inveniri  queunl, 
Graecae  aulem  linguae  non  sil  nobis  lanlus  habilus,  ul  lalium  rerum  libris  legen- 
dis  el  inlelligendis  ullo  modo  reperiamur  idonei,  quo  genere  lilerarum  ex  iis 
quae  nobis  pauca  inlerprelala  sunl,  non  dubilo  cuncla  quae  ulililer  quaerere 
possumus  contineri.  De  Trinil.  1.  iii.  Pr.  T.  viii. 

1  Pelimus  ergo,  et  nobiscum  pelil  omnis  Africanarum  ecclesiarum  sludiosa 


AUGUSTINE.     A.  D.  395.  491 

in  the  name  of  all  studious  Christians  of  Africa  in  general, 
to  translate  the  best  Greek  commentaries  upon  the  scrip 
tures  into  Latin  :  nevertheless  we  find  him  elsewhere  k  giv 
ing-  a  literal  translation  of  a  passage  of  St.  Basil.  He  often 
speaks  of  Epiphanius  :  it  is  undoubted,  that1  he  was  well 
acquainted  with  his  work  against  heresies;  that  is,  the 
Synopsis,  or  Recapitulation  of  it.  Tillemont  says,  hem  had 
read  it,  though  it  had  not  been  translated  into  Latin.  I 
place  below  "  a  passage,  which  shows  that  Augustine  read 
his  Greek  Testament,  or  at  least  was  wont  to  consult  it, 
when  he  had  any  doubt  about  the  propriety  of  the  Latin 
translation  then  in  use  :  and  I  shall  transcribe  below  °  some 
more  passages,  from  which  it  may  be  argued,  that  Augus 
tine  frequently  compared  his  copies  of  the  Latin  version 
with  those  of  the  Greek  original.  Mr.  Le  Clerc  allows 
that?  Augustine  does  sometimes  very  happily  explain 
Greek  words.  But  he  suspects  that  possibly  upon  such 
occasions  he  had  the  assistance  of  another ;  which  seems  to 
me  a  suspicion  without  ground  :  for  who  was  there  in 
Africa  more  likely  to  understand  Greek  than  Augustine? 
And  if  he  had  any  friends  in  his  own  country  more  skilful 
in  Greek  than  himself,  he  needed  not  to  have  sent  the  request 
above  mentioned  to  Jerorn,  to  translate  the  Greek  commen- 

societas,  ut  in  interpretandis  eorum  libris,  qui  Greece  scripturas  nostras  quam 
optime  tractaverunt,  curam  atque  operam  impendere  non  graveris.  Ep.  65. 
[al.  86.]  Ap.  Hieron.  T.  iv.  p.  601. 

k  Audi,  quod  ad  rem  praesentem  spectat,  quid— dicat  sanctus  sine  ulla  am- 
biguitate  Basilius.  Quod  etsi  reperi  interpretatum,  taraen  propterdiligentiorem 

veri  fidem,  verbum  e  veibo  malui  transferre Contr.  Julian.  1.  i.  c.  5.  n. 

xviii.  T.  x. 

1  Vid.  August,  de  Haer.  in  Pr.  et  cap.  57.  T.  viii.  Vid.  et  Ep.  222.  T.  ii. 

m  II  avoit  lu  S.  Epiphane,  au  moins  T  abiege,  quoiqu'il  ne  fi&t  pas  traduit 
en  Latin.  S.  Aug.  art.  iii.  T.  hi.  Mem.  EC. 

n  Quod  itaque  dicimus  Deo,  '  ne  nos  inferas  in  tentationem  :'  quid  dicimus 
nisi,  ne  nos  inferri  sinas.  Unde  sic  orant  nonnulli,  et  legitur  in  codicibus  plu- 
ribus,  et  hoc  sic  posuit  beatissimus  Cyprianus  :  «  Ne  patiaris  nos  induci  in  ten 
tationem.'  In  evangelic  tamen  Graeco  nusquam  inveni,  nisi :  «  Ne  nos  inferas 
*  in  tentationem.'  De  Dono  Perseverantiae,  Cap.  6.  n.  xii.  T.  x. 

0  Scio  plerosque  codices  habere,  «  Qui  spiritu  Deo  servimus.'  [Philip,  iii. 
3.]  Quantum  autem  inspicere  potuimus,  plures  Graeci  hoc  habent,  'Qui 
spiritui  Dei  servimus.'  Serm.  169.  al.  De  Verb.  Ap.  15.  T.  v.— '  Spiritui 
Dei  servientes,"  quod  est  in  Graeco  Xarptvovrte.  Plures  enim  codices  etiam 
Latini  sic  habent,  '  qui  Spiritui  Dei  servimus  :'  Graeci  autem  omnes,  aut  pene 
omnes,  &c.  De  Trin.  1.  i.  c.  6.  n.  xiii.  T.  viii. 

P  Est  in  Graeco  Matthaei  contextu  yiwr)0iv  '  generatum.'  Quod  obitei 
monitum  oportuit  ab  Augustino.  Sed  forte  neminem  habebal  ad  manum,  qui 
Greece  sciret,  cum  hanc  conscriberet  epistolam.  Alioquin  mterdum  non  male 
ex  Graeca  lingua  qusestionibus  respondent  infra, ep.  cxcvii.  ubi  docet  quodnam 
sit  discrimen  inter  voces  Kaipoi  et  xpovoi.  Pherepon.  Aniraadv.  in  Aug.  Ep. 
clxxxvii.  T.  xii.  p.  522. 


492  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

tators  for  their  use.  Upon  the  whole,  it  seems  to  rne,  that 
Augustine  understood  Greek  better  than  some  have  sup 
posed  :  and  I  have  enlarged  the  more  because  of  Mr. 
Wetstein's  brevity  ;  to  whom  I  might  refer.  But  it  requires 
no  great  pains  to  transcribe  all  he  says :  I  therefore  put  iti 
below.  I  wish  Mr.  Wetstein  had  quoted  the  whole  passage 
of  Augustine  ;  of  which  he  has  taken  a  part  only,  and 
thereby  left  his  readers  without  an  opportunity  of  forming 
a  right  judgment,  unless  they  turn  to  the  work  itself. 

II.  I  now  proceed  without  farther  delay  to  take  Augustine's 
testimony  to  the  scriptures. 

I  begin  with  citing  a  passage  from  a  work  of  Augustine, 
entitled,  Of  the  Christian  Doctrine,  supposed  to  have  been 
begun  by  him  about  the  year  397,  and  to  have  been  finished 
in  426.  To  be  a  little  more  particular  concerning  a  work, 
which  we  shall  have  occasion  to  quote  several  times:  it 
consists  of  four  books;  and  it  appears,  from  Augustine's 
Retractations,  that  the  first  two  books,  and  a  large  part  of  the 
third,  were  written  about  397;  the  remaining  part  of  the 
third,  and  the  whole  fourth  book,  were  composed  afterwards, 
about r  426.  The  passage  to  be  now  cited,  is  in  the  second 
book  of  that  work. 

*  In3  receiving  canonical  scriptures,  let  him  who  desires 
carefully  to  study  them,  follow  the  judgment  of  the  greater 
number  of  catholic  churches;  among  which  they  certainly 
ought  to  be  reckoned,  which  are  apostolical  sees,  and  have 
had  letters  of  apostles  sent  to  them.  This  rule  therefore 
he  will  observe,  with  regard  to  canonical  scriptures;  he 
will  prefer  such  as  are  received  by  all  catholic  churches, 
to  those  which  some  do  not  receive;  and  with  regard  to 
such  as  are  not  received  by  all,  he  will  prefer  those,  which 
are  received  by  many  and  eminent  churches,  to  those  which 
are  received  by  few  churches,  and  of  less  authority.  But 
if  he  should  find  some  received  by  the  greatest  number 

q  Augustinus :  cujus  de  se  ipso  testimonium,  lib.  ii.  c.  33.  1.  38.  contra 
Petilianum  hoc  est.  Et  ego  quidem  Graecae  Linguae  perparum  assecutus  sum, 
et  prope  nihil.  Prolegom.  ad  N.  T.  G.  T.  i.  p.  81. 

r  The  additional  part  begins  with  the  words  :  Hujus  igitur  varietatis  obser- 
vatio  duas  habet  formas.  L.  iii.  cap.  24.  n.  xxxvi. 

s  In  canonicis  autem  scripturis  ecclesiarum  catholicarum  quam  plurimum 
auctoritatem  sequatur :  [«  divinarum  scripturarum  solertissimus  indagator :'] 
inter  quas  sane  illae  sunt,  quae  apostolicas  sedes  habere,  et  epistolas  accipere 
meruerunt.  Tenebit  igitur  hunc  modum  in  scripturis  canonicis,  ut  eas,  quae 
ab  omnibus  accipiuntur  ecclesiis  catholicis,  praeponat  eis  quas  quaedam  non 
accipiunt.  In  eis  vero,  quae  non  accipiuntur  ab  omnibus,  praeponat  eas,  quas 
plures  gravioresque  accipiunt,  eis,  quas  pauciores  minorisve  auctoritatis  ecclesiae 
tenent.  Si  autem  alias  invenerit  a  pluribus,  alias  a  gravioribus  haberi,  quan- 
quam  hoc  facile  invenire  non  possit,  aequalis  tamen  auctoritatis  eas  habendas 


AUGUSTINE.     A.  D.  395.  493 

of  churches,  others  by  the  more  eminent ;  (which  however 
will  scarce  happen;)  I  think  such  scriptures  ought  to  be 
held  by  him  as  of  equal  authority. 

'  And  the  entire  canon  of  scripture  is  comprised  in  these 
books.  There  are  five  of  Moses,  that  is,  Genesis,  Exodus, 
Leviticus,  Numbers,  Deuteronomy  ;  one  book  of  Joshua, 
the  son  of  Nun;  one  of  the  Judges;  one  small  book  called 
Ruth,  which  seems  rather  to  belong  to  the  beginning  of  the 
Kingdoms  :  then  the  four  books  of  the  Kingdoms,  and  two 
of  the  Remains;  not  following  one  another,  but  proceeding 
as  it  were  parallel,  on  the  side  of  each  other.  These  are  his 
torical  books,  which  contain  a  succession  of  times  in  the  order 
of  events.  There  are  others  which  do  not  observe  the  order 
of  time,  and  are  unconnected  together :  as  Job,  Tobit,  Esther, 
and  Judith,  and  the  two  books  of  the  Maccabees,  and  the 
two  books  of  Esdras  ;  which  [last]  do  more  observe  the 
order  of  a  regular  succession  of  things,  after  that  contained 
in  the  Kingdoms  and  Remains.  Next  are  the  Prophets ; 
among  which  is  one  book  of  the  Psalms  of  David,  and  three 
of  Solomon,  the  Proverbs,  the  Song  of  Songs,  and  Ecclesi- 
astes.  For  those  two  books,  Wisdom  and  Ecclesiasticus, 
are  called  Solomon's,  for  no  other  reason  but  because  they 
have  a  resemblance  with  his  writings  ;  for  it  is  a  rery  gene 
ral  opinion,  that  they  were  written  by  Jesus,  the  son  of 
Sirach  :  which  books,  however,  since  they  are  admitted 
into  authority,  are  to  be  reckoned  among*  prophetical  books. 
The  rest  are  the  books  of  those  who  are  properly  called 
prophets  ;  as  the  several  books  of  the  twelve  prophets,  which 
being' joined  together,  and  never  separated,  are  reckoned  one 
book.  The  names  of  which  prophets  are  these ;  Hosea, 

puto.— Totus  autem  canon  scripturarum,  in  quo  istam  considerationem  versan- 
dara  dicimus,  his  libris  continetur :  quinque  Moseos,  id  est,  Genesi,  Exodo, 
Levitico,  Numeris,  Deuteronomio  :  et  uno  libro  Jesu  Nave,  uno  Judicum,  uno 
libello  qui  appellatur  Ruth,  qui  magis  ad  Regnorum  principium  videtur  perti- 
nere :  deinde  quatuor  Regnorum,  et  duobus  Paralipomenon  non  consequenti- 
bus,  sed  quasi  a  latere  adjunctis,  simulque  pergentibus.  Haec  est  historia,  quae 
sibimet  annexa  tempora  continet,  atque  ordinem  rerum.  Sunt  aliae,  tanquam 
ex  diverse  ordine,  quae  neque  huic  ordini  neque  inter  se  connectuntur :  sicut 
est  Job,  et  Tobias,  et  Esther,  et  Judith,  et  Macchabaeorum  libri  duo,  et  Esdrae 
duo,  qui  magis  subsequi  videntur  ordinatam  illam  historiam  usque  ad  Regno 
rum  et  Paralipomenon  terminatam.  .  Deinde  Prophetae:  in  quibus  David  unus 
liber  Psalmorum,  et  Salomonis  tres,  Proverbiorum,  Cantica  Canticorum,  et  Ec- 
clesiastes.  Nam  illi  duo  libri,  unus  qui  Sapientia,  et  alius  qui  Ecclesiasticus 
inscribitur,  de  quadam  similitudine  Salomonis  dicuntur :  nam  Jesus  Sirach 
eos  conscripsisse  constantissime  perhibetur  :  qui  tamen  quoniam  in  auctorita- 
tem  recipi  meruerunt,  inter  propheticos  numerandi  sunt.  Reliqui  sunt  eorum 
libri,  qui  proprie  prophets  appellantur :  duodecim  prophetarum  libri  singuli, 
quoniam  nunquam  sejuncti  sunt,  pro  uno  habentur.  Quorum  prophetarum 
nomina  sunt  haec — Deinde  quatuor  prophetoe  sunt  majorura  voluminum — 


494  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

Joel,  Amos,  Obadiah,  Jonah,  Micab,  Nabum,  Habakkuk, 
Zephaniah,  Haggai,  Zecbariab,  Malachi.  After  tbem  are 
the  four  prophets,  of  larger  volumes;  Isaiah,  Jeremiah, 
Daniel,  Ezekiel.  In  these  four-and-forty  books  is  com 
prised  all  the  authority  of  the  Old  Testament.  Of  the  New, 
there  are  the  four  books  of  the  gospel,  according  to  Mat 
thew,  according  to  Mark,  according  to  Luke,  according  to 
John  ;  fourteen  epistles  of  the  apostle  Paul ;  to  the  Romans, 
two  to  the  Corinthians,  to  the  Galatians,  to  the  Ephesians,  to 
the  Philippians,  two  to  the  Thessalonians,  to  the  Colossians, 
two  to  Timothy,  to  Titus,  to  Philemon,  to  the  Hebrews; 
two  epistles  of  Peter,  three  of  John,  one  of  Jude,  and  one  of 
James;  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  in  one  book:  and  the 
Revelation  of  John  in  one  book.  In  these  books  they  who 
fear  God  seek  his  will.' 

Upon  this  passage  we  may  make  a  few  remarks  ; 

1.  There  was  not  then  any  canon  of  scripture,  settled  by 
any  authority,  that  was  universally  acknowledged  by  chris- 
tians  :  this,  I  think,  is  apparent  from  Augustine's  preamble 
to  his  account  of  the  books  contained  in  the  canon.     There 
might  be  decrees  of  councils  relating  to  this  matter;  but 
they  were  not   esteemed  decisive  and  of  authority,  every 
where,  and  by  all.     But  still  private  and  inquisitive  chris- 
tians  had  a  right  to  use  their  own  judgment  concerning  this 
point. 

2.  In  his  Retractations,  written  in  426  or  427,  Augustine, 
revising  his  books  of  Christian  doctrine,  says,  '  he1  had  un 
derstood,  that  it  was  probable,  the  book  called  by  many  the 
Wisdom  of  Solomon,  was  not  written  by  Jesus,  son  of  Sirach, 
author  of  the  book  of  Ecclesiasticus.' 

3.  Augustine  says, '  that  Wisdom  and  Ecclesiasticus  ought 
to  be  reckoned  among  prophetical  books,  because  they  had 
been  received  into  authority.'     But  there  is  no  force  in  that 
observation ;  the  right  observation,  in  such  a  case  as  this, 
is ;  *  Since  they  were  not  written  by  prophets,  they  ought 
not  to  be  received  into  authority  :'  and   it  is  generally,  or 
universally   allowed,  and   by   Augustine   himself,   that  no 
writings,  but  those  of  prophets,  ought  to  be  esteemed  a  part 
of  the  sacred  scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament.     And,  I  sup- 

His  quadraginta  quatuor  libris  Testameriti  Veteris  terminatur  auctoritas.  Novi 
autem,  quatuor  libris  evangelii — In  his  omnibus  libris  timentes  Deum,  et 
pietati  rnansueti,  qnaerunt  voluntatem  Dei — De  Doctr.  Christ.  1.  ii.  cap.  8.  n. 
12,  13,  14.  Tom.  iii.  P.  i.  Bened. 

1  In  secundo  sane  libro  de  auclore  libri,  quam  plures  vocant  Sapientiam 
Salomon  is,  quod  etiam  ipsum  sicut  Ecclesiasticum  Jesus  Sirach  scripserit,  non 
ita  constare,  sicut  a  me  dictum  ost,  postea  didici :  et  omnino  probabilius  com- 
peri,  non  esse  hunc  hujus  libri  auctorem.  Retr.  1.  ii.  c.  4. 


AUGUSTINE.    A.  D.  395.  405 

pose,  it  must  have  appeared  from  the  works  of  ancient  Chris 
tian  writers,  which  we  have  hitherto  examined,  that  though 
they  sometimes  quote  other  books  by  way  of  illustration,  as 
they  also  do  heathen  writings,  yet  they  had  a  supreme  regard 
for  the  Jewish  canon,  or  those  books  which  were  received 
by  the  Jewish  people,  as  sacred  and  divine.  1  think  like 
wise,  that  Rufinus  and  Jerom,  who  were  a  little  older  than 
Augustine,  must  be  allowed  to  bear  a  right  testimony,  and 
to  declare  truly  what  was  the  sentiment  of  most  Christian 
churches,  when  they  say,  '  thatu  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon, 

*  Ecclesiasticus,    Tobit,   Judith,  and    the  Maccabees  were 

*  indeed  allowed  to  be  publicly  read;  but  that  nevertheless 

*  they  were  not  canonical,  and  that  no  doctrine  of  religion 

*  may  be  proved  by  their  authority.' 

4.  None  can  forbear  to  observe,  how  clean  a  catalogue 
here  is  of  the   books  of  the  New  Testament.     Here  is  no 
Shepherd,  no  Clement,  no  Constitutions,   no  Ignatius,  no 

*  Doctrine  of  Apostles,'  no  *  Judgment  of  Peter,'  no  *  Preach 
ing  of  Peter,'  no  *  Sibylline  Oracles,'  nor  any  other  eccle 
siastical   or  apocryphal  writing.     Nothing  of  that  kind  is 
here  mentioned  among   books  of  authority;  but  only  the 
well  known  writings  of  apostles  and  apostolical  men. 

5.  These  general  observations  upon  that  passage  may 
suffice  for  the  present.     I  now  proceed   to  take  more  par 
ticularly  his  testimony  to  the  scriptures;  first  to  the  books 
of  the  Old,  and  then  of  the  New  Testament. 

III.  1.  Augustine  says,  <  thatv  in  all  the  time  after  their 
return  from  Babylon,  till  the  days  of  our  Saviour,  the  Jews 
had  no  prophets  after  Malachi,  Haggai,  and  Zechariah,  who 
prophesied  at  that  time,  and  Ezra ;  except  another  Zachariah, 
father  of  John,  and  his  wife  Elisabeth,  just  before  the  birth 
of  Christ;  and  after  his  birth  old  Simeon,  and  Anna,  a 
widow  of  a  great  age;  and  John  last  of  all.  But  the  pro 
phecy  of  these  five,  which  is  known  from  the  gospel  only, 
is  not  received  by  them;  and  Malachi,  Haggai,  Zechariah, 
and  Ezra,  are  the  last  which  are  received  into  the  canon  by 
the  unbelieving  Jews.' 

u  See  vol.  iii.  p.  54.     See  this  vol.  p.  421,  484. 

v  Toto  autem  illo  tempore,  ex  quo  redierunt  de  Babylonia,  post  Malac 
Aggaeum,  et  Zachariam,  qui  tune  prophetaverunt,  et  Esdram,  non  habuerunt 
prophetas,  usque  ad  Salvatoris  adventum,  nisi  alium  Zachariam,  patrem  Jo- 
annis,  et  Elisabet  ejus  uxorem,  Christi  nativitate  jam  proxima  :  et,  eo 

nato,  Simeonem  senem,  et  Annam  viduam,  jamque  grandaevam- S< 

mm  quinque  prophetatio  ex  evangelio  nobis  nota  est Sed  nanc 

prophetiam  Judaei  non  recipiunt Malachiam  vero,  Aggeeum,  Zach; 

et  Esdram  etiam,  Judeei  reprobi  in  auctoritatem  canonicam  receptos  novissit 
habent.  De  Civ.  Dei,  1.  xvii.  cap.  24. 


496  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

If  that  be  so,  which  I  think  is  universally  acknowledged, 
they  ought  likewise  to  be  the  last  Jewish  sacred  scriptures 
which  are  received  by  Christians;  for  to  them,  in  ancient 
times,  were  committed  the  oracles  of  God  ;  and  they  only 
could  determine  what  writings  should  be  received  as  sacred. 

2.  I  shall  add  some  other  passages,  where w   Augustine 
owns,  that  the  Jews  had  no  prophets  after  their  settlement 
in  Judea,  upon  their  return  from  the  Babylonish  captivity; 
for  which x   reason,   as  he  also  observes,  the  books   of  the 
Maccabees  were   not  received   in  the  Jewish  canon  ;  those 
books  containing  the  history  of  things  in  later  times. 

3.  Again  :  *  From?  Samuel  the  prophet  to  the  Babylonish 
captivity,  and  then  to  their  return  from  it,  and  the  rebuild 
ing  the  temple,  after  seventy  years,  according  to  the  pro 
phecy  of  Jeremiah,  is  the  whole  time  of  the  prophets.' 

4.  Some  Christians  alleged   the   Sibylline  poems  as  pro 
phetical  of  Christ.     '  But,  says2    Augustine,    it    is   much 
better  to  insist  only  upon  the  prophecies  of  the  Old  Testa 
ment,  which  the  Jews  our  enemies  receive  ;  they  are  now 
dispersed  all  over  the  earth  ;  and   they  bear  witness,   that 
the  prophecies  concerning   Christ,  therein  contained,  have 
not  been  forged  by  us.' 

5.  Again,  to  the  like  purpose:  '  Ita  must  be  most  pru- 

w  usque  ad  hoc  tempus  prophetas  habuit  populus  Israel :  qui  cum 

multi  fuerint,  paucorum  et  apud  Judaeos,  et  apud  nos,  canonica  scripta  reti- 
nentur.  De  Civ.  Dei,  1.  xviii.  c.  26. 

.  x  Post  hos  tres  prophetas,  Aggaeum,  Zachariam,  Malachiam,  per  idem  tem 
pus  liberationis  populi  ex  Babylonica  servitute,  scripsit  etiam  Esdras,  qui  magis 
rerum  gestarum  scriptor  est,  quam  propheta  :  sicubi  est  et  liber,  qui  appellatur 
Esther  •,  cujus  res  gesta  in  laudem  Dei  non  longe  ab  his  temporibus  invenitur 

Ab  hoc  tempore  apud  Judaeos  restituto  templo,  non  reges,  sed  principes 

fuerunt quorum  supputatio  temporum  non  in  scripturis  sanctis,  quae  cano- 

nicae  appellantur,  sed  in  aliis  inveniuntur.  In  quibus  sunt  et  Macchabseorum 
libri,  quos  non  Judaei,  sed  ecclesia  pro  canonicis  habet,  propter  quorundam 
martyrum  passiones  vehementes  atque  mirabiles. — De  Civ.  Dei,  1.  xviii.  c.  36. 
•  y  Hoc  itaque  tempus,  ex  quo  sanctus  Samuel  prophetare  cocpit,  et  deinceps, 
donee  populus  Israel  captivus  in  Babylonian!  duceretur,  atque  inde  secimdum 
sancti  Jeremise,  prophetiam  post  septuaginta  annos  reversis  Israelite  Dei  domus 
instauraretur,  totum  tempus  est  prophetarum.  De  Civ.  Dei,  1.  xvii.  c.  1. 

z  Judaei  autem,  qui  eum  occiderunt,  et  in  eum  credere  noluerunt, 

eradicati,  dispersique  per  terras,  per  scripturas  testimonio  sunt,  prophetas  nos 

non  finxisse  de  Christo Nobis  quidem  illse  sufficiunt,  quae  de  nostrorum 

inimicorum  codicibus  proferuntur.     De  Civ.  Dei,  1.  xviii.  c.  46. 

a  Sed  quaecumque  aliorum  proprieties  de  Dei  per  Christum  gratia  proferuntur, 
possunt  putari  a  christianis  esse  confictae.  Ideo  nihil  est  firmius  ad  convin- 
cendos  quoslibet  alienos,  si  de  hac  re  contenderint,  nostrosque  faciendos,  si 
recte  sapuerint,  quam  ut  divina  praedicta  de  Christo  proferantur,  quae  in  Ju- 
daeorum  scripta  sunt  codicibus ;  quibus  avulsis  de  sedibus  propriis,  et  propter 
hoc  testimonium  toto  orbe  dispersis,  Christi  usquequaque  crevit  ecclesia.  De 
Civ.  Dei,  1.  xviii.  c.  47. 


AUGUSTINE.     A.  D.  395.  497 

dent  for  us,  to  argue  from  those  writings  which  are  received 
by  the  Jews.  None  can  suspect,  that  they  have  been  forged 
by  us  ;  whereas  it  may  be  pretended,  that  other  predictions 
relating  to  the  evangelical  dispensation  have  been  forged 
by  us.' 

6.  Augustine  has  several  times  owned,  thatb  there  are 
but    three    books    of  Solomon    really    his  ;  the   Proverbs, 
Ecclesiastes,   and    Canticles ;  and   that  the  Jews  have  no 
more  of  his  writings  in  their  canon.     He  observes  likewise, 
that,  on  account  of  some  resemblance  of  style  and  design, 
the  books  of  Wisdom  and  Ecclesiasticus  have  been  by  some 
esteemed  Solomon's ;  but  the  learned  are  satisfied  they  are 
not  his.     He  also  owns,  that  those  two  books  were  chiefly 
respected  by  the  Christians  who  lived  in  the  western  part  of 
the  world. 

7.  Augustine  owns  particularly,  thatc  the  book  of  Judith 
was  not  in  the  Jewish  canon. 

8.  Undoubtedly  there  are  in  Augustine  many  quotations 
of  those  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  which  we  now  gene 
rally   call   apocryphal ;  as  Wisdom,  Tobit,  Ecclesiasticus, 
and  the  Maccabees  ;  but  then  he  frequently  uses  some  ex 
pressions  which  show  they  were  not  esteemed  the  books  of 
the  prophets,  or  of  equal  authority  with  the  books  of  the 
Jewish  canon. 

9.  Having  quoted  the  book  of  Ecclesiasticus,  he  adds : 
*  Butd  if  this  be  disputed,  because  that  book  is  not  in  the 
Jewish  canon ;  what  shall  we  say   to  somewhat  else  found 
in  Deuteronomy?'  Which  shows,  that  the  book  of  Ecclesi 
asticus  was  not  of  unquestioned  authority,  or  sufficient  to 
decide  a  point  in  dispute. 

b  Prophetasse  etiam  ipse  [Salomo]  reperitur  in  suis  libris,  qui  tres  recepti  sunt 
in  auctoritatem  canonicam,  Proverbia,  Ecclesiastes,  et  Canticum  Canticorum. 
Alii  vero  duo,  quorum  unus  Sapientia,  alter  Ecclesiasticus  dicitur,  propter 
eloquii  similitudinem,  ut  Salomonis  dicantur,  obtinuit  consuetudo :  non  autern 
esse  ipsius,  non  dubitant  doctiores.  Eos  tamen  in  auctoritatem  maxime  occi- 
dentalis  antiquitus  recepit  ecclesia :  quorum  in  uno,  qui  appellatur  Sapientia 
Salomonis,  passio  Christ!  apertissime  prophetatur.  Impii  quippe  interfecto: 
eius  commemorantur  dicentes,  Circumveniamus  justum.— [Sap.  11.  12— 20. J 
Et  in  Ecclesiastico  autem  fides  gentium  futura  praedicitur  isto  modo :  '  Miserere 
nostri,  dominator  Deus  omnium.'— [Eccles.  xxxvi.  1.  5.]  Sed  adversus  contra- 
dictores  non  tanta  firmitate  pioferuntur,  quae  scripta  non  sunt  in  canone  Ju- 
deeorum.  In  tribus  vero  illis,  quos  Salomonis  esse  constat,  et  Judaei  canomcc 
habent,  &c.  De  Civ.  Dei,  1.  xvii.  cap.  20. 

c  Per  idem  tempus  [Darii]  etiam  ilia  sunt  gesta,  quae  conscnpta  sunt  in  hbro 
Judith ;  quern  sane  in  canone  scripturarum  Judaei  non  recepisse  dicuntur.  L 
Civ.  Dei,  1.  xviii.  c.  26. 

d  Sed  hi  huic  hbro,  ex  Hebraeorum  (quia  in  eorum  non  est)  canone,  contra 

dicitur;  quid  de  Moyse  dicturi  sumus ?  De  Cura  pro  I       uis,  cap. 

xv.  T.  vi. 

VOL.    IV.  2  K 


498  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

10.  In  his  Retractations  he  owns  his  mistake  ine  quoting' 
the  book  of  Ecclesiasticus  as  prophetical ;  when  it  was  not 
certain  that  it  was  written  by  a  prophet. 

11.  In  another  place  of  the  same  work  he  says  of  some 
what,  which  he  had  formerly  advanced,  thatf  he  had  not  any 
proof  of  it,  but  from  the  book  of  Wisdom,  which  the  Jews 
did  not  receive  as  of  canonical  authority. 

12.  In  another  work,  written  about  the  year  420,  he  says, 
*  Thes  Jews  do  not  receive  the  scripture  of  the  Maccabees  as 
they  do  the  law,  and  the  Prophets,  and  the  Psalms,  to  which 
our  Lord  bears  testimony.  [Luke  xxiv.  44.] — But  it  is  re 
ceived   by  the  church   not  unprofitably,  if  it  be  read   and 
heard  soberly,  especially  for  the  sake  of  the  history  of  the 
Maccabees,  who  suffered  so  much  from  the  hand  of  perse 
cutors  for  the  sake  of  the  law  of  God.'     So  that  in  the  end 
Augustine  I  think  differs  not  from  Jerom  and  Rufinus  :  but 
is  of  the  same  opinion  with  them  ;  that  these  books  are  re 
ceived  as  useful,  but  not  as  of  authority,  so  that  any  doctrine 
may  be  proved  by  them. 

IV.  I  shall  now  observe  a  passage  or  two  relating  to  books, 
which  by  all  Christians  in  general  are  allowed  to  be  apocry 
phal. 

1.  He  quotes  Numb.  xxi.  13,  14, — "  Wherefore  it  is  said 
in  the  book  Of  the  wars  of  the  Lord  :  "  and  then  says,  *  that11 
from  such  expressions  in  canonical  books  of  scripture,  men 
have  taken  occasion  to  forge  books,  called  apocryphal.' 

2.  In  his  books  Of  the  City  of  God,  Augustine  has1  a  long 

e  Item  videor  non  recte  appellasse  verba  prophetica  quia  non  in  ejus 

libro  legitur,  quern  certi  sumus  appellandum  esse  prophetam.  Relr.  1.  i.  cap.  20. 

f  In  primo  autem  quod  de  manna  dixi. — Non  mihi  occurrit,  unde  possit 
probari,  nisi  ex  libro  Sapientiae,  quern  Judaei  non  recipiunt  in  auctoritatem 
canonicam.  Retr.  1.  ii.  cap.  20. 

8  Et  hanc  scripturam,  quae  appellatur  Macchabaeorum,  non  habent  Judaei, 
sicut  Legem  et  Prophetas  et  Psalmos,  quibus  Dominus  testimonium  perhibet 
— Sed  recepta  est  ab  ecclesia  non  inutiliter,  si  sobrie  legatur  et  audiatur, 
maxime  propter  illos  Macchabaeos,  qui  pro  Dei  lege,  sicut  veri  martyres,  a 
persecutoribus  tarn  indigna  atque  horrenda  perpessi  sunt,  &c.  Contr.  Gaudent. 
Denat.  1.  i.  cap.  31.  n.  38.  T.  ix. 

h  — In  quo  libro  scriptum  sit,  non  commemorant,  neque  ullus  est  in  his, 
quos  divinae  scripturae  canonicos  appellamus.  De  talibus  occasiones  reperiunt, 
qui  libros  apocryphos  incautorum  auribus  et  curiosorum  conantur  inserere  ad 
pcrsuadendas  fabulosas  impietates,  &c.  Qu.  in  Numb.  42.  libr.  iv.  T.  iii. 

1  Omittamus  igitur  earum  scripturarum  fabulas,  quae  apocryphae  nuncupan- 
lur,  eo  quod  earum  occulta  origo  non  claruit  patribus,  a  quibus  usque  ad  nos 
auctoritas  veracium  scripturarum  certissima  et  notissima  successione  pervenit — 
Scripsisse  quidem  nonnulla  divina  Enoch  ilium  septimum  ab  Adam,  negare 
noa  possumus,  cum  hoc  in  epistola  canonica  Judas  apostolus  dicat.  Sed  non 
frustra  non  sunt  in  eo  canone  scripturarum,  qui  servabatur  in  templo  Hebraei 
populi  succedentium  diligentia  sacerdotum  — Unde  ilia,  quae  sub  ejus  nomine 


AUGUSTINE.    A.  D.  395.  499 

observation  upon  fabulous  apocryphal  books  of  the  Old  and 
the  New  Testament,  of  which  he  speaks  with  contempt:  he 
says,  they  are  called  <  apocryphal,'  because  their  real  original 
is  secret  or  uncertain.  He  thinks  that  Enoch  must  have 
written  something1,  because  he  is  quoted  by  the  apostle  Jude  : 
but  what  goes  under  his  name  has  been  justly  reckoned  not 
to  be  his  ;  as  have  also  other  writings  ascribed  to  other  pro 
phets,  and  since  to  the  apostles.  All  which,  upon  careful 
examination,  were  rejected  from  being  a  part  of  canonical 
scripture,  and  are  called  apocryphal. 

V.  That  Augustine  received  our  four  gospels,  and  them 
only,  is  apparent  from  the  passage  alleged  at  the  beginning 
of  this  chapter ;  nevertheless  it  is  very  fit  for  us  to  take 
notice  of  several  things  concerning  them,  which  are  to  be 
found  in  his  writings. 

1.  In  one  of  his  sermons  he  says,  *  There  k  are  four  evan 
gelists,  Matthew,  John,  Mark,  and  Luke.     Of  these  Matthew 
and  John  were  of  the  number  of  the  twelve  apostles.    Mark 
and  Luke  were  not  apostles,  but  only  companions  of  apostles  : 
and  he  thinks,  there  was  a  fitness  in  this,  that  the  history  of 
Christ  should  be  so  written.' 

2.  He  says  there1   are  four  gospels,  because  the  world 
consists  of  four  parts,  and  the  whole  world  was  called  in  the 
gospel. 

3.  Inm  the  Old  Testament  the  five  books  of  Moses  have 
the  highest  authority;  in  the  New  Testament  the  four  gospels. 

4.  In  another  place  he  seems  to  say,  that"  the  book  of 
the   gospels  is  the  most  excellent  part  of  all   the  divine 
scriptures. 

5.  In  one  of  the  sermons  upon  John  xx.  *  To0  day  has 
proferuntur — recte  a  prudentibus  judicantur  non  ipsius  esse  credenda ;  sicut 
multa  sub  nominibus  et  aliorum  prophetarum,  et  recentiora  sub  nominibus 
apostolorum  ab  hsereticis  proferuntur,  quae  omnia  nomine  apocryphorum  ab 
auctoritate  canonica,  diligent!  examinatione  remota  sunt.  De  Civ.  Dei,  1.  xv. 
cap.  23.  T.  vii. 

k  Nam  cum  sint  quatuor  evangelistae  Matthaeus,  Johannes,  Marcus,  Lucas, 
duo  sunt  ex  illis  duodecim  apostolis,  id  est,  Matthaeus  et  Johannes.— Marcus, 
et  Lucas  apostolorum  non  pares,  sed  suppares  fuerunt.  Ideo  namque  voluit 
Spiritus  Sanctus  etiam  ex  his  qui  inter  duodecim  non  fuerunt,  eligere  ad  evan- 
gelium  conscribendum  duos,  ne  putaretur  gratia  evangelii  usque  ad  apostolos 
pervenisse,  et  in  illis  fontera  gratise  defecisse.  Serm.  239.  n.  1.  T.  v. 

1  Quia  enim  quatuor  sunt  orbis  partes,  et  totus  orbis  in  evangelic  vocabatur, 
unde  quatuor  evangelia  conscripta  sunt.  In  Ps.  ciii.  Enarr.  Serm.  3.  n.  2.  T.  iv. 

m  Vetus  Testamentum  in  quinque  libris  Moysis  excellit.  Novum  autem 
quatuor  evangeliorum  auctoritate  preefulget.  De  Peccator.  Merit.  &c.  1.  ii. 
cap.  35.  T.  x. 

"  Inter  omnes  divinas  auctoritates,  quae  sanctis  literis  contmentur,  evange- 
lium  merito  excellit.  De  Consens.  Evang.  1.  i.  in. 

0  Et  hodie  resurrectio  Domini  recitata  est  de  sancto  evangel  10.  Lectum  est 
2  K  2 


500  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

been  read  the  account  of  our  Saviour's  resurrection  in  John  ; 
and  in  that,  we  have  heard  what  was  omitted  in  the  other 
gospels.  It  is  all  one  history  of  the  truth ;  they  all  drink 
from  the  same  fountain  :  but,  as  we  have  often  observed  to 
you,  my  brethren,  some  things  are  related  by  all,  some  by 
three,  some  by  two,  some  by  one  only.' 

6.  At  the  beginning1  of  another  sermon  :  *  At?  this  season, 
according  to  custom,  are  read  the  accounts  of  our  Lord's 
resurrection.     None  of  the  evangelists  could  omit  to  give  the 
history  of  his  passion  and  resurrection :  and  though  there 
are  some  differences  in  their  accounts,  they  are  not  contrary 
to   each   other.     Our  Lord's  acts  are  very  numerous,  and 
could  not  be  all  related.     Some  therefore  are  related  by  one, 
some  by  another  ;  but  all  with  complete  harmony, agreeably 
to  the   truth.     Those  things  were  done,  which  were  proper 
to  be  done  then :  so  many  were  written,  as  are  proper  to  be 
read  now.' 

7.  In  his  books  Of  the  City  of  God  he  says  :  '  For  <i  prov 
ing   his  divine   authority,  Christ  wrought  many  miracles ; 
some  of  which   are  recorded  in  the  evangelical  scripture, 
even  so  many  as  were  judged  sufficient  to  attest  his  autho 
rity  to   the  world.     The  first  of  which  is,  that  he  was  so 
wonderfully  born  ;  the  last,  that  he  ascended  up  to  heaven, 
with  his  body  raised  from  the  dead.' 

8.  Augustine's  introduction  to  his  four  books  of  the  Con 
sent  of  the  Evangelists,  written  about  the  year  400,  is  very 
observable.     I  have  not  room  for  it  all  ;  and  therefore  refer 
my  readers  to  it ;  however,  1  will  transcribe  a  good  part  of  it. 

*  Ther   first  preachers  of  the  gospel,  he   says,  were   the 

autem  evangelium  secundum  Johannem.  Audivimus  quae  in  aliis  libris  evan- 
gelii  non  audieramus.  Omnibus  quidem  communis  est  praedicatio  veritatis,  et 
de  uno  fonte  omnes  biberunt.  Sed  in  praedicatione  evangelii,  sicut  saepe 
commonui  Caritatem  Vestram,  alia  omnes,  alia  tres,  alia  duo,  alia  singuli  po- 
suerunt.  Serm.  245.  in.  T.  v. 

P  Per  hos  dies — solemniter  leguntur  evangelicae  lectiones,  ad  resurrectionem 
Domini  pertinentes.  Omnes  enim  evangelists  quatuor  neque  de  passione, 
neque  de  resurrectione  ejus  tacere  potuerunt.  Nam  quia  multa  fecit  Dominus 
Jesus,  non  omnes  omnia  conscripserunt :  Sed  alius  ista,  alius  ilia :  summa 
tamen  concordia  veritatis.  Multa  etiam  commemorat  Johannes  evangelista 
facta  esse  a  Domino — quae  a  nullo  eorum  conscripta  sunt.  Tanta  facta  sunt, 
quanta  tune  fieri  debuerunt :  tanta  scripta  sunt,  quanta  nunc  legi  debuerunt. 
Serm.  240.  in. 

q  Qui,  ut  in  se  commendaret  Deum,  miracula  multa  fecit ;  ex  quibus  quae- 
dam,  quantum  ad  eum  praedicandum  satis  esse  visum  est,  scriptura  evangelica 
continet.  Quorum  primum  est,  quod  tarn  mirabiliter  natus  est.  Ultimum 
autem,  quod  cum  suo  resuscitato  a  mortuis  corpore  adscendit  in  coelum.  De 
C.  D.  1.  xviii.  c.  46.  T.  vii. 

r  Cujus  primi  praedicatores  apostoli  fuerunt,  qui  Dominum  ipsum  et  Salva- 
torem  nostrum  Jesum  Christum  etiam  praesentem  in  carne  viderunt.  Qui  non 


AUGUSTINE.     A.  D.  395.  501 

apostles,  who  had  conversed  with  the  Lord ;  who  have 
related  to  the  world  not  only  what  they  themselves  saw  him 
do,  or  heard  him  say  ;  but  likewise  divers  other  things, 
which  happened  before  they  were  called  to  follow  him, 
concerning  his  nativity,  infancy,  and  youth ;  which  things 
they  might  know  from  himself,  or  from  his  parents,  or  his 
friends  and  acquaintance,  who  were  to  be  depended  upon  : 
and  two  of  the  evangelists  were  apostles,  Matthew  and  John. 
Nevertheless  it  was  wisely  ordained  by  Divine  Providence, 
that  not  only  apostles,  but  some  others  besides  should  not 
only  preach  the  Lord  Jesus,  but  likewise  write  gospels : 
these  are  Mark  and  Luke,  who  were  disciples  of  apostles. 
And  though  others  may  have  attempted  to  write,  or  have 
actually  published,  histories  of  the  actions  of  Christ,  and 
his  apostles,  their  writings  have  not  been  received. 

'  These  four  evangelists,  therefore,  are  well  known  all 
over  the  world  ;  and  perhaps  they  are  four,  because  there 
are  so  many  parts  of  the  world,  in  the  whole  of  which  extent 
the  church  of  Christ  was  to  be  planted.  They  are  said  to 
have  written  in  this  order ;  first  Matthew,  next  Mark,  then 
Luke,  and  last  of  all  John. 

*  Of  these  four,  Matthew  only  is  said  to  have  written  in 
Hebrew  ;  the  rest  in  Greek  :  and  though  all  have  an  order 
of  narration  peculiar  to  themselves,  they  do  not  write  as  if 

solum  ea,  quae  ex  ore  ejus  audita,  vel  ab  illo  sub  oculis  suis  operata,  dicta,  et 
facta  meminerant :  verum  etiam  quae,  prius  quarn  illi  per  discipulatum  adhae- 
serant,  in  ejus  nativitate,  vel  infantia,  vel  pueritia,  divinitus  gesta  et  digna 
memoria,  sive  ab  ipso,  sive  a  parentibus  ejus,  sive  a  quibuslibel  aliis,  certissi- 
mis  indiciis  et  fidelissimis  testimoniis  requircre  et  cognoscere  pptuerunt,  im- 
posito  sibi  evangelizandi  munere  generi  humano  annuntiare  curamnt  Quo 
rum  quidam,  hoc  est,  Matthaeus  et  Johannes,  etiam  scripta  de  illo,  qua?  scribenda 
visa  sunt,  libris  singulis  ediderunt. — Ac,  ne  putaretur,  quod  adtinet  ad  percipi- 
endum  et  praedicandum  evangel ium,  interesse  aliquid,  utrum  illi  annuntient, 
qui  eundem  Dominum  hie  in  carne  apparentem  discipulatu  famulante  secuti 
sint,  an  ii  qui  ex  illis  fideliter  comperta  crediderunt,  divina  providentia  procu- 
ratum  est  per  Spiritum  Sanctum,  ut  quibusdam  etiam  ex  illis,  qui  primes  apos- 
tolos  sequebantur  non  solum  annuntiandi,  verum  etiam  scribendi  evangelium 
tribueretur  auctoritas.  Hi  sunt  Marcus  et  Lucas.  Caeteri  autem  homines,  qui 
de  Domini  vel  apostolorum  actibus  aliqua  scribere  conati  vel  ausi  sunt,  non 
tales  suis  temporibus  exstiterunt,  ut  eis  fidem  haberet  ecclesia,  atque  in  auctori- 

tatem  canonicam  sanctorum  librorum  eorum  scripta  reciperet Isti  igitur 

quatuor  evangelistae,  universe  terrarum  orbe  notissimi,  et  ob  hoc  fortasse  qua- 
tuor,  quoniam  quatuor  sunt  partesorbis  terra?,  per  cujus  universitatem  Christ! 
ecclesiam  dilatari,  ipso  sui  numeri  sacramento  quodammodo  declararunt.  Hoc 
ordine  scripsisse  perhibentur.  Primum  Matthaeus,  deinde  Marcus,  tertio  Lucas. 

ultimo  Johannes Horum  sane  quatuor  solus  Matthaeus  Hebraeo  scnpsis. 

perhibetur  eloquio,  caeteri  Graeco.     Et  quamvis  singuli  suum  quendam  nar- 
randi  ordinem  tenuisse  videantur,  non  tamen  unusquisque  eorum  velut  alteru 
pnecedentis  ignarus  voluisse  scribere  reperitur,  vel  ignorata  praetermisisse  quae 
gcripsisse  alius  invenitur :  sed,  sicut  unicuique  inspiratum  est,  non  superfluam. 


502  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

they  were  totally  ignorant  of  each  other's  labours Mat 
thew  writes  of  our  Lord's  nativity,  and  the  history  of  his 
life  as  a  man.  Mark  follows  him  close  as  his  abridger ;  for 
he  has  nothing  which  is  in  John  alone  :  he  has  very  few 
things  peculiar  to  himself;  not  many  peculiar  to  Luke; 
but  many  things  which  are  in  Matthew,  and  almost  in  the 
same  words.  Luke  had  no  abridger,  as  Matthew  had  in 
Mark. 

*  Moreover  those  three  evangelists  relate  those  things  which 
were  done  by  Christ  here  on  earth   in   his  human  nature. 
But  John  speaks   of  the   Lord's  divinity,  by  which  he  is 
equal  to  the  Father :  therefore  he  riseth  higher  than  the  rest, 
and  seems  to  ascend  to  heaven  itself,  and  the  throne  of  God, 
where  he  learned  what  is  included  in  those  words :  "  In  the 

beginning  was  the  Word,  and  the  Word  was  with  God."- 

And  whereas  there  are  four  living  creatures  mentioned  in 
the  Revelation,  [iv.  7.]  which  are  understood  of  the  evan 
gelists,  he  thinks  it  probable,  that  Matthew  is  represented 
by  a  lion,  Mark  by  a  man,  Luke  by  an  ox,  .and  John  by  an 
eagle.' 

Having  transcribed  so  largely  that  introduction,  we  will 
now  take  notice  of  some  things  in  it. 

(1.)  Augustine  here  says,  that  of  all  the  four  evangelists 
Matthew  only  wrote  in  Hebrew.  In  another  part  of  the 
same  work,  the  Consent  of  the  Evangelists,  he  says  :  It8 
was  reported,  that  Matthew  wrote  in  the  Hebrew  language. 

(2.)  Augustine,  in  what  was  above  transcribed,  gives  the 
preference  to  John  :  in  another  place  of  the  same  work  he 

cooperationem  sui  laboris  adjunxit.  Nam  Matthaeus  suscepisse  intelligitur  in- 
carnationem  Domini  secundum  stirpem  regiam,  et  pleraque  secundum  homi- 
num  vitam  facta  et  dicta  ejus.  Marcus,  eum  subsecutus,  tanquam  pedissequus 
et  breviator  ejus  videtur.  Cum  solo  Johanne  nihil  dixit.  Solus  ipse  per- 
pauca :  cum  solo  Luca  pauciora :  cum  Matthaeo  vero  plurima ;  multa  pene 
totidem  atque  ipsis  verbis,  sive  cum  solo,  sive  cum  caeteris  consonante.  Non 
autem  habuit  breviatorem  conjunctum  Lucas,  sicut  Marcum  Matthaeus.  Tres 
autem  isti  evangelistae  in  his  rebus  maxime  diversati  sunt,  quas  Christus  per 
humanam  carnem  temporal  iter  gessit.  Porro  autem  Johannes  ipsam  maxime 
divinitatem  Domini,  qua  Patri  est  aequalis,  intendit — Itaque  longe  a  tribus 
istis  superius  fertur,  ita  ut  hos  videas  in  terra  cum  Christo  homine  conversari ; 
ilium  autem  transcendisse  nebulam,  qua  tegitur  omnis  terra,  et  pervenisse  ad 
liquidum  ccelum,  unde  acie  mentis  acutissima  atque  firmissima  videret.  In 
principio  Verbum  apud  Deum,  per  quern  facta  sunt  omnia — Unde  et  mihi 
videntur,  qui  ex  apocalypsi  ilia  quatuor  animalia  ad  intelligendos  quatuor 
evangelistais  interpretati  sunt,  probabilius  aliquid  attendisse  illi,  qui  leonem  in 
Matthaeo,  hominem  in  Marco,  vitulum  in  Luca,  aquilam  in  Johanne  intellexe- 
runt,  quam  illi  qui  hominem  Matthaeo,  aquilam  Marco,  leonem  Johanni  tribu- 
crunt.  De  Cons.  Evangelistarum,  1.  i.  c.  i. — vi.  T.  iii.  P.  ii. 

•  Cujus  rei  causa  ilia  mihi  videtur,  quod  Matthaeus  Hebraea  lingua  perhibe- 
tur  evangelium  conscripsisse.  De  Consens.  Evang.  1.  i.  cap.  66.  n.  128. 


AUGUSTINE.     A.  D.  395.  503 

says,  the  apostle1  John  is  the  most  eminent  of  all  the  four 
evangelists. 

(3.)  «  He  alsou  excels  or  differs  from  the  other  evangelist*, 
in  that  he  insists  more  upon  our  Lord's  discourses  than  upon 
his  miracles.' 

(4.)  In  another  work  he  gives  the  preference  to  John,  be 
cause v  he  had  more  fully  declared  our  Lord's  divinity  than 
the  other  evangelists. 

(5.)  In  a  sermon w  he  gives  the  preference  to  John,  not 
only  above  the  other  evangelists,  but  above  Peter  also,  be 
cause  John  had  written  more  of  Christ's  divinity  than  Peter 
had. 

(6.)  He  has  alsox  elsewhere  and  largely  spoken  of  the 
symbols  of  the  evangelists,  in  Ezekiel,  and  the  Revelation. 

(7.)  There  are  two  other  things  which  require  some  par 
ticular  consideration.  One,  is  what  Augustine  says  of  the 
evangelists  having  seen  each  other's  works  before  they  wrote : 
the  other,  is  what  he  says  of  Mark  being  an  abbre viator  of 
Matthew. 

Of  both  these  things  J.  Le  Clerc,  under  the  borrowed 
name  of  Phereponus,  observes  to  this  purpose:  '  We^  can 
'  scarce  doubt  whether  John  had  seen  the  other  three  gos- 

*  pels :  for  as  he  is  said  to  have  lived  to  a  great  age,  so  it 

*  appears,  from  his  gospel  itself,  that  he  took  care  not  to  re- 
'  peat  things  related  by  them,  except  a  few  only,  and  those 
'  necessary"  things.     But  I  do  not  see  how  it  can  be  reckoned 

1  Johannes  quoque  apostolus  in  evangelistis  eminentissimus.  Ibid.  cap.  6. 
n.  18.  u  At  vero  Johannes,  qui  multum  ab  eis  tribus 

evangelistis  eo  distat,  quia  magis  in  sermonibus  quos  Dominus  habuit,  imrao- 
ratur,  quam  in  factis  qua?  mirabiliter  fecit.  Ibid.  cap.  45.  n.  94.  Conf.  ib.  1.  i. 
cap.  5.  n.  18. 

v  In  quatuor  evangeliis,  vel  potius  quatuor  libris  unius  evangelii,  sanctus  Jo 
hannes  apostolus,  non  immerito  aquilae  comparatus,  altius  multoque  sublimius 
aliis  tribus  erexit  prsedicationem  suam— Nam  cseteri  tres  evangel  istae,  tanquam 
cum  homine  Domino  in  terra  ambulabant,  de  divinitate  ejus  pauca  dixerunt 

Iste  autem erexit  se et  pervenit  ad  eum,  per  quern  facta  sunt 

omnia In  Joh.  Evang.  Tr.  36.  n.  1.     Vid.  ib.  n.  5. 

w  Hoc  mihi  videtur  intelligi :  Quoniam  Petrus  scripsit  de  Domino.  Scnp- 
serunt  et  alii.  Sed  scriptura  eorum  magis  circa  humanitatem  Domini  est  oc- 
cupata— Sed  de  divinitate  Christi  in  literis  Petri  aliquid.— in  evangelio  autem 
Johannes  multum  eminet.  «  In  Principio  erat  Verbum,'  ipse  dixit. 
scendit  nubes,  et  transcendit  sidera :  transcendit  angelos,  transcendit  omnem 
creaturam.  Pervenit  ad  Verbum,  per  quod  facta  sunt  omnia.  Serra.  253. 
cap.  4.  T.  v.  . 

*  Et  apud  Ezechielem  prophetam,  et  in  Apocalypsi  ipsms  Johanms,  cujus 
est  hoc  evangelium  commemoratur  animal  quadruplex,  habens  quatuor  pcr- 
sonas,  hominis,  vituli,  leonis,  aquilae.     Qui  ante  nos  scripturarum  sancta 
mysteria  tractaverunt,  plerique  in  hoc  animali,  vel  potius  in  his  animal  U 
quatuor  evangelistas  intellexerunt,  &c.     In  Johan.  Evang.  Tr.  36.  n.  5.  1.  111. 
pf  jj.  y  Vid.  Opp.  Augustin.  1 .  xn.  p.  532. 


504  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

'  certain,  that  Mark  knew  of  Matthew's  having  written  a 
'  gospel  before  him ;  or  that  Luke  knew  they  two  had  writ- 

*  ten  gospels  before  him.     If  Mark  had  seen  the  work  of 

*  Matthew,  it  is  likely  that  he  would  have  remained  satisfied 

*  with  it,  as  being  the  work  of  an  apostle  of  Christ,  that  is, 
'  an  eye-witness,  which  he  was  not.     Nor  would  Luke,  who 
4  from  the  beginning  of  his  gospel  appears  to  have  been  ac- 

*  quainted  with  several  memoirs  of  the  words  and  works  of 
4  Christ,  have  omitted  to  say,  that  one  or  more  of  them  had 
4  been  written   by  an  apostle,  as  Matthew  was.      And z  who 
4  can  persuade  himself  to  think,  that  he  would  have  intro- 
4  duced  a  new  genealogy  of  Christ,  without  saying  a  word 
4  of  the  genealogy  already  published  by  Matthew;  espe- 
4  cially,  as  no  small  difficulties  would  arise  in  reconciling 
4  them? — They  seem  to  think  more  justly  who  say,  that  the 
4  first  three  evangelists  were  unacquainted  with  each  other's 
4  designs :  in  that  way  greater  weight  accrues  to  their  tes- 

*  timony.     When  witnesses  agree,  who  have  first  laid  their 

*  heads  together,   they  are  suspected  ;    but  witnesses  who 
4  testify  the  same  thing  separately,  without  knowing  what 

*  others  have  said,  are  justly  credited.' 

With  regard  to  what  Augustine  says  of  Mark's  copying 
Matthew,  the  same  learned  writer  adds:  '  Ia  wonder  that 

*  Augustine  should  speak  thus  of  an  inspired  writer  :  there 
4  is  no  need  of  inspiration  to  abbreviate  what  has  been  al- 
'  ready  written  by  another.     I  rather  assent  to  those,  who 

*  say,  that  Mark  received  the  evangelical  history  from  Peter.' 

These  appear  to  me  to  be  just  observations.  I  may  how 
ever  have  occasion  to  enlarge  farther  upon  these  points 
hereafter :  at  the  present  I  observe  only,  that  so  far  as  I  re 
member,  Augustine  is  the  first  Christian  writer  who  has 
considered  Mark's  gospel  as  an  abbreviation  of  Matthew. 
The  common  account  of  the  more  ancient  writer  is,  what  is 
hinted  by  Le  Clerc,  that  Mark  wrote  from  Peter's  mouth  ; 
or,  that  his  gospel  is  the  substance  of  Peter's  preaching  ;  or, 

z  Quis  credat  eum  novam  Christ!  genealogiam  allaturum  fuisse,  ne  verbo 
quidem  memorata  genealogia  Matthaeo  antea  edita,  cum  prsesertim,  ad  eos  in 
concordiam  redigendos,  non  levis  difficultas  exoritura  esset  ? — Multo  rectius 
sentire  videntur,  qui  evangelistas  tres  priores  scripsisse  suas  historias  censent, 
cum  neuter  aliorum  consilii  conscius  esset.  Unde  etiam  eorum  testimonio 
majus  accedit  pondus.  Cum  enim  consentiunt  testes,  qui  inter  se  capita  con- 
tulerunt,  suspecti  potius  habentur.  Sed  testes,  qui  idem  testantur  seorsim,  nes- 
cii  aliorum  testimonii,  merito  verum  dicere  videntur.  Pherepon.  Animadv. 
in  libr.  de  Cons.  Ev.  Ap.  Augustin.  T.  xii.  p.  532. 

a  Miror  ita  loqui  Augustinum  de  scriptore  afflato.  Neque  enim  inspira- 
tione  opus  est,  ut  quispiam  sit  *  pedissequus  et  bre viator  '  operis  alieni.  Cre- 
diderim  potius  iis,  qui  Marcum  a  Petro  evangelicam  historiam  accepisse  cen 
sent.  Id.  Ibid. 


AUGUSTINE.     A.  D.  395.  505 

that  it  was  dictated  by  Peter,  written  and  published  by 
Mark  ;  and,  as  some  add,  approved  or  authorized  by  Peter, 
to  be  read  in  the  churches.  After  this  manner  speak,  as  we 
have  already  seen,  bPapias,  c  Clement  of  Alexandria,  dTer- 
tullian,  eOrigen  :  to  whom  might  be  added  the  accounts  in 
fEusebius  and  sJerom. 

VI.  We  have  already  seen  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles 
reckoned  by  Augustine  among  the  books  of  canonical  scrip 
ture.  Shall  I,  nevertheless,  add  a  few  other  passages? 

1.  In  the  books  of  the  Consent  of  the  Evangelists,  which 
we  have  already  quoted  several  times,  he  ascribes11  the  Acts 
of  the  Apostles  to  Luke. 

2.  In   another  place  of  the  same  work  he  does  the  like 
again,  and  also  gives  at  large  the  design  and  contents  of 
this  book.     He  says, 'That1   Luke,  after  having  written  a 
gospel,  even  one  of  the  four  which  are  in  so  high  esteem, 
containing  a  history  of  Christ's  words  and  works  to  the  time 
of  his  resurrection  and  ascension,  wrote  such  an  account  of 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  as  he  judged   to  be  sufficient  for 
the  edification  of  believers  :  and  it  is  the  only  history  of  the 
apostles  which  has  been  received  by  the  church  ;  all  other 
having  been  rejected,  as  not  to  be  relied  upon.'     Augustine 
there  adds,  <  Mark  and  Luke  wrote  at  a  time  when  their 
writings  might  be  approved,  not  only  by  the  church,  but 
also  by  apostles  still  living.' 

3.  The  book  of  the  Acts  is  quoted  by  Augustine  in  in 
numerable  places.     It  wask  publicly  read   in  the  Christian 

b  See  vol.  ii.  p.  119,  121,  122.  c  P.  224—234. 

d  P.  276—278.  e  P.  494. 

f  See  this  vol.  p.  92,  93.  g  P.  439,  442,  443. 

h  sicut  Lucas  in  Apostolorum  Actibus  narrat.     De  Cons.  Evang.  1. 

iii.  cap.  25.  n.  74.  T.  iii.  p.  ii. 

1  Admonet  autem,  ut  noverimus  eundem  Lucam  etiam  ilium  librum  scrip- 
sisse,  qui  Actus  Apostolorum  vocatur,  non  solum  quia  Theophili  nomen  eliam 

illic  inest Sed  quia  et  ibi  exorsus  est  ut  diceret :  Primum  quidem  sermonem 

feci  de  omnibus,  o  Theophile,  quae  coepit  Jesus  facere  et  docere Dedit  in- 

telligi,  quod  jam  scripserit  evangelii  librum,  unum  ex  quatuor  quorum  est  in 
ecclesia  sublimis  auctoritas— Iste  autem  non  solum  usque  ad  resurrectionem 
assumptionemque  Domini  perduxit  orationem  suam,  ut  in  quatuor  auctpribus 
evangelicae  scripturae  dignum  labore  suo  haberet  locum  ;  verum  etiam  deinceps 
quse  per  apostolos  gesta  sunt,  quae  sufficere  credidit  ad  aedificandam  fidem 
legentium  et  audientium  ita  scripsit,  ut  solus  ejus  liber  fide  dignus  haberetur 
de  apostolorum  actibus  narrantis,  reprobatis  omnibus  qui  non  ea  fide,  qua 
oportuit,  facta  dictaque  apostolorum  ausi  sunt  scribere.  Eo  quippe  tempore 
scripserunt  Marcus  et  Lucas,  quo  non  solum  ab  ecclesia  Christi,  verum  etiam 
ab  ipsis  adhuc  in  carne  manentibus  apostolis,  probari  potuerunt.  De  Cons. 
Ev.  1.  iv.  c.  8.  n.  9. 

k  In  Actibus  Apostolorum  advertite,  quando  legitur :  modo  mcipit  hber 
ipse  legi.  Hodie  ccepit  liber,  qui  vocatur  Actus  Apostolorum.  Serm.  227. 
In  die  Paschee  iv.  T.  v. 


506  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

assemblies  of  worship,  and  then  expounded,  as  appears  from 
many  sermons  of  Augustine.  He  says,  it1  was  in  the  canon 
of  scripture :  and  that  it  was  usually  begun  to  be  read  on 
the  first  Lord's  day  in  Easter;  and  was  read  through,  I 
suppose,  before  the  feast  of  Pentecost.  In  another  sermon: 
*  To-day,' m  says  he,  <  the  reading  was  that  of  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles,  where  the  apostle  Paul  of  a  persecutor  is 
made  a  preacher  of  Christ.' 

4.  In  a  work  written  about  the  year  428,  Augustine  says, 
that11  the  beginning  of  Paul's  faith  [or  his  conversion]  was 
well  known,  upon  account  of  its  being1  read  in  the  churches. 

VII.  In  the  general  passage  at  the  beginning  of  the 
chapter,  we  saw  that  Augustine  received  fourteen  epistles  of 
the  apostle  Paul,  which  are  also  there  named.  I  shall  how 
ever  take  farther  notice  of  some  particulars. 

1.  In  his  books  against  Cresconius  the  Donatist,  he  men 
tions  these  apostolical  churches;  the0  church  of  the  Ro 
mans,  the  Corinthians,  the  Galatians,  Ephesians,  Thessalo- 
uians,  Colossians,  Philippians,  to  whom,  as  by  name,  Paul 
writes ;  the  church  of  Jerusalem,  governed  by  the  apostle 
James  as  bishop :  the  church  of  Antioch,  where  the  disci 
ples  were  first  called   Christians;  Smyrna,  Thyatira,  Sardis, 
Pergamos,  Philadelphia,  Laodicea,   to  which   is    sent    the 
Revelation   of  the   apostle  John  :  and  all  the  churches  of 
Pontus,  Cappadocia,  Asia,  and  Bithynia,  to  which  the  apos 
tle  Peter  writes. 

2.  There  is  a  like  passage  in  another  book  against  the 
Donatists,  a  part  of  which  p  I  place  below. 

1  — quia  cum  aliorum  martyrum  vix  gesta  inveniamus,  quae  in  solennitati- 
bus  eorum  recitare  possimus,  hujus  [Stephani]  in  canonico  libro  est.  Actus 
Apostolorum  liber  est  de  canone  scripturarum.  Ipse  liber  incipit  legi  a  Do- 
minico  Paschae,  sicut  se  consuetude  habet  ecclesiae.  Serm.  315.  in. 

m  Hodie  lectio  de  Actibus  Apostolorum  pronuntiata  est,  ubi  apostolus  Paulus 
ex  persecutore  christianorum  annuntiator  Christi  factus  est.  Serm.  278.  cap.  1. 

n  Nam  scripta  sunt  etiam  fidei  ejus  initia,  suntque  ecclesiastica  celebri 
lectione  notissima.  De  Praedest.  Sanct.  cap.  2.  n.  4.  T.  x. 

0  Vos  itaque  secundum  vestrum  errorem,  vel  potius  furorem,  accusare  cogi- 
mini  non  solum  Caecilianum  et  ordinatores  ejus,  verum  etiam  illas  ecclesias, 
quas  in  scripturis  apostolicis  et  canonicis  pariter  legimus,  non  solum  Romano- 
ruin,  quo  ex  Africa  ordinare  paucis  vestris  soletis  episcopum,  verum  etiam  Co- 
rinthiorum,  Galatarum,  Ephesiorum,  Thessalonicensium,  Colossensium,  Philip- 
pensium,  ad  quas  apertissime  scribit  apostolus  Paulus ;  Jerosolymitanam, 
quam  primus  apostolus  Jacobus  episcopatu  suo  rexit ;  Antiochensem,  ubi  pri- 
mo  appellati  sunt  discipuli  christiani ;  Smyrnensem,  Thyatirensem,  Sardensem, 
Pcrgamensem,  Philadelphensem,  Laodicensem,  ad  quas  est  Apocalypsis  apos- 
toli  Johannis.  Tot  alias  ecclesias  Pontr,  Cappadoeiae,  Asiae,  Bilhyniae,  ad 
quas  scribit  apostolus  Petrus. — Has  certe  ecclesias,  quas  ex  literis  divinis  atque 
canonicis  nominavi — accusare  cogimini.  Contr.  Crescon.  Donat.  1.  2.  cap.  37. 

P  Ilia?  ipsoe  solse,  quas  in  sanctis  literis,  in  Actibus,  in  epistolis  aposlolorum, 


AUGUSTINE.     A.  D.  395.  507 

3.  There  is  no  occasion  for  many  remarks :  however,  it 
should  be  observed,  that  Augustine  always  calls  the  epistle 
to  the  Ephesians  as  we  do;  and  supposeth  that  it  was  sent 
to  the  church  at  Ephesus. 

4.  The  only  epistle  that  requires  consideration,  is  that  called 
the  fourteenth  epistle  of  Paul,  written  to  the  Hebrews. 

(1.)  Tillemont's  account  of  Augustine's  opinion  concern 
ing  that  epistle  is  to  this  purpose:  '  Augustine**  often  cites 
4  this  epistle  by  the  bare  title  of  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
'  without  ascribing  it  to  any  one ;  and  he  observes,  that 

*  some  doubted  whether  it  was  Paul's,  or  absolutely  denied 

*  it  to  be  his,  and  feared   to  receive  it  into  the  canon  of 

*  scripture,  because  the  name  of  Paul  was  wanting.     For 
'  himself  he  declares,  that  he  was  inclined  to  follow  the 

*  judgment  of  the  churches  of  the  east,  which  esteemed  it 
'  canonical,  as  well  as  the  other  epistles  of  Paul.     In  one 
'  place  he  says,  it  was  received  by  the  most;  which  may 

*  include  the  churches  in  the  west.' 

(2.)  For  clearing  up  this  point  fully,  several  things  may 
be  observed. 

(3.)  In  the  passage  at  the  beginning  of  this  chapter,  tran 
scribed  from  that  part  of  the  books  of  Christian  doctrine 
which  was  written  about  the  year  397,  Augustine  reckons 
up  fourteen  epistles  of  Paul,  the  last  of  which  is  that  to  the 
Hebrews. 

(4.)  In  an  early  work,  supposed  to  have  been  begun 
near  the  end  of  the  year  388 :  '  As r  the  apostle  to  the  He 
brews  says :'  there  it  is  quoted  as  Paul's. 

(5.)  In  his  commentary  upon  the  epistle  to  the  Romans, 
an  unfinished  work,  begun  about  394,  when  he  was  yet 
presbyter,  he  says:  *  Paul8  has  a  like  salutation  at  the  be 
ginning  of  all  his  epistles,  excepting  that  which  he  wrote 
to  the  Hebrews ;  where  he  is  said  designedly  to  have  omitted 
his  ordinary  form  of  salutation,  because  of  the  prejudice 
which  the  Jews  had  against  him;  for  which  reason  some 
have  feared  to  receive  that  epistle  into  the  canon  of  scrip- 
et  in  Apocalypsi  invenimus  —  Ad  Corinthios,  ad  Ephesios,  ad  Philippenses, 
ad  Thessalonicenses,  ad  Colossenses,  &c.  &c.  De  Unit.  EC.  cap.  12.  n.  31. 

i  Mem.  EC.  T.  i.  note  72.  sur  St.  Paul. 

r  Sicut  apostolus  ad  Hebraeos  dicit.     De  Qu.  83.  Qu.  75.  T.  vi. 

8  Quod  propterea  maxime  credo,  quoniara,  excepta  epistola  quam  ad  He- 
brseos  scripsit,  ubi  principium  salututorium  de  industria  dicitur  oraisisse,  nc 
Judaei,  qui  adversus  eum  pertinaciter  oblatrabant,  nomine  ejus  offensi,  vel 
inimico  animo  legerunt,  vel  omnino  legere  non  curarent,  quod  ad  eorum  salu- 
tem  scripserat.  Unde  nonnulli  earn  in  canonem  scripturarum  recipere  timue- 
ruat.  Sed  quoquo  modo  se  habeat  ista  qusestio,  excepta  hac  epistola  caetere 
omnes,  qua?,  nulla  dubitantc  ccclcsia,  Pauli  esse  firmantur,  talem  continent 
salutationem.  Expos,  ep.  ad  Rom.  inchoat.  n.  11.  T.  iii.  p.  2. 


508  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

lure :  but  whatever  becomes  of  that  question,  excepting 
that  epistle,  all  the  rest,  which  are  received  as  the  apostle 
Paul's  by  all  the  churches  in  general  without  hesitation, 
have  such  a  salutation.'  Where,  I  think,  Augustine  quotes 
the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  as  Paul's ;  though  he  owns  that 
some,  for  the  reason  there  mentioned,  feared  to  receive  it  as 
his. 

(6.)  In  a  sermon  :  '  Which  l  opinion  is  confirmed  not  only 
by  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  but  likewise  by  what  Ste 
phen  says  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.'  Which  manner  of 
speaking  certainly  shows,  that  the  book  of  the  Acts  was  of 
greater,  or  more  established  authority,  and  more  generally 
received,  than  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews. 

(7.)  In  a  work  written  in  413 :  *  In  u  the  epistle  which  is 
inscribed  to  the  Hebrews  it  is  said.' 

(8.)  In  another  work,  written  in  412:  *  Sov  also  the 
epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  though  with  some  it  is  of  doubtful 
authority :  however,  I  am  inclined  to  follow  the  opinion  of 
the  churches  in  the  east,  who  receive  it  among  canonical 
scriptures.'  I  need  not  make  any  remarks  upon  this  pas 
sage. 

(9.)  In  the  work  Of  the  City  of  God,  begun  in  413,  and 
not  finished  before  426 :  *  In  w  the  epistle  which  is  inscribed 
to  the  Hebrews.'  Which x  manner  of  expression,  says 
Ludovicus  Vives  upon  the  place,  shows,  that  the  author  of 
the  epistle  was  not  certainly  known. 

(10.)  Again,  in  the  same  work:  «  Of y  whom  [Melchi- 
sedec]  it  is  said  in  the  epistle,  which  is  inscribed  to  the 
Hebrews,  which  many  [or  the  most]  affirm  to  be  the  apos 
tle  Paul's,  though  some  deny  it.' 

(11.)  He  often  quotes2  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  in  the 
books  Of  the  City  of  God,  without  naming  the  writer. 

(12.)  <  Asa  it  is  read  in  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews.'     So 

1  Quam  sententiam  confirmat  non  solum  epistola,  quae  scribitur  ad  He- 

braeos sed  etiam  in  Actibus  Apostolorum  Stephanus  dicit.  Serm.  7.  n.  6. 

T.  v.  u  Unde  et  in  epistola,  quae  ad  Hebraeos  inscribitur. 

De  Fid.  et  Operib.  cap.  11.  n.  17.  T.  vi. 

v  Ad  Hebraeos  quoque  epistola,  quanquam  nonnullis  incerta  sit — Magisque 
me  movet  auctoritas  ecclesiarum  orientalium,  quae  hanc  etiam  in  canonicis 
habent.  De  Peccat.  Merit.  1.  i.  cap.  27.  n.  50.  T.  x. 

w  In  epistola  quae  inscribitur  ad  Hebraeos.  De  Civ.  Dei,  1.  10.  cap.  5.  T.  vii. 

x  Significat  incertum  esse  auctorem.  Lud.  Viv.  Comm.  in  loc. 

y  De  quo,  in  epistola  quae  inscribitur  ad  Hebraeos,  quam  plures  apostoli 
Pauli  esse  dicunt,  quidam  vero  negant,  multa  et  magna  conscripta  sunt.  De 
Civ.  Dei,  1.  16.  c.  22. 

z  Unde  scriptum  est  in  epistola  ad  Hebraeos.  De  C.  D.  1.  16.  c.  28.  Vid. 
ib.  c.  29.  et  32. 

a  Sicut  in  epistola  legitur,  quae  est  ad  Hebroeos.  Retr.  1.  ii.  c.  22.  n.  2.  T.  i. 


AUGUSTINE.     A.  D.  395.  509 

he  quotes  it  in  his  Retractations,  a  late  work,  written  in  426, 
or  427. 

(13.)  *  Inb  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  which  has  been 
quoted  by  illustrious  defenders  of  the  catholic  doctrine,  it 
is  said  :  "  Faith  is  the  evidence  of  things  not  seen."'  So  in 
a  book  written  about  241,  or  later. 

(14.)  In  a  work  written  about  419,  he  seems0  purposely 
to  decline  calling  it  Paul's,  or  the  apostle's,  and  only  calls 
it  *  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews.' 

(15.)  In  the  Opus  Imperfectum,  written  in  the  later  years 
of  his  life,  he  quotes  the  epistle  in  this  manner:  *  Thed 
writer  of  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews.' 

(16.)  Julian,  the  Pelagian,  against  whom  Augustine  writes 
in  that  work,  readily  quotes  the  epistle  as  Paul's:  but  Au 
gustine  only  calls  it e  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  One  would 
think  that  he  there  studiously  declines  to  call  it  Paul's. 

(17.)  Upon  the  whole,  we  perceive  from  Augustine,  that 
in  his  time,  in  Africa,  and  among  other  Latin  Christians  with 
whom  he  was  acquainted,  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  was 
received  by  many  ;  but  some  had  doubts  about  it.  Augus 
tine  quotes  it  sometimes  as  Paul's,  and  is  inclined  to  receive 
it  as  his.  At  other  times,  and  especially  in  his  latter  works, 
as  I  have  observed  in  reading  him,  and  it  appears  from  the 
passages  here  alleged,  he  scruples  to  quote  it  in  that  man 
ner:  and  indeed,  according  to  the  rule  laid  down  by  Augus 
tine  in  the  passage  cited  at  the  beginning  of  this  chapter,  he 
could  not  admit  this  epistle  to  be  of  equal  authority  with  the 
other  epistles,  which,  without  hesitation,  were  received  by 
all  churches  in  general  as  the  apostle  Paul's. 

VIII.  Augustine  received  all  the  seven  catholic  epistles; 
we  have  already  seen  proof  of  it  in  the  passage  at  the  be 
ginning  of  this  chapter,  and  elsewhere:  I  shall  nevertheless 
add  a  few  particulars. 

1.  When  he  quotes  the  epistle  of  St.  James,  he  calls  him  f 
apostle,  and  s  one  of  Christ's  apostles. 

b  In  epistola  quippe  ad  Hebraeos,  qua  teste  usi  sunt  illustres  catholicac 
regulae  defensores.  Ench.  cap.  8.  T.  vi. 

c  Tantum  habet  fides,  de  qua  dicit  apostolus :  Omne  quod  non  est  ex  ft 
peccatum  est.  [Rom.  xiv.  23.]  De  qua  item  scriptum  est  ad  Hebraeos :  Sine 
fide  impossible  est  placere  Deo.  [Hebr.  xi.  6.]   De  Nuptiis,  cap.  4.  T.  x. 

d  Vid.  Op.  Imp.  1.  i.  cap.  50.  et  132.  1.  v.  cap.  i.  T.  x. 

e  Quod  scriptum  est  in  epistola  ad  Hebraeos.  Op.  Imp.  1.  vi.  cap.  22. 
Sicut  scriptum  est.  Ibid.  cap.  32.  sub  fin. 

f  Denique,  ut  ait  apostolus  Jacobus :  Et  daemones  credunt,  et  contremis- 
cunt.  Ench.  de  Fid.  &c.  cap.  8.  n.  2.  T.  vi.  A 

«  Quapropter  etiam  Jacobus,  unus  ex  apostohs  ejus,  m  epistola  sua. 
Grat.  N.  T.  ad  Honorat.  Ep.  140.  cap.  10.  n.  26.  T.  ii. 


510  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

2.  He  often  quotes  St.  Peters  two  epistles:  he  says, that h 
Peter  has  comforted  us  by  his  apostleship,  his  martyrdom, 
and  his  epistles. 

3.  He  says,  that1  Peter  wrote  to  Gentiles  :  he  speaks  to 
the  like  purpose  in   another k   place:  so  that  he   has  twice 
expressed  himself  after  that  manner  in  his  works.     I  would 
add   here,  that  in   a   sermon  ascribed  to   Augustine,   the ' 
epistles  of  Peter  are  supposed  to  be  written  to  Gentiles  ;  and 
though  the  author  be  not  Augustine,  itm  may  be  reckoned 
not  improbable  that  he  was  a  disciple  of  his. 

4.  He  received  St.  John's  three  epistles :  the  first  he  sup 
posed  to  have  been  written  to  the  Parthians.     Possidius,  in 
the  catalogue  of  Augustine's  works,  mentions"  ten  sermons 
upon  the  epistle  of  John  to  the  Parthians  ;  which  °  are  placed, 
by  the  Benedictines,  in  the  second  part  of  their  third  tome 
of  Augustine's  works.     Augustine  also  quotes  it  by  that 
title  in  another P  place. 

Concerning  this  inscription  of  the  first  epistle  of  St.  John, 
may  be  seen  Estius ,  Grotius/i  Lampe,  and  r  others. 

In  the  seventh  of  the  fore-mentioned  sermons  upon  this 
epistle,  Augustine  calls  its  a  canonical  epistle;  and  says, 
it  was  received  every  where,  and  read  in  all  the  churches  of 
Christ  in  all  nations. 

5.  When  Augustine  quotes  the  epistle  of  St.  Jude,  he1 

h  Et  plane  nos  confortavit  Petrus  per  apostolatum,  per  martyrium,  per 
epistolas  suas.  Serm.  210.  cap.  5.  n.  6.  T.  v. 

'  Unde  et  Petrus  scribens  ad  Gentes '  Vos  autem  genus  electum.1 

[1  Pet.  ii.  9.  Vid.  et  Osee,  cap.  i.  10.]  Cont.  Faust.  1.  xxii.  c.  89.  T.  viii. 

k  Ipsi  sunt  pulli  corvorum,  quibus  Petrus  dicit :  '  Quia  non  corruptibili 
argento  vel  auro-redemti  estis  de  supervacua  vestra  consuetudine  aparentibus 
vestris  tradita.'  [1  Pet.  i.  18.]  Enarr.  in  Ps.  146.  [al.  147.]  n.  9.  T.  iv. 

1  Et  in  sua  epistola  ad  gentes  secunda.  De  Catacl.  cap.  v.  p.  606.  B.  T.  vi. 

m  Vid.  Admon.  in  Sermones  de  Symbolo  ad  Catechumenos,  in  eod.  Tom. 

n  De  epistola  Joannis  ad  Parthos  sermones  decem.  Possid.  sub  fin.  T.  x. 
in  Append. 

0  In  epistolam  Joannis  ad  Parthos  tractatus  decem.     T.  iii.  p.  2. 

P  Secundum  sententiam  hanc  etiam  illud  dictum  est  a  Joanne  in  epistola  ad 
Parthos :  '  Dilectissimi,  nunc  filii  Dei  sumus,  et  nondum  apparet  quid  erimus.' 
[1  Jo.  iii.  2.]  Qu.  Evan.  1.  ii.  Qu.  39.  T.  iii.  p.  2. 

1  Lamp.  Prolegom.  in  Joan.  1.  i.  c.  7.  sect.  ri.  p.  104.  Conf.  eund.  in  lib.  i. 
c.  3.  n.  12.  p.  47,  48. 

r  Vid.  Mill.  Prolegom.  n.  150.  et  Wolf.  Prolegom.  in  i.  S.  Joan.  Epist. 

8  Si  nos  diceremus,  *  Deus  dilectio  est,'  forte  scandalizaretur  aliquis  ex  vobis, 

et  diceret:  Qui  dixit? Ecce  habetis,  fratres,  scripturas  Dei.  Canonica  est 

ista  epistola.  Per  omnes  gentes  "recitatur ;  orbis  terra  auctoritate  retinetur  ; 
orbem  terrarum  ipsa  aedificavit.  Audis  hie  ab  spiritu  Dei :  Deus  dilectio  est : 
In  Ep.  Joann.  Tr.  vii.  n.  5.  ubi  supra. 

*  De  talibus  quippe  Judas  apostolus  loquens. Quod  enim  Petrus  ait : 

Coepulantes  vobiscum,  oculos  habentes  plenos  adulterii,  hoc  Judas :  *  In  dilec- 
*  tionibus  vestris  maculati  coepulantur.'  Et  quod  Petrus  ait,  *  fontes  sicci,' 


AUGUSTINE.     A.  D.  395.  511 

calls  him  apostle,  and  compares  together  some  expressions 
of  that  epistle,  and  of  the  second  of  Peter,  and  also  of  the 
epistle  of  James. 

6.  Augustine  seems  to  have  supposed,  that  u  the  epistles 
of  James,  Peter,  John,  and  Jude,  were  occasioned  by  the 
abuse   which   some    made  of  Paul's  doctrine,   not  rightly 
understood,  concerning  justification  by  faith  without  works. 
By  which,  as  our  author  says,  Paul  meant  '  works  of  the 
law  :'  but  he  required  <  a  faith  that  produced  works  of  right 
eousness.' 

7.  Some  may  be   desirous  to  know  the  order  in  which 
these  epistles  were  placed   by  Augustine.     It  may  be  ob 
served,   then,  that  in   the  catalogues  of  books  of  scripture 
alleged  by  us  from  the  books  of  Christian  doctrine,  near  the 
beginning  of  this  chapter,  he  mentions  them  in  this  manner: 
two  epistles  of  Peter  ;  three  of  John;  one  of  Jude;  and  one 
of  James.     In  another  work,  where  he  quotes  the  begin 
nings  of  all  the  seven  epistles,  the  order  is  again  exactly 
the  same:  theu  first  epistle  of  Peter;   his  second  epistle; 
the  first,  second,  and  third  of  John  ;  the  epistle  of  Jude  ;  the 
epistle  of  James.     Inv  the  Speculum,  the  order  of  the  quo 
tations  is,  the  two  epistles  of  Peter  ;  the  epistle  of  James  ; 
the  three  epistles  of  John  ;  the  epistle  of  Jude. 

IX.  Augustine,  as  we  have  already  seen,  received  the 
book  of  the  Revelation  ;  which  indeed  he  quotes  very  fre 
quently. 

1.  He  supposeth  itw  to  have  been   written  by  the  same 
John  who  wrote  the  gospel  and  the  first  epistle. 

2.  We  also  perceive  from  him,  that  x  this  book  was  not 
universally  received  ;  at  least  there  were  doubts  about  it  in 
the  minds  of  some;  and  the  passage  which  1  refer  to  is  in  a 
sermon,  or  discourse  to  the  people. 

hoc  Judas,  « Nubes  sine  aqua :'  hoc  Jacobus,  '  Fides  mortua.'  De  Fid.  et  Opp. 
cap.  25.  [al.  n.  46.]  T.  6. 

"  Nam  etiam  temporibus  apostolorum,  non  intellects  quibusdam  subobscura 

sententiisapostoli  Pauli,  hoc  eutn  arbitrati  sunt  dicere Non  hoc  agit,  ut  per- 

cepta  et  professa  fide  opera  justitiae  contemnantur  :  Sed  utsciatse  quisque  per 

fidem  posse  justificari,  etiamsi  legis  opera  non  praecesserint Quoniam  ergo 

hsec  opinio  tune  fuerat  exorta,  alias  apostolicae  epistolae,  Petri,  Johannis,  Jacobi, 
Judge,  contra  earn  maxime  dirigunt  intentionem,  ut  vehementer  adstruant  fidem 
sine  operibus  non  prodesse,  &c.  De  Fid.  et  Opp.  cap.  14.  n.  21.  T.  vi. 

u  Nee  alias  apostolorum  epistolae,  quas  usus  ecclesiasticus  recipit,  parum  nos 
admonet  de  ista  trinitate  in  principiis  suis.  Nam  Petrus  ita  dicit,  &c.  Epistolae 
ad  Rom.  inchoat.  Expos,  n.  12.  T.  iii.  p.  2.  T.  in.  P.  i. 

w  Idem  quippe  Johannes,  qui  illud  vidit,  hoc  dixit.  De  Virgimtate,  cap. 
49.  T.  vi.  x  Et  si  forte  tu,  qui  ista  sapis,  hanc  scnptu 

non  accepisti.     Serm.  299.  n.  11.  T.  v. 


512  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

X.  I  proceed,  in  the  next  place,  to  observe  some  general 
titles  and  divisions  of  the  books  of  scripture. 

1.  *  Wey  read  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  of  some  who  be 
lieved,  that  "  they  searched  the  scriptures  daily,  whether 
those  things  were  so"   Teh.   xvii.   llj.     What  scriptures  I 
pray,  except  the   canonical  scriptures   of  the  law  and  the 
prophets?  To  them  have  been  since  added  the  gospels,  the 
epistles  of  apostles,  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  the  Reve 
lation  of  John.     These  do  you  search.' 

2.  In  z  the  Old   Testament  the  New  is  hid  :   in  the  New 
Testament  the  Old  is  revealed. 

3.  A  common  division,  equivalent  to  Old  and  New  Testa 
ment,  isa  of  prophets  and  apostles;  orb  evangelic  and  pro 
phetic  writings. 

4.  Inc  the  holy  scriptures;  that  is,  the  legal,  prophetical, 
evangelical,  and  apostolical  scriptures,  which  are  of  canon 
ical  authority. 

5.  To   thed  two  commandments,  of  loving  God  and  our 
neighbour, all  the  legal,  and  prophetical, and  evangelical,  and 
apostolical  precepts  may  be  reduced.     I  put0  another  like 
passage  in  the  margin. 

6.  On  these  f  two  commandments  hang  all   the  law  and 
the  prophets :  add ;  the  gospel,  and  the  apostles. 

7.  In  e  these  two,  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  God  him 
self,  in  his  great  goodness,  has  given  us  a  rule  of  life. 

y  Legimus  in  Actibus  Apostolorum  dictum  de  quibusdam  credentibus,  quod 
quotidie  scrutarentur  scripturas,  an  haec  ita  se  haberent.  Quas  utique  scrip- 
turas,  nisi  canonicas  legis  et  prophetarum  ?  Hue  accesserunt  evangelia,  aposto- 
licae  epistolae,  Actus  Apostolorum,  Apocalypsis  Johannis.  Scrutamini  baec 
omnia.  De  Unitate  Eccl.  cap.  19.  n.  51.  T.  ix. 

z  Quapropter  in  Veteri  Testamento  est  occultatio  Novi :  in  Novo  est  mani- 
festatio  Veteris.  De  Catechiz.  Rudibus.  cap.  4.  n.  8.  T.  vi. 

a  labore  prophetarum  et  apostolorum,  qui  utique  Judaei  fuerunt.  In 

Job.  cap.  vi.  sub  in.  T.  iii. 

b  Non  solum  evangelicis,  verum  etiam  propheticis  libris  demonstratur.  Ep. 
102.  n.  21.  T.  ii. 

c  Quis  ignorat,  in  scripturis  sanctis,  id  est,  legitimis,  propheticis  evan 
gelicis,  et  apostolicis,  auctoritate  canonica  praeditis  ?  Speculi  Proef.  T.  ii. 

d  Quamvis  illic  sint  ilia  duo  praecepta  de  dilectione  Dei  et  proximi ;  quo 
rectissime  omnia  et  legitima,  et  prophetica,  et  evangelica,  et  apostolica  referun- 
tur.  Retr.  1.  i.  c.  22.  n.  2.  T.  i. 

e  Mirum  est  tamen,  si  ita  appellatam  [gratiam]  in  ullis  legitimis,  propheticis, 
evangelicis,  apostolicisque  literis  legimus.  Ep.  177.  n.  8.  T.  ii. 

f  Et  utique  in  his  duobus  praeceptis  tota  lex  pendet,  et  prophetae.  Adde 
evangelium;  adde  apostolos.  Ench.  cap.  121.  [al.  n.  32.]  T.  vi. 

s  In  his  duobus  Deus  ipse,  cujus  bonitate  atque  dementia  fit,  omnino  ut 
aliquid  simus,  duobus  Testamentis,  Vetere  et  Novo,  disciplinae  regulam  nobis 
dedit.  De  Morib.  EC.  Cath.  1.  i.  cap.  28.  n.  56.  T.  i. 


AUGUSTINE.     A.  D.  395.  513 

8.  *Inh   the   evangelical  and  apostolical  writings,  which 
properly  belong  to  the  revelation  of  the  New  Testament.'     I 
put [  another  like  passage  below. 

9.  In  an  argument,  in  the  books  of  the   City  of  God : 
Here,k  says  he,  I  shall  allege  passages  from  the  holy  scrip 
tures  ;  first  from  the  books  of  the  New  Testament,  as  more 
excellent;  then  from  those  of  the  Old.     In  the  Old,  are  the 
law  and  the  prophets ;  in  the  New,  are  the  gospel  and  the 
epistles  of  apostles. 

10.  That1  is  not  to  be  reckoned  of  authority,  which  is 
not  alleged  from  the  law,  or  the  prophet,  or  the  psalm,  or 
the  apostle,  or  the  gospel. 

11.  I™  desire  to  hear  the  voice  of  the  pastor.     Let  me 
hear  him  speaking  in  the  prophet,  in  the  psalm,  in  the  law, 
in  the  gospel,  in  the  apostle. 

12.  Our11  faith  is  taught  in  the  scriptures;  in  the  prophets, 
in  the  gospel,  in  the  apostle. 

13.  *  This0  I  prove  by  the  scriptures  of  the  Lord,  and  of 
the  apostles ;'  meaning  the  gospels,  and  the  epistles  of  the 
New  Testament. 

14.  He  says,  *  thatP  some  called  all  the  canonical  scrip 
tures  one  book,  on  account  of  their  wonderful  harmony,  and 
unity,  and  design.'     It  is  likely  that  this  way  of  speaking 
gradually  brought  in  the  general   use  of  the  word  Bible, 
for  the  whole  collection  of  the  scriptures,  or  books  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testament. 

15.  We  observed,  not  long  ago,  the  order  of  the  catholic 

i»  — in  evangelicis  et  apostolicis  literis,  quae  ad  Novi  Testament!  revelatio- 
nem  proprie  pertinent.  Ad  Casulan.  ep.  36.  cap.  14.  n.  32.  T.  ii. 

'  Ego  in  evangelicis  et  apostolicis  literis,  totoque  Novo  Instrumento,  quod 
appellalur  Testamentum  Novum,  animo  revolvens,  video  praeceptum  esse 
jejunium:  quibus  autem  diebus  non  oporteat  jejunare,  et  quibus  oporteat, 
preecepto  Domini  vel  apostolorum  non  invenio  definitum.  Ib.  cap.  11.  n.  25. 

k  — testimonia  de  scripturis  sanctis,  quae  ponere  institui,  prius  eligenda  sunt 
de  libris  Instrument!  Novi,  postea  de  Veteri.  Quamvis  enim  Vetera  priora 
sunt  tempore,  Nova  tamen  auteponenda  sunt  dignitate — In  Veteribus  haben- 
tur  lex  et  prophetse ;  in  Novis  evangelium  et  apostolicae  literae.  De  Civ.  Dei, 

1.  20.  c.  4.  T.  vii. 

1  —Quod  non  de  lege,  non  de  propheta,  non  de  psalmo,  non  de  apostolo, 
non  de  evangelic,  sed  ex  corde  vestro — recitatis.  Ep.  105.  cap.  1.  n.  2. 

m  Ego  vocem  pastoris  inquire.  Lege  hoc  mihi  de  propheta,  lege  mihi  de 
psalmo,  recita  mihi  de  lege,  recita  de  evangelic,  recita  de  apostolo.  Serm.  46. 
cap.  14.  n.  32.  T.  v.  n  Habet  ergo  fides  ipsa  quoddam 

lumen  suum  in  scripturis  :  in  prophetia,  in  evangelic,  in  apostolicis  lectiom- 
bus.  Sean.  126.  cap.  i.  Vid.  et  Serm.  341.  c.  i.  T.  v. 

0  Sicut  dominicis  et  apostolicis  literis  probo.  Ep.  35.  n.  3.  T.  11. 

P  Sunt  etiam  qui  universas  omnino  scripturas  canonicas  unum  librum  vo- 
cant,  quod  valde  mirabili  et  divina  unitate  concordent.  Enarr.  m  Ps.  cl.  n. 

2.  T.  iv. 

VOL.  IV.  2   L 


514  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

epistles :  let  us  now  observe  the  order  of  the  books  of  the 
New  Testament  in  general.  In  the  catalogue  of  the  books 
of  scripture  transcribed  near  the  beginning  of  this  chapter, 
the  books  of  the  New  Testament  are  mentioned  in  this  order: 
the  gospels ;  the  epistles  of  Paul ;  the  catholic  epistles ;  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles;  and  the  Revelation  of  John.  In  the 
first  passage  alleged  under  this  article  of  general  titles  and 
divisions,  he  mentions  '  gospels,  epistles  of  apostles,'  [mean 
ing  Paul's  epistles,  and  the  catholic  epistles,]  «  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles,  and  the  Revelation  of  John :'  that  may  be 
supposed  to  have  been  the  most  common  order  in  the  time 
of  Augustine.  I  shall  take  notice  of  some  other  places, 
though  perhaps  not  very  material. 

In  one  of  his  books,  after  some  reasons  and  arguments,  he 
proceeds  to  allege**  a  number  of  texts  of  the  books  of  the 
New  Testament;  first,  from  the  gospels;  next  from  the 
catholic  epistles,  where  he  quotes  the  first  and  second  epistle 
of  Peter,  and  the  first  epistle  of  John  ;  thenr  almost  all  the 
epistles  of  Paul ;  after  that8  the  Revelation;  and  last  of  all,1 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles. 

In  another  work"  he  first  takes  notice  of  the  prophetical 
writings  of  the  Old  Testament ;  after  that  of  the  epistles  of 
apostles,  then  of  their  acts. 

In  the  Speculum/  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  are 
quoted  very  much  in  our  present  order ;  the  four  gospels, 
the  Acts,  Paul's  fourteen  epistles,  the  catholic  epistles,  and 
the  Revelation  of  John  :  but  if  the  Speculum  be  Augustine's, 
it  may  have  been  altered  since  it  came  out  of  his  hands  ;  and 
probably  it  has  been  altered  in  several  respects. 

XI.  The  great  respect  which  Christians  had  for  the  holy 
scriptures  appears  in  some  passages  already  transcribed  ;  it 
will  be,  however,  very  proper  to  observe  divers  others  to  the 
like  purpose. 

1.  '  Thew  truth  itself,  God,  the  Son  of  God,'  he  says,  *  is 

i  Hcec  ratiocinatio  tune  erit  fortior,  cum  ea  quae  promisi  testimonia  multa 
congressero.  De  Peccat.  Merit.  &c.  1.  i.  c.  27.  n.  40.  T.  x. 

r  Jam  nunc  attende  in  hanc  rem  Pauli  apostoli  testimonia,  tanto  utique 
plura,  quanto  plures  epistolas  scripsit.  Ib.  n.  43.  &c. 

8  Ibid.  n.  51.  »  N.  52. 

u  — Apostoli  vero  in  epistolis  suis  aliter  locuti  sunt,  aliterque  conscripti 
Actus  Apostolorum,  jam  videlicet  revelato  Novo  Testamento. — Denique  in  tot 
epistolis  apostolorum,  atque  in  ipso  tarn  grandi  libro,  in  quo  actus  eorum 
canonica  veritate  narrantur,  non  invenitur  talis  aliquis  mentiens.  De  Mendac. 
ad  Consent,  cap.  12.  n.  26.  T.  vi. 

"  Tom.  iii.  P.  i. 

w  — ipsa  veritas  Deus  Dei  filius,  homine  assumto, — eandem  constituit  et 
fundavit  fidem. — Hie  prius  per  prophetas,  deinde  per  seipsum,  postea  per 
apostolos,  quantum  satis  esse  judicavit,  locutus,  etiam  scripturam  condidit,  quae 


AUGUSTINE.    A.  D.  395.  515 

the  author  of  the  scriptures.  First  by  prophets,  then  by 
himself,  afterwards  by  his  apostles,  he  spake  what  was  suf 
ficient,  and  then  constituted  that  scripture  which  is  called 
canonical,  which  is  of  the  highest  authority,  on  which 
we  rely  for  the  truth  of  those  things,  which  we  ought  not 
to  be  ignorant  of,  and  which  we  could  not  discover  of  our 
selves.' 

Hex  calls  them  the  scriptures  of  our  religion,  which  we 
esteem  above  all  other  writings  whatever. 

3.  Having    mentioned    Hilary    and    Cyprian,   he    says, 
'  Their y   writings   have  not    the   same  authority   with    the 
canonical  scriptures ;  and  if  they  advance  any  thing  contrary 
to  truth,  we  have  a  right  to  reject  it.'     That  observation  of 
Augustine  is  much  applauded  by z   Phereponus,  that  is,  Le 
Clerc. 

4.  However,  there  are  many  other  like  passages,  where 
Augustine  speaks  of  the  authority  of  the  well  known  books 
of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  as  superior  to  that  of  bishops 
and  councils,  and  all  manner  of  determinations  composed 
and  written  since  the  completing  the   canon  of  the  New 
Testament.     Thea  determinations  of  bishops,  he  says,  may 
be  corrected  and  altered  if  found  not  to  be  right ;  whereas, 
it   is  past    doubt   and   controversy,  that  whatever  can  be 
shown  to  be  in  scripture  is  true  and  right. 

5.  In  another  book  against  the  Donatists;    *  Whether1* 

canonica  nominatur,  eminentissimae  auctoritatis,  cui  fidem  habemus  de  his 
rebus,  quas  ignorare  non  expedit,  nee  per  nosmetipsos  cosse  idonei  sumus. 
De  Civ.  Dei,  1.  xi.  c.  1.  2.  T.  vii. 

x  Sed  scripturas  religionis  nostrae,  quarum  auctoritatem  caeteris  quibusque 
literis  anteponimus. — De  Civ.  Dei,  1.  14.  cap.  7. 

y  — Quia  hoc  genus  literarum  ab  auctoritate  canonis  distinguendum  est. 
Non  enim  sic  leguntur,  tanquam  ita  ex  eis  testimoniuni  proferatur,  ut  contra 
sentire  non  liceat,  sicubi  forte  aliter  sapuerunt,  quam  veritas  postulat.  Ad 
Vincent.  Ep.  93.  cap.  x.  n.  35.  T.  ii. 

2  Haec  aureis  literis  scribenda  essent  in  fronte  singulorum  patrum,  quae 
eduntur,  ne  auctoritas  eorum  veritati  praeferatur.  Pherep.  August.  T.  xiL 
p.  495.  a. 

a  Vos  certe  nobis  objicere  soletis  Cypriani  literas,  Cypriani  sententiam,  Cy- 
priani  concilium. — Quis  autem  nesciat,  sanctam  scripturam  canonicam,  tarn 
Veteris  quam  Novi  Testamenti,  certis  suis  terminis  contineri,  eamque  omni 
bus  posterioribus  episcoporum  literis  ita  praeponi,  ut  de  ilia  omnino  dubitari 
et  disceptari  non  possit,  utrum  verum  vel  utrum  rectum  sit,  quidquid  in  e& 
scriptum  esse  constiterit;  episcoporum  autem  literas,  quae  post  confirmatum 
canonem  vel  scriptae  sunt  vel  scribuntur,  et  per  sermonem  forte  sapientiorem 
cujuslibet  in  ea  re  peritioris,  vel  per  aliorum  episcoporum  graviorem  auctori 
tatem,  doctioremque  prudentiam,  et  per  concilia  licere  reprehendi.  De  Bap 
tism,  cont.  Donatist.  1.  2.  cap.  iii.  n.  4.  T.  ix. 

b  Sed  utrum  ipsi  ecclesiam  teneant,  non  nisi  de  divinarum  scripturarum 
canonicis  libris  ostendant ;  quia  nee  nos  propterea  dicimus,  nobis  credi  opor- 
tere  quod  in  ecclesia  Christi  sumus,  quia  ipsam  quam  tenemus,  commendavit, 

2  L  2 


5 1 6  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

they  are  of  the  church  can  be  known  no  other  way,  but  by 
the  canonical  books  of  the  divine  scriptures ;  neither  do 
we  claim  to  be  of  the  church,  because  we  have  the  testimony 
of  Optatus  of  Milevi,  or  Ambrose  of  Milan,  or  any  other 
bishops  of  our  communion,  be  they  ever  so  numerous;  or 
because  we  have  on  our  side  decrees  of  the  councils  of  our 
colleagues.' 

6.  In  another  work,  against  the  same  people :  '  We  c  do 
no  wrong  to  Cyprian  in  distinguishing  his  epistles  from  the 
canonical  authority  of  the  divine  scripture;  for  it   is  not 
without   reason,   that   the    canon  of  the    church  has   been 
settled   with    so   much   caution   and   exactness,   containing 
only   certain   books  of  prophets  and    apostles,   which   we 
cannot  presume  to  judge;  and  by  which  we  freely  judge 
of  the  writings  of  all  others,  whether  believers  or  unbe 
lievers.' 

7.  Again,  in    the  same  work,  soon   after :  *  Id   am   not 
bound  by  the  authority  of  that  epistle,  because  the  writings 
of  Cyprian  are  not  canonical ;  but  I  examine  them  by  the 
canonical   scriptures,   and  whatever  in  them   is   agreeable 
to  the   authority   of  the  divine  scriptures    I    receive  with 
applause ;  and  what  is  not  agreeable  to  it,  with   his  good 
leave  I  reject.     If  you  had  recited  somewhat  from  a  canon 
ical  book  of  apostles  or  prophets,  I  should  have  nothing  to 
object;   but  as  your   quotation   is   not    canonical,  I  make 
use  of  that  liberty  to  which  the  Lord   has  called  us;  and 
wherever  Cyprian  appears  to  differ  from  scripture,  I  receive 
it  not,  though  he  be  above  all  my  praises,  though  I  compare 
not  my  writings  to  his,  though  I  respect   him  as  a  man  of 
excellent  abilities,  and  a  glorious  martyr  of  Christ.' 

Milevitanus  Optatus,  vel  Mediolanensis  Ambrosius,  vel  alii  innumerabiles 
nostrae  communionis  episcopi ;  aut  quia  nostrorum  collegarum  conciliis  ipsa 
prsedicata  est.  De  ¥nit.  Ecc.  cap.  19.  n.  5. 

c  Nos  enim  nullam  Cypriano  facimus  injuriam,  cum  ejus  quaslibet  literas  a 
canonica  divinarum  scripturarura  auctoritate  distinguimus.  Neque  enim  sine 
causa,  tarn  salubri  vigilantia,  canon  ecclesiasticus  constitutus  est,  ad  quern  certi 
prophetarum  et  apostolorum  libri  pertineant ;  quos  omnino  judicare  non  audea- 
mus,  et  secundum  quos  de  cseteris  literis  vel  fidelium  vel  infidelium  libere 
judicemus.  Cont.  Crescon.  Donat.  1.  2.  c.  31.  n.  39. 

d  Ego  hujus  epistolae  auctoritate  non  teneor  ;  quia  literas  Cypriani  non  ut 
canonicas  habeo ;  sed  eas  ex  canonicis  considero,  et  quod  in  eis  divinarum 
scripturarum  auctoritati  congruit,  cum  laude  ejus  accipio ;  quod  autem  non 
congruit,  cum  pace  ejus  respuo.  Ac  per  hoc,  si  ea,  quse  commemorasti  ab  illo 
ad  Jubaianum  scripta  de  aliquo  libro  apostolorum  et  prophetarum  canonico 
recitares,  quid  omnino  contradicerem,  non  haberem.  Nunc  vero,  quoniam 
canonicum  non  est  quod  recitas,  ea  libertate  ad  quam  nos  vocavit  Dominus, 
ejus  viri,  cujus  laudes  assequi  non  valeo,  cujus  multis  literis  mea  non  compare, 
cujus  ingenium  diligo,  cujus  ore  delector,  cujus  caritatem  miror,  cujus  mar- 
tyrium  veneror,  hoc  quod  aliter  sapuit,  non  accipio.  Ib.  cap.  32.  n.  40. 


AUGUSTINE.     A.  D.  395.  517 

8.  In  another  place :  *  A1IC  these  things  I  have  alleged 
from  the  writings  of  those  who  lived  before  us  in  the  catho 
lic  church,  whether  Greeks  or  Latins,  who  have  explained 

the  divine  oracles Nevertheless,  we  do  not  esteem  the 

writings  of  any  men,  though  catholic  and  much  admired,  as 
if  they  were  canonical  scriptures ;  but  allowing  them  their 
due  honouf,  we  may  still  reject  whatever  in  them  is  not 
agreeable  to  truth/ 

9.  I  put  in  the  margin f  some  other  passages  of  Augustine, 
where  he  distinguisheth  the  books  of  sacred  scripture  from 
the  writings  of  Cyprian,  and  of  other  bishops  and  ecclesias 
tical  writers  of  the  best  established  reputation  for  learning 
and  piety. 

10.  After  having  quoted   passages    of  former    catholic 
writers,  he  adds :  '  These  I  do  not  cite,  as  if  I   bestowed 
canonical  authority  upon  any  men  whatever ;  but  only  to 
show  the  novelty  of  the  opinion  against  which  I  am  argu 


ing.' 


11.  In  a  letter  to  Jerom :  *  Is  confess  to  you,  my  dear 
brother,'  says  Augustine,  *  that  I  have  learned  to  pay  that 
honour  and  reverence  to  those  books  of  scripture  alone, 
which  are  now  called  canonical,  as  firmly  to  believe  that 

the  writers  of  them  have  not  made  any  mistake Other 

authors  I  so  read,  that  however  distinguished  they  may  be 
for  learning  and  piety,  I  do  not  believe  any  thing  to  be  true 
because  it  was  their  opinion,  but  because  they  have  been 

e  Hoec  omnia  de  literis  eorum,  et  Latinorum  et  Graecorum,  qui  priores  npbis 
in  catholica  ecclesia  divina  eloquia  tractaverunt,  ideo  commemoranda  arbitra- 

tus  sum Neque  enim  quorundam  disputationes,  quaravis  catholicorum  et 

laudatorum  hominurn,  velut  scripturas  canonicas  habere  debemus ;  ut  nobis 
non  liceat,  salva  honorificentia,  quae  illis  debetur  hominibus,  aliquid  in  eorum 
scriptis  improbare  et  respuere,  si  forte  invenerimus,  quod  aliter  senserint,  quam 
veritas  habet.  Commonit.  ad  Fortunat.  ep.  148.  cap.  iv.  n.  15.  T.  ii. 

f  Noli  ergo,  frater,  contra  divina  tarn  multa,  tarn  indubitata  testimonia  colli- 

gere  velle  calumnias  ex  episcoporum  scriptis,  sicut  Hilarii, sicut  Cypriani 

et  Agrippini ;  primo  quia  hoc  genus  literarum  ab  auctoritate  canonis  distin- 
guendum  est.  Non  enim  sic  leguntur,  tan  quam  ita  ex  eis  testimonium  pro- 
teratur,  ut  contra  sentire  non  liceat,  sicubi  forte  aliter  sapuerunt,  quam  veritas 
postulat.  Ad  Vincent,  ep.  92.  cap.  x.  n.  35.  T.  ii.— Deinde,  si  sancti  Cy 
priani,  episcopi,  et  gloriosi  martyris,  te  delectat  auctoritas  ;  quam  quidem, 
sicut  dixi,  a  canonica  auctoritate  distinguimus.  Ibid.  n.  36. 

*  Ego  enim  fateor  caritati  tuae,  solis  eis  scripturarum  libris,  qui  jam  cano- 
nici  appellantur,  didici  hunc  timorem  honoremque  deferre,  ut  nullum  eorum 

auctorem  scribendo  aliquid  errasse,  firmissime  credam. Alios  autem  ita 

lego,  ut  quantalibet  sanctitate,  doctrinaque  proepolleant,  non  ideo  verum  putem, 
quia  ipsi  ita  senserunt ;  sed  quia  mihi  per  illos  auctores  canonicos,  vel  proba- 
bili  ratione,  quod  a  vero  non  abhorreat,  pcrsuadere  potuerunt.  Nee  te,  mi 
frater,  sentire  aliud  existimo.  Prorsus,  inquam,  non  te  arbitror  sic  legi  ti 
libros  velle,  tanquam  prophetarum  et  apostolorum  ;  de  quorum  scriptis,  quod 
omni  errore  careant,  dubitare  nefarium  est.  Ad  Hieron.  ep.  82.  c.  i.  n.  3.  1 .  u. 


518  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

able  to  persuade  me,  either  by  the  authority  of  the  foremen- 
tioned  canonical  writers,  or  by  probable  reason,  that  it  is 
agreeable  to  truth ;  nor  do  I  think,  my  brother,  that  you 
are  of  a  different  sentiment,  or  that  you  would  have  your 
books  read  with  the  same  respect  that  we  read  the  books 
of  prophets  and  apostles ;  of  whose  writings  it  would  be 
impious  to  doubt  whether  they  are  free  from  all  mistake.' 

12.  In  the  same  letter  he  says:  *  Whenh  I  read  the  holy 
scripture,  placed  in  the  highest  pitch  of  authority,  I  am 
certain,  and  fully  satisfied  of  its  truth.'     Again  :  '  We '  must 
by  all  means  maintain,  that  the  divine  scriptures,  delivered 
to  us  [that  is,  written]  for  the  support  of  our  faith,  not  by 
common  persons,  but  by  the  apostles  themselves,  and  there 
fore  placed  in  the  highest  pitch  of  canonical  authority,  are 
in  all  things  true  and  unquestionable.' 

13.  Afterwards,  in  the  same  letter:  *  Tok  the  canonical 
scriptures  alone  I  owe  this  ingenuous  subjection,  [or  servi 
tude,]  to  follow  them  in  all  things;  and  firmly  to  believe, 
that  the  writers  of  them  have  not  erred  in  any  things,  nor 
said  any  thing  fallaciously.' 

14.  1  fear  I  should  tire  my  readers  if  I  transcribe  any 
more  passages  of  this  kind  ;  though  still  they  would  be  but 
a  small  part  of  what  might  be  alleged  from  this  author. 

15.  '  I  would  not,'  says1  Augustine  in  a  letter  to  Paulina, 
*  that  you  should  follow  my  authority,  or  think  that  you 
ought  to  believe  any  thing,  because  it  is  my  opinion  ;  but 
only  because  it  is  agreeable  to  scripture  or  right  reason.' 
In   the  same  letter :  '  Ifm  any  thing  is  clearly  proved  from 
the  divine  scripture,  which  the  church  calls  canonical,  it 
ought  to  be  believed   without  hesitation.'     You"   do   not 
doubt  that  we  ought  to  assent  to  the  truth  of  what  is  said 

h  Imo  vero  sanctam  scripturam  in  summo  et  ccelesti  auctoritatis  culmine 
collocatam  de  veritate  ejus  certus  et  securus  legam.  Ibid.  n.  5. 

1  Non  nunc  inquire,  quid  fecerit  [Paulus  aut  Petrus] ;  quid  scripserit,  quaero. 
Hoc  ad  quaestionem,  quam  suscepi,  maxime  pertinet ;  ut  veritas  divinarum 
scripturarum,  ad  fidem  nostram  sedificandam  memoriae  commendata,  non  a 
quibuslibet  sed  ab  ipsis  apostolis,  ac  per  hoc  in  canonicum  auctoritatis  culmen 
recepta,  ex  omni  parte  verax  atque  indubitanda  persistat.  Ibid.  n.  7. 

k  Quam  quam,  sicut  paulo  ante  dixi,  tantummodo  scripturis  canonicis  hanc 
ingenuam  debeam  servitutem,  qua  eas  solas  ita  sequar,  ut  conscriptores  earum 
nihil  in  eis  omnibus  errasse,  nihil  fallaciter  posuisse,  non  dubitem.  Ibid.  n.  24. 

1  Nolo  auctoritatem  meam  sequaris,  ut  ideo  putes  tibi  aliquid  necesse  esse 
credere,  quoniam  a  me  dicitur ;  sed  aut  scripturis  canonicis  credas,  aut  interius 
demonstranti  veritati.  Ad  Paulin.  ep.  147.  n.  2. 

m  Sed  si  divinarum  scripturarum,  earum  scilicet  quae  canonicaa  in  ecclesia 
nominantur,  perspicua  firmatur  auctoritate,  sine  ulla  dubitatione  credendum 
est.  Ibid.  n.  4. 

n  Divinis  autem  scripturis,  etiam  nondum  perspicue  intellectis,  credendum 
esse,  non  dubitas.  Ib.  cap.  16.  n.  40. 


AUGUSTINE.     A.  D.  395.  519 

in  the  divine  scriptures,  even  where  we  do  not  yet  under 
stand  their  meaning.'  Once  more:  *  These0  passages  of  so 
many  eminent  men  I  have  alleged,  not  that  you  should 
follow  the  opinion  of  any  men,  as  you  do  the  authority  of 
canonical  scripture  ;  but  that  by  the  judgments  of  so  many 
interpreters  of  scripture,  you  may  be  excited  to  inquiry.' 

16.  Arguing  wpith   the   Donatists :  *  Let?    us  not   bring 
false  balances,  where  we  may  weigh  what  we  will,  and  as 
we  will  ;  and  at  our  pleasure  say,  This  is  heavy  ;  this  is 
light;  but  let  us  bring  the  divine  balance  of  the  holy  scrip 
tures,  as  out  of  the  Lord's  treasury ;  and  then  let  us  weigh 
matters.' 

17.  Giving  directions  concerning  the  receiving  of  con 
verts  to  Christianity,  especially  if  they  are  men  of  learning, 
heq  advises  to  apprize  them  of  the  superior  authority  of  the 
scriptures  to  otner  Christian  writings,  however  useful  they 
may  be. 

18.  *  Thisr  the  Holy  Spirit  teachetb,  who  says  to  us  by 
the  apostle,'  meaning  Paul. 

19.  He  calls  the  sacred  scriptures  the8  book  of  God,  and 
the1  scriptures  of  God. 

20.  Paul's  u  epistles,  he  says,  were  heard  in  the  churches 
with   the  same  respect  as   if   Christ  was   heard  speaking 
by  him. 

21.  *  Whenv   the  apostle  John  was  read  just   now,  we 
heard  the  Holy  Spirit  speaking  in  him.' 

0  Has  sententias  de  re  tanta  virorum  tantorum  non  ob  hoc  interponere 
volui,  ut  cujusquam  horainis  sententiam,  tanquam  scripturae  canonicae  aucto- 
ritatem  sequendam  arbitreris ;  sed  ut — Ibid.  c.  23.  p.  54. 

P  Non  afferamus  stateras  dolosas,  ubi  appendamus  quod  volumus,  et 
quomodo  volumus,  pro  arbitrio  nostro  dicentes :  Hoc  grave,  hoc  leve  est.  Sed 
afferamus  divinam  stateram  de  scripturis  sanctis,  tanquam  de  thesauris  domini- 
cis,  et  in  ilia  quid  sit  gravius  appendamus.  De  Bapt.  contr.  Donat.  1.2.  cap. 
6.  n.  9.  T.  ix. 

1  Sed  illud  plane  non  praetereundum  est,  ut  si  ad  te  quisquam  catechizandus 

venerit  liberalibus  doctrinis  excultus,  qui  jam  decreverit  esse  christianus 

Nee  ipse  sane  inutiliter  rogatur,  quibus  rebus  motus  sit,  ut  velit  esse  christia 
nus  ;  ut  si  libris  ei  persuasum  esse  videos,  sive  canonicis,  sive  utilium  tracta- 
torum,  de  his  aliquid  in  principio  loquaris,  collaudans  eos  pro  diversitate 
meritorum  canonicae  auctoritatis,  et  exponentium  solertissimae  diligentiae,  &c. 
De  Catechizand.  Rudid.  cap.  8.  n.  12.  T.  vi. 

r  Sanctus  Spiritus  docet,  qui  nobisait  per  apostolum — Ep.  43.  cap.  i.  T.  ii. 

8  Non  enim  de  libro  Dei  hoc  recitaturus  est.     Ep.  54.  cap.  4. 

t  Ut  scripturam  Dei,  qui  nobis  haec  omnia  futura  pronuntiavit.     Ep. 

77.  n.  1.— Utinam  scripturae  Dei  solicita  mente  intendentes.— Ep.  78.  in. 

u  jta  eum  Domino  commendante,  meruit  auctoritatem,  ut  verba  ilhus 

hodie  sic  audiantur  in  ecclesia,  tanquam  illo  Christus— locutus  audiretur. 
Conlr.  Faust.  1.  28.  c.  4. 

v  Quando  Johannes  apostolus  legebatur,  audivimus  loquentem  per 
Spiritum  Sanctum.     Serm.  182.  in.  T.  V. 


520  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

22.  Nothing  could  be  received  as  a  doctrine  of  religion, 
unless  proved  by  scripture;  Augustine,  therefore,  explain 
ing  the  Creed,  says  to  his  hearers,  *  Whatever  w  you  find  in 
the  Creed  is  contained  in  the  divine  scriptures.' 

23.  Arguing  upon  a  point  in  one  of  his  sermons,  he  takes 
the  book  of  the  gospel  into  his  hands,  and  says,  '  Hear,x 
therefore,   from   the  book   itself ;    for    [  now  perform   the 
office  not  of  a  disputant  only,  but  of  a  reader,  that  our  dis 
course  may  be  founded  upon  the  authority  of  sacred  scrip 
ture,  not  upon  human  suppositions,  which  would  be  build 
ing  upon  the  sand.     Hear  then  the  gospel  of  John.     The 
Lord  speaks.' 

24.  1   put  in   the  margin  a   passage   where^  Augustine 
calls  upon  men  to   inquire  impartially,  and   to   determine 
disputable  points  by  reason  and  scripture,  joining  prayer 
therewith. 

25.  He  says,  *  The2  books  of  the  canonical  scriptures  of 
the  Old  and  New  Testament,  established  in  the  times  of  the 
apostles,  and  confirmed  by  the  testimony  of  the  successions 
of  bishops  and  churches  in  all  following  times,  are  placed 
in  a  peculiar  degree  of  authority,  to  which  the  judgment 
and  understanding  of  all  faithful  and  pious  men  are  subject. 

w  Quidquid  enim  in  Symbolo,  in  divinis  sacrarum  scripturarum  literis  con- 
tinetur.  Serm.  212. 

x  Sed  ex  ipso  codice  audite.  Propterea  enim  non  tantum  disputatoris,  sed 
etiam  lectoris  fungor  officio,  ut  sermo  iste  noster  sanctarum  scripturarum 
auctoritate  fulciatur,  non  humanis  suspicionibus  super  arenam  aedificetur. 
Audite  ergo  evangelium  secundum  Johannem.  Dominus  loquitur.  Serm. 
362.  cap.  22.  T.  v. 

y  Cessabit  a  noslris  partibus  terror  temporalium  potestatum.  Cesset  etiam 
a  vestris  partibus  terror  congregatorum  Circumcellionum.  Re  agamus,  ra- 
tione  agamus,  divinarum  scripturarum  auctoritate  agamus — queeramus,  pulse- 
mus,  ut  accipiamus  et  inveniamus.  Ep.  33.  n.  7.  T.  ii. 

z  Quod  genus  literarum  non  cum  credendi  necessitate,  sed  cum  judicandi 
libertate  legendum  est — distincta  est  a  posterioribus  libris  excellentia  canonicae 
auctoritatis  Veteris  et  Novi  Testamenti,  quae  apostolorum  confirmata  tempori- 
bus,  per  successiones  episcoporum,  et  propagationes  ecclesiarum,  tanquam  in 
sede  quadam  sublimiter  constituta  est,  cui  serviat  omnis  fidelis  et  pius  intel- 
lectus.  Ibi  si  quid  velut  absurdum  moverit,  non  licet  dicere;  auctor  hujus 
libri  non  tenuit  veritatem  ;  sed,  aut  codex  mendosus  est,  aut  interpres  erravit, 
aut  tu  non  intelligis.  In  opusculis  autem  posteriorum,  quae  libris  innumera- 
bilibus  continentur,  sed  nullo  modo  ilia?  sacratissimae  canonicarum  scripturarum 
excellentia?  coaequantur ;  etiam  in  quibuscumque  eorum  invenitur  eadem 
veritas,  longe  tamen  est  impar  auctoritas.  Itaque  in  eis,  si  qua  forte  propterea 

dissonare  putantur  a  vero tamen  liberum  ibi  habet  lector  auditorve  judi- 

cium,  quo  vel  approbet  quod  placuerit  vel  improbet  quod  offenderit. In 

ilia  vero  canonica  eminentia  sacrarum  literarum,  etiamsi  unus  propheta,  seu 
apostolus,  aut  evangelista  aliquid  in  suis  literis  posuisse  ipsa  canonis  confirma- 
tione  declarator,  non  licet  dubitare  quod  verum  sit.  Contr.  Faust.  1.  xi.  cap. 
5.  T.  viii. 


AUGUSTINE.     A.  D.  395.  521 

In  many  books  of  later  times  the  same  truths  may  be  found  ; 
but  in  them  they  are  not  of  the  same  authority  as  in  the 
canonical  books  of  scripture.  Other  authors  may  err;  the 
sacred  writers  are  infallible.  Nor  is  it  necessary  that  a 
thing-  should  be  said  by  many  of  them  ;  if  but  one  prophet, 
or  apostle,  or  evangelist  has  said  it,  we  are  sure  it  is  true.' 

XII.  One  proof  of  regard  for  the  sacred  scriptures,  is 
the  solemn  and  reverential  reading  them  as  a  part  of  public 
worship. 

1.  In   Augustine's  time  the  scriptures   were  constantly 
read  in  the  religious  assemblies  of  Christians  in  Africa;  some 
parts  of  scripture  were  by  custom  usually  read   at  certain 
seasons  of  the  year.     Of  this  Augustine  speaks  in  the  pro- 
loguea  to  his  tracts  or  sermons  upon  the  first  epistle  of  John; 
and  inb  some  of  his  sermons  at  the  time  of  Easter,  or  the 
week  before  it.     We  saw,  some  time  ago,  thatc  the  book  of 
the  Acts  was  begun  to  be  read  at  Easter. 

2.  They  had  oftentimes  three  readings,  and  as  it  seems  in 
this  order ;  epistles  of  apostles,  a   psalm,  the  gospels :    at 
least  that  order  is  several  times  mentioned  at  the  beginning d 
of  Augustine's  sermons,  which  were  discourses  upon  such 
portions  of  scripture  as  had  been  before  read.      Sometimes 
he  discoursed  briefly6  upon  each  of  the  readings:  at  other 
times  he  pitched  uponf  one  of  them  only  as  a  subject  of  dis 
course. 

a  Meminit  Sanctitas  Vestra  evangelium  secundum  Johannem  ex  ordine  lec- 
tionum  nos  solere  tractare.  Sed  quia  nunc  interposita  est  solennitas  sanctorum 
dierum,  quibus  certas  ex  evangelic*  lectiones  oportet  in  ecclesia  recitari ;  quae 
ita  sunt  annuae,  ut  alias  esse  non  possint :  ordo  ille,  quern  susceperamus,  ne 
cessitate  paululum  intermissus  est,  non  amissus.  Prolog,  in  Tract,  in  ep.  Jo. 
T.  iii.  p.  2. 

b  Resurrectio  Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi  et  hodie  recitata  est.  Primo  enim 
lecta  est  secundum  Matthaeum,  hesterno  autem  die  secundum  Marcum,  hodie 
secundum  Lucam ;  sic  habet  ordo  evangelistarum.  Sicut  enim  passio  ipsius 
ab  omnibus  evangelistis  conscripta  est,  sic  dies  isti  septem  vel  octo  dant  spati- 
um,  ut  secundum  omnes  evangelistas  resurrectio  Domini  recitetur.  Passio 
autem,  quia  uno  die  legitur,  non  solet  legi  nisi  secundum  Matthaeum.  Serm. 
232.  cap.  1.  T.  v.  Vid.  et  Serm.  239.  cap.  1. 

d  Lectiones  sanctae  propositae  sunt,  et  quas  audiamus,  et  de  quibus  aliquid 
sermonis,  adjuvante  Domino,  proferamus.  In  lectione  apostolica  gratiae 
aguntur  Domino  de  fide  gentium.  In  Psalmo  diximus.  In  evangelic  ad 
ccenam  vocati  sumus.  Serm.  112.  n.  1.  T.  v.  Apostolum  audivimus, 
psalmum  audivimus,  evangelium  audivimus.  Consonant  omnes  divinae  lec 
tiones.  Serm.  165.  n.  1. 

e  Primam  lectionem  audivimus  apostoli.     Deinde  cantavimus  psalmum. 
Post  haec  evangelica  lectio  decem  leprosos  mundatos  nobis  ostendit. 
lectiones,  quantum  pro  tempore  possumus,  pertractemus,  dicentes  paucu  de 
singulis.     Serm.  176.  n.  1. 

f  Lectiones  sanctas  plures,  cum  recitarentur,  audivimus :  et  de  his  opor 
nos  dicere  quod  Dominus  fuerit  donare  dignatus.     Sed  lectiouum  omnis 


522  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

3.  In  the  work  Of  the  City  of  God  he  speaks  of  the  read 
ing  the  scriptures  as  a  general  thing  among  Christians.    *  In& 
the  faithful  writings  of  the  evangelists  are  recorded  both  the 
miracles  of  Christ,  and  the  doctrine,  for  the  confirming  of 
which  they  were  wrought.     They  were  published  to  produce 
faith  ;  and  because  they  were  believed,  they  have  been  made 
still  more  public  :  for  they  are  read  to  the  people  that  they 
may  be  believed  ;  and  if  they  had  not  been  believed,  they 
would  not  have  been  read.     The   canonical  books  of  scrip 
ture  being  read  every  where,  the  miracles  therein  recorded 
are  well  known  to  all  people.' 

4.  In  the  same  work  he  hash  an  excellent  article  of  the 
benefit  of  the  Christian  religion,  '  on  account  of  the  public 
reading  the  scriptures  in  the  churches,  where  was  a  con 
fluence  of  all  sorts  of  people  of  both  sexes  ;    and  the  best 
rules  of  life,  with  proper  arguments,  are  proposed  :  and  if 
some  attended  on  these  readings  who  were  not  made  tho 
roughly  virtuous,  the  advantage  to  many  was   very  great, 
and  the  usefulness  of  the  design  was  manifest.' 

5.  He  observes,  in  a  sermon,  that i  the  epistles  of  Peter 
and  Paul  wrere  daily  read  to  the  people  all  over  the  world. 

XIII.  I  formerly k  alleged  divers  excellent  observations 
of  Augustine,  in  answer  to  the  Manichees,  concerning  the 
genuineness  and  integrity  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testa 
ment.  I  shall  now  add  here  no  more  than  a  passage  or  two 
upon  those  points. 

auditor,  quod  recentius  lectum  est,  magis  meminit ;  et,  ut  inde  aliquid  a  trac- 
tatore  verbi  dicatur,  exspectat.  Cum  ergo  ultimum  sit  sanctum  evangelium 
recitatum,  &c.  Serm.  49.  in. 

g  In  eisdem  quippe  veracissimis  libris  cuncta  conscripta  sunt,  et  quae  facta 
sunt,  et  propter  quod  credendum  facta  sunt.  Haec,  ut  fidem  facerent,  innotue- 
runt.  Haec  per  fidem,  quam  fecerunt,  multo  clarius  innotescunt.  Leguntur 
quippe  in  populis  ut  credantur.  Nee  in  populis,  nisi  credita,  legerentur— — — 
Canon  quippe  sacrarum  literarum,  quern  definitum  esse  oportebat,  ilia  facit 
ubique  recitari,  et  memoriae  cunctorum  inhaerere  populorum.  De  Civ.  Dei,  1. 
xxii.  c.  8.  T.  vii. 

h  quia  populi  confluunt  ad  ecclesias  casta  celebritate,  honesta 

utriusque  sexus  discretione.  Ubi  audiant,  quam  bene  hie  ad  tempus  vivere  de- 
beant,  ut  post  hanc  vitam  beate  semperque  vivere  mereantur :  ubi  sancta 
scriptura  justitiaeque  doctrina  de  superiore  loco  in  conspectu  omnium  per- 
sonante,  et  qui  faciunt,  audiant  ad  praemium :  et  qui  non  faciunt,  audiant  ad 
judicium.  Quo  etsi  veniunt  quidam  talium  praeceptorum  irrisores,  omnis 
eorum  petulantia  aut  repentina  immutatione  deponitur,  aut  timore  vel  pudore 
comprimitur.  Nihil  enim  eis  turpe  ac  flagitiosum  spectandum  imitandumque 
proponitur,  ubi  veri  Dei  aut  praecepta  insinuantur,  aut  miracula  narrantur, 
aut  dona  laudantur,  aut  beneficia  postulantur.  De  Civ.  Dei,  1.  ii.  c.  28. 

1  Literae  ipsorum  quotidie  populis  recitantur.  Et  quibus  populis  ;  et  quantis 
populis  ?  Psalmum  adtendite.  In  omnem  terram  exivit  sonus  eorum.  Serm, 
298.  c.  1.  T.  v.  k  P.  420—426. 


AUGUSTINE.     A.  D.  395.  523 

1.  He  says:  *  The1  genuineness  and  integrity  of  the  same 
scriptures  may  be  relied  upon,  which  have  been  spread  all 
over  the  world,  and  which  from  the  time  of  their  publication 
were  in  the  highest  esteem,  and  have  been  carefully  kept  in 
the  churches,  or  by  Christian  people.' 

2.  «  Moreover,1"  there  are  some  who  say  that  was  not 
Cyprian's  sentiment;  and  that  some  have  fraudulently  inserted 
it  in  his  writings  :  for  the  integrity  of  the  books  of  any  one 
bishop,  however  eminent,  cannot  be  so  completely  kept,  as 
that  of  the  canonical  scripture,  translated  into  so  many  Ian- 
guages,  and  kept  by  the  people  of  every  age  ;  and  yet  some 
there  have  been  who  have  forged  writings  with  the  names 
of  apostles.     In  vain,  indeed,  because  that  scripture  has  been 
so  esteemed,  so  celebrated,  so  known.     Nevertheless  those 
audacious  attempts  show  what  may  be  done  with  regard  to 
others,  not  so  well  known/ 

XIV.  I  shall  take  notice  of  very  few  various  readings. 

1.  Augustine  had  in  his  copies  of  St.  John's  gospel  then 
history  of  the  woman  taken  in  adultery.     See  ch.  viii. 

2.  He  had  the  latter  part  of  St.  Mark's  gospel  ;  as  ap 
pears  from0  his  books  of  the  Consent  of  the  Evangelists,  and 
from  quotations  of  it  elsewhere. 

3.  How  he  read  the  Lord's  Prayer,  as  recorded  in  St. 
Luke,  was  observed P  formerly. 

XV.  It  is  very  fit  we  should  observe  what  notice  Augus 
tine  has  taken  of  the  Latin  version  or  versions  of  the  scrip 
tures,  in  use  in  his  time. 

1.  Quoting  a  text  of  Genesis:  '  As,'  says^  he,  *  the  Greek 
copies  have  it,  from  which  that  scripture  has  been  translated.' 

1  Porro,  si  mendax  est  evangelium  disseminatum  et  notum  omnibus  gentibus, 
et  ab  initio  praedicationis  Christi  in  ecclesiis  omnibus  in  tanto  sanctitatis  cul- 
mine  collocatum  ;  quae  scriptura  proferri  potest,  cui  de  Christo  fides  habenda 
sit?  Contr.  Faust.  1.  xvi.  c.  11.  T.  viii. 

m  Quanquam  non  desint,  qui  hoc  Cyprianum  prorsus  non  sensisse  conten- 
dunt,  sed  sub  ejus  nomine  a  praesumtoribus  atque  mendacibus  fuisse  confictum. 
Neque  enim  sic  potuit  integritas  atque  notitia  libroruin  unius  quamlibet  illus- 
tris  episcopi  custodiri,  quemadmodum  scriptura  canonica,  tot  linguarum  literis, 
et  ordine,  et  successione  celebrationis  ecclesiasticae  custoditur.  Contra  quam 
tamen  non  defuerunt,  qui  sub  nominibus  apostolorum  multa  confingerent. 
Frustra  quidem,  quia  ilia  sic  commendata,  sic  celebrata,  sic  nota  est.  Verum 
quid  possit  adversus  literas,  non  canonica  auctoritate  fundatas,  etiam  Jiinc  de- 
monstravit  impiae  conatus  audaciae,  quod  et  adversus  eas,  quae  tanta  notitiae 
mole  firmatae  sunt,  esse  erigere  non  praetermisit.  Ep.  93.  cap.  10.  n.  38.  T.  ii. 

n  Nam  cum  ad  Dominum  Christum  Judaei  adduxissent  mulierem  in  adul- 
terio  comprehensam,  eumque  tentantes  dicerent,  quodjussa  esset  lege  lapidari, 
&c.  Ep.  153.  cap.  4.  n.  9.  T.  ii. 

0  Vid.  de  Consens.  Ev.  1.  iii.  cap.  25.  n.  76.  p  Vol.  n.  p.  560. 

*  Sicut  Graeci  codices  habent,  unde  in  Latinam  linguam  scriptura  ista  con- 
versa  est.  De  Civ.  Dei,  1.  xiii.  cap.  24.  n.  1. 


524  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

2.  In  his  Retractations  he  owns,  that1  in  a  work  which  he 
then  revised,  he  had  made  a  wrong  quotation  of  a  text  from 
the  Psalms,  being  misled  by  the  Latin  translation,  made  from 
the  Greek  version  of  the  Seventy  ;  from  whence  the  scrip 
tures  of  the  Old  Testament  had  been  translated. 

3.  In  a  letter  written  to  Jerom,  in  394  or  395,  he  approves 
of  Jerom's  translating,  that  is,  making  a  new  Latin  trans 
lation  of  the  Greek  version  of  the  Seventy  ;  but8  is  against 
his  translating  the  same  canonical  scriptures  of  the  Old  Tes 
tament  from  Hebrew  into  Latin. 

4.  In  another  letter  to  Jerom,  written  about  405  or  406, 
he*  in  some  measure  approves  of  Jerom's  undertaking  to 
translate  from  the  Hebrew  :  and  he  earnestly  desires  him  to 
send  to  him  his  Latin  translation  of  the  scriptures  from  the 
Seventy  ;  especially  because  the  versions  already  made,  and 
then  in  use,  were  full  of  faults,  and  made  by  unskilful  per 
sons.     But  though  he  approves  of  Jerom's  design  in  trans 
lating  from  the  Hebrew  as  useful,  he  could  not  consent  to  the 
reading  of  that  version  in  the  churches,  because  the  people, 
who  had  been  long  used  to  a  translation  from  the  Seventy, 
would  be  disturbed  and  offended. 

5.  In  a  book,  written  in  419,  Augustine  often  compares" 
the  translation   from  the   Seventy,  and  Jerom's  translation 
from  the  Hebrew. 

r  In  eo — ubi  posui  testimonium  in  quo  legitur — mendositas  nostri  codicis 
me  fefellit.— Hoc  esse  verim  Graeci  libri  indicant,  ex  qua  lingua  in  Latinam 
secundum  Septuaginta  interpretes  veterum  divinarum  scripturarum  est  facta 
translatio.  Retract.  1.  i.  c.  7.  n.  2.  T.  i. 

8  De  vertendis  autem  in  Latinam  linguam  sanctis  literis  canonicis  laborare 
te  nollem,  nisi  co  modo  quo  Job  interpretatus  es :  ut,  signis  adhibitis,  quid 
inter  hanc  tuam  et  Septuaginta,  quorum  est  gravissima  auctoritas,  interpretati- 
onem  distet,  appareat.  Satis  autem  nequeo  mirari,  si  aliquid  adhuc  in  He- 
braeis  exemplanbus  invenitur,  quod  tot  interpretes  illius  linguae  peritissimos 
fugerit.  Omitto  enim  Septuaginta,  de  quorum  vel  consilii  vel  spiritus  majore 
concordia,  quam  si  unus  homo  esset,  non  audeo  in  aliquam  partem  certam 
ferre  sententiam,  nisi  quod  eis  praeeminentem  auctoritatem  in  hoc  munere  sine 
controversia  tribuendam  existimo,  &c.  Ep.  28.  cap.  2.  T.  ii. 

r  De  interpretatione  tua  jam  mihi  persuasisti,  qua  utilitate  scripturas  volueris 
transferre  de  Hebrais — Deinde  nobis  mittas  obsecro  interpretationem  tuam  de 
Septuaginta,  quam  te  edidisse  nesciebam — Ideo  autem  desidero  interpretatio 
nem  tuam  de  Septuaginta,  ut  et  tanta  Latinorum  interpretum,  qui  qualescum- 
que  ausi  sunt,  quantum  possumus,  imperitia  careamus;  et  hi,  qui  me  invidere 
putant  utilibus  laboribus  tuis,  tandem  aliquando,  si  fieri  potest,  intelligant 
propterea  me  nolle  tuam  ex  Hebraeo  interpretationem  in  ecclesiis  legi,  ne  con 
tra  Septuaginta  auctoritatem,  tanquam  novum  aliquid  proferentes,  magno 
scandalo  perturbemus  plebes  Christi,  quarum  aures  et  corda  illam  interpreta 
tionem  audire  consueverunt,  quae  etiam  ab  apostolis  approbata  est.  Ep.  82. 
cap.  v.  n.  34,  35.  T.  ii. 

u  Vid.  Quaestiones  in  Heptateuch.  1.  vi.  Qu.  19.  Qu.  24.  Qu.  25.  1.  vii. 
Qu.  37.  T.  iii.  p.  1. 


AUGUSTINE.     A.  D.  395.  525 

6.  In  the  last  book  of  the  Christian  Doctrine,  written  about 
426,  he   quotesv  a  passage  of  the  prophet  Amos  not  in  the 
translation  from  the  Seventy,  but  in  Jerom's  translation  from 
the  Hebrew. 

7.  I  shall  now  put  down  some  observations.     In  the  se 
cond  book  of  the  Christian  Doctrine,  written  in  397,  after  the 
long1  passage  transcribed  at  the  beginning  of  this  chapter,  he 
says  :  '  They  w  who  use  the  Latin  tongue,  for  whose  instruc 
tion  I  now  write,  will  want  for  their  assistance  in  understand 
ing  the  divine  scriptures,  the  knowledge  of  two  other  lan 
guages,  even  the  Hebrew  and  the  Greek,  that  they  may  have 
recourse  to  the  originals,  when  there  is  any  doubt  about  the 
exactness  of  the  Latin  version  :  whereupon  he  proceeds  to 
take  notice  of  the  great  number,  and  of  the  unskilful  ness  of 
the  Latin  translators.' 

Afterwards  he  says  :  *  And  x  among  translations  let  that 
be  preferred,  which  is  most  literal  and  clear :  and  for  cor 
recting  all  manner  of  Latin  translations  recourse  should  be 
had  to  the  Greek  ;'  where  he  argues,  that  for  the  Old  Testa 
ment,  the  Greek  of  the  Seventy  ought  to  be  consulted. 
'  As  for  the  New  Testament,  there  can  be  no  question  but 
that  we  ought  to  have  recourse  to  the  Greek  copies,  and  es 
pecially  such  as  are  to  be  found  with  churches  of  the  great 
est  learning  and  knowledge.' 

At  the  beginning  of  the  passage  just  quoted,  Augustine  is 
supposed  to  say,  agreeably  to  the  editions  of  this  work 
which  we  now  have  :  '  And  among  translations,  let  the  Italic 
be  preferred  :  for  it  keeps  close  to  the  original,  without  ob 
scurity.'  But  that  here  is  some  fault  of  transcribers,  appears 
to  me  highly  probable.  I  shall  therefore  allege  largely 
the  words  of  Mr.  David  Casley,  in  his  excellent  preface 

v  Non  autera  secundum  Septuaginta  interpretes.— Sed  sicut  ex  Hebraeo  in 
Latinum  eloquium  presbytero  Hieronymo  utriusque  linguae  perito  interpre- 
tante  translata  sunt.  De  Doctr.  Christ.  1.  iv.  cap.  10.  n.  15.  T.  iii.  p.  1. 

w  Et  Latinse  quidem  linguae  homines,  quos  nunc  instruendos  suscepimus, 
duabus  aliis  ad  scripturarum  divinarum  cognitionem  opus  habent,  Hebraea 
scilicet  et  Graca,  ut  ad  exemplaria  praecedentia  recurratur,  si  quam  dubita- 
tionem  attulerit  Latinorum  interpretum  infinita  varietas.— Qui  enim  scriptures 
ex  Hebraea  lingua  in  Graecam  verterunt,  numerari  possunt,  Latini  autem  in 
terpretes  nullo  modo.  Ut  enim  cuique  primis  fidei  temporibus  in  manus  vemt 
codex  Graecus,  et  aliquantulum  facultatis  sibi  utriusque  linguae  habere  videba- 
tur,ausus  est  interpretari.  De  Doctrin.  Chr.  1.  ii.  cap.  11.  n.  16.  T.  iii.  p.  1. 

x  In  ipsis  autem  interpretationibus  Itala  caeteris  praeferatur  :  nam  est  verbo- 
rum  tenacior,  cum  perspicuitate  sententiae.  Et  Latinis  quibuslibet  emendandis 
Graeci  adhibeantur,  in  quibus  Septuaginta  interpretum,  quod  ad  Vetus  Testa- 

mentum  attinet,  excellit  auctoritas Libros  autem  Novi  Testamenti,  si  quid 

in  Latinis  varietatibus  titubat,  Graecis  cedere  oportere  non  dubium  est,  ci 
maxime  qui  apud  ecclesias  doctiores  et  diligentiores  reperiuntur.  Ibid.  cap. 
15.  n.  22. 


5  26  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

before  the  Catalogue  of  the  Manuscripts  of  the  Kings  Li 
brary,  p.  xix.  xx.  'I  cannot  refrain  adding  what  I  had  in 

*  conversation  from  my  worthy  patron,  Dr.  Bentley — In  St. 

*  Augustine's  second  book  de  Doctrina  Christiana,  speaking 
'  of  the  several  versions  of  the  holy  scriptures:  In  ipsis  auteni 

*  interpretationibus  Itala  caeteris  praeferatur ;  nam  est  verbo- 
'  rum  tenacior,  cum  perspicuitate  sententiae.       Et  Latinis 
'  quibuslibet  emendandis  Greeci  adhibeantur.     Which  the 
'  Doctor  corrects :  Ilia  caeteris  praeferatur,  quee  est  verbo- 
'  rum  tenacior ;  which,  or  somewhat  like  it,  must  be  the  true 
'  reading.     For  had  there  been  a  version  in  Augustine's  time 
'  distinguished  by  the  name  of  "  Italic,"  to  which  he  gave 

*  the  preference  for  its  strict  adherence  to  the  words  of  the 
'  original,  how  comes  he  never  to  name  it,  but  this  once;  and 
'  that  in  the  poetic  word  "  Itala,"  and  not  "Italica?"  How 

*  should  all  other  Latin  fathers  be  silent  about  it?  How 
'  could  Jerom  in  particular  miss  it,  who  wrote  so  much  upon 
'  that  subject  in  several  of  his  works;   and  especially  in  his 
4  Preface  to  the  New  Testament ;  wherein  he  says,  that  Pope 

*  Damasus  ordered  him  to  compare  the   several  Latin  ver- 

*  sions,  and  to  make  such  an  one  as  should  be  authentic ;  or 
'  in  his  epistle  to  Pammachius,  about  the  best  way  of  trans- 

*  lating? It  seems  not  improbable,  that  it  was  at  first 

4  "  ilia  Latina  caeteris  praeferatur:"  which  being  changed  to 
'  "  Itala,  quae"  must  be  changed  to  "  nam"  of  course.     And 
'  this  is  the  more  probable,  from  the  '*  Latinis  quibuslibet," 
'  set  in  opposition  to  it,  in  the  same  sentence.' 

So  Mr.  Casley  :  And  to  me  it  seems,  that  there  is  great 
force  in  the  argument  taken  from  the  silence  of  Jerom,  and 
other  ancient  writers  ;  and  even  of  Augustine  himself,  who 
has  never  mentioned  this  Italic  version  elsewhere.  If  I 
understand  Mr.  Casley,  Dr.  Bentley's  emendation  was  *  ilia 

*  caeteris  praeferatur,  quae.' — And  what  was  mentioned  just 
now,  '  ilia  Latina  caeteris  praeferatur,  quae,"  is  Mr.  Casley's 
own.     Possibly  Dr.  Bentley  said,  *  et  ilia  :'  that  seems  to  me 
to  be  the  most  likely  reading:    it  is  very  easily  changed 
into  '  Itala.'     And  I  have  observed  a  passage  of  Augustine, 
which  may  be  of  some  use  to  confirm  it :  Habet  enim  et  ilia 
parva  aetas  magnum    testimonii   pondus,    quae    primo    pro 
Christo  meruit  sanguinem  fundere.     De  Gen.  ad  Lit.  I.  x. 
cap.  23.  T.  iii.  P.  i.     I  therefore  would  read  this  passage  of 
Augustine  after  this  manner:  In  ipsis  autem  interpretationi 
bus  et  ilia  caeteris  praeferatur,  quae  est  verborum  tenacior 
cum  perspicuitate  sententiae  :  and  I  have  translated  it  ac 
cordingly.     Augustine  there   lays  down  a  rule  concerning 
translations  in  general  :  he  had  no  occasion  to  begin   with 


AUGUSTINE.    A.  D.  395.  5'27 

particular  notice  of  any  version  whatever.  But  having* 
laid  down  a  general  observation  concerning  translations, 
the  mention  of  the  Latin  version  follows,  as  here,  very  pro 
perly. 

XVI.  Many  good   interpretations  of  scripture  might  be 
collected  out  of  St.  Augustine's  works:  I  observe  a  very 
few  only. 

1.  Matth.  vi.  13, — "but  deliver  us  from  evil."     Hey  does 
not  understand  that  of  the  evil  one,  but  of  the  evil  of  afflic 
tion.     At  the  same  time  it  appears,  I  think,  that  Augustine's 
copies  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  as  in  St.  Matthew,  concluded 
with  that  petition,  without  the  doxology. 

2.  Augustine  understood  Rom.  viii.  33,  34,  after  this  man 
ner  :   '  Who z  shall   lay  any  thing  to  the  charge  of  God's 
elect?  God,  who  justifies  :  by  no  means.     Who  shall  con 
demn  f  Christ,  who  died  ?  yea  rather,  who  is  risen  again,  who 
is  even  at  the  right  hand  of  God,  who  also  maketh  interces 
sion  for  us  ?  by  no  means.' So  likewise  the  acute  Mr. 

Locke  upon  the  place. 

XVII.  I  shall  conclude  this  chapter  with  select  passages 
concerning  a  variety  of  subjects. 

1.  In  the  first  place  I  shall  take  some  select  observations 
concerning  the  scriptures. 

(1.)  In  his  books  Of  the  City  of  God,  which  are  a  defence 
of  the  Christian  religion  against  heathens,  he  has  this  fine 
observation :  *  Oura  canonical  books  of  scripture,  which 
are  of  the  highest  authority  with  us,  have  been  settled  with 
great  care:  they  ought  to  be  few,  lest  their  value  should 
be  diminished  ;  and  yet  they  are  so  many,  and  written  by 
so  many  persons,  that  their  agreement  throughout  is  wonder 
ful.' 

y  Cum  dicimus :  '  Libera  nos  a  malo,'  nos  admonemus  cogitare,  nondum 
nos  esse  in  eo  bono,  ubi  nullum  patiemur  malum.  Et  hoc  quidem  ultimum 
quod  in  Dominica  Oratione  positum  est,  tarn  late  patet,  ut  homo  christianus 
in  qualibet  tribulatione  constitutus,  in  hoc  gemitus  edat,  in  hoc  lacrymas  fun- 
dat,  hinc  exordiatur,  in  hoc  immoretur,  ad  hoc  terminet  orationem.  Ep. 
130.  c.  11.  n.  21.  T.  ii. 

z  Pronuntiabitur  ergo  ita,  ut  post  percontationem,  qua  dicimus:  Quis 
accusabit  electos  Dei  ?'  illud  quod  sequitur  sono  interrogationis  enuntietur. 
«  Deus  qui  justificat  ?'  ut  tacite  respondeatur  :  non.  Et  item  percontemur : 

*  Quis  est,  qui  condemnat  ?'  Rursusque  interrogemus :  '  Christus  Jesus,  qui 

*  mortuus  est,  magis  autem  qui  resurrexit,  qui  est  in  dextera  Dei,  qui  et  inter- 
«  pellat  pro  nobis  ?'  Ut  ubique  tacite  respondeatur :  non.     De  Doctrin.  Chris 
tian.  1.  iii.  cap.  3.  n.  6. 

a  Denique  auctores  nostri,  in  quibus  non  frustra  sacramentum  111 

figitur,  et  terminatur  canon,  absit  ut  in  aliqua  ratione  dissentiant Ipsi  a 

pauci  esse  debuerunt,  ne  multitudine  vilesceret,  quod  religione  carum  es« 
oporteret ;  nee  tamen  ita  pauci,  ut  eorum  non  sit  miranda  consensio. 
Civ.  D.  1.  xviii.  c.  41.  T.  vii. 


528  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

(2.)  In  an  argument  with  the  Manichees,  Augustine  has 
these  expressions.  *  I  b  should  not  believe  the  gospel,  if 

I  were  not  induced  thereto  by  the  authority  of  the  catholic 

d,   .  •  * 

lurch. 

Upon  which  passage  we  may  observe,  1.  This  is  an  ex 
pression  put  forth  in  the  heat  of  dispute  :  2.  The  word  *  au 
thority'  is  of  ambiguous  meaning,  and  is  sometimes  equiva 
lent  to  *  testimony  :'  3.  Probably  the  *  testimony  of  the 
church,'  here  spoken  of,  relates  to  the  genuineness  or 
authenticity  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament ;  which  is 
not  to  be  known  but  by  the  testimony  of  Christians,  and  others. 
That  seems  to  be  the  best  account  of  this  passage  ;  and  so 
understood  it  may  be  reckoned  reasonable  and  just.  To 
this  purpose c  Beausobre. 

(3.)  In  the  second  book  of  the  Christian  doctrine,  he  speaks 
of  the  difficulty  of  understanding  some  parts  of  scripture  ; 
but  he  says,  that  a  nothing  is  said  in  obscure  places,  but  may 
be  found  clearly  expressed  in  others  ;  which  he  takes  to  be 
a  proof  of  the  wonderful  wisdom  of  God.  . 

(4.)  In  a  sermon,  he  speaks  of e  fullness  and  the  variety  of 
the  divine  oracles,  and  f  of  their  length  and  breadth  ;  so  that 
the  things  therein  taught  may  be  understood  without  mistake, 
and  be  kept  without  labour,  by  him  who  loves  God  and  his 
neighbour. 

(5.)  Again  :  *  So^  great  is  the  depth  of  the  Christian  scrip 
tures,  that  I  might  be  continually  improving  in  the  know 
ledge  of  them,  if  I  were  to  study  them  only,  from  early  youth 
to  old  age,  in  much  leisure,  with  great  care,  and  with  a 
better  capacity  than  mine :  though  all  things  necessary  to 
salvation  may  be  thence  learned  without  difficulty.' 

(6.)  In  another  place  he  says  :  '  Ash  there  are  innumera- 

b  Ego  vero  evangelic  non  crederem,  nisi  me  catholicae  ecclesise  commo- 
neret  auctoritas.  Contr.  Ep.  Fundam.  cap.  5.  T.  viii. 

c  See  Hist,  de  Manich.  T.  i.  p.  446. 

d  Magnifice  igitur  et  salubriter  Spiritus  Sanctus  ita  scripturas  sanctas  modi- 
ficavit,  ut  locis  apertioribus  fami  occurreret,  obscurioribus  autem  fastidia  deter- 
geret.  Nihil  enim  fere  de  illis  obscuritatibus  eruitur,  quod  non  planissime 
dictum  alibi  aperiatur.  De  Doctr.  Christ.  1.  ii.  c.  6.  n.  8.  T.  iii. 

e  Divinarum  scripturarum  multiplicem  abundantiam,  latissimamque  doc- 
trinam,  fratres  mei,  sine  ullo  errore  comprehendit,  et  sine  ullo  labore  custodit, 
cujus  cor  plenum  est  caritate.  Serm.  250.  n.  1.  T.  v. 

f  Totam  magnitudinem  et  latitudinem  divinorum  eloquiorum  secure  possidet 
caritas,  qua  Deum  proximumque  diligimus.  Ib.  n.  2. 

g  Tanta  est  enim  christianarum  profunditas  literarum,  ut  in  eis  continuo 
proficerem,  si  eas  solas  ab  ineunte  pueritia  usque  ad  decrepitam  senectutem, 
maximo  otio,  summo  studio,  meliore  ingenio  addiscerem.  Non  quod  ad  ea 
quae  necessaria  sunt  saluti  tanta  in  eis  perveuiatur  difficultate.  Ep.  137.  n.  3. 
T.  ii.  Vid.  ibid.  cap.  5.  n.  18. 

h  Et  miror,  quod  hoc  te  latet,  quod  non  solum  in  aliis  innumerabilibus 


AUGUSTINE.     A.  D.  395.  529 

ble  other  things  which  he  was  ignorant  of;  so  also  in  the 
scriptures,  there  are  many  more  things  which  he  did  not 
know  than  he  did  know.' 

Those  expressions  may  be  reckoned  proofs  of  Augustine's 
humility  and  modesty,  as  well  as  of  his  high  veneration  for 
the  scriptures. 

(7.)  There  is  a  passage  concerning  the  depth  of  the  scrip 
tures  in1  Augustine's  Confessions,  to  which  I  refer. 

(8.)  Somek  cast  lots  upon  the  gospels,  and  consulted 
them  for  direction  in  their  secular  affairs  ;  which,  he  says, 
is  better  than  going  to  daemons,  but  yet  is  to  be  blamed. 

2.  Augustine  has  some  very  fine  observations,1  arguin«* 
the  truth  of  the  Christian  religion,  from  its  wonderful 
progress;  the  foundation  of  which  had  been  laid  in 
the  doctrine  of  a  man  ignominiously  crucified,  and  the 
labours  of  his  apostles,  fishermen  and  publicans,  who  also 
underwent  all  manner  of  sufferings,  and  which  was  cherished 
by  the  sufferings  of  believers  for  a  long  time  :  till  at  length 
the  ancient  idolatry,  with  its  foolish  rites,  had  been  almost 
universally  abolished,  and  the  true  God  every  where  wor 
shipped,  and  throughout  many  nations  all  of  every  rank, 
high  and  low,  learned  and  unlearned,  gloried  in  Jesus  Christ, 
as  their  Lord  and  Master. 

In   another  work,  speaking  of  the  timorousness  of  the 

multa  me  latent,  sed  etiam  in  ipsis  sanctis  scripturis  multo  nesciam  plura  quam 
sciam.  Ep.  55.  cap.  21.  n.  38.  '  Mira  profunditas  eloquiorum 

tuorum — Deus  meus,  mira  profunditas.     Confess.  1.  xii.  c.  14.  T.  i. 

k  Hi  vero  qui  de  paginis  evangelicis  sortes  legunt,  etsi  optandum  est  ut  hoc 
potius  faciant,  quam  ad  daemonia  consulenda  concurrant ;  tarn  etiam  ista 
mihi  displicet  consuetude,  ad  negotia  secularia,  et  ad  vitse  hujus  vanitatem, 
propter  aliam  vitam  loquentia  oracula  divina  velle  convertere.  Ep.  55.  cap.  20. 
n.  37.  T.  ii. 

1  Quanquam  etiam  si  de  Christo  et  ecclesia  testimonia  nulla  praecederent, 
quern  non  movere  deberet,  ut  crederet,  repente  illuxisse  divinam  humano 
generi  claritatem  ;  quando  videmus,  relictis  diis  falsis,  et  eorum  contractis 
usquequaque  simulacris,  templis  subversis,  sive  in  alios  usus  commutatis,  atque 
ab  humana  veternosissima  consuetudine  tot  vanis  ritibus  exstirpatis,  unum 
verum  Deum  ab  omnibus  invocari  ?  Et  hoc  esse  factum  per  unum  hominem 
ab  hominibus  illusum,  comprehensum,  vinctum,  flagellatum,  expalmatum, 
exprobratum,  crucifixum,  occisum  :  discipulis  ejus,  quos  idiotas,  et  imperitos, 
et  piscatores,  et  publicanos,  per  quos  ejus  magisterium  commendaretur,  elegit 
— ita  fidelibus  usque  ad  mortem  pro  veritate,  non  mala  rependentibus,  sed 
perpetiendo  certantibus,  non  occidendo,  sed  morienda  vincentibus:  sic  in 
istam  religionem  mutatus  est  mundus,  sic  ad  hoc  evangelium  corda  conversa 
mortalium,  marium  et  feminarum,  parvulorum  atque  magnorum,  doctorum  et 
indoctorum,  sapientium  et  insapientium— nobilium  et  ignobilium — et  per 
omnes  gentes  ecclesia  diffusa  sic  crevit,  ut  contra  ipsam  catholicam  fidem  nulla 
secta  perversa,  nullum  genus  exoriatur  erroris,  quod  ita  reperiatur  christianae 
ventati  adversari,  ut  non  affectet  atque  ambiat  Christi  nomine  gloriari.  De 
Fide  Rerum,  quse  non  videntur.  cap.  7.  T.  vi. 
VOL.  IV.  2  M 


530  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

philosophers,  and  the  superior  effect  of  the  Christian  religion 
above  their  schemes,  he  says  to  the  remaining  heathens : 
'  Jfm  the  philosophers,  in  whose  names  they  gloried,  were 
to  live  again,  and  should  see  the  churches  crowded,  the 
temples  forsaken,  and  men  called  from  the  love  of  temporal 
fleeting  things  to  the  hope  of  eternal  life,  and  the  possession 
of  spiritual  and  heavenly  blessings,  and  readily  embracing 
them,  provided  they  were  really  such  as  they  were  said  to  have 
been,  perhaps  they  would  say:  These  are  things  which  we  did 
not  dare  to  say  to  the  people ;  we  rather  gave  way  to  their 
custom,  than  endeavoured  to  draw  them  over  to  our  best 
thoughts  and  apprehensions.' 

Indeed,  Augustine  has  many  excellent  arguments  for  the 
truth  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  of  the  evangelical  history. 

Peter,  hen  says,  and  the  other  apostles  had  no  interest  to 
serve,  of  honour  or  profit,  in  preaching  the  gospel.  They 
suffered  all  manner  of  evil ;  yet  they  continued  to  assert 
that  Jesus,  who  had  been  crucified,  was  risen  from  the 
dead  ;  which  they  must  have  known  to  be  true;  otherwise 
they  would  riot  have  asserted  it,  especially  in  those  circum 
stances,  in  the  midst  of  such  dangers,  and  in  the  view  of 
such  sufferings  as  they  were  exposed  to. 

Augustine  speaks  very  often  of  the  great  advantage 
which0  christians  have  in  their  arguments  for  the  truth  of 

m  Illi  enim,  si  reviviscerent,  quorum  nominibus  isti  gloriantur,  etinvenirent 
refertas  ecclesias,  templaque  deserta,  et  a  cupiditate  bonorum  temporalium  et 
fluentium  ad  spem  vitae  aeternae  et  bona  spintalia  et  intelligibilia  vocari  et  cur- 
rere  humanum  genus,  dicerent  fortasse,,  si  tales  essent  quales  memorantur  : 
haec  sunt,  quae  nos  persuadere  populis  non  ausi  sumus,  et  eorum  potius  con- 
suetudini  cessiraus,  quam  illos  in  nostram  fidera  voluntatemque  traduximus. 
De  Vera  Relig.  cap.  4.  T.  i. 

n  Cogitate,  fratres,  quale  fuit,  mitti  homines  per  orbem  terrarum  praedicare 
hominem  crucifixum  resurrexisse,  et  pro  ista  praedicatione  perpeti  omnia,  quae 
insaniens  mundus  inferret  damna,  exilia,  vincula,  tormenta,  flammas,  bestias, 
cruces,  mortes.  Hoc  pro  nescio  quo  ?  Numquid  enim,  fratres  mei,  Petrus  pro 
sua  gloria  moriebatur,  aut  seipsum  preedicabat  ?  Alius  moriebatur,  ut  alius 
honoraretur:  alius  occidebatur,  ut  alius  coleretur.  Numquid  hoc  faceret, 
nisi  flagrantia  caritatis,  de  conscientia  veritatis  ?  Nam  quomodo  pro  ea  re 
morerentur,  quam  non  viderant?  Serm.  311.  cap.  2.  T.  v. 

0  Ideo  ergo  sparsi  sunt,  ut  nobis  libros  servent.  Serm.  5.  n.  5.  Tom.  v. — 
Propter  hoc  enim  ilia  gens  regno  suo  pulsa  est,  et  dispersa  per  terras,  ut  ejus 
fidei,  cujus  inimici  sunt,  ubique  testes  fieri  cogerenter.  Serm.  201.  n.  3.  T. 
v.  Vid.  Serm.  200.  cap.  2.  202.  cap.  3.  204.  n.  3.  374.  n.  2.— Reproba  per 
infidelitalem  gens  ipsa  Judaeorum,  a  sedibus  exstirpata,  per  mundum  usque- 
quaque  dispergitur,  ut  ubique  portet  codices  sanctos,  ac  sic  prophetiae  testimo- 
nium,  qua  Christus  et  ecclesia  praenuntiata  est,  ne  ad  tempus  a  nobis  fictum 
existimaretur,  ab  ipsis  adversariis  proferatur,  ubi  etiam  praedictum  est,  non 
fuisse  credituros.  Ep.  137.  n.  16.  T.  2.  Et  hoc  enim  magnum  est,  quod 
Deus  praestitit  ecclesiae  suae  ubique  diffusae,  ut  gens  Judaea,  merito  debellata  et 
dispersa  per  terras,  ne  a  nobis  haec  composita  putarentur,  codices  prophetiarum 


AUGUSTINE.     A.  D.  395.  531 

the  gospel,  from  the  subsistence  and  dispersion  of  the 
Jewish  people,  who  every  where  bear  testimony  to  the 
antiquity  and  genuineness  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testa 
ment ;  so  that  none  could  say  they  were  afterwards  forged 
by  christians.  He  p  thinks  it  a  work  of  Divine  Providence, 
that  the  Jews,  who  had  been  justly  expelled  from  their 
own  territories,  should  still  subsist,  and  be  every  where,  to 
bear  witness  to  the  ancient  prophecies  which  had  been  ful 
filled  in  Christ  and  the  church,  or  the  numerous  converts  to 
a  faith  in  him  all  over  the  world. 

He  therefore  calls  the  Jews  thef«  librarians  of  the  christians: 
he  compares  them  to  r  servants  that  carry  books  for  the  use 
of  children  of  noble  families  ;  or  that8  carry  a  chest  or  bag 
of  evidences  for  a  disputant,  who  alleg'es  them  as  evidences 
of  what  he  could  make  out  and  prove. 

4.  It  will  be  very  proper  to  take  notice  of  some  of  Augus 
tine's  passages,  where  he  speaks  of  the  design  of  Christ's 
coming,  and  of  the  ends  and  uses  of  his  sufferings  and  death. 

(1.)  He  says,  that  i  Christ  assumed  a  human  body,  and 
lived  among  men,  that  he  might  set  us  an  example  of  living, 
and  dying,  and  rising  again. 

(2.)  In  u  his  passion,  he  showed  what  we  ought  to  endure  ; 
nostrarum,  et  inimica  fidei  nostrae  testis  fieret  veritatis  nostrae.  De  Cons. 
Evang.  1.  i.  c.  26.  n.  40.  T.  iii.  p.  2.etvid.  ib.  cap.  14.  n.  22. 

P  Magis  verendum  erat,  ne  tanta  rerum  evidentia  circumfusus  fortasse  dice- 
ret,  postea  quam  ista  per  mundum  fieri  cceperunt,  christianos  has  literas  com- 
posuisse,  ut  ante  praedicta  putarentur  ne  quasi  temere  humanitus  facta  contem- 
nerentur.  Hoc  verendum  erat,  nisi  esset  late  sparsus  lateque  notus  populus 

Judaeorum Per  eorum  quippe  codices  probamus,  non  a  nobis,  tanquam 

de  rerum  eventu  commonitis  ista  esse  conscripta,  sed  olim  in  illo  regno  prae 
dicta  atque  servata,  nunc  autem  manifestata  et  completa.  Contr.  Faust.  1.  xiii. 
cap.  x.  n.  7,  8.  Conf.  1.  xvi.  cap.  11.  et  de  Civ.  Dei,  1.  iv.  cap.  34. 

i  Propterea  autem  adhuc  Judaei  sunt,  ut  libros  nostros  portent,  ad  confu- 

sionem  suam Librarii  nostri  facti  sunt,  quomodo  solent  servi  post  domi- 

nos  codices  ferre,  ut  illi  portando  deficiant,  illi  legendo  proficiant.  Enar.  in 
Ps.  Ivi.  n.  9.  T.  iv.  Conf.  in  Ps.  Iviii.  Serm.  1.  n.  22.  eod.  torn. 

r  Et  sparsi  per  orbem  terrarum  facti  sunt  quasi  custodes  librorum  nostro- 
rum.  Quomodo  servi,  quando  eunt  in  auditorium  domini  ipsorum,  portant 
post  illos  codices,  et  foris  sedent :  sic— Serm.  5.  n.  5.  T.  v. 

8  Quid  est  enim  aliud  hodieque  gens  ipsa,  nisi  quaedam  scrimana  chnsl 
rum,  baiulans  legem  et  prophetas  ad  testimonium  adsertionis  ecclesiasticae— 
Contr.  Faust.  1.  xii.  c.  23.  T.  viii.— Nobis  serviunt  Judaei ;  tanquam  capsam 
nostri  sunt;  studentibus  nobis  codices  portant.     Enar.  in  Ps.  xli.  n.  14.  T.  4. 
— Remanserunt  illi,  ad  quos  missi  sunt,  codices  ferentes,  ventatem  non  mt 
gentes ;  testamenti  tabulas  habentes,  et  haereditatem  non  tenentes.     Enar.  in 
Ps.  Ixvii.  n.  7.  '  Jesus  Christus,  qui,  humano  corpore  assumto, 

ad  hoc  utique  hominibus  homo  factus  apparuit,  ut  nobis  et  vivendi  et  monendi 
et  resurgendi  prseberet  exemplum.  Serm.  210.  cap.  1.  T.  v. 

u  In  passione  quid  egit  ?  Docuit  quid  toleremus.  In  resurrectione  quic 
egit  ?  Ostendit  quid  speremus.  Hie  opus,  ibi  merces :  opus  in  passione,  merce: 
in  resurrectione.  Serm.  213.  cap.  4. 

2  M  2 


532  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

in  his  resurrection,  what  we  are  to  hope  for.  In  the  one, 
we  see  our  duty  ;  in  the  other  our  reward. 

(3.)  He  speaks  very  much  to  the  same  purpose v  in  another 
sermon. 

(4.)  He  says,  that  w  Christ,  when  on  earth,  was  not 
remarkable  for  worldly  splendour  and  happiness,  because 
he  was  to  declare  the  doctrine  of  eternal  life.  Yea,  there 
fore  did  he  suffer  all  manner  of  evil,  that  his  followers 
might  the  better  understand  what  rewards  they  are  to  expect, 
and  that  their  thoughts  might  be  raised  to  heavenly  things. 

(5.)  Christ's*  whole  life  on  earth,  he  says,  was  an  insti 
tution  of  virtue. 

(6.)  Iny  what  he  suffered  from  his  enemies  he  gave  us  an 
example  of  patience,  that,  if  it  should  be  required  of  us,  we 
also  might  be  willing  to  suffer  for  the  truth  of  the  gospel. 

(7.)  Having  in  a  sermon  quoted  John  xii.  24,  25,  he7- 
enlarges,  in  showing  that  the  design  of  the  death  of  Christ 
was  to  gain  converts,  and  make  martyrs.  In  his  death  he 
made  a  gainful  traffic ;  he  purchased  faithful  men  and 
martyrs;  he  bought  us  with  his  blood;  he  laid  down  the 
price  of  our  redemption.  Martyrs  have  returned  what  was 
laid  out  for  them  ;  that  is,  have  given  what  was  purchased, 
even  their  lives. 

(8.)  In  another  place  he  says,  thata   Christ  taught  his 

v  Passio  Christ!  significat  miserias  hujus  vitae.  Resurrectio  Christ!  ostendit 
beatitudinem  future  vitae.  In  praesenti  laboremus :  in  futura  speremus.  Modo 
tempus  est  operis :  tune  mercedis.  Serm.  233.  in.  T.  v. 

w  Itaque  Christus  homo,  ut  per  eum  revelaretur  Novi  gratia  Testamenti, 
quae  non  ad  temporalem,  sed  ad  eeternam  vitam  pertinet,  non  utique  terrena 
felicitate  commendandus  fuit.  Inde  subjectio,  hide  passio,  inde  flagella,  sputa, 
contumeliae,  crux,  vulnera,  et  tanquam  superato  subjectoque  mors  ipsa,  ut 
fideles  ejus  discerent,  quale  pietatis  prsemium  ab  illo,  cujus  filii  facti  essent, 
petere  atque  sperare  deberent,  &c.  Ep.  140.  cap.  v.  n.  13.  T.  ii. — Hoc  enim 
voluit  pati  in  conspectu  inimicorum,  quo  eum  tanquam  derelictum  putarent, 
ut  gratia  commendaretur  Novi  Testamenti,  qua  disceremus  etiam  quaerere 
felicitatem,  quae  nunc  est  in  fide,  postea  vero  erit  in  specie,  &c.  Ibid.  cap.  9. 

x  Tota  itaque  vita  ejus  in  terris,  per  hominem  quern  suscipere  dignatus  est, 
disciplina  morum  est.  De  Vera  Relig.  cap.  16.  n.  32.  T.  i. 

y  Et  quidem  ad  salutem  nostram,  et  vitae  hujus  transigendae  utilitatem,  in 
his  quae  passus  est  ab  inimicis  Dominus  noster  exemplum  patientiae  nobis  prae- 
bere  dignatus  est :  ut  pro  evangelica  dignitate,  si  hoc  ipse  voluerit,  nihil  tale 
perpeti  recusemus.  Serm.  218.  cap.  1.  Conf.  Serm.  231.  cap.  5. 

z  Quantas  mortes  emit  unus  moriens,  qui  si  non  moreretur,  granum  fru- 
menti  non  multiplicaretur. — Egit  enim  in  cruce  grande  commercium.  Ibi 
solutus  sacculus  pretii  nostri. — Emti  sunt  fideles,  et  martyres.  Sed  martyrum 
fides  probata  est.  Testis  est  sanguis.  Quod  illis  impensum  est  reddiderunt,  et 
impleverunt  quod  ait  sanctus  Johannes.  1  Joh.  iii.  16.  Serm.  329.  cap.  1. 

a  Dominus  Jesus  martyres  suos  non  solum  instruxit  praecepto,  sed  et  fir- 
mavit  exemplo.  Ut  enim  quod  sequerentur  haberent  passuri,  prior  ille  passus 
est  pro  eis.  Iter  ostendit,  et  viam  fecit.  Serm.  273.  in. 


AUGUSTINE.     A.  D.  395. 


533 


martyrs  not  only  by  precept,  but  also  by  example;  that 
they  might  have  a  pattern  of  suffering,  he  suffered  first ;  he 
went  before  them,  and  showed  them  the  way. 

(9.)  Godb  himself,  our  Master,  concealing  the  majesty  of 
his  divinity,  and  appearing  in  the  weakness  of  human  flesh, 
not  only  delivered  oracular  discourses,  but  confirmed  them 
by  his  passion  and  resurrection.  In  one  he  showed  us 
what  we  ought  to  endure,  in  the  other  what  we  may 
hope  for. 

o.  Augustine  strongly  asserts  the  necessity  and  value  of 
good  works,  particularly  offices  of  kindness  and  mercy. 
4  Byc  these  alone,'  says  he,  '  we  secure  happiness  ;  in  this 
way  we  recover  ourselves ;  in  this  way  we  come  to  God, 
and  are  reconciled  to  him,  whom  we  have  greatly  provoked. 
We  shall  be  brought  before  his  presence;  let  our  good 
works  there  speak  for  us ;  and  let  them  so  speak  that  they 
may  prevail  over  our  offences ;  for  which  soever  is  most  will 
prevail,  either  for  punishment  or  for  mercy.' 

6.  *  Nothing,'  saysd  Augustine,    '  is  more  easy  or  more 
pleasant  than  the  ministerial  office,   if  performed   slightly 
and  popularly;  but  then,  nothing  more  contemptible  and 
more  miserable  in  the  divine  account ;  on  the  other  hand, 
nothing  more  difficult  in  itself,  nor  more  blessed  in  the  sight 
of  God,  when  rightly  performed.' 

7.  Jesuse    Christ,   he  says,   never   used   force ;    he   only 
taught  and  persuaded. 

b  Hoc  enim  Deus  ipse  Magister,  latente  majestate  divinitatis,  et  carnis  iii- 
firmitate  apparente,  non  solum  sermonis  oraculo  docuit,  verum  etiam  suae 
passionis  et  resurrectionis  exemplo  roboravit.  In  altera  enim  qualia  tolerare, 
in  altera  qualia  debeamus  sperare,  monstravit.  Ep.  155.  cap.  1.  n.^  4.  T.  ii. 

c  Alia  requies,  alia  via  non  est,  qua  perveniamus  ad  Deum,  qua  redintegre- 
mur,  qua  reconciliemur  ei,  quern  periculosissime  offendimus.  Venturi  sum  us 
in  conspectum  ejus.  Loquantur  ibi  pro  nobis  opera  nostra  ;  et  ita  loquantur, 
ut  superent  offensiones  nostras.  Quod  enim  amplius  fuerit,  hoc  obtinebit,  vel 
ad  poenam,  si  peccata  meruerint,  vel  ad  requiem,  si  opera  bona.  Serm. 
159.  n.  4.  T.  v. 

d  — nihil  esse  in  hac  vita,  et  maxime  hoc  tempore,  facilms  et  laetms,  et 
hominibus  acceptabilius,  episcopi,  aut  presbyteri,  aut  diaconi  officio,  si  per- 
functorie  et  adulatorie  res  agatur  ;  sed  nihil  apud  Deum  miserius,  et  tristius,  et 
damnabilius.  Item  nihil  esse  in  hac  vita,  et  maxime  hoc  tempore,  difhcihus, 
laboriosius,  periculosius,  episcopi — officio ;  sed  apud  Deum  nihil  beatius,  si 
eo  modo  militetur,  quo  noster  imperator  jubet.  Ep.  21.  n.  2.  T.  ii. 

e  Nihil  egit  vi,  sed  omnia  monendo  et  suadendo.  De  Vera  Relig.  cap.  1C. 
n.  31.  T.  i. 


534  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

CHAP.  CXVIII. 

JOHN  CHRYSOSTOM,  BISHOP  OF  CONSTANTINOPLE. 


I.  His  time.  II.  A  synopsis  of  scripture,  both  for  the  Old 
and  New  Testament,  with  remarks.  III.  Boohs  of  the 
Old  Testament  received  by  him.  IV.  The  conclusion  of 
the  synopsis,  containing  an  enumeration  of  the  books  of 
the  New  Testament.  V.  His  testimony  to  the  books  of 
the  New  Testament  in  his  other  works,  particularly  to 
the  gospels.  VI.  To  the  Acts  of  the  Jlpostles  :  VII.  St. 
Paul's  epistles :  VIII.  The  catholic  epistles  :  IX.  The 
book  of  the  Revelation.  X.  Jl  summary  account  of  books 
of  scripture  received  by  him,.  X  I.  A  passage  concerning 
St.  John,  from  Suidas,  and  a  supposititious  oration  of 
Clirysostom.  XII.  J\tarks  of  respect  for  the  scriptures. 
XIII.  A  various  reading.  XIV.  Explications  of  texts. 
XV.  Select  passages,  and  miscellaneous  observations  con 
cerning  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  XVI.  Concerning  Christ's 
apostles.  XVII.  The  speedy  and  wonderful  progress  of 
the  gospel.  XVIII.  The  credibility  of  the  evangelical 
history.  XIX.  Miraculous  powers  of  the  church.  XX. 
Free  will.  XXI.  Concerning  divers  matters. 

I.  JOHNa  called  Chrysostomb  or  golden-mouthed,  from 
the  charms  of  his  uncommon  eloquence,  descended  of 
honourable  parents,  was  born  at  Antioch  about  the  year 
347,  where  he  was  ordained  deacon  in  380  or  381,  and 
presbyter  in  386 ;  in  which  station  he  shined  as  a  preacher 
twelve  years.  In  398  he  was  made  bishop  of  Constantino 
ple,  and  died  in  407. 

Jerom,  in  his  book  of  Illustrious  Men,  written  in  392, 
has  a  short  chapter  for  Chrysostom,  which  I  placec  below. 

As  I  do  not  write  the  history  of  this  great  orator  and 
voluminous  writer,  I  immediately  proceed  to  take  his  testi- 

a  Vid.  Socrat.  H.  E.  1.  6.  cap.  2-5.  Sozom.  1.  8.  cap.  2  —7.  Cav.  H. 
L.  T.  i.  Fabric.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  vii.  p.  553.  &c.  Tillem.  Mem.  EC.  T.  xi.  Vit.  a 
Benedictin.  adornat.  Opp.  T.  xiii.  p.  91.  &c. 

b  He  was  not  so  called  till  long  after  his  death.  Socrates,  and  other  eccle 
siastical  historians,  speaking  of  him,  call  him  only  John,  or  John  of  Constan 
tinople.  c  Joannes  Antiochenae  ecclesiae  presbyter,  Eusebii 
Emeseni,  Diodorique  sectator,  multa  componere  dicitur ;  de  quibus  Ilfpi 
legi.  De  V.  I.  cap.  129. 


JOHN  CHRYSOSTOM,  Bishop  of  Constantinople.    A.  D.  398.    535 

inouy  to  the  scriptures,  after  which  1  intend  to  make  some 
extracts,  consisting  of  interpretations  of  divers  texts,  and 
remarkable  observations  upon  a  variety  of  subjects. 

II.  Moiitfauqon  has  published'1  a  Synopsis  Scripture-, 
which  lie  thinks  to  be  Chrysostom's,  as  it  is  said  to  be  in 
the  two  only  manuscripts  of  it  which  are  in  being :  and  c 
lie  has  moreover  proposed  divers  considerations,  which 
seem  to  render  it  probable,  though  not  certain,  that  it  is 
really  his. 

1.  This  Synopsis  is  not  the  same  with  that  found  among 
the  works  of  Athanasius,  of  which  a  distinct  account  was 
given  f  formerly  ;  but,  ass  Montfauc,on  says,  very  different 
from  it,  and  vastly  superior  to  it. 

2.  This  Synopsis,  published  as  Chrysostom's,  is  not  per 
fect ;  it  has  a  prooem  or  prologue,  in  which  is  a  general 
enumeration  of  the  books  of  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament; 
after  that  follows  a  Synopsis  of  the  Old  Testament,  repre 
senting  the  contents  of  each  book,  excepting  that  there  are 
some  things  wanting  in  the  manuscripts  to  make  it  complete; 
but  there  is  not  any  Synopsis  of  the  books  of  the  New  Tes 
tament.     There  can  be  little  or  no  room  to  doubt,  that  the 
author  composed  likewise  a  Synopsis  of  the  books  of  the 
New  Testament ;  and,  if  Chrysostom  be  the  author,  it  may 
be  supposed  that  he  enlarged  very  much  in  the  account  of 
St.  Paul's  epistles.     The  want,  therefore,  of  the  latter  part 
of  the  Synopsis,  concerning  the  New   Testament,  may  be 
ascribed  to  the  negligence  of  some  transcriber,  or  to  some 
accident. 

3.  In  the  prooem  are  enumerated  these  following  books  of 
scripture:  *  The11  historical   books  of  the  Old  Testament; 
in  the  first  place  the  Octateuch,  meaning  the  five  books  of 
Moses,  and   Joshua,  Judges,  and  Ruth,  which  are  all  ex 
pressly  named;  the  four  books  of  the  Kingdoms  ;    Ezra; 

d  Vid.  S.  Chrysostom.  Opp.  T.  vi.p.  314r-391. 

e  Vid.  Praef.  T.  vi.  et  Diatriba  in  Synops.  ib.  p.  308,  &c.          r  P.  161,  &c. 

«  Ilia  vero  in  libris  omnibus  historicis,  in  Pentateucho,  in  libris  Regum,  et 
in  prophetis,  toto  coelo  differt  ab  hac  nostra  Synopsi.     Nee  est  huic  compa- 
randa,  ut  quivis  statim  perspiciat.     In  libris  vero  Salomonis,  in  Sapientia,  in 
Siracide,  Esther,  Tobia,  Judith,  eadem  ipsa  est.     Augurorque,  ilium  Synopseo 
librorum  hujusmodi  ex  nostra  Synopsi  mutuatum  esse.     Nam  ilhus  Synopse 
scriptorem  nostree  Synopseos  auctore  setate  longe  interiorem  esse  non  dubito, 

nee  dubitabit  puto  quisquam Putaverim  autem  Chrysostomum  hoc  opens 

Antiochiee  adornavisse,  fortasse  antequam  operam  concionandi  susciperet,  ut 

hoc  satis  ample  compendio  ad  verbi  Dei  praedicationem  uteretur,  et 

num  haberet,  unde  concionum  argumenta  mutuaretur.     Diatnb.  in  bynops. 

h   ETI  TOIVVV  Tt)s  TTttXatae  TO  piv  i-ropiKor.  ic.  X.  Synops.  Scr.   S.  T.  vi.   p. 
315.  A. 


536  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

the1  books  of  moral  counsel,  the  Proverbs,  the  Wisdom  of 
Sirach,  Ecclesiastes,  and  the  Canticles:  thek  prophetical 
are  the  books  of  sixteen  prophets,  undoubtedly  meaning1, 
though  they  are  not  here  named,  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel, 
Daniel,  and  the  twelve  lesser  prophets ;  and,  beside  these, 
Ruth  and  David.' 

4.  These  are  all  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  which 
are  mentioned  in  the  procem :  in  this  last  place,  instead  of 
Ruth,  I  presume,  should  be  Job.     Montfau^on1  suspected  a 
fault  here  :  the  correction  seems  to  me  very  easy.     At  the 
end  of  the  procem  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  are  enu 
merated  :  that  part  will  be  transcribed  at  length  hereafter. 

5.  In  the  Synopsis  following  the  procem,  are  represented 
the  '  contents  of  the  five  books  of  Moses,  Joshua,  the  Judges, 
the  four  books  of  the  Kingdoms,  the  first  and  second  books 
of  Ezra,  (that  is,  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,)  Esther,  Tobit,  Judith, 
Job,  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon,  which  is  so  called,  and  said 
to  have  been  written  by  Solomon,  the  Proverbs  of  Solomon, 
Sirach,  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  Daniel,  Hosea,  Joel,  Amos, 
Obadiah,  Micah,  Nahum  :'  the  rest  is  wanting  :  the  books  of 
Maccabees  do  not  appear  either  in  the  prorem  or  the  Synop 
sis.     David,  likewise,  or  the  book  of  Psalms  is  wanting  in 
the  Synopsis,  as  are  also  several  of  the  twelve  prophets,  and 
all  the  New  Testament. 

III.  Whether  this  Synopsis  of  sacred  scripture  be  through 
out  Chrysostom's  work,  without  any  interpolations,  may  be 
questioned  ;  but  I  would  observe  farther,  that,  from  Chry- 
sostom's  other  works,  universally  allowed  to  be  genuine,  it 
is  apparent  that  he  received  no  books  of  the  Old  Testament, 
as  of  authority,  beside  those  received  by  the  Jews. 

1.  For  he  says,  that  mMalachi  was  the  last  of  the  pro 
phets  ;  and  in  the  Synopsis,  as  before  cited,  he  says  there 
were  sixteen  prophets :  who  they  are  cannot  be  questioned. 

2.  His  manner  of  quoting  those  books,  which  were  not 
received  by  the  Jews,  farther  shows  this.     When  he  quotes 
Sirach   or  Ecclesiasticus,  it  is  thus :    Son  says  one  of  our 
wise  men ;  a°  certain  wise  man ;  a?  certain  wise  man  rea- 

'  To  £e  avfj,j3n\tVTiKOv,  WQ  airs  7rapoi/i«ai.  K.  X.  p.  316.  D. 

k   To  St  TrpoQijriKov,  we  01  dtica  i%  Xeya>  7rpo0»jrai,  KO.I  P&0  (cat  Aavid.    Ib. 

I  Vel  forte  P«0  hie  mendose  irrepserit.  Ib.  p.  316. 

m  AKHVOV  -yav  TS  Ma\ax»«»  TU  /*«ra  TSQ  aXXsc  Trpo^rag  e\9ovrog.  Adv. 
Jud.  Orat.  v.  T.  i.  p.  647.  C. 

II  Eyw  de  vfiiv  icai  Xoyoi>  virep  rarwv  epw  <ro08  TIVOQ  avdpog  TW  Trap1  r/jutj/. 
Adv.  Oppugn.  Vit.  Mon.  1.  3.  T.  i.  p.  81.  B. 

0  So^og  rig  avrjp.  Horn,  cum  Presb.  ordinal,  fuit.  T.  i.  p.  438.  C. 
p  Kat  yap  KCU  TBTO  SrjXojv  TIQ  aotyoQ  eXeyev.     Ad  Pop.  Antioch.  Horn.    10. 
T.  ii.  p.  111.  C.     So00£  TIQ  (ivrjp,  KCII  <l>i\oao<f)tiv  fidwg Trapaivti.    Laud. 


JOHN  CHRYSOSTOM,  BisJiop  of  Constantinople.     A.  D.  398.    537 

sons,  or  advises,  and  the  like.  To  put  down  all  the  places 
where  Ecclesiasticus  is  so  quoted  by  Chrysostom,  in  the 
several  volumes  of  his  works,  would  be  loading  the  margin 
beyond  what  is  agreeable. 

3.  He  quotes  the  books  of  1  Wisdom  and  r  Tobit  exactly 
in  the  same  manner. 

4.  Chrysostom  has   several  times  spoken9  of  the  Greek 
version  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  said  to  be  made 
by  order  of  Ptolemy  king  of  Egypt,  about  three  hundred 
years  before  the  coming  of  Christ ;  and,  he  says,  that1  all 
the  books  of  the  Old  Testament  were  originally  written  in 
Hebrew,  and  were  translated  from  thence  into  Greek ;  which 
must  be  understood  of  the  Jewish  canon ;  for  most  of  the 
other  books,  generally  called  apocryphal   by  Protestants, 
were  written  in  Greek. 

IV.  I  shall  now  transcribe  the  conclusion  of  the  foremen- 
tioned  prooam  of  the  Synopsis,  which  is  to  this  purpose : 
*  Theu  books  of  the  New  Testament  are,  the  fourteen  epistles 
of  the  apostle  Paul  ;  the  four  gospels  ;  two  of  which  Mere 
written  by  John  and  Matthew,  Christ's  disciples,  the  other 
two  by  Luke  and  Mark,  of  whom  one  was  disciple  of  Peter, 
the  other  of  Paul  :  the  former  conversed  with  Christ,  and 
were  eye-witnesses  of  what  they  wrote  ;  the  other  two  wrote 
what  they  had  received  from  eye-witnesses  ;  and  the  book 
of  the  Acts,  written  also  by  Luke;  and  three  catholic  epis 
tles,'  or  three  of  the  catholic  epistles.  That  is  the  whole  of 
that  part  of  the  prooem. 

The  order  of  enumeration  is  remarkable  :  to  place  St. 
Paul's  epistles  first,  before  the  gospels,  is  a  singularity. 
Montfauc,onv  supposeth  this  to  be  owing  to  Chrysostom's 
zeal  for  the  apostle  Paul,  whose  epistles  therefore  first  offered 
Eustath.  in.  T.  ii.  p.  603.  Ata  TSTO  Trapatrwv  TIQ  ^ijffi.  Horn.  ii.  in  2  Thess. 
T.  xi.  p.  521.  A. 

q  'OTTfp  icai  <ro0wraroe  TIQ  avviSuv  i\(ytv.  Ad  Stagir.  1.  1.  T.  i.  p.  165.  A. 
Km  irtpoQ  t\tytv.  T.  ii.  p.  99.  C.  Atyti  Tig  oo<poQ  avijp.  T.  xi.  p.  131.  4. 

r  A/CHE  SE  Kai  a\\8  nvog  Xeyovroe.  Horn.  4.  in  ep.  ad  Philipp.  T.  xi.  p. 
226.  D.  8  Vid.  adv.  Jud.  Or.  i.  T.  i.  p.  595.  De 

Prophetiar.  Obscur.  Horn.  2.  T.  vi.  p.  585.  C. 

1  Uatrat  at  Stint  /3i/3Xoi  rijg  TraXaiag  MrjKtj^  ry  'E/3paiwv  yXwrry  t£  npxiC 
rjffav  avvTtOfip.evai.  Kai  r«ro  navrtg  av  r//uv  ffwofioXoyrjaauv.  K.  X.  In  uen. 
Horn.  4.  T.  iv.  p.  25,  26. 

u  E?i  Se  KCII  TTjg  Kaivrjs  (3i(3\ia  at  eTTi-roXai  at  fojf<m<r<rapie  HavX«,  ra 
tuayyeXta  TO.  r£(T<rapa,  dvo  futv  TO>V  paOriTuv  TV  Xpi?8,  luiavvs  Kin  MarflfltH' 
Svo  Se  Anna  KCU  Map/C8'  wv  6  ptv  TS  Utrpa,  o  ^e  TH  UavXa,  ytyovctffi  paOijrat. 
Ot  fitv  yap  avToiTTai  I}<JCLV  ytytVTiptvoi,  icai  avyytvofifvoi  TV  Xpi<rV  ot  it  Trap 
Ta  tKtivwv  SiadeKanevoi  HQ  tTfp*G  tfyvtyicav'  KCII  TO  ruv  UpaZtwv  ce 
,  icai  avTS  \aica  i^o^aavroQ  Ta  yevoptva'  Kai  TUV  KaOoXticuv 
.  Ap.  Chr.  T.  vi.  p.  318.  A. 
Vid.  Prsef.  T.  vi.  n.  3.  et  Diatrib.  in  Synopsin,  p.  312,  313. 


538  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

themselves  to  his  thoughts ;  and  he  has  observed,  that*  in 
Chrysostom's  Commentary  upon  Isaiah,  St.  Paul's  epistles 
are  mentioned  before  the  gospels. 

V.  We  here  see  plainly  enough  what  books  were  received 
by  the  composer  of  the  Synopsis ;  but  as  it  is  not  certain 
that  he  is  Chrysostom,  as  well  as  for  other  reasons,  it  is  very 
fit  that  we  should  observe  his  testimony  to  the  books  of 
scripture  in  other  works  indisputably  his  :  and  what  has 
been  briefly  done  already,  with  regard  to  the  Old  Testament, 
shall  now  be  done  at  large  for  the  New. 

1.  In  his  first  homily  upon  St.  Matthew,  or  the  introduc 
tion  to  his  homilies  upon  that  gospel,  he  says:  *  Though x 
Christ  had  many  disciples,  two  apostles  only  wrote  a  history 
of  him  ;  and  two  others,  who  were  disciples  of  apostles,  one 
of  Paul,  the  other  of  Peter,  who  joined  their  labours  with 
John  and  Matthew.  One  evangelist  might  have  sufficed  ; 
but  four  confirm  the  truth- Lukey  informs  us  of  the  rea 
son  of  his  writing;  "  that,"  says  he,  "  thou  mightest  know 
the  certainty  of  those  things,  wherein  thou  hast  been  in 
structed  ;"  that  is,  that  being  again  or  often  instructed  in 
those  things,  thou  mayest  be  fully  persuaded  of  their  cer 
tainty,  and  continue  in  that  persuasion.  John2  has  not 
mentioned  the  reason  of  his  writing;  but,  as  ancient  tradi 
tion  handed  down  to  us  from  our  ancestors  assures  us,  he 
did  not  write  without  a  reason ;  it  is  said  to  be  this : 
Whereas  the  other  evangelists  had  chiefly  insisted  on  the 
things  relating*  to  the  Lord's  humanity,  and  there  was  dan 
ger  lest  the  doctrine  concerning  his  divinity  should  be  over 
looked,  and  Christ  also  moving  him  thereto,  he  was  at  length 
induced  to  write  a  gospel.  This  account  is  confirmed  from 
the  introduction  to  his  gospel,  and  from  the  whole  of  it, 

which  is  sublimer  than  those  of  the  others Matthew  is 

said  to  have  written  his  gospel  at  the  request  of  the  Jewish 
believers,  who  desired  him  to  put  down  in  writing  what  he 
had  taught  them  by  word  of  mouth  ;  and  he  is  said  to  have 
written  in  Hebrew.  Marka  is  said  to  have  written  his  gos 
pel  in  Egypt,  at  the  request  of  the  believers  there.  Mat 
thew,  writing  to  Jews,  was  contented  to  bring  down  our 

w  Ou  yap  u><T7T«p  at  £7rt<roXai  at  llav\s  Kai  ra  fvayyt\ia  v<f>  ev  ffwiTtOijaav, 
STI>)  St  Kai  Trpo^jjreuu.  In  Es.  cap.  ii.  T.  vi.  p.  18.  0. 

x  Kai  TI  drjrroTe  roasrov  OVTWV  TWV  p,a9rjTiov,  Svu  ypa^striv  tK  rwv  ttTTOTO- 
\d)v  [lovoi,  KOI  Svo  ex  TUV  THTOig  aKo\&9wv'  o  p,tv  yap  II«iA«,  6  Se  ITtrps 
paOrjrrjg  uv,  fitra  Iwavvs  Kai  Marmots  ra  tvayyeXia  typa^av — TI  sv  j  KK 
fi  tig  £vayyt\i<?rjg  Travra  tiireiv ;  rjpxsi  fifV  a\\a  yap  r£<r<rap££  ol 
.  K.  \.  In  Matt.  Horn.  1.  T.  vii.  p.  5.  A.  B.  C. 
'  Ih.  p.  6.  C.  z  Ib.  p.  G.  C.  p.  7.  A.  B.  C. 

a   Kai  Map<0£  Se  tv  AiyvTrry,  ruv  p.aO)jTts)v  7rapn/;ttX»j<ravrwi>  avrov. 


JOHN  CHRYSOSTOM,  Bishop  of  Constantinople.    A.  D.  398.    539 

Lord's  genealogy  from  Abraham  and  David  ;  but  Luke, 
writing  tor  all  in  general,  went  higher  up,  to  Adam.  More 
over,  Matthew  begins  with  the  genealogy,  forasmuch  as 
nothing  was  so  desirable  to  the  Jews  as  to  know  that  Jesus 
was  a  descendant  of  David  ;  but  Luke  begins  with  other 
things,  and  then  comes  to  the  genealogy.  The  general  re 
ception  of  the  gospels  is  a  proof  that  their  history  is  true 
and  consistent;  even  the  enemies  of  the  truth  receive  them; 
for  since  the  writing  of  the  gospels  many  heresies  have  arisen, 
holding  opinions  contrary  to  what  is  contained  in  them,  who 
yet  receive  the  gospels,  either  entire  or  in  part.  -  Inb 
what  place  each  one  of  the  evangelists  wrote  cannot  be  said 
with  certainty  ;  but  that  they  do  not  disagree,  I  shall  en 
deavour  to  show  in  the  following  discourses.'  Soon  after 
he  says,  as  an  argument  of  the  truth  and  consistence  of  the 
history  in  the  gospels,  thatc  when  they  were  written  there 
were  many  living  who  might  have  contradicted  them,  if 
there  had  been  any  ground  for  so  doing  ;  and  there  were 
many  enemies  and  opposers  ;  for  the  gospels,  when  written, 
were  not  hid  in  a  corner,  or  buried  in  obscurity  ;  but  they 
were  made  known  to  all  the  world,  and  were  publicly  read 
before  enemies  as  well  as  others,  even  as  they  are  now. 

2.  So  writes  Chrysostom,  in  the  introduction  to  his  homi 
lies  upon  St.  Matthew's  gospel  ;  and  certainly  this  is  an 
ample  testimony  to  the  four  gospels  of  Matthew,  Mark,  Luke, 
and  John.  I  need  not  make  any  remarks  upon  what  we 
have  seen  ;  I  may  leave  that  to  the  reader  ;  I  only  observe, 
that  what  was  just  transcribed,  seems  contrary  to  what  was 
before  said  ;  but  perhaps  all  may  be  reconciled  in  this  man 
ner  ;  he  had  said,  that  Matthew  wrote  at  the  request  of  the 
Jewish  believers  in  Judea  ;  and  Mark  in  Egypt,  at  the  re 
quest  of  the  believers  there;  but  those  things  were  said 
upon  the  ground  of  general  report  and  common  fame,  only. 
Here  he  says:  of  those  things  we  are  not  certain,  and  need 
not  assert  them  as  such  ;  but  wherever  the  gospels  were 
written,  they  are  true  and  harmonious;  that  may  be  justly 
maintained,  and  clearly  demonstrated,  to  the  satisfaction  and 
conviction  of  all  unprejudiced  men. 

3.  In  his  homilies,  Chrysostom  sometimes  compares  the 


b    EvQa  ptv  BV  IKCVZOQ  ^iarpt/3wv  typa\l/tv,  «  ffQoSpa  rjfjiiv  Sti 
bri  Sc  Ht)e  (car'  aXXj/Xwv  t^rjvav,  rsro  fta  Traaije  rqq  Trpay/uamaf  7rtipa<ro/i«#rt 
a7rofoi£ai.  Ib.  p.  8.  B. 

c  —  Trwg  —  £7ri<r£uovro,  avt  ojpvrrovro,  iravrax**  rfC  oiKsp.tvi]Q  ;  KOI  rot  TroXXoi 
ol  /naprupey  TWV  Xtyopsvuv  t]<raV  iroXXoi  Si  Kai  ol  e  xfyot  KOI  TroXfpioi.  Ov  yap 
iv  yuvuf  pig,  ypa^avrtQ  avra  KctTupvZav  aXXct  TTUVTU^  yrjg  icat  SaXarrr/c 
ViTXwaav  VTTO  irctVTwv  aicoaig'  ttai  ixQpwv  Traporrwr  Tcivra  rti>«yivw<r«ro, 
KciOairtp  KOI  vvv.  Ib.  p.  9.  A. 


540  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

evangelists,  and  shows  their  agreement.  I  refer  in  the  mar 
gin11  to  one  place,  the  28th  homily  upon  St.  Matthew's 
gospel,  where  he  compares  his  account  with  those  of  Mark 
and  Luke. 

4.  In  reconciling   Matthew's  and   Mark's   accounts   of 
Peter's  denying  Christ,  he  says,*  These6  things  Mark  had 
from  his  master  ;  for  he  was  a  disciple  of  Peter ;  and  what 
is  very  remarkable,  though  he  was  a  disciple  of  Peter,  he 
relates  his  fall  more  particularly  than  any  of  the  rest.' 

5.  Explaining    the    history  of  our   Lord's    paying-    the 
didrachm,  or  tribute-money,  which  is  in  Matt.  xvii.  24 — 27, 
and   particularly  those  words,  "  That  take,  and  give  unto 
them  for  me  and  thee ;"  he  says,  *  Mark/  who  was  a  disci 
ple  of  Peter,  omits  this,  because  it  was  honourable  to  that 
apostle;  but  he  relates  the  history  of  his  denial  of  Christ; 
and  perhaps  his  master  forbade  him  to  insert  such  things  as 
tended  to  aggrandize  him.' 

6.  I  would  just  observe  here,  that  I  dp  not  remember 
Chrysostom  to  say,   in   his  Commentaries  upon  the  Acts, 
that  John,  surnamed  Mark,  was  the  writer  of  the  gospel, 
though  the  mention  of  him  occurs  there  so  frequently  ;  nor 
do  I  recollect  this  to  be  said  by  our  author  any  where  else ; 
but  as  he  calls  him  disciple  of  Peter,  it  is  very  likely  that 
lie  supposed  him  to  be  the  same  Mark,  who  is  mentioned,  1 
Pet.  v.  13. 

7.  In  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  homily  upon  St.  John's 
gospel,  he  says,   *  The&  other  evangelists   having   chiefly 
insisted  upon  our   Saviour's  humanity,  there  was  danger, 
lest  his  divinity,  or  eternal  generation,  should  have  been 
neglected  by  some;  and  men  might  have  been  of  the  same 
opinion  with  Paul  of  Samosata.  if  John  had  not  written  ; 
but  whereas  Matthew  begins  his   history  with  Herod  the 
King;  Luke  with  Tiberius  Cesar;  Mark  with  the  baptism 
of  John ;  he,  ascending  at  once  above  time  and  ages,  says  : 
"  In  the  beginning  was  the  Word." 

d  In  Matt.  Horn.  28.  [al.  29.]  in.  T.  vii.  p.  333. 

e  Kai  ravra.  irapa  TS  SidaffKaXs  fiaOwv'  teat  yap  0otr»jr//c  t]v  re  IJtrpa. 

'O9ev  /LtaXi<ra  av  TIQ  avrov  CKTrXayeiy,  on  a  fjLOvov  UK  tKpv^t  TO  fXcrrrw/ia  TS 
fitdaaKoXs,  aXXa  Kai  TWV  aXXuiv  Gatyt'zepov  aTT^yytiXsv.  In  Matth.  Horn.  85. 
[al.  86.]  T.  vii.  p.  805.  C. 

'  Idt  Kai  TO  0iXo(ro0ov  Tt]Q  TS  UfTps  yvw/ujjc-     TSTO  yap  s  QaiviTai  MapKog  6 

TUTS  <J)OITT]TT]Q     y«ypa0JJKW£     TO     KttyoXlOV,   tlTtlSt)    7TO\\T)V    tSflKVV    T1]V  tl£  (IVTOV 

Ti\ii\v'  aXXct  ri\v  fjitv  apvtjOiv  Kai  CLVTOQ  typa^/f,  ra  Se  TTOISVTU  avrov  \afj.Trpov 
ctTrtmyijfft'  iffutg  TS  StSaaKaXs  7rapa.iTsp.tvti  ra  p.eya\a  iripi  avrs  Xtytti/.  In 
Matt  Horn.  58.  [al.  59.]  T.  vii.  p.  586. 

B  Stog  ijv  TS  fjirj  Tivag  Sia  TSTO  \anaiirtTUQ  ovra£  TSTOig  tvaTrofitwat 

HOVOIQ  TOIQ  floy/iaor  6  ITawXcg  iiraQt v  o  2a^*o(Tartvf,  K.  X.  In  Joan.  Horn.  4. 
[al.  3.]  T.  viii.  p.  27.  A.  B. 


JOHN  CHRYSOSTOM,  Bishop  of  Constantinople.     A.  D.  398.     541 

Speaking  of  our  Lord's  predictions  concerning-  the  de 
struction  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  calamities  that  befell  the 
Jewish  people  in  the  time  of  Vespasian  and  Titus,  which 
happened,  as  he  says,  not  till  above  forty  years  after  our 
Saviour's  death  ;  he  observes,  that11  John  and  several 
others  were  then  living-,  who  had  heard  Christ  speak  those 
words. 

9.  Again;  in  a  homily  upon  Matt.  xxiv.  John'   writes 
'  not  of  any  of  these  things,  lest  it  should  be  thought  that 
he  took  an  advantage  from  the  event  ;  for  he  was  still  living 
a  good  while  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.     But  they 
who  were  dead  before  the  destruction   of  Jerusalem,  and 
saw  none  of  those  things,  record  these  predictions  ;  which 
is  a  manifest  proof  of  the  certainty  of  Christ's  foreknow 
ledge.' 

These  passages  show,  Chrysostom  supposed,  that  St. 
John  did  not  write  his  gospel  till  after  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem. 

10.  Several  things  relating  to  the  first  three  evangelists, 
may  be  seen  at  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  homily  upon  St. 
Matthew  ;  where  he  says,  '  He  k  thinks  that  Matthew  wrote 
first,  Mark  next,  and  Luke  afterwards  :'  but  I  do  not  per 
ceive  him  to  assign  reasons  of  any  moment  for  that  suppo 
sition.     He  there  also  says,  that1  Luke  had  the  fluency  of 
Paul,  and  Mark  the  conciseness  of  Peter  ;  both  learning  of 
their  masters. 

11.  In  the  first  homily  upon  the  epistle  to  the  Romans, 
he  says,  *  that111  Moses  did  not  put  his  name  to  his  five 
books;  nor  did  the  historians,  who  wrote  after  him,  prefix 
their  names  to  their  works  ;  nor  did  Matthew,  or  John,  or 
Mark,  or  Luke,  put  their  names  to  their  writings  ;  but  the 
blessed  Paul  every  where  prefixeth  his  name  to  his  epistles, 
excepting  that  to  the  Hebrews,  where  he  had  reason  to  be 
upon  the  reserve.     What  is  the  reason  of  this?  They  de 
livered  their  writings  to  those  who  were  present,  when  it  is 
needless  to  put  down   the   name;  he  sent  his  writings  to 

h    En  yap  luavva  re  ivayye\t?n  'favroq,  icai  irtpuiv,  7ro\\a>v  TUV  r- 

plvuv,  ravra  a^avreg.     In  Matt.  Horn.  69.  [al.  70.]  T.  vii.  p.  680.  B. 
Se  fj.oi  OKOTTU  78  TrvtvuctTOG  oixovofjiiav,  on  TUTWV  adev  typatytv  luav- 

»cai  yap  *ai 


IUTO.  TVV  auatv  e       XO  - 

icai  undtv  TSTWV  tupaKOTtg,  avrot   ypa08ffiv,  w?£   iravra^oQtv   SiaXa 

7rpo/pV£a>G  rnv  t<rx«,v.     In  Matt.  Horn.  76.  [al.  77.]  T.  7.  p.  734.  B 


f 

k   Emu  doKti  6  uev  Mar0aioe  Trpo  ruv  a\\oiv  »?px^at  r«  Trpayjiaroc— 
£/c«vov.     In  Matth.  Horn.  4.  [al.  3.]  T.  7.  p.  46.  A. 


.          . 

1   Kai  ka^og  fo  ojioiwg  rov  StdaffKaXov  t/ii/^ffaro'  o  ptv  rov  nav\ov,  v- 
Q  7rora/i8j;  ptovra'  6  Si  rov  Utrpov,  /3paXvXoyi«e  tiri^^ivov. 
m  Tom.  ix.  p.  429.  C.  D. 


542  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

those  who  were  at  a  distance,  in  the  form  of  an  epistle, 
where  the  addition  of  the  name  is  necessary.' 

VT.  1.  The  Acts  of  the  Apostles  he  received,  and"  as- 
cribes  to  St.  Luke  very  often.  He  refers  to  the  book  of  the 
Acts,  '  as  showing0  the  fulfilment  of  Christ's  promise, 
recorded  in  John  xiv.  12,  where,  he  says,  are  related  many 
miracles  of  the  apostles ;  but  not  all,  nor  of  all  Christ's 
apostles,  but  of  some  only.' 

2.  In  the  third   volume  of  the  Benedictine  edition  of 
Chrysostom's  works,  are  four  homilies  upon  the  title  and 
beginning  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  the  writer  of  the 
book.     Therep  were  five  homilies  upon  this  subject  spoken 
by  Chrysostom;  but<i  the  second   is  either  totally  lost,  or 
so  disfigured  by  alterations,  that  a  small  part  of  it  only,  if 
any,  can  be  depended  upon  for  genuine,  as  the  Benedictine 
editors  have  assured  us. 

3.  Those  homilies  were  preached  in  the  time  of  Pente 
cost;  and  in  the  first  of  them,  laying  down  the  plan  of  his 
discourses,  he  proposes  to  inquire,  byr  whom  the  book  of 
the   Acts  was  written,   and   when   and   why    it   had    been 
appointed  to  be  read  over  at  that  time  of  the  year.     The 
design  of  that  which  was  the  second  homily,  and  is  lost, 
was  to  show  who  wrote  the  book  of  the  Acts.     In  the  now 
third  homily  upon  this  subject,  recollecting  what  had  pre 
ceded  in  this  argument,  he  says,  that8  in  the  second  dis 
course  he  had  inquired  who  wrote  this  book  ;  and,  by  the 
grace  of  God,  it  had  been  found  to  be  the  evangelist  Luke. 
In  the  second  of  those  homilies,  according  to  the  present 
order,  he*  considers  the  reason  why  the  blessed  and  excel- 

11  Vid.  de  Virgin.  T.  i.  p.  321.  C.  Cont.  Jud.  et  Gent.  T.  i.  p.  577.  E.  et 
Horn,  in  Juvent.  et  Maxim.  T.  ii.  p.  577.  A. 

0  De  S.  Bab.  contr.  Jul.  &c.  T.  ii.  p.  538.  D. 

p  Ex  hisce  autera  octo  homiliis,  quatuor  priores  sunt  in  principium,  sen 
titulum  libri  Actorum.  In  hoc  tamen  argumentum  quinque  una  serie  cond 
ones  habuerat,  ut  non  semel  testificatur  Joannes  noster :  sed  secunda,  in  qua 
quaerebatur,  quis  esset  auctor  libri  Actuuin  Apostolorum,  intercidit,  &c.  Prsef. 
in.  T.  iii.  sect.  i. 

1  Secundam,  ubi  de  auctore  libri  Actorum  edisserebat,  et  Lucam  esse  de- 
monstrabat,  reperimus  quidem  :  sed,  heu  !  misere  deformatam,  et  cum  spuriis 
immixtam. — Itaque  male  auctam  et  consarcinatam  homiliam,  etsi  quaedam 
yvrjaia  et  ad  praesens  argumentum  pertinentia  habeat,  cum  sinceris  admiscere 
non  ausi  sumus,  sed  ad  h'nem  hujus  tomi  ablegavimus.    Monitum  ad  Homil.  in. 
Princ.  Act.  T.  iii.  p.  48. 

r  AH  &  TTOortpov  paOtiv,  TIQ  TO  /3</3\tov  cypa\^e — Kai  Trort  typa\l/t,  Km  irtpi 
Tivb>v,  Kai  TIVOQ  tvtKiv  Ty  eopTy  TavTy  vtvo[j.oOtTr)Tai  avTO  avayivaiffKfaOai.  In 
Pr.  Act.  Horn.  T.  iii.  p.  54.  C.  D.  s  Mer'  tKtivrtv  tv  Ty  Stvrtpg,  rjfJitpy 

•CffftyrapfPf  Tig  r\v  6  TO  (3ij3\iov  ypa^ag,  KOI  tvpoptv  Ty  TH  Qts  %aptn  AHKCIV 
TOV  tvayytXi^rjv — K.  X.  In  Princip.  Act.  Horn.  3.  T.  iii.  p.  74.  C.  D. 

1   Ata   TSTO  KCII  fjtaKctpiOQ   «ro£,    Kai   ytvraiog,    icat  Savfiaaiog   As/caf 


JOHN  CHRYSOSTOM,  Bishop  of  Constantinople.     A.  D.  398.     543 

lent,  and  admirable  Luke,  entitled  his  book  *  the  Acts,'  not 
the  miracles,  of  the  Apostles:  he  elsewhere  calls  the  writer 
of  this  book"  the  great  and  excellent  Luke,  disciple  of 
Paul.  The  design  of  the  fourth  homily,  in  the  present  or 
der,  isv  to  show,  why  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  were  read  in 
the  time  of  Pentecost  :  that  is,  between  Easter  and  Whit 
suntide. 

4.  In  the  ninth  tome  of  Chrysostom's  works,  of  the  Bene 
dictine  edition,  is  a  course  of  homilies  upon  the  book  of  the 
Acts,  fifty-five  in  number. 

5.  In  the  first  of  those  homilies  he  says,  *  Thatw  the  book 
of  the  Acts  may  be  as  useful  to  us  as  the  gospels  ;  inasmuch 
as  it  contains  excellent  principles,  and  many  miracles,  as 
well  as  great  examples  ;  and  shows  the  fulfilment  of  the 
promise,  which  Christ  had  made  to  the  disciples,  of  sending 
down  upon  them  the  Spirit  ;  for  which  reasons  it  deserves  our 
attentive  perusal,  and  careful  consideration/     He  moreover 
says,  thatx  from  this  book  alone  is  to  be  known,  how  the 
Christian  religion  was  planted  in  the  world. 

6.  «  In?   the  discourses  of  the  apostles  recorded  in  the 
Acts,  he  says,  there  is  little  said  about  Christ's  divinity  ;  but 
they   discourse  chiefly  of  his  humanity,  and  passion,  and 
resurrection,  and  ascension  ;  because   his  resurrection  and 
ascension  to  heaven,  were  the  points  necessary  to  be  proved 
and  believed  at  that  time.' 

7.  That2  Luke,  the  writer  of  the  Acts,  was  inspired,  may 
be  proved,  he  thinks,  several  ways  :  for  miracles  were  then 
very  common,  and  gifts  of  the  Spirit  were  bestowed  upon  all 
believers  in  general.     It  may  be  argued  also  from  2  Cor. 
viii.  18,  19;  he  understanding  the  apostle  to  speak  there  of 
Luke. 

8.  Chrysostom's  conclusion  of  his  homilies  upon  the  Acts 
is  very  oratorical.     Luke  a  leaves  us  thirsting  for  more  ;  but, 

eTreypa-^  ro  (3if3Xiov,  TTpa&if  ATro^oXwv,  «  Qav^ara  A7ro<roXo>r.   ^Ib.  Horn.  2 
p.  65.  D.  u   Teg  HV  TCLVTCL  TTCiVTCt  (prjfftv  ;     O  TH  Uav\u 

HaOriTTis,  6  Tiptoe  /cat  ptyctQ  AaicaQ.     Ib.  Horn.  4.  p.  88.  E. 

v  iSufiev  5e  Xonrov  TIVOQ  iviKiv  TO  /3i/3X.ov  TU>V  Ilpa&wv  ruv  ATroToXujj/  « 
TV  Kaipv  TK  ^VTTIKO^Q  avayivwwerat.  Horn.  4.  T.  ill.  p.  88.  A.  Vid.  ID. 
B.  C.  D.  et  p.  89.  C.  D. 

w   0^6  yap  tXarrov  avruv  ivayytXiuv  w0«X»j<Tat  >//iac  SvvnoiTai'   1 
cpireirXifTat   0iXo<TO^ag,   cat    ^ar^v  opflorijrog,   cat  Srawjiarwv  I***** 
K.  X.     In  Act.  Ap.  Horn.  1.  T.  ix.  p.  1. 

*  In  Pr.  Act.  Ap.  T.  iii.  p.  63.  C. 

<  <>\ia     tv  irti  re  . 


. 
Ata  Sri  TSTO  roaavra  Trept  Xpi<r*  betotfwn*  <>\iya  ptv  irtpi 


roc  avr«  npqcan  -  TO  yap    rjTs^  r«ro 

Kni  avifr  %  «p«.«c.     Horn.  1.  T.  ix.  p.  3.  A  '  Ib. 

a   __mi  af^   S^uvra   TOV  a^oa^v,  u*t  XO.TTOV  «0  w 
yap   ota  ra   Trportpa,   rotavra   e«rx«   KCU     iTa  n 


544  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

if  he  bad  proceeded,  it  would  have  been  only  a  repetition 
of  like  discourses  and  works,  like  dangers,  difficulties,  and 
sufferings. 

9.  In   a  homily  upon   Col.  iv.    14,    "  Luke  the  beloved 
physician  salutes  you,"  he  says:  '  This  b  is  the  evangelist. 
It  is  likely  there  were  others  of  that  name  :  therefore,  he 
distinguished!  him  by  his  profession.' 

10.  Upon  2  Tim.  iv.  11,  he  c  commends  Luke  for  his  con 
stant  attendance  on  the  apostle;  and  speaks  of  him  as  writer 
of  a  gospel,  and  the  Acts. 

11.  1  would  observe  here,  that  I  do  not  recollect  Chry- 
sostom  to  have  said  any  where,  that  Luke  was  of  Antioch  ; 
though  this  is  said  by  Jerom,  and  some  others. 

12.  In  his  first  homily  upon  the  title  and  beginning  of 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  he  says  :  '  Tod  many  this  book  is 
unknown  ;  by  others  it  is  despised,  because  it  is  clear  and 
easy.'     The  first  of  his  homilies  upon  the  whole  book  begins 
in  this  manner  :  *  Many  e  know  not  this  book  nor  the  writer 
of  it.'     Which  expressions  have  induced  some  learned  men 
to  think,  that  the  book  of  Acts  lay  in  much  obscurity,  and 
was  not  well  known  among  Christians.     *  The  gospels,'  says, 
f  Mill,  '  were  soon  spread  abroad,  and  came  into  all  men's 
'  hands.     But  the  case  was  somewhat  different  with  other 

*  books  of  the  New  Testament,  particularly  the  Acts  of  the 

*  Apostles,  which  was  not  thought  to  be  so  important,  and 
4  had  few  transcribers.'     These  expressions  likewise  led  Mr. 
Beausobre  to  say,  thats  the  book  of  the  Acts  had  not  at  the 
beginning',  in  the  eastern  churches,  the  same  authority  with 
the  gospels  and  epistles. 

13.  I  have  already  h  said  something  relating  to  this  point. 
But  it  seems  to   me  not  a  little  strange,  that  any  should 
understand    Chrysostom  to  speak  nothing  more  than  real 
truth,  or  plain  matter  of  fact  :  they  are  only  oratorical  ex 
pressions,  in  which  he  aggravates  extremely.     The  book  of 
the  Acts  was  annually  read  and   explained  at  Antioch,  at 
Pentecost,  understanding  that  word  in  the  larger  sense,  as  com 
prehending  the  time  between  Easter  and  the  day  of  Pentecost. 


TO.  \iira  ravra  ;  roiavra  £?i  icqicfiva'  (W/za,  fSaoavoi,    /ia^ai,  0y\a«at, 
*7rt/3«\ai,  <rvKo<pavTiai,  Savaroi  KaOtipipivoi.     In  Act.  Horn.  55.  T.  ix.  p.  412. 

b  In  Col.  Horn.  12.  T.  xi.  p.  412.  E.  F. 

Auroc  y«p  <r0o£pa  a^ia<T7ru0TW£  £|%fv  avrs,  6  KOI  evayyeXiov  ypa^/aff,  feat 
rag  KaSoXiKag  TT^IIQ.     In  2  Tim.  Horn.  10.  T.  xi.  p.  720.  E. 
d  In  Pr.  Act.  Horn.  1.  T.  iii.  p.  54.  C. 

IToXAotc  TSTO  TO  /3i/3Xioi>  ovd'  on  tvt  yvwp/juov  £<rtv,  art  avro,  «rt  o  ypai//a£ 
avro  teat  avvdeig.     T.  ix.  p.  1.  f  Prolegom.  n.  242. 

*  Hist,  de  Manich.  1.  i.  ch.  5.  T.  i.  p.  293.     See  also  Remarques  sur  le  N. 
T.  3.  p.  173.  "  Vol.  iii.  p.  402. 


JOHN  CHRYSOSTOM,  Bishop  of  Constantinople.     A.  D.  398.     545 

This  was  the  custom  in  Chrysostom's  time  :  nor  was  it  new, 
as  we  perceive  from  the  homilies  before  cited.  It  had  been 
appointed  by  their  ancestors  ;  and  Chrysostom  inquires  into 
the  reasons  of  that  appointment.  Moreover,  he  speaks  in  a 
like  manner  in  his  preface,  or  argument  to  St.  Paul's  epis 
tles  :  where1  he  says,  '  he  wishes  he  was  better  known;  for 
some  are  so  ignorant  of  him  that  they  do  not  exactly  know 
the  number  of  his  epistles.'  And  yet  he  had  just  before 
said,  that  the  blessed  Paul's  epistles  were  read  very  often, 
sometimes  twice,  sometimes  thrice,  or  even  four  times  in  a 
week.  Chrysostom,  therefore,  is  to  be  understood  to  mean, 
in  both  places,  no  more  than  this  :  That  he  wished  the  Acts 
of  the  Apostles,  and  Paul's  epistles,  were  better  known  to 
his  hearers  than  they  were  ;  and  that  he  was  grieved  to 
think  how  little  acquainted  some  men  were  with  those  parts 
of  sacred  scripture. 

VII.  1.  In  a  Homily  upon  Repentance,  supposed  to  be  a 
genuine  work  of  Chrysostom,  it  is  said  :  '  The  k  blessed 
apostle  Paul,  Christ's  orator,  fisherman  of  the  whole  universe, 
by  the  spiritual  nets  of  his  fourteen  epistles  catches  the  whole 
world,  and  brings  them  into  the  way  of  salvation.' 

2.  Chrysostom  published  homilies,  or  commentaries  upon 
St.  Paul's  fourteen  epistles,  which  are  still  extant.  In1  the 
procem  to  his  homilies  upon  the  epistle  to  the  Romans,  he 
speaks  of  the  time  of  several  of  them,  to  whom  I  refer  the 
reader  :  however,  I  shall  observe  here  several  particulars,  as 
briefly  as  I  can.  He  says,  that  the  epistle  to  the  Romans, 
though  placed  first,  was  not  first  in  the  order  of  time,  as 
many  think.  It  was  written  before  any  of  those  which  were 
sent  from  Rome,  but  not  till  after  several  others  ;  for  botli 
the  epistles  to  the  Corinthians  were  written  before  it  :  and 
the  first  epistle  to  the  Thessalonians  was  written  before 
either  of  those  to  the  Corinthians.  To  the  Philippians  he 
wrote  from  Rome  ;  to  the  Hebrews  likewise  he  wrote  from 
thence.  Them  epistle  to  Timothy  [meaning  the  second] 
was  also  written  from  Rome,  when  the  apostle  was  a  prisoner 


1   AXyu»  Srj  Kai  oSvv(i)fj.ait  on  rov   avSpa  TKTOV  s\    airavrtg  iffuffiv, 
tidtvai  XPV'  aXX'  ovTti)  TivtQ  avrov  ayvoaaiv,  u>e  pride  TOJV  67n<roXfa>»/  TOV  ap<£- 
fjiov  fiSivai  aa<f>wQ.     Argum.  Ep.  ad  Rom.  T.  ix.  p.  425. 

k  Kat  TI  irpoQ  TOV  fiaicapiov  cnro^oXov  llavXov,  TOV  ptjropa  TS  Xpt<r8,  TOV  r»jc 
oiKHfj,tvr)Q  aXita,  TOV  5ia  StKaTtaaaodJV  £7ri<rpXu>i/,  (JtTTrtp  Sia  SIKTVWV  Trvev^an- 
KCJV,  Tracrav  TTJV  oiKSfisvr^v  ti£  ffutTijpiav  aayrjvtvffavTct,  K.  X.  De  Poenit.  T  . 
xiii.  p.  190.  C.  '  Vid.  Argument.  Ep.  ad  Rom.  T.  ix.  p.  425—427. 

m     Kat     Tt)V     TTOOQ    Tl/ioS£OV  St     tTTlToXqV    KCtt    ttVTIJV    OTTO    'Pw/i»JC    cdtplVOt 

tire^fv'  f]  KM  taxarrj  fj,ot  Soicti  iraffwv  uvai  Tittv  e7rt«roXa>v.  Eyw  yap  ijfy 
(TTrfvdojuai,  d»j<Ti  -  on  fo  TOV  (3iov  tKti  KctTeXvae,  TTUVTI  TT«  fl»;Xo»>  ««r«.  lb.  p. 
427.  B. 

VOL.  IV.  2    N 


546  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

here:  and  it  seems  to  him  to  be  the  last  of  all  Paul's  epis 
tles.  The  epistle  to  Philemon  likewise  is  a  late  epistle  ;  for 
the  apostle  was  then  arrived  to  extreme  old  age :  referring 
to  ver.  9.  Nevertheless  it  was  written  before  the  epistle  to 
the  Colossians,  as  appears  from  the  end  of  that  epistle.  [See 
Col.  iv.  7 — 9.]  I  likewise  think,  says  he,  that  the  epistle  to 
the  Galatians  was  written  before  that  to  the  Romans.  So 
writes  Chrysostom  in  the  prooem  to  his  homilies  upon  the 
epistle  to  the  Romans. 

3.  In  the  argument  of  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  he 
says,  it  n  was  written  from  Rome,  when  Paul  was  prisoner 
here.     In  the  preface  to  the  epistle  to  the  Philippians  he 
says,  the0  apostle  was  then  a  prisoner  at  Rome.     In  the  first 
homily  upon  the  epistle  to  the  Colossians  he  says,  that? 
epistle,  and  the  epistles  to  the  Ephesians,  and  to  Philemon, 
and  to  Timothy,  were  written  when  the  apostle  was  in  bonds. 
Here  also    he  says  again,   that  i  the    [second]    epistle  to 
Timothy  was  written  a  short  time  before  his  death.     From 
the  inscription  of  the  epistle  to  the  Colossians  [i.  1.]  he 
concludes,  that r  Timothy  was  known  to  the  saints  at  Colosse. 
In  the  first  homily  upon  the  second  epistle  to  Timothy,  he 
says  again,  he8  thinks  the  apostle  was  then  near  his  end:  in 
another  homily  upon  the  same  epistle,  he  says,  it1  was  full 
of  consolation,  and  a  sort  of  testament.     In  his  first  homily 
upon  the  epistle  to  Titus  he  says,  that,  probably,  Titus  u  was 
a  Corinthian  ;  and  v  Paul  was  at  liberty  at  the  time  of  writ 
ing  that  epistle  :  and  w  it  was  written  before  the  second  epis 
tle  to  Timothy.     And  he  observes,  that x   Paul  had  deter 
mined  to  winter  at   Nicopolis,  a  city  of  Thrace.     See  Tit. 
iii.  12. 

4.  I  do  not  recollect,  that  Chrysostom  any  where  takes 
particular  notice  of  the  time  of  writing  the  first  epistle  to 
Timothy  :  whether  it  was,  that  he  could  not  determine  it,  or 
that  he  took  it  for  granted,  that  it  was  written  about  the  same 
time  with  the  second  to  Timothy  :  or  whatever  else  may  be 
the  reason  of  this  silence,  when  he  had  so  many  opportuni 
ties  to  speak  of  it,  I  cannot  say.     Mr.  Tillemonty  supposeth 
Chrysostom  to  say,  that z  this  epistle  was  written  in  the  last 
years  of  his  life;  but  I  do  not  perceive  Chrysostom,  in  the 

T.  xi.  p.  2.  A.  °  T.  xi.  p.  190.  A. 

T.  xi.  p.  322.  B.  i  Ib.  p.  323.  A. 

Ibid.  p.  323.  E.  s  In  2  Tim.  Horn.  1.  T.  xi.  p.  658.  C. 

Kat  7ra<ra  Se  r}  £7rt<ro\?/  -jrapa^ivQiag  6<ri  TrXrjpr]^,  KO.I  wvavti  diaQriKt]  Tig 
In  2  Tim.  Horn.  9.  T.  xi.  p.  917.  B.  u  T.  xi.  p.  729.  B. 

Ibid.  C.  et  230.  B.  w  Ib.  730.  B. 

In  Ep.  ad  Tit.  Horn.  6.  T.  xi.  p.  766.  B. 
St.  Paul.  art.  47.  Mem.  T.  i.  z  In  2  Tim.  Horn.  1.  sub  in. 


JOHN  CHRYSOSTOM,  Bivhap  of  Constantinople.     A.  D.  398.    547 

place  referred  to,  to  speak  of  the  time  of  the  first  epistle, 
but  of  the  second  rather. 

5.  It  does  not  appear  from  Chrysostom's  writings,  that  he 
had  any  doubt  whether  the  epistle  to   the  Hebrews  was 
written  by  Paul ;  he  always  quotes  it  as  his.     Ina  the  pre 
face  to  his  homilies  upon  it,  he  says,  *  The  epistle  was  written 
to  Jews ;  and  as  he  thinks,  to  the  Jews  at  Jerusalem,  and  in 
Palestine.     He  adds ;  When  Paul  had  been  in  bonds  two 
years  at  Rome,  he  was  set  at  liberty,  and  then  went  into 
Spain.     Afterwards  he  came  to  Jerusalem,  and  made  a  visit 
to  the  Jewish  believers  there  [Referring  to  Rom.  xv.  24 ;  and 
Hebr.  xiii.  23.] :  then   he  came  to  Rome,  and    was  put  to 
death  by  Nero/ 

6.  He  often  says,  theb  epistle   was  sent  to  the  believers 
from  amongst  the  Hebrews.     And  he  says,  that0  when  he 
wrote  to  the  Hebrews,  he  did  not  put  his  name  at  the  begin 
ning,  as  he  did  in  all  his  other  epistles,  because  the  Jews,  both 
believers  and  unbelievers,  were  averse  to  him. 

7.  Chrysostom  always  cites  the  epistles  to  the  Ephesians, 
with  that  title;  and  in  his  argument11  of  the  epistle  gives  an 
account  of  the  city  of  Ephesus.     He  has  no  doubt  about 
the  common  inscription  :  "  To  the  saints  that  are  at  Ephesus, 
and  faithful  in  Christ  Jesus." 

8.  Upon  Col.  iv.  16 :   "  And  that  ye  likewise  read  the 
epistle  from  Laodicea,"  he  observes :  *  Somee  say,  that  hereby 
is  not  meant  an  epistle  sent  to  them,  but  an  epistle  sent  by 
them  to  Paul ;  for  he  does  not  say  the  epistle  written  to  the 
Laodiceans,  but   from  them.     Surely   Chrysostom  did  not 
know,  that  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  was  at  any  time  call 
ed  the  epistle  to  the  Laodiceans. 

9.  The  first  epistle  to  the  Thessalonians  he  quotes,  as f 
written  to  the  Macedonians. 

VIII.  1.  We  now  come  to  the  Catholic  epistles.  The 
procem  to  the  Synopsis,  cited  above,  speaks  of  but  three 
only  ;  meaning,  as  may  be  supposed,  the  epistle  of  James, 
the  first  epistle  of  Peter,  and  the  first  epistle  of  John  ; 
which  three  are  also  quoted  in  Chrysostom's  other  writings. 

a  Us  Se  now  67riT£\\£i ;  E/xot  SOKU,  iv  '  ItpoffoXvfioig  KCH  IJaXatnvy. — Avo 
p.£v  av  err)  tiroiriotv  £v  'Pw/uy  StSfpevog'  tira  aQtiQij,  lira  ng  Siraviag  rj\$tv, 
tiro,  ug  Indaiav  t(3rj,  ore  feat  Induing  (iSe.  Kai  rort.  ira\iv  tj\3t(v  tig  'Pw/ziji/, 
ore  KO.I  VTTO  Nfpwvof  avyptOrj.  In  Ep.  ad  Hebr.  Prsef.  T.  xii.  p.  2.  D.  E. 

b  Vid.  Ep.  15.  T.  iii.  p.  602.B.  In  Gen.  Horn.  35.  T.  iv.  p.  356.  D.  In 
Joann.  Horn.  2.  [al.  1.]  T.  viii.  p.  14.  A. 

c  Vid.  Horn,  in  illud.  In  faciem  Petro  restiti.  T.  iii.  p.  371. 

d  Tom.  xi.  p.  1,  2.  e  Ov  yap  tnrt,  TTJV  irpog  Aaotuciag, 

aXXa  TT\V  £«  Aaoduciiag  ^m  ypa^ettrar.  In  Col.  Horn.  12.  T.  xi.  p.  413.  B. 

f  MaKf&xrt  yap  tTTtTfXXwr,  «rwe  eXtyev.  Ep.  2.  T.  3.  p.  549.  E. 

2  N  2 


548  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  Hislonj. 

And  Dom  Bernard  de  Montfau9on,  the  learned  Benedictine 
editor  of  St.  Chrysostom's  works,  says,  heg  has  no  where 
observed  therein  any  citations  of  the  other  four  epistles, 
called  catholic. 

2.  The  epistle  of  St.  James  is  quoted  several  times  :  it h 
is  expressly  quoted,  as  written  by  James   the    Lord's  bro 
ther.     I  refer  to  *  a  place  or  two  more,  where  words  of 
the   epistle   are    cited.     Indeed,    I    think,    he    quotes    this 
epistle  as  often  as  any  other  of  the  catholic  epistles  received 
by  him.     He  speaks  elsewhere  of  James,  as  k  a  most  excel 
lent  person,  brother  of  the  Lord,  and  bishop  of  Jerusalem. 

3.  The  first  epistle  of  St.  Peter,  and  the  first  epistle  of  St. 
John,   were  universally  received.      I   need  not,  therefore, 
refer  to  any  of  Chrysostom's  citations  of  them. 

4.  There  is  a  homily,  supposed  by  some  to   be  Chrysos 
tom's,  by  others  doubted  of,  wherein  it  is  said,  *  That 1  the 
first  epistle  of  John  is  received  by  all  ;  but  the  fathers  have 
rejected  the  second  and  third,  as  not  in  the  canon.'     Mont- 
fauc,onm  thinks  that   homily  was  preached  by  a  presbyter, 
before  Flavian,  bishop   of  Antioch  :  though,  therefore,  the 
homily  be  not  Chrysostom's,  it  shows  the  sense  of  the  church 
of  Antioch,    in  his   time,    concerning    St.  John's  epistles. 
Several  other  learned  men,  asn   Mill,  and0   Lampe,  have 
taken  notice  of  this  passage,  to  whom  I  refer ;  but  I  do 
not  think  it  needful  to  transcribe  them. 

That?  homily  was  first  published  by  Cotelerius,  and  as 

6  Et  vere  sanctus  hie  Doctor,  qui  scripturae  sacrae  libros  omnes  in  homiliis 
suis  adhibet,  quatuor  istarum  epistolarum  loca  nusquam  affert ;  aut  saltern  hu- 
jusmodi  loca  in  ejus  scriptis  nondum  deprehendi.  Etiamsi  vero  deprehende- 
rentur,  non  tamen  inde  sequeretur,  earn  scripturas  partem  canonicam  haberi. 
Nam  illis  temporibus  non  pauca  erant  in  quibusdam  ecclesiis,  quae  legebantur 
quidem,  sed  canonica  esse  non  reputabantur,  avayivaxrico/if  j>a  jutv,  firj  navovi- 
Zofitva  fo.  Diatrib.  in  Synops.  T.  vi.  p.  309. 

h  — 7rapa%ii)  vfj.iv  a£to7rt<rov  naprvpa,  TOV  adtXtyoQtov  IctKuflov  tyaaicovTa'  'H 
TTI^IQ  xwPl£  ™v  fpywv  vticpa  £<riv.  De  Poenit.  Horn.  9.  T.  ii.  p.  348.  E. 

1  De  Sacerdot.  1.  iii.  T.  i.  p.  384.  E.  Horn,  in  Eliam  et  Viduam.  T.  iii.  p. 
333.  C.  In  Ep.  ad  Philem.  Horn.  3.  T.  xi.  p.  788.  C. 

k  Vid.  in  Mat.  Horn.  5.  T.  7.  p.  78.  A.  In  Act.  Ap.  Horn.  46.  T.  ix.  p. 
348.  A,  l  To»v  fit  iKK\t}Oia£,o}Jif.v(>)v,  « 

/u«v  »/  7rpwr»7  e^rtToXtj.      Ttjr  yap  dtvrtpav  icat  rpir/jv  ot  Trarfptg 
Ttjv  fiivroi   TrpuTTjv  tTTi^oXrjv  airavriQ  tivai  luavva  <Tvju0wva>g 
Ap.  Chrys.  Opp.  T.  vi.  p.  430.  A.  B. 

m  Quod  autera  ecclesia  Antiochena  secundam  et  tertiam  Joannis  non  re- 
ciperet,  id  liquido  comprobatur  ex  homilia  mox  edenda,  quam  prior  publica- 
vit  Joannis  Chrysostomi  nomine  Cotelerius,  quamque  probamus  in  monito  in 
fra,  non  Chrysostomi  esse,  sed  cujusdam  presbyteri  Antiocheni  illius  cevo,  co- 
ram  Flaviano  episcopo  concionantis.  Diatrib.  in  Synops.  T.  vi.  p.  309. 

n  Prolegom.  n.  224.  °  Lampe,  Prolegom.  in  Joann.  p.  104. 

P  In  illud  scripturae  dictum:  'In  qua  potestate  haec  facis  ?'  Matth,  xxi 
CJ3.  Ap.  Coteler.  Monum.  Gr.  T.  iii.  p  121—157. 


JOHN  CHRYSOSTOM,  Bishop  of  Constantinople.     A.  D.  398.  549 

Chrysostom's;  and  it  is  quoted  as  his  by  Lampe,  just  men 
tioned,  and  i  Wolfius ;  but  the  judgment  of  Montfau^on  ap 
pears  to  be  the  more  probable. 

IX.  Chrysostom  has  no  where  quoted  the  book  of  the  Re 
velation,  nor  taken  any  passage  from  it,  nor  alluded  to  it  in 
any  of  his  works,  so  far  as  can  be  perceived  ;  though,  asr 
Montfaugon  well  says,  he  had   many  occasions  so  to  do  in 
discoursing  upon  moral  subjects.     It  may  be  added  :  and 
in  his  discourses  in  praise  of  the  martyrs.     This,  1  think  is 
allowed  by  the  learned  ;  and8  that  Chrysostom  has  taken  no 
more  notice  of  the  book  of  the  Revelation  in  all  his  writings, 
than  he  would  have  done  if  he  had  been  totally  ignorant  of  it. 

X.  So  that  Chrysostom's  works  in  general,  and  the  fore- 
mentioned    Synopsis,    ascribed   to   him,    agree   very    well 
together. 

These  then  are  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  received 
by  him  :  the  four  gospels;  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  ;  four 
teen  epistles  of  Paul ;  the  epistle  of  James ;  one  epistle  of 
Peter ;  one  epistle  of  John. 

I  may  add,  that  there  is  not,  in  Chrysostom's  works,  the 
least  appearance  of  an  especial  regard  for  any  other  Chris 
tian  writings,  as  of  authority. 

In  Chrysostom  may  be  frequently  found  the  usual  general 
titles  and  divisions  of  the  books  of  scripture:  such1  as  the 
Old  and  New  Testament ;  apostles  and  prophets  ;  gospels, 
apostles,  and  prophets :  and  the  like. 

XI.  Suidas,  the  lexicographer,  whose  age   is  uncertain, 
placed  by  u  Cave  near  the  end  of  the  tenth,  by  others v  sup 
posed  to  have  written  near  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century, 
has  an  article  concerning  St.  John,  which  is  to  this  purpose. 
4  John  w  the  divine  and  evangelist,  being  returned  from  his 

q  Prolegom.  in  Joan.  p.  242.  Ap.  Cur.  Crit.  T.  v. 

r  Certe  Joannes  Chrysostomus,  qui  auctor  operis  fertur  in  titulo,  nunquam 
Apocalypsi  usus  est  in  homiliis,  aliisque  libris  suis,  etsi  ad  mores  informandos, 
in  quo  genere  maxime  versatur  sanctus  doctor,  in  Apocalypsi  multa  idonea 
opportunaque  reperiantur,  praecipueque  in  tribus  prioribus  capitibus.  Quan- 
tamcunque  diligentiam  adhibuerim,  ut  explorarem,  num  quicquam  in  tanta 
operum  serie  ad  Apocalypsin  spectans  deprehenderetur,  nihil  hactenus  reperi. 
Et  tamen  multa  erant  in  libris,  verbi  gratia,  de  sacerdotio,  quae  ad  rein  maxi 
me  conferre  videbantur.  Diatrib.  in  Synops.  T.  vi.  p.  310. 

8  — Chrysostomus  in  tot  monurnentis  Apocalypsin  ita  praetermiltit,  ut  ipse 
earn  ignorasse,  et  scriptum  quodvis  eandem  allegans  Chrysostomo  suppositum 
esse  videatur.  J.  A.  Bengel.  in  N.  T.  p.  777. 

1  Vid.  Contr.  Anom.  Horn.  11.  T.  i.  p.  542.  B.  Adv.  Jud.  Or.  5.  T.  i.  p. 
648.  D.  De  Laz.  Horn.  3.  ib.  p.  739.  D.  et  passim. 

u  H.  L.  T.  2.  p.  107.  Vid.  et  Kuster.  Praef.  et  Fabric.  Bib.  Gr.  1.  v.  c.  40. 
T.  ix.  p.  620.  &c.  et  T.  10.  p.  1.  &c. 

v  Vid.  Fabric,  ib.  T.  ix.  p.  626.  note  P. 

OTTO   T>IQ  tV  naTfJitf)  t£opia£ 


550  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

banishment  in  the  island  Patmos,  wrote  his  gospel  when 
he  was  an  hundred  years  of  age,  and  he  lived  after  that 
till  he  was  an  hundred  and  twenty  years  old.  Whilst 
he  dwelled  at  Ephesus,  he  wrote  his  Theology  for  gospel]. 
Chrysostom  receives  also  his  three  epistles,  and  the  Reve 
lation.' 

That  article  must  have  been  taken  out  of  an  homily,  or 
oration,  concerning  John  the  divine  and  apostle,  ascribed  to  * 
Chrysostom,  though  it  is  not  named  by  Suidas.  In  which 
homily  it  is  said,  'That,  for  the  word  of  God,  John  was 

*  banished   into  Patmos  by  the  Roman  emperor  Domitian, 

*  where  he  wrote  the  Revelation,  and  y  afterwards  his  three 

*  holy  epistles  :  when z  he  was  returned  to  Ephesus,  he  wrote 

*  his  gospel,  being  an  hundred  years  of  age ;  and  he  lived 

*  to  be  full  an  hundred  and  twenty  years  old  :'  but  that  ho 
mily  is  placed,  by  the  Benedictine  editor,  among  spurious 
works.     And   in  the   advertisement   before  it,  he    says  ita 
did  not  deserve  to  be  published,  being  only  the  work  of 
some  impertinent  Greek.     And   in  a  noteb  he  says,  that  he 
knows  not  of  any,  who  have  said  that  John  reached  to  the 
age  of  an  hundred  and  twenty  years,  beside  this  anonymous 
writer. 

XII.  Let  us  now  observe  some  marks  of  respect  for  the 
scriptures. 

1.  Matthew,  c  filled  with  the  Spirit,  wrote  what  he  wrote. 

2.  This  d  the  publican,  meaning  Matthew,  led  by  the  eyes 
of  the  Spirit,  will  teach  us. 

3.  Hear6  the  blessed  Paul,  or  rather  Christ  speaking  in  him. 

4.  He  represents  the  vast  importance  and   usefulness  of 
St.  Paul's  epistles  in  this  manner  :  Whence  f  has  he  a  prero 
gative  among  the  other  apostles?  And  why  is  he  in  the 

Owv,  (TVVTO.TTU  TO  tvayyiXiov  div  ITMV  p>  SiapKeaag  tug  OK.  EKU  Se  diaywv 
0vyypa<J)£Tai  rrjv  StoXoyiav.  Af^crat  #£  6  Xpv<70<ro^oc  <cat  TCIQ  ETriroXag  aura 
TO.Q  TptiQ,  icai  rr\v  AiroKaXv^iv.  Suid.  v.  Iwavvrjg. 

x  Ap.  Morell.  T.  vi.  p.  603.  &c.  et  in  edit.  Benedict.  T.  viii.  inter  Spuria. 
p.  130.  &c. 

7  — £7T«ra  icai  rag  aytag  O.VTS  rpeig  67rt<ro\ag.  Ib.  p.  131.  C. 

'  — Kg,Keiat  £iarpt/3w»>  avvTciTTtt  TO  evayytXtov,  wv  ITWV  e/carov,  Siapictffag 
*<*)£  oXu)v  tKarov  tiKoaiv.  EJCCKTC  dtaykJV  avyypcKJXTat  rr\v  StoXoyiav,  fia\\ov 
St  iv  wpai>oi£,  69tv  avrr\v  tKo/utraro.  Ib.  C.  D. 

a  Jure  porro  hanc  orationem  praetermisit  Savilius,  utpote  indignam  quae 
legatur.  Nam  est  otiosi  cujusdam  Graeculi,  ut  nemo  non  videt.  Monit.  p.  130. 

b  94  aetatis  annos  ipsi  tribuit  Epiphanius..  Qui  vero  centum  viginti  annos 
cmensum  dixerit,  neminem  vidi,  prater  hunc  anonymum.  Not.  ib.  p.  131. 

c  — Ts  TrvivpaTOG  (fnrXijaddQ  typa-^t  curip  eypa^e.  In  Malt.  Horn.  1.  T. 
vii.  p.  4.  A. 

d  In  Matt.  Horn.  1.  ib.  p.  17.  C.  «  De  Sacerd.  1.  iv.  T.  i.  p.  401.  B. 

f  De  Sacerd.  1.  iv.  ib.  p.  412,  413. 


JOHN  CHRYSOSTOM,  Bishop  of  Constantinople.     A.  D.  398.    551 

mouth  of  all  men,  even  Jews  and  Gentiles,  as  well  as  chris- 
tians?  It  is  owing-  to  his  epistles,  by  which  he  is  profitable 
not  only  to  the  faithful  of  that  time,  but  now  also  ;  and  by 
which  he  will  be  profitable  to  all  in  future  times,  till  the  last 
coming  of  Christ;  nor  will  he  cease  to  be  useful,  as  long-  as 
the  human  race  subsists:  for,  as  a  wall  built  of  adamant,  his 
writings  every  where  defend  the  churches  throughout  the 
world.' 

5.  In   other   places  he  speaks  of  the  apostles,  or  their 
writings,  as&  the  walls  of  churches,  for  their  defence  and 
security,  and  designed  for  future  times,  as  well  as  for  the 
present. 

6.  He  says,  ith  were  better  that  the  sun  should  be  extin 
guished,  than  that  the  words  of  David  should  be  lost. 

7.  The  third  homily,  upon  the  parable  of  '  the  rich  man 
and   Lazarus, '  contains  very  forcible  exhortations    to    the 
reading  of  the  scriptures.     At  the  beginning  of  that  homily 
he   says  to   his  hearers:  *  That1   he  often  acquaints  them 
before-hand  with  the  subject  which  he  intends  to  treat  of, 
that  in  the  mean  time  they  might  read  the  portion  of  scrip 
ture,  which  would  be  the  ground  of  his  discourse,  and  con 
sider  it ;  and   I  always  advise,  and  shall  never  cease  to 
advise  and  call  upon  you,  not  only  to  attend   to  what  is 
said   here,  but  also   to  be   diligent  in  reading  the   divine 
scriptures  at  home.    Nork  let  any  man  allege  those  frivolous 
excuses  ;  I  am  engaged  in  public  affairs ;  or  I  have  a  trade, 
and  a  wife  and  children  to  take  care  of;  in  a  word  I  am  a 
secular  person  ;  it  is  not  my  business  to  read  the  scriptures, 
but   theirs  rather  who  have  retired   from  the  world  to  a 
solitary  life.     So  far  are  these  things  from  making  out  a 
valid,  or  even  tolerable  excuse,  that  upon  these  accounts, 
and  for  these  very  reasons,  you  have  the  more  need  to  read 
the  scriptures.' 

8.  In  that  argument  he  says,  the1  reading  the  scriptures 
will  be  an  excellent  preservative  against  sin  :  and  that  igno 
rance  of  the  scriptures   is  the  thing  that  has  occasioned 
heresies,  and  all  the  corruption  and  wickedness  which  there 
is  in  the  world. 

9.  At  the  beginning  of  a  homily  upon  St.  John's  gospel, 
he  earnestly  exhorts  his  hearers"1  to  read,  some  time  in  the 

B  — rrriiSe  yap  ra  ypafipara  a7ro<roXica  rii\r}  TUV  iKicXtjmuv  «w,  K.  X. 
Horn,  in  2  Tim.  iii.  1.  T.  vi.  p.  282.  B. 

h  De  Poenit.  Horn.  2.  T.  ii.  p.  288.  C. 

1  De  Lazar.  Horn.  3.  T.  1.  p.  737.  A.  B.     Vid.  et  p.  738—740. 

k   MJ;  yap  fioi  Xeytrw  rig  ra  ^vy$a  prjfjiaTa  tKtiva  — 

1  MsyaX?;  a^aXeta  Trpog  TO  prj  dpapTavfiv  rwv  ypa0u>v  1}  avaywtffftc,  K.  A. 
Ib.  p.  740.  D.  E.  »  In  Joan.  Horn.  1 1.  [al.  10.]  T.  vm.  p.  62.  A.  B. 


552  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

week,  tbe  portion  of  scripture  that  is  to  be  explained  the 
next  Lord's  day;  and  to  consider  it  well,  that  they  may 
come  the  better  prepared  to  receive  instruction,  when  it 
shall  be  explained  in  public. 

10.  In  another  homily  upon  the  same  gospel,  he  finely 
shows,  how"  the  divine  oracles  are  suited  to  cure  all  the 
maladies  of  the  soul,  and  to  implant  and  cherish  all  virtue. 

11.  He  often  shows  the  usefulness  of  the  scriptures;  he 
says,   they0   deliver    from   evil    thoughts,    and    assist   men 
against   evil    passions,    and    excessive    grief.     I    refer?   to 
another  like  passage. 

12.  Upon  this  point  he  enlarges  very  much,  in  the  third 
homily   upon  the  title  and   beginning  of  the  book  of  the 
Acts;  where   he   says,   that**   to  read   the  scriptures  is  to 
converse   with   God.     Accordingly,   in   another   place,r  he 
considers  the  scriptures  as  an  epistle  from  God  himself.     In 
a  homily  upon  St.  John's  gospel,  he  says  :  It8  is  not  the 
evangelist  that  speaks,  but  God,  who  speaks  to  us  by  him. 
At  the  beginning  of  another  homily  upon  the  same  gospel, 
he   says ;    There*   is  nothing   vain   or   insignificant   in   the 
divine   scriptures;  for  they   are  the  dictates   of  the  Holy 
Spirit.     And  he  observes,  thatu  it  is  a  great  unhappiness 
not  to  be  acquainted  with  the  scriptures,  and  thatv  men's 
ignorance  in   the  scriptures,   is   the   cause    of  all   manner 
of  evil. 

13.  His  observations  upon  Col.  iii.  16,  contain  an  earnest 
exhortation    to  all   to  read   the   scriptures.     «  "  Letw    the 
word  of  God  dwell  in  you,"  says  the  apostle;  and  not  only 
"  let  it  dwell  in  you,"  but  "  richly  "  also,  in  abundance. 
Hear  you,  who  are  men  of  the  world,  who  have  a  wife  and 
children,  how  he  requires  you  especially  to  read  the  scrip 
tures;  and  not  hastily,  but  with  care  and  diligence;  nor  do 
you   look  for  any  other  teacher ;  you   have  the  oracles  of 
God;  no  one  teaches  like  them;  another  instructor,  from 
some  wrong  principle,  may  conceal  from  you  many  things 
of  great  use;  Ix  therefore  exhort  all  of  you   to  procure 

n    Mtya  TCJV  Sftwv  ypa^wv  TO  Kfpdog  iravToSair&v  yap  £?i  0ap;uaKwi> 

SrjffavpoQ  TO.  Stia  Xoyia,  K.  \.     In  Joan.  Horn.  37.  [al.  36.]  T.  8.  p.  211.  B. 

0  In  Pr.  Act.  Horn.  3.  T.  iii.  p.  72.  E. 

P  De  Capt.  Eutrop.  Horn.  T.  iii.  p.  388.  B.  «  T.  iii.  p.  73.  C. 

r  In  cap.  1.  Gen.  Horn.  2.  T.  iv.  p.  9.  A.     Et  omnino  vid.  in  Matth.  Horn. 
].  T.  vii.  p.  18.  A.  B.  s  In  Joan.  Horn.  2.  T.  viii.  p.  7.  B. 

1  In  Joan.  Horn.  50.  [al.  49.]  T.  viii.  p.  293.  D.  E. 

u   M«ya  KttKOv  ayvouv  ypa^ag.     In  Act.  Ap.  Horn.  34.  T.  9.  p.  265.  C. 
v  THTO  TravTdtv  ainov  T<I>V  Kcuewv  TO  fit]  eidevai  TCLQ  ypa^af.  In  Coloss.  Horn. 
9.  T.  xi.  p.  390.  C.  D.  w  In  Col.  Horn.  9.  ibid. 

ff  Trapa/caXw,  iravriq  ot  (3iu)rtKOt,  Kai  KTaaOe.  J3ij3\ia, 


JOHN  CHRYSOSTOM,  Bishop  of  Constantinople.     A.  D.  398.    558 

yourselves  Bibles;  if  you  have  nothing-  else,  take  care  to 
have  the  New  Testament,  particularly  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  and  the  gospels,  for  your  constant  instructors, 
that  in  all  trial  you  may  have  recourse  to  them  for  proper 
remedies.' 

14.  Having  bestowed  great  commendations  upon  Aquila 
and  Priscilla,  especially  the  last,  and  having-  recommended 
them  to  the  imitation  of  others,  and  said,  that  they  arrived 
at  such  eminent  virtue  by  entertaining  and  conversing  with 
Paul,  he  goes  on:  *  But?  some  one  may  say,   What  then 
shall  I  do,  who  have  not  Paul  to  converse  with?  If  you 
will,'  says  he,  *  you  may  have  him  more  entirely  than  they 
had  ;  it  was  not  the  sight  of  Paul  that  made  them  what  they 
were,  but  his  words.     If  you  will,  you  may  have  Paul  and 
Peter  and  John,  yea,  and  the  whole  choir  of  prophets  and 
apostles,  to  converse  with  frequently.    Take  then  the  books 
of  those  blessed  men,  and  read  their  writings  frequently  ; 
and  they  will  make  you  equal  to  the  tentmaker's  wife.     But 
why   do  I  say,  you  may  have  Paul?  If  you  will,  you  may 
have   Paul's  Master;  for  he  himself  will  speak  to  you  in 
Paul's  words.' 

15.  Speaking  of  the  chamberlain  of  Candace,  queen  of 
Ethiopia,  who^read  the  scriptures  sitting  in  his  chariot,  he 
says,  «  We2   need  not  any  of  us  be  ashamed  to  imitate  him, 
though  an  eunuch  and  a  barbarian,  who,  when  he  was  tra 
velling,  did  not  omit  to  read.     That  barbarian  is  fit  to  be 
master  to  us  all  ;  to  men  in  private  life,  to  soldiers,  to  men 
in  high  stations;  in   a  word,  to  all  men  and  women  ;  that 
all  may  learn,  that  no  time  is  improper  for  reading  the  divine 
oracles  ;  and  that  we  ought  to  read  them,  though  we  do  not 
understand   them.     By  this  means  the  scriptures  will  be 
fixed  in  our  memories  ;  and  what  we  do  not  understand  at 
the  first  reading  may  be  understood  at  another.' 

16.  In  a  homily  upon  the  second  epistle  to  the  Thessalo- 
nians  :  *  Ifa  any  should  say,  he  does  not  know  what  is  in 
the  scriptures  ;  I  should  ask,  Why  do  you  not  know  ?  Is  it 
in  Hebrew,  or  Latin,  or  any  other  strange  language?  Is  it 
not  in  Greek  ?' 

17.  The  scriptures  are  compared  by  him  to  many  things; 


Ei  prfev  irtpov  ^sXeffOe,  rijv  ysv  Kaivijv  icrafffc,  ra>v  a7ro?oXajv  rag 
,  TO.  tvayytXia,  diSacKaXsc  SITJVIKHS,  K.  X.      In  Col.  H.  9.  lt>.  p.  JJ1. 
y  In  Ep.  ad  Rom.  Horn.  30.  T.  ix.  p.  743.  A.  B. 
z  In  Gen.  Horn.  35.  T.  iv.  p.  351.  E.  et  p.  352. 

a   AXY  «K  oida,  (j)r,ffi,  ra  tv  raiq  Stiaig  ypaQaig  Ktipiva.     Ata  T     BK  010, 
Mg  yap  E/3oaiVi;  M  yap  Pw/iaVV.  ;  M  yap  frfffn*«m«  "P'jrat;  OvX   t 
WTI  \eytTai  ;  In  2  Th.  Horn.  3.  T.  xi.  p.  528.  C. 


554  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

tob  a  field  or  garden  of  flowers;  toc  a  rich  treasure,  and 
refreshing"  fountain  ;  they  are  styled  by  hirnd  a  spiritual 
treasure,  anc  inexhaustible  treasure;  they  are  compared  tof 
rich  spices  and  incense  for  their  fragrance;  toe  an  ocean 
quite  calm,  and  ever  free  from  tempests,  so  that  the  farther 
you  wade  into  it,  the  more  you  will  be  pleased. 

18.  In  one  place  he  compares  the  scriptures  to  a  work 
man's  tools:  «  Doh   you  not  observe,'  says  he,  «  that  they 
who  work  in  iron,  and  your  goldsmiths,  and  silversmiths, 
and  artificers  of  all  sorts,  take  care  to  have  their  tools  entire, 
and  in  order  ?  If  they  are  lost,  they  are  ruined ;  upon  no 
consideration,  therefore,  will  they  part  with   them ;  and,   if 
they  are  in  a  strait,  by  the  use  of  these  they  may  extricate 
themselves,  and  recover  their  former  state.     Their  instru 
ments  are,   the  hammer,  anvil,  tongs ;  the  instruments  of 
our  art  are,  the  apostolical  and  prophetical   books,  and  all 
the   divinely  inspired    and  useful  scripture ;  and  as  they, 
with  their  instruments,  form  any  vessels  which  they  have 
in  hand ;  so  we,  by  ours,  are  to  form  our  minds,  and  cor 
rect  them  when  perverted,  and  renew  them  when  decayed.' 

19.  *  The1   ultimate  end  of  the  scriptures,'  he  says,  '  is 
our  amendment ;  we  therefore  explain  the  scriptures,  not 
only  that  you  may  understand  them,  but  that  you  may  im 
prove  your  manners.     Without  this,  our  reading  and  ex 
pounding  are  in  vain.' 

20.  By  all  which  I  think  it  appears,  that,  in  Chrysostom's 
time,  the  Bible  was  not  reckoned  a  dangerous  book ;  but  it 
was  supposed,  that  the  more  men  read  and  studied   the 
scriptures,  the  better  it  would  be  for  them. 

21.  Women k  and  children  wore  small  gospels,  or  sen 
tences  of  them,  about  their  necks,  as  preservatives  against 
evil  accidents ;  but  he  advises,  that  they  should  rather  take 
care  to  write  the  laws  and  precepts  of  the  gospel  upon  their 
hearts.     In   another  place    also,    speaking   of  the  Jewish 
phylacteries,  he  observes,  that1  many  Christian  women  had 
gospels  hung  about  their  necks. 

22.  He  censures  those  whom  gratified   their  vanity,  in 

b  In  Gen.  Horn.  34.  in.  T.  iv.  p.  434.  C.  c  In  Gen.  Horn.  iii. 

p.  14.  A.  B.  d  In  Gen.  Horn.  60.  p.  580.  D.     Vid.  ib.  Horn. 

21.  p.  180.  E.  e  In  Gen.  Horn.  8.  p.  58.  D.  E. 

f  Horn,  in  2  Tim.  iii.  1.  T.  6.  «  Horn,  in  Terra  Mot.  et 

Laz.  6.  T.  i.  p.  786.  A.  h  In  Laz.  Horn.  3.  T.  i.  p.  738.  A.— D. 

1  In  Prophet.  Obscur.  Horn.  2.  T.  vi.  p.  192.  B.  k  Ad  Pop.  Antioch. 

Horn.  19.  T.  ii.  p.  197.  D.  E.  »  In  Matt.  Horn.  72.  [al.  73.]  T.  vii. 

p.  703.  m  Kai  iraaa  avriar  airaSrj  irtpi  TWV  vfifvwv 

Kat  ro  TCJV  ypappaTvv  KaXXog — on  \pvaoiq  e^ci   ypa/w/iaatv 
In  Jo.  Hoin.  33.  [al.  32.]  T.  viii.  p.  188.  A.  B. 


JOHN  CHRYSOSTOM,  Bishop  of  Constantinople,     A.  D.  398.     555 

having  the  scriptures  written  in  golden  letters,  and  upon 
fine  parchment ;  but  did  not  take  care  to  understand  them. 
23.  In  a  homily  upon  the  beginning  of  the  Acts,  he  speaks 
as"  if  the  scriptures  were  translated  into  Indian,  and  British  ; 
and  into  the  languages  of  all  people  in  general.  In  a  homily 
upon  the  beginning  of  St.  John's  gospel,  he  says,  that0  Sy 
rians,  Egyptians,  Indians,  Persians,  and  other  nations,  though 
barbarian,  having  translated  the  words  and  doctrines  of  that 
evangelist,  had  learned  to  philosophize. 

XIII.  I   shall   take  notice  of  but  one   various  reading, 
which  is,  that  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  chapter  of  St.  John, 
concerning  the  adulterous  woman,  does  not  appear  in  Chry- 
sostom's  homilies  upon  St.  John's  gospel  :  nori*  has  he  any 
where  else  quoted,  or  referred  to,  that  paragraph. 

XIV.  In  the  next  place,  I  shall  observe  some  explications 
of  texts. 

1.  He  seems  to  have  supposed  the^  beginning  of  St.  Mat 
thew's  gospel,  "  The  book  of  the  generation  of  Jesus  Christ," 
to  be  the  title,  not  of  the  genealogy,  but  of  the  whole  book 
of  the  gospel. 

2.  He  handsomely  illustrates1  Matt.  xx.  23,  "  It  is  not 
mine  to  give  :  but  it  shall  be  given  to  them  for  whom  it  is 
prepared." 

3.  Abraham,8  he  says,  forbears  to  give  hard  words  to  the 
rich  man,  calling  him  "  son,"  Luke  xvi.  25 :  a  fine  obser 
vation,  which  has  been  highly  adorned  by  archbishop  Til- 
lotson,  in  his  most  excellent  sermons  upon  the  parable  of 
the  *  Rich  Man  and  Lazarus.' 

4.  He  thinks  that1  Judas  was  present  when  our  Lord  in 
stituted  the  memorial  of  himself. 

5.  When  Christ  says,  Matt,  xxviii.  20,  "  Lo,  I  am  with 
you  always,  unto  the  end  of  the  world  ;"  heu  does  not  speak 
to  the  disciples  only,  but  in  them  to  all. 

(I.  Upon  John  i.  9,  he  says  *  Christ v  is  "  the  light  of  the 
world,"  as  he  did  all  that  lay  in  his  power  to  enlighten  it  ;* 
that  is,  all  he  could,  or  all  that  was  fit  to  be  done. 

7.  Nathanael,  he  says,  wasw  not  only  sincere,  as  our  Lord 

n  In.  Pr.  Act.  H.  3.  T.  iii.  p.  71.  D.  °  In  Jo.  Horn.  2.  [al.  1 .] 

T.  viii.  p.  10.  B.  P  Vid.  Montf.  Praef.  ad  T.  viii.  sect.  v.  n.  3. 

i  In  Matt.  Horn.  2.  T.  vii.  p.  23.  C. 

r  Contr.  Anom.  Horn.  8.  T.  i.  p.  521. 

;  'Ojf>a  0iXo(ro0iav,  opa  0iXo<ropyiav  Sucam.  OVK  tnrtv'  AiravOpdJirs,  icat 
a»jU£,  KOI  irafjnrovtipe,  roaavra  tcaita  StaOeiQ  TOV  avQpwTrov, — UK  epvOpiag,  s8e 
aiffxvvy  ;  AXXa  ri  j  TtKvov,  $r]aiv,  airt\a^tQ  TO.  ayaQa  tre.  De  Laz.  Horn.  2. 
T.  i.  p.  735.  D.  E.  <  De  Prodit.  Jud.  Horn.  i.  T.  ii.  p.  383.  D.  E. 

u  In  Matt.  Horn.  xv.  T.  vii.  p.  185.  C.  v  In  Joan.  Horn.  8.  [al.  7.] 

T.  viii.  p.  48.  B.  «  In  Jo.  H.  20.  [al.  19.]  T.  viii.  p.  116.  A. 


556  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

said,  and  the  event  showed,  but  lie  was  also  learned  ;  there 
fore  Philip  referred  him  to  «  Moses  and  the  prophets.' 

8.  He  thinks  that*   Christ  twice  drove  the   buyers   and 
sellers  out  of  the  temple. 

9.  He  thinks  that^  Paul  wisely  silenced  the  evil  spirit  in 
the  Pythoness,  though  it  gave  a  good  testimony  to  him.     See 
Acts  xvi.  16—18. 

10.  Upon  Acts  xvii.  22,  he  says,  Paul2  commends  them 
as  it  were,  saying  at  least  nothing  offensive  :  *  I  see  you  to 
be  superstitious,  that  is,  religious.' 

11.  When  some  at  Athens  said  of  Paul,  Acts  xvii.  18, 
"  He  seemeth  to  be  a  setter  forth  of  strange  gods,  because 
he  preached  to  them  Jesus  and  the  resurrection  ;"    he  says, 
thata  by  resurrection,  or  anastasis,  they  intended  a  goddess. 

12.  Chrysostomb  does  not  blame  Gallic  at  all  ;  but  con 
siders  him  to  have  been  a  man  of  equity  and  moderation. 

13.  Hec  thinks  that  Crispus  and  Sosthenes  are  both  one  ; 
that  is,  Crispus  was  also  called  Sosthenes.     See  Acts  xviii. 
8,  and  17. 

14.  He  says,  Byd  the  overruling  providence  of  God,  Paul 
was  sent  to  Rome  a  prisoner,  that  he  might  not  be  soon  ex 
pelled  as  a  Jew. 

15.  He  supposes  Paul  to  say,  hee  feared,  lest  he  should 
be  rejected.     See  1  Cor.  ix.  27. 

16.  He  mentionsf  the  Marcionite  interpretation  of  baptism 
for  the  dead,  1  Cor.  xv.  29 ;  and  then  his  own. 

17.  2  Cor.  viii.  18,   By  "  the  brother,  whose  praise  is  in 
the  gospel,"  someg  understand  Luke :  and  think  that  Paul 
speaks  of  his  written  gospel  :  others  understand  Barnabas  ; 
and  think  that,  by  gospel,  is  meant  preaching. 

18.  Upon  2  Thess.  ii.  4,  he  says,  the  *  hman  of  sin'  will 
not  sit  in  the  temple  of  God,  and  at  Jerusalem  only,  but  in 
the  churches  every  where.     In  a  following  homily1  he  says, 
it  is  the  Roman  empire  that  hinders  the  manifestation  of 
Antichrist. 

*  In  Mat.  Horn.  67.  [al.  68.]  T.  vii.  p.  663. 

y  De  Laz.  H.  2.  T.  i.  p.  728.  C.  z aW«p  tyK^ia^v 

O.VTKQ,  Soicei  uStv  Xrytiv  flapv'  ojg  dtiaidaifJiOvt<?epiiQ  vfJiag,  <pi)ai,  &a>pu>,  rsr'  t<ziv 
tvXape^epug.  In  Act.  Ap.  Horn.  38.  T.  ix.  p.  286.  E. 

a  Kai  yap  rr\v  ava^aaiv  Srtov  riva  tivai  £j/o/u£o»>,  art  £ia>0or££  KO.I  •S'qXftac 
otptiv.  In  Act.  Horn.  38.  T.  ix.  p.  286.  D. 

b  In  Act.  Horn.  39.  p.  296.  c  Ibid.  p.  297.  C.  D. 

d  In  Act.  Horn.  39.  p.  295.  C.  e  Ad  Pop.  Antioch.  Horn.  i.  T.  i. 

p.  5.  C.  D.  {  In  Cor.  Horn.  40.  T.  x.  p.  378.  B.— E. 

8  Tiveg  uev  TOV  AsicaV  icot  <f>aai,  dia.  TTJV  i^opiav,  rivrrep  cypai//f  rivet;  Se  TOV 
Bapva/3aV  icat  yap  TO  aypa0ov  Krjpvyna  £i»ayyfXtov  Ka\tt.  In  2  Cor.  Horn.  18. 
T.  x.  p.  564.  E.  Vid.  et  Grot,  in  loc. 

b  In  2  Th.  Horn.  3.  T.  xi.  p.  525.  C.  >  Ib.  Horn.  4.  p.  529.  C. 


JOHN  CHRYSOSTOM,  Bishop  of  Constantinople.     A.  D.  398.     557 

19.  When  Paul  says,  2  Tim.   i.   16,   that  <  all  they  of 
Asia  had  forsaken  him  ;'  hek  intends  such  as  were  at  Rome. 

20.  By  the  '  church  in  Philemon's  house/  ver.  2,  he  un 
derstands1   his  family,  the  whole  of  which  was  Christian. 
Upon  Rom.  xvi.  5,  "  Likewise  greet  the  church  that  is  in 
their  house  :"  he  says,  that'n  Aquila  and  Priscilla  had  made 
their  house  a  church,  by  making  all  therein  believers,  and 
by  opening  it  to  all  strangers. 

XV.  Having  put  down  these  interpretations  of  texts  of 
scripture,  I  proceed  to  some  other  things  :  and,  in  the  first 
place,  I  shall  take  some  observations  concerning  our  Saviour. 

1.  Jesus,  n  he  says,  was  called  Christ,  from  the  anointing 
of  the  Spirit,  which  was  poured  out  upon  him  as  a  man. 

2.  Jesus  Christ,  he  thinks,  «  wrought0  no  miracles  in  the 
time  of  his  infancy  ;  therefore,  the  miracles  ascribed  to  him 
in  early  life,  are  false  and  fictitious.'     He  collects  this  from 
John's  not  knowing  him  to  be  the  Christ,  when  he  came  to 
be  baptized  by  him  ;  and  also,  from?  John   ii.  3,  and   11. 
Afterwards,  in  another  homily,  he  expresseth  his  persuasion 
very  positively,  that1?  our  Lord  wrought  no  miracles  before 
his  baptism  ;   though  some  others,  at  that  time,  were  of  a 
different  opinion. 

3.  Upon  Matt.  ix.  1,  "  And  he  entered  into  a  ship,  and 
passed  over,  and  came  into  his  own  city  ;"  he  says,  Byr  his 
*'  own  city,"  the  evangelist  means  Capernaum  ;  for  our  Lord 
was  born  at  Bethlehem,  educated  at  Nazareth,  and  dwelt  at 
Capernaum. 

4.  The8  Lord  Jesus  disdained  luxury,  and  was  an  example 
of  a  frugal  and  laborious  life,  always  walking  on  foot,  and 
sometimes  until  he  was  weary. 

5.  Het  speaks  highly  of  the  great  honour  of  the  Christian 
name,  that  we  should  be  called  from  Christ  ;  and  he  says, 
that  Paul  so  called  us.     In  another  place,  agreeably  to  what 

k  In  2  Tim.  Horn.  3.  T.  xi.  p.  673.  B. 

'  In  Philem.  Argum.  T.  xi.  p.  772.  H.  Conf.  Horn.  1.  p.  775.  C.  D.  et  in  I 
Cor.  Horn.  44.  T.  x.  p.  409.  E.  m  In  Rom.  Horn.  30.  T.  ix.  p.  741.  C. 

n  In  Rom.  Horn.  1.  T.  ix.  p.  430.  B. 

0   UvrtvOtv  r,fnv  \onrov  dr)\ov,  on  Kai  ra  arj^ia  t.  «iva,    a   fftnftca  uv 
(jxiffiv  TS  XpiTS  fyvSr}  Kai  TrXafffjiUTa  nvwv  tiffayovTwv  £<r«f,  *.  A. 
Horn.  17.  [al.  16.]  T.  viii.  p.  99.  D. 

P  In  Jo.  Horn.  21.  [al.  20.]  p.  121.  D.  E.  et  122. 

ECTTOV  KCU  irpurjv  on  nvtq  HK  apMV  TUVTIJV  uvai  $ciai—  a\\   on. 

,  Ka«  Trpo  r«  gj™^ 
In  Jo.  Horn   23.  [al  22. 


rov  .. 

0lKs  u.     In  Matt.  Horn.  29.  [al.  30.]  T.  vn.  p. 

•  In  Jo.  Horn.  31.  [al.  30.]  T.  viii.  p.  178.  D. 
'  In  Jo.  Horn.  19.  [al.  18.]  p.  113.  C. 


558  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

is  recorded,  Acts  xi.  26,  he  says,  that0  the  disciples  were 
first  called  Christians  at  Antioch ;  and  he  esteems  thatv  the 
great  prerogative  of  that  city  above  all  others.  He  takes 
notice  of  this  elsewhere ;  and  has  a  fine  argument  with  the 
people  of  Antioch,  thatw  they  should  therefore  strive  to  ex 
cel  in  Christian  virtues.  Thisx  honour  is  particularly  cele 
brated  in  a  homily  upon  the  eleventh  chapter  of  the  Acts, 
not  yet  referred  to. 

XVI.    I  shall   now   take    some  observations   concerning 
Christ's  apostles. 

1.  Upon  occasion  of  St.  Matthew's  catalogue  of  the  apos 
tles,  at  the  beginning  of  the  tenth  chapter  of  his  gospel,  he 
makes  divers  observations  upon  that,  and  the  other  cata 
logues  of  them  in  Mark  and  Luke.      Here,y  as  also  often 
elsewhere,  he  calls  Peter  chief.     In  another  homily  upon  St. 
Matthew,  he  calls2  the  three  disciples,  whom  our  Lord  took 
with  him  into  the  Mount,  chiefs  :  he  says,  thata  four  of  the 
disciples  were  fishermen,  and  two  publicans,  even  Matthew 
and  James ;  intending,  as  I  suppose,  James  the  son  of  Al- 
pheus. 

2.  Theb  office  of  apostle,  he  says,  implies  a  spiritual  su 
premacy,  or  consulship  :  and  the  whole  world  was  com 
mitted  to  them. 

3.  He  says,  an c  apostle  is  a  man  sent  from  God  ;  nor  can 
he  say  any  thing  of  his  own,  but  only  what  he  receives  from 
heaven:  therefore  Christ  said,  "  Call  no  man  your  master  on 
earth  ;  for  one  is  your  Master,  who  is  in  heaven  ;"  to  denote, 
that  the  whole  of  our  religion  is  derived  from  above,  from 
the  Lord  himself,  though  men  are  employed  as  ministers. 

4.  In  the  introduction  to  his  homilies  upon  St.  Matthew's 
gospel,  he  says:  Thed   apostles  did   not  come  down  from 
the  Mount,  bringing  in  their  hands   tables  of  stone ;    but 
they  had  the  spirit  in  their  mind,  and  a  certain  treasure  and 
fountain  of  doctrines  and  gifts,  and  all  good  things,  which 
they  poured  forth  every  where  upon  all  occasions,  insomuch 
that,  by  the  divine  favour,  they6  were  made  living  Bibles, 
and  laws. 

5.  In  another  place :  '  A  f  prophet  cannot  be  an  apostle 

u  Ad  Pop.  Antioch.  Horn.  3.  T.  ii.  p.  36.  E.  v  Ad  Pop. 

Antioch.  H.  17.  p.  176.  B.  C. 

w  In  Matt.  H.  7.  T.  vii.  p.  116.  A.  *  In  Act.  Ap.  H.  25.  T. 

ix.  p.  201.  *  In  Matt.  Horn.  32.  [al.  33.]  T.  vii.  p.  369.  B. 

z  In  Matt.  Horn.  56.  [al.  57.]  p.  565.  E.  a  In  Matt.  Horn.  32. 

p.  369.  B.  b  In  Pr.  Act.  Horn.  3.  T.  iii.  p.  77.  B.  Vid.  quge  ibidem 

sequuntur,  et  p.  76.  c  In  Es.  cap.  1.  T.  vi.  p.  4.  C.  d  In  Matt. 

Horn.  1.  T.  vii.  p.  3.  C.  e  Bi/3\ta  Kaivofiot  yivofiivoi  ftia  TTJQ  -^apiroQ 

Ib.  f  In  Pr.  Act.  Horn.  3.  T.  iii.  p.  76.  A. 


JOHN  CHRYSOSTOM,  Bishop  of  Constantinople.     A.  D.  398.     559 

and  a  prophet;  but  an  apostle  is  also  a  prophet  in  the 
highest  sense,  and  has  gifts  of  healing,  and  divers  kinds  of 
tongues,  and  interpretations  of  tongues.' 

6.  Agreeably  to  which,  upon  Eph.  ii.  20,  he  observes; 
*  Apostles  s  and  prophets  are  the  foundation  ;  but  Paul  men 
tions  apostles  first,  though  last  in  time.' 

7.  Some  other  observations  concerning  the  apostles  may 
be  here  taken  notice  of. 

8.  *  None  h  more  unlearned/  he  says,  *  than  Peter  ;  none 
more  simple  than  Paul :  and  yet  they  overcame,  and  put  to 
silence,  philosophers,  orators,  and  rhetoricians.' 

9.  '  Paul,' '    he  says,  '  was  ignorant,  and  Plato  learned  ; 
nevertheless  some  Christians,  but  foolishly,  would   have  it 
otherwise  :  let  us  rather  own  that  the  apostles  were  ignorant, 
unlearned,  poor,  mean,  obscure.'     In  another  place  he  says, 
Paul k  was  a  Cilician,  a  tanner,  poor,  destitute  of  Greek 
learning,  knowing  only  the  Hebrew  language,  which  was 
much  despised  :  but,  as  some  learned  men  think,  Chrysostom 
here  exaggerates  beyond  the  truth  ;  as  indeed  orators  are 
very  apt  to  do :  however  he  had  a  good  view  in  it ;  for,  if 
Paul  and  other  apostles  had  been  learned,  it   might  have 
been  argued  by  infidels,  that  their  success  in  preaching  the 
gospel  had  been  owing  to  their  skill  and  eloquence,  and  not 
to  the  power  and  grace  of  God,  as  he  says. 

10.  It  is  wonderful  simplicity,  which  !  he  ascribes  to  Paul, 
in  his  answer  to  king  Agrippa,  Acts  xxvi.29. 

11.  Chrysostom  was  a  great  admirer  of  the  apostle  Paul. 
There™  are  seven  homilies,  entitled,  Of  his  Praises.     He 
observes  to  his  hearers,  thatn   they  knew  very  well,  when 
Paul  was  once  mentioned,  he  was  apt  to  dwell   there,  and 
divert  from  the  thread  of  his  discourse.     I  shall  put  in  the 
margin0  an  instance  of  this  kind;  by  which,  though  I  tran 
scribe  a  part  of  the  passage  only,  an  intelligent  reader  will 
form  an  idea  of  what  Chrysostom  just  now  said. 

12.  Upon  Eph.  iv.  1,  "  I  therefore,  the  prisoner  of  the 
Lord,  beseech  you;"  he  P  does  most  oratorically  extol  the 
greatness  of  Paul  on  account  of  his  sufferings.     The  1  con- 

«  In  Eph.  Horn.  6.  T.  11.  p.  39.  B.  h  Praef.  in  Ep.  ad  Rom.  T.  9.  p. 

428.  E.  j  In  1  Cor.  Horn.  3.  T.  x.  p.  20.  C.  D.  E. 

k  Ki\i£  6  avOpuTTOQ  i\v — tr/curoro/iof,  TrevjjQ,  TTJQ  t%<i)Qtv  ao<j>ta£  aTrtipof, 
'EjSjOatVt  fjiovov  tidwG,  yXwrrav  diauvpofAtvriv  Trapa  iravruv  Kai  fiaXiTa  ?rapa 
TIOV  IraXwv.  In  2  Ep.  Tim.  Horn.  4.  T.  xi.  p.  682.  E. 

1  In  Act.  Horn.  52.  T.  9.  p.  393.  C.  m  De  Laudibus  Apostoli 

Pauli,  T.  ii.  p.  476,  &c.  n  In  Es.  xlv.  7.  T.  6.  p.  149.  C. 

0   — EicKaiw/iai  yap  «c  TOV  TS  avdpo£   TroQov,   KO.I  Sia  TSTO   owe^wg  avrov 
rpt0on/  a  Travofiat.  K.  \.     In  Gen.  Horn.  11.  T.  4.  p.  88.  A.  B.  C. 
In  Eph.  Horn.  8.  T.  xi.  p.  53—56.  *  In  Rom.  Hoin.  32. 


560  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

elusion  of  his  homilies  upon  the  epistle  to  the  Romans,  is 
full  of  affection  for  the  apostle  Paul,  and  is  an  highly 
finished  piece  of  oratory.  I  refer  to  some  other  places/ 
where  our  author's  respect  for  Paul  is  very  conspicuous. 

XVII.  Chrysostom  often  speaks  of  the  speedy  and  won 
derful  progress  of  the  Christian  religion  in  the  world.  It  is 
not  easy  to  forbear  taking*  a  good  number  of  his  passages 
upon  this  head. 

1.  He  says,8  all  the  world  flocked  to  Bethlehem  :  for  no 
other  reason  than  to  see  the  place  where  Christ  was  born. 

2.  He  speaks*  of  the  gospel  being  preached,  and  churches 
planted   among  the  Romans,  Persians,  Scythians,  Moors, 
Indians,  and  Britons. 

3.  In   another  place u  he  celebrates  the  praises,  and  the 
success  of  the  gospel    preached    by  fishermen   and   tent- 
makers  ;  and  mentions,  among  its  converts,  Goths,  Scythians, 
Thracians,  Sarmatians,  Indians,  Britons. 

4.  l  The v  apostles  of  Christ  were  twelve,  and  they  gained 
the  whole  world.' 

5.  Zeno,w  Plato,  Socrates,  and  many  others,  endeavoured 
to  introduce  a  new  course  of  life,  but  in  vain;  whereas  Jesus 
Christ  not  only  taught,  but  settled  a  new  polity,  or  way  of 
living,  all  over  the  world. 

6.  *  Notwithstanding x  the  absurd  opinions  and  evil  prac 
tices  which  had  obtained,  Christ,  in  a  short  time,  delivered 
men  from  them  all ;  and  that  not  the  Romans  only,  but  also 
the  Persians,  and  the  barbarian  nations.     This  he  accom 
plished,  not  by  arms,  nor  by  bribes,  nor  by  wars  and  battles; 
but  beginning  with  eleven  men,  and  those  poor,  mean,  illiter 
ate,   unexperienced,  unarmed,  without  shoes,  and  having 
one  coat  only,  he  persuaded  great  numbers  of  men   in  all 
nations  to  change  their  sentiments  and  manners/ 

7.  *  The  y  doctrine  and  writings  of  fishermen,  who  were 
beaten,  and  driven  from  society,  and  always  lived  in  the 
midst  of  dangers,  have  been  readily  embraced  by  learned 
and  unlearned,  bondmen  and  free,  kings  and  soldiers,  Greeks 
and  barbarians.' 

8.  He   observes,    that2    the   many    persecutions,   which 
Christians  had  suffered,  had  not  been  able  to  destroy  them. 

T.  ix.  p.  757—760.  r  De  Mutat.  Norn.  Horn.  1.  T.  iii.  p.  102. 

A.  B.  In  Act.  Ap.  Horn.  25.  T.  ix.  p.  201.  C. 

8  Contra  Jud.  et  Gentil.  T.  i.  p.  561.  C.  '  Ibid.  p.  575.  B.  C. 

u  Horn.  8.  antehac  non  edit.  T.  xii.  p.  371,  372. 

v  Adv.  Jud.  Or.  1.  T.  i.  p.  592.  C.     Vid.  et  p.  588. 

w  Adv.  Jud.  T.  i.  p.  631.  D.  x  Contr.  Jud.  et  Gentil.  T.  i. 

p.  559.  A.  B.  y  In  Matt.  Horn.  1.  T.  vii.  p.  10.  B. 

*  In  Pr.  Act.  Horn.  2.  T.  iii.  p.  61.  D.  E. 


JOHN  CHRYSOSTOM,  Bishop  of  Constantinople.     A.  D.  398.     561 

He  particularly  takes  notice,  thata  as  elsewhere,  so  in  Per 
sia,  there  had  been  severe  persecutions,  and  many  martyrs ; 
yet  the  Christian  religion  still  subsisted  there. 

9.  '  Though b   there  were  such,  and  so  many  opposers; 
though  kings  and  tyrants,  and  people,  strove  to  extinguish 
the  spark  of  faith,  such  a  flame  of  true  religion  arose  as  filled 
the  whole  world.     Tf  you  go  to  India,  and  Scythia,  and  the 
utmost  ends  of  the  earth,  you  will  every  where  find  the 
doctrine  of  Christ  enlightening  the  souls  of  men  :  even  the 
barbarian  nations  have   learned  to  philosophize,  and  have 
embraced  true  religion  instead  of  their  ancient  customs. — 
The  Lord  of  all,  by  eleven  men,  fishermen,  unlearned  and 
simple,   has   attracted   all  mankind;    who,  as  if  they  had 
wings,  have  gone  over  the  world,  sowing  the  seeds  of  true 
religion,  and  rooting  up  evil  affections,  and  perverse  customs 
and  practices.' 

10.  There  are  many  other  places  where  Chrysostom  talks 
very  agreeably  of  the  swift  progress,  and  wide  extent  of 
the  Christian  religion :  to c   some  of  which  I  refer  in  the 
margin. 

11.  He  says,  that d   Christianity    rather    declines    under 
Christian  emperors:  so  far  is  it  from  being  cherished  by  the 
honours  of  this  world.     But  it  thrives  most  when  it  is  per 
secuted,  or  lies  under  worldly  discouragements. 

12.  He  says,  Christians  e  do  not  persecute,  but  heathenism 
falls  of  itself:  nor  did  Christian  emperors  ever  enact  such 
severe  laws  against  heathens,  as  the  worshippers  of  daemons 
had  done  against  Christians. 

13.  He   afterwards   argues    excellently    concerning    the 
Christian  doctrine :  and  says,  that f  Peter  and  Paul,  one  a 
fisherman,  the  other  a  tent-maker,  would  never  of  them 
selves,  and  without  divine  assistance,  have   attempted   the 
design  of  reforming  the   world,  unless  they  had  been  mad. 
But  that  they  were  not  mad,  their  words  and  the  acceptance 
which  they  met  with,  show. 

1 4.  He  seems  to  say,  that  s  the  cities  in  the  Roman  em 
pire,  which  continued  heathens,  were  few  and  small.  .;  r- 

15.  He  computes h  the  city  of  Antioch  to  have  in  it  two 
hundred  thousand  people  ;  and  i  the  number  of  Christians  in 

a  Contr.  Jud.  et  Gent.  T.  i.  p.  559.  B.  b  In  Gen.  Horn.  28. 

T.  iv.  p.  276.  C.  D.  c  In  Ep.  ad  Rom.  Horn.  2.  T.  ix.  p. 

433.  In  Cor.  Horn.  3.  T.  x.  p.  20, 21.  Horn.  5.  p.  37. 

d  De  S.  Bab.  Contr.  Gentil.  T.  ii.  p.  548.  C.  c  De  S.  Bab.  contr. 

Jul.  &c.  T.  iv.  p.  540.  A.  B.  f  Ibid.  p.  541.  A.  B.  *  De  S.  Bab. 

&c.  T.  iv.  p.  548.  D.  h  Horn.  in.  S.  Ignat.  T.  ii.  p.  597.  A. 

'  Kat  yap  r-g  TH  Qes  ^apiri  HQ  StKa  [ivpiaduv  apiOpov  ot/jai  rsg  ivravQa 
ffvvayonevvc  r£\eiv  In  Matt.  Horn.  85.  [al.  86.]  T.  vii.  p.  810.  A. 

VOL.  iv.  2  o 


562  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

it  a  hundred  thousand  :  there  were  in  it,  therefore,  as  also  ap 
pears  clearly  from  Chrysostom's  work,  many  k  Jews  and 
Gentiles  :  however,  he  says,  in  another  place,  that1  the 
Christians  were  the  majority  of  the  city.  He  speaks,  as  m  if 
there  might  be  seen,  in  his  time,  the  house  in  which  Paul 
dwelt  at  Antioch.  There11  were  three  thousand  poor  people 
maintained  by  the  church  at  Antioch,  beside  relief  occa 
sionally  given  to  others. 

16.  We  perceive  from  Chrysostom,  that0  Christian  assem 
blies  were  more  numerous  at  Antioch,  than  at  Constantino 
ple.  He  seems  to  say,  that?  the  country  people  about 
Antioch  used  another  and  a  barbarous  language,  but  never 
theless  were  Christians.  By  the  other  and  barbarous  language, 
probably,  he  means  Syriac  ;  whereas,  the  citizens  of  Antioch 
spoke  Greek. 

XVIII.  Chrysostom  often  shows  the  credibility  of  the 
evangelical  history. 

1.  '  The  i  evangelists,  he  says,  have  related,  who  of  the  dis 
ciples  were  fishermen,  and  who  was  a  publican  ;  the  former 
a    low,   the    other   a   disreputable    employment:    and    that 
Philip   was  not  much  more  honourable,  appears   from  his 
country,  and  the   place  of  his  nativity.     By  relating  such 
things  they  have  secured  their  credit  in  the  more  honourable 
events  of  their  history.     For  when    they   conceal  nothing 
which  is  dishonourable,  either  to  their  Master  or  themselves, 
why   should   they  be  suspected,   when    they  speak  of  the 
miracles  that  were  done  by  him  ?  They  have  related  all  the 
ignominious  sufferings  of  the  cross,  and  have  mentioned  those 
progenitors  of  their  Master,  who  were  remarkable  for  their 
faults  or  their  meanness.     Such  things  show  their  veracity  ; 
and  that  they  did  not  write  with  a  view  to  please  any  men, 
nor  to  magnify  themselves.' 

2.  Chrysostom  speaks  admirably  of  the  harmony  of  the 
evangelists.     « Ifr  there  had  been  an  exact  agreement  about 
every  thing,  in  time,  place,  and  expression,  few  would  have 
believed     them;    the    agreement    would    then    have    been 
ascribed  to  human  contrivance,  and  because  they  had  con 
certed  matters  together  before-hand.     But  the  difference  in 

k  Vid.  Adv.  Jud.  Or.  1.  T.  i.  p.  588—593. 

1  TO  irXeov  TTJQ  TroXtwg  YOKIUVOV'  Kai  ert  urjv  votrsm  rn  t £  inSa'iauov. 

Adv.  Jud.  Or.  1.  p.592.C.  D. 

m  In  Ep.  ad  Rom.  H.  30.  T.  ix.  p.  743.  C. 

"  In  Matt.  H.  66.  [al.  67.]  T.  vii.  p.  658.  B. 

0  Contr.  Anom.  Horn.  11.  T.  i.  p.  541.  C. 

P  Ad  Pop.  Antioch.  Horn.  19.  T.  ii.  p.  189.  B.  Vi  1.  De  Sanctis  Martyr  ib. 
p.  651.  A.  '  i  In  Matt.  Horn.  30.  [al.  31.1  T.  vii.  p.  348.  C,  D. 

r  In  Matt.  Pr.  T.  vii.  p.  5,  6. 


JOHN  CHRYSOSTOM,  Bishop  of  Constantinople.     A.  D.  398.     563 

lesser  things,  which  is  observable  in  them,  prevents  all  sus 
picion  of  this  kind,  and  is  a  proof  of  their  sincerity;  but  in 
important  things  there  is  no  difference  between  them.  They 
all  relate  the  same  doctrine  :  that  Jesus  was  made  man,  that 
he  wrought  miracles,  that  he  was  crucified,  buried,  and  rose 
again;  and  that  he  will  come  again  to  judgment;  that  he 
delivered  salutary  precepts,  and  did  not  promulgate  a  law 
contrary  to  the  old  :  about  these  things  there  is  a  full  agree 
ment.  But  if  all  do  riot  relate  the  same  miracles,  or  with 
the  same  circumstances,  a  difference  about  these,  arid  such 
like  things,  needs  not  cause  any  uneasiness:  yea,  it  is  the 
greatest  proof  of  their  sincerity,  and  establisheth  the  truth  of 
their  history.' 

3.  Upon  Matth.  xxvi.  67,  68,  *  Observe  here,'  says s  he, 
*  and  admire  the  veracity  of  the  evangelists.     Though  these 
things  were  reproachful,  they  have  related   them  with  all 
faithfulness,  concealing  nothing.' 

4.  So  likewise  upon  Matth.  x.  4,  "  And  Judas  Iscariot, 
who  also  betrayed  him,"  he  says :  '  They  *  did  not  decline 
to  mention  those  things,  which  might  appear  to  be  dishonour 
able  to  their  Master  or  themselves.     He  likewise  observes 
there,  that"  when  Matthew  comes  to  the  traitor,  he  does  not 
write  as  an  enemy,  but  as  an  historian  ;  he  does  not  say,  that 
wicked  and  hateful  wretch,  but  calls  him,  from  the  place  of 
his  habitation,  Judas  Iscariot.' 

5.  In  the  same  forecited  preface  to  St.  Matthew's  gospel, 
or  first  homily  upon  it,  he  does  justly  and  strongly  extol  the 
philosophy,  or  just  sentiments,  of  the  apostles,  and  their  pro- 
dig'ious  success,  as  a  proof  of  the  divine  power  and  presence 
with  them:  *Thatv   a  few  men,  some  fishermen,  another  a 
publican,  all  illiterate,  and  destitute  of  worldly  wealth  and 
authority,  should  prevail  both  living  and  dead,  and  bring 
over  to  their  scheme  not  one,  or  two,  or  twenty  men,  or  a 
hundred,  or  a  thousand,  or  ten   thousand,  but  cities,  and 
nations,  and  people.' 

6.  I  know  not  how  to  forbear  to  take  notice  of  one  place 
more  where  Chrysostorn  says:  *  For  the  Christian  religion  to 
have  been  spread  over  the  world  without  miracles,  would  be 
a  greater  miracle  than  any  recorded  in  the  New  Testament.' 

He  is  arguing  for  the  truth  of  Christ's  resurrection  and 
says  :  *  If w  he  had  not  risen,  there  would  not  have  been  any 
miracles  wrought  in  testimony  to  it ;  nor  would  any  have 
been  able  to  work  any  miracles  in  his  name :  whereas  the 

8  In  Matt.  Horn.  85.  [al.  86.]  T.  vii.  p.  803.  E.  *  In  Matt.  H.  32. 

[al.  33.]  p.  369.  B.  u  Ib.  p.  369.  A.  v  In  Matt.  Horn.  1. 

T.  vii.  p.  9.  w  In  Princ.  Act.  H.  4.  T.  iii.  p.  92,  93. 

2  o  2 


564  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

same  power  wrought  miracles  before  and  after  his  cruci 
fixion ;  yea,  more  and  greater  after  it  than  before.  But  how 
does  it  appear  that  miracles  were  wrought  then?  will  an 
infidel  say.  From  whence  does  it  appear  that  Christ  was 
crucified?  From  the  holy  scriptures,  he  will  answer.  Well, 
that  miracles  were  then  done,  and  that  Christ  was  crucified, 
is  manifest  from  the  holy  scriptures ;  for  they  relate  both  the 
one  and  the  other.  And  if  the  adversary  should  say,  that 
the  apostles  wrought  no  miracles,  it  may  be  replied  :  You 
make  their  power  and  the  Divine  favour  greater,  if  indeed, 
without  miracles,  they  allured  so  large  a  part  of  the  world 
to  true  religion.  For  that  would  be  the  greatest  and  most 
wonderful  miracle  of  all  ;  that  a  company  of  twelve  men, 
poor,  mean,  illiterate,  despicable,  should  draw  over  to  them 
selves  so  many  cities,  and  nations,  and  people,  and  kings,  and 
tyrants,  and  philosophers,  and  rhetoricians  ;  and,  in  a  word, 
the  whole  earth,  without  working  any  miracles.  But  do  you 
expect  to  see  miracles  done  now?  I  will  show  you  some, 
and  greater  than  any  that  are  recorded  :  not  one  dead  man 
raised  to  life,  not  one  blind  man  restored  to  sight,  but  the 
whole  earth  recovered  from  the  darkness  of  error ;  not  one 
leper  cleansed,  but  many  nations  washed  from  the  leprosy  of 
sin.  What  miracle  dost  thou  desire,  man,  beyond  this  great 
change  made  in  the  world  all  on  a  sudden  V 

So  says  Chrysostom :  and  I  think  his  argument  is  con 
clusive.  There  is  no  effect  without  a  cause:  there  were,  in 
his  time,  great  numbers  of  Christians,  and  many  churches 
had  been  planted  in  most  parts  of  the  world.  The  doctrine 
of  the  gospel,  therefore,  had  been  preached  to  them  ;  but 
Jesus,  the  author  of  that  doctrine,  had  been  crucified  :  his 
doctrine,  therefore,  was  not  supported  by  worldly  power. 
His  disciples,  at  first,  were  mean  and  despised  ;  and  yet  they 
spread  his  religion  over  the  world  :  consequently  they  were 
supported  by  the  power  of  God,  working  miracles  in  con 
firmation  of  the  doctrine  taught  by  them,  as  the  evangelical 
history  says.  Otherwise,  if  you  deny  the  truth  of  the  mira 
cles  recorded  in  the  New  Testament,  you  must  suppose  a 
greater  miracle;  which  is,  that  God  immediately  and  power 
fully  influenced  the  minds  of  men  to  embrace  the  doctrine 
taught  by  Christ's  disciples.  For  to  say,  that  this  change 
had  been  made  in  the  world  without  any  cause  ;  or  that 
men  forsook  their  old  sentiment  and  practices,  and  embra 
ced  the  Christian  religion  upon  the  bare  word  of  a  few  mean 
and  illiterate  men,  without  any  other  reason  inducing  them 
thereto;  is  an  absurdity  so  manifest,  as  not  to  be  admitted 
by  any. 


JOHN  CHRYSOSTOM,  Bishop  of  Constantinople.     A.  D.  398.     565 

XIX.  We  will  now  observe  some  places,  where  Chrysos- 
tom  speaks  of  miraculous  powers  in  the  church. 

1.  In  one  place  he  says,  thex   ashes  of  the  holy  martyrs 
drive  away  daemons :  in  another  place,  that?  where  daemons 
see  the  bodies  of  martyrs  lying',  they  flee  away.     He  also 
says,  that z  bodies  of  martyrs  have  great  power.     Celebrat 
ing  a  martyr,  named   Julian,  he  says,  he  a  will  allege  not 
ancient  things,  but  of  the  present  time  :  for  take  a  daeinoniac 
and  madman,  and  bring  him  to   that  holy  sepulchre,  where 
are  the  martyr's  relics;  and  you  will  see  him  draw  back, 
and  flee  away.     Again,  he  says,  thatb  daemons  dread  the 
dust  of  martyrs;  and   wherever  they  are  buried,   they  flee 
away  from  their  sepulchres,  though  they  do  not  shun  the 
sepulchres  of  other  dead  men.     Once  more  he  speaks,  asc 
if  in  his  time  many  miracles  were  done  by  the  martyrs. 

2.  In  a  homily  at  the  feast  of  Pentecost,  he  supposeth, 
that  in  his  time  there  were  not  any  miraculous  gifts ;  and 
he  assigns  the  reasons  of  it :  *  For  d  signs  are  for  unbelievers, 
not  for  believers,  as  we  are;  nor  is  that  any  unkindness  to 
us;  but  God  rather  does  us  honour  in  withdrawing  the  evi 
dence  of  miracles.' 

3.  He  speaks  largely  upon  the  same  subject  in  another 
place.     *  At e  the   rise  of  Christianity,  and  for  spreading  it 
in  the  world,  through  the  great  goodness  of  God,  miracu 
lous  gifts  were  bestowed  upon  many  ;  upon  some  who  were 
unworthy,  and  not  truly  pious  ;  but  now  they  are  not  be 
stowed  upon  the  worthy,  because  we  do  not  stand  in  need 
of  such  things.' 

4.  «  Thef  apostles  wrought  miracles  in  their  time;  but 
now  such  things  are  past  and  gone;  whereas,  good  works, 
and  a  holy  conversation,  are  always  necessary  for  those  who 
would  be  saved.' 

5.  In  his  books  of  the  Priesthood,  an  early  work,  written 
before  375,  he  says :  *  Paul  s  was  formidable   to  daemons  ; 
but  all  the  men   of  this  time,  united  together,  cannot,  by 
many  prayers  and  tears,  do    so  much  as  Paul's  handker 
chiefs.     Paul  raised  the  dead,  and  did  many  other  great 

x  Ad  Pop.  Antioch.  Horn.  8.  T.  ii.  p.  93.  B. 

y  De  Mace.  1.  T.  ii.  p.  623.  A.  z  De  SS.  Bernic.  &c.  T.  ii. 

p.  645.  D.  a  In  Julian.  M.  T.  ii.  p.  674.  D.  Vid.  et  in  S. 

Barlaam.  M.  ib.  p.  686.  A.  B. 

DeS.  Drosid.M.T.  ii.p.691.D. 

De  S.  Bab.  Contr.  Jud.  et  Gent.  T.  ii.  p.  555.  C.  D. 

De  S.  Pentec.  Horn.  1.  T.  1.  p.  464.  C. 

In  Princ.  Act.  Horn.  2.  T.  iii.  p.  65.  B.  Vid.  et  p.  64.  C.  D. 

In  Pr.  Act.  Horn.  2.  T.  iii.  p.  65.  E.     Vid.  et  Horn.  3.  p.  76. 

De  Sacerd.  1.  iv.  T.  1.  p.  411.  A. 


566  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

works ;  insomuch,  that  he  was  thought  by  the  heathens  to 
be  a  god.' 

6.  '  When11  the  Jews  were  in  the  wilderness,  many  mi 
racles  were  wrought.     So  likewise  among  us,  at  our  de 
liverance  from  error :    but  afterwards  they  ceased,   when 
religion  was  once  firmly  planted.     And  if,  after  the  settle 
ment  of  the  Jews  in  Canaan,  there  were  miracles,  they  were 
not  so  numerous,  nor  so  frequent  as  before  :  in  like  manner 
has  it  been  in  our  times.     And  when  the  Jews  would  have 
rebuilt  the  temple,  they  were  prevented  by  the  eruptions  of 
fire  at  the  foundation.' 

7.  Chrysostom  speaks  there,  and  also1  elsewhere,  of  other 
miracles  in  the  time  of  Julian  ;  as  well  as  of  the  defeat  of 
the  attempt  to  rebuild  the  temple  at  Jerusalem. 

8.  To  proceed  :  He  says,  miracles k  were  formerly  needful 
to  spread  the  knowledge  of  God  over  the  world  ;  but  now 
they  are  not  needful. 

9.  Again  :  '  God1  has  now  ceased  to  work  miracles.' 

10.  *  Somera  there  are  who  ask,  why  there  are  no  miracles 
now  ?  If  you  believe,  as  you  ought  to  do  ;  if  you  love  Christ, 
as  you  should,  you  have  no  need  of  miracles :  for  miracles 
are  for  them  that  believe  not.' 

11.  Then   Gentiles  were  offended   at  two  things :    that 
Christians  did  not  love  one  another  ;  and  that  there  were  no 
miracles.     He  tells  his  hearers  that  they  were  more  offended 
upon  the  former  account  than  the  latter ;  and  says,  that  at 
first  the  Christian  doctrine  was  recommended  by  miracles ; 
but  now  we  ought  to  recommend  it  by  our  lives. 

12.  Upon  1  Cor.  xii.      «  This0  whole   place,  he  says,  is 
very  obscure.     The  reason  is,  that  we  are  unacquainted  with 
the  things  there  spoken  of,  and  such   things  do  not  now 
happen.' 

13.  In  his  fourteenth  homily  upon  the  epistle  to  the  Ro 
mans,  particularly  ch.  viii.  26,  "  Likewise  the  Spirit  also 
helpeth  our  infirmities:  for  we  know  not  what  we  should 
pray  for  as  we  ought."     '  This?  expression  is  obscure,  be 
cause  many  of  the  miracles  which  were  then  done  are  ceased ; 
therefore,  it  is  needful  to  show  you  the  state  of  things  at  that 
time.     Then  God  vouchsafed  to  those  who  were  baptized 

11  la  Matt.  Horn.  4.  T.  vii.  p.  47. 

1  In  Ps.  ex.  n.  4,  et  5.  T.  v.  p.  271.  A.— E.  p.  272.  A. 

k  In  Ps.  cxlii.  n.  5.  ib.  p.  455.  E.  '  Kai  yap Ta  o^tia 

nravfftv  6  Qiof.  In  Matt.  Horn.  32.  [al.  33.]  T.  vii.  p.  375.  E. 

m  In  Jo.  Horn.  24.  [al.  23.]  n.  1.  T.  viii.  p.  138.  A. 

n  In  Jo.  Horn.  72.  [al.  71.]  T.  viii.  p.  427.  D.  E. 

0  In  1  Cor.  Horn.  29.  T.  x.  p.  257.  E.  i>  In  Rom.  Horn.  14. 

T.  ix.  p.  585,  586. 


JOHN  CHRYSOSTOM,  Bishop  of  Constantinople.     A.  D.  395.     567 

many  gifts,  which  were  called  "  spirits  :  for  the  spirits  of  the 
prophets  are  subject  to  the  prophets,"  as  he  says.  [1  Cor.  xiv. 
32.  J  One  had  the  gift  of  prophecy,  and  he  foretold  things 
to  come  ;  another  had  the  gift  of  wisdom,  and  he  taught  the 
people  ;  he  who  had  the  gift  of  healing,  cured  the  sick;  he 
who  had  the  gift  of  working  wonderful  works,  raised  the 
dead  ;  another  had  the  gift  of  tongues,  and  he  spake  in  di 
vers  languages.  Beside  all  these,  there  was  the  gift  of 
prayer ;  which  is  called  "  the  spirit :"  he  who  had  that  gift 
prayed  for  the  whole  multitude.  And  whereas  we  are  igno 
rant  of  many  things  that  are  profitable  to  us,  and  therefore  ask 
for  things  not  profitable,  the  gift  of  prayer  came  upon  some 
one  at  that  time,  who  asked  for  all  those  things  which  were 
profitable  for  the  whole  church,  and  thereby  was  also  very 
instructive.  That  gift  the  apostle  here  calls  "  the  spirit ;" 
as  also  the  soul  of  him  that  received  that  gift,  which  inter 
ceded  with  God,  and  groaned  :  for  he  who  was  favoured 
with  that  gift,  with  great  compunction,  and  inward  groaning, 
asked  things  profitable  for  all  :  of  whom  the  deacon,  in  our 
time,  who  offers  prayers  for  all,  is  only  a  symbol.  He  pro 
ceeds  to  say,  that  by  "  the  spirit,"  the  apostle  does  not  nere 
mean  the  Comforter ;  but  a  spiritual  man,  who  has  the  gift 
of  prayer.' 

14.  Upon  1  Cor.  xiv.     *  The0!  church  was  then  a  heaven, 
when  the  Spirit  directed  all  things,  moving  and  inspiring 
every  one  of  the  bishops  ;  but  now  we  have  only  the  sym 
bols  of  those  gifts.' 

15.  Upon  the  Acts  ;  speaking  of  the  state  of  things,  wrhen 
the  gospel  was  first  preached   by   the  apostles,  he  says  : 
'  Ther  earth  was  then  a  heaven  for  the  excellent  conversation 
of  the  believers  ;  and  the  miracles  then  wrought;  and  upon 
other  accounts.' 

16.  In  a  homily  upon  the  epistle  to  the  Colossians,  some 
are  brought  in  asking,   Why8  there  were  then  none  who 
raised  the  dead,  and  healed  diseases  ?  A  part  of  his  answer 
is,  that  when  the  faith  was  to  be  planted,  there  were  many 
such  ;  but  now  there  was  no  need  of  them. 

17.  In  a  homily  upon  the  second  chapter  of  the  second 
epistle  to  the  Thessalonians,  he  says,  *  That1  the  gifts  of  the 
Spirit  had  ceased  long  ago.' 

XX.  It  may  not  be  amiss  to  take  some  of  Chrysostom's 
passages  concerning  free-will. 

4  In  1  Cor.  Horn.  36.  p.  339.  C.  D. 

r  In  Act.  Ap.  Horn.  12.  T.  ix.  p.  100.  B. 

8  In  Col.  Horn.  8.  T.  xi.  p.  387.  E. 

1  —  Keu  yap  TraXcu  tK\i\onriv.     In  2  Th.  Horn.  4.  T.  xi.  p.  591.  C.  D. 


568  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

1.  He  says  :  Allu  might  be  like  Peter  and  Paul  in  virtue, 
though  not  in  miracles. 

2.  Wev  are  good,  or  bad,  not  by  nature,  but  by  our  own 
purpose. 

3.  In  another  place  he  says,  thatw  no  man  is  good  or  bad 
by  nature. 

4.  *  Thex  temptations  of  Satan  can   impose  no  necessity 
upon  us  to  do  evil.     We  are  masters  of  our  own  purposes  ; 
whether  his  temptations  shall  prevail  or  not.' 

5.  Speaking  of  Judas,  he  says  :  *  Christy  gave  him  many 
admonitions  and  warnings  ;   but  he  slighted  them  ;  and  God 
did  not  use  violence  to  draw  him.     As  he  has  put  in  our 
power  the  choice  of  good  or  evil,  and  will  have  us  to  be  good 
freely  ;  therefore,  if  we  will  not  he  does  not  force  us  :  for  to 
be  good  by  necessity  is  not  to  be  g*ood.' 

6.  Afterwards,  observing  upon  the  different  conduct  of 
Judas  and  the  other  disciples,  he  says  :  '  Hez  and  they  saw 
the  same  miracles  ;  they  had  the  same  instructions  and  the 
same  power.     Whence  then  the  difference  ?  It  came  from 
the  purpose  of  the  mind  ;  that  is  every  where  the  cause  of 
all  good  and  of  all  bad  actions.' 

7.  *  Ifa  it  be  asked  :  Could  not  Christ  have  drawn  a  dis 
ciple  ?  I  answer :  He  could.     But  he  would  not  make  him 
good  by  necessity,  nor  draw  him  by  force  to  himself.' 

8.  In  another  place  he  says,  thatb  Judas  might  have  re 
pented  and  been  forgiven,  if  he  had  not  hastily  made  away 
with  himself  through  the  excess  of  his  grief.     This  he  thinks 
to  be  manifest  from  the  mercy  shown  to  many  of  those  who 
had  crucified  Christ. 

9.  He  argues  at  large,  thatc  Paul  was  not  converted  by 
force  ;  but  freely,  and  of  his  own  purpose,  according  to  the 
call  of  God. 

10.  '  Ifd  we  will  but  be  thoughtful  and  watchful,  we  may 
more  easily  cure  the  diseases  of  the  mind  than  of  the  body.' 

11.  Hee  speaks  very  strongly  to  the  like  purpose,  in  an 
other  place  ;  and  I  shall  refer  to  divers f  others. 

u  De  Compunct.  ad  Demetr.  1.  i.  T.  i.  p.  136.  C.  D. 

v  Adv.  Oppugnat.  Vit.  Mon.  1.  iii.  T.  i.  p.  83.  A. 

w  In  1  ad  Cor.  Horn.  2.  T.  x.  p.  13.  D. 

x  De  Laz.  Horn.  2.  T.  i.  p.  729.  A.  y  De  Prodit.  Jud.  Horn. 

1.  T.  ii.  p.  320.  D.  z  Ibid.  p.  382.  A. 

a  De  Prodit.  Jud.  Horn.  2.  p.  389.  A.  Conf.  Horn.  1.  p.  378.  D. 

b  DePoanit.  Horn.  1.  T.  ii.  p.  284.  E. 

c  De  Ferend.  Repreh.  Horn.  3.  T.  iii.  p.  127.  B.  Conf.  p.  125.  B.  C. 

d  In  Gen.  Horn.  42.  T.  iv.  p.  424.  E.  e  In  1  Thess.  Horn.  6.  T.  xi. 

p.  465.  B.  C.  f  Vid.  in  Gen.  Horn.  54.  T.  iv.  p.  522.  A.  in  Es. 

cap.  1.  T.  vi.  p.  12.  A.  In  Jerem.  cap.  x.  23.  T.  vi.  p.  159—165. 


JOHN  CHRYSOSTOM,  Bishop  of  Constantinople.     A.  D.  398.     569 

12.  Again  :  <  Ifs  we  will,  we  may  shake  off  all  our  sins.' 

13.  I  refer  toh  his  remarks  upon  John  i.  38,  as  also  upon' 
Rom.  ix.  21,  which  I  may  not  stay  to  transcribe,  though 
they  are  very  observable. 

14.  *  Andk  that  you  may  perceive  the  call  of  God   does 
not  necessitate  ;  consider  how  many  of  those  who  are  called 
perish  :  whence  it  is  evident,  that  our  salvation,  or  damna 
tion,  depends  upon  our  own  purpose.' 

15.  And  yet,  in  one  place,  he  says  :  *  Without1  the  divine 
assistance,  we  are  not  able  to  resist  the  smallest  temptation.' 
And  again,  *  That™1  we  can  do  no  good  thing*,  without  as 
sistance  from  above.' 

16.  Discoursing  on  the  title  of  the  book  of  the  Acts,  he 
says:  Luken  did  not  call  it  the  history  of  the  miracles  of 
the  apostles,  but  of  their  Acts,  which  is  better  :  for  miracles 
are  a  divine  gift;  acts,  the  fruit  of  human  industry.     How 
ever,  he    afterwards  says,   that  miracles    are    solely    from 
heaven  ;  acts,  from  both  our  care  and  divine  grace. 

XXI.  I  shall   conclude,  with  a  few  observations  upon  a 
variety  of  subjects. 

1.  *  If0  God  had  been  swift  to  punish,  the  church  had  not 
had  Paul The  long  suffering  of  God  made  him,  of  a  per 
secutor,  a  preacher  of  the  gospel  ;   as  it  did,  in   another 
instance,  of  a  publican  an  evangelist.' 

2.  'The  P  Jews,  our  enemies,  keep  the  scriptures  for  us; 
or  are  our  librarians  :'  a  thought  very  frequent  in  Augustine, 
as  we  have  seen.     So   likewise  argues  Chrysostom  ;    who 
proceeds;  *  The  testimony  of  an  enemy,  says  he,  is  always 
reckoned  of  great  force.     The  prophecies  of  the  Old  Tes 
tament,  of  which  we  make  so  good  use,  are   derived   to  us 
from  those  who  crucified  the  Lord  Jesus.      No  man,  there 
fore,  can  say,  that  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament  have  been 
forged  by  us.'        And,  as  he  says,  in  another  place  :  *  If  * 
they  had  understood  the  prophecies  recorded  in  their  scrip 
tures,  and  could  have  apprehended  the  advantage  we  have 
from  them,  they  might  have  been  tempted  to  destroy  them.' 

3.  In  r  Chrysostom's  time  there  were  many  who  went  into 
Arabia  to  see  Job's  dunghill.     All  will  readily  suppose  that 

g  De  Pentec.  Horn.  1.  T.  i.  p.  467.  E.  h  In  Jo.  Horn.  18.  [al. 

17.]  T.  viii.  p.  107.  D.  i  In  Rom.  Horn.  14.  T.  ix.  p.  615.  A.— E. 

k  In  Jo.  Horn.  47.  [al.  46.]  T.  viii.  p.  281.  C.  '  De  Paralyt.  T.  iii. 

p.  35.  C.  m  In  Gen.  H.  25.  T.  iv.  p.  241.  D. 

n  In  Inscript.  Act.  Horn.  2.  T.  iii.  p.  63.  D. 

0  De  Poenit.  Horn.  7.  T.  ii.  p.  328.  B.  Conf.  de  Cruce  et  Latron.  Horn.  1. 
ib.  p.  409.  A.  B.  P  In  Ps.  xliv.  T.  5.  p.  160.  C. 

1  In  Es.  cap.  2.  T.  6.  p.  20.  A.  r  Ad  Pop.  Antioch.  Horn. 
5.  T.  ii.  p.  59.  A. 


570  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

Chrysostom  was  wiser  than  to  go  thither  himself.  And  some 
may  be  apt  to  think  that  he  might  have  shown  his  dislike 
of  such  superstition  :  but  that  is  more  than  can  be  expected 
from  an  orator. 

4.  There s   were  pick-pockets  at  Antioch,  who   used   to 
make  advantage  of  Chrysostom's  crowded  auditories;  for 
which  reason   he  adviseth   his  hearers  not  to  bring  much 
money  to  church  with  them. 

5.  He  says,  that l  Nero  put  Paul  to  death,  because  he  had 
converted  a  beloved  concubine  of  the  emperor:  which  story 
I  do  not  think  to  be  well   attested.     He  also  informs  us, 
that u  it  was  said,  that  Paul  saluted    the   butler  or  cup 
bearer,  and  a  concubine  of  Nero.     He  supposeth,  in  another 
place,  thatv  his  converting  Nero's  cup-bearer  was  the  im 
mediate  occasion  of  his  death  ;  he  w  likewise  speaks  of  Nero's 
being  offended,  because  the  apostle  found  favour  with  one 
of  the  emperor's  friends. 

6.  The  x  worst  of  men,  he  says,  are  to  be  relieved  when 
in  distress. 


CHAP.  CXIX. 

SEVERIAN,  BISHOP  OF  GABALA,  IN  SYRIA. 


SEVERIAN,  bishop  of  Gabala,  in  Syria,  once  friend,  after 
wards  rival  and  enemy  of  St.  Chrysostom,  flourished a 
about  the  year  401:  for  a  particular  account  of  him  and  his 
works  I  refer  to  b  others.  Divers  homilies  have  been 
ascribed  to  him  which  are  not  certainly  known  to  be  his. 
I  shall  quote,  or  refer  to  such  works  only,  the  genuineness 
of  which  is  generally,  or  universally  acknowledged. 

8  Contr.  Anom.  Horn.  4.  T.  i.  p.  479.  *  Adv.  Oppugnat.  Vit.  Mou. 

1.  i.  T.  1.  p.  48.  D.  E.  u  Aiytrai  Ntpwog  KO.I  oivo\oov  Kai 

TraXXaKiSa  avTraaai.  In  Act.  Ap.  Horn.  46.  T.  ix.  p.  349.  D. 

v  Uapt^e  rjdt)  ro>  Ntpom,  Kai  dittyvyW  tTreidtj  Kai  TOV  oivo-^oov  avra  Karrixrjai, 
roTf.  avrov  a.TriTi\inv.  In  2  Tim.  Horn.  10.  T.  xi.  p.  722.  B. 

w  UpO(7£Kp«<7£  yap  Tort  TO)  Ntpam,  Tiva  Td)v  avctKtifJieviijv  avrq  oimwffa/usvog. 
In  2  Tim.  Horn.  3.  ib.  673.  C.  x  De  Laz.  Horn.  2.  T.  i.  p.  734.  C. 

a  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  375. 

b  Cav.  Fabr.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  ix.  p.  267—269.  Du  Pin,  T.  iii.  Tillem.  T.  xi. 
S.  Chrysostome,  Art.  62,  63,  et  notes  54—56.  Conf.  Socr.  1.  6.  c.  1 1,  et  24. 
Soz.  1.  8.  c.  10.  18. 


SEVERIAN,  Bishop  of  Gabala.     A.  D.  401.  571 

2.  Severian  was  a  popular  preacher.     When  Chrysostom 
had  occasion  to  be  absent  from  Constantinople,  he  preached 
in  his  stead,  and  with  good  acceptance;  nevertheless,  when  c 
he  spake  Greek,  there  appeared,  to  nice  ears,  somewhat 
Syrian  in  his  pronunciation. 

3.  Severian  is  not  only  mentioned  by  the  Greek  ecclesi 
astical  historians;  butd  Gennadius  likewise  has  given  him 
a  place  in  his  book  of  Illustrious  Men. 

4.  He  was  reckoned  by  his  contemporaries  well  skilled  e  in 
the  sacred  scriptures  ;  and  his  remaining  works  are   full  of 
citations  of  the  scriptures,  and  marks  of  the  highest  respect 
for  them. 

5.  At  the  beginning  of  his  first  hornily  upon  Genesis,  or, 
the  Creation  of  the  World,  he  says,  '  Our  f  salvation  is  the 
design  of  every  book   of  sacred   scripture  ;  for  our  good 
every  thing  is  written,  the  end  of  the  law  of  Moses,  of  the 
preaching  of  the  prophets  and  of  the  apostles,  is,  that  we 
may  obtain  true  piety,  and  be  saved.' 

6.  He  often  quotes  the  four  gospels,  the  Acts  of  the  Apos 
tles,  and  Paul's  epistles,  particularly  that^  to  the  Hebrews. 

7.  In  the  forecited  homily  or  oration,  he  says,  '  Both  h  the 
Testaments  have  a  great  agreement,  as  proceeding  from  the 
same  Father.     In  the  Old  Testament  the  law  precedes,  then 
follow  the  prophets  ;  in  the  New,  the  gospel  precedes,  and 
then  follow  the  apostles.'     Presently  afterwards  he   says, 
*  In1   the  New   Testament  are   twelve  apostles,   and    four 
evangelists.' 

8.  In  an  oration   concerning  Seals,  Severian  expresseth 
himself  in  this  manner:  '  Letk  heretics  often  observe  that 
saying,  "  In   the  beginning  was  the  Word."     Indeed,  the 
three   evangelists,  Matthew,   Mark,  and   Luke,  when   they 
began  their  preaching,  did  not  immediately  say  what  became 
Christ's  dignity,  but  what   was  suitable  to  their  hearers' 
capacity.     Matthew,1  at  the  beginning  of  the  gospels,  says, 
"  The  book  of  the  generation  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  son  of 


:  —  a\\a  Kai  E\\IJVI^I  006yyo/i£vog,  Supog  tjv  TTJV  <f>(»)VT)V.  Socr.  1.  6.  C.  xi. 
in.  —  rrjv  Swpwv  Saffvrrjra  —  tin  TIJQ  yXwrrqc  etytptv.  Soz.  1.  8.  c.  10.  in. 

d  Severianus,  Gabalensis  ecclesiae  episcopus,  in  divinis  scripturis  eruditus, 
et  in  homiliis  declamator  admirabilis  fuit.  Unde  et  frequenter  ab  episcopo 
Joanne  et  imperatore  Arcadio  ad  faciendum  sermonem  Constantinopolim 
vocabatur,  &c.  Genn.  de  V.  I.  cap.  21.  e  Soz.  ib.  p.  770.  A. 

f  De  Mundi  Creat.  Horn.  i.  ap.  Chr.  T.  vi.  p.  436.  A.  ed.  Bened, 
*  De  Mund.  Creat.  Or.  2.  p.  444.  A.  et  passim. 

—  Kai  ev  ry  vty,  ^aptrt  Trpojjyemu  TO  tvayyeXiov,  Kai  aKoXuOuffiv  cnroG- 
i.     Ap.  Chr.  T.  vi.  p.  439.  B.  j  Ibid. 

k  De  Sigillis,  ap.  Chrys.  T.  xii.  p.  411.  E.  412.  A. 
'O  MarduwQ  cip\ijv  Trotjjtra/.tei'og  ruv  euayyeXtwv  \eytt.     Ibid. 


572  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

David,  the  son  of  Abraham."  Why  does  he  not  say,  "  the 
son  of  God  ?"  Why  does  he,  with  such  low  expressions 
conceal  his  dignity?'  Having*  answered  those  queries,  he 
also  observes  the  beginnings  of  the  gospels  of  St.  Mark 
and  St.  Luke,  and  adds:  '  All  m  three,  therefore,  attended  to 
his  dispensation  in  the  flesh  ;  and,  by  his  miracles,  gradually 
instilled  his  dignity.'  He  afterwards  compares  John  to 
thunder,  and  says,  he  is  terrible  to  heretics;  whilst  the 
other  three  evangelists  only  lightened.  He  likewise  says, 
until0  John  wrote,  the  best  defence  of  the  right  faith  and  the 
best  weapons  against  heretics  were  wanting. 

9.  In  the  remaining  works  of  Severian  there  is  little  notice 
taken  of  the  catholic  epistles,  none  at  all  of  the  Revelation. 
It  is  likely  that  this  last  was  not  received  by  him,  and  that 
he  received  three  only  of  the  catholic  epistles.    Cosmas  says, 
'  Severian,0  bishop  of  Gabala,  in  his  book  against  the  Jews, 
'  rejects  them  ;  forasmuch  as  the  most  say,  they  were  not 

*  written  by  apostles,  but  by  some  others,  who  were  barely 

*  presbyters.'      Cosmas's   expressions  are  arnbig'uous  :    he 
may  seem  to  speak  of  all   the  catholic  epistles;  but  it  is 
likely  that  he  ought  to  be  understood  of  some  of  them  only. 

10.  Moreover,   in   the   homily   upon  the  brazen  serpent, 
generally  allowed  to  be  Severian's,  are  the  words  of  1  Pet. 
ii.  22;  they  are  quoted  as  Paul's  ;  but  I  take  that  to  be  the 
fault  of  the  copyist.     Peter  having  been   written  in  a  con 
tracted  manner,  some  ignorant  and  hasty   scribe  read  Paul, 
and  put  his  name  in  his  transcribed   copy.     So  the  place 
is  :  '  ASP  also  Isaiah  agrees  with  the  blessed  Paul,  [Peter,] 
who  says;  "  Who  did  no  sin,  neither  was  guile  found  in 
his  mouth."  '   And,  in  his  discourse  on  Seals,  the^  beginning 
of  the  first  epistle  of  John  is  expressly  cited  as  John's;  and 
it  may  be  reasonably  supposed,  that  he  likewise  received 
the  epistle  of  James. 

11.  Upon  the  whole,  Severian  received  the  four  gospels, 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  fourteen  epistles  of  the  apostle 
Paul,  and  three  of  the  catholic  epistles;  and,  for  the  scrip 
tures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  he  had  the  highest 
regard. 

m  Ib.  p.  412,  D. 

"  EKpvTrrero  Se  TCI  Kara  rwv  aipjTiKwv  j8f\7j,  KOI  TO  rr\q  op9r)G  £O£T)G  iiriTti- 
XlffHa  «^£7rw  ry  Kf/pry/iari  TI\C,  tvffffitiag  tyrjytpTO.  Ib.  p.  412.  D.  E. 

0  'Ofj.oi(>)Q  Kai  'Stvripiavog,  6  Fa/3aXwv,  tig  TOV  Kara  Isdaiwv  Xoyov  avrag 
a.7rtKT)pv£tv'  a  yap  aTTOToXwv  (paffiv  avrag  01  TrXetHf,  aXX'  srtpwv  TIVWV  7rpe<r- 


a^tXtTepwv.     Cosm.  Top.  Chr.  1.  7.  p.  292.  c.     Ap.  Montf.  Nov. 
Coll.  PP.  T.  ii.  .  p   KaOwg  Kai  6  paicapioQ  Uaa'lag  avvytia  TVJ> 

riawXy.  K.  X.     De  Serp.  Horn.  ap.  Chr.  T.  vi.  p.  515.  A. 
'  De  Sigillis,  ap.  Chr.  T.  xii.  p.  414.  C. 


SULPICIUS  SEVERUS.     A.  D.  401.  573 


CHAP.  CXX. 


SULPICIUS  SEVERUS. 


I.  His  time  and  works.  II.  His  character,  and  the  charac 
ter  of  his  writings.  III.  His  testimony  to  the  scriptures. 
IV.  Select  passages. 

I.  SULPICIUS  SEVERUS,a  of  Aquitain,  in  Gaul,  author 
of  a  sacred  history,  in  two  books  ;  and  of  the  life  of  Martin, 
bishop  of  Tours  ;  and  some  other  works ;  is  placed,  by 
Cave,  at  the  year  401,  about  which  time  he  finished  the 
above-mentioned  history  ;  which  is  a  summary  account  of 
the  affairs  of  the  Jews,  and  of  the  church,  from  the  begin 
ning"  of  the  world  to  the  consulship  of  Stilicho  and  Aurelian, 
or  the  year  of  Christ  400.  We  are  assured,  by  Gennadius, 
that  he  was  a  presbyter;  he  is  supposed  to  have  died  about 
the  year  4*20. 

I  shall  place  in  the  marginb  a  large  part  of  Gennadius's 
chapter,  containing  an  enumeration  of  his  works;  who  also 
says,  that  Sulpicius,  in  his  old  age,  embraced  Pelagianism ; 
but  being  convinced  of  his  error,  he  showed  his  repentance 
by  perpetual  silence  afterwards ;  that  is,  as  some  suppose, 
by  writing  no  more  books. 

U.  Sulpicius  embraced  some  of  the  notions  of  the  Mil- 
lenarians,  as  was  of  old  observed  byc  Jerom,  and  still 

a  Vid.  Cav.  H.  E..T.  i.  Voss.  Hist.  Lat.  1.  2.  c.  12.  Fabric,  ad  Gennad. 
cap.  19.  Pagi  ann.  395.  n.  20.  431.  n.  L.  Basnag.  aim.  400.  n.  16.  Du 
Pin,  Bib.  T.  iii.  p.  145.  Tillem.  Mem.  T.  xii. 

b  Severus  presbyter,  cognomento  Sulpicius,  Aquitaniae  provinciae,  vir  genere 
et  literis  nobilis,  et  paupertatis  atque  humilitatis  amore  conspicuus,  clarus  etiam 
sanctorum  virorum,  Martini  Turonensis  episcopi,  et  Paulini  Nolensis  notitia, 
scripsit  non  contemnenda  opuscula.  Nam  epistolas  ad  amorem  Dei  et  con- 
temtum  mundi  hortatorias  scripsit  sorori  multas,  quae  note  sunt.  Scripsit  et 
ad  Paulinum  praedictum  duas,  et  ad  alios  alias — Composuit  et  Chronica. 
Scripsit  et  ad  multorum  profectum  Vitam  B.  Martini  monachi  et  episcopi,  sig- 
nis  et  prodigiis  ac  virtutibus  illustris  viri.  Et  collationem  Postumiani  et  Galli, 
se  mediante  et  judice,  de  conversatione  monachorum  orientaliurn  et  ipsius 
Martini  habitam,  in  dialogi  speciem,tribus  incisionibus  comprehendit — Hie  in 
senectute  sua  a  Pelagianis  deceptus,  et  agnoscens  loquacitatis  culpam,  silentimn 
usque  ad  mortem  tenuit,  ut  peccatnm,  quod  loquendo  contraxerat,  tacendo 
pcenitens  emendaret.  Gennad.  de  Vir.  111.  cap.  19. 

c  Neque  enim  juxta  judaicas  fabulas  gemmatam  et  auream  de  ccelo  expec- 
tamus  Jerusalem — quod  ut  multi  noslrorum — et  nuper  Severus  noster  in  dialo- 
go,  cui  Gallo  nomen  imposuit.  Hieron.  in  Ezech.  cap.  36.  T.  iii.  p.  952. 


574  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

appears  ind  his  works,  ine  part.  He  gives f  a  common,  but 
wrong'  interpretation  of  Gen.  vi.  1 — 4,  by  '  sons  of  God  ' 
understanding  angels  ;  an  interpretation  tbats  may  be  found 
in  many  of  the  ancients.  His  accounts  of  Martin  of  Tours 
are  reckoned,  by  some,  a  remarkable  instance  of  credulity. 
Du  Pin  says,  heh  was  very  credulous  in  point  of  miracles; 
but  Tillemont'  believes  every  word;  t bough k  the  accounts 
which  Sulpicius  gave  of  Martin  were  not  believed  by  all  in 
his  own  time. 

I  add  but  one  thing  more  in  the  way  of  character  of 
Sulpicius:  his  style  is  neat  and  elegant;  but  his  sacred 
history,  after  the  period  of  the  evangelical  writings,  is  too 
short,  and  even  defective ;  he  has  not  one  word  of  the  reign 
of  the  emperor  Julian  ;  and  if  it  should  be  said,  that  his 
design  was  sacred,  not  civil  history,  that  would  not  amount 
to  a  good  defence ;  since  it  is  well  known,  that  the  church 
was  not  unconcerned  in  the  transactions  of  that  reign. 

III.  His  testimony  to  the  books  of  the  New  Testament 
will  lie  in  a  small  compass. 

1.  Having  related  the  affairs  of  former  times  to  the  coming 
of  Christ,  he l  declines  to  write  particularly  what  is  recorded 

d  Unde  creditur,  etiamsi  se  gladio  ipse  transfixerit  [Nero],  curato  vulnere 
ejus  servatus ;  secundum  illud,  quod  de  eo  scriptum  est :  «  Et  plaga  mortis 
ejus  curata  est.'  [Apoc.  xiii.  3.]  Sub  seculi  fine  mittendus,  ut  mysterium 
iniquitatis  exerceat.  Hist.  Sacr.  1.  2.  cap.  29.  al.  42.  Conf.  ejusd.  Dialog,  ii. 
cap.  14.  al.  16. 

e  See  Tillem.  Mem.  T.  xii.  S.  Sulpice  Severe.  Art.  8. 

f  Qua  tempestate  cum  jam  humanum  genus  abundaret,  angeli,  quibus 
ccelum  sedes  erat,  speciosarum  forma  virginum  capti,  illicitas  cupiditates 
adpetierunt ;  ac  naturae  suae  originisque  degeneres,  relictis  superioribus, 
quorum  incolae  erant,  matrimoniis  se  mortalibus  miscuerunt — Ex  quorum 
coitu  gigantes  editi  esse  dicuntur,  cum  diversae  inter  se  naturae  permixtio 
monstra  gigneret.  Hist.  Sacr.  1.  i.  c.  2.  al,  3. 

*  Vetus  opinio  Judaeorum ;  quam  et  plurimi  veterum  christianorum,  et 
doctorum  ecclesiae  amplexi  fuerunt.  Job.  Vorst.  in  Severi  loc. 

h  Ubi  supra,  p.  145.  b.  l  Ce  dessein  paroitaussi  facile 

que  favorable,  puisq'  il  n'  y  a  qu'  a  suivre  les  pas  d'un  excellent  historien,  et  a 
mettre  fidelement  en  Fra^ois  ce  qu'  il  a  parfaitement  bien  ecrit  en  Latin.  St. 
Martin  de  Tours,  Art.  i.  T.  x. 

k  Haec  plerisque  in  eodem  monasterio  constitutis  incredibilia  videbantur. 
Nedum  ego  confidam  omnes,  qui  haec  audient,  credituros — Quanquam  mini- 
me  mirum,  si  in  operibus  Martini  infirmitas  humana  dubitaverit ;  cum  multos 
hodieque  videamus,  nee  evangeliis  quidem  credidisse.  Dialog.  2.  cap.  13. 

1  Sub  hoc  Herode,  anno  imperil  ejus  tertio  et  xxx.  Christus  natus  est,  Salino 
et  Rufino  consulibus,  viii.  kalendas  Januarias.  Vemm  haec,  quse  evangeliis, 
ac  deinceps  Apostolorum  Actibus  continentur,  adtingere  non  ausus,  ne  quid 
forma  prsecisi  operis  rerum  digriitatibus  diminueret  reliqua  exsequar.  Herodes 
post  nativitatem  Domini  regnavit  annos  iv.  Nam  omne  ejus  tempus  vii.  et 
xxx.  anni  fuerunt.  Post  quern  Archelaiis  tetrarcha  annos  ix.  Herodes  annos  xx. 
et  iv.  Hoc  regnante,  anno  regni  octavo  et  decimo  Dominus  crucifixus  est, 
Fusio  Gemino  et  Rebellio  Gemino  consulibus.  A  quo  tempore  usque  in 


SULPICIUS  SEVERUS.     A.  D.  401.  575 

in  the  gospels,  and  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  written  by 
Luke  ;  which  book,  he  says,  contains  an  history  of  the 
apostles  to  the  time  of  Paul's  coming  to  Rome,  in  the  reign 
of  Nero. 

2.  He  says,  thatra  John,  the  apostle  and  evangelist,  was 
banished  by  Domitian  into  the  isle  Patmos :  where  he  had 
visions,  and  where  he  wrote  the  book  of  the   Revelation, 
which    is  either  foolishly   or  wickedly  rejected  by  many. 
The  Revelation   is  expressly   quoted   again,  as  the  apostle 
John's,  in  an  epistle11  supposed  to   be  his  ;  and  is  referred 
to,  or  quoted  by  him,  in  other  places. 

3.  In  the  same  epistle  is  quoted0  the  epistle  of  James. 

4.  I  forbear  to  take  notice  of  quotations  of  other  books  of 
the  New  Testament,  as  altogether  needless. 

5.  His  general  divisions  of  the  books  of  scripture  are  such 
as  these:  *  the?  law,  the  prophets,  the  gospels  and  apostles; 
the  i  law  and  the  apostles ;  the  r  Old  and  New  Testament.' 

IV.  I  shall  now  select  a  few  remarkable  passages  : 

1.  '  Eternal8  life,'  he  says,  *  is  not  to  be  obtained  but  by 
obedience   to  all   God's  commandments  ;  for  the  scripture 
says,  "  If  thou  wilt  enter  into  life  keep  the  commandments:" 
[Matt.   xix.  17.]  therefore,  as  he  adds,  virginity  alone  will 
not  avail.' 

2.  Sulpicius  has1  a  general  and  summary  account  of  the 
heathen  persecutions ;  of  which  some  farther  notice  may  be 
taken  by  us  hereafter. 

Stilichonem  consulem  sunt  anni  ccclxxii.  Apostolorum  Actus  Lucas  edidit, 
usque  in  tempus,  quo  Paulus  Romam  deductus  est,  Nerone  imperaute.  Hist. 
Sacr.  1.  2.  cap.  27,  et  28.  al.  cap.  39,  40. 

m  Interjecto  deinde  tempore,  Domitianus,  Vespasiani  filius,  persecutus  est 
christianos.  Quo  tempore  Johannem  apostolum  atque  evangelistam  in  Path- 
mum  insulam  relegavit ;  ubi  ille,  arcanis  sibi  mysteriis  revelatis,  librum  sacrae 
Apocalypsis,  qui  quidem  a  plerisque  aut  stulte,  aut  impie,  non  recjpitur,  con- 
scriptum  edidit.  Ibid.  cap.  31.  al.  45. 

n  De  his  enim  beatus  apostolus  Joannes  loquitur,  quod  sequantur  agnum 
quocumque  ierit.  [Apoc.  xiv.  4.]  Ad  Soror.  Ep.  2.  cap.  3.  p.  555.  edit.  Jo. 
Cleric.  Lips.  1709. 

0  Nolo  enim  tibi  in  hoc  blandiaris,  si  aliqua  non  feceris,  cum  scriptum  sit : 
*  Qui  universam  legem  servaverit,  offenderit  autem  in  uno,  factus  est  omnium 
reus.'  [Jac.  ii.  10.]  Ib.  cap.  12.  p.  566. 

v  Tibi  vero,  post  tanta  documenta,  post  legem,  post  prophetas,  post  evangelia, 
post  apostolos,  si  delinquere  volueris,  quomodo  indulgeri  possit,  ignoro.  Ibid, 
cap.  12.  p.  567.  q  Si  contra  legalia  et  apostolica  instituta 

indecens  aliquid  aut  loquuntur,  aut  cogitant.  Ib.  cap.  15.  p.  569. 

r  Domini  est  etiam  lex  Novi  et  Veteris  Testamenti,  in  quibus  ejus  eloquia 
sancta  refulgent.  Ib.  cap.  16.  p.  570. 

s  jEterna  vero  vita  nonnisi  per  omnem  divinorum  prseceptorum  custodiam 
promereri  potest,  scriptura  dicente,  *  Si  vis  in  vitam  aeternam  pervenire,  serva 
mandata.'— Nihil  ergo  virginitas  sola  proficiet.  Ib.  cap.  6.  p.  558. 

'  Vid.  Hist.  Sacr.  1.  ii.  cap.  28—32.  al.  cap.  40—49. 


576  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

3.  He  supposeth,  thatu  Simon  Magus  was  overcome  by 
the  united  prayers  of  Peter  and  Paul,  afterv  the  arrival  of 
Paul  at  Rome  ;  when  he  had  been  sent  thither,  by  order  of 
Festus. 

4.  He  supposethw  Peter  and  Paul  to  have  had  the  honour 
of  martyrdom   in   the  general  persecution  of  Nero,  which 
had  been  ordered   by   the  edicts  of  that  emperor;  conse 
quently,  in   the  year  of  Christ  64  or  65,  when  Peter  was 
crucified,  and  Paul  beheaded. 

5.  Sulpicius,  in  his  Sacred  History,  complains  very  much 
of*  the  covetousness  of  the   Christian   clergy   in   this  time  ; 
and,y  in  another  part  of  the  same  work,  he  speaks  of  the 
contentions  which  there  were  among  the   bishops,  and  of 
their  pride,  ambition,  and  other  faults,  to  the  neglect  of  their 
charge,  and  the  great  offence  of  good  men. 

6.  Another  thing  very  observable  in  Sulpicius  Severus  is, 
that   he  was  against  all  persecution,  and  disliked  the   inter 
position  of  magistrates  in  things  of  religion  :  this  I  suppose 
to  have  appeared  in  the  extracts  formerly  made  from  him2 
in  the  history  of  Priscillianism.     It  has  been  confirmed  also 
by  a  passage,  since  taken   notice  of  in  the   chapter  of a  St. 
Jerom  ;  which  passage  I  would  now  transcribe  more  at  large, 
by  way  of  proof  of  the  same  thing  :  it  is  in  one  of  the  Dia- 

u  Etenim  turn  illustris  ilia  adversus  Simonem  Petri  ac  Pauli  congressio  fuit. 
Qui  cum  magicis  artibus,  ut  se  deum  probaret,  duobus  suffultus  dtemoniis 
evolasset,  oration ibus  apostolorum  fugatis  daemonibus,  delapsus  in  terrain 
populo  inspectante  disruptus  est.  Ibid.  cap.  28.  al.  41. 

v   Vid.  supra  in  eodem  capite. 

w  Hoc  initio  in  christianos  saeviri  coeptum.  Post  etiam  datis  legibus  religio 
vetabatur :  palamque  edictis  propositis,  christianum  esse  non  licebat.  Turn 
Paulus  ac  Petrus  capitis  damnati ;  quorum  uni  cervix  gladio  desecta,  Petrus  in 
crucem  sublatus  est.  H.  S.  1.  ii.  cap.  29.  al.  41. 

x  Levitis  enim  in  sacerdotium  adsumtis  nulla  portio  [terroe]  data,  quo  libe- 
rius  servirent  Deo.  Equidem  hoc  exemplum  non  tacitus  praeterierim,  legen- 
dumque  ministris  ecclesiarum  libenter  ingesserim.  Etenim  praecepti  hujus 
non  solum  immemores,  sed  etiam  ignari  mihi  videntur  :  tanta  hoc  tempore 
animos  eorum  habendi  cupido  veluti  tabes  incessit.  Inhiant  possessionibus, 
praedia  excolunt,  auro  incubant,  emunt  venduntque,  quaestui  per  onmia  stu 
dent.  At  si  qui  melioris  propositi  videntur,  neque  possidentes,  neque  negoti- 
antes,  quod  est  multo  turpius,  sedentes  munera  expectant :  atque  omne  vitas 
decus  mercede  corruptum  habent,  dum  quasi  venalem  praeferunt  sanctitatem. 
Sed  longius  quam  volui  egressus  sum,  dum  me  temporum  nostrorum  piget 
taedetque.  H.  S.  1.  i.  cap.  23.  al.  43. 

y  Et  nunc,  cum  maxime  discordiis  episcoporum  turbari  aut  misceri  omnia 
viderentur,  cunctaque  per  eos  odio  aut  gratia,  metu,  inconstantia,  invidia, 
factione,  libidine,  avaritia,  arrogantia,  desidia,  essent  depravata,  insanis  con- 
siliis  et  pertinacibus  studiis  certabant.  Inter  haec  plebs  Dei,  et  optimus  quis- 
que,  probro  atque  ludibrio  habebatur.  Ib.  1.  ii.  c.  ult. 

2  This  vol.  chap.  cvii. 

a  Page  415  of  this  volume. 


SULPICIUS  SEVERUS.     A.  D.  401.  577 

logues  of  our  author,  particularly  mentioned  among-  his 
works  by  Gemiadius,  in  his  chapter  transcribed  above. 

The  Dialogue  was  composed  about  the  year  405 :  Pos- 
tumiaii  and  Gallus  are  the  speakers,  and  Sulpicius  presides. 
Postumian  had  made  a  voyage  into  the  east ;  he  embarked 
at  Narbone,  and  arrived  at  Alexandria  inb  401,  orc  402;  he 
was  three  years  in  Egypt  and  Palestine  :  being  returned 
into  Gaul,  he  gives  his  friends  an  account  of  what  he  had 
met  with  in  the  several  parts  of  his  voyage. 

'  Thenceforward,' d  says  Postumian,  '  we  had  a  prosper- 
'  ous  voyage  to  Alexandria,  where  were  very  disagreeable 

*  disputes  between  the  bishops  and  the  monks;  for  there 
'  had  been  several  synods,  in  which  it  was  decreed,  that  none 
'  might  either  read  or  keep  the  works  of  Origen,  who  was 
'  esteemed  a  most  skilful  interpreter  of  the  sacred  scriptures. 

*  But  the  bishops  had  observed  wild  notions  in  his  works: 

*  which  his  friends,  not  daring  to  defend,  said,  they  had  been. 
'  fraudulently  inserted  by  heretics;  and  therefore,  they  said, 
'  it  was  improper  to  condemn  all  the  rest,  because  there 
4  were  some  things  liable  to  just  reprehension.     Men  might 
'  still  be  entrusted  with  the  reading  of  his  works;  for,  with 

*  due  care  and  discretion,  they  might  easily  distinguish  the 

*  interpolated    opinions,  from  what  was  said    agreeably  to 
'  the  caCholic  doctrine :  nor  was  it  very  wonderful  to  find 

*  some   heretical  opinions  foisted  into  late   writings,  when 
'  some  had  attempted  to  corrupt  the  scriptures.     But  the 

*  bishops  were  peremptory,  that  the  good  and  the  bad  ought 

*  to  be  all  condemned  together  with  the  author:  they  said 
'  that  there  were  more  than  enough  books  allowed  by  the 
'  church;  and  that  the  reading  of  such  books  ought  to  be 

*  prohibited  which  might  be  more  hurtful  to  ignorant  people 

*  than  profitable  to  the  knowing.     As  for  myself,  who  have 

b  Pagi  Ann.  401.  n.  xx.  c  S.  Sulp.  Severe,  art.  8.  T.  xii.  Tillem. 

d  — prosperoque  cursu  septimo  die  Alexandriam  pervenimus,  ubi  foeda  inter 
episcopos  et  monachos  certamina  gerebantur,  ex  ea  occasione,  quia  congregati 
in  unum  saepius  sacerdotes  frequentibus  decrevisse  synodis  videbantur,  ne  quis 
Origenis  libros  legeret,  aut  haberet :  qui  tractator  sacrarum  scripturarum  peri- 
tissimus  habebatur.  Sed  episcopi  quaedam  in  libris  ipsius  insanius  scripta 
memorabant,  quae  adsertores  ejus  defendere  non  ausi,  ab  haereticis  potius 
fraudulenter  inserta  dicebant :  et  ideo  non  propter  ilia  quae  in  reprehensionem 
merito  vocarentur,  etiam  reliqua  esse  damnanda,  cum  legentium  fides  facile 
possit  habere  discrimen,  ne  falsata  sequeretur,  et  tamen  catholice  disputata  re- 
tineret.  Non  esse  autem  mirum,  si  in  libris  neotericis  et  recens  scriptis  fraus 
haeretica  fuisset  operata,  quae  in  quibusdam  locis  non  timuisset  incidere  evan- 
gelicam  veritatem.  Adversum  haec  episcopi  obstinatius  renitentes  pro  potes- 
tate  cogebant  recta  etiam  universa  cum  pravis  et  cum  ipso  auctore  damnare ; 
quia  satis  superque  sufficerent  libri,  quos  ecclesia  recepisset ;  respuendam  esse 
penitus  lectionem,  quae  plus  esset  nocitura  insipientibus,  quam  profutura  sapi- 
entibus.  Mihi  autem  ex  illius  libris  curiosius  indaganti  admodum  multa 
VOL.  IV.  2  P 


578  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

4  had  the  curiosity  to  read  his  works,  I  must  say,  that  very 

*  many  things  pleased  me:   but   I  observed  some  things  in 
'  which  undoubtedly  he  was  mistaken  ;   which  his  friends 

*  affirm  to    be   interpolations.     I   wonder  how  one  and  the 

*  same  man  could  be  so  different  from  himself:  where  he  is 
'  in  the  right,  he  has  not  an  equal  since  the  apostles;  where 
'  he  is  in  the  wrong,  no  man   has  erred   more  shamefully. 
4  Among  all  his  opinions,  contrary  to  the  catholic  doctrine, 
'  which  have  been  extracted  out  of  his  works  by  the  bishops, 
'  nothing  has  given  so  much  offence,  as  his  notion  concerning 
'  the  recovery  and  salvation  of  the  devil.     On  account  of 
4  this,  and  other  such  like  things,   taken  notice  of  by   the 
4  bishops,  disputes  have  arisen.     And  when  the  bishops  were 
4  not  able  to  compose  them,  by  a  very  wrong  management, 
4  the  Prsefect  ["  meaning   the  Augustal  Prsefect  at  Alex- 
4  andria"]   has  been   called   in  to  govern   the   church  ;   by 
4  whose  armed  force  our  friends  the  monks  have  been  dis- 
'  persed,  and  driven  into  several  countries :  nor  can  they  any 
4  where  find  a  resting  place,  all  people  being  prohibited  by 
4  edicts  to  receive  them.     One  thing  affected  me  very  much, 
4  that  Jerom,  a  true  catholic,  and  well  acquainted  with   the 
4  Christian   doctrine,  who,  in   former  times  was  reckoned  a 
4  follower  of  Origen,  should    now,  with   much  earnestness, 
4  condemn   all  his  writings:  nor  did  I  dare  hastily  to  pass 
4  my  own  judgment.     But  it  was  said,  that  very  learned  and 

*  very    excellent    men    differed    upon    this    occasion ;     but 
4  whether  it  be  an  error,  as  I  think,  or  a  heresy,  as  others  say, 
4  it  not  only  could  not  be  suppressed  by  many  censures  of 

placuerunt:  sed  nonnulla  deprehendi,  in  quibus  ilium  prava  sensisse  non 
dubium  est,  quse  defensores  ejus  falsata  contendunt.  Ego  miror  unum  eun- 
demque  hominem  tam  diversum  a  se  esse  potuisse,  ut  in  ea  parte,  qua,  pro- 
batur,  neminem  post  apostolus  habeat  aequalem  ;  in  ea  vero,  qua  jure  repre- 
henditur,  nemo  deformius  doceatur  errasse.  Nam  cum  ab  episcopis  excerpta 
in  libris  illius  multa  legerentur,  quas  contra  catholicam  fidem  scripta  constaret, 
locus  ille  vel  maximam  parabat  invidiam,  in  quo  editum  legebatur,  quia  Domi- 
nus  Jesus,  sicut  pro  redemtione  hominis,  in  carne  venisset,  crucem  pro  homi- 
nis  salute  perpessus,  mortem  pro  hominis  aeternitate  gustasset,  ita  esset  eodem 
ordine  passionis  etiam  diabolum  redemturus ;  quia  hoc  bonitati  illius  pietatique 
congrueret,  ut  qui  perditum  hominem  reformasset,  prolapsum  quoque  angelum 
liberaret.  Cum  haec  atque  aliaejusmodi  ab  episcopis  proderentur,  ex  studiis 
partium  orta  est  seditio.  Quae  cum  reprimi  sacerdotum  auctoritate  non  posset, 
SC3BVO  exemplo  ad  regendam  ecclesiae  disciplinam  prsefectus  adsumitur,  cujus 
terrore  dispersi  fratres,  ac  per  diversas  oras  monachi  sunt  fugati,  ita  ut  pro- 
positis  ecfictis  in  nulla  consistere  sede  sinerenttir.  Illud  me  admodum  permove- 
bat,  quod  Hieronymus,  vir  maxime  calholicus,  et  sacroe  legis  peritissimus, 
Origenem  secutus  primo  tempore  putabatur,  quern  nunc  idem  pracipue  vel 
omnia  illius  scripta  damnaret.  Nee  vero  ausus  sum  de  quoquam  temere  judi- 
care.  Praestantissimi  tamen  viri  et  doctissimi  ferebantur  in  hoc  certamine  dis- 
sidere.  Sed  tamen  sive  error  est,  ut  ego  sentio,  sive  haeresis,  ut  putatur,  non 


CHROMATIUS,  Bislwp  of  dquileia.     A.  D.  401.  579 

the  bishops,  but  has  spread  itself  far  and  wide,  and  has 
increased  by  opposition  abundantly  more  than  it  could 
have  done  otherwise  :  this  is  the  disturbance  with  which 
Alexandria  was  agitated  when  I  arrived  there.  The  bishop 
of  the  city  received  me  very  courteously,  beyond  my  expec 
tation,  arid  would  have  detained  me  with  him ;  but  1  had 
no  mind  to  stay  in  a  place  where  our  friends  had  been  so 
lately  injured  :  for  though  perhaps  it  may  seem,  that  they 
ought  to  have  obeyed  the  bishops ;  nevertheless,  it  was  by 
no  means  fit,  that  for  this  cause  so  many  men,  professing 
Christianity,  should  be  so  grievously  treated,  especially  by 
bishops.' 

This  is  the  passage  at  full  length  :  every  candid  and  un 
derstanding  reader  is  able  to  judge,  whether  it  proves  what 
it  is  alleged  for.  Mr.  Tillemont,  speaking  of  our  author's 
Dialogues,  having  commended  the  purity  of  the  style,  and 
the  art  with  which  they  are  written,  adds  :  *  Ite  is  also  ob- 
'  served,  that  the  judgment  which  he  passes  upon  the  dis- 

*  turbances  raised  in  the  east,  upon  the  occasion  of  Origen, 

*  is  very  wise  and  very  moderate.' 


CHAP.  CXXI. 

CHROMATIUS,  BISHOP  OF  AQUILEIA. 


1.  CAVE  says,  thata  Chromatius,  bishop  of  Aquileia,  flou 
rished  about  401,  and  died  about  the  year  410.  But  he 
must  have  been  a  man  of  note,  and  probably  bishop,  before 
the  end  of  the  fourth  century :  for  Rufinus b  had  been 

solum  non  reprimi  non  potuit  multis  animadversionibus  sacerdotum,  sed 
nequaquam  tarn  late  se  potuisset  effundere,  nisi  contentione  crevisset.  Istius- 
modi  ergo  turbatione  cum  veni  Alexandriara,  fluctuabat.  Me  quidem  episco- 
pus  illius  civitatis  benigne  admodmn,  et  melius  quarn  opinabar,  excepit,  et 
secuni  tenere  tentavit.  Sed  non  fuit  animus  ibi  consistere,  ubi  recens  fraternae 
cladis  fervebat  invidia.  Nam  etsi  fortasse  videantur  parere  episcopis  debuisse, 
non  ob  hanc  tamen  causam  multitudinem  tantam  sub  Christi  confessione 
viventem,  prsesertim  ab  episcopis,  oportuisset  affligi.  Dial.  i.  cap.  3.  al.  c.  6,  7. 

e  On  trouve  aussi  que  le  jugement,  qu'il  porte,  des  brouilleries  excitees  en 
Orient  sur  le  sujet  d'  Origene,  est  tres  sage  et  tres  modere.  S.  Snip.  Sev.  art. 
8.  T.  xii.  *  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  378. 

b  Ego,  sicut  et  ipse  et  omnes  norunt,  ante  annos  fere  triginta  in  monasterio 
jam  positus,  per  gratiam  baptismi  regeneratus,  signaculum  fidei  consecutus  sum 
per  sanctos  viros  Chromatium,  Jovinum,  et  Eusebium,  opinatissimos  et  proba- 

2  p  2 


580  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

baptized  in  370,  or  thereabout,  by  Chromatius,  then  pres 
byter,  under  Valerian,  bishop  of  Aquileia.  We  gave  an 
account  of  Fortunatianus,  another  bishop  of  Aquileia,  some 
while0  ago. 

2.  Chromatius  was  one  of  Jerom's  friends.     Hed  desired 
Jerom  to  translate  the  Hebrew  scriptures  of  the  Old  Testa 
ment   into  Latin  ;  which,  I   think,  is  much  to   his   honour. 
To  hime  Jerom  inscribed  his  Commentaries  upon   the  pro 
phet  Habakkuk,  and  some  other  works ;  and  he  calls  him, 
more  than  once,  a  most  learned  and  holy  bishop.     Rufinus 
likewise   dedicated  to  him  some  of  his  works,  particularly 
his  Latin  translation  of  Eusebius's  Ecclesiastical  History, 
notf   published   by  him   till   after  the    year  400.     Indeed 
Chromatius  was  friend  of  both  :  and,s  when  they  fell   out, 
he  endeavoured  to  moderate  or  reconcile  the  difference  be 
tween  them.     There11  is  a  letter  of  Chrysostorn  to  him,  which 
is  much  in  his  praise.     I  omit  divers  things  that  might  be 
mentioned,  referring  to*  others,  and  particularly  to  Tillemont, 
whose  account  of  Chromatius  is  the  fullest  and  exactest  that 
I  have  seen. 

3.  Neither  Jerom,  nor  Gennadius,  nor  any  other  ancient 
writer,   speaks    of  any   works  published    by   Chromatius. 
Nevertheless  there  are  some  pieces  generally  received  as  his, 
they  being  ascribed  to  him   in  the  manuscript  copies ;  par- 
ticularly,k  homilies,  or  tracts  upon  the  eight  beatitudes,  the 
rest  of  the  fifth  chapter  of  St.  Matthew,  and  part  of  the  sixth, 
and  upon  Matth.  iii.  14. 

4.  I  observe  only  a  few  things  :  Here  are  quoted  most  of 
the  generally  received  books  of  the  New  Testament ;  in  par- 

tissimos  in  ecclesia  Dei  episcopos ;  quorum  alter  tune  presbyter  beatae  me 
moriae  Valeriani,  alter  archidiaconus,  alius  diaconus,  simulque  pater  mihi  et 
doctor  symbol!  ac  fidei  fuit.  Rufin.  in  Hieron.  Invect.  i.  ap.  Hieron.  T.  iv. 
p.  350.  c  P.  236. 

d  Si  Septuaginta  interpretum  pura,  et  ut  ab  eis  in  Graecum  versa  est,  editio 
permaneret,  superflue  me,  mi  Chromati,  episcoporum  sanctissime  atque  doctis- 
sime,  impelleres,  ut  Hebraea  volumina  Latino  sermone  transferrem.  Proef.  in 
Paralip.  T.  i.  p.  1022.  Conf.  Eund.  Adv.  Ruf.  1.  ii.  T.  iv.  p.  425. 

e  Primum,  Chromati,  episcoporum  doctissime,  scire  nos  convenit,  corrupte 
apud  Graecos  et  Latinos  nomen  Ambacum  prophetae  legi  qui  apud  Hebraeos 
dicitur  Abacuc.  Pr.  in  Ab.  T.  iii.  p.  1591. 

f  Vid  Pagi  ann.  395.  n.  21. 

*  Testem  invoco  Jesum  conscientiae  meae,  qui  et  has  literas,  ei  tuam  episto- 
lam  judicatures  est,  me  ad  commonitionem  sancti  Papae  Chromatii  voluisse 
reticere,  et  finem  facere  simultatum,  et  vincere  in  bono  malum :  sed,  quia 
minaris  interitum,  &c.  Adv.  Ruf.  1.  iii.  T.  iv.  p.  437. 

h  Ep.  155.  T.  iii.  p.  C89.  ed.  Bened. 

1  Cav.  H.  L.  Du  Pin,  T.  iii.  p.  83.  Le  Long  Bib.  S.  p.  675.  Tillem.  Mem. 
T.  xi. 

k  Ap.  Bib.  PP.  T.  v.  p.  976—990. 


A  Commentary  upon  St.  Mark's  Gospel.     A.  D.  401.  581 

ticular,  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  the1  epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
and111  the  Revelation. 

5.  He  has  also  expressly  quoted"  the  epistle  of  James. 

6.  He0  several  times  quotes  the  first  epistle  of  Peter,  and 
the  first  epistle  of  John,  as  if  they  were  their  only  epistles : 
nevertheless,  it  may  be  reckoned  probable,  or  even  unques 
tioned,  that  he  received  more. 

7.  Explaining  the  Lord's  Prayer,  in  Matthew  vi.  he?  takes 
DO  notice  of  the  doxology  at  the  end. 

8.  He  quotes   Eph.  iv.  30,  after  this   manner:  "  Andi 
grieve  not  the  Holy  Spirit  of  God,  wherewith,"  or  whereby, 
"  ye  were  sealed  in  the  day  of  redemption."     We  saw  that 
text  quoted  in  the  same  manner  byr  St.  Cyprian. 

9.  Hes  compares  the  scripture  to  a  lamp,  which  ought  not 
to  be  hid :  but  forasmuch  as  Jews  and  heretics  are  apt  to 
render  it  obscure  by  misinterpretations,  it  ought  to  be  set 
up  in  the  church;  that  thereby  all  maybe  enlightened,  and 
guided  in  the  way  of  salvation. 


CHAP.   CXXII. 


A  COMMENTARY  UPON  ST.  MARK'S  GOSPEL,  ASCRIBED  TO 
VICTOR,  PRESBYTER  OF  ANTIOCH. 


1.  THERE  is  a  Commentary  upon  St.  Mark's  gospel, 
generally  ascribed  to  Victor,  presbyter  of  Antioch,  placed 
by  Cave  at  401.  Concerning  which,  I  would  refer  toa 
several,  and  among  them  tob  R.  Simon,  who,  beside  other 
things,  says,  *  that  in  most  manuscripts  it  is  said  to  be  Vic- 

1  Ib.  p.  979.  C.  m  P.  980.  B.  983.  A. 

n  P.  983.  E.  °  Beatus  Petrus  in  epistola  sua  commonet.  p. 

981.  B.  et  D.  Joannes  in  epistola  sua  ait.  p.  986.  F.  P  Vid.  p.  987. 

q  Unde  et  apostolus  ait :  Nolite  contristare  Spiritum  Sanctum  in  quo  signati 
estis  in  die  redemtionis.  p.  983.  A.  r  See  Vol.  iii.  p.  37. 

8  — quod  non  aliquo  caecae  mentis  velamine  operiendum  est  vel  obscuran- 
dum,  ut  Judaei  et  haeretici  faciunt,  qui  perspicuam  lucem  praedicationis  divinse 
pravis  interpretationibus  obtegere  et  occultare  nituntur. — Unde  lucerna  base 
legis  ac  fidei  non  occultanda  nobis  est,  sed  ad  salutem  multorum  semper  in 
ecclesia  velut  in  candelabro  constituent,  ut  veritalis  ipsius  luce  et  nos  frua- 
mur,  et  omnes  credentes  illuminentur.  p.  981.  A.  B. 

a  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  Fabr.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  v.  p.  232,  233.  et  T.  vii.  p.  769. 
Huet,  Origenian.  1.  iii.  p.  274,  275.  Du  Pin,  Bib.  T.  iii.  P.  ii.  74. 

h  Hist.  Crit.  des  Comment,  du  N.  T.  ch.  5.  p.  79,  80.  ch.  30.  p.  426,  &c. 


582  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

*  tor's,  in  some  Origen's,  in  others  Cyril's  of  Alexandria ; 
4  but  that  it  is  not  Origen's,  nor  Cyril's,  nor  Victor's,  nor 

*  any  other  particular  author's  ;  but  is  a  collection   out  of 

*  many  fathers  ;'  which  way  of  speaking  seems  to  me  not  to 
be  exact ;  for  though  it  be  a  collection  out  of  several,  and  a 
kind  of  chain,  that  collection  was  made  by  some  one  author. 
And  since  it  is  evident,  that  it  is  not  Origen's ;  and  very 
probable,  that  it  is  not  Cyril's  ;  it  may  be  fitly  allowed  to 
ie  Victor's,  to  whom  it  is  ascribed  in  most  manuscripts. 

2.  There  are  in  it  divers  things  which  to  me  appear  well 
worthy  of  notice.     Du  Pin  says  :    *  This  author  confines 

*  himself  to  the  literal  and  historical  sense,  which  he  illus- 

*  trates  by  very  solid  and  judicious  remarks.'      There  has 
been  an  edition  of  itc  in  Greek  and  Latin  ;  but  as  I   have  it 
not,  I  must  content  myself  with  the  Latin  translation,  in  thed 
Bibliotheca  Patrum. 

3.  At  the  very  beginning,  the  author  owns,  that  his  Com 
mentary  was  collected  out  of  several.     Many, e  he  says,  had 
written   Commentaries  upon   the  gospels  of  Matthew  and 
John  ;   a  few  only  upon  Luke's;    none  at  all  upon  Mark's, 
so  far  as  he  could  find,  upon  careful  inquiry  into  the  writ 
ings   of  the  ancients  :  he  determined,  therefore,  to  put  to 
gether,  in  a  short  compass,  what  ecclesiastical  writers  had 
occasionally  said   in   their  works,  by  way  of  explication  of 
this  gospel. 

4.  That  is  a  good  testimony  to  the  four  gospels.     The 
composer  of  this  work  then  proceeds :  '  This  f  Mark,  called 
also  John,  who  wrote  a  gospel   after  Matthew,  was  son  of 
Mary,  mentioned  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  in  whose  house 

c  Vid  Fabric.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  v.  p.  235. 

d  Victor,  presbyter  Antiochenus,  in  sacrosanctum  J.  C.  evangelium  secun- 
dum  Marcum.  Ap.  Bib.  PP.  Lugdun.  T.  iv.  p.  370 — 414. 

e  Quandoquidem  permulti  in  Matthaei  et  Joannis,  pauci  vero  in  Lucae, 
nulli  autera  omnino,  ut  equidem  arbitror,  in  Marci  evangelium  scripserunt : 
(certe  veterum  monumentorum  indices  studiose  evolvens,  nullum  qui  illud 
disseruisset,  in  hodiernum  usque  diem  comperi :)  visum  est  mihi,  quae  eccle- 
siae  doctores  sparsim  et  per  partes  in  praesentem  evangelistam  annotarunt,  in 
unum  quasi  corpus  redigere,  succinctamque  in  hoc  ipsum  quoque  evangelium 
explanationem  conscribere.  Ibid.  p.  370.  G. 

f  Caeterum  Marcus  hie,  qui  alio  nomine  Joannes  appellatus  est,  post  Matthae- 
um  evangelii  historian!  contexuit.— Et  quidem  initio,  ut  in  iisdem  illis  Aposto- 
lorum  Actis  proditum  exstat,  adhaerebat  Barnabae  cognato  suo  et  Paulo.  Verum 
ubi  Romam  venisset,  secutus  est  Petrum.  Quare  is  in  priori  sua  canon  ica  ad 
hunc  modum  de  illo  scribit.  Marcus  itaque  coelestis  doctrinae  semen,  quod  ab 
apostolis  hauserat,  cum  alibi,  turn  Romae  quoque ;  ad  tempus  proseminavit. 
At  vero  cum  alio  jam  avocaretur,  ab  iisque,  qui  Romae  Christo  per  fidem  ad- 
jimctifuerunt,  ut  salutaris  praedicationis  seriem  scripto  exponeret,  enixe  roga- 
retur,  haud  gravatim  annuit.  Atque  hinc  evangelium,  quod  secundum  Mar 
cum  inscribitur,  natum  traditur.  Ibid.  H. 


A  Commentary  upon  St.  Mark's  Gospel.     A.  D.  401.         583 

at  Jerusalem  the  apostles  were  wont  to  meet.  [See  Acts  xii. 
12 — 17.]  For  a  while,  as  appears  from  the  same  book  of 
the  Acts,  he  accompanied  his  relation  Barnabas  and  Paul ; 
but  when  he  came  to  Rome,  he  joined  Peter,  and  followed 
him;  for  which  reason  he  is  particularly  mentioned  by  Peter 
in  his  canonical  epistle.  [1  Pet.  v.  13.]  Mark  is  also  men 
tioned  by  Paul  in  his  epistle  to  the  Colossians  [iv.  10];  and 
in  his  second  to  Timothy.  [2  Tim.  iv.  11.]  Mark,  there 
fore,  for  a  while  dispersed  the  seed  of  the  heavenly  doctrine 
which  he  had  received  from  the  apostles,  as  elsewhere,  so 
also  at  Rome;  but  when  he  was  obliged  to  go  from  thence, 
and  was  earnestly  desired  by  the  believers  at  Rome  to  write 
a  history  of  the  preaching  of  the  heavenly  doctrine,  he  readily 
complied  with  their  request.  This  is  said  to  have  been  the 
occasion  of  writing  the  gospel  according  to  Mark.' 

5.  Here  we  see  whom  this   writer  thought  the  evangelist 
Mark  to  be.     He  agrees  with  many  ancient  writers,  whom 
we  have  already  consulted,   in  saying,  that  Mark  wrote  his 
gospel  at  Rome,  at  the  earnest  request  of  the  believers  there; 
and  he  confirms  the  supposition  of  the  late  date  of  Mark's 
gospel,  in  that  it  was  not  written  till  after  his  acquaintance 
with  the  apostle  Peter  at  Rome. 

6.  This    Commentary    contains    many   observations   for 
reconciling  the  several  evangelists ;  which  seems  to  be  the 
main  design  of  it. 

7.  The  author  supposes  s  Mark  to  write  by    inspiration. 
After  which   he  presently  adds  an  observation  from  Origen, 
upon  the  words  of  ver.  2,  of  this  gospel :  "  As  it  is  written 
in  the   prophets  :"  or,  as   in   some   copies,  '  in   Isaiah    the 
prophet.' 

8.  He  says,  that'1  Levi,  in  Mark  ii.  14,  and  Luke  v.  27, 
is  the  same  with  Matthew,  as  he  calls  himself,  Matt.  ix.  27. 

9.  Upon  Mark  iii.  7,  8,  where  it  is  said :  "  And  a  great 
multitude  followed  him  from  Galilee,  and  from  Judea,"  and 
other  places,   he  observes,  '  that1   the  evangelists  did  not 

s  Evangelista  Marcus,  Spiritu  illo,  qut  e  sublimi  in  hominum  corda  demit- 
tere  solet,  afflatus,  a  prophetico  oraculo  evangelium  orditur.  In  Marc.  cap. 
1.  ib.  p.  371.  A. 

h  Est  autem  Levi  hie  idem  omnino  cum  evangelista  Matlhaeo.  Et  quidem 
Marcus  et  Lucas  nomen,  quod  illi  familiare  erat,  primaeva  appellatione  obnu- 
bunt.  At  ipse  vero  Levi,  dum  evangelii  historiam  contexit,  palam  quae  ad  se 
pertinebant,  denuntiat.  Ait  enim  :  Cum  transiret  Jesus,  &c.  p.  375.  B. 

'  Cum  evangelista  Marcus  magnam  hominum  turbam  Christum  a  Galilaea 
consecutam  dicit,  brevi  compendio  multa  simul  comprehendit.  Neque  enim 
ambitiose,  magnoque  verborum  apparatu  et  pompa  verba  de  Christo  facere 
soliti  sunt  evangelistae,  singula  videlicet  quae  vel  dicta  vel  facta  fuerant,  pro- 
lixa  oratione  exaggerando  j  verum,  quo  auditorum  infirmitati  consulaut,  op- 


584  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

aim  to  aggrandize  Christ,  their  master,  by  writing  prolixly 
every  thing  said  and  done  by  him ;  but  have  omitted  many 
of  his  words  and  works;  and  have  used  a  concise  and  com 
pendious  manner  of  writing.' 

10.  Herek  are  many  good  observations  upon  the  history 
of  the   cure  of   the    dsemoniac,  related,   Mark    v.    1 — 20. 
When1  the  doemoniac  answered,  his  name  was  Legion ;  he 
says,  that  word  should  not  be  understood  to  denote  any 
certain  number,  but  many,  or  a  great  multitude. 

11.  In  his  remarks   upon  the  history  of  the  woman  with 
the  hemorrhage,  related,  ch.  v.  21 — 34,  he  observes,  that™ 
Mark  has  particulars  omitted  by  Matthew. 

12.  Upon  Mark  vi.  7 — 13,  particularly   ver.   13,  he  says, 
that"  the  like  history  is  in  Luke ;  '  but  that  Mark  is  the 
only   evangelist  who  speaks   of  the   disciples   "  anointing 
with  oil  them  that  were  sick :"  which  method  of  healing  is 
also   mentioned  by   James,   in  his  epistle.'     See  James  v. 
13-15. 

13.  Upon  ch.  v.  ver.  39,  he  says  :  '  It  °  was  owing  to 
modesty  that  our  Lord  said  of  Jairus's  daughter ;  "  She  is 
not  dead,  but  sleepeth  :"  though  she  was  really  dead,  and 
he  intended  to  raise  her  up  to  life.' 

14.  He  particularly  considers  the  history  in  Mark  x.  35 — 
40.     I  put  in  the  margin?  a  part  of  his  observations.     The 

positum  sectati,  omnia  breviter  et  concise  narrant.  Et  quae  sequuntur,  p. 
376.  G.  k  Vid.  p.  380.  G.— 381.  G. 

1  *  Et  dicit  ei :  Legio  mihi  nomen  est.'  Non  dicit  numerum  praecise,  sed 
simplici  voce  magnam  adesse  multitudinem  indicat  ;  siquidem  exacta  numeri 
discussio  nihil  ad  rei  qua?  quaerebatur  notitiam  faciebat.  p.  381.  E. 

m  Quin  hoc  quoque  signum  Matthaeus  compendio  absolvit.  Multa  nam- 
que  praetermittit  ille,  quae  Marcus  addit.  Marcus  enim  prseter  alia  scribit, 
Dominum  retro  conversum,  quisnam  ilium  tetigisset,  sciscitatum,  mulierem- 
que  exterritam,  trementemque  seipsam  prodidisse,  atque  ita  tandem  a  Christo 
Domino  audivisse  :  Fides  tua  te  salvam  fecit,  p.  382.  B. 

"  His  similia  exponit  Lucas  quoque.  Verum  quod  de  mystica  unctione  et 
olei  usu  hie  subjungitur,  hoc  inter  evangelistas  solus  Marcus  commemorat. 
Interim  quae  apostolus  Jacobus  in  sua  canonica  narrat,  ab  his  non  dissentiunt. 
[Jac.  v.  14,  15.]  In  Marc.  cap.  vi.  ver.  13.  p.  383.  F. 

0  Quin  per  hoc  quoque,  quod  puellam  extinctam  dormire  asserit,  neque 
statim  se  illam  exsuscitaturum  promittit,  omnem  fastum,  omnemque  inanem 
jactantiam  ab  opere  illo  secludit.  Ille  ergo  omni  superbia  vanaque  gloria 
vacuitatem  consectatur.  At  vero  operis  excellentia  famam  illius  longe  lateque 
diffundit.  p.  382.  F.  G. 

P  Quod  itaque  Christus  dicit,  ejusmodi  est.  Moriemini  quidem  mei  causa, 
eritisque  in  passione  socii.  At  hoc  interim  sat  non  est,  ut  primas  sedes  jure 
vobis  vindicetis.  Si  enim  alius  quispiam  accesserit,  qui  una  cum  martyrio 
omnem  aliam  virtutem  secum  deportaverit,  aut  certe  multo  plura,  multoque 
excellentiora  virtutum  ornamenta  in  medium  attulerit,  quam  vos,  ille  utique 
praecedet.  Neque  enim  quia  vos  amo,  aliisque  certa  quadam  ratione  ante- 
pono,  ob  id  opulentiore  repulso,  primatum  vobis  assignabo.  lllis  igitur  ejus- 


A  Commentary  upon  St.  Mark's  Gospel.     A.  D.  401.        585 

sum  of  what  he  says  upon  ver.  39,  40,  is,  that  Christ  is  the 
judge,  and  the  dispenser  of  all  rewards  ;  but  the  first 
places  in  his  heavenly  kingdom  will  not  be  disposed  of  by 
affection  and  favour,  but  shall  be  given  to  the  most 
virtuous. 

15.  Upon  Mark  xi.  15 — 17,  he  argues,  that1*  Christ  twice 
drove  the  buyers  and  sellers  out  of  the  temple.     But  some, 
it  seems,  thought  that  this  was  done  by  our  Lord  but  once 
only  ;  and  at  the  time  mentioned  by  St.  John  at  the  begin 
ning  of  his  gospel. 

16.  The  evangelist  John  is  here  called  the  r  Divine. 

17.  The  composer  of  this  work  seems  not  to  have  had,  in 
his  copies,  our  conclusion  of  St.  Mark's  gospel ;  for  he  ex 
plains  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  chapter  of  St.  Mark's 
gospel  to  the  end  of  the  eighth  verse,  and  no  farther  ;  there 
ends  his  commentary  :  nevertheless,  he  was  acquainted  with 
the  remainder.     And  in  his  remarks  upon  the  first  verse  of 
the   16th  chapter,  he  says :  '  In s   some  copies   of  Mark's 
gospel  it  is  said :  "  Now  when  Jesus  was  risen  early  the  first 
day  of  the  week,  he  appeared  first  to  Mary  Magdalene ;" 
and  what  follows.     But  that  seemed  to  be  contrary  to  what 
is  said  by  Matthew,  ch.  xxviii.  1 :  therefore,  some  had  sup 
posed  Mark's  gospel  to  have  been  interpolated:  but  he  thinks 
there  is  no  necessity  for  admitting  that  supposition  ;  and  he 
proposes  a  method  of  reconciling  the  difference.' 

Somewhat  like  this  may  be  seen  in  an  *  Oration  of  Gregory 
Nyssen  upon  Christ's  Resurrection,  and  likewise  in  a  Har 
mony  of  the  Evangelists  ascribed  to  Severus,  who  was 
bishop  of  Antiochu  in  513,  and  afterwards  ;  which  has  been 
published  byv  Montfauqon. 

modi  primatus  paratus  est,  qui  per  illustriora  opera  prirnis  sedibus  capessendis 
prae  cseteris  idoneos  se  reddiderunt,  &c.  p.  397.  D.  E. 

q  Sunt  tamen  qui  dicant,  tres  evangelistas,  dum  Christi  ad  Hierosoly- 

m  or  urn  civitatem,  ejusdemque  in  templum  ingressum  describunt,  accurate,  tem- 
poris  ratione  missa,  rem  ipsam  tantum  prosecutes  esse  :  Johannem  vero,  qui 
historiarn  illam  caeteris  diligentius  enarrat,  satis  aperte  insinuare,  Christum 
Dominum  ea  primo  ascensu  patrasse,  quae  reliqui  paullo  ante  mortem  conti- 
gisse  commemorant,  &c.  p.  398.  F.  G. 

r  Ut  Johannes  theologus  loquitur,  p.  376.  G. 

s  At  quia  in  quibusdam  evangelii  Marci  exemplaribus  habetur :  *  Surgens 
autem  Jesus  mane  prima  Sabbati,  apparuit  primo  Mariae  Magdalenae,'  &c. 
Hoc  autem  illi  adversari  videtur  quod  legitur  apud  Matthaeum.  Hie  enim 
*  vespere  Sabbati '  Dominum  resurrexisse  scribit.  Propterea  comperti  sunt, 
qui  hunc  Marci  locum  a  falsariis  vitiatum  existiment.  Verum,  ne  ad  hie 
confugere  videamur,  ad  quod  cuivis  confugere  proclive  est,  Marci  contextum 
uno  duntaxat  commate  ab  ea  quam  offert  difficultate  vindicare  possumus.  p. 
414.  A.  B.  '  De  Chr.  Resurr.  Orat.  2.  p.  411.  Tom.  3. 

u  Vid.  Cav.  in  Severo,  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  499. 

v  Severi,   Archiep.   Antiocheni   Concordantia   Evangelistarum    circa    ea 


586  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

They    who    are    curious    may    consult   Mill,    Bengelius, 
Wetstein,  Wolfius,  and  others,  upon  this  point. 

18.  1  have  selected  out  of  this  Commentary  a  few  only, 
of  many  observations,  that  deserve  notice.    Upon  the  whole, 
it  is  a  good  performance ;  and  we  may  hence  perceive,  that 
there  were  some,  before  our  times,  who  read  the  scriptures 
with  care  and  understanding. 

19.  My  readers,  I  hope,  will  not  omit  to  recollect,  that 
beside  the  testimony  to  the   four  gospels,  we  have  seen  in 
this  work  quotations  of  the  Acts,  of  several   epistles  of  the 
apostle  Paul,  and  of  the   first  epistle  of  Peter.     1   would 
here  add,  thatw  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  is  quoted  in  this 
Commentary;  andx  the  epistle  of  James. 

20.  This  writer,  like  many  other  of  the  ancients,  assertsy 
free-will  in  strong*  terms. 


CHAP.  CXXIII.    •: 

INNOCENT  I.  BISHOP  OF  ROME. 


1.  INNOCENT  the  First  succeeded  Anastasius,  in  the  year 
402.  The  seventh  and  last  degree,  or  article  of  a  letter  of 
his  to  Exuperius  bishop  of  Tholouse,  contains  a  catalogue 
of  the  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  which  are  in 
the  canon. 

2.  «  Thea  scriptures  of  the  New  Testament  are  these  ;  four 
books  of  the  gospels;  fourteen  epistles  of  the  apostle  Paul; 
three  epistles  of  John  ;  two  epistles  of  Peter ;  an  epistle  of 
Jude ;  an  epistle  of  James  ;  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles;  the 
Apocalypse  of  John.'  After  which,  mention  is  made  of 
some  other  writings,  which  ought  to  be  rejected  and  con 
demned. 

quae  in  sepulcro  Domini  contigerunt.  Item  de  Sabbatis,  et  de  varietate  Ex- 
emplarium  S.  Marci  evangelistae.  Ap.  Monti.  Bibl.  Coislin.  p.  68 — 75.  Vid. 
in  specie,  p.  74.  w  P.  372.  D. 

x  Vid.  supra,  p.  584.  not.  ".  y  Vid.  p.  377.  A.  et  p.  379.  G.  H. 

a  Qui  vero  recipiantur  in  canone  sanctarum  scripturarum,  brevis  adnexus 
ostendit— Item  Novi  Testament! :  evangeliorum  libri  quatuor,  apostoli  Pauli 
epistolae  14,  epistolae  Joannis  tres,  epistolae  Petri  duae,  epistola  Judae,  epistola 
Jacobi,  Actus  Apostolorum,  Apocalypsis  Joannis.  Caetera  autem— nonsolum 
repudianda,  verum  etiam  noveris  esse  damnanda.  Innoc.  ad  Exuper.  Ep. 
Tholos.  ap.  Labb.  Cone.  T.  ii.  p.  1256. 


PAULINUS,  Bishop  of  Nola.     A.  D.  403.  587 

3.  It  should  be  observed,  that b  many  of  Innocent's  letters 
are  suspected  to  be  supposititious;  this  in  particular,  and 
especially  the  last  decree  or  article  in  it:  for  it  is  not  very 
easy  to  conceive  what  reason  there  should  be  for  Innocent 
to  send  a  catalogue  of  books  of  scripture  to  Exuperius :  and 
it  may  not  be  amiss  to  take  notice  that  this  letter  of  Innocent 
is  not  represented  to  be  written,  as  in  council,  but  only  upon 
his  own  authority. 

4.  Nevertheless,  after  all,  we  cannot  forbear  to  observe, 
with  some  satisfaction,  that  this  catalogue  of  scripture  is 
exactly  the  same  with  our  own. 


CHAP.  CXXIV. 

PAULINUS,  BISHOP  OF  NOLA,  IN  ITALY. 

I.  His  time.     II.  His  testimony  to  the  scriptures. 

I.  PONTIUS  MEROPIUS  PAULINUS,  or  PAULINUS 

NOLANUS,a  placed  by  Cave  at  the  year  393,  was  born 
about  353  :  ordained  presbyter  in  393 ;  bishop  of  Nola  in 
Campania  in  409,  as  some  think ;  or,  as  Pagib  argues,  and 
with  great  appearance  of  probability,  in  403.  He  died  in 
431,  in  the  78th  year  of  his  age. 
II.  I  observe  in  him  a  few  things  : 

1.  His  works,  in  prose,  abound  with  texts  of  scripture, 
quoted  or  alluded  to. 

2.  As  Paulinus  quotes  Ps.  ciii.  or  civ.  ver.  18,  agreeably 
to  Jerom's  version,  I  place  c  the  quotation  below,  with  a 
critical  remark  of d  Jerom  upon  that  text. 

b  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  379.  Basnag.  Hist,  de  1'Eglise,  1.  viii.  c.  8.  n.  vi. 
p.  439.  Beaus.  Hist,  de  Manich.  T.  i.  p.  359. 

a  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  T.  i.  Fabric,  ad  Gennad.  cap.  48.  Pagiann.  431.  n.53. 
Baanag.  ann.  394.  n.  10,  11.  432.  n.  5.  Paulin.  Vit.  ad  Calc.  opp.  edit. 
Paris.  1685.  Du  Pin,  T.  iii.  p.  146.  Tillem.  Mem.  T.  xiv. 

b  Ann.  403.  n.  10—13.     Vid.  eund.  A.  431.  n.  53. 

c  '  Montes '  enim,  inquit,  '  excelsi  cervis,  et  petra  refugium  herinaceis.' 
Ad  Amand.  Ep.  9.  [al.  22.]  n.  4.  p.  45.  Paris.  1685.  4to. 

d  '  Petra  refugiurn  herinaceis.']  Pro  quo  in  Hebraeo  positum  est  *  Sphan- 
nim,'  et  omnes  xoipoypvX\t«£  voce  simili  transtulerunt  exceptis  Septuaginta, 
qui  'lepores'  interpretati  sunt.  Sciendum  autem.  animal  esse  non  majus 
hericio,  habeus  similitudem  muris  et  ursi.  Unde  in  Palaestina  ap/crofjivf  dicitur ; 
et  magna  est  in  istis  regionibus  hujus  generis  abundantia ;  semperque  in  caver- 


583  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

3.  Paulinus  often  quotes  the   Canticles  :  I  place  below  e 
two  of  his  quotations  of  that  book. 

4.  He   quotes f    the   book    of  Ecclesiasticus  with  great 
respect,  as  written  by  Solomon. 

5.  In  a  letter,  supposed  to  be  written  in  the  year  400,  to 
Amandus,  then  presbyter,  and  afterwards  bishop  of  Bour- 
deaux,  and  successor  to  Delphinus,  Paulinus  speaks  after 
this  manner  :  '  He  says,  that  &  John  outran  Peter,  and  came 
first  to  the  sepulchre,  because  he  wras  the  youngest :  he  also 
says,  it    had   been   handed    down   by  tradition,  that  John 
survived  all  the  other  apostles,  and  wrote  the   last  of  the 
four  evangelists,  and  so  as  to  confirm  their  most  certain 
histories ;  but  though  he  was  last  in  time,  he  was  first  in 
point  of  sublimity  ;  he  there  also  speaks  of  John  as  writer 
of  the  Revelation  ;  and  as  he  proceeds,  he  observes,  that h 
in  the  beginning  of  St.  John's  gospel  all  heretics  are  con 
futed,  particularly  Arius,  Sabellius,  Photinus,  Marcion,  and 
the  Manichees. 

6.  Paulinus     often    quotes    the1    book    of    the    Acts, 

nis  petrarum,  et  terrae  foveis  habitare  consueverunt.     Ad  Sunn,  et  Fret.  Ep. 
135.  T.  ii.  p.  658. 
e  qua  et  in  Canticis  Canticorum  voce  blanditur :  '  Columba,'  inquit, 

*  mea,  perfecta  mea,  quoniam  caput  meum  repletum  est  rore,  et  crines  mei  gut- 
« tis  noctis.'  [cap.  v.  2.]     Ad  Sever.  Ep.  23.  [al.  3,  et  4.]  n.  33.  p.  143.— 
Haec  oscula  sponso  suo  jam  tune  parabat  ecclesia,  quando  cantabat :  *  Oscule- 
'  tur  meab  osculis  oris  sui.'  [cap.  i.  2.]  Ib.  n.  37.  p.  146. 

f  Nam  in  Ecclesiastico  per  Salomonem  loquitur  divina  sapientia :  '  Quia 

*  multi  periclitati  sunt  auri  causa,  et  facta  est  in  facie  illius  perditio  ipsorum.' 
[cap.  xxxi.  6.]     Ad  Milit.  Ep.  25.  [al.  39.]  p.  168. 

g  Subvenit  itaque  nobis,  et  de  evangelic  adolescentis  apostoli  beata  velocitas 
ilia,  qua  Petrum  affectu  currendi  parem,  sed  majoris  aevi  pondere  tardiorem,  ad 
sepulcrum  Domini  praecucurrit  j  ut  resurrectionem  corporis  prior  inspiceret, 
qui  solus  in  pectore  recumbebat.  Unde  geminos  in  alveum  cordis  sui  traxerat 

fontes,  quos  in  orbem  idem  postea  revelationis  et  evangelii  preeco  diffudit 

Idem,  ultra  omnium  tempora  apostolorum  aetate  producta,  postremus  evangelii 
scriptor  fuisse  memoratur ;  ut  sicut  de  ipso  vas  electionis  ait :  [Gal.  ii.]  quasi 
columna  firmamentum  adjiceret  fundamentis  ecclesiae,  priores  evangelii  scrip- 
tores  consona  auctoritate  confirmans  ;  ultimus  auctor  libri  tempore,  sed  primus 
in  capite  sacramenti.  Quippe  qui  solus  e  quatuor  fluminibus  ex  ipso  summo 
divini  capitis  fonte  decurrens  de  nube  sublimi  sonat :  *  In  principio  erat  ver- 

bum.'  Transcendit  Moysen Iste  et  evangelistis  caeteris,  vel  ab  humano 

Salvatoris  ortu,  vel  a  typico  legis  sacrificio,  vel  a  prophetico  praecursoris  Bap- 
tistae  praeconio  evangelium  resurrectionis  exorsis,  altius  volans,  penetravit  et 
ccelos.  Ad  Amand.  Ep.  21.  [al.  24.]  n.  1,  2.  p.  114. 

h  Joannes  igitur,  beatus  Dominici  pectoris  cubator, — inebriatus  Spiritu 
Sancto, — ab  ipso  intimo  et  infinite  omnium  principiorum  principio  evangelii 
fecit  exordium.  Quo  uno  omnia  diaboli,  quae  in  haereticis  latrant,  ora  claudun- 
tur.  Ibid.  n.  4.  p.  115. 

1 sicut  illi  in  Actibus  Apostolorum,  qui,  beati  Petri  praedicatione 

compuncti,  crediderunt  in  eum  quem  crucifixerant.  Ad  Aug.  Ep.  50.  [aL 
43.]  n.  5.  p.  295. 


PAULINOS,  Bishop  of  Nola.     A.  D.  403.  589 

and  all  St.  Paul's  epistles,  particularly  thatk  to  the  He 
brews. 

7.  He1  celebrates  St.  Luke  as  a  physician   for  soul  and 
body  ;   whence  it  may  be  concluded,  he  supposed   him  to 
be  spoken  of  in  Col.  iv.  14.     At  the  same  time  he  ascribes 
to  St.  Luke  two  books ;  undoubtedly  meaning*  his  gospel, 
and  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles. 

8.  He    often    quotes   the   epistle  of  St.  James,  the  first 
epistle  of  St.  Peter,  and  the  first  epistle  of  St.  John  ;  but  I 
do  not  recollect  any  quotations  in  him  of  the  second  epistle 
of  St.  Peter,  or  the  epistle  of  St.  Jude,  or  the  second  and 
third  of  St.  John  :  though  it  may  be  reckoned  highly  pro 
bable,  that  they  were  all  received  by  him. 

9.  He  often  quotes  m  or  refers  to  the  book  of  the  Reve 
lation,  which  is  ascribed  by  him  to  the  apostle  John,  in  the 
passage  above  cited,  and  elsewhere. 

10.  He  either  read,  or  at  least  understood,  the  apostle's 
exhortation  in  1  Cor.  ix.  24,  in  this  manner  :  '  So  run,"  that 
ye  may  all  obtain.' 

11.  I  put  also  in  the  margin0  his  translation   of  that  ex 
pression,  1  Cor.  ix.  27,  "  I  keep  under  my  body." 

12.  He  quotes  1  Pet.  ii.  23,  after  this  manner:  '  But? 
yielded  [or  committed]  himself,'  unto  death,  <  to  him  that 
judgeth  unjustly.' 

13.  In  a  letter  written  to  St.  Augustine,  in  410,  or<i  soon 
after,  her  asks  of  him  the  solution  of  divers  questions,  taken 
out  of  the  Psalms,  the  apostle,  and  the  gospel ;  those  from 
the  apostle  are  taken  out  of  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  to 
the  Romans,  and  other  epistles  of  St.  Paul. 

k  Itidem  apostolus  [Eph.  vi.]  spiritualiter  exprimens  arma  coelestia, — gla- 
dium  Spiritus  dicit  verbum  Dei,  de  quo  ad  Hebraeos  ait :  '  Vivus  est  sermo 
Dei,  et  efficax.'     [Hebr.  iv.  12.]     Ad  Aug.  Ep.  50.  n.  17.  p.  302. 
1  Hie  medicus  Lucas  prius  arte,  deinde  loquela. 
Bis  medicus  Lucas.     Ut  quondam  corporis  a?gros 
Terrena  curabat  ope,  et  nunc  mentibus  asgris 
Composuit  gemino  vitae  medicamina  libro. 

P.  153.  D.  S.  Felice  Natal.  9.  ver.  424.  &c. 

m  Poteras,  Roma,  intentatas  tibi  illas  in  Apocalypsi  minas  non  timere,  si 
talia  semper  ederent  munera  senatores  tui.  Ad.  Pamm.  Ep.  13.  [al.  37.]  n. 
15.  p.  75.  n  Qua?  causa  dicendi  apostolo  fuit :  *  Sic  currite, 

ut  apprehendatis  omnes.'  Quod  in  agone  terrene  contra  est,  ubi  non  potest 
lucta  nisi  dispari  luctantium  sorte  finiri,  ut  unius  gloria  alterius  ignominia  sit. 
Ad.  Sever.  Ep.  24.  [al.  2.]  n.  15.  p.  161.  Conf.  Theodoret.  in  loc. 

0  Lividum  facio  corpus  meum,  et  in  servitutem  redigo.     Ad  Aug.  Ep.  50, 
n.  13.  p.  299.  P  Ad  Aug.  Ep.  50.  [al  43.]  n.  7.  p.  296. 

1  See  S.  Paulin.  Art.  49.     Tillem.  Mem.  T.  14. 

r  Haec  interim  de  Psalmis.  Nunc  et  de  apostolo  quodcumque  proponam. 
Dicit  ad  Ephesios.  Ad  Aug.  Ep.  50.  n.  9.  p.  297.  Restat  ut  aliquid  et  de 
evangelicis  locis  suggeram  beatitudini  tuoe.  Ib.  n.  14.  p.  299. 


590  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

CHAP.  CXXV. 

PELAGIUS. 


1.  CAVE  speaks  of  Pelagius  ata  the  year  405,  the  supposed 
time  of  his  publishing  his  heresy  :  Basnage, b  at  412  :  Pagi, c 
at  410,  and  following  years  :  in  whom,  as  well  as  in  many  d 
others,  his  history  may  be  seen.  It  is  generally  allowed, 
that  he  was  a  Briton  ;  and  many  think,  of  the  country  now 
called  Wales.  His  name  was  Morgan,  or  Marigena ;  which 
he  changed  into  Pelagius,  of  more  agreeable  sound,  and 
the  same  meaning.  His  remaining  works,  beside  frag 
ments,  or  quotations  in  Augustine  and  others,  are,  ane  epis 
tle  to  Demetrias,  written  in  413,  or  414 ;  a f  Commentary 
upon  all  St.  Paul's  epistles,  except  that  to  the  Hebrews  ; 
and,£  a  Confession  of  Faith,  called  Symbolum  ad  Damasum. 
The  most  beautiful  edition  of  Pelagius's  Commentaries  that 
I  know  of,  is  in  the  twelfth  tome  of  Le  Clerc's  edition  of 
Augustine's  works,  which  is  an  additional  tome  to  the  Bene 
dictine  edition  ;  but  the  edition  of  these  Commentaries,  which 
I  shall  refer  to,  is  that  in  the  fifth  tome  of  Martianay's  edi 
tion  of  Jerom's  works. 

2.  In  the  Symbol  he  says,  that11  he  receives  the  New  and 
Old  Testament  in  the  same  number  of  books  that  the  catho 
lic  church  does.     In'  his  Commentaries  he  vindicates  the 
Old  Testament  against  the  Manichees  :  in  his  letter  to  De 
metrias,  he  speaks  k  of  the  volumes  of  both  the  Testaments. 

3.  In  his  epistle  to  Demetrias,  and  in  his  Commentaries,  he 

a  H.  L.  T.  i.  p.  381.        b  Ann.  412.  n.  7.  &c.         c  Ann.  410.  n.  32.  &c. 

d  See  Tillem.  Mem.  EC.  T.  xiii.     S.  Augustin.  Art.  212—217. 

*  In  Append.  T.  ii.  Opp.  Augustin.  Bened.  et  T.  v.  Opp.  Hieronym.  p. 
11—30.  f  Apud  Hieron.  ibid.  p.  925.— 1106. 

e  Ap.  Hieron.  ib.  122—124.  et  Baron,  ann.  417.  n.  31—36. 

h  Novum  et  Vetus  Testamentum  recipimus,  in  eo  librorum  numero,  quern 
sanclse  catholicae  ecclesiae  tradit  auctoritas.  Symb.  Expl.  ap.  Hieron.  T.  v. 
p.  124.  '  Si,  dicentibus  Manichaeis  crudelis  asseritur 

Deus  Veteris  Testamenti, — quomodo  hoc  loco  ab  apostolo  dicitur,  a  Deo 
Novi  Testamenti  vindictam  hominibus  inferendam  ?  Comm.  in  Rom.  cap.  i. 
p.  928.  M.  Hieron.  T.  v. 

k  Plena  sunt  utriusque  Testamenti  volumina  hujusmodi  testimoniis.  Ad 
Demetriad.  p.  16.  in  cap.  vii. — N.  B.  In  quoting  the  epistle  to  Demetrias, 
the  pages  are  those  of  St.  Jerom's  fifth  tome ;  and  the  number  of  chapters,  or 
sections,  refers  to  the  edition  of  the  same  epistle,  in  the  appendix  co  the 
second  tome  of  St.  Augustine's  works. 


PELAGIUS.     A.  D.  401.  591 

quotes  many  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament ;  parti 
cularly  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  the  epistle  of  James,  both 
the  epistles  of  Peter.  I  need  not  refer  to  the  places,  nor 
transcribe  the  words. 

4.  Whether  Pelagius  received  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews 
may  be  questioned  :  it  is,  indeed,  several  times  mentioned  in  l 
his  Commentaries  upon  the  thirteen  epistles  of  Paul,  but  pos 
sibly  some  may  suspect  those  passages  to  be  interpolations : 
for,  if  he  had  received  the  epistles  to  the  Hebrews  as  Paul's, 
he  would  have   written  a  Commentary   upon   it,  as  well  as 
upon  the  rest.     However,  it  may  not  be   amiss  to  recollect 
here,  that  in  the  chapter  of  Augustine  it  was  observed,  that"1 
Julian,  the  Pelagian,  freely  quotes  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews 
as  Paul's. 

5.  In  his  Commentaries,  n  he  quotes  the  Revelation  of  John. 

6.  In  his  letter  to   Demetrias,  Pelagius  speaks  highly  to 
the  advantage  of  the  scriptures.     He  tells  that  lady,  that0 
from  them  only  she  can  receive  a  full  knowledge  of  the  will 
of  God ;  and  recommends  to  her  P  the  study   of  them :  he 
there  1  speaks  of  the  scriptures,  as  an  epistle  sent  to  us  from 
the  Divine  Majesty;    and  he  thinks  it  strange,  that  men  do 
not  receive  them  with  joy  and  veneration.     Upon  Coloss.  iii. 
16,  he  says,  thatr  laymen  ought  to  be  skilful   in  the  word 
of  God  ;  and,  indeed,8  Pelagius  himself  seems  to  have  been 
always  a  layman,   destitute  of  ecclesiastical  honours:  and 
upon  2  Tim.  iii.   16,  17,  he  says,  the1  scriptures  were  de 
signed  for  general  use,  that  we  might  profit  thereby. 

7.  I  shall  now  observe  a  few  other  things,  either  various 
readings,  or  explications  of  texts. 

1  Sicut  et  ipse  ad  Hebraeos  perhibens  docet.  In  Ep.  ad  Rom.  cap.  i.  p. 
928.  Vid.  et  in  Rom.  cap.  viii.  p.  953.  in  2  Cor.  cap.  iv.  p.  1018.  in  Eph. 
c.  v.  p.  1058.  in  Coloss.  cap.  i.  p.  1070.  m  See  before,  p.  509. 

n  Cum  tradiderit  regnum  Deo  et  Patri.]  Regnum  scilicet  humani  generis, 
secundum  Petri  epistolam,  et  Apocalypsim  Joannis,  Patri  tradendum  adserit 
esse  per  filium.  In  1  Cor.  xv.  p.  1007. 

0  Scito  itaque,  in  scripturis  divinis,  per  quas  solus  potes  plenam  Dei  intel- 
ligere  voluntatem,  prohiberi  quaedam. — Ad  Demetr.  p.  17.  in  cap.  9. 

P  Propter  quod  maxime  sanctarum  scripturarum  studium  diligendum  est  j 
illuminanda  divinis  eloquiis  anima :  et,  coruscante  Dei  verbo,  diaboli  repel- 
lendae  sunt  tenebrae.  Ib.  p.  27.  infr.  m.  cap.  26. 

*  Nobis  vero  Deus  ipse,  aeterna  ilia  majestas,  ineffabilis  atque  inaestimabilis 
potestas,  sacras  literas,  et  vere  adorandos  praeceptorum  suorum  apices  mittit. 
Et  non  statim  cum  gaudio  et  veneratione  suscipimus?  p.  21.  cap.  16. 

r  His  ostenditur,  verbum  Christi  non  sufficienter,  sed  abundanter  etiam 
laicos  habere  debere ;  et  docere  se  invicem,  vel  monere.  Ap.  Hieron.  T.  v. 
p.  1074.  s  Vid.  Basnag.  ann.  412.  n.  8. 

1  Ideo  data  est  legis  instructio,  ut  ejus  consilio  cuncta  facientes,  juste  justa 
faci;  iiius.     Ib.  p.  1099. 


592  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History. 

8.  He  says,  that  u   in  some  things  in  the  seventh  chapter 
to  the  Romans,  Paul  does  not  speak  of  himself,  now  a  chris- 
tian  ;  but  of  another,  still  under  the  law. 

9.  St.  Paul  says,  1  Cor.  v.  9,  "  I  have  written  to  you  in 
an  epistle."     Pelagius  v  understands  the  apostle  to  mean  the 
epistle  which  he  was  then  writing :  which   I   take  to  be 
right. 

10.  Upon  Galat.  i.  19,  he  says,  thatw  James  was  called 
the  Lord's  brother,  because  he  was  son  of  Mary,  wife  of 
Cleophas,  his  mother's  sister. 

11.  1  scarce  need  to  observe,  thatx  he  supposeth  the  epis 
tle   to   the  Ephesians   to  be  written  to  the   Christians   at 
Ephesus. 

12.  Upon  Philip,  ii.  14,  he  says,  *  that^  God  works  in  us 
to  will  by  persuasives,  and  setting  before  us  rewards :  and 
he  who  perseveres  to  the  end  will  be  saved.' 

13.  Pelagius  was2  an  orthodox  Homoiisian.     And  when 
Paul  styles  our  Lord,  Col.  i.  15,  "  the  first-born  of  every 
creature,"  or  *  of  the  whole  creation,'  hea  supposeth  him  to 
intend  Christ's  human  nature  ;  and  not  that  he  was  first  in 
point  of  time,  but  in  point  of  honour  and  dignity  :  as  Israel 
is  called  God's  "  first  born,"  or  best  beloved,  and  most 
favoured. 

14.  I  likewise  put  in  the  margin  his  explication  of  Col.  i. 
19,  "  thatb  in  him  should  all  fulness  dwell." 

15.  In  1  Tim.  iii.  16,  hec  had  not  "  God,"  but  *  which' 

u  Numquid  non  Paulus  nondum  erat  Dei  gratia  liberatus  ?  Unde  probatur, 
quia  ex  alterius  persona  haec  loquitur. — Et  rursum  in  persona  ejus,  qui  sub 
lege  erat,  haec  loquitur.  In  Rom.  cap.  7.  ver.  24,  25.  p.  948.  in.  Vid.  et 
ad  ver.  18.  p.  947.  M. 

v  Hoc  ipsum  in  hac  epistola  ita  scripsi,  non  ut  a  gentibus,  sed  ab  his  qui 
peccant  in  ecclesia  separemini.  Ad  1  Cor.  v.  p.  983. 

w  Unde  Jacobus  secundum  cognationem  frater  Domini  dicitur,  quoniam 
de  Maria  Cleophae,  sorore  matris  Domini,  natus  esse  monstratur.  In  Gal. 
p.  1 037.  x  «  Qui  sunt  Ephesi  et  fidelibus  in  Christo  Jesu.'] 

Non  omnibus  Ephesiis,  sed  his  qui  credunt  in  Christo.  In  Eph.  i.  p,  1048. 

y  Velle  operatur  in  nobis  suadendo,  et  praemia  promittendo.  Qui  perseve- 
raverit  usque  in  finem,  hie  salvus  erit,  &c.  Ad.  Philip,  p.  1094. 

z  Credimus — in  verum  Dei  filium,  non  factum,  aut  adoptivum,  sed  genitum, 
et  unius  cum  Patre  substantial,  quod  Graeci  dicunt  b^o^mov :  atque  ita  per 
omnia  sequalem  Deo  Patri,  ut  nee  tempore,  nee  gradu,  nee  potestate,  possit 
esse  inferior.  Symb.  Explan.  ad  Damas.  ap.  Hieron.  T.  v.  p.  122.  Conf. 
Pagi  ann.  405.  n.  4. 

a  Primogenitus  secundum  assumti  hominis  formam,  non  tempore,  sed  ho- 
nore,  juxta  illud  :  Filius  meus  primogenitus  Israel.  In  Col.  cap.  1.  p.  1070. 

b  In  aliis,  hoc  est,  in  apostolis,  patriarchis,  vel  prophetis,  gratia  fuit  ex 
parte.  In  Christo  autem  tota  divinitas  habitavit  corporaliter,  quasi  si  dicas 
summaliter.  Ibid.  p.  1070. 

c  '  Et  manifeste  magnum  est  pietatis  sacramentum,  quod  manifestatum  est 


PELAGIUS.     A.  D.  401.  593 

"  was  manifest  in  the  flesh."  The  d  same  reading  is  in  an 
other  Commentary  upon  St.  Paul's  thirteen  epistles,  ascribed 
to  Hilary  the  deacon :  of  which  an  account  was  given 
formerly. 

in  came.']     Quod  scire  te  cupio  sacramentum  incarnationis  Christi,  per  quern 
generi  humano  pietas  collala  est.  p.  1090. 
d   Seep.  385. 


END  OF  THE  FOURTH  VOLUME. 


VOL.  IV.  2  Q 


BUNGAY . 

STEREOTYPED  AND  PRINTED  BY  J.  R.  AND  C.  CH1LDS. 


x 


* 


s- 

^        H 


University  of  Toronto 
library 


DO  NOT 

REMOVE 

THE 

CARD 

FROM 

THIS 

POCKET 


Acme  Library  Card  Pocket 

Under  Pat.  "Ref.  Index  File" 
Made  by  LIBRARY  BUREAU