BS 2505 .F63213 1901
Fouard, Constant, 1837-1904.
The last years of Saint Paul
THE LAST YEARS
OF
SAINT PAUL
REMIGIUS LAFORT, S.T.L.
Censor Librorutn.
Imprimatur :
* MICHAEL AUGUSTINUS,
A rchiepiscopus Neo-Eboracensis>
Neo-Eboraci, die 25, Octobris, 1900.
t)*!;
fret e
aV
THE LAST YEARS
OF
SAINT PAUL
By the abbe CONSTANT FOUARD
STransIateH bjttfj tfjc ^utfjofs sanction nnti cobpcratiott
By GEORGE F. X. GRIFFITH
NEW YORK AND LONDON
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO,
1901
Copyright, 1900,
By George F. X. GraFFiTH.
First Edition, November, 1900
Reprinted, December, 1901
UNIVERSITY PRESS • JOHN WILSON
AND SON • CAMBRIDGE, U.S.A.
PREFACE.
To me to live is Christ and to die is gain.
— Philip, i. 21.
Those missionary journeys of Saint Paul, which I en-
deavored to set forth in a preceding volume/ go to make
up the longer term of his Apostolate (from 42 to 62).
No more than five years of life were destined to be his
after his arrival in Rome, while one half of this time he
was to drag out in captivity. And yet, restricted in every
respect though this closing of his ministry may seem, it is
of an importance equal to, if not greater than, that of the
longer period during which Paul evangelized Asia and
Greece. His main object in the course of those seventeen
years of mission-work had been to free the Christian com-
munities which he was founding from the bondage of
Judaism. On emerging from that struggle he finds that
both his own views, as well as his sphere of action, have
widened. Against the nascent shadows of heresy he
must needs now uphold the pure light of the Incarna-
tion ; unto poor, dying Jerusalem he is destined to dis-
play Jesus, High Priest from everlasting unto everlasting,
abolishing the ancient worship of Mosaic Law ; to all he
is to repeat the fact that this Divine Saviour perpetuates
His life in the Church ; finally he develops the Hierarchy,
which was destined to maintain and regulate the functions
of that mystical body of Christ.
Vast, indeed, from every point of view, was this labor,
but Paul was not to be left alone to work out its accom-
1 St. Paul and His Missions, Longmans, 1894.
vi PREFACE.
plishment. The same Spirit which inspired him animated
the other members of the Apostolic College as well, thus
breathing into the hearts of one and all a like solicitude
for their Churches. Of this we have plentiful testimony
in the four letters addressed during this same period to
the believers in Asia. Therein James and Jude, Peter
especially, while combating with the same sectaries as
did the Apostles of the Gentiles, will enable us to follow
with keener appreciation the rise and development of the
Gnostic heresies which were to harass Christianity for
many a long day. We are bound to glean every slightest
fact we can from these writings ; for, together with the
last Epistles of Saint Paul, they are the only sources
available to the student of this period of the Church's
infancy. In other words, I have had to content myself
with constructing a history without historical facts, and,
as a general rule, to limit myself to setting forth the
meaning of the Apostles, in default of any knowledge of
their acts.
Even these few documents would avail us nothing if
we were to lend an ear to the voice of rationalistic crit-
icism ; for in the Holy Books I shall have to make use
of there is little enough left that is authentic, were we to
listen to its objections. It is true, indeed, that these
critics have found themselves constrained, step by step,
to order back their attacking lines and to acknowledge
that the majority of their assaults have been triumphantly
repulsed.^ In short, we may assert, without unduly
dwelling on this point, that to-day they accept the Epis-
tles to the Philippians and to the Colossians, and even
that addressed to the Ephesians. The short note written
1 This tendency, all along the line, to accept opinions authorized by
Catholic Tradition is particularly noticeable in two works which stand in
great repute at the date of writing. One is that of Professor Harnaek,
cliief of tlie new school in Berlin : Die Chrojiolo(/ie der altchristUchen
Littprat.nr bin Eni^fhins (Leijizig, 1897); the other that of the illustrious
Professor Blass of Halle : Acta Aposfoloi'iim, Editio Philologica (Gottingen,
1895). As to this peculiar right-about-face of rationalistic exegesis, con-
sult: Les Etudf.s des Peres lie la Compagnie de Je'sus (July, 1897), pp.
55-74, and La Revue Biblique (July, 1897), pp. 423-432.
PREFACE. Vii
to Philemon is very generally admitted. To assign the
first Epistle of Saint Peter and that of Saint James to the
time when I shall endeavor to show they were composed,
— even this contention no longer seems to them so alto-
gether devoid of probability. The only pieces of evidence
adduced in this volume which the Ptationalists agree in
throwing out of court, are the Epistles to Timothy, to
Titus, to the Hebrews, the Epistles of Saint Jude, and
Saint Peter's second Letter. It does not enter into the
scheme of this work to try to refute, one by one, their
quibbles and subtleties. Our biblical manuals provide an
ample armory for this irksome warfare of controversy.^
There the student will find that we are amply sustained
in our right to hold that these books are the work of the
very Apostles to whom Tradition attributed them.^
The name of Saint Paul, once more made use of to
adorn the titlepage of this work, makes it, as it were, the
second volume of his life. It was fitting to set it in such
strong relief; for, though the Apostle no longer stands
before us alone in the labors of these his last years, still,
as ever, he continues to play the principal part in word
and in deed ; above all, it is now, and only now, that he
rises to that supreme height of virtue which was destined
to set the seal of Heaven upon his sanctity.
We must bear in mind what was the origin of this
Jewish Scribe who was felled to earth that day on the
highway to Damascus ; endowed with a noble heart, he
was ever impetuous and rash, while always sensitive in
the extreme. This alone would explain certain contra-
dictory traits which we encounter during the first years
of his ministry ; we have beheld him then, when the
1 Consult Comely especially, Introdnctio specialis in singulos Novi Tes-
tamenti libros ; Vigouronx and Bacuez, Manuel Bihlique, vol. iv.
2 In like manner I have taken no notice of certain recent theories
which would have us believe that the majority of St. Paul's epistles show
traces of numerous interpolations, and that some are really nothing more
than mere compilations. The multiplicity of these hypotheses, which
vary according to the caprice of each individual critic, is enough to prove
that they have no solid foundations. The student will find them summar-
ized in a work by Dr. Carl Clemen, Die Einheitlichkeit der paidinischen
Briefe (Gottingen, 1894).
viii PREFACE.
whole man was uplifted by his feelings of what was right
and just, sweeping away every barrier, in order to pursue
and defend the mission confided to him from on High ;
spurning John Mark; breaking with Barnabas; reprov-
ing Peter ; like one who was, indeed, no " respecter of
persons." Yet again and we have seen this lofty enthu-
siasm fail him in hours of trial, in the crises of his bodily
ills, in hours of loneliness and grief. Then Paul proves
himself once more a man like the rest of us poor mortals,
trembling, weeping, beseeching of God His pity and His
grace. And yet, whatever may have been the emotions
which shook that great heart of his, one passion alone
dominated it, one only, his love for Jesus. That divine
charity had so profoundly penetrated the very depths of
his being that we have heard him defy life, death, earth,
heaven, and hell to ever tear it from him.^ By weaning
him little by little from all other ties, this Love has made
forgetfulness of self and self-renunciation to become in
him as though they had been his natural virtues. And,
assuredly, if there is any sacrifice repugnant to our in-
stincts, it is to consecrate ourselves to some work, to put
into it our whole soul, to witness its triumph, and then,
instead of taking to ourselves the glory, abandon it all to
the keeping of another.
The work before us aims to show how Jesus led His
disciple to this pinnacle of self-conquest, and how Paul
accomplished it. The Apostle had vanquished the Gen-
tile world, creating in every land Churches and Episcopal
Sees ; not one of them did he retain as his own. He
feels how that the Divine Master is moving him to merge
his Apostolate into that of Peter ; hearkening to this in-
spiration, he comes to Eome, to become a subordinate in
the presence of the supreme pastor, and as such to die.
When Paul bends his head beneath the sword of the exe-
cutioner there is naught left that is human in him : the
Heart of Jesus, once having taken possession of all his
powers, has consumed all else, has sanctified and crowned
all else.
1 Romans viii. 35-39.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Page
Preface v
CHAPTER I..
THE FIRST IMPRISONMENT OF SAINT PAUL AT ROME.
I. The Acts of Paul, the Prisoner.
Nero and tis court at the time of the Apostle's first imprisonment. —
Paul under detention of Pretorian Guards. — His interview with the
Jews of Rome. — Success of his Apostolate among the Gentiles. —
Aid offered by Philippians, and brought to him by Epaphroditus . . 1
II. The Epistle to the Philippians.
Sojourn and ministry of Epaphroditus. — Expression of thanks to the
Philippians. — Paul's supernatural joy. — Divisions in the congre-
gation at Philippi. — Warns them against the Judaizers .... I?
CHAPTER IL
SAINT JAMES OP JERUSALEM.
Errors creeping into the Churches founded by Paul. — Corrupting max-
ims of the Judaizers. — Epistle of St. James. — Rich and poor in
the Church. — Faith without works. — Dangers of the Tongue. —
Necessity of Prayer. — Asceticism and Influence of James. — His
martyrdom. — Destruction of Jerusalem foretold by Jesus, son of
Hanan 28
X TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER III.
THE EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS.
Page
Spread of heresy in Churches of Asia Minor. — Source of these errors :
Pagan philosophers, Jewish missionaries, and the Essenes. — Epa-
phras in Rome. — Epistle to the Colossians. — The Christ is every-
thing : all things are by Him, for Him, in Him. — The Christ is
author of all creation ; Redeemer ; in Him is the " pleroma," the pleni-
tude of knowledge and of Divinity. — Jesus Head of the Church. —
Counsels of morality. — The Christian family 47
CHAPTER IV.
PHILEMON AND ONESIMUS. — THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS.
Paul's companions during his first imprisonment. — Tychicus hearer of
his letter to the Colossians. — Onesimus. — Christianity and Slavery.
— Letter to Philemon. — Epistle to the Ephesians; an Encyclical
letter to the Christians of Asia. — Predestination of the Elect. —
Every perfect gift proceeds from the Christ. — Jesus living in the
Church and by the Church. — Development of the Hierarchy. —
Union of Jesus with the Church a mystical wedlock. — Duties of
parents and children, of masters and servants. — Spiritual armor of
the Christian 64
CHAPTER V.
SAINT Paul's deliverance. — the work of saint luke.
Paul tried and acquitted. — His journey to Spain. — Saint Luke's work
destined for Gentile Christians. — Sources of the third Gospel. —
Plan of Saint Luke ; to prove by the Acts of Jesus and His Apostles.
— The well-foundedness of Paul's teachings. — Salvation offered to
Pagans and Jews alike. — Faith the source of all justification. —
Jesus, Saviour of all humanity. — Peculiar charms of the third
Gospel -. 85
CHAPTER YI.
the massacre of the christians of ROME.
I. The Burning of Rome.
Tigellinus and Poppsea. — Nero's passion for the stage, sports of the
Circus and stately Monuments. — Rome on fire. — Nero suspected
of complicity 106
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xi
II. The Massacre of the Christians. Paoe
Rumors accusing Nero of incendiarism. — Tlie Jews, victims of popular
hatred, manage to cast suspicion upon the Christians. — Multitude
of believers discovered in Rome and put to tortare. — The sanguinary
festival of August 118
CHAPTER VII.
FIRST GENERAL PERSECUTION.
I. The Edict op Persecution.
Throughout the whole empire Christians are hunted down. — Legisla-
tion ; method of procedure in Roman courts. — The edict of Nero . 130
II. The First Letter of Saint Peter.
The persecution in Asia Minor. — Saint Peter's letter delivered by Sil-
vanus. — Originality of this Epistle. — Eaith in the risen Christ. —
Its fruits in the regenerated soul. — Duties of Christians under per-
secution. — Functions and obligations of Pastors 138
CHAPTEE VIII.
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
Sufferings of the Church in Jerusalem. — Albinus, Governor of Judea.
— Epistle to the Hebrews, its authenticity. — Analysis of the Epistle.
— God in the Old Testament worked through the mediation of angels ;
in the New, He speaks through the mouth of His own Son. — The
ancient covenant sets forth Moses as a mediator ; the New teaches
that Jesus is the Supreme Mediator. — The Priesthood of Jesus
Christ, prefigured by Melchisedec, is greater than that of Aaron. —
Jesus the Eternal Priest and Victim of His own Sacrifice. — Excel-
lence of Faith. — Exhortation to Christian virtues 154
CHAPTEE IX.
THE REBELLION OF JUDEA.
I. The First Uprisings in Jerusalem.
Government of Gessius Floras. — Popular excitement. — Grewsome
prognostics. — Conflicts with Floras. — Riots in Jerusalem. — Triumph
of the Rebels. — The Romans driven from the Holy City .... 174
Xii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
11. Massacre of the Jews in the East.— The Campaign or
Cestius Gallus. Paqe
Massacre of the Jews in Csesarea, Judea, and Alexandria. — Sufferings
of the Christians. — Expedition and defeat of Cestius Gallus . . . 186
CHAPTEE X.
THE EPISTLE OF SAINT JUDE. — SAINT PAUL's LAST MISSION
JOURNEY.
Saint Paul's teaching perverted in many Churches. — Jude's letter meant
to stop these disorders of mind and manners. — Paul's mission in
Crete. — Titus set over the Christian congregations of the Island . 195
CHAPTEH XI.
THE EPISCOPATE. — PASTORAL EPISTLES.
Heresy in the Churches of Asia. — Development of the Hierarchy. —
Rules laid down for choice of Pastors, Deacons, and Deaconesses. —
Christian congregations of Asia Minor confided to Timothy. — Paul
in Macedonia. — First letter to Timothy. — Controversies with
heretics. — Prayers for rulers and magistrates. — Preservation of
order in the Divine Service, in the Hierarchy, and in the household.
— Paul in Troas, Ephesus, Miletus, and Corinth. — Letter to Titus.
— Mission work in Epirus. — Nicopolis. — Return to Corinth. —
Departure of Peter and Paul for Rome 207
CHAPTER XII.
THE DEATH OP SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL.
Second imprisonment of Saint Paul. — Solitary confinement during this
period. — First hearing and adjournment of his case. — Second letter
to Timothy. — Saint Peter's second letter. — " Domine, Quo Vadis ? "
Peter and Paul in the Mamertine prison. — Their martyrdom. — 229
Their tombs
CHAPTER XIII.
ROME AFTER THE DEATH OF SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL.
Nero's decline in popularity. — Tiridates invested at Rome with the king-
ship of Armenia. — Nero's journey Ihrougli Greece. — His mad pas-
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xiii
Page
sion for the theatre and public games. — Hclius recalls him to Italy
and to Rome. — Insurrection of Gaul, Spain, and the Pretorian
Guard. — Nero's death. — Galba, Otho, Vitellius. — The legions of
the East raise Vespasian to the throne 258
CHAPTER XIV.
VESPASIAN IN GALILEE AND JUDEA.
Situation of the Christians after the death of Peter and Paul. — Warlike
preparations in Jerusalem and Judea. — Josephus, Governor of Galilee.
— Siege of Jotapata. — Taking of Gamala, Tiberias, and Giscala. —
Simon-ben-Gioras. — The Christians of Jerusalem take refuge in
PeUa 277
CHAPTER XV.
THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM.
Titus invests Jerusalem. — Preliminary encounters. — Taking of Bezetha
and Acra. — Besiegers repulsed. — Intrenchment of Jerusalem. —
Horrors of famine. — The perpetual sacrifice interrupted. — Fresh
attempts of the besiegers. — Attack and taking of Antonia. — Burn-
ing of the Temple. — Siege and fall of Sion. — Titus's return to
Rome and triumphal entry of the Flavians 302
INDEX 323
Map of the Roman Empihe Frontispiece
Map op Rome 106
Map of Judea 174
The Temple of Jerusalem 292
Jerusalem at the time of its Destruction by Titus .... 802
LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
CHAPTER I.
THE FIRST IMPRISONMENT OF SAINT PAUL AT ROME.
I. The Acts of Paul, the Prisoner.
Paul entered Rome at a decisive moment in the reign
of Nero ; it was just at the time when this Prince, shaking
off the authority of Seneca and Burrhus, inaugurated his
career of unbridled license. Steeped in vice to his marrow,
it was from his mother he had inherited his blood-thirsty
and brutal instincts, without, however, one trace of that
savage dignity which enveloped Agrippina. In every-
thing he was frivolous ; in his parade of ambition, his ab-
surd pretensions in the realm of Art, his showman's tastes
and manners. His soul, long trained to play such oppo-
site parts, lent itself as easily to the accents of tragedy as
it did to the vulgarities of the public booth. Agrippina
had moulded him after her own image, and sealed him
with her own seal, with this one end in view, that in his
person she might rule.
Of what value was her son's virtue or honor, forsooth,
to this ambitious queen ? She was but seeking another
instrument of power ; and, in order to wield it more
easily, she had checked or misdirected every righteous
spring of action Nero might have possessed. As it seemed
to her that at least some veneer of learning was requisite
to soften the hues of the monster she was modelling,
Burrhus and Seneca were given this thankless task.
None worthier could have been found in Rome ; but de-
1
2 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL,
spite the masterful spirit of the former and the profound
mind of the latter, these two Stoics vainly endeavored to
infuse some of the sap of righteousness into a heart blasted
from the cradle up ; at most they could but instil some
smattering of art and poetry. Happily, for several years
they managed to maintain their ascendency over this
young decadent, at seventeen become master of the world,
and they made use of it to inaugurate an equitable and
pacific reign.
The five years of this regime were destined to remain
famous, cherished above all others in the memory of his
people ; ^ and yet this peaceful lull in the midst of that
century of violence was bought at the price of extraordi-
nary tolerance on his tutors' part. Monstrous as were
Nero's passions, they terrified his guardians far less than
did the ferocity they found embedded in his soul. " Pre-
serve him from the taste of blood," said Burrhus ; "the wild
beast within him, once awakened, will grow insatiable." ^
It is a policy often practised by those who desire to rule
in the stead of others, to distract their thoughts from
public affairs by the allurements of pleasure. It is one
which has never produced aught but fearful failures in
the end, since sooner or later debauchery hardens a man
and impels him to crime. Very shortly Nero refused to
confine his excesses to his palaces, or even to the streets of
Eome ; seizing the reins from the hands of his two
masters, he rushed madly upon whomsoever he fancied to
be an obstacle in his way, and felled each at a blow, —
Britanicus first, then Agrippina herself. Seneca saw him-
self reduced to the shameful necessity of pleading excuses
for a parricide, and Burrhus to some attempt to cover him
with the mantle of his own good fame. Their authority
was but weakened by these acts of forbearance ; less and
less respected daily, their yoke became irksome and they
themselves fit subjects for disgrace.
Burrhus, whose long military power had rendered him
^ **Uti merito Trajaniis soepius testaretur procul differre cimctos piin-
cipes Neronis quinquenino." Aurelius Victor, Goes. 15.
* Juvenal's Scoliast, Ad. Sat. v. 109.
FIRST IMPRISONMENT AT ROME, 3
the more inflexible of the two, was the first to disappear.^
His death, which many attributed to poison, left vacant
one of the most important posts in Eome, the command
of the Praetorian Guard. This office, ordinarily filled by
two Prefects of equal authority, had been confided entirely
to his charge. Nero hastened to divide its duties again,
and parcelled them out to two of his own creatures. One,
Sofonius Tigillinus, was an old-time tool and boon com-
panion of his revels, — a clever mind, but bent on the
pursuit of the worst forms of depravity, and without one
generous spark of humanity. The other, Fenius Eufus,
led a fairly decent life, which won him the respect of the
masses, but was a man of no character. Nero need feel
no fear about confiding to this pair the command of the
troops which guarded Eome and his palaces.
These were the cohorts of picked men who watched
over such as had appealed to the Emperor's tribunal.^
The first duty of the Centurion Julius on their arrival
was to hand over his prisoners to them. Traversing the
city, he conducted the Apostle to the Praetorian camp,
situated near the Via Nomentana. We do not know
which of the two Prefects Paul was brought before, but
there is reason to believe that it was Fenius Eufus ; for
Tigillinus was too absorbed in court intrigues to interest
himself in the affairs of the Guard. All business per-
taining to the Prtetorium, accordingly, fell to his col-
league. Paul was treated with perfect justice by him.
The report of the Governor of Palestine, the details added
by Julius, witness for the past seven months of his pris-
oner's virtues, his own attitude, — everything, indeed,
declared that here was but another victim of Jewish fanati-
cism. Eufus gave orders that he be treated as humanely
as the severity of the law allowed. Though subjected, as
1 In March, 62, according to some writers, even earlier according to
others, in the month of January or February of the same year. See
"Wieseler, Chronologie des apostolischen Zeitalters, p. 83, note 1. The
rumor that Nero had ordered him to be poisoned at once spread abroad
and found ready credence. Tacitus, Annates, xiv. 51 : Suetonius, Nero, 35.
2 Mommsen, Romisches Staatsrecht, voL ii., p. 933.
4 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
at Csesarea, to continual surveillance, never going out
unless chained to the legionary, who was always with him
day and night, he was, nevertheless, left free to lodge
wherever he saw fit.^ For the first few days he accepted
the hospitality of the Christians of Rome ;2 but soon,
making use of the funds sent him from Philippi^ to re-
gain his independence, he withdrew into lodgings hired at
his own expense.* We do not know whereabouts in
Eome this dwelling-place of the Apostle was located ; ^
close by the Imperial Palace, according to some ; ^ in the
midst of the Praetorian camp, according to others;^ at all
events probably somewhere in the environs of this camp,
in order to facilitate the services of his keepers.
For two years Paul awaited the judgment of Caesar in
this retreat. Long delays were not at all unusual in cases
of appeal ; the multitude of cases, the difficulty of collect-
ing testimony at a great distance,^ a mere caprice on the
part of the judges, always exposed the accused to such
annoyance.^ It must be acknowledged, however, that,
under the circumstances, such procrastination is rather
surprising, since the Jews, who so bitterly hated the
Apostle, had both the influence and the means of push-
ing it in Rome, which they lacked in Ca^sarea. For a
long time Herod's descendants, w^ho had been detained
and educated at the Imperial court for political reasons,^^
1 Acts xxviii. 16. It lay within the discretion of the Prefect of the
Prpetorium to decide, according to the rank of the prisoner and the gravity
of the charges brought against him, whether his confinement should be
more or less strict. Sometimes he allowed the accused party his liberty
under bail ; but, as a general rule, he kept him in the custody of his
Praetorian Guards. See Daremberg, Dictionnaire des Antiquite's, custodia.
2 Ets TTjv ^eviau, Acts xxviii. 23. Comp. Acts xxi. 16 ; Philem. 22.
3 Philip, iv. 15-18.
4 Ep 15l({} fiLCTdihixaTL. Acts xxviii. 30.
^ According to certain local traditions the Church of Santa Maria in
Via Lata, on the Corso, marks the location of this building.
6 Wieseler, Chronologie des apostolischen Zeitalters, p. 403, note 3.
' Lightfoot, Philippians^ pp. 97 et seq.
8 Tacitus, Annales, xiii. 43, 52.
3 Wieseler, Chronologie des apostolischen Zeitalters, pp. 407 et seq.
1^ Josephus, Antiq. Jud., xvii. i. 3 ; xviii. ii. 1, 3, vi. 1 ; Bell. Jud., i.
xxxviii. 4, etc.
FIRST IMPRISONMENT AT ROME. 5
had enjoyed the highest favor; this had been made patent
to all by the privileges granted to the children of Israel by
Caligula and Claudius. Even Nero, despite his disdain
for any and every religion, showed himself far from indif-
ferent to their good-will ; one of the objects which was
destined to absorb his attention toward the close of his
life was Jerusalem, whose throne a prophecy had promised
should be his.^ But their most powerful instrument, and
the one nearest to him, was his favorite, Poppsea, a mem-
ber, like many other Eoman ladies of the day, of their
religion.2 This woman, who, beside all other feminine
gifts, possessed something that was almost worthy the
name of virtue,^ just now reigned without a rival. Thanks
to her, a deputation from the Sanhedrin, despatched to
Rome to make complamt against the exactions of Agrippa,
had but recently departed, having won their case.^ Had
other emissaries urged her to take action against the
Apostle, there would have been a speedy end of his mis-
sion and his life. God preserved Paul by turning the
minds of the fanatics of Jerusalem into other channels,
after his departure. Absorbed entirely in new domestic
broils, not only did they fail to follow him on his journey
Homewards, but they did not so much as take the pre-
caution of warning their brethren of the capital against
him. The following incident told us in the Acts gives
striking testimony to this indifference, in strange contrast
to their relentless persecutions at Jerusalem and Csesarea.
Three days after his arrival, Paul desired, according to
the rule he followed everywhere, to preach first to the
children of Israel. Since his position as prisoner pre-
1 Suetonius, Nero, 40.
2 Josephus, Antiq. Jud., xx. viii. 11 ; Vita, 3.
^ " Huic mulieri cuncta alia fuere preeter honestum animuni." Tacitus,
Annales, xiii. 45.
* Josephus, Antiq. Jud., xx. viii. 11. The object of contention in this
quarrel was a gallery erected by Agrippa on the very summit of Mt. Sion
in the palace of the Asmonseans, whence he could look down into the
Temple. The Jews succeeded in having it demolished, as they considered
it both indiscreet and indecent that this prince should thus exercise sur-
veillance over the sacred privacy of their Sanctuary.
6 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
vented him from going to them, he begged them to
" beseech the principal personages among the Jews to
come to him." ^ Note that by "principal personages"
we are not to understand here the chiefs of a commu-
nity embracing all the Jews of the capital, and forming
as at Alexandria a body politic of the state ; Eome, as
we have seen elsewhere,'^ would never have tolerated
within her walls such a derogation of the common law.
These Jews, with whom the Apostle desired to confer,
were probably but the foremost members of one of the
synagogues of the town, either the best known or the one
nearest the Praetorian camp. These notabilities came
at the call of the captive, for although the children of
Israel, ever since their return to Eome,^ had broken off
all intercourse with the Christians,^ the name of Paul, so
famous at Jerusalem and throughout all the Orient,
could not have been unknown to them.
" My brethren," the Apostle began, " although I have
committed nothing either against the people or against
the customs of our fathers, I have been made a prisoner
at Jerusalem, and delivered into the hands of the Komans.
These, after they had examined me, desired to release
me, because they did not consider me guilty of any crime
worthy of death. The Jews being opposed to this, I have
been constrained to appeal from them to Csesar, without,
however, any design of accusing in aught those of my
nation. Such is the reason of my having called you
hither, in order to see you and to speak with you, for
'tis for the Hope of Israel that I am bound with this
chain."
" The Hope of Israel ! " This was none else than the
Messiah, pouring out upon the chosen people glory,
1 Acts xxviii. 16, 17.
2 St. Peter and the First Years of Christianity, chap, xiv., St. Peter
AND THE Jews of Rome.
3 The Jews, expelled from Rome by an edict of Claudius, managed to
cree]) back again shortly, and were now as numerous as ever heretofore.
St. Peter and the First Years of Christianitjj, chap, xiv., St. Peter and
THE Jews of Rome.
* Acts xxviii. 22.
FIRST IMPRISONMENT AT ROME. 7
wealth, happiness. By exhibiting himself as the victim
of that dream of hope, Paul won their hearts and awak-
ened within them the desire to hear him. The response
of the Jews proves this by its cordial tone. Without
waiting for the Apostle to explam the belief for which
they beheld him there loaded with chains, of their own
accord they desired him to acquaint them with it.
" We have not received any letter from Judea in thy
regard," they said, " and none of our brethren has come
here who has told us any harm of thee. We would very
willingly have knowledge of thy thoughts ; for concern-
ing the sect (which thou preachest) all we know is that
everywhere it is spoken against." ^
Here was an occasion for presenting to the Jews of
Eome just such a complete exposition of the Glad Tidings
as the Apostle had been wont to give in every city wliich
he had visited. He was quick to grasp the opportunity.
However, since his shackles and his keeper made it im-
possible for him to appear in the pulpit of the synagogue,
it was agreed that they should meet there where he was ;
for the house was large enough to accommodate a con-
siderable number of Jews on the day set. The Apostle
preached to them " the Kingdom of God," ^ declaring that
it consisted, not in flesh, but in the spirit, and meeting
their objections with proofs drawn from the one and only
unimpeachable witness, the testimony of Holy Scripture,
where, on every page, he showed them the supernat-
ural reign of Christ described and foretold. This dis-
cussion lasted one whole day : " from the morning until
the evening he sought to persuade them to the faith of
Jesus, out of the Law of Moses, and out of the Prophets.
Some believed the things which he said, others would
not believe." ^ One difference is to be noted, however ;
the uproar which these discussions invariably caused in
the synagogues did not take place, for the Praetorian
who guarded the Apostle kept them in check. Could
1 Acts xxviii. 17-23. 3 i^ij.^ 23-24.
2 Ibid., 23.
8 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
they forget that it was the riotous quarrellings in their
own meetings, — aye, and concerning this same Christ
Whom Paul was preaching, — that ten years ago had de-
cided Claudius upon banishing them ? After having most
discreetly effected their return to Eome and far from anx-
ious for a new term of exile, they now took good care not
to draw down upon them anew the courtesies of the urban
police ; but without coming to any agreement, either
among themselves or with the Apostles, silently they
began to steal away.^
Nothing so aroused Paul's indignation as such veiled
opposition, so politely and ambiguously expressed. De-
tecting from the movement of the throng he was seeking
to enlighten that the same scene he had been accustomed
to in other Jewish circles was now repeating itself here in
Eome, and that God's summons to His people was about
to be disobeyed once more, he launched at those Israel-
ites who were withdrawing, the anathema of their own
great prophet : —
"Well, indeed, did the Holy Ghost, speaking to your
fathers by the Prophet Isaiah, say to you, ' Go unto this
people, and tell them, " Ye shall hear, and hearing ye
shall not understand ; ye shall see, and seeing ye shall
not perceive." For the heart of this people is waxed
gross, and their ears are dull of hearing, and their eyes
have they closed, for fear lest that they should see, and
their ears hear, and their heart understand, and that,
being converted, I might heal them.' Know, then, that
this salvation of God is sent unto the Gentiles and they
will receive it." ^
This shaft, hurled so vigorously at them, completely
routed the Jews. They made good their retreat, and once
outside, began a lively dispute among themselves,^ but
the rumor of their quarrels soon died out in the ghettos
of the capital, without bearing other fruit than a few
occasional conversions from the ranks of Israel.^
1 Actsxxviii. 25. 2 ibi,l., 25-28. 3 ibid., 29.
* M. Sabatier {DApotre Paul, p. 102) regards the community at Korae
as a Jewish-Christian Church. Just the contrary opinion, according to
FIRST IMPRISONMENT AT ROME. 9
Far more fruitful was the seed sown in Gentile hearts.
During the' two years of his detention Paul took advan-
tage of his permission to receive all such as came to him,
" preaching the Kingdom of God, and teaching those things
which concern the Lord Jesus Christ in all freedom, no
man forbidding him." ^ And w^hat additional power and
persuasiveness the prisoner's garb must have lent to the
Apostle's eloquence, with the soldier linked to his side
and his manacled hands declaring still more clearly
that " the Word is not to be bound." One of the first
effects of his intrepidity was to reanimate the courage of
the brethren who were wont to visit Paul's lodging. The
faith of the Christian community of Eome was already
well known all over the world,^ but rather for its purity,
doubtless, than for any other reason, since that zeal which
alone bears fruit was lacking. It was this defect in them
which the Apostle had sought to remedy some two years
previously when he wrote from Corinth to these same be-
lievers : " Be not slothful in spirit, remembering that 't is
the Lord you serve. Do good, not only in God's sight, but
likewise in the sight of all men." ^
These exhortations were repeated with all the more
urgency, now that he could converse daily with them and
show them, by his own example, with what proud hardi-
hood the Christian should confess and propagate his faith.
Even the weak-kneed straightened themselves up at the
sound of his voice, and soon they too received from him
this meed of praise : " The greater number of the brethren,
waxing confident at sight of my bonds, are much more
emboldened to announce the word of God without fear." *
His enthusiasm, thus communicated to the Church of
Rome, drew along with it many more souls from the fact
that Paul was not alone in encouraging it. The oldest
which converted Pagans were by far in the majority among them, is, it
seems to me, much the more probable one. Consult P. Cornely {Intro,
ductio, § 145) and Hort {Proler/omena to the Romans) for the various argu-
ments adduced.
1 Acts xxviii. 30-31. 3 n^ij.^ xii. 1], 17
2 Romans i. 8. * Philip, i. 14.
10 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
and most faithful of his assistants were about him :
Timothy, best beloved of all ; ^ Luke, his fellow-traveller
and companion in shipwreck ; ^ Tychicus of Asia ; ^ Aris-
tarchus of Thessalonica ; ^ with others whom the Apostle
names in terms of gratitude : Demas, who was soon to
forsake him for the world, but at this date still was faith-
ful;^ John Mark, disowned at Antioch, as evidencing
small worthiness for the Apostolate, but whom we now
find reinstated in the esteem and companionship of Paul.^
Beside these disciples most in evidence, we know the
names of a goodly number of his friends to whom he had
sent greetings in his letter to the Eomans ; for the ma-
jority, if not all of these, were still in the city : Aquila
and Priscilla especially, Epenetus, Amplias, and Stachys, —
all beloved friends, — Mary, " who had toiled so much for
the Church ; " his dear Persis ; Tryphenus and Tryphosus,
both alike zealous in the cause.'' This band of devoted
spirits, their ardor inflamed by the Apostle's example,
spread the Gospel so actively that, when two years later
ISTero's persecution burst upon them, the Christians of
Eome formed a body of believers exceeding that of the
Jews in number, — "a great multitude," says Tacitus.^
To be sure, all the fruit gathered in this rich harvest
was not of equal value : scattered amid the pure grain
there sprung up tares and blighted seed ; for the Eoman
Church, though drawn for the most part from the ranks
of Paganism, contained its quota of Judaizers, bent on
propagating their Observances. These latter, encouraged
like the rest by Paul's spirit, were eventually no less eager
to preach the Gospel which they had forged. In vain did
the Apostle seek to purify and enfranchise their faith.
His anxiety to bring back these wandering ones only
made them more headstrong in clinging to their errors
and irritated them the more against him. This bitter-
1 Philip, i. 1; ii. 19-23; Coloss. i. 1 ; Plnlem. 1.
2 Co]oss. iv. 14; Philein. 24. ^ Coloss. iv. 10; Philein. 24.
2 Eplies. vi. 21 ; Coloss. iv. 7. " Rom. xvi. 3-12.
* Coloss. iv. 10; Philem. 24. ^ Tacitus, Annales, xv. 44.
5 Coloss. iv. 14 ; Philem. 24.
FIRST IMPRISONMENT AT ROME. 11
ness, nowhere more contagious than in religious quarrels,
soon turned to sullen animosity. Soon they no longer
preached the Christ out of sincere hearts, but from a
spirit of contention and jealousy, in hopes of thwart-
ing their adversary and wounding him mortally in his
life's work.
" They lotted thereby," says the Apostle, " on making
my chains the heavier." ^ They forgot that, in direct
opposition to their narrow views, the true Church of
Kome had recognized the pure Gospel in the teaching
of this captive, and that in an irresistible outburst of
" love " 2 she was publishing it all over the town. Most
of all did they misconceive Paul's own heart, too gen-
erous, too superior to mean resentments to be even
remotely affected by them. Indeed, in all their machi-
nations, the Apostle saw only the fact that Jesus was
being made known and beloved by the souls they were
trying to win over to themselves. " Then what matters
it to me," he cried, " whether their preaching is prompted
by good faith or be but a pretence ? Provided that the
Christ be preached, I rejoice and shall rejoice always." ^
This gladness filled Paul's heart for more reasons than
one. First, there was the happiness so long looked for-
ward to of being in Eome ; then his good fortune in living
there so generally respected, although in bonds, and really
freer than ever before to proclaim the Glad Tidings, but
most of all it was the joy of watching the rapid progress
of the cause of Christ. In this spreading of the Word the
Apostle took the leading part, owing to the number of
visitors whom he converted, even among those Praetorian
Guards who, each in turn, were deputed to act as his
jailers. His teachings and the holiness of his life moved
the hearts of more than one of these soldiers, and ren-
dered their prisoner " renowned throughout the whole
Praetorian camp."*
His Faith had its triumphs in still higher places ; for
he describes it to us as having found its way, even then,
1 Philip, i. 15-17. 3 Philip, i. 18.
* 'E^ dydw-ns, Ibid., 1. 16- ^ PMlip. i. 13.
12 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
into the Imperial Eesidence. Who were they that carried
it thither ? Slaves, probably, or, at best, the freedmen of
the palace. Had they embraced Christianity before Paul's
coming, or did they receive it from him ? This we do not
know ; but their presence at court cannot be contested ;
he himself makes express mention of it in his letter to
the Philippians : " All the brethren salute you, but chiefly
those that are of Caesar's household." ^
Whatever be the truth concerning these Christians and
their condition, living in such nearness to the rulers of the
world, it is certain that this band of believers was not
very numerous. At Eome, as everywhere else, the great
mass of converts came from the common people, nay,
even from the throngs of slaves. This class was not only
the most active in the city, it was also the most open and
receptive in regard of intellectual things ; a number of
the liberal professions, such as medicine, the teaching of
literature and art, were then in the hands of freedmen.
Nor need we be surprised if Christian beliefs and hopes
made most conquests among them.
One weighty proof of this we find in the predominance
of Greek in this earliest age of the Eoman Church ; for
Greek was the common speech of the lower classes, in
which the foreign element predominated. For almost
two centuries everything in the Church is Greek : the
names of Bishops and their disciples ; the versions of the
Scriptures ; apologetical writings ; hybrid inscriptions,
wherein Greek letters and words are combined with
Latin ones ; even the liturgy itself, which, even to our
day, has preserved traces of this first imprint.
Paul had not the same influence over Eomans of high
rank and noble family. There is no proof of any value
which allows of our reckoning (as some have done) among
those converted by the Apostle's words such personages
as Actsea and Poppciea,^ Nero's favorites ; Narcissus ^ and
1 Philip, iv. 22.
2 See Greppo, Trois me'moires relatifs a Vhistoire ecclesiastique, pp. 41
et seq. ; Wolf, De prcescript. Tertulliani Comment., p. 582 ; Baronius, Ad.
Ann., 59, ix.
3 Bericelius, Prmf. in Enchiridion Epictet.; Selden, Otia Theologica,
exercit. iii. 10.
FIRST IMPRISONMENT AT ROME. 13
Epaphroditus,^ his freedmen; Seneca and the members
of his family.2 Paul, it is true, had had certain relations
with the one last named. It will be remembered that at
Corinth he appeared before Gallio, a brother of the philos-
opher ; but from these purely official connections as well
as from certain pages in which Seneca's thoughts recall the
Gospel teachings in their tone, and at times even in expres-
sion, from this some have drawn the conclusion, much
too rashly, as I think, that the Apostle had instructed him
and made him his disciple. A volume of correspondence
between the two has been forged to bolster up this
hypothesis ; but a mere glance through these letters will
suffice to convince any one of their falsity.^ On the other
hand, we have seen how widely the Stoics of Eome diverged
from Christian teachings, not only in the fundamentals of
doctrine, but in the moral consequences they drew there-
from.* Seneca remained one of them to the end, and
died, as he had lived, a Sage, but a Pagan Sage. His last
act, accor diner to Tacitus' account, was to order " a libation
to Jupiter the Liberator." ^
In default of any noble proselytes to be won over by
him to Christianity, Paul found certain conquests made
before his arrival among the Eoman aristocracy. The
reader has already made the acquaintance of the most
illustrious of these, the only one, indeed, whose name
belongs to this history, — Pomponia Graecina.^
Ever since the year 42 this patrician lady had led the
same austere and retired life, the mystery of which had
so teased the curiosity of the highest society in Rome.
Doubtless they were used to seeing women of elevated
station taking violent fancies for various foreign forms
1 Greppo, Trois memoires, pp. 61 et seq.
2 Amedee Fleury, St. Paul et S€neque ; Aubertin, Seneque et St. Paul;
Lightfoot, Philippians, St. Paul and Seneca, pp. 2G8-326.
3 Fleury, St. Paul et Seneque, v. ii. pp. 255-347 ; Lightfoot, Philippians,
pp. 327-331.
* St. Peter and the First Days of Christianitij, chap, xvii., The Stoics
OF the Empire.
5 Tacitus, Annales, xv. 64.
^ St. Peter and the First Days of Christianity, chap, xviii.
14 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
of worship and frequenting the superstitious rites of the
East ; but these were, after all, but the fashionable fads
of devotion ; their whims once satisfied, they were to be
met again in the usual intercourse of society and at their
domestic altars, just as formerly, and in no way differing
from their contemporaries in their conduct of life. Pre-
cisely the contrary was true of Pomponia Graecina ; she
persisted in keeping aloof from Pagan society, never ap-
peared in public save in mourning garb, and although
accused by the town's talk of being addicted to " foreign
superstitions," — that is to say, of being a Christian, —
she was left free to lead this singular life. Her virtue
placed her above suspicion by the decision of a family
council ; her husband's protection, even the isolation she
had chosen of her own free will, finally won her the re-
spect of all alike ; according to Tacitus' expression, " her
constancy turned all this to her own renown." ^
It is not likely that Pomponia Grtecina could have
practised her religion openly and in the highest circles of
Eoman aristocracy, without her example and words mak-
ing some converts to the Faith. And yet we have no
contemporary documents to give substantiality to this
presumption ; the monuments of Eome alone preserve
the memory of certain other patricians who sought
Christ during these early days. One of the oldest
churches in the city bears the name of Saint Praxedis,
to whom it was dedicated. Now this sanctuary, accord-
ing to certain apochryphal, but very ancient accounts,^
was erected on property belonging to the father of this
Christian lady, — Pudens by name, — a personage whom
we shall soon encounter again in Paul's company during
the second imprisonment.^
Other witnesses (Acts of the Martyrs, Biographies of
1 Tacitus, Annales^ xiii. 32.
2 The letters of Pastor to Timothy [Act. Sand. Maii, v. iv p. 299) ;
letter of Pius I. to Justus of Vienue (Baronius, Anna!., 166, i.), and a note
appended in some MSS. of the Liber Pontijicalis to the life of Pius I.
(Duchesne, Liber Pontijicalis, v. i. pp. 132-133).
8 2 Timothy iv. 21.
FIRST IMPRISONMENT AT ROME. 15
the Popes, Itineraries of the sixth and seventh cen-
turies) allude to the tombs of these high-born believers as
standing in a cemetery of Apostolic times, one to which
a Christian matron called Priscilla had given her name.
There, or so these documents tell us,i were the remains
of " Prudentiana and Praxedis, daughters of Pudens,"
and near them '' Aqmla and Priscilla" the Jewish arti-
sans whose dwelling on the Aventine was used as a
meeting-place by the Christians.^ Two facts of no less
importance than these have been proved beyond doubt
by recent excavations in Eoman territory: one is, that
the Cemetery of Priscilla was originally a place of burial
occupied in common by the Cornelii and their kinsfolk
the Acilii, and that the latter had Christian tombs
therein ; ^ the other, that the site on the Aventine, where
the house of Aquila and Priscilla stood, was on property
belonging to the Cornelii. An inscription found on this
spot actually bears the name of one Pudens Corneli-
anus^ From these various bits of evidence, collated
with all his wonted keenness, Signer de Eossi concludes,
— and the overpowering weight of probability is on the
side of his theory, — on the one hand, that some mem-
bers of the Gens Cornelia (Pudens and his two daugh-
ters, with Prudentia and Praxedis, at least) had been
converted to Christ within the days of the Apostles ; on
the other, that, as Aquila and Priscilla had built their
dwelling upon the Aventine on property belonging to the
Cornelii, and finally found their last resting-place in that
family's burial-ground, they must have been dependents
of these patricians, either as their freedmen or as their
clients, ties which their common faith would but make
1 MaruccM, Le Memorie dei SS. ApostoU P'letro e Paolo, Roma, 1894,
p. 85.
2 Rom. xvi. 3, 5. Concerning this mansion, which afterward became
the Basilica of St. Prisca, consult de Rossi, Bullettino di Archeolog. Christ.,
1867, 5, 43-58 ; 1868, 35. Compare St. Peter and the First Years oj
Christianity , chap, xviii.
3 De Rossi, Bullettino, 1867, pp. 44 et sea.; 1888-1889, pp. 15-66,
103-133.
* Marucchi, Le Memorie dei SS. ApostoU Pietro e Paolo, p. 84.
16 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
the more binding. We know what affectionate gratitude
Paul cherished for Aquila and Priscilla ; ^ through them
he naturally came in contact with those patrician con-
verts whose names have been handed down to us, and
are still preserved by the dusty monuments of Eome.^
Whether we agree with these conclusions or not,^ at
least there is no mention of Pudens and his family in the
letters written by the Apostle in the period which we
have to do with now. The disciples he most delights to
mention are the fellow-laborers of olden days, Timothy,
Luke, Aristarchus, Tychicus, Epaphras, and Mark, cousin
of Barnabas. From them alone, probably, he received
such assistance as was given him after his arrival, with-
out looking for anything to the Church of Eome, which
was not his domain, and without accepting from the
wealthy members of this community any contributions,
which in his eyes would have seemed to straiten the
liberty of a minister of God.
The Almighty did not allow this condition of depend-
ency, which weighed so heavily on the Apostle's noble
heart, to last long. News travelled quickly along the
great highways of the Empire. Hardly had he quitted
Csesarea in charge of the Centurion Julius, before the
fact was bruited alono; the Mediterranean coasts. Anti-
1 St. Paul and His Missions, chap. vii. § 1, and chap. ix.
- Although no mention is made of these two artisans in his letters
written during the first imprisonment, there is good reason to believe that
the)' had not left the capital since the time when St. Paul, in writing his
Epistle to the Romans, sends them greeting (Rom. xvi. 3, 4). Their
business must have prospered more in Rome than in Corinth or in
Ephesus, since here we find them in possession of a house large enough
to accommodate all the brotherhood.
3 I cannot omit all mention of these pious traditions of Christian
Rome, especially since the learned researches of de Rossi and his school
prove that they were based upon some foundation of truth. The few
features which we have drawn from them here, out of a mass of testimony
for the most part legendary and apocryphal, seem to me something more
than mere conjectures ; without attiibuting to them the same certitude we
do to historical facts, it is highly fitting that we should examine them
most respectfully. Ample and judicious criticism of these various ques-
tions in Christian archaeology may he found in Marucchi, Le Memorie del
SS. Apostolt Pietro e Paolo, pp. 79-103.
FIRST IMPRISONMENT AT ROME. 17
och, Tarsus, Epliesus, Troas, and Philippi, were thrilled
by it, especially the last named, on which Paul's peculiar
position put most urgent obligations. Alone of all these
Christian communities, it will be remembered, she had
been already distinguished as having offered him help
which had not been refused. Just now such assistance
was becoming more necessary than ever, for the Apostle
was about to enter a foreign land; and who could fore-
tell the hardships of his imprisonment ? The rich Lydia,
with her sisters and brethren in the Faith, lost no time
in raising a collection, and intrusted it to a disciple named
Epaphroditus to carry it to Eome. This man was one
of the best beloved members of the whole community ,i
that one of them who with Clement had toiled there
for the salvation of souls.^ Great was Paul's joy at the
arrival of this messenger, so touching a proof that his
dear Philippians had not forgotten him. Their offerings
were superabundant, in harmony with the promptings of
their hearts. The Apostle accepted all, for he was thus
not only enabled to meet his living expenses for a long
time, but it made it possible for him to hire lodgings for
his own personal use, and thereby regain the feeling of
perfect independence.^
II. The Epistle to the Philippians.
Epaphroditus did not content himself with merely
delivering into Paul's hands the funds he had brought
with him ; he at once enrolled himself among the volun-
teers for the holy war of the Cross. His apostolate at
Philippi had seasoned him ; accordingly, while not for-
getting his office of ministering to the prisoner's needs, he
offered himself first and foremost as a comrade in arms
and fellow-laborer.* To this service he devoted himself
with overmuch zeal. The fatigues of preaching and
charitable works, perhaps too the climate of Eome, so
1 Philip, ii. 25-29. 3 Ibid., iv. 10-19.
2 Ibid., iv. 3. * Ibid., ii. 25, 30.
18 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
fatal to foreigners, soon threatened to extinguish his high
hopes ; he fell grievously sick and was lying at death's
door, when " God had pity on him," says the Apostle ;
" and not only on him, but on me also, lest I should have
sorrow upon sorrow." ^
Though out of danger, the attack left Epaphroditus
nervously prostrated, with that uneasy feeling of agitation
which is the usual sequel to Eoman fevers. Tidings of
his illness having reached Philippi, and the brethren of
that Church having expressed a desire to see their mes-
senger again, Epaphroditus hesitated no longer, but asked
permission to leave. Paul yielded to his wishes,^ without
alluding to his own need of the aid tendered him by this
disciple; for self-forgetfulness had become his second
nature. Summoning Timothy, he dictated to him the
words of thanks which Epaphroditus should carry back
with him to the Philippians in return for their gifts. It
was the first expression of his gratitude he had sent them
from Eome, and he put his whole heart into it. This
message, though it has not the dogmatic importance of
the longer Epistles, has been preserved for us, and that
most fortunately, because here, more than in any other of
his letters, Paul's soul displays itself just as it was known
to his friends in the ordinary course of daily life. The
letters written to the Corinthians and Galatians show him
to us, indeed, as he was, under the very fire of battle, and
consequently aroused beyond his wont. Such a whirlwind
of thoughts and feelings, mingled with depressions, fears,
and loathings of life,^ were with him but passing trans-
ports of emotion. In like manner, in the Epistle to the
Eomans, the Apostle's views concerning the decadence of
man strike us as severe indeed ; because, all-absorbed as
he was in the spectacle of so many sad failures, he dwells
more insistently than ever on the corruption of human
nature, its powerlessness to achieve salvation, its absolute
dependence upon Grace. To conclude, however, from the
1 Philip, ii. 27. ^ ] Cor. ii. 3 ; 2 Cor. i. 8.
a Ibid., ii. 26-28.
FIRST IMPRISONMENT AT ROME. 19
striking relief in which he depicts these truths, that Paul's
Christianity was but a gloomy and sorrowful Faith, — a
foreshadowing of Calvinism, — would be to forget that the
death of " the sinful flesh " ^ is to him but the prelude to
its resurrection ; that, beyond and above this corrupt and
corrupting body of ours, he never ceases to set forth Jesus
living^ in whomsoever He has enfranchised. His Heart is
beating within them, and from this source of eternal love,
the Christian life gushes forth free and radiant, "in a
peace which passeth all understanding." ^
The Apostle was not wanting in this superhuman calm.
Although certain sources of man's purest delight, such as
Nature and Art, seem to have been a sealed book to him ;
although the outer world was to him but a " dungheap ; " ^
nevertheless, a joy as grave and austere as his genius
never ceased to fill the very depths of his soul, — it was
the secret of his noble contentedness if he could but tri-
umph over the Law, over sin, over all that constituted " the
old man ; " * his certainty of eternal rewards, above all, the
happiness of living no longer save in Jesus, and through
Him of entering, even here on earth, into a share of the Life
Divine.^
This purified and supernatural gladness fills to overflow-
ing the letter to the Philippians, and breaks forth at the
very outset : —
" I thauk my God every time that I remember you, and
I never say a prayer that I do not pray also for you all,
experiencing a great joy for that you have received the
Gospel and have persevered in it from the first day until
now. ... I have you in my heart as being partakers, all of
you, in the same graces as I, in my bonds, in the defence
and confirmation of the Gospel. God is my witness with
what tenderness I love you in the bowels of Jesus Christ;
and this I beg of Him, that your charity may abound more
and more in light and in all understanding, that so you may
discern the things which are excellent, in order that you
1 Rom. viii. 3. * Rom. v. 1,5; vi. 6 ; vii. 9 ; viii. 2.
2 Philip, iv. 7. s Ibid., vii. 10-26.
3 Ibid., iii. 8.
20 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
may remain pure, that you may walk without stumbling
until the day of the Christ, and that for the glory and praise
of God you may be filled with the fruits of Righteousness
through Jesus Christ."
And how many reasons the Apostle had to adduce for
his gladness ! His imprisonment, far from hindering the
spread of the Glad Tidings, had but aided and hastened
the work ; the same preachers, who were so inert and
timid before his coming, had been emboldened to proclaim
the Christ freely in Rome. All this enthusiasm was for
him a source of joy, even down to the zeal of such envi-
ous souls as only published the Good News from a spirit
of pique and rivalry. If but the Master be glorified
thereby, what cared he ? What mattered it to him, this
being his lofty purpose, whether he lived or died, since in
either case all was to work together to the Saviour's glory ?
For to live, to the Apostle's thinking, was to feel Jesus
living within him ; and to die was to " throw off the
chains of the body, to be with Jesus " forevermore. Far
preferable to him though such a final consummation might
be, the fact remained that his words and deeds were
necessary to them still. " I know," he declares, " I shall
abide and continue with you all for the furtherance and
joy of your Faith. Only see to it that you conduct your-
selves in a manner worthy of the Gospel of Christ, so that
whether I come and see you or be absent, I may hear that
you stand firmly in one and the same spirit, contending
together with the one same soul, for tlie Faith of the
Gospel."
The Apostle thereupon utters gently the one word of
reproach merited by the Church of Philippi. For certain
reasons so trivial that no mention is made of them, their
minds had been divided, and this division in intellectual
questions had brought about one far more serious in
spiritual things. Paul prized a real unity of feeling so
highly that now, to restore it among his dear Philippi ans,
he appeals to what was their noblest trait, — to their
generosity and tenderness of heart, but especially to the
FIRST IMPRISONMENT AT ROME. 21
consolations they had already tasted in the Christian life,
to the charms of brotherly love, to the happiness of feel-
ing themselves united by the one same spirit, the Spirit
of God.
" Make my joy perfect," he says to them, ''by having the
same thoughts, the same love, the same soul, only thinking
the one same thing. Do naught from a mere spirit of par-
tisanship or vainglory; but let each one in all humility
account his neighbor above himself. Let each one look after,
not merely his own personal interests, but those of others
as well. Be ye of the self-same mind as was Christ Jesus :
although he had the Form (the Nature) ^ of God, He did not
account this equality with God as a usurpation.^ He hum-
bled Himself, taking the form of a slave, making Himself
like unto men, to be regarded as a man, in so far as what
appeared outwardly; He abased Himself, rendering Him-
self obedient unto death, and to the death of the Cross.
This, then, is why God hath raised Him up and given Him a
Name above all other names, that at the Name of Jesus
every knee should bow in Heaven, on earth, and in Hell,
and that every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is
Lord, to the glory of God the Father." ^
While holding up to the Philippians both the lowliness
of the Christ, as well as his glorification, as their example,
Paul exhorts them to persevere in the Faith by abandon-
ing themselves to God Who works in us to will and to
do. Happy in their belief in Christ, happier still in suf-
fering for Him, they are as torches amid the world of
shadows round about them, wherein they shed the shining
rays of that Word of Life which they bear within them.
1 Mo/)077, signifying, in the philosophical terminology of the Greeks,
"form," that which makes a thing what it is; /iop07? GeoO would seem to
be used here as synonymous with (pvcns, ovaia GeoO, the Essence, the
Divine Nature. Such is the interpretation of St. Cyril of Alexandria,
Theodoret, St. Gregory of Nyssa, St. Athanasius, St. Basil, St. Augustine,
St. Leo, and St. Thomas Aquinas. See Corluy, Spicilegium Dogmatico-
hiblicuvi, vol. ii. pp. 66-71 ; Lightfoot, Philippians, pp. 12.5-131.
2 'Apirajfios, literally, the booty, the prize, the glory which one would
not relinquish at any price.
3 Philip, ii. 2-11.
22 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
Nay, he would go further and say that by the trials which
they share with the Apostle, persecutions, imprisonments,
and the rest, they too are become the sacrifice and the
victims of their Faith.
^' Were it needful for me/' Paul concludes, " to pour forth
my blood on your oblation, to make your glory assured, I
should joy thereat, and rejoice with you all. In like manner
be ye also joyful and rejoice with me." ^
But the hour had not struck as yet for so generous an
act of self-immolation. Of this, as we have seen, the
Apostle felt intimately assured. He hoped to visit
Philippi shortly ; meanwhile he promises to send Tim-
othy thither, as soon as may be. This was the dearest of
his disciples and the one most devoted to the Philippians ;
of this the latter were well aware, for they had watched
him during his labors among them, " one with Paul, in
mind and heart," serving him in the preaching of the
Gospel, " as a son serves his father." ^
The Apostle's first intention was to intrust Epaphro-
ditus with merely a short missive, — a note of warm
thanks to his dear Philippians. In closing it, therefore,
he reverts to the joyous wishes and hopes with which he
had begun his Epistle,^ when, interrupted by some inci-
dent, he finds himself constrained to put off its conclusion
to some other time. In the interval, according to all
appearances, he must have received tidings from Mace-
donia that certain Judaizers had started out from that
country. Though as yet not in the very midst of the
Philippians, these sectaries threatened to spread disorder
among them ; while, on the other hand, he was fearful
lest, out of pure opposition to their rigorism, those of his
flock who were inclined to laxity might be moved to ex-
cesses to which they would fall an easy prey. These
diverse apprehensions took such entire possession of the
Apostle that upon recalling Timothy, in order to dictate
the closing lines of his message, without wasting a thought
1 Philip, ii. 12-18. 2 jbid., ii. 19, 20, 22. » Ibid., iii. i.
FIRST IMPRISONMENT AT ROME. 23
on the joyous expressions of the first part of the letter,
and with no attempt to make what he was about to say-
harmonize with it, he gives forth a cry of alarm quite
similar to the one he had uttered when the Galatians
were threatened with a like danger.
" Beware of the Dogs, of the Evil Workmen, and of the
Concision.^ We are the truly circumcised, we who serve
God in spirit, whose boasting is in Christ Jesus, and whose
confidence is not in the flesh. Albeit, did I desire to place
my trust in the flesh and rely upon it, I too might do so,
more than any one whomsoever ! I, who was circumcised
the eighth day, of the stock of Israel, of the tribe of Ben-
jamin, a Hebrew and the son of a Hebrew. Is it a question
of the Law ? I am a Pharisee ! Of zeal for Judaism ? I
have persecuted the Church ! Of legal righteousness ? In
that respect I am unblameable. Yet, when I look upon
the Christ, all these advantages I consider as of less ac-
count. I will go further — it seems to me but a loss, a
hindrance, since what time I perceived how transcendent
is the knowledge of Christ Jesus, my Lord. For love of
Him I have lost all things, counting everything but as
dung, that I may gain the Christ, and be found in Him ;
not having my own righteousness, that which is of the Law,
but the righteousness which is born of faith in the Christ,
the righteousness which proceedeth from God through
Faith. My will is to know Him, Him (the Christ) and the
power of His resurrection and the fellowship of His suffer-
ings, to share the likeness of His death, if by any means I
might attain unto the resurrection of the dead. ISTot in-
deed that I have already received the prize which I hope
for, but I press onward, struggling to reach the goal which
the Christ set before me when He laid hold on me. No,
brethren, I do not think that I have as yet attained that
goal, whitherward I strive; my only longing is to forget
what lies behind me and evermore to reach forth to those
things which are before. I press onward straight toward
1 BX^Trere tt]v KaTaTO/jLrjV i]fx€?s ydp eafiev rj Treptro/x??. Their circum-
cision, performed without any need of faith, is nothing less than a profit-
less mutilation. ** Circumcisio quidem arte fit ad rem purgandam et
expoliendam ; concisio vero temere et cum destructioue rei." Estius, in loco.
24 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
the mark, to the heavenly calling whither God has called
us in Christ Jesus.'' ^
It was for the benefit of but a few of the faithful that
Paul saw fit to dwell at length on the necessity of reviv-
ing a true fervor of spirit ; for, in general, the Philippians,
" steadfast in the Lord," were still worthy of their Apostle,
and still "his dearest and well beloved brethren, his joy
and his crown." ^ All the deeper was his grief on real-
izing that this Church, so richly endowed, should be
disfigured by any evil features whatsoever. He gives
utterance to his sorrow in this touching reproach : —
" There be many, of whom I have ofttimes told you, and
now tell you again with tears, who walk as enemies of the
Cross of Christ, whose end is perdition, whose God is their
belly, whose glory is in their shame, who have no thought
for aught save earthly things. As for us, we are already
citizens of Heaven, and 't is there that we await the Saviour,
Our Lord Jesus Christ, who shall transform our body, vile
though it be, that it may be fashioned like unto His glori-
ous body, by virtue of that power whereby He is able even
to subdue all things unto Himself." ^
In the closing lines of this letter Paul returns anew to
the divisions which were troubling the peace of the
Philippians. Women, as we have seen,* possessed unusual
influence in Macedonia, and in these quarrels, more bois-
terous than of serious import apparently, they took the
leading part ; two of them especially, Evhodia and Syn-
tache, had been most headstrong. Notwithstanding this,
the Apostle still held these Christian women in grateful
remembrance, for they had been among the first to em-
brace the Faith, thereafter zealously aiding him in his
ministry;^ he was not content with merely preaching
unity to them, he urged this labor of peace-making upon
all his fellow-workers in the Apostolate at Philippi, —
1 Philip, iii. 2-14. ^ jbi^., iii. 18-21.
2 Ibid., iv. 1.
* St. Paid and 11 is Missions, chap, v., § 1.
5 Philip, iv. 2, 3. •
FIRST IMPRISONMENT AT ROME. 25
upon Epaphroditus, the bearer of this letter, on Clement,^
and on a number of others whose names are " written in
the Book of Life." In one word Paul sums up what was
needful to restore peace and joy to their hearts, — " mod-
eration," moderation in all personal claims and ambitions,
— self-forgetfulness and forbearance, even when one's
own rights were concerned; all this at the dictates of
charity, devotedness, and self-sacrifice.
" Whatsoever is true," he adds, " whatsoever is vener-
able, just, pure, endearing, and of good report, — if there
be any virtue or praiseworthy design, — let these fill your
thoughts, and the God of peace shall be with you."
In closing, Paul repeats his expressions of gratitude to
the Philippians, but without concealing the fact that he
had suspected them of having forgotten him. Where-
upon, with charming tact, he hastens to add, *' But doubt-
less it was opportunity and not memory, that failed you."
The arrival of Epaphroditus, however, had dissipated the
last cloud of misunderstanding. Of this he warmly as-
sures them : —
"I rejoiced in the Lord greatly when I found that now,
after so long a time, your friendship for me was blossoming
anew. You have thought of me, you were thinking of me
undoubtedly, but the opportunity of proving it was lacking.
It is not my needs that prompt me to speak thus^ for I have
learned to be content with whatsoever I have. I know
1 Is the Clement mentioned here that Bishop of Rome, third successor
of St. Peter, whose letter addressed to the Corinthians has come down to
us ? Ancient writers believe that it was, following the lead and probably
on the authority of Origen {In Jonnn., i. 29 ; Eusebius, Historia Ecclesi-
astira, iii. 4 ; St. Epiphanius, Adv. Hceres, xxvii. 6 ; St. Jerome, Ve Vtr.
Illust., 15 Adv. Jovin. i. 11). Nevertheless, there have been some very
serious objections raised against this identification. The Clement alluded
to in the epistle of St. Paul belongs to the Church of Philippi, the author
of the Epistle to the Corinthians to that of Rome. There is nothing to
indicate that before becoming Bishop of the city the latter had lived in
any other Christian community. Furthermore, the primitive traditions
speak of him as a disciple, not of St. Paul, but of St. Peter. (Tertullian,
Z)e Pnescript., Origen, Philoc, 22, etc.) Is it not most natural to suppose
that, as the name Clement was so very common at this epoch, Origen and
the later writers have confounded two distinct peisonages ? (See Light-
foot, Philippians, pp. 166 ei seq.)
26 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
how to bear poverty and I know how to bear a superfluity.
Having tasted all, I am instructed in all, whether it be in
abundance or in privation. I can do all things through
Him that strengtheneth me. Nevertheless you have done
well in helping me in my afflictions. For you know, Phil-
ippians, that, at the beginning of my preaching among you,
after I had left Macedonia, no other Church had made me
a partaker of its goods, and I have received nothing save
from you alone. Twice, when at Thessalonica, you sent me
somewhat to minister to my needs. Not that I seek your
gifts, but I do desire the abundant fruits which you shall
reap therefrom. Now, however, I am amply provided
for, — yes, and in abundance. I am loaded down with
favors, after having received from Epaphroditus what
you sent me. It is an odor of goodly sweetness, an ac-
ceptable sacrifice to God and well pleasing to Him ; and
my God shall fully supply all your needs according to His
riches, gloriously, in Christ Jesus. Now to Our God and
Father be the glory unto the ages of ages. Amen." ^
Justly proud of such a token of gratitude, the Philip-
pians made its contents known to such of Paul's Churches
as were within their reach ; and although it contained no
3xposition of doctrine to be compared with the teachings
of the greater Epistles, none the less did each one of these
congregations treasure this letter most devoutly ; for in
it they recognized anew the traits of their Apostle, the
same charm of nobility and generosity which had won
their hearts of old ; just as formerly, Paul displays that
jealous vigilance in preserving his independence, and yet
so far confides in their friendship as to accept, and rely
upon, their generous aid ; careful to ennoble his expres-
sions of obligation by the courtesy and dignity of his
gratefulness, yet still more anxious to divest his soul
of any personal feelings, self-seeking, and egoism. Ee-
nunciation, a joyous self-forgetfulness for the sake of the
brethren and for Jesus' sake, — this is the virtue he would
fain impress and exalt by means of this Epistle. To this,
it would seem, Paul seeks to reduce the whole lesson of
1 Philip, iv. 10-20.
FIRST IMPRISONMENT AT ROME. 27
Christianity ; and rightly, too, since, as the Christ had
gone so far in His love for mankind as to annihilate Him-
self and die for us, so His Heart which beats within that
of every believing soul must evermore aspire toward the
same acts of self-sacrifice, the same Christlike Charity.
To use the very words of the Apostle, the true Christian
can no longer live nor " love save in the Heart of Jesus."
1 PhiHp. i. 8.
CHAPTER II.
SAINT JAMES OF JERUSALEM.
Paul never bade farewell to any one of his Churches
without a haunting fear of some new trial awaiting them ;
dissensions within the body, or some lapses either in doc-
trine or in the conduct of life. Better than any one else,
indeed, he realized that, with many of the converts, bap-
tism had not entirely effaced the stigmata of sin, but
that deep down in their hearts there still nestled a secret
attachment to certain dangerous errors. One reassuring
fact, however, was the facility with which these seeds of
corruption were generally rooted out, — a few words from
him, a letter, or a rumor of his approaching arrival generally
sufficed. But now that he was a prisoner, what manner
of harvest would be reaped from the fields bereft of the
master, with these foul weeds free to spread and thrive ?
This was the cause of his gravest anxieties while in his
prison cell at Caesarea. Doubtless, during these two years,
he still managed, by means of messages and the mission
work of his disciples, to keep tlie disorder within certain
bounds ; but where that was impossible the old spirit
sprang to life again, to the great peril of souls. A letter
written by James toward the close of this period of cap-
tivity leaves no doubt on this point. It shows us clearly
that, in the Churches scattered among Pagan lands, those
Christians who were of Jewish origin were everywhere
pushing their propaganda and dealing deadly blows to
the pure and undefiled teaching of the Gospel.
The end and aim of these unworthy neophytes was not,
as was that of the Judaizers at Jerusalem, to model the
new faith upon Mosaism ; indeed they seem, from their
intercourse with Gentiles, to have grown indifferent to
SAINT JAMES OF JERUSALEM. 29
such irksome Observances ; but far from seeking a substi-
tute for these in the ideal of Christian perfection, they
sought by one stroke to weaken all morality in the con-
duct of life. The rebuke James addresses to them in
his Epistle shows to what depths they had descended,
even to reechoing the most impudent of the Pharisaical
doctrines, that one whicli reduced the sum total of right-
eousness to a belief in the God of Circumcision : " The
man who holds this faith," they said, " may sin with im-
punity. God does not impute it to him as a crime." ^ We
know how indignantly Jesus had branded such hypo-
crites, likening them to those whited sepulchres wliich,
though from without fair to behold, within hold naught
but " contagion, rottenness, and dead men's bones." ^
Despite these anathemas, this outward show of right-
eousness so natural to the Jews continued to be a snare
for those among them who had not given themselves to
the Christ out of a full heart. The justification which
Paul preached, a justification springing from faith, not
works, became a stumbling-block to these Christians of
base alloy ; they regarded it as his authorization and ap-
proval of that depravity of morals which they yearned
for ; to them this was simply the easiest way imaginable
of making a display of honor and virtue without the
sacrifice of a single one of their vices.
In this and nothing else, or so they would have the
^ According to St. Justin's testimony, this wfis the teaching of very
many Hellenic Jews : " Vostnetipsos decipitis, et alii quidani vobis hac in
re similes, qui dicant, etiam si peccatores sint, Deum tamen, modo euni
cognoscant, non imputaturum illis peccatum." (Dialog, cum Triph., 1-41.)
The arguments of those false Christians whom James had in mind were of
the same sort. Upon hearing Paul proclaim that man is justified by Faith
without the works of the Law, they jumped at the conclusion that it was
sufficient to believe in the Messiah and His coming, in order to be saved ;
and that, thereafter, they might break the whole Law, even its moral
precepts: " Quoniam ergo hsec opinio tunc fuerat exorta, alise apostolicae
epistolse Petri, Johannis, Jacobi, Judifi contra eam maxime dirigunt inten-
tionem, ut vehementer astruant fidem sine operibus non prodesse ; sicut
etiam ipse Paulus, non qualeralibet fidem, qua in Deum creditur, sed earn
salubrem planeque evangelicam, definivit, cujus opera ex dilectione proce-
dunt." (St. Augustine, De Fid. et Oper., 21.)
2 Matt, xxiii. 27.
30 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
brethren believe, consisted the special revelation granted
to the Apostle, — this was that "freedom from the bond-
age of the Law " he inculcated so zealously ; of that death
to sin which is presupposed by this " liberty of the chil-
dren of God," ^ of the soul's complete regeneration and the
fruits of righteousness which result therefrom, — of these
they made not the slightest mention.
Paul had discerned this tendency, in the depths of the
Jewish soul, to travesty his teachings, and it was for this
reason that, in his letter to the Eomans, he made no dis-
tinctions, but launched his bitter invective against his
whole race : " You that bear the Jewish name, repose
securely upon the Law, and boast of God's favors, . . .
you pride yourselves on being leaders of the blind, a light
to those that are in darkness, instructors of the ignorant,
teachers of the simple and the young, possessing in the
Law the rule of knowledge and of truth. And notwith-
standing you teach others, you do not teach yourselves.
You, who preach that a man ought not to steal, steal your-
selves ; you, who say that a man should not commit adul-
tery, commit adultery yourselves ; you, who boast in the
Law, dishonor God by breaking the Law. It is because
of you, as saith the Scripture that the name of God is
blasphemed among the nations." ^
It is easy to imagine the confusion of the Judaizers in
the presence of one who, with such a vigorous hand, tore
away their masks ; easy, too, to imagine the fresh out-
breaks of audacity so soon as they realized that they
were rid of this overmastering spirit. Hardly had the
Apostle disappeared from among them before the seeds
of immorality began to bud forth more plentifully than
ever; in every Christian congregation where the Jews
were in any force, the believers in Paul's Gospel were
saddened and distressed by hearing this shameless doc-
trine of " Faith without Works " preached from the
housetops.
Infecting as it did in an especial manner those
1 Rom. viii. 21. 2 i\,u n 17-24.
SAINT JAMES OF JERUSALEM. 31
Churches founded by the Apostle of the Gentiles, this
corruption of doctrine seems scarcely to have excited the
alarm of the Twelve, who were dispersed in other re-
gions. The only one among them who was led to suspect
its venomous nature was James of Jerusalem ; for the
yearly pilgrimages brought him in touch wdth large num-
bers of Judaizers from Asia Minor and Greece. He was
in a position to note, therefore, what dangers threatened
the Gospel, and was the more moved thereby since the
faction among the converts that was thus conspiring for
the ruin of faith and morals, claimed that its teachings
were approved by the authority of Jerusalem itself.^
Feeling that it was a duty demanded by his own con-
science, he resolved, Paul being absent, to speak, in an
encyclical letter and in the name of the Mother Church,
" as a servant of the God of Israel, but one likewise of
the Lord Jesus Christ." ^ Like Peter, an Apostle of the
Circumcision, and even more zealous than he in his heart-
felt attachment to the Old Law, James addresses his
words especially to Christians of the same blood and
spirit as himself : " To the Twelve Tribes that ake
IN THE Dispersion : Greeting." ^
James' opening sentences are prompted by a feeling of
compassion for the Christian communities, whose faith he
longed to purify and strengthen. He realized that they
1 It will be remembered that at the assembly held in this city Peter
had explained and reconciled Paul's teaching concerning justiiication.
" God . . . giveth the Holy Spirit unto the Gentiles even as unto us :
He maketh no difference between them and us, having purified their hearts
by Faith."
2 James i. 1.
^ This salutation, so Hebraic in its style, and other similar features of
the Epistle, have led Spitta and Massebieau to conclude that St, James'
letter is simply some document of Jewish origin and character (Spitta,
Der Brief des Jacobus untersucht, Gottingen, 1896; Massebieau, Revue de
I'histoire des religions^ novembre, decembre, 1895). The Revue Biblique
for October contains a fine refutation of this singular hypothesis. Catho-
lic exegetieal scholars are by no means alone in admitting the authenticity
of the Epistle of St. James ; the majority of Protestants are quite as vigor-
ous in their defence of it against the attacks of the Rationalists. See in
the Expositor for May, 1897, pp. 321 et seg., an article by Mayer, entitled
Authenticity of the Epistle of St, James against Harnack and Spitta.
32 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
were doomed to be " the butt of various temptations," ^
in a state of disquietude so oppressive to their souls that
the first thing necessary was to revive their drooping
courage. With this end in view, the Apostle reminds
them that suffering is a joy to the disciple of Christ, be-
cause he finds in the exercise of patience the trial of his
faith,2 and as a reward therefor " that crown of life prom-
ised by God to them that love Him." ^ The line of de-
marcation separating rich and poor was now becoming
daily more noticeable in the Church, and would seem to
be one of the principal grievances which the Apostle set
himself to alleviate and correct ; at all events it must
have been uppermost in his mind, for he reverts to it
constantly in this letter : —
''Let the brother of low degree," he writes, '^ glory
therein, as thereby exalted ; ^ and let the rich regard [his
wealth] as it were a humiliation, because as the flower of
the grass he shall pass away. As the sun riseth with burn-
ing heat, the grass withereth, the flower thereof faileth,
and the grace of its form perisheth, so also shall the rich
fade away in his ways." ^
Further on he repeats the same counsels : —
"My brethren, as you have faith in Our Lord Jesus
Christ [the Lord] of glory, make no distinction between
persons.^ For if there come into your synagogue a man
wearing a golden ring^ and splendid apparel, and there
1 James i. 2. 3 i]^[^ i 12.
2 Ibid., i. 2-4.
* The highest beatitude of the poor man lies in this, that by his poverty
and privations he shares in the sufferings of the Christ, whereby alone lie
possesses a glory infinitely superior to all the joys which the rich man ob-
tains from his wealth.
^ James i. 9-11.
s Literally, " Have not the Faith of Our Lord Jesus Christ by making
respect of persons."
] In olden days wealthy women were not the only ones that loaded
their fingers with rings and precious stones; in this respect the men ri-
valled them in such dis])lays of luxury. " Senos Charinus omnibus digitis
gerit, nee nocte ponit annulos, nee dum lavatur." Martial, xi. 60. Cf.
Lucian, Sonm., 12.
SAINT JAMES OF JERUSALEM. 33
enter also some poor man in mean garments, and, taking
notice of him who is magnificently attired, you say to him,
* Sit thou here in a fine place ; ' and say to the poor man,
* Stand thou over there,' or ' Sit thou down here, below my
footstool/ is not that to make a difference in your own
mind between one and the other and to become judges of
iniquitous minds? Hearken, my dearly beloved brethren !
Hath not God chosen the poor of this world to be rich in
faith and heirs of the Kingdom which He hath promised to
them that love Him ? And would you despise the poor ?
Is it not the wealthy that oppress you ? Who^ if not they,
blaspheme the goodly Name [of Christ] whence your own
is taken ? If you fulfil the royal law, in accordance with
that precept of Scripture, ' Thou shalt love th}^ neighbor as
thyself,' you do well. But if you have regard of the con-
dition of persons, you commit sin, and are condemned by
the^law as transgressors." ^
This misunderstanding of the great law of Christianity,
the law of Fraternal Charity, had sprung from the cor-
rupting maxims of the Judaizers. James strikes straight
at the roots of the evil and strives to sever them from
the trunk. First and foremost were the fatalistic theories
of certain Pharisees, who, by referring man's conduct to
an irresistible destiny, ^ discharged man of anything like
individual responsibility. One word was enough to shat-
ter this immoral contention : —
*^Let no man when he is tempted, say, ^I am tempted by
God ; ' for God, a stranger to all evil, tempteth not any
man, but every man under temptation is enticed and led
away by his own lust ; then lust, when it has conceived,
bringeth forth sin, and sin, once consummated, engenders
death." «
Another aberration of these false Christians was to
impose no other sondition on such as would be saved
except a mere acquiescence to the Word of God, without
1 James ii. 1-9.
2 Josephus, Bell. Jud., ii. viii. 14 ; Antiq. Jud., xiii. v. 9 ; xviii. i. 5,
3 James i. 13-15.
34 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
a word said concerning its practice. " Unto whom might
they be likened in this fond delusion?" asks James: —
" To a man who considereth his natural face in a glass,
and who, after he hath cast his eyes upon it, goeth away and
straightway forgetteth what manner of man he is. So
he that shall have closely scrutinized the perfect law, the
law of liberty, and shall have persevered therein, — not
merely hearkening and forthwith forgetting, but doing that
which he hath heard, — this man shall find happiness in
his deed. If any one deemeth himself pious and doth not
bridle his tongue, but deludeth himself in his own heart, his
piety is vain. Pure religion and undefiled in the sight of
God the Father is this — to visit the fatherless and widows
in their afflictions, and to keep one's self unspotted from the
world." ^
By these examples James clearly indicated the charac-
teristic notes of the true Faith ; a supernatural Grace
first of all, it is true, " a perfect gift coming down from
on High from the Father of lights," ^ regeneratmg " the
believer by the word of truth," ^ nevertheless, of no value
for salvation save on condition that this "word implanted"
in the soul exclude from it " all the filthiness and excesses
of sin,"^ in order to bring forth "the fruits of righteous-
ness"^ and peace and mercy. Nor does he stop there,
but boldly attacks the capital delusion of the Judaizers,
face to face : —
" My brettiren, what doth it profit any one to say that he
hath the Faith, if he have not works ? Can faith save him?
If a brother or a sister are without clothing and destitute
of daily bread, and one of you say unto them, * Go in peace,
be ye warmed and filled,' without giving them what is need-
ful for the body, of what profit are your words to them ?
Even so Faith, if it hath not works, is dead in itself." ^
Some have professed to consider this teaching as the
direct antithesis of Paul's doctrine, " Ye are saved by
1 James i. 23-27. * Ibid., i.21.
2 Ibid., i. 17. 5 jbid., iii. 18.
8 Ibid., i. 18. 6 ibi(j ii i4_i7^
SAINT JAMES OF JERUSALEM. 35
Grace, by Faith, . . . and this is not won by works." ^
But the contradiction is only an apparent one. It vanishes
as soon as we advert to the fact that, on the one hand,
Paul does not deny the efficacy of works to save us, except
to legal works, such works as man may accomplish with-
out the aid of Grace ; and that, on the other hand, when
attributing this power to Faith, he has in mind, not any
mere inert and sterile belief, but a power which works
within the soul through Charity. Justification, therefore,
according to both of the Apostles, is brought about in the
same manner, in the depths of the soul, purifying and
vivifying it, making it fruitful in works of righteousness
and sanctity. Preoccupied as he was with his longing to
convince the Jews of the powerlessness of their own
Legal Works, Paul had cited Abraham, as showing that
that Patriarch's justification was by Faith.^ Saint James,
recurring to the same example, reminds them of what
manner of Faith this was which was so powerful, lively,
and fecund that it gave birth to so heroic an act.
" Wilt thou know, 0 vain man, that faith without works
is dead ? Was not our father Abraham justified by works
when he offered his sou Isaac upon the altar ? Seest thou
how faith wrought with his works and by works was his
faith made perfect ? ... As the body without the soul is
dead, so faith without works is dead also." ^
This last sentence cast the clarifying rays of common-
sense upon a question which the Judaizing element had
befogged to the best of their ability. It disposed of it in
the minds of all sincere and honest thinkers. There still
remained the duty of healing their wounded hearts, and
for this task James' well known attachment to the Mosaic
law lent him just that air of authority which enabled him
to bare the infected spot and use his scalpel without fear.
Unflinchingly he proceeds to expose the vices of his
brethren of Israel, " bitter jealousies and a spirit of con-
1 Ephes. ii. 8, 9. 3 James ii. 20-26.
2 Rom. iv. J Gal. iii. 6-9.
36 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
tentiousness," intemperate language, impudent claims to
universal dominion, of bringing all creation under the
sway of their "terrestrial, animal, and diabolical wis-
dom : " 1 sentiments so unseemly in followers of the
Gospel, he branded and cauterized in a manner worthy
of the olden Prophets : —
'' From whence come strifes and battles among jow. ? Is
it not because your passions wage war in your members ?
You are lustful, and you have naught ; you slay, and de-
sire ardently to possess, but without obtaining aught ; you
appeal to the courts, you make war and you gain naught,
because you ask not ; you ask and receive not, because you
ask amiss, that you may expend it upon your lusts. Adul-
terers ! ^ Know you not that the friendship of the world is
enmity with God ? Whosoever will be a friend of the world
makes himself an enemy of God." ^
The bluntness of these words shows how completely
James realized his authority over Christians of his
own race, as one of right empowered to speak his whole
mind to them. It was not, however, by such displays of
vigor — which are, for that matter, of only occasional
occurrence in this letter — that he endeavored to reclaim
the strayed sheep of the flock ; on the contrary, even with
this end in view, we see him pouring forth from his heart
those treasures of ardent charity, with all that grace and
tenderness which were the fruits of his meditations on
the Saviour's words. The Glad Tidings seem to come
to life once more in his letter ; there is the same
simplicity about its teachings, the same charm sur-
1 James iii. 14-16.
2 The Jews regarded God as the Spouse of their race and of all human-
ity. Hence this exclamation : ' ' Adulterers . . . think you that the
Scripture sayeth in vain, ' The Spirit which God hath sent to dwell within
you loveth j'ou with a jealous love ' V These last words are not intended
to be taken as a quotation of any particular text, but rather as a concise
expression of that idea so variously and richly illustrated in the Scrip-
tures ; namely, that God, by breathing into us His Spirit, is become, as it
were, our Spouse ; and that as He is a jealous God, He will in no wise
suffer us to divide our hearts between the world and Him.
3 James iv. 1-4.
SAINT JAMES OF JERUSALEM. 37
rounding its images, drawn from the fields, the lakes,
and the clear skies of Galilee.^ As a rule James sets
forth his thoughts, as did Jesus, unconstrainedly, with-
out caring to preserve the continuity of thought or any
methodical order. Here and there, however, taking
the Sapiential Books of Israel as his model, by some
striking picture he sets his particular point of morality
in strong relief : —
"If any one offend not by speaking, the same is a perfect
man and able also to bridle the whole body. Behold the
horses' bits; these we pat in their mouths and they obey
us, and thus we direct their whole body whithersoever we
would go. Behold also the ships, which are so great and
driven by fierce winds ; yet are turned about with a very
small helm, toward whatever direction the steersman wills
they should go. Even so the tongue is a little member ;
and yet of what great things it boasteth ! Behold how
great a forest a little fire may enkindle ! Yea, the tongue
is a fire, a world of iniquities ; though it be but one of our
members, it defileth the whole body, inflameth the whole
course of our life, and is itself inflamed by hell-fire. For
every species of wild beasts and birds, reptiles and creatures
of the sea is tamed, and hath been tamed, by the human
species. But the tongue no mortal can tame. 'T is an un-
ruly evil, full of deadly poison. By it we bless God our
Father, and by it we curse men made in the likeness of
God ; out of the same mouth proceedeth blessing and curs-
ing. My brethren, it ought not so to be. Doth a fountain
send forth from the same opening sweet waters and bitter?
Doth a fig-tree, my brethren, bear olives, or a vine, figs ?
From a salty fountain cometh forth no fresh streams." ^
This animated passage furnishes us with a key to the
character of James, revealing as it does the puissant
^ How naturally in this letter James turns to his native land for the
images and comparisons he seeks : the hillsides, green with fig-trees,
vines, and olive-orchards ; the pasture lands, so fresh at dawn, but wither-
ing away beneath the midday sun; refreshing fountains, near neighbors
to salty springs ; on the soft horizon-line, the azure sea ; and the rains of
spring-time and of autumn, the husbandman's one hope. (James iii. 12 ;
i 10, 11, 6; V. 7.)
2 James iii. 2-12.
38 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
cliarm of his genius, and, at the same time, the nobility,
the loftiness of soul, which forced all Israel to bow before
him. Loyalty and an inflexible uprightness are salient
traits of his sanctity. To this rugged ascetic, hungering
for righteousness and truth, it would be useless to palter
with belief ; prayer that was half-hearted, murmured with
doubting lips, would be impossible to him. " He that
wavereth," he would answer, " is like a wave of the sea,
tossed hither and thither. Let not such an one fancy that
he shall receive anything from the Lord : he is a double-
minded man, unstable in all his ways." ^ Thus, to vacil-
late, " to know the good and not to do it, is to sin," ^ is
" to lie to the truth." ^ " Cleanse your hands, ye sinners,
and purify your souls, ye that are half-hearted." * " Let
your yea be yea, and your nay, nay ! " ^
James' first thought is to inculcate this sincerity of
soul, this serious view of a Christian's life, to be em-
braced unreservedly and without one afterthought. Like
Paul, as we have seen, he made no attempt to conceal the
fact, even from himself, that any such perfection as this is
" a perfect gift coming down from on High, from the Father
of lights, in Whom there is no variableness, neither
shadow of turning ; " ^ and that, therefore, to obtain it
we must ask for it, and '•' draw nigh to God, if we would
that He draw nigh unto us." ^ Hence prayer he considered
as the very staff of spiritual life, and to a life of prayer he
seeks to reduce the whole practice of Taith in these
closing lines of his letter : —
" Is any one among you afflicted ? Let him pray. Is
any merry? Let him sing canticles of joy. Is any one
among you sick ? Let him call in the Elders ^ of the con-
1 James i. 6-8. ^ Ibid., v. 12.
2 Ibid., iv. 17o « Ibid., i. 17.
8 Ibid., iii. 14. '^ Ibid., iv. 8.
4 Ibid., iv. 8.
s Tovs -rpeafivTepovs Trjs eKKX-qcrias. "Si quis dixerit presb3^teros Ec-
olesiffi, quos beatus Jacobus adducendos esse ad infirmum inunguendum
liortatur, non esse sacerdotes ab Episcopo ordinatos, sed aetate seniores iu
quavis communitate, ob idque pvoprium Extreme Unctionis ministrum non
esse solum sacerdotem '. anathema sit. " Concilium Tridentinum, sess. xiv.,
De Eoctrem. Unci., can. 4.
SAINT JAMES OF JERUSALEM. 39
gregation, and let them pray for him, anointing him with
oil in the name of the Lord ; and the prayer of Faith shall
save the sick, and the Lord shall comfort him, and if he hath
committed sins, they shall be forgiven him.^ Confess your
faults one to another and pray one for another, that you
may be healed ; the fervent prayer of the righteous availeth
much."
We have no means of knowing the effect produced by
this letter. Did James' words, so thoroughly Christian
in spirit, although Jewish in form, and very different
from what Paul had accustomed the faithful to, — did
this eloquent message find lodgment in their souls ?
Were not even the Israelites of those far distant Churches
more surprised than pleased at being addressed as " the
Twelve Tribes of the Dispersion " ? ^ on hearing Mosaism,
once branded by Paul as " the Law of sin and of death,"
proclaimed anew by James, as the " perfect " ^ model of
Christianity, the absolute " Sovereign Law," ^ all of whose
commandments must be kept; and this so rigorously
that " to fail in one point is to be guilty of all " ? ^ Purther-
more, were James' words accepted abroad and invested
with the same authority that they bore at Jerusalem?
Neither Holy Scripture nor Tradition warrants us in
answering these questions in the afiirmative.
On the other hand, the fact most clearly indicated by
1 The Council of Trent in its 14th session, Doctrina de Sacra-
mento Extreme Unctionis, has commented upon these words of the
Apostle at length, and has fixed their interpretation. " Instituta est
sacra hsec Unctio infirmorum, tanquam vere et proprie sacramentum
Novi Testamenti, a Christo Domino nostro apud Marcum quidem insinu-
atum (vi. 13), per Jacobum autem apostolum, ac Domini fratrem, fideli-
bus commendatum ac promulgatum. Infirmatur, inqnit, quis in vobis,
etc." (Session xiv., Doctrina de Sacramento Extrem^e Unctionis,
chap. i.).
2 James i. 1.
^ f^Sfiov reXeiov rhv tt]s ihevdepias. James i. 2-5. To the eyes of James
the Gospel stands forth as the completion, the perfection, of the Law.
He adds that it is "a Law of Liberty; " certainly not because the ancient
Law appeared to him as one of servitude, but because the Gospel teaches
us how to fulfil the older in all its perfectness, through our own free and
spontaneous obedience.
* Nofiov . . . fiaa-iXiKoyj James i. 25. ^ James ii. 10.
40 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
these traditions is the growing influence of James in the
Holy City. Asceticism is held in high esteem in the East.
Now we have seen to what an extent James carried his
contempt for the body.^ The multitude were always
overwhelmed with awe as often as they beheld this Saint
pass by, — with long, untrimmed locks, barefooted, his
limbs wasted from fasting; or when gazing upon him
absorbed in prayer, kneeling or prostrate on the hard
ground, a(]jain reverence overmastered them : Jews and
Christians alike bowed their heads before this man, who
recalled to them the great seers of their race, not only by
his rugged exterior, but by his fiery speech as well. But
it was the common people, the lowly and the poor, always
so numerous in Jerusalem, who listened to him most
eagerly ; for he shared, to the full, their aversion for the
mighty men of Israel, and with unmeasured scorn
launched his anathemas at these leaders, branding them
for their corruption, their proud and haughty worship of
self : —
" Go to, now, ye wealthy, weep ! Howl over the miseries
that shall come upon you ! Your riches are tainted ; your
gold and silver are cankered, and the rust of them shall be
a witness against you, and shall devour your flesh as it were
by fire ! Lo ! this is the treasure which you have heaped
together for the last days. Behold now the hire, whereof
you have defrauded the laborers who have reaped down
your fields, crieth against you, and the cry of the reapers
hath reached the ears of the Lord Sabaoth. You have dal-
lied with pleasure on the earth, and have wantoned in
luxury; you have fattened yourselves, like victims for the
sacrifice. You have condemned, ay, killed the Just One
who hath not resisted you." ^
On hearing such invectives, the emotion that thrilled
the throngs waxed tremendous, nor was the rage of the
ruling class, so fiercely scourged, any the less overpower-
ing. Elsewhere we have studied the characteristics of
1 St. Peter and the First Days of Christianitt/, chap. xi.
2 James v. 1-6.
SAINT JAMES OF JERUSALEM. 41
this aristocracy, made up for the most part of the priestly-
caste.^ Ill their hands the Pontificate, auctioned off to the
highest bidder, became an instrument of tyranny .^ Were
any unfortunates in arrears with their tithes, forthwith a
swarm of hirelings descended upon their storehouses and
barns, and pillaged them, cruelly maltreating the poor
wight who ventured to remonstrate. Small wonder that
the people and the lower clergy, reduced to extremities
by their exactions, were united in a common hatred of
their oppressors.^ The following Anathema, preserved in
the pages of the Talmud, shows what rebellious feelings
were seething in their souls : —
" A bane to the land is the House of Boethos,
A curse on their wands of office 1
A bane to the land is the House of Hannan I
A curse on their hissing of vipers !
A bane to the land is the House of Kataros I
A curse upon their plumes !
A bane to the land is the House of Ismael, sons of Phabi 1
A curse upon their mailed fists !
*' They are High Priests, their sons are Treasurers, their sons-
in-law Commanders, and their varlets beat the people with their
staves ! " *
This was doubtless some popular refrain they murmured
beneath their breath. But little recked the Pontiffs.
What mattered it to them if the lower classes chewed the
cud of ineffectual wrath, provided that no outbreak
occurred to disturb the peace and compromise them with
Rome ? In their eyes James appeared far more dangerous,
since his sanctity had won him the esteem of every upright
person left in Jerusalem. Even the Pharisees revered him
on account of his fidelity to the Law. Now, the Pharisees
constituted what was properly the body politic of the
nation ; beside them were only the Sadducees, who formed
merely an immoral and sceptical minority. The poHtica)
1 St. Peter, etc., chap. x.
2 Derenbourg, Ilistoire de la Palestine, p. 248.
3 Josephus, Antiq. Jud., xv. viii. 8 j ix. 2.
^ Pesachim, 57 a.
42 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
peril, tlieir own wounded pride, and rancorous vices, all
demanded the suppression of this preacher : circumstances
proved propitious for the Pontics' plans.
On the death of Festus, in Judea, at the beginning of
the year 62, Albinus was appointed by Nero to succeed
him. The new Procurator set out by way of Egypt, and
consequently took several months to reach his province.
In this interval the Sovereign Pontificate likewise changed
hands ; after deposing Joseph Kabi, Herod Agrippa in-
stalled in his place Annas (Hannan), son of the High
Priest of the same name, — a name rendered infamously
notorious by the condemnation and death of Our Saviour
during his administration. Malevolent acts of violence
were hereditary in that family, but Annas the younger
was especially distinguished among them all for his hard-
ness of heart and arrogant audacity. Eealizing, better
than any one else, how deeply James' holy life discredited
him and his compeers, he resolved to get rid of him.
Agrippa just then chanced to be away from Jerusalem;
Albinus, as we have seen, was still delaying his arrival ;
it was a unique opportunity to commit a legal murder,
unhindered and unopposed from the very outset. Annas
seized it, hastily convoked the Sanhedrin, and demanded
that James and some of the brethren be sentenced to be
stoned, as violators of the Law.^ It was easy enough to
reach the latter, who were apparently both poor and of
lowly rank, but far more difficult to lay hands on James,
whom the whole town revered. The account of Heges-
sipus, which, though full of apochryphal details,^ is based
on historical facts, indicates that the members of the
Sanhedrin, in order to execute their sentence, were con-
strained to lay a trap for the Apostle and take him by
surprise.
" It was in the Paschal season," says the ancient chroni-
1 Josephus, Antiq. Jud., xx. ix. ] ; Eusebius, Historia Ecdesiastica, ii.
xxiii.
2 One notableinistake is that he attributes the death of James to the
Pharisees. Now the Pharisees composed the majority of the people, the
masses j and they, as we have seen, were deeply devoted to the Apostle.
SAINT JAMES OF JERUSALEM. 43
cler ; " they conducted James out upon the terraces of the
Temple and urged him to dissuade the people, gathered in
the Porches, from following after the crucified Jesus.
" ' Why do you question me concerning Jesus, the Son
of Man ? ' he cried in a loud voice. ' He is seated in
Heaven, at the right hand of the Great Power of God,
and He shall come upon the clouds of heaven ! '
" ' Hosannah to the Son of David ! ' was the response of
the multitude.
" * We have done ill,' the Sanhedrin members muttered
among themselves, ' by bringing down on ourselves this
testimony to Jesus; let us go up thither and cast him
down below, that so the terrified mob may believe in
him no longer.'
" ' Oh ! Oh ! the Just One himself has gone mad ! ' they
began to shout ; and, hastily mounting the terrace, they
threw him headlong down upon the pavements of the
Porches below.
" James did not die at once, but drawing himself up
upon his knees he repeated that prayer, the prayer of his
Master upon the Cross, ' Lord God, our Father, I beseech
Thee, forgive them, for they know not what they do ! '
" The Scribes' only reply was the death-cry, ' Stone him !
Stone this James the Just !' and they began to hail mis-
siles on his devoted head.
"As they fell upon him, a priest of the Eechabite family ^
1 The origin and history of the Eechabites is wrapped in obscurity.
Are these ascetics, — Kenites as they were by birth (1 Par. ii. 55), — to be
considered as Israelites ? or were they merely affiliated with them ? and, if
so, to what degree ? It is hard to give a precise answer. From the report
given us by Jeremy (xxxv. 7), the following rules had been given them by
Jonadab, son of Rechab: "You shall not drink of wine, neither you nor
your sons forevermore. You shall not build houses, you shall not sow
grain, you shall not plant vines, neither shall you possess them, but you
shall dwell in tents all the days of your life." Taken together, these pre-
cepts present a picture of some tribe living in the open, but bound by
vows to lead a patriarchal life. When the invasion of Nabuchodonosor
(598 B. c.) forced them to take refuge in Jerusalem, they were quartered
in the Porches of the Temple, where the disciples of Hanan, son of Jig-
dalia, were leading a life very like their own (Jer. xxxv. 4). The Recha-
bites seem to have been attached for a long period of time to the Sanctuary
of Israel, and to have dwelt there as servers of the priests. On the return
44 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
attempted to stop them. ' What are you doing ? ' he said ;
* see, the Just One is praying for you ! '
•' But a fuller who stood by swung the mallet he used
in fulling cloth, and brought it down upon his head.
Thus was the Apostle martyred." ^
This murder roused the indignation of even the Jews
of Jerusalem, and it was precisely the strict observers of
the Law who displayed the deepest displeasure, for James
was their boast. Many of them sent despatches secretly
to King Agrippa, begging him to curb Annas' tyranny
and prevent the recurrence of such deeds of violence ;
others sought the ear of the new Governor, whose com-
pany they joined as soon as he left Alexandria for Judea.
On hearing their report, how, without his assent and in
defiance of his rights, the Sanhedrin had been assembled
in judicial council, Albinus sent the Pontiff an angry and
threatening letter ; but it came too late for Annas to feel
its full effect, as he had already been deposed by Agrippa,
and Jesus, the son of Damnseus, appointed in his stead.
The pontificate of Annas had lasted but three months.^
This satisfaction accorded to popular indignation did
not suffice, however, to banish the troubles and anxieties
of Jerusalem. A belief that God would avenge the Saint
was firmly held by the people ; accordingly, as soon as
war broke out in the land, many regarded it as the be-
ginning of the dreaded punishment.^ Indeed, did not the
whole condition of affairs in the Holy City demand the
interposition of the Arm of Judgment ? Besides the cor-
rupt magistrates, there were impostors of every descrip-
tion who kept the masses in a perpetual fever of rebel-
lion ; the Zealots, especially, sowed terror in their path.
Festus had repressed them, granting no quarter and no
mercy ; but their bands, once scattered and disseminated
from captivity we find them there still (1 Paral., ii. 55. Cf. Jerem. xxxv.
19), and from Hegesippus' testimony, which appears most plausible in this
particular, we learn that in the first century some of these ascetics were
still to be encountered there.
1 Eusebius, Hist or ia Ecclesiastica, i. xxiii.
2 Josephus, Antiq. Jud., xx. ix. 1.
3 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., ii. xxiii.
SAINT JAMES OF JERUSALEM. 45
over the country, could not be easily captured and de-
stroyed ; beaten in one place, they soon appeared else-
where. Albinus did not long continue this thankless
task ; less upright than his predecessor, he preferred to
shut his eyes to the enterprises of these brigands ; worse
still, he made them pay for his tacit connivance.^
In this state of demoralization, what could unhappy
Jerusalem do, save gaze with horror into the abyss which
threatened to engulf her people, shuddering at its unknown
depths ? Toward the end of this same year (62), a fore-
boding clamor began to make itself heard within the walls.
A peasant named Jesus, son of Hannan, had come up to
the Feast of the Tabernacles : like another Jeremiah, he
began of a sudden to cry out in the Temple : —
" Oh, Voice from the East ! Oh, Voice from the West !
Voice of the four winds ! A Voice crying out against Je-
rusalem and the Temple ! A Voice crying out against the
married men and the married women ! A Voice crying
out against the whole people ! "
Night and day he rushed through the streets repeating
the same anathemas. Certain men in authority, weary of
hearing his maledictions, caused him to be arrested and
whipped. He said nothing, asked no mercy, but contin-
ued his melancholy cries as before. Such hardihood dis-
concerted the magistrates ; fearing lest this voice might
be from God, they conducted Jesus to the Eoman Gov-
ernor, who ordered that he be scourged till the skin was
flayed from his bones. The man made no appeal, shed
not a tear, but, at each stroke, repeated in pitiful tones,
" Ah-h ! Ah-h ! Jerusalem ! "
Albinus asked him who he was, whence he came, and
what was the reason of his cries. No answer, save his
wonted song of lamentation.
" He is insane," said the Governor, and bade them let
him go.
Thus, until the siege, Jesus, son of Hannan, continued
his wails, speaking to no one, making no complaint when
1 Josephus, Antiq, JucL, xx. ix. ; Bell. Jud., ii. xiv. 1.
46 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
maltreated, nor even thanking such as gave him some-
thing to eat. On festival days his cries were redoubled
in strength, although his voice never grew hoarse. As
soon as the city was blockaded, he proceeded on his
rounds on top of the walls, chanting "Woe to the city!
Woe to the Temple ! Woe to the people ! " till at last he
added , " Woe to me ! " and fell killed by a stone hurled
from a catapult.^
The destruction, foretold by this strange seer in 62 was
not to befall them until eight years later; but nothing
thereafter could stay its approach ; for, with James, the
last bulwark that stood between them and Divine Justice
had fallen. None of the Apostles, indeed, came thither
to replace " the brother of the Lord," ^ at the head of the
Mother Church. Even the Christian community he left
to persecutions and trials was soon forced to flee. Jeru-
salem, now abandoned to the wrath of Heaven, was about
to suffer the penalty for that Blood Divine which she
had called down " upon herself and upon her children." ^
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., vi. v. 3.
2 Gal. i. 19.
8 Matt, xxvii. 25.
CHAPTER III.
THE EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS.
While Jerusalem was stilling in its bosom the last
germs of life and the only hope of salvation left to it,
Rome was eagerly propagating the Faith which Paul had
been commissioned to spread throughout the Gentile
world. His confinement afforded him long hours of soli-
tude and silence ; and, in these seasons of calm, the deeper
meanings of the teachings of Jesus were revealed to him.
All that is most lofty in the theology of the Incarnation
is, indeed, founded upon the letters which Paul wrote at
this time ; they may therefore be rightfully regarded as
the fruit of these years of captivity, when God permitted
men to fetter the limbs of the Apostle, but only with the
knowledge that thus his soul would be given a freer flight
toward these loftier Revelations which were to be allotted
him. This access of Heavenly light was destined, all in
good time, to dissipate the gloom which was then threat-
ening to enshroud the churches founded by Paul.
We have just seen how deeply James was alarmed at
these perils to the Faith, and how he did his best to avert
them ; but he was acquainted with only a few of them,
and those the least formidable. The darkest clouds were
not those that lowered over Jerusalem, but in far-off Asia,
the last scene of Paul's ministry. In this region the dog-
matic questions so hotly disputed by Christians and
Judaizers — the utility of " Observances " and " Salvation
through Faith " — seem to have been regarded as of
secondary interest. These men's minds were keenly
absorbed in a very different spectacle : it was the awaken-
ing of Philosophy to the fact that a new Faith was born,
and, thereafter, its efforts were to draw it within its own
48 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL,
sphere, to incorporate it in its own system, in a word, to
absorb it, as it had done with so many Pagan mythologies.
For the first time cahn and sceptical reason was brought
face to face with the Gospel, and at once opened a con-
flict which is destined to last as long as the pride of
man shall endure.
The Roman province of Asia proved a propitious field
for such a contest, for it was the ancient Ionia, the
mother of Thales and Heraclitus, famed of old for its
curiosity concerning intellectual questions, eager for
some new thing, and prompt to forge new fancies from
their ov/n chimerical dreams. Phrygia, a near neigh-
bor, fostered its own grosser Mysteries among them, —
the worship of Cybele and Sabazius, degrading all attri-
butes of divinity to the creative forces of Nature. Added
to these hereditary influences, there was the never-ceasing
seductiveness of foreign theories, brought with them by
the visitors who were attracted thither by the prosperity
of the country, and who came from the most widely
separated regions, from Greece and Alexandria and Judea
and the far East. The Phrygian sects of the succeeding
century give us some notion of the filthiness which
frothed from this ferment of foreign mixture ; never
perhaps has the madness of lubricity been carried to
such an excess.^
In the epoch with which we are concerned, the nas-
cent contagion had not as yet worked such havoc as it
did later on. Undoubtedly it had already tainted the
conduct of life, but its flrst care was to lead men's minds
astray. The wind of Error which was rising over Paul's
flocks still stirred only the heights above ; yet it was
undermining, and, indeed, bade fair to overthrow, the
1 ** Omitto Cataphiygas, Ophitas, Borboritas et Manichreos : nota enim
jam hsec humanpe calamitatis vocabula sunt. Quis unquam Passaloryncitas
et Ascodrobos et Astotyritas, et csetera magis portenta.quam nomina in
aliqiia parte Romani orbis audivit ? Anti([uai stultitioe usque hodie manet
vesticria." St. Jerome, Comment, in Epist. ad Galat., i. ii., prooem. ; cf.
St. Eijipbaiiius, xlviii. 14 ; xlix. 1, 2 ; Philaster, 74-75 ; Proidestinatus,
lib. i., passim {Patrol. Lat., Migne, vol. liii. p. 588 et seq.).
THE EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 49
loftiest teachings of the Apostle, those which he had
most at heart, because by them he proclaimed Jesus to
be infinitely raised above all creatures, — God, even as
is the Father, in Whose bosom He liveth forevermore.
Under what form did the new Heresy attack this
primordial dogma of Christianity ?
To help us to divine the answer, we have only a few
allusions, certain significant words in Saint Paul's Epis-
tles, but principally the doctrinal exposition which the
Apostle used opposing it. The main point which these
various indications settle beyond all question is, that
the errors elaborated by the Gnostics of the following
ages were already recognizable in their germs here in
the Christian communities of Ephesus and Colossse.
As the basis of all these fancies we find the same
peculiar propensities, the same objects in view, the same
aberrations misleading them. " Whence cometh Evil ? " ^
To this query, which has ever been a torturing one for
Reason, left to its own powers to solve, what was the
answer ? Neither suffering nor sin could emanate from
an Infinite Being, good both in Its essence and in the
plenitude of Its powers. Their only alternative was to
invent, as opposed to God, some adverse principle, eter-
nal and independent, which limits and impairs His
almighty Attributes. This ill-omened part the Gnostics
assigned to Matter, which they represented, sometimes
as the principle of inertia and death, or, again, as the
leaven of corruption. The Dualism of the Persians
appears at the very core of their speculations, in less
striking prominence, doubtless, than in the religious
doctrines of Iran, but originating from them in all
likelihood. From the same source it would seem they
borrowed another theory of equal importance to Gnos-
ticism, the chain of Intermediaries between God and
the creature, which they multiplied ad infinitum, in
1 "Languens enim (quod et nunc multi, et maxime hseretici) circa mali
quffistionem. Unde malum? .. ." Tertullian, ^(/y. il/araone/w, i. 2. Qt
De Prcescript., 7 ; Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica, v. xvii.
4
50 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
order to explain how a Being, essentially good and pure,
could communicate with a world stained by sin. To solve
this problem they conceived the Deity as outpouring
itself in a succession of Emanations, after each one of
them evaporating and vanishing more and more. Thus
the gulf between the infinite and finite is bridged over,
while the disproportion gradually diminishes, until it is
so far lessened that a point of contact between the two
becomes possible, and creation begins its work.^
My only object in referring here to these parent notions
of Gnosticism is in order to make more striking by con-
trast the Theology which the Apostle urged in opposition ;
for far be it from me to attribute any such complete body
of doctrines to the Heretics whom Saint Paul had in mind.
There was no leader among them capable of condensing
the mass of floating ideas then current and giving them
his name ; each one was blown hither and thither by his
own doubts, and though it is true that a current was
forming which was dragging their minds toward the same
abyss, this was simply because the same influences were
wafting them along.
These influences, as we have seen, had their rise for the
most part in certain Oriental dogmas imported by Pagan
philosophers who were imbued with them, and who were
flocking from every direction into Ionia. Another source
of error was their frequent contact with certain Israelites,
half traders, half missionaries, who hawked their wares
and their doctrines at the same time, the latter a strange
hodge-podge of truth and falsehood. As in the time of
Jesus, these men " compassed land and sea merely to make
proselytes twofold worthier of Gehenna than they them-
selves." 2 The most active among them were the fanatical
followers of Mosaism, the so-called Judaizers, whose tac-
tics we are already familiar with. Paul knew them only
too well. But there were others at work propagating
1 See Matter, Histoire Critique dn Gnosticisime ; Baur, Christliche GnO'
sis ; Lipsius' article on Gnosticisimus in Ersch und Gruber ; Mansel, The
Gnostic Heresies.
3 Matt, xxiii. 15.
THE EPISTLE TO TEE COLOSSIANS. 51
chimeras analogous to those we have been considering ;
these they had borrowed principally from a sect known
to us already.^ I allude to the Essenes.
From the very outset the authority of these ascetics
had been great in Israel, and it does not appear that the
new-born Christianity had in any wise weakened it. From
the shores of the Dead Sea,^ where they still dwelt, their
doctrines were being continually spread abroad. We
cannot pretend to go into details, but one thing is sure, —
that in many points these doctrines were in harmony with
the tendencies of Gnosticism. Thus, though it is nowhere
expressly stated, we can assert with certainty that both
teachings presuppose similar views as to the pernicious
part played by Matter, as well as the existence of certain
" Intermediary Beings " between God and man.
" The Essene, indeed, was not content, like the com-
mon run of Jews, merely to be exact in the Observances of
the Law;^ he outdid them all in rigorousness, going so
far as to put marriage under the ban ; ^ not satisfied with
the simple distinction between clean and unclean meats,
he abstained from wine, oil, and the flesh of animals.^
Evidently this strictness had no other object save the
emancipation of the soul from the senses and from mat-
ter, the reputed source of all evil.^
On the other hand, the Essene, like the Gnostic,
plumed himself on the possession of superior wisdom,
1 See The Christ, the Son of God, vol. i. chap. i.
'^ Their principal communities were located on the banks of this sea
(Plin}'-, Historia Naturalis, v. 15 ; Synesius, Dio 3), but they were to be
found likewise in many towns throughout Judea (Josephus, Bell. Jud., ii.
viii. 4. Philo, Fragm., p. 632). Although we have no testimony to prove
their presence among the Jews of the Dispersion, there is not the slightest
doubt that even among these their influence was felt. See Lightfoot,
Colossians, pp. 91 et seq.
3 Josephus, Bell. Jud., ii. viii. 5-12.
4 Philo, Fragm., p. 633 ; Josephus, Bell. Jud., ii. viii. 2 ; Pliny, His-
toria Naturalis, v. 15.
^ Josephus, Bell. Jud., ii. viii. 3-5.
^ For the same reason, the Essenes refused to believe in the Resurrec-
tion of the Body, a doctrine held by the Pharisees (Josephus, Bell. Jud.,
ii. viii. 11). The soul imprisoned in its fleshly tabernacle is set free there-
from by death, that it may survive alone, transfigured forevermore.
52 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
shared exclusively by a few privileged ones. " He has
the same pride of caste, together with a jealous anxiety,"
says the historian Josephus, " to reserve to the chosen
adepts the Books of the Sect and the Names of the An-
gels." ^ What are we to understand by this angelical
nomenclature, unless the allusion be to some system
of Emanations analogous to the £o7is of Gnosticism, a
chain of superior beings keeping up a constant communi-
cation between heaven and earth ?
Such fancies germinated spontaneously in the minds of
the Jews, accustomed by their belief to conceive of a plu-
rality of persons in the Divinity. Indeed their inspired
Books disclose, under the name of " Wisdom," a God ex-
isting within God from the beginning, assisting at every
creative act, and finding Its delight in dwelling among
the children of men. This doctrine was preserved in
its purity by the orthodox schools ; for the Scribes, sub-
stituting for the term "Wisdom" that of Memera, tlie
Word, the Word of God, still taught the same dogma,
only under a more expressive form.^ This, however, was
not at all the case in profane lands. At Alexandria,
notably, Philo so far altered the truth as to travesty the
Word by making it a secondary God, the mere image of
the iirst, separate and distinct from the Almighty, and in
everything inferior to Him.^
It is easy to imagine what food these speculations, com-
ing from famous schools, must have furnished for the
doubters among the disciples in Asia, half Christian, half
Theosophists as they were. Even more surely tlian did
the ascendency which the Orient and the Essenes wielded
over them, such teachings led them insensibly into con-
founding their Christian Faith with the philosophical
vagaries of the period, into relegating the Supreme Being
into the realms of inaccessible mystery, till finally they
raised the question whether Jesus, as Mediator between
^ Josephus, Bell. Jud.y ii. viii. 7.
2 See The Christ the Son of God, vol. i. App. ii., The " Word " of Sr.
John.
2 Philo, De Con/us. Ling., 28, Quod Deus sit immut., 6, etc.
THE EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 53
the world and God, did not hold this office as a being of
secondary rank, more human than divine.
Paul had foreseen the speedy development of these
errors in the Churches of Asia, for they were already in
process of fermentation at the time he was forced by the
rioters to quit Ephesus. Fervent as these Christian com-
munities were when he left them, his clear eye perceived
that they would always fall an easy prey to the seduc-
tions which he had had to vanquish as a preliminary to
their foundation, — their fondness for Magic and the old
national Mysteries, but most of all, this infiltration of
Jewish and Alexandrine doctrines. On the occasion of
his last visit to the shores of Miletus, these bodeful mists
had seemed to him more dense than of old, more ominous
than ever; for to the Elders of the Churches, who thronged
about him, he spoke of naught save of the approaching
ravages in their flocks, and of doctors raised up in the
very midst of the faithful to spread the dreaded conta-
gion.i And, accordingly, the apparition of a Heresy
endowed with both form and body, was not likely to
surprise him now.
Accounts of it were brought to him while at Eome by
Epaphras, the Apostle of the valley of the Lycus. From
Colossse, his native town, this pious believer exercised a
sort of Patriarchate over the Christian communities round
about,2 and was chosen by them, as soon as Paul's impris-
onment became known, to go and comfort him, or if need
be, lend him aid. Epaphras fulfilled this mission with
such devotion that Paul calls him " my fellow-prisoner in
Christ Jesus." ^ Was this intended for a mere figure of
speech, in praise of his assiduity in the Apostle's service,
or did he really, owing to some act of excessive zeal, enjoy
the honor of sharing his prison and his chains ? No pre-
cise answer to this question can be gathered from the
sacred text, but so much is clearly evidenced therein:
1 Acts XX. 29-30.
2 See St. Paul and His Missions, chap. x.
3 Philem. 23.
54 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
Paul's deep attachment to this disciple, and his delight at
having him near him as a comforter and help.
Living in such intimacy with him, there was every
opportunity for Epaphras to give a full account of the
state of his brethren in Asia, especially of the Colossians,
whose actual pastor he seems to have been. He described
to him " their faith in Christ Jesus, their charity toward
the Saints," " a charity altogether of the spirit ; " ^ but at
the same time he spoke plainly of the errors which
threatened them. We have just been studying this per-
nicious compound of Alexandrine fantasies and Judaic
rigorism. In Colossie ^ many were being carried by these
chimeras to the heights of folly, not stopping at any
distinction between clean and unclean food, but going so
far as to deny the body its legitimate rights.^ Further-
more, by exalting and disfiguring the office of the Angels,
they made them the mediators between God and man,*
thereby detracting from the glory due to the Saviour
alone. Paul was cut to the quick by this attack on what
to him was the dearest thing on earth, the Divine Power
of Jesus. Eealizing fully how pressing was the danger
of this new enticement, the Apostle resolved to write to
the Colossians without delay. Accordingly he summoned
Timothy,^ and to him he dictated a short Epistle, over-
flowing with the one thought which was filling his soul
more and more, — the Christ is all in all ; all things are
through Him, for Him, in Him : —
" He is the image of the invisible God, born before all
creatures,^ for by Him were all things created in the heavens
1 Coloss. i. 4-8.
2 The foremost abettors of heresy seem to have been Israelites, for amid
their vagaries they mingle certain Legal Ordinances ; these they present as
a practical consequence of their teaching ; with this idea they earnestly
inculcated the observance of certain Jewish Feasts, New Moons, the Sab-
bath, and even Circumcision as well (Coloss. ii. 13-16). As we have seen
elsewhere, the Jews were very numerous in the valley of Lycus. St. Paul
and His Missions, chap. x.
3 Coloss. ii. 21-23. 4 Ibid., ii. 18. ^ Ibid., i. 1.
6 HpwTOTo/cos, properly speaking, "the first-born." This was another
Messianic title which the Jews had borrowed from Psalm Ixxxviii. 28:
THE EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS, 55
and on the earth, things visible and invisible, the very-
Thrones, Principalities, Dominations ; all were created by
Him and for Him. He is before all things, and all things
subsist in Him.^ He is the Head of the body of the Church,
the origin, the first-born from among the dead, that in all
things His place might be the first ; for it has so pleased
the Father that all fulness should dwell in Him, and that,
having pacified by the Blood of His Cross all that is on
earth, as well as that which is in Heaven, He should recon-
cile all things by Him and in Him." ^
The fundamental idea of the Epistle to the Colossians
is to be found in these few lines. Six years later, writing
to the Corinthians, Paul merely repeats this under an
abridged form : " There is but one Lord Jesus Christ, by
Whom are all things and we by Him." ^ Here he is set-
ting forth the doctrine simply, and as God had seen fit to
develop it before his eyes up to that date, but just as
fully as was necessary at this critical moment in order to
strengthen the faith of the Asiatic Christians. In opposi-
tion to any " Intermediary Beings," independent of the
Christ, such as their fancies were picturing as links be-
tween Heaven and earth, Paul holds up the one and only
Eedeemer, Source of Grace and Principle of all super-
*'Et ego primocrentium ponam ilium/' Whereby they meant to indicate,
at one and the same time, that the Christ, in so much as He is the Word,
is anterior to all creation, and accordingly is Lord of all. Engendered
before the beginning of time, in Himself He partakes of all things apper-
taining unto the Father, all that He is. But it is not simply due to His
title as only Son and Heir of the Father that He is Sovereign of the uni-
verse; this He is likewise, in virtue of the active part which He has taken
in Creation itself. Through Him as the First Cause, united with the
Father, the moving Principle of all Creation, everything has been created
by Him, in Heaven and on Earth, the spiritual world as well as the ma-
terial ; all things have been subjected unto Him, even the celestial beings
themselves, — Thrones, Dominations, Principalities, Powers. He is the
first, and He shall be the last, of all things ; and since everything pro-
ceedeth from Him, everything shall revert unto Him, as unto its supreme
End.
1 Th. irdvra iv avr^ avviffT-nKev. To Creation, so manifold in its aspects,
He gives that coherence which makes it a compact whole, exhibiting a
Divine order and harmony, in a word, the Cosmos.
2 Coloss. i. 15-20. 8 1 Cor. viii. 6.
56 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
natural life, whether for Angels or for men, Jesus, the
only Son of God, the Son of His Love, begotten before
the world, in Whom overflows the fulness of the Divine
Being. This fulness of the Deity, this " Pleroma," ^ to
use the shibboleth of Gnosticism, is not relegated to the
unknown and unknowable, far away, beyond some gulf
fixed between God and man. No ! this plenitude dwells
corporeally in Jesus. It is precisely from this Divinity
of the Word Incarnate that every creative act proceeds ;
not after the fashion of luminous rays, which lose their
power according to the murkiness of the clouds they must
penetrate, but bursting forth in a splendor unquenchable
and remaining ever divinely the same, no matter how
great the distance or what gloomy chasms are to be
crossed. The action of the Creator-Christ is direct, im-
mediate. Universal Lord, He is all in all, as mighty
in the least of beings as in the greatest. Thus, then,
we are in touch with God through the Christ, for this
Christ is supreme God in Whom dwells the divine
" Pleroma." Between the Infinite and us there is no
intermediary.
And as Jesus is Author of all Creation, so is He also
Author of our Eedemption, of the reconciliation of earth
and Heaven, the Blood of His Cross having effaced the
sin of man. For this stupendous Deed He alone was suffi-
cient ; or, rather. He and only He was capable of it, be-
cause it required a person at once Divine and human.^
What could the Angels accomplish towards this ? ^ Why
try to shackle and impede the Work Divine, as some mis-
guided minds would have them ? These latter are always
in Paul's thoughts ; but only that he may show the clearer
how they are vanquished by the Christ, despoiled of all
1 The irK-fipcafia of which St. Paul is speaking of (Coloss. i. 19) is not
merely the sum total of powers and attributes of the Divinity, it is the
Divine Nature, the Essence itself in its fulness.
2 Coloss. ii. 11-14.
* In the epistles of this period we find no trace of the Eons of Gnosti-
cism. As yet heresy knew no other beings save the hierarchy of Angels
revered by the Jews, and these they made use of to suit their fanciful
vascaries.
THE EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 57
power, driven like vile rabble before His triumphant
chariot.^
This theology of the Incarnation formed a body of doc-
trine vast enough to meet the enemy at every point and
call a halt to Error. It only remained to put it into a form
which would be acceptable to the Christian communities
which he had not evangelized personally, nor even met
face to face.2 He begins adroitly, by felicitating the Co-
lossians on the fruits which the Word of Life was produc-
ing unceasingly among them, adding, however, that ever
since Epaphras had described their state of mind to him,
he had not ceased praying and beseeching for them " all
wisdom, all spiritual understanding, that their conduct
likewise may be worthy of God." ^ By this he desires to
point out in veiled words that their faith was in need of
purification, or at least of being forearmed against the
lowering danger. He had paved the way for this from
the outset, by that vivid picture of the Incarnation,
wherein, as we have just seen, he had drawn in a few
broad strokes his whole ideal of the Christ, His Godhead
and universal Sovereignty.
After having briefly enunciated the Faith in which they
had been founded, Paul adjures them to remain steadfast ^
therein, and close their eyes to all such visionaries as
would lead them astray. One of his prime grievances
against these innovators is the disdainful egoism of their
teachings. Like all Gnostics, they assumed to be the
sole possessors of real learning, of unfathomable wisdom.
To meet this sectarian spirit, Paul exalts the universality
of the Gospel. This mystery of the Christ which he had
been charged to preach, this he proclaims to all mankind
of whatsoever station : " exhorting every man, instructing
every man, in all wisdom, that we may present every
man perfect in Jesus Christ." ^ " Why, then, should these
haughty thinkers reserve their ideas of perfection to the
1 Col OSS. ii. 15, 'ESety^artcrei' ; these vanquished and captive foes He
parades before the eyes of mankind, as it were in a triumphal procession.
2 Ibid., ii. 1. * Ibid., i. 23.
3 Ibid., i. 9-10. 5 Ibid., i. 26-28.
58 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
few initiated alone ? The treasures of knowledge, which
they are forever boasting of, are all to be found in a
knowledge of the Christ, in Whose eyes philosophy has
but a subsidiary value, while the heart enlightened by
Faith is everything. Now not alone the Greek and the
Jew, but even those most devoid of culture, Barbarians,
Scythians, — all are called unto this one Faith.^ Noth-
ing indeed could be more opposed to the Gospel teaching
than to make it the portion of a few chosen souls ; for, if
it be an eternal truth that the fulness of knowledge is, as
it were, the very secret and mysterious treasury of the
Christ,^ then it follows that in Him this Mystery of Wis-
dom must ever be accessible to all.
Still more vehemently does the Apostle reproach this
Heresy, because it would bring the heavenly teachings of
Jesus down to the level of those philosophical dreams
which Greece and the Orient were never weary of weav-
ing, treating them as they would any one of their own base-
less theories, and as though they were as perishable as the
individuals from whom they might emanate. Concerning
the character of this new attack, Paul is neither to be de-
ceived, nor does he hesitate to give it its true title. It is
no longer a question of faith cajoled or wandering of its
own will astray, but of a " Philosophy" ^ in revolt against
the Gospel, and, in its assaults, borrowing its weapons
from all her foes : " from human traditions and vain de-
ceits ; " '^ " from Judaism of the baser features ; " ^ " from
the shadow " of that Truth which in Jesus has taken on a
1 Coloss. iii. 11.
2 01 drjaavpol rrjs (Tcocpias Kol yudlxrecos d7r6Kpv(f)Oi, Coloss. ii. 3. 'AttS-
Kpv(pos is a favorite expression among the Gnostics, as for that matter, are
many other terms employed in this Epistle : aocpia, (pus, (tk6tos, irX-fipufia,
yuSxrisXo'^, r4\€iov, k. t. A. Apocrypha was a name given to the esoteric
writings of their sect for which they claimed a mysterious and irresistible
authorit}^ (St. Augustine, Contra Faust., xi. 2).
^ Coloss. ii. 8. 'O (TvAaycoycav dia tt]5 (pi\ocro(plas.
* Ibid. Kfvrjs dirdT7]S Kara r^v irapaSoaiv ruv dudpcaircov.
5 Ibid. Ta o-TOixera, literally, " the letters of the alphabet," here sig-
nifies rudimentary instruction. A sort of preparation for the reception of
the truth. Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, vi. 8 ; Tertullian, Adv.
Marcion., v. 19.
THE EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 59
bodily form.i To the fanatical Israelite bred in Mosaism
Paul had proclaimed redemption and justification through
the Christ, inward and entire redemption and justification
such as no legal practices could confer on him. To the
Israelitish Philosopher, on the contrary, while still attrib-
uting some natural virtue to Circumcision, abstinence, the
Sabbath, and the religious festivals of his race, he declares
that the same Jesus has become for us the sole and imme-
diate source of life, — a proposition which sapped their
Observances at the very roots.
" All the fulness of the Godhead," he tells them, " dwells
bodily in Him. In Him you share in this fulness, in Him
Who is the Head of every Principality and Power. In Him
you have been circumcised with a circumcision not made by
the hand of man, but which consists in the putting off of our
carnal flesh ; [you have been circumcised] with the circum-
cision of the Christ. Buried with Him in Baptism, in the
same Baptism you are risen with Him, through your faith in
the power of God Who has raised Him from the dead.^ You
were dead through your sins and the uncircumcision of your
flesh ; He has quickened you to life with Him, having for-
given you all your sins. He has blotted out by the precepts
[of His Gospel] the obligation, the condemnation which the
Law overwhelmed us withal. He has made it as though it
were not, by nailing it to the Cross ; and having disarmed
the Principalities and the Powers, He has led them in tri-
umph in the sight of all men, conquered by His Cross." ^
This victory demonstrates that the Christ towers, not
only over the visible world, but over the invisible as well ;
and with Him every soul that is bound to Him by faith
1 Coloss. ii. 17.
2 To Paul's thiuking the baptismal waters are like a tomb. The neo-
phyte, once immersed therein, buries his sins of the past, his disorderly
cravings, all that is of the old man, that he may rise again unto a new life.
Baptism, therefore, does not simply figure forth the Death and Kesurrec-
tion of tlie Christ, it is a communion in tliese Mysteries as well ; a super-
natural union which is the work of faith made fruitful by Charity.
*' Believe that God can renew your soul," says St. John Chrysostom, " and
by that very act you are renewed." In Epist. ad Coloss. Homil. vi. 2.
3 Coloss. ii. 9-15.
60 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
and love is likewise exalted to the same heights. To
such an one He is the Head, that " Head from Whom the
whole body, drawing its life through the vessels which
connect and bind all its parts, draws nourishment and in-
creaseth with the increase of God." ^ This being so, why
talk to a Christian, so closely knit to the Godhead, of
" Beings " intervening between him and God, — beings in-
dependent of the Christ, — Angels, whose worship might
in any wise become comparable to that due to the
only Redeemer ? Those that preach such vain imaginings
do well to hide themselves behind the mask of humility,
and declare themselves unworthy to approach God save
through these " Intermediaries ; " their vagaries are but
" pride, puffed up by thoughts born of the flesh," ^ — of
fear, lilvcwise, since they tremble at the thought of fall-
ing directly into the hands of the living God.
To escape this union with the Christ so dreaded by the
natural man, inasmuch as it means his death, the heretics
of ColossiB sought about for " some show of wisdom, devo-
tion, humility,"^ borrowing them from the sects with which
they were in touch. From the Essenes and the religious
rites of the region round about, they adopted their absti-
nence and mad austerities ;* from the Jews, their cele-
brations "of Feast-days, New Moons, and Sabbaths."^
Futile asceticism, and void of all effect on the concupis-
cence of the flesh, since a real union of the heart with
that of the dying Jesus can alone destroy in us the old
man ; ^ empty Observances, unworthy of minds enlight-
ened by the new Faith, because they take them back to
rudiments of science, to spell out " the first letters of the
alphabet." ^ " Colossians," concludes the Apostle, " you
1 Coloss. ii. 19. 4 Ibid., ii. 20-23.
2 Ibid., ii. 18. 6 Ibid., ii. 16.
8 Ibid., ii. 23.
^ An austere life, without that interior spirit which should animate it,
is of no value, of no relief or help from sin. The only real remedy against
concupiscence is union with the Saviour, Jesus: to die with him to the
world is to bear in our members and in this our body of flesh a fruitful
death, whereby it is given unto us to arise with Him and in Him to take
hold upon Eternal Life.
' T^ (TToix^ta. Coloss. ii. 8.
THE EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 61
were dead in the Christ to these primary teachings of the
world ; how can you let yourselves be overladen with Or-
dinances " so outworn ? For these your prohibitions, your
dread of being contaminated, — " Touch not, taste not,
handle not," — all these simply bring you back into the
bondage of Mosaism, to a discipline fit only for children.^
" If then, you are risen with the Christ, seek those things
which are on High, where the Christ is seated at the right
hand of God. Think on things from on High, not on things
of the earth ; for you are dead and your life is hid with the
Christ in God. When the Christ, Who is your life, shall
appear, then shall you also appear in glory. Give therefore
unto death the members of the earthly man that is in you,
fornication, uncleanness, disorderly appetites, evil desires.
. . . Put off the old man with his works and put on the
new, who renews himself without ceasing to the likeness of
[God] his Creator, and thus attains unto the perfect knowl-
edge.^ In this self-renewal there is no longer either Greek
or Jew, circumcised or uncircumcised. Barbarian or Scyth-
ian, bond or free ; the Christ is all in all." '^
The counsels concerning the conduct of life with
which Paul always closes his letters, in the Epistle to
the Colossians take an unwonted turn. Until now they
had been addressed to the whole body of believers, with-
out bearing particularly on any class or condition ; here
for the most part tliey have in view the Christian family.
This foundation of all society must have occupied the
Apostle's thoughts very largely at that time, for we shall
find him returning to the subject insistently in the Epistle
to the Ephesians. Some incident, perhaps some irregulari-
ties in the Christian committees of Asia as reported by
Epaphras, or again, not to search so far afield, it may
have been the mere intercourse Paul was having with
o
1 Coloss. ii. 20-21.
2 ^Eiriyvwcriv. This word, of frequent occurrence in the latter Epistles
of St. Paul, is used to designate a state of intelligence and knowledge
higher than any mere science ; yvQais is the fulness of understanding,
the pleroma which the false Gnosis in vain promised to its adepts.
8 Coloss. iii. 1-11.
62 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
the Eoman world, — something, at all events, had turned
his thoughts in this channel. We know, indeed, and we
have been reminded of it elsewhere,^ that the Family, the
Gens, in the Eoman state was an institution of incom-
parable power, but at the same time excessive in its rigor.
There the father exercised absolute sway over every one
and everything, — wife, children, and slaves. Hence
arose those habits of orderliness and obedience which
Paul could not but admire, but only on condition that he
might be permitted to mitigate them; for the Christian
soul, to whatever age or sex, or social state, it may be-
long, is entitled to a certain respect and liberty which
the laws of Eome never recognized.
The Apostle needed to make but few reservations in
setting before them the full truth. To wives he recom-
mends submissiveness, but " as it is fitting in the Lord ; "
to husbands, a real love for their wives, without severity
or harshness; to children, obedience, "that they may be
well pleasing in the sight of the Lord;" to parents, not
to provoke the child, or break its spirit ; to slaves, to obey
in all things . . . and from the heart, " not as to men,
however, but neither recognizing nor serving any other
master save the Lord Christ." ^ To masters, authorized
by social customs and even by Law, to inflict unmerciful
hardships, this injunction is uttered, almost threatening
in its wording : " Grant to your slaves that which is just
and equitable, remembering that you also have a Master
in the Heavens."^ The same spirit, the very breath of
charity, animates all these various precepts ; drawing
their souls to him, by inspiring in them a longing, " what-
soever they may do, whether in word or deed, to do all in
the Name of the Lord Jesus." *
^' Put ye on, therefore, as God's holy ones, holy and well-
beloved, the bowels of mercy, kindness, humility, gentle-
ness, long-suffering, forbearing one another, forgiving one
another, if any deems himself aggrieved by his brother.
1 St. Peter, chap. xvi. 3 Iliid., iv. 1.
2 Coloss. iii. 18-25. * Ibid., iii. 17.
THE EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 63
The Christ has pardoned jow, do ye likewise. And over
all the rest put on the Garment of Love, which is the bond
of perfectness, and let the Peace of Christ, to which you
were called in one only body, rule in your hearts." ^
Thereupon Paul took the pen in his own heavily
manacled hand and appended his signature with these
words : " Behold the salutation which I, Paul, add hereto
with mine own hand : Eemember my bonds. Grace be
with you ! " ^
1 Coloss. iii. 12-15. 2 n^id., iy. is.
CHAPTEE IV.
PHILEMON AND ONESIMUS. — THE EPISTLE TO THE
EPHESIANS.
From Saint Paul's letter to the Colossians it is easy to
detect who and what his companions were when he was
composing it. In his prison at Ptome, as everywhere else
for that matter, there were very few converted Jews.
Only four are mentioned by the Apostle : Timothy, his
secretary ; Aristarchus, the Thessalonian ; Mark, the
cousin of Barnabas, and a certain Jesus, surnamed " The
Just." " Of the Circumcision these only," he adds mourn-
fully, " are my fellow-laborers for the Kingdom of God,
and have been a comfort to me." ^ As three of their
number were old comrades of Saint Paul, what may we
infer concerning the Israelites of Eome ? On the other
hand, the uncircumcision had furnished him with many
active and faithful ministers : there was Luke, " the phy-
sician, dearly beloved by the Apostle ; Demas, Tychicus
of Asia, and Epaphras of Colossse." ^ The latter, as we
have seen, shared the Apostle's prison at this time, con-
strained thereto, perhaps, but more probably of his own
choice. Does it not appear, indeed, as if, at the close of
the Epistle to the Colossians, Paul is excusing himself for
not having sent his letter through Epaphras, although he
seems to have been entirely at liberty and in fact desig-
nated for this mission ? That this disciple remains with
him is due to his own affection and not to any coldness
on the part of his fellow-citizens ; of this Paul repeatedly
assures them : " Epaphras, one of your own, a bondsman
of Jesus Christ, salutes you. He is ever contending on
your behalf in his prayers, that you may continue perfect
1 Coloss. i. 1 ; iv. 10, 11. 2 j^ij,^ i^. 7_i2, 14.
PHILEMON AND ONESIMUS. 65
and steadfast in performing fully what God wills of you.
I bear him witness that he is working for you with all his
heart, and for those in Laodicaea and Hierapolis." ^
Tychicus, also a native of the Province of Asia, was
commissioned to carry this letter to Colossse. Paul had
put great trust in this disciple, ever since he had been an
eye witness of his labors during his third mission journey.
In him he had found, not only a " beloved brother," but a
" faithful minister of the Lord, like himself devoted to the
service of God," ^ and of souls. Accordingly he had en-
trusted him with this mission of visiting the Churches
throughout the land, to learn their state, and to comfort
and revive their drooping spirits.^ There was no lack of
anxieties to disquiet the Apostle's mind. In Laodicaea,
the most considerable of the Christian communities on
the Lycus, side by side with such fervent fraternities as
that which gathered at the house of Nymphas,* there were
others in a languishing condition. In one of these latter,
so gross was the negligence of its pastor, Archippus, that
Paul bids the neighboring Church of Colossas address to
him this grave warning : " Take heed to the ministry
which thou hast received in the Lord, and fulfil it." ^ To
some of these churches Tychicus was the bearer of per-
sonal letters from the Apostle ; ^ to all he was commis-
sioned to bear news of him and communicate by word of
mouth those matters of detail which it would have been
imprudent to put in writing, such as the state of his trial
before Caesar's tribunal, his hopes and views concerning
the future.*^
For this mission he was given a fellow-laborer whom
Paul had rescued from the very lowest surroundings in
Eome. He was a slave, Onesimus by name, the property
of Philemon, one of the foremost men in the Church of
Colossal. He had fled from his master's home after rob-
bing him, and, like so many others, sought to hide his
1 Coloss. iv. 12, 13. s Ibid., iv. 17.
2 Ibid., iv. 7. 6 ibid.^ iv. 16.
3 Ibid., iv. 7, 8. 7 Ibid., 7.
* Ibid., iv. 15.
66 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL,
identity in the nameless masses which were ever throng-
ing into the metropolis. Whether conscience-stricken at
his crime or impelled by urgent want, at all events he
made himself known to Epaphras, whom he had seen
many a time at Philemon's residence; for where could
he seek surer refuge than in the tenderheartedness of a
Christian ?
Paul, to whom they brought him, lost no time in using
his influence over a soul which slavery had embittered
and led to sin, yet without utterly depraving it. The
poor fugitive was won over to the Christ, his dispositions
so excellent that he was willing to do anything for the
sake of right and justice. But what was right, according
to the New Law ? and what was the duty of such poor
slaves in regard of their masters ? On this question the
Apostle never hesitated ; he bade them obey the servile
laws ; for, though he recognized the fact that slavery, as
a state, was contrary to Christian ideals, as conducing to
the worst abuses, on the other hand he looked upon it as
an institution inherent in the social fabric of antiquity,
and one not to be summarily torn from it without incal-
culable acts of violence.^
In his time, in fact, slaves formed half, at the very
least, of the population of the Empire, while, in a majority
of the great cities, they outnumbered notably the free-
men.2 In Eome, for instance, certain wealthy landowners
possessed as many as twenty thousand, and even more.^
These servile masses, for the most part incapable of keep-
ing public order or enjoying their liberty, had in their
hands all industrial and agricultural occupations : to in-
cite them to seek immediate emancipation would have
been to shake the very foundations of society. Very
different is the Church's mission on earth : into the hearts
1 For a fuller treatment of this subject I can refer my readers to no
better work than the scholarly treatise by M. Paul Allard, entitled Les
Esclaves Chretiens.
2 See Wallon, Hlstoire de VEsclavage, 1. ii., chap, iii.; Du" nombre et
DE l'eMPLOI DES ESCLAVES.
3 Athenseus, vi., p. 272. See Marquardt, Das Privailehen der Homer,
vol. i., p. 166 et seg.
PHILEMON AND ONESIMUS. 67
of men slie drops those words of Jesus: "Ye are all
brethren," ^ and leaves it there to fructify, knowing that
it will quietly and gently transform their customs and
laws, healing the social body of the cancer which con-
sumes it, not by steel or by fire, but by the infusion of a
new life-blood.
Certainly Paul could have found no more decisive argu-
ment against slavery than this brotherhood of man ;
rather, to make it more emphatic, he reminds them that
all believers, by their incorporation with the Christ, are
not merely sons, equally heirs to all rights, all graces
emanating from the same Heavenly Father, rather their
union with him is so close that it approaches some sort
of identity. " There is no longer either Jew or Greek,
bond or free ; all, all are one in Christ Jesus." ^ « The
Christ is all in all." ^ Of what account are the outward
shows of existence for the believer who has once attained
to this high plane of thinking? Unquestionably any-
thing which debases man is incompatible with such a pro-
fession of faith. But serfdom does not necessarily imply
a state of moral degradation ; it may be but a humiliating
condition of dependency more or less rigorous, and at the
same time leave the soul untouched in its nobility, free
and master of its true self. In that case, each irksome
act of coercion does indeed purify it and exalt it above
earthly things which pass away.
There was, therefore, about the condition of servitude
nothing, for the time being, which deprived it of respect
in the Church. In the meantime, and until the institu-
tion itself should crumble under the secret workings of
the Gospel, the one thing needful was to prevent any
abuse of it. This Paul provided for by reminding them,
on the one hand, that labor is the law of mankind, man's
dignity and power ; on the other, by preaching the Christ
as One who had come to us, taking on the form of a
slave,* " to serve, not to be served," ^ and to enkindle in all
1 Matt, xxiii. 8. * Philip, ii. 7.
2 Gal. iii. 28. 6 Matt. xx. 28.
3 Coloss. iii. 11.
68 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
hearts Ms lowly and gentle charity. It was in this divine
flame that Paul trusted to soften the hardships of the
servile code. "Ye masters, also," he said, "show some
affection for your servants. Do not load them with
threats, remembering that both you and they have one
common Master in Heaven, and with Him there is no
respect for the condition of persons." ^
With these guarantees of his rights in the Church
granted to the Christian slave, the Apostle would not
even advise him to try to escape from bondage : " Wast
thou in slavery at the time of thy calling ? " he asks ; " do
not disturb thyself thereat. Even though thou hast it in
thy power to gain thy freedom, rather make good use of
thy condition ; for the slave, who has been called in the
Lord, is the Lord's freedman, and likewise the freeman,
who has been called, is the Christ's slave. . . . Let each
one remain before God in the state wherein he was
called." 2 Thus Paul determines the duties of the slave :
not a mere resignedness to an inevitable lot, but a yield-
ing of the will, a prompt and conscientious obedience
springing from the heart, an attachment to his Master,
which is born of fear and respect : " Slaves obey your
masters. ... in singleness of heart, as unto the Christ
himself, not serving them only when under their eyes, as
though you would but please men, but as slaves of the
Christ. Serve with good-will, as bondsmen of the Lord
and not of men." ^
Thus Paul only sought to elevate the slave by keeping
him under the yoke. But was this, then, that liberty
brought into the world by the Christ, and promised to all
in His name ? * To those especially who, like Onesi-
mus, were under the ban of the severest laws of slavery,
such words must have sounded harshly indeed. The
fugitive slave knew that for him the law was merciless ;
that to be branded on the forehead with a red-hot iron ^
1 Ephes. vi. 9. ^ I Cor. vii. 21-24. 3 Ephes. vi. 5-7.
* "You shall know the Truth, and the Truth shall set you free."
John viii. 32.
^ " Inexpugnabili litterarum nota per sumniam oris contumeliam inus-
PHILEMON AND ONESIMUS. 69
was the mildest of its punishments ; at his master's good
pleasure he might be cast before the wild beasts in the
amphitheatre, nailed to the cross, or burned alive in a
garment of pitch such as Nero provided for our earliest
martyrs.^ Onesimus, undoubtedly, had no reason to fear
such treatment from a Christian ; but he no longer be-
longed to himself, since by his flight he had done violence
to the right of proprietorship which Philemon possessed
over him. To repair the damages he had inflicted, the law
bade him surrender himself into his master's hands and
place himself at his mercy. What a humiliation, and
what agonies of spirit were involved in the accomplish-
ment of this duty.
Paul's first intention was neither to refer to these
weighty obligations nor to impose them upon Onesimus.
Kealizing to the full what invaluable assistance this
zealous convert could render him, his only thought, at
first, was to retain him near him ; indeed he knew
Philemon's heart too well to have any hesitation about
using anything belonging to this disciple, as if it were his
own. On reflection, however, he deemed it more conform-
able with the courtesy and refinement of true charity to
do nothing in the premises without asking his consent.
Accordingly, he persuaded Onesimus to return to his
master and to take advantage of Tychicus' departure to
reach Asia. Although the companionship of this disciple
would act as a perfect safeguard, nevertheless, to still
further reassure him, Paul dictated to Timothy the fol-
lowing lines and intrusted them to the fugitive slave for
delivery. How could Philemon help being moved and
yielding to this touching appeal ? —
"Paul, a prisoner of Jesus Christ, and the brother
Timothy, to Philemon the well beloved and our fellow-
laborer, and to Appia,^ our sister, to Archippus, our comrade
tus." Yalerius Maximiis, vi. viii. 7; Cf. Plautus, Casina, ii. vi. 293;
Martial, viii. Ixxv. 9 ; Cicero, De Officiis, ii. 7, etc.
1 Aulus Gellius, v. 14 ; Plautus, Casina, ii. vii. 330 ; Miles Gloriosus,
ii. iv. 361 ; Petronius, Satyricon, 53 ; Plautus, Captivi, iii. iv. 531.
2 Appia's name is so closely linked with that of Philemon that in all
70 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
in arms, and to the Church which is at thy house : Grace be
to you all and peace from God our Father and the Lord
Jesus Christ !
" Being mindful of thee without ceasing in my prayers, I
give thanks unto my God for that I learn what is thy faith
toward the Lord Jesus and thy love for all the saints ; how
the generosity born of that faith is made manifest unto all
beholders by so many good works accomplished in thy
house,^ for the love of Jesus Christ. Thy charity hath filled
me with joy, because that the bowels of the saints have
been rejoiced through thee, brother. So this is why, although
I should have a perfect right in the Christ to enjoin upon
thee that which is thy duty, I prefer rather in the name of
charity to beseech thee, as the aged Paul, yea and some-
what more just now, as the prisoner of Jesus Christ.
'' I beseech thee, then, for ray son, whom I have begotten
on my bonds, for Onesimus here, who in days past was hardly
at all useful ^ to thee, but who now may become so, both to
thee and to me. Him I send back to thee as mine own
flesh and blood. I had thought at first of keeping him with
me, that he might serve me in thy stead in the fetters of
the Gospel; but I was unwilling to do anything without
thy decision, that the good deed which I suggest to thee
may not be constrained, but come from thine own good-will.
Perchance Onesimus has been parted from thee but for a
time that thou mightst recover him forever, no longer as a
slave, but as one who, from a slave, has become a dearly
beloved brother. This he is to me ; how much more ought
he to be one unto thee, both according to the flesh and in
the Lord. If, then, thou reckonest me as one closely knit
likelihood we are correct in concluding that she was his wife. That Ar-
chippus was their son is rather doubtful. As we have seen, this faithful
disciple of his was a minister in the Church of Colossi, or in that of
Laodic?ea {St. Paul and his Missions, chap. x. ); the Apostolic Constitu-
tions (vii. 46) go further and state that he was Bishop of tlie latter city.
This high function of his or some other of like importance is sufficient rea-
son that he should be mentioned by Paul in a greeting that was addressed
not merely to the two persons to whom he sends the letter, but to the
whole fraternity which was wont to gather in their house.
1 " Non dicit m te, sed in vohis. Per hoc significat domesticam Phile-
monis ecclesiam, bonorum operum ejus adjutricem." Estius in loco.
2 Here the Apostle makes a neat play upon the name Onesimus, which
in Greek means " useful."
THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. 71
to thee, receive him as if he were myself. Whatsoever he
has wronged thee of, or if he owes thee anything, set it
against my account."
Paul meant by this to furnish Onesimus with a veri-
table letter of credit; accordingly, he wrote these few
words himself: —
"I, Paul, write this with mine own hand. I my-
self WILL repay it, without REMINDING THEE OF ALL
THAT THOU ON THY SIDE OWEST ME."
Handing the pen back to Timothy he closed with these
words : —
" Yea, brother, may I receive of thee this joy in the Lord.
Comfort my offspring in the Christ. This I write thee
with full confidence in thy submissiveness; I know that
thou wilt do even more than I say. Make ready a lodging
for me also, for I trust that, thanks to your prayers, I shall
be restored to you.
"Epaphras, my fellow-prisoner in Christ Jesus, Mark,
Aristarchus, Demas, and Luke, my fellow-laborers, salute
thee. May the grace of Our Lord Jesus Christ be with thy
spirit."
This letter and the Epistle to the Colossians were not
the only ones which Paul confided to the care of Tychicus.
He wrote another to the Church of Laodicsea, at the same
time counselling the Colossians to procure a copy of it
and have it read at their meetings.^ This document has
disappeared, but in its stead we possess another of great
importance, written at the same time and intrusted to the
same messengers. Though known as the Epistle to the
Ephesians, it does not appear to have been addressed
exclusively to the members of that community. It is to
be regarded rather as a circular letter which Tychicus
was charged to deliver to the various Churches he was
about to visit.
Numerous indications combine to prove this oecumenical
1 Coloss. iv. la.
72 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
destination of the so-called Epistle to the Ephesians.
Therein the Apostle expresses himself constantly in
general terms, and without sending greetings to any one,
either at the opening or close, as had always been his
wont; there is no special counsel of any kind in the
body of the work ; no allusion to any particular state of
the Church. Paul seems never to have seen or evangelized
the congregations he is writing to.^ Would he have
written in this fashion, if he had meant to address it
especially to those Ephesians whom, " during three long
years, he had not ceased, by day and by night, to exhort
with tears " ? ^ Could he have failed to remind them of
his long sojourn in their city, or at least to mention
Timothy whom all knew so well ? Knowing as he did
that their Church had been recruited from the ranks of
Gentiles and Jews alike, would his mind have been
absorbed in questions which concerned Pagan converts
alone ?
The title of the letter merely mentions, as the persons
to whom it is addressed, " the Saints and the faithful
. . . who are (in Ephesus)." ^ Now we do not find these
last words " in Ephesus " in two of the most ancient
manuscripts.* Saint Basil declares that he did not come
across them in any of those at his disposal.^ What con-
clusion are we to draw from all these facts except that
the superscription " in Ephesus " was not placed by Saint
Paul over the original, of which many copies were made
and intrusted to Tychicus ? The address was for the
time left blank, leaving it to this disciple to insert the
name of any Church he might visit. But as Ephesus,
the metropolis of these Asiatic Churches, was brought
into closer contact with foreign travel than the rest, it so
happened, in all probability, that the copy which bore its
name attained the widest circulation and thus perpetuated
this title, " Epistle to the Ephesians," under which the
1 Ephes. i. 15 ; iii. 2 et seq., etc. * MSS. of the Vatican and of Sinai.
2 Acts XX. 31. 5 St. Basil, Contr. Eunom. ii. 19.
8 Ephes. i. 1.
THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS, 73
letter came to be known. Of course, this is, after all, only
an hypothesis ; but it fits in so perfectly with the peculi-
arities of the Epistle that it has naturally gained wide
credit in our day.^ Furthermore, we only enhance the
teaching of this letter by treating it as an encyclical.
Here Paul has in view that section of the Church, then
the most active and probably most considerable in num-
bers, which for a long time to come was destined to shed
the greatest lustre upon Christianity. The weak point
in this body of believers which had increased so rapidly
that it already embraced the whole Province of Asia, was
that its members had not drawn their supernatural life
from the teachings of the Apostle himself. Begotten in
the Faith by his disciples, they did not possess that ful-
ness of grace and truth which elsewhere enabled the
newly converted to withstand any contagion of error;
consequently they lent a more or less willing ear to
the philosophical vagaries then current in their sur-
roundings.
Knowing under what form, and just how far, this malady
had spread in Colossie, Paul was enabled to apply reme-
dies for each symptom. But he had no such means of
informing himself concerning the other Christian congre-
gations of Asia. All that he could learn from Epaphras
was that similar perils threatened the faithful there also,
and that the most insidious of all emanated from the
Jewish inhabitants of the region. This ignorance of local
circumstances led him to rise to a higher plane than ever,
in the letter now before us ; since, as he could not trace
their errors step by step and in all their windings, he
set himself to the task of confronting them in all its
splendor with that dogma which was more and more
absorbing all his thoughts, — Jesus lives in the souls of
1 Very many Catholic scholars of note have adopted it. Hu^, Einlei-
tung, ii. pp. 406 ef seq. ; Glaire, Introduction, vol. vi., pp. 103 et seq. ; Val-
roger, Introduction mix Livres du Nouveau Testament, vol. ii., pp. 272 et
seq. ; A. Maier, EinJeitung, i)p. 309 et seq. ; Lamy, Introduct., ii. p. 354 ;
Eisping, Exeget. Ilandb., vi. 2, p. 8 ; Guillemou, Clef des Epitres de St.
Paid, vol. ii. pp. 9 and 10. By far the majority of exegetical writers
among Protestants hold this opinion.
74 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
men and perpetuates this divine Life by the operation
of the Church.
We already know what sort of adversaries Paul had to
encounter in this struggle. Not men like the Judaizers
of Syria and Galatia, with their narrow and far from
enticing formalism, but Israelites versed in philosophic
subtleties, expert in the art of dazzling men's minds by
that Mysticism which they valued far more highly than
the teachings of Christianity. This lowering of Jesus to
a plane on a level with their human fancies is, to the
Apostle's mind, an intolerable blasphemy. He spurns it
and asserts that in Faith we have the loftiest revelation
which God has given to the world ; without its pale there
is no salvation, in it all that heart can desire, — justifica-
tion, sanctification, blessedness, world-wide redemption
from sin. All things are contained in the Incarnate Word,
and in such abundance that our daily speech is powerless
to utter " the unfathomable riches of the Christ." ^ For
this are required a new terminology and unwonted figures
of speech, such as we meet with here in the writings of
Paul.2 Nay, it required something more than even his
genius, — a tongue attuned to the Thought Divine. And
hence it is that, in the Apostle's efforts to depict Jesus as
He had been revealed to him, his style becomes more
involved than ever, while incidents and digressions so
crowd upon each other that the main idea is well-nigh
lost sight of altogether.
Hence the obscure passages in this letter, which are
due, as we shall see, to the depth and inexhaustible
abundance of its thoughts. And, notwithstanding, these
shadows disappear before the gaze of such as scrutinize
them humbly ; to these the Apostle's design stands re-
vealed in all its majestic development, — namely, to con-
front the anti-Christian speculations of the Asiatics with
that Divine Mystery which was destined to confound
them, — the Incarnation, " Christ's love, surpassing all
knowledge [all Gnosis], giving unto us God, in His Ful-
1 Ephes. iii. 8. ^ pe Wette, Ephes. Einleit., p. 319.
THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. 75
ness," ^ rendering all other revelation henceforth superflu-
ous, nay more, impossible.
Prayer had grown to be Paul's very life, the unbroken
occupation of his soul, whenever pastoral cares did not
demand his attention for earthly things. And now it
was with a mind absorbed in God that he dictated this
letter to the Ephesians ; one which, he might well say, is
naught but an act of thanksgiving to the Father who gives
us every perfect gift in His Incarnate Son.
" Blessed be God, the Father of Our Lord Jesus Christ,
Who has poured down upon us all manner of spiritual
blessings from the heavens ! " ^
From all eternity He has chosen us in the Christ, unto
the noblest of all ends, that we may become " spotless
and holy in His sight in love." ^ Thereby He has predes-
tined us to become, through our union with Christ, His
adopted children, and by the Blood of Jesus to obtain
redemption and forgiveness of sins.^ Thus before the
Apostle's inward vision the eternal counsel of God seemed
to take shape, as an act of will destined to remain a mys-
tery until the hour when, the time He had set fulfilled,
this Eevelation was vouchsafed us : " all things have been
united in the Christ, yea, both that which is of Heaven
and that which is of earth." ^
Whoever, by Faith, welcomes " this Word of Life, the
Glad Tidings of our salvation,"^ that man is stamped by
the hand of God " with the seal of the Spirit promised " ^
1 VvQjvaL . . . Tr)V virep^aXKovaav ttjs yvucreci}^ dyaTnjv rod 'KptcfTod, ha
irXTjpwdrJTe ets ttSj' t6 irX-qpwfia rod deov. Ephes. iii. 19.
2 Ephes. i. 3.
3 " Before Him," in other words so imbued with holiness down to the
very depths of our being that even the eye of God sees nothing there save
what is pure ; consequently tenderly united unto Him "in the love which is
God." (i John iv. 8), wherefrom, as in an ocean of grace, every true be-
liever draws new life and breath ; for the Christian there is no perfectness
save in and through this Love.
* Ephes. i. 5, 7.
^ Ibid., i. 10. Literally in Him are all things condensed, summed up,
linked together as unto the sole Head of all creation : 'AmKccpaXaiuja-aadai
TO, iravra eu t($ 'KpicrrC}.
6 Ephes. 1. 13. 7 Ibid.
76 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
by Jesus. Now this spirit once poured into the believing
soul by Grace is its surety that it shall inherit Heaven.^
In painting the picture of the universal redemption,
Paul is moved by a peculiar sentiment of mingled joy
and tenderness for the Church of Asia, since he is well
aware of " its faith in the Lord Jesus, and its love for all
the Saints." 2
"I cease not to give thanks for you in my prayers,' '
he tells them, "beseeching the God of our Lord Jesus
Christ, the Father of Glory, ^ to grant you the Spirit of
Wisdom and of Light to know Him ; that He may enlighten
the eyes of your heart to know what is the hope whereunto
you are called, how great are the riches of glory prepared
for the Saints, how surpassing is the grandeur of the power
which He works within us who believe. The strength of
that might and that power He has shewn forth in the Christ,
by raising Him from the dead, seating Him on His own
right hand in Heaven, above every Principality and Power
and Might and Domination, above every name which is
named, not only in this present age, but in the ages that are
to come ; He has put all things under His feet, and given
Him to be Head over all things in the Church which is His
body ; the fulness of Him fills all in all." *
While you were dead in sin, he continues, you were
walking in the ways of the world, as also you, Jews, de-
livered over to the concupiscence of the flesh, even as
were we by nature children of wrath.^
" But God Who is rich in mercy, constrained by the great
love He bears us, even when we were dead in sin, restored
us to life in the Christ . . . has raised us up with Him,^
1 Ephes. i. 14. 2 i^i^i.^ i 15.
3 Here St. Paul uses the term "Father of Glory" in speaking of the
God and Father of Our Lord Jesus Christ in order to emphasize the fact
that the only true glory, which is that of the Divinity, shone forth re-
splendent in the Humanity of the Christ.
* Ephes. i. 16-23. 5 Ibid., ii. 1-3.
® Here Paul is speaking principally of the resurrection unto life of the
Soul : that of the body is a secondary consideration to his thinking ; it is
a consequence of the spiritual resurrection that thus the whole man be
born again unto life.
THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. 77
seated us in Heaven in Jesus Christ, that He might make
manifest unto the ages to come, through His kindness unto
us in Christ Jesus, the surpassing riches of His Grace.'' ^
But Paul is not so wrapped up in this theological ex-
position of Our Lord's Mission as to leave out of his
Epistle the theme of his earliest strifes, the absolute
gratuitousness of Grace. He is careful to impress this
fundamental dogma on the minds of the Asiatic members
who were by origin Gentiles, and to reiterate it as urgently
to them as to the Judaizers of Syria and Galatia. In the
grand scheme of Salvation, what place have these new-
comers ? What are they in the eyes of Israel, which, re-
bellious though it be, is none the less God's chosen race ?
"A carnal people," " aliens to the covenants of the prom-
ise, without a Messiah, without hope, without God in this
world." 2 But, now, through Jesus alone, and by the
power of His Blood, they who were once afar off have
been brought near.^
"For this is our peace,'' says Paul, "He Who has made
the two people one, Who has broken down the wall of separ-
ation, Who in His flesh has destroyed the enmity that
parted them, — that Law weighted with so many precepts ;
that so out of both peoples He might create ^ in Himself
one new man.^ . . . Therefore is He come, publishing the
Glad Tidings of peace to you that were afar off, and peace
to them that were near : through Him we both have access
to the Father in the fellowship of one Spirit.^ . . . For this
cause I bend my knee before the Father, the Chief and
Head of the whole household, in Heaven and on earth ; that,
according to the riches of His glory He may strengthen you
1 Ephes. ii. 4-7. » Ibid., ii. 13.
2 Ibid., ii. 11, 12.
* Again and again St. Paul returns to this thought, — that our redemp-
tion is a new creation and entire regeneration, which transforms us into the
handiwork of Christ : we are His workmanship created in Christ Jesus to
do good works, which God has prepared aforehand, that " we should walk
therein." Ephes. i. 10. "You have learned ... to put on the new
man, created after God's likeness in the righteousness and holiness of the
truth." Ibid., iv. 24.
6 Ephes. ii. Ibid., 15. 6 Ibid., ii. 17, 18.
78 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
in might by His Spirit, in so far as concerns your inner man ;
that so the Christ may dwell in your hearts by Faith, and
that you may be rooted and founded ^ in love. Would that
you might comprehend, with all the Saints, somewhat of
the breadth, the length, the height, and the depth of this
Mystery, and know the love of Christ which passeth all
knowledge, that you may be filled therewith even unto the
fulness of God Himself. Now unto Him Who, by the Power
which works within us,^ can do infinitely above all that we
ask or think, unto Him be glory in the Church, through
Christ Jesus, from generation to generation, Amen ." ^
The last words of this prayer, which mention Jesus and
the Church in the same breath, show us what a deep hold
the latter had taken upon the Apostle's mind in his medi-
tations. Indeed, the only way to prevent such lapses in
doctrine as were now disquieting him, was to provide for
some definite constitution of the Hierarchy. At first, it
is true, the teachings of the Apostles, and in the absence
of the Twelve, the abundance of spiritual gifts had suf-
ficed to forestall any such aberrations ; but already this
early fervor was beginning to cool. Grace, which at the
outset had endowed their souls with the perfect manhood
of Christianity, now that they were no longer sufficiently
devoid of self-seeking to be freely wrought upon, could
breed but infants in the supernatural order ; and so the
Asiatic Christians, like many in our day, were drifting
along, " tossed about, blown hither and thither by every
wind of doctrine, falling a prey to the trickiness of
men and their cunning devices to lead them astray into
crooked ways."^ There was urgent need of some visible,
divinely constituted authority to exercise its powers with-
out any intermission ; in a word, the Church alone could
1 These two figurative expressions probably meant to recall the imagery
employed by the Saviour to depict His Church: "Thou art Peter, and
upon this rock I will build my Church." Matt. xvi. 18. "I am the stock
of the vine, you the branches." John xv. 4. To these images, as we shall
see shortly, Paul preferred that of the human body.
2 Manifestly this power is that of the Holy Ghost, poured into our
hearts through grace.
8 Ephes. iii. 14-21. * Ibid., iv. 14.
THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. 79
keep these dreamers in the unity of the one Faith and
majestically reiterate the Apostle's words : " You are one
body and one spirit, even as you were called to share the
common hope. There is but one Lord, one Faith, one
Baptism, one only God, Father of all. Who is above all,
amid all, and within us all." ^
This Church, with which Paul's thoughts are occupied
in the Epistle to the Ephesians, is no mere creature of
his fancy, no phantom of power ; she lives, speaks, and
acts, — she is Jesus, Jesus evermore pouring forth and
perpetuating His life within the body of the faithful. All
that is wrought by the Church is Jesus' doing, and all
that Jesus does is done throusrh the Church. Figures
and images multiply in the Apostle's mind when he en-
deavors to illustrate this Unity. The one hallowed by
the Master's own expression occurs most naturally to
him, — the Church rises before him as "a holy Temple
. . . God's Household, built upon the foundation of the
Apostles and the Prophets," yet owing all its stability
to " Jesus, its Cornerstone." ^
There was another type, however, which to his taste
shadowed forth this Divine Unity yet more completely,
and to this he reverts again and again. The Christ is
the Head of the regenerated world ; the Church is His
body ; all true believers His members,^ drawing from their
Divine Head both strength and action. He receives, then,
without stint, for there is no one of His gifts which the
Church would not shower on us : His glorified Humanity,
His union with the Father, the abundance of His Spirit,
all He possesses is given to them. He makes the Church
His other self, prolonging and developing His life within
her so unstintingly that Paul does not hesitate to call this
mystical body of Jesus " the fulness of Him Who fills all in
all." * By virtue of this union with Christ, the authority
and the workings of the Church cover the entire domain
1 Ephes. iv. 4-6. 2 jbi^,^ ij. 20, 21.
3 1 Cor. vi. 15 ; X. 17 ; xii. 12-27 ; Rom. xii. 4, 5.
* Ephes. i. 23.
80 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
of Him Who beholds beneath His feet the whole wide
world, matter, mankind, even the Angels themselves.^
Nor was it enough to exhibit the Church invested with
this panoply of power; it was of the highest importance
to show through what organs the Christ speaks and acts
in her. We have already seen how in the first outpour-
ings of spiritual graces the Holy Spirit, taking possession
at will of some one or another of the disciples, by means
of these inspired instruments instructed, counselled, and
even directed the Christian communities.^ But now the
time had come to concentrate in a few hands the author-
ity thus diffused. Accordingly the Apostle, though not
as yet giving to the Hierarchy the determined form which
we find in the letters to Timothy and Titus, proceeds al-
ready to restrict to certain offices, which he designates by
name, the right of speaking in the Saviour's stead. The
lengthy list of spiritual gifts found in the Epistle to the
Corinthians is given in a very much shortened form in
his message to the Ephesians ; ^ aside from the Apostolate
— centre and source of all power — it comprehends no
offices save such as make for the maintenance in the
Church of pure teaching and orderly discipline. " The
prophets, evangelists, pastors, doctors," labor solely for
" the edification of the body of Jesus Christ," ^ and they
do not attain " to the state of perfect manhood, to the
fulness which Christ" must needs have in the Church,
save by unity of faith and action.^ And in order that
Charity, whence this increase is derived, should really be
operative in the mystical body of Christ, it is necessary
that while the diverse parts of the organism remain bound
together and well adjusted, life should likewise circulate
freely through all the vessels.^ Only in such harmony
" this bond of peace," ^ " fulfilling the truth in love, can
1 Ephes. iii. 10.
^ St. Paul and His Missions, chap. viii.
3 1 Cor. xii. 6-11, 28 ; Ephes. iv. 11.
* Ephes. iv. 11, 12.
® El's tV evoTTjTa ttjs Trtcrrews . . . els dv5pa t^Xclov, ei's fx^rpov 7]\iKias
Tov TrXripib/j-aTos tov Xpiarov. Ephes. iv. 13.
^ Ephes. iv. 16. ^ n^i,].^ iy. 3.
THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. 81
we grow up in all things in the Christ which is our
Head." i
The practical counsels with which the letter closes are
merely, as is fitting in an encyclical, general precepts of
conduct. Probably his remarks on immorality and wine-
bibbing ^ were directed at failings common throughout
the province of Asia, especially among those false teach-
ers who were leading the Churches of this region astray.
Paul puts his disciples on their guard against the foolish
vaporings of these men.
" Have no dealings with them," he says ; " you were
sometimes darkness, now you are light in the Lord.
Walk as children of the light. Now, the fruit of the
light consists in all goodness, righteousness, truth.^ . . .
Have no fellowship with the unfruitful works of dark-
ness, but condemn them, for it is a shame even to speak
of the things which these men do in secret." *
Here the Apostle is alluding in veiled terms to the im-
morality which he had discovered in these innovators,
and which he was soon to denounce openly : ^ wherefore
he defies them to stand forth as they are^ and display
themselves in that light which searches all things, in the
sight of any Christian " clothed in the new man, who is
created according to God in the righteousness and holiness
of truth." '' As for their chimera of a perfection and reve-
lation superior to Christianity, he is content to contrast
theirs with the sublime calling of the believers.
" Be ye imitators of God, as you are His dearly beloved
children, and walk in love, as the Christ has loved us and
has given Himself for us, an Offering and a Sacrifice to
God for a sweet-smelling savor." ^
1 Ephes. iv. 15. 2 i^id., iv. 19 ; v. 3-12, 18. _
8 All these expressions, darkness, light, children of light, fruits of light,
so common among the Gnostics, were probably as much in use among the
Theosophists of Asia.
* Ephes. V. 7-12.
6 1 Tim. i. 19 ; iv. 1-3 ; vi. 3-5 ; 2 Tim. ii. 17 ; iii. 1-9 ; Tit. i. 11-16.
6 Ephes. V. 13.
' " Righteousness" here seems to designate a perfect equilibrium of all
the parts, all the faculties of the soul ; "holiness " the perfection of the
virtues in these faculties.
8 Ephes. V. 1, 2. t)
82 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL,
The attention paid to family duties in the Epistle to
the Colossians is to be noted again here. Again the
Apostle dwells upon the mutual obligations of children
and parents, slaves and masters,^ man and wife ; but he
speaks in the same lofty tone which distinguishes the
Epistle to the Ephesians throughout. Amid his deepest
speculations we have seen how the idea of the Church,
with which Paul's mind was then filled, dominates every
other thought. So, then, we need feel no surprise to find
that when passing to moral applications he can think of
no more perfect model for the union of Christian couples
than the union of Jesus with this Church.
" The husband is the head of the wife," he says, " as the
Christ is the Head of the Church, even as He is its Saviour.
Therefore, as the Church is subject unto the Christ, so let
the wives be to their husbands in all things. And you,
husbands, love your wives as the Christ has loved His
Church and given Himself to death for her, that He might
sanctify her, purifying her in the baptism of water by the
word of truth, 2 that so she might appear before Him, not
having spot, or wrinkle, or any such thing, but holy and
irreproachable."
Her quality as the Bride of Christ best indicates the
free choice which Jesus has made of the Church, His
loving forethought and tenderness for her. This Paul
delights in dwelling upon. Nevertheless, as this glorious
title does not sufficiently declare their close, their com-
plete Union, he returns to his favorite image ; he adds that
the Christ by espousing the Church has made it literally
and for all time His own body, " bone of His bone, flesh of
His flesh," ^ " two in the one same flesh." * This prophetic
utterance had been verified but imperfectly in Adam and
Eve, their union being but the conjunction of two beings.
1 Ephes. vi. 1-9.
2 The sacramental words, whicli when joined to the pouring of the
Water, the matter of Baptism, regenerates the true believer. ** Detrahe
verbum et quid est aqua nisi aqua ? Accedit verbura ad elementum, et fit
sacramentum." St. Augustine, InJoayi., Tract. Ixxx. 3.
3 Gen. ii. 23, 24. 4 Ephes. v. 31.
THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. 83
In Jesus and the Church, " this great Sacrament," the mys-
tery of love, is consummated, and realizes actual oneness,
unity. In the Church there is no personality,^ no distinct
life, no action, no utterance, save as Jesus lives again in
her and through her.^
Since, as has been said, Paul had no particular adver-
saries in mind, he was not obliged in this letter, as in the
preceding ones, to descend into the lists, in order to meet
the foe at close quarters ; consequently his thought con-
tinued its flight in those serene heights where it was wont
to soar, afar from the noisy clamor of the arena. Before
closing, however, he realized the urgent need of reminding
his Christian flocks of Asia that this was no time for in-
dolence and a feeling of security ; the Spirit of Evil, the
Prince of Darkness, Satan,^ was lulling them with foolish
dreams to which they were lending a far too ready belief.
They must needs rouse themselves, to arms ! Beat back
the foe !
The equipment of the soldier on guard over Paul fur-
^ Here it is a question of the Church considered as an ethical person
united with the Christ, and not as a collection of human beings, each
having his own physical life and proper activity ; a life and activity
which can be attributed, in a rigorous sense, to Jesus Christ alone.
2 ' ' The Church, in so far as She is the Spouse, belongeth unto Jesus
Christ by His own choice ; the Church, in so far as She is the body, be-
longeth to Jesus Christ by a most intimate inworking of the Holy Spirit
of God. Therewith by the pledging of Heavenly promises the Mystery of
Her election is made manifest in Her title of Spouse ; and the mystery of
their Unity, perfected by the infusion of the Spirit, appears in the expres-
sion, Her body. The latter gives us to understand how entirely the
Church belongeth unto Jesus Christ ; the title Spouse gives us to under-
stand that She had been a stranger unto Him and that it was out of His
own choice that He sought Her out. Thus the name of Spouse implies
their unity through love and through free will ; and the name body implies
that this unity is natural ; so that in the unity of the body there would
seem to be implied something most intimate, and in the Unity of the
Spouse something most sensitive and tender. But at bottom it is all one
and the same ; Jesus Christ hath loved the Church and hath chosen Her to
be His Spouse ; He hath consummated His marriage with the Church and
hath made Her His body . . . thus the Unity of body is the final seal
whereby Her title of Spouse is confirmed. Praise be to God for the weld-
ing together of these ever adorable truths ! " Bossuet, Lettre iv. a une
Demoiselle de Metz, xxxii.
3 Ephes. vi. 11, 12.
84 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
nished him with details of the divine armor wherewith he
wished to array his disciples : " about the loins the girdle
of truth,^ for your breastplate righteousness." ^ " Have
your feet shod," ^ the Apostle proceeds, to protect them
from the roughness of the roads, and thereby to be ever
alert and tireless. At the least signal the legionary starts
up prepared to march ; and this instant eagerness of the
soldier at the battle-call, this the Christian should show
for the Gospel of Peace, for the victories long since sung of
by Isaias : " How lovely on the mountains are the feet of
the bearers of the Good News, the messengers of Peace." *
''Above all," adds Paul, "take the shield of raith,^
whereby the fiery darts of the wicked shall be broken
and extinguished. For helmet, take ye the hope of salva-
tion," ^ — in other words, the assurance of victory. Noth-
ing is more effectual than this steadfast confidence to
prevent all wavering and fear, to make one master of one's
self, clear-headed, with that just and calm vision which
always wins the day.
Paul puts but two weapons of offence into the hands of
his warriors : " the Word of God " as their sword, — " the
Sword of the Spirit," — but, above all, prayer. " Call
upon God," he concludes, " through the Spirit and at all
times . . . watching thereunto in all perseverance. Pray
for all the Saints, and for me likewise ; that it may be
given unto me to open my mouth boldly, and to preach
openly the mystery of the Gospel, whereof I am the am-
bassador loaded with chains ; (pray) that I may speak
boldly as I ought." ^
1 To gird his loins in order to present a sturdy and steadfast figure was
the soldier's first thought : to show one's self in all things true, loyal, and
honest is the very foundation of Christianity, without which no virtue is
aught save a delusion and a snare.
2 This piece of armor protects the vital parts of the body : in like man-
ner the sum total of virtues which makes a soul righteous in Christ clothes
it with a Divine Power, and guards it from every deadly wound.
3 Ephes. vi. 15.
* Is. lii. 7. 5 Ephes. vi. 16.
6 The figure under this form, when used again in the first letter to the
Thessalonians, v. 8, is clearer than in the more concise expression in this
Epistle, " Take the helmet of salvation."
7 Ephes. vi. 17-20.
THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. 85
The last words, set as a signature by the Apostle at the
end of his letter, are a supreme appeal for Union in the
Faith, a supreme warning against those who would cor-
rupt it : " Grace be with all those who love Our Lord
Jesus Christ, preserving them from all corruption." ^
1 Ephes. vi. 24.
GHAPTEK V.
SAINT PAUL'S DELIVEKANCE. — THE WORK OF
SAINT LUKE.
Two years had dragged along since the day the Cen-
turion Julius delivered Paul over to the Prefect of the
Prietorium. So far as we can discover, the very same
combination of circumstances which then saved the
Apostle from summary execution was now become the
cause of his prolonged detention. The Jews of Jerusa-
lem, whose attention had been diverted from him as soon
as he had quitted the shores of Palestine, sent no one to
Eome to press the charge ; even Poppsea, their proselyte,
although all-powerful at that stage of his imprisonment,
was not solicited to move against the captive. The neg-
ligence of Israel alone preserved Paul during the two years
in which he was left to the mercy of Nero and an immoral
woman.
On the other hand, what could the court cognizant of
the case do, except await the witnesses for the prosecu-
tion, without whom no accused person could be tried ?
In the present instance a long delay was inevitable, since
the accusers must journey, not only from Judaea, but from
the scattered Jewish communities which the bill of indict-
ment undoubtedly accused the Apostle of disturbing by his
ministerial work.^
Nevertheless, since for this a delay of two years seemed
amply sufficient, at its expiration the conclusion forced
1 " The appellant must needs obtain from the judge in the first instance
certain litterce dimissorice or Apostoli ; that is to say, a brief destined to
make known the cause of appeal, and accompanied by the documents in
the case." {Digest, xlix. 6, Paul, Sent., v. 34;) Daremberg, Dictionnaire
des Antiquites, Appellatio.
SAINT PAUL'S DELIVERANCE. 87
itself upon them that the prosecution had failed by default.
Little as they may have been versed in Jewish affairs,
wherein hatred and fanaticism played so prominent a part,
such a conclusion of the whole business would surprise no
one. The governors of Judaea knew precisely what to think
of the sincerity of his accusers. In most of the denuncia-
tions of Paul, both Felix and Festus had been able to dis-
cern nothing but a blind and furious persecution, in no
way justified by the facts. The Koman tribunal soon
began to lean to the same view ; for this Imperial Court
of Appeals was composed of experts perfectly cognizant
of the agitations and controversies going on in the whole
world, even of the religious quarrels of Israel.^ Else-
where we have seen how the Apostle's captivity had not
hampered his ministry, but that he preached Jesus con-
tinually, — had even made his Master known and loved
in the palace of the Caesars.*-^
Through his new brethren in the Christ, he became
aware of the favorable sentiments of his judges, and from
this fact conceived such a certitude of his speedy release
that, in writing to Philemon, he begs him to prepare for
him a lodging-place in some Christian community in Asia.^
Nor was this confidence deceived. In the spring of 64 the
Court of Appeals quashed Paul's indictment and ordered
his release. It was high time to save him. Only a few
months later Nero's fury was enkindled against the
Church of Kome and worked its devastation.
1 Mommsen, Romisches Staatsrecht, vol. ii. pp. 948-952. The court
before which Paul appeared was a Council of Justice which the Emperor,
in common with all Roman magistrates, kept in his service in order to
enlighten himself in the exercise of his judicial functions. Although
this body was not then so perfectly organized as it was later under the
Antonines, it was composed, even at this date, of a chosen few (Dion Cas-
sius, Ixxvi. 17) over whom the Emperor, or his delegate, presided, their
sessions being held sometimes in the Palace, sometimes in the Forum.
The president stated the questions ; the counsellors handed down their
opinions, generally based on the brief, whereafter the Emperor gave de-
cision ; but the latter hardly ever did anything except sanction their judg-
ment, — that is, in all cases where neither his passions nor his caprices
were at stake.
3 Philip. 1. 13 ; iv. 22. 3 philem. 22.
88 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
The Apostle's eyes had been so fixed upon Asia during
the latter days of his imprisonment, as to make us infer
that as soon as he was liberated he would turn his steps
thitherward. However, his plan, so long cherished, of
evangelizing Spain returned to his mind,^ and so insist-
ently that he decided to accomplish it without delay.
Thereby, doubtless, he conceived that he was fulfilling
the command given him by tlie Lord, " I have set thee up
to be a light unto the Gentiles, to bear salvation unto the
ends of the earth." ^ Spain being one of the border lines
of the Eoman world, Paul believed himself bound to
visit it.
Some may be surprised, perhaps, that I should weave into
the tissue of history a fact which is based solely on an in-
tention expressed in one short line written by the Apostle,
and with no contemporary testimony to uphold it. That I
so readily accept it is because the authority of later tradi-
tions testifying to this missionary journey seem to me
weighty enough to make it a certainty. Indeed, only
thirty years after Paul's death. Pope Saint Clement re-
minds the Corinthians that the Apostle had preached " on
the confines of the West ; " ^ and in the next century (about
170) a list of the Sacred Books, compiled in Kome, men-
tions in express terms the mission to Spain, and in a manner
which leaves no room for doubt as to the meaning attrib-
uted by the Roman Church to the words of its third
Bishop.^ Thereafter, this incident in Paul's ministry is
everywhere believed and given out as historical.^ Such
a succession of witnesses, going back to the first centuries,
1 Rom. XV. 28. 2 Acts xiii. 47.
3 'ETTi TO T^p/xa TTjs dijaeios eXddiv. St. Clement of Rome, Ep. ad. Cor. 5.
4 Muratorian Fragment, lines 37 and 38, " . . . ised profectione Pauli ab
urbe ad Spaniam proticescentis . . ." This fragment of a Latin manuscript
in the Ambrosian Library (Cod. 101) contains a canon of the books of the
New Testament which in all likelihood was once part of some apologetieal
work composed in Rome about 170 at the latest. It was published for the
first time by Muratori in his Antiquitates Italicce (iii. 251 et seq.) ; hence
its name.
^ St. Jerome, In Is. ii. 10 ; St. Athanasius, Ad Dracont., iv. ; St.
Epiphanius, Adv. Hceres., xxvii. 6; St. John Chrysostom, In 2 Tim,
Horn. X. 3.
SAINT PAUL'S DELIVERANCE. 89
has had its weight with even the radical criticism of our
times. To the thinking of even the most sceptical, Saint
Paul's journey into Spain scarcely admits of a doubt.^ It
would ill become us to be more exigent than they.
Unfortunately the fact of his having labored there is
the only advantage gained ; not a detail has come down
to us concerning the Apostle's ministry on this frontier
of the ancient world. All that we can infer is that the
Apostle must have made the journey by means of the
coasting barks which plied their trade from one end of
the Mediterranean to the other. If he adopted this usual
route of travel, he could not have passed along the shores
of Gaul without touching somewhere. At one or another
of these ports he must have landed in France, consecrated
it by his prayers, and obtained for it that it should become
what it is to this day, a land of Apostles, a most Chris-
tian folk.
God removed Paul from Eome on the eve of that cruel
trial which was about to afflict this Church. He removed
him as he had kept Peter away likewise, in order that
these two Apostles might have time to finish their work.
Nevertheless their little flock was not to be left untended.
According to all appearances several of Paul's disciples
remained there.^ But, most important of all, they had in
their hands a Book, wherefrom they could breathe again
the faith, the teaching, the very spirit of the Apostle to
the Gentiles. Thereby I allude to the work which Saint
Luke put the finishing touches to under his master's eyes
during the last few days of his imprisonment. These in-
spired pages are so clearly linked with the preaching of
Saint Paul that, to show how far they seconded it, we
must needs enter into certain details, and for this purpose
drop the thread of our narrative for a while.
The beginnings of our Faith are retraced by Saint Luke
in two books of a great and simple beauty. The Life of
the Saviour is told in the first ; in the second, that of the
1 " Weighty reasons induce us to believe that he carried out his project
of a journey to Spain." Eenan, Antichrist, p. 106.
2 Hebr. xiii. 23.
90 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
Church, up to the imprisonment of Saint Paul. There is
nothing to indicate that the author had had in mind this
twofold picture from the outset. His original purpose,
probably, went no further than to put in writing the oral
Gospel in the form which the Apostle of the Gentiles was
wont to deliver it to his congregations ; in other words, to
repeat what Saint Matthew had done for the Christians
of Jerusalem, and Saint Mark for the disciples of Peter.
The charm and success of this first painting suggested of
itself a longing for a companion work upon the Acts of the
Apostles, and thus gave rise to the work which bears that
name.
That both works came from the same pen, there is
no doubt ; ^ throughout we find the same style, the
same favorite turns of speech, the same manner in
composition.''^ The author introduces himself in the
book of the Acts as the companion of Paul in his last
journeyings, but without giving his name, which is fur-
nished us by the manuscripts of the third Gospel,^ as well
1 I shall not weary the reader with the discussion of the question as to
what sources the author may have used iu the composition of his work, —
a question overmuch debated in our day ! Certain modern critics have
exercised their imagination on this theme to such good purpose as to
discover as many as eight distinct revisions in a work wherein, on the con-
trary, there seems to reign a perfect unity of thought and purpose. Jiingst,
£>ie Quellen der Apostelgeschichte (Gotha, 1895), will give the reader ample
information concerning these hypotheses. The arbitrary and exaggerated
character of these phantasies is at last causing reaction among more rea-
sonable thinkers. See in particular the edition of the Acts recently pub-
lished by Professor Blass : Acta Apostoloriivi, sive Lucae, ad Theophilum,
liber alter (Gcittingen, 1895). If the author of the Acts was, as he states,
Paul's fellow-traveller, he would have had no need of other than his own
personal recollections when narrating events in which he took part.
As for the others, he had the testimony of Christians in Jerusalem and
of the Apostolical men among whom he lived, Paul, his master, Peter,
James, Philip, Mark, etc. Even the discourses which he inserts in his
work do not prove that he had any written documents at hand ; reduced as
they are for the most pai't to a few sentences, they are in all probability but
abstracts of the original, and give us merely the essential groundwork of
their ideas.
2 See Beelen, Commentarius in Act. Apost., Prolegomena, pp. 4, 5 ;
Zeller, Die Apostelgesch., pp. 387 et seq., 414 et seq.
^ All bear the heading, BvayyeXiov Kara AovKav, or an analogous title :
Kara Aovkuv (B. F. 5<) ; AovKas (A°-), etc.
THE WORK OF SAINT LUKE. 91
as by Tradition. He is none other, as we know, than the
Saint Luke w^hose name has been mentioned so often in
the course of this narrative. According to Eusebius and
Saint Jerome, this disciple of the Apostle to the Gentiles
was born at Antioch,i of a Pagan family, who had him
instructed in Greek literature, in the art of elegant speak-
ing in that tongue, and in the practical science of medi-
cine.2 The exercise of his profession must have led him
far away from his native town, since it was at Troas that
he met Paul and became his follower.^ It is said that he
combined the art of painting with the practice of medicine,
and bequeathed to the first believers several portraits,
among them one of the Saviour, His Holy Mother, and the
Apostles. This tradition, of Greek origin, is open to sus-
picion.^ But though Luke may never literally have plied
the brush, he deserves no less the painter's high renown,
because of his skill in coloring his narrative ; he has left
us a series of pictures as striking and animated to-day as
in the age of the Apostles.
In what place and at what time did he finish his work ?
His last history, the book of the Acts, so brusquely inter-
rupted, makes us think of Eome and the close of Paul's
captivity,^ — that is to say, somewhere about the year 64.
The Apostle once liberated, made haste to set out for
Spain, and, according to all appearances, would seem to
have taken his habitual travelling comrade with him.
The latter, desiring to leave his second work with Eoman
friends, and forced to finish it at once, summed up in one
passage the two years which the Apostle had just spent
in prison. This hypothesis explains so naturally the
sudden break in the story, his silence concerning the later
labors and the death of Saint Paul, that it is very gen-
erally adopted.^
1 Eusebius, Histor. Eccles., iii. iv. ; St. Jerome, De Vir., ch. 7.
2 Coloss. iv. 14. 3 Acts xvi. 8-10.
* See Tillemoiit, Memoires pour servir a I'histoire ecclesiastique, Saint
Luc., vol. ii. p. 137.
5 Acts xxviii. 30, 31.
6 " Historia usque ad biennium Romse commorantis Pauli pervenit, id
92 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
As for the Gospel of Saint Luke, it is self-evident that
its composition preceded that of the Acts. Probably it
was written in the period already discussed,^ during Paul's
imprisonment at Csesarea. The prospect of the Apostle's
detention being prolonged, the abandoned condition of the
Churches accustomed to be encouraged by his words, the
opportunity of meeting in Judsea the eye-witnesses of
the Saviour's life, and, by their aid, of completing the Glad
Tidings as preached by Paul, — all these circumstances
impelled Luke to yield to the promptings of the Holy
Ghost. Together they make the date I have assigned to
the completion of his first work the likeliest one as yet
proposed. It is possible, however, that it was not pub-
lished and given out until after his arrival in Eome.
The Author dedicates his two books to Theophilus, an
unknown and perhaps fictitious personage. Even in the
first century, scholars like Origenand Saint Epiphanius
considered this name as merely a generic term, meant to
designate any one who loves God or is beloved of Him.^
Whatever opinion one may adopt in this regard, the nature
of the work declares plainly that the Evangelist had in
mind some particular body of believers. He is writing for
those born in the Gentile world, — for Greeks, as Origen
and Saint Jerome tell us.^ Hence his care to avoid any
subject offensive to Pagan ears, and to emphasize, on the
contrary, everything which does them honor or might
increase their hopes of salvation.
This constant preoccupation of mind is made manifest
to any one who simply compares the same facts as related
by Saint Matthew and Saint Luke. In the first Gospel,
which was intended for the Hebrews, we encounter this
command of the Lord to His Apostles : " Go ye not unto
est usque ad quartum Neronis annum, ex quo intelligimus in ea urbe
librum esse compositum." S. Jerome, De vir. ill. vii. This testimonj'-,
which Professor Harnack makes light of, deserves, according to Professor
Blass, all the respectful consideration which Catholic Tradition has ever
accorded it.
^ St. Paul and His Missiojis, chap. xvii.
2 Origen, In Lucam Horn., i. ; St. Epiphanius, Hceres., xxi. 7.
3 Origen, In Matt., vol. i. ; St. Jerome, Epist. ad Dora., 20.
THE WORK OF SAINT LUKE. 93
the Gentiles, neither enter into the cities of the Samari-
tans ; go ye rather unto the lost sheep of the house of
Israel." 1 Saint Luke omits this prohibition. Saint
Matthew reports literally another sentence of the Saviour :
" If you salute your brethren only, what do you more
than others ? Do not even the Gentiles so ? " ^ Saint
Luke softens the severity of this line ; he says, " Sinners
do as much." ^ A score of precautionary measures analo-
gous to this might be cited ; but what principally charac-
terizes Saint Luke's work is that same anxiety to omit
nothing which might breathe the hope of salvation into
Gentile souls which characterizes all the works of Saint
Paul. There is hardly a page where this intention is not
apparent. The genealogy of the Christ, which starts with
Abraham in the first Gospel,* in Saint Luke's goes back
to Adam,^ designing to show thereby that not only the
Jewish people but all humankind, though involved in the
fall of the first man, are raised up by the new Adam and
in Him regain grace and life. The Angels hovering over
the cradle of the Christ sing of a peace offered unto all
"men of good will."^ Simeon, in the Temple, adores
Jesus as " the Salvation prepared before the face of all
nations, the Light destined to enlighten the Gentiles." ^
The same Gentiles take the precedence over Israel,
beginning with the very first sermon at Nazareth. The
Saviour, when repulsed by His fellow-countrymen, tells
them whither the great gifts disdained by the chosen
people shall be transferred, — unto Pagans : " There were
widows in Israel in the days of Elias, what time the
heavens were shut up three years and six months, inso-
much as there was a great famine throughout all the land,
and Elias was not sent to any one of them, save unto
a widow of Sarepta, in the land of the Sidonians. And
there were many lepers in Israel in the time of Eliseus
the Prophet, and none of them was cleansed save Naaman
1 Matt. X. 5, 6. 5 Luke iii, 38.
2 Ibid., V. 47. 6 lbicl.,i. 14.
3 Lukevi. 32, 33. "• Ibid., ii. 30-32.
* Matt. i. 1. 2.
94 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
the Syrian ! " ^ The same deference to the Gentiles ap-
pears in the narrative of John Baptist's preaching. Saint
Matthew mentions only Jews as present ; Saint Luke tells
how the Forerunner proclaimed the Messiah's coming to
all, without distinction, — to publicans and to Pagan sol-
diers.'-^ It would take too long to turn over page after
page of Saint Luke's version after this fashion : what I
wisli to remark concerning the plan pursued throughout
his two works will complete what is omitted here and
will prove that everywhere this disciple of Paul was
addressing the very same audience, the very same readers
as was his master, — a Gentile folk.
This unanimity of views and teaching appeared from
the very beginning so manifestly in Saint Luke's first book,
his Gospel, that Antiquity, with one voice, attributed it
to the Apostle of the Gentiles. " Luke," they said, " did
no more than put in writing, as it were, setting in order
and editing, what he had heard Paul preach." ^ If we are
to believe these witnesses, the Evangelist's part in the
work bearing his name would be very trifling; it is
impossible, however, to restrict it to this extent^ for, in
his preface. Saint Luke gives us a very different idea as
to the originality of his labors and of the end he had in
view : " Forasmuch as many," he says, " have already set
themselves to relate the story of those things which
occurred among us, as they have been handed down to us
by those who from the beginning have been eye-witnesses
and ministers of the Word, I too have seen fit, after ha,ving
examined all things with care from the outset, to give to
thee in writing the whole order of events, dear Theophilus,
that so thou mayest know the certainty of the things
wherein thou hast been instructed."^
From this it follows that Saint Luke was not content
with merely writing down some oft-heard evangelical
1 Luke iv. 25-27. 2 Matt. iii. 5, 7 ; Luke iii. 7, 12, H.
3 " LuciB digestum Paulo adscribere solent." Tertulliau, Adv. Mar-
cionem, iv. 5. "Lucas sectator Pauli, quod ab illo prjedieabatur Evan-
gelium in librocondidit." St. Ireu;eus, Cont. Hcer., iii. 1. Cf. Muratorian
Fragment., i. 2-7, etc,
* Luke i. 1-4.
THE WORK OF SAINT LUKE. 95
version ; that his work is not that of a mere scribe, but of
an historian ; that he goes back to the sources, scrutiniz-
ing them carefully, and that from them he is constructing
an orderly narrative which is properly his own. Doubt-
less, for him, Paul is always the principal authority, " the
master, the enlightener," as Tertullian calls him ; ^ but
besides him he has not failed to consult " those who from
the beginning have seen these things with their own eyes."
Frequent occasions were offered him to consult these eye-
witnesses of the earliest events. In Rome, he must have
talked with Peter ; in Csesarea, with Philip the Deacon,
in Jerusalem, with James the Less, perhaps even with
the Mother of Jesus. Many contend that it is to this
Holy Virgin that he owes the story of the Saviour's Child-
hood, and the supposition is far from unlikely.^
Were the first two Gospels among the documents
which Luke had at hand ? This none of the Fathers
would lead us to infer, and Saint Jerome would seem to
be echoing their general opinion when he asserts that
Luke wrote down what he had heard, not what he had
seen,^ or what he had gathered from the foregoing Gos-
pels. It does not follow from this that he ignored the
work of his predecessors. We have just heard him in
his preface allude to the many narratives of the Saviour's
life which were current in his time ; why suppose that
among these testimonies, those alone should have escaped
him which were inspired by God ? So, then, according to
all probability, he knew them ; but by so saying we are
not admitting that from them he slavishly copied pas-
1 Tertullian, Adv. Marcionem, book iv. chap. 2.
2 Resell claims that he has discovered in our present Gospel the traces
of two earlier narratives which St. Luke made use of: 1. A history of the
childhood of the Saviour, written in Hebrew, to which he gives the name
of the "Generations of Jesus ;" 2. A primitive Hebrew Gospel, entitled
Td Xoyta 'lijaou, and containing the words and deeds of Jesus. Aussrj-canon-
ische Paralleltexte zu den Evangellen : Paralleltexte zu Lucas gesammelt und
untersucht von Resch. [Texte und Untersuchutigen, 1895). The existence
of any such documents is too problematical for us to give them a place
among the original texts which St. Luke examined when composing his
work.
^ St. Jerome, Commentariorum in Evang. Matt. Prologus.
96 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
sages of his Gospel where the same events are related in
terms more or less similar. How, indeed, did it happen,
if he is really copying from them, that in telling the same
facts he omits many interesting details ? Why, for no
reason whatever, should he change so many words and
phrases ? And why does he pass over altogether a no-
table part of the incidents recounted by his forerunners ?
The one plausible explanation of these differences is
that which we have seen elsewhere, when treating of the
composition of the Gospels.^ For the early Christians no
document, however highly authorized it might be, could
be compared with a recital of the Saviour's words and
acts coming from the very lips of witnesses of His life.
This they never tired of listening to, for in that historical
catechism of the primitive Church it often happened that
some new trait, some new detail, till then omitted, would
occur to the narrator's remembrance and thereby enriched
the treasury of belief. Handed down in this wise, the
Glad Tidings did not, like the written Gospels, assume an
immutable form ; it still preserved the sap, the ceaseless
fecundity of life. It would seem that, in his preface
Saint Luke is referring principally to these oral tradi-
tions/'^ Free and unfettered as they may have seemed
within their hallowed bounds, the habitual rehearsal of
the same facts, their anxiety to repeat them with the
utmost fidelity, must have brought about a certain fixity
of expression ; at least on all important points they were
bound unavoidably to repeat the same words and to tell
the same things. Numerous passages where it would
seem vSaint Luke is using Saint Matthew and Saint Mark
as his models are in all probability merely extracts made
by him from this common fund, — the Spoken Gospel.
From it he borrowed, as did the two Synoptics before
him, without stint, as he was moved by the breath of the
Spirit from on High.^
1 St. Peter, chap. xii. 1 ; The Evangelical Preaching.
^ Ka^cbs Trapidocrav rjfjuv oi air dpxv^ avrbirTCLL Kai viryjp^Tai yevofievoL
Tov \6yov. Luke i. 2.
2 Schanz, Comentar ilber das EvangeUiim des Heiligen Lucas,^. 12etseq.;
THE WORK OF SAINT LUKE, 97
To me, in proportion as the influence of Matthew and
Mark appears more and more restricted and often doubtful,
so much the more does that of Saint Paul seem manifest
throughout the whole of his disciple's work. Saint Luke
asserts it himself ; his design is to prove to his readers,
by the acts of the Saviour and His Apostles, the sound-
ness of the teachings they had received.^ Now we have
seen to whom he addresses these words, — to Christians
instructed by Saint Paul. Consequently it was the cus-
tomary teaching of the Apostle to the Gentiles which he
intends to confirm by a recital of the Evangelical Deeds.
Thereby he means to illumine, illustrate, and as it were
revivify, the abstract doctrines of his master, — the Em-
pire wielded by Sin over the World; Eedemption, through
Faith in the Christ ; Salvation, offered to Pagan and Jews
alike ; the necessity, the universality, the divine riches
of Grace. In Jesus, Saint Matthew had portrayed the
Messiah ; Saint Mark, the Son of God ; while Saint
Luke represents Him as the Saviour of the world, a
Saviour compassionate and helpful to all alike, no dis-
tinguisher of persons, no exclusive heritage of any race,
religious state, or moral system. Everywhere of course
the order followed by the Saviour in the Synagogue at
Nazareth ^ is faithfully observed, — to the Jews first, then
to the Pagans this offer of Salvation is made. But upon
its rejection by the former the door is flung wide open to
the Gentile world, and Saint Luke delights in showing
the eagerness of the latter to fill the place disdained
by the chosen race. The Samaritan so despised by
Israel,^ takes the place of honor in the third Gospel.
'T is neither Priest nor Levite that cares for the hapless
traveller maltreated by bandits and left groaning along-
Traditions hypothese : Tilh. Quartahchr. (1885), pp. 216 ef seq.; Cornely,
Tntroductio, Sections 45-51 ; Reithmaj^r, Einleit, pp. 345 et seq. ; Revue
Biblique, articles by the R. P. Semeria (1892, pp. 520-559), by M. Tabbe
Batiffol (1894, pp. 377-381), by the R. P. Lagrange (1895, pp. 4-22 ; 1896,
pp. 5-38).
1 Luke i.3-4. 2 ibi,|_^ ^y^ 16-30.
^ See The Christ the Son of God, voL i. ; Appendix v., The
Samaritans.
7
98 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
side the Jericho road ; 't is the good Samaritan ; and
Jesus gives him as a model to that Doctor of the Law
who came to tempt Him.^ Of the ten lepers cured, one
alone returns to throw himself at the Saviour's feet and
offer his thanks, — " and he was a Samaritan." " Where
then are the nine others ? " asks Jesus. " There are not
found that returned to give thanks to God, save only this
stranger." ^
The same consideration is shown to the Publicans, an-
other class pursued by the people's scorn. Saint Luke
depicts them as submitting willingly to baptism at the
hands of John,^ in like manner thronging about Christ,
happy at welcoming Him to their homes and entertaining
Him at their boards. Great is the scandal thereby given
to the Pharisees, who point Him out as a glutton, a wine-
bibber, a friend of publicans and sinners.* Jesus' only
reply to this is a description of the Pharisee praying in
the Temple, with haughty mien, disdain curling his lips ;
far behind him in the background stands the Publican,
not daring so much as to raise his eyes from the ground,
beating his breast and murmuring, " My God, be merciful
unto me who am a sinner ! "
"I declare unto you," the Saviour concludes, "this
latter went on his homeward way justified, and not the
former." ^
Nay, lower still in the social scale, in the very sink of
worldly iniquity. Saint Luke delights to portray the tri-
umphs of God's grace. Two of his most touching pic-
tures are inspired by this thought : one, the Magdalene
still unshrived, kissing and bathing with her tears the
feet of Jesus ; the other, the Magdalene purified, rapt in
ecstasy at her Saviour's feet, and receiving from Him the
assurance that she has chosen the better part. ^
This, doubtless, is but the fulfilment of the words re-
peated by the three other Synoptical writers, " I am come
1 Luke X. 25-37. ^ Ibid., iii. 12-13.
2 Ibid., xvii. 11-19.
* Ibid., V. 27-39; vii. 29-34 ; xv. 1-2 ; xix. 2-10.
6 Ibid., xviii. 9-14. « Ibid., vii. 37-48 ; x. 38-42.
TEE WORK OF SAINT LUKE. 99
to call, not the righteous, but sinners to repentance ; " ^
not one of them, however, endeavors to illustrate this
principle in action as does Saint Luke.
The Acts, even more than his Gospel, serve to set this
economy of Eedemption in more striking relief. In the
course of the first thirty years of the Church's existence,
the salvation so persistently rejected by Israel was being
offered to all such as the Jews abhorred as doomed to
infamy and sin. Peter takes the first step by calling
down the Heavenly Spirit upon the Samaritans, and on
the Pagans of Csesarea.^ Paul follows in his footsteps:
once driven from the Synagogues which he had striven
in vain to evangelize, he seldom seeks to return thither
save to warn the Jews of the Lord's sentence of disin-
heritance: "You were the first to whom it behooved us to
proclaim the Word of God, but seeing you reject it and
deem yourselves unworthy of everlasting life, we are
going to the Pagans."^
To this Gentile world Saint Luke holds out no other
means of salvation save only Faith, which his master
represented as sole source of justification and holiness.
This Faith, working through Charity, is all that is needed
to transform men's hearts and infuse therein a new life,
that of God Himself. Examples of such wondrous trans-
formations abound. Within a few hours Philip makes a
Christian of the eunuch from Ethiopia.
"Who hinders me from being baptized?" asks this
Gentile.
" If you believe with your whole heart," the Evangelist
replies, "you may be."*
Still more rapid is the working of grace during Peter's
preaching to the Pagans of C?esarea. God's Spirit does
not wait for the Apostle to finish speaking, but forthwith
descends upon them and communicates to them the Gift
of Tongues. Peter's companions are overwhelmed with
awe at the suddenness of this manifestation ; he himself
1 Matt. ix. 13 ; Mark ii. 17 ; Luke v. 32.
2 Acts viii. 14-15 ; x. 44-47 ; xi. 1-18.
3 Ibid., xiii. 46. * Ibid., viii. 26-39.
100 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
can but cry out, '* Can any one refuse them baptism ?
They have received the Holy Ghost as well as we." ^ At
once he orders that they be baptized in the name of the
Lord Jesus Christ. Paul and Barnabas spend but one
week in Antioch of Pisidia,^ yet they leave behind them
a goodly community of believers, "filled with joy and
with the Holy Ghost." ^ Facts like these need no com-
mentary to make men realize the might of regeneration
inherent in Faith, its all-power fulness in purifying and
sanctifying, aye, in creating a supernatural life in the
souls of men, even as God created the world in one out-
burst of Love.
Nor does Saint Luke excel simply in making us com-
prehend the effects of his master's Theology; he is even
happier in displaying its most lovable side. The third
Gospel, though always the same austere revelation granted
by Jesus to the Apostle of the Gentiles, becomes in the
hands of his disciple a veritable balm of life poured into
the wounds of sad humanity ; it is essentially a proclama-
tion of " forgiveness," * " of mercy poured forth from gen-
eration to generation,"^ — the Gospel of the Heart of
Jesus. Saint Luke alone has limned those first rays of
the reign of loving-kindness which emanated from the
cradle of the Divine Babe : John, while still in his
mother's womb, is thrilled by the nearness of the
Christ ; ^ the Forerunner is charged to preach salvation,
the remission of sins through the bowels of mercy of our
God;^ the angels, choiring over the Saviour's crib, sing
" Peace on earth unto men of good will." ^
In the recital of the public life of Jesus there is ever
the same underlying thought. His first act in the Syna-
gogue at Nazareth is to read this significant oracle from
Isaiah : " The Spirit of the Lord is upon Me. He hath
anointed Me to preach the Glad Tidings to the poor,
deliverance to captives, sight to the blind, to set at lib-
1 Acts X. 44-49. 5 Ibid., i. 50.
2 Ibid., xiii. 14, 42, 44. e j^id., i. 41.
* Ibid., xiii. 52. ' Ibid., i. 77-78.
* Lukeiv. 19. 8 ibid., ii. 14.
THE WORK OF SAINT LUKE. 101
erty them that are bruised." ^ To James and John, who
would fain call down fire from heaven upon the city of
the Samaritans which had spurned them, the Lord makes
answer, " You know not what spirit you are of. The Son
of Man is not come to destroy men, but to save them." ^
And how His Heart beats high with joy at the thought
that the Gospel, hidden from the wise and the learned,
is revealed to His little ones ! ^ And then that cry of
Divine Love, '' I am come to spread a fire on the earth,
and what will I, if not that it be kindled now ? " * He
stays the arm raised to chop down the barren fig-tree.
" Let be," he says, " till I dig about its roots and dung it :
perchance it will bear fruit." ^
In Saint Luke as in Saint Matthew, small is the num-
ber of the elect,^ narrow the gate of Heaven, and a manful
struggle lies before him who would win therein ; ^ but
Jesus stands waiting there, renewing our courage, show-
ing us that besides the reprobates whose unbelief enchains
them, weeping and grinding their teeth, there is a whole
multitude of the elect entering the Banquet Hall. " They
shall come from the East and from the West, from the
North and from the South, and shall sit at the table in
the Kingdom of God." ^ A strange sight, assuredly, this
festival hall, where, jumbled together, beggars and crip-
ples, the blind and the maimed are occupying seats dis-
damed by those guests of rank who were the first to be
invited to the board ! And as there are still many empty
places, " Go forth ! " the master bids his servant, " go out
into the highways and along the hedges and compel them
to enter, that my house may be filled ! " ^ We well know
whence came these last recruits summoned by the Saviour:
from the dregs of the populace, publicans, sinners, courte-
sans.^^ Seeing Him in such company, the Pharisees are
1 Luke iv. 18-19. * Ibid., xii. 49.
2 Ibid., ix. 52-56. ^ i^d., xiii. 6-9.
8 Ibid X., 21.
6 Matt. xix. 30 ; xx. 16, Luke xiii. 30.
7 Ibid., vii. 13, 14 ; Luke xiii. 24.
8 Luke xiii. 25-30. » Ibid,, xiv. 16-23.
M Matt. xxi. 31, 32 ; Luke vi. 34-50.
102 LAST YEAIiS OF SAINT PAUL.
loud in their protestations of horror.^ But Jesus meets
their mutterings with some of His most touching para-
bles : the prodigal son ; ^ the groat lost but found again ;^
the shepherd leaving his flock in the wilderness while he
hastens in search of the strayed sheep, then returning
bearing it upon his shoulders in great joy; "for there
shall be more joy in Heaven over one sinner that re-
penteth than over ninety and nine just persons that
need no repentance."*
Such is the picture Saint Luke has painted for us of
the Divine Master : above all and unto all a Saviour, so
merciful and so tender-hearted that even in the Magda-
lene's sin He sees naught but the love whence it sprang,
and which now wipes it clean away ; " Manifold the sins
forgiven her because she hath loved much : he loveth less
to whom less is forgiven."^ Paul is thinking of these
words when he declares that "the Law has intervened
that sin might be multiplied, that there where sin had
abounded, Grace might be much more abundant." ^ Yet
it is only when we set this commentary of the Apostle
side by side with the Evangelist's text that we realize
all we owe to Saint Luke, — how, by inspiration from
on High, that figure of Jesus Whom Paul preached is,
so to say, become more tender and gracious under the
brush of his disciple. It is no longer the Christ, clothed
in dazzling majesty, Whom he describes to us, combining
in Himself "all the treasures of wisdom and of knowl-
edge," ^ __« the Plenitude of the Godhead; "« a Christ
Who is "Image of the invisible God,"^ Master of that
world which He beholds at His feet,^^ seated at the right
hand of the Father,^^ hisrh above the Angels and all crea-
tion ! Here we have rather that Christ Whom Paul met
upon the highway leading up to Damascus, felling to
earth the malevolent Scribe, it is true, yet only that He
1 Luke XV. 1, 2. ^ Coloss. ii. 3.
2 Ibid., XV. 11-32. 8 Ibid.,ii. 9.
3 Ibid., XV. 8-10. 9 Ibid., i. 15.
4 Ibid., XV. 4-7. 10 Ephes. i. 22.
6 Ibid., vii. 47. " Coloss. ill. 1 ; Ephes. i. 20, 21.
6 Rom. V. 20.
THE WORK OF SAINT LUKE. 103
may appeal most gently to him : " Saul, Saul, why perse-
cutest thou Me ? " 1
From beginning to end Saint Luke is ever searching
for similar traits in the Life of Jesus, his aim always to
gather up such words and acts as are most fitted to win
the hearts of men. He is the only one of the Evangelists
who has handed down to us that prayer of Jesus upon the
Cross, " Father, forgive them 1 They know not what they
do." 2 Matthew and Mark tell us only of the blasphemies
uttered by the thieves crucified at either hand ; ^ Luke
alone gives us the last word, the coup de grace, which
converted one of them, as well as the accompanying
dialogue, which so marvellously illustrates the all-power-
fulness of Faith.
" Lord, remember me when Thou shalt come into Thy
Kingdom ! "
" Of a truth I say unto thee : this very day thou shalt
be with Me in Paradise." *
Certainly, while trying to distinguish in the third
Gospel the share due to the disciple from that due to
the Apostle, we should be far from forgetting how greatly
Paul loved the Lord and made others love Him. No one
was ever completely so consumed by that Love Divine,
none has ever discoursed thereof in terms more ardent ;
but the flame which glows within him, which he himself
enkindled in men's hearts burns upon the heights ; Paul's
concept of the Christ is ever that of the loftiest souls. It
would seem that God had inspired Saint Luke to bring
this Divine Saviour within the limits of our weakness.
The Jesus Whom he depicts for our adoration is the
refuge and salvation of the little ones of this earth, the
unlearned and the lowly, the Crucified Kedeemer, Who
reappears in the Upper Chamber, stretching forth His
pierced hands to the Apostles, showing them His wounded
side to draw them thither and press them close to His
Heart : " Peace be unto you all ; 't is I, be not afraid." ^
1 Acts ix. 4. 3 Matt, xxvii. 44 ; Mark xv. 32.
2 Luke xxiii. 34. * Luke xxiii. 42, 43.
5 Ibid., xxiv. 36. A reading preserved by the Vulgate which is to be
found in quite a number of MSS. (G. P., etc. ) and very many versions.
104 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
Saint Luke had need of very special gifts thus to com-
pose a Gospel of the Glad Tidings, which should find its
way to every sincere and loving heart. And Heaven
lavished upon him all that was necessary for his task.
In contrast to the other writers of the New Testament,
who were all Hebrews bearing the stamp of their race
and age, he is Greek by birth as well as by education ;
he is endowed with its universal genius, — its order, its
simplicity, clearness of thought, a charming diction, a
wonderful facility in conceiving, expressing, hinting at
what he will, — in a word, its "sweetness and light."
These qualities render his work all the more attractive,
inasmuch as imagery and feeling dominate it throughout :
they render lovable and accessible to all that doctrine
which the strenuous flights of thought bear so far aloft
in the Epistles of Saint Paul, but which were too often
obscured to the eyes of the plain people by the subtilty
and unfamiliar method of the Apostle's reasoning. Luke
hardly ever has recourse to such dialectics ; he narrates,
explains, portrays the facts in such luminous pictures
that Christian Art has always gone to him first to seek
inspiration. The frescos and stained windows of our
temples are for the most part reproductions of scenes in
the third Gospel or the Acts. To the same source we
owe the hymns which, re-echoed there, still thrill our
souls, the Magnificat . . . the Gloria in excelsis . . .
the Benedictus Dominus Deus Israel . . . the Nunc
DiMiTTis. Luke it was who preserved these songs, and
thus laid upon the cradle of the new-born Church the
first flowers of our Liturgy.
The sphere of his influence in the preaching of the
Gospel must, therefore, be conceded to have been indeed
considerable ; without likening his performance, or even
considering it as equal, to that of Saint Paul, his master,
it certainly aided, and in some respects completed it ;
taken together, the two form a body of revelation
wherein nothing essential is lacking. Had the other
writings of the New Testament been lost to us together
with so many other early documents, the twofold testi-
THE WORK OF SAINT LUKE. 105
mony of Paul and his disciple would have sufficed to
preserve for us the Christ, His Theology, His Life, and
His Work. And this testimony of theirs is the most
important we possess, since our most determined foes
are forced to acknowledge its weight. No candid critic
nowadays denies the authenticity of the principal Epis-
tles of Paul ; none disputes the fact that somewhere in
the fifties, that is, about twenty years after the Saviour's
death, Luke joined company with the Apostle of the
Gentiles,^ and began his task of collecting the data he
has handed down to posterity concerning Jesus and His
Church. It is generally admitted, therefore, that here we
have witnesses to our Faith who were not remote from
its earliest origins, — with only the works of Paul and
his disciples we can study its first foundations.
1 Acts xvi. 10.
CHAPTER VI.
THE MASSACRE OF THE CHRISTIANS OF ROME.
I. The Burning of Rome.
Saint Luke's work appeared at a period when it was
most needed by that Roman society which Nero day by
day was plunging deeper in an abyss of debauchery and
bloodshed. Paul has described it to us as it was in the
latter part of his imprisonment, "having their under-
standing darkened . . . their hearts hardened, no feeling
for morality, unbridled in their lusts ; ever eager in the
search for new impurities, and greedily gorging them-
selves therewith ; ^ " what they do in secret," he adds,
" modesty forbids me so much as to mention." ^ That the
Apostle still ventured to leave his faithful followers, de-
spite the danger they stood in of contagion, was due
doubtless to his appreciation of the fact that " their
loins were girt about with Truth, and shielded by the
buckler of Faith ; " ^ due likewise to the fact that in
" The Gospel of Peace," * which he had inspired his dis-
ciple to compile, he left with them a mighty armor, —
"the Word of Life,"^ — which should ward off all the
deadly onslaughts of the foe. The occasion was soon
to offer itself which should prove how far this confi-
dence was warranted by the event, for hardly had Paul
arrived in Spain when a persecution, as formidable as it
was unforeseen, assailed the Christians of Rome.
This tempest was one of the whirlwinds of madness
which swept down from the Palatine unnoticed and un-
1 Ephes. iv. 18, 19. ^ Ibid., vi. 15.
2 Ibid., V. 12. 6 Philip, ii. 16.
8 Ibid., vi. 14, 16.
THE BURNING OF ROME. 107
checked, now that Burrhus and Seneca were no longer
there to stay their insensate fury. Nero, as we have
seen, was but the puppet of two councillors, or rather
two instigators of his fury, Tigellinus and Poppsea.
What power the former possessed was used solely to
gratify his avarice and revengefulness ; " he was a man in
naught save his appetite for crime." ^ Cornelius Sylla,
Eubellius Plautus,^ Octavia,^ were his first victims ; no
one ventures to record the list after Piso's conspiracy.
Denunciations, confiscations, torturings, bloodshed, — all
these but whetted his vilest instincts, which waxed daily
worse ; but at the time we are speaking of he stands forth
clearly as Nero's evil genius.* It was in the year 64 that
he gave his festival on Agrippa's Pool, to pander to the
passions of his master, — that festival of direful renown,
its excesses forming a fitting climax to this reign of
shame.^ In that same year the Christians were to real-
ize what ferocious lusts lurked in this creature, blighted
by sin from childhood, bred in an atmosphere of crime,
doomed to a lascivious old age, ending in suicide amid the
orgies of his foul crew.^
The influence of Poppsea, though quite as disastrous to
the disciples of the Christ, was less degrading to Nero.
This woman, though destitute of moral sense, was never-
theless of high rank, and still possessed some spark of
nobility despite her dissolute life.''' True, she had sold
herself, but not without demanding haughtily her price,
even if it were to the dictating of new laws.^ A meek and
1 "Crudelitatum mox, deinde avaritiamet viriliasceleraexercuit . . ."
Tacitus, Histor., i. 72,
2 Tacitus, AnnaL, xiv. 57.
3 Ibid., xiv. 61-64 ; Suetonius, Nero, 35, 57 ; Dion Cassius, Ixii. 13.
* " . . . Corrupto ad omne facinus Neroue." Tacitus, Hist., i. 72.
^ Tacitus, Anna/., xv. 37.
6 " Sophonius Tigellinus obscuris parentibus, fseda pueritia, impudica
senecta . . . accepto apud Sinuessanas aquas supremse necessitatis nuntio,
inter stupra concubinarura et oscula et deformes moras, sectis novacula
faucibus, infamem vitam foedavit etiara exitu sero et inhonesto. Tacitus,
Histor., i. 72. 'AcrcXyeia re Kal ixLaLipovlq. irdura^ tovs Kad' eavrbv avdpwpovs
vTrepd4>avTa. Dion Cassius, Ixii. 13.
7 Tacitus, AnnaL, xiii. 45. * Ibid., xiii. 46.
108 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
gentle freedwoman named Actsea was then all-powerful
with Nero. Poppsea dared to characterize this liaison as
" low and slavish," ^ and succeeded, if not in breaking it off,
at least in weakening its bonds. Octavia, though aban-
doned, had still retained her position as wife and Queen.
Poppaea drove her from it. Then, as the people began to
mutter at the outrage offered to the daughter of Claudius,
she demanded her rival's head, and she had her way.^
This crime proves that at certain times she was capable
of rivalling, if not excelling, Nero in ferocity. Usually,
however, her better instincts had the upper hand; she was
in sympathy with the patrician ladies, then so numerous,
for whom Eome and its ephemeral joys were not enough,
and who looked forward to a better world beyond the
tomb, and had visions of a light and peace and happiness
without shadow, without end.^ The secret of this future
some sought to discover from the " Mysteries " of Asia or
of Greece, or from the religions of the East ; ^ others had
recourse to the soothsayers of all races who haunted their
palaces.^ Poppsea's apartments were always open to such
as these ; but more learned counsellors than they, like-
wise, had found admittance therein, and had initiated
her in the love of Mosaism.^ Till death she remained a
devotee of Israel's God:^ instead of being burned, accord-
ing to Eoman customs, her body was embalmed, as among
the Jews.^ The intellectual assent she gave to their
teachings did not, as we have seen, prevent her from
committing base cruelties ; these simply harmonized with
the weaker side of the woman. Poppsea always, even in
her moments of coquetry, preserved a certain air of great-
1 "Neronem, pellice ancilla et adsiietudine Actes devinctum nil e con-
tubernio servili, nisi abjectum et sordidum traxisse." Tacitus, Annal.y
xii. 46.
2 Tacitus, xiv. 60-64.
8 Friedlaender, Moeurs Romaines, t. i. livre 5 ; Les Femmes.
* The worship of Isis, among others, was in high favor with them.
Juvenal, vi. 526 et seq. ; Tibullus i. iii. 23 et seq.
^ Juvenal, vi. 542 et seq. "^ Tacitus, Histor.^ i. 22.
^ Josephus, Antiq. Jud., xx. viii. 11 ; Vita, 3.
8 Tacitus, Annal., xvi. 6.
THE BURNING OF ROME. 109
uess ; though she was so proud of the beauty which had
won her an empire, sparing nothing to enhance its charms,
— even to having five hundred she asses always in her
train in order to bathe in their milk,^ yet on the day that
her mirror told her that her efforts were in vain, and
that age was withering her loveliness, she cried on death,
rather than survive this loss.^ Mad vanity this ! Granted,
yet it betrays pride rather than corruption. However
terrible her crimes, she was always careful not to lower
herself, always to remain what she was by birth, a woman
of rank and exquisite distinction. No ornament was lack-
ing in the wardrobe of this paragon of patrician elegance,
not even the garb of modesty, whose allurements she
practised so well. " Very rarely did she appear in pub-
lic, and then always half veiled, perhaps because she
would not satisfy the starers, perhaps because thus she
but added to her charms."^ Sumptuous refinement,^
brilliant wit, that of a delightful conversationalist,^ — all
these made one forget the courtesan under the finished
exterior of an ideal noblewoman.
Nero was deeply attached to her. His heart was won,
— indeed it is no exaggeration to assert that she was
the only woman he ever loved.^ So it came about that
after he had given her her death wound in one of his
fits of madness, so frantic was his remorse that he clung
despairingly to any and every one who reminded him of
her in form or feature, and pursued them as he had pur-
sued her, with his brutal love.''
Poppsea's empire over him could not instil into Nero a
love for humanity and uprightness of living, — feelings
this woman knew naught of, — but it contributed toward
fostering in him a love for the arts and literature, for all
1 Pliny, Hist, natur., xxviii. 50. ^ Tacitus, Anna!., xii. 1. 45.
2 Dion Cassius, Ixii. 28,
* She even went so far as to have her favorite mules shod with gold.
Pliny, Hist, natur., xxxiii. 49.
^ "Sermo comis nee absurdum ingenium.'" Tacitus, Anna!., xiii, 45.
6 " Poppaeam . . . dilexit unice." Suetonius, Nero, 35.
7 Suetonius, Nero, 35 ; Tacitus, Anna!., xvi. 6 ; Dion Cassius, Ixii. 28 ;
Ixiii. 12, 13.
110 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
intellectual culture. Burrhus and Seneca, while they had
the duty of instructing the son of Agrippina, had not
failed in their task entirely ; their pupil, who, when left
to his own promptings, proved himself a monster of cru-
elty and debauchery, always, even amid his most abom-
inable exhibitions of passion, retained his tastes for poetry,
music, literary fame ; his unchanging ambition was to be
known as an artist, even if only as an actor, if necessary,
and we shall see that to this phase of his character he
was faithful to the end.^
He but exhausted himself in his ridiculous efforts, for
his education had given him merely a smattering of the
arts. Of genius he had not a spark, and little, if any,
natural talent. He strove to paint, to carve, and to sing,
accompanying himself on the lyre, each fresh attempt
but emphasizing his mediocrity ; his verses did not lack
a certain easiness,^ but tliey were spoiled by a bombastic
style, false emphasis, and striving after effect. In the
hour of death he still posed in the presence of outraged
and rebellious Eome, while he racked his brain for the
most telling retort. True enough, these were the most
common faults of his day. Seneca himself is not exempt
from them, but, in him, the greatness of his thought
makes us forget the unlovely robes which trammel it.
Nero reflects his teacher only in his faults. His learning
was all summed up in a fanatic reverence for Greece, its
institutions, its mythological dreams, and in a wild desire
to imitate them.
Public games, held in so great esteem among the Hel-
lenes, had never gained foothold in Eome. The narrow
pride of the Quirites led them to regard these amusements
as dishonorable, and they abandoned them to the servile
classes ; Nero resolved to rescue them from this ignominy
by appearing in person as a charioteer in the Great Circus.
This was during the days when Burrhus and Seneca still
retained some vestige of influence over him, but they
realized their powerlessness to check this caprice of a
1 Suetonius, Nero, 39. 2 i|,ij.^ 52, 53,
THE BURNING OF ROME. Ill
young madman made master of the world at twenty-
two; in the hope of avoiding worse extravagances, they
assisted him in this.
The main thing, it seemed to them, was to keep this
degrading spectacle as much as possible from public
sight ; to this end they chose the circus begun by Cali-
gula and continued by Claudius in the valley of the
Vatican ; ^ there at least they would not be in a public
domain, but surrounded by the wide-reaching gardens of
Nero. Thus, at first, the ruler had only his own courtiers
for spectators, but it was not long before their too perfunc-
tory applause palled on his ear ; the gates of the Imperial
Circus must be thrown ajar to admit the plebeian throngs
whose howls of delight completely upset the vainglorious
Ctesar. Thereafter he dreamt of nothing but the theatre,
forcing consular dignitaries, even patrician nobles to play
the parts of clowns and ribald louts ; then he would ap-
pear among them, lyre in hand, chanting his verses before
the populace and bent on their applause.^ Burrhus was
there among his own Prsetorians, his head bowed in shame,
groaning secretly, yet covering these follies by the pres-
tige of his presence, hoping thereby to shield the world
from a new reign of terror.^
Nero's passion for everything Grecian had, on the
other hand, the merit of inspiring in him tastes more
becoming to a prince. He loved beautiful things, the
masterpieces of Hellas and the Orient, statues, precious
vases, anything of artistic interest, and he lavished his
gold to obtain them.* Especially in architecture, he let
1 An obelisk brought from Heliopolis and to-day standing in the circle
in front of St. Peter's. In that day the obelisk was located at the ex-
tremity of the long wall (La Spina) which divided the length of the cii-cus
in half. The drivers must needs turn their chariots around its spacious
pediment, covered with marble, upon which were erected a profusion of
statues, altars, obelisks, fountains, and trophies of every description.
2 Tacitus, Annal, xiv. 14-16 ; Suetonius, Nero, 11, 12, 21, 23, 24, 25,
27, 30 ; Dion Cassius, Ixi. 17-21 ; Ixii. 15.
3 " Accesserat cohors militum, centuriones tribunique, et moereus Bur-
rus ac laudans." Tacitus, Annal, xiv. 15.
* Suetonius, Nero, 47 ; Pliny, Histor. natur.y xxxvii. 7.
112 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
his fantasies have full fling. From the Csesars, his pre-
decessors, he had inherited an estate upon the Palatine,
which in the beginning boasted of but a decent dwelling
occupied by Augustus ; ^ Tiberius, however, had notably
enlarged the scope of the original plan, while Caligula,
by extending it till it embraced the entire hill, trans-
formed it into such a majestic residence that the name
Palatium, " Palace," has remained to this day that of all
royal mansions throughout the civilized world.
From the heights covered by the main edifices, the
various outbuildings occupied the hillsides down to the
Forum, and stretched as far as the temple of Castor and
Pollux, which served as a sort of vestibule. A bridge
near by connected the Palatine with the Capitol, thus
permitting the master of the world to visit that of Olym-
pus at his pleasure, and without descending to the plain
below.^ Such vast undertakings must have been re-
garded as prodigies of human effort. Nero treated them
as unworthy of his genius ; scoffing at his forebears for
their stinginess, he boasted that he would show the world
what a Coesar could do.^ Accordingly he bade the engi-
neers, Severus and Celerus, to erect provisorily, an out-
line, as it were, of his architectural dreams.
This " House of Passage," ^ as he styled it, rivalled the
most extravagant inventions of Egyptian and Assyrian
monarchs. His fancy tickled by this first essay, he
resolved to execute the work in such magnificence that
it might justly be called " The House of Gold." But one
characteristic trait of maniacs is that they can never
satisfy themselves. The appurtenances of the new palace
only half pleased him ; what mattered it if the park had
been extended as far as the Gardens of Maecenas on the
Esquiline ? ^ Nero wanted still more space, and, as the
1 Suetonius, Augustus, 72. 2 ibid., Caius, 22. ^ ibid., Nero, 37.
* "Non in alia re damnosior quara in rediticando, domum a Palatio
Esquilias usque fecit. Quara primo transitoriam, mox, incendio absump-
tam restitutamque, auream nominavit." Suetonius, Nero, 31.
s "Palatium et Maecenatis hortos continuaverat." Tacitus, Annal.,
XV. 39.
THE BURNING OF ROME. 113
Palatine arose from the heart of the old city, he
bethought himself how he could sweep away these
populous quarters and thereby enlarge his estate, thus
extending it, by means of galleries and arcades, even as
far as the outlying hills.
An event, fortuitous in its origin, but terrible in its
consequences, especially to the Christians, offered him
an opportunity of realizing his dreams. On the nine-
teenth of July, 64, a conflagration burst forth not far
from the Porta Capena, at the extremity of the Great
Circus, contiguous to the Palatine and the Cselius.^ Shops
and booths were here crowded most densely, and all filled
with inflammable merchandise; the fire, fanned by a
strong wind, had soon invaded the Circus from end to
end, its rich materials adding fuel to the furnace. The
narrow, crooked streets of this section made it almost
impossible to bring any aid ; besides which, in a twink-
ling, they were thronged with people, half crazed by the
sudden awakening amid the crackling flames, unable to
save themselves and shrieking for help: this frenzied
multitude swayed this way and that, a confused and
struggling mass, in awful tumult and disorder.^ En-
countering no obstacle, the fire swept on triumphantly :
from the valley transformed into a brazier of burning
coals, it leaped up to lick the heights around about,
whence it rushed more fiercely down again, like tor-
rents of lava, upon the lower levels, as if bent on
ravaging the whole town.
The districts which encircled the Palatine, — the Vela-
brum, the Forum, and the Carinse, — were utterly devas-
tated. It was not until the sixth day that they managed
to arrest the progress of this scourge, at the very foot of
the Esquiline, " by levelling a goodly number of buildings
in order to quell this devouring contagion by bringing it
face to face, so to say, with the naked wilderness below
1 Tacitus, Annal, xv. 38-44, 52 ; Suetone, Nero, 31, 38, 39 ; Dion Cas-
sius, Ixii. 16-18, Cf. Jordan, Topographic des Stadt Rotn in Alterthum,
t. i. pp. 487-491.
2 Dion Cassins, Ixii. 16.
114 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
and the naked vault of heaven above." ^ The number of
the lost was considerable, some overtaken by the flames,
others abandoning themselves to their fate in despair at
having lost their all. The great mass of the populace
survived it, however, crowding the streets and lying
about the open campagna.
The terror of it all had but just begun to die down,
when the conflagration, suddenly springing up again on
the estate of Tigellinus, raged for three days more ; not
so violently, however, and with less damage to property,
for in the temples and spacious porches of this district
the flames found less to feed upon than in the centre of
the town.2 Thereafter it began to be possible to take
some account of the enormity of the disaster. Out of
the fourteen districts of Eome, four alone had escaped
unscathed; everywhere else there was nothing but a
waste of half wrecked houses, a huge mass of smoking
ruins.
Nero was at his seaside residence, at Antium, when the
conflagration first started.^ At the earliest reports of an
accident of such frequent occurrence in the city, he
evinced little if any emotion. But later on, learning
that the combustion was gaining ground and threatened
to consume everything, he hastened homewards, and at
the outset was entirely preoccupied by his eagerness to
combat the awful scourge. He was to be seen during
the night and unattended, rushing hither and thither in
the very midst of the flames ; it was by his order that,
after six days of ineffectual labors, the great battering-
rams were brought out and made an open space amid
the crowded buildings, the manoeuvre which checked the
flames. He evidenced his sympathy for the homeless
multitudes by opening the public monuments, his own
private gardens, caused shelters to be built, and lowered
the price of bread. But that monstrous passion of his
for artistic effects shortly regained the upper hand of him.
As soon as he became wonted to the horrors of this public
1 Tacitus, Anna!., xv. 40. 2 jbid. 3 ibid., Annal., xv. 39.
THE BURNING OF ROME. 115
calamity, he had eyes only for its magnificence. Did he
display any signs of indecent delight at sight of this dire-
ful spectacle ? Did the onlookers detect in his words, his
expressions, or his actions, the joy he felt at seeing his
" Temporary Eesidence " reduced to ashes, with the wide
spaces round about it at last cleared for the " Golden
House" of his dreams, — in a word, that new Eome he
meant to build? One is justified in inferring as much,
for almost immediately a rumor was noised abroad that
the conflagration was his work, that he alone was the
Great Incendiary.
Certain grievous memories went to support this sus-
picion. The fall of Troy was, of all incidents recounted
in the Grecian Epic, the one which appealed most strongly
to his imagination ; ^ as a child he was fond of reproduc-
ing it in his plays ; later on, when represented in his own
theatre, the scenes depicting its destruction by fire had
excited him to the highest pitch of passion.
" Happy Priam ! " he would cry, " to have beheld his
empire and his country perish together under his very
eyes ! " 2
Another time, when listening to that line in Euripides :
" At my death may earth and fire be confounded ! " he re-
plied, " Aye ! say rather during my life."
"He acted consistently, therefore," adds Suetonius.
" Feigning a great disgust for the ugliness of the an-
cient edifices, the narrow and tortuous streets of the
town, he burned Eome, and did it so brazenly that none
durst hinder the Praetorians and slaves of the palace,
when caught in the act, within the imperial possessions,
with torches and blazing tow in their hands. The site
occupied by the shops which surrounded his House of
Gold were the special object of his envious longings ;
battering-rams were sent to demolish their walls, which
were of stone, and thus give free passage for the flames.
. . . From his lofty lookout place on the Tower Maecenas,
1 " Tener adhue, necduin raatura pueritia, Circensibus ludis Trojam
constantissime favorabiliterque lusit." Suetonius, Nero, 7.
2 Dion Cassius, Ixii. 16.
116 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
Nero gazed his fill at the conflagration ; ravished by the
beauty of the flames (such were his very words), he
thereupon decked himself in a theatrical costume and
declaimed the destruction of Ilion." ^
Such is the story as it was generally accredited fifty
years after the event, and which Pliny and Dion Cassius
accept as implicitly as does Suetonius.^ Tacitus, it is
true, seems to cast doubt over certain details, notably the
description of Nero chanting his lays over the smoking
ashes of Eome. He raises the question whether the
threatening voices which forbade any one to extinguish
the flames, the unknown forms publicly throwing their fire-
brands, and shouting that they were acting under orders,
might not have been plunderers, pure and simple, using
this device to prosecute their business unchecked.^ As
regards the main point, however, he does not hesitate
any more than did his contemporaries, to reckon the
act of incendiarism among the crimes of which Nero
is justly accused.* The part played in it by the Prince
was apparently that which I have sketched above : he
neither desired nor commanded the conflagration, but,
struck with its awful majesty, he was filled with insane
delight, and recognized moreover that here was his sole
chance to clear away the centre of Eome and make room
for his own great projects. As to the assertion that there-
after he directed the march of the flames along certain
lines favorable to his fantasies, nothing would seem more
likely. The mysterous kindling of the conflagration on
the estate of Tigellinus was enough to strengthen this
suspicion, which became certitude as soon as it was re-
marked how eagerly the Prince seized upon the oppor-
tunity of turning the public disaster to his private profit
In fact, the palace of gold and precious stones which had
floated so long in his dreams, was erected in mad haste
over the ruins of the " Transitory House." The neighbor-
1 Suetonius, iViero, 38.
^ " Neronis principis incendia, quibus cremavit urbem." Pliny, Hist,
natur., xvii. 1 ; Dion Cassius, Ixii. 16, 17, 18,
» Tacitus, Annal, xv. 38. * Ibid,, xv. 38, 67.
THE BURNING OF ROME, 117
hood, now laid waste round about it, was converted into
a huge park. Celerus and Severus rivalled each other in
their demands upon the Prince's treasury, and within the
enclosed space, designed " fertile fields, pools, artificial
solitudes, groves, terraces, and perspectives, everything
which in the very heart of a city might produce the illu-
sion of the countryside.^
Kome, convinced after this that her misfortunes were
due to no blind Chance, looked on sadly enough at this
fever of restoration, but not without muttered words of
discontent. Up to this their ruler's extravagance had
been regarded with great indulgence by the common folk :
what had they to do, forsooth, with the tragic happenings
at court, or with the orgies which dishonored it ? Nero
took good care to keep the people amused as no Caesar
before him had done, lavishing upon them games and
shows, one festival following hard upon another. So long
as his follies resulted only in degrading the Emperor and
the nobility, the populace applauded. But with the day
when they beheld the lower parts of the town, where
were the quarters of the poorer classes, in flames, and real-
ized that they were to be driven thence by the insolent
encroachments of the imperial domain, then, indeed, their
admiration for Nero suddenly ceased. His unpopularity
was of course increased at the sight of the blackened
walls of the Forum, for with it the most venerable temples
of Eome, together with its most time-hallowed relics had
disappeared : the sanctuary consecrated to Luna by Ser-
vius Tullius ; the altar of Hercules, Evander's handi-
work ; the temple dedicated by Eomulus to Jupiter Stator ;
Numa's Palace ; the Penates of the Eoman people ; the
masterpieces of Greek art, trophies of so many victories,
— all were wiped away.^ In vain Nero endeavored to
dazzle them by the splendors of the new city ; mourn-
fully they stood by with averted gaze, — the blow had
pierced Home's heart.
^ Tacitus, Annal., xv. 42 ; Suetonius, Nero, 38.
^ Tacitus, Annal., xv. 41 ; Suetonius, Nero, 38.
118 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
II. The Massacke of the Christians.
Nero was too fond of the intoxication which he was
wont to imbibe from the plaudits of the multitude to re-
sign himself to the present situation, marking only the
long countenances of his subjects, and hearing only the
whispered criticisms of his whilom friends.
" What is the good of all these open spaces where the
sun beats down upon us ? " they murmured ; " the shady
nooks of our old streets were better far." ^
To divert their minds from these bitter broodings he
tried to interest them in religious ceremonies. But in
vain. The Sibylline Books had been opened, and what
was prescribed therein accomplished : prayers to Vulcan,
to Ceres, to Proserpine, lustrations of the Eoman ladies,
supplications, holy vigils.^ Nothing he could do, how-
ever, could smother the sense of a wrong done to them,
which daily waxed more insistent in its demands for the
culprit, until its cries rose to the very ears of the Prince
himself. At all costs he must needs find some victim as
a scapegoat before the people. Like a lost man Nero
scanned the w^hole earth for some outlet from this maze.
At last some one suggested the Christians, and at once,
with an impetuosity which was spurred on by fear and
spite, he seized at the idea.
How did this sudden change come about, and, first of
all, what was the general opinion concerning the disciples
of Jesus ? Undoubtedly their numbers, which at first
glance seemed enormous, — "an immense multitude," ^
says Tacitus, — had brought them into prominence even
then. But, besides this, there were abominable stories
circulated concerning them, and their kinship by origin
with the Jews quite sufficiently compromised them in
public opinion. Indeed the East was looked upon as the
main cesspool of iniquity. "The sewerage which con-
1 Tacitus, Annal, xv. 43. 2 Ibid. xv. 44.
^ Ibid, Annal., xv. 44. St. Clement of Rome makes use of the same
expression : iro\i> ttXtjOos e/cXe/fTw. Ad Corinth., i. 6.
THE MASSACRE OF THE CHRISTIANS. 119
taminates our reservoirs," Juvenal declared, " is the Oron-
tes, that Syrian stream which disgorges its filth into the
Tiber."!
As soon as Nero evidenced any desire to catch the cul-
prits, all eyes turned instinctively to the Jewish quarters.
Had not the fire started upon their boundaries ? and had
not its progress been checked at the very regions where
the Jews were to be found in largest numbers, the dis-
tricts of Porta Capena and Trastevere ? ^ Even their
writings betrayed them, always harping upon the purifi-
cation of the world through sword and flames : "On that
same day," it is written in the Book of Henoch, " blood
shall flow in waves like a stream. . . . From the rising
of the sun unto the going down thereof, they shall slay
one another. The steed shall wade in the blood of the
sinner, until his very breastplate be wet, and the chariot
up to the axle-trees. Woe unto you, sinners, for ye shall
burn in a bed of flames ! " ^ These threats are re-echoed
by the song of the Jewish Sibyl : " From heaven there
shall fall fiery swords upon the earth ; huge torches shall
fall likewise, and shall blaze in the midst of mankind.
. . . God shall judge them all . . . by fire." *
Between the preaching of crime and its commission
there is little difference, according to popular logic;
there is still less between suspicion and certainty. The
Jews realized that they were marked out for victims, and
to save themselves straightway cast all the odium of the
conflagration and the Emperor's cruelties upon the Chris-
tians. One line of St. Clement's, apparently vague, but
most significant in its deep meaning, establishes this fact
beyond peradventure.
" This persecution," he writes, '' was due to jealousy." ^
The expression is obscure if we take it to mean tha
^ Juvenal, Sat., iii. 62. 2 gge St. Peter, chap. xiv.
3 Das Buck Henoch (ed. Dillmann), chap. 100.
* Carm. Sibyl., iii. 672 et seq. This expectation of a fearful conflagra-
tion occurs again and again in the Sibylline Apocalypses, i. 199 et seq. ;
iii. 72 et seq., 82 et seq. ; vii. 118 et seq., 141 et seq. ; viii. 203 et seq.y 217
et seq., 237 et seq.
^ St. Clement, Ad. Cor., 5.
120 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
animosity between Pagans and Christians, or internal
feuds among the latter: his meaning is clear as soon
as we apply it to the Jews. The aversion displayed
by Israel toward the disciples of the Crucified is matter
of history ; we have encountered it at every step in this
recital of the beginnings of Christianity, ever growing in
intensity, approaching nearer and nearer to the new cen-
tre, becoming finally a sectarian warfare, a family feud.
The obscurity of the Church at Kome must have spared
it for a long while from any such violent demonstrations,
since, on Paul's arrival, the heads of the Eoman Syna-
gogue frankly avowed their ignorance of the new doc-
trine.i But a new era began with the appearance of the
Apostle. Its propagandists, inflamed by his ardor, pro-
claimed the Gospel from the housetops ;2 he himself,
more than all the rest combined, helped to spread it ; for
the words uttered by this man, free even though in fet-
ters, gained great renown in the Prsetorium, at court, and
throughout the town.^ When the Apostle departed after
his two years' imprisonment, he left behind him a very
different body of believers, no longer wrapped in shadows,
but standing forth in the light of day, firm and prosper-
ous. Thenceforth the hostility of the Jews was a matter
of course : while now, made all the keener as their own
peril grew more threatening, it burst all bonds. The
weapon they used was a calumny which would ensure
them at once safety and revenge.
Furthermore, nothing could be easier than to make
Pagans believe that the Church had foretold their sor-
rows. Quite as often as the Israelites, and perhaps more
openly, the Christians had been wont to speak of the final
conflagration and the flames which should chase away the
abominations of the new Babylon. The prophecy which
Peter, then their acknowledojed Head, was to indite two
years later had long been maturing in his mind, and his
instructions were repeated by his flock : —
" The heavens and the earth are to-day reserved unto
1 Acts xxviii. 22. 2 philip. i. 14. 3 n^i^., i. 12, 13 ; iv. 22,
THE MASSACRE OF THE CHRISTIANS. 121
fire, against the Day of Judgment and the perdition of
ungodly men. . . . The day of the Lord will come as a
thief, and on that day, amid the howling of the storm,
the heavens shall pass away, the elements shall melt
with fervid heat, the earth also shall be burned up to-
gether with all which it contains."^
This alone made them suspicious of the new teaching.
The Jews were quick to see their advantage and were
easily enabled to disseminate their suspicions among
the higher classes, for their influence at court was almost
equal to that of the favored few. Their intrigues during
the reign of Caligula and Claudius had been more than
successful, as we have seen ; ^ naturally they were no less
active in Nero's time. Slaves, freedmen, and actors of
their race thronged about him ; ^ Poppsea, half Jewess as
she was, was now acknowledged by all as mistress of the
court. What more was needed to accomplish the ruin of
that detested folk ?
The Emperor, angered by the public threats, was too
much concerned in clearing his own skirts, to take time
for verifying the proofs of these accusations. Like a
hound he dashed upon this new scent with all the pas-
sionateness of his worst days, with all the instincts of a
wild beast. True, he had but to extend his hand in order
to seize his victims ; in his own palace were Christians
with whom Paul the prisoner had been in close relation ; *
others equally distinguished both by birth and wealth
were well known in Eome.^ Many of them when cast
into prisons confessed their faith with generous fearless-
1 2 Peter, iii. 7, 10. 2 gi^ Peter, chaps, vi., viii., x.
3 Mommsen, Inscript. regni Neap., 6467 ; Josephus, Vita, 3.
4 Philip, i. 13 ; iv. 22.
5 Though to me it seems possible that Christians of high rank would
naturally be exposed to the first onslaughts of persecution, it is but fitting
to add that believers of this class constituted, evidently, a very small
minority in the Roman Church. The " great multitude " Tacitus speaks
of belonged to the plebeians, the humiliores, who by law were liable to be
flogged, burned at the stake, crucified, cast before wild beasts in the am-
phitheatre. (Paul, Sentent. v. xxix. 1. " Humiliores bestiis objiciuntur
vel vivi exurtur ; lionestiores capite puniuntur." ) Nero might go to any
extremes with this throng legally abandoned to his tender mercies.
122 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
ness. Tacitus, it is true, accuses these first victims of
having yielded to torture and of having denounced their
brethren ; ^ however, on the other hand, he shows him-
self elsewhere so badly informed and so unjust toward
all Christians, that this calumny has met with very little
credence ; all that we can infer from it is that the heads
of the Christian community, having been arrested unex-
pectedly, their writings, together with the names of the
believers found in their possession, served as a means of
identification for the Eoman police. The persecutors were
in every event guided promptly and surely, for the first
arrests were succeeded by an unnumbered throng of
others ; " the multitude " ^ incarcerated in its prisons was
so formidable that Kome itself was alarmed.
It was far easier to lay hands upon this crowd of inno-
cent people and to harrow them by the state tortures
than it was to convict them of the crime of arson ; but,
this crime not proven, there was still the avowal of their
faith, their abstention from the state worship, as well as
from the public life and customs of Pagan society. Some
deemed them guilty of a general " hatred of all human
kind," 2 — a vague accusation, but one well calculated to
strike the vulgar mind, and quite analogous to that terri-
fying expression "suspect,'' which has been a source of
agony to so many innocent victims in this land of mine.
There were even some more enlightened minds who went
further in their hatred. Tacitus, as we know, takes the
very worst meaning out of all their words and acts : in
his eyes, Christianity is simply an " execrable supersti-
tion," a madness fallen upon "men detestable for their
hateful practices." * Still, some sympathy is shown in
1 Tacitus, AnnaL, xv. 44. Monsieur Paul Allard has devoted much
serious study in his narrative of the persecutions to a criticism of all the
texts which make any mention of it. We cannot do better than refer our
readers to his learned work : Histoire des persecutions pendant les deux pre-
miers siecles (1892), pp. 35-57.
2 Tacitus, AnnaL, xv. 44.
^ "Hand perinde in crimine incendii quam odio generis humani con-
victi sunt." Tacitus, AnnaL, xv. 44.
* " Exitiabilis superstitio . . ." "Per flagitia invisos." Tacitus,
AnnaL, xv. 44.
THE MASSACRE OF THE CHRISTIANS. 123
his description of their sufferings. Suetonius does not
grant them even these few crumbs of commiseration ;
unreservedly he praises iSTero for having dehiged the
world with the blood of a new and mischievous sect.^
However, we should be far astray if we took the opinions
of these historians as those prevailing at the time of the
first persecution. Eemember, they wrote a half-century
later, they are speaking the language of their own day,
they share its passionate hatred, together with all the
vile prejudices which had risen up against a Church
which, everywhere increasing, threatened to do away
with Paganism in short order. In 64 the Christians of
Kome inspired no such fears. Although even then they
knew that they were charged with all sorts of imaginary
abominations, denounced as the foes of God and men,
nevertheless, in this instance it is to Nero, to the coterie
about him, especially to the Jews, that the infamy of
this charge must be attributed.
Furthermore, it was not simply by such calumnies that
the persecutors reckoned upon making the Christians
odious. There was also the horrible nature of the pun-
ishment which should deepen the public sense of their
crime. They were fully convinced that, upon seeing
the victims doomed to unheard-of torments, the mob
would be finally convinced that they were really guilty.
To this end the most refined tortures were invented, and
Nero resolved to make the occasion one of those gory fes-
tivals ever dear to the populace which had been without
them ever since the great disaster. In fact, Rome had
not thrown off its mourning garb since the terrible con-
flagration. After nine days' struggle against that terrible
scourge, the citizens saw naught about them save heaps
of rubbish, blackened walls which were being pulled
down on every side ; but no meeting-place, no room for
pleasure. Weariness had settled down upon them, weari-
ness — more dangerous to tyrants than open revolt. How
1 "Afflicti suppliciis Christiani, genus hominum superstitionis novae et
maleficae." Suetonius, Nero^ 16.
124 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
was he to afford them once more those joys of the amphi-
theatre which had become to them as necessary as their
daily bread ? The Great Circus, although the first prey
of the flames, still smouldered, only half consumed. That
of Flaminius stood on the outskirts of Mars' Field, one of
the wards destroyed in the second outbreak of the fire.
But even if these buildings should prove still secure
(which would seem more than doubtful), would it be
possible to inaugurate his festival there in the very
sight of a ravaged waste, with its Temples and Sacred
Porches still blackened with smoke ? ^
Nero's mind naturally reverted to the gardens which
he possessed on the further bank of the Tiber, at the foot
of the Vatican Hill. In this domain of his stood the
Circus whither lie was wont to summon the populace
to various exhibitions. Thither, again, he bade them
come to witness this act of public expiation. But this
time the cruelty of his councillors, egged on by his own
beastly instincts, had together invented such an abomi-
nable scene of butchery that Eome itself shrank back
aghast. Well do we know how habituated these people
were to scenes of blood. The gladiators' combats which
they were always so passionately fond of had been the
cause, year after year, of hundreds, nay, thousands, of
men perishing before their eyes.^ A still crueler cus-
tom had been long in vogue : prisoners of war, con-
demned to death, were cast as prey before the wild
beasts of the amphitheatre ; and lest there should ever
be lack of subjects to furnish this horrible spectacle,
from all the provinces of the empire there were de-
spatched to Eome troop after troop of these victims,
doomed to help out the public games. Hardened as
were the folk to such scenes of slaughter, Nero suc-
ceeded at last in disgusting them by adding to the hor-
ror of torture both mockery and abuse.
The festival set for the early days of August began
1 Tacitus, Annal., xv. 40.
2 Suetonius, Ccesar, 10 ; Plutarcli, Vita CcEsaris, v. : Horace, Sat., ii.
iii. 84 ; Perseus, vi. 48, etc.
THE MASSACRE OF THE CHRISTIANS. 125
at dawn of day, with a series of combats between wild
beasts ; this lasted, according to custom, the whole morn-
ing.^ Nero had no idea of letting any of the Christians
appear at this stage, as it might have given them some
occasion of exhibiting their courage. Desirous of furnish-
ing his audience with a spectacle of bloodshed and torture
only, he gave orders that they be conducted in single file
upon the scene, and then made to run the gantlet of
their jailers. Lofty posts made in the form of crosses
had been set up around the arena. To these one set of
the martyrs had been either bound or nailed ; whereupon
his lions and panthers were set upon them to crunch and
tear their limbs.^ Still other believers were set apart for
far more barbarous devices of torture. The term " vena-
tiones," ^ once applied to fights between wild beasts, had
suggested to his mind the diabolical idea of wrapping
his victims in the skins of animals ; thus muffled, they
were thrown into the Circus, to become the sport of dogs
trained to hunt down such animals. These brutes ^ had
been carefully selected for their extreme ferocity,^ and
soon tore them to pieces and devoured them.
We may easily fancy that women were in no wise
spared in this carnival of butchery. Saint Clement of
Kome tells us of Christian ladies, " in this great multi-
tude of God's chosen ones, who, after long exposure to
insults and tortures, even then furnished us with noble
examples of fortitude."^ Although compelled to enact,
some the role of Danaides, others that of Dirce, " they
bore it all," he tells us, "impious and terrible as were
these outrages, and thus have they attained unto the
1 The custom during the Empire of inaugurating the public festivals
with animal combats caused them to be known as the Ludus Matulinus.
See Marquardt, Romische Staatsverwaltung , t. iii. : Die Spiele, 4, 2.
2 Tacitus, AnnaL, xv. 44.
3 Marquardt, Romische Staatsverwaltung, t. iii :_ Die Spiele, 1, 2, 6 ;
Friedlaender, Mceurs romaines, t. ii., lib. vi., chap. iii. 3.
* " Pereuntibus addita ludibria, ut ferarum tergis contecti laniatu
canum interirent." Tacitus, AnnaL, xv. 44.
^ Strabo, Geogr., iv. 5.
6 St. Clement of Rome, Ad Cor., i. 6.
126 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
Divine goal of our Faith ; and, weak in body though
they may have seemed, they have won the prize of
Glory." It was in the afternoon, most probably, that
these abominations, so delicately referred to by the
Bishop of Eome, took place. To the onlookers, now
sated to the point of disgust at such cowardly cruelties,
Nero proceeded to offer some of those mythological scenes
which always appealed to the baser instincts of the mob,
and were as much in favor as were the gladiators' sports.
For blood-shedding, voluptuousness, and death, each had
its special charm in their eyes.
The brilliancy of the scenery and costumes, together
with a perfection of stage mechanism which gave almost
the appearance of reality, all these were no novelty to his
public. And hence, to pique their curiosity, he was wont
to have all the parts in these fabulous dramas played after
a most realistic fashion. Thus, when any part called for
the torture or death of some actor, they solved the diffi-
culty by casting a condemned criminal for the role. There
is hardly one scene of terror recounted in legend or his-
tory which Eome had not witnessed revived after this
fashion for its amusement : Hercules begirt with flames ;
Ixion bound to the wheel ; Orpheus devoured by a bear ;
Attys actually mutilated in their presence ; Pasiphae de-
livered over to the bull ; Daedalus precipitated from the
sky, and the robber Laureolus nailed to the cross.^ From
Greece, which would have shrunk in horror from such
monstrosities, he had oftenest borrowed both the theme
and the circumstances of these representations, at the
same time, however, disfiguring all her most poetical
conceptions by these brutal plagiarisms. The fad of
living pictures, that is to say, plastic groups supposed
to reproduce the masterpieces of art, was at this time
all the rage. Many of these unfortunate Christians were
compelled to enact in its reality a sanguinary tragedy
which the celebrated statuary in Naples*^ and the fres-
1 Tertullian, Apolog., 15; De pudicit., 22 ; Suetonius, iVero, 12; Mar-
tial, Spectac, v., vii., viii., xxi.
2 The group known by the name of the Famesian Bull. After its dis-
THE MASSACRE OF TEE CHRISTIANS. 127
COS at Pompeii^ represent to this day: the sons of
Antiope, to avenge their mother, binding Dirce to the
bull which was destined to drag her over the crags of
Helicon.2 In like manner, tied by their hair to the
horns of maddened beasts, these Christian women were
tossed and kicked to pieces in the very presence of a
throng gloating over their torn and palpitating members.
St. Clement, together with the Dirces, mentions the
Danaides as having also watered the arena with their
blood, without telling us, however, what sort of tortures
were assigned to the latter. The perforated cask which
the fifty daughters of Danaus were doomed forevermore
to fill, certainly offers no opportunity for a very dramatic
scene j but, in Tartary, at least, every sort of torture had
been attributed to them by folk-lore ; from these fables it
was no difficult feat to borrow enough of the horrible to
add zest to the monotony of their punishment. At all
events, as St. Clement witnesses, no pains were spared
to affront their Christian modesty .^ Yet what cared these
virgin martyrs in the cause of Christ for any physical
outrages ? Their bodies were as naught to these souls
self-consecrated to God. Well might Nero and his shame-
less crew seize them as their prey ; in their resurrection
they would but appear all the more glorious and spotless
in His sight.
The Emperor's ferocity was not glutted even after a
whole day's enjoyment of this spectacle. Still other vic-
tims had been reserved for the evening. Always Kome
had delighted in gay festivals of the night, scenes of fairy-
land, bonfires, and sparkling illuminations lighting up her
covery in the baths of Caracalla it was transported to the Farnesian Palace,
and now stands in the Museum of Naples.
1 Memoria delta R. Accademia Ercolanese, t. ii. pp. 386 et seq. ; vol. iv.
part 1 ; vol. vii. pp. 1 et seq.
2 " Dircen ad taurum crinibusreligatam necant." Hyginus, Fabulce, 8.
3 AlKLafxara deiua /cat dvocna iradoucraL. St. Clement, Ad Cor., i. 6.
Nero was capable of every conceivable infamy. The hideous details left
us by his historians give some idea of what the Christian women had to
endure when abandoned to the mercy of such a monster. Tacitus,
AnnaL, xv. 37 ; Suetonius, Nero, 29 ; Dion Cassius, Ixiii. 13, 22.
128 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
lovely skies.^ Nero never let slip any opportunity to win
popularity by such means. In the year 60, when inaug-
urating the Quinquennial Games, he had taken care to
give orders that this kind of entertainment should last
day and night. ^ Nero's nocturnal festival in 64 still
sheds its baleful light adown the pages of history.
On this occasion the Christians were clothed in the
horrible "• tunic of the incendiaries," ^ made of a tissue
soaked in pitch, resin, and sulphur ; thereafter, bound or
impaled upon huge stakes, they made a line of living
torches along the road. At nightfall, when the Imperial
Gardens were opened to the populace, these human flam-
beaux were lighted, and beneath the flickering flames
races were run. In these the Emperor himself took part,
dressed in a driver's habit, at times directing his own
chariot, then again stepping out and mingling with the
crowd. But he had gone too far ; this was too much ;
amid the popular acclamations there arose a murmur of
horror and pity distinctly audible to him. Even those
who were most convinced of the guilt of his victims were
indignant at the thought that it " was not at all for the
general good, but merely to satiate the cruelty of a single
person that they were thus immolated." *
Nero made his exit from this scene of bloodshed a dis-
appointed man, still feeling that terrible burden of repro-
bation weighing upon him which for the last month he
had felt dragging him down, and which he had vainly
striven to shake off. The real triumph still belonged to
the brethren of these martyrs, to that multitude of be-
lievers which his guardsmen had been unable to appre-
hend. They had been there, though, all through that
cruel night, sustaining the witnesses of their faith by
their presence. Beholding these holy ones fastened to
the spikes which pierced their entrails, burning and roast-
1 Marquardt, Romische Staatsverwaltung : Die Spiele, i. p. 474 ; Fried-
laender, Mceurs romaines, book vii. chap. i.
2 Tacitus, Annul, xiv. 19, 20, 21 ; xvi. 5.
3 The tunica molesta, Juvenal, Sat., i. 155-157; viii. 233-335; Mar-
tial, Epigr., x. xxv. 5.
* Tacitus, Annal.y xv. 44.
THE MASSACRE OF THE CHRISTIANS. 129
ing in unspeakable torments,^ they learned the lesson of a
noble pride in that Christ Who had given to weak creat-
ures such superhuman courage and holy serenity amid
fearful tortures ; more earnestly than ever before they
renewed their vows to this Divine Master, to live and die
for Him.2
These, then, were the first fruits and glories of the Eo-
man Church, trophies of wide-reaching importance for the
future ; since it was the means of ensuring her perma-
nence in that locality whence by God's will she was there-
after to rule the souls of men. This domain of the
Vatican which had drunk of Christian blood was to re-
main ever sacred in the eyes of Her subjects, was to
become, as it were, the heart of Eome, and to be regarded
as holy ground. Nor will it be long ere we shall see
them bearing thither the body of the Head of the Church,
thus transforming Nero's Gardens into the very See of
Peter, than which no place in the world is more vene-
rated, save only the Holy Sepulchre of our Divine Lord.
1 Pone Tigellinum, tseda lucebis in ilia
Qua stantes ardent, qui fixo gutture fumant
Et latum media sulcum diducis arena.
Juvenal, Sat, i. 155-157.
The satirist, according to all appearances, has in mind this nocturnal
festival of 64, and attributes to Tigellinus the horrible invention of these
living torches.
2 "In two of his letters to Lucilius it would seem that Seneca, in his
retirement from the world and while in the sumptuous solitude of his
beautiful villas, expiating the weaknesses of his life, makes some allusion
to the awful spectacle prepared by Nero for the delectation of the Roman
people : ' The executioner's sword, the burning flame, the clank of chains,
the hosts of ferocious beasts glutting themselves on human entrails, im-
prisonment and the cross, the rack and the hook, the stake thrust into the
victim's trunk and protruding through his head, dismembered limbs, and
the tunic coated and interwoven with inflammable material (Ep. xiv.) . . .
Amid such suff"erings some uttered not a groan, — that is not so much ; nor
cried quarter, — that is not so much ; nor answered one word, — that is not
so much ; but rather smiled, and smiled out of a full heart' (Ep. 78). The
ineff"able smile of the humble Christian expiring for his God in the Vatican
Gardens, pursued and thrilled the imagination of Nero's former tutor like
a vision at once sweet and poignant. In common with all Romans of his
day, Seneca had often seen men die ; he had never seen them die like this."
Paul Allard, Histoire des persecutions pendant les deux premiers siecles,
pp. 54-55.
CHAPTEE VII.
FIKST GENERAL PERSECUTION.
I. The Edict of Persecution.
Every battlefield presents but a wrecked and often
deserted aspect on the morrow after the strife. This one,
whereon the Church of Eome had just given such a mag-
nificent demonstration of its heroism, outwardly appeared
given over to desolation in the period following the mas-
sacres of the Vatican heroes. The prisons, crowded to
suffocation as they were, had no room for the multitude
of Christians arrested in the capital of the empire. Those
whom the magistrates had not committed during the
period of judicial investigation, found no difficulty in
concealing themselves in the great city, for the masses
were in a state of wilder confusion than ever before ;
hunted out of the quarters of the lower classes, where
the wreckers were tearing down the ruins, the poor folk
had to seek shelter as best they could. Many of the
believers, however, considered it their safest plan to leave
Eome and to scatter themselves throughout Italy. It is
these Christians, thus dispersed abroad, that St. Paul
in his letter addresses under the name of Hebrews, an
Epistle which we will shortly have to consider.^
At the beginning of this period the poor fugitives found
some semblance of security in the scattered towns where
they had sought refuge. At first they were viewed with
indifference on the part of the inhabitants, were toler-
ated by the local officials to whom they were unknown,
and consequently enjoyed the unwonted privilege of
leading their life of prayer, withdrawal from the world,
1 Ilebr. xiii. 24.
THE EDICT OF PERSECUTION. 131
pure and fraternal union unhindered. But the influence
and example of Eome little by little drew public atten-
tion upon them and soon put obstacles more or less seri-
ous in the path of the adorers of Christ, sometimes simply
insults,^ elsewhere acts of bloodshed and violence.
What was the fate, during these days of ill-omen to all
Christians, of the poor prisoners who had not been deliv-
ered over to the torturers during those August feast-
days ? No written history of their sufferings has come
down to us ; nevertheless, there is every reason to believe
that the murmurings of the people, which had made them-
selves audible on that occasion, had likewise put a stop to
the massacre.^ Their persecutor, too, had found much
more advantageous use for the lives which he had been
forced to spare. In his haste to see his plan of rebuild-
ing Eome completed, he was impatiently pushing on the
work by employing thousands of laborers in his quarries,
the sooner to extract the materials wherewith he meant
to reconstruct the length and breadth of the city.'^ The
1 In all probability we are justified in supposing that certain inscrip-
tions found in a Pompeian mansion are to be traced back to insults such
as these. The name "Christians" charred along the walls of this dwell-
ing has given rise to the belief that it served as a meeting-place for the
faithful ; and by an ingenious restoration vSignor de Rossi extracts from
the letters which precede and encircle this name an insolent jest aimed at
the Faithful. " Audi Christian os, ssevos olores." "Hark to the Chris-
tians, the cruel swans." (De Rossi, Bidlettino dl archeologia Christiana
(1864), p. 69 ; Corpus Inscript. Latin., vol. iv. pi. xvi. n. 3.) This, in the
opinion of the celebrated archaeologist, is an allusion to the last words,
the Swan's Song, of certain Christian Martyrs, and to the Divine retribu-
tion wherewith they threatened their torturers. The hypothesis is cer-
tainly not devoid of probability ; and with equal likelihood we may
regard the sentences encircling it as another bit of raillery flung at Chris-
tian teachings : " Here a mule gives lessons to flies." "Falsehood sends
greeting to Truth." Mulus hic Muscellas Docuit. Mendax Veraci
Salutem. (De Rossi, Bidlettino, 1864, p. 71.) The inscription written on
the outer wall seems also to have been couched in the same spirit :
** No room for loafers here; move on, ye loungers." Otiosis Hic Locus
NoN Est, Discede MoPwATOR. (Corpus Inscript. Latin., t. iv., p. 813.)
There is good reason to believe that the Pompeians did not stop at this,
but that acts of violence followed hard upon the heels of insult ; for the
Jews, here as everywhere the Christians' most formidable foe, had their
synagogue close by. De Rossi, Bullettino, 1864, p. 70.
3 Tacitus, Annal., xv. 44. ^ Ibid., xv. 45 ; Suetonius, Nero, 31, 38.
132 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
number of free or servile workmen huddled together in
Kome could not meet his demands, and accordingly or-
ders were sent to the provinces to despatch thither all
their convicts.^ But here, near at hand and in his very
grasp, the tyrant had his Christian prisoners ; and well
did he make use of them. As far as they were con-
cerned, he might rest assured there would be no lack of
new recruits ; for, though the persecution was no longer
a wholesale massacre, as was that of the Vatican,
Christian-bating was still the order of the day, and had
been extended beyond the walls of the capital and the
boundaries of Italy itself, thus furnishing to the master-
workmen who were thronging toward Eome with their
tools, victims prepared to suffer all things with resig-
nation.
What were the laws by which these iniquitous pro-
ceedings were maintained ? We have at hand several
scraps of testimony which enable us to conjecture the
answer to the question, and indicate the view-point of
Eoman jurisprudence in the premises. At the outset
of the persecution, as Tacitus has already told us. Chris-
tians " were convicted not so much of the crime of incen-
diarism as of hating all human kind." ^ It was, therefore,
under the last-named charge that the magistrates con-
demned them, and that Nero subjected them to such a
horrible punishment in the Vatican Garden. Our his-
torian, who regards their faith as an " execrable supersti-
tion," ^ makes hardly any distinction between them and
the sects which were then thronging Eomeward, and were
propagating " the most atrocious and shameful teachings
1 ' ' Quorum operum perficiendorum gratia, quod ubique esset custodise
in Italian! deportari, etiam scelere convictos non nisi ad opus damnari,
prseceperat." Suetonius, Nei^o, 31.
2 " Hand perinde in crimine incendii quam odio humani generis con-
victi sunt." Tacitus, Annul., xv. 44. "Perhaps they may have allowed
the charge of incendiarism to stand so far as the first arrests were con-
cerned ; but as to the multitude of accused that came after them, it was
not as incendiaries but as 'enemies of the human race/ that they were
condemned to various forms of punishment." Allard, Le Chr'istianisme
et UEmpire roma'in, p. 15.
3 "Exitiabilis superstitio." Ibid.
THE EDICT OF PERSECUTION. 133
of foreign lands." ^ Suetonius also uses much the same
language, and charges the Christians with spreading " a
new and mischievous superstition." ^
These, then, are the only direct accusations against
them, known to us, in the period we have in hand. Cal-
umnies they were, of course, and vaguely worded, it is
true; nevertheless sufficiently damaging when we con-
sider their bearing. What, indeed, was meant by that
" hatred of all mankind," if it was not the secluded life
and systematic withdrawal from the world which Chris-
tianity seemed to teach the faithful ? Yet there was no
other way of escaping the idolatry and immorality of
their enviroment, save to shun all religious festivals, pub-
lic games, and sometimes even family intercourse. Thus
it came about that they were regarded as a very exclusive
set, forbidding in appearance, and generally supposed to
be a party of malcontents, simply because their members
kept away from public functions, did not enter the militia,
refused to take the oath when making contracts, would
not illuminate their dwellings during Pagan solemnities,^
and, finally, deemed themselves but strangers and pilgrims
on this earth.* Then, when the time came, when in Eome
they had become that " multitude " ^ whereof Tacitus
speaks, then not merely the common folk, but great states-
men as well, realized that an unconquerable power was
growing up in their very midst, one calculated to disturb,
1 "Erumpebat . . . per urbem . . . quo cuncta undique atrocia aut
pudenda confluunt." Ibid.
2 " Afflicti suppliciis christiani, genus hominum superstitionis novse et
maleficse." Suetonius, Nero, 16.
" These words imply permanent and systematic repression, urging as its
provocation 'the novelty' and the mischievous quality of the Christian
'superstition.' The context must be studied if we would grasp its full
meaning, for the phrase which we have just quoted is but one extract from
a lengthy enumeration of measures meant to be permanent, judicial rul-
ings, laws, and edicts, all having for their object the repression of abuses
and the firmer establishment of public order." Allard, Le Christianisme et
V Empire romain, p. 17.
3 Tertullian, De Idol., 17 ; De Cor., mil, i. 15.
* 1 Peter ii. 11 ; Hebr. xi. 13 ; Tertullian, Apol. i, 41 ; Epitre a Diog-
nete, v. 5.
5 Tacitus, Annal. xv. 44.
134 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
if not to destroy, the social fabric so intimately bound up,
in Eome at least, with the traditional worship.
It is true that the Jews also avoided Pagan temples,
and we have seen before this that they were often con-
founded with the disciples of Christ ; but at least they
had their synagogues, which were official sanctuaries, re-
cognized by law and under the surveillance of the muni-
cipal police. The Christians gave them no such hold over
them ; their gatherings being held in private houses, if
possible at night-time, and in all secrecy. Now all this
mystery was the more calculated to awaken mistrust
from the fact that the secret meetings of the Oriental
Eites were always used as a cloak to cover the deepest
depravity.^ Suspicions spread rapidly enough, like those
calumnious fables which found ready credence in the
succeeding centuries,^ charging the faithful with the
crimes of which the populace usually accuses magicians
and sorcerers, — of child-murder, abominable banquets,
and incestuous orgies.^ When Tacitus speaks of the
crimes which rendered the new faith odious,* he is only
1 This recalls the Bacchanals (Titus Livy, xxxix. 16), and the unhappy
influence upon the city of their mysterious orgies. In the opinion of Ko-
man statesmen all foreign religions, illicit colleges, midnight gatherings,
and infamies of every description followed one another in fatal succession,
like a steep descent whereon once you set your foot, you are doomed to be
precipitated to the bottom ; consequently they deemed no measures too
severe, if they would avert such perils.
2 " Three accusations are brought against us," says Athenagoras
(Legat., 3), " Atheism, the banquet of Thyestes, and the incest of
tEdipus ; the two last-named calumnies were especially adapted to incite
popular hatred, ' the murder of children to be devoured at their midnight
feasts, and such like instances of monstrous debauchery.' This is the real
meaning of the infamous slanders attached to the name of Christian :
'flagitia cohserentia nomini.'" Pliny, EpistoL, x. 97.
'^ Cicero, In Vatin., vi. 14; Horace, Epod.,v.; Juvenal, vi. 522;
Arnold (Die NeroniscJie Christenverfolgunfj, pp. 65-66) alludes to the
curious fact that magicians are called " enemies of humankind" in the
Justinian Code (ix. tit. 18), and the penalties inflicted upon the Christians
by Nero are the same to which the laws condemned such as were found
guilty of sorcery. " Qui sacra impia nocturnave ut quem obtruncarent,
defigerent, obligarent, fecerint, faciendave curaverint, aut crucibus suffi-
guntur aut bestiis objiciuntur . . . Magiese artis conscios summo sup-
plicio adfici placuit, id est bestiis objici aut crucibus suffigi : ipsi autem
magi vivi exuruntiir." Paulus, Sent., v.
* Tacitus, AnnaL, xv. 44.
THE EDICT OF PERSECUTION. 135
the echo of certain rumors which after the year 64 were
current among the people, until their mutterings became
a growl of hatred.
Accordingly Nero found that public opinion was on his
side in his treatment of the Christians ; that he could
even attain his end and arrest them without referring to
the ordinary judges. As a matter of fact, it was the duty
of the City Prefect, in all urgent cases, to punish any
class of men coming under the head of dangerous ill-
doers. And in all likelihood it was to this personage
that the Emperor, in the month of August, 64, intrusted
the task of hunting down the Christians. The method
of procedure used against prisoners brought before this
delegate of the Emperor was much more expeditious than
that of the other courts ; the inquest, examination, and
sentencing of the accused parties were all got through
with after the most summary fashion.^ Nero now felt
himself at once surer of his victims and freer to divert
to them, through the dread inspired by their sufferings,
those suspicious looks which were still fastened upon
him.
Such was the first act in the persecution, — an admin-
istrative repression of crimes, falsely imputed to innocent
men, despotism and violence given full sway. Did this
state of things continue in the period that follows ; did
they still persist in condemning all Christians, as a police
ordinance necessary for the maintenance of good order,
1 This exceptional course of procedure is designated in the Eoman Law
as " cognitio ; " it constituted a special process by which the magistrate
gave decision concerning the matter submitted to him, without referring
it to the ordinary judges. The Emperors, by arrogating the right oi cog-
nitio as their own, set themselves up at will as judges both in civil and
criminal affairs, and pronounced sentence either directly or through their
delegates, but without attempting to obtain the verdict either of a jury or
of the Senate. (Mommsen, Romisches Staatsrecht, vpl. ii. p, 925.) The
Prsefectus Urbi was the personage to whom the Emperor delegated this
right in Rome. (Ibid., p. 929.) In the provinces the Governors made
use of the same process, st3ded cognitio. (Ibid., p. 982.) The reader will
find this historical point in Roman Law treated at length by Mommsen.
Der Religions/revel nach Romisch Recht, Historische Zeitschrift (1890) ;
Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire, chaps, ix., x., xi. ; Hardy,
Christianity and the Roman Government, sects, iv., vi., vii.
136 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
without going to the trouble of passing any special laws
for their suppression ? The provincial governors had the
same prerogatives and powers as the City Prefect of the
Capital. Taking the hint from Eome, did they too pro-
ceed as was their wont under exceptional circumstances,
applying to the profession of Christianity those punish-
ments which usually were the penalties for the crime of
sacrilege or lese-majest^ ? This theory has been adopted
by very many historians of our times. ^ It appears at first
glance to simplify the whole matter, as well as to explain
the diverse aspects of its prosecution throughout the Em-
pire, sometimes undertaken only to be abandoned and then
renewed again, always pushed forward more or less ac-
tively according to the good pleasure of individual magis-
trates or the fickle demands of the mob.
Nevertheless, there are some very serious objections to
be brought against this theory .^ First and foremost this,
that our most ancient ecclesiastical authors held just the
contrary opinion. Not alone the historians of the fourtli
century, but the Apologists of the preceding ages as well,
give us to understand that both Nero and Domitian issued
edicts for a general persecution. About the year 170
Melito of Sardis declares that these two Emperors " were
the only ones who sought to wipe our Faith out of exist-
ence by means of calumny." ^ TertuUian, thirty years
later, is still more explicit. " All Nero's acts have been
abrogated," he tells us ; " one only Neronian contrivance
subsists," his " condemnation " ^ of the Christians. Is not
this plain enough testimony to the existence of that Edict
1 Mommsen, Historische Zeitschrift, vol. Ixiv. (1890) pp. 339-424 ; Ex-
positor, July (1893), pp. 5-6 ; Neumann, Die romische Staat und die allgc-
meine Kirche bis auf Diocletian, 1890, vol. i. ; Ramsay, The Church in the
Roman Empire, pp. 171-374.
2 They have been set forth by M. Guerin with such convincingness as
to make Mommsen's theory quite untenable ; he insists, as does M. Allard
{Histoire des persecutions pendant les deux premiers siecles, pp. 58-65),
upon the existence of proscriptive edicts in the time both of Nero and
Domitian.
8 Melito in Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica, iv. 26, 9.
* " Sub Nerone damnatio invaluit . . . permansit erasis omnibus hoc
solum institutum Neronianum." TertuUian, Ad Nationes, i. 7.
THE EDICT OF PERSECUTION. 137
of Persecution so often alluded to in the writings of
Christian antiquity ?
And once its existence is admitted, it certainly becomes
easier to clear up certain obscure points in the history of the
first persecutions. Granting this, Pliny's correspondence
with Trajan in the matter of certain Asiatics denounced
as Christians, presents no further difficulties ; for while
it is well-nigh impossible to conceive why an Imperial
Legate should need advice as to the exercise of powers
purely despotic; on the other hand, nothing could be
more natural than his perplexity when confronted with
an implacable statute attainting an enormous throng of
individuals, or than the monarch's reply, wherein he goes
out of his way to urge his Legate to temper the severi-
ties of the law.^ The same may be said of the methods
of procedure which the Acts of the Martyrs are always
referring to during this period ; in their formal and terse
style they all take for granted the fact that there was an
Imperial Edict which transformed the mere profession of
Christianity into a capital crime. As a matter of fact,
we never find the judges investigating as to whether the
accused have committed any one of those misdemean-
ors which come under the head of " Majestas " or
" Sacrilegium."
As a general rule the examination was limited to this
single question, "Are you a Christian, and are you re-
solved to remain one ? " A simple confession of faith,
especially any firmness in professing it, entailed inevi-
tably the conviction of the accused.^ It would seem,
1 The letter to Trajan flatly contradicts the new theories which connect
the persecutions with the cultus due to the Emperor, either to the Sacri-
legium or to the Majestas. Guerin, Nouvelle ' Revue historique de droit
(1895), p. 636. The study which this learned jurist has devoted to this
document warrants his assertion in every particular. Compare Ramsay,
The Church in the Roman Empire, pp. 196-225 ; Hardy, Christianity and
the Roman Government, pp. 102-139.
2 " The avowal made thus before a magistrate was styled confessio, and
the delinquent who had recourse to it was known as a confessus, against
whom it was no longer necessary to bring any proof of the facts alleged.
The confessio carried with it certain very serious consequences to the pris-
oner at the bar ; once uttered, there was no more defence possible, and the
138 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
therefore, that Sulpicius Severus gives the correct notion
of both the origin and further progress of these judicial
proceedings. After having narrated the horrors com-
mitted in the Vatican Gardens, he goes on to say, " This
was the beginning of the persecution of the Christians;
afterwards laws were passed interdicting their religion,
and by virtue of certain Edicts which were published
abroad officially, it was no longer lawful to be a Chris-
tian." 1 In all probability Nero issued the first of these
Edicts in the period immediately following the August
massacres, while Domitian re-enacted them thirty years
later.2
II. The First Letter of St. Peter.
But few authentic traces of Nero's persecution have
been unearthed in Eome. Indeed it is difficult to dis-
cover on what authority certain traditions are based, when
referring the death of many Martyrs to this early date.^
The most illustrious of these Confessors belonged to
Milan, — Saints Gervaise and Protaise, Nazarus and Cel-
sus. The finding and translation of their relics in the
fourth century gave to the names of these Saints a wide
assistance of an advocate became superfluous. The penalty inflicted by
the law must be at once pronounced, and Roman lawyers were wont to say,
in their terse and energetic style, that the accused passed sentence on him-
self." (Guerin, op. cit., p. 722. ) " It is worthy of note that the Christians
adopted this name of Confessi, or Confessors of the Faith, as a glorious
title indicating that they had affirmed their faith in the face of a magistrate.
Had they been prosecuted for sacrilege, lese majeste, or any other offence,
they certainly would never have done this. For the confessio was then
applied to this misdemeanor, and not to the Christian Faith." Ibid.,
note 1.
1 Sulpicius Severus, Chron., ii. 41.
2 Imperial edicts remained obligatory only during the life of the Prince
that uttered them ; but they were often confirmed, sometimes by the Sen-
ate, sometimes by a succeeding Emperor. Daremberg, Dictionnaire des An-
tiquities, Edictum, p. 451.
,« St. Paulinus and St. Torpetus, of Pisa ; St. Ptomanus of Nepi ; St.
Ursisinus; St. Vitalis ; St. Valeria of Ravenna ; St. Hermagorus and St.
Fortunatus, of Aquileia. See Tillemont, Memoires pour servir a I'histoire
ecdesiastique, vol. ii. Persecution de l'Eglise par NEron, and notes
iii., iv., v., vi.
THE FIRST LETTER OF SAINT PETER, 139
renown,^ but nowhere in contemporary documents con-
cerning these famous solemnities do we find it stated
that they suffered in Nero's day. The tradition which
assigns them to this date appears for the first time in the
sixth century. Was there any foundation for the asser-
tion ? We at least know of none ; for in the preceding
century Paulinus, when writing the life of Saint Ambrose,
declares that he had been unable to discover at what
time Saint Nazarus was martyred.^
The only quarter of the empire where we come upon
any unmistakable marks of the persecution is Asia
Minor, and notably the Churches of that country to
which Saint Peter addresses his first Epistle. We may
assert as an established fact that the Apostle conceived
this letter with the idea of helping the faithful to bear
the terrible tests they were put to after the massacres at
Eome. Everything about it would indicate this design.
When writing it Peter evidently had the Epistle to the
Ephesians before him ; again and again it recurs to his
mind and inspires his words. Consequently his letter
cannot be of an earlier date than 64. On the other hand,
he makes the most manifest allusions to a persecution of
far greater proportions than the seditions which, as we
have seen, pursued Paul's footsteps in Galatia, or in Mace-
donia, at Corinth, Ephesus, and Jerusalem.
Of these uprisings the most riotous in character were
at worst but fleeting and purely local. Almost always
the departure of the Apostle and his companions sufficed
to quell the storm. This trial which Peter describes the
Church as undergoing has, on the contrary, every appear-
ance of a persecution lowering over all the Asiatic prov-
inces, — Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Proconsular Asia,
and Bithynia.^ Indeed this is to state it too mildly, since
the text adds that " throughout the whole world ruled by
Eome," " Christian communities are made the sport of the
1 Tillemont, Memoires, vol. ii. : St. Gervaise et St. Protaise ; St.
Nazaire et St. Celse.
2 Patroloaice latince (ed. Migne), vol. xiv. p. .38.
8 1 Peter"!. 1.
140 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
self-same afflictions ; " ^ " everywhere they were likely to
be haled before the courts, there to make answer to such
as demanded of them the reason of their hopes." ^ The
advice he here gives all believers to urge their defence
" respectfully, with sweetness and discretion," ^ is another
sign that the Apostle had in mind those magistrates of
the Empire whom he so urgently bids them honor and
obey : " Be ye subject to the King who is over all, as well
as to the governors sent by him for the punishment of
evil-doers, and for the praise of them who do right." * In
the Apostle's letters written previously to the massacres
at Eome, we shall look in vain for any such precise ad-
monitions as to the conduct to be observed when brought
before the bar of justice. From these facts, therefore,
we are justified in drawing two conclusions, one that the
Christians were being hunted down through the length
and breadth of the Empire, the other that Saint Peter's
letter to the Christians of Asia dates from the time of
these persecutions.^
Peter notes that he is writing from Eome, which in his
letter he designates by the symbolic term of Babylon.
Of course it would be well-nigh absurd to take the latter
name literally and understand him as meaning the an-
cient city of the Euphrates. What likelihood is there
that the Apostle should have wandered so far afield to a
city then tenantless,^ and but lately deserted by the rem-
nant of Jews who had clung to the ruins ? ^ Indeed, the
Churches of Mesopotamia, anxious as they have always
1 1 Peter v. 9. 3 Hjjd., Hi. iq,
2 Ibid., iii. 15. * Ibid., ii. 13-14.
s III this letter St. Peter exhorts the faithful not to be ashamed of the
name of Christians for which they suffer, but to use their own good works
to confound such as treat them as evil-doers. Similar expressions occur
in the narratives which Roman historians have left us of this persecution.
" Quresitissimis psenis affecit eos, quos per flagitia invisos vulgus Chris-
tianos appellabat." Tacitus, Annal., xv. 44. " Afflicti suppliciis sunt
Christiani, genus hominum superstitionis novse et maleficce." Suetonius,
Nero, 16, These are certainly curious and interesting resemblances, but to
me at least they do not warrant our deducing from them any precise date
for the Apostolic letter.
6 Strabo, xvi. i. 5; Pliny, Histor. Nat., vi. 26.
^ Josephus, Antiq. Jud., xviii. ix. 8.
THE FIRST LETTER OF SAINT PETER. 141
been to plume themselves upon their Apostolic origin,
have never claimed Peter among their founders. With
Papias, Clement of Alexandria, Eusebius, Saint Jerome,^
with all antiquity, in fact, they too recognized in the
Babylon of this Epistle, the one city then Queen of the
World, v^hose wanton wickedness recalled the capital of
Assyria so often anathematized by the Prophets. Chris-
tians as well as Jews used this mystical name among
themselves, the more freely to stigmatize that pest-hole
of iniquity wherein they were forced to live : " the Beast
with the blasphemous names," " that great Babylon, the
mother of harlots and all the abominations of the earth." ^
Considering the circumstances they were then living in,
it was only natural that Peter should indicate his
place of residence under veiled terms. Though at some
distance from Rome during the August massacres, he had
returned thither to breathe new life into the blood-stained
remnant of his Church, yet he could hope to escape the
vigilance of the Roman police only by observing the
strictest secrecy as to his whereabouts.
Any words spoken by him during the season of trial
are made all the more memorable because they come to
us like a voice from the realm of the unknown and
unchronicled, in which we have been forced to leave the
Head of the Church for a period of ten years now past.
The part taken by him in the Assembly at Jerusalem and
his discussion with Paul at Antioch are the last mentions
made of him in our Holy Books; some facts, it is true,
we have sought to supply by the aid of Roman tradition,
but without trying to deceive ourselves as to the large
measure of uncertainty and conjecture in these docu-
ments.^ Here our feet are again on solid ground, for the
authenticity of the first Epistle of Saint Peter is not
questioned by any save the most prejudiced critics, and
we have just seen with what perfect probability this let-
ter fits into the circumstances of the first persecution.
1 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., ii. 15 ; St. Jerome, De vir. ill., iii. 8.
2 Apoc. xiv. 8.
* See St. Peter, chap, xviii., St. Peter's Ministry in Rome.
142 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
The task of bearing Peter's message to the Asiatics was
confided to Silvanus, a fellow-worker of Paul's in his
second missionary journey.^ What had become of this
disciple since the day we saw him for the last time at
Corinth ? ^ At that time we agreed that in all probability,
after having followed the Apostle of the Gentiles to Jeru-
salem, he saw fit to remain there when the latter departed
to visit Asia Minor for a third time.^ But Silvanus had
led too active a life, and was too imbued with Paul's ideas
as to the free scope of the Faith, to dwell for long con-
tented in any communities half Jewish in character,
narrow in notions, and close-barred against all ideas of pro-
gress. It is unthinkable that he should have been trans-
formed so suddenly and completely in ideas and plans as
to see nothing beyond the walls of Jerusalem, or that he
should have shut himself up among them for half a score
of years (from 55 to 64). No, his zeal for the Apostolate
must soon have led him back into Pagan lands, to those
Christian congregations which he had evangelized with
Saint Paul. Perhaps he was intrusted by the latter with
the mission of watching over these communities, acting
as a guide and a guardian to them. Perhaps, again, Peter
confided to him the same functions as far as concerned
the Churches of Bithynia, Pontus, and Cappadocia. Be
this as it may, we know from the Apostolic Epistle that
Silvanus was just then in the company of Peter, and that
he was charged with the responsibility of carrying his
messages.* From this it seems we are justified in infer-
ring that this disciple was in closer relationship than any
other at his disposal with the Christian congregations of
Asia ; indeed it would seem reasonable to suppose that he
had come thither in their name to inform the heads of the
Church of the persecution threatening them, and to seek
from their leaders means to enlighten and strengthen their
souls.
1 Acts XV. 40. Silas (ZiXas) is a contraction of Silvanus {ZiKovavSs).
2 Ibid., xviii. 5.
^ See St. Paul and His Mission, chap. ix.
* 1 Peter v. 12.
THE FIRST LETTER OF SAINT PETER. 143
But Paul had departed upon his journey Spain ward,
and was no longer at hand to speak words of assurance to
his faithful converts. Peter alone remained, and he alone
was in a position — let us say rather, under an obligation —
to exercise his supremacy and thus prove himself a father
and a pastor to the Christians converted by Paul, as well
as to his own. Here for the first time we see him making
full use of those powers which the Saviour had conferred
on him when establishing him as Head of the whole
Church. But the time had come for this change ; since
the rule laid down by the Apostles themselves " not to
build upon foundations laid by another,"^ though ex-
pedient in the earlier days, was not so necessary now that
the Christian communities, having attained both form and
consistency, had each an individual existence of its own.
Five years previous to this Paul had declared his inde-
pendence of this custom, by writing his Epistle to the
Romans. Since then he had not hesitated, during his two
years of imprisonment, to evangelize Rome, despite the
fact that he was actually within the domain allotted to
Peter. The latter acted in like manner so far as con-
cerned the Churches of Asia, and this all the more freely
because he felt the bonds of unity between him and the
Apostle of the Gentiles drawing them ever closer and
closer together. Peter had grown to love this generous
heart, whose genius, though very different from his own,
yet overflowed with the spirit of the Master, Who was
the Life of both. For this reason the Epistles of Paul,
" his well-beloved brother," ^ were especially dear to him ;
indeed he had meditated deeply upon them, for the Apos-
tle's words seemed to him sometimes hard to comprehend.^
This, however, did not prevent his fondness for them ;
often he seeks his inspiration from them, and this so
plainly that, if we may believe certain critics, numerous
passages in his first letter are actually borrowed from the
writings of Paul. This is, however, an exaggerated view,
and one tending to rob the Apostolic Epistle in a way no
1 Rom. XV. 20. 2 2 Peter iii. 15. 3 Yb{A m kj.
144 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
interpreter of sound sense and unprejudiced mind would be
willing to justify. Undoubtedly we do come across many
striking resemblances in its style to that of Paul ; here
and there we find the same expressions, the same turn of
a sentence, the same counsels concerning the conduct of
life, couched in similar terms.^ From this general con-
formity it follows, evidently, that Peter retains in his
memory the very words of the Apostle of the Gentiles,
and that he appropriates them when the occasion calls
for it ; indeed it is more than likely that at this time he
had the Epistles to the llomans and Ephesians at hand,^
for between these two documents and Peter's letters there
are some curious correspondences to be noted ; and yet no
matter how far we may push these parallelisms, this
Work of the chief of the Apostles is none the less his
own ; even the very phrases borrowed from Saint Paul
take on an individual character as they fall from his pen ;
he coins them anew and stamps them with his own image
and superscription.^
Furthermore, not only in its expression but still more
in its conception, the whole work is original with Peter ;
Christianity, while appearing to him in the same light as
it did to Paul, is set forth in his Epistles from a different
view-point. For him, one word sums up the Glad Tid-
ings, — Grace, " the true grace of God." ^ Later on, in his
1 The student will find a long list of these similarities in Meyer and De
Wette's Commentaries, and in Schenkel's Dictionary of the Bible, iv. pp.
496 et seq.
2 1 Peter i. 3 ; Ephes. i. 3 : 1 Peter i. 14 ; Rom. xii. 2 : 1 Peter i. 21 ;
Rom. iv. : 1 Peter ii. 1, 2, 5 ; Ephes. ii. 3 ; Coloss. iii. 8 ; Rom. xii. 1 :
1 Peter ii. 13 ; Rom. xiii. 1-4 : 1 Peter ii. 16 ; Gal. v. 13 : 1 Peter ii.
18 ; Ephes. vi. 5 : 1 Peter ii. 24 ; Rom. vi. 18:1 Peter iii. 1 ; Ephes. v.
22 : 1 Peter iii. 9 ; Rom. xii. 17 : 1 Peter iv. 10, 11 ; Rom. xii. 6, 7 :
1 Peter v. 8 ; 1 Thess. 5, 6 : 1 Peter v. 14 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 20.
' Thus St. Paul's phrase "to live in God," fcDi'ras ry dec^, becomes in
St. Peter "to live unto justice," rri biKaLoavvrj ^■{jcrwfj.ev (Rom. vi. 11;
1 Peter ii. 24) ; obedience unto the Faith, els viraKorjv TrtVrews, obedience
unto the Truth, cv rfi vwaKorj ttjs aKrjdelas (Rom. i. 5 ; 1 Peter i. 22) ;
"things hidden in the heart," to. Kpvirra r^s Kapdlas, "the hidden man
of the heart," 6 kpvtttos ttjs KapdLas dudpuTros. 1 Cor. xvi. 25; 1 Peter
iii. 4.
* 1 Peter v. 12.
THE FIRST LETTER OF SAINT PETER. 145
second letter, we shall hear him explain what he under-
stands this to mean, — "a participation in the Divine
Nature." ^ Thereafter he does little more than enlarge
and comment upon this definition, the most exact, let it
be noted, as well as the most complete, which it would be
possible to give of this supernatural state.
The first rays of Grace are revealed to his mind's eye
as he gazes upon the predestination of the Christ and the
calling of the chosen race ; ^ but it is only in the resur-
rection that it unveils itself in all its splendor. This
glorious Mystery becomes to him the focus, as it were,
whence stream all light and life : the regeneration of the
soul, baptism, faith, hope, merit, and the power to glorify
God.^ In other words, the Christ Whom Peter adores and
proclaims to mankind, is not so much that Jesus of Beth-
lehem and Nazareth and the three years of evangelical
ministry, but rather the Christ risen from the tomb, the
Christ of glory and of eternity. Even in the Passion he
sees naught but the resurrected Divinity, cares only to
prove Him Conqueror over Death, opening the gates of
Hell, " ascending into Heaven, seated at the right hand
of God, and there holding sway over Angels, Dominations,
and Powers." * His eyes fixed on this crowning consum-
mation of the Life of Jesus, Peter is all-absorbed with
visions of the future and its high hopes ; with Eternity
also, which to his thought seems so nigh unto us that,
when encouraging his faithful followers to bear up under
the present persecution, he reminds them time and again
that they are but strangers in a land of trial, — wayfarers,
who, if they but push forward toward their native land
which is their goal, are already within sight of Home.^
Such views concerning Faith constantly intermingled
with practical advice concerning the Christian virtues,
make Saint Peter's Epistle less a didactic work than a
sort of homily, a sublime and touching exhortation to the
sufferers and martyrs. Here it would be but labor lost
1 2 Peter i. 4. ^ I Peter i. 10-12, 20.
3 Ibid., i. 3, 21 ; iii. 18-22; iv. 13 ; v. 1.
* Ibid., iii. 22. ^ Ibid., ii. 11.
10
146 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL,
were we to seek to distinguish, as in the letters of Saint
Paul, between the parts devoted to doctrinal discussion,
and others following consecrated to moral precepts.
Here everything tends, unbrokenly and yet unhampered,
toward the one object in view, — to arouse and strengthen
their courage in the presence of persecution. Not with-
out a purpose have I insisted so at length upon the
originality of this Inspired Document, since it has been
so widely contested in our day ; nevertheless, I repeat,
it would seem that all Peter owed to the Apostle of
the Gentiles is the exterior form of his letter ; the wide-
sweeping sentences, loaded with epigrams so striking and so
illuminating that too often the reader's mind halts, diverted
from the principal thought which the Author has in
view ; the greetings, too, which begin and terminate the
letter with so much majesty ; finally, the Doxologies, which
breathe forth the grateful adoration of the writer.
With one of these beautiful hymns of praise to God the
letter opens, and its doctrine, as set forth above, is per-
fectly embodied in it : —
"Blessed be God and the Father of Our Lord Jesus
Christ, Who, according to His great mercy, hath regener-
ated us unto a lively hope, by the resurrection of Jesus
Christ from the dead, unto an incorruptible heritage, stain-
less, unfading, which is reserved in the Heavens, for you
whom the power of God guardeth by Faith, that you may
partake of the joys of salvation. . . ." ^
At the thought of the merciful designs of the eternal
Father, and of Jesus, drawing nigh unto men's souls to
breathe therein His life, Peter's first impulse is to break
forth in a transport of joy and gratitude toward the
Divine Saviour.
"You love Him," he says to his faithful followers, "al-
though you have not seen Him ; you believe in Him, though
as yet you see Him not ; and therefore you shall be filled
with joy unspeakable, glorified, and win salvation for your
souls, which is the end and recompense of your Faith." ^
1 1 Peter i. 3-5. 2 jbid., i. 8, 9.
THE FIRST LETTER OF SAINT PETER. 147
This Salvation which the Prophets have hastened by
their instant supphcations,^ and which even the Angels
envy us, is a boon so priceless that it may well concen-
trate all our hopes, keep us ever on the alert, and incite
us to become holy, even as is the God Who calls us
thereto. Peter reduces the rule of sanctity to two prin-
cipal duties : to keep our souls pure by a loving obedi-
ence to the Lord ; to love our brethren without feigning,
or rather, with an ardent charity which springs from the
depths of the heart.'*^ A little later the Apostle will con-
sider in detail those virtues which go to make up Chris-
tian perfection as a whole, but for the present he is
content to remind his readers of the immovable founda-
tion whereon they must needs build.
" Being born again, not of corruptible substance, but
of an incorruptible, by the Word of God which liveth
and abide th forever," ^ theirs is a firm basis, their corner-
stone is ever living, and once come in touch with Him,
" they too become living stones built into the structure
of the Edifice."* Thus the Church is formed, " a Spiritual
House, a holy Priesthood, to offer unto God spiritual sacri-
fice, acceptable unto Him through Jesus Christ." ^ All,
thus united to the Saviour, partake in some measure in
the very Being of Him Who is their Divine Head : to all
Peter addresses these words : —
" You are a chosen race, a royal Priesthood, a holy na-
tion, a people whom God hath set apart unto Himself, that
you may declare the might ^ of Hiin Who hath called you
out of darkness into His marvellous light." '
Let them but keep their gaze fixed upon this heavenly
vision, their Eternal Home, and they have naught to do
here below, save to press onward as " strangers and travel-
lers, stripping themselves of all carnal desires which war
1 1 Peter i. 10-12. 4 Ibid., ii. 4, 5.
2 Ibid., i. 22. 5 Ibid., ii. 5.
3 Ibid., i. 23.
^ Tots dperas : literally, "the virtues," — that is to say, the all-powerful
and merciful action of God.
' 1 Peter ii. 9.
148 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
against the soul,^ ever on their guard, more vigilantly now
than of yore, since they are journeying through a world
grown doubly hostile and malevolent in its persecutions.
"Wherefore conduct yourselves honestly among the
Gentiles," pursues the Apostle ; " they accuse you of being
* a mischievous set ; ' ^ see to it that on the day which
they shall set for your examination ^ they shall be con-
strained to glorify God, beholding your good deeds."
Whereupon he proceeds to discuss at length the fruits of
a Christian life : submissiveness to all established author-
ity, to the Emperor first as their over-lord, and to the
governors appointed by him. Nevertheless, it must be
the obedience of free men, who, liberated by Christ, are
no longer slaves of aught save duty, righteousness, and
God ; wherefore, " honor all men, love the brotherhood,
fear God, respect the King." ^ No class nor condition of
life is omitted : " Slaves be subject to your masters with
all deference, not only to such as are good and kind, but
also to the harsh and frov/ard." And if it be that when
doing good you suffer unjustly, remember that it is to
this you are called, "because the Christ by suffering
for you, has left you an example, that you might follow
in His footsteps. . . . Who when he was reviled, reviled
not, . . . but delivered Himself to Him who judgeth
justly." ^
" And you, women, be subject to your husbands ; win them
back to the Faith if they have wandered from it, without
wearying them with many words, but simply by the purity
of your conduct. Adorn yourselves, not outwardly by curl-
ing of the locks, trinkets of gold, or the fineness of your
1 1 Peter ii. 11.
2 Ka/fOTTOicD;/. As we have seen above, Suetonius expresses himself in
similar terms : " Superstitionis novae et malejicce." Nero, 16.
2 Eu i)/jL^pq. iTTLa-KOTrrjs, in die visitationis. "Diem visitationis CEcu-
menius, Aria Montano sufFragante, exponit inquisitionem hominum
mundanorum, scilicet eorura qui male de Christianis loquebantur." This
interpretation of (Ecumenius, Estius regards as most plausible.
4 1 Peter ii. 17, 25.
^ Ilapedidov de rcpKpivovTi. diKaius. Sensus igitur grsecse lectionis est :
Christus non seipsum vindicabat, sed tradebat seu committebat causam
suam Deo, qui juste judicat,judicandam etvindicandam." Estius, in loco.
THE FIRST LETTER OF SAINT PETER. 149
apparel ; rather adorn the invisible man hidden in the
heart, by the incorruptible purity of a gentle and peace-
able spirit, which is of such great value in the sight of God.
. . . Likewise you, husbands, live wisely with your wives,
giving honor to this weaker sex, which is heir even as you
to that grace which giveth life." ^
" In fine, let there be between you a unity of feeling,
kindly forbearance, love of the brotherhood, compassionate
charity, and humility. Do not return evil for good, nor
insult for insult ; answer only with words of benediction ;
for unto this have you been called." ^
Here we have not so much an ideal sketch of Perfection
as it was set forth in Apostolic times, but rather a faith-
ful picture of the Christian life, as it then existed in very
many Churches. "And who is he," cries Peter, "who
would wish to do you wrong if your only thought be
but to do good ? " 3 Yet forthwith, his mind recalled to the
sad realities of the present, to that persecution that was
threatening, nay, even now harassed his faithful follow-
ers in Asia, " But if, notwithstanding," he adds, " we must
needs suffer for righteousness' sake, be glad and rejoice !
Fear not the evils wherewith they shall try to terrify
you, and be not troubled thereby, but sanctify the Lord,
the Christ in your souls.^ Be always ready to answer
[before the bar of justice] with modesty and respect
toward whosoever shall ask of you the reason of the hope
which is within you. In all things preserve a clear con-
science, so that those who malign the holy life which you
lead in the Christ shall blush for having thus defamed
you." ^ In case that even your manifest innocence does
not disarm them, you have but to lift your eyes unto the
Christ, " Who likewise suffered for sins, the just for the
unjust, that He might lead you unto God." ^
And how wide-reaching and generous is this Eedemp-
i 1 Peter, iii. 1-7. ^ Ibid., iii. 13.
2 Ibid., iii. 8-9.
* That is to say, they should be a temple, a sanctuary, wherein Jesus
abides ; thenceforth what trouble could shake their souls ?
6 1 Peter iii. 14-16. ^ Ibid., iii. 18.
150 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
tion ! When the Soul of Jesus, for awhile separated from
His Body, descended into Limbo, it found among the
other prisoners there many sinners who had repented
what time the Deluge swallowed up all save such as
were in the ark of Noe. The world might well believe
that only those eight persons had escaped the universal
condemnation. But the Divine Mercy had discerned
among that throng of victims some penitent hearts, and
Jesus went to them, that by publishing unto them the
Glad Tidings for the last time He might accomplish their
purification and conduct them into Paradise. The waters
of the Deluge had but prefigured the waters of Baptism ;
but how much more fruitful are the latter for our Salva-
tion ! 1 " The Christ, therefore, having suffered death in
His flesh, be you likewise armed with the same thought," ^
with this resolution to suffer and to die in Him.
No thought occurs oftener in the course of the Epistle
than this earnest exhortation to seek strength from the
Passion of Jesus, and from the Blood Divine which waters
our souls at every outpouring of Grace.^ Unto this Peter
looked as. to the source of all strength and of all patience,
those two virtues doubly necessary to his followers in
these trying times. His aim was not, as was the case
with Paul in the majority of his letters, to clear up dis-
puted points of doctrine, to wage war against certain
errors threatening the Faith, or against internal dissen-
sions and a disorderly conduct of life. The persecution
which was born of the inherent antagonism between the
religion of Christ and Pagan customs, was monopolizing
all their thoughts ; accordingly we find that it is the sole
danger singled out by the Apostle as threatening them :
" They think it strange indeed that you no longer run
with them, as once you did, into the same slough of de-
bauchery,* wherefore it is that they take occasion to heap
1 Here I thought I could not do better than simply summarize the
commentary of Estius; for no more satisfactory interpretation of this
difficult passage has as yet been given.
2 1 Peter iv. 1.
3 Ibid., i. 2, 11, 19 ; ii. 21-24 ; iii. 18 ; iv. 1, 13 ; v. i.
* This passage would seem to imply tliat the persecution was set on
THE FIRST LETTER OF SAINT PETER. 151
their curses upon you."i Face to face with this deadly
hatred, Peter strives to fortify the faithful by mingling,
ever more tenderly, words of comfort and consolation the
while he bids them be of good courage in the presence
of their foes.
"My dearly beloved, be not astonished at the burning
flame which is within your midst, ... as though something
extraordinary were befalling you ; rejoice rather for that
you are made partakers in the sufferings of the Christ ; be
exceedingly glad in the manifestation of His Glory. If
you be insulted because of the Name of the Christ, rejoice,
for the Spirit of Glory, the Spirit of God, resteth upon
you ; but let none of you suffer as a murderer or thief, as
an evil-doer, or as a meddler in the affairs of others ; but if
he suffer as a Christian, let him not be ashamed ; let him
rather glorify God ! "
The last thought which still preoccupied the Apostle's
mind when bringing his letter to a close, rose from his anx-
iety in regard of the maintenance in every Christian con-
gregation of perfect unity, obedience, a thorough and stern
discipline in the face of the enemy. The Episcopate not
being as yet constituted in the Churches of Asia, their
government still continued to be exercised as in the early
days, by a body of Pastors.^ Unity of action among
these several heads, purity of living, and an absolute de-
foot by Pagans, and not by Jews, andrthat the raostlfrequent cause for it
is to be found in the refusal of the Christians to take part in their ceremonies
and licentious festivals.
1 1 Peter iv. 4.
2 There is in fact nothing in the Epistle to indicate that we should
regard these " Elders " {irpea^vripovs) as Bishops in the proper sense of the
word. It was only two years later, in QQ, that, as we shall see, Paul puts
Timothy over the Church of Ephesus, intrusts him with the functions of
the Episcopate, with a charge to govern Priests and Deacons, to censure
them and to entertain accusation brought against them, and administer
justice. (1 Tim. iii. 1-13 ; iv. 12; v. 17, 19-20.) Hitherto, in all likeli-
hood, the direction of the Christian congregations in Asia had remained in
the hands of certain Colleges of Priests, which were visited and superin-
tended in the name of the Apostles by some of the more renowned among
their disciples, — Epaphras for the region of the Lycus, Silvanus for all
Asia.
152 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
pendence on the Christ, the Prince of Pastors, — all these
were of more urgent necessity than ever. Of this Peter
reminds them, adjuring them to feed the flock of God in-
trusted to their care ; not perfunctorily, because it is their
profession, but willingly from a sincere inclination ; ^ not
for filthy gain, but out of a full heart,^ generously, think-
ing far less of lording over their flocks than of showing
an example to be copied. For this alone as their reward,
they shall receive from the Sovereign Pastor " a never-
fading crown of glory ; " ^ but as for their flocks,^ one word
sums up all their duties, — humble submissiveness.
" Be you humble, therefore," Peter concludes, " under
the mighty hand of God ; leaving it unto Him to exalt
you when the time shall come; casting all your care upon
Him, for He hath charge over you. Be sober and on your
guard. Your adversary the Devil, like a roaring lion, prowl-
eth about you, seeking whom he may devour. Withstand
him, firm in the Faith, knowing that your brethren scat-
tered throughout the world are suffering the same afdictions
as you.
" The God of all grace Who hath called you unto His
everlasting Glory in Christ Jesus, after you have suffered
for a short season, will Himself accomplish your perfection,
will strengthen you, fortify you, and establish you upon an
immovable foundation. To Him be glory and empire for
ever and ever. Amen." ^
Such is the letter of St. Peter to the Churches of Asia,
the first of those encyclicals which, once sent forth from
Eome, have never since that day ceased to instruct and
edify the world. The Chief of the Apostles here reveals
an eloquent and lofty train of thought of which we have
1 Mr? dvayKacTTibs, dXXd eKovcriojs.
2 Mi^de ahxpoKepddb's dXXa Trpo66/ui.(ji}s.
3 1 Peter v. 2-4.
* In common with the Venerable Bede, Cajetan, and Estius, I am of the
opinion that veu)T€poi ought not to be translated here by " young people."
This word, used in contradistinction to irpeafivTepoi, refers to the disciples,
believers, inferior to tlicm in rank rather than in age ; in other words, to
the college of Elders who ruled thcui.
& 1 Peter v. 6-11.
THE FIRST LETTER OF SAINT PETER. 153
had no inkling, to judge him by his discourses as reported
in the Acts : it was his love for Jesus, his ceaseless con-
templation of Him during a quarter of a century, which
had brought about this transformation. His character,
however, still remains just what it was at the begin-
ning : always vehement, and far more prone to action
than to speculative thought. There are no long and sub-
tle processes of reasoning to be noted in his letter, nor
any of that outpouring of doctrine, or of those visions
of Infinity which the Apostle of the Gentiles marshals
before our gaze ; here are but the raptures of a believing
soul, streaming forth like flashes of sunshine from the
clear sky.
ISTor should we forget what changeableness, and what
weaknesses had been intermingled by nature with the im-
petuosity which Peter always had shown. Of this his act,
at once presumptuous and defiant, of walking upon the
waters of Genesareth,i especially his denial of his Master,^
furnish us with unequivocal testimony taken from the
Gospel itself. Though reclaimed thereafter by one glance
from the eyes of Jesus ;^ confirmed in grace; invested with
a Spirit from on High ; none the less did the Apostle,
knowing full well his inborn frailty, feel continual need
of his Saviour's aid. This feeling of deep humility is
very apparent in his letter, and makes it one of the most
helpful sources of meditation to hearts torn by the trials
of this life. Peter had all the more compassion for the
miseries of mankind, since he had shared them all ; he
knows full well where the remedy is to be sought —
't is that same Jesus Who had confided unto him, together
with the high charge of binding and loosing, that of lead-
ing and strengthening men's souls by Faith and love.
" And thou, when thou shalt be converted, confirm thy
brethren." *
1 Matt. xiv. 28-31. 3 Luke xxii. 61.
2 Ibid., xxvi. 69-75. * Ibid., xxii. 32.
CHAPTEE VIII.
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
The persecution which was then raging throughout the
Eoman world did not spare the Church in Jerusalem, but
there it sprang from other causes. The after effects of
any arbitrary measures taken in Eome were not felt so
keenly in Judea as in the other provinces. What mat-
tered it to the Jewish tribunals what the magistrates of
the Empire might think or decide, especially in questions
of religion? On this point their fanaticism was so vio-
lent and so extremely susceptible that Eome had been
obliged to give up the attempt to make them bow their
necks beneath the common yoke. The trial of all cases
touching their public worship had remained in their
hands, the Procurator never appearing except to reverse
the sentence when some too crying act of injustice had
been brought before him on appeal.^ Notably no sen-
tence of capital punishment could be inflicted without
his consent ; for this reason they were forced to hand
over the Saviour to Pilate.
To this higher jurisdiction of the Governors the Chris-
tians of Jerusalem owed their comparative immunity, and
thus rarely were in peril of death or bloodshed. But
though the right of passing the death sentence was de-
nied to the judges of Israel, nevertheless full license was
granted them to inflict lighter punishments ; now, nothing
so effectually protected the faithful against such acts of
violence as did the esteem and sympathy which they had
won from the populace and from the Pharisees. Let but
this popular favor, during some period of broils or mutiny,
1 Matt. XX vi. 65 ; John xix. 7 ; Acts iv. ; v. ; vi. 13, 19 ; xxiii.
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 155
fail actively to protect them, forthwith they would find
themselves at the mercy of their direst foes, the magis-
trates of Jerusalem, who for the most part were Sadducees.
It was just such a crisis, following the death of Festus,
which gave birth to the persecution of which we are now
to speak, and whose first victims, James, with many of
his disciples, we have spoken of elsewhere. The arrival
of Albinus a few months later, put a stop to these san-
guinary executions ; but the new Procurator, like his
predecessors, confined himself to merely insisting upon
his rights over life and death, and thus left them free to
continue the usual course of harassments ; thus many of
the Christians of Rome were despoiled of their property
and thrown into prison. ^ Thereafter there was nothing
to hinder the members of the Sanhedrin from wreaking
their vengeance on them ; for, after the departure of Fes-
tus, there was no government worthy of the name left in
Judea. That of Albinus, in particular, was but one long
reign of venality, extortion, peculations, and ceaseless
uprisings of the people. In the beginning, it is true, the
brigands were hunted down, as under the foregoing ad-
ministration ; ^ but the hint once taken that it would be
well to purchase impunity to continue their career of
crime, even at the price of a goodly tribute, they soon
found that they were free to ravage the country and levy
contributions at their own good pleasure. The prisons
furnished the Governor with another means of satisfying
his rapacity by similar demands of ransom ; ^ soon only
those among the condemned who were too poor to pay
for their liberation were left within their walls.* Sucli
shameful dealings in no wise hindered Albinus in his
schemes to crush the country under the weight of taxes ;
as the prey was to be his but for a few short years, he was
bound to drain from it every drop he could.
Of those around him, two men alone were clever enough
to make themselves his associates and fellow-plunder-
1 Hebr. x. 32-34. ^ ibid., Bell. Jud., ii. xiv. 1.
2 Joseplius, Antiq. Jud., xx. ix. 2. ^ Ibid.
156 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
ers, — Ananias and Agrippa. The first-named, formerly
High Priest, owed his influence over Albinus partly to
his great wealth, partly to his stern and haughty charac-
ter; he diverted to himself the quit-rents, dues which had
hitherto gone to the support of the inferior Levites. Many
of these unfortunates, robbed of their last penny, were
reduced to the direst extremities.^ As for Agrippa,
the sole power which Kome had left him in Jerusalem,
namely, full authority over the Temple, and the right to
nominate the Pontiffs, alone afforded him fruitful oppor-
tunities for selling his favors ; and these he took care not
to neglect. An ambitious woman of the sacerdotal family
of the Boethos, Miriam by name, was desirous of obtain-
ing for her husband, Josue, son of Gamaliel, the dignity
of the High Priesthood. Agrippa, won over by the gold
which she poured into his treasury by the measureful,^ to
satisfy her, deposed Jesus, son of Damnaeus,^ the Pontiff
created by him during the preceding year (63). A strange
abuse of his functions this, on the part of a prince other-
wise so pious, but in whose nature selfishness had always
the upper hand. Of this trait he gave a striking proof
by quitting Jerusalem when the disturbances were at
their height and the city was toppling on the verge of
ruin ; it was then that he saw fit to transport to Caesarea
of Philippi, and to Beyrout the splendors of his court.
To make matters worse for the Holy City, he left be-
hind him a band of his partisans, who, under the com-
mand of two of his relatives, Saul and Costebar, set to
work pillaging the land in every direction.^ The priestly
aristocracy took up arms to resist these acts of violence.
The High Priest in charge had his own body-guard, Ana-
nias had his; the wealthiest would naturally gather
together the strongest force, and we know that both
numbered many men, for work upon the Temple had
just been finished, leaving some eighteen thousand labor-
ers in search of livelihood.^ To cap the climax, Albinus,
1 Antiq. Jud., xx. ix. 2. ^ Ibid.
2 loma, 18 a ; lebamot, 61 a. ^ Ibid.
^ Josephus, Antiq. Jud., xx. ix. 4.
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 157
hearing a rumor that Eome was looking about for some
one to replace him, threw open the prisons, put to death
the vilest criminals, and after having made the others
buy their liberty with what little they could raise, set
them free to dwell in the city. Jerusalem, abandoned to
the tender mercies of these several gangs, beheld within
her walls naught but brawling deeds of vengeance and
pillaging,^ wherein the humbler classes, to which the
Christians generally belonged, were, as always, the first
to be attacked and cut to pieces. ^
In these days of ill-omen there appeared a document
destined to revive the courage of the faithful. There is
no superscription on it to indicate its author : the most
ancient manuscripts have only this simple title : " To The
Hebrews'' but there are numerous features in it which
give us plainly to understand that the epistle is addressed
to the converted Jews of Jerusalem ; the writer reminds
them that they were the first to receive the Gospel;
wherefore by right and in order of time, they ought to
be the masters ^ of all the others. As yet, hardly illumi-
nated by the Faith, they had been caught, as it were, in
the whirlpool of persecution, " made a gazing-stock to
the world by reason of the infamies and the afflictions
they suffered,* "notwithstanding serving as models to
mankind, for they have given unto their brethren in
bondage their goods, taken joyfully the spoiling of their
goods, knowing that elsewhere far other goods are re-
served for them exceeding them in value, and which shall
not perish for evermore." ^
They have therefore valiantly faced the first fire of
battle, thereby proving themselves worthy followers of
leaders like Stephen and the two Jameses, who had died
for the Faith.^ But now at last, it would seem, their
courage is weakening ; at present not one of their Pas-
1 Josephus, Antiq. Jud., xx. ix. 5.
2 This state of things lasted for the whole year 64, for Florus did not
replace Albinus till the beginning of 65.
3 Hebr. v. 12. & Ibid., x. 34.
4 Ibid., x. 32, 33. « Ibid., xiii. 7.
158 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
tors exercises over them an ascendency like that of their
forerunners, watchful though they be to fulfil their
duties " with groaning " ^ for they behold about them
none but " lax hands " and weak knees,^ while many of
the faithful are deserting the Christian gatherings ^ with
their too simple ritual, and are returning to the Mosaic
worship, whose brilliant splendors are so seductive to the
senses. All the older writers believed that these features,
taken as a whole, were meant to designate the Church of
Jerusalem, and that period of defection which ensued
upon the death of the Pastor who had sustained their
spirits until then, — James the " brother " of the Lord.
Their agreement on this one point is so entirely perfect
that we cannot question this opinion. *
Tradition has not furnished us with such a unanimous
decision as to the authorship of the work. In it the en-
tire Greek Church from the outset recotrnized the genius
and the very soul of Paul ; but the East remained for
three centuries very unsettled and uncertain concerning
it. Tertullian, and African writers generally, attributed
it to Barnabas ; ^ in Eome,^ and in Gaul " no one seems to
have had knowledge of it. At least it was not ranked
with the other letters of the Apostle. It is only in the
1 Hebr. xiii. 17. s ibid., x. 25.
2 Ibid., xii. 12.
* The theories most in favor nowadays contend that the Christians of
Kome and of Alexandria were the recipients of this Epistle, but there is
.scarcely an Apostolical Church whose title to this honor some exegetical
scholar has not supported : Corinth, Ephesus, Thessaloniea, Cyprus, An-
tioch, Spain, Lycaonia, Galatia, Asia Minor, etc. A long and almost com-
plete list of them is to be found in Meyer, Kritisch Exegetisches Handbuch,
xiii. {3d ed.), pp. 35 et seq. The very diversity of these hy[)otheses would
alone suffice to show that no one of them carries conviction with it.
^ Tertullian, De pndicit., 20.
^ In the Muratorian Fragment, tlie first catalogue of the Koman
Church we possess, no mention is made of it. Nor do two other most
ancient writers of the Eoinan Church, St. Hippolytus and Caius the
Priest, include this letter in their lists of St. Paul's Epistles. Photius,
Biblioth., Cod. 121, 232; Eu.sebius, Llistor. eccles.,yi. 26.
■^ St. Irena^us, who makes such frequent use of St. Paul's other letters,
never quotes the Epistle to the Hebrews ; Eusebius, nevertheless, assures
us that he does make mention of it in a book now lost to us. Eusebius,
Hist, eccles., v. 26.
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 159
time of St. Hilary (354), that the clouds are dispersed
and the whole Church proclaims what has been ever since
her established teaching, that to St. Paul is due so large
a share in the composition of this document that he needs
must be regarded as its author.
To this simple statement I have reduced the question
of the authenticity of the Epistle before us ; for it is im-
possible not to recognize between it and the other letters
of the Apostle very notable differences both in style and
in methods of reasoning. With the exception of the few
last verses, in which the author informs them of the re-
lease of Timothy, and sends his greetings to the brethren
he is addressing, the work bears not so much as a trace
of his epistolary manner ; it is an exposition of Christian
doctrine, pure and simple, or to put it better, a homily
intended to enlighten men's souls under trial, and to
"console" them.^ The thoughts are indeed Paul's, but
the manner of setting forth and developing his arguments
are peculiar to the writer ; its allegorical exegesis recalls
the mysticism of the Alexandrians ; in style especially it
is unlike Paul's ; far richer and more sustained than that
of the Apostle, it has on the other hand neither the same
enthusiasm, nor like his does it proceed so unhampered
by any rules, and therefore often disproportioned, hurried
forward, or interrupted by the influence of the moment.
These diversities have led the most judicious among
our own interpreters of the Scripture to admit that, while
the general conception, the order and the sequence of
ideas in the work belong properly to the Apostle, in in-
ternal form it cannot be his.*^ Paul, knowing that the
Christians of Jerusalem had a poor opinion of his teach-
ings, thought that the most prudent way to make them
accept the teachings of his Epistle would be not merely
1 Hebr. xiii. 22.
2 " Omuino dicendum arbitramur subjectum, sive materiam totiiis Epis-
tolpe, simul et ordinem a Paulo fuisse subministratura, sed compositionem
et ornatum esse cujusdam alterius, cujus opera Paulus utendum putaverit."
Estius, Prolegomena in Epistolam ad Hebrceos, questio ii. ; Bellannin, A.
Maier, Hug, Reithmayr, De Valroger, Comely, Bacuez uphold the same
opinion.
160 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
to omit all mention of his name, but to intrust to some
one else the task of expressing his thoughts.^ It is a
pure matter of conjecture as to whom he may have
chosen for this work of composition, — in all likelihood
some one of the Apostolic men, whose manner ^ certain
critics have from the beginning believed that they could
recognize therein : either Clement, Luke, or Barnabas.^ The
style of the first two mentioned does, it is true, bear some
resemblance to that of the Epistle to the Hebrews ; but,
on the other hand, there was nothing to recommend them
to Paul as collaborators in a document destined for those
children of Israel who were most Jewish in their ten-
dencies. Both of them were Gentiles by birth and edu-
cation, and both were scarcely known in Jerusalem, with
which city they themselves were little acquainted. How,
then, could they so mould the Apostle's thoughts as to win
the confidence and good-will of the Christians in Judea ?
1 Clement of Alexandria, quoted by Eusebius.
2 As early as the second century we find that the Alexandrian doctors
were much struck by the difference in style presented by the Epistle to the
Hebrews when compared with the other letters of St. Paul. Pantsenus
(about 170) and his disciple, Clement of Alexandria, concede that the
Apostle composed the Epistle in Hebrew, and that St. Luke translated it
into Greek. (Eusebius, Hlstoria ecclesiastica, vol. vi. chaps, xiii., xiv.)
Origen would concede a still smaller share in its composition to St. Paul.
" The thoughts are his," he says ; " the expressions and the arrangements
of the words are those of some one else, who probably reproduced the
Apostle's words from memory, and, so to speak, is explaining what his
master said, after the manner of a Scholiast. Accordingly, if any Church
would hold that this Epistle is Paul's, we should not (quarrel with then) ;
for it was not without good reason that the ancients handed it down to us
as being Paul's work. As for any final decision concerning the personality
of its author, we can only say, God alone knows who he was." (Origen,
Homil. in epist. ad Hehr., fragm.) These words of the Alexandrian doctors
must be regarded as of great importance if we take into consideration the
renowned school whose opinion in the premises they embody. For there
from the very outset scholars had interested themselves in Sacred Liter-
ature, and more than anywhere else whatever pertained to these studies
was eagerly examined and preserved ; these are not, therefore, mere hypoth-
eses or individual opinions which they transmit to us, but a faithful re-
flection of the ideas current in Apostolical times.
2 " Epistola qu8e fertur ad Hebrfeos non ejus creditur, propter styli
sermonisque dissonantiam, sed vel Barnabse juxta Tertullianum, vel Luese
Evangelistfe juxta quosdam, vel dementis Romance postea Ecclesise Epis-
copi." St. Jerome, De vir. iilustr., v.
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 161
Furthermore, neither in the two books written by Saint
Luke nor in the Epistle of Saint Clement is there any
trace of the Alexandrian influence so often betrayed in
the letter to the Hebrews.
It is quite another matter when we come to Barnabas.
As a Jew born of the tribe of Levi, he was known and
loved by the Mother Church, where his mildness of
speech had won for him the name of " Son of Consola-
tion." ^ He was known also to be deeply attached to Paul,
and nevertheless independent of him; for after their last
mission-journey together, Barnabas had abandoned him
in order to consecrate his missionary labors to the Chris-
tian communities of Cyprus and the Orient. As a Levite
he would be the first to be chosen from among Paul's im-
mediate companions when the latter desired to enlighten
his brethren of Israel concerning the Sacrifice and the
Priesthood of Jesus, and to prove to them that the Mo-
saic rites were meant but to prefigure and foretell Him.
Thus, as we see, none could have been better fitted either
to act as the Apostle's interpreter or to lend authority to
his words.2 That he should have done this by using a
manner of speech, exposition, and exegesis which are so re-
miniscent of Philo and the Alexandrians, surely this has
nothing surprising about it. Cyprus, the head centre of
his Apostolate, kept up a busy commerce with the shores of
Egypt, and Tradition has it that Mark, his cousin and
disciple, was the founder of the Church of Alexandria.^
1 Acts iv. 36 ; ix. 27 ; xi. 22-26 ; xv. 12, 22, 25.
2 Though the weight of argument compels us to regard St. Barnabas as
the " editor " of the Hebraic Epistle, it may yet be that antiquity was not
altogether wrong in assigning some share in the work to St. Luke, or, even
with more reason, to St. Clement. In fact it was necessary, in order to
render the letter accessible to the majority of the Churches, that it should
be translated into Greek. Now this is precisely the part which tradition
attributed to these two Apostolic men, especially to St. Clement ; for St.
Luke would seem to have been mentioned only on account of the intimate
relations which marked him out to be Paul's Evangelist and the historian
of his acts. Eu sebius (i/i's^o?-. eccles., iii. xxxviii,), Euthalius of Alex-
andria (In Hebr. Arg.), Theodoret (In Hehr. Arg.), St. Jerome {De vir.
iliustr., V.) hold that there is much better authority for the opinion which
recognizes the handiwork of St. Clement in the Greek version now in our
possession.
3 See St. Peter, chap. xx. 11
162 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
Paul remarks, toward the close of the Epistle, that he is
writing while in the society of the " Christians of Italy." ^
The best opinion is that it is not Eome which is desig-
nated by this expression,^ but some one of the seaport
towns, such as Puteoli, where eastward-bound ships on
their way were wont to touch. The sea routes were by
far the most comfortable and safest for the Apostle when,
on quitting Spain, he set out to visit for the last time his
Christian followers in Greece and Asia. It was therefore
at one of these landing-places along the Italian coast, as
we may well fancy, that he was informed of the trials of
the Mother Church, and was moved to address her with
this " word of consolation." ^ There is nothing in this let-
ter to indicate that Paul despatched it during the period
of his first imprisonment ; * hence it only remains to refer
it to the time and place which I have given for its com-
position above. Furthermore, his meeting with Barnabas
under such circumstances has nothing improbable about
it, for a pious tradition still exists that the latter pursued
his Apostolic labors in Italy, and the Church of Milan
considers him as its founder.^ As Paul's fellow-worker
in his earliest efforts, it was natural that he should rejoin
him, to finish the work undertaken twenty years before,
and thus together proclaim, not only to the Gentile world,
1 Hebr. xiii. 24.
2 The Apostle would have mentioned it under veiled terms, at least, as
St. Peter did in his first Epistle. 1 Peter v. 13.
3 Hebr. xiii. 22.
^ Two passages in the Epistle to the Hebrews have been appealed to as
proving that the Apostle must have written it at that date : x. 34 and xiii.
19 ; especially the first, which by translating the Apostle's words by "You
have had compassion on my bonds," is made to refer to his captivity. The
difficulty with this interpretation is that it rests solely upon the reading,
Vinculis meis compassi estis, toIs dea-fiols avveTradrjaare which is with good
reason rejected by the Vulgate, most of the Versions, and by all of the best
modern editions. The real reading is toTs deafiioLS fiov ffweirad-qaaTe : " You
have had compassion on those who were in bonds." As to the second pas-
sage, to construe those vague terms, " Pray . . . that I may be restored to
you the sooner," as an indication that Paul is expecting a speedy release from
his imprisonment, would seem to me at least a very hazardous conclusion.
5 See Braunsberger, Der. Ap. Barnabas, Mainz (1893), pp. 83 et seq.
Cf. Recognitiones, i. 7, where St. Barnabas is represented as preaching in
Rome and converting St. Clement.
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 163
but to Israel as well, the decisive victory of their Faith
over Mosaism.
The Epistle to the Hebrews is an eloquent memorial
of this superiority, drawn from the very heart of Chris-
tianity and exemplified in the Sacrifice and Priesthood of
Jesus. Paul does not, however, confine himself to the
setting forth of this pre-eminence of the Christ. Israel
laid claim to three peculiar titles, of glorious import : its
Patriarchs and its Prophets, who, by the ministry of An-
gels, were honored by the visitation and the messages of
God ; its Law, which the Eternal had placed in the hands
of Moses ; its Temples and its sacrifices, alone acceptable
unto the Lord. The Apostle begins his Epistle by re-
minding them that the two first-named prerogatives find
their completion in Jesus, and in Him alone.
How imperfect, indeed, do the revelations of the Old
Testament seem to us — revealing as they do but fragments
of the truth " at sundry times and in divers manners " ^ —
when brought face to face with that full, midday light
whereof the Christ is the Sun of Eighteousness ! In that
one expression, " the Word," God has summed up the
whole matter, — His " Son, Who is the Heir of all things,"
because, since all things have their being through Him,
all must belong to Him.^ This Son in the bosom of God
is " the resplendency of His Glory, and the express image
of His Substance ; He upholds all things in the created
world by the might of his word ; " ^ He purifies the World
of Souls from their sins;* by this threefold title of Ee-
deemer, Creator, and Son, having the same Substance, the
same Glory as God, He is set above all things, " seated at
the right hand of the Majesty on High."^
Now, God did more than merely speak to the Saints of
the Old Testament ; He manifested Himself to the Patri-
archs and Prophets by the mediation of Angels. These
pure Spirits were indeed clothed in human form, but so
1 rioXu/ieptDs KoL TToXvTpSirws.
2 Hebr. i, 2 ; 'Ev vlQ 5v idrjKeu KXr]pop6/xov ttolvtoov, di'od /cat roivs atwvas
iTToirjaev.
8 Hebr. i. 3. * jbid. 6 ibid.
164 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
utterly divested of their own personality that the move-
ment and speech of God shone through them as the sun's
rays through a crystal. Abraham, Jacob, and all the Seers
of old had no difficulty in recognizing their Lord in these
Apparitions. And yet what were these preludes to the
Incarnation beside the reality, God personally uniting
Himself to Humanity, and taking to Himself man's body
and soul, in order to dwell and to converse with us ? To
which one of the Angels was it given to hear from the
Father's lips the words which He addresses unto Him
Who became flesh for us, " Thou art my Son, this day
have I begotten Thee," — the changeless Day of all Eter-
nity ?^ To none of the Angels as unto the Christ are at-
tributed those two powers peculiar to the Godhead :
Immutability, and the power to create all things.^ Not
to the Angels is it given to enjoy sovereignty over the
world of the future, the Christian world, but only unto
Jesus.^ Wherefore if the Hebrews were willing to obey
the Law, as proclaimed to them by Angels, then all the
more are they bound to submit themselves to the Christ.^
Why, then, should they falter because by reason of His
sufferings and His death this Divine Christ may have ap-
peared for a little as lower than the Heavenly Spirits ? ^
" We behold Him crowned with glory and honor because
of the death which He has suffered," God in His goodness
having willed that He should die for all.^ To this end
it behooved Him that He should clothe Himself in a na-
ture like unto ours, composed of " flesh and blood ; " ^ unto
this end " become in all things like unto His brethren.
He remaineth steadfast in His ministry before God, a
merciful and faithful Pontiff, Who maketh expiation for
the sins of the people. For it is from those very suffer-
ings, whereby He hath been tried, that He obtaineth the
Power to succor such as are themselves tempted." ^
Jesus is not merely an Angel, a Divine Messenger Who
1 Hebr. i. 5 ; Ps. ii. 7. ^ Ibid., ii. 7-9.
2 Ibid., i. 7-14. 6 Ibid., ii. 9.
3 Ibid., ii. 5-9. ^ Ibid., ii. 14.
4 Ibid., ii. 1-4. » jbid., ii. 17-18.
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 165
brings us the law of Grace ; He dwells forevermore among
us, set between Heaven and Earth to be the Mediator of
the New Covenant, as Moses was of the Old ; but vested
with a very different perfection. Moses was but as a
servant in the house of God. Jesus, as the Son, holds
sway over his household.^ Moses had not been able to
keep the unbelieving Jews from wandering forty years in
the wilderness ; ^ but we, once united unto the Christ, enter
into the rest, " the Great Sabbath of the people of God ;" ^
trusting in the new Josue who leads us onward ; believ-
ing in His Word which is the very word of God, " living
and working, sharper than any two-edged sword, piercing
even to the dividing asunder of soul and spirit. . . ."*
Nor can that be said of our Mediator which is true of
Moses, who was not permitted to conduct Israel into the
Promised Land, nor himself to enter therein. Jesus has
penetrated within the region of Everlasting Eest ; He has
ascended unto the highest of the heavens, seated Himself
upon " a throne of grace," ^ and there remains clothed
in the sublimest of His functions, at once Priest and
Victim.
This Priesthood, this Sacrifice of Jesus, is the prof ound-
est of His Mysteries ; it is His loftiest and crowning
achievement. " It is finished," ^ all things are consum-
mated, as said the Saviour when dying on the Cross.
Heretofore, to judge from the letters of his which we
possess, Paul had never touched upon the transcendent
aspect of our beliefs, but now he was under the necessity
of explaining them to minds far less adapted to under-
stand them, — to those Christians of Jerusalem, always
loath to renounce the spirit of Mosaism. " The spirit of
slumber," '^ which overwhelmed the rest of Israel, in like
fashion weighed heavily upon them ; " bowed down to the
Earth," ^ they seemed often " to have eyes that they should
1 Hebr. iii. 1-6. < Ibid., iv. 12.
2 Ibid., iii. 7-11 ; 15-19. ^ j^id., iv. 14-16.
8 Ibid., iv. 9. 6 John xix. 30.
' Rom. xi. 8.
8 Tov vCoTOP avTup diaTravrbs aijyKafx^f/ov. Rom. xi. 10.
166 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
not see, ears that they should not hear." ^ The Apostle
appears to hesitate even at the thought of trying to ex-
pound the Eternal Priesthood of Jesus before such hear-
ers, and complains in vehement terms of their dulness
of soul and of Faith.
" I shall have many things to say on this subject, but
'twill be hard to explain them because you are so dull of
understanding, instead of being teachers as you ought to
be, seeing what a long time you have been under instruc-
tions ; indeed you yourselves are still in need of being
taught the first rudiments of the Word of God." ^
Ought he, then, out of regard for the lowest element
in the Mother Church, to deprive the more earnest minds
among them of all lofty instructions ? Paul thought not.
Why should he preach to none but unworthy followers ?
The first to become Christians, and filled to overflowing
with the gifts of Grace, it had been theirs to relish the
riches of God's favor more abundantly than any others ;
no others like them had been eye-witnesses of the miracles
accompanying the Gospel's reign on earth ; ^ so then, if
they swerve and fall away now, it cannot be blamed to
their ignorance or human weakness, but to pure mali-
ciousness and nothing else. They know full well what
they are doing by going back to Judaism ; they are ren-
dering any return to Christ impossible ; * for, with malice
aforethought, they are taking sides with the enemies of
Jesus, to crucify Him anew and flaunt their Deicide in
the eyes of the whole world.^ For such apostates, in
Paul's opinion, there was no escape from the terrors of
Judgment and the flame which dieth not.^
1 Rom. xi. 8. 2 Hebr. v. 11-12. 3 ibid. vi. 4, 5.
* An impossibility, not on God's part, ready as He is to pardon us to
the very last, but by reason of the obstacles, the deep pit they of their
own malice have dug to separate themselves from the Divine Mercy.
Their sin is like that of Lucifer's rebelling and blasplieming in His very
face. How find words persuasive enough to touch hearts so hardened and
set in the hatred of their Saviour ? What sacrifice powerful enough to
open a way for grace to enter and soften them ?
6 Hebr. vi. 6. 6 ibid., xi. 26-31.
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 167
But even while launching these invectives against the
stiff-necked, and the renegades in Israel, Paul never for-
gets to express his tender solicitude for those among his
brethren who had not as yet fallen away quite so far, but
were still struggling onward amid tears and groanings.
These he endeavors to encourage by means of this letter,
bidding them have confidence in themselves : —
"And while speaking thus, dear brethren, know that I
cherish a better opinion of you and your Salvation. God is
not unjust, nor does He forget your good works and the
charity you have displayed in His name, by the services
you have rendered and still render to the Saints. I desire
earnestly that every one of you might show the same zeal,
UDto the end that your Hope may be fulfilled/' ^
This " Hope " of the Christian soul tossed about by the
tempest of our earthly life " is the anchor which gives
him steadiness and assurance," ^ for it is cast by the true
believer, not merely close to the sheltering shores of
Eternity, but down into the depths of the world Divine,
within the Sanctuary, and " beyond the veil, whither
Jesus has entered as our forerunner, being become the
Sovereign Sacrificer unto all times to come." ^
Here Paul reverts to the original thought which ani-
mates his Epistle, the Priesthood of the Christ according
to the order of Melchisedec. There is nothing more august
and mysterious in the Old Testament than the descrip-
tion of this personage. Suddenly and without warning,
he steps forth into the history of the Father of all true
Believers, not affiliated in any way with the chosen people,
" without father or mother, having neither genealogy nor
beginning nor end of days."* Clothed with a mystical
empire, " King of Eighteousness, King of Salem, that is
to say, King of Peace," ^ he approaches Abraham as one
mightier than that " Conqueror of Kings," since he blesses
the Patriarch and receives from him a tithe of all his
1 Hebr. vi. 9-11. * Ibid., vii. 3.
3 Ibid., vi. 19. 5 Ibid., vii. 2.
3 Ibid., vi. 19-20.
168 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
spoils.^ Coming forth from out the mists of Eternity,
thither he returns, to remain as he had appeared upon
earth, " likened unto the Son of God, a Priest unto all
ages." 2 Now, as the very counterpart of Melchisedec, a
Sacrificer stands forth in the New Covenant, born not of
Levi but of Judah, a tribe to which Moses had never in-
trusted priestly powers ; ^ endowed with this ministry,
" not by virtue of a carnal succession, but by the might
of His own Immortal Life." * He stands forth of Himself
and forevermore sufficient unto this ministry : —
" For though there have been many Priests hitherto, be-
cause death hindered their continuance, this one, because
He remaineth forever, hath an Eternal Priesthood. Where-
fore, also. He is able to save them forevermore who approach
unto God by Him, seeing that He ever liveth to make inter-
cession for us. For such a Sovereign Sacrificer was fitting
for us, Who is holy, innocent, spotless, separate from sin-
ners, and higher than the Heavens ; Who needeth not daily,
like other High Priests, to offer up Sacrifice, first for their
own sins, and then for the peoples' ; this he hath done once
for all by offering up Himself." ^
Jesus does indeed continue to be both Victim and Priest
of His own Sacrifice. This is one of the profoundest
Mysteries of our Faith, and yet one which the Hebrews
were better fitted to understand than any other nation,
for everything in their worship tended to prepare them
for it. For above the splendors of the Mosaic rit-
ual, and over their Temple, one of the marvels of the
world, over and above the Tabernacle, veiled by the
wings of the Cherubim,^ over and above all these hov-
ered a dark cloud of blood. Always they must needs
have recourse to blood if they would cleanse and purify
1 Hebr., vii. 1, 2. Abraham, Chieftain and Father of the whole chosen
race, by paying tithes to Melchisedec and receiving his blessing, recog-
nizes thereby that he and all his nation, in which the tribe of Levi is in-
cluded, were inferior to this mysterious priest.
2 Hebr., vii. 3. 6 Ibid., vii. 23-27.
8 Ibid., vii. 14. 6 Ibid., ix. 1-5.
^ Ibid., vii. 16.
THE EPISTLE TO TEE HEBREWS. 169
their sin-stained souls ; for " there is no remission with-
out shedding of blood." ^ In blood Moses had inaugu-
rated the Law,2 and it was with blood-stained hands that
the High Priest entered once a year within the Holy of
Holies.^ What were all these immolations of rams and
bulls intended to figure forth ? Jesus, the Supreme Sacri-
ficer, shedding for us His own Blood, " offering Himself
to God as a Spotless Victim,* and thereby obtaining for
us an Eternal Eedemption. " ^ This Divine Oblation was
the first act of the Incarnate Son of God.
" Coming into the World He hath said, ^ Thou hast de-
sired neither sacrifice nor offering, but a naked body hast
thou prepared Me ; neither holocausts nor sacrifices for sin
were pleasing unto Thee ; then said I, " Behold I come, as
it is written of Me in the book, to do Thy Will, 0 God ! " '
. . . and in that will of God we are sanctified, by the Obla-
tion of the Body of Jesus Christ, once for all. Every other
sanctifier standetb daily sacrificing and offering oftentimes
the same host which can never take away sins ; but He,
after He had offered one Sacrifice for sins, hath seated Him-
self for ever and ever on the right hand of God, henceforth
expecting, till His enemies be made His footstool. For by
this one Offering He hath perfected forever the purification
of those whom He hath sanctified." ^
What did the Christians of Jerusalem still lack to help
them descry and appreciate from out the mists of ancient
worship the true Sacrifice, the Eternal Priesthood ? Be-
lief in Christ Who went forth from out her pale that He
might concentrate and incarnate in Himself all religions,
as well as all righteousness and all truth ; but they must
1 Hebr. ix. 22.
2 "The first Covenant was not inaugurated without shedding of blood ;
for when Moses had proclaimed before all the people every ordinance of the
Law, he took the blood of the calves and goats, with water and scarlet
wool, and hyssop, and sprinkled the book itself and all the people, saying,
"This is the blood of the Covenant, which God hath made for your sake."
And in like manner he sprinkled the Tabernacle with blood also and all
the vessels of worship." Hebr. ix. 18-21.
8 Hebr. ix. 7-8. 5 Ibid,, ix. 12.
* Ibid., ix. 14. « Ibid. x. 5-7, 10-14.
170 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
needs believe with that " full faith " which presupposes the
existence of a " sincere heart, cleansed from all stains of
an evil conscience." ^ Paul knew well that the souls of
this metal were far from being numerous in Israel ; even
among those who "had had knowledge of the truth." ^
How many backsliders there were with eyes fixed not on
the future, but on the past! Eenegades too, "trampling
under foot the Son of God ; counting the blood of the
Covenant, which had sanctified them, as it were something
vile and profane ; doing despite unto the Spirit of Grace ! " ^
The Apostle pronounces sentence on these apostates in
one short line, but one of direful import : " It is a fearful
thing to fall into the hands of the living God." *
And, nevertheless, far removed from this throng of un-
believers, Paul's gaze could single out a chosen few, drawn
likewise from the ranks of Judaism, but united unto the
Christ henceforth and forever. How could he strengthen
them in this union more effectually than by proving to
them that all holiness and all greatness, from the very
beginning of time, proceeds from faith in the Christ?
It was this virtue which, long since, had inspired the
Saints of the olden Law to plant deep down in our hearts
a " steadfast expectation ^ of that for which we hope ;
the full conviction of that which we as yet see not." ^
'T was for this faith that they " tarried here below as in a
strange land, dwelling in tents ; . . . they were awaiting
that city of everlasting foundations, whereof God Him-
self is the Creator and the Architect ; . . . these all died
in Faith, not having received the things which were prom-
ised unto them, but having seen them afar off and em-
braced them, confessing that they were but strangers and
pilgrims upon Earth." Thus have lived all those great
and holy ones still treasured in the memory of Israel, —
1 Hebr. X. 22. » Ibid., x. 29.
2 Ibid., X. 26. _ 4 Ibid., X. 31.
^ Beelen, Maier, Bisping, and the majority of modern critics are riglit
ill .giving to vTroaTacns the meaning of " firm expectation," for this significa-
tion here required by the context is the same which the Greek word has
in other passages of Scripture. Hebr. iii. 14 ; Ezek. xix. 5.
6 Hebr. xi. i.
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 171
Abel, Henoch, Noe, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Joseph, Moses,
even Eahab the harlot.^
" What shall I more say ? " proceeds the Apostle. " Time
would fail me to tell of Gideon, and of Barak, of Samson,
of Jephtha, of David, of Samuel, and of the Prophets, who
through Faith subdued kingdoms, held righteous sway, ob-
tained the fulfilment of the promises, stopped the mouths
of lions, quenched the violence of fire, escaped the edge of
the sword, came forth strong out of sickness, waxed valiant
in battle, turned to flight the armies of aliens, restored to
women their children raised to life again. Some were
broken on the wheel, not deigning to barter for their lives,
and thus obtaining a better one in the Resurrection ; others
have suffered mockings and the lash, chains also, and im-
prisonments ; they were stoned, sawn asunder, tortured ;
they were slain with the sword ; they wandered about in
sheepskins and goatskins, being destitute, afflicted, tor-
mented, — they of whom the world was not worthy, — roam-
ing through the deserts and on mountain-sides, dwelling in
dens and caves of the earth. All these holy ones, whose
faith the Scripture celebrates, did not behold the realization
of the promises, God having willed it as a particular favor
unto us that without us they should not attain unto the
accomplishment of their joy. Compassed about with so
great a cloud of witnesses, let us run with patience the race
that is set before us, looking onward to Jesus, the Author
and the Finisher of the Faith." ^
Paul felt himself more justified in urging upon them
the necessity of courage, because as a rule the Christians
of Jerusalem had not been forced as others had been to
struggle and " to resist unto blood." ^ What were their
present trials compared with the sufferings of their breth-
ren ? At most but a fatherly chastisement, a kindly dis-
cipline, whose only fruits were righteousness and peace.*
And, on the other hand, how many higher motives were
theirs not to yield one whit in generosity to the Saints
and Martyrs of the olden Covenant ? These had never
1 Joshua ii. 1-21 ; vi. 17. ^ ibi^., xii. 4.
2 Hebr. xi. 32-40 ; xii. 1, 2. * Ibid., xii. 6-11.
172 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
beheld God and His Law, save on a burning mountain
shrouded in darkness, in the roar of the storm, and in
the lightning's flash ; so terrible then was the voice of the
Lord that they had entreated Him to speak to them ^ no
longer. Instead of this awe-inspiring pomp, the New
Faith comes to them in the unclouded light of day, plainly
distinguishable, offering unto them every good thing which
Israel long had languished for, — the true " Mt. Sion, the
City of the living God, the Heavenly Jerusalem ; in whose
bosom are the Angels in myriad throngs ; the congrega-
tion of the first born, written in the Heavens ; God, Judge
of all mankind ; the souls of the righteous made perfect
in glory ; Jesus the Mediator of the New Covenant ; His
Blood shed for us speaking more eloquently than did that
of Abel." 2
Henceforth this immolation of the Saviour, symbolized
by His Cross, will remain forever the most abiding Glory
of Jerusalem, the very central point of it, and focussing
in itself all that is left to them of life and salvation.
Thitherward Paul never tires of directing the gaze of the
faithful of the Holy City, showing them that every one
of the virtues which he urges upon them is in some sense
an act of worship ; ^ the " sacrifice of praise " * in prayer ;
the sacrifice of charity in almsgiving, hospitality, and
brotherly love ; ^ and in the whole sum of the Christian
life, a communion through Grace, with the Oblation of
the Saviour, — the one veritable Holocaust " whereof God
is the consuming fire." ^ One, too, which differs so widely
from those of Mosaism, in that it will never be extin-
guished ; for the soul of this Sacrifice, " Jesus Christ, is
the same yesterday, to-day, and forever." "* Paul's last
thought is of this Eternal Pontiff.
"Now may God," he says in his closing greetings to the
Hebrews, " the God of peace, Who raised up from the dead
Our Lord Jesus, the Great Shepherd of the sheep, through
'- Hebr. xii. 18-21. 6 ibid., xiii. 16.
2 Ibid., xii. 22-24. 6 i^id., xii. 29.
3 Ibid., xii. 28. ' Ibid., xiii. 8.
'^ Ibid., xiii. 15.
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 173
the Blood, which maketh this Covenant everlasting ; [may
this God] incline you to do every good work, He Himself
working in you that which is pleasing unto Him, through
Jesus Christ, unto Whom be glory forever and ever.
Amen." ^
We are inclined to believe that the Epistle when it left
the hands of Barnabas ended with this benediction. What
followed would seem to have been dictated by Paul him-
self, when the letter which was to set forth his ideas was
submitted to him for his approval, and had received from
him the stamp of authenticity.
" I beseech of you, brethren, to bear with these words of
consolation ; I have written to you in a few words.^ Know
that our brother Timothy has been set at liberty ; with him,
if he come speedily, I will see you. Salute all them that
are your leaders, and all the Saints. Those of Italy salute
you. May Grace be with you all. Amen.'' ^
1 Hebr. xiii. 20, 21.
2 The first words in this additional passage which certain interpreters
find very difficult to explain become clear and significant when understood
in the light of our hypothesis. The Aorists ^ypa^pa, ^irefx^a, eiriaTeiXa
often correspond to our " present " in his letters. The same is true of the
Latin, scripsi, misi. See Winer, Grammatik des Neutestamentlichen Sprach-
idioms, sect. 40, 5, b. 2.
8 Hebr. xiii. 22-25.
CHAPTEK IX.
THE EEBELLION OF JUDEA.
I. The Fiest Uprisings in Jerusalem.
The persecutions which Paul had been arming the
faith of the Mother Church against lost much of their
violence in the period which followed the despatch of his
Epistle to the Hebrews. As always, their instigators had
been certain leaders of the aristocracy, but now, the latter
tormented in their turn by the lower elements of the pop-
ulace, whose wrath had been excited by their cringing
attitude toward Kome, speedily found themselves in-
volved in a life and death struggle against a rebellion
which for some time past had been smouldering in Jeru-
salem and now burst into flames. It was under the gov-
ernorship of Gessius Elorus that the Holy City assumed
this threatening aspect.
The new governor found Judea very different from
what it had been a -hundred and thirty years previ-
ously, when Pompey brought it under the yoke ; for
Kome, generally so skilful in absorbing conquered pop-
ulation into the body politic, had here made complete
failure. One of the most efficacious means toward attain-
ing this end was military service. • Thereby the provin-
cials, when once enrolled in the auxiliary cohorts, their
discipline modelled upon that of the legionaries surround-
ing them, became little by little comrades in arms and
compatriots of the latter. Nothing of the sort was to
be hoped for from the Jews, whose Law, and especially
that of the Sabbatical Best, could not be made to har-
monize with military discipline. Similar considerations
made them absent themselves from the courts of com-
? ><^ "
THE FIRST UPRISINGS IN JERUSALEM. 175
mon law. Israel had its own code dictated by God, its
own national judges, in the persons of the president of
each Synagogue ; to them they had recourse, and per-
sisted so stubbornly in this line of conduct that Eome
was forced, if only for the sake of keeping peace, to
tolerate and sometimes even to authorize their independ-
ent jurisdiction.^
But the deepest gulf between them was that of their
belief. Some sort of harmony of attributes and powers
was easily brought about between the gods of the Capitol
and those of the rest of the Pagan world ; indeed, they
succeeded in making them scarcely distinguishable one
from another ; furthermore, a new worship, that of Caesar,
was made obligatory for all, and thus gathered together
about the same altar representatives from every quarter
of the empire.^ The God of Israel alone brooked neither
rivalry nor partnership. Alone He reigned within His
Holy Temple, encompassing with His Infinity, not only
the Holy City, but the Synagogues scattered throughout
the whole known world ; for in them every adoring Is-
raelite set his face Sionwards. Nowhere else might one
offer sacrifice ; but each one of them longingly looked
forward to the day when he might accomplish the rites
of his worship, as a pilgrim offering his sacrifice upon the
solitary Altar acceptable unto the Lord.
The majesty of the Eoman name was dimmed and over-
shadowed by the greatness of this Sanctuary. In order
to revive its prestige the Procurators withdrew to Cses-
area, trusting that from this city, half-Greek, half-Jewish,
they might wield their authority more imposingly. The
effect of this measure, though in certain respects politic,
was to isolate Jerusalem from all external influences and
to leave her just what she had become during the past
centuries of withdrawal from, and horror of, the heathen
world. The large majority of the population, made up of
1 Here I have not intended to do more than to summarize certain points
treated of at length in the Third Chapter of St. Peter : " The Jews of the
Dispersion."
2 St. Paul, chap. i.
176 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
men of business, merchants, and small tradesmen, en-
deavored to form a decent and peaceable party from
among them, much attached to their Faith, and conse-
quently dreading any revolt likely to bring the Temple
and the City in peril. This inborn preference for tran-
quillity rendered the Jews, as a rule, docile subjects, but
without inspiring in them any feeling of esteem toward
those who governed them ; for the latter, whether princes
of the Priesthood or former officials and courtiers of
Herod, were all notable for the same lack of faith and
morality. Though hated for their impiety, their osten-
tation, and insulting arrogance, they were none the less
masters of the Sanhedrin, and still shared among them-
selves the highest positions in the Pontificate and the
Government. Under such leaders, bent solely on in-
creasing their own fortunes, we may easily imagine that
the average Jew was minded to keep the peace at any
price.
This very servility, however, became a constant source
of trouble for Jerusalem. Besides the middle class, which
for motives of self-interest, pretended not to see all this,
there was always an uneasy and turbulent element among
the lower populace. With no other heritage save the
greatness of their race, they lent a willing ear to any one
who spoke of restoring it, and of making them sharers in
its riches and honors. Amid this throng, aggravated on
the one hand by their own destitution, and on the other
by deeds of violence on the part of the aristocracy, revo-
lutionary preachers were to be heard daily. Some of
these fanatics were in good faith, thinking that by foster-
ing rebellion they were doing the work of God, and has-
tening the coming of His Kingdom ; others were less
disinterested, watching their opportunity for private
profit out of every public disorder ; crews of adventurers
and brigands, always drawing new recruits, forced into
their ranks by the wretchedness of the surrounding
country, ravaged the land in bands of such redoubtable
strength that the Eoman magistrates had been forced more
than once to come to some compromise with them. Un-
THE FIRST UPRISINGS IN JERUSALEM. 177
der their true colors they could not have done more than
breed terror and destruction, but in company with sincere
Zealots, and wearing the cloak of the latters' piety, they
were well fitted to incite Jerusalem to revolt. " Liberty
is the highest right of all," they proclaimed ; " we must
wrest it, if needful by force, from those who prefer slav-
ery." 1 Secretly, and sometimes by public attacks, they
supported their theories, making their campaign a con-
tinuous source of terror.^
Other terrors followed in rapid succession, all conspir-
ing to agitate the minds of the people. The one theme
of general conversation just then was the appearance of
direful portents in the heavens. " Signs of our approach-
ing liberty ! " ^ cried the Zealots. The excitement caused
by these prodigies was so great that rumors of them reached
Eome itself. Tacitus, as well as Josephus,^ records them.
For a whole year a sword-shaped comet had remained
suspended over the city ; but it was in the year 65 that
such phenomena were most in evidence. At the Pass-
over festival, about three hours after midnight, a great
light suddenly enveloped Mt. Moriah ; so dazzling was it
that the people assembled together for the Feast of Un-
leavened Bread beheld the Temple and the Altar as
plainly as in the glare of noonday.
Another prodigy occurred to disturb the same solem-
nities. The brazen gates of the Temple, so huge and
heavy that it required twenty men to work them, opened
of themselves, and were closed again only after prodi-
gious labors. A few days later, just before dawn, the sky
appeared to be filled with visions and mutterings of war ;
beholders descried rushing chariots, the shock of contend-
ing armies, and cities encircled with trenches. Still more
sinister were the presages on the Day of Pentecost ; for
the Priests, when entering at night into the Temple to
perform their functions, were alarmed by the noise of a
great tumult, the sound of myriad footsteps, as it were
1 Jose])hiis, Bell Jud., ii. xiii. 6. 2 ibid., ii. xiii. 3, 4. ^ ibid
4 Tacitus, Eistori<£, v. 13 ; Joseplius, Bell. Jud., vi. v. 3.
12
178 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
of a multitude in flight, shrieking with one voice, " Let
us flee from here ! Let us flee from here !"
But why was not Florus on hand to check and pacify
his province during these days of wild excitement?
Simply because he was the worst governor as yet sent
to them by Kome. Once raised to this post of honor
through the influence of his wife, Poppsea's friend, he
seems never to have had any other end in view save to
rival and outdo his fellow-magistrates of the Orient in
the speedy accumulation of a fortune.^ His prestige at
the Imperial court insured him perfect impunity, and he
availed himself of it so efficiently as to make even the
scoundrelly Albinus regretted. The latter had shown
some discretion in his exactions. Florus proceeded
unchecked and unashamed. He pillaged cities and citi-
zens with both hands, and withal so fiercely as to depopu-
late the regions roundabout ; not only villages, but towns
as well, were almost deserted. Cestius Gallus was then
Administrator of Syria, the province whereof Judea, with
its Procurators, was a dependency. He visited Jerusalem
during the Passover, and found Jews assembled there for
this Solemnity to the number of three millions, or so
Josephus tells us.^ At once there arose an outcry against
Florus, whom they accused before him of being the bane
of their country. Meanwhile, the latter standing at the
right hand of the Imperial Legate, simply smiled at their
angry tirades, well aware how futile they were. For
Cestius proved true to his bond, and on his departure the
lot of wretched Judea waxed only the more pitiable.^
Thereupon, whether out of revenge or through mere cu-
pidity, Florus threw off all self-restraint. He gave orders
for the levying of seventeen talents (about $18,360.00
in our money) upon the treasury of the Temple, hitherto
held inviolate ; for therein was accumulated the tribute
paid by the Jews all over the world.* Jerusalem shud-
dered at this sacrilege, which thousands of voices clam-
1 Josephus, Antiq. Jud., xx. xi. 1 ; Bell. Jud., ii. xiv. 3,
2 Josephus, Bell. Jud., ii. xiv. 3.
8 Ibid., ii. xiv. 3. * ibid., ii. xiv. 6.
THE FIRST UPRISINGS IN JERUSALEM. 179
orously denounced ; some of the most infuriated citizens
traversed the streets with a beggar's cup in their hands,
asking alms " for the poor representative of Caesar 1 "
Ever on the watch Florus here scented his opportunity ;
he made his entry into Jerusalem in full force and bade
the authorities deliver up to him these insulting wretches.
The Sanhedrin did its utmost to obtain indulgence for
words and deeds which they claimed were the outcome
of mere thoughtlessness, furthermore urging the impos-
sibility of discovering the real culprits. To this Florus's
only reply was to bid his soldiers charge upon the people,
adding full permission to rob and slay all who stopped
their path. Men, women, and children, to the number
of 3,600 perished under the sword or were trampled to
death by the fleeing throng. Certain Jews, who availed
themselves of their rights of Roman citizenship, were
haled before the Pretorium ; Florus had them whipped
and crucified.^ Vainly did Agrippa's wife, Berenice, send
message after message to the Procurator, conjuring him
to stay the massacre ; she even appeared in person, in sup-
pliant guise and barefooted, before his tribunal ; but it
only resulted in her beholding her unfortunate fellow-
countrymen beaten with rods and butchered before her
own eyes ; she herself was so threatened that she was
fain to escape with all speed from the fury of the soldiers.^
On the morrow, Jerusalem, contrary to all expectations,
remained wrapped in peace and quiet. The people were
endeavoring to restrain their rage, yielding to the urgent
prayers of their leaders ; but this state of mournful resig-
nation was not at all to the taste of Florus ; since, accord-
ing to Josephus, at least, he was trying to force them into
rebellion. Of course the principal object he had in view
was the Treasury. In order to keep the people away
from that locality he gave orders that they were to go with-
out the walls to meet the two cohorts which were about
to enter the city, and to greet them on their approach.
The populace at once fathomed his ruse, and became more
1 Josephus, Bell. JucL, ii. xiv. 8, 9. ^ ibj^, [{^ xv. 3.
180 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
threatening than before. To pacify them, the Priests and
Levites were forced to appear in their midst, their heads
sprinkled with ashes, their garments tattered, bearing be-
fore them the sacred vessels ; these they held up aloft
before the populace, crying out that they were in danger
of falling into sacrilegious hands if any resistance was
offered. Once more the Jews saw fit to acquiesce, and
went out to welcome with the usual acclamations the
Syrian Guards and that idolater Eome had just put over
them.^ The latter responded to their shouts with words
of the most outrageous contempt. This was too much to
be borne by a multitude whose patience and self-restraint
were now utterly exhausted ; there was an outburst of
mutterings and imprecations against Florus. It would
seem that the cohorts were only waiting for this pretext ;
they fell upon the Jews, beating them with their staves,
stamping out the lives of those who fell beneath the feet
of their horses, and driving them back in bloody tumult
within the gates.
These fresh troops then rapidly crossed the suburb of
Bezetha and pushed their way toward the Antonia and
the Temple. Florus, on his side, marshalling all the
legionaries in his command, hastened to the same spot.
This concerted movement leaves no doubt that the Treas-
ury was his objective point. The Jews hurried madly to
its defence ; perched upon the housetops they showered
down stones on the soldiers, while others set to work
pulling down the viaduct which was used by the Lords
of Antonia to make their entrance into the Sanctuary.
Florus realizing that the opportunity had slipped througli
his fingers, called a halt, and a little later, leaving only
one cohort in the city, took his departure for Csesarea.
He left Jerusalem still bleeding and incensed, readier
than ever before to lend a willing ear to the promptings
of the Zealots ; for the authority of the aristocracy had
waned with that of Eome. What was the use of preach-
ing prudence to a mob which had just measured its
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., ii. xv. 1.
THE FIRST UPRISINGS IN JERUSALEM, 181
strength with that of its tyrannical rulers ? Does not
the departure of Florus, utterly impolitic as it was, and
so well fitted to encourage revolt, prove that the Procura-
tor, fearful of being denounced, was actually anxious to
foment the rebellion ? To save himself, no more effica-
cious means suggested itself than the outbreak of an or-
ganized insurrection, thereby enabling him to stifle the
complaints which his own acts of rapacity and sanguinary
rage justified.^
One last resort was still left to the moderate party, in
the person of Agrippa, who, acting in concert with them,
had hitherto done all in his power to prevent a rupture
with Eome. This prince, now on his return from Egypt
with his wife Berenice, was making a short stay in the
Holy City. Both of them earnestly endeavored to ex-
tinguish the sparks which threatened a general confla-
gration. Agrippa assembled the people in the great
square of Jerusalem called the Xystus ; he represented
to them the folly of entering upon a struggle with that
one power which had the whole world at its feet. The
leaders of the priesthood, quite as anxious as he to pre-
serve the peace, seconded him with what vestige of au-
thority was still left them. Finally Berenice contributed
all the influence of her beauty and supplications. Ap-
pearing before them upon one of the terraces of the pal-
ace which overlooked the Xystus, she besought them with
tears and sobs, — a sight most touching to their hearts ;
for the people all loved this princess, whom they regarded
with the same affection they had once lavished on the
lovely Mariamne, the Asmonsean. At first it seemed that
they would come to some general agreement, so far as
keeping the peace witli Eome was concerned ; but Agrippa
was so imprudent as to push this first advantage to the
extreme by insisting that until the arrival of a new proc-
urator they should yield obedience to Florus. This was
too much. At that detested name, angry reproaches, in-
sults, and a shower of stones greeted the speaker. Dis-
1 Joso^ilms, Bell, JucL, ii. xv. 2, 6.
182 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
couraged by this rude reception, the prince forthwith
abandoned the city and witlidrew into Batanroa.^
Thereafter the fanatics found the field free for their cam-
paign, and they at once took advantage of it to commit a
definite act of rebellion. Two days' journey from Jerusa-
lem, on the shores of the Dead Sea, stood the impregnable
fortress Masada. The fiercest of the Zealots hastened
thither, stormed and seized it by surprise, butchered the
Koman garrison, and left a detachment of their followers
in possession .2 This, however, was but an isolated act of
violence, which in no way compromised the entire nation,
since Jerusalem remained still in the hands of the mod-
erate party. Eeinforced by the Koman cohort which
guarded the Antonia, the sacerdotal aristocracy still held
the upper hand over the people ; their leader, especially
the former High Priest, Ananias,^ was quite capable,
if not of subjugating the seditious element, at least of
holding it in check. Unfortunately, those who had
seemed to be in a position to inspire him with courage
were the very ones who made him waver. Foremost
among them was his own son, Eleazar, Captain of the
Temx^le. This high office insured the latter complete
sway over the rank and file of the Levites. Now it is
well known how grievously these inferior ministers suf-
fered from the exactions of their superiors, as well as
from their overbearing pride. Any demagogue who prom-
ised to restore to them their former dignities and rights
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., ii. xvi. and xvii. 1.
2 Ibid., ii. xvii. 2. Masada (the nioderu Sebbeh), situated on the east-
ern shore of the Dead Sea, just below Engaddi. In the time of the Macca-
bees a fortress was erected upon this cliff by the High Priest Jonathan.
Herod the Great increased its strategetical importance. (Josephus, Bell.
Jud., vii. viii. 3.) Traces of the besiegers' works, when the Roinans in 73
tried to reduce the Zealots, are still visible. Robinson, Biblical Researches,
iii.pp. 241 et seq.; De Saulcy, Voijage autour de la Mer Morte (1853), vol. i.
pp. 199 et seq. ; Atlas plate, xi-xiii. ; The Survey of Weslern Palestine,
Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, iii. pp. 418-421 ; Tuch, Masada, die
Herodianische Felsenfeste nach Fl. Josephus und neueren Beobachtangen,
Leipzig, 1863.
^ The High Priest then in office was Matthias, son of Theophilus. All
that we know of him is that, so far as we can discover, he was the last
Pontiff regularly appointed.
THE FIRST UPRISINGS IN JERUSALEM. 183
was sure of gaining a hearing. In this instance the first
plank in the platform of restoration was cleverly devised ;
namely, to abolish the Sacrifice which they offered daily
for the Emperor. For now many years it had become
the established custom to receive such gifts as the for-
eign princes were pleased to make to the Temple, and to
accept their offerings of victims for the Altar.^ Eleazar
persuaded the Levites to proscribe this usage and to de-
cree that in the future no offerings should be made upon
the Altar of Jehovah save such as were donated by the
Jews and for the Jews.
This act of intolerance constituted a mortal insult to
Eome, and one all the more keenly felt, since this Mis-
tress of the World everywhere attached the greatest
importance to such participation in the worship of the
subject nations. Pontiffs, members of the Sanhedrin, the
Pharisee, — all men in fact who were still able to think
calmly, — at once realized what such an act of madness
would entail, and set themselves to work to oppose it.
On various occasions the chief men of the Priesthood
harangued the people, representing to them that to reject
the Emperor's offerings was to declare him, and with
him the whole Eoman world, unworthy of taking part in
prayer with Israel, and that thereby they would lay them-
selves open to direful acts of reprisal. Their most famous
Doctors employed all the learning at their command to
prove by the authority of Scripture that from time im-
memorial the sacrifices of foreigners had been received in
the Temple ; and that this practice, far from being sacri-
legious, constituted the most striking act of homage to
the only true God. All this, however, failed to move
the Levites one whit. Fascinated by the eloquence of
Eleazar, they obstinately persisted in their refusal to
offer sacrifice for the Emperor.^
1 Jer. xxix. 7; Baruch i. 10, 11 ; 1 Esdr. vi. 10 ; 2 Mace. iii. 2 ; v.
16 ; Josephus, Bell. Jud., ii, x. 4, iv. iii. 10, v. xiii. 6 ; Antiq. Jud., xiii.
iii. 4 ; Contr. Apion., ii. 5, 6 ; Philo, Legal, ad Caium, sects, xxiii., xxxvii.,
xl., xlv. ; Aboth., iii. 2.
2 Josephus, Bell. Jud., ii. xvii. 3, 4.
184 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
Members of the moderate party now realized that Jeru-
salem was slipping from their grasp; powerless to stay
the tide of insurrection which threatened to engulf them,
they appealed for aid to Florus and once more to Agrippa.
The Procurator, however, was only too eager to add fuel
to the flame; and with unconcealed delight at these
tidings, or so Josephus assures us, he dismissed the mes-
sengers without granting them any satisfaction.^ Agrippa,
on the contrary, hastened to send three thousand of his
cavaliers, by whose aid the better class of citizens could
hold their own and retain the upper quarter of Jerusalem
in their possession,^ while leaving the lower town and the
Temple in the hands of the rebels. After a few days of
tentative sallies and skirmishes, a veritable battle was
fought. On the 14th of August the insurgents attacked
the upper city, carried it by storm, set fire to the residence
of Ananias, to the lower part of Agrippa's palace, and what
was to them the most important of all, to the Chamber of
Archives, which contained all the mortgages and claims
due the State. The practical effect of this was to liber-
ate at one stroke the throng of debtors then so numerous
in Jerusalem, and to win them over to their side. Their
victory was complete ; the prince's cavalry, the Koman
soldiery, and the pontiff's, together with the principal
personages of the city, had barely time to take refuge in
the upper part of Agrippa's palace. On the morrow their
conquerors stormed the Tower of Antonia ; this they car-
ried after two days' fighting, set fire to it, and put the gar-
rison to the sword. Thence they returned to what was
still left of the Palace of the Asmoneeans, this time, how-
ever, to be met by a most desperate resistance ; indeed,
they had almost resigned themselves to the prospect of
carrying it by siege, when an unexpected reinforcement
hastened their triumph.^
Manahem, son of the famous Judas the Galilean, who
sixty years earlier had been the first to attempt to arouse
1 Josephus, Bell. Jnd., ii. xvii. 4.
2 The districts occupied nowadays by the Armenians and Jews,
^ Josephus, BeU.JucL, ii. xvii. 5, 7.
THE FIRST UPRISINGS IN JERUSALEM. 185
Judea against Rome,^ — Manahem had inherited the same
fanatic spirit which had brought his father and elder
brother to the executioner's block. Seeing Jerusalem in
its present state of insurrection, he too believed that his
hour had come, and appeared suddenly within the fortress
of Masada, but lately fallen into the hands of the Zeal-
ots. Putting himself at their head, he made his entrance
as a king into Jerusalem, assumed the command over the
troops, and pushed the assault upon the Upper Palace so
vigorously that the besieged were forced to capitulate.
Agrippa's cavalry were allowed to retire from the city ;
as for the Romans, however, now too reduced in numbers
to fight their own way out of the town, some were mas-
sacred on the spot, others took refuge in the three towers
named after Hippicus, Phasael, and Mariamne, and made
these their last stand. On the following morning An-
anias was discovered hiding in an aqueduct leading to
the Palace, and was hacked to pieces by their swords.^
This arrogant Pontiff, who for so many a day, had held
both Priests and Levites in his implacable grasp, could
hope for neither pity nor protection. This, Paul, when
buffeted in the face by his orders, had foretold him : he
in his turn should be struck, but by the Hand of God.^
This violent end of a hated life, well merited though it
was, seemed none the less shocking to the populace, and
Eleazar was quick to take advantage of the general feel-
ing to demand vengeance for his father. Roused to fury
by his tirades, the mob seized upon Manahem, slew him
with all imaginable cruelty, and constrained his Zealots
to make the best of their way back to Masada. All that
was left now of their enemies was a little band of Romans
shut up in the towers of the palace. Wearied of war-
fare, these finally surrendered, under a promise of safe
conduct, it is true, but scarcely had they laid down their
arms when the perjurer Eleazar gave the signal to his
1 Acts V. 37. Josephus, Antiq, Jud., xviii. i. 1. Consult The Christ
the Son of God, book ii. chap, i., and St. Peter, chap. ii.
2 Josephus, Bell. Jud.y ii. xvii. 8, 9.
3 Acts xxiii. 3.
186 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
men to slaughter them. Metilius, commander of the co-
hort, was the only one spared, and that only at the cost
of an active cowardice on his part, — by allowing himself
to be circumcised.^
Jerusalem was lost to the Eomans, and with it almost
the whole of Judea, for all the garrisons roundabout, in-
cluding those of Jericho and the Dead Sea, made haste to
capitulate.^ The insurrectionists were thus left masters
of the country, free to organize the most formidable sort
of resistance known to history, — that of a mob drunken
with fanatical rage, without leaders or councillors, ready,
if need be, to bury themselves beneath the ruins of the
State.
II. Massacre of the Jews in the East.
THE campaign OF CESTIUS GALLUS.
riorus had abandoned Jerusalem to its fate sometime
during the month of May, 66, and the last Koman guard
succumbed there about the end of September ;2 thus
during four months the insurrection had been allowed to
develop its forces without anything having been done on
the part of Eome to stay its progress. How are we to
account for this inactivity ? Josephus, as we have seen,
explains it, so far as Florus is concerned, by imputing to
him a plot to force matters to the last extremity. But
there was Cassius as well, on whom this Procurator was
dependent, and who was responsible for this entire quar-
ter of the Empire. Why was he so slow to act ? His
indolence and well known incapacity when he was pushed
to the necessity of taking up arms, furnish in some meas-
ure the reason for his conduct ; but furthermore we know
that from the very first he had shown himself utterly
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., ii. xvii. 9, 10.
2 Ibid., Bell. Jud., ii. xviii. 6.
8 " On the 17th ofEloul (September) the Romans withdrew from Juda
and Jerusalem." Megillath Taanith, xiv. The outbreak at Jerusalem, re-
sulting from the sacrilegious demands of Florus, took place in the course
of the preceding month of May. Josephus, Bell, Jud., ii. xv. 2.
MASSACRE OF THE JEWS IN THE EAST. 187
devoid of discernment. Accustomed as he was to the sec-
tarian strifes which were constantly dividing the inhabi-
tants of Jerusalem into hostile camps, he could not bring
himself to believe that the revolt of the city would ex-
tend itself beyond its walls ; consequently, he argued, of
what use was it to expose himself to the fury of a few
fanatics who were fated to tear each other to pieces, and
whose madness inspired only fear and repulsion among
the neighboring peoples ? This sudden uprising on the
part of all Judea must have upset all his anticipations.
The signal for the outbreak of this tumult issued from
Caesarea. There, more than elsewhere in Palestine, the
situation of the Israelites was exceedingly precarious,
owing to the fact that they made up scarcely one-half of
the population. The rest of the citizens, Syrians and
Greeks for the most part, were dependent upon the Eo-
mans, who had established the seat of their government
there. But here, as everywhere else, Jews and Pagans
found it hard to dwell together in harmony. The latter,
always assured of enjoying the confidence, or at least the
tolerance of the magistrates, lost no opportunity of mo-
lesting those of their fellow-citizens who for so many
reasons were hateful to them. Hitherto this feeling had
vented itself in midnight brawls and secret ambushes,
more or less sanguinary in their results, but which the
leading men in the city put a stop to as promptly as pos-
sible. Upon the news that Jerusalem had succeeded in
expelling the Eomans neck and crop from out her walls,
however, the Pagans of Csesarea, believing that war had
been declared, lost no time in attacking the Jews. In
the space of one hour twenty thousand of the latter were
slain, nor was a single one left in the city ; for Florus
gave orders that all who escaped the massacre should be
seized and sent to the galleys.^
All Judea was thrilled with horror by the reports of
this carnage, and believed itself threatened with actual
extermination. Bands of guerillas were hastily formed,
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud,^ ii. xviii, 1,\
188 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
and these, sweeping down suddenly upon the towns and
villages of the Syrians, committed frightful deeds of
reprisal. Philadelphia, Hesebon, Gerasa, and Pella were
ravaged ; the Decapolis and Gaulanitis suffered the same
fate. Troops of insurgents swept hither and thither, with
no concerted plan of action, moved only by the lust for
vengeance which filled their souls. After a daring inroad
upon the Tyrian cities, and even upon Csesarea itself,
they fell back to the southward, put Ascalon to the torch
and razed Anthedon and Gaza to the ground. On the
other hand, the Syrians displayed a desperation as fierce
as their own ; not content with returning murder for mur-
der, they believed that there was no safety for them in
many of the districts until they had massacred all the
Jews in the neighboring parts. Even where they did not
proceed to such extremities, the situation became none
the less intolerable. In every town there were two hos-
tile camps ; the nights were passed in alarms, the days in
deeds of violence. One incident related by Josephus, is
the best witness to the ferocity exhibited on both sides.^
In Scythopolis the Jews had joined forces with the
Syrians in the hope of repelling the rebel bands which
were threatening the city. The Pagan population, scent-
ing some treachery in this proffered aid, accepted it on
condition of their withdrawal every evening with their
families into a forest close by. On the third night the
Syrians fell upon the unfortunate allies unexpectedly, and
massacred thirteen thousand of them. One of the noblest
among these children of Israel, Simon, son of Saul, who
had distinguished himself during the engagements of the
preceding days, felt all the old faith grow great within
him as his last hour drew near. In a loud voice and with
a majestic gesture bidding his assailants halt, he cried out
to them that he, indeed, deserved to die for having fought
in their ranks against his fellow-countrymen, but that he
would not receive the death-stroke from any Pagan hand.
Thereupon he seized his aged father and slew him. His
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., ii. xviii. 1, 2, 5 ; Vita, 6.
MASSACRE OF THE JEWS IN THE EAST. 189
mother, his wife, his children, willingly suffered death at
his hands ; only then, and standing upon their dead
bodies he drove his sword into his own heart. The horri-
fied Syrians realized then what they had to expect from
men capable of such passions.^
The storm covering such a territory in Judea could not
fail to affect the neighboring regions. Cassius and Agrippa
had succeeded in assuaging it in Syria, but in Egypt it
raged with all its violence. Here the Israelites had mul-
tiplied to such an extent that their dwellings occupied
a whole quarter of Alexandria, or, to be more exact,
that half of the city called the Delta. Within this do-
main of theirs, although enjoying complete autonomy,
having their tribal courts with their own leaders, they
went further and laid claim to privileges granted to the
Pagan city, and in consequence frequently came in con-
flict with the latter.
The tidings which came from Judea agitated them now
more than ordinarily would have been the case. Learn-
ing that the citizens of Alexandria were deliberating in
the Circus as to the sending of a special ambassador to
Nero, the Jews were desirous of entering with them and
taking part in their assembly ; they were, however, received
with violence and forcibly ejected ; whereupon they re-
turned in a body, bearing burning torches to set fire to
the amphitheatre ; and this they would have done, had
not Alexander, Governor of the city, arrived in time.
The latter personage was a man of their own blood,
and Philo's nephew. He exerted himself to the utmost
to calm them, but seeing that his efforts were only met
with scoffing and he himself showered with insult and
contempt, he was forced to have recourse to arms. His
troops actually consisted of a whole army corps ; for,
besides the two legions quartered in the city, five thou-
sand men, lately arrived from Lybia, were there at this
juncture.
Driven back into their own section of the city by the
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., ii. xviii. 3, 4.
190 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
soldiers, the Jews offered a desperate resistance, but over-
whelmed by mere numbers, they perished to the last man.
When the riot was at last quelled, fifty thousand corpses
blocked the streets of the Delta.^
These conflicts resolved themselves, in fact, into racial
and religious wars. In Palestine their ravages were ex-
tended over a period of many months, enveloping the
whole population in the same dreadful and lamentable
fate. Amid all these troubles, what had become of the
disciples of Christ ? Undoubtedly a large number of
them perished too, and of these the larger number, per-
haps, fell victims to the fury of the Jews rather than to
that of the Pagans. In fact, Josephus speaks of certain
" Judaizers " whom the Syrians and Greeks did not con-
found with the Jews by birth, and whose lives they there-
fore spared.^ Under this appellation the Christians were
always comprised together with the Pagans affiliated with
Mosaism. Although they were less clearly marked out
for popular vengeance than were the Jews, they were
none the less looked upon with suspicion by their neigh-
bors, among whom they lived as strangers in a strange
land. We may well believe also that even in places where
they escaped slaughter they were not safe from acts of
rapine which were always the sequel to a general mas-
sacre.^ The disciples of Jesus would naturally be the first
to suffer such unjust spoliation, and accordingly once more
they accepted their fate with calmness and resignation ;
their hopes and thoughts all set upon that Saviour Who,
as Paul had but now reminded them, is ever ready and
faithful in recompensing the patience of His Martyrs by
the bestowal of infinite rewards. " For yet a little while
and He that cometh shall be come, and He shall not
tarry." *
When this state of anarchy, in the throes of which
Judea was struggling, began to spread its terrors through-
out the surrounding countries, Cestius Gallus at last saw
lit to attempt some measures for its relief. He marched
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., ii. xviii. 7-8. ^ Ibid.
2 Ibid., ii. xviii. 2. * Hebr. x. 37.
MASSACRE OF THE JEWS IN THE EAST. 191
up from Antioch toward Jerusalem, at the head of a ver-
itable army ; for besides the thirteen thousand men be-
longing to the regular troops at his disposal, he had
collected an equal number of auxiliaries, furnished by
those Syrian towns in which the hereditary hatred of the
Jews was most inveterate. Two allied princes rode at
their head : Sohemus of Emesus and the Jewish King
Agrippa. In Galilee and along the coast they met with
feeble resistance, and speedily reduced these districts to
subjection. On the 24th of October Cestius pitched his
camp at Gabaon, some fifty stadia distant from Jerusalem.^
It was just at the time of the Feast of the Tabernacles,
and he expected to encounter a disorganized mob, a mere
throng of pilgrims incapable of facing for a moment his
disciplined troops. This fresh blunder cost him dearly.
There were certain well-seasoned warriors among these
strangers on their way Jerusalemwards, — Niger of Peraea ;
Simon, the son of Gioras ; one of Agrippa the Second's for-
mer lieutenants, Silas of Babylon, with two princes of
Adiabene, — Monobazus and Cenedseus. These leaders
marshalled those of the people who were under arms in
orderly ranks, distributed the several masses in formidable
array, then gave the signal to charge upon their foes.
The rout of the Koman troops would have been complete
and final had not their cavalry succeeded in turning the
Jews and attacking their flank. They were forced thereby
to call a halt if they would not be cut off from their base.
The Legate was none the less baffled and disconcerted by
this vigorous feat of arms. For several days afterward
he dared not venture an attack upon the city.^
Agrippa profited by this respite to attempt a supreme
effort to use his influence over his compatriots. In the
name of Eome he offered them a free and entire amnesty.
Many of them lent a willing ear to his appeals, and per-
haps he might have succeeded had not the Zealots, sud-
1 Nearly six miles. Gabaon, the modern El Dgib, is the city of
Gibeon, frequently mentioned in the Old Testament. See Guerin, Judee,
i. 385, 391.
^ Josepbus, Bell. Jud., ii. xviii. 9-11 ; xix. 1, 2.
192 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
denly falling upon the two envoys of the Prince, killed
one, wounded the other, and scattered all those of their
own party who showed any signs of yielding, with blows
and a shower of stones. Once more they were left mas-
ters of Jerusalem, and were able and in a position to
demand war to the death.^
The only advantage the Romans reaped from this em-
bassy,— an important advantage, however, — was the dis-
covery that the town was divided in sentiment ; that there
were many there who were disposed to submit. Cestius,
who set great stock upon the aid of this more temperate
element, regained all his former confidence ; drew up his
troops closer to the ramparts, about half an hour's journey
distant, upon the heights of Scopus, which commands all
the region roundabout.^ There for three days he awaited
the result of the intrigue set on foot by his agents. Finally,
on the 30th of October, finding that his plans were inef-
fectual, he gave the command to advance. The rebels
fell back before the legions, so imposing when drawn up
in battle array, and took refuge within the Temple and in
the Upper City. Cestius occupied without resistance the
entire northern district of the town, set fire to the quarter
of the city known as Bezetha, and did not halt until arrived
at the foot of Sion, before the Palace of the Asmonseans.
There again he called a halt, always counting on the pos-
sibility that the gates would be opened to him ; but the
Zealots were there on guard, fully prepared to stifle the
first spark of collusion with the enemy. Suspecting cer-
tain leaders of the moderate party of carrying on under-
hand dealings, they fiung them down from the top of
the walls, and thus demonstrated to the Romans the
value of their expectations.
Finally, on the 5th of November, Cestius decided to
give the command to assault ; the point of attack was the
1 Josephus Be^L Jud. , ii. xix. 3.
2 The Scopus is "a slightly elevated platform which commands the
northwest extremity of the Valley of Josapliat." Guerin, Description de la
Jud^e, vol. i. pp. 402, 403. " On the west it approaches the ramparts ; a
distance of seven stadia separates it from the city." Josephus, Bell. Jud.y
V. ii. 3.
MASSACRE OF THE JEWS IN THE EAST. 193
northern side of the Temple. The legionaries raised their
shields above their heads, thereby forming an iron vault,
known in military parlance as the " turtle -back," which
allowed of their approaching the ramparts without being
crushed by missiles hurled from above, and forthwith be-
gan the work of undermining.
The sound of these muffled and ever-redoubled blows
struck terror to the souls of the besieged ; even the wild-
est enthusiasts began to lose heart, and the peace party
was getting the upper hand ; one final effort on the part
of the Romans would have carried the day for them, when
suddenly Cestius abandoned his prey and bade his buglers
sound the retreat.^ How account for this incredible panic ?
In his ignorance of the real state of their minds, did he
mistake their cries of powerless rage for those of indomi-
table fanaticism ? Or was he fearful that the multitude of
pilgrims who were then tenting about the walls would block
his retreat and smother his forces beneath the ramparts ?
This we shall never know. But the man who had shown
himself so ill-advised in the council chamber could hardly
have been expected to evince any foresight or fearlessness
in the field.
At this stroke of good fortune the rebels for the moment
could scarcely believe their eyes, but speedily recovering
their former confidence and audacity, they sallied forth in
pursuit of the Romans. On the following day Cestius,
after being continually harassed by them, was forced to
relinquish Scopus, and began a retreat as shameful as it
was bloody. His legions, in heavy marching order, ad-
vanced but slowly, surrounded by a swarm of foes which
hovered about the flanks of his army and attacked them
on every side. By the time they reached Gabaon, their
first encampment, they had left a trail of dead bodies in
their rear, and among these many of their leaders. Even
here no rest was given them, and after two days of dread-
ful suffering they were forced to resume their retreat in
all haste toward Csesarea.
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., ii. xix. 4-6.
13
194 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
The slopes of Bethoron, which the Eoinans were now to
descend, form a pass renowned in the chronicles of Israel,
but of direful omen to its foes. It was there that Josue
had beheld the flight of the Five Kings of Chanaan, over-
whelmed by the power of God. There too, addressing
the Eternal, he had cried out, " Sun, stay thy course over
Gabaon, and thou, 0 Moon, in the valley of Aialon . . .
And the sun stayed in its course for one whole day, and
there has not been, either before or since, a day like unto
that wherein the Eternal barkened to the voice of a man ;
for the Eternal was fighting on the side of Israel." ^ This
ancient hymn from the book of Jashar must have been
ringing in the ears of the Jews when they beheld the
legions swallowed up in that narrow defile. In swarms
they thronged up the rocks which overhang it ; crouched
in ambush in gorges, some firing from above a fusillade of
missiles upon them, while others, from front and rear, cut
off their path. Had not night fallen, not one Roman
would have escaped. The Legate took advantage of the
darkness to make good his escape to the plain below, with
the remnant of the troops left to him. He had lost five
thousand men and the Eagle of the Twelfth Legion.
Since the defeat of Varus in the forests of Germany,
Rome had never suffered a like disgrace. It was the
death-blow of Cestius.^
1 Josue X. 12-14. * Josephus, Bell. Jud., ii. xix. 7-9.
CHAPTER X.
THE EPISTLE OF ST. JUDE — ST. PAUL'S LAST
MISSION JOURNEY.
The Christians of Judea had little leisure during the
dark days through which their land was passing to amuse
themselves with fantastic dreams or dogmatic discussions
as of yore. Persecuted by the priestly aristocracy, there-
after caught in the meshes of a sanguinary rebellion, they
simply clung to their faith without dealing in any subtil-
ties, but satisfied if they could but follow the example of
James and the Elders. Very different was the conduct
of their brethren in Upper Syria and Asia Minor; the
intellectual divigations and wanton living against which
the Bishop of Jerusalem has spoken so strongly ^ were
still too much in evidence among a goodly number of
believers. Certain false doctors persisted in propagating
this evil by distorting Paul's doctrine concerning the
abrogation of the Law. Pretending to understand thereby
the whole code of morality, they asserted that the Apostle
had released suifering humanity from all its bonds and
given it free license to satisfy its appetites, no matter
what they might be. This was nothing less than to trans-
form his proclamation of a spiritual emancipation, and of
a perfectly pure and heavenly grace which should accom-
pany it, into a propaganda of licentiousness.^ To give
some show of authority to this debasement of the human
senses, they must needs begin by corrupting the souls of
their hearers and obscure the clear rays which Jesus sheds
on all alike. Nor were these children of darkness found
wanting in this respect ; they even went so far as to deny
that Divine Saviour and to treat both His reign here below,^
1 See Chapter II. 2 jude 4. 8 Ibid.
196 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
and His return to judge the world as a dream and a
chimera.^
One voice was raised in indignant protest against this
work of corruption, apparently some time during the
period now occupying our attention.^ It was the voice of
Jude, one of the Twelve, which made itself heard in tones
so vigorous and with a forcefulness of thought well fitted
to surprise us, coming from an Apostle whose history and
whose person had hitherto been kept completely in the
shade. After the mention of his calling, he appears but
once during the Public Life of the Saviour, and then only
to interrupt the Master's speech and show himself
strangely dull of comprehension.^ In the Evangelist's
1 Jude 14, 15.
2 The numerous similarities to be noticed in the eleventh chapter of
the Second Epistle of St. Peter, and St. Jude's letter, form the only basis
we have for determining the date of the latter. Indeed, we have only to
compare the two works to convince ourselves that one of these Apostles
was an actual eye-witness of the events which the other one had written
about, and that he is referring to him. Now for the following reason it
would seem that the priority ought to be conceded to St. Jude's Epistle.
This short missive is not couched in the style of a commentary, or of a
letter carefully composed with the idea of explaining and confirming some
earlier work. It is a sudden and spontaneous effort directed against cor-
rupters of the faithful. Jude makes no mention of the -Apostles, whose
authority would have lent great weight to his words. On the other hand,
the heresy anathematized in both Epistles is better known to St. Peter, set
forth by him in greater detail, and refuted by arguments far clearer and
more convincing. From this it is natural to conclude that the first Avas
written by Jude at a time when these errors had not as yet obtained their
full development, or were known only imperfectly, and for this reason he
could not speak in more explicit terms. Furthermore, if he really had in
his possession the work of the Prince of the Apostles, how are we to ex-
plain the fact that he omitted to make use of certain of its features ad-
mirably fitted for his purposes ? For instance, when citing the same examples
of a Divine retribution, how did he come to pass over the most striking one,
the Deluge ? (2 Peter ii. 5.) If we take the other hypothesis, these diffi-
culties disappear : St. Peter, writing with the idea of completing and
confirming Jude's letter, explains certain passages more at length, omits
certain others, and elsewhere alludes so briefly to certain points that his
meaning would be more than doubtful to us if we had not Jude's letter to
cast some some light upon it. (2 Peter ii. 11; Jude 9.) For a compara-
tive study of the two texts, De Wette-Briickner, Handhuch, vol. i. p. 3,
pp. 163-170 ; Hundhausen, Die beiden Pontificatschr. des Ap. Petrus, ii.,
pp. 100-112; Rampf, Der Brief Judoe, pp. 156-162.
3 John xiv, 22. See the interpretation of this passage in The Christ
The Son of God, book vi., chap, v., sect. 1
THE EPISTLE OF SAINT JUDE. 197
eyes it would seem that the only illustrious thing about
him was his birth, by virtue of which he was the son of
Mary, sister of the Blessed Virgin,^ and the brother of
James.^ The latter title in the primitive Church served
to distinguish him from Judas Iscariot,^ as well as from
the various other Judases. He himself makes use of it,*
as if he too delighted to recall the fact that such intimate
ties united him to the great Bishop of Jerusalem.
But something far closer than mere kinship of blood, a
brotherhood of the soul, bound these two together. The
single page which we possess from the pen of Jude proves
that he was as much attached to the Olden Covenant as was
James ; like him nourishing his mind upon the great past
of Israel, its glorious annals, its Prophets, and its traditions
as well. Ever since the era of the Machabees, the latter
had been carefully gathered up by the Jews, and consti-
tuted a series of so-called Apochrypha, a notable portion
of which has come down to us. Whether Jude really had
these documents at his disposal, or whether he was draw-
ing simply on the original traditions themselves, he
unquestionably made use of these sources when writing
his Epistle. We can trace in particular the influences
upon his mind of the " Visions " attributed to Henoch,^
1 Matt. xiii. 55. 3 John xiv. 22.
2 Luke vi. 16. * Jude 1.
^ The Prayer of Manassah, Third Book of Esdras, Third and Fourth
Books of the Macchabees, The Book of Henoch, The Psalms of Solomon,
The Apocalypse, and The Assumption of Moses, and a part of the Sibylline
Books (verses 97-828 of the Third Book).
^ Henoch, raised up by God, like Elias (Gen. v. 24), was one of the
most venerated personages in the Old Testament ; one of those through
whose mediation they expected to both see and hear tlie manifestation of
the Eternal. Some few authentic sayings of this Patriarch were in all
likelihood preserved by oral tradition, and formed the kernel about which,
in the course of time, there grew up a mass of apocryphal visions and reve-
lations. In the second century before Christ, these traditions, for the most
part legendary, were embodied in the so-called Book of Henoch, an apoc-
alyptical document, composed originally in Aramaean, afterwards trans-
lated into Greek, revised and altered again and again in the course of
of time, — in the final instance probably by some Jewish convert to Chris-
tianity. Though this work enjoyed great renown in the first centuries of
the Church, it never found a place either in the Canon of the Jews or in
that of the Christians. To-day we possess no integral copy of it except in
an Ethiopian version, discovered by Bruce in Abyssinia (1773), and very
198 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
as well as of the narrative whose subject matter was the
death and assumption of Moses.^ The Divine Spirit
revealed to the Apostle the foundation of truth on which
these echoing chambers of the past were erected, while
from the more or less authentic sayings of Henoch, God
gave him power to distinguish certain words actually
pronounced by that Patriarch.^ Among all the legends
which the mysterious burial of Moses had given rise to,
the Holy Ghost here certifies to the fact that Satan had
sought to steal his body, intending to exhibit it for the
adoration of the Jews, and that to thwart his designs the
Archangel Michael needed but to call down the name and
the judgment of God upon him.
This constant reference to traditional incidents, of as
little interest to the Gentile world as they were dear to
the Israelites, is proof enough that Jude was addressing
an audience of converted Jews. But from what locality
was he writing to them ? This we are unable to decide with
any degree of certitude, since no precise data are left us
concerning the ministry of this Apostle. In the fourth and
fifth centuries. Upper Syria and Mesopotamia,^ near neigh-
carefully edited by Dillmann (1851). George le Syneelle, however, has
preserved certain fragments of the Greek text, and M. Bouriant recovered
the first thirty-two chapters of this version in 1886.
1 The death of Moses is recounted in Deuteronomy (xxxiv. 5, 6) as fol-
lows : " And Moses, the servant of the Eternal, died there, in the land of
Moab, according to the word of the Eternal ; and He buried him in the
valley of the land of Moab over against Beth-Peor ; and no one unto this
day knoweth of his se[)ulchre." The mystery enshrouding his burial place
gave rise to many legends, which were collected in the Apocryphal book
entitled: 'Avd\7]\j/LS Mwuo-ews, The Assumption of Moses. All we know of
this work is contained in a fragment discovered in the Ambrosian Library
of Milan in 1861: (Ceriani, Monnmenta sacra et profana, vol. i., fasc. 1,
pp. 55-62), and through certain quotations by the Fathers (Clement of
Alexandria, Adumbr. in ep. Jud. [Zahn, Supplementum Ciementinum,
p. 84] ; Strom., i. 22, 153; vi. 15, 132; Origen, De principiis, iii. 21;
In Josuam, Horn., ii, 1; Didymus of Alexandria, In Epist. Judm, enarratio,
etc. ) St. Jude may have been acquainted with this work, for the best
critics, Ewall, Wieseler, Drummond, and Dillmann, agree in referring its
composition to the time of our Lord.
2 " Scripsisse cjuidem nonnulla divina Enoch ilium septimum ab Adam
negare non possumus, cum hoc in epistola cauonica Judas apostolus dicat."
St. Augustine, De Civitate Dei, xv. 23, 4.
^ Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica, i. 13 ; St. Jerome, in Matth., x. 4 ;
THE EPISTLE OF SAINT JUDE.
bors of the Christian congregation of Asia founded by Saint
Paul, were believed to have been the field of his evangeli-
cal labors. It was to the last-named Churches, as we have
seen, that James wrote his letter; ^ and according to all
appearance it was for them also that Jude destined his.
He has in view the same corrupters of faith and morals,
who, in place of the illumination from on High, were seek-
ing to substitute their own animal and diabolical wisdom,
the mere instinct of brutes devoid of reason ; these were
the same adulterous souls which were polluting the Agape,
whose calm they disturbed by mocking words and arrogant
discourses, defiling all they came in contact with by their
lewd touch.2
James had foreseen the effect his Epistle would have on
these carnal men : the mirror he held up to them reflected
their image but too faithfully ; they would slink away
abashed even while he was beseeching them to listen to
right reason.^ Thus, so far as they were concerned, the
Apostle's words were destined to bear no fruit ; they had
persisted in this workmanship of death, — with no noise,
however, but " creeping stealthily,"^ like venom poured in
the veins of the Churches whose bodies they infected.
The plague spot had pushed its roots deeper than Jude
had any notion of when he first conceived the idea of
writing to these Christians. Indeed, it had been a long-
cherished project of his to do something toward encourag-
ing the Asiatic communities by reminding them of " salva-
tion common unto all the elect, the beloved of God the
Father."^ Accordingly his letter, prepared "with great
care,"^ was simply intended in the first instance as an
exhortation couched in such terms as would be best
adapted to encourage those Christian congregations which
Nicephorus Callistus, Historia ecclesiastica, ii. 40 ; Assemani, Bihiloth.
Orient, III. 2.
1 Chapter II., p. 31.
2 James ii. 2-4, 6, 7; iii. 14, 15; iv. 2, 4, 16 ; v. 1-6 ; Jude 7, 8, 10,
11, 12, 16.
3 James i. 23, 24.
* Jude 4, Tiapeicrebvcrav. 5 Ibid., 3.
^ Ibid., Ilacrav awovdriv iroiov/xevos ypd<p€cu.
200 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
Paul's prolonged absence had left leaderless. But some
fortuitous circumstance put him in possession of more
definite news concerning the true state of these Churches,
and of the corruption breeding in their midst ; Jude real-
ized forthwith that at such a crisis heroic remedies were
needed ; he must needs use his scalpel vigorously if he
would remove all danger of mortification to the body, and
save the true souls by cutting off the false. This explains
the energetic spirit which animates his Epistle, making it
read like a veritable battle-cry cast in the teeth of heresy :
" Jude, the slave of Jesus Christ and brother of James, to
them that are chosen as the well beloved of God the Father
and preserved by Jesus Christ ! May Mercy, Peace, and
Love increase within you more and more.
" Dearly beloved : Even whilst I was taking every care to
write unto you on the subject of our common salvation, I
found myself under the necessity of addressing you these
words, to conjure you to defend the Faith which hath been
taught unto the Saints once for all. For certain men have
stolen in among you (of whom it had been foretold long
since that they would incur this judgment) who turn the
grace of God into profligacy, and deny our only Master and
Lord, Jesus Christ.
" Now, therefore, I wish to remind you of what you learned
erstwhile, namely, that the Lord, having saved the people
out of the land of Egypt, did afterward destroy such as
showed themselves unbelieving ; ^ that He detained them
bound in the land of darkness, and reserveth unto the judg-
ment of the Great Da}'' those Angels who did not maintain
their pristine dignity, but forsook their own habitation ; and
that Sodom and Gomorrah and the neighboring cities, for
having given themselves to fornication and fallen into the
abuse of strange flesh, were made an example of, suffering
the punishment of eternal fire.^ In like manner these
visionaries also defile the flesh, despise all authority, con-
temn all dignities. The Archangel Michael himself durst
not use words of execration against Satan when he dis-
puted with him touching the body of Moses, and was content
to say to him, 'May God display His Power over thee!'
1 Num. xiv. 37. '<* Gen. xix. 24.
THE EPISTLE OF SAINT JUDE. 201
But these men blaspheme that of which they are utterly
ignorant ; and whatsoever things they know naturally, like
beasts devoid of reason, these they corrupt. Woe unto
them! For they are walking in the path of Cain,^ and for
money they are plunging into the devious ways of Balaam.^
Imitators of the rebellious Korah,^ like him they shall
perish. These men are a disgrace to your Agape ; there
in your company they feast shamelessly, thinking of naught
but to fill their bellies. These are but clouds without water,
borne hither and thither by the winds ; barren trees which
flourish only in the autumn, twice dead, plucked up by the
roots, raging waves of the sea, casting up the spume of
their infamies ; wandering stars unto whom the shades of
darkness are reserved for all eternity. ' T was of them that
Henoch, the seventh Patriarch after Adam, prophesied in
these terms : * Behold the Lord cometh with His Myriad
Saints to execute His judgment on all ; to convict the un-
godly of every work of ungodliness which they have com-
mitted, and of every blasphemous word which these ungodly
sinners have uttered against Him.' ^ Murmurers these,
ceaselessly complaining, they walk according to their own
lusts ; their mouths are full of pompous words, but they
speak only for the admiration of men, to further their own
interests.
''As for you, my dearly beloved, be mindful of what
hath been foretold you by the Apostles of Our Lord Jesus
Christ. They told you that in the later days there would
appear impostors walking according to their own ungodly
lusts. These be they who separate themselves; being sensual
men, they have not the Spirit. But you, dearly beloved,
building yourselves upon the foundation of Our Most Holy
Faith, and praying by the Holy Ghost, keep yourselves in
the love of God in expectation of the Mercy of Our Lord
Jesus Christ unto Life Everlasting. Eeprove them that
strive against you, but others there be whom you shall save
by snatching them out of the burning ; others, too, on whom
you shall have compassion, taking good heed unto your-
1 Gen. iv. 8-16.
2 Num. xxii. 7, 18-21 ; xxv. 1-9 ; xxxi. 15, 16.
8 Ibid., xvi.
* In the Book of Henoch (i. 9) we find a passage analogous to this quo-
tation in St. Jude.
202 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
selves, however, and hating even the garment which the
flesh hath soiled.^
''Now, unto Him Who is able to preserve you without
sin, and to present you spotless before the Throne of His
Glory, with exceeding joy, unto the only God Our Saviour
through Our Lord Jesus Christ, be Glory, Majesty, Power,
and Empire before all ages, and now and forever and ever'
more. Amen."
The vigorous tone of this Apostolical missive won for it
many readers and great renown everywhere in the East.
This we know from the fact that when Peter was ap-
proaching his end and wrote his second letter to the
Churches of those parts, he could conceive no means
better fitted to touch their hearts than by making Jude's
words his own. Paul, too, on his part, was never for-
getful of these Christian congregations, the first fruits of
his Apostolate in Pagan lands, and was now returning
from the confines of the East to consecrate his final labors
to their welfare. We have already seen him, while tarry-
ing in some part of Italy, dictating to one of his disciples
his letter to the Hebrews, and addressing it to the Mother
Church, then so sorely tried.
There were other Christians, however, no less exposed
to perils, especially those of Crete, which lay directly on
his route, travelling by sea from Spain to Asia Minor.
Paul did not know them personally, having merely
touched the island during a storm which swept his vessel
from the docks of Myra on to the rocks of Malta ;2 but
he had been informed that these communities were in
a state of abandonment, leaderless, and perpetually in
danger of falling into error. He resolved to visit them
1 Here St. Jude would seem to distinguish between three sorts of per-
sons infected by the heresy. The first are the obstinate sectaries, dis-
putants to whom no consideration is due, nor is of any avail ; let them be
condemned unhesitatingly. The second class, over whom the Faith still
retained some ascendency, must be vigorously snatched like brands from
the burning. As for the last mentioned, who are not completely under
their sway, but are yet capable of embracing the truth and finding salva-
tion, to all such it behooves them to display a tender compassion. Let
them be on their guard, however, in this charitable business, lest they soil
themselves and breathe in the pestilential error.
* See St. Paul and his Missions, chap, xviii.
THE EPISTLE OF SAINT JUDE. 203
together with Titus, and to supply them with what was
most needed for their preservation, namely, a body of
Pastors united to the Apostolic College.
How are we to account for the absence of a regular
constitution in the island of Crete ? Evidently because
neither the Twelve nor any of their delegates had founded
these Christian congregations. The seeds of the true faith
had been wafted hither from the coast cities of Asia, where
it was blossoming so luxuriantly, perchance from Jeru-
salem itself ; and this must have happened at the very
outset, for Cretans are mentioned in the Acts among the
eye-witnesses of the Pentecost.^ In the period which
followed, that intercourse which was never allowed to
flag between the various synagogues of the Eoman world
kept alive among Christians of Crete the same eager in-
terest which the name and deeds of Jesus everywhere
awakened. Furthermore, there is every reason to believe
that some disciples of the Saviour were to be found among
the sons of Israel whose duty it was to visit the numer-
ous colonies of Jews throughout the island where they
resided.^ By some such means the Glad Tidings had been
spread throughout this region.
From whatever point they may have come, these seeds
of Faith had budded forth and borne fruit already : for in
many of the island cities Paul encountered Christian fra-
ternities. Deprived of leaders as they were, these groups of
Christians were of anything but sturdy growth. Another
cause, however, and one still more enervating, helped to
increase this spiritual languor. The Cretans had an un-
fortunate reputation, so far as morality and character were
concerned. Ancient writers depict them as the readiest
of liars,^ avaricious, greedy, crafty ; * and Saint Paul says
nothing to lessen their ill-repute.
1 Acts ii. 11.
2 Josephus, Antiq. Jud., xvii. xii. 1 ; Bell. Jud., ii. vii. 1 ; Philo., Leg.
ad Cai., sect. 36.
^ Polybius, vi. 47, 5 ; viii. 21, 5 ; Ovid, Ars Amatoi-, i. 297. KprjTi^eLu,
' ' to speak Cretan," and " to lie '' are synonymous terms in Greek : kptjtL-
^€iv 7rp6s Kp^ras eireidr] xpedcrrai Kal diraTewves eiai. Suidas.
* Polybius, iv. 8, 11; vi. 46, 3; Plutarch, Paul. JE mil. y 23; Titus
Livy, xliv. 45, etc.
204 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
What could he expect from neophytes bred in this
tainted atmosphere ? Jews and Pagans alike had breathed
in the seeds of contagion. Their unwholesome natures
were ill-adapted to answer the promptings of Grace. In
many souls faith had operated so freely as to revive in
them the noble instincts of their race, thus rendering
them upright and pure : but others there were, not less
numerous, who were still only partly redeemed from the
corrupting influences about them. Christians in name,
at bottom they differed hardly at all from the unbelievers ;
" reason, conscience, all that was in them, were still de-
filed." ^ " They profess to know God," says Paul, " but
they deny Him by their works, being abominable, rebel-
lious, and reprobate to every good work." ^ It was espe-
cially among the Jews that the Apostle encountered such
rebellious hearts and self-opinionated minds, — men wdio
seemed to have accepted the Faith with the sole idea of
distorting it. " They busied themselves solely in leading
astray men's souls by filling their minds with foolish
fables,"^ — those pernicious fables which Paul had al-
ready combated at Ephesus and Colossse.* From these;
Churches, near neighbors of Crete, the weeds and tares had
infested this island, taking root as speedily as the good
grain, and threatening its extinction ; for these " vain
babblers " ^ knew well how to make the greatest impres-
sion, and thus gain an audience for their idle fancies.
Paul beheld '' whole households subverted by them ;"^ but
his indignation was not excited so much by the renown
enjoyed by these seducers as it was by the tireless energy
which they evinced. He saw at once that preaching was
merely a means of coining money in the eyes of these
mercenary souls, and that they were but carrying on a
traffic at the expense of their dupes.^ It was easy for
the Apostle, by simply tearing away the mask which
covered their base cupidity, to render them odious ; but in
1 Tit. i. 15. 4 See Chapters III. and IV.
2 Ibid., i. 16. 5 MaTaioUyoi. Tit. 1. 10.
3 Ibid., i. 10. 6 Tit. i. 11.
^ AiddcrKOVTes h fxr] 5e? aiaxpov nipdovs X'^P'-^' Tit. i. 11.
THE EPISTLE OF SAINT JUDE. 205
order to nullify their influence completely, a persevering
and prolonged struggle would be required. Nor, indeed,
would it be enough for him to meet and overwhelm those
corrupters of morals whom he met on his way. It be-
hooved him to prevent them from regaining any ascen-
dency over men's minds. Now, to attain this end, nothing
was of greater importance than the constitution of a body
of Pastors, the lack of which they had so grievously felt
in the Island of Crete. ^
With so many other pressing duties on his hands, Paul
could not linger long enough to make the preparations
necessary for the laying of such solid foundations in the
Churches of this region. But he had with him his dis-
ciple Titus, the one man after him the most capable of
displaying the requisite persistency and vigor. We have
beheld him in Corinth, speaking with such authority in
the name of his teacher that the culprits trembled before
him and hastened to submit.^ Paul, realizing that in this
" son worthy of him " ^ there beat a heart steadfast as it
was valiant, relied on his strong arm in many a critical
hour. But there was another quality in Titus's character
which he esteemed as highly as he did this strength of
soul, and that was the unselfishness which he displayed
in devoting himself to his Apostolical labors, refusing, as
did his master, to be indebted in any way to those he
evangelized. In order to silence certain Corinthians who
taunted him with self-seeking, Paul needed but to remind
them of the generosity of his companion. "Did Titus
enrich himself at your expense ? Did we not act in the
same spirit ? Did we not walk in the same steps ? " *
It was precisely such an example of indifference to self
that he wished displayed to the Cretans as in most strik-
ing contrast to the covetousness of their own misleaders.
Nothing could be better calculated to undeceive the minds
of well-meaning men than such a comparison. This lofty
virtue had been ripened in Titus by the experience and
1 Tit. i. 5.
2 St. Paul and his Missions, chap, xii., p. 294.
3 Tvri(Tl(i) TiKP(p. Tit. i. 4. * 2 Cor. xii. 18.
206 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
the maturity requisite to make it bear full fruit. Paul
had no hesitation in confiding to him the task of reviving
the Faith in the island, relying on him to complete
and to fill in the v^ork along lines which he had barely
sketched. As for himself, it behooved him to make haste
and cross over to the shores of Asia, there to visit his
own Churches, which, as he was well aware, had long
since fallen into the snares of the sectarians. The mise-
ries created everywhere here in Crete by heresy made him
fearful of discovering worse ravages among their Christian
neighbors on the mainland.
CHAPTER XL
THE EPISCOPATE — PASTORAL EPISTLES.
The fears of the Apostle were but too well founded ;
the predictions made by him to the Elders of Ephesus on
the strands of Miletus had been fulfilled only too literally :
the wolves had indeed fallen upon the liock and were
spreading death and destruction everywhere.^ These
destroyers were of the Synagogue party, wherein, if we
are to understand Saint Paul's expression literally, they
were ranked among the " Doctors of the Law. " ^ The
high sounding speeches whereby they seduced the weak
minded, women especially, were a mere redundancy of
words ; since, as they had but the vaguest idea of their
own meaning, they were quite at a loss when seeking to
prove the assertions which they shouted so lustily, lest
their hearers might discern the emptiness of their phrases.
These crude imaginings were compounded of a little of
everything, — Jewish fables, cunning myths, and inter-
minable genealogies,^ which the Gnostics were soon to
transform into their chains of Eons, ever intermingling
and begetting other forms.* These artificers of error
loudly proclaimed that they had a loftier doctrine than
the Gospel, but in fact all that they had to offer the peo-
ple was but a lot of outworn beliefs gathered from the
rubbish heap of the nations. To bring some show of order
out of this chaos of discordant conceptions, they held that
everything was to be taken in an allegorical sense, declar-
1 Acts XX. 29.
2 Nofjt,odi8daKa\ot. 1 Tim. 1. 7.
3 'lovdaLKoU fxvdot^, Tit. 1. 14. ^e^r}\ovs Kol ypacideis jxidov^, 1 Tim.
iv. 7. TeveaKoyiais direpavTOLS, 1 Tim. 1, 4.
4 We have examined these vain imaginings of heresy already in the
third chapter ; lience I simply refer to them here in a few words.
208 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
ing, for instance, that the one and only Eesurrection had
already taken place, since it is simply a transformation
of the soul wakened from the death of ignorance unto the
life of truth.i
Such were the mad speculations wherein Paul found
his Christian communities had gone astray, quarrelling
among themselves to the ruin of all brotherly love,^ and
clinging so tenaciously to their errors that it needed all
his strength to detach them. The leaders of the heresy
were Hymenj^us, Philetus, and a coppersmith named
Alexander.^ The latter in particular opposed him most
obstinately and showed so much bitterness that the
Apostle could never forget this sad incident. However,
there was no way left of silencing the sectaries save by
casting them out of the Church.* Their excommunication
sufficed for the time being to disarm the worst of his foes,
but was it not to be feared that the disturbances, now
held in check by the presence of the Apostle, would be
renewed after his departure ? At Ephesus, as in Crete,
Paul realized that the only remedy for this evil consisted
in a stronger f]jovernment set over each Church, and his
thoughts were all absorbed in its institution.
Elsewhere^ we have had glimpses of the Hierarchy as
it was constituted in those communities wherein super-
natural gifts were remarkable for their profusion, in so
much that, without distinction of persons, each and every
believer, when impelled by the Divine Spirit, rose up
among the brethren to reveal the future, to instruct and
to guide them. Under these extraordinary conditions,
which were not, however, destined to last long, what
became of the authority devised to the College of Elders
and Priests set over each Church ? They were content,
as we have seen, to simply fulfil their sacerdotal functions
and to preside over their meetings ; as, however, the latter
duty in many cases could not be undertaken collectively,
1 2 Tim. ii. 18. 2 i Tim. vi. 4, 5.
8 1 Tim. i. 20 ; 2 Tim. ii. 17 ; iv. 14.
* 1 Tim. i. 20.
* St. Paul ami his Missions, chap. viii.
THE EPISCOPATE. 209
they had been moved to designate one of their Pastors to
act in the name of the body and carry out their joint
resolutions. Tlie same motives which determined their
choice of a candidate, such as the confidence placed in
him by the faithful, his social standing and aptitude for
the task, impelled them to keep such an one in ofhce and
leave the common administration in his hands. The
Elder or Priest to whom such powers were delegated
became logically the Director of the Church, " the Over-
seer " 1 of its intimate life, of its external relations, and its
temporal interests.
Such was in all likelihood the course marked out by
the Apostles for the evolution of the Hierarchy ; a slow
transformation, whereby they were quietly preparing and
inclining their flocks to accept as leader and Pastor a
single Bishop, in place of the body of Elders which had
governed them at the outset. It is evident, however,
that under the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, they would
make no undue haste in the matter, but wait until the
time when the supernatural gifts of prophecy, counsel,
and government, which were becoming daily less super-
abundant, should give place to a more regular and defini-
tive condition of things. However, the Twelve never
forgot that while they lived the highest jurisdiction in
the Church was to remain in their hands, and that the
Bishops were as yet but their appointed successors. The
one thing needful was to arrange matters beforehand in
such wise that on their decease this succession would be
accepted naturally ; that each branch of Christendom,
each single Church, should thereby be joined, either
directly or through an intermediary, to the Apostolic
trunk. True it is that no trace of any instructions given
them upon this subject are to be gleaned from the letters
of Saint Peter and Saint Paul ; but, from among the many
traditions which they bequeathed to the Roman Church,
Saint Clement cites " the rules laid down by the Apostles
to insure the rights of succession in such a manner that
1 'ETTtV/coTTOj, the Bishop.
14
210 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
after their death other men of well proven ability should
be invested with their charge." ^ Everything goes to
confirm the existence of such arrangements, which, with-
out making any changes for the present, were a guaran-
tee for the future ; in proof of which we have the list of
Bishops going back as far as the Apostles, given on the
authority of such writers as Hegesippus, Saint Irenieus,
and Saint Dionysius of Corinth, and this fact especially,
that only fifty years later we find the Episcopate estab-
lished throughout the Christian world. Such a consensus
of fact and feeling throughout Christendom can only be
explained on the supposition that the government of a
single head over each Church is of Apostolic institution.^
Some perhaps may be astonished that I do not try to
prove from the Epistles to Titus and to Timothy ^ that
1 St. Clement, Epist ad Corinth., xliv. ; St. Irenseus (Adv/Hceres.
iii. 2, 3) tells us that this letter is a faithful tradition which the Roman
Church held as a sacred heritage from St. Peter and St. Paul. It is their
faith and their teaching that we find therein ; just as in the Epistle of St.
Polycarp we possess the traditions which St. John left to the Churches of
Smyrna and Ephesus.
2 Concerning the formation of the Episcopate, see De Smedt, Organisa-
tion des Eglises chretiennes jusqu'au milieu du III^ siecle ; Duchesne, les
Origines chretiennes, chap. vi. ; cf. Lightfoot, Phi/ippians, The Christian
Ministry, pp. 179-267 ; Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire,
pp. 364-374.
^ These three are generally known by the name " Pastoral Epistles,''
because they treat of the Pastors' ministry. From the beginning, and all
during the first three centuries, we always find them attributed to St. Paul
by orthodox writers. The sole objection, and a very specious one it is,
brought by the Rationalists of our day against the unanimous tradition, is
the difference of the style which they make so nnich of between the Pas-
toral and the preceding Epistles of the Apostle. Tliis diversity, which
they exaggerate at will, has nothing strange or remarkable about it to any-
one who honestly tries to understand under what circumstances St. Paul
wrote his last letters ; for the style of every man varies according to his
age, the subject in question, and the more or less sustained attention de-
v^oted to it by the writer. On the other hand, compare the Pastorals with
the bits of practical advice which terminate the greater Epistles, and it
will no longer be the difference of style which will strike the student, but
rather the similarity in composition, in language, even in the tricks of
speech. There are reasons in abundance which go to establish its authen-
ticity ; Catholics and Protestants alike have made good use of them. See
in particular: Cornely, Introd actio, seats. 182, 183 ; Vigouroux and Bacuez,
Manuel Biblique, vol. iv., pp. 775-778 ; Farrar, Life of St. Paul, vol. ii. :
Appendix, Excursus ix. ; Alford, Prolegomena on the Pastoral Epistles.
PASTORAL EPISTLES. 211
even then Paul meant to impress a monarchical form upon
certain Churches. But to any one who compares the
various passages contained in these letters, it will be clear
that the terms Priest and Bishop continue to be used here
as synonyms, and that the Apostle does not take the
latter title in the special sense which we give it.^ On the
other hand, there is nothing to indicate that wdien leaving
Titus in Crete and Timothy at Ephesus he intrusted them
with any other mission than one of temporary functions,
a supervision analogous to that which Epaphras exercised
over the congregations of the Lycus.^ There seems, there-
fore, no more reason for attributing to Paul with any
degree of certainty the creation of Bishops during this
latter period than hitherto ; in all probability the Apostle
confined himself to indicating, in the principal flocks under
his care, which pastor was to succeed him in this superior
rank of the Hierarchy.^
But these were merely precautionary means taken in
view of eventualities which would follow upon the death
of the Apostle ; the necessities of the moment were not
1 In the Epistle to Titus, the Priests " TrpecrjSyrepoi," whom Paul bids
him ordain in every Christian community, are called b}^ him in the same
passage eirlaKOirou KaraaTrjaris Kara ttoKlv irpecr^vTepovs ... el' tls iariv
dveyKXrjTos . . . del yap tov iiricTKoirov aveyKkriTov ehai. Tit. i. 5-7. ; cf.
Acts XX. 17, 28 ; 1 Peter v. 1, 2, etc.
2 The Christian community of Jerusalem was the only Church, so far
as we have seen, during the earliest days, which was governed by a single
Pastor. See St. Peter, chap. xi.
^ "Catholic theologians, even while contending, as they generally do,
that the institution of the Episcopate, as an order distinct from that of
simple priests, is of Divine Right, may nevertheless concede, without any
disadvantage to their contention, that this institution did not attain to its
complete development and its definitive form until after tlie time of the
Apostles. As long as the latter lived the Church possessed in them a vis-
ible and living Authority, distinctly recognized and to which belonged the
mission of preserving and transmitting the deposit of Faith, the moral
doctrine of Jesus Christ. . . . Nothing forbids our sup])Osing, or at least
regarding as possible, that the Apostles always retained the government of
the Churches in their own hands ; using as their assistants and substitutes
in the ordinary and regular exercises of worship, as well as in certain
functions of administration, those whom we call simple priests, who govern
in their name. In that case, the IMshops of a later day, would be in the
rigorous sense of the word, successors of the Apostles." De Smedt, VOr-
ganisatio7i des l^glises chre'liennes jusr/H^au milieu du IIP siecle, pp. 13, 14.
212 LAS2' YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
less urgent. Paul provided for this by his vigilance in
fortifying, and to the same end reforming, the body of
Elders which he left in charge of the Churches. Hitherto
these Pastors had not been chosen by any fixed rules ; in
one place by merit or because of their known virtues ; in
another, and this was oftenest the case, as having been
designated for the position by the Apostle or Evangelist
who had founded the congregation. In his letters to
Timothy and to Titus Paul lays down the following condi-
tions : Every member who aspires to take his place
among the Elders, the Freshyteri, must make a solemn
profession to detach himself from the world, that he may
belong to God alone ; ^ doubtless it is lawful for him to
desire this ministry, which in itself is a good and saintly
work; 2 but thereby he pledges himself to strive after a
higher state of perfection, since the Pastor, once invested
with this supervision ^ over the flock, becomes the dis-
penser, " the steward of God." * By virtue of this title it
behooves him to be " an example to all, a pattern to the
faithful in his words and conduct ; in Charity, in Faith, in
Chastity;"^ in a word, he must be ever " beyond reproach,"^
not only in the sight of his flock, but in that of the pagans
as well.^ He must prove himself, therefore, to be " neither
self-willed nor easily provoked nor given to wine-bibbing,
nor hasty to strike, nor greedy of filthy gains ; but hospi-
table, loving the good, wise, just, pious, continent." ^ He
must have married but one wife, ruling his own family
well and keeping his children in subjection with all grav-
ity ; for if a man knows not how to conduct his own
household, how can he take charge of the Church of God ? ^
Any new convert must be regarded as ineligible, lest being
puffed up by pride he fall under the same condemnation
as the Devil.10 Why should they look to a neophyte to
1 2 Tim. ii. 4. 2 1 ibi^i.^ iii. 1,
^ The word 'e-rr la kotos has this signification both in classical Greek and
in the Septuagint.
4 Seov olKOPofios. Tit. i. 7. 8 Tit. i. 7, 8 ; 1 Tim. iii. 2. 3.
5 1 Tim. iv. 12. 9 1 Tim. iii. 2, 4, 5 ; Tit. i. 6.
6 Ibid., iii. 2. JO 1 Tim. iii. 6.
' Ibid., iii. 7.
PASTORAL EPISTLES. 213
instruct the Faithful, since this weighty duty demands a
Pastor " deeply attached to the truths of the Faith as he
has received them, capable of exhorting them in sound
doctrines and of rebuking such as gainsay them ? " ^
Paul gave them similar counsels in regard to the
Deaconship. We have seen that from the outset this
office was committed only to men " filled with the Holy
Ghost and with wisdom." ^ The Apostle's one hope was
to keep the secondary ministers of the Hierarchy true to
this high ideal, and he urges them to strive after perfection
as earnestly as he does the Priests. Grave, sincere, and
temperate, let them choose some honest means of liveli-
hood, keeping the mystery of the Faith with a pure con-
science. Let their wives also be women of gravity, not
scandal-mongers, but sober and faithful in all things.
Like the Priests, finally, the Deacons must be married but
once, and take good heed to the conduct of their children
and their households. The Deacon, although a server by
name and by office, is none the less raised to a rank of
eminence in the Church ; his is the mission to teach and
defend the Faith of the Christ Jesus with great hardihood.
This ministry, therefore, should be intrusted to such only
of the Faithful as have been put to the proof and been
recognized as without reproach.^
Taken together these rules actually constituted the
Hierarchy.* There remained, however, a point of great
importance which Paul was careful not to neglect, namely,
the guidance of women in the Church. They, too, had had
a large share in the diffusion of supernatural gifts. In
Csesarea, as we have seen, the four daughters of Philip were
endowed with the gift of Prophecy ; ^ in Corinth, likewise,
1 Tit. i. 9. 2 ^cts vi. 3. See St. Peter, chap. iv.
3 1 Tim. iii. 8-13.
* As to the organization of the Hierarchy see, besides De Smedt and
Duchesne quoted above, Lightfoot, Epistle to the Philippians (1888);
Di sert. i., The Christian Ministry ; A. Harnack, Lehreder ztvolfApos"
tel (1884); R. Sohm, Kirchenrecht, vol. 1 (1892); P. Batiffol, I'Eglise nais-
sante; iii., les Institutiones Jderarchiques de VEglise, in the Revue bihlique,
October, 1895, i»p. 473-500 ; J. Re'ville, les Ongines de V e'piscopat (1894).
S Acts xxi. 8, 9.
214 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
we found inspired women praying in a loud voice and
foretelling the future in the Christian gatherings.^ The
Apostle was compelled to intervene and inculcate a more
modest reserve, but at the same time he took care to find
some means of employing the ardor of their faith and
charity. It was he, apparently, who had instituted
throughout the Christian congregations of Asia the order
of Deaconesses to which belonged " Phoebe, the servant of
the Church at Kenchrese." ^ These corporations of pious
women he organized after the pattern of the Deaconship,
and intrusted them with analogous functions, — the assist-
ance of the poor, visiting the sick, and the duties of
hospitality. He even confided to them some share in the
higher functions in the ministry ; such as the duty of
instructing and consoling persons of their own sex, pre-
paring them for Baptism, confirming them in faith and
piety, as well as superintending them in the religious
meetings.^
It would seem that at first the conditions of member-
ship in this Diaconate for women were hardly at all
restricted; virgins and widows of whatever age were
cordially welcomed, once they signified their willingness
to offer themselves to the Christ and to His Church. But
here, as everywhere else, once the first fervor died out,
serious abuses came to light It was discovered that the
young women soon returned to a life of ease and idleness ;
prattlers and busybodies, they would run from house to
house, with no womanly reserve or regard to propriety in
their gossipingo The Pagans made this another excuse to
decry the Faith, ridiculing these women who after conse-
crating themselves to the Christ, made their one aim in
life the quest of another husband.* Paul realized the urgent
necessity of putting a stop to these disorders ; this he did
l)y laying down strict rules concerning the selection of
Deaconesses. Only on condition that she had been joined
in wedlock but once, and that she had reached sixty years
1 1 Cor. xi. 5 ; xiv. 34, 35. ^ ^qxh, xvi. 1.
^ Kraus, Real-Encijklopddie der christUchen Alterthiimer, DiAKONisSEN.
* 1 Tim. V. 11-1.5.
PASTORAL EPISTLES. 215
of age, could any widow become a member of this order ;
most of all was it requisite that she possess good and suffi-
cient testimony to the virtuousness of her life, having
brought up her children well, exercised hospitality, washed
the feet of the Saints, given aid to the afflicted, and in a
word, devoted herself to every sort of good works.^ Nor
are their obligations to be confined to these charitable
offices ; in return for the responsibility assumed by their
brethren to provide for their wants, Paul bids them keep
vigil for all in prayer,^ becoming, to borrow a figure
employed by St. Poly carp, " God's Altar," ^ whereon " night
and day " ^ is offered unto the Lord the "sacrifice of prayer,
the fruit of the lips which give glory unto His Name." ^
Thus the whole list of duties which nowadays are divided
among the Active and Contemplative Orders of the Church,
were then intrusted to the Deaconesses alone. Paul made
them the model for the religious life. Under the divers
forms in which this life is clothed in our times, all that is
essential to the Apostolical institution still remains, with
the exception of a few details which were aimed at pas-
sing irregularities. The advanced age, for instance, was
not a condition intended to be per ma men t; accordingly
we find that it fell into desuetude, — gradually, however,
and in the course of centuries ; ^ so sacred did men hold
the slightest directions coming from the Apostles ! ^
The reform of the Hierarchy in the manner devised by
Saint Paul, the details of which we have just been study-
ing, was not the work of a day. Great caution and pru-
dence were requisite to substitute quietly a definitive order
in place of their acquired rights. The Apostle was given
1 1 Tim. V. 7-10. 2 Ibid., V. 5.
3 QvfftaaTrjpLov deov. St. Polycarp, Epist. ad Philip., iv.
4 1 Tim. V. 5. 5 Hebr. xiii. 15.
6 Tertnllian, De velandis virginibiis, ix. ; S. Basil, Epist., 199, xxiv. ;
Concil. Chalcedon., xv.
7 Here it is taken for granted that both the deaconesses and widows
belong to one and the same body of holy women consecrated to the service
of the Church. There is nothing in the Apostolical times to authorize us
in regarding these two names as referring to two distinct Hierarchical or-
ders, and it would seem difficult to prove that it was otherwise in the cen-
turies immediately following.
216 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
no leisure for such patient labors ; his anxieties concern-
ing the Christians of Macedonia, and their appeals, perhaps,
as well, were hastening his departure. He made up his
mind, here in Asia Minor as well as in Crete, to intrust
the mission of completing his work to some one of those
in his company, and his choice fell upon Timothy ; not
without some hesitation, seemingly, for Paul tenderly
loved this disciple of his. Would not this new burden
which he was about to lay upon his shoulders prove too
heavy and crushing for his delicate health ? ^ Did not his
character, as loving as it was lovable, yet retiring and dif-
fident withal, little fit him for the struggle ahead ? ^ Young
as he was in age, youthful, too, in soul and ideas,^ would
Timothy inspire respect in the eyes of priests older than
himself, whom he was charged to command, to guide, to
rule in temporal matters, and even to judge, should the
necessity arise?* Would he be obeyed by those Deacon-
esses whose number he must needs reduce, and substitute
strict discipline for their free and easy ways ?
And who was to sustain him in his warfare against the
heretics ? Paul could still reckon upon the co-operation of
many friends in Ephesus, among whom Onesiphorus and
his family are especially mentioned by him at this date.^
His influence, however, had largely suffered, and from the
mournful impressions left on his mind by his struggles
with the sectaries, we gather that their audacity, their
persistency, and their subtilty in an argument appeared
to him the danger to be dreaded most of all. But would
Timothy, even when sustained by these brethren who had
remained faithful, have the vigor needful when brought
face to face with the rebels, and resist them by taking his
stand simply and firmly on the " sound doctrine according
1 1 Tim. V. 23. 2 2 Tim. i. 7, 8 ; ii. 3, 22.
^ 1 Tim. iv. 12. As Timothy was quite young at the time of St. Paul's
first mission (in 51), he may have been thirty-five or thirt)^-six years old
when the Apostle wrote this letter to him. He had not, therefore, arrived
at that mature age which seemed requisite for tlie weighty and difficult
functions confided to him; hence those words of St. Paul, "Let none
contenm thy youth." 1 Tim. iv. 12. " Flee from the passions of young
people." 2 Tim. ii. 22.
* 1 Tim. V. 17-22. ° 2 Tim. i. 16.
PASTORAL EPISTLES. 217
to the Gospel," ^ without allownig himself to become in-
volved in the interminable quibblings which was their
forte? In such discussions, foolish and unavailing as
they were, Timothy in such an unwonted position would
be only too likely to run to extremes, and to reply with
too great severity ,2 on occasions when all that the situation
required was to confront them with God's truth boldly
and unashamed.
Certainly these were reasons enough to justify the
Apostle's apprehension, and yet in the end he yielded to
the perfect confidence which he had ever placed in Tim-
othy. He knew his "unfeigned faith," ^ enlightened from
childhood by study of the Holy Scriptures^ On the other
hand, he was not lacking in experience so far as Apos-
tolical labors were concerned, since for fourteen years he
had worked side by side with his master, and had always
succeeded in accomplishing whatever missions the Apostle
had confided to him. Accordingly Paul intrusted him
with the task of restoring the Church of Ephesus to its
former condition, a heavy task, indeed, and one which he
undertook with a full understanding both of the difficul-
ties involved in it, but most of all what the parting with
his master meant to him. Even when bidding him fare-
well, Paul noted that the tears stood in his disciple's eyes.^
With comforting words he heartened up this "beloved
son,"^ bade him rely upon the grace of God, then, after
having bidden adieu to the town, pursued his usual route
northward along the coast of the Troad.
Doubtless before leaving Ephesus Paul had put his disci-
ple on his guard against the perils which he most dreaded,
and yet none the less was his mind filled with anxiety in
regard to the outcome of the struggle. For some fears he
must have felt lest Timothy, when brought under the
enemy's fire, should forget his commander's warnings. So
then, while in Macedonia,^ he resolved to put them in
1 1 Tim. i. 11 ; iv. 6 ; vi. 3. 5 jbid., i. 4.
2 Ibid, V. 1. G Ibid., i. 2.
8 2 Tim. i. 5. 7 1 Tim. i. 3.
4 Ibid., iii. 15.
218 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
writing, and addressed a letter to him which has ever been
treasured up by the Church, and has become, as it were, a
manual of the Pastoral Ministry. When writing it, Paul
assuredly had no idea of lending such importance to this
missive ; he is simply conversing with his disciple famil-
iarly and with perfect freedom ; in fact, it would be labor
lost to try to evolve any course of reasoning or any ani-
mating thought from this short letter as from the greater
Epistles. We must needs examine his ideas one by one,
just as they occurred to the mind of the author. Natu-
rally, his first thought was directed to those preachers of
falsehoods whose stilted verbiage still echoed in his ears.
He urges Timothy to follow his own example and despise
the vain babblings of teachers who do not even understand
themselves;^ let him beware of so much as an attempt at
refuting their fables and the "endless genealogies " ^ pre-
sented by these false teachers as the authentic interpre-
tation and fruit of the Law. The true accomplishment
and perfection of these Divine Commandments is to be
found by the disciples of Christ in the " love proceeding
from a pure heart, good conscience, and unfeigned faith." ^
The Law serves only to lead the impious and sinful to the
gates of these supernatural heights ; thither it had con-
ducted Paul, who was a " blasphemer, a persecutor, and
injurious," in order that in him "the grace of the Lord
should be made exceeding abundant with the Faith and
Love which is in Christ Jesus."* The story of his own
conversion had always been Paul's favorite argument to
silence his opponents. " Behold what Jesus has made of
me," he repeated again and again. Nor could Timothy, " in
the good fight "^ he was to sustain, find any better plan
of action than to confront the insidious tactics of heresy
with the plain words of the Gospel, thereby proving its
ability, in the past, present, and for all time, to inculcate
all wisdom and virtue.
Kumors of the revolution at Jerusalem were then rife
1 1 Tim. i. 7. * Ibid., i. 9-14.
2 Ibid., i. 4. 6 Ibid., vi. 12.
« Ibid., i. 5.
PASTORAL EPISTLES. 219
throughout the Empire. It is more than likely that the
false teachers at Ephesus relied upon them to foment new
troubles and urge their hearers to shake off their yoke ;
for Paul concludes his warnings against the sectaries with
a very characteristic exhortation. Timothy should see to
it that the usual prayers for the Emperor and the magis-
trates be said regularly in all Christian sanctuaries, that
thus the Church, at peace with Eome, might continue
"to lead a quiet and tranquil life in all godliness and
honesty." ^
No less insistently did the Apostle recommend the
keeping of good order in all other parts of the Divine
service. In this respect the Christian women of Asia,
like those of Corinth, were only too prone to take great
liberties ; they attended God's house for the sake of ex-
hibiting their apparel, which was most unseemly in dis-
ciples of the Christ, their long braids, heavy with gold
and precious stones, — and rivalling each other in the sump-
tuousness of their raiment.^ Paul bids him recall them to
their sense of duty, and sharply too. " Let them be silent,
with all subjection, when they are instructed. But I
suffer not a woman to teach or to usurp authority over
her husband ; she must keep silence, for Adam was formed
first, then Eve; and it was not Adam who was seduced,
but the woman, who, by allowing herself to be seduced,
committed the transgression. Her salvation shall be in
the children which she shall bring into the world, if she
bring them up in faith and charity and holiness and a
well-ordered life."^
The duty of maintaining this orderliness in the Chris-
tian communities, both in the family circle and in religious
gatherings, belonged to the spiritual heads of the brother-
hood. Everything must depend upon them, on their
unity of spirit, their zeal, and their success in governing.
Hence Paul's unremittent anxiety to make this body of
Pastors still more fruitful and vigorous in their ministry.
Although, before his departure, he had taken the initial
steps toward a reform in the Hierarchy, he would not miss
1 1 Tim. ii. 1, 2. ^ jj^ij,^ ii. 9, 3 ibid., ii. 11-15.
220 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
the opportunity offered him by this letter to Timothy to
map out its broader lines/ and to insist upon certain
points rendered more urgent by the crisis tliey were pass-
ing through : — not to lay hands suddenly on any one,^
and to assure to the ministers of the Word a fitting live
lihood;^ not to entertain an accusation against them,
save on the oath of two or three witnesses, nor yet to fail
in rebuking them publicly if they were really guilty.* By
thus seasoning liis firmness with circumspection Timothy
would be constituting and maintaining everywhere the
authority of a Church which is the " Assembly of the
living God, the pillar and groundwork of the Truth ; " ^
the mystic abode wherein is accomplished " the great
mystery of godliness " of the Christian life, —
" Manifested in the flesh.
Justified by the Spirit,
Contemplated by the Angels,
Preached unto the Nations,
Believed on in the World,
Received up into Glory." «
As we have seen in the Epistles to the Colossians ^ and
to the Ephesians,^ the constitution of the Christian
family engrossed the attention of the Apostle quite as
much as did that of the Hierarchy. He returns to this
subject in his letter to Timothy, and explains to him at
length his duties in the matter. The aged and the youth-
ful, young women and old, widows, slaves, no class is
omitted in his study of the social fabric. Paul is care-
ful to see that the Christian life circulates through all
the smallest arteries.^
1 1 Tim. iii. 1-13. * Ibid., v. 19, 20.
2 Ibid., V. 22. 5 Ibid., iii. 15.
3 Ibid., V. 17, 18.
6 The syrainetrical arrangement and rbythmical cadence of these phrases
justify ns in supposing that this was one of those spiritual canticles which
the early Christians had composed and were accustomed to ciiant unto the
Lord, whether in their private reunions or at the liturgical gatherings.
Ephes, V. 19; Coloss. iii. 16. As to these h3'mns, see St. Paul and his
Missions, chap. viii.
7 Coloss. iii. 18-22; iv. 1. 8 Ephes. v. 22-28 ; vi. 1-9.
^" Rebuke not an aged man sternly, but warn him as thou wouldst a
PASTORAL EPISTLES. 221
Nevertheless, the ruling thought of this Epistle is
is ever his dread of heresy. He returns to it at every
opportunity, to put his disciple on his guard against these
apostates and the absurd or immoral consequences of their
teaching. They are indeed, he tells him, " impertinent
follies, old wives' tales . . . diabolical doctrines taught
by hypocritical impostors, whose consciences are blackened
with crime.^ They go so far in their madness as to put
under the ban marriage and the use of flesh meats, which
God created to be accepted with thanksgiving by the
faithful and by those who have received a knowledge of
the truth. Now, every creature of God is good, and
nothing which is eaten with thankfulness should be dis-
dained, for it is sanctified by the Word of God and
prayer." 2
Was not Timothy himself, perhaps, a little prone to this
ostentation of austerity ? Or was it simply to be put down
to his frugal manner of life, that he never drank anything
but water ? With affectionate condescension Paul gives
utterance to his fears, and descends to this bit of warn-
ing : " Drink a little wine for thy stomach's sake and
thine often infirmities." ^ But, in the main, corporal
practices have little value in the Apostle's eyes. Godli-
father ; treat young men as brothers, the aged women as mothers, the
younger as sisters, in all purity. Honor the widows that are widows indeed.
But if any widow has children or grandchildren, let them learn first to
show their godliness towards their own household, and to requite those
from whom they are descended for the care they have received from them,
for this is acceptable unto God. Let the widow who is really widowed
and friendless set her hopes in God and persevere day and night in prayer
and supplication. As for her who lives in pleasure, she is dead thougli
she seem to live. ... I much prefer that the younger marry, bear chil-
dren, rule their household, and give no occasion to the enemies of our re-
ligion to reproach us ; for some there are who have already gone asti'ay
after Satan. If there be any believer who has widows that are akin to
him, let him relieve them and let not the Church be burdened with them,
that it may support those that are widows indeed. . . . Let as many slaves
as are under the yoke esteem their own masters worthy of all honor, lest
the name of God and His Doctrine be blasphemed ; let those whose mas-
ters are believers not despise them because tliey are bretliren, but serve
them with the more subjection, because those who benefit by their good
services are believing and beloved." 1 Tim. v. 1-16, 14-16 ; vi. 1, 2.
1 1 Tim. iv. 7, 1, 2. 2 ibi,i,^ i^. 3_5, 3 jbij,^ y, 23.
222 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
ness is the one thing needful. It is useful for all,^ and
even in this life of ours is equivalent to great wealth,
since it teaches us to be content with what sufhces for
our needs.^ " We brought nothing into this world ; cer-
tain it is that we can carry nothing out. Having,
therefore, food and wherewithal to cover us, let us be
satisfied therewith." ^ Paul insists strongly on this entire
detachment, as necessary to the true Christian. " They
that would be rich," he assures us, " fall . . . into use-
less and hurtful lusts, which drown men in ruin and
perdition. For the love of money is a root of all evil." ^
The final words of the Epistle sum up these various
counsels in one general line of conduct : " O Timothy,
keep the deposit which is committed to thy trust ! ** ^
An attachment to Tradition, to the words of truth apd
life which the Apostles had received from Jesus and
had transmitted to the Church, constitute the main duty
of Pastors. For, once bound by the unity of Faith, they
are " putting their trust in God, Who quicken eth unto
life all things that live,' ^ indissolubly attached to Him
through the Christ, " the only Potentate, King of kings.
Lord of lords, Who only hath immortality, dwelling in
the light which no man can approach unto, ... to
Whom be honor and power everlasting."^
Twice in this Epistle the Apostle expresses so firm
an intention of returning to Ephesus as soon as pos-
1 1 Tim. iv. 8. "It is the whole man," says Bossuet, Oraison funehre
de Louis de Bourbon.
2 Tim. vi. 6. 3 i^id., yi. 7, 8.
^ 1 Tim. vi. 9, 10. This disentanglement from the pursuit of wealth
seemed to him of such imi)ortance, in an opulent and luxurious town like
Ki)hesus, that after the Doxology with whicli his Epistle would naturally
terminate, he again takes up his pen to insist anew upon the spirit of
poverty and generosity of heart as needful ahove all for the true Christiai' :
"Charge those who are rich in this present world not to he haughty, ni)r
to put their trust in uncertain riches, hut in the God Who pi'ovides abun-
dantly all things needful for our life ; charge them to |)ractise benevolenc*^,
to be rich in good works ; let them be i-eady in giving, bountiful, storing
up for themselves as their treasure a good foundation for the future, that
they may lay hold on what is truly life." 1 Tim. vi. 17-19.
6 1 Tim. vi. 20. 6 lbid.,vi. 13.
' Ibid., vi. 15, 16.
PASTORAL EPISTLES. 223
sible,^ that there is every reason to believe that he
fulfilled his plan. So, then, for the last time, he set
sail by the same route he had taken fifteen years ear-
lier to conquer Macedonia and Greece to the cause of
Christ, and passed over from Neapolis into Troas. In
the latter city he tarried in the house of a Christian
named Carpus ; some fortuitous circumstance, however,
perhaps a renewed persecution on the part of the Jews or
Pagans, must have constrained him to depart in all haste,
for he left with this disciple certain of his belongings of
which he stood in need, and which he reclaimed when the
opportunity presented itself, — his cloak, his books, and
certain manuscripts whicli he valued highly .^ Nothing
is known to us of this second trip to Ephesus, but we
may well imagine that he met Aquila and Priscilla, driven
thither from Eome by the Persecutions.^ Paul had good
reason to value these two helpers of his and drew renewed
courage from the thought that they were to be with
Timothy.
Miletus would seem to have been the farthest point on
the coast of Asia which the Apostle visited. He had just
embarked with the disciples who were to accompany him,
when one of them, named Trophimus, took dangerously
sick, and the Apostle was forced to leave him behind.*
Again, upon the Greek shore at Achaia, he was compelled
to make another such sacrifice : a distinguished Christian
of that country, Erastus by name, had joined his band
and accompanied him thus far. But, once arrived in
Corinth, he decided to remain there,^ probably by the
advice of the Apostle. No one, indeed, could have been
better fitted than was this disciple to defend and mahitain
the Faith in Achaia. The high social position which he
held before his conversion,^ his knowledge of the Gospel,
1 1 Tim. iii. 14; iv. 13. The incidents mentioned in the second letter
to Timothy (iv. 13, 20) seem to me to fit in naturally with this last
journey around the archipelago.
2 2 Tim. iv. 13. ^ Ibid.
3 Ibid., iv. 19. ^ Rom. xvi. 23.
* Ibid., iv. 20.
224 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL,
the experience he had acquired in Paul's company, the
missions which he had undertaken in his name/ all these
promised a bountiful harvest for the ministry of Erastus.
Such considerations had always great weight with the
Apostle, and accordingly he left his disciple at Corinth ;
but regretfully, we may feel sure, for he had more than
ever need of helpers in the mission work before him in
Epirus. Consequently he decided to recall Titus, consid-
ering that his presence in Crete was no longer indispen-
sable, and that another disciple, either Artemas or
Tychicus, might fully as well complete his work. He
was still hesitating between the two when he took up his
pen to acquaint Titus with his intentions, and to prepare
him for a speedy departure.^
We have this letter, which differs but slightly in its
fundamental ideas from that which Paul had just written
to Timothy ; the same rules are recalled as to the choice
of Pastors,^ the same submissiveness recommended in
regard to princes and magistrates,* the same counsels as
to the right ordering of Christian households. Let them
conduct themselves irreproachably in the sight of the
heathen. " Let the aged men be sober, grave, prudent, in
faith, in charity, in patience." The aged women, likewise,
" inspiring wisdom in their younger sisters ; teaching them
to love their husbands and their children ; to be discreet,
chaste, keepers at home ; good and obedient to their own
husbands, that the Word of God be not blasphemed."^
Let slaves, too, prove by their conduct what the " grace of
God Our Saviour, visible to all men,"^ can make of even a
servile soul. In all obedience to their masters, " let them
endeavor to please them well in all things ; neither con-
tradicting them nor purloining from them their goods,
but in everything displaying perfect fidelity." ''
While dwelling upon these duties of a Christian life,
Paul exhorts Titus to recommend them the more earnestly
1 Acts xix. 22. 5 Ibid., ii. 1-6.
2 Tit. ill. 12. 6 Ibid., ii. 11.
8 Tit. i. 5, 9. ^ Ibid., ii. 9, 10.
* Ibid., iii. 1.
PASTORAL EPISTLES. 225
during the latter period of his sojourn in Crete. But so
far as heresy was concerned, here, just as at Ephesus,
he deemed any discussion with them superfluous, seeing
that they were but a farrago " of foolish questions, geneal-
ogies, quarrelling, and disputes concerning the Law,
all vain and fruitless." ^ In regard to the sectaries, it
behooved him to make full use of his authority, to ad-
monish them once or twice,^ and if they were obstinate,
put them without the pale of the Church. In this the
Apostle was in no wise departing from the Evangelical
Law of Charity, but was laying down a law for Pastors
to follow with souls that sympathized secretly with error
and allowed themselves to be misled by it.^ Their only
hope of salvation was to snatch them bodily from the
danger, and by main force rescue them from the yawning
abyss which threatened to engulf them. Now, Titus
must needs display this vigor ; for the Cretans that had
fallen away from the cause reverted instinctively to the
vices of their race, thereby giving fresh proof that the
picture painted of them by their fellow-countryman, Epi-
menides, was not exaggerated, for they are "obstinate
liars, evil beasts, slow bellies." * This is the testimony of
one of themselves, of their own prophet,^ Paul tells his
disciple, and it is unfortunately but too true. " Wherefore
rebuke them sharply, that they may remain sound in the
Faith, not giving heed to Jewish fables and the com-
mandments of men which turn from the truth." ^
There is every reason to believe that this letter was
1 Tit. i. 10, 14 ; iii. 9. 2 ibid., iii. 10.
3 "Reject the sectarian . . . knowing that such a man is perverted ;
that he sins and thereby condemns himself." Tit. iii. 10, 11.
^ Tit. i. 12. Epimenides belonged to the heroic age of Greece, when all
men agreed in recognizing in him something divine. 'Avrjp 6elo$, Plato,
De Leg. 116(pos irepl to. deia, Plutarch, Sol., xii. Aeti/os to. dda, Maximus
of Tyre, Dissert., 22. At once a poet and a prophet, he has left one work
upon the Sacrifices, another upon the Oracles. The words quoted by St.
Paul are taken from the latter. (Calliniaehus, Hymn ad Jov., viii.) Epi-
menides, born at Phcestus in Crete, lived to a ripe old age (157 years,
according to Pliny, Histor. Natur. vii. 49), and died in that island, or, it
may be in Sparta, where his tomb was pointed out.
6 Tit. i. 12. ^ Ibid., i. 13, 14.
15
226 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
written during 66, in autumn, or perhaps in the summer.
For, though the Apostle bids Titus meet him at Nicopo-
lis, where he expects to pass the winter,^ he nevertheless
recommends him, not merely to await the arrival of his
successor,^ but to send two other disciples in advance.
These were Zenas, the lawyer, and Apollos, who were
in the island.^ The stormy season, therefore, could not
have been close at hand.
Paul's eagerness in gathering about him numerous and
able fellow-workers is the best proof of the importance
he attached to the mission he was to undertake, or, rather
let us say, accomplish, in Epirus, since he had already
preached the Gospel in those parts. We have seen how,
during his third Apostolical journey, he had followed the
Egnatian Eoad, and thus reached the Adriatic coast.*
This highway, which branches off at some distance from
the sea (at Clodiana), ends at the two seaports of Apol-
lonia and Dyrrhachium. The latter was the favorite point
of embarkment for Brundisium and Italy. In all likeli-
hood it was there that Paul located the centre of his
Apostolate, thereby enabling him to spread the Glad Tid-
ings throughout Illyria and perhaps even in Dalmatia.^
Mcopolis, which he selected as his residence, during his
second mission, was entirely different from these maritime
cities, but not less propitious for the propagation of the
Gospel. It lay further to the south, and, as the capital
of Epirus, preserved the importance given to it by its
founder, Augustus.^ Its name, the " City of Victory," '^ re-
called that naval combat which terminated the struggle
between Antony and Octavius, and left the latter Master
of the World. The site of the conqueror's encampment
before entering into action was on the narrow isthmus
which divides the bay of Actium from the Adriatic.^
1 Tit. iii. 12. 3 Ibid., iii. 13.
2 Ibid., iiL 12.
* See St. Paul and his ^fissions, chap, xiii., p. 311 et seq,
6 Rom. XV. 19 ; 2 Tim. iv. 10.
6 Dion Cassius, li. 1 ; Strabo, vii. 7; Suetonius, Octav., 18.
^ NtK6-7roXts. 8 Dion Cassius, 1. 12.
PASTORAL EPISTLES. 227
Mcopolis stood as a memorial of this great event, but
with other titles to glory besides that one triumph. As a
free town, a Eoman colony, and one represented in the
Amphictyonic Council,^ it rose at once to the dignity of
a city of the first rank,^ endowed with splendid monu-
ments ; for the foreign princes, hoping thereby to flatter
the vanity of their Emperors, vied with each other in
adorning it ; while, more than all the rest, Herod the
Great distinguished himself by his munificent gifts. ^ Such
large outlay of moneys naturally drew thither numerous
settlers, and the town speedily grew in population as well
as renown. The games celebrated on the Isthmus in
honor of Apollo, hitherto of a modest character, now
waxed in splendor, until they rivalled those of Olympia.*
What events marked the winter which Paul and his
companions spent hereabouts ? Of this we have no idea ;
we only know that about the beginning of the following
year the Apostle was again a prisoner in Eome. It has
been surmised that, upon being arrested in Nicopolis by
the magistrates of the city, he appealed, as once before in
Judea, to Caesar, and succeeded in having his case referred
to the Imperial tribunal. Others hold that Paul made
Nicopolis the starting-point of his journey, of which the
stopping-places are mentioned in his second letter to Tim-
othy as having been Troas, Ephesus, and Miletus ; ^ and
that it was at Ephesus that some new outbreak of perse-
cution claimed him as its victim. There is a tower still
pointed out amid the ruins of that city and called the
Prison of St. Paul ; this, they hold, was the place where
the Apostle was detained while awaiting his transportation
to Eome.
These various suppositions, however, deserve scanty
notice at the hands of the historian, while the testimony
gathered by Eusebius is far more credible. Therein Dio-
1 Pliny, Histor. natur., iv. 2 ; Tacitus, Annal., v. 10; Pausanias, x. 8.
2 Strabo, vii. 7.
3 Joseplms, Antiq. Jud., xvi. v. 3.
* Strabo, vii. 7; Suetonius, Octav., xviii.
6 2 Tim. iv. 13, 20.
228 LAS 2' YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
nysius, one of the first Bishops of Corinth, speaks of Peter
and Paul as having met in that city to publish the Glad
Tidings for the last time there, and thence "together
departing for Italy, there terminating their Apostolate to-
gether by martyrdom." ^ Vague as these words are, they
faithfully report the tradition of the Church at Corinth in
the second century. Now, there is nothing to indicate
that Paul was arrested in Greece and carried a prisoner to
Corinth. On the contrary, it would appear that he went
there of his own free will, on leaving Nicopolis, in order
to meet the Prince of the Apostles, and resume his journey
Romewards in his company. This was, in all likelihood,
in the spring of the year 67. Peter and Paul had but a
few more months to live.
} St. Dionysius of Corinth, quoted by Eusebius, Histor. Eccles., ii. 25.
CHAPTEK XIL
THE DEATH OF SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL.
The Eome which Paul beheld on his return bore but
little resemblance to the city he had left three years before
on his departure for Spain. Two-thirds of the town, that
portion regarded as the very soul of its ancient glory, had
disappeared in the flames,^ and a new city had been
erected upon its ashes. The buildings of regular propor-
tions, built of stone taken from Alban or from Gabii, the
broad and regular streets bordered with arcades, these in no
way recalled the old town with its crooked lanes, and time-
stained dwellings of ungainly height.^ People came from
all parts of the Empire to admire the " Golden House,"
renowned far and wide.^ It had needed all the prodigality
of a despot and a madman to accomplish such marvels in
so short a time.
Indeed, Nero had spared nothing, making the removal
of the ruins and the construction of the porches his own
affair, while at the same time richly rewarding any citizen
according to the speed with which the owner set about re-
building, after plans laid down by him.* To meet these
extraordinary expenses, the provinces had been plundered
and even the treasures of their temples ransacked.^ But it
was Piso's conspiracy which enabled him to replenish his
empty pockets from that of Rome itself. As capital
punishment carried with it confiscation of property,^ all
that was necessary to enable him to lay hands upon great
fortunes was to pass sentence of death upon their owners.
1 Tacitus, Annul, xv. 40, 41.
2 See Friedlander, Mceurs romaines, vol. i., La ville.
3 Tacitus, Annal, xv. 42, 43. & Ibid., xv. 45.
* Ibid., Annal., xv. 43.
* Daremberg, Dictionnaire des Antiquit€s, Confiscatio.
230 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
Now, there was no lack of pretext for such accusations in
a period when Thrasea's austereness of morals alone was
adjudged to be an act of conspiracy by the Senate, and
brought about his death.^ Supported by this obsequious
body, Nero needed only to stimulate the activity of his
informers by giving them a handsome share in the spoils
of their victims. The two accusers of Thrasea, for in-
stance, received from him five million sesterces (about
$225,000) apiece ; that of Soranus, twelve hundred thou-
sand (about $54,000) together with the qusestorship.^
All men w^ere taken stock of and Eome was filled with
spies, a terror to the nobility and wealthy. Fear spread
abroad in the land as in the worst days of Tiberius.^
Nor was it wealth alone they attacked. No singularity
in religious practices, no superiority in moral conduct,
could escape their eyes, but everything they did was
travestied into senseless rebellion, into an attack upon
the worship of Kome and its Emperor, in a word, into
the crime of lese-majestc. This last count against the
accused was of all the most needful to his indictment,
since every case successful in this regard was worth
some pecuniary remuneration to the informer.*
We may easily imagine what dangers were incurred
by the Apostles in a city burdened by such tyranny.
1 Tacitus, Annal., xvL, 23-35. " Trucidatis tot insignibus viris, ad
postremum Nero virtutem ipsam exscindere concupivit, interfecto Thrasea
Pyeto et Barea Sorano."
2 Tacitus, Annal., xvi. 33.
3 The Delation, in the criminal procedure, bore with it no stigma of
disgrace. It was the act of any citizen who brought to the knowledge of
justice some crime or misdemeanor, indicating at the same time its nature
and its author, — the so-called " nominis delatio." But this practice,
though quite explicable and even justiiiable in the beginning, on account
of the lack of any public bureaus of information among the Romans, led to
intolerable abuses. It is well known what extremities they went to under
Tiberius : " Never has there reigned in Rome such a state of consternation
and terror. Men tremble in the presence of their nearest kinsfolk ; they
dare neither accost one another nor hold converse ; known or unknown,
every hearer is suspected. Even dumb and inanimate things inspire mis-
givings. Uneasy glances search the very walls and ceilings." Tacitus,
Annal. iv. 69.
* Tacitus, Annal., iv. 30.
DEATH OF SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL. 231
Paul, especially, could not linger long unknown there.
For two whole years his name had been in every one's
mouth, not only in the Praetorian Camp, but in Nero's
court as well,^ and he was not the man either to deny his
identity or to keep silence. Far from keeping the Word
of God in bonds,^ he preached boldly as ever had been his
wont, thus making himself an easy prey for informers,
and was speedily arrested by the municipal magistracy.
This second imprisonment was not accompanied by any
of those kindly manifestations which had lightened his
previous experience. It will be remembered that then
the captive was allowed to lodge with his jailer wherever
he saw fit, and had permission to receive his disciples
and strangers in the house which he had rented, as well
as to preach to all comers. This time he was incarce-
rated from the very first. Onesiphorus, who had arrived
from Ephesus in the meanwhile, found great difficulty
in discovering in what prison he was confined.^ None
of his disciples nor any of the Christians of Eome aided
him in his search. Had they, then, forsaken the Apostle
so entirely as not to know even the locality where he was
kept confined ? As regards his converts of Asiatic origin,
there is not the slightest doubt that they did desert him
thus. " All they that are from Asia have turned away
from me," says the Apostle ; " Phygellus and Hermogenes
are of this number." ^ Evidently Paul counted especially
upon these two Christians ; their defection was therefore
the bitterer to him.
Far more illustrious disciples were with their master on
his arrival in Eome : Titus, Luke, Tychicus, Crescens, and
Demas.^ The latter alone is branded by him in his aban-
donment : " Demas has forsaken me, having loved this pres-
ent world, and is departed unto Thessalonica." ^ The
Apostle simply mentions the departure of the others
without a word of blame added, and we should hesitate to
1 Philip, i. 13 ; iv. 22. 2 2 Tim. ii. 9.
^ Vevofxevos iu'^w/Jiri, airovdaiios i^-qrecFe fxe Kai evpe. 2 Tim. i. 17.
* 2 Tim. i. 15. ' 6 ibid., iv. 9.
» 2 Tim. iv. 9-12.
232 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
believe them capable of such cowardice. Then what are
we to infer ? Only this, that Paul before his imprison-
ment had deputed them to visit various Churches : Cres-
ceus was sent to Galatia,^ Titus into Dalmatia, Tychicus
to Ephesus/^ while Luke, whom we shall soon find once
more with him,^ had received some less distant mission.
To all appearances Onesiphorus alone remained to succor
and visit the captive ; this he did with so much devotion
that Paul was greatly moved by his willingness to risk all
for his sake, and took the first opportunity of expressing
his gratitude. ** Often has he consoled me," he writes to
Timothy, " nor was he ashamed of my chains." * To this
token of his gratitude the Apostle adds the following in-
vocation : " May the Lord grant unto him mercy in that
Day ! " ^ What did he mean by " that Day " ? The Day
of Eternity, in all likelihood, which dawned on Onesi-
phorus during Paul's captivity, and even ere he had
appeared before his judges ; since this Apostle declares
that he faced their tribunal absolutely alone and forsaken
by all. 6
And, nevertheless, he had never stood more in need of
the good offices of some tried friend ; for up to that time
he had never been confronted with judges more prejudiced
against him, and for that reason more to be dreaded by
him. This was no longer a period when the magistrates
of the Empire rivalled each other in dispensing justice
1 Els TaXariav (2 Tim. iv. 10) is the reading authorized by the Vul-
gate and the greater number of MSS. Some ot" the latter, however, the
Sinaitic Codex and that of Ephrem, and the MSS. in cursive letters 73,
80, 123, give the variant ils TaWiav, "in Gaul," which is probably merely
the interpretation given by the Greek Church to Paul's text (Eusebiiis,
Hist, ecctes., in., iv. ; St. Epiphanius, Hceres, li. ii, 11 ; Theodoret, in
loc, etc.). "It is hard to dispute the fact," says Tillemont, "that tliere
was a tradition commonly received throughout the East that Crescens
had preached in Gaul." M€moires pour servir a Vhistoire ecclesiastique,
vol. i., note Ixxxi., on St. Paul. Both statements may be reconciled by
dating the preaching of Crescens in Gaul aiter the fulfilment of the mis-
sion which Paul had intrusted him with in Galatia.
2 2 Tim. iv. 10-12. * Ibid., i. 16.
8 Ibid., iv. 11. 6 iHd., i. 18.
6 " The first time that I defended my case, no one stood by me, but all
forsook me." 2 Tim. iv. 16.
DEATH OF SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL. 233
with impartiality, as in the days when Gallio, Fehx, and
Festus laid hands upon him solely with the idea of saving
him from the fury of the mob. Nor was it even like that
time, still recent, when, as he appeared before the Prefect
of the Prsetorium, he could feel that he was protected by
the favorable reports of the Governor of Judea and of the
centurion who had brought him to Eome. The burning
of the city had dried up the very springs of equity, so far
as the Christians were concerned ; even their sufferings,
more calculated to inspire dread than pity, had not entirely
destroyed the evil effect of the calumnies against them ;
the populace, the police, and the courts still looked upon
them as suspicious personages. Paul, being well known
as one of the principal leaders of their sect, was doomed
to experience the full effects of this change in popular
feeling. We have seen that his captivity was rendered
thereby the stricter, and his condemnation in no wise
belied the rest in harshness.
Who were the magistrates called upon to pass sentence
on the Apostle ? The question is difficult to determine
because we have no knowledge of the nature of the accu-
sation against him. If the crime charged came under
the jurisdiction of the common law, it would fall under
the Permanent Commission (Qucestiones Perpetuce). On the
contrary, if it was listed under such cases as were reserved
for the Senate, it had to be submitted to a court of law,
selected from that great body.^ Whichever tribunal it
may have been, we know that neither the Emperor, who
was absent at this juncture,^ nor any of his more influen-
tial ministers conducted the proceedings. Indeed, Saint
Clement of Eome would lead us to infer that the Apostle
had to do with a mere assembly of magistrates.^ This
would have been some security against despotism, but by
no means an assurance of justice; for the prejudices
1 Mommsen, Romisches Staatsrecht, vol. ii., p. Ill et seq. ; Willems, Le
Droit public romain, p. 472, 473.
2 He had left for Greece toward the end of the year 66. Dion Cassius,
Ixiii. 8 ; Tillemont, Histoire des empereurs ; NiiiRON, art. xxv.
3 Mapru/j'^cras iirl tCjv ijyovfieuuv, St. Clement, Ad. Corinth., v.
234 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
against the Christians were as rife among the lawyers as
they were among the immediate companions of Nero
himself. The New Faith, almost unknown to them a few
years previously, had revealed itself during the persecu-
tion of 64 as an occult force, gifted with surprising energy ;
a seditious element which it behooved them to watch
closely and suppress at the slightest sign of an uprising.
'T was therefore before judges prejudiced and ill-disposed
that Paul must stand once more on his defence.
He found no one in that court ready to risk a word in
his behalf, not an advocate, nor a single witness for the
prisoner. Assuredly in Eonie there was no lack of people
who might have deposed in his favor and attested his
innocence ; but terror had frozen their courage. Eemem-
bering this, the Apostle, while realizing keenly the bitter-
ness of their silence, besought God not to impute it against
them.^ Furthermore we know that they had not awaited
the day of trial to forsake him. With the exception of
Onesiphorus, they all, as we have just seen, had kept aloof
from his prison cell, fearing lest they should be implicated
in his troubles, which were rendered specially ominous on
account of the unfortunate reputation of Christians in
general, and the great fame of the accused.
But Paul, in his abandonment by men, was not left
alone. He felt the assistance of that Spirit promised by
the Master to all such as are haled before human tribu-
nals.2 Calm and collected as usual, he went forth from his
prison cell and allowed himself to be conducted to one of
those Basilicas where justice was administered ; he trav-
ersed its long nave, at the extremity of which were ranged
the magistrates, seated on a long tribune. On his way
thither he had to pass through a dense throng of curiosity
seekers. The Apostle, noting that here was such a mix-
ture of races as Eome alone could afford, seized the occa-
sion to proclaim once more the Gospel delivered unto all
peoples, and thus, as it were by a few final words, crowned
his life of preacher.^ By God's aid " Who strengthened
1 2 Tim. iv. 16. 2 L^ke xii. 11, 12.
* " When I was first heard in my defence ... the Lord assisted and
DEATH OF SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL. 235
him," he gave utterance to the faith that was in him,
enveloping the name of Christ with such glory that his
accusers were left speechless. Nevertheless, they still
growled about the heels of their prey, though for that one
day, as Paul tells us, he " was saved from the jaws of the
lion." 1
Some have thought that under this figure he referred to
Nero; but they are wrong, since, as we have seen, the
Emperor spent this year in Greece. The ministers to his
ferocity, however, he had left behind him in Eome, —
Tigellinus, doubly powerful as Prefect of the Praetorium,^
and the Emperor's prime favorite, but especially the freed-
man Helius, whom the tyrant had invested with full
powers over Rome and the Senate.^ One of these creatures
of the tyrant is, apparently, the " lion " spoken of by the
Apostle, from whose claws he escaped at such great pains.
Though not actually presiding over the judicial proceed-
ings, these representatives of Nero were always at hand,
ready, if need were, to intervene ; that they did not go
so far as to demand his immediate condemnation was due,
we may believe, to the commotion excited by Paul's
harangue, and to the clamorous approval shown him by
the crowd. The case was adjourned, but the Apostle could
not conceal from himself the fact that its renewal would
follow at no late date, and would inevitably prove fatal to
him. Thereafter he was far too renowned and too closely
watched by his powerful foes to cherish any hope of escap-
ing their clutches.^
The triumph of the accused did not go so far as to admit
of his release under bail. Once more he entered his little
cell, his gaze fixed heavenward, expecting nothing from
this earth but the one last struggle for the Christ ; yet well
assured of bearing his share in the combat valiantly. This
strengthened me that I might complete the preaching of the Gospel, and
that all the nations might hear it." 2 Tim. iv. 16, 17.
1 Ibid.
2 Hirschfeld, Untersuchungen auf dem Gebiete der Romischen Verwalt-
unggeschichte, vol. i., p. 221.
3 Dion Cassiiis, Ixiii. 18. * 2 Tim. iv. 6.
236 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
aid which he received from God in his first meeting with
the enemy, had swept away every apprehension, all un-
certainty. " He shall deliver me from every evil deed," he
said, "and by saving me shall conduct me unto His
Heavenly Kingdom, to Whom be glory, forever and ever." ^
Once more the days of weary w^aiting in his imprison-
ment loomed large before the Apostle, lightened this time,
however, by the presence of Luke, who on his return to
Eome had hastened to resume his place beside his master.
Paul remarked sadly that of all the foreign Christians, this
disciple alone remained faithful to him. From the bitter-
ness of this complaint does it not seem evident that there
were many such in the Capital of the Empire, — those
whom he had known well and eA^angelized, either in Greece
or in Asia, but whom personal fear kept aloof from him ? ^
The Church of Eome, at least, is not to be accused of such
cowardice ; some of its most distinguished members assisted
Luke in his ministrations to him. These were Eubulus,
Pudens, of a senatorial family, according to ancient tradi-
tions,^ Claudia * and Linus, who was to be Peter's successor
on the Pontifical throne.^ Nor were they the only ones to
evidence their eager affection. In the letter which he
wrote Timothy during this imprisonment he greets him in
the name of "all the brethren"^ who were with him. So
far, then, it appears, he was much less strictly guarded after
his first appearance in court, and was permitted to receive
many Eoman Christians who boldly visited him in his
prison.
1 2 Tim. iv. 18. 3 See Chapter I., p. 15.
2 Ibid., iv. 21.
•* Some would make Claudia the wife of Pudens, and regard them as the
happy pair whose union Martial celebrates in one of his Epigrams :
"Claudia, Rufe, meo nubit peregrina Pudenti." (?]pigr., iv. 13.) Un-
fortunately, there are certain decisive objections which destroy this pretty
conjecture ; difficulties of chronology are insurmountable, while it is im-
possible to conceive how Martial, if he had a Christian friend, should
address to him some of his coarsest epigrams. See Lightfoot, St. Clement
of Rome, vol. i., pp. 76-79.
^ De Smedt, Dissertationes selectee, pp. 305-312 ; Duchesne, Liber Pon-
tificalis, vol. i., pp. Ixxi-lxxiii, and p. 121.
6 2 Tim. iv. 21.
DEATH OF SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL. 237
This band of faithful disciples comforted the prisoner's
last days, though without diverting his thoughts from the
end, which now all realized was inevitable. In this solemn
period of preparation, the longing in Paul's heart to see his
best-beloved disciple again grew daily stronger. It was
toward the middle of summer ; there was still time for a
letter to reach Ephesus and give Timothy opportunity to
arrange everything in view of his absence, and reach Kome
before winter set in.^ Furthermore, he did not anticipate
that his case would be reopened at an earlier date ; the
remembrance of the judicial delays during his former
imprisonment warranted him in this belief. Accordingly,
he resolved to write to Timothy and urge him to come to
him.
This letter, one of the most touching of all the Apostle's
writings, reveals him to us as he was in his prison on the
eve of death. The fatigues of his laborious ministry had
exhausted his body, never naturally robust; now about
seventy years old, Paul was more than usually susceptible
to the infirmities of age. This is betrayed even in his
language, which no longer has the hardihood and impetu-
osity which animate the great Epistles ; in the trend of his
thoughts, now grown more moral and dogmatic ; and in his
fondness for recalling the past, — those first adventures of
his outside of Judea, the pious mothers, Lois and Eunice,
whom he had first met in Lycaonia nourishing their son
Timothy with the heavenly food of Scripture, inspiring
him with so lively a faith that his soul opened, as it were,
of itself to receive the Christ.^ The Apostle yearns to
revive in his " dearly beloved son " ^ the fervor of those
early days, that fire of Divine Grace which burned within
him when he first laid his hands upon him.* Even the
* This period would seem to be determined by the death of Paul,
which tradition has fixed as occurring on the 29th of June, and by
the Apostle's recommendations as well : *' Do thy utmost to come to me
speedily. . . . Hasten to come before winter." (2 Tim. iv, 8, 21.) The
last sentence especially goes to show that Timothy had but just time to
put everything in order at Ephesus before the advent of the stormy season
would close the sea routes.
2 2 Tim. i. 5. ^ ibid., i. 2. * Ibid., i. 6.
238 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
Apostolate which he sets before him as his model is his
own first mission in Pagan lands : " Thou hast fully
known my teaching, my manner of life, my purpose, my
faith, forbearance, love, patience, persecution, my suffer-
ings at Antioch, Iconium, and Lystra, what persecutions
I endured then ; out of all of them the Lord delivered
me."i
Yet, though Paul, weighed down with the burden of
years and labors, has eyes but for the course now nearly
run, and though now no new thoughts absorb his mind
and suggest new teachings, nevertheless his heart is still
the same, his energy still unconquerable. This he him-
self declares boldly in his last letter : " G-od has not given
us the spirit of cowardice, but a power of love and of
counsel." ^ Tidings lately received from Asia had doubt-
less made him fear lest Timothy, naturally gentle and
timid, should not govern with a firm enough hand, lest
he should lean too much toward caution and compromise,
to eluding and disarming persecution rather than con-
fronting it manfully. Paul reminds his disciple that the
Christian's first duty is to fight and suffer for the Christ.
" Be not now, therefore, ashamed to confess Our Lord ;
neither be ashamed of me. His prisoner, but be thou par-
takers of the affliction of the Gospel, strong in the Almighty
power of God, which worketh in us." ^ 'T is this Gospel
" whereunto I have been appointed preacher and Apostle
and a teacher of the nations ; for the which cause I also
suffer all these things. Nevertheless, I am not ashamed
thereof, for I know Whom I have believed, and I am per-
suaded that He is able to keep for me that which I have
1 2 Tim. iii. 11.
^ Ibid., i. 7. ^wcppoviafjLov, which I have here rendered b}- the vague
word " counsel," signifies the gift of mouhling and tempering souls.
<* Paul in developing this sentence sums up his whole teaching concern-
ing the absolute gratuitousness of Salvation. " Suffer with me," he says
to Timothy, "according to the power of God who has saved us and called
us with a holy calling, not according to our works, but according to the
decree of His will, and according to His own Grace, which was bestowed
on us in the Christ Jesus before all ages, but is now made manifest by
the appearing of our Saviour Jesus Christ, Who has destroyed death, and
by His Gospel has made life and immortality to shiue." 2 Tim. i. 8, 10.
DEATH OF SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL. 239
committed unto Him against that day of His Eternal
Kingdom." ^
o
" Thou, therefore, my son, be strong in the grace that is
in the Christ Jesus . . . take thy share in afflictions as a good
soldier of Jesus Christ. No man that embraceth the career
of arms entangleth himself with worldly affairs ; he thinketh
rather only on how he may satisfy him who hath enrolled
him; in like manner he who runneth in the arena is not
crowned except he strive lawfully; the husbandman first
toileth and thereafter partaketh of the fruits. . . . Eemem-
ber that Jesus Christ was raised from the dead. ... I suffer
much for the Gospel, even unto bonds as an evil-doer. Nev-
ertheless, the word of God is not bound. Therefore I endure
all things for love of the elect, that they also may obtain the
salvation which is in the Christ Jesus with glory everlast-
ing ; for faithful is this saying : —
*If we die with Him, with Him we shall live ;
K we suffer with Him, with Him shall we reign ;
If we deny Him, He also will deny us ;
If we be faithless, yet He abideth faithful ;
For He cannot deny Himself.' " ^
The foes whom the Apostle adjures his disciple so ur-
gently to be on his guard against, are the same heretics he
had singled out in his preceding letters. Like a pestilen-
tial spot their preaching continued to spread,^ and still
threatened more and more to poison the whole body. Paul
denounces by name the most dangerous babblers, Hyme-
nicus and Philetus.* He reminds him of the dangerous
tendency of their interminable discourses, as being nothing
less than to deprive the dogmas of Christian Faith of all
consistency by turning them into allegorical fables, pure
1 The following greeting addressed to the Thessalonians would seem to
indicate what that deposit was which Paul has here in mind, and whicli
he confides to the hand of the Lord : * ' Let all that is within you, spirit,
soul, and body, be preserved spotless unto the coming of Our Lord Jesus
Christ. Faithful is He Who has called you, and He will fulfil this in you."
1 Thess. V. 23, 24.
2 Concerning these rhythmical phrases, see what has been said in the
preceding chapter, p. 220.
8 2 Tim. ii., 17. * Ibid.
240 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
myths.^ Why talk of a Eesurrection to come ? they said.
The Eesurrection is already accomplished;'^ it takes place
daily in every man who awakens from the slumber of
ignorance and is raised up unto the truth. This one error
is singled out among the false doctrines of these sectaries,
doubtless because, having taken wider hold upon the pop-
ular mind, it must needs be combated in a special manner.
Paul, however, persisted in his belief that in most in-
stances it was time thrown away to dispute with the her-
etics at any great length. Nay, it was to make one's self
their dupe if a man allowed himself to be entangled in the
maze of their perfidious circumlocution by beginning to
debate with them " in words which in no wise profit but
rather pervert the hearers."^ The one thing needful was
to confront them with the truth in its simplicity ; then, if
they still obstinately shut their eyes, let them be avoided
like a pestilence. For thereafter it was to be feared that
their blindness was not one of the mind, but of the heart ;
and the mists which obscured their intelligence and robbed
them of the light of faith arose from this sink of iniquity.
Such would be the causes of the universal corruption
which would herald the end of the world. God's Holy
Spirit unveiled to Paul's gaze the horrors of those last
days, without, however, revealing to him whether they
were near or far off. The Apostle sketches the larger
outline of this picture for the benefit of his disciple. Were
they themselves really to behold these awful events?
This he knew not ; but what that Antichrist was to be
like when appearing in his full panoply of evil, this Paul
could glimpse from the enemies of Jesus, among whom
Timothy now was. Making no distinction of persons,
he depicts them all as bearing the same features : " selfish,
covetous, boasters, haughty, blasphemous, disobedient to
their parents, ungrateful, unholy, without natural affec-
tion, ruthless, calumniators, incontinent, cruel, haters of
1 Bej8?7Xous K€vo(f}U}viai . . . fxojpas Kal dTraideijTOVs ^rjT'^creis . . . roi)j
fx6dovs. *' Idle and profane speec^hes . . . foolish and impertinent dispu-
tations . . . mere fables." 2 Tim, ii. 16-23 ; iv. 4.
2 2 Tim. ii. 18. - Ibid., ii. 14.
DEATH OF SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL. 241
the good, treacherous, insolent, puffed up with pride, lov-
ing pleasure more than God, having an outward form of
godliness, but destroying its truth and power." ^ "Avoid
them," Paul adds ; they are of that number whom thou
seest "creeping into houses, taking captive sin-laden
women, led away by lusts of all kinds, which they are
perpetually learning, yet never coming to a knowledge of
the truth. Now as Jannes and Jambres^ resisted Moses,
so do these men resist the truth ; they are corrupt in
mind, perverted in faith; but they shall not advance
farther, for their folly shall be made openly manifest to
all, as was that of these magicians of old."^
Evidently Paul has here in view only those heresiarchs
who persisted stubbornly in their errors. For should but
a spark of life still exist in those souls who " resist the
Truth," ^ the Apostle bids Timothy, far from avoiding them,
" teach them with all kindness, in hope that God may
grant them repentance and release them from the snares
of the Devil who holds them captive."^
These various counsels go to make up the Second Epistle
to Timothy, — a letter most intimate in its character,
wherein the aforetime teacher like a father now unbosoms
himself to his " dearly beloved son."^ A feeling of appre-
hension constantly pervades it, a dread of having laid too
heavy a burden on the shoulders of the disciple whom he
loved best of all. In his tenderness Paul can never ac-
1 2 Tim. iii. 2-5.
2 The Latin versions and the Codex Augiensis (F) adopt the reading
'la/x/SpTjs instead of Ma/x/3p^j. These are the names wliich the Jews gave
those magicians who in Pharoah's presence rivalled Moses in the perform-
ance of miracles, but finally acknowledged themselves vanquished. (Exod.
vii. 9-12, 22 ; viii. 7, 18, 19 ; ix. 11. The Targum of Jonathan, on
Exodus, vi. 11, on Numbers, xxii. 22.) According to these traditions
Jannes and Jambres, sons of Balaam, drew down upon Israel one misfortune
after another by their teachings and evil counsels. They perished in the
passage of the Red Sea, according to some, — according to others, during
the turmoil which ensued upon the setting up of the Golden Calf, built by
their orders. See Schottgen, Horce Hebraicce, in loco. Needless to add it
is not from the Holy Books, but from the Jewish traditions, that the
Apostle borrows these two names.
3 2 Tim. iii. 5-9. 5 ibi^^^ n 25, 26.
4 Ibid., ii. 25. c Ibid. i. 2.
IG
242 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
custom himself to look upon or treat Timothy otherwise
than as he had known and loved him in the early days ;
youthful of soul and of heart, ^ and for this reason less
fitted for the combat than he could have wished. By day
and by night he prays for him, ^ recalls his tears,^ longs
only to see him once more at his side, and keeps up a
good heart that " this hope " ^ will be granted him, since his
death, though ever foremost in his mind, did not however,
appear to him so near as it was destined to be. As he
expects to pass the winter in prison, he begs Timothy to
bring with him the travelling cloak which he had left at
Troas with Carpus.^ This heavy garment had stood him
in good stead during his apostolical journeys, and he de-
sires it as a protection from the cold and dampness of his
cell, which was destined to be his last lodging-place here
below.
He asked also for the books, the parchments especially,
he had left in care of that disciple ; ^ for, despite the anxie-
ties of the Apostolate, Paul remained the same man we
saw long since at the feet of Gamaliel, ever eager for
study. Even among the Pagans he was renowned for his
scholarship. We have but to recall the words of Festus
when the Apostle was haled before him : " Thy great
learning hath made thee mad." " What were the parch-
ments that he set such store by ? In all likelihood the
long rolls whereon the Jews were wont to copy the Law,
the Psalms, and the Prophets. To the Apostle's thinking
no literature could be compared to this " for teaching, for
convincing, for correcting, for righteous discipline, render-
ing the man of God perfect, ready and prepared for every
good work."^ In the quiet of his prison he longed to
meditate anew upon the inspired words, drawing from
them new strength to suffer and die for his God.
The close of the letter shows us how Paul prepared him-
1 Tas vewreptKttS eiTLOvfiias (pevye. 2 Tim. ii. 22.
2 2 Tim. i. 3. * Ibid.,
3 Ibid.,i. 4. 5 ibid.,iv. 13.
^ Td /3i/3\ia /xaXiara rds jxeix^pavas. 2 Tim. iv. 13.
' Acts xxvi. 24. 8 9 Tim. iii. 16, 17.
DEATH OF SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL. 243
self for this supreme duty, with the same serene faith he
had displayed ever since his conversion. The Christ had
indeed overwhelmed him on the highway going up to
Damascus, but only to possess him more entirely, more
intimately, making him his " chosen instrument." ^ And
when restoring him, had shown him his mission afar off,^
the Pagan world he was to conquer, to turn them from
darkness into light, from the power of Satan into the
hands of God."3
With no thought of how immense was the work before
him, a superhuman task, " a divine folly, in the world's
eyes,"* but undismayed, Paul had gone forth with full con-
fidence in the Heavenly Vision and in the Christ Who had
called him. For thirty years he had lived but for this
Jesus to whom he had given himself without reserve.
His Apostolate was not to be likened unto the race run by
an athlete, but to a warfare valiantly carried on, or,^ rather,
a slow sacrifice wherein ceaseless dangers, toil, anxiety,
suffering, tears by day and by night, had drained his life's
blood to the last drop.
But the hour was drawing ever nearer when this self-
immolation was to be consummated. His first hearing
before the court was but the libation poured over the
victim destined to the slaughter.^ Upon the very altar of
sacrifice he lifts up his heart in a supreme outburst of
gratitude toward Him Who, while recompensing his gifts
according to our merits, none the less remains ever the
" Just Judge ; " ^ for the crown which Paul beheld prepared
for him very rarely encircles the brow of a mere man ; it
was neither that of pity nor favor, it was the " Crown of
Justice." ^
And, of a truth, the unwavering fidelity of the Apostle
1 Acts ix. 15. 2 Els ^6uT] fiaKpav i^aTToa-TeXQ (xe. Acts xxii. 21.
3 Acts xxvi. 17-18. * 1 Cor. i. 23, 25. ^ 2 Tim. iv. 7.
^ 'Eyw ij8T] a-rrevdofxat.. 2 Tim. iv. 6. "As for me, I already serve as a
libation, and the time of my departure is at hand. I have fought the good
fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith. I look for naught
save the crown of righteousness whieli the Lord, the Just Judge, shall
give me in that CJreat Day."
' 2 Tim. iv. 8. ^ 'q ^^^ StKaioa-vuTjs aT^4>avos. 2 Tim. iv. 8.
244 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
had merited it ; for at that very moment, in perfect self-
forgetfuhiess, he thought of Jesus only, urging Timothy,
hefore his departure, to engage in a final and more vigor-
ous onslaught upon the foes of their common Master : —
" I adjure thee, before God and Christ Jesus, Who will
judge the living and the dead at His glorious Advent and
at the setting up of His Kingdom, be urgent in season and
out of season ; convince, rebuke, exhort, in all forbearance
and doctrine. There will come a time when men will no
longer endure sound teaching. Moreover, in their itch to
hear what tickles their fancy, they will heap up for them-
selves teachers fitted to their lust; turning away their ears
from the truth, they will turn aside to fables. But do thou
be sober in all things ; endure affliction ; do the work of an
Evangelist ; accomplish thy ministry in full measure." ^
About the time when this letter was despatched to
Ephesus, another Epistle, not destined to an individual,
but to all the Churches of Asia, was sent from Eome by
the Chief of the Apostles.^ Eor a longer season than
was given to Paul, Peter had enjoyed his liberty in the
Capital, for doubtless the loving solicitude of his faithful
subjects had kept his presence there concealed. From the
same Churches to which he had addressed his first letter,
he had received tidings of such grave import that he felt
urgently impelled to write to them once more. It was the
same heresy whose venomous character we have just been
noting in the Epistle to Timothy that now alarmed the
Head of the Church. Though deep rooted at Ephesus,
1 2 Tim. iv. 1-5.
2 According to the report of tradition, St. Peter left to some one of his
disciples the task of expressing his thoughts in writing, confining himself,
as St. Paul did in his Epistle to the Hebrews, to furnishing them with main
ideas, tlie arrangement and general trend of the work. "Hence it comes,"
says St. Jerome (arf Hed. Epist. 120, 11 ), "that the two Epistles which bear
his name differ widely in style and chai'acter, as well as in the arrangement
of the words. These diversities show us that he changed his interpreters
as circumstances required." Was Sylvanus, chosen to carry the first letter,
Atd HiXovauou vjjlIv . . . ^ypacpa (1 Peter v. 12), its editor as well ? There is
nothing to indicate this in the document itself, for the words just quoted
may signify simply, Sylvanus bears you this message. See Cornely, Intro-
duciio Specialis in Nov. Test. Libros, sect. 222.
DEATH OF SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL. 245
the plague was no less obstinately spreading among the
other Christian communities of that region. In Pontus,
Galatia, Cappadocia, and Bithynia, as well as in the prov-
ince of Asia, the sectaries were displaying daily greater
audacity in propagating their false doctrines, and that
irruption of lewdness as well which was their sequel or
their bait. Before his death Peter was desirous of sending
a last word of encouragement to the believers who must
needs defend themselves against this seduction.
He begins by reminding them of how they had ob-
tained a knowledge of Jesus, " the precious gift of Faith." ^
Through this Faith the power of God rescues our souls
from the corruption of the world, maintains within us a
never-failing fountain of "life and godliness ;"2 or, to put
it more plainly, thereby God Himself works within us,
and we commune with Him ; " we partake of the Divine
Nature." ^ It is the root of our supernatural life, is this
Divine Faith ; and from it are born, begotten one of an-
other, all those virtues which sow and make to germinate
within us a true knowledge of Jesus, — strength and
vigor and well-doing,* a keen insight to discern evil,^ com-
plete mastery of one's self,^ forbearance, loving godliness,
brotherly kindness, all together blossoming forth in that
charity which completes and crowns the development of
a Christian soul. Such are the fruits which ripen of
themselves from its union with the Christ.
We bear witness to it, Peter concludes, not on the
strength of "cunningly devised fables,"" as do the heretics;
we speak "as eye-witnesses of His Majesty;"^ for we were
present when He received from God the Father honor and
glory ; when, from the cloud whence streamed the Efful-
gence of God, this Voice was heard : " Behold My beloved
Son in Whom I have placed all my love ! And we
1 2 Peter i. 1.
- JldvTa . . . TCL irpbs fwV kuI eiae^etav. 2 Peter i. 3.
^ Tev^crde deias KOivibvoi ^iJcrews. 2 Peter i. 4.
* Tr}v aper-qv. Ibid., 5. ^ Tr/v yvmiv. Ibid,
6 ^riv iyKpdTeiav. Ibid., 6.
7 Se(ro0i(T/A^vois fiijdois. 2 Peter i. 16.
8 2 Peter i. 16.
246 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
[Peter, James, and John], we heard this Voice come from
Heaven, being with Him on the Holy Mount." ^ This
apparition, and the other manifestations of the Godhead
in Jesus, verify the "great and precious promises"^ of
the Prophets foretelling the coming of a Divine Messiah,
and they give a still more steadfast authority to those
oracles of God. ^ 'Tis "by this torch shining in the
midst of our darkness"* that it behooves them to
enlighten themselves, for throughout the Scriptures
" the saints of God speak to us under the impulse of the
Holy Ghost." 5
Among the inspired books which the Apostle recom-
mends to his believing hearers, the Epistles of Saint Paul
are singled out in an especial manner. Peter realizes that
they contain some things "hard to understand ; " he is
well aware that " certain unlearned and unstable minds
wrest them, as they do the other Scriptures, and thereby
work their own ruin." None the less is his admiration
for that depth of wisdom^ which can come from God
alone ; he desires that all should meditate upon the word
" of a brother whom he cherishes " so exceedingly,'^ but
that in their meditations they be likewise on their guard
against those sectaries who profane his words by their
base interpretations.
No more efficacious plan suggested itself if he would
arouse them to this salutary state of distrust, and even
transform it into serious aversion, than to at once unmask
their fine talkers and expose to all eyes their moral per-
versity, the wickedness of their ulterior designs. This
Jude had done, and with a great measure of success ; for
his short note was known far and wide throughout the
Orient, had even reached Kome and fallen into Peter's
hands. The latter believed he could not do better than
make use of the same picture, accentuate the stronger
1 2 Peter i. 17-18.
2 Ta fi^yLara KalTlixLaeirayyi\iJ.aTa. 2 Peter i. 4.
3 2 Peter i. 19. & Ibid., i. 21.
* Ibid. 6 Ibid., iii. 16.
' 'O dyaTTTjTbs 7]/j.Qu dSeX^os UavXos. 2 Peter iii. 15.
DEATH OF SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL. 247
lines, and add certain details which the ever increasing
corruption of heresy had since then brought to light. The
authority lent to it by the Prince of the Apostles made
still more striking a picture already popular, adding to it
a vivid tone well fitted to open all men's eyes.
Like Jude, he proves that these false doctors preach
from motives of cupidity. " They make merchandise of
your souls," he tells them, "to satisfy their covetous-
ness " ^ True sons of Balaam, they are ready to do any-
thing for "the wages of unrighteousness." ^ Haughty,
presumptuous, and fond only of themselves, they hold
all authority in contempt.^ But it is not so much
by their insolent discourses that they lead souls astray,
rather is it by the passions of the flesh and sensual
delights. " Like beasts devoid of reason, who follow the
instincts of their brute nature and are born to be captured
and destroyed, so these men blaspheme the things they
understand not and shall perish of their own corruption ;^
and this shall be the just reward of their iniquity. For,
by staking all their happiness on the pleasures of a day,
they are become our opprobrium ; abandoning themselves
to the extravagances of the tongue, in the Agapae they
hold with you, their eyes full of adultery, they cease not
to sin.^ . . . Wells without water, clouds driven by the
storm, to whom the mist of darkness is reserved forever,"^
the darkness which enchains the Angels that were cast
into the abyss ; '^ for if God spared not these rebel spirits,^
if, when drowning the ancient world in the Deluge, " He
saved none but Noe, the preacher of righteousness," and
the seven just ones of his household,^ if He reduced to
ashes Sodom and Gomorrah,^^ " doubtless He is reserving
these sinners to punish them in the Day of Judgment." ^^
1 2 Peter ii. 3 ; Jude 11. 5 2 Peter ii. 13, 14 ; Jude 12.
2 2 Peter ii. 15. « 2 Peter ii. 17; Jude 12, 13.
3 Ibid., ii. 10 ; Jude 8, 16. "^ 2 Peter ii. 4 ; Jude 6.
4 2 Peter ii. 2, 10, 12 ; Jude 8, 10. ^ 2 Peter ii. 4.
9 " And that same day Noe and Sem and Cham, and Japhet, sons of
Noe, and the wife of Noe and the three wives of his sons with him, entered
into the Ark." 2 Gen. vii. 13.
10 2 Peter ii. 6 ; Jude 7. " 2 Peter ii. 9.
248 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
Their condemnation, long since a foregone conclusion,
approacheth already ; the hand of Him Who shall utterly
destroy them is not benumbed." ^
Woe, then, to these corrupters of souls I But woe like-
wise to those who, but lately redeemed from error, allow
themselves to be led astray by these men, slaves of corrup-
tion, who promise them liberty, but all in vain, since
" a man is a slave of him by whom he is vanquished." ^
" If, having escaped the pollution of the world through the
knowledge of the Saviour and Lord Jesus Christ, they plunge
therein anew and are overcome by it, their last state is
worse than the first ; it had been better for them not to
have known the way of righteousness than to turn aside,
after they have known it, from the Holy Law which was
delivered to them. The true saying of the proverb is ful-
filled in them: ^The dog is returned to his vomit, and the
sow that was washed to her wallowing in the mire.' " ^
The sectaries were no longer content, as the day when
Jude was scourging them, "with denying the Lord Who
had purchased them." * Noting the terror caused in men's
souls by their expectation of a Christ Who was to return,
at an hour unlooked-for and perhaps close at hand, to
judge apostates, they strove hard to prove this return a
trumped-up fiction, and never tired jesting at those who
dreaded it.^ The Apostle rebukes their mockeries by
reminding them of what Time really is in the eyes of Him
unto Whom " a day is as a thousand years, and a thousand
years as one day." ^ And if the Saviour delays His coming,
't is because He is " long-suffering to us-ward, not willing
that any should perish, but that all should come to repent-
ance."'' Nevertheless, let none cherish any doubt of His
return, for the word of the Lord has been pledged thereto :
for 't is according to " His promise that we await new
heavens and a new earth wherein righteousness shall
dwell." 8
1 2 Peter ii. 3. « Ibid., iii. 3-4.
2 Ibid., ii. 18-19. e ibid., iii. 8.
3 Ibid., ii. 20-22. 7 n.id.^ iii. 9.
* 2 Peter ii. 1 ; Jude 4. » Ibid., iii. 13.
DEATH OF SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL. 249
Peter, like Paul, like all the Apostles, indeed, knows
naught concerning the date of this last Advent, nor can
he discern in the revelation made to him whether the
hour is close at hand or afar off; but this he does know,
that " the day of the Lord shall come like a thief, and in
that day the heavens shall pass away in the roar of the
tempest, the elements shall melt with fervent heat, and the
earth shall be burnt up with all it contains."^
*' Seeing, then," concludes the Apostle, 'Hhat all these
things are doomed to perish, what ought yoM to do, and
what ought to be the holiness of your life and piety ? . . .
Living in this expectation, labor in peace, that God may find
you pure and blameless. . . . Let all those of you, clearly
beloved, who know these things beforehand, take heed lest,
being led away by the error of the perverse, you fall from your
own steadfastness, but grow in grace and the knowledge of
Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. To Him be glory, both
now and to the day of Eternity ! Amen." ^
These weighty instructions were the last which Peter
was to leave to the Church. " The hour of his death was
approaching rapidly ; this the Lord himself had revealed
to him ; " ^ but he had taken every precaution lest after
him Christ's flock should be left shepherdless, and he had
seen to it that the apostolical authority and tradition
should continue in the See of Peter ever living and fruit-
ful.'* Thereafter, like the patriarchs of old, the Fathers
and patterns of his race, he had but to await beneath his
tent the day so close at hand when he was to fold it ^ foi
the last time, to enter " into the everlasting realm of his
Lord and Saviour Jesus." ^
Of these last days of the Apostle in Eome there has
1 2 Peter iii. 10. » Ibid., i. 14.
2 Ibid., iii. 11, 14, 17, 18.
* " Moreover, I will endeavor that even after ray death you may be able
to have these things always in remembrance." 2 Peter i. 15.
^ " I esteem it just, so long as I am [in this body as] in a tent, to arouse
you by recalling these things to your nK-mory, knowing that the hour for
striking my tent approaches rapidly." 2 Peter i. 13, 14.
6 2 Peter i. 11.
250 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
come down to us no word save certain legendary narra-
tives which would be out of place in this history ; one
alone I would make an exception of. Near the Appian
way stands a little edifice which bears the name of
" Domine, Quo Vadis," " Lord, whither goest Thou ? " The
Apparition whereof this sanctuary is a pious memorial is
related in the following terms by Saint Ambrose.^ Yielding
to the entreaties of his disciples, Peter had decided to
escape the storm of persecution by quitting Eome. On
emerging from the gates he beheld Jesus approaching as
if about to enter the city.
" Lord, whither goest Thou ? " he asked Him.
" I am come to be crucified anew," replied the Saviour.
The Apostle grasped the import of this miraculous vision
which traced out for him his duty, and turned back to face
death.
This tale was, as we know, of venerable antiquity even
in Saint Ambrose's day, since two centuries earlier Origen
had read it, as it would appear, in the Apocryphal Acts of
Saint Paul.^ Beneath certain details more or less legendary
it is easy to descry a basis of truth, the fact which the
Roman Church had ever kept in memory, how Peter,
during these last few days had hesitated whether he should
flee from persecution, and how an inspiration born of God
himself had made him resolve to meet it. That resolution
once taken, he displayed the same whole-souled ardor which
with him was always the sequel to his first waverings, and
boldly braved the coming danger.
But this he was not long to do with impunity. Paul's
arrest attracted public attention to the Christians and
induced the magistrates to investigate their organization
and their leaders. A single imprudent reply would suffice
to betray the fact that the principal personage in the
Church was then in Eome, and thus put him in the power
of judges who were wont to show scant ceremony in their
treatment of the faithful. Nor could the Apostle, as Paul
1 St. Ambrose, Cont. Auxenimm, 13.
2 Origen, In Joan., xx. 12.
• DEATH OF SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL. 251
by right of his Eoman citizenship had done, lay claim to
a legal inquiry into his case. He was a mere stranger
within their gates, one of those " humiliores," those luck-
less wights of no account, whom a relentless law delivered
over to the wild beasts, to the stake, and to the cross.
As the fancy of his judges had fallen upon the latter
form of execution, Peter was left to languish in the
Mamertine prison until the time for its fulfilment.
Roman traditions are unanimous concerning this two-
fold fact,^ and they add that Paul, now also condemned to
death, met his brother in the Apostolate within its walls.^
There is nothing impossible about these pious beliefs, for
under the Empire as under the Republic, the Mamertine
was still used as a place of detention for those condemned
to death.3 It is not likely, however, that Peter and Paul
were made acquainted with the horrors of the Ttcllianum,
that murky and foul dungeon deep below the prison
properly so-called ; only those condemned persons w^ho
were to be strangled forthwith were immured there. So,
then, in all likelihood it was in the upper prison * that
the two Apostles met again together, prepared for death.
Though the testimony of tradition is so unanimous as
to the place where they were detained, they do not agree
1 Paul, Sent., v. 22; cf. ibid., 21-23; Dig. xlviii. 19, 28, sect. 1.
2 This tradition appears for the first time in the fifth century in the
Acts of Sts. Procesus and Martinianus ; tliese Acts are not authentic, in-
deed, but the Bollandist Fathers consider that they are not to be rejected
in toto. Acta SS. Julii, vol. i., p. 269.
8 The Mamertine Prison, as it appears to-day, consists of two cells, one
above the other ; the upper story is the Mamertinum, twenty feet in length
and sixteen in width, which communicates by a narrow opening with the
lower cell, or Tullianum. This gloomy dungeon, circular in form, dates
back, it is said, to the time of Servius Tullius ; hence its name. Here
Jugurtha died of starvation after six days' torture ; but ordinarily the con-
demned persons cast therein were strangled immediately ; thus perished
the accomplices of Cataline, Vercingetorix, etc. The corpses were taken
out of the dungeon to be exposed on the Gemonii, and thence cast into the
Tiber. The picture drawn by Sallust of this horrid dungeon remains in-
delibly fixed on the memory : "incultu, tenebris, odore, foeda atque terri-
bilis ejus facies est." {Caii/ina, Iv.)
* The Career Mamertinus was very large ; there is therefore no reason
to be surprised that th(; Apostles, although they were but obscure prison-
ers, should have spent their days there.
252 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
SO closely concerning the spot where Peter met martyr-
dom. Some locate it on the heights of Janiculum, where
in our time stands the Church of San Pietro in Montorio ;
but others, more ancient and consequently worthier of
credence, insist that he was crucified " in the Vatican near
Nero's palace." ^ This region we know well, for it was
there that in 64 that great immolation of Eoman Christians
was accomplished. God so willed it that there too in his
turn their Pastor should be crucified, that thus the blood
of the Apostle shed on that holy ground should complete
its consecration and make it forevermore the domain of
Peter.
There Nero had sumptuously completed the Circus
commenced by Caligula and upon the broad and lengthy
mole {La Spina) which divided the arena in two, he had
erected the obelisk of Heliopolis.^ It was near this
monument and between the two goals which marked
the extremities of La Spina that the tools of execution ^
were prepared.
The Apostle, when he advanced to the cross, beheld
not so much the tortures whereof it was the instrument,
but only the splendor of its future. For from the Vatican
that cross was to shed its rays athwart the wide, wide
world, spreading everywhere its sovereign action. There
on that very spot was destined to be fulfilled for ever-
more the Saviour's prophecy : " When I shall have been
1 " Sepultus est . . . juxta locum ubi crucifixus est, juxta palatium
Neronianum, in Vaticannm, juxta territorium Triumphalem." Liber Port-
tijicalis, vol. i. p. 118, Duchesne's ed. The two traditions are narrated and
learnedly discussed in Marucchi's work, Le Memorie dei SS. Apostoli Pietro-
e Paolo nella Citta di Roma (Rome, 1894), pp. 74-78. His conclusions
are those which I have adopted above, and they seem to me to be well
founded.
2 This obelisk had been brought from Heliopolis to Rome by the order
of Caligula. Pliny, xvi. 76, 5 ; xxxvi. 14, 15. It was transported to the
middle of the square of St. Peter in 1586 by the order of Sixtus V.
3 "Apud palatium Ncronianura juxta obeliscum inter duas metas."
Acta Aposfolorum apocr)/pJta, ed, Tischendorf, sect. 8 ; (;f. Bosio, Roma
softer., p. 74 et seq. ; Bihlioth. max-patr., ii. These details, though taken
from apocryphal writings, seem to me too precise to be considered as pure
fancies.
DEATH OF SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL. 253
raised up from the earth I will draw all men unto me." ^
To ascend this throne of glory and die there as Jesus
died, with brow uplifted and arms outspread to embrace
all humanity, seemed too high an honor to the penitent
soul, who even in these last moments never forgot his
boastful pledge to follow his Master whithersoever He
went, and his threefold denial of Him thereafter. He
asked, then, to be crucified head downward, and obtained
his request.^ By this final act of humilit}^ this self-
annihilation in the hour of death, Peter took good care to
bequeath unto his successors but the one sole Cross, the
Cross which saves the world, the Cross of Jesus.
On the same day,^ the twenty-ninth of June, Paul died,
like his brother in the Apostolate, a Martyr to the Christ.
His case, suddenly reopened, had resulted for him also in
the sentence of death ; but by right of his Eoman citizen-
ship ^ he was accorded the honor of decapitation.^ The
centurion appointed to execute the sentence conducted
the Apostle quite a distance from Eome, an hour's journey
from the Ostian gate.^ To the left of the highroad
1 John xii. 32.
■■2 Acta Petri et Pauli, c. 81 ; Origen, quoted by Eusebius, Historia
ecdesiastica, iii. 1 ; Eusebius, De7n. ev., iii. 5; St. Jerome, De riV. ill., 1 ;
cf. Seneca, Consol. ad Marciam, 20.
3 The tradition that Peter and Paul died on the same day can be traced
back to the second century (Dionysius of Corinth, quoted by Eusebius,
Hist. eccL, ii. 25), and is accepted by St. Jerome {De vir. illust., v.), in
the decree falsely attributed to St. Gelasius (Migne, Patr. Lat., vol. lix.,
p. 167), and the Liber Pontificalis (Duchesne's ed., vol. i., pp. 118, 119,
note 12), etc. As to the date of this double martyrdom, common opinion
nowadays places it in the year 67. This is the date given by St. Jerome
[Liber Pontificalis, etc.), and is adopted by Baronius, Petau, Patvizi, Bar-
tolini ; the last-named may be consulted with especial profit : Sopra I'anno
67 dell' era volgare, se fosse quel de' martirio de gloriosi Apostoli, Roma, 1868.
4 Paul, Sent., v. xxix, 1.
5 Tertullian, De prescript., 36 ; Scorp., 15 ; Eusebius, Hist. eccL, ii.
25 ; Lactantius, De morte persec. 2 ; St. Jerome, De vir. ill. v.
6 Paul was well known in Rome ; the fear lest his execution might
cause some outbreak among the people was probably what determined
them to have him beheaded so far outside the city. Similar motives caused
Calpurnius Galerianus to be put to death without the walls of Rome.
" Custodia militari cinctus, ne in ipsa urbe conspectior mors foret, ad
quadragesimum ab urbe Lapidem, via Appia, fuso per venas sanguine ex-
tinguitur." Tacitus, Histor., iv. 11.
254 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
known by this name, the Via ArcUea, which joins it,
leads to a little hollow surrounded by a low line of
hills and known by the name of the Wholesome AVaters.
The soldiers halted the Martyr beneath the shade of a
pine tree, renowned in olden times,^ and stripped his back
for the scourGfin".^ For the last time Paul must needs
bend his back to the whip, and then, baring his neck to
the headsman's sword, he breathed forth his spirit and
was at long last united with his Lord.
Neither the words nor the thoughts of the Apostle at
this supreme moment have come down to us, yet it is not
hard to conceive what they must have been, for the death
of God's holy ones is but the consummation of their life.
Saint Theresa is lifted up in a final ecstasy. Saint Francis
of Assizi smiles and sings in the face of death, and accosts
it by the tender little " Sister." Paul's career had been
one long warfare for Jesus against sin ; he beheld that old
foe of his, now checked and overcome by Grace, that
Grace whose efficacy he had preached everywhere, bearing
the Good News unto the ends of the known world.^ He,
then, died as a "soldier of the Christ,"^ rejoicing for that
he was deemed worthy to shed his blood for his Master,
and repeating that glad cry which long since we heard
from his holy lips, " 0 Death, where is thy sting ? 0
Grave, where is thy victory ? . . . Thanks be to God,
Who giveth us the victory through Jesus Christ Our
Lord." ^
This has been always, indeed, the feeling of the Eoman
Church in regard of their two leaders, thus slain for the
Cause. Piously reposing their relics in the neighborhood
of their martyrdom, their disciples erected, not sepulchres,
but Tro'phies ; for by this title, as we shall see in the suc-
1 Acta Apostolorum apocrypha, Tischendorf, p. 35 ; St. Gregory the
Great, Epist., xiv. xiv. ; the Itineraries of the pilgrims, quoted by Signor
de Rossi in Roma sotferranea, vol. i., p. 182.
2 " Nudatos virgis cfedunt secnvique feriunt." Titus Livy, ii. 6,
Very many ])assages in Tacitus go to show that, under Nero, prisoners
were customnrily beheaded, not with the axe, but by the sword.
3 Acts xiii. 47. ^ KaXbs arpaTLur-rjs XpiaroO. 2 Tim. ii. 3.
^ 1 Cor. XV. 55-57.
DEATH OF SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL. 255
ceeding ages, the tombs of Peter and Paul were known.
" As for me," says Caius, one of his own priests in the
beginning of the third century, " I can show you the
Trophies of the Apostles ; whether you go to the Vatican,
or whether you take the Ostian highway, you will find
these Trophies of the men who founded our Church." ^
As the disciples possessed no place of sepulture near the
Tre Fontane, they were forced to carry the body of Paul
half-way to Eome on the Ostian Road, where now stands
the magnificent Basilica of the Apostle. But for Peter,
they had a shorter distance to traverse. There was a burial-
ground close by the gardens of Nero, between the new Via
Aureliana and the A^ia Triumphalis.^ In all likelihood,
ever since the year 64 the Christians of Rome had prepared
a place of burial thereabouts for their brethren who had
fallen victims to the ferocity of Nero ; at all events, there
is no doubt about the fact that they possessed a cemetery
there shortly after the death of the Apostle, since we know
that the Popes, until the end of the second century, were
buried there.^ Accordingly, the relics of Peter rested
hereabouts for almost two hundred years, where they are
now overshadowed by the dome of the Vatican. In 258
an edict of Valerian put all the Christian cemeteries under
the law of sequestration, and forbade the Christians to
forgather there. Owing to this and to the dread of see-
ing the two tombs of the Apostles profaned, they thought
best to transfer their relics to a safer resting-place. The
1 These words of Caius, recorded by Eusebius (Histor. eccL, ii. 25), ac-
quaint us, not only with the tradition of his time, but witli that of the age
which preceded it. The authenticity of these niouuments up to the sec-
ond century is therefore incontestible. It is established in the fourth cen-
tury by the basilicas which Constantine erected over the two tombs, by
the testimony of Eusebius (Histor. eccL, ii. 25), and of Optatus of Mileto
{De Schismat. Donastit., i. ii. 2 ; and in the fifth century by that of St.
Jerome {Devir. illustr. i.), and of Prudentius (Peristeph., Hymn xii. ).
2 The numerous Pagan inscriptions unearthed round about the "Con-
fession " of St. Peter, when the basilica was rebuilt, leave no doubt as to
this fact. Armellini, Le Chiese cli Roma, p. 697 etseq.
3 The Liber Pontijicalis gives the following direction: ** Sepultus est
juxta corpus beati Petri in Vaticauo," to indicate the tombs of the first
Popes : Linus, Cletus, Anacletus, Evaristus, Xystus, Telesphorus, Hyginus,
Pius, Eleutherus, and Victor.
256 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
locality called "Ad Cataciimhas,'' a little over two miles
on the Appian highway, seemed to them to offer perfect
security. Accordingly those precious relics were trans-
ported thither, and there remained for a year and seven
months, according to the Apocryphal Acts of Peter and
Paul,i but forty years longer if we are to take the testimony
of the itineraries written by the pilgrims of the seventh
century.^
Whatever question there may be concerning these va-
rious witnesses, at least there is no doubt that the bodies
of these Saints were brought back to their first place of
burial, and that whole and intact; for it is impossible to
put any credence in the legend which tells us that Saint
Sylvester mingled the sacred ashes at the time of the sec-
ond translation, that thus Peter and Paul should be ever
venerated, both on the Ostian Way and at the Vatican.
Such an idea is not merely devoid of historical foundation,^
but would seem repugnant to the true Christian feeling
concerning the foundation of the Church. For it is not
true that Jesus had set two heads over the Apostolical Col-
lege ; only one had He chosen, Peter alone. That Paul
was commissioned to lend him aid, and that he accom-
plished the task with perfect freedom, but respectfully
and with such heartfelt devotion withal that Peter never
ceased to admire and cherish him, — this fact our narra-
tive has ever insisted upon. It is that, in fact, which is
ever proclaimed by the Eoman Church, which, in its liturgy
always intertwines the memory and the veneration of both
its holy founders. However, with this pious remembrance
of brotherly unity there ends any likeness between the
two Apostles. Paul, great and glorious as he appears to
us, was but a Voice, "a Word,"* the most powerful and
1 Fiorentini, Vetust. MartyroL, p. iii.
2 De Rossi, Roma Softer., vol. i,, p. 180. Concerning this translation,
see Duchesne, Liher Pontificalis, vol. i., pp. civ-cvii ; Marucchi, Le
Memorie, pp. 39-68 ; De Waal, Die Apostelgruft ad Catacumhas an der
Via Appia, Roma, 1894.
2 Marucchi, Le Memorie, p. 72.
* " Dux verbi." Acts xiv. 11 ; cf. Ephes. iii. 8 ; Hebr. iv. 12; Ephes.
vi. 17.
DEATH OF SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL. 257
the most fruitful after that of Jesus Himself; but the
mission of the Apostle unto the Gentiles ended with him.
That of Peter was to last forever : to him alone and for
evermore, since he lives always in his successors, and only
unto him, God has confided all that which constitutes the
very life of the Church, her holy faith, her teaching, her
government, her power of binding and loosing.^ It was
therefore fitting that he alone should rest beneath the Vati-
can, under that vast cupola whereon the words which
made him the sole sovereign even to-day enlighten and
rule the world : " Thou art Peter, and on this rock I will
build my Church." ^
<*TU ES PETEUS ET SUPER HANG PETRAM
^DIEICABO ECCLESIAM MEAM."
Thus, then, even in death, Paul played a subordinate part.
His body, it is true, reposes in Rome, but " without the
walls," ^ mingled with and well-nigh eclipsed by the glory
of Saint Peter. The three words graven upon his tomb
sum up his whole life and all its greatness, —
PAUL. APOSTLE. MARTYR.
PAULO
APOSTOLO MART.-*
1 Luke xxii. 32 ; Jolin xxi. 15-17 ; Matt. xvi. 18, 19.
2 Matt. xvi. 18. This inscription fills out the whole circumference of
the frieze in golden letters six and a half (6^) feet high on a blue ground.
3 As is well known, the basilica erected over the Apostle's tomb is thus
designated : S. Paolo fiiori le Mura.
* This inscription, discovered entire in 1838, during the work on the
new basilica, dates back to the time of Constantine. Such at least is the
opinion of Signor de Rossi {Bull, di Archceol. Christ., 1883, p. 153), an
opinion adopted and confirmed by Father Grisar in his learned work en-
titled Le Tombe apostoliche di Roma ; (Studi e documenti di storia e diritto,
1892).
17
CHAPTEK XIII.
ROME AFTER THE DEATH OF SAINT PETER AND
SAINT PAUL.
We have seen that from the time of the burning of
Eome Nero had declined in popular favor, ^ After this
disaster and the inevitable massacre which was its sequel,
his popularity waned the more. To avert a final and de-
cisive misfortune, he deemed the best course for him to
pursue was to revive those spectacles which had never
failed to delight the lower classes. After the year 65 the
list of chariot races was largely augmented.^ In the same
year the celebration of the Quinquennial Sports was re-
newed.2 In fact, this Imperial actor had never before gone
to such lengths, and Eome beheld the strange sight of an
emperor, lord over the whole world, walking the boards
and contending with low-born players for a singer's prize.
Once his act was concluded, he bowed his knee, and with
a humble gesture besought the suffrages of his audience,
pretending that he awaited them in great anxiety.* Of
course there was no question as to the response his appeal
1 Tacitus, Annates, xv. 44, 45.
2 Ibid., XV. 74.
^ Ibid., xvi. 4. Friedlander (Moeurs romaines au temps d'Auguste, vol.
ii. p. 255) holds that these contests took place in the year 64, iDasing his
theory on the Greek custom, which was to renew these festivals every four
years : now, the first celebration occurred in the year 60. (Tacitus, Annales,
xiv. 20-21; Eckhel, Doctrina nuvimornm reterum, vi., p. 264.) This is
a mistake which Schiller ((rescA^'cA^e des romischen Kaiserreichs unter der
Regierung des Nero, p. 198) rectifies with good reason. Now Tacitus'
expression ought to be taken literally : " Quinfjuennale ludicrum Ronice
institutura est ad morem Grseci certaminis." Annales, xiv. 20 ; cf. Sueto-
nius, Nero, 12 : " Instituit et quinquennale certamen primus omnium
Romae, more Grseco."
* Tacitus, Annales, xvi. 4 : "Postremo flexus genu et coetum ilium
manu veneratus, sententias judicum opperiebatur ficto pavore."
ROME. 259
would meet with ; his own guards, scattered among the
spectators, were the leaders of the applause ; at the least
sign of weakness or hesitancy they rained down blows
upon the onlookers. Vespasian was forced to pay dearly
for his heinous crime, because in a moment of fatigue he
yielded to his overpowering need of sleep.^
But of what use were such amusements to stay the
wrath of the multitude so embittered, and furthermore
afflicted by a plague whereof Tacitus has left a terrific
description? " There was to be noted," he says, " no token
of corruption in the air, and yet the dwellings were cum-
bered with corpses and the streets with funeral trains ;
neither sex nor age escaped the scourge ; all men, whether
slave or free, were mowed down alike speedily. They
breathed their last amid the lamentations of their wives
and children, who themselves were attacked even while
kneeling at their deathbed, and oftentimes were burnt on
the same funeral pyre."^ When the plague had run its
course, there were over thirty thousand deaths to be reck-
oned in the city.^
Would the people show more appreciation for glorious
deeds of war ? This, Nero in the following year was fain
to discover. The world, then at peace, or at least held in
awe of established authority, knew of no rebels except the
Parthians. In the year 63, Corbulo had succeeded in put-
ting a stop to their inroads, and had succeeded in arrang-
ing to have Tiridates, brother of their king, receive from
Eome the kingship over Armenia:* an act of great diplom-
acy this, which, by interposing a tributary state between
the two Empires, would use it as a buffer between the
contending armies, and thereby render them less formi-
dable to the provinces of Asia. Hitherto, Tiridates had
deferred his entrance into Rome there to be crowned.
Nero resolved to recall him and to exhibit this man, whom
the whole East saluted as " King of kings," kneeling be-
fore him as his vassal. To draw some prestige to himself
1 Tacitus, Annales, xvi. 5. 3 Suetonius, Nero, 39.
2 Ibid., xvi. 13. * Tacitus, Annales, xv. 29, 31.
260 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
from this triumphal progress, he bade that it be surrounded
with uuheard-of magnificence. Tiridates traversed Asia,
Thrace, Illyria, and Italy with a whole army as his escort,
pillaging and destroying the towns which were forced to
entertain him. All Kome, bidden to his coronation, beheld
this prince prostrate before the Emperor and accepting from
him the royal diadem. They heard, too, his exaggerated
words of thanks couched in the Oriental fashion, —
" My Lord, as thy slave am I come unto thee who art
my God, to worship thee as the Sun itself. I will be
what thou makest of me, for thou art my lot and my
fortune." ^
All in vain were those lying words of flattery ! Un-
availing, too, his splendid progress ! Eome had had her
fill of such scenes of servility ; she was sated with exhi-
bitions of bloodshed and disgrace ; nor would she applaud
them any more unless constrained by force.
Nero, now despairing of any return of his pristine popu-
larity, sought elsewhere those acclamations without which
his vanity could not exist. Greece, that mother of all
the fine arts, still worshipped at their shrine, and could
still reckon upon a goodly number of connoisseurs. Ac-
cordingly he decided to appeal to these judges in matters
of taste from the contemptuous reception he had met
with at the hands of a low-born and common populace.
It was in the year 66 that he set out upon his journey
toward Greece. His departure, however, in no wise light-
ened the burden of terror which weighed upon Eome, for
he left behind him two most active ministers of his cru-
elty, Tigellinus and Helius, the freedmen. Peter and
Paul, as we have just seen, are to be numbered among
their victims. Nevertheless, it would seem that during
his absence there was not so much bloodshed as previ-
ously ; for the Tyrant's attention was altogether absorbed
in his passion for the stage ; those visions of warlike con-
quest had at length turned, in his poor brain, into a mad
desire to be greeted as a great actor. Tor soldiers he
1 Dion Cassius, Ixiii. 2, 7.
ROME. 261
brought with him into Achaia whole legions of ballet-
dancers, fully equipped with masks and lyres and instru-
ments of music.^ But no crown of military or artistic
glory was destined to fall to the lot of the persecutor of
the Christians. God was paving the way for him toward
that final goal when he shoald be overwhelmed by the
scorn of all mankind ; nor were any trophies henceforth
to be accorded him save the showman's awards, and these
wrung from the obsequiousness, or of fcenest from the fear,
of his judges.
Greece dared not, indeed, refuse anything to the Master
of the World come thither to demand applause. The
Olympian Games were deferred that he might win his
triumph there : ^ a wretched victory, indeed, since he was
upset in the chariot race and nearly lost his life ; an acci-
dent which in no way hindered them from awarding him
the prize.^ He knew well, however, the best way to dis-
courage his rivals. On the occasion of the Isthmian
Sports, one actor was so imprudent as to win the audi-
ence's appreciation by his fine voice. The tyrant ordered
him to be strangled on the very scene of his success.*
Thereafter these contests degenerated into an attempt on
the part of his rivals to let themselves be beaten grace-
fully. Nero received over eighteen hundred crowns in the
various arenas where he appeared/^ For fear lest he should
take umbrage even at past glories, they hastened every-
where to pull down the statues of former winners.^ Nero
ordained days of thanksgiving to the gods, in Eome and
throughout the Empire,"^ in return for these miserable
triumphs. Greece, too, was bountifully rewarded for
its complacency, and was declared a free land,^ and
thereby escaped all taxation and all subjection to Eoman
governors.
1 Dion Cassius, Ixiii. 8.
2 Suetonius, Nero, 23 ; Eusebius, Chronicorum, book ii. Ann. X*^ 67,
^ Dion Cassius, Ixiii. 14 ; Suetonius, Nero, 24.
* Lucian, Nero seu de isthmo, 9.
s Dion Cassius, Ixiii. 21. ^ Suetonius, Nero, 24.
■^ Dion Cassius, Ixiii. 18.
* Suetonius, Nero, 24 ; Dion Cassius, Ixiii. 11.
262 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
Certain localities, however, did not lend themselves so
easily to help out this farce. At Eleusis, the tyrant,
stained with his scores of murders, durst not be initiated
into its mysteries. For there the herald had cried out,
" Stand back, all impious and wicked men ! " The Furies,
who once had fallen upon the parricide Orestes, were still
watching over Athens. Nero took good care not to en-
counter them. Nor did he even enter their city, the
Queen of Greece and the sanctuary of her genius.^
Other anxieties, too, still further aggravated his troubles.
The Empire, throughout its length and breadth, shuddered
with fear of the despot, who was bankrupting them. His
exactions from the provinces began after the burning of
Rome ; ^ thereafter they only increased, for he required
fabulous sums to pay for the royal pomp whereon he
based his whole political policy.^ Even Greece, which had
so pandered to his passions, paid dearly for the tyrant's
love of the fine arts. From Delphi he took away with
him five hundred statues ; from the Thespians the glori-
ous Eros of Praxiteles ; elsewhere other marvels of art.*
But far more than these acts of vandalism did Nero's
treatment of his army precipitate his fall. He angered
both the veterans and legionaries by his remissness in
paying their wage, and alienated their leaders by putting
them under control of his freedmen, and leaving them to
the mercy of his informers.^ All those whom personal
worth or success in arms had rendered popular became
forthwith objects of suspicion ; disgrace and the oblivion
of some minor post was the lot of the more fortunate ;
the most illustrious of their number were put to death.
Two brothers of the noble house of Scribonia, Rufus and
Procullus, were then renowned commanders. Recalled
by the Emperor on their way home, they were met with
further orders to do away with themselves. Nor did the
1 Suetonius, Nero, 34. ^ Tacitus, Annales, xv. 45.
2 The journey of Tiridates alone cost him about twelve million dollars
of our money. Suetonius, Nero, 80.
* Pausanias, v. xxv. 9 ; xxvi. 3 ; ix. xxvii. 8 ; x. vii. 1 ; Dion Cassius.
Ixiii. 11.
^ Tacitus, Annales, xiv. 39.
ROME. 263
services rendered by Corbulo in the war with the Par-
thians, nor the esteem in which he was held throughout
the whole Empire, suffice to save him. He, too, sum-
moned to meet Nero, met his condemnation when about
to take ship from the harbor of Kenchraea. Forthwith
he slew himself with his own sword. " I have deserved
this " he said, regretting only that he had not anticipated
the monster and delivered the world from his tyranny.^
Nor was he alone in cherishing such feelings. The
freedman Helius, to whom Nero had left absolute power
in Eome, noted daily, with more and more distinctness,
the stifled mutterings of revolt. He wrote to Greece
urging the Emperor to return, and when no reply came,
went thither in person to rouse him from his dreams.^
Nero, now thoroughly alarmed, decided to go back to
Italy. This step, notwithstanding, he would not consent
to, save in his assumed character of conqueror ; for the
laurels of the stage had more value in his eyes than the
Imperial crown. It was an olden custom that victors in
the Olympian Sports should re-enter their native town,
not through the gates, but through a breach made in the
walls ; and this homage he exacted from all the cities he
passed through, — from Naples, Antium, and Albanum.
But it was for his entry into Eome that he reserved all
the sumptuousness and display his diseased imagination
could elaborate. He appeared before his people mounted
in the same chariot in which Augustus had made his tri-
umphal progress, with the Olympian crown encircling his
brow, and in his hand that of the Pythians ; roundabout
him were his other awards, bearing inscriptions which
told where he had won them, over what rivals, in what
place, and in what role. Sacrifices were offered all along
his line of march ; clouds of incense arose ; while ap-
plauding throngs proclaimed themselves his companions
in strife, the soldiers who shared his glory.
" Long live the victor of Olympia ! " shouted the crowd.
" Long live the winner at the Pythian Games ! "
1 Dion Cassius, Ixiii. 17. ^ ibid. Ixiii. 19,
264 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
" Long life to Nero, tlie Hercules ! "
" To Nero, the Apollo ! "
"Augustus ! Augustus ! 0 Godlike voice ! happy is he
who harkeneth unto thee ! "
Among such acclamations the eighteen hundred crowns
were carried before him into one of the circuses of Eome.^
Which one it was, we do not know, — perhaps the Great
Circus at the foot of the Palatine ; more probably that of
the Vatican, the latter being Nero's own amphitheatre
and individual domain. There is good reason to believe
that these histrionic trophies of his were hung about that
same obelisk which had looked down upon the horrible
martyrdom of the Christians and the crucifixion of Peter.
Nevertheless, there were portentous signs of the fast
approaching calamity. Judea was now in the throes of a
general rebellion, and, even while in Greece, he had been
forced to despatch thither one of the greatest generals of
the Empire, Vespasian.^ Spain, too, was on the point of
an uprising, but it was Gaul which was the first to shake
off the yoke with some prospect of success. A descend-
ant of the old kings of Aquitania, Julius Vindex, was
then governor of this province, and his ancestry made the
base lord in whose name he ruled doubly detestable to
him. Every day news came from Eome telling of infa-
mous acts, so much so that it rose in his gorge and made
him ready for rebellion. At his call the brave and ancient
races which had withstood Caesar — the ^dui, the Sequani,
and the Averni — rose in revolt. A hundred thousand men
were put on a war footing at once, and the remainder
held in reserve.^ Strong in the confidence inspired by
this outburst, Vindex opened negotiations with the
Governor of Spain. From Lusitania, Otho, former hus-
band of Poppsea, despatched generous subsidies. Galba
did more : he levied two legions from Tarasconian Spain,
and set out toward the Pyrenees.*
1 Suetonius, Nero, 25 ; Dion Cassius, Ixiii. 20.
2 Josephus, Bell. Jud., iii. iv. 2.
3 Dion Cassius, Ixiii. 22.
* Ibid., Ixiii. 23 ; Suetonius, Galba^ 9.
ROME. 265
Nero had returned to Naples when news of the revolt
reached his ears. At first he learned only of the upris-
ing of the Gauls, and these tidings he greeted after such
a manner as to give rise to the suspicion that he re-
garded it merely as a stroke of good luck, — another
occasion for pillaging one of the richest provinces of
the Empire with his mailed fist. Showing no sign of
trouble or disquiet, he betook himself to the gymnasium,
and there displayed the greatest interest in his duties as
umpire over the athletic sports. This indifference lasted
one whole week, during which he neither gave any orders
nor even spoke of the rebellion, appearing to have forgot-
ten all about it. All in vain did despatch after despatch
arrive, growing daily more urgent. One alone of these
missives had power to move him ; it contained a procla-
mation wherein Vindex alluded to him as a " poor singer."
Cut to the quick in his tenderest point, he wrote a note
to the Senate, bidding that body avenge him. Whereupon
he went hither and thither, demanding of every one
" whether really any greater artist than he had been
known to mankind." The despatches, however, became
of so alarming a tone that he finally took fright and
returned to Eome, though at first this was only to busy
himself in the same futile pursuits which had now
become his only thought in life. Calling together an
assemblage of the foremost citizens, he spent the whole
day in making trial of certain novel instruments of
music in their presence.^
Nor were his eyes opened until the moment when he
was informed that the cohorts of Gaul were making
common cause with the rebel nations, and that Galba
had joined their forces, together with the soldiers of
Spain. He was dining when this news was brought
him ; beside himself, he tore up the letter, overturned
the table, and shattered upon the ground two wrought
goblets of great price, whence he was wont to drink.
The fit of madness having spent itself, he fell to the floor
1 Suetonius, Nero, 40, 41; Dion Cassius, Ixiii. 26.
266 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
and there remained for a long time senseless and half
dead.^ The most fantastical schemes seethed within his
brain, now outworn by his excesses. He talked of hav-
ing the governors of provinces slaughtered, and of butcher-
ing all the natives of Gaul then in Eome, of poisoning
the Senate, of setting fire to the city, and at the same
time of letting loose the wild beasts of the amphitheatre
upon the populace. To these transports of rage succeeded
other very different feelings. Trembling before the im-
pending catastrophe, he thought only of beseeching mercy
from his foes.
" I will go," he said, " and show myself unarmed before
the rebellious legions, and I shall need but to exhibit my
tear-stained countenance. So speedy a repentance will
win them back to me, and on the morrow we shall all
rejoice together and chant a paean of victory. I will go
and compose it at once." ^
Any defence organized by such a madman could not be
other than absurd and farcical. In default of the urban
districts, which refused to furnish their quota, he formed
his legions from the servile class. More than this, he even
enrolled his own women-folk, in the garb of Amazons, their
locks shorn, and armed with battle-axes and shields. His
principal care, however, at this moment of imminent
danger, was to look out for his theatrical baggage and his
musical instruments ; he spared no pains to collect the
chariots necessary to transport them in his train .^
At the first onslaught of an armed foe this sinister
clown must have met with overpowering defeat. An
unforeseen happening, however, prolonged the period of
his tyranny for a few days. The city of Lyons, which
had recently suffered from a conflagration and been suc-
cored by him, retained a grateful recollection* of his
bounty. During the defection of the other parts of Gaul
this town remained faithful to him and summoned to its
aid the legions of Germany. At the head of the latter
1 Suetonius, Nero, 42.
2 Ibid., 43 ; Dion Cassius, Ixiii. 27.
^ Suetonius, Nero, 44. * Tacitus, Annates, xvi. 13.
ROME. 267
was Verginius Rufus, a man of action, as loyal as he was
brave, and permeated with respect for the laws, the Senate,
and the Roman majesty. Seeing in Vindex but a dis-
turber of public order, he marched against him, and
although at a conference held between them the two
generals reached an agreement, their armies of their own
accord came to blows. Twenty thousand Gauls suc-
cumbed, and in despair Vindex slew himself. Verginius
was left master of the field, his legions proclaiming him
Emperor. Devoid as he was of personal ambition, he
bade them cease, and himself awaited further orders from
Rome.^
The decision arrived speedily, not from the Senate,
which, long accustomed to obey, had now grown timid
and nerveless, but from the Pretorian Guard. Tigellinus,
one of their Prefects, was negotiating secretly with Galba ;
the other, Nymphidius by name, hastened the final issue
of events. Having persuaded his soldiers that Nero had
sought safety in flight, he promised them in Galba's name,
thirty thousand sestertii a man,^ and this induced them
to proclaim him Emperor.^
On the eighth day of June this military revolution
was accomplished and the soldiers quitted the palace.
Awakened in the middle of the night, Nero beheld him-
self without a single guardsman. He sprang from bed
and sent messengers throughout the city in quest of his
friends. As not one of them put in an appearance, he
rushed through the streets of Rome, knocking at one door
after another. Not one was opened to him. On his return
he found that his sleeping apartments had been rifled and
a vial of poison which Locusta had prepared for such an
emergency, had disappeared. In vain did he beseech that
a gladiator from the amphitheatre be sent to give him the
death thrust.
" So, then," he cried, " I have neither friends nor enemies
any more ! " and in his desperation dashed forth again to
1 Dion Cassius, Ixiii. 24, 25; Plutarch, Galba, vi.
2 About four hundred dollars.
3 Tacitus, Historice, i. 72 ; Plutarch, Galba, ii.
268 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
throw himself into the Tiber. But his cowardice halted
him on the river-brink and he returned to the Palace,
now left silent and desolate.-^
Certain freedmen of his, however, had not fled as yet ;
one of them, Phaon by name, owned a villa about four
miles from Kome, between the Salarian and the Nomen-
tana roads. Touched with pity, he offered to conduct the
unhappy wretch thither, and mounted him in all haste
upon a sorry beast. The darkness of the night covered
their escape. Nero fled barefooted, half-dressed, and covered
with an old cloak which he wrapped about his head to
escape recognition. Phaon, Sporus, his secretary Epaphro-
ditus, and one other of his freedmen were the only ones
who accompanied him. They had hardly started on their
road when bodeful signs and portents greeted them; a
thunderbolt fell so close that it seemed to strike him full
in the face ; the ground rocked wildly beneath their feet.
" It seemed," says the historian Dion, "■ as if it were about
to open, and that the spirits of all those whom he had
slain were going to cast themselves upon him." ^ At the
Collina Gate he heard the shouts of his Pretorian guards-
men in their camp. They were cursing him and acclaim-
ing Galba.^
Though partially recognized by a few wayfarers, he was
successful, nevertheless, in making good his escape and
reaching the country-house of Phaon. It behooved him
to enter unnoticed. The little group therefore dismounted,
and took a footpath strewn with brambles and thorns.
Along this Nero slunk with great difficulty, trying to
make his mantle serve as some protection for his bare
feet. Thus by degrees they reached the rear of the villa,
where a ditch, lined with pozzolana, led up to the enclos-
ure ; from this approacli the freedmen set to work boring
a hole beneath the wall in order to effect a secret entrance.
During this labor, Phaon urged Nero to hide within the
ditch, but this he refused to do, declaring that it was not
1 Saetonius, Nero, 47. ^ Suetonius, Nero, 48.
2 Dion Cassius, Ixiii. 28.
ROME. 269
to his taste to bury himself alive, and then threw himself
flat upon his belly amid the thorn-bushes. The pangs of
thirst tormented him ; in his hands he scooped up the
water from a pool close by. " Lo ! this is the drink of a
Nero ! '' he exclaimed. By these words he simply was
striving after effect ; nor did any more serious ones fall
from his lips, even in that dread hour ; not a sign of any
qualms of conscience, no backward glance at his past in
this miserable creature, worn out by crime and debauchery ;
there remained but the soul of a poor buffoon}
Through the hole which they had succeeded in making
beneath the wall, he dragged himself into a neighboring
room. There he threw himself down upon a cot tremb-
ling with fear, sobbing, only now and then starting up
from his stupor of grief to declaim a few lines of tragedy
verse. He was overheard muttering^ those lines from
CEdipus, which depicted his distressful state, —
" My Wife, my Mother, and my Father
Pronounced on me sentence of death."
The witnesses of this cowardly agony were fain to see
an end to it, and besought Nero to seek death as a refuge
from the indignities which threatened him. He bade
them dig his grave so as to fit his body ; told them what
precious marbles they should ornament it with ; then
demanded that water and wood be brought for his funeral
rites. At each fresh order he wept, and never ceased
repeating, " What an artist the world is about to lose ! "
In the interval a message is handed Phaon : Nero
seizes it ; therein he reads that the Senate denounces him
as an enemy of his fatherland and ordains that he be
punished according to the ancient law.
" What sort of punishment is that ? " he demands.
They answer him that the condemned man be stripped
of his garments, his head thrust in the stocks, and that he
be then beaten with rods until he be dead, whereafter his
body must be dragged down with iron hooks and thrown
1 Suetonius, Nero, 48.
270 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
into the Tiber. For an instant this vision seems to give
him some decision. He takes up two daggers which he
wore upon his person, tries their points, then thrusts them
hack into their sheaths.
" The fatal moment has not yet arrived," he says ; the
scoundrel was bent on fighting off the approach of death
and covering his last hours with shame, as has been so
strikingly depicted by Suetonius.
" Now he would beseech Sporus to weep and mourn with
him, and again, beg some one to give him courage to die
by killing himself with him. Sometimes, too, he rebuked
himself for his cowardice ; he would say, " I am but drag-
ging out a wicked and miserable life," and then added :
" This is not fitting a Nero ; this befits me not ! Each man
must needs be resigned at such moments ; come, then,
arouse thyself, my soul ! " Already were approaching the
horseguards who had been ordered to take him alive.
When he heard them, with trembling lips he repeated
this line in Greek, —
" The fast flying feet of quivering coursers now I hear; " ^
whereupon he drove the steel into his side, aided by the
hand of his secretary, Epaphroditus.
He was still breathing when the centurion entered, who,
feigninor that he was come to assist him, wanted to bind
up the wound.
" Too late, too late," said Nero, and added, " Is this thy
plighted faith ? "
He expired while uttering these words, with wide-open
and staring eyes, an object of horror and fear to those who
gazed upon him. ^ That fidelity which the dying Nero
sought in vain from those about him, was confined to three
lowly women who refused to abandon his corpse. Two of
them had helped to bring him up, and remembered nothing
else save the charms of his childish hours. The other,
Actaea, though belonging to the servile class, had been
1 Homer, Iliad, x. .535.
2 Suetonius, Nero, 48 ; Dion Cassius, Ixiii. 28, 29.
ROME. 271
loved by him in the old days, before he had given himself
up to his later excesses. ^ Some say that she is that
favorite of Nero spoken of by St. John Chrysostom and
whom Saint Paul converted ;2 this conjecture has little
historical foundation, unhappily, for it would be a pleasing
thought that it was a Christian woman who performed
the last pious rites for the persecutor of her Faith.
Eome indeed felt far too happy at its deliverance from
such a monster to dole him out the poorest funeral honors.
While the joyous throng went dancing through the streets,
waving their liberty caps, his three pious friends were left
free to burn his body, wrapped in a costly shroud, and to
repose his ashes in the burial-place of the Domitius, on the
Hill of the Gardens (the Pincio of to-day).^ From these
heights he continued for many a day to exert an indefin-
able sway to terrorize men's souls ; unknown hands each
year left flowers on his tomb, whether it was to appease
his Manes, or to avert his vengeance,^ since even the fact
of his death remained shrouded in doubt to some minds,
and they feared him too greatly not to dread his possible
return. Happily for the world, Nero had disappeared
forever. But a few years later the elder Pliny uttered the
verdict of history, and unconsciously in a few words per-
formed an act of righteous retribution : using against the
tyrant the same weapon, that same accusation of infamous
practices, which he had had recourse to in his persecutions
of the Christians, he brands him as " the enemy of the
human race." ^ The widespread horror felt for the tyrant
by the general public worked in favor of the Christians,
as of his other victims ; for men had become sated and
disgusted with torture and bloodshed. Furthermore, the
1 Suetonius, Nero^ 50.
2 St. John Chrysostom. Adversus oppiignatores vitce monasticce, vol. i.
3 ; Greppo, Trois memoires relatifs a Vhistoire ecclesiastiqite des premiers
siedes chre'dens, pp. 41 et seq.
3 Suetonius, Nero, 50 ; Dion Cassius, Ixiii. 29.
* Suetonius, Nero, 57; Dion Chrysostom, Orat., xxi. 10; Plutarch,
Galha, vii. ; Tacitus, Histor., ii. 8 ; Sulpicius Severus, Histor., ii. 29 ;
Lactantius, De morte persecnt., 2.
* Pliny, Historia naturalis, vii. 46.
272 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
disorders which were just then racking the Empire helped
to divert public attention from the faithful. To over-
throw Nero, not only Eome and the Praetorian camp had
taken up arms, but the provinces and their legions as
well ; each of these different parties clung to its own
ambitious views and individual interests ; the death of
Vindex and the military uprightness of Verginius alone
delayed for a few days the outbreak of civil war. Galba,
the Emperor elected out of Spain, was accordingly per-
mitted to take in hand the reins of power, but with too
feeble a grasp to handle them aright. The new Caesar had
administrated successively four provinces ^ with inflexible
honesty, and looked forward to manifesting in the gov-
ernment of the Empire the same unfaltering justice.
Unhappily, having reached the age of seventy-three,
and crippled with gout, he was far too broken in body
to regenerate a world which had unlearned every lesson
of virtuous conduct and asked only to be amused. Nor
had he even the talent required to select ministers capa-
ble of supplying what he lacked. Kather, he allowed
the reaction against the preceding reign to turn into a
very unwise and uncalled-for persecution, while by his
niggardliness he disaffected both the people and the
troops of Eome, long wonted to generous displays of lux-
ury.2 " The slightest largess," says Tacitus, " would have
kept the soldiers true to their duty ; he ruined himself
by this old-fashioned sternness, and by a rigorousness too
severe for our manner of life." ^ These same tendencies
led him astray in the choice of a successor : instead of
restoring his popularity by this act, as he had hoped, he
merely hastened its decline. Otho, who had but recently
well-nigh ruined himself in the cause in Spain, regarded it
as the basest ingratitude that his friend should have pre-
1 Aquitania, lT])per Germany, Africa, and Tarraconensis. Suetonius,
Galba, 6, 7, 8.
2 Suetonius, Galba, 12-"16; Dion Cassius, Ixiv. 1-3; Plutarch, Galba,
xv.-xviii.
3 Tacitus, Histor., i. 18.
ROME. 273
ferred to him Piso, a young man whose sole recommenda-
tion was the austerity of his life. Eage and disappointment
made Otho take sides with the Praetorian Guards. This
band of picked men, already ripe for revolt, were easily
won over by his flatteries, his promises, and the little
wealth left him, all of which he showered upon them.
Whereupon they responded by acclaiming him Lord and
Master of the World. Galba was forthwith overwhelmed
in the onslaught of conspirators, and massacred in the
open forum.i
There could be no doubt as to what was expected of
Otho by the populace and the soldiery. All remembered
the part taken by him in the luxurious debaucheries in
the preceding reign ; it was almost as much as if his
word was pledged to revive them. And at first he seemed
fain to float with the tide, allowing himself to be saluted
by the name of Nero, re-erecting the statues which Nero
had built, putting his favorites back in office, and giving
orders to complete the " Golden House." But beneath
these politic acts he was concealing hopes most creditable
to himself. He, too, after the example of Galba, har-
bored designs of managing Eome like the province of
Lusitania, which he had governed uprightly for ten years.
Time alone failed him. The legions of Lower Germany,
now escaped from the iron grasp of Galba, had saluted as
Emperor their chosen chief Vitellius. Those of Upper
Germany and of Brittany had joined forces with them, —
in all, eleven legions ; and these, the most valiant in the
Empire, began to march Eomewards on learning of the
murder of Galba. This redoubtable army came pouring
down ever more speedily, and met in conflict, on the fields
of Bedriacum,2 with the forces which Otho had been too
tardy in collecting. The latter were scattered in every
direction, and eighty thousand bodies encumbered the
ground. His friends urged Otho to continue the struggle.
1 Dion Cassius, Ixiv., 5, 6 ; Plutarch, Galba, xxi.-xxix. ; Suetonius,
Galba, 17, 19, 20; Tacitus, Histor., i. 12-42.
'^ Between Cremona and Verona. The site of Bedriacum has never been
exactly determined.
18
274 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
" One such battle should suffice," he said, and leisurely,
but with his wonted calm, he slew himself.^ He had
been in power only eighty-eight days, and he yielded
place to a person of infamous renown, whose reign was
to be but one long orgy. The name of Yitellius will last
as long as time, but only as a term of reproach, to brand
weaknesses lower even than those of Nero: disgusting
excesses at the banquet board.
The East, though docile hitherto, was at last aroused
by the never ending train of revolutions it was forced to
submit to. Mucianus, who was then in command of the
Syrian legions, was far too politic to risk a military u^)-
risinsj. But in his neif]jhborhood was a man of harder
temperament, Vespasian, sent by Nero to put down the
Jews, and who had, in fact, driven them back into Jeru-
salem. This soldier's parentage, lowly as it was honest,
was not calculated to excite rivalry, despite the fact that
his long campaigns and his triumph in Britain left him
without a peer among the generals of the world. Nor
was he less distinguished for his integrity in the admin-
istration of government affairs. So poor was he on leav-
ing his province of Africa that he was compelled to gain
a livelihood by turning horse-dealer. No arm would seem
more capable of recovering Eome and strangling the per-
nicious germs left there by the Saturnalia of Nero. No
more than Mucianus, however, although for very different
reasons, was Vespasian the man to attempt the enterprise ;
but he had with him his son Titus, a loftier spirit and
one far bolder, who, discerning the straits the Empire had
reached, would not fail in his duty. Mucianus, though
not desirous of being Emperor himself, was not loath to
have a hand in the making of one : he urged Titus to
realize his plan, and tendered him all the influence of his
name and credit in the East.
The most intimate, the most powerful of these influ-
ences brought to bear upon him was that of Berenice, sister
1 Dion Cassius, xliv. 7-15 ; Suetonius, Otho, 5-11; Tacitus, Histor., i
44-90 ; ii. 11-49 ; Plutarch, Otho.
ROME. 275
of Agrippa II. The lovely Jewess had inspired an over-
mastering passion in the breast of Titus, and now pressed
him to ascend the throne, always secretly cherishing the
dream of sitting there beside him. To this end she
spared no resource at her command : keen, wily, versed
in the arts of intrigue, and of an irresistible charm of
person, she won over to Vespasian the princes of Syria
and all who were either allied to or connected with her
family. The movement once set in motion spread to
neighboring countries; Egypt yielded its allegiance;
even the Parthians themselves offered their aid.^
Vespasian himself had done absolutely nothing to win
such a hazard of fortune : Titus and his supporters per-
suaded him at least to do nothing to thwart it; moreover,
they took good care to work upon his mind by mysteri-
ous voices. Pagan oracles from Paphos and Carmel,^ which
kept repeating whithersoever he went that the " Master
of the World" was about to come forth out of Judaea.
The subjugated Jews who thronged the Eoman camp
were prodigal of similar predictions ; the most illustrious
among them, the historian Josephus, loaded with chains
and brought before the conqueror, had addressed him only
in the character of a prophet : " Do not thou send me
unto Nero, keep me with you in fetters. Soon thou shalt
be sovereign lord of the earth, of the sea, and the whole
human race. " ^
Thus incited on every hand, Vespasian had but to per-
mit himself to be elevated to the supreme power. Never-
theless he halted in Egypt until his legions from the East
should have cleared the way before him. Mucianus
marched at their head upon Eome ; the army of the
Danube, with which he intended to combine forces, an-
ticipated him and invaded Italy, where the legions of
Germany were drawn up in defence of their unhappy
1 Tacitus, Histor., ii. 73-81 ; Suetonius, Vespasianus, 1-5.
'^ Tacitus, Histor., ii. 4-78 ; Dion Cassius, Ixv. 9 ; Suetonius, Ves-
pasianus, 5.
8 .Tosephus, Bell, .hid., iii. iii. 3, 9; iv. x. 7 ; Suetonius, Vespasianus,
5; Dion Cassias, Ixvi. 1.
276 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
choice. Civil war now raged, and after awful scenes of
carnage, victory rested with the Flavians. But at what a
price ! Cremona sacked, in Eome forty thousand corpses,
the Capitol in flames, everywhere bloodshed and pillage.
Vitellius, wallowing in the mire of his base enjoyments,
at first had refused to notice anything or give a com-
mand ; " like to those unclean animals who, once gorged
with food, think only of sleeping." ^ Nor did he rouse
himself from this torpor save for an instant of agitation,
doomed to die as befitted him, covered with disgrace. He
had taken refuge in a porter's lodge. The soldiers of
Mucianus haled him forth and dragged him along the
whole length of the Sacred Way, half naked, a rope
around his neck, amid the insults and the mockeries of
the populace. After this fashion they pushed and jostled
him as far as the Gemonii, where he succumbed, hacked
to pieces ; thence the still quivering remnants, impaled on
a hook, were cast into the Tiber. *^
Thereafter Vespasian reigned without a rival, and very
shortly with none to contest his right ; for Mucianus
knew well how to conciliate all parties, sparing the feel-
ings of the vanquished, while restoring discipline in the
army and order in Kome. When his able lieutenant
arrived at Brundusium, together with the Senate, to re-
ceive the new Augustus, he gave into the hands of his
lord an Empire, drained of blood and treasure, it is true,
but glutted with revolution, and demanding no other
boon save to breathe the air of peace and safety.
1 "Vitellius . . . curis liixum obtendebat : non parare arma non
alloquio exercitioque militera firmare, non in ore vulgi agere : seel um-
braculis hortorum abditus, ut ignava animalia, quibiis si cibum suggeras,
jacent tor])entque, praeterita, instantia, futura, pari oblivione dimiserat."
Tacitus, Historice, iii. 36.
2 Suetonius, Vespasianus, 15-17 ; Dion Cassius, Ixv. 8-21 ; Tacitus,
Historice, iii.
CHAPTEE XIV.
VESPASIAN IN GALILEE AND JUD^A.
From the incidents I have just been relating the reader
may imagine what the four years which succeeded the
burning of Eome must have been to the Christians of
that city, — an unbroken series of alarms. Even when
they were not involved in a general bloodshed, those con-
vulsions which shook the world, the legions of the East
and West met in mortal combat, the fearful state of con-
fusion wherein it seemed that the Empire must crumble
to the earth ; all things, indeed, recalled to the minds of
the believers those catastrophes foretold by the Master as
the prelude to His return.^ Many believed that the world
had arrived at that " beginning of the great sorrow," ^ to
an overthrow of everything existing, whence were to
arise "new heavens and a new earth wherein righteous-
ness shall abide." ^
The advent of the Flavians dissipated this dream by
proving that Eome was not arrived at the eve of its dis-
solution. On the contrary this Queen of the world re-
tained sufficient vitality to further broaden her views,
enlarge her form of government, and even find room for
her Christian subjects, under certain conditions hard to
be borne, it is true, but at least not insupportable. This
they began to comprehend in proportion as the tolerance
shown by the new heads of the State made itself more
widely felt : their thoughts, wearied with meditating on
the sudden and triumphant return of Jesus, began to be
1 Matt. xxiv. 1-51 ; Mark xiii. 1-37; Luke xxi. 5-33.
2 Mark xiii. 8. 8 2 Peter iii. ] 3.
278 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
absorbed once more with that sole kingdom which the
Saviour came to found, His Church, whose mission it is
to regenerate the world, obscurely and slowly, through
tedious centuries of toil and tribulation.
Peter and Paul had devoted their final moments on
earth to fortifying this Divine society of souls, to en-
dowing it with a stricter discipline and a well-ordered
hierarchy, and consequently a more lasting form of gov-
ernment. Once reassured and fully informed as to the
re-establishment of order throughout the Empire, the
disciples began at last to realize what their teachers had
tried to make them understand ere they were called from
them. Though never forgetting that the Day of the Lord
is to come unexpectedly, they now ceased to make this
fact the one absorbing theme of consideration, and set
about awaiting it, as it behooves us all to do, by devoting
a large share of our efforts to the duties and cares of the
present life. They sought after Jesus, no longer as though
He were a phantom hovering over the distant horizon, but
ever present in the Church, His visible Body here below.
Thenceforth all their efforts were absorbed, as the Apos-
tle's had been, in fortifying the Holy City wherein it be-
hooved them to dwell until summoned thence by the
Master, and in binding more closely together the numer-
ous bodies of brethren composing it. Hereafter what
place was to be occupied by Jerusalem in the company
which these communities went to make up? Though
hitherto known as the Mother Church, was she destined
to sustain this character forever, remaining always the
centre and metropolis of Christianity ? On this point,
likewise, the Flavians were commissioned by God to shed
new and unlooked-for light. Their mission during this
decisive phase of Christianity was so important that in
order to present any adequate picture of it as a whole,
we must go back a few years and resume our narrative
of the insurrection at Jerusalem in 67.
The defeat of Cestius had but aggravated the situation
of that unhappy city, for Eome, obeyed everywhere, could
not remain quiet under the humiliating blow inflicted on
VESPASIAN IN GALILEE AND JUDAEA. 279
her by one of the smallest provinces of the Empire.^ No
wise or thoughtful Israelite could deceive himself as to
the immanence of the danger or the impossibility of avert-
ing it. Where were the men to muster against those legions
now about to invade Judciea thirsting for revenge ? From
the neighboring countries, all hostile to tliem,^ there was
no aid to be looked for. Messengers had been despatched
to the Jews settled in the kingdom of the Parthians, and
all throughout the East.^ Some responded to their ap-
peal, but the majority displayed but little willingness to
compromise themselves in so risky a business ; still others
had all they could do to defend themselves within their
own borders, for the massacres had begun afresh upon
the rumor that the victorious sedition was threatening all
the lands lying roundabout. At Damascus, despite the
fact that most of the women were affiliated to Mosaism,
they slaughtered all the Jews : the sole precaution taken
by the Pagans was to surprise their victims so suddenly
as to preclude the possibility of any general tumult.*
Thus isolated, Jerusalem displayed only the greater
ardor in preparing the defence ; so overvrhelming was the
enthusiasm that even the moderate party yielded to it.
At this juncture there was but one small group of Hero-
dians who, out of their attachment to their princes, rejoined
them, and thus took sides with the Eomans.^ Did the
party composed of politic and prudent Israelites thus
make common cause with the Zealots out of the fulness of
their hearts and without ulterior motives ? did they, like
the latter, foster the illusion that Heaven would perform
a miracle in their defence ? or was it solely with the hope
of moderating the movement, and in the final instance
1 ** Augebant iras quod soli Judsei iion cessissent." Tacitus, Historice,
V. 1.
^ In this war the neighboring kings of Syria and Palestine lent their
aid to the Romans : Antiochus, King of Commagene, Sohemus of Emesa,
and one of the Arabian chieftains named Malchus. Josephus, Bell. Jud.y
iii. iv. 2,
3 Josephus, Bell. Jiid. Proem. 2 ; vi. vii, 2 ; Dion Cassius, Ixvi. 4.
* Josephus, Bell. Jud., ii. xx. 2 ; Vita, 6.
5 Josephus, Bell. Jud., ii. xx. 1 ; Vita, 6.
280 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
arranging a compromise with Eome ? However this may
be, there seemed at first no division of opinion among
them. The Priestly aristocracy and the most learned
Pharisees threw themselves into the struggle with the
same ardor as did the Zealots. Gn every hand young
men were being drilled ; arms, machinery, and materials
of war were being collected in all haste ; Jerusalem and
every hamlet in the land which could fortify itself, was
shielded by ramparts ; all Judaea rose up as one man to
defend its Faith, its Temple, its national existence, unto
the death.^ The harmony existing between them was so
complete and so unanimous during the first burst of
patriotism that — and this is a rare thing in times of
revolution — the government was constituted according
to law and intrusted to the worthiest citizens. The sov-
ereignty of the Sanhedrin was respected, the police and
the urban administration were left in the hands of the
customary magistrates. They did more than this : an
assembly held in the Temple conferred all powers, so far
as the government and preparation for war were concerned,
on two men of the highest rank, Joseph ben Gorion, and
Hanan (son of Annas, who condemned Jesus), the oldest
of the High Priests.^
With such men standing at its front, the party of re-
sistance could claim the suffrages of the very dlite of the
nation. The scholars and noted thinkers of Israel, Josue
ben Gamala, Simeon ben Gamaliel, Hillel's grandson, the
sacerdotal aristocracy, the upper middle classes, all, in
fact, with one accord joined hands in the movement.
Their choice of governors for the provinces in like man-
ner fell upon men of personal weight, moderate opinions,
all accustomed to wield power. The historian Josephus
was of this number; and, although his writings have
given him more renown than his political career, none
the less was the part he now took upon himself in this
national war a glorious one ; for to him was confided the
position which was most exposed to the onslaughts of the
J Josephus, Bell. Jud., iii. xxii. 1. ^ Ibid., Bell. Jud., iii. xx. 3,
VESPASIAN IN GALILEE AND JUD.EA. 281
enemy, the land of Galilee.^ The defence of this region
was quite as difficult to organize as it was thereafter to
maintain ; for the country appeared very much divided as
to the proper course to pursue. Its capital, Sephoris,
called upon the Komans as with one voice.^ The lower
classes were mad partisans of the war in Tiberias, but
the aristocracy remained faithful to Agrippa, sharing
his conciliatory and peaceful views.^ At Giscala, the
former bandit chieftain, named John, had set the people's
minds aflame, and dreamed of becoming himself King
of Galilee.* Similar disorders were breaking out on the
other side of the Jordan ; bands of brigands were harry-
ing the countryside, despoiling the towns, pillaging and
massacring all who withstood them. There was no
other way left for Josephus except to come to some
agreement with these predatory bands ; putting them on
his pay-rolls he formed from their number a formidable
wing of his army." Nor was it a lighter task to restore
order, unity of plan and action in the towns with whose
defence he had been intrusted. In all this he gave evi-
dence of as much presence of mind as he did of diplo-
macy ; triumphing by wily plots when a vigorous stroke
would have ruined everything. By these means he suc-
ceeded in collecting together some three score thousand
men and stationed garrisons in various places which he
fortified : Jotapata, Tarichsea, Tiberias, Itabyrium, on the
Thabor.^ Doubtless when compared with the legions of
Eome these were but a heterogeneous mass of recruits,
soldiers of fortune, scarce knowing the meaning of the
word " discipline " ; but their love of their native land
was to render them capable of enduring all and of daring
anything.
In the spring of the year 67 Vespasian proceeded to
Antioch, where he organized the expedition confided to
him. This prudent general had no idea of confronting
1 Joseplms, Bell. Jud., ii. xx. 4.
2 Ibid., Vita, Q7, 71 ; Bell. Jud., in. iv. 1.
8 Ibid., Vita, 9. 5 Ibid , Vita, 14.
* Ibid., Bell. Jud., xxi. 1. « Ibid., Bell. Jud., ii. xx. 6 ; Vita, 37.
282 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
the insurrectionists with other than an adequate equip-
ment; for this reason his son, Titus, had braved the
perils of a winter's voyage in order to bring him troops
from Egypt.^ This reinforcement put at his disposal
three legions, twenty-three cohorts, a goodly number of
auxiliaries, — in all, sixty thousand well disciplined men
skilled in warfare, robust and well able to withstand the
hardships of any campaign.
Putting himself at their head, Vespasian proceeded
along the usual highway from Syria into Palestine along
the sea-coast, and established his headquarters at Ptole-
mais (St. John of Acre). Sephoris was not far away
from this first encampment. Eealizing that it was now
under protection, the town gave free utterance to its feel-
ings and declared itself for Eome.^ Gabara was not so
prudent, and its hostility gave Vespasian an opportunity
of making an example of it: the entire male population was
put to the sword, the city and its suburbs were burned,
and all that escaped death were doomed to slavery.^ But
even more fearful to the souls of the inhabitants was the
appearance of his legions among them. They found their
way within the deepest valleys, marching in extended
order and in close array, always as prompt to meet the foe
as to answer the bugle-call. A host of scouts beat the
country in front of them, and in their rear the auxiliary
troops carried with them a formidable train of supplies
and machinery of warfare.^ In vain did Josephus endeavor
to arrest their progress; forsaken by the troops he had
gathered together, ill-accustomed to war, he was fain to
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., iii. iv. 2. ^ Ibid., Bell. Jud., iii. ii. 4.
3 Ibid., Bell. Jud., iii. vii, 1. The existing text of Josephus has
Gadara ; ttj TroXet tQ)v Vabdpewv. But in all probability Gabara is
the proper reading. Cadara (the modern Oummkeis) is indeed located
to the east of the Lake of Genesareth, and it is scarcely probable that
Vespasian, at the outset of the expedition, should have pushed forward so
far with his army. Gabara {Kabarah), on the contrary, being in close
jtroximity to St. John of Acre, the Romans' first encampment, their first
attack would naturally be directed at this city, one of the most important
in the province. (Josephus, Vita, 25.) See Robinson, Biblical Researches^
vol. iii., p. 87.
* Josephus, Bell. Jud.. iii. vi. 2.
VESPASIAN IN GALILEE AND JUDAEA. 283
beat a retreat towards Tiberias,^ whereupon, seeing that
they were about to attack Jotapata, he hastened thither
to its defence.^
In all Galilee there was no citadel more difficult than
this to carry .^ Located in the midst of mountains and
forests, it stands upon a promontory connected on only
one side with the neighboring heights, with so steep a
declivity, and so deep withal that one can scarcely descry
the depths of the ravines which encircle it> The most
determined men among the Galileans, somewhere in the
neighborhood of forty thousand, had taken refuge on this
mountainous spur, which they regarded as impregnable,
if not inaccessible. Vespasian, having learned from a de-
serter that Josephus was then in Jotapata, together with
the picked men of his forces, massed all his troops, hop-
ing thereby to crush the rebellion and its leader at one
blow. When the besieged saw from afar their forests
falling beneath the sappers' axe, they realized that they
must either conquer or die.
Five assaults having been repulsed, Vespasian invested
the city by a regular siege. A bulwark of stone and
wood was constructed upon the ridge on that side where
the circumvallation was approachable. This work, erected
at great cost of lives, beneath a shower of darts, over-
topped the ramparts and permitted the besiegers to con-
trol the town ; but the Jews, who in a few days raised
their walls, were once again under cover. Still further
they succeeded in protecting themselves against the dread-
some battering-ram by the aid of sacks of straw which
deadened its blows. Even the '' turtle-hack," that unfail-
ing resource of the legionaries when every other method
of attack failed, was of no avail against Jotapata. Boil-
1 Joseplms, iii. vi. 3. ^ ibid., iii. vii. 3.
8 In 1847 Shultz located, to the north of Sephoris, and in the modern
village of Jefat, the site of ancient Jotapata. Zeitschrifl der deutschens
morgrnland. GeseUschnft, vol. iii. p. 49 et seq. ; 59 et seq. ; Ritter, Erd-
hnnde, xvi. 764-768; Robinson, Biblical Researches, iii., ji. 105 ; Gue'rin,
Galilee, i. pp. 476-487 ; The Survey of Palestine, Conder and Kitchener,
i. 289, 311-313.
* Josephus, Bell, Jud,, ii. vii. 7.
284 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
ing oil poured in torrents upon the besiegers, rushed over
their vault of shields ^ and consumed the legionaries.
Emboldened by these ineffectual attacks, Josephus and
his soldiers suddenly became the aggressors. Sallying
out, armed with torches, they fell upon the assaulters'
outworks, and in a few hours destroyed gabionades, pal-
ings, wooden towers, and military engines of every
description.
But that tenacious spirit of the Eoman, which ever
rose superior to any rebuff, speedily repaired the damage
it had suffered. The overthrown battering-rams were re-
erected, no matter how great the obstacles proffered on
the part of their foes ; day and night they kept on at
their work, beating upon the walls. It happened one
evening that, while Vespasian was directing their blows in
person, a javelin struck him; overmastering the pain
which he must have felt, he dashed through the breach
made by his soldiers now made furious by the sight of
his wounds. A terrible hand-to-hand encounter there-
upon ensued and lasted until morning. The ballistee
exerted all their weapons against the ramparts, crush-
ing men and walls alike beneath their shower of stones ;
the clash of arms and the battle cries of the combatants
found their answer throughout the city in the frightened
shrieks of women and children. At daybreak, when
the soldiers' arms, tired of cutting and hacking, fell back
listless, the blood of the besiegers lapped the base of the
walls in great pools ; thereabouts the dead were heaped
one upon another so closely that upon these corpses one
might climb over the outer walls : but within this blood-
encircled enclosure, the Galileans still stood, unconquered
nor yielding one whit, since they had found means of re-
pairing the breach.
In despair of carrying the place by assault, Vespasian
restricted all his efforts to keeping up the blockade, never
ceasing, however, to harass his foes. He caused fifty
1 Tins roof, which the soldiers formed with their shields raised together
over their heads, allowed them to approach the walls and undermine them.
VESPASIAN IN GALILEE AND JUD^A. 285
towers shielded by iron to be built, high enough to over-
look the town and control it. On these towers his best
bowmen were stationed, with orders to strike down who-
ever put his head above the ramparts. While very
many of the besieged perished thus, hunger and thirst
killed off many more. Both salt and water were lack-
ing, and forty-seven days' struggle had exhausted their
strength as well as their means of subsistence. From a
deserter Vespasian was given to understand that their
sentinels could not be relieved, and were so wearied that
they were forced to sleep on post. One foggy night cer-
tain picked men of his force crept within the lines noise-
lessly, slaughtered the slumbering guards, and took pos-
session of the citadel ; after them came the whole army.
On awakening, the town realized that it was doomed to
death. Merciless was the massacre ; neither women nor
children were spared by the exasperated Eomans. A little
crowd of men took refuge in the furthermost part of the
city ; when descried, and seeing they were overwhelmed
by mere numbers, they killed one another.^
Although the town was taken, it mattered nothing un-
less Josephus was made a prisoner. For three long days
Vespasian searched for him in vain, but finally a woman
betrayed him and disclosed the cave wherein he had con-
cealed himself, together with forty of his partisans. The
Eoman general summoned him into his presence, and
Josephus was fain to accede to his wishes ; but his com-
rades in arms stood between them, declaring that nothing
but death should separate them. Josephus was endowed
with all the wily diplomacy inborn in his race, ever ready
to extricate himself from the worst situations. He won
over his fanatical followers to the idea that the greatest
part they could play in the tragedy, would be to kill one
another, drawing lots to decide which one should be first
in the order of sacrifice. By shrewdly manipulating the
ballots he managed to leave himself with but one other
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., iii. vii. 4-36. See Parent, Siege de Jotapata
(1866).
286 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
survivor, who it seemed was no more anxious to die than
was his chief. But Josephus did not stop at this ; unable
to overcome the Komans by force of arms, he endeavored
to circumvent them by Jewish diplomacy. Accordingly
he turned at once, and without the least token of scrupu-
lousness, from the maddest partisan of Jewry to a most
respectful worshipper of Eome. When brought to the
presence of the Flavians, he decked himself in the garb
of a Prophet of his nation, disclosed to them that in the
Oracles of Israel a glorious future awaited them, and thus
wormed himself into their good graces. Speedily he
became the bosom friend of Titus, and with him took
part in the siege of Jerusalem, despised by his fellow-
countrymen, it is true, but caring little or nothing for
their respect. Luck seemed to him to be on the side of
the Eomans; and on the winning side, whichever it
might be, he was always to be reckoned.^
The taking of Jotapata put into Vespasian's hands
all Galilee from the sea to the hither shore of the Lake
of Genesareth ; but on the opposite side stood Gamala,^ a
fortress not less impregnable, both on account of its
site and on account of the courage of its defenders.
As at Jotapata, their resistance was that of heroes, and
their fate even more tragical. In this citadel, which was
perched upon a craggy height rising from the heart of the
city, the Jews, once brought to bay, their forces all ex-
hausted, embraced their wives and children, then with
their offspring in their arms, they flung themselves into the
depths below. Only two women survived, not one child :
the remnant of the living and wounded the Eomans cast
down from the tops of the walls. ^
^ Josephus, Bell. Jud., iii. viii. 1-9; Suetonius, Vespasianus, 5; Dion
Cassius, Ixvi. 1.
2 Josephus locates Gamala in lower Gaulanitis on the lake over against
Tarichyea {Bell. Jud., iv. 1.) The height covered with ruins now known
by the name of KaJa and Hasen, on the eastern shore of the lake is the
locality which corresponds best to these indications. Guerin, Galilee, i.
317-321 ; cf. Furrer, Zeitschrift des deutschen Paldstina Vereins, ii. 1879,
pp. 70-72; xii. 1889, pp. 148-151; Merrill, East of the Jordan, 1881,
pp. 161, 164, 168.
8 Josephus, Bell. Jud., iv. i. 2, 7.
VESPASIAN IN GALILEE AND JUDyEA. 287
Tiberias and Tarichaea fell victims to the same inexo-
rable vengeance.^ The citizens of these towns, near neigh-
bors, had taken refuge in sailing-vessels. Putting himself
at the head of a flotilla, Vespasian pursued and mas-
sacred them so furiously that the lake, as well as its
shores, for a long time after, stank from the corruption of
dead bodies. The rest of the insurgents had laid down
their arms under a promise of safe conduct; but this
time Vespasian smirched his high reputation by failing
to keep faith. The wretched throng was driven into the
Hippodrome of Tiberias and there cut out like a bunch
of cattle ; twelve hundred of them were aged and infirm :
these they slaughtered ; six thousand of the more robust
were sent off to Nero to help dig out the Isthmus of
Corinth ; thirty-six thousand four hundred were sold as
slaves.2 Everywhere when the inhabitants hesitated about
swearing allegiance, they were exterminated by Vespasian
at once, and in harmony with his preconceived policy.
In all Galilee there was but a single outpost wliich had
not been disarmed. This was Giscala ; ^ not indeed that
the peasant population of this town evinced any special
longing to enter upon a hopeless struggle, but rather be-
cause they dreaded most their leader, an adventurer and
a fellow-townsman, John, the son of Levi. The hordes
of insurgents who had flocked to his standard were ca-
pable of going to the last extremity if a sudden onslaught
was attempted to inflame their wrath. Happily for Gis-
cala, Titus was the one intrusted with the task of reduc-
ing the town. With his wonted moderation he began by
1 Tarichoea stood some thirty stadia to the south of Tiberias ; the Arab
village of Kharbet-el-Kerah marks its site. Gnerin, Galilee, i., pp. 275 et
seq. ; Robinson, Biblical Researches, ii, 387 : Ritter, Erdkunde, xv. 1,
344 et seq.; Conder, Palestine Exploration Fund, Quarterlj Statements^
1878, pp. 190-192.
2 Josephus, Bell. Jiid., iii. x. 1-10.
3 The hamlet known to-day as El-Djich, situated to the north of Safed
on the heights above Lake Meron, has preserved the name of Giscala.
"The plateau covered by it is elevated some six hundred feet above the
lake ; nowadays it is planted with vineyards, fig-trees, and olive orchards,
and divided into a large number of separate fields." Guerin, Galilee, vol.
ii., p. 96; cf. Conder, The Snrvoj of Western Palestine, i. 198, 224-226.
288 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
offering the city very advantageous terms of capitulation,
and these John accepted, for it offered him an opportunity
of marching out of the city which he had found great
difficulty in controlling, and of betaking himself to a ter-
ritory better adapted to his mode of warfare. Making
sharp use of the occasion, he managed to find time to
slip through the fingers of the Eomans ; pretending that
he was a scrupulous observer of the Law, he asked that
his surrender might not take place on the same day,
which happened to be the Sabbath. Titus did not con-
fine his clemency to merely granting this respite, but
together with his troops withdrew into the neighboring
city of Cydissa.
About midnight, John, seeing that the highways were left
open to him, and no Eoman outposts at hand to sound an
alarm, crept out with his companions and all those citizens
of Giscala who were loath to be delivered into the hands
of the enemy ; even the wives and children of the latter
followed in his rear. He speedily realized that the latter
were retarding his flight, and gave orders that they should
be abandoned by the wayside. A useless sacrifice this, for
Titus' cavalry overtook him and killed six thousand of
his men. Only with the greatest difficulty did he man-
age to escape with a handful of his troopers and take
refuge in Jerusalem.^ This was in the last months of
67 ; Vespasian and Titus went into winter quarters at
Csesarea, deferring the final blow of their campaign till
the following year.
They were well aware, however, that the suspension of
actual hostilities would work to their advantage, and that
the only profit that the Jews would make of it would
be to foment internal dissensions. For difference of
opinion, waxing daily more acute, had indeed succeeded
their unanimity during the early days of the war. Han an
and the leaders of the aristocracy elected to office with
him, had too much common-sense not to recognize, on
sober second thought, that for them to put themselves
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., iv. ii. 1-5.
VESPASIAN IN GALILEE AND JUDJEA. 289
against Rome was sheer madness. Working by under-
hand means, they sought to calm down their over-excited
spirits and retard their preparations for defence. Although
they were informed of the fact that Galilee was in its
last extremities, they did not so much as raise a hand to aid
it. The more enthusiastic minds, suspecting this double
play, shuddered at the thoughts, and their number in-
creased constantly ; for the progress made by the Romans
in the North was constantly driving before them numbers
of malcontents in the dii'ection of the Holy City. Ac-
cordingly, when the prime leader of the resistance, John
of Giscala, appeared at the gates of Jerusalem, a horrified
throng Hocked to greet him. John understood full-well
that what his fellow-countrymen desired was not fruit-
less lamentations, but bold, nay, presumptuous speech,
which alone in moments of disaster can reawaken men's
hopes. And so, although his little band was still breath-
less and plainly exhausted, he brazened it all out, declar-
ing that neither he nor his men were fugitives, but were
simply come to seek a more advantageous post of battle.
" What, forsooth, were the hamlets of Galilee that he
should spend his forces for them ? Before all, it behooved
him to help save the mother city ! As for the Romans,
there was no need to fear anything from that quarter ;
he had watched their machines as they broke in pieces
against the walls of Giscala, while they themselves were
easily entrapped by the most childish stratagems of war :
unless they grew wings in the meantime they would not
find an entrance into Sion." ^
The wiser ones among them trembled on hearing the
shouts of acclamation which greeted his speech ; it meant
that the reins of power were slipping from their grasp ;
that Jerusalem w^as doomed to be divided anew into two
irreconcilable parties, — and not only the Holy City, but
all the towns roundabout. Everywhere, indeed, a majority
of the citizens were in favor of yielding as best they
could. But that very timidity which led them to prefer
1 Josephus, Bell. Jitd., iv. iii. 1.
19
290 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
peace, made them submit to the enraged throng which
clamored for war. Soon these fanatics were no longer
content to terrify their fellow-citizens : sallying forth
from the towns where they dwelt, they formed into bands
and scoured the countryside, proclaiming that it was their
mission to seek out and punish all traitors. Using this
as their pretext, it was easy for them to spread red-handed
pillage and incendiarism in every direction. Jerusalem
was where they foregathered whenever they were weary
of ravaging the country roundabout. From every hand
they hastened thither, and at once joining the war party,
they contributed that leaven of savagery which daily
waxed more powerful; little by little the Zealots pro-
ceeded to more daring acts of violence. It was not long
before they began to usurp the authority of the magis-
trates, inventing and then attaching long lists of sus-
pected persons. Men of the highest rank, and among
them three members of Herod's family, were after this
fashion thrown into prison, and shortly after put to
death. ^
No remonstrance being made on the part of the popu-
lace against these outrages, the hot-headed enthusiasts
were encouraged to proceed to still more daring deeds of
lawlessness ; they were emboldened to lay hands on the
Pontificate, thereby hoping to obtain complete master-
ship. By isolating the noble families whose right it had
been for many a long day to furnish the High Priest from
out their number, the fanatics conceived the idea of hav-
ing the High Priest chosen by lot, and that from one of
the lowliest branches of the Levitical tribe. This was
equivalent to abandoning themselves to blind chance and
to incurring the risk of the most humiliating complica-
tions. The lot fell upon a rustic brought up on the farm,
utterly incapable of comporting himself with dignity and
respectability in the position to which he was elevated
against his will, despite the sumptuous vestments in
which they dressed him up. The clownish bearing of
1 Josephns, Bell. JucL, iv. iii. 2-6.
VESPASIAN IN GALILEE AND JUDAEA. 291
the unfortunate man excited the laughter of the people ;
but such a piece of buffoonery overstepped the limits, and
a reaction set in.^
Hanan profited by this turn in the tide of popular feel-
ing to bar the way before these madmen who were doing
their best to ruin everything. This High Priest, as
shrewd as he was resolute, was the one man able to
have saved Jerusalem had he lived ; at least his is the
honor of having tried to do so. Terrified at seeing him
take this stand against them, the Zealots took refuge in
the Temple, whereupon Hanan convoked a general as-
sembly of the city whereof he was the lawfully elected
head, and he set forth to them the disgrace of submitting
to a tyranny worse than that of the Eomans. The latter
had at least respected the Sanctuary of Israel ; the Zealots
had used it as a barracks, as a hospital for their wounded,
and as the scene of their worst disorders. Turning his
eyes filled with tears toward the Temple, he spoke of it to
them in words of such heart-broken grief that the people
besought him to lead them forthwith against the defilers.
Hanan was arming them for the attack, whereupon the
Zealots, now forewarned, flung themselves upon this mass
of men as yet not organized to resist them, and at the
first assault drove them back ; but in their turn yielding
to superiority of numbers, they were forced back into the
Temple. The assailants entered with them, and took
possession of the first enclosure, that vast esplanade open
to the Gentiles. Hanan, now soiled with blood, as were
also those with him, durst not press forward any further
within that part of the Sanctuary, which no Israelite
might enter without first purifying himself. He was
content with investing these inner porches, and that so
closely that the besieged, in despair of finding any exit,
summoned to their aid the Idumoeans.^
A strange recourse this on the part of the self-styled
Zealots of the Law ; for the name of Edom was and still
1 Josephns, Bell. Jud., iv. iii. 8 ; cf. Dei'enbourg, Essai sur I'histoire
de la Palestine, p. 269.
2 Josephus, Bdl. JiuL, iv. iii. 7-12.
292 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
is to-day, held in abomination by Israel. Yet no other
hope was left them, and they knew they were sure of
being heard. Full well did they know what to expect
from them, for in their forays they had many a time en-
countered those wandering hordes, more like brigands
than shepherds, in every respect similar to the Bedouins
of our day. Like the latter, the descendants of Esau,
half Jewish, and half savage, always panted for the fray ;
they rushed to the combat as if it were a festival. Their
chieftains needed but to sound the war-cry in the moun-
tain passes of Idumaea, and in a few days twenty thousand
men, gathered together at their call, were marching under
their command and appeared before the walls of Jeru-
salem. The city, taken by surprise, had barely time to
close its gates.
The Idumasans were not the men to relinquish their
prey : though repulsed by Hanan, they pitched their tents
below the walls and awaited their opportunity. This
occasion a tempest and the blackness of night combined
to offer them. The hurricane swept down with an un-
heard-of violence ; the solid earth shook under the impact
of wind and thunderbolts. Taking advantage of the up-
roar, certain Zealots sawed down the gates of the en-
closure wherein they were blockaded, and traversed the
Court of the Gentiles : the only thought of the senti-
nels had been to seek shelter from the cyclone. Thus
unhindered they managed to reach the gates of the city,
forced them open, and joining forces with the Idumgeans,
with them re-entered Jerusalem. Thereafter it was
merely a question of penetrating within the outer porches
of the Temple by piercing the lines which the Zealots
held in durance. Six thousand men had been intrusted
with the investment ; but dumfounded by this furious
and unexpected attack from without, they fled, giving
themselves up for lost and throwing away their arms.
The majority were slain, powerless to escape ; others, mad
with terror, leaped from the lofty walls of the Temple,
down into the town below, and were dashed to pieces.
One group of young men alone retaining their presence
SCALE OF METERS
THE TEMPLE OF JERUSALEM
After the plans made by if. de Vogvs
VESPASIAN IN GALILEE AND JVD^A. 293
of mind, engaged the foe in combat, but soon, surrounded
on all sides, they too were slaughtered pitilessly.
When the day broke, eight thousand five hundred
corpses were to be seen strewn over the Porches of the
Gentiles ; their blood streamed down in rivulets ; all
Jerusalem was plunged in dreadful grief and terror ;
tliis was the opportunity the Idumseans were waiting
for to loot and ravage. The High Priests, Hanan and
Jesus, son of Gamala, had been marked out for their ven-
geance as the two arch-traitors who had tried to deliver
Judaea over to Rome ; by dint of long seeking they
discovered their hiding-place, slew them, and cast their
bodies to the dogs and vultures. Such an outrage had
never been heard of in Israel, where the most miserable
criminals received the rites of burial on the very evening
of their execution : it shows the depths of the abyss in
which the city was striving.
With Hanan disappeared the last vestige of lawful
government in Jerusalem, the last hope of salvation.
Massacres followed in swift succession. Scouring the
streets, the Zealots and Idumaeans killed all such as
came under the ban of their suspicion : the lower classes
swiftly and on the spot ; men of high birth, youths
especially, after the most cruel ordeals; most of them,
thrown into prison, were constrained by torture to take
sides with the rebels or perish after frightful suffering.
Twelve thousand persons, the most noble and most highly
respected in the city, succumbed during these dreadful
days.^
The Idumaeans, however, were not blinded by the same
hatred, the same fanaticism, as were the Zealots. They
speedily came to recognize the fact that the Romans were
not before the city gates, as they had been led to believe,
but that they themselves had been summoned there simply
to insure the triumph of a faction. Disgusted with the
part assigned them and with the bloodshed which inun-
dated them, they decided to return to their mountain
1 Joseplius, Bell. Jud., iv. iv. 1-7 ; v. 1-3.
294 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
homes ; but this they would not do until they had first
opened wide the prison doors. Perchance they believed
that thereby they were repairing in part the deeds of vio-
lence in which they had been accomplices ; in reality
they reinforced their allies, the abettors of murder, by
some two thousand hired assassins.^
Jerusalem had small need of such recruits. Neverthe-
less, at the departure of the Idumasans, the city began to
breathe again and to pick up some little hope; but the
Zealots lost no time in dissipating their illusions on this
score ; the massacres began again. Too great freedom of
speech caused the downfall of Gorion, a man of illustrious
birth. Neither his preference for a popular form of gov-
ernment nor his liberal views preserved him from the
daggers of the fanatics. Quite as unjustly perished Nico-
las of Persea, the ablest military tactician in Judaea, and
who had played a leading part in the defeat of Cestius.
As he was dragged along the streets of Jerusalem he
displayed the honorable wounds he had received in their
defence, but in vain. He died calling down upon his
executioners famine, pestilence, and the mailed fist of
Eome, exclaiming that he hoped they might slaughter
one another.^
While uttering these invectives, Nicolas might have
foreseen their fulfilment ; for even then the Zealots' party
was broken up into factions : John of Giscala had been
intriguing for some time among these and the partisans
of peace, although both from past experiences and his
own natural bent, he must have leaned towards the peace
party. Without much outward demonstration he deter-
mined upon the part he would take ; and stealing in, so
to say, within the ranks of the contending parties, he suc-
ceeded in overmastering them by the same means which
had served him so well at Giscala, — by either mislead-
ing or frightening them. When the Idumseans quitted
Jerusalem, John was already in command of an armed
company altogether independent of the Zealots ; though,
1 Joseplius, Bell. Jud., iv. v. 5 ; vi. 1. ^ l])i^,^ iv, vi. 1.
VESPASIAN IN GALILEE AND JUDJEA. 295
like the troops of the latter, their whole activity was con-
fined to proscribing and massacring the poor people.^
Thus the Holy City rested under the weight of a twofold
tyranny : soon a third was to come to crown and com-
plete their miseries.
As we have seen,'^ when Cestius was defeated a troop
of maddened Zealots had taken possession of Masada on
the shores of the Dead Sea, and made this impregnable
fortress their retreat.^ One of the robber chieftains well
known throughout the countryside, Simon-ben-Gioras,
had set himself up as their lord and master. Though far
less gifted with intelligence than was John of Giscala,
this bandit overawed his followers by his lofty stature
and headlong bravery. As much and even more than
his fellow insurrectionist, John, had been in Galilee, he
was the very soul of the rebellion throughout the south-
ern districts of the province. Forty thousand volunteers,
drawn about his standard by his ever-increasing renown,
had grouped themselves about the little band which he
had from the first trained and disciplined in warfare.
Together they formed a horde of fanatics ready to follow
their leader blindly. First they ravaged Idumaea, then
sacked Hebron, burning and laying waste everything in
their path. The terrified Zealots rose to arms and en-
deavored to withstand them. Though repulsed at the first
encounter, they succeeded in capturing one of Simon's
wives and held her as a hostage. The maddened bandit
proceeded to the very walls of Jerusalem, torturing and
slaying whomsoever came in his path ; whereupon he cut
off the hands of the majority of his prisoners and then
sent them inside the city walls bidding them to say that
Simon had sworn before God to treat all the inhabitants
of the town in like manner. Every one knew that he was
a man of his word : immediately his wife was restored to
him, and he withdrew his troops for the while, but only
to return speedily to encamp beneath the walls.
1 Josephiis, Bell. Jud., iv. iii. 13 ; vii. 1. ^ Chapter IX.
8 Josephus, Bell. Jud., iv. vii. 2.
296 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
Oftentimes some pressing danger will suggest some
strange means to banish it. The moderate party, first
overwhelmed by the Zealots, but now seeing them in
turn fearful of Simon's robber band, conceived the plan
of appealing to the latter in order to overcome their
oppressors. Nor was this resolution taken under the in-
fluence of a sudden panic, as one might be tempted to
think ; rather it was the result of a debate calmly con-
ducted by the High Priests themselves. One of them,
named Matthias, was intrusted with the lofty function
of sealing the alliance and of escorting the sham allies
within the Upper City. This was equivalent to aban-
doning the last stronghold left in their hands. Thereafter
poor Jerusalem was left to the mercy of a robber chief.^
All these lamentable happenings were speedily re>
ported in the Koman camp. Every one of his staff officers
urged Vespasian to take advantage of these dissensions to
make an attack upon Jerusalem.
" Wait, wait ! " he answered ; " wait a bit, and these fools
will destroy one another. By attacking them we shall
only bring about an end to their discords. God is a
wiser leader than I am; and 'tis He that fights for us
and will deliver unto us the enemy when exhausted and
brought to naught." ^
This system of warfare he kept up during the two years
which succeeded the submission of Galilee : making slow
advances; occupying all the outposts whence Jerusalem
might hope for aid ; driving before him the robber hordes ;
taking good heed, however, not to exterminate them, but
rather encouraging them by every means to foment re-
bellion and thus enclose the doomed city in a network of
its own making. Now master of the Mediterranean sea-
coast, he re-conquered all the land east of the Jordan and
the Dead Sea and subjugated Idumc^a; then, leading
his troops up toward the Holy City, he took possession
one by one of the outposts which encircled it: Lydda,
Emmaus, Jericho.^ During the month of July, 69, the
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., iv. ix. 3-12. 2 n^ij.^ iv. vi. 2,
2 Ibid., iv. iii. 2 ; vii. 3-6 ; viii. 1 ; ix. 1.
VESPASIAN IN GALILEE AND JUDJBA. 297
insurrectionists held but three isolated fortresses in the
neighborhood of the Dead Sea. The Eoman invasion
creeping up on all sides was now enclosing the city.
Vespasian's horsemen were already aiming their arrows
against the sentinels on the ramparts, with no one to
impede them. He had made all arrangements for begin-
ning the siege, when his sudden elevation to the throne
occurred and thus retarded the destruction of the Holy
City for a few months.^
The unhappy town was no longer capable of utilizing
this last respite afforded it to plead for truce, or to
strengthen its fortifications ; the city was at the mercy
of numberless factions. Even the Temple, on the eve of
its destruction, had become a field of battle. From the
heights of Mount Moriah the Zealots, with their leader
Eleazar, still remained sole masters of the holy enclosure
of both the Sanctuary and the Inner Porches. With six
thousand of his followers, John of Giscala was camping
in the wide spaces of the Gentiles' Court, while Simon,
with his ten thousand brigands, held possession of the
Hill of Sion.
These three bodies of men, now collected within their
own fortified positions, were merely bent on destroying
one another ; each day occurred new hand-to-hand en-
counters. Oftenest Simon was the aggressor. He real-
ized full well that Jerusalem would not be his until he
had captured the Temple, — that very hearthstone and
soul of the Holy City. All his efforts, however, were
powerless when directed against the lofty walls of God's
Sanctuary. Even more than the prodigious elevation of
these ramparts, did the presence there of John of Giscala
render them impregnable. Not content with repulsing
the assaults of Simon, he pursued his troops into the
Lower City, taking advantage of these sallies to re-victual
his men. This he did, not as a friend, but as a ravaging
foe, spreading havoc among the poor folk who had taken
refuge thereabouts, and now beheld their houses sacked
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., iv. ix. 2.
298 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
during these street fights, while the provisions which
they had stored up for a siege were either pillaged or
destroyed by fire.^
Happily for these unfortunate creatures, John dared
not hazard such sorties as these except upon occasions
when he knew that the Zealots were either weary of
fighting or steeped in wine, since he himself had need to
be on his watch against the foe.
The Zealots, indeed, had all the advantages of position,
and from the upper terraces of the Temple sent down a
shower of arrows upon the Galileans who were crowded
into the first enclosure. John knew of no better way of
repelling their attacks than by use of his catapults and
balist?e. Eocks thrown by these machines of war not only
laid low the soldiers of Eleazar, but falling into the very
heart of the Sanctuary, crushed down both priest and vic-
tim before God's altar ; for even amid the worst of these
sanguinary strifes the Holy Sacrifice was still oftered.
By common consent the Galileans and the Zealots had
allowed free entrance to each and every Israelite who
wished to approach the Sanctuary to perform some rite
of his religion. No one, however, penetrated therein
without realizing that he held his life in his hands ; nay,
more, a thrill of horror must have seized them on be-
holding God's House stained with blood, and the Sacred
Porches encumbered with dead bodies, which none durst
so much as touch.
A similar state of desolation, moreover, reigned throu^^h-
out the whole city ; the people were all a prey to this
overwhelming terror, though not daring so much as to
whisper their fears, since the slightest sign of discourage-
ment on their part was treated as a crime. Nor was there
longer any opportunity to fiee for refuge to the Eomans :
all exits were guarded, and whoever ventured an escape
was slain on the spot.^ Strict as was this surveillance, a
considerable number of the citizens managed to make
good their flight ; these were the Christians of the Holy
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., v. 1-3. ^ Joseplius, Bell. Jud., v, 1-5.
VESPASIAN IN GALILEE AND JUDAEA. 299
Oity.^ It is well known how exceedingly dear Jerusalem
was to them ; up to the end they had remained steadfast
in this feeling, considering that nowhere else might they
adore Jesus so well as within the Temple. Their grief
equalled that of the Jews when they beheld their
common sanctuary desecrated by so many murders, and
realized that they must needs forego their customary
ascent thither for daily prayer. Yet that prophecy of
the Lord came back to their memories : —
" When you shall behold the abomination of desolation
established within the Holy Place.^ . . . When you shall
behold the hosts encompassing Jerusalem, know that its
ruin is nigh. Then let them that are in Judea flee into
the mountains, and let them that are in Jerusalem with-
draw therefrom, and let not them who are in the fields
enter therein. For thereupon shall ensue the days of
vengeance. . . . Woe to the women with child and them
that give suck in those days, for there shall be then
great affliction throughout the land, and wrath shall fall
upon this people. And they shall fall by the edge of the
sword and shall be led away captive into all nations, and
Jerusalem shall be trodden under foot by the Gentiles."^
So clear and precise was this Oracle of God that none
could fail to recognize its fulfilment. If we are to be-
lieve St. Epiphanius, an Angel was sent from Heaven to
confirm them in this belief, and to announce to the lead-
ing men of the congregation that the hour for flight had
come.*
The Mother Church did indeed merit the honor of some
such divine warning ; for its piety, bigoted though it may
have seemed, was nevertheless sincere and ever amenable
1 'HviKa ^/xeXXeu rj ttoXu oKicJKeaOaL virb tS>v 'Po/xatW . . . ttjs ttoXcws
fxeWotjaris dpdrjv airoWvcrdaL. St. Epiphanius, De mensuris et ponderibus, 15
(cf. Hceres, xxix. 7. ) These words wouki seem to indicate that the flight of
the Christians took place durinsj the period immediately preceding the defi-
nite investment of the city by Titus ; it may likewise be noticed tliat I am
a little more specific in my statements here than in The Christ the Son
of God, book vi. chap. iii.
2 Matt. xxiv. 15. 3 i^^ke xxi. 20-24.
4 St. Epiphanius, De Mensuris, 15 ; Hcer., xxix. 7 ; Eusebius, Histor.
eccles., iii. 5.
300 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
to any commands from on High. So now all departed
forthwith at the call of their Pastors, hastily, nor even
casting one backward glance. The Saviour had bidden
them pray that their flight should not encounter any
obstacle, that it should take place neither in the winter
nor on the Sabbath day.^ Doubtless the congregation of
Saints, instructed by James, must have been instant in
beseeching this favor, and powerful enough with God to
obtain it. During those dreadful days when Simon with
his robber horde had turned upon John of Giscala, in the
excitement of their encounters and the exhaustion which
was their natural sequel, the watch kept on the city gates
must have been less rigorous. In all likelihood they took
advantage of some such hour of relaxation to make good
their escape. One day of rapid marching would suffice
to reach and cross the Jordan ; once on the other side tlie
Christians needed no longer fear any pursuit on the part
of the Zealots. Nevertheless, they saw fit to increase the
distance between them and Jerusalem, and pushed on
toward the north into Decapolis. Their leaders, by a
happy choice, had designated Pella^ as the place of refuge
where they should forgather.
This town and Scythopolis were the only two free cities
in that region, but Pella had the advantage of being
without a Eoman garrison, and hence quieter and more
retired. Its site is an admirable one, built upon a high-
land, elevated some thousand feet above the Jordan
Valley ; while plentiful springs dash down in waterfalls
into the ravines roundabout. The delightful character
of the region had attracted thither many of Alexander's
veterans, who gave it the name of a market town in
1 Matt. xxiv. 20.
2 The modern Kharhet Fahil. The vast ruins hereabout cover a beauti-
ful platform beneath whicli a stream gushes forth, ' ' which not being, as
then it was, channelled out and divided into various waterways, to irrigate
the orchards first, and then the fields, now spreads itself over an extremely-
fertile valley which it has changed into a marsh covered with a dense
thicket of rushes, agnus castus, laurel-roses, and willows, the lair of num-
berless wild boars." Guerin, Galilee, i. pp. 289 et seq. ; cf. Robinson,
Biblical Researches, iii. 320-325 ; Merrill, East of the Jordan, pp. 442-447.
VESPASIAN IN GALILEE AND JUD^A. 301
Macedonia, their general's native place.^ Thenceforth
Pella had been more Pagan than Jewish in character. In
vain did Alexander Jannseus, in his anger at their refusal
to participate in the Judaic rites, put the town to the
sword ; ^ once restored by the Eomans, it remained there-
after a Syrian city.^ The refugees from the Mother
Church found peace and tolerance, and from their coign
of vantage could contemplate the dying throes of poor
Jerusalem, whence God had rescued them. Surely no
spectacle could have filled their hearts with deeper grief,
and yet none was so needful to convince them that but
one Israel w^as destined to abide forever, an Israel, not of
the flesh, but of the spirit, — " The Israel of God."^
1 Georges Syncelle, p. 274, Paris ; Stephen of Byzantium, Meineke's ed.
V. Aioj', ttoKls . . . KolXt]? Iivpias, KTia/xa 'AXe^dvdpov /cat Il^XXa.
2 Josephus, Bell. Jiid., i. iv. 8 ; Antiq. JucL, xxiii. xv. 4.
* Ibid., Bell. Jud., i. vii, 7 ; Antiq. Jud., xiv. iv. 4.
* Galat., vi. 16.
CHAPTEE XV.
THE DESTKUCTION OF JERUSALEM.
On his elevation to the throne Vespasian left C?esarea
and repaired in all pomp to Beyrout, Antioch, and Alex-
andria, one after another. His son Titus accompanied
him.i The absence of the leaders of the expedition nat-
urally caused suspension of hostilities, and for several
months permitted free access to Jerusalem. During this
short respite the fever which had been consuming the
city seemed to have been lowered a little in temperature ;
as the approach of the Passover-tide brought with it some
sort of truce between the factions, the Jews were quick
to profit thereby to liock thither from all parts unto the
great feast of their nation. Although the throngs appear
to have been less numerous than in years of peace, when
the number of the pilgrims sometimes reached three
millions,^ still it was so considerable that the city, which
on ordinary occasions contained about one hundred thou-
sand souls, held six times that number when Titus
returned to invest it. As usual, this mass of people had
camped about the walls. On the approach of the Eomans
they rushed within the gates, some moved by fear, others
by fanaticism, ])ut all alike doomed thenceforth to the
same fearful fate.
Titus had only been waiting for the close of the stormy
season to permit of his leaving Alexandria. During the
month of March, 70, some time before the Jewish Pass-
over,^ he had betaken himself to Ci^i'sarea, there to take his
1 Joseplius, Bell.Jnd., iv. x. 6 ; xi. 1 ; Tacitus, Histor., ii. 81-83.
2 Josephus, Bell. Jnd., ii. xiv. 3 ; vi. ix. 3.
3 Hoffmann, De imperatoris Titi temporibus recte definiendis, pp. 19,
20. The Jewish Passover, according to the calculation made by M. I'Ahbe
Memain, occurred in the year 70 on the 14th of April. La connaissance
des temps evanr/eliques, chap, v., pp. 429, 431, 435, 507 et seq.
B nay IC \ y'
Iki Icuiplt
1 U J fUulies
Huly Place
I P tests Court
t Altar o/Bu t Ojffe i
) Co toftelsae tea
G Court of t e Monen
i Court oftlie Oe tiles
Lo igman6 Green t& Co
THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 303
place at the head of his troops. An imposing body of
men had been massed together: there were the three
legions but lately commanded by Vespasian ; there was
the famous Twelfth, come thither from Antioch and burn-
ing to avenge its defeat under Cestius ; there were twenty
cohorts from the Syrian towns, and a large squadron
of cavalry from Arabia.^ Together they formed a for-
midable army, — some fifty thousand men most ably gene-
railed ; for Titus, while more politic and less harsh than
his father, was quite his equal in handling military forces,
and exceeded him in the art of besieging. There were
valiant officers on his staff, and among them many Jews
of note who had rallied around his standard at Eome and
now shared his headquarters ; there was Agrippa, the
historian Josephus, and Tiberius Alexander, who held the
high rank of Prefect of the Pretorium near his person.^
Gabaath-Saul,^ lyi^o nearly four miles from Jerusalem,
had been selected as the rendezvous for the various
detachments. Titus hastened on ahead with six hundred
horsemen, to reconnoitre the approaches to the region,
and came very near losing his life in the venture. Seeing
the gates of the city closed, and no one either without the
walls or on the ramparts, he spurred on unsuspectingly ;
suddenly a swarm of Jews swept down upon him and
separated him from his escort. He had barely time to
urge his horse fiercely through the affray in hand-to-hand
fight and make good his escape beneath a shower of
darts.* A few days later another sortie, quite as unex-
pected, cast panic into the ranks of the Tenth Legion
while occupied in pitching their camp. Titus, rushing up
in the midst of the confusion, found this picked body of
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., v. i, 6 ; Tacitus, Histor., v. 1.
2 Mommseu, Ephemeris epigraphica, vol. v., p. 578; Hermes, Bd.
xix. 1884, p. 644 et seq. ; Leon Renier : Memoire sur les officiers qui assis-
terent au conseil de guerre tenu par Titus, avaut de livrer avant I'assaut
du temple de Jerusalem. In the Me'moires de I'Academie des Inscriptions
et Belles-lettres, vol. xxvi., 1867,pp. 264-321. Cf. i\Iommseu, Ephemeris
epigraphica.
3 The modern Tell-el-Foxd (Hill of Beans). Cf. Guerin, Samarie, vol.
1., p. 188 et seq. ; Robinson, Biblical Researches, vol. 1., pp. 577-579.
4 Josephus, Bell. Jud., v. ii. 1-2.
304 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
men routed by tlie suddenness of the shock. With great
difficulty he managed to rally them about him, but was
forced to prolong the combat that whole day before quiet
was once more restored.^ The intrepidity shown by the
Jews in these first skirmishes, and their audacity in at-
tempting them, awakened the Eomans to the fact that
they had entered upon a relentless war. All their reck-
oning based upon the hope that the dissensions existing
among the besieged would weaken their resistance, now
proved to be altogether at fault ; every disagreement was
forgotten as soon as it became a question of attacking or
repelling their common foe. Eleazar, John, and Simon
had joined together in preparing the sortie made upon the
Tenth Legion and had conducted it in concert. Further-
more, circumstances had reduced to two the three factions
which had hitherto divided the city. The Galileans prof-
iting by the free entrance permitted to pilgrims during
the Passover, had found their way with them into the
Sanctuary and had succeeded in subjugating the Zealots.
Thus, then, John, now holding possession of the entire
Temple, and Simon intrenched upon the Hill of Sion,
were left sole masters of Jerusalem.^
Titus, put on his guard by the dangers run during the
earlier engagement, left nothing neglected which would
prevent in future any such unforeseen attacks. A screen
of orchards and woodland separated the walls of the city
from Mount Scopus, whereon the Koman army was en-
camped ; as the trees and gardens, then green and flourish-
ing, impeded military operations, he ordered them cut
down, and levelled the outlying land up to the very foot
of the ramparts.^ Now free and secure in prosecuting
his manoeuvres on this denuded soil, he pushed up closer
1 Ibid,, V. ii. 4.
2 Josephus, Bell. Jud., v. iii. 1; Tacitus, Histor., v. 12.
3 Josephus, Bell. Jud., v. iii. 2. The olive trees, always revered in the
Garden of Gethsemane as witnesses of the Saviour's agony, may have
escaped this devastation. Standing as they did in the lower valley, they
could not interfere with the manceuvres of the Romans as did the trees
which Titus ordered to be cut down, these lying for the most part to the
north of the town.
THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 305
and located his headquarters close to the Psephina tower ;i
another division of his army he posted on a level with the
high tower of Hippicus ; ^ the Tenth Legion he stationed
on the Mount of Olives. Thus he encompassed the whole
northern part of the city, the only side where it offered
any chance of capture, since everywhere else its walls
overlooked steep gorges, rendering them absolutely
inaccessible.
Quite as much as this formidable wall, did the site
itself of Jerusalem, rising in terraces upon a group of
hills, make it one of the most strongly fortified positions
known to antiquity. From the heights of Scopus it ap-
peared to be cut in two by a ravine which ran from north
to south, the so-called TyropoBon. To the east of this
valley stands Mount Moriah, crowned with the strong-
hold Antonia, and the Temple ; to the west the highest
crest of Jerusalem, Sion, the ancient city of David. The
lower quarter of Acra extended from the foot of this hill
to the northward ; further on in the same direction was
Bezetha, the vast suburb which Agrippa had but recently
reunited with the Holy City. Each of these regions
possessed its own walls, thus making five strongholds,
Bezetha, Acra, Antonia, the Temple, and Sion, which the
Romans must needs carry one by one.^
Titus knew well the weak spot in this line of ramparts,
— between the present gate of Damascus and the tower
of Psephina. Hereabout Agrippa had been unable to give
to the walls of Bezetha the dimensions he had planned,
which would have rendered them impregnable ; fearful
of future trouble, Rome had checked his cherished
scheme.* Nevertheless, as it was, it presented an ob-
1 This tower, seventy cubits high (Josephus, Bell. Jad., v. iv. 3).
crowned the corner formed by the ramparts of Jerusalem to the northeast.
2 In the citadel of Jerusalem the Tower of David marks the site of that
of Hippicus.
3 Menke, Bibelatlas. Bl. v. ; Zimmermann, Karten und Plane zur
Topographie des Alten Jerusalem ; Wilson, Ordnance Survey of Jerusalem
during 1864-1865. See in The Christ the Son of God, vol. i., Appen. i.,
Jerusalem and the Temple.
* Josephus, Bell. Jud,, v. iv. 2.
20
306 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
stacle so serious as to necessitate a systematic attack.
Three earth embankments, held up by fascines and logs,
were raised little by little to the level of the walls ; over
these they rolled up the moving towers which were to
overlook the ramparts and cover the approach of the bat-
tering-rams. At the outset the resistance would seem to
have been as vigorous as the attack. Unused to the
handling of balistie, the Jews preferred a hand-to-hand
encounter, and swept down in torrents upon the foe.
Once and again did the legions sway back before the fury
of these sallies ; their machines of war were burned, and
one of their wooden towers felled. None the less steadily
did their battering-rams beat against the walls, and on
the fifteenth day they succeeded in effecting a wide
breach.^
Through this the Eoman army entered unchecked ;
exhausted by two weeks of sanguinary struggle, the be-
sieged did not so much as try to make a stand against the
enemy, but evacuated the vast enclosure of Bezetha, to
shut themselves up in that of Acra, their second line of
fortification. Here the breach took less time to accom-
plish, since after five days' labor the bugle sounded the
assault, but the defence became only the more deadly.
Step by step the Jews disputed the ground in the narrow
streets and alleys of these lower quarters ; it cost the
legions a full five days' more fighting before they were
masters of Acra.^
The two lines of fortifications carried after such pro-
digious labors put the Eomans in possession of the lower
part of the city only ; all the Upper City remained to
conquer. Seated proudly on their three hills, Sion, the
Temple, and Antonia formed as many immense citadels,
so lofty and so steep that they might well discourage tlie
most daring. On every side Sion frowned down upon
them from its lofty perch ; the wall above its crest was
arranged in jutting and retiring angles in such wise as to
leave the enemy's flank always exposed.^ In front rose
1 Josephus, Bell. JucL, v. vi. 2 ; vii. 2. ^ i}3i(j_ y. vii. 3-4 ; viii. 1-2.
8 Tacitus, Histor., v. 11 ; Josephus, Bell. Jud., v. iv. 1-3.
THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 307
the Temple, fortified still more carefully ; the piece of
wall left undestroyed at the foot of Haram shows us to
this day what must have been the streugth of the ram-
parts erected in similar warlike pomp up to the very sum-
mit. The Porches alone which crowned the heights would
have sufficed to constitute a formidable line of defence.^
To order an immediate attack upon such gigantic works
as these would have been madness. This Titus realized
the more, seeing how his legions were losing spirit on
recognizing that the foe was more enthusiastic than ever,
and that his retreat was impregnable. Accordingly he
gave his worn-out troops a few days' rest, and profited by
it to review in person all the regiments in his command.
The pretext alleged for this manoeuvre, which he bade be
made as imposing as possible, was his desire to distribute
among the soldiers their pay ; his real motive, however,
was to restore confidence to the legions in themselves,
and to overawe Jerusalem by this spectacular deploy-
ment of the forces destined to overcome it. When he
deemed the desired effect had been produced he sent
Josephus as liis envoy to propose honorable terms of sur-
render to the besieged, but their only answer was jeers
and words of bitter sarcasm.^ At this insolence Titus
was beside himself ; now instead of generosity which
they scorned, he would try what terror would do. Every
night many half -starved wretches slunk out to dig up
such roots and vegetables as they could find in the fields ;
he bade them be watched and seized. Every morning
thereafter five hundred of these unfortunates, sometimes
more, were hung up on crosses where they could be seen
by the besieged. Nor did he cry a halt until wood and
space were both lacking for the gibbets. An odious piece
of barbarism this, whose sole effect was to exasperate the
Jews and at the same time cast a grievous blot upon
Titus' reputation. He needs must revert to the weari-
1 "Templum in modum arcis, propriique muri, labore et opere ante
alios ; ipsa porticus, quis templum ambiebatur, egregium propugnaculiim."
Tacitus, Histor., v. 12; Josephus, Bell. Jud., v. v. 1-6.
2 Josephus, Bell. Jud., v. ix. 1-4.
308 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
some labors of a siege and await such results as they
might accomplish against these fortresses perched high
above his grasp.^
Two embankments were erected in front of Sion whilo
two others were directed against Antonia. These works
had cost seventeen days of hard labor, and seemed all
but finished when of a sudden the earth and wood works
which threatened Antonia collapsed amid a cloud of dust
and smoke. John had succeeded in undermining the
ground beneath and filling tunnels with sulphur and pitch ;
at a signal the whole structure sunk down into a burn-
ing furnace. Two days later Simon's robber hordes threw
themselves on the outworks erected against them, and
put them to the torch, evincing such fury that the Eo-
mans, wrapped in flames, recoiled in terror and were
forced to flee before their pursuers into their own camp
lines. This double blow left Titus in a precarious situa-
tion, with his machines of war destroyed and his soldiers
in their discouragement muttering among themselves that
old cry of the Jews, " Jerusalem is impregnable." He
must needs resign himself to continue the blockade and
to wait for famine to do what he could not accomplish
by assault.2 Thereupon there arose that wall of ill-omen
whereof Jesus had foretold them as He wept over the
city : " The day shall come upon thee when thine enemies
shall cast a trench about thee and encompass thee round
on every side and overturn thee flat to the ground, — thee
and thy children within thee ; because thou hast not
known the time when God hath visited thee." ^ The
soldiers, everjoyed at entering upon a task from which
they looked for sure and definite results, now evinced
an almost unbelievable activity : " The hand of God was
urging them on," says Josephus.* In three days a wall
of stone and earth thirty-nine stadia in length (a little
over four miles) encircled Jerusalem. The circumvalla-
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., v. xi. 1.
2 Ibid., V. xi. 4-6; xii. 1. 3 l^^].^ xix. 43-44.
* 'OpfiT] di TLS e/ATTtTTTct 8aifj.6i^ios Tots (jTpaTidjTaLS. Joseplius, BeU. Jud.,
V. xii. 2.
THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 309
tion traversed Bezetha and Kedron, ascended the Mount
of Olives, and crowned its heights ; numerous redoubts
fortified it on this side, for a surprise on the part of the
Zealots sallying forth from the fortresses of the Bead
Sea was possible at any moment : against this it be-
hooved them to be on their guard.^
Thereafter, enclosed and hemmed in on all sides, Jeru-
salem was left a prey to that consuming fever which
had reached the delirium point ; and now famine came
to add the last touch of horror. Such provisions as were
left had fallen into the hands of the men in arms, and in
vain did the throng beg for a handful of wheat or barley ;
not a kernel could they obtain, no, not even at the price
of a fortune. Men fought for the skins of animals, a bit
of leather from their buckles, nay, even for the dung of
cattle. Even the sewers they madly searched for food.
The fierce pangs of hunger had deadened every other
natural feeling ; husbands and wives, mothers and chil-
dren snatched from one another the poorest scraps of
food.2
The robbers and the Zealots alike looked calmly down
upon the death throes of the people. Scanning the faces
of each citizen to note whether some sign of strength
might not betray a hidden stock of victuals, they pro-
ceeded to torture any such unfortunate until they had
robbed the inhabitants of their very last resources. To
this famine-stricken throng death came as a deliverance ;
and generously, at least, did death do its work. The
houses were filled with corpses, the streets and squares
strewn with them, for none were buried any more. Ac-
cording to the tale of a deserter, more than a hundred
thousand bodies had been interred within the space of
two months and a half.^ But now their arms were weak-
ened by privation, nor had any one the money to pay for
this pressing need ; they were forced to throw their dead
from the tops of the ramparts into the gorges overlooked
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., v. xii. 2.
2 Ibid., V. X. 2, 3.
^ Josephus, Bell. Jud., v. xiii. 7.
310 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
by the Temple and Sion ; there they lay heaped up, and
putrefied in the sun. Chancing to pass by one of these
charnel heaps, Titus showed himself most deeply moved ;
lifting his hands toward Heaven, he protested that these
horrors were no doings of his.^
Indeed he had left no stone unturned to prevent them ;
yet what means could be used to influence a city now
under a reign of terror ? Certain men, formerly leaders
of the people, many of the High Priests, and among them
Matthias, who had been the means of introducing Simon
into Jerusalem, were suspected of favoring a capitulation :
they were sentenced to be executed without respite or
pity ; the sole favor begged by Matthias, that of dying
before his children, even this was refused him.^ A blind
belief had taken possession of these fanatics, namely, that
God would never abandon His Temple. His arm alone
would work prodigies in its defence. This faith, ardently
propagated, so completely swayed their souls, that many
who might have found safety in flight refused to depart.
They were bent on remaining upon the Holy Mountain
to behold the great miracle.^
But now Titus, his patience exhausted, finally per-
suaded his legionaries to resume labor on the approaches.
No more wood was to be found within the outskirts of
Jerusalem ; to obtain it they had to go as far as ninety
stadia from the town (about ten miles).* Their eagerness
to make an end of it all helped them to triumph over all
obstacles ; at the end of twenty-one days four embank-
ments, mounted by war towers, overtopped the heights of
Antonia. Once more did the Jews sally forth to set fire
to these outworks, but this time, weak and famished as
they were, they were repelled and forced to withstand the
enemy's assaults at these points threatened. Their resist-
ance lasted but for four days ; on the fifth of July an
unexpected night attack delivered Antonia into the hands
of the Eomans. Titus gave commands that this fortress
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., v. xii. 3-4. ^ Ibid., vi, ii. 1 ; v. 2.
2 Ibid..,v. xiii. 1. * Ibid., v. xii. 4.
THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 311
be razed almost to the ground in order to give free play-
to his machines of war, and thereby finally overcome that
Temple where all that was left of life in Jerusalem now
writhed in the throes of a last agony. ^
Here again Famine lent her helping hand : even the
men-at-arms, their scanty store of provisions exhausted,
raced hither and thither like dogs in pursuit of their
quarry. A band of these fanatics scenting the odor of
roasting meat, broke their way into the house whence it
came. There they found themselves face to face with a
once wealthy woman named Mary, daughter of Eleazar.
This wretched creature had just finished cooking her child
and was ravenously devouring her repast. Offering them
what was left, she said : " Eat ; it cannot be more repul-
sive to you than it is to its mother ! " They recoiled in
horror.2
The Eomans, to whom this crime was reported, might
well judge thereby to what extremities the town was re-
duced. About the same time another accident revealed
their abject condition even more strikingly. On the
twelfth of July the perpetual sacrifice ceased to be offered
in the Temple, for lack of men, says Josephus, but more
probably for lack of victims.^ No similar interruption
had occurred save in the gloomiest days of their history,
during the captivity in Babylon and the persecution of
Antiochus. Great was the emotion that thrilled the
hearts of the Jews, for with it was mingled a vague appre-
hension that their worship had ceased for all time. Nor
was this presentiment unwarranted: never more was
Israel destined to offer sacrifice upon the Holy Mount,
and to this very day the chosen people set aside a solemn
day of fasting and lamentation to commemorate this sad
event.*
Titus took advantage of the impression produced in the
Temple by this happening, to attempt once again to bring
them to terms. By his orders Josephus, drawing near
enough to be heard, cried out with a loud voice to the
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., vi. i. 1-7. ^ Ibid., vi. ii. 1.
2 Ibid., vi. iii, 3-4. * Mishna, Taanith, iv. 6.
312 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL,
Zealots that Titus offered a safe conduct to John, who
might withdraw with all the men he saw fit to select ; he
promised furthermore to have the lawful sacrifices in the
Temple, and to employ for this purpose such ministers as
the Jews might designate. " We have naught to fear,"
replied John, " the Temple is the City of God." ^
Thus an assault w^as become inevitable; Titus bade
them to make ready to storm the place, and on their side
the Jews were busy making preparations. Eesolved to
concentrate the defence within the upper part of the Tem-
ple, they burned everything round about that might serve
as a shield for the assailants ; first, the gallery which con-
nected the Sanctuary with Antonia, and thereafter the
Porches of the first enclosure to the north and to west-
ward. The Eomans now masters of this wide-spreading
esplanade, rolled thither their battering-rams, and the
last act in this tragic war was begun. For five long days
their most powerful machines battered away at the walls
without making any impression upon them : the stones
were of such huge dimensions, grooved and fitted together
so firmly, that nothing could shake them. Their frequent
attempts to scale the walls were equally fruitless ; the
ladders heavily weighted with soldiers were pushed away
from the wall, and their human freight dashed to pieces
on the pavement below. On the eighth of August, how-
ever, the Eomans succeeded in setting fire to the lower
part of the gate which separates the Court of the Gentiles
from the higher part of the Temple. The silver and gold
which covered the folding doors, ran down in rivulets of
flame into the Inner Porches and thus spread conflagra-
tion. The Jews had never conceived the possibility of
such a misfortune ; now suddenly enveloped in fire, they
stood rooted to the spot and allowed the porticos of the
second enclosure to burn unchecked beneath their very
eyes. These magnificent edifices were almost entirely
consumed, when Titus gave the command to save what
little was left of them.^
1 Josephus, BcII. Jml., vi. ii. 1. 2 ibid,, vi. iv. 1, 2.
THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 313
The gates once burned, there was free access opened to
the Temple ; nevertheless, like a gaping wound it loomed
before their gaze one whole day, nor did a single soul dare
to cross that threshold. A superstitious terror held the
legionaries back, habituated though they were to brave
all danger. They hesitated in awe before a sanctuary
wherein no profane person ever entered, or so folks said,
save to meet death. ^ Still other apprehensions checked
and disturbed their general ; on the one hand, his anxiety
to preserve a monument which Berenice, Agrippa, and
Josephus had taught him to cherish and well-nigh wor-
ship ; on the other hand was the thought that, in destroy-
ing the edifice to which the Jews and Christians alike
were so deeply attached, he would be destroying at a
single blow two superstitions which were disturbing the
Empire.2 Feeling that the question was too deep for him
to solve, he called his staff officers together and deliber-
ated with them whether it were better to burn the Tem-
ple or carry it by storm. Titus, according to Josephus,
inclined to the latter opinion ; ^ while, according to Tacitus,
he was anxious to destroy it altogether.* However this
may be, the resolution to preserve the sanctuary of Israel,
even at the cost of a sanguinary struggle, prevailed, and
they began anew the assault.
In this the Jews forestalled them, for on the morning
of the tenth of August they essayed to sally forth in a
body. Halted by the legionaries, who sustained the en-
counter with great energy, they kept up the hand-to-hand
1 Dion Cassius, Ixvi. 6. ^ Sulpicius Severus, Chronicon, ii. 30.
3 Josephus, Bell. Jud., vi. iv. 3.
* " Nonnullis videbatur sedem sacratam ultra omnia mortal ia illustrem
non oportere deleri ... At contra alii, et Titus ipse, evertendum in
primo templuni censebant, quo plenius Judseorum et Christianorum religio
tolleretur ; quippe has religiones, licet contrarias sibi, iisdem tanien ab
auctoribus profectas ; Christianos ex Judseis extitisse : radice sublata,
stirpem facile perituram." (Sulpicius Severus, Chroiiicon, ii. 30.) Pro-
fessor Bernays, by his scholarly investigation, has left no doubt about
the fact that here, as elsewhere, Sulpicius Severus is simply following
in the lead of Tacitus, and that we may regard this passage as another
extract made from a part of the "History" now lost to us. {Ueber die
Chronih des Sulpicms Severus, pp. 48-61.) Cf. Schiller, Geschichte der
romisclicn Kaiserzeit, i. 399.
314 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
struggle all day long, nor yielded a foot of ground until
trampled by the cavalry, which had been brought up on
the esplanade and succeeded in sweeping all before it. At
nightfall Titus retired to his tent believing the battle over ;
but despair rendered the Zealots tireless. After a few
moments' rest, new streams of the besieged fell suddenly
upon the Eomans ; this time they were repulsed with
such vigor that the enemy entered pell-mell upon their
heels right into the porches of the Israelites, and pursued
them to the very gates of the Sanctuary. There a soldier,
acting without orders, but as if inspired by God,^ seized
a beam which was still burning in the porches set on fire
two days before, and aided by one of his comrades, hurled
it into the chambers which surrounded the Holy Place ;
in a few instants these wooden halls shot up in flames
and the Temple was burning. The Jews uttered a shriek
of horror at this spectacle. Titus hastened up and by word
and gesture he bade them extinguish the conflagration,
but his voice was lost in the tumult. The soldiers, the
first steps once taken within the Sanctuary, had shaken
off their fears ; dazzled by the gold that glittered on all
sides, they thought of nothing but their booty. Titus
was swept aside by this throng, too greedy for their prey
to see or heed aught else, and he was fain to proceed with
some of his officers into the Sanctuary as yet left intact ;
here he stopped to gaze about for an instant, then entered
into the Holy of Holies. The majesty of the place sur-
passed all his expectations, it moved him so deeply that
he rushed forth at once, resolved at any cost to save such
a marvel of beauty. But while repelling the pillagers
and exhausting himself with crying out to his men to
quench the flames, one of his own soldiers who had lin-
gered behind him, set fire to the interior. The smoke and
fiery tongues were now spreading on every hand. Titus
realized that the Temple's doom was sealed, and he
withdrew.^
1 AaifMovl({} upfirj TLVL xpc^Mfos* Josephus, Bell. Jud., vi. iv. 5.
2 Josephus, Bell. Jud., vi. iv. 3-7.
THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 315
The conflagration, sweeping on thenceforth unhindered,
speedily converted the crest of Mount Moriah into a fear-
some brazier : it seemed as if the mountain would burn
to its very base. From Sion and the neighboring heights,
the Jews gazed, eating their hearts out with rage at the
annihilation of their last hope. Cries of agony and exe-
cration rose from this throng and mingled with the ring-
ing shouts of the legionaries and the shrieks of the
slaughtered. So tremendous was the clamor at that
dread hour that it was heard over beyond Jordan.^ Nev-
ertheless, the flames did not put a stop to the carnage.
Now drunk with bloodshed, walking on a pavement
carpeted with corpses, the Eomans killed every one that
came in their path. The majority of the Jews, let it be
said, in their madness and desperation, sought death of
their own will ; some throwing themselves upon the
swords of the legionaries, others flinging themselves into
the flames, or killing one another. Certain priests, having
climbed the pinnacle of the Temple, wrenched off the
golden points, with their fastenings of lead, and hurled
them down upon the assailants ; but soon they too disap-
peared in the flames. One little band of Zealots alone,
rallied together by John of Giscala, succeeded in breaking
through the Eoman ranks and rejoined Simon by means
of the bridge which connected Sion with the Temple.
The rest of the children of Israel, whom the expectation
of a great miracle had massed together on Mount Moriah,
was now lost beyond peradventure. Six thousand of
these unfortunates, for the most part old folk, with women
and children, had taken refuge beneath one of the porches ;
these were put to the torch and all perished.^ When the
flames died down there remained on the Holy Mount but
two blackened gates and the ruins of the enclosure re-
served for women. The legions collected together their
Eagles, and amid the smoking debris offered sacrifice
of thanksgiving to these idolatrous emblems.^ At this
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., vi. v. 1. ^ l\)i^, vi. vi. 1.
2 Ibid., vi. V. 1-2.
316 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
crowning insult the Jews' eyes were opened. That
"abomination of desolation " ^ begun by the Zealots was
now accomplished before their very eyes. The God whom
they had misprized had forsaken the Holy Place ; where
howsoever long He had willed that men should adore
Him, He now rejected them and their worship.
The task of the conquerors was not, however, finished ;
it remained for them to carry the real citadel of Jeru-
salem, ancient Sion. The ramparts of this Upper City
still stood intact ; the most fanatical of the insurgents
had gathered there and at their head were John and Simon,
who had joined forces for a supreme struggle. And,
nevertheless, when the moment for action arrived the two
leaders hesitated; realizing how exhausted their men
were, they asked the Eoman general for a parley. They
offered to evacuate the stronghold provided that they were
allowed to withdraw into the desert, together with their
wives and children. Titus had intended simply to par-
don them ; but angry that they should dare to impose
conditions, he cut short the interview, declaring that
nothing was left them but death.'^
Thus he must needs begin a new siege, one no less
laborious than those preceding it. For in Sion, in itself
so formidable, the Jews held possession of a stronghold
fitted to withstand all attacks ; this was the Palace of
Herod, flanked by its three enormous towers, Hippicus,
Phasael, and Mariamne. For eighteen days the four
legions were occupied in erecting embankments against
the western wall contiguous to this Palace. On the
seventh of September, their labors completed, the ma-
chines of war were set battering at the ramparts and
soon made a breach. To their great surprise, the legions
met with no resistance upon their entrance. Famine and
fever had done their work in enfeebling the defenders ;
half dead, they had but enough breath left in their ema-
ciated bodies to flee in every direction and bury them-
selves in the underground cavities over which Jerusalem
1 Matt. xxiv. 15. '^ Joseplius, Bell. Jud., vi. vi. 2, 3.
THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 317
is built. All clay long the Komans rushed about through
the narrow streets of Sion, lootmg, slaying, and burning
everything in their path, but from many of the dwellings
whence they expected to reap rich booty, they were forced
to recoil, suffocated by the stench of corpses with which
they were filled. Night put an end to the carnage and
gave the flames full sway to complete the work of de-
struction. When Titus arrived upon the blazing hill-top
and beheld intact those towers of Herod which no ma-
chine of war could ever have impaired, this last victory
of his, easy as it was, seemed to him a miracle, and he
gave thanks unto the God who had fought for him.^
The following days were employed in ransacking the
sewers and underground passages of the city, whence
they dragged many thousand new captives, discovering
two immense treasures which, when added to the booty
gathered from the rest of Jerusalem, formed such a mass
of gold that the price of that metal fell by one-half
l:liroughout Syria. Titus' share of the spoils comprised
the sacred objects saved from the Sanctuary of the
Temple : the Yeil of the Holy of Holies, the Book of
the Law, the Table of the Bread of Proposition, and the
Seven-Branched Candlestick; these he set aside to be
used in his triumph. Beside these trophies, an enormous
number of prisoners remained in his hands ; Josephus
reckons them as being about ninety-seven thousand.
This throng, driven toward the Temple, were there herded
together like cattle within a part of the enclosure still
standing, and there the soldiers, like cowboys of the plains,
rushed in and cut them out. All such as had borne arms
were slaughtered ; the only ones spared were seven hun-
dred young men of fine figure and exceptional beauty,
who were destined to lend lustre to the triumph of the
conqueror. As to the others, those wlio were less than
seventeen years of age were sold; the rest were reserved for
the mines or the amphitheatre. Such was the exhausted
condition of these captives that during the few days de-
1 Josephus, Bell. Jud., vi. viii. 1, 4, 5 ; ix. 1.
318 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
voted to this work of selection thousands of them died
from weakness, others from despair.^
The two leaders of the rebellion were not among the
number of these unfortunates, and they were searched
for in vain. John of Giscala was the first whom hunger
constrained to reveal himself ; he gave himself up to
Titus, who spared his life and was content merely to im-
prison him.^ Simon had a larger stock of victuals at his
disposal ; it was only toward the end of October that the
soldiers who guarded the Temple saw rising out of the
ground a creature wasted to a skeleton, covered with a
white tunic and purple mantle. It was Simon, who, his
provisions and his strength alike exhausted, was attempt-
ing to pass through their lines in the guise of a ghost.
He was arrested, speedily recognized, and despatched to
Caesarea to be left at the disposal of Titus.^
For at this period the Prince, having left Jerusalem,
was making his progress through Syria in celebration of
his victory. The prisoners he had in his train formed an
ample stock to draw from for the cruel sports of the circus.
In the amphitheatre at Cyesarea-Philippi two thousand
five hundred were burned alive, thrown before wild
beasts, or forced to kill one another. At Beyrout there
was a similar massacre. After this fashion the conqueror
marched on as far as Antioch and the Euphrates, every-
where acclaimed.* Turning back towards Egypt, he called
a halt on the way and expressed a desire to see Jeru-
salem again. The destruction ordered by him was ac-
complished. Of all that city whose haughty beauty had
dazzled his eyes only six months previous, a city so
mighty in armed men and good as to be able to defy
Eome, — of all this wonder of the world there remained
but a heap of ruins. The Tenth Legion pitched their
camp on the littered site of the Temple. On the summit
of Mount Sion, Herod's three towers, rCwSpected by his
commands, still stood as witnesses to the obstacles he
1 Josephus, Bell.Jud., vi. ix. 2-4. ^ lt)i,|.^ yii. ji. i.
2 Ibid., vi. ix. 4. * Ibid,, vii. ii. ; i
iii. 1 ; V. 1, 2.
THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 319
had triumphed over : some walls of buildings were like-
wise left along the spur of this hill, and among them the
Cenaculum,^ where Jesus had substituted for the Mosaic
Eitual a worship in spirit and in truth, the Eternal Sacri-
fice, the Eucharist.
The other quarters of Jerusalem, Bezetha, Acra, and
Ophel, had disappeared entirely, and a similar state of
devastation reigned for more than five miles roundabout.
The outskirts of Jerusalem, where once luxuriant gardens
gladdened the eye, had been turned into a waste of rocks
and rubbish such as it is to-day. Touched to the heart,
Titus wept over the unfortunate town, and cursed those
madmen who had forced him thus to spread havoc about
their own hearthstones. Even the fame he had won from
this war seemed to him now an oppressive burden ; to
those who lavished congratulations upon him, he was wont
to reply, " 'T was not I that conquered. God in His wrath
against these Jews made use of my arm." ^
These sentiments which Pagans and Jews alike ascribe
to Titus, in no wise altered his determination to make a
triumphal entry into Eome. Vespasian's stern simplicity
was not at all to his taste ; his son's enthusiasm swept away
all his objections and forced him to consent to surround
the ceremony with a pomp exceeding anything ever known
hitherto. To the fascinated gaze of Josephus the pro-
cession appeared like a scintillating stream of gold and
silver and ivory and precious stones pouring in waves of
color along the Via Sacra. All the marvels of the Orient
found their place in this gorgeous display, costly tapes-
tries, rare animals magnificently caparisoned, everything
in fact, which art and nature had combined to produce
in those foreign parts. Great scaffoldings, three or four
stories high, were dragged along in front of the onlook-
ers, displaying for their benefit the various episodes of the
great war in a series of tableaux. Thereafter, as living
trophies, marched the picked men among the captives,
1 St. Epiphaiiins, De mensuris, 14.
2 Josephus, Bell. Jud., vii. v. 2 ; Philostratus, vi, 29.
320 LAST YEARS OF SAINT PAUL.
those seven hundred youths, the most splendid specimens
of the Jewish race, whom he had kept in reserve for this
pageant; at their head stalked Simon-ben-Gioras, the
hangman's noose about his neck ; by this they led him
along to death, scourging him at every step. Vespasian
and Titus in their triumphal chariot brought up the rear,
but before them were carried all that truly symbolized
the victory won in this war, — the Book of the Law and
the sacred spoils snatched from the burning Temple, the
Table of Gold, the Seven-Branched Candlestick, and the
Veil of Purple from the Holy of Holies.^ According to
ancient usage, the procession halted at the foot of the
Capitol, and Simon was dragged into the Mamertine
prison, flung into the Tullianum dungeon, then strangled.
After but a few moments a messenger announced to the
Caesars that the enemy of Eome was no more : there-
upon sacrifices were offered and the day ended in merry-
making.2
To Vespasian all this parade had been but as a weari-
ness to the flesh and a waste of time ; ^ to Titus it was
the triumph of his life to have obtained his father's
permission for it ; in it he saw at once the reflex of his
glory and an assurance that henceforth the Empire was
bound to remain in the hands of his family. Neither
one of them had the least idea that in the designs of
God their triumph was but the crowning and the con-
secration of that great work to the accomplishment of
which, for now forty years, so many lowly martyrs had
toiled, first among them Peter and Paul witli their brethren
in the Apostolate. This Law against which Paul had
waged a tireless warfare, uttering that famous rebuke,
that, though good in itself as it was, it did but beget " the
wrath of God, sin and death," * — this same Law the Eo-
1 The arch of Titus in the Forum preserves to this day the memory of
his triumphal progress, as well as a picture of the various tokens borne be-
fore him : the Table of Gold, the Seven-Branched Candlestick, the Cen-
sers, and the Silver Trumpets.
2 Josephus, Bell. Jud., vii. v. 3-6. * Rom. iv. 15 ; viii. 2 ; vii. 6.
3 Suetonius, Vespasianus, 12.
THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 321
mans were displaying in their pageants, as now powerless
and enslaved, in that Book which they carried along the
triumphal way. The trophies taken from the Temple
bore witness, on their part, to the worth of the whole
Mosaic worship : these, " the shadows and figures of
heavenly " ^ realities had given place to the Eternal Priest-
hood, an undying Sacrifice. Thus, then, was all Jeru-
salem abolished, — " that Jerusalem here below doomed,
she and her children alike unto bondage." ^ In her stead
had arisen that mystical " Sion " ^ greeted from afar by
the Apostle to the Gentiles, " a Jerusalem on High, alto-
gether of the Heavens."^ In the new order of things
Eome was destined to take the place of the Jewish me-
tropolis in the olden Covenant ; she was to become the
Queen City and the Mother, not of a race, but of the
whole world. All this glory, destined to wax greater,
and to the end of time, — all this she owed, not to the
Flavian Emperors, but to the two humble Apostles whom
Jesus sent thither to die among her people, that thus
Peter should take in hand Paul's work, and remain
forevermore that steadfast foundation which not even
the powers of Hell shall prevail against.^
1 Hebr. viii. 5. 3 Hebr. xii. 22.
2 Gal. iv. 25. * Gal. iv. 26 ; Hebr. xii. 22.
5 " Thou art Peter, and upon tbis Rock will I build My Church ; and
the Gates of Hell shall not prevail against it." Matt. xvi. 18.
21
INDEX.
Abraham, 164.
AcT.EA, not Paul's convert, 12; 107
et seq. ; at Nero's death-bed, 270.
Agrippa, 42; associated with Albinus,
156; intercedes for people, 179;
pleads for peace, 181 ; withdraws into
Batausea, 182; sends cavalry, 184;
palace burnt, 184, 303.
Albinus, 42; made Procurator, 155
et seq.
Alexander, Philo's nephew, 189.
Alexander of Ephesus, 208.
Alexandria, massacre, 189.
Ananias, associated with Albinus,
156 ; head of conservative party, 182 ;
attacked bv Zealots, 184 ; his death,
185.
Annas, appointed High Priest, 42.
Aquila and Priscilla with Paul in
Rome, chap x., 15, 16 ; in Ephesus,
223.
Archives, chamber of at Jerusalem
burned, 184.
Babylon, meaning Rome, 140.
Barnabas, part in composition of He-
brews, 158 et seq.
Bedriacum, 273.
Berenice, intercedes for people, 179;
pleads for peace, 181 ; friend of
Titus, 274.
BuRRHUS, Nero's tutor; inability to
instruct Nero, 110, 111.
C^sarea, outbreak of rebellion, 187.
Carpus, Paul's host, 223.
Celerus, architect, 112, 117.
Cenaculum, preserved, 319.
Cestius, 178 ; campaign of, 186 et seq. ;
his overwhelming defeat, 193 et seq.
Christians (of Jerusalem), take flight
to Pella, 300.
Church, the, 79 et seq.
Claudia, wife of Pudens (?), 236, n. 4.
Clement, 25 ; testimony as to perse-
cutions, 119 et seq. ; as to martyr-
dom, 125; part in composition of
Hebrews, 160 et seq., 161, 162, n. 5.
Corbulo, victories in the East, 259 ;
suicide, 263.
Cornelia (Gens) 15.
Court of Appeals, 86 et seq.
Crescens, sent to Galatia, 231.
Cretans, their character, 203.
Crete, revisited by Paul, 202 et seq.
Dalmatia, evangelized, 226.
Deaconesses, qualification, 213 et seq.
Deacons, qualification, 213.
Decapolis, ravaged, 188.
Delation, its meaning, 230, n. 3.
"DoMiNE, Quo Vadis?" 250.
Edict, of persecution, chap, vii., § I.
Eleazar, Captain of the Temple, 182;
a perjurer, 185.
Epaphroditus, 17, 18.
Ephesians, Epistle to, 71 et seq.
Ephesus, visited by Paul, 207; re-
visited by Paul, 216 et seq.
Episcopate, chap. xi.
Epistle, to the Philippians, 17 et seq. ;
to the Colossians, chap, iii.; to Phile-
mon, chap. iv. ; to Laodicaeans, lost,
71; to Ephesians, 71 et seq.; 1st of
St. Peter, chap, vii., § H. ; Hebrews,
chap, viii.; to Timothy, 218 et seq.;
to Titus, 224 et seq. ; 2d of St. Peter,
244 et seq.
Erastus, 223.
Essenes, doctrine, 51 et seq.
Extreme Unction, 38 et seq.
Galba, death, 273.
Ga:mes (Quinquennial), 128.
Gates, of the Temple, 177.
Gaul, in rebellion, 264.
Gaulanitis, ravaged, 188.
!24
INDEX.
Gerasa, ravaged, 188.
Gkssius Flohus, governor of Judaea,
174 et seq. ; stirring up rebellion,
178; abandons Jerusalem, 186.
Gnostics, tendencies, 49 et seq.
Golden House, 112 et seq., 116 ; com-
pleted, 229.
GEiECiNA (Pomponia), histor}-^, 13.
Greece, visited by Nero, 260 et seq.
Hanan, leader of Jews, 291 ; death, 291.
Hebrews, chap. viii.
Henoch, 171.
Henoch (Book of), quoted, 119; by
Jude, 197 et seq.
Helius, 235 ; power in Rome, 260 ;
recalls Nero, 263.
Heretics, of Rome, 10; Gnostics,
chap, iii.; scourged by St. Jude,
195 et seq., 221, 239 et seq. ; rebuked
by Peter, 245 et seq.
Hesebon, ravaged, 188.
Hierarchy, chap. xi.
HiPPicus, tower, 185.
Hymen^us, 208.
Hymns, 222, 239.
Idum^ans, enter Jerusalem, 292.
Illyria, evangelized, 226.
Incarnation, taught by Paul, 57.
James (St.), chap. ii. ; death, 42 et seq.
Jericho, surrenders to rebels, 186.
Jerusalem, first persecution 154,
et seq. ; first uprising, chap, ix., § I. ;
destruction of, chap. xv.
Jesus (son of Hannan), history, 45.
Jews, of Rome, 5; animosit}'- toward
Christians, 120 et seq.
John of Giscala, capitulates, 287;
flight, 288; enters Jerusalem, 288;
imprisonment, 318.
JosEPHUS, Governor of Galilee, 280;
loses Gabara, 282; undertakes siege
of Jotapata, 283 ; made prisoner, 285,
303.
JosuE, 165.
JuD^A (rebellion of), chap. ix.
JuDAizERS, at Rome, 10; in Macedonia,
22, 30; at Colossi, 54; again com-
bated by Paul, 73 et seq.; term
applied to Christians, 190.
Jude, Epistle of, chap. x. ; translation,
200.
Julius (Centurion), delivers Paul to
Roman authorities.
Justification, 34 et seq.
Levites, 180.
Linus, Peter's successor, 236.
Luke, part in composition of Hebrews,
160 ; with Paul in Rome, 231.
Malta, revisited by Paul, 202.
Mamertine (prison), 251, n. 3.
Man ahem, 184; his death, 185.
Mariamnb, the Asmona;an, 181;
tower, 185.
Mark, with Paul in Rome, chap, x.,
16, 64.
Martyrs, 118 et seq.
Masada, captured by Zealots, 182.
Massacres, of the Christians by Nero,
118 et seq.; of Jews in the East, 186
et seq.
Matthias, 310.
Melchisedec, history of, 167 et seq.
Mesopotamia, field of St. Jude's
labors, 199.
Metilius, cowardl}' surrender, 186.
Michael (Archangel), quoted by
Jude, 198.
Moriah (Mt.), illuminated, 177.
Moses, 165 ; meeting with Melchise-
dec, 168 ; assumption, 198.
Nero, youthful history, pp. 1-4 ; his
attachment to Poppaea, 109; his de-
generac3% 110; his part in the burn-
ing of Rome, 114 et seq.; massacre
of Christians, chap. vi. ; edict of per-
secution, 135 et seq. ; reconstructs
Rome, 229 et seq. ; despoils the
wealthy, 229 et seq. ; decline in
popular favor, 258 et seq. ; crowns
Tiridates, 259; visits Greece, 260;
miserable triumphs, 261 ; recalled to
Rome, 263; mad conduct in face of
revolt, 265; deserted by Pretorian
guard, 267; flight, 268; cowardice,
269; death, 270; burial, 271.
NicopoLis, Paul's headquarters, 226.
Noe, 171.
Octavia, 108.
Olympian Games, won by Nero, 261.
Onesimus, chap. iv.
Onesiphorus, with Paul in Rome, 231.
Otho, joins revolt, 264 et seq. ; takes
sides with Pretorian Guards, 272;
his death, 273.
Palatium, 112.
Pastoral Epistles, chapter xi.
INDEX.
325
Pastors, regulated by Paul, 203 et seq. ;
qualifications, 212; instructed, 225.
Paul, first imprisonment, chap, i.;
preaches to Jews of Rome, v et seq. ;
writestoPhilippians, ITe^.se^. ; writes
to Colossians, 47 etseq. ; to Philemon,
64 et seq.; to Laodicasans, 71; to
Ephesians, 71 et seq. ; released, 86
et seq. ; journey to Spain, 88 et seq. ;
Peter's fondness for him and his
works, 143 et seq. ; author of He-
brews (?), 158 ; revisits Crete, 202 et
seq.; leaves for Asia, 206; journey-
ings, chapters x.-xii. ; writes to Tim-
othy and Titus, chap, xi.; writes
again to Timoth}'-, 237 et seq. ; death,
chap. xii. ; date of martyrdom, 253
n. 3; burial-place, 255.
Pella, ravaged, 188; described, 300
et seq.
Persecution, first general one, chap,
vii.
Peter, 89; Vatican his See, 129; first
letter, chap, vii., § II.; makes use of
Jude's Epistle, 202; meets Paul in
Nicopolis, 228 ; second Epistle, 244
et seq. ; his death, chap. xii. ; date
of martyraom, 253 n. 3 ; burial-place,
255.
Phaon, friend of Nero.
Pharisees, tendencies, 41 et seq.
Phasael tower, 185.
Philadelphia, ravaged, 188.
Philemon, cnap. iv.
Philetus, 208.
Philip, his four daughters, 213.
Philippians, gifts to Paul, Epistle to
the, chap, i., § II.
Phcebe, 214.
Piso, 107, 229.
Pliny, concerning edict, 137.
Pompeii, abuse of Christians, 131.
Pontificate, corruption of, 41 et seq.
Popp^A, a Jewish proselyte, 5; not
Paul's convert, 12; her character,
107 et seq. ; her death, 109 ; sketch
of her life, 121; friend of Florus's
wife, 178.
Pr^etorium, where located, 3.
Prayer, in Paul's life, 75 et seq.
Presages, 177.
Presbytery, 151; qualifications, 212.
Priesthood, 163 et seq.
Priests, 180; qualifications, 212 et
seq.
Pudens, 14; ministers to Paul, 236.
PUTEOLI, 162.
Qu^stiones Perpetuae, 233.
Rationalist, authenticity of Paul's
Epistles, vi-vii.
Robbers, of Judaea, 155.
Rome, burning of, chap, vi., § I.;
propaganda of Church, 120 ; termed
Babylon, 140.
RuFUS, made Prefect of Pretorian
Guards.
Sacrifice, Holy, still offered, 298;
could never more be held, 311.
Sanhedrin, intercedes with Florus,
179.
Scopus, encampment of Roman army,
192.
Scythopolis, story of, 188.
Seneca, Nero's tutor, chap, i.; in-
ability to instruct Nero, 110; allusion
to persecution, 129, w. 2; not Paul's
convert, chap. xiii.
Severus, architect, 112, 117.
Sibylline Books, 118.
SiLVANUS, history, 142.
Simon, his death, 188 et seq.
SiON, its capture by Titus, chap. xv.
Slaves, of Rome, 12; duties of, 62;
Onesimus, 65; during the first cen-
turies of Christianity, 66 et seq.
Sohemus, 191.
Spain, Paul's journey to, 88 et seq. ;
homeward journey, 162.
Sporus, 270.
Suetonius, 115; testimony concern-
ing Christians, 122.
Tacitus, testimony concerning Chris-
tians, 122, 132,
Tarich^a, destroyed by Vespasian,
287.
Temple, 175 ; presages of destruction,
177; despoiled of its treasury', 178.
Theophilus, 92.
Tiberias, destroyed by Vespasian,
287.
TiGELLiNUS, made Prefect of Pretorian
Guard, chap, iii., 107; responsibility
to Nero, 266 et seq. ; for conflagra-
tion, 114, 116; traitor to.
TiGELLiNUS, Prefect of Pretorium, 235,
260.
Timothy, in Rome, 64; copies Epistle
to Philemon, 69; made Bishop of
Crete, 216: Epistle to, 218 et seq.;
second letter, 237 et seq.
Timothy, with Paul in Rome, chap, x.,
16 ; copies down Epistle to the Philip-
pians, 18.
326
INDEX.
TiKiDATES, crowned King of Armenia,
259.
Titus (St.), left as Bishop of Crete,
205 ; recalled from Crete, 224 et seq. ;
with Paul in Rome, 231; sent to
Dalmatia, 232.
Titus (son of Vespasian), chap. xv.
Tradition, in Paul's teachings, 222.
Treasury, 180.
Tke Fontane, scene of Paul's martyr-
dom, 255.
Trophies, 254.
Trophimus, 223.
Tryphenus, with Paul in Rome,
chap. X.
Tryphosus, with Paul in Rome,
chap. X.
TuLLiANUM, described, 251, n. 3.
Tychicus, with Paul in Rome, chap.
X. 16, 231; sent to Ephesus, 232.
Vatican, Nero's Gardens, 111; scene
of martyrdom, 124; Peter's See, 129;
scene of his martyrdom, 252 et seq. ;
scene of Nero's triumph, 264.
Vespasian, sent into Judasa, 264;
poverty, 274.
ViNDEX (Julius), raises standard of
revolt, 264 et seq. ; his death, 272.
Virgin (the Blessed), cousin of St.
Jude, 197.
Vitellius, conquers Rome, 274; death,
276.
Wives, duties of, 62, 82.
Women, of Macedonia, 24, 62 ; Peter's
advice to, 148; Paul's directions, 213
et seq. ; of Asia rebuked, 219.
Word of God, 52.
Xystus, meeting-place of people, 181.
Zealots, incite Jerusalem to revolt,
177, 180; storm Masada, 182; take
possession of Jerusalem, 184 et seq. ;
admit Idumoeans, 292 et seq.
P™«ton TheoIX? « V ,1
'{™"]'5'l2 01252 4395
Date Due
^fl '.J
?
j
]':ry'A
•
VIP 1'54
MR22'r^
^f^
i0fe..i^^
W^
f)