LIBRARY
THE UNIVERSITY
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PRESENTED BY
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7
^. s
\\asiiixgtom
From tlie original painting, made in 17^16, by Gilbert Stuart (1755-1828), known
as the "Athena-um I'ortrait," now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston
ILarneli's
History of tl)e ^orlti
or
^e\jetttj> Centuries
of tf^t %ift of i^anfeinb
A SURVEY OF HISTORY
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CHAPTER XVII
FROM THE DEATH OF CROMWELL TO
THE DEATH OF LOUIS XIV., OF FRANCE
(1658 TO 1715)
England: Restored monarchy. — Ignoble reign of Charles II. — ^Protestant
hostility to James II. — Monmouth's rebellion. — Revolution of 1688. — Reign
of William of Orange and Mary. — Reign of Queen Anne. — Rise of ministerial
government. — Literature of the reign. — National union of England and
Scotland. The Dutch Netherlands: William of Orange, etadtholder. — His
organization of resistance to Louis XIV. France: Reign of Louis XIV. — His
perfidious conquests and wanton aggressions.— His revocation of the Edict of
Nantes. — Leagues formed against him by William of Orange. — War of the
Spanish Succession. — State of France as left by Lonis XIV. Oermany:
Depressed condition of the petty states. — Rise of Prussia to the rank of a
kingdom. Russia: Advent of Peter the Great. Sweden: Extraordinaiy
carter of Charles XII. Italy: The duke of Savoy made king of Sardinia.
America: Founding of the Carolinas. — English conquest of New Netherland.
— Penn and Pennsylvania. — Political character of the English colonies. —
Designs against them by the restored English monarchy. — The Massachusetts
charter annulled. — Rule of Andros.— Effects of the English revolution. — The
Franco-English wars in America. — Growth of antagonism between the
colonies and the home government. India: First footing of the English East
India Company obtained. China: Reign of Kanghi.
Seemingly, the attempt in England to curb an
oppressive monarchy and secure constitutional
government had resulted in nothing but a fatal
discouragement of political hopes, there and
abroad. Triumphant absolutism appeared to
have been fortified in all its citadels by a new J^^
J temporary
buttress of hard fact. In France and in Germany triumphs o^
t ^ r .1 e absolutism •
It rose rampant and defiant, to an insolence of
spirit that had never been manifested since the
worst days of imperial Rome; and everywhere,
for nearly a generation, the prospects of constitu-
tional government, protective of popular rights
and interests, seemed newly cast down. But,
happily, the reaction was not lasting. It ended
896
896
Charles II.,
1660-1685
Macaulay,
History of
EnglaTid,
I : ch. ii-iii
Airy, The
English
Revolution I
and Louis
XIV.
The
royalists'
revenge
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
in the generation on which it fell, and a fresh
culture of democratic ideas and aspirations was
soon thriving in most parts of the civilized world.
Restored monarchy in England
When, in May, 1660, the English nation
restored its ancient monarchy, and welcomed
Charles II. to the throne from which his father
had been cast down, it was tired of a military
despotism; tired of Puritan austerity; tired of
revolution and political uncertainty; — so tired
that it threw itself down at the feet of the most
worthless member of the most worthless royal
family in its history, and gave itself up to him
without a condition or a guarantee. For twenty-
ilve years it endured both oppression and disgrace
at his hands. It suffered him to make a brothel
of his court; to empty the national purse into the
pockets of his shameless mistresses and debauched
companions; to revive the ecclesiastical tyranny
of Laud; to make a crime of the religious creeds
and the worship of more than half his subjects;
to sell himself and sell the honor of England to
the king of France for a secret pension, and to be
in every possible way as ignoble and despicable
as his father had been arrogant and false.
With the king, the king's party came back to
power, took control of parliament, and reveled in
works of ignoble revenge. Fourteen of the
prominent Roundheads — mostly "regicides," as
the judges of the late king were called — were put
to death, and those already dead were pursued
The Stuart Restoration in England 897
shamefully in their graves. The body of Crom-
well was dragged from its tomb in Westminster
Abbey to be hanged, and the bodies of Pym,
Blake, and others, were disinterred and flung into
pits. The spirit of vengeance was nowhere else „
. , , , T, r Persecution
so rampant as m the church. Jsy one act 01 of non-
parliament, in 1662, every clergyman and teacher ^°"^°'"'°'^'^*
was required to give an "unfeigned assent and
consent" to everything contained in the prayer-
book of the established church, and 2,000 "Non-
conformists" who could not do so were driven
from their pulpits and chairs. By another act, no
Nonconformist minister was permitted to come
within five miles of a town or place in which he
had preached or taught. By still another,
attendance at any religious meeting of more than
five persons, conducted otherwise than according
to the forms of the church of England, was made
a crime, punishable by imprisonment or trans-
portation.
The king, who was secretly a Catholic, and
who wished to give freedom to Catholic rites, CaThoiic-
claimed authority to relax or dispense with such j^.™ °^ ^^^
intolerant laws, by a royal "declaration of indul-
gence," and hoped to receive support from the
Nonconformists, if he extended that favor in
common to them and to the members of the
church of Rome. But the persecuted Protestants
were not at all willing to share a royal "indul-
gence" with the Romanists, whose persecution
they approved.
The fact that the king's brother, and probable
898
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
Avowed
Catiiolic-
ism ©f his
brother
The Gduii-
try party
Shaftes-
bury
The
iwetended
"popish
plot,"
1678-1679
successor, the duke of York, was avowedly a
Catholic, and that the king himself was believed
to be the same In his secret belief, so far as he had
any religious belief, was a cause of great anxiety
of feeling, as the reign went on. That anxiety
became alarm when it was discovered that
Charles, In 1670, had entered Into a secret treaty
with Louis XIV., of France, preparatory to a
public profession of the Roman Catholic religion.
The treaty pledged large yearly payments of
money to him, and the help of French troops, In
case his subjects should rebel; In return for
which he was to assist the king of France In a
projected subjugation of the Dutch. This dis-
covery gave a quick Impetus to the growth of a
party In parliament, called the Country party,
which had been gathering numbers for some time,
in opposition to the king and court.
Unfortunately, the better alms of the Country
party, led by Algernon Sidney and Lord Russell,
became mixed with the lower ones of a movement
of popular agitation against the king that was set
on foot by the earl of Shaftesbury, the most
scheming and adroit politician of the age. Still
more unfortunately, a wretch named Titus Oates
came on the scene. In 1678, with stories of a pre-
tended "popish plot," which excited the Protes-
tant alarm In the country to a panic pitch. On
the perjured testimony of Oates and other
creatures who confirmed his tales, some two
thousand Catholics, accused of complicity in a
gigantic conspiracy with foreigners against the
Reaction in
The Ignoble Charles II of England 899
English constitution and the Protestant faith,
were imprisoned, and seventeen were put to
death.
When the frenzy was spent, and the falsity of
the stories that gave rise to it became apparent, a
great reaction of public feeling occurred, which
broke the strength of the opposition to the king,
and made him all-pov/erful for the brief remainder
of his reign. Attempts to exclude the duke of
York from the succession to the crown lost pubik"
popular support; Shaftesbury had to fly to feeling
Holland; London, his stronghold, was deprived
of its charter, and several other cities fared the ^
' ^ Execution
same. Not long afterward, Sidney and Russell, of Sidney
accused of some shadowy implication In a project Russell,
(known as the Rye House Plot) for the seizure ^^^3
and possible murder of the king and the duke of
York, were brought to the block.
It was in this period that the supporters of the Tories and
king and court began to be called Tories and their ^^'°*
opponents styled Whigs. Both names were
meaningless in their political application, the
word "tory," coming from Ireland, signifying an
outlaw, while "whig" was a Scottish word,
meaning sour whey.
Before the Whigs lost control of parliament, The
they passed, in 1679, the famous Habeas Corpus
Act, which established, finally, an old principle of Act, 1679
the English common law, that untried prisoners History for
must be brought on demand before a iudge, for ^'"/^
° J o 7 Rejerence
investigation of the grounds on which they are (Full text)
held.
Habeas
Corpus
900
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
An ignoble
reign
The plague
and the
great fire,
1665-1666
Sufferings
of Scotland
Persecution
of the
Cove-
nanters
The ignoble reign of Charles II, left this one
important gift of good to England; there is
hardly another to be found. It Is a reign marked
in the English annals by many pollutions, and
many shames, Including the shame of the king
who took pay from a foreign sovereign for dis-
honorable services, and the shame of a war with
Holland, in which the navy, that Blake and
Cromwell left invincible, had so suffered from
royal wastefulness and official corruption that it
could not defend the Thames from a Dutch inva-
sion and London from some days of blockade.
It is marked, likewise, by two dire calamities: the
plague of 1665 and the great fire which half
destroyed London, in 1666. Its quarter century
of evil memory came to an end in February, 1685,
when Charles died, leaving no legitimate child.
Scotland suffered more than England In this
mean reign. Presbyterianism was abolished and
an episcopal church system set up; but certain
presbyterian ministers who obtained an "indul-
gence" were permitted to preach. The strict
Scottish "Covenanters" would not listen to these
"indulged" preachers, and persisted in resorting
to secret meetings, in the mountains and on the
moors. For years there was no other rebellion on
their part than the endeavor to meet their chosen
pastors and unite in prayers and psalms; but
they were hunted by wild Highlanders, shot,
hanged, imprisoned and tortured, till they took
arms In their own defense. Under the direction
of the earl of Lauderdale, one of King Charles's
" The Reign of James II in England 901
favorite ministers, the most energetic and merci-
less persecutor of the Covenanters was John
Graham of Claverhouse, Viscount Dundee, who
won an evil fame in the work. Claverhouse houir*
suffered a sharp defeat at the hands of the
maddened Covenanters at Drumclog, in May,
1669. In the last years of the persecution it was
directed by the duke of York, who was put at the
head of the Scottish government in 168 1.
The prospects of neither England nor Scotland
were improved in 1685 by the accession of the
duke of York to the two thrones, on one of which {g^^Jsg
he was James 11. , on the other James VII.
James had more honesty than his brother or his
father; but the narrowness and the meanness of ^j^""'^/'
the Stuart race were in his blood. His religion England,
was dull bigotry, and he opposed it to the Protes-
tantism of the kingdom with an aggressiveness
that showed he had learned nothing from his
father's fate. In the first year of his reign there
was a rebellion undertaken, in the interest of a
bastard son of Charles II., called duke of Mon- 1^^ .
' Monmouth
mouth; but it was put down savagely, first by rebellion,
force of arms, at Sedgemoor, and afterward by ^ ^
the "bloody assizes" of the ruthless Judge
Jeffreys, of evil fame. Encouraged by this
success against his enemies, James began to
ignore the "Test Act," which excluded Catholics
from office, and to surround himself by men of his
own religion. The Test Act was an unrighteous Dedara-
law, and the "Declaration of Indulgence" which tionof
James issued, for the toleration of Catholics and 1687
902 From Cromwell to Louis XIV
Dissenters, was just in principle, according to the
ideas of later times; but the action of the king
with respect to both was, nevertheless, a gross
and threatening violation of law. England had
submitted to worse conduct from Charles 11. ,
but its Protestant temper was now roused, and
r^^ the loyalty of the subject was consumed by the
revolution, fiercencss of the churchman's wrath. James's
King^° daughter, Mary, and her husband, William,
janies,i688 pnncc of Orange, were invited from Holland to
come over and displace the obnoxious father from
his throne. They accepted the invitation,
November, 1688; the nation rose to welcome
them; James fled, — and the great Revolution,
which ended arbitrary monarchy in England
forever, and established constitutional govern-
ment on clearly defined and lasting bases, was
accomplished without the shedding of a drop of
blood.
armrfor" Ireland was not submissive to the English
King revolution. King James had put the Catholics of
that island in power, giving them a few years of
opportunity to oppress, as they had been op-
pressed. They rose against the new English
government, not so much for King James as for
themselves, to improve what seemed to be a
favorable time for revolt. The fugitive king came
from France to their help, in the spring of 1689,
with an extensive equipment of ships, arms,
officers and money, supplied to him by his good
Siege of friend, Louis XIV., and there were two years and
der"ryri'689 morc of Irish War. The important incidents of
King William III and Queen Mary II 903
the war were the siege of the Protestant city of
Londonderry, which held out for three months,
with resolute endurance of starvation and disease; ?u^'^b^°^
' the Boyne,
the decisive battle of the Boyne, fought on the 1690
1st of July, 1690, and won by King William, in
personal command, against the Irish and French
army of James; and the reduction of Limerick, Treaty of
in October, 1691, which ended the war. By a Limerick.
treaty then signed at Limerick, the Catholic
Irish were promised a small measure of religious
freedom, and were assured that submission should
save them from a confiscation of estates. But, no
sooner was a Protestant parliament reseated at
Dublin than it brushed the treaty of Limerick
aside, and proceeded, with infamous perfidy, to Ireland'^
the most malignant measures of oppression that crushed
the long suffering island had yet known. Catho-
lic Ireland was crushed. Says Macaulay : "There
was peace. The domination of the colonists [that
is, the Protestant colonists of the 'plantation of
Ulster' and the 'Cromwellian settlement'] was
absolute. The native population was tranquil
with the ghastly tranquillity of despair. There
were indeed outrages, robberies, fire-raisings,
assassinations. But more than a century passed
away without one general insurrection. . . .
Nor was this submission the eflPect of content, m^my'li
but of mere stupefaction and brokenness of England,
. ,, ch. xvii
heart. '
By an act of parliament, passed in February, vviiiiam
1689, William and Mary were declared to be ni- and
jointly king and queen; but full regal power was 1689-1702
904
Macaulay,"
History of
England,
ch. xi-xxv
The Bill of
Rights,
1689
Lamed,
History for
Ready
Reference
(Full text)
Extinction
of super-
stitious
loyalty-
La rned.
History of
England,
485-6
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
conferred on the former, to be exercised in the
name of both. "Thus the ancient right of the
English people to regulate the hereditary succes-
sion of royal-born persons in their monarchy was
exercised once more, and established for all time.
At the same time, in the same instrument, a broad
declaration of the principles of constitutional
government, which the late kings had violated
obstinately, was made by Parliament and
accepted by the new sovereigns, 'so that the right
of the king to his crown and of the people to their
liberties might rest upon one and the same title-
deed.' " In the following October, parliament
embodied the Declaration in a Bill of Rights,
which takes its place with Magna Carta and the
Petition of Right in forming what has been called
" the legal constitutional code" of English govern-
ment. It named the queen's sister. Princess
Anne, as the successor to King William and
Queen Mary, if the latter should leave no chil-
dren, and it excluded from the throne every
person belonging to the Roman church, or
married to one in that church.
"The immense importance, however, of the
political revolution of 1688 is not found in the
enactments of constitutional law to which it led,
so much as in the changed state of mind that it
forced upon the people. That obstinate and
fatal superstition of loyalty which had looked
upon a king as a sacred personage, divinely
gifted with an authority that none could resist
without sin, had no root left in the English mind.
The Petition of Right and Act of Settlement 905
The church, which planted that superstition, had
now helped to tear it away."
The succession to the crown after Princess
Anne was determined by a later act of parliament
(the "Act of Settlement"), which positively seuie-
barred the return of James II. or his descendants ™^"'^' ^7oi
to the throne. Queen Mary was then dead, with-
out offspring, and the last of the children of Anne
had died in the previous year. By the provisions
of the Act of Settlement, one of the children of
Elizabeth (called queen of Bohemia), daughter of
James L, was made the next heir to the crown
after Anne. This granddaughter of the first king
James, named Sophia, married to the elector of
Hanover, was the only remaining Protestant
(excepting Anne) in the Stuart family, and she
and her descendants were appointed for that
reason to be the future occupants of the English
throne.
Queen Mary died in 1604, and King William in P^aths of
^ ^ . ''^' r 1 • • ^^^^Y and
1702. The more important events of their reign William,
are connected with the European combinations ' ^'*' '''°^
against Louis XIV., of France, in which King
William bore the leading part, and which involved
England in wars, especially affecting her colonies
in the New World. These will be told of in
another place.
With no open opposition, Queen Anne received Queen
the English crown on the death of King William, 1702-1714
as the Act of Settlement had prescribed, and her
reign of twelve years was made remarkably im- Moms,
portant by the mere fact that her character had Am'
'ine
9o6 From Cromwell to Louis XIV
little force. She fell naturally into the back-
ground of English politics; the executive func-
tions of government became attached to her
ministers more positively and conspicuously than
had ever been possible before. For other reasons,
as we shall see, the next two f ccessors of Queen
Rise of the Anne Were Subjected to a sim ar eclipse by their
system of miuisters; and the peculiar ''.nglish system of
ministerial .... . 'in
mmisterial government, in uch all executive
govern-
ment
activity and responsibility e taken from the
nominal sovereign, was give half a century of
favoring circumstances in w' i to be shaped and
fixed in its existing form.
In the same importan' period, the political
parties which provide a needed mechanism for the
system of ministerial government were acquiring,
for the first time, a distinctly organized form.
Down to the later years of the sixtysenth century
there were no political parties in England. There
were factions that supported great personages or
The genesis -.,..,. i • > t i i • •
of English lamihes in their ambitious striies, but nothing in
political ^i^g nature of a spontaneous division of people by
parties ^ tr tr j
differing opinions, on matters connected with
public affairs. The beginning of such divisions
appeared first in the reign of Elizabeth, and they
were deepened very fast in the time of the first
Stuarts and the Cromwellian years; but the
animus of parties through all that period was
religious far more than political. The strictly
political parties date from the reign of Charles
IL, when Whigs and Tories were lined up in an
opposing array that has kept the field in English
Union of England and Scotland 907
politics, through many changes of aim and name,
to the present day. In Anne's reign the structure
of the parties became definite and distinct, and
that of the Whigs was solidified to a strength that
kept control of the government for nearly fifty
y^3.TS. ^ ^ Literature
The reign of Anne is one of the shining epochs of Queen
in English literature, and a singular characteristic reign
of the great writers of that age is the political
inspiration of so much of their work. At
no other time has so high an order of literary
genius been enlisted in party warfare; and
never have such masterpieces of literary art
been produced in party disputes as were
contributed then to enduring literature by
Swift, Addison, Steele, Defoe, Arbuthnot, and
Gay.
One event of great historical Importance
occurred in the reign of Queen Anne. For a cen-
tury the crowns of England and Scotland had
been united, but the political distinctness of the
two kingdoms had been maintained, except dur-
ing six years of the Cromwellian regime. Now,
1707, a complete union of the English and Scot- England
tish peoples in one nation, to be styled the King- ^"^'[j^i^^^l,^
dom of Great Britain, was brought about. The "Kingdom
English parliament became a British parliament, BHtdn,"
with forty-five Scottish members added to its '707
house of commons, and sixteen elected Scottish
peers brought into its house of lords; while the
crosses of St. George and St. Andrew were con-
joined in a British flag.
9o8
The stadt-
holdership
restored,
1672
Pontalis,
John De
Witt
The
Provinces
attacked
by Louis
XIV., 1672
Murder
of the
De Witts
1672
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
The House of Orange and the Dutch Republic
William of Orange, to whom the English people
had given a place in the line of their kings, was
holding at the same time the nearly regal office of
stadtholder in Holland, as the United Provinces
were called more commonly than by their proper
name. After a suspension of twenty-one years,
that office had been restored, under tragical cir-
cumstances, in 1672. During the period of the
suspension, the government of the confederacy,
administered by the grand pensionary of the
Holland province, John de Witt, and controlled
by the wealthy commercial class, was successful
in promoting the general prosperity of the prov-
inces, and in advancing their maritime impor-
tance and power. It conducted two wars with
England — one with the commonwealth and one
with the restored monarchy — and could claim at
least an equal share of the naval glory won in
each. But it neglected the land defense of the
country, and was found unprepared in 1672,
when the Provinces were attacked by a villainous
combination, formed between Louis XIV., of
France, and his English pensioner, Charles II.
The republic, humbled and distressed by the
rushing conquests of the French, fixed its hopes
upon the young prince of Orange, heir to the
prestige of a great historic name, and turned its
wrath against the party of De Witt. The prince
was made stadtholder, despite the opposition of
John De Witt, and the latter, with his brother
Cornelius, was murdered by a mob at Amsterdam.
William of Orange Against Louis XIV 909
William of Orange proved both wise and heroic
as a leader, and the people were roused to a new
energy of resistance by his appeals and his
example. They cut their dykes and flooded the
land, subjecting themselves to unmeasured dis-
tress and loss, but stopping the French advance,
until time was gained for awakening public feeling
in Europe against the aggressions of the un-
scrupulous French king. Then William of
Orange began that which was to be his great and
important mission In life, — the organizing of
resistance to Louis XIV. The revolution of 1688- William of
9 in England, which gave the crown of that king- against
dom to William and his wife Mary, contributed Lo"isXiv.
greatly to his success, and was an event almost
as important in European politics at large as It
was in the constitutional history of Great Britain.
France under Louis XIV.
From 1661 until 171 5, Louis XIV. was the
absolute ruler of France, and during that long
period, of more than half a century, his unscrupu-
lous ambition gave little opportunity for western
and central Europe to make any other history
than that of struggle and battle, invasion and
devastation, intrigue and faithless diplomacy,
shifting of political landmarks and traffic in
border populations, as though they were pastured
cattle and sheep.
When Philip IV., of Spain, died, in 1665, Louis Jj''^[^^'^^
began promptly to put forward the claims which xiv.
he had pledged himself not to make. He de-
9IO From Cromwell to Louis XIV
manded part of the Netherlands, and Franche
Comte — the old county (not the duchy) of Bur-
gundy— as belonging to his queen. It was his
good fortune to be served by some of the greatest
generals, military engineers and administrators
-,. - of the day, — by Turenne, Conde, Vauban,
His first . .
exploit of Louvois, and others, — and when he sent his
i667^i^T' armies of invasion into Flanders and Franche
Comte they carried all before them, Holland
took alarm at these aggressions, which came so
near to her, and formed an alliance with England
and Sweden to assist Spain. But the unprincipled
English king, Charles II., was bribed to betray
his ally; Sweden was bought over; Spain sub-
mitted to a treaty which gave the Burgundian
county back to her, and surrendered an important
part of the Spanish Netherlands to France.
Louis' first exploit of national brigandage had
thus been a glorious success, as glory is defined in
X nc spoil
and the the vocabulary of sovereigns of his class. He had
Ticums stolen several valuable towns, killed some thou-
sands of people, carried misery into the lives of
some thousands more, and provoked the Dutch
to a challenge of war that seemed promising of
more glory of like kind.
In 1672 he prepared himself to chastise the
Dutch, and his English pensioner, Charles II.,
with several German princes, joined him in the
war. It was this war, as related already, which
. brought about the fall and the death of John de
His attack
on Holland, Witt, grand pensionary of Holland; which raised
1672-1678 \yiiji^jn of Orange to the restored stadtholder-
Perfidy and Aggressions of Louis XIV 911
ship, and which gave him a certain leadership of
influence in Europe, as against the French king.
It was this war, likewise, which gave the Hohen-
zollerns their first great battle triumph, in the
defeat of the Swedes, the allies of the French, at „
' . . , ' Battle of
Fehrbellin. For Frederick William, the "great Fehrbeiiin,
elector," had joined the emperor Leopold and the * ^^
king of Spain in another league with Holland, to
resist the aggressions of France; while Sweden
now took sides with Louis.
England was soon withdrawn from the contest,
by the determined action of parliament, which
forced its king to make peace. Otherwise the
war became general in western Europe and was
frightful in the death and misery it cost. Gener-
ally the French had the most success. Turenne
was killed in 1675 ^^^ Conde retired the same of "the
year; but able commanders were found, in ^o^frch"
Luxemburg and Crequi, to succeed them. In
opposition to William of Orange, the Dutch made
peace at Nimeguen, in 1678, and Spain was
forced to give up Franche Comte, with another
fraction of her Netherland territories; but Hol-
land lost nothing. Again Louis XIV. had beaten
and robbed his neighbors with success, and was
at the pinnacle of his glory. France, it is true,
was oppressed and exhausted, but her king was a
"grand monarch," and she must needs be con-
tent.
For a few years the grand monarch contented
himself with small filchings of territory, which
kept his conscience supple and gave practice to
912 From Cromwell to Louis XIV
his sleight-of-hand. On one pretext and another
he seized town after town in Alsace, and, at last,
in 1681, surprised and captured the imperial free
aggleLions city of Strasburg, in a time of entire peace. He
of^Louis bombarded Genoa, took Avignon from the pope,
bullied and abused feeble Spain, made large
claims on the Palatinate in the name of his sister-
in-law, but against her will, and did nearly what
he was pleased to do, without any effective resist-
ance, until after William of Orange had been
called to the English throne. That completed a
great change in the European situation.
The change had been more than half brought
about already, by a foul and foolish measure
which Louis had adopted In his domestic admin-
istration. Cursed with a tyrant's impatience at
the idea of free thought and free opinion among
his subjects, he had been persuaded by zealots
near his person to revoke the Edict of Nantes and
Revocation ^^vivc persccutlou of the Huguenots. This was
of the Edict done in 1685. The fatal effects within France
1685 ' resembled those which followed the persecution
of the Moriscoes of Spain. The Huguenots
formed a large proportion of the best middle class
of the kingdom, — its manufacturers, Its mer-
chants, its skilled and thrifty artisans. Violent
efforts were made to detain them in the country,
Exodus of ^^^ there force them to apostasy or hold them
Huguenots Under punishment If they withstood. But there
was not power enough In the monarchy, with all
its absolutism, to inclose France in such a wall.
Vast numbers escaped — half a million, it is
Revived Persecution of Huguenots 913
thought — carrying their skill, their knowledge, P°.°ie,
their industry and their energy into Holland, oj the
England, Switzerland, all parts of Protestant ^f,|"""°^'
Germany, and across the ocean to America. Dispersion
France was half ruined by the loss.
At the same time, the Protestant allies in Ger-
many and the north, whom Louis had held in
subserviency to himself so long, were angered and
alarmed by his act. They joined a new defensive
league against him, formed at Augsburg, in 1686,
which embraced the emperor, Spain, Holland and League of
Sweden, at first, and afterward took in Savoy and fgg^'.'j^JJ
other Italian states, along with Germany, almost
entire. But the league was miserably unprepared Macauiay,
for war, and hardly hindered the march of Louis' History of
armies when he suddenly moved them into the ch. xi, xk-
Rhenish electorates in 1688. For the second ^^"
time in his reign, and under his orders, the
Palatinate was devastated horribly with fire and History of
sword. But this attack on Germany, occupying ^^"l'"' '
the arms of France, gave William of Orange his century,
-r-.il 1 1 5 : bk. 20,
oppo. tunity to enter Jingland unopposed and ch. i
take the English crown. That accomplished, he
brought England Into the league, enlarging it to a
"grand alliance" of all western Europe against
the dangerous monarch of France.
France had now to deal with enemies on every
side. They swarmed on all her frontiers, and she
met them with amazing valor and strength. For
three years the French more than held their own, France
not only in land fighting, but on the sea, where against
western
they seemed likely, for a time, to dispute the Europe
914
Treaty of
Ryswick,
1697
War of the
Spanish
Succession,
1702-1714
Macaulay,
Essays:
Maho?i's
War of the
Succession
Lecky,
History of
England,
jSth
century,
ch. r
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
supremacy of the English and the Dutch with
success. But the frightful draft made on the
resources of the nation, and the strain on its
spirit, were more than could be kept up. The
obstinacy of the king, and his indifference to the
sufferings of his people, prolonged the war until
1697, but with steady loss- to the French of the
advantages with which they began. Two years
before the end, Louis had bought over the duke
of Savoy, by giving back to him all that France
had taken from his Italian territories since
Richelieu's time. When the final peace was
settled, at Ryswick, like surrenders had to be
made in the Netherlands, Lorraine, and beyond
the Rhine; but Alsace, with Strasburg, was kept,
to be a German graft on France, until the sharp
Prussian pruning knife, in our own time, cut it
away.
There were five years of peace after the treaty
of Ryswick, and then a new war — longer, more
bitter, and more destructive than those before it
— arose out of questions connected with tb , suc-
cession to the crown of Spain. Charles II., last of
the Austro-Spanish or Spanish-Hapsburg kings,
died in 1700, leaving no heir. The nearest of his
relatives to the throne were the descendants of his
two sisters, one of whom had married Louis XIV.
and the other the emperor Leopold of the Aus-
trian house. Louis XIV., as we know, had
renounced all the Spanish rights of his queen and
her issue; but that renunciation had been shown
already to be wasted paper. Leopold had
War of the Spanish Succession 915
renounced nothing; but he had required a
renunciation of her Spanish claims from the one
daughter, Maria, of his Spanish wife, and he put
forward claims to the Spanish succession, on his
own behalf, because his mother had been a
princess of that nation, as well as his wife. He
was willing, however, to transfer his own rights
to a younger son, fruit of a second marriage, the
archduke Charles.
The question of the Spanish succession was one
of European interest and Importance, and
attempts had been made to settle it two years
before the death of the Spanish king, in 1698, by partition of
a treaty, or agreement, between France, England treaty,'i698
and Holland. By that treaty these outside
powers (not consulting Spain) undertook a parti-
tion of the Spanish monarchy. In what they
assumed to be the Interest of the European
balance of power. In Spain, this proceeding was
resented, naturally, by both people and king, and
the latter was persuaded to set against it a will,
bequeathing all that he ruled to the younger
grandson of Louis XIV., Philip of Anjou, on
condition that the latter renounce for himself and The
for his heirs all claims to the crown of France. ^?ng"s*^;n
The Inducement to this bequest was the power
which the king of France possessed to enforce It,
and so to preserve the unity of the Spanish realm.
That the argument and the persuasion came from
Louis' own agents, while other agents amused
England, Holland and Austria with treaties of
partition, is tolerably clear.
9i6
A French
prince on
the
Spanish
throne
England
insulted,
1701
Death of
William,
Outbreak
of war,
1702
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
Near the end of the year 1700, the king of
Spain died; his will was disclosed; the treaties
were as coolly ignored as the prior renunciation
had been, and the young French prince was sent
pompously into Spain to accept the proifered
crown. For a time, there was indignation in
Europe, but no more. William of Orange could
persuade neither England nor Holland to war,
and Austria could not venture hostilities without
their help. But that submissiveness only drew
from the grand monarch fresh displays of his
dishonesty and his insolence. The government
of Spain was guided from Paris like that of a
dependency of France. Dutch and English com-
merce was injured by hostile measures. Move-
ments alarming to Holland were made on the
frontiers of the Spanish Netherlands. Finally,
when the fugitive ex-king of England, James H.,
died at St. Germains, in September, 1701, Louis
acknowledged James's son, called "the pre-
tender," as king of England. This insult roused
the war spirit in England which King William
had striven so hard to evoke. He had arranged
the terms of a new defensive grand alliance with
Holland, Austria, and most of the German states;
there was no difficulty now in making it an
offensive league.
But William, always weak In health, and worn
by many cares and harassing troubles, died In
March, 1702, before the war that he desired had
broken out. His death made no pause in the
movement of events. Able statesmen, under
The Humbling of the "Grand Monarch" 917
Queen Anne, his successor, carried forward his
policy, and a great soldier was found, In the
person of John Churchill, duke of Marlborough,
to command the armies of England and the boroJgh
Dutch. Another commander, of remarkable ^""^ Prince
genius. Prince Eugene of Savoy, took service with
the emperor, and these two, acting cordially
together, humbled the overweening pride of
Louis XIV. In the later years of his reign. He
had worn out France by his long exactions. His
strong ministers, Colbert, Louvois, and others,
were dead, and he did not find successors equal to
their work. He had able generals, but none equal
to Turenne, Conde or Luxemburg, — none to cope
with Marlborough and Prince Eugene. The war spread
was widespread, on a stupendous scale, and it ^^'^
lasted for twelve years. Its campaigns were
fought in the Low Countries, In Germany, In
Italy, and in Spain. It glorified the reign of Anne,
in English history, by the shining victories of
Blenheim, Ramllles, Oudenarde and Malplaquet,
and by the capture of Gibraltar, the padlock of
the Mediterranean Sea. The misery to which ^^iserycaf
r r ranee
France was reduced m the later years of the war
was probably the greatest that the much suffering
nation ever knew.
Louis sought peace, and was willing to go far in
surrenders to obtain It. But the allies pressed
him too hard in their demands. They would have
him not only abandon the Bourbon dynasty that
he had set up in Spain, but join them in over-
throwing it. He refused to negotiate on such
9i8
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
Treaties of
Utrecht
and
Rastadt,
1713-1714
Gerard,
The Peace
•/ Utrecht
Losses of
Spain and
France by
the war
terms, and Fortune approved his resolution, by
giving decisive victories to his arms in Spain,
while dealing out disaster and defeat in every
other field. England grew weary of the war when
it came to appear endless, and Marlborough and
the Whigs, who had carried it on, were ousted
from power. The Tories, under Harley and Bol-
ingbroke, came into office and negotiated the
famous Peace of Utrecht, In which all of the
belligerents except the emperor were joined. The
emperor yielded to a supplementary treaty,
signed at Rastadt the next year.
These treaties left the Bourbon king of Spain,
Philip v., on his throne, but bound him, by fresh
renunciations, not to be likewise king of France.
They gave to England Gibraltar and Minorca, at
the expense of Spain, and Nova Scotia, New-
foundland and Hudson's Bay, at the expense of
France. They took much more from Spain. They
took Sicily, which they gave to the duke of Savoy,
with the title of king; they took Naples, Milan,
Mantua and Sardinia, which they gave to Aus-
tria, or, more strictly^ speaking, to the emperor;
and they took the Spanish Netherlands, which
they gave to Austria in the main, with some
barrier towns to the Dutch. They took from
France her conquests on the right bank of the
Rhine; but they left her in possession of Alsace,
with Strasburg and Landau. The great victim of
the war was Spain.
Louis XIV. was near the end of his reign when
this last of the fearful wars which he caused was
The Treaties of Utrecht and Rastadt 919
France at
the deatlt
brought to a close. He died in September, 171 5, France at
leaving a kingdom that had reasons to curse his of Louis
memory in every particular of its state. He had ^ "' ''''^
foiled the exertions of as wise a minister, Jean
Colbert, as ever strove to do good to France. He
had dried the sources of national life as with a
searching and monstrous sponge. He had
repressed everything which he could not absorb
in his flaunting court, in his destroying armies,
and in himself. He had dealt with France as with
a dumb beast that had been given him to bestride;
to display himself upon, before the gaze of an
envious world; to be bridled, and spurred at his
pleasure, and whipped; to toil for him and bear
burdens as he willed; to tread upon his enemies The dumb
and trample his neighbors' fields. It was he, feature
r o tl^at went
more than all others before or after, who made mad
France that dumb creature which suffered and
was still for a little longer time, and then began
thinking and went mad.
Germany after the Thirty Years War
In a natural order of things, Germany should
have supplied the main resistance to Louis XIV.
and held his unscrupulous ambition in check.
But Germany had fallen to its lowest state of
political demoralization and disorder. The very
idea of nationality had disappeared. The
empire, even reduced to a frame and a form, had
almost vanished from practical affairs. The
numerous petty states which divided the German
people stood apart from one another, in sub-
f20
Petty
courts
aping the
court of
France
Alienation
of Austria
Rise and
anion of
Branden-
burg and
Prussia
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
stantial independence, and were sundered by
small jealousies and distrusts. Little absolute
principalities they were, each having its little
court, which aped, in a little way, the grand court
of the grand monarch of France — central object
of the admiration and the envy of all small souls
in its time. Half of them were ready to bow
down to the splendid being at Versailles, and to
be his creatures, if he condescended to bestow a
nod of patronage and attention ufX)n them.
More and more distinctly the emperor drew
apart in his immediate dominions as an Austrian
sovereign; and more and more completely Aus-
trian interests and Austrian policy became
removed and estranged from the interests of the
Germanic people. The ambitions and the cares
of the house of Hapsburg were increasingly in
directions most opposite to the German side of its
relations, tending towards Italy and the south-
east; while, at the same time, the church influ-
ence which depressed the Austrian states widened
a hopeless intellectual difference between them
and the Germans of the north.
The most notable movements in dull German
affairs, after the Peace of Westphalia, were those
which connected themselves with the settling and
centering in Brandenburg of a nucleus of growing
power, around which the nationalizing of Ger-
many has been a crystallizing process ever since.
The Mark of Brandenburg was one of the earliest
conquests (tenth century) of the Germans from
the Wends. Prussia, afterward united with
Rise of Brandenburg and Prussia 921
Brandenburg, was a later conquest (thirteenth Cariyie,
century) from Wendish or Slavonic and other Friedrich
pagan Inhabitants, and Its subjugation was a ^fj'^'^^
missionary enterprise, accomplished by the cru-
sading order of Teutonic Knights, under the
authority and direction of the pope. The order,
which held the country for more than two cen-
turies, and ruled it badly, became degenerate,
and, about the middle of the fifteenth century, it
was overcome in war by Casimir IV. of Poland,
who took away from it the western part of its
territory, and forced It to do homage to him for
the eastern part, as a fief of the Polish crown.
Sixty years later, the Reformation movement
in Germany brought about the extinguishment
of the Teutonic order as a political power. The
grand master of the order at that time was
Albert, a Hohenzollern prince, belonging to a Aggrand-
' -^ ' . izement of
younger branch of the Brandenburg family. He the Hohen-
became a Lutheran, and succeeded in persuading
the Polish king, SIgismund I., to transfer the
sovereignty of the east Prussian fief to him, per-
sonally, as a duchy. He transmitted it to his
descendants, who held it for a few generations;
but the line became extinct In 1618, and the
duchy of Prussia then passed to the elder branch
of the family and was united with the electorate
of Brandenburg, which the Hohenzollern family
had acquired in 1417.
The superior weight of the Brandenburg
electors in northern Germany may be dated from
their acquisition of the important duchy of
922
"The great
elector,"
1 640- 1 688
Ranke,
Memoirs of
the House of
Branden-
burg, I : ch.
iii
Prussia
becomes a
kingdom,
1700
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
Prussia; but they made no mark on affairs until
the time of Frederick William I., called "the
great elector," who succeeded to the electorate in
1640, near the close of the Thirty Years War.
In the arrangements of the Peace of Westphalia
he secured east Pomerania and other considerable
additions of territory. In 1657 he made his duchy
of Prussia independent of Poland, by treaty with
the Polish king. In 1672 and 1674 he had the
courage and independence to join the allies
against Louis XIV., Vnd when the Swedes, in
alliance with Louis, invaded his dominions, he
defeated and humbled them at Fehrbellin, and
took from them the greater part of their Pomer-
anian territory. When the great elector died, in
1688, Brandenburg was the commanding North-
German power,andtheHohen2ollernfamilyhad en-
tered fully on the great career it has since pursued.
Frederick William's son Frederick, with none
of his father's talent, had a pushing but shallow
ambition. He aspired to be a king, and circum-
stances made his friendship so important to the
emperor Leopold I. that the latter, exercising the
theoretical super-sovereignty of the Caesars,
endowed him with the regal title. He was made
king of Prussia, not of Brandenburg, because
Brandenburg stood in vassalage to the empire,
while Prussia was an independent state.
Poland
In Poland, the political demoralizatioii had
become complete. The elections of Pol»k kings
John Sobieski in Poland 923
were prize contests in which all Europe took part. "^^ T°^^^^
■*■ ■*■■*■ elections
Every court set up its candidate for the paltry
titular place; every candidate emptied his purse
into the Polish capital, and bribed, intrigued,
corrupted, to the best of his ability. Once, at
least, when the game was on, a sudden breeze of
patriotic feeling swept the traffickers out of the
diet, and inspired the election of a national hero,
John Sobieski, to whom Europe owes much; for Sobieski,
it was he who drove back the Turks, In 1683, ^ '''^"^^
when their last bold push into central Europe was
made, and when they were storming at the gates
of Vienna. But when Sobieski died, in 1696, the
old scandalous vendue of a crown was reopened,
and the elector of Saxony was the buyer. During
most of the last two centuries of Its history,
Poland sold Its throne to one alien after another,
and allowed foreign states to mix and meddle
with its affairs. Of real nationality there was not
much left to extinguish when the time of extinc-
tion came. There were patriots, and very noble
patriots, among the Poles, at all periods of their
history; but it seems to have been the very hope- p^i-'j^il"^
lessness of the state into which their country had patriotism
drifted which intensified their patriotic feeling.
Russia
Russia had acquired magnitude and strength
as^a barbaric power, in the sixteenth and seven-
teenth centuries; but it was not until the reign of
Peter the Great, which opened In 1682, that the Great
great Slavonic empire began to take on a Euro-
924
Schuyler,
PeUr the
Great
Conquest
of Siberia
Swedish
conquests
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
pean character, with European Interests and
influences, and to assimilate the civilization of
the west. Peter may be said to have knotted
Russia to Europe at both extremities, by pushing
his dominions to the Baltic on the north and to
the Black Sea on the south, and by putting his
own ships afloat in both. The Russian conquest
of Siberia, begun by a Cossack adventurer,
Yermac Timoseef, about 1578, became practically
complete in Peter's reign, or shortly before.
From his day, Russia has been steadily gathering
weight in each of the two continents over which
her vast bulk of empire Is stretched, and moving
to a mysterious great destiny In time to come.
Sweden
Just at the close of the century, while the
powers of western Europe were wrestling in the
great war of the Spanish succession, these nations
of the east and their near neighbors In the north
were Involved in a furious conflict, provoked by a
wanton attack from Russia, Poland and Den-
mark on the possessions of the Swedes. In the
past century Sweden had made extensive con-
quests, and her territories, outside of the Scan-
dinavian peninsula, were thrust provoklngly Into
the sides of all these three neighbors. There had
been three Charleses on the Swedish throne in
succession, following Christina, the daughter of
Gustavus Adolphus. Queen Christina, an eccen-
tric character, had abdicated In 1654, in order to
join the Catholic church, and had been succeeded
Charles XII of Sweden 925
by her cousin, Charles X. The six years reign of v^^arswith
this Charles was one of constant war with the Danes and
Poles
Danes and the Poles, and he was the aggressor in
almost every case. His son and successor,
Charles XL, suffered the great defeat at Fehr-
bellln which gave prestige to Brandenburg; but
he was shielded, by the puissant arm of Louis
XIV., his ally, and lost no territory. More suc-
cessful in his domestic policy than in his wars, he,
both practically and formally, established abso- The
lutism in the Swedish realm. Inheriting from his Swedish
^ ^ _ absolute
father that absolute power, while inheriting at monarchy
the same time the ruthless ambition of his grand-
father, Charles XII. came to the throne in 1697.
In the first two years of his reign, this extra- Charles
ordinary young autocrat showed so little of his xii.,
character that his royal neighbors thought him a
weakling, and Peter the Great, of Russia, con- Voltaire,
spired with Augustus of Poland and Frederick chlnls
IV. of Denmark to strip him of those parts of his ^^i-
dominion which they severally craved. The
result was like the rousing of a lion by hunters
who went forth to pursue a hare. The young xhe
Swede, dropping, instantly and forever, all coalition
frivolities, sprang at his assailants before they Charles,
dreamed of finding him awake, and the game was ^^°°
suddenly reversed. The hunters became the
hunted, and they had no rest for nine years from
the implacable pursuit of them which Charles
kept up. He defeated the Danes and the Russians
in the first year of the war. In 1702 he invaded its fate
Poland and occupied Warsaw; in 1704 he forced
926 From Cromwell to Louis XIV
the deposition of the Saxon king of Poland,
Augustus, and the election of Stanislaus Lec-
zinski. Not yet satisfied, he followed Augustus
into his electorate of Saxony, and compelled him
there to renounce the Russian alliance and the
Polish crown.
Charles ^^ 1 7^8, Charles invaded Russia, marching on
XII. in Moscow, but turning aside to meet an expected
ally, Mazeppa the Cossack. It was the mistake
which Napoleon repeated a century later. The
Swedes exhausted themselves in the march, and
the Russians bided their time. Peter, the tzar,
had devoted eight years, since Charles defeated
him at Narva, to making soldiers, well trained,
out of the mob which that fight scattered. When
Charles had worn his army down to a slender and
disheartened force, Peter struck and destroyed it
at Pultowa. Charles escaped from the wreck and
His five took refuge, with a few hundreds of his guards, in
years in the Turkish province of Bessarabia, at Bender.
1709-1714 In that shelter, which the Ottomans hospitably
accorded to him, he remained for five years,
intriguing to bring the Porte into war with his
Muscovite enemy, while all the fruits of his nine
years of conquest in the north were stripped from
him by the old league, revived. Augustus
returned to Poland and recovered his crown.
Peter took possession of Livonia, Ingria, and a
great part of Finland. Frederick IV., of Den-
mark, attacked Sweden itself. The kingless
kingdom made a valiant defense against the
crowd of eager enemies; but Charles had used the
Swedish Losses 927
best of its energies and its resources, and it was
not strong.
Near the end of 1710, Charles succeeded in
pushing the sultan into war with the tzar, and the
latter, advancing into Moldavia, rashly placed
himself in a position of great peril, where the
Turks had him really at their mercy. But
Catherine, the tzarina, who was present, found
means to bribe the Turkish vizier in command,
and Peter escaped with no loss more serious than
the surrender of Azov. That ended the war, and
the hopes of the Swedish king. But still the
stubborn Charles wearied the Porte with his
importunities, until he was commanded to quit
the country.
Even then he refused to depart, — resisted
when force was used to expel him, and did not
take his leave until late in November, 1714, when
he received intelligence that his subjects were chariesto
preparing to appoint his sister regent of the king- j^^^'^''"*
dom and to make peace with the tzar. That news
hurried him homeward; but only for continued
war. He was about to make terms with Russia,
and to secure her alliance against Denmark,
Poland and Hanover, when he was killed during
an invasion of Norway, in the siege of Fredriks-
•^ ' ° r n J ^'* death,
hald, December, 171 8. The crown ot J^weden 1718
was then conferred upon his sister, but shorn of
absolute powers, and practically dependent upon
the nobles. All the wars in which Charles XH.
had involved his kingdom were brought to an end
by great sacrifices, and Russia rose to the place of
928 From Cromwell to Louis XIV
Sweden as the chief power in the north. The
Sw^edjsh Swedes paid heavily for the career of their
"Northern Alexander."
Spain and Italy
Before the belligerents in the north had
quieted themselves, those of the west were again
in arms. Spain had fallen under the influence of
HbtJ^'of two eager and restless ambitions, that of the
Evgiayid, queen, Elizabeth of Parma, and an Italian minis-
ch.viii-x ' ter. Cardinal Alberoni; and the schemes into
which these two drew the Bourbon king, Philip
alliance V., soon rupturcd the close relations with France
against which Louis XIV. had ruined his kingdom to
Spam, 1717 , , ° .
bring about. To check them, a triple alliance
was formed between France, England and Hol-
land,— enlarged the next year to a quadruple
alliance by the adhesion of Austria.
At the outset of the war, Spain made a con-
quest of Sardinia, and almost accomplished the
same in Sicily; but the English crushed her navy
and her rising commerce, while the French
crossed the Pyrenees with an army which the
Spaniards could not resist. A vast combination
which Alberoni was weaving, and which took in
Charles XII., Peter the Great, the Stuart pre-
tender, the English Jacobites, and the opponents
of the regency in France, fell to pieces when the
Swedish king fell. Alberoni was driven from
king'dom of Spain and all his plans were given up. The
the Two Spanish king withdrew from Sicily and sur-
1720 ' rendered Sardinia. The emperor and the duke of
Europe Against Spain 929
Savoy exchanged islands, and the former (holding
Naples already) revived the old kingdom of the
Two Sicilies, while the latter became king of
Sardinia.
Of Italy at large, in the seventeenth'century,
lying prostrate under the heavy hand of Spain,
there is no history to claim attention in so brief a
sketch as this. One sovereign family in the north-
west, long balanced on the Alps, in uncertainty
between a cis-AIpine and a trans-Alpine destiny,
but now clearly committed to Italian fortunes,
had begun to win its footing among the noticeable
smaller powers of the day by sheer dexterity of
trimming and shifting sides in the conflicts of the Rise of the
time. This was the house of Savoy, whose first house of
possessions, gathered in the crumbling of the old
kingdom of Burgundy, lay on both slopes of the Freeman,
Alps, commanding important passes. On the ^J^rafif
western and northern side, the counts, afterward oj Europe,
dukes, of Savoy had to contend, as time went on, sect. 7'
with the expanding kingdom of France and with
the Swiss, falling back before both.
At one period, in the fifteenth century, their
dominion had stretched to the Sa6ne, and to the city of
lake of Neufchatel, on both sides of it, surround- ^^"^^^
ing the free city of Geneva, which they were
never able to overcome. After that time, the
Savoyards gradually lost territory on the Gallic The duke '
side and won compensations on the Italian side, blimey
in Piedmont, and at the expense of Genoa and the king of
duchy of Milan. The duke Victor Amadeus II. 1720'"'^'
was the most successful winner for his house, and
930
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
he made his gains by remarkable manoeuvering on
both sides of the wars of Louis XIV. One of his
acquisitions was the island kingdom of Sicily,
which gave him a royal title. A few years later
he exchanged it with Austria for the island king-
dom of Sardinia — a realm more desirable to him
for geographical reasons alone. The dukes of
Savoy and princes of Piedmont thus became
kings of Sardinia, and the name of the kingdom
was often applied to their whole dominion, down
to the recent time when the house of Savoy
attained the grander kingship of united Italy.
The
founding
of the
Carolinas,
1663-1693
Charleston
America
The English colonies in America were increased
in number much more than in prosperity, during
the reigns of the last two Stuart kings. The first
to be added bore the name of the Province of
Carolina, and was created in 1663 by a palatine
charter from the king to a company of influential
courtiers, endowing them with the same sover-
eignty in their province that was enjoyed by Lord
Baltimore in his. Their grant of territory gave
them, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, the whole
country between the parallels of thirty-one and
thirty-six degrees. The province contained
already two small settlements on Albemarle
Sound, and another on Cape Fear River. In
1 67 1, a place near the site of the present city of
Charleston was occupied by a fourth company of
settlers, who transferred their homes a few years
later to the ground on which Charleston stands.
Founding of the Carolinas 931
This and the Albemarle settlements became the
nuclei of the two finally distinct Carolina
colonies, North and South. The two sections of
the province drew apart from an early day, under
the inefficient government which the proprietary
company maintained. A singular constitution, , , ,
prepared for it by the eminent philosopher, John constitu-
Locke, contemplating the creation of an heredi-
tary nobility and a feudal land system, with both
serfdom and slavery at the base of the social
system, proved utterly unworkable, and, after
being a cause of disturbance and depression to the
province for thirty years, was cast aside.
The next addition to the English colonies was
made in 1664, by conquest of New Netherland conquest
from the Dutch. England had never abandoned of New
... , . . , Netherland
her claim to that important territory, between 1664
the two groups of her colonies; but circumstances
had been unfavorable to an enforcement of the Dutch and
claim. At length, for other reasons, a war with ^"f^^f
, Colonies,
Holland had become desirable, to the king, and ch.ix-xi
to England at large. The king desired it for the
purpose of assisting his nephew, the prince of
Orange, to recover the stadtholdership of the
United Provinces; and the country wanted it as
a means of. checking the too successful rivalry
of the Dutch in trade. The desired war was
opened meanly, with no previous declaration, by
a secret expedition against the New Netherland
colony, taking It by surprise. Stuyvesant, the
sturdy Dutch governor, surrendered to superior
force, and Colonel Richard NIcolls, commis-
932
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
New
Netherland
becomes
New York
Grant to
the duke of
York
Sale of
New Jersey
Political
powers
conveyed
Grant of
Pennsyl-
vania to
William
Penn, i68l
Fiske,
Dutch and
Quaker
Colonies,
ch. xii
sioned as English" governor, took possession,
changing the names oi the province and its
principal settlement — New Netherland and New
Amsterdam — to New York.
In advance of the conquest, the king had
granted the whole province to his brother, the
duke of York, and the duke had sold, to Lord
Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, the part of It
lying between the Hudson and Delaware rivers,
from Cape May to a line drawn from 41° of north
latitude on the Hudson to 41° 40' on the Dela-
ware. The name New Jersey was given to this
latter tract. The grant to the duke of York
included Long Island, and extended eastward to
the Connecticut River, which encroached on the
territory given to Massachusetts, as well as on a
new grant just made to Connecticut. This gave
rise to long disputes. The powers of government
conveyed to the duke of York were not of the
palatine order, like those of Lord Baltimore, but
were limited otherwise by nothing save con-
formity to English law. The purchasers of New
Jersey received the same political powers from
the duke.
The last of the colonies founded under the
Stuarts was Pennsylvania, the great province
granted to William Penn, in 1681. Penn, the
most notable of Quakers, excepting only the
founder of the sect, was the son of an English
admiral. Sir William Penn, from whom he in-
herited an ample fortune, together with a claim
on the king for £16,000. The father had basked
Penn and Pennsylvania 93|
in royal friendship and favor, and these were
extended to the son. When the latter proposed
to the king that his claim should be canceled by a
grant of the territory between New York, New
Jersey and Maryland, his suggestion was ap-
proved, and a patent was issued which invested
the plain Quaker with the attributes of a prince.
It made him the proprietor of a princely province,
and endowed him with substantially the same
governing authority that was given to the ducal
proprietor of New York.
As the territory conveyed to Penn by the royal p^^^,^
grant did not touch the sea, he purchased the Deiawam
claim of the duke of York to a strip on the ^""'^ ^^
western shore of Delaware Bay, which Lord
Baltimore claimed, also, as being covered by his
older grant. This, and other questions concerning
bounds, involved the proprietors of Maryland
and Pennsylvania in disputes that lasted until
1767, when the southern boundary of Pennsyl-
vania was fixed by two surveyors, Mason and
Dixon, who gave their names to the famous ^
"Mason and Dixon's Line" of later American and
history. In the district on Delaware Bay, ob- Jf^^^r',^^
tained from the duke of York, Penn had merely
ownership, with no political jurisdiction. In
consequence, though that section was annexed at
first to Pennsylvania, with the assent of its
inhabitants, it broke away from the union a few Origin of
, , . • 1 • J J the state of
years later and assumed a practical mdependence, £>eig
which gave being in the end to the colony and
state of Delaware.
ilaware
934
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
Quaker
purchases
of New
Jersey
Founding
of Philadel-
phia, 1682
Penn's
troubles
Before he acquired his great Pennsylvania
grant, Penn had taken part in Quaker purchases
of New Jersey — first of West Jersey from Lord
Berkeley, and then of East Jersey from Sir George
Carteret — and interested himself in settlements
there by people of his much persecuted sect.
Now he applied his rare energy and ability to the
colonizing of his own province, with such success
that not less than 3,000 settlers are believed to
have been brought to the Delaware in 1682, and
Pennsylvania reckoned a population of 8,000 by
the end of its fourth year. No other American
colony had risen so rapidly nor prospered quite so
well. Philadelphia, laid out and founded by
Penn personally In 1682, became at once an
important town. During the first visit of the
proprietor to his province he instituted an
assembly of the "freemen," which adopted a
"frame of government," submitted by him, and
passed a full body of laws. Those recognized as
freemen, entitled to vote and hold office, were all
who bought or rented certain holdings of land, or
who paid certain taxes, and were believers in the
divinity of Jesus Christ. Freedom of worship
was conceded to all believers In one God; but
only Christians, in the strictest sense, could enjoy
political rights. The working of the "frame of
government" was not successful; it underwent
frequent changes in subsequent years, without
producing content. Though Penn, who was an
eminently wise and just man, made large conces-
sions, he failed to satisfy his colonial subjects;
Delaware — New Jersey — New York 935
nor did the province become anything but a
burden to his estate and a trouble to his mind
while he lived.
The English colonies in America now lacked
but one of the final tally, of thirteen; though the
two Carolinas were not yet separated distinctly,
nor Delaware parted fully from Pennsylvania.
At this time one only — Virginia — was a royal or
crown colony, subject in its government directly ^ ,
11/^1' The three
to the king. Maryland and the Carolmas were classes of
proprietary colonies, so-called, of the palatine f^biiM
order, the territory embraced in them being
granted, in one case to an individual proprietor,
in the other case to a proprietary company, on
such terms that the sovereignty claimed by the
king of England was transferred almost wholly
to the proprietors, and he retained no more than
the rights of a feudal suzerain, or over-lord. New
York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania (Including
Delaware) were proprietary provinces over which
the proprietors exercised an immediate authority
of government, but nothing of the ultimate
sovereignty of the king. Massachusetts (In
which the small settlement at Plymouth would
soon be absorbed), Connecticut (for which a Distinctive
" character
charter annexing the New Haven settlements had of the New-
been won from King Charles II., by the address f^^f^^'^
of its governor, John Winthrop, the younger, In
1662), and Rhode Island, were colonial creations
of an entirely different kind. The proprietorship
of their territory, and the political authority
exercised in it under the sovereignty of the king
les
936
The funda-
mental
likeness
under
political
differences
Larned,
History of
the United
States,
6^70
Colonial
local gov-
ernment
Fiske,
Civil
Goeern-
tnenl in the
U.S.,
•h. ii-ir
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
of England, were held by the whole body of their
citizens, Incorporated directly, as bodies politic,
by charters from the crown. The three classes of
the colonies, and the differences in their political
structure, are facts of interest in the history of
the origin of the American States.
"Under the wide differences in their political
construction there was a fundamental likeness
between these colonies, in the fact that the people
In all of them had what the Virginia company
described as 'a hand in the government of them-
selves.' There was a representative legislature In
every one; having more Independence In some
than in others, but exercising everywhere a large
measure of democratic power, and striving Inces-
santly against all outside restraints. This was
because they were English colonies, of English
creation, peopled mainly by Englishmen, who
brought from home the expectation of being
listened to by their government, and of being
represented in the making of their laws and the
levying of the taxes they paid. There was no
such thing In French or Spanish colonies, or even
In those planted by the Dutch."
The Institutions of local government which
English colonists brought from home were even
more Important, in some respects, to the future
of the communities they formed, than the repre-
sentative assemblies in which they made, or took
part In the making, of their general laws. In New
England the colonists gave vigorous new life to
an ancient English organization of townships and
Political Institutions of the English Colonies 937
town-meetings, for the democratic management
of neighborhood affairs. Among Englishmen at
home the town-meeting had suffered decay; but
the New Englishmen of Massachusetts and Con-
necticut, organizing towns and churches on ,
identical lines, re-developed town-meetings from Engiaad
church-meetings, with powerful democratic ^^^'^
effects. "The whole structure of government in
New England was built up from the groundwork
of these democratic towns. Their representatives
composed the 'general courts;' they were the
units of all political organization — the primaries
of all action In public affairs." From New Eng-
land and from New York, where a system some-
what similar grew up, the town-meeting was
carried widely, in later times, to new communities
In the west. In Virginia and Maryland, the pre-
vailing tobacco culture, on large estates, with
servile labor, made towns, town-meetings, and a
emocratic state ot society, quite impossible, gj^ja
The county, in one, and the old English district county
called the "hundred," in the other, were the Maryland
smallest territorial divisions in which the political "^""'^■"^<^"
action of the people could be organized.
After the restoration of the monarchy In Eng-
land the Puritan colonies could expect nothing
from the English government but ill will. In the
case of Massachusetts, that ill will was worked
upon with diligence by complaining sufferers from
persecution, received at the hands of the intoler-
ant "Governor and Company," — whose worst
deed had just been committed when Charles II.
938
Persecution
of Quakers
at Boston,
1659-1660
Hallowell,
The Quaker
Invasion of
Massachu-
setts
King's
commis-
sioners
in New
England,
1 664- 1 666
Frothing-
ham. Rise
of the
Republic,
54-63
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
came to the throne. Three men and one woman,
of the sect of Friends, or Quakers, were hanged at
Boston, in 1659 and 1660, for no crime but their
persistence in entering the town to preach, after
the passage of a law that forbade their coming, on
pain of death. At this period, the Quakers, most
gently pertinacious of all religious people in
declaring their simple Christian creed, were
undergoing persecution almost everywhere, by
imprisonment and whipping; but Massachusetts
was alone in putting the dreadful halter of the
hangman on their necks. The age of so venomous
an intolerance was past, and what Boston had
done to the Quakers was abhorrent to a general
feeling, in England, at least. It is probable that
strong measures against the independence of
Massachusetts might then have been taken, with
common approval and support. But the govern-
ment of Charles II. could do nothing in a strong
way, and the bold Puritans of the Bay colony
were not to be daunted by anything less than a
resolute exercise of English power.
Early in the new reign, plans for curbing all the
northern colonies were formed, and the fleet which
seized New Netherland, in 1664, took out three
commissioners, appointed to "visit the several
colonies of New England, and to examine and
determine all complaints and appeals in all
causes, as well military as criminal and civil, and
to proceed In all things for settling the peace and
security of that country." Connecticut, Plym-
outh and Rhode Island submitted readily to the
Massachusetts and the King's Commissioners 939
authority of the commissioners, but Massachu-
setts refused absolutely to permit them to hear
any appeals from the action of its government or
the decision of its courts, claiming to be exempted
from such royal interference by its charter from
Charles I. At the end of a long controversy the
king's commissioners had to give up their
attempt. They failed equally in undertaking to
decide an important boundary dispute, against Rggig^gn^-g
the construction which the Massachusetts to them in
1 . . , 1 . 1 • . • • 1 ^ Massachu-
authorities had put upon their territorial grant, sg^^s
As the '* Governor and Company" preferred to
understand their charter, the northern boundary
of Massachusetts ran three miles north of the
headwaters of the Merrimac, which took in a large
part of what is now New Hampshire and Maine,
both of which were claimed by other grantees.
The king's commissioners decided, on the con- boundary
trary, that the line must run from three miles '^'^p"^^
north of the Merrimac at its mouth; and, accord-
ingly, they removed the Massachusetts officials
from Maine. Massachusetts, on the first oppor-
tunity, restored its officials, and did so in defiance
of a direct command from the king, "that the
government of the province of Maine continue as
the commissioners have left it." The attitude of
the Bay colony in all these proceedings appears
astonishingly independent and bold, contrasting
with the ineffectiveness of action on the king's
side.
The colony held its ground and made good Its
chartered "liberties," according to Its own claims,
940
The
Massachu-3
setts
charter
annulled,
1684
Larned,
History of
the United
States, 1 01
Death of
Charles II.,
1685
Captain-
general
Andros in
New
England,
1686-1689
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
until the last year of the reign of Charles II.
Then, in June, 1684, after circumstances in Eng-
land had broken down the party opposed to the
king, and royal influence was all potent, a decree
of the English court of chancery annulled the
cherished charter of "The Governor and Com-
pany of Massachusetts Bay." "The ruin to the
Massachusetts colonists which this decree in-
volved was limited by nothing but the mercy of
the king. It left them with no rights. Their
charter was their title-deed for everything they
owned; it was their warrant for everything
they had done; it was the ground of everything
in their colonial life. To declare it void was to
declare that the king had never surrendered
ownership of the soil on which they stood; that
they were trespassers on his property, and might
be dealt with as he pleased; that they had never
been empowered to organize a colonial govern-
ment; that all the acts of their colonial govern-
ment were invalid and all their laws annulled."
What King Charles's treatment of the stricken
colony would be had not been decided when his
sudden death occurred, in February, 1685. The
brother who succeeded him took early steps
toward making the most of the power that the
court of chancery had put into his hands; and,
apparently, he planned to reduce the other
colonies to the same helpless state. Sir Edmund
Andros, whose hardness and harshness had been
proved already in New York, was sent out in
1686, as "Captain-general and governor of his
The English Colonies Under Capt.-Gen. Andros 941
majesty's territory and dominion in New Eng-
land," "and the high-spirited colonists of the
Bay writhed under his absolute authority for the
next three years. Their general court was
abolished; their town-meetings were stripped of
the control of local taxes; their press was gagged;
the writ of habeas corpus was suspended; all
public records were seized and brought to Boston;
arbitrary taxes were levied, and property owners
paid extortions called 'quit-rent' to save the
title to their lands."
When Andros demanded a surrender of the
Connecticut charter it was spirited away and
hidden in the hollow trunk of the famous "charter
oak;" but he assumed the government of that <^onnecti-
colony, as well as of New Hampshire and Maine, "charter
and both New York and New Jersey were added
to his jurisdiction in 1688. A suit to break the New York
charter of Lord Baltimore, in Maryland, was V^f^^^"^
begun; and there seemed to be a settled plan for under
A J
crushing all the American colonies Into one i688-°689
"territory and dominion" of the crown, subject
in government to the unrestricted will of the king.
But, whatever the intent, it was frustrated by the
revolution in England which drove James II.
from the throne. Massachusetts promptly imi- Je^pt^d
tated the English proceeding, deposing Andros '^^9
and shipping him to London, to be dealt with by
the new king and queen. Virginia
Notwithstanding the intense loyalty and fa'lfd^lX
Cavalier spirit of Virginia, that colony and Mary- the last
land suffered more than New England under the ]^ng^
942
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
Effect of
the naviga-
tion acts
Despotism
ofGovernor
Berkeley
last Stuart kings. Tobacco culture, the one
support of their prosperity, was stricken sorely
by an early measure of the restored royal govern-
ment— the Navigation Act of 1660. The act was
in pursuance of a policy begun by the government
of the commonwealth, in 1651, when the first of
the English navigation acts was passed; but it
struck the southern colonies a much harder blow
than they had felt before. The original object of
these acts was to stop the employment of Dutch
ships in English trade; but successive enactments
went farther in purpose, toward the keeping of all
colonial trade in English hands, conducted for-
cibly through English ports. The effect was to
shut the tobacco planters out of all save English
markets, depressing prices ruinously and leaving
unsalable crops on the planters' hands. Against
the New Englanders, who had an abundance of
their own shipping, the navigation acts could
never be much enforced; but the Virginians,
especially after they lost the help of Dutch
smugglers from Manhattan Island, were nearly
helpless victims of those oppressive laws.
Politically, too, Virginia had hard experiences
under the Stuart regime. Her old Cavalier gov-
ernor, Sir William Berkeley, restored to place,
established a complete despotism in the colony for
fifteen years. In the first outburst of their feeling,
after the restoration, the colonists elected an
assembly so much to the governor's liking that
he would not allow it to be dissolved, for any new
election, in all that time. Great scandals In the
America,
I : 319-352
Virginia and Governor Berkeley 943
government arose and increased, until the dis-
content broke at last into open revolt. The im-
mediate occasion of the outbreak, in 1676, was an
Indian rising, which the governor would not deal
with as a large body of the planters desired. „
. , I- , Bacon s
Under the lead of a resolute young man, rebellion in
Nathaniel Bacon, they took the matter into their ^5^!""^'
own hands, and were declared to be rebels, with
final consequences of a state of civil war. Appar-
ently, Governor Berkeley was having the worst ^°j'^'
of the conflict, until a sudden death took Bacon English in
from the field and his party collapsed. The gov-
ernor recovered full power and used it so savagely
that twenty-two of the insurgents were put to
death. He was recalled to England the next
year.
The outbreak of Indians in Virginia had come
closely after one in New England, which opened
the most serious of the early Indian wars. The
leading tribe in the latter case was that of the
Wampanoags or Pokanokets, nearest neighbors
to the Plymouth colony, with which they had
always, till this time, been at peace. Angered by phiiip's"
the execution of three members of the tribe for a Indian war
in JNew
murder committed on one of their own race, they England,
rose in June, 1675, under the lead of their chief, ^ ''^'^ ''
Metacom, called King Philip by the whites.
Other tribes joined them, and the war was not
Fiske
ended wholly until 1678; but its most dreadful Beginnings
incidents were in the first year. Twelve towns £„^^^
were destroyed by the savages; no less than a 211-241
thousand white men, with a large number of
944 From Cromwell to Louis XIV
women and children, are believed to have
perished, while more of the latter were carried
into barbarous captivity. Not many males of the
hostile Indian tribes survived, and most of the
few who did were sold in the West Indies as
slaves. *
The revolution of 1688, in England, driving
James II. from the throne, had tragical conse-
quences in New York. The militia train-bands of
that town, under the lead of a well-meaning but
ignorant German citizen, Jacob Leisler, deposed
the lieutenant-governor of the province, and
The Leisler LcIslcr Undertook the management of affairs,
tragedy in When officIals appointed by the new king in
1689-1691 England arrived, Leisler was so misguided as to
resist them, because they brought him no direct
order from the king. It seems to be clear that he
intended no treason; but he and his son-in-law
were condemned and hanged. They were the
victims of a passionate strife between aristocratic
and democratic factions, which raged long in the
province of New York.
The change of government in England raised
high hopes in Massachusetts, and persevering
charter to cfforts to rccovcr the old charter were made, in
^.?^^,<^"r" vain. The outcome was a new charter, Issued in
setts, 1691 _ '
1 69 1, which lowered the self-governing indepen-
dence of the colony to a serious extent, reducing
it to the status of a royal province, under gov-
ernors of the king's appointment, and subjecting
its acts to veto by the governor or the crown.
Qualification of the suffrage by church member-
Penn
Indian Wars in America 945
ship was abolished, and ownership of property
prescribed instead.
Penn was a sufferer by the English revolution,
having enjoyed so much favor under the late
reigns that he was regarded by the new court with
distrust. His political authority in Pennsylvania
was taken away from him In 1693, and the prov-
ince was placed under the jurisdiction of the
governor of New York; but the next year, on a
better understanding of his character, his powers
were all restored.
Lord Baltimore fared worse. The government
of Maryland was taken out of his hands, In 1691,
and not restored during his life. When he died,
in 171 q, it was given back to his son, who had left . ^ , ,
'-".*' . Maryland
the Catholic church. In the Interval, the tolera- toleration
tlon acts had been swept away. Catholic forms of a^ay^^^^
worship forbidden, and the church of England
established by law.
The English wars with France brought serious
suffering to the colonists on the northern frontiers
of New England and New York, against whose
outlying settlements the French in Canada did
not scruple to employ the tomahawks and scalp- ..j^j^^
ing knives of their savage allies. In the first of William's
the conflicts (called "King William's War" by i69c>-i697]
the colonists), a hideous massacre, of some sixty
men, women and children, was committed at
Schenectady, then a village on the borders of the
wilderness. The worst horrors of the next «Queen
encounter ("Queen Anne's War") were experl- Anne's
enced on the New England frontier, at Deerfield, 1702-1714
cessions to
England
946 From Cromwell to Louis XIV
Lancaster, Saco, Casco and Wells. Retaliating
expeditions were sent, in both wars, against Port
Royal (now Annapolis), in Acadia, and against
Quebec and Montreal, with no success except the
capture of the Acadian port. On the European
side of Queen Anne's War the result was so
heavily against France, as we have seen, that her
humbled king was compelled to cede Acadia
French (then rc-uamcd Nova Scotia), Newfoundland
and Hudson Bay, to England, and to acknowledge
that the Five Nations of the Iroquois were
"subject to the dominion of Great Britain."
Nocwithstanding these surrenders of territory,
the French were still claimants of the greater part
of North America, and had done much, in a
certain way, to make the claim good. Their
settlements were so few and slight that the total
white population of New France in 168-? is
The French , , , , , ,
footing in thought to have been no more than 10,000; but
America they had explored and mapped the Interior of the
continent with great energy, established military,
missionary and trading posts, cultivated the
friendship of the Indians, and acquired an impor-
tant prestige, as being, apparently, the dominant
white race in the land. As early as 1640, Jean
Nicolet had gone beyond Lake Huron to Lake
Michigan. Jesuit missions had been established
at Sault Ste. Marie and Green Bay in 1669.
exploration Father Marquette and Louis Joliet had reached
of the west -j-j^g Mississippi from Green Bay, and gone down
that stream to the Illinois, in 1673. In 1679, ^he
indomitable explorer. La Salle, building a vessel
French and English Wars in America 947
on the Niagara River, had navigated the Great ^^''^"If"'
r T 1 T\ T* 1 • 1 Salle
Lakes to the foot of Lake Michigan, and pro- and the
ceeded thence to the IlHnois, where he built a of"£Z7eat
fort. Three years later, after traversing the same ff^^st
route for the third time, La Salle had descended
the Illinois to the Mississippi, and the Mississippi
to the Gulf, taking formal possession of the whole
valley of the great river in the name of the king of
France. Practically, this claim was contested by
nobody except the Five Nations of the confed-
eracy of the Iroquois, whose conquest of other
tribes had reached far into the west.
After the English revolution of 1688, a rapid
growth of antagonistic feeling between the
American colonies and the home government of anuIon°sm
England becomes plainly marked. This sprang between
r 1 11-r 1 England
from several causes, but chief among them were and her
the political ideas which that revolution had '^°^°^^^^
planted in the colonial mind. It had established, ^'■°'^h'"g-
t^ ^ ^ ' ham,
for Englishmen, the fundamental principle in Rise of th^
government, that a representative legislature is lot^zr
the seat of supreme authority and the sole source
of law. Naturally, the colonists took the principle
home to themselves, applied it to their own
affairs, and shaped upon it a strictly English con-
ception of their own rights. They were looking at
this time to no political independence, but they
felt themselves to be entitled, as Englishmen in
America, to all those rights of control over the
purse-strings and the domestic regulations of
their government that Englishmen in Great
Britain had secured. On the other hand, two
948
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
influences
influences were working in England which dis-
inclined the ruling classes there to concede an
application of their own political principles to
English communities on the other side of the sea.
One came from the shipping and commercial
British interests, that were growing to high importance
commercial in thcsc timcs, and demanding a consideration in
English politics never given to them before.
According to the economic notions of the age, a
colony could not be made profitable to Its parent
country in any other way than by depriving it of
all freedom to produce, or buy, or sell with refer-
ence to interests or wishes of its own. The
insistence of English shipowners, manufacturers
and merchants, that the rigor of this doctrine
should be applied to the American settlements of
their countrymen, opened a cleavage between the
colonies and the home government which their
navigation laws and other dictatorial "acts of
trade" widened steadily from year to year.
The second influence, more strictly political,
grew out of the experience of the wars with
France, on their American side. That experi-
ence had shown the need of some union among
the colonies and some general organization of
their military strength. As to the need of the
union, there was little disagreement, if any,
between colonial and British statesmen, but very
wide disagreement as to the nature of the union
that should be formed. Union under one vice-
royal governor and one supreme crown-appointed
council, which the latter desired, would mean a
Differing
desires for
colonial
union
Great Britain and her Colonies 949
tightening of the Imperial rule and a deepening of
colonial subjection. It would mean taxation of
the colonies without their consent, and expendi-
ture beyond their control. But union by federa-
tion, with its bond in a representative federal
assembly, would mean the domestic self-govern-
ment which the colonists believed to be their
English birthright. It might mean, also, in their
view, the least possible contribution of their own
to the cost of defending English interests in
America against the French, and the greatest
possible draft on the British purse; for they
exposed themselves to this latter suspicion by the
scantiness of their military grants. Their attitude Coiomai
/ '-' , parsimony
in the matter of expenditure for colonial defense
had much to do with the slow hardening of an
opposition in opinion and feeling between the
Englishmen in America and the Englishmen in
the parent isle.
\ The early years of the new century brought
such signs of social progress in the colonies as the
founding of Yale College at New Haven, in 1701, social
the appearance of the first American newspaper, p''^^'"^^
at Boston, in 1704, and the organizing of a regular
postal system, under an act of parliament, passed
in 1710.
But a mark of very different significance had
been left on one of the last years of the preceding g^j^^
century, by the frenzied witchcraft delusion at witchcraft,
Salem, Massachusetts, in 1692. Ten harmless
men and women, malignantly accused of having Upham,
sold their souls to Satan, and so purchased super- wiuhcraft \
950
First
footings
of the
East India
Company,
161S-1698
Madras
Bombay
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
natural powers of mischief and evil, were put to
death. Eight more Were condemned to death and
a hundred and fifty were waiting trial, when the
season of madness passed.
The English in India
Akbar, the real founder of the so-called Moghul
empire in India, was still reigning when the small
first fleet of the English East India Company
reached the port of Surat, in his dominions, and
obtained privileges of trade. A few years later
(161 5) an English ambassador, Sir Thomas Roe,
was sent to the court of Akbar's son and succes-
sor, Jahangir, who received him with dis-
tinguished favor, and, at his solicitation, gave the
English company permission to establish a fac-
tory, or agency, at Surat. This, for some years,
was the seat of the company's trade, carried on in
active rivalry with the Portuguese. In 1640 it
acquired ground on the eastern coast of Hindo-
stan, in the Carnatic region, within the dominions
of a Hindu prince, who gave it permission to
build a fort. The fort was named St. George, and
became the nucleus of a town, which grew
quickly into the city of Madras. Twenty years
or more afterward. King Charles II., of England,
obtained the Portuguese island of Bombay, as
part of the dowry of his Portuguese wife, and
made it over to the company, which established
another prosperous station there. A third footing
of importance, on the Hooghly, one of the chan-
nels of the Ganges, was established in 1698 by the
The English in India 951
building of a fort, named Fort William, on ground Calcutta
granted by the emperor Aurungzebe. The great
city of Calcutta grew under the shelter of this fort.
These were the three roots of that astonishing
growth of power, in a mere corporation of mer-
chants, which finally took to itself, and then
transferred to the crown and parliament of Eng-
land, the whole empire of Hindostan. "Before
the accession of the house of Hanover these three
main stations, — Fort William, Fort St. George,
and Bombay, — had been erected into presiden- pre^sideJT
cies, or central posts of government; not, how- "es
ever, . . . subject to one supreme authority,
but each independent of the rest. Each was
governed by a president and a council of nine or
twelve members, appointed by the court of
directors in England. Each was surrounded with
fortifications, and guarded by a small force,
partly European and partly native, in the
service of the company. The Europeans were
either recruits enlisted in England or strollers and
deserters from other services in India. . . . The
natives, as yet ill-armed and ill-trained, were
known by the name of sepoys, — a corruption
from the Indian word 'sipahi,' a soldier. But the ^^ ,
x- T 1 J J r Mahon,
territory of the English scarcely extended out ot History of
sight of their towns." These were the beginnings f^/j!"/^^
of the dominion of the East India Company. 4 : ch.xxxix
China under the Manchus
Shunchih, the first Manchu emperor of China,
was a child during most of the eighteen years of
952
The
emperor
Kanghi,
1661-1722
Christian
missionary
factions
Kanghi's
great
dictionary
and ency-
clopedia
From Cromwell to Louis XIV
his reign. The second emperor, Kanghi, who
occupied the throne for sixty-one years, holds a
place of distinction in Chinese history, as one of
the ablest and best of the sovereigns that the
great empire has known. His intelligence, his
vigor, his uprightness, are equally praised. He
dealt successfully with many rebellions, and left
the authority of the new dynasty well established
when he died. Appreciating the scientific knowl-
edge of the Jesuit missionaries, he showed them
much favor, employing one of them to correct
errors in the Chinese calendar and placing him,
for that purpose, at the head of the astronomical
board. This angered the native literati, and
became an Important cause of hostile feeling,
which the missionaries had to face in after years.
Another ground of prejudice against the mission-
aries was furnished by their own factious rivalries
and quarrels, between Jesuits, on one side, and
Franciscans and Doniinicans on the other.
Though Kanghi sustained the Jesuits against
their opponents, his respect for Christianity as a
religion seems to have been considerably shaken
by what he saw of its working in these contentious
representatives.
Kanghi was a noble patron of learning, and the
two most splendid and enduring memorials of his
reign are the great dictionary and the stupendous
encyclopedia that he caused to be compiled, one
in thirty-six volumes, the other in five thousand
and twenty. Both are standard works of refer-
ence in China to-day.
China Under the Manchus 953
It was In the reign of Kanghl that the Russians,
in their conquest of Siberia, reached the Amur i^"ssians
and began attempts to establish themselves on Its Amur
southern and eastern banks. The vigorous
emperor attacked them promptly, captured the
forces they had pushed Into his territory, and
settled them in Peking, where their descendants,
it is said, can still be found.
CHAPTER XVIII
FROM THE DEATH OF LOUIS XIV., OF
FRANCE, TO THE ADVENT OF
WASHINGTON IN THE
AMERICAN REVO-
LUTION
(1715 TO 1775)
Momentoiia conaequences from the wars of the period. Great Britain: The
first Hanoverian kings. — Walpole. — Evolution of premier and cabinet. — The
Mississippi and South Sea bubbles. — Jacobite risings. France: Louis XV.
and the Regency. — Bourbon "family compact." War of the Austrian Succes-
sion: The "pragmatic sanction" of Charles VI. — Frederick the Great and
other spoils-hunters. — Results of the war. The Seven Years War in Europe:
Combination against Frederick the Great. — His great defensive campaigns.
The War in America: The French in the Ohio Valley. — Washington's entrance
into history. — Braddock's defeat. — Dispersion of the Acadians. — Pitt's infu-
sion of new spirit into the war. — Wolfe's capture of Quebec. — Retirement of
France from America. — Pontiac's war. The War in India: French and
English struggle for supremacy. — Clive's career. — The "black hole of Cal-
cutta."— Subjugation of Bengal. — Expulsion of the French. Russia: "The
four tzarinas. — Catherine II. Great Britain and her colonies: George III. —
The "king's friends." — Their colonial policy. — The "stamp act" and its
repeal. — Patrick Henry .-^Samuel Adams. — The tea question and "the
Boston tea party." — Punishment of Boston and Massachusetts. — The first
"continental congress." — Lexington and Concord. — The colonies in arms. —
Washington appointed to chief command.
The sixty years to be surveyed in this chapter
were filled with a succession of hateful wars, not
one of which can be said to have had a reasonable,
just cause. With almost no exception, they had
their ultimate origin in the greedy ambition of
uncontrolled princes, who coveted bigger domin-
Wsrs of
ambitious ious to boast of and more subjects to oppress.
monarchs ^hcy wcrc wars that added heavily to the score
against arbitrary monarchies which history was
making up, and which an increasing multitude of
people was learning to reckon.
954
Influences of the Period 955
Incidentally or directly, however, these wars
had three consequences of far-reaching and
tremendous Influence on the subsequent history of
the world: (i) undisputed domination of the immedfltf
English race In North America: (2) acquisition «=°"^«-
, 1 r 1 1 1 • • 1 r 1 quences
by the same race 01 leadership m the tar east and
supremacy at sea; (3) the rise of Prussia to the
footing of a contestant with Austria for rank and
lead among the Germanic states. Springing from
the first of those primary consequences came,
successively, the political separation of the Eng-
lish in America from their motherland, the InstI- .
r 1 • • • 11- Their
tution 01 their great experiment in repubhcan ultimate
government, the re-awakening thereby of demo- q°"^jfjes
cratic aspirations in oppressed communities, and
the kindling of a revolutionary spirit, with its
awful outburst in France. From the second came
a wealth and a power to the English people which
made them dominant in the activities of the
world, and planted their language, their law, their
institutions, in every part of the globe. Out of
the third has come the unity of Germany and its
entrance upon a really national career.
England under the first Hanoverians
By good management on the part of the Eng-
lish Whig leaders, the arrangements of their Act
of Settlement were carried out when Queen Anne
died, in 1714, and the elector George, of Hanover,
son of the late electress, Sophia, was placed on the George I.,
throne without disturbance; though a strong
body of the Stuart partisans (Jacobites) had
9S6
Faceign-
ne8s oi the
new king
A helpless
royal figure
Sir Robert
Walpole,
1721-1742
Morley,
IValpoU
Lecky,
History of
England,
i8th
century,
I : ch. iii
From Louis XIV to Washington
determined that the son of James II., called "the
pretender," should be brought in. This Hano-
verian king was so extremely an alien that he
could not even speak or understand the language
of his new subjects. He knew nothing of Eng-
land, and cared for it very little as compared with
his Germanic dominion. His interests, ideas,
tastes, habits, were all those of a German prince.
Of English politics he comprehended only that
the Whigs were his supporters, and that he must
stand by them, with all the prerogatives of the
crown they had placed on his head. Necessarily,
he was an almost helpless royal figure in the hands
of his ministers, whose councils he could not even
attend, and necessarily, too, he was regarded by
his subjects with a great lowering of reverence for
the crowned head. Thus accidents of circum-
stance in English history had helped once more to
weaken the prestige of kingship, and give nerve
to the people in their exercise of self-governing
rights.
By good fortune, a leadership in King George's
ministry was won soon by a man, Sir Robert
Walpole, who was singularly fitted to make the
best of the conditions of the time. He saw that
nothing but peace and prosperity in England
would establish the new dynasty, prevent a
Jacobite revolution, and keep the government on
the parliamentary lines that were laid down for it
in the great Bill of Rights. He held his party and
his colleagues to that programme of peace for
nearly twenty years, during which England was
Walpole, the First British Prime Minister 957
preserved carefully from disturbances and agita-
tions of any serious kind, — too thriving and con-
tented for Jacobite plotters to work up a mis-
chievous revolt. They had attempted a feeble
rising in Scotland for "the pretender," in 171 5,
the year after the death of the queen Anne, but it jacobi»e
received little English support. """^' ^^"^
Walpole's domination in the ministries of
George I. and George II. (who succeeded his
father in 1727) made him the first of actual
"prime ministers" in the government of Eng-
land, and the ministry subordinate to him Eyoj^iQ,
became the first English "cabinet," in the later of the
sense of the term, — a council, that is, of executive premier
chiefs, headed and directed by an authoritative andcabmet
"premier." The parliament of the period, and
long afterward, was not representative of the
people in any degree. A majority of the members
of the house of commons were proteges, or agents,
or servants, of a few great landlords, and their
votes were controlled by influences more or less
corrupt. Walpole used such influences notori-
ously, as ministers before him and after him had „ ,.
. Panianei-
done and would do, and parliament was sub- tary
servient to his will. We are just to him if we say *^°'''^p***^
that he was scrupulously patriotic and admirably
wise in the use of power which he secured by
unscrupulous means.
Before Walpole's ascendancy was acquired, he
had opposed a reckless measure of government
which plunged the country into mad speculations,
ending in a ruinous collapse. A Scotch adven-
9S8 From Louis XIV to Washington
turer named John Law had started the specula-
tive frenzy in France, first hy the founding of a
stupendous national bank, which issued illim-
Miisis^fpTi^ itable quantities of paper money, and then, in
scheme In 1717 by Organizing a monster corporation, con-
France
1717-1720 nected with the bank, which planned to "engross
all the trade of the kingdom and all the revenues
The^'^' of the crown." Law's company was formed
Mississippi under the name of The Company of the West,
Bubble , , ,
and the first basis of its operations was a monop-
oly of trade in that vast American territory
claimed by France in the valley of the Mississippi
River. This gave his project the name of "the
Mississippi scheme." An unexampled excitement
of speculation in the shares of the company was
created, by extravagant accounts of gold mines
„ , J and riches of every description in the regions that
speculation its present and future monopolies would take in.
Very soon it absorbed the French East India
Company; then swallowed an African trading
company; then acquired control of the tobacco
duties and the management of the mint; and
every fresh privilege was followed by a larger
issue of shares and fresh inflations of their market
price. At the climax of this Mississippi madness
the shares of 500 francs were sold for 10,000.
The French frenzy spread to England and pro-
duced similar consequences there. A South Sea
Company, holding special privileges of trade in
SeTcom^ Spanish America, Imitated Law's projects, and
panyin the government. In 1719, was induced to make
1719-1720 some kind of delusive bargain with it for paying
Opening of a New Period of Wars 959
off the national debt. A wild scramble for shares ^ahon,
in the company ensued, exactly like the scramble England,
in Paris for Law's shares, and prices were carried l^f^h.xi^'
to ten times the nominal value of the company's
stock. At the same time, a thousand other sense-
less projects were floated, and nothing was too
foolish to win investments of the money which
rich and poor seemed insanely eager to threw
away. In France the bubble broke in May, 1720;
in England the collapse came a few months later, g^g^^^ ^^
In both countries the ruin and the misery pro- the bubbles
duced are not easily described.
Walpole's supremacy in the government was
broken in 1738 by a burst of public wrath against
Spain, provoked by the roughness of her dealings
with English smugglers, who swarmed around her
colonies, carrying on a forbidden trade. Much
was made of the case of one Jenkins, whose ear
had been torn off, and the war into which Wal-
pole's opponents succeeded in dragging the
country, despite his pacific endeavors, got the "^"°!
name of "the War of Jenkins's Ear." He re- Ear"
tained office until 1742, but his power was gone.
He then accepted the title of earl of Orford and ^^^ ^^^,^
retired. A period of weak government followed, loss of
corruptly controlled by an incapable nobleman, ''^^^
the duke of Newcastle, and his family, the Pel-
hams; but the seeds of a better force were being
cultivated in the house of commons by a few
young men, under the lead of William Pitt.
1 he war with bpam was merged soon m a great Austrian
European conflict, the War of the Austrian Sue- mi-ms
960 From Louis XIV to Washington
(Seepages cession, which lasted until 1748, and out of which
962-s) . . T
Great Britain brought nothing to show for its
heavy cost in money and human life. In the
midst of that war the Jacobites made a last
attempt to bring the Stuarts back to their lost
throne. "The pretender's" son, Charles Edward,
called "the young pretender," appeared in Scot-
land in the summer of 1745, rallied a few thousand
Highlanders, took possession of Edinburgh,
defeated a small English force at Preston Pans,
and marched into England as far as Derby.
Jacobite Finding no encouragement to proceed, he drew
nsmg, i74i ^^^]^ jj^^^ Scotlaud, whcrc his faithful Highland
followers held their ground in the north until
April of the next year. They were broken and
scattered then, at Culloden, by an army of
British and Hanoverian troops, under the duke of
Cumberland, one of the king's sons, who earned
the name of "The Butcher" by the ferocity with
which he hunted them down. Through many
romantic adventures, in which Flora Macdonald,
a young woman of the Hebrides, bore a heroine's
part, Charles Edward escaped to France.
France under Louis XV.
France was less fortunate than Great Britain
in the change of sovereigns that occurred in the
two kingdoms at nearly the same time. Queen
Anne dying in 17 14 and Louis XIV. in the follow-
ing year. The successor to the latter was his
great-grandson, a five-year-old child, and the
regency regent, Philippe, duke of Orleans, who reigned for
Louis XV.
France Under Louis XV 961
years In the child-king's name, was a reckless and
shameless debauchee, who sank the French court
and Parisian society to the lowest deeps of
frivolity and vice. That the young king, Louis
XV., was corrupted when he came to manhood,
and lived the vile palace life of his great-grand-
father and the regent, and reigned as they
reigned, with selfish indifference to the people of
France, is not to be thought strange.
France had a shorter period than England of
rest from war, and was benefited less. The next
quarrel that engaged her was one peculiar to the
eighteenth century, growing out of the election of
a Polish king, to succeed Augustus IL As usual, po^i^h
the neighboring nations formed a betting ring of Succession,
onlookers, so to speak, "backing" their several
candidates. The deposed and exiled king, Stan-
islaus Leczinski, who received his crown from
Charles XIL, and lost it after Pultowa, was the
French candidate; for he had married his
daughter to Louis XV. Frederick Augustus, of
Saxony, son of the late king Augustus, was the
Russian and Austrian candidate. The contest
resulted in a double election, and out of that came
war. Spain and Sardinia joined France, and the
emperor had no allies. Hence the house of Aus-
tria suffered greatly in the war, losing the Two
Sicilies, which went to Spain, and were conferred
on a younger son of the king, creating a third
Bourbon monarchy. Part of the duchy of Milan Bourboji
was also yielded by Austria to the king of Sar- """^^^hy
dinia: and the duke of Lorraine, husband of the
962
First
Bourbon
"family
compact''
From Louis XIV to Washington
emperor's daughter, Maria Theresa, gave up his
duchy to Stanislaus, who renounced therefor his
claim on the crown of Poland. The duke of
Lorraine received as compensation a right of suc-
cession to the grand duchy of Tuscany, where the
Medicean house was about to expire.
These were the principal consequences, humili-
ating to Austria, of what is known as the First
Family Compact of the French and Spanish
Bourbons. That alliance between the two courts
gave encouragement to hostile demonstrations in
the Spanish colonies against English traders, who
were accused of extensive smuggling, and the
outcome was the petty war, already mentioned,
between England and Spain, called "the War of
Jenkins's Ear," which opened in 1739.
Lecky,
History of
England,
iSth
Century,
I : ch. iii
Ranke,
Memoirs of
the House of
Branden-
burg, bk. 4,
ch. iv-bk.9,
ch. ii
The
Pragmatic
Sanction
War of the Austrian Succession
Before these hostilities were ended, another
"war of succession," more wicked than any
before it, was brought upon Europe. The em-
peror, Charles VL, died in 1740, leaving no son,
but transmitting his hereditary dominions to his
eldest daughter, the celebrated Maria Theresa,
married to the ex-duke of Lorraine. Years before
his death he had sought to provide against any
possible disputing of the succession, by an instru-
ment known as the Pragmatic Sanction, to which
he obtained, first, the assent of the estates of all
the provinces and kingdoms of the Austrian
realm, and, secondly, the guaranty by solemn
treaty of almost every European power. He
War of the Austrian Succession 963
died In the belief that he had established his
daughter securely, and left her to the enjoyment
of a peaceful reign. It was a pitiful illusion. He
was scarcely in his grave before half the guaran-
tors of the Pragmatic Sanction were putting for-
ward claims to this part and that part of the
Austrian territories. The elector of Bavaria, the
elector of Saxony (in his wife's name) and the p^j^j^i^^^
king of Spain, claimed the whole succession; the nessof the
two first mentioned on grounds of collateral 8"^''^"'^°''*
lineage, the latter (a Bourbon cuckoo in the
Spanlsh-Hapsburg nest) as being the heir of the
Hapsburgs of Spain.
While these larger pretensions were still jostling
each other In the diplomatic stage, a minor
claimant, who said little but acted powerfully,
sent his demands to the court of Vienna with an
army following close at their heels. This was
Frederick II., known later as Frederick the fheCreij.
Great, who came to the throne of Prussia in 1740, oi Prussia
being the third Prussian king. Frederick resus-
citated an obsolete claim on Silesia and took pos-
session of the province, without waiting for
debate. If, anywhere, there had been virtuous
hesitations before, his bold stroke ended them.
France could not see her old Austrian rival dis-
membered without hastening to grasp a share.
She contracted with the Spanish king and the
elector of Bavaria to enforce the latter's claims, The royal
and to take the Austrian Netherlands in pros- hunters
pect for compensation, while Spain should
find indemnity in the Austro-Itallan states.
964
Maria
Theresa
and the
Hungari-
ans
Frederick
out of the
war and in
again
From Louis XIV to Washington
Frederick of Prussia, having Silesia In hand,
offered to join Maria Theresa In defense of her
remaining dominions; but his proposals were
refused, and he entered the league against her.
Saxony did the same. England and Sardinia
were alone in befriending Austria, and England
was only strong at sea.
Maria Theresa found her heartiest support In
Hungary, where she made a personal appeal to
her subjects, and enlarged their constitutional
privileges. In 1742 the elector of Bavaria was
elected emperor, as Charles VII. In the same
year, Maria Theresa, acting under pressure from
England, gave up the greater part of Silesia to
Frederick, by treaty, as a price paid, not for the
help he had offered at first, but barely for his
neutrality. He abandoned his allies and with-
drew from the war. His retirement produced an
Immense difference in the conditions of the con-
test. Saxony made peace at the same time, and
became an active ally on the Austrian side. So
rapidly did the latter then recover their ground,
and the French slip back, that Frederick, after
two years of neutrality, became alarmed, and
found a pretext to take up arms again, In alliance
with France.
The Austrians held their ground against this
new combination of enemies (though English
help was withdrawn), until Frederick, near the
end of 1745, had crushed Saxony, their one
effective ally. Then Maria Theresa, having the
Spaniards and the French still to fight in Italy
Results of the War 965
and the Netherlands, could do nothing but make
terms with the terrible Prussian king. The
treaty, signed at Dresden on Christmas day, 1745,
repeated the cession of Silesia to Frederick, Dresden,
together with Glatz, and restored Saxony to the ^745
humbled elector.
France and Spain, deserted the second time by
their faithless Prussian ally, continued the war
until 1748, when the influence of England and Treaty of
Holland brought about a treaty of peace signed Aix-ia-
» . 1 ^1 11 T^ ' ^ 1 • r Chapelle,
at Aix-la-Chapelle. Jt" ranee gamed nothmg from 1748
the war, but had suffered a serious loss of prestige.
Austria, besides giving up Silesia to Frederick of
Prussia, was required to surrender a bit of ^hg^^-ar"
Lombardy to the king of Sardinia, and to make
over Parma, Piacenza and Guastalla to Don
Philip of Spain, for an hereditary principality.
In the circumstances, the result to Maria Theresa
was a notable triumph, and she shared with her
enemy, Frederick, the fruitage of fame harvested
in the war. But antagonism between these two,
and between the interests and ambitions which
they represented, respectively, — dynastic on one
side and national on the other, — was settled and
irreconcilable henceforth, and could leave in
Germany no durable peace.
The Seven Years War in Europe
The peace was broken, not for Germany alone, Cariyie.
but for Europe and for almost the world at large, "i-'fllf
in six years after the signing of the treaty of Aix- //., bk.
la-Chapelle. The rupture occurred first very far ^^'^°
966
From Louis XIV to Washington
Longman,
Frederick
the Great
and the
Seven
Years War
Its
beginnings
in America
and India
English
alliance
with
I'Vederick
the Great
The great
combina-
tion against
Frederick,
1756
from Europe — on the other sides of the globe, In
America and Hindostan, where the rival ambi-
tions of Great Britain and France had brought
them to a final and decisive clash of arms. Of
those remote conflicts, in the western and eastern
worlds, we shall speak later on. Their connection
with the hateful war about to distress Europe
again is in the fact that they fired the train, so to
speak, which caused a great explosion of hos-
tilities that might otherwise have been suppressed
for a longer time.
If the English crown had not been worn by a
German king, having a German principality to
defend, the French and English might have
fought out their quarrel on the ocean, and in the
wilderness of America, or on the plains of the
Carnatic, without disturbing their continental
neighbors. But the anxiety of George II. to
strengthen his electorate of Hanover against
attacks from France led him into an alliance with
Frederick of Prussia, which broke the long-
standing alliance of England with Austria. This
drove Austria to join fortunes with her ancient
Bourbon enemy, in order to be helped to the
revenge which Maria Theresa now promised her-
self the pleasure of executing upon the Prussian
king. As the combination shaped itself finally on
the French side, it embraced France, Austria,
Russia, Sweden, Poland, Saxony, and the Palati-
nate, and Its Inspiring purpose was to break
Prussia down and partition her territories, rather
than to support France against England. The
His
vigorous
action
The Seven Years War in Europe i 967
agreements to this end were made In secret; but
Frederick obtained knowledge of them, and
learned that papers in proof of the conspiracy
against him were in the archives of the Saxon
government, at Dresden. His action was decided
with that promptitude which so often discon-
certed his enemies. He did not wait to be
attacked by the tremendous league formed
against him, nor waste time in efforts to dissolve
it, but defiantly struck the first blow. He poured
his army into Saxony, seized Dresden by surprise,
captured the documents he desired, and published
them to the world, in vindication of his summary
precipitation of war. Then, blockading the
Saxon army in Pirna, he pressed rapidly into ^'^ ^'^^^
, . campaign,
Bohemia, defeated the Austrians at Lowositz, and 1756
returned as rapidly, to receive the surrender of the
Saxons and to enlist most of them In his own
ranks. This was the European opening of the Years war.
Seven Years War, which raged, first and last, in
all quarters of the globe.
In the second year of the war, Frederick gained
an important victory at Prague and suffered a
serious reverse at Kolin, which threw most of
Silesia into the hands of the Austrians. Close
following that defeat came crushing news from
Hanover, where the incompetent duke of Cum-
berland, commanding for his father, the English
king George, had allowed the French to force him
to an agreement which disbanded his army, and
left Prussia alone in the terrific fight. Frederick's
position seemed desperate; but his energy re-
968
Campaigns
of 1757-
I7S8
Campaigns
of I7S9-
1760
Exhaustion
of the com-
batants,
1761-1762
From Louis XIV to Washington
trieved it. He fought and defeated the French at
Rossbach, near Liitzen, on the 5th of November^
and the Austrians, at Leuthen, near Breslau,
exactly one month later. In the campaigns of
1758, he encountered the Russians at Zorndorf,
winning a bloody triumph, and he sustained a
defeat at Hochkirk, in battle with the Austrians.
But England had repudiated Cumberland's
convention and recalled him; English and
Hanoverian forces were again put into the field,
under the capable command of Prince Ferdinand
of Brunswick, who turned the tide in that quarter
against the French, and the results of the year
were favorable to Frederick. In 1759, the Hano-
verian army, under Prince Ferdinand, improved
the situation on that side; but the prospects of
the king of Prussia were clouded by heavy disas-
ters. Attempting to push a victory over the
Russians too far, at Kunersdorf, he was terribly
beaten. He lost Dresden, and a great part of
Saxony. In the next year he recovered all but
Dresden, which he wantonly and inhumanly bom-
barded.
The war was now carried on with great diffi-
culty by all the combatants. Prussia, France and
Austria were suffering almost equally from
exhaustion; the misery among their people was
too great to be ignored; the armies of each had
dwindled. The opponents of Pitt's war policy in
England overcame him, in October, 1761, where-
upon he resigned, and the English subsidy to
Frederick was withdrawn. But that was soon
The Seven Years War in America 969
made up to him by the withdrawal of Russia from
the war, at the beginning of 1762, when Peter of
Holstein, who admired Frederick, became tzar.
Sweden made peace a little later. The remainder
of the worn and wearied fighters went on striking
at each other until near the end of the year.
Meantime, on the colonial and East Indian
side of it, this prodigious Seven Years War, as a
great struggle for world-empire between England
and France, had been adding conquest to con-
quest and triumph to triumph for the British
arms.
The Seven Years War in America
In the preceding War of the Austrian Succes-
sion the New Englanders, who named it "King
George's War," had exchanged some hard blows
with their French neighbors, and had accom-
plished a glorious capture of the fortified naval
station of France at Louisbourg, on the island of
Cape Breton. Their exertions and successes were drcum-
useless, however, for the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle ^^^"'^^
restored Louisbourg to the enemy, and left all of
the old disputes concerning boundaries of French
and English territory in America to breed fresh
quarrels, and an early renewal of war. That con-
sequence was hastened by the vigorous proceed-
ings of the French in the west. Having begun
colonization on the lower Mississippi (Louisiana)
as early as 1699, founding New Orleans in 1718, TheFrench
and having established their military posts along possefsion
the Great Lakes and on the Wabash and Illinois of the Ohio
, , . , . (■ valley,
nvers, they began, m 1749, to take possession of 1749-1753
970
From Louis XIV to Washington
Parkman,
Half
Century of
Conflict, i:
ch. xvii
Entrance'ot
Washing-
ton into
history,
1753
Encounter
with the
French,
1754
the upper tributaries of the Ohio, crossing Lake
Erie near its eastern extremity, and entering the
western part of the province granted to Penn.
Four years later they built forts on one of the
branches of the Allegheny, known since as French
Creek. This brought them very close to the
mountain borders of settlement in Pennsylvania;
but that pacific Quaker colony was heedless of the
encroachment, and left remonstrance to Virginia,
which claimed the invaded territory, by virtue of
the interpretation it had given to its charter of
1609.
It was then that George Washington made his
entrance into history. He had barely reached
manhood, but was adjutant-general of the militia
of Virginia, and was chosen by Governor Din-
widdle to convey a warning to the intrusive
French commander, that he had trespassed on
English soil. Washington, with a guide, and a
small escort, made his way through the wilderness
to Fort Le Boeuf and delivered his message,
which, of course, had no effect. On his return he
was appointed to command a force of two hun-
dred men, for the support of a working party that
was sent out, in the spring of 1754, to build a fort
at the junction of the Allegheny and the Monon-
gahela, where Pittsburgh now stands. The work-
ing party reached the chosen ground In advance
of Its military support, and was driven off by the
French, who proceeded to build a fort of their
own, which they called Fort Duquesne. When
Washington and his men approached the place
Franklin
From the original painting by Jean Baptiste Greuze (1725-1805), now in the Public
Library, Boston
The Colonial Congress at Albany 97 i*^
they came into collision with a French scouting
party, and that encounter opened the conflict
that was decisive of the destiny of the American
world. Falling back to Great Meadows, the
young Virginian built a small fort, which he
called Fort Necessity, and attempted to hold his
ground; but the French brought such numbers
of their Indian allies against him that he made
terms with them and was allowed to withdraw
his men.
Most of the colonies — New York and Penn-
sylvania especially — showed a singular indiffer-
ence to these French encroachments; but the
British government saw the seriousness of the Colonial
" . , . , . congress at
move. It called a congress of colonial commis- Albany,
sloners, at Albany, in June, 1754, which arranged ^'^^'^
a firmer alliance with the Six Nations, and which
proceeded then to consider the important subject
of colonial union. Benjamin Franklin, one of the
commissioners from Pennsylvania, submitted a
plan of union which the congress adopted, with
some amendments, and recommended to the
provincial assemblies and to the authorities at
home. The scheme contemplated a general
government for the provinces, under a president- ^o,°2^ °^
general, to be appointed by the crown, and a union
grand council of representatives, chosen by the
several colonial assemblies. Neither the colonists
nor the home government were satisfied with this
plan. As Franklin, In his autobiography, de-
scribes their reception of it, "the assemblies did
not adopt it, as they all thought there was too
972
From Louis XIV to Washington
Franklin,
Autobiog-
raphy
Opening of
the war in
America,
I7SS
Parkman,
Montcalm
and IVolfe,
2 : ch. vii-x
Braddock's
defeat,
July 19,
i7SS
much prerogative in it, and in England it was
judged to have too much of the democratic."
The EngHsh board of trade, which had charge of
colonial affairs, prepared another scheme,
"whereby," says Franklin, "the governors of the
provinces, with some members of their respective
councils, were to meet and order the raising of
troops, building of forts, etc., and to draw on the
treasury of Great Britain for the expense, which
was afterward to be refunded by an act of parlia-
ment, laying a tax on America." Thus, in Eng-
land, the determination to tax the colonies by
authority of parliament for the cost of their
defense was becoming fixed, and the final conflict
with France was undertaken with that in view.
Early in 1755 considerable forces were sent to
America from both England and France, General
Braddock commanding the English and Baron
Dieskau those of the French. At a conference in
Virginia, where Braddock and his army were
landed, four movements against the French were
planned. The main expedition, directed against
Fort Duquesne, was led by Braddock, who knew
nothing of wilderness warfare with savages, and
who would take no advice. The consequence was
that dreadful disaster which is familiar to every
reader as "Braddock's defeat." Ambushed in the
forest, near Fort Duquesne, by hidden foes, who
fired from behind trees, he scorned to let his men
defend themselves In the same backwoods
fashion, but held them In battle order till they
broke and fled wildly, leaving their wounded to be
English Expeditions Against the French 973
tomahawked and scalped. Braddock was
wounded mortally, and 800 of the 2,200 in his
command are believed to have been lost. Wash-
ington had taken a place on the staff of the
unfortunate British general, and performed
heroic service in collecting and saving the fugitive
remnant of the army; but the whole Pennsyl-
vania frontier was abandoned to the merciless
savages for some months.
Of the other expeditions concerted with Gen-
eral Braddock, one, intended for the capture of other
Fort Niagara, at the outlet of the Niagara River, expeditions
went no farther than Oswego. Another, against
Crown Point, commanded by Colonel William
Johnson, superintendent of Indian affairs in New
York (afterward Sir William Johnson), won an
important victory, near the head of Lake George,
wounding and capturing Baron Dieskau; but the
object of its undertaking was not gained. The
remaining movement, planned for the expulsion
of the French from the Bay of Fundy and its
neighborhood, where they kept up intrigues with
the Acadian French of Nova Scotia, had complete
success.
Since Nova Scotia was ceded to Great Britain ^^
by the treaty of Utrecht, in 171 3, its French scotia
inhabitants had stubbornly maintained their
allegiance to France, encouraged to do so,
apparently, by intriguing French priests. Until
1749 they formed practically the total population
of the province, and the king of England was said
to have not one truly loyal subject in the Acadian
974
From Louis XIV to Washington
Founding
of Halifax,
1749
Dispersion
of the
Acadians,
I7SS
Marquis de
Montcalm
Pitt,
organizer
of British
victories,
1758-1761
peninsula, outside of the fort at Annapolis. In
that year the situation was changed somewhat
by the sending out of twenty-five hundred British
settlers, at government expense, to found a colony
where the city of Halifax now stands. This had
strengthened the English footing in that region;
but the irreconcilable attitude of the Acadians
caused troubles which provoked a cruel measure.
In 1755 they were taken by force from their
homes, in large numbers, and shipped to different
points in the English colonies, whence many of
them made their way to the Louisiana settlements
of the French. From the incidents of this harsh
measure, Longfellow wove the pathetic tale in his
poem of "Evangeline."
Baron Dieskau was succeeded by the marquis
de Montcalm, while Braddock was replaced by
Lord Loudon; and these appointments proved
greatly to the advantage of the French. Things
went badly with the British for the next two
years. Then came an astonishing change. In
1758, when William Pitt, afterward earl of Chat-
ham, rose to power In the English ministry, and
infused his high spirit and his surpassing energy
into every arm of the government and every
movement of the war. Loulsbourg was taken
again that year; the French were driven from
Fort Duquesne, and Fort Frontenac, on the north
shore of Lake Ontario, was destroyed. One
dreadful disaster was sustained, at Fort Ticon-
deroga, on the outlet from Lake George into Lake
Champlain, where a blundering assault on the
British Conquest of Canada 975
works was repulsed with awful slaughter. Lord
Howe, the capable second officer in command,
who might have prevented the useless carnage,
had been killed in a chance encounter, a few days
before.
The crowning British victory was won in the British
next year (September 13, 1759), when Quebec, the qSIV
citadel of Canada, was taken by General Wolfe, ^7S9
who died on the battlefield, while Montcalm, his
antagonist, received a mortal wound. Crown
Point, Ticonderoga, Niagara, and Duquesne had
been surrendered or abandoned before the fall of
Quebec. In other quarters the French forces
continued a hopeless struggle until September,
1760, when the surrender of Montreal carried of Canada
with it the surrender throughout Canada and the l^^J^ ^^^
west of all the French forces in arms.
Forgetting the rights of the native occupants of
the country, the English deemed this a sufficient
acquisition by conquest, and took possession
without seeking the assent of the Indian tribes,
whose friendship had been cultivated carefully by
the French. The consequence was a great com-
bination formed against them by Pontiac, an
Ottawa chief, and a nearly simultaneous attack
on all their western posts. In May and June, 1763.
Generally their garrisons were taken by surprise, 1763-1764
and were overcome almost everywhere, except „ ,
at Detroit and Fort Pitt. The siege of Detroit, Conspiracy
by Pontiac in person, was maintained for six °^ ""'''^
months, the garrison holding out till relieved. At
last, In 1764, Pontlac's league was broken up and
Pontiac's
war.
976 From Louis XIV to Washington
terms of peace were arranged with most of the
tribes.
Preceding
circum-
stances
The French
in the
Carnatic
Decay of
the Moehul
empire
The Seven Years War in India
In India, as well as in America, the ambitions of
France suffered defeat. She had acquired a
slender footing in that country about 1674, by the
purchase of ground and the founding of a small
settlement at Pondicherry, on the Carnatic coast.
Until the time of the outbreak of the War of the
Austrian Succession, this little French colony had
seemed too unimportant to arouse jealousy on the
part of the English, or the least alarm. But
when, in that war, Madras was taken from them
(though restored at the end), and they failed in a
retaliating attack on Pondicherry, they began to
realize that the French, as neighbors in Hindo-
stan, must be taken into account. A new con-
ception, too, of the opportunities of the Indian
field was awakened in French minds. An
energetic governor at Pondicherry, Dupleix by
name, saw what advantages might be gained by
interfering in the perpetual native wars that were
ruining India more and more. He disciplined a
body of native troops, brought it to a state of
great efficiency, and began using it in alliances
which decided many neighboring conflicts, with
an immense promotion of French influence and
power.
The Moghul empire was now far gone in a
decline that began in Aurungzebe's time. That
monarch had to strive with incessant revolts,
The Seven Years War in India 977
particularly in the southern part of India, known
as the Deccan. In the central and western sec-
tions of that region the Hindu population was
persistent in insurrections until, under the name
of Mahrattas, it established a formidable inde- Mahrattasi
pendent power. The ruin of the empire was
hastened by an Invasion, in 1739, from Persia,
where a famous soldier of fortune. Nadir Shah,
. Nadir
had won the throne. Nadir took Delhi, butchered shah's
many thousands of its inhabitants, stripped it of j"^g'°"'
all the wealth he could remove and returned to
his own country, leaving a nominal "great
moghul" on the throne, but one whose sover-
eignty was almost destroyed. "The different
provinces and viceroyalties went their own
natural way; they were parcelled out in a scuffle
among revolted governors, rebellious chiefs,
leaders of insurgent tribes or sects, religious
revivalists, or captains of mercenary bands. The
Indian people were becoming a masterless mul- ^f^ If the
titude swaying to and fro in the political storm, British
, , . . , Dominion
and chngmg to any power, natural or super- ,„ india,
natural, that seemed likely to protect them." c!i- 'v., sect.
The opportunity for a strong European race to
make itself that protecting and masterful power
had been prepared to perfection, and Duplelx, the
French governor at Pondicherry, was, appar-
ently, the iirst to discern the fact.
Among the native princes who had established
themselves, with substantial independence, in
different parts of the Deccan, the most important
was the Nizam-ul-mulk, or imperial viceroy, as The Nizam
978
The nawab
of the
Carnatic
Advent of
Robert
Clive
Macaulay,
Essays:
Lord Clive
Capture of
Arcot, 1751
From Louis XIV to Washington
he was contented with being styled, whose seat
of government was at Hyderabad. In 1748 the
throne of that important princlpahty became
vacant, and was claimed by rival pretenders, one
of whom triumphed and slew his opponent by
means of help received from Dupleix. The
English, in their neighboring presidency of
Madras, lost prestige and influence among the
^natives by permitting the French to assume such
control of this important affair. They were
anxious to lend aid to a son of the defeated prince,
who held one city, Trichlnopoly, where he was
besieged by the nawab (nabob) of the Carnatic,
one of the vassals of the Nizam; but they had not
prepared themselves to cope with the trained
sepoy army of Dupleix. Their situation was
discouraging in the last degree. Good fortune,
however, had brought into their employ a young
man, Robert Clive, who was capable of putting a
new face on affairs if they gave him the chance,
which they did. Clive, originally a clerk in the
counting-rooms of the East India Company, had
got himself transferred to the more congenial
military branch of its service, and was now a
commissary of the little force at Madras. He
offered to draw the nawab of the Carnatic away
from Trichlnopoly, by attacking Arcot, his
capital, and the Madras authorities allowed him
to make the attempt. With 200 British soldiers
and 300 sepoys he took Arcot (September, 1751),
and held it against 10,000 of the nawab's forces,
through a trying siege of fifty days. From this
French and English Rivalry in India 979
time the prestige and influence of the English
went up and that of the French went down, until
poor Dupleix was called home in disgrace the next
year. Give, too, went home to England to repair
the health which his prodigious exertions had
broken, and to receive honors, well earned.
In lyqi: Clive returned to India, a commis- _,.
sioned lieutenant-colonel in the British army and emorof
governor of Fort St. David, one of the possessions ^'^^-^^^^^^
of the Company a little south of Pondicherry.
Very soon he was called upon to rescue Calcutta
from a situation far worse than the one he had
redeemed at Madras. In 1756 the viceroy alty of
Bengal, — practically an independent principality,
like other viceroyalties in the empire, — descended
to an ignorant, vicious youth, Surajah Dowlah, s^^ajah
who was seized at once with a desire to plunder Dowlah
the English settlement at Calcutta, which he
imagined to be full of wealth. Fort William,
unprepared to resist the great army he led against
it, was taken with ease, and the captive English,
one hundred and forty-six in number, were
driven, on a night of fierce heat, into the garrison
prison-cell, a room only twenty feet square,
known since by the dreadfully famous name of
"the Black Hole of Calcutta." "Nothing in "The Black
° Hole of
history or fiction," says Lord Macaulay, "not Calcutta"
even the story which Ugolino told in the sea of
everlasting ice, after he had wiped his bloody lips
on the scalp of his murderer, approaches the
horrors which were recounted by the few sur-
vivors of that night." The survivors were only
98o
From Louis XIV to Washington
Clive's
chastise-
ment of
Surajah
Dowlah
The battle
of Plassey,
1757
Meer
Jaffier
Omichund
twenty-three, "ghastly figures, such as their own
mothers would not have known," who staggered
from the charnel-house in the morning, when the
door was opened by the pitiless guards.
Clive was the man chosen at Madras to chas-
tise the perpetrator of his hideous crime. With
900 British troops and 1,500 sepoys, he drove the
Bengalee forces from Calcutta and its neighbor-
hood, and then was persuaded by the mercantile
representatives of the East India Company to
accept terms which the offending nawab was
willing to make. But Surajah Dowlah soon gave
occasion for distrust, by intriguing with the
French, and a conspiracy was entered into with
his general, Meer Jaffier, who wished to supplant
him on the vice-regal throne. On the strength of
Meer Jaffier's promises, Clive, with 1,000 English
and 2,000 sepoys, marched boldly against Moor-
shedabad, Surajah Dowlah's capital, and was
confronted at the village of Plassey by a native
army of 60,000, including 15,000 mounted men.
Meer Jaffier showed no sign of the treachery he
had promised; but Clive determined, neverthe-
less, to give battle, and his audacity won the day.
The nawab's hosts were routed, and he fled, even
abandoning his capital, in disguise. Meer
Jaffier, though tardy In joining the English, was
enthroned at Moorshedabad, with a formal
patent of Investiture obtained from the "great
moghul," and Surajah Dowlah was put to death.
By shameful treachery on the part of Clive, an
influential Hindu, Omichund, who arranged the
British Supremacy in India 981
plot with Meer Jaffier, was cheated of the large
reward he had stipulated to be paid.
Historians In general treat the British Empire
in India as dating from the battle of Plassey,
fought on the 23d of June, 1757. From that time
British authority was supreme In Bengal. The g . . ,
nawab of that great province was a puppet supremacy
moved by English hands; and very soon the '"^^"sai
"great moghul" himself was nothing more.
The French In the Carnatic had now been rein-
forced heavily, and under a vigorous new com-
mander, Count de Lally, became formidable
again. They captured Fort St. David and laid
siege to Madras; but were driven off by the
timely arrival of a British fleet, while their opera- ^^"g^'^"^
tlons In other quarters were checked by a force French in
which Cllve sent against them, under Colonel lyj^ijeo
Ford. In 1759 the command at Madras was
taken by Colonel Coote, afterward Sir Eyre
Coote, and, within the next two years, that
brilliant soldier extinguished the hope of a French
dominion in HIndostan. He struck the decisive „, ,
Wande-
blow In a battle at Wandewash, and finished his wash, 1760
work by capturing Pondlcherry in the following
year.
In that year, 1761, the English demonstrated
their actual sovereignty In Bengal by deposing
Meer Jaffier and seating his son-in-law In his
place. The latter failed to understand that he
was a puppet, and attempted to break the strings
which pulled him; whereupon he was driven out
and took refuge with the nawab of Oudh. That
982
Final sub-
jection of
the "great
moghul,"
1764
British
empire in
India
Treaties of
Paris and
Huberts-
burg, 1763
From Louis XIV to Washington
prince, and the reigning emperor, Shah Aulum, or
Alam, adopted his cause, and united their forces,
challenging war. To complicate the situation a
sepoy mutiny broke out. The mutiny was quelled
with a stern hand, by Major Munro, afterward
Sir Hector Munro, and the same officer shattered
the united armies of the "great moghul" and his
vassal of Oudh, at Baxar, in 1764. From that
time the imperial figure at Delhi claims little
attention in East Indian history, though it
remains as a decoration of the stage for almost a
century more.
Ck)nquests of England
The British triumph in the east, as well as in
the west, went almost beyond belief. To use the
language of Macaulay, "conquests equalling in
rapidity and far surpassing in magnitude those of
Cortes and Pizarro, had been achieved.
In the
space of three years the English had founded a
mighty empire. The French had been defeated
in every part of India." "Throughout Bengal,
Bahar, Orissa, and the Carnatic, the authority of
the East India Company was more absolute than
that of Acbar or Aurungzebe had ever been."
In February, 1763, two treaties of peace were
concluded, one at Paris, on the loth, between
England, France and Spain (the latter power
having joined France in the war as late as Janu-
ary, 1762); the other at Hubertsburg, on the
15th, between Prussia and Austria. France gave
up to England all her possessions in North
British Exploration of the Pacific 983
America, except Louisiana (which passed to Territorial
' ^ ^ '■ cessions oi
Spain), and yielded Minorca. She surrendered, France
moreover, considerable interests in the West
Indies and in Africa. The colonial aspirations
of the French were cast down by a blow that
was lasting in Its effect. Spain ceded Florida
and all territory east of the Mississippi to Great
Britain, but recovered Havana, which the
British had taken in 1762.
British exploration of the Pacific
It was now, when the Imperial ambitions of the
British government were excited by Its first great
expansions of exterior dominion, that It began to
send out official expeditions for the exploration of
the vast uncharted expanses of the Pacific.
Commodore Byron, In 1764, and Captains Wallls
and Carteret, In 1766, sailed on voyages of search
and survey which located some islands not known
before, and learned many things of Importance to c%tT^ °
cam
geography and trade. Then came the famous Cook,
three voyages of Captain Cook, which occupied
most of the years from 1768 to 1779. In those
voyages the original discoveries of Cook were less
important than the careful examinations that he
made of many Islands and coasts which Portu-
guese, Dutch and Spanish navigators had seen or
visited long before. He explored two thousand
miles of the coast of Australia (known then as
New Holland), and took formal possession of the taken of
country in the name of the king, naming Botany Australia
Bay, from the wealth of the botanical collections
984 From Louis XIV to Washington
that were gathered on its shores, and caUIng the
whole region New South Wales. This led, a few
years later, to the establishment of an English
First con- pcnal colony, not at Botany Bay, but on the
vict settle- neighboring great harbor of Port Jackson, where
ment, 1788 ^ . ?CJ JT-ui-rT
the city 01 bydney now stands. 1 he ILnglish
occupation of Australia was thus begun. New
Zealand and New Guinea were extensively
coasted by Cook; he rediscovered the
Hawaiian Islands (sighted more than two
centuries before by one Gaetano), and he
explored more than two thousand miles of
the western North American coast, searching
for the long-coveted northern passage from sea
to sea.
Prussia and Frederick the Great
As between Prussia and Austria, the glories of
the Seven Years War were won entirely by the
former. Frederick came out of it, " Frederick the
Great," the most famous man of his century, as
warrior and as statesman, both. He had defended
his little kingdom for seven years against three
great powers, and yielded not one acre of its ter-
ritory. He had raised Prussia to the place in
Germany from which her subsequent advance
became easy and almost inevitable. But the
great fame he earned is spotted with many falsi-
ties and much cynical indifference to the com-
monest ethics of civilization. His greatness is of
that character which requires to be looked at
from selected standpoints.
Catherine I
Anne
Frederick the Great — ^The Tzarinas 985
Russia
Another character, somewhat resembling that
of Frederick, was now drawing attention on the
eastern side of Europe. Since the death of Peter
the Great, the interval in Russian history had
been covered by six reigns, with a seventh just
opening, and the four sovereigns who really ^^^^
exercised power were women. Peter's widow, tzarinas
Catherine I., had succeeded him for two years.
His son, Alexis, he had put to death; but Alexis
left a son, Peter, to whom Catherine bequeathed
the crown. Peter II. died after a brief reign, and
the nearest heirs were two daughters of Peter the
Great, Anne and Elizabeth. But they were set
aside in favor of another Anne — Anne of Courland
— daughter of Peter the Great's brother. Anne's
reign of ten years was under the influence of
German favorites and ministers, and nearly half
of it was occupied with a Turkish war, in coopera-
tion with Austria. For Austria the war had most
humiliating results, costing her Belgrade, all of
Servia, part of Bosnia and part of Wallachia.
Russia won back Asov, with fortifications for-
bidden, and that was all. Anne willed her crown
to an infant nephew, who appears in the Russian
annals as Ivan VI.; but two regencies were over-
thrown by palace revolutions within little more
than a year, and the second one carried to the
throne that princess Elizabeth, younger daughter
of Peter the Great, who had been put aside eleven ,74^-1761'
years before. Elizabeth, a woman openly licen-
tious and intemperate, reigned for twenty-one
986
From Louis XIV to Washington
Conquest
of South
Finland
Catherine
II.
Waliszew-
ski, The
Romance of
an Empress
years, during the whole important period of the
War of the Austrian Succession, and almost to the
end of the Seven Years War. She was bitterly
hostile to Frederick the Great, whose sharp
tongue had offended her, and she joined Maria
Theresa with eagerness in the great effort of
revenge, which failed. In the early part of her
reign, war with Sweden had been more successful
and had added South Finland to the Russian
territories. It is claimed for her domestic govern-
ment that the general prosperity of the country
was advanced.
On the death of Elizabeth, near the end of the
year 1761, the crown passed to her nephew, Peter
of Holstein, son of her eldest sister, Anne, who
had married the duke of Holstein. This prince
had been the recognized heir, living at the
Russian court, during the whole of Elizabeth's
reign. He was an ignorant boor, and he had
become a sot. Since 1744 he had been married to
a young German princess of the Anhalt Zerbst
family, who took the baptismal name of Cather-
ine when she entered the Greek church. Cather-
ine possessed a superior intellect and a strong
character; but the vile court into which she came
as a young girl, bound to a disgusting husband,
had debauched her in morals and lowered her to
its own vileness of life. She gained so great an
ascendancy that the court was subservient to her,
from the time that her incapable husband, Peter
III., succeeded to the throne. He reigned by
sufference for a year and a half, and then he was
Catherine II. of Russia — George III. of England 987
deposed and put to death. In the deposition, ^J°^'^'°"
Catherine was the leading actor. Of the subse- ofPeteriii.
quent murder, some historians are disposed to
acquit her. She did not scruple, at least, to
accept the benefit of both deeds, which raised
her, alone, to the throne of the tzars.
Great Britain and her colonies under George III.
In October, 1760, the crown of Great Britain
passed from George II. to his grandson, George
III. It was the year in which France had been
driven from both India and America, and the
young sovereign found his kingdom expanded
suddenly into the greatest of world-empires,
dominant in both extremities of the globe and
unmatched on the wide sea. There was much in
the circumstances of his accession to fill him with
the pride of a "grand monarch," and he had been
trained by his mother to hold German ideas of ^^^^
the prerogatives of a king. With no small reason, George's
r o o 1 • 1 notions oi
as we have seen, those who leaned to such ideas kingship
could look on the English system of ministerial
government as an accidental growth of recent
years, having no constitutional stamp. The
foreignness of the late kings had given their
ministers an opportunity to encroach on the
prerogatives of the crown; but the accession of
an English-born and English-bred sovereign
brought that opportunity to an end. The young
king was taught to believe that such encroach-
ments should be checked.
With not much difficulty, the king's notions of
988
The
"king's
friends"
Macaulay,
Essays:
Chatham
(2d Essay)
Wilkes,
and the
"North
Briton,"
1763-1774
1774
From Louis XIV to Washington
his kingship were carried Into the government,
sustained by a new Tory party that he drew
around him. Pitt and other statesmen of inde-
pendence were driven out of the cabinet, and It
was filled with men known as "the king's
friends," — chief among them Lord Bute, an un-
distinguished Scotchman, but a special favorite
at court, Bute became soon so unpopular that
even royal favor could not keep him at the head
of affairs, and he withdrew. He was able, how-
ever, to name his successor, George Grenvllle, and
Grenvllle carried the principles of the new Tory-
ism Into practice with no hesitating hand. His
opening move was an attempt to make criticism
of the king's speeches to parliament a punishable
offense. One John Wilkes, a member of parlia-
ment, and proprietor and conductor of a journal
entitled The North Briton^ presumed to publish
such a criticism, and was pursued for years with
prosecutions and persecutions that created the
most serious political Issue of the time. He was
not a reputable man; but he was raised to the
distinction of a popular hero by the questions of
freedom for opinion and speech that were In-
volved In his case. A great constituency in
London elected him to parliament again and
again, and the house of commons, more servile
than the courts of law, refused to admit him to
his seat. This went on till public feeling had
been excited to a dangerous heat, and, in the end,
king, ministers and parliament had to bow to the
will of the constituency that elected Wilkes.
Patrick Henry Addressing Virginia Assembly
From the painting by Peter F. Rothermel (1817-1895), now in the Academy at Philadelphia
George III. and the American Colonies 989
The king and "the king's friends" had done
badly in their undertakings at home; they did
worse in the colonies, so far as ultimate conse-
quences were concerned. Naturally their Ideas coionia"^'
of colonial policy were the Ideas of a paternal policy
government, administered with a stern face, a
heavy hand and an unspared rod. Grenvllle,
acting with Charles Townshend, president of the
board of trade, began the realizing of those ideas,
in 1763, with a proposal to parliament that
twenty regiments should be kept In America, at
the cost of the colonies after the first year. The
next step was a measure authorizing the employ-
ment of the navy in the service of the custom-
house, to enforce the "acts of trade." The third
was a revival, with some amendment, of an
The
exasperating old law, called "the Sugar Act," or Molasses
"the Molasses Act," which had for Its object to ^ct, 1763
prevent the New Englanders from buying sugar
or molasses in the French West Indies instead of ^^)^' ,
Jtlistory of
in the English Islands. By exchanging fish, England,
lumber and staves with the French planters for Century,y.
molasses, which they converted into rum and 332-337
sold elsewhere, the New England merchants were
able to obtain money in hand wherewith to buy
English goods; and this was their principal
source of cash. Former English governments had
seen that the Molasses Act would strike a stupid
blow at English as well as colonial trade, and it
had not been enforced, until Grenvllle and
Townshend took it up and made it an effective
irritant of colonial discontent. A fourth measure
990
From Louis XIV to Washington
Exclusion
of settlers
from the
west
The Stamp''
Act, 1765
Larned,
History for
Ready
Reference
(Full text)
Hosmer,
Life of
Thomas
Hutchin-
son, ch. iv
Patrick
Henry
"Sons of
Liberty"
Non-
importa-
tion agree-
ments
in the same year was the immediate act of the
king, who issued a proclamation ordering all
white settlers away from the region west of the
Alleghenles, setting apart that whole vast
domain, just wrested from France, for the use of
the Indian tribes, proposing thus to bar the
colonies from any further westward growth.
Then came the crowning measure of the new
colonial policy, in the famous "Stamp Act," fore-
shadowed in 1764 by a series of "declaratory
resolves," and made law in the following spring.
This long-threatened and long-postponed taxa-
tion by parliament of an unrepresented people
roused only some vigorous remonstrance in the
colonies at first; but feeling warmed against it as
the time for introducing the obnoxious stamps
drew near, especially after the famous speech of
Patrick Henry, in Virginia, had been published
far and wide. A congress of delegates, held at
New York, in October, 1765, adopted a temperate
declaration of "the most essential rights and
liberties of the colonists," while less orderly
people, forming associations called "Sons of
Liberty," Indulged in demonstrations that be-
came riotous at times, and that led in a few
instances, at Boston and elsewhere, to shameful
doings by senseless mobs. Generally, the officials
appointed to sell the stamps were frightened Into
resigning, and a large part of the stamps sent out
were destroyed; but the most effectual expression
of colonial feeling was in agreements to wear
homespun and to use no English-made goods.
a -;
^ Co
tin
O
c
< c
c
Various Causes of Discontent 991
This was done to an extent that became serious to
English trade. British merchants and manu-
facturers were thus aroused against the Stamp
Act, bringing an influence that helped Pitt and
other statesmen, who opposed the measure on
principle, to bring about its repeal.
Before this occurred, Grenville had lost favor
with the king and a more moderate cabinet had
been formed. It was this ministry, under the Rgpe^i ^f
marquis of Rockingham, that carried the repeal the Stamp
of the offensive act; but parliament, at the same
time, recorded a formal assertion of its right to
legislate for the colonies "in all cases whatso-
ever." The Rockingham ministry was short-
lived, and gave way to one which Pitt was per-
suaded to lend his name to, but over which he
exercised no control. He was broken in health,
and gave up service in the house of commons, _
acceptmg a peerage as earl 01 Chatham, and eariof
Charles Townshend, champion of a rigorous ^^^^^^'^
colonial policy, became the ruling spirit in the
government. Townshend's measures, which
parliament made law for him, were sharp. By he°i!dT
one bill he imposed duties in the colonies on wine, measures
oil, fruits, glass, paper, lead, painters' colors and
tea, for a revenue to support civil government in
them and provide for their defense. By another
he created a colonial civil list of crown officials,
dependent wholly on the pleasure of the king.
These and other measures of the same antagonism
to local self-government aroused even more feel-
ing than the Stamp Act had done. The feeling
992
From Louis XIV to Washington
Dickinson's
"Farmer's
Letters"
Samuel
Adams
Hosmer,
Samuel
Adams,
ch. 7
Repeal of
duties
ezcept on
tea, 1770
was deepened profoundly by a series of "Farmer's
Letters," as they came to be known, published by
John Dickinson, of Pennsylvania, in which the
"dangerous innovation" of the Townshend acts
was discussed in a soberly impressive way.
Another powerful influence on colonial feeling
was exercised at this time by addresses to the
king and his ministers, and by circular letters to
the colonial assemblies, sent forth by the Massa-
chusetts assembly, probably all from the vigorous
pen of Samuel Adams, who now stands forth, a
commanding figure in the American history of
the next few years.
Once more an effectual pressure on the sensitive
nerves of British commerce was brought to bear,
by a systematic organization of agreements to
abstain from the use of English-made goods.
Virginia led the way In this movement, and
Washington drew up the resolutions that gave It
form. Townshend was now dead, and Lord
North, who succeeded him as the mouthpiece of
the king's wishes, gave way to the renewed com-
plaints of the business world, and proposed a
repeal of all the Townshend duties except the
duty on tea. It was the king's demand that the
tea duty should remain "as a mark of the suprem-
acy of parliament," and parliament obeyed his
wish. This deprived the repeal of any con-
ciliatory effect, and became a cause of new aliena-
tions which nothing could repair.
On the day of Lord North's motion (March 5,
1770) for the partial repeal of the Townshend Act,
Organizing of the Colonial Discontent 993
Boston was the scene of a deplorable collision
between some of the king's troops, quartered In
that city, and a crowd of rude people, who pro-
voked them by Insulting jeers. The angry
soldiers fired and killed six, wounding five more. "Boston
This "massacre," as It was styled, gave rise to rnassacre,"
, , .^ ' o March s,
intense excitement, and the governor was com- 1770
pelled to remove the soldiers from the town; but
no grave consequences ensued. The next two
years were peaceable generally, except In North
Carolina, where a body of frontier settlers, having
some grievances of their own against the govern-
ment of the province, were In arms, under the Carolina
name of "Regulators," until defeated In a fierce ^^^"i^^°"
battle on the Alamance.
The next agitation of feeling In Massachusetts
was occasioned by an order from the kin? that the
. . 1772
judges In that provmce, whose appointments had
already been made subject to his majesty's
pleasure, should take their salaries from the
crown. Anxiety was deepened by this new blow
at the Independence of the judiciary; and it was
now that an effective organization of the
patriotic party throughout the colony was tees of' '
set on foot by Samuel Adams, who planned ^°"^'
, -^ spondence,
a system of "committees of correspondence" 1772-1773
to be formed in every town. The committees Hosmer,
were kept in constant communication and co- ^iams
operation with the Boston leaders, of whom 190-206
Samuel and John Adams, Dr. Joseph Warren
and John Hancock were the recognized
chiefs. Virginia adopted and enlarged the
994
The king's
cheapened
tea
The
"Boston
tea party,"
Dec. 6, 1773
Punish-
ment of
Boston and
Massachu-
setts, 1774
From Louis XIV to Washington
idea of such committees, weaving the system into
a strong Intercolonial bond.
Generally the duty on tea was evaded, either
by smuggling from Holland or by abstention from
the use of the herb. King George or his ministers
conceived a scheme for inducing the obstinate
colonists to swallow taxed tea, by means of the
payment of a drawback in England to the East
India Company, on tea sent to America, thus
enabling its agents to undersell the smugglers
from the Dutch. Such an arrangement was made,
and several cargoes of tea were shipped to Boston,
New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston. In the
three cities last named the consignees of these tea
cargoes were persuaded by the patriot party to
decline receiving them; but the Boston consign-
ees refused consent to such a course, and the
governor of Massachusetts, Thomas Hutchinson,
would not permit the ships to be sent back.
Thereupon, after a great town meeting, presided
over by Samuel Adams, a resolute body of men,
partly disguised as Indians, proceeded to the
ships, broke open the tea chests and poured their
contents into the sea.
Naturally there was wrath in government
circles when news of the Boston doings reached
England, and no time was lost in making provi-
sion for the punishment of the offending province
and town. By one act the charter of Massachu-
setts was annulled, the authority of the royal
governor and his council was made supreme, and
town meetings were forbidden to be held without
The First Continental Congress in America 995
the governor's permit. B7 another, the port of Treveiyan,
Boston was closed against the entrance or clear- American
ance of any ship. Events now moved rapidly ft^^fj^^^""'
toward the crisis of armed revolt. General Gage,
with four additional regiments, was sent to Bos-
ton to supersede Governor Hutchinson and place
Massachusetts under military rule. He was
instructed to arrest Adams and other leaders and
send them to England for trial; but prudence led
him to postpone the attempt. Boston, while
suffering severely from the destruction of its
trade, received liberal contributions of aid, as
well as warm messages of encouragement and
sympathy, from every side.
Virginia declared the attack on Massachusetts
to be an attack on all the colonies, needing to^be
resisted by all, and advised the holding of a
"continental congress," — that Is, a congress
representative of all the English colonies on the
continent, — and the advice was approved. The
first continental congress was assembled accord- continental
ingly at Philadelphia, in September, 1774, 1774,
including Washington in its membership, and
many more whose names were to become famous
in the coming years. The action of the congress
was temperate but firm. It adopted a Declara- john '
tlon of Rights, setting forth the claim of the ^^'ff"-^'
people of America to "a free and exclusive power
of legislation in their provincial legislatures. . .
in all cases of taxation and Internal polity;"
together with a respectful petition to the king, an
address to the people of England, and another to
996
From Louis XIV to Washington
Expres-
sions of the
congress
Cotnmer-'
cial non-
intercourse
renewed
Massachu-
setts "com-
mittee of
safety"
the people of British America, including Quebec.
To the English people it was said: "Permit us to
be as free as yourselves, and we shall ever esteem
a union with you to be our greatest glory and our
greatest happiness;" and this expressed, without
doubt, the feeling of a large majority of the
Americans of the day, though great numbers had
grown hopeless by this time of the freedom
described. The resolutions of the congress
recommended that the support of "all America"
be given to Massachusetts, in her opposition to
the oppressive measures against her government;
and it instituted a new movement of commercial
non-intercourse with Great Britain, organizing
an association to give it effect. The agreements
of the association included a pledge to discontinue
the importation of slaves after the first day of the
next December.
In Massachusetts, General Gage was making
little headway in his undertaking to bring the
province under military rule. He suppressed the
regular meetings of its assembly, but the mem.bers
met elsewhere as a convention, or congress, and
established, practically, a provisional govern-
ment, under a "committee of safety," with Dr.
Warren at its head. The committee exercised an
authority which Gage could not bring to bear.
He lacked officials to serve him, fev/ Tories being
bold enough to accept commissions at his hands.
As for arresting the patriot leaders, a public con-
vention in Suffolk County gave notice that the
crown officers in the province would be seized and
"Minute
men
Outbreak of American Revolutionary War 997
held as hostages if a single arrest for political
reasons should be made. Behind such resolves
there was a vigorous activity in the collection of
military stores and in organizing the militia,
which the committee was empowered to call out,
— one fourth of the embodied militia to be styled
"minute men," and to be always ready for instant
obedience to any call. Similar armed organiza-
tions were springing up in all parts of the land.
Proof of the alertness of the minute men and
the efficiency of the militia system in Massachu-
setts was given on the 19th of the next April
(1775), when 800 British troops, sent out from
Boston by General Gage, to capture Sam. Adams
and Hancock, at Lexington, and to seize certain
military stores at Concord, were encountered by
the "embattled farmers," who "fired the shot "embattled
f3.rinfirs" 3.t
heard round the world." It is needless to repeat Lexington
the familiar tale of that first bloodshed on Lexing- concord,
ton green, of the fight at Concord, of the pitiful 1775 ^^'
suffering of the king's troops in their retreat to
Boston, ambushed by an enraged people along
the whole road. Ninety-three of the Americans
and 273 of the British fell that day, and the War jmeHcan
of American Independence was begun. Revolution
111 1 ^ • 120-126
As fast as the news of battle could spread,
minute men from every part of New England
were on the march toward Boston, and Gage
found himself beleaguered by 13,000 before the ^"""^'^^
° J •'^ lorces be-
end of the week. At New York, when the Sons of jeaguered
Liberty heard of Lexington, they rose and took
control of the city. Even the Quakers of Phila-
The
colonies
998 From Louis XIV to Washington
delphia were moved by the excitement of the
event to prepare for war. In Virginia and South
in arms Carolina the patriots had already taken arms to
secure the military stores in those provinces, and
were actually in revolt. As quickly as the travel
of the time could bring it, the New Englanders
had assurances of support from every British-
American community except Quebec; and the
same assurance was repeated by collective action
continental of the coloulcs In the second continental congress,
congress, whlcli asscmblcd at Philadelphia on the loth of
May. Again the congress addressed a respectful
petition to King George, and a calm declaration
of "the causes and necessity for taking up arms;"
but it made common cause with New England In
the hostilities already begun, adopted the forces
in arms as a "continental army," and, by an
inspiration that can never be thought of without
wonder and awe, it appointed George Washington
mentof to the chlcf commaud. To that appointment,
Washington , n 1 1*11
to chief more than to all other causes combmed, the suc-
june 15, ' cess of the struggle for American Independence
was due.
In nothing else was the action of the continental
Timidity . ax-^Ti m • 1 •
of the congress SO Wise. While assummg the responsi-
congress bllltles of the Impending struggle, It assumed no
power to enforce an order It might give, or
authority to levy a dollar of taxation for the
^tj/i/M- expenses Incurred. Its whole exercise of a
iionaJLaw nominal authority to direct the common action
S-12 * of the thirteen colonies was left dependent on the
willingness of each provincial government to be
Washington in Command of a Continental Army 999
submissive to its advice. . . . State govern-
ments, when formed, became the only govern-
T J
ments felt and known in reality by the people, fjl^^^:„f
who struggled through their war of independence the United
with nothing that could be called a governing 1^-200
head."
As far as one commanding personality could
make good the defect In government, Washington
supplied it, by his massive strength of character.
Without that majestic Influence In the struggle,
one finds It very hard to believe that the American
cause would have escaped wreck. But the strain
on him who gave it was such as has tested the ^^^^ "^
greatness of very few men. Let those who would greatness
know what he was to his country, what difficulties
he contended with, what slender means he worked
with, through what disheartenments he kept his
courage and his faith, — let them read his cor-
respondence and take the painful record from his
own pen.
China
The protection which the Christian mission-
aries had enjoyed in China under Kanghl was
withdrawn by his successor, and they were
exposed to the hostility of the literati and the
important "board of rites." Excepting a few
Jesuits who were employed in public services,
and whose knowledge was too useful to be dis-
pensed with, they were sent to the Portuguese o/mbsS«-
settlement at Macao, and more than three hun- aries
dred churches were destroyed. Replying to a
deputation from the missionaries, who remons-
looo From Louis XIV to Washington
trated against these measures, the emperor asked
Dcmgias, them: "What would you say if I were to send a
China, I3S . , . / /
troop oi bonzes and lamas mto your country to
preach their doctrines? How would you receive
them?" Their answer is not recorded.
Under the fourth of the Manchu sovereigns,
Keen-lung, Kashgar and Yarkand were added to
the empire by conquest, and both Burmah and
Cochin China were made tributary states.
CHAPTER XIX
FROM THE ADVENT OF WASHINGTON
IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION
TO HIS DEATH
(1775 TO 1799)
Continuity of revolutionary influence from the English Long Parliament to
the French States-general. The War of American Independence: Campaigns
and battles of the war. — Discouraging conditions. — Trials of Washington. — ■
Surrender of Cornwaliis. — Treaty of peace. " The critical period of American
history:" Weakness of the Confederation. — Framing and adoption of the
federal con.9titution. The British empire: Hostilities with France, Spain and
Holland. — Wars in India. — Concessions to Ireland. — Industrial revolution in
Great Britain. France: The approaching political revolution. — Its causes. —
Its outbreak. — Meeting of the States-general. — Assumption of supremacy
by the third estate. — The Girondists. — The Jacobins. — Overthrow of the
monarchy. — Execution of the king. — Fall of the Girondists. — Crusade against
all monarchies. — "The reign of terror." — The Jacobin factions devouring one
another. — End of "the terror." — Advent of Napoleon Bonaparte. — His cam-
paign in Italy. — His expedition to 'Egypt, and return. — His domination as
first consul. The P'lriitioning of Poland: The three partitions. 7'he United
States of America: Organization of federal government under Washington. — '
Financial measures of Hamilton. — Lasting division of political parties. —
Troubles with England and France. — Administration of John Adams. —
Overthrow of the Federalists. British America: The Quebec Act. — United
Empire Loyalists. — Act of 1791.
In this last quarter of the eighteenth century,
the period we have described as an "epoch of
political revolutions" was rounded to a startling
The
close. The epoch had been opened, in the first rounding
half of the preceding century, by a movement of rrvo°ut*!on-
revolution in England, where long-nurtured ary epoch
principles and practices in government, politically
favorable to the people, were developed suddenly,
by exciting violations, into a precocious and
untimely republicanism. Discredited by unfor-
tunate results, they seemed for a time to lose their
hold in the English mind; but the reaction did
not last to the end of the generation in which it
1001
I002
The Period of Washington
From the
English
revolutions
to the
American
From the
American
to the
French
occurred. Then came the vigorous revival of
1688, which, acting on more moderate lines,
carried forward the attempted revolution of 1649,
not to the construction of an impracticable
republic, but to a monarchy constitutionally
restrained. On that formulation and affirmation
of English principles in government, the people
of the English colonies in America began to make
claims of right to a measure of provincial self-
government which the home country would not
concede. From the consequent breach came the
American revolution, in which English political
principles were pressed finally to their logical
conclusion, and realized In a democratic republic.
This fired the train which exploded a passionate
discontent in France, with shattering effects in
Europe on hoary structures of absolutism, far
and wide. One by one they went down in the
next century, to be replaced by constitutional
governments, so universally that the few excep-
tions now remaining are but marks of the sur-
vival of a half-civilized social state. From the
English Long Parliament of 1640 to the French
States-general of 1789, the continuity of the
revolutionary influence is plainly to be traced. ;
Fiske, The
American
Revolution
The War of American Independence
Before Washington assumed command of the
American army, which he did at Cambridge, on
the 2d of July, two important events of war had
occurred. Forts Ticonderoga and Crown Point
had been surprised and captured In May, by
Opening of American War of Independence 1003
Ethan Allen and the "Green Mountains Boys" Treveiyan,
of Vermont, giving two hundred cannon to the American
provincials, with a quantity of ammunition and ■^'^^°^"*»°"
other stores; and the battle of Bunker Hill had
been fought. A defeat that had the Influence of a
victory was experienced in the Bunker Hill fight, g^^^er^^
The New Englanders besieging Boston had been Hiu, June
driven from a position they attempted to secure; ^^' '^^^
but their raw militiamen had repulsed two
assaults by British veterans, inflicting a loss more
than double their own, and giving good proof of
the firmness of their nerve. The worst conse-
quence of the battle was the death of Dr. Warren,
who joined the defenders of the hill as a volun-
teer.
While Washington labored for months to form
an effective army for operations against the „
•' ^ ^ ^ ° ^ Expedition
British in Boston, two expeditions were sent into to Canada
Canada, which had no useful result, but cost
some valuable lives. Including that of General
Richard Montgomery, who fell in an assault on
Quebec. Meantime, King George was heating
and hardening the rebellious temper of the
colonies by hiring Hessians and other German mercen"
soldiers for service against them, and Thomas ^"^^
Paine, a late comer to Philadelphia from England,
was persuading them to declare for Independence, Paine's
in his powerful pamphlet, entitled "Common "Common
Sense." At the beginning of March, Washington
felt prepared, with men, guns, and ammunition, fvTcuation
for an aggressive move. On the night of the 4th ^^ Boston,
he seized and fortified a position on Dorchester 1776
I004
The Period of Washington
Washing-
ton defend-
ing the
Hudson
The form-
ing of
colonies
into States
Declaration
of Inde-
pendence,
July 4,
1776
Heights which compelled General Howe, who had
superseded Gage, to evacuate Boston, sailing to
Halifax with his army and with 900 of his Tory-
friends.
With all possible haste, Washington moved the
greater part of his army to New York, assuming
what he recognized, then and always throughout
the war, as his most important task, — namely,
that of holding the valley of the Hudson against
the British, to prevent their cutting New England
from connection and cooperation with the middle
and southern colonies, and to separate them, at
the same time, from their savage allies, the Six
Nations of the Iroquois. But the American
commander could take to New York no more
than about 8,000 men, while Howe, at Halifax,
was preparing a large army for his next cam-
paign, backed by a powerful fleet. Till late in
summer, however, all things looked cheering on
the American side. One by one, in May and
June, the several colonies declared for indepen-
dence, and before June ended there were seven
which had organized independent governments,
based on "the authority of the people," thus
casting their colonial swaddling clothes and tak-
ing on the political vesture of American States.
It was then, on the Fourth of July, 1776, that
the general wish for a united Declaration of
Independence was obeyed by the continental
congress, and the republic of the United States of
America proclaimed itself to the world. The
Declaration was received everywhere with rejoic-
British
repulse at
Declaration of Ajmerican Independence 1005
ing, heightened by news from Charleston, where a
British fleet, attempting to enter the harbor, had
been repulsed by a rude log fort on Sullivan's Charleston,
Island, defended by Colonel Moultrie with 1,200 1776^^'
men. But these were the last good tidings that
rejoiced the country for almost half a year. The
end of July brought Howe, with 30,000 troops,
and his brother, Vice-Admiral Howe, with a great
fleet, into New York Bay, and Washington was
overwhelmed. He had collected about 20,000
men, but they were mostly undisciplined and
poorly equipped, in comparison with the army of
Howe. Defeated on the 27th of August, in a
battle on Long Island, which expelled them from Washing-
Brooklyn Heights, the Americans retreated from i°" ^^°"^,
■' . . . New York
New York up the river to positions among the
hills.
Then came the first of the dark periods of the
war, — a time, as Paine expressed it, "that tried
men's souls." Washington was assailed, with
hostile criticism and undermined by jealous
, . ^ ,. Til • Intrigues
intrigues, congress taking a discreditable part in against him
both. Subordinate officers were encouraged to
disregard the orders of the commander-in-chief.
A military adventurer from England, Charles
Lee, unfortunately commissioned among the
American major-generals, and supposed to be a
great soldier, became especially mischievous; and
the whole situation was deplorably wrong.
Washington, as a consequence, was compelled, His retreat
at the beginning of December, to retreat from the >nto Penn-
Hudson (maintaining forts, however, on the Dec, 1776
ioo6 The Period of Washington
upper parts of the river), falling back, through
New Jersey, until he had placed the Delaware
between the pursuing enemy and himself. The
short terms of so many of his men had expired
that hardly 3,000 remained In his immediate
command. And now It was that the high quali-
ties of this great soldier and great man received
their first full proof. The almost ruined cause of
the States was borne up by his grand courage and
faith. He and his officers borrowed money on the
pledge of their private estates for the pay of their
men, to keep them in the field. By Christmas he
had got together 6,000, and planned to recover
the ground he had lost. His pursuers, com-
manded by Lord Cornwallis, were waiting care-
lessly for the ice In the river to bridge them over
it, and let them strike what they expected to
make a finishing blow. Suddenly, on Christmas
Washin - ^^^' Washington forced a crossing of the half-
tonresumes frozcn rlvcr, wIth boats enough to land himself
offensive, ^^^ 2,40O of hIs troops ou the Jersey shore;
Dec-Jan., marched through a sleety winter storm to Tren-
1776-1777 ,
ton; surprised and captured 1,000 Hessians, with
abundant stores; slipped from the fingers which
Cornwallis felt certain of closing upon him; took
more prisoners and more stores at Princeton, and
moved on to a secure position at Morristown;
recovering from the enemy, in a campaign of ten
days, all the advantages they had gained from his
temporary retreat.
The helpful efi^ect of this brilliant operation, at
home and abroad, was Immense. It decided the
Burgoyne's Surrender 1007
French government to give secret aid to the Helpful
States, in money, stores, and privateers, and it of the
inspired fresh confidence in America, when the "^P^'^n
next serious undertaking of the British was faced.
This was an invasion from Canada, attempted in
the summer of 1777, to meet a northward move-
ment from New York, and to gain possession of
the Hudson from end to end. The story of Bur- invasion,
goyne's invasion and its defeat, — of the obstruct- defeat and
o J y-> r" surrender,
ing of his march by forces under General Schuy- juiy-Oct.,
ler; of the cutting of his communications with *''^''
Canada by New England and New York militia-
men, directed by General Lincoln; of the disas-
trous fate of St. Leger's column, coming by way
of Lake Ontario and the Mohawk to join him; of
the failure of Howe to move northward from New
York and meet him; of the victory won by shirt-
sleeved farmers at Bennington, under Stark; of
the two desperate battles which Burgoyne was
forced to fight at Freeman's Farm, on Bemis
Heights, near Saratoga, and of his surrender, on
the 17th of October, with 6,000 men, — the story
is too long to be told in this place. Undeserved
credit for the great success was won by General
Horatio Gates, an intriguing officer, whom con-
gress had put in Schuyler's place, and who came
on the scene after the fate of Burgoyne had prac-
tically been sealed. Schuyler had directed the
resistance to Burgoyne with great prudence and
skill, and the glory of the two victories on Bemis
Heights belonged to Benedict Arnold and Daniel
Morgan; but the laurels were carried off by
General
Gates
ioo8
The Period of Washington
Howe's
movement
on Phila-
delphia
Battle of
the
Brandy-
wine,
Sept. II,
1777
The winter
at Valley
Forge,
1777-1778
General Gates, who became now an Intriguing
and strongly backed candidate for Washington's
place.
When General Howe should have been moving
up the Hudson to cooperate with Burgoyne, he
turned his army in the contrary direction and
effected a useless capture of Philadelphia. Orders
directing him to meet Burgoyne had been pigeon-
holed in London by a careless minister, and, act-
ing on his own judgment, he went wildly astray.
Washington hindered and delayed the Phila-
delphia movement to the best of his ability, forc-
ing the British general to transport his troops by
sea to the head of Chesapeake Bay; but when he
fought them at the Brandywine his forces were
not adequate and he gave way. Howe entered
Philadelphia, and congress fled to York. A week
later, Washington attempted to surprise the
British headquarters, in the Germantown suburb,
by a night attack, but his plans were spoiled by
disastrous mishaps.
Howe passed the winter with gayety In Phila-
delphia; Washington placed his army in winter-
quarters at Valley Forge, on the Schuylkill,
twenty-one miles away. That winter of 1777-8 is
memorable for the sufferings of the half-clad and
ill-fed American army, and for the sore personal
trials of its great-souled commander-in-chief. To
shallow lookers-on, the latter seemed to have
done nothing to be compared with the boasted
exploit of Gates at Saratoga, and intrigues to
supplant him were begun anew. Congress was
United States in Alliance With France 1009
tainted deeply by the envies and ignorances at the
root of the intrigue; for many of its high-minded
and able men had left their seats for service
abroad or in the several States. As for the Gates
faction in the army, — called the "Conway cabal," ^^^
from the active prominence of a certain General "Conway
Conway, — it was virulent, but not large. The
conspiracy had no substantial success, and it was
not long in so exposing its own meanness of
spirit, by contrast with the loftiness of character
in Washington, that public opinion crushed it
with contempt.
The time was far from being altogether one of
darkness on the American side; for France, in ^u^nce
February, signed a treaty of open alliance with with
the United States, challenging England to war, Feb"ri778
which the latter declared in the following month.
Personal alliances, too, of great value to the
cause, had been formed of late. Lafayette, w^ith
his fine temper, his warm enthusiasm, his affec-
tionate admiration of Washington, his useful
1.313 VCttC
influence in France, — Steuben, with his Prussian steuben, '
training, and his thorough military knowledge, — p^^t!^'
De Kalb and Pulaski, with their splendid valor,
— had come to give their services to the young
republic, — two of them to die in its defense.
Spring brought overtures of peace from Great
Britain, but not the recognition of independence,
without which no peace could be made. Military
operations were reopened in June, when Sir
Henry Clinton, who had superseded Howe in the
British command, abandoned the useless occupa-
loio The Period of Washington
Battle of -tion of Philadelphia, movin? back to New York.
Monmouth , , j j • i
Court Washington broke camp and pursued, with an
j!in"e 2*8 army about equal to that In retreat. At Mon-
1778 mouth Court House, New Jersey, he overtook the
enemy and prepared to attack; but, unfortu-
nately, his advance was commanded by General
Charles Lee, who Is now known to have been
treacherous on former occasions, and who acted,
probably, with traitorous Intentions again. Lee's
bewildering orders produced a disorderly retreat,
instead of an attack, until Washington reached
the front and saved the army from disaster; but
the promising opportunity for an important
stroke was lost. Clinton made his way to New
York, and the military situation in that region
settled to inactivity for the remainder of the war.
ton again Washington kept his post at the center of the
theHudI whole field, specially on guard over the Hudson,
while detaching forces from his immediate com-
mand to meet exigencies at other points.
Plans of cooperation with a French fleet, under
Count d'Estaing, In a movement on New York,
were baffled by the inability of the larger French
vessels to cross the bar. There was failure, too,
in a subsequent undertaking with the French
fleet, in the same summer (1778), to dislodge the
British from Newport, their sole foothold, outside
of New York, in the whole thirteen States.
Marauding parties from Newport and New York
continued to harass the New England coast, and
this, for a long period, was the only warfare con-
ducted by the regular British forces in any part
Washington Guarding the Hudson ioii
of the north. But bands of malignant Tories, Tory and .
who had taken refuge in western New York and raids
Canada, with their headquarters at Fort Niagara,
led war parties of Indians in savage raids upon
Wyoming, Cherry Valley, and other frontier
settlements of Pennsylvania and New York. In ^ „. ,
/^ 1 o IT 1 Sullivan s
the summer of 1779 General bullivan was sent by expeditioQ
.Washington Into western New York, with a force
of 5,000 men, to chastise the white-sklnned and
red-skinned barbarians who did this bloody work.
Sullivan executed his commission relentlessly, so
far as the offending Indians in the Genesee valley
were concerned, but Fort Niagara was not
reached.
Farther west, a young surveyor, George Rogers
Clark, commissioned by Governor Patrick Henry, western
of Virginia, and leading a small force of hardy conquests
frontier riflemen, had been operating in an inde-
pendent way since the summer of 1778. Clark
captured the British posts at Kaskaskia and j^nnJngof
Kahokia, on the Mississippi, and VIncennes, on the West,
the Wabash, thereby establishing claims of con- ch. i, iii/viu
quest which assumed importance when bounda-
ries were in question at the end of the war.
At sea the British possessed every advantage,
and their commerce suffered little from American
privateers, compared with the destruction they
were able to Inflict on American trade. But
Captain Paul Jones, a Scotch sailor, commis- exploits of
sioned by the continental congress and equipped ^f^Uones,
in 1779 with a small squadron, In France, began
then to make himself a terror to the British
IOI2
The Period of Washington
British sub-
jugation of
Georgia
and South
Carolina,
1778-1779
British
capture of
Charleston,
May, 1780
Partisan
warfare in
South
Carolina
coasts, as well as to British merchant fleets. The
desperate battle of his flagship, the Bon Homme
Richard, with the English frigate Serapis, in
September, that year, is one of the heroic inci-
dents of the war.
The main seat of war had now been transferred
by the British to the southern States. Beginning
near the close of the year 1778 with the capture of
Savannah, they accomplished, substantially, the
subjugation of Georgia and South Carolina in the
course of the next eighteen months. An attempt
by General Lincoln, commanding in the south,
and Count d'Estaing, with the French fleet, to
recover Savannah, in the fall of 1779, failed, with
the loss of a thousand men. Count Pulaski, the
gallant Pole, was among those who fell in a disas-
trous assault. In the following spring Sir Henry
Clinton, coming from New York v/ith heavy
reinforcements, inclosed Lincoln and his army in
Charleston and captured the whole. Soon after
that important exploit he returned to New York,
leaving Cornwallls in the southern command.
The condition of South Carolina was then pitiable
in the extreme. In attempts to compel the entire
people to swear allegiance to King George, and to
give active assistance to the king's troops, a cruel
hunting of stubborn patriots was carried on.
The war assumed a partisan or guerrilla charac-
ter, more than elsewhere or at any other time;
and the adventures, of Marion, Sumter, and other
dashing captains of small bands, who harassed
Tarleton and Ferguson, the active commanders of
The War in the Southern States 1013
British and Tory forces, have given to revolu-
tionary history some of Its most romantic tales.
Against the wish of Washington, congress sent
Gates to command In the south, and he made the the^^uth
situation worse by rushing his small army to
dreadful defeat and destruction at Camden, where
De Kalb came to his death.
At this time the discouragements of the coun-
try were, apparently, the heaviest it had known.
Congress had issued paper promises ("continental
currency," so-called), based on no resources of
taxation or any substantial authority, until that
fictitious money had lost all worth. Most of the
States had been doing the same. Of real money ageme^nts
there was almost none in the land. There was no of the time,
public credit; there was no foreign trade. Wash-
ington was driven to the levying of forced con-
tributions for the feeding of his men, who re-
ceived no pay, practically, and little promise of
any to come. Desertions were increasing and
recruits were few. Six thousand French troops,
under General Rochambeau, had arrived at New- Fr"ndi ° ^
port (from which the British withdrew in the ^''^^
previous autumn), but the fleet that brought
them was blockaded immediately, and they were
held to support it if attacked. To crown these
many disheartenments came the discovery of the Benedict"
treason planned by Benedict Arnold, then com- Arnold,
manding at West Point. Arnold's services as a
soldier had been very great, and men less deserv-
ing had been put above him in rank. He brooded
over his grievances till they poisoned his soul, and
I0I4 The Period of Washington
he became willing to ruin the cause of his country
for the sake of revenge. West Point was the
American stronghold on the Hudson; to lose it
was to lose all that Washington had guarded so
carefully and so long. Arnold sought and ob-
tained the command there, for the purpose of
betraying the fort, and had arranged all the
details of the betrayal with Major John Andre, of
Sir Henry Clinton's staff, who came to confer
with him inside of the American lines. The
unfortunate Andre was captured on his way back
to New York, and suffered death as a spy. The
Major traitor, Arnold, received warning of the discovery
Andr4 gf his plot in time to escape.
The darkest hours were now past, and there
began to be a breaking of light in the south, — the
herald of a coming day of independence and
peace. Its first gleam shone from the mountain
border of the Carolinas, where the British major
Ferguson, pursuing armed patriots too vigor-
ously, stirred up the Scotch-Irish and Huguenot
frontiersmen, who had taken no part, hitherto, in
the war. They swarmed out of their mountain
Ktng'^s° settlements, and Ferguson, with 400 of his men,
Mountain, fgH in battle with them, at King's Mountain.
Oct. 7, 1780 . . . °
This was the beginning of events that wrought a
complete change in the situation at the south.
Washington was permitted in December to send
General Nathanael Greene to supersede Gates,
with Daniel Morgan and Henry Lee ("Light
Horse Harry," father of Robert E. Lee), in sub-
ordinate commands. Morgan defeated Tarleton,
CoRNWALLis' Blunder 1015
In a remarkable battle at the Cowpens, and
Greene fought Cornwallis at Guilford Court General
House, with sufficient success to hold his ground, Greene's
while the latter withdrew to Wilmington, and in the
moved presently into Virginia, leaving others to ^°^^^' '''^^
contest the Carolinas with Greene. Within a ^
Oreene,
few months that able general, winning good fruits ii/> of
even from battles that were not victories, at Greene,
Hobklrk's Hill and Eutaw Springs, wrested both 3:bk.<t
States from the enemy, excepting only the city of
Charleston.
While Greene achieved deliverance for the
Carolinas, the last and grandest act in the drama
of war was performed, by other actors, on the
Virginia stage. Considerable British forces had „ . .
° , ... Beginning
been ravaging the eastern parts of Virginia for of the end
some months before Cornwallis came to join
them, at Petersburg, In May. Lafayette, at
Richmond, was opposing them with a little army
of about 3,000 men, and Steuben was raising and
organizing a few more. Lafayette retreated when Lafayette
Cornwallis moved against him, and was pursued, in Virginia
the British laying waste a wide region of country,
almost to the Rapldan. Then Cornwallis com-
mitted the fatal error of returning to the sea-
board and taking a position with his army at
Yorktown, In the narrow part of the peninsula
between the York River and the James. It was a
safe position so long as the British controlled the
sea; but, unknown to Cornwallis, a strong French
fleet was expected from the West Indies at this
time, for a planned attack on New York. Wash-
ioi6
The Period of Washington
Cornwallis
trapped at
Yorktown
Surrender
of Corn-
wallis, Oct.
19, 1781
The effect
in England,
March,
1782
Negotia-
tion of
peace,
1782-1783
Lecky,
History of
England,
jSth
Century,
4 : 218-232,
243-2SS,
275-284
Ington saw instantly that something better than
the movement against New York could be done
with the help of this fleet. Concerting arrange-
ments with the French admiral, Count de Grasse,
and with Rochambeau, the French general, while
deceiving Sir Henry Clinton, at New York, he
suddenly transferred 2,000 of his own troops and
4,000 of Rochambeau's, with great celerity, from
the Hudson to the James. Lafayette had fol-
lowed Cornwallis and was intrenched in his rear,
and the French fleet had secured possession of
Chesapeake Bay. The trap was complete. At
the end of a short, sharp siege, the English com-
mander, hopeless of relief, surrendered, with a
few more than 8,000 men.
This blow broke the party in England which
upheld the American War, drove Lord North and
his colleagues to resign, and forced the king to
accept ministers who desired peace. A private
agent, sent to Paris, opened conferences there
with Dr. Franklin, which led to more formal
negotiations between commissioners from both
governments, and, finally, to the signing of a
provisional treaty, at Paris, on the 30th of
November, 1782. This was not to have effect,
however, till the arrangement of peace between
Great Britain and France, which came to com-
pletion on the third of September, 1783. By the
definite treaty then signed, the United States
secured western territory to the Mississippi, and
from the Floridas to the Great Lakes; but with
northeastern and northwestern boundaries so
End of the War of American Independence 1017
Ill-defined that they gave trouble for many years. '^"'"^ °^
^ ° "^ ■" , the treaty
Important rights were conceded to American
fishermen on the British-American coasts. On
two questions, serious difficulties in the framing
of the treaty arose from the want of any national
authority In the government of the loose con-
federation of the United States. One related to J^^ ^^^
the treatment of the American loyalists, or American
, , . .... I- loyalists
Tories, against whom the bitter feeling in most of
the States led to cruelly persecuting acts, con-
fiscating their property and driving them from
their homes. Some of these people had provoked ^J^'^' '"
that feeling by malignant and barbarous hos- and Critical
tilities In the war; but a large part of them vv^ere X^v^t^
men of character and culture, whose loyalty to
Great Britain had been conscientious, and whose
expulsion from the country was a serious mistake.
The British government felt bound to protect character
them; but that of the United States had no power
to control the action of the States, and could only
promise the exercise of an Influence which proved
to have no effect. On the other question, relating
to debts that were due to British creditors when to^rkisT
the war began, the difficulty was the same. The creditors
treaty stipulated that those creditors should meet
with no lawful Impediment in the collection of
their dues; but many of the States interposed
such impediments, and congress was powerless to
interfere. These matters became Irritating for
many years, provoking the English government
to refuse the surrender of a number of Important
frontier and western forts.
ioi8
The Period of Washington
Disbanding When the time came for disbandin? the con-
the con- , ^ "
tinentai tlneiital army, nothing but the personal influence
^™y of Washington prevented a dangerous outbreak
of bad feeUng, stirred up by some mischievous
agitators, In consequence of the arrears of pay
that were due to officers and men. Thanks to the
Illimitable trust reposed In the great commander-
in-chief, a pacifying arrangement was brought
Retirement about and the army was dissolved. Washington
of Wash- took leave of his officers at New York on the 4th
Dec, 1783 of December, 1783, resigned his commission to
congress, at Annapolis, submitted a statement of
the large expenditures he had made from his
private fortune on public account, exceeding
$64,000, and declined all pay beyond the reim-
bursement of that sum. On Christmas eve he
reached his home at Mount Vernon, which he
had seen but once In eight years.
The critical period of American history
And now the United States entered on what
Dr. FIske has described correctly as being "the
critical period of American history." The
States were United only In name. They had
taken their place among the nations without
being a nation, in any right sense of the term.
They had no government that could exercise a
national authority or power. Their congress
nationality could pledge nothing to any other government
and guarantee that some or all of the States
would not repudiate Its pledge. This barred
them from commercial treaties, to restore their
Fiske,
Critical
Period
in the
"United
States"
c
to
a.
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Adoption of American Federal Constitution 1019
ruined trade. They could not even establish free
commerce among themselves. They could build
up no public credit, by creating any method for
the payment of their general war debt. There
was no money in the country to speak of, since
the "continental currency" had sunk to utter of°the^°"
worthlessness, and no agency existed, or could country
exist, in the circumstances, that Would establish
a monetary system.] The political and economical
situation was one of chaos; and the prevailing
political ideas, for some years, were such as
appeared to put anything better beyond hope.
Experience under British rule had filled the minds
of the majority with a dread of strong govern-
ment that was greater than their dread of any-
thing else. Articles of Confederation, agreed "^^^^^^ ^
upon with slowness and difficulty during the war, Confedera-
and not adopted until 1781, had been so mal-
formed by that dread that no more than a feeble
"league of friendship" was contemplated in their
design. For five years after the conclusion of
peace every attempt to amend these futile
articles was baffled; and when, at last, in 1787,
favoring circumstances brought together, at andAdoi>.
Philadelphia, a convention which undertook Federll^^
boldly, not proposals of amendment to the ^^r"*"''
Articles of Confederation, but the framing of a i787-i788
real constitution of national government, nothing
less than a miracle seemed likely to secure the
ratification of its work by a sufficient number of History for
States. Prodigious exertions on the part of the -?^f^y
1 • r 1 r J 1 • • r Reference
champions 01 the new federal constitution, — tore- (Full text)
1020
The Period of Washington
Curtis,
History of
the Origin
[etc.] oftlt£
Constitu-
tion
most among whom were Alexander Hamilton and
James Madison, — did win the needed ratification,
however, and the constitution went into eiFect in
the spring of 1789, with George Washington as
the first president of a nationalized federal union
of the States.
Hostilities
with
France,
Spain and
Holland
Wars in
India,
1780-1782
The British empire during and after the American
Revolution
Not only France, but Spain after 1779 and
Holland after 1780, were drawn into conflict with
Great Britain during the American War; while a
hostile league of "armed neutrality" among the
nations of northern Europe crippled her attempts
to break up the trade of her enemies. All these
combinations, however, failed to overthrow the
naval supremacy of England, which Admiral
Rodney confirmed anew by two great victories, in
1780 and 1782, over Spanish and French fleets.
In India, France renewed her attempts to shake
the ascendancy of the English company, and very
nearly with success. A self-made ruler, Hyder
AH, of remarkable capacity and energy, had
erected a new throne in Mysore, establishing a
power which does not seem to have been esti-
mated rightly by the English till too late. They
made him their enemy, while the French gave
him all possible help. The consequence was a
a war in southern India, raging from July, 1780,
till the end of 1782, during which the whole fabric
of British power in the east seemed near to over-
throw more than once. It was saved by the
' India — Ireland 1021
administrative energy of Warren Hastings, the Warren
governor-general, and by the military skill of Sir govemor-
Eyre Coote. Hyder Ali died, and his son, Tippoo, fjl'^[f'
made peace.
The political government in India had been
transferred by act of parliament, in 1774, from the fVarr'en
London directors of the East India Company to a '"""^'^
resident governor-general and council, appointed
by the company, but subject to the approval of
the crown. Warren Hastings was the first of the
governors-general, and not even Clive did more
than he in the founding of the British empire in
the east. At the end of his administration of ten
years he came home to undergo one of the most
famous of trials, on charges of infamous oppres-
sion, spoliation, and corruption of justice; charges
prosecuted with the eloquence of Burke, Sheridan
and Fox, and made more damning in later years
by Macaulay's immortalizing pen. Hastings was
kept upon trial by the dilatory lords of the high
court of parliament for eight years, and then
acquitted on every charge. The search-light of
recent historical study has confirmed that acquit-
tal, so far as concerns the specific accusations of
Burke and Macaulay; but has shown with glaring
certainty that neither Clive nor Hastings, nor
many others of their generation, were scrupulous
as to the means by which they gathered wealth
for the great company and for themselves, nor as
to methods in their subjugation of feeble states.
Ireland derived some important advantages
from the struggle in which England was engaged
I022
The Period of Washington
Conces-
sions to
Ireland,
1780-1782
McCarthy,
Ireland
since the
Union,
ch. 3
Political
progress in
England
with so many enemies. To repel threatened
invasions from France, the government was
constrained to permit the raising of volunteers in
that much oppressed island, and found itself con-
fronted by 60,000 organized men, who began to
make demands which could not safely be refused.
By consequent acts passed in 1780 and 1782,
independence was given to the Irish parliament
and to Irish courts, with more freedom to Irish
industries and trade, and more liberty to Irish
Catholics than they had ever enjoyed before.
But the Catholics, forming a great majority of the
population, were still shamefully excluded from
representation in the parliamerkt of their kingdom,
and the independence of that body only hardened
its bigotry and made it corrupt.
In England itself, the very reaction which King
George and his "friends" had undertaken to
bring about, towards arbitrary government,
brought gains to the people in the end. Especially
the freedom of speech and the press, and the
exposure of government to publicity and criti-
cism, were made complete and secure, not only by
the proceedings against Wilkes, but by futile
attempts made in 1771 to stop the reporting of
parliamentary debates. Religious bigotry, too,
was compelled to begin the relaxation of its anti-
Catholic laws, and a few of the most atrocious
measures that had stood on the statute book
since the end of the last century were repealed in
1778. This gave rise to dreadful rioting by Ignor-
ant mobs, stirred up especially by a weak-minded^
Political Progress in England 1023
Scotch nobleman, Lord George Gordon, with ^he^^^
grave consequences of destruction and pillage in riots, 1780
London for four days. The Gordon riots are
described with vividness in Dickens's story of
Barnahy Rudge.
Late in 1783 the younger William Pitt, son of ^^
the earl of Chatham, a young man of but twenty- younger
four years, was called to the lead in government pii^'^™
by the king, and began his remarkable career.
Before long, he had won the confidence of the p°J^^"^'
country, had obtained the election of a parlia-
ment that obeyed his will, and held power by a
tenure that was nearly independent of the king.
France was then approaching that crisis of revolu-
tion which shook all society and every govern-
ment in Europe, and the abilities of the young
premier of Great Britain were brought soon to a
remarkable test.
"England, itself, at this time, was entering
upon a revolution, very different from that which
Impended In France, but the silent effects of
which were of even greater moment to mankind. J"^",'Jj"on
There exists an immense difference between the in England,
methods and the organization of industry in the
twentieth century and those that were practiced
before. It is a difference that has been brought
about by mechanical Inventions of labor-saving
machinery, and by scientific discoveries, which
have increased the power of man to produce
things for the satisfaction of his wants. Such
invention began, of course, when civilization
began; but it went forward very crceplngly
I024 The Period of Washington
through all the centuries until the last third of the
eighteenth. Then a sudden, tremendous leap in
it nearly broke all connection between the ways
in which the work of the world was done before
and the ways in which it has since been done.
"It was principally in England that the revolu-
tionary leap of inventive enterprise was made,
and, consequently, England won then the indus-
trial as well as the commercial leadership of the
Spinning ^°^^^- Hargrcavcs,^ in 1764, Arkwright, in 1769,
and weav- Crompton, in 1779, invented spinning machinery,
ibn's™" ^^^ Cartwright, in 1784, invented a power loom,
1764-1784 which ended the hand-spinning and hand-weaving
of the past; James Watt, in 1776, made the
Watt's
steam stcam cngmc a cheap and practicable source of
power tor movmg such machmes; Smeaton,
Cort, and others, between 1760 and 1790,
improved and cheapened the making of English
iron, and Brindley began the building of many
canals for internal trade, while Arthur Young, in
that period and after, was laboriously teaching
better agriculture to the tillers of the soil. While
England was being thus armed with new powers,
and better highways were being opened to trade,
Smtth's a book appeared, entitled The Wealth of Nations,
fafls! ^y -^^^"^ ^m\l\ which taught the English people
i776 to see that when labor is most free to produce and
to exchange what it produces, with least inter-
ference from the makers of law, the result of
general wealth is greatest and most sure. It was
a truth learned slowly, but with extraordinary
effect in the end.
Industrial Revolution in England 1025
"So England, at the outbreak of the French
Revolution, was passing the beginnings of a
momentous revolution within herself. It was a
revolution as much social as economic. It gave
rise to the factory system, to huge manufacturing
establishments, to powerful combinations of
capital, to new and greater inequalities of wealth.
It built up cities, increased their population
enormously, and created in them a class of work-
ingmen easily stirred by ideas, easily combined,
and certain to become a power In the state. It
made the region of coal and Iron, in the north, the
most thickly peopled part of the land. It raised
up an interest In the country which soon out-
weighed the landowning Interest, that had ruled
It before. It worked great and rapid changes in nl^ory of
the structure of English society, and In Its whole England,
character and tone."
The French Revolution
545
While England was passing the early stages of
this great social transformation, France was
drawing near to the convulsions of a political
revolution which ended the old modern order, not
for France only, but for Europe at large. It was
a catastrophe toward which the abused French prolchbg
people had been slipping slowly for generations, political
11 -iii-ii 11 J- revolution
pushed to It by bimd rulers and a besotted aris-
tocracy. By nature a people ardent and lively In
temper, hopeful and brave In spirit, full of Intel-
ligence, they had been held down in dumb repres-
sion: silenced In voice, even for the uttering of
their complaints; the national meeting of their
I026
The Period of Washington
ksi
State of the
kingdom
under
Louis XIV,
and XV.
Taine,
The
Ancient
Regime
Improving
conditions
representative states-general suppressed for
nearly two centuries; taxes wrung from them on
no measure save the will of a wanton-minded and
ignorant king; their beliefs prescribed, their laws
ordained, their courts of justice commanded,
their industries directed, their trade hedged
round, their rights and permissions in all particu-
lars meted out to them by the same blundering
and irresponsible autocracy. How long would
they bear it? and w* " 1 their deliverance come by
the easing or the brt 'dng of their yoke? — these
were the only questions.
Their state was probably at its worst in the
later years of Louis XIV. That seems to be the
conclusion which the deepest study has now
reached, and the picture drawn formerly by his-
torians, of a society that sank continually into
lower miseries, is put aside. The worst state,
seemingly, was passed, or nearly so, when Louis
XIV. died. It began to mend under his despicable
successor, Louis XV., — perhaps even during the
regency of the profligate Orleans. Why it
mended, no historian can be said to have ex-
plained. The cause was not in better govern-
ment; for the government grew worse. It did
not come from any rise in character of the privi-
leged classes; for the privileged classes abused
their privileges with increasing selfishness. But
general influences were at work In the world at
large, stimulating activities of all kinds, — indus-
try, trade, speculation, combination. Invention,
experiment, science, philosophy, — and whatever
Preludes to the French Revolution 1027
Improvement occurred in the material condition
and social state of the common people of France
may find its explanation in these. There was an
augmentation of life in the air of the eighteenth
century, and France took some Invigoratlon from
it, despite the many maladies in Its social system,
and the oppressions of government under which
it bent.
But the difference between the France of Louis
XIV. and the France of Louis XVL was more in
the people than In their state. If their misery
was a little less, their patience was still less. The
stimulations of the age, which may have given The people
more effectiveness to labor and more energy to ^^^^'j^;^'^^
trade, had likewise set thinking astir, on the same
practical lines. Men whose minds in former
centuries would have labored on riddles dialecti-
cal, metaphysical and theological, were now bent
on the pressing problems of daily life. The
mysteries of economic science began to challenge
them. Every aspect of surrounding society
thrust questions upon them, concerning its
origin, its history, its inequalities, its laws and
their principles, its government and the source of
authority in It. The so-called "philosophers" of
the age, — Rousseau, Voltaire and the ency- Rousseau,
clopedlsts — were not the only questioners of the 3°^^^!,^^
social world, nor did the questioning all come "encydo-
from what they taught. It was the Intellectual
epidemic of the time, carried into all countries,
penetrating all classes, and nowhere with more
diffusion than in France.
I028
The Period of Washington
Effects
of the
American
revolution
Franklin
in France
After the successful revolt of the English
colonies in America, and the conspicuous blazon-
ing of democratic doctrines in their declaration of
independence and their republican constitution,
the ferment of social free-thinking in France was
increased. The French had helped the colonists,
fought side by side with them, watched their
struggle with intense interest, and all the issues
involved in the American revolution were dis-
cussed among them, with partiality to the repub-
lican side. Franklin, most republican repre-
sentative of the young republic, came among
them and captivated every class. He recom-
mended to them the ideas for which he stood,
perhaps more than we suspect.
And thus, by many influences, the French
people of all classes except the privileged nobility,
Louis XVI. ^^^ even in that class to some extent, were made
increasingly impatient of their misgovernment
and of the wrongs and miseries going with it
Louis XVI., who came to the throne in 1774,
was the best in character of the late Bourbon
kings. He had no noxious vices and no baleful
ambitions. If he had found right conditions
prevailing in his kingdom he would have made
the best of them. But he had no capacity for
reforming the evils that he inherited, and no
strength of will to sustain those who had. He
accepted an earnest reforming minister with more
than willingness, and approved the wise measures
of economy, of equitable taxation, and of emanci-
pation for manufactures and trade, which Turgot
1 774-1 793
Conflict of the Three Estates 1029
proposed. But when protected Interests, and the
privileged order which fattened on existing Dismissal
, . , c • • L ofTurgot,
abuses, raised a storm or opposition, he gave way 1776
to it, and dismissed the man who might possibly
have made the inevitable revolution a peaceful
one. Another minister, the Genevan banker,
Necker, who aimed at less reform, but demanded ofNecker,
economy, suffered the same overthrow. The ^78i
waste, the profligate expenditure, the jobbery,
the leeching of the treasury by high-born pen-
sioners and sinecure office-holders, went on,
scarcely checked, until the beginnings of actual
bankruptcy had appeared.
Then a cry, not much heeded before, for the
convocation of the states-general of the kingdom
— the ancient great legislature of France, extinct
since the year 1614 — became loud and general.
The king yielded. The states-general was called
to meet on the ist of May, 1789, and the royal ^^^fj-
summons decreed that the deputies chosen to It Hay^'^i^ss
from the third estate — the common people —
should be equal In number to the deputies of the ^j^^^' ,
nobility and the clergy together. So the dumb the French
lips of France as a nation were opened, its tongue
unloosed. Its common public opinion and public ^ .
feeling made articulate, for the first time in one The French
hundred and seventy-five years. And the word bk!"!" '""
that it spoke was the mandate of revolution.
The states-general assembled at Versailles on
the 5th of May, and a conflict between the third be°meen
estate and the nobles occurred at once on the the three
question between three assemblies and one.
I030
The Period of Washington
The third
estate
organized
as a
national
assembly
Outbreak
of revolu-
tion, July,
1789
Should the three orders deliberate and vote
together as one body, or sit and act separately
and apart? The commons demanded the single
assembly. The nobles and most of the clergy
refused the union, in which their votes would be
overpowered.
After some weeks of deadlock on this funda-
mental issue, the third estate brought it to a
summary decision, by asserting its own suprem-
acy, as representative of the mass of the nation,
and organizing itself in the character of the
"national assembly" of France. Under that
name and character it was joined by a con-
siderable part of the humbler clergy, and by
some of the nobles, — additional to a few, like
MIrabeau, who sat from the beginning with the
third estate, as elected representatives of the
people. The king made a weak attempt to annul
this assumption of legislative sufficiency on the
part of the third estate, and only hurried the ex-
posure of his own powerlessness. Persuaded by
his worst advisers to attempt a stronger demon-
stration of the royal authority, he filled Paris
with troops, and inflamed the excitement, which
had risen already to a passionate heat.
Necker, who had been recalled to the ministry
when the meeting of the states-general was
decided upon, now received his second dismissal,
and the news of it acted on Paris like a signal of
insurrection. The city next day was in tumult.
On the 14th the Bastille was attacked and taken.
The king's government vanished utterly. His
Outbreak of the French Revolution 103 i
troops fraternized with the riotous people.
Citizens of Paris organized themselves as a
national guard, on which every hope of order
depended, and Lafayette took command. The
frightened nobility began flight, first from Paris,
and then from the provinces, as mob violence Jj/^^J"^^^
spread over the kingdom from the capital. In Lafayette,!-.
October there were rumors that the king had
planned to follow the "emigres" and take refuge
in Metz. Then occurred the famous rising of the
women; their procession to Versailles; the
crowd of men which followed, accompanied but
not controlled by Lafayette and his national
guards; the conveyance of the king and royal ^^^i^^^iy
family to Paris, where they remained during the brought to
, . „ . . . , Paris
subsequent year, practically m captivity, and at Oct., 1789
the mercy of the Parisian mob.
Meanwhile, the national assembly, negligent of
the dangers of the moment, while actual anarchy
prevailed, busied itself with debates on consti-
tutional theory, with enactments for the abolition
of titles and privileges, and with the creating of
an inconvertible paper money, based on confis-
cated church lands, to supply the needs of the
national treasury. Meantime, too, the members
of the assembly and their supporters outside of
it were breaking into parties and factions, divided
by their different purposes, principles and aims,
and forming clubs, — centers of agitation and dis-
cussion,— clubs of the Jacobins, the Cordeliers, po^^jcai
the Feuillants and the like, — where fear, distrust ^'ubs,
, . , 1 • r • Jacobin,
and jealousy were soon engendering lerocious etc.
lO'^Z
The Period of Washington
Taine,
The French
Revolution
Z : bk. 4
Death of
Mirabeau,
April, 1 79 1
Adoption
of a consti-
tution
Election of
a legislative
assembly
Oct., 1791
The
Girondists
in power,
1792
conflicts among the revolutionists themselves.
And outside of France, on the border where the
fugitive nobles lurked, intrigue was always
active, striving to enlist foreign help for King
Louis against his subjects.
In April, 1 791, Mirabeau, whOse influence had
been a powerful restraint upon the revolution,
died. In June, the king made an attempt to
escape from his durance in Paris, but was cap-
tured at Varennes and brought back. Angry
demands for his deposition were now made, and a
tumultuous republican demonstration occurred,
on the Champ de Mars, which Lafayette and the
mayor of Paris, Bailly, dispersed by force.
Republicanism had not yet got its footing. In the
constitution, which the assembly completed at
this time, the throne was left undisturbed. The
king accepted the instrument, and a constitu-
tional monarchy appeared to have taken the
place of the absolute monarchy of the past.
It was an appearance maintained for little
more than a year. The constituent national
assembly being dissolved, gave way to a legis-
lative assembly, elected under the new constitu-
tion. In the legislative assembly the republicans
appeared with a strength which soon gave them
control. They were divided into various groups;
but the most eloquent and energetic of these,
coming from Bordeaux and the department of the
Gironde, fixed the name of Girondists upon the
party to which they belonged. The king, as a
constitutional sovereign, was forced presently to
Adoption of a Constitution in France 1033
choose ministers from the ranks of the Girondists, Lamartine,
History oj
and they conducted the government for several the
months in the spring of 1792. The earliest use ^"""'^"'^
they made of their control was to hurry the
country into war with the German powers, which
were accused of giving encouragement to the
hostile plans of the emigres on the border. It is
now a well-determined fact that the emperor
Leopold was opposed to war with France, and
used all his influence for the preservation of
peace. It was revolutionary France which theGlrman
opened the conflict, and it was the Girondists powers
who led and shaped the policy of war.
In the first encounters of the war, the undis-
ciplined French troops were beaten, and Paris
was alarmed. Measures were adopted which the
king refused to sanction, and his Girondist minis-
ters were dismissed. Lafayette, who commanded
one division of the army in the field, approved the
king's course, and wrote an unwise letter to the
assembly, intimating that the army would not
submit to a violation of the constitution. The Rgpub-
republicans were enraged. Everything seemed I'cans
, . enraged
proof to them of a treasonable connivance with
the enemies of France, to bring about the subju-
gation of the country, and a forcible restoration
of the old regime, absolutism, aristocratic privi-
lege and all. On the 20th of June there was
another unchecked rising of the Paris mob. The
rioters broke into the Tuileries and humiliated "^'^f '^'"s
, • 1 • 1 1 -1 and queen
the kmg and queen with msults, but no violence mobbed,
was done. Lafayette came to Paris and at- J""^''792
1034
The Period of Washington
Overthrow
of the
monarchy,
August,
1792
Stephens,
History of
the French
R£V., Z : ch.
iv.
Lafayette
in exile
tempted to reorganize his old national guard, for
the defense of the constitution and the preserva-
tion of order, but failed.
The extremists then resolved to throw down
the toppling monarchy at once, by a sudden blow.
In the early morning of August 10, they expelled
the council-general of the municipality of Paris
from the Hotel de Ville, and placed the govern-
ment of the city under the control of a provisional
commune, with Danton at its head. At the same
hour, the mob which these conspirators held in
readiness, and which they directed, attacked the
Tuileries and massacred the Swiss guard, while
the king and the royal family escaped for refuge
to the chamber of the legislative assembly, near
at hand. There, in the king's presence, on a
formal demand made by the new self-constituted
municipality or commune of Paris, the assembly
declared his suspension from executive functions,
and invited the people to elect without delay a
national convention for the revising of the con-
stitution.
Commissioners, sent out to the provinces and
the armies In the field, were received everywhere
with submission to the change of government,
except by Lafayette and his army, in and around
Sedan. The marquis placed them under arrest
and took from his soldiers a new oath of fidelity
to the constitution and the king. But he found
himself unsupported, and, yielding to the sweep
of events, he obeyed a dismissal by the new
government from his command, and left France,
Overthrow of the French Monarchy 1035
to wait in exile for a time when he might serve his
country with a conscience more assured.
Pending the meeting of the convention, the
Paris commune, increased in number to two
hundred and eighty-eight, and dominated by ruled by
Danton and Robespierre, became the governing the Pans
^ ' _ ^ " ^ commune,
power in France. The legislative assembly was Aug.-Sept.,
subservient to it; the kingless ministry, which *^^^
had Danton in association with the restored
Girondists, was no less so. The fierce vigor of
the commune caused the king and the royal _
, . . J Impnson-
f amily to be imprisoned in the Temple ; mstituted ment of the
a special tribunal for the summary trial of "^
political prisoners: searched Paris for "suspects,"
1 • 1 r A ^ .U J *U The "Sep-
on the night of August 29-30; gathered three te^^ber
thousand men and women into the prisons and Massa-
crcs
convents of the city; planned and ordered the Sept. 2-7,
"September Massacres" of the following week, *^^^*
and thus thinned the whole number of these
"suspects" by a half.
On the 22d of September the national conven-
tion assembled. The Jacobins, who controlled
the commune, were found to have carried Paris
overwhelmingly, and all France largely with
them, in the election of representatives. A furi- Ja^lonai
ous, fanatical democracy, a bloodthirsty anarch- convention
ism, was in the ascendant. The republican
Girondists were now the conservative party in the
convention. They struggled to hold their
ground, and very soon they were struggling for J^^^'°
their lives. The Jacobin fury was tolerant of no
opposition. What stood in its path, with no
1036
The Period of Washington
Execution
of the king,
Jan. 21,
1793
Carlyle,
French
Revolution,
bk. 2, ch.
Fall of the
Girondists,
June, 1793
Stephens,
History of
the French
Revolution,
2 : ch. vii-
The
Jacobin
"Moun-
tain"
The mad-
ness of un-
bounded
power
deadlier weapon than an argument or an appeal,
must be, not merely overcome, but destroyed.
The Girondists would have saved the king from
the guillotine, but they dared not adopt his
defense, and their own fate was sealed when they
gave votes, under fear, which sent him in January
to his death. Five months longer they contended
irresolutely, as a failing faction, with their terrible
adversaries, and then, in June, 1793, they were
proscribed and their arrest decreed. Some
escaped and raised futile insurrections in the
provinces. Some stayed and faced the death
which awaited them in the fast approaching
"reign of terror."
The fall of the Girondists left the Jacobin
"Mountain" (so-called from the elevation of the
seats on which its deputies sat in the convention)
unopposed. Their power was not only absolute In
fact, but unquestioned, and they went mad In the
exercise of it. The same madness overcame them
in the mass which overcame Nero, Caligula,
Caracalla, as individuals; for the unnatural and
awful feeling of unlimited dominion can turn the
brain of a suddenly triumphant faction as surely
as it can madden a single shallow-minded man.
The men of the "Mountain" were not only
masters of France — except In La Vendee and the
neighboring region south of the Loire, where an
obstinate Insurrection had broken out — but the
armies which obeyed them had driven back the
invading Germans, had occupied the Austrian
Netherlands and had taken possession of Savoy
The "Reign of Terror" 1037
and Nice. Intoxicated by these successes, the
convention had proclaimed a crusade against all Crusade
, . , rr ' against
monarchical government, offermg the help of monarchies
France to every people which would rise against
existing authorities, and declaring enmity to
those who refused alliance with the revolution.
Holland was attacked and England forced to
war. The spring of 1793 found a great European
coalition formed against revolutionary France,
and justified by the aggressions of the Jacobinical
government.
For effective exercise of the power of the
Jacobins, the convention as a whole proved too
large a body, even when it had been purged of
Girondist opposition. Its authority was now
gathered into the hands of the famous committee mk^^^^'
of public safety, which became, in fact, the P"t>Hc
revolutionary government, controlling the
national armies and the whole administration of
domestic and foreign affairs. Its reign was the
Reign of Terror, and the fearful "revolutionary ofterS"
tribunal," which began its bloody work with the juiy.' 1794"
guillotine in October, 1793, was the chief instru-
ment of its power. Robespierre, Barere, St. Just, frlnch
Couthon, Billaud-Varennes, Collot d' Herbois ^'■^oiuiion,^
and Carnot — the latter devoted to the business of
the war — were the controlling members of the
committee. Danton withdrew from it, refusing
to serve.
In September, the policy of terrorism was ^Hut^'^^of
avowedly adopted, and, in the language of the the French
PIC ,t . r 111 Revolution,
aris commune, the reign of terror became 2:ch.x-xi
1038
The Period of Washington
it
Execution
of the
queen, Oct.
1 6, 1793
Madame
Roland
Factions
of "the
Mountain"
devouring
one
another
Morley,
Robespierre
(in Critical
Aliscellan-
ies, 2.)
Carlyle,
French
Revolution,
3:bk.6
Execution
of Danton,
Aprils,i794
the order of the day." The arraignment of
"suspects" before the revolutionary tribunal
began. On the 14th of October Marie Antoinette
was put on trial; on the i6th she met her death.
On the 31st the twenty-one imprisoned Girondist
deputies were sent to the guillotine; followed on
the loth of November by the remarkable woman,
Madame Roland, who was looked upon as the
real leader of their party. From that time until
the midsummer following, the blood-madness
raged; not in Paris alone, but throughout France,
at Lyons, Marseilles, Toulon, Bordeaux, Nantes,
and wherever a show of insurrection and resist-
ance had challenged the ferocity of the commis-
sioners of the revolutionary government, who had
been sent into the provinces with unlimited
death-dealing powers.
But when Jacobinism had destroyed all ex-
terior opposition, it began very soon to break into
factions within itself. There was a pitch in its
excesses at which even Danton and Robespierre
became conservatives, as against Hebert and the
atheists of his faction. A brief struggle ensued,
and the Hebertists, in March, 1794, passed under
the knife of the guillotine. A month later Dan-
ton's enemies had rallied and he, with his fol-
lowers, went down before their attack, and the
sharp knife in the Place de la Revolution silenced
his bold tongue. Robespierre remained dominant
for a few weeks longer in the still reigning com-
mittee of public safety; but his domination was
already undermined by many fears, distrusts and
u
O
H
•"
^
fl
o-
cc
2
o
l/^
OG
(^
— •
w
u
K
-i
E-i
^
(L.
f^
o
01
t/2
?
S
O
bo
Quarrels Among Revolutionists 1039
jealousies among his colleagues and throughout
his party. His downfall came suddenly on the
27th of July. On the morning of that day he was
the dictator of the convention and of its ruling J'^'"^"
committee; at night he was a headless corpse, pierre,
• • July 27
and Paris was shouting with joy. 1794
On the death of Robespierre the reign of terror
came quickly to an end. The reaction was sudden R";g°o5 ^
and swift. The committee of public safety was Terror
changed; of the old members only Carnot, indis-
pensable organizer of war, remained. The revolu-
tionary tribunal was remodeled. The Jacobin
club was broken up. The surviving Girondist
deputies came back to the convention. Prosecu-
tion of the terrorists for their crimes began. A
new struggle opened, between the lower elements
in Parisian and French society, the sansculotte
elements, which had controlled the revolution
thus far, and the middle class, the bourgeoisie,
long cowed and suppressed, but now rallying to
recover its share of power. Bourgeoisie tri- \^^^^l^^^^
umphed in the contest. The sansculottes made rising,
, :, _. .. , -r)*'! J May, 179S
their last effort m a rismg on the ist rrairial, and
were put down.
A new constitution was framed, which organ-
ized the government of the republic under a
leelslaturc in two chambers, — a council of five Anew
, , 1 1 -1 r • -^1 republican
hundred and a council oi ancients, — with an constitu-
executive directory of five. But only one-third s^t.^j^g-
of the legislature first assembled was to be
elected freely by the people. The remaining two-
thirds were to be taken from the membership of
1040
Advent of
Napoleon
Bonaparte,
Oct. 5, 1794
The
Directory
War with
the
Coalition,
1794-179S
The Period of Washington
the existing convention. Paris rejected this last-
mentioned feature of the constitution, while
France at large ratified it. The national guard of
Paris rose in insurrection on the 13th Vendemiare
(October 5), and it was on this occasion that the
young Corsican officer, Napoleon Bonaparte, got
his foot on the first round of the ladder by which
he climbed afterward to so great a height. Put in
command of the regular troops in Paris, which
numbered only 5,000, against 30,000 of the
national guards, he crushed the latter in an
action of an hour. That was the opening hour of
his career.
The government of the directory was instituted
on the 27th of October following. Of its five
members, Carnot and Barras were the only men
of note, then or after.
While France was cowering under "the Ter-
ror," its armies, under Jourdan, Hoche and
Pichegru, had withstood the great European
combination with astonishing success. The allies
were weakened by ill feeling between Prussia and
Austria, over the second partition of Poland, and
generally by a want of concert and capable
leadership in their action. On the other side, the
democratic military system of the republic, under
Carnot's keen eyes, was bringing fresh soldierly
talent to the front. The fall of the Jacobins made
no change in that vital department of the admin-
istration, and the successes of the French were
continued. In the summer of 1794 they carried
the war into Germany, and expelled the allies
Advent of Napoleon Bonaparte 1041
from the Austrian Netherlands. Thence they Holland
subjugated.
Invaded Holland, and before the end of January, Jan., 1795
1795, they were masters of the country; the
stadtholder had fled to England, and a Batavian
republic had been organized. Spain had suffered
losses in battle with them along the Pyrenees, and
the king of Sardinia had yielded to them the
passes of the Maritime Alps. In April the king
of Prussia made peace with France. Before the
close of the year 1795 the revolt In La Vendee
was at an end; Spain had made peace; Pichegru
had attempted a great betrayal of the armies on
the Rhine, and had failed.
This, in brief, was the situation at the opening
of the year 1796, when the "little Corslcan
officer," who won the confidence of the new gov- pint's
ernment of the directory by saving Its constitu- f^mpaign
tlon on the 13th Vendemlare, planned the cam- 1796
paign of the year, and received the command of
the army sent to Italy. He attacked the Sar-
dinians in April, and a single month sufficed to
break the courage of their king and force him to a
treaty of peace. On the loth of May he defeated
the Austrlans at LodI; on the 15th he was in
Milan. Lombardy was abandoned to him; all Lodi^°
central Italy was at his mercy, and he be-
gan to act the sovereign conqueror in the
peninsula, with a contempt for the govern-
ment at Paris which he hardly concealed.
Two ephemeral republics were created under
his direction, the Cisalpine, in Lombardy, Creation of
and the CIspadane, embracing Modena, Ferrara republics
1042
The Period of Washington
Treaty of
Campo
Formio,
Oct., 1797
Overthrow
of the
republic of
Venice
France
under the
Directory,
1797
and Bologna. The papacy was shorn of part of
its domain.
Every attempt made by the Austrians to shake
the hold which Bonaparte had fastened on the
peninsula only fixed it more firmly. In the spring
he began movements beyond the Alps, in concert
with Hoche on the Rhine, threatening Vienna
itself and frightening Austria into proposals of
peace. Preliminaries, signed in April, fore-
shadowed the hard terms of the treaty concluded
at Campo Formio in the following October.
Austria gave up her Netherland provinces to
France, and part of her Italian territories to the
Cisalpine republic; but received, in partial com-
pensation, the city of Venice and a portion of the
dominions of the Venetian states; for, between
the armistice and the treaty, Bonaparte had
attacked and overthrown the venerable republic,
and now divided it with his humbled enemy.
The masterful Corsican, who handled these
great matters with the air of a sovereign, may
already have known himself to be the coming
master of France. For the inevitable submission
again of the many to one was growing plain to
discerning eyes. The frightful school-teaching of
the revolution had not impressed practical lessons
in politics on the mind of the untrained democ-
racy, so much as suspicions, distrusts and
alarms. All the sobriety of temper, the confi-
dence of feeling, the constraining habit of public
order, without which the self-government of a
people Is impracticable, were yet to be acquired.
France Under the Directory 1043
French democracy was not more prepared for French
. 1 • 1 1 1 democracy
republican institutions m 1797 than it had been unprepared
in 1789. There was no more temperance in its [anTnS-
factions, no more balance between parties, no tions.
more of a steadying potency in public opinion;
but it was brought to a state of feeling that
would prefer the sinking of all factions under
some vigorous autocracy, rather than another
appeal of their quarrels to the guillotine. And
events were moving fast to a point at which that
choice would require to be made. The summer
of 1797 found the members of the directory in
hopeless conflict with one another and with the
legislative councils. On the 4th of September a
^''coup d' Hat^'' to which Bonaparte contributed coup d'etat
some help, purged both the directory and the of 1797
councils of men obnoxious to the violent faction,
and exiled them to Guiana. Perhaps the moment
was favorable then for a soldier, with the great
prestige that Bonaparte had won, to mount to
the seat of power; but he did not so judge.
He planned, instead, an expedition to Egypt, g^^^_
directed against the British power in the east, parte's
It was an expedition that failed in every object it ^ Egypt"
could have, except the absence in which it kept 1798
him from increasing political disorders at home.
He was able to maintain some appearance of suc-
cess, by his subjugation of Egypt and his invasion
of Syria; but of harm done to England, or of gain
to France in the Mediterranean, there was none;
since Nelson, at the battle of the Nile, destroyed Battle of
1 rr. 1 1 J 1 .the Nile,
the French fleet, and Turkey was added to the Aug.1,1798
I044
The Period of Washington
Mahan,
Influence of
Sea Power
on French
Rev., I : ch.
ix
New
coalition
against
French
aggres-
sions, 1798
French
reverses in
Italy
Anglo-Austrian coalition. The blunder of the
expedition, as proved by its whole results, was
not seen by the French people so plainly, how-
ever, as they saw the growing hopelessness of
their own political state, and the alarming
reverses which their armies in Italy and on the
Rhine had sustained since Bonaparte went away.
Continued aggressions on the part of the
French had provoked a new European coalition,
formed in 1798. In Switzerland, the French had
overthrown the ancient constitution of the con-
federacy, organizing a new Helvetic republic on
the Gallic model, but taking Geneva to them-
selves. In Italy they had set up a third republic,
the Rorhan, removing the pope forcibly from his
sovereignty and from Rome. Every state within
reach had then taken fresh alarm, and even Russia,
undisturbed in the distance, was now enlisted
against the troublesome democracy of France.
The unwise king of Naples, entering rashly into
the war before his allies could support him, and
hastening to restore the pope, had been driven
from his kingdom, which underwent transforma-
tion into a fourth Italian republic, the Partheno-
peian. But this only stimulated the efforts of the
coalition, and in the course of the following year
the French were expelled from all Italy, saving
Genoa alone, and the ephemeral republics they
had set up were extinguished. On the Rhine they
had lost ground; but they had held their own in
Switzerland, after a fierce struggle with the Rus-
sian forces of Suwarrow.
The Napoleonizing of the Revolution 1045
When news of these disasters, and of the ripe-
ness of the situation at Paris for a new coup d*
Hat, reached Bonaparte, In Egypt, he deserted his pace's
army there, leaving It, under Kleber, In a helpless return from
EffVDt
situation, and made his way back to France. He Oct., 1799
landed at Frejus on the 9th of October. Precisely
a month later, by a combination with Sleyes,
a veteran revolutionist and maker of constitu-
tions, he accomplished the overthrow of the ^^ ^"g ^^"^
directory. Before the year closed, a fresh consti- Directory.
tutlon was In force, which vested substantially Bonaparte,
. . nil ^rst consul,
monarchical powers in an executive called the Nov., 1799
first consul, and the chosen first consul was
Napoleon Bonaparte. Two associate consuls, mstlry'of
who sat with him, had no purpose but to conceal ^"poi^'^jj:
I ; ch. Xlll-
for a short time the real absoluteness of his xiv
rule.
From that time, for fifteen years, the history of
France — it is almost possible to say the history of
Europe — is the story of the career of the extra-
ordinary Corsican adventurer who took posses-
sion of the French nation, with unparalleled
audacity, and who used It, with all that pertained
to It — lives, fortunes, talents, resources — In the Career of
the cxtr^—
most prodigious and the most ruthless under- ordinary-
takings of personal ambition that the modern ^jvent^urer
world has ever seen. The French revolution was
Napoleonlzed.
Germany after the Seven Years War
After the Seven Years War and before the dis-
turbance of Europe by the French revolution,
1046 The Period of Washington
Germany enjoyed a period of thirty years that
was generally peaceful, and generally one of
advancement In many ways. In the twenty-three
^ater years j-gj^^jj^jj^g ygars of the Tclgn of Frederick the
Frederick Great he did much to repair the exhaustion pro-
the Great, 1 • -n • 1 1 • 1 1 •
1763-1786 duced m rrussia by his wars, and his sagacious
practical measures to that end furnished lessons
to his neighbors that were not entirely lost. On
the Austrian throne, the emperor Joseph 11. , who
emperor, camc first Into assoclatlon with his mother, Maria
i76s-?79o' Theresa (1765), and then (1780) In succession to
her, with exalted aspirations and ideals, but less
of practical judgment, went sometimes too
fast and too far in superb undertakings of
reform.
Among the results of his reign were the abolition
of slavery (not serfdom) in Austria; suppression
of serfdom in Hungary; abolition of torture in
criminal procedure; freedom of Protestant wor-
ship in Austria; diminution of monasteries, with
an appropriation of many monastic estates to the
support of public instruction. Naturally, the
church was his enemy, and worked against him
among the people, troubling his life to the end.
He died In 1790, at the early age of forty-nine.
It was in this time, following the wars of Freder-
d ick the Great, that the classical period of German
philosophy ii^gj.^^yj.g^ opened about the middle of the century
by Klopstock and Lessing, came to its acme in the
work of Goethe and Schiller; and it was now that
philosophical thought in Germany was awakened
newly by Kant.
His reforms
Literature
an
Germany After the Seven Years War 1047
The partitioning of Poland
Of political events in the period, the most
important was the partitioning of Poland, a crime
planned by Catherine II. of Russia, but shared In
the perpetration by Prussia and Austria. As j^3^jj.ijj.
Catherine entertained the design at first, there tosh, The
was probably no thought of the partitioning that inglf°^
was afterward contrived. Her purpose was to -f^^'^^f/'"
. ,. , Miscellane-
keep the Polish kmgdom m disorder and weak- ous Works)
ness, and to make Russian Influence supreme In
it, with views, no doubt, that looked ultimately „
1 • ^ 1 1 1 r 1 o Preceding
to somethmg more. Un the death 01 the baxon events,
king of Poland, Augustus III., in 1763, Catherine ^763-1768
put forward a native candidate for the vacant
throne, in the person of Stanislaus Ponlatowsky,
a Russianized Pole and a former lover of her own.
The king of Prussia supported her candidate, and
Poniatowsky was elected, with 10,000 Russian
troops In Warsaw to see that it was properly done.
The Poles were submissive to the invasion of their
political independence; but when Catherine
sought to create a Russian party in Poland, by
protecting the members of the Greek church and
the Protestants, against the intolerance of the
Polish Catholics, and forced a concession of civil
equality to the former, there was a widespread
Catholic revolt.
In the fierce war which followed, a band of
Poles was pursued across the Turkish border, and
a Turkish town was burned by the Russian
pursuers. The sultan, who professed sympathy
with the Poles, then declared war against Russia.
1048
The Period of Washington
Russo-
Turkish
War,
1768-1774
The
whispered
suggestion
The first
partition,
1772
The Russo-Turkish war, in turn, excited Austria,
which feared Russian conquests from the Turks,
and another wide disturbance of the peace of
Europe seemed threatening. In the midst of the
excitement there came a whispered suggestion, to
the ear of the courts of Vienna and St. Petersburg,
that they might satisfy their territorial cravings
and mutually assuage each other's jealousy, at the
expense of the crumbling kingdom of Poland.
The whisper may have come from Frederick II.
of Prussia, or it may not. There are two opinions
on the point. From whatever source it came, it
found favorable consideration at Vienna and St.
Petersburg, and, between February and August,
1772, the details of the partition were worked out.
Poland, however, was not extinguished. The
kingdom was only shorn of some 160,000 square
miles of territory, more than half of which went
to Russia, a third to Austria, and the remainder,
less than 10,000 square miles, to Prussia. This
last mentioned annexation was the old district of
West Prussia, which the Polish king, Casimir IV.,
had wrested from the Teutonic Knights in 1466,
before Brandenburg had aught to do with
Prussian lands or name. After three centuries,
Frederick reclaimed it.
The diminished kingdom of Poland showed
more signs of a true national life, of an earnest
national feeling, of a sobered and rational
patriotism, than had appeared in its former
history. The fatal powers monopolized by the
nobles, the deadly "liberum veto," the corrupting
The Partition of Poland 1049
elective kingship, were looked at in their true
light, and in May, 1791, a new constitution was
adopted which reformed those evils. But a few Pv^^"*
■^ rolish con-
nobles opposed the reformation and appealed to stitution,
Russia, supplying a pretext to Catherine on ^^^^
which she filled Poland with her troops. It was in
vain that the patriot Kosciusko led the best of his
countrymen in a brave struggle with the invader. Kosciusko,
They were overborne; the unhappy nation was
put in fetters, while Catherine and a new king of
Prussia, Frederick William II., arranged the
terms of a second partition. This gave to Prussia
an additional thousand square miles, including and third
the important towns of Danzig and Thorn, while j"!'^'°"''
Russia took four times as much. Two years
later, the small remainder of Polish territory was
dismembered and divided between Russia, Prus-
sia and Austria, and thus Poland disappeared
from the map of Europe as a state. '
Russia
Meantine, in her conflicts with the Turks,
Catherine was extending her vast empire to the
Dnelster and the Caucasus, and opening a passage
for her fleets from the Black Sea to the Medlter- of°CatiS
ranean. By treaty in 1774 she placed the Tatars '"^ 11. from
r ■, /-, • .., . -,— ^, , tlie Turks,
01 the Crimea m mdependence of the Turks, and 1774-1783
so Isolated them for easy conquest. In 1783 the
conquest was made complete. By the same
treaty she secured a right of remonstrance on
behalf of the Christian subjects of the sultan, in
the Danublan principalities, and In the Greek
church at Constantinople, which opened many
I050
Her
reforms
The Period of Washington
pretexts for future Interference and for war at
Russian convenience.
The aggressions of the strong-willed and power-
ful tzarina, and their dazzling success, filled her
subjects with pride, and effaced all remembrance
of her foreign origin and her want of right to the
seat which she filled. She was ambitious to
improve the empire, as well as to expand it; for
her liberal mind took in the large ideas of that
speculative age and was much moved by them.
She attempted many reforms; but most things
that she tried to do for the bettering of civiliza-
tion and the lifting of the people were done
imperiously, and spoiled by the autocratic
method of the doing. In her later years, her
inclination towards liberal ideas was checked,
and the French revolution put an end to it.
Organiza-
tion of
federal
govern-
ment, 1789
The United States of America
The organization of the federal government of
the United States, under the presidency of George
Washington (inaugurated April 30, 1789), hap-
pened colncidently with the opening scenes of the
French revolution, and the first quarter-century
of the life of the young American republic was
troubled by that dread convulsion, and by influ-
ences that sprang from the wars to which It led.
There were four years, however, of the adminis-
tration of Washington, before the European dis-
turbance of American politics and economics
became serious, in which time the new govern-
ment acquired a firm footing, and overcame the
Rise of Political Parties in the United States 105 i
chaos of conditions in the country with remarka-
ble success.
In forming his administration, the president
called Alexander Hamilton to the treasury ton's '"^"
department, Thomas Jefferson to the department ^^^^'"^^
of state, and General Henry Knox to that of war.
These, at the outset, were the only departments
created. Hamilton received the post of chief
importance, in the circumstances of the time, and
no wiser selection was ever made. His financial
measures, carried through congress by convincing
arguments, against strong opposition, founded the ,
credit of the young nation with enduring solidity, financial
and inspired faith in the stability and efficiency ^^'J'J."'^'^';
of its government, at home and abroad. They
included, (i) provisions for the funding of the gchouier,
indebtedness of the late confederation, in the History of
. , s. . the United
various forms of its existence; (2) an assumption states,
of the war debts of the several States, to be J^g-iS'"^^'
funded in like manner, as a national obligation;
(3) provision of revenues from customs dues and
excise tax on whisky, sufficient for meeting these
obligations, in current interest and in principal at
maturity; (4) the creation of a national bank of
the United States, to strengthen the organization
of capital and credit in the country, and to assist
the financial operations of the government.
The two features of Hamilton's policy that
encountered the most earnest opposition were the
assumption of the war debts of the States and the -p,^g
institution of a national bank. It was easy to see political
1SSU6
that these measures, beyond their financial bear- involved
I052
The Period of Washington
Jealous
dread of
strong
central
govern-
ment
Lasting
division of
political
parties
Gordy,
Political
History of
the United
States,
I : ch. vii-x
ing, would have powerful political effects. They
tended to magnify the functions, the attributes,
the sovereignty, of the federal government, and,
apparently, at least, to set the States in a rank
more subordinate than many people were willing
to have them accept. The jealous dread of any
kind of strong overlordship in the government of
the federated States was felt widely and deeply,
even yet. It had given way just far enough to
assent to the federal constitution of 1787; but
many, like Madison, who had labored ardently to
procure that assent, were anxious watchers of the
working of the constitution, determined that the
government formed under it should have no more
of power and no more of supremacy above the
States than the common interests and the neces-
sities of public order would require. This feeling
was at the bottom of the opposition to Hamilton's
measures; while he and a large part of his sup-
porters were inspired by the desire to solidify and
nationalize the federal union, and to give positive
supremacy and strength to its government, as
much as by financial opinions and aims.
From that day to this the main division of
political parties in the United States has been on
the line of cleavage that opened then. It has
been upon issues between national sovereignty
and State sovereignty; between strength and
weakness in the general government; between
centripetal and centrifugal forces in the working
of the federal system. Generally, too, the party
issues In American politics have turned at all
Hamilton's Wise Financial Plans 1053
times, as they did at the beginning, on questions
that relate to the scope and meaning of provisions
embodied in the federal constitution. Hamilton's
opponents contended that the constitution gave
congress no authority to charter a bank. He
argued, in reply, that the authority is implied in national
that clause of the eighth section of the first ^^"'^
. , .J. ... question
article, coming aiter an enumeration 01 the
powers given in express terms to congress, which
adds to them the broad authority "to make all
laws which shall be necessary and proper for
carrying into execution the foregoing powers.'*
The proposed bank, he held, was a necessary and
proper instrument of government, for the con-
ducting of financial operations and promoting the
general welfare, and, therefore, the power to
create it is implied. This doctrine of "implied
powers" in the constitution gives an elasticity
to the great instrument — especially to that
most "elastic clause" — which minds of one doctrine of
order welcome, as essential to its best working, "'™piied"
" powers'
and which minds of another order fear and
abhor.
Those who supported Hamilton's measures
and his broad construction of the constitution,
desiring to make the most of the federal constitu-
^1 -1 r >.• 11 1 Federalists
tion, as the organic law ot a nation, were called andRepub-
Federalists; the opposing party, contending for ^'""*
strict constructions of the constitution and
limited powers in the general government, found
its chief in Jefferson, and was content for a time
to be known as the party of the Anti-Federalists.
IOS4
The Period of Washington
Later, It was organized as the Democratic-
Republican, or, in common usage, the RepubHcan
party, under which designation it needs to be
distinguished with care from the Republican
party of later times.
During the first term of the administration of
President Washington, as said before, the atten-
tion of the Americans was undistracted from their
domestic affairs, and a remarkable settlement of
conditions among them was accomplished, start-
ing them with signal success on their new political
career. Then a mischievous intrusion In their
Disturbing . . . ...
effects of politics oi cxcitmg qucstious irom abroad, arising
revoktion f^m the French revolution, began to fever them
with an alien factiousness that distempered the
whole American body politic for twenty years.
Ardent sympathy with the revolutionary move-
ment in France had been almost universal at the
beginning; but the awful violence into which it
ran, the savagery of the rising Jacobins, the
despairing flight of Lafayette from France,
changed the feeling of the conservative classes of
people, found generally In the ranks of the
Federalists, while the more democratic Anti-
Federalists or Republicans clung still to beliefs or
hopes In an outcome of right. When, in 1793, the
French revolutionists declared war with England,
this division of feeling toward them produced
partisans of France on one side, partisans of
England on the other, — a French faction and an
French and English factlon, — the quarrels of which, un-
factions natural in American politics and unwholesome,
France, England and the United States 1055
did infinite harm to the poHtical spirit of the
generation in which they occurred.
Troubles arising from the Anglo-French war
began in the spring of 1793, on the arrival of ^^
"Citizen Genet," as an envoy from the revolu- Genet,"
tionary government in France, claiming aid from '793-1794
the United States, to fulfill obligations under the McMaster,
treaty of alliance made in 1778. That treaty. History of
with the king of France, pledged help to him for o/t/wU.s.
the defense of his West India possessions. Was it 2 :ch. vm
binding in present circumstances, since the royal
government in France was overthrown, and
France was not defensively but aggressively at
war.'' Washington and his advisers decided that
it was not, and a proclamation of neutrality was
issued, with the acquiescence of Jefferson, as
secretary of state. But the friendliness of Jeffer-
son's party to France was so warm that neutrality
became hard to preserve. Genet, misled by the conduct
enthusiasm of the welcome they gave him,
imagined that the American people would over-
rule their government and allow him to push
them into war. His conduct, in violation of the
neutrality proclaimed, became intolerable, and
the government was forced to demand his recall.
At the same time England, using her great
naval power with arrogance, and assuming to
dictate the narrowest possible rules of neutral
commerce, dealt most offensively with the United
States, not only in the matter of American trade of England
with France and her colonies, but in another that
exasperated American feeling much more. She
Naval
arrogance
1056
British
searching
of neutral
ships
The Jay
treaty,
1794-1795
Pellew,
John Jay,
301-317
The Period of Washington
asserted a right to search the ships of other
nations for seamen who had deserted from her
own, or whom she claimed for naval service as
subjects of her crown. Naturally, this right of
search which she claimed was exercised mostly on
American ships, where British seamen were most
likely to be found, but where, among people of the
same race and same speech, nativity would be
hardest to prove. Many native-born Americans
were said to have been dragged into the British
navy by this barbarous impressment at sea.
These fresh irritations, added to the old feeling
against England which the War of Independence
had left, kindled an anger in the country that
seemed likely to be satisfied by nothing short of
war. Hostilities were averted, however, by the
unwilling acceptance of a treaty which the chief
justice of the ' Jnited States, John Jay, went to
England to negotiate, in 1794. Though a tempest
of rage against the treaty was raised when its
provisions became known, it represented, un-
doubtedly, the best that could be done at the
time, and the ratification of it was wise. It did
not bind Great Britain to stop impressments from
American ships, but it secured indemnity for
recent illegal captures of merchant vessels,
secured the surrender of western forts, obtained
some privileges of trade in the British West
Indies, settled the claims of British creditors, and
postponed a war which the country was in no
condition to undertake.
The Jay treaty gave much offense to France
The Jay Treaty 1057
and Spain, and nearly caused the latter country
to repudiate a recent convention, which freed the
navigation of the Mississippi and conceded
important privileges to American merchants at mentofthe
New Orleans. American settlement of the southwest
country south of the Ohio was now advancing
with great rapidity, and two new States (Ken-
tucky, 1792, Tennessee, 1796) were formed in
that region and admitted to the union in the Vermont,
period of the presidency of Washington. These Kentucky,
stand second and third in the long list of States nessee
added to the original thirteen, Vermont, formed f^'^yf^"
D ' ' the Union,
from territory that had been in dispute between 1791-1796
New Hampshire and New York, and admitted in
1791, being the first. Exit to the Gulf for their
trade was a matter of prime importance to all the
settlements in the Ohio Valley, and they were
restive under the control held by Spain over the
mouth of the Mississippi and its whole western
bank.
Washington could not be persuaded to serve in
the presidency for a third term, and announced
his decision in the memorable Farewell Address
to his countrymen that was published in Septem- ^^^^^
ber. 1796. John Adams, of Massachusetts, who president,
had been vice-president, was chosen for president,
and Thomas Jefferson for vice-president, at the ^,
ensuing election, and took office in the following joim '
March. Early in the administration of President ^'^""^
Adams a serious rupture with France occurred.
The revolutionary government of that country
had resented the refusal of the United States to
1058
Rupture
with
France,
1797-1798
McMaster,
History of
the People
of the U.S.,
2 : ch. z
TheX.Y^.,
corre-
spondence
Naval
hostilities,
1798
The Period of Washington
become Its ally against Great Britain; and its
resentment had been heightened, first, by the Jay
treaty, and then, still further, by the recall from
France of Mr. James Monroe, sent there as
American minister, in 1794. Monroe had been
warmly in sympathy with the French republicans,
and Washington, who thought his course unwise,
sent General C. C. Pinckney to take his place.
The French government not only refused to
receive Pinckney, but ordered him out of the
country in a most offensive way. At the same
time it proceeded to hostile acts against American
ships and merchandise, and war appeared inevita-
ble; but President Adams and congress, seeking
anxiously to avoid that result, sent John Marshall
and Elbridge Gerry as special envoys, to join
General Pinckney in an effort to restore friendly
understandings with the republic In France.
The envoys were not treated discourteously, but
they could get no official hearing for months, and
were beset, meantime, by emissaries, who seemed
to speak for Talleyrand, the French minister for
foreign affairs, and who demanded gifts for the
members of the directory, then governing
France.
When reports of this experience were published
in America the French go-betweens were not
named, but designated as X. Y. Z., which caused
the matter to be known as the "X. Y. Z. affair."
Intense Indignation was caused, and an outbreak
of actual hostilities occurred, In which the United
States frigate Constellation fought sharp battles
Presidency of John Adams 1059
with two French ships, one of which she captured.
Hurried military preparations were made, and
Washington was appointed commander-in-chief,
with Hamilton next in command. But the man-
ners and tone of the French government took on
a sudden change. It had to face a formidable
coalition of hostile European powers, while its
remarkable young general, Napoleon Bonaparte,
had placed himself badly in Egypt, and a quarrel restored
in America was not to be desired. Negotiations
were opened which resulted in a new treaty,
abrogating that of 1778.
While the war excitement lasted. Republican
friendship for France was chilled so much that the
Federalists enjoyed a too Intoxicating sense of
power, and ran to excesses in the use of it. By
two acts which they passed, the Alien Act, ^^^^ '^"
so-called, and the Sedition Act, aimed especially Sedition
'. 1 . ' , ^ . Acts, 1798
at certam abusive newspapers 01 opposmg
politics and at certain foreign writers, they made
a startling attack on personal rights, as well as on
the freedom of the press. In denouncing and
opposing these high-handed measures, the Repub-
licans went as far in the other direction on a
vicious line. Jefferson and Madison gave coun-
tenance to the constitutional theory that each
State may nullify and refuse obedience to acts of
the general government which exceed, in its
judgment, the powers delegated to that govern- Kentucky
ment; and this dangerous doctrine, which Virginia
imperiled the union at a later day, was embodied ^^^^"g""^"^"^*
in resolutions adopted by the Kentucky legisla-
io6o
The Period of Washington
Hoist,
Const, and
Pol. History
of the U. S.,
1 : 143-167
Death of
Washing-
Ion, Dec.
14, 1799
Overthrow
of the
Federalist
party, iSoo
John Mar-
shall, chief
justice
ture, and In Virginia resolutions, more guarded,
at nearly the same time.
The Federalists gave offense to the country,
not only by their arbitrary measures, but by
many expressions and signs of undemocratic
feelings and views. Their party suffered, more-
over, from factious quarrels among its leaders,
after the restraining influence of Washington was
withdrawn by his sudden death, on the 14th of
December, 1799. The Father of his Country had
been in no sense a partisan; but his inclination
toward Federalist views was plain, and his closest
relations in public life were with men on that side.
In the election of 1800, the Federalists, support-
ing Adams for reelection, were defeated, and
never had power in the general government again.
Jefferson was elected president, and Aaron Burr
vice-president.
Before quitting office in the following spring,
President Adams improved an opportunity to fill
the office of chief justice of the United States by
appointing John Marshall, of Virginia, who
presided in the supreme court for the next thirty-
four years. In the long term, the profound
decisions of Chief Justice Marshall stamped con-
structions upon the federal constitution which
can never be effaced, and which have made it, in
theory and in fact, the supreme law of the land.
British America
Until 1774, no government was provided for
any part of the vast continental territory ceded
Death of Washington io6i
by France to England in 1763, except a section of Formation
eastern Canada, which the king, by proclamation, province of
had named Quebec, and for which he appointed a , "g!'^^
governor and council, giving them large discre-
tionary powers. All other territory covered by
the cession of French claims, including all that
lies west of the Appalachian mountain range,
which various English colonies had regarded as
their own, was treated as a great Indian reserve,
open to no settlement, and outside the jurisdic-
tions of colonial law. In 1774, parliament passed 990)
the Quebec Act, which extended the boundaries
of the province of Quebec to the Ohio on the south
d, - _. . . . , , , . . , TheQuebcc
the Mississippi on the west, thus taking in the Act, 1774
greater part of this lawless wild land, and attach-
ing it, not to the neighboring colonial govern-
ments, but to that of the remote French province
in the north, where free institutions were un- „ .
^ counnot,
known. The act gave to the French settlers of Manual of
Quebec the only freedom for which they greatly ofcanada,'
cared, and that was freedom for the rites of their ch.ii-iii
church. It secured to the Catholic clergy their
"accustomed dues and rights," and those wise
concessions made most of the existing population
indifferent, for a time, to the fact that parliament
had imposed upon it a purely arbitrary govern-
ment, conducted by appointees of the crown.
But the act was a new sting of provocation to the }^^ ofTens-
neighboring English colonics, and they denounced the English
it the next year, in their declaration of indepen- <=°'°"'^^
dence, "for abolishing," as they set forth, "the
free system of English laws in a neighboring
io62 The Period of Washington
province, establishing therein an arbitrary gov-
ernment, and enlarging its boundaries so as to
render it at once an example and fit instrument
for introducing the same absolute rule into these
colonies."
Possibly the Roman Catholics of Quebec and
Nova Scotia might have joined the Protestants
of the English colonies in their revolt, if the
representatives of the latter, when they composed
an address to the people of England, had not
vented their religious prejudice by declaring that
parliament had established in Canada "a religion
that had deluged their land In blood and dispersed
impiety, bigotry, persecution, murder and rebel-
lion through every part of the world." This most
offensive utterance was worth some regiments to
the British, no doubt, in the subsequent war,
helping them to hold the lately French provinces,
and to offer them, in the end, as a place of refuge
to the loyalists who fled or were driven from the
colonies in revolt. These "united empire loyal-
"United ists," as they came to be known, are computed to
empire havc numbered not less than <? c;,ooo men, women
loyalists .
and children, of whom about 25,000 found homes
in Nova Scotia, mostly in the part of that prov-
ince which became New Brunswick, and about
Eihs, in 10,000 were settled in Canada, generally on and
r^arrative ' .
and Critical near the St. Lawrence, west of the Ottawa River,
Jm.^-j: and along the Niagara frontier. They received
185-214 . liberal grants of public lands, and became an
element of great influence and importance in the
British-American population.
British American Provinces. — China 1063
The Ottawa River formed substantially a line
of division between French and English Canadi-
ans; and that racial separation was confirmed tionaf^Tt
politically in 1791, by a new constitutional act of of 1791
the British parliament, which divided the former
province of Quebec into the two provinces of
Upper and Lower Canada, the former mostly
English in population, the latter French. With a lo^J ^"^
property qualification of the sufi"rage, both Canada
peoples were then given representation in one
branch of their provincial legislatures, the other
branch being of royal selection, appointed for life.
In Nova Scotia, the colonists had been repre-
sented in a legislative assembly since 1758. The ^°J^i^
province then included what are now New Bruns-
wick, Cape Breton and Prince Edward Island,
and the general population had been increased
quite largely, since the removal of the Acadlans,
by accessions from New England, Great Britain
and Germany. In 1784, that part of the old
French Acadia which lies on the northern side of
the Bay of Fundy was separated from Nova
Scotia, and organized as the province of New
Brunswick. The "U. E. Loyalists," so-called, Brunswick
had made it their special domain.
The Chinese Empire
Late in the reign of Keen-lung the first British
embassy to the court at Peking was received with
every manifestation of gracious friendliness and
hospitality, but no practical concessions to its
request for commercial openings and privileges
1064
British
embassy,
1792
Abdication
of Keen-
Jung
The Period of Washington
were made. Lord Macartney, who headed the
embassy, bore an immense number of gifts to the
emperor, and had the mortification of learning,
too late, that certain Chinese characters on the
flag of the vessel in which he was conveyed up the
Peiho to Peking announced him as a "tribute-
bearer from England." For some time past
English traders had been doing a little business
on sufferance at Canton, undergoing many an-
noyances and humiliations, and that contemptu-
ous sufferance was still extended to them; but
Lord Macartney gained nothing more.
In 1796 Keen-lung, who had reached a great
age, abdicated in favor of his son. "The native
historians state with justice that during the sixty
years of his reign the empire reached its acme of
greatness. From the northern steppes of Mon-
golia to Cochin China, and from Formosa to
Nepal, the Chinese armies had fought and con-
quered."
HISTORIC EPOCHS
VI
EPOCH OF SCIENCE, MECHANISM,
DEMOCRACY, AND THE TRANS-
FORMING OF THE WORLD
(from the NAPOLEONIZING of the FRENCH REVO-
LUTION TO THE PRESENT DAY)
CHIEF CHARACTERS OF THE SIXTH EPOCH
CHAPTER XX
FROM THE DEATH OF WASHINGTON TO THE ADVENT OF
STEPHENSON AND THE STEAM RAILWAY
CHAPTER XXI
FROM THE ADVENT OF GEORGE STEPHENSON AND THE
STEAM RAILWAY TO THE ELECTION OF ABRAHAM
LINCOLN, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
CHAPTER XXH
FROM THE ELECTION OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, PRESIDENT
OF THE UNITED STATES, TO BISMARCk's
FOUNDING OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE
CHAPTER XXni
FROM Bismarck's founding of the german empire
TO THE DEATH OF VICTORIA
CHAPTER XXIV
FROM THE DEATH OF VICTORIA TO THE PRESENT DAY
CHIEF CHARACTERS OF THE SIXTH
EPOCH
In describing this last epoch of history as one
characterized by ^Uhe transforming of the world^''
the writer reverts to a view of it which he had
presented in a former book. Speaking then of the
nineteenth century, he remarked that the genera-
tions before it, "whether ancient or modern, had
found the world in which they lived much the
same, so far as concerns the common conditions rp, ,
' Ihe trans-
of life; but for us of the present age it has been formation
, J- J T 1 • , . of the world
Utterly trans] or me a. Its distances mean nothmg
that they formerly did; its dividing seas and
mountains have none of their old effect; its ter-
rifying pestilences have been half subdued, by
discovery of the germs from which they spring;
its very storms, by being sentinelled, have lost
half their power to surprise us in our travels or
our work. Netting the earth with steam and
electric railways, seaming it with canals, wire-
stringing it with telegraphic and telephonic lines; j^^j^^
ferrying its oceans with swift, steam-driven ships; ditions of
ploughing, planting, harvesting, spinning, weav-
ing, knitting, sewing, writing, printing, doing
everything, with cunning machines and with tire-
less forces borrowed from coal mines and from
waterfalls, men are making a new world for
themselves out of that in which they lived at
1067
io68 Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch
» the dawning of the era of mechanism and steam.
"These, however, are but outward features of
the change that is being wrought In the world.
Socially, politically, morally, it has been under-
going in this epoch a deeper change. The growth
of fellow-feeling that began In the last century
has been an increasing growth. It has not ended
In social war, nor the passions that cause war, but it is
relations rouslug an Opposition which gathers strength
every year, and it Is forcing nations to settle their
disputes by arbitration, more and more. It has
made democratic institutions of government so
common that the few arbitrary governments now
remaining in civilized countries seem disgraceful
to the people who endure them so long. It has
broken many of the old yokes of conquest, and
revived the independence of many long-sub-
jugated states. It has swept away unnatural
boundary lines, which separated peoples of
kindred language and race. It Is pressing long-
neglected questions of right and justice on the
attention of all classes of men, everywhere, and
requiring that answers shall be found.
"And, still, even these are but minor effects of
the prodigious change that the nineteenth cen-
. tury has brought into the experience of mankind.
pecttothe rar beyond them all In importance are the nev^
conceptions of the universe, the new suggestions
and inspirations to all human thought, that
science has been giving In these later years. If
we live In a world that is different from that which
our ancestors knew. It Is still more the fact that we
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1069
think of a different universe, and feel differently Lamed,
History oj
in our relations to it." England,
This view of the epoch leads us naturally to ^^^'^
think first of the men whose genius or work or
influence is conspicuous among the causes of a
change so prodigious in the conditions of life in
the world. Naturally, too, our thoughts turn
primarily to the swifter movements of the great
transformation, which have been on the side of
the physical environments of life. That those
took their first marvelous acceleration from the
introduction of the steam engine is a plain fact.
The steam engine was made a practicable motor
by James Watt about 1775; but results from it in
the directions now considered were hardly visible Puiton,
before the opening years of the next century. '765-1815
Numerous inventors, in several countries, had
then been busy for some years with devices for
putting the steam engine afloat, as a propelling
power for ships; but Robert Fulton, the Ameri-
can, is the one among them who succeeded first
in carrying the invention quite beyond the experi-
mental stage into that of practical use. This was
accomplished in 1807; but it was not until 1838
that the revolutionizing of ocean navigation
began.
By that time the humble-born, self-educated
Englishman, George Stephenson, had opened a
greater revolution in traffic and travel by mount- Stephenson
ing the steam engine on locomotive wheels and '781-1848
setting the wheels upon iron tracks. The floated
engine and the wheeled engine came then into use
1 070
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch
Hans
Christian
Oersted,
1777-18SI
Andre
Marie
Ampere,
1775-1836
Michael
Faraday,
1791-1867
George
Simon
Ohm,
1787-1874
Samuel
F.B.Morse,
1791-1872
together about two generations ago, as the main
agents in two processes of human development:
(i) hy the commingHng of men, through travel
and migration, and (2) by bringing them into
cooperations of labor as wide as the world. Thus
far in history, no other single agencies have acted
on the circumstances of life with such penetrating
social effects.
Next to the inventions that brought steam into
the service of mankind, those later ones which
subdue and employ the mysterious electric energy
have been most wonderful in their transforming
eifects. Behind the practical inventors in this
field lies the work of a long succession of the
purely scientific students of electrical phenomena,
who brought to light the facts and formulated the
laws which invention applied to use. Oersted, the
Dane, had to make the discovery of electro-
magnetism, before even the true conception of an
electric telegraph could be formed; and studies of
electric currents and of electro-magnetic action,
by Ampere and Arago, in France, by Faraday, in
England, and by Ohm, in Germany, were needed
to guide the inventors of the telegraph to success.
There were several close competitors for the prize
of that invention: Henry and Morse, in America,
Wheatstone and Cooke in England, — Morse
winning the lead, by devising an alphabet of
easily recorded dots and lines, and by being the
first to offer a telegraphic line of wires for public
use. Distinction equal to that of the inventors
seems due to Cyrus W. Field, whose persevering
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1071
enterprise accomplished the laying of the first
great oceanic cable, in 1866.
In the later perfecting of electric telegraphy,
carried even to Its emancipation from dependency
on conducting wires, and In the more amazing
development of electric telephony, the scientific
achievements of Edison, Bell, Gray, and Marconi ^^^^^^^
appear greater, by far, than the simpler feats of Edison,
the pioneers In the field.
Until about 1867, the nimble messenger-service ham Beii,
of electricity was all of much practical Importance '^^7-
that It gave to man. Then the dynamic genera-
tion of powerful currents, or the transmutation of
power from other sources into electromagnetic
force, was begun. From that, within the next
two decades, sprang the electric railway and the
electric light. These were followed. In another
decade, by bold captures from Nature of the
mighty gravitational force in her great cataracts,
flashing it into electric currents and over miles of
distance, to places of convenience for Its use.
Out of the host of savants, mechanicians and
engineers who have borne important parts in that
later exploitation of electricity we may distinguish
without injustice, perhaps, the Siemens brothers,
Werner and Sir William, Professor Thomson,
now Lord Kelvin, Nikola Tesla and Elihu Thom- Thomson
son, with Wheatstone and Edison again in the list. (^°''<? ,
A • • 1 1, Kelvin),
Great engmecrmg works, as well as extraor- 1824-1907
dinary improvements in connected processes and Nikola
arts, have been associated at every stage with the "^'' ^^'
mastery and utilization of electricity and steam;
1072
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch
Sir Henry
Bessemer,
1813-1898
Ferdinand
DeLesseps,
1805-1894
John
Ericsson,
1803-1889
Wilbur
Wright,
1867-1912
Orville
Wright,
1871-
George W.
Goethals,
1858-
and these have been made so common by their
multitude that personal distinction from them,
publicly recognized, seems hard to win and is
quickly lost. Bessemer's revolution in the pro-
duction of steel, cheapening it to the level of iron
and bringing it to common uses, has made an
impression that stamps his name on the public
memory; De Lesseps' triumph in the construc-
tion of the Suez canal, and his pitiable failure at
Panama, have marked him with a double nota-
bility; Ericsson's dramatic opening of a new era
in naval warfare by the timely production of the
Monitor links him with an enduring episode of
history; the conquest of the air by the Wright
brothers has opened new avenues of industry and
adventure, and added a new factor to warfare;
but most of the marvelous work of late years in
applied science and mechanics is appropriated by
the world with no more than a momentary
identification of the brain from which it comes.
The crowning engineering achievement of the
present epoch is the completion of the Panama
Canal, a titanic project carried through by the
United States at a cost of about ^375,000,000
(including the payment made to the French
syndicate). What is even more remarkable than
the actual building of the Canal is the transfor-
mation of a fever-stricken zone into one of the
healthiest places in the western hemisphere, with
a death rate lower than that of the average
American city. The chief engineer of this vast
undertaking, Colonel G. W. Goethals, was
George Stephenson
From painting by Briggs
Edison
From a photograph
^HIk" vb
Hi
■RE^^
^JpP%, „
^
o^«'-'..
» ,1 ■ .;
Bessemer
From a photograph
Pasteur
From a photograph
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1073
fittingly appointed first civil governor of the
Canal Zone, in 1914.
Generally, the gifts of science — the splendid
and abounding gifts of the present age and the
recent past — are taken in that way, with scanty
recognition of the givers, beyond some small
circle in a professional class. Hundreds of
laborious investigators, for example, have con-
tributed to that present-day knowledge of malig-
nant living organisms in nature, — germs of
disease, — which it is reasonable to value above
any other learning of our time; yet how many
among them are known memorably, even in the
medical schools? Pasteur, who found the secret
of fermentation, who led the way in tracing ^"^gy^
particular maladies to cognizable germs, and who 1822-1895
robbed hydrophobia of half its terrors, did too
much to be overlooked in his life or forgotten
when he died. Lister, too, the pioneer in anti-
septic surgery, MechnikofF, the Russian patholo-
gist, who traced the functions of beneficial and
pathogenic bacteria, and Koch, whose discoveries
of the bacilli of cholera and tuberculosis have
checked the terrifying outbreaks of the one and
armed all communities with power to eradicate
the other, may be tolerably sure of lasting names. Lis/e°^^^'^
An unscientific writer can hardly venture to 1827-
specifymore. ^ ^ ^ ^^^^^^
The present writer is fully conscious of the Koch, 1843-
hazard of an undertaking like this, to enroll,
without specialized knowledge, the men of most
notable achievement in the scientific work of
I074
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch
Pierre
Simon
de Laplace,
1749-1827
Baron
Georges
Cuvier,
1769-1832
Alex, von
Humboldt,
1769-1859
Jean Louis
Agassiz,
1807-1873
Hermann
Helmholtz,
1821-1894
Sir Charles
Lyell,
1797-1875
Asa Gray,
1810-1888
Rudolf
Virchow,
1821-1902
later times. Errors of unjust omission are
inevitable, without doubt; errors on the other
side ought not to occur. There can be no mistake
in giving places here to Laplace, the great French
mathematician and astronomer; to Cuvier,
recognized head. If not creator, of the science of
comparative anatomy; to Herschel, of the
famous telescope, who has been called "the
virtual founder of sidereal science;" to Hum-
boldt, who seems to have been the master of all
knowledge in his day; to Pinel, who humanized
the treatment of the Insane; to Dalton, originator
of the atomic theory In chemistry; to Davy,
analyst of the fixed alkalies and contriver of the
safety-lamp for miners; to Agassiz, the demon-
strator of glacial action in geology; to Fraun-
hofer, Bunsen and Kirchoff, who began the
decipherment of the revelations of the spectrum;
to Joule, who determined the mechanical equiva-
lent of heat; to Grove, originator of the concep-
tion of the correlation of forces; to Helmholtz,
foremost of modern discoverers in optics and
acoustics; to Lyell and Dana, Gray and Hooker,
who hold the highest rank among geologists and
botanists of the age; to Tyndall, the Interpreter
of physical science to common understanding,
and the fruitful investigator in many of its fields;
to Clerk Maxwell, formulator of the most
accepted mathematical theory of electrical phe-
nomena; to Schwann, whose cell theory became
the basis of modern histology, and to Virchow,
the founder of cellular pathology; to Jackson, or
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1075
Morton, or both, in recognition of their proof that
surgery can be made painless by anesthetics;
to Carrel, of the Rockefeller Institute, New York, Alexis
who was awarded the Nobel prize for medicine ^a"^''
for his researches and discoveries in the cultiva-
tion of tissues in vitro, the grafting of limbs and
peripheral parts, and the transplantation of
tissues and organs from one animal to another;
to Crookes, Hertz and Rontgen, whose successive
discoveries have led to knowledge of the mysteri- crookes,
ous so-called "X-rays," the usefulness and mean- '^32-
ing of which have not yet been half learned; to
Becquerel, who discovered the radiating proper-
ties of uranium; to Pierre and Madame Curie, pi^^^^
the ioint discoverers of radium, the radioactive ^'^"^' ,
. . • . 1859-1906
properties of which have been enlisted in the Marie
treatment of disease. jg"^"^'
With the Increased knowledge of electromag-
netic waves, and Improved methods of producing
and detecting them made by Sir Oliver Lodge,
Marconi, and others, wireless telegraphy was
made possible. The wireless system from the
outset proved itself of incalculable value In saving
life at sea, and Introduced a new factor in the art
of naval warfare. Not the least important of its
uses is the widening of the area of meteorological
observations.
Photography now plays such an important part j^^-^^
in the life of mankind, being at once the handmaid Jacques
of science and Industrial art and the bringer of all Daguerre,
countries and peoples before the eyes of the '789-1851
multitude, that we are apt to forget our debt to
1076
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch
William
Henry Fox
Talbot,
1800-1877
Charles R.
Darwin,
1 809-1882
Alfred R.
Wallace,
J822-1913
Niepce, Daguerre, Talbot, and others whose
experiments and improvements have made this
wide usefulness possible. To Edison again we
owe the cinematograph or moving pictures, a
development of photography which has created
a new industry and a new source of popular
entertainment.
But the great name of the nineteenth century
In science is still unwritten on our scroll. If it is
true, as was said at the beginning of this sketch,
that science, in these later years, has been giving
"new conceptions of the universe" and "new
suggestions and inspirations to all human
thought," it is mainly because Darwin, the
patient open-minded seeker for the truth of
things, gathered convincing evidences of the
process of "natural selection" by which an
evolution of higher from lower forms of life is
brought about. The thought of such a process,
with an ascending evolution of being as its con-
comitant, had occurred to other minds. Wallace,
simultaneously with Darwin, described the pos-
sible working of natural selection in the varying
of species. Spencer had already arrived at the
conception of a universal process of evolution in
the organic world, had formulated its law and
planned an all-embracing philosophy founded
thereon. But the long-pursued, careful observa-
tions and inductions of Darwin, prejudiced by no
theorizing a priori^ were what made the new
doctrine of material creation irresistible and fixed
it in scientific belief. In the strong body of ardent
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch lojr
champions who rose promptly to support and ?"^"J
confirm the conclusions of Darwin, Huxley, the 1820-1903
most lucid and eloquent of all scientific writers,
shines brilliantly preeminent. His agency seems Thomas H.
next to that of Darwin In the conversion of man- 1825-1^95
kind to a view which changes the standpoint of
all thinking on the deeper problems of existence.
The results of recent research mark an epoch
i.. f |. jf*'!* Cambridge
m the history 01 natural science and 01 civiliza- Modem
tlon. "Perhaps the most striking feature of the ^"'ory.
. . . .12 :79i
more recent discoveries has been their cumulative
effect. A new branch of physics at once bears
chemical fruit, while knowledge gained in physical
chemistry Is applied alike by physicists, chemists,
and physiologists. Archaeology throws light on
anthropology, and anthropology on the com-
parative history of religion. Academic study of
the problems of heredity has Immediate bearing
on agriculture and sociology, while the mechani-
cal arts are lying in wait for the results of research
In the laboratory, and In using extend them. We
understand at last that knowledge Is one, and
that only for convenience sake has It been
divided into subjects and sections along lines
determined by historical reasons."
In literature, no less than In science, splendid
promises at the opening of the late century were
fulfilled with amplitude during two-thirds, at
least, of its years. The wakening that had been
signaled in the song of Burns, to simpler influ-
ences from nature, touching warmer depths of
feeling, became manifest decisively In Words-
1078
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch
William
Words-
worth,
1770-1850
Sir Walter
Scott,
1771-1832
George
Noel Gor-
don, Lord
Byron,
1788-1824
Jane
Austen,
1775-1817
Ernest
Moritz
Arndt,
1 769- 1 860
Heinrich
Heine,
1797-1856
worth's more spiritual verse. At the same time,
a corresponding and collateral wakening to more
vivid consciousness of the poetry in human life
was inspiring, on one hand, the school of bards
whose imagination followed Scott's into the
unfamiliar past, and the less adventurous school
of Byron, on the other hand, which found motives
in the life of its own time. Scott, passing from
verse to prose fiction, created the romantic
historical novel; while Jane Austen perfected
the design of the novel of contemporary domestic
life.
The three movements or tendencies of imagina-
tive feeling, toward nature, romance and con-
temporary life, ran everywhere, and were inter-
mingled, more or less, in subsequent poetry and
prose fiction, but always with one dominating
strain. Goethe's genius was great enough to
comprehend them all; yet its own personality
was so controlling as to give to his poetry the
classic tone of restraint. Patriotic and political
feeling entered largely into all German literature
during much of the first half of the century,
expressing itself warmly in the lyrics of Korner
and Arndt, and deeply coloring the satire, the wit
and the fancies of the brilliant, cynical Heine;
but the romantic tendenz is manifest generally in
the imaginative writing of the time. This, in the
early years, was stimulated ardently by Tieck
and Novalis, and satisfied more perfectly, a little
later by Uhland, the master balladlst of his day.
After Rousseau, the starting Impulse of the
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1079
movement that liberated French literature from Madame
De Stael
its long bondage to the old canons called classical Hoistdn,
is attributed most largely to Madame de Stael, ^766-1817
who roused discontent with the literary spirit and
tone that prevailed. Chateaubriand and Lamar-
• ^1- • ^' _ Alphonse
tme were pioneers m the emancipation move- Lamartine,
ment; but Victor Hugo Is the conspicuous chief 1790-1869
of what became, In the third and fourth decades Victor
of the century, a singularly passionate revolt 1802-1885
against the traditional judgments and tastes of
the literary public in France. An almost riotous
exuberance of freedom obtained indulgence then,
for a time; but It underwent, presently, a taming,
in poetry and prose fiction, from extreme roman-
ticism to extreme realism, with an ultimate deca-
dence in many writers to sheer animalityof senti-
ment and imagination. Hugo, Vigny and Dumas,
— Balzac, George Sand and Beranger, — Gautler
and Musset, — Stendhal and Merlmee, — Flaubert Balzac,
and Zola, Baudelaire and Verlaine, — may be said ^''^^'^ ^°
to represent different phases of the change. The
charming Erckmann-Chatrlan tales, In their pure
simplicity, seem to stand by themselves, quite Dudevant
apart from the general stream of tendency in their P^'V.^^
time. Criticism, as exercised by such writers as 1804-1876
Villemaln, Sainte-Beuve and Taine, has been an
influence of unusual force in France; and the ^ . ^,
,. 1- . • • • 1-1 1 ^ r LouisChas.
literary quality in serious writmg, like that 01 Alfred de
Renan, is more than commonly an element of 181^1857
power.
Turning eastward, we see Russian literature
entering upon its most glorious era, with Pushkin,
io8o
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch
Nikolay
Vasilevich
Gogol,
1809-1852
Leo Niko-
laevich
Tolstoy,
Count,
1828-1910
Henrik
Ibsen,
1829-1906
BaratynskI, and Lermontov in the vanguard of
the poets. Gogol, the creator of the Russian
novel, established the school of realism and was
followed by Turgenev, Goncharov, Dostoevski,
Pisemski, and the most famous of them all, Tol-
stoy, a nihilist and mystic in whose writings
Russian naturalism would seem to have cul-
minated.
Scandinavia too has contributed generously to
the world's literature in modern times. A race of
intellectual giants was brought to a close with
the four Danish poets, Grundivig, Bodtcher,
Hans Christian Andersen, Paludan-Miiller, and
the celebrated critic, Brandes. Frederika Bremer,
the Swedish novelist, is well known in the United
States; so too is Viktor Rydberg, one of the fore-
most writers of our day. The wave of realism
that swept over Europe is manifest in the works
of the Finlander, Runeberg, the greatest poet that
has ever used the Swedish tongue, and of the
celebrated Norwegians, Ibsen and Bjornson.
More in English literature than in any other,
the rewakened Inspirations from nature and from
human life were soon harmonized and fused, with
rich variations of effect. The fusion appears even
in Wordsworth, who caught suggestions of
thought or feeling from simple incidents of com-
mon life, as readily as his eye caught the beauty
and the hint of simple objects that he found In his
walks. It does not appear in Coleridge, fatally
compounded as he was of the poet and the
analyzing critic, — a positive deformation of
Darwin
From a photograph
Wordsworth
From painting by Haydon
Victor Hugo
From a photograph
Tennyson
From a portrait by Kramer
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch io8i
genius. All that is finest in his poetry is from ^amud
.,.,. ,. ...... Taylor
sources within himself; romantic in the spirit, but CoieHdge,
fabricated from nothing out of any known past, ^772-1834
and showing little sign of the seeing eye. But the
poems of Shelley are one product of the fusion we
speak of, while another, very different, is found
in the poetry of Keats. The inexhaustible Bysshe
delightfulness of nature was felt intensely by jJ^J-Ts'zz
both. Shelley blended it with profounder feel-
ings, from the depths of a heart that was pained
by the sufferings of humanity and angered by its
wrongs. Keats, on the contrary, Greek-like in l^^^.^szl^
his genius, could take no inspiration from pain or
wrong, or from anything adverse to the joy of life
and the beauty of the world. He had to look into
some twilighted past for visions of imagined life
that would harmonize with the aspects of nature
that he loved.
And now we approach a generation that began
to be moved profoundly by those great revela-
tions of science that have changed the tenor of all
thought. The pondering, questioning spirit of a
scientific age entered poetry, charging the highest
efforts in It with a deeper thoughtfulness, turning
them on the problems of existence that fret our
minds. This graver tone and weightier substance
came slowly Into the poetry of Tennyson, took ^^^d^^'
possession of Browning's and gave its finest Tennyson,
quality to Matthew Arnold's verse. The three ^
pre-Raphaellte poets, Rossetti, Morris, and Swin-
burne, were the foremost singers of a revived Robert
,1 , . r 1 • T Browning,
romanticism, and show nothing or the scientmc 1812-1889
io82
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch
Henry W.
Longfellow,
1807-1882
Ralph
Waldo
Emerson,
1803-1882
Nathaniel
Hawthorne
1804-1864
influence; nor do any of the chief American poets
of the same generation. Bryant ceased to sing
when his youth was passed, and a busy city took
him into its life, and he lost touch with nature.
To Longfellow all influences from nature and
life, past and present, were inspiring; but he was
not moved to deal with the problems of his age.
Nor was Lowell, critic, humorist, satirist, —
warmly romantic at the bottom of all. Least of
all did Whittier, equal lover of God, nature and
man, touch any such questioning in his sweet and
simple song. As for Poe, he was like a Coleridge
of lighter genius on the critical and philosophic
side. He took little from and gave little to any
outward influence, drawing his poetry from
sources of suggestion and imagination within
himself. Emerson, alone, in America, tinctured
a subtly pregnant verse, as well as a rarely cogent
prose, with the profoundest thinking of the
age.
Romantically as the Imagination of the English
novel-reading world had been excited by Scott,
the pure romance did not hold its place long in
English literature. There were no masters to
uphold it after Sir Walter died, except Haw-
thorne, thi American, who found a realm of
psychological romance in the Puritan past of New
England, and explored it with a dark-lanterned
imagination. In constructive art and purity of
English prose the work of Hawthorne has hardly
been surpassed. The other great writers of prose
fiction who followed Scott found more to interest
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1083
and move them in the life of their own day than
in that of the past.
Thackeray, with his fine discernment of charac-
ter and of the play of mixed motives in human Make^ace
action, could and did compose historical novels Thackeray,
1 r • 1 r c ^ 1811-1863
that are nearer to perfection than any 01 bcott s;
but his art was still finer and more perfect in the
keenly satirical and no less keenly true pictures
that he drew of society as he saw it in the living
state. Dickens had none of that artistic fineness
in his work, but he was far beyond Thackeray in
creative power. He went to real life, not so much
for characters as for hints of eccentricity, out of
which to create characters that have the seeming
of reality, while they bear their maker's stamp.
They are not real to our experience, but easily
become real to our imagination; and the same is
true of the whole structure of the society into
which we are carried by one of Dickens's tales.
We know nothing quite like it; it has no actuality
but that which it takes from his pen; yet that
seems to be enough. His creative achievement,
in fact, is unique: it is nothing less than the
fabrication of a Dickens zvorld, peopled wonder-
fully with a multitudinous community of Dickens
characters, all consistent with it and with them-
selves. There is nothing else in imaginative
literature with which it can rightly be compared.
After Thackeray and Dickens, the name of
1-1 ,. , |. . Charles
greatest emmencc among iLnglish novelists is Dickens,
unquestionably that of George Eliot, who brought '^^--'^70
to the study of character, and to the artistic
1084
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch
Marian
Evans
Cross
(George
Eliot),
1819-1880
Charles
Kingsley,
1819-187S
Charlotte
Bronte,
I8i6-i8ss
Harriet
Beecher
Stowe,
18U-1896
Samuel
Langhorne
Clemens
(Mark
Twain),
183S-1910
Charles
Lamb,
177S-1834
Robert
Louis
Stevenson,
1850-1894
observation of life, a quality of intellectual power
very different from that of any other great
writer of fiction, unless Balzac may be thought to
show somewhat the same. It seems to be the
power of a profoundly rational mind, lending
itself to imaginative tasks, not spontaneously,
but under the constraint of a marvelous self-
command.
If these masters of prose fiction stand apart, in
a class of their own, that most fertile field of
English literature has been thronged for six
decades, at least, with writers of the second rank.
The number is too great for more than mention
in this place: Kingsley, Bulwer, Disraeli, Char-
lotte Bronte, Mrs. Gaskell, Reade, Hughes,
Trollope, Stevenson (whose higher rank as a
great literary artist is in another company),
Macdonald, Mrs. Oliphant, Mrs. Ewing, George
Meredith, Blackmore, Walter Besant, Black, in
Great Britain, and Cooper, Mrs. Stowe, Bret
Harte, S. L. Clemens (Mark Twain), F. Marion
Crawford, in America, — who will question the
right of these to a place in our list.'* From living
writers we will venture no choice of names.
Outside of fiction, in English prose, what
brilliant, beautiful, powerful work has been done
within the last hundred years, in widely differing
styles! Lamb, in the first generation of the
century, Stevenson in the last, — each from his
own delightful personality and in the spirit of his
own age, — exemplify the high charm of that
limpid, natural flow of written discourse which
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1085
nothing but a genius of perfect naivete and
sincerity can yield. De Quincey tests the _, _
flexibility of the language in subtle intricacies of Quincey,
inconclusive thought. Ruskin develops its pic- ^'' ^'^ ^^
torial capacities and brings to light new beauties Ruskin,
of verbal effect. Carlyle moulds it into strange 1819-1900
and striking forms of expression, which he uses
with a power that is more extraordinary than the
power of the thought conveyed. Hazlitt, Hunt,
Landor, Mill, Bagehot, Huxley, Martineau, New- cariyie!
man, Symonds, Matthew Arnold, in England, 1795-1881
and Irving, Emerson, Thoreau, Holmes, Curtis, ^eo old
in America, — each for his own purpose makes it von Ranke,
a potent, satisfying vehicle of such message as he ^^ '
has for the world.
No branch of the literature of knowledge has
more to give distinction to its work in this period
than the historical; and that is true equally if we
judge it by the carefulness of preparatory investi-
gation, by the conscientious candor of treatment,
or by the literary excellence of composition. In
Ranke, Mommsen, Hausser, Curtius, of Ger-
many, Thierry, Guizot, Barante, Micheiet, Mar- Louis
tin, Thiers, of France, Hallam, Macaulay, Grote, Thiers,
Stubbs, Freeman, Green, Lecky, Gardiner, of '797-1877
England, Bancroft, Prescott, Motley, Parkman, JJ^ilJ^ton
Fiske, Rhodes, of the United States, we have a Baron
list of historians which all the preceding centuries, is^i^ssg'
together, from Thucydides to Gibbon, cannot Francis
match. Parkman,
Apart from Germany, the notable and influ-
ential contributions to philosophical thinking, in
io86
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch
Isidore
Auguste
Comte,
1798-1857
Georg
Wilhelm
Hegel,
1770-183 1
Arthur
Schopen-
hauer,
1788-1860
Henri
Bergson,
i8S9-
William
Booth,
1829-1912
the nineteenth century, were few. From France,
Comte's skeptical system of "positive philoso-
phy" made, for some time, a marked impression,
which has waned since the project of a new re-
ligion was erected upon it. Hamilton, in Scot-
land, gave rise to wide discussion in his day by
attempts to mediate between the transcendental-
ism of Kant and the common sense of Reid. The
later movements of British thought in these
regions have turned to controversy over the
evolutionary principle worked out by Herbert
Spencer and his school. It is in Germany that
philosophy has had its chosen home since it was
domiciled by Kant; and every generation there
has taken famous new systems from famous new
teachers, — Fichte, Hegel, Herbart, Schelling,
Schopenhauer, Lotze, Hartmann, — in an un-
broken line. The twentieth century sees the eyes
of philosophical students turned once more to
France where Bergson's teachings of "creative
evolution" have opened up new horizons of
thought. No such impression has been made by
any contribution to philosophy since Kant
launched his "Critique of Pure Reason."
In religious movements, the two most con-
spicuous are probably the Salvation Army,
organized and firmly established by General
Booth, and Christian Science, discovered and
founded by Mary Baker Eddy, both of which
achieved worldwide success during the lifetime
of their founders. General Booth built up a
militant organization outside the churches, bear-
Longfellow
From portrait by Kramer
Dickens
From a photograph
Carlyle
From a photograph
Mary Baker Eddy
From a photograph copyrighted by
The Christian Science PubHshing
Society, Boston
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1087
ing the message of the Cross into the darkest ^^jy
• 1 1 • • 1 • Baker
abodes of vice and destitution, and working out Eddy,
a radical scheme of social reform. Mrs. Eddy, '^-^-'^'o
unusually gifted and spiritually minded, seems ^^dHeliih,
to have been the inspired leader needed to turn ^'^'^^ Key to
the world's thought away from its sordid materi- tures"
ality into spiritual channels. Her discovery, in
1866, of what she afterwards called the "Science
of Christianity" has certainly produced pro-
digious results from whatever point viewed.
Many thousands have been healed of hopeless
disease, both of mind and body. Following the
demonstration of such healing power, the estab-
lishment of Christian Science churches has spread
with unprecedented rapidity to all parts of the
globe, particularly in the English-speaking coun-
tries, while the influence of this teaching has
permeated every branch of thought, scientific,
philosophical, and religious. Though Mrs. Eddy
claimed no personal glory, the fruit of her work
surely entitles her to a place among the world's
greatest benefactors.
Now, at last, we may turn to the conspicuous
actors in public affairs. In any former century
they would have filled most of the stage and
dominated the history of the time; for no period
of equal length was ever productive of more
stirring or more pregnant political events; but
the greater marks on humanity and the world are
made no longer by the energies that operate in
politics and war. What are the marks that Napo-
leon left, compared with those visible or felt by all
io88 Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch
mankind, to-day, from the work of Watt and
Stephenson or from the thoughtful studies of
Darwin and Pasteur? Large as he looks in the
story of his brutal career, the great Corsican
adventurer shrinks to a poor figure when the real
outcome of his life is measured up. He was the
incarnation of genius in those modes of intel-
lectual power which bear upon the mastery of
momentary circumstances and the command of
men. But he had no spark of the higher genius
that might have directed such powers to great
ends. The soul behind his genius was ignoble, the
spirit was mean; and his genius had its narrow-
ness even on the intellectual side. His selfish
projects were never sagacious, never far-sighted,
thoughtfully studied, wisely planned. There is
no appearance in any part of his career of a pon-
dered policy, guiding him to a well-determined
result from what he did. The circumstances of
any moment, whether on the battlefield or in the
political arena, he could handle with a swift
apprehension, a mastery and a power that may
never have been surpassed. But much commoner
men have apprehended and have commanded in
a larger and more successful way the general
sweep of circumstances in their lives. It is that
Bon°pane, ^^^^ which belittles Napoleon in the comparison
if69-i82i often made between him and Csesar. Probably
he was Caesar's equal in war; but who can
imagine Caesar, in Napoleon's place, committing
the blunders of blind arrogance which ruined the
latter in Germany and Spain, or undertaking his
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1089
fatuous "continental system" against British
trade?
On his own plane of character and genius, as a
heartless warrior, Napoleon was unrivaled, — a
prodigy, such as Providence has rarely permitted
to be born, for the affliction of mankind. None Weiiesky,
who contended with him in war were nearly his ^g^i^^g^on
equals, — neither Wellington and Bliicher, who 1769-1852
overcame him finally at Waterloo, nor Nelson, Horatio,
who forbade him the use of the sea; and opposing Nelson,
statesmanship was paralyzed by his military ^758-1805
success. Moreover, unfortunately, no statesman wiiiiam
of the first order came to power in Europe in that P'"- ^^^
r J -n- 1 • r younger,
time 01 great need, ritt, his loremost opponent, 1759-1806
was a skillful parliamentarian, an effective
speaker, a financier of ability, and he organized
the European resistance with considerable skill; james Fox,
but he had nothing of his father's inspiring genius '749-1806
or force. Fox, the warm-hearted, the eloquent,
the reckless, pleasure-loving man of personal better-
charm, is hardly to be thought of as an efficient "'ch- •
... . , , , . , Winne-
master 01 ministerial power. Mettermch was too burg,
narrow, too limited in every way for dealing with '773-1859
situations like those which the French revolution „ . . ,
rieinricn
and Napoleon had brought about. Stein and Friedrkh,
Hardenberg, who raised Prussia from her pros- stdn? ^°"
trate state, and prepared her for the subsequent '757-1831
leadership that made Germany what it is, found
their opportunity too late for effects upon the
European conflict till its end approached; but August^J,^
their work counts in history, from its durable Harden-
results, for infinitely more than time has sifted 1750^1822
1090
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch
iTiomas
Jefferson,
I 743 -I 826
James
Madison,
1751-1836
Henry-
Clay,
1777-1852
out of the wreckage of ephemeral empire which
Napoleon left.
American statesmanship, In the Napoleonic
period, took from Jefferson a cast or spirit that
was strangely misfitted to that stormy and
strenuous time. It applied humanitarian and
philosophic principles to circumstances In which
philosophy and humanitarian sentiment were
least likely to have force, and the experiment did
not succeed. Measured by the lasting Influence
of his political opinions In the United States, — the
profound impress of his thought and feeling on
American democracy, and the fundamental
quality which that shows in them, — ^Jefferson
was more than a great statesman, for he was a
great political chief, — the founder of an inde-
structible political creed; but his practical
administration of government showed more
weakness than strength. So, too. did Madison's,
when he came to the helm of government In those
difficult years. Madison the president was far
from being the peer of Madison the chief architect
of the federal constitution. As for those who
took, practically, the reins from Madison, and
drove the young republic Into what was no less
than an alliance with Napoleon against Great
Britain, they were mere boyish minded young
patriots and politicians, with no maturity of
experience and judgment, such as statesmanship
requires. Clay, their leader, kept something of
the same buoyant boyishness in his nature
through life, and It gave him no small part
Napoleon
From painting by David
Pitt
From painting by Hickel
Jefferson
From painting by Gilbert Stuart
Andrew Jackson
From painting by Healy
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 109 i
of his personal charm and his political success.
It was one of the misfortunes to the United
States of the war of 1812-15 that it created a
popular hero who was not qualified for usefulness
in that part. The prodigious force of will, the
unlimited self-confidence and the thorough ^^^^^^
honesty of purpose in Andrew Jackson, were Jackson,
elements of a measureless personal power, when
the masses of the people gave their confidence to
him; and the rude training of the man, undis-
ciplined and ill-informed as he was, made It a very
dangerous power. It is a matter for wonder that
the country suffered no more harm than it did
from his autocracy of eight years and his domi-
nating influence for a much longer time.
In the years between Jefferson and Jackson,
the character of most importance In American
history is that homely man, of inerrable logic, the {?'^",
chief-justice Marshall, whose Interpreting deci- 1755-1835
sions were then giving to the federal constitution
of the republic a nationalizing base, so solid In
principle that it has resisted every shock.
The European revolutions of 1830, which
started the undoing of the work of the "holy alli-
ance," brought no striking character into promi-
nence; but it was then that Mazzini's life of exile Mazzi^T
and laborious conspiracy, to rouse Italy against 1805-1872
its many oppressors, was begun. On the surface
of history there is little to be seen of the fruits of
his labor; but no small part of the spirit that
unified Italy at last, under a constitutional gov-
ernment, sprang undoubtedly from the seed
1092
Giuseppe
Garibaldi,
1 807-1882
Louis
Kossuth,
1 802- 1 894
Louis
Napoleon
Bonaparte
(Napoleon
III.),
1808-1873
CniEr Characters of the Sixth Epoch
which Mazzini, with faithful patience, had been
sowing for forty years.
The dramatic revolutions of 1848 brought
figures of more distinction on the scene. The
picturesque Garibaldi, simple in habit, romantic
in spirit, audacious in boldness, ready for any
enterprise and any responsibility, came from
fourteen years of exile in South America, to serve
a few months of revolutionary apprenticeship in
Italy, and then retired to exile again, and to
humble candle-making, at New York. Kossuth,
in Hungary, emerged from quiet missionary
labors in patriotic journaUsm, to be raised, first,
to sudden fame in the leadership of a great
national revolt, and then to greater fame when
failure drove him from his country, sending him
to amaze and dazzle the English-speaking world
with his marvelous eloquence in a newly-learned
tongue. In France, an infatuated people took
up a shallow adventurer, and lifted him to the
summit of distinction and power, merely because
he bore a name that ought to have carried warn-
ing in itself. It was according to the plainest
probability that a second Napoleon Bonaparte
would be a poor imitator of the first, impelled by
like meannesses of nature, but weakly, with no
imposing brilliancy and force; and so there was
nothing to disappoint any reasonable expectation
in that ignoble career which ended, after twenty-
two years, in the crumbling of a rotten "second
empire," with France crushed beneath the ruins
of its fall.
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1093
Great Britain passed through both of the
periods of revolutionary excitement without
serious disturbance of public order, because
peaceful revolution, through pressure of public
opinion and force of law, had been made prac-
ticable to the English race by centuries of con-
stitutional experience. Englishmen, in 1830,
were demanding a more real representation in
parliament, and would, if necessary, have made
the demand with arms in hand; but there was no
« Chsrlcs
such need. Two years later the reform of parlia- Earl GrW,
ment was won by Earl Grey ("a pure and lofty 1764-1845
character," says Goldwin Smith), who had
persisted In contention for the measure since the
days of Fox and Pitt. Possible rebellion in Ire-
land had been averted in 1829 by the great .
measure of partial justice known as "Catholic cconneii,
emancipation," which Daniel O'Connell, the ^775-1847
most gifted and powerful leader that has ever
arisen in Ireland, forced even a Tory government
to concede. Similarly, in 1848, England had been
pacified in advance of the continental convulsions
by the repeal, in 1846, of the oppressive and
iniquitous corn-laws, brought about by a great
"campaign of education," organized and led by ^oblkn
Cobden, the invincible champion of freedom for 1804-1865
industry and trade.
Peel, the Conservative premier who accepted 51^^01,^^
and adopted that measure of repeal, deserves Peel,
high honor for the open mind, the candor, the
spirit above party, which led him, then and
after, to break away from the old class-protective
I094
William
Ewart
Gladstone,
1809-1898
Benjamin
Disraeli,
Earl of
Beacons-
field,
1804-1881
William
Lloyd
Garrison,
1 804-1 879
John C.
Calhoun,
1782-1850
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch
Toryism In which he had been schooled. The
same honor, in a measure even greater, is due to
Gladstone, who went with Peel in the notable
departure of 1846, turning toward liberaHsm, to
become in time the chief of a new party of
political progress and courageous reform. In his
freedom from bondage to his own mistakes of
opinion or act, in his capacity for large and larger
convictions, in the intrepidity of his respect for
public opinion, in the ethical authority that he
acquired, Gladstone is a nobly shining character
in British history, whatever the final verdict on
his statesmanship may be. If Disraeli (Beacons-
field), his life-long opponent in politics and his
opposite in every attribute of character, keeps a
place of distinction in history, it will be, as he
would probably prefer it to be, among the prac-
titioners of dexterity in politics, who make the
most of opportunity when it comes their way.
In most parts of Europe, the last supports of
arbitrary monarchy and class domination were
being shaken down; but chattel slavery, the
worst relic of barbaric institutions, appeared to be
fastening itself more fixedly, as a hideous and
incongruous parasite, on the democracy of the
United States. It was strengthened by the pas-
sionate recklessness of the disunion spirit in
Garrison's abolition crusade, until Calhoun, the
accepted champion and counselor of the slave-
holding interest, destroyed that effect by the
more alarming spirit of his defense. Believing in
slavery as a righteous social system, and confident
John IVIarshall
Garibaldi
From a photograph
Gladstone
From a photograph
Calhoun
From a pliotograph
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1095
of its perpetuity, while recognizing its incom-
patibility with the freedom of thought and speech
that democracy had developed in the non-slave-
holding States, Calhoun persuaded himself and
his followers that the daunting and restraining
of that freedom, on the one subject of slavery,
was a practicable thing to do. For some years
there was astonishing success in their measures to
that end. Mere politicians were daunted and
made submissive to their resolute dictation. The
inevitable revolt of northern spirit was tardy and
slow, but it grew. The voice that roused it most Quincy
was the voice of John Quincy Adams, the vener- ^-"^61^1^848
able ex-president, who would not and could not
be silenced on the floor of congress, in his vindica-
tion of the constitutional right of petition, which
the Calhounists had denied.
Then came the period of a dozen years in which
the old parties crumbled steadily, and the politi-
cal forces of the country were drawn by degrees
into two sectional camps, while statesmen of the
elder school, like Clay, "the great compromiser,"
and Webster, — worshiper of the Union and the webs^ter
constitution, greatest of American senators, most 1782-1852
superb of American orators, — made vain attempts
to hold the middle ground. Douglas, the adroit, Douglas,
resourceful, vigorous "opportunist" of a younger ^^^3-1861
generation, was the last to make that hopeless
attempt.
In 1 861 the two political camps became armies,
and civil war began. Many reasons may be
found for explaining why slavery perished in the
1096
Abraham
Lincoln,
1809-1865
William H.
Seward,
1801-1872
Edwin M.
Stanton,
1814-1869
Salmon P.
Chase,
1 808-1 873
Jefferson
Davis,
1808-1889
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch
war and the Union was saved from dissolution,
but the one discernible reason that outweighs all
others is in the fact that Abraham Lincoln led the
winning cause. His wise mind, his simple magna-
nimity of temper, his perfection of lucid speech,
his plain straightforwardness in thought and deed,
his unequaled discernment and understanding of
the people, — all, in fact, that made him the
beloved "Father Abraham" of the country, —
were factors in the conflict of more final potency
than measures in congress or armies in the field.
He was wise with a wisdom which nothing but
genius bestows. It was not in the shrewd,
diplomatic brain of Seward, nor in the resolute
and willful mind of Stanton, nor in the large,
strong intellect of Chase. Lincoln could feel the
argument and meaning of events. And so it
happened that all he did and all he said in the
great crises of the conflict were done and said
with a timeliness, a fitness, an eflfect, which no
calculating sagacity could have hit.
Providence did not favor the rebellious Con-
federacy with so choice a gift. Davis, its chief,
was an able, strong, experienced man, but only
of the better grade in a common political class.
There was nothing of a fatherly character in his
relations to the cause for which he stood; nothing
in his personality that centered the cause in him-
self, as Lincoln's did, warming devotion to it
from his own devotion, and strengthening public
faith by his own abiding faith. It was Lee, not
Davis, who held that place in the Confederacy,
Jefferson Davis
From a photograph
General Lee
From a photograph
General Grant
From a photograph
Farragut
From a photograph
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1097
when he came to be known for what he was. He
was the high-souled great character, as well as
the great soldier of the contest, on Its southern
side; a figure more nearly companioned to that
of Lincoln than any other in the history of the
civil war.
That Lee was the ablest soldier of all who „ ,
Robert E.
fought in the war, on either side, can hardly be Lee,
questioned by a candid mind. Who can believe ^ °^'^ ^°
that Grant or Sherman, with Lee's resources and
his task, would have accomplished what he did. Gran"
or that Stonewall Jackson could have taken 1822-1885
Lee's place.'' They deserve their fame, as William T,
admirable soldiers, each notably representative 1820^891
of a type; but Lee seems entitled to a rank with xhomas t
Frederick the Great, with Marlborough, with (Stonewaii)
Cromwell, who represent a superior type. Far- 1824-1863
ragut's exploits in the war are equaled by nothing p^^ij q
that has been done in naval warfare since Nelson Farragut,
, . , . 1801-1870
ended his career.
During the conflict In America and within a
few subsequent years, two achievements of con-
structive statesmanship that are not surpassed in
history were accomplished in the European world.
That of Cavour, the architect of a united Italy,
was, perhaps, the finer work of art; for his Be^o'°
resources were slender and his difiiculties were Count di
great. His footing was a small kingdom, of no i8io-i86i
prestige, till he won a little for it by engaging in
the Crimean war. His source of authority was a
not very popular king. His main dependence
was on foreign help and Italian revolution, both
1098
Prince von
Otto
Bismarck,
181S-189S
Count
Helmuth
von
Moltke,
1800-1891
Alexander
IL, of
Pvussia,
1818-18S1
Stephen
Grover
Cleveland,
I037-1908
William
McKinley,
1843-1901
Queen
Victoria,
1819-1901
King
Edward
VII.,
1841-1910
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch
serving him with intentions adverse to his own.
His most effective military instrument was
Garibaldi, self-commissioned and independent
commander of an army formed without authority
of law. On the other hand, Bismarck, builder of
a federated German empire, had, for the base of
his structure, a compact Prussian nation; for his
masterworkman, a strong king; for his mighty
implement of force an army moulded, marshaled
and directed by Moltke, the most consummate
military organizer of modern times. The great-
ness of Bismarck's work was in his powerful
bending of circumstances, to produce the oppor-
tunities for which he had prepared. That of
Cavour's was in the fitting of his means and his
tools to such circumstances as came.
Our list of famous names is nearly filled. We
must take into it the tzar who gave freedom to
the Russian serfs, though he angered his subjects
by later oppressions and was horribly slain.
We must include the President who maintained
the inviolability of the Monroe doctrine, and who
stamped his individuality upon the life of the
United States in no uncertain manner. Nor can
we omit his successor, William McKinley, a man
of less force and originality, who fell a victim to
an anarchist's bullet. We must give a place to
the good English queen whose long influence in
her own wide realm and in the world was all for
good. We must enroll her universally beloved
son whose reign was all too brief, but who will
live in history as Edward the Peacemaker. We
Count di Cavour
From a painting by Mitzmacher
Bismarck
From a photograph
Moltke
From a photograph
John Bright
From a photograph
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1099
must surely admit to It the great-hearted, golden-
tongued apostle of peace and righteousness, John
Bright. Thiers, who did notable work in the
founding of the third republic of France on the Bright,
ruins of the second empire, cannot with justice i8"-i889
be left out; nor can Deak, the master-spirit of the p^j-encz
movement that restored Hungary to a footing of Deak,
1 A TT • IS03-I876
distinct nationality, m the Austro-Hunganan
empire; nor yet can George, the Danish king of
the Hellenes, whose life was cut off by an assassin
in the hour of Greece's triumph.
For a moment, we may turn to Africa, and
note the work of Livingstone, whose missionary ingJtoner"
explorations were the first to waken a wide, 1813-1873
general interest in the bringing of that vast
unknown part of the earth into relations with the
civilized world; then of Speke, Burton, and
Baker, who solved the mysteries of the Nile; then ^^^^^ j^_
of Stanley, who revealed the enormous stretch of Stanley
the Congo and the expanse of its valley; and Rowian
lastly of Rhodes and Kruger, representatives of '^41-190+
rival ambitions, whose antagonized projects of ^^^\^^
African dominion caused the terrible Boer war. 1853-1902
These are but a few among the men, in our own
generation, who have been drawing a long- Kruger,
obscured continent out of prehistoric darkness '^'^'^ ^^04
into historic light.
When we come to living men we deem it best
to pause. It will be left for future historians to
characterize the work of present European ^^^
rulers, notably George V. of England, William H. George v.,
of Germany, Nicholas H, of Russia, Alfonso
IIOO
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch
Emperor
William
II., i8s^
Emperor
Francis
Joseph,
1830-
Woodrow
Wilson,
1856-
William
Howard
Taft,
1857-
Theodore
Roosevelt,
1858-
Pius X.,
1835-
Pope,
1903-
Queen
Alexandra,
1844-
Queen
Mary,
1867-
XIII. of Spain, Francis Joseph of Austria-
Hungary, Constantine of Greece, Emmanuel III.
of Italy, Christian X. of Denmark, Ferdinand of
Bulgaria, Gustav V. of Sweden, Albert of
Monaco, Haakon VII. of Norway, Albert of
Belgium, Mehmed V., successor of the ill-fated
Abdul-Hamid of Turkey, and President Poincare
of France; of Yuan Shi-kai, first president of the
Chinese Republic, and of President Wilson and
his immediate predecessors, William Howard
Taft and Theodore Roosevelt of the United
States; of Pius X., whose singleheartedness and
apostolic zeal have commanded the esteem of
Catholics and non-Catholics alike; of the
two British queens, the widowed Alexandra
and the consort of the King-Emperor; of
eminent statesmen and diplomats, such as
Asquith, Chamberlain, Balfour, Lloyd George,
Bonar Law, Curzon, Morley, and Bryce of Great
Britain, Laurier and Borden of Canada, Seddon
and Stout of New Zealand, Deakin, Joseph Cook,
and Forrest of Australia, Vice-President Mar-
shall, Bryan, Champ Clark, and Cannon of the
United States; of the eminent British generals
Roberts, Kitchener, and French; of the renowned
admirals Noel, Fanshawe, May, and the veteran
Beresford of Great Britain, and Dewey of Manila
fame; of the princely benefactors Carnegie,
Rockefeller, and Mrs. Russell Sage.
Finally, we recall the exploits of the men who
pierced the frozen solitudes of the polar regions,
wresting therefrom the secrets that civilization
Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch iioi
wished to learn. Nansen and the Duke of F"dtjof
Nansen,
Abruzzi made splendid efforts to reach the North 1861-
Pole, getting within 225 miles and 206 miles
respectively; but it was left to Peary to achieve Robert
the goal of centuries. Peary reached the North pea^r^"
Pole in 1909. The South Pole still remained to ^^56-
be explored. The British explorers Scott and Robert
Shackleton had already penetrated to within a 5^^^°"
comparatively short distance of the coveted 1868-1912
objective; Shackleton, after locating the mag- ^''_^™"'^
netic South Pole, reachmg a pomt only 97 miles ton, 1873-
from the terrestrial Pole. The final struggle
became virtually a race between Amundsen, the ^"^'"^ , „
' ' Amundsen,
Norwegian, and Captain Scott, the Englishman, 1872-
the former reaching the South Pole in December
1911, followed by Scott a month later. On the
return journey, Captain Scott, with four of his
companions, perished of starvation, leaving
behind them a splendid record of bravery and
self-sacrifice. Disaster also attended the Aus-
tralian Antarctic Expedition (1912-1914), Dr. Dr.
Douglas Mawson, leader of this scientific expedi- po^gia*
'^ ' ^ _ / Mawson,
tion, losing two of his comrades, leaving him to 1882-
press forward to his distant base alone and
undaunted. Mawson's expedition has defined a
considerable part of the coast of Antarctica, and
has added greatly to the store of scientific and
geographical knowledge. With these brave men
and their inspiring achievements we may prop-
erly close our scroll.
CHAPTER XX
FROM THE DEATH OF WASHINGTON TO
THE ADVENT OF STEPHENSON AND
THE STEAM RAILWAY
The
crumbling
of absolute
govern-
ments
(1799 TO 1830)
The days of absolute government numbered. — History assuming a new
tenor.— Beginning of a transformation of the world. The Napoleonic Wars:
Second defeat of Austria. — Reconstruction of Germany. — Napoleon emperor.
— Austerlitz and Trafalgar. — Subjugation of Prussia. — Warfare by destruc-
tion of trade.— Napoleon's crime against Spain. — The Spanish uprising. — The
humiliation of Germany. — The making of Prussia.— Napoleon in Russia. —
Beginning of his overthrow. His fall. — His return from Elba. — Waterloo. —
St. Helena. The United Slates of America during the Napoleonic Wars.
Neutral trade. — Humiliations endured. — Presidency of Jefferson. — The
Louisiana purchase. — ^^Wrongs and insults from England and France. —
English claim to a right of search. — Madison's presidency. — Napoleon's
knavery. — War of 1812 with England.- — Beginning of a conscious national
life. Europe after the fall of Napoleon: The English com laws. — Reconstruc-
tion work of the Congress of Vienna. — The Holy Alliance. — Revolutions of
1820 and 1830. ^Ireland and Catholic emancipation. New departure in social
progress: Effects of steamboat and railway. The United States after the war
of 1812: Steam navigation. — Canal building. _ "The cotton gin." — Its effects
on slavery. Question of slavery in the Territories. — The Missouri compro-
mise. — The " Monroe doctrine." British America: Discontent in the
Canadas. Spanish America: Revolt and Independence of Spanish provinces.
Santo Domingo: Revolt. — Slave rising. — Toussaint L'Ouverture. Brazil:
Founding of the independent empire. Australia: Growth of New South
Wales. India: Extension of British rule.
When the nineteenth century began, the days
of absolute government had been numbered for
all Christendom, excepting possibly for the
empire of the Russian tzar. Though It seemed to
have been not much Injured by the great shock
from France, yet Its bases had been broken
beyond repair, and gave way In Its formidable
seats, one after the other, till the tzar -was left
alone In his autocracy, among the princes of the
Christian world. Napoleon, with all his prestige
and his masterfulness, failed to found a new
1102
Emergence of the Masses Into History 1103
absolutism in France, even for the term of his own
life; and the subsequent labors of the "holy
alliance" of European kings were undone in a
generation. B7 the middle of the nineteenth
century it had been determined, past disputing,
that civilized peoples, within the range of Chris-
tendom at least, would have a voice in their own
government, and that the powers of government
would be constitutionally defined. The funda-
mental political issue, between sovereigns and
subjects, that had filled so much of past history,
was thus settled substantially, and cleared away,
so far as concerned the leading nations of the
world.
Hence history has assumed a new tenor.
Room has been made in the life of the peoples for History
so many more energies to become active, — for so assuming a
' , . ° . . new tenor
many more interests to acquire a motive force, —
that the whole plot and character of the human
drama have undergone a prodigious change.
Multitudes are on the stage, where a few figures
were in action before. Parties are casting ballots
where kings used to be signing decrees. The oUheT"'^^
masses — the populace — that were curtained for- "passes mto
merly out of historical sight, are now busy and activity
conspicuous In every scene, using the freedom of
opportunity that has been opened to men, for
each to make the most of his faculties and powers.
In scientific discovery, in mechanical invention,
in commercial and industrial enterprise, in
educational and reformative social work, millions,
of the last two or three generations, have been
II04
Lanfrejr,
History of
Napoleon
I., vol. 2,
and vol. 3,
ch. i-ix
Second
defeat of
Austria,
1 800-1 801
Treaty of
Luneville,
Feb. 9,
1801
Recon-
struction of
Germany-
England
alone
against
Napoleon
April I,
i8oi
From Washington to Stephenson
contributing to the improvement of the condi-
tions of human life, where thousands were con-
tributing before; and the result of their labors
already is a "transformation of the world."
First period of the Napoleonic wars
In the first year of his consulate, Bonaparte
recovered Italy by an extraordinary campaign,
in which his main army, of 40,000 men, crossing
the Alps at the Great St. Bernard pass, struck the
Austrians in the rear of their position, defeated
them on the plain of Marengo, and won back all
the losses of the previous year. At the same
time, Moreau, on the northern side of the Alps,
gained the victory of Hohenlinden, and Austria
was forced to make peace on Bonaparte's terms.
In the treaty of Luneville she renewed the con-
cessions of Campo Formio, and assented to a
reconstruction of Germany under the victor's
dictation. The ecclesiastical states were secular-
ized, the freedom of all save six of the forty-eight
imperial cities was extinguished, and Bavaria,
Wurtemberg, Baden and Saxony were aggran-
dized as proteges and dependencies of France.
England was now left alone in the war, with
hostile feeling raised against her in Europe and
America by the arrogant use she had made of her
mastery of the sea. The neutral powers had been
embittered by her maritime pretensions, and
Bonaparte brought about the organization among
them of a northern league of armed neutrality.
England broke it with a single blow, by Nelson's
Napoleon's Continental System 1105
bombardment of Copenhagen and seizure of the
Danish fleet. Napoleon, however, had conceived
the plan of starving English industries and ruin-
ing British trade by a "continental system" of
blockade, which involved the compulsory exclu- ^^ , ,
. . . . . f f Napoleon s
sion of British ships and British goods from continental
Europe at large. This impossible project com- '^"^"^
mitted him to a desperate struggle for the sub-
jugation of Europe. It was the fundamental
cause of his ruin.
"The significance then of the Peace of Luneville
lay in this: not only that it was the close of the
earlier revolutionary struggle for supremacy in
Europe, the abandonment by France of her effort
to 'liberate the peoples,' to force new institutions
on the nations about her by sheer dint of arms;
but that it marked the concentration of all her
energies on a struggle with Britain for the
supremacy of the world. . . . To strike at
England's wealth had been among the projects of
the directory: it was now the dream of the first
consul. It was in vain for England to produce, History
if he shut her out of every market. Her carrying- "/'^^f. ,
trade must be annihilated if he closed every port People,
against her ships. It was this gigantic project of ch_y^^'
a 'continental system' that revealed Itself as soon
as Bonaparte became finally master of France."
In 1802 the first consul advanced his restora-
tion of absolutism in France a second step, by
securing the consulate for life. A short interval ^^l^^f
of peace with England was arranged, but war March,
broke out anew the following year, and the
iio6
From Washington to Stephenson
Napoleon
crowned
emperor,
Dec. 2,
1804; also,
king of
Italy,
April, 1805
Third
European
coalition,
1 80s
English had no allies for a time. The French
occupied Hanover, and the Germans were
quiescent. But, in 1804, Bonaparte shocked
Europe by the abduction from Baden and execu-
tion of the Bourbon prince, Due d'Enghien, and
began again to challenge the interference of the
surrounding powers by a new series of aggressive
acts. His ambition had thrown off all disguise.
He transformed the republic of France into an
empire, so-called, and himself, by title, from
consul Bonaparte into emperor Napoleon, com-
pelling the pope to crown him as such, in the
ancient cathedral of Notre Dame. The Cisalpine
or Italian republic received soon afterward the
constitution of a kingdom, and he took the crown
to himself, as king of Italy. Genoa and surround-
ing territory (the LIgurian republic) were an-
nexed, at nearly the same time, to France;
several duchies were declared to be dependencies,
and an Italian principality was given to Napo-
leon's elder sister.
The effect produced in Europe by such arbi-
trary and admonitory proceedings as these
enabled Pitt, the younger, now at the head of the
English government, to form an alliance, first
with Russia, afterward with Austria, Sweden and
Naples, and finally with Prussia, to break the
yoke which the French emperor had put upon
Italy, Holland, Switzerland and Hanover, and to
resist his further aggressions.
The amazing energy and military genius of
Napoleon never had more astonishing proof than
Napoleon Crowned Emperor 1107
in the swift campaign which broke this coalition
at Ulm and Austerlitz. Austria was forced to
another humiliating treaty", which surrendered
V^enice and Venetia to the conqueror's new king- AuTted'hz,
dom of Italy; gave up Tyrol to Bavaria; yielded Oct. 19 and
other territory to Wiirtemberg, and raised both
electors to the rank of kings, while making Baden
a grand duchy, territorially enlarged. Prussia
was dragged by force into alliance with France,
and took Hanover as pay.
But England triumphed at the same time on
her own element, and Napoleon's dream of carry-
ing his legions across the Channel, as Caesar did,
was dispelled forever by Nelson's dying victory oct. 21, '
at Trafalgar. That battle, which destroyed the ^^°^
combined navies of France and Spain, ended
hope of contending successfully with the Britons
at sea.
France was never permitted to learn the seri-
ousness of Trafalgar, and it put no check on the
vaulting ambition in Napoleon, which now began
to o'erleap itself. He gave free reign to his ar-
rogance in all directions. The king of Naples was
expelled from his kingdom and the crown con-
ferred on Joseph Bonaparte; Louis Bonaparte
was made king of Holland; southern Germany
was reconstructed again. The little German
kingdoms of Napoleon's creation and the small
states surrounding them were declared to be
- - , . . , Confedera-
separated irom the ancient empire, and were tionofthe
formed into a Confederation of the Rhine, under ^^^^^
the protection of France. Warned by this rude
iio8 From Washington to Stephenson
announcement of the precarious tenure of his
imperial title as the head of the H0I7 Roman
the Holy empire, Francis II. resigned it, and took to him-
Em™^e, self, instead, a title as meaningless as that which
Aug. 6. 1806 Napoleon had assumed,— the title of emperor of
Austria. The venerable fiction of the Holy
Roman empire disappeared from history on the
6th of August, 1806.
Subjuga- But, while Austria had become submissive to
Prussia the offensive measures of Napoleon, Prussia
became fired with unexpected, sudden wrath, and
Jena and declared war in October, 1806. It was a rash
On^H,^^' explosion of national resentment, and the rash-
1806 ness was paid for dearly. At Jena and Auerstadt
(two battles fought on the same day) Prussia
sank under the feet of the merciless conqueror, as
helplessly subjugated as a nation could be.
Russia, attempting her rescue, was overcome at
Eylau and Friedland; and both the vanquished
Treaty of powcrs camc to tcrms with the victor at Tilsit.
Tilsit, July, The king of Prussia gave up all his kingdom west
1807 *-» 1 o
of the Elbe, and all that it had acquired in the
second and third partitions of Poland. A new
German kingdom, of Westphalia, was con-
structed for Napoleon's youngest brother,
Jerome. A free state of Danzig, dependent on
France, and a grand duchy of Warsaw, were
formed.
rj^ ,.^ The Russian tzar, bribed by some pieces of
Thebnbery . •'. ^..,
of the tzar -Tolisn rrussia, and by prospective acquisitions
from Turkey and Sweden, became an ally of
Napoleon and an accomplice in his plans. By
Napoleon's Subjugation of Europe 1109
the treaty of Tilsit, he enlisted his empire in the
"continental system" against England, and
agreed to the enforcement of a decree which
Napoleon issued from Berlin, declaring the
British islands in a state of blockade.
Great Britain and Ireland
The younger Pitt, who had been the master- ^
spirit of the resistance to French aggressions and Pitt, Jan.
Napoleonic ambitions, was dead. Feeble in ^^' '
health and worn out with labors and cares, he had
succumbed to the shock of the news of Austerlitz,
which frustrated all his plans. Early in 1806 he
died, and the direction of the government was
undertaken by a ministry made up of brilliant
men from differing parties, who could not act g^. . ,
effectively together, nor with the king. Charles "ministry-
James Fox, the most distinguished member of talents,"
this ministry, died within the year, but not till he ^^°^
had insured the passage of an act against the
slave trade, which was the measure he had most
at heart. The colleagues of Fox, in what came to
be described as "the ministry of all the talents,'*
were not long in office after his death. They
resigned because the bigoted king would not
listen to proposals for some relief to the Roman
Catholics of the kingdom, who had writhed under
shameful disabilities for more than two hundred
years.
In that period, and through all the prior cen- treftment
turies of their subjection, the treatment of the of Iceland
Irish people by the English was as cruel and as
mo
From Washington to Stephenson
Walpole,
History oj
Englajid
from iSis,
2 : ch. viii
Oppression
of the
Catholic
Irish
The Protes-
tant Irish
legislature
heedless of justice and right as the treatment of
Poles by Russians or of Greeks by Turks. They
were trebly oppressed: as conquered subjects of
an alien race, as religious enemies, as possible
rivals in production and trade. They were
deprived of political and civil rights; they were
denied the ministrations of their priests; the
better employments and more honorable profes-
sions were closed to them; the industries which
promised prosperity to their country were sup-
pressed. A small minority of Protestant colonists
became the recognized nation, so far as a nation-
ality in Ireland was recognized at all. When
Ireland was said to have a parliament, it was the
parliament of the minority alone. No Catholic
sat in it; no Catholic was represented in it.
When Irishmen were permitted to bear arms,
they were Protestant Irishmen only who formed
the privileged militia. Seven-tenths of the
inhabitants of the island were politically as non-
existent as actual serfdom could have made
them. For the most part they were peasants
and their state as such scarcely above the condi-
tion of serfs. They owned no land; their leases
were insecure; the laws protected them In the
least possible degree; their landlords were mostly
of the hostile creed and race. No country in
Europe showed conditions better calculated to
distress and degrade a people.
This was the state of things in Ireland until
nearly the end of the eighteenth century. In 1782
legislative independence was conceded; but the
English Treatment of Ireland iiii
independent legislature was still the parliament
in which Protestants sat alone. In 1793 Catholics
were admitted to the franchise; but seats in
parliament were still denied to them and they
must elect Protestants to represent them. History of
England in
in the iSth
Pitt had planned a great measure of states-
manship and justice, contemplating not only the century,
union of Ireland with England and Scotland, "^ -"^
under one parliament and one system of law,
but, likewise, the admission of Catholics to that
parliament, and their general liberation from the
disabilities under which they were kept. One
part of his measure was carried through; the
other failed. By acts of the parliaments in both
islands, "the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Ireland" was created in the year 1800, and
the British realm assumed that name on the ist
day of January, 1801. But when Pitt then
, . , II r Union of
attempted to give substance as well as lorm to Ireland
the union of Ireland with Great Britain, by ^'^^ Great
' •' Britain,
placing its Catholic citizens on a footing of Jan. i, isoi
political equality with their Protestant fellow
citizens, he found his course blocked by the
immovable bigotry of the king. Thereupon he
resigned, and was out of office during the period
of the Peace of Amiens; but when war broke out
afresh, and Napoleon began formidable prepara-
tions to invade England, Pitt was recalled to the ^'"'^ ''"'5'
° ' _ _ _ nation and
helm, and the new coalition against Napoleon recall,
was his final work. As said before, he died when jgoj^ '
it failed. Nelson, at Trafalgar, had foiled the ^^^y- ^s°4
project of invasion, by destroying the united
1 1 12 From Washington to Stephenson
fleets of France and Spain; but the coalition was
broken at Austerlitz.
Warfare with bloodless weapons
For the time being that failure ended effort on
the part of the British government to array con-
tinental armies against those of France. The
deadly combat between England and Napoleon
took on a different form, was fought with other
weapons than the musket and the cannon, and
The com- inflicted other wounds. As described by Captain
newTom Mahan: "England had no army wherewith to
meet Napoleon; Napoleon had no navy to cope
with that of his enemy. As in the case of an
impregnable fortress, the only alternative for
influaiceof either of these contestants was to reduce the
Sea Power other by starvation. On the common frontier,
■upon the . i • i • i
French thc coast Ime, they met m a deadly strife in
f^"'"''"" which no weapon was drawn. The imperial
Empire, soldicrs wcrc turned into coast-guardsmen, to
shut out Great Britain from her markets; the
British ships became revenue cutters, to prohibit
the trade of France." But this was a kind of
warfare that wounded neutral nations as sorely
as the combatants themselves, and many coun-
tries— the United States of America more,
perhaps, than any other — suffered the conse-
quences of hostilities in which they had no part.
Napoleon had been the first challenger to this
reckless scheme of warfare; but the really
desperate attempt of the two antagonists to
destroy each other's traffic with the outer world
Attempted Suppression of Neutral Trade 1113
was opened by the British government in May,
1806. This was done by an "order in council"
which declared the whole western coast of Europe »"^jj^ -^^
from the Elbe to Brest (all controlled by Napo- council,"
N 1 • r ui 1 J U May, 1806
leon) to be m a state of blockade, even where no
British war vessels were present to maintain an
actual blockade, and that neutral vessels bound
to that coast or sailing from it would be prize of
war, wherever caught. This declaration of what
is described as a "paper blockade" was an arro-
gant assumption of the right to dictate rules of
war. Napoleon, then lording it at Berlin, Berlin
retorted in November by a decree which declared ^^1^%^^^
the British islands to be in a state of blockade;
prohibited all commerce and correspondence
with them; ordered all British merchandise and
property found in any country occupied by the
troops of France or her allies to be seized, and all
British subjects within similar reach of his arm
to be made prisoners of war.
The Berlin decree drew fresh orders in council
from Great Britain, extending the earlier ones to
every port from which British ships were shut
out. Napoleon met these by a new decree, from
Milan, declaring that every vessel, of any nation,
that submitted to the British orders in council,
should be deemed British property, subject to orde'ijan.
seizure and condemnation. And so the warfare and Nov.,
ana iNa-
of orders and decrees, contemptuous of all neutral poieon's
rights of trade, went on for years, culminating in ^^[^^^
a mandate from Fontainebleau, that all British Dec, 1S07
goods found in France, Germany, Holland,
III4
Fontaine-
bleau
decree,
Oct., 1810
The effects
From Washington to Stephenson
Italy, Spain, and other regions obedient to
Napoleonic commands, should be burned.
Neither orders nor decrees wrought the ruin
that their authors desired, since the power of
Napoleon could not suppress an extensive
smuggled commerce with Great Britain, nor
could the fleets of England catch half of the
neutral ships that became carriers for France;
but the suff^ering produced on all sides was
undoubtedly very great, and the insolence of the
powerful belligerents toward neutral nations,
especially toward the young republic of the
United States, was hard to endure.
Lanfrey,
History of
Napoleon
/., vol. 3,
ch. ix-xv,
and vol. 4
Napoleon's
attack on
Portugal
Oct. 27,
1807
Second period of the Napoleonic wars
Having prostrated Germany, in 1807, and
captivated the tzar. Napoleon turned toward
another field, which had scarcely felt, as yet, his
intrusive hand. Spain had been in servile alliance
with France for ten years, while Portugal adhered
steadily to her friendship with Great Britain,
and now refused to be obedient to the Berlin
decree. Napoleon took prompt measures for the
punishment of a defiance so bold. A delusive
treaty with the Spanish court, for the partition of
the small kingdom of the Braganzas, won permis-
sion for an army under Junot to enter Portugal,
through Spain. No resistance to it was made.
The royal family of Portugal quitted Lisbon,
setting sail for Brazil, and Junot took possession
of the kingdom.
This accomplished only half of Napoleon's
Napoleon's Crime Against Spain 1115
design. He meant to have Spain, as well; and Napoleon's
crime
he found, in the miserable state of the country, against
his opportunity to work out an ingenious, ^^^'"
unscrupulous scheme for its acquisition. His |;;^^7'
agents set on foot a revolutionary movement, in History of
, ft 11 • T-< T 1 Napoleo7i
favor of the worthless crown prince, rerdmand, /., ch. v
against his equally worthless father, Charles IV.,
and pretexts were obtained for an interference by
French troops. Charles was coerced into an
abdication; then Ferdinand was lured to an
interview with Napoleon, at Bayonne, was made
prisoner there, and compelled In his turn to
relinquish the crown. A vacancy on the Spanish
throne having been thus created, the emperor
brought together at Bayonne a small assembly
of Spanish notables, who offered the seat to
Joseph Bonaparte, already king of Naples.
Joseph, obedient to his imperial brother's wish,
. ,. -_ .. Joseph
resigned the Neapolitan crown to Murat, his Bonaparte
sister's husband, accepted the crown of Spain, °^^^^i^
and was established at Madrid with a French throne,
... , 1808
army at his back.
This was one of the two most ruinous of the
political blunders of Napoleon's life. He had
cheated and insulted the whole Spanish nation,
in a way too contemptuous to be endured, even
by a people long cast down. The consequence
was a revolt which did not spring from any jngofSpain
momentary passion, but which had an obstinacy
of deep feeling behind. French armies could beat
Spanish armies, and disperse them, but they
could not keep them dispersed; and they could
iii6
From Washington to Stephenson
Wellington
in the
peninsula,
1808-1813
The exas-
perating of
Germany
Brutal
insolence
of the
conqueror
The
makers
of a new
Prussia
not break up the organization of a rebellion which
organized itself in every province, and which
went on, when necessary, without any organiza-
tion at all. England sent forces to the peninsula,
under Wellington, for the support of the insur-
gent Spaniards and Portuguese; and thencefor-
ward, to the end of his career, the most inex-
tricable difficulties of Napoleon were those in
which he had entangled himself on the southern
side of the Pyrenees.
The other cardinal blunder in Napoleon's
conduct, which proved more destructive to him
than the crime in Spain, was his exasperating
treatment of Germany. There was neither
magnanimity on the moral side of him nor wisdom
on the intellectual side, to restrain him from
using his victory with Immoderate insolence.
He put as much shame as he could invent into
the humiliations of the German people. He had
Prussia under his heel, and he ground the heel
upon her neck with the whole weight of his power.
The consequence was a pain and a passion which
wrought changes like a miracle in the temper and
character of the abused nation. Springs of feeling
were opened and currents of national life set in
motion that might never, otherwise, have been
brought into play.
Enlightened men and strong men from all parts
of Germany found themselves called to Prussia
and to the front of its affairs, and their way made
easy for them in labors of restoration and reform.
Stein and Hardenberg remodeled the administra-
Napoleon's Treatment of Germany and His Fall i i 17
tlon of the kingdom, uprooted the remains of
serfdom in it, and gave new freedom to its
energies. Scharnhorst organized the military ^^yJ^J;^
system, on which arose in time the most for- Times of
midable of miUtary powers. Humboldt planned
the school system which educated Prussia beyond
all her neighbors, in the succeeding generations.
Even the philosophers came out of their closets
and took part, as Fichte did, in the stirring and
uplifting of the spirit of their countrymen. So it
was that the outrages of Napoleon in Germany
revenged themselves, by summoning into exist-
ence an unsuspected energy that would turn
against him to destroy him, in the end.
But the time of destruction was not yet come.
He had a few years of triumph still before him, —
of triumph everywhere except in Portugal and ^agram,
Spain. Austria, resisting him once more, was Juiy6,i8o9
crushed once more at Wagram, to such submis-
siveness that she gave a daughter of the imperial
house in marriage to the parvenu sovereign of jj^^^orsi-
France, next year, when Josephine, his wife, was can at the
divorced. The Corsican was at the summit of his ^'^s'^cTreer,
renown that year, but declining already from the iSio-iSn
greatest height of his power.
The fatal expedition of Napoleon to Russia, in
18 1 2, was the beginning of the end of his career.
In the next year Prussia, half regenerated within
the brief time since Jena and Tilsit, went into
alliance with Russia, and the War of Liberation _, „^ .
, , , . The War of
was begun. Austria joined the alliance; and at Liberation,
Leipsic the three nations shattered at last the
iii8
From Washington to Stephenson
Napoleon
in Elba,
1814-181S
His return
to France
Waterloo,
June,
18. 1816
Napoleon
at St.
Helena,
181S-1821
yoke of oppression that had bound Europe so
long. At the same time, the French armies in
Spain were expelled, and Wellington entered
France through the Pyrenees, to meet the allies,
who pursued Napoleon across the Rhine. Forced
to abdicate and retire to the little island of Elba
(the sovereignty of which was ceded to him), he
remained there in quiet from May, 18 14, until
March, 181 5, when he escaped and reappeared in
France. Army and people welcomed him. The
Bourbon monarchy, which had been restored by
the allies, fell at his approach. The king, Louis
XVIII. , fled. Napoleon recovered his throne and
occupied it for a few weeks; but the allies who
had expelled him from it refused to permit his
recovery of power. The question was settled
finally at Waterloo, on the i8th of June, when a
British army under Wellington and a Prussian
army under Bliicher won a victory which left the
beaten emperor without hope. He surrendered
himself to the commander of a British vessel of
war, and was sent to confinement for the remain-
der of his life on the remote island of St. Helena.
A troubled
period
The United States of America during the Napoleonic wars
The fifteen years of the Napoleonic wars were
a troubled pepod for the American people, — a
time of many excitements, of many humiliations,
of sore trial to their undeveloped national spirit,
and of grave harm. So prolonged a state of wide-
spread war, involving half of Europe and every
European colony, opened extraordinary oppor-
o
o
w
<
P.
^ I
O
o
3
•a
o
E
o
u
A Troubled Period in American History 1119
tunitles for neutral trade, which the Americans American
1 . ry-ii activity in
were well prepared to improve. They entered the neutral
field with eager enterprise and made it almost ^^^'^^
their own. Their ships swarmed in every sea and
their flag became familiar in every port. England
saw reason to fear that the carrying trade of the
ocean would pass into their hands, and began a
sharp narrowing of neutral rights, by dictatorial
rulings which her naval supremacy gave her
power to enforce. Then came Napoleon's
attempt to exclude British products from Euro-
pean marts, and the finally frantic endeavor of
both belligerents, abusing land-power on one side
and sea-power on the other, to destroy all neutral
trade. Struck unsparingly by both, the Ameri-
cans suffered heavy losses; and yet large profits
remained to them in the commerce which neither The attack
cruisers nor coast guards could stop. Their more ^gh^"^"^"
serious suffering came from the humiliations
which their national weakness and their govern-
mental policy required them to endure.
Mr. Jefferson, who became president in 1801,
held views of the federal constitution and general President
theories of government which differed extremely J^^^''^**
from those of his two predecessors. In his opin-
ion, and that of his party, the functions of the
federal government should be restricted as nearly
as possible to foreign affairs, and should touch
nothing beyond a strict necessity in even those.
His declared aim was a *' frugal government,"
"which shall restrain men from injuring one
another, which shall leave them otherwise free
1 1 20
From Washington to Stephenson
Jefferson,
Writings
(Ford's ed.)
7 : 451-2;
8:4
Adverse
circum-
stances
^ee pages
982-3)
Negotia-
tions for
New
Orleans
and Florida
to regulate their own pursuits." He believed the
commerce of America to be so necessary to
European countries that merely withholding it
would compel them to redress any wrong they
might do to the United States, without need of
war.
Unfortunately the circumstances of the time
were singularly adverse to the working in practice
of this noble philosophy of government. At the
outset of his term the president was forced to
chastise the pirates of the Barbary states of north
Africa, opening a war with the insolent pasha of
Tripoli which lasted for four years. A little later
he was confronted by a question which went to
the core of his doctrines concerning the constitu-
tion of the American Union and the powers of its
general government. Napoleon, then first consul
of France, was found to have extorted from Spain
a secret cession of that great territory, called
Louisiana, which France made over to Spain in
1763, including New Orleans, on the eastern bank
of the Mississippi, as well as the whole western
watershed of the river. To have such complete
control of the mouth of the Mississippi pass from
the weak kingdom of Spain to a power so aggres-
sive as Napoleonic France was profoundly alarm-
ing to every western interest of the United States.
In the face of this danger the scruples of Presi-
dent Jefferson as to functions and powers in the
federal government, and even as to war, gave
way. He opened negotiations with Napoleon for
the purchase of New Orleans and the Floridas
The American Purchase of Louisiana 1121
(supposing the latter to have been embraced in
the transfer from Spain to France), and pressed
his proposals with a plain intimation that the
Jefferson,
ngs.
United States would go into alliance with Great >^^,^,-
Britain "on the day that France takes possession ^ = ^5
of New Orleans."
Fortunately, Napoleon became embarrassed in
his colonial schemes, by the failure of an attempt
to re-enslave the revolted negroes of Santo
Domingo, or Hayti, and by the re-opening of war
with England, after the brief peace of Amiens.
He abandoned those projects, accordingly, and
offered, not New Orleans alone, but Louisiana as
a whole, to the United States. The welcome TheLouisi-
proposal was accepted promptly, and, at a price *°^ ''"I'aos
equivalent to about ^15,000,000, the magnificent
territory in question, extending from the Missis-
sippi, throughout Its length, to the Rocky Moun-
tains, was conveyed to the American government
by a treaty signed in May, 1803.
No reasoning could reconcile this momentous
transaction with the constitutional theories of
President Jefferson and the party which he led.
It implied attributes of nationality in the federal
union and attributes of sovereignty in the federal
government which they had refused to concede, tudonar '"
Mr. Jefferson made frank acknowledgment of the question
fact, and desired a constitutional amendment to
sanction what had been done; but he yielded to
the judgment of political friends, who believed
the purchase to be justified and authorized
sufficiently by the practical exigencies of the case.
1 1 22
From Washington to Stephenson
Party-
incon-
sistencies
Hoist, Con-
stitutional
and Politi-
cal History
of the U. S.,
I : 1 83-185
Federalist
opposition
to the pur-
chase
A disunion
conspiracy,
1 803 -1 804
The Burr-
Hamilton
duel, July
II, 1804
If the Republicans, In this matter, did violence
in practice to their political theories, so, too, and
even more, did their opponents of the Federalist
party. On every principle for which the Federal-
ists had contended, they might have been
expected to approve and welcome the Louisiana
purchase. Hamilton, the great statesman of the
party, did so, without reserve; but most of the
New England Federalists allowed sectional jeal-
ousies and party animosities to pervert their
minds. They denied the existence of any power,
anywhere, even by constitutional amendment, to
incorporate new territory in the Union against
the will of a single State. On this ground they
opposed the treaty and resisted, even with threats
of secession, the legislation that gave it effect.
This evil temper in the opposition had de-
plorable results. It led to a disunion conspiracy
between certain New England Federalists and
Vice-President Aaron Burr. Burr's trickeries and
treacheries in politics had turned the leaders of
his party against him, and provoked slights which
he sought to avenge. In prosecuting the scheme
of secession he became a candidate for governor
of New York, and was opposed by Hamilton,
whose plain speaking in the canvass furnished
Burr with a pretext for demanding the barbarous
satisfaction of the duel. Hamilton felt con-
strained by the false notions of the time to accept
his challenge, and received a mortal wound.
Burr was abhorred and shunned as a murderer,
and became, apparently, a desperate man. At the
Political Inconsistencies and Their Results 1123
close of his vice-presidential term he went into the
southwest and was busy for months in a mysteri-
ous undertaking, the full objects of which have
never, with certainty, been ascertained. A
filibustering conquest of Mexico and other plotting
Spanish provinces was in his plan, without g^^Jlt^g^^^
doubt; but, beyond that, he is supposed to have 1805-1806
been working for a separation of western States
and Territories from the Union, to form an inde-
pendent power in the Mississippi Valley and on
the Gulf. Discontent among the French of New
Orleans, and a restless spirit in the American
population of the western border, seem to have
given some encouragement to his schemes. At
length, in November, 1806, his preparations went
so far, mustering men, boats, and munitions, on
the Ohio and its tributaries, that the president
issued a proclamation, commanding the arrest of
all concerned. Burr was taken and brought to
trial at Richmond, but escaped conviction on
technical grounds.
During the, first years of the second term of
President Jefferson the country was in a highly Prospenty
prosperous state. Though Great Britain had United
narrowed her own former rules for determining i8os!^i'8o6
what merchandise should be treated as neutral,
and had increased her captures and confiscations
to an enormous extent, the ocean trade yielded
great gains. The revenue of the federal govern-
ment rose far above its frugal expenditures,
promising an early extinction of the public debt.
Anticipating a surplus in the treasury, the presi-
1 1 24
From Washington to Stephenson
Modified
views of
Mr. Jeffer-
son
Prosperity
checked,
1 807- 1 808
(See page*
1113-1114
Assumed
British
right of
search
McMaster,
History of
the People
of the U. S.,
3 : 240-246,
253-270
An experi-
ment in
"peaceable
coercion,"
1807
dent recommended an amendment of the consti-
tution, to authorize its use for "great purposes of
the public education, roads, rivers, canals, and
.... other objects of public improvement."
This indicated a very notable modification of Mr.
Jefferson's political views, and one creditable to
the statesmanlike openness of his mind.
Unfortunately, the expected surplus was not
acquired. The prosperous trade of a few years
was checked by the British orders in council and
the French decrees. To those high-handed
measures the British government added one still
more offensive, by asserting a right on the part of
its cruisers to search the ships of other nations for
deserters from Its own, and for British subjects
whose services it claimed and impressed. That
assumed "right of search" was exercised upon
American ships, especially, with increasing inso-
lence on the part of British naval officers, until
the climax of insult was reached in June, 1807.
The Chesapeake^ an American frigate, sailing then
out of Norfolk navy yard, wholly unready for
battle, was attacked by a waiting English frigate,
disabled by three broadsides, which she could not
return, and compelled, on a false claim, to give
up three of her crew.
The cry for war which this crowning outrage
provoked was resisted calmly by President
Jefferson, who acted upon his belief in the prac-
ticability of extorting justice from other nations
without resorting to arms. His extraordinary
influence caused a singular experiment in the
Jefferson's "Peaceable Coercion" Experiment 1125
policy of "peaceable coercion" to be tried. It
took the form of an "embargo act" of congress,
forbidding the exportation of any merchandise
from the United States to any foreign port, hold-
ing every American ship tied fast to her wharf,
and commanding all foreign ships to depart.
This made a strange demand on the American
people, for an heroic endurance of great loss and
suffering, as a means of inflicting some lighter History of
suffering on other peoples. It ruined the shipping J^'^^-^^ ^^
interests of New England, stopped the marketing ^dminis-
of southern cotton and tobacco, and p^aralyzed Jefferson,
many industries in every part of the country, +:'^^^-"^"-
without a sign of effect on the conduct of Great xx
Britain or France. The former was pinched in
her supplies of cotton and breadstuffs, and her
. . Effects of
West India colonies were half starved; but there the
was nothing In those results that moved her embargo
o ^ act
government to rectify the abuse of her naval
power. As for Napoleon, the embargo touched
his own empire so lightly and hurt England so
much more, that he used influence at Washington
to have it prolonged. The experiment, though a
failure, was persisted In till the end of President theexperi-
Jefferson's term. Then the embargo was with- ^^^^
drawn, but a conditional measure of non-inter-
course was adopted instead. This forbade
importations from England and France so long
as they, severally, persisted in their violation of
neutral rights.
Had the opponents of the embargo policy been
able to act together, it is not at all probable that
I I 26
From Washington to Stephenson
Presidency
of James
Madison,
1809-1817
Mr. Ers-
kine's mis-
take, 1809
The situa-
tion made
worse
Napoleon's
knavish
trick, Aug.,
1810
the Republicans could have carried the ensuing
presidential election; but they could not unite,
and President Jefferson was succeeded, conse-
quently, by his disciple and intimate friend, Mr.
Madison, In the spring of 1809. In the first
month of the new administration an unfortunate
blunder, committed by the British minister at
Washington, Mr. Erskine, gave rise to a new
disturbance in the relations of the United States
with both England and France. Mr. Erskine
entered Into an agreement with President Madi-
son, that the British orders In council, on one
side, and the American non-intercourse act, on
the other (so far as concerned Great Britain),
should be annulled. Thereupon the president
proclaimed a suspension of the non-intercourse
act, and there was great joy and busy trade in the
country for about three months, — until news
came from England that Mr. Erskine had mis-
understood his Instructions, and that his govern-
ment refused to be bound by the agreement he
had made. Feeling was then embittered on all
sides and the situation made worse. Congress
repealed the non-intercourse act, but authorized
the president to prohibit Intercourse with either
one of the belligerent powers, if the other should
withdraw Its offending decrees.
This suggested to Napoleon a characteristic
fraud. He gave notice to the American minister
at Paris that "the decrees of Berlin and Milan
are revoked," and called upon the United States
to enforce the act (as above described) against
The Situation Growing Worse 1127
England if her orders in council were not with- Adams,
drawn. Trusting the notice so given, President ihe u. s.
Madison proclaimed it, and interdicted commerce ^]2^lJ^_
with Great Britain; but only to learn, after trationof
months of questioning and expostulation, that he Jnd^'°'^
had been duped by a shameless knave. The ^^'^ffwoo-
, S : ch. VII-
seizure of American vessels and cargoes, wherever xiv, xvi,
they came within the clutch of the great Corsican ^^"'
brigand, went on without check, and there was
never a sign that his decrees had been revoked.
The conduct of the French government toward
the United States at this time was more insulting,
if possible, and more injurious, than that of Great
Britain; but the feeling of the party in power
leaned strongly against the latter, and made the
most of offenses which came from that side. Of iis"h feenng
such offenses a new one was supposed to be added
in 1811 by an Indian rising in the west, under
Tecumseh or Tecumthe, a Shawnee chief. The
hostile tribes were defeated by General William
Henry Harrison, the territorial governor of
Indiana, in a battle fought on the Tippecanoe,
and Tecumseh took refuge in Canada, which can^
strengthened a belief that he had acted under Si'i '^'
instigations from the authorities there.
Despite these irritations, the opposition to war
was very strong in New England and In parts of
the middle States; but the old anger against
England burned yet in the south and in the new
western States, and the impetuous spirit of a few
young men in Congress from those sections —
Henry Clay and John C. Calhoun conspicuously
Tecumseh
Tippe-
II28
From Washington to Stephenson
Declara-
tion of war,
June 1 8,
1812
British
orders
revoked
too late
A war for
"sailors'
rights"
The
country
unprepared
Soley, in
Narrative
and Critical
History of
Am., 7: ch.
vi
Hull's sur-
render,
Aug. 16,
1812
in the lead — was able to fan it into a flame. With
much reluctance President Madison yielded to
pressure from his party, and recommended a
declaration of war with Great Britain, which
Congress adopted and which he signed on the
1 8th of June, 1812. A month later news came
that the British government had actually revoked
its offensive orders in council and had announced
the fact in parliament one day before the Ameri-
can declaration of war. It offered no concession,
however, in the matter of impressments from
American ships, and its proposal of a truce, to
reopen negotiations, was declined. To vindicate
"sailors' rights" remained, therefore, the sole
purpose of the war. That it failed to accomplish
that purpose, and that every plan and expecta-
tion of those who undertook it was disappointed,
has never surprised any student of the period
who learned how entirely the country was unpre-
pared for war. It had neither trained soldiers,
nor officers of experience (excepting aged veterans
of the Revolution), nor any real military organiza-
tion, nor any system of administration that
would allow such an organization to be evolved.
The results that followed were inevitable.
The war party had counted on a speedy con-
quest of Canada; but every attempt on the
Canadian frontier found the British forces better
prepared than their assailants and more alert.
General Hull, who led the first movement of
invasion, from Detroit, was not only driven back,
but followed, and forced to surrender after a
War of the United States with Great Britain 1129
short siege. The next attempt to enter Canada,
made on the Niagara frontier, was repulsed at
Queenston, in October, with heavy loss. An q"^^"'^°"'
undertaking to recover Detroit, by General Har- 1812
rison, with forces assembled in Indiana, had no
better success. General Winchester, who led
Harrison's advance, allowed his column to be
surprised at Frenchtown, on the Raisin River, jan. 22,
and the whole body, nine hundred In number, '^'3
was captured or slain.
Meantime the small American navy was having
triumphs which went far toward redeeming the
military disasters of the year. The famous frigate American
Constitution (known familiarly as Old Ironsides), "avaivic-
commanded m the iirst mstance by Captam Isaac
Hull and by Captain Bainbridge In the second,
won two signal victories, capturing the frigate
Guerriere, In August, and destroying the frigate
Java, four months later, after a fierce fight off the
coast of Brazil. A third British frigate, the Mace- ThTNami
donian, surrendered to Captain Decatur, com- ^^'^''of^^^^
manding the American frigate United States.
Probably It was the satisfaction produced by
these naval achievements that enabled the war
party to reelect President Madison In November, ofPres^ent
notwithstanding the military disappointments of Madison,
the war. But the triumphs at sea were soon
ended. The next season brought a grievous
downcasting of the pride of the Americans in
their ships. Captain James Lawrence, command-
ing the unfortunate frigate Chesapeake, sailed out
of Boston Bay to accept a challeaige from
II30
Duel of the
"Chesa-
peake"
and
"Shan-
non," Juna,
I, 1S13
Naval
battle of
Lake Erie,
Sept. 10,
1813
Battle
of tlie
Thames,
Oct. s,
1813
Chippewa
and
Lundy's
Lane,
July S and
25. 1814
Siege of
Fort Erie,
1814
From Washington to Stephenson
Captain Broke, of the British frigate Shannon,
and fought a naval duel in which he fell mortally-
wounded and his ship was overcome.
On the fresh water of the Great Lakes, how-
ever, the navy still gathered most of the few
laurels of the war. By a hard won victory on
Lake Erie, near the mouth of the Sandusky River,
Captain Oliver H. Perry made the position of the
British and Indian forces at Detroit untenable
and compelled them to retreat. They were fol-
lowed into Canada by General Harrison, defeated
in a battle fought on the river Thames, and
Tecumseh, the Indian leader, was slain.
Practically these successes had no important
effect, and a fresh failure was experienced soon
afterward, in an expedition undertaken against
Montreal. The last attempt of the Americans to
carry the war into Canada was made in the
summer of 18 14, by General Jacob Brown, who
crossed from Buffalo and had two engagements
with the enemy near Niagara Falls, the first at
Chippewa, the second at Lundy's Lane. Both
armies claimed a victory in the latter engage-
ment; but the Americans fell back to Fort Erie,
opposite BuflFalo, where they withstood a deter-
mined siege for two months, and then withdrew
to their own side of the river, destroying the fort.
The circumstances of the war had been
changed immensely at this time by the fall of
Napoleon, which liberated British forces from
service in Europe and allowed them to be brought
to the American field. The military authorities
Campaigns of the War of i8 12-15 ^^3^
in Canada were then prepared for an aggressive
movement toward the Hudson, on the old route
of Burgoyne. At the head of Lake Champlain
they fitted out a squadron of small vessels and
gunboats, to attack a similar small fleet which ^^^^^
the American commodore, Macdonough, had put battle
afloat on the lake. The decisive battle — in some champhin,
views the most important of the war — was fought Sept. n,
at Plattsburg, on the nth of September, and won
by Macdonough, stopping the British advance.
With more success the British were opening
attacks upon the coast. Their blockade of
American ports had been nearly complete for a
year, and most of the few vessels of the regular
navy of the United States were shut in; but
swift privateers were active, as they had been
from the beginning of the war, and English com
merce suffered severely from their attacks. In ing
August a considerable British force was landed in
Patuxent River, Maryland, and marched, with ^^ ^^^^
slight resistance at Bladensburg, to Washington, and
, 111 1 r '^ destruction
where, under barbarous orders from its com- ofWashing-
mander, most of the government buildings were ^°^' ^"g-
destroyed. A little later Baltimore was assailed,
but saved by the defense of Fort McHenry, which
the enemy's fleet could not pass. It was the
bombardment of Fort McHenry that inspired the
composition of the song of "The Star Spangled
Banner," by Francis Scott Key.
Everywhere, all heartiness In the war had dis- Span^gied"^
appeared; the feeling against it, especially in New Banner"
England, had become intense. In December, on
Privateer-
II32
From Washington to Stephenson
The Hart-
ford Con-
vention,
Dec, 1814
■Negotia-
tions for
peace,
Aug.-Dec,
1814
The treaty
of Ghent,
Dec. 24,
1814
Schurz,
Life of
Henry Clay,
J :99-i2S
the invitation of Massachusetts, a convention
representing the New England opposition was
assembled at Hartford and remained in secret
session for three weeks. On adjourning It pub-
lished a report, demanding certain amendments
to the federal constitution and recommending
another convention, "to decide on the course
which a crisis so momentous might seem to
demand." What ultimate action was contem-
plated is a question that has been always in dis-
pute; but the men of the Hartford convention
were stigmatized as disunlonlsts to the end of
their lives. So far as disloyalty to the Union had
arisen in New England it expired then. Peace
came unexpectedly, so soon after the Hartford
convention adjourned that all the feelings
represented in it were swept away.
Negotiations for peace had been in progress at
Ghent since August, 18 14. "With all her advan-
tages in the war, England was most anxious for
peace. She was weary of war; the situation In
Europe was still precarious, and her commerce
was badly broken by American privateers.
Hence the American commissioners, by stout
Insistence, secured better terms In the end than
the condition of their country gave them reason
to expect. But the treaty signed on the 24th of
December, 18 14, contained no mention of the
naval searches and Impressments that had been
the chief provocation to war. The question about
them was settled by being dropped; for the
English stopped practicing what they still held
Treaty of Ghent — End of the War 1133
to be their right. Other important questions,
relating to the Newfoundland fisheries and the
navigation of the Mississippi, were postponed
for future settlement; and so the treaty was
scarcely more than an agreement that matters
between the two nations should be as they were History of
before the war. There was little to show for the {.. ' ''
30,000 lives it was estimated to have cost the
country, and the hundred millions, or nearly,
that it had added to the national debt."
Fifteen days after the signing of the treaty of Battle of
peace, but before news of it could reach America, |^^^ ^l'
• r 1 -KT leans, Ja*.
the bloodiest battle of the war was fought at New 8, 1815
Orleans. Defending that city against an expedi-
tion from Jamaica, General Jackson intrenched
his riflemen so well that 2,000 British veterans
fell in a rash attempt to carry his works by
assault, while the loss of the Americans was but
seventy-one. The British commander. General
Pakenham, was among the killed. Naturally
General Jackson became the hero of the war.
The ending of the War of 1812-15 with Great Beginning
Britain was the ending of a period of great harass- scious°°'
ment and trial to the young American republic, national
and brought it, we may say, to the real beginning
of its conscious national life. Thus far in its cor-
porate existence it had been struggling with cir-
cumstances which made a common consciousness
and general spirit of nationality among its people
impossible. Its peculiar relations to the warring
powers in Europe, with its youthfulness, its weak-
ness, its insignificance as a nation In their eyes,
II34
From Washington to Stephenson
Ending of
foreign dis-
tractions
The west "]
and its
democracy
Roosevelt,
The Win-
ning of tfu
West, 4 :
223-257
exposed It to an exasperating ill treatment, which
angered half of its people against one offender and
half against the other. For this reason the roused
temper that ought to have flamed patriotically,
and welded them to unity, was burned out in their
party politics and went to worse than waste. In
reality there had been next to nothing in their
politics, — next to nothing in their conflicts of
party, — but heats of feeling against England in
one faction and against France in the other. Now
the situation was cleared for a different working
of the American public mind. For the first time
since the early years of Washington's administra-
tion, it was free from foreign distractions, and
could give an undivided attention to its own
domestic concerns. In these circumstances a
more common national spirit could not fail to
arise.
This was stimulated, too, by the rapid spread
of population westward and the creation of new
States. Before the opening of the war, four
States (Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio and Louisi-
ana) had been formed in the Mississippi Valley,
and four more (Indiana, Mississippi, Illinois and
Alabama) were added to the Union within four
years after it closed. The conditions of the
pioneer life In these newer communities moulded
society in them more democratically than In the
older States of the east, and gave It a more dis-
tinctly American character and tone.
A natural consequence of all that had taken
place was the quick final decay of the Federalist
The United States at the End of the War 1135
party. It represented the old Federalism of Decay of
Hamilton and his day no longer. It had per- Federalist
mitted the opposing party of the Democratic ^^"^
Republicans to appropriate the better part of its
original principles; for both parties had been Link doc-
faithless alike to the doctrines of government on tdnai dif-
which they divided at the beginning. Each, beTwSn
when controlling the federal government, had ^^^ parties
been eager to magnify its powers by broad con-
structions of the constitution, and each, when in
opposition, had shown equal eagerness to mini-
mize those powers. As exemplified practically in
legislation and administration, there was little of
doctrinal difference to distinguish the one party
from the other in 181 5. At the same time, the
Republican party was recommended to popular
favor by the democratic spirit which it drew from
its founders and which never was lost. So it
became for a time the sole occupant of the field in
American politics, and the Federalist party was
left with no substantial ground on which to stand.
Discredited by its opposition to the late war, it
was hardly able to contest the presidential Election of
election of 18 16. Tames Monroe, of Virginia, was President
•^ _ ' o 7 Monroe,
elected by a large majority of electoral votes. 1816
Before the next election the Federalist party, as a
national organization, had disappeared.
Great Britain after the fall of Napoleon
To large classes of the working people of Great
Britain, the interruption of trade in the long con- Distress of
' *• the work*"
flict with revolutionary France and with Napo- ,ng people
1 1 36 From Washington to Stephenson
leon had been a cause of heavy distress. Indus-
tries had been checked and wages lessened, while
the prices of food were raised. Suffering from
these causes was deepened by temporary dis-
turbances, resulting from the great industrial
_ revolution through which the country was passing
1023-4-S at the time. At every stage of the transition
from hand work to machine work, and from
home spinning and home weaving to the factory
system, the nation as a whole was made richer,
by economy and increase of production, but
multitudes of individuals lost employment, or
were starved in a hopeless endeavor to labor and
live in the old ways. The period of adjustment
to the new industrial conditions of the age of
Period of machinery and steam was a sad one, on the whole,
adjustment . . .
to new con- in the wagc-workmg world.
Two classes in England — the landlords and the
farmers — were enriched by the high prices to
ditions
Enrich-
ment of which breadstuffs were raised by the long wars,
^"d ° Peace should have lowered those prices; but,
ani
iarmers unfortunately, the landlord class, controlling
parliament, had power to prevent that result.
For some time past they had upheld prices for the
farm produce on which their high rents depended,
_. „ by what were known as "corn laws" (all cereals
The corn \ , ^ ^_ ^
law" of being called "corn"), imposing protective duties
on imported grain. Now they passed a corn law
which practically prohibited the importation of
RecoUec- ' whcat whcucver its price fell below eighty shil-
iionsof lings (about $20) a quarter (eight bushels); and
ch. i. ' that atrocious law, which starved many for the
England at the End of the Napoleonic Wars 1137
enrichment of a few, was enforced for thirteen
years. In the light of this glaring exhibit of the
class-government then maintained in Great
Britain, the common people were wakened fast
to a sense of the political rights which they ought
to claim and which they had power to take. The and'^^js^'*
demand for a better representation in parliament order
began to be peremptory in tone, and a period of
agitation and disorder, both political and indus-
trial, ensued. In the midst of these conditions
George III., who had been hopelessly insane for GMrge°iil
ten years, died, and his son, the fourth George, Jan. 29,
acting regent since 18 10, became king.
Europe at large after the fall of Napoleon
Delivered from one tyrannical master by the
overthrow of Napoleon, Europe, thereupon, was
given over to a combination of despots who
oppressed it for another generation. The sover-
eigns who had united to dethrone Napoleon, with
the two emperors, of Austria and Russia, at their
head, and with the Austrian minister, Metternich,
for their most trusted counselor, assumed first,
in the congress of Vienna, a general work of gressof
political rearrangement, to repair the revolu- '^""^
tionary and Napoleonic disturbances, and then Fyffe, i/iV-
to assume an authoritative supervision of Euro- ^7,°^
^ Modern
pean politics which proved as meddlesome as Europe,
Napoleon's had been.
Their first act was to restore the Bourbon
monarchy In France, indifferent to the wishes of
the people. In Spain, Ferdinand had taken the
2 :ch.
II38
Recon-
structed
Europe
The "holy
alliance"
From Washington to Stephenson
throne, when Joseph fled. In Italy, the king of
Sardinia was restored and Genoa transferred to
him; Lombardy and Venetia were given back to
Austria; Tuscany, Modena and some minor
duchies received Hapsburg princes; the pope
recovered his States, and the Bourbons returned
from Sicily to Naples. In Germany, the Prussian
kingdom was enlarged again by several absorp-
tions, including part of Saxony, but some of its
Polish territory was given to the tzar; Hanover
became a kingdom; Austria resumed the prov-
inces which Napoleon had conveyed to his
Rhenish proteges; and, finally, a Germanic con-
federation was formed, to take the place of the
extinct empire, and with no more efficiency in its
constitution. In the Netherlands, a new kingdom
was made up, to bear the Netherland name, and
to embrace Holland and Belgium in union, with
the house of Orange on the throne.
Between the tzar, the emperor of Austria and
the king of Prussia, there was a personal agree-
ment that went with these arrangements of the
congress of Vienna, and which was prolonged for
a number of years. In the public understanding,
this was associated, perhaps wrongly, with a
written declaration, known as "the holy alli-
ance," in which the three sovereigns set forth their
intention to regulate their foreign and domestic
policy by the precepts of Christianity, and
invited all princes to join their alliance for the
maintenance of peace and the promotion of
brotherly love. Whether Identical as a fact with
The Work of the "Holy Alliance" in Europe 1139
this "holy alliance" or secreted behind it, there
was, and long continued to be, an undoubted
league between these sovereigns and others,
which had aims very different from the promo-
tion of brotherly love. It was wholly reactionary,
hostile to all political liberalism, and repressive
of all movements in the interest of the people, to all
Metternich was its skillful minister, and the liberalism
deadly, soulless system of bureaucratic abso-
lutism which he organized in Austria was the
model of government that it strove to introduce.
In Italy, the governments generally were j^ .
reduced to the Austrian model, and the political
state of the peninsula, for forty years, was
scarcely better, if at all, than it had been under
the Spanish rule in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries.
Germany, as divided as ever, under a federal ^
. . . Germany
constitution which federated nothing else so much
as the big and little courts and their reactionary
ideas, was profoundly depressed in political
spirit, while prospering materially and showing
notable signs of intellectual life.
France was not slow in finding that the restored under the
Bourbons and the restored emigres had forgotten restored
nothing and learned nothing, in the twenty-five
years of their exile. They put all their strength
into the turning back of the clock, trying to make
it strike again the hours in which the revolution
and Napoleon had been so busy. It was futile
work; but it sickened and angered the nation
none the less. After all the stress and struggle it
1 140
From Washington to Stephenson
had gone through, there was a strong nation yet
to resist the Bourbonism brought back to power.
It recovered from the exhaustion of its wars with
a marvelous quickness. The miUions of peasant
landowners, who were the greatest creation of the
Peasant revolution, dug wealth from its soil with untiring
landowners free arms, and soon made it the most prosperous
land in Europe. Through country and city, the
ideas of the revolution were in the brains of the
common people, while Its energies were in their
brawn, and Bourbonism needed more wisdom
than it ever possessed to reconcile them to its
restoration.
It was not In France, however, but in Spain,
that the first rising against the restored order of
things occurred. Ferdinand VIL, when released
from his French imprisonment in 18 14, was
received warmly in Spain, and took the crown
with quite general consent. He accepted the con-
stitution under which the country had been
governed since 181 2, and made large lying
promises of a liberal rule. But, when seated on
the throne, he suppressed the constitution,
restored the Inquisition, revived the monasteries,
d Portu- called back the expelled Jesuits, and opened a
deadly persecution of the liberals in Spanish
tions, 1820 politics. In 1820 a revolutionary movement took
form, which forced the king to reestablish the
constitution and call different men to his council.
Portugal, at the same time, adopted a similar
constitution, and it was accepted by the exiled
king, John VL, who returned from Brazil.
Spain
Spanish
an
guese
revolu-
Revolutionary Movements in Europe 1141
The revolution in Spain set fire to the discon-
tent that had smouldered in Italy. The latter
broke forth, in the summer of 1820, at Naples, italy/i'slTo-
where the Bourbon king made no resistance to a 1821
sudden revolt of soldiers and citizens, but yielded
the constitution they demanded at once. Sar-
dinia followed, in the next spring, with a rising of
the Piedmontese, requiring constitutional govern-
ment. The king, Victor Emmanuel I., who was
very old, resigned the crown to his brother,
Charles Felix. The latter refused the demands
of the constitutionalists and called uoon Austria
for help.
These outbreaks of the revolutionary spirit
were alarming to the sovereigns of the "holy the "holy
alliance" and excited them to a vigorous activity, alliance"
The congenial duty of restoring absolutism in the
Tv/o Sicilies, and of helping the king of Sardinia
against his subjects, was imposed upon Austria,
and willingly performed; while the Bourbon
court of France was solicited to put an end to the
bad example of constitutional government in
Spain. Both commissions were executed with
fidelity and zeal. Italy was flung down and
fettered again; French troops occupied Spain.
England, alone, protested against this flagrant
policing of Europe by the "holy alliance." Can- protest
ning, its spirited minister, "called in the New
World," as he described his policy, "to redress
the balance of the old," by recognizing the inde-
pendence of the Spanish colonies in America,
which, Cuba and Porto Rico excepted, were now poUcy
1 142
Rising of
the Chris-
tian sub-
jects of the
Turks,
iSzi
Greek war
of inde-
pendence,
1821-1829
From Washington to Stephenson
separated forever from the crown of Spain.
Brazil in like manner was cut loose from the
Portuguese crown, and assumed the constitution
of an empire, under Dom Pedro, the eldest son
of John VI.
These stifled revolutions in western Europe
failed to discourage a more obstinate insurrection
which began in the east, among the Christian
subjects of the Turks. The Ottoman government
had been growing weaker and more vicious for
many years. The corrupted and turbulent
janissaries were the masters of the empire, and a
sultan who attempted, as Selim III. had done, to
introduce reforms, was put to death. Russia,
under Alexander L, had been continuing to gain
ground at the expense of the Turks, and assuming
more and more of a patronage of the Christian
subjects of the Porte.
There seems to be little doubt that the rising
begun in 1821, which had Its start in Moldavia,
and its first leader in a Greek, Ypsilanti, who had
been an officer in the Russian service, received
encouragement from the tzar. But Alexander
turned his back on It when the Greeks sprang to
arms and appealed to Europe for help. England
alone showed sympathy, but did nothing as a
government, and left the struggling Greeks to
such help as they might win from individual
friends. Lord Byron, with others, went to Greece,
carrying money and arms. Generally, however,
these volunteers lost much of their ardor In the
Greek cause when they came Into close contact
1 825
Greek War of Independence 1143
with Its native supporters. But, If the Greeks
lacked high qualities, they made an obstinate
fight, and held their ground against the Turks,
until the feeling of sympathy with them had
grown strong in England and in France. In
Russia, Alexander I. had been succeeded by the
aggressive tzar Nicholas, who had not patience to
wait for the slow crumbling of the Ottoman
power, but was determined to break it as sum-
marily as he could. To that end he joined France
and England in a naval demonstration against
the Turks, which had its result in the battle of
Navarino, and the destruction of the combined Navarino,
Turkish and Egyptian fleets. ^g"" ^°'
Egypt, at this time, was under the practically
independent rule of an adventurer, Mehemet AH,
who went to it In 1801 as one of the officers of the
Turkish force sent to act with the English in
expelling the French. In the confusions that uS*
followed he succeeded in rising to a position which Mehemet
forced the sultan to make him governor. His
authority was disputed by the Mameluke beys, —
chiefs of the old military organization that had
held and ruled Egypt for a long period before
they yielded, in the sixteenth century, to the
sovereignty of the Ottoman sultan. By a general
massacre, accomplished through treachery, he
swept them from his path, and went steadily
forward in the pursuit of plans which aimed at
the establishment of an independent state. His
project was promoted by the troubles in which
Turkey was now involved.
1 144
The king-
dom of
Greece
established,
1830-1833
European
revolutions
of 1830
In France
Exile of
Charles X.
Crowning
of Louis
Philippe
From Washington to Stephenson
After the battle of Navarino, the French and
EngUsh went no farther in hostlHties; but tzar
Nicholas pursued the undertaking, in a war which
lasted till the autumn of 1829. Turkey at the end
of it conceded the independence of Greece, and
practically that of Wallachia and Moldavia.
In 1830, a conference at London established the
Greek kingdom, and in 1833 a Bavarian prince,
Otho I., was settled on the throne.
Before this result was reached, revolution in
western Europe, arrested in 1821-23, had broken
out afresh. Bourbonism had become unen-
durable to France. Charles X., who succeeded
his brother, Louis XVIIL, in 1824, showed not
only a more arbitrary temper, but a disposition
more deferential to the church. He was fond of
the Jesuits, whom his subjects very commonly
distrusted and disliked. He attempted to put
shackles on the press, and, when elections to the
chamber of deputies went repeatedly against the
government, he undertook practically to alter
the suffrage by ordinances of his own. A revolu-
tion seemed then to be the only remedy that was
open to the nation, and it was adopted in July,
1830, the veteran Lafayette taking the lead.
Charles X. was driven to abdication, and left
France for England. The crown was transferred
to Louis Philippe, of the Orleans branch of the
Bourbon family, — son of the Philip Egalite who
joined the Jacobins in the revolution.
The July Revolution in France proved a signal
for more outbreaks in other parts of Europe than
European Revolutions of 1830 1145
had followed the Spanish rising of ten years
before.
Belgium broke away from the union with
Holland, which had never satisfied its people, ^^"^"
and, after some struggle, won recognized inde-
pendence, as a new kingdom, with Leopold of
Saxe Coburg raised to the throne.
Russian Poland, bearing the name of a con-
stitutional kingdom since 181 5, but having the
tzar for its king and the tzar's brother for viceroy,
found no lighter oppression than before, and made
a hopeless, brave attempt to escape from its
bonds. The revolt was put down with unmerciful
severity, and thousands of the hapless patriots
went to exile in Siberia.
In Germany, there were numerous demonstra-
tions in the smaller states, which succeeded more ^"™^"y
or less in extorting constitutional concessions;
but there was no revolutionary movement on a
larger scale.
Italy remained quiet in both the north and the ^^^^
south, where disturbances had arisen before; but
commotions occurred in the papal states, and in
Modena and Parma, which required the arms of
Austria to suppress.
Ireland had been at the point of rebellion In
1 820, but was pacified by a tardy yielding to the , , ,
T rclflnd
demand of the Catholics for representation in
parliament by members of their own faith. The
agitation which extorted this concession had been
led with extraordinary eloquence and resolution
by Daniel O'Connell, who became then a great o-conneii
1 146
1828
Catholic
emancipa-
tion, 1829
Great
Britain
New
departure
in social
progress
The railway
and
Etephen-
soa's
steam
locomotive,
1S25-1830
From Washington to Stephenson
power in the realm. The Tory ministry of the
day, headed by the duke of WelHngton and Sir
Robert Peel, had given signs already of a relaxing
conservatism, by moderating the iniquitous corn
laws, and by opening the doors of public office to
Protestant dissenters from the established church,
who could enter no such office hitherto without
an infringement cf law. Now the same ministry
abrogated the test oath which barred Catholics
from parliament and from all public life.
The movements of feeling and opinion which
accomplished these results were hurrying the
British people toward a greater reform; toward
one that would surpass all other revolutions of
the time In the lasting Importance of Its effects,
and exhibit In their grandest early triumph the
peaceful forces of the platform and the press.
The account of this belongs to our next chapter.
By several tokens it can be seen that a fresh
point of departure In the social progress of the
world had been reached at this time. For more
than half a century past, scientific discovery and
mechanical invention had been marking such
points, by setting new agencies in action, with
wonder-working effects on the relations between
men and communities of men. The early appli-
cations of the steam engine, to mining and manu-
facturing industries and to the propulsion of
boats, had produced Influences that are traceable
in all the lines of the stretch of history just sur-
veyed. And now the mounting of the steam
engine upon wheels and the wheels upon a railway
Catholic Emancipation and First Railway 1147
was the beginning of another revolution, in travel
and transportation, which transformed the world
in every circumstance of civilized life. George
_ , 1 T- 1 • 1 1 J 1 Smiles, Life
Stephenson, the Englishman who proved the of George
practicability of the railway and the steam suphenson
locomotive, did so first, on a small scale, in 1825,
when he ran his "traveling engine" from Stockton
to Darlington, and more effectively in 1830, when
a railway from Liverpool to Manchester was
opened with triumphant success. A new chapter
in human history was opened by that event.
The United States of America
At this time no other country was gaining so
much as the United States from the service of that
floated locomotive, the steamboat, because no
other possessed such natural waterways, opening
such broad and rich expanses of unoccupied land.
The first practical success in steam navigation Na^™a-
had been attained in America, by Robert Fulton, Jsot-isso
on the Hudson River, in 1807. Within five years
there were steamers on the Mississippi; within
ten years they were launched on the Great Lakes;
and from that time they were everywhere hurry- History of
ing the movement of emigrants and merchandise, Jj^^^^'^^^^m
to populate the American interior and develop Engine,
trade. Where nature had not given the needed
waterway, men were stimulated to dig it for
themselves, and astonishing enterprises of canal-
making were set on foot. As early as 18 17 the
State of New York, then containing no more than The Erie
1 1 Canal,
a million and a quarter of mhabitants, began the 1817-1825
1 148
Whitney's
"cotton
gin," 1793
Effects of
the cotton
gin upon
slavery
From Washington to Stephenson
building of the great Erie Canal, which it opened
to travel and transportation, from the Hudson
River to Lake Erie, in 1825. Then the streams
of emigration flowing westward became a mighty
flood, sweeping away forests, effacing the wilder-
ness, creating farms, towns and cities, along the
line of its swift advance.
From a simpler mechanical invention than the
steam engine or the paddle wheel, the southern
section of the Union had received still another
and more powerful impulse to the extension of its
settlements, the increase of its population, and
the enlargement of its wealth. Cotton culture
had been unprofitable till Eli Whitney, in 1793,
perfected his "gin," for separating the fiber of
cotton from the seed. At the same time an eager
and unlimited demand for the fiber had been
created in England, by the inventions for
machine-spinning and weaving and by the
development of the factory system, with the use
of steam power. At once Whitney's " cotton gin "
enabled southern planters to supply that demand,
with large profit to themselves, and cotton-grow-
ing was spread over the States and Territories of
the warmer belt as fast as slaves for new planta-
tions could be procured.
In American history there is no occurrence of
graver moment than this; for it fastened the
institution of slavery on the States of the south.
Previously there had been reason to hope that the
system of enslaved labor would be extinguished
gradually throughout the country, in a natural
Cotton and Slavery in the United States 1149
way. A sentiment repugnant to it was gaining
force in all the border States of the slaveholding
section, and emancipation in those States would
weaken the institution in its small remaining
seats. But a sudden and sinister change in the
whole prospect was produced by the simple work-
ing of the Whitney "gin." Not only was slave 3,^^^,^^^^^
labor made doubly profitable in the regions where made
cotton could be grown, but slaves were made profitable
doubly valuable in all the marts of the neighbor-
ing States. After 1808, no further introduction
of slaves from outside of the Union was permitted,
and the cotton planters must depend on a home
. Ill* Develop-
supply. This gave rise to slave-breeding as a mentof
business, and established it in the border slave jj^^^^djng
States, creating an interest in the perpetuation of
slavery which moral sentiment could not over- and slave
States,
corns* ^ ^ 1819-1820
Of twenty States that formed the Union in
1 819, slavery had been abolished or prohibited in
exactly one-half. Hence the free labor and the
slave labor interests were represented equally in cotSan.^
the federal senate; but the slave-holding States Pol. Hist.
had lost and were losing ground in the other , ; 350-378*
branch of congress, notwithstanding the repre-
sentation of three fifths of their slaves. The
greater streams of emigration flowing into the
country were drawn to the regions where labor
was free, and there could not be a doubt that the
weight of numbers in population, and therefore of
votes in the federal house of representatives,
would always be adverse to the slaveholding
II50
Slave-hold-
ing interest
in the
senate
Question of
slavery in
the Louisi-
ana Pur-
chase
The "Mis-
souri com-
promise,"
1821
From Washington to Stephenson
States. Alarmed by this prospect, the latter
strove to hold the senate as a citadel of political
defense, by keeping at least an even balance In
that body between free and slave States. By
tacit agreement and without much discussion
this equilibrium had, so far, been maintained.
The States added to the Union from territory
south of the Ohio came in with slavery permitted;
those formed in the old northwestern domain
were secured against it by the Ordinance of 1787,
— and each section counted ten States, with
twenty senatorial votes.
But how should it be in the making of more
States, from the great new domain bought from
France.? That vast territory, beyond the Missis-
sippi, had come into the possession of the United
States with slavery sanctioned in it by Spanish
and French laws. One slaveholding State,
Louisiana, had been carved from it already, and
a slaveholding population was spreading along
its southern streams. Should the nation take
care of its future in this matter, or leave it to be
ruled by events.? The question came to congress
in 1 8 19, when a bill to authorize the organization
of the State of Missouri was taken up, and an
amendment prohibiting the further introduction
of slavery, with provision for emancipating the
future children of slaves, was offered by a member
from New York. A passionate debate ensued,
and the first stormy agitation of slavery questions
convulsed the whole country for two years. It
resulted in the famous "Missouri compromise,"
The "Missouri Compromise" 1151
agreed to in March, 1820, but not determined
until February, 1821, by the terms of which
Missouri came into the Union with no restriction
concerning slavery, but slaveholding was for-
bidden in all that part of the Louisiana Purchase
which lies north of 36° 30', north latitude.
Maine, detached from Massachusetts, was ad-
mitted to the Union at the same time.
The larger part of the Louisiana Purchase was
secured for free labor by this compromise; but
the slaveholding interest had acquired, just prior
to it, another considerable extension of territory,
by the purchase of Florida from Spain. That Florida,
transaction was sequent to a war with the ^^^^
Seminole Indians of Florida, in the prosecution of
which General Jackson, pursuing the Indians to igis
their home in the Spanish province, took practical
possession of East Florida, in a lawless way,
expelling Spanish garrisons from Pensacola and
St. Marks. West Florida, claimed by the United
States, rather groundlessly, as forming part of the
Louisiana Purchase, had been dealt with as
American territory since 18 10. After Jackson's
performance, the Spanish government seems to
have abandoned the hope of holding any part of
the province, and consented to a cession of the
whole.
Four months prior to this, a convention with
Great Britain established joint occupancy for ten ji^gOre on
years of the region called Oregon, lying west of question,
the Rocky Mountains, between Mexico and
Russian America, which both nations claimed.
II52
From Washington to Stephenson
Reelection
of Presi-
dent Mon-
roe, 1820
So-called
"era of
good feel-
ings,"
1820-1824
Hamil-
tonian
measures of
the Jeffer-
sonian
party
Promulga-
tion of "the
Monroe
doctrine,"
1823
Thereafter the northern boundary question in
that region stood unsettled till 1846.
In 1820 President Monroe was reelected with-
out opposition, — a distinction which he shares
with President Washington alone. He owed it
to no special popularity, but simply to the dis-
organized conditions in politics, which broke up
the old Federalist party and left the Democratic
Republicans in sole possession of the field.
Somebody described the time as an "era of good
feelings," and the pleasing phrase was much in
use; but the political feeling of the period was
pacified only by being confused. The Repub-
licans as a party had lost their bearings. Many
had strayed from Jeffersonian to Hamiltonian
principles; had chartered a second United States
bank in 1816; had framed and passed a distinctly
protective tariff in the same year; had declared
for a policy of "internal Improvements" by the
general government; had upheld Chief Justice
Marshall in constitutional decisions which
affirmed the sovereign nationality of the federal
government. But Jeffersonian beliefs were not
extinct, nor sectional oppositions reconciled;
they had only lost organization for a time. They
were soon to reappear in a new array, and the
old battles, on the old issues, would be renewed.
The second administration of President Mon-
roe was distinguished only by the famous
declaration of American policy known as the
"Monroe Doctrine," which appeared in the
president's message of 1823. It was called out
The Monroe Doctrine Promulgated 1153
(i) by the movements of the "holy alliance" in J^^^^Jj^.^J;^
Europe, which seemed to be meditating some of the
attempt to restore the sovereignty of Spain over ^7//^. s.,
her revolted American provinces, and (2) by signs s =28-48
of an ambition in Russia to broaden her American
claims. In substance, the president gave notice
that the United States would oppose any attempt
of European powers to make conquests in the
western hemisphere, or to overturn the govern-
ments existing in it, or to extend their own
political system to it; and, further, that the
American continents could be regarded no longer
as open fields for new colonies under European
control. This firm attitude on the part of the q^^j^-^^^^
American government was encouraged by Can- proposal
ning, the then British secretary for foreign
affairs, who had made a recent proposal that the
United States and Great Britain act together in
resisting the American projects of the "holy
alliance." It is probable that the president's
message received much of its tone from John
Quincy Adams, who was Monroe's secretary of
state.
Mr. Adams was made president by the election
of 1824. The issues in that election were purely pl2dent°^
personal, between five candidates, all professing John
the same political principles and stamped with Adams,
the same party name. General Jackson, "the ^^^^
hero of New Orleans," received the largest vote,
Henry Clay received the smallest, and there was
a majority for none. This carried the election
into the house of representatives, and Clay's
1 1 54 From Washington to Stephenson
Influence gave it to Adams. The fact that
Cry of President Adams invited Clay to be secretary of
"bargain state gavc the partisans of Tackson an oppor-
andcorrup- . " '■ , '' ^^
tion" tunity to charge that a bargam had been made, —
that the presidency had been sold and the people
cheated of their choice. It was an utterly
Schurz, . ■'
Life of groundless charge; no men m public were less
^cia^i: capable of such corruption than Adams and
236-257, Clay; but the public mind in large sections was
poisoned by the venomous slander, and embit-
tered against one of the purest of presidents
throughout his term.
Many circumstances conspired to weaken the
administration of the second Adams and expose
It to humiliations and defeats. The Inevitable
stmcdonof reconstructlou of parties was begun. All the
parties JefFersonlan reaction of the time, toward new
assertions of "State sovereignty" and "State
rights," went Into a movement which accepted
Jackson for its leader and conducted a long
campaign for his election in 1828. All the
Hamiltonian and Federalistic leanings that sur-
vived were rallied to the support of the Adams
administration, but In a disheartened way. The
latter party took the name of National Repub-
Democrats jj^an; the former kept the old title of Democratic
National Republican, but liked best to be called Demo-
cans cratlc. President Adams was nominated for
reelection by the National Republicans, but with
small chance of success. General Jackson was
elected by an overwhelming Democratic vote In
the south and the west.
Disaffection in the Canadas 1155
British America
In the war of 1812-15 with the United States,
the Canadians, French as well as English, History of'
showed loyalty to the British flasf. Nevertheless, OwOwn
•' ■' ^ ° . Times, i:
even before that time, both provinces were ch.iii
seething with discontent, which came hotly to
the surface in the years after the war. In Lower
Canada, race antagonisms were at the bottom of tbns in
the feeling. The French Canadian majority of c^^'^da
population, dominant in the representative as-
sembly, claimed a right of control over revenues
and expenditures which the executive branch of
government, wholly English, would not concede.
The contentions that arose from this cause grew
in bitterness from year to year. In Upper
Canada, the popular irritant was a small, exclu-
sive party, or class, formed within the established
church of England, which had contrived to get
impregnable possession, for its members and
their church, not only of every office of honor or
emolument in the province, but of most other The
desirable things, such as bank charters, land compact"
grants, and the like. In the parlance of the day, »" Upper
their snug little bureaucratic organization, which
successive governors seemed to look upon as the
only part of Canada that merited their attention,
was described as "the Family Compact," and the
political literature of the time is full of the wrath
which its pretensions stirred up. In the maritime
provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick maritime
there was much the same friction as in Lower p''^^'""*
Canada, between legislative assemblies and irre-
1 1 56 From Washington to Stephenson
sponsible executives; but it lacked the passion
that came in the other case from jealousies of
race.
Markham,
in Narra-
tive and
Critical
History of
Am., 8 : ch.
V
Miranda
Revolu-
tionary
move-
ments, 1 8 10
SimoB
Bolivar
Spanish America
At least from the time of the American revolu-
tion, thoughts of attempting to escape from the
rule of Spain appear to have been working in
many of her American provinces. The first man
to act on them was Francisco Miranda, a Vene-
zuelan of considerable military experience, ac-
quired in the service of France. Miranda's
undertaking, in 1806, received no support; but
the next four years, during which Napoleon stole
the Spanish crown for his brother, wrought a
change of feeling, and Venezuela was one of five
presidencies and viceroyalties in which inde-
pendent governments were formed and revolt
begun in 18 10. The movements in Venezuela
and in the neighboring viceroyalty of New
Granada (which embraced the Colombia, the
Ecuador and the Panama of the present day)
were connected closely, and were promising
success, till the awful earthquake of 18 12, at
Caraccas, was construed by the superstitious
people as a chastisement for their revolt. This
caused a quick collapse of the revolution in
Venezuela, and Miranda, who led it, was sent to
imprisonment in Spain, where he died. Miranda's
work was then taken up by Simon Bolivar, a
native of Caraccas, who, from New Granada,
where the independent government held its
Spanish-American Revolt and Independence 1157
ground, organized a fresh rising in Venezuela,
with temporary success; but, again, the Spanish independ-
authorities recovered power, not only in Vene- ^"" °^ ,
*^ ' , Venezuela
zuela, but in New Granada, and it was not until and New
18 18 that they were overcome. In fact, the ^lll^^^^^
independence of the two provinces was not fully
secured until 1822. Bolivar had been the military
chief of both, throughout the contest, and had
proved himself a soldier of the higher class. Now,
he entered upon a political career, with less
advantage to his fame. New Granada, Vene-
zuela, and the presidency of Quito (Ecuador),
were united in a single republic of Colombia, and
Bolivar was elected to its presidential seat. Colombia"^
Meantime, events elsewhere were calling him to
a wider field.
The viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres was one of Buenos
those in which revolutionary governments were ^y" (A""-
. gentine
set up in 1810; and there the revolution had confedera-
immediate and complete success, so far as con-
cerned the extinction of Spanish rule. The
difficulty of the revolutionists was in establishing
any authority in the capital city which the rude
cattle-breeders of the pampas would submit to,
or any kind of efficient bond of union between the
provinces of the confederacy which they tried to
form. It was a difficulty they could not over-
come. In their independence, however, they
were so secure that they could lend their neigh-
bors a helping hand. The Chileans, in 18 10, had
renounced their allegiance to Spain, intrusted Revolution
their government to a junta, and upheld it for 18101826
1 1 58 From Washington to Stephenson
three years. Then the viceroy of Peru, the firmest
seat of Spanish power in America, attacked them
with forces which they could not resist, and they
would have been hopelessly crushed if the
San Martin ^^g^^tincs, or Bucnos Ayrcans, had not come to
in Chili, their relief. Early in 1 8 17, San Martin, one of the
^ '''"' ^° leaders of the latter, crossed the Andes with
4,000 men, and, joining forces with O'Higglns, the
Chilean leader, defeated the Spaniards at Chaca-
buco and established an independent government
with O'Higglns at its head. Nevertheless, the
Chilean struggle was not entirely ended till 1826.
Before that time, Spanish authority in Peru, its
last stronghold, had been overturned by attacks
from the independent provinces on both sides.
San Martin San Martin, with a force of Argentines, Chileans
'182^1822 ^"^ European volunteers, greatly aided by a
small Chilean fleet under the command of the
English Lord Cochrane (afterward earl of Dun-
donald), entered Peru in 1820, forced the Span-
iards out of Lima in the following year, pro-
claimed independence, and assumed for a time
dictatorial power. Friction with jealous Peruvian
leaders nearly caused the loss of all that he had
gained, and in 1822 he resigned authority,
returned to Chile, and departed thence to France.
Bolivar was then approaching Peru with forces
^o^ivarin ^^^^ ^^^ north, and the two liberators had an
1822-1824 interview and an understanding before San
Martin withdrew. The final victory which won
Peruvian independence was won at Ayacucho, by
Bolivar's able general, Sucre, in December, 1824.
Work of San Martin and Simon Bolivar 1159
In the region called Upper Peru (now Bolivia), a
Spanish force held its ground for another year. ^^^^^^
That region was then declared to be a separate Peru
state, taking the name of Bolivia, and received a Bdi'^^
constitution from Bolivar, under which Sucre, his ^825
lieutenant, was chosen president for life.
Bolivar was now dictator of Peru (formally
declared so in 1823), being president, at the same g^u^^r's
time, of the republic of Colombia, and practical autocratic
- , 111* T disposition
master of the new state that bore his name, in ^nd sus-
possession of this great power and prestige, he pectedaims
showed an autocratic disposition, adopted oppres-
sive measures, was suspected of designs hostile to
republican institutions, and his popularity waned
fast. The suspicion was only strengthened by
his endeavor to form a general confederation of
the Spanish-American states, in South, Central
and North America, for which purpose he pro-
posed a congress at Panama, which assembled in
1826. The United States were invited to send g^f^";"'
delegates, and did so; but the appointment of 1826
delegates was delayed so long, by opposition in
the congress at Washington, that the Panama
congress had adjourned (with no result) before
they reached the ground. By this time, Bolivar's
Colombian confederation was undergoing disso-
lution, Venezuela and Ecuador breaking away
from it, and the liberator was losing both prestige
and power. In 1830 he withdrew from public
life, and died the same year. Generally, in the ^^".^"'^
' _ •' ^ ^ ■' ' death of
field of his liberating services, and in all the new Bolivar,
Spanish-American republics, factious contentions ^ ^°
ii6o
From Washington to Stephenson
Paraguay
under the
Jesuits
Dr. Fran-
cia's dicta-
torship,
1814-1840
Revolu-
tionary
struggles
in Mexico,
1810-1817
made settled governments Impossible for many
years, — even, in some Instances, to the present
day. It may be that Bolivar's alienation from
republican aims was due, with reason, to the
experience he had had.
An exception to the prevailing disorder was
found In Paraguay. Jesuit missionaries had been
supreme in that province down to 1767, and the
natives had been trained like children to be sub-
missive to control. Spanish authority over them
was exercised from the viceroyalty of Buenos
Ayres; but they refused to acknowledge the
independent government that was seated there
by the revolution of 18 10. The result was a local
dictatorship, extraordinarily despotic, which a
native advocate. Dr. Francia, was able to set up,
in the Napoleonic way, and to maintain for
twenty-six years. In that period the Para-
guayans were absolutely, in every particular,
submissive to his will, having no trade with and
receiving no visitors from the outer world, save
rarely, by special permit.
Revolt in Mexico was set In motion In 18 10;
but after seven years of repeated risings and cruel
warfare, In which leader after leader had suffered
defeat, capture and death, the cause of inde-
pendence seemed hopelessly lost. It was won
selfishly, at last, by one who had fought against
it, but who saw an opportunity to win power for
himself. This was after the constitution of 1820
had been conceded in Spain. Many of the ruling
party in Mexico disliked the concession, and this
The Independence of Mexico ii6i
created a situation which an ambitious colonel in
the army, Agustin de Iturbide, thought favor-
able for a bold stroke. Securing the support of
, . 11-1 • ^ Pronuncia-
his own command, he issued a pronunciamento, mentoof
declaring for the independence of Mexico, as a iturbide,
separate kingdom, under a resident Bourbon
prince, with guarantees for the maintenance of
the Catholic church. The scheme met with so
much favor that small opposition appeared, and
it was referred for consideration to Spain. When
rejected by the Spanish government, as was
expected, no doubt, Iturbide had become so con-
spicuous a national hero that his partisans pro-
claimed him emperor, with the title of Agustin I.; proclaimed
but Mexico at large was not quite prepared for \^^"°^'
this, and Iturbide wore his crown no longer than
ten months. Forced then to abdicate and accept
exile, with a large pension, he had the folly to
return in the next year, whereupon he was
arrested and shot. A federal republic had been fan an J"'
organized meantime, with a constitution modeled 'leath,
on that of the United States. Santa Anna, an
rr f 1 1111 • • Santa Anna
orncer oi the army, who had been promment m
the overthrow of Iturbide, became the ruling
spirit of the country, and, whether in the office of
president or out of it, and whether leading or
resisting revolution, controlled its affairs for
many years.
It was not until 1821 that the Central American
provinces declared for independence and set aside American
the Spanish captain-gcneralcy, seated in Guate- p™^'"^"=^'
^ _ ^ ° ^ -^ ' 1821-1829
mala. During the brief reign of Iturbide in
Cuba
1 162 From Washington to Stephenson
Mexico they were annexed to his empire, but
escaped from the Mexican connection when he
fell, and united themselves in a federal republic,
which was broken up in 1826 and reconstructed
in 1829. For many years thereafter their history
is a record, in the main, of factious and sectional
contests and revolutions, not profitable to pursue.
In Cuba there were formidable risings of the
Creole (non-Spanish or mixed) population, in 1823
and 1829, against the oppressive domination of
the "Spanish party," but the latter were in-
trenched in power too strongly to be overthrown.
For those who controlled its advantages, the
J. island was in a highly prosperous state. Ever
from the siucc the Scvcn Years War, when the English
Slfition^o'f captured Havana, held it for a year, and showed
Havana, [^ ihsit short time what could be made of its pro-
1762-176^
ductions and trade by throwing open its ports,
there had been an improvement in the manage-
ment of both. Sugar and tobacco culture gave
great wealth to the planter class, with consequent
power, against which the less favored elements of
the population were never able to contend.
Hayti (Santo Domingo)
The island which the Caribs called Hayti,
s. Hazard which Columbus named Espanola, and which is
Santo sometimes known as Santo Domingo, from one
of its divisions, was half lost to Spain in the
Divided seventeenth century, when French buccaneers
between ■' \
Spain and took posscssiou of its wcstcm part. French
1697*^' settlements were then so established that France
Central America — Santo Domingo 1163
obtained title to that western part by treaty with
Spain in 1697. Soil and climate were both
favorable to sugar, cotton, coffee, cocoa and gin-
ger culture, with negro slave labor, and the spread
of plantations went rapidly on. When the
eighteenth century approached its close there
were 38,000 inhabitants of European origin in
this French colony, 28,000 free people of color,
mostly mulattoes, and a great number of slaves.
The free colored people, though many of them
were wealthy and well educated, had no political
rights. Then came the French revolution, and a
decree by the French national assembly that
people of color, born of free parents, were French
citizens, entitled to all political privileges as such.
The whites resisted and delayed the operation of
the decree; the free mulattoes and blacks were
determined to secure the rights it conferred;
both parties were more or less divided between
republicans who sympathized with the revolution
in France and royalists who abhorred it; and out races, and
of the whole ferment came a conflict that was rection'!^"'^
made hideous by savage risings among the slaves. 1791-1793
Then, to make the situation worse, the French
assembly revoked its decree, while Great Britain,
appealed to by the white royalists, landed forces
for a conquest and pacification of the island, and
Spain made a rival attempt of the same kind.
Commissioners sent from France to act for the
revolutionary government proclaimed universal
freedom, and thus won the general support of the
blacks, who turned their arms against both the 1793
1 164
Toussaint
L'Ouver-
ture
Beard,
Toussaint
UOuver-
iure (con-
taining
autobiog-
raphy)
Character
and rule of
Toussaint
in Hayti
His fate
H. Adams,
Historical
Essays,
«ssay 4
From Washington to Stephenson
foreign invaders and drove them out. To this
course the insurgent blacks were drawn by a
remarkable leader, who had been raised by his
own force of intellect and high character to an
influence among them that was very soon
supreme. He was a slave and the son of slaves,
but had been educated by a priest. His name
was Toussaint, to which the surname L'Ouverture
was added when he came to be a personage of
note; but why and with what meaning seems an
unsettled question.
For some years Toussaint held dictatorial
power over the whole Haytian island, and dis-
played an extraordinary political genius, com-
parable with that of the greater statesmen of
history. He restored order, peace and prosperous
industry to a land blackened with ruins and
stained horribly with blood. Until 1801 he ruled
it in the name of the French republic; then he
did in Hayti what Napoleon had done in France
— setting the repubhc aside. But Napoleon was
not willing to be so imitated by a black, and dis-
patched an army, not merely to arrest Haytian
independence, but to restore slavery, as well.
By treacherous means, the French commander
lured Toussaint into his hands and sent him a
captive to France, where he died in a dungeon, in
1803. That he was treated inhumanly in his
prison, with intention to cause his death, and
that his jailers were obedient to the wishes of
Napoleon in what they did, has been made plain
by documents drawn from the archives of France.
TOUSSAINT L'OUVERTURE IN SaNTO DoMINGO 1 1 65
Then came evil days for Haytl, which have
never reached their end. Insurrection blazed
anew, and yellow fever thinned the ranks of the
French till they abandoned the island and gave abandon-
it up to the triumphant blacks. Leaders very mentofthe
^ . island
different in character from Toussamt rose among
them; first Dessalines, then Christophe, who
established despotisms of the worst oriental
pattern, one styling himself emperor and the Reignof
other king. Then, in 1820, a better period was "«sro
IT -r»- -0 despots
opened by an able mulatto, Jean Pierre boyer,
who contented himself with a republican presi-
dency, and ruled intelligently, though despoti-
cally, till 1843.
Brazil
Driven from Lisbon by Napoleon in 1807, the
prince-regent of Portugal, afterward King John 1114)'
VL, transferred his court to Brazil, and Rio de Ja-
niero became the capital of the Portuguese king-
dom for the next fourteen years. In many ways rj^gp^^^.
Brazil, and especially Rio, profited immensely by guese court
the change, which broke the trammels of the old igoj-igzi
colonial system, while Portugal suffered loss.
After the fall of Napoleon in 181 5, the regent
(who became king the next year, on the death of
his Insane mother) still hesitated to return to
Portugal, finding it hard to reconcile the opposed
interest In the two parts of his realm, and seeming
to value the great American dominion most. His
difficulties were not removed by a decree which
incorporated Brazil and Portugal In one kingdom.
To the Portuguese, Brazil was a colony, and must
ii66
From Washington to Stephenson
Return of
the king to
Lisbon,
1821
Brazil an
indepen-
dent em-
pire, 1822
Uruguay
be kept under colonial bonds. In 1820 they
resorted to revolutionary proceedings which
forced King John to return to Lisbon the follow-
ing year, leaving his son, Dom Pedro, to rule as
regent in Brazil. He found the cortes of Portugal
uncontrollable in the matter of the treatment of
the Brazilians, determined to reduce them to their
old colonial dependence and restraint in trade.
Its fatuous measures drove the Brazilians to a
declaration of independence, with the regent's
consent, and Dom Pedro accepted the title and
crown of emperor in December, 1822. Portugal
resisted feebly for three years and then acknowl-
edged the accomplished fact. The reign of Pedro
I. was not satisfactory to his subjects, and in 1831
he gave up the throne to his son, Dom Pedro 11. ,
who occupied it for nearly sixty years. Shortly
before the abdication of the father an important
province had been lost to Brazil, by a successful
revolt, which established the republic of Uruguay
in 1828.
New South
Wales
Beginning
of sheep-
breeding
Australia
In 1800, twelve years after the founding of the
settlement (mostly of convicts) at and near
Sydney, in New South Wales, its numbers had
increased to a little more than 6,000, and that
was the total white population of Australia. The
vast flocks and herds of a later time were pio-
neered then by no more than 1,000 cattle and 6,000
sheep; but the fitness of the country for sheep-
breeding had been proved, and that profitable
The Beginnings of Australia 1167
industry was beginning to engage capital and
men. Hitherto, the colony had gone through
much suffering, in a struggle with natural condi-
tions, which were overcome. It still had serious
troubles to meet, due to a dominating body of
military officers, who defied the governors,
assumed special privileges and monopolized wool-
growing, as well as various branches of trade.
After the removal of this troublesome corps, in
1 8 10, affairs settled into a better state. Under
Governor McQuarie, then appointed, exploration McQuane
was pushed through the Blue Mountains, which
had shut the colony into a narrow strip of coast
land; broad expanses of pasture and farm land
were found, and roads were constructed to open
them up. The incoming of free settlers was rapid
from that time. In 1823, the previous autocratic
government of the colony was modified, by an
act of the British parliament which created a
legislative council and a supreme court. At this
time, and for some years after, there was no other
settlement on the continent; but a branch colony
had been founded on the island at the south
(Tasmania), known then as Van Dieman's Land. ^^"P'^
'^ ' ' man sLana
Some missionaries were in New Zealand, but no (Tasmania)
settlement on those islands had been undertaken.
India
In this period, of the first third of the nine-
teenth century, the British subjugation of India
made its most important advances. An enlarge-
ment of imperialistic ambitions was carried into
ii68
From Washington to Stephenson
The
Wellesleys
Tippoo
Sahib
Overthrow]
oftheMah-
rattas,
1803, 1817-
1819
Runjeet
Singh
Suppres-
sion
of suttee
and the
Thugs
the administration of the East India Company by
Richard Wellesley, earl of Mornington, afterward
marquis of Wellesley, who was appointed gov-
ernor-general in 1798. On the military side of his
policy, Wellesley was assisted with great ability
and vigor by his younger brother, Arthur, who
found then the full opening to a career which
made him duke of Wellington and gave him his
splendid fame. Tippoo Sahib, successor to his
father, Hyder Ali, as sultan of Mysore, and con-
tinuing his father's alliance with the French, was
the first enemy to be crushed by the British arms.
Two wars with the powerful confederacy of
Mahratta chiefs of central and western India,
conducted by the Wellesleys and Lord Lake in
the first instance, and by Lord Hastings in the
second, put an end to their power. Aggressions
by the warlike Ghorkas of Nepal, on the northern
frontier of British territory, and by the Burmese,
on the eastern border, were stopped decisively, by
governor-general Hastings, in 18 16, and by Lord
Amherst in 1824-6. Without war, the once
famous Sikh ruler in the Punjab, Runjeet Singh,
was checked in his projects of conquest south of
the Sutlej, and his arms turned against Afghanis-
tan and Kashmir. Within the bounds of the
company's government, important measures of
administration were the suppression of the dread-
ful Hindu practice of suttee — the burning of
widows — and the extermination of the secret
society of Thugs, which made murder a religious
rite.
India — Africa 1169
Africa
Prior to the nineteenth century there had been
little of European action in Africa south of the
great desert. The Portuguese had established
settlements and stations on both the east and
west coasts; the Dutch, between 1652 and 1795,
had been in possession of the Cape of Good Hope ^^'"l^
_ -^ , '■ ^ '^ settlements
and adjoining territory; an English settlement andex-
for freed slaves had been founded (1787) at p°"^°°*
Sierra Leone; an African association formed in
England had sent Mungo Park to explore the
western interior, from the Gambia; Bruce had
ascended the Blue Nile; England, in 1795, had
seized the Dutch Cape Colony, to keep it from
passing, with Holland, under French control;
some Christian missions had been undertaken in
a few parts of the continent: — and the substance
of known central and south African history,
down to 1800, Is in those facts.
In 1802, England restored Cape Colony to the
Dutch, but in 1806, after Holland had been trans- ^"^'"'^ ,
' ^ ' ^ _ conquest of
formed into a Napoleonic kingdom, she took the Cape
settlement again, and gave it back no more. 1806"^'
Between that time and 1830, more active investi-
gations of the African Interior were carried on, by
British explorers, — Mungo Park, Campbell,
Lyon, Laing, Clapperton, Denham, and others, —
by Lichtenstein, a German, by Burchhardt, a tions°Ind
Swiss traveler, and by Caille, a Frenchman, who mission*
penetrated to Timbuctoo. Missions, too, of
great importance in their effect, were undertaken,
especially in South Africa, where the labors of
1 170 From Washington to Stephenson
Robert Moffat were begun. The republic of
Liberia was founded by the American Coloniza-
tion Society, in 1822, to receive a population of
free negroes from the United States.
Liberia
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